BURN The Present and I.onr - Continued Stagnation of Trade: THE PRESENT AND LONG-CONTINUED STAGNATION OF TRADE: BEING A SEQUEL TO AN INQUIRY INTO THE COMMERCIAL POSITION OF GREAT BRITAIN, Ac. BY A MANCHESTER MAN. REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION. PEICE TWOPENCE. MANCHESTER : JOHN HEYWOOD, 141 & 143, DEANSGATE LONDON: SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, & CO. PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. The figures in the following statement are taken from Government returns and other authentic sources. The subject is not treated as a party question. It affects persons of all shades of politics. Employer and employed are alike interested : the former finds his capital gradually dwindling away, while the latter is either starving or obliged to leave the country. The writer has drawn certain conclusions from the facts stated. It is for the reader to judge how far these conclusions are correct. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. Since writing the above, in consequence of the large and rapid sale of the first edition of this Pamphlet (all the copies having been imme- diately disposed of), the writer has been requested to issue a second and revised edition, making the tables of Government returns, &c, more complete by bringing them down to the present time, and bringing forward some additional facts that tend to further elucidate the subject, and show its paramount importance to all classes of the commercial community. R. BURN. Manchester, August 10th, 1869. THE STAGNATION OF TRADE: ITS CAUSES, EFFECTS, AND CURE. The trade of this country has fallen into such a deplorable position that there is scarcely a single branch of it which does not leave a very heavy loss to the producers, and consequently little inducement for the investment of capital and the employment of labour ; indeed, the amount of distress that at present pervades the industrial interests of this kingdom is truly deplorable, and the future appears still more clouded than the present. The cause of such a state of things, I feel very sure, arises almost exclusively from foreign competition, which has increased to such an extent that, a few years since, would have been thought fabulous, and no doubt was not anticipated by the most acute politicians a quarter of a century ago. It was then thought that as manufacturers we reigned supreme, and could defy all competition. However, experience has proved the reverse, and we now find that, unless we can obtain foreign reciprocity, even by begging that which we could once have commanded, we must descend to a position lower than that which we at present hold. Fortunately, we have one chance left of redeeming ourselves, to a certain extent, viz., in the case of the French Treaty, which expires early in the coming year; and, as we have suffered so severely from an unequal com- petition with that country, I shall endeavour to show the consequences to this kingdom of our present policy, and its ruinous effects upon our manufacturing interests, as well as the disastrous results of the hostile tariffs of our foreign competitors. In the first place, it is necessary to bring before the reader the state of our foreign trade at three different 6 periods, commencing with 1854, the first year that the Government published the real value of our imports, and in 1800, being the year previous to the French Commer- cial Tariff, and, lastly, in 1868. But as the Board of Trade has not yet given the real value of foreign produc- tions exported from this country, 1 have used the same amount as in 1867. The statements then are as follow: — TOTAL IMPORTS AND EXPORTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. Total Imports. Total Exports. £ £ 1854— Imports 152,398,053 British 97,184.726 Exports 115,821,092 Foreign and Colonial i8,636,366 Excess of Imports... 36,576,961 Total Exports 115,821,092 Excess of Imports over British Exports, £55,204,327. £ £ I860.— Imports 210,530,873 British 135,891,227 Exports 164,521,351 Foreign and Colonial 28,630,124 Excess of Imports... 46,009,522 Total Exports 164,521,351 Excess of Imports over British Exports, £74,639,646. £ £ 1868.— Imports 295,511,566 British 179,463,644 Exports 224,336,809 Foreign and Colonial 44,873,165 Excess of Imports... 71,174,757 Total Exports 224,336,809 Excess of Imports over British Exports, £116,047,922. From the above table it will be seen that our imports in 1854 exceeded our exports of British productions by £55,213,327; and in I860 by £74,639,646; and in 1868 by the enormous sum of £116,047,922, which exceeds our total exports of British productions in 1854 by £19,363, 196; and, further, while we have increased our imports since 1854 by £143,113,513, for a population of 30 millions, we have only increased our British Exports, to the 1,000 millions of people who inhabit the rest of the world, by £82,278,918. The question that naturally arises is, Are our British exports a fair equivalent for the amount of our foreign imports'? Does the labour and capital of this country bear a satisfactory comparison with the labour and capital employed in foreign countries upon our imports 1 If so, why have we so much distress in England, and from what cause does it arise? It is said to be from over- production. If this be the case, what is to become of our increasing population? At present they are emigrating as fast as they can find means for doing so. But, before this excuse is taken as sound argument for our present position, it would be well to search through the list of our imports, and see if there are not many articles which we can pro- duce ourselves, which would serve to employ and improve the condition of our labourers at home. To say that, because they can be made cheaper abroad, our consumers have a right to demand their free admission, is absolute nonsense, so long as such imports bear no portion of our taxation, but rather increase our poor rates, by throwing our operatives out of employment : it is merely impoverish- ing the many to benefit the few — in fact, robbing the in- dustrious to serve the non-producers. Taking a more general view of this question it must be admitted that the balance of our foreign trade is paid for in gold, and had it not been for the discovery of that metal in California and Australia, the policy we are at present pursuing would have broken down long since. The Bank of England has now less bullion in her coffers than she had when those discoveries were made ; so that we have been enriching other countries at our national expense. The balance against us in our foreign trade, in 1868, amounted to 116 millions sterling; but these figures scarcely show its importance as bearing upon the commerce of this country, but will be more explicitly seen in the following table: — TOTAL EXPORT OF TEXTILE FABRICS IN 1S68. £ Cotton Yarn 14,709,194 " Manufactures 50,128,760 Linen Yarn 2,309,111 " Manufactures 6,695,771 Silk (thrown) 1,239,252 " Manufactures 1,082,608 ' Woollen and Worsted Yarn 6,376,015 Manufactures 19,525,646 £102,066,357 8 The excess in our imports over our total exports of British productions in 1868 being £116,047,922, on refe- rence to the above table it will be seen that that amount is £13,981,565 more than the whole of our exports of textile manufactures and yarns to the whole world in 1868 ; proving at once that the true cause of our present distress in the manufacturing districts is the excess of our imports, or the unrestricted admission of the productions of the world, without one single thought or care as to their effects upon the industrial portion of our population. In fact, our present tariff is a perfect anomaly: we admit the import of tea, coffee, and sugar — articles which we cannot produce ourselves only at heavy duties ; and yet we admit the silks, the gold watches, the hats, the gloves, and the better class of woollens and printed cottons, all of which are luxuries, dutyfree; and, to more fully expose the absurdity and injustice of such a policy, I give the import of such articles that are charged with duty for the first 11 months of 1868, being the last returns. VALUE OF IMPORTS IN 1868. £ Cocoa 359,150 Coffee 4,857,602 Dried Fruit 2,513,156 Spirits 2,085,989 Sugar 14,503,663 Molasses 519,968 Tea 12,431,454 Wine 5,441,098 42,712,140 Corn 39,230,053 (since repealed) Total 1868 81,942,193 So that out of the total imports of foreign productions, amounting to £295,511,516, £81,942,193 are charged with high duties, all of which, with the exception of corn, &c, consist of such articles as we cannot produce our- selves, and yet form a large portion of the food of the people; while the remaining £213,569,323 of our imports are admitted dutyfree, the free import of many of them being the very bane of our commercial industry. What, for instance, must be the effects of the free admission of 362,523 clocks and watches, of 77,145,920 yards of cotton manufactures, of 404,544 cwts. of glass, of 327,003 lbs. of straw hats and bonnets, of 468,240 pairs of boots and shoes, of 10,714,188 pairs of kid, &c, gloves, of 370,606 cwt. of paper, of 326,574 lbs. of thrown silk, of 3,866,136 lbs. of silk manufactures, of £2,261,192 of woollen and worsted manufactures, and of 9,337,947 lbs. of woollen and worsted yarn'? What amount of labour would not these articles have found for our half-starving population % The increase in the number of paupers in England since 1860 is 183,803 persons, being about equal to the popula- tion of Stockport, Bolton, and Blackburn. Only contrast the character of these duty-free imports with that portion upon which we charge a duty, amounting annually to over 22 millions sterling. Is this wise or just legislation] To still further show that the great disparity between our imports and our British exports emanates principally from countries which are rivalling us in our manufactured productions, I give the following statement: — IMPORTS AND EXPORTS, 1868. Total British Total Imports from Exports to £ £ Russia 20,050,162 4,250,721 Swedeu, Norway, and Denmark 8,687,852 2,834,139 Prussia 7,320,410 3,070,515 Belgium 8,255,043 3,149,769 France 34,584,343 10,633,721 Spain 6,590,958 2,206,470 United States 43,063,178 21,410,184 128,551,946 47,555,519 47,555,519 Excess of Imports 80,996,427 Thus, in our trade with the above countries, the imports exceed our British exports by about 81 millions sterling, a sum equal to the whole of our revenue from official and local taxation ; and all these countries send competing commodities to our home market. 10 FRANCE. I will now endeavour to show the present position of our trade with France, and this is the more important as the treaty of 1861 expires in 1870. TRADE WITH FRANCE. Imports from Exports to Total Exports. £ £ £ 1855.-9,146,418 British Exports 6,012,658) ioiqirst Foreign and Colonial 4,409,223 \ *w»"i,ooi 1856.-10,386,522 British 6,432,650) infirm Foreign and Colonial 4,038,427) '*''"" 1857— 11,965,407 British 6,213,3ft8| ,,.,.„„ Foreign and Colonial 5,113,46ft J ,a D,M 1861—17,826,646 British 8,895,588) iWi^llI Foreign and Colonial 8,531,825 j li ^-'»* 1 ^ 1868—34,584,343 British 10,633,721) ,,»„„„, Foreign and Colonial 15,000,000] w^'** In 1855-6-7, previous to theFrench Treaty, we admitted the free import of French productions, except wine and brandy, and we imported from thence, on the aggregate of the three years, commodities to the amount of £31, 498, 347: while we exported to France in the same period, of our own productions, only £18,658,666, and re-exported to that country foreign and colonial produce, amounting to £13,561,115, being an export of £721,434 above our imports from France. But France would have taken from us our re-exports of foreign produce under any circum- stances, because she had not a direct trade to enable her to obtain them from the countries of their growth ; and, in respect to the export of our British productions, if we had had the same privileges extended to us as we have given to France, we should have been enabled to have sent our productions into France upon a far more extended scale, which would only have been justice to our own labour and capital. In 1855-6-7, collectively, our imports from France averaged about 10£ millions sterling; and in 1861, pre- vious to the Treaty showing its effects, and when our imports, exports, and re-exports from and to France about balanced each other, our imports had reached about 17 11 millions ; but in 1868, when the Treaty had been in force about nine years, the imports from France reached the sum of 34^ millions sterling, being an increase over the average of the first three years of upwards of 24 millions; while in 1868 our British exports to France only exceeded our exports on the average of 1855-6-7, by £4,414,166, and our re-exports about 10 millions more than the first three years. But, in a national point of view, it is to the exports of our own British productions that we have to look, as regards our commercial existence. We have been fostering the interest of the foreigner too much, in preference to our own, aud we now find ourselves almost shut out of his market, and inundated with his productions in our home trade ; and thus our foreign commercial policy generally, and especially with France, has become most destructive to the labour and capital of this kingdom, as evidenced in the following table : — IMPORTS FROM, AND BRITISH EXPORTS TO, FRANCE IN 1868, FROM THE BOARD OF TRADE RETURNS. Imports from France £34,584,343 British Exports to./.. 10,633,721 £23,950,622 Our imports from France, which consists, in a great measure, of competing productions, exceeding our exports to France of British productions by about 24 millions sterling. This is more than the whole value of our total exports of woollen, worsted, and silk manufactures to the whole world ; and to give some idea of the vastness of the manufacturing powers of France, 1 give the total exports from France to all countries of the following important productions in 1868: — EXPORTS FROM FRANCE IN 1868. Silk Manufactures £17,935,214 Millinery 7,424,283 Cotton Manufactures 1,494,612 Woollen and Worsted Manufactures. 11,942,515 Linen Manufactures 720,987 £39,517,611 12 To further show the rapid stride that France is making in manufactures, the following is also from the Board of Trade returns : — BRITISH EXPORTS TO FRANCE IN 1866 AND 1868. Manufactured Goods. 1860. 1808. yds. yds. Cotton Manufactures 50, .'343,372 38,593,729 Linen " 5,037,477 3,572,750 Woollen and worsted 30,100,084 17,028,250 92,081,533 59,194,735 59,194,735 Decreased Goods 32,892,798 Yarns. 1800. 1868. lbs. lbs. Cotton Yarn 4,083,919 3,988,538 Linen Yarn 2,734,207 3,003,713 Woollen and Worsted Yarn 1,983,006 0,928,738 8,801,732 13,920,989 8,801,732 Increase Yarn 5,119,257 In addition to which we have exported to France, in 1868, upwards of 64 million pounds of Raw Wool. The total of the foreign trade in 1868 was : — £. Imports of Merchandise into France for consumption 135,942,800 French exports to foreign countries 110,271,200 Excess of imports 19,071,600 While our foreign trade shows the following results : — £. Total'imports into Great Britain in 1808 295,511,500 Total exports of British productions 179,463,644 Excess of imports , 110,047,922 Showing that France looks more to her exports, the pro- ducts of her own industry, for her prosperity ; while we think more of our imports, the fruits of foreign industry, 13 than the productions of our own labour and capital. Can we really afford to be so generous ? Now, before I close, I wish to call special attention to the important fact that the wages of France, as regards printed calicoes, are about 30 per cent less than ours, and they put a duty upon the imports of our prints into France of 15 per cent ad valorem ; and this may be taken as a fair specimen of what we have to contend against with our foreign manufacturing competitors, both in Europe and America. And a still more important view of the commercial position of England and France in refe- rence to their different policies, is shown in the following figures : — BULLION IN THE BANK OF ENGLAND. Sep. 7th, 1844— £15,209,000 Increase. Decrease. Jan. 8th, 1853— £20,527,000 5,318,000 Apr. 7th, 1869— £17,225,000 0,302,000 BULLION IN THE BANK OP FRANCE. Sep. 25th, 1844— £10,885,000 Increase. Decrease. Jan. 13th, 1853.— £20,017,948 9,132,948 Apr. 7th, 1869— £47,102,112 27,084,164 From this, there can be little mystery as to what becomes of our bullion, and for what purposes it is withdrawn from us. I trust the preceding pages will have met with an impartial review. Their importance demands most serious consideration at the hands of the commercial community of this country. There cannot exist the least doubt but that our manufacturing position is on the wane. In re- ference to the cotton trade, the United States and foreign Europe have already more than overtaken us. The num- ber of spindles employed in cotton spinning in this country is estimated at 33 millions, while those of America and foreign Europe are said to be about 35| millions ; and, instead of these countries being, as formerly, to a great extent dependent upon us for a supply of goods, they are actually sending the same description of goods here. The same may be said of almost every article upon which hand or mechanical labour is employed. If we are to save the country from utter ruin, we must at once apply our best energies to obtain a system of reci- 14 procity with all the commercial countries of the world. We do not fear competition, if placed on an equal foot- ing; but to attempt to compete agaiust the hostile tariffs and cheaper labour of the world, with free imports, is the very height of insanity. By all means let us have Free Trade, but let it be Free Trade in reality, or the nearest approach to it we can obtain, viz., reciprocity. Free Trade is a free exchange of commodities. This at present we have not got. Instead of the promised prosperity, prophetically de- picted from the various reductions in our customs tariffs since 1852, the following is the actual result: — PAUPERISM IN ENGLAND AND WALES. AMOUNT DISTRIBUTED IN ACTUAL RELIEF TO THE POOR. 1853 £4,939,0r>4) Tariff reduced by Mr. Gladstone 1860 5,454,904 j previous to the American war. J??o ? } 6, 201, 820.. .Annual average during the same. 1 S(>o— 4 J 1868 7, 500,000.. .Nine years after the French Treaty. And, at the present moment, about 1 in every 18 of the population of England and Wales is in receipt of parochial relief. The poor-rate in Scotland, imposed in 1845, has risen from £'295,000 to £863,000 ; and, in London alone, the amount expended in relief, in 1859, was £117,935, while in 1868 it was £279,898. Since the reduction of our tariff by Mr. Gladstone, in 1N53, upwards of 3 millions of our people have emigrated from the United Kingdom, and principally to extreme protective countries, in which their labour has found a more remunerative reward for themselves ; but, at the same time, it has served to increase the foreign competi- tion against England. Since the first edition of this pamphlet was published the state of the cotton trade has been as follows : — " Manchester Guardian," July ISth, 1869. The Trade of Preston. — It is not within living memory that the trade of Preston was ever so bad as it is at present. All branches of trade, wholesale and retail, are Buffering to the same extent. Not even during .the strikes and lock-outs for which Preston had become notorious, not ex- cepting the great struggle of 1853-4, which lasted seven months — from the 14th October, 1853, till the 2nd May, 1854 — or even during the whole course of the cotton famine, were the receipts of retail dealers so small 15 as now. An old tradesman, of more than 50 years standing, declares that never in his long experience has he seen such a complete stagnation in all branches of trade simultaneously as exists at the present time. Commercial travellers all complain that throughout the cotton districts of Lancashire, but especially in Preston, they never experienced such difficulty in obtaining money or orders. They come here for a day or two, or perhaps three, walk about the town from place to place, and depart without effecting any business whatever. The number of weavers still receiving pay from the funds of the union (2s. and 4s. per week) is larger now than at any time since the conclusion of the strike, and the same remark applies to the Spinners and Minders' Association. This society coutinues to send out from five or six persons per week to America. ''Manchester Courier,' 1 '' July \\th, 18G9. Poor Relief and Its Administration at Preston. — It was reported yesterday at the meeting of the guardians of the Preston Union that there "had been relieved during the week 2,844 persons, being an increase of 68 as compared with last week, and of 869 as compared with the correspond- ing period of last year. The guardians have 144 persons in their employ at the new workhouse, oakum-room, and stone-yard, which number is 15 more than last week. — Mr. Cane, the Poor-law inspector for the northern district, attended the board meeting yesterday, and in the course of some remarks he made alluded to the administration of relief. He said that he had that morning visited the committee which had the largest number of persons to look after. He saw before them persons of all classes, young and aged, and observed amongst the applicants for relief persons whose cleanliness and decency of appearance and mannershowed that theywould not have come before the committee except under the pressure of distress. " Manchester Evening News,'''' July \ith, 1869. As an indication of the times, we may illustrate the offer last evening of an excellent mill and new machinery situated at Heywood, of about 36,000 spindles, all in good order and working condition. The reserve bid was £35,000 : the highest offer at the sale was £16,000. Another example that the cotton trade is either overdone or is following "Free- Trade" to the continent, where cheaper labour, mills running night and day, and the help of protective duties are damaging the trade of generous and suffering England. July 15 r (maximum 12 2) Woollen J minimum 1 6) (maximum 12 2) r . . /-, i (minimum 1 10 5 Cotton Goods •< Q a (maximum 8 2 6 T . rT ^, TT (minimum 12 2 Linenof ilaxorliemp. < . * . 1 (maximum 7 2 4 4 (minimum 6 2 Silk Goods ■{ . M* a n (maximum 12 4 Paper for writing and (minimum 2 printing (maximum 12 2 o ,,, (minimum 12 2) Saddlery 1 . , , . }■ ... J (maximum 1 1 4j r., -rrr (minimum 16 Glass Wares i . A 1f) (maximum 12 2 -n, ., \ minimum 5 Of ... Lartbenware •< n 10 (maximum 12 2 Needles, sewing 1 10 5 Fire-arms 1 10 5 8 16 1 Russia. Per cwt. £ s. d. 14 8 5 11 1 11 1H 2 1 H 1 19 2 2 4 1 5 9 8 23 11 4 2 18 12 14 7 19 13 1 98 5 10 19 8 3 18 8 7 16 3 4 11 3 18 8 7 5 7 17 3 9 16 7 18 RECAPITULATION. Two conclusions, we think, may fairly be drawn from the statements in the foregoing pages, viz: that, under the present system, the chance of keeping our workmen in full employment diminishes every day, and that this country is in the position of a person who overspends his income. In private life when a man does so, unless he is in possession of a large fortune, he soon goes to the wall ; and it is only the wealth of this country, to begin with, which has prevented the effects of the system being more plainly and immediately soon. The system now in vogue consists in giving every encouragement to the introduction of the produce of other countries; while these countries do everything in their power to encourage their own manufactures, and to pre- vent the introduction of ours, by the imposition of hostile tariffs. By admitting into our home market foreign manufac- tures free from duty, in competition with our own, which have to bear their proportion of imperial taxation, such as poor-rates, &c, from which foreign manufactures are exempt ; and, in addition to that, having our own manu- factures excluded from the market of our competitors by the imposition of heavy duties, we actually give a bonus to our foreign competitors against ourselves in the competition of the world, and foster foreign industry in opposition to our own. Take France as an example. We allow her calicoes, silks, &c, to come into this country duty free, while she imposes import duties of 15 per cent, and upwards upon articles of the same kind of our manufacture. There is another important point to be considered. The principal exports of this country to France consist of raw material, or goods upon which comparatively little labour is bestowed, and which therefore give compara- tively little employment to our workmen; while those of France consist (exclusive of wine, Sec.) of articles the labour expended upon which constitutes the largest proportion of the value. 19 On reference to the page 12, showing our exports to, and imports from, France, it is particularly worthy of notice that, comparing the two periods, 1866 with 1868, we find that France took 32 million yards ^'.s-.s- of our manufactures in 1868 than in 1866, and that the only increase was in yarn, on which the minimum amount of labour has been expended : thus showing in this one example the injurious effects of this Treaty on our working classes. Further than this. When the importation of raw material to this country might have been serviceable to us, as in the case of rags, they take care to impose export duties which totally prevent our deriving any benefit from them, thereby enhancing the cost of the production of paper in this country, and rendering our paper manufacturers less able to compete with them ; while we, with unparalleled gene- rosity, admit paper of their manufacture entirely free. Can anything be conceived more iniquitous and unfair than this'? In fact, they look to their own interest alone, quite regardless of what would be only common justice to us. It is w 7 ell worthy of notice that, with every reduction of our import duties on foreign manufactures, the amount of pauperism has increased in a similar ratio, as is clearly shown by referring to the accompanying table, issued by the Poor-Law Board in their last returns. (See page 15.) About one person in eighteen of the population of England and Wales, is, irrespective of Scotland, entirely supported by the rates, and the numbers are still increas- ing. What an accumulation of misery does this show, when we consider that, in addition to these, there are multitudes on the verge of starvation. Duties, imposed by other countries for the purpose of revenue, do us little injury when these countries do not compete with our manufacturing industry. This puts most of our colonies on a different footing from such a country as France, and many others. Canada may tax our calicoes and our prints without doing us much injury ; but, when the United States, with its large productive power, im- poses duties of, in some cases, 50 per cent, upon our manu- factures, it is time to look about us, more especially when 20 we bear in mind that our formerly gigantic trade with that country in such articles is now almost completely annihilated. They say that they impose these duties for the purpose of revenue and to enable them to pay off their national debt. Might not this plan of looking after their own interests be beneficial to others as well as to them \ Without expressing any opinion as to the policy of the course they are now pursuing, we merely notice that, quite contrary to the anticipations of many prophets in this country, they are honorably paying off their debts with a rapidity which is quite marvellous, whilst we are doing next to nothing in the same direction. In reference to this see The Times report of the House of Commons for August: Mr. Lambert next moved a resolution calling on the House to take steps gradually to reduce the National Debt; and for this purpose he suggested a shilling income-tax, which, producing £25,000,000 a year, would entirely sweep away this incubus in something over 30 years. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply, pointed out that the reso- lution was useless, as it had only affirmed a policy on which Parliament had long been actinsr; and in proof of this he mentioned that between 1859 and 1800 the National Debt had been reduced from £832,843,000 to £795,000,000, at the rate of about £3,782,000 a year. This amount of reduction, i. e., £3,700,000 per annum is equal to 9s. per cent, per annum ; whereas, if our system of taxing ourselves, for the advantage of the foreigner, was put an end to, Mr. Lambert's suggestion might be carried out, as the additional taxation could be easily raised out of the profits of our trade. Let it be borne in mind that as all articles of foreign manufacture are admitted into this country duty free, thus displacing the produce of our own industry, which has to bear the burden of our taxation, they consequently bear no portion of this taxation. We, therefore, by our present system are paying a portion of the taxes of the foreigner as well as our own. Is it not time, then, for the commercial men of England, employer and employed alike (for do not they both live by the profits of the same industry]), to rise up as one man to put an end to this ruinous system, and while it is yet time to save themselves and the country from ruin \ 21 How is it with Germany'? At one time we had a mnch larger German trade in many articles than we have now. Take printed goods as an example. This trade was done largely through Hamburgh. Since its incorporation with Prussia, it, along with the other conquests of that country, has been compelled to join the Zollverein, and duties are imposed on our manufactured goods which are practically prohibitory. It has been estimated by parties who are competent to give an opinion, that we have, by hostile tariffs, been ex- cluded from trading with countries representing over 60 millions of people, and that mostly, if not entirely, since the inauguration of our so-called Free Trade policy. Our trade with Russia and Austria, so far as our manufacturing industry is concerned, is in much the same position as it is with Germany, occasioned by the imposi- tion of hostile tariffs ; and, by our one-sided policy, we are inducing: these countries to extend and increase their manufacturing industry, sending their manufactures into this country, free from duty, to compete with our own. The manufacturers and other employers of labour in this district, with the immense capital previously invested in mills and machinery, the stoppage of which involves always a large and certain loss, inspired with the hope of better times, and, to a great extent, from a feeling of compassion towards the poor people in their employment, have been reluctant to face the position of discharging their workpeople, except at the last extremity. The result is that the capital invested in mills, machinery, &c. has deteriorated to less than one-fourth of its original value, as is well known in this district. Therefore, nothing can be more fallacious than the conclusions sometimes drawn from the Board of Trade returns. The large amount of exports to certain countries is given as a proof of our commercial prosperity; while the fact is, that the stoppage of the exports of our manufactures to the European and American markets, as already pointed out, has forced our manufacturers into consignments on a large scale to the markets still left open — in many cases at a ruinous loss, as recent and almost daily failures plainly show. Hence 22 the markets still open to us get glutted with our goods, to the grievous injury of our merchants, manufacturers, and workpeople, as' all" in this district know to their sorrow. These facts are well known to all parties on the Man- chester Exchange, though not recognised as they ought to be by writers for the London press. In the money article in the London Times of July 28th, it is stated that an error has been detected in the figures of the Board of Trade returns. It is now feared that our exports of cotton goods alone have been over-estimated in those returns to the enormous extent of twenty millions sterling. If this is a^ fact, it proves more strongly in what a frightful position the industry of this district is placed, and how ruinously the balance of trade with foreign countries is against us. Since the publication of the 1st edition of this pamphlet, my attention has been drawn to a tract just issued, entitled — "Free Trade a Gigantic Mistake," by James Roberts, London, — from which, as some portions of its contents bear on the subject treated of in this pamphlet, I furnish some extracts: — Unless we speedily adopt a more selfish and more natural course of action and resolve to be just before we are generous, before coming forth as philanthropists of the universe, we should see after our own starving families before trying to give trade to others, we should see that we have enough for ourselves. It is beautiful in theory to be so noble, so disinterested, so valiant, as to do battle with the universe; but it is hard, very hard, in practice. We are all now suffering from a kind of wide-spread stoppage of trade, which no one attempts to account for, but hopes it will be better soon, and that "things may take a turn." We do not believe in a permanent state of improvement under our present so-called Free-Trade policy; but, on the contrary, we believe that Free Trade solely adopted by England is a "gigantic mistake" and, had it not been for the gold discovered, the whole would have exploded long since. J t is no satisfaction to those who have not a single penny in their pockets, and cannot get one, to be told that certain things are cheaper. It is only aggravating to read statistics and hear that the exports and imports have marvellously increased, and yet thousands upon thousands cannot get their daily bread; that panics and failures amongst merchants are not at all uncommon ; that there have been periodical difficulties which have attacked nearly every trade, and, by which, each in its turn lias been unaccountably depressed, and those dependent upon it for sup- port complaining of their hard fate, heavy losses, ruin, want of employ- ment, and so on according to the position of the individuals. Yet, with 23 all tin's misery, it is stated that our trade is increasing. Granted, that there is more trade in 1867 than there was in 1847 (so there ought to be), we may have exported and imported more in the aggregate ; but, if the exports are principally raw material, the demand for labour does not increase with the increase of this kind of trade : then what great advan- tage can the increase in this warehousing trade confer on onr citizens, deprived as they have been by our legislation of what had been all but a monopoly ? The opportunity of employing British labour upon it, to prepare it for the foreign market of which we would still have pos- session, had we not heedlessly thrown away our advantage. But we altogether leave the theory of what is called Free Trade, and are reducing it to the result of practice. We argue that there is stagnation in trade, and that the labouring classes, in many trades, are without work to do, because of the introduction of foreign manufactures duty free ; and the very fact of their being unable to obtain work at all times, and constantly, is one of the reasons which tends to produce strikes. When workmen are on full and good wages, and in constant employment, they are generally too well satisfied to place themselves out of employment ; but when they find that they are only employed at the caprice of the master, or it may be at the caprice of his customers, and at the moment they are not required they are discharged, they naturally come to the very proper conclusion that they should do as well as they can with the power they possess, in times when there is a scarcity of that material which they alone can supply — that is to say, when the caprice, or fancy, or will, of the masters and their customers, demands strict and close attention, so that large supplies may be at once produced for the fitful emergency. It is not to be wondered that the workmen should, in such exigencies, make attempts to exact a higher price during the temporary excitement, rather than if they were daily at work, upon a uniform scale in every way ; what can be more fair ? what more just ? These workmen have suffered during the time of want of work, and consequent starvation : are they not to be permitted to make up for their lost time, and to regain what they have lost in adverse times? It is an outrage against common sense that legislation should dare to prohibit the exer- cise of the fair right of labour : if so, and if we would support any such measure, we are introducing slavery into England. Merchants combine together to uphold the price of articles of com- merce and consumption, and supply capital to each other to uphold their determination to bind themselves together for their mutual good ; and the consequence is that the price of articles so protected, runs up to prices most unsatisfactory to the consumer; but the law does not interfere with them. Upon what grounds, then, should the labourer be urged or compelled to work at less than he has made up his mind to take ? And why should not workmen equally combine to protect them- selves, and all they possess, which is their labour, or the price of it? I conceive, in the absence of any written contract or binding agreement, workmen should be free to do as they please with their own. It is absurd and ridiculous to say that the reason why England cannot compete with other countries is simply because the demand of the British workman is greater now than it was formerly. There can be no doubt that the greater number of articles which the workman and his 24 family require for their consumption, lias advanced in price during the last twenty years; and he, consequently, to obtain what he formerly did, requires an advance of wages. Notwithstanding all our intentions, the population of the world goes on increasing with such marvellous rapidity, that the increase should give an increasing and a prosperous trade to all those who can contribute to the supplies required ; and there is no chance of this increase of popula- tion being checked; but, on the contrary, it is perfectly certain that every vear will add to the aggregate population more and more ; so that enor- mous quantities of everything required now, will beas nothing to enormous quantities that will be required in the future. Whether England will be the manufacturer of these requirements depends entirely upon herself, or the way in which she proceeds. If a shopkeeper voluntarily gives up his business in favour of another, for a few years, he need not be surprised that he loses that business altogether, and that when he is desirous of commencing afresh, he need not imagine that he will find himself able to compete with those who have taken up his place. Things change as years roll on ; and, if once we lose the lead, we shall find it most difficult to regain it. The more business we have, the more does it flow to ns; but this applies equally to the foreigner; consequently, if we encourage him to enter into competition with us in all other countries, we may eventually find that he can beat us in our own, and this discovery, we regret to say, is now pressing itself upon our notice. But the great question with us is — Who wants Free Trade in his own trade ? Because, if no one wants it in his own particular trade, and if no one can see a benefit to arise to his own department of trade, by a Free- Trade policy, how can it benefit a nation that lives by trade ? England, being the first to adopt such a policy, has opened her ports to the introduction of every kind of manufacture and production, and, with the exception of a very few, they are now permitted to be im- ported into England, either for home consumption or for re-export, without any customs or other duty being charged by this country. The effect of this is that the manufactures of almost every country are now forwarded to England, and the whole of the price at which they are sold may go into the pockets of the foreign producer, less only the cost of freight and landing charges. Now it seems plain that if all these articles had been manufactured in England, the British revenue would have received a considerable amount in director indirect taxation through the expenditure, during the time it took to manufacture them, of those who worked to produce them ; while the foreign producer has not in any way contributed to the support of this country. It appears, therefore, that the foreign manufacturer has an evident advantage over the British producer to the extent of the taxes paid by the latter ; and, as the price we pay for all articles of foreign make, when legitimately sold, includes the cost for labour, material, freight charges, and the taxes paid by the foreigner in his own country, it follows that we pay a portion of the foreign taxation as well as our own ; and at the same time we reduce the value of British labour from what it would be if a natural course were pursued. Now we should prefer that the introduction of foreign manufactures into England should only be permitted free when there is reciprocity or 25 some important necessity for it ; and, therefore, that as we possess the power to erect machinery for the production of an almost unlimited quantity of goods of every kind, and that as we possess sufficient skill and labour to supply all our wants, it is an injustice to ourselves to admit those outside our own family to participate in the benefits of our extended trade, carried out and protected by a gradually-increasing and most expensive government, unless we charge them, at all events, a duty sufficient to equalise taxation on all producers, whether foreign or do- mestic. We do not find that any country has attempted to follow us in our resolve, more generous and quixotical than wise, to let every one compete with us. ......... What, then, is to be the future of England? and how is she to live ? Is it to be supposed that England can exist for any given number of years without labour ? We maintain that she cannot. Her resources are great; her wealth enormous; but will this wealth, or the interest of the capital alone, and the expenditure thereof, keep the whole of the people ? We assert that it will not. We have the bare fact before ns that seventy millions must be annually expended in the importation of food alone from foreign countries. England cannot exist on her own agriculture, because she not only consumes all she grows herself, but she must import millions in addition for food alone, and which it seems is expended in the following way : — Cattle 5^ millions. Butter... 9" Meat 3 Corn 30 While the imports of the other great necessaries are : — Tea and Sugar 20 millions. Spirits 2±- Wines 5 " Tobacco 2£ Making a grand total of 17| " Can England exist on the interest of the money she has loaned to foreign countries, great as that amount is ? We argue that she cannot. Can England exist by importing and exporting raw produce? We argue that, although a great number may exist by that means, that this alone will not support so great a number of people ; nor will agriculture and the interest of her money together, enable her to exist with an annual government expenditure of 70 millions — which has been yearly in- creasing. Whence, then, is her revenue to be derived ? The answer is, from her manufacturing industry. Why, then, discourage the manufacturing industry upon which, as is thus clearly proved, chiefly depends the existence of the people ? England must mainly depend upon her manufacturing powers, and everything that tends to restrict the exten- sion of her manufacturing industry is injurious. Not only ought we not to discourage, but we are compelled, for bare existence, to support 26 oiid increase all our manufacturing industries. It is not our policy, under such circumstances, to encourage competition, although even it might benefit a few; for we have to look after the interests of the nation at large, and to the well-doing of every individual who lives by his industry in manufactures — the future of England depends upon it. Arouse ye, then, English operatives, and endeavour to support your own, even at the expense of others. To be cosmopolitan is to bring ruin to your own homes; for, no matter what the energy of the people may be, one country with open ports cannot fight one hundred countries with closed ones, and be successful in the engagement. Close your ports to manufacturers who do not reciprocate, and yoa will have real Free Trade in one year. ......... "Sir Robert Peel, in the debate on Free Trade, was met by Mr. Disraeli with the following very proper question. The latter asked Sir Robert Peel: — '"Are you prepared to combat hostile tariffs with free imports V "Mr. Disraeli evidently then saw that to open the ports of England would not cause other countries to follow that example. His question now comes home to us, and we must now, from our practical experience of the results of Free Trade, openly and candidly admit that we cannot 'combat hostile tariffs.' To support this view of the case, we have the authority of the ironmasters, with reference to the recent extra 'hostile tariff on iron.' "America has chosen to increase duties on foreign manu- factures, so that she may supply the demand for labour for her own people as much as possible. By this means she will encourage the manufacture of iron in her own country; while we are totally unable to do without American produce imported into this country, a great proportion of which consists of breadstuffs and cotton, on which we have so much relied, she will buy less of our iron." I am entirely unacquainted with the writer of the above, and, in fact, never heard of his name before his pamphlet was put into my hands. Without expressing an opinion as to the correctness of his views, either favourable or otherwise, I must admit that- it is ably written, his arguments most logically and forcibly put. It is the pro- duction of a man evidently of considerable ability, and is addressed mainly to the educated classes. The publication is well worth the careful perusal of all parties who are interested in the subject. I therefore 21 earnestly recommend it to the reader of this pamphlet. It can be procured from John Heywood, 141 and 143, Deansgate ; Cornish, 33, Piccadilly, Manchester. We were told by the great advocates of our one-sided Free-Trade policy, that if we only set the example of open- ing our ports, other countries would quickly follow. We gave them our cheap coals, cheap iron, and allowed the export of our machinery free from duty, also lending our capital to enable them to make their railways, and, in fact, gave everything that we had to give. What return have they made to us for all this generosity % The impo- sition of almost prohibitory duties, deluging our markets with their own productions, admitted into this country dutyfree, and as far as lay in their power excluding our manufacturers from theirs. Some sanguine persons antici- pate that a large increase in the supply of cotton will relieve us from all our troubles. This may improve our position for a limited time, by the increased demand for cotton goods in neutral markets; but, as our foreign rivals will be exactly in the same position as ourselves as to the supply of cotton, and with so many markets, closed against our productions, we shall speedily revert to the same unfortunate position we are in at the present time. Now, I wish to draw the attention of the reader to a leader written by the able " Paris Correspondent" of the Manchester Examiner and Times, one of the leading Liberal journals of this city, on the Paris Exhibition and French Treaty, written as far back as 1867, which is well worthy of perusal, as showing most forcibly the unfairness and inequality- of the present policy towards our producing classes, employer and employed alike : — From the Paris Correspondent of the "Manchester Examiner and Times,' 11 June, 1867. It is time I made some remarks on the staple trade of the district, how in its different branches it is represented in this exhibition, how it compares with the displays from other cotton districts, especially with France, and what are its commercial prospects in the French market. But, before entering on this subject, it will be well to understand a little more of the mutual commercial relations between the two countries than is usually known, and to look a little carefully into the results of the treaty, of which we have had now, in six years, time and data to form a judgment. When Cobden undertook that great work, there were no very distinct data on which to go. An exaggerated and almost lunatic 28 conception of the outrageous cheapness of English goods prevailed in France, and was appealed to and taken advantage of by the monopolist manufacturers. Among English merchantsand manufacturers an almost equally crazy, if somewhat less exaggerated, idea prevailed that, if duties similar to and, if possible, less than those in the States could be obtained, an immense market would open at their doors. The latter forgot that the French, though living under a system of strict prohibition of English goods generally, yet manage to be quite sufficiently clad and housed with their own manufactures: in this, totally unlike the States, Italy, Spain, &c. The former speaking, or rather yelling, in their excited selfishness, through the mouths of Pouyer Quertier, Mimerel, and Co., in the Chamber, shut their ears to all facts and reasons, and blindly shouted for heavy duties. I don't think the only simple and business- like data on which a correct judgment could have been formed in regard to the real position, an independent and correctly-priced sampling of the manufactures of both countries, was ever properly made and authoritatively appealed to, or the wild alarms of the French and the quiet confidence of the English would have been considerably modified, and more reasonable duties, at all events as regards cottons, would have been provided for ere this date in the treaty. My own impression, on pricing French calicoes, six months before the Treaty, was that certain classes were actually cheaper than similar descriptions by our first and largest makers ; and, on sending over a few hundred pieces of greys to Manchester, they, to the surprise of every one in the trade, sold readily at a profit, and were the precursors of the large importa- tions of French calicoes which have followed since. Amid our annual flourishes of trumpets over the increasing greatness of our French trade, I don't know that we ever look even roughly into its component elements and their relative importance. I will take some figures on the subject from French Government statistics, as they give the actual consumption of our imports, and the export of their own products and manufactures ; whereas our Board of Trade tables give, as exported to France, all that is shipped for French ports, much of which is only in transit for Germany, Switzerland, and Spain ; and as imports from France, much of which, though coming from French ports, is not of French origin at all. In 1865 (the tables for 18G6 are not yet out), the total imports into France from England were 291 millions, of which 25^ went into consumption : the exports from France into England were 53 millions, of which over 40 were French products and manu- factures. We see, then, which of the two countries is the greatest producer and exporter ; and an analysis of the relative amounts will still further show how differently from what was expected the Treaty has developed trade. Of the 25.V millions of English imports no less than 18 are raw materials (-* foreign produce, ]- coal) paying an average duty of £ per cent., except coal, 5 ; } percent.; four millions are half-raw materials, of which over \ is yarn, paying 5h per cent, duty, and nearly half-colouial produce, paying 30 per cent, duty, except cigars (a government monopoly), 1| per cent.; and out of the 25^ millions sterling, not three are British manufactures, which paid an average duty of 10 percent, from '27.1 per cent, on potteries and glass, 20 on cutlery, 16 on timber, 13 on cottons, to 7! on metal works, and 1 per cent, on 29 silks. But of the 40 millions sterling of French products imported into England, 6 only are raw materials and 12 half-raw, all home produce, while no less than 21 millions are manufactures, imported duty free, against the 3 millions of ours, admitted grudgingly into France under heavy duties. Now, without enlarging on this great disparity of positions, or thinking for a moment of reversing or narrowing that Free-Trade policy which we have recognised as logically just, and which in this case enables France to send us in 21 millions of her manufactures, while she shuts out all but 3 millions of ours, I think we may at least say that the position thus revealed by the figures of the French Government itself, as made to French industry by the Treaty of Commerce, is not one which can be honourably maintained, at all events towards us. . . . To continue to import into our markets without duty, and without even a prejudice, and yet to shut out our cottons by duties of 10, 15, and 20 per cent., which are prohibitions rather than duties, would be to take a mean and unmanly advantage of our adoption of a large and noble principle. Whatever wrathful howls the unlimited selfishness of the monopolist leaders maybe shameless enough to utter, the nation and government it seems to me, cannot honourably continue such duties, so purely inimical and so evidently unnecessary. Besides, the cotton duties have remained, since the beginning of the Treaty, unchanged, while those on woollen cloths, Bradford goods, carpets, &c, have been reduced from 15 to 10 per cent., a reduction which has, in some of these goods, served to maintain, with great difficulty, a comparatively feeble trade ; and the absence of which reduction, as regards cotton maintains an absolute prohibition. If all this does not constitute a case for action on the part of the leading authorities of your cotton districts, either directly on the French Government, or indirectly through the Board of Trade, I hardly know what would. But we will not content ourselves with the merely general figures quoted above — we will analyse these totals, at least as far as regards textile manufactures, and see the details of each sort imported and exported. These I give in French figures, that is, in millions of francs, since, as regards the small import of manufactures, we cannot descend into details, and maintain as a unit of calculation that pleasant round sum, a million of pounds. LEADING MANUFACTURES EXPORTED FROM FRANCE TO ALL PARTS, NATIONAL PRODUCTS ONLY. 1860. 1361. 1862. 1863. 1864. 1865. Silks 454-8 3333 363 5 370'3 4082 4285 Woollens 2293 1880 221-7 293 6 3559 3028 Cottons 696 564 63 3 88-2 93 7 935 Linens 154 149 147 19 245 252 Yarns, cotton, wool, linen 126 9 2 17 3 437 431 35 4 Dresses, mercery,] umbrellas, furniture, | all more or less the J- 2020 1727 2353 2420 3052 326-0 above manufactures! made up J 983 7 7745 9158 10568 1230 6 12114 30 LEADING MANUFACTURES IMPORTED INTO FRANCE FROM ALL PARTS FOR HOME CONSUMPTION. 18G0. 1861. 1862. 1S63. 1864. 1865. Silks 39 41 4-5 4 # 6 W 113 Wool and worsted threads. 74 26-5 47 7 39*2 37-7 43 5 Cottons 0-8 94 14 3 8-7 95 105 Linens 116 139 135 12 5 14 3 133 Yarns, cotton, wool, linen 47 116 260 25 5 239 34-2 Dresses, mercery, &c, nil,) or nearly so ) 284 655 1060 905 925 1128 " In order to show the effect of the Treaty, I have begun with the year previous to its coming into force, but a good deal of the small imports of 1860 are already due to it. The insignificance of the imports as compared to the ex- ports is remarkable, the total imports being only a tenth part of the exports. Of these exports the great bulk always comes to England, and the rest goes to markets in which they compete successfully with our goods. Even in cotton goods, there is hardly an article of which the French do not send us in much more than they take. In grey and bleached calicoes, while they take from us for 19 millions of francs, they send us in for nearly 22 millions; in prints they take 620,000 francs, and send us for three millions; in dyed goods they take 160,000 francs, and send us for over one million ; in muslins they take 353,000 francs, and send us over one million; in hosiery they take 57,000 francs, and send us half a million ; and so with several other smaller articles. And yet, while sending these comparatively large quantities into our markets, without duty and without question, they still maintain against our goods heavy inimical duties and all the force of strongly-prejudiced opinions." It is idle to suppose that we shall have any concession from the generosity of the foreigner. The present system pays him too well. Pie has the markets of England, the largest and best markets in the world, open to his pro- ductions, free from duty, in addition to his own, from which he carefullv excludes us. 31 He is extending and increasing his manufacturing in- dustries, whilst ours, without scarcely any exception, are greatly on the wane. By the manner in which we have fostered and encouraged his trade to the injury of our own, and the ruin of our working classes, he is now enabled to compete with us for the purchase of raw produce necessary to our manufactures, and can afford to pay a better price than we can pay, and get a profit where we cannot hold our own. For instance, take cotton and madders, and many other articles, which would now have been compara- tively cheap had it not been for the competition of the foreigner, whose interests are protected at home by the imposition of heavy duties. A staunch Liberal, and strong Free-Trader, of this city, referring to our present system of Free Trade, made the pertinent remark that it was simply allowing the foreigner to plunder our pockets with one hand, while with the other he carefully buttoned up his own. It is now necessary to call the attention of the reader to the state of our home trade, the want of employment, and the deplorable condition, from that cause, of the British workmen. Let us take an extract from Mr. Boberts' pamphlet on this subject: — In order to explain and account for the injuries to British manufac- turing trades, it is necessary that we should show how foreign compe- tition, and the admission of foreign manufactures duty free, are affecting the British workman ; and we will now cite cases, by way of illustra- tion, which have come under our notice in a variety of ways, and are very varied in their character. We find that Mill wall, Deptford, Woolwich, and most ship-building ports are comparatively idle — no sailing vessels building — foreign vessels do away with the necessity for British. Trade falls off in the towns of Nottingham, Macclesfield, Stockport, Bolton, Wigan, Oldham, Coven- try, Leek, Preston, Manchester, Derby, Congleton, Sandbach, Leighton- Bnzzard, Luton, Newport Pagnell, Tring, Exeter, Crediton,and London, and many other places. Ship-building involves thirty other trades ; watch making, sixty trades : they are gradually passing from us. The iron trade is losing ground : tools, chairs, pans, spades, hoes, axes, nails, lamps, tin-ware, locks, curry-combs, traps, hinges, brass foundry, needles, hooks, guns, swords, buttons, jewellery, steel pens, trinkets, pins, wire, tubing, scales, cutlery, bronze articles, japanned articles, &c, &c, 32 now come from America, France, and Germany. We have doors, window- sashes, and all kinds of woodwork from the Baltic. Foreign agricultural implements, furniture, artificial flowers, baby-linen, dresses, baskets, beads, beds, Berlin work, blankets, bonnets, boots, braid, brushes, candles, canes, common carpets, cardboards, caps, china, glass of every kind, clocks, cloths, damasks, delaine electrotype paper, pencils, fringe, muslin hire, gilded goods, gold and silver articles, hosiery, leather, linen, looking-glasses, lucifers, shoes, silk, ribbons, soap, stationery, stays, Steam-engines — in fact everything, small and great, — and all are ad- mitted duty free into England, and on equal terms into our colonies. Is it, then, any matter of surprise that the British workmen and British 'manufacturers have no employment ? If all these articles were made here, there would be no lack of work for the British workman, and the whole of England would once more be set in motion. Now this fully accounts for the stagnation of our home trade. The working classes having nothing to do cannot buy (and they are the great consumers), because the favoured foreigner is making what they could do better and would gladly make themselves. The employers, from the losses they are sustaining from the slackness of. trade, and wholesale destruction of property, are in the same position. " Now, what advantage is it to a working man that he can obtain for a shilling a vile decoction called claret, which is not so palatable or wholesome as good English beer, when he cannot earn the shilling to buy it with?" This, I fancy, is the only advantage accruing to the working man from this system. Real Free Trade is a free interchange of commodities on equal terms, not the misnomer commonly called Free Trade that we have now. It is not to be credited that the British workman, as a rule, is aware what Free Trade is as we have it, viz., that it is the introduction of foreign manufactures of all kinds free from duty into this country, and the careful exclusion of his own productions from the market of the foreigner. When this is fully explained to him it will be a won- derful thing to see how he will receive the information ; and it is astonishing that the working classes have been blind so long to the true cause of their want of employ- ment and its irregular and fitful nature. It is not in human 33 nature that men would elect to continue to starve, in order that the Frenchman, the American, German, Austrian, and other foreigners, should prosper by that trade which was the foundation of England's greatness. If our work- ing classes were fully and regularly employed we should hear of no more strikes, which are only a form of protest against our present system. We have submitted to this system for more than 25 years, which is quite long enough for a trial of its effects, and have had little or no response from the foreigner. Let us therefore bring this ruinous experiment to an end, with as little delay as possible. We are glad to see that our representative, Mr. Birley, has given the following notice: — Mr. Birley gave notice that next session he should call the attention of the house to the commercial Treaty with France, and move for the appoint- ment of a select committee to inquire into the effect of the Treaty upon British commerce and manufactures. and we hope that he will be supported by our other representatives and the country at large, and that, during the recess of Parliament, meetings may be held in every city and town of the United kingdom in condemnation of our present ruinous foreign policy. When our Government was endeavouring to negotiate a commercial treaty with Austria, and suggested the advisability of the removal of the heavy duties levied on our manufactures, the inquiry was made — What can you give us in exchange] Our Government replied "Nothing. AVe have already given you all ; we have therefore nothing further to give." The consequence was that no treaty could be negotiated. This shows us the mistake we have made and clearly points out our true policy, and the sooner we change our tactics, the sooner our misery will be brought to an end. W T hy do we levy £6,500,000 per annum on malt, mostly abstracted from the hard earnings of the working classes, and to the injury of our agricultural interest, for the sake of revenue, at the same time admitting the rich man's champagnes and other wines at a nominal duty \ 34 Why do we also for the sake of revenue levy £9,400,000 per annum on tea, coffee, sugar, &c., the produce of our own customers who do not compete with us in manu- fact ure, these being at the same time articles of paramount necessity to the working classes, at the same time admitting French silks, gloves, and the innumerable articles only purchased by the rich, duty free"? Would it not be more equitable to raise our revenue as far as possible on articles of luxury, which enter into the consumption of the rich, instead of levying black mail on the earnings of the poor, thus diminishing the demand for their labour, to the profit of the foreigner and the non- productive classes of this country % The passage of the Reform Bill and the Extension of the Franchise to the working classes, have increased their power to an extent that has scarcely been yet realised. Does any sane man believe that when they are made aware of these facts, they will allow the system to con- tinue] Will they allow themselves to be fleeced, expelled from the country, or ground down to the continental level as to wages and hours of labour, for the advantage of the non- producing class and the foreigner'? It is an acknowledged fact that the working classes in America, France, and other countries, as a rule, are pro- tectionist at heart. That this is the case in this country, to a certain extent, is sufficiently indicated by the existence of trades unions, and the prevalence of strikes, which are only the demands for protection in another form ; and no wonder, when we consider that every sovereign's worth of foreign manufacture admitted into this country duty free deprives the British workman of a proportionate amount of labour. The employers believe in Free Trade, if on equal terms, but they will not consent to be so weighted in the race of competition for the benefit of the foreigner, who rewards our generosity by excluding our manufactures. Let us therefore be warned in time, before the inevi- table reaction against the present system sets in; let us 35 be just before we are generous ; let us remember that " Charity begins at home;" and, by legislating on the principles of justice and equity, for the interests of our working classes, our suffering fellow-countrymen, instead of consulting altogether the interests of the foreigner, keep this momentous question out of the hands of extreme parties in either direction. Let us keep off all duties on raw material of all classes used in manufacture; remove the duties levied on articles used for the support of the masses of our population, so far as the exigencies of our revenue will admit, and levy all duties we possibly can on articles of luxury, at the same time boldly giving the foreigner to understand that for the future we shall exact duties on his manufactures to the same amount as he levies on ours, that we are determined to have reciprocity and nothing less, that we shall reduce or raise our duties on his manufactures for revenue in the same proportion as he reduces or advances his duties on ours. When this fact is thoroughly recognised and felt by the foreigner, then, and not until then, will the hopes and anticipations of Richard Cobden be fully realised. We may then enjoy the benefits of real Free Trade, instead of the swindle me have now, which has caused, and is causing, so much misery to the producing and industrious classes. This is not a party question, and has not been so treated by the writer of this pamphlet. Whig and Tory, Radical and Conservative, are all suffering alike from the effects of this ruinous system, and I am fully persuaded that if not quickly altered, it will eventuate in over- whelming in one common ruin every commercial interest in the country. It has already struck down the silk and ribbon trades of Macclesfield and Coventry, the iron trade districts, and also many minor branches of trade, bringing to poverty and ruin millions of our population. It is now undermining that magnificent industry, the cotton trade, of this district, on which our position as a nation so largely depends. 36 It behoves all classes of all shades of politics to unite as one man, and sternly to insist on having the causes of our distress enquired into and removed. Let us by every means in our power impress upon our representatives, our firm determination to have justice done to us, and at the next election decline to give our votes and interest to any candidate for our suffrages, whether he be Whig or Tory, Radical or Conservative, who will not pledge himself to assist in putting an end to this iniquitous system. In this publication the cotton trade alone principally is treated, but the same complaints are made from all sides, and from all branches of trade alike, and from exactly the same cause. Having been engaged for many years in the collation and preparation of tables of exports and imports for busi- ness purposes, and having the same, therefore, constantly under my notice, I was very much impressed at finding how strongly the figures showing the balance of trade with France were telling against this country. I was therefore impelled to raise a note of warning on the subject, as far back as the beginning of 1867. My predictions as time passed by proving, unfortunately, too correct, some gentle- men interested in the subject strenuously urged me to place my views, &c, before the public in its present form. I reluctantly consented. Hence, this pamphlet, which I now lay before my fellow countrymen ; and, if I succeed in rousing their attention to the danger of our position, whilst there is yet time, I shall be amply rewarded. It is necessary to bear in mind that there is no time to lose. The French Treaty expires January, 1870, and twelve months' notice from either side is required before it can be put to an end. Let there be due notice promptly given, and then our legislators will have ample time to negotiate a fresh treaty on the only fair system, i.e., reciprocity. Let all sincere Free-Traders beware, lest, by denying to our suffering masses real Free Trade, or its nearest equi- valent, reciprocity, their disgust and exasperation may be so aroused that they may end by demanding and enforcing 37 Protection. Don't let us be deceived by a mere reduction of duties, but be satisfied with reciprocity, and nothing less. What avails it to us if the duties are reduced to 5 per cent, instead of 15 per cent., if the lower duty act equally for the advantage of the French manufacturer, i. e., the exclusion of our productions from his market \ A1TENDIX. "Manchester Examiner" April 1th, 1809. THE WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES OF GERMANY. English woollen manufacturers will soon have to exclude the Germans from the category of their customers; and it is not improbable that they may, ere long, find them, as of yore, again competitors for the woollen trade of the East. Three-quarters of a century ago, when this industry had been almost destroyed by the Thirty Years' War, woollens to the value of nearly 4,500,000 thalers were imported into Germany from England alone. Now it seems that the value of the woollen goods annually exported from Prussia is about 70,000,000 thalers: the entire exports of the Zollverein amount to 380,000,000, so that woollens alone form somewhat more than 18 per cent, of the whole export trade of Germany. This branch of industry em- ploys nearly a quarter of a million of persons: thus, by a very moderate estimate of their families, we shall find that 700,000 persons, or nearly 2 per cent, of the entire population of the Zollverein, depended on it for subsis- tence. Frankfort-on-the-Oder, Breslau, Licgnitz, Magde- burgh, Erfurt, Cologne, Dusseldorf, Aix, and the province of Hanover, are the principal wool-spinning districts of Prussia. The chief seat of her cloth manufacture is the Rhine Province, which contains 208 manufactories, with 1,264 power and 3,678 hand-looms, employing 16,537 hands; next follow the provinces of Silesia, Saxony, and Brandenburg. The woollen industry of the kingdom of Saxony is next in importance to that of Prussia. The Germans have, in fact, now advanced to a stage where they can manufacture considerably more wool than they can grow. It was recently estimated that the Zollverein contained 27,793,329 sheep, but the entire value of the raw wool manufactured in Germany in 1867 is estimated 39 at 85,000,000 thalers. Of this sum 53,000,000, or 62 per cent, was paid for imported wool. As in other branches of manufacture, so in the woollen trade, the Germans have set up a rivalry which, however damaging to other countries, is commendable as regards their own interests, and must evoke the admiration of their competitors. — Globe. " Manchester Evening News." Aug. 5th : 1869. Our market continues in the same dull apathetic state, without anima- tion of any kind, and a general desire to do as little business as possible on the buyer's part. Nevertheless it cannot be pronounced lower, and, considering the absence of business, prices generally remain firm. Messrs. Outram and Co., New Hall Lane Mill, Preston, have this week given notice of a reduction in wages of 10 per cent. It is feared that this will be followed by others, and where the operatives are at work at other mills at the reduction of 5 per cent, much complaint is made by those employed in the weaving department on account of having to wait for beams. In many instances there are as many as 20 under one over- looker. At the mill of Messrs. G. Smith and Son, the workpeople are working the material up, when the concern will be closed, throwing a considerable number of hands out of employment. The Spinners and Minders' Association continues to send batches of emigrants every week to America, and this week, also, the Preston Operative Weavers' Asso- ciation will have another ballot, and will probably send about six away. We are not surprised that the Preston mill-owners find themselves again compelled to reduce wages. We fear the example will have to be followed by the whole of Lancashire, for it is impossible now to compete in any respect with the Continent, where our generous free trade has established untaxed machinery and untaxed coal ; meanwhile parading at our grand national exhibitions, how great is our skill, how acute our invention, how beautiful our machinery 1 Foreigners, chuckling, get instructed, order one machine as a sample, and get it copied in thou- sands at half price in Zurich or Belgium. Then they have the advantage of wages at 300 to 400 per cent, less than ours, and run mills (with two sets of hands) night and day. Here are serious questions for our Chambers of Commerce, our foreign secre- taries, our political economists, and our benevolent free traders ; questions the solution of which will decide whether England is any longer to maintain her place at the head of nations. General reciprocal free trade would be a grand thing; but is England to be ruined and other nations enriched — for the sake of an idea ? UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY F, AA 000 756176 THE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW. Series 9482