THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES Ex Libris SIR MICHAEL SADLER ACQUIRED 1948 WITH THE HELP OF ALUMNI OF THE SCHOOL OF EDUCATION V LETTER Young Gentleman O F OXFORD. T O A Young Gentleman O F X F O R D. By EDWARD BENTH A M, B. D. Fellow of ORIEL COLLEGE. There is a 'Time to keep Silence, and a Time to SPEAK. ECCLES. iii. 7. The SECOND EDITION. LONDON: Printed for S. B i R T and M. S E N E x ; and J. FLETCHER and J. B A R R E T T, in Oxford. MDCCXLIX. Advertifement. J*f may not be improper to affure the Reader^ that the Occafion of putting together thefe Reflexion^ which are now revifed and offer d to the Public^ was entirely diftinSt from the late treafonable Difturbance in Oxford. With a View however to this) as well as the Affair with which he was himfelf more particularly con- cerned^ the Writer of them did not think it misbecame him^ to provide fome Antidote for the UJe of his Pu- pih) whenever an Attempt jhould be made to tamper with their Prin- ciples^ and withdraw them from their Obedience to the Laws of the Land. *fhe Situation of quiet Men con- flantly rejiding in the Univerjity^ often keeps them ignorant of what is faid or thought of this Place in the World \ as indeed they fometimes are 8103CO ( vi ) are of what paffes in the very Place itfelf. No Wonder then, if they are not forward to believe that y in faEi^ dif advantageous Reports prevail con- cerning it) and are therefore per- haps too backward in purfuing the MeafureS) which Prudence might re- commend to be taken in order to its Welfare and Reputation. 'There are however Seafons in which j the moft modeft Man may find him- felf under a Neceffity of declaring his Sentiments in the moft pullick manner , (how little foever he may aim at) or value the Character of a Wri- ter on Subjects of this Nature] mere- ly to do yuftice to Himfelf and to *?hofe with whom he is concerned. Such Jeems to be the prefent JunElure^ more especially with refpeEl to thofe^ who are entrufted with the Education of young Gentlemen in the Univerjity of Oxford. A LET- A LETTER T O A Young Gentleman, DEAR SIR, Am forry to find that your Attention hath been taken up with a Set of Notions, very different from thofe which I, and every one that wifhes you well, would have recommended to you. Methinks if you find in yourfelf fo ftrong a Turn for Politicks, as you feem to have, thofe of Greece or Rome might yet a while afford fufficient Scope for your Diligence and Curiofity. For when young Perfons, before they have fufficiently formed their Judgment by thefe and the like Models, and have moreover improved it by fome Knowledge of the World, enter too deep- ly into the Confederation of our National Con- cerns, the wretched Spirit of Party-Zeal fel- dom fails to enflame their Imaginations, and betray ( 8 ) betray them into various Extravagancies ; fuch as they may perhaps in vain repent of in their maturer Years : It feldom is, or indeed can be, indulged without negleding the more impor- tant Bufinefs of other Studies, upon which their Reputation, and Fortunes, and future Happi- nefs greatly depend. And I appeal to your own Obfervation, whether the young Politi- cians of your Acquaintance do in Fadl figna- lize themfelves by any valuable Accomplifli- ment, or indeed by any thing fo much as talk- ing fawcily of their Superiors, and dogmatizing upon what they do not underftand. Had your Politicks gone no further than barely to determine who, or what Men were fitteft to be employed in the Adminiftration of National Affairs, a Perfon.of Your Age would certainly have gone out of his proper Sphere, and have been very impertinent even in fo doing. 'Tis your Duty to reverence Authority in whatever Hands you find it placed, to avoid giving Offence to it, and to recommend your- felf to its Efteem and Regard by improving your Mind with ufeful Learning, and fitting yourfelf to do your Duty in that State unto which you may be called hereafter. But how much more ridiculous is it for you to adventure to call in Queftion the Laws of your Country, and that upon a Subject fo delicate in its Nature, that few eftablifh'd Go- vernments ( 9 ) vernments but our own, would fuffer it even to be calmly debated in Theory with Impu- nity ? The Law hath already precluded your Enquiry, and determined where your Alle- giance is due : Under that Law you were born ; it hath hitherto afforded you Protection ; to it therefore, by all the Ties of Nature and Gra- titude, is your Duty pre-engaged. And tho' the Mildnefs of our Conftitution is fuch that it doth not rigoroufly exact from all its Subjects that Activity of Service in its Support, which is expected in other Coun- tries, yet furely in Juftice to itfelf it can- not but reftrain the Attempts of thofe who ignorantly or malicioufly endeavour to fub- vert it. You would do well therefore to confider ferioufly, that, * If any Jhall endeavour advifedly or dirett- 1 fy y to hinder any Perfon y whofiall be next in c Succeffion to the Crown for the Time being y hatb " any Right to the Crown otherwise than by the " i & 2 W. and M. Seff. 2, C. 2. and the " 12 W. III. C. 2. Or, that the Kings of this " Realm by the Authority of Parliament cannot " make Laws to limit and bind the Crown as to nor to fhew you diftincllyj how infinitely the Pre- fumption at firft View lies in this Cafe againft the private Opinion of yourfelf and the felecl: * Such as Pillory, Whipping, &c. B 2 Company ( 12 Company of your Friends ; and how im- poffible it is, without long Experience, Ob* fervation and Reflexion, to attain that real Cer- tainty, or even well-grounded Conviction of the Juftice of your Caufe, which alone can warrant your Talking and Acting in this Man- ner and how eafily Perfons warm with the Conceit, that they are purfuing an honeft, difinterefted Plan may be miftaken ; Not to infift, I fay, on thefe Things ; If you are actuated with an honeft Principle of Publick- Spirit and Zeal for Juftice, fome Juftice is cer- tainly due to the Society whereof you are a Member ; And your Regard to this Part of the Publick (for the Welfare of which Your Friends upon all Occafions affect to fliew the warmeft Concern) ought in all Reafon to mo- derate your Zeal, and not fufFer it to expofe the Univerlity to the Refentment of thofe higher Powers, who will be naturally led to cenfure it, as having been deficient in the Exercife of fome material Act of Inftrudtion or Difcipline ; as either permitting or conniving at a direct In- fult upon that Government on which the very Being of the Univerfity depends. 'Tis cer- tain that a very confiderable Number of wife and good Men in the Nation have been and are faithful Subjects to the prefent Eftablifh- ment. Your Friends will not deny that many fuch were fo to Queen Anne y whofe Right and Title to the Crown was the very fame with that of his prefent Majefly, Any reafonable and ( 13 ) and modert Man therefore will, I think, readily conclude that your Political Notions are not fo notoriouily and evidently true, as to juftify your extravagant Declarations ; im- prudent with regard to yourfelf, and injurious to other People. Not that I would be underftood to endea- vour to ftifle your Spirit of Difaffection by the meer Weight of Authority, or to frighten you out of your Scruples by a fervile Dread of the Punimments abovementioned : No ; I am ready to enter with you into the Reafon of the Cafe j and defire you to attend to no- thing but the genuine Dictates of Common - Senfe and Equity. But here I muft obferve that there is a flrange Inconfiftency in your political Prin- ciples a ftrong Prefumption that they are not really founded in Reafon. For, let me afk you. Do you not almoft appropriate to yourfelf and Party the Character of Patriots and Men of Spirit, confcious of a Dignity inherent in your- felves as Englijbmfrt t Friends to the Liberties of your Country, and jealous of its Rights ? You would, I know, refent the Imputation of the contrary Character, and talk of thofe who differ from you as a Pack of mean degenerate Scoundrels.- But, on the other Hand, Do ( Do you not at the fame Time confider yourfelf as the rightful Subject and Vaflal of One whofe only Claim to your Subjection is his being: the Lineal Defcendant of a Perfdn c? formerly inverted with Royal Power ? One who has never exercifed that which is the only rational Foundation of Civil Power, the giving Protection to yourfelf or your Parents ; and who can have no Right to your Service and Obedience, unlefs you were really born in a State of more abject Slavery than was ever yet felt in any Part of the World, and are at this Time the abfolute Property of a foreign Mafter j becaufe his fuppofed Anceftors at fome former Time had a Dominion over Yours ; a Dominion You think, unalienable and inde- feanble, how arbitrarily and oppreflively foever They may have behaved ? How inconfiftent is this Account of things with the former ! If upon Principles of common Senfe you infift that reafonable Creatures have a Right to be dealt with in a reafonable Way, you muft admit that they have a Right to throw off that Dominion when it is exercifed unreafon- ably. And this Conceffion will bring you round to the Principle on which we juftify the Revolution ; namely, that as the King by Inheritance hath a Right to govern, fo the Subject hath a Right to the Law as the com- mon Meafure of Royal Authority and his own Obedience. And accordingly the Law hath been f 15 ) been conftantly recognized as fuch by Englijh Kings in the Oath taken by them at their Coronation. Kings indeed are but Men ; and our Religion certainly recommends the Exerciie of Charity towards them, whenever we confider their Failings : Their Province has Difficulties of a peculiar Kind, which demand our Candor: There is a Reverence due to the Superiority of their Stations ; and this ought to reftrain us from being over forward to believe evil Re-* ports concerning them : And if we have but common Modeity, we mall be difpofed to make fome further Allowance from the Con- fideration of our own Ignorance and Mifappre- henfions : And I muft add, that a prudential Regard for our own, and the common Wel- fare, mould teach us how very unfafe, how very troublefome it may prove, to bring Matters to an open Quarrel, upon every, I will not fay, pretended, but, real Grievance. But the Evils under K. James II. if any Cre- dit is to be given to the Reports of Hiftory, were adjudged by our Anceflors to be intolera- ble : He had, in repeated Inftances, made di- rect Attempts to bereave us of our Religion and Liberties, and fo far unhinged the whole Frame of the Government, as to find himfelf utterly difabled from exercifing it any longer : And having violated the fundamental Laws of this ( 16 this Kingdom, and having withdrawn himfelf out of it, carrying away with him his pretend- ed Son, an Infant fix Months old, He abdi- cated the Government. Finding the Nation in this State, the Great Council, like Wife Men, turned the Exercife of Government out of its old Channel no fur- ther than the Neceffity of the Cafe required. They waited on the next * Heir by Blood, and put the Nation under Her's, and her Husband's Protection. " This Method of pro- " ceeding, you fay, in fettling the Govern- " ment was new and unprecedented." And in a good Meafure it was ; though by no Means altogether : as our Hiftory will fhew you. But fo was the Occafion. Our Mu- nicipal Laws were made for the common Courfe of Things ; They have been wifely fi- * In the fame manner by ic, 13. W. III. C. 2. The Crown, in default of IfTue of the Princefs Anne of Denmark and King William III. refpe&ively, was fettled upon the Princefs Sophia, the neareft P rote ft ant Branch of the Royal Family, and the Heirs of her Body, being Proteftants. She was Grand-Daughter to King "James I. and Grandmother to his p-.efent Majeity. This Settlement was afterwards confirmed, and further fecured by the Laws under Queen Anne. See p. 8. The Neceffity of this Limitation of the Crown to Proteftants appears from hence ; that the Popifh Religion, while it fubjedls the Confcience of the Prince to the Pope and his Emiflaries, hath a natural Tendency to enflave t;e Nation itielf to a foreign Power and Jurifdiclion. Not to mention the other Inconvenien- ces, which in Faft arofe from King James IPs profefling the Popifh Religion. He was thereby induced to difclaim the Regal Supremacy, and to own and ackncv/ledge the Papal, by a fo- lemn Embafiy at Rome. lent lent in fpecifying how the Subject is to ceed in extraordinary Exigencies ; They pre- fume that the Commands cf the Sovereign will be Legal, and in that View,- without Limitation, recommend and enforce Obedi- ence upon the Subject : But they cannot be underftood to have been defigned to authorize Oppreffion, and defeat the great End of all Laws whatfoevcr. It is fufficient therefore if the Conduct of our Anceftors in the Revolu- tion was warranted by the general Reafon of the Cafe : Nor is the Validity of the Settle- ment itfelf at all affedted by that Want of Re- gularity, which you now difcover in fome Cir- cumftances attending it ; a Regularity which it was impoffible to attain, and which it might have been fatal to attempt. Nay a little Acquaintance with the Hiftory of our own, and of other Nations, will be fufficient to inform you, that, as few Revolu- tions in Government have been founded on a more apparent Neceffity, fo few have been conducted with equal Calmnefs, Order and Propriety. The Prince of Grange's Wife having a near Intereft in the Crown, if not the falrefl Pre- tenfion to it after K. James IPs Demife, upon the Plea of Lineal Succeffion, he had a Right to demand Security for fuch Succeffion due to his Wife, againft the Male-practices at that G Time Time generally believed to be fet on Foot to defeat her Pretenfions, and alfo to prevent the Inheritance from being injured by the flagrant Mifconduct of the King in PofTeffion. He was therefore juftified, as in making Remonftran- ces, fo in endeavouring to fecond thofe Re- monftrances, when found ineffectual, by armed Force. And considering how much the In- terefts and well-being of Nations, efpecially fuch as are expofed to a powerful common Enemy, ftand connected with each other, the States-General adted upon the Principles of found Reafon and Policy, in their ready Dif- pofitions to fupport his Endeavours. Neither muft I omit their Obligation in Point of Gra- titude to aft as they did, and to fupport a Neighbouring Nation in its extreme Diftrefs $ to whofe timely Afliftance They themfelves in a like Cafe formerly owed the Prefervation of their Religion and Liberties. Granting this Step to have been right, I fee not with what Colour of Reafon you can except againft the Juftice of any Part of the fubfe- quent Eftablimment. During that Confufion which K. yames II's Mifmanagement had in- troduced, you muft imagine that the Thoughts of wife and good Men were not idle, and that many Expedients were devifed to recon- cile the Rights of King James II. with the Welfare of the Kingdom. And you think perhaps, had you been concerned, that you fhould ( 19 ) mould have voted for fome other Expedient : But even then, had you been of the Minority, you muft from the Nature of Civil Society, have acquiefced in, if not joined in fupporting a Refolution, which, when finally pafled, muft be taken for the Refolution of the Whole. But ycu think it hard for the Son and Grand- fon to fuffer for the Mifconduct of the Fa- ther ! But does not this often happen ? Muft it not neceffarily fo happen in the Courfe of human Affairs ? It is hard for a hopeful young Man to come after a profligate, extravagant Parent, who has mortgaged or fquandered a- way his paternal Eftate ; or who has for- feited the hereditary Honours and Wealth of the Family by Treafon. Whatfoever acciden- tal Inconvenience is fuppofed to attend the Per- fon, no one thinks of, nor does the Cafe often- times admit of a Reiteration to Blood and E- ftate. And what infinitely greater Difficulties muft there now be, how prodigious the Rifque to unfettle the Government of three mighty Kingdoms, to create Jealoufies and Diftruft in all the States with whom we are naturally allied, to alarm the Appreheniions and Fears of all that have concurred in the Support of the prefent Eftablifhment, to fubject not only every Aft of the Legiilature, but even every judicial Proceeding for above half a Century, on which the private Property of Thou- fands depends, to be called in Queftion, and, C 2 moft ( 20 ) moft probably, to involve the Nation in the dreadful Calamities of a Civil War j and all this for what ? Why to do an imagined Act of Juftice to a fingle Stranger, at the Expence of Duty and Gratitude to a Sovereign whom we have acknowledged, and of Juftice to our Ppfterity $ to a Stranger, I fay, of doubt- ful Birth, whofe fuppofed Parent abdicated and gave up all Remains of that Right which he had not forfeited ; who is as much a Foreigner, and as much attached to Foreign Jnterefts, whereby he hath been fupported, as can well be conceived : to commit the Pro- tection of a Proteftant Church to a Popifh. frince-r- to reftore a Right of trampling upon the Necks of Men who think they were born free, and are determined to ftand fail in that Liberty, which they loqk upon as their Birth- right, the Liberty of being under no other Controul but that of the Laws of God, and the known Laws of the Land ; and who think themfelves bound in Duty to tranfmit the fame to their Pofterity. For my own part, I am perfuaded that the foregoing, however fhort and imperfect, is a true Reprefentation of the Original Settle- ment of the prefent Succeffion of the Crown. Whether it be fo or no, YOU I am certain have not yet examined. With regard to You therefore, the Preemption lies in Favour of that eftablifhed Government under which you are f 21 ) are born.* Should a Man endeavour to pcr- fuade you that, if you examined into certain Memoirs, or would credit the traditionary Re- ports of fome People in your Neighbourhood, it might be fhrewdly fufpedted that your Great Grand-father did not fairly come into PofTef- fion of that Eftate which your Father now enjoys, would You in contradiction to all the Evidences of Title-Deeds now in his Cufto- dy, and confirmed by Verdidlis upon Record, be difpofed to relinquim your Title to the In,. heritance? Or even fubjed: your Title to the critical Examination of a bufy Lawyer, in order to difcover whether poffibly the Convey- ances have not in them fome Flaw fufficient to difturb your Father's PofTeffion, and thereby enliven the dormant Claim of the lineal Heir of fome former Pofleflbr ? And furely the Dictates of natural Reafon declare at leaft as fully, in favour of our Right to Civil Liberty, as they do on the Side of Juftice to other Men. If I find myfelf born in a State of Liberty, as every Englijhman does, a reafonable Confcience will never perfuade a Man to relinquifh it, and become the Slave of Arbitrary Power. To aflert the Privileges J am born to, is doing Juftice to myfelf. The fame Law of my Country, which enfures my Title to my Eftate, enfures to me likewife the Pofleflion of my Liberty, and regulates my Behaviour in the Ufe of both, But ( 22 ) But if after all, your Prejudices remain in favour of an indefeafible Right of Dominion's being founded in lineal Succeffion, let me afk you, from what Date will you fix the Limits of your Enquiry backward ? Why at the Re- volution ? Why not go upwards thro' all the preceding Reigns, and fee if there never was any Flaw in the Succeffion no Ufurpations from the Cohqueft, which cleared the Way for the Stuart's Claim? Or in what Right did William the Conqueror found his ? Or his PredecefTors the Saxons ? (For the Danes you will confider as meer Ufurpers ; tho' I think a little longer Time would have made their Right full as good as theirs on whom they ufurped.) This, I think, in all Reafon mould be the Courfe of that Man's Enquiry who is perfuaded of the Sacrednefs indefeafibly inhe- rent in Princes by lineal Defcent : And in or- der to do the Bufinefs compleatly, we mould fearch the antient Records of Wales and Corn- wall, whofe Natives have the beft Title to be confidered as the AvTo%&ove* and Original Pro- prietors of this our Soil ; and upon whom the Ufurpation was firft made ; and from a- mongft whom confequently the Reftoration of the true Royal Family fhould be expected. Now as this Enquiry is beyond the Reach of Your Abilities, I think You may fafely fuf- pend it, till you are better qualified to make it: ( 23 ) it : For no Man's Obligation can extend be- yond his Abilities. -Or rather, the Enquiry is to You no other than that of ftudious Curi- ofity ; entertaining and amufing, and perhaps inftruftive, but no more affecting Your Beha- viour in Point of Confcience than if the Revo- lution had happen'd 600 Years ago inftead of 60, or in any other Country. Suppofing I indulge you in your Prejudice, that artful, defigning Men, running counter to their Obligations of Duty and Allegiance, firft terrify'd K. James II. into a Retreat, and then took Advantage to call it an Abdication, What is that to you ? Whatever Force you, fuppofe to be in the famous Text for Non-Re- fiftance, that They that refift ftall receive to themfehes Damnation however it may have affected the Subjects of K. James II. it affects not You. The Text, which belongs to Your Cafe is clearly this, Let every Soul be fubjett to the higher Powers ; the Powers that be are or- dained of God. And who was in Power when the Apoflle wrote, but Nero ? The fifth in Succeffion from Auguftus Ccsfar, who, if ever there was an Ufurper upon the Liber- ties and Rights of his Countrymen, muft be confidered as a principal one of that Clafs. From the Death of Auguftus to the Death of Nero there pafled about 53 Years. Suppofing then, but not granting, the Settlement of the Crown at the Revolution to be no other than what ( 24 ) what you are pleafed to term it, an Ufurpation, the prefent Government hath been at lead e- qually fixed and effoblifhed with that of the Roman Government when the Apoftles wrote $ the Recognition of the King's Authority on the Subjects Part much more free and folemn than that made by the Roman Senate ; and the Exercife of Power on the King's much more, in Truth altogether conformable to the known Laws of the Land. Poffibly indeed You are taught to affert, if not in Contradiction to Experience that for near thefe fixty Years laft paft we have been in a State of Anarchy, yet, that e^ery Act of Authority hath been null and invalid iince the Revolution, for want of a Conformity to the Constitution of Government in this Nation, as you fay it ought to ftand upon the Original Plan 3 But were You or the moft intelligent Jacobite called upon to explain this Plan, I will venture to pronounce that fcarce any two, if left to themfelves would agree in the Plan itfelf; much lefs would any of you be able, or would it be poffible to juftify the Authenticity there- of, and to {hew (which is a further Point ne- ceflary) the Unlawful nefs of fubmitting to any Departure from it. When you ask me, what I think of thofe who laboured for a Reftoration under the Go- vernment of Oliver Cromwell, you vainly en- deavour tleavour to take Advantage of a Prejudice of mine in favour of K. Charles I. If You had afked the fame Queftion of any Perfon whom you know to be perfuaded of the Juftice of their Proceeding, who took up Arms againft him and profecuted their imagined Rights, 'till they had destroyed both him and the Laws, you know what Anfwer you might expect. For my own part indeed, I am perfuaded that he was a good Man and meant well to the Happinefs of his Subjects -, and that the Cha- racters of thofe about him are entitled to a more favourable Opinion than would be due to the fame Conduct, if purfu'd by Counfellors at this Time -, becaufe the Limits of the King's Prerogative on the one Hand, and the Rights of the People on the other, were by no means fo clearly afcertain'd in the Time of King Charles I. as they have been iince. But at the fame Time I mufl tell you, that I think it is my Happinefs to have been born at a Time when the Plan of our Civil Confti- tution is much more clearly marked out than it was then ; if I was to fay altered for the better i \ do not fee what Abfurdity is contain- ed in fuch an Affertion. For though Govern- ment be the Ordinance of God, yet the parti- cular Eftablimments of it are the Creatures of human Fancy and Invention ; alike under the Difpolition of God's Providence which fuper- intendeth all Things ; and, as fuch, may be D fuppofed (26) fuppofed to have their Im perfections, and to be liable to change, for the better or for the worfe. Curs, on the Subject's Part, is alter'd unqueftionably for the better ; and, I think, not lefs fo on the King's : He hath as much Power as a good Man can defire, and more than That a bad Man ought not to be trufted with. There is fufficient Authority left in the Crown to do all the -Good for which Govern- ment was instituted : And the Subject, by find- ing it to be as much for the general Intereit to obey the known Laws of the Land, as it is for the Sovereign's to exact Obedience, is un- der lefs Temptation to rebel. That fuch was the State of the Subject under Oliver Cromwell, I never yet have heard pretended. The Argument therefore which you are taught to draw from the Behaviour of the Royalifts under that Ufurpation, as it is one of the mort inconclufive Sort atbeft, an Argument ad bominem, fo is it deficient in very material Points, viz. That the Conduct of K. Charles I. was at all parallel with that of K. "James, II. which no Tory will grant ; and that the Ex- ercife of Power by Oliver Cromwell was con- fident with the Liberties of Englishmen j which as no Whig will be perfuaded to allow, fo I am almoft lure that no Jacobite would content- edly fubrnit to fuch an Exercife of it, even in the fuppofed lineal Heir of the Crown, Add ,to this, that no Oaths were taken, no Affu- rances ranees given by the active Royalifls, to fup- port the Government of Oliver Cromwell^ nor was his Authority confirmed by Length of Time, nor recognized by any Affembly that could carry the leafl: Appearance of an Englz/h Parliament. Upon the whole, whatfoever was the Cafe of your Grandfather, or Great- Grand father, whatever Allowance may have been due to the Scruples of thofe, who immediately after the Revolution thought themfelves precluded by their former Oaths, from entering into new Engagements, the Law both of Reafon and Scripture feems indifputably to tye You down to a peaceful and dutiful Behaviour to the Perfon and Government of his prefent Majefty ; You, who have been all along from Your Infancy protected by this Government, and are under no perfonal Tye whatever to any other. But after all, if you diflike the Terms of Member- ship required in the Civil Society here efla- blimed in Britain, You may find Yourfelf at Liberty to withdraw into fome other Country, and there attach Yourfelf to Him, whom You are taught to revere as the rightful Proprietor of your Perfon : But you can have no Reafon to complain, if all Attempts to bring others under the fame Yoke of Bondage be refented by them as an Invalion of their dearelt and moft valuable Rights. D 2 This ( 28 ) This is what I have to fay to your Difaffec- tion, as founded in Principles properly Jaco- bitlcal. Thofe which you incqnfiftently bor- row from the Republican Syftem, I may take another Opportunity to confider. In the mean time reflect, that the Queftion I have been fpeaking to, is a very ferious one ten the Nation in general 5 and it is fo to yourfelf in all Refpecls. Upon your Promotion to any Degree, you will be called upon to take the Oath of Allegiance ; and if advanced to any Pre- ferment, in or out of the Univerfity, any Office Military, Civil, or Ecclefiaftical, you muft ne- cefiarily take the Oath of Abjuration. You therefore have nothing lefs at Stake than Peace of Mind on one Hand, and the being depriv'd of the Reward of honeft Induftry on the Other. The Queftion therefore is an edg'd Tool, not to be trifled with ; nor will the Law fuffer any Man to play the Fool in this Cafe with Impu- nity ; as indeed that Appellation contains the mildeft Cenfure one can pals upon fuch Mif- conducl, even in young Perfons. But if there be Any more advanced in Years, who, in Oppolition to their folemn Affurances to the contrary and the Trufl * repofed in them by the Government * All Her.d?. Fellows r.nd Foundationers of Colleges or all Readers or Tutors in the Univerfity are required to take the Oath of Abjuration, under Penalty of forfeiting their Places and Fire .hundred Pounds, if exercifmg any Office. n, ( 29 ) m Confequence of fuch Aflurances, will act fo treacherous a Part by you, as to furnifh your yet unexperienced Mind with Prejudices a- gainft the Government eftablifh'd in your Coun- try j Whether they perfuade you that their Objections are unanfwerable, becaufe ftudious Men are more careful to mind their own pri- vate Bufinefs, than difpofed to encounter their Noife with Noife ; Or whether the fame Poi- fon be more artfully convey'd by crafty Infi- nuations againft the Government, heiitated but not explained, by Difficulties ftarted about the firft Settlement of it and heightened by Complaints of Male-Adminiftration at pre- fent ; if there be any fuch, you will I dare fay be ihock'd to find them urging their Objections to you in Point of Confcience, when you have fenoufly perufed the Oath of Abjuration^ on Suppofition that they have taken it : You will fee but little Reafon to refpect them as Men of that flritt Honour, Ingenuity, and Credit they may, 'tis likely, pretend to. As to a third Sort, I mall fay nothing ; becaufe you your- felf tell me, in a civil Way of expreffing your Contempt, that they are an honeft good-natur'd fort of Fellows. It is to be hoped, that the late Treafonable Disturbance will at leaf! have this good Effect, that it will excite thofe Perfons, whofe only Am- bition it hath been hitherto to mind the proper Bufinefs of their private Stations and be quiet, to ( 30 ) to anfwer the loud Demands, and earned Ex- pectations of the World ; and wipe off, from themfelves at leaft, that Scandal of DifafFeclion to his Majefty's Perfon and Government, which at prefent indifcriminately affects the whole Umverfity ; that they will be explicit and de- clare themfelves openly againft all that mall appear acting in this Refpect in Oppofition to common Decency, and the Dignity and real Intereft of the Place. In which Cafe, I doubt not, but that the Number of fober, thinking Perfons in it, who are really difaffected, will be found to be contemptible. And You, if you have ftill any real Perplex- ities upon your Mind, whether derived from fome Hereditary Prejudices of your Family, or from the Converfation of thofe in whofe Company you have embarked, will, I hope, (as I may reafonably expect from the Relation in which I ftand towards you) produce them with a Spirit of Sobriety and Meeknefs, and with the fame Spirit I will endeavour to remove them, being with Sincerity, Tour faithful Friend. The The Oath of Allegiance. I A. B. do fmcerely promife and fwear, that I will be faithful, and bear true Allegiance to his Majefly King George : So heip me God. The Oath of Abjuration. I A. B. do truly and fmcerely acknowledge ', prcjefs, teftify, and declare in my Con- fcience, before God and all the World, That our Sovereign Lord King George is lawful and rightful King of this Realm, and all his Ma- jefty's 'Dominions thereunto belonging. And I do folemnly and fmcerely declare ', 'That I do be- lieve in my Conference, that the Perfon pretend- ed to be the Prince of Wales, during the Life of the late King James, and f.;ice his Deceafe^ pretending to be, and taking upon himfelf the Stile and Title of King of England, by the Name of James the 'Third) or of Scotland, by the Name of James the Eighth, or the Stile and Title of King of Great-Britain, hath not any Right or Title wbatfoever to the Crown of this Realm, or any other, the Dominions thereto belonging : And I do renounce, rejufe, and ab- jure any Allegiance or Obedience to him. And I do fwear, that I will bear Faith and true Allegiance ( 32 ) Allegiance to his Majefty King George, and him will defend \ to the utmoft of my Power, a- gainft all 'Traiterous Con/piracies and Attempts wbdtfoever, which fhall be made againft his Per- Jon, Crown or Dignity. And I will do my utmoft Endeavour to difclofe and make known to bis Majefty, and his SucceJJ'ors, all Treafons and Traiterous Confpiracies which I flmll kn(nv to be againft him, or any of them. And I do faithfully promife, to the utmoft of my Power, to fupport, maintain, and defend the SucceJ/ion of the Crown againft him the faid James, and all other Perfons whatfoever j which SucceJJion, by an Act, entituled, An Aft for the further Limitation of the Crown, and better fecuring the Rights and Liberties of the Subjedt, is and ftands limited to the Princefs Sophia, ElecJorefe and Dutchefs Dowager of Hanover, and the Heirs of her Body, being Proteftants. And all thefe Things I do plainly and Jincerely acknow- ledge and fwear, according to thefe exprefs Words by me fpoken, and according to the plain and common Senfe and "Understanding of the fame Words, without any Equivocation, mental Eva- fan, or fecret Rejervation what/oever. And I do make this Recognition, Acknowledgment, Ab- juration, Renunciation, and Promise, heartily, willingly, and truly, upon the true Faith of a Chriftian, So help me God. A L E T T E R T O A Fellow of a College. BE/NG'THE S E Q^ U E L O F A LETTER . T O A Young Gentleman of Oxford. By EDWARD BENTHAM, B.D. yiv of ORIEL COLLEGE. o, T/ a^ // )y fvi' ' J'of, TsTppHR.anks, greatly preferable to the opposite Ex*- treme. We that are common Subjects appoint our .Reprefentatives to provide for the publick Welfare and Security ; and by them we are to B 2 judge and act. Suppofing our Knowledge of the State and Interefts of the Nation to be ever fo confiderable, yet they, whole Underftand- ings have been really improved by a liberal Education, muft fee the great Impropriety of confounding the different Parts which Perfons in their political Capacities have to act ; They will be cautious, how they arrogate to them- felves the Exercife cf thofe Functions, which the Peace and Order of Government in gene- ral, as well as the Nature of our particular Conftitution, requires to have reflrained to a Few. A Member of either Houfe of Parliament indeed is but a Subject : But when acting in his Parliamentary Capacity is fomething more j and hath Privileges, which it ill becomes any Man of a private Station to ufurp. As a Law- giver, He may dictate without Arrogance > as a Counfellor to the King, He does well toad- vife and exhort with honed Freedom and Boldnefs ; and as a Guardian intrufted with the moft valuable Interefts of his Countrymen, it is no Impertinence in Him to be vigilant and inquifitive, and to a certain Degree even jealous in every Thing that may affect their Welfare. Moreover, iince the Language of a good Man, acting under a Senfe of Obligation to exert himfelf in fo noble a Caufe, will na- turally partake of the Warmth of his Zeal, He may well be entitled to great Freedom of Speech j ( 13 ) Speech ; and not only ftand exempted from the Cognizance of ordinary Tribunals, but juftify himfelf in his own Mind for uling a Liberty that he is called to. And fo long as the Conftitution of the Government, and the Good of the Whole continues to be a common Centre, wherein the Affections of our Nobles and Senators are united, no great Mifchief or- dinarily can arife from their expreffing ever fo ftrongly, in the proper Place, provided it be honeftly and decently, their Difference of Sen- timents concerning the Means requifite to ad- vance the publick Welfare. To the Wifdom and Integrity of this Coun- cil therefore the Nature of our Conftitution refers the Briti/h Subject for the/Redrefs of publick Grievances. Some intemperate Patrons of Liberty indeed point out another Tribunal, of all others the moft wild in its Proceedings, mofl capricious in its Determinations, and vio- lent in its Punifhments ; namely, the Judg- ment of the People in the Grofs - y where every Man thinks it meritorious to exert his Zeal, as a Counfellor, a Judge, or Executioner. In which Circumftances, no fooner is a Conteft begun, but the Scene is opened for the Difplay of all that Folly and Perverfenefs, all that Craft and Violence and Revenge, which are the Re- proach of human Nature, and which it is one Defign of Religion to reform in Principle, as it is of civil Government to fubdue in Practice, ( 14) Pra&ice. The beft Caufe can here fcarce tie conducted unexceptionably ; It will be pecu- liarly liable to fuffer by the honed Simplicity of its Managers ; nor will any Remedy be fought for almoft any Grievance, real or ima- gined, but by fuch Methods as Fury and Im- patience, perhaps excited and directed by cool Villany, may fuggeft. But a Friend to the -prefent Government need not reft in thefe general Con fi derations ; but may fafely enter into the particular Ob- jections, which are frequently urged by difaf- fected Perfons. Their Plea is the Complaint of Grievances. I anfwer, that, Every Perfon is not qualified to judge of thefe; If judge fair- ly, they will appear much lefs than they are imagined ; There would have been greater, if the Revolution had not happened ; There will moft probably be far greater, if the Pre- tender be placed on the Throne. Whether our Condition hath been 'bet- ter'd by the Revolution, or Whether the Grievances, then complained of, ftill remain, every Man may be fatisfied, by comparing what he fees and feels with the feveral Ar- ticles contained in the * Bill of Rights. Let it then be examined, whether any In- flance can be produced of the King's atternpt- * i Will, and Mar. SdT. 2. c. z. ( '5 ) ing to fubvert and extirpate the Proteftant Re- ligion, and the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom, By ajjuming and exercifing a Power of dif- penjing with or fufpending of Laws, and the Execution of Laws without Confent of Parlia~ ment ; By er effing illegal Courts ; By levying Money by Pretence of Prerogative, without Grant of Parliament, or in other man- ner than the fame hath been granted ; By Denying the Right of the Subject to pe- tition the King ; By raiftng or keeping a (landing Army within the Kingdom in Time of Peace, without Confent of Parliament -, By di farming Subjects being Proteftants, of Arms for their Defence, fuitable to their Con* dition and allowed by Law j By violating the Freedom of Election of Mem- bers to ferve in Parliament -, By impeaching, or queftioning in any Court or Place out of 'Parliament ) the Freedom of Speech and Debates or Proceedings in Parliament j By requiring excej/ive Bail, or impojing ex- cejfive Fines, or inflicting cruel and unufual Pu- ?iijhments ; . By admitting "Jurors, not duly impannelle D Let Let no Advantage be taken of the dependent and neceffitous State of any Perfon ; no Perfua- fion or Terror be made ufe of, either by the Candidate himielf or by his Friend in his Be- half: For whether or no You will allow that fuch an Election is carried by Bribery, the In- fluence under which die Voters act is as certainly a corrupt one, though not an illegal one, as where the Vote is more profefledly purcha- fed. Our Law doth what it can : For it refents the Crime no lefs than our natural Senle of Honour abhors the Imputation of it : And much ftronger Laws have been made for its Punimment by the Authority, which thefe Gentlemen want to overturn, than ever were before. It is very true, they have not the Effed: that might be wifhed. But then, befides what hath been already obferved, we mould reflect, that it is the Glory of our Law to admit of no defamatory Allegations or com- mon Rumours unfupported by proper Proof. We know that all Parties claim the Benefit of its Caution in this Refpect : The Protection. that arifes from thence is not denied to Thofe, whom ftrong circumftantial Proof, confirmed by the Voice of common Fame, declares to be Enemies to that Eftablifhment from whence the Law derives its Vigour and Efficacy : It often ftands them in great Stead : And there* fore it is extremely ram in Them to call for taking off thefe Reftraints, and letting its Ven- geance loofe on Others. But ( 27) But if any one thinks the Laws are {till defective, iiirely the Remedy is propofing better Laws, not overturning the Conftitution. Or, if the Complaint be founded not on the Infufficiency of the Laws, but of the Execu- tion of them ; firft, let it be mewn, When, and Where, and by Whom Juftice hath been denied, when a legal Procefs hath been form- ed and duly fupported : And then, let fuch Remedy, as the Conftitution allows, be fought againft the Offenders. But how will the com- ing in of the Pretender make the Voters in Elections lefs venal ? What have Difputes be- tween private Subjects and their Practices of Knavery one upon another, and the Misbeha- viour, fuppofing fuch, of a Magiftrate now an4 then, or a Determination of a Court of Law, or a Houfe of Parliament, that we are not fatisfied with, to do with the Queftion, Whe- ther our Allegiance be due to the King ? How ridiculous a Piece of Cafuiftry is it to think that one Man's Perjury in taking a Bribe at an Election, or another Man's Opinion- that it is not proved againft him, can juftify my own Perjury in becoming an Abettor of Sedition and Treafon againft a Prince, who hath con- ftantly made the Laws of the Land the Rule and Meafure of his own Behaviour. If this juft Praife be denied to his Majefly, let it be {hewn to which of his Predeceflbrs it ever jpore juftly belonged. But if it be urged, > 2 ( 28 ) that the King's Minifters are guilty in this Refpect; I anfwer, The King doth not pro- ted: them againft Law; They alone are punim- able ; and the Way to attain Credit in attack- ing them, is to give unfufpeded Proofs of Loyalty to the King ; and never to attack them, but when they are plainly in the Wrong. But if we confider the Bulinefs of Elec- tions, as a Contefl or Tryal of Skill and Strength between Rivals for Power (which without doubt is frequently the Cafe); What wonder is it, if, when Perfons out of publick Employments fcruple not to act with a de- termined, nay a declared, Refolution of di- ftreffing the PofTefTors of them at all Events, thefe latter mould take the Liberty to fecure themfelves by Methods equally unjuftirlable with thofe whereby they find themfelves at- tacked ? .. If any Thing can be faid, and fpmething may, to excufe the Violences and Artifices ufed in War, it is the Prefumption that our Adverfary is employing the fame Methods to deftroy or moleft us. As to the foreign Dependence, which his Majefty's Hanover Dominions are fuppofed to have brought us under, I confefs that my Notions are imperfect how far that Con- nexion may or may not be burthenfome to this Kingdom. The mod ufual, and the natural f 29 ) natural Thing to expect is, that the Interefts of the lefs considerable Country will be made fubiervient to thofe of the more confiderable, when they interfere : Which thofe of Britain and Hanover can only do accidentally. And, if there mould be for a time fome Degree of that particular Affection to a native Country, which every worthy Man feels and approves in himfelf, and therefore mould excufe in others, it mufl of Courfe leflen and be loll in a while. Thus much I think is certain, that the PofTefTors of thofe Dominions, before their Connexion with Britain, were of no fmall Confideration in the Germanick Body j and that they were as able to maintain their In- dependency and the Splendor and Dignity of their Court as any neighbouring Princes. Nor on the one hand do I fee, how the Circumftance of the Sovereign's holding his Court almoft altoge- ther in Britain, can have impaired his Hanove- rian Finances, or rendered him in his Electoral Capacity at all more neceffitous. Nor on the other hand, is it either notorious, or piwsd, however confidently it may have been averred, that the Ambition of Hanover hath been gratified by any Acquilitions made at the Expence, or tending to the Difadvantage of Britain, or that any thing of this Nature hath been attempted. But if we confider Hanover merely as an Ally, it is certain that leffer Princes of the Em- pire ( 30 ) pire have been courted for their Alliance by Powers, that well know their own Intereft ; as iurely France will be allowed to do : Why then mtift fuch an Alliance be difadvantageous to Britain ? The Affiftance of the Hanoverian Forces hath in fome critical Emergencies proved extremely ferviceable to an acknowledged Britifh Caufe; if oppofing the Ambition of our moil formidable Neighbour be fuch. And if its Defence, as an Ally, may ibmetimes have proved expenflve, is not this the Cafe of all other States with whom we are in Alliance ? Should we think it of no Confequence, if his Majefty, as Elector of Hanover, mould, in order to advance his Intereft in that Capa- city, contract Alliances with thofe Powers, who are no natural Allies to Britain, but juftly fufpected of having contrary Interefts ? And is it not of great Confequence, that the two Parts of his Dominions fhould be in Friendship with each other ? And are we not concerned to cultivate and fupport that Friend- ihip ? Different Dominions fubfiiting under One Sovereign, like the Children of a common Pa- rent, and even thofe which are connected by mere Alliance, will always have their mutual Jealoufies. Thus, not to fay that poffibly many of the King's Hanoverian Subjects may entertain as hard Sufpicions of Our Interefts being unduly preferred, as fome here do of Theirs, Theirs ; Ask many a warm Englijhmajt, what he thinks of our Connexion with Scotland, and he will tell you, that, 'twere well for England \f Scotland were funk in the Ocean ; and the North-Briton will be as ready to repay the Compliment : Ireland by another will be fen- tenced to the fame Fate, as a Nurfery of Pa- pifts and Soldiers for our Enemies ; And fome of her Sons will exclaim againft England as an exhaufting OpprefTor : Another will be for finking the Dutch. And perhaps a plain, fim- ple minded Gentleman, having feen in fome little Book of Geography an Account of the Wealth and Power of Britain , the Produce of its feveral Counties, and the perfonal Valour of its Inhabitants, can not apprehend the Neceflity we are under of having any Alli- ances at all ; or what real Benefit we receive from our Trade or our Colonies j and confe- quently, why we mould be at the continual Expence of fupporting either. Thus it is alfo in Men's private Affairs, when they are great Lovers of their dear Perfons ; and indulge the pleafing Thought of Self-Importance : The Trouble which the Connexion of their Friendships puts them to, they are mightily apt to grudge -, without having the Generofity or Prudence to reflect on the Advantages they already have received, or may occaflonally re- ceive in Return. 1 QM I But f 32 ) But be this Connexion what it will, do we think that the Pretender will ftand free from all Dependencies upon foreign Courts, from fuch Dependencies as will be infinitely more prejudicial and dangerous to this King- dom ? Can even common Gratitude releafe Him and his Family from their continual Ob- ligations to the See of Rome ? Can it be con- ceived that France and Spain have ftipulated no Returns of Gratitude for their AfMance, no Sacrifice to be made of Things valuable to Us, and therefore of great Advantage to Them? And what of this Sort hath been fo much as hinted determinately with Regard to his Ma- jefty's German Dominions by the moil mali- cious Afperfer of his Government ? Perhaps I (hall be accufed of writing with a manifeft Bias to the Caufe I efpoufe. And thus much I freely confefs, that my Wifhes are to find the Government eftablimed in my Country to be properly adminifter'd ; from th fame Principle that every candid Man hopes to find his accufed Neighbour innocent. It is cer- tainly wrong in any Subject to indulge him- felf in evil Jealoufies againft his Governors; or to be inftrumental in propagating fcandalous Rumours and Infinuations againft them : I do not think that Difcontentednefs is a Virtue ; but that it is my Duty gladly to acquiefce in fair Anfwers, as I truft the foregoing are, to the Objections which are raifed againft the Juftice ( 33 ) Juftice of their Adminiftration ; and patiently to beau for a time even confiderable Inconve- niencies, if they happen, rather than run the Hazard of! making my own Condition, and that of the whole Community, laftingly miie- rable in Points of vaftly greater Moment. > Istml { hn n It is therefore without any great Emotion that I hear loofe and general and undifbin- guifhing Affections, that popular Schemes, di- rectly calculated to remove the Grounds of national Difcontent, have been defeated in va- rious Inftances lince the Revolution ; and this, by the fuppofed Influence of Perfons well-affect- ed to the Proteftant Eftablimment, perhaps im- mediately concerned in the Adminiftration. For ought we not to reflect to what extravagant Lengths our Countrymen have been fometimes led to carry their Sufpicions, which, after all, have proved entirely groundlefs ? And ought not this to teach us fome Diffidence, both of our own Imaginations, arid of our Informers and Guides in political Matters ? May it not be allowed, .that Projects may carry a plaufibie Appearance, which Men of Experience never- thelefs know to be impracticable ? May they not, however beneficial in fome Refpe<5l$, prove equally injurious in others ? May they not, however good in themfdves, be urged unfeafonably, and with a direct Aim, not fo much to ferve the Publick, as to diih-efs fome particular Perfons employed in its Service ? There is furely the fame kind of Prudence ne- E ceflary ( 34) ceflkry in the conducting of national Affairs as in Domeilick. He that will fuffer himfelf to be allured out of a regular Plan of Conduct and Oeconomy by the flattering Appearanee of every riling Profpect of Advantage, will foon experience the Punifhment of his own Defultorinefs and Inconftancy. And how can we expect it mould be otherwife in refpect of Kingdoms ; whofe Connexions with other States are numerous, and whofe internal Ad- minifrration confifts of fo many Parts, and thofe fo very complicated ? One need not wonder then at the Backwardnefs of wife Men to clofe with every fpecious Project for Innova- tions and Changes. But whatever Imperfections or Abufes we now perceive in the Exercife of Government, Do we really imagine, that no unneceffary Bur- thens might have been brought upon the Peo- ple, and thofe for very bad Purpofes, if the Revolution had not been ? and that all po- litical Evils muft necefTarily ceafe upon the Introduction of another Royal Family ? What mighty Charm is likely to operate on this Occafion, tRat will fo certainly difpel at once the Wickednefs and Follies of Men, and cor- rect the common Accidents to which human Affairs are liable by the very Condition of Na- ture ? As well might we hope (and .perhaps fome Poet will promife fo much,) that the Golden Age will once more be re- floredj (35 ) ftored ; that the Seafons will all bloom ia one perpetual Spring ; and that the very Ine- qualities of our Climate will fettle into the celebrated Mildnefs and Fruitfulnefs of the Fortunate Iflands. Or, without a Figure, Do you think that no Knaves, profligate or hypocritical, would then be able to find an Entrance into Pofts of Honour and Profit, or that no weak Men would be introduced by their Friends? Was this the Cafe in King Charles II's, in King James II's, or even in Queen Anne's Reign ? And why muft the Nature of Men and Things be all at once inverted and changed at this fuppofed happy Period of the fecond Reftoration ? Why muft it be taken for granted that this Pretender to the Crown will learn more Prudence and Caution from his DiftrelTes than King Charles II.? Inftead of Gratitude to the Publick, may we not rather expect from him Refentment, and Refolution to deftroy that Spirit of Liberty, whereby He hath fuffered fo long ? And what Reafon hath any Man to hope, that He will confent to and continue even fuch Re- ftraints, as are at prefent on the Power of the Crown ? His Family hath conftantly laid in a Claim to abfolute regal Power. This Claim hath never been renounced by Him or his profefTed Advocates. And His military Force, if ever He hath enough to bring Him in, will be of fuch a Nature, as mufl eafily and almoft necelTarily make him arbitrary? E 2 Upon ( 36 ) Upon the Whole, All that can be pleaded in Favour of a Reftoration of the Pretender is this ; that there is a bare Poffibility, that Things may be altered by it for the better. "'But, if the Certainty be unqueflionable, that all the Bleffings we now enjoy muft be expofed to imminent Danger; and if the Probability be flrong in the higheft Degree, that the Evils we complain of will be doubled in their Weight, what wife Man, even was he left at Liberty in point of Confcience, would be for trying the Experiment ?/- As to thofe who labour for a Change of Government with the fordid View of intro- ducing themfelves into Ports of Honour and Profit, it would, I fear, be in vain to ad- drefs Them with moral Confiderations, drawn from the Wickednefs of facrificing the Tran- quillity and Happinefs of their Country to any Scheme for perfonal Advancement. But there are fome very important prudential Confidera- tions, which it certainly concerns Them to reflect on : What a Number of Perfons have followed the Fortunes of the Pretender, and herd about him as his immediate Atten- dants 5 How many others are retained in foreign Service to take Advantage of fome Seafon of National Diftrefs, and ftrike a de- cifive Blow in his Favour ; How many, laftly, from time to time have acted as Emifla- ries ( 37 ) ries to keep alive and invigorate the Spirit of Difaffection in each of the three Kingdoms ; Let them, I fay, confider thefe Perfons, all united into one Body, and laying in their fe- veral Claims, to, what They will call, a jufl Reward of their long and faithful Services ; ^.nd they will foon be convinced, how much it concerns every prefent PofTeflbr of Land or other Property to bethink hirnfelf, at whofe Expence the Gratification muft be made. That they, who have nothing to lofe, but a Life already made uncomfortable by their Folly or Difcontent, fhould be eafy about the Introduction of a new Prince upon fuch Terms, is not furprizing. But a Zeal for it, or even Indifference about it, in fuch as have valuable Interefls to rifque, is perfect Infatuation j inafmuch as for every Acceffion of Honour and Wealth, which any fuch Perfon may chance to receive, his Friends and Relations will be likely, fome, if not all of them, to fuffer extremely. But it may well be queflioned, Whether one Adventurer among a hundred can receive any perfonal Advantage from the Succefs of treafooable Schemes againft the prefent Govern- ment. This, I fay, is doubtful; not only becaufe the Claimants among themfelves are fo many, but becaufe, as Experience hath fhewn, particularly at the Reftoration, it will be found expedient ( 38 ) expedient to continue feveral of the other Side in their refpeclive Pofts ; partly for their Knowledge of Bufinefs, and partly to ftrengthen the new Government. And Jacobites can not doubt, but fuch profligate Creatures, as they imagine their Adverfaries to be, will do their utmoft to prefs in, when they fee it their In- tereft. And what will the Reflexions of the Old Zealots for the Pretender be, when they fee Such advanced above them ? Leaving therefore thefe unworthy Wretches, let us briefly confider the Defign of fome, who afTume the Character of the moft exalt- ed Patriotifm. The Pretender, it feems, is to Them no more than a fit Inftrument to throw the prefent Government into Con- fulion : This being done ; the Conftitution is to be remodelled ; Monarchy extirpated ; and the glorious Scheme of Univerfal Liberty com- pleatly executed. But ought not thefe Gentlemen, who pro- fefs fo much Tendernefs for the Natural Rights, fo much Concern for the publick Happinefs, ought they not to reflect a lit- tle upon thofe difmal Scenes of National Diftrefs, which muft firfr, be adted, before ever their hopeful Project can take Effect ? Re- collect within Yourfelf what patted when the late Rebels were on their March Southward ; And ask any Man of Experience, or confult your ( 39 ) your own Thoughts, what muft have been the Confequences if that Calamity had made further Advances upon us. Confider the Per- plexities of Mind, under which the more thinking Part of the Nation began to labour ^ (I mean thofe Perfons, who were eafy in their Fortunes and happy in their Families) What a Stagnation was coming on in almofl every Branch of Commerce ; The Merchant juftly diffident of the Succefs of his Market, and with- out Security for the Conveyance of his Goods ; The Factor unauthorized to employ the Manufacturers j and Thefe latter confequent- ly without the Means of fubfifting themfelves or their Families by honeft Induftry - 3 The Farmer more immediately expofed to Acts of Violence and Rapine ; while the Evil in every Shape threatened to revert upon the Gentle- man, and deprive him of his Eafe and Afflu- ence ! And to conceive more fully what this national Diftrefs might have rifen to, Read the Accounts of Wars, or rather take them from the Reports of thofe, who have been Eye-witnefTes of the Operations of a Cam- paign, even where both Sides have been efteem ed decently regardful of the Law of Nations : What Man, who hath been accuflomed to the Bleffings of a civilized Life, can reflect without Horror upon the Violences therein ufually practifed? Confider in the next place how vaftly every Evil muft be aggravated by thofe ufual Attendants of Civil War, Partv- bitternefs > f 40 ) bitternefs, perfonal Hatred, and Revenge,- act- ing, in Concert with Avarice and Ambition ; And then reflect to what a Degree of Brutality muft He be arrived, who can harden himfelf againft thofe Sentiments of Tendernefs and Concern, which are the very Foundation of Social Happinefs, or can give Occafion to their being exercifed by Others in fo dreadful a Man- ner, without having the leaft Ground to hope, that any good End will be ferved by it. For indeed the Scheme itfelf will appear, when it comes to be explained, no lefs abfurd, than the Means, whereby thefe Perfons propofe to effect it, are mocking. And of this, to do them juftice, they appear fomewhat fenfible. For the Whole, that they favour us with upon the Subject, coniifts almofl entirely in high Pane- gyricks on Liberty, and vehement Invectives againft the Enemies of it j without condefcend- ing to fet forth at all diftinctly, what their Plan of Liberty is. They will not dare to fay, that they will have no Government. The Nature, the Circumflances, the Experience of Mankind, flnce Man hath been, proclaim it to be neceflary. Nor will they pretend, that Government can fubfift without Subordina- tion. And if not, there muft be Authority on the one hand, and due Submiflion on the other. Would they then have the Exercife of this Authority controuled in every Step, by every Set of Men throughout the Community, who fhall pleafe to diflike it ? But what doth this come fhort of univerfal Confufion and Anar- chy? ( 41 ) chy ? Or, would they appropriate the Pri* vilege to Thernfclves and their Friends ? Let them produce their Patent, and we will think it both our Duty and our Intereft to put our- felves under their Care. But in the mean time, if we reflect a little on the ufual Behaviour of the moft pompous of thefe Talkers and Writers, in private Life, what Profpedt have we of Their becoming fuch generous Difpenfers of Happinefs ? Do thefe Gentlemen ufually care, at prefent, to fufTer their Favourite, Liberty, to defcend much lower than Themfelves ? Are They found to be more humane, generous and bene- volent than Others ; lefs fenfible of Affronts from their Fellow-Citizens ; lefs apt to be provoked by Saucinefs and Contumely ; lefs fretful and revengeful, when teized by Witti- cifms or molefted by fhrewd Objections, or in any wife obftructed in the Execution of what they intend ? The Favourers of the levelling Plan mould alfo be defired to try the Expe- riment in their own Parifhes, or in their Families 3 and thence judge of its natural Ef- fect upon the Affairs of a great and mighty Nation. They mould be reminded from Hiftory, that few Governments, which are called Republicks, have been at all regular or equal ones, or allowed of near fa much Liber- ty as Ours ; that in Proportion as they ad- vanced towards the Popular Form, they were tumultuous and liable to be fway'd by Dema- F gogues C 42 ) gogues -of little Experience or real Abilities 5 ~ that they have been remarkably divided in their Couniels, unileady in their Adminiftra- tions, and unfit to form lading Alliances j that the flattering Profpects of Happinefs, fup- pofed likely to arife from that Con-ftitution of civil Polity, have been conftantly ruined by Faction and Intrigue ; and, after unfpeakable Mifchiefs and Confuiion, ended in the Erection of unfupportable Tyrannies, the very Evil, which the Popular Form feems intended to prevent. Laftly, They mould confult the Authority of fuch Statefmen of former Times, as are allowed to have had the fulleft Knowledge and Experience of the Genius of Our People ; and fee, Whether the Republican Plan hath not always been confidered by Them as chimerical and impracticable in This Country ; and Whether, in Fact, all Attempts to introduce it have not proved abortive. And indeed, the Rcafon is obvious ; Length of Time hath familiarized our Nation to Monarchy, and all our Laws and Ufages are fuited to it. Upon the whole, Whatever Form of Go- vernment might appear to be the Object of Preference to a reaibnable Man, fuppofing it left to his Option, 'tis happy for Mankind that their Choice, about which they wo&ld be fo likely to differ and make one another naife^ rable, is generally precluded by the Circum- ftances Q* their Birth. And particularly, every fcrious f 43 ) &dous Man among Us hath abundant Reafon. to be thankful to Providence for being born' under a Political Conftitution of all others the moft convenient for the Eafe and Security of. thofe, who are diipofed to act an honeft and reaf enable, or even but a tolerable Part in Life. We have the Advantage of living un- der a Regal Government ; which by a peculiar Felicity is moft apt to promote. U- nion of Counfels and Steadinefs of Admini- ftration; while at the fame Time our Laws have guarded the Sovereign from many Temp- tations to opprefs the Subject, and precluded Him, as far as human Inftitutions can pre- clude, from the Power of doing it, if hs would. The Bitternefs and Mifchiefs of Parr- ties are lefs fenfibly felt, in Confequence of that Reverence which each Individual acknow- ledges to be due to the Sovereign ; and which, in Proportion as it becomes habitual, reconciles Men to bear with. Patience thofe Evils and Inconveniences, which no Forefight of Man can provide againft, nor Power alto- gether avert. I will venture to add, that our prefent State, both as to the Rank which we hold in Refpect of other Nations, our fu- perior Advantages in Point of Commerce, .the Privileges and Immunities which we enjoy, as free Subjects ; and above all, the Purity of our eftablifhed Religion, leave us no room to envy the Condition of Citizens in any other Country whatfoever. F 2 It ( 44 ) It wotild be unpardonable in me to clofe rny Reflexions upon the Unreafonablenefs of Difaffectton to his Majefty's Government, and the Proteftant Caufe, without infixing upon the Danger threatened to the Proteftant Religion by introducing the Pretender. Important as this Consideration is, there appears a ftrange Inatten- tion to its Importance in great Numbers, that furely ought to be other wife affected. Some Ferfons, it feems, having been much habituated to Declamations, both in Print and Gonverfation, upon the Rights and Liberties of Men and EngBjbmeB, are fully fatisfied, that every Body, almoft, hath the fame Zeal for them in religious Matters, which they imagine- themfelves to have : And Thefe ef- teem Popery to be no more than an empty Bug-bear ; They allure themfelves, that nei- ther Force nor Policy can ever again fhackle the Nation with its Chains ; They bid De- fiance to it ; and even think the Eftablim- ment of our Ecclefiaftical Conftitution to be a Barrier againft it quite unneceilary, and fcarce worth the preferving. But let me ask thefe Gentlemen, fuch of them at leafl as are concern'd in the prefent Debate, and exprefs perpetual Fears of our Civil Liberties being given up under the Go- vernment of a Prince, whofe Throne is built on Liberty, as its very Foundation ; Can they ( 45 ) they be. in earned, when they thus profefs to think our Religious Liberties would be fo fecure under a Prince bound in Conference to overturn them ? Perhaps they will plead, as fome of them do, that their favourite young Prince is a Perfon of no Confcience, or Senfe of Re- ligion at all. But let them remember, that this may be a mere Pretence, put on by him to deceive the Incautious. Or, if it be a Reality, can they trufl a Man of fuch profligate Princi- ples ? Can they be fure, that he hath not pro- mifed Others the contrary of what he may have promifed Them ? Or, that to advance his Authority, or gratify his Popifli Allies, he may not attempt Here, what our increasing Neglect of all Religion will give him fair Op- portunities of accomplifhing ? For oppofite Ex- tremes are always favourable to each other. Or, let Him be ever fo indifferent about pro- moting the Religion he profefles, can we ex- peel that all his Defcendants will be fo ? The Pains taken to introduce Popery is but too fuccefsful in many Parts of the Kingdom at prefent: And if it ever comes to be affifted, were it only, by the Countenance and Favour of the Prince > God grant, that they who de- fpife and rail at the Church of England^ may not experimentally feel the Lofs of its In- fluence ! And God forbid, that the Nation mould ever be deftitute of Scholars regularly bred to the Defence of our Religion j or that Perfons intruded with it in their feveral' Dif- tridts ( 46 ) tridts fliould be obliged to cope, uninflru&ed in the Ufe of their Arms, with the difciplined Forces of the Romifh Church ! 'Tis more than probable, they would be found, like raw and un- experienced Soldiers, vociferous and boaftim;; while the Evil is at a Diftanee, but arrant Daftards upon a near Encounter, unable to maintain it, or unwilling to rifque the Danger of it. For they, who think no Preparation of Learning, or Skill in Argument, needful to repulfe the Attacks of Popim Miflionaries, little know what plaufible, though falfe, Ap- pearances of both they bring into the Field. Others again with their Mother's Milk have fucked in high Ideas of the Benefit of Autho- rity, and the Duty of Submiffion to it ; They have an utter Dread .and Abhorrence of Can - fufion and Diforder. And hence are they led to "reverence Popery on the very Account of; what others juftly call, its exorbitant Claims over the Confciences and Liberties- of -Mar-- kind. They ctfnfider it in no 'other Light, than as' extending the PowerVof the Hierarchy to that Degree, which' they think neceiTary tr. controul the Vices, reform the Error?, and fubdoe the Herefies of the Age. - - The Patrons' of Liberty therefore fiiould- br very cautious of carrying their Schemes to Extremities, which will be likely to - pro- duce fuch dangerous Perfuafions -m''feri6us Mifiids, (<47 ) Minds. But then .thele latter, fliould ndt fail to reflect, What Abfurdities and Impie- ties-Popery fupports, and by what wicked and cruel Means, What Relaxations it tolerates, and even encourages, at the fame time, in Du- ties of the higheft Moment ; How juft Men's Title is to religious as well as civil Freedom ; and how valuable the PofTeffion of Both ; What abundant Caufe therefore there is to be patient under the Inconveniences that a rile from the Abufes of Liberty, and fo to ftrive againft Them as not to endanger It. Need I add, that the Eftablifhment of the Pretender threatens peculiar Danger to die Univerfities ? For arbitrary Power is dangerous to the Privileges of all Bodies of Men : And the Introduction of Popery will require, in or- der to facilitate it, harm Treatment of all the Non-complying There : Nor can we doubt, but that Papifls will be obtruded upon it to mare its Advantages. Such Treatment both the Univerfities had In King James IPs Reign; and fuch they muft always expect when a Change of Religion is intended. *i YJIIJ Tijiriw t vj, T i_ j j qnoirr j)'-IucHlpo- I have indeed all -along conudered the In- troduction of the Pretender chiefly in a po- litical View. .But it is certain, .that Lewis XIV. was influenced by Religious, as well as other, Considerations to labour for his Reftoration to the Britijh Throne > in order to reflore the Nay, perhaps after all he flatters himfelf, and is flattered by his Friends, with being much more dilinterefted, than he really is : Inafmuch as the Character of being Dilinterefted is juft as confiftent with ex- erting one's Zeal for the Government in View of a Court-Favour, as it is with being noify in the Oppofition in order to pave the Way to fome Preferment that happens to be in the Patro- nage of difcontented Perfons Out of the Uni- verfity, or a governing Party In it. Others, of a more manly Turn of Mind, being confcious of their own Integrity, with- out doubt upon fome Occafions have thought themfelves injurioufly treated by Imputations of Jacobitifm, indifcriminately thrown out upon them by violent Men. It may be, that They were not forward and loud in the Praifes of their Superiors : But perhaps it was, only be- caufe they did not approve fome Meafures of Go- vernment ; or thought that, by entering far into fuch Matters, they fhould go out of their Aca- demical Character. Or, They might be really fo far perfuaded of the defperate State of the Jaco- bite ( 61 bite Caufe, as at fome times to decline expreis- ing the Zeal they truly had for the Govern- ment, rather than appear unnecefTarily often- tatious. And much lefs could they join in afper- iing the Characters of other Men, merely be- eaufe they did not like their political Principles ; fo long as they faw no fufficient Grounds to ar- raign them of undutiful Practices or Intentions. And this charitable Tendernefs may have been, reprefented as Difaffection by Thofe, whofe loyal Zeal prompts them to be over-hafty in accufing their Neighbours of wanting it. Allowing for fuch as have on thefe Accounts, or others, been, worfe thought of than they deferved, I am per- fuaded that the Number of thofe among Us, on whom the Imputation of being Enemies to our happy Eftablimment will reft, is much fmailer than Some have imagined : Who, whatever they intend, furely do great Difler- vice to the Government, as well as Injuftice to the Univerfity, in reprefenting them to be more than they are ; and take the Way to in- creafe what they inveigh againft. For No- thing more difcou rages Endeavours to defer ve well, than an Unwillingnefs to believe and accept them, and a Readinefs to give every Thing the worft Turn. But then the more We apprehend there is of this bad Spirit in the World, the more careful We mould be to be- have fo as to prevent its gaining Credit, and cut off' Occafion from them that defire Occafion. An One Opportunity lately offered itfelf for Our difavowing that Imputation in the moft folemn Manner. The Seafon required it. In Our AddrefTes We did difavow it. And as They* who joined in them, ought to think them- felves bound by a frem Tye both of Con* fcience and Honour j fo Others ought not to fufpect their Sincerity without evident Reafon, Other Places indeed gave other Proofs of their Zeal. But perfonal Service, or a formal Preparation for it againft Enemies in a diftant Part of the Nation, might have been thought unfuitable to Our Inftitution of Life. Nor could it have been of great Moment for Per- fons, moft of them poffeffed only of fuch an Income, as, when managed by all the prudent Arts of Care and Frugality, is barely fufficient to furnifh a decent Subfiftence, to fet on Foot Subfcriptions of Money, and offer to the Pub- lick what they had not to give. Or, how- ever laudable for Example Sake fuch a Step might have been, though otherwife infigni-- ficant, yet Men of Experience and Candor muft be fenfible, that a Variety of Accidents and Circumftances might innocently occalion the Omiffion of what many would have been glad of, and have heartily joined in - y nay in- deed, might render the Omiffion prudent. But though Perfons of good Intention might differ in their Opinions about thefe extraordinary Meafures, yet All muft allow, that Vigilance to ( 63 ) to counteract the Attempts of difaffedted Per- fbns upon the unwary, Diligence and Affiduity to keep young Men true to the Interefts of their Country, to obviate popular Prejudices againft the Government, and, as far as Oppor- tunity mould offer, to incite others to be active in its Service in their feveral Ways, might with the utmoft Reafon be expected. Nor were there wanting reputed Tories, who very properly ex- erted themfelves on that important Occafion, in This as well as other Parts of the King- dom. They, who could be fupinely indolent, or affect an Indifference and Neutrality upon fo preffing an Emergence, cannot with reafon complain, if their Loyalty to the prefent Govern- ment be called in Queftion. Some indeed have not fcrupled to unmask themfelves thoroughly fince ; and a little prepofteroufly methinks. For there was Then a critical Juncture,when treafon- able Declarations, whether by Words or Actions, might have done good Service to their Caufe. But I am really at a Lofs which moft to ad- mire, the Cowardice, which muft have been at the Bottom of their former Silence, or the Folly, which hath of late occalioned their moft ridiculous Noifinefs and Petulance. Infa~ tuated Men ! who, becaufe their Infolence hath been fuffered to run riot in various Shapes with Impunity, can think This to be a Seafon for extending their Quarters ; or that they mail be able to dupe any confiderable Number, even of thofe who have paffed for Tories, Tories, into their pernicious Schemes ! For furely a more abfurd Solecifm in Politicks was never heard of, than for Men to value thtm- felves as Tories, when the principal Topicks of their Converfation are taken out of the very Dregs of Republicanifm ; to retain their Profeffions of Dutifulnefs to the Perfons of Kings and Reverence towards their Prerogative, and yet to pride themfelves in giving an ill Turn to whatever is done by their Authority ; to reproach Men as infamous for being dif- tinguifhed by Marks of his Majefly's Favour, or called by Him to the publick Service of their Country; and to treat with Scurrility the Characters of Perfons of higheft Rank, for obeying that, Call, unlefs they can be perfuad- ed, or menaced to diftrefs with one hand that very Adminiftration of Government, which they are conducting a Share of with the other. Whatever Inducements other Perfons may have to aft fo unjuftifiable a Part, the Interests of the Univerfity are intimately connected with thofe of the Crown ; and the Shadow of Difloyalty in fuch a Body is moft unnatural. The Academical Inftitution is founded on the Suppofition that Pofts of Honour and Employ- ments are Objects of a very laudable Ambition. 'Tis our Profeffion to fit the Youth committed to our Charge for feveral of the Offices which concur to fupport the publick Welfare 3 ~ to incite ( 65 ) incite them to become Candidates for them, by giving publick Proofs of their Abilities in fuch Particulars as fall within their proper Sphere and Condition of Life -, at the fame time to teach them the LelTon of Wifdom, in obferving a due Medium between Impatience under the Want of them, and that falfe Modefty which declines them when offered upon honourable Terms ; to inftil the Principles of Vir- tue ; that fo they may deteft the Thought of obtaining them, whether by Subferviency in Things manifestly wrong and bafe Condefcen- fions of Flattery on the one hand, or by Tur- bulence and Faction on the other ; and to infpirc them with this part of true Courage^ amongft other Virtues, not to be difmay- ed by the ufual AiTaults of Calumny, and driven from Stations, which they are qualified to maintain, with Reputation to themfelves and Service to the Publick. And here I would beg of the. Difaffecled to review their Notions of this Matter a little more diftinctly. They are loud in their Out^ cries againft fuch as accept of Advantages un- der the prefent Government j as if That alone were abundant Evidence of a corrupt Heart. But are They really of a Spirit, felf-denying to fuch a Degree of Delicacy as this implies ? What greater Proofs of it do They give in private Life than other Men ? If the Government They wi(h for were eftablifhed, would They refufe all Places and Preferments, as fit only for mercenary I Wretches ? ( 66 ) Wretches ? or, Would They not think theAdmi- niftration of it very faulty, if They were over- look'd ? Let Them reflect then, what Sort of Behaviour it is to rail at Others, for merely accepting thofe Emoluments, which They feem but too much inclined to throw their Na- tive Land into Confufion, in order to gain for Themfelves. But to return, if it muft be deem'd expedient in Point of found Policy to ufe every Minifter of State like a Knave, in order to prevent his becoming one ; if it feem a proper Way of Improving his Dexterity in the Management of Bufinefs to create Difficulties and multiply Obstructions without Necemty j if, laftly, the Character of a Patriot can not be fully anfwer- cd without being fo exceliively jealous, fo nicely critical, as to fufpect and diflike every Thing that can be propofed by Perfons in Power for the Service of the Publick -, yet furely the Task muft be difagreeable to every ferious and good-natur'd Man : And We of This Place efpe- cially may well be content to leave it to Thofe whom it v/ill lefs misbecome. For Nothing can be more ridiculous than forUs,as a learned Body,, concerned in the Education of Youth, to be throwing Ourfelves conftantly into the Scale of Oppofition. So long as we continue to act agree- ably to our proper Character, we mail preierve full as much Importance and Significancy in the World, f 67 ) World, and meet with as much Regard as any good Man can think necefiary. But whenever we leave our proper Sphere, our Weight is infigniri- cant and lighter than Vanity; We become the Object of Laughter, and yet of redoubled Re- fentment to our Enemies, and of Concern to our real Friends; And what We call Steadi- nefs and Zeal upon that Plan may in the End be likely to overturn, not the Government, but Ourfelves. If We expect that They to whofe immediate Patronage we commit the Management of our Academical Interefts, mould in Questions not at all connected with or peculi- arly relating to the Uni verfity, conduct themfel ves by our local Prejudices, and be always ready to join with the Djfcontented, and diftrefs the Adminiftrators of the Government at all E- vents ; with how little Credit can They be fuppofed to makeReprefentations in our Favour, when our Circumftances really require them ! with how little Weight either exert Them- felves, or follicit Others ! Can We be guilty of greater Impropriety than to leave our proper Province, which is large enough to engrofs all our Cares, and ufurp another that belongs not to us, and which a little Reflexion would mew us we are poorly qualified for ? Ufurp it in direct Contradiction to a Principle ex- tremely ferviceable, and indeed neceflary to the Defign of the Academical Inflitution, namely, the keeping within the Bounds of that Subor- dination in which the Laws have placed us, I 2 Jludying ( 68 ) fludjing to be quiet , and to do our own Bufi- nejs. True it is, and ought to be allowed as fome Excufe, that bad Examples have been fet us by Men of Rank and Fortune and popular Abilities, taking upon them to difpute the Juftice of that Title to Refpedt, which is conferred on Perfons in particular Ports by the Laws and prudent Cufloms of the Realm; and fometimes giving themfelves the Air of ridiculing thofe Forms, which have been ufefully devifed for the Diftinc- tion of the Members of Society into their feveral Ranks and Stations. No wonder, if from this unhappy Source Impatience for Change hath both diffufed itfelf and grown violent: No wonder, if injudicious, and ef- pecially young People, here as well as in other Places, have been led to confider Info- Jence as the beft Argument of their being Free, to refent feveral legal Eftablimments as an Infult upon their Liberty, and efteem it meritorious to contrive how they may e- lude their Force with Impunity. But no wonder alfo, if the Promoters of this Spirit come at length themfelves to feel within their own Neighbourhoods, and even in their Fa- milies, the ill Effects of that Confufion, which They to ferve fome particular Turn have en- deavoured to raife in the Conftitution of their Country, Every 69 Every Man knows how much the Comfort- ablenefs of private Life depends upon the Candor, due Submiffion, and Modefty of thofe about him. National Regularity and good Order would probably be the Refult of the fame Temper with Regard to Political Tranfactions. And this Clafs of Difpofitions is the natural Fruit of a truly liberal Education : The whole Plan of our Englifi Universities is directly adapted to produce them in the Minds of young Perfons j and hereby they have been ufually diftinguimed from the Licentioufnefs of other Inftitutions. In particular, Nothing can be more wife and falutary than that Pro- vifion which is made in our Univerfities to fecure in young Perfons a due Reverence towards their Superiors. You know well e- nough in what View we are apt to confider any contemptuous Infult upon the Authority of our local Statutes, or the Perfons of our Aca- demical Magistrates, But let the Concern about this Matter be extended ever fo far,if we flop here, it is doing but little towards the main Point, and will come very mort of the good Purpofes in- tended to be ferved by it. For We are neither the only, nof by any Means the principal Per- fons to whom Refpedt is due. Thefe Forms have indeed their Ufe, as a kind of Outwork, to fe- cure an orderly Behaviour within the Precincts of the Place : But they are principally intended to give young Perfons the Habit of refpef ng their Superiors ever after. What ^ r ( 7 o) dity then is it to infift upon Punctilios to- wards the Governors of the Univerfity, and overlook Difrefpect to the Governors of the Nation ? And efpecially with Regard to the Su- preme Head of our Conftitution in Church and State, nothing feems more reafonable than that fuch Members of the Univerfity, as are more immediately intrufted for the Pub- lick with the Education of Youth, mould give the Publick Satisfaction concerning their Faithfulnefs in This Part of the Execution of their Truft ; They owe it to the Government to declare themfelves fully in Relation to it, and are bound to give its Friends the Satis- faction, and its Enemies the Dlfcouragement of manifesting undeniably on which Side they are. The Oaths taken, and the daily Prayers ufed by us ought indeed to be accepted, when nothing appears to the contrary, as Evidences iufficient. But if unhappily, whether by the Fault of Perfons In or Out of the Univerfity, thefe appear to Any a doubtful Evidence, Why mould not all poffible Care be taken, which properly can, to mew that our Hearts and our whole Behaviour go along with thefe folemn Aflu- rances ? Why mould we not quit a Referved- nefs, that hath been fo dreadfully mifmterpret- cd to our Difadvantage ? No irregular and riotous riotous Zeal is here recommended ; No Sort of Servility, or Affectation of changing one Party-name for another more acceptable. Ra- ther ought we to wifh that Party-denomina- tions of all Sorts were entirely difcarded. For they are probably the Contrivance, certainly the Inftruments of knavifli Men to enflame the Paffions, and thereby gain the Command of the unthinking Part of their Fellow Sub- jects ; and therefore are very unfuitable to Thofe, whofe Profeffion it is to fet forth an Example of Integrity, Difcernment and Cha- nty. But the Point, which I maintain, is this j that our prefent Situation loudly calls upon Us to act, jointly and feparately, with Vigour in difcouraging every Thing that is undutiful to the Perfon, or difrefpectful towards the Government of his Majeiry ; that We openly difavow and cen- fure on all proper Occafions what may elfe be efteemed the general and almoft unanimous Doctrines of the Place. And this Difcourage- ment mould be extended to every kind of Undutifulnefs j whether exprefied openly or covertly implied j without Doors or within : For indeed the fecret Efforts of Difloyalty are the more dangerous, and make. deeper Impreffions on the Minds of young People. Befides, open Infults may be left to the Cognizance of the Laws j which ought to be fo executed, as to have their due Efficacy : Nor can it misbecome any Man to co-operate with them for that End. But Seditious Difcourfe falls more immediately under Our Pro- ( 72 ) Province, to be oppofed by Argument, if there be need ; or check'd by Difapprobation ; or li- lenced by Authority. And this mould be done, not as an artful Precaution to keep Difaffedtion concealed, but fo as to appear an evident Proof of our own good Affection and Loyalty. Private as Our Station is, We have it in our Power 5 and therefore it is Our Duty to do thefe Things : Nor need We, on any proper Occa- fion, and furely fuch a one offers itfelf Now, to be afhamed publickly to acknowledge our having a ftrong Senfe of this Obligation. At leail this is my deliberate Opinion. And if any one afk, what Authority I have to give it thus freely and publickly ; I beg leave to an- fwer, that befides the common Privilege of an EngHfiman, and my general Interefh in the Good of my Country ; (Inducements, which Some have pleaded to juflify much more quef- tionable Freedoms, than any I have adventured to take) no one hath a heartier Concern for the Welfare of this Univerfity : And very few have refided in it fo conftantly, and born the Office of a Tutor there fo long, as Tour Affettionate, Oxford, Humble Servant, oa. 24, 174?, E. BENTHAM. I N I S. AGE 14, 1. 15, for, If, rea^ If we. Page 68, 1. 3, for, and ought, read, and there- fore it ought. Page 69, 1. 30, for, principally, read, chiefly. Page 70, I. the laft, for, and, read, or. Page 72, 1. 10, include from the Word and to Now in a Paren thefts ; and 1. 24, for, there, read, here. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 1 4 1961 , D!SCHAR(lE-U JAN 30 MAR 2 L1980 1980 INTERLIBRARY LOANS 1 MAR 2 DUE TWO WEEKS FROM 1880 1980 DATE OE RECE1FC Form L9-100m-9,'52(A3105)444 THE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES !DA _ Bentham - "813 A letter to a 1 young gentleman - of Oxford 3 1158 00557 9965 DA 813 171*9 A 000 181 885 5