m I- 33 THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANiSATION OF THE PEOPLE )^^ ETHICAL SERIES. THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION OF THE PEOPLE BY WILLIAM, SANDERS LONDON SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO., Lim. PATERNOSTER SQUARE 1902 PRINTED BV Cowan & Co., Ltd. PERTH Jfv PREFACE SZ^^\^ ^The most notable features in English politics ^during i/athe last few years have been the rapid growth of the ^movement for the formation of a third party from g among the working - classes which are already •^organised for trade union and other purposes; and, concurrently, the rapid decay of the influence of the Liberal party. The chief object of the following pages is to indicate some of the difficulties and problems which will have to be overcome before the .' advocates of the movement for the establishment of "- a third political group can attain their end. th The point of view adopted is that of a coUectivist Lu and democrat whose enthusiasm has been tempered by an intimate and practical experience of the work of political organisation among the working-classes. The subject matter is drawn mainly from a course of lectures delivered under the auspices of the Union of Ethical Societies during the autumn of 1901. g WILLIAM SANDERS. Battersea, May, 1903. 3S6714. CONTENTS CHAP. I'AGE I. INTRODUCTION : THE POLITICAL SITUA- TION 9 II. CHARTISM 29 IIL MODERN WORKING-CLASS POLITICAL MOVE- MENTS 48 IV. THE BASIS FOR A DEMOCRATIC PRO- GRAMME 69 V. TRADE UNIONS AND POLITICAL ACTION - 87 VL CO-OPERATION AND POLITICS - - - 108 VII. DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP - - - 119 The Political Re-organisation of the People CHAPTER I INTEODUCTION : THE POLITICAL SITUATION During the last twenty years several attempts have been made to form a third political party from among the masses of England. This task has been generally held to be an impossible one, and the experience of those who have made efforts in this direction during the period mentioned seems to prove the correctness of this view. The tradition that two parties, and two parties only, have always existed, and therefore, according to a common habit of reasoning, must always exist, has been a powerful means of stifling all tendencies towards a development of political activity independent of either the Liberal or Conservative parties. Thus we find that Radical agitators and reformers of the latter portion of the last century made no strong eflbrfc to form a separate 9 lO THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION organisation but contented themselves with the position of being the left wing of Liberalism, and trusted to permeation from within to secure the adoption by the party of the reforms they advocated. This policy, as far as the past is concerned, can, to a great extent, be justified. The opportunism of English politicians has been successfully exploited in the interests of democratic progress and reform. Whenever public opinion has been aroused thoroughly upon any question of importance, party leaders have been found ready to make it a party matter and to provide a solution. This method of securing the confidence of the people, and thereby obtaining or retaining power, has been common to Liberal and Conservative statesmen alike in practically all spheres of reform, whether purely political or entirely social. The endeavour that is sometimes made to give to the Liberal party the sole credit of obtaining political rights for the people, and to their opponents that of securing the most valuable pieces of social reform, is not in strict accord with the history of legislation. The first great franchise Reform — that of 1832 — having been carried by the Whigs, and its results proving by no means disastrous to the power of either the rich or privileged classes, both parties have considered it safe to be amenable to popular pressure, and have been readily convinced of the reasonableness of the demands on the part of the masses for further instalments of political and social rights. This has been so characteristic of OF THE PEOPLE II the attitude of both parties with regard to nearly all important matters that have been before the country during the last decade, that the distinctions between Liberalism and Conservatism are now difficult to define. The boundaries between the two are blurred and confused. The Liberals placed local government in the areas without the cities and larger towns upon a clear and uniform basis ; their antagonists did the same for the metropolis by sweeping away a complex and corrupt tangle of municipal administration, and substituting the London County Council and the recently created Metropolitan Borough Councils. The workers have secured from both parties employers' liability acts and factory legislation; and if they have to thank the Liberals for a national system of elementary education, the Conservatives can claim their gratitude for freeing them from the irksome method of direct contribution towards its cost. Until 1880 there was an intermittent contest between the two parties as to which should be foremost in widening the franchise, and we find in 1900 that a Conservative Government was so convinced of the value of a democratic electorate in municipal politics that it instituted the broadest existing fran- chise in England for both the London County Council and the London Borough Councils. These examples of competition in reform, which could be added to considerably, afford some explanation and justification for the absence of a third independent, democratic, or radical section of much influence in English politics. 12 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION There has been, however, one striking difference be- tween Liberalism and Conservatism in the past which must be noted. When an active group of advanced politicians have agitated for a reform, and through their agitation interested a certain amount of educated public opinion in its favour, they have generally found help among the Liberal leaders in further propaganda. In a word, the Liberal party has retained for so long its position as the popular or democratic party owing to the fact that it attempted to be, and sometimes was, an educational party, occasionally \m advance of public opinion, and relying for success at the polls chiefly upon its capacity to convince the people of the necessity of reform. Its last great leader, or better, its last leader, for since his death there has been none, was not only a statesman but an agitator in the highest sense of the word. The Conservatives, on the other hand, have, as a rule, waited passively until opinion ripened through the exertions of their opponents ; and when in power have passed the measures the country has most urgently demanded, even when this policy was in direct contradiction to their declared principles. The capacity on the part of the Liberal party to create an effective demand for democratic progress has been largely dependent upon the personality of its leaders, and their ability to discover and voice those measures of which the people had already, if only vaguely, felt the necessity. This capacity is now no longer confined to it. The Conservatives OF THE PEOPLE 1 3 can no longer be held to deserve the taunt of being the stupid party. They have been leavened to no small extent by the Liberal Unionists, whose leader, no matter how shallow a statesman he may be, has a trained faculty for discerning the drift of popu- lar ideas, and adapting his course of action to it. On the other hand, the Liberals have lost in great measure their talent for reading the signs of the times. They have staked their fates at the polls upon questions in which the people were but little interested, or owing to the absence of well-organised propaganda, took a diametrically opposite view. This was glaringly evident at the election of 1895, when Liberalism suffered the defeat which has left it hopeless and disorganised. The derelict condition of the party cannot be considered as a temporary phenomenon which will disappear as circumstances readjust themselves. The decay which set in after the retirement of Mr. Gladstone from office has been spreading year by year, and there are no signs that it will be arrested. There is, indeed, vitality in certain of its sections, but this vitality is helping on the work of de- struction. The questions above all others upon which the country desired a united democratic pronouncement — the war in South Africa and the Imperial problems which have come to the front through that struggle — have been a further source of division and distrust. The Imperialist and anti- Imperialist groups bid fair to fight each other to the 14 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION death in order to make a reactionary holiday. Appeals to sink differences, and variations played upon old party phrases such as the urgency of Peace, Re- trenchment and Reform, fail to bring unity or obedience to discipline. The party remains an aggregation of contending atoms unable to effectively oppose in Parliament, or to win the confidence of the people outside. The waning influence of Liberalism upon the masses is to be traced in the main to a growing belief that its leading representatives are not sincere in their expressed desire for reform. The feeling is abroad that they are desirous of marking time not only in social but also in political legislation. For instance, thinking men among the working classes are constantly reminded that their choice of parlia- mentary representatives is limited owing to the heavy expenses of elections, which must be defrayed by the candidate, and by the absence of payment of members. These two obstacles to the selection of candidates unendowed with long purses renders the House of Commons a preserve for the rich which can be entered by a poor man only under the most exceptional circumstances. He must either be a man of striking individuality or the paid ofiicial of a trade-union chosen not so much on account of his all-round capacity as a politician, but as a repre- sentative of, and combatant for, special sectional working-class interests. The Liberal party has made professions in favour of removing these two dis- OF THE PEOPLE 1 5 abilities, but no effort has followed these professions, even after the House of Commons had declared itself to be converted to the proposal to pay members a reasonable sum for their services. Reform of the present complicated and absurd system of franchise has been promised, but with the exception of the abortive bill that was laid before the House in the last year of office of the party, nothing tangible has resulted. The House of Lords, in spite of threats of mending or ending, remains with all its undemocratic obstructive power, a permanent check to all proposals for reform which are not backed up by earnest, strenuous insistence by those who advocate them. A long-standing item in the programme of some prominent Liberals is that this state of things should be remedied. Nothing definite, however, either in word or act has followed. In the field of social legislation a record of a very similar nature is to be read. The trail of Manchester laissez-faire is still over official Liberalism in spite of the attempts at socialistic permeation which have been carried on during the past fifteen years. " We are all socialists now," said Sir William Harcourt fifteen years ago, when it seemed as if the Radical element, enthused by the new spirit of that time, had gained a guiding influence in the party counsels. But this declaration has remained practically an empty phrase. The London County Council has been in existence twelve years. During that time it has worked a ijreat change in the minds of the l6 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION people of London with regard to their rights and duties as citizens, and has brought into prominence the marvellous development of municipal activity not only in the metropolis but all over the kingdom. It has created a school of municipal statesmen who have made clear the vast opportunities that exist in local self-government for benefiting the community. The left wing of Liberalism has shown sympathy with this activity, and advocated the granting of wider powers for the purpose of grappling with civic problems that remain unsolved. But the leaders on the front bench have taken up a Laodicean attitude on these matters. In power they remained cold and indifferent ; in opposition they have made spasmodic unsustained efforts to display a cordial interest. London, bound hand and foot by monopolies which exploit her unmercifully in all directions, is still waiting for the official Liberal municipal programme. So far are we, however, from receiving such a document that would encourage the collective spirit, which is the most promising sign of modern progress, that we find front bench Liberals supporting the appointment of a Parliamentary Committee to inquire into the scope and methods of municipal trading and enterprise, obviously incited to this action through the fear that county, town, and dis- trict councils, through the natural growth of their functions, are trespassing upon the domain hitherto sacred to capitalism. The object of the originators of the Committee, which was to obtain, if possible, OF THE PEOPLE IJ sufficient evidence to warrant legislative interference with communal development, did not succeed. On the contrary, a complete armory of facts has been collected which will be of the greatest use to the advocate of municipal socialism. But this does not hide the fact that the Liberal party is divided on this question, as on the others already mentioned. It has been contended that the sorry condition of Liberalism is due to causes over which its leaders have no control ; that the policy of waiting and hoping, instead of acting, has been forced upon them by the attitude of the people who refuse to show any enthusiasm for reforms of any kind. But it has already been pointed out that the duty of a party claiming to be founded upon a democratic theory of politics must educate and lead the people. The masses know that they suffer ; they have a notion that something wants doing and that rapidly. But they are incapable alone of finding out what are the actual causes of the wrongs they bear, or how they are to be removed. This should be the work, as far as politics is concerned, of the party which associates itself with ideas of democratic reform. Such a party must educate, agitate, and organise if it really desires to carry a reform programme into effect. It must stir up a spirit of enthusiasm and confidence among its followers by laying down clearly and unmistakably the line it intends to follow. It must create issues^ and not wait until some chance cry, which attracts attention for a time, appears to give a clue to the 1 8 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION policy which, if advocated, will result in obtaining place and power. Since the culmination of the Home Rule agitation, no attempt has been made on a grand scale by the Liberal party, as such, to arouse the people on any of the many public questions which demand attention. Whatever has been done in this direction has been the work of either a few so-called extreme Radicals or the leaders of the modern labour and socialist movement. It has been left to such men as these to advocate seriously even minor political reforms which are usually considered to be the peculiar stock-in-trade of orthodox Liberalism. Be- sides the political changes which have been demanded on and off for the last fifty years, and still remain to be accomplished, a quite new series of problems has arisen to which the Liberal party has no solution to offer. These problems are of a social character, and require careful attention in order to master them. To mention one only — the treatment of the aged poor. The pre- sent Government has been accused, perhaps rightly, of securing support by a half promise to provide State Old Age pensions, and of then quietly dropping the matter when its electoral purpose had been served. This piece of bad faith has been held up before the electors again and again by the Opposition as a mon- strous instance of cruel political trickery at the expense of a class that requires immediate relief ; but we have yet to receive from a responsible Liberal statesman a suggestion of a satisfactory scheme, or even a favourable recognition of those put forward by men OF THE PEOPLE I9 like Mr. Charles Booth, who have devoted themselves to a thorough study of the problem, and who possess expert knowledge. The same timidity or want of sympathy has been shown towards other urgent reforms where energetic and courageous action is wanted. The educational machinery of the country has been in need of renovation and readjustment for many years. The necessity of taking steps to estab- lish a system, both democratic and organic, has been repeatedly urged from many quarters. But it was not until it appeared likely that the present muddle was to be made worse that we find any attempt being made by the Liberals to rouse the country upon the question. And even the fight made in 1901 in the House of Commons to maintain the present powers and constitution of School Boards, which, whatever may be the demerits of these bodies, was a struggle for democratic control, the motive power came from with- out, and party leaders had to be almost coerced into action by the people, who, according to the former, cannot be stirred upon any issue. In the sphere of Imperial politics. Liberalism, through its indefiniteness and neglect, has enabled reaction to associate with the idea of Empire a policy of conquest and domination. Probably there is no being in existence who embodies the ideas of Little Englandism which the Conservative politician holds to be the opinions of the majoritj?- of the Liberal party. But at the same time, it cannot be denied that the want of a proper appreciation of the responsibilities 20 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION and possibilities of the British Empire, shown by the Liberals, has given their opponents the opportunity of securing the advantage of seeming to be the genuine patriotic party. Too late a section has awakened to the necessity of endeavouring to lay down some sort of Imperial policy, but its weak platitudes, which are nothing more than feeble echoes of Jingoistic utterances, have all the faults of imitation without the virtue of sincerity possessed by the originals. This faint-heaitedness and despair, which displays itself in a Micawber-like attitude of waiting for something to turn up, or a hopeless wringing of hands over the apathy of the masses ; this absence of educational propaganda of a definite programme ; this want of unity and discipline, all point to the fact that Liberalism as a creed and as a basis for an effective party is rapidly dying. It contains no message for the present or the future. Its repre- sentatives appeal to the people for support on account of its past record, but they offer no evidence that they would be able to put that support to good use. The lack of constructive statesmanship shown by the Liberal leaders was undoubtedly one of the main reasons that induced the electorate in 1900 to return the Conservatives once more to power with almost the same majority they previously possessed. It was not so much the liking for Conservatism as the distrust of the capacity of the Liberals to do anything, even to form a government, which brought OF THE PEOPLE 21 about that result. The lower middle class and the workers left without guidance, or puzzled and misled by the indefinite and contradictory positions taken up by the Liberals on the main issues of the hour, deserted largely to the other side, with the result that the industrial centres, where the masses are strongest in numbers, seem now to be the greatest strongholds of reaction. The fundamental cause of the remarkable situation in which Liberalism finds itself is that it has achieved its work and exhausted its mandate. It has wrested the power of government from the hands of the landed aristocracy and transferred it to the aristo- cracy of capital, who, satisfied with the position they have secured, are desirous of no further change. Hence we find that the wealthy classes as a whole have gone over to the opposite camp, and have placed their riches and influence at its service. This was made evident a short time since, by the declara- tion of Mr. Herbert Gladstone that for every pound available for Liberal propaganda and organisation, probably a hundreii was at the disposal of the Conservative party for similar purposes. The men of wealth and influence still left to Liberalism have no wish to give it new life by grafting on to the old a new democratic programme that would rally the masses round them. In party politics those who pay the piper usually call the tune, and we have the right to assume that the feeble character of the latest party programme agreed upon at Bradford in 22 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION 1900, as compared with the more vigorous document drawn up at Newcastle some years ago, is due to the attitude of the holders of the purse-strings. They hope to again attract the middle class by a display of moderation which will allay their fears that the party has been captured by the extreme socialistic Radicals. Should such an improbable contingency arise, we should possibly see another movement across the floor of the House of Commons like the one which took place after the introduction of the first Home Rule proposals. The formation of the Imperialist section gives some ground for the belief that a second exodus is not unlikely should the terms offered by the other side prove sufficiently inviting. In fact, there are several leading Liberals who, on other questions besides that of the war, find themselves more in harmony with their conventional opponents than with their present friends. Thus, when we make a general survey of the whole political field from a democratic standpoint, the prospect seems cheerless and disheartening. We are not merely standing still, we are fast moving backwards. Ten years ago there was a lively hope abroad that we had entered a new era of reform. Everywhere there was a spirit of confidence in a rapid advance towards a new order. The workers, aroused to a strong sense of the need for organisation, hastened to build up what has been called the New Unionism — a movement which has done much to give a new status to the so-called OF THE PEOPLE 23 unskilled labourer, hitherto the despair of his fellow- workers. A revival of interest in the duties of citizen- ship was displayed by reformers who, imbued with an enthusiasm for the welfare of the cities in which they lived, devoted themselves to the work of uplifting and brightening the lives of the people by collective effort. Labour appeared to have secured a position, through its organisations, strong enough to enable it to meet capital on a more equal footing. The possibility of forming a powerful and definite Labour party which should in political action supplement the work done for the masses by the trade unions and the co-operative movements was considered to be hopeful. But since that time there has been an almost overwhelming wave of reaction. Temporary prosperity gradually sapped the zeal for progress which had been awakened among the working classes. Their leaders, who had believed that educational agitation could be safely dropped in order that practical work might be undertaken, found that they had been mistaken in the estimate of the influence they had obtained over their followers, and of the capacity of the masses to remain constant to new ideas. A firm, sound method of political organisation was lacking, and only here and there throughout the country have the working classes remained steadfast to the new ideals of democratic progress. One of the most striking results of this reaction has been the loss of practically all the power to use effectively the force of trade combination which has 24 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION been one of the chief means whereby the workers have improved their social position. It is more than a coincidence that now capital as a political and economic force is organising itself with a thoroughness that is impossible for the masses to emulate, a series of legal decisions totally at variance with past judgments has rendered trade unionism almost impotent. The House of Lords has decided that, under certain circumstances, strikes and the methods usually adopted by work- men engaged in them are illegal ; and further, that the unions which up till now have been held to be without the legal standing of a corporation can be declared financially responsible for such illegalities. Mr. Frederic Harrison, whose knowledge of the subject is unrivalled, and to whom the workers of this country owe much on account of his efforts to secure for them the right of combination, has emphatically expressed the view that the workers are now completely at the mercy of the employers ; that all means to active resistance against attempts to reduce wages or other- wise to take away the improvements that have been secured by much self-sacrifice and self-discipline have vanished. There are differences of opinion as to the exact value of trade unions from a universal stand- point. There are many modern political economists, however, who will not only allow that the existence of trade unions has benefited the working classes, but will also acknowledge that they have rendered valuable service to the community by helping towards the solution of grave social problems. They have aided OF THE PEOPLE 25 in the work of bringing into industrial anarchy some semblance of order, and have latterly shown signs of making peace in industry more permanent. There- fore their reduction to helplessness is a matter of grave national concern. What steps should be taken to give them a new strength will be discussed later. It is clear that their old status cannot be revived. The only way that some measure of their former effectiveness can be secured to them is through political action, and such action, if it is to be of real service, must be undertaken on independent lines. The Liberal party has no solution to offer. Its ranks contain no man of prominence who will take up the problem and force the party to undertake to solve it. It is this absence of strong personalities in the Liberal party — a matter constantly lamented by its press — that makes it all the more possible and im- perative that a new party should be formed which shall stand for a democratic ideal. To try to carry on the policy of permeation any longer is useless. The outcome would be to permeate the party into further sections, each anxious to secure the recognition of its little piece of proposed reform, and with no man powerful enough to enforce unity on any of them. The result of the permeation policy can be seen clearly enough in connection with the re- cent disputes over the settlement of the official platform with regard to the war in South Africa. Add to the present difficulties by agitating within the party for 26 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION further powers to be given to municipalities to own and control monopolies in the interest of the com- munity, and the enemies of collective enterprise will be found actively opposing such proposals, and pro- phesying the break-up of Liberalism altogether if it is committed to collectivism, however mild the type may be. Franchise reforms are not likely to meet with any sympathy, for the country displays no interest in them ; social reforms will receive scant attention, because they will mean heavy expenditure, and we are aware that the war will leave us with a depleted exchequer, a heavy debt and largly increased per- manent charges, that will render it impossible for the ordinary politician to suggest a means of defraying the cost, say, of Old Age pensions. Indeed, to endeavour to get the party to take up definitely any of the points of a programme which would represent the need of the time, and to carry out a campaign of education and agitation for the purpose of creating a popular movement behind them, would be wasting valuable energy that should be devoted to making the masses conscious of those needs, and organising them in such a manner that they could rely upon their own strength to secure the required reforms. The argument which has been often used, and with success, against such an enterprise, that it will tend to give reaction a still firmer hold upon the reins of power by weakening an existing check upon it with- out securing a counterbalancing advantage in return, is without weight at this juncture of our history. We OF THE PEOPLE 27 have seen that the Liberals are utterly powerless as an opposition ; their feebleness and futility have disgusted the people to such an extent that their return to power within a measurable period is, even under ordinary circumstances, exceedingly doubtful. The suggestion emanating from the Imperialist section that the party should not take office unless it obtains a majority in the House of Commons, apart from the Irish members, may be regarded as a kind of self- denying ordinance put forward for the purpose of showing a lively anticipation of the barren prospect of electoral success that lies in front. If it were possible, therefore, to create sufficient support by the next election to enable the return of several inde- pendent candidates to be secured even at the expense of the Liberals, no harm would be done, for they would oppose reaction with probably greater effect than the men they would displace. But the work of a new party would be for a considerable period of an organising and educational rather than of a strictly electoral character. The failure of past efforts in politically organising the masses warn us of the danger of neglecting to build up a body of convinced and organised opinion before steps are taken to gain a place in legislative or administrative bodies. That side of the work must be considered, but to concentrate all efforts into the capture of a few seats in Parliament after a short term of active propaganda would be fatal to per- manent growth. The programme and basis having 28 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION been agreed upon, well equipped propagandists must devote themselves, in season and out of season, to spreading them abroad. The task of the organiser will be to gather together the adherents made through this missionary woik so as to prevent the energy thus expended from being wasted. To consider how this work may be accomplished is the object of the following pages. Before dealing with the future, however, it will be of value to recall the history of similar movements in the past century, commencing with the Chartist ascitation. OF THE PEOPLE 29 CHAPTER II CHARTISM The rise and fall of the Chartist Movement, which was the first definitely organised attempt in the last century to form a workinjo^-class party in politics, has yet to be described in such a manner as the subject deserves. It is full of lessons of the difficulties that lie in the way of those who endeavour to bring the masses into line on political principles ; it is also full of warnings of what to avoid and to reject in the basis and method of any new effort which may be undertaken for tlie same purpose. The passing of the Reform Bill marked the first victory of the middle class over the aristocracy. The outcome of many causes, it gave the working classes some idea of the influence that could be exerted by organisation and perseverance. The measure had been carried through as the result of a long period of active agitation in which nearly all sections of society had taken part. The workers gave their time, and sometimes, as at Peterloo, their lives ; the rich and educated their money and brains. The expectations as to what was to follow the success of the Reformers 30 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION were widely different. The enemies of the Bill expected that the new electorate would use its power for the purpose of carrying through revolutionary and confiscatory legislation ; its friends awaited a regime of prosperity and social peace. Both these views proved to be illusory. No violent changes were in- troduced ; no attacks upon property were made by the parliament elected on the new franchise ; on the other hand, the masses found that their position showed no signs of improvement. It soon became plain that the power of government had not been transferred to the people; it had passed out of the hands of the landed aristocracy into those of the capitalist class. According to Francis Place, the bulk of the working- class supporters of Reform were actuated chiefly by the hope that it would prepare the way for an era of socialistic legislation which would lead ultimately to a redistribution of property. Probably;- only the leaders were really conscious of this motive, but without doubt the basis of the popular enthusiasm for Reform was the desire for economic and social improvement. Thus we find that in 1831 the National Union of the working classes was founded, having for its object the realisation, through political enfranchisement, of the ideas of Robert Owen. This society declared its dis- satisfaction with the proposals of the Whigs, but at the same time its advocacy of more democratic doctrines helped to swell the general demand for democratic change. It kept before the people the necessity of a much wider programme, and as a basis circulated OF THE PEOPLE 3 1 the following manifesto, which contains the chief points of what afterwards became known as the Charter. The socialist note was struck in the state- ment that " Labour is the source of all wealth." It then stated — " (1) That all property honestly acquired is to be sacred and inviolable. (2) All men are born equally free, and have certain inherent and inalienable rights. (3) All governments ought to be founded on those rights, and all laws instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of all the people, and not for the particular emolument or advantage of any single man, family, or set of men. (4) All hereditary distinctions of birth are unnatural, and are opposed to the rights of man, and therefore ought to be abolished. (5) Every man of the age of twenty-one years has a right, either by himself or by his representative, to a free voice in determining the necessity of public contri- butions, their appropriation, amount, mode of assess- ment, and duration. (6) In order to secure the un- biassed choice of proper persons for representatives, the mode of voting should be by ballot ; intellectual fitness and moral truth, and not property, should be the qualification for representation ; and the duration of parliaments should be for one year." The Reform Bill fell a long way short of fulfilling the demands thus set forth. The admission to the franchise of half a million out of over five millions of adult males was a very feeble step towards democracy, as compared with the thoroughgoing 32 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION programme of the National Union set out in the language dear to the philosophers of the French Revolution of 1789. But the masses still hoped to receive some instalments of social reform. They awaited at least the protection by legal recognition of co-operative societies, and a sympathetic attitude towards trade unionism. But all the valuable help given by the workers to the Whigs seemed to be forgotten as soon as the latter had obtained their object. They were distrustful of both co-operation and of trade unionism, and professed to see beneath them the smouldering embers of revolutionary tendencies. They refused help to the one, and displayed a decided hostility to the other. The objection to trade com- bination was to some extent justified by the violence that had been associated with its propaganda. In 1829, rick-burning, machinery smashing, and the like had taken place under the leadership of the imaginary Captain Swing, and had filled the authorities with alarm. In 1834, after these disorderly tactics had been to a great extent discarded, their revival seemed to be threatening, owing to the formation of a union among the agricultural labourers, and county justices in a state of terror illegally sentenced several leaders of the movement to transportation, and the victims of panic were only saved from this fate by the vigorously demonstrated indignation of the workers. Such instances of class injustice added to the bitter- ness felt by the masses against the Government which they had helped to place in power. OF THE PEOPLE 33 But the chief causes of the oratherinsf discontent were the severity of the New Poor Law and the exorbitant tax upon newspapers. The old system of the relief of the poor had brought about many social evils. Encouragement was given to thrift) essness, self-indulgence, and imprudence. Demoralisation was eating into the very fibre of the nation ; in the agri- cultural districts of the South and South Midlands the working classes were rapidly becoming a race of paupers. Wages were reduced by the former administrators of the law and made up out of the rates ; relief was given in the most indiscriminate and unscientific fashion ; whole parishes were on the verge of bankruptcy. The scandal and danger of the system were condemned by political economists and social reformers alike, and the time was ripe for action when in 1833 a Commission was appointed to inquire into the whole matter. The outcome of its inquiries was the Poor Law Act of 1834, an act which was a definite expression of the laissez-faire^ individualistic spirit which dominated the majority of statesmen of that epoch. The sudden change from the comparative liberality of the old system to the inflexible harshness of the new roused the animosity of the people against the originators of the new Bastilles, the pauper garb and the starvation fare. The North, where the old abuses had not taken root, protested most vehemently against the stern innovation. Owing to a succession of good harvests from 1834-36, the resentment did not immediately 34 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION take practical shape. But from 1837 scarcity and the high price of bread brought home to the working classes the rigours of the new law, and roused them thoroughly. The obstacles to knowledge, caused through the stamp and paper duties, influenced the mind of the more intelligent among the workers in the direction of further political action. William Lovett, Henry Hetheringfcon, and Henry Vincent had taken part in the movement to secure a free press, feeling that until this was obtained but little progress could be made with the education, political and otherwise, of the people. They had defied and evaded the law on many occasions, and Hetherington, in 1834, scored a triumph by defeating the prosecution in the legal proceedings taken against him for publishing the unstamped Poor Man's Guardian. In 1836 the duty was reduced to one penny, but greater restrictions were placed upon the issue of unstamped publications. This was looked upon as another piece of truckling to the fears of the propertied classes on the part of the Whigs, and was a further cause of the hatred with which they were regarded by the men of advanced views. The commercial crisis of 1837 brought the deep- seated discontent to the surface. The misery of the time was so profound that it seemed only too probable that it would culminate in a revolution. The successor to the National Working Class Union, the London Working Men's Association, summosed a public meet- ing in February of that year, when the Charter, OF THE PEOPLE 35 drawn up by Francis Place, assisted by William Lovett, was adopted. This document is, in the main, a revival of the programme of reform born out of due season in 1780. It consisted of the six points : universal suffrage ; abolition of the property quali- fication for members of parliament ; annual parlia- ments ; equal representation ; payment of members of parliament, and vote by ballot. Before taking this step towards the building up of a new political party, the avowed aims of the London Association of Working Men had been primarily to create a moral, reflecting, energetic, public opinion, so as eventually to lead to a gradual improvement in the condition of the working classes, without violence or commotion ; to unite the honest, sober, moral, and thinking section of their brethren ; to form libraries and debating societies ; to gain a cheap and honest press ; to avoid meeting in public-houses ; to instruct women and children with a view to domestic happiness. The Association carried these ideals into its new political work, and thereby secured for its members the name of " Moral-force Chartists." Propaganda for the Charter was made throughout the country by Vincent and John Cleave. Progress was rapid ; at one time there were over 150 Working Men's Associations in existence. The Chartist agitators found help in Feargus O'Connor, who, through his ability and energy as a mob-orator and organiser, had created a number of political unions in the North of England, the members of which were quite ready to 36 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION adopt the new democratic programme. His paper, the Northern Star, was also a means of spreading the movement, as the journalistic capacity displayed in its columns soon gave it a circulation exceeding that of any other democratic organ. In Birmingham the currency crank, Attwood, hoping to get his currency scheme adopted by the Chartists, had revived and brought into line the Birmingham Political Union, which had taken part in the v/ork of creating popular pressure on behalf of the Reform Bill, and had then be- come extinct. These additional forces, however, though satisfactory from the point of view of numbers, brought with them those elements of discord which were to render Chartism impotent as far as immediate results were concerned. The organisation and control of the people during times of great distress and intense excitement require abilities of the highest order, and a stern self-com- mand possessed only by very few. To face crowds of semi-starving men and women whose sufferings cry aloud for redress ; to dwell upon the necessity of an organised endeavour being made to bring about a better state of things ; to be conscious of the im- possibility of a speedy realisation of the hopes of those who are listening, and yet to keep them from being despondent ; to do ail this, and at the same time to withstand the temptation to indulge in indignant and exciting rhetoric giving covert sanction to useless violence, is a hard matter. It requires the arts and wisdom of the very highest type of the OF THE PEOPLE 37 demagogue. Feargus O'Connor was not capable of such self-mastery. He was a mob-orator, pure and simple, and the applause of the crowd was as the breath of his nostrils. Appeals to physical force, vague though they may bo, are always more popular with the masses in times of deep-seated discontent than reasonable argument and persuasion. Hence the moral-force section of Chartism, superior though it was in character, was destined to be swept off its feet by the eloquence of O'Connor, and borne along by a wave of impatient enthusiasm towards disaster and ultimate defeat. This became evident at the Convention held in London in 1839, which undertook the task of drawing up the petition embodying the points of the Charter which was to be presented to Parliament ; it also discussed what was to be the general policy of the movement. The Northern delegates, imbued with the shallow notions of revolution, inculcated by O'Connor and his followers, distrusted the more sober men of the metropolis, and scouted the peaceful ideas put forward by them. Debating, generally taking the form of quarrelling, occupied the time of the Conven- tion, which in May decided to remove to Birmingham. During Whitsuntide vast demonstrations took place at which violent language w^as freely used, thus giving the authorities an excuse to arrest and imprison Vincent. This action brought popular ex- citement to white heat. The Convention discussed proposals of retaliation, such as the advocacy of a run 086714 38 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION upon the banks (an imitation of a manoeuvre of the Reformers during the critical times of 1832), and a universal cessation from vrork during a " Sacred month." This latter proposition was defeated with great difficulty by the efforts of Lovett and O'Brien, who succeeded in carrying an amendment post- poning its acceptance until after the decision of Parliament with regard to the National Petition had been received. This document, the first of the various Chartist petitions, was presented to the House by Attwood in June 14, 1839. The peculiar views held by this member upon the question of the currency gave less seriousness to the occasion than it deserved. The House, however, decided to discuss the whole question on the 12th of July following. Between these two dates, however, much was to occur to damage Chartism in the eyes of Parliament. Owing to the unwise and tyrannical action of the police in Birmingham, riots, directly due to the arrest of several Chartist speakers, took place in that town. As a result, the Commons refused to open the question of the petition as arranged. This breach of faith was the signal for more rioting of a very extensive character in the Midland town. Stern measures were then adopted by the Government. In spite of the attempts made by the moral-force men in August to disassociate themselves and the movement from these proceedings, and to show their reliance upon reasonable methods by the rejection of the mad OF THE PEOPLE 39 project of the " Sacred month," the authorities made up their minds that the Chartist leaders were sedition- mongers and dano^erous characters. Lovett, Vincent, O'Brien, and O'Connor were punished with imprison- ment. These incidents brought about the dissolution of the Convention on September 6, 1839. This remarkable body, the first democratic gather- ing of its kind that had taken place in England for several centuries, is of peculiar interest. In spite of dissension and personal animosities, it displayed at times the promise of bringing forth sufficient ability to found a definite organisation of lasting strength and influence, but the strongest men were not the best men ; and the best men were not able to keep their hands upon the reins. The storm that had been raised by passionate propaganda, the excitement that had been created by the incessant agitation of the previous years, was greater and more powerful than they could control. They lacked the power to organise and guide the forces they had brought into play. If a great personality had been at hand who could have dominated the contending factions, adjusted the differences between the moral and physical-force sections, or have given the empty threats of revolutionary action uttered by O'Connor a substantiality which would have been feared, the Convention might have perhaps evolved a workable plan for forcing the six points upon the unwilling Parliament, and have laid the foundations of a democratic political party. But such person- 40 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION alities rarely appear in democratic movements at the psychological moment, and such was the case in this instance. The imprisonment of the leaders led to further outbreaks of disorder, especially in the West, resulting finally in a serious collision between the military and the populace at Newport in an attempt, on the part of an organised mob, to release Vincent from prison by force. This futile demonstration, which brought about the loss of twenty lives, was dealt with in a merciless manner, the organisers being sentenced to transportation for life. Then despair settled down not only upon the working classes but upon their middle class sympathisers. It seemed impossible to find a way out of the morass of misery into which the whole country was rapidly sinking. The pro- minent Chartists who were still at liberty showed the usual signs of failure. The various factions dis- puted fiercely about the causes of their non-success. Lovett, during his sojourn in prison, came to the wise opinion that the shortest road to reform was by the spread of education. His method of giving effect to this conclusion was, however, of the most unpractical nature. He put forward a scheme in which it was proposed that the Chartists should collect and devote funds to the building of great schools where the children would receive a thorough literary, technical, and sociological education. He estimated that a subscription of one penny weekly from all those who had signed the Charter would OF THE PEOPLE 4I yield a fund sufficient to establish 80 halls of learning, and 710 circulating libraries. Francis Place, who was the adviser in chief to all reformers of his age, pointed out the insufficiency and im- practicability 01 the scheme. The sum mentioned by Lovett, if it could have been raised, was ridiculously inadequate for the object for which it was to be used. Place urged that education of the scope required should be given bj'' the State, and paid for by a compulsory rate. Lovett was content to commence the work of enlightening the masses with less than £3,000 raised by voluntary contribu- tions ; Place would not be satisfied with less than £20,000,000 raised by the Government, and controlled by elected School Boards. Naturally, Lovett's £3,000 could not be obtained. It was not to be supposed that men who were fighting for immediate benefits would be prepared to revise their methods and fall back upon the slow processes of education. Vincent, on the other hand, was convinced, during his period of confinement, that unless the working classes were converted to temperance it was hopeless to think of progress. Thesenew views and proposals accentuated the divisions in the ranks. To the already existing groups of moral and physical-force advocates were now added the teetotal followers of Vincent and the " Knowledge Chartists," as Lovett's partisans were called. Then the Scotch Radicals imported the elements of religious strife by attempt- ing to combine political propaganda with a form 42 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATIQN of Labour Church. O'Connor, released from prison, maintained his former policy of violent denuncia- tion, ridiculing all methods of advancing the cause which did not agree with his plans. But he brought with him from captivity a new source of distraction — his notorious land scheme — which was to prove the most disastrous failure of all. The situation was further complicated by the entrance of a new factor upon the political field — the Complete Suffrage Movement — which, promoted by Joseph Sturge, a foremost member of the anti-Corn Law League, was intended to secure by middle class support the main points of the Charter by con- stitutional means, and at the same time to win over the working classes to the side of the Free Trade Movement. A conference was held between the Complete Suffragists and the Chartists at Birmingham in December, 1842, in order to find a common ground of action. But it was soon discovered that there was no possibility of arriving at an agreement. On one side, the name of "Chartist" was clung to with unshakable resolution ; on the other, distrust of O'Connor was too deep to be overcome. The Chartists, left alone at the Conference, squabbled and divided until the number of delegates dwindled down from more than 300 to 37, who were disciples of O'Connor. He was now practically the un- challenged leader of the movement, and devoted himself almost entirely to pushing his land scheme, to the exclusion of all else. OF THE PEOPLE 43 Things dragged on during the next few years, fed by the general discontent pervading the country, caused by heavy commercial depression and a series of financial crises. At the parliamentary elections of 1847, several supporters of the Charter obtained seats, amongst whom was O'Connor, who, to the surprise not only of his enemies but also of his friends, defeated a Whig minister at Nottingham. This victory put more life into the agitators for a while, and when the revolutionary spirit, then rapidly developing on the Continent, spread to England, it found sufficient embers glowing to blow into a hot flame. The idea of drawing up a petition to Parlia- ment was revived, and steps were taken to make the document the greatest of its kind. The physical-force men were encouraged by the revolutionary successes abroad to advocate similar methods at home, and to talk of an armed rising of the people if their demands were not acceded to immediately. But while in Europe thrones were tottering and ministers were flying through the outburst of popular revolt, in England the governing classes had prepared to meet any sign of armed coercion with effective opposition, and London was not to witness the fleeting democratic triumphs which were gained at Paris, Vienna, and Berlin. Physical force was discussed and threatened, but O'Connor, who had been formerly the chief exponent of that idea, was not prepared to follow up his early declamatory violence by actual deeds. So, when it was proposed that the great petition of 1848 44 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION should be accompanied to the House of Commons by an escort of the people in overwhelming numbers, he advised peaceful procedure and submission to the orders of the police, who refused to allow Westminster Bridge to be crossed by the crowds which had gathered at Kennington Common. The petition was, therefore, carried quietly into the Chamber and referred to Committee. Here it was discovered that the statements as to the number of signatures had been grossly exaggerated. Instead of over five millions of names, it was found to contain no more than two millions, and many of these were either forgeries or absurd jests. This fiasco ended the last great rally of the work- ing classes round an organisation of a definitely political character. The collapse of O'Connor's land scheme, amid charges of dishonesty and corruption against its originator, hastened their disillusionment. New leaders, like Ernest Jones, threw their energy for a time into a new agitation, but without result. The success, in 1846, of Cobden and Bright's struggle for the abolition of the Corn Laws began to bear fruit by relieving tlie distress amongst the masses. The rising co-operative movement drew the attention of many of the most intelligent artisans who had formed the real backbone — the moral-force men. Trade Unionism offered a sphere for practical activity to those who were grov/ing tired of so many failures in political action. Others emigrated, despairing of being able to achieve anything by further exertions. In the OF THE PEOPLE 45 year 1855, the movement that had promised to do so much to improve the condition of the people dis- appeared, having done nothing towards realising its aims, except to call attention to thenj, and having checked, by its failure, all interest in politics on the part of the people for a long period. The collapse of Chartism can be traced to several causes. It was, in the first place, the outcome of bad social and economic conditions. Its basis was hunger and want, two things which can bring about revolu- tions when other circumstances are favourable ; but in England the other circumstances were not favour- able. The fight was against a government of the middle class firmly installed in power, and not a feeble aristocratic regime that simply required a push to throw it off its balance. The skilled leaders who had engineered the Reform Bill were satisfied for the time being with the work they had done, and were not prepared to lead a new agitation. The men who tried to do so were, in most cases, totally unfitted for their task. Enthusiastic, self-sacrificing, courageous as many of them were, they were not equipped with either the knowledge or experience required in order to successfull}^ undertake that most difficult undertak- ing — the forming and holding together of a democratic party. The early moral-force men, like Lovett and Vincent, were idealists, follov/ers of Owen, who believed in the innate capacity of the people to appreciate and follow appeals to them to act together for the good of all, and to work persistently for a 46 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION political ideal. A consciousness that he was wrong in so thinking dawned upon Lovett, when, while in prison, he wrote down his conviction that nothing could be done until the people had been educated. Probably he felt that he and other leaders required education also. Francis Place records that Lovett and Vincent once visited him to talk over a speech the latter had made, which was considered to have been a great effort. Place showed them that all of the historical statements made in this address, twelve in number, were erroneous and directly contrary to fact. Both Lovett and Vincent requested him to draw up a course of reading, which they promised to follow. *' But," adds Place, " Vincent could neither read nor work." ^ It is no matter for wonder that when the economic situation gradually improved, the move- ment fell avvay. The leaders gave it no intellectual foundation, and the moral impulse, imparted by the moral-force men, was obscured by the appeals to class hatred, jealousy, and suspicion which emanated from demasfoofues like O'Connor and his school. We find that the ascendancy of these men produced the narrow, intolerant spirit which is still rampant in our day in democratic circles, and expresses itself in the denunciation of any reform put forward by other people, even though it may lead in the desired direction. Thus the Chartists fought the anti-Corn League as bitterly as the ground landlords, and their leaders opposed co-operation, ^ " Life of Francis Place,'' Graham Wallas, p. 381, footnote. OF THE PEOPLE 47 because it did not come within their programme. Too late were efforts made to placate the co-operators and win them over to political action. The harm had been done, and the distrust of democracy in politics had grown chronic, and apparently insuper- able, not only among the middle classes, but also among the workers. Finally, the dissensions between the leaders killed all chances of the movement growing. If unity had been possible between them, the movement might have overcome those early difficulties which are inseparable from all new movements. But ambition, ignorance, conceit and envy ; the inability to take a broad, statesmanlike view of affairs ; the desire of each man to push his personal fad, entirely regardless of its effect upon the general support, prevented any- thing approaching to harmonious action. At one time a currency scheme was to save the people, at another a general strike, and finally an unsound land scheme. For a movement to succeed, a consistent programme must be thought out, and revised from time to time as experience demands. It must take a survey of all the problems, economic, social and political, and be prepared to deal with each. No panacea can be pro- duced that will cure all the ills of society. The Chartist movement was a succession of endeavours to find a panacea, and its experience is a lasting warning of the folly of such a policy. 48 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION CHAPTER III MODERN WORKING-CLASS POLITICAL MOVEMENTS The failure of the Chartist movement was proof* of the impossibility of building up a political party simply on the temporary discontent of the masses caused by physical want and suffering. Such elements will help to swell the ranks of supporters for a time, but unless there is a solid kernel of men who have intellectual convictions, no aggressive political move- ment among the workers will outlast a revival of trade and the accompanying relief from immediate economic anxiety. The vast majority of those who demanded the six points were more concerned with the urgent question of how and where they could obtain either work, better wages, or even the necessaries of life. As Carlyle said, Chartism was a knife-and-fork question to most of those who enrolled themselves under its banner. Hence, with the return of comparative prosperity the movement shrank away, and the workers turned their attention once more to trade unionism and co-operation, and left politics alone, believing that it was an unprofitable field. The depth of the political apathy that marks the OF THE PEOPLE 49 years from 1850 to 1866 is shown by the fact that although various proposals to widen the franchise came before the House of Commons during that period, no wide popular support was to be found for them. The individuals comprising- the small body of Radicals in the House were as voices crying in the wilderness. The people's energies and attention were engaged else- where. They were not to be stirred again until 1867, when, amid a commercial crisis of serious magnitude and a slight recrudescence of disorder, the franchise was widened for the second time by the measure which constituted a striking instance of the opportun- ism which has since been the dominating feature in English party politics. The spirit of this period was one of reaction against the socialistic ideas of the Chartists. The skilled artisan had laid the foundation of the great organisations which have created the modern aristocracy of labour, and had to a great extent adopted the laissez-faire notions with regard to economics then popular among the ruling classes. There were no popular ideas current as to the neces- sity of altering the basis of society in order to secure permanent benefit. The existing system under which workman and capitalist were to fight out their dis- agreement while the State kept the ring, was accepted as the proper order. The individualism of the trade unionists, and their reliance on voluntary effort and distrust of State interference, except under the most urgent circumstances, expressed itself ia an abstention from all political action, except 50 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION through the exertion of influence on the two orthodox political parties for securing further facilities and legal recognition of trade combinations. The foundation, in 1864, of the International Association of Working Men — a body which appeared as a spectre of red revolution to the governing classes of the Continent — having for its object the economic and political emancipation of the working classes throughout the civilised world, had little effect upon the situation in this country. The insular prejudices of the English race, which are probably as strong among the working class as any other section of society, were but slightly influ- enced by appeals to International Brotherhood, or the ideal of the Continental democrats ; and although some of the more thoughtful of the working-class leaders became attached to the organisation, it cannot be said to have played an important part in developing the idea of direct political action among the masses. With the re-awakening of 1867, it became ob- vious to the leaders of organised workers that in the wider franchise they had a weapon at command which could be used in the interest of labour. Not only was pressure brought to bear upon the candidates of both parties for the purpose of obtaining promises of support for measures of a reforming character, but steps were taken to elect independent men to the House of Commons. A Labour Representation League, with a unionist backing, came into existence ; George Odger, a popular and eloquent trade unionist and working-class leader, made five unsuccessful attempts OF THE PEOPLE 5 1 between the years 1868 and 1874, to enter Parliament for metropolitan and county constituencies against both Whig and Tory. In the latter year the trade unions took the matter up in earnest, the miners? ironworkers, and other societies voting money toward the expenses of parliamentary contests. John Stuart Mill, Professor Beesly, and Mr. Frederic Harrison all favoured this step ; Mill especial!}^ taking the line that the Whigs would have to bo fought hard by the workers before they would pay attention to the just demands of the latter. The main reason of this re-awakening of interest in politics was chiefly due to the refusal of the Whigs to deal with the re- maining legal disabilities of trade unions. It was not caused by the conviction that a pei'manent third party was necessary ; it was merely an effort to secure working-class representation to watch over the interests of organised trades. Thirteen candi- dates were nominated and went to the poll, most of them fighting three-cornered contests. Of the thirteen, only two were successful, Messrs. Alexander and Burt, Vvdio were, therefore, the first Labour members, in the modern sense, of the House of Commons. It will be remembered that the latter has held office in a Liberal ministry, thus making it clear that the revival of 1874 was not an enbrt to form a new party, but one to secure from the Liberals the recognition of working-class claims to representation. The entrance of this new element into the field, and the general dissatisfaction with Liberalism on the 52 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION part of the unionists, helped to bring about the return of the Conservatives, who, during their term of office, partially removed the legal grievances of which the workers had complained. It is almost a general law in the history of the last century — excepting between 1870-74 — that in times of good trade interest in political reform slackened and almost disappeared, only to return with the arrival of depression. This is more than ever apparent during the last twenty-five years. From 1874 to 1879 commercial prosperity, which had been of an exceptional character, began to decline. Trade, till 1874, had been good, and wages high. Trade unionism had reached the zenith of its power and influence, to which it had been helped by the invalu- able work of middle-class men like Mr. Frederic Harrison, Professor Beesly, and others. The in- dividualistic idea attained its greatest development. As far as politics was concerned, all efforts after social reform of a far-reaching character were for- gotten in the reign of comparative plenty. But in 1875 trade began to fall off; strikes and lock-outs occurred with startling frequency, in most cases resulting in the defeat of the workers. The down- ward tendency reached its lowest point in 1879, in which year many trade combinations were swept out of existence, and even the strongest suffered severely under the strain imposed upon them through the cost of the maintenance of their unemployed members. The situation, judging from former experience, was OF THE PEOPLE 53 ripe for a new movement in the direction of reform through political action. The swing of the electoral pendulum which carried the Liberals into office with a large majority in 1880 was the first sign of this movement. Then, when the slight improvement in trade which in 1881-83 followed the acute crisis of 1S79 had expended itself, a now factor began to take a place in the political field. The Social Democratic Federation, formed in the early eighties, carried on an active propaganda of the ideas of so-called scientific socialism, and inculcated at the same time the necessity for the formation of a definite working-class political party. The agitation found ample material to work upon, especially when, in 1885, it combined a crusade on behalf of the unem- ployed with the preaching of Marxian doctrines. The condition of the labour market showed conclusively the necessity of some radical reforms being adopted, even if it did not justify the belief that no hope existed for the working classes except in a social revolution. The insufiiciency, and even the futility, of trade unionism and co-operation as means for improving the condition of the working classes was insisted upon, with persistent iteration, by socialist speakers and writers. The disorder that took place in London in 1885 and the following year gave wide advertisement to the socialist movement, and excited the interest not only of the working classes but also of the middle and upper classes. But so far as the masses were concerned, it 54 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION soon became evident that the roots of the movement had not struck deeply. Gradually, as commerce and industry revived, the interest in socialism dropped ofr. The doctrine of the class war failed to arouse and bind the people of England as it ha,d done in Germany, where, no matter whether the industrial conditions were good or bad, the Social Democratic party, with its theoretically revolutionary basis and its practical programme of palliatives, has grown, in spite of prosecution or of toleration, from year to year almost without a check for more than a quarter of a century.^ In England, however, the agitation only resulted in a repetition of the experience of the Chartist movement. The best known of the working- class socialist leaders, disappointed in the slow progress of purely socialist propaganda, instead of concentrating their efforts upon the task of organising 1 The f:frowth of the German Social Democratic party since 1371 can be best understood from the following table : — Imperial Elec- Total Number of Social Members elected tion iu Democratic Votes. to Keichstag. 1871 124,055 2 1874 351,952 9 1877 493,288 12 1878 437,158 9 1881 311,961 12 1884 549,990 24 1887 763,128 11 1890 1,427,298 35 ^ QOQ 1 Q7K froa .• ments, working-class political organisation has failed to attract permanently to its service men with the requisite quality of dogged persistence combined with organising capacity, in spite of the fact that political agitators and educationists have arisen in no small number during the last twenty years. Some of these have played, and a few still play, a prominent part in public life ; but the work even of these few has been either of a spasmodic or local character. The others have dropped out of the ranks through failing to possess ability beyond that of the demagogic agitator, or through disappointment at the slight re- sponse made to their efforts. Where limited capacity and disappointment have not hitherto prevented the development of an influential political party, jealousy 120 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION and suspicion have helped to disrupt and destroy whatever appearance of soUdarity had been built up by years of work. The result is that the new democracy as an ideal is not embodied in a party but in a number of sects, each having many points of agreement with the rest, but all differing on certain matters relating either to questions of personality, theory, or policy of far less vital importance than those upon which there is no disagreement. Purely personal differences between well-known political " Labour Leaders " have been so deep-rooted and disastrous in their effects, that there is an ever-recurring topic of discussion among their supporters as to whether it would not be possible to secure democratic union by getting rid of leaders and leadership altogether.^ The essence of leadership in a progressive political movement is the power of maintaining unity -in action, and reasoned discipline among men working for the same end, but varying in temperament, whose opinions as to policy and tactics are formed upon different degrees of knowledge and experience. A leader in a democratic party, in order to exercise this power of securing unified action, must possess the confidence of the various elements that compose it. Owing to the past misunderstandings between old and new trade unionists, between both these and co- operators, and between all three with the exponents of 1 See a curious and futile discussion during January, February, and March, 1902, in the Clarion newspaper upon Socialist Unity and Leadership. OF THE PEOPLE 121 political action, the number of prominent men who possess this general confidence is comparatively small.^ Many of the miners' representatives in the House of Commons, for instance, would not arouse enthusiasm as parliamentary candidates in constituencies strongly impregnated with the ideas of the Independent Labour party, while an advocate of collectivism as such would find little support among the strongly 1 Of the Labour members in the House of Commons, Mr. John Burns is probably the only man who would be able to com- bine the various elements into one united party. He has not only extraordinary natural capacity as an organiser and agitator, but his fourteen years' experience as administrator upon the London County Council, the most exacting school of municipal statesmanship, and his ten years' service in Parliament, com- bined with his wide and deep knowledge of the working classes and the Labour movement in all its phases, render him eminently fitted to lead a new departure. He has the confidence of all sections of the organised workers, except perhaps that of the small and extreme coteries in the Social Democratic Federation. The trade unionists and co-operators would, without doubt, join any national movement to which he attached himself, while the Independent Labour party would welcome his help and guidance, as evidenced by the fact that Mr. Keir Hardie, whose devotion to the cause of the workers has given him an increasingly strong position in political life, stated at the conference of the party in 1901 that he looked to Mr. Burns to take the initiative in forming a definite Labour group in the House of Commons. Mr. Burns, however, has up till now declined to take any steps towards forming, or assisting to form, a new party, in spite of many invitations to do so, preferring to work alone. By so doing he has undoubtedly performed an enormous amount of administrative and legislative drudgery of the most valuable kind, but it is open to question whether, by concentrating himself upon tasks which could be carried out by less able and powei'ful personalities, he has adopted the most fruitful field for the exercise of his great energy and abilities. 122 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION individualistic miners of Northumberland and Dur- ham. Even the late Mr. James Mawdsley, General Secretary of the Amalgamated Societj'- of Cotton Spinners, and one of the most able and trusted of trade unionist organisers, was unable to secure suffi- cient support from the workers engaged in the cotton industry to obtain a seat in Parliament, owing to the cross currents in the various sections of the Labour movement, although he was backed by one of the great parties. The task, therefore, of those who set out to build up a democratic party by bringing into line the members of trade unions, co-operative societies, and of existing advanced political organisations, is one requiring ability of no mean order. To allay distrust and friction between the various elements will need the tactful handling of the differences that arise between them. The settlement of a definite line of action will require the nicest discrimination and most delicate judgment, otherwise the attempt will break down in its earliest stages. To solidify the party, there must be the capacity to deal swiftly and skil- fully with the details of organisation, and the power to arouse in others a well-ordered and devoted activity in the service of the movement. In the shaping of a policy and programme there must be a thorough knowledge of social, economic, and political problems, together with the ability to make them clear to the popular mind. How all these qualities are to be continuously OF THE PEOPLE 1 23 devoted to the political re-organisation of the people is a problem that can only be solved in one way. The masses must learn that just as it is absolutely necessary to secure the services of paid organisers, secretaries and executive officers for their trade unions, and salaried managers and servants to conduct the business of co-operative societies, so is the pay- ment of political services equally indispensable in order to attain success. To this necessity the workers are slowly becoming conscious ; but their idea of payment for political work seems as yet to be limited to the provision of salaries for representatives in the House of Commons, and upon important administra- tive bodies. They have not fully grasped the fact that to build up a political organisation of a per- manent character, strong enough to contest elections with any hope of success, will demand the whole time and energ}' of trained men. One of the first matters to which a democratic political body must give its atten- tion, even before it attempts to raise money for the pay- ment of members of Parliament, is the establishment of national and local funds for the support of national and local organisers and propagandists. The pre- judice against " paid agitators " and " professional politicians," which exists as strongly among the working class as in any other, must be broken down. The workman must be made to realise that, as his trade union is held together and strengthened mainly by the uninterrupted and persistent use of the organising capacity of permanent officials, so must democratic 124 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION political machinery have its district and general agents and secretaries fully equipped and able to give them- selves wholly to its service. Until this elementary lesson has been thoroughly learned, there will be simply a continuation of the spasmodic efforts to form a new party by contesting parliamentary seats without any preparation beyond a few weeks' campaigning before the date of the election — a policy in nearly every case doomed to failure, but at present the only one practicable, owing to the reliance still placed by enthusiastic democrats upon unskilled and necessarily intermittent voluntary effort. If the need of recompense for political work is recognised and met, there is no reason to doubt that the class which has produced the leaders of trade unionism and co-operation will be able to find in these days of wider education the talent required. But while the earnest and thoughtful men among the workers, the potential John Brights and Richard Cobdens of the masses, are compelled to give the best part of their physical and mental capacity to the task of securing a livelihood, the position is a hopeless one. For local organising, there are many men now striving in their spare moments to keep alive a small and feeble spirit of reform, who, if relieved of the anxiety of securing their daily bread, would increase tenfold the value of their services to the democratic forces of the districts in which tliey live. In a large number of the industrial towns in England there are now representatives upon the local authorities, inde- OF THE PEOPLE 125 pendent of both Liberalism and Conservatism, who, having served an apprenticeship in public life, and proved their honesty and capacity, have won not only the confidence of the intelligent workers, but also the respect and support of the sympathetic and broad- minded of the middle class. If the ablest of these were taken from the workshop, factory or office, and given the opportunity of combining their duties as town or district councillors with those of paid political organisers, the formation of a really effective democratic element would be possible. The scope of the labours of an organiser placed in this position would be very wide. It would not be sufficient for him to act merely as the counterpart of the ordinary Liberal or Conservative registration or election agent, carrying out what are little more than mechanical duties. He would have to combine such work with that of solidifying and inspiring the local democratic spirit, keeping it vigorous and undivided by the tactful adjustment of the differences — Kinderkrankheiten — that always arise in the begin- nings of advanced movements. Furthermore, in order to maintain the reputation of his party as a body of practical and constructive reformers, he would have to equip himself as a specialist upon all questions of local administration, make himself a master of the municipal problems of the city, town, or district in which he lived, and grasp every opportunity that presented itself of being the exponent of the views of his party upon the solution of those problems. 126 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION Besides this, he would have to keep his knowledge of economics and political and social questions up to date. In so far as the services of men capable of under- taking these responsibilities can be secured will the democratic forces be able to exercise influence over the life and thought of industrial centres.^ For propaganda and organisation on national lines, men who have made their mark locally through their special ability should be selected. It might at first be advisable and expedient to combine the office of member of the House of Commons with that of general agitator, as it is certain that the most eloquent and persuasive speakers would be elected soonest to that body. But as the party developed, it would be found imperative that the elected person, as already pointed out, should devote himself almost exclusively to St. Stephen's, and that the outside work should be carried on by others. For the purpose of creating an im- pression in the country that a democratic party is in existence, and is a force to be reckoned with in politics, its elected representatives must have the opportunity of giving their whole attention to jiarliamentary business. Experience shows that it is impossible for one man, except under extraordinary ciicumstances, to combine the drudgery of continuous ' Tv/o striking instances of the success of this method in practice can be seen in the position of the Independent Labour party at Bradford and at Halifax, where the party has secured the services of permanent paid organisers of ability, who have devoted themselves with striking results to a course of action similar to that here sketched out. OF THE PEOPLE 12/ agitation with the labour of earning a reputation as a useful parliamentarian. The scope of thorough national organisation and propaganda would include the founding of branch societies in every district where favourable signs existed ; of spreading systematically political educa- tion among the masses by meetings and lectures ; by the publication of books, pamphlets, and the issuing of a national party journal. This would require the service of a number of experienced, educated, and salaried men and women, who should be elected periodically by a national conference of delegates from the local organisations, or by a committee appointed from the conference.^ The local organisations should have the right of the final selection of their own organisers and officers. To ensure continuity and consistency in the work of national organisation, there should be no rule set up limiting the term of service of officers. The tests of efficiency and honesty should be the only ones applied to candi- dates, and no system of rotation of officers or the like should debar a man who has displayed both these qualities in his record in connection with the party. This view is such an obviously common-sense one that the matter would scarcely require mentioning, but that English working-class 1 An extension of the Hutchinson Trust Lectures as carried out by the Fabian Society, and a large increase in the number of " Clarion Van " lectures, would embody an eflfective form of popular political education. 128 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION i ' political movements have so often suflfered from a morbidly nervous fear of the results of allowing officials, whether paid or unpaid, to retain their positions for a lengthy period. There is an idea current among many well-intentioned people that it is undemocratic for any one man, no matter how able and self-sacrificing he may be, or how successfully he may have conducted the business of his organisation, to continue long in the same office. This prejudice, founded on a vague distrust of leaders and officials generally, has very little basis in reason or experience. It is quite clear that it is to the advantage of any movement — and indeed it is recognised in most — to retain persons of special capacity in the post in which they render the best service. The dangers of mechani- cal wire-pulling, of cliquism, and the development of the "boss" — the bugbear of democracy — can always be checked both locally and nationally in an organisation run on democratic lines, by means of frequent gather- ings of the rank and file, or of delegates appointed by them. Providing a healthy and intelligent interest is displayed by the majority of individuals composing it, any body of men can keep themselves free from the risk of being used for purely personal or corrupt ends, or from being made the tools of selfish ambition. The organisation will be under their control, and the acts of its leaders will be subject to their approval in so far as they are alert, and take an active share in its responsibilities and financial support. The direct payment of political services outside OF THE PEOPLE 1 29 tliose rendered by representatives elected to public bodies has been objected to, on the ground that it would be turning such work into mere " business," and would attract men simply through the money value offered ; and further, that the invaluable enthusiasm of the volunteer worker would be gradually lost. In reply to these objections, it can be urged that it is absolutely necessary that the work of political organising should be made a business, just as the work of trade union organisation has developed into a profession. It is the absence of " business methods " that has prevented the growth of a strong and united democratic element in many districts where there were signs a few years ago of the possibility of a flourishing organisation being built up. For instance, the dull labour of perfecting the register, a task which is never neglected by the orthodox political parties, must of necessity be carried on so as to secure or maintain electoral victories. This cannot be efficiently done except by the employment of an agent, versed in the technicalities of the registration law, for at least three months during the year ; and during that period it would be necessary for him to give the whole of his time to the task. It is clear that, except in very rare cases, this would mean the expenditure of money which, if sufficient in amount, could be used to provide a salary for a permanent local organiser, whose duties have already been suggested, and would include those involved in securing a reliable register of voters. 130 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION It by no means follows that a system of this kind would in a democratic political movement involve the ascendancy of the place-hunter and ofEce-seeker. Judging from the experience of the past, especially in relation to trade unionism, a democratic national or local committee, before selecting a man for office, would not only require evidence of fitness and sound credentials of high personal character, but also a record of unpaid service to the movement as an indication of sincerity. If we consider the history of trade unions and friendly societies, it cannot be said that these bodies have been, on the whole, either hasty or unwise in the selection of their leaders, and it may be inferred that when the same methods of organisation are adopted in the sphere of politics, equally good results will follow. Further, it is not proposed that the high standard of capacity required should receive its market price if it were used in a commercial direction. The salaries should, it is suggested, be little, if anything, above a living wage — enough for the enthusiast, but insufficient to draw those whose chief object in attaching themselves to the movement might be to obtain easily the means to a comfortable existence. Further, instead of the voluntary work of public- spirited individuals being withdrawn, it is safe to expect that by the appointment of responsible officials such work would be so organised as to make it infinitely more valuable and reliable than at present. An enormous amount of energy and OF THE PEOPLE I3I capacity is now running to waste in advanced political movements owing to the absence of proper direction. There should be little difficulty in raising the funds required to carry out a scheme of this kind. It would only need an extension of the system which is being rapidly introduced into nearly all trade unions, of raising a certain sum every year by means of a special levy for parliamentary election purposes, making it broad enough to include provision for the cost of keeping political organisation alive and active, as well as for the payment of repre- sentatives on legislative and administrative bodies.-^ A certain amount of the sum realised (which should be also contributed to by political and co- operative societies affiliated to a joint body) could be allocated to those districts in which a strong local democratic organisation was in existence, and where a man bad made a reputation as a capable local administrator and leader. This could be supplemented by sums collected on the spot. For national purposes, the disbursements could be managed from the centre. It is certain that some such method as the one here indicated will be adopted when the organised workers — especially the trade unionists — who are now eagerly demanding direct parliamentary representation become aware, as they 1 The number of trade unionists, including the members of the Miners' Federation, who have agreed to levy themselves for political purposes is now (May, 1902) about 600,000. The sum raised would amount to about £30,000 per annum. 132 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION soon will, that to succeed in their object it is not sufficient to raise large political funds and let them accumulate until the eve of an election, and then bring forward candidates, hoping by a hasty appeal to the masses to secure their return on the strength of the word " Labour." They will be compelled to recognise that not only must constituencies, even where they are overwhelmingly working-class, be educated and organised by a long course of persistent work before a contest takes place, but that the men who stand in the name of democracy and labour must be prepared by experience and training also. There are practically no constituencies outside the few purely mining districts where a man can count upon his return to Parliament simply as an official or well-known member of the trade union in his particular occupation. Generally speak- ing, he can only command the support needful for success through his all-round knowledge and tried ability as a man of affairs — qualities which he can acquire thoroughly only by concentrated effort even when he is able to devote the whole of his time to that object. Hence to him an apprenticeship in political work is of paramount importance, although he may possess a natural talent of an uncommon order for such work. While considering it to be of vital importance to the future of democracy that the workers themselves should establish some means whereby men of their own class could be given the opportunity of taking OF THE PEOPLE 1 33 part with effect in the spheres of legislation and ad- ministration, it has not been forgotten that the end to be sought is not the formation of a Labour party, in the narrow sense of the word " Labour," but one that should broadly represent the principles of the New Democracy as a whole. In a movement working for this aim there would be room for men of all classes who were sincere in their desire to serve it ; for it is but stating a truism to say that in the political development of democracy, there is absolute need for co-operation between the practical common-sense of the artisan, the business capacity of the middle- class man, the theoretical knowledge of the student, and the insight of the experienced statesman. There is little doubt that there will always be, as there always has been, a select few among the upper and middle ranks of society, who, rising superior to the prejudices and education of their class, and actuated by a profound dissatisfaction with existing con- ditions, will be anxious to use their intellects, cul- ture, and knowledge for the political and social elevation of the masses. In the past such men have been welcomed and trustingly followed by those whom they desired to help ; occasionally they have secured a far greater measure of loyalty and confi- dence than that accorded to leaders who, by sheer force of character, have risen out of the common level of the people. Therefore, the expectation that the field of democratic endeavour will remain open to recruits from above is not unwarranted, in spite ot* 134 THE POLITICAL RE-ORGANISATION the tendency to restrict the scope and meaning of the new political forces which has been referred to in a previous chapter. This tendency is one that can be easily understood. It arises from the belief that is slowly dawning among the masses with the advance of education — a belief undeniably true — that they alone can work out their political and social salvation. Help in this struggle can be rendered by men outside their ranks, but the full brunt of the fight must be borne by themselves. With the growing appreciation of this fact they will be compelled to find among themselves the men whom they must look to for guidance and leadership; men who are of their order, who know their needs and sufferings, their joys and sorrows, their strength and weakness, their temptations and follies, their virtues and vices ; men who, while knowing and experiencing all these things, have risen superior to their surroundings through the advantage of inherent capacity. Such men as these are to be found in every grade of the working classes. Let them have the opportunity of serving their class by combining their practical knowledge and experi- ence of its problems with the intellectual equip- ment necessary for their solution ; let them have the same chance of learning the art and science of politics and political organisation as the young men of other classes, and it will not be long before a new and efficient type of democratic leader and statesman will be evolved, There is no absence of OF THE PEOPLE 135 brains among the masses ; it is not the want of potential intelligence among the people that is the cause of their political inertness. It is the want of some means of thoroughly rousing latent faculties ; the absence of the training of brains to think and to act ; and, above all, the absence of efficient organisa- tion of the roused intelligences and thinking brains that are already in existence. The masses themselves must provide the remedy for this. To sit down and wait for the coming of a heaven-sent genius who, without demanding sacrifices from the people in return, will remove their burdens and lead them into a new order, where the law of liberty, equality, and fraternity shall reign supreme, is the policy of idle dreamers, but not of men worthy of a brighter future. THE END Printed by Cowan 6° Co., Ltd., Perthx UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. :^^V:) Form L9— 15m-10,'48(B1039)444 UNiVfciKSin of CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES LIBRARY jN Sanders - 1121 The political re^ 1920 organisation of S21p the people JN1121 1920 .S21p y L 009 593 179 6 ^'^ R -^-u- UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY AA 001352 896 3 JJM 1121 1920 S21p