- j&a£!L. i J »y ^>. *« " < UC-NRLF , B 4 D3b b3E - - -l-TIH E vibe lllntversttg of Chicago POUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER A STUDY OF OUINTUS OF SMYRNA A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE, IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (DEPARTMENT OF GREEK) BY GEORGE WASHINGTON PASCHAL CHICAGO 1904 Gbe TUntversttE of Cbfcago FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER A STUDY OFQUINTUS OF SMYRNA A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE, IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (DEPARTMENT OF greek) BY GEORGE WASHINGTON PASCHAL IVERSITY OF CHICAGO 1904 PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, AUGUST, iqoj ff Ol a ?3% f "V f i PREFATORY NOTE. The purpose of this study is to give a comprehensive outline of the present state of our knowledge of the Posthomerica. While the works of former scholars have been freely used, an effort has been made to contribute something toward fixing the date of the author, and an analysis has been made of the matter and style of his poem to show his relation to Homer. In a chapter on sources it is argued that there is a probability that Quintus had read the Cyclics, Baumstarck's view that he borrowed largely from ^schylus is combated, some points are added to the proof that he borrowed from Virgil, and attention is called to the parallelism between Quintus and Seneca. This work was undertaken at the suggestion of Professor Paul Shorey, of the University of Chicago. To him the writer is indebted for guidance in classical study, and in particular for helpful criticism and advice in the prosecution of the present work. Thanks are also due Professor Edward Capps, of the University of Chicago, whose advice has been frequently sought, and who has given the work the advantage of his trained eye in proof-reading. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE Prefatory Note 3 I. Bibliographical 7 i. Codices ----------- 7 2. Editions ---------- 7 3. Dissertations, etc. --------- 7 4. Notes on Manuscripts and Editions 8 II. Biographical n 1 . Name ---------- 11 2. Place 12 3. Date 13 III. The Style of Quintus as Related to Homer - - - 22 1. Metre 22 2. Vocabulary 22 3. Variations in Meaning and Use of Homeric Words - - 27 4. Dialectical Variations from Homer ------ 30 5. Phrases, Tags, Clausula?, etc. ------ 32 6. Similes --------- -38 7. The Gods, Religious and Moral Ideas ... - 40 8. Outline of Poem 45 9. General Summary of Style ------- 63 IV. Sources 68 1. Introductory --------- 68 2. The Cyclics ---- -68 3. The Tragedians -------- 73 4. The Alexandrines --------- 76 5. The Latin Poets 78 (1) Virgil 78 (2) Ovid 80 (3) Seneca - - - - - - - - - -81 V UNIVERSITY j OF . I. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL. I. CODICES. 1 I. Codices antiquiores iidemque optimi ac plenissimi. 1. M— Monacensis (Lib. I-IV 10 et XII). 2. P = Parrhasianus (Koechlyi Neapolitanus alter). II. Codices ex Hydruntino amisso ducti. 1. Codices accuratius descripti, saltern pleniores : a) V = Venetus. b) E 1 — Escurialensis. c) V 3 = Vaticanus y. d) C — Cantabrigiensis. 2. Codices deteriores non correcti : e quo genere unum Aldus expressit, unde fit ut hi cum Aldina plane congruant. Qua re littera A consen- sus codicum inferioris notae significatur ; singulos enumerare longum est. 3. Codices deteriores a librariis correcti : ex horum numero est Caesarens (C 1 ) a Graeco quodam correctus et inepte suppletus. II. EDITIONS. Editio princeps, Aldus, Venice, 1521, i504-(?); Freigius, Basel, 156(5; Rhodomann, Hannover, 1577 and 1604; De Pauvv, Leyden, 1734; Tychsen, Strassburg, 1807 (revised by Tauchnitz, 1829); F. S. Lehrs, Didot, Paris, 1840; Koechly, Leipzig, 1850; Koechly, editio minor, in " Bibliotheca Teubne- riana, 1853 ;" Zimmermann, in "Bibliotheca Teubneriana," Leipzig, 1 891. III. DISSERTATIONS, DISCUSSIONS IN PERIODICALS, ETC. For the bibliography before 1878 the reader is referred to "Biblio- theca Scriptorum Classicorum," Scriptores Graeci, Engelmann and Preuss, Leipzig, 1880. The more important articles that have appeared since that date are : Niemeyer, "Ueber die Gleichnisse bei Quintus Smyrnaeus," Programm des Gymnasiums zu Zwickau, 1 883-1 884. Kehmptzow, F„ De Quinti Smyrnaei fontibus ac mythopoeia, 1891. Noack, in Gbttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1892, pp. 769-818. (Compre- hensive review of Kehmptzow's dissertation, and a discussion of the sources.) Baumstarck, "Die zweite Achilleustragodie des Aischylos," Philologus, 1 From Zimmermann's edition, p. xxxi. / <7 '/ 8 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA Vol. LV, pp. 281 f. (Discusses the sources of the second and third books.) Noack, " Die Quellen des Tryphiodoros," Hermes, Vol. XXVII, pp. 452 f. (Discusses imitation of Quintus.) Zimmermann, Kritische Utitersuchungen zu den Posthomerica des Quintus Smymaeus, Leipzig, 1889. Zimmermann, Kritische Nachlese zu den Posthomerica des Quintus, 1900. Weinberger, "De Quinti Smyrnaei codice Parrhasiano," Wiener Studien, Vol. XVII. Herwerden, "Ad Quintum Smyrnaeum," Mnemosyne, Vol. XX (1892), pp. 168 f. Piatt, Arthur, "Emendations of Quintus Smyrnaeus," Journal of Phi- lology, Vol. XXVII (1901), pp. 103 f. Glover, Life and Letters in the Fourth Century, pp. 77-101. IV. NOTES ON MANUSCRIPTS, EDITIONS, ETC. The manuscripts are described at length in Tychsen's Commentatio, sec. iv, and in Koechly's Prolegomena, Lib. III. The relationship of P to M and of both to the H family is set forth by M. Treu, "Ueber den Parrhasischen Codex des Quintus," Hermes, Vol. IX, pp. 365 ff. We learn from the life of Coluthus written in Greek and prefixed to the Aldine edition, also to be found in the Teubner edition, that the first manuscript of Quintus was found by Bessarion in a monastery near Hydruntum about 1460. * The manuscript found by Bessarion was at once widely copied, sometimes faithfully, sometimes very care- lessly. Several of these copies have come down to us. Their relative worth is shown in Zimmermann's table. Manuscript M was collated by G. Hardt for Tychsen's edition and by Koechly for his own. In the catalogue of the Royal Library at Munich it is said to belong to the middle of the fifteenth century. P was given its name for a former owner, Janus Parrhasius, by Treu {loc. cit.). Treu shows that P and J/" were faithful copies of a common original. Neither P nor M was derived from H, nor was H derived from P, but all three go back to a common faulty manuscript, and this one common source of our knowl- edge of Quintus probably comes from the year 131 1. This is the date affixed by the scribe to P, but the handwriting is that of the middle of the fifteenth century: Hence it is reasonably inferred that this date was found on the manuscript from which P was copied, and transcribed by the copyist. 2 1 In a prefatory note to an inferior manuscript, the Matritensis, Bessarion is said to have made his discovery after the fall of Constantinople, 1452. He died in 1472. 2 See Treu, loc, cit. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL 9 The older editions are fully described in Tychsen's Commentatio, sec. iv. The editio princeps of Aldus was full of errors, and scholars were soon busy with emendations. Contributions were made to this work by Brodaeus in 1552, and by Canter in 1 57 1, and in the same period marginal emendations were written, in one edition or another, by Sylburgius, Falkenburgius, and Joseph Scaliger. The first really critical edition was that of Rhodomann, "the preserver of Quintus," containing only Books XII-XIV (Leipzig, 1577). Nearly thirty years later the same editor published an edition of the whole poem (Hanno- ver, 1604). This edition contained a preface on the poem of Quintus, arguments in Greek and Latin verses to the books of Homer and of Quintus, the nomenclature of Quintus, a short argument of one hex- ameter for each book, and in parallel columns the Greek text and a Latin translation by the editor. At the end were indices, emendations, etc. The next important edition was that of Tychsen. In the mean- time emendations had been made by Dausque, 1616; De Pauw in his edition, 1734; Pierson, 1752; Iriarte, 1769; Tychsen, 1783; Jacobs, 1786; Schow, 1790; Godfried Hermann, 1805. After a quarter of a century of labor, Tychsen in 1807 brought out his edition: KOINTOY TA ME® OMHPON. Quinti Smyrnaei Posthomericorum libri XIV. Nunc primum ad librorum manuscriptorum fidem et virorum doctor um conjecturas recensuit, restituit et supplevit Thorn. Christ. Tychsen. Acces- serunt observationes Chr. Gottl. Heynii. Argentorati ex typographia socic- tatis Bipontinae MDCCCVII. In a Commentatio, pp. xvii-cviii, a study is made of the author and his poem, his sources, editions, versions, etc. This edition was revised by Tauchnitz in 1829. In the first half of the century many scholars — Spitzner, C. L. Struve, Bonitz, Koechly — engaged in the work of emendation. The results of their labors were utilized by Lehrs in the Firmin Didot edition, 1840. Next followed the edition of Koechly: Quinti Smyrnaei Posthomericorum libri XIV. Recensuit prolegomenis et adnotatione critica instruxit Arminius Koechly. Lipsiae apud Weidmatmos MDCCCL. Later an editio minor by the same editor was published in " Bibliotheca Teubneriana." Emenda- tions continued to be made by Wagner, Winkler, and others. Finally Zimmermann embodied the results of previous studies in an edition published in " Bibliotheca Teubneriana " in 1891. The text has been much improved, and the more important variations of the manuscripts and emendations of scholars are added at the foot of the page. But the work of text revision was not complete. Noteworthy contributions to it have since been made by H. van Herwerden, "Ad Quintum 10 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA Smyrnaeum," Mnemosyne, Vol. XX (1892), pp. 168 ff, A new colla- tion of the Codex Parrhasianus has been made by W. Weinberger, and his results have been published in the Wiener Studien, Vol. XVII (1895), pp. 161 ff. In 1899 Zimrnermann found it necessary to publish a Kritische Nachlese to his edition. Partly from hints derived from the studies just mentioned, and in greater part as a result of renewed examination of the poem, Zimrnermann emends about two hundred places. But the general result of all these studies has been to show the solid basis of Zimmermann's edition. Another result has been the removal of many supposed and real lacunae from the text. 1 The most recent emendations are by Piatt, in Journal of Philology, Vol. XXVII (1901). 1 Koechly, De lacu nis in Quinto Smyrnaeo qnaestio (dissertation, 1843), discovers very many lacunae in Quintus. He thinks that Quintus is always explicit, and that, although gaps in the Aldine editiou have been supplied from the manuscripts, no line of it has been rejected. In M also he finds lacunae, and in some cases what he considers probable reasons for them. When Quintus is not explicit there is reason to suspect a lacuna. II. BIOGRAPHICAL. I. NAME. The various and sometimes extravagant conjectures of former scholars as to the name of Quintus are mentioned and refuted by Tychsen, Commentatio, sec. i. By abundant quotations from Eusta- thius and other Byzantine scholiasts and grammarians, he establishes the name of the poet as Quintus, and the title of his poem as to, ped' "Ofxrjpov. None of these references go back of the twelfth century, but in both respects, name and title, they are confirmed by the sub- scription to the last book of the Codex Parrhasianus : tc'Xos KoiVrou twv /*€#' "Ofxrjpov Aoywv (Zimmermann), "by the hand of the scribe" (Treu). We learn from Eustathius on A, p. 5, ed. Rom., that Quintus called the books of his poem Xdyoi (Tychsen). Just how our author got the prsenomen of Quintus must remain a matter of conjecture. He might, says Tychsen, have been a freed- man, or have been presented with Roman citizenship, or have been a descendant of some Roman settler in those regions (Asia Minor). The latter is probably the correct view, and does not preclude the pos- sibility of Ouintus's having had a large strain of Greek blood in his veins. Already in 88 B. C. Roman citizens were so numerous in Asia Minor that many thousand could be found for one day's slaughter. 1 Soon security was brought by Pompey's conquest. Add to this the fact that in the time of the empire Asia Minor offered a retreat for Roman families of means and culture, and it becomes evident that the number of Romans settled there was very great. 2 It is most reasonable to suppose that Quintus was descended from one of these. Greek must have been his native tongue, but it is hard to believe that a Greek who had written the Posthomerica would choose to hide his race behind a Latin name. So he was probably of Roman descent. At least he had sympathies thoroughly Roman ; his religion is of a strongly Stoical type; 3 he portrays Ares no longer as a butcher, but as a very respect- able and powerful god (1. 675 ff., etc.); he speaks in terms of glorifica- tion of ^Eneas and the ^Eneadae, the Roman emperors, and the city by » Cicero, De Lege Manliana, n. 2 The inscriptions reveal the cordial relations between the emperors and the cities of this region. See Dittenberger, Sylloge?, Vol. I, Nos. 387, 389, 406, 414. 3 See below, section on Quintus's religious and moral ideas. II 12 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA the Tiber (13. 334 ff.); he loses no opportunity to insist on the rever- ence due to rulers {e.g., 1. 751 ff.). Besides, as is now generally admitted, he borrows from the Latin poets, especially Virgil. It is probable, then, that, though born of Greek-speaking parents, he was by race a Roman. To Quintus it is now customary to add the name Smyrnoeus. 1 This was sometimes used by the Byzantine grammarians — e.g., Tzetzes, Chil., II, vs. 489 — and has been written by the librarians on some of the manuscripts (Tychsen). It is only a distinguishing title of the grammarians, and rests on the authority of a passage, 12. 306 ff. — the only place where the author speaks of himself — in which he says that in his youth he kept sheep on the plains of Smyrna. The passage is as follows : TOik poi vvv /oaf?' '£kv Op-r/pov /cal £6avov. 6 ARISTEIDES, XV, 406: SujutjoYcu St avTrjv ou7T0Te Aei7rouo"ii', ov&' bcrat Moucrat 7rdA£is avBpiontov iiripXovTa.1. ou5ep.t'a e£oiKei, 7roAArj p.iv yap i] ey^uipios, 7roAAr) 6*e i) «7r7)Aus • <|> iariav ea'at rijs ijTreipou TraiSeia; eVcica. 7 The more recent of these are F. A. Paley, who in Quintus Smyrnaeus (London, 1879), p. 3, says: " It seems then in every way probable that this Quintus collected or compiled a considerable por- tion of those ancient poems which had been included in the Epic Cyclus;" and E. A. Berthault, Quintus de Smyrne, traduction nottvelle (Paris, 1884), Introduction. 14 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA Tychsen's method of reaching this date is as follows : Since there are no early literary references, we must arrive at our conclusion from the poem itself. This shows that it was not written while the Greek tongue was pure. However, Rhodomann is wrong in assigning Quintus to the age of Coluthus — end of fifth century. In language and style he is nearer the Homeric standard and more in agreement with Nonnus — beginning of fifth century. Yet Quintus's style helps us only approximately. That he lived while the world was yet under Roman sway is proved by some lines (13. 336 ff.) where Calchas advises the Greeks to let ^Eneas depart unmolested from Troy : rbv yap 04ar6v ia.KTes doWttrvovv' 1 dvOpdiwovs dpyaKius r' eiXuxri, Kaicbv revxovres 8\e0pop dypcriv vrrb Kparepois • ot 5' fyiceos ivrbs ibvres Syitwas dapddwTovcrtv, 8 rts (rs Aco7ro6"vTouo*ii' di"lSi iv cj o MeAijs, etSius Se Toy Nepovav (is avTcxa 6J) apfoi, Sijj'ei rov \6yov Kal on p-T)5' ol rvpavvot ra e/c Moipuip otot j3ia£€0"#cu, ^aA«^s re eiKoro? iSpvfxevyjs Ao/xenat'oO jrpbs tuS McArjTi, 67rio"Tpe'i|/as «s aiiTrjv roiif irapovraf "oroijTe," elnev " a>s no\i) Sia/uapTayeis Moipwi' xal avay/CTjs • v (1. 39) and tc Aiyewi/ (3. 638). In regard to hiatus, Hermann says that the more recent the poet, the more he abstained from hiatus. Quintus in this respect shows a much closer following of Homer than poets like Oppian, who are commonly regarded as earlier. He more nearly approaches Apol- lonius Rhodius. But his use of hiatus is nearly always sanctioned by Homeric analogy. It is in Attic correption that Quintus shows the greatest departure from true Homeric art in verse-building. This fault, found to a greater or less degree in all late epics, was so exceed- ingly rare in the older poems that there is hardly any more certain proof of a recent date. However, lack of skill in the poet must be 1 Hermann, Orphica, pp. 6go ff. BIOGRAPHICAL I 9 taken into account ; the more ignorant the poet, the more he indulged in this license of Attic correption. It seems more common in the poem of Quintus than in any other epics except the Orphica, and is convincing proof that he was either unskilled or comparatively late and close in point of time to the Orphica. 1 This is a conclusion in which we do not follow Hermann. Why should this poet, who in all other points of metre is much nearer Homer than most writers of the Christian era, show such negligence in this ? It will hardly do to say that his late date accounts for it altogether. As is shown by Hermann, this fault was carefully avoided by such writers as Oppian {Halieutica), and Moschus only rarely admitted it. It is very frequent only in the Cynegeiica, whose author was an unlearned man, Quintus, and the Orphica. Quintus, however, was not unlearned. In other points of metre he is most Homeric. It seems probable that he did not believe Attic correption a fault. Perhaps also he was influenced by the usage of the tragedians or the Latin epics, especially Virgil, with whom, as is now generally admitted, he was familiar. Inasmuch as he did not borrow his usage from any Greek epic, there is nothing in it to show to what period it belongs. It might have been late ; it might have been comparatively early. But when we find the Orphica, which is faulty in other points of prosody, very faulty also in this, we may perhaps infer that its author had Quintus in hand. Thus the faultiness of the Cynegeiica is due to ignorance of the author; that of the Orphica, to the precedence of Quintus ; while that of Quintus seems peculiar to himself and offers little evidence as to date, except that the Posthomerica was written before the Orphica. Further points of excellence in Quintus's verse, as is shown by Koechly, 2 are the harmony of versification, which he was careful to procure by a constant variation of the principal caesura and the admix- ture of spondees, and his Homeric use of two spondees in a comma, which was not allowed by Nonnus. Except in the matters of trochaic caesura in the third foot and the use of Attic correption, Quintus fol- lowed Homer very closely. He was no mean artist. 3 If then metre is an evidence of date, Quintus would seem to be comparatively early. We now return to Hermann for another point of style. 4 He finds that in the Orphica 61 and a-cjuv are used frequently before a noun ; that ilbid., p. 755. Hermann in Addenda to his dissertation finds a dozen instances of Attic cor- reption in Homer. 2 Prolegomena, pp. xxxii ff. * Ibid., p. xlix. 4 Op, cit., pp. 792 ff. 20 A STUDY OF QUIN'.'US OF SMYRNA 61 is used in the plural as well as the singular, and refers to the first, second, or third person ; that it is used accusatively as the object of a verb. 1 The writer of the Orphica did not develop these uses himself. Hence he must have had a predecessor whose usage at least suggested that of the Orphica. His predecessor, Herrmann believes, was Quintus. However, the passages on which Hermann relied to show that Quintus used aLv before a noun {ante nometi) (7. 474; 2. 163), or where he thought 01 used as a plural (3. 730, 674, etc.), or accusatively (3. 57, I 3 I 5 7- 363). have been so satisfactorily emended 2 or explained that they cannot be used to support his contention. But Quintus does use 61 and vfyiv with the genitive of the participle, and 61 in the same case joined directly to the verb {e.g., 2. 244, 245; 14. 170, 171). These uses, says Hermann, were developed by Quintus from suggestions of them in Homer. The writer of the Orphica, following Quintus, made a much more radical departure. Hence Quintus wrote first. The case as Hermann puts it has been considerably changed by the emendation of Quintus. There is now a wide gap between the usage of Quintus and that of the Orphica. It seems likely that there was some intermediary who, going beyond Quintus, developed the usage as we have it in the Orphica. Such things as the Orphica 's use of ot and iv, says Hermann, come into language only by degrees, and departure is made from the customary usage gradually. In the absence of any work, except the Orphica, in which traces of this usage are found, we should believe that the authors whom he used are lost, rather than that he was the first to use the innovation. Orphic usage, then, must be traced back to Quintus, or, as now seems probable, to a lost intermediary between Quintus and the writer of the Orphica. At any rate, Quintus is considerably earlier in this point of style than the Orphica. Quintus has other stylistic peculiarities which point surely to a late period, but not necessarily so late as Julian. These will be discussed at length in another chapter ; it is sufficient only to mention them here. They are (1) vocabulary, which shows forms not used until the Christian era; (2) un-Homeric dialectical forms; (3) the use of oe\ov with the indicative in wishes ; (4) the use of 6/aws almost as a con- junction ; (5) the use of (.ktvoOcv for noOev, and of ZvBtv for Ivda. Two other points of Quintus's style which indicate a comparatively early date are stated by Winkler. 3 He quotes Wernicke to the effect that x " Sunt etiam loci, in quibus ot videri possit accusativus esse" (p. 795). 2 Hermann suspected that these uses might be owing to corrupt text (p. 806). 3 "Einige Bemerkungen zu Quintus Smyrnaeus," Programm n. o, Laudes-Realgymnasiums, (Wien, 1875). BIOGRAPHICAL 21 the suffix <£i(v) is nowhere found in Tryphiodorus and writers of his age. There are a dozen instances of it in Quintus. 1 Again, in his infinitives Quintus has all the Homeric endings, nearly in the Homeric proportion. The endings -aav and -/xevat are used neither by Tryphi- odorus nor Coluthus; -vcu is used four times and -fxtv three times by Tryphiodorus; neither is used by Coluthus. 2 We have thus seen that the evidence of the poem itself, in point both of matter and of style, argues a date earlier than Constantine. In fact, there is nothing in the poem inconsistent with any date after the revival of Greek letters in the second century A. D. At that time Latin literature had passed its flower, and Greek became once more the language of literary expression. The Roman emperors wrote in Greek ; Greek grammarians and scholars, such as Favorinus and Herodes Atticus, taught at Rome. Marcus Aurelius, Epictetus, Arrian, Plutarch, yElian, Lucian, the Oppians, Babrius — the great names in the history of the literature of this century — all wrote in Greek. At the close of the century, too, we find authors living at Smyrna, or well acquainted with the place, who show a remarkable familiarity with Homer. I refer to Aristeides of Smyrna and the Philostrati. These authors are constantly quoting Homer, and one of the Philo- strati in a treatise on the Trojan heroes, the Heroicus, tries to justify the old religion in the eyes of the Greek world. This treatise, and others of its kind, suggest that interest in the old Trojan myths was great. It was a time most likely to produce a poet like Quintus. All these considerations make it almost certain that Tychsen and Koechly are wrong in placing Quintus as late as the emperor Julian. Perhaps we should be right in assigning him to the close of the second and the beginning of the third century A. D. 1 Ibid., p. 18. 2 Ibid., p. 32. III. THE STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER. I. METRE. The peculiarities of Quintus's verse have already been discussed, and may be omitted here. II. VOCABULARY. The vocabulary of Quintus, exclusive of a great number of proper names, 1 contains about thirty-eight hundred words. Of these, about three thousand, or 80 per cent., are Homeric. In frequency of occur- rence the percentage of Homeric words is much greater, perhaps not less than 95 per cent. Many of the remaining eight hundred are com- pounds formed on Homeric analogy; others are found very early in the poets and have an epic flavor. The result is that in vocabulary Quintus presents a very Homeric appearance. The following list will show the un-Homeric words found in Quin- tus, arranged according to the authors in whom they first occur, in the following order : nouns, adjectives, adverbs, verbs, the simple words preceding the compounds. It will be seen that the list covers the whole period from the Homeric Hymns to the second century A. D., while there are many words, nearly all compounds, not accredited to any author before Quintus. HOMERIC HYMNS. Kt.6d.pai 5. 66 Kivtrbs 14. 175 irtdov 3. 88 irptfMvoio I. 490 KaKOcppaSlr] 12. 554 aXK-rjevres 4. 247 dekirrov 4. 20 &ira,\&xpo'i 12. 1 07 &iv\r)roL 2. 199 &(ppa v 2. 182 (piXol-evlris 13. 294 XcuoD 4. 204 p.6\i(35os 7. 386 olda.Xe'a.i 4. 205 6pin 8. 469 iraprjidas q. 372 pot/35oj 10. 70 VKTOv 3. 463 iwieXnTa 14. 29 1 evp.ev£ovre$ 3. 190 7rai560ei' 6. 608 PINDAR. dvcr^arov 8. 373 ^7rd£ios 3. 115 eijiXKiop 7.717 eureka 13- 3°7 Kaxdcppovos 4. 527 p.eyae\?7S I. 295 raXa6i' 1. 759 direct 2. 638 dp.* 14. 68 evdaXies 5. 77 evKTeavbv 6. 617 etfijeiyoj' 7. 223 evirpdipovs 1. 824 ivrpixov 12. 143 p.eyaX6^^t\v 10. 332a \ali)i 14. 314 dSpavlr] 9. 456 d.Ktj8etriv 10. 172 re/CT^rovres 12. 28 dp 8. 484 Sopijktijtoi. 5. 160 l\aop.bpl-aTO 9. 384 ivepp'fjyvvvro 13. 460 iiriK&irireo~e 3. 399 KaTao~id8vao~9at 12. 309 irepLvfix*TO 14. 548 ffvviireipev 1. 61 2 o~vvev

a>'Tes 5. 616 etf7Xtix m 8. 406 6pao~a,vTes 1. 800 7repi7rX770oi/(ra 1 4. 290 7rept7rot7rwo»'Tes 3. 713 trpovhvdai 1 3. 38 0-vpp.oyiovTes 5- l°5 &p(pex^ v $• 106 KarairpTJaai 9. 539 irapeKTeT&vvffTO 3. 337 Kartrevfcv 7. 676 ireplfre 9. 44 1 irepi^elovo-a 10. 279 irepadS va/ro 8. I TrepnrT7]8ei 12. 449 Tavvrrpd-pov 9. 437 Tavvi7rdXXeTO 10. 37 1 -TepnrXaTdyr]o-e J. 500 wepipptyr) 8- 332 •7T€/3t(TT6J'dxOV(7l 12. 43O -repicTTovdx'rj ' 6 3- 397 -repiTapxvo-avTO "J. 157 irepiTeTpiyvia. 12. 431 irepiTpvfovcri 14. 36 -repiTpo}x&o~i 7 '• 459 -repMpplKacriv 3. 184 wpodXoLTO 4. 510 Trpocrayvvpevris 3. 510 -rpoo-eo-avpivt\ 8. 166 STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 2*] quintus — continued. vvviSpai-e 13. 185 virtptp\vTes 2. 375 iiwepovT-rjOivra 5. 289 VTreir\a.T&yr]eipveKeKa 7- 547 (Plat.). A change of meaning is seen in tVi/pai-os (*Epis), 4. 195 — an emenda- tion ; Xoifirjros, 1. 749, "insulting" (Soph.); 7r0X.vKp.-QTw, 7. 20, 424, etc., "laborious;" ravaos, 1. 681 of the air, 12. 58 of the voice. Here also we may note lyioeis, irpo6iXvp.vos, 12. 211; poi£ov opws KCU SoVTTOV, I. 251; 7T€V#OS 6/AWS CTapW KM aVaKTl, I O. 463. Next We find it in the sense of "together with," as perhaps in Theognis, 252; e. g., KttcrOai 6/xcos KTapeVois eVapifyuos, 2. 306 ; vy)TT Labour iv ofiws In Kovpifcovra, 4. 432. Finally, followed by the dative, it is used as a copula to connect two substantives; e.g., evrca .... avrw 6/iws 'A^iA^i, 5. 222; 8/j.wes 6p.a)s irapoHTi, 7. 36; 6p,u>s Kvariv dypoiwTcu, 7. 506 : Tpcoas 6/x.uis AvKioicrt, 3. 270. For other examples see 1.619, 697, 787, 808, 2. 349, 3. 270, 5. 286, 6. 97, 7. 36, 347, 506, 539, 8. 398, 9. 26, 33, 435, 11. 204, 12. 57, 198, 13. 2, 95, 456, 14. 33> IJ 8, 245, 619. The list is not complete. This use of 6/aws does not seem to have been noted by the lexicons. Me'xpis and axpLS show some un-Homeric usages. Each is used adverbially before a preposition: /*€;(pis enl TrroXieOpov, 3. 25; axpis C7r* w/aovs, 1. 261; and with the infinitive after the analogy of Trptv: ^expt? rjQ> Stav LKearOai, 1. 830; ax/ns iKtcrOat. ocrriov, 4. 361. The latter use has been noted by the editors, but not by L. and S. Pronouns {possessive).- — 'Eos has the general meaning of "own," and is used of all persons and numbers. It means "their" in 1. 349, etc.; "your" in 1. 468, etc.; "our" in 2. 28, etc.; "thy" in 7. 294; and "my" in 8. 440. On the other hand, o-cpos is used in the sense of "his," "her," 9. 526, etc.; so o-^>eVepos, 4. 454, etc. Once o-^erepos means "thy," 2. 90. The above uses are found also in the Alexandrine poets. Perhaps it is due to Latin influence that we find possessives used absolutely in two cases: €7ret #ep.is dvSpacriv avr-q otcrtv ap.vvip.tvai — olcrtv = suis, 6.450, and ■qp.tTepoi';, 2. 48. Verbs. — Along several lines Quintus departs from Homer in his use of verbs. Change of meaning is seen in avTeWycnv, 1. 148, 4. 555 intransitive (Hdt.); Ovp,bv voa-cptaaT i< juieAtW, 4. 159, 10. 79, etc., "caused to depart;" cuSot irope\ov, as noted by editors, has lost its verbal force and is used in the sense of utinam with past tenses of the indicative — a use common in late Greek. There are one or two instances of o<£etAa> used personally ; e. g., ws p.rj uxpaXes iKeaOai, 5. 194. "Aye, 6. 447, is used adverbially. Iteratives are very frequent. With the exception of ct7rco-K£v, all are formed on the present stem. Only occasionally do they have the true 30 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA iterative force; most often they denote simple past occurrence. Many- are found which do not occur in Homer. Voice : Homeric verbs are found in a different voice without change of meaning. Instead of Homeric middles, we have the actives tckt?/- vcu/tcs, 12. 28, 81 (Ap. Rh.); TeKfjLrjpare, 12. 221 (Aratus). The parti- ciple 7r£7rA77yores, 5. 91, is used in a passive sense, as in Plutarch and the LXX. Middles in place of Homeric actives are more common : ivcTrpTjcrecrOai, 1. 494; vw/A^cracr^at, 3. 439; dASatveo-0ai, 4. 429, 9. 473, 475 5 ei/Jerai, 12. 401 ; and others. Tenses: It is common to find in Quintus verbs used in more tenses than in Homer. From Io.tttpva, 4. 361; l£va, 11. 20 1, for Homeric forms in v. In the nominative and accusative plural Quintus has vlrjts, 2. 539 ; vlf}a<;, 13. 216 (Ap. Rh.) ; x £ '/° €S > IO - 2 °3; X e '/° as > II - 2 S r — Homer uses only Xept'and x 6 / 00 "'" with short stem (L. and S.). Contracted neuter plurals, as Tevxr), are common. Quintus seems alone in writing 7roAe'a, 1. 74, for TToXXd. In the dative plural we find x*P €(ra ' L { v ) (Hesiod) very fre- quent; x et P £ °' t J 3- 3 2 3 an d frequently; vytcriv, 8. 362, etc.; also nyecro-i, 7. 373 ; 7rat8ecrtv, 13. 306 ; Oivecri, 7. 413 ; TpaWi, 12. 49, V. I. Two nouns in -evs have dative plurals in -rjeo-cn: LTnrr}e.(T(nv, 3. 695; apicm;eo- *■ 3 OI > etc.; KaTaytvtTaL, 4. 245 (Ap. Rh.) ; dp7rveie, 1 " Nihil certi affirmare ausirn de xpaaTi \ ZI 8, et Kpaara T 93." — Schulze, Quaes/. Epic, p. 216. 2 Forms in -ea-s o^e 8. 385, etc. In the following the Homeric phrase shows an introductory word joined to a verb : dXXd p-vrjeru/xtda 6. 607 dXX' fopjev 1. 499, etc. eXirero ydp 2. 360 els 8 Kev eXdy 2. 30 7i pa 1. 198, etc. ov8i ri ohda I. 734 ov yap 6'lu 2. 59. etc. ov8i ri rjSrj 3. 250 oi) 7ap e7r6 x e P°~l v I. 187, etc. i>7rd iroo~o~lv 1. 686 Many others might be added. 34 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA Homeric phrases consisting of noun an usually occupying the same position in the more common are : &\KI[JL01> TjTOp I. 4O9 &i\owTo\ep.oi 5 ! ^ "Ektoj|o; deiKe'a qp.rjv, I. 21, after det/cea iroTfiov; alira fx.i\a.6pa after ai7rd pUOpa; ovpea p.aKpd after SevSpca p.anpd. Sometimes the phrase varies little in meaning from the imitated phrase; e. g., ey^ei.' oKpcoevTi, I. 259, from «fy. 6£v6evTi; Trvpbs aWaXocvTOS from 71-17365 aldop.ivoio ; X €L P L K po-Tatr] from %. fSapetrj; "Ekto/jos dy^e/x.d^oto, 2. 12, from E. avSpocjiovoto ; ato^e' c^ovtcs, 2. 40, from aAye' I^ovtc?; iv (TTipvouTi, 2. 69, from iv o-TiijOca-a-i; etc. Sometimes a phrase is given an unex- pected turn, as ptia <£0ivu0ovi-es, 6. 4, from pda ^wovres. Sometimes the Homeric analogy is extended to other words, as dwj 7ro'Sas, 6. 223; 600I x e '/° a 5, 11. 157. Very frequently other words are inserted in the Homeric phrase; e.g., ap.i in Skcu^s dpov rpv(j>a\tir]s, 2. 462, 8. 189, from Homeric "helmet;" vireKXd- va)v, from X 354; p-e x VT V Ka -Ta. yv iirt.up.ivq cISo?, 1. 19, 6. 241, 296; ivl <{>6c(Trjs e^ar' anpaavTov lets eVos ou5^ ri tJ/St; — 3- 250; 7- 522, ju^x/"s £r' AtSovijos vwepdt/Mio fiipedpov — 6. 490; 12. 179. For phrases consisting of a preposition and a noun see Koechly, Prolegomena, pp. lxviii ff. Quintus's imitation of Homer further extends to what Mr. Andrew Lang calls "runs;" that is, those stereotyped descriptions of feasting, setting sail, etc., that recur in Homer. Quintus imitates the common feasting run, 1. 120 ff.; that on feasting, launching a ship, and putting to sea, 6. 96; that on joining battle, 1. 220 ff.; that on the return voyage of a ship, 7. 369 ff. and 394 ff.; that on drawing a bowstring, 10. 231 ff. Sometimes Quintus has a second imitation of the same "run," but does not repeat the language used in the first. The characters in Quintus, when identical, are closely copied after the Homeric. To mention a few of the many : Thersites is still an inveterate railer at kings and a good-for-nothing, 1. 722 ff.; Diomedes is fortissimus Danaum and will not hear of the abandonment of the siege, 6. 41 ff. ; Agamemnon is a brave warrior, feaster of heroes, ready STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 37 to heed Nestor and to accuse Zeus of falsehood and unfaithful promises, 3. 491 ff.; Nestor is the same wordy old man as in the Iliad, always citing ancient instances of his prowess, always giving advice, as can be seen everywhere in the poem. In at least two instances Quintus has written detailed accounts of subjects already treated at some length in Homer. These are Achilles's shield and the destruction of the wall of the Greek camp. The description of Achilles's shield (5. 6-97) is modeled after that in 2 478-605. Quintus's general plan seems to have been the same as Homer's; at least, he starts with Homer's shield in mind, mentioning heaven, ether, earth, sea, sun and moon, rdpara iravra — all Homeric. But Quintus must show originality by variation from his model, and cannot resist a falsely artistic desire to daub his picture with details. He fills his air with birds, his land with lions, jackals, bears, leopards, boars, hunters (1. 24). Next he turns to the descrip- tion of battle after 2 509 ff. Taking it for granted that the reader knows his Homer, he fills in the picture with men trampled by horses, the ground wet with blood, Fear, Dread, the fire-breathing Erinyes, the Fates, etc., which brood over the field. The Gorgon's head, too, according to Quintus must have been on the shield (1. 42). The works of peace, the scenes of town life, and Justice overseeing all, are dis- missed with a few lines (1. 47). Another addition follows in a descrip- tion of the Mount of Virtue (1. 56). Next we have reapers, oxen drawing wagons and turning the soil, harps and dancing and banquet- ing, the Nereids and the marriage of Peleus and Thetis, a storm-tossed ship, and Poseidon driving his chariot across the sea. We are assured that there were countless other things on the shield. Thus it becomes a gorgeous thing, far removed from the simplicity of Homer, while the five rings are seemingly disregarded, and all things are mixed — KtKpifiiv aAAuSis aAAa (1. 9), the Homeric shield may still be seen beneath it all. The description of the destruction of the Greek wall is found at the end of the poem. It is rather prolix, but in main outline and in many of its details is copied from M 1-33. This is much nearer the Homeric model than the imitation of the shield of Achilles. The Homeric coloring is also heightened by frequent reference to Homeric events. Quintus begins his poem just where the Iliad leaves the story and closes with a preparation for the Odyssey, and everywhere he is recalling Homeric events and situations. These references are very definite, the details of Hector's death, such as the spear striking 38 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA him beneath the chin, being given. They are found in every portion of the poem, and frequently enough never to suffer one to forget the Iliad. The more important are found in i. 1-14, 100 ff., 378, 550, 580, 759, 816; 2. 10, 62, 440, 442, 447, 455; 3. 48, 80, 100, 253, 260, 339. 420, 500, 537, 545, 610; 4. 150-160, 290, 310, 325, 585; 5. 1- 120, 205, 215, 245, 257, 282, 314, 400, 483; 6. 90, 373; 7. 200, 242, 443, 697; 8. 34, 126, 394; 9. 214, 491; 10. 162, 300, 387; 13. 226, 2 75. 295, 364, 379; 14. 20, 48, 216, 590, 630, 635 ff. VI. SIMILES. Quintus like Homer has adorned his poem with a great number of similes. According to Niemeyer, 1 Quintus has two hundred and nine- teen detailed similes, one for every forty lines; whereas in the Iliad there is one only for every seventy-seven lines. In form he usually follows Homer, but rarely has un-Homeric introductions such as tvre, cos 8' oirorav, are, 07rws. The gnomic aorist is rare. Quintus often follows Homer also in the content of his similes. Niemeyer has divided our poet's similes into three groups : those taken (1) from nature, (2) from human life, (3) from myths of gods and heroes. Perhaps a better division would be : those fashioned after some literary model, and those made independently. To the first group would belong all those which show traces of Homer — by far the larger number; a few that imitate Virgil; and perhaps a few more. In this group belong all similes on lions, leopards, and wild beasts generally; perhaps also those on eagles, for it is evident that Quintus was not personally familiar with the incidents of these similes. 2 Even in this group Quintus has introduced many details of his own. It is in these that we find striving for effect, extravagance, and lack of fresh- ness. The next group, however, is free from these faults. Quintus draws comparisons from things he has seen with his own eyes, and here his excellent powers of description serve him well. Such similes are those drawn from a drought broken by rain, 1.62; a man with diseased eyes, 1. 74; a tower felled by shock of earthquake, 3. 64; bees driven by smoke, 3. 220; the dry branch of a tree, 4. 440; sheep and lambs, 5. 493; geese waiting to be fed, 6. 125 ; a cow lowing, 6. 240; 1 " Ueber die Gleichnisse bei Quintus Smyrnaeus," Programm des Gymnasiums zu Zwickau, 1883-1884. A comprehensive treatise. 2 Niemeyer, however, says of the similes on wolves, 8. 268; 13. 44, 72, 258, etc.: " Scheinen sie ja doch wegen ihrer frischen Lebendigkeit und Natiirlichkeit, sowie in Anbetracht dessen, dass der Dichter in seiner Jugend selber die von jenem so oft angegriffenen Herden gehiitet, zum Teil aus eigener Anschauung hervorgegangen zu sein," ibid., II Teil, p. 4. STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 39 swarming bees, 6. 323; the lowing of two herds of cattle on meeting, 6. 341; gladiatorial games, 6. 530; a horse checked in a race, 7. 315; children huddled around father during thunderstorm, 7. 530; fish caught by net, 7. 569; snowflakes beating on rock, 7. 596; embrace of father and home-coming son, 7. 637; trees felled pell-mell, 8. 130; two racing laborers, 8. 278; a child killing flies, 8. 331; oxen taking a breathing spell, 8. 369; a boat guided by rudder, 8. 414 ; fishermen in the Hellespont, 9. 172; olives knocked from trees with a stick, 9. 198; a deadened tree, 9. 451; a fever patient, 10. 277; a heifer in heat, 10. 441; a flight of cranes disturbed by man with sling, 11. no; oxen bit by gadflies, n. 207; ship timbers scattered on the shore, 11. 307; falling crags, 1. 696, n. 396, 401; launching a ship, 12. 428 ; sheep going to stalls, 13. 67; a stalk of dry corn, 13. 241; a shipwrecked sailor, 13. 309 ; squealing pigs, 14. 33 ; crops cut by hail, 14. 75 ; twin- ing ivy, 14. 175 ; pressed olives, 14. 265 ; a howling bitch and pups, 14. 282. These will all be found characterized by vividness, freshness, and naturalness — charms which have been so justly admired in Quintus's similes. 1 In some respects, however, Quintus is not Homeric. His similes, as a whole, lack the directness of Homer's. Again, while Quintus has a great number of attendant circumstances, there is in the first books very little playing with them. The following statement, referring to Spenser, is equally true of Quintus : The particulars of his similes bear more directly upon the action which he illustrates, and he is at more pains to point out that they do so, and to show the correspondence of the image with the reality, balancing, as it were, the one with the other. 2 This makes him more artificial. In the latter books, however, Quintus seems to have gained a freer hand, and like Homer to have added irrelevant detail to make the simile itself effective. 3 Subjective imagery is even rarer in Quintus than in Homer; there is hardly an instance *£.£., by Sainte-Beuve, Etude sur Quintus: "II offre a chaque instant des comparaisons poetiques et charmantes II a Fair d'un homme qui a vu et qui dessine d'apres nature. II a pour peindre les inondations et les debordements des torrents, ou encore la violence des vents s'engouffrant dans les gorges etroites, les expressions pleines et vives d'un homme qui en sait les ravages et qui les a observes dans les montagnes. Ces sortes de tableaux chez lui ne paraissent pas etre des lieux communs ni de simples imitations d'Homere; on croit y sentir 1'effroi ; il a du etre temoin de ces fleaux Quantite de ces comparaisons pleines de verite et d'observation, qui ornent en si grand nombre son poeme, justifieraient au besoin ce qu'il a dit de lui, qu'il a garde des troupeaux." Christ, Geschichte der griechischen Litter atur, p. 7S5 (ed. 3) : " Dieschone Gleichnisse .... lassen den ehemaligen Hirten erkennen, der mit der Natur Kleinasiens zusammengelebt und ihre gewaltigen Konvulsionen in Erdbeben (3. 64) und Bergsturzen (1. 696; n. 396) gesehen hatte." 2 Quoted from Green, Similes of Homer's Iliad, p. 18. sSee Jebb, Homer, p. 28. 40 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA of it. Ouintus has aggregations of similes; e.g., i. 37 ff., 1. 61 ff., 3. 39 ff. In the last of these the motive is almost the same as in the Homeric aggregations; that is, successive phases of the same object are represented. 1 The Greek army goes forth as eager for fight as wasps by the roadside, 8. 39-46; the hosts fill the plain with their shin- ing armor as a snow cloud, 8. 47-58; they surge forward like waves, 8. 59-68; they dash together like thunderbolts, 8. 69-75. VII. THE GODS, RELIGIOUS AND MORAL IDEAS. It is in his notions of the gods and his general religious and moral ideas that Quintus has most widely departed from Homer. It is true that he shows some effort to accommodate the Homeric gods to the later beliefs, but, as Koechly remarks, the gods in Quintus are only pale shadows patterned after the Homeric images, doing almost the same things, but lacking all blood and vigor, so that one could easily believe that the poet himself no longer had any faith in their vitality and power. The fact seems to be that the religion of Quintus was such as was generally held by the learned in Asia Minor in the first and second centuries of our era, modified perhaps by a few views peculiar to the poet himself. But it is not likely that Ouintus thought his system more than a consistent development of what he found in Homer. His universe is modeled after the Homeric. He has the conven- tional heaven, earth, and Hades, and the sea, presided over by the proper divinities. Heaven in Quintus, though sometimes called Olympus as in the Iliad, is really a place indefinitely removed in the sky, corresponding to the popular notion. When strife falls among the gods, they mount the winds and are borne from heaven, ovpavodev, to earth (12. 163). When the strife is ended, some of them return 7rpos ovpavov (12. 2 1 7); but, to preserve the Homeric color, Zeus directs his chariot to a scaur of Olympus (12. 196). Closely connected with heaven were the Elysian Fields. Achilles (14. 224) & 'HXwnov neSlov Kiev, ^x* t4tvktcu. ovpavov il- vtt&tolo KaTaifiaaLr) t' &vod6s re adav&rois fj.aK6.pea a iv. Again, in reference to Memnon we have iv puiKdpecro-i /car' 'HXvmov iriBov (2. 651), and Neoptolemus is to be borne es 'HXwtlov ttcSlov .... fxaKapoJV iirl yatav, 3. 76 1. * Ibid., p. 30. STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 4 1 This formal separation of the Elysian Fields from heaven is disre- garded except in these passages, in the last two of which, indeed, they seem to be confused. The term /na/capes here may refer to dead heroes, who, however, in other passages are said to be in heaven and to share the life of gods. So Achilles (14. 186) says: /xaKapecro-i Oeolo-iv 77877 6/u,€cttios dfiL. Achilles further (14. 308 ff.) is addressed with prayer, and appeased with sacrifice as a god. Poseidon (3. 755 ff.) promises that Achilles shall not remain in Hades, but come into the presence of Zeus, and that he will give him an island in the Euxine Sea, 077-77 0eos eo-o-erai det, while the neighboring peoples shall honor him with sacrifices like unto Poseidon himself. ^Esculapius is said (7. 60) to have gone to heaven, and is called an immortal (7. 90). And not only heroes, but the souls of the good also are said (7. 91 ff.) to go to heaven and be with the gods — 0ewv 8' e's v\ov. We are told in the same passage that the souls of the bad go ttoti t.o^ov. 1 In his portrayal of the gods it cannot be doubted that Quintus has made an effort to preserve their Homeric character. Perhaps he never admitted to himself that he had lost faith in them. At any rate, it will be patent to any reader that his gods have nearly the same relations among themselves and to the Greeks and Trojans as in Homer. In fact, he seems to take pains that this shall be so. They quarrel and fight, 2 and reference is sometimes made to incidents with which they are connected in Homer. The supremacy of Zeus is also dwelt upon ; see especially 12. 155 ff. On the other hand, there are marked differences between Quintus's gods and Homer's. In the first place, Quintus keeps his gods rather rigidly to what may be called their natural provinces. Zeus, Athene, and Apollo are set over the phenomena of the air and heaven ; Ares and other belligerent divinities are almost alone found in battles: whatsoever occurs on sea or river is assigned to Poseidon, Amphitrite, Thetis, etc. In fine, the great gods in Quintus seem really to be deified powers of nature, such as they were conceived to be by the Stoics. Equally un-Homeric, but common to the popular Roman religion of Quintus's day, is the deification of the great number of natural objects and phenomena, and the abstract moral qualities, found in 1 For the popular belief in Quintus's day in reference to the future life, Isles of the Blessed, Elysian Fields, hero-worship, etc., see Rohde, Psyche, pp. 626 ff. In his note to p. 658 Rohde fails to observe that Quintus confounds heaven with the Elysian Fields, and makes it the abode of the souls of all good men. 2 See 3. 98 ff. and 12. 155 ff. 42 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA Quintus. Such are Eos, Nyx, Erigeneia, Horai, Helios, Selene, Hyperion, Orion, Seirios, Pleiades, Oceanos, Tethys, Anemos, Aurai, Zephyros, Boreas, Notos, Euros; Deimos, Enyo, Eris, Thanatos, Ker, Kydoimos, Manie, Moros, Olethros, Polemos, Phobos, Dike and Themis, Arete, Charis. All of these are just as personal and as active as gods in Quintus as Zeus himself. For instance, compare, in refer- ence to Nyx, 2. 625 ff. : £ iraiSl (piXy ko.1 wdvra KariKpv(pev ovpavbs darpa dxXi/t ko.1 ve{puv x&P lv 'HpiyeveLy. Like language is used in regard to the others; but I omit further citation, since the reader may find all references in the " Index Nomi- num" at the end of Zimmermann's edition. It is to be noted, how- ever, that malignant divinities are called daemons. Again, the appearance of gods in the likeness of men is almost unknown in Quintus. Ares is now a voice (8. 326). Apollo, veiled in a cloud, shoots the arrow that slays Achilles, and is recognized only by his voice (3. 40 ff.). At their rare appearances, as that of Thetis and the nymphs at the funeral of Achilles, they are in propria persona (3. 605 ff.). Sometimes they appear in visions, as the deified Achilles to his son (14. 179 ff.). A marked difference from Homer is seen also in Quintus's treat- ment of the worship of the gods. He has little trace of priest and oracle. There are no hecatombs, but little slaughter of bullocks, and no first drops poured from the wine-cups. The few instances of sacri- fice and libation are of a conventional sort. Prayers are few, formal, and short. In fact, the only really vital worship in Quintus, it seems, is hero-worship. This, as may be seen in the passages cited above relative to the deification of Achilles, seems vital enough. Perhaps the reason is that Quintus regards only deified men as personal gods with a direct interest in human affairs. Finally, the supreme power is with Quintus, not Zeus as in Homer, but Fate. Called by the names Aisa, Moira, and the Moirai, it repre- sents the unchangeable, inexorable course of events in the universe. On earth it determines the beginning, the extent, and the limit of human life. It causes increase and decrease; it exalts and debases. In heaven it regards not the gods ; all, even Zeus himself, must yield to its decrees. Again and again Quintus dwells on these points. Another side of Quintus's religion is seen in the great number of sententious ideas — religious, moral, and general. He was, as Christ STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 43 remarks, 1 a pious poet, a preacher of morality to the young; in this, of course, differing widely from Homer. So full is the poem of these that we can give only the more characteristic, in which departure from Homer may be clearly seen. Death and the future life. — We have already seen that Quintus believed in heroes becoming gods, and the souls of the good going to heaven. He insists that the soul at death is separated from the body; ef. 2. 613: ^/v\y] 07rou cre'o voacptv a7ro(/>0i/u.evoio 7roTarat. 2 Distinct from the soul is the corpse, v«kvs (3. 697, 701, etc.). When one dies his soul goes to Hades, vtto £o<£ov(3. 774), K.ara.)(dovia>v .... aiva /3epc.$pa(2. 6 1 2). This is the usual method of speaking in Quintus; only in one or two passages does he hint that they go directly to heaven (7. 41, 88). From these dark abodes they are raised to be gods (cf. 3. 770). Quintus did not believe in the immortality of the body, not even in the cases of Dionysus and Heracles, whom he classes with Achilles (3. 772). When Quintus's characters die, there is a great deal of frantic grief, long lamentations, pouring of ashes on head, funeral games, etc. (1. 376, 2. 260, Book 3, end). Many are the commonplaces in which Quintus tries to rob death of its sting. There are evils greater than death (1. 432, 2. 38, 9. 283, n. 220, 12. 302, 13. 269). Fate makes death the common lot of all (3. 633, 6. 433, 7. 38-92). Lamentation should be moderate, since it cannot call back the fleeting breath (3. 7, 5. 605, 7. 38). Death is not the end of all (7. 88). Enemies. — When speaking of enemies, Quintus in many places seems to protest against the savagery of the early Greeks. No mercy is to be shown them living, but enmity ceases when they are dead (13. 199, 239). On the other hand, dead enemies are always given up for burial, and this custom is enforced by sententious moralizing (1. 809, 9. 37, etc.). Sometimes Quintus is compelled by tradition to record savage deeds, such as the slaughter of Priam and Polyxena, but he always makes an apology for them, and on the whole shows a humane spirit characteristic of a late period. Women. — In dealing with women, too, Quintus shows the influence of sentiment later than Homer and early Greek literature. His heroes and heroines suffered no indecent exposure of person before the oppo- 1 "Auch ein frommer Dichter ist Quintus, der anstossige Scenen meidet und mit seinem, fast mochte man glauben, fur die Jugend bestimmten Gedicht nicht bloss unterhaltcn, sondern auch zu Tugend und Edelmut erziehen will."— Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur (ed. 3), p. 785. 2 Cf. also 7. 41 ff. : aioTOS i^vxt oi 7rejr 278, X 359) that he should thus meet his doom at the Scsean gate. Here, however, Paris 2 has no part in his death. — 82. The arrow is withdrawn by Achilles and carried by the breezes to Apollo, who on returning to Olympus is soundly berated by Hera. She refers to Apollo's harping and prayer at the marriage of Thetis and to his service of Laomedon, and predicts that Achilles's son will come from Scyrus and prove as mighty as his father. — 126. The marriage is referred to in O 55, the coming of Neoptolemus in T 331, where some critics have seen the hand of an interpolater ; Poseidon ($ 440) also chides Apollo for his service of Laomedon. Hera commands more reverence than in the Iliad. Achilles in the mean- time is still able to carry on the fight. Before giving up the ghost he 1 The reference may be hereto * 540 and E 440, as Noack. Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1892, p. 776, supposes, but only remotely so; there is much clearer imitation of the Patroclus episode. 2 The numerous appropriations from Homer in this book make exceedingly conjectural any theory of the lost tragedies of ^Eschylus based upon it. Quintus uses his material as he likes; variance from the Cyclics does not, as Baumstarck, Philologus, Vol. LV, pp. 281 ff., believes, prove that he followed some other source, i. e., ^Eschylus. It is possible that he had read ^Eschylus, but any close relation to him cannot be proved. STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 49 cries to the fleeing Trojans that they shall pay atonement to his Erinyes. His fall is told in a dramatic way. — 185. Paris exhorts the Trojans to drag off Achilles's body. A fight follows like that around the body of Patroclus. At first Glaucus, ^Eneas, and Agenor are opposed to Ajax, who, as in the case of Patroc- lus, defends the body. Ajax and Glaucus come to single combat. First we have speeches. Ajax refers to Hector's fear of himself, and warns Glaucus that he will not prove a paternal guest-friend, as did Diomedes in Z 122. Glaucus is slain and his body rescued by JEneas. The battling continues. ^Eneas is wounded and retires. Odysseus comes on the scene and fights a replica of his battle with Socus (A 434). Paris, drawing his bow, is struck down by Ajax with a stone, as was Teucer by Hector (® 321 ff .), but is saved by his friends. At length Ajax routs the Trojans and shuts them up in their city. Quintus pur- posely leaves doubtful which of the /foo-iAr/es 1 carried off the body with a view to the coming ottXwv /cpio-is. — 387. The following descriptions of the dejection of the Greeks, and all the events connected with the funeral rites of Achilles are, as Struve 2 first saw, only an expansion of to 40 ff. The details are, however, borrowed from the Iliad. The Greeks in dejection lie on their faces, pouring sand on their heads, rend their hair, etc.; cf. 2 355, T4, * 59. The Myrmidons make lament ; so does Ajax, who in his speech glances at T 335, in reference to Peleus's grief for his son. — 458. Phoenix follows, repeating many things from I 434 ff., among them his flight from his native land, his reception by Peleus, and his nursing Achilles. — 489. Agamemnon in a characteristic speech accuses Zeus of treachery and deceit. At the bidding of Nestor, they wash and dress the body (co 45), as also was done in the case of Patroclus (2 343). Athene drops nectar on the corpse — Thetis did the same for Patroclus (T 37) — and makes his brow as terrible as it was at the trench (2 215). Achilles's captive women, Briseis especially, make lament, the speech of the latter being made up of elements found in Andromache's speech to Hector (Z 429 ff.) and Briseis's lament for Patroclus (T 288 ff.). 3 — 573. The Nereids and Muses come (w 47, 45, 48-61). Zeus inspires the Greeks with courage, that they may not, as the Myrmidons (T 14), fear the 1 Baumstarck, loc. cit., thinks these were the Atreidae. sKoechly follows Struve. So do Noack and Baumstarck, loc. cit. The latter gives an exhaust- ive analysis of the relationship between Quintus and the Odyssey, both in matter and in language. Noack correctly sees that in expanding the account of the Odyssey Quintus borrowed freely from the Iliad. 3 Noack also sees dependence on I 336 ff., but this seems to me improbable. 50 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA divine presence. Thetis speaks referring to her unwillingness to marry an old man and the promise by Zeus of a valiant son (2 432, 435), and declares her purpose to go to Zeus, as in A 426. She also refers to the death of Asteropseus (<£> 139 — Noack). Calliope consoles her by promising to make Achilles's fame immortal. — 654. The next morning the Greeks make Achilles's pyre. The whole account is even in minute details modeled after the account of the burial of Patroclus (ty). They go to Ida for wood. On the pyre are burned the bodies of captive Trojans, horses and oxen, gold and elec- trum, wine and oil. The Myrmidons and Briseis cut their hair. Horsemen and footmen move around the pyre. The winds refuse to blow until a god intervenes — in this instance they are furnished by yfiolus, at the request of Zeus. All day and night the pyre burns. The Myrmidons quench it with wine, and gather up the ashes of Achilles, which are deposited in an urn and buried. All of these events are borrowed from the burial of Patroclus. Besides, as Baum- starck has shown, there are many similarities of language. — 742. The horses of Achilles weep; cf. P 427. Mention is made of their suc- cessive owners, the last of whom is to be Neoptolemus. — 765. Poseidon comforts Thetis by the assurance that Achilles is to be a god and have an island in the Euxine. — 787. Homeric similes in the third book are: hunters and lion (E 534), 1. 142; fish and dolphin (<£ 22), 1. 271 leaves scattered by wind, (Z 146), 1. 325; eagle and birds (O 688), 1. 353; fountain of tears (I 13, n 2), 1. 577. BOOK IV. The Trojans are busy with the burial of Glaucus, when Apollo raises him from the pyre and gives him to the winds to carry to Lycia, where a large mound is heaped over him, from which springs the Glaucus river. — 12. Here is a replica with variations of the taking away of the body of Sarpedon (II 667 ff.). The grief of the Greeks continues. The Trojans rejoice, wish that Hector were alive, and hope that the Greeks will withdraw; but some remember that other brave Greeks survive. — 42. On Olym- pus Hera chides Zeus for helping the Trojans and reminds him of the marriage of Thetis. — 55 ; cf. fi 55. Night comes on ; the Greeks take food, for a ravening belly must be satisfied (cf. T 225 ff.).- — 73. The next morning Diomedes exhorts the Greeks to go forth to battle, but Ajax bids them wait for Thetis, who is to come and set up funeral games. We have here an anticipation of Ajax's death. Thetis, as in STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 5 1 Homer, comes like a mist and brings out the prizes. — 117; cf. w 91. Nestor first stands forth, not to box or wrestle — his age was too great — but to speak, in which he excelled all. He "sings" of the marriage of Thetis in detail, then of the deeds of Achilles, IvQzv IXwv — a phrase from the Odyssey — where Achilles sacks the twelve cities on the sea voyage, and eleven by land, and going on to his slaying of Telephus, Cycnus, Polydorus, Troilus, Asteropasus, Lycaon, Hector, Penthesileia, and Memnon. He closes with a prayer that Achilles's son may come, equal to his father, from Scyrus. Without contest (cf. * 616) he receives as a prize the steeds which Telephus once gave Achilles. These, as in the Iliad, are given to servants to be led to the ships. — 1S0. Next comes the foot-race, the prize for which is twelve cows with heifer calves. Teucer and Ajax Oileus enter. The race is even until the gods cause Teucer to slip on a branch of tamarisk. The slipping was common, but Quintus purposely varies the cause from that in the Iliad. Teucer needs a physician. — 214. Diomedes and Ajax wrestle. Each gets a fall, when Nestor intervenes with a speech of the same length as that used by Achilles to stop the wrestling match in the Iliad. Unlike the characters in the Iliad, they kiss and become friends again. For boxing, Idomeneus, because of his age, gets a prize without a con- test. Phoenix ineffectually urges the young men to fight, but Nestor succeeds with a speech patterned after that in ^ 626 ff., with incidents gathered from his speeches here and there in the Iliad. — 322. Here- upon up rises Epeius, an invincible boxer, but a poor warrior (cf. * 670). Acamas, son of Theseus, rises to oppose him, and is pre- pared for the contest as was Euryalus in the Iliad. At the end of a rather long fight, Epeius is victor, and they kiss. — 435. Next a mass of iron {cf. & 826) is brought forth. Ajax alone can hurl it. Its "pedigree" is given. — 464. Leaping and hurling the spear follow. All refuse the challenge of Ajax to single combat. — 499. Next comes the chariot race. Menelaus, Eurypylus, Eumelus, Thoas, and Poly- poetes enter. The start is made. Then comes a lacuna. Menelaus has won. Someone closes a speech, praising the victor and his horses. Thoas and Eurypylus have fallen from their chariots and are severely bruised, but are healed by Podaleirius. — 544. Last of all comes a race on horseback. Sthenelus would have won, but his horse taking to the brush gives the race to Agamemnon. The prizes are pieces of armor taken by Achilles from Polydorus and Asteropaeus. Odysseus is kept from the contests by his wounds. — 595. 52 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA The order of the contest is different from that in the Iliad. Per- haps Quintus conforms to that of his day. There seem to be no Virgilian touches. Homeric similes are : wind on sea and corn (B 146), 1. 79 ; wild beast fighting over body of stag (II 756), 1. 220; mist-like cloud of dust (r 10), 1. 519; windstorm on sea (A 304, N 334), 1. 550. book v. After the other contests are over, Thetis brings forth the armor of Achilles. First the shield is described at length after 2, as has been shown above. There follow short descriptions of the helmet, cuirass, greaves, sword, and spear "steaming still with Hector's blood." — 120. This armor is offered to "him who rescued the body and is the best of the Greeks." It is claimed by both Ajax and Odysseus. The former demands as judges Idomeneus, Nestor, and Agamemnon. Odysseus consents. But Nestor, fearing the anger of the defeated can- didate, dissuades the other two judges. As in Homer, he demands obedience because he is older. On his advice, the judgment is left to Trojan captives. Now follows a regular court trial, which follows per- haps the Althiopis, certainly not the Little Iliad. 1 Ajax makes a charac- teristic speech. He claims that Odysseus is a coward who was forced into the war, that he was the cause of Philoctetes's being left on Lemnos, and of the death of Palamedes — in all of which Quintus borrows from post-Homeric sources. He next refers to his rescue of Odysseus (A 472 ff.), to the central position of Odysseus's ships, and to his own prowess in withstanding Hector and keeping the fire from the ship — all Homeric matters. Finally he charges that Odysseus by tricks of rhetoric hopes to cheat him of the arms. — 236. Odysseus replies craftily. First he repels the charge of cowardice; then claims superiority to Ajax in wisdom and speech. Here follows a replica of Nestor's laudation of /j.rJTi<; (^ 313 ff.). He next refers to his services to the Greeks, the Doloneia, and his winning Achilles for the expedition (A 769 ff.). The gods gave him strength as well as craft. Ajax did not rescue him; rather he himself saved Ajax; he placed his ships in the center so as to be able to bear aid in either direction; he stole into Troy; he was also ready to accept Hector's challenge (H 168); he killed more men than Ajax over the body of Achilles. — 290. In his second speech Ajax dwells on his former themes — the 1 See schol. on Ar., Eq., 1056, and schol. on K 547. STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 53 cowardice of Odysseus and his own prowess. In reply, Odysseus refers to his wrestle with Ajax in Patroclus's funeral games, as proof that he is equal to Ajax in might ; in wit he claims to be much better. —316. The judges decide in favor of Odysseus. Ajax is maddened. Death is near him. Night comes on. The Nereids depart. The Greeks banquet and drink wine brought from Crete. — 351. An account of Ajax's madness follows. He arms himself to slay the sleeping Greeks, but is set in a frenzy by Athene. — 393. Day dawns. Sleep goes up into heaven and meets Hera, who kisses him, as he has been her kinsman from the day he lulled Zeus to sleep (H 231 ff.). Ajax falls upon the sheep. Menelaus observes him and predicts the destruction of the ships. Agamemnon, as in Homer, blames the gods. — 431. Ajax, continuing, finally kills a big ram which he addresses as Odysseus. — 448. His madness is removed by Athene. Ajax calls down curses on Odysseus, Agamemnon, and the other Greeks, such as actually befell them. Then he falls upon the sword given by Hector. — 446. The Greeks are in great sorrow. Teucer tries to kill himself. Some critics think references to suicide in Homer (2 34) are interpo- lated. Quintus has no trouble over them. Teucer speaks. Tecmessa laments her husband in a speech which borrows from various speeches of Andromache ; cf. "Ekto/> iyi» Svarrjvos (X 477) and wju.01 iyio Swt^vos (1. 532). She also repeats from Z 429 the idea that a husband is dearer than a father, etc. She closes by bewailing the lot of her orphan child, as does Andromache at greater length. However, Quintus seems to have anticipated some modern critics in thinking Andromache's fear ungrounded. At any rate, he makes Agamemnon assure Tecmessa of his protection of her and her son. — 567. Odys seus next makes long lamentation, in which are incorporated some borrowings from A 541 ff. In closing, he blames, not Zeus, as in the Odyssey, but Fate. — 597. Nestor, in his Homeric role of advisor, bids the Greeks cease from their grief and bury Ajax. — 611. The various details of the burial are given — Quintus never wearies of telling of funerals. — 663. This whole account shows more of the spirit of A 541 ff. than of the Ajax of Sophocles. Homeric similes are: bright as a star (X 25), 1. 130; eagle and geese (O 690), 1. 296; boiling water ( 362), 1. 382; wind in forest (O 605), 1. 388 ; lion among sheep (M 298), 1. 406 ; eagle and hares (P 673), 1- 434- 54 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA BOOK VI. How blindly Quintus imitates Homer may be seen in the opening of this book. One would think that Agamemnon's ill-fated proposal of return in B would not have been repeated. But with Quintus Homer is good for all occasions. In the present passage the design may be to show the generosity of Menelaus. For Menelaus — not Agamemnon, as in Tychsen's Argumenta — assembles the Greeks and proposes abandonment of the war. He is tired of seeing them suffer on account of himself and the dog-faced Helen. — 31. But he was only trying the Greeks; he was secretly plotting the destruction of Paris and the Trojans. Diomedes, in the same spirit as in I 32 ff., will hear nothing of it. Hereupon Calchas reminds them that he has already (B 322 ff.) foretold the destruction of Troy in the tenth year, and bids send Odysseus and Diomedes to Scyrus to bring Neoptole- mus. Odysseus is ready. Menelaus offers gifts and his daughter Hermione to Neoptolemus. One thinks of Agamemnon's offer to Achilles in I. After banqueting, Odysseus and Diomedes put to sea, the various details of the Homeric "run" being reproduced in other language. — 113. The Trojans remain in their town. To their aid comes Eurypylus, grandson of both Heracles and Priam, followed by many Ceteians. Paris entertains him. Helen, attended by servants, comes into the hall and holds converse with her guest, as she did with Telemachus in Sparta. The Ceteians and Trojans bivouac before the walls. The fires burn, the musical instruments sound. The Greeks are aroused to all-night watchfulness. This borrows from similar scenes in the Iliad, e. g., at the end of the eighth book. — 179. Eurypylus sleeps in the house of Paris. The next morning he is early on the field. His armor, the divine armor of Heracles, is described- — the shield at great length, but with much more definiteness and simplicity than are found in the Hesiodic prototype. 1 When Eurypylus is equipped, Paris declares him the best man, Greek or Trojan, he ever saw. Quintus is putting up a figure for Neoptolemus to bowl over. Success, says Eurypylus, is in the hands of the gods, but only death can keep him from conquering. — 314. Battle is soon joined in Homeric fashion, illustrated by a number of similes. Eurypylus slays the handsome Nireus and Machaon, and exults overweeningly. The dying Machaon, iKehmptzow, op. cit., p. 61, and Noack, op. cit., p. 783, think that Quintus is not here writing with a work of art before him. Perhaps this is right, if they only mean that Quintus never saw a shield such as he describes. But Quintus had probably seen artistic representations of the Works of Heracles, and writes with them in mind. STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 55 after Patroclus (II 843), predicts the death of his slayer. Teucer tries to rally the Greeks to rescue the dead. Podaleirius, maddened by the death of his brother, slays Cleitus and Lasus, the circumstances of whose birth give occasion for a description of a cave of the nymphs in Paphlagonia, after v 102 ff. At length the bodies are rescued and carried to the ships. Quintus, like Homer, is unwilling to leave a dead Greek in the hands of the Trojans. In every other part of the field the Greeks are defeated, except around Ajax and the Atreidse. Valiant deeds of the Atreidae follow. — 598. At last even they make for the ships. Eurypylus follows, as did Hector; cf. the simile, 1. 61 iff., with O 579. Quintus could not tell how many Eurypylus slew, not even if he had an iron heart; cf. B 489. Another Homeric touch in this battle is a dying man's heart which shakes the shaft of the spear that has pierced it, 1. 637; cf. N 442. Only night saves the ships; cf. the close of©. The Trojans encamp on the plain. The Greeks lament their dead. — 651. Homeric similes are: the yoke of oxen (N 701), 1. 107; winds on sea (A 295, N 795), 1. 330; fallen olive (P 53), 1. 377; bull slain by lion (A 172), 1. 410; dogs following game (O 579), 1. 611. BOOK VII. On the morrow the Greeks bury Nireus, the fairest of the Greeks (B 671), and Machaon. Podaleirius, greatly grieved, is kept by his friends from killing himself. Nestor, in a long, sententious speech, attributes everything to Fate, adapting the story of the jars in CI 527. The battle again rages on the plain. The renewed courage of the Greeks is not accounted for. Eurypylus routs the enemy, but the body of Peneleos is rescued and carried to the ships. As before noted, Quintus considers it an unpardonable departure from Homer to allow a Greek hero's body to remain in the hands of the enemy. The Greeks man their walls and are saved from destruction by the inter- vention of Athene. — 147. The fight continues day after day. But even so, Eurypylus grants a truce of two days for the burial of the dead — a truce even more inexcusable than that in H 406 ff. Quintus wants time for the return of the boat from Scyrus. — 168. Odysseus and Diomedes reach Scyrus. Neoptolemus on the shore, hurling spears, asks them the usual questions put to strangers in the Odyssey. They remain all night, and next morning return with Neop- tolemus, who is painted as the ne phis ultra of youthful excellence. Homeric is his sentiment, 1. 289, that no one dies contrary to fate 56 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA (Z 487). Homeric likewise are the details of the ship's putting to sea. Amphitrite, however — not Apollo, as in A 479 — gives the prosperous voyage.— 383. The ship reaches the Greek camp when Eurypylus is on the point of taking the walls — a situation somewhat similar to that at the end of O. Diomedes leaps from the ship and rallies the Greeks. Then, in Odysseus's tent, Diomedes dons the armor of Socus, slain but not spoiled by Odysseus (A 446 ff.), Neoptolemus that of his father, Odys- seus his own. — 452. The appearance of Neoptolemus is described at length. He goes forth to the plain with great prowess. The others go to meet Eurypylus, who keeps the Trojans facing the enemy. At length Eurypylus breaks the wall with a stone ; cf. Hector's deed, M 445. His entrance is disputed. He threatens the Greeks with instant death, not knowing that his own is near. The Trojans believe that Neoptolemus is Achilles, so valiantly does he fight. Athene comes from heaven, somewhat as in A 73 ff., to see the fray. She is pleased with Neoptolemus, whose valiant deeds continue until night- fall— (3ov\vt6<;. The Trojans encamp on the plain. — 630. Neoptole- mus is welcomed by Phoenix in a speech containing matter from his speeches in the Iliad, by Agamemnon and others who glory in his appearance, and by the servants, especially by Briseis. — 734. Homeric similes are: the swollen river (P 263), 11. 116 ff. ; cow and calf (P 4), 11. 253 ff.; Ares coming to battle (N 298), 1. 359; wind for sailors (H 4), 11. 455 f.; hunted lion (P 132), 11. 464 ff.; lion driven from yard (A 549, P 106, 656), 11. 486 ff.; bayed animals (P 132), 1. 504. BOOK VIII. The next morning the Trojans are aroused by Eurypylus, the Greeks by Neoptolemus. The latter hero impresses us as a rather presumptuous youth. His chariot is driven by Automedon, his father's charioteer, who has kept the immortal horses for the son. All the plain is filled with troops and dust clouds. The opposing forces join battle. This account is grandiloquent. Several heroes slay their man. Eurypylus deals destruction to many of the enemy, but Antiphus, doomed for death at the hands of the Cyclops, escapes. At length Eurypylus meets Neoptolemus. The usual word-battle ensues. The fight begins. Eurypylus strikes his opponent with a stone, but without effect. A mighty conflict follows, but, thanks to a lacuna, we are spared some intended extravagance. At length the Pelian spear is driven home under the chin of Eurypylus, and he falls as a pine or ash. The STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 57 victor makes the usual vaunt, spoils the foe, and pursues the Trojans, dealing havoc on all sides. — 236. The Trojans are on the point of being shut up in their walls when Ares comes, as in E 460, and rallies them. Here, however, he is a voice, and does not assume human form. In general, gods in Quintus are invisible. Helenus reassures the Trojans, remarking that Neop- tolemus is only a mortal; cf. 3> 567. The balances of battle become equal. Single combats follow. — 323. Medon, father of the slain Perimedes, was left without an heir, and y^pwrtai shared his property; cf. E 1 58. The other Greeks flee. Neoptolemus knows no fear; he slays his thousands ; he is more mighty than Diomedes in E. Ares is ready to slay him, but is checked by Athene. Then both divinities, as in E, withdraw from the field. The Trojans are routed and seek safety in their town — 368 — where they man tower and wall built by Poseidon. Only the prayer of Ganymedes to Zeus saves the town from present destruction. Zeus covers the city with clouds and hurls thunderbolts. Darkness is a device borrowed from P 366. Nestor, as in © 140 ff., advises retreat, urging respect for the behests of Zeus ; cf. especially 11. 471, 472 with 141, 142. The Greeks again honor Neoptolemus, and at nightfall set pickets, in dreadful fear that the Trojans will burn their ships. There is some reason for fear at the beginning of I; there is none here. But Quintus must imitate Homer. The Trojans also set watches. — 504. Homeric similes are: wasps and travelers (M 167, II 259), 1. 39; waves of war (A 422, II 765), 1. 59; fire in thicket (A 155, O 605), 1. 90; fight of wild animals over carcass (II 757), 1. 176; falling tree (A 482, etc.), 1. 204; cliff (oak in Iliad) resisting wind (O 617, M 131), 1. 338; shepherd and storm (A 275), 1. 379. BOOK IX. On the morrow the Trojans, believing that Neoptolemus is Achilles, still living, will not leave the city. Antenor prays for delivery or speedy cessation of trouble. The latter part of his prayer is to be granted. Zeus was to give glory to Neoptolemus. — 29. The Greeks and Trojans strike another truce for the burial of the dead. Neop- tolemus makes lament at the stele of his father. Deiphobus exhorts the Trojans to battle, which is joined in the usual way. The Trojan women watch from the towers, but Helen, ashamed to be seen, remains at home. This contrasts strikingly with her conduct in V. Deiphobus performs deeds of valor. — 179. Neop- 58 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA tolemus slays multitudes. He strikes (Enops on the throat where death comes easiest to men; cf. X 325. — 202. At length he meets Deiphobus. Automedon tells him that Deiphobus feared Achilles. Neoptolemus challenges Deiphobus, and is ready to strike him when Apollo veils Deiphobus in a mist and carries him to Troy. Neop- tolemus strikes the air and upbraids Deiphobus as a coward saved by a god. The whole account is modeled after the rescue of Hector from Achilles in Y 430 ff. Neoptolemus drives all before him. Some of the Trojans fight from the wall, some on the plain. — 290. Apollo leaps from Olympus to aid the Trojans. Poseidon gives courage to the Greeks. The battle is equal. Apollo is angered, and kept from killing Neoptolemus only by Poseidon's threat of engulfing Troy. The gods leave the field. — 323. The fight continues until, at the suggestion of Calchas, the Greeks withdraw. For it was not fated that Troy be taken until Philoctetes come from Lemnos. — 332. This sudden turn has been justly rebuked by Koechly. The Atreidae dispatch Diomedes and Odysseus to Lemnos after Philoctetes. Through the intervention of Athene, Philoctetes is per- suaded to go to Troy. — 425. The account of the voyagers' putting to sea, of the forwarding breeze sent by Athene, and of the course of the ship through the waves is suggestive of the account in A. Philoctetes on his arrival at Troy is quickly healed by Podaleirius and becomes the man he was before the snake bit him. — 479. He is feasted and wel- comed by Agamemnon. Many presents are given him. — 479. He goes early to bed, and next morning leads the Trojans to battle. — 546. Homeric similes are: Ares going to battle (N 298, X 131), 1. 218; swine and lion (II 823), 1. 240; wave and sailors (O 624), 1. 270; drying corn field (3> 346), 1. 473. book x. The Trojans are again outside the city, apparently for no other reason than to get themselves killed by Quintus's heroes. Polydamas, however, true to his Homeric character, tries to persuade them to remain in the city. ^Eneas is of another opinion, which prevails. — 44. Zeus arouses their courage, for Paris is to perish that day. — 52. Deimos, Phobos, and Eris bring together the opposing hosts. The passage as a whole is a close imitation of A 440 ff.- — 73. ^Eneas slays several, Neoptolemus a Homeric dozen. — 96. Eurymenes performs great deeds, only to perish. vEneas slays two Greeks who strive to spoil the body. — 117. Single combats follow. Ajax strikes Scylaceus, STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 59 who was destined to live until torn to pieces by Lycian women on his return from the war. — 166. Philoctetes deals havoc with Heracles's weapons, which are briefly described. — 205. An arrow aimed at Philoctetes by Paris kills another. Philoctetes upbraids Paris as a dog, declares that he will rid the world of him, draws his bow, as did Pan- darus (A 122 ff.), and wounds him slightly. A second arrow is more effective, and Paris leaves the combat. Night comes on, and the troops leave the field. — 252. Paris goes to CEnone, by whom alone he can be healed of his wound. Perhaps his speech to her borrows from that to Achilles in I 502 ff. She is unyielding, and sends him away, not knowing that she is bringing on her own doom. Hera is delighted at the tortures of Paris. She discusses with her servants the coming events of the Trojan war — the marriage of Helen to Deiphobus, the wrath of Helenus thereat, and his departure for the mountains, where he is to be captured by the Greeks, and the rape of the Palladium. These matters are not further treated in Quintus.— 360. Paris gives up the ghost on Ida. He is lamented by the nymphs. A shepherd carries the news to Hecabe, who makes lament. Priam, however, sits at Hector's tomb. Helen in a speech of self-recrimination laments Paris. — 405. CEnone, left alone, feels great sorrow and remorse, and is driven by Doom and Cypris after Paris. Finding him already on a pyre kindled by the mountain nymphs, she leaps into the flames. The nymphs wonder that Paris could have left her, a chaste wife, for the corrupt Helen. Over the graves of CEnone and Paris are placed two steles back to back. — 489. Homeric similes are: swollen stream (A 492, etc.), 1. 171; thick as snowflakes (M 156, 278), 1. 247. BOOK XI. The Trojans are again on the field, since "necessity drove them" — Quintus's necessity. Homeric battle follows. Neoptolemus, tineas, and Philoctetes are the heroes. Polydamas slays Cleon and Euryma- chus, fishermen, whose craft did not avail to save them from death ; cf. E 53 ff. The fighting continues. Apollo comes, as in E, and by much the same arguments as Ares in E 464 ff., urges ^Eneas and Eurymachus to fight valiantly. This they were already doing, but Quintus must imitate Homer. y£neas continues victorious until Neoptolemus rallies the Greeks. Thetis does not suffer her grandson to meet the son of Aphrodite. — 246. A great dust arises, and a blind 60 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA battle follows until Zeus drives the dust away. The situation is similar to that in P 366 ff. At length Athene comes to the aid of the Greeks. Aphrodite snatches ^Eneas from the field, hiding him in a fog; cf. E 445 and Y 318. The Trojans flee. Night falls. — 329. On the next morning the Greeks return to the field, leaving some to care for the wounded. The Trojans man their walls. Various heroes are assigned to different gates, after the manner of vEschylus's Sept em. — 357. Under the lead of Odysseus, the Greeks form a testudo, perhaps in imitation of ALneid, Book 2. This is broken by ^Eneas, who with Ares at his side is irresistible. Neoptolemus encourages the Greeks. — 439. In another place Ajax fights valiantly. His follower, Alcimedon, while trying to scale the wall is felled by ^Eneas. — 473. An arrow aimed at ^Eneas by Philoctetes is turned aside by Aphrodite and hits Mimas. Philoctetes begs /Eneas to leave the wall and fight on even terms, ^Eneas does not answer. — 501. Homeric similes are: swine pursued by dogs (0 338, P 722), 1. 170; hawk and starlings (P 755), 1. 217; waves of war (N 795), 1. 228; snowflakes (M 156, 278, O 170), 1. 265. BOOK XII. Calchas assembles the Greeks and bids them desist from warfare, for he has seen an omen that indicates Troy can be taken only in some other way. — 20. Odysseus, following the suggestion of the omen, bids them adopt the ruse of the Trojan horse, and outlines a plan that is followed. — 45; cf. 6 493,494. Calchas approves the plan and urges expedition. — 65. Neoptolemus is for open war; so is Philoctetes. They desist from taking the field only when checked by the thunder- bolts of Zeus. — 103. Thunderbolts were used in the Iliad to frighten refractory heroes (0 133). Athene comes at night from heaven and teaches Epeius [cf. 6 493) how to build the horse. The details of the building are told. — 156. In the meantime the gods come from heaven and begin battle, but Zeus comes back from the ends of the earth in great power, and quickly effects reconciliation. — 213. Quintus is here giving a repro- duction of the Homeric theomachy. Only Ares and Athene come to blows. The description of Zeus suggests the 18th Psalm. — 213. Odysseus proposes that the best men enter the horse, and the others sail to Tenedos, leaving someone to persuade the Trojans to receive the horse into their city. For this last Sinon volunteers and is applauded. — 258. Nestor harps on his age, but is eager to enter the STYLE OF QU1NTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 6 1 horse. Neoptolemus will not allow this and is the first to volunteer. This seems to glance at X 505 ff. Nestor is greatly pleased, and declares that evil is easy to attain, glory difficult; cf. Hesiod, Op., 285. The Greeks arm themselves. — 305. Here Quintus invokes the Muses, as Homer (B 484 ff.), to tell the names of the heroes. Apollonius Rhodius had made a like invocation. He gives the names of heroes who enter the horse. The rest of the Greeks under Agamemnon and Nestor sail to Tenedos and wait for the fire signal. — 349. The Trojans see the burning camp and come forth. They find Sinon and torture him. He is steadfast and tells the same story as in Virgil's ALneid. Some believe him ; others regard him as a cheat. Laocoon is for burning the horse. He would have pre- vailed had not Athene blinded him and inflicted dreadful tortures upon him. The people no longer hesitate, and proceed to draw in the horse through the broken wall. — 443. Laocoon follows, urging still the destruction of the horse. Athene sends serpents, which crush and swallow the two sons of Laocoon, and then enter the ground under the temple of Apollo. The Trojans make a cenotaph for the boys. This must have been hurried work. — 497. Banqueting follows. The omens are of the worst. — 524. Cassandra, unheeded, rages and pre- dicts the doom of Troy. — 551. In this book there is much borrowing from Virgil. Homeric similes are: the wounded lioness (Y 164), 1. 530; the retreating leopard (<& 573), 1. 580. BOOK XIII. The Trojans are buried in slumber and drunkenness. Sinon raises the fire signal for the Greeks to sail from Tenedos, and calls out those in the horse. — 60. Those from Tenedos steal into the city and find it full of gore. The details of the slaughter are given. — 144. Greeks as well as Trojans suffer. Diomedes kills Coroebus before he got joy from his marriage — what marriage Quintus forgets to tell us — for which he had come the day before to Troy. Next Diomedes slays the aged Uioneus, who begs piteously for his life. — 202. Neoptolemus slays Polites, as Polites charges upon him, and turns to Priam sitting on the altar. The old man begs for death, regretting that Achilles did not slay him when he went to ransom Hector. His request is granted by Neoptolemus. — 250. The Greeks throw Astyanax from the wall, remembering the woes Hector caused them. Andromache is frantic and begs for death, rehearsing her woes from the beginning, 62 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA imitating her former speech on Hector's death (X476 ff.; ^/".especially 11. 275 ff. with X 476-86). Antenor, because he entertained Menelaus and Odysseus (r 203 ff.), is spared. — 299. After fighting much, /Eneas, bearing his father and leading his son, leaves the city. Calchas restrains the Greeks from throwing their missiles, and prophesies a glorious future for /Eneas and his line. — 349. Menelaus, after a speech in which he refers to his duel with Paris, slays Deiphobus. Next he finds Helen and though eager to slay her, is checked by Aphrodite. Agamemnon reminds him that the blame rests, not on Helen, but on Paris, who violated the laws of hospitality ; cf. T 164. Troy is covered with a cloud. All the gods lament, except Hera and Athene, who, as in Y 313 ff., are unrelenting. But Athene is angered by violence offered in her temple by Ajax to Cassandra. — 429. All the city, Antenor's and ^Eneas's houses burn down. — 437. More details of the sack follow. An aside reminds us that it was all due to Fate. — 497. Demophon and Acamas find and recognize their grandmother ./Ethra. — 543. The earth yawns to receive the praying Laodice, the daughter of Priam, on whose account one of the Pleiads veiled its face. For the third time we are told that Troy's downfall was owing to Fate. — 563- Homeric similes are : the hungry wolf, 11. 44 ff., perhaps after II 352; wasps (M 167, II 259), 1. 54; eagles and cranes (O 690), 1. 103; sheep and wolves (II 352), 1. 133; waves (A 422), 1. 480; fire in forest (A 155, O 605), 1. 488. BOOK xiv. The next morning the Greeks come with their booty and captives to the ships. Menelaus leads Helen ; Agamemnon, Cassandra; Neop- tolemus, Andromache ; Odysseus, Hecabe. Helen alone is free from lamentation. She blushes for shame even as Cypris when caught with Ares. Her beauty is dwelt on, as in T 154 ff. — 70. Xanthus and the Nymphs lament the fall of Troy. — 84. The Greeks celebrate their victory with singing. Again we are told that Fate was the cause of all. — 100. The Greeks feast, offering sacrifice and libation, and pray Zeus for safe return, which Zeus was not to give. — 121. Here comes a lacuna. Someone is singing the events of the war from beginning to end. — 142. At midnight they go to rest. Menelaus has a long talk with his wife, which has some points in common with Odysseus's talk with Penelope (\p 300 ff.). — 178. When sleep has fallen upon all, a vision of his father appears to Neoptolemus, and makes a long speech STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 63 full of much advice and sentiment. In it is an imitation of oirj-n-ep (f>v\Xu)v yeverj (Z 146). Finally he bids his son, under threat of a detaining storm, sacrifice Polyxena at his tomb. Then he goes to the Elysian Fields. — 227. On the morrow Neoptolemus makes known the behests of his father. The sea becomes furious. The Greeks pray to Achilles as to a god. Polyxena is brought. Hecabe remembers a dream, varied somewhat from that in the Hecabe of Euripides. Neop- tolemus, unflinching, makes a prayer to his father and slays Polyxena. The Greeks kindly give her body to the surviving Trojans for burial. The storm of the sea is laid. — 328. The Greeks go to the shore, and offer sacrifice and libation to the gods. Nestor urges hasty sail. — 345. Hecabe is transformed into a dog and petrified. The Greeks prepare for embarkation and pour libations into the sea. — 382. The sorrow- ing Trojan women are mocked by Cassandra. — 398. The Trojans bury their dead. — 402. The Greeks set sail. Athene, angry with Ajax, goes to Zeus and prays for vengeance. He supplies her with his thunderbolts, and sends Iris to ^Eolus to bid him set free the winds. There follows a long description of the storm, in which Ajax perishes. — 628. Athene is sorry for Odysseus who is to suffer woes at the hands of Poseidon — one of the earliest themes of the Odyssey, Poseidon and Apollo are busy destroying the Greek walls — wherein Quintus, as has already been observed, follows closely M 1-33. The Greeks scattered by the storm, sail here and there as a god directs — as many as survived the storm. — 658. We are now on the borders of the Odyssey; and here our author leaves us. There is only one Homeric simile in this book (Z 146), I. 207. IX. GENERAL SUMMARY OF STYLE. We have found that for the most part Quintus is an imitative poet. The incidents of his poem are borrowed from older poems. He imitates Homer in vocabulary, dialect, phrases, motifs, characters, epi- sodes, and similes. He has used matter from Euripides, the Alexan- drines, and the Latin poets. He is perhaps original in many of his similes, in some of his religious ideas, and in his fine descriptions of nature. A poem that imitates a poem written a thousand years before will naturally have some faults on that account. Some of these, as seen in Quintus, are lack of variety, bookishness, undue striving for effect, and general dearth of ideas. Quintus could not reconceive the Homeric world in its completeness. He was under the necessity, then, of con- 64 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA stantly reproducing that part of it which he clearly conceived. He knew a chariot and a ship, but his imagination could not body forth the various parts of a chariot or ship as seen by Homer. His epithets are not, as in Homer, genuine expressions of some quality; their constant and indiscriminate use adds much to the monotony of the poem, and at the same time gives it a bookish and insipid flavor. 1 His sentences also show a sameness of structure. He uses ad nauseam introductions such as dAA' ore S77 followed by St) totc. His sentences are short and simple and show only one face. After a while the reader tires of aXXoOev aAAos, but Quintus never does. This same lack of variety is seen in the incidents of the poem. After reading of one burial, one set of mourners' laments, one description of a shield, one conflict between the mightiest champions, and of a few heroes who slay a 7rovAw o/xlXov, the reader wearies of such things, especially when he remembers that these things, so often repeated in Quintus, are told at first hand in Homer entirely free from bookishness, with the freshness and vividness that come from an eyewitness. For these faults Quintus seeks to atone by his intensity and rhe- torical expression. His poem shows some of the features of Seneca's tragedies. There are constant emphasis and embellishment, which in consequence become ineffectual. He also uses other rhetorical tricks, such as balanced structure, an example of which may be seen in 7. 632 ff.: d/jL(pl 5Y ot p.4ya x<*/>M a Ka ' dcirerov SXyos 'Uavev, &\yo$ /xiv \xvy\aQkvri iroSw/ceos d/x0' 'Ax'XtJos, X&pfia 5' dp" 1 ovvetcd oi uparepov iratS' elaep&rjffe • /cXcue 5' 6 7' dcriracrlws, iwel oijirore c/>0\' avdpwwwv v6fyovrai. The speeches in the 07rAwv /ceteris, Book V, show an accurate knowl- edge of the art of speech-writing after the models of the Athenian rhetoricians — another evidence that Quintus was a very wide-read man. An example of rhetorical narration and description is that of the shipwreck in Book XIV. Again, constant striving for Homeric coloring has lead Quintus into some absurdities. Penthesileia has a dream to make her eager for battle, although she had come to Troy for that very purpose. The Greeks, after driving the Trojans with sore defeat into their city, guard their own walls with dreadful fear of surprise by the Trojans. 1 It is doubtful whether Quintus distinguished any difference of meaning in such words as ptov 9pav, ipidvp.os, 6|3pi/x6flvp.os, ev7rrdAe p-os , p.eya.dvp.os, p.eve- TTToAf^tos, etc. STYLE OF QUINTUS AS RELATED TO HOMER 6$ Imitation of Homer was not altogether a loss to our poet. From it he gained simplicity and directness of statement, fidelity to Homeric manners and customs, and to the characters of the Homeric heroes, beauty of incident, beauty of motif, and beauty of simile. To this is also due the musical flow of Quintus's verse. He also generally avoids Alexandrine erudition, and prolix and fanciful narrations. In point of taste Ouintus deserves some praise. He omits many things found in the Cyclics, such as Achilles's purification from blood- guiltiness ; he steers clear of Alexandrine romanticism. A case in point is the story of Polyxena, which shows no trace of the erotic element, but follows an account more in accord with Homeric manners. Some- times, however, where there is no Homeric guide-post, Quintus goes astray. The death of Laocoon's sons, the story of Hecabe's metamor- phosis, and the lengthy description of the shipwreck and despair of the Greeks are too horrible for Homer. In his management of his material Quintus also shows a good sense of proportion. He so arranges the minor events that the main matter in hand shall receive the greater emphasis. In his episodes of Penthe- sileia and Memnon this is admirably managed. Sometimes this leads him to change the traditional order. Thus he buries Antilochus before the death of Achilles, not because he was following an unknown source, as some believe, but because he saw that the old order broke into the natural development of the death and burial of the great hero. Unity of plot has been denied Ouintus. But he has made an effort to secure unity, and has done as well as his intractable material would allow. The whole poem centers around Achilles and his son, Neop- tolemus. The latter is Quintus's hero. The opening books prepare for him. Before Achilles's death we have prophecies of his coming to assume the role of his father (3. 120, 169). After the funeral games for Achilles, he is sent for, and comes on the scene just in time to save the ships from burning. From this time on he is the chief figure, is ever foremost in the conflict, and continually speaks sentiments befitting youthful valor and modesty. He shows a pious regard for his father's memory, and is in all respects a model of youthful man- hood. He slays the mighty Eurypylus, repeatedly drives the Trojans into their city, and when seen strikes terror into the enemy. When the Trojan horse is proposed, he is for open war, yet is the first to enter its caverns, and is the hero of the sack of Troy, Agamemnon himself sinking into the background. His slaughter of Priam and Polyxena is defended with all the rhetoric of which Ouintus was 66 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA master. Again, that Neoptolemus was designed as the hero will become evident from another consideration. Quintus has changed the order of the Cyclics and brought him upon the scene before Philoctetes. Having designed Neoptolemus for his hero, he saw well that he should make his entrance as soon as possible. To delay his appearance until Philoctetes had played his part would be fatal. When Philoctetes finally comes, he plays only a subordinate part, whereas the attention of the reader is fixed early upon Neoptolemus as the hope of the Greeks, and that young hero from the time of his arrival until the departure from Troy is the central figure. With his great amount of intractable material Quintus has shown no little art in keeping the general interest so well centered around this son of Achilles. This leads us to a general estimate of Quintus as a poet. On the one hand, he lacks originality, is guilty of the most serious and con- stant plagiarism and imitation ; he seeks to atone for his poverty of ideas by a sounding and colorless rhetoric; he uses much too pro- fusely the embellishments of sententious sayings and similes; and shows some absurdities of plot. On the other hand, he has kept close to Homeric diction and rhythm ; in his choice of matter he shows excellent taste in discarding much of the Cyclic material which was not true to Homeric types ; he deserves our thanks for having given his poem such unity as was possible, for some beautiful and pathetic episodes and for many admirable similes, and, in general, for preserving to us in a work of moderate length the chief events of the interval between the Iliad and the Odyssey. Scholars and literary critics who have become familiar with Quintus have usually considered him a poet of considerable merit. Koechly was of a different opinion. Some of these estimates are as follows : rod '0/j.tjpiKov Kotvrov. — Life of Cohithits. ovSev TTJs avrov VOfi-qpov] irepl rb iroteTv 5eiv6r7ir6s re Kal e&s "0/xr)pov airrbv v arepvuiv, etc. 3 Geschichte der Griechischen Litteratur (ed. 3), pp. 784-85. 4 See note to Christ's editon of Pindar, loe. cit. 5 See above, p. 27. 72 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA probabilities are that copies could be found in the libraries. If so, Quintus, who was so diligent in reading up his subject in every avail- able place, certainly read them as the fountain source of all his matter. So far is Quintus from disregarding the Cyclics, as Koechly, Kehmptzow, and Noack would have us believe, that in incident and order he really follows their steps very closely. In the rare instances in which he shows variation from them he has good reason, and does credit to his skill as an artist. The burial of Antilochus, according to Proclus, took place after the death of Achilles. Quintus with finer dramatic sense changes the order of these events, thus leaving the stage free for the funeral obsequies of the principal actor. Again, Quintus departs from the order of the Cycle in bringing Neoptolemus to Troy before Philoctetes. How much this was worth to Quintus from an artistic standpoint the reader may see from my summary of Quintus's style. It is idle to claim that Quintus did not know the traditional order, or that he followed a handbook. The handbooks, so far as we can learn, followed the order of the Cycle. It was with Quintus a matter, not of ignorance, but of design. In the following respects Quintus differs from Proclus : The Aethiopis says that Penthesileia was a Thracian by race ; Quintus says that she came from the Thermodon. In the Aethiopis Achilles, after slaying Thersites, sailed to Lesbos, and was purified of manslaying by Odysseus after sacrifice to Apollo, Artemis, and Leto; Quintus says nothing of this, nor yet of Thetis's prophecy to Achilles about the fate of Memnon, which was in the Aethiopis. In Quintus, Achilles before his death does not follow the Trojans into Troy; and he is slain by Apollo alone, not by Apollo and Paris; in this latter point he differs, not only from the Aethiopis, but also from Homer. Again, in Quintus, Thetis does not, as in the Aethiopis, take the body of Achilles from the pyre and carry it to the isle of Leuce. Quintus differs from the Little Iliad in the following points: He has Philoctetes brought from Lemnos on the advice of Calchas, not of the captured Helenus. Philoctetes is healed, not by Machaon, who is already dead in Quintus, but by Podaleirius. The dead body of Paris is burned in the mountains, and is not maltreated by Menelaus. Quintus says nothing of Odysseus's being recognized by Helen on his entering Troy to steal the Palladium. Further, Quintus says nothing of the golden vine, mentioned by Pausanias (X 25. 5), given by Zeus to Laomedon and used by Priam to bribe Eurypylus ; he does not say who slew Astyanax, and follows Virgil in representing Priam's death, not at the door of the palace, but at the altar. sources 73 In his account of Laocoon, Quintus follows, not the Iliupersis, but Virgil ; the same is true with reference to the departure of yEneas from Troy. The Iliupersis also told that Ajax in dragging away Cassandra overthrew the statue of Athene ; the Greeks wished to stone him, but he took sanctuary at Athene's altar. Quintus omits this. The Iliupersis fixes the slaying of Astyanax on Odysseus. Only one or two of the events of the Nostoi are treated by Quintus. The wreck of Ajax is described at length. Achilles's ghost appears, not, as in the Nostoi, to Agamemnon, but to Neoptolemus. The above are about all the instances in which Quintus fails to follow the Cyclics. He rarely incorporates some matter, such as the tale of OZnone, from other sources. In comparison with the great number of points of agreement, his differences from the Cycle are inconsiderable. It will be observed that many of the points not used by Quintus are, in Mr. Lang's phrase, "clearly un-Homeric." Con- siderations of length perhaps caused other omissions. Quintus, in his zeal for Homeric purity of manners and life, selected what matter he wished. But it must be admitted that either from the poems them- selves, or from epitomes he knew in detail the incidents and order of the Cycle. III. THE TRAGEDIANS. That Quintus owed anything to the tragedians was denied by Tychsen 1 and by Koechly, 2 but was affirmed by Kehmptzow 3 and Noack. 4 ^Eschylus, Fragment 28, according to Kehmptzow, is the source of Quintus, 3. 98 ff. Noack rightly saw 5 that Quintus in this passage was following fi 56 ff. In both the Iliad and in Quintus Hera is the speaker, chiding Apollo for proving a traitor to his singing and playing the harp at the marriage of Peleus and Thetis. That Quintus was following only the Iliad here is rendered almost certain from the fact that in Hera's speech he incorporates the substance of another speech found in <£ 436 ff. The above is only a point in a larger question : Did Quintus use the tragedies of ^Eschylus relating to Achilles ? We learn from the scholium to O 70, that ^Eschylus in the Psychostasia represents Zeus as weighing the souls of Memnon and Achilles. Plutarch 6 says that in the Psychostasia ^Eschylus places Thetis and Aurora on 1 Commentatio, III, §§ 2, 3. 4 Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen, Vol. II (1892), p. 805. a Prolegomena, pp. XXIV f. 5 Ibid., p. 806. 3 Op. cit., pp. 12 ff. * De Audien, Poet., c. 2, p. 17, A. 74 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA either side of Zeus, each making entreaties for her own son. Quintus, (2. 490 ff.) seems to have precisely this situation in mind. It would seem that he had read the Psychostasia, or some account that practically agreed with it. 1 Baumstarck in a long article 2 seeks to show a much larger depend- ence of Quintus on yEschylus. He endeavors to prove from Quintus's lack of agreement with the Cyclics in the matter common to him and yEschylus, that he did not use them — a method the danger of which has been indicated above. He shows at some length Quintus's bor- rowings from the Iliad and the Odyssey, and from the Alexandrians, and that in some things he used a handbook. "Was iibrig ist darf als Nachklang der Aischyleischen Tragodie betrachtet werden." These, according to Baumstarck, are: (1) The wounding of Paris by Apollo alone. That this was the version of y£schylus is rendered certain by the lament of Thetis, Fragment 18. (2) The lamentations of Ajax, Phoenix, Agamemnon, and Briseis, which are well adapted to a dramatic setting. (3) Before all, the fioyepal A^iViSes, which were unknown to the Odyssey, to Proclus's abstract of the ALthiopis, and to the passage in Pindar, Isth., VIII, 125 ft. (4) The content of Thetis's lamentation, 3. 608-30. (5) The entrance of Poseidon and his promise. This, as is shown by 14. 224, must be referred to some peculiar source, for in the latter passage Quintus, disregarding the promise of Poseidon places the soul of Achilles, not in Leuce, but in the Elysian Fields; and, again, no extant tradition brings Poseidon into connection with the removal of Achilles to Leuce. Thus Baumstarck makes Quintus borrow largely from ^Eschylus, or rather from the ^Eschylus that he proceeds to construct on this assump- tion. But that he is right in so doing is very doubtful. As to the first point, Thetis's reference to Apollo, Fragment 18, is by no means con- clusive that -^Eschylus taught that Apollo in killing Achilles was not aided by Paris. Autos iarnv 6 xravtov need mean only that Apollo had the principal part in the transaction. So, e. g., in 2 454 ff. Thetis says that Apollo killed Patroclus. The lament of the various per- sonages at the death of Achilles have sufficient Homeric precedent. There is no proof that the (xoyepal Ay/mSes were a creation of ^Eschylus. It is certainly unsafe to say that, because they are not mentioned in Proclus, they were not in the sEthiopis. Proclus gave only an epitome. If Quintus used abstracts, his might have been more complete than 1 Koechly tells us that Hermann {Opuscula, VII, pp. 352-54) claims that Quintus followed ./Eschylus. * "Die zweite Achilleustrilogie des Aischylos," Philologus, Vol. LV, pp. 277 ft. sources 75 that of Proclus; or it is possible that he used the ALthiopis itself. This seems as probable as that he used y-Eschylus, if, as Baumstarck thinks, Quintus must have had some other source than a handbook for a picture as true to life as that in Book III. The content of Thetis's lament will trouble no reader of 2. Again, the story that Poseidon had provided the island Leuce for Achilles was known to Philo- stratus; 1 the story was variously told. It is hardly probable that a new version was due to ^Eschylus; if so, it had become a part of the general body of myth before Quintus's day. Leuce was regarded as one of the Happy Islands — a part of the Elysian Fields. So they are identified by Quintus. 2 It remains then unproved that Quintus drew from these tragedies of y£schylus — though it is probable that he read them if extant. Euripides was more freely used by Quintus than any of the other tragedians. Kehmptzow, not always consistent with himself, claims that Quintus's borrowings from this poet pertain only to the orna- mentations of his poem, not to the form of story. Noack (p. 805) rightly shows that this view is absurd. Nothing is more improbable than that an author should disregard the plot of a story the orna- mentation of which he is borrowing. We will speak of this more in detail below. From the Hecuba Quintus borrows his account of the death of Polyxena (14. 213 ff.). 3 This is rendered almost certain by the same order in the events as by similarities of language. The content of Hecabe's dream in Quintus (14. 289) is somewhat different from that in the Hecuba (72 ff.). Yet, as Noack remarks, we are more ready to believe that Quintus changed Euripides's story to suit his purpose than that he got his account from Kehmptzow's handbook. In some passages also Quintus has followed the Troades. I do not believe, however, that this is true in 8. 427 ff., where Ganymedes is represented as imploring Zeus to put off the destruction of Troy. There is no similarity of language between this passage and that in the Troades, 820 ff. and 833 ff., where the same event is mentioned; nor is it to the point to state that both passages are free from the erotic element, especially since Kehmptzow, who defends this view, has already stated that there are other versions of the Ganymedes story which neglect the erotic element. All will admit, however, that the story of the death of Astyanax (13. 251) shows dependence on Troades 108, i Philostratus, Her., 327, Vol. II, p. 212, ed. Kayser: ixcreuei rov Hoaei&wva. i) ©ens avaSovvai Two. in tj)s flaAaT-njs vrfirov. See also Dion. Perieg., 11. 54 ff. 1 See above, section on Religious Ideas, etc. 3 For details see Noack, loc. cit., p. 805. j6 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA 570, 725, 782 ff. Here also there is no need of a mythological hand- book. Other parallels cited by Kehmptzow and Noack are Cassandra's lament (14. 397 ff., Troad. 416 ff.), and 14. 159 ff., which suggests Troad. 955 f., 1012 f. The Andromache vs. 629 and scholium, may stand as the source of Quintus's statement (13. 389 f.) that Aphrodite caused Menelaus's sword to fall as he rushed on Helen (Noack). Perhaps also, as Noack claims, the Phcenissce (1104 f.) rather than the Seven against Thebes is the source of Quintus's account of the manning of the various gates by Trojan heroes (Book XI). Besides these, many minor parallels of commonplaces are mentioned by Kehmptzow. Noack claims that Kehmptzow is wrong in making Euripides the source of Quintus in the episode of Philoctetes, and with some reason. There are some discrepancies between the story as told by the two poets; in Quintus, Diomedes accompanies Odysseus, and Philoctetes is won by promises ; but perhaps the former, and certainly the latter, was not peculiar to Euripides. Then again it is doubtful whether in Quintus's day the drama of Euripides was extant, while the Philoctetes of Sophocles was read in the schools. With this Quintus often agrees. Noack also offers many interesting parallels to show that in his account of the death of Ajax in Book V Quintus was following the Ajax of Sophocles. THE ALEXANDRIANS. The Alexandrian poets differ from Homer in two marked respects : they contain romantic and erotic elements, and are given to displaying their erudition in learned details. Against these Quintus, as an imita- tor of Homer, has been on his guard; he lapses into romanticism only in a few instances, and has seemingly checked an innate love for parading his knowledge. In this latter point, as I shall show below, he has not always been successful. It is, however, much to his credit that, while following the Alexandrians in many things, he has so rarely violated Homeric convention. A careful, and in most instances accu- rate, study of the relation of Quintus to the Alexandrians has been made, both by Kehmptzow and Noack, and I am content to give a summary of their views. Apollonius Rhodius, according to Kehmptzow, is followed by Quintus in many places: (1) the description of the flight of OZnone — 10. 440, after Ap. Rh. 4. 41 ff.; (2) the farewell of Neoptolemus to Deidameia — 7. 262 ff., Ap. Rh. 1. 278 ff.; (3) the story of the Lemnian women — 9. 337 ff., Ap. Rh. 1 ; the boxing match — sources 77 4- 333 ff-» Ap. Rh. 2. 25 ff. Minor parallels are 5. 262, Ap. Rh. 3. 188; 10. 193, 194, Ap. Rh. 4. 595; 3. 630 ff., Ap. Rh. 1. 26 ff. Noack, while admitting that it is clear that Quintus has borrowed from the Argonautica, has done valuable service (pp. 791 ff.) by showing how much our author owes to Lycophron. It was from him and his scholiasts that he probably got the myth of CEnone. 1 Noack shows also many other interesting parallels between Quintus and Lycophron. They both mention the Calydnae islands — 12. 452, L. 346, 347; the Palladium — 10. 360, L. 363; Perseus- — 10. 195, L. 840 ff.; Athene's turning her eyes to the roof to avoid seeing the sin of Ajax — 13.425, L. 361, 362; Laodice's flight and swallowing up of the earth — 13. 544 ff., L. 316 ff.; Calchas's restraint of the Greeks from attacks on JEnes.% — 13. 334 ff., L. 1273, 1263; the death only of Laocoon's two sons — 12. 461 ff., schol. L. 347; and a few others of minor import. Noack is perhaps right in believing that Quintus owes nothing to Callimachus, as he certainly is in claiming that no Alexandrine source is necessary to account for the introduction of Helenus — 10. 342-60. Kehmptzow and Rohde are wrong in believing that these lines were inadvertently left here. They are probably only a summary of events which Quintus thought unwise to incorporate at length in a poem already growing too long. In the story of the love of Achilles, 1. 659 ff., Kehmptzow fol- lows Rohde 2 in believing that Quintus and Propertius (IV, 11. 13 f.), who agrees with Quintus, borrow from some Alexandrine source, per- haps Euphorion. Noack would deny this, and make the borrowing direct from the Latin poet. Certainly Kehmptzow and Rohde, whom he follows, are wrong in making the laments of Briseis at the death of Achilles Alexandrine. As I have elsewhere shown, they are only imitations of similar laments in the Iliad. The general influence of the Alexandrians is seen, as we have already said, in Quintus's fondness for erudite details. This is espe- cially marked in two spheres — medicine and astronomy. As regards the first, we find in 1. 76 ff., a simile relative to the surgical treatment of the eyes; in 4. 202 ff., the details of the pathology and treatment of a sprained foot ; in 5. 322 ff., the pathology of Ajax's becoming mad ; « Kehmptzow's reasoning to show that Rohde, Der Griechische Roman, p. no, n. 5, is wrong in claiming an Alexandrine original for Quintus is faulty. It is not at all improbable that Quintus used more than one source, and even though it may be proved that he follows the Argonautica, he may have modified his story by borrowings from other sources. ?Op. cit., p. 103, n. 2. 78 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA in g. 428 ff., the treatment of an old wound; in 10. 277 ff., a simile describing the pathology of fever. In regard to astronomy, in 2. 500 ff., and 595 ff., we find a description of the ecliptic and the signs of the zodiac, while in 7. 300 ff., some of these signs are mentioned by name, and their effect on the weather is discussed. Many other con- stellations are discussed: 'EXiktjs 7repti;yeos, 2. 105; dvTrjpiov, 4. 554 (Aratus); Capricorn, 7. 300; the Pleiades, 7. 308, 13. 554. These are only the more important passages. THE LATIN POETS. VIRGIL. In Quintus we have an instance of a Greek poet who has borrowed from at least one Latin poet — Virgil ; perhaps from several others also — Ovid and Seneca among the number. Conclusive proof can be fur- nished only in the case of Virgil. This comes as a result of a study of Robert, Die Laokoonsage* in which it is shown that in his Laocoon story Virgil differs from all previous accounts — the Cyclics, Sophocles, etc. — in points that are essential. The argument has been repeated both by Kehmptzow and Noack. Quintus agrees with Virgil — hence Quintus followed Virgil ; and followed not only in detail, but in imagery and turns of expression, so that a direct acquaintance with the author is shown. Noack (p. 799) denies that Quintus used a Greek version of Virgil. He offers many parallels to prove that Quintus was well acquainted with this poet. Besides a detailed list of borrowings from the second book of the Alneid, he shows how in many other passages Quintus probably drew from Virgil, but no proof, beyond similarity of incident, is given. There are, however, a few points, not noted before, which go to confirm — if confirmation is needed — the view of Robert. The first is that in both Virgil and Quintus it is Venus who conducts ^Eneas out of the city. This version of the story does not seem to have been 1 Bild unci Lied, Excursus I. In the Greek poets — the Cyclics, Stesichorus, Sophocles — Laocoon is a priest of Apollo who has committed impiety by marrying and begetting children against the com- mand of the god. To atone for the unsanctioned marriage, he and one of his sons, or his two sons — the story is variously told — are slain, while he is offering sacrifice at the altar of Apollo, the offended deity. This occurs after the horse is drawn into the city. The purpose originally seems to have been to warn ^Eneas, who immediately leaves the city. In Virgil all is different. It was Virgil's plan that .(Eneas should remain and see the downfall of the city. So he was compelled to give the Laocoon myth another purpose — the same as that of the Sinon myth. Laocoon hurls his spear at the offering of Athene. He is the priest, not of Apollo, but of Neptune ; he sacrifices, and with his two sons is slain before the horse is drawn into the city. The people interpret the event to mean that Athene is offended at the impiety offered the horse, which is at once haled into the city. Quintus follows Virgil. SOURCES 79 known to any writer before Virgil. 1 In the Iliupersis and Sophocles y£neas escapes before the burning of the city. In the tabula lliaca the conductor of ^Eneas is not Venus but Hermes. This account follows Stesichorus. Virgil's version seems original with him. If this be granted, either a direct or an indirect relation between Virgil and Quintus must also be granted. That the relation is direct is rendered very probable by several similarities in the two authors. Compare fla?nmaeque rece- dunt (s£n. 2, 633) and Trvp viroetKc (13, 329), and the whole account of the departure of ^Eneas (13. 317 ff., Aln. 2. 721 ff.). It is in this connection that Calchas, bidding the Greeks to let ^Eneas depart unmolested, predicts the future glories and world-wide rule of the yEneadae, all of which is wholly in the spirit and almost in the lan- guage of AL11. 1. 278-88. The same method or proof may be used to show that Quintus has in two passages followed Virgil (sEn. 1. 50 ff.), in his description of the cave of yEolus. Conington tells us that several lines in Virgil's description betray the influence of Lucretius, but the final product was Virgil's own. It would seem that the passages in Quintus which closely imitate Virgil in language were drawn directly from him. See how closely similar are 3. 702 ff., and sEn. 1. 81 ff. In this instance the similarity is all the more striking since the winds are sent, not to arouse a storm, as in Virgil, but to kindle the funeral pyre of Achilles. Compare also 14. 474 ff. and Aln. 1. 50 ff. In some details Quintus agrees with Homer's account of ^Eolus, but the important thing is that in several others he agrees with Virgil. So Struve, Kehmptzow, Noack. These will be patent to anyone who will read the two passages. In his account of the death of Priam, too, it seems that Quintus had Virgil in mind. 2 He goes farther — he combats him. In Virgil, Neoptolemus is a brute; in Quintus he is the hero, and in slaying Priam, who begs for death, he acts only as any youthful warrior might. 3 Quintus, however, seems to recognize that his hero does not — owing to Virgil or Euripides — stand in a favorable light. Hence, in a highly rhetorical way he tries to gain favor for him. In the first place, Diomedes, praised for his moderation and virtue {ALn. n. 244 ff.), kills Ilioneus, piteously begging for life (13. 181 ff.). Then Neoptolemus slays Polites, not fleeing, as in Virgil, but attacking him, imovTa IloXt- T7/v, and afterward slays Priam, who yearns for death. This, in brief, 1 I have not been able to see the discussion of this subject in Heinze's Vergils epische Technik 2 Noack, op. cit., p. 798. 3 Conington, /Eh. 2, introduction, did not see the significance of this. 80 A STUDY OF QUINTUS OF SMYRNA is Quintus's argument to justify his hero, who had suffered so much at Virgil's hands. That he had Virgil and not Euripides in mind is suggested by two considerations. First, the death of Polites seems to have been a crea- tion of Virgil. I cannot find that it was known before. It was not in Polygnotus's famous picture of the capture of Troy {Pans. X, 25). The painter would hardly have omitted an incident of such pathos, had he known of it. There is no mention of it in pre-Virgilian litera- ture. With Virgil, however, it is one of the most pathetic incidents of his work. Quintus to save his hero gives the story another turn. In the second place, let the reader compare the language, especially the moralizing which closes the two accounts: Haec finis Priami fatorum ; hie exitus y [/ce^aX^] 5e p.iya (itfrvcra KvXlvdero ilium iroXkbv iw 1 alav Sorte tulit, Troiam incensam et pro- vbafi &\\wv neXtuv, birbvois iytdwrai lapsa videntem avrfp- Pergama, tot quondam populis terris- kbito 5' fip' & fxi\ap al/xa icai els eripwv que superbum . — Q. 1 4. 589. 1 Terraque et igne victus et pelago jacet. — S., Ag. 556. This and many others of these parallels will be found to agree very closely. On the other hand, there are many details wherein the two authors differ. Seneca has more ideas. So there is no certain proof that Quintus borrowed from Seneca. It seems likely, however, that he did. We have found that he drew from other Latin poets. Why not from Seneca? Besides the other points of agreement, the two accounts are both very rhetorical. If they had a common source, that source was rhetorical. 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