^r-:-%'T:r:^i^!^^^^^im^mM :r^A'i^o:^rMfi'*r-iry^frSii»tf^' -:d ■I^ -7^/^^, ^^^'^ N !-^ 5> — < Si ji-^'^ "^/iajAmiiJV^ ^(!/0JllV0JO ■'^;. ex: ^\1tijN!Y; ^ _-v? ^ ^ vlOSANCFlf/..* ,OFCAllF0P.v, ^^.OFfAllFO% , ^MF ' j;]n-3S^ '^AiivM8n-#^ %i3: 'AlllBKARYC// , ^M^■DNIVtKi•/A ^vVlUSANCFlfj. ^ ^ ^^^HtKRA; ^ ^ '^^ojiiVDjv)-'-" ! CO iS^ Otr vr •^Ml_4/ \I ■ \< ^^//.- .-vio^ A,vr,Fiff,, \\— .< ,^f.MRRA,RV7V .>j^V(|RRARY/9^ \MFI.INIVF' inc »i'rri rr ■ c r« MCAn . 't^AaV^Uili-^ ^\nf I;-'' -^r r^' \\>' 0,1- c^ \tu unitrnj/r, , k iim Atn.tir i ^A ^ -'Jli. '' ^ ■"c/UJiivJ-JU^ .^^ , f ^>L>L Qe^ L- -^ 0-^^^^ ^dcn ) ■0\f~^^ '>--n SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. tONDOS PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODB AND CO, NEW-STKEET SQUARE SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS NEVER BEFORE INTERPRETED: HIS PRIVATE FRIENDS IDENTIFIED TOGETHER WITH ^ Sctdkrt^ f ikiuss of finistlf. BY GERALD MASSEY. 'With THTR key Shak$pearc unlocked his heart.' LONDON : LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 186fi. The right of translation is rtserved. pp. M3% TO THE EIGHT HON. LORD BEOWNLOW m POOR ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF PRINCELY KINDNESS f ^S §00k IS AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED BY GERALD MASSEY. COiNTENTS. PAGE The Sonnets : — Notices and Comments ..... 1 Of the Personal Theory as interpreted by Charles Armitage Brown . . . . . 19 Of the period at which the Earlier Sonnets were Written and the Person to whom they are Addressed . . 28 Life and Character of Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton ..... 50 Poet and Patron : — Their Personal Friendship .... 94 Peksonal Sonnets : — Shakspeare to the Earl, wishing him to Marry . . 108 Shakspcare to the Earl, in praise of his Personal Beauty 117 Shakspeare to the Earl, promising Immortality . . 123 Shakspeare to the Earl, chiefly concerning a Rival Poet, adjudged to be Marlowe . . . 127 Shakspeare is about to write on the Courtsliip of his Friend Southampton, according to the Earl's suggestion 162 Dramatic Sonnets : — Southampton in love with Elizabeth Vernon . . 160 PEiisoNAL Sonnets : — Shakspcare to the Earl, when he has kno^^^l him some three years . . . . . . Ill 9 Shakspeare proposes to write of the Earl in his absence abroad . . . . . . 171 viii CONTENTS. PAGE Dramatic Sonnets : — The Earl to Misti'css Vernon on and in his absence abroad ...... 173 Personal Sonnets : — Shakspeare of the Earl in his absence . . . 185 The Dark Story of the Sonnets .... 188 Dramatic Sonnets: — Elizabeth Vernon's Jealousy of her Lover, Lord South- ampton, and her Friend, Lady Rich . . . 205 A Personal Sonnet : — Shakspeare on the Slander .... 225 Dramatic Sonnets : — The Earl to Elizabeth Vernon after the Jealoufsy . 228 Elizabeth Vernon repays the Earl by a Flirtation of her OAvn : His Reproach . . . . .231 Personal Sonnets : — Shakspeare is sad for the Earl's ' Harmful Deeds ' . 237 Dramatic Sonnets : — A Farewell of the Earl's to Elizabeth Vernon . . 243 The Earl to Elizabeth Vernon after his Absence . 247 Personal Sonnets : — Shakspeare to the Earl after some Time of Silence . 251 Dramatic Sonnets : The Earl to Elizabeth Vernon — Their Final Reconcilia- tion : with Shakspeare's Sonnet on their Marriage . 256 Personal Sonnets: — Shakspeare to the Earl, chiefly on his o\vn Death . 289 Dramatic Sonnets : — Southampton, in the Tower, to his Countess, also Shak- speare to the Earl in Prison, and upon his Release . 296 The MSS. Book of the Southampton Sonnets . . 317 Dramatic Sonnets: — The ' Dark ' Lady of the Latter Sonnets . . 323 William Herbert's Passion for Lady Rich . . 367 CONTENTS. Life of Lady Ilicii ...... Thomas Thokpe, and his ' Onlie Begetter ' of tue Sonnets Of the New Reading and Arrangement . ' His Sugred Sonnets among his Private Friends.' The Man Shakspeake: A Ke-touched Portrait . PAGB 380 416 436 460 491 APPENDIX. Appendix A : — Cupid's Brand : Two Odd Sonnets 569 Appendix B : — Drayton and Shakspeare 571 Appendix C : — Queen Elizabeth's Favourites . 575 Appendix D : — Titus Audronicus .... 580 Appendix E : — 'EyseU' ..... 586 Appendix F : — Sonnet 132, and the Taming of the Shrew 589 Appendix G : — Wilham Herbert and Shakspeare's Minor Pieces 591 Appendix 11 : — The Silent Lover .... 594 Appendix I : — Notes on Disputed Readings. King John ..... 598 Macbeth ..... 599 Cyinbeline ..... 600 Romeo and Juliet 601 AN INDEX OF THE SONNETS ACCOEDING TO THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT. Sonnet 1 o >> *' }> 3 }} 4 1» 5 » 6 }) 7 7} 8 V 9 JJ 10 >» 11 V 12 >? 13 » 14 »> 15 )} 16 i) 17 » 18 » 19 » 20 J> 21 » 22 » 23 jj 24 » 25 jf 20 )) 27 f} 28 »t 29 ») 30 *) 81 » 32 PAGE 110 no no 111 111 111 112 112 113 113 113 114 114 114 115 115 116 120 124 119 132 121 124 186 118 109 170 180 166 167 168 133 f PAGE PAGE Sonnet 33 . 206 Sonnet 65 , . 125 „ 34 . . 2(X) „ 60 . . 239 „ 35 , . 207 „ Q7 . 239 „ 36 . . 177 „ 68 . 240 „ 37 . 168 „ 69 . 241 „ 38 . 157 „ 70 . 226 ,, 39 . 171 „ 71 . 292 „ 40 . 210 „ 72 . 292 „ 41 . 207 „ 73 , 292 ,; 42 . 208 „ 74 . 293 „ 43 . 181 „ 75 . 229 „ 44 . 182 „ 76 . 254 „ 45 . 183 „ 77 . 241 „ 46 . 186 „ 78 . 130 ;; 47 . 187 „ 79 . 130 „ 48 . 182 „ 80 . 130 „ 49 . 233 „ 81 . 294 „ 60 . 177 „ 82 . 133 „ 51 . 178 „ 83 . 132 183 „ 84 . 132 „ 53 . 121 „ 85 . . 131 „ 54 . . 121 „ 86 . . 131 „ 55 . 126 „ 87 . . 245 „ 56 . 229 „ 88 . . 233 ,; 57 . . 373 „ 89 . . 245 „ 58 . 373 ., 90 . 246 „ 59 . . 119 „ 91 . . 2:34 „ 60 . . 125 „ 92 . . 235 ;; 61 . 181 „ 93 . 235 „ 62 . 120 „ 94 . . 241 ,i 63 . 293 „ 95 . . 236 „ 04 . 125 „ 96 . . 370 Xll INDEX OF THE SONNETS. Sonnet 97 98 99 100 n 101 » 102 103 104 » 105 5J 106 107 108 109 >J 110 111 112 113 114 1J5 110 PAGE 248 249 249 252 253 253 253 169 255 129 312 254 269 270 270 271 178 179 308 285 Sonnet 117 >; 118 J) 119 » 120 >> 121 yi 122 }} 123 jj 124 jj 125 jj 126 )> 127 jj 128 }^ 129 }> 130 >> 131 >> 132 ;> 133 » 134 )> 135 » 136 PAGE PAGE 272 Sonnet 137 . . 375 272 )) 138 . . 368 273 )) 139 , . 374 274 )) 140 . . 374 271 }> 141 • . 376 321 }) 142 . . 372 303 jj 143 . . 372 303 }} 144 . . 205 304 )} 145 . . 342 170 )f 146 . . 379 367 )f 147 . . 379 368 )) 148 . . 376 378 }) 149 , . 375 369 }f 150 . . 377 370 ;j 151 . . 378 368 » 152 . . 377 209 )f 153 . . 569 209 )j 154 . . 570 371 371 THE SONNETS: NOTICES AND COMMENTS. ' As the soiile of Euphorhiis was tliouglit to live in Py- thagoras : so the sweete wittie soule of Ovid lives in inel- lifluons & hony-tongued Shakespeare, witnes his Vejius and Adonis, his Lucrece, his sugred Sonnets among liis private friends.' Thus wrote Francis Meres, Master of Arts of both Universities, in his work entitled 'Palladis Taniia, Wits Treasury, being tlie Second Part of Wits Comnion- Avealth,' pubhshed in tlie year 1598. This is the carhest notice we liave of Shakspeare's Sonnets, and it supplies us witli an important startincr- point. From the information gi\en by Mercs, we learn that in the year 1598, the sonnets of Shakspeare "were sufficiently known and sufficiently numerous to warrant public recognition on the part of a writer, who is remark- able for his compressed brevity ; well known enough in certain circles for the critic to class them with Shaks- peare's publislied poems. That the sonnets spoken of by Meres are to a large extent those which have come down to us, cannot be doubted, save, in desperation, by tlie supporters of an unsound theory. Thus, according to FrancisMercs, in 1598, Shakspeare had made the 'private friends' for wliom he was composing his sonnets, and if the sonnets be tlio same, the private friendsliip pubhcly 2,^ B 2 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. recognised, must include that which is so warmly cele- brated in the earliest numbers. Further, the title to Tliorpe's Collection, printed in 1609, reads with an echo to the words of Meres — ' Shaks])eare's Sonnets, never before Imprinted,'^ though so often spoken of, and so long known to exist in MS. An understanding on the subject is implied in the familiarity of phrase. The inscriber appears to say, 'You have heard a great deal about the " Sugred Sonnets," mentioned by the critic, as circulating amongst the poet's private friends ; I have the honour to set tliem forth for the public' The sonnets were published in IGOO,'-^ with this in- scription : — TO . THE . ONLIE . BEGETTER . OF . THESE . INSVINa . SONNETS . M^' . W . H . ALL . HArriNESSE . AISD . THAT . ETERNITIE . PROMISED . BY . OVR . EVER-LIVINa . POET . WISHETH . THE . WELL-WISHING . ADVENTVRER . IN . SETTING . FORTH . T. T. The book is inscribed by Thomas Thorpe, a well-known publisher of the time, who was himself a dabbler in ^ Hence the title to the present work. ^ According to tlie following technical account, ' SnAKE-srEAEES sonnets. Xeuer hefore Imprinted. At London by G. Eld for T. T. and are to be solde by AVilliam Aspley. 1609.' 4°. Collation. Title, one leaf; Inscription, one leaf; the Sonnets, etc. B to K in fours, and L 2 leaTes=40 leaves. In some copies, for WiUicnn Anpley we have lohn Writ/Id, dwcdling- at Christ- church gate. 1009. The sonnets commence on B 1 recto and end on K 1 recto, with finis. Then comes, without any advertisement, A Loners com- plaint hj William Shahc-spcare. It extends from K 1 verso to L 2 verso, with a second finis. The sonnets are numbered 1 — 154, but have neither addresses nor any indication of the subjects. The Loners complaint is a poem in 47 seven-line stanzas. VATUOUS EDITIONS. .-J literature. lie edited a ]:)osthumous work of ]\Tarlowe's, and was the publisher of plays, by Marston, Jonsou, Chapman, and others. Shakspeare makes no sign of assent to the publication ; whereas he prefaced his 'Venus and Adonis' with dedication and motto; the 'Lucrece' with dedication and argument. We shall see and say more of Thoq:)e and his In- scription, by-and-by ; for the time being I am only giving a brief account of the sonnets, and the opinions respecting them, up to the present day. After they were printed by Thorpe in 1609, we hear no more of them for thirty-one years. In 1640 appeared a new edition, with an arrange- ment totally different from the original one. This was published as ' Poems written by Wil. Shakspeare, Gent. Printed at London by Tho. Cotes, and are to be sold by John Benson.' In this arrangement, we find many of the pieces printed in tlie ' Passionate Pilgrim,' mixed up with the sonnets, and the whole of them have titles which are chiefly given to little groups. Sonnets 18, 19, 43, 56, 75, 76, 96, 126, are missing from the second edition. This publication of the sonnets as poems on distinct subjects shows, to some extent, how they were looked upon by the readers of the time. The arranger, in sup- plying his titles, would be following a feeling and answer- ing a want. Any personal application of them was very far from his thoughts. Sonnets 88, 89, 90, and 91, are entitled 'A Picquest to his Scornful Love.' 109 and 110, are called 'A Lover's excuse for his long Absence.' Sonnet 122, 'Upon the Eeceipt of a Table Book from his Mistress;' and 125, 'An Entreaty for her Acceptance.' The greater part of the titles how- ever are general, and only attempt to characterise the sentiment. In the editions that followed the two first, sometimes the one order prevailed, sometimes the other. Lintot's, published in 1709, adhered to the arrangement of n 2 4 SIIAKSPEAEE'S SONNETS. Thorpe's Collection. Curll's, in 1710, follows that of Cotes. Gildon gave it as his opinion, that the sonnets were all of tliem wj-itten in praise of Shakspeare's mistress. Dr. Sewell edited them in 1728, and lie tells us, by way of illustrating Gildon's idea, that ' a young Muse must have a Mistress to play off the beginnings of fancy; nothing being so apt to elevate the soul to a pitch of poetry, as the passion of love.' This opinion, that the sonnets were addressed to a mistress, appears to have obtained, until disputed by Steevens and Malone. In 1780, the last- named critic published his ' Supplement to the Edition of Sliakspeare's Plays,' (1778) and the notes to the sonnets include his own conjectures and conclusions, together Avith those of Dr. Farmer, Tyrwhitt, and Steevens. These four generally concur in the belief that 128 of the sonnets are addressed to a man ; the remaining 28 to a lady. Malone considered the sonnets to be those spoken of by Meres. Dr. Farmer thought tliat William Harte, Shak- speare's nephew, might be the person addressed under the initials 'W. H.' However, the Stratford Piegister soon put a stop to William Harte's candidature, for it showed that he was not baptised imtil August 28, 1600. Tyrwhitt was struck with the peculiar lettering of a line in the 20tli sonnet, — A man in Hew all Hews in his control! insr, and fancied that the poet had written it on the colorable pretext of hinting at the ' only begetter's ' name, which the critic conjectured might be William Hughes. The sonnets were Steevens' pet abhorrence. At first he did not reprint them. He says, ' We have not reprinted the sonnets, &c. of Shakspeare because the strongest Act of Parhament that coidd l)e framed would fail to compel readers into their service, notwithstanding these miscel- laneous poems have derived every possible advantage from the literature and judgment of tlieir only intellioent STEEVENS' CENSURE. r, editor, Mr. Malone, whose implements of criticism, like the ivory rake and golden spade in Pi'udentius, are, on this occasion, disgraced by the objects of their culture. Had Shakspeare produced no other works than these, liis name would have reached us with as little celebrity as time has conferred on that of Thomas Watson, an older and much more elegant sonnetteer.' Afterwards he broke out continually in abuse of them. The eruption of his ill humour occurs in foot-notes, and disfigures the pages of Malone's edition of Shakspeare's poems. He held that they were composed in the 'highest strain of affectation, pedantry, circumlocution, and nonsense.' ' Such laboured perplexities of language,' he says, ' and such studied deformities of style prevail throughout these soimets, that the reader (after our best endeavours at explanati(jn !) will frequently find reason to exclaim with Iniofren — 'O" I see before me, man, uor here, nor there, Nor what ensues, but have a fog in them That I cannot look through.' o ' This purblind and obscure stulT,' he calls their poetry. And in a note to sonnet 54 he asks with a sneer, ' but what has truth or nature to do with sonnets ? ' Here he has taken the poet to task for his bad botany. Shak- speare has written — The canker-blooms have full as deep a dye As the perfumed tincture of the roses. Steevens remarks that Shakspeare had ' not yet begun to observe the productions of nature with accuracy, or liis eyes w^ould have convinced him that the cynorhodon is by no means of as deep a colour as the rose ! ' What rose ? The poet does not say a damask rose, nor a rose of any red. The pink hedge rose may be of as deep a dye as the maiden-blush, and other garden roses. The 6 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. comparison in colour is only relative, the remark on that side merely general, it is the fragrance of the rose in which the positive part of the comparison will be found. The meaning is this ; tlie hedge-roses may be of as deep a dye or lovely a colour as their garden fellows in hue, but even then they are not so precious in perfume, and are not used for the purpose of distilling. Shakspeare knew a dog-rose from the damask-rose ; ' no flower more familiar to him in his rambles along the Warwickshire lanes. He has carried into his illustrations drawn from it all the aversion which children have to the ' cankers ' that infect this w^ayside flower.^ But Steevens had no patience with these poems ; he wrote some sad stuff about the sonnets, and scoffed at them in the most profane and graceless way. He never read them, never penetrated to the depths of feeling that underhe the sparkhng surface. The conceits, that play of fancy, which is a sort of more serious wit, came on him too suddenly Avith their surprises. He was too slow for them, and they fooled him and laughed in his face. And when he did catch the sense of the (to him) nonsense, he took his revenge by decrying the impertinent jingle of sense and sound that had so playfully tried to tickle his obtuse spirit, and only succeeded in making him savage. Wordsworth, in his essay supplementary to the celebrated ^ I had rather be a canker in a hedge. Than a rose in his grace. — Mtich Ado about Nothing. 2 This rucalls another peevish and petulant remark of Steevens, in making which, he snapped too soon for his limited amount of perception. Shak- speare, in the ' Passionate Pilgrim,' number 10, vs^rites — ' As faded gloss no rubbing wll refresh.' Steevens catches at this, and replies: 'Every one knows that the. gloss or polish on all works of art may he reslorecl, and that ruhhinff is the means of restoring it.' Indeed ! Did the critic ever test his theory on an old hat ? It would not be advisable even to try it in burnishing the faded gilding of picture-frames and mirrors. Shakspeare used ' gloss ' in the sense of fiilding. WORDSWORTH — COLERIDGE — CHALMERS. 7 preface, printed with the Lyrical Ballads, has administered a just rebuke to Steevens, and reprehended liis flippant impertinence. He says, ' There is extant a small vulume of miscellaneous poems, in which Shakspeare expresses his own feelings in his own person. It is not difficult to conceive that the editor, George Steevens, should have been insensible to the beauties of one portion of that volume, the sonnets ; though in no part of the writings of this poet is found in an equal compass a greater number of exquisite feelings felicitously expressed. But from a regard to the critic's own credit he would not have ventured to talk of an Act of Parhament not being strong enough to compel the perusal of these little pieces, if he had not known that the people of England were ignorant of the treasures contained in them ; and if he had not, more- over, shared the too common propensity of human nature to exult over a supposed fall into the mire of a genius whom he had been compelled to regard wnth admiration, as an inmate of the celestial regions, ' there sitting where he durst not soar.' This was written by Wordsworth iu 1815; he had read the sonnets for their poetry, independently of their object, and had thus got a httle nearer to the spirit of Shakspeare, behind its veil of mystery, and attained to a truer appreciation of his sonnets. About the same time Coleridge lectured on Shakspeare at the Eoyal Institution, and publicly rebuked the obtuse sense and shallow expressions of Steevens. In 1797 Chalmers had endeavoured to show that the sonnets Avere addressed to Queen Elizabeth, although Her Majesty must have been close upon sixty years of age when the sonnets were first commenced. He ar2;ues that Shakspeare, knowing the voracity of Elizabeth for praise, thought he would fool her to the top of her bent ; aware of her patience when hstening to panegyric, he determined, with the resolution of his own Dogberry, to 8 SIIAKSPEAEE'S SONNETS. bestow his whole tedioiisness upon her. It may be men- tioned by way of explanation that this preposterous suggestion was hazarded in support of a very desperate ease — the Ii-eland forgeries. Coleridge also held, though on a far sounder basis, that the person addressed by Shakspeare was a woman. He fancied the 20th sonnet midit have been introduced as a blind. He felt that in so many of the sonnets the spirit was essentially feminine whatever the outward figure might be, sufficiently so to warrant our thinking that where the address is to a man it Avas only a disguise ; for, whilst the expression would indicate one sex, the feehng altogether belied it, and secretly wooed or worshipped the other. Poet-like, he perceived that there were such fragrant gusts of passion in them, such ' subtle-shining secresies ' of meaning in their darkness, as only a woman could have called forth ; and so many of the sonnets have the suggestive sweetness of the lover's whispered words, the ecstatic sparlde of a lover's eyes, the tender, ineffable touch of a lover's hands, that in them it must be a man speaking to a woman. Mr. Knight believes that such sonnets as 56, 57, and 58, and also the perfect love-poem contained in sonnets 97, 98, and 99 were addressed to a female, because the com- parisons are so clearly, so exquisitely the symbol of womanly l)eauty, so exclusively the poetic representatives of feminine graces in the world of flowers, and because, in the sonnets where Shakspeare directly addresses his male friend, it is manly beauty which he extols. He says nothing to lead us to think that he would seek to compliment his friend on the delicate whiteness of his hand, the surpassing sweetness of his breath. Mr. Knight has found the perplexities of the personal theory so insur- mountable, that he has not followed in the steps of those who have jauntily overleaped the difficulties that meet us everywhere, and which ought, until fairly conquered, to have surrounded and protected the poet's personal KNIGHT — BOSWEIJ. — DKAKE. 9 character as with a chevaux-de-frise. He has wisely hesitated rather than rashly joined in making a wanton charge of immorality and egregious folly against Sliak- speare. He likewise thinks it impossible that "VYil^^i^i Herbert, afterwards Earl of Pembroke, could have been the 'only begetter' of the sonnets. Seeing the difficulties of the subject in all their density, he makes an attempt to cut a way through, at least for himself, but the success is not equal to the labour. Boswell, second son of Dr. Johnson's biographer, in editinfy a later edition of the work in which Steevens' notes are printed, had the good sense to defend the sonnets against that censor's bitterness of contempt, and the good taste to perceive that they are all a-glow with the ' orient hues ' of Shakspeare's youthful imagination. He ventures to assert that Steevens has not ' made a con- vert of a single reader who had any pretensions to poetical taste in the course of forty years,' which had then gone by since the splenetic critic first described the sonnets as worthless. Boswell also remarks anent the personal interpretation that the fondling expressions which perpetually occur Avould have been better suited to a ' cockered silken wanton ' than to ' one of the most srallant noblemen that adorned the cliivalrous ag:e in which he lived.' Dr. Drake, in his ' Shakspeare and his Times' (1817), was the first to conjecture that Henry Wriothesley Earl of Southampton, was the friend of Shakspeare who was addressed so afiectionately in the sonnets, as well as inscribed to so lovingly in the dedications to his poems. He thought the unity of feeling in both identified the same person, and maintained that a httle attention to the language of the times in which Thorpe's inscription was written, would lead us to infer that Mr. W. H. had suffi- cient influence to ' obtain the manuscript fi-oni the poet, and that he lodged it in Thorpe's hands for the purpose 10 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. of publication, a favour which the bookseller returned by wishing him all hapjnness and that eternity which had been promised by the bard in such glowing colours to another, namely, to one of the immediate subjects of his sonnets.' Drake contended that as a number of the sonnets were most certainly addressed to a female, it must be evident that ' W. H.' could not be the ' only begetter ' of them in the sense which is primarily suggested. He therefore agreed with Chalmers and Bos well that Mr. W. H. was the ohtainer of the sonnets for Thorpe, and he remarks that the dedication w^as read in that light by some of the earher editors. Having fixed on Southampton as the subject of the first 126 sonnets, Drake is at a loss to prove it. He never goes deep enough, and only snatches a waif or two of evidence floating on the surface. When he comes to the latter sonnets he expresses the most entire conviction that they Avere never directed to a real object. ' Credulity itself, w^e think, cannot suppose other- wise, and at the same time, believe that the j)oet was priAy to their pubhcation.' About the year 1818 Mr. Bright was the first to con- ceive the idea that the ' Mr. W. H.' of Thorpe's inscrip- tion was William Hei'bert, afterwards Earl of Pembroke. It is said he laboured for many years in collecting evi- dence, brooded over his cherished idea secretly, talked of it publicly, and was then anticipated in announcing it by Mr. Boaden in 1832. Poor Mr. Bright ! He was not in time, but I think he will rejoice in eternity that he escaped the infamy of persistently trpng to tarnish the character of Shakspeare for the sake of a pet theory ; that is, if his discovery included the personal interpreta- tion. Mr. Boaden argued shallowly that the Earl of Southampton could not ])e the man addressed by Shak- speare, and assumed desperately that William Herbert was ! He held him to be the ' only begetter.' These modern discoveries reached their climax in MR. BROWN'S THEORY. 11 ' Shakspeare's Autobiographical Poeins, being bis sonnets clearly developed, with his character drawn chiefly from his works by Cliarles Armitage Brown' (1838.) Mr. Brown adopts tlie hypothesis of Mr. Bright, that Mr. W. H. is the Earl of Pembroke ; he also accepts the sug- gestion first made by Coleridge, i that the sonnets are not sonnets proper, but a series of poems in the sonnet stanza ; these he divides as follows : — First Poem. Stanzas 1 to 26. — To his friend, persuading him to marry. Second Poem. Stanzas 27 to 55. — To his friend, who had robbed the poet of his mistress, forgiving him. Third Poem. Stanzas 56 to 71. To his friend, complaining of -his coldness, and warning him of hfe's decay. Fourth Poem. Stanzas 78 to 101. — To his friend, complaining that he prefers another poet's praises, and reproving him for faults that may injure his character. Fifth Poem. Stanzas 102 to 126. — To his friend, excusing himself for havinsr been some time silent and disclaimino- the charge of inconstancy. Sixth Poem. Stanzas 127 to 152. To his mistress, on her infidehtv. The two last sonnets he leaves out, and would also reject the 145th stanza on account of its measure, and the 146th because of its solemn nature ; and he considers the sonnets containing the puns on the name of ' Will ' to be quite out of keeping with the rest, on account of their playful character. Without adducing one atom of proof, Mr. Brown is much satisfied in assuming that Shakspearc was a self-debaser and self-defiimer of a species that has no previous tyi^e — no after-copy. Mr. Hunter thinks the discovery made by Mr. Bright settles the whole matter. He considers the claims of the Earl of Soutliampton as ' too improbable to deserve examination, and the sooner they are dismissed from ^ I'ablc Talk; \\ 231. 12 SIIAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. the public recollection, the better for the reputation of those who proposed them.'^ Mr. Hallam inchnes to the personal theory of the sonnets, and evidently thinks we may safely conclude that William Herbert Avas the youth of high rank as well as personal beauty and accomplishment and licentious life, whom Shakspeare so often addressed as his dear friend. He remarks that, ' There is a weakness and folly in all excessive and misplaced affection, which is not redeemed by the touches of nobler sentiments that abound in this long series of sonnets,' 'No one,' he says, 'ever entered more fully than Shakspeare into the character of this species of poetry, which admits of no expletive imagery — no merely ornamental line.' But, so strange, so powerful is the poet's humiliation in addressing this youth as ' a being before whose feet he crouched, whose frown he feared, whose injuries — and those of the most insultino; kind — the seduction of the mistress to whom we have alluded, he felt and bewailed without resenting ; ' that on the whole, ' it is impossible not to wish the sonnets of Shakspeare had never been written.' ]\Ii\ Hyce, in 1864, rests in the conclusions which he had reached thirty years before. ' For my own part, repeated perusals of the sonnets have well nigh convinced me that most of them Avere composed in an assumed character, on different subjects, and at different times, for the amusement — if not at the suggestion — of the author's intimate associates (hence described by Meres as "his sugred sonnets among his private friends ") ; and though I would not deny that one or two of them reflect his genuine feelings, I contend that allusions scattered through the whole series are not to be hastily referred to the personal circumstances of Shakspeare.' Mrs. Jameson has suggested, not only that Southampton ' Illustrations of Shakspeare, vol. i. pp. 2'j6-7. MRS. JAMESON — MK. COIINEY— M. CriASLES. 13 was the male friend addressed by Shakspcare, but tliat some of the sonnets may liave been written for tlie Earl to send to EUzabeth Veruun, who afterwards became Countess of Southampton.' Mr. ]]oU,on Corney, in a pamplilet printed for private circulation, has recorded his conviction that the Earl of Southampton was the ' Begetter ' of the sonnets ; that they were written in fulfilment of a promise made to the earl in 1594 ; that the sonnets mentioned by Meres in 1598 formed the work which was promised in 1594 and reached the press in 1609, but that they are, with shght exceptions, mere poetical exercises. He protests against the theory that they relate to transactions between the poet and his patron : — 1. Because as an abstract question the promise to write a poem cannot imply any such ob- ject. 2. Because in the instance of ' Lucrece ' no such object could have been designed. 3. Because, in the absence of evidence, it is incredible that the man of whom divers of worsliip had reported his uprightness of dealing should have lavished so much wit in order to proclaim the grievous errors of his patron — and of himself. He denounces the vaunted discovery of Mr. Brown as an inijustifiable theory, a mischievous fallacy. He accepts M. Chasles' reading of Mr. Thorpe's inscription, and thinks a Frenchman has solved the Shakspeare problem Avhicli has resisted all the efforts of our ' homely wits.' Believing that the Earl of Southampton was really the ' only be- getter ' of the sonnets, and that the inscription addresses the ' only begetter ' as the objective creator of them, lsli\ Corney feels compelled to accept M. Chasles' interpreta- tion ; he thinks that Wilhani Herbert dedicates the soimets to the Earl of Southampton, and that Thorpe merely adds his wishes for the success of the publication. He assumes that the initials ' W. H.' denote William Lord ' I Avas not awrtro of this fact wliou my article on ' Shakspeare and his Sonnets ' appeared in the Quarterhj Eevieic, April, 18G4. 14 SHAKSrEARE'S SONNETS. Herbert, afterwards Earl of Pembroke ; but he follows the discoverer of tliis undoubted fact, Mr. Bright, no further. As to the way in which the sonnets reached the press, Mr. Corney submits a new theory. 'Be it assumed tliat the volume of sonnets was a transcript made by order of William Herbert ; that it was then inscribed by him to the Earl of Southampton as a gift- book, and that it afterwards came into the possession of the publisher in a manner which required concealment. With this theory, which the inscription and other pecu- liarities of the volume seem to justify, the perplexities of the question vanish. I anticipate one objection. As copies of tlie sonnets were in the hands of the private friends of the poet, a copy was surely in the hands of his patron. How then could ' W. H.' offer the earl so super- fluous a gift ? It might have been a substitute for a lost copy, or a revised text, or a specimen of penmanship, as it was a common enough thing for specimens of the caligraphic art to be offered as gift-books.' Thus, he holds that the sense of the inscription is : — To the only begetter (the Earl of Southampton) of these en- suing sonnets, Mr. W. H. (William Herbert) wislies all happiness, and that eternity promised (to liim) by our ever-living poet. This was the private inscription, in imitation of the lapidary style, w^ritten on the private copy which had been executed for the purpose of pre- senting to the Earl ; and Thorpe, in making the sonnets public, let this dedication stand, merely adding that the ' well-wishing adventurer in setting forth ' was ' T. T.' There have been various minor and incidental notices of the sonnets, which show that the tendency in our time is to look on them as autobiograi)]iic. Mr. Henry Taylor, in his ' Notes from Books,' speaks of tliose sonnets in which Shakspeare ' reproaches Fortune and himself, in a strain, which shows how painfully conscious he was that lie had lived unworthily of liis doubly immortal spirit.' MR. MASSOX — ULRICI. 16 Mr. Masson ' states resolutoly, that the sonnets are, and can possibly be, nothing else than a record of the Poet's own feelings and experience dnring a certain period of his London life ; that they are distinctly, intensely, painfully autobiographic. lie thinks they express our poet in his most intimate and private relations to man and nature as having been 'William the Melancholy,' rather than ' William the Calm,' or ' William the Cheer- ful.' The sonnets seem to have placed Ulrici in that difficult position which the Americans describe as ' facing North by South.' To him the fact that Shakspeare passed his hfe in so modest a way and left so little report, is evidence of the calmness with which the majestic stream of his mental development flowed on, and of the clear pure at- mosphere which breathed about his soul. Yet, we may see in the sonnets many traces of the painful struggles it cost him to maintain his moral empire. His mind was a fountain of free fresh energy, yet the sonnets show how he fell into the deeps of painful despondency, and felt utterly wretched. They tell us that he had a calm con- sciousness of his own greatness, and also that he held fame and applause to be empty, mean, and worthless. This is Ulrici's cross-eyed view. He reads the sonnets as personal confessions, and he concludes that Shakspeare must have been so sincere a Christian, that being also a mortal man, and open to temptation, he, having Mien and risen up a conqueror over himself, to prove that he is not ashamed of anything, set the matter forth as a warning to the world, and offered hims(Jf up as a sacri- fice for the good of others, most especially for the behoof of the young Earl of Pembroke, for, according to Ulrici he alone can be the person addressed. Gervinus, in his Commentaries on Shakspeare, holds ' EssaySy chiejlij on Eiuilish Poets. 16 SILiKSPEARE'S SONNETS. that the sonnets were not originally intended for publica- tion, and that 126 of them are addressed to a friend ; the last 28 bespeaking a relation with some light-minded woman. It is quite clear to him that they are addressed to one and the same youth, as even the last 28, from their purport, relate to the one connection between Shakspeare and his young friend, and with his fellow- countryman, Eegis, who translated the sonnets into German, Gervinus considers that these should pro- perly be arranged with sonnets 40 — 42. He maintains that the real name of the ' only begetter ' was not designated by the publisher, the initials W. H. were only meant to mislead. That this ' Begetter ' is the same man Avhom the 38th sonnet calls in a similar sense the ' Tenth Muse,' and whom the 78th sonnet enjoins to be 'most proud' of the poet's works, because their influence is his, and born of him. He does not believe that the Earl of Pembroke could be tlie person ad- dressed, the age of the earl and the period at which the sonnets were written, making it an impossibility. He thinks the Earl of Southampton is the person, he being early a patron of the drama, and a nobleman so much looked up to by the poets and writers of the time, that they vied with each other in dedicating their works to him. Gervinus is of opinion that a portion of sonnet 53 directly alludes to the poems which the poet had inscribed to the earl, and that he points out how much his friend's English beauty transcends that old Greek beauty of person, which the poet had attempted to describe, and set forth newly attired in his 'Venus and Adonis.' This foreign critic wonders why in England the identity of the object of these sonnets with the Earl of Southampton should have been so much op- posed. To him it is simply incomprehensible, for, if ever a supposition bordered on certainty, he holds it to be this. THE LATEST THEORY. 17 A strenuous endeavour not to read the sonnets has recently been made by a German, named Bernstorflj and it is out of sight more successful than any attempt yet made to lead them. It is so immeasurably fiu^-reach- ing, so unfathomably profound, that we may call it perfectly successful This author has discovered that the sonnets are a vast Allegory, in which Shakspeare has masked his own face ; he has here kept a diary of his inner self, not in a plain autobiographic way, but by addressing and playing a kind of bo-peep with his dopple- gamjer. Yov the sonnets do not speak to beings of flesh and blood, no Earls of Southampton or Pembroke, no Queen Elizabeth or Elizabeth Vernon, no corpoi^eal being, in short, no body whatever, but Shakspeare's own soul or his genius or his art. It is Shakspeare who in the 1st sonnet is the ' only herald to the blooming spring ' of modern literature, and the world's fresh ornament. The 'beast that bears 'the speaker in sonnet 51 is the poet's animal nature. The ' sweet roses that do not fade ' in sonnet 54 are his dramas. The praises so often repeated are but the poet's enthu- siasm for his inner self. All this is proved by the dedication, which inscribes the sonnets to their ' only begetter,' W. H. — William Himself. The critic has freed the Shakspeariun Psyche from her sonnet film, and finds that she has shaken off every particle of the con- crete to soar on beautiful wings, with all her inborn love- liness unfolded, into the emj)yrean of pure abstraction ! There sits the poet sublimely 'pinnacled, dim in the intense inane,' at the highest altitude of self-consciousness, singing his song of self-worship ; contemplating the heights, and depths, and proportions of the great vast of himself, and as he looks over centuries on centuries of years he sees and projihesies that the time will yet come when the world will gaze on his genius with as much awe as he feels for it now, ' Is this vanity and self-conceit ? ' c 18 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. the critic asks, and he answers, ' iSTot a whit, simple trutliful self-perception ! ' Into this region has he fol- lowed Shakspeare, where 'human mortals' could not possibly breathe. He keeps up pretty well, self-inflated, for some time, but at length, before the flight is quite finished, our critic gives one gasp, showing that he is mortal after all, and down he drops dead-beaten in the middle of the latter sonnets. The mind of Shakspeare is a vast ocean teeming witli life, and his works, critically considered, afford an oceanic space and range for every sort of creature and mental species that come to sport or make sport in this great deep. Also, the sonnets have caused much perplexity and bewilderment, as is sufficiently reflected in the pre- sent account, but of all the strange thinirs that have taken advantage of the largeness and the liberty, this author is surely the oddest. His theory is a creation worthy of Shakspeare's own humour, sincere past all per- ception of foolishness. What w^e require is the secret cue to his profundity, at which we can but dimly guess. It may be that he has explored the Shakspearian ocean so determinedly and dived so desperately, that he has found the very place w^here, as is popularly supposed of the sea, there is no bottom, and he has gone right through headloncj ! OF THE PERSONAL THEOM T AS IXTERPRETED BY CHARLES ARMITAGE BROWN. Now this ill-vrrestin<,' world is gi-owu so bad, Mad slanderers by mad ears believed be. — Sonnet 140, There has never yet been any genuine, honest attempt to grapple with, and truly interpret, the sonnets. A theory lias sprung up in the mind of a reader here and there, and straightway all the effort and the energy have been de- voted to the theory ; the sonnets being left to shift for tliemselves. There has been no prolonged endeavour to grasp the reality. No one has yet wrought at the sonnets Avith the amorous diligence and sharpened insight and pain- ful patience of an Owen at his work ; sought out the scat- tered and embedded bones of fact, and put them together ngain and again, imtilthey should lit with such nicety that the departed s|)irit which once breathed and had its being in these remains, should stir with the breath of life, and clothe itself in flesh once more, and take its original shape. Tliere has been nothing done, except a little sur- face work. Thorpe's Inscription has afforded a dcligiitful bone of contention, most savoury and satisfactory to tlie C 'i 20 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. critical wranglers who love to worry each other most over the point that is of least importance, and who, when they have even got a good bone, will eagerly drop the reality, like the fabulist's dog, and spend all their might in trying to grasp its shadow. Give them such a question for de- bate as this : ' Did Shakspeare call Cleopatra a gipsy because she was an Egyptian ? ' or was an Elizabethan necessarily a cripple because he spoke of being 'lamed by Fortune?' and there will forthwith be a vast display of learned folly ; the most shallow device will serve to show their deepest profundity. So that the subject of all Shakspearian subjects, being of such vital interest and so personal to the poet of whom the world is anxious to hear the least whisper of authentic fact, has been left almost untouched, and there is no opposition theory to take five minutes' labour in demolishing ; no opponent worthy of steel ; no antagonist that calls foilli the respect- ful sword-salute. TJie most considerable attempt hitherto made — that of Messrs. Boaden and Brown — is about equal in value to the work of those painters, whose art consists solely in the knack they have of disguising all the diffi- culties of a subject, not of their skill in conquering them. In dealing with the sonnets they both adopted a policy old as that of the hunted ostrich. And yet it is of great importance to have this question of the sonnets settled. We must be ignorant hypocrites to continue talking as we do on the subject of our great poet's character, and believe what we do of his virtues and moral qualities, if these sonnets are personal confes- sions. And if they be not, then all lovers of Shakspeare will be glad to get rid of the uncomfortable suspicions, see the 'skeleton' taken to pieces, and have the ghost of the poet's guilt laid at once and for ever ; so that wise heads need no longer ])q sluiken at ' those sonnets,' and fools may not wag the finger with comforting reflec- tions upon the littleness of great men. The poet's bio- Ml;. I'.iiowx's siioirrsKiiiTEDXESs. l>i grapliy cannot be satisfactorily built, with this shifting sand of the sonnets at the foundations. To illustrate and enforce his theory of the sonnets, Mr. Brown has api)ended a prose version of their con- tents. And it is interesting to compare the two ; for, in order to make ends meet, he has been compelled to slur over or leave out all the most important matters ; all the literalities and italicised meanings of the poetry. These did not concern him, apparently, because not necessary to his theory. Nor does he appear to have suspected that, whilst marching forward in such easy triumph to his con-- clusions, he was leaving in his rear many a masked bat- tery, any one of which would be able to sweep his forces from the field. He could not have seen the drift of what he was leaving out, or he would surely have attempted to paraphrase it in some specious way. His reading is rendered utterly worthless, and the theory is invalidated, by the suppressed evidence. He has not noticed that the youth addressed is fatherless, and that in consequence of this the roof of his house is going to decay, and the poet urges him to marry on purpose to repair this roof, and uphold his house by ' husbandry in honour.' He has left out the personal allusion to the poet's ' pupil' pen, and the promise to 'show his head' hi public print, when he had written something tliat should worthily prove his great respect, and enable him to ' boast,' as he afterwards did in his dedications, how much he loved the earl. All these thinirs have been overlooked and omitted, because they are opposed to the Herbert theory in every particular. Then the tender history of lost friends, who were so near and dear, and whose love was of the most sacred kinil, with all tlni special revelation of sonnets 30, 31, is passed over. Mr. Brown dare not touch it. Yet these precious friends who are buried were most intimately related to the speaker ; the memorv of them moves him intenselv. and the music 2-2 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. gi'ows grave and slow with the burden of feehng, the weio"ht of o-athered tears ; it sounds lilve a dead-march lieard in the distance. If these losses had been Shak- speare's, such facts should have had some interpretation. Mr. Brown thus summarises the two sonnets : 30. When I grieve at past misfortunes, the thinking of you restores my losses and ends my sorrows. 31. All those friends whom I have supposed dead, lie hidden in you. All that they had of me is yours, and I view their beloved images in you. A theory which requires this sort of support must be in a perilous way ! Again, in the Sonnets on Absence, Mr. Brown does not suspect that tliere are and must be two speakers : one who is a traveller abroad on a distant shore, at ' limits far remote,' and who speaks most of these sonnets when he is from home and away from his love; whilst the other, in sonnet 39, speaks of the absence of tliis speaker, and says what a torment his absence would be, but that the ' sour leisure gives sweet leave ' to write about him, and make one person twain by ' praising him here who doth hence remain.' Thus, we have the writer who speaks at home, and another person who speaks abroad from over sea. Again, this is Mr. Brown's rendering of sonnet 70 : The slander of others shall not harm you. On the contrary, while you remain good, it will but prove your worth the more. Your having hjng escaped censure is no security for the future ; and your power in the world might be too great, were you beheved faultless. Which reading has not the least likeness to wliat Shak- speare wrote. This sonnet is one of the most valuable of the whole series. The anchorage of personality in it is assured. And it gives the lie point-blank to the supposition that the earl had robbed the poet of his mistress. If this had been so, he could not have been Mir T5i;<)\vx's srppKESSioxs. 23 the 'Victor, being charged.' And as Shakspeare is able to congratulate the earl in this "way, that fully disproves Mr. Brown's reading of the story ; something had oc- cun-ed ; the earl had been blamed for his conduct ; slan- der liad been at work. Shakspeare takes part with his friend, and says, the blame of others is not necessarily a defect in him. The mark of slander has always been 'the fair,' just as the cankers love the sweetest buds. Suspicion attaches to beauty, and sets it off; — it is the black crow iiying against the sweet blue heaven. It is in the natural order of things, that one in the position of the earl and having his gifts and graces, shcjuld be slandered. But, ' so thou be good,' he says, ' Slander only proves thy worth the greater, being wooed of Time' What does that mean ? but that the earl has met with opposition in his love ; has had to wait for its full fruition ; and Slander, in talking of him without warrant, will but serve to call attention to his patient suffering and heroic bearing under this trial and tyranny of Time. So Shakspeare did think the earl was slandered, and he accounts for it on grounds the most natural. He then offers his testimony as to character — And thou present'st a pure unstained prime ! Thou bast past by the ambush of young days, Either not assailed, or victor being- charged. A singular thing to say, if Mr. Brown's version of the earlier sonnets were true. Very singular, and so Mr. Brown has omitted it ! Further, the sonnet is a striking illustration of the mutual relationship of poet and peer — a most remarkable thing that Shakspeare should congratu- late the earl for his Joseph-like conduct, and call him a 'victor.' Very few young noblemen of the time, we think, would have considered that a victory, or cared to have had it celebrated. Yet this fiict, which Shakspeare says is to the earl's praise, will not be sullicient to tie u[) 24 SIIAKSPEARE'S SONXETS. Envy, which is always on the loose, seeking for some reputation to devour. This, again, is Mr. Brown's rendering of the world of meaning to be found in sonnet 107 — Xo consideration can controul my true friendship. In spite of death itself, I shall live in this verse, and it shall be your enduring monument. Xow let the reader turn to the sonnet thus paraphrased. The historic circumstances and all tlie most precious par- ticulars are lost with such a theory, the believers in which are blind to the jewelly sparkle that indicates the lode of the meaning in certain hnes, rich in hidden treasure. So of sonnet 124 ; at Mr. Brown's touch the spirit passes out of it, the history of the time fades away, the dates grow dim, Shakspeare's meaning is dead, and Mr. Brown wraps it in a winding-sheet of witless words. In his account of sonnet 117, he takes no notice of four lines, which of themselves are sufficient to differentiate the characters and lives of Shakspeare and SouthamptoiL — That I have frequent been with unknown minds. And given to Time your own dear-purchased right ; That I have hoisted sail to all the winds That should transport me farthest from, your sight. Here was matter of great ' pith and moment,' but Mr. Brown knew not what to make of it. In sonnet 36, Mr. Brown professes to find this : ' Perhaps I must not openly acknowledge you, lest the resentment I showed, which I bitterly lament, should be remembered to your shame ! ' And he conjectures — harping on liis favourite string that the poet's resentment had been made public. Shak- speare wrote nothing of the sort. The speaker in that sonnet is the guilty person, whatsoever the guilt may be ; his are the blots ; so guilty is he, that for the other to take notice of him ])ub]icly, will be to court dishonour. rnr: person. \i, kkadinc oi- .'^oxxirr .•',<;. 25 ' My bewailed guilt,' is the guilt which 1 do bewail — am sorry for — not which I did bewail and give expression to in public. Boaden, who is here followed by Gcr\inus, was dri\en to think that in this 3Gth sonnet, the poet must lament the difference of rank that existed betwixt them, and was fearful lest politic reasons might pull them apart. But this will not do any way. It is sufficient answer to know that this difference in rank had been no barrier to their intercourse ; and if the patron had made no obstacle of the disparity in station, it would be a gratuitous insult for Shakspeare to set it up as one. Nor could he, after the secure self-congratulation on this very point in sonnet 25, have spoken of the difference of rank as the separating spite of Fortune ; for he had expressly sung of the friend- ship as a gift beyond all the prizes of Fortune. Xor could the poet's lot in life be his ' bewailed guilt.' Also, the ' blots' are altogether of a personal character. And if the poet had done something so bad as is here implied, he would not have the right to say on behalf of both, that there was still but one respect, and the love on both sides yet remained the same. The sonnet cannot be read by such a theory. Then Mr. Brown has altogether ignored the discrepan- cies betwixt what is recorded of Shakspeare's personal character by those who knew him and what has been surmised of it by some who have read but never under- stood the sonnets. Nor has he hesitated to charge the greatest dramatic poet that ever lived with the grossest violation of dramatic proprieties poet ever made. He has assumed that Shakspeare was capable of mixing truth and falsehood in the wildest, most wanton way — as thoush he were a moimtebank whose foce was like one of those elastic playthings for children that may be squeezed or stretched into any shape, on purpose to mock us with a myriad transformations of appearances. Here •2Q SHAKSrEAEE'S SO]SNETS. are a few expressions thus assumed, without question, to have been addressed to a man by the most natural of all poets : I tell the day to please him, thou art bright. And dost him grace when clouds do blot the heaven ; So flatter I the swart-complexioned night. Sonnet 28. Lascivious Grace, in whom all ill well shows, Kill me with spites ; yet, we must not be foes. Sonnet 40. Being* your slave, what should I do but tend Upon the hours and times of your desire ? I have no precious time at all to spend, Nor services to do, till you require : Nor dare I chide the world-without-end hour, Whilst I, my Sovereign, watch the clock for you,' Nor think the bitterness of absence sour. When you have bid your Servant once adieu. Sonnet 57. Now proud as an enjo3'er, and anon Doubting i\\e filckiru) age will steal his treasure. Sonnet 75. And prove thee viriwous though thou art forsworn. Sonnet 88. But what's so blessed fair that fears no blot ? Thou nuiy^st be false, and yet I know it not. Sonnet 92. How like Eve's apple doth thy beauty grow. If thy sweet virtue answer not thy show. — Sonnet 93. As on the finger of a throned Queen The basest Jewel will he well esteemed. So are those errors that in thee are seen. To truths translated. Sonnet 96. For nothing this wide universe I call. Save thou, my Rose ! in it thou art ray all. Sonnet 109. ]IIS SUPPOSED UNTRUTHFULNESS T( > NATURE, 2 -/ Mine appetite I never more will grind On newer proof to try an older friend. — Sonnet 110. Such Cherubins as your sweet self. — Sonnet 114. For why should others' false adulterate eyes Give salutation to my sportive Llood ? — Sonnet 121. Thus, it is assumed that Shakspeare, the peerless Psychologist, the poet whose observance of natural law was infallible, whose writings contain tlie ultimate of all that is natural in poetry, should have sinned grossly against nature, in a matter so primal as the illustration of sex ! Lastly, Mr. Brown remarks of the rival poet in sonnet 86, 'who this rival poet was is beyond my conjecture ; nor does it matter!' But it matters much; for if this poet should prove to be Marlowe, that one fact alone would be of sufficient force to deal the death-blow to the vaunted theory" that William Herbert was the ' only" begetter' of Shakspeare's sonnets ; because Marlowe died in the year 1593, when Herbert was exactly thirteen years and four montlis of age. And linalh", the upholders of this Herbert Hypothesis have, in their helpless desperation, been driven to assert tliat tlie well-known 'sugred sonnets' of Shak- speare, spoken of so pointedly by Meres, as among the poet's 'private friends,' in the year 1598, must have been lostl The theory did indeed require to be supported with an audacity that would stick at nothing ; but what a ' lame and impotent conclusion ! ' Mr. Brown's book leaves the subject just where he found it ; dark and dubious as ever. His theory has only served to trouble deep waters, and make them so nuiddy that it was impossible to see to the bottom. OF THE PERIOD AT WHICH THE EAELIEE SOXNETS VimE WRITTEN, ') AND THE PEESON TO WHOM THEY ARE ADDRESSED. That the greater portion of Shakspeare's " sonnets was written at too early a period for William Herbert to have been the ' begetter,' is capable of positive, absolute, and overwhelming proof First, we have the poet's ' sugred sonnets among his private friends,' known to Meres in 1598, Then we find ample internal evidence to prove that the mass of these sonnets are the poet's early work, and possess the characteristics of his early composition. As Coleridge has remarked, and he did not enter into the controversy concerning tlie ' only begetter,' they have, like the ' Venus and Adonis,' and the ' Lucrece,' ' bound- less fertility and laboured condensation of thought, with perfection of sweetness in rhythm and metre. These are the essentials in the budding of a great poet. Afterwards habit and consciousness of power teach more ease, prceci- pitandum liherum spiritum.' The abundant use of anti- thesis also shows that his fancy had more to do with, their making, than his mature imagination. Besides which, he tells us plainly enough that the early sonnets were written THE MKAN[X(J OF SONNET 20. 29 with his ' })upil pen.' Sonnet lU is explicit on this head, it is also supported by the way in which he speaks of his Muse in sonnet 32. And nothing can be more obvious than that sonnet 26 was composed and sent to his friend and patron in written embassage,, before the poet had appeared in print. It is equally evident that this was at a time when Shakspeare did not know where his success was to be won, or how his ' moving ' on his course w^ould be guided. Meanwhile, he asks his patron to accept these sonnets in manuscript to 'wit- ness duty ' privately, not to ' show his wit ' in public. Before daring to addi-ess him in a public dedication, he will wait until his star shall smile on him gra- ciously, and his love shall be able to clothe itself in fit apparel, that is, when he is ready to put forth a poem such as he sliall not shrink from offering to his patron in ])ublic ; the present sonnets being exclusively private ; then will he hope to show himself worthy of the friend's ' sweet respect,' but till then he will not dare to dress out his love for the critical eye of the world, will not lift up his head to boast publicly in print of that love in his heart which he now expresses in writing. Here are three indisputable facts recorded by Shakspeare himself. He writes these earlier sonnets Avith his ' pupil pen ; ' he sends them as ])rivate exercises before he appears in print, and he is looking forward hopefully to the time when he may be ready with a work which shall be more worthy of his love than are these sonnets — prehminary ambassadors that announce his purpose — which work he intends to dedicate publicly to the earl, his patron and friend, and appear in person; that is, by name; where the merits of his poetry may be tested, that is, in j)rint. Whosoever we may hold to have been the Lord of Shakspeare's love here addressed, he would know, however much mav be hidden from us, whether or not the poet was telling the truth ; and there can be no 30 8HAKSPEARES SONNETS. Other conclusion for us but tliat this 26th sonnet, together Avitli those "to which it is L'Envoy, was presented to the patron before tlie ' Venus and Adonis ' was pubHcly dedi- cated to tlie Earl of Southampton, and the poet ventured to ascertain how the world would censure him for ' choos- ing so strong a prop to support so weak a burden.' Mr. Knight, in proof that the earlier series of these sonnets must have been "written before William Herbert was old enough to be the ' begetter,' has instanced a line, first pointed out by Steevens, which was printed in a play attributed, "svith poetic warrant, to Shakspeare, entitled ' The lieion of King Edward IIL' The same line occurs in sonnet 94 : — Lilies that fester, smell far worse than weeds. This drama w^as published in 1596, after it had been sundry times played. It is presumable that the line was first used in the sonnet privately, before it appeared in the play, as the poetic notions of the sonnet, as well as the personal and private friendship, would demand the more fastidious taste. If so, this w^as one of the sonnets in wdiich William Herbert could not have been addressed. But I do not care to press the argument, nor is it necessary to emphasise a single illustration. There are so many in- stances of likeness in thought and image betwixt these son- nets and certain of the plays as to almost make it a matter of indifference whether the lines were used first in the play or the sonnet, although I have no doubt that as a point of literary etiquette the sonnet would have first choice. My examination of both shows that these resemblances and repetitions occur most palpably and numerously in dramas and soimets, which I take to liave been written from 1592 to 1597 ; they most strongly suggest, if they do not prove, both sonnets and plays to have been writ- ten about the same period, having the same dress of his mind, the com]:)osition perhaps running parallel at times. SIGNS OF KAin.v wnrvK:\r.\xsii 1 1'. 31 These plays are the ' Two Gentlemen of Verona,' ' Love's Labour Lost,' a ' Midrsununer Night's Dream,' and ' Komeo and Juliet.' First, we have an indehnable likeness in tone and mental tint, which is yet recognisable as are the flowers of the same season. In Shakspeare so great is the unity of feeling as it is seen pervading a whole play, that whatsoever was going on below would give visible signs on the surface whether he was working at a drama or a sonnet. Especially if, as I shall have reason to show, the same persons were aimed at in both, and in play and sonnet he was at tunes working from one and the same life-model. Colerido-e has said of ' Eomeo and Juliet ' that all is youth and spring; it is 'youth with its follies, its virtues, its precipitancies ; it is spring with its odours, flowers, and transciency ; the same feeling commences, goes through and ends the play. The old men, the Capulets and Montagues are not common old men ; they have an eagerness and hastiness, a precipitancy — the effect of spring. Witli Eomeo, his precipitate change of pas- sion, his hasty marriage, and his rash death, are all the effects of youth. With Juliet, love has all that is tender and melancholy in the niglitingale, all that is voluptuous in the rose, with whatever is sweet in the freshness of spring ; but it ends with a long deep sigh, like the breeze of evenincj.' This unity of character and oneness of feeling is so perfect in Shakspeare that it not only colours the persons in the same play, but I contend that it tinges his w(n-k. of the same period, and that it is most identifiable in the spring-time of his powers, when the warmth of May was stirring the budding forces, and the music was at its sweetest, the imagery most abundantly used, even to re- petition. In the earlier sonnets, and in the above-named plays certain ideas and figures continually appear an^l re- appear. We might call them by name, as the sliadow- idoa or conceit, the war of roses in the red and white of 32 SHAKSPEAKE'S SONNETS. a lady's clieek, the pattern or map-idea, the idea of the antique world in oj)position to tlie tender transciency of 3'outh, the images of spring used as emblems of mor- tality, the idea of engraving on a tablet of steel, the canker in the bud, the distilling of roses to preserve tlieir sweets, the cloud-kissing hill, and the hill-kissing sun with golden face — and many others which were the poet's early stock of imagery, the frequent use of which shows that it Avas yet the time of fondhng, the honey- moon of fancy, the sj^ring of his creative powers. But to pass from this indefiniteness to the actual like- ness, here are a few passages compared : — Even so my sun one early morn did shine With all-triumphant splentloiir on my brow. But, out, alack ! he was but one hour mine. The region cloud hath masked him from me now. Sonnet 33. how this spring of love resembleth The uncertain glory of an April day. Which now shows all the beauty of the Sun, And by-and-by a cloud takes all away ! Two Gentlemen of Verona, act i., scene 1. Seeking that beauteous roof to ruinate^ Which to repair should be thy chief desire. Sonnet 10. thou, that dost inhabit in my breast, Leave not the mansion so long tenantless, Lest, growing ruinous, the building fall. And leave no memory of what it was. Repair me with thy presence Silvia. Tivo Gentlemen of Verona. For canker Vice the sweetest buds doth love. Sonnet 70. As in the sweetest buds the eating canker dwells. Tivo Gentlemen of Verona, THE LIKENESS TO EARLY PLAYS. 33 Let them say more that like of hear-say well, I will not praise that purpose not to sell. — Sonnet 21. Fie painted Rhetoric I she needs it not : To things of sale a seller's praise belongs, — She passes praise. Love's Labour^s Lost, act iv. scene 3. But from thine eyes this knowledge I derive. Sonnet 14. From women's eyes this doctrine I derive. Love's Labour^s Lost. As from my soul which in thy breast doth lie. Sonnet 109. Hence ever then my heart is in thy breast. Love's Labour's Lost. I do forgive thy robbery, gentle Thief, Altho' thou steal thee all my poverty. — Sonnet 40. That sweet Thief which sourly robs from me. Sonnet 35. me : you Juggler : you canker-worm ! You Thief of Love ! What, have you come by night And stolen my Love's heart from him ? Hei^iia to Helena ; Midsummer Night's Dream, act iii. scene 2. Sweet Koses do not so ; Of their sweet deaths are sweetest odours made. Sonnet 54. Earthlier happy is the Eose distilled, Than that, which, withering on the virgin thorn. Grows, lives, and dies in single blessedness. Midsummer Xight's Dream. That is my home of love : if I have ranged. Like him that travels, I return again. — Sonnet 109. My heart witli her but as guest-^vise sojourned. And now to Helen it is home returned. Midsummer Night's Dream. D 34 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. Prison my heart in thy steel bosom's ward. Sonnet 133. That thro' thy bosom makes me see my heart. Midsummer Nighfs Dream, act ii. scene 2, Truth and Beauty shall together thrive, If from thyself to store thou would'st convert : Or else of thee this I prognosticate, Thy end is truth's and beauty's doom and date. Sonnet 14. And tender churl, mak'st waste in niggarding. Sonnet 1. Oh she is rich in beauty, only poor That when she dies with beauty dies her store. ' Then she hath sworn that she will still live chaste ? She hath, and in that sparing makes huge waste. For Beauty starved with her severity. Cuts beauty off from all posterity. Romeo and Juliet, act i. scene 1. Presents thy shadow to my sightless view. Which, like a jewel hung in ghastly night, Makes black night beauteous, and her old face new. Sonnet 27. It seems she hangs upon the cheek of Night Like a rich jewel in an Ethiop's ear. Roineo and Juliet, act i. scene 5. WTien sparkling stars tire' not thou gild'st the even. Sonnet 28. Fair Helena who more engilds the night Than all yon fiery oes and eyes of light. Midsummer Night's Dream, act iii. scene 2. Two of the fairest stars in all the heaven Having some business, do entreat her eyes To twinkle in their spheres till they return. Romeo and Juliet, act i. scene 5. * See note to the Sonnet. EESULT OF THE COMPARISON. 35 Whilst tliat this shadow doth such sul^stance give. Sonnet 37. Ah nie ! how sweet is love itself possessed. When but Love's shadows are so rich in joy I Romeo and Juliet, act v. scene 1. Oh what a mansion have those Vices got Which for their habitation chose out thee. Sonnet 95. Oh, that Deceit should dwell in such a Palace ! Romeo and Juliet, act iii. scene 2. As the result of this comparison, my reading of the Sonnets shows that in one or two instances the expression must have first appeared in the play. This apphes to the extracts from sonnet 109. But there the Ukeness is one of a personal character. In most instances my reading shows the thought or illustration to have been first employed in the sonnets, or that the plays and sonnets were being written at the same time. And as four of these plays were in all probability produced by the year 1596 \ the sonnets which I have instanced, together with others that belong to the respective stories told, must have been written before that date, except in those cases where there is a still more particular determining cause for the same image or expression being used in both sonnet and drama ; that is, ichen, in each, they appli/ to the same person. This, which is at the root of the mattei', I shall illustrate in another part of my book. I have quoted and said enough to demonstrate that many of the sonnets were composed at too early a period for William Herbert to have been the inspirer, and the friend of Shakspeare who was addressed in them. There is strong reason to suppose that the poet began to ' These I should date — ' Two Gentlemen of Verona,' 1593 ; ' T.ove's Labour's Lost,' L594 ; ' Midsummer Night's Dream,' 1595 ; ' Eomeo and Juliet; 1590. n -2 36 SriAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. write the sonnets in which he urges his young friend to marry very soon after he had read the ' Arcadia ' of Sid- ney. I shall give evidence of this never before adduced, and in point of fact it amounts to poetic proof. In Book iii. pp. 431, 432, of that work, will be found these argu- ments in favour of marriage and children : — No, no, my dear niece (said Cecropia), Nature, when you were first born, vowed you a woman, and as she made you child of a mother, so to do your best to be mother of a child. She gave you beauty to move love ; she gave you ivit to know love ; she gave you an excellent body to reward love ; which kind of liberal reiuarding is crowned with an unspeakable felicity. For this, as it bindeth the receiver, so it makes happy the bestoiver. This doth not impoverish, but enrich the giver. the comfort of comforts, to see your children grow up, in tvhom you are, as it luere eternised ! If you could conceive what a heart-tickling joy it is to see your own little ones, with awful love come running to your lap, and like little models of yourself still carry you about them, you would think un- kindness in your own thoughts, that ever they did rebel against the measure to it. Perchance I set this blessedness before your eyes, as captains do victory before their soldiers, to which they must come thro' many pains, griefs, and dangers ? No, I am content you shrink from this my counsel, if the way to come unto it be not most of all pleasant. I know not (answered the sweet Philocleaj what contentment you speak of, but I am sure the best you can make of it (which is marriage) is a burdenous yoke. Ah, dear niece (said Cecropia), how much you are deceived. A yoke, indeed, we all bear, laid upon us in creation, which by marriage is not increased, but thus far eased that you have a yoke-fellow to help draw through the cloddy cumbers of this world. widow-nights, bear witness with me of the difference ! How often alas, do I embrace the orphan side of my bed, which was wont to be imprinted by the body of my dear husband ! Believe me, niece, man's experience is woman's best eye-sight. Have you ever seen a pure rose-water kept in a crystal glass ? How fine it looks! how siveet it smells tvhile the beautiful glass imprisons it ! Break the prison, and let the water take SUGGESTIONS FROM SIDNEY'S 'ARCADIA.' 37 his own course, doth it not embrace the dust, and lose all his former sweetness and fairness? Truly so are we, if we have not the stay rather than the restraint of crystalline marriage. My heart melts to think of the sweet comfort I, in that happy time, received, when I had never cause to care but the care was doubled ; when I never rejoiced, but that I saw my joy shine in another's eyes. And is a solitary life as good as this ? Then, can one string make as good music as a consort ? Then, can one colour set forth a beauty ? Here we discover, crowded into a brief passage, half the very arguments, illustrated by several of the very same images which Shakspeare has used in his earliest group of sonnets. Here, in the lines italicised, is the suofcrestion of sonnet 1 3 : — Co Dear, my Love, you know, You bad a Father : let your son say so I The argument of sonnet 11. — Which bounteous gift thou should'st in bounty cherish. The suggestion of sonnet 6, — Which happies those that pay the willing loan. Also of the children — same sonnet — which are to ' eter- nise,' so that death shall leave him ' living in posterity,' — When your sweet issue your sweet form should bear. Sonnet 13. The plea, ' cliange thy thought,' because it is un- kindly, sonnet 10 ; the image of the widow with her children who keep her husband's form in mind, sonnet 9 ; the ' liquid prisoner pent in walls of glass,' sonnet 5, and the foUowins: out of the illustration in the next sonnet, ' Make sweet some vial ; ' and the argument of the ' single string ' in sonnet 8, reversely applied : all these are m that brief passage of Sidney's prose, and all are used for the same purpose, the main difference being that in tlie ' Arcadia ' it is a woman speaking to a woman. Various 38 SHAKSrEAEE'S SONNETS. other illustrations might be cited, to show that Shakspeare has literally adopted sentiment, idea, and image, one after the other, from the ' Arcadia.' His starting-point in the first sonnet will be found in these words of Sidney's ; ' Beauty is a gift which those on whomsoever the heavens have bestowed it are without question bound to use it for the noble purpose for which it was created ;' — that is, of ' increase.' Headers of the sonnets will see how large a space that sentiment occupies in the first series. Again, in the ' Arcadia,' the question is asked, ' Will you suffer your beauty to be hidden in the wrinkles ? ' &c. And the second sonnet says : — When forty Winters shall besiege thy brow, And dig deep trenches in thy beauty's field, Thy Youth's proud livery, so gazed on now, Will be a tattered weed of small worth held ; Then, being askt where all thy beauty lies ; Where all the treasure of thy lusty days. To say within thine own deep-sunken eyes, Were an all-eating shame and thriftless praise. Here also is a further illustration of sonnet 6 : — That indeed is the right happiness which is not only in itself happy, but can also derive the happiness to another. The object which Shakspeare had in writing these early sonnets is so appositely worded in a passage of the 'Arcadia,' (Book iii. p. 462) as to suggest that the reading of that work was one of the immediate incentives to the writing of the sonnets. ' The earnest desire I have to see these virtues of yours knit fast with such zeal of devotion (indeed the best bond) which the most politic wits have found to hold man's wit in well-doing.' Sliakspeare was undouljtedly an adapter of other men's ideas for dramatic purposes, but it would be difficult to identify the source of so much sequent thought and sentiment as is to be found in the present instance. It is essentially the result THE TIME AT WHICH THEY WEIIE BEGUN. 39 of great admiration, such as belongs to a somewhat youtli- ful time of hfe. In borrowing from Sidney he was not taking from a poet unknown or unnoticed, but from a work that was among the choicest favourites of the age, and one of the most widely read. The ' Arcadia ' was first pubhshed in 1590, and a copy of it would soon be in our poet's hands ; we may assume that he would at once seize the cue there given, and expand the hints on marriage in his first sonnets. It is a kind of unconscious plagiarism only possible to the young and immature mind ; the effect of a first acquaintanceship, and the warm affec- tion felt for a new work. A careful study of the 'Arcadia' will reveal how greatly Shakspeare must have loved the book, and how deeply its influence dyed his mind during those years, from 1590 to 1596, in which a large portion of the sonnets was written. Sir Walter Scott just reversed the facts, when he fancied that Shakspeare's Sonnets had been in the hands of Sidney. Thus the sonnets themselves supply proof in various kinds of evidence, that a large number of them were written too early for William Herbert to have been their ' begetter,' or the friend who is the object of Shakspeare's affection. Many of them were written by the poet's ' pupil pen ' before he had ventured to appear in public : therefore, before he printed in 1593. On other grounds I shall show, from internal evidence, that another group was written before the death of Marlowe, in the same year. Consequently, these must belong to the ' Sonnets among his private friends,' which were known to Meres in 1598 ; and, as William Herbert did not come to live in London till the year 1598,' and was then only eighteen years of age, he cannot bo the person addressed in these Sonnets during a number of years previously ! At the outset of our inquiry, and on the very face of things, it is patent that William Herbert cannot ' Sydney Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 4.3. 40 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. be the man whom Shakspeare so anxiously urged to marry, to whom he dedicated eternal love ; and to all who can fairly weigh the facts, it must be just as evident that the Earl of Southampton is the patron and friend whom our poet loved, and by whom he was so much be- loved. Amongst the few precious personal rehcs of Shakspeare are the short prose epistles in which he in- scribes his two poems to the Earl of Southampton. Tliese are remarkable revelations of his feeling towards the Earl. The first is shaded with a delicate reserve, and addressed to the patron ; the second, printed one year afterwards, glows out full-hearted in a dedication of per- sonal love for the friend. The difference is so great, and the growth of the friendship so rapid, as to indicate that the ' Venus and Adonis ' was sent to the Earl some time before it was printed. The dedication runs thus : — Eight Honourable, — I know not how I shall offend in de- dicating my unpolished lines to your Lordship, nor how the world will censure me for choosing so strong a prop to support so weak a burthen : only, if your honour seem but pleased, I account myself highly praised, and vow to take advantage of all idle hours, till I have honoured you with some graver labour. But, if the first heir of my invention prove deformed, I shall be sorry it had so noble a godfather, and never after ear so barren a land, for fear it yield me still so bad a harvest. I leave it to your honourable survey, and your honour to your heart's con- tent ; which I wish may always answer your own wish, and the world's hopeful expectation. Your Honour's in all duty, William Shakspeare. Now, as our poet had distinctly promised in sonnet 26, that w^hen he was ready to appear in print and put w^orthy apparel on his love, he would then dare to boast how much he loved his patron and friend, and show his head, where he might be proved, we cannot but conclude that the dedication to the 'Venus and Adonis' is in part HIS PROMISES TO SOUTIIAMFrON. II fulfilment of the intentions expressed in that sonnet. I take the sonnet to be as much a private dedication of the poet's first poem, as this epistle was afterwards the public one, and hold that in it he as much promised the first poem, as in the prose inscription he promises the future ' Lucrece,' when he vows to take advantage of all idle hours till he has honoured the earl with some graver labour, and tliat the 'Venus and Adonis' followed the promise of the sonnet, just as one year later the 'Lucrece' followed the dedication of the first printed poem to the Earl of Southampton. Therefore, the person who was privately addressed in 'written embassage' as the lord of Shakspeare's love, must be one with him whom the poet afterwards publicly ventured to address as such, in fulfilment of intentions abeady recorded. The feeling of the earhest sonnets is exactly that of this first public inscription ; it is reticent and noticeably modest, whilst in each there is an expression that gives the same per- sonal image. In the first sonnet, this lord of Shak- speare's love is ' the world's fresh ornament ; ' and in the first dedication, the poet hopes his young patron may answer to the 'world's hopeful expectation.' In both we have Hope a-tiptoe at gaze on this new wonder of youth and beauty, this freshest blossom of the young nobility. In the next year, 1594, Shakspeare dedicated his poem of 'Lucrece ' to the Earl of Southampton as foUows: — The love I dedicate to your Lordship is without end, whereof this pamphlet, A\dthout beginning, is but a superfluous moiety. The 'Warrant I have of your honourable disposition not the worth of my untutored lines, makes it assured of acceptance. What I have done is yours ; ichat I have to do is yours ; being part in all I have devoted yours.^ Were my worth greater my ^ In the ^lalone and Grenville copies this reads ' beinpr part in all I have, devoted yours,' which punctuation has been preserved. But it is so obviously an error of the press as not even to demand a passing remark. It is ob- structive to the sense, and severs what Shakspeare meant to clench by his last repetition of * yours. 42 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. diity would shoiu greater ; meantime, as it is, it is bound to your lordship, to whom I wish long life, still lengthened with happiness. Your Lordship's in all duty. William Shakspeare. Again the dedication echoes the 26th sonnet. 'The warrant I have of your honourable disposition, not the worth of my untutored lines,' and 'were my worth greater, my duty would show greater,' are the prose of the previous ' to witness duty, not to show my wit.' Then we have the 'lord of our poet's love,' to whom his service was vowed, his duty bound in '■vassailage,'' iden- tified in the person of Lord Southampton, to whom Shakspeare is in duty bound, as in the sonnet where ' thy merit hath my duty strongly knit ; ' and to this lord the poet has dedicated all that he has done, and all that he has to do. Thus we have it recorded in 1594, by Shakspeare himself, that the relationship of poet and patron was so close, the friendship had so far ripened, that Shakspeare could dedicate 'love without end,' and he uses these never-to-be-forgotten words : — ' What 1 have done is yours ; what I have to do is yours ; being part in all I have devoted yours.'' That is, the Earl of South- ampton is proclaimed to be the lord of our poet's love, ' love without end,' — the man to whom he is bound, and the patron for whom he has hitherto written, and for whom, as is understood betwixt them, he has yet to write. 'Wliat I have to do is yours' — so there is work in hand — ' being part as you are in all that my duty and love have devoted to your service.' What work in hand devoted to Southampton can this be, save the sonnets which he was then composing ? Here is a promise made, which was never fulfilled in any other shape. But Shak- speare was not a man to make light of his word. He would not give a pledge privately or publicly, and leave it unredeemed. He made a promise in the 26t]i sonnet, HIS PUBLIC ALLUSION TO THEM, 43 wliich he fulfilled in 1593 with the 'Venus and Adonis.' In his inscription to that poem, he makes a further pro- mise, this he carries out in dedicating the ' Lucrece ' to the Earl of Southampton. In the second public inscrip- tion, he speaks still more emphatically of work that he has to do for the earl, not like a poet addressing a patron, but as a familiar friend alluding to something only known amongst friends. It is a public promise respecting work that has a private history ; its precise speciality has never yet been fathomed, although something marked in the meaning has been felt ; it could only have had fulfilment in the sonnets, and that in a very particular way. As the 'Venus and Adonis' was printed in 1593, we may safely assume that the first sonnets, inclusive of the 26th, were not written later than the year 1592. Shak- speare might have met Southampton as early as 1589, for in the June of that year the earl came to London, and entered himself as member of Gray's Inn. The young earl's fondness for plays is well know^n, and his step-father. Sir Thomas HeneaQ;e, beins; Treasurer of the Chamber and Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty's Household, as well as Captain of the Guard to the Queen, his immediate access to players and playwrights would be easy; his good word in their favour w^ould be eagerly sought. But this was not an ordinary case of a poet in search of a patron. Shakspeare must have kept his poem by him some years after it was written before he printed it. He calls it the ' first heir of his invention,' at a time when he was known to have written some plays, and had a hand in others. This does not look as though he had been an eager seeker of a patron ; and I hold that sonnet 25 tells us how the earl had sought out the poet who ' unlooked for joys ' in that he ' honours most ' — the acquaintanceship and friendship of one so much unlike the ordinary patrons of literature in those days. Taking the year 1592, then, as the date of the first 44 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. group of sonnets, we shall find the young earl of South- ampton's age precisely reckoned up in sonnet 16, — Now stand you on the top of happy hours, which shows us that the youth has sprung lightly up the ladder of his life, and now stands on the last golden round of boyhood ; he is at the top of his ' teens,' The Earl of Southampton was born October 6th, 1573, consequently in 1592 he was nineteen years of age. The very first sonnet addresses one Avho is the ' world's fresh ornament,' — that is, the budding favourite at Court, the fresh grace of its circle, the latest representative there of youthful spring ; ' the expectancy and rose of the fair State!' Southampton was, in truth, the ' child of State,' under the special protection of the Court. He was recom- mended to Her Majesty's notice by the loss of his father at so early an age, and by the quiet service of his step- father, who was an old servant of the Queen's, as well as favoured with the best word of his guardian, Burleigh, who at one time hoped to bring about a marriage betwixt Southampton and his own granddaughter. We shall see further, that such was his place in Her Majesty's regards, that an endeavour was made by Sir Fulke GreviUe and otliers, to get the Earl of Southampton installed as royal favourite in the stead of Essex. ' There was a time,' says Sir Henry Wotton,^ sometime secretary to the Earl of Essex, ' when Sir Eulke Greville (Lord Brook), a man intrinsically Avith him (Essex), or at the least, admitted to his melan- choly hours, either belike espying some weariness in the Queen, or perhaps (with little change of the word, though more in the danger), some wariness towards him, and working upon the present matter (as he was dexterous and close), had almost superinduced into favour the Earl of Southampton, which yet being timely discovered, my ' Reliquice Wottoniancp, p. 1G3. SOUTItAMPTOX AS FAVOL'RITE 45 Lord of Essex chose to evaporate his thoughts in a sonnet (being his common way), to be sung before the Queen (as it was) by one Hales, in wliose voice she took some pleasure ; whereof the couplet, melhinks, had as much of the Hermit as of the Poet.' I suspect that Wotton has not gone quite to the root of the affair, and that the real ground on which the motion of Sir Fulke Greville was made, was a strong feeling of personal favour on the part of Her Majesty towards the yoimg Earl of Southampton ; this to some extent is implied in the fact recorded, but tliere was more in it than Wotton had seen from the one side. It is difficult to define what this royal favour meant, or what was the nature of Her Majesty's affec- tion, but it most assuredly existed, and was shown, and Essex manifested his jealousy of it, as in the cases of Southampton and Mountjoy. Perhaps it was an old maid's passion for her puppies ! In judging of Ehzabeth's character, we must remember tliat some of her richest, most vital feelings had no proper sphere of action, though their motion was not necessarily improper. She did not live the married life, and Nature sometimes plays tricks when the vestal fires are fed by the animal passions, that are thus covered up, but all aglow ; these will give an added warmth to the imagination, a sparkle to the eye, and a youth to the affections in the later years of life, such as may easily be misinterpreted. I am not raising any scandal against Elizabeth, when, supported by the suggestive hint of Wotton, I conjecture that the persistent opposition of the Queen to Southampton's marriage may have had in it a personal feeling which, under the circum- stances, could have no other expression than in thwarting the wedded ha})piness of others. It is in this sense of the new favourite at Court, that I read — The World's fresh ornament And only herald of the gaudy spring. 46 SIIAKSPEAEE'S SONNETS. and find in it another feature whereby we can identify the Earl of Southampton as the person addressed. Next — and here we feel an endearing touch of Shak- speare's nature — the youth is so evideiitlj fathei^less, that it seems strange it should have been hitherto overlooked. The plea all through the first sonnets is to one who is the sole prop of his house, and the only bearer of the family name ; hence the importance of marrying, on which the poet lays such stress. It seems to me that the first sonnet opens with an allusion to the earli/ death of the earl's father : — From fairest creatures we desire increase, That thereby Beauty's rose might never die. But as the riper should by time decease. His tender heir might bear his memory ! In sonnet 10 he is charged with not inclining his ear to the advice given to him that he should marry. Thus :— Seeking that beauteous roof to ruinate, Which to repair should be thy chief desire. We find the same use made of the verb to ruinate in Ilenry VI., part iii. act 5 : — I will not ruinate my father's house. And in the abseiice of Pericles one of the lords says — This kingdom is without a head. Like goodly buildings left without a roof. Of course the roof would not need repairing if it were not going to decay. Accordingly we find that Southamp- ton's father — head of the house — died in 1581, ere the young earl was quite eight years old, and within four years of that time his elder brother died. Again in sonnet 13 the poet urges — Who lets so fair a house fall to decay. Which husbandry in honour might uphold "i THE PERSON ADDRESSED IS FATHERLESS. 47 And, although aware that the hnes may not be con- fined to the Hteral reading, I cannot avoid thinking that the underlying fact was in the poet's mind when in the same sonnet he wrote — Dear my love, you know You had a father ; let your son say so. Also in sonnet 3 he tells the earl — Thou art thy JNIother's glass, and she, in thee. Calls back the lovely April of her prime. There is no mention of his having a father ; there is an allusion to his having had one, and the mother is referred to as though she were the only hving parent. Shakspeare could not speak of the earl's likeness to his father, who had died before the poet came to London ; he is forced to make use of the ' mother's glass,' when the father, had there been one in existence, is demanded by the heredi- tary nature of the argument. Also, it makes greatly in favour of my reading that some of the arguments taken from Sidney's prose have been altered precisely to suit the case as put by me. The speaker in the ' Arcadia ' says, ' Nature made you child of a mother ' (Philoclea's mother ' Lettice Knollys ' was then living), but Shakspeare says, ' you had a father ' (the Earl of Southampton's father being dead). The description is also differentiated by the ' tender heir,' who, ' as the riper should by time decease,' might ' bear his memory,' and by the house-roof going to decay, ' which to repair ' by ' husbandry in honour,' should be the chief desire of the person addressed. Thus, we have the Earl of Southampton identified as the lord of Shakspeare's love, and the object of these early sonnets by his exact age at the time when Shakspeare speaks of appearing soon in print, by his position as the ■• fresh ornament ' of the Court world and Court societ}^ and by the fatherless condition which gave a weightier 48 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. empliasis to the poet's argument for marriage, a more paternal tone of anxions interest to liis personal affection. To revert for a moment to the words of Meres, it is obvious that the ' private friends ' of Sliakspeare alluded to must have had as much to do with the critic's mention as the poet had ; it would be made on their account as much as on Shakspeare's. Who else could prove the opinion recorded ? And certainly there was no living patron of literature at the time more likely to elicit the public reference of Meres than Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton. On going a little further afield we may glean yet more evidence that the Earl of Southampton is the object of these sonnets. ' Thy poet,' Sliakspeare calls himself in sonnet 79, and one of the earl's two poets in sonnet 83. Whose poet could he have been but Southampton's either before or after the dedication of his two poems ? Of whom, save Southampton, should he say — Sing to the ear that doth thy lays esteem, Sonnet 100. when it was that earl who had so esteemed the poefs lays? To whom, except this noble fellow and personal friend, could he speak of his sonnets as the poor returns^ The barren tender of a jpoefs debt ? Sonnet 83. which is a most palpable acknowledgement of the earl's munificence — good, even for a thousand pounds. More- over, we have in sonnet 78, the recognition of the earl after publishing, just as we have him pointed out in sonnet 26, before the poet had printed. ' Thine eyes that taught the dumb on high to sing ! ' These must have belonged to the man who caused the poet to speak aloud for the first time in public. In sonnet 108 he says his love is great, ' even as when first I hallowed thy fair SOUTHAMPTON THE LORD OF SIIAKSPEARE'S LOVE. 49 iianic' Whose name did he liallow or honour save that of Southampton ? Again in sonnet 102 : — Our love was new and then bnt in the spring. When I was wont to greet it with my lays. "Wliat love but that betwixt this earl and Shakspeare did tlie poet ever greet with his lays? And sonnet 105 tells us that up to the time at wliicli it was written, the afifec- tion must have been undivided ; and the patron of both sonnets and poems must have been one and the same person. For — All alike my songs and praises be, To one, of one, still such and ever so. But I shall not only show that the Earl of Southampton was the lord of Shakspeare's love, and the ' dear friend ' of these sonnets, the budding favourite at court, the fatherless youth of nineteen, the patron to whom Shak- speare sent ' what silent love had writ ' before he pubhcly dedicated his ' love without end ; ' those sonnets that were the dumb presagers of his speaking breast^ and as such preceded and heralded the spoken thought and feeling of his public inscriptions. I shall also show how Southamp- ton alone could have been spoken of as becoming tlie ' tenth Muse ' of sonnet 38, not in the be^innino- of the sonnets, but after many of them had l^een begotten, and prove how he only could be a part in what Shakspeare had devoted to him. And lastly, I shall show that wliether the sonnets be addressed to the object of tliem by Shakspeare himself, or spo"ken dramatically, it is the character of Southampton and that alone, wdtli its love of change, its shifting hues, its passionate impetuosity, its spirit restless as flame, its tossings to and fro, its hiu'iying here and there to seek in strife abroad the satisfaction denied to him in peace at home, that we shall find reflected all througli the larger number of them, and Southampton only Avho is congratulated in sonnet 107 on having escaped his doom of imprisonment for hfe, through the deatli of the Queen. E LIFE AND CHAEACTER OF HENKY WKIOTHESLEY, EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON, The name of Soiitliampton was once well known on a past page of our rough island story ; his swaling plume was looked to in the battle's front, and recognised as worn by a natural leader of fighting men. He was of the flower of England's chivalry and a close follower of Sir Philip Sidney in heading the onset and breaking hardily on the enemy with a noble few, without pausing to count numbers or weigh odds. With a most natural aptitude for war, he never had sufficient scope : one of the jewels of Elizabeth's realm did not meet with a fit setting at her hand ; a bright particular star of her constellation was dimmed and diminished through a l^aleful conjunction. But he has a rich reprisal in being the friend of Shakspeare, be- loved by him in life, embalmed by him in memory ; once a sharer in his own personal affection, and for ever the partaker of his earthly immortality. Henry Wriothesley was the second of the two sons of Henry, the second earl of the name. His mother was the daughter of Anthony Brown, first Viscount Montague. The founder of the family was Thomas Wriothesley, our earl's grandfather, a favourite servant of Henry VIH., 'HONOUR IN ms perfection.' r>i who granted to ]iim the Promonstratensian abbey of Tichfiekl, Hants, endowed witli about 280/. per year in 1538, creating him Baron Tichfield about the same time, and Earl of Southampton in 154G. He died July 30, 1550. A rare work entitled ' Honour in his Perfection,' by G. M., 4to, 1G24,' contains the following notice of our Southampton's ancestors : — ' Next (0 Bntain !) read imto thy softer nobility the story of the noble house of Southampton ; that sliall bring new fire to their bloods, and make of the little sparks of honour great flames of excellency. Show them the life of Thomas Wriothcsley, Earl of Southampton, who was l^otli an excellent soldier and an admirable scholar ; who not only served the great king, his master, Heniy VHI. in his wars, but m his council chamber ; ^ not only in the field but on the bench, within his courts of civil justice. This man, for his excellent parts, was made Lord Chancellor of England, where he governed with tliat integrity of heart, and true mixture of conscience and justice, that he won tlie hearts of both king and people. 'After tliis noble prince succeeded his son, Henry, Earl of Southampton, a man of no less vii^tue, prowess, and wisdom, ever beloved and favoured of his prince, highly reverenced and favoured of all that were in his own rank, and bravely attended and served by the best gentlemen of those countries wherein he lived. His muster-roll never consisted of four lacqueys and a coachman, but of a whole troop of at least a hundred well-mounted gentle- * * Honour in his Perfection ' supposed by Malone to have been written by Gervase Markliam. But Gervase was accustomed to write his name Jarvis or larvis. He signs his sonnets dedicatory to his tragedy of Sir Richard Grenville, hjs dedication to the * Poem of Poems or Sinn's Muse ' and his contributions to ' England's Helicon ' with the initials J. M. not G. M. I rather think that ' Honour in his Perfection ' was written by Griffith or Griffin Mai-khain, the brother of Gervase. He served undor the Earl of Southampton in L-eland, as Colonel of Horse, and was an intimate personal friend. - As Secretary of State. K 2 52 SIIAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. men and yeomen. He was not known in the streets by guarded liveries but by gold chains ; not by painted butterflies, ever running as if some monster pursued them, but by tall goodly fellows that kept a constant pace both to guard his person and to admit any man to their lord which had serious business. This prince could not steal or drop into an ignoble place, neither might do anytliing unworthy of his great calhng ; for he ever had a world of testimonies about him.' Tliis earl was attached to Popery, and a zealous adherent to the cause of Mary, Queen of Scots ; which led to his imprisonment in the Tower in 1572. He died October 4, 1581, at the early age of thirty-five, bequeathing his body to be buried in the chapel of Tichfield Church, where his mother had been interred, his father having been buried in the choir of St. Andrew's Church, Holborn ; and appointing that 200/. should be distributed amongst the poor within his several lordships, to pray for his soul and the souls of his ancestors. 'Wlien it pleased the divine goodness to take to his mercy this great earl, he left behind to succeed him Henry, Earl of Southampton, his son (now living), being then a child. But here methinks, Cinthius aurem vellet, something pulls me by the elbow and bids me forbear, for flattery is a deadly sin, and will damn reputation. But, shall 1 that ever loved and admired this earl, that lived many years'where I daily saw this earl, that knew him before the wars, in the wars, and since the wars — shall I that have seen him endure the worst mahce or venQ;eance that sea, tempests, or thunder could utter, that have seen him undergo all the extremities of war ; that have seen him serve in person on tlic enemy — shall I tliat have seen him receive the reward of a soldier (before the face of an enemy) for the best act of a soldier (done upon the enemy) — shall I be scared with shadows? No; truth is my mistress, and though I can write nothing which SOUTHAMPTON'S EARLY YEARS. 53 can equal tlie least spark of lire witliin him, yet for her sake will I speak something which may inflame those that are heavy and dull, and of mine own temper. This earl (as I said before) came to his father's dignity in cliild- hood, spending that and his other younger times in the study of good letters (to which the University of Cam- bridge is a witness), and after confirmed that study with travel and foreign observation.' He was born October G, 1573. His father and elder brother both died before he had reached the age of twelve years. On December 11, 1585, he was admitted of St. John's College, Cambridge, with the denomination of Hemy, Earl of Southampton, as appears by the books of that house ; on June 6, 1589, he took liis degree of Master of Arts, and after a resi- dence of nearly five years, he finally left the University for London. He is said to have won the hvj\\ eulo»]jies of his contemporaries for his uncommon proficiency, and to have been admitted about three years later to the same degree, by incorporation, at Oxford. The Inns of Court, says Aulicus Coquinariie, w^ere al- ways the place of esteem with the Queen, who considered that they fitted youth for the futm^e, and were the best antechambers to her Court. And it was customary for the nobilit}^, as well as the most considerable gentry of England, to spend some time in one of the Inns of Coiu't, on purpose to complete their course of studies. Soon after leaving the University, the young earl entered him- self a member of Gray's Inn, and on the authority of a roll preserved in the library of Lord Hardwicke, he is said to have been a member so late as the year IGll. Malone was inclined to believe that he rallier was admitted a member of Lincoln's Inn, to the chapel of which society the earl gave one of the admirably pahited windows, in which his arms may be yet seen. One of the earliest notices of tlie earl in the calendar of 54 SIIAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. State Papers,' gives us the note of preparation for the memorable year of the 'Armada,' in which the encroaching tide of Spanish power was dashed back broken, from the Avooden walls of England, ' June 14th,' we read, ' the Earl of Southampton's armour is to be scoured and dressed up by his executors ! ' In consequence of his father's death, the young earl became the ward of Lord Burghley. He was, as he said on his trial, brought up under the Queen. Sir Thomas Heneage, his stepfather, had been a favourite servant of the Queen from his youth ; made by her. Treasurer first, of her Chamber, and then Vice-Cham- berlain ; appointed in 1588 to be Treasurer at War of the armies to be levied to withstand any foreign invasion of the realm of England; and successor to Walsingham in the office of the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, in 1590. October 14th, 1590, Mary, Countess of Southampton, writes to Burghley, and thanks him for the long time he had entrusted her son with her. She now returns the earl, and hopes that Burgliley will so dispose of him, that his exercises be such as may and must grace persons of his quality. He only is able to work her son's future happiness.'^ It appears that Burghley had contemplated the marriage of the earl with his granddaughter, for, on the 15th July, 1590, Sir Thomas Stanhope writes to Lord Burghley and assures him that he had never sought to procure the young Earl of Southampton in marriage for his daughter, as he knew Burghley intended a marriage between him and the Lady Vere. And on the 19th September, same year, Anthony Viscount Montague writes to Lord Burghley to the efiect that he has had a conversation with the Earl of Southampton as to his engagement of marriage with Burghley 's granddaughter. The C(Hmtess of Southampton ^ Domestic Series of the Rdyn of Elizahtth, 1581-1590, p. 417. * Calendar of State Papers, lb, p. BOo. SOUTHAMPTON'S CC^XTEMPLATED [MARRIAGE. 55 the earl's mother, and Montague's daughter, is not aware of any alteration in her son's mind.' The son's mind was changed, however; the lady was destined only to play the part of Eosaline until JuUet appeared ; the impression in wax was doomed to be melted when once the real fire of love was kindled. About this time the frankness of the earl's nature and the ardour of liis friendship flashed out in a character- istic act of reckless generosity. Two of his young friends had got into trouble ; the provocation is not known, but they had broken into the house of one Henry Long, at Draycot in Wiltshire, and, in a struggle. Long was killed. These were the two brothers, Sir Charles and Sir Henry Danvers. They informed the earl that a life had been unfortunately lost in an aflray, and threw themselves under his protection. He concealed them for some time in his house at Tichlield, and afterwards con- veyed them to France, where Sir Charles Danvers became highly distinguished as a soldier under Henry IV. He returned to Ensland in 1598, havinsf with o;reat diili- culty obtained the Queen's pardon, and his personal at- tachment to tlie Earl of Southampton caused him to lose his head on Tower Hill, in March, 1001. Sir Henry lived for many years after his brother's death ; he was created Baron Danvers by King James L, in the first year of his reign, and by King Charles L,Earl of Derby. The young Earl of Southampton became so great a favourite at Court and was noticed so graciously by Her Majesty, as to excite the displeasure and jealousy of the Earl of Essex. As in the case of Sir Charles Blount, Essex appears to have personally resented the favour shown by the Queen to Southampton, and, we are told that emulations and differences arose betwixt tlie two earls, who were rivals for Her Majesty's affection. Of this we get a glimpse in the story told by Wootton. Also ' Calendar of State Paper-'^, p. 6'^. r)0 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. tlie favours, the rivaliy, and the consequent personal dilTerences, are imphed in the following note of Eowland White's, in the 'Sydney Memoirs,'i dated Oct. 1st, 1595 : — 'My Lord of Essex kept his bed all yesterday; his Favour continues quam diu se bene gesserit. Yet, my Lord of Southampto7i is a careful waiter here, and, sede vacante, doth receive favours at her Majesty's hands; all this without breach of amity between them' — (i.e. the two earls). But a new influence was now at work to make the rivals friends. The Earl of Southampton had met the ' faire IMistress Vernon,' and fallen deeply in love with her. This afi'ection for the Earl of Essex's cousin, joined the hands of the two earls in the closest grasp of friendship, which was only relaxed by death. Love for the cousin was the incentive for Southampton to cast in his lot with the fortmies of Essex, and become the other self of his friend. There were reasons why there should be no further breach of amity between the two earls. Eight days before the date of White's letter just quoted, he had written thus, — 'My Lord of Southampton doth with too much familiarity court the fair Mistress Vernon, while his friends, observing the Queen's humours towards my Lord of Essex, do what they can to bring her to favour him, but it is yet in vain.'^ This lady, who afterwards became Countess of South- ampton, was a maid of honour, and a beauty of Elizabeth's Court ; she was cousin to the Earl of Essex, and daughter of Sir John Vernon of Hodnet, by Elizabeth Devereux, Essex's aunt. Shakspeare's acquaintance with Lord and Lady Southampton, and consequent knowledge of her family belonging to Shropshii-e, may have led him to introduce a Sir John Vernon in ' The First Part of Henry IV,' Hodnet is thirteen miles from Shrewsbury, and the high road leading to the latter place passes over the plain where the battle was fought in which Falstaff performed 1 Vol. ii. p. 61. ^ Sydney Memoirs, vol. i. ji. 348. SOUTHAMPTON IN LOVE WITH ELIZAlil^TII VERNON. 57 liis prodigies of valoiir for 'a long hour by Shrewsbuiy clock.' Eowlancl White's statement contains matter of great moment to our subject. The Earl of Southampton's love for Ehzabeth Vernon cost him the favour of the Queen. Her Majesty was not to be wrought on, even througli 'lier humours towards my Lord of Essex,' to restore the fallen favourite to his lost place in her regards. As the breach of amity betwixt the two earls had closed, that between her Majesty and Southampton continually widened. She forbade his marriage, and opposed it in a most implacable spirit. Whatsoever may have been the Queen's motive, she certainly did not forgive, first the falling in love, and next the marriage of the Earl of Southampton with Ehzabeth Vernon. Birch quotes a letter of Antonio Perez, written in Latin, dated May 20tli, 1595, which contains a reference to the Earl of Essex and his ill situation at the time at court, and he suggests that the cause probably arose from the Queen's displeasure at the share taken by Essex in the marriage of his cousin to the Earl of Southampton ^vithout her Majesty's permission or knowledge. But as the marriage did not take place until late in 1598, we must look a little further for the mean- injx of ]\Ir. Standen's letter to Mr. Bacon, same date, in Avhich he relates what he had learned the night before among the court ladies, to the effect that the Lady Eich, Elizabeth Vernon's cousin, having visited the lady of Sir Ixobert Cecil at her house, understood that Elizabeth Vernon and her ill good man had waited on Sunday two hours to have spoken with the Queen, but could not. At last Mistress Vernon sent in word that she desired her Majesty's resolution. To which the Queen replied that she was sufficiently resolved, but that the next day she would talk with her farther.^ Whatsoever the precise 1 Birch's Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 238. 58 SITAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. occurrence may have been, it is doubtless the one referred to by Eowland White. The earl had been courting Mis- tress Vernon too warmly for the cloistral coolness of Elizabeth's court ; this had reached her Majesty's ears. I surmise that the affair was similar in kind to that of Kaleigh and Mrs. Throckmorton two or three years be- fore, and that the earl and Mistress Vernon were most anxious to get married, as their prototypes had done. But Elizabeth, either for reasons or motives of her own, ' resolved ' they should not. We may consider this to have been one of the various occasions on which South- ampton was ordered to absent himself from court. We shall hear more of the subject from the sonnets. Nearly two years later the familiarity became still more apparent, in spite of the Queen's attempt to keep the persecuted pair apart. The earl was again ordered to keep away from the court. The gossips, who had seen the coming events casting their shadows before, were at length justi- fied. But I am anticipating. The exact period of ' travel and foreign observation,' alluded to by the author of ' Honour in his Perfection,' is unidentifiable, but I conjecture that 'leave of absence' and a journey followed the explosion of 1595, when the earl had been courting the fair Mistress Vernon ' with too much familiarity.' Her Majesty's ' resolve,' expressed in reply to the message of Elizabeth Vernon, is sufficiently ominous, although not put into words for us. It has been stated that the earl was with Essex, as an unattached volunteer, at the attack on Cadiz, in the summer of 1596. This, Malone asserted on grounds apparently strong. In the Catalogue of the MSS. in the library of the Earl of Den- bigli — ' Catalogi Librarum Manuscriptorum Anglice,' &c., vol. ii. p. 30, where the following notice is found : ' Diana of Montemayor (the first part), done out of Si)anish by Thomas Wilson, Esq., in the year 1596, and dedicated to the Earl of Southampton, ivlio was then upon the Spanisli THE QUEEN'S OPPOSITION. 59 voijaye with my Lord of Essex.' ^ lie could not, however, have left England in company with Essex, as on the 1st of July, 1500, the earl executed at London a power of attorney to llichard Kounching to receive a thousand pounds of George, Earl of Cumberland, and John Taylor his servant. Also it may be calculated that if the earl had been in action on that occasion, we should have heard of his part in the fight. 13ut it is quite probable that he followed in the wake of the expedition, and the legal transaction has the look of an arrangement or agreement such as might have been made on leaving England in haste. Being too late to share in the storming of Cadiz, which was taken before Southampton could have left London, he may have joined his friend Eoger Manners, Earl of Eutland, who was then making a tour of France, Italy and Switzerland.^ From the time that the Queen for- bade his marriage with Ehzabetli Vernon, and ordered him to absent himself from the com't, up to the death of Essex, it was a period of great trial and vexation for a proud, impetuous spirit like his. Thwarted in his dearest wish to wed the woman he loved, and constantly checked in his pubHc career, he became more and more impatient wlien struck by the stings and arrows of his cruel and outrageous fortune, that so pitilessly pursued him. Out- breaks of his fiery blood, and ' tills ' with his mistress were frequent. He appears to have got away from Lon- don as often as he could ; though most anxious to do England service he 'hoisted sail to every wind' that would blow him the farthest from her. He was most unlike his ' It bas been a subject of wonder bow Sbakspeare got at tbe Diana of Montemayor, to take so uiucb of bis 'Two Gentleuieu of Verona' from it. But as both be and Wilson were under tbe patronage of Southampton, there can be nothing more likely than that Shakspearo bad a look at Wilson's translation long before it was printed. Attention bad been drawn to tbe drama by Sidney's translations from it made for Lady Kieb. ■-* It was on tbe occasion of tbe Earl of Kutland's journey in 1595 that Essex addressed to him the long letter of advice which may be found in tbe llarleiim MSS (4bb8. 1(>.) GO SIIAKSPEAHE'S SONNETS. stepfather, Sir Thomas Heneage, who had been for so many years a docile creature of the court, and who, as Camden tells us, was of so spruce and polite address, that he seemed purely calculated for a court. Southampton had not the spirit that bows as the wind blows. He was more at home in mail than in silken suit. Like the ' brave Lord Willoughby,' he could not belong to the Eeptilice of court life. He had a will of his own, a spirit til at stood erect and panted for free air, and that trick of the frank tongue that so often attends the full heart of youthful honesty. The words of Mr. Eobert Markham, written to John Harington, Esq., somewhat apply to the Earl of Southampton : ' I doubt not your valour, nor your labour, but that damnable uncovered Honesty will mar your fortunes.' And the Queen's persistent opposi- tion to his love, her determination to punish him for disobedience and wilfnhiess, kept him on the continual fret, and tended to turn his restlessness into reckless- ness, his hardihood into fool-hardihood, his daring into dare-devilry, the honey of his love into the very gall of bitterness. Eowland White, writing to Sir Eobert Sidney at Flush- ing, March 2, 1597, says,^ ' My lord of Southampton hath leave for one year to travel, and purposes to be with you before Easter. He told my lady that he would see you before she should.' The earl was for leaving England again in his discontent and weariness. But the famous Island Voyage was now talked of, and Southampton was not the man to lose a chance if there were fio;htinej to be done. He had some difficulty in obtaining a command, but was at length appointed to the ' Garland.' Eowland White, in his letter of April 9, says, ' My lord of South- ampton, by 200 means, hath gotten leave to go with them' (Essex and Ealeigh). The influence here exerted in * Sydney Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 24. THE ISLAND VOYAGE. 61 favour of the earl was Cecil's. Whatsoever the feeling of Cecil toward Essex, he proved himself on various occasions to have been the true good friend of the Earl of Southampton. ' The Earl was made commander of the " Garland," ' to quote once more from ' Honour in his Perfection,' and was ' Vice-admiral of the first squadron. In his first putting out to sea (July, 1597) he saw all the terrors and evils whicli the sea had power to show to mortality, insomuch that the general and the whole fleet (except some few ships of which this earl's was one) were di'iven back into Plymouth, but this earl, in spite of storms, held out his course, made the coast of Spain, and after, upon an adviso, returned. The fleet, new reinforced, made forth to sea again with better prosperity, came to the islands of the Azores, and there first took the island of Fiall, sacked and burnt the great town, took the high fort which was held impregnable, and made the rest of the islands, as Pike, Saint George's, and Gratiosa, obe- dient to the general's service. Then the fleet returnino- from Fiall, it pleased the general to divide it, and lie went himself on the one side of Gratiosa, and the Earl of South- ampton, with some three more of the Queen's ships and a few small merchant ships sailed on the other; when early on a morning by spring of day, this brave Southampton lit upon the King of Spain's Indian fleet, laden with trea- sure, being about four or five and thirty sail, and most of them great warlike galleons. They had all the advantage that sea, wind, number of ships, or strength of men could give them ; yet, hke a fearfid herd they fled from the fury of our earl, who, notwithstanding, gave them chase witli all his canvas. Cue he took, and sunk her ; divers he dispersed, which were taken after, and the rest he drove into the island of Tercera, which was then unassailable.' Camden continues the story. ' When the enemy's ships had got off safely to Tercera, Southampton and Vere at- tempted to crowd into the haven witli great boats at mid- 62 SIIAKSPEAIIE'S SONNETS. night, and to cut the cables of the nearest ships, that they might be forced to sea by the gusts whicli blew from shore. But the Spaniards kept too strict a watch, and the project miscarried.'^ After the English had taken and 'looted' the town of Villa Franca, the Spaniards finding that most of them had returned to their ships, made an attack in g:reat force upon the remaining few. The Earls of South- ampton and Essex stood almost alone, with a few friends, but these received the attack with such spirit that many of the Spaniards were slain, and the rest forced to re- treat. On this occasion Southampton fought with such gallantry, that Essex in a burst of enthusiasm knighted his friend on the field, ' ere he could dry the sweat from his brows, or put his sword up in his scabbard.' Sir William Monson, one of the admirals of the ex- pedition, took a different view to that of Essex of what Southampton had done on this voyage. He considered that time had been lost in the chace, which might have been better employed. On his return to England South- ampton found the Queen had adopted the opinion of Monson rather than that of Essex, and he had the morti- fication of being met with a frown of displeasure for having presumed to pursue and sink a ship without direct orders from his commander, instead of being welcomed with a smile for having done tlie only bit of warm work that was performed on the 'Island Voyage.' This was just like the earl's luck all through, after his fatal falling in love with Elizabeth Vernon.^ His intimacy with Essex was a secondary cause of his misfortunes. The Queen often acted toward Essex in the spirit of that partial mother instanced by Fuller, who when her neglected son complained that his brother, her favourite, had hit and hurt him with a stone, whipped him for standing in the way of the stone which the brother had cast ! » Camden's Elizaheth, p. 598. A BROIL IN COURT. G3 On this occasion the quarrels of Essex and Kalcigli were visited on the liead of Southampton. Fortune ap- peared to liave an unappeasable spite against liim ; the world seemed bent upon thwarting his desires and cross- ing his deeds. Do what he might it was impossible for him to be in the right. There is little marvel that he grew of a turbulent spirit, or that his hot temper broke out in frequent quarrels ; that he should wax more and more unsteady, much to the sorrow and chagrin of his mistress, who wept over the iU reports that she heard of his doings, and waited, hoping for the better days to come when he should pluck his rose ^ from the midst of the thorns, and wear it on his breast in peaceful joy. In Januar}%1598, a disgraceful affair occurred in court w^hicli became the subject of common scandal. On the 19th of that month Rowland White Avrites : — ' I hard of some unlindness should be between 3000 (the No. in his cypher for Southampton) and his Mistress, occasioned by some report of Mr. Ambrose Willoughby. 3000 called hym to an account for yt, but the matter was made knowen to my Lord of Essex, and my Lord Chamberlain, who had them in Examinacion ; what the cause is I could not learne, for yt was but new ; but / see SOOO fidl of dis- contentments.'^ And on the 21st of January he says : — * The quarrel of my Lord Soutliampton to Ambrose Wil- loughby grew upon this : that he with Sir Walter Raleigh and ^Ii\ Parker being at primero (a game of cards), in the Presence Chamber ; the Queen was gone to bed, and he being there as Squire for the Body, desired them to give over. Soon after he spoke to them again, that if they w^ould not leave he would call in the guard to pull down the board, w^hich. Sir Walter Raleigh seeing, put up his ' For notliiug this -wide universe 1 call, Save Thou, my Rose, in it thou art my alL Sonnet 100. * Sydnoii ^fn)lo^'rs, vol. ii. pp. 82-.S. G4 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. money and went his ways. But my Lord Southampton took exceptions at him, and told him he would remember it ; and so finding him between the Tennis Court wall and the garden shook him, and Willoughby pulled out some of his locks. The Queen gave Willoughby thanks for what he did in the Presence, and told him he had done better if he had sent him to the Porter's Lodge to see who durst have fetched him out.'' The Earl also had a quarrel with Percy, Earl of Northumberland, which produced a challenge, and nearly ended in a duel. Percy sent copies of the papers to Mr. Bacon with a letter, in which he gives an account of the affair. The sole point of interest in this quarrel Hes in the hkehhood that Touchstone, in 'As you hke it,' is aiming at it when he says : — ' 0, Sir ; we quarrel in print by the book ; as you have books for good manners. I will name you the degrees : the first, the retort courteous ; the second, the quip modest ; the third, the reply churl- ish ; the fourth, the reproof valiant ; the fifth, the counter- beck quarrelsome ; the sixth, the lie with circumstance ; the seventh, the lie direct. All these you may avoid but the lie direct ; and you may avoid that too with an " If." I knew when seven justices could not take up a quarrel ; but when the parties were met themselves, one of them thought but of an " If" as " 7/'" you said so, then I said so ; and they shook hands and swore brothers. Your if is the only peace-maker ; much virtue in an if We may find an illustration of ' the Percy's ' temper in a letter of Mr. Chamberlain's to Mr. Winwood in 1613, which relates that Percy has, while in the Tower, beaten Ituthven, the Earl of Cowrie's brother, for daring to cross his path in the garden. So that when we read of Southampton's quarrels, it will only be fair to remember who are his fellows in fieryness. The Percy appears to have had his match, however, in his own wife, Dorothy ^ Hxjdney Memoirs, vol. ii. pp. 82-3. THE EARL OFFERS IILS SWORD TO IIEXRY IV. OF FRANCE. 05 Devereux, the sister of Lady Eich and Eobert Earl of Essex. In one of their domestic quarrels the Earl of Northumberland had said he would rather the King of Scots were buried tlian crowned, and that both he and all his friends would end their lives before her brother's great God should reign in his element. To which the lady spiritedly replied, that rather than any other save James should reign king of England she would eat their hearts in salt, though she were brought to the gallows immediately. ^ In spite of his quarrels, the scuffle with Willoughby and the consequent scandals, the earl attended to his duty as a senator from October 24, 1597, till the end of the session, February 8, 1598. He also entered upon an engagement to accompany Mr. Secretary Cecil on an embassy to Paris. A few extracts from Eowland White's letters will continue the story. Januaiy 14, 1598. — ' I hear my Lord Southampton goes with Mr. Secretary to France, and so onward on his travels, which course of his doth extremely grieve his mistress, that passes her time in weeping and lamenting.' January 28, 1598. — 'My Lord Southampton is now at Court, w]\o, for awhile, by her Majesty's command, did absent himself.' January 30. — ' My Lord Compton, my Lord Cobham, Sir Walter Ealeigli, my Lord Southampton, do severally feast Mr. Secretary before he depart, and have plaj^s and banquets.' February 1. — 'My Lord of Southampton is much troubled at lier Majesty's strangest usage of him. Some- body ■ hath played unfriendly parts with him. Mr. Secretary hath procured him licence to travel. His fair mistress doth icash her fairest face v'ith too many tears. * Birch's Elizabeth, vol. ii. p. 514. Perhaps Shakspeai-e liad heard of this when he made Beatrice exclaim, ' O God, that I were a man ! I would eat his heart in the market-place.' F 66 SILIKSPEARE'S SONNETS. I l^ray God his going away bring her to no such infirmity which is as it were hereditary to her tiame.' February 2, 1598. — 'It is secretly said that my Lord Southampton shall be married to his fair mistress.' February 12. — ' My Lord of Southampton is gone and hath left behind him a very desolate gentlewoman that hath almost wept out her fairest eyes. He w^as at Essex House with 1000 (Earl of Essex), and there had much private talk with him for two hours in the court below.' On March 17, Cecil introduced his friend, at Angers, to Henry IV., telling that illustrious monarch that Lord Southampton 'was come with deliberation to do him service.' His Majesty received the earl with warm expressions of regard. Here again Southampton met with the customaiy frustration of his hopes ; he had come for the express purpose of serving under so famous a commander, and was eager for the campaign, which was suddenly stopped by the peace of Vervins. There was nothing to be done except to have a look at Paris, and there he stayed some months. July 15, 1598, Thomas Edmondes to Sir Eobert Sidney writes : — ' I send your lordship certain songs,^ which were delivered me by my Lord Southampton to convey to your lordship from Cavelas. His lordship commendeth himself most kindly to you, and would have written to you if it had not been for a httle slothfulness.' The same w^riter fixes the time of the earl's return. He writes, November 2, 1598 : — 'My Lord of Southamp- ton that now goeth over can inform your lordship at large of the state of all things here.' ^ But, according to Mr. Chamberlain's letter of August 30, 1598, the Earl of Southampton must have made a ^ Very possibly some of the sonnets sent by Shakspeare to tbe earl in Paris. There were two familiar visitors at Sir Robert Sidney's house who were much interested in tlie sonnets of Sbaltspeare, viz., William Herbert and Lady Rich. 2 Sydney Memoirs, vol. ii. pp. 102-4. SOUTIIAMITON'S SECRET MARKIAGE, G7 special journey from Paris for tlie purpose of effecting his marriage, and been on his way back when accom- panied to Margate by Sir Tliomas Germaine. EHzabeth Vernon had been compelled to retire from the Court. Chamberlain writes : — ' Mistress Vernon is from tlie Court and lies at Essex House (at Wanstead, where the Earl of Essex was the fair Elizabeth's companion in disfavour). Some say she hath taken a venue ^ under her girdle, and swells \\])o\\ it ; yet she complains not of foul play, but says my Lord of Southampton will justify it, and it is bruited underhand that he was lately here four days in great secret of purjiose to marry her, and effected it accordingly.' A week later the same writer says : — ' Yesterday the Queen was informed of the new Lady of Southampton and her adventures, whereat her patience was so much moved that she came not to chapel. She threateneth them all to the Tower, not only the parties, but all that are partakers of the practice. It is confessed the earl was here, and solemnised the act himself, and Sir Thomas Germaine accompanied him on his return to Margate.' Li his next letter Mr. Chamberlain says : — ' I now understand that the Queen hath commanded the novizia countess the sweetest and best appointed lodging in the Fleet ; her lord is by commandment to return upon his allegiance with all speed. These are but the begin- nings of evil ; well may he hope for that merry day on his deathbed, which I think he shall not find on his wedding couch.' ^ That the earl was also thrust into prison on his return we may infer from the words of Essex in ^ Venue or venew. Steevens and Malone differed respecting this word, •which occurs in ' Love's Labour's Lost.' Armado. ' A sweet touch ! a quick veneto of wit ! ' Steevens argued that it was the technical term for a bcwt or set-to at the fencing school. ^lalone held that it meant simply a /lif. Douce maintained that venew and bout equally denote a hit in fencing. Mr. Chamberlain uses the word to signify a hit ; the allusion is to being hit below the belt, which was, and is, reckoned a blow imfairly given. ^ 5. P. O. f2 68 SHAKSPEAEE'S SONNETS. Lis letter of July 11, 1599 : — ' Was it treason in mj^Lord of Southampton to many my poor kinswoman, that neither long imprisonment nor any punishment besides that hatli been usual in like cases can satisfy or appease ? Or will no kind of punishment be fit for him but that which punisheth not him but me, this army, and this poor country Ireland ? ' When a young man marries, says an Arab adage, the demon utters a fearful cry. And Eliza- beth seems to have been almost as profoundly affected on such occasions. This fact of Southampton's love for Elizabeth Yernon, and the Queen's opposition to their marriage, is the chief point of interest in the earl's life, because it is one of the main facts in relation to the sonnets of Shakspeare. It is my conclusion that this pair of ill-starred lovers was badly treated by her Majesty. She not only rejected everything proposed by Essex for the advancement of his friend, but continued, as we shall see, the same spiteful policy wlien Lord Mountjoy wished to advance the fortunes of the earl in a wider sphere of action. Southampton, Elizabeth Vernon, and their mutual friends, tried long and hard to obtain the Queen's consent to their marriage, but as she would not give it, and showed no signs of relenting, they did the very natural thing of getting married without it. This being done, what more is there to be said ? It is unfair to talk of the earl being licentiously in love with Mistress Vernon when the Queen would not grant them the licence. The mar- riage certainly took place in one of the later months of 1598, and the bitterness of the Queen towards Southamp- ton was thereby much increased. The Queen was jealous and enraged to find any of her favourites loving else- wliere, or sufficiently unloyal to her personal beauty to get married. It was so when Hatton, Leicester, and Essex married ; but no one of them all was so wuleutly SOUTHAMPTON IN IRELAND. (59 pursued as the Earl of Soutliamptoii. Towards no one else was tlie fire of her anirer kei)t so lontminster, to be allowed no intercourse with any other than his keeper (Sir Eichard Weston). June 23, Sir Eichard Weston declined to be the earl's keei)er, and Sir W. Parkhurst w^as appointed. The Eev. Joseph Mead writes to Sir Martin Stutville, June 30 of this year : — ' It is said that this week the Countess of Southampton, assisted by some two more countesses, put up a petition to the King, that her lord might answer before himself ; which, they say, his Majesty granted.'^ Various others were imprisoned, about the same time, for speaking idle words. Among the rest, John Selden was committed to the keeping of the Sheriff of London; he ' Court and Times of James, vol, ii. p. 263. 88 SIIAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. was also set at liberty, on the same day as the Earl of Southampton, July 18, 1G21. In a letter of proud sub- mission sent to the Lord Keeper Williams, Southampton promises to ' speak as little as he can,' and ' meddle as little as he can,' according to ' that part of my Lord Buckingham's advice ! ' Li these stormy discussions and early grapplings with irresponsible power, we hear the first mutterings of the coming storm that was to sweep thro' England, and feel that, in men like Southampton, the spirit was stirring which was yet to spring up, fuU-statured and armed, for the overthrow of weak prince and fatal parasites, to stand at last as a dread avenger flushed with triumph, smiling a stern smile by the block at White- hall. His imprisonment did not repress Southampton's energies or lessen his acti\dty. In the new parliament, which assembled on the 9th of February, 1624, he was on the committee for considering of the defence of Ireland ; the committee for stopping the exportation of money ; the committee for the making of arms more serviceable. He was a true exponent of the waking nation, in its feeling of animosity against Spain, and of disgust at the pusillanimous conduct of James, who would have tamely submitted to see his son-in-law deprived of the Palatinate. The aroused spirit of the nation having compelled the King to enter into a treaty with the States General, granting them permission to raise four regiments in this country, Southampton obtained the command of one of them. ' This spring,' says Wilson, ' gave birth to four brave Eegiments of Foot (a new apparition in the English liorizon), fifteen hundred in a Regiment, which were raised and transported into Holland (to join the army under Prince Maurice) under four gallant colonels : the Earl of Oxford, the Earl of Southampton, the Earl of Essex, and the Lord Willoughby.' This was a fatal journey for the Earl, the last of his wanderings, that was to bring him tlie 'so long impossible Eest.' 'The DEATH OF SOUTHAMPTON. 80 winter quarter at Rosendale,' Wilson writes, 'was also fatal to the Earl of Soutliampton, and the Lord Wriothesley liis son. Being both sick there togetlier of burning fevers, tlie violence of whicli distemper wrouglit most vigorously upon the heat of youth, overcoming tlie son first ; and the drooping father, having overcome the fever, departed from Ivosendale with an intention to bring his son's body into England, but at Berghen-op-Zoom he died of a lethargy^ in the view and presence of the relator.' The dead son and father were both brought in a small bark to England, and landed at Southampton ; both Avere buried at Titch- field, on Innocents' day, 1624. ' They were both poisoned by the Duke of Bucking- ham,' says Sir Edward Peyton, in his ' Catastrophe of the House of the Stuarts ' (p. SCO), as plainly appears, he adds, ' by the relation of Doctor Eglisham.' This relation of Ejzhsham's will be found in the ' Forerunner of Eevenofe.'^ The doctor was one of Kino; James's ph^'sicians for ten years. His statement amounts to this- - that tlie Earl of Southampton's name was one of those which were on a roll that was found in King Street, Westminster, containing a list of those who were to be removed out of Buckingham's way. Also, that when the physicians were standing round the awfully disfigured body of the dead Marquis of Hamilton (another supposed victim of Buckingham's), one of them remarked, that ' my Lord Southampton was blistered all within the breast, as my Lord Marquis was.' This statement made me curious enough to examine Francis Glisson's report of the post mortem examination of the Earl of Southampton's body : it is in the British Museum;- and I found it to be so suspiciously reticent, that the silence is far more suggestive than what is said. It contains no mention whatever of the condition of the blood ' Harleian Miscellany, vol. ii. pp. 72-7. ^ Vide Avscougb's catalogue of MS. 90 SHAKSPEARE-S SONNETS. or the brain, the spleen or bowels, the heart or liver, the stomach or lungs. The bladder and kidneys are the only parts described. An altogether unsatisfactory report, that looks as though it were a case of suppressed evidence. This, coupled with the lethargy noticed by Wilson, and the known implacable enmity of Buckingham, does at least give colour to the statements of Sir Edward Peyton, and Dr. Eglisham. But for us it will remain one of the many secrets — for wdiich John Felton, ' with a wild flash in the dark heart of him,' probed swiftly and deeply with his avemjinc^ knife, — to be known hereafter. CO ' One cannot but feel that the Earl of Southampton did not get adequate scope for his energies under James any more than in the previous reign, and that he should have lived a few years later, for his orb to have come full circle. He might have been the Eupert of Cromwell's horsemen. He was not a great man, nor remarkably wise, but he was brave, frank, magnanimous, thoroughly honourable, a true lover of his country, and the possessor of such natural qualities as won the love of Shakspeare. A comely noble of nature, wdth highly finished manners ; a soldier, whose personal valour was proverbial ; a lover of letters, and a munificent patron of hterary men. Chapman, in one of his dedicatory sonnets prefaced to the lUad, calls the Earl ' learned,' and proclaims him to be the ' choice of all our country's noble spirits.' Eichard Braithwaite inscribes his ' Survey of History, or a Nursery for Gentry,' to Southampton, and terms him ' Learning's select Favourite.' Nash calls him ' a dear lover and che- risher, as well of the lovers of poets as of poets themselves.' Florio tells us that he lived for many years in the earl's pay, and terms him the 'pearl of peers.' He relieved the distress of Minshew, author of the ' Guide to Tongues.' Barnaby Barnes addressed a sonnet to him, in 1593, in which he expressed a hope that his verses 'if graced by that heavenly countenance w^hich gives THE EARL'S PATROXAGE OF LITERATURE. 01 liglit to the Muses, may be shielded from the poisoned shafts of envy.' Jervais Markham, in a sonnet attached to his poem on the death of Sir Eicliard Grenville, addresses Southampton thus : — Thou, the laurel of the Muses hill, Whose eyes doth crown the most victorious pen.' Wither appears to have had some intention of cele- brating the earl's marked virtues and nobiUty of character as exceptionally estimable in his time, for, in presenting him with a copy of his ' Abuses stript and whipt,' he tells him, — I ought to be no stranger to thy worth, Nor let thy virtues in oblivion sleep : Nor will I, if my fortunes give me time. In the year 1621, the earl had not ceased his patronage of literary men, as is shown by the dedication to him of Thomas Wright's ' Passions of the mind in general.' Many elegies were sung over the death of Southampton, of which the following, by Sir John Beaumont, is the best : — I will be bold my trembling voice to try. That his dear name in silence may not die ; The world must pardon if my song be weak, In such a cause it is enough to speak. Who knew not brave Southampton, in whose sight Most placed their day, and in his absence night ? When he was yoimg, no ornament of youth Was wanting in him, acting that in truth Which Cyrus did in shadow ; and to men Appeared like Peleus' son from Chiron's den : While through this island Fame his praise reports. As best in martial deeds and courtly sports. When riper age with winged feet repairs, Grave care adorns his head with silver hairs ; His valiant fervour was not then decayed. But joined with counsel as a further aid. ' It has been suggested that Markham here alludes to the Eai-l's patronage of Shakspeare. 92 - SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. Behold his constant and undaunted eye, In greatest danger, when condemned to die ! He scorns the insulting adversary's breath, And will admit no fear, though near to death. When shall we in this realm a feather find So truly sweet, or Husband half so kind ? Thus he enjoyed the best contents of life. Obedient children, and a loving wife. These were his parts in peace ; but, 0, how far This noble soul excelled itself in war. He was directed by a natural vein. True honour by this painful way to gain. I keep that glory last which is the best. The love of learning, which he oft expressed In conversation, and respect to those Who had a name in arts, in verse, or prose. His countess survived the earl for many years, and died in 1640. AValpole, in his Anecdot-es of Painting, mentions a por- trait, half-length, of Elizabeth Vernon, as being at Sher- burn Castle, Dorsetshire. It is by Cornelius Jansen, who was patronized by the Earl of Southampton,^ and may thus have drawn the portrait of Shakspeare. This picture, says Walpole, is equal to anything the master executed. The clothes are magnificent, and the attire of her head is singular, a veil turned quite back. The face and hands are coloured with incomparable lustre. There is also an authentic portrait of this lady, in good preservation, at Hodnet Hall, which represents her as a type of a beauty in the time of Elizabeth. Her dress is a brocade in brown and gold, her ribbons are scarlet and gold, her ruff and ^ Peacliiim, in his 'Grapliico, or the most Ancient and Excclh^nt Art of Drawing and Limning,' says, the Earls of Southampton and Pembroke were amongst the chief patrons of painting in England. N.B. — In the footnote p. 220 of Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting in Eng- land, Mr. Dallaway speaks wrongly of this work as being first published in 1G.34. The first edition, a copy of which is in the British Museum, was published in 1612. ELIZ.VBETII VERNON AND LADY RUSSELL. 93 deep sleeve cuffs are of point lace, her ornaments of coral ; her hair is light, and her complexion fresh, vivid, auroral, having clearly that war of the red rose and the white described by Shakspeare in his 99th sonnet. The hair is suggestive, too, of the singular comparison used in that sonnet of ' buds of marjoram,' not in colour, but in shape. Supposing the lady was accustomed at times to leave a por- tion of it rather short, to be worn in front of the head-dress, or veil that swept backward, the ends would crisp and bunch themselves into a likeness of the Uttle clusters of marjoram buds. Indeed, the shape of the head of hair, dressed superbly as it is, is not unlike a bush of marjo- ram in the spread of it ! An engraving by Thompson, from a portrait by Van- dyke, a copy of which is in the British Museum, shows Lady Southampton to have been tall and graceful, with a fine head and thoughtful face ; the long hair is softly waved with light and shadow, and the look has a touch of languor, different to the Hodnet Hall picture, but this last may be only a Vandyke grace. It is pleasant to remember that from this much-tried pair, in whom Shakspeare took so affectionate an interest, sprang one of the most glorious of Englishwomen, one of the pure white lilies of all womanhood ! This was the Lady Kussell, whose spirit rose so heroically to breast the waves of calamity ; whose face was as an angel's shining through the gathering shadows of death, with a look of lofty cheer, to hearten her husband on his way to the scaf- fold ; ahnost personifying, in her great love, the good Pro- vidence that had given to him so precious a spirit for a companion, so exalted a woman to be his wife ! This lady was the £jrand-dau<:?hter of the Earl and Countess of South- ampton. She was daughter of Thomas Wriothesley, who was called the Virtuous Lord Treasurer of Charles II., by his first wife, daughter of Henry de Massey, Baron de Kouvii]ciii, a French Protestant noble. 94 SIIAKSPEARFS SONNETS. POET AND PATRON: THEIK PEESONAL FRIENDSHIP. The Earl of Southampton cannot be to us what he was to Shakspeare, and time has almost effaced him from the national memory ; he has nearly passed out of sight in that cloud of dust created by the fall of Essex. Yet, for our great poet's sake, no one can help taking an interest in his story, or in his friendship, of which the Sonnets are the fruit ; and the more we draw near to read his character aright, the greater reason we shall find to love liini for what he once was to Shakspeare. There was a time in our poet's life when the patronage of Southampton, as it was described by Barnes, shone like a splendid shield in the eyes of envious rivals, and such a dazzling defence must have tended to lessen the yelpings of the pack that was at him in full cry about the year 1592. In all likelihood the earl was one, and the chief one, of those ' divers of worship,' who, according to Chettle, had reported so favourably of the poet's private character and dramatic abihty. And, although not intended as an autobiograpliic record, the Sonnets sufficiently sliow that the friendship of the earl was the source of many com- forting and loving thoughts, which cherished and illumed his inner life, when the outer day may have been some- what desolate and drear. The 25th sonnet tells us how \ALirE OF THE EARL'S FRIENDSHIP. 95 Sliakspeare congratulated himself on having secured such a friend, whose heart was larger than his fortunes, whose hand was liberal as his thought was generous, and whose kindly regard placed the poet far above the ' favourites of great princes.' What trutli there may be in the tra- dition that the earl gave Shakspeare a thousand pounds at one time we cannot know ; it may have resulted from the fact that he had given the poet as much at various times. There can be no question, however, that he did him sundry good turns, and gave help of many kinds ; if required, money would be included ; this too, when the poet most needed help, to hearten him in his life-struggle, wdiile he was workinsi; at the basis of his character and the foundations of his fortune and his fame. It would be a kind of breakwater influence, when the poet was fighting wntli wind and wave for every bit of foothold on firm ground. Shakspeare would likewise be indebted to his noble friend for many a glimpse of Court hfe and Court man- ners, many an insight into personal character, through this chance of seeing the personal characteristics that would otherwise have been veiled from him. His friend the earl would lift the curtain for him, and let him peep behind the scenes which Avere draped to the vulgar. It was a wonderful time for such a dramatist. Men and women played more personal parts, exerted more personal influence, and revealed more of their personal nature. The inner man got more direct manifestation. Shakspeare saw the spirits of men and women, as it were, in habitations of glass, sensitive to every fight and shadowy and showing how the changes passed over them, by the glow or the gloom that followed. Now-a-days, we are shut up in houses of stone, iron-fenced by manners and customs and the growths of time, that have accumulated between man and man, putting them farther and farther apart, until a good deal of the Elizabethian nearness of life is gone for public men. We have lost mucli of that 06 SHAKSPEAKE'S SONNETS. element, which has been described as the real source of genius, the spirit of boyhood carried into manhood, which the Elizabethans had, and showed it in their friendships and their fighting, their passions and their play. We are more shut up, and only peep at one another, we reveal the smallest possible part of ourselves. The EUzabethans had more naked nature for Shakspeare to draw ; he was as fortunate in the habits of his time as the Greek sculptors were in the freedom of the Greek dress. He would not have made nearly so much out of us, had he lived in our day, because so much would not have been revealed in public. He would not be able to see the most characteristic things, the best and the worst saying out their utmost, known by name, and visible at their work. The personality which Shakspeare saw and seized, would now be lessened till almost invisible, in the increasing crowd of hfe, and conflict of circumstances, and change of things. He would only be able to read about such as those whom he saw and knew in daily hfe. He would now see no sight like that of Drake at bowls on Plymouth Hoe ; or Ealeigh smoking his pipe with his peasants, and making their eyes glitter with the mirage of a land of gold ; a Lord Grey rushing at Southami)ton in the street, with his sword drawn ; noble grey heads going to the block after a life of service for their country ; Essex and her Majesty exhibiting in public the pets and passions of the nursery ; or the Queen showing her leg to an am- bassador and boxing the ears of a favourite ; or a player who, like Tarleton, dared to abuse the favourite Leicester, present with tlie Queen, and who ' played the God Luz, witli a flitch of bacon at his back ; and the Queen bade them take away the knave for making her to laugh so excessivel}^ as he fought against her little dog Perrico de Faldas, with his sword and longstalT, and bade the Queen take oflf her mastiff.'^ That was a time in which character was ' Scrap of paper in the State Paper Office, 1588. Calendar of State Papers, EUzabeth, 1581-1500, p. 541. HIS PlllNATK FUIEND.S. , 97 brought closer home to the dramatist. And tlie Earl of Soutliamptoii's friendship was a means of introducing our poet to cliaracters that must otherwise have remained out of reacli. In this way he was enabled to make a close study of Southampton's friends, including persons like Essex and Montjoy, and one of the most remarkable characters of that time, one of tlie most unique samples of human nature, the Lady Eich, in whose person I think the poet saw several of his creations in outline, and whose influence warmed his imagination and jrave colour to the complexion of his earlier women. Many a hint of foreign scenes would he catch from those who had travelled, and could describe ; men who in our time would perhaps put their experience into books, and many a heroic trait from tlie silent lighting men, who had done what they could not put into words. Looking over the shoidder of his noble friend, Shakspeare could thus see some of the best things that the life of his time had to show, and take his mental pictures with his instantaneous quickness of impression, for he had the chameleon-like spirit that could catch its colour from the air he breathed, and in the Earl of South- ampton's company he must often have breathed an air that ' sweetly crept ' into the study of his imagination, brightening and enriching his mind, and making its im- ages of life come to him ' apparelled in more precious habit,' more ' moving dehcate,' especially in the shape of the exquisite fragrant-natured English ladies who became his Mirandas, Perditas, Imogenes, and Hermiones. It has been assumed that these sonnets of Shakspeare do but represent a form of sonneteering adulation common to the time. As though they were the poetic coin wherewith the poet sought to repay the patron for his nuuiificent gifts. Nothing could be farther from the fact. They contain no flattery whatever. So far as they are personal to Shakspeare they come warm from liis own sincere heart, and are vital with his own aflectionate 11 98 , SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. feeling for the brave and bounteous peer to whom he publicly dedicated ' love without end,' and for whom he meant to make a wreath of immortal flower Avhich had its mortal rootage in the poet's own life. Such a celebration of personal friendship as occurs in these sonnets was not common as some writers have supposed. In fact it has no parallel in the Elizabethan time. And such a friend- ship was as rare as is this celebration of it. Looking backward over the two centuries and a half, and seeing the halo of glory on the brow of the dead Past, it seems that the personal friendship of man and man was a more possible and noble thing with the Elizabethan men. Perhaps it is partly owing to the natural touch of Time in the composition of his historic pictures ; to the softened outline and mellowing tint. But those Elizabethans have a way of coming home to us with more of the nearness of brotherhood ; they are like a band of brothers with a touch of noble boyhood about their ways, and on their faces a light of the golden age. They make it possible to our hard national nature that the love of man to man may be at times ' passing the love of woman.' But such an example of personal friendship as that of Shakspeare the player and Southampton the peer stands absolutely alone ; there is nothing like it. We are apt to think of Shakspeare as the great master- spirit, who was fit to be the friend of the noblest by birth, and the kinglicst by nature. Those who knew him, we fancy, would be more likely to think of the Scripture text, that reminds us not to be forgetful of entertaining stran- gers, for they may be the angels of God in disguise, rather than to be troubled with thoughts and suggestions of his being only a poor player. But the age in which he lived, and in which this friendship was engendered, was a time when the distinctions of rank and the boundary lines of classes were so precisely observed that even the particular style and quality of dress were imposed according to the THE FIRST MEETING OF POET AND PATRON. W wearer's position in life. Tlierefore the feeling of personal friendship must have been very strong in these two men, to have so far obliterated the social landmarks, and made their remarkable intimacy possible. I think the 25th somiet tells us })lainly enough, that the young earl first sought out tlie poet, and conferred on him an unexpected honour ; a joy unlooked-for. This view is most in keeping with the two personal characters. Then the frank-hearted, free-handed young noble soon found that his advances were amply repaid. And he had the insight to see that here was a noble of nature, with something in him which towered over all social distinctions. On his side, the poet would warmly appreciate the open generous dis- position of the earl, who, whatever else he lacked, had the genius to make himself beloved. Shakspeare Avas that natu- ral gentleman, who could preserve exactly the distance at which the attraction is magnetically perfect, and most powerfidly felt ; thus the acquaintanceship soon grew into a friendship of the nearest and dearest possible between Shakspeare, the man of large and sweet affections, and the comely good-natured youth, who had the intuition to dis- cover the poet, and was drawn lovingly towards the man. Of the depth of the personal affection, and the inward nature of the friendship, there is the most abundant proof. The dedicatory epistle to liis poem of ' Lucrece' breathes the most cheery assurance, and publicly alludes to a pri- vate history that has never before been understood, but which will noAv serve to show how close were the person- ahties, how secret the relationship of Southampton and Shakspeare. Then we have the letter of Lord Southamp- ton, which I, for one, feel to be a genuine document; and, as regards tlie internal evidence, the present reading of the sonnets will make that speak more eloquently than ever in favour of our accepting it as the utterance of South- ampton. The letter has a t(nich of nature, a familiarity in the tone, beyond the dream or the daring of a forger H 2 100 SHAKSPEAKE'S SONNETS. ? to assume, for the facts of the intimate personal friendship revealed for the first time by the present reading of the sonnets, which accord so perfectly with the tone of the letter, could not be sufficiently known, to warrant the statements, or support the design, had it been a forgery. In tliis letter, the earl pleads with his powerful friend the Lord Ellesmere, on behalf of the ' poor players of the Blaekfriars,' and asks him to ' be good ' to them ' in this the time of their trouble,' for they are threatened by the Lord Mayor and aldermen of London with tlie destruction of their means of liveliliood ' by the pulling down of their playhouse.' The chief point for us is, that the Earl of Southampton introduces one of the bearers, ' William Shakspeare,' to the Lord High Chancellor's notice, as ' his especial friend,' a man who is 'right famous ' in his quality as a w^riter of plays, and a husband of ' good reputation.' Now, to my thinking, that phrase 'my especial friend' would not have been ventured by a forger ; he would not have hazarded the lordly largeness, if the fact had been visible, which is more than doubtful ; for, although Sliaks- peare dedicated to the earl his ' love without end,' yet, apart from this letter, it could not be known that the earl proclaimed the especial friendship to be reciprocal, and the forger would not have had authentic warrant. Therefore I do not see how any other than Southampton could have so })erfectly hit the very fact, which is now unveiled for the first time, in my reading of the sonnets. The present in- terpretation of these must help to prove the genuineness of the letter.^ The sonnets themselves abound with proofs that ' The matter of this 'H. S.' letter is, in my humble opinion, most authentic ; both openly and secretly so. There is a witness within it of more infallible authority than that of the Palajographists, wlio, in the case of a copj' like this, can hardly know what it is they are called upon to disprove. Supposing a forger to have hit upon the personal friendship of the Earl for Shakspeare and dared to proclaim it, and made tliat the motive of the Earl's plea, he would not have ventured on the perilous attempt to mark the exact period of Shakspeare's retirement from the stage as an actor, and thus lamed his ILLUSTRATIONS OF INTIMACY. 101 the personal intimacy of Shak.speare and Soutliampton was verv inward, the friendsliip most uncommon. So near are they, that in sonnet 39, the poet says the two are but one ; and, that when he praises his friend, it is as though lie were praising himself. Therefore, he proposes to take advantage of a separation, wliich is to divide tliem, and make their ' dear love ' lose the name and look of singleness, by throwing into perspective that half which alone deserves to be praised. Absence and distance are necessary to show even in appearance that the two are not one ! In sonnet 23, his love is so great that he cannot speak it, when they meet in person : the strength of his feehng is such as to tie his tongue, and make him like an unpractised actor on the stage, overcome by his emotion, so he tries to express it in his sonnets, pleading that they may be more eloquent with their silent love than the tongue, that might have said more. The plea also of sonnet 22 is most expressive of tender intimacy. ' Oh, my friend,' he says, ' be of your- self as wary as I will be of myself; not for myself, but on your account. I will bear your heart as cautiously, and keep it from all ill, as protcctingly as a nurse carries her babe.' His spirit hovers about the earl. lie warns him that youth is short, and beauty a fleeting glow. He defends hhn when he has been falsely accused and slandered by the gossips about the Court ; is sad, when the earl is reck- less and does break out in wild courses, or dwells in infec- tious society ; wishes himself dead, rather than that he should have seen such sorrowful things ; tries, as I read, to set the earl writing (in sonnet 77), by way of diver- case by selecting the wrong point in illustrating the friendsliip ! Then, the reconiniendation of Shakspeare on account of liis good reputation as n marrivd man, is so utterly opposed to the idea of a forgerj'. It was nut one of the outlines of the poet's life pencilled ready for tilling in ! For it has always been assumed that his reputation as a married man was 7iot good, and latterly it has been taken for granted that the Earl of Southampton had very private reasons for knowing so. Nevertheless, tlie letter, a:i I believe, statos the real fact of the case in this, as in the other particulars, with a sureness beyond the happiest divination of a forger, and the life is not yet trodden out of it ! 102 SIIAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. sion, for his moral behoof and mental benefit. He will write of liim and his love in his absence abroad, and when he returns to England how lovingly (in sonnet 100) he liolds him to look into the sun-browned face, with a peering jealousy of affection, to see what change has been wrought by the wear of war, and waste of time, — Rise, restive Muse, my Love's sweet face survey ; If Time have any wrinkle graven there. ' If any, be ready with the colour of immortal tint to retouch his beauty and make it live for ever in immortal youth.' Then we see that the poet's love grows warmer, as the world looks colder on the earl ; it rises witli the tide of calamitv, that threatened to overwhelm him ; it exults and ' looks fresh with the drops of that most balmy time,' when the poet welcomed his friend at the opened door of his prison, in 1603 (sonnet 107), and made the free light of day richer with his cordial smile. ' If the Earl of Soutliampton,' says Boaden, ' had been the person addressed by Shakspeare, we should expect the poet to have told the earl that but for his calamity and diss3;race, mankind would never have known the resources of his mighty mind.' So might we if the poet had been a common flatterer, who had stood afar off and talked flam- boyant nonsense tliat was never meant to be tested for tlie truth, never brought to bear upon the real facts because of the personal distance at which it was spoken. But this was not Shakspeare's position. The earl had not a mighty mind, and Shakspeare w^as not driven by stress of circumstances to laud the mental gifts which his friend did not possess. In only a single instance has he men- tioned the intellect of the earl.^ In this fact we may find one more illustration of the inwardness of their personal intimacy. They were too intimate, and knew each other ' Sonnet 82, ' Thou art as fair in knoioledyc as in hue.' NEARNESS OF THE TWO FRIENDS. 10:{ too well, for any ' bosh ' to be tolerated on either side. When Shakspeare spoke of his friend Southampton it was from the quiet depths of genuine feeling, not fi-oni the noisy shallows of flattery; and such was the nature of their intercourse, the freedom of their friend.ship, that lie was permitted to do so, and could afford it. What Shakspeare found in Southampton was not great gifts of mind to admire, but a fuie generosity and hearty frankness of nature to love. He was one of those who grasp a friend with both hands to hold him fast, and wear him in their heart of hearts. Shakspeare loved him too truly to speak falsely of him. He was the only great poet in his time who never stood cap in hand, or dealt in ' lozengerie.'' His tone is like the voice of good breedhig, gentle and low, wdth no straining for effect. Any exaggerative expression was unnecessary, and would have been most unnatural, which with Shakspeare means impossible. Tliis mode of treatment proves the personal privacy. Shakspeare did not address his friend as a public man at a distance — had no need of the speaking trumpet — but was thus secret and familiar with him as a bosom friend. Upon any theory of interpretation the personal intimacy must have been of the closest, most famihar kind. Those wdio have so basely imagined that Shakspeare and his young friend both shared one mistress must assume that the intimacy was one of great nearness. Also those who accept the coarsest reading of the 20th sonnet must admit that the poet was on very familiar terms with the earl to address him in the low loose language which they have attributed to him by their modern rather than Ehzabethian reading. My interpretation supposes a nearness equally great, a personal intimacy ecjually secret, but as pure as theirs is gross, as noble as theirs is ignoble, as natural as theirs is unnatural. An intimacy which does not strain all probabihty in assuming it to have been close enougli for Shakspeare to write dramatic sonnets on his friend's love 104 SIIAKSrEARE'S SONNETS. and courtship, as it does to suppose the poet wrote sonnets to proclaim their mutual disgrace, and perpetuate his own sin and shame. In truth it is the sense of that nearness, which I advocate, which, working blindly, has given some show of likelihood to the vulgar interpreta- tion ; the tender feehng passing the love of woman which, carried into the interpretation of the impersonal sonnets by prurient minds, has made the intimacy look one of which any extravagance might be believed. The personal sonnets all tend to show and illustrate this nearness of the two friends, only they prove it to have been on Shakspeare's part of the purest, loftiest, most manly kind. There is not one of those wherein Shakspeare is the speaker for certain, that can possibly be pressed into showing that the friendship had the vile aspect into which it has been distorted. Southampton being identified as the person addressed, and the object of Shakspeare's personal affection, the inti- macy must have been one that was perfectly compatible with the earl's love for a woman. For it is certain that he was in love, and passionately wT)oing Elizabeth Vernon, during some years of the time over which the sonnets extend. And it would be witlessly weak to suppose that Shakspeare wrote sonnets upon .a disgraceful intimacy to amuse a man who was purely in love ; out of all nature to imagine that he pursued Southampton in the wooing amorous way more fondly and tenderly than ever, after the earl had become passionately enamoured of Elizabeth Yernon. He would neither thrust himself forward as the lady's rival for the earl's love, nor appear in her presence- chamber covered with moral mire to I'cmind them both of the fact that he and the earl had rolled in the dirt together ; and the intimacy must have been such as to recommend Shakspeare to Elizabeth Vernon as a ftiend of the earl, not brand him as an enemy to herself. Again, Boaden is of opinion that the sonnets do not at all apply ELDER BROTIIEltllUOD. 105 to Lord Southampton, eitlier as to age, character, or the bustle and activity of a life distinguished by distant and hazardous service, to something of which they must have alluded had he been their object. lie argues that there was not sufficient difference in their ages for Shakspeare to have called the earl ' sweet boy.' The difference was 9 years and G months. Our poet was born Ai)ril, 15G4, and his friend October, 1573. Now if the two men had been of like mental constitution that difference in years would have made considerable disparity in character when the one was thirty and the other but twenty years of age. But one man is not as old as another at the same age, nor are men constituted alike. Shakspeare's mental life, and ten years' experience in such a hfe, were very diHerent things to the life and experience of his young friend. He may have been quite warranted by this difference in age in calling the earl ' sweet boy,' but his expression did not depend on age alone. When a priest says ' my cliild,' he does not first stop to consider whether the person so addressed is some twenty years younger tlian himself. He is presumed to be speaking from a feeling that is not exactly governed or guided chronologically. So with Shakspeare. He is taking the hberty and latitude of affection. He uses the language of a love that delights to dally Avith the wee words and dainty diminutives of speech, and tries as it were to ex- press the largeness of its feeling in the smallest shape, on piH'pose to get all the nearer to nature, it being tlie way of all fond love to express itself in miniature. It is one of Shakspeare's ways of expressing the fulness and familiarity of his affection rather than any difference in age. He speaks by virtue of that protecting tenderness of spirit which he feels for the youth — the })rerogative of very near friendship — an authority which no age could necessarily confer. And it is also 1 1 is way of expressing the difference of rank and position, as the world would 106 SHAKSPKIRE'S SONNETS, have it, that existed betwixt them ; the distance at which he is supposed to stand is turned to account in the shape of an elder brotherhood. It is of set purpose that Shakspeare paints himself older than he was, as most obviously he has done ; it is intended as a framework for his picture. He deepens the contrast and gives to his own years a sort of golden gloom, and mellow background, with the view of setting forth in more vernal liues the fresh ruddy youth of his friend. He puts on an autumnal tint and exaggerates his riper years on purpose to place in relief that image of youth which he has determined to perpetuate in all its spring-tide beauty, and the ' yellow leaf throws out the ratlieness of the green. This does not show that there were not sufficient years betwixt them, but that the intimacy of friendship was such as to permit the poet to obey a natural law which has served to finish his picture with a more artistic touch, and to further illustrate the familiarity of his affection. It may be that to the dear and generous friendship of the earl, the world is to a large extent indebted for those beautiful delineations of loving friendship betwixt man and man which Shakspeare has given us, excelhng all other dramatists here as elsewhere. There is a sacred sweetness in his manly friendship ; fine and fragrant in its kind, as is the delicate aroma breathed by his most natural and ex- quisite women. No one, like him, in secular literature, has so tenderly shown the souls of two men in the pleasant wedlock of a delightful friendship. The rarest touch being reserved for the picture in which one friend is considerably older than the other. Then the effect is gravely-gladsome indeed ; tlie touch is one of the nearest to nature. This we may fairly connect with his own affectionate feeling for the young earl, and see how that which was subjective in the soiinets has become objective in the plays. Thus, behind Bassanio and Antonio we may identify Southamp- ton and Shakspeare. How much Shakspeare may have SIIAKSPEARES KING KICIIARl) II. 107 adventured for his young friend who was bound up in tlie Essex bond, — how fur he lent himself, in spite of his better judgment, we shall probably never know, but we maybe sure that his love, like that of Antonio, was strong enough to surmount all selfish considerations. And so, at tlie pressing solicitations of Southamjiton, the drama of King Eichard II. was altered by Shakspeare on purpose to be played seditiously, with the deposition scene newly added ! This patent fact is my concluding proof of the personal intimacy of peer and poet, and of the force and familiarity of their friendship.' ' For a fact I hold it to be in spite of the squeamish assertion made by- Mr. Collier to the contrary. The known friendship of Southampton for the poet is better evidence than anything in the recollections of Forman. The reply of Coke to Southampton's question as to what he thought they would have done with the Queen had they gained the Court points directly to Shakspeare's play. !Mr. Attorney said the 'pretence was alike for removing certain councillors, but it shortly after cost the King his life.' Then, if it were not Shakspeare's drama, which was some years old at the time, revived, with additions for Essex' purpose, what is the meaning of the advertisement pre- fixed to the edition of 1608 ' The Trayedy of King Richard the 2nd, xvith new additions of the Parliament scene and tlie deposing of King Richard. As it hath been lately acted hy the Kinges Majesties servants, at the Globe ' ? Plainly enough it is the play altered for the puqiose which excited curiosity, and had a long run in consequence. The same advertisement is printed in the edition of 1015, and it is perfectly absurd to suppose that any other ' King Richard the K^econd' Wivs being played at Shakspeare's Theatre in the year 1011. This is going against the tide, and seeking to catch at a straw (Forman's Jack Straw !) most vainly. 1C8 SHAKSPEAEE'S SONNETS. PEKSONAL SONNETS. 1592. -<>o>*ic SHAKSPEARE TO THE EAEL, WISHING HIM TO MAERY. We may now look upon the dear friend of Shakspeare as sufficiently identified, and the nearness of the friendship as sufficiently established. In the first group of his sonnets the poet advises and persuades his young friend the Earl of Southampton to get married. A very practical object in writing the sonnets! This of itself shows that he did not set out to write after the fashion of Drayton and Daniel, and dally with 'Idea' as they did. Here is a young noble of nature's own making ; a youth of quick and kindling blood, apt to take fire at a touch, whether of pleasure or of pain ; likely enough to be enticed into the garden of Armida and the palace of sin. He is left with- out the guidance of a father, and the poet feels for him an affection all the more protecting and paternal. We may easily perceive that underneath the pretty conceits sparkhng on the surface of these earlier sonnets there lies a grave purpose, a profound deptli of wisdom. This urgency on the score of marriage is no mere sonneteering trick, or playing with the shadows of things. The writer knows well that there is nothing like true marriage, a worthy wife, the love of children, and a happy liome, to bring the exuberant life into the keeping of the highest, holiest law. Notliing like the wifely influence, and the clinging DEDICATION OF EAKLY SONNETS. 109 of cliilclren's wee fingers, for twining winningly about the lusty energies of youth, and reahzing the antique image of Love riding on a lion ; the laughing mite triumphantly lead- ing captive the fettered miglit, having taken liim ' pri- soner, in a red rose chuin ! ' Seeing his young friend sur- rounded with temptations, his personal beauty of mien and manner being so prominent a mark for the darts of the enemy, he would fain have him safely shielded by the sacred shelter of marriage. Accordingly he assails him with suggestion and argument in many forms of natural appeal ; and whilst harping much on the main object for Avhich marriage was designed, the harmony of the life truly wedded rises like a strain of exquisite music, as it were, wooing the youth from within the doors of the marriage sanctuary. These sonnets the poet sends to Kis friend in ' written embassage ' of love, hoping tliat lie may yet have some- tliing worthy of print, so that he can dare to boast pub- licly of that affection for his friend, which he only ventures for the present to show privately. DEDICATOKV. Lord of my love, to whom in vassalage Thy merit hath my duty strongly knit. To thee I send this written embassage. To witness duty, not to show my wit : Duty so great which wit so poor as mine May make seem bare, in wanting words to show it ; But that I hope some good conceit of tliine In thy soul's thought, all naked, will bestow it : Till whatsoever star that guides my moviu^j Points on me graciously with fair aspect, And puts apparel on my tattered loving, To show me worthy of thy sweet respect : Then may I dare to boast how I do love thee ; Till then, not show my head where thou mayst prove me. (••^6.) no SHiVKSPEARE'S SONNETS. From fairest creatures we desire increase, That thereby Beauty's rose might never die, But as the riper should by time decease, His tender heir might bear his memory : But thou, contracted to thine own bright eyes, Feed'st thy light's flame with self-substantial fuel, Making a famine where abundance lies, Thyself thy foe, to thy sweet self too cruel : Thou that art now the world's fresh ornament, And only herald to the gaudy spring. Within thine own bud buriest thy content And, tender churl I mak'st waste in niggarding : Pity the world, or else this glutton be. To eat the world's due, by the grave and thee. 0.) When forty winters shall besiege thy brow. And dig deep trenches. in thy beauty's field. Thy youth's proud livery, so gazed on now. Will be a tattered weed, of small worth held : Then being asked where all thy beauty lies, \STiere all the treasure of thy lusty days. To say, within thine own deep-sunken eyes. Were an all-eating shame, and thriftless praise : How much more praise deserved thy beauty's use. If thou could'st answer, " tlds fair child of mine Shall sum m.y county and make m^y old excuse,^^ Proving his beauty by succession thine ! This were to be new-made when thou art old, And see thy blood warm when thou feel'st it cold. (2.) Look in thy glass, and tell the face thou viewest, Now is the time that face should form another, Whose fresh repair if now thou not renewest, Thou dost beguile the world — unbless some mother : For where is she so fair, whose uneared womb Disdains the tillage of thy husbandry? Or who is he so fond, will be the tomb Of his self-love to stop posterity? Thou art thy Mother's glass, and she in thee Calls back the lovely April of her prime ; YOUNG MEX SHOULD MARRY. Ill So thou, through windows of thine age, shalt see. Despite of wrinkles, this thy golden time : But if thou live — remeujbered not to be-- Die single, and thine image dies with thee. (3.) Unthrifty loveliness I why dost thou spend Upon thyself thy beauty's legacy ? Nature's bequest gives nothing, but doth lend, And, being frank, she lends to those are free : Tiien, beauteous niggard I why dost thou abuse The bounteous largess given thee to give ? Profitless usurer I why dost thou use So great a sum of sums, yet canst not live ? For, having traffic with thyself alone. Thou of thyself thy sweet self dost deceave : Then how, when Nature calls thee to be gone. What acceptable audit canst thou leave ? Thy unused beauty must be tombed with thee. Which, used, lives thy executor to be. Those hours, that with gentle work did frame The lovely gaze where every eye doth dwell, Will play the tyrants to the very same, And that unfair, which fairly doth excell : For never-resting Time leads summer on To hideous winter, and confounds him there; Sap check'd with frost, and lusty leaves quite gone. Beauty o'er-snovved, and bareness everywhere : Then, were not Summer's distillation left, A liquid prisoner pent in Avails of glass. Beauty's effect with beauty were bereft. Nor it, nor no remembrance what it was ! But flowers distilled, tho' they witli winter meet, Leese but their show ; their substance still lives sweet. (5.) Then let not Winter's rugged hand deface In thee thy summer, ere thou be distilled : Make sweet some phial ; treasure thou some place With beauty's treasure, ere it be self-killed : Thatuse is not forbidden luxury. 112 SIIAKSPE ARE'S SONNETS. Which happies those that pay the willing loan : That's for thyself to breed another thee. Or, ten times happier ! be it ten for one : Ten times thyself were happier than thou art, If ten of thine ten times retisrured thee : Then what could Death do if thou shouldst depart. Leaving thee living in posterity ? Be not self-willed, for thou art much too fair To be Death's conquest, and make worms thine heir. (6.) Lo, in the Orient when the gracious light Lifts up his burning head, each iinder-e3^e Doth homage to his new-appearing sight, Serving with looks his sacred majesty : And having climb'd the steep-up heavenly hill. Resembling strong Youth in his middle age. Yet mortal looks adore his beauty, still Attending on his golden pilgrimage : But when from highmost pitch, with weary car, Like feeble Age, he reeleth from the day. The eyes— 'fore duteous — now converted are From his low tract, and look another way : So thou, thyself outgoing in thy noon, Unlooked on diest, unless thou get a son. Music to hear ! why bear'st thou music sadly ? Sweets with sweets war not, joy delights in joy : Why lov'st thou that which thou receiv'st not gladly. Or else receiv'st with pleasure thine annoy ? If the true concord of well-tuned sounds, By unions married, do offend thine ear. They do but sweetly chide thee, who confounds In singleness the parts that thou shouldst bear : Mark how one string, sweet husband to another, Strikes each in each by mutual ordering ; Resembling Sire, and Child, and happy Mother, Who, all in one, one pleasing note do sing : Whose speechless song being many, seeming one. Sings this to thee — " Thou single ivilt prove none.^^ (8.) WORDS OF WARNING. 113 Is it for fear to wet a widow's eye, That tliou consum'st thyself in single life ? Ah I if thou issueless shalt hap to die, The world %\dll wail thee like a makeless wife ; The world will be thy widow ! and still weep That thou no form of thee hast left behind, When every private widow well may keep. By children's eyes, her husband's shape in mind : Look, what an unthrift in the world doth spend Shifts but its place, for still the world enjoys it ; But beauty's waste hath in the world an end, And kept unused, the user so destroys it : No love towards others in that bosom sits That on himself such murderous shame commits. (9.) For shame I deny that thou bear'st love to any. Who for thyself art so unprovideut : Grant, if thou wilt, thou art beloved of many. But that thou none lov'st is most evident ; For thou art so possessed with murderous hate That 'gainst thyself thou stick'st not to conspire ; Seeking that beauteous roof to ruinate Which to repair should be thy chief desire : 0, change thy thought, that I may change my mind ! Shall Hate be freer lodged than gentle Love ? Be, as thy presence is, gracious and kind. Or to thyself, at least, kind-hearted prove ; Make thee another self, for love of me. That beauty still may live in thine or thee. (10.) As fast as thou shalt wane, so fast thou growest In one of thine, from that which thou departest ; And that fresh blood which youngly thou bestowest Thou niay'st call thine, when thou from youth con^i^rtest : Herein lives wisdom, beauty and increase ; Without this, folly, age, and cold decay : If all were minded so, the times should cease. And threescore years would make the world away : Let those whom Nature hath not made for store. Harsh, featureless, and rude, barrenly perish : I 114 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. Look, whom she best endowed she gave the more ; Which bounteous gift thou should'st in bounty cherish ; She carved thee for her seal, and meant thereby Thou should'st print more, nor let that copy die. (11.) When I do count the clock that tells the time, And see the brave day sunk in hideous night ; When I behold the violet past prime. And sable curls are silvered o'er with white ; Wlien lofty trees I see barren of leaves. Which erst from heat did canopy the herd. And Summer's green all girded up in sheaves, Borne on the bier with white and bristly beard ; — Then of thy beauty do I question make, That thou amongst the wastes of time must go, Since sweets and beauties do themselves forsake And die as fast as they see others grow ; And nothing 'gainst Time's scythe can make defence, Save breed, to brave him when he takes thet hence. (12.) 0, that you were yourself! but Love, you are No longer yours, than you yourself here live Against this coming end you should prepare. And your sweet semblance to some other give : So should that beauty which you hold in lease. Find no determination ; then you were Yourself again after yourself 's decease. When your sweet issue your sweet form should bear : Who lets so fair a house fall to decay, Which husbandry in honour might uphold Against the stormy gusts of winter's day. And barren rage of Death's eternal cold ? none but unthrifts ! Dear, my Love, you know You had a Father ; let your Son say so. (13.) Not from the stars do I my judgement pluck, And yet methinks I have astronomy ; But not to tell of good or evil luck, Of plagues, of dearths, or seasons' quality : Nor can I fortune to brief minutes tell. THE TRUE WAY TO WAR WITH TIME. 115 'Pointing to each his thunder, rain, and wind ; Or say with Princes if it shall go well. By oft predict that I in Heaven find : But from thine ej^es my knowledge 1 derive, And, — constant stars, — in them I read such art, As truth and beauty shall together thrive. If from thyself to store thou would'st convert ; Or else of thee this I prognosticate, Thy end is Truth's and Beauty's doom and date. When I consider everything that grows Holds in perfection but a little moment ; That this huge stage presentetli nought but shows Whereon the stars in secret influence comment; When I perceive that men as plants increase. Cheered and check'd even by the self-same sky ; Vaunt in their youthful sap, at height decrease, And wear their brave state out of memory ; Then the conceit of this inconstant stay Sets you most rich in youth before my sight, Where wasteful Time debateth with Decay, To change yoiur day of youth to sullied night ; And all in war with Time for love of vou, As he takes from you, I engraft you new. (15.) But wherefore do not you a mightier way Make war upon this bloody tyrant, Time ? And fortify yourself in your decay With means more blessed than my barren rhyme? Now stand you on the top of happy hours ! And many maiden gardens, yet unset, With virtuous wish would bear your living flowers, Mucli liker than 3-our painted counterfeit : So should the lines of life that life repair. Which this time's Pencil, or my pupil Pen,' * This line has never yet been read, nor could it be whilst priiittHl as heretofore : — 'Which this, Time's pencil, or my pupil pen.' It was impossible to see what this meant. What Shakspeare says is, that the best painter, the master-pencil of the time, or his own pen of a learner, I 2 116 SILVKSPEARE'S SONNETS. Neither in inward worth, nor outward fair, Can make you live yourself in eyes of men : To give away yourself keeps yourself still, And you must live, drawn by your own sweet skill. (16.) WTio will believe my verse in time to come, If it were filled with your most high deserts ? Though yet, heaven knows, it is but as a tomb Which hides your life, and shows not half your parts ! If I could write the beauty of your eyes. And in fresh numbers number all your graces, The age to come would say ' this Poet lies, Such heavenly touches ne^er touched earthly faces : ' So should my papers, yellowed with their age. Be scorned, like old men of less truth than tongue : And your true rights be termed a Poet's rage. And stretched metre of an antique song : But were some child of yours alive that time. You should live twice ; in it, and in my rhyme. (17.) will alike fail to draw the Earl's lines of life as lie himself can do it, by his *own sweet skill.' This pencil of the time may have been Mirevelt'sj he painted the Earl's portrait in early manhood. 117 PEKSONAL SONNETS. 1592-3. SHAKSPEARE TO THE EARL, IN PRAISE OF HIS PERSONAL BEAUTY. In the next two groups of Sonnets there are two ideas which touch in one or more places. Tliese are the praise of his friend's beauty and the promise of immortahty. Yet, they are wrought out with a sufficient distinctness to warrant my keeping tliem apart. I group tliem accord- incf to their unity of feeling rather than follow their numbers, for the confusion has now commenced which runs all through the remainder of the Sonnets. The subject of this present gathering is tlie Earl's beauty of person, which the Poet pourtrays with a moralising touch. Manly comeliness was of greater account with the Poets in Shakspeare's time than it is in ours. We consider such taste too feminine. Our Poet thought his friend's graces of person worthy of commendation. He searches amongst old paintings and the ancient chronicles to see if pen or picture has expressed such an image of youth and beauty. He looks at his own elder face in the glass, and tries to paint it with his friend's boy-bloom, and thinks it very gracious when seen beneath the crown of his friend's affection. He points out what is the loftiest beauty. But Shakspeare may have had another motive for sing- ing of the Earl's personal good looks. It is noticeable that lis SIIAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. the Poet's urgency oii the score of his friend's marriage ceases witli the first seventeen sonnets. So that it is reasonable to suppose Southampton had met and fallen in love with ' the fair Mistress Vernon,' and that he being desirous of marrying her, there was no further call for Shakspeare's advice on the subject. This being so, the sonnets in praise of the Earl would sooner or later be written with a consciousness that they would come under the eyes of Elizabeth Vernon, and the Poet's laudation be likewise for her ears, his portrait of the Earl coloured for her eyes ! ISTot for himself alone nor for the Earl merely did he utter all the praise of his friend's beauty of person and constancy in love, but for another interested and loving listener. These sonnets I have supposed the Poet to send with a sort of dedicatory strain in which he con- gratidates himself on having so dear a friend. DEDICATORY. Let tliose who are in favour with their stars Of public honour and proud titles boast. Whilst I, whom Fortune of such triumph bars, Unlooked-for joy in that I honour most : Great Princes' favourites their fair leaves spread. But as the marygold at the sun's eye ; And in themselves their pride lies buried. For at a frown they in their glory die : The painful warrior famoused for worth^ After a thousaiid victories once foiled, Is from tlie book of honour ras^d forth, And all the rest forfjot for which he toiled : Then happy I, that love and am beloved Where I may not remove, nor be removed. (25.) ^ The Quarto reads 'famoused for worth,' which only needs the rhyme of ' forth ' to make out both sense and sound. Why ' worth ' should have been changed for ' fight ' by Theobald, it is difficult to perceive. The Poet never could have written 'famoused for fight.' Steevens says : 'the stanza is not worth the labour that has been bestowed on it,' but as commentators THE EARL'S PORTRAIT. 110 A Woman's face, with Nature's own hand painted, Hast thou the master-mistress of my passion ; A Woman's gentle heart, but not acquainted With shifting change, as is false women's fashion ; An eye more bright than theirs, less false in rolling, Gilding the object whereupon it gazeth ; A man in hue, all hues in his controlling, \Miich steal Men's eyes and Women's souls amazeth : And for a Woman wert thou first created. Till Nature, as she wrouglit thee, fell a-doting. And by addition me of thee defeated, By adding one thing to my purpose nothing : But since she marked thee out for women's pleasure, Mine be thy love and thy love's use their treanxre. (20.) If there be nothing new, but that which is Hath been before, how are our brains beguiled. Which, labouring for invention, bear amiss The second burthen of a former child I 0, that record could with a backward look. Even of five hundred courses of the sun. Show me your image in some antique book. Since mind at first in character was done ! That I might see what the old world could say To this composed wonder of your frame ; Whether we are mended, or where better they. Or whether revolution be the same : ! sure I am the wits of former days To subjects worse have given admiring praise. (59.) When in the chronicle of wasted time I see descriptions of the fairest wights. And Beauty making beautiful old rhyme In praise of ladies dead, and lovely knights, must make unnecessary alterations by way of improving Shakspeare, he tries his hand at a transposition thus: — * The painful warrior for worth fa mom^d^ After a thousand victories once foiled, la from the book of honour quite razbd.' And he xmostentatiously remarks that the rhyme may be recovered in tJMt way ' without further change. 120 SIIAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. Then in the blazon of sweet Beauty's best, Of hand, of foot, of lip, of eye, of brow, I see their antique Pen would have expressed Even such a beauty as you master now ! So all their praises are but prophecies Of this our time, all you prefiguring; And, for they looked not with divining eyes, They had not skill eaough your worth to sing : For we, which now behold these present days. Have eyes to wonder, but lack tongues to praise. (l06.) Shall I compare thee to a summer's day ? Thou art more lovely and more temperate : Eough winds do shake the darling buds of May, And Summer's lease hath all too short a date : Sometime too hot the eye of heaven shines. And often is his gold complexion dimmed ; And every fair from fair sometime declines. By chance, or Nature's changing course untriramed ; But thy eternal summer shall not fade, Nor lose possession of that fair thou owest ; Nor shall Death brag thou wanderest in his shade, When in eternal lines to time thou growest : So long as men can breathe or eyes can see. So long lives this, and this gives life to thee. Sin of self-love possesseth all mine eye And all my soul and all my every part ; And for this sin there is no remedy, It is so grounded inward in my heart : Methinks no face so gracious is as mine. No shape so true, no truth of such account ; And for myself mine own worth do define. As I all others in all worths surmount : But when my glass shows me myself indeed, Beated and chopped with tanned antiquity, Mine own self-love quite contrary I read ; Self so self-loving were iniquity : 'Tis thee — myself — that for myself I praise. Painting my age with beauty of thy days. (,8.) (62.) THE TIIGTTEST BEAUTY. My glass sluiU not persuade me I am old, So long as youth and thou are of one date : But when in thee Time's furrows I behold. Then look I death my days should expiate : For all that beauty that doth cover thee, Is but the seemly raiment of my heart, Which in thy breast doth live, as thine in me; How can I then be elder than thou art? 0, therefore, Love, be of thyself so wary, As I, not for myself, but for thee will ; Bearing thy heart which I will keep so chary As tender nurse her babe from faring ill : Presume not on thy heart when mine is slain, Thou gav'st me thine not to give back again. (22.) What is your substance ? whereof are you made, That millions of strange shadows on you tend ? Since every one hath, every one, one shade. And you, but one, can every shadow lend ! Describe Adonis, and the counterfeit Is poorly imitated after you ; On Helen's cheek all art of beauty set, And you in Grecian tires are painted new : Speak of the spring and foison of the year : The one doth shadow of your beauty show, The other as your bounty doth appear, And you in every blessed shape we know : In all external grace you have some part. But you like none, none you, for constant heart. (53.) how much more doth beauty beauteous seem, By that sweet ornament which truth doth give ! The Rose looks fair, but fairer we it deem For that sweet odour which doth in it live : The Canker-blooms have full as deep a dye. As the perfumed tincture of the roses. Hang on such thorns, and play as wantonly When Summer's breath their masked buds discloses : But for their virtue only is their show. 122 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. They live unwooed, and unrespected fade ; Die to themselves : Sweet Roses do not so ; Of their sweet deaths are sweetest odours made : And so of you, beauteous and lovely Youth, When that shall fade, my verse distils your truth. (54.) 123 PEKSONAL SONNETS, 1592-3. SHAKSPEAEE TO THE EARL, PROMISING IMMORTALITY. Shakspeare's two dominant ideas in the sonnets written for the Earl of Southampton are, first, to get the Earl married, and next to make him immortal. In these pre- sent he has grown bolder in his tone, and apparently more conscious of his power. It is quite likely that the Earl's fight with fortune had begun when most of these were written, and the Poet grows defiant of time and fate on his friend's behalf. In the sonnet which I have placed as Dedicatory to the group, the poet unwittingly tells us how great was his own personal modesty. When he is with the Earl he is unable to say how much he loves him ; cannot do any justice in expression to his own feehngs, and so he asks that his books, his writings, may speak for him, silently eloquent. 124 SIL\KSPEARE'S SONNETS. DEDICATORY. As an imperfect Actor on the stage WTio with his fear is put beside his part, Or some fierce thing replete with too much rage, Whose strength's abundance weakens his own heart ; So I, for fear of trust, forget to say The perfect ceremony of love's rite, And in mine own love's strength seem to decay, O'ercharged with burthen of mine own love's might : 0, let my books be then the eloquence ' And dumb presagers of my speaking breast ; Who plead for love and look for recompence. More than that tongue that more hath more expressed : ' learn to read what silent love hath writ ; To hear with eyes belongs to love's fine wit. (23.) Devouring Time, blunt thou the Lion's paws. And make the Earth devour her own sweet brood ; Pluck the keen teeth from the fierce Tiger's jaws, And burn the long-lived Phoenix in her blood ; Make glad and sorry seasons as thou fleets, And do whate'er thou wilt, swift-footed Time, To the wide world, and all her fading sweets ; But I forbid thee one most heinous crime : 0, carve not with thy hours my Love's fair brow. Nor draw no lines there with thine antique pen ; Him in thy course untainted do allow. For Beauty's pattern to succeeding men ! Yet, do thy worst, old Time ; despite thy wrong. My Love shall in my verse live ever young. (19.) * • 0, let my hooks be then the eloquence.' Steevens gives a decided preference to ' looks ' instead of hooks, because * the eloquence of looks would be more in unison with Love's fine wit, and much more poetical.' As if Shakspeare could have said that his looks looked for recompence ! The right expression tends to show that the Poet was here addressing the person to whom he did dedicate his hooks — i.e. the Earl of Southampton. LOVE'S TRIUMPH OVER TIME. 125 Like as the waves make towards tlie pebbled shore, So do our minutes hasten to tlieir end, Each changing place with that which goes before In sequent toil all forwards do contend : Nativity, once in the main of light, Crawls to maturity, wherewith being crowned, Crooked eclipses 'gainst bis glory fight. And Time that gave doth now his gift confound : Time doth transfix the flourish set on youth. And delves the parallels on Beaut3''s brow ; Feeds on the rarities of Nature's truth, And nothing stands but for his scythe to mow : And yet, to times in hope, my verse shall stand. Praising thy worth, despite his cruel hand. (CO.) When I have seen by Time's fell hand defaced The rich, proud cost of outworn buried age : When sometime lofty towers I see down-razed, And brass eternal slave to mortal rage ; When I have seen the hungry ocean gain Advantage on the kingdom of the shore. And the firm soil win of the watery main, Increasing store with loss, and loss with store ; When I have seen such interchange of state, Or state itself confounded to decay ; Ruin hath taught me thus to ruminate, That time will come, and take my Love away : This thought is as a death, which cannot choose But weep to have that wltich it fears to lose. (6..) Since brass, nor stone, nor earth, nor boundless sea. But sad mortality o'ersways their power. How with this rage shall beauty hold a plea, Whose action is no stronger than a flower ? 0, how shall Summer's honey breath hold out Against the wreckful siege of battering days. When rocks impregnable are not so stout. Nor gates of steel so strong, but Time decays ? 126 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. fearful meditation ! where, alack ! Shall Time's best jewel from Time's chest lie hid? Or what strong hand can hold his swift foot back ? Or who his spoil of beaut)'^ can forbid ? none, unless this miracle have might, That in black ink my Love may still shine bright. (65.) Not marble, nor the gilded monmnents Of Princes, shall outlive this powerful rhyme ; But you shall shine more bright in these contents Than unswept stone, besmear'd with sluttish time : When wasteful wars shall statues overturn. And broils root out the work of masonry. Nor Mars his sword nor War's quick fire shall burn The living record of your memory ! 'Gainst death and all-oblivious enmity Shall you pace forth ; your praise shall still find room Even in the eyes of all posterity, That wear this world out to the ending doom : So, till the judgment that yourself arise. You live in this, and dwell in lovers' eyes. (55.) 127 PERSONAL SONNETS. 1592-3. SHAKSPEARE TO THE EARL, CHIEFLY COXCERNINa A RIVAL POET, ADJUDGED TO BE MARLOWE. I HAVE grouped tliese sonnets as naturally as I can, according to my interpretation of the Poet's feeling. I do not say this series was written or sent exactly as it now stands. These may not have been all composed at the same time, but they are all on the same subject, and my arrangement gives them a probable beginning, pro- gress, and a fit conclusion ; the very thought, indeed, that Shakspeare loved to dwell on, and wished his friend to rest in ! He pleads here, in the last sonnet, as he sings so often, for personal love. He did not care for admira- tion as the writer of sonnets, and the Earl might read others for their style if he would only look at his when he was gone, ' for his love.' The subject is those other poets and writers who have followed the example of Shakspeare in celebrating the praise of the Earl his friend, or in seeking to publish under the protection of his name. It is not one poet only of whom the speaker is jealous, but, he says he has so often called on the Eaid's name, and received so much inspiration for his verse, that every ' alien pen ' and outsider have followed suit, and sought to set forth their poesy under his patronage. His eyes have 128 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. not only tauglit the dumb to sing, but have made Igno- rance to soar, and added feathers to the wing of learning ; made majesty itself doubly majestic. But he pleads : — ' Be most proud of what I write, be- cause it is so purely your own. In the work of others you only mend the style, but you are all my art, and you set my rude ignorance as high as the art of the most learned. Whilst I alone sang of you my verse had all your grace, but now my Muse gives place to another, and my numbers are decayed. I know well enough that your virtue and kindness deserve the labour of a worthier pen, the praise of a better Poet ; yet what can the best of poets do ? He can only repay back to you that which he borrows from you.' In sonnet 3 of this group the poet smgles out his great rival amongst those who are singing and dedicating to the Earl. ' I feel diffident,' he says, ' in writing of you when I know that a far better Poet is spending his strength in your praise, and singing at his best to make me silent. But since you are so gracious, there is room on the broad ocean of your worth for my small bark as weU as for his of proud sail and lofty build. And if he ride in safety whilst I am wrecked, the worst is this, it was my love that made me venture and caused my destruction.' He then questions himself as to the cause of his recent silence, and he attributes it to the fact of the Earl having ' filed up the lines ' of his rival's poetry! Then comes another reason for his keeping quiet. His Muse is mannerly, and holds her tongue whilst better poets are singing. He thinks good thoughts whilst they speak good words. He is like the unlettered clerk, who by rote cries ' Amen ' to what his superior says. ' Eespect others then,' he urges, ' for what words are worth, but me for my dumb thoughts, too full for utterance! I cannot lavish words easily, as those who do not feel what they say, and who only write from the fancy, and can thus cull the choicest flowers to deck their subject. As I am CAUSE OF rilS RECENT SILENCE. 129 true in love I can but write truthfully. Let them say more in praise of you who are expecting to hear their words reechoed in praise of themselves. I am not writing with an eye to the sale of my sonnets. I never saw that you needed flattery, and therefore did not think of painting nature. I found that you exceeded the utmost a poet could say. Therefore have I been silent, and you have imputed this silence for my sin, which shall be most my glory, because I have let beauty speak for itself; there hves more life in one of your eyes alone than both your poets could put into any number of their verses. Who is it that says most? Which of us can say more than that you are you, and that you stand alone ? It is a poor pen that can lend nothing to its subject ; but in writing of you, it will do well if it can fairly copy wdiat is already writ in you by Nature's own hand. The worst of it is, you are not satisfied with the simple truth thus told, you are fond of being written about, and this makes it hard for those who can only say the same old thing of you over and over again. I admit you were not married to my Muse, and that you have perfect freedom to accept as many dedications as you please. Your worth is beyond the reach of my words, and so no doubt you are forced to seek for something more novel. And do so, my dear friend ; yet when they have painted your portrait in flaunting colours, I shall say your truth was best mirrored in my unaffected truthful- ness. Let them practise their gross painting where cheeks are in need of blood. If you live after I am dead and gone, and should once more happen to look over these poor lines of mine, and compare them with the newer poetry of the day, to find them far outstripped by later pens, keep them for the w\arm love in them, not for their lite- rary merit, and vouchsafe me l)ut tliis one loving thought, ' Had my friend lived he would have brouoht me something better than this ; something to compare with the best. K 130 . SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. But since he died, and we have better poets, I will read their poetry for its style, and keep his for his love.' So oft have I invoked thee for my Muse, And found such fair assistance in my verse, As every alien pen hath got my use. And under thee their poesy disperse ! Thine eyes, that taught the dumb on high to sing. And heavy Ignorance aloft to flee, Have added feathers to the Learned's wing, And given grace a double majesty: Yet be most proud of that which I compile. Whose influence is thine, and born of thee : In others' works thou dost but mend the style. And Arts with thy sweet graces graced be : But thou art all my Art, and dost advance As high as learning my rude ignorance. (78.) Whilst I alone did call npon thy aid, My verse alone had all thy gentle grace ; But now my gracious numbers are deca3^ed, And my sick Muse doth give another place ! I grant, sweet Love, thy lovely argument Deserves the travail of a worthier pen ; Yet what of thee thy Poet doth invent. He robs thee of, and pays it thee again : He lends thee virtue, and he stole that word From thy behaviour ; beauty doth he give, And foimd it in thy cheek ; he can afford No praise to thee but what in thee doth live : Then thank him not for that which he doth say, Since what he owes thee thou thyself dost pay. (7<..) 0, how I faint when I of you do write. Knowing a better spirit doth use your name, And in the praise thereof spends all his might, To make me tongue-tied, speaking of your fame ! But since your worth — wide as the ocean is — The humble as tlie proudest sail doth bear, TII8 GREAT RIVAL. ]:5l My saucy Bark, inferior far to his. Oil your broad main doth wilfully appear I Your shallowest help will hold me up alloat, Whilst he upon your soundless deep doth ride ; Or, Leing wrecked, I am a worthless boat. He of tall building, and of goodly pride : Then if he thrive, and I be cast away. The worst was this ; my love was my decay. (80.) Was it the proud full sail of his great verse. Bound for tlie prize of all-too-precious you. That did my ripe thoughts in my brain inhearse, Making their tomb the womb wherein they grew ? Was it his spirit by Spirits taught to write Above a mortal pitch that struck me dead ? No, neither he, nor his compeers by night Giving him aid, my verse astonished ! l-[e, nor that affable-familiar Ghost Which nightly gulls him with intelligence. As victors of my silence cannot boast; I was not sick of any fear from thence : But when your countenance filed up his line. Then lacked I matter : tltat enfeebled mine ! (86.) INIy tongue-tied Muse in manners holds her still. While comments of your praise, richly compiled. Reserve their character with golden quill. And precious phrase by all the Muses filed ! I think good thoughts, while others write good words. And, like unlettered clerk, still cry ' Amen ' To every line ' that able spirit affords In polished form of well-refined pen : Hearing you praised, I say, ' His so, His true,'' And to the most of praise add something more ; But that is in my thought, whose love to you, Tho' words come hindmost, holds his rank before : ^ ' Every line.' The Quarto reads 'every hiiiine,' but Shali.-ponre know that the most unlettered clerk would not cry 'Amen ' after tlio hymn. Al.^o, * lino ' is more consonant with the march of the ver.'=e and the emphatiis on ' every ' ; therefore I venture to think that ' himne ' was a nii.^print. K 2 132 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. Then others for the breath of words respect. Me for ray dumb thoughts speaking in effect. (85.) So is it not with me as with that INIuse Stirred by a painted beauty to his verse ; Who heaven itself for ornament doth use, And every fair with his fair doth rehearse ; INIaking a conplement of proud compare With sun and moon, with earth and sea's rich gems, With April's firstborn flowers, and all things rare. That Heaven's air in this huge rondure hems : 0, let me, true in love, but truly write, And then believe me, my Love is as fair As any mother's child, tho' not so bright As those gold candles fix'd in Heaven's air : Let them say more that like of hear-say well, I will not praise that purpose not to sell. (21.) I never saw that you did painting need. And therefore to your fair no painting set ! I found, or thought I found, you did exceed The barren tender of a Poet's debt ! And therefore have I slept in your report. That you yourself, being extant, well might show How far a modern quill doth come too sliort, Speaking of worth, what^ worth in you doth grow : This silence for my sin you did impute, Which shall be most my glory, being dumb : For I impair not beauty being mute, When others would give life and bring a tomb: There lives more life in one of your fair eyes Than both your Poets can in praise devise. (83.) Who is it that says most ? which can say more Than this rich praise — that you alone are you? In whose confine immured is the store Which should example where your equal grew ! ^ ' Tfltrd worth,' meaning- 7v7wh worth. I should liave tlioiiglit the word ' what ' might have been a misprint for ' which,' but was checl^cd iu changing it by the sound of the first word in the next line but one. OTHER COMPETITORS. 133 Lean penury within that Peu d»jtL dwell, That to his subject lends not some small glory ; But he that writes of you, if he can tell That you are you, so dignifies his story ; Let him but copy what in you is writ. Not making worse what Nature made so clear. And such a counterpart shall fame his wit, Making his style admired everywhere ! You to your beauteous blessings add a curse. Being fond on praise, which makes your praises worse. (84.) I grant thou wert not married to ray Muse, And therefore may'st without attaint o'erlook The dedicated words which writers use Of their fair subject, blessing every Book : Thou art as fair in knowledge as in hue. Finding thy worth a limit past my praise, And therefore art enforced to seek anew Some fresher stamp of the time-bettering days ! And do so, Love I yet when they have devised What strained touches rhetoric can lend. Thou, truly fair, wert truly sympathised In true-plain words, by thy true-telling friend ; And their gross painting might be better used Where cheeks need blood ; in thee it is abused. (82.) If thou survive my well-contented day, When that churl Death my bones with dust shall cover, And shalt by fortune once more re-survey These poor rude lines of thy deceased lover, Compare them with the bettering of the time ; And tho' they be outstripped by every pen. Reserve • them for my love, not for their rhyme. Exceeded by the height of happier men : 0, then vouchsafe me but this loving thouglit ! Had iny frieiiiVs Muse grown icitk this growing age, * 'Reserve,' i.e. 'preserve.' 134 SHAKSPEAEE'S SONNETS. A dearer birth than this his love had brought, To march in ranks of better equipage: But since he died, and Poets better prove. Theirs for their style Pll read ; Ids for his love. (32.) To get at the life witliin life of these sonnets we must look a little closer into this group, with a full belief that when our ])oet used particular words he freighted tliem with a particular meaning ; definiteness of purpose and trutli of detail being the first recommendation and the last perfection of these sonnets. The pen with which he wrote for his patron was as pointed as that with which he wrote for his Theatre. In the first sonnet of this group Shakspeare is passing in review those writers who are under the patronage of the Earl, and he specifies two or three of these by person- ifying ceitain of their well-known qualities ; he is telling the Earl what his influence has wrought in divers ways : — ' Thine eyes, that taught the dumb on high to sing. And heavy Ignorance aloft to flee, Have added feathers to the Learned's wing, And given grace a double majesty.' Now, I think it possible to identify who these four personifications represent. In the first line Shakspeare speaks of himself as having been dumb until the Earl turned his eyes — which are the light of the countenance — on him to make him break silence and soar and sing, by his encouragement of the poet to appear in public, and dedicate his first poem to his Patron. And the Earl not only did this, but he has made ' Heavy Ignorance ' take wings and fly aloft. This ' Heavy Ignorance ' on whom the Earl has worked nothing short of a miracle in lifting him from his native position as a plodder on the earth I surmise to be Florio, the trans- lator of Montaigne's Essays. ' Eesolute John Elorio ! ' as FLORIO V. .SIIAK.Sl'EAIiK 1:35 lie signed liis name ; Thrasonical Julm Floiio, as he was by nature. Florio dedicated works to tlie Earl of Soutli- ampton, and was, on his own showing, greatly indebted to the Earl. In 1598 he inscribed his ' World of Words ' to that brave and bounteous peer, with this frank con- fession of the suj)port he had received : — ' In truth I acknowledge an entire debt, not only of my best know- ledge, but of all ; yea, of more than I kno\\" or can, to your bounteous Lordsliip. in whose pay and patronage I liave lived some years, to whom I owe and vowe the years I liave to hve. But, as to me and many more, the glorious and gracious sunshine of your Honour hath infused light and life.' Warburton conjectured that there was a literary set-to betwixt Florio and Shakspeare. Farmer also took this view : he tells us that Florio gave the first affront by saying, in his work entitled ' Second Fruits,' published in 1591, 'The plays tliat tliey play in England are neither right comedies nor right tragedies, but representations of Histories without decorum.' Shakspeare's Chronicle Plays correspond perfectly to these 'representations of Histories ; ' they were amongst the first in the field, and altogether the most successful ; and it is supposed, with great probability, that these are the works aimed at. The Poet took note of this gird, as is surmised, and quietly waited his oppor- tunity. In composing ' Love's Labour's Lost,' a year or two afterwards, he copied his character of Holofernes from the lav-figure of John Florio. Here the author of the ' World of Words,' a small dictionary of the Italian and English tongues, is represented as the pedant who had ' lived long on the alms-basket of words^' and the ' teacher of Italian,' which Florio was, and collector of proverbs and choice sayings, has been at a great feast of languages and stolen the scraps.' Warburton imagines tliat Florio gives the retort, not courteous, to Shakspeare's having made fun of him, l)y getting furious in a passage 13G SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. of his prefoce to the new edition of his ' World of Words,' ] 598, in Avhich he says : — ' There is another sort of leering curs that rather snarle than bite, whereof I could instance in one who, lighting on a good sonnet of a gentleman's, a friend of mine, that loved better to be a Poet than to be counted so, called the Author a Ehymer. Let Aristophanes and his comedians make plais, and scowre their mouths on Socrates, those very mouths they make to vilifie shall be the means to amplifie his virtue.' Warburton main- tained, as is quite warranted by the tone of the defence, that the sonnet was Florio's own. He further says, that Shakspeare paraded it in the ' extemporal epitaph on the Death of the Deer,' which begins : — * The preyful princess pierc'd and prick'd a pretty pleasing pricket.' Love's Lahour^s Lost, act iv. sc. 2. This conjecture is not merely ingenious, but it is of ex- ceeding likehhood, and my reading of sonnet 78 may throw some light on the subject, from a far different point of view. If Shakspeare in pubhc spoke slightingly of the Pdiymer, we see him in this sonnet privately laughing in his sleeve at ' heavy Ignorance ' tr}ang to take wings. I have not the least doubt that the sonnet was Florio's, nor that it was addressed to the Earl of Southampton, in whose pay and patronage he had then (1598) lived some years. It would be the Earl who told Elorio that Shak- speare did not think much of his poetry, which nettled him wrathfuUy, much to the amusement of the two friends. We have, in Florio, almost on his own confession — al- though he tries a little to disguise himself — a most fitting candidate for identification as the ' heavy Ignorance,' Avhich the Earl had taught to soar aloft. And if he did aspire to mount on the wings of rhyme in aj^proaching his patron, there is no other competitor amongst those who dedicated to the Earl that comes near him in per- TOM XASII. 137 sonal ai)propriuteness. It is curious to think, in connec- tion \vitJi this subject, that Shakspeare's own copy of Florio's translation of Montaigne's Essays — now in the British Museum — sliould be the sole book in all the world known to have been in our Poet's possession, and the only one which has preserved his autograph for us.^ Having spoken of himself and heavy Florio, Shakspeare comes to another pen which made him use the epithet of * Alien.' The Earl has not only made the dumb to sing and Ignorance to fly, in spite of its weight, but he has ' added feathers to the Learned's Aving.' I repeat, the Poet is enumerating some who have written under the Earl's patronage, and this he does by personifying their chief characteristics. And here we have a sly hit at Master Tom Nash. He wielded an ' alien ' pen with the spirit of an Ishmaelite. His hand was against every man, in- cluding Shakspeare. He it was who set up so conspicu- ously for ' Learning ; ' he was one of the learned sort ; and he was hitting continually at tliose who had not received a scholastic nurture, from which, however, he himself had been weaned before his time. In his ' Pierce Penilesse ' p. 42, he exclaims, ' Alas, poor Latinless Authors ! ' In his epistle to the ' Astrophel and Stella ' of Sidney, he says, speaking of the works of Sextus Empedocles, ' they have been lately translated mto English for the benejit of un- learned icriters ' (not readers). The Nash and Greene clique had been the first to attack Shakspeare on the score of his little country grammar ; his education at a country grammar-school ; and charged him "svith plucldng the 1 Florio dedicated his first work to the Earl of Leicester in 1578, aa the * maidenhead of his industry.' The man who did that might well think the ^posteriors of the day^ for what the vulgar call the afternoon was * coiKjriient and measurable ; a 7Vord xrell-cuUed. choice, sweet, and apt : picked, spruce, and peref/rinate.'' In lOll he -^Nnthdrew his dedication to Suutliaiup- ton, and inscribed his * World of Words ' to the ' Imperial Majesty of the highest-born Princess Anna of Denmark, crowned Queen of England, Scot- land, France, and Ireland.' 138 SHAIvSPEARE'S SONNETS. feathers from the wing of Learning for the purpose of beautifying himself — the upstart Crow ! And Nash is here personified in his own chosen image. The Poet makes au alhision which the Earl and his friends would appreciate, and he ccvertly returns the borrowed plumes. He says, in effect, that the Earl has, in patronising Nash, returned those feathers to the wing of Learning, which he, Sliak- speare, had been publicly charged with purloining. In a second allusion he says the Earl's favour has set the rude ' ignorance ' at which his rivals laughed as high as the learning of which they boasted. In ' Pierce Penilesse, his supplication to the Devil,' we shall find that towards the end of 1592, Nash had not only found a Patron to praise, but had been in some per- sonal companionship with ' my Lord ' — had been staying with him in the country for 'fear of infection.' This was at Croydon, where his play of ' Will Summers' last Will and Testament ' was privately produced in the autumn of 1592, to all appearance, under the patronage of Southampton. The good luck has somewhat soft- ened his ' Alien pen ' of the earlier pages of that work, Avhich is bitter in its abuse of patrons. At page 42, Nash writes, ' If any Mecasnas bind me to him by his bounty, or extend some round liberality to me worth the speaking of, I will do him as much honour as any poet of my beardless years shall in England.' He made his supplication to the Devil because he had not then found his Patron Saint. At page 90, he has found his man. He calls him ' one of the bright stars of nobility, and glistering attendants on the true Diana.' He is also ' the matchless image of honour, and magnificent rewarder of virtue ; Jove's eagle-born Ganymede ; thrice noble Amyntas ; most courteous Amyntas ! ' Todd sup- poses that Ferdinando, Earl of Derby, was meant ; because Spenser, in his ' Collin Clout's come home again,' calls liim by the common pastoral name of 'Amyntas.' But there SOUTIIAMrTON'S TATRONAGE OF NASH, 130 is notliin'f known to connect Nash with this Eiirl, as there is with Shakspeare's patron and friend. The description fits no one so perfectly as it does the young Earl of South- ampton. It sets before us the very image of youth which Shakspeare calls more lovely than Adonis ; Gany- mede having been the most beautiful of mortal youths,^ Jove's boy-beloved ; the Court's ' fresh ornament ' of Shakspeare's first sonnet is here one of the ' glistering at- tendants on the true Diana.' The ' matchless image of Honour ' corresponds exactly to Southampton, tlu^ ana- gram made out of whose name was the ' Stamp of B[onom\' Also, he is supposed not to have been heard of as yet out of the echo of the Court. We know that Nash was under the patronage of Shakspeare's friend. In the year 1594, he dedicated his ' Life of Jack Wilton ' to the Earl of Southampton, with a reference to the difference betwixt it and earlier w^ritings, and this work, though not pub- lished until 1594, was dated 1593. So that I cim have no doubt of ' Pierce Penilesse ' being really inscribed to the Earl of Southampton in person if not by name, or that Nash's was the ' Alien pen ' that had followed Shakspeare in writing privately to the Earl. What other ' poesy ' Nash may have sought to 'disperse' under the Earl's pa- tronage I know not. He must have written much that lias not come down to us. He informs us, in his ' Pierce Penilesse,' that his Muse was despised and neglected, his pains not regarded, or but shghtly rewarded. Meres places him with the poets of the time, as one of the best for comedy. Harvey calls him a Poet, and Drayton ac- cords him a leaf of the Laurel. But I hold that the son- net at the end of ' Pierce Penilesse ' is addressed to the Eaii of Southampton,'- and that this method of passing 1 Here, then, is one answer to Boaden's assertion that the Earl of South- ampton coukl not have been the youthful noble who was beloved by Sliak- ypoave — because he was not snjpcivitfly lta)i(Uome ! '^ * Pursuing yesternight, with idle eyes, The Fairy Singer's stately-tunjd verse, 140 SHAKSPEAEE'S SONNETS. off his poetry gives tlie aptness to Shakspeare's use of the word ' disperse.' It may be the ' dedicated words that writers use,' likewise contains a hit at Nash's eulogistic hyperbole. The ' Life of Jack Wilton ' was inscribed with a most high-flown dedication to the Earl, whom he called ' a dear lover and cherisher, as well of the lovers of poets as of poets themselves ; ' and he adds, ' Incomprehensible is the height of your spirit, both in heroical resolution and matters of conceit. Unrepriveably perished that book, what- soever to waste paper, which on the diamond rock of your judgment disastrously chanceth to be shipwrecked.' The fourth of this group I hold to be Marlowe. The Earl has 'given grace a double majesty.' His 'eyes' have made the dumb to sing, heavy Ignorance to mount, added feathers to the wing of ' Learning ' itself, and given to grace a double majesty. It is a somewhat singular ex- pression. The ' double majesty ' is very weighty to apply to such a word as ' grace ! ' It would not be used without an intended stress. A poet is here praised for the grace of his manner and majesty of his music. The chief cha- racteristic of his poetry is that it is majestic. The very quality of aU others that we, following the Ehza- bethans, associate with the march of Marlowe's ' mighty line ! ' But the patron, Shakspeare says, has exalted And viewing', after chapmen's wonted guise, "VVbat strange contents the title did rehearse ; 1 straight leapt over to the latter end, Where, like the quaint comedians of our time That when their play is done do fall to rhyme, I found short lines to sundry Nobles penned, Whom he as special mirrors singled forth To be the patrons of his poetry. I read them all, and reverenced their worth, Yet wondered he left out thy memoiy ! But therefore guessed I he suppressed thy name, Because few words might not comprise thy fame.' A delightful confession and an interesting picture of Nash on the look-out for some one to flatter, and huiTying eagerly over the list of Spenser's patrons ! MARLOWE, THE Iii\ AL POET. 141 the poet, and made his poetry douhly mnjestic, or twice Aviiat it was before. If Marlowe be the rival poet of these sonnets — one of the two spoken of by Shakspeare as 'botli your poets '— it follows that he is the poet of these four lines, the sense of which I should read thus : — . * Thine eyes that taught the dumb {myself ) on high to sing, And heavy Ignorance {Flor'w) aloft to flee, Have added feathers to the Learned's {Xaslcs) wing, And given INIarlowe double majesty.' It will be seen that the first two are of the past, the Earl has at the present moment patronised the latter two ; these are new writers for him. These facts will sum up the time, standpoint, and motive of these sonnets. Time, just after the publication of 'Pierce Penilesse,' in 1592, and before Marlowe's death in 1593. Motive, jealousy because the ' aliens ' in feeling had invaded the sanctuary of his friendship. But there is one amongst those whom the Earl patronises that Shakspeare acknowledges to be a great poet, a better poet than himself, an able spirit, whose simrino; has sufficed to silence our Poet, or rather, the marked interest which the patron has taken in his poetry has touched him to the quick. Boaden, with his jaunt}'- presumption and high-handed way, assures us that the ' better spirit ' and great rival poet here spoken of was poor Samuel Daniel ; because he was brought up at AVilton House, and inscribed his ' De- fence of lihyme ' to William Herbert, in 1 003, and because^ in the 82nd sonnet, Shakspeare ' hints at the actual groimd of his jealousy.' But if tliese sonnets should be those which Meres mentioned in 1598, Shakspeare could not have been disturbed by Daniel's ' dedicated words ' in 1G03. Besides which, the 'Defence of Ehyme' was a prose work, and the dedication of a prose work cannot, in this rival's case, be the actual ground of jealousy. It is the proud full sail of his great verse bound for tlie prize of liis i^atron, and the fact tliat the patron has touched up 142 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. tlie rival's lines with his silver file, which stuck in Shak- speare's throat, and kept him silent. Again, Steevens had remarked that perhaps sonnet 86 might refer to the cele- brated Dr. Dee's pretended intercourse with an angel, and other familiar spirits, and Boaden says : — ' There can be no doubt about it, the fact is upon record. Queen Elizabeth and the Pembroke family were Dr. Dee's chief patrons ; whose exalted minds were not exempt from the mania of the times, which the sounder philosophy of Shakspeare led him to denounce.' But there is every doubt about it. It is utterly and absolutely opposed to the spirit of Shakspeare, as revealed in the personal son- nets, that he should sneer at his patron, or denounce his practices, even if he had been a believer in Dr. Dee ; and, secondly, it is the poet whose tastes are wizardly, and whose w^ork ranges above a mortal pitch, by aid of the spirits that visit him nightly. Nothing is said of the patron in the matter ; nothing implied. Also, it is a sup- position perfectly improbable that Shakspeare should have pomted out the ' proud full sail ' of Daniel's (of all others) ' great verse,' or characterise it as written ' above a mortal pitch,' except ironically, which cannot be, or else the ' all-too-precious you ' would lie open to suspicion likewise. The whole sonnet is seriously in earnest. Boaden does not take it to be sarcastic ; he has no doubt that Shak- speare actually vailed his bonnet, not only to Spenser, but to Daniel and Chapman, to Harington and Fairfax ! Lastly, to all appearance, Daniel did not seek to ' dis- perse ' his ' poesy ' imder the Earl of Pembroke's patro- nage, if he inscribed a prose work to tliat nobleman ; or, if he did seek, the young Earl must have grown shy of ]iim ; possibly because Daniel had been brought up in the family. In a letter of this poet's, addressed to the Earl of Devonshire (1G04), he is sorry for having offended his patron Ijy pleading before the Council, wlien called in CIIAl.'.vnTElUSTirS OF MAliLOWi:. U.i question for the Trngedy of rhilotas, tliut lie liad read })iirt of it to the Earl (of Devonshire), and says he has no other friend in power to help him I If this had been the great poet of whom Shakspeare and Wilham Herl^ert are supposed to have thouglit so higlily, and whose rela- tion had been so intimate, how then should poor Daniel have had no other friend in power to help him, Avhen the friendship of Herbert had been sufficiently great to make Shakspeare jealous? Nothing, save the blindest belief in the Herbert hypothesis, which of necessity shifts the date at which most of the sonnets were written, could possibly obscure so plain a fact as that this group of sonnets must have been composed by Shakspeare's ' pupil pen ' before he had taken his place amongst the poets of liis time, and that Marlowe is the rival poet of these lines. That ]\Iarlowe is the other poet of sonnets 80 and 8G is shown by the most circumstantial evidence in every hne and touch of our poet's description. Marlowe was a dramatic celebrity before Shakspeare ; he had about him something of that glow of Giorgione's dawn, the pro- mise of which was only fulfilled in the perfect day of Titian ; and there can be no doubt that Shakspeare looked up to him, and was somewhat led captive by his lofty stj'le. He would in those younger years fully appreciate the delicious bodily beauty of many of I\Iar- lowe's lines, hke those in which Faustus describes his visionary Helen. He has, in ' As you hke it,' a kindly thought for the dead poet, and quotes a line from IMar- lowe's unfinished poem, ' Hero and Leander,' with which he may have been acquainted in MSS., because it was composed for the Earl of Southampton. He would be the first to give him all praise for having, in his use of blank verse, struck out a new spring of the national Helicon with the impatient pawing-hoof of his fiery war- horse of a Pegasus; but for which Shakspeare himself 144 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. miglit possibly liave remained more of a rhymer, and not attained his full dramatic stature. Nothincj could better give us our poet''s view of himself and the rival, than the image drawn from Drake and the Spanish Dons ; after- wards used by Fuller in his description of Shakspeare and Ben Jonson. Marlowe is here represented as the great portly Spanish galleon, of tall build and full sail, and goodly pride, and Shakspeare is the small trim bark — the ' saucy bark ' that can float with the ' shallowest help ; ' venture daringly on the broad ocean, and skip lightly round the vast bulk of his rival. The comparison is full of our poet's modesty and lurking humour. He considers his rival as far superior to himself, and speaks of him as the ' better spirit,' or the greater poet of assured fame. Shakspeare, it appears, has been silent for some time, and the Earl has reproached him for it. 'Meanwhile, others have been singing and dedicating to the patron ; and this ' better spirit ' has been spending all his might 'with the intention of praising or honouring the patron in whose name he is ^vriting. He has not only flourished in the Earl's favoiir, but the Earl himself has lent his hand to polish up, or give the finishing touch to, something of the rival poet's. Shakspeare asks : — ' Was it the proud fall sail of Ids great verse, Bound for the prize of all-too-precious you. That did ray ripe thoughts in my brain inhearse ? Was it his spirit, by Spirits taught to write Above a mortal pitch, that struck me dead ? No : neitlier he, nor his compeers by night Giving him aid, my verse astonished, — He, nor that affable -familiar Ghost WJiich nightly gulls him with intelligence. As victors of my silence cannot boast ; I was not sick of any fear from thence ! But when your countenance filed up his line, Then lacked I matter ; that enfeebled mine.' MEPIIISTOnilLES THE 'AFFABLE FAMILIAR' SPIRIT. 14o If we believe that Shakspeare liad any power of com- pelling spirits to appear dramatically — any mastery of stroke in rendering human likeness — any exact and cun- ning use of epithet — how can we doubt that the name to be written under that portrait is Christopher Marlowe ? Or, that his is the poetry whose extravagant tone Shak- speare accounted ' above a mortal pitch ? ' Those lines give us the very viva effigies, not only of the Poet (' he of tall building and of goodly pride ' — sonnet 80), but of the man whose reputation was so marked, the author who had eaten of the forbidden fruit of knowledge, the poetry characterised in the precise lan- guage used by the poets of that time. It is a triple account, that only unites in one man, and that man is Marlowe — far and away beyond all possible competition. In his lust after power, and with his unhallowed glow of imagination, Marlowe became a student of the Black Arts, and a practiser of necromancy — he was reputed to have dealings with the Devil. No doubt his Dr. Faustus gave a darker colour to such report, and. in the eyes of many as well as in their conversation, the man and his creation became one. They would commonly call him 'Faustus,' just as they called him ' Tambuiiaine.' And this is exactly how Shakspeare lias treated the subject. In his dramatic way, he has identified Marlowe with Faustus, and he presents him upon the stage where, in vision, if it be not an actual fact, the Play is running at the rival Theatre, whilst the Poet is composing his sonnet. The conditions on which Faustus sells his soul are, that Mephis- tophiles shall be his familiar spirit, who shall do all his behests, execute all his commands, bring all that he re- quires, be in his house or chamber invisible until wanted, and then he is to appear in whatsoever shape Faustus pleases. And Mephistophiles promises to be the slave of Faustus, and give him more than he has wit to ask. A YCYj plausible familiar ghost or attendant spirit ! Tluis our L 146 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. Poet sees tlie Doctor, or Mariowe, and his familiar ' gulling him nightly ' with his promises, and such pleasant intelli- gence as that in Hell is all manner of deliyht! And the drama is once more played, so to speak, in the sonnet. We have Marlowe identified as the poet who talked of deriving help from spirits, by spirits taught to write above a mortal pitch — the poet of ' Faustus,' with his ' aflable famihar gliost ' and ' execrable art ' — Mephistophiles, his visitant that gulled him nightly — and the poet of tliat ' proud full sail ' or resounding march of his great verse, which is here rendered according to the tenor of all con- temporary description, and identified by the characteristic that is uppermost in the minds of all who are acquainted with the King Cambyses vein of Marlowe. It may be objected that, although we can identify Florio, Nash, and others, as having dedicated to the Earl of Southampton, there is no external evidence to prove that Marlowe ever did. It may be that his early death caused much to be hidden from our sight that was known to Shakspeare when he wrote these sonnets. Marlowe may have Englished the Elegies of Ovid for the Earl at his own particular request, and died before they were printed. He may also have written the love-song ' Come live with me,' for Southampton, and that be the very reason why Shakspeare wrote the answer to it — for he most assuredly did write the answer containing the line ' In reason ripe, in folly rotton,' in spite of the daring of those adventurers in search of Ealeigh's poetry, who are as bold as was that ' Shepherd of the ocean ' himself in gathering up treasure of another kind. Further, the de- scription of this poet in his relationship to the patron does not so much dwell on what he has done for the Earl as what he is at present doing. He is at work in the Earl's name when the poet writes sonnet 80, and Shakspeare is aware that the rival is then spending all his might domg his utmost to honour the Earl and make our Poet ' tongue- MART.OWK'S 'TTErtO AND LEAXDER.' 147 tied ' in speaking of liis pntron's fame. lie alludes chiefly to work in progress, not to work done. There is rivalry in a race then being run, and Shakspeare says if the rival should be victor over him he will know and be able to say:— The worst was this, my love was my decay. In sonnet 86, likewise, thePoet speaks of the rival bark as being ' bound for the prize of all-too-precious you,' not as having touched the shore, or reached haven. In both these sonnets the rival poet is working for the Earl, and there is nothing improbable in supposing that Marlowe's ' Hero and Leander ' was intended to be dedicated to Southamp- ton ; that he was Avriting it when death cut short the poet's Hfe, and the poem was left unfinished, and that Shakspeare was acquainted with the fragment in MS. and so quoted from it the line ' who ever loved that loved not at first sight,' with an acknowledgement to the ' Dead Shepherd ' in ' As you Like it.' There are further reasons why Marlowe should be this rival poet. Shakspeare tells the Earl that his silence was not owhig to the fact of the rival's being reputed to write by the help of spirits and ' metaphysical aid,' nor that he was the great Dramatist, and author of ' Faustus,' nor yet that he knew the ' proud full sail ' of the rival's ' great verse ' was bound for the Earl as his intended prize ; it was none of these things that did his ' ripe thoughts ' in his ' brain inhearse,' or cause them to be still-born. This seeking of a ' fresher stamp of the time-bettering days ' — this accepted ' travail of a worthier pen ; ' these lofty passionate braggart words of dedication ; the 'strained touches ' and the ' gross painting ' make the true love of Shakspeare's heart feel a little hurt ; but these things have not stirred his jealousy. There is a deeper cause for that. The Earl's countenance has ' filed up ' the rival's poetry ; 148 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. wliicli must mean more than that he has received it and smiled graciously upon it. He says exphcitly that it was not the rival's being bound for the Earl, nor the dedication, intended or accepted, that made him fearful ; but when the Earl undertook to ' file up ' his rival's line, that was indeed a different matter. This it was, Shakspeare confesses, that probed his in- firmity — made him feel jealous, and keep silence. That there is a touch of jealousy and a good deal of rivalry in these sonnets relating to the ' other poet,' is apparent and must be admitted. And in this aspect there is no poet who could make such an appeal so justly to Shakspeare's feehngs as Marlowe. Marlowe was the rival poet at the opposition theatre. He was then the Shakspeare of the English drama, in the full flush and high tide of his brief and brilliant success. ' Tamburlaine the Great,' ' Faustus,* the 'Jew of Malta,' ' Edward H.,' had come crowding on the stage one after the other, with Alleyn playing his best in the principal characters. Heywood, writing forty years afterwards, celebrates Marlowe as the best of poets, and Alleyn as the best of players. Shakspeare was far more likely to be jealous for his Theatre than for himself, and, if the Earl had looked over one of his rival's works and suggested amendments, this would touch the player as well as the natural man in Shakspeare, and cause him to keep that silence which has been imputed to him as his sin, and to show this feeling of jealousy when he next ad- dressed the Earl. My conclusion respecting these three personifications is, that Florio's is possible, Nash's pro- Ijaljle, Marlowe's certain. Florio's is a guess ; Nash's an inference ; Marlowe's a demonstration. In this group of sonnets we may learn one or two things by word of mouth, so to say, from Shakspeare himself, which readers will do wisely to remember. There can be no doubt that the Poet is here speaking personally of his own feelings, and of his own writings. His whole ar- THE POET'S PLEA FOR TRUTH TO XATUP.E. 149 gumcnt is for truth to nature. And he most emphatically rebukes those who liave assumed tiiat lie perpetrated all kinds of sonneteerinsjf nonsense, and exceeded all others in his fantastic exaggeration ; that he transcended all the amorous wooers of the Ideal, and lavished his love in ardent language upon airy nothings. In these sonnets he tells us that he writes of and from reality. It is not with him, he says, as with that Muse ' stirred by a painted beauty to his verse,' by which he means that he celebrates no mere visionary image or fiction of the fancy, as Drayton for example did, in his sonnets to ' Idea,' * and likewise the author of ' Licia, or Poems of Love,' printed in 1593, which work consists of 52 sonnets in honour of the admirable and singular virtues of the A\Titer's lady, full of fervent affection and passionate praise. In his address to the reader the author says, ' If thou muse what my Licia is, take her to be some Diana, at the least chaste ; or some Minerva, no Venus, fairer far. It may be she is Learning's image, or some heavenly wonder, which the precisest may not dislike ; perhaps, under that name, I have shadowed Discipline.'^ So is it not with me, Shakspeare replies, and, therefore, I do not imitate those who use heaven itself for ornament, and couple all the glories of earth with their imaginary Mistress, for the sake of making proud comparisons in her favour. I am only rich in reality, and being truly in love can only ^ Published, says Ritson, with the ' Shepherd's Garland,' and ' Roland's Sacrifice to the Nine Muses,' in a volume printed for T. Woodcocke, 1593 : 4to. Drayton was amusingly anxious to show that he icag ' stiiTed bv a painti'd beauty to his verse,' and that his love was only an ' Idea.' Shak- speare is as earnest in asserting that he writes from reality. The greatest master of Reality is here the advocate of Realism in Art ; the soul of sin- cerity himself, he cannot tolerate tliat which is insincere in others. " Thomas AVatson — he who, according to the taste of Steevens, was ' a more elegant sonnetteer than Shakspeare.' also published in 1593 the 'Tears of Fancy, or Love disdained,' in sixty sonnets. Our Poet may have had this work in view, as well as the * Licia,' when protesting tliat his sonnets were not mere fancy-work, but the outcome of real feeling. 150 SIIAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. write trutlifully. Tliis sonnet contains an answer to those who hold that the flowery tenderness and exquisite spring- tints of sonnets 98 and 99 were devoted to a man as the object of them. The Poet here says he does not compare his friend ' with April's Jirst-borii jiowers and all things rare, that Heaven's air in this huge rondure henis.^ He protests as plainly as any living author could, who might write to the ' Times,' or ' Atliena3um,' of to-day, that he does not use the ' gross painting ' the ' strained touches Ehetoric can lend.' It is the very opposite of his nature and art to write in the extravagant style and ' high- astounding terms,' the ' huffing, braggart, puft language ' that Marlowe so often used, whose verses, as Greene had said in 1588: — 'jet on the stage in tragical buskins; every word filling the mouth like the faburden of Bow- Bells.' May we not also here read a potent protest against such a work as ' Titus Androuicus ' being ascribed to Shakspeare ? This group of sonnets was written before the death of Marlowe, in June 1593. I am of opinion that sonnet 80 marks the moment when Shakspeare was about to embark with his first literary venture, the ' Venus and Adonis.' If he be wrecked, if he sinks whilst Marlowe swims, he says, the cause will have been his love for the Earl ; not literary vanity. NOTE. I think there is proof in both sonnets ajid pltiys that Shakspeare had read Marlowe's two sestiads of ' Hero and Leauder ' in AISS. For example, compare sonnets 4 and 6 with these lines : ' Treasure is abused When misers keep it : being put to loan, In time it will return us two for one.' * But this fair gem, sweet in the loss alone, When j'ou fleet hence, can be bequeathed to none.' Sonnets 20 and 53 with these lines : * Some swore he was a maid in man's attire, For in his looks were all that men desire.' And sonnet 80 with these : ' A stately-biiilded ship, well-riggod and tall, The ocean maketh more majestical.' Also, readers of ' Eomeo and Juliet ' will recognise Marlowe's * gallop amain' and 'dark night is Cupid's day.' I cannot doubt that Shakspeare was acquainted Avith this poem years before it was printed, nor that he characterises its sensuous grace, and refers to it as having been written for the Earl of Southampton. In dedicating the published book to Sir Thomas Walsingham, Edward Blunt hints that the poem has had ' other foster countenance,' but that his name is likely to prove more ' (ujreeahle and thrinng ' to the work, which was the view of a sensible publisher, for the other fostering countenance — Southampton's — might not have shed so favourable an influence in 1598, the year in which the fragment was first printed. Having omitted to express the thought in the text, I would here note my conjecture, that the miserable death of Marlowe is referred to in '-4 Mid- summer Niffht's Dream,' where we meet with — * The THRICE-XHREE ^lusES mouruing for the death Of Leamiug, late deceased in beggary ! ' That disreputable end of one who ought to have taken a nobler leave of the world, was indeed a subject for a 'satire keen and critical.' And surely this was the Poet who, in sonnet 85 (p. 131), is said to ■wTite with 'golden quill and precious phrase by all the nrsES filed ?' 152 SIIAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. A PERSONAL SONNET. 1593-4. »0>«^00 SHAKSPEARE IS ABOUT TO WRITE ON THE COURT- SHIP OF HIS FRIEND SOUTHAMPTON, ACCORDINO TO THE EARL'S SUGGESTION. ^ And now I will unclasp a secret book.^ Turning to tlie Book of Sonnets, the reader will see that we can read them straiglit on as Personal Sonnets up to the 2Gt]i, but with the 27th we are all adrift ; the spirit changes so obviously as to necessitate a change of speaker. Till now the feeling was one of repose in the affection which the Poet celebrated. Here the feeling has all a lover's restlessness. In tlie previous sonnets we have not been left in doubt as to the sex of the person ad- dressed ; there were many allusions to its being a Man. We now meet with sonnet after sonnet, and series after series, in which there is no mention of sex. The feeling expressed is more passionate, and the phrase has become more movingly tender ; far closer relationship is sung, and yet the object to whom these sonnets are Avritten never appears in person. There is neither ' man ' nor ' boy,' ' him ' nor ' liis.' How is this ? Surely it is not the wont of a stronger feeling and greater warmth of affection to fuse down all individuality and lose sight of sex. That is not the way of Nature's or of Shakspeare's working. Here is negative evidence that the speaker is not ad- dressing a man. The internal evidence and poetic proof are in favour of its being a Woman. There is a spirit too THE AVITNESS WTTTTTX. 15». delicate for the grosser ear of a man. The imagery is essentially feminine. There is a fondness in the feeling, and a preciousness in the phrase that tell of ' Love's coy touch.' Also there are secret stirrings of nature whicli influence us as they might if we were in the presence of a beautiful woman disguised : little tell-tales of conscious- ness and whisperings in the air. Many of the sonnets addressed by Shakspeare to the Earl are as glowing in affection, as tender in phrase as could well be written from man to man, but there is a subtle difference be- twixt these and others that, as I shall show, are addresssd to a woman. The conditions under which the Poet created did not permit of his branding them with the outward signs of sex ; but the difference exists in the secret spirit of them. We continually catch a breath of fragrance, as though we were treading upon invisible violets, and are conscious of a pcrfusive feminine grace ; whilst a long and loving acquaintanceship brings out the touches and tendernesses of difference, distinct as those notes of the nightingale that make her song so peerless amongst those of other birds. There is a music here such as could only have found its perfect cliord in a woman's heart. Once we shut our eyes to the supposi- tion that all these sonnets were meant for a man, we shall soon feel that in numbers of them the heart of a lover is going forth with thrilHngs ineffable towards a woman, and, in the unraistakeable ciy, we shall hear the voice of that love which has no like— the absorbing, absolute, all-containing Love that woman alone engen- ders in the heart of a man. Not that Shakspeare is here wooing a woman iu person. lie would not have done that and left out the sex. They are written on South- ampton's courtship. It is not Shakspeare who speaks, but Soutliampton to his lady. This will account for the impassioned tenderness, and, at the same time, for the absence of all mention of the sex of the person addressed, 154 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. ■svliich would naturally result from the poet's delicacy of feeling^ or, from a reticence agreed upon. There will be nothing very startling in the proposition that our Poet devoted sonnets to his friend's love for Eliza- beth Vernon, if we think for a moment of his words addressed in public to Southampton, in the year 1594. ' What / have to do is yours ; being part in all I have devoted yours.' Now, if he alluded to his sonnets in that dedication of ' Lucrece,' as I maintain he did, there is but one way in which the allusion could apply. He would not have promised to write a book, or a series of sonnets, and speak of them as a part of what he had to do for the Earl if they were to be mere poetical exercises or personal to himself. Such must have been altogether fugitive — the subjects unknown beforehand. Wliereas he speaks of the work as devoted to the Earl, something that is fixed, and fixed, too, by, or with the knowledge of the person addressed. This I take to refer to the fact that, at the Earl's suggestion, he had then agreed to write dramatic sonnets on the subject of Southampton's court- ship. And as they were in hand when he dedicated his second poem to Southampton, I infer that they were com- menced in 1593. If my theory of the sonnets be true, the sonnets them- selves ought to yield the most convincing proof that it is so. They should tell their own tale, however marvellous it may be ; nay, they should speak with a more certain sound because of the mystery. The voice should be all the clearer if it comes from the cloud. This they wiU do. Only we must have the courage to believe that Shakspeare knew what he was writing about, and that he was accus- . tomed to use the English language in its plainest sense, except where words would flower double on account of the fulness of his wit. We must not lose sight of the literal truth and substance of his meaninsr in following the figurative shadow, or we shall quite miss the palpable A CHANGE IN THE POET'S MODE OF WRITING. lo5 facts, and find ourselves in the position of others wlio liave had to make all sorts of excuses for Shakspeare's indefi- niteness. Let us only remember that these sonnets are by the writer who got nearest to nature through the close- ness of his grasp of reality ; and a false interpretation has hitherto hindered our seeing that his grij) was as close, his feehng as true, his language as hteral here as in his dramas. Then we shall find that they do in very truth tell their own story according to the theory now j^roposed and set forth. Not merely in the underlying evidence — the inner facts which can only be paralleled in the outer hfe of the different speakers, the distinct indi- viduality of the characters pourtrayed — but it actually stares us in the face on the surface, so close to us that we have overlooked it by being too far-sighted. I purpose showing that after our Poet had written a certain number of personal sonnets to the Earl, his dear friend, advising him to marry, and the Earl had met and fallen in love with the ' faire Mistress Vernon,' Shak- speare then began, at the Earl's own request, to write sonnets dramatically on the subject of the Earl's passion, and the trials, ' tills,' and misadventures of a pair of star- crossed lovers, with the view of enhancing their pleasures and enriching their pains by his poetic treatment of tlieir love's tender and troublous history. The intimacy, as we have seen from the sonnets which are personal, was of the nearest and dearest kind that can exist between man and man. Were there no proof to be cited it would not be so great a straining of probability to imagine the intimacy close and secret enougli for Shakspeare to write sonnets on Southampton's love, in this impersonal in- direct way, as it is to suppose it was close enough for them to share one mistress, and for Shakspeare to write sonnets for the purpose of proclaiming the mutual dis- grace and perpetuating the sin and shame. It might fairly be argued also that the intimacy being of this secret 156 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. and sacred sort, would naturally take a greater delight in being illustrated in the unseen way of a dramatic treat- ment. It woidd be sweeter to the Earl's affection ; more perfectly befitting the Poet's genius ; the celebration of the marriage of two souls in the most inner sanctuary of friendship. But there is proof. For all who have eyes to see, the 38th sonnet tells us most explicitly that the writer has done with the subject of the earlier sonnets. There is no further need of ad- vising the Earl to marry when he is doing all he can to get man'ied. But, says the Poet, he cannot be at a loss for a subject so long as the Earl lives to pour into his verse his own argument. The force of the expression ^pourst into my verse,' shows that this is in no indirect suggestive way, but that the Earl has now begun to supply his own argument for Shakspeare's son- nets. This argument is too ' excellent,' too choice, in its nature fox ''every vulgar paper to rehearse.' Here is something ' secret, sweet and precious,' not to be dealt with ill the ordinary way of personal sonnets. This excelling argument calls for the most private treatment, and to carry out this a new leaf is turned over in the Book of Sonnets. If the residt be in any way worthy the Earl is to take all credit, for it is he who has sug- gested the new theme, supplied the fresh argument, and struck out a new light of invention ; he has ^ given Inven- tion ZzV/A/,' lighted the Poet on his novel path. Thus, ac- cepting the Earl's suggestion of writing dramatically on the subject given, the Poet calls upon him to be, to become the tenth Muse to him. Obviously he had not so con- sidered him whilst writing to the Earl ; but as he is about to Avrite of liim dramatically, he exclaims ' be thou the tenth Muse ! ' And if his new sonnets should please the Earl and his friends, who are curious in sucli matters, his be the pain, the labour ; the Earl's shall be the praise. THE NEW THEME. lo7 The reader will see how consistently the thought of this sonnet follows the series in which the Poet has ex- pressed his jealousy of the adulation of insincere rivals. He has now stepped into the inner circle of the Earl's private friendship, where they cannot pass. Tliey may stand on the outside and address him, but the Earl has taken our poet into the inmost place of his private confidence, and w^hispered into his ear and breathed into his verse the argument of his love for Elizabeth Vernon, too ex- cellent for every common paper or ordinary method to rehearse. The other sonnets contain a lover's querulous- ness, this has the secret satisfaction of the chosen one who has been favoured above all others. SIIAKSPEARE IS ABOU-T TO WRITE SONXETS UPOX THE EARL's LOVE FOR ELIZABETH VERNOX. How can my ]Muse want subject to invent. Whilst thou dost breathe, that pour'st into my verse Thine own sweet argument, too excellent For every vulgar paper to rehearse ? 0, give thyself the thanks, if aught in me Worthy perusal stand against thy sight ; For who's so dumb that cannot write to thee. When thou thyself dost give invention hght ? Be thou the tenth Muse, ten times more in worth Than those old Nine which rhymers invocate, And he that calls on thee, let him brinir forth Eternal numbers to outlive long^ date : If my slight ^Muse do please these curious days. The pain be mine, but thine shall be the praise. (3S.) It has been said tluit sucli ani()n)us wooine:s as these of Shakspeare's sonnets, when personally interpreted, were common betwixt man and man with the Elizabethan sonneteers. But where is the record of them ? In whose 158 SHAKSPE ARE'S SONNETS. sonnets shall we find the illustration ? Not in Spenser's, nor Sidney's, Drayton's, nor Daniel's, Constable's nor Drummond's. Warton instanced the ' Affectionate Shep- herd ' ; but Barnefield, in his address ' To the cnrteous Gentlemen Readers ' prefixed to his ' Cynthia,' &c., ex- pressly forbids such an interpretation of his ' conceit,' and states that it was nothing else than ' an imitation of Virgil in the 2nd EcWue of Alexis.' There is no precedent whatever, only an assumption, a false excuse for a foolish theory. The precedent that we find is for such sonnets being written dramatically. It was by no means uncommon for a Poet to write in character on behalf of a Patron, and act as a sort of secretary in his love affairs, the letters being put into the shape of sonnets. In Shakspeare's plays we meet with various allusions to courting by means of ' W^ilfid sonnets whose composed rhymes should be full-fraught with service- able vows.' Thurio, in the 'Two Gentlemen of Verona,* goes into the city to seek a gentleman Avho shall set a sonnet to music for the purpose of wooing Sylvia. Gascoigne, who died 1577, tells us, many years before Shakspeare wrote in this way for his young friend, he had been engaged to write for others in the same fashion. The author of the 'Forest of Fancy,' 1579, informs us tliat many of the poems were written for '•persons who had occasion to crave his help in that behalf.'' Mars- ton in his ' Satyres,' 1598, accuses Eoscio (Burbage), the tragedian, of having written verses for Mutio, and he tells us that ' absolute Castillo had furnished himself in like manner in order that he might pay court to his Mistress. And as he is glancing at the Globe Theatre, may not he have had Shakspeare and Southampton in his eye? ' Absolute Castilio ' is characteristic of the Earl, especially in the mouth of an envious poet whom he did not patronise. Drayton also tells us in his 21st sonnet that he knew OTHER SONNETS DRAMATICALLY WRITTEN. 159 a gallant who wooed a young girl, but <•« )u](,l not win her. He entreated the poet to try and move her Avith his per- suasive rhymes. And such was the force of Poesy, whether heaven-bred or not, that he won the Mistress for his friend with the very first sonnet he wrote ; that was suffi- cient to make her dote on the youth beyond measure. So that in showing Shakspeare to have written dramatic sonnets for the Earl of Southampton, to express liis pas- sion for Mistress Vernon, we are not compelled to go far in search of a precedent for the doing of such a thing ; it was a common custom when he undertook to honour it by his observance. In the sonnet just quoted, Shakspeare accepts the Earl's suggestion that he should write dramatic sonnets upon subjects supplied by Southampton, who has thus ' GIVEN Invention light.' 60 SHAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. DKAMATIC SONNETS. 1593-4. -o-o>afic SOUTHAMPTON IN LOVE WITH ELIZABETH VEENON. These four sonnets are among the most beautiful that Shakspeare wrote ; a greater depth of feehng is sounded : a new and most natural stop is drawn, which has the power to ' mitigate and swage with solemn touches troubled thoughts ' and make the measure dilate into its stateliest music ; the poetry grows graver and more sagely fine. Point by point, note by note, the most special par- ticulars are touched, and facts fresh from hfe and of the deepest significance are presented to us, yet we are unable to identify one of them as belonging to the life and cha- racter of Shakspeare. The music is full of meaning — the slower movement being necessary because of the burden it bears — but we do not know what it means. If we sup- pose Shakspeare to be speaking, the more pointed the verity, the greater the vagueness. Simply we cannot tell what he is talking about in so sad a tone. It is possible that he may have lost dear friends, although, so far as we know, when these sonnets were written he had not even lost a child. Also, it is probable that, full of winning cheerfulness and sunny pleasantness, and ' smiling govern- ment ' of himself as he was, he had his niiJ-ht-seasons of sadness and depression ; that he experienced reverses of fortune at his theatre, and sat at home in the ni^ht- o IT IS NOT SHAKSPEAKE SrEAKINd. KU time wliilst his fellows were making merry after work, and nursed liis hope and streiifrth with cordial loving thoughts of his good friend. But we cannot picture Shakspeare turned malcontent and miserable ; looking upcm himself as a lonely outcast, bewailing his wretched condition ; nursing his cankering thoughts prepensely, and rocking himself, as it were, over them persistently. This cannot be the man of proverbial sweetness and smoothness of disposition, the incarnation of all kindliness, the very spirit of profound and perennial cheerfulness who, in sonnet 32, calls his life a ' well-contented day ! ' If Shakspeare had at tunes felt depressed and despondent for want of sympathy, it was surely most unlike him to make such dolorous complaints to this dear friend whom he had just addressed as being more to him than all the world beside, and whose love had crowned him with a crown such as Fortune could not confer. In making the Poet his friend, he had honoured Shakspeare (his own words) beyond the power of the world's proudest titles ; enriched him with a gift of good that Fortune could not paragon. How then, into wdiatsoever 'disgrace' he had fallen, could he pour forth his selfish sorrow to this friend who was so supremely his source of joy ? How could he talk of being friendless and envying those who had friends when he was in possession of so peerless a friend ? How should he speak of ' troubling c?(?a/ Heaven with his hoot- less cries,' when Heaven had heard him and sent him such a friend, and his was the nature to straightway apprehend the Giver in the gift ? How could he ' curse his fate,' which he held to be so blessed in havincj this friend? How should he speak of being ' contented least ' with what he enjoyed most when he had said this friend was the great spring of his joy? How should he exclaim against Fortune when he had received and warmly acknowledged the best gift she had to bestow ? Moreover, these ci-ies of self would sooner or later have seemed bitterly sellish M 162 SIIAKSPEARE'S SONNETS. for they would be addressed to a man who had a fair cause of complaint against Fortune, and a real right to utter every word tliat has been ascribed to Shakspeare himself in these exclamatory sonnets, with their wistful looks, and dolorous ejaculations, and tinge of lover's me- lancholy. We may rest assured tliat Shakspeare was the last man to have made any such mistake in Nature and in Art. If he had his sorrows he would have kept them out of sight whilst his friend was suffering ; he who lias nearly kept himself out of sight altogether, and who comes the closest to us just for the sake of smiling up into the face of this friend, and of showing us that this was the man whom he once loved, as he told us, the only times he ever spoke in prose, and proclaimed that his love for him Avas without end. The personal reading is altogether wrong ; it does not touch these sonnets at any one point, much less fathom the depth of their full meaning. The character expressed is in heart and essence, as well as in every word, that of a youthful spirit who feels in ' disgrace witli Fortune,' and the unnoticing eyes of men, and whose tune is ' Fortune, my Foe, why dost thou frown,' because for the present he is condemned to sit apart inactive. Tliis talk about ' Fortune ' was to some extent a trick of the time, and a favourite strain with Essex. Perez, the flashing foreign friend of this Earl, also indulged much in it, calhng liimself ' Fortune's Monster,' which was the motto he inscribed on his portrait. It is the young man of Action doomed to be a mere spectator. He has seen his fellow-nobles, the ' choicest buds of all our English 1)1 ood,' go by to battle with dancing pennons and nodding plumes (as Marston describes them), floating in feather on the land as ships float on the sea, or, as Shakspeare may have described them — 'All fiiniLshed, all in arms. All plumed like estridges that wing the wind. Till': EARL OUT OF LUCK. 103 I^ated like eagles having lately bathed ; (i littering in golden coats, like Images; As full of spirit as the month of May, And gorgeous as the sun at Midsummer.' Some of them are off with Ealeigli, going to do good work for England, and strike at the Spaniard a memorable stroke. The land has rung from end to end with the fame of Grenville's great deed and glorious death. A few ycare before Cavendish had come sailing up the river Tliames with his merry mariners clad in silk ; his sails of damask, and his top-masts cloth of gold ; thus symbolling outwardly the lichness of the prize they had^wrested from the enemy. The spirit of adventure is everywhere in motion, sending * Some to the wars, to try their fortune there ; Some to discover islands far away.' The hearts of the young burn within them at the recital of their fathers' deeds, the men who conquered Spain in 1588, when all her proud embattled powers were broken. The after- swell of that hi^li heavin