CENTRAL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 University of California, San Diego
 
 A HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE KANSAS CRUSADE 
 
 ITS FRIENDS AND ITS FOES 
 
 BY ELI THAYER 
 
 INTRODUCTION BY 
 
 REV. EDWARD EVERETT HALE, D.D. 
 
 NEW YORK 
 HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE 
 
 1889
 
 Copyright, 1889, by HARPER & BROTHERS. 
 
 All rights reserved.
 
 CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 THE LEADER OF THE FREE STATE PARTY IN THE KANSAS 
 
 TERRITORIAL CONFLICT, AND THE EFFICIENT 
 
 WAR-GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 
 
 ALSO 
 
 TO ALL MY OTHER COMRADES AND HELPERS IN THE 
 
 GREAT CRUSADE WHO STILL SURVIVE, AND 
 
 TO THE HONORED MEMORY OF THOSE 
 
 WHO HAVE DEPARTED
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 THE purpose of this book is to show by what 
 agency Kansas was made a free State, and how 
 this result has affected our national life. 
 
 This triumph of the North was regarded by 
 slave-holders as ample proof that there could never 
 be another slave State in the Union. Hence came 
 the attempt to secede, the Civil War, and the 
 Emancipation Proclamation as "a military neces- 
 sity." Hence came also an enduring national uni- 
 ty having no conflicting sectional interests. 
 
 The great Kansas struggle was therefore the 
 pivot on which this nation turned to a nobler de- 
 velopment and to a higher and happier condition 
 of all its people. The consequences of this triumph 
 of freedom are becoming more and more apparent 
 with each succeeding year. 
 
 A period longer than is allowed for one genera- 
 tion of men has passed since this contest began 
 more than a quarter of a century has gone since it 
 was ended. It may therefore be demanded why 
 there has been so long delay in making public rec- 
 ord of the methods which have brought us such 
 beneficent results. 
 
 The Civil War engrossed the attention of all the 
 people for nearly five years. Since the war the
 
 vi PREFACE. 
 
 various actors in it have been constantly putting 
 their own achievements in writing for the public 
 use. The present, therefore, is the first time when 
 the great cause of the wonderful political changes 
 of the last thirty years, and the powerful agency 
 which has brought us to our present high position, 
 could be wisely presented for public consideration. 
 
 There has never been any danger that false con- 
 clusions about either the agency or its methods 
 could secure a permanent place in history. The 
 contemporaneous records of this great work are in 
 every city and State of the Union. They abound 
 in all the Congressional records of the time, in the 
 messages of Presidents, in the reports of committees 
 of Congress, in many histories, and in the files of 
 innumerable newspapers, magazines, and periodicals 
 of various kinds. So, whatever ephemeral indorse- 
 ment any false claims might be able to secure the 
 careful study of future historians would be certain 
 to expose, while it would establish, vindicate, and 
 fortify the truth. Justice, though slow, would in 
 this case be sure. 
 
 The records of geology, written upon the rocks 
 hidden deep in the earth, have established, as facts 
 disputed by none, the early history of men, of ani- 
 mals, and of vegetation to have been entirely dif- 
 ferent from the ideas prevalent a few centuries ago. 
 
 So this present writing might be still further 
 postponed, or even abandoned, without any danger 
 of the truths herein presented being lost in perpet- 
 ual oblivion. It will, however, save labor to the 
 historian of the future, and much perplexity to the
 
 PREFACE. vii 
 
 present generation, to have at hand such a summary 
 of facts as is here recorded. Another great advan- 
 tage of deferring this work no longer is the fact 
 that thousands of men are now living who were 
 earnest, interested, and intelligent spectators of 
 these events, or determined and heroic actors in 
 them, who will cheerfully bear witness to the truth 
 of these statements and to the logical conclusions 
 derived from them. 
 
 This is intended to be only a summary of the 
 events preceding the Civil War. Materials are at 
 hand sufficient to fill several volumes ; but a work 
 so extensive would seldom reach the ordinary 
 reader. It has been deemed best, therefore, by 
 careful selection and condensation, to put the main 
 features of this history within the compass of a 
 single volume. Within this narrow limit it will 
 not be possible to describe the conflict within the 
 Territory of Kansas, but only the agency and the 
 methods employed outside of her boundaries, by 
 which the people of the Northern States were 
 aroused and united so as effectually to co-operate 
 in furnishing the men and the means to secure the 
 triumph there of the free-State cause. 
 
 Prof. L. W. Spring, in his " Kansas," has given 
 a very full and reliable history of the Territorial 
 struggle, culminating in the establishment of a free 
 State unsurpassed in moral, intellectual, and mate- 
 rial prosperity. Such success was well earned by 
 the heroic, self-sacrificing pioneers who put before 
 the advancing and encroaching power of slavery 
 the impassable barrier of themselves and of the
 
 viii PREFACK 
 
 trophies of free labor by which they were sur- 
 rounded. Thus have they proved to the world the 
 strength of freedom and the imbecility of slavery. 
 
 In giving a truthful account of the Kansas cru- 
 sade, it was necessary to speak plainly of our allies 
 and also of our enemies. How could a truthful 
 history of the Kevolutionary "War be written unless 
 the writer should describe the obstacles which our 
 patriots overcame in securing independence? It 
 would not be enough to write only of the British 
 and the Continentals. The Tories, our enemies, 
 and the French, our allies, should have prominent 
 places. So in this history Garrison and his follow- 
 ers are properly put among the enemies of the 
 Kansas crusade, while the clergy, the churches, and 
 the Press of the North are, for abundant reasons, 
 recorded as our friends and helpers. 
 
 But the Tories of Revolutionary times were very 
 modest people compared with the disunionists who 
 opposed the Kansas crusade. Of the former, some 
 left the country and others repented and remained. 
 None of them had the impudence to claim that 
 they secured the independence of the colonies. 
 Had they done so, the rage of the Continentals 
 would have extinguished them and their claims to- 
 gether. 
 
 But these disunionists and their friends, during 
 the last quarter of a century, have been parading 
 claims quite as baseless and absurd. 
 
 It is time that such nonsense came to an end. 
 It is time that such impudent falsifying of history 
 should be rebuked. But for these false claims, so
 
 PREFACE. ix 
 
 persistently and defiantly presented that many of 
 the present generation believe them true, the writer 
 would have devoted no time or attention to these 
 fanatics. They were too feeble to harm our cause, 
 and their efforts to do so were pitiful indeed. Had 
 they been a thousand times as powerful as they 
 Avere, they could not have hindered our organized 
 army of freemen who ended the curse of slavery. 
 
 But the time has now come when their grotesque 
 dishonesty in opposing the Kansas crusade, and 
 then in claiming as their own work the grand re- 
 sults achieved by its heroes, should not longer be 
 endured in silence. 
 
 ELI THAYEK. 
 
 WORCESTER, MASS., 1889. 
 1*
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 HE. THAYER has been good enough to permit me 
 to contribute a few words to this volume, Avhich 
 will be printed, I believe, as an introduction. We 
 are two old soldiers in this emigration cause, and 
 it is a real pleasure to me to speak of him who 
 planned the whole movement with such distinct 
 knowledge of what was needed, and carried out 
 his plans with such promptness and success. I am 
 more proud of my part in the settlement of Kan- 
 sas, though it was only that of a subordinate, than 
 I am of any public service I have ever rendered. 
 I can well suppose that he is proud of his as the 
 successful leader. And I should be sorry not to 
 say, on all occasions, that to him the work owed its 
 success, and the nation owes all that grew from 
 that success. 
 
 As early as 1845 I had looked to emigration 
 from the North as the solution of the slavery prob- 
 lems. I heard from the galleries of House and 
 Senate in Washington the debates on the Joint 
 Resolution which annexed Texas. I was in Wash- 
 ington that winter, and in its social circles, let me 
 say, I was in a position to suspect something of 
 the infamous corruption by which the passage of 
 that resolution was bought. I returned to ISTew
 
 xu INTRODUCTION. 
 
 England, which was my home, in March, 1845, and 
 at once wrote and published a pamphlet called 
 "How to Conquer Texas before Texas Conquers 
 Us." It proposed a Northern emigration to Tex- 
 as, which I was ready to join. I hoped it would 
 quicken attention, that settlers would offer them- 
 selves, and that we should make the Mayflower 
 company for the redemption of that region. In 
 this hope I was wholly disappointed. I paid for 
 the printing of my pamphlet, and I own the edi- 
 tion now. I have never heard that one copy was 
 bought by any one, far less that one was read. 
 
 The truth was that I did not know how to or- 
 ganize emigration, and probably also that "the 
 time was not yet come." 
 
 But in the spring of 1854 the hour had come 
 and the man. That man was Eli Tha} r er, who was, 
 fortunately, in the Legislature of Massachusetts; 
 well known as a pronounced and eloquent Free- 
 soiler. The young men of the country I can speak 
 for one of them were wholly sick of talk ; they 
 hated " resolutions," and they wanted to do some- 
 thing. Eli Thayer showed what was to be done, 
 and arranged the way. 
 
 It is very curious that the method of organizing 
 emigration which he invented had never been hit 
 upon before. It is the only method yet tried 
 which secures entire freedom to the emigrant, and 
 gives at the same time the use of capital contrib- 
 uted by people who do not emigrate, and the ad- 
 vantages of a central, intelligent supervision. The 
 settler must be left free. It was not meant to tie
 
 INTRODUCTION. xiii 
 
 his hands in a wilderness. It was not meant to 
 sacrifice comfort and to risk life for the purpose of 
 earning money for people who stay at home. On 
 the other hand, there must be capital, if the colony 
 is not to be fatally handicapped, from the begin- 
 ning. And every colony which is started without 
 central and intelligent supervision shows in its 
 after -development the unfortunate consequences. 
 Such consequences may be seen in the history of 
 the development of most of our Western States. 
 
 Under Mr. Thayer's plan the emigrant paid his 
 own fare, but he paid it with the advantages the 
 company had gained for him in making the low- 
 est contracts possible among competing lines. He 
 went where he chose. But if he chose he could go 
 in a party of people of like habits and opinions, 
 led by a competent leader who knew the route. 
 He settled where he pleased. But if he pleased he 
 might take from the Government of the United 
 States his quarter section by the side of those 
 taken by his companions, and in the neighborhood 
 of the mills built by the company's capital. 
 
 Now, in that enterprise the essential thing, as 
 was proved at once, was the mutual support which 
 the' Northern settlers gave each other. The annals 
 of Kansas are full of stories of the cruel deaths of 
 settlers who trusted themselves alone to the sepa- 
 rate squatter loneliness of the old Western ways. 
 This time there were enemies more terrible than 
 Shawnees or Pawnees. And who shall say how 
 many horrors of arson and murder in the wilder- 
 ness are not written in any annals ?
 
 xiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 On the other hand, the people in Mr. Thayer's 
 colonies, in all their hardships, hung by each 
 other. "We used to head our placards " Saw-mills 
 and Liberty " when we called a public meeting in 
 New England. And the very names of " Lawrence," 
 " Topeka," and other towns founded by the New 
 England Emigrant Aid Company under Mr. Thay- 
 er's plans, stand out as central names in any ade- 
 quate history of that time. 
 
 I was chosen as one of the younger directors of 
 the company, and was afterwards its vice-presi- 
 dent, and had an opportunity, therefore, to see the 
 unflinching spirit with which Mr. Thayer carried 
 out his plans, and the untiring activity with which 
 he drove them through. What has happened in 
 thirty-four years since is this : Under his plans 
 four or five thousand of the most resolute men and 
 women whom the world ever saw together went 
 into Kansas. Five or ten times that number went 
 also, encouraged by this example, and confident 
 in their success. This emigration at that time 
 would have been impossible but for Eli Thayer. 
 The first result was civil war in Kansas. The sec- 
 ond was the success of the free-State settlers. The 
 third was the election of Abraham Lincoln. A 
 minor result was that the infant State of Kansas, 
 only admitted into the Union by Lincoln's first Con- 
 gress, furnished more fighting men, in proportion 
 to her population, to the Union army than any 
 other State. As for the change absolute and 
 sweeping from Southern domination over Amer- 
 ica to the Northern successes which took the
 
 INTRODUCTION. xv 
 
 helm of the country after 1861, it is needless to 
 speak. 
 
 Now that it is all over, it is convenient for every 
 public man to remember the share he has taken in 
 this work, and to congratulate himself and the coun- 
 try on this share. That is natural enough, and fair. 
 It is natural also to say, "All this must have come. 
 It is the regular flow of history. The moment had 
 come for action and reaction, and so forth, and 
 so forth." All this is true. But it is equally true 
 that when the reservoir of Northern indignation was 
 still a reservoir, with its rage wasted on its banks, 
 one man saw where the spade-bloAvs were to be 
 struck through which the waters should rush out. 
 He knew how to strike these blows struck them 
 with his own hands and made the channel through 
 which the waters flowed; and that man was Eli 
 Thayer. 
 
 When people say "Quite of course it must 
 come," I wish they would remember that even the 
 judiciary committee which gave him the charter he 
 asked in a Free-soil Legislature thought the whole 
 thing was nonsense. I wish they would remember 
 that he had to " hire a hall," to use our fine Amer- 
 ican proverb, in the city of Boston, and to pay for 
 it with his own money, before the people of Boston 
 or of any place could be taught that here was a 
 practical scheme in which they could spend their 
 energies. 
 
 After he had shown the way, there were enough 
 brave men who joined him. Not at first in crowds ; 
 but such men count each for a great deal, and
 
 xvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 there were enough. Such men as Amos A. Law- 
 rence, J. M. S. Williams, Martin Briinmer, Samuel 
 Cabot, John Carter Brown, George L. Stearns who 
 give themselves when they give their money push 
 an enterprise steadily, and if it ought to succeed it 
 does succeed. The simplicity, the directness, the 
 truth and audacity of Mr. Thayer enlisted such 
 men. But, for one such man who was enlisted, a 
 hundred as rich as they, and as strong in a way, 
 if it had been the right way, refused. They had 
 the chance and they did not take it. It is al- 
 ways so. " Many are called," and only a handful 
 choose themselves to the forlorn -hope or "are 
 chosen." 
 
 Now that it is all over, the men who fell into 
 line in 1856 and 1859 and 1861 think they feU in 
 in 1854. It is not of much importance to them or 
 to anybody. But for the truth of history it is im- 
 portant to remember that Eli Thayer first saw how 
 to work, that he first showed it to America, and 
 that he led the way. 
 
 I resist the temptation to make extracts from 
 an immense correspondence of those early years, 
 which would show who did believe, and who did 
 not believe, in Mr. Thayer's enterprise. But the 
 following letters, of a more recent date, are so in- 
 teresting and instructive that I like to include them 
 in this introductory paper. 
 
 Theodore Parker, January 29, 1858, in the Hall 
 of the State-house, spoke as follows : 
 
 "Not to mention others from New England or elsewhere, 
 here is a speech from Hon. Eli Thayer, ironical sometimes, I take
 
 INTRODUCTION. xvii 
 
 it, but plain and direct in substance. He would have the free 
 States send settlers to Northernize the South already he has a 
 colony in Virginia and New Englandize Central America. 
 'The Yankee,' says Mr. Thayer, 'has never become a slave- 
 holder unless he has been forced to it by the social relations of 
 the slave State where he lived ; and the Yankee who has become 
 a slave-holder has every day of his life thereafter felt in his very 
 bones the bad economy of the system. Why, sir, we can buy a 
 negro power in a steam-engine for ten dollars, and we can feed 
 and clothe that power for one year for five dollars; are we the 
 men to give $1000 for an African slave, and $150 a year to feed 
 and clothe him ?' This is an antislavery argument which trad- 
 ers can understand. Mr. Thayer is not so much of a talker as 
 an organizer ; he puts his thoughts into works. You know 
 how much Kansas owes him for the organization he has set on 
 foot. One day will he not also revolutionize Virginia? There 
 is a to-morrow after to-day." 
 
 Letters from Theodore Parker to Eli Thayer, 
 after the speeches in Congress on colonizing Cen- 
 tral America and the " Suicide of Slavery :" 
 
 " BOSTON, February 2C, 185S. 
 
 "Hon. Mr. Thayer: 
 
 "DEAR SIR, I heartily thank you for the brave speech you 
 made, and the copy thereof you sent me. It seems to me you 
 have hit the nail on the head; for we can't prevent the spread 
 of an industrious, thoughtful, and enterprising people into the 
 domains of an idle, heedless, and unprogressive people, but can 
 prevent the fitting out of hordes of pirates. We can organize 
 emigration, and send men to the barbarous country who will do 
 much service to themselves, to it, and to us. It seems to me not 
 difficult to prevent slavery in Central America. The races out 
 there have not that immense vigor and love of money which in- 
 cline the Anglo-Saxon to establish slavery; and they have not 
 the hatred against the negro which marks the Americans. It 
 seems to me that a well-conducted emigration scheme may do 
 for Central America what it has done already for Kansas, and I 
 most heartily thank you for adding this service to the other great
 
 xviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ones you have rendered already. Immigration from the free 
 States to Kansas, to Virginia, to Central America, is a most im- 
 portant thing. I hope you \vill live to accomplish the last as 
 happily as j'ou have before the two first, and at the same time 
 escape the Presidential Ftver. 
 
 "Yours truly, 
 
 "THEODORE PARKER." 
 
 " BOSTON, April 5, 1853. 
 
 "Hon. Mr. Thayer: 
 
 "DEAR SIR, I thank you heartily for sending me your speech 
 which I have just read aloud and still more for making the 
 speech itself. You open a new era in the Congressional discus- 
 sion of slavery. You attack it with wit light, easy, subtle, and 
 delicate satire. John Q. Adams used satire in his way and 
 that, too, quite powerfully. But his satire was quantitatively 
 great. Yours is qualitatively nice and fine. There is no reply 
 to such things. Your account of the missionary ' trials, dangers, 
 and sufferings' of the South to convert the heathen is masterly; 
 it is worthy of Dean Swift, but is finer and subtler than anything 
 I remember from him. 
 
 "The more serious part of your speech, too, is quite fine and 
 valuable. I shall look with great interest for the other part 
 of it. 
 
 "We want all sorts of weapons to attack slavery with the 
 heavy breaching artillery, and the light horse which cuts the 
 lines asunder, and routs a whole column before they know the 
 enemy is upon them. 
 
 "One day the South will have a deal of trouble from the Pacific 
 R. R. "Wherever it is built the Northern men will settle and 
 make free States. And the further south the Road is located, 
 why, the further south will a free State be organized, and it won't 
 be possible to have slave States to the north of it. 
 "Believe me, 
 
 " Yours truly, 
 
 "THEODORE PARKER." 
 
 Samuel Bowles's editorial in the Springfield Re- 
 publican, October 27, 185G:
 
 INTRODUCTION. xix 
 
 "Eli Thaycr is the originator, and stands at the head of the 
 great scheme of organized emigration into the Territories. He 
 has not only a national reputation in connection with this, one 
 of the grandest and noblest schemes of the age, but his name is 
 known the world over. The border ruffians know him, and the 
 "Washington ruffians as well." 
 
 The following is an extract from a letter of one 
 of the directors of the Emigrant Aid Company and 
 a most liberal benefactor of Kansas : 
 
 " Kansas was made a free State through the agency of the 
 Emigrant Aid Company, and Eli Thayer was the getter-up, and 
 the life, body, and soul of it; and after giving great credit to 
 Mr. Lawrence for his liberal benefactions to the object, Mr. 
 Thayer was the agency, living and moving, which put the enter- 
 prise through. 
 
 " W. B. SPOONER." 
 
 Letter of Amos A. Lawrence to the Old Settlers' 
 meeting in Bismarck Grove, Lawrence, Kansas, 
 September, 1877 : 
 
 "Eli Thayer preached up the Kansas crusade. He originated 
 and organized the Emigrant Aid Society in opposition to the 
 Southern statesmen and politicians. Early in 1854, several 
 months before the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, he wrote 
 the charter of that company, and secured its passage through 
 the Massachusetts Legislature, of which he was a member. It 
 was he more than any other who turned the tide of Northern 
 emigration that year, and made Kansas a free State. He trav- 
 ersed the Northern States and aroused the people, depicting the 
 glories of that country, and urging the emigrants not to turn 
 away from it, but to go and possess it. He never faltered in his 
 faith, and he inspired confidence everywhere. 
 
 "A. A. LAWRENCE."
 
 XX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Redpath's Diary, New York Independent, De- 
 cember 16, 1875 : 
 
 " Charles Sumner said, in January, 1857: 
 
 "'The State of Kansas should be named Thayer. I -would 
 rather accomplish what he has done than have won the victory 
 at New Orleans.'" 
 
 EDWARD E. HALE. 
 
 30 Highland Street, Roxbury, Mass., 
 March 15, 1889.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and its Effect 
 upon the North. The Year 1854 an Epoch 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Why and How the Emigrant Aid Company was Formed. . 18 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 Horace Greeley and the "Plan of Freedom " 36 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Work Begun. Charity vs. Business in Missionary En- 
 terprise 52 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Difficulties and Discouragements. The Founding of Law- 
 rence 63 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Impotence of the Antislavery Disunionists 74 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Abolitionists and the Plan of Freedom 94 
 
 CHAPTER Vin. 
 The Churches and the Cftisade. . .123
 
 xxii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 PAGR 
 
 The Northern Disunionists 137 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 The Progress of the Crusade 164 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 Kansas and John Brown 186 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 The Sinews of War 202 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 What Saved Kansas . 226 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 Suicide of Slavery 253 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 Speech on the Central American Question 272 
 
 INDEX . . .287
 
 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE REPEAL OF 'THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE, AND ITS EF- 
 FECT UPON THE NORTH. THE YEAR 1854 AN EPOCH. 
 
 HISTORY gives abundant proof that a brief period 
 of time has often determined the character and des- 
 tiny of a nation. Such a period is properly called 
 its controlling or dominating epoch. 
 
 In the history of our own country the year 1854 
 holds this commanding position, and governs all 
 our subsequent years. It was in this year that the 
 Slave Power attained its highest eminence, and de- 
 molished the last barrier that stood in the way of 
 its complete supremacy and its perpetual dominion. 
 The executive, the legislative, and the judicial de- 
 partments of the Government were entirely within 
 its power. Not content, however, with the re- 
 peal of the Missouri Compromise, which opened all 
 our vast Territorial possessions to Slavery; not 
 content with its well-assured and absolute power 
 within our national boundaries, it aspired to an- 
 nex other countries, and under its direful rule to 
 I
 
 2 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 build up a vast empire "on the corner-stone of 
 Slavery." 
 
 In the same year, 1854, a power before unknown 
 in the world's history was created and brought into 
 use to save to Freedom all our Territories, then open 
 by law to the possession and dominion of Slavery. 
 This new power was an ORGANIZED, SELF-SACRIFICING 
 EMIGRATION. Its mission was to dispute with Sla- 
 very every square foot of land exposed to its con- 
 trol. A hand-to-hand conflict was to decide be- 
 tween the system of free labor and the system of 
 slave labor. 
 
 The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, in May, 
 1854, proved that the legislative restriction of Sla- 
 very was simply a delusion, and that the contest be- 
 tween Freedom and Slavery, if such a contest were 
 yet possible, must be carried on outside of legisla- 
 tive halls. It must be a contest on the prairies, 
 and the power victorious there would, in due time, 
 govern the country. 
 
 "Was it possible to bring these two kinds of civ- 
 ilization to a decisive struggle? Was it possible 
 to arouse the North to effective resistance after 
 more than thirty years of continuous defeat by 
 the South ? 
 
 During all this period of the successful aggres- 
 sion and increasing strength of Slavery there was 
 in the Xorth corresponding apprehension and alarm. 
 On the repeal of the Missouri Compromise the ap- 
 prehension became despondency, and the alarm be- 
 came despair. 
 
 While this proposed measure, embodied in the
 
 ALARM OF THE NORTH. 3 
 
 Kansas - Nebraska Bill, was pending before Con- 
 gress the Northern States became a scene of 
 unprecedented resentment, agitation, and alarm. 
 Clergymen in New England and other localities 
 protested against the measure " in the name of Al- 
 mighty God." The people, of all grades and con- 
 ditions, with patriotic impulse, gathered in halls, in 
 churches, and school-houses to put on record their 
 fierce denunciation of the " unparalleled swindle." 
 The entire North was one boiling caldron of indig- 
 nation. Burning patriotism burst forth in fiery 
 words, made still more emphatic by acts of graphic 
 significance, which caused Stephen A. Douglas, the 
 champion of the bill, to say, " I could travel from 
 Boston to Chicago by the light of my own burning 
 effigies." William Cullen Bryant said at this time 
 in the New York Evening Post: "If this paper 
 were three times its present size, and if it were is- 
 sued three times a day instead of once, we could 
 not then have space enough to record the action of 
 patriotic meetings throughout the Northern States 
 protesting against the repeal of the Missouri Com- 
 promise by the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska 
 Bill." 
 
 What was the reason for this universal excite- 
 ment ? Why all this vehemence of language and 
 of action ? It was all based upon the general con- 
 viction in the North that the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise not only doomed Kansas and Nebraska 
 to slavery, but also put the whole country under 
 the domination of the " Black Power " for centu- 
 ries to come.
 
 4 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 In all the numerous protesting mass - meetings 
 and conventions the orators were mostly conserva- 
 tive men who had never felt the emasculating pow- 
 er of sentimental ideas upon the slavery question. 
 They were sturdy patriots, however, as were also 
 their audiences. 
 
 The protesting meeting in Boston was held in 
 Faneuil Hall on the afternoon of the 23d of Febru- 
 ary, 1854. Although a fierce snow-storm was rag- 
 ing nearly five thousand citizens assembled in the 
 old Cradle of Liberty, and expressed their " surprise 
 and alarm " at the proposed " breach of faith " and 
 "national dishonor." As this meeting may be 
 taken as a sample of thousands of others, its organ- 
 ization, and extracts from its speeches and resolu- 
 tions, are here given : 
 
 [From the Boston Daily Advertiser.] 
 
 MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL TO PROTEST AGAINST THE RE- 
 PEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE, ON THE AFTERNOON 
 OF FEBRUARY 23, 1854. 
 
 President. Hon. Samuel A. Eliot. 
 
 Vice-Presidents. Hon. J. V. C. Smith, Mayor of Boston; Hon. 
 James Adams, Mayor of Charlestown ; Hon. James D. Green, 
 Mayor of Cambridge; Hon. Linus B. Comins, Mayor of Rox- 
 bury; Hon. Daniel C. Baker, Mayor of Lynn; Hon. Asahel Hunt- 
 ington, Mayor of Salem ; Hon. Benjamin Gorham, Hon. Na- 
 than Appleton, Hon. Abbot Lawrence, Hon. Robert C. "Win- 
 throp, late members of Congress ; Hon. Charles Wells, Hon. 
 Josiah Quincy, Jr., Hon. John P. Bigelow, late Mayors of Bos- 
 ton; and more than fifty others of the most influential citizens 
 of Boston. 
 
 This meeting resolved: "That the propositions now pending 
 in Congress for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise have 
 justly filled our community with surprise and alarm.
 
 PROTESTING MEETINGS AND SPEECHES. 5 
 
 " That we protest against such repeal as a deliberate breach of 
 the plighted faith of the nation, as tending to weaken the claims 
 of our common country upon the confidence and affection of its 
 people." 
 
 Speeches were made by the President, Hon. Samuel A. Eliot, 
 Hon. J. Thomas Stevenson, Hon. George S. Hillard, Hon. Rob- 
 ert C. Winthrop, and Rev. George W. Blagden, D.D. 
 
 Extract from. Mr. Hillard's speech : 
 
 " What most tries our spirits is the claim, so constantly put 
 forth, that liberty is, in its essence, no better than slavery; that 
 both have the same right to come into court and hold up their 
 hands before God and man. . . . 
 
 "Our Southern brethren should understand that there is an 
 antislavery sentiment at the North which is neither Abolitionism 
 nor Free-soilism. It is a principle as well as a sentiment fed 
 by the salient streams which flow from the mind and heart. It 
 is at once a logical deduction of the understanding and a primi- 
 tive instinct of the soul. . . . 
 
 "We found our protest against the bill now before Congress 
 upon the fact that it is a breach of the plighted faith of the na- 
 tion; and further, because it is a breach of the plighted faith of 
 the nation in favor of slavery." 
 
 Extract from the speech of Hon. Eobert C. Win- 
 throp : 
 
 "I can never, certainly, be unprepared to declare my earnest 
 and unhesitating opposition to the repeal of a solemn stipulation 
 which has prohibited slavery forever within the limits of that 
 vast imperial domain whose destiny is now about to be decided. 
 When I am not ready at any hour, in any presence, under any 
 circumstances, to make this declaration, I shall, at least, take 
 good care not to show my face in Faneuil Hall. Fellow-citi- 
 zens, in every view which I can take of this Nebraska Bill in 
 its relations to the poor Indian, in its relations to slavery, in its 
 relations to the national faith, the national honor, the national 
 harmony, in every view alike I cannot but deplore its introduc- 
 tion. I cannot but deplore its passage. . . .
 
 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 "Upon what grounds is such a measure justified? Why, I 
 am amazed, Mr. President, as you certainly must be also, when 
 
 1 find it seriously advanced and maintained that the adjustment 
 of 1850 was understood or intended to repeal or supersede the 
 old Compromise of 1820. . . . 
 
 "What, sir ! A constructive repeal of a formal compact of 
 more than thirty years' standing! A solemn covenant over- 
 turned by an inference; superseded by what is called a principle; 
 emanating let me rather say extorted from a settlement of a 
 wholly different and independent issue ! Who ever heard of 
 such a proceeding or of such a proposition as this? . . . 
 
 "But, fellow -citizens, whatever others may do or say, our 
 course is plain; and I rejoice that there is neither halting nor 
 hesitation in pursuing it. I rejoice to perceive, from all the 
 circumstances of this and other occasions, that, whatever may 
 have been our differences heretofore upon other topics, a firm, 
 earnest, and united remonstrance against a measure so full at 
 once of evil omen and of real wrong as this is about to go up to 
 the capital of the nation from this time -honored Temple of 
 Freedom." 
 
 A similar meeting was subsequently held by the 
 German residents of Boston, while in every city 
 and in nearly all the towns through the North 
 there were patriotic gatherings actuated by like 
 feelings, and uttering like protests. 
 
 The Compromise of 1820 was regarded at the 
 time in the Northern States as a concession to 
 Slavery. But later than this, Calhoun had com- 
 bined the South in the interests of slave prop- 
 erty, both for offensive and defensive action ; and 
 the North had witnessed the aggressions and tri- 
 umphs of this oligarchy continuously ever since. 
 Many had come to believe, as some had been for 
 a long time saying, that Slavery had always had 
 its own way, and always would have it. Up to
 
 FREE-SOIL PARTY POWERLESS. 7 
 
 this year 1854 it had met with no effective 
 resistance whatever. Even now there was no po- 
 litical organization of any influence or power to 
 resist it. There was, indeed, the Free -soil party, 
 created by Van Buren in 1848, but it was now 
 only one -third as strong in numbers as it had 
 been at the time of its birth. A few of its mem- 
 bers, by a skilful coalition with the other parties in 
 several States, had become members of Congress ; 
 but so little faith did these have in its stability 
 or future power that nearly all of them in 1852 
 advocated the disbanding of the organization and 
 the fusing with the "Whig party. At a caucus 
 held in Washington in that year Salmon P. Chase 
 and John P. Hale advocated this course, Joshua R. 
 Giddings assented to it, Charles Sumner did not 
 oppose it. Charles Allen, of Worcester, was the 
 only speaker who resisted the proposition, but his 
 resistance was so strenuous and effective that the 
 project was abandoned. 
 
 This party then was not of a kind to give any 
 hope or comfort to the North. As to the Garrison 
 Abolitionists, they were still less powerful and 
 utterly impracticable. They were outside of all 
 parties, and still more outside of public confidence 
 and sympathy. They had always impaired and 
 crippled every cause they had advocated. Every 
 political organization dreaded any contact with 
 them, and would have regarded their indorsement 
 as the greatest possible calamity the harbinger 
 of certain defeat and annihilation. So they were 
 not even thought of as a power to resist either the
 
 8 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 encroachments of Slavery then threatened, or any 
 future encroachments. For a quarter of a century 
 they had been making violent efforts to put an end 
 to slavery, as they maintained, through the destruc- 
 tion of the Church, the Constitution, and the Union. 
 By their own confession, they had seen that power 
 "go on from victory to victory," becoming more 
 and more irresistible by the lapse of time. They 
 were therefore of too little account to be consid- 
 ered in the impending emergency. 
 
 Evidence abounds to prove the almost universal 
 conviction of the hopelessness of resisting the pow- 
 er of Slavery. 
 
 In the Liberator, June 15, 1855, "Wendell Phillips 
 says, in substance : 
 
 "Upon the advent of Charles Sumner in "Washington, John 
 Davis said to him, ' Mr. Sumner, I will tell you the result of the 
 experience of my long public service Slavery rules everything 
 here.' . . . 
 
 " The testimony of John Quincy Adams was the same. . . . 
 
 "Edmund Quincy, after a life that had uttered the same 
 truth, with eighty years on his brow, he tells us, in his recent 
 letter, that with the capital and the prejudices and the Constitu- 
 tion against the autislavery movement, he hardly sees where 
 there is any ground for hope of its success. . . . 
 
 " It is from voices like these that we learn the hidden disease 
 that eats out the nation's life." 
 
 Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, in February, 1888, in his 
 address before the Yeteran Republican Club, said : 
 
 " Ah, how well do I remember the conflicts through which 
 we passed in attempting to keep this curse out of the free Terri- 
 tories of the land! "We sought to prevent its polluting touch, 
 and step by step we saw our failure. It was humiliating beyond 
 description. . ..
 
 "SLAVERY CONTROLS EVERYTHING." 9 
 
 " How we struggled! Year after year that struggle was con- 
 tinued, till finally the doctrine of pro-slavery dominated every 
 department of the Government. It sat enthroned in the White 
 House, and there was no road to popular favor but in submis- 
 sion to Slavery." 
 
 Theodore Parker, in Music Hall, Boston, July 2, 
 1854 (Liberator, August 10, 1854), said : 
 
 " In the steady triumph of despotism, ten years more like the 
 ten years past and it will be all over with the liberties of Amer- 
 ica. Everything must go down, and the heel of the tyrant will 
 be on our necks. It will be all over with the rights of man in 
 America, and you and I must go to Australia, to Italy, or to Si- 
 beria for our freedom, or perish with the liberty which our fa- 
 thers fought for and secured to themselves, not to their faithless 
 sons. Shall America thus miserably perish? Such is the aspect 
 of things to-day." 
 
 Again, he says (see Liberator, May 19, 1854) : 
 
 "There is not one spot of free soil from Nootka Sound to 
 Key West. In no part of the country is there freedom. The 
 Supreme Court is a slave court, the Senate is a slave Senate, the 
 Senators are overseers, Mr. Douglas is a great overseer, and Mr. 
 Everett a little overseer. The press is generally the friend of 
 Slavery." 
 
 Colonel Benton, in his review of the Dred Scott 
 decision, says : 
 
 " Up to Mr. Pierce's administration the plan had been defen- 
 sive; that is to say, to make the secession of the South a measure 
 of self-defence against the abolition encroachments and crusades 
 of the North. In the time of Mr. Pierce the plan became offen- 
 sive; that is to say, to commence the expansion of slavery, and 
 the acquisition of territory to spread it over, so as to overpower 
 the North with new slave States and to drive them out of the 
 Union. . . . 
 
 "The rising in the free States, in consequence of the ab- 
 rogation of the Missouri Compromise, checked these schemes, 
 1*
 
 10 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 and limited the success of the disunionists to the revival of the 
 agitation which enables them to wield the South against the 
 North in all the federal elections and all federal legislation. 
 Accidents and events have given the party a strange pre-eminence 
 under Jackson's administration proclaimed for treason: since 
 at the head of the Government and the Democratic party. The 
 death of Harrison and the accession of Tyler was their first 
 great lift ; the election of Mr. Pierce was their culminating 
 point." 
 
 Like testimony could be increased almost with- 
 out limit, but perhaps this is sufficient to show the 
 absolute control of Slavery in the year 1854. The 
 speeches in Congress, however, and the editorials of 
 influential journalists, prove that there was no hope 
 of rescuing Kansas from the grasp of this resistless 
 power, should the Kansas-Nebraska Bill become a 
 law. A few examples of such evidence are here 
 inserted. Altogether they are a very minute frac- 
 tion of such testimony which could be easily col- 
 lected from numerous other Congressional speeches, 
 from editorials, from speeches made at all the mass- 
 meetings through the North to protest against the 
 repeal of the Missouri Compromise. These are all 
 on record and within reach of the future historian. 
 
 The following may therefore be taken as speci- 
 mens of innumerable records representing the 
 Northern sentiment. 
 
 Charles Sumner, in his speech in the Senate, on 
 February 21, 1854, said : 
 
 " It is clear beyond dispute that by the overthrow of this Pro- 
 hibition, slavery will be quickened and slaves themselves multi- 
 plied, while new room and verge will be secured for the gloomy 
 operations of slave law, under which free labor will droop and
 
 SUMNER, GIDDINGS, SEWARD. 11 
 
 a vast territory be smitten with sterility. Sir, a blade of grass 
 would not grow where the horse of Attila had trod; nor can 
 
 any true prosperity spring up in the footprints of a slave. 
 ******* 
 
 "You are asked to destroy a safeguard of Freedom, conse- 
 crated by solemn compact, under which the country is reposing 
 in the security of peace, and thus confirm the supremacy of 
 
 slavery. 
 
 ******* 
 
 "The simple question which challenges answer is, whether 
 Nebraska shall be preserved in the condition of Illinois or sur- 
 rendered to that of Missouri? Surely this cannot be treated 
 lightly." 
 
 In the House of Representatives, May 16, 1854, 
 Hon. Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio, said : 
 
 "MR. CHAIRMAN, Who does not know that the Southern and 
 servile presses are already proclaiming that when this bill shall 
 have been passed, slavery shall next be admitted into Minnesota, 
 Washington, and Oregon? Who does not know that the Presi- 
 dent and Cabinet are laboring to prepare the public mind for a 
 war upon Spain, with the undisguised purpose of maintaining 
 slavery in Cuba? That they are prepared to sacrifice the lives 
 of our citizens by thousands, in order to stay the progress of civ- 
 ilization in that island? That the whole administration press of 
 the country sustains these executive views? That Southern pa- 
 pers insist that we shall also conquer St. Domingo and restore 
 slavery there? Then form an alliance with slave-holding Brazil, 
 as the only nation besides ours that legalizes the crimes of the 
 peculiar institution? That we shall then restore the African 
 slave-trade, and thus disgrace our Government and sink it to a 
 piratical power for propagating oppression and crime? . . . 
 
 "This measure is treason to humanity, treason to liberty, and 
 treason to the Constitution. 
 
 ******* 
 
 " To surrender this vast Territory to slavery will exclude free 
 men from it; for, as I have said, free laborers, bred up with feel- 
 ings of self-respect, cannot, and will not, mingle with slaves. 
 For these reasons it is most obvious that the character of the
 
 12 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 States to be carved out of this Territory will be determined by 
 that of the government now to be established. If the Territory 
 be settled by slave-holders, the States will of course be slave- 
 holding States." 
 
 Hon. "William H. Seward, in the United States 
 Senate, on May 25, 1854, said : 
 
 "The sun has set for the last time upon the guaranteed and 
 certain liberties of all the unsettled and unorganized portions of 
 the American continent that lie withiu the jurisdiction of the 
 United States. To-morrow's sun will rise in dim eclipse over 
 them. How long that obscuration shall last is known only to 
 the Power that directs and controls all human events. For my- 
 self, I know only this: that no human power can prevent its 
 coming on, and that its passing off will be hastened and secured 
 by others than those now here, and perhaps only by those belong- 
 ing to future generations. 
 
 " Sir, it would be almost factious to offer further resistance to 
 this measure here. Indeed, successful resistance was never ex- 
 pected to be made in this hall. The Senate is an old battle- 
 ground, on which have been fought many contests, and always, 
 at least since 1820, with fortune adverse to the cause of equal 
 and universal freedom. . . . 
 
 " Notwithstanding all this, however, what has occurred here 
 and in the country during this contest has compelled a convic- 
 tion that slavery will gain something, and freedom will endure 
 a severe though I hope not an irretrievable loss. The slave- 
 holding States are passive, quiet, content, and satisfied with the 
 prospective boon, and the free States are excited and alarmed 
 with fearful forebodings and apprehensions. . . . 
 
 "I say only that there may be an extent of intervention, of 
 aggression on your side, which may induce the North at some 
 time, either in this or some future generation, to adopt your tac- 
 tics and follow your example." 
 
 Extract from the speech of Hon. Benjamin F. 
 "Wade, in the United States Senate, May 25, 1854 : 
 
 MR. PRESIDENT, I do not intend to debate this subject further. 
 The humiliation of the North is complete and overwhelming.
 
 WADE, CHASE, AND GREELEY. 13 
 
 No Southern enemy of hers can wish her deeper degradation. 
 God knows I feel it keenly enough, and I have no desire to pro- 
 long the melancholy spectacle. I know full well that no words 
 of mine can save the country from this impending dishonor, 
 this great meditated wrong, which is big with danger to the good 
 neighborhood of the different sections of the country, if not to 
 the stability of the Union itself. But full well I know that this 
 hated measure is to pass ; it is a foregone conclusion, and can- 
 not be averted or delayed. . . . 
 
 "Now, Mr. President, while this great wrong which you are 
 about to perpetrate this wrong to the North, this wrong to hu- 
 manity, this wrong to mankind everywhere shall remain upon 
 your statute-book unrepealed, I shall take but little interest in 
 whatever else you may do. . . . 
 
 "An empire is to be transformed from freedom to slavery, 
 and the people must not be consulted on such a question, so big 
 with weal or woe to the millions who are to people these vast 
 regions in all time to come. 
 
 "To-morrow, I believe, there is to be an eclipse of the sun, 
 and I think that the sun in the heavens and the glory of this 
 republic should both go into obscurity and darkness together. 
 Let the bill then pass. It is a proper occasion for so dark and 
 damning a deed." 
 
 The following is from the speech of Hon. Sal- 
 mon P. Chase, United States Senate, May 25, 
 1854: 
 
 "This bill doubtless paves the way for the approach of new, 
 alarming, and perhaps fatal dangers to our country. It is the 
 part of freemen gtad lovers of freedom to stand upon their guard 
 and prepare for the worst events. It is because this bill puts in 
 peril great and precious interests, reverses the ancient and settled 
 policy of the Government, and breaks down a great safeguard 
 of liberty, that I have felt myself constrained to resist it firmly 
 and persistently, though without avail. All that now remains 
 for me is to enter against it, as I now do, my earnest and solemn 
 protest, and to join with my colleague in recording against it 
 the vote of Ohio."
 
 14 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Horace Greeley, in the New York Tribune, Jan- 
 uary 6, 1854, says : 
 
 "The Thirty-first Congress inaugurated the era of submission 
 to slavery. Since then everything has gone on swimmingly in 
 this line. Not ouly was the slavery question compromised, but 
 the character and reputation and principles of hundreds of our 
 public men were compromised by the same operation. There 
 was a general debauch and demoralization throughout all polit- 
 ical circles, as was clearly manifest in the triumphant run of 
 General Pierce. 
 
 ' ' If General Taylor had lived, and if the Wilmot Proviso doc- 
 trine had substantially triumphed, as it would have done through 
 the instrumentality of his policy, we should have seen the re- 
 verse of what we now see. Freedom's battle was fought and 
 lost in 1830, and the cowards and traitors have all run to the 
 winning side." 
 
 Again, in the same paper, March 14, 1854 : 
 
 "We as a nation are ruled by the Black Power. It is com- 
 posed of tyrants. See, then, how the North is always beaten. 
 The Black Power is a unit. It is a steady, never-failing force. 
 It is a real power. Thus far it has been the only unvarying 
 power of the country, for it never surrenders and never wavers. 
 It has always governed, and now governs more than ever." 
 
 Same paper, May 24, 1854 : 
 
 " The revolution is accomplished, and Slavery is king! How 
 long shall this monarch reign? This is now the question for the 
 Northern people to answer. Their representatives have crowned 
 the new potentate, and the people alone can depose him. If we 
 were a few steps further advanced in the drama of reaction, he 
 could only be hurled from his seat through a bloody contest." 
 
 Again, June 24, 1854 : 
 
 "Not even by accident is any advantage left for liberty in 
 their bill. It is all blackness, without a single gleam of light a 
 desert without one spot of verdure a crime that can show no 
 redeeming point. . . .
 
 KANSAS CONCEDED TO SLAVERY. 15 
 
 " A Territory which one short year ago was unanimously con- 
 sidered by all, North and South, as sacredly secured by irrepeal- 
 able law to FREEDOM FOREVER, has been foully betrayed by 
 traitor hearts and traitor voices, and surrendered to slavery." 
 
 The above extracts prove the gloom and de- 
 spondency of the North in view of the repeal of 
 the Missouri Compromise. The people of the free 
 States believed, as they had every reason to be- 
 lieve, that by that act Kansas and Nebraska would 
 become slave States, and the power of Slavery 
 would be thereby made absolute and perpetual. 
 
 There is one paragraph in Senator Seward's 
 speech which is so unlike the other parts of it, and 
 so unlike anything ever before uttered by him, that 
 it requires explanation. The paragraph is the fol- 
 lowing : " Come on, then, gentlemen of the slave 
 States, since there is no escaping your challenge. 
 I accept it in behalf of freedom. We will engage 
 in competition for the virgin soil of Kansas, and 
 God give the victory to the side that is stronger in 
 numbers, as it is in right." To this passage has 
 been given the credit of inaugurating the Kansas 
 contest. But this defiance of Mr. Seward was very 
 far from being original. Many weeks before, the 
 plan and purposes of the Emigrant Aid Company 
 had been made public. Their charter, granted by 
 the Massachusetts Legislature, allowing them a cap- 
 ital of $5,000,000, was an earlier and stronger de- 
 fiance of the slaveocracy of the South than any- 
 thing ever uttered in the halls of our national 
 Legislature. It had been published everywhere, 
 North and South. There was not a member of
 
 16 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Congress who did not know it. It was the origin 
 and the basis of Mr. Se ward's defiance. But while 
 the New York Senator " cast this anchor to the 
 windward," he proves clearly in the extract from 
 another part of the same speech that he had no 
 faith whatever in the methods proposed by this 
 company. He conceded Kansas and the other Ter- 
 ritories to slavery, and said if they shall ever be 
 made free, "that result will be hastened and se- 
 cured by others than those now here, and per- 
 haps by only those belonging to future genera- 
 tions." 
 
 The same criticism can properly be made upon 
 Charles Sumner's remark at the time of the passage 
 of the bill: "Thus it puts Freedom and Slavery 
 face to face and bids them grapple. Who can 
 doubt the result?" In Mr. Sumner's speech upon 
 the same subject, made three months earlier, there 
 is no expression of faith that the freedom of Kan- 
 sas could be secured by a conflict between the 
 forces of Freedom and Slavery. The Emigrant 
 Aid Company gave him and Mr. Seward and the 
 country that revelation. But the following ex- 
 tract from the same speech of the Massachusetts 
 Senator proves that he, too, had no hope whatever 
 of a speedy triumph of freedom. He plainly ex- 
 presses his belief that slavery will be established 
 in both Territories, but at the same time cherishes 
 the hope of a subsequent resurrection of freedom 
 in the indefinite future. He says : 
 
 "In a Christian land, and in an age of civilization, a time-hon- 
 ored statute of freedom is struck down; opening the way to all
 
 SUMNER AND SEWARD HOPELESS. 17 
 
 the countless woes and wrongs of human bondage. Among the 
 crimes of history another is about to be recorded, which no tears 
 can blot out, and which, in better days, will be read with uni- 
 versal shame. . . . 
 
 "Standing at the very grave of freedom in Kansas and Ne- 
 braska, I lift myself to the vision of that happy resurrection by 
 which freedom will be secured hereafter, not only in these Ter- 
 ritories, but everywhere under the National Government."
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 WHY AND HOW THE EMIGRANT AID COMPANY WAS 
 FOKMED. 
 
 ON May 30, 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, con- 
 taining the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, was 
 signed by President Pierce, and became the law of 
 the land. "When this news reached the Northern 
 States the bells were tolled for the death of Free- 
 dom. The slave States, with thirty-five years of 
 political supremacy and the prestige of this last 
 great victory over the North, with perfect disci- 
 pline and irresistible power, were confident of un- 
 disputed control in the Government for generations 
 to come. They already had the Chief Executive, 
 his Cabinet, the Supreme Court, both houses of 
 Congress, and the army and navy to do their bid- 
 ding. Great as was their present power, their pro- 
 spective power was even much more alarming. 
 Kansas and Nebraska, with all the Territories west 
 and south of them, were to become slave States. 
 Five more were to be made of Texas. The purpose 
 of acquiring Cuba and Central America for their 
 further aggrandizement was developing into action. 
 Why, then, should the South doubt for an instant 
 the certainty of her perpetual power? In a few 
 years her Senators in Congress would nearly double 
 the number from the North. Their skill in di-
 
 POWER AND PROSPECTS OF SLAVERY. 19 
 
 plomacy and politics, acquired by unremitting 
 practice and study, much excelled that of the 
 Northern people, whose minds were occupied by a 
 manifold system of industries requiring constant 
 attention, as well as by a great number of social, 
 commercial, charitable, religious, and educational 
 organizations. No wonder that we were hopeless 
 and helpless. We had no political organization of 
 any strength to oppose to slavery. The Liberty 
 party, which for a few years maintained a kind 
 of indefinite, nebulous existence, always without 
 strength or the faintest hope of success, had been 
 absorbed in 1848 by Yan Buren's Free-soil party. 
 This party was more the offspring of spleen and 
 revenge than of antislavery principle. Yan Buren 
 desired to gratify his personal hostility to Lewis 
 Cass, the Democratic candidate for the presidency, 
 while the "Whig contingent of Massachusetts was 
 led by men who had long chafed under the leader- 
 ship of Webster and Winthrop, of Everett and 
 Lawrence, and who had waited for years for an 
 opportunity to bolt from the party. The nomina- 
 tion of Taylor in 1848 gave them a sufficient ex- 
 cuse (in their own estimation) for such action. So 
 they readily joined the disaffected Democrats of 
 New York in the Buffalo Convention of that year. 
 But the new party, without securing one electoral 
 vote, and without the slightest prospect of ever sus- 
 taining by law their one cardinal principle of ex- 
 cluding slavery from the Territories by Act of Con- 
 gress grew less and less every year, until in 1853 
 their votes in New York and New England were
 
 20 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 only one-third as many as in 1848.* Now, in the 
 repeal of the Missouri Compromise they had seen 
 their idol shattered beyond all hope of repair, and 
 were as hopeless and helpless as were the Philis- 
 tines when they found their god Dagon flat upon 
 his face before the ark of the Lord. 
 
 In order, however, to make some show of re- 
 sistance to the overwhelming ruin which had over- 
 taken them, they raised in the Senate the cry of 
 " repeal," which was feebly echoed by a few coun- 
 try journals of their faith. But it very soon be- 
 came apparent that, with the greatest possible 
 success, there could be no repeal in less than seven 
 years. In that time the Territories of Kansas and 
 Nebraska would be admitted into the Union as 
 slave States, and the slave power fortified in its 
 control of the Government. So this cry of repeal 
 soon died away, like the bleating of innocent 
 
 * The wonderful increase of the antislavery vote in 1855 and 
 1856 was brought about by the illegal assaults of the slave power 
 upon the citizens of Kansas. The figures in New England and 
 New York from 1848 to 1854 are here given. It will be seen 
 that the fall elections of 1854 were little influenced by the re- 
 peal of the Missouri Compromise. 
 
 New England. New York. 
 
 1848 72,368 120,479 
 
 1849 79,454 1,311 
 
 1850 42,270 3,410 
 
 1851 43,401 000 
 
 1852 57,143 25,359 
 
 1853 63,668 000 
 
 (Repeal of the Missouri Compromise.) 
 
 1854 79,632 000
 
 FOLLY OF ATTEMPTED REPEAL. 21 
 
 lambs after the wolves have broken down the bar- 
 riers of the sheepfold. The Free-soil politicians 
 proposed no other plan of resistance by voice or 
 pen. 
 
 "As they drifted on their path, 
 
 There \vas silence deep as death ; 
 And the boldest held his breath 
 For a time." 
 
 But although the majority of the Free-soil 
 party made and adhered to that organization for 
 selfish motives, which had little or no reference to 
 antislavery, there were many of its rank and file, 
 and some of its leaders, true to principle. Such 
 were Salmon P. Chase, John P. Hale, Charles 
 Francis Adams, Charles Sumner, Charles Allen, 
 and Henry Wilson. But among the supporters of 
 Taylor in 1848 there were thousands of influen- 
 tial leaders, much more practical, while no less 
 opposed to slavery. Examples of this kind were 
 Horace Greeley, William H. Seward, Thurlow 
 Weed, Kobert C. Winthrop, and Abbott Lawrence. 
 These were quite as earnest advocates of the leg- 
 islative restriction of slavery as any of the Free- 
 soilers. They were all for the Constitution and 
 the Union, and hostile to anarchy, in whatever 
 form, or under whatever disguises. They sought 
 to restrain slavery in a legal and fair way, but 
 were entirely powerless to accomplish their pur- 
 pose, though they struggled for it bravely for 
 many years. 
 
 In this condition of affairs, what was there left 
 upon which the North could base any hope of
 
 22 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 effectual resistance to the spread and perpetuity 
 of slavery ? Every effort of politicians to restrict, 
 and every effort of Abolitionists to extinguish it, 
 had only given it greater strength for the pres- 
 ent, and better security for the future. Had the 
 Southern leaders been content to leave the Mis- 
 souri Compromise undisturbed, and simply to open 
 the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska to settle- 
 ment, their cherished cause would have been se- 
 cure. These Territories would have been speedily 
 settled by a pro-slavery population, and, after ad- 
 mission to the Union, could easily have changed 
 their Constitutions to suit the wishes of slave-hold- 
 ers. Or, they could have relied upon the decision 
 of the Supreme Court soon to come in the Dred 
 Scott case that slavery could not be constitution- 
 ally restricted by Congress. In either case it would 
 have been impossible to unite the Whig and Dem- 
 ocratic parties of the North to make these Terri- 
 tories free. Both would have submitted quietly to 
 any legal and apparently fair process of extending 
 slavery, rather than to endanger the union of the 
 States. 
 
 But the South, stimulated unreasonably by her 
 former success, ventured foolishly to overthrow a 
 time-honored compact, and subject herself to a 
 charge of bad faith. In the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise she illustrated the words of the sacred 
 writer : " Pride goeth before destruction, and a 
 haughty spirit before a fall." By this act she had 
 made it possible to combine all political parties in 
 the North against the extension of slavery, should
 
 THE PLAN OF FREEDOM. 23 
 
 the right method of doing this great work be well 
 presented and faithfully urged. All were ready! 
 now to rebuke the arrogance of slavery, and also 
 to end its existence, if that could be done in ac-/ 
 cordance with the Constitution and the Union. / 
 
 Fortunately a feasible plan for this work had 
 been prepared and carried to theoretical perfection 
 months before the Missouri Compromise was re- 
 pealed, and in anticipation of that event I mean 
 the plan of the Emigrant Aid Company. 
 
 During the winter of 1854 I was, for the second 
 time, a Kepresentative from Worcester in the Leg- 
 islature of Massachusetts. I had felt to some de- 
 gree the general alarm in anticipation of the 
 repeal of the Missouri Compromise, but not the 
 depression and despondency that so affected others 
 who regarded the cause of liberty as hopelessly 
 lost. As the winter wore away I began to have a 
 conviction which came to be ever present, that 
 something must be done to end the domination of 
 slavery. I felt a personal responsibility, and 
 though I long struggled to evade the question, 
 I found it to be impossible. I pondered upon it 
 by day, and dreamed of it by night. By what 
 plan could this great problem be solved? "What 
 force could be effectively opposed to the power 
 that seemed about to spread itself over the conti- 
 nent? 
 
 After much and very careful study, I concluded 
 that if this work could be done at all, it must be 
 done by an entirely new organization, depending 
 for success upon methods never before applied.
 
 24 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 This was an organized emigration, guided and 
 guarded by a responsible business company, whose 
 capital should precede the emigrants, and prepare 
 the way for them by such investments as should 
 be best calculated to secure their comfort and pro- 
 tection. This emigration must also be of a kind 
 before unknown, since it must, in this case, be self- 
 sacrificing and voluntary, whereas all historical 
 migrations had been either forced or self-seeking. 
 To present this new method of bringing two 
 hostile civilizations face to face upon the disputed 
 prairies of Kansas in such a way as to unite in its 
 support the entire Northern people of whatever 
 parties, was the work next to be done. On this 
 appeal must depend the future of our country. 
 Then arose the important question, Was it possible 
 to create such an agency to save Kansas ? I be- 
 lieved the time for such a noble and heroic devel- 
 opment had come ; but could hope be inspired, and 
 the pulsations of life be started beneath the ribs of 
 death ? The projected plan would call upon men 
 to risk life and property in establishing freedom in 
 Kansas. They would be called to pass over mill- 
 ions of acres of better land than any in the dis- 
 puted Territory was supposed to be, land in com- 
 munities where peace and plenty were assured, to 
 meet the revolver and the bowie-knife defending 
 slavery and assailing freedom. Could such men 
 be found, they would certainly prove themselves 
 to be the very highest types of Christian man- 
 hood, much above all other emigrants. Could such 
 men be found ?
 
 PLAN ANNOUNCED IN WORCESTER. 25 
 
 It happened that on the evening of the llth of 
 March, 1854, there was a large meeting in the City 
 Hall in Worcester, to protest against the passage of 
 the Kansas - Nebraska Bill and the repeal of the 
 Missouri Compromise. I attended the meeting, and 
 not having yet taken counsel of any one, deter- 
 mined to see how the plan would be received by 
 an intelligent New England audience without any 
 preparation for the announcement. Accordingly, 
 making the last speech of the evening, I for the 
 first time disclosed the plan. The Worcester Spy 
 of March 13th has the conclusion of my speech, as 
 follows : 
 
 "It is time now to think of what is to be done in the event of 
 the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. Now is the time to 
 organize an opposition that will utterly defeat the schemes of 
 the selfish men who misrepresent the nation at Washington. 
 Let every effort be made, and every appliance be brought to bear, 
 to fill up that vast and fertile Territory with free men with 
 men who hate slavery, and who will drive the hideous thing 
 from the broad and beautiful plains where they go to raise their 
 free homes. [Loud cheers.] 
 
 ' ' I for one am willing to be taxed one-fourth of my time or of 
 my earnings until this be done until a barrier of free hearts 
 and strong hands shall be built around the land our fathers con- 
 secrated to freedom, to be her heritage forever. [Loud cheers.]" 
 
 If instead of this impetuous, spontaneous, and en- 
 thusiastic response there had been only a moderate 
 approbation of the plan, the country would never 
 have heard of the Emigrant Aid Company. I did 
 not expect that all who applauded would go to 
 Kansas, or even that any of them would go, but 
 I knew that whatever a New England audience
 
 36 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 would applaud in that manner I could find men to 
 perform. There was no more doubt in my mind 
 from that time. 
 
 Without further delay I drew up the charter of 
 the "Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company," and 
 by personal solicitation secured the corporators. I 
 introduced the matter in the Legislature and had it 
 referred to the committee on the judiciary, of which 
 James D. Colt, afterwards a justice of the State Su- 
 preme Court, was chairman. At the hearing I ap- 
 peared before the committee and said in behalf of 
 the petition : 
 
 "TLis is a plan to prevent the forming of any more slave 
 States. If you will give us the charter there shall never be an- 
 other slave State admitted into the Union. In the halls of Con- 
 gress we have been invariably beaten for more than thirty years, 
 and it is now time to change the battle-ground from Congress to 
 the prairies, where we .shall invariably triumph." 
 
 Mr. Colt replied : 
 
 "We are willing to gratify you by reporting favorably your 
 charter, but we all believe it to be impracticable and utterly fu- 
 tile. Here you are fifteen hundred miles from the battle-ground, 
 while the most thickly settled portion of Missouri lies on the 
 eastern border of Kansas, and can in one day blot out all you 
 can do in a year. Neither can you get men who now have 
 peaceful and happy homes in the East to risk the loss of every- 
 thing by going to Kansas." 
 
 But Mr. Colt reported in favor of the charter, 
 and it passed, though it cost its author much labor, 
 for not one member either of the Senate or House 
 had any faith in the measure. 
 
 The following is the first section of the charter :
 
 COMPANY CHARTERED. 27 
 
 "SEC. 1. Benjamin C. Clark, Isaac Livermore, Charles Allen, 
 Isaac Davis, William G. Bates, Stephen C. Phillips, Charles C. 
 Hazewell, Alexander H. Bullock, Henry Wilson, James S. Whit- 
 ney, Samuel E. Sewall, Samuel G. Howe, James Holland, Moses 
 Kimball, James D. Green, Francis W. Bird, Otis Clapp, Anson 
 Burlingame, Eli Thayer, and Otis Rich, their associates, success- 
 ors and assigns, are hereby made a corporation, by the name of 
 the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company, for the purpose of 
 assisting emigrants to settle in the West; and for this purpose, 
 they shall have all the powers and privileges, and be subject to 
 all the duties, restrictions, and liabilities, set forth in the thirty- 
 eighth and forty-fourth chapters of the Revised Statutes. " 
 
 The charter was signed by the Governor on the 
 26th of April. On the 4th of May a meeting was 
 held at the State-house, by the corporators and 
 others, and a committee chosen to report a plan of 
 organization and work. This committee consisted 
 of Eli Thayer, Alexander H. Bullock, and Edward 
 E. Hale of Worcester, Richard Hildreth and Otis 
 Clapp of Boston. They made a report at an ad- 
 journed meeting showing the proposed operation 
 of the enterprise, from which the following is an 
 extract : 
 
 "The Emigrant Aid Company has been incorporated to pro- 
 tect emigrants, as far as may be, from the inconveniences we 
 have enumerated. Its duty is to organize emigration to the West 
 and bring it into a system. This duty, which should have been 
 attempted long ago, is particularly essential now in the critical 
 position of the Western Territories. 
 
 "The Legislature has granted a charter, with a capital suf- 
 ficient for these purposes. This capital is not to exceed $5,000,- 
 000. In no single year are assessments to a larger amount than 
 ten per cent, to be called for. The corporators believe that if 
 the company be organized at once, as soon as the subscriptions 
 to the stock amounts to $1,000,000, the annual income to be dc-
 
 28 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 rived from that amount, and the subsequent subscriptions, may 
 be so appropriated as to render most essential service to the em- 
 igrants; to plant a free State in Kansas, to the lasting advantage 
 of the country; and to return a handsome profit to the stock- 
 holders upon their investment. 
 
 ******* 
 
 "To accomplish the object in view it is recommended, 1st, 
 that the Directors contract immediately with some one of the 
 competing lines of travel for the conveyance of twenty thousand 
 persons from the Northern and Middle States, to that place in 
 the West which the Directors shall select for their first settle- 
 ment. 
 
 "It is believed that passage may be obtained, in so large a 
 contract, at half the price paid by individuals. We recommend 
 that emigrants receive the full advantage of this diminution in 
 price, and that they be forwarded in companies of two hundred, 
 as they apply, at these reduced rates of travel. 
 
 " 2d. It is recommended that at such points as the Directors 
 select for places of settlement, they shall at once construct a 
 boarding-house or receiving-house, in which three hundred per- 
 sons may receive temporary accommodation on their arrival; 
 and that the number of such houses be enlarged as necessity 
 may dictate. The new-comers or their families may thus be 
 provided for in the necessary interval which elapses while they 
 are making their selection of a location. 
 
 "3d. It is recommended that the Directors procure and send 
 forward steam saw-mills, and such other machines as shall be of 
 constant service in a new settlement, which cannot, however, be 
 purchased or carried out conveniently by individual settlers. 
 These machines may be leased or run by the company's agents. 
 At the same time it is desirable that a printing-press be sent out, 
 and a weekly newspaper established. This would be the organ 
 of the company's agents; would .extend information regarding 
 its settlement; and be from the very first an index of that love 
 of freedom and of good morals which it is to be hoped may 
 characterize the State now to be formed. 
 
 "4th. It is recommended that the company's agents locate 
 and take up for the company's benefit the sections of land in 
 which the boardiug-houses and mills are located, and no others
 
 PLAN OF OPERATION. 29 
 
 And further, that whenever the Territory shall be organized as 
 a free State, the Directors shall dispose of all its interests, then 
 replace, by the sales, the money laid out, declare a dividend to 
 the stockholders, and 
 
 "5th. That they then select a new field, and make similar 
 arrangements for the settlement and organization of another 
 
 free State of this Union. 
 
 ******* 
 
 "Under the plan proposed, it will be but two or three years 
 before the company can dispose of its property in the Territory 
 first occupied, and reimburse itself for its first expenses. At 
 that time, in a State of 70,000 inhabitants, it will possess several 
 reservations of 640 acres each, on which are boarding - houses 
 and mills, and the churches and schools which it has rendered 
 necessary. From these centres will the settlements of the State 
 have radiated. In other words, these points will then be the 
 large commercial positions of the new State. If there were only 
 one such, its value, after the region should be so far peopled, 
 would make a very large dividend to the company which sold it, 
 besides restoring the original capital with which to enable it to 
 
 attempt the same adventure elsewhere. 
 
 * * * * * * * 
 
 " It is recommended that a meeting of the stockholders be 
 called on the first Wednesday in June, to organize the company 
 for one year, and that the corporators at this time make a tem- 
 porary organization, with power to obtain subscriptions to the 
 stock and make any necessary preliminary arrangements. 
 
 "ELi THATER, 
 " For tJie Committee." 
 
 It will be seen by the above that the enterprise 
 was intended to be a money-making affair as well 
 as a philanthropic undertaking. The fact that we 
 intended to make it pay the investors pecuniarily 
 brought upon us the reproaches and condemnation 
 of some of the Abolitionists, at least one of whom 
 declared in my hearing that he had rather give 
 over the Territory to slavery than to make a cent
 
 30 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 out of the operation of saving it to freedom. In 
 all my emigration schemes I intended to make the 
 results return a profitable dividend in cash. 
 
 In pursuance of the last recommendation of the 
 above report, the corporators made a temporary 
 organization by the choice of Eli Thayer as presi- 
 dent pro tern., and Dr. Thomas H. Webb, of Boston, 
 as secretary, and opened books of subscription in 
 Boston, Worcester, and New York. 
 
 The capital stock of the Massachusetts company 
 was originally fixed at $5,000,000, from which it 
 was proposed to collect an assessment of four per 
 cent, for the operations of 1854 as soon as 81,000,- 
 000 had been subscribed. Books for stock subscrip- 
 tions were opened and the undertaking was fairly 
 started. I felt confident that even a few colonies 
 from the North would make the freedom of Kansas 
 a necessity ; for the whole power of the free States 
 would be ready to protect their sons in that Territory. 
 
 I at once hired Chapman Hall in Boston, and be- 
 gan to speak day and evening in favor of the enter- 
 prise. I also addressed meetings elsewhere, and 
 labored in every possible way to make converts to 
 my theory. One day I met a party of clergymen 
 in the study of Theodore Parker ; on the next an- 
 other party in the study of Kev. Dr. Lothrop. I 
 met merchants in their counting-rooms, and busi- 
 ness men upon the streets, and urged their attend- 
 ance at the Chapman Hall meetings. Thus, with 
 the help of the Boston press, led by the Daily Ad- 
 vertiser, there began to be some interest in the plan 
 to save Kansas.
 
 NEW PLAN AND NEW ARGUMENTS. 31 
 
 Not only was a new plan proposed, but it was 
 advocated by new arguments, some points of which 
 were as follows : 
 
 The present crisis was to decide whether free- 
 dom or slavery should rule our country for cen- 
 turies to come. That slavery was a great national 
 curse ; that it practically ruined one-half of the na- 
 tion and greatly impeded the progress of the other 
 half. That it was a curse to the negro, but a much 
 greater curse to the white man. It made the slave- 
 holders petty tyrants who had no correct idea of 
 themselves or of anybody else. It made the poor 
 whites of the South more abject and degraded than 
 the slaves themselves. That it was an insurmount- 
 able obstacle in the way of the nation's progress 
 and prosperity. That it must be overcome and ex- 
 tirpated. That the way to do this was to go to 
 the prairies of Kansas and show the superiority of 
 free labor civilization ; to go with all our free labor 
 trophies : churches and schools, printing - presses, 
 steam-engines, and mills ; and in a peaceful contest 
 convince every poor man from the South of the 
 superiority of free labor. That it was much better 
 to go and do something for free labor than to stay 
 at home and talk of manacles and auction-blocks 
 and blood-hounds, while deploring the never-end- 
 ing aggressions of slavery. That in this contest 
 the South had not one element of success. We 
 had much greater numbers, much greater wealth, 
 greater readiness of organization, and better facil- 
 ities of migration. That we should put a cordon 
 of free States from Minnesota to the Gulf of Mexi-
 
 32 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 co, and stop the forming of slave States. After 
 that we should colonize the northern border slave 
 States and exterminate slavery. That our work 
 was not to make women and children cry in anti- 
 slavery conventions, by sentimental appeals, BUT TO 
 
 GO AND PUT AN END TO SLAVERY. 
 
 The census of the United States was my text- 
 book and the basis of my appeals. My themes 
 were the commercial, industrial, and economic dis- 
 advantages of slavery. These arguments were ef- 
 fective with the Northern people. Such interests, in 
 the Civil "War, more than any pity for the African, 
 impelled the "West to fight for the outlet of the 
 Mississippi River. 
 
 In elucidating this plan to save Kansas, Profess- 
 or Spring, in his History, page 28, says : 
 
 "Early in the summer of 1854 rumors that powerful capital- 
 ized societies were forming in New England for the purpose of 
 sending antislavery colonies to Kansas alarmed the people of 
 western Missouri, and suggested doubts whether the repeal of 
 the old restrictive Compromise legislation would eventually 
 prove as fortunate for their interests as they dreamed. They 
 had looked upon Kansas as an easy, inevitable prey, a likelihood 
 almost universally conceded throughout the Northern States. 
 ' The fate of Kansas was sealed,' said the Liberator of July 13, 
 1855, ' the very day the Missouri Compromise was repealed.' 
 
 "In the midst of general despondency it occurred to Eli 
 Thayer, of "Worcester, Massachusetts, that the public had mis- 
 read the situation ; that apparent disasters were only successes 
 disguised ; that the calamities befallen the antislavery cause in 
 Congress might be retrieved by tactics of organized emigration 
 a contest in which the Southern oligarchy, much cumbered 
 and heavily shod, could not cope with freedom in its nimbler 
 movements. While the Congressional struggle was in progress, 
 before the fate of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill had been settled, he
 
 THE WORK BEGUN. 33 
 
 wrote out a Constitution for the ' Massachusetts Emigrant Com- 
 pany, ' and procured a legislative charter. Thayer originally con- 
 templated a formidable corporation, with a capital of five million 
 dollars, by which he expected to control migration the vast 
 Westering flux of natives as well as foreigners in the interests 
 of liberty; to marshal it against the encroachments of the South; 
 to secure the Territories in the first place, and then turn his 
 revolutionizing agencies upon the slave States themselves. . . . 
 
 "Abolitionists repudiated expedients of colonization as 'false 
 in principle,' and able to compass at best only 'a transplanted 
 Massachusetts' a futile and unworthy consummation, since 
 even ' the original Massachusetts had been tried and found want- 
 ing.'" . . . 
 
 At the close of one of my meetings in Boston, a 
 man in the rear of the hall arose and announced his 
 intention of subscribing ten thousand dollars tow- 
 ards the capital stock of the company. This was 
 John M. S. Williams, of Cambridgeport, who was 
 afterwards prominently connected with the Emi- 
 grant Aid Company. Charles Francis Adams came 
 forward with a subscription of twenty-five thousand 
 dollars, and others followed. It was at one of the 
 Chapman Hall meetings that I first saw Charles 
 Robinson (afterwards Governor of Kansas), and en- 
 gaged him to act as agent of the Emigrant Aid 
 Company. A wiser and more sagacious man for 
 this work could not have been found within the 
 borders of the nation. By nature and by training 
 he was perfectly well equipped for the arduous 
 work before him. A true democrat and a lover of 
 the rights of man, he had risked his life in Califor- 
 nia while defending the poor and weak against the 
 cruel oppression of the rich and powerful. He was 
 willing at any time, if there were need, to die for 
 2*
 
 34 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 his principles. In addition to such brave devotion 
 to his duty, he had the clearest foresight, and the 
 coolest, calmest judgment in determining the course 
 of action best adapted to secure the rights of the 
 free State settlers. No one in Kansas was so much 
 as he the man for the place and time. He was a 
 deeper thinker than Atchison, and triumphed over 
 the border ruffians and the more annoying and 
 more dangerous self-seekers of his own party. The 
 man who " paints the lily and gilds refined gold " 
 is just the one to tell us how Charles Robinson 
 might have been better qualified for his Kansas 
 work. But his character, so clearly defined in 
 freedom's greatest struggle, superior to the help 
 or harm of criticism, reveals these salient points 
 of excellence majesty of mind and humility of 
 heart, stern justice and tender sympathy, heroic 
 will and sensitive conscience, masculine strength 
 and maidenly modesty, leonine courage and wom- 
 anly gentleness, with power to govern based on 
 self-restraint, and love of freedom deeper than love 
 of life. 
 
 "With such a man at the head of the free State 
 cause in Kansas, it is not strange that I felt no un- 
 easiness about its management. I never troubled 
 him with letters of advice about Kansas matters, 
 which he was in a position to understand so well. 
 In the three years' conflict very few letters passed 
 between us. He never knew where or when a let- 
 ter would reach me, as I was speaking all the way 
 from the Penobscot to the Schuylkill, and from the 
 seaboard to the lakes. It was my mission to raise
 
 CHAKLES ROBINSON AND WIFE. 35 
 
 men and money for the security of freedom in the 
 Territory, and to combine the Northern States in 
 this work. I did not doubt Eobinson's ability or 
 fidelity in the use of means. 
 
 Fortunately for him and for our cause, his youth- 
 ful wife was admirably qualified for her arduous 
 and responsible position. Mrs. Sara T. L. Eobin- 
 son was the daughter of Hon. Myron Lawrence, 
 of Belchertown, Massachusetts, a prominent Whig 
 leader, and an extreme hater of the disunion fanat- 
 ics, whom he decorated with the name of " Bobo- 
 litionists." 
 
 Entirely devoted to the cause of freedom, Mrs. 
 Robinson brought to her work a well-disciplined 
 mind, high courage, and an unconquerable faith. 
 She was an inspiration to all the women in the 
 Territory, whom she influenced by her ardent 
 words and her graceful though vigorous pen. Nor 
 did her influence stop at the confines of the field 
 of conflict between the two hostile civilizations, 
 but extended throughout the free States. In 1856 
 she published a most entertaining book, replete 
 with charming pictures of the daily life of our 
 brave pioneers, and of the thrilling incidents of that 
 most exciting period. This had a wide circulation, 
 and was a very efficient aid in our great work.* 
 By such services in the pivotal conflict, the namo 
 of Eobinson has become illustrious. 
 
 * "Kansas: Its Interior and Exterior Life." Boston. Crosby, 
 Nichols & Company. 1856.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 ALL the work recorded in the last chapter had 
 been done before the Kansas-Nebraska Bill passed 
 the Senate. A good number of the leading citi- 
 zens of Boston had become earnest and hopeful 
 supporters of the plan of the Emigrant Aid Com- 
 pany. This was proof to me that by a judicious 
 presentation of this plan in other places a sim- 
 ilar co-operation could be secured. That such 
 help should be obtained without delay was not 
 only desirable, but absolutely necessary to our 
 success. After careful thought upon the question, 
 How is this work to be done? I determined to 
 suspend my Chapman Hall meetings and go di- 
 rectly to New York City, for the purpose of meet- 
 ing some of the leading citizens there, and induc- 
 ing them, if possible, to organize for the work of 
 saving Kansas. Accordingly, I left Worcester on 
 the evening of the 26th of May, and was ready 
 in New York City the next morning to enter 
 upon the duties of my self-imposed mission. On 
 this day I first became personally acquainted 
 with Mr. Greeley. Before that time I had mere- 
 ly seen him several times while on his lecturing 
 tours, and had heard him once or twice. I had
 
 1TR. GREELEY AT HOME. 37 
 
 now come from Massachusetts on purpose to se- 
 cure, if possible, the great influence of his name 
 and of the New York Tribune in the new cru- 
 sade of freedom, which, during the preceding 
 three months, I had successfully begun in New 
 England. 
 
 As I had never been in New York before, the 
 Tribune building was pointed out to me, in answer 
 to my inquiries. I climbed the narrow, crooked, 
 much -worn, and dusty, not to say dirty, flights 
 from Spruce Street to Mr. Greeley's sanctum. 
 There, in a very small room, containing two old- 
 fashioned, straight-back chairs, and a very high and 
 very ancient bureau, sat Mr. Greeley, using the lat- 
 ter article for a writing-desk. The top of this bu- 
 reau, except a very small space at one corner, was 
 covered with papers, both manuscript and printed, 
 in utter confusion. These had been pushed back so 
 as to leave a clear space at one corner large enough 
 to hold a sheet of paper. There was the sheet and 
 Mr. Greeley, sitting very erect (as he was obliged 
 to do to have his eyes above the paper), writing 
 upon it. I at once introduced myself, and said, 
 " Mr. Greeley, my mission to New York is for the 
 purpose of securing the great influence of your 
 name and paper in the work of organizing emigra- 
 tion from the free States to Kansas.'' Mr. Greeley 
 replied : " I have seen some accounts in the papers 
 of your movement, but I confess I know but little 
 about it. I am glad to see you, and wish to know 
 all about it, also your plans and purposes, and upon 
 what reasons you base your hopes of success.
 
 38 THE KANSAS CRUSADR 
 
 Now, Mr. Thayer, sit down and talk. I must fin- 
 ish this editorial under my hand, but do not mind 
 my writing. I shall hear every word, and after 
 this paper is completed I will give you my entire 
 attention and shall make many inquiries." This 
 method of listening to talk upon one subject while 
 writing an editorial upon another and entirely dif- 
 ferent one was quite a marvel to me, and at first 
 not very inspiring. However, I proceeded to give 
 a full account of my last three months' work, and 
 to show that while there was utter hopelessness in 
 New England at the beginning of that time, there 
 now began to be faith and hope, and that thirty-five 
 thousand dollars had been pledged to the cause at 
 my last meeting ; that such men as Edward Everett 
 Hale, Dr. Lyman Beecher, Hon. Charles Francis 
 Adams, Rev. Edward Beecher, and many other dis- 
 tinguished Boston men, had attended some of my 
 meetings, and had expressed the belief that with 
 sufficient energy we could achieve success in Kan- 
 sas, and stop the making of slave States forever ; 
 that the same plan applied equally well to the old 
 slave States, and that slavery, thus circumscribed, 
 and thereafter invaded in its old home by free la- 
 bor, in a way perfectly in accordance with the laws 
 and the Constitution, would soon be obliged to yield 
 to the superior power of freedom and become ex- 
 tinct. In this way I proceeded for an hour (Mr. 
 Greeley all the while busy with his pen), and re- 
 counted the facts of our charter having been grant- 
 ed and the company organized under it, of the 
 plan of operations reported in full, and of the inter-
 
 MY TALK WITH HIM. 39 
 
 est in the movement already manifested in Massa- 
 chusetts. Mr. Greeley called for a boy to take 
 the copy he had just finished, and began to make 
 inquiries concerning every point of the long his- 
 tory I had just given while he was writing. To 
 my perfect amazement, not one point in the hour's 
 talk had escaped his attention. Not one man 
 in a thousand, giving his undivided attention to 
 my remarks, would have had so complete an un- 
 derstanding and appreciation of all that had been 
 said. 
 
 " Now, Thayer," said Mr. Greeley, " the first ques- 
 tion I wish to ask you is this : Why have you come 
 to me ?" To this I replied : " My coming to you is 
 no accident, but the result of careful thought and 
 study. There are several reasons for it. First, be- 
 cause you are a Whig. The two great parties in 
 the North are the Whig and Democratic, and with- 
 out their co-operation our enterprise must be a fail- 
 ure. The Free-soil party is feeble in numbers and 
 influence, and should it act in this matter without 
 the aid of the two great national parties we could 
 count on nothing but defeat. With its support 
 alone there would be no contest whatever in Kan- 
 sas, and the border ruffians of Missouri would have 
 everything their own way. For this reason I have 
 put among the corporators of the Emigrant Aid 
 Company two leading Democrats of Massachusetts 
 Gen. James S. Whitney and Col. Isaac Davis. 
 Among them also are several old conservative 
 Whigs, but not one Garrison Abolitionist, for the 
 reason that they oppose the movement and will try
 
 40 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 to defeat it in order to increase the disunion senti- 
 ment in the North by the loss of Kansas. Now, if 
 I can secure the leading Whig paper in the coun- 
 try, all the other Whig papers in the North will 
 gladly follow its lead. I wish now as speedily as 
 possible to reach the Middle and Western States, 
 and to secure their immediate organization into 
 Kansas leagues and emigrant aid societies, and you 
 know well enough what a power the Weekly Trib- 
 une will be in this work. We cannot afford to 
 lose time. The Missourians are on the border of 
 Kansas, and it is necessary to our success that the 
 entire North be aroused at once and put into active 
 and hopeful work. Your paper can show the peo- 
 ple that there is a chance to save Kansas, and if 
 they are once convinced of this, our success is cer- 
 tain. Nobody in the North, whether Whig or 
 Democrat, desires the extension of slavery, and all 
 are ready to circumscribe and annihilate it in any 
 legal and constitutional way. I have now given 
 you one reason. There is another. The people 
 believe that Horace Greeley is an honest, far-seeing, 
 and patriotic man. That name alone will be half 
 a victory. You are the one man now needed. 
 Should you, with the power of your great paper, 
 oppose, or even dubiously approve, this grand 
 movement, our cause would be lost and Kansas be 
 doomed to chains and slavery. This is the crisis 
 in our history, and right here it is to be determined 
 whether this country shall be all slave or all free. 
 If we lose Kansas the political control of slavery 
 is assured for an indefinite period. Now is the
 
 TALK CONTINUED. 41 
 
 time for you to use the power God has given you 
 to help as no other man can to sa\ T e the country 
 and the cause to whose interests you devote your 
 life. I know your character and your history well 
 enough to feel assured of your cordial and power- 
 ful aid." 
 
 Mr. Greeley said : " There is much truth in what 
 you have said, but I think you over-estimate my 
 power in the matter. But do you not think the 
 entire Democratic party will oppose? It looks 
 to me as if Douglas had sold Kansas for a presi- 
 dential nomination. Will not the Democrats see 
 that the goods are delivered according to con- 
 tract 2" 
 
 To which I replied : " Perhaps a few of the North- 
 ern Democratic papers will mildly oppose us, but 
 they dare not do so violently. Democrats and 
 Whigs alike have seen enough of the aggressive 
 tendency of slavery. On this subject the rank and 
 file of both parties are with us as surely as the fee- 
 ble Free-soilers. You will find, as the contest pro- 
 gresses, that the question will not be Whig or Dem- 
 ocrat, but Kansas a free State or Kansas a slave 
 State. On this question we shall have, practically, 
 the entire Northern people with us, without dis- 
 tinction of party. The only exception will be the 
 handful of Garrison Abolitionists, who say : ' There 
 is no issue but disunion. The Nebraska Bill and 
 the Fugitive Slave Law are of no import to Aboli- 
 tionists; we strike at the root of the matter.' 
 Their purpose is to destroy the union, and they 
 know very well that our plan does not tend tow-
 
 42 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 ards that result. We may therefore safely count 
 on their opposition, which you well know would be 
 far less harmful to us than their support." 
 
 " Now," said Mr. Greeley, " have you any papers 
 which I can read this evening, showing the history 
 of this movement so far as it has gone ?" I then 
 gave him the Act of Incorporation of the Emigrant 
 Aid Company, the account of the first meeting of 
 the corporators, my report at that meeting of the 
 plan of operations, which was adopted, and the 
 temporary organization of the company. Mr. Gree- 
 ley then said : " It is time for me to leave, but I 
 want you to come and lunch with me to-morrow 
 (Sunday) at one o'clock, and I shall be better able 
 then, after reading these papers, to examine the 
 whole matter, to make other inquiries, and to de- 
 cide what to do." 
 
 To this proposition I assented. The next day I 
 met him as appointed, and after lunch went with 
 him to his loft in the Tribune building. 
 
 lie said, when seated at the corner of his old bu- 
 reau : " Excuse me a few minutes while I write a 
 letter. This time I will not ask you to talk while 
 I write. I am now so much interested in the emi- 
 grant scheme that your talk will distract my atten- 
 tion too much." I then took up a paper and waited 
 for the completion of his work. But he did not 
 finish it without interruption; for while he was 
 writing, a boy about fifteen years old came into 
 the room, and standing behind Mr. Greeley's chair 
 near the door, said, "Mr. Greeley, I have come to 
 ask your advice." " Say on," without stopping his
 
 AN INTERRUPTION. 43 
 
 pen or oven glancing at the boy. " The only rela- 
 tive I have here is my sister. I have been boarding 
 with her, and she let me have board so cheap that 
 I could earn money enough to pay her and have 
 something left to buy my clothes. Now, I have 
 quarrelled with my sister and am boarding at an- 
 other place, where they charge me all I can earn 
 for my board (not so good as I had at my sister's), 
 and I have nothing left to pay for clothes. What 
 shall I do ?" Mr. Greeley, without looking up or 
 stopping his pen, asked, " Is your sister a married 
 woman?" "Yes, sir." "Is she a respectable 
 woman ?" " Certainly, sir." " Go straight to your 
 sister and tell her that you are ashamed of your- 
 self, and ask her forgiveness. If she will take you, 
 go back and live with her ; and after this remem- 
 ber that if your own sister is not your friend you 
 will not be likely to find any friend in New York 
 City." The boy left without another word. Mr. 
 Greeley had not seen him and had not stopped 
 writing. 
 
 When the boy who had come to seek friendly 
 counsel had departed, with the wise but imperative 
 advice of the great philanthropist ringing in his 
 ears, and Mr. Greeley had finished his letter, he 
 turned to me and said, " I am now ready to ex- 
 amine further the emigration scheme, and wish to 
 ask you several questions." 
 
 T. " First, Mr. Greeley, allow me to say a word 
 about what has just occurred in this room, and 
 about what is now going on. A poor boy in dis- 
 tress comes to you as his best friend and adviser.
 
 44 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Though a stranger, he seeks you alone, in a city of 
 several hundred thousand people. This one fact is 
 sufficient proof of your influence at home. To 
 secure your great influence in the Northern States 
 to help break the dominating power of slavery is 
 the mission of a stranger from another State. 1 
 can congratulate you upon this evidence of your 
 power and upon the honor these applications do 
 you. They are a higher compliment than I have 
 ever before seen conferred upon any one. Now I 
 am ready for any questions or any objections that 
 occur to you." 
 
 G. " What do you think should be done first ?" 
 
 T. " The first thing to do is to unfold the plan 
 and to advocate it in such a way as to inspire hope 
 of success among the Northern people. As soon as 
 they have any hope they will be ready for action. 
 At present the North is utterly disheartened. For 
 more than thirty years we have been invariably 
 beaten in the halls of Congress. Nothing is more 
 common than the expression ' Slavery has always 
 had its own way and always will have it.' We 
 now propose to move the scene of this contest 
 from Congress to the prairies, where the system of 
 free labor will meet the system of slave labor face 
 to face. If we can unite the North in this move- 
 ment we are sure to triumph. We have the power, 
 if we only use it, and we shall use it as soon as we 
 have any faith in securing the freedom of Kansas." 
 
 G. " What would you do next ?" 
 
 T. "Advocate the forming of Kansas leagues and 
 emigrant aid companies throughout the North.
 
 MR. GREELEY'S INQUIRIES. 45 
 
 Begin to send colonies. Report the starting and 
 progress of every colony. Give them ovations, as 
 they pass, at all the principal places on the route. 
 Make the emigrants feel that they are sure to be 
 sustained by the patriots at home. Create enthu- 
 siasm where now there is only despondency. Our 
 Boston company will put in capital, in advance of 
 emigration, so that shelter and many other com- 
 forts, heretofore unknown to pioneers, will be ready 
 in Kansas for each new colony." 
 
 G. "Here is the most important question of 
 all : can you get men to go from the free States to 
 Kansas, in view of the great sacrifices they will be 
 obliged to make, risking property, peace, and even 
 life itself, for a principle I might say for patriot- 
 ism? Remember that the whole power of the 
 Government is against you ; that Missouri, crowd- 
 ed with border ruffians, is on the entire eastern 
 border of Kansas, that your emigrants will have 
 a very long journey before reaching Kansas, and 
 more than three hundred miles of it in the slave 
 State of Missouri. Can all these difficulties be 
 overcome ?" 
 
 T. "They can be and will be. "We already 
 have a number of men pledged for our first colony. 
 The next one can be secured with far less effort. 
 It is true that there has never been an emigration 
 of this kind in the world's history a self-sacrific- 
 ing emigration. It is now time for this new devel- 
 opment, and, with proper effort, it can be made 
 manifest and effective in saving Kansas and de- 
 stroying slavery. The people of the North, without
 
 46 TI1E KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 distinction of party, hate slavery and are ready to 
 end it in any legal and constitutional way. They 
 will respond to the call of principle and patriotism 
 more and more readily as they see the movement 
 progressing and a chance of success presented. On 
 this matter I am confident, for I have made many 
 speeches upon this subject, and the response of my 
 hearers has been all I could desire. Our emigrants 
 will not be intimidated by border ruffians, nor by 
 all the powers of the Government, if used under 
 the restrictions of the law and the Constitution, as 
 they must be." 
 
 G. " I am glad you have some proof already of 
 what the people are willing to do, but will they 
 not become discouraged in case the slave-holders 
 resort to open violence and brutal outrage ? What 
 if the border ruffians of Missouri should rush into 
 Kansas, destroy your settlements, and murder or 
 drive out your emigrants ?" 
 
 T. "If the South gives us fair play we shall 
 easily beat her in the game of emigration ; if she 
 gives us foul play we shall beat her all the more 
 certainly, though the struggle may be longer and 
 more severe. To-day she has incurred the bitter 
 hostility of the united North by her bad faith; 
 should this hostility become furious rage, incited 
 by abuse or murder of our peaceful colonies, no 
 man in his senses can doubt the result. Slavery 
 will go down and freedom will triumph. Demo- 
 crats and "Whigs will unite throughout the North, 
 and nothing on the continent can then resist their 
 power."
 
 DISCUSSION CONTINUED. 47 
 
 G. ""Will the Free -soil politicians take the 
 stump and aid in raising the colonies ?" 
 
 T. "I think not. They have said so many 
 times that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise 
 would make a slave State of Kansas, that they may 
 be slow to believe the contrary result possible, and 
 may feel little inclined to contradict their many- 
 times-repeated prophecies. Besides, they would 
 not feel confident of inspiring any hope of success 
 after such a record. For these reasons I do not 
 expect the aid of the politicians. There is another 
 reason also. They have been accustomed to re- 
 gard the action of Congress as the only thing de- 
 cisive about slavery in the Territories. The action 
 we propose is entirely independent of Congress. If 
 we can put into Kansas a strong majority of free 
 State men and keep them there, Kansas will be a 
 free State whatever Congress may do or fail to do. 
 The same reasoning will apply to the other depart- 
 ments of the Government." 
 
 G. " I think I have a very good understanding 
 of your views upon the whole matter. I have 
 given it much thought, and I have full faith in it. 
 I shall call it the Plan of Freedom, and advocate it 
 to the best of my ability. To-morrow's Tribune 
 will give some proof of this." 
 
 T. " Mr. Greeley, you are entitled to the thanks 
 of every patriot for your decision. With deter- 
 mined effort on our part, and with your help in 
 arousing and uniting the Northern people in this 
 great work, I feel that the freedom of Kansas is 
 assured. I shall return to Massachusetts in high
 
 48 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 hope, and in the month of July the Tribune will 
 record the passage through the State of New York 
 of the pioneer Kansas colony." 
 
 After the foregoing conversation, now briefly re- 
 ported, I remained several days in New York, and 
 addressed three meetings of influential citizens call- 
 ed together by written invitations ; one in the par- 
 lors of the Astor House, one in the chapel of Colum- 
 bia College, and another in the lecture-room of the 
 Tabernacle. I also began the formation of an Emi- 
 grant Aid Company and the New York State Kan- 
 sas League. I saw Mr. Greeley often, and in each 
 issue of the Tribune during my stay he made such 
 appeals for "The Plan of Freedom" as only he 
 could write. These appeals were quoted very wide- 
 ly, and the entire "Whig press of the Northern States 
 at once enlisted in the enterprise with great in- 
 tensity of zeal, inspired by the high hope, sublime 
 faith, and eloquent arguments of Horace Greeley. 
 Kansas Leagues began at once to be formed in the 
 Middle and Western States ; and as the great strug- 
 gle progressed in Kansas many of the rank and file 
 of the two great political parties in the free States 
 drew nearer and nearer together, until they finally 
 met and were consolidated in the Republican party. 
 This party, deriving its life and strength from the 
 Kansas contest, came near electing Fremont in 1856, 
 and did elect Lincoln in 1860. Below are some 
 extracts from Mr. Greeley's editorials above re- 
 ferred to. 
 
 The New York Tribune of May 29, 1854, con- 
 tained a long account of the organization and
 
 MR. GREELEY SUPPORTS MY VIEWS. 49 
 
 purpose of the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Com- 
 pany, with the charter and report of the commit- 
 tee printed in full. The following is an extract 
 from Mr. Greeley's editorial comment : 
 
 " Such, in brief, is the plan offered to the earnest and philan- 
 thropic men of the free States who desire to prevent the spread 
 of slavery into Kansas and Nebraska, and to secure the early ad- 
 mission of those Territories into the Union as free States. To 
 all those who are anxious to do something in the present crisis 
 to repair the wrong just committed at Washington, it offers a 
 wide and hopeful field of effort. Here is abundant opportunity 
 for all who have money to invest or a heart to labor in the great 
 cause of freedom. The scheme strikes us as singularly well 
 adapted to secure the objects in view. Properly managed, and 
 in the hands of discreet and responsible men, it cannot fail to ac- 
 complish the noble and generous purpose at which it aims, and 
 at the same time it promises to eventually return to every con- 
 tributor all of his original outlay, with a handsome recompense 
 for its use. From this plan, thus briefly shadowed forth, we en- 
 tertain a confident hope of the most satisfactory results,and cord- 
 ially commend it to public attention. 
 
 "It will be seen that a meeting of the stockholders is to be 
 held on the first Wednesday of June in Boston. Meanwhile, 
 subscriptions can be made, by those who desire to do so, at the 
 office of this paper, either by letter or in person. The co-opera- 
 tion of the friends of the enterprise in this city is earnestly de- 
 sired, and a gentleman from Massachusetts is now here for the 
 purpose of obtaining it." 
 
 This was followed by a series of powerful edito- 
 rials, which fully unfolded the new Plan of Free- 
 dom, as Mr. Greeley called it, and set forth its 
 merits in a forcible and convincing manner, urging 
 the formation of emigrant societies throughout the 
 North. 
 
 In the Tribune of May 30th he said : 
 3
 
 50 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 "The Plan of Freedom set forth in yesterday's Tribune has 
 been eagerly seized upon by some of our best and most distin- 
 guished citizens, and a private preliminary meeting will be im 
 mediately held in furtherance of its suggestions. . . . 
 
 " The organization of a powerful association of large capital 
 in the aid of human freedom is a step in a new direction of phil- 
 anthropic effort, which may well enlist the sympathies of the 
 unselfish and benevolent not only of this country but of all 
 mankind. 
 
 " In view of the monstrous wrongs that slavery is at this hour 
 meditating, in view of the enormity it has just perpetrated, the 
 heart of every man who has one spark of humanity in his bosom 
 must be stirred, as with the sound of a trumpet, by the suggest- 
 ion of a remedy so simple, so comprehensive, and so practical. . . . 
 
 "The great labors of the world have been performed by associ- 
 ation. Our societies for the spread of the Bible and the diffusion 
 of Christianity, and our other varied combinations for benevo- 
 lent objects, all demonstrate the immense power of well-direct- 
 ed associative effort." 
 
 From the Tribune of May 31, 1854: 
 
 "The Plan of Freedom, which we put forth in Monday's pa- 
 per, already awakens an echo in the public mind. In addition 
 to further active steps of the gentlemen in the city who have 
 taken hold of the subject, we have received voluntary offers of 
 subscription by letter, together with the most fervent expressions 
 of zeal and determination from all quarters to rally in defence of 
 freedom, and in opposition to the gigantic schemes of aggression 
 started by the Slave Power. The contest already takes the form 
 of the people against tyranny and slavery. The whole crowd of 
 slave-drivers and traitors, backed by a party organization, a cor- 
 rupt majority in Congress, a soulless partisan press, and admin- 
 istration with its paid officers armed with revolvers and sustained 
 by the bayonets of a mercenary soldiery, will all together prove 
 totally insufficient to cope with an aroused people. 
 
 "We extract from our correspondence as follows: 
 
 '"To the Editor of the New York Tribune : 
 
 "'Having watched with much interest the incipient move- 
 ments in Massachusetts to form the Emigrant Aid Society, and
 
 LETTERS TO MR. GREELEY. 51 
 
 having great faith in such an enterprise, if confided to proper 
 hands, I am much gratified to find by your paper of this day that 
 the organization is so far completed as to admit the opening of 
 subscriptions. Wishing to aid the enterprise out of my feeble 
 ability, I request you to insert my name in the subscription for 
 
 five hundred dollars ($500) 
 
 " ' The day of deliverance dawns. The spirit of freedom shall 
 awake. Yours for Liberty.' 
 
 "Another correspondent, who sends a subscription for $10,000, 
 writes as follows: 
 
 " ' Need I say how delighted I am at the prospect of the "Plan 
 of Freedom?" In a work so hopeful, so just, so grandly compre- 
 hensive, so prophetic of results potential, victorious, and final, I 
 enter with a full soul, heart, hand, and purse; and sink or swim, 
 live or die, survive or perish, I give myself to this great work, in 
 the full confidence that souls are here enlisted who know no tie 
 but that of universal brotherhood, no end but that of unselfish 
 devotion to common humanity. May I ask of you the favor to 
 hand in my subscription for one hundred shares of stock of the 
 Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company? The golden age the 
 blessed age of peace is not for us! Patience and faith, and com- 
 bat, labor, and toil, are ours. Let us accept the gifts meekly but 
 manfully, rejoicing that our Master counts us worthy to follow 
 him in the mighty travail of a world's regeneration.' " 
 
 From the New York Tribune of June 1, 1854 : 
 
 "THE PLAN OF FREEDOM. The friends of this measure who 
 have had the subject in hand held a meeting at the Astor House 
 last evening, at which President King, of Columbia College, pre- 
 sided. There was quite a full attendance of gentlemen, who felt 
 a deep interest in the subject. A committee was appointed to 
 superintend the business of obtaining subscriptions, and to rep- 
 resent the subscribers in the meeting of the society to be held in 
 Boston on Wednesday next. . . . 
 
 " We are in receipt of additional letters, making inquiries and 
 tendering further subscription. The plan is received by all with 
 pre-eminent favor, and enlists the warmest sympathies of the 
 friends of freedom. . . . The plan is no less than to found free 
 cities and to extemporize free States. Let it be made the great 
 enterprise of the age."
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE WORK BEGUN. CHAEITY VS. BUSINESS IN MIS- 
 SIONARY ENTEEPEISE. 
 
 HAVING now secured the invaluable aid of Mr. 
 Greeley, and additional subscriptions to the stock 
 of the company, so that the whole amount pledged 
 was more than one hundred and fifty thousand dol- 
 lars, I returned to Boston. While I had been away 
 some one had raised a danger-signal where there 
 was no danger. Some one had decided that under 
 our charter there possibly might be individual lia- 
 bility of the stockholders. There was no reason for 
 this apprehension, as was afterwards admitted by 
 the very persons who used the argument, and who 
 but a year later very much deplored their action. 
 But there was no time then to argue the question, 
 for we were ready to use funds, and they must be 
 had without delay, as the first colony was nearly 
 ready to begin its journey to Kansas. So it was 
 arranged that the business of the company should 
 be put into the hands of three trustees until the 
 next meeting of the Legislature, when a new char- 
 ter, adapted to the views of the Boston subscribers, 
 could be obtained. 
 
 The following, from Professor Spring's "Kan- 
 sas," page 30, gives this history as follows :
 
 PROFESSOR SPRING'S VIEWS. 53 
 
 "No organization was ever effected under the first charter. 
 It saddled objectionable monetary liabilities upon the individ- 
 uals who might associate under it, and was abandoned. The 
 whole business then passed into the hands of Thayer, Lawrence, 
 and J. M. S. Williams, who were constituted trustees, and man- 
 aged affairs in a half-personal fashion until February, 1855, when 
 a second charter was obtained and an association formed with a 
 slightly rephrased title ' The New England Emigrant Aid Com- 
 pany ' and with John Carter Brown, of Providence, Rhode Isl- 
 and, as president. In the conduct of the company, the trustees, 
 who bridged the interval between the first and second charters, 
 continued to be a chief directive and inspirational force. Mr. 
 Thayer preached the gospel of organized emigration with tire- 
 less and successful enthusiasm, while Mr. Lawrence discharged 
 the burdensome but all-important duties of treasurer. Among 
 the twenty original directors were Dr. Samuel Cabot, Jr., John 
 Lowell, and William B. Spooner, of Boston ; J. P. Williston, 
 Northampton; Charles II. Bigelow, Lawrence; and Nathan Dur- 
 fee, Fall River. The list of directors was subsequently enlarged 
 to thirty-eight, and included the additional names of Dr. S. G. 
 Howe, Rev. Edward Everett Hale, Boston; George L. Stearns, 
 Medford; Horace Bushnell, Hartford, Connecticut; Prof. Benja-- 
 min Silliman, Sr., New Haven, Connecticut; and Moses H. Grin- 
 ncll, New York. The company in its reorganized shape receded, 
 at least temporarily, from all wholesale projects, and devoted it- 
 self to the problem of planting free-labor towns in Kansas."* 
 
 * The following is a full list of officers of the New England 
 Emigrant Aid Company: 
 
 President: John Carter Brown, Providence ; Vice- Presidents: 
 Eli Thayer, Worcester, J. M. S.Williams, Cambridge; Treasurer: 
 Amos A. Lawrence, Boston ; Secretary : Thomas H. Webb, Bos- 
 ton ; Directors: William B. Spooner, Samuel Cabot, Jr., John 
 Lowell, C. J. Higginson, Le Baron Russell, Boston, William J. 
 Rotch, New Bedford, J. P. Williston, Northampton, W. Dudley 
 Pickman, Salem, R. P. Waters, Beverly, Reuben A. Chapman, 
 Springfield, John Nesmith, Lowell, Charles H. Bigelow, Lawrence, 
 Nathan Durfee, Fall River, William Willis, Portland, Me., Frank- 
 lin Muzzy, Bangor, Me., Ichabod Goodwin, Portsmouth, N. H., 
 Thomas M. Edwards, Keene, N. II., Albert Day, Hartford, Conn.
 
 54 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Bryant and Gay's "History of the United States," 
 vol. iv., p. 408, has the following : 
 
 "In the Eastern States, Eli Thayer conceived the organization 
 of emigration, with a view of directing it to Kansas. On the 20th 
 of April, before the Nebraska Act passed Congress, he and his 
 friends were incorporated as the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid 
 Company. They were permitted to hold a capital of five mill- 
 ion dollars. A ready exaggeration, made in a hostile interest, 
 announced that they had this capital. In fact, that company 
 had not collected twenty thousand dollars when the year closed. 
 But the fame of its wealth answered the purpose as well as 
 the possession. Undecided men were willing to throw in their 
 chances where an organization supposed to be so strong led the 
 way. The glove thrown down too hastily in a challenge to the 
 Northern emigrant was taken up on the instant. In the last 
 days of July, as soon as the Territory was open to settlement, 
 the pioneer party of the Emigrant Aid Company took up claims 
 at a point now known as Lawrence. Before winter, this com- 
 pany had sent from New England five hundred emigrants. From 
 other free States had poured in enough more to make a popula- 
 tion of eight thousand." 
 
 It is true, as Mr. Bryant says, that the books of 
 our Boston company, at the close of the year 
 1854, contained the names of only five hundred 
 emigrants. But these colonies received accessions 
 all the way from Boston to Kansas, so that often 
 their numbers were more than doubled sometimes 
 quadrupled. 
 
 The office of the company was in Boston. Near- 
 ly all the country relied upon to furnish emigrants 
 lies between Boston and Kansas. The emigrants 
 from Maine, from eastern Massachusetts, and from 
 the southern part of New Hampshire were, for the 
 most part, registered in the Boston office, and
 
 WORK OF THE BOSTON COMPANY. 55 
 
 made into colonies there. These, all told, were 
 a very small portion of the number that went 
 through the influence of this company. Hundreds 
 of Kansas leagues and Kansas committees were 
 formed, through the assistance and example of the 
 parent organization, in all the Northern States. 
 I lately opened a file of the New York Tribune 
 for 1854. In the issue of July 4th I find an account 
 of a Kansas emigration society, of which Cadwal- 
 lader Wallace was president, organized in Koss 
 County, Ohio, and in the issue of July 10th I find 
 an account of our own Worcester County organiza- 
 tion, of which Alexander H. Bullock was president, 
 William T. Merrifield vice-president, and Henry 
 Chapin, William A. Wheeler, Charles Thurber, 
 Horace James, and Oliver C. Fenton were directors. 
 Thus, at home, within forty-four miles of Boston, 
 it was thought best to have a fully equipped com- 
 pany ready for action. 
 
 In New Haven, Conn., the famous Charles B. 
 Lines Colony was formed, consisting of seventy- 
 nine well-armed men. I went to that city three 
 times, made three addresses there (two of them in 
 Rev. Dr. Bacon's church), and had several con- 
 ferences with President Woolsey, Dr. Bacon, Pro- 
 fessor Silliman, Professor Twining, and others, in 
 which I urged the forming of this colony. From 
 hundreds of other places colonies, parties, and 
 individuals went to Kansas through the influence 
 of the New England Emigrant Aid Company, 
 whose names were never recorded in the Boston 
 books, and who never visited our office. What
 
 56 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 influences gave the company such far -reaching 
 power ? 
 
 First. The press had advertised far and near 
 that the Emigrant Aid Company were ready to use 
 all the money needed in building towns in Kansas ; 
 that they were sending out steam-engines, saw- 
 mills, grist-mills, and other machinery ; that they 
 were building hotels and boarding-houses; that 
 they were establishing newspapers, churches, and 
 schools. From these facts emigrants inferred read- 
 ily enough that in these incipient cities, with or- 
 ganized emigration flowing in rapidly, there would 
 be an excellent prospect for making money by 
 the rise of property. The press also reported the 
 ovations which each colony received all the way 
 from Boston to Chicago, the cheers and the god- 
 speeds awaiting them at every principal railroad- 
 station, in the grand crusade for freedom. 
 
 Second. Best of all, and most powerful in secur- 
 ing emigrants for Kansas, was the argument of 
 patriotism. Kansas was to be secured to freedom. 
 Where, but a little while before, the repeal of the 
 Missouri Compromise had extinguished all hope 
 and left only despair, faith and hope revived, and 
 the glorious freedom-loving processions moved on. 
 In every town and hamlet, from Maine to the Mis- 
 sissippi River, the Boston company's work was 
 discussed and applauded. 
 
 Another important point in estimating the work 
 of these Kansas societies, leagues, and committees 
 is that they sent out " men only," with very rare 
 exceptions. In the enumeration of the people of the
 
 ONLY MEN. 57 
 
 Territory, at the end of 1854, the entire number was 
 a little more than eight thousand. More than half 
 the voters in that eight thousand went to Kansas 
 directly or indirectly through the influence of the 
 Emigrant Aid Company. When the Missourians 
 moved into Kansas to settle, they took their fam- 
 ilies with them. Hence, it would take at least 
 five Missourians in the enumeration to equal at 
 the polls one of our Eastern or Northern emi- 
 grants, who left their families at home until they 
 could provide for them in the Territory. The C. 
 B. Lines Colony of seventy-nine able-bodied men 
 were equal at the polls to three hundred and 
 ninety-five Missourians in the enumeration of all 
 the people. 
 
 The books of the Boston company show the names 
 of about three thousand emigrants in all. It is safe 
 to say that these numbers were doubled before 
 they reached Kansas. If we consider that these 
 were almost all men, who left their families at home 
 for one or two years, and that each one represent- 
 ed five in the Territorial enumeration, we get 
 an aggregate of over thirty thousand from this 
 company during the three years of the crusade. 
 But many of the accessions were furnished by 
 Kansas leagues along the route from Boston to 
 Kansas. There were many leagues, however, in 
 Pennsylvania, New Jersey, southern New York, 
 southern Ohio, and Indiana, which sent their emi- 
 grants by a nearer route than that used by the 
 Boston company. They were all, however, act- 
 ing in concert, since they were all loyal to the 
 3*
 
 58 TIIE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Plan of Freedom, and had a common origin and 
 common purpose. 
 
 In the New York Tribune of August 30, 1856, 
 there is an account of one of our colonies which 
 left Boston numbering less than one hundred, 
 but increased by accessions along the route un- 
 til, in Iowa, near their destination, they numbered 
 three hundred and eighty-four. From numerous 
 instances of this kind, it will be seen that the 
 power of the Boston company in this conflict 
 should not be measured by the number of emi- 
 grants recorded in their books. 
 
 The charter of the company having been aban- 
 doned, and the plan of trustees for the ensuing 
 year substituted, we immediately began the col- 
 lection of money for immediate use. It was de- 
 cided that a capital of $200,000 would be suffi- 
 cient for the Kansas work. In fact, the com- 
 pany did not use in all over $140,000, and this 
 small sum was contributed during three years, 
 mainly as a charity, and without hope of returns. 
 My original plan was, as we have seen, to form a 
 business company, to be conducted upon business 
 principles, able to make good dividends to its 
 stockholders annually, and at its close, a full re- 
 turn of all the money originally invested. To 
 have done this would have required no marvellous 
 financial skill. "We should have had the power 
 to build cities and towns wherever we might 
 choose to locate them, and could invest money in 
 western Missouri land as well as in Kansas. 
 Twelve acres of land, now in the very centre of
 
 THE CHARITY PLAN. 59 
 
 Kansas City, were offered to us for $3000. The 
 same tract is now worth several millions. I 
 urged the purchase of this and of other land in 
 that place, but my associates opposed my views, 
 and the purchases were not made. The main ob- 
 jection of my associates to my original plan of a 
 money-making company, was a fear that people 
 might say that we were influenced by pecuniary 
 considerations in our patriotic work for Kansas. 
 Therefore, they did not desire any return for any 
 money invested. So we went on the charity plan, 
 and were never one-half so efficient as we would 
 have been by the other method, and were fully 
 twice as long in determining the destiny of 
 Kansas. 
 
 It was my purpose, when I wrote that charter, 
 to be done with Kansas in 1855, and then, with- 
 out loss of time, and with increased capital, to 
 have bought up large tracts of worn-out lands 
 in Yirginia. Of these it was my purpose to give 
 one-half, in forty-acre lots, to our immigrants 
 from the free States. The remaining half would 
 be worth not less than four times the whole 
 cost, as soon as the immigrants had occupied 
 their homesteads. Two years of such work, by 
 such a company, in Yirginia, would have made 
 her as secure for the Union in 1861 as Massachu- 
 setts was. 
 
 I had not then, and have not now, the slight- 
 est respect for that pride in charity which ex- 
 cludes from great philanthropic enterprises the 
 strength and the effectiveness of money-making.
 
 60 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 There are supporters of missionary societies who 
 make from the traffic in ardent spirits the money 
 they contribute, who would doubtless oppose the 
 plan of making such societies self-sustaining by 
 sharing in the property which they create. Why 
 is it worse for a company to make money by ex- 
 tending Christianity than by making cotton cloth ? 
 More than thirty years ago I spoke before several 
 missionary meetings, urging the adoption of this 
 plan of self-supporting missions. At that time 
 there were too many objectors in authority who 
 did not think it wise to "lower the Christian 
 standard " so much as to reap a profit from Chris- 
 tian work to insure further Christian progress. 
 But Bishop Taylor has recently been using this 
 method in Africa with much success. This is now 
 the exception ; at a later day it will become the 
 rule.* 
 
 The truth is, that the highest civilization is the 
 greatest creator of wealth. She is the modern 
 Midas, with power to turn everything she touches 
 into gold. Properly equipped, and with proper 
 direction, she will conquer and supplant any in- 
 ferior condition of men. This she will do without 
 your money or mine, but with her own. Even a 
 small share in the wealth which she creates will 
 speedily carry her round the world in strength and 
 majesty. Then she will move as a queen. Now 
 
 *The views of the author in favor of self-supporting mis- 
 sionary societies were fully presented in Tlte New Englander, 
 in 1858, vol. xvi., p. 847.
 
 BUSINESS BETTER THAN CHARITY. 61 
 
 she limps like a beggar on crutches, waiting for 
 pennies, nickels, and dimes, extorted by pitiful ap- 
 peals. To such humiliation is she subjected by 
 the ignorance of her devotees, and by their false 
 notions of charity. Even her servants, who scorn 
 to "mingle the spiritual with the worldly," have 
 need of food and clothing and shelter. These 
 they secure by contributions. If their mistress had 
 but a fraction of the wealth which she creates, she 
 could feed and clothe and shelter them all, as a re- 
 ward for their services, and thus raise them far 
 above the need of charitable contributions. 
 
 Now, if we apply the above reasoning to an 
 organized, peaceful competition of free labor with 
 slave labor in the former slave States, it will be 
 readily seen with what certainty freedom would 
 have been sustained. The Constitution of the 
 United States, so fiercely denounced by the Garri- 
 son disunionists as " a league with death and a cov- 
 enant with hell," gave Freedom the power, when- 
 ever she chose to use it, to extinguish slavery. 
 
 In the provision that " the citizens of each State 
 shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities 
 of citizens in the several States," there was laid 
 (though perhaps without that design) the corner- 
 stone for freedom in all the States. Now, if it was 
 true, as the census proved, and as all the people of 
 the free States maintained and believed, that our 
 civilization was superior to that of the slave States, 
 then we were at liberty at any time to go into the 
 inferior States and establish free labor there. We 
 were not only at liberty to do this, but we had a
 
 62 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 very great inducement to do it. Suppose that an 
 organization under a charter like the one first 
 granted to the Emigrant Aid Company, with a cap- 
 ital of $5,000,000, had begun in earnest to colonize 
 Virginia with emigrants from the North, and had 
 secured large tracts of land at the slave-State prices 
 of $2, or even $3, per acre, whereon to locate the 
 free -State settlers, these same lands would have 
 been doubled, trebled, or quadrupled in value as 
 soon as they were thus occupied. There was really 
 no limit to the profit ready for an energetic and 
 able company, in thus changing slave States to 
 free. In fact, such a company could well have 
 afforded to pay for all the slaves in the States so 
 redeemed. But this they would not have been ex- 
 pected to do, and would not have done. In a few 
 3 r ears, however, they could have driven all the 
 slave-holders to the shores of the Mexican Gulf.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 DIFFICULTIES AND DISCOURAGEMENTS. THE FOUND- 
 ING OF LAWRENCE. 
 
 HAVING now accepted the charity plan, since 
 there was no time to be wasted in arguing for the 
 original and better one, I immediately returned to 
 the work of completing our first colony, which had 
 been suspended during my absence in ~New York 
 City. The difficulty which attended my efforts can 
 be inferred from the fact that I made not far from 
 fifty speeches to secure the little colony of twenty- 
 nine men. There was very little faith in our en- 
 terprise up to this point. The friends of the young 
 men who had engaged to go were generally very 
 despondent, and often said that the scheme would 
 result only in failure, and a great if not a fatal loss 
 to those who were so daring as to enlist in it. 
 Slavery had the prestige of such continuous and 
 prolonged success that even the most ardent of 
 anti slavery men scarcely dared to hope for any 
 favorable result against such odds. The Southern 
 papers, too, were full of their arrogant boasting 
 and threats, which served to intimidate the less 
 daring of our emigrants. All this, however, was 
 eventually of great service to our cause, since it 
 eliminated, from the beginning, certain cowardly 
 elements which it was far from, desirable to retain.
 
 64 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Even some Northern journals were ready to ex- 
 press confidence in the success of the slave power 
 in Kansas. Such papers, however, were very few. 
 
 Here is an editorial from the Lynchburg (Va.) Re- 
 publican of July 1, 1854, not only expressing the 
 greatest confidence in the success of slavery in 
 Kansas, but also attempting to intimidate our emi- 
 grants by threats of abuse and outrage after reach- 
 ing their destination : 
 
 "The Worcester Spy announces that the first brvnd of emigrants 
 for Kansas under the charge of the Emigrant Aid Company will 
 start from Boston on the 17th inst. We wish them the utmost 
 success their hearts can desire in getting there, for the hardy 
 pioneers of Kansas will doubtless have tar and feathers prepared 
 in abundance for their reception. Kansas is open for settlement 
 both to the North and the South. Slavery has been kept out of 
 Territories by Congressional enactments, but lias never failed to 
 carry the day and firmly establish itself upon new Territories 
 when allowed to enter." 
 
 Another similar specimen is the following edito- 
 rial in the Kansas Pioneer, a newspaper which fre- 
 quently derided our emigrants as " the hired paupers 
 of Eli Thayer & Co." : 
 
 "We want to see a pro-slavery Legislature to a man, or at 
 least a large majority of the friends of Southern institutions rep- 
 resent our interests in the halls of legislation. We want to be 
 governed by sound laws, and pro-slavery men only are compe- 
 tent to make such laws. Under their banner we have always 
 done battle, and under their guardianship we shall ever be found 
 battling. We have no sympathy for Abolitionists, and the sooner 
 they are made to believe that the squatters of Kansas Territory 
 have no sympathy for their black, nefarious, contemptible dog- 
 mas the better. We want no negro-sympathizing thieves among 
 us; they will be running off our slaves whenever a chance offers.
 
 SOUTHERN THREATS. 65 
 
 Their hearts are as black as the darkest deeds of hell. Away 
 with them ; send them back where they belong. Up with the 
 banner and shout of slavery, now and forever, in our land. . . . 
 Down with every Abolition barrier that dare impede our way!" 
 
 It would be easy to fill a volume with the edito- 
 rials of Southern journals in 1854, denouncing the 
 Emigrant Aid Company, and attempting by threats 
 of bowie-knives, revolvers, tar and feathers, hemp, 
 and grape-vines, to intimidate and discourage the 
 emigrants to Kansas from the Northern States. 
 While these efforts were, no doubt, powerful in de- 
 terring the more timid and irresolute of our intend- 
 ed colonists from joining in the great crusade, they 
 served to stimulate the more daring, and to inten- 
 sify their determination to assert and maintain 
 their rights. Thousands of our young men looked 
 upon such threats as great inducements to take an 
 active part and have a personal interest in the new 
 migration. 
 
 As a fit description of the pioneer Kansas colony 
 which founded Lawrence, and prepared the way for 
 numerous emigrants who followed them, either sin- 
 gly or in companies, I insert the following editorial 
 from the Christian Register of July 22, 1854 : 
 
 "The first pioneer company of New England men bound for 
 Kansas left last Monday. They were twenty-nine in number, 
 bound on such enterprises as will facilitate the settlement of 
 those who are to follow, and reduce to a minimum the exposure 
 of frontier life. So soon as the season permits, and the country 
 is legally open for settlers, large numbers will pour in. The best 
 results of our farms, of our colleges, of our workshops, and of 
 our professional schools of early enterprise in distant countries 
 and of careful study of the rights of men were brought together
 
 66 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 in that little company. The pioneer body was one of the best 
 representations possible of New England character. From what 
 we see and know of them, we should not be sorry to see them 
 matched against any twenty-nine they may meet in their travels." 
 
 The above description is truthful and just, with- 
 in certain limits, but it does not exhibit the moral 
 excellence and the devotion to principle of the pio- 
 neer Kansas colony. This was the beginning of a 
 self-sacrificing emigration such as the world's his- 
 tory had never before shown. 
 
 A writer in the Christian Examiner for July, 
 1855, concludes an exhaustive article upon the not- 
 able migrations of history by awarding the high- 
 est honor to the Kansas pioneers, as follows : 
 
 "Looking back upon the champions of civil and religious lib- 
 erty, upon the philanthropists of other times, and all the ' goodly 
 array of martyrs,' we see those who to their own age were a 
 mere nebula of erratic spirits, shapeless and unsymmetrical, re- 
 solved under our distant telescopic view into stars of the first 
 magnitude. "We see the light which they originated or reflected, 
 and the multitudes of weary, wandering mortals who have been 
 guided to certainty and peace by the aid of their far-penetrating 
 rays, but we do not see, and we do not want to see, the coarse 
 and very earth-like materials of which they were, after all, com- 
 posed. The great movements of the past are revealed to us, in 
 all their massive grandeur, by the light of their results. The 
 changes going on in our own time, and conducted by ordinary 
 mortals on our own level, are colored by the involuntary preju- 
 dices which intimacy and detail excite, and are examined by the 
 varying light of our own interests and passions. Candor is scarce- 
 ly possible under the circumstances, even if the future is appre- 
 hended in the present. 
 
 "To some there seems little in this age which posterity shall 
 call heroic, or the memory of which they shall love to cherish ; 
 yet there is a movement now in progress which we believe is des- 
 tined to stand recorded in future ages as second to none in the
 
 HEROES OF THE CRUSADE. 67 
 
 purity and nobleness of its object, or in the vast results to hu- 
 manity involved in its ultimate success. Goths, Celts, and Anglo- 
 Americans have been impelled to distant migrations by the hope 
 of spoils ; religious propagandists by force and fraud have 
 changed old lands for new; and the slaves of taskmasters and 
 the victims of conscience-binders have alike fled for refuge to 
 the wilderness, some for physical, some for spiritual compensa- 
 tion. But it was reserved to the present age and to the present 
 period to afford the sublimer spectacle of an extensive migration 
 in vindication of a principle; a principle which is to benefit not 
 the emigrants but others, and those others of a degraded race and 
 of a different color. 
 
 " The future will not have to record of the emigrants to Kan- 
 sas that they were forced out of their old homes by dissensions, 
 oppressions, or even such incompatibility of sentiment with the 
 communities they left as made their position uncomfortable to 
 themselves or others. Neither the blight of famine nor an over- 
 crowded population darkened their prospects in the home of 
 their fathers. Neither pressure from without, nor the beckon- 
 ings of ambition, nor the monitions of avarice, control the great 
 Kansas migration. Not for themselves or for those identified 
 with their interests, not even for their peers or ancient allies, 
 to whom association and mutual remembrances have attached 
 them no, none of all these things move them. The great motor- 
 power is the love of freedom, and its special impetus the sympa- 
 thy of a superior race (certainly as far as condition is concerned) 
 with an inferior, and for a people who can neither appreciate 
 nor repay the sacrifice. In the unselfishness of the object lies 
 its claim to the highest regard, and its right to the highest place 
 in the history of migrations. 
 
 " The genuineness of the movement is evidenced by the entire 
 absence of coercive circumstances, such as have aided other mi- 
 grations, in which the love of freedom was a principal ingredi- 
 ent. And in this unselfishness the Kansas migration is repre- 
 sentative of the age. Not that selfishness is dead, or disinterested 
 benevolence a universal or even a very extended basis of action ; 
 but the philanthropy of the present has far more of this charac- 
 ter than had that of any former age. . . . 
 
 "The Kansas migration is the boldest exponent of this en- 
 lightened philanthropy. It meets a gaunt and dismal fact by
 
 68 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 creating a more vital and self-perpetuating fact. The spirit of 
 freedom which it embodies is no longer content to meet a usur- 
 pation with a 'resolution,' but goes out in its strength to unseat 
 the intruder. In the appropriateness of the means is the earnest 
 of victory. 
 
 " Nor may the participators in enterprises such as this be just- 
 ly depreciated by the suspicion of mixed motives. Few indeed 
 are the actions of men which result from an isolated impulse, 
 opinion, or thought; complexity of motive is almost inseparable 
 from human action; nor is it always easy to define with precis- 
 ion the exact weight attached to each motive. But in judging 
 of these great movements which affect humanity, and in decid- 
 ing on the just meed of praise due to the participators, it is suffi- 
 cient to know that had the greatest and best motive l>een absent, 
 their co-operation, would have been wanting; that Avhatever col- 
 lateral influences were brought to bear on them, the great central 
 idea was paramount.without which all others would have proved 
 ineffectual. Will not after -ages, then, decide that the Kansas 
 migration was purer and more unselfish, even, than that which 
 found its haven at Plymouth Rock? The old homes of Old 
 England were abandoned in obedience to the mandates of con- 
 science; the old homes of New England are deserted in vindica- 
 tion of the Christ-like principle of universal love. The pioneer 
 band who have planted their standard in the centre of the con- 
 federacy that they may redeem a continent to freedom shall 
 never find their laurels paling, even beside the glory-crowns of 
 those who first planted free institutions on its eastern slope." 
 
 The country has properly, on all occasions and 
 in every way, conceded high honor to the brave 
 men who enlisted in the war for the Union ; but 
 the Kansas emigrants, who volunteered to become 
 a barrier against the extension of slavery, enlisted 
 in an enterprise which at the time seemed more 
 hazardous than the war against secession. The 
 soldier had food, clothing, arms, transportation, 
 shelter, pay, and care in sickness provided by the
 
 SUPERIOR TO PLYMOUTII PILGRIMS. 69 
 
 Government. These emigrants provided all these 
 necessaries for themselves, at their own expense. 
 It seems marvellous even now that men could be 
 found so patriotic and resolute as to risk every- 
 thing for the cause of freedom. The public has 
 never yet done justice to these noblest specimens 
 of the human race. Mr. Whittier, in his "Emi- 
 grants' Song," says : 
 
 "We cross the prairies as of old 
 Our fathers crossed the se.t ; 
 To make the West, as they the East, 
 The homestead of the free." 
 
 But there is a wide difference between these Kan- 
 sas emigrants and the Plymouth pilgrims. The 
 latter fled from oppression, and sought in the new 
 world " freedom to worship God." The former mi- 
 grated to meet, to resist, and to destroy oppression, 
 in vindication of their principles. These were self- 
 sacrificing emigrants, the others were self-seeking. 
 Justice, though tardy in its work, will yet load 
 with the highest honors the memory of the heroic 
 Kansas pioneers who gave themselves and all they 
 had to the sacred cause of human rights. 
 
 This pioneer colony left Boston on the 17th of 
 July, 1854. Immense crowds had gathered at the 
 station to give them the parting godspeed and the 
 pledge of their future cordial care. They moved 
 out of the station amid the cheering crowds who 
 lined the track for several blocks. The fact of this 
 intense public interest impelled others to prepare 
 to join the colony, intending to go one month later.
 
 70 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Such was the effect of the public enthusiasm an 
 earnest, sufficient for the thoughtful, of certain suc- 
 cess in the future. 
 
 The emigrants remained in Worcester the first 
 night and received a suitable ovation. Several of 
 the leading citizens called upon them and applaud- 
 ed their patriotic devotion, pledging remembrance 
 and aid in any emergency. Two Worcester me- 
 chanics, Mr. Fuller and Mr. Mallory, here joined 
 the colony. 
 
 The next day I took charge of the party, and 
 we were met in the evening at Albany by a good 
 number of the citizens, who welcomed us w r ith 
 great cordiality. The next day we were cheered 
 at all the principal stations as we passed on our 
 westward journey, until we reached Rochester. 
 Here a very large crowd had gathered to welcome 
 and cheer the party. The president of the Monroe 
 County Bible Society made an address, and pre- 
 sented the colony with a large and elegant Bible ; 
 so that Mr. Whittier's poem, subsequently written, 
 was historically correct in saying : 
 
 "Upbearing, as the ark of old, 
 The Bible in our van." 
 
 Much to our delight, Rochester furnished us two 
 recruits a Dr. Doy, and a youth of great promise, 
 and afterwards of great performance, D. R. An- 
 thony. From that day forward to the end of the 
 great conflict, Mr. Anthony devoted himself with 
 tireless energy to the work of making Kansas free. 
 He is now living to witness and enjoy in wealth
 
 SITE OF LAWRENCE DETERMINED. 71 
 
 and honor the grand results of that great achieve- 
 ment. 
 
 On the evening of that day I put the little colony 
 on board the steamer Plymouth Rock, in Buffalo, 
 to cross the lake. I was obliged to return East to 
 begin the work of raising the second colony ; but 
 before taking leave of my charge, I wrote a letter 
 to Charles H. Branscomb, our agent in Kansas, who 
 was to meet this party in St. Louis. The letter 
 directed him to lead the colony up the valley of 
 the Kaw Eiver, through the Shawnee reservation, 
 and locate them on the south side of the river, on 
 the first good town -site west of the Shawnees. 
 Mr. Branscomb, in accordance with my direction, 
 founded the celebrated city of Lawrence, subse- 
 quently the centre of the free -State power, and 
 now the seat of the State University, and of the 
 famous Indian school, the Haskell Institute. 
 
 During the entire journey from Worcester to 
 Buffalo I had been carefully considering where it 
 would be best to locate the first colony. It seemed 
 wise to plant the first town at such a distance from 
 the Missouri line that it could not be easily assailed 
 by hostile forces from that State without ample 
 notice to our people and some chance for prepara- 
 tions for defence. I therefore decided that our 
 town should be about fifty miles from Missouri. 
 I chose the valley of the Kaw as being in the cen- 
 tral portion of the Territory, and destined at an 
 early day to have railway communication with the 
 East. I chose the south bank of the Kaw, so that 
 the Platte Purchase of Missouri and the new town
 
 72 TilE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 would have two wide rivers between them. These 
 were the main reasons for the specific directions in 
 my letter to Mr. Branscomb. 
 
 The history of the Kansas contest abundantly 
 justified the selection made. The following quo- 
 tation from Senator Wilson's History gives a cor- 
 rect idea of the decisive work of the Emigrant Aid 
 Company : 
 
 " The Emigrant Aid Societies of New England, though free- 
 dom in Kansas was one object, had others which, with their 
 methods, were indicated by their name. Their purpose and 
 plan were to aid those who would procure lands and make for 
 themselves homes in the new Territory. They contemplated 
 only peaceful modes, though the emigrants themselves were of 
 course compelled to resort to such means of self-defence as the 
 ' border-ruffian ' policy rendered imperative. 
 
 "The New England Emigrant Aid Society, the first and most 
 prominent of these free-State organizations, originated with Eli 
 Thayer, of Worcester, Massachusetts, a member of the Legislat- 
 ure of that State in 1854. Preparing a charter, he procured an 
 Act of Incorporation early in that year. Immediately on the ad- 
 journment of that body he entered upon the work, in which he 
 was greatly aided by Amos A. Lawrence and J. M. S. Williams, 
 of Massachusetts, and John Carter Brown, of Rhode Island. 
 Success crowned his labors; the association was organized, and 
 on the 17th of July he started with a company of twenty-four 
 for that far-off laud. As the successful working up of his plan 
 required his presence at the East, he accompanied them only as 
 far as Buffalo. . . . 
 
 "In August, another colony, and much larger, came. With 
 their New England outfit was a steam saw-mill. The new-com- 
 ers entered in earnest upon the work of making themselves a 
 home on that inviting spot, and soon their canvas tents gave 
 place to more substantial structures. Among the members of 
 the second company were Dr. Charles Robinson and Samuel C. 
 Pomeroy, the one becoming the first governor under the free- 
 State Constitution, and the latter subsequently a member of the 
 United States Senate.
 
 HENRY WILSON'S VIEWS. 73 
 
 "This organized effort of free-State men, and the fact that 
 they had formed a settlement, and that the town of Lawrence 
 had actually taken form and name, produced a marked impres- 
 sion both North and South. At the North it kindled anew hopes 
 which the course of events had wellnigh extinguished. . . . Not 
 only did several additional colonies go from Massachusetts arid 
 the other New England States, but similar colonies were formed 
 in the States of New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. To this 
 work Mr. Thayer devoted himself with tireless energy and un- 
 ceasing effort. Fully impressed with the idea that the free 
 States had the power to secure in this way freedom to the Ter- 
 ritories, he travelled sixty thousand miles, and made hundreds 
 of speeches enunciating these views, and calling upon the peo- 
 ple to join in this grand crusade." * 
 
 * Wilson's "Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America," 
 vol. ii., p. 465.
 
 CHAPTER VL 
 
 THE IMPOTENCE OF THE ANTISLAVEBY DISUNIONISTS. 
 
 THE Puritans of the Mayflower were opposed to 
 slavery. 
 
 The first legislative assembly of white men in 
 New England made a law that " no bond slavery, 
 villeinage, or captivitie should ever exist in the 
 Massachusetts Colony." 
 
 Slavery never had a legal existence in Massachu- 
 setts, as was proved in the Quirk Walker case in 
 Barre, Worcester County, during the Revolution- 
 ary War. 
 
 In 1787 the entire country was opposed to the 
 extension of slavery, and considered it a great evil. 
 The ordinance introduced by Thomas Jefferson in 
 1784 was passed in 1787 with but one dissenting 
 vote, given by a New York member. Though that 
 ordinance was of no practical use only an expres- 
 sion of opinion, or a manifesto its existence upon 
 the statute-book served to show the hostility of the 
 people of this country to chattel slavery. 
 
 While the people of the Northern States were 
 nearly unanimous in their hatred of slavery, and 
 were anxious that the entire country should be res- 
 cued from its curse, they still regarded the destruc- 
 tion of the Government as a calamity infinitely
 
 BENJAMIN LUNDY. 75 
 
 greater. They watched the development of our f 
 national progress, and hoped for a solution of the I 
 question between the North and the South with- 1 
 out the loss of the Union. Patiently waiting, and! 
 restraining all impulsive feelings, they were ready | 
 for effective action whenever the proper time should) 
 come. 
 
 Benjamin Lundy, however, was impatient of de- 
 lay, and earnestly devoted himself to the patriotic 
 work of hastening his country's deliverance. Born 
 of Quaker parents, in the State of New Jersey, in 
 1789, he worked upon his father's farm until nine- 
 teen years of age, when he wandered westward to 
 Wheeling, Virginia, where he learned by actual ob- 
 servation the curse of slavery to all connected with 
 it, both black and white. In 1815, when -twenty- 
 six years of age, he organized an antislavery socie- 
 ty, by the name of the " Union Humane Society." 
 The first meeting was held at his own house, and 
 consisted of less than a dozen persons. "Within a 
 few months the membership was increased to sev- 
 eral hundred, and included many prominent men 
 in his own and adjoining counties. In 1816 he pub- 
 lished an "Appeal to Philanthropists," which con- 
 tained the germ of his future antislavery work. 
 After this he travelled much in the slave States, 
 and organized many antislavery societies in the 
 very home of slavery. At length he started a pa- 
 per called the Genius of Universal Emancipation. 
 During the summer of 1824 he travelled on foot 
 through the States of Virginia and North Carolina,, 
 making addresses and forming antislavery socie-
 
 76 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 ties. In October of that year he reached Balti- 
 more, and there resumed at once the publication 
 of the Genius. He was highly esteemed and well 
 sustained in the slave States. Feeble in body and 
 far from robust in mind, he still had the heart of a 
 true philanthropist and the devotion of the early 
 Christian martyrs. 
 
 In the autumn of 1828 Lundy came to Massachu- 
 setts to form antislavery societies, to co-operate 
 with those which he had already established in the 
 slave States. He delivered an address in the Town- 
 hall in Worcester on the 20th of August, and the 
 two papers of the city comment upon it as follows : 
 
 " Mr. Lundy, from a long residence in the Southern States, 
 could spe.ak from personal knowledge of the feelings of the peo- 
 ple there. A majority of them, and even of the slave-holders, 
 are desirous of abolishing the slave system as soon as it can be 
 done with prudence." Massachusetts Yeoman, August 23,1828. 
 
 The Spy of September "3d says : 
 
 " In the slave States a great number, and probably a majority, 
 of the people are anxious to be freed from the evil of slavery as 
 soon as it can prudently be done." 
 
 Lundy next went to Boston upon the same mis- 
 sion, and addressed a meeting of clergymen, urging 
 a friendly co-operation with the people of the South 
 in extinguishing slavery. That he produced a de- 
 cided effect upon his audience is proved by the fol- 
 lowing letter, written directly after the meeting, 
 by Kev. Dr. William E. Chanuing to lion. Daniel 
 Webster :
 
 CHANNING TO WEBSTER. 77 
 
 " BOSTON, May 14, 182S. 
 
 "MY DEAR SIR, I wish to call your attention to a subject of 
 general interest. 
 
 " A little while ago, Mr. Lundy, of Baltimore, the editor of a 
 paper called the Genius of Universal Emancipation, visited this 
 part of the country to stir up the work of abolishing slavery at 
 the South, and the intention is to organize societies for this pur- 
 pose. I know few objects into which I should enter with more 
 zeal, but I am aware how cautiously exertions are to be made 
 for it in this part of the country. I know that our Southern 
 brethren interpret every word from this region on the subject of 
 slavery as an expression of hostility. I would ask if they can- 
 not be brought to understand us better, and if we can do any 
 good till we remove their misapprehensions? It seems to me 
 that before moving in this matter we ought to say to them dis- 
 tinctly, ' We consider slavery as your calamity, not your crime, 
 and we will share with you the burden of putting an end to it. 
 We will consent that the public lands shall be appropriated to 
 this object, or that the General Government shall be clothed with 
 power to apply a portion of the revenue to it.' 
 
 "I throw out these suggestions merely to illustrate my views. 
 We must first let the Southern States see that we are their friends 
 in this affair; that we sympathize with them, and, from princi- 
 ples of patriotism and philanthropy, are willing to share the toil 
 and expense of abolishing slavery, or I fear our interference will 
 avail nothing. I am the more sensitive on this subject from my 
 increased solicitude for the preservation of the Union. I know 
 no public interest so important as this. I ask from the General 
 Government hardly any other boon than that it will hold us to- 
 gether, and preserve pacific relations and intercourse between 
 the States. I deprecate everything which sows discord and exas- 
 perates sectional animosities. If it will simply keep us at peace, 
 and will maintain in full power the national courts for the pur- 
 pose of settling quietly among citizens of different States questions 
 which might otherwise be settled by arms, I shall be satisfied. 
 
 "My fear iu regard to our efforts against slavery is that we 
 shall make the cause worse by rousing a sectional pride and pas- 
 sion for its support, and that we shall break the country into 
 two great parties, which may shake the foundations of the 
 Government.
 
 78 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 "I have written to you because your situation gives you ad- 
 vantages which perhaps no other man enjoys for understanding 
 the method, if any can be devised, by which we may operate 
 beneficially and safely in regard to slavery. Appeals will prob- 
 ably be made soon to the people here, and I wish that wise men 
 would save us from the rashness of enthusiasts, and from the 
 perils to which our very virtues expose us. 
 
 " With great respect, your friend, 
 
 "WILLIAM E. CHANXIXO. 
 
 "Hon. DANIEL WEBSTEK." 
 
 But unfortunately, Lundy, while in Boston, hap- 
 \^ pened to board in the same house with a young 
 printer by the name of William Lloyd Garrison. 
 This youth had formed no definite ideas upon the 
 subject of slavery, but under the tuition of Lundy 
 became a convert to antislavery, and accompanied 
 him to Baltimore to assist in publishing his paper. 
 This journal was sustained mainly by subscribers 
 and advertisers in the slave States, where he had 
 been doing his quiet but effective antislavery work. 
 
 As soon, however, as Garrison began to write for 
 the paper a fierce hostility was aroused among the 
 slave-holders. George Alfred Townsend, in a letter 
 to the Boston Globe, calls these disunionists " the 
 snorting Abolitionists," and describes the result of 
 Garrison's connection with Lundy as follows : 
 
 "When Garrison went to Baltimore City, about 1829, to join 
 Benjamin Lundy in the publication of an emancipation newspa- 
 per, there were some three hundred societies in the slave States, 
 bottomed upon a moral dissatisfaction with the institution of 
 slavery. 
 
 " When Mr. Garrison got to Baltimore he changed the meth- 
 ods of Mr. Lundy, who was a Quakerly sort of person, and began 
 to attack individuals as if they were personally responsible for
 
 GARRISON A MARPLOT. 79 
 
 the status of slavery. So in a little while there were personal 
 inquisitors, and all the work which Lundy had done dissolved." 
 
 It is much to be deplored that at this time, when 
 there was a friendly feeling between the North and 
 the South, and a disposition to co-operate in getting 
 rid of slavery, that the work begun by Lundy and 
 approved by Dr. Channing should have been arrest- 
 ed and destroyed. The gradual extinction of sla- 
 very could then have been made certain by well- 
 directed efforts of men so earnest and patriotic. 
 Such a chance for relief was never again presented. 
 
 After Garrison began to issue his vituperative 
 fulminations in Lundy's paper, the South became 
 imbittered against all antislavery men, however 
 moderate. Then in a few years the slave-holders, 
 under the guidance of Calhoun, were united for the 
 purpose of not only protecting their legal rights, 
 but of extending slavery until it should become the 
 controlling political power of the country. This 
 union of the slave-holders accomplished in a few 
 years the political supremacy of slavery, and sub- 
 jected to its undisputed control every department 
 of the National Government. 
 
 In this way Garrison, discarding the mild and 
 quiet methods of Lundy, began to denounce the 
 slave-holders as pirates, thieves, and robbers. He 
 was thereupon prosecuted, fined, and imprisoned. 
 After he had lain in jail forty-nine days, Arthur 
 Tappan, of New York City, sent the money which 
 secured his liberation. But he had already de- 
 stroyed poor Lundy. He had not only captivated 
 but captured him. He had instilled into the mind
 
 80 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 of the just and peaceful Quaker a part of his own 
 virulence and love of anarchy. 
 
 So, in 1837, John Quincy Adams says : " Lundy 
 and the Abolitionists generally are constantly 
 urging me to indiscreet movements, which would 
 ruin me and weaken and not strengthen their 
 cause." 
 
 From the day of Garrison's connection with 
 Lundy the latter's success in the antislavery cause 
 began to decline, and after a few years his sub- 
 scribers had all left him, and all the antislavery 
 societies which he had formed in the slave States 
 had been disbanded. He then went to Philadel- 
 phia and started another paper, but he failed to 
 prosper. Misfortune followed misfortune, until in 
 a few years, overwhelmed by poverty and disap- 
 pointment, and exhausted by his ardent but inef- 
 fectual work for freedom, he departed from life.* 
 
 It has been unwisely said that Lundy served to 
 keep the antislavery torch burning, until Garrison 
 could take it from his hand and bear it onward. 
 Before Lundy's death, his torch of antislavery had 
 been extinguished, and was never borne by Garri- 
 son, its extinguisher, or any one, thereafter. The 
 latter-day fanatics had no wish for torches to light 
 their path ; they wanted only the missiles and 
 weapons of anarchy. Such methods cannot with 
 any reason be called a continuation of Lundy's 
 work. His work was destroyed, not continued. 
 
 * Earle's "Life of Benjamin Lundy." Greeley's " Great Amer- 
 ican Conflict."
 
 "PLAUSIBLE RASCALITY." 81 
 
 After his liberation from prison, Garrison wan- 
 dered about for several months, smarting under 
 the indignities and penalties which his disregard of 
 law had brought upon him. From that time he 
 vowed vengeance against slave-holders, and was 
 planning methods to make his vengeance keenly 
 felt. At length he reached Boston, and started the 
 Liberator the arsenal in which he was to manu- 
 facture and store his vengeful missiles. In its first 
 number he employed the same vituperative and 
 mandatory style which for thirty years character- 
 ized that disloyal and vindictive sheet. He said : 
 
 "A greater revolution in public sentiment is to be effected in 
 the free States, particularly in New England, than at the South. 
 . . . Let Southern oppressors tremble! Let their Northern apol- 
 ogists tremble! ... On this subject I do not wish to speak or 
 write with moderation." 
 
 Samuel Eliot, in his "History of the United /* 
 States," page 369, gives an accurate account of the \ 
 early antislavery movement, and its obstruction 
 by Garrison, as follows : 
 
 "In the history of the movement against slavery in the United 
 States, two periods are easily observed. The first is from the 
 beginning of the Government to 1831, during which antislavery 
 meant opposition to an evil from which all parts of the country 
 were suffering, and to the relief of which all must contribute. 
 Slavery was to be removed gradually, and with compensation to 
 the owners of slaves who might be emancipated. As a general 
 rule, societies were the instruments to be employed in bringing 
 about the desired results, the subject being too delicate or too 
 vast, or both, for individual action. All this changes in the sec- 
 ond period, from 1831 forward. Slavery is the sin for which 
 those only who tolerate it are to pay the penalty; it is to be wiped 
 4*
 
 83 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 out at once, and without compensating those who have upheld 
 it; and as its abolition is to be effected only at great risks and in 
 defiance of powerful traditions, it must be the work of individ- 
 uals, who, though combined in associations, are mostly engaged 
 in individual action. It was a natural consequence of this con- 
 trast that while the South co-operated in antislavery movements 
 before 1831 it set itself against them afterwards. Of 144 anti- 
 slavery societies in 1826, 106 were Southern. Of the compara- 
 tively few ten years later, all were Northern. . . . ' The grand 
 rally ing -point,' according to Garrison and his associates, was 
 the repeal of the Union. Other repeals were proposed; that of 
 the pulpit, which had not thundered as it ought against slavery; 
 that of the churches, which had not forced their pulpits to thun- 
 der. These passionate demands threw back Abolitionism, instead 
 of advancing it. Men willing to act against slavery were not 
 willing to act against their country or their church, and instead 
 of becoming Abolitionists they became anti- Abolitionists. An- 
 other party would have to be formed to take the lead, and this 
 could not be done in a day." 
 
 To accomplish the grand results laid down in 
 their programme, the Garrisonites proposed to 
 make use of " moral influence only." The hypoc- 
 risy of this pretence is admirably shown in volume 
 four of Schouler's History, page 216, as follows : 
 
 "They had deluged the South with incendiary pamphlets, 
 whose tendency, whether they so meant it or not, was to excite 
 the slaves to rise against their masters. This latter appeal to 
 terrorism was the device of the American Antislavery Society, 
 which set aside a large sum of money to circulate gratuitously 
 their seditious writings where it was death to distribute them 
 openly. Tracts and periodicals printed expressly for this pur- 
 pose, with pictures even more inflammatory than the text they 
 illustrated the master with scourge in his hand and his victim 
 at his feet were struck off by the thousand, some printed on 
 cheap muslin handkerchiefs, and deposited in the mail for the 
 South. The best antislavery statesmen, such as Adams, have
 
 INCITING SERVILE WAR. 83 
 
 believed that the purpose was incendiary; and though agitators 
 denied that they intended more than to reach the conscience of 
 Southern legislators, this denial was not accepted; denying that 
 they sent such documents to the slaves, they tacitly confessed 
 mailing them to free blacks. The grave charge, never explicitly 
 denied by them, that this was an experiment to terrify the mas- 
 ters by kindling a new insurrection among the blacks, was made 
 and reiterated by our whole people, and the Abolitionists were 
 deterred from trying such methods again." 
 
 Had these incendiaries been successful in their 
 attempts to incite a servile war, they would have 
 inflicted a much greater wrong upon the slaves than 
 upon their masters. They appear, however, to have 
 desired to demonstrate with characteristic logic 
 their love for the African by making him a mur- 
 derer. 
 
 If their gusty fury had only possessed cyclonic 
 power, they would have wrecked the Government, 
 abolished the pulpit and the church, and shattered 
 into fragments the civilization of this continent. 
 
 It has been wisely provided that infants are not 
 Samsons. 
 
 Koosevelt, in his "Life of Benton," page 159, 
 says : 
 
 " The antislavery outburst in the Northern States over the ad- 
 mission of Missouri took place a dozen years before there was an 
 Abolition society in existence, and the influence of the profes- 
 sional Abolitionists upon the grdwth of the antislavery sen- 
 timent as often as not merely warped it and twisted it out of 
 proper shape as when they adopted disunion views, although 
 it was self-evident that by no possibility could slavery be abol- 
 ished unless the Union was preserved." 
 
 The natural hostility to slavery which had al- 
 ways characterized the North was aggravated from
 
 84 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 time to time by some new aggression of the Slave 
 Power. The increased antislavery zeal thus secured 
 was invariably claimed by Garrison and his friends 
 as the result of their own agitation. Nothing could 
 be further from the truth. Sensible men of all 
 parties and of all religious beliefs were unanimous 
 in the expression that these agitators had much re- 
 tarded the development and "effectiveness of the 
 practical antislavery sentiment of the country. 
 There are numerous and illustrious examples of 
 such opinions, some of which are here presented ; 
 first, extracts from a sermon preached in Hartford 
 in 1839 by Kev. Dr. Horace Bushnell, as follows : 
 
 "I turn, on the other hand, to our antislavery brethren, and 
 say, do not regard yourselves too hastily as the beginning of a 
 movement for liberty, or assume too much consequence to your- 
 selves in the organization you have raised up. Neither conclude 
 too hastily that what you are doing is a real advantage. The 
 destruction of slavery will be accomplished, either with you or 
 without you ; or, if you make it necessary, in spite of you. 
 There is a law in the case above you and above us all. The 
 river has been in motion for ages, with a deep, strong, broad- 
 sweeping current. You may disturb the clearness of its waters, 
 you may pump off some of it into by-trenches and ponds, but 
 still it will flow on in its predestined course, in the power and 
 undiverted majesty of Him who bids it flow. . . . 
 
 " Instead of beginning in the proper way, your first movement 
 here at the North was a rank onset and explosion. . . . 
 
 " The first sin of this organization was a sin of ill-manners. 
 They did not go to work like Christian gentlemen. They went 
 to work much as if they were going to drive the masters as they 
 do their negroes. The great convention which met at Philadel- 
 phia drew up a declaration of their sentiments, in which they 
 visibly affected the style and tone of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence. . . . And yet it is coupled with a sort of effect ; I 
 hardly know whether to call it sad or ludicrous when you figure
 
 DR. BUSHNELL'S VIEWS. 85 
 
 to yourselves a body of men gathered in solemn convention at 
 Philadelphia, and declaring independence, as it were, for slavery! 
 an act exactly fitted to alienate every friend they had or could 
 have had at the South, and shut his lips forever; an act by 
 which they wilfully and boorishly cast off the whole South from 
 them, and kindled against themselves a flame of madness so hot 
 as to exclude all approach, and create an embargo against all 
 their arguments. . . . 
 
 " There is no probability that we shall ever join with you. 
 And do not think that it is mere ignorance which at present 
 keeps us from doing it. I believe that I have watched your 
 movement and known it as well as most of you have done your- 
 selves; but never for a moment have I been impressed with any 
 feeling of obligation except the obligation not to unite with your 
 societies. I never could have done it without a violation of my 
 conscience and better judgment. . . . New England still is, at 
 bottom, thoroughly opposed to slavery. And though it may 
 seem strange to you, I will affirm without scruple that liberty in 
 every form, and not least in the abolition of slavery, is a popular 
 doctrine. Our fathers and all our statesmen of the old type 
 were Abolitionists. Could you ask a stronger evidence than that 
 they abolished slavery themselves? . . . 
 
 "There is in New England a deep and settled opposition to 
 slavery, and nothing is wanting but to let it forth. Your soci- 
 ety is now the greatest obstacle to its manifestation. . . . But 
 how is this? you inquire; have not we ourselves called out res- 
 olutions on this subject in the Legislatures of Vermont, Massa- 
 chusetts, and Connecticut? You are in danger, I reply, of taking 
 more to yourselves in this matter than you ought. You know 
 very well that these Legislatures do not regard you or your 
 measures, as a society, with favor. They deprecate your course, 
 they disclaim all fellowship with you in the very act of voting. 
 When you understand this, you may readily guess that it is not 
 your society which, all at once, has made them friends of liberty. 
 They speak not with your voice, but with the ancient spirit of 
 New England; they move not in your line, but in their own, 
 with a hearty repugnance to your alliance. . . . 
 
 "And now I think I am right in saying that the ministry of 
 New England, together with the better class of public men gen- 
 erally, are ready to take their stand practically and soberly for
 
 86 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 the abolition of slavery. Our Legislatures, you perceive, arc 
 willing to vote opinions which look that way. But mark, while 
 this is true, there is no disposition manifested to fall into your 
 strain of action or to become identified with the odium unneces- 
 sarily attracted by your movement. They would feel, in fact, 
 that an identification with your society would be only throwing 
 themselves into the worst possible position for acting with ef- 
 fect. . . . 
 
 "If you wish to put a man of real weight quite out of the 
 way, to hide him, or make his name a cipher as regards this 
 question, you need only put him into an antislavery association. 
 He will lie there sweltering under the heated mass of numbers, 
 like the giant under ^Etna, and by men as little felt or regarded." 
 
 Not less forcible than the above views of Dr. 
 Bushnell are the following criticisms of Dr. Will- 
 iam E. Channing. No one can accuse either of 
 these loyal, patriotic, and eminent divines of preju- 
 dice or of undue severity. 
 
 "The Abolitionists have done wrong, I believe; nor is their 
 wrong to be winked at, because done fanatically or with good 
 intention; for how much mischief may be wrought by good de- 
 sign? They have fallen into the common error of enthusiasts, 
 that of taking too narrow views, of feeling that no evil existed 
 but that which they opposed, and as if no guilt could be com- 
 pared with that of countenancing or upholding it. The tone of 
 their newspapers, as far as I have seen them, has often been 
 fierce, bitter, exasperating. . . . One of their errors has been the 
 adoption of ' Immediate Emancipation ' as their motto. To this 
 they owe not a little of their unpopularity. . . . Another objection 
 to their movement is that they have sought to accomplish their 
 objects by a system of agitation ; that is, by a system of affiliated 
 societies, gathered and held together and extended by passionate 
 eloquence. . . . The adoption of the common system of agitation 
 by the Abolitionists has not been justified by success. From the 
 beginning it created alarm in the considerate, and strengthened 
 the sympathies of the free States with the slave-holder. It made 
 converts of a few individuals, but alienated multitudes. Its in-
 
 FEELING WITHOUT ACTION A CURSE. 87 
 
 fluence at the South has been almost wholly evil. It has stirred 
 up bitter passions and a fierce fanaticism which have shut every 
 ear and every heart against its arguments and persuasions. 
 These effects are more to be deplored, because the hope of free- 
 dom to the slave lies chiefly in the disposition of his master. 
 The Abolitionist proposed, indeed, to convert the slave-holders; 
 and for this end he approached them with vituperation and ex- 
 hausted on them the vocabulary of reproach. And he has reaped 
 as he sowed. . . . Thus, with good purposes, nothing seems to 
 have been gained. Perhaps (though I am anxious to repel the 
 thought) something has been lost to the cause of freedom and 
 humanity. . . . 
 
 "There is a great dread in this part of the country that the 
 union of the States may be dissolved by the conflict about slavery. 
 To avert this evil every sacrifice should be made but that of 
 honor, freedom, and principle. No one prizes the Union more 
 than myself. Perhaps I may say that I am attached to it by no 
 common love. Most men value the Union as a Means; to me it 
 is an End. Most would preserve it for the prosperit} r of which 
 it is the instrument; I love and would preserve it for its own 
 sake." 
 
 One very great error in the methods of these Ab- 
 olitionists was the constant effort to stimulate feel- 
 ing upon the slavery question without suggesting 
 any practical action. In all their annual, semi-an- 
 nual, and quarterly conventions, as well as in their 
 numerous antislavery bazaars, the most fiery, furi- 
 ous, and passionate of their orators pictured blood- 
 hounds, auction - blocks, manacles, and whipping- 
 posts. Tears and wailing were the result. The 
 only action they proposed was utterly impossi- 
 ble : the destruction of the Government, the over- 
 throw of the Constitution, the dissolution of the 
 Union, and the abolition of the pulpit and the 
 church. All this intensely stimulated feeling, cut
 
 88 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 off from action, resulted in inability to act. That 
 such would be tlie inevitable result, they might 
 have learned from any sound work on mental and 
 moral philosophy. But disregarding every admo- 
 nition, whether of science or experience, they al- 
 lowed their sentimental intoxication to develop 
 into emotional insanity or chronic monomania. 
 They could see but one sin in all the world, and 
 that was slavery. This they would abolish imme- 
 diately, with no care for ruinous results. Their 
 "plausible rascality," without one glimmer of 
 statesmanship, or one impulse of patriotism, was 
 ever in harmony with disunion and anarchy. Their 
 morbid fancy had devoured their strength. 
 
 "And like the bat of Indian brakes, 
 Her pinions fan the wound she makes; 
 And soothing thus the dreamer's pains, 
 She drinks the life-blood from his veins." 
 
 As a substitute for action, however, they passed 
 resolutions. In this industry they excelled, by far, 
 all other people whether secular or religious. There 
 was a race of prehistoric men whom ethnologists 
 call the "Mound-builders." The best descriptive 
 term for the Garrison Abolitionists would be the 
 " resolution-builders." They never came any nearer 
 to the attainment of an object than to pass a reso- 
 lution about it, and have it recorded in the Liber- 
 ator, the birthplace and sepulchre of all their hopes, 
 purposes, and aspirations. 
 
 When there were twenty thousand people in 
 Kansas, Mr. Garrison said, " Among all the people
 
 NO ABOLITIONISTS IN KANSAS. 89 
 
 who have emigrated to that country there is 
 scarcely one Abolitionist." Yery true, and very 
 fortunate that it was true. I knew of several 
 young men who joined our colonies after having 
 wasted all their energies in sighing and weeping 
 for " the poor slave ;" but they all returned before 
 reaching the Territory. After a few months' ex- 
 perience in raising colonies I advised all these 
 tearful specimens to stay at home. The best and 
 most trustworthy emigrants in the cause of free 
 Kansas were of the old "Whig and Democratic par- 
 ties. They hated slavery as much as any one, but 
 they had not exhausted their strength in deploring 
 the " great sin of slavery." They knew it was a 
 great curse to the country, and were desirous of 
 ending it, if it could be done according to law and 
 without the loss of the Union. They used but few 
 words, but they meant all they said. They went 
 to Kansas to make a free State, and they made it. 
 But how the Abolitionists of the Garrison school 
 denounced them, when at the convention at Big 
 Springs in 1855 they voted unanimously that when 
 Kansas should become a State there should be no 
 negroes in it, either slave or free ! At the next free- 
 State convention, held in Lawrence, they voted 
 the same way. Again at Topeka they repeated 
 what they had twice affirmed. Of course no Abo- 
 litionist could have done this, neither could any 
 Liberty party man ; hardly any Free-soiler. But 
 it was policy at that time to vote as they did. 
 There were many people from the South there. 
 They were poor, and had never owned slaves ; but
 
 90 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 their prejudice against free negroes was much 
 greater than against slavery. If there were to be 
 no free negroes in Kansas, they were free -State 
 men ; if there were to be free negroes there, they 
 were slave-State men. By this policy of our dis- 
 creet pioneers from the North members of the 
 Whig and Democratic parties more than half of 
 the settlers in Kansas from the slave States became 
 free-State men, and in unison with our own emi- 
 grants from the free States. 
 
 In my sixty thousand miles of travel in raising 
 Kansas colonies I was never rebuked for my meth- 
 ods and arguments but once, and that opposition 
 occurred in Montpelier, Vermont. I had addressed 
 a very large audience in the largest hall in the place 
 for two hours. I had dwelt upon the bad economy 
 of slavery, and recommended to such in the meet- 
 ing as might go to Kansas to make friends of the 
 poor whites who came there from the South, and 
 to show them, from the United States census, how 
 much more their quarter sections would be worth 
 in a free State than they would be in a slave State ; 
 also what a difference there would be in educa- 
 tional advantages, in the mechanic arts, and in all 
 that civilized man esteems valuable. You, I said, 
 like our colonists now there, are to be the mission- 
 aries of free labor, and are to build up the noblest 
 of all our free States in the very centre of the re- 
 public. 
 
 I had just concluded when a venerable man of 
 seventy years or more arose in the audience, and 
 said :
 
 ABOLITION HOSTILITY. 91 
 
 " I have listened with deep humiliation yes, I may say with 
 extreme mortification, to the arguments of Mr. Thayer, in favor 
 of making Kansas a free State. The methods which he uses 
 and which he urges his emigrants to adopt are exceedingly re- 
 pulsive to me. He has told us how he makes his emigrants mis- 
 sionaries of freedom. I consider them missionaries of mammon. 
 They are to show the Southerners that it will pay better to es- 
 tablish freedom in Kansas. I protest against lowering our glori- 
 ous standard of Liberty to such base expedients. I would a 
 thousand times prefer that Kansas should be a slave State rather 
 than be a free State for any other reason than 'his, that slavery 
 is a sin against God." 
 
 The unhappy man seemed to have no supporters 
 in the meeting, for no one applauded and many 
 hissed. After a few minutes they called for me. I 
 simply said that I should enter into no controver- 
 sy with the venerable gentleman who had spoken, 
 since it would be a very unfair encounter, as the au- 
 dience seemed to favor me and oppose him. But I 
 still adhered to my methods, and would prefer to 
 see Kansas a free State for the worst reasons, rath- 
 er than a slave State for the best reasons. 
 
 The professed Garrisonites were not the only 
 writers and speakers who strove to intensify feel- 
 ing against slavery, without even suggesting any 
 practical action. All such writers and speakers did 
 great harm. A boy or girl who weeps over the 
 misery described in a dime novel is very much 
 weakened for all really charitable work. Hence 
 hundreds of writers, both of prose and poetry, 
 weakened the effective antislavery work of the 
 country, and destroyed to a great extent vigorous 
 manhood by stimulating feelings which had noth-
 
 92 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 ing to do but to corrode and destroy their own ten- 
 ements. The trustworthy and effective men in the 
 great pivotal contest against slavery upon the prai- 
 ries of Kansas were those who had not worn them- 
 selves out in direful apprehensions or wasted their 
 strength in exhausting pity. They never had said, 
 " Slavery has always had its own way, and always 
 will have it." They believed that God had made 
 freedom stronger than slavery, and that now, since 
 politicians had nothing more to do with this mat- 
 ter, it was wise for the people to make an honest 
 and exhaustive test of the comparative strength of 
 these two forces in Kansas. Before the organized 
 movement of such men, slavery was like a cripple 
 assailed by Briareus with his hundred arms. 
 
 It was my custom in all my addresses to dwell 
 upon the inherent and irresistible power of free la- 
 bor, and to predict its speedy triumph. This confi- 
 dence begat enthusiasm, and the people responded 
 in large and eager audiences. They were much 
 more interested in the physical advantages of free- 
 dom than in the moral deformity of slavery. 
 
 From what has already been said, the thoughtful 
 reader will readily understand how these disunion- 
 ists were prepared by their training to despise all 
 practical men and all feasible measures. It was 
 one of their foibles to assume that they had " pre- 
 empted " the slavery question, and that nobody else 
 had any business with it. Hence, when the Emigrant 
 Aid Company was organized and put into successful 
 operation, they tried by speeches and writing, by 
 ridicule and argument, to make its work abortive.
 
 SCHOULER'S VIEWS. 93 
 
 It was great good-fortune, however, for the cause 
 of freedom in Kansas that this class of men opposed 
 it. Had they favored it, all the prospects of its 
 success would have been destroyed at the outset. 
 Very few people could have been induced to work 
 with them under any circumstances. Had they 
 advocated slavery for as many years as they advo- 
 cated disunion, and with the same blind intensity 
 and malignity, they might have crippled even that 
 robust institution. From their very natures they 
 could not be coworkers with the people in any 
 cause. They were malignant spirits, at war with 
 everybody. 
 
 They are well described by Schouler, in his last 
 work, as follows : 
 
 " They were not actors in affairs, but agitators, critics, come- 
 outers, coiners of cutting epithets, "who scourged men in public 
 station with as little mercy as ever the slave-driver did his vic- 
 tim, less pleased that their work was being done than displeased 
 because it was not done faster. Their political blunders widened 
 the breach between the North and the South, and their constant 
 instigation was to throttle that law which was the breath of our 
 being to trample down the Union, rather than convert, con- 
 strain, or conquer slavery behind the shield of the Constitution. 
 This was because of their fanaticism. Not one leader of this 
 school ever took a responsible part in affairs, or co-operated in 
 lawful and practical measures for promoting the reform they 
 caressed in their preaching."
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE ABOLITIONISTS AND THE PLAN OF FREEDOM. 
 
 FOE several years past it has been the practice 
 of many thoughtless and sentimental speakers and 
 writers to extol Garrison and Phillips for work 
 w r hich they had no hand in doing. In paroxysms 
 of grotesque eulogy rivalling the wildest utterances 
 of the ancient pythoness at Delphi, these Will-o'- 
 the-wisp luminaries dazzle, confound, and mislead 
 the people, their own heated imaginations suppty- 
 ing fancies instead of facts. 
 
 The repeated confessions of these disunionists 
 that they had achieved no success is reinforced by 
 the most authoritative testimony of eminent states- 
 men and journalists. The Kansas contest was 
 caused by the new methods of migration, under 
 the guiding and protecting power of a strong com- 
 pany adapted to this special work. This company 
 was in favor of law and the Union. For that rea- 
 son it was naturally hated by the disunionists, but 
 especially because it had determined to overthrow 
 slavery in its own way and by its own methods, 
 without even asking their advice or co-operation. 
 
 While the Emigrant Aid Company was by its 
 operations creating a well-founded alarm in the 
 Southern States, and was receiving the cominenda-
 
 UNFOUNDED PRETENSIONS. 95 
 
 tion and gratitude of every true lover of freedom 
 for the practical results it had accomplished, let us 
 see how it was regarded by that peculiar clique. 
 At the time of the repeal of the Missouri Compro- 
 mise, and the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 
 these men had been absolutely silent ; and in the 
 period of gloom and despair at the North that fol- 
 lowed that iniquity, they had no words either of 
 counsel, of encouragement, or of commiseration to 
 offer. No sooner, however, was a feasible plan of 
 retrieving the disaster set forth, than Mr. Garrison 
 and his associates opened their batteries of vituper- 
 ation upon it and its authors, as they had always 
 assailed every feasible measure, and everybody who 
 proposed to do something for the cause of freedom ; 
 and as they continued to assail everybody and ev- 
 erything except disunion, until, in spite of them and 
 without their aid, the great object was achieved. 
 Then they and their admirers turned about and 
 coolly said, "We did all this ourselves !" The pres- 
 ent generation has, in consequence of the persistent 
 clack and endless scribbling of that class, come to 
 believe that Mr. Garrison was the Alpha and Ome- 
 ga of the antislavery struggle, and that he and his 
 small party of followers were the leaders and direct- 
 ors of the great movement that brought about the 
 overthrow of slavery. These men and women have 
 never exhibited any diffidence or modesty in sound- 
 ing their own praises. They formed a mutual ad- 
 miration society possessed by an unusual malignity 
 towards those who did not belong to it ; yet, not 
 content with fighting the outside world, they fre-
 
 96 TIIE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 quently snarled and quarrelled among themselves, 
 and attempted to destroy each other. The perse- 
 cution they endured was not on account of the 
 antislavery principles they maintained. It was their 
 abusive and insulting manner, and particularly their 
 offensive obtrusion of the unpopular and unpatriotic 
 doctrines of secession and disunion upon every occa- 
 sion, that principally excited the passions of the mob. 
 
 In fact, the little company of Abolitionists had 
 come to be despised at the North, and they were 
 neglected and shunned by the better element for 
 the reasons above given. Almost invariably, in 
 presenting my plan of emigration, the question 
 would come, Has Garrison anything to do with 
 this ? Is there any taint of Abolitionism in it ? I 
 had to assure my hearers that it was entirely free 
 from that objectionable element. However, as Mr. 
 Garrison and his friends have been elevated into 
 such a prominent position, and as an exaggerated 
 and distorted idea of their services largely prevails, 
 some even believing that they aided in the saving 
 of Kansas, it is proper for me to show here in what 
 manner they viewed an undertaking which had for 
 its object the extermination of slavery by peace- 
 ful, lawful, and practical methods, and how they 
 treated those who honestly and earnestly gave to 
 it their support. The following extracts and quo- 
 tations will show their kind of wisdom and power 
 of prophecy : 
 
 In the Massachusetts A. A. S. Convention (May, 
 1854), Henry C. Wright offered the following reso- 
 lution, which was passed :
 
 REVOLUTION ADVOCATED. 97 
 
 ' ' That should the Government succeed in its present plan to 
 abolish the Missouri Compromise, and to throw open all the vast 
 public domain to slavery and the slave-trade, we consider that 
 the time has fully come for the people to practically assert the 
 right of revolution." 
 
 Here, in 1854, before the passage of the Kansas- 
 Nebraska Bill, we have a very striking specimen of 
 what John Quincy Adams called "the plausible 
 rascality of Garrison and the Non-resistant Aboli- 
 tionists." Years before, they were using what they 
 called " moral suasion," to secure the dissolution of 
 the Union. They had said that their appeals were 
 to the " moral sense " of the free States. Instead 
 of approval, our people, almost without exception, 
 gave to such appeals extreme opposition and bitter 
 denunciation. Now, however, since these appeals 
 had proved a complete failure, the disunionists were 
 ready to proclaim open war against the Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Between these two methods there was little room 
 for choice. Either would have secured the perma- 
 nent triumph of the Slave Power, and the utter 
 humiliation and subserviency of the North for an 
 indefinite period. We are well able to judge, since 
 the war, whether the General Government had 
 power to coerce a State and maintain its own au- 
 thority. Both of these proposed methods illustrate 
 the statesmanship of the disunionists, who never 
 saw any public question in its true light, and who 
 never advocated any course of action which would 
 not have utterly wrecked all the interests of freedom. 
 
 In defiance, however, of the " revolution " threat- 
 5
 
 98 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 ened by a " handful of despised Abolitionists," con- 
 sisting, as Samuel Bowles said, of " indiscreet men 
 and unsexed women," the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 
 having passed both House and Senate, was signed 
 by the President, and became a law on the 30th of 
 May, 1854. The charter of the Emigrant Aid Com- 
 pany, which contained the germ of the Emancipa- 
 tion Proclamation, had been granted by the Massa- 
 chusetts Legislature, and signed by the Governor 
 more than a month earlier. 
 
 Without waiting for this legislative action I had 
 begun the work of raising the first Kansas colony 
 as early as the 1st of April ; but on account of the 
 general gloom and despondency, had made but lit- 
 tle progress. Though that colony was a very small 
 one, numbering only twenty-nine, it required more 
 work to secure it than was expended on any half- 
 dozen subsequent Kansas companies. My long and 
 earnest efforts in New York and Massachusetts 
 were rewarded with this apparently insignificant 
 result. But however feeble in appearance was this 
 beginning, it was the first organized physical resist- 
 ance to the power of slavery that this country had 
 ever seen. It was the beginning of the end of that 
 combination which had ruled us with a rod of iron 
 for more than a third of a century. 
 
 The obstacles in the way of the success of this 
 " new science of emigration " were many and great. 
 First : there was the apathy, gloom, and despair con- 
 sequent upon the invariable victory of slavery and 
 defeat of freedom in our national legislative halls 
 for at least thirty-five years.
 
 FEARS OF LOYAL MEN. 99 
 
 Then again it was argued that we would have 
 no chance of success in the contest of emigration 
 proposed, since we were so far from the field of ac- 
 tion, while the slave-holders were in great numbers 
 on the very border of Kansas. 
 
 In addition to these difficulties, which seemed to 
 many insurmountable, there was the terrible fact 
 that all the departments of the Government were 
 in the hands of our enemies. This was indeed a 
 great calamity, and made our work difficult and 
 hazardous. It was a source of great doubt and per- 
 plexity among those who were ardently devoted to 
 the free-State cause, and was often urged as an un- 
 answerable argument against the possibility of its 
 ultimate triumph. 
 
 It was expected that the President would appoint 
 pro-slavery officers for both Territories, and that all 
 the power of the Government would be used, either 
 openly or secretly, to injure the free-State cause, 
 and to sustain slavery. 
 
 The Northern people had not yet understood 
 how much mightier they themselves were than 
 Presidents, Congresses, and Cabinets. This great 
 fact they were rapidly learning, and soon became 
 quite indifferent about what the powers at Wash- 
 ington might do, or fail to do. 
 
 Such were the arguments of loyal and patriotic 
 citizens, who were desirous of our success, and who 
 were later among the most active supporters of the 
 Emigrant Aid Company. When the great work of 
 inspiring faith and hope in hearts where only gloom 
 and despair had dwelt had once reached these ob-
 
 100 TIIE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 jectors, they joined in the grand crusade, and either 
 went to Kansas themselves or stimulated and aid- 
 ed others to go. 
 
 But there was another class, professing intense 
 hostility to slavery, who exerted all their power 
 to prevent our success ; I mean the Garrison dis- 
 unionists, whose " eternal whine " had afflicted the 
 country for a quarter of a century, and by utterly 
 disgusting all practical patriots, and all political 
 parties, had retarded antislavery work, and to a 
 great extent suppressed all practical antislavery 
 sentiment. These desired that Kansas should be a 
 slave State ; and said that if it could be made a 
 free State (which they claimed was impossible) " the 
 result would be a great injury to true antislavery, 
 because it would quiet the Northern conscience 
 with an apparent triumph." 
 
 Here are two samples of this " eternal whine." 
 Annual statement adopted at the May conven- 
 tion of the A. A. S., Massachusetts, 1856 : 
 
 ' ' Yet we cannot conceal it from ourselves that the too proba- 
 ble result will be, if Kansas be secured to freedom, that the vile 
 American spirit of compromise will take possession of its coun- 
 sels, control its internal affairs, and govern its intercourse with 
 the neighboring slave States; while, as a still more lamentable 
 consequence, apathy will settle upon the whole Northern mind, 
 satisfied with their seeming victory, but the end of which will 
 be only to invite fresh insults and aggressions from the South- 
 ern despotism. No! there is no safety as there is no honor and 
 no right in our union with men-stealers. No advantage gained 
 while in that fatal fellowship can be of any value." 
 
 The following, in the same strain as the above, 
 is an extract from a sermon of Rev. T. "W. Iliggin-
 
 T. W. HIGGINSON. 101 
 
 son, preached in "Worcester, in June, 1854, and re- 
 corded in the Liberator of June 16th : 
 
 " Here, for instance, is the Nebraska Emigration Society: it is, 
 indeed, a noble enterprise, and I am proud that it owes its ori- 
 gin to a Worcester man ; but where is the good of emigrating to 
 Nebraska, if Nebraska is to be only 11 transplanted Massachu- 
 setts, and the original Massachusetts has been tried and found 
 wanting? Will the stream rise higher than its source? Settle 
 your Nebraska ten years, and you will have your New England 
 harvest of corn and grain more luxuriant in that virgin soil. Ah! 
 but will not the other Massachusetts crop come also, of political 
 demagogues and wire-pullers, and a sectarian religion, which 
 will insure the passage of the greatest hypocrite to heaven, if he 
 will join the right church before he goes? And give the emi- 
 grants twenty years more of prosperity, and then ask them, if 
 you dare, to break the law, and disturb order, and risk life, 
 merely to save their State from the shame that has just blighted 
 Massachusetts." 
 
 In reply to these sentimental puerilities let us 
 first examine the argument of the "statement," 
 and then that of the sermon. The above "state- 
 ment" was adopted in 1856, after it had become 
 apparent to all intelligent observers that the con- 
 test in Kansas was to be decided in favor of free- 
 dom, if the same agency which had directed the 
 free-State cause up to that time should continue to 
 act. The Garrisonites in the above "statement" 
 make two points against the free State : 
 
 1st. It will be a compromising State. 
 
 Of course this means, as they had often said, that 
 such a State was worse than a slave State. If Kan- 
 sas had been left to the tender mercies of the border 
 ruffians, as it would have been without the action 
 of the Emigrant Aid Company, there would have
 
 102 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 been (so they believed) an important accession to 
 the disunionists of the North a number of new 
 subscribers for the Liberator, more patrons of all 
 the antislavery bazaars, increased attendance upon 
 the annual, semi-annual, and quarterly disunion con- 
 ventions ; altogether constituting a pledge of pro- 
 gressive anarchy and of ultimate disunion. To 
 make Kansas a free State \vas the ruin of all these 
 hopes and aspirations. 
 
 2d. " Apathy will settle upon the whole North- 
 ern mind, satisfied with their seeming victory." 
 
 In plain English they meant this: "If Kansas 
 should be made a free State everybody will say 
 that we, the disunionists, are false prophets, for we 
 have said a' thousand times that this result could 
 not be attained. People will then desert our stand- 
 ard instead of flocking to sustain it. More than 
 ever the North will adhere to the Union ; for her 
 political power will be assured for all coining time. 
 To this consummation we can never assent. No 
 union with man-stealers ! No fellowship with them 
 can be of any value." This was the a jyriori argu- 
 ment and prophecy. Has the result vindicated 
 their judgment and foresight? Just as much as 
 these qualities were vindicated by anything they 
 ever said or did in their entire history. No people 
 ever had more practice in prophesying than they ; 
 but practice brought neither perfection nor profi- 
 ciency. 
 
 This sermon of Rev. T. W. Higginson was pub- 
 lished in the Liberator thirty-one days before our 
 first colony left Boston for Kansas. It must be
 
 T. W. HIGGINSON ANSWERED. 103 
 
 plain to the intelligent reader that its purpose was 
 to prevent our organized emigration to that Terri- 
 tory. "Where is the good," says the reverend 
 preacher, " of emigrating to Nebraska if Nebraska 
 is to be a transplanted Massachusetts, and the orig- 
 inal Massachusetts has been tried and found want- 
 ing ?" Was this encouraging talk to the young men 
 who were at that very time proposing to join the 
 colony then forming ? 
 
 The argument of the reverend gentleman is this : 
 The best it is possible for you to do is to make an- 
 other State which will be as bad as Massachusetts 
 is, and therefore you had better do nothing at all. 
 " The stream cannot rise higher than its source ;" 
 therefore let Kansas alone. Should you succeed in 
 making her free, you will find that in thirty years 
 her people will be patriotic and law-abiding in pol- 
 itics, and sectarian in religion. To an anarchist 
 and come-outer these were insuperable reasons why 
 Kansas should be left to the Blue Lodges of Mis- 
 souri. 
 
 If made a slave State, the fact might help to fire 
 the Northern heart against the Union and make it 
 more easy for disunionists to triumph. These are 
 fair and just inferences, made without prejudice, 
 and warranted by the argument of the sermon and 
 the associations of the preacher. 
 
 In the Liberator of February 1C, 1855, is a letter 
 from its correspondent, C. Stearns, dated Lawrence, 
 Kansas, January 20, 1855, in which we find this : 
 
 " It is true we denounce the Emigrant Aid Company, because 
 we believe it to be a great hindcrance to the cause of freedom, and
 
 104 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 a mighty curse to the Territory; but we are the only ones who 
 have taken a decided ground on the antislavery question. I 
 have never heard of the Lawrence Association ever passing any 
 antislavery resolutions. 
 
 "Another point of importance is, that this association, with 
 Robinson at its head, advocates brute force in opposing the Mis- 
 sourians. Said Mr. R. to the marshal, in reference to some Mis- 
 sourians arrested for threatening the Yankees, ' If they fire, do 
 you make them bite the dust, and I will find coffins.' " 
 
 In a letter one month later, published in the Lib- 
 erator of the 16th of March, 1855, the same corre- 
 spondent says : 
 
 "Do not advise people to emigrate here in companies. Let 
 them come very few at a time. This sending large companies 
 is a very foolish business for many reasons." 
 
 In the above extracts, the hatred of the Emigrant 
 Aid Company is too apparent to need elucidation. 
 The writer assails the very methods of the com- 
 pany which gave us success. He objects to our col- 
 onies ! What could individual free-State men have 
 accomplished in Kansas ? 
 
 The hostile purpose of the following editorial in 
 the Liberator of April 13, 1855, is very apparent. 
 
 " Read the articles we have grouped together on our first page, 
 illustrative of the demoniacal pro-slavery spirit which rages and 
 bears down all opposition in Kansas and Missouri. . . . Beyond 
 a doubt the fate of Kansas is sealed. 'No union with slave- 
 holders.' " 
 
 At the date of the above quotation our company 
 had sent several flourishing colonies to Kansas, 
 and it began to be evident that by faithfully ad- 
 hering to our " plan of freedom " the entire North
 
 ABOLITION INTIMIDATION. 105 
 
 would soon be united in our support, insuring our 
 success, and making Kansas free. Now, if ever, in- 
 timidation must be tried to frighten our colonists 
 and check the progress of our work. So the Liber- 
 ator devotes an entire page to the grouping of all 
 the cock-and-bull stories that could be gleaned from 
 every quarter. Then, most discouraging of all, Mr. 
 Garrison informs us, " Beyond a doubt the fate of 
 Kansas is sealed." If he could make our emigrants 
 believe that, it would be the end of emigration. 
 But people had begun to see the drift of the dis- 
 union talk, and to understand that the owner of 
 the Liberator desired that Kansas should be a slave 
 State, to give aid and comfort to his pet scheme of 
 disunion. The concluding refrain proves this. " No 
 union with slave-holders !" 
 
 In another paper Mr. Garrison says, in substance : 
 Kansas cannot be made a free State, and even if it 
 should be, such a result would be a great injury to 
 the antislavery cause, for the reason that it would 
 quiet the Northern conscience. The following is 
 from the Liberator (editorial) of June 1, 1855 : 
 
 "Will Kansas be a free State? We answer No. Not while 
 the existing Union stands. Its fate is settled. We shall briefly 
 state some of the reasons which force us to this sad conclusion. 
 
 " 1. The South is united in the determination to make Kansas 
 a slave State ultimately, by division, half a dozen slave States, 
 if necessary. She has never yet been foiled in her purposes thus 
 concentrated and expressed, and she has too much at Btake to 
 allow free speech, a free press, and free labor, to hold the mas- 
 tery in that Territory. 
 
 "2. Eastern emigration will avail nothing to keep slavery out 
 of Kansas. We have never had any faith in it as a breakwater 
 5*
 
 100 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 against the inundation of the dark waters of oppression. Ilard- 
 ]y an Abolitionist can be found among all who have emigrated 
 to that country. Undoubtedly the mass of emigrants are in fa- 
 vor of making Kansas a free State, as a matter of sound policy, 
 and would do so if they were not under the dominion of Mis- 
 souri ruffianism, or if they could rely upon the sympathy of the 
 General Government in this terrible crisis, but they have not 
 gone to Kansas to be martyrs in the cause of the enslaved negro, 
 nor to sacrifice their chances for a homestead upon the altar of 
 principle, but to find a comfortable home for themselves and 
 their children. Before they emigrated they gave little or no 
 countenance to the antislavery cause at home; they partook of 
 the genernl hostility or indifference to the labors of radical Abo- 
 litionism ; at least they could only dream of making ' freedom 
 national and slavery sectional after the manner of the fathers;' 
 and they were poisoned more or less with the virus of colorpho- 
 bia. If they had no pluck here, what could be rationally ex- 
 pected of them in the immediate presence of the demoniacal 
 spirit of slavery? They represent the average sentiment of the 
 North on this subject nothing more and that is still subservi- 
 ent to the will of the South. 
 
 "3. The omnipotent power of the General Government will 
 co-operate with the vandals of Missouri to crush out what littfe 
 antislavery sentiment may exist in Kansas, and to sustain their 
 lawless proceedings in that Territory. This will prove decisive 
 in the struggle. 
 
 "4. On the subject of slavery there is no principle in the Kan- 
 sas papers ostensibly desirous of making it a free State. Here, 
 for instance, is the Herald of Freedom, of May 12th, published 
 in Lawrence, which claims to be, and we believe is, the most 
 outspoken journal in Kansas in regard to the rights of bona fide 
 settlers. What does its editor say? Listen! ' While publish- 
 ing a paper in Kansas, we feel that it is not our province to dis- 
 cuss the subject of freedom or slavery in the States.' Is not this 
 the most heartless inhumanity, the most arrant, moral coward- 
 ice, the clearest demonstration of unsoundness of mind? 
 
 " These are some of the reasons why we believe Kansas will 
 inevitably be a slave State. "
 
 G. W. BROWN. 107 
 
 The thoughtful reader will not need any com- 
 mentary to point out the utter folly and incohe- 
 rency of the above editorial of Mr. Garrison. One 
 or two points, however, deserve special attention. 
 " Hardly an Abolitionist can be found among all 
 who have emigrated to that country. . . . They rep- 
 resent the average sentiment of the North." 
 
 At this time there were about twenty thousand 
 people in Kansas. Then, according to the estimate 
 of Mr. Garrison, there was hardly one Abolitionist 
 in twenty thousand Northern people. Here is a 
 truthful, though evidently unconscious admission 
 that his twenty-five years of vituperation, blasphe- 
 my, and anarchy, with all its work and worry, had 
 been futile and useless. 
 
 The other point is the disparaging reference to 
 the Herald of Freedom. 
 
 G. W. Brown, from Pennsylvania, established 
 that paper in Lawrence in 1854, and maintained it 
 as the organ of the free-State cause during the 
 Kansas contest. It was a most hopeful and help- 
 ful agency in the free-State interest. In all my 
 journeys to form Kansas Leagues, to organize colo- 
 nies, to solicit money for our work, or to combine 
 the Northern people of all political parties in the 
 determination to make Kansas free, I did not fail to 
 carry large packages of these papers. They were of 
 vast service to our cause. The Herald of Freedom 
 was sent by the Kansas settlers into every county 
 and into almost every town of the Northern States. 
 It was ever true to the principle and purpose of 
 making Kansas a free State. Mr. Garrison and his
 
 108 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 friends complained because the editor refused to 
 enter into controversy upon the general subject of 
 slavery in the States, and would not fill his col- 
 umns with "resolutions," and complaints about 
 blood-hounds, manacles, and auction - blocks. The 
 paper was ably conducted, and was of inestimable 
 value to the cause in furnishing and disseminating 
 information about the Territory, much of which 
 was given by the actual settlers. The Emigrant 
 Aid Company advanced two thousand dollars to 
 aid Dr. Brown in establishing this journal, which 
 sum he repaid. He knew " Old John Brown " in- 
 timately while he was in Kansas, and his reminis- 
 cences of that worthy, published a few years since, 
 created something of a stampede among the ad- 
 mirers of the hero of Harper's Ferry. Dr. Brown 
 is now living in Kockford, Illinois, devoting much 
 of his time to literary work. He is entitled to the 
 gratitude of every lover of freedom for his faithful, 
 self-sacrificing, and effective work in Kansas. 
 
 In the Liberator of July 13, 1855, there is the 
 following record : 
 
 "Thomas Wentworth Higginson was the next speaker.. His 
 declaration of his belief in the certainty of the dissolution of 
 these States, and of his own readiness for that event, met with 
 the general and evidently carefully considered assent of the au- 
 dience." 
 
 This is the same Eev. Mr. Higginson from whose 
 sermon we have already quoted. 
 
 In perfect accord with the generally obstructive 
 efforts of the Garrisonites in the Kansas conflict 
 and crusade are the following editorial and an ex-
 
 GARRISON AND PHILLIPS. 109 
 
 tract from the speech of Wendell Phillips, to be 
 found in the Liberator of September 28th, and Au- 
 gust 10th, 1855 : 
 
 "Talk about stopping the progress of slavery and of saving 
 Nebraska and Kansas ! Why, the fate of Nebraska and Kansas 
 was sealed the first hour Stephen Arnold Douglas consented to 
 play his perfidious part. 
 
 "Why is Kansas a failure as a free State? I will tell you. 
 You sent out there some thousand or two thousand men for 
 what? To make a living; to cultivate a hundred and sixty 
 acres; to build houses; to send for their wives and children; to 
 raise wheat; to make money; to build saw-mills; to plant towns. 
 You meant to take possession of the country, as the Yankee 
 race always takes possession of a country, by industry, by civili- 
 zation, by roads, by houses, by mills, by churches; but it will 
 take a long time it takes two centuries to do it. 
 
 ******* 
 
 "The moment you throw the struggle with slavery into the 
 half-barbarous West, where things are decided by the revolver 
 and bowie-knife, slavery triumphs. . . . 
 
 "What do I care for a squabble around the ballot-box in 
 Kansas?" 
 
 These miserable prophetic efforts were intended 
 to check and ruin the work of the Emigrant Aid 
 Company. On every occasion the Abolitionists 
 magnified its dangers and difficulties, so that by 
 destroying all faith in the result sought, the work 
 itself might soon be suspended. It was far too 
 humiliating to be endured, that a new agency 
 should enter the antislavery field and achieve suc- 
 cess even in its infancy. Something must be done 
 to retain in their own hands the great slavery 
 question. To this they had given undivided atten- 
 tion for more than twenty-five years, and for that
 
 110 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 reason alone had assumed to be its only author- 
 ized and infallible champions. So a church rat, 
 having lived in a cathedral a dozen years, nib- 
 bling the crumbs of sacramental bread, might claim 
 to know more theology than the recently appointed 
 bishop. 
 
 As we have just seen, Mr. Phillips said, with char- 
 acteristic scorn, "What do I care for a squabble 
 around the ballot-box in Kansas?" Fortunately 
 there was such a "squabble." It has been proved 
 that no such " squabble " would have been but for 
 the work of the Emigrant Aid Company. All 
 would have been peace, but the peace of freedom's 
 death and of slavery's triumph. The people of the 
 North did care about this conflict, for they saw in 
 it the power commissioned to determine the fate 
 of this nation. From this contest it became evi- 
 dent that there could never be another slave State 
 in this Union. 
 
 Patriots were glad that this trial had come, while 
 anarchists and disunionists were sad and disheart- 
 ened. This conflict, which, Charles Sumner said, 
 " surpassed far in moral grandeur the whole war 
 of the Kevolution," saved Kansas and the country. 
 Is it, then, a fit subject for the ridicule of Garrison- 
 ites ? That American is little to be envied who can 
 speak lightly of the decisive contest in Kansas be- 
 tween the two antagonistic civilizations of this con- 
 tinent. Either he does not love his country, or is 
 incapable of understanding her history. In this 
 contest was involved the welfare of the human race 
 more than it had ever been in any other. The bat-
 
 CHILDREN OF THE "SQUABBLE." Ill 
 
 ties of Marathon and Leuctra were insignificant in 
 results when compared with it. So were those of 
 Hastings, Bannockburn, Naseby, and a hundred 
 others most celebrated in history. Among the 
 children of this " squabble " are Sumter, Bull Kun, 
 and the Emancipation Proclamation. Of the same 
 mother came also Antietam, Gettysburg, and Ap- 
 pomattox. The time may come when Bunker Hill 
 and Yorktown will take a lower place in history. 
 These made independent three millions of British 
 subjects. That made four millions of slaves into 
 freemen, and raised to manhood a still larger num- 
 ber of Avhite men whose condition had been more 
 pitiable than that of the slaves. The former gave 
 us a republic without republicanism, which denied 
 our Declaration of Independence by withholding 
 equal rights. The latter gave us a true republic, 
 with equal rights for all. 
 
 But there is another view to be taken of the 
 Kansas fight. Like mercy, it was "twice blessed." 
 It blessed both parties to the conflict; and, won- 
 derful to relate, the vanquished were a hundred 
 times more blessed in their defeat than were the 
 victors in their triumph. In the North slavery was 
 an appalling shadow, a dark and threatening cloud. 
 In the South it was the blackness of darkness, with- 
 out one gleam of light. In the North it was only 
 a hinderance to prosperity. In the South it was an 
 insurmountable obstruction to all enterprise and a 
 dead -stop to all progress. So both sections were 
 the gainers by its defeat and extinction, but the 
 South by far the greater. Look at her now ! In
 
 112 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 the very infancy of her regeneration she has be- 
 come in iron manufacture the successful rival of 
 Pennsylvania, and, in certain cotton manufactures, 
 of the whole North. Capital is now flowing South- 
 ward more freely and more copiously than in any 
 other direction. As this stream of incoming wealth 
 progresses, and capital is also accumulated from her 
 profitable investments already made, she will re- 
 ceive a great and ever-increasing accession to her 
 population by the immigration of white men skilled 
 in the mechanic arts. Her charming climate, her 
 inexhaustible mines of coal and iron in close prox- 
 imity to the needed lime-rock, her cotton, all ready 
 for manufacture in her own hands these are the 
 bases of such a future growth and prosperity as 
 can nowhere else be found. The race problem, 
 about which some good people are fretting, will 
 take care of itself, if the South shall now devote 
 her energies to the development of her vast treas- 
 ures, and enter into a brisk and healthy competi- 
 tion in her specialties with all parts of the world. 
 In all the heavy manufactures of iron and steel, 
 in the making of cotton cloths, and in many other 
 mechanical enterprises not yet developed, she can 
 take and hold the markets of this continent and 
 eventually many others. No country to-day has 
 such assuring prospects, and none promises to its 
 inhabitants such ample returns for capital and la- 
 bor invested. 
 
 The Southern States, as manufacturing centres, 
 have a great advantage over Massachusetts, Khode 
 Island, and Connecticut. The net profits to these
 
 THE NEW SOUTH. 113 
 
 States of their manufactories are greatly reduced 
 by the cost of flour, corn, and meat brought from 
 the West, and of cotton, wool, iron, and coal from 
 other quarters. The South has all these important 
 materials in abundance, so that within her own lim- 
 its she has the means of feeding and clothing a pop- 
 ulation many times larger than she now has, while 
 the products of her mines and her cotton furnish a 
 basis for exports in manufactured goods and in raw 
 materials such as no other country has. The labor- 
 ing man can there support himself and his family 
 for three-quarters of the sum required for that pur- 
 pose in New England. These are but a few of the 
 facts which give hope and encouragement to the 
 new South. 
 
 Her present duty is to push forward with the 
 greatest possible vigor her legitimate business pur- 
 suits, and to waste no time over the " race prob- 
 lem;" to attain, as speedily as she may, to the 
 height of her possible destiny in wealth, in popu- 
 lation, in education, and power. Her death has be- 
 come life through her disappointment in Kansas. 
 Her resurrection has now come, and the bounding 
 pulses of her new life are thrilling all her veins. 
 With energy, persistency, and fidelity in using her 
 great advantages, she will soon become the wealth- 
 iest and most populous part of the Union. This 
 result will be the proper settlement of the race 
 question. 
 
 We now return to the continued diatribes of the 
 disunionists. At a meeting of the American Anti- 
 slavery Society in Providence, Rhode Island, Mr.
 
 114 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Garrison,, as reported in the Liberator of the 2d of 
 May, 1856, said : 
 
 "While the Union continues, the slave power will have every- 
 thing its own way, in the last resort. 
 
 " 'But (they say) we are going to have a glorious victory in 
 Kansas.' 
 
 "It is all delusion to suppose that Kansas is safe for freedom. 
 We are just too late! We have been betrayed by the General 
 Government itself, which is now on the side of ' border ruffian- 
 ism!' Slavery is certain to go into Kansas, nay, slaves are now 
 carried there daily, and offered for sale with impunity. Even 
 the free-State men have voted to let slavery continue in the Ter- 
 ritory till the 4th of July next, and that no colored man shall 
 be allowed to set his foot upon the soil of Kansas; thus tram- 
 pling under foot the Constitution of the United Stales." 
 
 Here we have another example of the " eternal 
 whine." "The slave power will have everything 
 its own way." Did this sad prophecy prove true ? 
 
 It had now become apparent that the cause of 
 freedom was likely to triumph in Kansas. Even 
 the disunionists in their hostile and imbittered 
 hearts began to believe it. Observe that while up 
 to this time they have always said you when speak- 
 ing of the supporters of the Emigrant Aid move- 
 ment, they now say we. " We are just too late." 
 What had the disunionists, represented by the 
 word " we" ever done for Kansas, except to oppose 
 with all their power the only agency that could 
 secure the freedom of that State? It is now a 
 little late for the presumptuous claim that " we " 
 are champions in the grand crusade of freedom. 
 "Whenever there was any chance for practical action 
 against slavery there was a great lion in the path
 
 A BIG LION IN THE WAY. 115 
 
 of the Abolitionists. They called him " PRINCIPLE." 
 The Liberator of May 16, 1856, contains a speech 
 of Samuel May, Jr., in the K. Y. A. A. S. Conven- 
 tion, in which he said that he thought both duty 
 and a sound and just expediency utterly forbade 
 their identifying themselves, for an instant, with 
 the mere w,cw-extension-of -slavery movement. Es- 
 pecially would he protest against their identifying 
 themselves, as a society, with the Kansas free-State 
 movement, so long as it stood upon its present low 
 and compromising level. " We cannot join in the 
 present movement for Kansas because it is false in 
 principle. That is a sufficient reason why we 
 should take no part in it," said he. 
 
 " False in principle !" These Abolitionists re- 
 garded all action against slavery as " false in prin- 
 ciple " if it did not contemplate the destruction of 
 the churches and the overthrow of the Government. 
 To such an extent were they dominated by " prin- 
 ciple " that they would not give one dime for the 
 purchase and liberation of all the slaves in the 
 country. This method, they had often said, would 
 be trafficking in human beings. But they had no 
 objection to John Brown's way of murder and rob- 
 bery, under the pretence of extending freedom. 
 They could not be expected to favor the law-abid- 
 ing Emigrant Aid Company, or to restrain their 
 admiration and eulogy of John Brown, for disre- 
 garding all law and the rights of all men, who dif- 
 fered with him in opinion, to life, liberty, and the 
 pursuit of happiness. 
 
 The folloAving is from a speech of Wendell
 
 116 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Phillips, printed in the Liberator of July 11, 
 1856 : 
 
 " Now I have great hopes. I thick Fremont will be defeated. 
 I think there is great chance that Buchanan will be elected. I 
 liave no hope for Kansas. How can I have? Where are the 
 hundred men who went from Chicago? Why, they went through 
 Missouri, and laid down their arms at the feet of a mob! Fifty 
 men from the city of Worcester met the same fate. A thousand 
 dollars from the town of Concord alone gone into the treasury 
 of the Missouri mob! . . . Fifty per cent, of the muskets bought 
 in New England are to-day in the hands of Missourians." 
 
 Here Mr. Phillips plays a jubilee strain upon 
 three strings of his fiddle. " Fremont defeated," 
 " Buchanan elected," " Kansas lost." The country 
 did not join in this untimely and disloyal exulta- 
 tion. "With greater energy than ever, and fiercer 
 determination, the North was equal to the exigency 
 of the time. The Missouri Kiver had been closed 
 to our emigrants, Lawrence had been sacked by 
 border ruffians, United States troops held as pris- 
 oners many of the free-State leaders. This was the 
 time for Garrison and Phillips to sing hallelujahs ! 
 
 The following is from the diary of Amos A. 
 Lawrence (Life by his son, page 105) : 
 
 "Nov. 5t?i, 1856. Went with Governor Robinson and Sen- 
 ator Henry Wilson to a private meeting of about twenty Kansas 
 men to decide what shall be done if Buchanan is elected. Rev. 
 Mr. Higginson advocated resistance to the Government. Mr. 
 Wilson spoke against that doctrine very decidedly;' so did I." 
 
 The Garrison Abolitionists having failed to de- 
 stroy, or even to impede, the work of the Emigrant 
 Aid Company in colonizing Kansas, and the bor-
 
 THE PROPHET OF ANARCHY. 117 
 
 der ruffians also having achieved no success in the 
 same purpose, by their acts of lawless invasion, 
 outrage, and intimidation, they unitedly sought to 
 destroy the results of our victory by inducing the 
 free-State men to fight the United States troops. 
 James H. Lane had expressed this purpose in Ohio, 
 in his speeches during the summer. Rev. Mr. Hig- 
 ginson had just returned from a conference with 
 Lane, and was urging Lane's methods. Every one 
 must see that the plan proposed would have been 
 complete ruin to the free-State cause. But Charles 
 Robinson and the Emigrant Aid Company averted 
 this danger. 
 
 Here is the last shot from the anarchists, in a 
 speech of Wendell Phillips, printed in the Liberator 
 of August 14, 185Y : 
 
 "But Kansas her battle will not be fought in the West, but 
 on the chess-board at Washington, and in midnight session she 
 will be betrayed. This administration will see Kansas, possibly 
 Oregon and Nebraska, possibly the southern half of California 
 admitted as slave States; and then, with four or six more votes 
 in the Senate, with the prestige of success, how will you meet 
 another Presidential election?" 
 
 Turn back a few pages and you find Mr. Phillips 
 saying, " When you throw the struggle with slavery 
 into the half-barbarous West, where things are de- 
 cided by the bowie-knife and revolver, slavery tri- 
 umphs." All that had been done and slavery had 
 been defeated. But now all our success in Kansas 
 is to count for nothing, since the battle is to be 
 " fought on the chess-board at Washington." The 
 prophet of evil still adheres to his original idea that
 
 118 TIIE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Kansas shall be a slave State by some means. This, 
 like all his other prophecies, proved to be entirely 
 fallacious. From this time forward his course, as 
 Roosevelt says, " was either mischievous or ridicu- 
 lous, and sometimes both." 
 
 But the Emigrant Aid Company had able defend- 
 ers as well as violent assailants. Charles Sumner, 
 on the 19th of May, 1856, in his speech " The Crime 
 against Kansas," made an elaborate and eloquent 
 eulogy of this company and of the State which 
 gave it life. 
 
 "VVe quote as follows : 
 
 "It only remains, uuder this bead, that I should speak of the 
 apology infamous, founded on false testimony against the Emi- 
 grant Aid Company, and assumptions of duty more false than 
 the testimony. Defying truth and mocking decency, this apol- 
 ogy excels all others in futility and audacity, \vhile, from its utter 
 hollowuess, it proves the utter impotence of the conspirators to 
 defend their crime. Falsehood, always infamom, in this case 
 arouses peculiar scorn. An association of sincere benevolence, 
 faithful to the Constitution and laws, whose only fortifications 
 are hotels, school-houses, and churches; whose only weapons are 
 saw-mills, tools, and books; whose mission is peace and good- 
 \vill, has been falsely assailed on this floor, and an errand of 
 blameless virtue has been made the pretext for an unpardonable 
 crime. Nay, more the innocent are sacrificed, and the guilty 
 set at liberty. They who seek to do the mission of the Saviour 
 are scourged and crucified, while the murderer, Barabbas, with 
 
 the sympathy of the chief priests, goes at large. 
 
 '* * * * 
 
 " Sir, it has not the honor of being an abolition society, or of 
 numbering among its officers Abolitionists. Its president is a 
 retired citizen, of ample means and charitable life, who has taken 
 no part in the conflicts on slavery, and has never allowed his 
 sympathies to be felt by Abolitionists. One of its vice-presi- 
 dents is a gentleman from Virginia, "with family and friends
 
 SUMNER'S EULOGY. 119 
 
 there, who has always opposed the Abolitionists. Its generous 
 treasurer, who is now justly absorbed by the objects of the com- 
 pany, has always been understood as ranging with his extensive 
 connections, by blood and marriage, on the side of that quietism 
 which submits to all the tyranny of the slave power. Its direct- 
 ors are more conspicuous for wealth and science than for any 
 activity against slavery. Among these is an eminent lawyer of 
 Massachusetts, Mr. Chapman personally known, doubtless, to 
 some who hear me who has distinguished himself by an austere 
 conservatism, too natural to the atmosphere of courts, which 
 does not flinch even from the support of the Fugitive Slave Bill. 
 In a recent address at a public meeting in Springfield, this gen- 
 tleman thus speaks for himself and his associates: 
 
 " ' I have been a director of the society from the first, and 
 have kept myself well informed in regard to its proceedings. I 
 am not aware that any one in this community ever suspected me 
 of being an Abolitionist; but I have been accused of being pro- 
 slavery; and I believe many good people think I am quite too 
 conservative on that subject. I take this occasion to say that all 
 the plans and proceedings of the society have met my approba- 
 tion; and I assert that it has never done a single act with which 
 any political party, or the people of any section of the country, 
 can justly find fault. The name of its president, Mr. Brown, of 
 Providence, and of its treasurer, Mr. Lawrence, of Boston, are a 
 sufficient guarantee in the estimation of intelligent men against 
 its being engaged in any fanatical enterprise. Its stockholders 
 are composed of men of all political parties except Abolitionists. 
 I am not aware that it has received the patronage of that class of 
 our fellow-citizens, and I am informed that some of them disap- 
 prove of its proceedings.' 
 
 "The acts of the company have been such as might be ex- 
 pected from auspices thus severely careful at all points. The 
 secret through which, with small means, it has been able to ac- 
 complish so much is that, as an inducement to emigration, it has 
 gone forward and planted capital in advance of population. Ac- 
 cording to the old immethodical system, this rule is reversed; 
 and population has been left to grope blindly, without the ad- 
 vantage of fixed centres, with mills, schools, and churches all 
 calculated to soften the hardships of pioneer life such as have 
 been established beforehand in Kansas. Here, sir, is the secret 
 of the Emigrant Aid Company. By this single principle, which 
 is now practically applied for the first time in history, and which
 
 120 TIIE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 has the simplicity of genius, a business association at a distance, 
 \vithout a large capital, has become a beneficent instrument of 
 civilization, exercising the functions of various societies, and in 
 itself being a Missionary Society, a Bible Society, a Tract Socie- 
 ty, an Education Society, and a Society for the Diffusion of the 
 Mechanic Arts. I would not claim too much for this company; 
 but I doubt if, at this moment, there is any society which is so 
 completely philanthropic; and since its leading idea, like the 
 light of a candle from which other candles are lighted without 
 number, may be applied indefinitely, it promises to be an im- 
 portant aid to human progress. 
 
 ******* 
 
 "But since a great right has been denied, the children of the 
 free States, over whose cradles has shone the north-star, owe it 
 to themselves, to their ancestors, and to freedom itself, that this 
 right should now be asserted to the fullest extent. By the bless- 
 ing of God, and under the continued protection of the laws, they 
 will go to Kansas, there to plant their homes, in the hope of ele- 
 vating this Territory soon into the sisterhood of free States; and 
 to such end they will not hesitate, in the employment of all le- 
 gitimate means, whether by companies of men or contributions 
 of money, to swell a virtuous emigration, and they will justly 
 scout any attempt to question this unquestionable right. Sir, if 
 they failed to do this, they would be fit only for slaves them- 
 selves. 
 
 ' ' God be praised ! Massachusetts, honored commonwealth that 
 gives me the privilege to plead for Kansas on this floor, knows 
 her rights, and will maintain them firmly to the end. This is 
 not the first time in history that her public acts have been ar- 
 raigned, and that her public men have been exposed to contume- 
 ly. Thus was it when, in the olden time, she began the great 
 battle whose fruits you all enjoy. But never yet has she occu- 
 pied a position so lofty as at this hour. By the intelligence of 
 her population by the resources of her industry by her com- 
 merce, cleaving every wave by her manufactures, various as 
 human skill by her institutions of education, various as human 
 knowledge by her institutions of benevolence, various as hu- 
 man suffering by the pages of her scholars and historians by 
 the voices of her poets and orators, she is now exerting an influ- 
 ence more subtle and commanding than ever before shooting
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 121 
 
 her far-dartiug rays wherever ignorance, wretchedness, or wrong 
 prevail, and flashing light upon those who travel far to persecute 
 her. 
 
 " Such is Massachusetts, and I am proud to believe that you 
 may as well attempt, with puny arm, to topple down the earth- 
 rooted, heaven-kissing granite which crowns the historic sod of 
 Bunker Hill, as to change her fixed resolves for freedom every- 
 where, and especially now for freedom in Kansas. I exult, too, 
 that in this battle, which surpasses far in moral grandeur the 
 whole war of the Revolution, she is able to preserve her just em- 
 inence. To the first she contributed a larger number of troops 
 than any other State in the Union, and larger than all the slave 
 States together; and now to the second, which is not of contend- 
 ing armies but of contending opinions, on whose issue hangs 
 trembling the advancing civilization of the country, she contrib- 
 utes through the manifold and endless intellectual activity of her 
 children, more of that divine spark by which opinions are quick- 
 ened into life, than is contributed by any other State, or by all 
 the slave States together, while her annual productive industry 
 excels in value three times the whole vaunted cotton crop of the 
 whole South. 
 
 " Sir, to men on earth it belongs only to deserve success, not 
 to secure it ; and I know not how soon the efforts of Massachu- 
 setts will wear the crown of triumph. But it cannot be that she 
 acts wrong for herself or her children when in this cause she 
 thus encounters reproach. No; by the generous souls who were 
 exposed at Lexington; by those who stood arrayed on Bunker 
 Hill; by the many from her bosom who, on all the fields of the 
 first great struggle, lent their vigorous arms to the cause of all; 
 by the children she has borne whose names are national trophies, 
 is Massachusetts now vowed irrevocably to this work. What 
 belongs to the faithful servant she will do in all things, and Prov- 
 idence shall determine the result." 
 
 The only Southern authority approving of the 
 plan and operations of the Emigrant Aid Company 
 was furnished by De Bow's Review of March, 1858, 
 as follows : 
 C
 
 122 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 "We of the South have been practising 'Organized Emigra- 
 tion ' for a century, and hence have outstripped the North in the 
 acquisition of land. The owner of a hundred slaves, who, with 
 his overseer, moves to the West, carries out a self-supporting, 
 self-insuring, well organized community. This is the sort of 
 ' Organized Emigration ' which experience shows suits the South 
 and the negro race, while Mr. Thayer's is equally well adapted 
 to the whitea *
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE CHTJKCHES AND THE CRUSADE. 
 
 PENDING the discussion in Congress of the pro- 
 posed repeal of the Missouri Compromise, three 
 thousand and fifty of the loyal and patriotic cler- 
 gymen of New England sent the following protest 
 to the United States Senate : 
 
 " To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives in 
 Congress assembled : 
 
 "The undersigned, clergymen of different religious denomk- 
 nations in New England, hereby, in the name of Almighty God, 
 and in his presence, do solemnly protest against the passage of 
 what is known as the Nebraska Bill, or any repeal or modifica- 
 tion of the existing legal prohibitions of slavery in that part of 
 our national domain which it is proposed to organize into the 
 Territories of Nebraska and Kansas. We protest against it as a 
 great moral wrong, as a breach of faith, eminently unjust to the 
 moral principles of the community, and subversive of all confi- 
 dence in national engagements; as a measure full of danger to 
 the peace and even the existence of our beloved Union, and ex- 
 posing us to the righteous judgments of the Almighty ; and your 
 protestants, as in duty bound, will ever pray. * 
 
 " BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS, March 1, 1854." 
 
 Several other similar protests from clergymen in 
 other parts of the Northern States were presented 
 to the same august body before the passage of the 
 bill. These worthy men, exercising the right of 
 petition which belongs to every American citizen,
 
 124 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 were grossly abused by some of the Senators, while 
 they were bravely and ably defended by others. 
 
 The influence of this action of the clergy and its 
 rebuke by the Senate resulted in the creation of a 
 mighty factor in aid of the Emigrant Aid Compa- 
 ny, in securing freedom to Kansas, and in the de- 
 struction of slavery. In fact, the earliest reliance 
 of our company was upon these clergymen and 
 their churches. There was no political antislavery 
 party which had any power to aid our organized 
 emigration or to protect the rights of our emigrants. 
 The Free-soil party had then dwindled to almost 
 nothing. Its members, whether in or out of Con- 
 gress, were hopeless as well as helpless. The one 
 central principle of the party the exclusion of 
 slavery from the Territories by law of Congress 
 was utterly destroyed and put beyond any hope of 
 revival by opening Kansas and Nebraska to slavery. 
 This was a time of general gloom and despair in 
 the free States. Their only hope was based upon 
 the " plan of freedom " adopted by the New Eng- 
 land Emigrant Aid Company. Among the first 
 to recognize the power and possibilities of that 
 plan were these protesting clergymen. Indeed, 
 the very first man to express confidence in its 
 success, and his own readiness to work for it with 
 all his might, was Eev. Edward Everett Hale, 
 one of the signers of the protest. True to his 
 pledge, he immediately began to write a book mi- 
 nutely describing the Territories of Kansas and Ne- 
 braska, showing their many attractions, the way to 
 reach them, and enumerating the Emigrant Aid
 
 EDWARD EVERETT HALE. 125 
 
 companies already formed. This was really a 
 hand-book for emigrants, and was of very great 
 service in our eiforts to arouse the public to the 
 importance of organized emigration. But the emi- 
 nent services of Mr. Hale's pen, whether in books 
 or newspapers, were but a fraction of his Kansas 
 work. At the time of the great crusade he was 
 pastor of a church in Worcester. Whenever I was 
 unable to meet all my appointments, it was my cus- 
 tom to apply to this self -sacrificing divine. He 
 never disappointed me. He seemed never to think 
 of himself until he had thought of everybody else. 
 With characteristic energy and fidelity he proceed- 
 ed to unite the Northern clergy and their churches 
 in support of our Boston company in 1855, after 
 we had shown our power in Kansas and had made 
 it evident that, with proper effort on the part of 
 the North, the freedom of that Territory would be 
 assured. In this way many of the clergy became 
 life-members of our company and were our stanch 
 friends and supporters. In all my lecturing tours 
 for uniting the people of the free States in the great 
 work of securing freedom to Kansas, I found them 
 invaluable aids. Their churches were everywhere 
 open for my meetings, and almost without exception 
 they reinforced my arguments with appropriate 
 and effective appeals for patriotism and freedom. 
 
 Though instances were numerous in which the 
 clergymen made impressive appeals to their congre- 
 gations in favor of our cause, I now recall one which 
 may serve to illustrate my meaning, and prove the 
 patriotism of these heroic and self-sacrificing men.
 
 126 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 I was advertised to speak in the church of a 
 small town at the foot of the mountains in Ver- 
 mont, in the winter of 1854-55. Having spoken 
 the night before in a town some fifty miles distant, 
 I started by railroad early the next day to meet my 
 evening appointment. There was a drifting snow- 
 storm of unusual severity during the forenoon, and 
 our train having been blocked for several hours, I 
 did not reach the meeting until it had been assem- 
 bled half an hour. The church was well filled and 
 I spoke for two hours. There was intense interest 
 manifested throughout my remarks. After I had 
 concluded, the venerable pastor arose and made one 
 of the most stirring appeals for Kansas that I had 
 ever heard. I remember now, thirty -four years 
 later, the closing words of the patriarch. Address- 
 ing the young men, he said : " My sons, you have 
 sometimes come to me to ask my advice Concern- 
 ing your future course of action. You have asked 
 me if it would not be well for you to go to Boston 
 or New York to become clerks or salesmen, or to 
 engage in business for yourselves. I have replied 
 that I thought you better off here. But now the 
 time has come when I should be false to my sense 
 of duty if I urged you to remain here longer. Now 
 your country and all the great interests of civiliza- 
 tion and human freedom call upon you to leave the 
 green hills of your native State and join in the 
 grand crusade to stop the progress of slavery. Go, 
 my sons, and do not fear for me or for your parents, 
 who must remain at home. God will provide for 
 us. On yonder rocky farm upon the hill-side these
 
 A TYPICAL PATRIARCH. 127 
 
 hands have earned one-half of my support for many 
 years. The other half has been furnished me by 
 yourselves and your fathers. Your leaving will in- 
 crease our burdens ; but these burdens will be light- 
 ened by the sense of having done our duty. I have 
 always been intensely antislavery, though I have 
 never failed to vote the Whig ticket. It has been 
 a matter of faith with me that God would open a 
 way for decisive action on this great issue. This 
 time has now come, in His providence, when we 
 must show whether we are worthy of freedom, or 
 whether we are only fit to be slaves. Go, my sons, 
 and do your duty, and may the God of our fathers 
 bless you !" 
 
 In response to this eloquent appeal half a dozen 
 young men joined our Kansas colonies. It was to 
 clergymen of this character and their churches that 
 the Garrison disunionists gave every hard name in 
 their copious vocabulary. 
 
 In the Liberator of May 16, 1856 (twenty-third 
 anniversary of the A. A. Society, New York City), 
 Mr. Garrison offered, among other resolutions, these, 
 which were unanimously passed : 
 
 "Resolved: That (making all due allowance for exceptional 
 cases) the American Church continues to be the bulwark of 
 slavery, and therefore impure in heart, hypocritical in profession, 
 dishonest in practice, brutal in spirit, merciless in purpose ' A 
 cage of unclean birds ' and ' The synagogue of Satan.' 
 
 "Resolved : That such a church is, in the graphic language of 
 Scripture, 'A cage of unclean birds ' and the ' Synagogue of Satan,' 
 and that such religious teachers are ' Wolves in sheep's clothing,' 
 ' Watchmen that are blind,' ' Shepherds that cannot understand,' 
 ' That all look to their own way, every one to his gain from his 
 quarter.'"
 
 128 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 In the files of the Liberator there are hundreds 
 of other resolutions similar to the above in spirit 
 and purpose. Among these " unclean birds " may 
 be mentioned the venerable Eliphalet Nott, Francis 
 Wayland, Lyman Beecher, Henry "Ward Beecher, 
 Leonard Bacon, Horace Bushnell, Edward Everett 
 Hale, T. Starr King, and the other three thousand 
 and fifty who signed the famous protest against 
 the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. 
 
 But these resolution -builders were not content 
 with efforts to destroy the clergymen and the 
 churches over which they presided. They also 
 aimed their vindictive shafts at all the missionary, 
 charitable, and educational societies which Christian 
 philanthropy had founded and sustained. The fol- 
 lowing extract from an editorial in a New York re- 
 ligious paper contains one out of hundreds of like 
 import to be found in their records : 
 
 New York Observer, May, 1855 : 
 
 "A CLEAN SWEEP. 
 
 "At a meeting of the American Antislavery Society held last 
 week in this city, the following resolution was supported by Mr. 
 Garrison from the Business Committee, and discussed, and, we 
 presume, was unanimously adopted. If there is anything else in 
 heaven or earth which these fanatics are disposed to denounce, 
 it would be gratifying to know what and where it is : 
 
 " 'Resolved: That the following religious organizations, viz., 
 the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 
 the American Home Missionary Society, the American Bible So- 
 ciety, the American Bible Union, the American Tract Society, 
 the American Sunday School Union, the American and Foreign 
 Christian Union, the American and Foreign Bible Society, the 
 American Baptist Publication Society, the American Baptist Mis- 
 sionary Union, the American Baptist Home Mission Society,
 
 NEW YORK OBSERVER. 129 
 
 the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions, the Missionary So- 
 cieties of the Protestant Methodists, Episcopal Methodists, Prot- 
 estant Episcopal, and Moravian bodies, respectively, being in 
 league and fellowship with the slave-holders of the South, utterly 
 dumb in regard to the slave system, and inflexibly hostile to the 
 antislavery movement, are not only wholly undeserving of any 
 pecuniary aid or public countenance at the North, but cannot be 
 supported without conniving at all the wrongs and outrages by 
 which chattel slavery is characterized, and therefore ought to be 
 instantly abandoned by every one claiming to be the friend of 
 liberty and a disciple of Christ the Redeemer.' 
 
 "This resolution is submitted and supported by a man publish- 
 ing a newspaper, in which he allows such blasphemy to be pub- 
 lished from week to week as makes the blood run cold to read. 
 In a recent number one of his correspondents says: ' If God has 
 the power to abolish slaver} 7 and does not, he is a very scoundrel.' 
 From this we infer readily that there is no God at all. 
 
 "We suppose that among all the supporters of the resolution we 
 have copied above there are very few who believe in the exist- 
 ence of the God of the Bible. The society which they represent 
 is now the only American antislavery society having any vitality 
 whatever. In thus planting itself in defiant opposition to the 
 entire body of Christian philanthropists in the United States, and 
 boldly proclaiming its hostility to the Church and to all the in- 
 stitutions of Christian benevolence, it discloses its true character 
 and reveals the natural result of unregulated and unscriptural 
 measures of reform. . . . Strike out of being the societies enu- 
 merated in the damnatory resolution given above, and what 
 would be left in the matter of philanthropy and benevolence? 
 Separate the clergy from the asylums and other charitable houses 
 of relief for the poor and distressed, and how long would they 
 be sustained? Infidelity makes a great outcry about its philan- 
 thropy, but religion does the work. " 
 
 One of the most effective details of the organ- 
 ization of the company was the system of life- 
 membership for clergymen. It will be readily 
 comprehended from the following circular, sent 
 by a committee of clergymen to their brethren: 
 6*
 
 130 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 EDUCATION, TEMPERANCE, FREEDOM, RELIGION 
 IN KANSAS. 
 
 DEAR SIR: We are engaged in an effort to have all the 
 "clergymen of New England," made life members of the New 
 England Emigrant Aid Company. 
 
 By insuring thus their cooperation in the direction of this 
 Company, and by enlarging its funds at this period of its high- 
 est usefulness, we are satisfied that the Christians of New Eng- 
 land will bring to bear a stronger influence in sustaining the prin- 
 ciples of what was last year called the "Ministers' Memorial," 
 than by any other means which Providence puts in their hands. 
 
 We ask such cooperation as you can give us; supposing that 
 you may have been one of those 3,050 ministers, who in the Sen- 
 ate of the United States were pronounced to " know nothing of 
 the facts, laws and votes involved in the Nebraska bill," and to 
 have "no time to understand them." We are certain that you 
 belong to that body of Northern ministers who have been pro- 
 hibited from entering northwestern Missouri or Kansas, by those 
 mobs of men who have attempted to take the law of that region 
 into their own hands. 
 
 We beg your attention to the great work the New England 
 Emigrant Aid Company has in hand. We ask your particular 
 attention to the encouragement which divine Providence has 
 given to its efforts. We beg you to observe all the facts in the 
 case, before you give way to the false and discouraging impres- 
 sions, assiduously circulated since the pretended election in Kan- 
 sas, of March 30, which was the work, simply, of an invading 
 army. You may rely on the following statements of the work 
 of the Emigrant Aid Company, since it was established: 
 
 1. For Freedom. It has assisted in establishing at command- 
 ing points the towns of Lawrence, Topeka, Osawatomie, Boston, 
 Hampden, and Wabounse. In some of these towns it has mills 
 in most of them some investment of value to the settlers. 
 These towns are all peopled by "Free-State men," whose whole 
 influence goes to make Kansas free. There are other towns al- 
 ready started of simiki' character. The only " Slave-State" town 
 of commanding influence in Kansas is Leavenworth, on the Mis- 
 souri frontier, separated from the other settled parts of the Ter- 
 ritory by Indian reservations. We may say, therefore, that all 
 the most important centers of influence have been established or
 
 APPEAL OF THE CLERGY. 131 
 
 assisted by the Emigrant Aid Company, and that their influence 
 tells for the cause of Freedom. This Company has, in fact, di- 
 rectly transported between two and three thousand emigrants 
 to Kansas. Not one man of them is known to have ever given 
 a " Slave-State" vote. More than ten thousand, from free States 
 of the Northwest, have been led there by its indirect influence 
 here. To prevent the return of this tide, and to provide those 
 who go with the assistance which capital only can provide, this 
 Company wishes to supply saw-mills at important points, and 
 other conveniences. For such purposes will it use any enlarge- 
 ment of its funds. The emigration is still very large; and wher- 
 ever this Company can establish a saw-mill, with other conven- 
 iences, a "Free-State" town can be gathered. From the best 
 sources of information, from the officers of the Company, and 
 well-informed persons in Kansas and Missouri, we are convinced, 
 as the result of what has been done, that the great proportion of 
 settlers now in Kansas wish it to become a free State. At the 
 election held on the 22d ult., to fill vacancies in the Legislature, 
 nine "Free-State" members were chosen, and only three " Slave- 
 State" members the last in Leavenworth, which is separated by 
 a ferry only from Missouri. 
 
 2. For Religion. The officers of this Company have under- 
 stood that, to make a free State, they needed, first of all, the Gos- 
 pel. Every missionary sent there by different boards has received 
 their active assistance. Divine service is regularly maintained 
 in the towns where the company has influence, and, we believe, 
 nowhere else. Every Sabbath school in the Territory has been 
 formed with the assistance of the Company, or its officers. Every 
 church organized has been organized with their cooperation. 
 
 3. For Education. Schools will be in operation at Lawrence, 
 at Topeka, at Osawatomie and Hampden before the end of July. 
 These, which are the only schools in the Territory of which we 
 have any account, are due to the exertions of the New England 
 Emigrant Aid Company and its officers. 
 
 4. For Temperance. The traffic in intoxicating liquors scarce- 
 ly exists in any one of the towns founded with the Company's 
 assistance, and any attempt to introduce it will be resisted by 
 their citizens. This prohibition, intended in the first instance 
 for the benefit of the towns, will approve itself to you as the 
 only hope for the Indians still remaining in that Territory.
 
 133 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Such Las been the work of this Company in one year. To 
 carry further such operations in these towns, and to plant more 
 towns at once in Kansas, so as to secure its future destiny before 
 next January, the Company needs $150,000. We think it highly 
 desirable that that sura shall be furnished by those who will con- 
 tinue to the Company the Christian direction which has always 
 guided it. We address this statement of facts, therefore, to every 
 clergyman in New England, asking for it their careful attention. 
 For each of those gentlemen we hope to obtain a single share in 
 the stock of the Company, entitling him to vote at its annual 
 meetings. He will thus be made a life member of the Company. 
 
 If it be in your power to obtain, at once, a subscription of 
 twenty dollars, that sum will purchase a share for you, which 
 will be at once taken in your name. For the shares not thus 
 taken, we shall at once set on foot a subscription through New 
 England, and take the shares in the name of the remaining cler- 
 gymen. To this subscription we ask your assistance, if you and 
 your friends are willing to subscribe less than twenty dollars, or 
 more. It is desirable that this subscription be made at once, and 
 we rely on some answer from you at your earliest convenience 
 if possible, before the loth of July. A stamped envelope, al- 
 ready directed to one of our Secretaries, will be found within. 
 
 It is proper to state that the New England Emigrant Aid 
 Company is incorporated by the Legislature of Massachusetts, 
 and that no stockholder is liable, in any event, for anything be- 
 yond his first investment. Subscriptions of any amount will be 
 at once acknowledged in the papers of Boston. This plan has 
 been so favorably received before its general publication, that we 
 believe the requisite number of shares will be readily subscribed 
 for. The Essex South Conference of churches has provided, it 
 is understood, for the shares of all its members. The Worcester 
 Association has undertaken to make up the shares of all its mem- 
 bers. From clergymen of all parts of New England we have 
 assurances of sympathy and cooperation. 
 
 Yours, in Christian fellowship, 
 (Signed) LYMAN BEECHER, 
 
 BARON STOW, Rowe-st. Baptist Church, 
 CHARLES LOWELL, West Church, Boston, 
 S. STREETER, Pastor of First Universalist Church, 
 Committee on tlie Ministers' Memorial of 1854.
 
 NAMES AND LETTERS. 133 
 
 W. E. RICE, Pastor of N. E. Church, Bromfield Street, Boston. 
 
 JOHN H. TWOMBLY, Pastor ofM. E. Church, Hanover Street, Boston. 
 
 EDWARD BEECHER, Pastor of Salcm-st. Church, Boston. 
 
 T. STARR KING, Pastor of Hollis-st. Church, Boston. 
 
 JOHN S. STONE, Brookline. 
 
 IIosEA BALLOU, 2o, President of Tuffts College, Medford. 
 
 CALVIN E. STOWE, Andover. 
 
 LEONARD BACON, New Haven. 
 
 JOEL HAWES, First Church, Hartford. 
 
 HORACE BUSHNELL, North Church, Hartford. 
 
 EDWARD E. HALE, Worcester, ^ 
 
 II. LINCOLN WAYLAND, Worcester, I SeereUnietf 
 
 JOHN G. ADAMS, Worcester, 
 
 FRANKLIN RAND, Boston, 
 
 July 2, 1855. 
 
 LETTERS OF CLERGYMEN. 
 
 FROM REV. HORACE JAMES. 
 
 WOEOEBTKB, July 23J, 1S55. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Clarke. 
 
 DEAR BROTHER, Thus do the people of my Society respond 
 to your appeal in behalf of Temperance, Freedom, and Religion 
 in Kansas : we have made our collection, and to the result ! 
 779 "Uts" in a bag! The whole congregation desired to par- 
 ticipate in the effort, and therefore we limited them to three- 
 cent contributions. And here they are, one for each man, each 
 woman, and each child that happened to be at church on the 
 afternoon of yesterday. The result, as you may well suppose, 
 gratifies me hugely. You should have seen the zeal with which 
 they did it. Never did fingers and thumbs move more nimbly 
 in the performance of any good work. Verily, there is Iwpe for 
 Kansas, when multitudes are thus interested in its welfare. To 
 be sure, $23.37 is a small sum ; and yet it is no little matter 
 that Kansas should thus be connected with the sympathy and 
 interest, and, I hope, the prayers of seven hundred and seventy- 
 nine individuals of my flock. I send, personally, with every 
 coin in the bag, a hearty prayer for the prosperity of your noble 
 enterprise. 
 
 So now that we have made our contribution, please forward
 
 134 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 your certificate of stock, for we intend to have it framed and 
 hung up in a conspicuous place in my study, to be exhibited to 
 our friends, with exultation, after Kansas is a free State. 
 Yours very truly, HORACE JAMES, 
 
 Pastor of First Church in Worcester. 
 
 P.S. Please credit to us the excess, $3.37, on another life- 
 membership, which we will make up, if it be needful, in another 
 way. H. J. 
 
 FROM REV. CHARLES WALKER. 
 
 PITTSFORD, VT., Aug. 2, *55. 
 
 Committee of the N. E. Emigrant Aid Co. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, I inclose twenty dollars, which some individu- 
 als among my people have helped me to make up, for the pur- 
 pose of obtaining for me a share in your Company. 
 
 In addition to this little pecuniary aid, be assured you have 
 my sympathy and prayers in behalf of your enterprise, in this 
 dark day, when not only the whole force of the slaveholding 
 interest, but all the energies of " the powers that be," are arrayed 
 against you. May God prosper the right. 
 
 Yours very truly, CHAS. WALKER. 
 
 FROM PROF. THOMAS C. TJPHAM. 
 
 BRUNSWICK, ME., August 29, 1S55. 
 
 T. P. BlancJiard, Esq. 
 
 DEAR SIR, I send with this sixty dollars, to be credited as 
 follows: Prof. Alpheus S. Packard, $20 ; Prof. William Smith, 
 $20; Thomas C. Upham, $20 for the K E. Emigrant Aid Soci- 
 ety for Kansas. 
 
 Please send receipts or certificates of membership in the Soci- 
 ety at the earliest moment. I hope to send something more 
 soon. I have a deep feeling that Kansas ought to be and must 
 be saved, cost what it will. Very sincerely yours, 
 
 THOMAS C. UPHAM. 
 
 FROM REV. S. B. MORLEY. 
 
 ATTI.KBOEO, August 30, 1S55. 
 
 REV. DR. CLARK, I send to you to-day, by express, $26.25, be- 
 ing the sum, and more, which you requested of us in your recent 
 circular in behalf of the Xew England Emigrant Aid Society. 
 We have, both pastor and people, contributed to this object with
 
 LETTERS AND DONATIONS. 135 
 
 the most hearty good-will, and our prayers go with the money. 
 We abhor slavery, not for its occasional atrocities merely, but for 
 its inherent, systematic wickedness, its unblushing repugnance to 
 God's law, its impious assumption of unlimited power over men 
 and women. 
 
 May the men whom your Society send to Kansas be true men, 
 feel their responsibilities, be strong in the Lord, and plant there, 
 never to be plucked up, the institutions of FREEDOM. 
 
 S. B. MORLEY. 
 
 FROM REV. W. C. JACKSON. 
 
 LINCOLN, MASS., Sept. 12, 1S55. 
 
 Rev. J. S. Clark, D.D. 
 
 DEAR SIR, Your circular for the Emigrant Aid Society came 
 rather inopportunely for us farmers; I refer to the season of the 
 year. We have raised the inclosed fifteen dollars by contribu- 
 tion. I hope the remainder will be made up. 
 
 We are all awake to the struggle in Kansas. We say, "Goon 
 with your work of emigration. Be not weary in well-doing." 
 Let us pour such an antislavery element into that swelling pop- 
 ulation that whatever political success slavery may obtain there, 
 the very atmosphere shall be pestilential to it; yea, that it shall 
 feel, as it grows up, a fire burning in its very vitals, and destined 
 speedily to consume it. Sincerely yours, 
 
 W. C. JACKSON. 
 
 FROM REV. E. N. HIDDEN. 
 
 MILFOUB, N. II., Aug. 15, 1S55. 
 
 REV. AND DEAR SIR, Inclosed you will find twenty dollars, 
 a contribution from the Congregational Church and Society in 
 Milford, N. H., to the New England Emigration Aid Society, 
 to constitute their pastor, Rev. E. N. Hidden, a life member. 
 
 Being one of the "3,050" who sent our memorial down to 
 Congress against the introduction of slavery into Kansas and 
 Nebraska, but which they basely spurned, it is very gratifying 
 to me now to know that the alms and the prayers of the people 
 are going up as a memorial before God against the same evil. 
 The one-dollar bill with the writing on the back was put into 
 the contribution as it is. Please acknowledge this in the Puri- 
 tan Recorder, that I may know of its safe passage. 
 
 Yours truly, E. N. HIDDEN.
 
 136 TIIE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 This letter has the following indorsement: "On the back of 
 one of the bills inclosed was as follows: 'No slavery in Kansas 
 or Nebraska! Down with the slavery extensionists and dough- 
 faces! Hurrah for free schools, free labor, free men, and free 
 soil!"' 
 
 The clergymen of the free States, with their con- 
 gregations, were (as a rule), practically, Kansas 
 Leagues, stimulating patriotic zeal, and constantly 
 furnishing reliable reinforcements to the well-disci- 
 plined army of freemen who marched to the field 
 of conflict under the guidance and protection of 
 the Emigrant Aid companies. Let them be re- 
 membered with honor and gratitude.* 
 
 * The letters above quoted are specimens of hundreds per- 
 haps thousands received by the company.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE NORTHERN DISUNIONISTS. 
 
 THE sentimental agency professedly hostile to 
 slavery established and led by William Lloyd Gar- 
 rison was older than the political organization 
 known as the Free-soil Party, though really infe- 
 rior to it both in numbers and influence. Their 
 purposes were entirely different, and their plans 
 had nothing in common. Garrison called himself 
 an " immediativist." He demanded the immediate 
 extinction of slavery, without any compensation to 
 the owners of slaves. This was his policy in the 
 earlier days of the Liberator. In a few years, how- 
 ever, he had found so little response favorable to 
 these views that he relinquished them for the rally- 
 ing cry of " Disunion." From this time to the end 
 of his work he contended that " disunion was the 
 corner-stone of all true antislavery." The follow- 
 ing resolutions express the extreme views of the 
 Garrisonites, now greatly reduced in numbers by 
 the secession of their ablest and best men to form 
 the "Liberty Party." A history of the quarrel 
 between these two sections can be found in the 
 Liberator and the Liberty Party Almanac. John 
 G. Palfrey and his friends could not subscribe to 
 the ruinous doctrines of anarchy and disunion.
 
 138 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 They therefore withdrew from Garrison, and took 
 with them the most patriotic and influential of his 
 followers. All salutary restraint having been re- 
 moved, the fanatics gave vent to their wildest fan- 
 cies as follows : 
 
 Wendell Phillips, at the A. A. S. Convention in 
 the Tabernacle, New York City, May 4, 1848, of- 
 fered the following resolution, which was passed : 
 
 " That this Society deems it a duty to reiterate its convictions 
 that the only exodus of the slave out of his present house of 
 bondage is OVEU THE RUINS OF THE PRESENT AMERICAN CHURCH 
 
 AND THE PRESENT AMERICAN UNION." 
 
 In May, 1856, Mr. Garrison offered the following 
 resolution at a meeting of the Massachusetts Anti- 
 slavery Society : 
 
 "Resolved: That the one great issue before the country is 
 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, in comparison with which all 
 other issues with the slave power are as dust in the balance ; 
 therefore we will give ourselves to the work of annulling this 
 ' covenant with death ' as essential to our own innocency, and 
 the speedy and everlasting overthrow of the slave system." 
 
 The following was also adopted by the Aboli- 
 tionists in New York City in December, 1859 : 
 
 " Resolved : That we invite a free correspondence with the 
 Disunionists of the South, in order to devise the most suitable 
 way and means to secure the dissolution of the present imperfect 
 and inglorious union between the free and slave States." 
 
 In May, 1854, Mr. Garrison says editorially : " A 
 thousand times accursed be the Union." On the 
 .5th of the next July he publicly burned the Consti- 
 tution of the United States at South Framingham, 
 Mass.
 
 WERE THEY PATRIOTS? 139 
 
 In these few quotations the Disunionists have 
 given convincing evidence of their vicious political 
 character. They despised law. They burned the 
 Constitution. They cursed the Union. They were 
 the original secessionists, and had advocated the 
 dissolution of the Union for twenty years before 
 Jefferson Davis tried to put their doctrines into 
 practice. 
 
 With such views and purposes the people of the 
 Northern States had no sympathy. The Aboli- 
 tionists may have had good motives, but their judg- 
 ment was invariably bad. Their methods were 
 everywhere condemned. They never attained to 
 the dignity or influence of a party or even a fac- 
 tion. They were a cabal, active, noisy, and pugna- 
 cious, but never effective. By their own showing, 
 a quarter of a century spent in denouncing the 
 Church, the clergy, and the Union had accom- 
 plished nothing. Slavery had grown stronger ev- 
 ery day, while opposition to it had not increased at 
 all. Massachusetts was as sound an antislavery 
 State before they were born as it has ever been 
 since. But she was for legal and constitutional 
 methods only, and always for the Union. 
 
 In 17S7 Nathan Dane, one of our representatives 
 in Congress, revived the ordinance introduced three 
 years earlier by Thomas Jefferson, and secured its 
 passage. All this was before Garrison was born! 
 But such antislavery action was not repeated dur- 
 ing the entire period of Mr. Garrison's efforts for 
 disunion. In all that time slavery was unrestrict- 
 ed, and made steady progress.
 
 140 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Slavery never had a legal existence in Massachu- 
 setts. The people never wanted it and always 
 hated it. They hated its adjuncts and attendants 
 of manacles and auction -blocks as much before 
 Garrison was born as they did after he had pict- 
 ured them in the Liberator for twenty-five years. 
 His incessant pecking at the leaves and twigs of 
 the upas-tree of slavery seemed to stimulate rather 
 than retard its growth. The Northern people ar- 
 dently desired to destroy the tree itself, and were 
 ready to adopt any legal and constitutional plan 
 which might do this work. Garrison's method of 
 casting out a devil by splitting the patient in two 
 lengthwise they did not approve, for two reasons : 
 
 1st. Because the patient would die ; 
 
 2d. Because the devil would live. 
 
 Some friends of the Abolitionists still claim that 
 Garrison and his associates founded the Liberty and 
 Free-soil parties. This claim is the exact opposite 
 of the truth. They opposed both these parties, 
 and hated their champions more than they hat- 
 ed the slave-holders themselves. They constantly 
 abused every leading antislavery man who was not 
 a Disunionist. Ample proof of this can be seen in 
 the editorials of the Liberator against Horace Mann, 
 Salmon P. Chase, and Dr. Bellows. Lincoln, Sew- 
 ard, Wade, Sumner, and Wilson were not spared.* 
 
 * At a meeting of the Worcester County South Division A. S. 
 Society held at Worcester, August 12, 1860, Parker Pillsbury 
 offered the following resolution, which was adopted : 
 
 "Resolved: That in the two recently published speeches of 
 Charles Sumner, we see the blinding, bewildering, and deprav-
 
 THEY ABUSED GOOD MEN. 141 
 
 About the time of Sumner's death, Mr. Garrison 
 went before a committee of the Massachusetts 
 Legislature to protest against expunging some fool- 
 ish resolutions on record denouncing that famous 
 Senator.* 
 
 But why prolong the description ? Let the Abo- 
 litionists draw their own portraits. They still exist 
 in the columns of the Liberator. That paper is an 
 arsenal amply sufficient to furnish arms to a mill- 
 ion of their assailants. 
 
 With all their keenness of vision, the Abolition- 
 ists never saw anything as it was. With all their 
 eloquence, they never advocated any cause to a suc- 
 cessful issue. With all their prophetic power and 
 practice, they never predicted any event which came 
 to pass. With all their love of freedom, they con- 
 stantly increased the burdens of the slaves. De- 
 manding immediate emancipation, they strove to 
 retard the overthrow of slavery. Contending for 
 the dissolution of the Union as the only means of 
 destroying slavery, they saw slavery destroyed not 
 only without their aid, but against their protest, 
 
 ing effect of American politics, and of contact with slave-holders 
 the former, made in the U. S. Senate, being a four hours' ar- 
 gument against the 'five-headed barbarism of slavery,' and re- 
 pudiated by many of the leaders of Republicanism; and the lat- 
 ter a full admission of the constitutionality of slave-holding, and 
 an eloquent argument in favor of the election of Lincoln and 
 Hamlin, both of whom believe in s\&\c-Tiunting as well as slave- 
 holding, and who virtually declare in their platform that the no- 
 ble John Brown was one of the gravest criminals who ever died 
 by aJialter." 
 * See " Warriugton Pen Portraits," page 360.
 
 143 THE .KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 while the Union was preserved and made perma- 
 nent and harmonious.* Incessantly denouncing 
 
 * The following letter, written by Col. Asa H. Waters a short 
 time before his death, is so conclusive in its statements that it 
 may appropriately be given a place here. 
 
 " MII.LBUBT, Aor. 20th, 1SS6. 
 "Mr. Thayer : 
 
 "DEAR SIR, When the Free-soil Party was formed in '48 
 Garrison and his party had labored seventeen years and failed to 
 carry a single town in New England. In one year we put nine- 
 ty members into the Legislature, the second year we carried 
 Worcester County, and the third year put a Jupiter Tonans 
 Charles Sumner into the very citadel of the slave power. Then, 
 at a convention in Worcester, Wilson had the party christened 
 the Republican Party, with the same Free Soil platform, and on 
 that we elected Lincoln President, and he abolished Slavery. 
 
 " In all this we had the bitter opposition of Garrison and his 
 party, which finally clasped hands with the Disunionists of the 
 South, in a determined effort to break up the Union. Had they 
 succeeded, so far from abolishing slavery, they would have vast- 
 ly extended it. The design of the South was to cope in New 
 Mexico, Arizona, Indian Territory, Utah, and Southern Califor- 
 nia, and thus build up a great Southern Empire founded on 
 Slavery. I enclose the resolution in which they proposed the 
 unholy alliance. A committee was chosen, and I think M. D. 
 Conway was chairman. The correspondence was never pub- 
 lished. Secession movements soon after commenced, and in a 
 little over a year the war broke out. It was suppressed and 
 slavery abolished by the patriotic Union sentiment of the North, 
 which always was its predominant political sentiment. 'Down 
 with the Disunionists;' 'Death to traitors, slavery or no slavery,' 
 were the cries that rang through the ranks ; and for a long time 
 the army returned fugitive slaves. At length it was discovered 
 that the rebels were using their slaves as a means of strength, 
 which made them contraband of war and liable to confiscation. 
 Then their obstinate resistance created a 'military necessity,' 
 and on these two principles rather than by any authority in the
 
 GARRISON RESOLUTIONS. 143 
 
 the clergy and churches of the Northern States as 
 the upholders of slavery, they lived to see these 
 among the foremost agencies in its destruction by 
 the methods of the Emigrant Aid Company, which 
 the Abolitionists hated, ridiculed, and opposed. 
 
 The following resolutions plainly show how the 
 disunionists regarded all the political antislavery 
 parties. The Liberator of September 15, 1848, re- 
 cords the following resolution, passed in the A. A. 
 S. Convention : 
 
 4 ' Reached : That James G. Birncy was dropped by the Liberty 
 party, on the ground that John P. Hale (who was never an Ab- 
 olitionist) was the more available candidate and now J. P. Hale 
 
 United States Constitution, President Lincoln issued his procla- 
 mation. 
 
 "The abolitionists opposed his election, and being non-resist- 
 ants, were rarely found in the ranks, and they thus failed for 
 the most part to become identified with the active forces that 
 abolished slavery. 
 
 "And yet, for twenty years the press has been teeming with 
 their effusions in poetry and prose, to convince the world that 
 they abolished slavery 1 They have done much to falsify history, 
 and produce wrong impressions on the rising generation. A 
 duty devolves on those who know the facts, to counteract and 
 set back this tide. But how shall it be done? Where is the 
 press that can be enlisted? 
 
 "I had a long controversy with Oliver Johnson; he finally 
 jumped the fence and cleared from the field, declaring he never 
 made the issue that Garrison abolished slavery. The editor 
 (Slack) said he did. He boasted of being ' a member of the Re- 
 publican Party.' In the Greeley campaign of '72 against Grant, 
 he labored with his Southern allies and they carried six Southern 
 States, but no Northern. That shows his consistency. 
 "Yours respectfully, 
 
 "A. H. WATERS."
 
 144 TIIE KAXSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 is superseded by Martin Van Buren (an open enemy of anti- 
 slavery) for the same reason which shows that party as devoid 
 of integrity and fixed principle as either of the others." 
 
 The Liberator, November, 1860, records this res- 
 olution, adopted by A. A. S. Convention : 
 
 "All who are parties to the Union and supporters of the Con- 
 stitution and Federal Government are guilty of sustaining the 
 iniquitous system of slavery." 
 
 The Liberator of June, 185-i, has the following 
 resolution denouncing the Free-soil party (adopted 
 by A. A. S. Convention ) as : 
 
 " Devoid of principle, false to the cause of liberty, and utterly 
 unworthy of the confidence and support of those who would la- 
 bor effectively for the abolition of slavery." 
 
 The Liberator of June C, 1856, gives the follow- 
 ing speech of "Wendell Phillips, made before the 
 N. E. A. A. S. Convention, in Boston : 
 
 "But Mr. Fremont what claims has he upon the friends of 
 freedom? Our friend, Theodore Parker, says very truly that he 
 has got a good wife. Well, if all of us who have got good wives 
 are to be put up for President, there will be a great many candi- 
 dates. We used to hear of the goodness of Judge McLean's 
 wife, and he made more pro-slavery law on the bench than all 
 the pro-slavery judges put together, in spite of his wife; and now 
 Mr. Giddings says he is ready to write on his banner even the 
 name of McLean. At least he said so while there was a Kansas, 
 but now she is gone, he may rise to a higher thought and be un- 
 willing to struggle for a broken reed." 
 
 But while these fanatics ridiculed the platforms 
 of all political parties, they were evidently proud 
 of principles like the following. At an anniversary
 
 DISUNION APPLAUDED. 145 
 
 meeting of the Massachusetts Antislavery Society, 
 held in Faneuil Hall January 23 and 24, 1850, it 
 was 
 
 "Resolved: That we seek a dissolution of the Union," etc., . . . 
 and that 
 
 " We do hereby declare ourselves the enemies of the Constitu- 
 tion, Union, and Government of the United States, and the 
 friends of the new confederacy of States, where there shall be 
 no union with slave-holders," etc., . . . and 
 
 "We proclaim it as our unalterable purpose and determina- 
 tion to live and labor for a dissolution of the present Union, by 
 all lawful and just, though bloodless and pacific means," etc. 
 
 On the above, Mr. George Ticknor Curtis com- 
 ments as follows : 
 
 " Certain obvious reflections will occur to those who may 
 hereafter read these proceedings in the light of what has actually 
 occurred. First, that, whether attempted at the North or at the 
 South, the idea of breaking up the Union and destroying the 
 Constitution by ' bloodless and pacific means ' was a chimera, 
 palpably impossible; . . . secondly, that if it was right for such 
 sentiments and purposes to be proclaimed in Boston, it was 
 equally right to proclaim them in Nashville." Curtis's "Life of 
 Webster," vol. ii., pp. 399, 400. 
 
 Such were Garrison and his methods. He began 
 his work with such anathemas against slave-holders 
 and all who did not subscribe to his own wild the- 
 ories that men who before had often expressed 
 strong antislavery convictions were driven to si- 
 lence lest they should be confounded with the dis- 
 unionists. 
 
 Dr. Horace Bushnell, in his famous sermon in 
 
 1839, said to these fanatics : " Our clergy used to 
 
 set forth on fast-days and other like occasions, as 
 
 I recollect with the greatest satisfaction, the na- 
 
 7
 
 146 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 tional crime of slavery. And when they prayed 
 on the subject, they prayed for emancipation did 
 it, too, plena corde, and without adding ingenious 
 qualifications, as we are driven to do, to show that 
 we are not members of your society." 
 
 In this way the expression of antislavery senti- 
 ments was suppressed even among loyal and pa- 
 triotic clergymen. Political parties were even more 
 sensitive, and dreaded above all things the charge 
 of sympathy with Garrisonism. 
 
 In support of what has already been said, some 
 opinions of eminent authors, statesmen, and jour- 
 nalists concerning the disunion Abolitionists and 
 their methods are here introduced. These are only 
 a minute fraction not a hundredth part of what 
 could easily be furnished. Extending through a 
 period of thirty years, they present a faithful pict- 
 ure of these lunatics in every stage of their devel- 
 opment, or rather of their inverted evolution. They 
 furnish, too, abundant proof of the utter detesta- 
 tion and scorn of neaply all the people for this 
 noisy cabal of irrepressible scolds. 
 
 These sickly minds that " fevered into false cre- 
 ation" had no admirers among sound and healthy 
 patriots. 
 
 Theodore Eoosevelt, in his admirable "Life of 
 Benton," sustains the preceding views with charac- 
 teristic courage and ability as follows : 
 
 "The cause of the Abolitionists has had such a halo shed 
 round it by the after-course of events, -which in reality they did 
 very little to shape, that it has been usual to speak of them with 
 absurdly exaggerated praise. . . .
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 147 
 
 "The Abolition societies were only in a very restricted de- 
 gree the causes of the growing feeling in the North against 
 slavery : they are rather to be regarded as themselves manifes- 
 tations of that feeling. . . . 
 
 " When the Abolitionist movement started it was avowedly 
 designed to be cosmopolitan in character; the originators look- 
 ed down upon any merely national or patriotic feeling. This 
 again deservedly took away from their influence. In fact, it 
 would have been most unfortunate had a majority of the North- 
 erners been from the beginning in hearty accord with the Abo- 
 litionists; at the best, it would have resulted at that time in the 
 disruption of the Union and the perpetuation of slavery in the 
 South. . . . 
 
 "But slavery was an interest common to the whole South. 
 When it was felt to be in any way menaced, all Southerners 
 came together for its protection; and from the time of the rise 
 of the Abolitionists onward the Separatist movement throughout 
 the South began to identify itself with the maintenance of sla- 
 very, and gradually to develop greater and greater strength. . . . 
 
 "Owing to a variety of causes, the Abolitionists have received 
 a vast amount of hysterical praise, which they do not deserve, 
 and have been credited with deeds done by other men whom 
 they in reality hampered and opposed rather than aided. After 
 1840, the professed Abolitionists formed but a small and com- 
 paratively unimportant portion of the forces that were working 
 towards the restriction and ultimate destruction of slavery; and 
 much of what they did was positively harmful to the cause for 
 which they were fighting. Those of their number who consid- 
 ered the Constitution as a league with death and hell, and who 
 therefore advocated a dissolution of the Union, acted as ration- 
 ally as would auti-polygamists nowadays, if, to show their dis- 
 approval of Mormonism, they should advocate that Utah should 
 be allowed to form a separate nation. The only hope of ulti- 
 mately suppressing slavery lay in the preservation of the Union, 
 and every Abolitionist who argued or signed a petition for its 
 dissolution was doing as much to perpetuate the evil he com- 
 plained of as if he had been a slave holder. . . . 
 
 " The Liberty party was not in any sense the precursor of the 
 Republican party, which was based as much on expediency as 
 abstract right, and was therefore able to accomplish good in-
 
 148 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 stead of harm. To say that the extreme Abolitionists triumphed 
 in Republican success and were causes of it, is as absurd as it 
 would be to call Prohibitionists successful if, after countless 
 futile efforts totally to prohibit the liquor traffic, and after 
 savage denunciation of those \vho try to regulate it, they should 
 then turn round and form a comparatively insignificant portion 
 of a victorious high-license party." 
 
 The five quotations which follow are from states- 
 men and journalists of world -wide fame. They 
 were contemporary with the Garrison anarchists, 
 and knew whereof they spoke. The well-consid- 
 ered words of John Quincy Adams, Thurlow Weed, 
 Richard H. Dana, Jr., Horace Greeley, and Samuel 
 Bowles will be good authority with the American 
 people long after the Garrison eulogists shall have 
 ceased to falsify history. 
 
 The following extracts are quoted from the diary 
 of John Quincy Adams : 
 
 "September, 1837. Lundy and the Abolitionists generally are 
 constantly urging me to indiscreet movements, which would 
 ruin me, and weaken and not strengthen their cause. 
 
 "November, 1838. Dr. Channing appeared to entertain great 
 apprehensions for the Union, and deep concern at the violence 
 of the abolition spirit. . . . The result of their interposition has 
 been hitherto mischievous and, I believe, injurious to their own 
 cause. 
 
 "September, 1839. But this, I suppose, emanates from the en- 
 thusiasm of antislavery, not yet refrigerated, as with the great 
 mass of Abolitionists it has been, by the dampers which I have 
 pnt upon their senseless and overbearing clamor for the imme- 
 diate, total, uncompensated abolition of slavery in the District 
 of Columbia. 
 
 "August, 1840. Garrison and the non-resistant Abolitionists, 
 Brownson and the Marat Democrats, phrenology, and animal 
 magnetism all couie iu, furnishing each some plausible rascality
 
 THURLOW WEED R. H. DANA. 149 
 
 as an ingredient for the bubbling caldron of religion and poli- 
 tics." 
 
 Thurlow Weed (page 306, " Memoirs ") says : 
 
 "With opponents of slavery, led by John Quincy Adams, I 
 lived and labored in harmony and zeal. We were eternally op- 
 posed by Birney, Goodell, Garrison, and other Abolitionists, 
 who, in election so cast their ' third party ' vote as to elect pro- 
 slavery Governors, Congressmen, and Presidents. Finally, by 
 defeating Mr. Clay, they brought Texas into the Union as a slave 
 State. That class of Abolitionists threw themselves across the 
 track of all healthful political organization." 
 
 Again, on page 305, he says : 
 
 " William Lloyd Garrison closed his review of thirty years of 
 editorial service with an article glorying at the prospect of dis- 
 union. ... In a speech at Boston, Wendell Phillips said: 'Let 
 the South march off; with flags and trumpets we will speed the 
 parting guest. Let her not stand upon the order of her going, 
 but go at once. Give her forts, arsenals, and sub-treasuries. 
 Give her jewels of silver and gold, and rejoice that she has de- 
 parted. All hail disunion!' " 
 
 Kichard H. Dana, Jr., March, 1861, in a speech 
 made in Manchester, N. H.^ said : 
 
 " These Abolitionists at the North of whom I speak, left to 
 themselves, and of their own force, attract little attention and 
 have little influence. Their disconnection from politics, their 
 secession attitude, their disunion purposes, render it so. I have 
 known them from my college days, and I do not see but that 
 they have the same orators and much the same audiences they 
 had then. I do not see that they have added one convert of note 
 to their ranks, or even kept pace with the increase of population. 
 Their organ is the Liberator. Who sees the Liberator? Is it 
 sold at our railroad-stations, or in our horse-cars or steam-cars, 
 or at our steamboat-landings, or hawked in the streets? I see a 
 good deal of what is going on in Boston, but to the best of my 
 recollection I never saw it but once in my life, and then it was 
 sent to me by mail from a Southern city."
 
 150 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 New York Tribune, December, 1860 : 
 
 HORACE GREELEY ON WENDELL PHILLIPS'S "HO- 
 LIER THAN THOU." 
 
 '"Did you ever,' says Rabelais, 'see a dog with a marrow- 
 bone in his mouth the beast of all others, according to Plato, 
 the most philosophical? If you have seen him, you might have 
 remarked with what devotion and circumspection he wards and 
 watches it; with what care he keeps it; how fervently he holds 
 it; how prudently he gobbles it; with what affection he breaks 
 it; and with what diligence he sucks it.' Antislavery is Mr. 
 Phillips's bone, and no man can venture to indulge in a little 
 philanthropy without provoking from that gentleman a sub- 
 acidulous snarl. He dotes only on those who disagree with him, 
 and all his converts immediately become the objects, not, per- 
 haps, of his jealousy, but certainly of his suspicion. He loves 
 his enemies because it is so delightful to pummel them, and he 
 dilates with pleasure over some fresh and uncommon wicked- 
 ness, just as a surgeon admires a large ulcer better than a cheek 
 which health has incarnadined. . . . Mr. Phillips is a close-com- 
 munion reformer. You must take the wine out of his cup, or 
 you shall not have a drop. You must receive the bread from 
 his plate, or you shall not swallow a scrap. ... A bigot of liber- 
 ality, a sectarian anti-sectarian, a sour philanthropist, is not a 
 pleasing object. Mr. Phillips should remember that hostility to 
 human bondage cannot be monopolized by seven men in Corn- 
 hill, Boston; and that a presidential election is of more conse- 
 quence in the world's turmoil than six ' antislavery bazaars.' . . . 
 He lacks largeness of views to that deplorable extent that he 
 cannot conceive of a tempest outside of a teapot. A little con- 
 vention in a little village passing a little series of little resolu- 
 tions, and just a little disturbed by the lewd and base, is to Mr. 
 Phillips the most august of all possible human gatherings. . . . 
 It is his misfortune, as it is that of the handful who consort with 
 him, that they look at large events through the large end of the 
 telescope, while, when little affairs are to be scrutinized, there is 
 no microscope powerful enough to satisfy their desire for mag- 
 nificence. . . . Everything must be done in the routine of a 
 clique. You must subscribe for the Liberator. You must be
 
 GREELEY AND BOWLES. 151 
 
 mobbed twice a year once in New York and once in Boston. 
 You must think as Mr. Garrison thinks, and you must not think 
 as anybody else thinks. If you are found faithful in these things 
 you are esteemed faithful in all. . . . Our only doubt is whether 
 it is even worth while to set them right. Perhaps it would be 
 most merciful to leave a mill-horse to stagger in his circle to the 
 end, for he will fall down if taken out of it, and even if he should 
 survive the transplantation he will be utterly useless for the 
 plain, straightforward highway." 
 
 Daily Evening Traveller, Boston, Mass., May 29, 
 1857: " 
 
 SAMUEL BOWLES'S EDITORIAL. 
 
 " The great majority of the Garrisonian party forfeit all claim 
 to our esteem by being blasphemous, vituperative, coarse, and 
 vile in their manners and language. We need not instance a 
 man named Foss, who has the impudence to claim the title Rev- 
 erend, and who began a sentence in a speech at New York week 
 before last with the phrase, 'I hate the Union,' and ended it by 
 saying, ' I hate Jesus Christ.' All the leaders of the Garrisonian 
 party sat around, but no one of them rebuked the monstrous 
 blasphemy. The speech was circulated through all the Southern 
 papers, and Mr. Foss was denounced as ' a Republican.' If he 
 had died in his cradle he would have done better by himself 
 than to have lived to commit this sin. 
 
 "The same style of thought has been manifested at this gath- 
 ering in the Mclodeon. We listened yesterday to the compre- 
 hensive abuse uttered by Mr. Iligginson, who also claims to be a 
 minister of the gospel. If we had stayed five minutes longer 
 than we did, and his effect had been equal to his effort, we should 
 have been convinced that the population of the world consisted 
 of one billion of depraved wretches and one perfect man named 
 Higginson. It was just so with the whole of them, the same 
 eternal whine, redeemed only in the case of Wendell Phillips by 
 eloquence. 
 
 "All such stuff does harm. The few Garrisonians whom we 
 believe honest in uttering it, we wish could be brought under 
 different influences, for they are unconsciously injuring the anti- 
 slavery cause. They arc sustaining by their weight of character
 
 152 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 an organization four-fifths of whose members are selfish or indis- 
 creet men and unsexed women; an organization which has be- 
 come fruitless, and will die in the next generation. . . . 
 
 " For the remainder of the Garrisonian party, the strong-mind- 
 ed women, and the professional humanitarians who earn their 
 daily bread by injuring the noble cause they propose to serve, 
 we have no feelings but of ridicule and contempt. It is useless 
 to meet them in argument. They are not worth treating with 
 pity. One of their peculiarities is a key to their whole charac- 
 ter. The nearer a well-behaved man comes to their professed 
 antislavery doctrines, the more vilely they abuse him." 
 
 Without distracting the attention of the reader 
 .by useless comment, I here submit to his judgment 
 twenty-two letters and editorials from writers in 
 widely separated localities, and all contemporary 
 with those whom they criticise. These are only 
 representative ; a thousand more of like import 
 could be readily furnished. 
 
 Extract from a letter of Rev. John Guthrie to 
 George Thompson, in the Glasgow Christian Wit- 
 ness, 1851 : 
 
 "What is this organization this American Antislavery Soci- 
 ety to which we must all succumb, and after which British 
 '.Evangelicals,' with Mr. George Thompson at their head, must 
 be content to be dragged through the infidel mire? What but a 
 miserable faction a minute fraction of the American people a 
 seething caldron of infidel and anarchical agitation, comprising 
 the various shades of rationalism in New England, and sending 
 forth agents on a crusade against both the Church and the State, 
 some of whom are apostate ministers, and are as audacious blas- 
 phemers as ever polluted with their foul breath the moral atmos- 
 phere of our world? . . . 
 
 " There are some things worse than slavery, or even war. 
 Infidelity is worse ; anarchy is worse. If war slays its thou- 
 sands, one week's anarchy, on either side of the Atlantic, would
 
 PATRIOTIC EDITORIALS. 153 
 
 slay its myriads and its millions. The Garrisonians seek to 
 compass the triumph of both." 
 
 Editorial on Garrison Abolitionists in the Glas- 
 gow Christian News, 1852 : 
 
 "The gentlemen whom I refer to lire men of peace. They 
 would not handle daggers no, not they! They would not han- 
 dle them, but they speak them ; they write them. Like the 
 apocalyptic monster, they have horns like a lamb, but they speak 
 like a dragon. They base Abolitionism on directly infidel prin- 
 ciples. They propose infidel resolutions at public meetings. 
 They do their utmost to identify Christianity and slavery, and 
 to inoculate with this poison every fugitive slave who comes in 
 their way; and instead of contenting themselves with striking at 
 slavery through whatever churches and other influences they 
 can, without questioning their motives or their honest desire to 
 see slavery abolished, we yet venture to say that on too many 
 occasions they seem to be most in their element when they aim 
 a blow through slavery at the very heart of the churches and of 
 that holy religion of which, with all their faults, the American 
 churches are the shrines." 
 
 Detroit Free Press, November, 1853 : 
 
 ""What sort of friends to the slave are Garrison, Abby Kelly, 
 or the other kindred spirits that congregate at Abolition conven- 
 tions? They deem it a humane act to steal negroes from their 
 masters, run them into Canada, and there leave them to starve; 
 but so actuated by ' principle ' are they that they would not con- 
 tribute a dollar to purchase all the slaves in Christendom. And 
 they would be satisfied with no plan by which slavery should be 
 gradually abolished. Immediate abolition, regardless of conse- 
 quences, is their watchword, or no abolition at all. Impractica- 
 ble on every subject, their influence is all for evil in no respect 
 for good. 
 
 "But the infidelity of this sect, their attacks upon the Chris- 
 tian Church and the Christian religion, their assaults upon the 
 Bible, and their denial of God, we desire to hold up to public at- 
 tention and public reprobation. The evil is, perhaps, one that 
 7*
 
 154 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 will best cure itself ; but right-thinking men, no matter what 
 may be their peculiar opinions in regard to slavery, should dis" 
 courage, in all proper ways, the propagation of doctrines which 
 so inevitably lead to infidelity." 
 
 Boston Bee, May, 1853 : 
 
 "A VOICE FROM GARRISON. William Lloyd Garrison made 
 a speech yesterday at the Melodeon, in which he boasted that he 
 stood outside the Union; and furthermore he thanked God he 
 was not recognized as a Christian ! No one will doubt the first 
 part of his remark, and the only regret we have, in common with 
 American citizens generally, is that he is not corporeally out of 
 the country. As to the latter part of the sentence, we may say 
 that there is no danger of as black an infidel as there is in the 
 nation being taken for a Christian. Any one who has heard 
 this blasphemous reviler of the Church, the Bible, and religion 
 for the past fifteen years will smile at his Tom Paine sensitive- 
 ness lest he be regarded for what the decent part of the world 
 respect and reverence." 
 
 Milford (N. H.) Republican (Free -soil), June, 
 1858: 
 
 "!N FULL BLAST. The real Simon Pure Abolitionists have 
 been in convention in New York. Time does not seem to tem- 
 per their zeal with discretion. The sentiments expressed were 
 a curious mixture of rampant antislavery intolerance, a slight 
 dash of common-sense, with any amount of political crotchets 
 and crudities, treasonable denunciations of the Union, which 
 Wendell Phillips wished to send to the devil, and frothy ravings 
 against the religious institutions of the country." 
 
 Boston Daily Mail, May, 1853 : 
 
 "NEW ENGLAND ANTISLAVERY CONVENTION. There seems 
 no present or prospective amelioration of the insanity with, 
 which this society is so unhappily afflicted, and which has ren- 
 dered a class of men and women really efficient as good citi- 
 zens, and at one time presenting an organization commanding at 
 least some support, to the unenviable position of buffoons to
 
 BOSTON BEE. 155 
 
 amuse the thoughtless and to excite the pity and compassion of 
 sensible men. The 'New England Antislavery Society,' so far 
 as influence indicates progress, is rapidly retrograding, and in a 
 few years will number very few members outside of the insane 
 asylums." 
 
 Editorial in Boston JBee, May 26, 1853 : 
 
 "Who and what are the men who make up the Abolition 
 party? We are sorry to say, for the good reputation of New 
 England, that they are for the most part an irresponsible, shift- 
 less, belligerent, and dangerous sort of men. We refer to the 
 leaders. Take Garrison, the filibuster, who is a fair specimen 
 of one of its two wings, Parker Pillsbury, the blasphemer, being 
 a sample of the other. Do they weigh a feather in the commu- 
 nity, outside of their fanatical hobby ism? Garrison long ago 
 became an alien in this community. His words are listened to 
 with the same ear, and are given as much or as little heed to, as 
 the ravings of a confirmed maniac, which they so much resem- 
 ble 
 
 "It is men of this stamp who form the Abolition party of 
 New England insane destruction ists at home, destructively in- 
 sane abroad. It is such men who meet at the Melodeon, year 
 after year, as to-day, to concoct new schemes of moral villany, 
 hatch up new ways of sedition, and then strew them over New 
 England and such other Northern States as it is safe and profita- 
 ble to visit. . . . What has Abolitionism done but to make new 
 chains for the slave, and to create new and extreme necessities 
 for the master? What has it done but to injure the slave, and 
 put back his emancipation an indefinite time? What has it ac- 
 complished but to throw blocks in the way of progress to stay 
 the course of real humanity? Nothing. . . . Where is abolition 
 going ? Plainly, to its grave. But not without gnashings, gasp- 
 ings, and all manner of deathly struggles. Its proselytes will 
 not easily give up the ghost in death, any more than they have 
 given up phantoms while living. Life is tenacious in everything 
 that is foul and monstrous. It will be so here. But it must 
 come to it. Its doom is fixed. It dwindles yearly. Its num- 
 bers to-day are far less than five years ago. Men of sense, who 
 once swelled its ranks, hoping to do some good to the slave, long
 
 156 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 ago found the means proposed by Abolitionism as entirely with- 
 out good effect. They found the men engaged in the cause to 
 be heartless beyond account, and as unprincipled and selfish and 
 mercenary as they were heartless. Hence the party shrunk into 
 a faction, and from a faction into a shadow, till it is now the 
 disgust and disgrace and execration of the wise and decent of 
 every community." 
 
 New York Herald (editorial), 1853 : 
 
 " THE ABOLITION FANATICS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 "From the proceedings of the late Abolition Convention, held 
 in Boston, which we published Monday, our readers will have 
 discovered the desperate straits to which the rabid fanatics of 
 the Lloyd Garrison school have been driven. Their platform 
 has been reduced to two planks hostility to Christianity and 
 the Bible, and all possible assistance, in violation of the laws, to 
 the escape of fugitive slaves. 
 
 "But to such rabid excess have these crazy wretches carried 
 their impotent malignity, that they have tabooed John P. Hale, 
 because he was charged with being in favor of the erection of a 
 monument to Henry Clay. They denounce Charles Sumner as 
 being too amiable among the slave-holders of the United States 
 Senate; and they repudiate all those faithless Abolitionists who 
 were weak enough to join in any of the public manifestations of 
 regret for the death of Daniel Webster. More than this, they 
 have determined to strike at the very root of the evil. They 
 have determined to abolish the churches of all denominations, 
 to abolish the Bible, to abolish the principles of Christianity 
 which it inculcates, and to establish a new code of morals and 
 religion, which shall recognize the entire enormities of slavery 
 and the duty of all men and all women of the North to rally to 
 the extermination of it by fire and sword. . . . The convention, a 
 sort of summing up of the various Abolition orgies of the year, 
 stands adjourned for a twelve-month. It is manifest they are 
 doing a losing business. Even in Massachusetts such miserable 
 creatures as have figured for a dozen years past at these Abolition 
 conventicles are beginning to be regarded, at least in the aggre- 
 gate, as a public nuisance. The deluded victims of Garrison &
 
 THE VIEWS OF PATRIOTS. 157 
 
 Co., who have been supplying their funds from year to year, no 
 doubt suspect at last that it does not pay, at the price, to support 
 such fellows for nothing in exchange but windy, filthy speeches 
 and the most bold-faced hypocrisy and humbug. Let their sup- 
 plies be stopped altogether, and let them go to some honest call- 
 ing. We trust that this will be the end of their Abolition trick- 
 ery and thimblerigging." 
 
 New York Independent, January 3, 1856 : 
 
 "Of the converts to spiritualism, almost all of them were in- 
 fidels, and some of them, like Garrison, of the most degraded 
 class." 
 
 Keene (N. H.) Sentinel, March, 1846 (editorial) : 
 
 "It is well the Garrison, Phillips, Foster, and Abby Kelly fa- 
 natics can have but little or no influence by promulgating the 
 abominable doctrines that the American Church must be de- 
 stroyed and the Union dissolved! It has been the doctrine of 
 the Liberator until the last year, that slavery in the South would 
 be destroyed by the influence of the free States. . . . Where is 
 the philosophy so much boasted of before in this movement? 
 They seem willing that slavery shall exist now and in all com- 
 ing time at the South, if the free States can only be a nation by 
 themselves. This movement shows a heartlessness to us unsur- 
 passed by no pro-slavery party in the free States. Indeed, we 
 know of no such party." 
 
 Lockport Daily Courier, January, 1846 (editorial): 
 
 "It cannot be denied that the horrors of slavery have been 
 vastly increased, and the area of its domains immeasurably ex- 
 tended, through the systematic and ill-advised efforts of North- 
 ern Abolitionists. 
 
 "The South, aroused by the efforts of the North to wrest from 
 them the system of slavery, planned and carried through the 
 scheme of annexation. For this extension of slavery we believe 
 the North is wholly responsible. It was a slave project, planned 
 and consummated because of the belligerent attitude of the North 
 towards the domestic institutions of the South; and the North 
 need hope for no better success in the future, so long as the
 
 158 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 same course is pursued towards the South. We are not plead- 
 ing for slavery. We hate the entire system as thoroughly and 
 cordially as any man living; and hence we are inclined to de- 
 nounce what experience has taught is calculated to retard the 
 progress of emancipation, though the opposite may be the orig- 
 inal intention. Taunt the slave-holder, and the stripes of the 
 slave will pay for it; but tell him that the Northern farmer, with 
 far less land and capital, with a quarter of the labor, makes twice 
 as much money every five years as the planter and slave-holder, 
 and he will listen to you. Publish these facts among the people 
 and a popular feeling will be aroused, before which slavery must 
 wither and perish." 
 
 Haverhill (Mass.) Gazette, January, 1846 (edito- 
 rial) : 
 
 ' ' Abolition takes the same course. Reasonable men have long 
 been aware of the evils of slavery; its inconsistency with our 
 highest pretensions to being the friends of liberty, and its total 
 disregard of the natural rights of man. A new impulse was 
 greatly needed to impress these truths more forcibly upon the 
 national ear, and had a few such men as Channing and C. M. 
 Clay arisen, without the uttraists, who had the folly to suppose 
 that they were about to break the chains of three million of bond- 
 men by noise and clamor, declamation and denunciation, there 
 is no telling what immense good might have been accomplished. 
 But when the lead of the movement fell into the hands of a few 
 men, for whose insane self-sufficiency all the millions of slaves 
 left after the liberation of a few by colonization was not enough 
 to operate upon and who spent more breath in denouncing all 
 who did not confide in their omnipotence and assist in blowing 
 their bellows, than in argument against slavery and the tragic, 
 comical farce was ended by using up the political power of the 
 party to assist the slave-holders in extending the ' area of slavery ' 
 over half a continent." 
 
 New York Christian Inquirer, May, 1857 (edito- 
 rial) : 
 
 "The Kansas excitement took the wind out of their sails, by 
 doing their business better than they could, and the Supreme
 
 GARRISONISM DENOUNCED. 159 
 
 Court has finished them. Little seems left of a set of admirable 
 orators, unsurpassed debaters, armed at all points magnificently 
 unscrupulous, sublimely impudent, gloriously extravagant men 
 used to making grand, exciting speeches once a week, year in 
 and year out always expected to stun the audience, and always 
 fulfilling the expectations but now out of business and prac- 
 tising as amateurs at their old calling. As the soap-boiler, on quit- 
 ting the firm, reserved the right to come in on ' melting days,' 
 so the antislavery gladiators claim the privilege of occupying 
 their old place on anniversary week. And really it would seri- 
 ously detract from the charms and even the uses of that occasion, 
 if this extraordinary class of public speakers were to disappear. 
 Practice makes perfect, and we have never had a school in which 
 all the excellencies and all the defects all that should be copied 
 and all that should be shunned in popular eloquence, have been 
 so perfectly ripened. The windflowers and the sunflowers 
 never* the poppies of rhetoric have all bloomed in utmost per- 
 fection on the Abolition rod. Argument and sophistry, sense 
 and madness, principles and personalities, piety and profanity, 
 noble aspirations and grovelling blasphemy, all have found their 
 aptest tongues on their platforms." 
 
 From the Eastern (Me.) Argus, 1852 (editorial) : 
 
 " As to the Abolitionists and the Abolition philanthropy, the 
 latter is a cheat and the former are a set of miserable hypocrites. 
 There is not an honest man among them. . . . The true Abolition- 
 ists are the descendants of the Tories of the Revolution and are 
 themselves always found on the side of their country's enemies. 
 They are a treacherous, hypocritical, ungenerous, and unchari- 
 table set of fanatics, deserving only the contempt of their neigh- 
 bors, and unworthy the good opinion of all who value the peace 
 and prosperity of their country. We do not in the least misrep- 
 resent their character. How unjust, is it not, to hold the entire 
 North responsible for the ravings and buffoonery exhibited by a 
 few fools, who are better fitted for the mad-house than they are 
 to enjoy the privileges of sensible citizens." 
 
 Boston Times, August, 1854 (editorial): 
 
 " STABILITY OP THE UNION. Mr. Garrison is such an ass as to 
 believe that the dissolution of the Union would prove beneficial to
 
 100 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 the slaves of the South ; and so he fires away at the Union with all 
 his might and strength and with just about as much effect as 
 King Canute's commands had on the advancing tide. His labors 
 have ceased to excite any feelings whatever. Neither indignation, 
 nor wonder, nor laughter is born of them. Men take them as they 
 take any other nuisance that is unavoidable under the conditions 
 of existence; as they take hot weather, the prevalence of cholera, 
 short crops, or any other similar visitation. This has been their 
 conduct for years past, and the best effects have followed from 
 it. Had they acted differently and had Mr. Garrison's longings 
 for persecution and martyrdom been gratified had his office 
 been torn down, his press destroyed and his person maltreated 
 had scoundrel judges, as beneath Jeffries in principle as above 
 him in meanness, been allowed to twist and pervert the law and 
 cause timid jurymen to convict him against both law and justice, 
 half the population of the free States would long since ha.ve be- 
 come abolitionized, and the Union, perhaps, have been in much 
 danger. But these things have not been done. Mr. Garrison 
 has been allowed to roar and rave and madden round the land, 
 and to curse the Union and burn copies of the Constitution as 
 much and as often as it has suited him to do so, without inter- 
 ference from any quarter; and what has resulted from all his 
 sayings and doings? Is the Union less strong, less beloved, less 
 dear to the people than it was when he commenced his labors? 
 By no means. Is the Constitution less respected because the 
 same gentleman has on several occasions served it as Queen 
 Mary served poor John Rogers, in spite of claims to mercy 
 founded on a fruitful wife and a dozen children? Not at all. 
 Mr. Garrison has been reduced to utter insignificance because 
 people have had the sense not to convert him into a hero, a 
 martyr, and a saint, the usual process by which gentlemen of 
 his class arrive at the honors of canonization." 
 
 Horace Greeley, in " The Great American Con- 
 flict," vol. i., page 117, confirms the preceding views 
 as follows : 
 
 "There was a large and steadily increasing class who, though 
 decidedly antislavery, refused either to withhold their votes or 
 to throw them away on candidates whose election was impos-
 
 GREELEY'S CRITICISM. 161 
 
 sible, but persisted in voting at nearly every election, so as to 
 effect good and prevent evil to the extent of their power. . . . 
 
 " Thousands, whose consciences and hearts would naturally 
 have drawn them to the side of humanity and justice, were re- 
 pelled by vociferous representations that to do so would iden- 
 tify them with the 'disunion' of Wendell Phillips, the 'radi- 
 calism ' of Henry C. Wright, and the ' infidelity ' of Pillsbury, 
 Parker, and Garrison." 
 
 Denounced in the bitterest terms by all the lead- 
 ing journals in the country, " detested, shunn'd by 
 saint an' sinner," these Garrison disunionists did 
 nothing but harm during the entire period of their 
 spiteful work. They greatly increased the burdens 
 of the slaves, and hindered the expression of anti- 
 slaven r sentiment in the North. Next to a State 
 prison uniform, politicians dreaded "the taint of 
 Garrisonism." Hated everywhere in the North as 
 much as in the South, they had no following but 
 of cranks and monomaniacs like themselves. 
 
 More humiliating, however, than all the criticisms 
 of others are their own confessions that all their 
 work and Avorry of more than a quarter of a cen- 
 tury were an absolute failure. Here is the confes- 
 sion of Wendell Phillips, made twenty-seven years 
 after the founding of the Liberator. 
 
 Evening Traveller, May 28, 1857 : 
 
 "REPORT OF THE N. E. A. A. S. CONVENTION IN BOSTON. 
 Wendell Phillips declared the Tract Society an organization not 
 worthy the support of antislavery men. . . . Mr. Phillips said 
 that Henry Ward Beecher, Cheever, and the Republican Party 
 were most dangerous to the Abolition cause, which was pitted 
 against the Government, the pulpit, and the institutions which 
 held men iu bondage, body and soul. So far as government 
 was concerned, the Abolition cause up to this time has been a
 
 162 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 failure. Slavery has put down its foot and kept it there, and 
 led you on, year after year, from victory to victory. . . . One by 
 one the institutions of the country have gone over to the slave 
 power the Missionary Society, the Tract Society, the ' South 
 Side Adamses' and we are left alone." 
 
 "William Lloyd Garrison said, in the R. I. A. A. S. 
 Convention, May 2, 1856 (see Liberator, May 2, 
 1856) : 
 
 " There is no hope for Kansas; for what can be done against 
 the Government? The real antislavery strength of the North is 
 comparatively weak. The Government has little to fear in this 
 quarter." 
 
 Numerous other confessions by the same authors, 
 and of like character, could be furnished from the 
 files of the Liberator, but the most graphic and 
 conclusive of all is that of Theodore Parker, al- 
 ready recorded in a former chapter. In intellect- 
 ual power, in breadth of view, and in logical argu- 
 ment, Mr. Parker had no rival among the radical 
 Abolitionists. 
 
 During all this quarter of a century of futile 
 Abolition effort, slavery had steadily advanced, 
 without effective opposition. The Northern States 
 were waiting for some method of decisive action 
 against the great evil that would not endanger the 
 Constitution and the Union. They were loyal to 
 the Government and hostile to Garrison's methods. 
 To unite these States in active, earnest, and effect- 
 ive opposition to slavery was a work far beyond 
 ' the power of the Garrisonites. 
 
 They had united the North against themselves 
 never against slavery. By denouncing all that the
 
 HOW TO BE AN ANARCHIST. 163 
 
 people cherished, they became what the people 
 hated. To sow the wind and reap the whirlwind 
 was their pleasing occupation. " To be a good 
 Garrisonian," said Mr. Greeley, "a man must be 
 mobbed twice a year once in ISTew York, and once 
 in Boston." To prove themselves worthy of their 
 name, they seemed to make great efforts to secure 
 this distinction. Sometimes they succeeded. To- 
 day the same class of men would attain their ob- 
 ject much more readily. "We know now the cost 
 and the value of the Union, and might not listen 
 so quietly as we did before the Civil War to in- 
 sulting demands for its dissolution.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE PROGRESS OF THE CKUSADE. 
 
 HAVING in the last four chapters done simple 
 justice, both to the helping and hindering agencies 
 in making Kansas free, I return to the history of 
 our progress in the Crusade, and of our continued 
 success, soon to culminate in the full attainment of 
 our objects freedom victorious and slavery van- 
 quished. 
 
 Returning from Buffalo by way of New York 
 City, I organized there an Emigrant Aid Company 
 consisting of the following corporators and others : 
 
 Charles King, Benjamin F. Butler, William C. 
 Russell, Jonathan J. Coddington, Rensselaer N. 
 Havens, Cyrus Curtis, Samuel Leeds, Jr., Charles 
 W. Elliot, and Fanning C. Tucker, of New York ; 
 and John Hooker, Stephen W. Kellogg, John Boyd, 
 "William II. Russell, Charles L. English, Timothy 
 D wight, Charles B. Lines, Julius Pratt, and Charles 
 Ives, of Connecticut. 
 
 R. N. Havens was chosen actuary. 
 
 As the New York Legislature was not in session, 
 a charter for this company was procured from the 
 Legislature of Connecticut. Having perfected this 
 organization, I returned to Massachusetts to raise 
 the second colony. Though this was three times
 
 SECOND COLONY. 165 
 
 as large as the first, it was gathered with much less 
 effort. It left Boston in August, and in September 
 joined the first colony in Lawrence, now settled in 
 their rude homes. 
 
 " The second band of emigrants (sixty six in number) for Kan- 
 sas left Boston on Tuesday afternoon, and were joined at differ- 
 ent places by other parties, so that at Albany the company num- 
 bered one hundred and fifty or more. Previous to starting from 
 the city, the emigrants assembled in the Lincoln Street depot, 
 and sang the song by Whittier, beginning: 
 
 " ' We cross the prairies, as of old 
 The Pilgrims crossed the sea, 
 To make the West, as they the East, 
 The homestead of the Free.' 
 
 "They also sang the original hymn, beginning: 
 
 " ' From Eastern hill and valley, 
 
 From Ocean's distant shore, 
 We come with hearts rejoicing, 
 
 And on by thousands pour. 
 'Tis Freedom calls us hither, 
 
 For Freedom's sake we roam ; 
 'Mid Western wilds, in Freedom's cause, 
 
 We'll make our happy home.' " 
 
 There was an immense gathering at the station, 
 who gave the emigrants cheer upon cheer as they 
 began their Western pilgrimage. 
 
 Two of the company's agents Charles Eobinson 
 and Samuel C. Pomeroy had charge of this colony 
 during its long Westward journey. All the way 
 from Boston to St. Louis they received most enthu- 
 siastic ovations, proving beyond question the in- 
 tense interest of the Northern people in this grand 
 crusade for freedom. This is well shown by the 
 following editorial in the Albany Evening Journal 
 of August 30th, written by Thurlow Weed :
 
 166 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 "The second Kansas party from Massachusetts (with twenty- 
 live from New York) reached this city last night about eleven 
 o'clock. They were three hundred strong. 
 
 "New England, which has given millions of her sons and 
 daughters to the great West, never sent out a more sturdy set of 
 men, nor one having a more holy mission. They will place their 
 mark upon the political, intellectual, and social character of Kan- 
 sas. Involuntary servitude can find no resting-place where such 
 men rule. And that they and others like them will rule Kansas 
 is becoming every day more and more apparent. ... It was very 
 gratifying to witness the interest felt by a large number of our 
 citizens on the arrival of these three hundred freemen. A meet- 
 ing had been called early in the evening to make arrangements 
 for their reception, and a large crowd remained till half-past 
 eleven o'clock to bid them welcome. 
 
 "The interview was deeply interesting and impressive. The 
 'purpose of their mission, and the gratifying enthusiasm with 
 which they have entered upon it, could not fail to awaken emo- 
 tions which found expression in befitting congratulations. The 
 meeting held in the large parlors of the Delavan House was 
 continued till after midnight. We have seldom witnessed a 
 more interesting reunion, or one better calculated to awaken the 
 zeal of the patriot. There was real sublimity in the spectacle 
 presented by these three hundred men, leaving their old New 
 England homes for the far West, in order to rescue a vast Ter- 
 ritory from the sin and curse of slavery. Never was there a 
 more holy crusade, or one pregnant with more glorious results. 
 All honor to the noble men who have given their hands aiid 
 their hearts to the noble work." 
 
 This article also proves how powerful an aid in 
 saving Kansas was the Northern press, of which I 
 shall soon have more to say. It was widely quoted 
 and had much influence. It created faith, inspired 
 courage, and stimulated action. 
 
 Editorials similar in patriotic zeal to Mr. Weed's 
 were published in all the cities and large towns 
 through which our colonies passed. All ovations
 
 OVATIONS ENTHUSIASM. 167 
 
 given by crowds of patriots everywhere on the 
 route were faithfully recorded. During the Kan- 
 sas crusade volumes of such stirring narrations and 
 appeals were made by the patriotic press. As space 
 will not allow me to quote them here, Mr. Weed's 
 must be taken as a representative of all. 
 
 Let us here observe the progress in our work al- 
 ready made, and the new agencies enlisted to assist 
 in carrying it forward to victory. 
 
 There was great enthusiasm everywhere aroused 
 by the simple fact that two colonies had already 
 gone to the disputed Territory. People were now 
 everywhere convinced that the method of this com- 
 pany was to be action against slavery, and not res- 
 olution-making to be work, and not talk. The 
 great mass of the Northern patriots had been wait- 
 ing for many years for some practical demonstration 
 of this kind. Our company was conservative and 
 laAV-abiding. We contemplated no violence, unless 
 to repel violence. We were all for the Union and 
 the Constitution. Standing upon such impregna- 
 ble ground, the patriots of all parties began to com- 
 bine in our support. They were ready for action. 
 For thirty-five years a few politicians had been fir- 
 ing off resolutions against the extension of slavery, 
 while a sentimental cabal had also fired off their 
 resolutions against its existence. These paper pel- 
 lets produced no more effect upon the castellated 
 bastions of the " Black Power " than cannon-wads, 
 without shot, would have had upon an adamantine 
 fortress. Here was something quite unlike pictures 
 of auction-blocks and manacles. Here was some-
 
 168 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 thing quite unlike raving appeals in antislavery ba- 
 zaars, and sickly resolutions against the Union, the 
 clergy, and the churches. 
 
 These pioneers had nothing to say about "the 
 iniquity of slavery," or the " sin of its extension "; 
 but they had determined, without any words or 
 resolutions, to show their purpose by their action. 
 "With grim defiance in their hearts, they went to 
 make their own bodies a barrier against any further 
 domination of the slave power. Where in history 
 can be found the record of moral grandeur surpass- 
 ing this ? "Where any to equal it ? The records of 
 the human race furnish no such examples of prin- 
 ciple or patriotism. All other migrations were as 
 inferior to this as men are inferior to angels. 
 
 But it was not alone what our brave colonies had 
 done in thus giving all they had and all they were 
 to freedom, but also their power, by their letters to 
 their friends in their old homes, to extend the in- 
 fluence of this great movement. Fortunately, near- 
 ly all these colonists were ready writers. Many of 
 them were liberally educated. No sooner had they 
 constructed their rude cabins than their letters be- 
 gan to be forwarded to the East. In these every 
 incident of pioneer life was faithfully pictured from 
 day to day ; the great natural advantages of the 
 country forcibly presented, and their own deter- 
 mination to see Kansas a free State and slavery cir- 
 cumscribed, written down with such evident will 
 and vigor that whoever read was at once inspired 
 with zeal. But the result of these letters, " thick
 
 LETTERS OF THE PIONEERS. 169 
 
 as leaves in Yallombrosa," was something infinitely 
 better than zeal ; it was action. If one letter was 
 sent to a town, copies of it were made and every 
 citizen had a chance to read it. Young and spirited 
 men volunteered to go and share with their brave 
 comrades the duties and the dangers of this new 
 way of fighting slavery. For three or four months 
 my own voice had been the only one urging this 
 action. Now at least two hundred pens, all in 
 awful earnest, reinforced my arguments. But this 
 number of coworkers was to go on increasing with 
 great and greater rapidity, as it did to the very end 
 of the great conflict. 
 
 Here is one incident to show how these letters 
 united all parties in the North in the cause of free 
 Kansas. In the spring of 1855 I went to speak in 
 a little town in New Hampshire. Arriving at the 
 hotel two or three hours before the time of the 
 evening meeting, I left my satchel at the house, 
 but did not put down my name, as I wished to go 
 about the village and observe without being ob- 
 served. The post-office was in the village store. 
 Letters were displayed in the window so that the 
 addresses could be read in the street. I observed 
 there a letter postmarked with a pen, " Lawrence, 
 K. T." The people going by soon discovered it and 
 gave a boy a few cents to go and bring the man to 
 whom it was addressed. Meanwhile the waiting 
 number was increasing. Soon came the owner of 
 the letter and opened it. The clamor was, " Read 
 it aloud." This he did ; but when he had finished, 
 others had come who had not heard the first part 
 8
 
 170 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 of it. It was read in this way the second, third, 
 and fourth time. Then one of the young men re- 
 quested and obtained a copy for the county paper. 
 The result was that the letter of my helper in Law- 
 rence was probably read by almost every one in 
 that county. Who can ever tell the influence of 
 that single letter ? But already we had, so early 
 in the movement, two hundred such letter-writers 
 in Lawrence. That was already a power; but 
 what a force would twenty thousand such writers 
 be, when within a few months they would begin to 
 wield their pens, and, if need be, their swords also, 
 for free Kansas ! 
 
 In the evening we had the church full of people 
 to listen to my appeals for pioneers. The letter, 
 four times read at the store, was again read at the 
 meeting. After the meeting, a dozen or more went 
 with me to the hotel and stayed three hours to talk 
 about the prospects of " the battle-ground of free- 
 dom." Several young men went from that town 
 to Springfield. Massachusetts, to join the next colo- 
 ny. In our conversation at the hotel I asked the 
 gathering about me, What are your politics ? Are 
 you Whigs, Democrats, or Free-soilers ? " We have 
 no such party feelings now ; but we are all for Kan- 
 sas a free State. That is our party, and the fight 
 in Kansas for freedom is our fight." This grand 
 crusade in this way obliterated the old party lines 
 and made in a short time the Republican party, 
 and also made that party the controlling power of 
 the nation. 
 
 To some of my readers the above claim may seem
 
 PATRIOTISM OF THE PRESS. 171 
 
 an unwarrantable assumption. It has not yet been 
 recognized by our historians. A careful study, how- 
 ever, of the events in this crusade and conflict will 
 find it sustained by abundant proof. 
 
 But another important agency had now come to 
 the rescue of freedom the press of the free States, 
 secular and religious, and of all political parties. 
 From the beginning of the movement we had the 
 aid of the Boston Daily Advertiser and the Chris- 
 tian Register. Each of these papers was always 
 waiting for something from the ready pen of Ed- 
 ward Everett Hale. He used their columns often, 
 and always for the promotion of freedom in Kan- 
 sas. Samuel Bowles the ablest journalist in New 
 England Thurlow Weed in the Albany Evening 
 Journal, Horace Greeley (as shown in the preced- 
 ing pages), and William Cullen Bryant sustained 
 the movement of organized emigration with great 
 energy and eloquence. But these are examples 
 only. The thousands of journals, all through the 
 free States, were almost without exception active 
 and powerful agencies in making Kansas free. It 
 would be difficult to over-estimate their power. 
 The clergy and the churches were, as I have shown, 
 faithful and efficient allies in the great cause, but 
 certainly not more important than the press. 
 
 In the first place, the press gave to the country 
 the Plan of Freedom, as presented in the charter 
 of the Emigrant Aid Company. Next it reported 
 all action taken under the charter and the plan of 
 operations. Then the fact that a colony was being 
 raised. Then the fact that the first colony had act-
 
 172 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 ually gone with full accounts of all the ovations 
 along the journey. Not only did the press report 
 all my speeches made in the cities, and furnish 
 strong editorials sustaining the methods of the 
 company, but it published everywhere the very nu- 
 merous letters of our pioneers in Kansas. While 
 my voice might reach a few hundred, or at most 
 a few thousand, in a day, the voice of the press 
 reached millions. The leading journals soon had 
 their correspondents in Kansas, and there was hard- 
 ly an issue of any paper during the contest that did 
 not give its readers the latest news about the great 
 conflict between the two antagonistic civilizations. 
 This faithful and patriotic work of our Northern 
 journals was a powerful, if not an indispensable, 
 agency in determining the result of the controversy. 
 
 After our first two colonies had settled in Law- 
 rence, and the facts and all the incidents of their 
 journey and location had been made known by 
 the press to all the people of the North, the tide 
 of migration to that disputed land was rapid- 
 ly increased. Kansas Leagues and Kansas Aid 
 Committees became numerous in nearly all of the 
 Northern States. 
 
 In many places contributions were made to fa- 
 cilitate this movement. One of the most effective 
 of these committees was the New York Kansas Aid 
 Committee of Albany, N.Y. To show the energy 
 and activity of this organization, I here quote from 
 a letter of Judge Seth B. Cole, recently received : 
 
 "In the fall of 1854 I was elected to the Legislature from my 
 native county Steuben. After January 1, 1855, 1 was in Albany.
 
 THE ALBANY COMMITTEE. 173 
 
 I heard you deliver three addresses in that city on Kansas, and 
 knew the deep interest awakened by them. In April, 1855, a 
 mass meeting was held in Albany, at which William H. Seward 
 presided, to consider the Kansas question. It directed the ap- 
 pointment of a committee by the chairman of the meeting, to be 
 called the Kansas Aid Committee. There were eight members of 
 that committee. I was one. Hon. William Barnes was secretary 
 and custodian of the records. He was most faithful and efficient. 
 "After the adjournment of the Legislature I continued in Al- 
 bany some time, and at the request of the Kansas Aid Com- 
 mittee travelled and made appeals to the people in different parts 
 of the State, and organized local societies to aid the Kansas 
 cause and to influence emigration to Kansas. As a result, I af- 
 terwards learned that some forty-two thousand dollars were re- 
 ceived by the State committee at Albany, and all expended to 
 aid emigration to Kansas. My services were gratuitous." 
 
 The president of this committee was Hon. Brad- 
 ford R. Wood ; and after him Hon. Henry H. Van 
 Dyck ; treasurer, Hon. Chauncey P. "Williams ; sec- 
 retary, Hon. "William Barnes. 
 
 The entire amount collected and disbursed seems 
 to have been nearly one hundred thousand dollars. 
 No Kansas committee was more effective. 
 
 The following letters to Hon. "William Barnes, 
 secretary, show how I regarded this organization 
 in 1856 : 
 
 " ABTOR HOUSK, N. Y. CITY, March 4, 1856. 
 "Mr. Barnes: 
 
 "DEAR SIR, I am now about to leave this place and solicit 
 subscriptions to the stock of the Emigrant Aid Company in the 
 interior cities. I shall speak in Brattleboro next Monday even- 
 ing and then go westward. 
 
 " Can the people of Albany be induced to do something to send 
 peaceful colonies to Kansas, well armed? If you think they can, 
 I should like to address them some evening next week. 
 "Truly yours, 
 
 "En TIIAYER."
 
 174 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 " WORCESTER, July 26, 1856. 
 
 ' ' Mr. Barnes : 
 
 "DEAR SIB, I send you by mail one of the books prepared 
 for school district solicitors. Worcester County has six hundred 
 districts, and employs the same number of men and women solic- 
 iting aid for Kansas. 
 
 " By the same plan Massachusetts would employ six thousand 
 solicitors, all at work for the cause and without pay. One or two 
 days each would suffice to do the work. You will see, therefore, 
 that the plan combines economy, despatch, and efficiency. 
 
 "We do not rely on large subscriptions, but upon the dimes 
 and dollars of the million. 
 
 "We do not wait for meetings. We will encourage them, but 
 cannot afford the time to make them a part of the plan. 
 
 "Almost every one is ready to do something without a lecture, 
 
 and that something we want now. 
 
 ******* 
 
 "I send you an application from a young man in Amherst 
 College for a chance to work in your State. I refer the whole 
 
 subject to your State board. 
 
 " Very truly 3 T our9, 
 
 ' ELI THAYER. 
 
 "P. S. The solicitor books are prepared by the county com- 
 mittees and sent to the town agent whom they appoint. The 
 town agent appoints the solicitor in each district of his town, 
 and gives him or her a book. I think it best to make ladies the 
 solicitors, as they can accomplish more for Kansas than the men. 
 
 "E. T." 
 
 " WOEOESTEB, August 1, 1856. 
 
 " Mr. Barnes: 
 
 " DEAR SIR, . . . You have the plan which I proposed to ap- 
 ply. Improve it if you can, but allow no delay. You must 
 have an assistant secretary at once, and I hope you will procure 
 a good man who will relieve you at least from the labor of writ- 
 ing, and perhaps of dictating details. 
 
 " I need say nothing to you of the importance of carrying this 
 cause to every hearth-stone in the free States. I am happy in 
 the conviction that you appreciate the cause of Kansas in its 
 fullest extent, and therefore I propose to leave New York to 
 you and your excellent committee. My time will now be given
 
 THE WORCESTER LEAGUE. 175 
 
 to the States which have not yet any State committees; first in 
 New Eugland and the West, and afterwards Pennsylvania and 
 New Jersey. 
 
 " We hope to have State committees in New England in each 
 State, in ten days, and then without delay a perfect organization. 
 
 "If your committee has power to add to its members, I think 
 you will do well to add one man from the shire town of each 
 county, retaining your present quorum. 
 
 " This will facilitate the organizing of counties. 
 
 "Tell the Republicans this is the way to elect Fremont, and 
 all the clubs must work for us. 
 
 " Truly yours, 
 
 "ELI THAYER." 
 
 Among the most efficient Kansas Leagues was 
 the one in Worcester, Massachusetts, of which Al- 
 exander H. Bullock was president, and William T. 
 Merrifield, vice-president. The following is an ex- 
 tract from Mr. Merrifield's reminiscences, published 
 in the Worcester Spy, in 1887 : 
 
 "The recent discussion of the Kansas emigration question of 
 thirty years ago has brought to light an interesting reminiscence 
 related by Mr. Win. T. Merrifleld. In an interview with that 
 gentleman yesterday, he stated to a Spy representative that 
 while travelling through the South in January, 1856, he stopped 
 at the leading hotel in Montgomery, Ala., and the day he arrived 
 there General Buford made a speech in the Legislature, in which 
 he said he would pledge himself to the amount of half his fort- 
 une for the raising of a company to go to Kansas and drive out 
 the free-State settlers and establish slavery in that Territory. 
 This statement Mr. Merrifield got from members of the Legislat- 
 ure stopping at the hotel who had heard Buford's speech. Be- 
 fore he left, General Buford had raised half of all the recruits 
 he wanted to march into Kansas and drive out the free-State 
 men and force slavery there. Mr. Merrifield came home imme- 
 diately, fully impressed with the belief that we ought to protect 
 our men from this section and send men enough there to coun- 
 teract the designs of the pro-slavery raiders. He was thoroughly
 
 176 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 convinced, from what he had seen, that we could and ought to do 
 it. Having in his mind the suggestion of steps to be taken, the 
 next morning, after he arrived home, the first man he met on 
 the street was Mr. Eli Thayer, on the steps of the old post-office 
 building, the Central Exchange. He then stated to Mr. Thayer 
 what was being done by General Buf ord, and told him he thought 
 it was a perfectly plain duty to send men enough to Kansas to 
 protect the free-State men there and frustrate Buford's designs, 
 but that it would be necessary to raise money to pay expenses, 
 furnish food and equipments. At that moment it was arranged 
 between him and Mr. Thayer to take the necessary steps to have 
 the thing done, and Mr. Thayer started right off to Boston and 
 came back the same day and reported to him the result of his 
 mission, that funds could be obtained in Boston for the purpose 
 of sending men to Kansas. A meeting was immediately called, 
 to be held in Worcester, which took place Saturday evening, 
 Feb. 9, 1856, at the City Hall, in response to the call, asking ' the 
 friends of freedom and free institutions to assemble and take 
 such action as might be deemed advisable to strengthen the 
 hearts and hands of those who are upholding the cause of free- 
 dom in Kansas.' This was the first public meeting for aid for 
 Kansas held in this city. Hon. P. Emory Aldrich presided, and 
 the late Harrison Bliss was secretary. After a speech from Gen. 
 S. C. Pomeroy, Mr. Thayer spoke, and the result, according to 
 the published report of the meeting, was that ' before the audi- 
 ence left the hall twenty-three rifles, equivalent to the sum of 
 $575, were subscribed for,' by different gentlemen, Mr. Thayer 
 having proposed to ' pay for ten Sharp's rifles at $25 each, on 
 condition that during the coming week other citizens of Worces- 
 ter would subscribe enough to make up the number to one hun- 
 dred.' A committee of three was then appointed to solicit sub- 
 scriptions for the requisite number." 
 
 One hundred and sixty-five men were raised to 
 oppose Buford; each with a Sharp's rifle and a 
 plenty of ammunition. All were put in charge of 
 Dr. Calvin Cutter. At two subsequent meetings 
 more than fifteen thousand dollars were subscribed 
 in aid of the Kansas crusade.
 
 ONE OHIO LEAGUE. 177 
 
 Another very powerful Kansas League is de- 
 scribed as follows in the New York Tribune, Au- 
 gust 31, 1854 : 
 
 KANSAS EMIGRATION MOVEMENT. 
 
 "We have received the proceedings of a large and highly 
 respectable meeting representing different portions of Ohio, held 
 at Oberlin, August 21st, favorable to the encouragement of emi- 
 gration to Kansas. The following officers were chosen for the 
 coming year : President Prof. J. H. Fairchild ; Vice-Presidents 
 B. Prentiss, of Medina; Ralph Plumb, Trumbull; the Hon. P. 
 Bliss, Lorain; the Hon. Joseph R. Swan, Franklin; Lyman Hall, 
 Portage; Uri Seeley, Lake; the Hon. R. P. Spalding, Cuyahoga; 
 F. D. Punish, Erie. Corresponding Secretary John A. Reed, 
 of Oberlin. Treasurer H. B. Spellman, of Cleveland. Exec- 
 utive Committee Prof. J. H. Fairchild, of Oberlin; John A. 
 Reed, do.; H. B. Spellman, of Cleveland; Rev. J. A. Thorne, 
 do.; Hon. N. S. Townsend, of Avon; Hon. R. C. Hurd, Mount 
 Vernon; W. P. Harris, of Oberlin; O. B. Ryder, do. Principal 
 E. H. Fairchild, do. ; Prof. E. H. Peck, do. ; Prof. T. B. Hud- 
 son, do. 
 
 "The object of the association is to collect and disseminate 
 through the papers and otherwise, as far as possible, such infor- 
 mation as is needed with regard to the Territory of Kansas; its 
 climate, advantages, &c. ; the best route for companies emigrat- 
 ing there; to co-operate with other emigration enterprises; to 
 send agents into the various counties of the State, to awaken an 
 interest in emigration and to organize emigrant companies; to 
 raise a fund by the first of March next to be appropriated in aid- 
 ing emigration, and in contributing to the comfort and prosper- 
 ity of the emigrant after his arrival in Kansas." 
 
 There were several hundred of the different kinds 
 of societies, leagues, committees, and companies in 
 the free States. Their purposes were generally like 
 those of the Oberlin company, above given. The 
 Boston company was the only one which made 
 large investments in Kansas for the benefit of the 
 8*
 
 178 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 emigrants. The others collected and used funds to 
 aid emigrants in their outfits and journey. Each 
 had an office (usually the office of a young lawyer 
 who acted as secretary). They each had the Her- 
 ald of Freedom, published, edited, and owned by G. 
 W. Brown, Lawrence, Kansas. This very valuable 
 paper was full of information desired by the emi- 
 grant, both in relation to the physical advantages 
 of the Territory and the progress of the grand con- 
 flict within her borders. 
 
 They also had Edward Everett Hale's "Kansas 
 and Nebraska," an invaluable hand-book for emi- 
 grants. In addition to these sources of informa- 
 tion they soon had letters from their colonists in 
 Kansas, which they published in the local papers. 
 By all these and many other means, the zeal in the 
 Kansas cause was not only kept alive but constant- 
 ly increased to the very close of the controversy. 
 There was hardly any portion of the free States 
 that was not reached by some one of these numer- 
 ous agencies. 
 
 At one of my addresses in the Assembly chamber 
 at Albany, the venerable Eliphalet Kott, President 
 of Union College, was on the platform, having come 
 from Schenectady to attend the meeting. After 
 my address Dr. Nott said that he wished to have a 
 talk with me, and would stay overnight at the Del- 
 avan House for that purpose. I assured him that 
 the interview would give me great pleasure, for 
 while I was a student in Brown University I had 
 often heard Dr. Wayland speak in the most compli- 
 mentary way of his " intellectual father, Dr. Nott."
 
 ELIPHALET XOTT, D.D. 179 
 
 "We accordingly went to the hotel and conversed 
 till after midnight. I had before been questioned 
 very minutely upon the methods of the Kansas 
 campaign and the prospects of success, but never 
 before with such analyzing scrutiny and such pro- 
 found sagacity. One of his numerous inquiries was 
 rather a surprise to me not because I had not con- 
 sidered the subject but because he was the only 
 man who ever made a like inquiry. The question 
 was this : " I wish you would tell me, Mr. Thayer, 
 just what kind of men are of most service in this 
 Kansas movement. I ask this question because I 
 wish to either verify or prove false an opinion I 
 have long entertained and have often expressed to 
 my boys. Are the best men, in this case, the ones 
 who have said most, or said least, about slavery ?" 
 " The men," said I, " who say little or nothing. They 
 show the greatest impatience, and even disgust, 
 when they hear a ranting resolution-maker berating 
 slavery. They seem to think that every Northern 
 man understands the evils of slavery without being 
 informed of them. At all events, they have long 
 ago passed the time of talking if they ever did 
 talk and have decided to act, now that they have 
 a chance of acting effectively. These men intend 
 to never see another slave State in this Union. If 
 they say anything at all, they say, ' "We have too 
 many such now, and always shall have, so long as 
 there are any at all. Slavery must go. If it harms 
 the negro it destroys white men. It is bad econo- 
 my and bad policy every way.' " While I was speak- 
 ing the countenance of the patriarch was illumined
 
 180 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 as if by a joyful appreciation of what he was hear- 
 ing. Then he said : " That is just what I always 
 tell my boys. Restrain your feelings until they 
 can impel you to right action. If you can do noth- 
 ing, feel as little as possible ; for feeling, in such 
 cases only debilitates. Now you prove my teach- 
 ing true in practice, and my opinion is verified in a 
 most satisfactory way." 
 
 Dr. Nott at this time (spring of 1855) was con- 
 siderably over eighty years of age, having gradu- 
 ated at Brown University in 1795, just fifty years 
 earlier than myself. 
 
 A few weeks before this interview I had been 
 speaking in the State of Maine. Charles H. Brans- 
 comb, the conductor of our colonies, having a few 
 weeks' leisure, was sent by the Boston company to 
 arrange for the meetings. He was of great assist- 
 ance in this way, and also of much use in the meet- 
 ings, by giving a graphic account of the condition 
 of affairs in Kansas, where he had been several 
 times, and was well able to speak of the charms of 
 the country and its advantages as a home. He also 
 answered numerous inquiries of the young men 
 who were proposing to join our colonies. I al- 
 ways found Mr. Branscomb a faithful and efficient 
 assistant. 
 
 One evening I addressed a large meeting in Saco, 
 and was advertised to address one in Biddeford, 
 across the river, the next evening. After the meet- 
 ing in Saco, several young men came to me and 
 said that they had been appointed a committee of
 
 MR. GREELEY LOSES FAITH. 181 
 
 a company intending to go "West early in the spring ; 
 that they had been thinking of Minnesota, since 
 some of their friends had gone there, but now they 
 were inclining towards Kansas ; that they would 
 go over to the Biddeford meeting and then deter- 
 mine whether they would choose Kansas or Min- 
 nesota. 
 
 After my address in Biddeford these young men 
 came to me and brought a recent issue of the New 
 York Tribune. They showed me an editorial of 
 Mr. Greeley's, in which he said Kansas would be a 
 slave State. This, they said, had settled the ques- 
 tion and they were going to Minnesota. 
 
 Thereupon I wrote a very severe letter to Mr. 
 Greeley, and told him that his silly editorial had 
 cost me one colony in Saco, and possibly a dozen in 
 other places ; that this was a great help to slavery 
 and great harm to freedom. Mr. Greeley did not 
 reply to me, but he never again offended in the 
 same way. I have no doubt that this was the hon- 
 est opinion of the great philanthropist. Mr. Gree- 
 ley had one weak point. He was evidently deficient 
 in courage. There had been some blood spilled 
 in Kansas already, and he was really frightened 
 into conceding Kansas to slavery. Who that had 
 read those glowing editorials already quoted in a 
 preceding chapter would have believed it possible 
 that his "staying" power would prove so unre- 
 liable ? 
 
 The reader will recall another similar instance 
 occurring some years later. In the early part of 
 the Civil War, almost every issue of the Tribune
 
 182 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 contained a furious " On-to-Richmond " editorial. 
 After Bull Run, all this fury had evaporated, and 
 Mr. Greeley wrote to President Lincoln that it was 
 best to make peace on any terms. 
 
 In any moral controversy there was no limit 
 to Mr. Greeley's persistency and endurance. But 
 when it came to blood, he was apparently unrelia- 
 ble. After all, he was an invaluable aid in the early 
 part of our Kansas work. Through the weekly 
 Tribune numerous Kansas Leagues were made in 
 the Middle and Western States. The slight harm 
 he did in 1855 was a hundred times compensated 
 for by his eloquent appeals for the Plan of Free- 
 dom in 1854. 
 
 The following is from Professor Spring's " Kan- 
 sas," page 31. He explains concisely and clearly 
 the philosophy and methods of the Emigrant Aid 
 Company, and demonstrates its efficiency. 
 
 "The facilities offered by the Boston organization, in addition 
 to the obvious advantages of associated effort, were reduction in 
 cost of transportation, oversight by competent conductors, in- 
 vestments of capital in mills, hotels, and other improvements 
 which would mitigate and abbreviate the hardships of pioneering. 
 Though the design of the organization was frankly avowed, yet 
 anybody, whether in sympathy with its mission or not, might 
 freely avail himself of its advantages. The obligations of emi- 
 grants who went to Kansas under its wing were wholly implied 
 and informal. Assuredly it offered no premium for extreme 
 types of antislavery men. On the contrary, a Hunkerish strain 
 of conservatism prevailed among the colonists which naturally 
 provoked criticism. The Liberator of June 1, 1855, speaking of 
 the personnel of the companies already sent on to Kansas, re- 
 marked that ' hardly a single Abolitionist can be found among 
 all who have migrated to that country. . . . Before they emigrated
 
 PEOFESSOR SPRING. 183 
 
 they gave little or no countenance to the antislavery cause at 
 home. ... If they had no pluck here, -what could rationally be 
 expected of them in the immediate presence of the demoniacal 
 spirit of slavery? ... To place any reliance on their antislavery 
 zeal or courage is to lean upon a broken staff.' . . . 
 
 "But the work of the Boston organization cannot be adequate- 
 ly exhibited by arithmetical computations. A vital, capital part 
 of it lay in spheres where mathematics are ineffectual lay in its 
 alighting upon a feasible method, which was copied far and wide, 
 of dealing with a great political emergency, and in the backing 
 of social and monetary prestige that it secured for the unknown 
 pioneers at the front. 
 
 "If volume and bitterness of criticism afford any trustworthy 
 standard by which its efficiency may be tested, the Emigrant Aid 
 Company played no subordinate part in the Kansas struggle." 
 
 The Christian Register, October 14, 1854, has the 
 following : 
 
 "The Emigrant Aid Society, even if not seconded by others, 
 is alone competent to determine the social and moral fate of the 
 spacious West, if sustained by the public. Let it be so sustained, 
 and millions yet unborn will hereafter hallow the names of those 
 who dispelled from that region the dark cloud of slavery, and 
 spread the inestimable blessings of freedom, peace, virtue, and 
 pure religion over their vastly extended and prosperous heri- 
 tage." 
 
 The effect of the influx of free-State settlers into 
 Kansas soon began to be manifested. What had 
 at first been viewed by the Missourians with con- 
 tempt and derision, and by many at the East with 
 indifference, now became to the friends of the 
 South a matter of serious alarm, and aroused the 
 most malignant passions of the Missouri border 
 ruffians. It created a feeling that spread through 
 the entire slave-holding community, and excited an 
 intense opposition towards a scheme which it was
 
 181 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 plain to them was to establish an effectual barrier 
 to the extension of slavery, and in time exterminate 
 the institution. The South saw that it was impo- 
 tent in a struggle of this kind with the North ; that 
 the latter, with its resources of wealth and popula- 
 tion, and its spirit of enterprise, would inevitably 
 overwhelm them in this contest. All the powers 
 of press and rostrum were brought to bear against 
 the new scheme, and bluster and threats were re- 
 sorted to in the endeavor to stem the current that 
 was to ingulf them. More desperate methods were 
 applied on the scene of action, but it is not my pur- 
 pose to give any narration of what took place in 
 Kansas ; that has already become a part of national 
 history. 
 
 Soon the greatest enthusiasm was excited in the 
 North. Immense crowds gathered along the route 
 of our emigrant companies, and the journeys through 
 New England, and as far west as Chicago, were 
 continued ovations. This spirit was shown even in 
 the domestic circle. " I know people," said R. "W. 
 Emerson, " who are making haste to reduce their 
 expenses and pay their debts, not with a view to 
 new accumulations, but in preparation to save and 
 earn for the benefit of Kansas emigrants." 
 
 Loud threats of disunion were indulged in ; and 
 the Southern papers teemed with abuse of the Em- 
 igrant Aid Company and its supporters. Rewards 
 were offered for the head of the author of the Plan.* 
 
 * The following notice was posted in Kansas and Missouri: 
 
 " $200 Reward. We arc authorized by responsible men in 
 this neighborhood to offer the above reward for the apprehension
 
 CHARLESTON MERCURY. 185 
 
 But there were those among them who, as the 
 movement broadened, contemplated it in a more 
 serious light, and gave evidence of their apprecia- 
 tion of the real character of the crisis. The follow- 
 ing editorial from the Charleston Mercury well rep- 
 resents the views of this class : 
 
 "First. By consent of parties, the present contest in Kansas 
 is made the turning-point in the destinies of slavery and Aboli- 
 tionism.* If the South triumphs, Abolitionism will be defeated 
 and shorn of its power for all time. If she is defeated, Abolition- 
 ism will grow more insolent and aggressive, until the utter ruin 
 of the South is consummated. 
 
 "Second. If the South secures Kansas, she will extend slavery 
 into all the territory south of the fortieth parallel of north lati- 
 tude, to the Rio Grande, and this, of course, will secure for her 
 pent-up institutions of slavery an ample outlet, and restore her 
 power in Congress. If the North secures Kansas, the power of 
 the South in Congress will gradually be diminished, the States 
 of Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Texas, together 
 with the adjacent Territories, will gradually become Abolition- 
 ized, and the slave population confined to the States east of the 
 Mississippi will become valueless. All depends upon the action 
 of the present moment." 
 
 and safe delivery into the hands of the squatters of Kansas Ter- 
 ritory, of one Eli Thayer, a leading and ruling spirit among the 
 Abolitionists of New York and New England. Now, therefore, 
 it behooves all good citizens of Kansas Territory and the State 
 of Missouri to watch the advent of this agent of Abolitionism; 
 to arrest him, and deal with him in such a manner as the enor- 
 mity of his crimes and iniquities shall seem to merit. Repre- 
 senting all the Abolitionists, he consequently bears all their sins; 
 and the blood of Batchelder is upon his head crying aloud for 
 expiation at the hands of the people." 
 
 De Bow's Review called the movement " Thayer's Emigration," 
 and the Southern press spoke of the Emigrant Aid Company as 
 "EliThayer&Co." 
 
 * By Abolitionism the editor intended the whole antislavery 
 element. He had no reference to Garrisonism.
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 KANSAS AND JOHN BKOWN. 
 
 AFTER the annoying incidents at Saco and Bidde- 
 ford already chronicled we held meetings in Port- 
 land, Bath, Brunswick, and Augusta. In the last 
 place I made the acquaintance of Governor Morrill 
 and of many members of the House and the Senate. 
 My object was to secure their aid in providing for 
 meetings at their homes in many parts of the State. 
 These appointments were made for the autumn of 
 the same year. Senator Muzzy, of Bangor, and Sena- 
 tor Gushing, of Belfast, prepared meetings for those 
 localities, while others arranged for speeches in 
 Thomaston, Camden, Oldtown, Orono, and other 
 places. Having planned in this way the fall cam- 
 paign of two or three weeks in Maine, we held the 
 Augusta meeting. The audience contained most of 
 the members of the Legislature, and was presided 
 over by a young man, then but little known, James 
 G. Blaine. Mr. Branscomb soon returned to Bos- 
 ton to conduct another colony to Kansas, and I 
 made my journey westward, speaking in New 
 Hampshire, Vermont, and Northern New York. 
 
 It would be easy to fill volumes with the inci- 
 dents and the interviews at all the places where 
 my meetings were held. The feeling about Kansas
 
 A YANKEE CITY." 187 
 
 was just the same in all localities. There had come 
 to be a resolute determination to sustain the free- 
 State pioneers already in Kansas by such reinforce- 
 ments of men and such contributions of money and 
 arms as they might need. It was now apparent in 
 every town that the people, without distinction of 
 party, had accepted the policy of action pursued 
 by the Emigrant Aid Company, and that they had 
 no desire to return to the silly work of resolution- 
 making. This company bought a hotel at Kansas 
 City for the accommodation of our emigrants upon 
 their arrival, and were building another and larger 
 one at Lawrence. We had already built several 
 steam-mills for the grinding of grain and the man- 
 ufacture of lumber. These steam-engines were 
 really the eloquent apostles of freedom. 
 
 One day, in 1855, Senator Atchison, with a dozen 
 border ruffians, was at the wharf in Kansas City, 
 when a river-boat approached with one of our en- 
 gines on the deck. Atchison, turning to those on 
 his right, asked, " What is that on the deck of the 
 steamer ?" His companions answered, " Senator, 
 that is a steam-engine and a steam-boiler." Turn- 
 ing to those on his left, he repeated his former 
 question. They repeated the reply before given. 
 
 " You are all a pack of fools ; that is a Yankee 
 
 city going to Kansas, and by ! in six months it 
 
 will cast one hundred Abolition votes." 
 
 During the summer months I made many speech- 
 es in Massachusetts, Khode Island, and Connecticut. 
 In New Haven I made three speeches at different 
 times to secure the raising of the celebrated colony
 
 188 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 which in the summer of the next year, under the 
 lead of Hon. C. B. Lines, founded in Kansas the 
 town of Wabaunsee. Professor Silliman, Dr. Wool- 
 sey, Dr. Leonard Bacon, and Professor Twining 
 were active workers in support of the Plan of 
 Freedom, and the first of these became a director 
 in the Emigrant Aid Company. 
 
 In my Hartford meetings, Dr. Horace Bushnell 
 was active and energetic. He collected over one 
 thousand dollars for our treasury and became one 
 of our directors. 
 
 In the autumn I returned to Maine and addressed 
 thousands of people in halls, in churches, and some- 
 times the lumbermen sitting on logs in the open 
 air. Most of the meetings were densely packed, 
 but these of the lumbermen had " scope and verge 
 enough." 
 
 The result of these meetings was a valuable ac- 
 cession to the free-State pioneers. 
 
 I then returned to Boston, and had a meeting 
 with the members of our executive committee. 
 Our company had exhausted all its funds, and was 
 in debt. Our worthy treasurer had advanced 
 money up to his fixed limit, $6000, from his own 
 funds. Some of the committee were entirely dis- 
 couraged, and even ready to abandon the enter- 
 prise, on account of the pecuniary straits in which 
 the company was placed. " This work," they said, 
 " is arduous, and from lack of money very wearing 
 and perplexing'. Money must be had directly, or 
 the work of saving Kansas discontinued. The most, 
 unwise act we ever did was the surrender of the
 
 REPENTANCE. 189 
 
 old charter, which would have furnished ample 
 means on a business basis. This depending on 
 charity is annoying and humiliating." 
 
 In reply, I told the committee that it was very 
 pleasing to me to hear from their own lips their 
 confession of error in substituting the charity plan 
 for the old business charter. Had we retained the 
 latter, and made investments in Kansas City which 
 our own work would build up, we could easily have 
 become a very formidable power against slavery, 
 not only in the Territories, but in the States as 
 well. But as the choice had long ago been made, 
 and as we had progressed so far under the false 
 method, we could not now change it ; that I was 
 not an " Immediativist " ; that the work must be 
 neither suspended nor discontinued, nor even hin- 
 dered, for the want of money ; that I preferred 
 very much to continue gathering colonies, but if 
 necessary I would raise as much money as they 
 were in need of. Accordingly, without delay, I 
 went to New York City on that mission. The 
 narration of the events there, and of my success in 
 raising the needed contributions, will be recorded 
 in the next chapter. 
 
 At this point I will introduce an episode pertain- 
 ing to our friend Amos A. Lawrence. 
 
 While I was in Maine, John Brown found his 
 way to Boston and induced Mr. Lawrence to fur- 
 nish him money to pay his expenses to Kansas. 
 
 I first became acquainted with Amos A. Law- 
 rence early in June, 1854, directly after my return 
 from the conference with Mr. Greeley in New
 
 190 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 York City. From that time to the end of the 
 Kansas struggle he was treasurer of our company. 
 Like his father, Amos Lawrence, he was distin- 
 guished for his practical philanthropy, his sterling 
 integrity, his fearless and conscientious discharge 
 of duty, and his sound and conservative views upon 
 all subjects. He styled himself a " Hunker Whig." 
 He voted for Bell and Everett in 1860, and was as 
 far removed from sympathy with radical Abolition- 
 ists as any man in the Union. But in the plan of 
 the Emigrant Aid Company he was happy to find 
 a way of circumventing the purposes of slavery 
 without violating the law, the Constitution, or the 
 Union. He became at once an earnest, fearless, 
 and hopeful worker in the cause of free Kansas. 
 His cheerful courage was always an inspiration to 
 the lovers of our cause, even in its greatest per- 
 plexities and dangers. It was easy for almost any 
 one who professed a desire to aid in the work of 
 making Kansas a free State to secure his entire 
 confidence. If this were a weakness, it leaned so 
 decidedly towards right and justice of purpose 
 that no good man can judge him harshly. 
 
 But his confidence in men was sometimes abused. 
 There were several instances of this in the course 
 of our struggle, but the most notable one was in 
 the case of John Brown. Mr. Lawrence furnished 
 him the money which enabled him to pay his fare 
 to Kansas late in the year 1855. Subsequently he 
 contributed for his use in the Territory, and for 
 travelling outside of it, many important sums. He 
 also furnished about one thousand dollars to pay a
 
 A. A. LAWRENCE ON JOHN BROWN. 191 
 
 mortgage on Brown's home at North Elba, N. Y. 
 For one or two years he regarded Brown as an 
 honest man and a useful aid to the free-State cause. 
 At length, however, he learned how his confidence 
 had been abused, and from that time no one ever 
 denounced the Pottawatomie assassin in more vig- 
 orous English. The following remarks of Mr. 
 Lawrence were made before the Massachusetts 
 Historical Society, and can be found in their pub- 
 lished proceedings for May, 1884. 
 Mr. Amos A. Lawrence said : 
 
 "When Eli Thayer obtained the charter of the New England 
 Emigrant Aid Society, and began to preach up the Kansas cru- 
 sade, the organization was completed here in Boston; and Dr. 
 Robinson, of Fitchburg, was chosen to be the Territorial agent, 
 Charles H. Branscomb took charge of the emigrant parties, and 
 8. C. Pomeroy was financial agent in Kansas. 
 
 "The enthusiasm increased; parties were formed all over the 
 Northern States. The Emigrant Aid Company undertook to 
 give character and direction to the whole. This society was to 
 be loyal to the Government under all circumstances ; it was to 
 support the party of law and order, and it was to make Kansas 
 a free State by bona fide settlement, if at all. Charles Robin- 
 son had the requisite qualities to direct this movement. He had 
 had great experience in the troubles of California. He was 
 cool, judicious, and entirely devoid of fear, and in every respect 
 worthy of the confidence reposed in him by the settlers and the 
 society. He was obliged to submit to great hardship and injus- 
 tice, chiefly through the imbecility of the United States Govern- 
 ment agents. He was imprisoned, his house was burned, and 
 his life was often threatened; yet he never bore arms, nor omit- 
 ted to do whatever he thought to be his duty. He sternly held 
 the people to their loyalty to the Government, against the argu- 
 ments and example of the ' higher law ' men, who were always 
 armed, who were not real settlers, and who were bent on bring- 
 ing about a border war, which they hoped would extend to the
 
 192 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 older States. The policy of the New England Society, carried 
 out by Robinson aud those who acted with him in Kansas, was 
 finally successful and triumphant. David Atchison and his 
 hordes retired from the scene; the few negro slaves who had 
 been carried into the Territory disappeared, and now (1884) the 
 State contains one million one hundred thousand inhabitants, 
 without paupers and without beggars. A whole generation is 
 coming up who do not know the taste of ardent spirits. This 
 has always been a favorite theory and practice of Robinson; 
 and now they have gone beyond him, and have inserted prohi- 
 bition in the State Constitution, and elected their State officers 
 on that issue. 
 
 "But what shall we say of John Brown? His course was the 
 opposite of Robinson's. ... He was always armed; he was al- 
 ways disloyal to the United States Government and to all gov- 
 ernment except to what he called the ' higher law.' He was 
 always ready to shed blood, and he always did shed it without 
 remorse; for ' without blood,' as he often said, ' there can be no 
 remission.' . . . 
 
 "In the night of May 23, 1856, Mr. Doyle and his two sons 
 were taken from their beds at Pottawatomie, and caused to walk 
 one hundred yards from their house, when the father was shot 
 dead by Brown, while the sons were stabbed and hacked to 
 death with straight navy swords in the hands of Brown's sons. 
 Mr. Wilkinson, who was taking care of a sick wife, was obliged 
 to leave her and go with the midnight party, who brutally mur- 
 dered him, not so far from his wife but that she heard the strug- 
 gle and the final shot. 
 
 "William Sherman was another victim of these midnight as- 
 sassins, who were not then known, but who are now known per- 
 fectly. The evidence is complete. Professor Spring, of the 
 State University of Kansas, is preparing a work upon the early 
 history of that State, which will contain the truth, with all the 
 proofs; so that hereafter there can be no such statements made 
 as have deceived nearly a whole generation. 
 
 " It fell to me to give John Brown his first letter to Kansas, in- 
 troducing him to Governor Robinson, and authorizing him to 
 employ him and to draw on me for his compensation if he could 
 make him useful in the work of the Emigrant Aid Company. 
 But very soon Governor Robinson wrote that he would not em-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 193 
 
 ploy him, as he was unreliable, and 'would as soon shoot a 
 United States officer as a border ruffian. ' 
 
 "When he was a prisoner at Harper's Ferry I wrote to Gov- 
 ernor Wise, advising his release, on the ground that he was a 
 monomaniac, and that his execution would make him a martyr. 
 The answer to this letter was very creditable to Governor 
 Wise. . . . 
 
 "John Brown had no enemies in New England, but many 
 friends and admirers. He was constantly receiving money from 
 them. They little knew what use he was making of it, for he 
 deceived everybody. If he had succeeded in his design at Har- 
 per's Ferry of exciting a servile insurrection, the country would 
 have stood aghast with horror; his would have been anything 
 but a martyr's crown." 
 
 John Brown has now very few admirers except 
 the congenial anarchists and Nihilists, who despise 
 all law, and hate all the restraints of government. 
 Mr. Lawrence's estimate of Brown above given has 
 been generally sustained. Abraham Lincoln, in his 
 Cooper Institute speech, said, with his characteris- 
 tic " charity for all " : 
 
 "John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insur- 
 rection. It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt 
 among slaves, in which the slaves refused to participate. lu 
 fact, it was so absurd that the slaves, in all their ignorance, saw 
 plainly enough it could not succeed. That affair, in its philoso- 
 phy, corresponds with the many attempts related in history at 
 the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods 
 over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself commis- 
 sioned by Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, 
 which ends in little else than his own execution. Orsini's at- 
 tempt on Louis Napoleon and John Brown's attempt at Harper's 
 Ferry were, in their philosophy, the same. The eagerness to 
 cast blame on Old England in the one place and on New England 
 in the other does not disprove the sameness of the two things." 
 
 The Chicago Republican convention which nom- 
 9
 
 194 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 inated Mr. Lincoln for the Presidency in 1860 
 unanimously resolved that Brown was one of the 
 greatest of criminals. 
 
 Thaddeus Stevens said, "Brown ought to be 
 hung for attempting to capture Virginia in the 
 way he did." 
 
 Henry Wilson said, "John Brown is a d d 
 
 old fool." 
 
 Nicolay and Hay, in the Century Magazine, have 
 proved Senator Wilson's estimate of him correct. 
 
 When Brown made his invasion of Virginia, and 
 during his trial, conviction, and execution, I was a 
 member of Congress, and had the means of know-"" 
 ing the opinions of other members. There was not 
 one of that body who considered his punishment 
 unjust. A few, however, were of the opinion that 
 it would have been better to have put him in a 
 mad-house for life. This method would have pre- 
 vented the grotesque efforts of a few of his sympa- 
 thizers and supporters to parade him before the 
 country as a " martyr." 
 
 But these anarchists were ever ready with pen 
 and voice to extol any mental or moral deformity, 
 especially tending towards the ruin of our Govern- 
 ment. The owner of a dime museum exults in the 
 possession of physical monstrosities. So the dis- 
 unionists had a wonderful affection for cranks and 
 monomaniacs. They could see nothing to admire 
 in men like Horace Mann, Salmon P. Chase, and 
 Rev. Dr. Bellows illustrious examples of high 
 mental and moral attainments. Such men were 
 denounced unsparingly in the columns of the Lib-
 
 JOHN BROWN'S CRIMES. 195 
 
 erator, as also the other great antislavery leaders 
 who favored practical methods. This "despised 
 handful of Abolitionists" were eager to hail the 
 Pottawatomie assassin as " martyr and saint." 
 
 John Brown arrived in Kansas nearty two years 
 after the conflict there against slavery began. He 
 was a great injury to the free-State cause, and to 
 the free-State settlers. He said, " I have not come 
 to make Kansas free, but to get a shot at the 
 South." He wished to begin a civil war. He was 
 the pupil of the Garrisonites and afterwards their 
 god. He never had any property in Kansas which 
 might be subject to retaliation and reprisal for his 
 crimes. Skulking about under various disguises 
 and pretences, he left the free-State settlers to suf- 
 fer for his numerous outrages. At length they 
 compelled him to leave the Territory. 
 
 The last instalment of Missouri vengeance for 
 his many murders, raids, and robberies, and for the 
 subsequent thieving invasions of Lane, fell upon 
 Lawrence in the Quantrell raid, and cost her the 
 lives of one hundred and eighty-three of her citi- 
 zens. 
 
 The following extract from a letter written by 
 me to the New York Sun, and published in that 
 journal November 27, 1887, gives some details of 
 this " hero's " career. 
 
 " It is charity to rank Brown as a monomaniac in the same list 
 with Orsini, Guiteau, Booth, and Freeman. But his admirers 
 do not allow this, for it would ruin him as a 'saint and martyr.' 
 They contend not only that he was sane, but that he was a great 
 moral hero. If we admit his sanity, we must then regard him
 
 196 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 either as a felon or a fiend. After he had proved himself a 
 robber, murderer, and traitor, and while almost everybody was 
 denouncing him as such, the Garrison disunionists, under whose 
 tuition he had matured, immediately began his apotheosis. The 
 files of the Liberator and the reported eulogies of Wendell Phil- 
 lips, delivered wherever he could get a hearing, are abundant 
 proof of this fact. Themselves monomaniacs, they were delight- 
 ed to discover a hero so well adapted to their characters and 
 tastes. 
 
 "These are the men responsible for the terrible growth of 
 anarchy in this country. They made a deity of the prince of 
 anarchists, a colossus in crime, compared with whom the men 
 recently executed at Chicago were only pygmies. 
 
 "It is no wonder, then, that the anarchists of to-day acknowl- 
 edge their rightful king, and sing at their nocturnal conventions 
 John Brown songs. This is the most appropriate commentary 
 we have yet had upon the character of Garrison and Phillips, 
 ' martyr and saint.' Their eulogies found echoes in feeble pulpit 
 utterances and occasionally in public lectures. In this way the 
 deadly virus of anarchy infected and poisoned public sentiment. 
 
 " But what did John Brown do ? In Kansas he dragged from 
 their beds at midnight three men and two boys and hacked them 
 in pieces with two-edged cleavers, in such way that the massacre 
 was reported to be the work of wild Indians. If any butcher 
 in New York City should hack and slash to death his own hogs 
 and steers as John Brown hacked and slashed to death these 
 men and boys in Kansas, he would be arrested and imprisoned 
 without delay. After this Brown slew an unarmed, inoffensive 
 farmer in Missouri. In his murderous raid at Harper's Ferry, 
 the first man he slew was a negro engaged in the discharge of 
 his duty at the freight station there. For some weeks before 
 this raid he had been wandering about in Virginia, trying to 
 enlist negroes in his little rebellion. In one place he professed 
 to be a geologist. In several places he professed to be a Dr. Mc- 
 Lain a specialist in hernia. He examined many slaves for this 
 disease, by consent of masters, to whom he said that negroes 
 were more subject to it than any other class. In a Presbyterian 
 house he was a Presbyterian minister. He remained one day 
 and two nights and examined over forty slaves. He next visited 
 a Baptist family, and there professed to be a Baptist minister.
 
 BROWN TO BE DICTATOR. 197 
 
 He had written out a plan of government for the South, which 
 was once in possession of Amos A. Lawrence, of Boston. This 
 plan provided that Brown should be military commander-in- 
 chief in the negro government about to be established. 
 
 " To the above should be added the robbing of stores in Kan- 
 sas, the stealing of horses, the invasion of Missouri, and the steal- 
 ing of about $4000 worth of oxen, mules, wagons, harness, and 
 such valuable and portable property as he could find. He was a 
 merciless and most unscrupulous jay hawker. 
 
 " The above is a faint picture of the ' noble John Brown.' 
 Much more of the same import could be given, but this is enough, 
 except for Anarchists who wish to become unrivalled experts in 
 crime. 
 
 " After his midnight murders in Kansas, all the people about 
 Ossawatomie assembled to express their indignation and to take 
 measures to bring the ' fiends ' to justice. Here on most friendly 
 terms met the free-State and the slave-State men. In the over- 
 shadowing gloom of such terrible crime, all partisan issues were 
 forgotten. The underlying brotherhood of man asserted itself 
 in unity against an enemy of the human race. But what enemy ? 
 John Brown, with characteristic lying, denied that he was pres- 
 ent at this massacre, or that he had anything to do with it. 
 No fact in history is now better established than the fact that he 
 was father of the crime and the leader of the assassins." 
 
 The editorial comments of the Sun upon this let- 
 ter places a proper estimate upon the character of 
 this noted anarchist : 
 
 A HISTORICAL VIEW OF JOHN BROWN. 
 
 " We publish elsewhere a letter presenting a new view of 
 John Brown, or a view which seems new in these days, though 
 it was taken by many conservative and sensible men of this 
 country at the time of his mad attempt to wage war against 
 slavery on his own account. 
 
 "The letter, it must be understood, is not written by one of 
 the old apologists for slavery, but by a man who from first to 
 last was a bitter opponent of slavery, and who was greatly instru- 
 mental in bringing about its exclusion from Kansas. As early
 
 198 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 as 1854, when Mr Eli Thayer was a Representative in the Mas- 
 sachusetts Legislature from the town of Worcester, the historic 
 centre of the antislavery agitation, he conceived the plan of 
 frustrating the purpose of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise 
 by encouraging and assisting emigration to Kansas from the free 
 States of the North. His scheme was to fill up the Territory 
 with settlers who would vote 'to save Kansas to freedom,' and 
 for years he gave himself up to zealous and self-sacrificing efforts 
 to carry it into successful execution. 
 
 " Mr. Thayer therefore sympathized with John Brown in his 
 detestation of slavery and dread of its advancing political power, 
 and yet he classes him with John Most and with the anarchists 
 so justly hanged at Chicago the other day. Instead of having 
 been the 'great moral hero' his admirers of this time would 
 make him, Mr. Thayer, who speaks from intimate personal 
 knowledge of the man and his career in Kansas, describes John 
 Brown as a 'felon or a fiend,' a 'robber, murderer, and traitor,' 
 and gives instances of his conduct in Kansas and in Virginia to 
 justify the truth of the description. 
 
 "Abraham Lincoln, in his famous speech at Cooper Institute 
 in February, 1860, a few mouths before his first nomination for 
 the Presidency, agreed with Mr. Thayer in ranking John Brown 
 with the monomaniacs who resort to assassination for the cure 
 of what seem to them social and political evils. ' Orsini's at- 
 tempt on Louis Napoleon, and John Brown's attempt at Harper's 
 Ferry,' said Lincoln, ' were, in their philosophy, the same'; and 
 he further described the Harper's Ferry affair as 'so absurd that 
 the slaves, in all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not 
 succeed.' These words, too, were uttered in the February after 
 the hanging of John Brown at Charlestown, in Virginia, on the 
 2d of December, 1859, and they expressed a sentiment so general 
 at the North that the great Republican leader felt it necessary to 
 speak them so emphatically. 
 
 "At that time the Abolitionists, always a small and a detested 
 body of fanatics, had reached the firm conclusion that their only 
 hope lay in the dissolution of the Union. They were out-and- 
 out disunionists, trampling on the Constitution at their meetings 
 as ' a league with death and a covenant with hell,' and declaring 
 that ' there was no issue of any importance except the dissolu- 
 tion of the Union.' For that reason they did all they could to
 
 THE NEW YORK SUN. 199 
 
 put back Mr. Thayer's efforts to make Kansas a free State. They 
 wanted to see slavery so far extended that the North would be 
 forced into disunionism as a measure of revenge and self-pro- 
 tection, and the war of secession would be started by the North 
 rather than the South. Therefore they were quick to make of 
 John Brown a martyr to their cause, in the hope of inflaming 
 the hostility between the two parts of the Union. But Lincoln 
 and the Republican party refused to accept their hero, and were 
 consequently even more bitterly assailed than before by the 
 Abolitionists as accessaries and partners in the great ' crime of 
 slavery.' 
 
 "These are doubtless the facts of history, and Mr. Thayer does 
 the public a service in calling attention to them at a time when 
 the anarchists are attempting to justify their savagery by point- 
 ing "to John Brown as a great moral hero, whose memory is re- 
 vered by his countrymen and honored by the whole world." 
 
 Another statement in regard to Brown's career 
 had been made by me in a letter to the Boston 
 Herald, published August 22, 1887, correcting a 
 passage in Nicolay and Hay's " Life of Lincoln." 
 The following is an extract from this letter : 
 
 "These writers say, on page 517: 'In association, habit, lan- 
 guage, and conduct, he was clean, but coarse ; honest, but rude.' 
 
 " Two circumstances, however, indicate that he was practising 
 a deception upon the committees and the public. He entered 
 into a contract with a blacksmith in Collinsville, Ct., to man- 
 ufacture for him one thousand pikes of a certain pattern, to be 
 completed in ninety days, and paid five hundred and fifty dollars 
 on the contract. There is no record that he mentioned this mat- 
 ter to any committee. His proposed Kansas minute-men were 
 only one hundred in number, and the pikes could not be for 
 them. His explanation to the blacksmith that they would be 
 a good weapon of defence for Kansas settlers, was clearly a 
 subterfuge. These pikes, ordered about March 23, 1857, were 
 without doubt intended for his Virginia invasion, and, in fact, 
 the identical lot, finished after long delay, under the same con- 
 tract, were shipped to him in September, 1859, and were actually
 
 200 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 used in his Harper's Ferry attempt. The other circumstance is 
 that, about the time of his contract for the pikes, he also, with- 
 out the knowledge of committees or friends, engaged a worthless 
 adventurer named Forbes to go West and give military instruc- 
 tions to his company, a measure neither useful nor practicable for 
 Kansas' defence. These two acts may be taken as the first prep- 
 aration for Harper's Ferry. 
 
 " These are constructive lies. But John Brown made use of 
 many others in his preparation for the Virginia raid, which were 
 in no way doubtful or equivocal. 
 
 "1. He came to me in Worcester to solicit a contribution of 
 arms for the defence of some Kansas settlements which he said 
 he knew were soon to be attacked by parties already organized 
 in Missouri for that purpose. Not doubting his word, I gave 
 him all the arms I had, in value about five hundred dollars. 
 
 "2. Under the same false pretence he secured another contri- 
 bution from Ethan Allen & Co., manufacturers of arms in this 
 city. These arms also were never taken to Kansas, but were 
 captured at Harper's Ferry. 
 
 " 3, Before his attack upon the United States arsenal he spent 
 several weeks in Virginia. He pretended to be a mineralogist, 
 and went about with a hammer breaking off the corners of rocks. 
 Under the pretext of seeking for copper he found opportunities 
 for trying to enlist slaves in his little rebellion. The representa- 
 tive in Congress from the Harper's Ferry district gave me these 
 facts. 
 
 "4. Under the same false pretence of aiding the settlers in 
 Kansas he procured funds from several New York merchants, 
 one of whom says that he gave him fifty dollars. 
 
 "5. In 1858 he made a raid into Missouri, murdered Mr. Crews, 
 a peaceable old farmer, and took away eleven slaves, with about 
 four thousand dollars' worth of oxen, mules, wagons, harness, 
 saddles, and other property. As soon as he had got outside of 
 the State, he sent agents in all directions to solicit aid to get the 
 eleven negroes to Canada. He was from December to April get- 
 ting them through. This slow movement was doubtless for the 
 purpose of prolonging as much as possible the time for his agents 
 to procure funds. His plunder and his collections went, proba- 
 bly, to increase his Harper's Ferry fund. 
 
 "6. He often asserted that in the above raid he liberated sev-
 
 " CRANKS.' 
 
 201 
 
 eral slaves without bloodshed and without the use of weapons. 
 It is proved that Mr. Crews was killed in that raid. 
 
 ' ' 7. He repeatedly said that he was not present at the Potta- 
 watomie midnight massacre. It is proved that he was present 
 as commander of the assassins." 
 
 Every great and long-continued agitation of the 
 public mind is certain to develop " cranks." They 
 are the foam upon the billows of public excitement. 
 They do not make the billows, but are made by 
 them. A very young child might think these 
 white-caps were really the storm-king, raising and 
 controlling the billows, guiding and governing the 
 storm. Such frothy interlopers had reached Kan- 
 sas near the close of the struggle. They did little 
 but harm. 
 
 Professor Spring, in his " Kansas," has assigned 
 them their proper place in history. 
 9*
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE SINEWS OF WAK. 
 
 IN accordance with the plan set forth in the pre- 
 ceding chapter, I went directly to New York City 
 to raise the money necessary to enable the company 
 to continue its Kansas work. Upon my arrival I 
 found Simeon Draper and George "W. Blunt, and 
 stated to them the need of immediate help in mon- 
 ey. " How much ?" said Mr. Blunt. I replied, " Some- 
 where from thirty to fifty thousand dollars ; and 
 without much delay." " How do you propose to 
 raise such a sum ?" " If you will get me a chance 
 to speak to twenty or thirty antislavery men of 
 means, this evening, I will then show you how the 
 money is to be secured. Can you get these men 
 together ?" After Mr. Blunt and Mr. Draper had 
 conferred for a few minutes, Mr. Blunt said that 
 he would invite a meeting in the parlors of his 
 house at eight o'clock. I was pleased with the offer, 
 and promised to be promptly at the place. Mr. 
 Blunt faithfully kept his word, for I found in his 
 parlors, at the time appointed, about thirty promi- 
 nent and wealthy business and professional men. 
 Without any delay I began to set forth the imme- 
 diate wants of our company ; to give a history of 
 the work already done ; to assure my hearers that
 
 MY APPEAL. WILLIAM M. EVARTS. 203 
 
 nothing was now needed to secure our success but 
 a few thousand dollars more for immediate use; 
 that ISTew York merchants were more interested 
 pecuniarily in this result than were any other peo- 
 ple in the Union ; that if they would compare their 
 sales of goods to Kentucky with those to Ohio, 
 they would need no further argument to show that 
 their money interest was all on the side of making 
 Kansas free ; that now it was also to be decided 
 whether we should have freedom or slavery as our 
 national policy; that the time for resolutions and 
 for the friendly discussion of this matter with 
 slave-holders had gone by, and that slavery, having 
 been organized by Calhoun in 1833 for offensive 
 and defensive action, was now proud and strong, 
 from its continued victories, and hostile to all 
 discussion and to any compromises ; that the whole 
 question was a question of strength and endurance, 
 and that the party conquering in this struggle 
 would ever after govern the country. I had come 
 to ask them whether it should be of freedom or of 
 slavery. I assured them of the conservative views 
 of our company, and that under all provocations 
 we should sustain the Government and adhere to 
 the Constitution and the Union ; and that under 
 this protection there was room enough for all our 
 work and for the triumphant success of the free- 
 State cause. 
 
 After my address, which occupied a little more 
 than an hour, a young man, tall and thin, arose and 
 began to speak as follows : " Ever since my Castle 
 Garden speech, you know I have been called a
 
 204 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Hunker Whig. Now, what reason you had to sup- 
 pose that such a man would care whether slavery 
 were extended or restricted I do not know. There- 
 fore I do not know your reasons for inviting me to 
 attend this meeting. But you did invite me, and 
 I have come. I am glad that I am here, and I 
 thank you for calling me. I have heard many 
 speeches, on many occasions, upon the slavery ques- 
 tion ; but never until now have I listened to any 
 practical elucidation of the subject. Like thou- 
 sands of others, I have been waiting for an oppor- 
 tunity to contend successfully against slavery 
 without violating the laws or sacrificing the Con- 
 stitution and the Union. Such an opportunity is 
 now presented. I rejoice in it, and shall embrace 
 it. Now, though I am called a ' Hunker Whig,' and 
 though I am poor, for I am not worth four thou- 
 sand dollars, I joyfully give my check to the Emi- 
 grant Aid Company for one thousand dollars." 
 
 This speaker was William M. Evarts. Only a 
 few years ago he sent word to me that though he 
 seemed at the time to lose his balance, when he 
 gave a quarter of all he was worth to the Boston 
 Aid Company, he was very willing to admit that it 
 was the best investment he ever made. 
 
 With such a beginning, success was already cer- 
 tain. Other subscribers to the fund speedily fol- 
 lowed Mr. Evarts. I addressed five meetings in 
 New York City and as many in Brooklyn. Most 
 of these were called by written invitations to gen- 
 tlemen who were able to contribute to the fund 
 without inconvenience. Henry H. Elliott, George
 
 ABLE SUPPORTERS. 205 
 
 "W. Blunt, David Dudley Field, Thaddeus Hyatt, 
 Horace B. Claflin, Rollin Sanf ord, BowenJc MacNa- 
 mee, Cyrus Curtis, Moses H. Grinnell, E. D. Mor- 
 gan, D. Randolph Martin, Marshall O. Roberts, and 
 many others, subscribed liberally. H. B. Claflin 
 and Rollin Sanford at first put down their names 
 for one thousand dollars each ; but they attended 
 all the meetings, and, without further solicitation, 
 each of them raised his subscription to six thou- 
 sand dollars. Several others followed this exam- 
 ple. Bowen & MacNamee at first subscribed five 
 hundred dollars, but they raised this sum to three 
 thousand. 
 
 Charles H. Branscomb, of whom I have already 
 spoken, accompanied me in this campaign for mon- 
 ey. He was of great service in preparing meetings 
 by carrying invitations, and by speaking of the 
 condition of things in Kansas to such as were desir- 
 ous of hearing the words of an eye-witness. 
 
 One Friday evening we went over to the meet- 
 ing in the vestry of Henry Ward Beecher's church. 
 Before the meeting was opened Mr. Beecher ob- 
 served me in the congregation. We had met sev- 
 eral times in the railway-cars, when each was on 
 his lecturing tour, and had often conversed about 
 the Kansas fight. As soon as he saw me he came 
 over to my seat and said, " Now, Thayer, as soon 
 as this meeting is opened I want you to tell us 
 something about the chances for Kansas ; will you 
 speak?" I told him that it was my business to 
 speak wherever there was anybody to hear. " How 
 long shall I speak?" "Say fifteen minutes." He
 
 206 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 then opened the meeting and called upon me. I 
 began m ^address and went on as rapidly as possi- 
 ble for the time allotted, and began to draw my 
 remarks to a close. "Go on, go on !" came from 
 all parts of the vestry. I looked to Mr. Beecher 
 inquiringly. " Go on for an hour," he answered. 
 Accordingly, I continued my address to the end of 
 the meeting. After this, Mr. Beecher invited me 
 to occupy the entire time of the next Friday even- 
 ing vestry meeting, which I did. In consequence 
 of these addresses Mr. Beecher's congregation made 
 contributions of several thousand dollars to the 
 company. 
 
 One day I received at the Astor House, where I 
 was staying, an invitation to dine at the house of a 
 Mr. Jackson, on Bond Street. I accepted the invi- 
 tation and went, though I had never met my host. 
 The invitation, however, was explained when I met 
 there my friend, Rev. Dr. Horace Bushnell. Under 
 my plate at dinner I found Mr. Jackson's check for 
 the Emigrant Aid Company, for one thousand dol- 
 lars. This, too, was Dr. Bushnell's work, for Mr. 
 Jackson had attended none of my meetings. 
 
 "William Cullen Bryant was also a contributor to 
 the amount (I think) of one thousand dollars. The 
 columns of his paper, the New York Evening Post, 
 were ever open to any appeal for the interests of 
 free Kansas. Mr. Bryant was also ready, with his 
 own pen, to advance by his logical and eloquent 
 arguments the cause of patriotism and good gov- 
 ernment, for which our pioneers were there con- 
 tending. I often called upon him in his sanctum,
 
 WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT. 207 
 
 and usually suggested something to be written 
 about. I was never disappointed, for a suitable 
 editorial was certain to follow the interview. 
 
 One day I went to Mr. Bryant and said : " Since 
 the Evening Post is a paper of the highest financial 
 authority, it seems to me, Mr. Bryant, that you 
 can very much aid our Kansas cause by attacking 
 the credit of Missouri. Why, more than the Yank- 
 tons and Sioux, is she worthy of being trusted?" 
 Mr. Bryant expressed great interest in this view of 
 the case, and said that he would attend to it. It 
 was my purpose to make the holders of Missouri 
 bonds active in preventing the invasions and out- 
 rages of the border ruffians. The very next day 
 Mr. Bryant began his editorials. The following is 
 an extract from his second article on Missouri 
 bonds. Many others followed. 
 
 New York Evening Post, February 14, 1856. 
 Editorial headed "Missouri Credit," after stating 
 that "immediately after the invasion of Kansas 
 the Missouri stocks began to decline," continues : 
 
 "It will be for the better part of the people of Missouri to 
 consider -whither this new code of political morals is carrying 
 them. They have a large debt on their hands, either already 
 contracted, or authorized and in the way of being contracted 
 the absolute debt of their State amounting to sixteen millions of 
 dollars, and the bonds for which the State is security, on account 
 of the south-west branch of the Pacific Railroad, amounting to 
 three millions more. There are nearly four millions and a half 
 of bonds yet to be issued, and the State throws them into the 
 market with this serious drawback on its credit its six per cent, 
 stocks down to 86, while those of Ohio, with almost the same 
 amount of debt on her hands, stand at 110. 
 
 "Let there be another inroad made into Kansas on a like er-
 
 208 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 rand with that which took that direction last November, and the 
 credit of Missouri would siuk yet lower. Capitalists would then 
 as soon think of taking the bonds issued by authority of a coun- 
 cil of the Digger Indians, or buying stock issued by the chief of 
 the Pawnees. Men who have no regard for the rights of others 
 cannot be expected to pay their debts. 
 
 " The city of St. Louis contains a class of merchants of the 
 highest character for probity. They, no doubt, hold the reputa- 
 tion of their State dear, and they certainly have a great stake in 
 its prosperity. They must feel acutely the disgrace which the 
 course of a certain class of their population has brought upon 
 the State they must be sensible to what extent the material in- 
 terests of Missouri are dependent upon the good opinion of man- 
 kind, and how deeply the interests of their own flourishing city 
 are involved in those of the State. It will be for them, and for 
 those who, like them, are aware of the mischief, to devise the 
 remedy." 
 
 The effect of these editorials of Mr. Bryant was 
 to cause a rapid decline in Missouri bonds. 
 
 By such writing, a great commotion was made, 
 not only among the bond-holders, who immediately 
 demanded that the outrages against Kansas should 
 be discontinued without delay, but also among the 
 merchants of St. Louis, many of whom were men 
 of high character, who keenly felt the disgrace of 
 their State. There is no doubt of the good effect of 
 these articles in restraining the lawlessness of the 
 Missouri border. They seem also to have had a pow- 
 erful political effect in St. Louis, for at the next elec- 
 tion, to the surprise of everybody, that city elected, 
 for the first time, a mayor friendly to free Kansas. 
 
 "While still engaged in my pecuniary work, I 
 went one Sunday to attend the meeting of Rev. 
 Mr. Frothingham. As soon as the reverend gen- 
 tleman had ascended the platform and observed
 
 H. B. CLAFLIX AND OTHERS. 209 
 
 me, he came to my seat and said, " Mr. Thayer, I 
 want my people to hear all about Kansas, and I 
 want you to occupy every minute of the time al- 
 lowed for my sermon, which will be all ready for 
 use one week later." I thankfully accepted the 
 invitation, and occupied his entire hour. This was 
 a help to our cause of about one thousand dollars. 
 
 A dozen years after the events above recorded, 
 Mr. H. B. Claflin said that the six thousand dollars 
 which he paid to the Emigrant Aid Company in 
 1856 had been several times repaid by the excess 
 of profit on goods sold to merchants in Kansas and 
 Kansas City over what it would have been if 
 slavery had prevailed in that State. 
 
 Since writing the above I have found the follow- 
 ing circular of invitation, which furnishes the names 
 of several other contributors. To these should be 
 added the names of G. P. Putnam and Parke God- 
 win: 
 
 " NEW YORK, January 17, 1856. 
 
 "SiK, You are respectfully invited to attend a meeting of 
 gentlemen to be held at the small chapel of the University, on 
 Monday, the 21st inst, at 7.30P.M., for the purpose of consider- 
 ing the interests involved in the settlement of Kansas. 
 
 "Mr. Thayer, of Massachusetts, will present a full statement of 
 the present condition of the settlements in that Territory, and of 
 the movements hitherto made and now in progress for promoting 
 emigration under the auspices of the 'Emigrant Aid Society'; and 
 the claim of the cause upon the countenance and aid of our citi- 
 zens will be advocated by that gentleman and others. Yours re- 
 spectfully, 
 
 " CYRUS CURTIS, BENJAMIN W. BONNET, 
 
 MOSES H. GRINNELL, LE GRAND LOCKWOOD, 
 GEORGE W. BLUNT, JOHN BIGELOW, 
 SIMEON DRAPER, WILLIAM M. EVARTS."
 
 210 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Frederic Law Olmstead contributed, and sent to 
 the free-State men in Kansas, a brass howitzer, 
 which was of great service, and is still preserved as 
 a memento of the great conflict. 
 
 Early in April, having succeeded in raising suffi- 
 cient money to answer the purposes of the Emi- 
 grant Aid Company, I returned to my proper work 
 of raising colonies. 
 
 I had scarcely entered upon this work when af- 
 fairs in Kansas had assumed a new phase. Charles 
 Robinson, G. W. Brown, and several other leaders 
 of the free-State party had been arrested for trea- 
 son and imprisoned. The Missouri River was soon 
 closed to our emigrant parties and some of these 
 who had nearly reached Kansas were robbed of 
 their property and sent back down the river. 
 These were heroic measures on the part of the 
 pro-slavery party. 
 
 The arrest and imprisonment of Robinson and the 
 others were resorted to for the purpose of provok- 
 ing the free-State men to fight the United States 
 troops who were guarding the prisoners, in order 
 to secure their rescue. The makers of this plot very 
 wisely left James H. Lane, John Brown, and James 
 Montgomery free, so that they might undertake 
 this work against the Government. 
 
 Lane immediately set about preparing for the 
 "rescue." He went even to Ohio to raise men 
 for that purpose. In August he returned to Law- 
 rence alone, after having promised to raise fifty 
 thousand men in Ohio and Indiana. He still cher- 
 ished, however, the purpose of " rescue," and sent
 
 BORDER RUFFIANS DESPERATE. 211 
 
 a letter to Kobinson offering to set him free by 
 force. Kobinson very plainly gave him to under- 
 stand that he had better mind his own business. 
 On the 10th of September the prisoners were lib- 
 erated, and the danger of attempted rescue had 
 passed away. 
 
 There was also a raid upon Lawrence in May. 
 The company's large stone hotel was burned, print- 
 ing-presses destroyed, and much private property 
 ruined or stolen. This infamous work was done 
 under the direction of a court to destroy certain 
 buildings as nuisances. 
 
 Taken all in all, the recent action of the slave- 
 holders was proof to every sound mind that their 
 era of utter desperation had arrived. I could then 
 plainly foresee the end of the conflict. So, happy 
 as the Apostle Paul when he came in sight of the 
 three taverns, like him I " thanked God and took 
 courage." So far in this contest, the slave-holders 
 had accomplished nothing whatever by fair means. 
 Disheartened and disgusted, they tried the impris- 
 onment of our leaders, hoping that the free-State 
 men, under such a provocation, might become reb- 
 els and fight the Government. The wisdom and 
 coolness of Robinson prevented this action and 
 made the whole plan an utter failure. The raid 
 upon Lawrence and the blockade of the Missouri 
 River, added to the false imprisonment of our lead- 
 ing men, aroused the indignation of the North to 
 such an extent that the freedom of Kansas was 
 secure. From this time no further effort was re- 
 quired to raise colonies. They raised themselves.
 
 213 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Matters had now taken such form in Kansas and 
 the North that the slave power could not escape 
 defeat. 
 
 It was necessary only to give to the free States 
 such machinery as would enable them to execute 
 their will, and the fate of slavery would be sealed 
 and freedom made national. 
 
 To secure and put into operation such machinery, 
 I began to write letters to the Kansas leagues that 
 there must be a convention of delegates to elect a 
 National Kansas Committee, whose location should 
 be Chicago, and that another suitable committee 
 should be chosen to organize the free States for 
 supplying the first committee with money, arms, 
 clothing, transportation, and all that the reasonable 
 wants of the pioneers, upon their journey or in the 
 Territory, might require. The convention was also 
 to provide a passage through Iowa and Nebraska 
 for several colonies now wearily marching over 
 that long and tiresome route. 
 
 This plan was assented to, and the time and 
 place of the convention set for June 20th, at Cleve- 
 land. Hon. William Barnes was to attend to the 
 matter if any change was found necessary as to 
 time or place. It was desired that Governor Reed- 
 er, who had escaped from Kansas, should preside 
 at this convention. But, unfortunately, he could 
 not get there until the 26th of June. Of this Mr. 
 Barnes informed me. It was impossible for me to 
 attend the convention at that time, and I therefore 
 replied to him as follows :
 
 CLEVELAND CONVENTION. 213 
 
 " WORCESTER, June 20, 1356. 
 
 "Mr. Barnes: 
 
 "DEAR SIR, Much to my regret, I shall be unable to attend 
 the convention at Cleveland on the 26th, as I had previously en- 
 gaged to speak in Philadelphia on the evening of the 27th. I 
 will submit to you a few suggestions : 
 
 " The general outfitting depot should be in Chicago. 
 
 "There should also be in that place the treasurer, two secre- 
 taries, and a majority or a quorum of the board of directors. 
 
 "There should be an assistant treasurer and secretary and 
 board of directors in each free State, and subsidiary organizations 
 of a similar kind in every city and important town. 
 
 " These town and city organizations should report to the State 
 organization, and the State organization should report to the 
 Central. 
 
 " The State or assistant treasurer should forward all moneys 
 not appropriated in outfits for the emigrants from their individual 
 States to the general treasury at Chicago, to be applied under the 
 direction of the board, to assist emigrants in such ways as they 
 may deem expedient. 
 
 " The president of the Central Committee should be able to 
 survey the whole field, and to perfect the organization of each 
 State. Either he or some one man must have the general direc- 
 tion in the movement, and be the controlling worker in giving it 
 form and efficiency. 
 
 " Pardon me for these suggestions, and accept my thanks for 
 your faithful service in the cause of free Kansas. I feel a per- 
 sonal gratitude to you for these labors. 
 
 " Very truly yours, 
 
 "EM THAYER. 
 
 " WM. BAKNKS, Esq." 
 
 The convention met at Cleveland on the 26th, 
 but took no action whatever, except to adjourn to 
 meet in Buffalo on the 9th of July. One or two 
 speeches, however, were made. 
 
 At Buffalo, on the 9th of July, there was a con- 
 vention of delegates, representing Kansas leagues 
 and committees in thirteen Northern States. The
 
 214 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 writer was made chairman of the committee to 
 prepare the work of the convention. He reported 
 just such a national Kansas committee as he had 
 been describing in his letters, and located them, as 
 he had before proposed, at Chicago. The conven- 
 tion adopted the report unanimously. They also 
 sent Dr. Howe, of Boston, and Thaddeus Hyatt, of 
 New York City, to take charge of our emigrants, 
 then in Iowa, and provide for their safe conduct 
 into Kansas. To this work these gentlemen de- 
 voted themselves. They found the emigrants in 
 the greatest poverty and disorder, while J. H. Lane 
 was assuming to direct their movements. They 
 gave Lane very definite orders to go away and 
 keep away. They put Col. S. "W. Eldridge in 
 charge, and he brought all the colonies safely into 
 the Territory. 
 
 The further work of the Buffalo Convention is 
 told in the Boston Daily Advertiser of July 17, 
 1856, in the leading editorial, as follows : 
 
 THE SYSTEMATIC RELIEF OP KANSAS. 
 
 " The arrangements made last week at the National Convention 
 at Buffalo, of the friends of Kansas, for giving system to the 
 general desire of the Northern States to assist the free men of 
 Kansas, are such as promise an immediate concentration of ac- 
 tion and seem to us to evince great practical wisdom. 
 
 "For this purpose the convention named the National Executive 
 Committee, having a quorum of its members in the city of Chi- 
 cago, to act as a disbursing committee of the funds collected in 
 the different parts of the country for the benefit of Kansas settlers 
 
 and emigrants. 
 
 ******* 
 
 "For the object, equally important, of securing a universal 
 contribution to these funds, the convention adopted a measure
 
 BUFFALO CONVENTION. 215 
 
 which also has our decided approval. On motion of Mr. Gerrit 
 Smith, Mr. Eli Thayer, of this State, was appointed a committee 
 of one to take charge of the systematic organization of all the 
 States friendly to Kansas, for her relief. We believe the conven- 
 tion was wise in making this committee consist of one person. 
 We believe it particularly fortunate in appointing Mr. Thayer to 
 a duty which he can discharge so efficiently. The service which 
 he has rendered to Kansas, first, by creating the Emigrant Aid 
 Company, in the face of great depression, and next, by constant 
 public and private appeals in behalf of Kansas, is well understood 
 in New England and New York City. The work now intrusted 
 to him is very clearly the work for one man and not for many. 
 
 " We are glad to be able to announce this morning that Mr. 
 Thayer has already entered upon his work, with the promptness 
 which the occasion demands. 
 
 " He has perfected a plan which may carry the cause of Kan- 
 sas to every hearth-stone in the free States. 
 
 " It proposes that there shall be formed two classes of Kansas 
 committees ; a State Committee for every State, and a County 
 Committee for every county. Some of these committees already 
 exist. Each County Committee should then appoint a town 
 agent for every town in the county, with authority to appoint a 
 solicitor (male or female) for every school district in the town. 
 These district solicitors apply to every man, woman, and child, if 
 possible, in their respective districts ; and make returns of their 
 collections, with a duplicate of the subscription books, to the 
 town agent. By applying to this agent, any subscriber can 
 ascertain whether his subscription has been duly forwarded. 
 The town agents make returns to the treasurer of the County 
 Committee, who makes regular returns to the treasurer of the 
 State Committee, who in turn remits to the National Committee. 
 
 ' ' In this way every cent contributed can be traced from the 
 hand of the donor to the treasury of the General Committee, 
 without any charge or expenses. And by this plan the General 
 Committee deals only with State Committees, these with County 
 Committees, and these only with school districts, and they only 
 with individuals. 
 
 " If this plan were faithfully carried out, we should have three 
 or four millions of subscribers as the result, with scarcely any 
 expense for agencies.
 
 216 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 " We publish these details, in extenso, thus, in the hope that 
 they may be at once copied through the country, and that the 
 different arrangements may be put at once in motion. We hope 
 to announce soon that a regular series of remittances to the Chi- 
 cago National Committee has begun. 
 
 " We observed in our report of the Buffalo Convention that a 
 member of that convention expressed the feeling that Mr. Thay- 
 er's connection with the Emigrant Aid Company would make his 
 appointment unpopular with the country. We confess our sur- 
 prise at this suggestion. We believe that the unanimous feeling 
 of the free States of this Union towards that company, of which 
 he is the founder, is one of profound gratitude for its efforts at a 
 time when every one beside was in despair as to the fate of 
 Kansas. 
 
 " The convention at Buffalo would never have existed had 
 not that company acted when it did. There would have been 
 no free-State party in Kansas without it. There may be many 
 men there from the free States who did not go under its auspices, 
 but there are very few who did not go influenced by the assur- 
 ance that the company gave, that Kansas should be free. 
 
 ' ' We can understand why President Pierce and Dr. Stringf el- 
 low denounce it ; but we do not see why the unpopularity of its 
 founder with them should act in the Buffalo Convention. 
 
 "Mr. Thayer defended the company with spirit before the 
 convention, and the convention showed no fear of its unpopular- 
 ity. He referred to the enthusiastic praise it has received abroad 
 and at home. Styled by the London Times ' The greatest 
 American movement of this age/ it has been welcomed here by 
 our ablest statesmen, scholars, and business men. 
 
 "After his speech no sort of opposition was made to his ap- 
 pointment ; and the convention commissioned him to the work 
 we have described." 
 
 The following are the names of the National 
 Kansas Committee elected by the Buffalo Conven- 
 tion : G. R. Kussell, Boston, Mass. ; AY. H. Russell, 
 Connecticut ; Thaddeus Hyatt, New York ; K. B. 
 Craig, Pennsylvania; John W. Wright, Indiana; 
 Abraham Lincoln, Lincoln, 111. ; E. B. Ward, Mich-
 
 NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 217 
 
 igan ; Hon. J. H. Tweedy, "Wisconsin ; Gov. "W. H. 
 Hoppin, Khode Island ; W. II. Stanley, Ohio ; F. A. 
 Hunt, Missouri ; S. "W. Eldridge, Kansas Territory ; 
 and G. W. Dole, J. D. Webster, H. B. Hurd, J. Y. 
 Scammon, and J. K. Fernold of Chicago, 111. ; J. H. 
 Reeder was subsequently added to the committee. 
 
 The National Kansas Committee was organized 
 without delay by the election of Thaddeus Hyatt 
 of New York City as president. Mr. Hyatt de- 
 voted himself to his work with great fidelity, cour- 
 age, and persistency. He several times visited 
 Kansas to learn the needs of the settlers, and su- 
 pervised the disbursement of hundreds of thousands 
 of dollars. 
 
 In reply to my inquiries concerning his Kansas 
 work, and its pecuniary cost to himself, I have just 
 received a letter from which the following is an 
 extract : 
 
 " In one way and another, counting contingent losses, tbe cost 
 to me of making Kansas a free State was one hundred thousand 
 dollars. I travelled in behalf of her people a hundred thousand 
 miles on the railways of the country at my own expense. This 
 includes the famine time, and covers the period from 1855 to 
 1861. 
 
 " From the moment when the magnetism of your eloquence 
 and logic drew from my finger a five hundred dollar ring for the 
 Emigrant Aid Company, I was committed to the cause. If I 
 obtained prominence in the work it was not of my own seeking. 
 I was shoved forward by events as one is moved onward in a 
 crowd. I hope you will do full justice to my friends Samuel 
 C. Pomeroy and W. F. M. Arny. . . . There were none more de- 
 voted and none more true." 
 
 Long after the freedom of Kansas had become 
 secure, Mr. Hyatt and his friends Arny and Pome- 
 10
 
 218 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 roy, together with the National Kansas Committee, 
 continued their work, furnishing such supplies as 
 the pioneers most needed. In the year of the fam- 
 ine, with their facilities for reaching the Northern 
 people, and with their disbursing agents in Kansas, 
 their services were of the greatest importance. A 
 full record of their work can be seen in the publi- 
 cations of the Kansas State Historical Society, To- 
 peka, vols. i. and ii., 1875-1880. 
 
 The plan for organizing the free States in sup- 
 port of this committee was soon perfected and put 
 into practice. Little subscription-books were pre- 
 pared for school districts, and contributions of 
 dimes or dollars were solicited, mainly by ladies. 
 In Worcester County, Massachusetts, six hundred 
 of these books were distributed one for every 
 school district. In the State, six thousand were in 
 use. The funds, with duplicates of all subscription- 
 books, were sent to the town committee, who re- 
 ported to the county committee, who reported to 
 the State committee; the latter making their re- 
 turns to the National Kansas Committee at Chi- 
 cago. There was no chance for the loss of even 
 one penny. The Fremont clubs were also supplied 
 with these little books, and by all these agencies 
 almost every hearth-stone in the free States was 
 reached. 
 
 Now came on, in all its vehemence, the Presiden- 
 tial campaign. Governor Geary was sent to Kan- 
 sas. He told the Missourians that one more raid 
 into Kansas would defeat Buchanan. The Mis- 
 souri bond-holders and the St. Louis merchants re-
 
 GLEAMS OF LIGHT. 219 
 
 inforced the arguments of Governor Geary. The 
 border ruffians were "between the devil and the 
 deep sea." They knew something at this time of 
 the dismal straits of Poe's unfortunate, 
 
 "Whom unmerciful disaster 
 Followed fast and followed faster." 
 
 The Missouri Kiver was opened, and our emi- 
 grants resumed the old and much more convenient 
 route. The black and direful clouds which for 
 three years had hung over the border of Kansas, 
 charged with ruin and death, began to break, and 
 to show fitful gleams of welcome light through 
 their ragged openings. 
 
 But everywhere the campaign orators in favor 
 of Fremont had one grand and comprehensive ar- 
 gument. " Elect Fremont or lose Kansas and be 
 forever slaves." 
 
 I was nominated for Congress in the Worcester 
 district and elected. Called before the nominating 
 convention to make a speech, upon accepting the 
 nomination, I frankly said that I should never as- 
 sent to this nonsense everywhere promulgated by 
 the Fremont orators; that his defeat would be 
 chains and slavery for Kansas ; that this was the 
 people's fight against slavery, and not the fight of 
 the politicians, that nearly twice as many men 
 were determined Kansas should be free as would 
 cast their votes for Fremont ; that Kansas would 
 be free whether Fremont, Buchanan, or the devil 
 was President. 
 
 Had Fremont been elected, the politicians would
 
 220 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 have claimed, to this day, that the salvation of 
 Kansas was by that event secured. People gener- 
 ally had been educated to hope for nothing on the 
 slavery question that did not come to them through 
 the wisdom of Congressional or Executive action. 
 The ordinance of 1787, which was inoperative in 
 practice, and null and void in law, has always been 
 paraded by politicians as the great cause of free- 
 dom in the five powerful States made from the 
 north-west territory. It is natural for most men, 
 especially for politicians, to magnify their office. 
 The North-west was made free because her hardy 
 pioneers desired her to be free. She would never 
 have been any less free if the boasted ordinance of 
 1787 had never been heard of. 
 
 At that time there was no division of opinion 
 upon the slavery question. North and South alike 
 regarded the institution as a calamity and a curse. 
 The leaders of Southern thought denounced it in 
 more determined and vigorous language than was 
 heard from the lips of Northern speakers, or read 
 from the columns of Northern journals. All this 
 harmony of feeling between the different sections 
 rendered impossible any serious antagonism on this 
 subject in the North-west. 
 
 But when the Kansas struggle came, the old har- 
 mony had entirely disappeared. "While for thirty 
 years after the ordinance of 1787 it had remained 
 unchanged, it began to be disturbed by the admis- 
 sion of Missouri as a slave State, and thirteen years 
 later was utterly destroyed by the Southern policy 
 of Calhoun. Having attempted in vain to com-
 
 CALHOUN'S WORK. 221 
 
 bine the South against the tariff, he succeeded in 
 securing a perfect union in favor of slavery. The 
 same institution whose existence had so long been 
 deplored by the South as a burden and a curse 
 which all should labor to remove, began then to be 
 applauded as ordained of God, sustained by the 
 Bible, and well adapted to secure the highest de- 
 velopment of both the white and negro races. The 
 slave-holders, who formerly were willing to reason 
 upon methods for its extinction, had now become 
 haughty, arrogant, and imperious. Nothing now 
 was acceptable to them but the unrestricted exten- 
 sion of their cherished institution. Any man who 
 in the slightest degree opposed their views was 
 denounced as an Abolitionist. Such was the tone 
 and temper of the slave-holders when they de- 
 manded and secured the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise. All talk, all reasoning, all entreaty, 
 on the part of the North was treated with scorn 
 and contempt. The time had therefore fully come 
 to humble this insolent and usurping power. The 
 Crusade of Freedom did this work and drove 
 slavery through desperation to death. But this 
 was a work in which, fortunately, politicians had 
 no hand and exercised no power. The people 
 made this fight for freedom and carried it through 
 to triumphant success. 
 
 In all my journeys I. never met members of Con- 
 gress, or any prominent politicians, who had made 
 speeches to raise colonies for Kansas. Trusting 
 only in the Congressional restriction of slavery, 
 they doubtless believed, as they had often said, that
 
 222 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Kansas was lost. The strong arms of free labor 
 rescued her and proved their power to protect all 
 the rights and interests of free men. The motto 
 of Miles Standish was here well applied : " If you 
 want a thing well done, do it yourself." The Kan- 
 sas work was done by the people for themselves, 
 and history will say that it was " well done." 
 
 With the steadiness of a planet moving in its 
 orbit, this great crusade advanced for three years 
 constantly and persistently towards its final tri- 
 umph. It united all the free States in a common 
 purpose to destroy slavery. In its management 
 there was no retreating, no hesitation, no uncer- 
 tainty. Under the shield of the Constitution we 
 pressed forward to certain victory. I have called 
 this decisive movement " a crusade." Very likely 
 historians will call it "a campaign." But under 
 whatever name, its majestic pOAver, moral gran- 
 deur, and far-reaching results have strongly mark- 
 ed a new epoch in our history. 
 
 At the end of 1856 I left the Kansas work and 
 began the colonizing of Virginia. We had tri- 
 umphed in the great conflict with such exuberance 
 of strength that we had in Kansas four free-State 
 men to every one of our opponents ; while our 
 numbers were rapidly increasing, and theirs con- 
 stantly diminishing. Buford and his Southern sol- 
 diers had returned to Alabama. Other Southern 
 battalions had retired to the sunny fields of their 
 homes. Atchison and Stringfellow had given up 
 the fight. It now remained for the free-State men 
 of Kansas to restore order, and to build upon the
 
 EMINENT HELPERS. 
 
 223 
 
 ruins of the past that unrivalled commonwealth 
 whose proud history has made her the pivotal State 
 of our destiny, as she is of our geography. One of 
 my last speeches on Kansas was made in Cam- 
 bridge, Mass., December 17, 1856. 
 
 The following call, thought necessary because 
 there was but two days' notice of the meeting, 
 serves still further to show what kind of men sus- 
 tained the Emigrant Aid Company : 
 
 "HON. ELI THAYER, of Worcester, will address the ladies 
 and gentlemen of Cambridge in Lyceum Hall, on MONDAY 
 EVENING next, 17th inst., at 7 1-2 o'clock, on the question now 
 at issue in Kansas, and will propose a method for its solution, to 
 which he earnestly invites the attention and co-operation not 
 only of the friends of Freedom and the Union, but of civilization 
 and Christianity. 
 
 WM. L. WHITNEY, 
 C. C. FELTON, 
 J. E. WORCESTER, 
 EMORY WASHBURN, 
 GEORGE LIVERMORE, 
 
 "JACOB H. BATES, 
 S. T. FARWELL, 
 JOEL PARKER, 
 H. W. LONGFELLOW, 
 CHARLES BECK, 
 A. WILLARD, 
 EPHRAIM BUTTRICK, 
 F. L. CHAPMAN, 
 WM. T. RICHARDSON, 
 C. FRANCIS, 
 JOHN PRYOR, 
 Jos. T. BUCKINGHAM, 
 
 A. H. RAMSAY, 
 JOHN G. PALFREY, 
 WM. A. SAUNDERS, 
 J. A. ALBRO, 
 WM. NEWELL, 
 F. D. HUNTINGTON, 
 CHARLES R. METCALF, 
 
 JOSIAH COOLIDGE." 
 
 The following editorial is from the Cambridge 
 Chronicle of December 22, 1856 : 
 
 "After Professor Hedrick's remarks, it was a relief when the 
 broad, calm brow of Mr. Thayer loomed up before us. We were 
 requested not to report his speech, and shall therefore only speak 
 of it in general terms. It was more even than we hoped for,
 
 234 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 and whether considered as a speech or as an argument, was a 
 powerful effort. Such a deep penetration into and entire grasp 
 of his subject, such aptness of expression, and illustration we 
 seldom find. The views he took have not been presented by the 
 press or public speakers they are new to the people; but un- 
 questionably sound, as they are hopeful to freedom; and as he 
 presented them we cannot doubt that they were convincing to 
 his audience. 
 
 "For ourselves, we never had any sympathy with those who 
 fear the downfall of freedom. We have supposed that, as here- 
 tofore, our liberties might yet ' cost treasure and cost blood,' but 
 we could not doubt the triumph of freedom over slavery, and of 
 every right over every wrong. Mr. Thayer shows clearly enough 
 that freedom will not only triumph, but that it will triumph with 
 an insignificant cost of blood, and an actual augmentation of 
 treasure. He proposes to make a profitable business of coloniz- 
 ing Kansas; and indicates the way in which even the old slave- 
 holding States may be also colonized by freedom ; and slavery 
 that unsubstantial thing, which we have always tried to keep at 
 a distance from us, and shrunk from as from a monster with 
 demon teeth and claws retire and vanish before it as mists of 
 night before the morning sun. 
 
 " It might be supposed, he observed in commencing, that the 
 Presidential election had decided the question of the freedom of 
 Kansas. No more, said he, than the last eclipse of the moon 
 decided it. The freedom of the country was involved in the 
 freedom of Kansas. Would freedom, which is a true thing, fail, 
 and slavery, which is a false thing, succeed? Never. Slavery 
 was inherently weak; it could not compete with freedom. It 
 was on this idea that the New England Emigrant Aid Society 
 was formed and chartered. Their policy was to set freedom to 
 compete with slavery, by controlling the tide of emigration ever 
 setting Westward, and organizing its force in Kansas. Formerly 
 freedom went into new Territories as an infant its forces feeble, 
 few, and scattered. A settler went here and another there, plant- 
 ed themselves in the wilderness, and waited eight, ten, or twenty 
 years for civilization to come up to them. But into the Terri- 
 tory of Kansas freedom was to be sent a full-grown man its 
 forces organized and concentrated, and its institutions in all the 
 perfection they have attained here. Every colony planted by
 
 J. M. S. WILLIAMS. 225 
 
 the society was provided with a church, a school, and a steam- 
 engine. Slavery could not stand before these things. Wher- 
 ever the steam-engine went, liberty would prevail. An ordinary, 
 dull man seeing one of those pioneers of freedom going up the 
 Missouri would say, ' There goes a steam-engine, probably so 
 many horse-power, weighs so many tons.' David R. Atchison 
 
 seeing it, says, ' There goes another d d Abolition city into 
 
 Kansas!' 
 
 " Why, the steam-engine was a singer and would sing of noth- 
 ing but freedom. Set it to sawing pine logs into boards, and it 
 would sing at its work day and night, ' Home for the free ! home 
 for the free!' Set it to sawing tough, gnarled oak, and its song 
 would be, 'Never a slave State! never a slave State!' 
 
 "The applause of the audience testified that there was both 
 truth and poetry in the figure. 
 
 " Mr. Thayer paid a deserved compliment to our fellow-citizen, 
 J. M. S. Williams, Esq. He was the first man, he said, who gave 
 him any encouragement in Boston. When he was laboring to 
 present his views to the people of that city, and had labored 
 long, seemingly in vain, Mr. Williams came forward and offered 
 $10,000 in aid of the enterprise; and it was through his influence 
 With the business men of Boston that the plan of the Emigrant 
 Aid Society at last got a hearing and met with success." 
 10*
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 WHAT SAVED KANSAS. 
 
 IT is the purpose of this chapter to present a 
 summary of the evidence, both of friends and foes, 
 that the Plan of Freedom saved Kansas and over- 
 threw slavery. 
 
 Some of the following evidence is recent, and 
 some contemporaneous with the great contest on 
 the prairies ; some of it is from hostile, and some 
 from friendly sources. The reader will observe, 
 however, that all agree upon one point that there 
 was only one obstruction in the way of slavery in 
 Kansas, and that was " the new science of emigra- 
 tion," together with the skill and energy with 
 which this new force was directed and utilized. 
 
 Some of these articles are in reply to remarks in 
 the Century Magazine by Mcolay and Hay in their 
 Life of Lincoln, in which they disparage the work 
 of the Emigrant Aid Company. 
 
 The complete refutation of their views can be 
 found in the recent editorials now quoted, but espe- 
 cially in that of Horace Greeley, written early in 
 the Kansas conflict, and recorded in the New York 
 Iribune of September 6, 1854, as follows : 
 
 "The Douglas Bill had hardly passed before a crowd of Mis- 
 souri slave-holders rushed over into Kansas, began staking out
 
 TRIBUNE. WORCESTER SPY. 227 
 
 and claiming all the best lands, and held meetings to denounce 
 and threaten all 'Northern Abolitionists' who should venture 
 into that region. There have been several such meetings held 
 in Kansas or in the Missouri villages along her frontier. In 
 every one, the resolves of the slave-holders are enforced by a 
 meaning reference to the bowie-knife and rifle, as the favorite 
 arguments of their caste. Individual settlers from the free 
 States would have been deterred, or intimidated into acquies- 
 cence by these demonstrations. It is only by organization and 
 concert that the North has been able to defy them. If Kansas 
 is saved to freedom (as we trust it will be), she will owe her es- 
 cape to agitation, activity, resolute effort in short, to those very 
 measures which the Richmond Whig condemns and would have 
 us desist from. In fact, for the last half-century we have lost 
 Louisiana, Florida, Missouri, Arkansas, and Texas by PEACE, and 
 saved all we have saved by effort, resistance, and agitation. And 
 now that Cuba, Hayti, Mexico, Dominica, Central America, and 
 the Sandwich Islands are all within the contemplation of the 
 slave power, as subjects of more or less immediate annexation, 
 it behooves us to stand to our arms and let our resolution be dis- 
 tinctly understood. We shall never more have lasting peace 
 until it is settled that no more slave States are to be added to our 
 Union. With that point settled, we shall have peace with our 
 neighbors and peace among ourselves. We shall buy or steal no 
 more territory from the moment it is fixed that all States hence- 
 forth added to the Union must come in as free States. We en- 
 treat the Wliig, therefore, to rest assured that we not only love 
 peace as well as the South can, but that we are taking the only 
 way to secure it." 
 
 Editorial of the Worcester Spy of May 4, 1887, 
 in answer to Nicolay and Hay : 
 
 "To those who remember the struggle between the forces of 
 slavery and freedom, the North and the South, for the possession 
 of Kansas, it seems almost superfluous for Mr. Eli Thayer to con- 
 tradict the assertions of Messrs. Nicolay and Hay, the biographers 
 of Lincoln in the Century Magazine, that the Massachusetts Emi- 
 grant Aid Society had but small influence upon the result of that 
 contest, and that ' the North in general trusted to the ordinary
 
 228 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 and natural movement of emigration.' Mr. Tlmyer has shown 
 conclusively that this is a grave error, pardonable, perhaps, in a 
 writer who should refer to the subject incidentally, but inexcus- 
 able in one who professes to write authentic history. Mr. Thayer 
 proves, by unimpeachable evidence, that the pro-slavery people, 
 from Missouri, chiefly, were first in possession ; that they con- 
 trolled all the avenues of approach ; that they were fully aware 
 of the importance of excluding free-State men and perfectly un- 
 scrupulous as to the means of doing it; that immigrants from the 
 free States encountered not only the hardships and privations 
 incidental to settlement in a new country, but also dangers to 
 property and life from the persecutions of hostile neighbors, 
 whose prejudices and passions were inflamed by the press and 
 the influential politicians of the South; that their only protec- 
 tion against these dangers was the support of their neighbors, and 
 therefore organized immigration in colonies was a necessity ; 
 that, in fact, the Emigrant Aid Society and its auxiliaries in all 
 the Northern States did aid and direct in the migration of thou- 
 sands of colonists, and that the organs of Southern and pro- 
 slavery opinion in the press and in Congress, knowing all the 
 facts, and profoundly interested in the issue, attributed the peo- 
 pling of Kansas by free-State men to the activity unlawful and 
 pernicious activity they declared it of the Emigrant Aid Society. 
 All this was universally known, and no one thought of disputing 
 it at the time. What put it into the heads of Lincoln's biogra- 
 phers to pervert history as they have done, it is hard to conject- 
 ure. Mr. Thayer's suggestion that one of the important qualifi- 
 cations of a historian is some knowledge of history is severe in 
 its implication of the deficiencies of these historians, but is not 
 undeserved." 
 
 Gen. Charles Devens, in his address before the 
 Bunker Hill Monument Association, on the 17th of 
 June, 1887, ably sustains the Emigrant Aid Com- 
 pany as follows : 
 
 "If left to the laws of ordinary emigration, the immediate 
 presence on the border of Kansas of a prosperous and powerful 
 slave State like Missouri would have rendered it certain that she 
 would follow the example of her neighbor. With different de-
 
 GEN. CHARLES DEVENS. 229 
 
 grees of feeling, yet with substantial unanimity, the North was 
 utterly opposed to the extension of slavery. The passage of such 
 a bill was like throwing down a gauntlet into the arena of civil 
 controversy, which must be lifted or the cause abandoned. 
 
 " The most powerful individual agency in meeting the issue 
 thus forced, and in placing Kansas in the column of free States, 
 was the Emigrant Aid Company, formed in Massachusetts, of 
 which Mr. Eli Thayer was the president and originator, and Mr. 
 Lawrence the treasurer. 
 
 "Its plan was of a peaceful organized emigration, which 
 should, by the force of the feeling and influence which would 
 accompany it, render it impossible that slavery should enter, or 
 if it entered should ever maintain itself there. It is not only in 
 what this society did, but in what it induced others to do, that 
 the value of its work consisted. 
 
 "Mr. Lawrence was by nature, as well as by political educa- 
 tion, decidedly conservative in his constitutional views, but he 
 had always ardently opposed the system of slavery. He had felt 
 what at that time weighed much on the minds of many just men 
 in both the great national parties the difficulty of reconciling 
 his obligations under the Constitution with this opposition. It 
 was because the methods to be employed by the Emigrant Aid 
 Company were strictly constitutional that they commended them- 
 selves alike to his judgment and his feeling. It is not my inten- 
 tion to recall the scenes terrible and bloody, many of them of 
 that controversy which made of the struggle for Kansas a prel- 
 ude to the War for the Union. Had that never occurred, it is 
 by no means impossible that by confining slavery within fixed 
 bounds, which would have been ever narrowing, the success in 
 Kansas might have brought about the gradual extinction of 
 slavery." 
 
 The following is an extract from a recent letter 
 of Hon. Francis E. Spinner, upon the same subject 
 as the above : 
 
 " You, in your fight for the vindication of the truth of history, 
 hold the vantage-ground, for the facts are all on your side. Those 
 who were men in 1854, and who kept the run of the politics of 
 the country for the next seven years, know that your Emigrant
 
 230 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Aid Society did more to save Kansas and Nebraska to freedom 
 than all other help and appliances combined. But to those who 
 came after, and to our posterity, it is well that the truth should 
 be restated. The claim that the Garrison Abolitionists abolished 
 slavery is about on a par with that of the ignorant of the Irish, 
 that St. Patrick invented the potato." 
 
 The following is an editorial in the Sun, May 27, 
 1887: 
 
 THE DISUNIONISTS OF THE NORTH. 
 
 "We referred a short time ago to a pamphlet in which Mr. 
 Eli Thayer, of Worcester, Massachusetts, described the part played 
 by organized immigration in the making of Kansas a free State. 
 But it seems that certain of the old Abolitionists, and more par- 
 ticularly Mr. Oliver Johnson, are offended because he has as- 
 sumed to take any of the credit for that result. They say that 
 it was the Garrison host who did the work, by calling the people 
 to a ' moral fight ' against slavery. 
 
 " Mr. Thayer thereupon proceeds to give the Abolitionists such 
 a dressing down as they have not received since the days of their 
 prominence. He declares that although ' egotism never yet 
 equalled or approached their own,' they were only marplots in 
 the struggle against slavery; that their real purpose was not the 
 overthrow of slavery, but the destruction of the Union. ' They 
 knew,' says Mr. Thayer, ' if Kansas became a slave State, there 
 would be quite an accession to the disunion element of the 
 North,' and therefore 'their fraternity of mountebanks or mon- 
 omaniacs ' derided the practical efforts of the Emigration Soci- 
 ety to direct to Kansas settlers who were on the side of freedom; 
 'for, as T. W. Higginson said, it would only be another Massa- 
 chusetts. The original Massachusetts had been tried and found 
 wanting.' ' Really,' continues Mr. Thayer, ' these men had noth- 
 ing more to do in accomplishing the overthrow of slavery in this 
 country than had the King of the Cannibal Islands.' 
 
 "What the Abolitionists were after was the overthrow of the 
 Union because it involved the toleration and protection of sla- 
 very; and whatever made slavery more hateful to the people of 
 the North was received by them with rejoicing, for it aggravated 
 the ground of offence against the South and the feeling of dis-
 
 CHARLES A. DANA. 231 
 
 satisfaction with the Union. The further the slave power pro- 
 ceeded in its aggressions the better were they pleased, for the 
 North became the more earnest in its resentment, and the hopes 
 of disunion of the breaking up of the ' compact with hell and 
 league with death,' as they called the Union grew stronger in 
 their breasts. 
 
 "Mr. Thayer, be it remembered, was always a bitter opponent 
 of slavery, and at great personal and pecuniary sacrifice organ- 
 ized and carried forward the movement for the practical redemp- 
 tion of Kansas from the power of the slave-holders. He lived, 
 too, in Worcester, the great seat of Abolitionism, and was inti- 
 mately acquainted with the Garrison party and their purposes. 
 For twenty -five years before he started his Emigration Society, 
 when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise became a foregone 
 conclusion, they had been carrying on what Mr. Oliver Johnson 
 calls their ' moral fight ' against slavery ' with but a remarkably 
 feeble response from the people, while slavery went on from tri- 
 umph to triumph, so that it had become stronger in 1854 than it 
 
 had ever been since the foundation of the Government.' 
 ******* 
 
 . "The Garrison Abolitionists were therefore as uncompromis- 
 ing in their disunionism as the bitterest fire-eaters of the South; 
 and, as Mr. Thayer says, if they had succeeded in their purposes, 
 the result would have been ' the destruction of the Union and 
 the erection of a great slave power.' " 
 
 The following is an editorial in the New Eng- 
 land Home Journal of May 21, 1887 : 
 
 'BLEEDING KANSAS' DAYS. 
 
 " Just now when the story of the battle-fields is being told and 
 retold in literature, not with a view to engender heat, or continue 
 animosity, but to secure accuracy in permanent history, the thor- 
 ough revival of the days of the early Kansas struggle shares im- 
 portance with few other features of the time. We have already 
 expressed our satisfaction at the value of the discussion started 
 by Hon. Eli Thayer's reminiscences of his New England Emi- 
 grant Aid Society, originally given and recently published in the 
 transactions of the Worcester Society of Antiquity. Entirely of 
 separate origin, but in the same line, comes a little later the reply
 
 232 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 of Mr. Tbayer to some strictures on his pristine organization 
 which appears in the Hay-Nicolay ' Life of Abraham Lincoln,' 
 in a recent number of the Centui*y. The two authors in question 
 probably intended no deliberate unfairness, their reference being 
 both slight and slighting, but it has given Mr. Thayer opportu- 
 nity for a very full and pungent review of his Emigrant Aid So- 
 ciety of 1856, which first of all appeals stirred the North to a 
 new realization of the encroachments of the slave power, and 
 was the first suggestion of methods in that conflict looking to the 
 resort to arms. It is certain that the Kansas collision in arms, 
 slight as it was in actual result, prepared the minds of that whole 
 generation of men for the event which came later, but following 
 direct sequences, in President Lincoln's call for 75,000 men to 
 subdue the rebellion. This call came to a people whose eyes had 
 already been opened to the possibilities of the struggle, by the 
 declared mission of Sharp's rifles on Kansas soil. If any have 
 doubted that this was the full meaning and lesson of the early 
 Kansas days, recent light cast on the question has been of value." 
 
 There is one very important suggestion in the 
 above ; that the Kansas contest not only combined 
 the North as a unit against slavery, but gave her 
 that special training which enabled her to subdue 
 secession. 
 
 Editorial in the New York Evening Post, April 
 27,1887: 
 
 " Mr. Eli Thayer, the founder of the New England Emigrant 
 Company that played so large a part in the struggle for ' Free 
 Kansas ' thirty years ago, writes for the Boston Herald a slashing 
 criticism of the last instalment of Nicolay and Hay's biography 
 of Abraham Lincoln in the April Century. The authors of the 
 biography are accused of ' an effort to disparage the work of the 
 Emigrant Aid Company,' by showing that there was no need of 
 any such organization, and that it was of little, if any, use in 
 securing the freedom of Kansas. Mr. Thayer shows that this is 
 a totally erroneous conception, and scarcely excusable in a work 
 which assumes to take a place among sober works of history. 
 The Emigrant Aid Company was not only systematic and effi-
 
 N. Y. EVENING POST. 233 
 
 cient in its own field of operations, but it formed the indispen- 
 sable rallying-point of all other efforts for making Kansas a free 
 State. To suppose that Kansas could have been rescued from 
 the pro-slavery conspiracy by the ordinary course of free immi- 
 gration, is to ignore all the facts of contemporary history, geog- 
 raphy, and social science. The truth was stated with great 
 frankness and exactness by Senator Green of Missouri, in 1861, 
 when he said: ' But for the hot-bed plants that have been planted 
 in Kansas by the instrumentality of the Emigrant Aid Society, 
 Kansas would have been with Missouri this day.' Yet it is not 
 to be supposed that the biographers of Abraham Lincoln have 
 made any 'effort' to disparage the work of the Emigrant Aid 
 Company. They could have had no motive to do so. They 
 have not made sufficient preliminary study for this part of their 
 work; and the same remark applies to their sketch of the war 
 with Mexico." 
 
 Editorial in the Boston Herald, April 25, 1887 : 
 
 ELI THAYER'S TESTIMONY. 
 
 " Hon. Eli Thayer exposes in the Sunday Herald of yesterday 
 some very bad mistakes which the authors of the new Life of 
 Lincoln, publishing in the Century Magazine, have made in their 
 narration of the settlement of Kansas. This is in the line of what 
 we stated at the time the instalment criticised appeared. These 
 biographers are excellently fitted to write of Mr. Lincoln himself, 
 especially as they saw him in personal intercourse. They will 
 make a most interesting, as well as valuable, book, if they con- 
 fine themselves to this point. Beyond it they have shown them- 
 selves not to be reliable historians. We alluded to some instances 
 in point. Mr. Thayer's exposure is signal and conclusive. It is 
 all the more pity that they should have swelled their book by the 
 narration of this Kansas settlement, as it had nothing whatever 
 to do with the life of Mr. Lincoln." 
 
 And again, May 3, 1887: 
 
 THE KANSAS CONFLICT. 
 
 " The exposure of the bad mistake made by the authors of the 
 ' Life of Lincoln,' in the Century, with regard to the early history
 
 234 TIIE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 of Kansas, has at last fully found its way into the press, and is 
 generally commented upon. It was originally exposed in the 
 Herald more than a week ago. This patronizing conception of 
 the Emigrant Aid Society of the North as an organization of good 
 intentions, but of no important achievement, was almost gro- 
 tesque in its error, had not its injustice overshadowed its absurd 
 feature." 
 
 The following testimony, proving the efficiency 
 and controlling power of the Emigrant Aid Com- 
 pany in the decisive contest between freedom and 
 slavery in Kansas, is mainly from the pro-slavery 
 side. 
 
 In his evidence before the Howard Congressional 
 Committee,* John H. Stringfellow, having been 
 duly sworn, said : 
 
 "At the time of the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill and 
 prior to that time, I never heard any man, in my section of Mis- 
 souri, express a doubt about the character of the institutions 
 which would be established here, provided the Missouri restric- 
 tion was removed ; and I heard of no combination of persons, 
 either in public or private, prior to the time of the organization 
 of the Emigrant Aid Society, and indeed for months afterwards, 
 for the purpose of making united action to frustrate the designs 
 of that society in abolitionizing, or making a free State of Kan- 
 sas. The conviction was general that it would be a slave State. 
 The settlers who came over from Missouri after the passage of 
 the bill, so far as I know, generally believed that Kansas would 
 be a slave State. Free-State men who came into the Territory 
 after the passage of the bill were regarded with jealousy by the 
 people of western Missouri, for the reason that a society had 
 been formed for the avowed purpose of shaping the institutions 
 of Kansas Territory, so as to make it a free State in opposition 
 to the interests of the people of Missouri. If no emigrant aid 
 societies had been formed in the Northern States, the emigration 
 of people from there, known to be in favor of making Kansas a 
 
 * House Documents Thirty-fourth Congress, No. 200.
 
 STRINGFELLOW. EDWARDS. 235 
 
 free State, would have stimulated the emigration from Missouri. 
 Had it not been for the emigrant aid societies, the majority in 
 favor of slave institutions would, by the natural course of emi- 
 gration, have been so great as to have fixed the institutions of the 
 Territory without any exciting contest, as it was in the Settle- 
 ment of the Platte Purchase. This was the way we regarded the 
 passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and this was the reason why 
 we supported it." 
 
 Isaac M. Edwards (sworn) : 
 
 "It is my opinion that all the difficulties and troubles have 
 been produced by the operations of the Emigrant Aid Society. 
 I am satisfied that if the Emigrant Aid Society had not sent men 
 out to the Territory of Kansas for the purpose of making it a free 
 State, there would be no trouble or difficulties in the Territory." 
 
 Scores of other witnesses before the Howard 
 Commission testified in nearly the same words that 
 there would have been no contest whatever in Kan- 
 sas had it not been caused by the efforts of the 
 Emigrant Aid Company to make Kansas a free 
 State, by sending thither organized colonies of free- 
 State men. 
 
 This was not the testimony of Missourians alone, 
 nor of pro-slavery settlers in Kansas. You will 
 find it in all the pro-slavery papers of the time, and 
 in nearly all the antislavery journals. 
 
 Throughout the South the Emigrant Aid Com- 
 pany, often under the name of " Eli Thayer & Co.," 
 was charged with the enormous crime of making 
 Kansas a free State. In Missouri various sums, in 
 several localities, were publicly offered for the head 
 of the founder of that company. 
 
 Even in the halls of Congress pro-slavery sena- 
 tors and representatives denounced this company
 
 236 TEE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 as the power which had robbed the slave-State 
 party of Kansas, and had put in peril the very ex- 
 istence of slavery. 
 
 In 1861, though the battle had been fought in 
 Kansas, and the victory won by the free-State men 
 years before, Senator Green, of Missouri, said in the 
 Senate : " But for the hot-bed plants that have been 
 planted in Kansas through the instrumentality of 
 the Emigrant Aid Society, Kansas would have been 
 with Missouri this day." 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas, in his report to the United 
 States Senate in 1856, said : " Popular sovereignty 
 was struck down by unholy combinations in Xew 
 England." 
 
 Senator J. A. Bayard, of Delaware, said : " What- 
 ever evil or loss or suffering or injury may result 
 to Kansas, or to the United States at large, is at- 
 tributable, as a primary cause, to the Emigrant Aid 
 Society of Massachusetts." 
 
 Senator Douglas, in his report to the Senate 
 March 12, 1856, while vigorously denouncing the 
 Emigrant Aid Company, excuses the acts of the 
 border ruffians as follows : 
 
 " When the emigrants sent out by the Massachusetts Emigrant 
 Aid Company and their affiliated societies passed through the 
 State of Missouri in large numbers on their way to Kansas, the 
 violence of their language and the unmistakable indications of 
 their determined hostility to (he domestic institutions of that 
 State created apprehensions that the object of the company was 
 to abolitionize Kansas as a means of prosecuting a relentless war- 
 fare upon the institutions of slavery within the limits of Missouri. 
 These apprehensions increased and spread with the progress of 
 events, until they became the settled convictions of the people 
 of that portion of the State most exposed to the danger by their
 
 STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 237 
 
 proximity to the Kansas border. The natural consequence was 
 that immediate steps were taken by the people of the western 
 counties of Missouri to stimulate, organize, and carry into effect 
 a S3 r stem of emigration similar to that of the Massachusetts Emi- 
 grant Aid Company, for the avowed purpose of counteracting 
 the effects, and protecting themselves and their domestic insti- 
 tutions from the consequences of that company's operations." 
 
 The following article is from the Charleston 
 (S. C.) Mercury of July, 1856 : 
 
 "Now upon the proposition that the safety of the institution 
 of slavery in South Carolina is dependent upon its establishment 
 in Kansas, there can be no rational doubt. He, therefore, who 
 does not contribute largely in money now, proves himself crim- 
 inally indifferent, if not hostile, to the institution upon which the 
 prosperity of the South and of this State depends. Let the 
 names, therefore, be published daily, that we may see who are 
 lukewarm in this vital issue then we may see who are the peo- 
 ple in this community who require to be watched. . . . 
 
 ' ' We suggest that the Kansas Association appoint a large 
 vigilance committee, whose consultations shall be secret, and 
 who shall take in charge the conduct of delinquents, and adopt 
 such secret measures in reference to them as the interests of the 
 community demand. In this Wciy the contributions will doubt- 
 less be adequate, and the cause of Kansas will prosper." 
 
 The following is an extract from a long address 
 issued by Atchison, Stringfellow, Buford, and oth- 
 ers, on the 21st of June, 1856 : 
 
 " Kansas they [the Abolitionists] justly regard as the mere out- 
 post of the war now being waged between the antagonistic civil- 
 izations of the North and South, and, winning this great outpost 
 and stand-point, they rightly think their march will be open to an 
 easy conquest of the whole field. Hence the extraordinary 
 means the Abolition party has adopted to flood Kansas with the 
 most fanatical and lawless portion of Northern society, and 
 hence the large sums of money . . . expended ... to surround 
 Missourians with obnoxious and dangerous neighbors. On the
 
 238 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 other hand, the pro-slavery element of the law and order party 
 in Kansas, looking to the Bible, finds slavery ordained of God. 
 . . . Slavery is the negro's normal and proper state. We believe 
 it a trust and guardianship, given as of God for the good of both 
 races. . . . This is ... a great social and political question of 
 races, ... a question whether we shall sink to the level of the 
 freed African, and take him to the embrace of social and political 
 equality and fraternity; for such is the natural end of Abolition 
 progress. . . . That man or State is deceived that fondly trusts 
 these fanatics may stop at Kansas. . . . The most convincing 
 proof of this was recently given before the Congressional inves- 
 tigating committee. Judge Matthew Walker . . . testified . . . 
 that before the Abolitionists selected Lawrence as their centre of 
 operations, their leader, Governor Robinson, attempted to get a 
 foothold for them in the Wyandotte Reserve. . . . Robinson, find- 
 ing it necessary to communicate their plans and objects, divulged 
 to Walker (whom he then supposed to be a sympathizer) that 
 the Abolitionists were determined on winning Kansas at any 
 cost; that then, having Missouri surrounded on three sides, 
 they would begin their assaults on her, and as fast as one 
 State gave way attack another, until the whole South was abo- 
 litionized. . . . We are confident that . . . the Abolition party was 
 truly represented by Robinson, who has always been their chief 
 man and acknowledged leader in Kansas. ... It was proved he- 
 fore the investigating committee that the Abolition party had 
 travelling agents in the Territory, whose duty it was to gather up, 
 exaggerate, and report for publication rumors to the prejudice 
 of the law and order party. ... In the present imperilled state of 
 your civilization, if we do not maintain this outpost we cannot 
 long maintain the citadel. Then rally to the rescue. " 
 
 De Bow's Review for August, 1856, published an 
 appeal to the South in favor of establishing slavery 
 in Kansas. Here are several extracts : 
 
 "Slaves will now yield a greater profit in Kansas, either to 
 hire out or to cultivate the soil, than any other place. . . . Those 
 who have brought their slaves here are reaping a rich reward . . . 
 and feel as secure in their property here as in Kentucky and 
 Missouri. . . . Why it is that more of our friends have not brought
 
 DE BOW'S REVIEW. 239 
 
 their slaves with them, we are at a loss to divine, unless the false- 
 hoods and threats of the Abolitionists have frightened them. . . . 
 Should Kansas he made a slave State? We say that location, 
 climate, soil, productions, value of slave labor, the good of the mas- 
 ter and slave all conspire and cry aloud that it should be. . . . 
 The squatters, too, have said three successive times, at the polls, 
 that Kansas should be a slave State. But if all this is not enough, 
 then we say, without fear of successful contradiction, that Kan- 
 sas must be a slave State or the Union will be dissolved. ... If 
 Kansas is not made a slave State, it requires no sage to foretell 
 that there will never be another slave State. . . .Can Kansas be 
 made a slave State? Thus far the pro-slavery party has tri- 
 umphed in Kansas in spite of the Abolitionists and their Emi- 
 grant Aid Societies." 
 
 The prophetic threat of secession in the above 
 " Kansas must be a slave State or the Union will 
 be dissolved" is repeated in several quotations 
 that follow. During the great conflict in Kansas 
 this threat was made thousands of times in South- 
 ern journals. They all asserted constantly, and 
 with the best of reasons, that should Kansas be a 
 free State there could never be another slave State 
 admitted into the Union. Here, then, was the ar- 
 gument and the prelude of the attempted secession. 
 The Civil War followed, and the slaves were eman- 
 cipated " as a military necessity." These were the 
 logical sequences of the grand crusade and conflict. 
 
 Ealph Waldo Emerson said of the Emancipation 
 Proclamation, in his " Miscellanies," page 248 : 
 
 " Whilst we have pointed out the opportuneness of the Proc- 
 lamation, it remains to be said that the President had no choice. 
 He might look wistfully for what variety of courses lay open to 
 him; every line but one was closed up with fire. This one, too, 
 bristled with danger, but through it was the sole safety. The 
 measure he has adopted was imperative. . . .
 
 240 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 " We think we cannot overstate the wisdom and benefit of this 
 act of the Government. The malignant cry of the secession 
 press within the free States, and the recent action of the Con- 
 federate Congress, are decisive as to its efficiency and correctness 
 of aim." 
 
 The following, of like import with De Bow's Re- 
 view, is from the Mobile Register, January, 1858 : 
 
 " We sincerely trust there will be no flinching or hesitation 
 on the part of our Southern representatives in Congress in the 
 emergency before us. We hope they will meet the issue with 
 an unbroken front, and let it be distinctly understood that the 
 admission of Kansas, with her present Constitution and upon 
 her present application, is the sine qua non of the continuance of 
 the Southern States in the confederacy." 
 
 From the Charleston Mercury, January, 1858 : 
 
 "Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama stand pledged to secede 
 from the Union should Kansas, applying to Congress for admis- 
 sion as a slave State, be refused admission." 
 
 From the New York Herald, January, 1858 : 
 
 "With the capitulation of the South upon Kansas, all the 
 measures, principles, abstractions, and protestations of the South- 
 ern politicians, statesmen, States, and conventions of the last 
 fifty years will be reduced to rubbish, and the chivalry, the pres- 
 tige, the unity and self-sustaining spirit of the South will have 
 departed forever. The question is one of life or death to the 
 South, upon the simple alternative of the admission or rejection 
 of Kansas with her slave-State Constitution." 
 
 From the Richmond South, November 24, 1857: 
 
 "We declare at once that the Democracy of the South will 
 never suffer Kansas to be kept out of the Union simply because 
 its Constitution has never been submitted to the vote of the 
 people." 
 
 The following extract from a speech made by 
 Hon. George S. Boutwell in Tremont Temple, Bos-
 
 GEORGE S. BOTJTWELL. 241 
 
 ton, December 16, 1861, contains several very im- 
 portant facts, which I intend to examine and ac- 
 count for : 
 
 "These people have gone out of the Union because they see 
 they cannot extend slavery in the Union. It was not because a 
 few Abolitionists in the North hated slavery; it was not because 
 some of us went to Chicago in 1860 and nominated Abraham 
 Lincoln for President, and then elected him; but it was because 
 men of all parties and all persuasions and all ideas in the North 
 had come to the conclusion that slavery should not be extended. 
 It was the doctrine of churches, the doctrine of homes and 
 hearth-stones, that slavery should not be extended." 
 
 1. " These people have gone out of the Union 
 because they could not extend slavery in the 
 Union." 
 
 The reader will observe in the preceding quota- 
 tions that " these people " had been saying, during 
 the entire Kansas struggle, that should they lose 
 Kansas they could never form another slave State 
 in the Union, and should therefore go out of the 
 Union. Now, why did they lose Kansas ? Abun- 
 dant authority has already been presented in these 
 pages to prove that they lost Kansas through the 
 plan of organized emigration employed by the Emi- 
 grant Aid Company and by hundreds of Kansas 
 leagues in thirteen Northern States. All these or- 
 ganizations had a common origin, and acted upon 
 the same principles. Without them there would 
 have been no contest whatever in that Territory. 
 So what Mr. Boutwell says is true ; and this com- 
 mentary, which he withholds, is no less true. 
 
 2. " It was not because a few Abolitionists in the 
 North hated slavery." 
 
 11
 
 243 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Evidently not. For twenty-five years slavery 
 had prospered to such an extent in defiance of that 
 hatred, that she had, in 185-i, obtained absolute 
 control of every department of the Government. 
 The Abolitionists to whom Mr. Boutwell refers 
 the Garrison disunionists had accomplished noth- 
 ing, as has been amply shown by the highest au- 
 thorities in our history. Had the South secured 
 Kansas for slavery, she might have continued to 
 laugh to scorn the impotence, as well as the impu- 
 dence, of these fanatics. 
 
 3. " It was not because some of us went to Chi- 
 cago and nominated Lincoln for President, and then 
 elected him." 
 
 Here Mr. Boutwell wisely corrects a popular 
 error, that the South attempted to secede from the 
 Union because Mr. Lincoln was elected President. 
 Had the South made Kansas a slave State it would 
 not have been in the power of Lincoln or of any 
 other President, however hostile to slavery he 
 might have been, to do anything whatever to im- 
 pair the strength or to hinder the progress of that 
 institution. In a few years the South would have 
 had in the Senate a large majority of members 
 from the slave States. Hence there could have 
 been no legislation detrimental to their cherished 
 institution. It is, therefore, supreme folly to attrib- 
 ute secession to the election of Mr. Lincoln. Had 
 the South won Kansas she would never have at- 
 tempted secession. 
 
 4. " But it was because men of all parties and all 
 persuasions and all ideas in the North had come to
 
 WHAT DID IT. 243 
 
 the conclusion that slavery should not be extended. 
 It was the doctrine of churches, the doctrine of 
 homes and hearth-stones, that slavery should not be 
 extended." 
 
 Yery well. But what agency had accomplished 
 this unification of the North upon this question? 
 In the spring of 1854, when the entire North was 
 engaged in protesting against the repeal of the 
 Missouri Compromise, and trembling at the pros- 
 pect of more slave States and the perpetual domi- 
 nation of slavery when Charles Sumner spoke 
 against the repeal in the United States Senate, 
 " standing," as he said, u by the very grave of free- 
 dom in Kansas and Nebraska " when Senator Sew- 
 ard conceded these Territories to slavery, saying, 
 " None of us here can have anything to do in pre- 
 venting or removing the curse ; it may be done by 
 future generations" THEN, in the spring of the 
 pivotal year 1854, these same "men of all parties 
 and all persuasions and all ideas" had not the 
 slightest hope of making Kansas free, or of arrest- 
 ing the continued and triumphant tyranny of the 
 " Black Power " in this country. But just here came 
 the revelation of a plan to save Kansas. At first 
 nobody believed in it; but before the end of 1854 
 " the men of all parties and all persuasions and all 
 ideas" began to be combined in this great work. 
 Before the end of 1856 the North was a unit against 
 the extension of slavery. In fact, any such exten- 
 sion had been made forever impossible by the tri- 
 umph of the free-State cause in Kansas. That was 
 the beginning of the end of slavery. To be sure,
 
 244 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas debated the question 
 of slavery extension in 1858, but they were discuss- 
 ing an issue absolutely dead and of no importance 
 whatever to anybody except to the debaters them- 
 selves. 
 
 "We had already secured the freedom of Kansas, 
 while the slave-holders had every possible advan- 
 tage in the contest. They had the full control of 
 every department of the Government, and were in 
 force upon the very border of the Territory, while 
 our emigrants had to make a journey of many hun- 
 dred miles, and much of that through the slave 
 State of Missouri. But by the Plan of Freedom 
 adopted by the Emigrant Aid Company, Kansas 
 was made free very decidedly free so that when 
 admitted into the Union there was no slave State 
 party within her borders. "What, then, would have 
 been the result had the attempt been made to cre- 
 ate a slave State either south or west of Kansas, 
 while we had her as our base of supplies for men 
 and arms? It really seems jocose to discuss such 
 a matter. Messrs. Lincoln and Douglas might as 
 well have debated whether or not it was desirable 
 to prevent the recurrence of the Glacial Period. 
 In proof of the position that there could be no 
 more slave States, I trust I shall be pardoned for 
 introducing here an extract from my speech in the 
 House of Representatives on the 24th of February, 
 1859, made soon after the Douglas-Lincoln debate, 
 as follows : 
 
 "I can refer you to the history of Kansas. Kansas, \vithout 
 any protection for freedom, has become a free State, or at least
 
 NO MORE SLAVE STATES. 245 
 
 she is this day prepared to be a free State, and will never be any- 
 thing less. In defiance of numerous obstacles in the way of ob- 
 taining her freedom, she has bravely secured it. In the immedi- 
 ate vicinity of the Platte Purchase, the most intensely pro-slavery 
 portion of Missouri, there, almost in the bosom of slave States, 
 there, far removed from the States of the North, which furnish 
 emigrants to the West, and with all the force of the General Gov- 
 ernment against freedom, and for slavery in the Territory, the 
 free-State heroes have triumphed ; and not only that, but they 
 have put forth many times the power which was requisite to ac- 
 complish the grand result. If it had not been for Executive in- 
 tervention, and for the cowardly predictions of faint-hearted anti- 
 slavery men in the North that Kansas would be lost, I think, 
 sir, that the contest might have been ended before the year 1856. 
 
 "But as it was, notwithstanding all the obstacles in her way, 
 the contest began to grow insipid during that year for want of 
 opposition from the pro-slavery side, and I left it, as Atchison 
 and Stringfellow had already done. Since that time we know 
 very well what has been the history of Kansas. It is now ap- 
 parent that there are at least eight or nine free-State men in that 
 Territory to one slave-State man. Whatever may have been in- 
 tended, such, sir, has been the effect of adopting this principle, 
 which has compelled Northern men to reJy upon themselves, 
 and act upon their own responsibility in this matter of making 
 free States. This is safer than to leave this question to Congress 
 and to law. I have a thousand times more confidence in the 
 people than I have in Congress on this subject. 
 
 "Now, Mr. Chairman, compare the resources of these two 
 causes that contend for pre-eminence in the Territories free la- 
 bor and slave labor. How do we find the wealth and numbers 
 of the North when contrasted with those of the South? I shall 
 not dwell upon this point, for on a former occasion I opened that 
 greatest book of martyrs, the Census of the United States, and 
 showed how these facts were. 
 
 "But how do the North and South compare in the power of 
 combination? Why, we men of the North, called the Northern 
 hive, live in towns and villages. Even our agricultural districts 
 are quite densely peopled. We have, in Massachusetts, one hun- 
 dred and thirty men to the square mile. If there is any difficul- 
 ty abroad or at home if there is any need for immediate action
 
 246 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 or remote action, it is easy for us to assemble, and consult, and 
 determine what action is needed, and what shall be most effective. 
 And, sir, when it was necessary to put some colonies into Kan- 
 sas, I found no difficulty in having meetings in these towns and 
 villages at very short notice. Plans were formed for making 
 colonies, and for taking possession of the country in dispute, 
 and thus the result contemplated was accomplished. But how 
 can any such concert of action exist in that part of our country 
 where there is only eighty-nine one-hundredths of a man to a 
 square mile? What chance of holding meetings, of kindling en- 
 thusiasm, of taking council, and of laying plans for accomplish- 
 ing grand results? None whatever. 
 
 "Then, sir, added to this ready combination, we also have 
 great facilities of locomotion. Our people can migrate with but 
 little difficulty. If there were a meeting to-night to put a colony 
 into Kansas, all the arrangement might be perfected, and com- 
 plete preparation made for starting, in two weeks. The next 
 day after the meeting you would see flaming hand-bills on the 
 streets headed, ' Ho for Kansas!' ' Property for Sale !' Daguerre- 
 otypes of some ' familiar faces,' and perhaps the old homestead, 
 would be taken, and in two weeks the colony, on the lightning 
 train, following a pillar of cloud by day, and a pillar of fire by 
 night, would be going on its way to their prairie home. 
 
 "How can a Southern planter hope to rival this speed and 
 readiness of transition? After he has determined to emigrate, 
 his plantation is to be sold, and the purchaser is to be hunted up, 
 and much time is required. And after a purchaser is found, 
 credit must be given of from one to twenty years. But suppose 
 all this accomplished, and the whole train of servants made 
 ready for the journey, how like a funeral procession would they 
 appear loitering along through the swamps of Alabama and Mis- 
 sissippi! No, sir, you cannot compete with us in this game of 
 emigration. "We evidently have the advantage of you every way. 
 You have not power to make a contest in this matter interesting. 
 I say this in no spirit of malignant exultation. I am laying 
 down facts, and I wish Southern men to understand their bear- 
 ing and inevitable consequences. 
 
 "But, sir, the Southern planter does not take his force of ne- 
 groes to a disputed Territory. The case which I was just now 
 supposing never really occurs in practice. It did not once occur
 
 FREE-STATE COLONIES. 247 
 
 during the contest for the Territory of Kansas. I have never 
 heard of a single slave-holder who took there even as many as 
 five negroes. 
 
 "The spirit of devotion and the spirit of Christianity some- 
 times prompt to great sacrifices, but I am compelled to "believe 
 that the Southern planters are few in number who will hazard 
 the loss of their slaves, even for the grand purpose of securing 
 ' scope and verge ' to African Christianization. 
 
 " If, then, there is no motive of Christianity potent enough to 
 influence slave-holders to move with their slaves to the Territo- 
 ries of the West, there certainly can be no other sufficient induce- 
 ment. There can be no pecuniary inducement to convey slaves 
 where the very soil under their feet will be in dispute, and where 
 the slaves themselves may be confiscated by an organic law ex- 
 cluding slavery from the new State, or by the statute law of the 
 Territory, called 'unfriendly legislation.' 
 
 "Again, sir, there is a converting power in these free-State 
 colonies, and it is a wonderful power. I assert, on the best au- 
 thority, that the majority of the inhabitants of Kansas, who went 
 there from slave States, are to-day free-State men. They came 
 in contact with these Northern communities, they learned some 
 facts of which they were not before cognizant, and they made up 
 their minds that it was best for them and their children that 
 Kansas should be a free State. This converting influence ex- 
 tended to the governors of the Territory. 'The extinguishers 
 themselves took fire,' and to this day they give a charmingly 
 brilliant light. 
 
 "Now, sir, in addition to these resources, contrast the causes 
 themselves, which are in conflict. Contrast free labor with slave 
 labor. What are their histories and what their relative power? 
 Free labor has covered the once sterile hills of New England 
 with orchards and gardens and cornfields. It has filled our val- 
 leys with the music of machinery and the hum of busy industry. 
 The same creating power has built thriving cities and towns upon 
 our Western waters, and clothed the prairies with fields of wav- 
 ing grain. Scaling the Rocky Mountains, the same majestic 
 power has opened the golden gates of the Pacific, and has trans- 
 formed the solitary wilderness, 
 
 " ' Where rolled the Oregon, and heard no sound, 
 Save his own dashings,"
 
 248 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 I into a prosperous State, destined to become the most important 
 seat of commerce and manufactures on our "Western coast. 
 
 " Here are some of the trophies of free labor. Others yet, and 
 greater, will be secured in the future. Stronger than Briareus, 
 and possessing more arms than the giant monster brought to de- 
 fend the throne of Jupiter against assailing Titans, free labor, 
 unaided by law, relying solely on its own inherent energy, -will 
 always be found able to protect its own inheritance. 
 
 "But where are the triumphs of slave labor? I will not reply 
 I press this comparison no further. 
 
 "Now, sir, there is no chance of making another slave State 
 from any Territory belonging to this confederacy. I state this 
 as a fair and well-founded conclusion, that it may be considered 
 by men from all portions of the country. I think that sensible 
 men from the South already consider it a settled fact. What 
 need, then, of quarrelling about measures for securing what is 
 already secure? Security is all we ask, and that we have. That 
 is the grand result of a contest to which you invited us, and to 
 which we reluctantly came. We did not propose to you this 
 very unequal game of emigration. It was a game which was 
 proposed by the Democratic party, and the South enlisted in it, 
 under the lead of that party. And what was the stake? You 
 compelled the North to stake Kansas on that game, while you 
 voluntarily offered to stake all the other Territories. For one, I 
 was ready to accept that challenge. I was ready to enter upon 
 that game upon such terms. I did do it. I do not now regret 
 it. I do not want it otherwise than it is; for all that we have 
 lost in achieving the victory that we have gained is more than 
 ten thousand times repaid in that disciplined army of freemen, 
 who are determined to see that all is right, from Minnesota to 
 the Gulf of Mexico. These are the facts, and it is better for the 
 whole country that such are the facts." 
 
 It would, therefore, have been but a graceful act 
 of simple justice to the agency which had made 
 the extension of slavery impossible, had Mr. Bout- 
 well given the credit of this great work to the 
 Plan of Freedom, as pursued and exemplified by
 
 ABUNDANT PROOF. 249 
 
 the Emigrant Aid Company and its numerous sis- 
 ter organizations. 
 
 But it is the mission of this book to supply the 
 "missing links," not only in the speech of Mr. 
 Bout well, but in the writings and speeches of thou- 
 sands of others. Proof without limit, and authori- 
 ties without number, are waiting to co-operate in 
 this work. At this time only a selection can be 
 made, though to most readers this will be convincing 
 proof. But should any still cherish doubts, it will 
 be the work of the future historian, pursuing the 
 course here indicated, to dig out of the archives 
 of the last thirty-five years the materials for the 
 pedestal upon which the statue of Historic Truth 
 shall stand peerless and supreme. 
 
 If further testimony be needed to show the pow- 
 er of the Emigrant Aid Company in Kansas it can 
 be found in quantities almost without limit, in the 
 Congressional Globe, in the reports of Congres- 
 sional committees, in thousands upon thousands of 
 letters from the Kansas settlers to their friends in 
 the States, in the editorials of all the Southern and 
 of nearly all the Northern journals, in the reports 
 of thousands of election speeches, and in all con- 
 temporaneous and general records of whatever 
 kind. 
 
 The work of saving Kansas was done before the 
 eyes of the whole world. We said we would do it, 
 and stop the making of slave States. "We also laid 
 down our methods; we went on just as we had 
 promised and used the methods proposed, and ac- 
 complished the results aimed at, without the help 
 11*
 
 250 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 of politicians, and in spite of the active hostility of 
 the Abolitionists. 
 
 No man, unless he be ignorant of the facts in the 
 Kansas struggle, or completely blinded by malice 
 or envy, will ever attempt to defraud the Emigrant 
 Aid Company of the glory of having saved Kansas 
 by defeating the slave power in a great and de- 
 cisive contest. 
 
 The logical sequences of this great work, in rela- 
 tion to slavery, were : 
 
 1. The conviction in the South that no more 
 slave States could ever be formed in the Union. 
 
 2. The attempt to secede, so that slave States 
 might be formed outside of the Union. 
 
 3. The Civil War. 
 
 4. The Emancipation Proclamation as a military 
 necessity. 
 
 5. The Union preserved and slavery destroyed. 
 The national results of the Kansas conflict may 
 
 be briefly summarized : 
 
 1. It stopped the making of slave States. 
 
 2. It made the Republican party. 
 
 3. It nearly elected Fremont, and did elect Lin- 
 coln. 
 
 4. It united and solidified the North against 
 slavery, and was a necessary training to enable it 
 to subdue secession.* 
 
 * The wonderful increase of the antislavery vote in 1855 and 
 1856 was brought about by the illegal assaults of the slave power 
 upon the citizens of Kansas. The figures in New England and 
 New York from 1848 to 1856 are here given. It will be seen
 
 SEQUENCES AND RESULTS. 251 
 
 5. It drove the slave-holders, through despera- 
 tion, into secession. 
 
 6. It has given us a harmonious and enduring 
 Union. 
 
 7. It has emancipated the white race of the 
 South, as well as the negroes, from the evils of 
 slavery. 
 
 8. It is even now regenerating the South. 
 
 that the fall elections of 1854 were little influenced by the repeal 
 of the Missouri Compromise. 
 
 New England. New York. 
 
 1848 72,368 120,479 
 
 1849 79,454 1,311 
 
 1850 42,270 3,410 
 
 1851 43,401 000 
 
 1852 57,143 25,359 
 
 1853 63,668 000 
 
 (Repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a Lawful act.) 
 
 1854 .79,632 000 
 
 (After Unlawful aggression in Kansas.) 
 
 1855 184,850 136,698 
 
 1856 307,417 276,004
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 SUICIDE OF SLAVERY. 
 
 BY the request of many friends I here insert two 
 of my Congressional speeches. They elucidate 
 very fully the preceding chapters, by showing the 
 practice and philosophy of the Emigrant Aid Com- 
 pany. 
 
 The first, upon the " Suicide of Slavery," was de- 
 livered in the House of Representatives on the 25th 
 of March, 1858, as follows : 
 
 " It may be expected, Mr. Chairman, that at this time I should 
 say something in defence of the Pilgrims and of the State of 
 Massachusetts ; for they have been repeatedly assailed on this 
 floor within the last two weeks. But I shall make no defence. 
 There are some things which I never attempt to defend. Among 
 these are the Falls of Niagara, the White Mountains of New 
 Hampshire, the Atlantic Ocean, Plymouth Rock, Bunker Hill, 
 and the history of Massachusetts. Any man may assail either or 
 all of them with perfect impunity, so far as I am concerned. 
 And words of disparagement or vituperation directed against 
 either of these objects, by any assailant, excite in me feelings 
 very different from those of indignation whether the assailant 
 comes with a bow as long as that of the bold Robin Hood, or with f 
 a bow of sliorter range, like that of the gentleman from Alabama 
 [Mr. Shorter]. [Laughter.] But I deprecate the disposition that 
 impels these shafts against the sister States of this confederacy. 
 I deprecate this sectional animosity whenever and wherever I see 
 it evinced. I have heard too much of the aggressions of the North 
 and of the aggressions of the South, in the past, to be very much 
 in love with either of these ideas. I have never been accustomed 
 to speak of the aggressions of the slave power, and I have no 
 purpose of doing it now or hereafter. If the one-hundredth part
 
 254 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 of the people of this country can make dangerous aggressions on 
 the rights and interests of the other ninety-nine hundredth parts 
 of the people, either by the force of strength or by the arts of 
 diplomacy, I assure you that I shall be the last man to complain 
 of it. I think that this slavery question is altogether too small a 
 question to disturb so great a people as inhabit the United States 
 of America. 
 
 " For myself, I was always in favor of popular sovereignty, 
 rightly so called. I am ready, for one, to agree to-day that the 
 Territories belonging to this Government shall be open to settle- 
 ment at any time, when Congress thinks fit so to open them, and 
 that the people of all parts of the country shall go into them 
 with the assurance of absolute and complete non-intervention ; 
 with the assurance that whenever any chief executive, official, or 
 non-resident shall interfere, by fraud or violence, in their affairs, 
 he shall either be impeached or hanged; with the assurance that 
 when the people shall have the ratio of representation required 
 by law, and shall come to Congress with a Constitution repub- 
 lican in form, they shall be admitted into the Union as a State. 
 This, sir, is popular sovereignty, and it is what was practised in 
 this country two centuries ago. 
 
 "The people of the Plymouth colony had the privilege of 
 choosing their own governor and of making their own laws. 
 The same was true of the New Haven colony, and of the colony 
 of the Providence Plantations. They always did it. I believe 
 the Crown of England never appointed a governor for these col- 
 onies; certainly not for the last two. But were those people, 
 without ever having exercised the right of self-government, bet- 
 ter prepared to govern themselves than are our people, educated 
 under our State governments, who go into our Territories? Why, 
 then, should we continue to have an ' Ahab to trouble Israel,' 
 while he lays the blame of his own misconduct upon the emi- 
 grant aid societies ? Why not cut off these Territories from all 
 connection with the General Government, legislative or execu- 
 tive? Then we shall have no more agitation in Congress, and no 
 more contention in the Territories. But so long as this connec- 
 tion continues, so long as we have a President trying to bias by 
 his appointments, and, perhaps, by the United States troops, the 
 will of the people, so long shall we have agitation, and we shall 
 have enough of it.
 
 SUICIDE OF SLAVERY. 255 
 
 " Well, sir, I have nothing to find fault about. I am very well 
 pleased with the present tendency of events. But, sir, there are 
 those who are dissatisfied, and who are inclined to invoke a cer- 
 tain deity I think a false deity which presides over a portion 
 of this Union; a deity which has been invoked by great men on 
 great occasions, and by little men on little occasions, for a long 
 time past a deity in whose expected presence both the people 
 and the politicians have sometimes stood aghast 'when he,' in 
 prospect only, 'from his horrid hair shook pestilence and war.' 
 This sulphurous god is Disunion. This Capitol Hill has been 
 a veritable Mount Carmel for the last quarter of a century, upon 
 which experiments have been tried with this bogus deity. One 
 day upon Mount Carmel was sufficient to determine the destiny 
 of Baal and his prophets. But here, we, the most patient people 
 in the world, witness these invocations year after year, with ex- 
 emplary endurance, expecting that the great Is-to-be will some 
 time come. And you and I, Mr. Chairman, even during the 
 present session of Congress, have witnessed attempts to kindle 
 here the fires upon the altar of Southern rights. But the sacrifice, 
 the altar, and the spectators were as cold as alabaster. The 
 prophets only were warm; but they were warm, not from the 
 presence of the god, but from his absence. He does not make 
 his appearance. The great Is-to-be does not come. He has either 
 gone on a very long journey, or else he is in a very deep sleep. 
 
 " Well, sir, shall we have this deity of Disunion invoked for- 
 ever? Who is to blame? If the North has given cause, what 
 have we done? What cause of disunion has ever proceeded from 
 us? Have you not had everything your own way? Have we not 
 let you have the Democratic party to use as you please ? 
 [Laughter.] Have you not had the Government for a long time? 
 And have we not let you use it just as you had a mind to? We, 
 sir, were busy about our commerce, extending it around the 
 world; about our railroads; our internal improvements; our col- 
 leges, and all those things which interest our people. We knew 
 that you had a taste for governing, and that by the indulgence 
 you might be gratified without serious injury to us. For many 
 years you have had your own way, but now you come here and 
 cry out ' disunion. 1 Why, what more can we do? 
 
 " Well, it may be that we have encouraged a mistake on your 
 part. It may be that we have given you some reason to suppose
 
 256 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 that this temporary courtesy of governing, which we have ex- 
 tended, was a permanent right. However, if you have fallen 
 into that error, we will, perhaps, at some future time disabuse 
 and correct you. But whatever blame there is anywhere, what- 
 ever cause there is for disunion, must attach to the action of the 
 slave power, commanding and controlling the Democratic party, 
 and to no one else in the country. Therefore, at this time, I come 
 with exultation not, to be sure, with malignant exultation to 
 speak for a few moments upon the decline and fall of slavery 
 nay, sir, further, upon the suicide of slavery in this land. I will 
 show you by what acts the two most important pillars of its sup- 
 port have been removed, and that the whole system of slavery 
 must therefore fall. And these two events have been accom- 
 plished, if not by its direct efforts, at least by the connivance of 
 this same party, impelled by this same controlling agency. 
 
 " I will first show you how the moral power of this institu- 
 tion has been destroyed, by what act, and then I will show you 
 how and by what act its political power is forever doomed. But, 
 sir, how did an institution like this ever have a moral power is 
 a question for us to examine. In the first place, we are told by 
 Southern men that we have a nation of heathen in our land; and 
 we are told by the same authority that we have an institution 
 here for their regeneration. Now, sir, if we have, from necessity, 
 a nation of heathen in our land, and if slavery is an institution 
 for their regeneration, it is very clear that slavery has a moral 
 power. But, says the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Gartrell], 
 speaking of negroes, ' They are idle, dissolute, improvident, lazy, 
 unthrifty, who think not of to-morrow, who provide but scantily 
 for to-day.' 
 
 ' ' I will also give you other proof. Here it is : 
 
 ' ' ' Who would credit it, that in these years of benevolent and 
 successful missionary effort in this Christian republic, there are 
 over two millions of human beings in the condition of heathen, 
 and, in some respects, in a worse condition? From long-con- 
 tinued and close observation, we believe their moral and religious 
 condition is such that they may justly be regarded as the heathen 
 of this Christian country.' Committee of Synod of South Car- 
 olina and Georgia, in 1833. 
 
 " 'After making all reasonable allowances, our colored pop- 
 ulation can be considered, at the best, but semi-heathens.' Ken-
 
 SUICIDE OF SLAVERY. 257 
 
 tucky Union's Circular to the Ministers of the Gospel in Kentucky, 
 1834. 
 
 " ' There seems to be an almost entire absence of moral prin- 
 ciple among the mass of our colored population.' C. W. Gooch, 
 Esq., Prize Essay on Agriculture in Virginia. 
 
 " ' There needs no stronger illustration of the doctrine of de- 
 pravity than the state of human nature on plantations in gener- 
 al. ... Their advance in years is but a progression to the higher 
 grades of iniquity.' lion. C. C. Pinckney, Address before tlw 
 South Carolina Agricultural Society, at Charleston, 1829, second 
 edition, pages 10, 12. 
 
 " The Maryville (Tennessee) Intelligencer of October 4, 1835, 
 says of the slaves of the South-west, that their ' condition, through 
 time, will be second only to that of the wretched creatures in 
 hell.' 
 
 " Here, then, is a field for great missionary labor; and it is fort- 
 unate that, under these circumstances, we happen to have an in- 
 stitution which is perfectly adapted to the regeneration of a lost 
 and ruined race. I quote from the honorable member from the 
 State of Virginia, in a speech delivered here, some time ago, in 
 the House of Representatives: 
 
 "'I believe that the institution of slavery is a noble one; that 
 it is necessary for the good, the well-being, of the negro race. 
 Looking to history, I go further, and I say, in the presence of this 
 assembly, and under all the imposing circumstances surround- 
 ing me, that I believe it is God's institution. Yes, sir, if there is 
 anything in the action of the great Author of us all; if there is 
 anything in the conduct of his chosen people ; if there is any- 
 thing in the conduct of Christ himself, who came upon this earth, 
 and yielded up his life as a sacrifice, that all through his death 
 might live; if there is anything in the conduct of his apostles, 
 who inculcated obedience on the part of slaves towards their 
 masters as a Christian duty, then we must believe that the insti- 
 tution is from God.' Hon. Wm. Smith, of Virginia, in a speech 
 in the House of Representative*. 
 
 "Again, I quote from the speech of the honorable gentleman 
 from Georgia [Mr. Gartrell], in regard to this same sentiment: 
 
 " 'Every sentiment expressed in that eloquent extract meets 
 my hearty approbation. As a Christian man, believing in the 
 teachings of Holy Writ, I am here to-day before a Christian na-
 
 258 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 tion to reaffirm and reannounce the conclusion to which that 
 distinguished gentleman came that this institution, however 
 much it may have been reviled, is of God.' 
 
 " Mr. Chairman these are not the only authorities on this sub- 
 ject. You and I have heard from the other side, day after day, 
 quotations from the Bible, intending to prove the same thing; and 
 you and I know that there are honest men in the slave States who 
 believe that this is a fact. I have seen such men myself, and 
 have conversed with them. They have told me that slavery was 
 an absolute curse; and that the only reason why they held their 
 slaves a day was that they owed them certain religious duties, 
 and must keep them to look after their spiritual welfare. They 
 feared that if their slaves were cast loose upon the world, with 
 nobody to look after their spiritual interests, they would be spir- 
 itually lost. I heard this from a gentleman from Kentucky, 
 and again from a gentleman from Augusta, Georgia, and I believe 
 in my heart that both of these gentlemen were honest in these 
 views. 
 
 " I am not here to impugn any man's motives. I put this upon 
 the ground that is claimed by Southern men ; and when I lis- 
 tened to the gentlemen on the other side, reading honestly from 
 the sacred volume in defence of this institution, as coming from 
 God, and as a means for the regeneration of a heathen race in our 
 land, I felt impelled to use the language of the Apostle to the 
 Gentiles, which he employed on Mars Hill : ' Oh, Athenians, I 
 perceive that in all things ye are exceedingly given to religion.' 
 [Laughter.] Now, sir, since this institution has done all it ever 
 can in this capacity, and since it is now destroyed as a converting 
 and regenerating power, I stand here to give it its proper place 
 in ecclesiastical history, for its right place it has never yet had. 
 
 "In order to understand what position it is entitled to, we 
 must, to some extent, speak by comparison, because we cannot 
 speak absolutely on these matters of religion. The religious 
 journals of the free States have oftentimes most unreasonably 
 exulted over our religious efforts, when they contrasted them 
 with the efforts of our Southern brethren. I have seen placed 
 in parallel columns, in Northern journals, the contributions of 
 the free States and the contributions of the slave States; and 
 there were mighty words of exultation, unbecoming a Christian 
 journal or Christian people at any time, when it was shown that
 
 SUICIDE OF SLAVERY. 259 
 
 our contributions for foreign missions were a hundred-fold more 
 than yours. It is true we make more contributions. The city 
 of Boston gives, for foreign missions, perhaps more than all the 
 slave States; and the city of New York perhaps more than Bos- 
 ton. But what of that? "VVe give a few cents apiece, and only 
 a few cents, for foreign missions each year, whicli amounts to a 
 great sum, because we are a great people. We send men to 
 heathen nations far over the water, to tell them about their fut- 
 ure destiny. We are careful not to send our best men; we keep 
 our Notts and Waylands, and our Beechers and Cheevers, at 
 home; but sometimes a Judson escapes from us before we know 
 what he is. This is about the extent we submit to self-sacrifice 
 for the sake of the heathen. 
 
 " Is there any cause for exultation in this, when we see what 
 our Southern brethren have done and are doing ? When have 
 we ever taken the heathen to our hearth-stones and to our bosoms? 
 When have we ever admitted the heathen to social communion 
 with ourselves and our children? When have we ever taken the 
 heathen to our large cities to show them the works of art, or to 
 the watering-places to show them fashionable society and beau- 
 tiful scenery? Did you ever see a Yankee at the White Sulphur 
 Springs shedding a benign religious influence over a little con- 
 gregation of heathen companions? [Laughter.] We have pious 
 women in the Northern States, whose bright example has made 
 attractive the paths of virtue and religion. Conspicuous among 
 them, in every good work, are the wives of our ministers and 
 deacons; but not one of these, within the range of my acquaint- 
 ance, would consider herself qualified, either by nature or by 
 grace, to be chamber-maid, dry-nurse, and spiritual adviser to ten 
 or twenty heathens in her own family. But, sir, had these worthy 
 dames been noble dames; had they come down to us from the 
 blood of the Norman kings, through the bounding pulses of sun- 
 dry cavaliers, and then had been willing to assume these humble 
 offices of Christian charity, we should have believed the time, so 
 often prayed for, had already come, when ' kings should be fa- 
 thers and queens nursing mothers in the Church.' AVhere, then, 
 is the ground for this exultation on the part of the North? I tell 
 you that it cannot be prompted by anything but a rotund, bul- 
 bous self-righteousness. So much, then, for the social sacrifices 
 of our Southern brethren.
 
 260 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 " What other sacrifices have they made to regenerate this race? 
 Great moral and intellectual sacrifices. I will read what South- 
 ern men say on this subject. 
 
 "Judge Tucker, of Virginia, said in 1801: 
 
 '"I say nothing of the baneful effects of slavery on our moral 
 character, because you know I have long been sensible of this 
 point.' 
 
 " The Presbyterian Synod of South Carolina and Georgia said, 
 in their report of 1834: 
 
 " 'Those only who have the management of these servants 
 know what the hardening effect of it is upon their own feelings 
 towards them.' 
 
 "Judge Summers, of Virginia, said, in a speech in 1832, in al- 
 most the same words: 
 
 " ' A slave population produces the most pernicious effect upon 
 the manners, habits, and character of those among whom it ex- 
 ists.' 
 
 "Judge Nichols, of Kentucky, in a speech in 1837, said: 
 
 " 'The deliberate convictions of my most matured considera- 
 tion are, that the institution of slavery is a most serious injury 
 to the habits, manners, and morals of our white population; that 
 it leads to sloth, indolence, dissipation, and vice.' 
 
 " So said Mr. Jefferson: 
 
 " ' The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and 
 morals uncontaminated' [in the midst of slavery]. 
 
 "John Randolph, on the floor of Congress, said: 
 
 " ' Where are the trophies of this infernal traffic? The'hand- 
 cuffs, the manacle, the blood-stained cowhide! What man is 
 worse received in society for being a hard master? Who denies 
 the hand of sister or daughter to such monsters?' 
 
 "I might quote a hundred other Southern authorities of the 
 same kind, showing the baneful effect of this institution upon 
 the moral and intellectual character of the South. I might also 
 quote from the United States Census. I have the papers here, 
 but time will not allow. 
 
 "Now, in addition to these moral and intellectual sacrifices 
 which our Southern brethren admit, there are pecuniary sacri- 
 fices which you know to be very great; indeed, had Virginia 
 been free fifty years ago, had she been exempt from this great 
 tendency to Christianize the African race, she would have been
 
 SUICIDE OF SLAVERY. 261 
 
 worth more this day than all the Atlantic States south of New 
 Jersey. And should she by any chance become free, you will 
 see her wealth and her population increase in proportion as this 
 missionary spirit is diminished. [Laughter.] It is true, our 
 Southern brethren, impressed with this great idea of Christian- 
 izing the African race, having for their only ambition to present 
 the souls of their negroes, without spot or blemish, before the 
 throne of the Eternal, have sacrificed almost everything. I could 
 quote from Southern men upon this subject. The sagacious 
 statesman who governs the Old Dominion, in a speech a few 
 years ago, said : 
 
 "'But in all the four cardinal resources wonderful to tell, 
 disagreeable to tell, shameful to announce but one source of all 
 four, in time past, has been employed to produce wealth. We 
 have had no work in manufacturing, and commerce has spread 
 its wings and flown from us, and agriculture has only skimmed 
 the surface of mother earth. Three out of the four cardinal 
 virtues have been idle; our young men, over their cigars and 
 toddy, have been talking politics, and the negroes have been left 
 to themselves, until we have all grown poor together.' 
 
 "But trials and tribulations and poverty have ever beset the 
 path-way of the saints. In the earliest clays, they 'wandered 
 about in sheep -skins and goat- skins, persecuted, afflicted, tor- 
 mented.' Even now, in the nineteenth century, the condition of 
 our Southern brethren is not much improved, since they are com- 
 pelled ' to chase the stump-tailed steer over sedge patches which 
 outshine the sun to get a tough steak,' and to listen to the per- 
 petual cry of 'Debts! debts!' 'Taxes! taxes!' 
 
 "In this age of material progress, you have seen the North 
 outstrip you; but, with true Christian patience and Christian de- 
 votion, you have adhered to the great work of regenerating the 
 heathen. [Laughter.] Through evil report and through good 
 report, reproached and maligned abroad by those who did not 
 understand your motives, and, worst of all, sometimes abused at 
 home by the ungrateful objects of your Christian charity, you 
 have still pressed on towards the mark of your high calling. 
 Now, sir, when was there ever a class of men so devoted and so 
 self-sacrificing? I have read the history of the Apostles; I have 
 read the history of the Reformers, of the Scotch Covenanters, of 
 the Huguenots, and of the Crusaders; and, I tell you, not in one
 
 262 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 or all of these have I seen any such heroic self-sacrifice for the 
 good of another race, or for the good of other men, as I do see 
 in the history of these slave States. I have seen Fox's ' Book of 
 Martyrs,' but there is nothing in that to compare at all with the 
 martyrs of the South. The Census of the United States is the 
 greatest book of martyrs ever printed. [Laughter.] Other books 
 treat of martyrs as individuals; the Census of the United States 
 treats of them by counties and by States. I can see how a man, 
 impressed with a grand and noble sentiment, should perhaps, in 
 excitement or in an emergency, give up his life in support of it; 
 but I cannot see how a man can sacrifice his friends, his family, 
 and his country for a religious idea or an abstraction. 
 
 "Here, then, sir, is the position of our Southern brethren upon 
 this subject. But the worst is yet to be told the doleful con- 
 clusion of the whole matter. They have made sacrifices, and it 
 seems to me that they were entitled to the rewards for them; and 
 I doubt not that they have often consoled themselves in contem- 
 plating the rewards in the future which must await them for 
 such good services in the present. I have no doubt, sir, that of- 
 tentimes, seeing they have not treasures laid up on earth, they 
 supposed they had treasures laid up in heaven. [Laughter.] But 
 just at that time, when they seemed to be almost in the fruition 
 of their labors, when the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Ander- 
 son], in great exultation of spirit, was speaking of the institution 
 that had raised the negro from barbarism to Christianity and 
 civilization, and when the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Hughes] 
 had caught the inspiration, and said that although the body of 
 the African might be toiling under the lash, ' his soul was free, 
 and could converse on the subliraest principles of science and 
 philosophy ' when faith had almost become sight just then, 
 sir, out conies the Supreme Court with the decision that A NE- 
 GRO HAS NO SOUL! [Laughter.] 
 
 " ' Angels and ministers of grace defend us!' All these treas- 
 ures that were supposed to have been laid up 'where neither 
 moth nor rust doth corrupt, and where thieves do not break 
 through nor steal,' have been invaded by the decision of the Su- 
 preme Court, and scattered to the four winds of heaven. More 
 than two centuries of prayers aud tears, of heroic self-sacrifice 
 and Christian devotion, of faith and hope, of temporal and spir- 
 itual agony, have come to this ' lame aud impotent conclusion.'
 
 SUICIDE OF SLAVERY. 263 
 
 [Laughter.] The moral dignity of the grandest missionary en- 
 terprise of this age is annihilated. 
 
 "As a Northern man, I stand here a disinterested spectator of 
 these events. If I do not like the decision of the court, I have 
 a higher law. The negro himself can appeal to the court of 
 heaven; but what refuge has the Southern Church? [Renewed 
 laughter.] None whatever. This decision is a blow, direct and 
 terrible, fulling with crushing violence upon our Southern breth- 
 ren. This Supreme Court, with cruel and relentless hostility, 
 has persecuted the Southern Church as the dragon of the Apoca- 
 lypse pursued the woman into the wilderness, seeking to devour 
 her offspring. [Much laughter.] 
 
 "What motives could have impelled the court to this act? I 
 have no doubt a patriotic motive. I am not here to impugn the 
 motives of any man, or of any set of men, much less of the high- 
 est judicial tribunal in this land. No doubt, sir, their motives 
 were patriotic, for they had witnessed the devastation of this 
 terrible religious fanaticism through the South. They had seen 
 the ravages of this disastrous missionary monomania, and they 
 determined that there must be an end of it; and how could they 
 so effectually end it as by annihilating at once the object of its 
 aims and aspirations. That, sir, they have done. 
 
 "Here, then, endeth the moral power of the institution of 
 slavery. 
 
 "I come now to the consideration of the event which just as 
 surely has doomed to destruction the political power of that in- 
 stitution I mean the repeal of the Missouri Compromise meas- 
 ure in the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. That act, sir, I 
 will show to you if it ever was committed by the slave power 
 to have been a suicidal act. What need was there for repeal- 
 ing that Compromise, or of admitting slavery into Kansas by law? 
 Was not the South sure enough of the Territory as it was before? 
 I think and this is my honest conviction that had it not been 
 for that act, Kansas would have been inevitably a slave State. 
 We of the North had no particular interest in that Territory. 
 It was put down in our geographies as the great American des- 
 ert. We had not considered it of much importance; but we re- 
 lied on the law to keep slavery out of it, and to preserve it to 
 freedom. We of the North have had too high an idea of the 
 power of the General Government and of law, either for free-
 
 264 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 dom or against freedom. Sir, this General Government has but 
 little power over this question. It is not a motive power. It is 
 only a registry, an exponent of power. It is the log-book of the 
 ship of State, and not the steam-engine that propels the ship, or 
 the wind that fills the canvas. We would like to have the log- 
 book kept right, to show us our true position ; but we do not 
 now consider the Government as the motive power. The motive 
 power of this nation, as of all nations, is the people in their 
 homes; and as the people in their homes are, so is your character 
 and so is your progress. If the people in their homes in Kansas 
 had been pro-slavery, what could the North have opposed to it? 
 It was emigration, and emigration only, that could have made 
 Kansas a State, either slave or free. The great law that governs 
 emigration is this- that emigration follows the parallels of lati- 
 tude westward. Under that law, Kansas would have been set- 
 tled entirely by a pro-slavery people, as was the southern part of 
 Indiana, and as was the southern part of Illinois. We in the 
 North, trusting in the protection of the law, would have had no 
 remedy. People in favor of slavery would have gone there, and 
 if they were compelled at first to adopt a free Constitution in 
 order to shape their institutions according to any law concern- 
 ing the Territory, they might have soon reversed that position. 
 In fact, the decision of the Supreme Court has now made any 
 such thing unnecessary. They might have formed just such a 
 Constitution as they pleased. Well, then, we would thus, in all 
 probability, have had Kansas a slave State without the Kansas- 
 Nebraska Bill. But the passage of that bill, if slavery had been 
 certain before, seemed to the majority of the people in the North 
 to make it almost inevitable. Histor}' warranted this fear. Judg- 
 ing from the case of Indiana, there seemed to be no chance what- 
 ever for freedom in Kansas, after the opportunity for slavery to 
 enter there had been given. There was Missouri on the confines 
 of the Territory and the most densely peopled portion of Mis- 
 souri, too. Freedom-loving men, desiring to go to that Territory, 
 would have had to travel hundreds and thousands of miles. 
 The men who lived on the line of Kansas, as well as other South- 
 ern men who entertained the same idea though they did not ex- 
 press it then, for fear of losing the bill anticipated that the pas- 
 sage of the bill would settle the question for slavery in Kansas 
 forever. That was the evidence of the early history of Indiana.
 
 SUICIDE OF SLAVERY. 265 
 
 When that Territory was opened for settlement, a few slave- 
 holders, perhaps a dozen or a score, went over from Kentucky, 
 and, contrary to the wishes both of the President and Congress, 
 contrary to the ordinance of 1787, established slavery; and they 
 obtained such control over that young Territory that petitions, 
 signed by many of the inhabitants, praying Congress to suspend 
 the prohibition of slavery, were presented to Congress, year after 
 year, from 1803 to 1807. These few slave-holders of the Terri- 
 tory of Indiana acquired such control over the inhabitants of 
 that Territory, because they were an organization, as slavery is 
 everywhere and at all times an organization. It was a concen- 
 tration of capital, a concentration of influence, and a concentra- 
 tion of power, which our emigrants from the free States, coming 
 one by one, were unable to resist ; and had it not been for the 
 overwhelming population which poured in from the North in 
 1807 and 1808, the prohibition of slavery would have been sus- 
 pended. Had it not been for John Eandolph, it would have 
 been suspended in 1803; and had it not been for Mr. Franklin 
 in the Senate, it might have been suspended in 1807; and both 
 of these were Southern men. 
 
 "Well, sir, I have said that slave-holders are everywhere an 
 organization. There is a community of interest, a bond of feel- 
 ing and of sympathy, which combines and concentrates all ef- 
 forts to defend slavery where it is, and to extend it to places 
 where it is not. I will quote from the last number of De Bow's 
 Review, everywhere acknowledged to be good Southern authority. 
 In an article defending the New England Emigrant Aid Compa- 
 ny, the writer says: 
 
 "'We of the South have been practising "Organized Emi- 
 gration " for a century, and hence have outstripped the North in 
 the acquisition of land. The owner of a hundred slaves, who, 
 with his overseer, moves to the West, carries out a self-support- 
 ing, self-insuring, well-organized community. This is the sort 
 of "Organized Emigration" which experience shows suits the 
 South and the negro race, whilst Mr. Thayer's is equally well 
 adapted to the whites.' 
 
 "Then, what fault can be found with our efforts to organize 
 
 freedom by means of our emigrant aid societies, that enable our 
 
 citizens to go to the Territories in companies of twenty, fifty, 
 
 one hundred, or two hundred, to take possession of the West 
 
 12
 
 366 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 and to locate there the institutions under -which they choose to 
 live? 
 
 " And here I come to the defence of this association. It has 
 been assailed, time and again, on this floor, and I have never 
 been allowed even the privilege of putting questions to its assail- 
 ants. The gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Anderson] called it 
 'illegal and unconstitutional.' It has been so assailed by the 
 successor of Millard Fillmore. But where is the proof? Which 
 of its acts has been shown to be illegal or unconstitutional? If 
 it was illegal and unconstitutional, why has not the organization 
 been crushed by the courts ? We contend that any organization 
 which is allowed to continue its existence from year to year, and 
 to carry on its business, has the presumption, at least, of a legal 
 right to do so. We claim that for the Emigrant Aid Company. 
 
 "But the gentleman from Missouri professes to have authority 
 in regard to this matter. He has said that we may employ this 
 emigrant aid society in promoting emigration to Central America 
 and to foreign countries, but that we must ' beware ' how we 
 do so in colonizing the Territories of this Government. Mr. 
 Chairman, if the gentleman from Missouri has any authority in 
 these premises I hope he will exercise it. I ask him to publish 
 a hand-book for emigrants, telling us how we may go into a Ter- 
 ritory; whether we may ride or must go on foot; whether we 
 may take our wives and children with us, or must leave them at 
 home; whether we may take some of our neighbors with us, 
 with their agricultural implements and steam-engines, or whether 
 we must go into the Territories without any neighbors what- 
 ever; whether we may get horses or oxen from the free States, 
 or whether we must content ourselves to take mules from the 
 State of Missouri. [Laughter.] 
 
 "Now, sir, let us have not only the book, but the reasons for it. 
 Let us know how far we may go, according to the law, in this 
 matter of emigration. I recommend the gentleman from Mis- 
 souri to take some lessons from the gentleman from Mississippi 
 [Mr. Quitman] on the rights of emigration. I think he can get 
 broader views upon this subject if he will consult that gentle- 
 man, and I think he will allow Northern men to go to the places 
 which they have a right to go to by the law of this land, in such 
 society, if it be law-abiding, as they may choose to select for 
 themselves.
 
 SUICIDE OF SLAVERY. 267 
 
 "I have said that the great general law of emigration is that 
 the emigrants shall follow the parallels of latitude iu this coun- 
 try. There are some exceptions to this. The gold in California 
 led our emigrants from the extreme north across many parallels 
 of latitude. That was a sufficient disturbing cause. The ex- 
 istence of slavery in the slave States of this country has driven 
 thirty-five out of every hundred emigrants across Northern par- 
 allels to the free States of the Union. That was another great 
 and powerful cause. But there is another cause sufficient to 
 carry emigration southward over parallels of latitude. That is, 
 the argument of cheap lands, with the additional advantage of 
 organized emigration. The objections that have heretofore ex- 
 isted among Northern men to settling in Southern States are, by 
 this mode of emigrating, entirely obviated. The Northern man, 
 with his family of children, would not heretofore go into a 
 Southern Slate in the absence of schools and churches. But 
 when, combined with one or two hundred or one or two thou- 
 sand of his friends and neighbors, he goes into a slave State, he 
 carries with him schools and churches and the mechanic arts, 
 all these difficulties are obviated; and, besides, he has the in- 
 ducement of going where the land can be bought at slave-State 
 prices, in the expectation of finding it come up probably in a 
 few years to free-State prices, which are five or six times greater 
 than slave-State prices. Here is the great inducement of in- 
 creasing wealth. Let a colony start from Massachusetts, and 
 settle on almost any land in the State of Virginia in Greenville, 
 Southampton, Dinwiddie, or Accomack, where the lands do not 
 average so high as three dollars an acre, by the census of 1850 
 and the very day they settle there the value of the land is more 
 than doubled. There is better land for sale to-day in Tennessee 
 and North Carolina, for fifty cents per acre, than can be bought 
 for ten times that sum in any free State. 
 
 "How can such an appeal to the emigrating population of the 
 North, in favor of organized emigration to the slave States, be 
 resisted ? I know of no means of resisting it. Certainly you 
 can have no reason for resisting it, but every reason to encour- 
 age it. We do not come as your enemies; we come as your 
 friends. We do not come to violate your laws, but to improve 
 our own condition. This movement southward is destined to 
 continue and to increase. Sir, if slavery were as sacred as the
 
 368 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 Ark of the Covenant, and if it were defended by angels, I doubt 
 whether it could withstand the progress of this age and the 
 monej'-making tendencies of the Yankee. But it is not as sa- 
 cred as the Ark of the Covenant, and nobody believes that it is 
 defended by angels. 
 
 "But, sir, there begins to be an enlightened idea in these border 
 slave States upon this subject. A year ago, when I proposed 
 to plant a few colonies in Virginia, several journals in the Old 
 Dominion threatened me with hemp and grape-vine if I should 
 ever set foot in that Territory. Well, I thought I would make 
 the experiment. I went into western Virginia and into eastern 
 Kentucky. I addressed numerous audiences in both of those 
 States, and everywhere where I asked the people if they had 
 any objection to their land being worth four or five times what 
 it was, they said 'No.' [Laughter.] I asked them if they had 
 any objection to the manufacture of ploughs and wagons in 
 Wayne County. There never had been a manufacturing estab- 
 lishment between the Big Sandy and Guyandotte. Though no 
 portion of this continent is better situated for manufacturing 
 purposes having more than thirty thousand miles of river com- 
 munication, which affords cheap transportation to the best mar- 
 kets, with a healthful climate and inexhaustible supplies of coal 
 and iron and timber of the best quality yet every manufact- 
 ured article was imported into this natural paradise of me- 
 chanics. There was not a newspaper published between the 
 two rivers. I asked if they had any objection to a good, sub- 
 stantial, business newspaper published there, and to have schools 
 and churches and the mechanic arts established in that county. 
 With one voice they replied : ' None, whatever. We welcome 
 you to our county, and to all its advantages.' This was a gen- 
 erous and manly reception, worthy of the history of the Old 
 Dominion. At every meeting we were welcomed by the unani- 
 mous voice of the people; and now I believe that there are at 
 least twelve newspapers in the State of Virginia advocating 
 these colonies coming into the State. The sagacious statesman 
 who is the Governor of the Old Dominion gives us a general 
 and most cordial welcome. Well, the prospect is very good and 
 inviting; and if there is any danger of a dissolution of the Union 
 in fact, if there is any weak spot in the Union I think it 
 would be a good thing to patch it over with an additional layer
 
 SUICIDE OF SLAVERY. 269 
 
 of population. [Applause.] There never would be any dis- 
 union if we could only attend to it, and see where the weak 
 places are, and mend them in time. 
 
 "But there is another exception to the rule I have laid down. 
 Central America will prove abundantly sufficient to carry emi- 
 gration southward, even across many parallels of latitude. She 
 offers the grand inducements of commerce, of a climate unsur- 
 passed in salubrity (in the central and Pacific portions), of a fer- 
 tile soil, which yields three crops a year, and, more than all, 
 lands so cheap that every man may buy. We have already be- 
 gun to move, and what to some men seemed to be the umbilical 
 cord of an embryo Southern Empire is likely, by these means, 
 to be cut off, if it is not cut off already. [Laughter.] Every- 
 body knows the physiological consequences. 
 
 "Well, sir, I wish now to say that there is a higher power than 
 man's in relation to this matter of freedom in Kansas. It 
 seemed at first to the whole North that the project of establish- 
 ing slavery there would exclude freedom, and the whole North 
 was intimidated by it. There was the greatest reluctance mani- 
 fested to emigration in that direction from the North. Every- 
 where there was fear; everywhere despair. 
 
 " ' As they drifted on their path 
 There was silence deep as death, 
 And the boldest held his breath 
 For a time.' 
 
 " Six months of persistent effort in writing and speaking were 
 required to induce the first colony of only thirty men to go to 
 Kansas. The people had become impressed with the idea that 
 Kansas was destined to be a slave State; but as soon as the first 
 colony had reached that Territory, and had founded the famous 
 city of Lawrence, the whole train of Northern emigration was 
 turned from Nebraska and from Minnesota to Kansas. And 
 they have filled Kansas with. free-State men such men as are 
 fitted for the high position they occupy; for Kansas is the geo- 
 graphical centre of our possessions. Its position in itself makes it 
 the arbiter of our fate in all coming time, destined to give law 
 to all between the Missouri River and the golden gates of the 
 Pacific, and to make its power felt all the way between the 
 British possessions and the Gulf of Mexico. Never were more
 
 270 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 noble men needed for a more noble work. It was necessary 
 that Plymouth Rock should repeat itself in Kansas. The Pu- 
 ritau character was needed there; but how could it be had, ex- 
 cept by such discipline as made the Puritans; for if it was nec- 
 essary that they should be elevated like the Pilgrim Fathers of 
 New England, it was also necessary that they should have the 
 training of the Pilgrim Fathers. They were peculiar in their 
 early history, and peculiar in their late history. They had their 
 early education among the rocks and mountains of New Eng- 
 land. I have known of great men in times past, who came from 
 the forest, who came from hills and mountains, but I never 
 have known them to be raised on Wilton carpets. These men 
 received their early training among the rugged hills of New 
 England, where they waged incessant war on ice and granite, 
 on snow and gravel-stones. It is there where they acquired their 
 energy and their power. And, sir, I think the Yankee race has 
 at least an octave more compass than any other nation on earth. 
 I know a Yankee doughface is half an octave meaner than any 
 other man. [Laughter.] 
 
 "Sir, some of the best of this Yankee race went to Kansas. 
 They were stigmatized, six months before they arrived there, as 
 thieves and paupers. Well, if such men as those who have built 
 Lawrence, and Topeka, and Manhattan, and Ossawatomie, and 
 Quindaro, were thieves and paupers, what do you think we re- 
 spectable, well-to-do people will accomplish in the Old Domin- 
 ion, where we are now becoming acquainted with some of the 
 'first families'? These free-State men of Kansas have been re- 
 viled by their inferiors at both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue 
 many times during the last three years. The other day, in the 
 other end of this Capitol, such men were denominated slaves. 
 Sir, we are slaves! I admit it; but our only master is the Great 
 Jehovah. These heroes in Kansas having for their ancestors the 
 Pilgrim Fathers, ' sons of sires who baffled crowned and mitred 
 tyranny,' disciplined in their early years by the rugged teach- 
 ings of adversity, seem to have been well prepared for their high 
 mission. 
 
 "But the discipline of worthy example, of New England edu- 
 cation, and of poverty and adversity, were not enough. The dis- 
 cipline of tyranny was requisite for their perfection. This dis- 
 cipline has been of use in all ages of the world. David was not
 
 SUICIDE OF SLAVERY. 271 
 
 fit to rule over Israel until he had been hunted like a ' partridge 
 in the mountains' by the envious and malignant Saul. Brutus 
 was not fitted to expel the Tarquins until he had endured their 
 tyranny for years. What would Moses have done but for Pha- 
 raoh? Where would have been the Reformers of the sixteenth 
 century, where the Puritans in the seventeenth, and the Patriots 
 in the eighteenth, but for Leo the Tenth, Charles the First, and 
 George the Third? But Charles the First lost his head, and 
 George the Third his colonies, for less tyranny than has been 
 practised upon the people of Kansas by the two successors of 
 Millard Fillmore. If we thank God for patriots, we should also 
 thank him for tyrants ; for what great achievements have patri- 
 ots ever made without the stimulus of tyranny? Without vice, 
 virtue itself must be insipid ; and without wicked and mean men 
 there could be no heroes. 
 
 "The brave man rejoices in the opposition of the enemy of 
 his rights. Wicked and mean men are the stepping-stones on 
 which the good and great ascend to heaven and immortal fame. 
 
 " These miscreants, cursed both by God and man, subserve im- 
 portant interests. The sacred volume which unfolds to us the 
 life and sufferings of the Saviour of men makes record also of 
 Pontius Pilate and of Judas Iscariot as necessary agencies in 
 that great redemption. 
 
 " So I will denounce no man who has fought against freedom 
 in Kansas as entirely useless in the grand result. But what a 
 team to draw the chariots of freedom! Atchison and Stringf el- 
 low and John Calhoun, with the two successors of Millard Fill- 
 more to lift at the wheels."
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 SPEECH ON THE CENTRAL AMERICAN QUESTION. 
 
 THE following speech, on the " Central America " 
 question, was delivered January Y, 1858. 
 
 The Southern representatives had occupied the 
 floor several days upon this matter, and had ap- 
 pointed a committee "to report whether the soil 
 and climate of Central America were adapted to 
 the people of the Southern States of the Union." 
 
 No speech except this was made by a Northern 
 representative. The committee never reported, 
 and there was not another word said upon the sub- 
 ject. Mr. Thayer said : 
 
 "MB. CHAIRMAN, It is my purpose to offer an amendment 
 to the resolution which is now before the committee, for the 
 purpose of widening the proposed investigation. I do not in- 
 tend to discuss at all the topics which the committee has been 
 considering during the past three days. I am not here to con- 
 sider whether Mr. Walker was legally or illegally arrested, or 
 whether Commodore Paulding is to be censured or applauded 
 for his action. I shall express no sympathy with the course 
 pursued by the President. I have no intention to discuss his 
 position in relation to this matter, neither is it my purpose to en- 
 ter the lists with the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Maynard], 
 who eulogized the heroism of Mr. Walker a man who, claim- 
 ing to be the President of Nicaragua, and to represent in his own 
 person the sovereignty of that State, surrendered without a pro- 
 test, and without a blow, to a power upon his own soil, which 
 he claimed to be an invading force. Whether this be heroism I 
 shall not now inquire.
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA. 273 
 
 "I thrust aside, for the present, all questions of legal techni- 
 cality iu this matter; all the mysteries of the construction of the 
 neutrality laws; all these questions which have engrossed the 
 attention of the House during the last three days, and concern- 
 ing which everybody has been speaking, and nobody caring, and 
 I come to that great, paramount, transcendent question about 
 which everybody is caring and nobody is speaking : ' How shall 
 we Americanize Central America?' 
 
 " It may be a matter of surprise that I pass over two or three 
 questions which, in their natural order, seem to be antecedent to 
 this one. And these questions are: First, Do we wish to Ameri- 
 canize Central America? Secondly, Can we Americanize Central 
 America? Thirdly, Shall we Americanize Central America? 
 
 " Now, Mr. Chairman, I say that whoever has studied the his- 
 tory of this country, and whoever knows the character of this 
 people, and whoever can infer their destiny from their character 
 and their history, knows that these three preliminary questions 
 are already answered by the American people that we do wish 
 to Americanize Central America; that we can Americanize Cen- 
 tral America; and that we shall Americanize Central America. 
 
 "And now, Mr. Chairman, in relation to the manner and agen- 
 cy. How can we Americanize Central America? Shall we do it 
 legally and fairly, or illegally and unfairly? Shall we do it by 
 conferring a benefit on the people of Central America, or shall 
 we do it by conquest, by robbery, and violence? Shall we do it 
 without abandoning national laws, and without violating our 
 treaty stipulations? Shall we do it in accordance with the law 
 of nations and the laws of the United States, or shall we do it by 
 force, blood, and fire? 
 
 "Now, Mr. Chairman, my position is this: that we will do it 
 legally; that we will do it in accordance with the highest laws, 
 human and divine. 
 
 " Then, sir, by what agency may we thus Americanize Central 
 America ? I reply to the question, by the power of organized 
 emigration. That is abundantly able to give us Central America 
 as soon as we want it. We could have Americanized Central 
 America half a dozen times by this power within the last three 
 years, if there had been no danger or apprehension of meddle- 
 some or vexatious executive interference. But if we are to use 
 this mighty power of organized emigration, we want a different 
 
 12*
 
 274 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 kind of neutrality laws from those which we now have; and, 
 therefore, I am desirous that this committee shall recommend 
 something which shall not subject us to the misconstruction of 
 the President of the United States, or to his construction at all. 
 I want these neutrality laws so plain that every man may know 
 whether he is in the right or in the wrong, whether he is violat- 
 ing those laws or is not violating them. For, Mr. Chairman, 
 with our new-fashioned kind of emigration, with our organized 
 emigration, which goes in colonies, and therefore must, of neces- 
 sity, to some extent resemble a military organization, there is 
 great danger that a President with a dim intellect may make a 
 mistake, and subject to harassing and vexatious delays, and 
 sometimes to loss and injury, a peaceful, quiet colony going out 
 to settle in a neighboring State. 
 
 "Mr. Chairman, I can illustrate this position. You, sir, re- 
 member that in the year 1856, when it was bad travelling across 
 the State of Missouri, on the way to Kansas, our colonies went 
 through the State of Iowa, and through ihe Territory of Ne- 
 braska. These were peaceful, quiet colonies going to settle in 
 the Territory of Kansas by that long and wearisome journey, 
 because it was bad travelling through the State of Missouri. You 
 remember that one of these colonies of organized emigrants, 
 which went from Maine and Massachusetts, and from various 
 other Northern States, was arrested just as it was passing over 
 the southern boundary of the Territory of Nebraska, on its way 
 to its future home in Kansas. It was a peaceful, quiet colony, 
 going out with its emigrant wagons, 'all in a row,' and, there- 
 fore, looking something like a military organization; going out 
 with their women and their children, with subsoil-ploughs with 
 colters a yard long [laughter], with pickaxes, with crow-bars, 
 with shovels, and with garden-seeds. This beautiful colony was 
 arrested by the officials of the present Executive's predecessor. 
 It was by some mistake, no doubt. Perhaps he took the turnip- 
 seed for powder; and I doubt whether the case would have been 
 better if the President had been there himself. This colony was 
 arrested within our own dominion. It was not an emigration to 
 a foreign country, and there was no danger of interference with 
 the neutrality laws. These quiet, peaceful colonists, because 
 their wagons went in a row for mutual defence through the wild, 
 uncultivated Territory of Nebraska, where there were Indians,
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA. 275 
 
 they were arrested as a military organization. We do not want, 
 hereafter, either within the limits of the United States or without 
 them, any such meddlesome and vexatious interference by the 
 executive power of this Government. Therefore, I say, let us 
 have some neutrality laws that can be understood. If there had 
 been no apprehensions in the North about the neutrality laws, if 
 we had not expected that whatever emigration we might have 
 fitted out for Central America would have been arrested within 
 the marine league of the harbor of Boston, why, we would have 
 colonized Central America years ago, and had it ready for ad- 
 mission into the Union before this time. We want a modifica- 
 tion or an elucidation of the neutrality laws, and I trust that it 
 will be the duty of the committee so to report. 
 
 "Before I proceed to consider the power and benefits of this 
 system of organized emigration, and the reason why it ought 
 not to be rejected by this House, I will proceed, as briefly as I 
 can, to show the interests which the Northern portion of this 
 country has in Americanizing Central America, as contrasted 
 with the interests which the Southern portion has in doing the 
 same thing. I come, then, to speak of the immense interests 
 which the Northern States have in this proposed enterprise. I 
 am astonished that so far in tliis debate the advocates for Amer- 
 icanizing Central America seem to be mostly from those States 
 which border on the Gulf of Mexico. As yet, I have heard no 
 man from the Northern States advocating the same thing. Let 
 us look at the interests of the Northern States in this question, 
 and then at those of the Southern States. 
 
 "These Northern States are, as the States of Northern Eu- 
 rope were designated by Tacitus, officina gentium, ' the manu- 
 factory of nations.' We can make one State .a year. In the 
 last three years we have colonized almost wholly the Territory 
 of Kansas. We have furnished settlers to Minnesota and Ne- 
 braska, and the Lord knows where, but we have not exhausted 
 one-half of our natural increase. We have received accessions 
 to our numbers in that time, from foreign countries of more 
 than one million of souls, and now we have no relief; we are 
 worse off to-day than we were when we began to colonize 
 Kansas. We must have an outlet somewhere for our surplus 
 population. [Laughter.] 
 
 " Sir, I have a resolution in my pocket, which I have been
 
 276 t THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 carrying about for days, waiting patiently for an opportunity to 
 present it in this House, instructing the Committee on Terri- 
 tories to report a bill organizing and opening for settlement the 
 Indian Territory. Mr. Chairman, I came to this conclusion 
 with reluctance, that we must have the Indian Territory. But 
 necessity knows no law. We must go somewhere. Something 
 must be opened to the descendants of the Pilgrims. [Laughter.] 
 Why, sir, just look at it. We are crammed in between the At- 
 lantic and Pacific oceans. The bounding billows of our emi- 
 gration are dashing fiercely against both sides of the Rocky 
 Mountains. Obstructed now by these barriers, this westward- 
 moving tide begins to set back. Will it flow towards Canada? 
 Not at all. It lirxs already begun to flow over the ' Old Do- 
 minion' [laughter], and into other States. Missouri is almost 
 inundated with it. We cannot check this tide of flowing emi- 
 gration. You might as well try to shut out from this continent, 
 by curtains, the light of the aurora borealis. No such thing can 
 be accomplished. This progress must be onward, and we must 
 have territory. We must have territory; and I think it most 
 opportune that the proposition seems to be before the country 
 to Americanize Central America. A better time could not be; 
 for, in addition to the population which we now have, which is 
 immense in the Northern States, as I shall show you in proceed- 
 ing, this financial pressure in the East, and in the different na- 
 tions of Europe, will send to our shores in the year 1858 not less 
 than half a million of men. In addition to that, we have two 
 hundred and fifty thousand of our own population who will 
 change localities in that time. Then, sir, there are seven hun- 
 dred and fifty thousand men to be prepared for, somewhere, in 
 the year 1858 men enough, sir, to make eight States, if we only 
 had Territories in which to put them, and if we only use them 
 economically [laughter], as we are sure to do by this system of 
 organized emigration. 
 
 "Now, could anything be more opportune, at this time, than 
 to have this project submitted to us, of opening Central America 
 to settlement? I assure you, if the committee will report any 
 bill which will enable the people of the North, without larceny 
 of any kind, without tyranny of any kind, to settle that country, 
 I will postpone my resolution for the opening of the Indian Ter- 
 ritory, at least until the next session of Congress.
 
 CE1S 7 TRAL AMERICA. 277 
 
 " But it is not only for the purpose of furnishing an outlet for 
 our immense population in the North that I now advocate the 
 Americanizing of Central America. The interests of commerce, 
 as well as this great argument of necessity, are on our side. Who 
 has the trade beyond Central America? We have whale-fisheries 
 in the Northern Ocean, which build up great cities upon the east- 
 ern shore of Massachusetts. We have trade with Oregon and 
 California, with the Sandwich Islands, and the western coast of 
 South America. We are opening a trade, destined to be an im- 
 mense trade, with the empires of China and Japan, and we must 
 of necessity have in Central America certain factors and certain 
 commercial agencies, who, in a very few years, with their families 
 and relatives and dependants, will make a dense population. 
 I say, then, that for the interests of commerce we want Central 
 America Americanized. This commercial interest is, unfortu- 
 nately, a sectional interest in these States. It is, emphatically, a 
 Northern interest; and therefore, as a Northern man, I advocate 
 especially that Central America should be Americanized. 
 
 "Now, sir, I said I was astonished that gentlemen who come 
 from States bordering upon the Gulf had advocated this proj- 
 ect, and not the representatives who come from Northern 
 States. Let us see the reason why the North should be more 
 zealous than the South in this movement. In the State of Mas- 
 sachusetts we have one hundred and twenty-seven people to a 
 square mile, by the census of 1850. In the State of Rhode Isl- 
 and we have one hundred and twelve to the square mile, by the 
 same census. In the State of Connecticut we have seventy- 
 nine. In the State of New York we have sixty-five. So, you 
 see, it was not fiction, it was not poetry, not a stretch of the im- 
 agination, when I told you that the descendants of the Pilgrims 
 were in a tight place. [Laughter.] 
 
 "But how is it with the States which border upon the Gulf? 
 Look at it and see. They have, some of them, eighty-nine hun- 
 dredths of a man to the square mile. [Laughter.] In another 
 one we have one and the forty -eight hundredth part of a man to 
 the square mile ; and, taking them all together, we have just 
 about three men to the square mile in all those States which 
 border upon the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 "Now, sir, it would be folly for me to argue, and there is no 
 kind of reason for supposing, that these States expect to do
 
 278 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 anything about colonizing Central America. They cannot af- 
 ford to lose a man. They had better give away two thousand 
 dollars than to lose a single honest, industrious citizen. They 
 cannot afford it. I have left out of this calculation, to be sure, 
 the enumeration of the slaves in those States, for the gentleman 
 from Tennessee [Mr. Maynard] informed us that the question of 
 slavery did not come into this argument properly, and I agree 
 with him there. I think he may agree with me, that by no possi- 
 bility can slavery ever be established in Central America. That 
 is my belief. Just fix your neutrality laws, and we will fill up 
 Central America before 1860 sufficiently to be comfortable." 
 
 Mr. MATXARD. " With the permission of the gentleman, I de- 
 sire to ask him whether he will pledge himself for his constitu- 
 ents, and for all those he represents, that when they get down 
 there they will not make slaves of the people they find there?" 
 
 Mr. THAYER. " Certainly I will do it; and I will say more on 
 that subject hereafter. I will say to the gentlemen upon the 
 other side who have advocated this right of emigration, and 
 have no personal interest in this matter, that they can have no 
 pecuniary interest in it, for they have no men to spare for this 
 enterprise. And especially do I honor the gentleman from 
 Mississippi [Mr. Quitman], who professed to be moved by argu- 
 ments of philanthropy in relation to this question, and who 
 maintained that the people of Central America were oppressed, 
 that they needed our assistance, and that it was conferring a 
 benefit upon them to send out colonies among them to aid them 
 to get rid of their oppressors. This is more than patriotism. It 
 approaches universal brotherhood. I am glad that that gentle- 
 man is defending the rights of emigration. No man prizes those 
 rights more highly than I do. I think that I understand their 
 power and their value, and I am glad to welcome among the list 
 of political regenerators the gentleman from Mississippi with 
 such large, wide, and noble views upon this question. I do not 
 here indorse his whole speech. I did not hear the whole of it. 
 I do not know what he said about Mr. Walker, whether he de- 
 fends him or whether he does not. For myself, I do not say 
 that I defend him, or that I do not, at this time. I wait for the 
 report of our committee, to know what are the facts in this case, 
 and whether he is fit to be defended or not. 
 
 "Now, sir, I a'm rejoiced that I have found aid and comfort
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA. 279 
 
 in a great political missionary movement from a quarter where 
 I least expected it. This argument of philanthropy is sufficient- 
 ly potent with the South; while I will not deny that it is always 
 more or less potent with the North, perhaps not so potent with 
 the North as with the South very likely we are more material 
 and less spiritual but still, I say, it has some power at the North. 
 We do not live so near the sun as do those gentlemen who bor- 
 der on the Gulf; but we live near enough, to the sun to have 
 some warmth in our hearts, and the appeals of philanthropy to 
 us are not made in vain. 
 
 "But, in addition to that, just look at it, sir ! In addition to 
 that great argument of philanthropy, we have not only the argu- 
 ment of necessity, but the argument of making money; and when 
 you take those three arguments, and combine them, you make a 
 great motive power, which is sufficient, in ordinary cases, to move 
 Northern men, though they are not very mobile nor very fickle. 
 
 " So much, Mr. Chairman, for the comparison of interests be- 
 tween the Northern and Southern people of these United States 
 in relation to the Americanizing of Central America. 
 
 "I come now to discuss, briefly, the power and benefits of this 
 new mode of emigration. And, sir, what is its power? I tell 
 you its power is greater than that which is wielded by any po- 
 tentate or emperor upon the face of God's footstool. If we can 
 form a company, or a number of companies, which can control 
 the emigration of this country the foreign emigration and native 
 emigration I tell you, sir, that that company, or those compa- 
 nies, will have more power than any potentate or emperor upon 
 the face of the earth; and that company, or those companies, 
 may laugh at politicians; they may laugh, sir, at the President 
 and his Cabinet; at the Supreme Court, and at Congress; for all 
 these powers of the Government, great and mighty as they are, 
 can do nothing, in accordance with the Constitution of this land, 
 which can in any way interfere with our progress, or prevent 
 our making cities and States and nations wherever and when- 
 ever we please. Then, sir, there can be no doubt about the pow- 
 er of this agency, which, I tell you, is the right one for us to 
 make use of in getting Central America if we want it, or in 
 Americanizing Central America, as we are sure to do. 
 
 " Now, Mr. Chairman, I have said nothing about annexing 
 Central America to the United States. For myself, I care noth-
 
 280 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 ing about it, and I do not know whether the people of this coun- 
 try are ready for that proposition yet. I think, however, they 
 would rather annex a thousand square leagues of territory than 
 to lose a single square foot. To be sure, sir, we have a few meu 
 in the North who honestly hate this Union. I will not criticise 
 their views. I will not condemn them for their views. They 
 have a right to cherish just what views they please in relation to 
 this question. Sir, there are still a larger number of sour and 
 disappointed politicians, who, though they do not profess hatred 
 to this Union, do, to a certain extent, profess indifference as to 
 its continuance. But the great and overwhelming majority of 
 the people of the North, sir, as a unit, are determined that no 
 force, internal or external, shall ever wrest from the jurisdiction 
 of the United States a single square foot of our territory, unless 
 it first be baptized in blood and fire. That is the sentiment of 
 the great majority of the people of the North that no portion 
 of the territory of this Government shall ever be released from 
 our possession. We understand that this Union is a partnership 
 for life, and that the bonds that hold us together cannot by any 
 fatuity be sundered until this great Government is first extin- 
 guished and its power annihilated. That, sir, is our sentiment 
 about the Union, and such may be the present sentiment about 
 annexation. But I have no doubt what the future sentiment of 
 the country will be about annexation. I have no doubt we will 
 have Central America in this Government, and all between this 
 and Central America also. 
 
 " Well, sir, we have now come to the grand missionary age of 
 the world, in which we do not send our preachers alone, per- 
 plexing people who are in ignorance and barbarism with ab- 
 stract theological dogmas; but with the preachers we send the 
 church, we send the school, we send the mechanic and the farm- 
 er; we send all that makes up great and flourishing communi- 
 ties; we send the powers that build cities; we send steam-en- 
 gines, sir, which are the greatest apostles of liberty that this 
 country has ever seen. That is the modern kind of missionary 
 emigration, and it has wonderful power on this continent, and 
 is destined to have on the world, too, for it is just as good against 
 one kind of evil as another; and it can just as well be exerted 
 against idol worship in Hindostan and China as against op- 
 pression and despotism in Central America.
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA. 281 
 
 "But we take the countries that are nearest first; and now 
 we propose to use this mighty power in originating a nation in 
 quick time for Central America. We read of a time when ' a 
 nation shall be born in a day. ' I think it may be done in some 
 such way as this. By this method of emigration the pioneer 
 does not go into the wilderness 
 
 " 'Alone, unfriended, melancholy, slow, 
 
 Dragging at each remove a length'ning chain,' 
 
 stealing away from the institutions of religion and education, 
 himself and family; but Christianity herself goes hand in hand 
 with the pioneer; and not Christianity alone, but the offspring 
 of Christianity, an awakened intelligence, and all the inventions 
 of which she is the mother; creating all the differences between 
 an advanced and enlightened community and one in degrada- 
 tion and ignorance. Sir, in years gone by our emigration has 
 ever tended towards barbarism; but now, by this method, it is 
 tending to a higher civilization than we have ever witnessed. 
 Why, sir, by this plan a new community starts on as high a 
 plane as the old one had ever arrived at; and leaving behind the 
 dead and decayed branches which encumbered the old, with the 
 vigorous energies of youth it presses on and ascends. Sir, such 
 a State will be the State of Kansas, eclipsing in its progress all 
 the other States of this nation, because it was colonized in this 
 way. The people, in this way, have not to serve half a century 
 of probation in semi-barbarism. They begin with schools and 
 churches, and you will see what the effect is upon communities 
 that are so established. 
 
 "But I will speak now of that which constitutes the peculiar 
 strength of emigration of this kind ; and that is the profit of tlie 
 thing. I have shown you how efficient it is, and I will now show 
 you how the method works, to some extent. It is profitable for 
 every one connected with it; it is profitable to the people where 
 the colonies go; it is profitable to the people of the colonies; and 
 it is profitable to the company, which is the guiding star and the 
 protecting power of the colonies. It does good everywhere. It 
 does evil nowhere. 
 
 " Sir, you cannot resist a power like this. A good man often 
 feels regret when he knows that by promoting a good cause he 
 is at the same time sacrificing his own means of doing good, and
 
 282 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 is becoming weaker and weaker every day. It is a great draw- 
 back upon beneficent enterprises, even upon philanthropic and 
 Christian enterprises, that the men who sustain them are lessen- 
 ing their own means of doing good by it. Sir, it is a great mis- 
 take to suppose that a good cause can only be sustained by the 
 life-blood of its friends. But when a man can do a magnani- 
 mous act, when he can do a decidedly good thing, and at the 
 same time make money by it, all his faculties are in harmony. 
 [Laughter.] You do not need any great argument to induce 
 men to take such a position, if you can only induce them to be- 
 lieve that such is the effect. "Well, sir, such is the effect; and 
 now let us apply it to the people of Central America. What 
 reason will they have to complain, if we send among them our 
 colonies, organized in this way, with their subsoil-ploughs, their 
 crow - bars, their hoes, their shovels, and their garden - seeds ? 
 What reason will they have to complain ? Why, the fact is 
 that unless our civilization is superior to theirs, the effort would, 
 in the beginning, be a failure; it never can make one inch, of 
 progress. Then, sir, if we succeed at all, we succeed in plant- 
 ing a civilization there which is superior to theirs ; we plant that 
 or none. It is impossible for an inferior civilization to supplant 
 a superior civilization except by violence, and it is almost im- 
 possible to do it in that way. 
 
 "Well, sir, if we give them a better civilization, the tendency 
 of that better civilization is to increase the value of real estate; 
 for the value of property, the value of real estate, depends upon 
 the character of the men who live upon the land, as well as upon 
 the number of men who live upon it. Now, sir, we either make 
 an absolute failure in this thing, and do not trouble them at all, 
 or we give them a better civilization, and, in addition to that, we 
 give them wealth. 
 
 "Thus, sir, with bands of steel we bind the people of Central 
 America to us and to our interests, by going among them in this 
 way; and they cannot have reason to complain, nor will they 
 complain. If we had approached them in this way two years 
 ago, without this miserable, meddlesome method, induced and 
 warranted, or supposed to be warranted, by the neutrality laws, 
 we should have filled Central America to overflowing by this 
 time, and should have had with us the blessings of every native 
 citizen in that portion of country.
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA. 283 
 
 " Now, sir, if such is the way, if such is the power, if such is 
 the effect of this method to the emigrants, and to the people 
 among whom they settle, why should we not now adopt it in 
 reference to Central America? And what is the method? "Why, 
 it is as plain and simple as it can be. It is just to form a mon- 
 eyed corporation which shall have two hundred thousand dol- 
 lars capital; which shall then obtain and spread information 
 through the country by publications indicating what are the 
 natural resources of Central America, and the inducements to 
 emigrate thither; showing how it is situated in relation to com- 
 merce, and how, of necessity, there must speedily be built upon 
 that soil a flourishing commonwealth. Then you have to apply 
 a portion of these means to buying land and to sending out 
 steam-engines, and to building some hotels to accommodate the 
 people who go there, and also some receiving-houses for the emi- 
 grants. Establish there, and encourage there the establishment 
 of the mechanic arts, and I tell you that every steam-engine you 
 send there will be the seat of a flourishing town: every one will 
 be an argument for people to go there; for they talk louder than 
 individuals a thousand times, and they are more convincing a 
 thousand times, especially to an ignorant and degraded people, 
 than anything men can say, because the argument is addressed 
 to the senses; it makes them feel comfortable; it gives them 
 good clothes; it gives them money. These are the arguments to 
 address to an ignorant and degraded people, and not cannon- 
 balls, or rifle-balls, nor yet mere abstract dogmas about liberty or 
 theology. Then let this company be organized so soon as you fix 
 these neutrality laws, so that we can get off without these vexa- 
 tious executive interferences. [Laughter.] Then we shall see 
 how the thing will work in Central America. 
 
 "But, sir, I expect when the people of the North shall hear 
 that I am taking this view of the question, that the timid will be 
 intensely terrified, and say that we are to have more slave States 
 annexed to the Union. I have not the slightest apprehension of 
 that result. It may be said that Yankees, when they get down 
 into Central America, will, if the climate is suited for it, make 
 use of slave labor. I have heard that argument before; and it 
 has been asserted that the Yankees who go into slave States often- 
 times turn slave-holders, and outdo the Southern men themselves. 
 I have no doubt that they outdo them, if they do anything in
 
 284 THE KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 that line at all. [Laughter.] The Yankee has never become a 
 slave-holder unless he has been forced to it by the social relations 
 of the slave State where he lived; and the Yankee who has be- 
 come a slave-holder has, every day of his life thereafter, felt in 
 his very bones the bad economy of the system. It could not be 
 otherwise. Talk about our Yankees who go to Central America 
 becoming slave-holders! Why, sir, we can buy a negro power 
 in a steam-engine for ten dollars [laughter], and we can clothe 
 and feed that power for one year for five dollars [renewed laugh- 
 ter]; and are we the men to give $1000 for an African slave, and 
 $150 a year to feed and clothe him? 
 
 "No, sir. Setting aside the arguments about sentimentality 
 and about philanthropy on this question, setting aside all poetry 
 and fiction, he comes right down to the practical question is it 
 profitable? The Yankee replies, 'Not at all.' Then there is no 
 danger of men who go from Boston to Central America ever 
 owning slaves, unless they are compelled to by their social rela- 
 tions there. If a man goes from Boston into Louisiana, and no- 
 body will speak to him unless he has a slave, nobody will invite 
 him to a social entertainment unless he owns a negro; and if he 
 cannot get a wife unless he has a negro, then, sir, very likely he 
 may make up his mind to own a negro. [Laughter.] But I tell 
 you that he will repent of it every day while he has him. He 
 cannot whistle 'Yankee Doodle' with the same relish as before. 
 He cannot whittle in the same free and easy manner. He used 
 to cut with the grain, with the knife-edge from him; now he 
 cuts across the grain with the knife-edge towards him. The 
 doleful fact that he owns a negro is a tax upon every pulsation 
 of his heart. Poor man! There is no inducement for the Yan- 
 kees to spread slavery in Central America, and there is no power 
 in any other part of the country to do it. Therefore, most fear- 
 lessly do I advocate the Americanizing of Central America. 
 We must have some outlet for our overwhelming population. 
 Necessity knows no law; and if we cannot have Central America 
 we must have the Indian Territory; we must have something; 
 we are not exhausted in our power of emigration; we are worse 
 off than we were before the opening of Kansas. Not one-half of 
 our natural increase has been exhausted in colonizing that Terri- 
 tory, and furnishing people for Oregon and Washington. We 
 might, as I told you, make eight States a year, if we only used
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA. 285 
 
 our forces economically; and we will use them economically by 
 establishing, not for the present time only, but for all coming 
 time, this system of organized emigration. Just as fast as this 
 has become understood in the country just as far as it is known 
 to the people not a single man who has any sense will emigrate 
 in any other way than by colonies. Just look at the difference 
 between men going in a colony and going alone. Suppose a 
 man goes to Central America, and settles there alone; what is 
 his influence upon real estate by settling there alone? There is 
 no appreciable difference from what it was before; but if he goes 
 there with five hundred men from the city of Boston to establish 
 a town, by that very act he has made himself wealthy. I can 
 point to numerous examples of the kind. Hence this making 
 money by organized emigration is not going to be speedily relin- 
 quished. Depend upon it that we have only begun to use it, and 
 that we have not used it with the efficiency with which it will be 
 used in a year to come. 
 
 "Now, sir, for these reasons I hope that the committee to 
 which this question shall be referred will so modify and eluci- 
 date the neutrality laws that we shall not hereafter be subjected 
 to this executive interference. And, in accordance with the 
 views I have expressed, I now offer the following amendment: 
 
 " ' And, also, that said committee report, so far as they may be 
 able, the present social and political condition of the people of 
 Nicaragua, and whether they invite colonies from the United 
 States to settle among them; and, also, whether the soil, climate, 
 and other natural advantages of that country are such as to en- 
 courage emigration thither from the Northern States of this con- 
 federacy.' 
 
 "Now, Mr. Chairman, I will state briefly my reasons for sub- 
 mitting that amendment. The gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. 
 Quitman] referred to the social and political condition of the 
 people of Central America as a proper basis, I think he said, fur 
 our action. Therefore, with open arms, do we welcome that 
 gentleman and his associates to our noble brotherhood of mis- 
 sionary political regenerators. For myself, I am willing to take 
 the gentleman's words about the necessity of something being 
 done to aid these people; but, in grave matters of legislation like 
 this, the committee having the subject in charge should first fully 
 investigate in reference to the matter suggested by my amendment.
 
 286 TUB KANSAS CRUSADE. 
 
 " I do not intend any offensive sectionalism by using the word 
 Northern ; that the committee should inquire whether the natu- 
 ral advantages of soil and climate of Central America were such 
 as to invite emigration thither from the Northern States. I so 
 phrased the amendment because, as I have shown you, the 
 Northern States are the only ones which can furnish emigration 
 that would be of any consequence to Central America. We 
 would be glad to receive whatever help the States on the Gulf 
 could give us, but it is impossible for them to give much help in 
 this work. And because the Northern States have the power in 
 this matter, and because the Southern States have not the power, 
 I have used the words, that the committee shall inquire specially 
 whether the climate and the soil are such as to encourage emi- 
 gration to Central America from the Northern States. If, how- 
 ever, there be objection to it, I will strike out the word ' North- 
 ern,' and leave the inquiry to be general."
 
 IKDEX. 
 
 Abolition, fanatics of New England, the, 156. 
 
 Abolitionists, Garrison, editorial on, in the Glasgow Christian News, 
 
 1852, 153 ; extreme views of the, 87-89. 
 Abolitionists, prominent, liberality of the, 204, 205. 
 Adams, John Quincy, extracts from the diary of, 148 ; remarks of, 80. 
 Anthony, D. R., tireless energy of, in making Kansas free, 70. 
 Antislavery vote, increase of the, in 1855 and 1856, 20, 250, 251. 
 Atchison, Senator, strong language used by, 187. 
 
 Beecher, Henry Ward, at the meeting in the vestry of Plymouth 
 Church, 205; he asks Mr. Thayer to speak on the Kansas ques- 
 tion, 205. 
 
 Benton, Thomas II., extract from his review of the Dred Scott de- 
 cision, 9. 
 
 "Black Power," the, 243. 
 
 Bleeding Kansas' Days, 231,232. 
 
 Blunt, George W., a meeting at the house of, to raise money for the 
 Emigrant Aid Company, 202. 
 
 Boston Daily Advertiser, the, extract from an editorial of, 214-216. 
 
 Boston Evening Traveller, extract from the, on the Garrisonian party, 
 151 ; report of the N. E. A. A. S. Convention in Boston, 161, 162. 
 
 Boston Herald, editorials in the, 233, 234. 
 
 Boutwell, George S., extract from a speech of, on the non-extension 
 of slavery, in Tremont Temple, Boston, December 16, 1861, 241. 
 
 Bowles, Samuel, editorial of, in the Springfield Republican, xvi ; remark 
 of, in relation to the Abolitionists, 98. 
 
 Brown, G. W., establishes the Herald of Freedom, 107. 
 
 Brown, John, a historical view of, 197; a pupil of the Garrisonites, 
 195 ; peculiar views of, 192. 
 
 Bryant, William Cullen, energy and eloquence of, in the movement of 
 organized emigration, 171; rapid decline in Missouri bonds caused 
 by editorials of, 208. 
 
 Bryant aud Gay's " History of the United States," extract from, 54.
 
 288 INDEX. 
 
 Buslmell, Rev. Dr. Horace, extracts from a sermon preached in Hart- 
 ford, in 1839, 84-86. 
 
 Callioun, John C., his efforts in the interests of slave property, 6. 
 
 Cambridge Chronicle, editorial in the, 223, 225. 
 
 CMS.-J, Lewis, personal hostility of Martin Van Buren to, 19. 
 
 Channing, Win. E., criticisms of, in relation to the course pursued by 
 Wm. Lloyd Garrison, 86, 87 ; letter of, to Daniel Webster, 77, 78. 
 
 Charity Plan, the, 69. 
 
 Charles B. Lines Colony, formation of the, 55. 
 
 Charleston Mercury, extracts from the, advocating the establishing of 
 slavery in Kansas, 237, 240. 
 
 Chase, Salmon P., extract from a speech of, in the United States Sen- 
 ate, May 25, 1854, 13. 
 
 Christian Examiner, the, extract from, on the notable migrations of 
 history, 66-68. 
 
 Christian Register, the, extracts from, 65, 183. 
 
 Circular of invitation, a, for a meeting at the chapel of the University 
 of New York, in relation to the settlement of Kansas, 209. 
 
 Clean Sweep, a, 128. 
 
 Clergy, Appeal of the, 130-133. 
 
 Clergymen, letters of, 133-135. 
 
 Crusade of Freedom, the, work of, 221. 
 
 Curtis, George Ticknor, extract from his " Life of Webster," 145. 
 
 Dana, Richard H., extract from a speech of, 149. 
 
 De Bow's Review, appeal of, to the South in favor of establishing 
 slavery in Kansas, 238, 239 ; extract from, approving of the plan 
 and operations of the Emigrant Aid Company, 122. 
 
 Devens, Gen. Charles, address of, before the Bunker Hill Monument 
 Association, June 17, 1887, 228, 229. 
 
 Disunionists of the Xorth, the, 230; wonderful affection of the, for 
 cranks and monomaniacs, 194. 
 
 Douglas, Stephen A., his report to the Senate, March 12, 1856, ex- 
 cusing the acts of the border ruffians, 236, 237. 
 
 Editorials, patriotic, 153-160. 
 
 Edwards, Isaac M., evidence of, before the Howard Congressional Com- 
 mittee, 235. 
 
 Eldridge, S. W., colonies put in charge of, 214. 
 
 Eliot, Samuel, extract from his " History of the United States," 81, 82. 
 
 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, extract from his "Miscellanies," 239; re- 
 marks of, 184.
 
 INDEX. % 289 
 
 Emigrant Aid Company, charter for an, procured from the Legislature 
 of Connecticut, 164 ; also one granted by the Massachusetts Legis- 
 lature, 15 ; disparagement of the work of the, by Nicolay and Hay, 
 in their Life of Lincoln, 226. 
 
 Emigration, difficulties of, 63. 
 
 Eminent helpers, a number of, 223. 
 
 " Eternal Whine," the, 114. 
 
 Evarts, William M., remarks of, at the house of George W. Blunt, 
 203, 204. 
 
 Free labor, the irresistible power of, 92. 
 
 Free-soil party, the, origin of, 19 ; its dissolution advocated, 7 ; weak- 
 ness of, 7. 
 Futile Abolition effort, a quarter of a century of, 162. 
 
 Garrison, William Lloyd, an " immediativist," 137; fierce hostility 
 against, 78 ; the Alpha and Omega of the antislavery struggle, 95 ; 
 undoing the work of Benjamin Lundy, 78, 79 ; vituperative f ulmi- 
 nations of, 79. 
 
 Geary, Governor, goes to Kansas, 218. 
 
 Giddings, Joshua R., extract from a speech of, in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, May 16, 1854, 11. 
 
 Good Garrisouiau, how to make a, 163. 
 
 Greeley, Horace, anecdote of, 42, 43 ; conceding Kansas to slavery, 
 181; editorial sanctum of, 37; extract from "The Great American 
 Conflict," 160; extracts from editorials of, in the New York Trib- 
 une, 14, 15, 48-51; his remarkable gift, 38; his weak point, 181; 
 invaluable aid of, in the early part of the Kansas trouble, 182; on 
 Wendell Phillips's " Holier than thou," 150. 
 
 Green, Senator, remarks of, in the Senate, 236. 
 
 Guthrie, Rev. John, letter of, to George Thompson, 152. 
 
 Hale, Edward E., chosen a director in the New England Emigrant Aid 
 Company, xii; his admiration of Eli Thayer, x; his invaluable 
 book, " Kansas and Nebraska," 178 ; his pamphlet, called "How to 
 Conquer Texas before Texas Conquers Us," x ; proud of the part 
 he took in the settlement of Texas, ix; untiring energy of, in se- 
 curing freedom to Kansas, 125. 
 
 Hale, John P., advocates the disbanding of the Free-soil party and the 
 fusing with the Whigs, 7. 
 
 Hamlin, Hannibal, address of, before the Veteran Club, February 18, 
 1888, 8. 
 
 Hidden, Rev. E. N., letter of, 135. 
 
 13
 
 290 INDEX. 
 
 Higginson, Rev. T. W., conference of, with James H. Lane, 117; ex- 
 tract from a sermon of, 101. 
 
 Hillard, George S., extract from a speech of, 5. 
 
 Historic Truth, the statue of, 249. 
 
 Ilyatt, Thaddeus, election of, as president of the National Kansas Com- 
 mittee, 217; courage and fidelity of, 217. 
 
 " Immediativist," Mr. Garrison an, 137. 
 Iowa, our emigrants in, 214. 
 
 Jackson, Rev. W. C., letter of, to Rev. Dr. Clark, 135. 
 James, Rev. Horace, letter of, to Rev. Dr. Clark, 133, 134. 
 
 Kansas, freedom of, secure, 211 ; frothy interlopers in, 201 ; the fight 
 
 in, the forerunner of the Republican party, 170. 
 Kansas Pioneer, the, extract from, 64, 65. 
 
 Kansas-Nebraska Bill, the, passage of,98; signed by President Pierce, 98. 
 King, President, of Columbia College, presides at a meeting of the 
 
 friends of "The Plan of Freedom "in the Astor House, May 31, 
 
 1854, 51. 
 
 Lane, James H., extreme views of, in regard to the course to be pur- 
 sued in Kansas, 117. 
 
 Lawrence, Amos A., episode pertaining to, 189; extract from the 
 diary of, 116; his confidence in men abused, 190; letter of, to the 
 Old Settlers' Meeting in Bismarck Grove, Lawrence, Kansas, Sep- 
 tember, 1877, xvii; remarks of, before the Massachusetts Histor- 
 ical Society, 191-193 ; styles himself a " Hunker Whig," 190. 
 
 Lawrence, City of, founded by Charles H. Branscomb, 71. 
 
 Liberator, the, established, 81; extracts from editorials in, 104-106, 
 108, 109, 127. 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham, extract from speech of, at Cooper Institute, 193; 
 folly to attribute secession to, 242. 
 
 Lundy,Benj.,effective antislavery work of, 78 ; establishes a paper called 
 the Genius of Universal Emancipation, 75 ; his "Appeal to Philan- 
 thropists," 75 ; his success in organizing antislavery societies, 75. 
 
 Lynchburg Republican, the, extract from, 64. 
 
 Maine, meetings in, 188. 
 
 M;in-stealers, no union with, 102. 
 
 Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company, charter of the, signed by the 
 Governor, 27 ; committee appointed to report a plan of organiza- 
 tion, 27 ; extract from the report, 27, 29.
 
 INDEX. 291 
 
 May, Samuel, Jr., extract from a speech of, 116. 
 
 Meeting in Faneuil Hull to protest against the repeal of the Missouri 
 
 Compromise, February 23, 1854, 4. 
 Meetings, Chapman Hall, 30. 
 Midas, the modern, 60. 
 Missouri Compromise, the, general alarm in anticipation of the repeal 
 
 of, 23 ; protest against the passage of, by New England clergymen, 
 
 123. 
 
 Mobile Register, the, extract from, 240. 
 Morley, Rev. S. B., letter of, to Rev. Dr. Clark, 134. 
 
 National Kansas Committee, the, organized, 217. 
 
 Nebraska Bill, protest against the passage of, 124. 
 
 New England Emigrant Aid Company, officers of, 63. 
 
 New England, first legislative assembly of white men in, a law of the, 
 
 in relation to slavery, 74. 
 
 New England Home Journal, editorial in, 231, 232. 
 New York Evening Post, extracts from editorials in, 207, 208, 232, 233. 
 New York Herald, extraet from the, 240. 
 New York Kansas Aid Committee of Albany, New York, the energy 
 
 and activity of, 172. 
 
 New York Observer, extract from the, 128. 
 
 New York Sun, editorial in the, 230 ; editorial comments of, 197. 
 New York Tribune, extract from an editorial in, 226, 227 ; extracts 
 
 from the, 150, 177. 
 
 Olmsted, Frederic Law, his contribution of a howitzer to the free- 
 State men in Kansas, 210. 
 Organized emigration, scheme of, 24. 
 
 Parker, Theodore, extract from a speech of, in the Hall of the State- 
 house, Boston, xiv, xv ; extracts from the speeches of, 9 ; letters 
 of, to Eli Thayer, xv, xvi. 
 
 Patriotic meetings in the Northern States protesting against the pas- 
 sage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 3. 
 
 Phillips, Wendell, extracts from speeches of, 116, 117, 144. 
 
 Pillsbury, Parker, offers a resolution in the Worcester County South 
 Division A. S. Society in relation to two speeches of Charles Sum- 
 ner, 140, 141 ; the blasphemer, 155. 
 
 Pinckney, C. C., extract from his address before the South Carolina 
 Agricultural Society, at Charleston, 1829, 256, 257. 
 
 Pioneers, letters of the, 169. 
 
 Plan of Freedom, the name of, suggested by Horace Greeley, 47.
 
 292 INDEX. 
 
 Plymouth Church, meeting in the vestry of, 205. 
 Poe, Edgar A., quotation from, 219. 
 
 Pomeroy, Samuel C., a member of the second colony, 72 ; subsequent- 
 ly a member of the United States Senate, 72. 
 
 Quantrell raid, the, 195. 
 Quirk Walker case, the, 74. 
 
 Race problem, the, 112. 
 
 Randolph, John, remarks on the floor of Congress in relation to sla- 
 very, 260. 
 
 Reeder, Governor, escape of, from Kansas, 212; requested to preside 
 at the convention of delegates at Cleveland, 212. 
 
 Reminiscences, Mr. Merrifield's, extract from, 175, 176. 
 
 Richmond South, extract from the, 240. 
 
 Robinson, Charles, and others, arrested for treason, 210 ; liberated, 
 211; Mrs. Sara T. L., her great influence for the cause of freedom 
 in Kansas, 35. 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore, extracts from his " Life of Benton," 83, 146, 
 148. 
 
 " Saw-mills and liberty," zii. 
 
 Schouler's History, extracts from, 82, 93. 
 
 Seward, William H., concedes Kansas and the other Territories to 
 slavery, 16; extracts from speeches of, 12, 243. 
 
 Slave power, the, in 1854, 1. 
 
 Slave States, Northern civilization superior to that of the, 61 ; the 
 prospective power of, 18. 
 
 Slavery, degrading influence of, 31. 
 
 Slavery extension, the question of, debated by Mr. Lincoln and Mr. 
 Douglas, 244. 
 
 Slavery, restriction of, simply a "delusion, 2 ; the institution of, regard- 
 ed as a calamity both North and South, 220. 
 
 Smith, Gerrit, at the National Convention, Buffalo, 214 ; motion of, to 
 appoint Eli Thayer a committee to take charge of the systematic 
 organization of all the States friendly to Kansas, 215. 
 
 South, the, resurrection of, 113. 
 
 Spinner, Francis E., extract from a letter of, 229. 
 
 Spooner, W. B., extract from a letter of, to one of the directors of the 
 Emigrant Aid Company, xvii. 
 
 Spring, Professor, extract from his "Kansas," 182, 183 ; extracts from 
 his History, 32, 52. 
 
 Standish, Miles, motto of, 222.
 
 INDEX. 293 
 
 Stearns, C., extracts from letters of, 103, 104. 
 
 Stevens, Thaddeus, remark of, in relation to John Brown, 194. 
 
 Stringfellow, John H., evidence of, before the Howard Congressional 
 Committee, 234, 235. 
 
 Stimner, Charles, extracts from speeches of, 10, 16, 118, 121 ; his opin- 
 ion of Eli Thayer's efforts in behalf of Kansas, xviii. 
 
 Systematic relief of Kansas, the, 214. 
 
 Tliayer, Eli, a talk with Dr. Eliphalet Nott, 178 ; a talk with Horace 
 Greeley in relation to organized emigration, 37-42 ; address of, at the 
 house of George W. Blunt, 203 ; address of, in the vestry of Plym- 
 outh Church, 206 ; address of, in the Rev. Mr. Frothingham's church, 
 209; extract from a letter of, to the New York Sun, 195, 197; ex- 
 tract from a letter of, to the Boston Herald, 199-201 ; extract from 
 a speech of, in the City Hall, Worcester, 25 ; extract from a speech 
 of, in the House of Representatives, February 24, 1859, 244-248 ; first 
 became personally acquainted with Horace Greeley, 36 ; his interview 
 with George W. Blunt and Simeon Draper, 202 ; letters of, to William 
 Barnes, 173-175, 213 ; makes the acquaintance of Governor Morrill, 
 186 ; opposition to, in Vermont, 91; remarks before the nominating 
 convention at Worcester, 219; reward offered for, by the border 
 ruffians of Missouri, 184, 185; speech of, on Central America, 
 delivered January 7, 1858, 272; speech of, on the "Suicide of 
 Slavery," delivered in the House of Representatives, March 25, 
 1858,253. 
 
 Townsend, George Alfred, letter of, in relation to Garrison and Lundy, 
 78. 
 
 " Union Humane Society," the, 75. 
 
 United States, Constitution of the, burned by William Lloyd Garrison 
 
 at South Framingham, Massachusetts, 138. 
 Upham, Professor Thomas C., letter of, to T. P. Blanchard, 134. 
 
 Van Buren, Martin, Free-soil party created by, in 1848, 7 ; his hostil- 
 ity to Lewis Cass, 19. 
 
 Wade, Benjamin F., extract from a speech of, in the United States 
 Senate, May 25, 1854, 12. 
 
 Walker, Rev. Charles, letter of, to the Committee of the New England 
 Emigrant Aid Company, 134. 
 
 Walker, William, " filibuster," eulogy of, by Mr. Maynard, 272 ; sur- 
 render of, without a protest, 272. 
 
 Waters, Asa H., letter of, 142, 143.
 
 294 INDEX. 
 
 Weed, Thurlow, editorial of, in the Albany Evening Journal, 166 ; ex- 
 tracts from his "Memoirs," 149. 
 
 Whittier, John G., his " Emigrants' Song " quoted, 69. 
 
 Williams, J. M. S., a deserved compliment paid to, 225. 
 
 Wilson, Henry, extract from his History, 72, 73 ; remark of, in relation 
 to John Brown, 194. 
 
 Winthrop, Robert C., extract from a speech of, 5. 
 
 Worcester Spy, editorial of, in answer to Nicolay and Hay, 227, 228. 
 
 Young Men of Vermont, Rev. Mr. Hale's advice to the, 126, 127. 
 
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