"J./H'JNY-MJr 1 6 ? 3 5*">^ j/A> ^ t>> 3 ^UBRARY< ^ ^3 M. USSISCHKIN, C. E. . . OUR PROGRAM" AN ESSAY BY M. USSISCHK1N, C. E. TRANSLATED BY D. S. BLONDHEIM, BALTIMORE PUBLICATIONS OF THE FEDERATION OF AMERICAN ZIONISTS APRIL, 1905 PRICE, 15 CENTS OFFICE OF THE FEDERATION 165 E. BROADWAY, NEW YORK stack i*tas 5" jfm&enwafb BALTIMORE, ilD., U. S. A OUR PROGRAM By M. USSISCHKIN.* I. It is twenty-five years since the endeavor of the Jewish people to put an end to the exile of a thousand years and again to lead a free political life in its ancient fatherland exchanged its medieval, passive form for an active one. The first pogrom in South Russia was the herald of this new, active form. In the course of the last twenty-five years we have beheld concrete evi- dences of this activity. It has been expressed in different ways, according to the differences in the programs which the leaders of the movement proposed. Chibbath Zion (the Love of Zion), cultural Zionism, and the diplomatic Zionism of the congresses are nothing more than varying forms of the same basic idea that of political Zionism. In the political revival of any people three elements play a part : the people, the territory, and outward conditions. In order to be in condition to create a cultural-economic center which should be politically free, the people which undertakes that task must be sufficiently prepared. It must possess a highly developed national consciousness, it must be united in a strong, disciplined organi- zation, it must possess immense national funds, it must be armed with endurance and patience, and, above all, it must be ready to sacrifice the interests of the present for the sake of the future. If the people does not possess all of these essentials, it will not suc- ceed in forming a political center. THE TERRITORY. Long before a state is established, the territory must actually belong, in an economic and in a political sense, to that people * In view of the great confusion in Zionist counsels occasioned by the East African project and the death of Dr. Herzl, M. Ussischkin, a leader of the Russian Zionists, has published the present essay to clear the air and bring out anew the fundamental ideas of the movement and his view of the manner in which they are to be worked out D. S. B. 2117520 which desires to form a center in it. Its whole life must be de- pendent upon this people, which must be possessor de facto, even though not as yet de jure. The people must be bound to the land by eternal ties of heartfelt love and devotion. The earth must be moistened with its blood and sweat. OUTWARD CONDITIONS. Even if the people is entirely ready to take possession of the land, and the land also ready to receive the people, this possession does not always come about, if certain favorable outward conditions are not present. The vital interests of every people conflict with the interests of other peoples, for these interests do not always run parallel. Therefore, everywhere and always in all national en- deavors and movements, there must be developed an intensive, con- certed diplomatic agitation among the other peoples and rulers, in order to obviate the outward difficulties in the path of the move- ment It must be explained to the others, how lawful, harmless, and, perhaps, even advantageous is the struggle of the nation for a rebirth. The best cultural-humanitarian talents of other peoples must be enlisted. This gradual work lightens step by step the labors of the leaders of the people which is being regenerated ; the result of this work will prove to be especially great at the last moment, when our cause shall have triumphed. II. The most reasonable program in a movement for freedom is simultaneous labor in all three directions. As a result of such labor we obtain a normal, natural growth and the progress of the entire movement. With every step, with every year the people is strengthened, the land is brought under control, and outward con- ditions are relieved and improved. All the talents which the people possesses find employment in a movement for freedom. One enriches the national treasury, a second develops and organi- izes the masses, a third explores the land, a fourth cultivates it and enriches it. While one explains our endeavors to the intelli- gent class and to the great body of other peoples, a second ac- quaints kings and ministers with them. Thus the collective work of individuals and groups forms a grand whole, which indicates the growth and progress of the entire movement. Very different results are obtained, if the program of activity is one-sided and includes only one part of the work. Growth is then one-sided and therefore stunted. Many valuable forces are in that case not put to use, and the collective sum is thereby smaller. But such one-sided labor may have even sadder conse- quences in the future. At the first casual disturbance in one sphere of activity, the workers feel the ground give way beneath their feet, the masses fall into despair, and the movement passes through a severe crisis. The causes are quite readily understood. If, how- ever, work is carried on simultaneously in several directions, a failure in one quarter is atoned for by success in a second; when one part becomes weaker, another is strengthened ; and the movement advances steadily without crises. With labor in but one direction, however, everything must in fact collapse at the first failure, and even if the movement should succeed in surviving such crises, the end of the whole endeavor may even then be not merely sad, but actually tragic. Let us suppose that outward conditions are favorable to the regeneration of this or that people in a certain land, that all peoples and governments encourage the revival, but that the people itself has no faith in its own powers, has no resolution, no organization, and no common funds, in order to utilize the momentous opportunity. At such a juncture the favorable historical moment is irrevocably lost for centuries. Such moments has the Jewish people passed through twice, when the Jews were exiled from Spain, and at the time of Duke Joseph of Naxos. Exactly the opposite may also occur. The nation is ready for a rebirth, has sufficient means, the country is actually within its grasp, only the outward conditions are not favorable to its rebirth ; in the course of years the people has not been prepared for it. The people must again live on for long, long years in slavery, and await better times. In such a position is Turkish Armenia at the present time. The future freedom of the Armenians is assured, but they will have to wait long for it. Most terrible and tragic of all, how- ever, is the position of that people which has revived spiritually and culturally, has organized its powers and capital, has gained the favor of peoples and of governments, but finds its country, the object of its historic dreams and struggles, actually in the posses- sion of a foreign people strongly developed economically and culturally. In the whole history of the world there is no parallel to the tragedy of such a moment. And I am terrified, when I imagine that the. Jewish people will perhaps pass through such a ijooment at the end of a few decades, i The whole martyrology of its two thousand years' history of suffering is as nothing compared to this moment. And it is still more terrible that it will have to thank for this moment not only its enemies, but also its blind, one- sided friends ! III. The comparatively small success which Zionism has achieved during the past twenty-five years can be partly explained by the one-sided labor of the whole period. For ten years the Choveve Zion concerned themselves only with the country. They com- pletely ignored the organization of the people and the development of its spiritual powers ; they contended themselves with philan- thropy, and raised no common funds. They did not understand how necessary it was to convert their work into a general public movement, but they concealed it within their ghetto. They did not try to interest in the movement the powerful representatives of other peoples. The result was several colonies, reared by philanthropy, in Palestine. This period ended with the sad crash of the year 1891. Then begins the second period, that of the supremacy of spiritual Zionism. During this period the country was forgotten, and, as before, the outward conditions and the organization of the people were ignored. Everything was concentrated upon inward self-knowledge and the spiritual renaissance. Five years' work produced a handful of idealistic workers, who found no practical use for their talents; the huge Jewish masses remained indiffer- ent, and the movement appeared, on the eve of the first Congress, to be practically moribund. From the first Congress dates the third, the most splendid period of Zionism. All real, conscious Zionists beheld in the Basel program the synthesis of all previous programs, together with an addition. Publicly proclaiming before the whole world that we are endeavoring to create a Jewish Commonwealth in Palestine, the Basel program presented four points, which showed the way we had now to travel, in order to reach our goal : ( I ) to gain control of the country economically and culturally; (2) to organize the forces and finances of the people ; (3) to develop the national consciousness of the Jewish people, and (4) by diplomatic effort, to obtain conditions favorable to the desired end. And, indeed, the boldness with which we proclaimed our right to Palestine, the clearly planned road, the magical power and colossal energy of the organizer of the congress, all of these things worked wonders. The people awoke from its eternal sleep. In every place which the news of the congress reached, societies were organized, fiery speeches were delivered, money was collected ; from one congress to another the work went on with increased celerity. The organization was strengthened, the bank was formed, the creation of the national fund was begun; there were, besides, outward evidences of diplomatic activity audiences with monarchs and ministers. Everything seemed to promise that the movement would grow and become strong. But those who stood near the leaders and were well acquainted with the real state of things, soon noticed the same basal error, from which Zionism had suffered in the two preceding periods, a one-sided course, the concentration of all powers exclusively upon one point of the program, upon the obviation of outward diffi- culties, upon diplomacy, and upon the outward side of the organi- zation the formal-legal side. All the other sides of the movement were ignored; they were even proscribed. The first point of the Basel program, the eco- nomic and cultural control of Palestine, was treated as a step- child. The words " colonization on a small scale," " Choveve Zion," were the synonyms for all that was trifling, insignificant, meaningless. The colonization commissions which the congress selected did not receive a penny, so that they might be in a posi- tion to undertake something at least. For the leaders of the movement, Palestine and its real condi- tion, after six years' work, remained no less unknown and foreign than before the first congress. Things went no better with the spiritual national activity, with the problem of "Jewish Culture," which was always the enfant terrible of the congresses, until the sixth congress disposed of it finally. We may take as an illustration the Hebrew language, this indispensible factor in our national revival, the propagation of which has made but slight progress during the past seven years. IV. Such a direction of the work could lead to no good results. On the one hand, the whole movement was dependent upon the diplomatic progress of the given moment; on the other hand, the numerous members of the organization, walking blindly be- hind their leaders, longed for active work, while such work really did not exist, for only the chosen ones, or, more correctly, the chosen one, could occupy themselves with diplomacy. Close asso- ciation with the land of the revival, active work there, the sending of fresh talents thither, were regarded as heresy. For reasons of partisan politics the enormous majority likewise did not occupy itself with work for culture. What was left, then? To collect money and to deliver one and the same speech for the hundredth time. The cries of " Work ; give us work ! " were heard more and more frequently. And in answer to them, there was proposed at the fourth congress, instead of a truly Zionistic plan, leading straight to the goal, a substitute Program for actual work in the present. Cooperative and savings associations and benevolent societies were formed ; collections were made for those suffering from hunger, from pillage, from conflagrations. The Zionists began to intrude everywhere, even into the volunteer fire-com- panies. Only a short space of time elapsed, however, and this enthusi- asm abated. All felt, although all did not understand, that all this was not yet the proper thing, that this work neither met the requirements of the final aim, nor and this was even more re- grettable did it satisfy the interests of the moment. It became clear that all the labors mentioned above were nothing more than a tempest in a teapot, since official Zionism, based upon legal relations with all governments, cannot possibly concern itself with the radical transformation of the life of the whole Jewish people in the countries of their present abode. And, in fact, the terrible economic impoverishment, the general flight and emigration, the conflagrations and " pogroms " increased daily. And we heard again, louder and louder, the call for active work. And to this there was added another factor: our diplomacy found itself in an unfavorable moment face to face with a stone wall. What happened, then? The seven years' course of ex- clusively diplomatic work had to be interrupted, even if only for a time. The many members of the organization demanded work, and of this there was none in Zionism. The ground began to give way under foot. The movement had to be saved, and the most dangerous step of its twenty-five years of existence was taken it was proposed in the meanwhile to colonize Uganda. Men's heads were confused, a frightful dissension arose, a war between brothers began, every kind of normal work ceased, and, finally, as a result, there was a complete crisis in our movement. Just as Faust, who summoned the evil spirit, could not get rid of him afterwards, so did the man who conjured up the " Nachtasyl " call forth different territorial theories with their rude, cynical insults to Palestine and all that is historically dear to the Jewish people. The Zionists up to the sixth Congress were strong not because of diplomacy, not because of money, and not because of the organization, but exclusively because of the unity of the idea and because of the harmony in their ranks. The Uganda project made a breach in the idea and destroyed harmony for many years. And, besides all this, the Zionistic organization suffered the most terrible blow of all. The sickened heart of the creator of the congresses could not endure the frightful shock to his work, and it broke And now we are living in a terrible moment. Without a leader, without a program, without love, without confi- dence in one another, without a clear understanding of the path to be followed in the future, do we await the coming seventh congress. What will it bring us? Will it continue the work begun by the sixth congress and finally demolish and destroy all that was created with such tremendous effort in the course of twenty-five years, and especially in the last seven years, or will it succeed, even in the moment of despair, in mustering the colos- sal energy to atone for the error of the preceding congress, and clearly to trace out anew the way of future work? I would fain believe, that it will prove true to its high calling and follow the second course; for this way is not far to seek, it is clear: a re- turn to the Basel program in its integrity and entirety. V. The corner-stone of the Basel platform is the creation of a pub- licly and legally assured home for the Jewish people in Palestine. It is therefore clear to everyone that the final aim of the move- ment is the publicly and legally assured home, but neither a spir- itual center nor ordinary philanthropic colonization. On the other hand, it is clearly stated, " in Palestine," and no theories and programs of the territorialists have any place in the Zionist organization. The more clearly to emphasize this fact, and once for all to make it impossible for the pseudo-Zionists to agitate the people and to hide themselves under the Zionist banner, the con- gress must add a small, but significant word : " only in Palestine," and this basic formula must become organic and remain inviolate for all future congresses. Furthermore, the seventh congress must clearly mark out the work which is embraced in the four points of the Basel program, and it may not, under any circumstances, ignore a single point, as also under no circumstances whatever may it artificially add any- thing new, as, for example, the " Nachtasyl." jn-uS *oi fyoinS S, " Neither to add nor to diminish," that must be our position with reference to the Basel program. Let us now consider all four points separately, although, from technical reasons of exposition, not in the order of their formulation. A. ORGANIZATION OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE. For three years past the necessity for the transformation of the statutes of our organization has been apparent, and this became especially needful in consequence of the numerous groupings within our party and also in consequence of the death of the President of the Congress and the Aktions-Komitee [Executive Committee]. I wish to dedicate a special article to this subject; now, however, we will pass on to the second point. VI. We need not waste many words upon the awakening of the consciousness of self in the Jewish people, which has lately been sufficiently discussed and written about. This must be one of the chief endeavors, not of the Aktions-Komitee, but of all societies, federations, and groups ; every country, every group, every federation, every society, with its opinions, its philosophy, and its local conditions, must work; all must strive towards one goal, to educate and again to educate all classes of the Jewish people, in order that they may labor for the regeneration of their people in the land of their forefathers, that they may be ready to make the greatest sacrifices to that end, and that they may finally believe exclusively in their own powers. But this work of culture and education may not be superficial and mechanical, as has been the case up till now, but it must be deeper and more intensive. I should like to refer especially to one side of this activity. The regeneration of the Hebrew language must be just as in- 8 tensively cultivated as the regeneration of the land and of the people. It must become the official language of our movement, of our leaders and workers. The minds of our people must have intercourse with one another through their own language and their own literature. This language must be equally as holy, in a national sense, to the Fractionist (radical) as to the Mizrachi (orthodox). I repeat, that all this is the local work of the socie- ties and federations, a work in which they are independent; but they should give the congress an account of their activity, just as in the case of the shekel-collection, the sale of stamps, and so on. The congress requires and controls the work, but does not direct it. VII. B. THE PREPARATION OF THE NATIONS AND GOVERNMENTS FOR THE AUTONOMOUS SETTLEMENT OF PALESTINE BY THE JEWS. The so-called political, diplomatic work I consider very neces- sary and in the highest degree important. It must and will be carried on much more intensively than before, owing to the fact that this work from now on will be the affair, not of a single person, but of a group of persons. During the life of Herzl this entire work was concentrated exclusively in his hands. This lofty, magical personality involuntarily cast all others into the shade, and allowed no one else to be active in the line of Jewish diplomacy. Moreover, this uncrowned king of the Jewish people concentrated his attention largely upon the rulers and ministers of the other peoples. He had, in fact, neither the opportunity nor the time to devote more attention to the great masses of the peoples of Europe. On the other hand, he had made decided and final demands on the Sultan and his government. He could not and would not content himself with little, or strive gradually to- ward the goal. Now, however, the matter is in a different posi- tion ; we have, alas, no longer a Herzl, and we see no new one in the near future. Nolens volens, a group of persons will be obliged jointly to continue his work. This or that person, who will appear before this or that potentate, will no longer be in a position to rely upon the magic of his own personality, and will be obliged to rely upon the power and the distinction of the Zion- ist organization. The latter will, however, naturally be more im- pressive to the democratic masses of the peoples, to the intelligent and progressive classes, to the parliaments of Europe and America, than to the rulers and the ministers. And the diplomatic work also will naturally be transferred from the closets of diplomatists to the great halls of congresses and meetings. We will walk the way of the Greeks, the Italians, the Armenians, and the Mace- donians. A new policy must also be adopted in regard to Turkey. If we always keep the ultimate goal in view in our program and in our agitation, we must, with the support of the European consuls, demand from Turkey the restoration of our suspended rights in Palestine. There is no doubt that the Russian govern- ment will obtain for us the restoration of the rights of its subjects, as the governments of Western Europe and America have done in part. He who knows the views of the Russian government on Jewish emigration can have no doubt of it. Our diplomacy will have to be on the lookout in the capital of the Turkish Empire, so as to be able to make use of every favor- able moment (and such moments often present themselves), in order to increase our influence and gradually to extend and fortify our rights in Palestine. I must refer to one more side of our political activity, a side which has been entirely lacking up to the present. By means of the press and of political connections we must influence the Turkish population and gain their favor. The Turkish press is poor, the censorship oppresses it most se- verely, but it can nevertheless be made useful. Especially must the free Arabic press of Egypt, which has immense influence in Syria and Asia Minor, be utilized. It is true, that public opinion has very little significance in Turkey, Yildiz-Kiosk directs abso- lutely the destiny of the Empire, but we must also keep in view the future, for our diplomacy would not attain the highest stand- ing, if it only considered the present and was not sufficiently far- sighted to look behind the curtain which conceals the future. I sum up : political and diplomatic labor occupies one of the fore- most places in our program. It is not the affair of the societies, nor is it the affair of one person; it is the affair of a council. This council, supported by our organization, will bear our final demands to the cabinets of monarchs, to the halls of parliaments, and to the assemblies of the masses of the people, and there de- fend them. The council, supported by the protection of the Euro- pean governments, will secure step by step our rights in Turkey and will prepare public opinion in the Turkish Empire for the moment of the attainment of our goal. 10 Our diplomatic activity, in a word, will not be brilliant, but productive; its success will not be rapid, but it will be all the more certain. VIII. C. THE COLONIZATION OF THE COUNTRY BY JEWISH FARMERS AND ARTISANS. I shall in my present essay devote most attention to this point and give it the largest space, for the following reasons: first, I consider this work the most fruitful for the present, and the one also to occupy the largest number of our Zionists; secondly, the question of actual work in Palestine has been very little dis- cussed by the Zionist press and Zionist agitators; thirdly, the points " colonization on a small scale," " infiltration," have been regarded as insignificant and unimportant. So thoroughly has everyone been convinced of the impossibility of undertaking any- thing serious in Palestine, that I consider it necessary to make clear what a broad field for activity Palestine offers, even under present conditions. I desire to point out that we have far too limited powers at our command, in order to carry out all the work which already exists there. In order to create a Jewish autonomous community, or rather, a Jewish state, in Palestine, it is above all necessary that the whole soil of Palestine, or at least the major portion of it, should be in the possession of Jews. Without property rights to the soil, Palestine will never be Jewish, no matter how many Jews there may be in the cities and even in the villages of Palestine. The Jews would then occupy the same abnormal position which they do to-day in the lands of the exile. They would have no ground on which to stand. But how is land obtained in any country? Only in one of the following three ways: by force, that is, by depriving the possessor of his property by violent means; by forced sale, that is, by expropriation (the taking of private prop- erty for public purposes) by the state; or by voluntary sale. Which of these three means is applicable in Palestine? The first is entirely excluded. For that we are too weak. There re- main, then, the second and the third methods. Let us see, now, what lands exist at the present moment in Palestine, and how far these two means may be employed. IX. Palestine in the narrow sense, that is, the biblical Palestine, con- tains about two million deciatines of land (about 5,400,000 acres, or 23,000,000 donums) of various grades. Of this there are in Jewish hands about 50,000 deciatines (135,000 acres), or about two per cent. A small portion is in the hands of Europeans, especially of Germans, Armenians, and Greeks. The whole sur- face of Palestine can properly be divided into three equal classes : one portion is the property of the Sultan and is administered by a particular bureau (Jiftlik),* a second part belongs to the Arabic proprietors (Effendis), to Christians and to Mohamme- dans, and the third part, finally, belongs to the Arabic peasants (Fellahs). Land, the property of the state, does not exist in Palestine. Let us now consider whether expropriation by the state can be applied to these landed properties. As far as the effendis and the fellahs are concerned, there can be no question whatever of forced sale. Neither Turkey nor the European powers would ever grant the Jews in the charter the right to expel the proprie- tors from their land. Without doubt the Mohammedan popula- tion will be able to utilize the autonomous rights which the Jews will receive in the future as well as we. Consequently, the future Jewish colonist will be obliged to obtain land solely by amicable purchase from the effendis and fellahs. There remains, then, the third portion of Palestine Jiftlik. But this very land is, because of its climatic conditions, least adapted for the commence- ment of colonization on a large scale. This land is for the most part located in the Jordan valley El Chor, with its tropical climate and in swampy neighborhoods where fever prevails, along the waters of Merom. They are uncommonly rich, as regards flora, but immense expenditures are necessary to put them in a healthful condition; besides, only such people can settle there, as have be- come acclimated in Palestine by a stay of several decades. More- over, this land is not desert. It is inhabited and worked by the so-called Mograb-Arabs, Mohammedans, emigrants from Algeria, Tunis, and the Balkan peninsula, who did not desire to submit to Christian rule over those lands. And the Sultan the * The bureau administering the estates of the members of the imperial family. 12 calif of all the faithful took them under his protection, and al- lowed them to enjoy the usufruct of his own domains under cer- tain conditions. He receives from them twenty per cent in kind of every harvest. I do not believe, again, that it could ever be to the interest of the calif to deprive his faithful subjects of the land and to remove them by force. Without doubt in this case also the acquisition of the land by Jews must be brought about in amicable fashion. Consequently, the only means of gaining Palestine at any time is through purchase, no matter under what political conditions. Let us now consider when it will be more convenient, easier, and cheaper to obtain land in Palestine before or after the acquisition of the charter? / answer categorically: Before the acquisition of the charter. What causes constrain the present fellahs and effendis to sell their land? The neglect and lack of cultivation of the land, the heavy, overpowering taxes, the blood-sucking extortion of the Turkish officials, the lawlessness of the fellahs, and the other pleasant features of the Turkish regime. At the moment, how- ever, when the Jews obtain autonomy, the scene will change. The land will begin to flourish, the difficulties to lessen, the population will be roused to new life, it will become economically and cul- turally healthy, and the Arab will have no reason to forsake his old, familiar home, to sell his land, and to emigrate to another province of the Turkish Empire, to fall a prey to the old regime. The cause which constrained many Mohammedans to leave Al- geria, Tunis, and the Balkan peninsula, will not operate here. There, hatred of the Christian, the latter s supremacy, and the harsh, not entirely legal, conduct of the new officials and admin- istrators forced him to leave. Nothing of the sort can occur in Palestine. The Arabs live on most friendly and peaceful terms with the Jews. They recognize unconditionally the historical >title of the Jews to the land. Moreover, the Jewish officials will hardly allow themselves such liberties as the Algerian, Bulgarian, and Bosnian officials took. The other peoples would remind them too soon of their rights and duties. And therefore I repeat that the purchase of land after the charter will be incomparably more difficult. And even if a certain portion declared themselves willing to sell their lands, the prices would then be so high, that it would probably be hardly possible from purely economic grounds to pay them. Anyone who is only slightly acquainted 13 with the Arabs, he who has only one single time made the attempt to purchase anything whatever in Palestine, will understand what exceedingly difficult work it is. Even now, when the Arab knows that the Jew has no special rights whatever, that for Jews from foreign countries every purchase of land has been made difficult, and that very few Jews feel the desire to purchase land in Palestine, even now the coming of one or two people to acquire a small parcel of land is enough to cause rumors of the Jewish millions to spread like wildfire, and all the Arabs decline to sell for the present, and prefer to await better times and prices. Only after long parleying, with great endurance and patience, is it possible to add a small parcel of land to the Jewish possessions. What, then, will be the state of things when the Arab learns that the Jewish people possesses the charter with the right to live independently in Palestine, when its millions will exist, not in fic- tion, but in fact? I cannot imagine the possibility of carrying out at that time the charter which had been received. We must consequently proceed at once to the purchase of land. Geulath ha- Arez, the "redemption of the land," must be our "watchword at the present moment. We must buy in every way, with all the means at command, all land, no matter what, that is to be had at present, for there is no plot of ground in Palestine which will not be useful, sooner or later, for one purpose or another. Let us now discuss in detail, which lands must be bought, with what means, and in what manner. X. There are in Palestine great connected reaches of land, which are fabulously cheap, very thinly populated and are_ adapted for various uses, especially for agriculture, and the raising of cattle and sheep. These lands are east of the Jordan, to the east of the Dead Sea, in south Judea, from Gaza to the Turkish- Egyptian boundary of Waad-El-Arish. They can be had at a price of from one to ten francs per donum ( .229 acre). The second class of lands consists also of rather large parcels of land, which are, however, smaller than the first. They are very fruitful, but fever prevails there, and they are rather thickly populated. Such lands there are in Galilee (Valley of Esdraelon) on the shore of the Mediterranean Sea (Waad-Chavar) and in other sections. The prices of these lands vary between fifteen and twenty-five francs. 14 Finally there are areas of land of varying character, small parcels of land, which lie between the cities and the Jewish colonies of Palestine, Galilee and Judea, and are everywhere rather thickly populated. The prices of these lands range from fifteen to forty-five francs. All the three classes of land mentioned above must be purchased by us, but through different institutions and organizations. The first class of large and healthy lands must be purchased by the National Fund, the second class of lands, likewise large, but re- quiring the taking of steps to make them healthy, ought to be purchased by Baron Rothschild and the " lea." The third group of lands, those which are small, scattered, and dear, must be obtained by the Geullah Society and other small colonizing organ- izations (the Odessa Palestine Committee, the German " Ezra " Society, etc.). The National Fund must direct most of its attention to the purchase of large, connected, and, especially, cheap lands, since it does not possess particularly large means, while the quantity of the national domain is of great importance. Moreover, it must be seen to that these lands should be thinly populated, in order that there may be no particular difficulties in freeing them from the Arab population and settling them with Jews. I consider it necessary to say at this point a few words concern- ing the statutes of the National Fund. The first provision of the enactment which was passed at the sixth congress states that it is the purpose of the National Fund to purchase and cultivate land in Palestine and the neighboring countries. As the statutes of the National Fund have not as yet been legalized by any European government, the seventh congress must hasten to correct the two- great errors of the first section, that is, to strike out the words " and the neighboring countries " and the words " cultivation of these lands." Merely in order to obtain the soil of Palestine and to transform it into national property, such colossal sums are necessary, that the purchase of land in the neighboring countries- at the expense of the National Fund would be an absolute crime. Other funds (various syndicates) will be found for the neighbor- ing countries, if colonization there prove desirable and possible, but not a single penny of the National Fund may be spent upon it. Besides, bitter experience has taught us that we must be very prudent in the formulation of our statutes and of our program. Who knows whether some day, with the high development of IS technical arts and of transportation, by the " neighboring lands " some East Africa or Afghanistan may not be understood ? Cave- ant consules! It would also be a sin to expend the money of the National Fund upon the cultivation of land, for the following reasons. Many, many decades will elapse, before the entire soil of Pales- tine will be nationalized, and the postponement of this time by the expenditure of the National Fund for purposes of culti- vation is not in the interest of the policy of future autonomy in Palestine. Moreover, the cultivation of the soil presupposes public administrative labors and efforts, and the suppression of private initiative and of liberty, that is everything which promises great expenses and small returns. With all available capital, only not with the hard-earned pennies of the Jewish proletariat, may these labors and efforts be made. The land, however dear it may be, remains the capital of the people. The improvements of all kinds upon it may, however, very often be valueless. I repeat, that the change in section I of the statutes as proposed by me must unconditionally be undertaken by the seventh congress. XL The second class of lands, as I have already said, should be purchased by Rothschild and the " lea." The one as well as the other has at command immense sums of money. The former has expended and continues to expend these sums upon the colonization of Palestine. The latter does very little for Palestine. But the Zionist organization must influence the " lea " in this direction, not by insults and threats (for these means are of no avail), but by the example of reasonable, systematic labor. The " lea " must purchase, with its own and Rothschild's money, the fruitful lands situated along the sea and those in Galilee, expend large sums upon putting these lands in a healthy condition, and make them entirely suitable for Jewish colonization. As the reclamation of this land can be carried on piecemeal during the course of some years, it will be possible to effect the removal of the Arab population gradually and without special difficulty. The " lea " has already made a beginning with such lands, as it purchased two years ago the stretch of land called Gidrah, along the coast, between Haifa and Acre, a place prominent in Pal- estine because of its situation and its future. Although most pro- 16 ductive for all possible kinds of cultivation, this place is affected with fever, and is unhealthy on account of its numerous swamps. For this land the lea paid, if I mistake not, eighteen francs per donum. If a sum equally as large is expended upon it for drainage, for reclaiming the swamps and for planting eucalyptus groves, and if the place becomes quite healthy, the price of this land, near the only harbor in Palestine, Haifa, will be, not thirty francs, but fully one hundred francs per donum, if not more. The Geullah and the colonization societies must carry out an altogether different kind of work. They must be the intermedi- aries between persons who desire to purchase land out of their own means, and the owners of this land. They must aid in enlarging and rounding out the Jewish colonies, in increasing the shares of land held by the colonists and their growing children. These purchases can and must go on uninterruptedly, and only such lands must be bought as may immediately be occupied and made profitable. On this account, these lands must also be near cities or colonies. The fact that they are dear need not deter us. With the farmer, the value of the land only amounts to one-third of his establishment, and with the gardener and the vine-grower, to as little as a fifth and less. And to atone for this, all the other expenses of personal and social life diminish so considerably in the case of settlement near a colony already in existence or near a city, that they cover, with a surplus even, the increase in the price of the land. One other circumstance constrains us to purchase these very lands. The thirty Jewish colonies are scattered in four districts, in Judea, near Jaffa; in Lower Galilee, near Haifa; in Central Galilee, near Tiberias ; and in Upper Galilee, near Safed. The colonies are usually separated from one another by comparatively small distances of from two to ten kilometers (one and one- quarter to six and one-quarter miles). By the gradual purchase of these intervening lands, the colonies will be connected, they will be ranged close together, and they will form small territories belonging to Jews and occupied by them exclusively. This cir- cumstance will have tremendous significance for our future. It must not be forgotten that, with the development of the Jewish colonies, the Arab villages lying between them will be enriched and developed, and if we do not now strive to add them in due season to our possessions, we shall hardly succeed in so doing in the future. The Odessa Palestine Society, the " Ezra," and other small colonization societies must spend a part of their budget upon the purchase of the lands near the colonies for the families who dwell there and have become large. The " Geullah " Society, again, with its capital of one hundred thousand rubles, together with the credit of two hundred thousand rubles which the Anglo- Palestine Company has granted it, must purchase these lands and sell them again for cash to well-to-do persons at a small profit to the bank and its shareholders. In passing I also desire to say a few words concerning the legality of the " Geullah," because this society has met with much opposition. The transformation of the soil of Palestine into private property, it is said, violates i principle of the nationalization of the soil, which was set up by the National Fund. That is quite true. But in making this statement, one point is forgotten, that the National Fund, even with greater progress than it has made in the past three years (nine hundred thousand francs), will not be in a position to nationalize the very smallest portion of the lands in Palestine. We are confronted with two problems : the redemption of the land and its nationalization. Only the National Fund can work for the latter principle, and no one is in a position to aid it in so doing. The only thing which can be done is to increase its receipts. For the first principle the redemption of the land private initiative can and must labor, as the Geullah in fact does. And everyone who regards life from the standpoint of actual possibility, and does not judge solely according to the abstract principles of books, must admit that private initiative is incomparably stronger than corporate institu- tions. I desire to add one more point. If we direct our destinies in Palestine independently, if the capital of our National Fund is large, and we decide to expropriate private lands in the interests of the nation, the question arises, which expropriation will be easier, that of the Jewish properties (which were purchased by the " Geullah ") or the property of the Christians and Mohammedans (which remained in their possession, because the Geullah did not operate) ? For non-partisan, unprejudiced men the answer is plain. So then, the National Fund, the " lea," the " Geullah " and the colonization societies are to purchase land in Palestine. It is clear and self-evident, that the representatives of all these insti- tutions will form in Palestine a committee for the purchase of 18 land which shall direct purchases exclusively and alone. No one except the members of the committee may and can concern him- self with the acquisition of land. The committee, which must in- clude an experienced agriculturist, well acquainted with the language and laws of the country, and also a practical merchant, a financier, will from the very first put a stop to all such specula- tions in land as occurred in the sad period of the nineties, and will be in a position to dictate its demands to sellers of land. XII. We must now consider another very important point. How are purchases to be made under the present Turkish regime? Owing to the obscurity of the Turkish laws concerning the owner- ship of land, which are based upon the religious legislation of the Koran and at the same time upon the civil statutes of the Code Napoleon, it is difficult, very difficult, to purchase land in Palestine and to conclude the transaction. Owing to all possible chicanery and the official interpretation of the laws at the transfer of real estate to foreign subjects, owing to the dilatory policy of the Turkish administration, for which neither time nor money has any significance, and which is so con- stituted that it is impossible to take a single step, even though perfectly legal, without the almighty bakshish, it is dificult, I repeat, incredibly difficult, but not impossible. Difficulties, however, must be overcome by the Zionists. Our weapons to combat these difficulties must be patience, time, to- gether with experience and money. According to the agreement in force between Turkey and the European powers, every foreigner without distinction of religion has the same rights as a Turkish subject, consequently he has also the right to acquire real estate. But, by a large number of purely administrative (not statutory) decisions, the Turkish central gov- ernment endeavors to hinder this transfer. In case, however, the European consul, who is all-powerful in Turkey, interferes in the interests of the subjects of his government, or in case any purchaser is able to maintain in some other manner the rights denied him, the Turkish administration is compelled, after long delay, to give in, and to issue the certificate of purchase in the name of the foreigner. And, in fact, during the last few years, various lands in Palestine have been conveyed to German, French, and even Russian subjects. Let us pass, then, to the various means of acquiring land: (i) It may be purchased in the name of a private individual who is a Turkish subject, (2) upon the name of a private indi- vidual who is a foreign subject, and (3) in the name of a legal person or corporation (Trust, Fund, " Geullah," Odessa Com- mittee, etc.). 1. A Jew who is a Turkish subject can acquire land in his own name easily and readily. There is no chicanery in this case. In this way persons settling in Palestine may become Turkish subjects, as is very readily accomplished, if they produce a certifi- cate of discharge from their native country. (In Russia the colonization committee of the " lea " in St. Petersburg procures these certificates of discharge). If, however, from one reason or another, it is not desired to assume allegiance to the government of Turkey, land may be purchased in the names of Turkish subjects, security being given at the same time by the latter in the shape of a mortgage. It is still more convenient to purchase large pieces of land, not in the name of a Turkish subject, but in the name of a whole syndicate of such, persons (Musha), and to take a mortgage from the syndicate. 2. The purchase of land in the names of private individuals who are foreign subjects is much more difficult, but still entirely within the bounds of possibility. Among Jews, even among Zionists, there are sufficient rich people who will be readily able to defend their rights upon the issue of a certificate of purchase in their names, and to whom, as also to their heirs, private and public property may be entrusted without concern. And, in addition, these persons should also, of course, give the real owner security in the shape of a declaration, certified to by the consul of his native country, in which they renounce for them- selves and their heirs any rights to the land in favor of the actual owner. In this case also, as under the first head, land in large blocks, especially intended for public property, may be purchased in the name of a syndicate, as, for example, of all the members of the Aktions-Komitee or other persons chosen by the congress, and the declarations mentioned above must then be obtained from this syndicate. For property rights, as in the first case, there is in the second case also nothing whatever to fear. And even if, at any time, after many years, any legal misunderstanding should 20 arise, this circumstance need not deter us and hinder our funda- mental work, the redemption of the land. 3. Turkish legislation recognizes no legal persons or corpora- tions, either among Turkish or among foreign institutions. But even in this case something may be attained after due effort. It is possible, a) although it is seldom successfully done, to obtain a special firman granting the right of acquiring real estate in the name of an institution. The Alliance Israelite Universelle obtained thus for ninety-nine years a piece of land for the " Mikweh Israel " Agricultural School at Jaffa. If our diplomatic influence in Constantinople be strong and be exerted in this direction we may sooner or later succeed in obtaining a firman for any one of our financial institutions. b) It is possible to transform our joint property, the National Fund, into a so-called " Wakuf " (Hekdesh), that is, that this may never be alienated and that its income must be devoted to certain benevolent objects of public utility, hospitals, schools, and so forth. c) It is possible to acquire real estate in the name of the directors of the Trust or of the Fund, or of the Geullah, and to stipulate in the deed of purchase that this piece of land becomes the property of the directors of this institution (giving the name of the institution and the directors). The directors then explain to the consul of that state in which the management of this institution is located, than the lands purchased in their name do not belong to them personally, but to the institutions of which they are directors. The German Bank of Palestine and the Credit Lyonnais acquired real estate in this manner. It seems to me that I have discussed in sufficient detail all questions with reference to the necessity and the possibility of obtaining land in Palestine. I would add that we leaders of Zionism ought all to be ashamed that we have not succeeded, in the course of twenty-five years, and especially in the last seven years, in training up a few legal specialists, theoretically and prac- tically masters of European and Turkish jurisprudence, who un- derstand Turkish and Arabic. We are always talking of politics, and we have not yet taken this needful preparatory step, to train men. Is it not time to make up for this deficiency now at least ? 21 XIII. We acquire, then, land in Palestine. But what shall we do with it? Shall we let it remain an uncultivated desert until the acquisition of the charter, or shall we utilize it at once ? We must unqualifiedly do the latter, for the following reasons. For the attainment of our ideal, autonomy in Palestine, it is necessary that we should not only possess great tracts of land there, but also that we should have there a large Jewish population. Conse- quently it is necessary to colonize in one way or another the lands purchased. Secondly, large sums will be expended for these lands, and no receipts will accrue from them, a condition which will be unfavorable to our finances. Thirdly, it is beyond doubt that if these lands lie desolate, the neighboring Arabs will gradually transgress the boundaries and take possession of the land bit by bit, which will occasion endless wrangles and law- suits. Fourthly, the chief receipts of the Turkish treasury are made up of the " osher " (twelve per cent of every harvest) . Con- sequently a law exists, by the terms of which land which is not cultivated at all by its owner for a period of three years and pays the state no " osher " whatever, is confiscated by the state and becomes so-called " machlul." This law can, it is true, be evaded, as is in fact done by many, who cultivate a small portion and pay a very small " osher." It is not, however, to our interest to take such a risk, and to enter upon a lawsuit with the Turkish govern- ment. But in what manner should the lands purchased be cultivated ? Those lands, which are purchased in small parcels by the colonization societies (Odessa Committee, "Ezra," etc.) must be delivered to the colonists who have large families or to those who are married and have lived for a long time in Palestine, to be paid for in a long term of years. These old, experienced colonists and laborers will gradually set up upon these small pieces of land their little independent households, and introduce there that method of cultivation for which the land and the laborer himself are best adapted. The lands which are acquired from various owners by the instrumentality of the " Geullah " can be utilized in the following way : i. By leasing this land (in the case of farm land) to any Jewish colonist from the colony near which the land in question is situated. The lessee pays a certain percentage or a certain sum per donum. The formal contract is renewed annually, and the owner may be assured that the lessee will not be in a position to appropriate the land. He may also, of course, let his land every year to another colonist. 2. If the land is adapted for plantations, vineyards, and so on, the owner who does not desire to leave his home may hire, for a small salary, a person living in Palestine to plant there various kinds of trees, or he may delegate a member of his family ; if the owner expends yearly certain sums upon the land and the plantations, he will build up for himself in the course of from four to six years, vineyards, boyars (gardens) , and so on, which will yield a steady annual income, which will be sufficient for a whole family. The first private individuals who present them- selves may not purchase land with the help of the " Geullah," but entire groups of persons from one city or country, and these groups will then cultivate their establishment in common, appoint- ing a director who is a specialist as their leader, and only five or six years later, when all the plantations will be grown, will they take up the division of the property among the individual members of the group, giving each man the opportunity to acquire a profit- able farm, to settle down there, and to live under " his own vine and his own fig-tree." In this way did the Warsaw " Menuchah we-Nachalah " Society establish in the year 1890 the colony of Rechoboth, and at the present time many members of the " Menu- chah we-Nachalah " are already settling in Rechoboth. Many, however, still live in Warsaw, and have a joint representative, who looks after their properties and sends them yearly a very good rate of interest upon the capital invested. We will now pass to the second class of lands which Baron Rothschild and the " lea " will purchase. These lands, after they have been put in a healthy condition, must be disposed of in par- cels, to be paid for in a long term of years (not less than thirty), at a small rate of interest (not over two per cent). These lands must be sold to those colonists, children of colonists, and labor- ers from the colonies and cities, as can cultivate them at once. The colonists must first, however, pass through a small prepara- tory school; for there are, at present, only a few good, experi- enced, industrious farmers in Palestine. On the other hand, there are very many young people in Palestine who loiter about in the colonies and especially in the cities, without doing any work. Many of them leave Palestine; they emigrate. They must be given work, they must be trained up into independent colonists. 23 Several agricultural colonies must be established for them, to be run in administrative fashion, in which these young men must work for a small daily wage, only sufficient to live modestly. In these farms there must be the newest, most improved agricultural machines, cultivation must be carried out in the best manner, the strictest discipline and the greatest demands as regards work- men and labor must prevail, but, in general, fraternal, ideal rela- tions must exist between laborers and directors. Young people from the colonies, from the cities in Palestine, and even from foreign countries will come to these farms. There they will learn to work. One farm of this kind is already in ex- istence, the colony of Sejera, established by the " lea." In spite of a large number of defects and faults, it nevertheless makes a splendid impression. There one may see fine Jewish farmers. The National Fund, together with the " lea," must establish addi- tional Jewish farms. The Fund will contribute its lands; the "lea," the buildings, the livestock, and the equipment. At first these farms will exhibit a deficit. The National Fund will cover this deficit by not receiving any interest for the capital invested. The " lea," however, will have to cover the deficits with cash. With expert direction of the establishment, the losses will steadily become smaller and smaller, and afterwards these farms will even produce small surpluses. The laborer who has passed some years in this farm and has stood the test of hard work and discipline will be mentally and physically healthy. He will now receive from the " lea " a parcel of land (which he can cultivate alone, without helpers), for several years, upon a lease, receiving in addition from the society mentioned a small sum of money (two to three thousand francs per family), for the purchase of live- stock and equipment, for seed, and for living expenses until the first harvest. He will pay the " lea " a certain rent, either in kind from the harvest, or in cash, per donum. After he has worked for several years as a lessee and has proved himself a good, indus- trious farmer, he will receive his land as his own property, to be paid for in a long term of years, and he will become an indepen- ent landowner. The lands of the National Fund must be treated quite differ- ently. One part of these lands will be converted into farms as above described, another part of these lands should be converted into scientific experiment stations, while the entire remainder should be utilized in a two fold manner : a part, and not a large 24 one should be transformed into public domain ; as, for instance, for olive groves, according to the projects of our Palestine Com- mission, in case, of course, there is sufficient money on hand for this particular purpose, concerning which I personally entertain doubts. Upon the largest portion of the lands of the National Fund, however, co-operative colonies must be established, in accordance with Oppenheimer's project. For the establishment of these co-operative colonies there are necessary land, buildings, livestock and implements, seed, living expenses until the first harvest, a school, a physician, etc. The first must be given by the National Fund ; the second, that is, the buildings, must be erected by the " lea " ; the third, livestock, implements, etc., must be brought by the members of the society themselves; and the last, that is, general expenses, must be provided for by the Odessa Palestine Committee. These co- operative colonies will be obliged, when they have made progress and become strong, to pay the National Fund a low rate of inter- est annually upon the capital expended upon the land, for the land of the National Fund will never become their property. Further- more, the society will be obliged to pay the " lea " for the build- ings, together with two per cent interest, to give up all claim to the support of the Odessa Committee at any time, and to take upon itself all communal expenses. We have, then, pointed out all of three ways in which the land may be utilized. Before I leave this question, however, I desire to linger over the discussion of one matter upon which the whole future of the colonization of Palestine depends. It is the so-called Labor Question. XV. Anyone who spent only a short time in traveling through the Jewish colonies would be able to see great numbers of Arabs, male and female, working in Jewish fields, gardens, vineyards, and even in Jewish stables and houses. Many thousand Arabs obtain work with the Jews, while many Jews are idle from lack of work. What is the cause of this anomaly? Day-laborers are needed in every colony. The vine-grower and even the farmer who owns a fairly large piece of land, cannot under any circum- stances get through with all his work by himself, and requires a considerable number of helpers. In employing a laborer, cheap- ness is of course the chief consideration for him, and he also takes advantage of the circumstance that he may employ the Arab at any time which suits his own convenience, and he endeavors to get as much out of him as he possibly can. In all this the Arab has the advantage of the Jew. The Arab, who is accustomed to the very lowest standard of living, receives a wage which cannot be satis- factory to a Jewish laborer, who has higher wants. In the second place, the Arab lives in his village, near the Jewish colony. He comes to work when there is any to be had, and goes away without making any complaint when there is none. He even works sometimes only half a day, and then goes home. At the same time, the demand for labor varies consider- ably in Palestine, according to climatic conditions and the condi- tions of farm work in the course of the year. While a great num- ber of laborers is needed in winter, there is much less work in spring and in summer, and almost none at all in August and Sep- tember. On the bright days of sunshine in the rainy season, in the winter, for example, the supply of laborers is never sufficient, while on the rainy days there is not enough work for a single laborer. The sun shines half a day, and work goes on ; it rains the other half of the day, and then the laborer is sent home. The Arab can endure all these conditions, but the Jew cannot, for the latter must be given work the whole year round, as he does not possess his plot of ground, his village, and his little corner. An- other difficulty is that the Arab needs no dwelling-place, for he either goes home to his village or he sleeps under the open sky, while the Jew can do neither one thing nor the other. He must hire a dwelling-place in the colony. But either there is none to be had or it is too dear for him. These are all completely justifiable reasons, which constrain the colonists to prefer the Arab laborer to the Jew. There are, however, still other causes, psychological and quite inexcusable. The Jew, whether he is an administrator of a colony of the baron, or an independent proprietor, regards the Arab laborer as a beast of burden, whom he gets as much out of as possible. He looks down upon him, as a master upon his servant. He must act very differently toward the Jewish laborer. The latter rightfully demands treatment becoming his station. He will be abundantly able, in case of injury, to defend his rights on the spot, or in the Jewish press. If the laborer works for the administrator, he knows but too well that the latter exists for him and not he for the administrator, and he gives vent to this often and loudly enough. If he works for a Jewish land-owner, he 26 knows only too well that nine-tenths of these colonists owe their property and their prosperity not to their honest toil alone, but that they have received it from Baron Rothschild, from the " lea," or from the Choveve Zion. It is quite natural that the Jewish laborer lays claim to an independent establishment of exactly the same kind as his employer possesses. Most of the colonists do not support these laborers very willingly, because they are afraid that a part of their property will pass sooner or later out of the hands of their " benefactors " to the laborer. This is the condition of the Labor Problem in Palestine. Among many thousand Arabs there are only a few Jewish laborers. That is in the broadest sense of the word a sore spot in our colonisation. And, however difficult and unpleasant the solution of this prob- lem may be, it must be obtained immediately and unconditionally. Otherwise, the whole colonization of Palestine is built upon sand, or, rather, upon a volcano. The poor, cunning, uncultivated Arab, the Fellah, will develop, and he will see flourishing Jewish colonies with a small Jewish population. He will come to know that his hands and his sweat have brought about this prosperity and he will voice his claims to this prosperity boldly and loudly enough. When a horse becomes aware of his strength, he throws his rider. Even now a delicate ear can detect many Arabs, who dwell in Zikron-Ya'akob, murmuring that they have done it all. More- over, the Arabs who dwell in the villages around the Jewish col- onies, after they have obtained permanent employment, no longer think of selling their land and emigrating, as before. He who knows the temper of the Arabs of the village of Sarafen, for ex- ample, before and after the foundation of " Rishon le-Zion," will readily understand me. It is, then, once for all necessary to replace the Arab laborer by Jews. But how are we to go about it? A Jewish Universal Society of Workmen [Weltarbeitergenos- senschaft], composed of unmarried young men, physically and mentally sound, must be formed. It should be the duty of every member of this society to go to Palestine for three years, in order to perform there his military duty to the Jewish people, not with musket and sword, but with plow and sickle. These thousands of young people will be obliged to present them- selves in the colonies, in order to offer their services as labor- ers at the same wages as the Arabs receive. They will be obliged to live under the most trying conditions, exactly as the soldier 27 does in the barracks. The colonization societies will come to their aid by the erection of free dwellings in all Jewish colonies, by providing a physician and cultural advantages (library, news- papers). Such a laborer may, after three years of service, remain in the country as a farmer in any co-operative colony of the " lea " (if he has brought with him from home sufficient means). The majority, however, will leave Palestine and return home. After three years of service for his people, he will have the right to devote himself to his own fortunes. By forming such a society we attain another object, not less important. The bond be- tween the Jews of Palestine and the Jews of the lands of the exile will cease to be a paper one (prayers, books, periodicals), and will become a living one. Hundreds of young people will carry to Palestine the feelings and the ideas of those who work for Pal- estine, while other hundreds will transmit to us from Palestine the feelings and the ideas of those who work in Palestine. But shall we have young people ready for such sacrifices? I would fain hope that we shall. If we had the " Bilu " at the beginning of the eighties, I am convinced that we shall now have thousands. Youth is very susceptible. It craves self-sacrifice. It only requires to be called and to have the way pointed out to it. This I am now doing. XVI. Thus far we have discussed agricultural colonization exclus- ively. Let us now pass to the question of trade and industry, which was entirely left out of consideration during the whole course of our movement. It is, however, important and neces- sary, for the following reasons : 1. The economic development of every state is now being transformed more and more from an agricultural to an industrial character, and only poor, backward countries depend solely upon agriculture. This process of development is constantly advanc- ing, and we must keep it in view in the creation of our center in Palestine. 2. We are not creating a small, spiritual center in Palestine, but a great politico-economic center, which is to receive the larger part of the Jewish people. Owing to the small area of Palestine, this will be possible only with highly developed com- merce and manufactures. In the commercial and industrial state 28 of Belgium, which is as large as Palestine, there dwells a popula- tion of six millions. 3. The Jewish masses, who will emigrate to Palestine, consist almost exclusively of city-dwellers. They can hence be provided for in factories and work-shops much more readily and at much less expense, than in agriculture. 4. Under the present Turkish regime, agricultural coloniza- tion entails great difficulties (laws concerning the acquisition of land, large taxes, etc.). On the other hand, for commerce and industry favorable conditions prevail, with absolute freedom on the side of the Turkish laws, and complete release from taxes for Turkish as well as foreign subjects. 5. The central position of Palestine between Europe and Asia, between the Suez Canal on one side and the Bagdad Rail- way, in process of construction, on the other, is also especially favorable for commerce and manufactures ; there is in Palestine, besides, much raw material for manufacturing (wool, raw silk, products of various plantations, various mines on the Dead Sea, etc.). Fabulously low wages will prevail in Palestine for a very long time to come. The only defect for the development of industry in Palestine is the almost entire lack of a protective tariff C& l / 2 per cent on all imports). This defect is counterbalanced, how- ever, by the low wages of labor; moreover, the raw material is right at hand, so that it will be possible to exclude foreign goods from the market. Starting from city colonization, from com- merce and manufactures, I at once enlarge our program as re- gards extent of territory. In discussing agricultural colonization I think exclusively of Palestine in the narrowest sense of the word ; while, on the other hand, I consider that we should under- take the development of commerce and manufactures for all Asiatic Turkey, for the following reasons : a. Our future center can be only in Palestine exclusively. Therefore we must devote all our powers, all our means to the acquisition of land in Palestine and the colonization of it by Jews. It would be a tremendous error on our part to devote our powers to agricultural colonization even partly outside of Pal- estine. b. But at the same time with the development of our center we must also strive to gain influence everywhere in Turkey. This will, however, only be possible if the Jews live in great numbers in Asiatic Turkey and represent a healthy economic factor. 29 c. The development of Jewish commerce and industry in Asiatic Turkey will require, on our part, no special efforts and expenditures whatever which would have to be withdrawn from the work in Palestine proper. d. The direction of Jewish emigration toward Asiatic Turkey will be, even if only to a limited extent, a relief to the great misery of the present situation of the Jews in Eastern Europe. The Jewish Colonial Trust, through its branch, the Anglo- Palestine Company, must take the initiative in the development of commerce and manufacture in Palestine, Syria, and Asia Minor, and in the attraction thither of Jewish capital, Jewish knowledge, and Jewish labor. Our trust, with its capital of $1,250,000, has little significance among European banks in general and especially in London. And whatever efforts the trust may make to become popular in Europe by its banking operations and discounts, it will never attain an equal footing in the world- market, for the dividends which it will be in a position to pay will be very small, because it may not undertake risky ventures, like other banks. It may not discount its bills of exchange with out- side capital. It is, of course, in the last analysis a political, and not a purely financial institution. Therefore the financial world does not to this day purchase its shares, in spite of the irreproach- able, safe management of the directors, but only people who are followers of the idea. In poor Turkey, however, its capital will be sufficient. The principal object of the trust, to furnish a legal body to receive the charter, concessions, and so forth, has been already attained, as the English authorities have confirmed its statutes. Further banking operations will not advance this cause. It will be something altogether different if the trust gradually in- vests its capital directly, on the spot, in Palestine and in Turkey. Here it will be all-powerful. While in Europe a special permit must be obtained to open a branch bank, in Turkey it is absolutely unnecessary. Without asking anyone, the representative of a bank comes into any city in Turkey he pleases, hires a place, begins his operations, and pays no taxes whatever. Thus it was at the opening of the Anglo-Palestine Company in Jaffa, thus it was in Jerusalem. And when the local authorities desired to create diffi- culties, the order came immediately from the capital, at the request of the English ambassador, to allow the bank entire freedom of operation. Our trust must gradually cover all prominent points in Turkey (Gaza, Haifa, Beirut, Safed, Aleppo, Damascus, Alex- andretta (Iskanderun), Smyrna, Brusa, and finally Constanti- nople itself) with a network of branches. These divisions of the bank will operate not only with their own capital, but they will also attract to their treasury as deposits much unemployed capital, of which there is a very considerable amount in Turkey in the hands of Sephardic Jews and rich Mohammedans. The Jaffa and Jerusalem branches have proved this to us already. They operate almost exclusively with local capital. At the same time, it might be noticed that the Mohammedans greatly prefer making their operations through the Jewish bank to making them through the German and French banks there. With the exten- sion of the operations of our trust, it will, beyond doubt, also obtain credit in Europe, and its shares will be more and more purchased when it is known what significance it has ; its original capital will also gradually increase. The intelligent, practical men who look after this department with their directors at their head, will be the center around which the sound economic elements will be grouped, both those already existing in Palestine and those which come in afterwards. The conditions of the erection of this or that factory, of this or that branch of industry and manufac- turing will be investigated on the spot. Without doubt, chiefly manufactures will be at first developed, and these will constantly assume greater and greater proportions. Business enterprises will be stimulated and developed. The trust must support all of these undertakings with its initiative, information and con- nections. It will be obliged to attract to Palestine people with knowledge, experience, and the financial means necessary for this or that enterprise. Under sufficient guarantees, the bank will support the undertaking with active capital also. In this way Jewish manufacturers, merchants, artisans, laborers, clerks, bookkeepers, etc., will penetrate into Palestine and Turkey. They will take part not only in Jewish, but also in Mohammedan businesses. Of course, all of this must be done gradually and care- fully, without making the invasion of the hungry proletariat pos- sible. The trust, when it is located on the spot, will be able to exercise a great influence upon the Turkish provincial and central administration, and will always be on the lookout to discern the interests of our diplomacy and to smooth its path. He who, like myself, is acquainted with the work of our trust in Palestine during fifteen months, will understand that this is not a matter of mere words, but an established fact. The trust and especially its branch in Constantinople, which will be under the strong protection of the English flag, will seek and gradually obtain various concessions for large works and undertakings of public utility, as, for example, the utilization of the wealth of the Dead Sea, the construction of a harbor at Jaffa and other seaports, city and suburban railroads, work in irrigation, etc. After the receipt of such a concession, the bank will attract outside Jewish capital in order to utilize it, and will itself have a part in the affair as a subscriber. In this way a new opportunity is created to utilize Jewish energy. The bank can be of very great use in another direction, by relieving the Jewish farmers of Palestine from the abuse of the tax-farmer. If the political and economic position of the bank is strong, it may drive out this tax-farmer and replace him. By loans upon various agricultural products and implements, by short-term credit at moderate rates under joint guarantee, by taking part in the erection of wine- cellars, etc., the Jaffa bank is already at the present time aiding the economic development of the Jewish colonies. He who knows the power of a foreign financial institution in Turkey will under- stand that by the systematic carrying-out of this point in our program we will gain power in Palestine, obtain great influence in Turkey, and, finally, be able to turn Jewish emigration into new channels. I would refer to one more matter. Many are discouraged by the prohibition of the entrance of Jewish emi- grants into Palestine. This does not terrify me at all. Aside from the fact that this prohibition is only rarely enforced, it only exists for Palestine, while I have spoken of immigration into Turkey in general. Secondly, in Palestine itself commerce and manufactures may be developed among the Jews already residing there. Thirdly, the emigrants who forsake eastern Europe and Russia for ever, will provide themselves with certificates of dis- charge from their government, become Turkish subjects, and settle freely in Palestine. Fourthly, Jews of western Europe and America have the right to settle in Palestine. The consuls of these states have again established their rights. Fifthly, I have no doubt that the Russian government, if we make an effort to that end, will restore the rights of its Jewish subjects, just as the other governments have done. XVII. Thus far we have discussed the methods of gaining economic control of Palestine. But parallel with the economic develop- ment, a way must be opened for the spiritual, cultural conquest of Palestine. Let us now pass to the discussion of this point. The exploration of the country is to be regarded as a transition from economic endeavor to purely cultural and spiritual endeavor. I need not tarry long over the point, because, all parties in Zionism recognize it as necessary, and sufficient has already been written and said concerning it. The exploration of the country must be most comprehensive and complete. Everything must be investi- gated, the soil, the minerals, the present flora, and those possible in the future, the fauna, and the means of improving various species, the climatic conditions, which are so various in the small country, and the hygienic and agricultural questions connected with them, the natural and artificial means of watering the land, the meteorology. Then the ethnography of the country with its diverse and polyglot population must be investigated, and especi- ally all parts of the Turkish legislation in general and of the local laws in force in particular. We will communicate the results of all these investigations to the local population and thus bear knowledge, light, and culture into the country. But, in order to carry out this comprehensive program of investigation, money and men are needed. Palestine must be covered with a whole net of experiment stations of all possible classes, in which the most diverse experiments may be made. For this purpose a whole staff of investigators and laborers must be provided. The land for these experiment stations must be given by the National Fund. The means for their erection and maintenance must be provided by different colonization societies together with the " lea," and for this purpose the Aktions-Komitee must assign a part of the receipts from shekels, and institute offerings specially for this purpose. The men we must get from the midst of our young students, who pine to be able to employ their strength in the national cause, and we must prepare them at the proper time. Properly prepared for this or that department of investigation, the young men will journey to Palestine for a certain time, and work there for a very modest salary. Of course, scholars of established reputation must stand at the head of this undertaking, and these men will receive a recompense proportionate to their position. They will receive from the National Fund only general 33 directions and instructions. The so-called Palestine Commission, chosen by the congress, must not have its seat in any European capital, but on the spot in Palestine. Whatever good work the present Palestine Commission does, its work would unquestion- ably be more fruitful if it had its seat, not in Berlin, but some- where in Palestine. XVIII. Spiritual culture consists fundamentally in the education of the population. The population begins to regard the school as the foundation of its future prosperity. It acquires the language, literature, and culture of that people to which the schools belong. This comes about, of course, only in case the schools, on the one hand, have an attractive influence through their fine equip- ment, and, on the other hand, when the instruction in the school is optional, and is not required by the pressure of any coercive force. We see, for example, that the schools of the European peoples in Palestine are very freely attended by the children of the Arabs. In Syria alone there are about eighty schools of the " Russian Orthodox Society." Among other things, the children there are also taught Russian. We Jews also, who con- sider Palestine our future center, must have our schools in all colonies and cities and keep their doors wide open to Jews and non-Jews, to boys and girls. In these schools Hebrew must be the leading language of instruction. In the colonies it is the only language of the schools ; in the cities, however, in the boys' schools, Arabic and one European language are taught in addi- tion; in the girls' schools, one European language only is taught besides Hebrew. Even at the present day Arab boys and girls (Christian and Mohammedan) may be noticed in the Jewish schools in Jaffa, Jerusalem, Haifa, Tiberias, Beirut, who speak Hebrew very well. It must not be forgotten that the Arabic language is very similar to Hebrew. The Hebrew language, prevailing in all the elementary schools, will weld together the motley Jewish population, which speaks the extremely diverse languages of the lands of the exile. The lower schools must be followed by secondary, special technical and industrial schools, and these, finally, by higher institutions, such as a normal school and a polytechnic institute. In order to create all of these things the Aktions-Komitee need not advance any money, but it must unite al|, 4hose, institutions which already look after the schools in Pal- 34 estine, and it must for this purpose call new institutions into being. The question of the schools already in existence, of the program, the organization, and the budget requires special treatment, which I have already given it in an article to appear in the " Stimme der Wahrheit" (Wiirzburg). The work upon the schools in Palestine will require many in- tellectual helpers, and will thereby open a new field of activity to our young men. The kindergartens, the schools in the col- onies, the lower and secondary schools in the cities will require many teachers, male and female. That part of our idealistic young people, who feel themselves called to fulfil the teacher's mission, must prepare themselves especially for that purpose, and acquire in addition to general culture Jewish culture also. These young people will be obliged to go, not only into the schools of Palestine, but also into those of all Turkey, in order to instil into the rising Jewish generation our fundamental national ideas and demands. These young people will be obliged to go to Turkey not only as teachers, but also as representatives of other liberal professions. There is an especially large opening in Turkey for our female doctors, midwives, and female surgeons. A Mohammedan woman almost never has recourse to a physician ; consequently the female representatives of the professions men- tioned may obtain a large practice. If these women will be bearers of our idea, they will, once they have penetrated into the Arabic and Turkish harem, be able to be of the greatest service to our cause. Before I leave the question of schools, I must in addition give particular attention to the establishment of a seminary for teach- ers and of a school for rabbis. The former must be the affair of our progressive Zionist party, the latter is the affair of the orthodox party (Mizrahi). The teachers and rabbis of these institutions after the comple- tion of their studies will be readily employed by the congre- gations of the exile, and will in this way infiltrate Zionist ideas into the Jewish congregations. It is necessary to add that schools in Turkey, and especially in Palestine, enjoy complete freedom on the part of the Turkish administration, particularly when they are founded by a foreign society. 35 XIX. Now that I have shown, then, with what means we must gain economical and cultural control of Palestine, I must add besides that the consolidation of all Jewish powers already in Palestine into one general organization must take place immediately. The eighty thousand Jews of Palestine must cease to be small, scat- tered bodies which are often at conflict, and must form a united, single Jewry, united by one language, by the same interests and by the common goal. This organisation must be the advance guard of our forces. It must be supported and fostered by us. It must make it the object of its first endeavors to root out the spirit of mendicancy which prevails in the greater part of the cities and the colonies. It must bring with it a new wave of life and sound a call for self-activity and self-help. It will produce idealistic men, rich in self-sacrifice, and must set them at its head, putting aside certain congregational moguls, intriguers, and self- seekers. In the past year such an organization was formed ; and the storm which was raised against it, appearing in various forms and under various masks, only proves how necessary it is and how dangerous its effect is for many negative elements. The better, idealistic elements in Palestine, although regrettably few in num- ber, have remained true to our organization up to the present day. The growth of this organization will keep pace with the increase in the Jewish population of Palestine, and, going hand in hand with the Zionist organization, it will mould the Jewish future. XX. I have finished. I have not said a single new word. I have repeated old truths, which fall the more into oblivion, the older they become. I now summon all true Palestinian Zionists to return, not to the Chibbath Zion, not to spiritual Zionism, not to diplomatic Zionism, but to a synthesis of all these tendencies, that is, to political Zionism, as it is formulated in the Basel program. Decades will pass by, our people will be strengthened spirit- ually, materially, and in organization; our land will gradually pass over into our actual possession. The peoples and rulers of the whole world will be penetrated with our ideas, and the fruit of our labor will ripen. The time will come to pluck this fruit. And the hero will arise, whose appearance our people has awaited for thousands of years. Neither the unemancipated nor the 36 spiritual Ghetto of the lands of the exile will rear him, but the free spirit of the mountains of Judea and Galilee. He will open unto us the gates of our home not from without, but from within. He will unite in himself the courage and the might of the old Bar- Kokba with the spirit and the charm of our contemporary, Herzl. Boldly and proudly will he plant in the sight of the whole world the blue and white banner of liberated Israel upon Mount Zion. This is no fable. This is no fantasy. This will come to pass. 37 ^/OJIW OF'CALI University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. 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