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THE LATIN
THIRD DECLENSION
A STUDY IN
METAPLASM AND SYNCRETISM
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF ARTS, LITERATURE, AND
SCIENCE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO IN CANDIDACY
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UN TY
BY
HENRY FARRAR LINSCOTT
CHICAGO
Zbe 1Hntx>ersitt> of Cbtcago iPreas
1896
CONTENTS.
Introduction - .... -5
Metaplasm ... - - - 7-23
1. In General - - ... 7
2. Theory of Double Formation - - - 10
3. The Elements of the Third Declension - - 13
4. Application to the Metaplasm - - - - 19
5. Origin and Development of the Process - - 20
Syncretism 24-34
1. In General .... - - - 24
2. In Italic - - 3°
The Case Forms in Detail - 35
INTRODUCTION.
The Latin third declension has been selected as the basis for
a discussion of metaplasm for the reason that it is a typical
instance of such declensional amalgamation. In addition to the
presentation of facts bearing directly upon this subject, an effort
has been made to discuss the relations of the third declension to
the corresponding systems of other languages. The treatment of
syncretism is of a more general nature, including the phenomena
of all declensions and of the Italic, Latin, and Oscan-Umbrian
periods. In the third section, it has been my endeavor to discuss
in detail the origins of the case endings peculiar to each lan-
guage and to define the metaplastic and syncretic effects, wher-
ever manifested.
The following authorities have been consulted with greater
or less frequency:
Balg, G. H.: A Comparative Glossary of the Gothic Language. New York,
1887-89.
Breal, Michel : Les Tables Eugubines. Paris, 1875.
Breal and Bailey: Dictionaire Etymologique Latin. 3 e Edition, Paris, 1891.
Bronisch : Die Oskischen L- und E-Vocale. Leipzig, 1892.
Brugmann, K.: Griechische Gratnmatik in Iwan Midler's Handbuch der
klassischen Alterthumswissenschaft. Bd. II, 2. Aufl., Miinchen, 1890.
Brugmann, K.: Grundriss der vergleichenden Gratnmatik der indogerma-
nischen Sprachen. 2 vols., Leipzig, 1886-93.
Buck, C. D.: Der Vocalismus der oskischen Sprache. Leipzig, 1892.
Biicheler : Umbrica. Bonn, 1883.
Corssen : Ueber Aussprache, Vokalismus und Betonung der lateinischen
Sprache. 2 vols., 2. Aufl., Leipzig, 1868-70.
Delbruck : Vol. 3, Brugmann's Grundriss. Leipzig, 1894.
: Syntaktische Forschungen. 5 vols., Halle, 1871-88.
Feist: Grundriss der germanischen Etymologic Strassburg, 1888.
Fick, A.: Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen. 3.
Aufl., Gdttingen, 1874-76.
Georges: Lexicon der lateinischen Wortformen. Leipzig, 1 890.
5
Grassmann : Worterbuch zum Rig-Veda. Leipzig, 1875.
Henry, Victor: Precis de grammaire comparee du grec et du latin. Paris,
1888.
Jackson : An Avesta Grammar. Part I, Boston, 1892.
Kluge : Etymologisches Worterbuch der deutschen Sprache. 5. Aufl., Strass-
burg, 1889.
Kluge : Vorgeschichte der altgertnanischen Dialekte in Paul's Grundriss
der germanischen Philologie. Vol. I, Strassburg, 1889.
Meyer, G.: Griechische Grammatik. 2. Aufl., Leipzig, 1886.
Meyer, Leo: Vergleichefide Grammatik der griechischen und lateinischen
Sprachen. 2. Aufl., Berlin, 1875-77.
Mommsen, Theodor: Die unteritalischen Dialekte. Leipzig, 1850.
Neue : Formenlehre d.er lateinischen Sprache. 2 vols., 2. Aufl., Berlin,
I875-77- 3- Aufl., 1892-
Pauli : Altilalische Studien. Vols. I-V, 1883-87.
von Planta, Robert: Grammatik der oskisch-utnbrischen Dialekte. Bd. I,
Strassburg, 1892.
Schweizer-Sidler : Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache. Halle, 1888.
Stolz, Fr.: Lateinische Grammatik. 2. Aufl., Miinchen, 1 890.
Wharton: Etyma Latina. London, 1890.
Whitney, W. D.: Sanskrit Grammar. 2 ed., Boston, 1888.
Zvetaieff : Inscriptiones Italia Inferioris Dialecticce. Moscow, 1886.
B. B. — Beitrdge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen, herausgegeben
von Ad. Bezzenberger. Vols. I ff.
I. F. — Indogermanische Forschungen, Zeitschrift fiir indogermanischen
Sprach- und Alterthumskunde. Vols. I ff.
K. Z. — Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Sprachforschung, begriindet von A.
Kuhn. Vols. I ff.
P. B. B. — Beitrdge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur,
herausgegeben von H. Paul und W. Braune. Vols. I ff.
Rh. M. — Rkenisches Museum fiir Philologie. Vols. I ff.
M. U. — Morphologische Unlersuchungen auf de?n Gebiete der indogermani-
schen Sprachen, von K. Brugmann und H. Osthoff. Vols. I-V.
Other works have been consulted, as indicated by the references in the
notes.
It is a pleasure to acknowledge the assistance of Professor Carl D. Buck,
under whose supervision this work has been undertaken and completed.
METAPLASM.
Metaplasm may be defined as that process by which are trans-
ferred or established upon noun or adjective stems any case end-
ings original to a declension other than that to which the stems
affected belong. In short, the effect of the process is to estab-
lish in a given system of declension case forms extraneous in
origin, but necessarily identical in function with the forms which
to a greater or less extent are displaced. The original endings
may be either partially or totally eliminated, may exist as the
predominating type still possessed of greater force than the
encroaching element, or may not appear, and if appearing may
exist in few and sporadic instances.
In its origin and development, metaplasm depends upon
analogy. 2 The original condition, in any specific instance, must
be a series of case endings distinct in form and peculiar each to
its particular system of declension. Between these two parallel
series of forms, a point of contact must first have been estab-
lished. This may result from phonetic change, causing identity
of form, 3 from a similarity in meaning or function/ or by reason
of circumstantial elements of formation inherited from the
parent speech. 5
1 For the subject of metaplasm in general, cf. Brugmann, Gr. II, 722 ; B.
Torp, Die Flexion des Pali; Wetter, Zur Geschichte der Nominal-Declination
im Russ.; Courtenay, K. S. B., VI, 19 ff.; K. Bojunga, Die Entwicklung der
neuhochdeutschen Substantiv-Flexion.
2 Wheeler, Analogy, 9 ff.; Paul, Principien, 95 ; Bartholonut, K. Z., 29,
524 ff.; Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 722.
3 £. g., Goth, /-stems masc. with gen. and dat. sg. after <?-stems, balgs, gen.
balgis, dat. balga like dags, dagis, daga.
A E. g., Skt. naptr beside napdt after words of relationship. Wheeler,
Analogy, 9 ff.; Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 722.
-E.g., Skt. usa in beside usa saw to usa s niter s//ia s ; Lith. kirtnis, gen.
kirmio, beside Lat. vermis, wherein inherited likeness of form between i- and
w-stems has caused a metaplasm.
7
8 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
When a point of contact has been established by reason of
similarity of form, analogy may occasion a like similarity in the
remaining case endings previously distinct in form. Likewise,
if the contact be not in form but in meaning or function, the
analogy proceeds on the lines observable in the case of analogy
from similarity of meaning and diversity of form. 1
The effects of the metaplastic force are of two distinct types,
(i) one series of forms may be entirely eliminated, or the type
newly created may exist beside the original as a distinct word,
e. g., Skt. ndpir beside napdt, or (2) the result may be an amalga-
mation, in which traces of each of the two series of forms may be
observed. The former type may be characterized as Metaplasm
by Transfer; the latter as Metaplasm by Amalgamation. The rep-
resentative instances of each type may be enumerated as follows:
I. METAPLASM BY TRANSFER.
In the Aryan languages, many consonant stems have been
transferred to the ^-declension by reason of identity of form at
the ace. and inst. sg. In Pali and Prakrit the process has been
so extended as nearly to eliminate the consonant declensions. 2
In Sanskrit ndptr has arisen beside napdt by the influence of
other words of relationship ; usas has been re-formed on the anal-
ogy of nouns in -as as sthas ; from the contact of -vant- and -van-
stems have resulted many pairs of forms inflected after either
system. 3 Other instances are, in Greek, the extension of -t-
and -S- inflexions, e. g. , TSptS- to ifyns, Ihpiv and AeW, -ovtos for -ovos;
the transfer of masculine -^j-stems to the a-declension, e. g.,
SoKpaT^s, 'XoKpa.Trjv ; in Latin, the transfer of «-stems to the ^-de-
clension; in Germanic, the passage of the consonant stems into
the vocalic declensions, e. g., Goth, fotus, handus, tunpus ; O. H.
G.zand,fuoz;* in Balto-Slavic the transfer of consonant stems to
1 Balgs '. dags = balgis '. dagis; sthas '. usas = stham '. usam.
2 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 723; Lassen, Inst. Ling. Prac, p. 314. Kuhn,
Pali Gram., pp. 67 ff.
3 Bartholomae, K. Z., 29, 540 f.; Brugmann, Gr. II, pp. 724 ff.
4 Kluge, Paul's Grundriss I, p. 389. Braune, O. H. G. Gr. 2 § 216. Anm. 1.
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 9
the /-declension and the change of /- to /0-stems, e. g., kirmis,
gen. kirmio; Skt. krmis. 1
II. METAPLASM BY AMALGAMATION.
This type appears in Aryan in the composite declension of
-*>«-stems containing forms peculiar to the /-declension, e. g.,
ace. balinam, beside balibhis, balisu; Av. ka'nitwm beside ka'nibyo
and in the extension of //-forms to the vocalic and r-stems ; in
Greek in the amalgamation of the -id- and -/- : -//-stems ; in
Germanic in the /-declension of adjectives, an amalgam of /-
and /0-stem forms, 2 in the confusion of a- and /-stems in English 3
and in such declensional types in Gothic, as frijondam to nora.
pi. frijonds : nahtam to nahts* : baurgim to baurgs and dulpais to
dulps; in Balto-Slavic in such types as dantis, gen. pi. dantu :
szirdis, szirdu; O. tt.jelent, gen. pi. jelenz and in the appearance
of / of the /-stems before suffixes in m among the consonant
stems, e. g., Lith. akmenimis, O. B. kamencmc ; in Italic in the
so called Latin third declension, to which consideration will
now be given.
The third declension of Latin seems to be the most thorough-
going and complete instance of declensional amalgamation
observable in the Indo-European languages, to so great an extent
have the original types, the /- and consonant declensions, lost their
individuality in the composite system which has resulted. It
appears that this instance of metaplasm is the result of certain
circumstances of stem formation, inherited from the parent speech,
or exactly of a system of double formation, characteristic of the
Indo-European period. It is, therefore, pertinent to consider
this subject by reason of its probable bearing upon the main
question in hand, and as well for any light which may be thrown
upon the third declension as a whole, its constituent elements,
and the relations of those groups to related words of other
languages.
1 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 732.
2 Streitberg, P. B. B., 14, 210 ff.; K. Z., 31, 51 ff.
''Kluge, Paul's Gr. I, p. 899 ; Sievers, Ags. Gr. § 252.
4 Kluge, Paul's Gr. I, 387.
10 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
PARALLEL FORMATION IN INDO-EUROPEAN.
It appears that the extension of the primary root to substan-
tival or adjectival formations was not in every instance accom-
plished by the addition of a single, specific, suffixal element.
On the contrary such extension seems to have been directed
along various axes of formation by the addition of different stem
elements to the same root. Hence there may have existed side
by side parallel forms, constructed upon the same primary root
with practical identity of meaning but different systems of declen-
sion. Of the parallelisms of formation which may be inferred,
two, in particular, are clearly defined. These may be character-
ized as follows :
I. Upon a given root there may have been formed, (i) a
root-noun, or consonant stem, (2) an <?-stem, and (3) a form in
1, or, if the same principle be applied to suffixes, consonant, 0- and
/-stems may exist side by side upon the same root with substan-
tial identity of meaning.
II. In like manner a given root may appear (1) as a root-
noun or consonant stem, (2) as an 0-stem, or (3) as a formation
in -to-. These types, assumed at this point, are substantiated by
the following material:
1. Consonant O- and /-Stems.
Skt. dvar, dur " door " : Skt. dvara-s, Lat. forum, Grk. 6vpa,
Goth, daur : ~Lat. fores (pi.), Lith. durys (pi.) " door."
Skt. pdth " path " : Grk. ttcito-s : Lat. pons, O. B. pate " way,"
O. Pr. pintis, Skt. pathl-s.
Grk. xv v '• Skt. hahsa-s "goose" : Lith. zasis "goose."
Skt. an-dks- : Skt. catur-aksd-s " four-eyed " : Skt. dksi-s"eye."
Grk. (Doric) <5s : Lat. auris, Lith. ausls "ear," O. Pr. ausins,
Av. usi (du) "ears."
Skt. nds " nose " : Skt. nasa, O. B. nose, " nose," Lat. ndsu-s :
Lat. ndres (pi.), Lith. nbsis "nose."
Grk. ow£, : Lat. unguis, O. I. niga : Lith. tiagas "nail," Skt.
nakhd-s.
THE LA TIN THIRD DECLENSION 1 1
Skt. ndbh : O. Pr. nabis, Skt. nabhi-s " navel " : O. H. G. naba,
Lith. naba.
O. B. grade " city," O. N. gardr : Goth, gard-s " house," Lith.
zardis, 1 Lat. urbs.
Grk. 6rjp : ha.t. feru-s, /era : O. B. zverc, "wild animal."
Goth, yfo/fo " fish," O. I. ease : Lat. pisei-s.
Skt. a/ba-,5- "axle," Grk. a/xa^a, O. H. G. a7/jyz : Lat. axis, Lith.
a^zw, O. B. osd "axle."
Lat. os, Av. asto (gen. sg.), "bone" : Skt. dsthis, O. B. /&?j7<f
"bone."
Skt. cva "dog," Av. spa, Grk. »aW, Lith. .rz# : Skt. cuni-s, Av.
sum's, Lith. szun'is.
Lat. <rar<?, Umbr. /£«/-// : Lat. earnis.
Grk. Ka/jLTrrj, Lat. eampus, Lith. kdmpas " corner " : Lith. ketur-
katnpis "four-cornered."
Lat. elavus, O. I. *■/**' : Lat. eldvis, Grk. k\^(/t)is.
Skt. pratistha " standing-place " : pratisthi-s.
Lat. haedus : Goth, gaits.
O. B. rfa/a : Lith. da/is.
Skt. abhi-hrut " injury " : abhi-hruti-s.
Goth, heiwa-frauja "house-master," O. 'Q.po-sivc, Skt. eeva-s,
civa-s : Lat. «z>zV, Osc. ^z>.r.
O. N. hlaun (n) "buttock," hlauna-sverd : Skt. crbni-s " hip,"
Av. sraonis, Lith. szlaunis, Lat. cluni-s.
Grk. irripva, O. H. G. fersna "heel " : Skt. parsni-s " heel."
Goth, pruts-fill" leprosy " : Lat. pellis.
Skt. vrsan "manly " : vrsni-s, Av. varsnis " ram."
Av. raohsna and raohisnis "bright."
Skt. dena-s and deni-s " stone."
Skt. usnd-s and usni-s "warm."
Grk. a.Kpo-%, Skt. acra-s : Lat. #<w, deris, Grk. oxpi-s, Osk.
akrid, Skt. -acri-.
Lat. saeer, -a, um, Umbr. sakra : Lat. sacer, -e, Umbr. sakre.
Goth, fagrs "fair" : Umbr. /a<:;w (nom. pi.) "pacati."
Av. //jra- and /rjr/j " pointed."
Lat. seciiris and O. B. sekyra " ax. "
'A zV>-stem transferred from z-declension.
12 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
Lat. buret and bun's.
Skt. vamrd-s and vamri " ant."
Skt. jlvd-s and jlvi-s " alive."
Skt. eubhrd-s and cubhri-s "white."
O. B. bylz and <Sjp/<f.
Grk. aiXrj and avAis.
Grk. KavA.o>, Lith. kaulas "bone " : Lat. eaulis.
Skt. nctkt " night," Grk. vv$, Goth, naht-s : Skt. >idkta-m : Skt.
ndkti-s, Lat. ;/f.v, Lith. naktis, O. B. «<?i/<r.
Skt. dafdt-" tenth " : Grk. Se/orrds, Goth, taihunda, Lith, deszirn-
tas : Skt. daeati-s, Lith. defzimtis "ten," O. B. desett.
Lat. hortus, Osc. hurz, Grk. x°P ro « : Lat. cohors.
Suffix -/a/- beside -tdti-. 1
2. Consonant (9- and 70-Stems.
Skt. pad "loot," Grk. ttws, Lat./^, Unibr. /m : Skt. pdda-m
"step," Grk. txLIov, Umbr. perum, Lith. peda : Skt. pddya-s, Av.
pa'dya-, Grk. 7re£os, Lat. aca-pedius, Lith. lingwapedys "light-
footed."
Skt. 7vY "village," Av. vis, O. P. c'// : Skt. vefd-s "house,"
Av. vo3sa, Grk. o"kos, Lat. tv^tfi - : Skt. veciam, Grk. olklov.
Skt. z^/6 "voice," Av. ^a/z'j, Lat. vox : Skt. vdkd-s "word," Av.
Z'a^ra- : Skt. vakya-m "speech," Lat. convicium.
Skt. /vl/' "king," Lat. rex, O. I. rl, Goth. n?z£-.r : Skt. rajyd-
" kingly," Lat. regius, Goth, reiki.
Skt. napat " grandson," Av. napa~3, Lat. «<^<w : Skt. naptya-s,
Grk. a-vei/'tos.
Skt. /C'-w-w '-earth," Av. zJj, Grk. x^ v : Lat. humus, Grk.
ya.it.ai: O. B. zetnija, Lith. s?w<? "earth."
I. E. <&*« "house," Skt. dan, Av. <£?©£", Grk. 8eo--7rdr7/s : Skt.
ddma-s, Grk. 8d/u,os, Lat. domus, O. B. </<??;/? : Skt. ddmya-.
Skt. rafc "light," Lat. ///.v : Skt. roed-s, Grk. Actios, Lith. lau-
kas : O. B. /&;#, //^cr, Lith. laukis.
Skt. yuj "yoke," Grk. a-£v£, con-jux : Skt. yuga-m, Grk. £uyo-v,
Lat. iugum, Goth, juk : Skt.^^ja-jr.
•Brugmann, Gr. II, pp. 290 ff.
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
13
Skt. crad-dha "trust," Lat. cor, Grk. <rjp, Lith. szirdu (gen. pi.)
"heart," Grk. KapSia.
Skt. spdc "spy," Grk. <jku$, Lat. auspcx : Lat. vestispica : Lat.
auspiciutn.
O. P. /C'artf "army," O. B. kara, Lith. liaras "war" : Goth.
harjis "host," Lett, karsch, O. I. cuire.
Skt. ndva-s "new," Grk. veds, Lat. novus, O. B. novz : Goth.
««///>"new," Lith. naujus, Skt. navya-s.
Skt. dnta-s "end" : Goth, andeis, Skt. antya-s.
Lat. orbus, Grk. dp^o-^oTr/s : Goth, a/-^/ "heritage," O. I. 0/-^.
Lat. /?7vz, Lith. a^a "berry," O. B.y'tfgv/ : Lith. tfgy.y, Grk. d£os.
Lat. porculus : Lat. porcilia, O. H. G.farheli.
Skt. svdpna-s "sleep," Lat. somnus, Lith. sapnas, Grk. u7rvos :
Skt. svdpnya-m, Lat. somnium, Grk. Iv-iotviov.
Grk. otvov, Lat. vinum, Arm. £*'»/ "wine," Lith. apwynys
"hops."
Goth, kaurn "corn," Lat. grd/ium : Lith. zirnis "pea."
Skt. mdrta-s "mortal," Grk. jSpords, ap.-fipoTo<i : Skt. mdrtya-s,
Av. masiya-, Grk. ap-fipoatos.
Skt. sahdsra-m "thousand," Grk. SeKa-^tAtoi : Skt. sahdsrya-s
Grk. x^A' 01 -
THE ELEMENTS OF THE THIRD DECLENSION.
This fact of parallel formation may first be applied to the
third declension in a general manner before its effect in the met-
aplasm is treated. Latin and Oscan-Umbrian possess many i-
stems which may 1) correspond to <?-stems in related languages
or 2) exist beside f-stems in the Italic group, e. g., avis, Osc.
cevs, Skt. ceva-s ; piscis, Goth, fisk-s ; colhs, Lith. kdhias ; pellis,
Goth, prutsfill; caulis, Grk. KauAos, Lith. kaulas ; humilis, Grk.
X#a/u,aAds ; sitnilis, Grk. d/AaAds ; levis, Grk. Aeios ; lint's, O. B. lenz ;
tristis, Skt. trstds; agilis, Skt. ajirds : imberbis and imberbus ; iner-
mus and inermis; exanimus and exanimis ; biiugus and biiugis;
sacer, -a, -urn and sacer, -c.
These relations may be explained as the result of double
formation. In the latter case both forms have been preserved:
14 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
in the former but one, the /-stem type, and, in consequence, a dis-
tinction is at once apparent when comparison is made with lan-
guages which have preserved only the f-stem forms.
A further fact increases this probability. It might be expected
that, if the cause be parallel formation, in certain instances, at
least, <?-stems ought to exist in Latin beside /-stems in other
groups. Such, indeed, is a fact, e. g., Lat. haedus, Goth, gaits ;
Lat. ferus, O. B. zvert "wild animal."
The contention that parallelism is the cause for this relation
of Latin /-stems toe-stems in other groups is supported by further
considerations. O- and /-stems often exist side by side in Latin
and, as regards relative function, are assignable to certain groups,
to be observed in other languages, as follows: —
i. Forms in o and /may have the relation of adjective and fem-
inine abstract, c. g., Skt. hitd-, Grk. 0£tos, Lat. con-ditus, Lith. pre-
ditas, beside Skt. a-hiti-s, Av. deftis, Grk. 0e<ns, O. B. detd. For
Latin this relation appears in quietus, quies; datus, dos; grdtus,
grates (pi-) J status, statim.
2. The parallelism may exist in substantives, e. g., Grk. ajxa^a,
O. H. G. a/isa, Skt. aksd-s beside Lith. aszis, O. B. ost, Lat. axis.
This type appears in Latin in bura, buris ; forum, fores ; cldvus,
cldvis ; palumbus, palumbis ;' sequester, -tris, sequester, -tri, seques-
trum, sequestre.
3. Adjectives in may stand beside adjectives in i, e. g., Grk.
7repKvos, Skt. pfffti-s; und-s, Goth, wans; Grk. ewts : Skt. dena-s
and df>/i-s; cubhrds and cubri-s. Av. raoh'sna and raohsnis. Latin
possesses the same relation, e. g., sacer, -ris (Plaut.), Osk. sakrid
U. sakre ; sacer, -ft, O. sakru, U. sakra : graci/is, graci/us 2 : steri-
lis, sterilus^ : dapsilis, dapsilus* : decor em, decorus : indecoris, inde-
corus : hilaris, hilarus : celero, ceteris.
4. From Indo-European times compound adjectives formed
upon 0-stems have often assumed, 1) the /-form or 2) the /-form
'Cato R. R. 90: Mart. 13, 67, 1.
2 GraciLr, Ter. Eun. 314 ; gracila, Lucil. Non. 8, 48.
iSterilam, Paul. Fest. 314 : sterila, Lucr. 2, 845.
'■Dapsilis, Plaut. Pseud. 396, Aul. 167.
f UNI
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 15
beside a form in o, 1 e. g., Skt. abhaya-hasti-s to hdsta-s : dhumd-
gandhi-s to gandhd-s : prdty-ardhi-s to ardhd-s : saho-bhdri-s, jar-
bhdrl-s to bhdra-s : su-niti-s, dgra-niti-s to nita-s : trir-dfri-s, cdtt/r-
ap-i-s to dfra-s : A v. mazda-yasnls to yasna : zarapuslrls to Zara-
puslra- : Grk. a«oms to koitt;, Lith. ketur-kampis to kampas ; nakt'e-
kovis to kbvas ; pig-kalbis to £«/^a : 0. h. pre -pros it adv. to prosle ;
ils-plznt to plznz? This relation is seen in Italic in U. perakre
to akru-tu ; sevakne to acnu ; Lat. biiugis, iniugis to iugum ;
semisomnis, somnus; inermis, inermus, artna; imberbus, imberbis,
barba; exanimis, exanimus, animus; perennis, perennus, annus;
effrinis, effrenus; prcecoquis, pracoquus.
It is next in order to consider the w-stems and the category
of parallel formations to which they belong, and to discern a
possible bearing upon the question of metaplasm and the for-
mation of the third declension. Streitberg has established, for
the suffix io, two ablaut grades, -to-, strong, and -I , weak. This
weak grade has been preserved in Italic in Lat. alts, alim; Cornells,
Cornelim ; fill (voc.sg.); Ingeni (gen.sg.); Umbr. tertlm "tertium ";
tehtedim, " tectorium " ; sansl, sad (ace.) to voc. sancle : Osc.
mediclm, memslm. These forms prove that this weak grade of -10-
was inherited and existed until after the separation of the dialects.
It is, further, probable that this type was, at an earlier period,
a more extensive category, than appears from the material of his-
torical times, for the greater relative frequency of the forms in
Oscan-Umbrian indicates that they were more numerous in Italic
and probably in early Latin. Again the forms seem to have
been a dying force in Latin of the historical period and this may
indicate that the few forms are remnants of a more extensive cat-
egory previously existing. If this be true, it is in point to
inquire 1) what tendency has occasioned their elimination and
2) to what system of declension have they been transferred. The
conjecture that they have been merged in the /-declension is
supported by the following considerations:
1 Cf. Mahlow, AEO., p. 121.
2 Leskien, Handbuch, p. 94.
1 6 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
i. The Argument from Inherent Probability.
It is evident that the two systems of declension come in con-
tact at the following points: —
-/- -io-
Nom. sg. -is : -is, e. g., Lith. Izbdis; Goth, bruks, un-nuts.
Ace. sg. -i-m : -i-m, e. g., Lith. zbdi.
Gen. pi. -iom : -torn, e. g., Lith. zbdzu ; O. B. krajt ; Goth.
harje.
Nom. ace. pi. n. -i-a : -i-a, e. g., Goth, kunja : O. B. polje.
This condition, in itself, constitutes a strong antecedent prob-
ability that the two declensions were in close contact and would
become merged in one system or the other.
2. Analogies of Other Languages.
a) Germanic — The so called /-declension of adjectives in
Gothic is a conglomerate of *- and /0-stem forms, resulting from
a merging of such types, as bruks, un-nuts with /-stems such as
ga-mains, Lat. communis; /trains, Skt. (rents. 1 Among substan-
tives may be noted andins ace. pi. to andeis.
b) Balto-Slavic— Many /-stems have passed into the io-
declension. This is a process directly opposite to that assumed
for Latin and yet the analogy has weight, showing as it does
the contact of the /- and -/^-sterns. Instances are krytis, gen.
-Us and czio ; szlitis, gen. -Us and fem. szliti : antis, gen. -Us and
czio, Skt. dtis, Lat. anas 1 : O. B. gospodt, gen. gospodja, dat.
gospodjo : ognt Lat. ignis, inflected as a -/^-stem, e. g., ognja, ognjo."
3. Evidence within the Italic Group.
a) The correspondence of Lat. and Osc.-Umbrian /-stems
to w-stems in other groups, e. g., pix, gen. pi. picium, Grk. maaa,
Lith. pikis : postis, Skt. pastya-m, O. H. G. fasti : Osc. aiteis, gen.
pi. aittium, Grk. aLWa : faux, gen. pi. faucium, Grk. </>u<ra but
Skt. bhiika-s : verres, Lith. verszis, Lett, wersis : vehes, Lith. vcTis,
O. Pr. wessis : lux, O. B. hue, luca, Lith. laukis : calx, gen. pi.
calcium, Lith. kalkis.
'Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 269.
2 Leskien, Handbuch, § 38.
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 17
b) The existence of io- and /-forms in the same word, e. g.,
prasepe and ace. pi. prcesepis to prcesepio, prcesepiis ; dldris, dldr-
ius ; auxilidris, auxilidrius ; articuldris, articuldrius ; balnedris,
balnedrius ; caligdris, caligdrius ; cubiculdris, cubiculdrius ; inter-
caldris, intercaldrius ; militdris, militarius ; palindris, palindrius ;
vulgaris, vulgdrius ; alvedre, alvedrium.
c) Oscan in single forms gives evidence of such a transfer
to the /'-declension. Upfils, 1 Latin Ofilius, is in the weak grade
-*"-. The genitive is Upfaleis, 2 in the form of the /-declension.
But the oblique cases of the -/-stems have full -io-torms, e. g.,
Goth, harjis (gen.), Lith. zbdzjo. Hence we should expect a form
parallel to meddikiai. Again, aiteis to Grk. alo-cra < ait-ia and
luisarifs, beside Latin lusoriis, point to the same conclusion, that
there has been a transfer to the /'-declension.
It thus appears that the correspondence of /'-stems in Latin
to 0-stems in other groups may exist for two reasons, 1) because
of the parallelism of 0- and /'-stems in the parent speech, and 2)
by reason of the parallelism of 0- and w-stems and the trans-
fer of the weak form in -j- to the /-declension, as in Lat., e. g.,
faux, Grk. <£v'cra, Skt. bhuka-s or O. aiteis, aittIum, Grk. ala-aa,
I£-aiTos.
The third declension presents two further anomalous stem
relations, /-stems in Latin may correspond to //-stems in other
languages in the well-known relations sudvis, Grk. ^Su's, Skt.
svddus; tenuis, Skt. tanus ; brevis, Grk. fipaxys, etc., and -<?.y-stems
may appear in Latin as /'-forms, e. g., sedes, Skt. sddas, Grk. ISos,
nubes, Skt. nabhas, Grk. ve^>os.
As regards the former condition, it is evident that an expla-
nation may be sought in the parallelism of 0-, /'- and //-stems, e. g.,
Skt. babhrus "brown," Lat. fiber, Av. bawris "beaver"; Skt.
tdntu-s and tdnti-s "thread"; Lith. asztrus, O. B. ostrz "sharp,"
Skt. dstrd "good," Lith. asztrds ; Skt. dcru-s, dcra-s, dcri-s; Skt.
dhdru-s "sucking," Grk. Br\\v%, Grk. 6r/\r) ; Skt. patdru-s, patdra-s
"flying"; gdtu-s, gdti-s "motion." This condition may account
for such a relation, as mollis, Skt. mrdhu-s, but not for the cases
•Zvetaieff 121, 122.
2 Zvetaieff 113.
1 8 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
in which the element u is present. It has been suggested that
these forms in -vi- are the feminine formation in -id. ' There is,
however, a possibility that another element is present. Beside
the stems in -u- there may have existed forms in -uo- fern, -ud
or -ui- fem. -ul-, e. g., Skt. ddru, dru "wood," Av. dd"ru ; Grk.
Spv pa, Lith. derva ; Skt. ddrvis, ddrv'i "spoon" : Skt. tanus, Grk.
Taia's; Grk. rava/rds, Skt. tanva-s "slender," Lith. tenvds ; Skt.
ghrsu-s and ghrsvi-s " lively " ; Skt. yahii-s, yahvd-s, yahvi
"young" : Skt. raghu-s "swift," Grk. eAaxv's ; Lith. lengwas : Skt.
paracu-s "axe," Grk. 71-cAckvs ; Grk. iriXtKnov : Skt. puru-s, Grk.
ttoAu? ; ttoXAos : Skt. fifu-s " young " and su-cicvi-s " well growing."
The three types appear in Latin, as follows — i) -«-stems,
densus, Grk. 8o.<tv$ ; cdrus, Skt. cdrus : 2) -uo-, arduus, Skt.
urdhvd-s, Grk. 6p#ds ; 3) -///-stems, sudvis, tenuis, etc. In the
case of the last type, it is only intended to point out that the
forms in -ui- would naturally fall in that category and to suggest
that they may have helped to form the group together with the
feminines in -ul-.
Occasionally /-stem forms seem to exist beside ^-sterns, e. g.,
sides, Skt. sddas, Grk. cSos : nubes, Skt. ndbhas, Grk. v£<£os : moles
beside molestus : pubis, tdbis, plibis, sordis, squdlis : pulvis beside
pulver, pulveris; cinis, ciner ; vomis, vomer : cucumis, cucumer.
Brugmann has explained one, at least, of the /-stems, paralleled
by -^-forms, as the result of double formation. 3 It seems,
also, that the parallelism noted in Skt. sddas and sddi-s is widely
extended, e. g., Skt. pathas, pathi-s ; jdnas, jdni-s, jam ; vdnas,
upamati-vdni-s ; rdbhas, su-rabhi-s ; mdhas, mdhi-s; dhruvds,
dhnivi-s ; vdcas, vaci-s.
Grk. /AtVos, /xtJvi-s ; Av. rava~3, ravis, Grk. p^p'-Sios.
Similar relations appear in Latin, e.g., nubis, nubs; sordis,
sors ; tdbis, tdbis ; pubis, pubis ; moles, mo/is ; sidis, sidis ; plibis,
plibs. Hence the entire category may perhaps be explained by
this parallelism.
'Brugmann, I. F., IV, 218; J. Schmidt, K. Z., 25, 139 and K. and S. B.,
IV, 266; Johanssen, K. Z., 30, 403; Danielsson, Gram., Anm. I, 25.
2 Brugmann, K. Z., 24, 44; J. Schmidt, Pluralbild., p. 148, otherwise J.
Schmidt, K. Z., 27, 328; cf. also Thumeysen, K. Z., 30, 489.
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 19
APPLICATION TO THE METAPLASM IN THE THIRD
DECLENSION.
Parallelism in formation has served to explain the apparent
anomalous relation of Lat. /-stems to 0-stems in other groups.
As has been intimated, however, the same facts, in a different
application, bear upon the question of metaplasm in the third
declension. It has been shown that consonant and /-stems may
exist side by side upon the same root with substantial identity of
meaning. Brugmann 1 has suggested that the metaplasm has
been occasioned by this condition and by the existence of such
doublets as ttoct-, twcti- : clvitdt-, civitati-. To this theory, how-
ever, the following supplementary matter may, perhaps, be added.
If the conclusions of the previous pages be sound, the condi-
tions tending to promote the metaplasm may be increased by
the fact that /- and consonant stems may exist side by side in
Latin by reason of the fact that certain /0-stems have become
merged in the /-declension. If, then, we assume such doublets
from two distinct sources, the rise and development of meta-
plasm may be traced as follows :
It is probable that two forms of the same word belonging
respectively to the /- and consonant declensions and existing side
by side with identitv of meaning and function, would be often con-
fused, that the case forms peculiar to each would be used indis-
criminately and without regard for their point of reference.
Thereby a point of contact between the two declensions would
necessarily arise. The probabilitv of such a confusion and point
of contact is supported by the analogies of other languages, e. g.;
1) Arvan- — O. P. vipibis* to vip, Skt. vif, Av. vis.
2) Germanic — Gothic consonant stems show the influence of
the /-declension, 3 e. g., baurgim to baurgs ; alhim to alhs ; spaurdim
to spaurds ; waihtins to waihts ; dulpais to du/ps.
3) Balto-Slavic — a) The transfer of consonant stems to the
'Grundriss II, pp. 292, 727.
'So Spiegel, A. P., Keilinschr., 2 p. 177 : Bartholomx reads vipaiifsand holds
for influence of <?-stems ; cf. Brugmann, Gr. II., p. 723, and Kossowitz, Inscr. Pal.
Pers., under vit'ihis.
3 Braune, Got. Gram. 3 § 116.
20 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
/-declension, e.g., Lith. dant'is, Skt. ddnt- ; szirdis, Lat. cor, Skt. hrd;
debesis, Grk. ve'^os, Skt. ndbhas, O. B. zviV, Skt. vie : /$) metaplasm
in the Balto-Slavic period before suffixes in m and in the locative
plural, e. g., Lith. akmenyse, older -ise, O. B. kamentchz ; Lith.
moterimis, O. B. materismd, matertchz.
Assuming, therefore, as the first condition such a confusion
in the case of specific words, it is probable that the approximate
contact between the two declensions would become crystallized in
some particular case form and that, at that point, one of the two
possible terminations would eventually prevail to the exclusion
of the other, first in specific words belonging originally to either
declension and, second, by an analogical extension in other or
in all the forms in each declension. Such a condition may be
termed the formal contact in distinction to that approximate type
which was noted in the element of confusion. This formal con-
tact would occur at the point where the two declensions have the
strongest affinity. That point seems to have been the dative-
ablative plural. For the earliest Italic we may suppose such rela-
tions as dotibus beside *nepot-bus ; mentibus, *ferent-bus; sacri-bus,
*matr-bus ; funi-bus,*homin-bus ; faaci-bus, *due-bus, and possibly
within the same word norti-bus, *noct-bus ; clvitati-bus, *clvitdt-
bus. The affinity of the two declensions at this point is apparent.
But, further, in other languages this metaplasm of the i- and
consonant stems appears most frequently or exclusively at this
point, e. g., in Germanic and Balto-Slavic before suffixes in -m-
(cf. p. 9). The only point of infection must necessarily be the first
point also, and this condition adds further probability for that
assumed in Italic. Hence the formal contact in the dat.-abl.
plural, occurring first, perhaps, in such words as nox and civitds,
must have been, later, extended to all the words of each declen-
sion by analogy. Then the similarity at this point may well
have produced similarity at other points and thus have extended
the metaplasm.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PROCESS.
The development of the metaplasm and its extension to the
various cases may be traced as follows : The first stages of the
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 21
process must be assigned to the Italic period, by reason of the
agreement of Latin and Oscan-Umbrian at certain points, as
follows :
1) The dative-ablative plural. Latin and Oscan have the
/-stem form i-bos 1 without exception, 2 e. g., O. teremniss, aisu-
sis, ligis. Umbrian has -us without exception, e. g., fratrus,
ncrus, kapidus, homonus, karnus. If this Umbrian type be
accepted as secondary and a later formation after the tf-declen-
sion, 3 the forms do not disprove the hypothesis given above.
2) The ablative singular. Among the /'-stems the oldest
forms are in -Id in Latin and Oscan-Umbrian, e. g., O. Lat. marld,
omnei : Lat. turrl, classi, etc., : O. slaagid, sakrid, akrid : U. poni,
peracrei, ocri-per. This form was transferred to the consonant
declension in the Italic period, e. g., O. Lat. airid, covcntiomd,
bovid : Fal. opid; O. prcesentid, prupukid, serevkid ; U. pedi,
persi. The fact that -I is largely replaced by -e in Latin of the
classical period, that Oscan has forms in -3d by the later influ-
ence of the 0-stems, and that at a later time -e is the prevailing
type in Umbrian, cannot obscure the evident condition, noted
above, that the two declensions become merged in the form -id
at the point of the ablative singular.
3) Dative singular. It is possible that a metaplastic devel-
opment occurred at this point. A positive statement cannot be
made, since in the development of Latin and Umbrian the indi-
vidual case endings have become identical in form. Hence no
differentiation can be made. The probability is, therefore,
mentioned at this point and a more extended discussion reserved
for the treatment of the specific case forms (p. 43).
4) Genitive singular. At this point a somewhat different
condition must be noted. Latin and Oscan-Umbrian do not
agree in form. The former has the consonant type -es > -is and
' Or for Oscan -ifis, Buck, Voc, p. 49.
2 Latin has senatorbus, C. I. L. I, 196, which may well be doubted on the
ground of senatoribus (2) and mulieribus on the same inscription. Cf. Stoltz
Lat. Gram., 2 p. 344. Allen, Early Latin, p. 29.
3 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 711.
2 2 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
•os > -us, while the latter preserves the /-stem form eis, O. -eis,
U. -es. An element of similarity is, however, noticeable. The
metaplasm is complete in each group. Latin, in no instance,
preserves the /-stem form : Oscan-Umbrian has that form con-
stantly and without exception. The conditions are different from
those in the nominative plural, in which the forms are well dis-
tinguished in Oscan-Umbrian. It is probable, then, that in the
Italic period there was not a complete metaplasm as in the abl.
sg., but that the forms -eis and -es were used indiscriminately.
Latin has preserved -es and Oscan-Umbrian -eis.
It is evident that the metaplasm advanced no further in the
Italic period. Its force, however, was retained long after the
period of separation. In Latin it lived to cause identity of
form to a greater or less extent in the ace. and abl. sg. and in
the plural cases other than the dat.-abl., and remained as an
active factor in the historical period, making constantly for a
complete amalgamation of the two systems. On the other hand
no such activity is discernible in Oscan-Umbrian. The sole
result was the survival, in the gen. sg., of the /-stem form -eis, a
partial step only, since confusion must have been established in
the Italic. To be noted, however, is the fact that in Latin the
consonant forms have been preserved in the singular in marked
contrast with the tendency of the earlier period.
The Italic languages are characterized by a marked frequency
of /-stem forms among the adjectives. Original /-stem types are
more consistently preserved in words belonging to that declen-
sion, and are more generally transferred to adjectives of differ-
ent origin, e. g., for the /-stems abl. sg. in -I in distinction to the
-e of substantives, acri, celebrl, equestn, tristl, etc.; ace. pi. in -Is,
omuls, mortalis; gen. pi. in -turn and neuter pi. in -ia. The same
characteristics are observable among adjectives, originally conso-
nantal in inflexion, e. g., ingenti, inerti, perpetl, evident! 1 : ace. pi.
amantis, prudentls, hebetls : neuter pi. always -ia except in Vetera;
gen. pi. 'turn, e. g., amantium, inertium.
It is evident, therefore, that the /-stem forms possess excep-
tional vitality among the adjectives, both in persistence in their
' Cf. Neue, Formen.3 II, pp. 51 ff.: divite is the prevailing type for dives.
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 23
original position and in extensive transfer to the consonant
declension. Likewise /-stem forms often exist among the adjec-
tives beside corresponding consonant terminations, when the
same words are used as participles or substantives. The basis
for this distinction seems to lie in the difference in function.
The facts noted above may not reasonably be separated from
the further fact that in the entire Italic group there is a tendency
toward /-formations among the adjectives [cf. p. 13 above), a tend-
ency supported by the analogies of other languages. It may,
then, be accepted that there come into Italic from the parent
speech a considerable number of compound adjectives in /, exist-
ing beside a substantival simplex in 0. Further, in the case of
adjectives in 0, beside forms in / in Indo-European, the /-form
has become the prevailing type in Latin (p. 14).
In the instance of parallelism between 0- and w-stems, the
latter type was, in general, adjectival in function, as appears in
the relation, Skt./<f/, Gr. ttws, Lat. pes : Skt. pdda-m, Gr. iriSov, U.
perum, beside Skt. pddya-, Gr. Tre'^os, Lat. acupedius, Lith. lingva-
pedys "swift-footed." It has been assumed that the weak grade
in -j- of this suffix has been merged in the /-declension. If this
be true, the relation adjective in / to substantive in becomes a
more numerous, and, in fact, a very considerable category in the
Italic languages. The group must have constituted a very
extensive body of /-stems existing among the adjectives, and
possibly the largest proportion of words possessing that function
belonged in this category.
It may, then, be assumed that the /-stem formation came to
be viewed as the distinctive type of the adjectival function, and
that the category, for that reason, possessed sufficient linguistic
weight to make the original /-stems less susceptible to meta-
plastic influence, and to cause an extension of its forms and an
infection of consonant stems more extensive than that noted for
substantives. Such a heavy and compact mass of forms may
well have influenced the whole category in this way, and, like-
wise, may have occasioned the transfer of some adjectives from
the 0- or consonant declensions by reason of the tendency of
identity of function to eliminate diversity of form.
SYNCRETISM
The term Syncretism is applicable to instances in which a
given case form in any declension possesses a series of functions
which, in the final analysis, must be referred, not to a single
syntactical force, but to two or more such primary forces. A
single case form thus assumes the functions previously pos-
sessed by two or more cases, and the grammatical apparatus is
simplified and its diversity of form reduced by the total or
approximately total exclusion of the forms thus yielding to
syncretism. This phenomenon appears in the Indo-European
languages in two types : i) A single case may have performed
double syntactical duty from the earliest times, or 2) the con-
dition may be the result of a genuine contamination and merg-
ing of functions. The former must be viewed as an inheritance
from the parent speech ; the latter as a result of some linguistic
force tending to reduce complexity in the declensional systems.
There exist the following instances of syncretism as an
inherited and original condition :
1) Dative-ablative plural ; 2) genitive-ablative singular, 1 except
'The ablative had a separate form only in the pronouns and in the sg. of
the 0-stems. Otherwise it was merged with the gen. in the singular and the
dat. in the plural. The former condition seems natural {cf. p. 29 and Delbriick,
Grundriss III, p. 191), but why is it identified with the dative in the plural?
Lanman (Noun Inflection, p. 583) holds for linguistic economy, the dative
being taken as the nearest form in infrequency of usage. Gaedecke (Ace. im
Veda, p. 144, Anm.) assigns actual syntactical contact as the cause, and Delbriick
(p. 190) adds further cases of the same nature. To these may be added the
Lith. usage with verbs of stealing in a sense allied to that of separation,
e. g., pavoge tdm seniui tq. azkq. " he stole the goat from the old man " ; also
various constructions in Homer of the nature of a dative of advantage, e. g.,
Aavotvi \01ybv &/xvvov, A 456, "ward off destruction from the Danai," d/iuv^uei'cu
&pe<r<nv, E 486, " to protect the wives," beside the same force with genitive, e. g.,
oXXd Zeus Krjpas dfivvev waidds iov, N 1 09.
24
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 25
in pronouns and 0-stems save in Avestan and Italic ; 3) nomina-
tive and accusative neuter, both singular and plural j 1 4) nomina-
tive and vocative of dual and plural ; 5) in the oldest type of
the dual, the various functions are borne by three forms, the
nom.-voc.-acc, the inst.-dat.-abl., and the gen.-loc.
A condition analogous to the above may be noted in cases of
accidental identity of form by reason of the union of the case
ending and stem vowel, as in the dative and locative of the d-
declension, e. g., a -\- -ai = -di : a -f- i = di."
The other type of syncretism, that process of simplification
of case systems which has occurred within the separate history
of the individual languages, has been considered by Delbriick as
the result of three possible influences : r) contact occasioned by
confusion of prepositions, 2) contact in actual syntactical usage,
and 3) identity of form.
As regards the first element, it is evident that prepositions
may be used with different cases and with substantially identical
meaning. This is evident, even in Sanskrit, in which the dis-
tinctions are generally well preserved. 3
For other languages more striking instances may be added,
e. g., Gothic — in filuwaurdein seinai, Matt. 6 : 7, "because of their
much talking," beside in pizozei waihtais, Eph. 3:1, "for this
cause " : ana staina, Matt. 7 : 24, " upon a rock," but ana baurgs,
Tit. 1 : 5, "in the cities" : afar twans dagans, Matt. 26 : 2, "after
two days," but afar pamtna hlaiba, John 13:27, "after the sop " :
iah atstandands ufar ija, Luke 4 : 39, " and standing above her,"
but warp riqis ufar allai airpai, Matt. 27 : 45, " there was darkness
over all the earth" : Lithuanian — cf. uz with both ace. and gen.
in sense " behind." 4 Old Bulgarian — po paiz " upon the way,"
po morjo "on the sea," beside /0 vise grady "in all cities" : vz tz
dene "on that day," vz sija nostz "on this night," beside be ob
nostz vz molitve boziji " and he tarried all night in prayer to God " :
'For the explanation of this condition cf. Delbriick, Grun. Ill, p. 189.
2 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 738.
3 Whitney, Skt. Gram. 2 293a, 1127.
4 Schleicher, Handbuch, p. 290.
26 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
za tvoja. beseda. "because of your speech," beside za stracha
jodijiska " from fear of the Jews."
It is a question, however, whether the preposition was so vital
a factor in case relations at the time at which the syncretisms
arose, as at a later time. If the prepositions be viewed as crys-
tallized case forms of demonstrative stems, it seems probable that
at first they were accessory only and that the case endings alone
served to express the various case relations. Later the preposition
must have become more intimately associated with the idea thus
conveyed, until it was felt to be essential and equal to the case
ending in grammatical value. Still further the preposition has
in many cases assumed predominating force over the ending.
Hence, granting that the preposition possessed force equal to
that of the case, a diversity of function may well have assisted
the syncretism. If, on the contrary, the prepositions were merely
accessory forms, the difference of function in such words may be
a result rather than a cause of the syncretism. Such an instance
may possibly be found in the use of Latin ab with both abl. and
inst. function. The original force seems to have been that of
the abl., e. g., Skt. dpa, Grk. a-rro. Hence the double function, in
senses "by" and "from," may have been suggested by the
syncretism of the abl. and inst. The same word in Gothic, ab,
is used with instrumental value, e. g., ab saurgom afhapnand,
Luke 8:14, "choked with cares."
On the other hand, prepositions may acquire a variety of
functions, other than by a syncretism of cases, e. g., Av. a i wi,
used with both loc. and dat. in the sense "upon," but without
syncretism of the cases; antarj "between, among" used with
inst. and loc; faro " before, beside" with abl., gen. and loc. : pasca
"after, behind" with ace, inst., abl., gen.'
Again prepositions may develop a variety of meanings with-
out syncretism of the cases, e. g., Av. pcfti "with" or "at" with
ace, inst., abl. and loc, beside Skt. prdti "into" with ace, Av.
avi "to" with ace, "in" with loc. and "from" with abl. without
trace of syncretism in case endings.
As regards the third factor, identity of form, it is evident that
1 Jackson, Avesta Grammar, Pt. I, p. 204.
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 27
such a condition, arising by reason of phonetic change, would
readily occasion syncretism. In Goth, the dat. case of the 0-
stems having dat., inst., abl. and loc. function may be referred to
any one of the following forms, *dagat loc; *dagdi dat.; *dago
inst., or *dqgod abl.' It is also possible that partial identity of
form may promote syncretism. The conditions would be two
given cases, possessing a partial identity or similarity of form.
Analogy might, then, cause elimination of the difference of
function bv that force by which resemblance of form suggests
likeness in function. 1 ' This element may possibly be noted in
the case of the abl. -inst. in Italic, e. g., b, bd ; a, ad ; u, ud ; /, Id.
A further factor is that of syntactical contact. It seems that
each case must have possessed a primary force which may be
viewed as its distinguishing characteristic. These primary forces
must, however, be regarded as the centers of syntactical areas,
from which radiate numerous secondary functions. Hence,
though the primary forces be wholly different in character, these
secondary syntactical extensions may not only approach but also
intersect or coincide. Such a contact becomes evident from the
comparison of the cases, notably the ablative and genitive and the
dative and locative.
1. Ablative and Instrumental.
The original forces of these cases must have been respectively
separatio)i or source and accompaniment or association. In the
secondary forces, however, the two cases come in contact as
follows :
a) Instrumental — A derived force appears in the usage,
which expresses instrument ox means, 1 e.g., Skt. bhadr&m kdrnebhih
(rnuyama " may we hear with our ears what is auspicious " ;
(astrena nidhanam* "death bv the sword" ; Greek x €L P^ T€ f MLV
Karep€$ev, A. 361, "caressed him with her hand " ; Ai#ois ZfiaWov, X.
A. 5, 4, 23, "they pelted them with stones": Old Bulgarian
jisplztiise se strachonu, Luke 5 : 26, "they were filled with fear" ;
1 Cf. Kluge, in Paul's Gr., p. 386; Brugmann, Gr. II, pp. 599, 617, 628.
2 Wheeler, Analogy, p. 29.
''Whitney, Sanskrit Gram. 2 § 280.
28 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
toja. bo meroja, Luke 6 : 38, "by that measure" ; trzstt It vetromc
dvizemy, Luke 27 : 24, "a reed shaken by the wind" : Lithuanian
lazdd miiszti "to strike with the staff"; keliu vaziuti "to go by
the road." This force readily passes into an expression of
occasion or reason, e. g., Skt. krpaya 1 "through pity"; tena
satyena "by that truth" : Grk. ayvoia iia/jLaprdvovai, X. C. 3, 1, 38,
"they err by reason of ignorance" : Old Bulgarian azz ze scde
gladomz gybla " I perish from hunger"; Lithuanian badii gaiszti
"to perish from hunger" ; drugiii sirgti "to be sick of a fever."
b) Ablative — The ablative may come to mean procedure, as
from a cause or occasion, e. g., Skt. v&jrasya cusmdd daddra 3 " from
the fury of the thunderbolt he burst asunder" : Grk. rio 8' avr
€7ri/i€/A<£eai, B. 225, "on what account do you again find fault" : Old
Bulgarian strazdasteji otz duchz nicistz, Luke 6:18, "afflicted by
unclean spirits" : Lithuanian jis nusigando to zbdzo "he was
terrified at the word "; asz bbdzus to valgio, " I loathe food." There
is evidently a contact in the force, occasion, or cause. The
instrumental may also be used with verbs denoting separation, 3
and the two cases are used with the verb "drink" to denote the
cup or vessel. 4
2. Dative and Locative.
The primary force of the locative was situation or location.
Extended usages, however, are found in 1) the forces " in case of,"
"respecting," "with reference to," e. g., Skt. tdm it sakhitvd Ima/ie 5
"him we beg for friendship" : Old Bulgarian lie jaste ne szb/az-
nitz se vine "who shall not be offended at me"; ubudite sja
pravde, 1 Cor. 15 : 34, "awake to (with respect to) righteousness" :
2) with verbs of "arriving," "placing," "showing," "bestowing,"
or as a goal or object of motion, action, or feeling, e. g., sd id
deve u gacchati "that, truly, goes to the gods"; sam crutya
piirvam asmdsu "having before promised us" : O. B. nalezestjo
1 Whitney, Sanskrit Gram. 2 § 280.
2 Schleicher, Lith. Gr. p. 267.
3 Whitney, Skt. Gram. 2 § 283, and Delbruck, Gr. Ill, § 1 10.
■•Uelbriick, Gr. Ill, §§87 and 113.
5 Whitney, Skt. Gram. 2 § 304 b.
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 29
t'emd narodu, Luke 5:1, "as the people pressed upon him";
kosmd sja podolzce rizy jego, Matt. 9 : 20, "she touched the hem
of his garment" : 3) with nouns and adjectives having similar
forces. 1
With these usages may be compared those of the dative in 1)
the force "with reference to," e. g., Skt. isumk rtivdna dsandya
"making an arrow for hurling" : O. B. vznemljate sebe, Luke 21:
34, "take heed with respect to yourselves" : 2) with verbs of
"giving," "assigning," "moving," etc., e. g., Skt. yd ?/d ddddte
sdkhye "who gives not to a friend"; O. B. pomanase pricestt-
nikonu, Luke 5 : 7, "they beckoned unto their partners" : 3) verbs
of mental status signifying "give attention," "have regard for,"
"please," etc., e. g., Skt. yddyad vocate vipribhyah "whatever is
pleasing to Brahmans," kirn asmdbyham hrrnse "why art thou
angry with us"? O. B. revtnule doromc bo/isimt, 1 Cor. 12:31,
"covet the best gifts."
There are assumed for Indo-European eight cases : nomina-
tive, vocative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, genitive,
and locative. The instances of syncretism tending to eliminate
this diversity of form are as follows. In Greek such a process
is evident at two points, 1) the dative, locative, and instrumental 2
in the so-called dative form, and 2) the genitive and ablative 2
in the genitive form. In Latin the instrumental, ablative, and
locative have become merged in a single form, in most cases that
of the ablative {cf. p. 30). The four oblique cases, instrumental,
ablative, locative, and dative, have become syncretized in Ger-
manic, the nominative and accusative functions are, in certain
cases, borne by a single form, 3 and the nominative is often used as
a vocative. Irish is on a line with Germanic, since the so-called
dative form has the functions of the instrumental, dative, loca-
tive, and ablative. In Balto-Slavic both Lithuanian and Old
Bulgarian have syncretism of the genitive and ablative. The
form for the singular of the 0-stems is that of the ablative, else-
where the genitive.
1 Whitney, Skt. Gram. 2 § 304 b.
2 Brugmann, Gr. Gr. 2 pp. 207, 205.
3 Brugmann, Gr. II, pp. 526, 547.
3° THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
SYNCRETISiM IN ITALIC.
Latin shows the following instances of syncretism : i) the
ablative, locative, and instrumental in the so-called ablative
form and in both singular and plural of all declensions ; 2)
the dative and locative of the a-stems ; 3) the dative and loca-
tive of the /-stems; 1 4) the genitive and locative of the <?-stems; 2
5) the nominative and accusative plural of /- and consonant-
stems and possibly, also, the same cases in the ^-declension. 3
Oscan and Umbrian have the following certain cases of syn-
cretism : 1) the ablative and instrumental, e.g., O. ablative, Amvi-
anud, BtrviANtJD "a Boviano," eisucen ziculud "ab eo die'';
inst. ammid egmas tovticas " rei publicae causa," tristaamentud
" testimonio," altrud ligud " cum altero lege," cum preivatud
" cum privato," dolud malud " dolo malo," mvjltasikad " multa-
ticia," serevkid " auspicio," rehtud amnItd "recto circuito,"
muinikad tanginud "communi sententia"; U. abl. akru-tu "ex
agro," ehe esu poplu "ex hoc populo," anglu-tu " ab angulo" :
inst. adputrati "arbitratu," nomne "nomine," paca "causa,"
esu bue peracre "hoc bove opimo," persklu " supplicatione,"
pure " igne," pone " posca," vea " via."
2) Dative and locative of the «-stems, 4 e. g., O. dat. anters-
tatai " interstitae," deivai gexetai " deae genetrici," entrai
" interae," PernaI " Pernae," Anagtiai " Augitiae " : loc. Bansae
"Bantiai," eisai via! mefiai "in ea via media," aasai purasiai
"in ara igniaria," medikkia! " magistratu." U. dat. ase " arae,"
cerfie " cerfiae," mefe " mensae," tote " civitate " : loc. scalsie "in
patera," totem-e, tote " in civitate," sate " in sancta," Akedunie
" in Aquilonia."
3) Dative and locative of /-stems (//. p. 44).
In the plural, as in Latin, the dat., abl., or inst. form pos-
1 Assumed on the basis of the forms which are locative. Cf. Brugmann, Gr.
II, pp. 604, 605.
2 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 586.
3 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 666.
* Here as in Latin the syncretism may be viewed as an accidental identity
of form (p. 25).
THE LA 'J IN THIRD DECLENSION 31
sesses four functions, dat., abl., loc, and inst., e. g., O. dat. dek-
manniuIs " decumanis," huntruis " inferis," supruis' " superis,"
lIgatuis " legatis," anafriss "imbribus," MAATfjis kerrjuis
" manibus cerealibus" : inst. aisusis "sacrificus" : loc. op eizois
" apud eos," anter teremnIss " inter terminos," exaiscen ligis,
" hisce in legibus."
U. dat. fratrus " fratribus," homonus " hominibus," aketus
" agentibus," nerus sihitir " principibus cunctis" : inst. veskles
vufites " vasculis consecratis," veskles snates "vasculis
umectis," adepes arves "adipibus arviis," kapidus " capidibus,"
dupursus " bipedibus," asesetes karnus " non sectis carnibus " :
loc. pre-veres " ante portam," tuvere kapidus " in duobus
capidibus," vasus " vasis," fesner-e " in fanis," fondlire " in
fontulis " ; abl. vapersus "ab sellis."
In the early history of the Italic group there appear to have
arisen two syncretisms: 1) that of the abl. and inst., and 2)
that of the dat. and loc. The former is evident in all declen-
sions and both numbers. The causes may have been syntactical
contact (p. 27) and in certain cases approximate identity of
form. The latter may be noted in the entire plural and in the
singular of the a- and /-stems. Herein also functional contact
may have been the cause, and in the case of the a-stems, identity
of form. In the plural, therefore, four functions were brought
within the scope of a single form. For the consonant, /-, and
«-stems this form was the dat. -abl., for the 0- and «-stems the
instrumental.
For the consonant declension slightly different conditions
must be noted. The abl. force in this declension was borne by
the gen. originally. There are, however, no traces of this con-
dition in Italic. But there can be no objection to the supposi-
tion that the metaplasm and transfer of -Id to that declension
was as early as the syncretism of the inst. -abl. Hence as 3d, ad,
iid assumed this double function, it is probable that id did the
same for both /"- and consonant stems, and further, as the inst.
forms 0, a, u were displaced by the ablatives, it is probable
that -id also prevailed to the exclusion of the inst. of the con-
1 Bugge, Alt. -It. Stud., p. 40.
32 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
sonant stem, whatever that may have been. Accordingly the
conditions in the various declensions would be as follows, sin-
gular — <?-stems, a loc. in -ei and an abl.-inst. -3d; a-stems, a
loc.-dat. -ai and an abl.-inst. -ad; /-stems, a loc.-dat. -ei and
an 'abl-inst. -id; consonant stems, an abl.-inst. id and a loc.
i; plural — the dat., loc, abl., and inst. functions in a single
form.
In the Latin of the classical period further conditions are
noticeable. The locative function has become merged in the
ablative-instrumental with relatively few exceptions in the
instance of the o- and a-stems. The causes for this syncretism
appear to have been the following. After the rise of the meta-
plasm in the third declension there existed an abl.-inst. in -la
beside a locative in i. At an early period, before / changed to e,
the similarity of form might have suggested an identity of func-
tion, somewhat before the parallel syncretism in the other declen-
sions. Further, in the plural of all the declensions, the locative
function was borne by the same form as the abl.-inst. In the
latter instance the existence of so large a body of forms having
all three forces might well occasion, by analogy, a similar condi-
tion at other points in the various declensional systems.
It remains to consider whether this condition is characteristic
of Oscan-Umbrian as of Latin. First, it is noticeable that the
locatives of the o- and a-stems are better preserved than in Latin.
In the latter language the instances are relatively few in num-
ber, e. g., huml jacere, belli domlque, Romce. In Osc.-Umbrian,
however, the type is well preserved, e. g., O. MtriNiKEi terei "in
commune territorio," thesaurei " in thesauro," Frentrei
" Frentri," aasai purasiai " in ara igniaria," eisai viai mefiai
" in ea via media" : U. desire onse " in dextro humero," Fisie-m,
Fisie "in Fisio," lolem-e "in civitate," rupinie "in rubinia,"
Akedunie " in Aquilonia." It seems, therefore, that this syn-
cretism has not progressed so far as in Latin. A further ques-
tion involves the consideration whether it has affected Oscan-
Umbrian in any degree, and, if so, to what extent.
For the /-stems the question is complicated by the fact that
in Umbrian the abl.-inst. form in -e cannot be distinguished from
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 33
the dative or from a possible locative in -e derived from I.-E. -e. T
In the case of the abl. in -I it is alone possible to distinguish the
form, and of these cases, relatively few in number, none appear
to possess a certain locative force. However, such a function is
noticeable in the instance of the same form, transferred to the
consonant declension, e. g., testru-ku pedi "ad dextrum pedem,"
nestru-ku pedi " ad sinistrum pedem." It would seem, therefore,
that the same force must have belonged to this form in its original
position, the /-declension. In Oscan there are three instances
of the abl. of the /-stem, e. g., slaagid, akrid, sakrid. Of
these the first alone seems to bear on the question in hand. The
word certainly denotes a point in space and can possess neither
abl. nor inst. force, as defining the preceding word sakaraklum.
Biicheler 2 has identified the usage with the Latin "e regione"
in the sense "opposite to," "facing." The natural translation of
the form, however, seems to be "in loco" and the construction
thus becomes locative. If the necessity for avoiding such a force
in an abl. form be removed, it seems possible to view the word as
locative. Such an objection may best be removed by a consider-
ation of the abl. forms of the o-, a-, and ^-declensions. In Oscan
no instances of a locative usage without a preposition occur, but
with certain prepositions it seems to appear, e. g., up ei'sud saka-
raklud i36"apudid sacrum," ap tovtad 231 " apud populum."
The evident meaning is locative, 3 as in the plural, e. g., ap eizois
231. But further Umbrian gives evidence of an abl. form used
with loc. force, e. g., testru "at the right," termnuco stahituto
"ad terminum stanto," vukukum "in luco Jovis," andervomu ser-
situ "inter rogos sedito."
It would seem, therefore, that the syncretism of the locative
with the abl. -inst. in the singular had, in a measure, made its
1 Brugmann, Gr. II, pp. 604, 612.
2 Mommsen, p. 231.
3 The objection to such a view is that the locative force may inhere in the
preposition. Delbruck (Gr. Ill, p. 677) identifies the word with Skt. dpi, Av.
a* pi, Grk. kiri. Both Greek and Sanskrit use the form with the locative and
that seems to have been one of its inherent usages. Hence ap would seem to
require a locative force in the word depending upon it.
34 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
appearance in Oscan-Umbrian, but to no such extent as in Latin.
In general, also, it seems that it was a much later process than
that by which the ablative and instrumental functions were amal-
gamated.
The syncretism in the instance of the nom. and ace. plural of
the third declension was relatively late and purely a Latin phe-
nomenon. It is supported by analogies of other languages, e. g.,
Grk. t/jcTs, Tpis; 1 O. B. nom. sg. of ^-sterns in z ; 2 Av. ddtdro, ace.
Skt. ddirn; O. B. nosti raky ; In O. N. and West Germ, the nom.
and ace. plural have frequently become confused. 3 This cannot,
however, be viewed as genuine syncretism. It does not seem
that there can have been any intimate syntactical contact, for the
functions of the two cases are well defined. A possible explana-
tion for Latin may appear in the fact that in the consonant
declensions the forms had become identical by metaplasm, e. g.,
-es from /-stems and ace. -es < -ens. This identity might affect
the closely related /-stems.
1 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 664 ; Brugmann, Gr. Gr. 2 p. 136.
2 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 532.
3 Kluge, in Paul's Gr. I, p. 386.
THE CASE FORMS IN DETAIL.
Nominative. — In this case, the endings of the two declensions
are in general well preserved. In one category, however, confu-
sion may be noted, viz., the original /-stems, which have a nom.
sg. differing in no respect from that of the consonant declen-
sion, e. g., mens, Skt. matis "thought," Goth, ga-munds "remem-
brance," O. E. ge-mynd, Lith. isz-mintis "understanding," O. B.
pa-?netc : mors, Skt. mrtis "death," Lith. mirtis, O. B. sz-mrzt6 :
ars, Skt. rtis "ratio," O. B. rett : fors, Skt. bhrtis "support,"
Goth, ga-baurps "birth," O. E. ge-byrd : nox, Skt. ndktis, Lith.
naktis O. B. nosU -.pons, O. B. pate "way," O. Pr. pintis, U. putites
(nom. pi.) gens, Skt. jatis, Av. fra-zefntis : dds, Skt. datis, ditis,
Grk. Sdo-is, 8oio-t5, Lith. dutis "gift" : gldns, O. B. zeladd "acorn" :
quies, Av. sti^tis, O. P. siyati : anas, Lith. dntis " duck," Skt. atis.
Further the /'-stem character of these words is proven by other
facts, i) the consistent form of the gen. pi. in -turn 1 and 2) the
presence of early forms of these words with a nom. sg. -is, e. g.,
opis, Plaut., Bacch., 893, stirpis, Cic, Leg., 1, 8, 26; municipis,
C. I. L., 2, 1964; Col. 5, p. 67 ; sortis, Plaut., Cas., 358; mentis,
Ennius in Priscian, p. 764, Varro, L. L., 5, § 59 ; lentis, Priscian,
p. 764.
Various explanations may be sought for these phenomena. It
is possible that they are the result of double formation, that
there were originally two types and that the consonant stem form
has prevailed to the exclusion of the parallel type peculiar to the
/-declension. This view may certainly be applied to specific
cases, for of the types *nokt- and *nokti-, civitdt- and clvitdti- the
former have prevailed in Latin nox and dvitds. In the majority of
cases, however, the /-stem was the only form existing from Indo-
European times, and hence this condition cannot be accepted as
the specific cause in all instances.
1 Neue, Formenlehre 3 I, pp. 276, 277.
35
36 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
It is further possible that the reduction of these nominative
forms is the result of the loss of / by syncope.' This hypothesis
seems hardly tenable for the following reasons. Syncope may be
noted for Latin in the instance of a syllable following the princi-
pal accent, in case there follow one or more additional syllables. 2
It does not appear that syncope occurs in Latin in a final
syllable, save in the instance of the suffixes -ro-, -to- and -ri-, -It-.
In these cases, certainly, special conditions may be noted. Hence
it will not escape notice that for mors, gens, dos, etc., this process
must be supposed under conditions different from those noted
above.
Further the supposed syncope seems to be of a decidedly
sporadic character. It appears that syncope in final syllables,
when manifested, affects consistently all vowels save u, e. g., Lat.
ager <*agros, sacer <*sacris : Osc. hurz "hortus," cevs "clvis,"
humuns "homines"; Umbr. pihaz " piatus, "/<?>« <*faunis, fust,
ferest, etc. ; 3 Germ, dags, gasts, nahts gen. <*na/ites.* It is, there-
fore, in point to inquire why, if such a syncope developed in
Latin, it did not affect the parallel formations in o, e. g., mortits
beside mors; quietus, quies ; catus, cos ; hortus, co-hors. Likewise
if syncope be claimed for -/-, it cannot have been thorough in
effect, e. g., vliis, crdtis, grates, vafis beside cos, dos, lis ; sementis,
gens, pons ; fortis, ars, mors ; vrbis, corbis, scrobis, turpis, urbs.
It is also possible to assume that the apparent reduction of
*artis to ars, *gentis to gens, etc., is a further step in that meta-
plasm by which the i- and consonant systems have become
amalgamated. There are certainly no distinctive reasons why a
nom. sg. might not be affected by such a process as readily as
other cases. There is nothing more anomalous in the hypothet-
ical fact that ^mortis yields to mors than in the evident fact that
*morteis has been replaced by % mortes, mortis. But the plau-
sibility of this hypothesis is increased by the fact that /-stem
forms have developed in the nom. sg. of certain consonant stems,
'Corssen, II, pp. 597, 598, 599.
2 Brugmann, Gr. 1, p. 475; Stolz, Lat. Gr. 2 pp. 321 ff.
3 Buck, Voc, 194 ff. ; Flauta, I, 225 ff. ; Brugmann, Gr. I, pp. 475-6.
4 Brugmann, Gr. I, p. 477 ; K'luge, in Paul's Gr. I, p. 359.
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 37
e. g., juvenis, Skt. yuvdn; eat/is, Skt. cvan, Grk. kvwv, Lith. szii;
metisis, Skt. «/</!>', (irk. ^7/1/. The original character of these
words seems to be proven by the consistent appearance of -urn in
the gen. pi.
Again, the instances of a nom. sg. in -is in the words in
question all occur after the metaplasm has become fully devel-
oped and established in certain of the case forms. In a word, the
dat.-abl. plural had -ibus and the gen. sg. -es at a period so early
as to leave no trace of the original types. On the other hand, a
nom. sg. in -is is proven in certain words in which it later
appears as -s. A reasonable inference may, then, be that the
reduction of *artis to ars, ^mentis to metis, etc., occurred at a
period later than that at which the -eis of the gen. sg. was replaced
by -es. If, then, this change from -is to -s took place at a time
after the rise of the metaplasm, it seems that it was not a cause
of that process, that it was rather a resultant of the metaplasm,
an effect and not a cause. Hence it would appear that the
linguistic force underlying this change was analogy and not
syncope.
A second group of forms has in the nom. sg. a consonant
form, while in the same words in other languages -os appears,
e. g., faux, Skt. bhukas "hole "; pax, Skt. pd(as " noose" ; puis,
Grk. ttoXtos ; lens, Lith. glindas "louse"; trux, Goth, pwairh-s
"angry"; vlvdx, Lith. gyvokas "living"; latex, Skt. latakas ;
strix, Goth, strifes "stroke"; falx, Grk. <£oAkos, <£aA/<7??,- lanx,
O. B. lakz "crooked," Lith. lanka "valley"; lux, Grk. Acv'kos,
Lith. laukas, Skt. rbcas ; senex, Skt. sanakds; vertex, Skt. vdrtakas.
To these forms may be added formations in -/ex, referred to
-feco-, x and those in -ax, -ix, -ox, e. g., auddx, feltx, ferox.
It is first evident that the forms in question cannot be the
result of the syncope of final -o-, for there is no evidence of such
a loss of that vowel in final syllables. Moreover, the words bear
evidence of an /'-stem character, in that they have a gen. pi. in
-iitm, e. g., faucium, pultium, etc. 2 It therefore seems that these
words must have been /-stems originally or have assumed their
1 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 239.
2 Neue, I, 3 pp. 272 ff. ; cf. Charisyas, I, 1 17.
38 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
known form through the intermediate stage of the /-stems. The
former hypothesis is to a certain extent reasonable. An /-stem
form may have existed beside the parallel form in the c-declen-
sion, as in avis, Skt. cevas. Then the former, preserved in Latin,
might have lost its nom. sg. as did mors, gens, dos, etc., e.g., I. E.,
*polto-s = Grk. ttoXtos ; I. E., * polti-s = Lat. * po/tis = puis, as
* mortis = mors.
Such an explanation, however, does not seem to apply to a
considerable number of forms. In the case of the suffixes -go-,
-ago-, -igo-, -ago-, -igo-, it is difficult to assume forms in -/-. These
suffixes in question appear in the different languages as follows :
Aryan go-, e. g., Skt. dtka-s, Av. attka : Skt. markd-s, Av.
mahrka- ; Skt. cuska-s, Av. huska-, Skt. antaka-s, sindhuka-s, etc. 1
Greek, Latin and Celtic go-, e. g., 'nnriKos, do-TiKos, dvSpiKo's;
amnicus, civic us, bellicus, mordicus ; O. I. sui/e-c/i, ses-c, bres-c : 2
-g- 3 (consonant stems), e. g., fxupa£, Skt. maryakd-s-; vea£, O. B.
novakz ; O. I. nathir, /air, fa/; A -gio-, e. g., 7repio-cros, TrepiTTos, oYo-0-01,
Skt. dvika-s, navvo-aia, Lat. pannucia, /xeracraai, tiricraaL, peipaKiov,
avSpaKiov, 7raAAd/aov; patricius, sutbricius, fiovicius, artificium,
opificium ; O. I. fem. in -ic/ie, Lat. icia, e. g., tairismiche.
Balto-Slavic go-, Lith. pi/ka-s, judo-kas, gyvbkas, kirktikas;
si/pnb-kas, didb-kas, mazb-kas. O. B. znakz, prekz, mecdkz, to/ikz,
kolikz. -gio-, Lith. kume/ike, ratikike, picszkc ; O. B. ovica, detica,
karab/icc, kamenccc, jadzcd, pis^cz ; weak grade -gi-, e. g., Lith.
jaunikis, czusikis, kiszkis, p/iiszkis, kul'ikis, provikis ; Lett, p/usch-
kis, kaschkis, namikis.
It is clear that the types -g-, -go-, and -gio- came into Italic.
It is possible, therefore, that the weak form -gi- also existed at an
earlier period. In fact, this hypothesis is highly probable, in view
of the presence of the full form -gio-. It is further supported
r) by specific forms in the Italic languages, e. g., U. sumrsim-c
1 The consonant type appears only in viprif (k) (Brugmann, Gr. II, 385);
the -ijo- stem in apiciya, Grk. iiriixaa (J. Schmidt, K. Z., 28, 122).
2 Brugmann, Gr. II, pp. 238 ff.
3 The material in Latin is obscured by metaplasm, but there can be no
doubt of the presence of the consonant type, e. g., comix to U. curnacu (ace. sg.).
"Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 385 ; Wh. Stokes, B. B. XI, 84, 155.
S/TY
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 39
to Lat. ad murcim; 1 pracoquus, praicoquis, prtzcox; merces beside
merx in Char. p. 27 ; 2) by the relations audacia, auddx; efficdcia,
efficax; mendacium, mcndax ; pelldcia, pelldx ; artificimn, artifex?
etc. ; 3) by such relations as pix, Grk. iriaa-a, Lith. pikis ; faux,
Grk. <f>v<ra, Skt. bhuka-s ; calx, Lith. kdlkis ; frnx and friigis
(Varro), Goth, bruk-s; lux, 0. B. luca, hut.
It may, therefore, be not unreasonable to suggest that many
of these nouns in x were originally weak -to- formations, that
they have passed into the /-declension in Latin and that their
characteristic ending -is has been lost, as in the case of mors,
gens, etc. Such an hypothesis, at least, explains the apparent
/-stem character of the nouns evident at the point of the gen.
plural. For the adjectives, it is necessary to assume that the
category contains many original consonant stems, that it is an
amalgam of the two types -q- and -qi-. All distinctions have been
leveled, however, and the consonant stems have become virtually
/-stems in common with many other adjectives.
Genitive. — At this point the metaplasm must have affected
the forms in the Italic period, though the infection cannot have
progressed beyond the stage of confusion (p. 21). Since the
separation, however, different treatments have prevailed. Latin
gives no evidence of the original /-stem form -et's, 3 Skt. avis,
Goth, anstais, Lith. nakt'es. In all instances for both /- and con-
sonant stems the form is the original consonant type -es, -os. These
endings appear unchanged in Apolenes, Salutes, partus, Kastorus,
Venerus, Cererus, patrus, Gesarus, hominus, nominus, prcevdricd-
tiduus. The form of the classical period is -is < -es, -os having
yielded to the parallel ablaut form. It is evident that the elimi-
nation of -eis from the /-stems took place at a very early period
and that the metaplasm and confusion established in the Italic
period produced this result soon after the separation. For
1 Murcim, Varro, L. L., 151 ; other texts read murcia (strong form). Cf.
Biicheler, "Umbrica," vocab.
2 It is noticeable that the noun forms are either fern, or neut. in line
with the facts of the development of substantive force in adjectives. Cf.
Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 444.
3 Exc. parenteis, an error.
40 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
among the genitive forms in -us we note an /-stem, partus. The
loss of -eis must have taken place before the decadence of the
type -os, since an /-stem would probably not take such an ending
after it had lost its linguistic force and was preserved in a small
number of forms only.
In Osc.-Umbrian, on the other hand, the /-stem form has
prevailed, e. g., O. /-stem, aiteis ; con. stems, Appeluneis, Iuveis,
LUVFREIS, KUMPARAK.INEIS, MAATREIS, MEDIKEIS, tangitieis, Cdmeis \
U. /-stem, punes, ocrer, sorsalir, con. stems, matrer, nomner,
farer. In the prevailing type in Umbrian, ei is reduced to e, 1
sorsalir is a variant, but the / is viewed as from I. E. ei. 2
Accusative. — The prevailing type in Latin is -em, the ending of
the consonant stems. This form appears without exception in its
original position, the consonant declension. For the /-stems a
less general statement can be made. In the majority of cases
the metaplasm has been complete in its effect, and the ending
original to the consonant declension has been transferred to the
/-stems. But the original ending has not been completely
eliminated, as in the instance of the gen. sg. Certain words
always or nearly always have an accusative in -im, while in others
it appears beside -em. In manuscripts of the same author both
forms are used, e. g., ndvim, Hor., Carm., I, 32, 8 ; Cic, Att., 7, 22,
1: ndvem, Hor., Serm., 1, 1,6; Cic, de Orat., 1, 38 ; messim, Plaut.,
Most., 161 ; messem, Plaut., Rud., 637 ; Trim, 32. 3
The ending -im is best preserved in certain words, 4 e. g., turrim,
burim, securim, pitppim, sitim, restim, vim, 5 pulvim, tussim. How-
ever, the form -em is not unknown in these cases, e. g.,turrem, C. I.
L., I, 1259 ; Suet., Calig., 46 ; puppem, Juv., 6, 102 ; securem, Livy,
8, 7, 20 : 9, 16, 17 ; restem, Plaut., Rud., 1036; Juv., 10, 58.
These facts seem to indicate that at this point, the ace. sg.,
the /-stems yielded to metaplasm later than in the gen. sg. If
1 Planta, I, p. 147.
2 Planta, I, p. 148.
3 Neue, Formen. 3 II, pp. 196 ff.
4 Schweizer-Sidler, Gram., p. 152.
s Vim probably for *vlm; cf. Brugmann, Gr. II., p. 550.
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 41
it be correct to assume that the complete stage, exemplified in
the latter instance, is preceded by a stage of confusion, then
the ace. sg. may be characterized by that term. Further, it
seems that the progress of the metaplasm in this can be observed
within the literary period. Certain words, such as turn's, 1 have em
much more frequently in the later writers. Hence we may
assume that the metaplasm, at this point, is at an incomplete stage,
but yet near to and constantly approaching completion in the
elimination of the ending -im.
For the Oscan-Umbrian period we may infer, 1) that the
/-stem ending remained unaffected, e. g., O. slagim, tiurri,
SAKRIM, DEKKVIARIM : U. SPANTIM, AHTIM-EM, SEVAKN] | 2) that
the consonant-stem ending -em was replaced by the <?-stem ending
after the metaplasm between the 0- and consonant stems had
developed, e. g., O. leginum, tanginom, medicatinom : U. arsfer-
turo, curnaco, capirso, uhturu, salu.
The sole variant from these types appears in the Umbrian in
-e.m -e among the /-stems, e. g., sakre, uvem, staflare. It is
hardly possible to assume that this ending has come from the
consonant declension, for in the Osc. -Umbrian period that ending
-em was eliminated from its original position, yielding to -am
from the ^-sterns. It is not reasonable to assume the reappear-
ance of these forms at a later time in Umbrian alone and in
the /-declension. The facts of Umbrian orthography show that
/ was open relatively to / and that, further, / was sometimes indi-
cated by e. On the other hand, no such conditions govern
the case of original e. There could be no reason for a differ-
ence of orthography and change of e to i* In the final position
an original -im might well appear as -em, even in the majority
of instances. Such are the facts, for Umb. has -em -e and -im
-i in the proportion fourteen to five, e. g., peraknem, perakne
(3), perakre, purtifele, randem-e, sakre, sevakne, staflarem,
staflare, Tadinate, Tarsinatem (2) : ayliiu-'E.u, ferim-e, smursim-e,
spantim, spanti. Planta 3 holds that -em stands for -im, while
1 Georges, Lex. der Lat. Wortform., "turris."
2 Buck, Voc, p. 45 : Planta, I, p. 100.
3 Planta, I, p. 100.
42 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
-im is to be explained on the ground that the forms are -w-stems
with ace. -tin. The grounds for such a reference are. however,
not readily apparent.
Ablative. — It has already been shown that metaplasm occurred
at this point in the Italic period (p. 30) and that -Id was transferred
to the consonant stems. In Oscan this form alone appears 1 (p. 33).
For Latin and Umbrian no such general statement can be made.
In Latin of the classical period a form in -e is in the ascendancy
for both -i and consonant stems. Umbrian, likewise, contains
numerous forms in -e, e. g., pure, vapede, karne, tikamne,
nomne, menzne, curnase, pase, due. This form in -e may be
viewed as a possible locative or instrumental suffix, from i loc. or
-e? a 3 inst. From the point of view of Umbrian, however, the
last possibility is excluded. 4 Hence, for the Italic group as a
whole, the decision must lie between the loc. and inst. in -e.
Preference may be given to the former alternative for the follow-
ing reasons. The suffix e for the inst. has not been generally
accepted. To suppose -a would involve the separation of
Latin and Umbrian. It is probable that -Id came into the conso-
nant declension as a syncretized abl.-inst. form, and that the inst.
would then cease to exist as a separate form, as in the vocalic
stems. From this point the forms may be traced as follows.
The consonant declension in the Italic period must have possessed
an abl.-inst. -Id and a locative -/. Later there arose a syncretism
between these three cases, and hence the forms -Id and -/
(Latin -e) came to be used indiscriminately for all three cases.
The type -i has been lost in Oscan ; in Latin and Umbrian it
has remained in the form -<?.
Within the Latin period a further development has taken
place. The type -<? has been transferred to the /-stems, and this
is in accord with the facts noted for the gen. and ace, that the
consonant stem forms predominate in the singular. We may
1 The consonant stems have also been affected by metaplasm, e. g., ligud,
tanginud (cf. Brugmann, Gr. II, 594).
2 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 594.
3 J. Schmidt, K. Z., 27, 292 f. Pluralbild., 41 f.
*Buck, Voc, p. 39. Planta, I, p. 563.
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 43
also note the same incomplete stage and the same element of
confusion as in the ace. sing. In the consonant declension the
type -id remains beside that in -e,' e. g., capiti, Catull., 68, 124;
scelerl, Sen., Phaedra, 693; coventionhi, C. I. L., I, 196 -.sanction;,
C. I. I,., I, 198; virtutei, C. I. L., 1, 34 : airld, C. I. L., I, 61 : corporl,
C. I. L., I, 206. Among the /-stems i exists beside -e, e. g., sorti,
Plaut., Cas., 428 \parti, Plaut., Men., 479; and very frequent in
igni, Tiavi, puppi, turrl, etc. The same confusion is noticeable
here as in the ace. sg. in the case of individual authors, e. g.,
nepti, Tac, Ann., 3, 24 : nepte, Tac, Hist., 5, 9 : dassi, Verg., ALn.,
8, 1 1, classe, JEn., 1, 379 : civi, Cic, Farm, I, 9, 15 ; cive, Verr., 2,
J 3> 32-
Umbrian, also, has forms in -e among the /-stems, and it may
be assumed that this type has been transferred from the conso-
nant declension. However, the influence of the consonant stems
in the metaplasm seems to have been a Latin phenomenon.
Elsewhere in Umbrian the /-stem forms have prevailed, and
hence the presumption is against the hypothesis of such a trans-
fer. But, further, it is possible that e has arisen within the
/-declension, and that the distinction is non-essential and ortho-
graphical. Planta 2 has shown that i may appear as e in Umbrian
and so it is reasonable to accept the explanation, which obviates
the necessity of assuming a transfer.
Umbrian has certain forms in -e among the /-stems, which
possess a locative force, e. g., ocre-m, ocre. No definite determi-
nation of these forms can be made. They may be 1) locatives
in -e, 2) identical with the dative in -e with a loc. force still
present, or 3) the ablative with loc. function, as in the ^-declen-
sion, testru, termunco, or the Lat. ablative-locative. 3
Dative. — The endings of the dat. sg. in the different dialects
are the following: Latin has i in both /- and consonant declen-
sions, e. g., urbi, regi, leg?, virtutei, Apolenei, fraudei. Oscan has
1 It is evident that -e lias prevailed to the exclusion of -i to a much greater
extent in the consonant declension than among the /-stems, since the type -J is
relatively infrequent among the former.
2 Planta, I, pp. 107, 108.
5 15rugmann, Gr. II, p. 612.
44 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
-ei, e. g., Herentatei, 1 \inrz\ovvu, Diuvei, Aiovfci, Iuvei,
FUTREI, KVAISTUREI, LEGINEI, MEDIKEi, PaTEREI, SVERRUNE1,
vezkei. The form for Umbrian is -e, e. g., Tadinate, Tarsinatc.
ocre, adferture, karne, nomne, Iovie, pase, kapide. There are
also two forms in J, e. g~, Iuvip "Iovi patri " and Marti.
It is evident that the O. -ei must be referred to the locative of
the /-stems -ei and this reference involves a metaplasm, since the
form appears in the consonant declension. The Umbrian types
e and rarely i are not so clear. The forms may have arisen
either from -ei of the /-stems or -ai of the consonant declension.
Hence it is possible to avoid the assumption of metaplasm and
refer each to an origin within its own declension. It might, how-
ever, be expected that Umbrian would agree with Oscan and this
probability is further supported. It has been noted that
Umbrian has two forms in -J. This condition is more nearly in
accord with the treatment of -ei than -ai in Umbrian, 2 since the
latter does not appear as -I. In Latin, also, the forms may be
separated and referred, respectively, to -ei in the / and ai in the
consonant declension. 3 The forms of both languages, however,
are in accord with the assumption that the metaplasm occurred
in the Italic period. The two declensions had become merged
in the dat.-abl. plur. and abl. sg. and this condition might pro-
mote identity in the dat. sg. If the metaplasm occurred in this
period, the forms of all three languages can be referred to the
same origin, the /-stem ending.
Latin also possesses a small number of dative forms in -e,
c. g., Iunone, C. I. L., I, 172, metre, id., 177, salute, 179, Marie, (3)
62, patre, 182, Diove, 188, victore, 638, llctore, 1060, Pilemone, 1 104,
Hercule, 11 70, love, 1402, and in formulas, e. g., iure dicundo.
This type may be from a locative of the /-declension in -e.* It is
further possible that the -e is an orthographical variant for the
normal type -J. 5 This is supported by the anomalous parallelism
1 Possibly the only z'-stem, from -tat or -tati-.
2 Planta, I, pp. 143, 147, 148, 368.
3 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 603.
4 Brugmann, Gr. II, p. 604.
sSolmsen, I. F. IV, 137.
THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION 45
in Diovei victor e, C. I. L., I, 635, and by a similar representation
of -1 in the nom. plural, e. g., ploirume, illvire and abl. plural
cava fumes, mentovines, nuges.
Nom. and Ace. Plural. — The forms of these cases for the
Italic period were respectively : /-stems, nom. plural -es < -eies,
c. g., O. aIdilis, tris " tres"; U. sacres, sacrcr, puntes, pacrer :
ace. plural -ins, e. g., U. avif, aveif, trif 1 : consonant-stems ; nom.
plural -es, e. g., O. humuns, meddiss, usurs, 2 ace. plural -ens <
-tis, e. g., U. nerf, capif, vapef, vef, buf. In Oscan and Unibrian
the forms are unaffected. Latin, however, has conditions differ-
ing from those of the Italic period. The original forms would
give for the /-stems, nom. -is, ace. -is : for the consonant
declension, nom. -es, ace. -es. As a matter of fact, however, the
/-stems have both -es and -Is in the nom. and ace. In the conso-
nant declension there are no certain instances of -es, -es is the
prevailing form, but -ts occurs, though less often than among the
/-stems. 3
From these facts may be inferred, 1) that in the nom. plural
the /-stem form was transferred to the consonant stems at a very
early period : 2) that the ace. plural in each declension was pre-
served, becoming -Is and -es, respectively ; 3) that a syncretism
arose among the /-stems, and in consequence -es and -is came to
be used as a pair of forms, valid for either function ; 4) that this
confusion among the stems has affected the consonant declen-
sion and caused the appearance of forms in -is in both nom.
and ace. function.
The confusion of -es and -is may be explained on the ground
that, in the closely related consonant declension, the forms were
already identical. This identitv of form may have suggested an
identity of function also among the /-stems.
Genitive plural. — The types which prevailed during the Italic
period were respectively -ium and -inn, e. g., O. aittium ; i.iiMi-
tum, fratrCm, nerum ; U. peracrio, peracnio ; fratrom, kratru,
buo.
1 Planta, I, p. 505.
-' I'lanta, I, p. 229 ; Buck, Voc, p. ig6.
' Brugmann, Gr. II, pp. 665, 666.
46 THE LATIN THIRD DECLENSION
In Latin one may observe a stricter adherence to the original
forms than in any of the case endings previously considered.
The /-stems have -turn with great uniformity in cases where an
ace. in -im and an abl. in I rarely occur. Such are the types
represented by auris, neuters in -e, -a/ and -ar, imber, dddes, and
the forms with reduced nominative, urbs, ars, gens, etc. On the
other hand, most consonant stems have -um, e. g., dux, pes, pater,
etc., and notably the original consonant forms, invents, cants.
It is, however, evident that infection and confusion are present
even in the gen. plural. This may appear in two ways, i) con-
fusion of a general nature, and 2) metaplasm manifested in par-
ticular categories. The former type is represented by such
instances as apum beside apium, nubum, nubium, ccedum, ccedium,
etc. 1 These words show the characteristic of the opposite declen-
sion, though less often than the original form and in many cases
rarely. The facts are in line with those noted for the ace. and
abl. sg. and, indeed, such a metaplastic effect might well be
expected, since the declensions are so generally affected at other
points.
Of the particular categories to which reference has been made
the most important is that of the stems in -nt-. These are
undoubtedly consonant stems. These words have -turn beside
-um even in substantival usage, e. g., parentum, parentium, dientum,
rfientium, nefanium, nefantium. It is possible that this condition
has arisen as follows. The forms were originally participles and
hence closely allied with the adjectival function. It is further
evident that /-forms have assumed predominating force among
the adjectives and have displaced consonant forms more often
than among the substantives. Hence we may assume that -turn
was first established in the participial and adjectival usages.
From this point of contact -turn might well spread to the sub-
stantives.
Among the /-stems there are certain words which have -um
with unvarying consistency, e. g., hospes, O. B. gospodt ; anas, Skt.
Ms, Lith. anils, and many nouns which may have been /-stems
at one point in their history (p. 39), e. g., artifex, senex, municeps,
1 Neue, Formen. 3 I, pp. 259 ff .
THE LATIN Til IK I) DECLENSION 47
prineeps, etc. It is noticeable that these words are words of more
than two syllables which have lost their /-form in the nom. sg.
The dissyllabic forms have a different history, since mors, pons,
etc., retain -turn. It is remotely possible that the heavier forms
were more completely subjected to metaplastic influence than
was the dissyllabic type; that the nom. -is was lost earlier and
that, in general, the metaplasm was more effective in all the case
forms. The fact that no traces of -is remain, as in sortis, mentis,
etc., may point to this hypothesis.
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