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 SOCIALISM 
 
 A, J. Starkweather 
 
 Published on demand by 
 
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 A Xerox Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan, U.S.A. 
 
 
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SOCIALISM 
 
 BBINO 
 
 A BRIEF STATEMENT OF THE DOCTRINES AND 
 
 PHILOSOPHY OF THE SOCIAL 
 
 LABOR MOVEMENT 
 
 .'* 
 
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 BT 
 
 A. J. STARKWEATHER 
 
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 AND 
 
 S. ROBERT WILSON 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY . 
 
 BURNETTE G. HASKELL 
 
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 NEW YORK 
 
 JOHN W. LOVELL COMPANY 
 
 14 and 16 Vesey Street 
 
 18S4 
 
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 **** 
 
 

 
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 •* Ye tell me that this struggle fs hopeless. That answer proves your 
 cowardice and unfaith! Let the Nkw Okokr come! For it it comprises 
 but ten men of exalted character, fully conscious ol all that their destiny 
 has of the happy and the sublime in it, and firmly resolved to save Liberty 
 or perish with it— Liberty wjll lit: saviu> I" ■ 
 
 MAXIM1LIEN RoBGSriERRK. 
 
 M The great appear great to us, only because we are on our knees — let . 
 uirise!" Thkrofgne dk Mkricourt. V 
 
 "And I, too, love Peace, but not the peace of Slavery."— Danton. 
 
 corvmciiT, i?84, bv 
 JOHN W. LOVEI.L COMPANY. 
 
 
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 iFACE. 
 
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 The issuance of this work needs no statement of the 
 reason for its publication. The demand for a popular 
 hand-book, briefly and forcibly presenting the doctrines 
 which, in the opinion of many of the best thinkers of 
 the world to-day, are necessary of adoption to preserve 
 our modern civilization, is self-evident. It is in response 
 to this demand that the book is before you. 
 
 Every important phase of the great labor movement 
 which now shakes the foundations of the world is here 
 for the first time in one brief essay presented to the 
 public. So immense a theme so briefly elucidated must 
 necessarily be but suggestive. It is provocative of in- 
 quiry rather than an absolute answer to all criticism 
 that it may challenge. It is rather the gage of war, the 
 iron gauntlet thrown into the lists, than the full armored 
 knight, prepared for battle, and serenely confident of 
 victory. 
 
 !t seems to us that it is the duty of all reformers to 
 know the fundamental principles of justice, and that 
 those principles forever remain the same. No matter 
 whether the reform sought at the time be but a step, 
 yet it ought to be a step toward the loftiest mountain 
 tops of liberty, and not a mere movement, blind, though 
 well meant, amid the brakes and brambles of the gulch 
 and valley. 
 
v h ft ] 
 
 4 PREFACE. 
 
 The thoughtful menV>f earth, the Children of Light, 
 foresee that these questions can be decided finally and 
 forever by no other means than by the sword of war. 
 That the day of conflict draws ever nearer and nearer, 
 and that conditions themselves will force the fight long 
 before the peoples of the world see and know the truths 
 upon which the advent of the newer and grander life 
 must be founded, is no longer a contested, but an ad- 
 mitted fact 
 
 It behooves us, then, to waste no precious moments in 
 useless labor. Let us bend every energy to the educa- 
 tion of the people, that they may, when clangs the fate- 
 ful hour, know how and where to strike for liberty or 
 death. 
 
 San Francisco, California, September i, 18S4. 
 
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 LEXICON. ? ; . 
 
 . <M /»»!<* ? «. .'"1 ' - •/'* 
 
 The Socialistic propaganda having introduced several 
 new words to the public, and having as well attached 
 definite meanings to several others, it will not be out of 
 place, and will certainly conduce to clearness, to define 
 them here : 
 
 Society. • 
 
 Modern " civilized " Society is divided into three 
 classes, as follows : 
 
 The Aristocracy, consisting of those people in Europe 
 who come of " gentle blood " and those in America who 
 live upon inherited wealth — the Drones. 
 
 The Bourgeoisie, consisting of all of those who derive 
 their living from rent, profit, or interest ; those in short 
 who arc not wage-workers, together with their hangers- 
 on and allies — tiie Robbers. 
 
 The Proletariat, the working people of the world, those 
 who really do the work and who receive in return for 
 their labor a part of its worth called " wages " — the 
 Plundered Slaves. 
 
 [The adjectives formed from these words are bourgeois, 
 proletarian ; the singular nouns defining an individual of 
 these classes are a bourgeois, a proletarian, a prolctaire. 
 Bourgeois is pronounced, boor-zhwau. Bourgeoisie is 
 pronounced, boor-zhwau-zie. — The word M proletariat " 
 meant originally, and 3ti!l means, "the disinherited."] 
 
 The two former classes sustain the present method 
 which governs the obtaining of a livelihood in this 
 world, which is denominated the "Competitive System 
 of Industry." By the aid of pulpit, press, and politician, 
 owned by them, and because of the ignorance of the 
 working people, this system is maintained. 
 
 I 
 
LEX/COX. 
 
 Socialism. 
 
 Socialism is defined by Webster as follows : M A better 
 and more just system of government." A better defini- 
 tion is this : Socialism is the science of Justice applied 
 to social conditions of mankind, its fundamental princi- 
 ple being that the right to labor and to receive the full 
 value of that labor must be secured to every individual. 
 [Note : It is to be regretted that the words Commun- 
 ism and Socialism by general custom have become al- 
 most synonymous. In point of fact, though generally so 
 used, they are not synonyms.] 
 
 Communism. 
 
 Communism is that scheme of social regeneration which 
 urges the establishment of a system which, based upon 
 the family, will require from its members only what 
 they are able to produce and will return to them what- 
 ever they wish to consume* 
 
 Individualism. 
 
 . ■ * * 
 
 Individualism (that commonly known ns the M Man- 
 Chester" school) is that peculiar and anarchical, or want 
 of, method of social association which now prevails. 
 Its only rule is to let he who has the power, take, and 
 he retain who can. [JEST Individual Sovereignty based 
 upon Socialism is an entirely different affair and must 
 not be confused with it.] 
 
 : Policy of the Socialists. 
 
 The Social, the Sexual, and the Religious questions 
 are entirely different ones and should not be confused 
 with each other. Socialists are interested in the first, 
 and only deal with the second and especially the third 
 when they place themselves in antagonism to our course 
 upon the first. We maintain that social reform once ac- 
 complished, all others will easily and naturally follow. 
 
LEXICON* 
 
 Economic Terms. 
 
 Capital is the surplus remaining of the earnings of la- 
 bor after all its needs have been supplied — it is stored up 
 tabor, or honestly earned property. 
 
 Capitalized Profits (familiarly and wrongfully known in 
 the commercial world as "capital") is cither the unpaid 
 wages of 'the producer^ or a forced tax upon the necessities 
 of the consumer. [In this book the ordinary word 
 " capital " is used, the authors not desiring at this stage of 
 the movement to confuse the mind of the reader ; by 
 "capital " both here and in general literature M capital- 
 ized profits " is really meant.] 
 
 Property (honestly acquired ; storcd-up labor) is sa- 
 cred. 
 
 Profit (capitalized profits; miscalled "property" and 
 " capital ") is the solidified fruits of a wholesale brigand- 
 age ; in brief, theft. 
 
 Rent is robbery. 
 
 Interest is an immoral and unjust tax extorted by a 
 master from the necessities of the slave. 
 
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 : . " • , . . i ' ■ . i ;•>••'•• •• • 
 
 THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN 
 
 SOCIALISM. 
 
 In Mr. H. M. Hymlman's scientific text-book on So- 
 cialism (*'The Historical Basis of Socialism in Eng- 
 land") he shows that the Golden Age of the English 
 people (from a. u. 1350 101500) was chieily marked by 
 the fact that the producing classes were really free to 
 contract for their labor and its reward ; that they held 
 the land, the implements, and the produce alike at their 
 own disposal, subject only to certain well-defined pay- 
 ments to the master class ; that, producing for their own 
 use and not for profit, they had at hand the necessities 
 of food, clothing, and shelter as a result of their own la- 
 bor ; and that no man could call upon them for labor or 
 for battle save of their own free will. 
 
 After showing how fine, sturdy, honest, and indepen- 
 dent the English of these days were, how well they were 
 fed, housed, and clothed, and how superior in every sense 
 they were to their miserable descendants of to-day, Mr. 
 Ilyndman sketches with a master hand the course of 
 their decadence. 
 
 How the land and raw materials were torn from their 
 grasp by the aggressions of the larger capitalists, how 
 the workers were divorced from their tools and Hung 
 into large factories, and how, by division of labor and 
 outside production for profit under the wage system, the 
 producers were final 1) converted into the proletariat of 
 the present lime, could not have been better stated nor 
 more clearly proven. 
 
 That this same course of events has been followed in 
 every civilized land is undoubtedly a fact, although the 
 superficial thought of the present day fails tu grasp the 
 

 To SOCIALISM. 
 
 historical points which \mnrk its progress to the real 
 student That it is especially the case in America not 
 even so superficial a thinker as Professor Sumner will, I 
 think, deny after he shall have noted the facts which I 
 propose briefly to touch upon. 
 
 Socialism, which in brief is that science that insists 
 upon the worker having, first, free access to the materials 
 of production ; second, free use of the tools of produc- 
 tion, and third, free use of the medium of exchange — this 
 Science of Justice can with right claim that in America, 
 the social conditions which ultimately in every land will 
 compel its adoption, have swept from point to point, 
 from phase to phase with a rapidity and force seen in no 
 other clime. 
 
 Never before in so short a period have the people of 
 any nation progressed through the barbaric, the tribal, 
 the feudal, and the commercial ages. And if the law of 
 analogous sequences holds good, never will be witnessed 
 so rapid a snaking off of the chains of Capitalism and 
 so glorious a birth into the realms of Social Freedom 
 as will be seen here, in these United States, within tiie 
 next decade. 
 
 The people of this land were once free, prosperous, 
 and happy. They are now miserable, poor, and en- 
 slaved. That the first was and why, that the second is 
 and the reason therefor, I hope to show. 
 
 It was not the sangrc azul of the Visigoth ic race, nor 
 the daring of the Paladins, nor the courage of a daunt- 
 less chivalry that drove the frail fleets of the fust settlers 
 of America from the olden home. No— it was the de- 
 velopment at home of the modern competitive system. 
 The seizure of the land and tools had begun, men were 
 driven from their homes, shut out of an opportunity to 
 labor, and naturally and inevitably they sought a place 
 abroad where the means of subsistence could be ob- 
 tained. 
 
 Had no hospitable America been open to them they 
 would have remained at home and — fought. But the 
 path was open, and instead of fighting they lied. That 
 some of the poorer, the more desperate, perhaps as well 
 
SOCIALISM* \\ 
 
 the braver, did fight, will be remembered whan we re- 
 call the English insurrections of the working people 
 between 1536 and 1568, especially that of Robert Kett 
 
 in 1549-* 
 
 The original colonists of America consisted mainly of 
 English, though Holland, Sweden, France, Scotland, 
 Ireland, and Germany were represented by men driven 
 over by the same economic causes as those developed in 
 England, 
 
 Placed on the shores of an unknown country, unpro- 
 vided with either food or shelter, the exiles found, how- 
 ever, aii abundance of the first requisite of economic 
 freedom — raw material free to all. Land, wood, coal, 
 iron, stone, wild animals, fowl, and fish abounded for all 
 who wished to use them. To these they applied their 
 labor. The result was a state of society approximating 
 that of the English people of the "Golden Age" — dif- 
 fering from it only in thatagreatei amount of toil was a 
 necessity, owing to the undeveloped state of the country. 
 
 Had the colonics been left to themselves they Would 
 soon have made themselves independent of the mother 
 land, by manufacturing their own tools of production 
 and actively engaging in the making of the articles 
 found necessary for their welfare. But the capitalist 
 classes of England had scented the game. In x66o they 
 passed the " Navigation Acts." By these the colonists 
 were forbidden to send their products to any market 
 but England, they were not allowed to buy goods save 
 in England, and to crown all everything had to be car- 
 ried in English vessels. 
 
 These restrictive laws throttled local manufacture and 
 compelled the settlers no,t only to pay an unjust tax on 
 the tools of production but prohibited them as well 
 from even using certain tgols at alL 
 
 In ? 674 the capitalist class of England, through their 
 Parliament, took another step. They laid heavy duties 
 on ceitain imported a. tides and passed severe statutes 
 to enforce the Navigation Acts. 
 
 Meanwhile, in the Colonies a capitalist class had also 
 been developed from three causes. First, the seizure 
 
 * Kn passant, note : that nnu\ there being at hand no new Americas 
 the grand revolution is imminent in every land. 
 
« SOCIALISM. 
 
 of large tracts of land under grants from the crown, these 
 tracts lying around the points of commercial vantage ; 
 second, the Working of large estates by slave labor, which 
 was introduced by English capitalist speculators as early 
 as 1620 ; and third, the use of the English medium of 
 exchange, money, early substituted for rolls of tobacco 
 employed by the first settlers to gauge the relative value 
 of different productions. The seized lands, the slaves, 
 and the money were absorbed by this newly formed cap- 
 italist class. The first furnished them with the raw ma- 
 terial, the second (slaves) with the instruments of pro- 
 duction, and the third with a medium of exchange. This 
 last, following the example of their class at all times, 
 they supplemented by a creation of their own, a system 
 of notes, drafts, checks, bills, etc., thus providing them- 
 selves with a practically free medium of exchange, using 
 which they could in a great measure do without the 
 authorized governmental medium, money. 
 
 Thus occupying this position they were free, though 
 their freedom meant the slavery of the mere producers, 
 who thenceforth were used simply as M tools." 
 
 Unlike the producers, this commercial class was quick 
 to see any invasion of its rights, and when their fellows 
 in England laid a tax upon all deeds, notes, bills, checks, 
 under the name of the " Stamp Act," they saw at once 
 that it meant a limit to their right of a free medium of 
 exchange; and ultimate slavery of their fraction to the 
 larger thieves at home. 
 
 They protested ; but finding protests of no avail, they 
 fought. And into the battle with them they dragged 
 the already growing proletariat and the large and com- 
 paratively independent agricultural classes. 
 
 The revolution of 1776 was clearly and absolutely a 
 bourgeois affair. Not only its causes but its results 
 evidence that it was so. 
 
 Its parallel in England was the conquest by William 
 of Orange ; in France the revolution of 17H9. 
 
 The actual physical conflict once begun let us do the 
 American capitalists the credit to declare that they did 
 not shirk their share of the burden. 
 
SOCIALISM. 13 
 
 It Is no more than fair to admit that the overtures 
 which were made at midnight In an open boat on the 
 James River by a certain faction to the Pretender, look- 
 ing to his assuming the American crown, were made 
 without the knowledge of the mnin body of the class. 
 Yet it is said that the proposition of crowning Washing- 
 ton was received secretly with great favor and only 
 abandoned on Hamilton's representations that the peo- 
 ple would never submit to the name of "King," and his 
 subtile suggestion as to the change of nomenclature. 
 
 The revolution once accomplished, independence of 
 the capitalist classes attained, the sole study of the ris- 
 ing bourgeoisie was to prevent the proletariat from as- 
 serting their rights to material, tools, and money, and to • 
 hold these factors of happiness iirtheir own hands alone. 
 
 This task was easv for three reasons : 
 
 i. Millions of acres of unclaimed, unused land stretched 
 to the westward, seemingly to be so, to the eyes of the 
 poor, forever. 
 
 2. War had tired the workers out. They had no heart 
 for further controversy, and were anxious to again devote 
 their energies to labor on their own land. 
 
 3. The few real patriots who saw the trend of events 
 and who alone had sufficient leisure, ability, and wealth 
 to successfully contest their advancement were bribed, 
 cajoled, hoodwinked, threatened, or removed from the 
 scene of action. Among these were Thomas "Paine, 
 against whom were brought the batteries of religious in- 
 tolerance, and Thomas Jefferson, who was sent -out of the 
 way in honorable exile as Minister to the Court of 
 France. 
 
 The bourgeoisie were thus masters of the field. Un- 
 der the leadership of Alexander Hamilton, as the M Fed- 
 eralistic " party, they carried every point. This man, 
 more than any other responsible for the misery of to-day, 
 based all his action upon these words : 
 
 " In all civilized countries the people are necessarily 
 and naturally divided into two classes ; the one : the few, 
 the rich, the well-born ; the other: the many, the poor, 
 the laboring masses." * 
 
 •This passnpc was quoted and approved by J. A. Garfield, the 
 "martyred" hero of the bourgeoisie of the present day. 
 
14 SOCIALISM. 
 
 In 1786 deputies weVc sent to Annapolis to " revise " 
 the Articles of Confederation. These articles had been 
 agreed upon by Congress during the war and had been 
 found sufficient to carry it through. Now the bour- 
 geoisie claimed them as defective and insisted upon their 
 revision, really meaning to take advantage of the oppor- 
 tunity and substitute for the mere fcdcralistlc compact 
 they represented a more centralized form of government 
 which they could use when occasion served to for- 
 ward their own ends. In short, they proposed to nul- 
 lify all advance gained by the producing classes in the 
 revolution. In order to understand how far this nulli- 
 fication went let us examine what these classes had 
 gained : 
 
 On the fourth day of July, 1776, the Declaration of 
 Independence was issued. That document joined issue 
 between England and the Colonics. When the supreme 
 arbitrament of war rendered judgment in favor of the 
 rebels, that judgment in effect established the Declara- 
 tion as the truth, gave it the binding force of statutory 
 law. Had those who had charge of the legislative ma- 
 chinery established to carry out in practice the principles 
 whose binding force had thus been decided in theory, 
 had those legislators so altered conditions as to enforce 
 those principles — had they even put the principles into 
 the new constitution, we o( to-day might have been free 
 men instead of serfs. 
 
 This Declaration announced : 
 
 44 We hold these truths to be self-evident : — That all 
 men arc created//r<r and equal: that they arc endowed 
 by their Creator with certain inalienable rights : that 
 amongst these are LIFE, LIBERTY, and the PURSUIT 
 of HAPPINESS. That, h secure these rights, govern- 
 ments arc instituted nine .riving their Just pow- 
 
 ers from the consent of the ^verned : that, whenever any 
 form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is 
 the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to insti- 
 tute a new government, laying its foundation on such 
 principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to 
 them shall seem most likely to clfect their safety and happi* 
 nessT 
 
SOCIALISM. . t< 
 
 In other words : .^ .v. 
 
 i. That all men are created free. J' •" 
 
 2. That all men arc created with equal rights. v 
 
 3. That all men arc endowed hy their Creator with 
 the right of life ^and the means of living), and that of 
 this right even they themselves cannot divest themselves. 
 
 4. That all men arc endowed with the right of liberty, 
 and that of this right even they themselves cannot di- 
 vest themselves. 
 
 5. That all men arc endowed with the right to the 
 pursuit of happiness. 
 
 6. That il governments " have no other reason than to 
 preserve these rights. 
 
 7. That whenever they fail to do so the people have a 
 right to and should alter or abolish them. 
 
 3. That alter such destruction of a false government 
 the people have a right to establish any form of govern- 
 ment winch may seem to them most likely to give them 
 safety and happiness. 
 
 These eight principles were the issues of the revolu- 
 tionary war. The success of the rebels established these 
 declarations as truths. Vet not one of them is to-day, 
 cither in theory or fact, the governing law of this land ! 
 
 The names of the men who signed this remarkable 
 declaration ought at least to be remembered by us. 
 They, together with the sixteen who declined to sign 
 the Constitution after it was formulated, comprise all 
 of the real friends of the people among the leaders of 
 the Revolution. 
 
 The names are these : 
 
 JOHN H AN COCK. 
 
 New Hampshire. — Josiah Bartlctt, William Whipple, 
 Matthew Thornton. 
 
 Massachusetts Jfay. — Samuel Adams, John Adams, 
 Robert Treat Paine, Klbridgc Gerry. 
 
 tihode Island, — Stephen Hopkins,' William EHery. 
 
 Connecticut, — Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, 
 William Williams, Oliver Wolcott. 
 
 New York.— William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis 
 Lewis, Lewis Morris. 
 
 r - 
 
16 SOCIALISM, 
 
 New Jersey. — I^icha/d Stockton, John Witherspoon, 
 Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark. 
 
 Pennsylvania. — Robert Morris, Hen jam in Rush, Benja- 
 min Franklin, John Morton, George Clymcr, James 
 Smith, George Taylor. James Wilson, George Ross. 
 
 Delaware. — Cscsar Rodney, George Read, Thomas 
 McKean. 
 
 Maryland. — Samuel Chase, William Pacca, Thomas 
 Stone, Charles Carroll of Carrol lton. 
 
 Virginia. — George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas 
 Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., 
 Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton. 
 
 North Carolina. — William Hooper, Joseph Ilcwcs, 
 John Pcnn. 
 
 South Carolina.-— Edward Rutlcdgc, Thomas I Icy- 
 wood, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middle tan. 
 
 Georgia. — Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George 
 Walton. 
 
 The Convention finding that the bourgeoisie were rep- 
 resented in their body by f ,r ty-fivc members and the 
 proletariat by but sixteen, seized the opportunity bold- 
 ly and sat with closed doors and in secret session. At 
 the end of four months of terrible battle, where the he- 
 roic sixteen fought desperately but hopelessly, they 
 brought forth the first seven articles of our present 
 Constitution and submitted it to the States for ratifica- 
 tion. 
 
 The sixteen who refused to sign the document were 
 these : 
 
 Eluridce Gf.rry, G forge Wythe, Caleb Strong, 
 Oliver Ellsworth, William C. Houston, Roukkt 
 Yates, Luther Martin, John F. Mercer, Jamks 
 McClueg, Alexander Martin, William R. Davie, 
 William Pierce, Joan Lansing, William Houston, 
 George Mason, Edmund Randolph. 
 
 Then the battle was transferred from the convention 
 to the legislature?: of the various States. Though the 
 bourgeoisie hud already captured these strongholds in 
 some of the States and had the press almost entirely 
 upon their side, yet in many localities the proletariat 
 made gallant struggles against it. 
 
 Jefferson wrote against it from France that it M sounded 
 
SOC/stZ/SM. .^7 
 
 the downfall of popular government; that its evident 
 tendency was aristocratic and monarchical ; that it was 
 framed by tho:>e who arc desirous of drawing over us 
 the substance, as they have by it the forms of the British 
 Government. 
 
 Hancock took the stump against it in Massachusetts 
 where it was only carried by a majority of nine. 
 
 Patrick Henry led the campaign against it in Vir- 
 ginia and denounced and assailed it with an "elo- 
 quence almost unrivalled." He declared "that its 
 adoption would be a counter-revolution more radical 
 than that which had separated America from Britain." 
 " In the warmth of debate," says Bancroft, "he seemed 
 even to threaten resistance if the document were adopted ; 
 yet at last declared that even then he would remain a 
 peaceful citizen, only devoting his head, his hand, and 
 his heart to obtain redress in a constitutional (!) manner." 
 The measure was carried by a majority of only eight. 
 
 In New York so bitter was the opposition that not- 
 withstanding the support of Jay,. Hamilton, and Living- 
 ston, it was only carried by a majority of five. 
 
 No sooner, however, was it adopted than the storm 
 gathered over the heads of the aristocratic party. 
 
 So threatening was the situation that they became 
 alarmed and hastened to add the first ten amendments, 
 nine of which are for the protection of personal lib- 
 erty and the tenth specifies the limit of federal powers 
 and guarantees all powers not delegated as belonging 
 to the people. Vet the major portion of these amend- 
 ments have since that day been construed and legislated 
 out of force. 
 
 Thus much, for the attempt to build a social change 
 peaceably upon the foundations of mere political lib- 
 erty. 
 
 Space will not allow here the needed analysis of both 
 Constitution and Amendments. Suffice it now to say 
 that the former merely constituted a limited monarchy 
 copied after that of England, with President for King, 
 Senate for House of Lords, and the lower House for 
 that of the Commons, so called. 
 a 
 
-*•• .'_ .t- 1 rn*m* •»^»-««. < 
 
 98 SOCIALISM. 
 
 Yet the President tons given more power, than the 
 King of England had, the Senate more than the House 
 of Lords. In the Mother-land the Lords were so by 
 blood ; here they are noble by wealth. In Britain the 
 Commons hold their scats by virtue of their control of 
 the soil ; here the House of Representatives are seized 
 of their seats because of their control of "votes." In 
 both cases tyranny over and robbery of the producing 
 classes was the only aim and is the sole result. 
 
 From the close of the war up to within five or ten 
 years ago the producing classes of the Republic were 
 comparatively well oil. It is true that in all these years 
 they were robbed right and left, but so great were the 
 natural resources, so plentiful was the bounty of Nature, 
 and so easy was acquisition when the land was open to 
 all, that the robbery was hardly felt. 
 
 Blessed with the purse of Fortunatus, the worker had 
 no desire to look too sharply after the thieves who made 
 his pockets their own. 
 
 As the population grew in numbers the territory ex- 
 panded in proportion, thus preventing, until within late 
 years, the monopoly of lands which precedes that of 
 labor and exchange. 
 
 In 1790 the population was 3,929,214, distributed over 
 239,935 square miles, the average density of settlement 
 being 16.4 to the mile. 
 
 The following table shows the status of population to 
 land at succeeding decades : 
 
 Year. Population. Territory. Density. 
 
 1800 5.308,483 3°5,7°8 17.4 
 
 1810 , 7,*39> 881 407,945 *7-7 
 
 1820. r 9,633,822 5 o8 »7*7 18.9 
 
 1830 12,866,020 632,717 20.3 
 
 1840 t 17,069,453 807,292 21. 1 
 
 iy 5° 23, 191,876 979'-49 23.7 
 
 iS6 ° ; . . 3 1 »443>3 2 « 1,194,754 26.3 
 
 lS 7° • S^.558,37 1 ',272,239 30.3 
 
 x 88o 5°, J 55,783 ',5^9,570 3 2 ° 
 
SOCIALISM, s 19 
 
 The rate of increase of population is so great that it is 
 estimated that by 1890 the average density will reach 40 
 to the mile. 
 
 But it must be clearly understood that these figures 
 do not by any means show that the pcopl: own the soil 
 nor that there is an excess of population over and above 
 the amount of land necessary for their support. On the 
 contrary, they simply show that, irrespective of any 
 other considerations, the land is more difficult of access 
 than it ever was before and that this divorcing of the 
 people from the soil advances in intensity in an arith- 
 metical ratio. 
 
 This fact would be brought out with startling dis- 
 tinctness by a compilation of the figures showing the 
 relative density of population on settled, semi-settled, 
 and sparsely inhabited sections at the end of each de- 
 cade, were such figures obtainable. Unfortunately they 
 are not. But we have something at hand which serves 
 the purpose nearly as well : 
 
 A series of maps which accompany the last census 
 show in five degrees of density by colors (not by fig- 
 ures) the distribution of the population every decade. 
 
 An inspection of them shows at a glance that land 
 is still plentiful and the population even yet far from 
 being a crowded one ; and that the most fertile and 
 valuable lands arc the most sparsely settled. This can 
 mean but one tiling: the holding of the good lands 
 by monopolists cither for production on a vast scale 
 under the wage system or for speculative advance in 
 price. 
 
 The statistics being consulted we find both to be cor- 
 rect ; and as well that this state of things means in 
 plain words that the producer has been barred off of 
 the land and the first step toward his economic slavery 
 taken. 
 
 It is a fact much overlooked, that the geniuses of the 
 world have sprung from the despised proletariat. And 
 when in America a bourgeoisie developed from the pro- 
 ducers it was not strange to find that in ability, shrewd- 
 ness, and enterprise it much surpassed its class in other 
 lands. Its colossal schemes, the daring of their execu- 
 tion, the magnitude of the results prove this beyond a 
 
s 
 
 to SOCIALISM. 
 
 cavil. Not* surprising is it then to find that America 
 was first in the way of invention of improved labor- 
 saving machinery and as well perfectly competent to 
 secure nearly if not quite a monoply of its results. No 
 need to detail here the various inventions which have 
 replaced the toil of man by the work of the machine, no 
 need to particularize the various branches in which iron 
 and steam fought against muscle and brawn and drove 
 them from the field. The story is well known. And as 
 well is it known how, by the control of legislative 
 powers, the trading classes secured such legislation as 
 enabled them to hold a monopoly of these new instru- 
 ments of production and thus to add the second link 
 in the chain welded for the perfect slavery of the 
 workers. 
 
 One point alone remained to be looked after in order 
 to complete the chain — the monopoly of the medium 
 of exchange. 
 
 Of the various attempts made in the earlier years of 
 our history to secure tins monopoly, I have not here 
 the space to deal. But the full iniquity was not per- 
 petrated until the occurrence of the war of the Re- 
 bellion, and it will be sufficient to brielly examine that 
 period alone. 
 
 Not content, as is their class in other lands, with the 
 use of the money of the Government and the control 
 over it by means of interest, here in America the bour- 
 geoisie marie a bolder stroke for power. Not content 
 with having their own supplemental currency of drafts, 
 bills, notes, and exchange, they aimed at and secured 
 from the Government itself the right of issuing the gov- 
 ernment money. And with a sublimity of impudence 
 unsurpassed in the world they made the Government 
 pay the cost of such issue ! 
 
 Having urged upon tiic Government a war for com- 
 mercial aggrandisement against the South, the sharp 
 Yankee traders decided in Congress assembled that the 
 Government was unable to directly issue the money 
 required for its prosecution. Masquerading, as repre- 
 sentatives of the whole people, they then offered the 
 credit of the nation for sale among the money monger- 
 crs of the world. Gold rose up to nearly three hundred 
 
SOCIALISM. 
 
 ax 
 
 per cent, above par, and bonds fell to twenty-five per 
 cent, of their face value, this face value being fully one 
 hundred per cent. less than actual worth when we 
 reckon the interest subsequently paid. In plain terms, 
 the usurers having secured a monopoly of gold coin, by 
 their agents in Congress, induced the Government to 
 derkre that this metallic medium of exchange must 
 serve as a basis for all other money. This created the 
 demand which the usurers were alone able to supply. 
 Of course they filled the orders at their own price, 
 getting as a matter of fact on money three dollars 
 for one, and on bonds nearly four. Sec the econo- 
 mic absurdity of the whole scheme. The usurer 
 says : 
 
 "The Government cannot issue paper promises to the 
 people. It must give them honest gold (which we 
 alone have). Hence it must pay us our price for our 
 gold." And then they take their price in the very 
 paper Which they said could not be issued ! 
 
 This job gave them, during the continuance of the 
 war, a complete monopoly of the money market. When 
 the war closed and no further excuses could be found 
 for borrowing money, the National Hank swindle, by 
 which the issu nee of money was transferred directly to 
 the hands of the traders, was perpetrated. This gigan- 
 tic monument of impudent rascality needs only to be 
 hastily surveyed. 
 
 A capitalist desires to get something for nothing, 
 lie establishes a National Hank. He has $100,000. 
 With this he buys $100,000 wortli of bonds, goes with 
 them to Washington and deposits them. Upon these 
 bonds the Government issues to him ninety per cent, 
 or $90,000 in currency for circulation. Now let us sec 
 what he can do. 
 
 With this $00,000, following out the same principle, 
 we will say that he buys $90,000 worth more of bonds 
 and deposits ///<///, receiving upon them for circulation 
 ninety per cent, of their value, or $81,000. 
 
 He continues this process of buying bonds, deposit- 
 ing them, receiving ninety per cent, of their value, and 
 again purchasing and depositing until his capital is ex- 
 hausted. 
 
11 
 
 SOCIALISM. 
 
 The figures and amounts will be as follows : 
 
 For 
 
 Currency, 
 
 $100,000 of bonds he gets $90,000 
 
 00,000 ■ 
 
 Bl.OOO * 
 
 4 81,000 
 
 • 72.000 ! 
 
 73,000 • 
 
 • 65.610 > 
 
 65,610 * 
 
 • 59.049 
 
 50.049 * 
 
 4H.144 
 
 48,144 
 
 • 43.329 
 
 43.3 2 9 ' 
 
 38.996 
 
 3 8 .996 • 
 
 35.096 
 
 35.096 • 
 
 1 31.586 
 
 31.586 
 
 • 28.427 
 
 23.427 * 
 
 25.584 
 
 25.584 
 
 * 33.025 
 
 35.025 
 
 * • 20,723 
 
 30.723 • 
 
 ♦ is.649 
 
 18.640 • 
 
 • 16.784 
 
 16,784 
 
 * 15.106 
 
 15.106 • 
 
 • • 13.595 
 
 12.236 . * 
 
 * 12.236 
 
 • 11,01a 
 
 11. 0:3 * 
 
 • 0.911 
 
 09' l ' 
 
 • 8,919 
 
 8.919 
 
 1 8,027 
 
 T.027 ' 
 
 • . 7.224 
 
 7.2*4 < ' 
 
 • 6.503 
 
 6,503 , . • 
 
 5,853 
 
 5.853 
 
 • .. 5.267 
 
 5.267 
 
 • ' 4.640 
 
 4.640 ' • 
 
 • . . 4.196 
 
 4.196 • 
 
 • , . 3.776 
 
 3.776 ' * 
 
 3398 
 
 3.393 
 
 • • . 3.058 
 
 3.C53 
 
 • 2,753 
 
 3.753 ■ 
 
 2.377 
 
 3,377 * 
 
 • 2,139 
 
 3.139 * 
 
 • 1.0^5 
 
 1.925 
 
 . . i.733 
 
 1.733 
 
 • 1.560 
 
 1.560 ■ 
 
 • 1.404 
 
 I.404 
 
 • . 1.264 
 
 I.264 ~ ' 
 
 * 1.024 
 
 For 
 
 $1,024 
 923 
 830 
 
 747 
 673 
 605 
 545 
 491 
 . 443 
 393 
 358 
 323 
 200 
 261 
 . 3 35 
 
 313 
 
 191 
 173 
 
 155 
 
 no 
 
 126 
 
 113 
 
 103 
 
 03 
 
 83 
 
 75 
 63 
 61 
 
 55 
 50 
 45 
 
 41 
 
 37 
 33 
 30 
 27 
 24 
 
 23 
 
 Currency. 
 
 of bonds he gets $933 
 " 830 
 
 747 
 •• . * 673 
 
 •• *: 605 
 
 , 545 
 491 
 443 
 
 398 
 
 353 
 
 «• 2C/3 
 
 ♦• 26l 
 
 " 335 
 
 191 
 
 m • x 7a 
 
 155 
 N 140 
 
 M • 126 
 
 113 
 
 •I 02 
 
 83 
 
 75 
 M 03 
 
 * 61 
 
 * ' 55 
 50 
 45 
 41 
 37 
 
 ,. " 33 
 30 
 
 M 27 
 
 M a.| 
 
 " 23 
 
 1. 
 • 1 
 
 • « 
 
 $847,988, total value of the bonds 
 on deposit at Washington. 
 
 Now he has on deposit $847,988 wortli of bonds, on 
 which for ten years he receives an interest of $339,195. 
 At the end of ten years he draws out his bonds, redeems 
 his outstanding circulation and pockets his fortune of 
 $335» I 95 interest received on an original investment of 
 $100,000 ! 
 
 The reason that he don't really pursue this long- 
 drawn-out but easy way of making a fortune, is that he 
 
SOCIALISM. tfj 
 
 can make the fortune easier and quicker in the ordinary 
 banking business with the first capital of $90,000 whion 
 he received for his bonds. 
 
 Mow he docs this Mr. William Harrison Riley has 
 lately shown in these plain words : 
 
 " On every ' National Bank' note in circulation usury 
 — 'interest' — is being paid to the bankers, for not one 
 of the notes can reach the people except through the 
 •(private) bankers, and they let none pass without usury. 
 The manufacturers might avoid the- use of taxed water, 
 by using steam power ; but they cannot avoid the use 
 of taxed money. 
 
 "Explanation is needed of the methods by which 
 bankers obtain more than seven or even one hundred 
 per cent, profit per annum on their capital. I will try 
 to explain by an illustration. To begin with, a banker 
 deposits in the United States Treasury $100,000 in gov- 
 ernment bonds. The Government then gives him $90,- 
 000 in greenbacks, and yet undertakes to pay. him three 
 and a half per cent, interest on the deposit. Thus he 
 will receive interest on the whole of his capital of $?oo,- 
 ooo, although he has $90,000 of the amount left at his 
 disposal. This amount, and, say $200,000 of his depos- 
 itors' money, he will soon be ready to lend. Smith 
 borrows $2,000, on mortgage security, at five per 
 cent, per annum. The same <tay he pays the money to 
 Jones, and, before the close of the day, the money, that 
 was leni for a year, is back again in the banker's safe, to 
 be lent again the next day, at five per cent, per annu m. 
 Thus the banker may lend the same $1,000 bill fifty 
 times in fifteen months, to fifty different people, and 
 each borrower will have to pay for a year's use of the 
 same money. The money that bankers lend for 'three 
 months' or 'a year' generally returns to them in a few 
 hours, to be lent again and again. 
 
 "The currency of the, nation bears 'with it a usurer's* 
 burden, not of five per cent, only, but of more than fifty 
 per cent, per annum. For the privilege — the right — of 
 using the * national ' currency, the people have to pay, 
 every year, a usurer's tax amounting to mere than half 
 the total sum of the currency. 
 
 " If the Government will persist in paying interest on 
 

 14 SOCIALISM. 
 
 Its bonds, then It should treat all citizens as It has 
 hitherto treated bankers exclusively. . Any citizen 
 should be entitled to deposit bonds and receive green- 
 backs. Thus a citizen could deposit a hundred dollar 
 bond, continue to receive interest on it, and get ninety 
 dollars in greenbacks,//*^ of interest, when he deposited 
 the bond. It is thus that bankers are treated. Why 
 has the Government of this 4 Republic ' determined that 
 money lenders — usurers — shall have money free of in* 
 terest, and that agriculturists, manufacturers, merchants, 
 and other workers shall not ? " 
 
 A word in conclusion as to the result which must in- 
 evitably follow the future development of the competi- 
 tive system in America. 
 
 The land and natural resources are being seized by 
 corporations and capitalists, and the producer will be 
 compelled to labor, first as a small competitor, then as a 
 tenant, and finally as a mere wage-slave for a subsistence- 
 wage only. . 
 
 The instruments of production arc daily growing 
 more complicated, expensive, and powerful, and further 
 removed from use by the actual producers by patent 
 laws and legal tricks ; by the power of combination and 
 merciless competition at prices below cost, the bour- 
 geoisie have attained and will firmly hold their grasp up- 
 on these machines; it has even now, in fact, become im- 
 possible for the workers to use them except by paying 
 a tax which, when deducted from their earnings, leaves 
 but the subsistence-wage. 
 
 The medium of exchange already entirely under the 
 control of the non-producers, subject only to a tax from 
 the Government, is already being freed from even this 
 slight burden. By thousands of firms to-day the work- 
 men are mainly paid in orders upon the "company- 
 stores" instead of in cash, and upon a scheme so closely 
 calculated as to not only leave the toiler but the barest 
 subsistence- wage, but as well each year to grind doton his 
 standard of living to a luiuer point. } 
 
 . Contemporaneous with the proletariat being thus re- 
 
SOCIALISM. S$ 
 
 duced to absolute slavery on the most miserable and 
 degraded plane of existence, the operation of the system 
 Will drive the small trader out of business and into the 
 wage-worker's ranks ; it will then attack those of the 
 bourgeoisie who have a little more and force them down 
 in the same manner. Then the competition which has 
 prevailed among the spoilers themselves will be re- 
 placed by combination, to fix prices of products at still 
 higher figures. 
 
 That this combination is even now going on to a most 
 startling extent the evidence of President Gowen, of the 
 Reading Railroad — when he was defending that company 
 in 1875, before a committee of the Pennsylvania Legis- 
 lature, for having taken part in the combination of the 
 coal companies to cure the evil of " too much coal" by 
 putting tip the prices and cutting down the amount of 
 sales — conclusively shows. He pleaded that there were 
 fifty trades in which the same thing was done. He had 
 a list of them to show the committee, and in presenting 
 it, this is what he had to say : 
 
 v " Every pound of rope we buy for vessels or for our 
 mines is bought at a price fixed by the committee of 
 rope manufacturers of the United States. Every keg of 
 nails, every package of tacks, all our screws, our wrenches 
 and hinges, the boiler Hues of our iocomotives arc never 
 bought except at the price fixed by the mills that man- 
 ufacture them. Iron beams for your houses or your 
 bridges can only be had at the prices agreed upon by a 
 combination of those that produce them. Fire bricks, 
 gas-pipes, terra-cotta pipes for drainage, every keg of 
 powder we buy to blast coal are purchased upon the 
 same arrangement. Every pane of window glass in this 
 house was bought at a scale of prices established in the 
 same manner. White lead, galvanized sheet iron, hose, 
 bolting and files, are bought and sold at a rate deter- 
 mined in the same way." 
 
 A little thought will show that all attempts to raise 
 the wages or reduce the hours of toil of the producer 
 are useless, since they are defeated by the inevitable rise 
 in the prices enforced from the consumer. 
 
26 SOCIALISM. 
 
 Since 1875 the progress of combination has increased 
 as docs the velocity of a falling body. The inhabitants 
 of every locality can call to mind instances so notorious 
 as to satisfy even the most doubting mind. 
 
 These things are prophetic, because of the rapidity of 
 their development, of the day when the people will rise 
 in armed rebellion seeking a remedy. For pauperiza- 
 tion entirely enslaves only when it is gradual ; when it 
 is rapid it strikes off the fetters. 
 
 When the rising — which will be one of blind, wrathful, 
 ignorant producers— comes, then must the Socialists of 
 America be prepared to unfurl the scarlet Hag and with 
 it in hand, head the assault as the leaders of the people, 
 pointing out to them not only their wrongs but their 
 only salvation : " Free land, free tools, and free money ! '* 
 
 Burnette G. Haskell. 
 
 San Francisco, Cal., September 1, 1884. 
 
 .1 ■>-..:•■'■■ 
 
 ,1 1 
 
 ( •.-.«.- J . . . ! 
 
 . • » • f 
 
 ,<:■,'. , . - . 
 
 * ' • • ■ ; • ' , . '« • ■ 
 
 1 » • 1 I . ■' 1 ' r\ ■ 1 < ," '' 1 
 
 1 ».•••• ■ . •. ■ !••• • 1 ''•» . '• 't"\ ', 1 :•: 
 
' I 
 
 
 ■■ 1 1 
 
 SOCIALISM. 
 
 i . - „ *%. 
 
 CHAPTER I. - 
 WHAT SOCIALISM REALLY IS. ... 
 
 What is Socialism ? 
 
 Should its doctrines be suppressed or propagated ? 
 
 In order to decide intelligently and justly, it will be 
 necessary to ascertain the meaning of the word "Social- 
 ism," and afterward examine its doctrines without preju- 
 dice. If, after thorough, careful, and honest investiga- 
 tion, it is found that these doctrines tend to degrade, 
 impoverish, and make men unhappy, to encourage idle- 
 ness, licentiousness, and crime, then the verdict of 
 "guilty" should be found and published everywhere, 
 the doctrines discouraged, and iis disciples treated as 
 knaves or fools. But if, on the other hand, it is proven 
 that its doctrines have a diametrically opposite tendency, 
 viz.: to make men wiser, better, more industrious, thrifty, 
 honest, intelligent — to level up instead of levelling down, 
 to raise instead of lowering the standard of manhood, to 
 foster peace instead of war, to give libertv, equality, and 
 fraternity to all — then should its doctrines be made known 
 as the new and better gospel of brighter light, broader 
 liberty and more perfect justice ; theft should its disci- 
 ples' be encouraged and aided as the benefactors of man- 
 kind, who, possessed of a faith, proclaim it without hope 
 of reward, and in the plainest of plain words as well 
 
 Definition of Socialism. 
 
 Webster defined Socialism to be M a better find more 
 just system of government." 
 Socialism proper is the political branch of the science 
 
aS SOCIA/JSAT. 
 
 of sociology, and deals with man as a social being 1 , his 
 relation to society, and the methods, customs, or laws of 
 his association, which laws and usages are summed up 
 in the word "government." Hence, the chief province 
 of Socialism would be to ascertain what system of gov- 
 ernment will bring the greatest amount of happiness 
 consistent with the highest possible moral, intellectual, 
 and physical development. 
 
 What Socialism Proposes. 
 
 Socialism proposes to abolish the system of wages- 
 slavery, and, instead, establish governmental co-opera- 
 tion for production and distribution. 
 
 Socialism proposes to secure to every person who la- 
 bors the full equivalent of his labor, partly in personal 
 remuneration, and partly in social and public benefits, 
 such as education, recreation, transportation, communi- 
 cation, and the best possible sustenance and care in sick- 
 ness and old age — not as a charity, but as a debt that so- 
 ciety owes to every useful citizen. 
 
 Socialism would perfect the educational system by 
 entirely abolishing the present lack of system. The 
 State would educate every child thoroughly, and, as they 
 advanced, give them an opportunity to master any sci- 
 ence, art, or mechanical pursuit for which their tastes or 
 abilities adapted them. 
 
 Hence there would be no uncongenial pursuits or em- 
 ployments, as each would choose that in which he would 
 be most likely to excel. Hence there would be very 
 few bad mechanics, unskilled workers, or quacks at any- 
 thing. 
 
 Socialism proposes scientific, intelligent, enlightened 
 government, or free co-operation on the basis of liberty, 
 equality, fraternity, and solidarity. 
 
 Socialism proposes to stop the wastes of society by 
 having none of its members uselessly employed or idle, 
 and by turning the great army of non-producers into a 
 brotherhood of useful producers. 
 
 Socialism proposes to have more workers, and less 
 work for each. 
 
 Socialism proposes that labor shall be a noble, health- 
 
SOCIALISM, 29 
 
 ftil, and elevating duty, not an unhealthy, degrading, and 
 slavish drudgery. 
 
 Socialism proposes that machinery shall do the world's 
 work, and that the whole people shall own such machin- 
 ery, and reap the full benefits thereof, individually and 
 collectively, not as at present, when machinery is owned 
 only by wealthy individuals and corporations, and oper- 
 ated to the degradation of the human machines who at- 
 tend thehi. 
 
 Socialism proposes that all the natural elements and 
 sources of wealth shall be preserved and developed by the 
 people for the common good. 
 
 Socialism proposes that the cultivation of land is the 
 sole title to its occupancy ; that the soil is common prop- 
 erty, the improvements belong' to the individual; that 
 as fast as practicable and consistent with individual lib- 
 erty, the government should resume title to all land, and 
 cultivate it in large domains to the best advantage, by 
 the most improved machinery, and the raising of only 
 such crops as are best adapted to the soil, climate, sea- 
 son, etc. 
 
 Socialism advocates the doctrine that the fact of exist- 
 ence proves the right to life ; the right to life carries 
 with it the right to enjoy life ; the right to enjoy life in- 
 cludes the highest possible enjoyment, with all the means 
 that minister to that end, so that nothing that art or na- 
 ture can produce is too good, or should be without the 
 reach of any useful citizen who contributes his quota to 
 the commonwealth. No food, no education, no clothes, 
 no house or other article of necessity or luxury is too 
 rich or costly for any useful worker, however humble in 
 the estimation of himself or of his fellows. 
 
 Socialism advocates the destruction and utter extinc- 
 tion of all emperors, kings, princes, nobles, and tyrants, 
 crowned or uncrowned, titled or untitled — no figure- 
 heads, and no castes. 
 
 Socialism advocates that the time and service of one 
 man is equal ultimately to the time and service of any 
 other man ; hence the nearest approach to exact justice 
 is equal pay for equal time and expenditure of equal en- 
 ergy. 
 
 Socialism advocates the abolition of all war, the pacifi- 
 
jo SOCIALISM. 
 
 # 
 
 cation and unification of all races and countries for mu- 
 tual benefit. 
 
 Kings and capitalists make war and discord ; war and 
 discord keep men disunited ; disunion and inharmony 
 prevent all reform, upward tendency, and higher devel- 
 opment. 
 
 Socialism would abolish poverty by preventing it by 
 removing its causes. As poverty is the cause directly 
 or indirectly of nearly all crime, therefore, by the abo- 
 lition of poverty, crime would become almost unknown, 
 and with crime would disappear all the lice, leeches, 
 vampires, and vermin that fatten on its filth ; such as the 
 entire legal fraternity, soldiers, police, spies, judges, 
 sheriffs, priests, preachers, quack doctors, etc., etc. v 
 
 Socialism would have money based on labor performed, 
 and therefore represent some tangible wealth or benefit 
 to society. 
 
 The man, therefore, who labored would have money 
 or labor notes to the amount of service he had rendered. 
 If he performed no useful work, lie would have no 
 money, hence no food. On the other hand, the man 
 who had more money than he haft labored for could 
 readily be detected and deprived of that which belonged 
 to some one else. 
 
 Under a socialistic system, extremes of poverty and 
 wealth in the hands of individuals could not exist. 
 
 The people, in their collective capacity, would own 
 and control all the surplus wealth of the nation or com- 
 munity. 
 
 Socialism Advocates Evolution and Revolution. 
 
 Socialism advocates the complete emancipation and 
 elevation of woman to the highest plane of social, moral, 
 and intellectual greatness which it is possible for her to 
 attain through her own efforts and the most favorable 
 conditions. 
 
 It advocates that she shall have equal opportunities 
 with men to follow anv profession, art, or industry, for 
 which her education, taste, and skill may fit her; and 
 that for equal time and service she shall have equal 
 honor and reward with men. 
 
SOCIALISM. 3X 
 
 Socialism advocates evolution and revolution to ac- 
 complish the necessary and beneficent changes in our 
 social system. 
 
 Evolution, from <*, out, and voht\ to roll or unfold ; 
 hence a natural and gentle unfoldment by education 
 from the lowest to the highest conditions of human de- 
 velopment. 
 
 Revolution, from rf 9 back, nndtWrv, to roll ; hence a 
 rolling or turning back ; a turning upside down ; sud- 
 den or convulsive change. 
 
 Evolution and revolution are but different phases in 
 the same process of development. 
 
 The unfolding of a rose and the upheaval of a conti- 
 nent are equally natural, but while the rose impercep- 
 tibly passes through all the stages of development, from 
 smallest bud to broadest bloom in one short season, it 
 takes ages to mature the continent before the sudden 
 catastrophe of an earthquake brings on the birth-pangs 
 of the sea, and a new land is born. 
 
 Similarly, an individual or small community may be- 
 come highly developed in one or a few generations, and 
 the process may be so quiet and natural, that it is 
 scarcely perceived ; but to educate, develop,and emanci- 
 pate the entire human race lias taken ages of time, and 
 almoit infinite labor, and yet the process is far from 
 being complete ; so far, indeed, that comparatively few 
 arc sufficiently advanced to anticipate the impending 
 crisis, the birth-pangs that will bring forth a new and 
 better manhood. 
 
 Evolution is a creative, a formative, a maturing pro- 
 cess, by easy and imperceptible stages. It is nn educa- 
 tional, logical, and positive process, necessarily slow, but 
 as sure as fate. Evolution is absolutely necessary to per- 
 fection and permanence, therefore we advocate it ; but 
 wc believe also in revolution if the necessity arises. 
 The shell must be broken for the weak bird. When the 
 
 Erocess of evolution is complete, every barrier must be 
 urst, every obstacle surmounted, every impediment 
 overcome, to establish the regime of natural justice, 
 absolute liberty, perfect equality, even though a few in- 
 dividuals or cherished institutions may perish — the vic- 
 tims of their own prejudice and folly. 
 
 1 
 
*mt0m^0^i ww 
 
 
 3 a SOCIAUSM. 
 
 We have written thus far in a brief and general way 
 of the objects and doctrines of Socialism, for we believe 
 that if the American people were rightly informed on 
 the subject, they would accept and adopt its tenets ; and 
 such is their natural love of liberty and justice that 
 they could scarcely wait for the necessary constitutional 
 changes in their impatience to put its doctrines into 
 practical operation ; but, unfortunately for the cause of 
 truth and right, they have been misinformed on the sub- 
 ject, and prejudiced against it by the press, the pulpit, 
 and politicians, who never mention it but with a sneer 
 and to calumniate; however, we are not surprised at 
 this, as Socialism is the implacable foe of idleness and 
 crime, hypocrisy, Ignorance, and untruth, and without 
 these vices to fatten on, the three " P's " would become 
 lean indeed ; they know furthermore that, under a social- 
 istic state, they would be compelled to do something 
 useful and honorable for a living. 
 
 What the Three " P's" Say. 
 
 The press is the modern institution of secular knowl- 
 edge, the teacher and leader in the world of intellect. 
 
 For the most part it is silent on Socialism and all 
 phases of a reformatory and radical character. When it 
 is forced to acknowledge the existence of Socialism, it 
 says it is retrogressive, impractical, pulls down but never 
 builds, divides up what is, but adds nothing to the world's 
 wealth; it is communistic, agrarian, a cut-purse and a 
 cut-throat. It says that the Socialists propose to plun- 
 der those that have the good things of this life, and di- 
 vide the spoils among those who have nothing ; that they 
 intend to abolish all property, so that no one will have 
 anything to call his own; that they advocate such an 
 equality that the lazy and vicious will have the same 
 abundance and happiness as the virtuous and indus- 
 trious. 
 
 The pul'pit is the teacher, leader, and censor of morals, 
 the spiritual counsellor and guide of men. It takes up 
 the charges of the press, and reiterates them, adding its 
 own peculiar venom, the condemnation of men and the 
 damnation of God. 
 
SOCIALISM. 33 
 
 It advises the poor to be content with poverty here ; 
 in heaven there is plenty for all. To wear the tyrant's 
 chains on earth, and thereby earn the freedom of the 
 skies. To submit without murmuring to injustice, in- 
 sult, oppression, degradation, and even death, on the 
 transparent fraud, that full compensation will be made 
 in the land of the Hereafter. 
 
 Socialists arc denounced as immoral, impious infidels, 
 discontented, rebellious enemies of God and of their 
 fellows. 
 
 Politics is supposed to lie the great conservator of 
 society, the teacher and leader in governmental and so- 
 cial matters. The politician knows nothing of Social- 
 ism ; but, like all ignorant and self-conceited villains, 
 takes \\\\ and transmits the howl of the press and pulpit, 
 adding the peculiar mistiness of his class : "Thev want 
 to burst up your party." M It's a price club ; you look 
 out for them when election time comes." " You can 
 get all the reforms you want if you vote our ticket." 
 " You can ameliorate your condition through politics." 
 " Go to the primaries." M Join your ward clubs." " The 
 Socialists are damned fools or damned thieves ; they 
 want to divide up everything." **it is rule or ruin 
 with them." "They have no following." 
 
 With such recommendations from the three most in- 
 fluential and intelligent institutions of modern times, it 
 is no wonder that Socialism is not only misunderstood 
 l)ti t abhorred as an unholy thing ; but the press, the pul- 
 pit, and the politician knowingly, wilfully, meanly, and 
 maliciously misrepresent and malign Socialism ; for 
 they know very well that if it was successful their oc- 
 cupations would be gone ; then the press would have 
 no monopolists to purchase and pay it for lying ; and, 
 as ninety per cent, of all crime would be abolished by a 
 more equal distribution of the world's wealth, no one 
 would keep a greasy prie-st in lazy luxury for the pur- 
 pose of retailing stale and gauzy lies. As for the poli- 
 tician, the people would be too intelligent and well in- 
 formed for this low thief to bamboozle them any longer. 
 
 3 
 
34 SOCIALISM. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 OUR FIRST REVOLUTIONARY PROPOSAL. 
 
 Abolish both the Presidency and the Senate, 
 
 Onk of the first steps to be taken is to obtain a true 
 representative government of, by, and for all the people. 
 
 To this end all heads of governments, us now existing,. 
 must be abolished, such as emperors, kings, presidents, 
 and governors, and with them must disappear nil upper 
 or unrepresentative houses or chambers of legislation, 
 which were, it would seem, invented for the sole pur- 
 pose of preventing popular legislation, and to impede 
 the will of the people. 
 
 But, you ask in great dismay, would Socialists then 
 abolish the Presidency and Senate of the United States 
 — the two most important branches of government cre- 
 ated by the founders of the Republic, and provided for 
 in the Constitution ? 
 
 To which we reply most emphatically : Yes ; they 
 would be among the first changes made. 
 
 The President is at best but a figure-head, more orna- 
 mental than useful ; he is a king with change of name, 
 and possesses more than kingly powers, patronage, and 
 prerogatives. 
 
 The recent veto of the bill restricting Chinese immi- 
 gration against the will of the people, as expressed 
 through their representatives in Congress, demonstrates 
 the dangers that threaten the destruction of a republican 
 form of government, by the exercise of the one-man 
 power, and reminds the people of the dangers that may, 
 in the near future, arise to convert this Republic into 
 the worst form of a despotic oligarchy, administered in 
 the interest of a minority (the aristocracy of wealth) to 
 the enslavement of the majority (the producers <»f 
 wealth). 
 
 Under the present representative svstcm no man of 
 any party can possibly be elected President who will 
 not submit to be bought, bullied, or cajoled by the rail- 
 
SOCIALISM. • 35 
 
 roads, the banks, the laud-grabbers, the factory tyrants, 
 Chinese mandarins, or the politicians. 
 
 The veto of the Chinese Bill is but one of the many 
 acts whereby the will of the people is defied. 
 
 The President can, and does, annul the decisions of 
 courts and juries by pardoning convicted criminals; and 
 seldom, if ever, extending the pardoning power to pro- 
 tect the innocent, as was the original intention of such 
 prerogative. 
 
 Your attention is also directed to the appointing power, 
 whereby the President selects the heads of departments 
 and their subordinates, numbering hundreds of thou- 
 sands of voters, interested in maintaining the existing 
 administration, however corrupt or imbecile, ami also 
 creating rings, factious, and partisan advisers, who peddle 
 out the offices tu incompetent and vicious persons, there- 
 bv producing a class of professional office-seekers. 
 Therefore, why have a President, if he possesses the 
 power to nullify the expressed will of the people ? Hence 
 abolish the Presidency. 
 
 The Senate is not chosen by the people, but by legis- 
 lators, who are in the main corrupt tools and creatures 
 of monopolists, who dictate their nomination and secure 
 their election, in order to pass laws in their interest — 
 the olhce of United Slates Senator bcingsold to persons 
 having 1 the most money to purchase a majority of votes, 
 as has recently been the case in Nevada and other States. 
 . As a proof that the Senate does not represent the will 
 of the people, the vote cast on the Chinese Bill in the 
 Senate shows that it was passed by a very small major- 
 ity ; while the vote in the House showed a large major- 
 ity, thus demonstrating the fact that the House better 
 understands and expresses the popular voice. 
 
 What is true of the Chinese Hill is the history of all 
 legislation intended to benefit the masses. 
 
 The Senate should, therefore, be abolished, and the 
 affairs of government delegated to one house of repre- 
 sentatives, chosen directly by the people, without the 
 intervention of party politics or corrupt nominating 
 conventions, ami without regard to State or local boun- 
 dary lines. 
 
 The choice of the people should be obtained through 
 
.•v 
 
 36 SOC/A/JSM. 
 
 an improved and equitable system of representation, 
 known as *' proportional representation." 
 
 What has been said in relation to the Presidency ap- 
 plies with equal truth and force to Governors and State 
 Senates ; hence abolish them also. 
 
 The Ifonse of Representatives, 
 
 The House of Representatives should be what the 
 name implies, the people's representation, and not the 
 master, and should consist of about five hundred members, 
 or one for every 100,000 inhabitants of the United States. 
 
 Candidates should be selected regardless of local or 
 provincial boundary lines, and every person receiving 
 one five-hundredths (1-500) of all the votes cast to be 
 declared elected. Thus, suppose there are 5,000,000 
 qualified voters in the United States, and 500 Represen- 
 tatives to be chosen, each candidate receiving 10,000 
 votes would be entitled to be a Representative. 
 
 Referendum. 
 
 The duty of the House of Representatives would bcthe 
 classification and preparation of such import laws as have 
 been previously drafted and presented, embodying the 
 views of any class or party upon such legislation as they 
 may desire, and the submission of the same atMated times 
 to a vote of the whole people for their ratification or 
 rejection ; all laws to be voted upon by sections, and 
 should a majority of all votes cast npprove of the laws 
 submitted to them, said laws should be considered as 
 legal and binding. 
 
 Should the people desire to repeal any law, the ques- 
 tion should be submitted to a vote in a similar manner. 
 This submission of all laws to the people for their ap- 
 proval or disapproval is what is known as the Referendum, 
 a system at present prevailing in the Swiss Republic. 
 
 Imperative Mandate. 
 
 By the Imperative Mandate is meant that the repre- 
 sentative officers or servants chosen should serve so long 
 as they performed their duties and conformed to the 
 
SOCIALISM* 37 
 
 instructions given them, which instructions should be 
 imperative, and carried out in the Utter and spirit ; upon 
 failure to perform the functions of office, or otherwise do 
 as directed, the Representatives or agents should be re- 
 called by a vote of the party whose views they were 
 elected to represent, and others chosen by the same 
 party to fill the vacancies, and the persons so recalled 
 should be immediately indicted, tried, and punished 
 with the utmost rigor if found guilty. 
 
 Special care should be exercised in electing the 
 House of Representatives, so that not only wilt the 
 whole people be represented, but also every useful 
 trade, profession, and industry ; not as at present, when 
 tin: national legislature is composed almost exclusively 
 of lawyers, bankers, capitalists, and the paid agents and 
 attorneys of monopolists and legalized robbers generally. 
 State and municipal governments are similarly consti- 
 tuted, and should undergo a like regeneration. 
 
 livery citizen should take the same interest in poli- 
 tics as lie would in a joint-stock company or other busi- 
 ness enterprise, on the success of which his well-being 
 depended. By politics, in this connection, we mean 
 scientific government, order, and development, not the 
 politics of bread-and-butter scheming and wire-pulling 
 which at present prevails. 
 
 Under the new, the higher, and the better social state, 
 every citizen should belong to a club or organization, 
 where all matters of public interest would be discussed, 
 and the result of these deliberations drafted into simple 
 laws, where any necessity existed for more law ; copies 
 could be sent to all other clubs or groups in that 
 community or State, and laws so drafted and circulated 
 should be submitted to a general vote once a year, and 
 all laws receiving a majority of votes cast would be in- 
 corporated into common law, until repealed by a two- 
 thirds majority. Care, however, should be taken that . 
 each law dealt only with one specific subject, and, if 
 containing more than one section, to be voted on, not 
 as a whole, but by sections. This precaution would pre- 
 vent the introduction of M little jokers," as the people 
 could indorse only the beneficial, and reject the bad, 
 without necessarily rejecting the whole. 
 
38 SOCr.ifJSM. . 
 
 As the law-making is done .it present, nothing could 
 be more unwise, unjust, or demoralizing. 
 
 We elect men to make laws for us. 
 
 What kind of men ? 
 
 The very worst, lowest, and meanest that society can 
 produce. 
 
 What kind of laws do they make for us ? 
 
 The very opposite of what we want. 
 
 What are we going to do about it ? 
 
 Under the present system, absolutely nothing, except 
 to grin and bear it. We have no legal remedy, and we 
 arc too cowardly to apply a natural, speedy, and effective 
 remedy, viz. : to hang every one of them. The amusing 
 absurdity of the matter is, that not only can we not dis- 
 charge them, or in any matter get rid of them, but we must 
 pay them larger salaries than any useful mechanic gets, 
 not for services rendered, but for the most infamous in- 
 gratitude, the grossest injustice, and the greatest injury 
 in the power of man to indict, viz. : to deprive us of lib- 
 erty. 
 
 What beneficial society or other organization would 
 elect a committee and pay them high wages, and then 
 have this committee frame laws and perform acts the very 
 opposite of that which was expected from them ? What 
 society would divorce itself from all control over com- 
 mittees, or a deciding vote on their acts, or would not 
 punish or dismiss for neglect of duty on the part of any 
 member of its committee ? How much more should it 
 punish and degrade any of its appointees who would 
 sell the organization to its enemies, betray its secret 
 work, slander its principles, abuse its membership, and 
 defy its power ? 
 
 No individual organization would tolerate any such 
 proceeding on the part of its members, particularly those 
 whom it had honored and rewarded. 
 
 Hut are not the interests,' honor, stability, and welfare 
 of society as a whole greater than those of any of its 
 parts ? 
 
 Is not the whole equal to the sum of all its parts ? 
 
 Logically, the State is therefore entitled to the best 
 service, the truest allegiance, the highest honor and 
 purest patriotism that any citizen can render, and he 
 
SOC/.IL/SM, 39 
 
 who, having been selected to fill an office of trust or 
 honor, fails to fulfil his duty to the State, is a traitor, a 
 liar, and a thief — Carpenter and Humphreys for exam- 
 ple. 
 
 From the foregoing, any person of candor and intel- 
 ligence will see and admit the necessity of a radical 
 change in our present system of government. 
 
 /•'hst. — The abolition of one-man power, the Presi- 
 dency, and with it the veto. 
 
 Sit'o/uf. — The abolition of the Senate, an oligarchy and 
 impediment to free government by the people. 
 
 T/iini.— The adoption of one legislative body by direct 
 vote of all the people — the House of Representatives. 
 
 Fourth. — The manner of election, viz.: instead of party 
 politics and districts, have proportional or preferential 
 representation, whereby the largest possible number of 
 citizens shall be directly represented by men of their 
 own choosing. 
 
 Fifth. — The adoption of the Referendum, whereby all 
 laws shall emanate from the people, and be referred 
 back for adoption or rejection. 
 
 Sixth. — The Imperative Mandate, whereby all repre- 
 sentatives, officers, agents, and servants who do not 
 carry out the will of the people, can be immediately re- 
 called, and others elected to till the vacancies. 
 
 We believe that if even these few modest and con- 
 servative changes were inaugurated, that at least one- 
 half of our present governmental iniquities would be 
 absolutely impossible of perpetration; then monopolists 
 would not nominate candidates whom they knew would 
 be certain of defeat, and whom, if elected, could pass 
 no laws in the interest of their masters, unless sanc- 
 tioned by a majority of all the voters, and then it would 
 cost too much to buy ; in fact, the majority are so 
 honest as to be unpurchasable. The people, if not 
 hoodwinked and misled by interested and designing 
 men, arc always right, and it is an exceedingly pleasant 
 task to record that in nearly every rase where a propo- 
 sition or law was submitted to a general vote of the 
 people it received the sanction or condemnation which 
 it deserved ; as witness, the votes oil the Chinese Ques- 
 tion, the New Constitution, the San Francisco Charter, 
 
 / 
 
40 SOCIALISM, 
 
 and the recent attempt to bankrupt this city with an 
 enormous debt. 
 
 With these changes adopted, legislation in favor of 
 capital, as against labor, would cease, and the trade of 
 the politician and lobbyist become one of the lost arts. 
 The exactions of monopolists from the defenceless pro- 
 ducer, and the exploitation of labor by irresponsible cap- 
 ital in the hands of individuals- and corporations would 
 be at least curtailed, if not entirely destroyed. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 THE GIST OK THE NEW KKPUM.IC 
 
 Governmental Co-operation, 
 
 We believe that the governmental and legislative 
 changes indicated in the foregoing pages, while inv 
 pcrative and beneficial auxiliaries to social progress, 
 would not alone and of themselves be sufficient to en- 
 franchise labor from the control of capital ; those are 
 merely political and governmental changes. To complete 
 the enfranchisement, we need entire economic emancipa- 
 tion, the complete bursting of the bonds, and lifting of 
 the burdens that enchain and bow down the great mass 
 of mankind. • 
 
 In other words, we must have, instead of the present 
 capitalistic and individualistic system of production 
 and distribution, governmental co-operation, govern- 
 mental productions and distributions; that is, that the 
 whole people of a country, in their collective capacity, 
 shall produce and distribute everything like a great 
 joint-stock company, only infinitely wiser, stronger, and 
 more competent. 
 
 Instead of the bourgeoisie system of wages-slavery 
 for the proletarian, we must have an equal co-partner- 
 ship in the world's work and wealth for the procurer. 
 
 Wages is but an equivalent for a part of the thing 
 produced ; the producer must have an equivalent fur 
 the whole. 
 
 Capital is accumulated unpaid wages, or the accunui- 
 
SOCIALISM. 4t 
 
 lated products of labor, for which the producer received 
 no equivalent. 
 
 If there were no profits or surplus for the employer, 
 capitalistic production would cease, because unprofit- 
 able ; profit, therefore, is the legalized robbery of labor, 
 and the greater trie profit the greater the robbery and 
 the greater the enterprise of the robber, as the petty 
 smuggler becomes the daring pirate, the small farmer 
 becomes a great land-grabber, and the shopkeeper be- 
 comes a railroad king. 
 
 If tiie people in their collective capacity should adopt 
 governmental production and distribution, capital, in 
 the hands of individuals or corporations, could not com- 
 pete, as the laborer would employ himself for all he was 
 worth, and the Government, having the largest capital, 
 the greatest number employed, and producing on the 
 largest scale, would crush out all competition, and mor- 
 ally force every person into a mutual and universal 
 alliance. 
 
 People who hear of governmental co-operation for 
 the first time ridicule the idea that a government should 
 find employment for everybody, and control every 
 avenue of industry and commerce, but such people for- 
 get that either national, State, or municipal governments 
 control or operate, in whole or in part, nearly everything 
 else except the most vital need of society — the indus- 
 trial or economic. 
 
 The national Government controls and operates the 
 post-office ; why not the telegraphs and railroads, in fact, 
 all means of transportation and communication? 
 
 It. collects the internal and external revenues, why not 
 operate the industries on which it collects taxes? 
 
 It makes, expounds, and executes all national laws; 
 why not prevent crime by removing its causes, by pre- 
 venting poverty, by suppressing tyranny on the part of 
 the money power and other sources of social oppres- 
 sion ? 
 
 It maintains an army and navy in idleness and com- 
 parative luxury. 
 
 Could it not as well provide for its aged and disabled 
 servants, and those depending upon them ? 
 
 The Slate likewise collects taxes, makes public hit- 
 
42 JoctAiixM, 
 
 provements, builds public institutions, equips its militia, 
 and maintains a host of officials in luxury and idle- 
 ness. 
 
 Could it not also go a step farther, and build houses 
 for its citizens, schools and colleges of science, art, and 
 industry, where all children would receive the best pos- 
 sible advantages of social and intellectual culture, besides 
 a practical and theoretical knowledge in the branch of 
 industry for which each was best adapted ? 
 
 The county and municipal governments also collect 
 taxes, make and repair roads, streets, sewers, etc., build 
 and maintain altns-houses, hospitals, and asylums, pay and 
 equip a host of sheriffs, police, lawyers, doctors, clerks, 
 and other political hacks and loafers. 
 
 Could they not just as well carry on all local industries, 
 own all the local lands and houses, collect taxes orients 
 for the same, and be in every particular a genuine com- 
 mune where all the inhabitants would be free, equal, 
 and fraternal ? 
 
 Thus we see that some kind of a government controls 
 and operates nearly every kind of an institution but the 
 economic and industrial. It does not interfere with 
 these because the Government is capitalistic, and to do 
 so would interfere with the interests of private capital ; 
 it would injure the bourgeoisie ; and they in turn would 
 overthrow any government that trenched on their pre- 
 rogatives ; to suit this class, the masses must be kept in 
 poverty, ignorance, and crime. 
 
 The State will provide the policeman, sheriff, judge, 
 chaplain, and even a hangman, but will d<» absolutely 
 nothing to prevent the crime, but all in its power to foster 
 and encourage wrong ; and whenever any government 
 tries to remedy an evil, it duals with effects and leaves 
 the cause untouched ; it dare not remove the cause, for 
 then it would be compelled in justice to annihilate itself, 
 for governments, as they now exist, are in their cause, 
 operation, and end the very essence of crime, robbery, 
 and usurpation of .all natural right and natural justice. 
 
 It has often been objected, that governmental control 
 of industries lias never been tried, and is impractical. 
 
 In reply to this, we claim that the bare fact of a thing 
 not having been tested by practical operation, is HO valid 
 
. SOCIAUSM. 43 
 
 or logical reason against its practicability, and certainly 
 less against the theory on which it is based. 
 
 In the second place, we reply that governmental con- 
 trol of industries lias been in operation in some countries, 
 for a long time, and is to-day, in a limited sense, recog- 
 nized and adopted by all. 
 
 The Government printing pfttcc at Washington is the 
 largest printing office in the world, and turns out more 
 and better work in a given time, at less cost, than any 
 private institution of the kind in existence. 
 
 The post-oflic e cannot be regarded as other than a 
 great and necessary industry, in the success of which 
 every citizen is interested, yet this, with all its draw- 
 barks, Star Route scandals and defalcations, is more 
 economically and successfully administered than any 
 private enterprise in the country. 
 
 Again, the tobacco manufacture in France has been 
 carried on by that Government for over one hundred 
 and fifty years ; it has reaped a large annual revenue , 
 from that industry, and supplied a better article, for,/, 
 lower cost, than any private manufacturer could have 1 . - 
 done ; but more important even than the revenues and vy» 
 the cost and quality, it has on the average paid its opera- . 
 tives better wages than were paid to the best mechanics 
 at any other industry, besides pensioning them after long 
 and faithful service, and providing for widows and or- 
 phans, if -any were left dependent ; so well has this em- 
 ployment been liked, that a job in this department is 
 much coveted and sought after, and if put on the market, 
 would fetch a very high premium. If it is possible to 
 secure all these successes under the worst form of mod- 
 ern capitalistic government, what would be the result 
 under a socialistic form of government ? We say infinite- 
 ly grander, broader, and better. 
 
 S/ior leniitg the J fours of Labor, 
 
 With governmental co-operation there would be less 
 work for each and more work for all. 
 
 If all persons able to work were usefully employed, 
 an average of three hours per day from each would pro- 
 duce all the necessities and luxuries of life, with a 
 
44 S0C/.1/.f*\V.. 
 
 large surplus to be added to the national or com- 
 munal capital, in way of public improvements and pub- 
 lic benefits. 
 
 Why arc men compelled to work ten or more hours 
 under the present system ? 
 
 First — Because the employer takes for his profit all 
 over and above three hours' labor, to keep himself and 
 other loafers in idleness and lu-.ury. 
 
 Second. — Because men cannot get steady employment 
 all the year round, and so are compelled to work Jong 
 hours to make up for lost time. 
 
 Third. — Not more than fifty per cent, of the adult 
 population are regularly and usefully employed. A 
 great many labor hard at work that is useless, or abso- 
 lutely injurious to society. 
 
 Shortening of the hours of labor would be the greatest 
 boon that could be conferred upon mankind at present, 
 for the following reasons : 
 
 First. — Suppose in the community there is a certain 
 amount of labor to be performed in a given time, by re- 
 ducing the hours of labor ten per cent., or say to nine 
 instead of ten hours for a day's work, it follows that to 
 Ss;' -complete the given work in a given time, ten per cent. 
 Snore workmen must be employed ; and if a legal work 
 (Jay was made five hours, to perform the necessary work 
 of society, double the number of hands now employed 
 would be needed, thus giving the classes at present com- 
 pelled to be hoodlums, tramps, and loafers an opportun- 
 ity to become useful members of society, besides making 
 large drafts on those who are at present uselessly and 
 viciously employed. 
 
 Second. — Shortening the hours of labor would give 
 more opportunity for recreation, social and intellectual 
 culture, and general development. The man who works 
 long and hard cannot be healthy, educated, and refined ; 
 excessive toil brutalizes and reduces the worker to the 
 lowest condition of animalism. 
 
 Third. — Shortening the hours of labor would speedily 
 prepare men fur othYr and higher reforms ; in fact, we 
 regard this in* -asurc as simply ameliorative and as a 
 means to an end, the end being economic emancipation, 
 and higher, nobler life. 
 
SOCIALISM. 4S 
 
 The Wastes of Society. 
 
 In the social state, with governmental co-opcrntion 
 as the corner-stone, nearly all the wastes of society as 
 now existing might be abolished. 
 
 As a people, and as individuals, we arc exceedingly 
 parsimonious in the expenditure of small amounts of 
 coin, but yet extremely extravagant in the employment 
 of time, labor, and material. 
 
 In the four professions of theology, law, physic, and 
 war there are millions of the most intelligent, educated, 
 and able-bodied men employed, for no apparent purpose 
 but to delude, rob, and murder their fellows. 
 
 The preacher wears good clothes, eats good food, and 
 generally lives in good houses, yet, as a preacher, he is 
 not only worthless, but .absolutely injurious, as he 
 stands in the path of progress, opposes all reforms that 
 he does not invent and engineer ; he is always on the 
 side of king and capital, and naturally he is their creat- 
 ure, and dues their work. With his intelligence and 
 education he would make an excellent teacher, did he 
 possess a little more honesty and industry, and the 
 churches he occupies one day in seven, would, with 
 some slight changes, make excellent schools, lyceums, 
 and gymnasiums for the mental, moral, and physical 
 training of the young. 
 
 Tiie lawyer is the most vicious and, dangerous mem- 
 ber of society ; his trade is to lie, cheat, steal, and to 
 condone and defend all crime and criminals ; by instinct 
 and training he is the friend and defender of all tyran- 
 nies, and the natural enemy of labor. Were his talents 
 turned in a different direction he would make an excel- 
 lent scientist and teacher of the higher class, in such ca- 
 pacity he would be a useful and honorable member of 
 societv. 
 
 
 
 The medical doctor, especially the skilful surgeon, is 
 a necessary and honorable member of society, but the 
 average practitioner or quack is no better than a legal- 
 ized murderer ; he may chop, scalp, dose, poison, and 
 strangle you, ami then give a burial permit or pass to 
 Lone Mountain, and the law takes no cognizance of his 
 
46 SOCfALISM> v 
 
 butcheries and slow poisoning. He is ft very dangerous 
 citizen, but, under a better system, where none but 
 those adapted by nature and education could enter the 
 profession, might be made a very useful one. 
 
 The soldier — under this head we include not onlv 
 
 
 
 the " regular," but all the irregulars, such as policemen, 
 * sheriffs, jailors, and hangmen. Their trade is murder — 
 foul, premeditated, and cold-blooded. They arc loafers, 
 bummers, politicians, and- dead beats ; they are not only 
 consumers, but what they cannot cat, drink, or carry 
 away in plunder, they burn, blow up, and destroy ; they 
 lack even the saving grace of intelligence and education 
 possessed by the other professions ; their business is 
 brutalizing, degrading, and heinous, and ihcy follow the 
 trade to which -their instincts prompt them. Under it 
 better social system they might be utilized as butchers, 
 scavengers, or to do other necessaty and useful labor. 
 
 These four avocations form a large part of the popu- 
 lation of every country that produce nothing but con- 
 sume the best of cvefytlniitf, and must he. kept at the 
 "- expense of the laborer, the mechanic, and the farmer. 
 
 It/is nearly time we had a change in this regard at 
 
 'tenst In the support of these men, the expenditure of 
 
 '^Ctngi 'tunc, labor, and material that is wasted is enormous, 
 
 "•appalling, and beyond belief. That number of men, 
 
 with what they use and consume, might better be 
 
 dumped in the ocean, and the world would be happier, 
 
 wealthier, and wiser for the loss. 
 
 Another great waste of society is in the supera- 
 bundance of distributors and the system of distribu- 
 tion. 
 
 There arc at least fifty stores for every one that is 
 necessary ; in other words, there are ninety-eight per 
 cent, more distributing depots than there is any neces- 
 sity for, and almost the same waste of time, labor, and 
 material in the employment of clerks, porters, horses, 
 wagons, fixtures, houses, and machinery. With govern- 
 mental co-operation, all waste in the department of dis- 
 tribution would be abolished. 
 
 At present there is no system ; every one seems to go 
 it blind. 
 
 Twenty different milkmen leave milk to twenty dif- 
 
SOCMUSM, , 47 
 
 fcrctit fnmilics in the same block, and these same milk- 
 men have to drive all over the city, with great waste of 
 time, labor, and material, to hunt their customers. The 
 grocer, the butcher, the baker, and other distributors are 
 compelled to do the same thing at an enormous and 
 useless expense. Under our system there would be dc* 
 pots of supply in every square or district, with goods of 
 uniform excellence, free from adulteration, full weight 
 and measure, so that there need be no choice on the 
 part of the consumer on the score of friendship, the 
 price, quality, or quantity, desired. Thus, at least, two- 
 thirds of the time, labor, and operating material now 
 necessary would be sufficient to do the same work better, 
 cheaper, quicker, and more satisfactory in every par- 
 ticular. 
 
 If each letter-carrier, on going to the post-office in 
 the morning, were to fill his bag out of a heap of unas- 
 sorted letters, and start out to deliver them all over the 
 city to their proper addresses, it would take him a 
 whole day to deliver fiftv or one hundred letters, which 
 he can do now in an hour or less with greater prompt- 
 ness and certainty, to say nothing of the saving in time, 
 tailor, and material. 
 
 By proper organization, system, and discipline, a sim- 
 ilar saving might be made in every department of dis- 
 tribution. 
 
 A similar saving might be duplicated in every depart- 
 ment of production, and by a proper division of labor 
 the force now required to produce a given result could 
 be made to yield ten times greater. 
 
 The division of labor has been very highly developed 
 already by large manufacturers, with the best results to 
 themselves but fraught with the direst evil to the em- 
 ployees, of whom it makes automatons or machine- 
 tenders. Division of labor should be introduced into 
 every department where practical, and the saving of 
 time, energy, and muscle should go to the producer — to 
 the worker — not to a capitalistic loafer, who is success- 
 ful in getting or stealing money enough to buy ma- 
 chinery and employ slaves. All this economy in pro- 
 duction and distribution should be utilized for the bene- 
 fit of all, f* # r the shortening of the hours of labor; in 
 
4 8 SOCIAIJStr^ 
 
 fact, for the abolition of labor or toil ; for the making of 
 all happier. And here, allow me to say, that toil, hard 
 labor — 'drudgery — is degrading, is dishonorable, is de- 
 basing ; loud-moutlicd politicians and demagogues to 
 the contrary notwithstanding. A horny hand is no 
 badge of nobility, it is the mark, token, and sign of base- 
 ness ; a stooped back and halting gait, from toil, is no 
 evidence of respectability, intelligence, and freedom, it 
 is the visible and tangible brand of slavery. We do not 
 despise or blame lite slave; we pity, and would teach 
 him to be free. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 OF THE IKON LAW OK WAOKS. 
 
 Govkrnmkntal co-operation, as treated of in the 
 previous pages, cannot be generally adopted until the 
 wages system is abolished ; or rather, as the wages sys- 
 tem is gradually abolished governmental co-operation 
 will take its place. 
 
 Me who works for wages is a slave, and wages slavery 
 is, in many respects, worse than chattel slavery. 
 
 Of course the indignant wage worker repels the 
 charge that he, a free American citizen, is a slave. 
 
 However, it all depends upon our conception of the 
 meaning, character, and conditions of slavery. We will 
 name you its conditions, and then you can call it by the 
 grandest or prettiest name you choose ; to us, the sys- 
 tem is vile, mean, debasing, cheating, and exploiting, 
 and we call it slavery because it fills the bill. 
 
 First. — You must work earlier, longer, and later than 
 you wish to. 
 
 St'i'ond.-— You must give closer application to your 
 work, and perform more in a given lime than you de- 
 sire to or than vou ouHit to. 
 
 T/iirJ. — Sometimes you don't want to work but must. 
 Sometimes you want to work but can't. 
 
 Fourth. — The remuneration you receive is not a full 
 equivalent for the labor performed, the time employed, 
 or the thing produced. 
 

 SOCIALISM. 49 
 
 Fifth, — A large portion of your time nnd labor Is 
 directly controlled nnd supervised by your employer, 
 nnd the balance is indirectly supervised and regulated 
 by the wages he pays and the system he aids In creat- 
 ing. 
 
 Working for wages, therefore, you are not a freeman 
 but a slave, and a slave that your employer despises and 
 will get along without whenever he can. 
 
 While you are young and in good working condition 
 his avarice deprives you of many pleasures, luxuries, 
 and even necessaries ; when you are disabled, old, or 
 sick, lie will not support or care for you ; in case of 
 death he won't bury you or aid your widow and orphans, 
 if you are unfortunate enough to have any. 
 
 In these respects you are worse oil than a chattel 
 slave. 
 
 The master sought the chattel slave ; the wages slave 
 seeks his master. 
 
 The chattel slave gave work for his food ; the wages 
 slave cannot gel food for his work. 
 
 Vou can call this condition by what name you choose ; 
 to us it is sufficiently wretched to be called by a worse 
 name than slavery. 
 
 The merciless economic rule under which the present 
 system fixes the rate of wages is this, that the average 
 •wages always remain reduced to that rate which is 
 hardly sufficient to support the life of the laborer and 
 enable him to produce his kind ; that is the fixed point 
 around which labor always revolves, never remaining for 
 a long time either higher or lower. Were it to remain 
 for a long time above this point, marriages would in- 
 crease, with a proportionate increase of laborers in one 
 generation, which would again lower the standard of 
 wages. Neither can wages, for a long time, fall below 
 the average cost of living, as that would induce emi- 
 gration and celibacy, which circumstances would de- 
 crease the number of laborers, and consequently restore 
 the lost equilibrium. 
 
 Tin' wages of a people are regulated by their habits of 
 living, ami these habits conform to the limits of existence and 
 propagation. 
 
 To illustrate : In a new country, where laborers are 
 4 
 
5* 
 
 SOCIALISM. "* - 
 
 few and the cost of living High, wages will invariably 
 he large in proportion ; exactly the reverse is always 
 the case with old and thickly settled countries, as the 
 food supply is cheaper and more abundant, with a lower 
 standard in quality and less variety. 
 
 In China, where the country has been thousands of 
 years settled and the population dense, the standard of 
 living is extremely low, and consequently the wages 
 conform to the price of rice, tea, a little fish and vegeta- 
 bles, which are all produced cheaply and in abundance. 
 
 In England the average standard of living among the 
 working classes is comparatively high, .ind consequently 
 wages are proportionately greater, the variety, quality, 
 and cost of production being higher, the staples being 
 wheat, beef, butter, cheese, beer, fruit, vegetables, etc. 
 
 In the United States, especially in California and re- 
 cently developed territories, the standard of living is 
 higher than anywhere else in the worid, and here and 
 elsewhere wages conform to the condition of existence. 
 
 A '49-er, in California, very often got $10 per (lay, but 
 his meals cost $i each and his whiskey 25 cents a drink. 
 To-day he can buy as good a meal and better whiskey 
 for 25 cents and io cents respectively, but Ids wages are 
 reduced to $2, and if the average standard and cost of 
 living continues to decrease, in twenty-five years hence 
 his meals will cost 5 cents and Jus wages will be 25 cents 
 to 50 cents, if the present wages system is not abolished 
 in the meantime. That Waijes conform to the averacrc 
 cost and standard of living is a natural and unchange- 
 able law, unvarying, scientific, and logical. 
 
 It is also an absolute law that the average conditions 
 of life in a given country determine the average intelli- 
 gence, morality, physical development and happiness of 
 the people of that country ; the better the conditions of 
 existence the better the man will be in every particular. 
 The horse that is well bred, well fed, well stabled, well 
 curried, and properly worked will be far superior to 
 the animal that is badly bred, badly fed, poorly stabled, 
 rarely cleaned, and hard worked. 1 low long will men re- 
 main contented to be plugs and scrubs when they might 
 change their entire condition by the desire and determi- 
 nation to do so ? 
 
SOCIALISM 51 
 
 From the amount proiiuced there is only so much taken and 
 divided among the producers as will tolerably support life 
 (n'<iges) f alt over and above goes to the employer (capital). 
 
 It is, therefore, a consequence of this inexorable and 
 cruel "Law of Wages'* that the workingmen — the dis- 
 inherited — are deprived of the enjoyment and advan- 
 tages brought about by the progress of civilization ; for 
 the toiler is a bare existence ; for the employer all the 
 surplus. 
 
 Owing to increased productiveness, many articles 
 formerly considered luxuries have reached a degree of 
 cheapness which bring them temporarily \vh\nn the reach 
 of labor, and so confer a slight benefit — but, remember, 
 he gets this advantage as a consumer not as a producer ; his 
 employer has the same advantage of cheapness also, as 
 a consumer, thus further augmenting his power to ex- 
 ploit the consumer by an economy o! capital. 
 
 Hut this slight and momentary advantage, which docs 
 not come to you as laborers, but as human beings, 
 vanishes again in course of time, through this cruel and 
 relentless law, which lowers wages to the measure of 
 consumption necessary to a bare existence. 
 
 When the press, the pulpit, and the political economist 
 condescend to discuss the social question, the laborer is 
 told that lie is much belter off now than were his ances- 
 tors and the workingmen of a hundred years ago. 
 
 Hut it must be borne in mind that production has in- 
 creased a thousand-fold, the luxuries of life have been 
 infinitely multiplied, and all the conditions, conveniences, 
 and appliances that make life tolerable have been aug- 
 mented beyond comparison with any other period of 
 the world's history. Has the condition of the producer 
 increased in the same ratio ? is the laborer of to-day 
 a thousand-fold better off than the laborer of a century 
 ago ? We say, no ! 
 
 It was stated by J01 n Stuart Mill, in his N Political 
 Economy,*' that, in spite ol the enormous amount of 
 labor-saving machinery introduced into the world, the 
 daily toil of a single human being had not been lessened 
 in the slightest. Tile startling significance of such an 
 assertion as this will be appreciated when it is stated 
 that, in Great Britain alone, the amount of labor-saving 
 
5 2 SOCIALISMS _ 
 
 machinery employed is equal in power and productive- 
 ness to the combined manual labor of a collection of 
 laborers et/ual to four times the population of the entire world. 
 
 But this is not all. Not only has the daily toil of 
 workingmen not been lessened, but their daily remu- 
 neration, compared with the cost of living", has not appre- 
 ciably increased since the introduction of labor-saving 
 machinery. Vet the increase of wealth resulting from 
 this enormous increase of production is almost incalcu- 
 lable. Where does it go ? and how does it get there ? 
 are questions that are forcing themselves on the attention 
 of society, from year to year, with growing seriousness. 
 
 Friends, the question is not — Are we better oil than 
 our ancestors? but — Are we as well off as the ad- 
 vanced conditions of society warrant us in being? 
 
 Are we as well off as our masters — our employers ? 
 
 Are we as well oil as the non-producers — the loafers 
 and wasters of the world's wealth ? 
 
 Are we as well off as we ought to be ? 
 
 The answer is emphatically, Xo ! 
 
 Then, we shall never be contented or happy until we 
 have all that in justice belongs to us, whether it makes 
 us happy or not. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SOME OBJECTIONS ANSWKKKD. 
 
 Skilled and Unskilled iAibor. 
 
 If there is one thing more than another which dis- 
 gusts the sincere social reformer, it is an aristocracy of 
 labor. Caste or class or distinctions of honor or re- 
 spectability among the useful workers of society is not 
 only an absurdity but downricrht fraud and dishonesty. 
 
 The tinker and the tailor, and the butcher and the 
 baker, and the hod-carrier and the scavenger all unite 
 in despising and abolishing aristocratic distinctions 
 among the wealthy loafers ; they have not much respect 
 for the difference between the Hon. Jack Ketch, the Rt. 
 Hon. Jack Fleecem, his Excellency Jack Skinem, the 
 
SOCIALISM. 53 
 
 Prince of Poodlcdom, the Duke of Flunkeydom, the 
 
 Marquis of Tweedledum, and the Squire of Twcedledec ; 
 to the honest, independent, and intelligent laborer they 
 are all a lot of idiots and knaves that ought to be 
 smothered in the same cesspoul. So far so good. Now, 
 friends, be consistent. Why should the watchmaker 
 and the jeweller look down on the blacksmith, and the 
 blacksmith on the hod-carrier, and the hod-carrier on 
 the sand-shoveller, and the sand-shoveller on the rag- 
 picker ? just as though unskilled labor was not as use- 
 ful and necessary in its place as skilled. The yearly 
 production in the United States, derived from agricul- 
 ture, was set down in 1880 at $7,500,000,000, and from 
 manufactures $5,000,000,000. Nearly all the agricul- 
 tural production was performed by unskilled labor, and 
 also a xevy large proportion of the manufactures. If 
 the farm-laborer, the hod-carrier, and the rag-picker arc 
 equally useful, why should there be any distinction of 
 honor, respectability, or reward ? Tins talk about skilled 
 ami unskilled labor, is a great swindle. 
 
 The man who is skilled in the chicanery of the prod- 
 uce market or at the mechanics' bench, is unskilled 
 with the shovel, the pick, and the work at the transpor- 
 tation dock. The man who shovels on the railroad does 
 as useful work as tine engineer who runs a locomotive 
 over it or the thief who operates the road to rob the 
 public. If there is to be any distinction of honors and 
 remuneration, let the man who does the most laborious 
 and useful labor have the first distinction and highest 
 reward. 
 
 jlfotiry. 
 
 If the present form of money is used at all, the Gov- 
 ernment only should issue it and do all banking, and 
 money so issued should be based on labor performed. 
 A dollar should represent one hundred minutes of time, 
 and be called a labor note. A man doing any work 
 would receive labor notes in pay, and these labor notes 
 should be receivable at all Government stores and depots 
 for any article the purchaser might desire, equivalent 
 to the time expended in its production to his labor note. 
 
 Under this system, where every man would get equal 
 
54 SOCIALISM. ' - 
 
 pay for equal average time and energy expended, every 
 man could have money or goods equal to the labor he 
 had performed, and if he had more it would he evidence 
 of fraud. 
 
 The money, or medium of exchange, should he man- 
 ufactured of the most convenient, economical, and dur- 
 able material to be had, and not of gold, silver, or other 
 scarce and valuable metal. So long as the medium of 
 exchange is gold and silver, it is liable to be monopo- 
 lized bv a few, who ran thus enslave the man v. Under 
 the present system, an individual party can control the 
 medium of exchange — has virtually a monopoly of the 
 means of life in every department. 
 
 The issue of money should not be less than $ioo per 
 head of the entire population, and that amount would 
 be sufficient to carry on all the industries of the coun- 
 try, and in the United States it would give us, at pres- 
 ent, a circulating medium of about $5,000,000,000, based 
 on the labor and wealth of the nation-*— the best possible 
 basis and security that can be offered or devised.* 
 
 Interest, Usury, Rent, Profit. 
 
 Interest is the most infamous invention of man, the 
 most cruel and unrelenting tax on labor, thecankerworm 
 at the root of every industry, the foe of every enterprise ; 
 it figures in the history of every crime and partakes of 
 the essence of every evil. The murderer, the burglar, 
 or highway robber are useful and honorable members of 
 society compared with the usurer. 
 
 These outlaws take your money or your life at a dash 
 and are done with it, but the interest-taker is a slow, 
 crawling, and hideous vampire, that destroys all vigor 
 and all bloom in life. 
 
 Is it not horrible to think that one dollar put out at 
 compound interest for seventy years will earn more than 
 the best mechanic can cam in the same time ? What a 
 comment on our commercial and industrial life, that a 
 Shylock in his i\ci\, manipulating a few thousand dollars, 
 which he never earned, can have a dozen, a score, or a 
 hundred producers incessantly toiling to pay him .inter- 
 
 • Sec ApiHMidix A. 
 
SOCIAL/SAT. 55 
 
 est. Stranger still, the men so toiling nnd so defrauded 
 never find fault, nay, they even defend the system that 
 robs them, and would crucify those who point out their 
 degradation and would help them abolish the iniquity. 
 
 Poor men often defend the system, because they t:ikc 
 part in it by depositing their surplus earnings in bank 
 and receiving interest thereon, little thinking that they 
 are themselves toiling to pay that very interest, and that 
 but for the infamous system of interest, profit, rent — 
 usury — they could get better remuneration for half they 
 now perform. 
 
 To illustrate : Suppose A. keeps a foundry, and B. 
 works for him, and out of $20 per week saves $5, which 
 lie puts in the savings bank at six per cent. 
 
 A., tiie boss, needs funds to carry 011 his business, 
 and borrows the money, at ten per cent., which B. and 
 the other workmen have deposited at six. It necessarily 
 follows, the employees of the foundrvman must pay the 
 interest by receiving ten per cent, less wages. If he 
 does not take it directly from their wages, he adds it to 
 the price of the goods he manufactures, and labor has 
 got to pay it anyhow. Hut further, B. wants to rent 
 a house, not having saved enough money to buy One. 
 Another fellow, C, owns a lot ; he goes to the bank and 
 borrows money to build a house, and the tenant, B., who 
 rents It, has got to pay his interest also. If he rides on 
 the street-cars or a railroad or steamship, to the bare 
 and natural cost of transportation the company adds a 
 sum sufficient to pay interest on money borrowed and 
 large dividends on watered stock. The grocer, dry-goods 
 man,, and butcher who supply him with the necessaries 
 of life exact from him profits sufficient to pay interest 
 on their indebtedness and the indebtedness of the man- 
 ufacturer or slaughterer from whom they purchase. 
 The consumer, who is also the producer, has to pay 
 every tax, interest, and profit. He has to support, either 
 directly or indirectly, every loafer and thief in society, 
 and for this purpose the laws, customs, and government 
 of society garrote the laborer of 90 cents on every dollar 
 that lie earns. 
 
 We mean exactly what we say and can prove it, that 
 cost, profit, interest, and taxes of every kind take 00 cents 
 
56 SOCIALISM. • ~ - ' 
 
 • 
 
 of every dollar that belongs to labor. We hold, and can 
 prove, that one hour's work per day, paid at the rate of 
 20 cents, under the Social state, would yield as much 
 happiness and as many of the necessaries of life to the 
 laborer as he can now command working ten hours per 
 day fur $2. Then what a change would be wrought in 
 nis condition, working six or eight hours and receiving 
 the full value of his production. No king could get 
 more out of life than he, as all that nature and art could 
 produce of use and benefit would be at his command. 
 
 Equal Pay for Equal Time and Equivalent Services. 
 
 Believing, as wc do, in the democratic principle that 
 all men are born free and equal, it follows that we should 
 hold, as the nearest approach to absolute justice, that 
 all men should have equal opportunities, conditions, and 
 incentives for the achievement, of the greatest happi- 
 ness and highest possible development, and, therefore, 
 equal pay lor equal time ami service. 
 
 We hold that the man who prevents disease by the 
 cleansing of sewers or other sanitary labor,, is as useful 
 a member of society as the man who cures disease after 
 it has been contracted. 
 
 That the man who builds a house is as useful as he 
 who designs or decorates it. 
 
 That he who makes a coat is as useful as he who sells 
 or wears it. 
 
 That he who produres wealth is as useful as the man 
 who protects or monopolizes it. (Perhaps a little more 
 so.) 
 
 That he who prints a book or binds it is as useful as 
 lie who writes it. 
 
 That he who makes flic canvas or makes the pigments 
 is as useful as he who paints the picture. 
 
 Hear in mind, that if one class of men have not as 
 much skill, education, or intelligence as the other, that 
 they (the producers) had to support, educate, and de- 
 velop the other class in comparative idleness while 
 they were learning their professions, hence society, hav- 
 ing conferred these opportunities and benefits on them, 
 should have their best skill and service for the price 
 
SOCIALISM. 57 
 
 paid to those who were nil the time doing useful and 
 active service. 
 
 In civilized society, every man is dependent upon the 
 labor of a thousand others, and each generation is in- 
 debted for its store of material wealth, knowledge, and 
 intelligence to every generation that lias preceded it. 
 
 Independence is absolutely impossible. A self-made 
 man is an absurdity, and a self-taught man never ex- 
 isted. 
 
 If you were to start oft entirely naked to the woods, 
 carrying nothing with you but a resolve to wrest from 
 nature food and shelter, unaided and alone, even then 
 you would be a debtor to the race for your intelligence, 
 and to the present generation for your support until 
 able to provide for yourself. 
 
 All useful members of society are equally useful and 
 necessary, why, therefore, should the reward of one be 
 so much greater than that of the other ? But the climax 
 of the absurdity is reached, when those who perform the 
 easiest work — the least work, or no work whatever — re- 
 ceive the largest remuneration and the highest honors. 
 
 If all men received equal. pay for equal time and equiv- 
 alent expenditure of life force, each would follow that 
 occupation for which his tastes and education best fitted 
 him, and not, as now, the most remunerative, regard- 
 less of any adaptability or natural or acquired fitness. 
 
 Asa general rule, by the present system, we have 
 square posts in round holes, and round posts in square 
 holes. 
 
 Under the Social state all schools, colleges, institu- 
 tions of art and mechanics would be open and free to 
 every citizen, regardless of age, color, class, or condition, 
 and the best possible facilities afforded each person to 
 acquire a thorough theoretical and practical knowledge 
 of any trade or profession he might select, without any 
 pecuniary or other expense to either himself, his parents 
 or friends ; then lie would not have an excuse to charge 
 compound interest on the outiay for his education and 
 profession — claiming that he had spent so much time 
 and money, besides undergoing various privations, hard- 
 ships, ami self-denial to acquire a lucrative and respect- 
 able calling, and that, having incurred all this, he was 
 
S S SOC/A/JSAC - 
 
 justified in charging more for his services than n hod- 
 carrier or a sand-shoveller. 
 
 Why should the surgeon charge $100 for cutting oft 
 the leg of a mechanic, while the same mechanic, for 
 making the instrument the surgeon used, gut only two 
 or three dollars per clay for an expenditure of ten times 
 the time and muscular energy, witii one-fiftieth of the 
 pay that the doctor received ? 
 
 Again, why should he charge the printer, the book- 
 binder, the schoolmaster the same amount, when with- 
 out their services he could not have learned his profes- 
 sion ? Again — the mechanic could not have made the 
 instruments, or the printer, bookbinder, or teacher done 
 their share but for the coal and iron miner, the farmer, 
 the tanner, the miller, the butcher, the cook, etc. 
 
 Even among the hardest and most useful workers 
 there is caste and an aristocracy of labor. 
 
 The mechanic thinks himself a superior being to a hod- 
 carrier or shoveller, and the insignificant thing behind a 
 counter puts on airs over both the mechanic and laborer. 
 
 Hack of all and above all stands the capitalist who 
 filches from all and savs : "Hut for ////*, but lor inv 
 money, but for my enterprise, my brains, my pluck, none 
 of you would have anything ; / employ you ail ; / feed, 
 clothe, and house you all." When the real truth of the 
 matter is that it takes every one of us — laborers, me- 
 chanics, clerks, and professional men~-to keep one cap- 
 italist. ; It takes all our time, brains, energy, and industry 
 to keep the loafers of the world in luxury and idleness. 
 A thousand men must sow in toil and tears that one may 
 reap in gladness. A thousand babes go supperless to 
 bed that one monster brat may puke on silk. 
 
 A thousand factory girls drudge out their weary lives 
 in stint and squalor that one factory lord may coin their 
 blood and bones and brains to deck the mistress of his 
 lust and ease. 
 
 A hundred thousand railroad men must sweat and 
 toil and suffer the whole year that one low brute may 
 spread a banquet for his kind. 
 
 And wherefore should it be tints? 
 
 Wherefore, but because knowledge is power and ig- 
 norauce is weakness. 
 
SOCMIJSM. 59 
 
 Our oppressors arc stronger because they know more, 
 nnd we are weak because we arc ignorant — ignorant of 
 our rights, ignorant of our duties to ourselves and to 
 society, ignorant of the objects and methods of organ- 
 ization, ignorant of scientific government, but, above all 
 and worst of all, ut are densely «?//</ ffufftfty ignorant of 
 our own ignorance. 
 
 lint it is consoling that in life we shall never know 
 less, and the probabilities are (hat we shall know a great 
 deal more before long. 
 
 Some ol our fellow-laborers have been to school, and 
 the rest of us have met the scholars, and the scholars, 
 with ail the enthusiasm and impetuosity of youthful 
 learners, have been telling us the wonderful things they 
 have been taught, and we have listened attentively, with 
 eyes wide open and mouth agape, and have resolved to 
 u tie ml school ourselves and tell all we know to our com- 
 rades, wiio cannot attend, or do not care to learn. 
 
 F.<fiuili/y of Woman* 
 
 Socialism was the first, and is still, the only political, 
 social, or religious organization which recognizee the 
 perfect equality of woman with man. 
 
 it is true there are at present organizations not social- 
 istic which advocate " Woman's Rights "—that is, their 
 right to vote and scramble in the mire of politics for po- 
 litical ofiice, their right to make idiots and knaves of 
 themselves, their right to join with the priest and the 
 politician in completing the enslavement and utter de- 
 gradation of themselves and the man also. With that 
 class of long-haired, mush-headed, sentimental idiots we 
 have no affiliation or sympathy. 
 
 The ballot, under the present system, is a "delusion 
 ami a snare ; " it h;\* debauched, enslaved, and degraded 
 man ; it would do the same for woman, but in a greater y 
 degree, as the cleaner and purer the person or thing in," 
 the more easily defiled and the more filthy appears the 
 deli lenient. 
 
 If the ballot or universal .suffrage had any inherent 
 virtue to abolish injustice and tyranny and to establish 
 
 
fio SOCIALISM, ~ 
 
 justice and liberty, our masters would never have armed 
 us with such a deadly weapon ; they know well that 
 they were arming children and idiots with toy pistols 
 and rusty sabres to strut around on Fourths of July 
 and election days, aping the deportment and actions of 
 • firemen and philosophers. And, furthermore, they knew 
 that if the idiots ever attempted to organize and use 
 their rusty sabres in dend earnest, it would be a simple 
 matter to divide, discomfort, and disarm them. 
 
 Nay, gentle men, some of us are not children or idiots 
 any longer; when the crash of panic and revolution 
 spreads over the land we shall want (Jut ling guns and 
 dynamite, instead of more toy pistols and rusty sabres 
 for our sisters to play and dirty themselves with. 
 
 Under the present system, the press, the pulpit, and 
 the politician control ninety per cent, of the male vote ; 
 the female vote would be controlled in a greater degree 
 by the same influences, especially that of the chinch. 
 
 We do advocate that tin; conditions and opportunities 
 for betterment shall be the same. for woman as for man ; 
 that she shall receive equal remuneration for equal time 
 and service ; that every trade, profession, and occupa- 
 tion shall Ik* open to her, and no other impediment or 
 conditions imposed than those that are placed upon 
 man, viz. : her fit itess. 
 
 Woman must be made financially free and indepen- 
 dent of man. 
 
 Until her financial emancipation is achieved, she will 
 be the slave of man. If woman was financially free, she 
 could marry when, where, and whom she pleased. 
 
 She could then marry for love, and not for a living, 
 as now. 
 
 She could then marry a man who loved her, and not 
 a brute to enslave her. 
 
 Woman should be the equal comrade, companion, 
 competitor, and helpmeet of man through all the honor- 
 able toil and battle, leisure and pleasure of life. 
 . When man has demonstrated his fitness to use the 
 
 lot aright, woman should wield it too ; not before. 
 
SOCIALISM. 61 
 
 Adulteration of Food, 
 
 It is n self-evident proposition that without abundance 
 of wholesome food, comfortable clothing, large, clean, 
 wcll-vcntilated workshops and dwellings, together with 
 the best hygienic and sanitary conditions, in individual 
 and social life, it is impossible to have a healthy, happy, 
 and well-developed race of men. 
 
 Therefore we believe that in those respects wc could 
 approach nearest to perfection under a system of gov- 
 ernmental co-operation, as by it the entire infamous 
 practice of adulteration would be abolished. The peo- 
 ple in their collective capacity would produce only the 
 best and purest of everything needed for use or consump- 
 tion, there being no incentive or compulsion, from 
 profit or competition, to adulterate, cheat in weight or 
 measure, or otherwise misrepresent. 
 
 At present nearly every article we eat or drink is adul- 
 terated, and generally with injurious substances that act 
 as a slow but certain poison. 
 
 Who consumes adulterated food and drink ? The rich ? 
 
 No. They have money enough to buy the purest 
 goods in the largest quantities, so that wealth has not 
 only the advantage of quality but also the advantage of 
 cheapness. 
 
 The poor man is compelled, through his poverty, to 
 purchase the coarsest and most impure goods in the 
 smallest quantities, thus having the three- fold disadvan- 
 tage of small quantity, bad quality, and dearness. 
 
 The poor man is the helpless victim of every adverse 
 condition and the defenceless prey of every social 
 shark, from the cheap hash-house and grocery keeper 
 up to the giant railroad rubber and mammoth land 
 thief. ' 
 
 Under governmental co-operation, all dwellings, work- 
 shops, towns, and cities, would be built in the healthiest 
 locations on the most scientific principles, with a view 
 to securing the best possible sanitary conditions, and the 
 largest, healthiest, and happiest life for all. 
 
6a SOCIA/JSAh- 
 
 Bencvolent Societies* 
 
 Benevolent, insurance, and secret societies are a com- 
 paratively modern institution, nearly all of them having 
 ■been devised and developed within the last fifty years ; 
 ' but society at large is now so honeycombed with them, 
 that the man who does not belong to one or more is a 
 curiosity and a friendless waif ; as much alone in the 
 city crowd, and church, and tumult, as if he lived in a 
 wilderness. 
 
 Let us briefly investigate the philosophy of their cause 
 and growth. Shakespeare says, M Man looks before and 
 after," in contradistinction to the lower animals, that re- 
 member but little of yesterday and take no thought for 
 to-morrow. 
 
 Man is peculiarly a social animal. He associates, first, 
 because it is nature to do so? second, because it is his 
 interest to do so for self-protection, support, and com- 
 panionship. Increased facilities of communication and 
 transportation have, as it were, concentrated, introduced, 
 massed, and centralized mankind, which, together with 
 the press, the increase of commerce, education, and gen- 
 eral intelligence, have made the possibilities of organ- 
 ization almost perfect. 
 
 The decay of feudalism and the kingly power and 
 the growth of democratic ideas have had a tendency to 
 destroy nominal inequalities and unite hitherto sundered 
 interests and classes. 
 
 But the bourgeoisie or money power, the trading class, 
 the merchant, employer, and monopolist taking the place 
 of absolute monarchy and feudalism, gradually assumed 
 all the powers and prerogatives of tyranny, thereby com- 
 pelling the proletarian to unite in self-defence. 
 
 It is a fact well worth noting that ninety per cent, of 
 all secret, benevolent, and insurance societies belong to 
 the so-called * 4 lower" and "middle " classes of society, 
 such as laborers, mechanics, and small traders or busi- 
 ness men and poor professionals. When they amass 
 wealth sufficient to be ranked with the upper classes, 
 they cither withdraw directly or drop out gradually from 
 all such organizations, having no further use for them 
 
SOCIALISM. 63 
 
 or need of them. The necessity for continuing in be- 
 nevolent societies ceases to exist. 
 
 There arc sonic notable exceptions, however, who do 
 not withdraw — these are the politicians, the office-seeker, 
 the ambitious demagogue. Such men can always havj 
 use for a secret organization to further their ends. 
 
 There is but one secret organization in which the 
 majority of the membership is wealthy, and where it 
 poor. men enter they never rise to any prominence, no 
 matter how intelligent or honest, unless they amass large 
 wealth or wield great political power. It is composed 
 •chiefly of the governing classes and the upper bour- 
 geoisie — the natural enemies of labor. This not being, 
 strictly speaking, a benevolent society, but an associa- 
 tion of aristocrats, for mutual admiration and aggran- 
 dizement, we shall pass it without further comment. 
 
 Tim objects, avowed or implied, of secret and benevo- 
 lent societies is to protect the poor and weak against the 
 rich, strong, and unscrupulous. To provide fora rainy day. 
 
 The poor man, by promising to do the same for 
 others of his kind, insures to himself and his family, in 
 case of sickness or accident, a small allowance to procure 
 the necessaries of life, and. in erase of deatii, a decent 
 burial and in some instances a bonus to secure the sur- 
 viving dependents from immediate starvation. 
 
 In making this partial and uncertain provision, the 
 poor man, with little knowledge of the social question, 
 almost totally ignorant of Ids worth and *his rights, and 
 of the duties of society, has builded as well as he knew 
 how — as well as the circumstances would permit ; in 
 fact, as well as lie dared to build ; for had he gone to 
 bedrock and laid his foundations broad and deep, and 
 attempted to rear his structure proud and strong, he 
 would have been defeated at the outset by the bour- 
 geoisie — the governing class, the money power ; for these 
 tyrants very well know that as labor becomes intelligent, 
 united, and aggressive, their power, influence, and wealth 
 decrease in the same ratio. 
 
 Under the Social state there would be no need of be- 
 nevolent Societies, as it would be the duty of the state 
 to provide for all who were unable, from any cause, to 
 provide for themselves. 
 
6f SOCIALISM- 
 
 A man can produce in ten years, from the age of 
 twenty to thirty, working six hours per day six days in 
 the week, more than he can consume without wasting 
 in a lifetime of seventy years. 
 
 By natural right, therefore, the State should hold in 
 trust for him his surplus produce, to be drawn on at 
 any time the necessity arose, and also to be utilized in 
 educating and training others to become intelligent and 
 useful citizens. In thus providing for all, out of their 
 own, the state bestows no charity, and the recipient in- 
 curs no obligation and loses no independence or self- 
 respect, any more than if lie had personally hoarded his 
 surplus earnings and utilized it to his advantage in case 
 of need. 
 
 Hoarding, saving, squeezing, so as to make provision 
 for the future is one of the most degrading phases of 
 human endeavor, and the prolific parent of a thousand 
 forms of crime, to say nothing of its baneful effects on 
 social life and national character. 
 
 Socialism in this regard would make the individual 
 superior to his fate, superior to the conditions that 
 thwart and wreck solitary effort in the achievement of 
 security and independence. 
 
 Bees hive no honey where perennial flowers abound, 
 and if a wandering swarm from frigid clinics, seeking 
 should find those southward fields where fruit and blos- 
 som blush and bloom together on one fragrant bough 
 the whole year through, their thrifty instincts for awhile 
 would hoard the teeming nectar ol exhaustless sweets, 
 but when experience taught that summer never went 
 or winter came, they would cease providing for a 
 stormy time, and change laborious days for joyous 
 case, the miser's scantiness and care for generous life 
 and free. 
 
 Man by association and universal corporation could 
 abolish the rainy day, the winter time in every individual 
 life, and relieve him of the necessity of stinting, starving, 
 and pinching himself to make a small and uncertain pro- 
 vision for the evil day by inventing, fostering, and sup- 
 porting benevolent societies based on the capitalistic 
 idea and radically wrong ; narrow, prejudiced, bigoted, 
 incompetent, ami idiotic in their conception and opera- 
 
SOCIALISM. 65 
 
 tion. They arc capitalistic, because every man before 
 joining must be a capitalist to some extent ; he must 
 have means to pay initiation, dues, and assessments, 
 however small. 
 
 They are narrow and conservative, because there are 
 certain qualifications of faith, race, nationality, or moral- 
 ity required of those who would join. 
 
 They are unjust, because no matter how much a man 
 may have paid in, or how hard he worked for the good 
 of the order, or how much in need of assistance, if he 
 break certain arbitrarv laws, he is debarred from all 
 benefits, they take his money, time, and labor, and give 
 nothing in return — nay, worse, if he incurs great dis- 
 pleasure by any breach of faith, they blackmail him, 
 and hound him down until death delivers him from 
 their accursed clutches ; in some cases they even go so 
 far as to indict the death penalty, which in our opinion 
 is more cruel and inhuman than their system of espion- 
 age and blackmail. 
 
 We need a benevolent society, but it should be one 
 of universal good, where each member draws benefits 
 from the cradle to the grave. We need a Universal 
 Brotherhood, based on Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, and 
 Solidarity. 
 
 Those who believe in and belong to secret and benev- 
 olent societies are like 
 
 « 
 
 " A child that's crying in the night,. 
 
 A chiUl that's crying for the light, 
 
 Ami with no language hut a cry. 1 ' 
 
 They are groping in the darkness ; instinctively they 
 feel the Necessity of light and know it exists, but cannot 
 lind it, or finding it burn their lingers in its tlamc. We 
 need organization, but not mystery, darkness, and hum- 
 buggery. We need benevolence, but it should not be 
 contracted or sectional, but broad enough to embrace 
 all mankind, and minister to every necessity ; not as a 
 charity, not as a lottery ; not as a gamble, not as a swin- 
 dle, but as a duty, as a right which the collectivity owes* 
 to the individual, in return for the benefits conferred 
 on the collectivity by his existence, passive and active 
 usefulness. 
 5 
 
 • 
 
66 SOCJAUSM. 
 
 ■ x 
 
 v '' ;: CHAPTER VI. - '' ' ; 
 
 ' OF THE MEANS TO THE END. 
 
 Trades-Unions ami Strikes, 
 
 Trades-unions and strikes arc valuable as a means to 
 an end, the means being education, the end emanci- 
 pation. 
 
 An ignorant Socialist may despise and denounce the 
 trades-union, hut in it the social philosopher sees an 
 absolutely necessary stage of development in the social 
 evolution of man. In the life of Labor, trades-unionism 
 is the schoolmaster (the pedagogue) who brings labor to 
 the feet of the great teacher (Socialism) for higher, 
 broader, and better instruction. 
 
 The union gives practical object-lessons in organiza- 
 tion, in self-reliance, in independence ; it has dissected 
 and analyzed the boss, the master, the employer, and 
 now the laborer no longer uncovers his head and bends 
 his knee in the presence of the petty tyrant; he no 
 longer treats him with the obsequious respect and defer- 
 ence of other and more ignorant days. In dissecting the 
 carcass of the capitalist he found it rotten, and now 
 he holds his nose when it passes by. 
 
 The man who says that no good ever comes of strikes 
 proclaims himself an ass. There never was a strike, 
 however M unsuccessful," that was not morally worth 
 millions, not only to those immediately interested, but 
 to the remotest toiler on the world's wide rim. In fact, 
 there never was an unsuccessful strike in the history of 
 labor, and, furthermore, the must unsuccessful strike, 
 so far as increased remuneration was concerned, has 
 been in the end the most beneficial for labor generally. 
 It resulted in strengthening determination and resist-. 
 ancc, in reinforcing organization, in rectifying mis- 
 takes, and avoiding the former causes of failure. Above! 
 all, and best of all, it showed them the utter heartless- 1 
 ncss and greed of capital. It showed them that capi- ! 
 tal (in the hands u! individuals) and labor are not, and 
 
SOCIALISM. 67 
 
 never can or will be, friends, however much the editor 
 and preacher may prate and argue to the contrary. 
 
 Yes, we hail the Union and the Strike as our best 
 auxiliaries in the battle for economic freedom ; but the 
 striker is going it blind; he knows, lie feels there is a 
 social disease, but is utterly ignorant of its cause and 
 costs, lie must learn, he will learn in the near future, 
 that the soie cause of his trouble, of the trouble, misery, 
 and destitution of the proletarian everywhere, is not in 
 the employer, the capitalist, but in the power behind 
 the capitalist, that power which, created, still sustains 
 and protects him in his crimes against labor, viz. : the 
 Government ; and the remedy is to abolish all government, 
 as now understood, substituting in its place, notaKULKR, 
 but a simple administrative machine by which we as the 
 people can do our own business. Thus you destroy the 
 entire svsiem of slavery, and thus only establish perfect 
 LIIii-KTV. 
 
 Political Action. 
 
 In several European countries where the elective 
 franchise is conferred on those who possess property 
 qualifications, and known to be naturally conservative, it 
 is thought by labor reformers in such countries that uni- 
 versal suffrage is the true panacea for ail social and 
 political evils, and hence they waste much time agi- 
 tating for this ameliorative measure, forgetting all the 
 while that if the ballot was the potent factor it is 
 claimed to be, that if it could right all wrongs, abolish 
 injustice and tyranny ami establish Liberty, with all the 
 good obtainable -that such a two-edged sword, such a 
 magic stall, would never be placed in the hands of labor 
 by any government in tiie world, for the very logical 
 reason that it would be suicidal, as the greatest of all 
 evils is capitalistic government ; and if the ballot had 
 any beneficent power and wisdom, it woidd first of all 
 be directed against government, as the fountain, source, 
 root, and origin of all tvranny and injustice. 
 
 In the United States we have had universal, or rather 
 manhood, suffrage for over one hundred years, yet the 
 condition of the producer, the proletarian, is not one 
 whit better through the exercise of the ballot than his 
 
68 SOCIALISM. 
 
 I 
 
 fellow-slave of Russia, Germany, or England ; if he is, 
 socially, financially, or in any respect, better fixed than 
 his European brother, it is owing to other conditions, 
 of population, expanse of territory, resources, and other 
 natural conditions entirely independent and exclusive of 
 political or social life ; hence we have long since arrived 
 at the conclusion that the balloi is a failure, a delusion, 
 and a snare ; that through it the present system can never 
 be abolished or any large and permanent good obtained. 
 We are, therefore, opposed to political action — for the 
 following reasons, also : 
 
 First. — Iunokanck. Labor is ignorant of its rights and 
 duties, ignorant of the causes of social wrongs, and the 
 proper remedies to apply. Labor is either uneducated 
 or wrongly educated on economic questions, and all 
 matters of vital importance in social science. 
 
 Second. — Slavery. The individual or corporation that 
 employs a number of workers virtually owns and con- 
 trols their persons and functions; hence their votes. To 
 vote rightly means to vote against the interest of the 
 employer : result, starvation to the man who has the 
 bravery to do right. 
 
 Third. — Corruption, the result of poverty and exfolia- 
 tion. A man sells his vote because he needs the price 
 of it ; it he got the full result of his labor, he would not 
 be under the necessity of selling his liberty to buy bread. 
 Thus the system produces poverty, and poverty repro- 
 duces and perpetuates the system ; but eventually in 
 Sociology, as in animal procreation, breeding in and in 
 will produce degeneracy, decay, and deal!), and tyranny 
 and poverty will go out together forever. 
 
 Fourth. — Dkmaoouy. Party politics, religion, nation- 
 ality, and side issues are used to divide labor and prevent 
 it voting and acting in its own interest. 
 
 Fifth. — Law. The entire Government which is en- 
 gaged in making, expounding, and executing laws for the 
 spoliation of labor and the aggrandisement and protccs 
 lion of the bourgeoisie is capitalistic in every country ; 
 and if, by accident, labor for awhile should be united and 
 have passed beneficent laws, the judges would declare 
 every one of them unconstitutional and inoperative. So 
 long as capital owns the judges, the soldiers, the police, 
 
SOCIALISM. 69 
 
 the prisons and forts, labor may vote as long and as often 
 as it pleases, and no good will result; hence wc do not 
 believe in or advocate political action under the present 
 system. 
 
 How then do you propose to effect the desired change ? 
 
 By educational methods oniy, until a large majority 
 or an intelligent minority are convinced that the present 
 system should be destroyed and a better substituted. 
 Being thus prepared to make the change through force 
 of numbers and intelligence, if opposed seriously by 
 capital and those whom it could hire to do its. fighting, 
 we would adopt Revolution to the extent of the utter ex- 
 termination of idlers, robbers, and tyrants. 
 
 Agitation ! Education ! ! Organization / / / 
 
 With these three weapons we propose making both a 
 defensive and aggressive warfare on all forms of social 
 iniquity. These words, and the things they signify, shall 
 be our arms and armor, our shibboleth, our sword and 
 shield. 
 
 Agitation means stirring up, shaking — it might be called 
 the friction of iluids. We propose to stir men up, to 
 shake them out of the lethargy of despair, the sleep of 
 ignorance and intellectual death. We propose a friction 
 and chafing of mens minds until a healthy action is pro- 
 duced. 
 
 We propose to make men dissatisfied with their lot, 
 discontented with tueir conditions, as wc know well for 
 the dissatisfied only is there hope of highest achievement, 
 and discontent is ever the prophet of progress. 
 
 Hut for the continual agitation and mutation of the 
 physical world, death and chaos would be the immediate 
 result. Content and quietude arc incompatible with life 
 and progress. 
 
 Hut for the winds and waves and tides and currents of 
 the ocean it would become a stagnant pool of filth and 
 slime, disease and death, resulting in the speedy extinc- 
 tion of all animal and vegetable life on the planet. Simi- 
 larly, but for the continual agitation in the intellectual 
 and social life of man, he would long since have become 
 extinct as a rational and progressive being. 
 
70 SOCIALISM. 
 
 Frail barks sometimes go down at sea, and mighty 
 ships are wrecked by mightier winds, and well-built 
 cities swept by tidal waves, and in the bark, the ship, 
 the town, some good and pure may meet untimely 
 death ; but for every victim nature blindly bleeds, ten 
 thousand better lives are blest. 
 
 The wind that wrecked the ship may carry freight of 
 golden showers to bless a continent with bloom and 
 fruit, and in its rapid flights to further seas that self- 
 same wind may be the scavenger of eastern plagues, 
 and bear the pestilence from torrid climes to frigid 
 shores. So, too, the social agitation may wreck frail 
 institutions, and bury bonded wrongs, having no re- 
 spect or mercy for those who choose to perish for their 
 prejudices, traditions, and superstitions ; but the real, 
 solid, and material good conferred on man will infinitely 
 outweigh the apparent evil and temporary disturbance 
 of social conditions. Remember this, the whole is 
 greater than any of its parts, and, a ft>r/ion\ the well- 
 being of the whole race paramount to the well-being of 
 its smallest and most vicious complement. The whole 
 race must be enfranchised, purified, and elevated to the 
 highest attainable ultimate, regardless of suffering to 
 individuals or disaster to cherished iniquities. 
 
 lulucati\ This means a gradual Unfolding, develop- 
 ment, evolution of the mind. 
 
 When we speak of education, we do not mean to cram 
 with odds and ends of book knowledge, as they do in 
 schools and Colleges. We mean what the word literally 
 signifies, to lead out, to unfold, to develop the mind, to 
 make men think, and, more important still, to make 
 them think rightly, rationally, logically — to make them 
 understand their rights, and now the greatest happiness 
 can be obtained, not alone for the greatest, number, but 
 for ALL, without regard to race, color, and condition, 
 time or place. 
 
 Knowledge is power; therefore ignorance is weak- 
 ness, and Socialism cannot wield or mould a mass of 
 ignorant men, and persuade or force them to do what is 
 right and best for themselves. They must first be edu- 
 cated, then all the rest is plain sailing. 
 
 If you could persuade or force ignorant men into a 
 
SOCIALISM. jt 
 
 certain groove to-day and to-morrow withdraw the 
 mora! suasion or the force, or that stronger influences 
 should be used to swerve them from the. right, all your 
 labor would have been wasted, unless the understand- 
 ing is first captured, liven if we had the power to force 
 men into our way of thinking, it would be tyranny to 
 exercise it — the very thing we are trying to combat in 
 every shape ; besides, tyranny is always morally weak, 
 and the oppressed vigilant for an opportunity to revolt, 
 and what is gained by the sword must be held by the 
 sword ; what one revolution by forceful methods ob- 
 tains, a more perfect revolt of arms can wrest from the 
 recent despoil«»rs. Education, therefore, must precede 
 and prepare the way for successful permanent Revo- 
 lution. 
 
 Organize — whirh means to combine or associate in 
 harmony, to amalgamate, to form a homogeneous mass, 
 to assemble in complete order and detail, as a body 
 which is an assemblage of organs, each with its exclu- 
 sive, proper, and necessary functions. A jumble of 
 heads, legs, tails, eyes, ears, stomachs, entrails, etc., no 
 matter how many, would never constitute a body ; in 
 fact, the more of them there were without the spirit of 
 organization, the more corrupt and unwieldy would be 
 the mass of putrefaction. 
 
 In the world to-day there is more discontent and dis- 
 satisfaction with existing conditions than in any prior 
 period of its history. 
 
 And, although the masses have not yet begun to be 
 educated, yet with the materials of discontent and op- 
 pression on hand, to start with, great changes in the 
 social system could soon be wrought if there was any 
 harmonious and concerted action on the part of the 
 producers, the exploited, the proletarians, the Adullam- 
 ites of society. Organization would facilitate educa- 
 tion, ami precipitate the revolution, if one should be 
 found necessary. Hut organization of the right kind is 
 the chief difficulty that we have to overcome. 
 
 Some of the chief difficulties in the way of organiza- 
 tion, and the remedy for them, are as follows : 
 
 J'irst. — Ignorance as to the evils of the present sys- 
 tem, and the true methods of eradication. General 
 
7 a SOCIALISM. 
 
 discussion, agitation, and education through public 
 meetings, the Labor press, and Labor literature will aid 
 materially in allaying this trouble. 
 
 Second. — Differences of race, religion, language, and 
 industrial pursuit are used by the bourgeoisie to keep 
 the proletarians of the world divided and antagonistic. 
 A more general diffusion of knowledge, the obliteration 
 of national boundaries, tiie bursting of traditional barri- 
 ers, art, science, communication, transportation, a more 
 general intercourse and better acquaintance of the world's 
 workers will result in teaching them that the cause of 
 labor is the same the world over, and that their masters 
 magnify fictitious differences to keep them from uniting 
 to obtain their rights. 
 
 Third. — Suspicion and distrust of leaders, the masses 
 having been duped and betrayed so often, have but lit- 
 tle faith in reformers and their manners of relief. The 
 quick, certain, and ignominious " taking off " of all trait- 
 ors will cure this cause of disunity. 
 
 Fourth* — Internal dissensions caused by sore-heads 
 and would-be leaders. Abolition of all personal leader- 
 ship, and imposing the most laborious and dangerous 
 duties on the most prominent and ambitious wiil have 
 a tendency to check, or at least to try and prove the 
 moral courage and physical daring of all aspirants for 
 the honors of immolation. 
 
 Fifth. — Internal dissensions, caused by the paid agents 
 of capital and the governing class to defeat the objects 
 of labor organizations and retain in their own hands all 
 wealth, authority, and honors. 
 
 Ouick, certain, and ignominious death to both agents 
 and principals will have a very salutary effect in this 
 disease, if applied on the first symptoms being discov- 
 ered. 
 
 Lack of Interest. — Workingmen take very little in- 
 terest in organizations to ameliorate their condition. 
 (j) Because they look for immediate, tangible results, 
 each for himself individually, and failing toieceive any, 
 quit in disgust. {/>) Lai k of time to attend meetings, 
 being worked too long and too hard, (r) Inability to 
 pay (lues, fines, assessments, etc. [o) The business car- 
 ried on is generally of a stale and routine character, often 
 
SOCIALISM, 73 
 
 frivolous and even acrimonious. Besides, teach men 
 that they must not depend on their fellow-slaves for 
 work, bread, or burial. They should exact, that much at 
 least from the robber that exploits them. Fight for 
 shorter hours of labor first, and increased pay must logi- 
 cally follow; but abolish, as far as practical, all dues, 
 lines, etc., make the meetings as interesting as pos- 
 sible ; oiler inducements to the younger and more retir- 
 ing members to give their views on the subject in debate. 
 Kncourage the esprit dt corps, not for the pumsc of 
 rivalry among different branches of labor, but to en- 
 courage the spirit of fraternity and solidarity among the 
 useful workers of the world. 
 
 Possible Practical and Final Action* 
 
 When the Social epiestion, called also the Labor ques- 
 tion, has been thoroughly agitated and understood ; when 
 the masses are educated in their inherent and natural 
 rights, and are ready to not only demand them but to 
 enter into their full, free, and permanent possession, and 
 when the gi\.at mass of producers in any country are 
 thoroughly organized, locally and generally, in groups, 
 clubs, and assemblies — then, and not until then, should 
 the local or district organizations hold a general election 
 to send delegates to a national convention or general 
 assembly. 
 
 Kach delegate elected should be thoroughly educated 
 on human rights of labor, and the necessity of an im- 
 mediate and thorough change in the existing social 
 system. 
 
 This general assembly should meet openly in a central 
 location, entirely untrammelled by fear, favor, or preju- 
 dice, and then and there carry out the spirit of their 
 instructions. and teachings by drafting a general consti- 
 tution or bill of rights, based on principles of natural 
 law, liberty, justice, and pure reason. 
 
 This bill of rights should then be submitted to the 
 whole people for a general vote in their local organiza- 
 tions, and if adopted by two-thirds of all such clubs, 
 
1 
 
 74 SOClALfSM, 
 
 with not less than two-thirds of the entire numerical 
 vote of the country ; it should become the fundamental 
 law of that country, and provision made to put it in full 
 force immediately. 
 
 If, however, its operation met with opposition from 
 the non-producers, the capitalistic loafers, robbers, and 
 the governing class, it would be In order for the people 
 to execute their will regardless of whom it hurt, what 
 superstition was crushed or prejudice assailed. 
 
 \\\ such cases force might be necessary ; so it is some- 
 times expedient to amputate a putrefying limb to save 
 the body from death. Hut we believe that if a large 
 majority of the people of the country was sufiiciently 
 educated on those questions as to put them into prac- 
 tical operation, they would meet with very little oppo- 
 sition from the ignorant, vicious, and interested minor- 
 ity ; and even the small prejudice against the now order 
 of things would soon expire under the benign influence 
 of liberty and justice, for it requires bu* a small amount 
 of acumen to perceive that under such a system as we 
 propose the bourgeois, the capitalist, the king, the 
 loafer, and the titled robber of the present day, shorn of 
 all their honors, privileges, and prerogatives, would be 
 infinitely better of! than they are now. As a useful 
 citizen each could have and enjoy, without remorse for 
 the past and any fear for the future, all the benefits 
 of the highest civilization, all that nature and art could 
 contribute to make men happy — what more has he 
 now ? 
 
 Nay, less. For each carries in his breast the uneasy 
 consciousness .of guilt, the knowledge of unnumbered 
 wrongs, the hideous memories of murders fold, and 
 black remorse for unconvicted, un forgiven crimes. 
 
 However, our concern is not for the oppressor. We 
 are not particularly stuck after making tyrants happy; 
 our object is to elevate and make happy the deserving, 
 and finally make all deserving, even the king. 
 
 This is what within the bounds of possibility may oc- 
 cur, but it is by no means the probable outcome of the 
 present lamentable state .of affairs. What will be far 
 more likely to happen is this: 
 
 
SOCIALISM. 75 
 
 Probable Course of Future Events. . 
 
 A careful study of the present competitive system of 
 industry, since the introduction of machinery, and the 
 consequent enormous increase in the productive forces 
 of the world, shows this: 
 
 That by reason of the entire want of system which 
 characterizes mere profit production, upon the slightest 
 demand, goods of every character are thrown upon the 
 market in quantities far exceeding the purchasing ca- 
 pacity of the consumers. That this same profit produc- 
 tion, in its heartless competition to produce cheaper goods 
 ami thus secure a sale, acts continually to reduce, to the 
 lowest possible point, the wages of the producer ; that 
 since tins producer is at the same time the consumer it 
 follows naturally that the more he produces the less he 
 produces for, and the less he is able to purchase or con- 
 sume. Hence capitalistic production is busily engaged 
 in cutting its own throat. 
 
 The result of this continuous suicide finds expression 
 in certain social convulsions denominated "panics." 
 These are the" result of capitalistic production and of 
 that alone. Knonnous quantities of goods are pro- 
 duced, and produced so cheaply that the producers (la- 
 boring for a mere subsistence wage.) have no money to 
 buv them. Unable to dispose of their goods a wave of 
 bankruptcy overwhelms the employing dass ; manu- 
 facturers and dealers alike are ruined ; factories and 
 stores are closed ; thousands of workers are thrown 
 idle ami hungry upon the streets ; they revolt, perhaps, 
 as they did in 1S77, and as they will in 1SX4 ; the military 
 power is invoked, the workers are shot down, the press- 
 ure upon the labor market is removed ; then the sur- 
 plus stock of goods is gradually absorbed ; production 
 starts up again, feebly at first but afterward with re- 
 newed vigor and strength ; and so the game goes on, to 
 be played again and yet again. 
 
 lint careful observers, studying these facts, sec that 
 each panic increases in intensity and that its desolating 
 effects widen in ever-increasing circles. They foresee 
 that within the lifetime of the present generation the 
 
76 SOCIALISM, 
 
 r 
 
 final climax will come when millions of starving workers 
 will raise in our streets the old, dread cry for bread or 
 blood. They foresee that these men will be desperate, 
 ignorant, and bloodthirsty, aiming at chaos instead of 
 order. 
 
 We who sec this, the Socialists, would prevent it, not 
 by preventing the revolution, for that is impossible, but 
 by guiding and controlling it, so that its ultimate result 
 will be perpetual peace on earth, good-will to men. 
 
 In this book, which necessarily is but fragmentary, 
 we have used the English language in the plainest ami 
 bluntest manner. Writing for workingmeu we have 
 written so that they might understand. 
 
 It is fit in closing that in one brief paragraph we 
 should lay down the scientific formula upon which our 
 movement is based : 
 
 The cause of misery, crime, and un happiness among 
 the producers of the world is mainly due to the monop- 
 olization by a class of non-producers of the land and 
 the natural resources of earth, the tools and machinery 
 of production and the mediums of exchange, commu- 
 nication, and transportation. To abolish this cause and 
 remedy these evils the abolition of private property 
 in the things mentioned is the first necessity: the next 
 is their seizure for common use for the collective bene- 
 fit of the producing community. 
 
 That this is a truthful statement no wise man will 
 dare to challenge. That within our lifetimes all men 
 shall see it so, the coming years will prove. 
 
 S. Koiikkt Wilson. 
 A. J. Starkweather. 
 
 San Francisco, Cal., September 20, 1SS4. 
 
APPENDIX A, 
 
 SUPPLEMENTAL CHAPTER. 
 On the True Basis of Value and Money. 
 
 (Noic to page a.) 
 
 The most important doctrine of Socialism is that re- 
 lating to money. The only reason for the existence of 
 any circulating medium is to facilitate the exchange of 
 commodities. The loafers of the world, unwilling or 
 unable to produce any of the necessaries of existence, 
 and thereby honestly cam their living, have devoted 
 their most subtle arts and employed their most cunning 
 schemes in the trade in, ami monopolization of, the 
 means devised by them t<» exchange the goods of one 
 producer for those produced by another. 
 
 In strict justice, tins exchange of the value produced 
 by one with another should be equal — that is to say, the 
 goods produced by the farmer should be exchanged for 
 goods of ei/uai value produced by the mechanic. Were 
 this the case the loafers of the world would either have 
 to work or starve. Hut under tiie present ingenious 
 and impudent system, Mr. Loafer, under the pretences of 
 ** distributing the produce of labor," or M providing the 
 medium of exchange," and by means of such infamies 
 as " rent," ■' interest," " profit, etc., stands between the 
 toiling and idiotic producers, and, before their eyes, un- 
 der the highwayman's mask of " law," and with the pis- 
 tol of the Competitive System, coolly filches from them 
 all that they produce over and above that amount neces- 
 sarv to enable Litem to continue the:, unavailing toil. 
 
 The whole present system of money must be totally 
 destroyed. A dollar now has no basis of value ; to-day 
 
78 APPENDIX //. 
 
 it may represent fifty pounds of flour, a month hence, 
 only twenty-five pounds ; to-day it # represents twelve 
 hours labor of a Chinaman, nine hours labor of a white 
 man, twenty-four hours labor of a white child, and thirty 
 seconds loafing of a Vandcrbilt. (I hope not also to for- 
 get that it is the street price now paid by some loafer's 
 whelp to the workingman's daughter who is compelled 
 to sell her body for bread.) 
 
 Socialists, who have thought deeply upon this propo- 
 sition, truly claim that we must have some KtXKll stand- 
 ard of value whereon to base the exchange of commod- 
 ities. This standard must not be an arbitrary one, but 
 must be CRKATKU by natural law and discovered by Sci- 
 
 ence. 
 A 
 
 A producer can only claim compensation for what he 
 produces, upon the proposition that he is entitled to re- 
 ceive in return for what he has produced that which he 
 has expended in its production, in other words, cost 
 must be the limit of price. In the production of any 
 specified article the laborer sclf-evidently expends but 
 two things, first, his time, and second, his life-force or 
 energy. It is as self-evident that the timk occupied by 
 one worker is equivalent to a similar period of time de- 
 voted by another ; the life-force spent by one is not, 
 however, equivalent to the energy expended by another. 
 It thus remains for Science to ascertain a rule by which 
 the energy of one may be equitably exchanged for the 
 energy of another in order to absolutely prove the per- 
 fect justice and practicability of the Socialistic maxim 
 — "the time and service of one man is equivalent to 
 equal time and service of any ■other." 
 
 Such a rule, discovered and applied in practice upon 
 Socialistic foundations, ensures forever the first eco- 
 nomic law of justice, that if a man toil not neither shall 
 he eat. 
 
 lias that rule been discovered ? Yes. And so simple 
 is it that a well-worn phrase comprises it all. That 
 phrase is : " Cost is the limit of price." 
 
 A producer is entitled to receive in exchange for the 
 life-force expended by him in producing an article any 
 other article or articles upon which an equal amount of 
 life-force has been expended by any other producer. 
 
- APPENDIX A. 79 
 
 In order to measure this life-force nn unvarying stand- 
 ard should be adopted. That standard should be the 
 average life of the worker in the occupation where the 
 labor requires the expenditure of the least life-force per 
 hour. 
 
 For example, let us say that that work is clerical work. 
 Statistics being taken in every trade and every locality, 
 it is found, let us say, that a clerk in Berlin is able to 
 work for forty years four hours a day, that a shoemaker 
 in Berlin is only able to work thirty years, and that a 
 knife-grinder is only able to work twenty years. Were 
 all these people paid equally at so much an hour, every- 
 body would want to be a < lerk and nobody would be a 
 knife-grimier. If the hour of the knife-grinder was held 
 equal to the hour of the clerk it would be injustice, for 
 there is no real equality between them. The knife- 
 grinder by working his whole life would only be able to 
 obtain two-thirds of the product of the shoemaker or one- 
 half of the product of the clerk, whereas the products 
 of all three should be of equal value and interchange- 
 able. The knife-grinder being only .able to work twenty 
 years upon the life energy he possesses, or one-half the 
 time of the clerk, should be credited for every hour's 
 work with two hours, the shoemaker with one and one- 
 third hour, ant) the clerk with but one hour. This 
 would be absolute justice. Nothing else would. 
 
 Let the statistics — facts — be gathered in every trade 
 and in each locality ; from them, and from. them alone, 
 can the true cost and consequent just price for any pro- 
 duction be learned. Nature, science, and common sense 
 are the founders discoverers, and promulgators of this 
 law : let not the loafers much lunger defy it. 
 
 The time-book system of Mr. T. ft Iiagertv is theonlv 
 device of which 1 have ever read that would carry it into 
 practice and successful operation. In brief, that system 
 is this : 
 
 . (liven : a Socialistic system wherein all production 
 and distribution is done by the •* Government H (the 
 whole people in co-partnership). (liven as incidents 
 thereof : in San Francisco its proper quota of manufac- 
 tories where goods are made and marts where they are 
 sold. Here follows the result : 
 
So APPENDIX A. 
 
 John Brown, n metal worker, presents himself at the 
 machine-shop and asks for work. The foreman sets his 
 task for him and notes the time at which lie goes to 
 work. John Brown quits when lie pleases, works one 
 hour or ten as suits his own will, only taking care that 
 when he does quit the foreman marks upon the factory 
 day-hook and upon John Brown's own pass-book the 
 number of hours that he has been at work. This pass- 
 book is issued to John Brown by the County Clerk. It 
 contains his photograph, his personal description and 
 blank leaves thereafter for debit and credit account. At 
 the top of these blank pages is printed: 
 
 John Brown. 
 
 In account with Socialistic Republic, the People of the United States. 
 Dr. Cr. 
 
 Upon the credit side hereof the foreman makes this 
 entry : 
 
 Jan. 2 : By labor 6 hrs. 30 in. 
 
 On subsequent days lie makes other entries, so that on 
 Saturday night John Brown's credit page reads as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 John BkowN. 
 
 In account with the Socialistic Republic, the Fcoplc of the United 
 States. 
 
 Cr. 
 In Machine Shop No. 22,961. 
 
 hrs. min. 
 
 Jan. 2: By lal>or 6 30 
 
 •• 3: 4 * •« 7 20 
 
 " 4: " M 10 o 
 
 11 5* " " 3 15 
 
 •« 6: u ** ...7. 4 20 
 
 V 7: " V • •• 5 10 
 
 Total for the week : . 36 35 
 
 Saturday afternoon he desires to make his purchases 
 for the support of his family for the coming week. 
 
 He goes to the Government grocery marts. He asks 
 the price of a sack of Hour. The clerk in charge refers 
 
APPENDIX A. 8c 
 
 to the figures upon the sack. These read : one hour 
 and twenty minutes. The clerk explains that this is 
 the average time which it has taken farmer, miller, bag- 
 maker, transporter, and storage clerk to produce and 
 place on sale this article. It is not necessary for him to 
 affirm that it is of the best totality, full weight, and un- 
 adulterated. That is an uncontested fact, since the Gov- 
 ernment docs not deal in shams. Drown takes the Hour 
 'and passes over his time-book to the clerk, who enters 
 upon the debit side the charge, entering it also upon the 
 dav-book of the store. 
 
 The package is marked with Brown's address and set 
 aside for delivery at his house by the Government goods- 
 carrier. 
 
 In a similar manner Brown makes whatever other 
 purchases he desires. At the close of them all the 
 debit page of his book reads as follows: 
 
 hrs. min. 
 
 Jan. 8. To goods bought I 20 
 
 M 4 
 
 • I M - 
 
 II .11 4 
 
 " " 20 
 
 ** " 40 
 
 " " I 20 
 
 Total 15 40 
 
 hrs. min. 
 
 By labor done 36 35 
 
 To goods bought 15 40 
 
 Time on hand 20 55 
 
 This "time on hand" John Brown can spend in the 
 future, can keep in reserve for emergencies, lay up for 
 days of sickness or laziness as he chooses. 
 
 This is the time-book system in brief. Under its 
 operation for the first time in the history of the world 
 would the worker be able to secure the full value of 
 his labor. B. G. II. 
 
 * 
 
 6 
 
.t • 
 
 « ' 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 LABOR PAPERS. 
 
 As in some measure indicating the strength of the 
 movement we append a list of the journals in the 
 United States which are, wholly or in part, devoted to 
 the great cause of the proletariat : 
 
 Socialistic. — Truth, the English Organ, a monthly 
 magazine, Editor Burnette G. Haskell, San Francisco. 
 The Labor F/u/uirer, English weekly, Editor Joseph K. 
 Buchanan, Denver, Col. F.xa miner, English weekly, 
 Hartford, Conn. Soeioio^ist, English monthly, Knoxville, 
 Tenn. AVk» Yorker ro/ks-Zeitune; German daily and 
 weekly, New York City. Arbeiter-Zeitung, German daily 
 and weekly, Chicago, 111. Ta^eblatt, German daily 
 and weekly, Philadelphia. Freiheit % German weekly, 
 New York City. Vorbote, German weekly, Chicago. 
 JJer Fiiciel t German weekly, Chicago. J)er A'ettf TiJ, 
 Scandinavian weekly, Chicago. Troletar, Bohemian 
 weekly, New York. The Free Soiler, monthly, New 
 York City. Foutiouenost, Bohemian weekly, Chicago. 
 jjfeurttdf of United L^ibor, ullicial English fortnightly or- 
 gan of the Knights of Labor, Philadelphia, Ba. The 
 Protest, English weekly, Exeter, N. II. 
 
 Si.Mi-sociAi.isTic. — John Swintons t*aper % English 
 weekly, New York Citv. Man, English weekly. New 
 York City. The Truth Seeker, English Weekly, New 
 York City. The RaJieal Review, English weekly, Chi- 
 cago, 111. I.ueifer, English weekly, Valley Falls, Kan. 
 The Non-Conformist, English weekly, Tabor, la. The 
 Daily Laborer, English daily, Haverhill, Mass. The AJ- 
 tertiser, English weekly, Hayes Valley, San Francisco. 
 
APPENDIX fl. 
 
 »3 
 
 Mail, daily, Stockton, Cal. Palladium of Labor t Hamil- 
 ton, Ontario. 
 
 Sociamsticali.y Incmnkd. — Labor Herald, Pittsburg, 
 Pa. ; Vi<lctti\ Salem, Oregon. ; Labor Standard, Patcrson, 
 N. J. ; Advertiser, Trent cm, N. J. ; I^ibor Free Press, Bal- 
 timore, M«l ; Craftsman, Washington, D. C. ; Union, St. 
 Louis, Mo. ; Irish ITorld, New York City — all English 
 weeklies. 
 
 ! 1 
 

 ( 
 ♦ 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 DECLARATION OK THK KlfUITS OF MAN. 
 
 [OFFICIAL.] 
 
 Headquarters Executive Pacific Coast Division, 
 international workmen's association. 
 
 San Francisco, California. 
 
 The following M Declaration of the Rights of Man N is 
 ordered published to the people ; 
 
 PRKAMHLK. 
 
 Wc hold these truths to be self-evident to all people 
 who have the welfare of humanity at heart : That all 
 men and women are born free and with equal rights. 
 That they were endowed, by such birth, by their Cre- 
 ator, and as necessary incidents of their existence, with 
 certain inalienable rights, rights of which even .they 
 cannot divest themselves ; and that among these rights 
 are the right to life and the means of living, liberty and 
 the conditions essential to liberty, and the right to the 
 pursuit of happiness, That especially enumerating the 
 subordinate rights Mowing naturally and reasonably from 
 the establishment of these truths and the principles nec- 
 essary for their perpetuity, we do publish and declare: 
 
 I. 
 
 That the just end of all political associations and the 
 only permissible reason for their existence at all, is the 
 maintenance of the natural and imprescriptible rights of 
 man and the development of all his faculties. 
 
APPENDIX C . 85 
 
 II. 
 
 * 
 
 Whatever rights belong to one man belong to all men 
 equally, whatever difference there may be in their physi- 
 cal, mental, or moral force. Equality of rights is estab- 
 lished by nature. Society, so far from invading it, ought 
 justly to constitute a security against the abuse of force 
 which would render it illusory. 
 
 III. 
 
 If it should be found, after careful trial thereof, that 
 any form or system of government or society fails to 
 maintain the rights of man, then it is not only the right 
 but the most sacred duty of the whole people to alter or 
 abolish the said system by any and all possible means. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Liberty is the power which belongs to a man of exer- 
 cising all his faculties at pleasure. It has justice for its 
 rule, the rights of others for its boundaries, nature for 
 its origin, and the law for its safeguard. 
 
 V. 
 
 The right of life, which belongs equally to all men, 
 carries with it the right to the means of living. Chief 
 among these subsidiary rights is the right of each indi- 
 vidual to receive the full product of his own labor, with- 
 out tithe, tax, or diminution, upon any pretext. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Every individual is entitled to an equal proportional 
 share of all the natural advantages of earth. The whole 
 people should hold the land, light, air, and water, to- 
 gether with other of nature's resources, as the natural 
 heritage in common of all mankind, and of his propor- 
 tion thereof no man should ever be deprived. 
 
86 . APPENDIX. C. 
 
 f 
 
 VII. \ 
 
 Every individual is entitled to an equal proportionate 
 share of all the accumulated wealth created by past gen- 
 erations, and that wealth should be held by society as 
 the natural heritage in common of all mankind. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Society can deny to those who do not consent to this 
 system of society any share of the benefits produced by 
 the co-operation of those who do consent. It is but 
 just that those who will not co-operate should receive 
 none of the benefits of co-operation. 
 
 IX. 
 
 Debt, profit, interest, rent, and the competitive system 
 of industry. are hereby formally declared proved instru- 
 ments of degradation and tyranny, and cancers upon 
 the social body. So also are the present methods of 
 punishing crime rather than preventing it; the present 
 monetary system ; the present method of suffrage ; the 
 present method of education ; and the present systems 
 of jurisprudence, church and military. 
 
 X. 
 
 The right of peaceably assembling ; of manifesting 
 opinion, whether through the press or by any other 
 means ; of the free exercise of religion ; of bearing 
 arms; of security of person against unreasonable search 
 or seizure, and of complete liberty of thought and 
 speech, together with the right of association, arc such 
 necessary consequences of the principles of man's lib- 
 erty, that the necessity of declaring them presupposes 
 either the presence of, or the recent remembrance of, 
 despotism. 
 
APPENDIX a 87 
 
 XI. 
 
 The right of private propcrtr can justly be based up- 
 on no principle except that of having been produced by 
 the person in possession of it, or upon the possessor 
 having rendered for it the full equivalent to the one 
 who did produce it. This rule can have no exceptions 
 save those created by the unanimous consent of all 
 members of society. 
 
 XII. 
 
 So long as members of society shall fulfil their por- 
 tion of the social contract they .have a right to demand 
 of society the means necessary to provide for their sub- 
 sistence. Society is bound also to insure the means of 
 existence to those who are incapable of labor. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Absolute justice is the right of every being. The law 
 is the free and solemn expression of the public will, and 
 it must be cjual lor all. Society ought to favor with 
 all its power the progress of public reason, and place 
 instruction and recreation within the reach of every 
 citizen. The people is the sovereign. Government is 
 its work and its property V the public funrtionarics are 
 its agents and officers, and the people justly should have 
 the power when it pleases to revoke its mandatories or 
 recall its servants. 'Die law can forbid only what is 
 hurtful to the people, and can prescribe only what is 
 useful. Kvery law which violates or infringes the im- 
 prescriptible right of man is void. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 In every just government the law ought above all to 
 defend public and individual liberty against the authority 
 of those that govern. Kvery institution that does not 
 suppose the people good and the magistrate corruptible, 
 is vicious. No part of the people can exercise the power 
 
88 APPENDIX 'C. 
 
 of the whole people ; but the wish it expresses ought to 
 be respected as a wish of a part of the people which is 
 to concur in forming the general will. Kvery act against 
 the imprescriptible rights of mail, by whomsoever exer- 
 cised, even in the name of the law itself and withinthe 
 
 . forms it prescribes — every such act is arbitrary and void. 
 
 • The very respect due to law forbids submission to it, and 
 if the attempt be made to execute such act by violence 
 or by artifice, it is not only permitted but enjoined upon 
 every individual to repel such assaults, even by force. 
 Resistance to oppression is a necessary consequence of 
 the other rights of man. There is oppression against 
 the social body whenever one alone of its members is 
 oppressed. There is oppression against every member 
 of it when the social body is oppressed. When the gov- 
 ernment violates the rights of the people, insurrection 
 is for the people, and for every portion of the people, the 
 most sacred of rights and the inosr indispensable of du- 
 ties. When the social contract fails to protect a citizen 
 he resumes his natural right to defend personally all his 
 rights. In either of the two preceding cases, to subject 
 to legal forms the resistance to oppression is the last 
 refinement of tyranny, and is both infamous and void. 
 
 XV. 
 
 Public functions cannot be considered as distinctions 
 nor as recompenses, but as public duties. The people 
 ought, as far as possible, to govern themselves without 
 the interposition of delegates or representatives. Hut 
 when these representatives are necessary they must be 
 selected by such a system as will insure their being real 
 and not pretended microcosms of their constituents. The 
 crimes of such representatives should be severely pun- 
 ished. The people have a right to know the operations 
 of their delegates, and it is the duty of the latter to ren- 
 der to the people a faithful account of their behavior. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 Men of all countries are brother*, and the people of 
 each ought to yield one another mutual aid, according 
 
APPENDIX C. ' 89 
 
 to their ability, Jike citizens of the same state. lie who 
 opposes or oppresses one people is the declared enemy 
 of all. Those who make war on a people to arrest the 
 progress of liberty and to annihilate the rights of man 
 outfit to be pursued everywhere, not as ordinary crimi- 
 nals but as social outlaws, assassins, and robbers. Kings, 
 aristocrats, tyrants of every description are beasts dan- 
 gerous to the welfare of mankind, and against them 
 should be raised the hand of every man. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 The conditions which will establish universal happi- 
 ness upon earth consist in the free enjoyment of the 
 natural rights of man, combined with the exercise of all 
 his faculties upon the highest plane of mental, moral, 
 and physical Worth. The best guarantee of the exist- 
 ence and perpetuity of these conditions is the loftiest 
 possible elevation of humanity. There will arrive a time, 
 if progress- be not impeded, when governments will be 
 useless. To advance that time, education seems to be 
 the main factor. Hence, what prevents or constrains 
 the spread of intelligence is tyrannous and unjust. 
 
 XV r III. 
 
 Governments, as at present existing, are machines 
 used for the purposeof enslaving the people. Such ma- 
 chines should be abolished ami society be permitted to 
 reorganize upon principles of equality. The people 
 being too much governed, all statute or common law, 
 except broad and simple declarations of principles and 
 rights, should be abolished. These principles should be 
 interpreted, not by infamous precedent, but by the light 
 of common sense, to secure justice to all. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 Neither sex, age, color, nor condition should ever be 
 made barriers against equal and exact justice. 
 
APPEKDTX C. 
 
 XX. 
 
 Suppress the right of increase claimed by the pro- 
 prietor over Anything which lie has stamped as his own 
 (property) while maintaining possession^ and by this 
 simple change, law, government, economy, and institu- 
 tions will be revolutionized and evil be driven from the 
 face of the earth. 
 
 DECLARATION. 
 
 We believe firmly that, as a necessary step in advance 
 to that condition of perfect " au-archy " when govern- 
 ments shall be no longer needed, it is imperative that 
 the present competitive system of industry and the 
 social structure dependent thereon be abolished, and 
 that in its place shall be substituted a system of govern- 
 mental co-operation in all matters of mental, moral, and 
 physical construction and elevation. 
 
 We believe in the fact that the present system neces- 
 sarily is prophetic of a future revolution, which must 
 cither result in a greater and freer condition, or will 
 plunge our present civilization back into barbarism. 
 
 We affirm that, believing this, it is our duty to prepare 
 for the impending conflict ; to lead it when it shall break 
 upon us, and to bend every energy to so direct it as to 
 secure as its result the establishment of a proper system 
 of governmental co-operation. 
 
 We affirm, furthermore, that all the resources of sci- 
 ence should be enlisted in the battle to insure success 
 and the welfare of the people of the world. 
 
 We declare further that action ought to be both inter- 
 national and simultaneous. 
 
 It will be remembered that in 1S72, at the Congress 
 of the International held at the Hague, first arose the 
 dissensions which have since divided our ranks. It was 
 at that session that Bakouninc was expelled, and carried 
 with him thirty of the delegates, with the aid of whom 
 he established what has since been called the Black In- 
 ternational, as opposed to those who remained, the Red. 
 The belief of the Red was in the gradual education of 
 the people and in taking no forcible action until all 
 
APPKXDIX C % 9 t 
 
 the world was prepared ; the belief of the Blacks was 
 in the total abolition of all present forms of government 
 by force. 
 
 The news of this division when brought to Bismarck 
 provoked from him this historical remark: "Crowned 
 I leads, wealth, and privilege well may tremble should 
 ever again the Black and the Red unite ! " 
 
 There exists now no great obstacle to that unity. The 
 work of peaceful education and revolutionary conspiracy 
 well can and ought to run in parallel lines. 
 
 The day has come for solidarity. Ho! Reds and 
 Blacks, thy Hags are Hying side by side ! Let the drum 
 beat out defiantly the roll of battle, " Workingmcn of all 
 lands, unite ! You have nothing to lose but your chains ; 
 you have a world to win ! " 
 
 Tremble ! oppressors of the world ! Not far beyond 
 your purblind sight there dawns the scarlet and sable 
 lierlus of the iruo.MiA'T day. 
 
 1'ublLshed by order of Division Executive. 
 
 1-4 1, Division Secretary. 
 
 The International Workmen's Association, organized 
 August 5, 1862, at London, England. 
 
 The names *iuil addresses of correspondents in Europe 
 are for obvious reasons suppressed. The Central Exe- 
 cutive and all divisions elsewhere can be reached by let- 
 ter addressed in tare of this Division. 
 
 The Bureau of Information, North American Section, 
 can be addressed by letter, through the Secretary, 
 ** J —4 1,** U36 Twenty-first Street, San Francisco, Cali- 
 fornia 
 
 The InternationaPs Method of Organization — The Group 
 
 System. 
 
 Let us suppose that you, my reader, have been giving 
 a little attention to the sayings and doings of the labor 
 men ; that you have read and thought sufficiently on the 
 Subject to have a pretty good general idea of their prin- 
 ciples and aims, and that you find yourself more or less 
 in accord with them ; that still you entertain some ob- 
 jections and dilliculties and your mind is in a condition 
 
9 a APPEA r D/.y a 
 
 of doubt and uncertainty. Now, let us suppose you to 
 have among your acquaintances two or three persons 
 similarly disposed, and that you invite them to meet you 
 expressly to talk over the subject. Suppose that, as 
 the result. of your first meeting, you are all Sufficiently 
 interested to wish to meet for the same purpose attain 
 and again, sometimes in the apartments of one and 
 sometimes in those of the others. Finally you meet 
 regularly — say once a week — and from two or three 
 your numbers have increased to half a dozen or moiv. 
 In the meantime you have obtained for yourselves, and 
 have read and discussed together, or passed from one to 
 another, some labor literature. Perhaps, also, you have 
 thrown yourself into intercourse with some well-in- 
 formed labor advocate. 
 
 Now, my reader, I will venture to say that the desire 
 which vou first had to study the subject for your own 
 sake, will have expanded by this time into a desiie to 
 spread your views everywhere within the cin le of your 
 influence, and the same desire will animate your com- 
 panions. Suppose, then, that each of you, while retain- 
 ing your organization as a little club — a "group" — 
 should make himself the starting point or nucleus of 
 just such another club or "group," composed of per- 
 sons perhaps living in his immediate neighborhood, or 
 associated in business, or in some other way. The for- 
 mation of these secondary clubs or groups, and this de- 
 velopment, will be easier than that of the first, as each 
 will have the advantage of an intelligent teacher. Vou 
 see that in a vei v short time. Instead of one you will have 
 ei&ht little clubs or groups, each having a thread of 
 communication with the first one, which will continue 
 to hold its regular meetings. Within another short 
 period these eight clubs — meeting, perhaps, in different 
 wards or suburbs of the city, or in little centres of rural 
 population — will each in like manner make of its mem- 
 bers the nuclei of other groups or clubs, and each of 
 these again of still others ; and so on aU infinitum. 
 
 This is the svstem of organization adopted by the In- 
 ternational. Hear in mind that it is for educational 
 purposes only. 
 
 Up to this point it will bo seen that this method of 
 
ATPENDIX C. 93 
 
 organization is very simple and quite natural ; it l<: also 
 free from any expense for halls and advertising, and no 
 constitution or by-laws or other formality is at all nec- 
 essary. The time usually spent in society meetings in 
 what is called " regular business " is entirely saved. As 
 the meetings are quite informal, and probably held near 
 the home of each member, there will be no Inconven- 
 ience in attending them. Another advantage is — and 
 this is an advantage that belongs to only very small as- 
 sociations — namely, that each club will probably be 
 composed of persons of about the same class and habits 
 and quite familiar with each other, there will be no tim- 
 idity about the expression of individual opinion ; instead 
 of half a dozen talkers and fifty listeners, every one will 
 be a talker and every one a listener, and of course all 
 will be thereby more interested and become more intel- 
 ligent, and a real friendship will be likely to spring up 
 between them. The reciprocity of thought will produce 
 that effect. Another important advantage is, that there 
 will be little likelihood of any one member assuming 
 such authority as to become a "boss," a self-constituted 
 incarnation of the society, making in its name all sorts 
 of arrangements. Nearly all the present political asso- 
 ciations are pestered and damaged by such ambitious or 
 unprincipled individuals, and it is an evil of the first 
 magnitude. 
 
 Each man is a member of one group which is under 
 the chairmanship of its organizer. ! le is a'simple mem- 
 ber here, but if he desires himself to become an organizer 
 he can do i.o by going out and organizing a group of his 
 own. 
 
 Among the chief objects of the International is the as- 
 certaining of the individual opinion of each of the mem- 
 bers upon ail questions of interest. Kach member is 
 expected to forward his views and thoughts and all in- 
 formation he obtains to headquarters. 
 
 The International has here already an extended or- 
 ganization, and has laid the foundation in many neigh- 
 borhoods and over a continually widening district, of a 
 reaily formidable association. 
 
 In this way, if every sympathizing reader of this article 
 will set to work, it will be readily seen how quickly and 
 
94 APPENDIX C. 
 
 successfully — supposing the ideas to be correct and the 
 times ripe for them — the party may spread, like the 
 ganglions of the nervous system, throughout the whole 
 of this broad land, preparing public opinion, in advance 
 of the crisis, for the new social order, and thus serving 
 not only to mitigate the violence of the transition, but 
 also to make the outcome of the new system of society 
 more sure and satisfactory. 
 
 And, bo it observed, that with this system there will 
 be no necessity for any ccntiali/ed lUithoiUy or mbitrai y 
 regulation. Kvery little group will be independent and 
 self-regulating, and will have the bene lit of connection 
 through its first member or founder with a group older 
 than itself, and will tints be kept informed of the general 
 movement of thought and the progress of the party 
 elsewhere. 
 
 But the chief beauty of the plan is that a course of 
 education has been mapped out and excellent text-books 
 provided, and that these are placed in the hands of var- 
 ious groups, who forming themselves thus into classes 
 are enabled, in an extremely short time, to perfectly 
 familiarize themselves with the fundamental principles 
 of true social science. 
 
 Following this course comes a scientific and compre- 
 hensive course of chemistry. In brief, the producers 
 are scientifically elevated from the condition of ignor- 
 ant slaves to the position of intelligent freemen, pre- 
 pared to act as leaders in the great social revolution, 
 whose birth throes are already agitating the world. 
 
 Secret, mysterious, world-wide, rftuci.lv honey-combing 
 society, the I. \V. A. offers to the daring and devoted 
 men and women of earth, the sole practical means of 
 releasing the wealth-producers from the shackles of 
 tyranny. It does not fear betrayal, since its system of 
 organization prevents the possibility of treason. It does 
 not fear suppression, because it lias millions of mem- 
 bers, as well qualified as the leaders to assume direction 
 should those now at the head be removed. 
 
 It does not fear failure, because* it knows its own power 
 and strength, anil the justice and truth of its cause. 
 
 Suppose that you call together eight of your friends 
 some evening this coming week at your own house. 
 
APPENDIX C. 95 
 
 Read them this article, then form yourselves into a group 
 according to the above plan. Then forward an account 
 of your meeting to the Division Secretary. You will 
 then receive proper documents, and each man of the 
 groitp can go out and organize a group of his own, and 
 so on. Let us take, say a limit of three months, to per- 
 fect each group. If you alone should follow out the 
 plan, wii;it would he the result ? J.et us see : In the first 
 series of group** Into would he yourself mid eight other*, 
 n ; in tin* f.eeond series, 7; ; In the third seiles, h.\H ; In 
 the fourth series, 5,Kjj, That I* to say I hut ihcludl ihtlM 
 s«'l in motion. bv you ah»ue would within one year or- 
 g:ini/.e effectively nearly six thousand men. 
 
 It is work of this kind that has undermined all the 
 thrones of Kurope, and which in hut a few years more 
 will make American workmen ready to clasp hands with 
 their brothers in other lands, to topple to its fall the 
 whole mighty incubus of wrong that now threatens the 
 whole world with death and desolation, 
 
SUBSCRIBE! , ■ SUBSCRIBE! 
 
 "TRUTH; 
 
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 The Revolutionary Organ of tho Working People of America 
 
 and Advocate of the Rights of Man in all 
 
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 Disclosing, with glaring light, the evils of our time; attacking with 
 merciless criticism, the corruption of our Rourgcois Governments," and 
 working with a wholesome anil educational intiuence upon the minds of 
 the people. 
 
 The Brightest, Boldest, Cheapest, and Ablest Mag- 
 azine in the United States. 
 
 Published monthly at J'J.Vi Twcnty-jlrHt Street, San 
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 ' BURNETTE G. HASKELL, Editor and Business Manager. 
 
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 Accepted as the official organ of Hie F.nglish speaking Socialists. 
 
 Prescribed by the I. \V. A. of America as a necessary element in the 
 education of every individual who would know the truth, the whole 
 truth, and nothing but the truth. t 
 
Henry 
 
 
 K-. 
 
 COiJ. 
 
 DP 
 
 i 
 
 ■n* 
 
 H 
 
 '71 
 
 By HENRY GEORGE. 
 
 No. 003, LovellM Library, !2mo, lar^o t*'po, pajwr cover, 20o, 
 
 Tlio great success already achieved on both sid« s of the 
 Atlantic by Henry George's new book, Icada us to expect 
 for tliis popular edition a circulation at least equal to that 
 of <4 Progress and Poverty.* 1 With' all the characteristics 
 ihat have made "Progress and Poverty" ho fatuous, it is 
 yet oven botter adapted for general reading, and serves tho 
 j»urpoH« botli of an introduction ami u supplement to that 
 more scientific work. In "Social Problems v Mr. CJeorge 
 has aimed at presenting tlio great social questions Of* tlio 
 time without technical language or tho abstract reasoning 
 necessary to the development of tlio theories advanced in 
 " Progress and Poverty," and at the same time to treat a 
 number of questions that did not come within the scope 
 of the former work. ITe h;«s produced a book which "ho 
 who runs may read," but which will yet carry even tho 
 casual reader into the heart of all tho great questions 
 wh""h are now beginning to agitato tho public mind. 
 
 J. W. LOVEUj company, 
 
 PubUshora, 14 <& 10 Vesoy Street, 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
I 
 
 SEAIS* AID 17EB.YE fOOD. 
 
 v , -. /r 
 
 " * \ * ft . • K I \. . -' • ' 
 
 PtPii7iB rP- 
 
 y u &&l8B&Wvi J Bis 
 
 1 y pi 
 
 COMPOSED OF THE NTHVB-GIVINa PRINCIPLES OF 
 THE OX-SHAI2* Ain> WHEAT-GEHET. 
 
 It restores tho cneroy lost by Nervousness or Indiqestion; rollcves 
 Lassitude end Neuralgia; refreshes the nerves tired by worry, oxcito- 
 ment, or cxce;sivo brnin fatirjuo; strengthens a failinxj memory, and 
 gives renewed vigor in vl\ diseases of Nervous Exhaustion or Debility, i 
 ItlstheonlyPnEVENTJVE FOR CONSUMPTION. 
 
 Jt aids \condc.rfuU'j in the mental and bodily f/roirth of infant* and 
 children. Under its use tht teeth come canter, the bones yrom better , the skin 
 plumper and smoother; the brain acquires mora readily] and renin and sleep* 
 more tuxcttt/L An ill-fed brain learns no lessons, and is excusable \fpctxisli. 
 
 Jt yivos a lutvpicr and bctti r childhood. 
 
 j 
 
 "It is with-iho utmost confidence that I recommend this excellent pre- i 
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 ruiTM.H for a fortnight yheuaid to me; * I feel another |n»rson; it in a pleaa- 
 urotolive.' Many hard- working men and women — especially thosoonp-'iir-d ; 
 in brain sverk — would bo paved from th«« fatal reHort to chloral and <»tn**r ! 
 destructive stimulants, if they would havo recourse to a remedy ao bimple : 
 and so etllcacioua." 
 
 Kmily Faith kull. 
 
 PHYSICIANS JIAVK PKESrmnKO OVKU 600,000 PAC'KAfllW HKCAUHK THIS* 
 
 "vNow its Composition, that it ih kot a hkchkt ukmkdy am> 
 
 . THAT TllIC lOUMt'LA IS 'Ml IN Tl'.O ON KVKHY I.ADltL 
 For Bale l>y E>risj£y;tHtr» or t»y MaU ( <*x. 
 
 F. CHOOSY CO., 56 West 25th Street. ; 
 

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