LIBRARY 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 SANTA BARBARA 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 MRS. ALFRED W. I NGALLS
 

 
 A 
 
 DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE, 
 
 COMPRISING ITS 
 
 ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY, 
 
 AND 
 
 NATURAL HISTORY, 
 
 WITH 
 
 NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS. 
 
 EDITED 
 
 BY WILLIAM SMITH, LL.D., 
 
 // 
 
 CLASSICAL EXAMINER IN THE UNIVERSITY OP LONDON, AND 
 
 EDITOR OF THE DICTIONARIES OF "GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES," 
 
 " BIOGRAPHY AND MYTHOLOGY," AND "GEOGRAPHY." 
 
 Table of Shew Bread. From the Arch of Titus. 
 
 HARTFORD : 
 
 J. B. BURR & COMPANY. 
 
 1868.
 
 PEEFAOE. 
 
 THE Bible, which an eminent Englishman has felicitously and truly 
 named the "BOOK FOR THE PEOPLE," is nevertheless, with multitudes 
 even who profess to value it, "as the words of a book that is sealed, which 
 men deliver to one that is learned, saying, Read this I pray thee : and he 
 saith, I cannot ; for it is sealed : and the book is delivered to him that is not 
 learned, saying, Read this, I pray thee: and he saith, I am not learned." 
 (Isaiah xxix. 11. 12.) 
 
 There is much in the Bible to which only the Holy Spirit by His influ- 
 ence on the heart can give the key; and thus the child and the unlettered 
 man may find in it a wondrous revelation though "sealed" to the undevout 
 scholar, for "the testimony of the Lord is sure, making wise the simple." 
 There is much too in these ancient Sacred Writings, that cannot be under- 
 stood and enjoyed except by the aid of research and learning. Biblical 
 scholarship is needed to help us not only to fathom the depth of meaning, 
 but often to interpret even the real thought and import of what is read. The 
 most patient, prayerful and profound investigation of scholarly and devout 
 minds along the ages, has been addressed to the elucidation and unfolding 
 of the Bible, that no part of it may be "sealed" to the lowliest and unlet- 
 tered, and that its divine significance may be comprehended by all. To 
 search the libraries of Christian lands, gather the results of the Biblical 
 learning of centuries and give them to the people, as a help in their reading 
 of the Divine "Word was a vast and most praiseworthy enterprise. A few 
 years since, Dr. William Smith of the University of London, and the most 
 eminent lexicographer in the English-speaking world, associated with him- 
 self seventy distinguished Divines and Authors of both Europe and this 
 country, in the great task of preparing a complete Dictionary of the Bible, 
 and supplying the want which had been long felt by the religious Public. 
 The result of these labors has appeared in three large octavo volumes of 
 over three thousand double-columned pages in small type. This Dictionary 
 is not only unsurpassed, but far outrivals all other similar works and has 
 the unqualified praise and confidence of Christian scholars in this and other 
 lands. It is in itself a great library the condensation of thousands of 
 volumes of essays, histories, travels and commentaries, so that the Bible is 
 elucidated and illustrated as never before. The labors and learning of cen- 
 turies are gathered into this one focus, to throw a clear, strong light upon 
 every page of the Inspired Word. Whatever of Civil and Natural History, 
 of Biography, Geography, Archeology and Literature relating to the Bible 
 might perplex and baffle the reader, is explained by the amplest discussion
 
 II 
 
 and most reliable statement. Hardly a question can be started pertaining to 
 the Scriptures, to which an answer may not be found here. Animals and 
 plants ; historical incidents and traditions ; domestic and national customs 
 and institutions ; manners, dress, and habits of life and thought ; supersti- 
 tions, forms of worship and doctrines ; conflicts and revolutions ; national 
 and religious progress or decline all that the Bible contains is opened and 
 illuminated, so that the reader may study and understand the times 
 and peoples referred to, as if living then and among them, and thus may 
 more fully and accurately comprehend the lessons God has sought to teach 
 in His Word. Historic research, antiquarian investigation, the study of 
 languages and dialects, the discoveries of the modern travellers and explor- 
 ers in the East, Robinson, Rawlinson, Fergusson, Layard, Offert and 
 Stanley and the largest, ripest scholarship of the Christian world have 
 been employe! to unseal the Sacred Book and help both the clergy and laity 
 to understand it better and love it more. 
 
 ': The large cost and affluent learning of this great work however place 
 it beyond the reach of the mass of the people. Nor was it designed for 
 such, but especially for persons of scholarly pursuits and. attainments. 
 Dr. Smith has therefore abridged it and prepared an edition for Young Per- 
 sons, Sabbath School Teachers and Families. He says in his Preface, ''The 
 'Larger Dictionary of the Bible' is mainly intended for Divines and Schol- 
 ars. I have accordingly drawn up this 'Smaller Dictionary' myself, and 
 have spared no pains to adapt it to the wants of the persons for whom it is 
 intended. Judgment is needed in knowing what ought to be omitted, as 
 well as inserted in such a work. It contains every name in the Bible re- 
 specting which any thing can be said ; it gives an account of each of the 
 books of the Bible ; it explains the civil and religious institutions, the man- 
 ners and customs of the Jews, as well as of the various nations mentioned 
 or alluded to in Scripture." The work which the American publishers here 
 furnish, is what it claims to be, a reprint, without a single omission, of this 
 Dictionary by Dr. Smith. Some additions have been made to it from the 
 "Larger Dictionary," to give an ampler discussion of some topics, yet with- 
 out oppressing or confusing ordinary readers with what if not familiar 
 with the speculations of Rationalism and Infidelity, nor with the original 
 languages of the Scriptures is beyond their reach, and therefore would be 
 useless to them. Every subject, person, place, event and thing of which 
 any mention is made in the Bible and which is treated of in the " Larger 
 Dictionary" is. included in this, with such fulness and fidelity as to supply 
 all that is essential to the explanation and comprehensive knowledge of it. 
 The list of the proper names in the Old and New Testaments, with biographies 
 or historical sketches annexed, is more complete than that contained in any 
 other Dictionary or even Cruden's great Concordance. An examination of 
 the work will surprise one by the abundance and accuracy of the references 
 to chapters and . verses, which it contains.
 
 in 
 
 This republication has several excellences, (besides being much cheaper 
 than any other,) that commend it to the patronage of the Public. 
 
 (1) It is printed in type of a heavy, distinct and very legible face. 
 
 (2) The most careful endeavor and accurate scholarship have been en- 
 listed, to avoid reproducing the errors which crept into the English edition. 
 
 (3) The pronunciation of names is the only matter in which Dr. S. ia 
 open to serious criticism. English authorities differ from American. Our 
 standard lexicographers have here been followed, so as to adapt the work 
 to the American People, and give it a merit possessed by no other reprint. ' 
 
 (4) This is also the only reprint by an American publisher of the abridg- 
 ment made by Dr. Smith's own hand. 
 
 Illustrating and embellishing their work with over one hundred wood- 
 cuts from both the "Larger" and "Smaller Dictionary" of Dr. Smith, with 
 valuable Maps, and twenty-four large and costly steel and wood-engravings 
 of ancient Cities and memorable Places, and putting it in the most attrac- 
 tive and durable form, as respects typography and binding, the Publishers 
 confidently expect that the readers of the Bible who desire to study it with 
 clearer light and with greater profit, will appreciate the service here render- 
 ed to the cause of Biblical interpretation and knowledge. 
 
 "The fairest flower that ever clomb up the cottage window," said Cole- 
 ridge, "is not to my eyes so beautiful as the well-worn Bible on the cottage 
 table." In every household, this Dictionary should lie beside the Divine 
 Word, as the best aid in the study of it. By every Sabbath School Teach- 
 er, by every person who wishes, in accordance with the direction of the Great 
 Teacher, to "search the Scriptures," and obtain "the riches of the wis- 
 dom of God" this key should be used to unlock the exhaustless treasury. 
 
 Two disciples who had been taught by Christ during three years had 
 failed to comprehend the import of the Scriptures and learn the real charac- 
 ter and mission of their Master. Travelling to Emmaus just after His 
 crucifixion they were overtaken by a stranger, who, discovering their dark- 
 ness and despondency " beginning at Moses and all the prophets, opened" 
 to them " the Scriptures." And of the others of the Eleven it is also said 
 " Then opened He their understanding that they might understand the 
 Scriptures." 
 
 Reverent study and sanctified learning have here sought to do for Christ's 
 disciples, for those who are to become teachers, apostles, for our homes and 
 Sabbath schools and churches what He did for His chosen ones. They have 
 * ' opened for them the Scriptures." 
 
 . That this valuable auxiliary may be the vade mecum with multitudes, 
 and that the help of the Spirit may ever accompany it, so that the Word of 
 God may not be to any as " a book that is sealed," nor misunderstood by the 
 
 unlearned, is the desire of the 
 
 AMERICAN PUBLISHERS.
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 1 THE DEAD SEA FROM THE NORTH, (Steel.) ....Frontispiece. 
 
 2 THE CITY OF ANTIOCH, (Steel..) Tofacepage 41 
 
 3 BETHLEHEM, " 85 
 
 4 ANCIENT HARBOR OF CAESAREA, " 95 
 
 6 COLOSSAE, " 117 
 
 6 CORINTH, " 119 
 
 7 CITY OF DAMASCUS, (Steel.) " 129 
 
 8 GAZA, "... " 205 
 
 9 POOL OF HEZEKIAH, " 239 
 
 10 JERUSALEM AND THE MOUNT OF OLIVES, (Steel.) " 285 
 
 11 LAODICEA, " 337 
 
 12 CHAIN OF LEBANON, " 347 
 
 13 MOUNT LEBANON, (Steel.) " 433 
 
 14 NAZARETH, " 443 
 
 15 THE RIVER NILE AND THE PYRAMIDS, (Steel,) " 455 
 
 16 SAMARIA, " 601 
 
 17 SIDON FROM THE NORTH, " 651 
 
 18 MOUNT SINAI AND THE PLAIN, (Steel.) " 655 
 
 19 MOUNT TABOR, " 681 
 
 20 TARSUS, " 685 
 
 21 ENCLOSURE OF THE TEMPLE AND THE MOSQUE, (Steel,).... " 687 
 
 22 TIBERIAS AND LAKE, LOOKING TO THE NORTH, " 701 
 
 23 THYATIRA, " 707 
 
 24 COAST OF TYRE AND SIDON, " 773 
 
 MAPS. 
 
 25 MAP OF THE HOLY LAND IN THE TIME OF CHRIST, " 291 
 
 26 MAP OF THE HOLY LAND IN THE TIME OF DAVID, " 485 
 
 27 GENERAL MAP OF THE COUNTRIES MENTIONED IN THE BIBLE, " 611
 
 LIST OF WRITERS. 
 
 ALFOUD, REV. HENRY, D.D., 
 
 Dean of Canterbury, 
 BAILEY, REV. HENRY, B. D., 
 
 Warden of St. Augustine's, Coll. Canterbury. 
 BARRY, REV. ALFRED. B.D., 
 
 Principal of Cheltenham College. 
 BE VAN, REV. WILLIAM L., M.A., 
 
 Vicar of Hay, Brecknockshire. 
 BLAKESLEY, REV. JOSEPH W..B.D., 
 
 Canon of Canterbury. 
 BONAR, REV. HORATIUS, D.D., 
 
 Kelso, N. B., Author of " The Land of Promise,"&c. 
 BROWN, REV. THOMAS E., M.A., 
 
 Vice- Principal of King William's Coll., Isle of Man. 
 BROWNE, REV. ROBERT W., M.A., 
 
 Archdeacon of Bath. 
 BROWNE, REV. E. HAROLD, D.D., 
 
 Lord Bishop of Ely. 
 BULLOCK, REV. WILLIAM T., M.A., 
 
 Sec. of the Soc. for the Propagation of the Gospel. 
 CLARK, REV. SAMUEL, M.A., 
 
 Vicar of Bredwardine with Brobury, Herefordshire. 
 COOK, REV. F. C., M.A., 
 
 Canon of Exeter. 
 COTTON, REV. GEORGE E. L., D.D., 
 
 Lord Bishop of Calcutta. 
 DAVIES, REV. J. LLEWELYN, M.A., 
 
 Rector of Christ Church, Marylebone. 
 DAY, REV. GEORGE E., D.D., 
 
 Prof, of Biblical Theology, Yale Coll., New Haven. 
 DEUTSCH, EMANUEL, M.R.A.S., 
 
 University of Berlin and British Museum. 
 DRAKE, REV. WILLIAM, M.A., 
 
 Hon Canon of Worcester. 
 EDDRUP, REV. EDWARD P., M.A., 
 
 Principal of the Theological College, Salisbury. 
 ELLICOrr, REV. CHARLES J., D.D., 
 
 Lord Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol. 
 ELWIN, REV. WHIT WELL, B. A., 
 
 Rector of Booton, Norfolk. 
 FARRAR, REV. FREDERICK W., M.A., 
 
 Assistiat Mister of Harrow School. 
 FELTON, C. C., LL.D., 
 
 Prof, of Greek Lit., Harv. Univ., Cambridge, Mass. 
 FERGUSSON, JAMES, F.R.S., F.R.A.S., 
 
 Royal Institution of British Architects. 
 FFOULKES, EDMUND S., M.A., 
 
 Late Fellow of Jesus Coll.. Oxford. 
 FITZGERALD, REV. WILLIAM, D.D., 
 
 Lord Bishop of Killaloe. 
 GARDES, REV. FRANCIS, M.A., 
 
 Subdean of the Chapel Royal. 
 GOTCH, F. W., LL.D., 
 
 Hebrew Examiner, University of London. 
 GROVE, GEORGE, 
 
 Crystal Palace, Sydenham. 
 HACKETT, REV. HORATIO B., D.D., 
 
 Prof, of Bib. Literature, Theo'l Sem. Newton, Ms. 
 HAWKINS, REV. ERNEST, B.D., 
 
 Canon of Westminster. 
 HAYMAN, REV. HENRY, M.A., 
 
 Head Master of Grammar School, Cheltenham. 
 HERVEY, LORD ARTHUR C., M.A., 
 
 Author of 'Genealogies of our Lord Jesus Christ." 
 HESSE Y, REV. JAMES A., D.C.L., 
 
 Head Mister of Merchant Tailors' School. 
 HOOKER, JOSEPH D., M.D., F.R.S., 
 
 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. 
 HORNBY, REV. J. J., M.A., 
 
 Principal of Bishop Cosin's Hall. 
 BOUGHT ON, REV. WILLIAM, M.A., 
 
 Rector of Preston, Salop. 
 
 HOWSON, REV. JOHN S., D.D., 
 
 Joint- Author of " Life and Epistles of St. Paul." 
 HUXTABLE, REV. EDGAR, M.A., 
 
 Subdean of Wells. 
 JONES, REV. W. BASIL, M.A., 
 
 Prebendary of York and St. David's. 
 LAYARD, AUSTEN H., D.C.L., M.P., 
 
 Author of "Nineveh and its Remains," &c. 
 LEATHES, REV. STANLEY, M.A., M.R.S.L 
 
 Professor of Hebrew, King's College, London. 
 LIGHTFOOT, REV. JOSEPH B., D.D., 
 
 Ilulseuu Professor of Divinity, Cambridge, Eng. 
 MARKS, REV. D. W., 
 
 Professor of Hebrew, University Coll., London. 
 MEYRICK, REV. FREDERICK, M.A., 
 
 Her Majesty 's Inspector of Schools. 
 OPPERT, PROF. JULES, 
 
 Author of ''Chronology of Babylon;" Paris. 
 ORGER, REV. EDWARD R., M.A., 
 
 Fellow of St. Augustine's, College, Canterbury. 
 ORMEROD, REV. THOMAS J., M.A., 
 
 Archdeacon of Suffolk. 
 PEROWNE, REV. JOHN J. S., B.D., 
 
 Vice Principal of St. David's Coll., Lampeter. 
 PEKOWNE, REV. THOS. T., B.D., 
 
 Fellow and Tutor, Corpus Christi Coll., Cambridge. 
 PHILLOTT, REV. H. W., M.A., 
 
 Rector of Staunton-on-Wye. 
 PLUMPTRE, REV. EDWARD H., M.A., 
 
 Professor of Divinity, King's Coll., London. 
 POOLE, E. STANLEY, M.R.A.S., 
 
 South Kensington Museum. 
 POOLE, R. STUART, M.R.S.L., 
 
 Author of " Horae Aegvptiacae," &c. 
 PORTER, REV. J. LESLIE, M.A., 
 
 Authorof '-Handbook of Syria and Palestine." 
 PR1TCHARD, REV. CHAS., M.A., F.R.S., 
 
 Late Fellow of St. John's Coll., Cambridge, Eng. 
 RAWLINSON, REV. GEORGE, M.A., 
 
 Author of ''Great Monarchies of Anc. World." 
 ROSE, REV. HENRY J., B.D., 
 
 Rector of Houghton Conquest. Bedfordshire. 
 SELWYN, REV. WILLIAM W., B.D., 
 
 Mnrgaret Professor of Divinity, Cambridge, Eng. 
 SMITH, REV. D. T., D.D., 
 
 Prof, of Sac. Lit., Theo'l Sem., Bangor, Me. 
 SMITH, WILLIAM, LL.D., (Editor), 
 
 Classical Examiner, University of London. 
 STANLEY, REV. ARTHUR P., D.D., 
 
 Dean of Westminster. 
 STOWE, REV. CALVIN E., D.D., 
 
 Late Prof, of Sac. Lit., Theo'l Sem. Andover, Mass.. 
 THOMPSON, REV. JOSEPH P., D.D., 
 
 Authorof "Egypt. Past and Present," N. Y, City. 
 THOMSON, REV. WILLIAM, D.D., 
 
 Lord Archbishop of York. 
 THRUPP, REV. JOSEPH F., M.A., 
 
 Vicar of Barrington. 
 TREGELLES, SAMUEL P., LL.D., 
 
 Author, "Ace. of the I'rinted Text of theGr.N.T. 
 TRISTRAM, REV. H. B., M.A., F.L.S., 
 
 Author of "The Land of Israel." 
 TWISLETON. HON. EDW., M.A., 
 
 Late Fellow of Baliol Coll., Oxford. 
 VENABLES, REV. EDMUND, M.A., 
 
 Bonchurch, Isle of Wight. 
 WESTCOTT, REV. BROOKE F., M.A., 
 
 Authorof "Introduc'n to the Study of the Gospels. 1 ' 
 WORDSWORTH REV.CHRISTOPHER.D.^., 
 
 Archdetcon of Westminster. 
 WRIGHT, WILLIAM ALOIS, M.A., 
 
 Librarian of Trinity Coll., Cambridge, Eng.
 
 ABBREVIATIONS. 
 
 A. C. for 
 A. D. ... 
 
 Am , 
 
 anc 
 
 Ann. . . . , 
 
 Ant 
 
 Apoc 
 
 Ar. or Arab. 
 A. U. C. . . 
 
 A. V. 
 
 B. &D. . . 
 
 Bar 
 
 B. C 
 
 B. E. . . . 
 
 Cant. . . . 
 
 cf. , 
 
 ch. & chs. . 
 Chal. 
 1 Chr. 
 
 1 Chr 
 
 Chrys. Horn, 
 
 Oic , 
 
 Cic. in Verr. 
 cir. or circ. , 
 
 Col , 
 
 Comm. . . . 
 comp 
 
 1 Cor 
 
 2 Cor. . . . 
 
 Cyc 
 
 Dan 
 
 Deut. . . . , 
 
 Diet 
 
 Eccl 
 
 Bcclus. . . . 
 ed 
 
 e- g 
 
 Eng 
 
 ep. & epp. , 
 Kph .... 
 
 1 Rsd 
 
 2 Esd 
 
 Esth. . . . . 
 Euseb. . . . 
 
 Ex 
 
 Ez . . . , 
 
 f. .... 
 fern. . . . 
 ff. .... 
 Gal. . . . 
 Gen. . . . 
 Gr. ... 
 Hab. . . . 
 Hag. . . . 
 Handb. . 
 H. E. 
 Heb. . . . 
 Herod.. . 
 Hist. . . . 
 Hor. Sat. 
 Hos. . . . 
 ib. or ibid. 
 
 id 
 
 i. e. ... 
 in loc. . . 
 
 Is 
 
 Jas. . . . 
 Jud. . . . 
 Jer. . . . 
 Jon. . . . 
 Jos. . . . 
 Jos. B. J. 
 Josh. . . 
 Judg. . . 
 
 After Christ. 
 
 Anno Do?nmt.(Latin)=in the year of 
 
 our Lord. 
 Amos, (0. T.) 
 ancient. 
 
 Annals of Tacitus, a Roman historian. 
 Antiquities. 
 Apocrypha. 
 Arabic or Arabia. 
 anno urbis condita- =in the year of the 
 
 building of the city, Rome, 
 the authorized or English version of the 
 
 Bible. 
 
 Hist, of Bel and the Dragon, (Apoc.) 
 Baruch, (Apoc.) 
 Before Christ. 
 
 Biblical Researches, by Dr. Robinson. 
 Canticles or Song of Solomon, (0. T.) 
 conferer, (French)=compare. 
 chapter and chapters, respectively. 
 Chaldaea or Chaldaean. 
 1st Book of Chronicles, (0. T.) 
 2d Book of Chronicles, (0. T.) 
 Homilies of Chrysostom, A. D. 344-407. 
 M.T Cicero, a Roman orator, B. C .106-43 
 Cicero's oration against Verres. 
 circa .( Latin )=about. 
 Ep. to the Colossians, (N. T.) 
 Commentary, 
 compare. 
 
 1st Ep. to the Corinthians, (N. T.) 
 2d Ep. to the Corinthians, (N. T.) 
 Cyclopedia. 
 Daniel, (O. T.) 
 Deuteronomy, (O. T.) 
 Dictionary. 
 Ecclesiastes, (0. T.) 
 Ecclesiasticus, (Apoc.) 
 edition. 
 
 exempli gratia (Latin)=for example. 
 England or English, 
 epistle and epistles, respectively. 
 Ep. to the Ephesians, (N. T.) 
 1st Book of Esdras, (Apoc.) 
 2d Book of Esdras, (Apoc.) 
 Esther, (O. T.) 
 
 Eusebius, a Gr. historian, who died A. 
 Exodus, (O. T.) [D. 340. 
 
 Ezekiel, (O. T.) 
 Ezra. (0 T.) 
 following (verse or page.) 
 feminine. 
 
 following (verses or pages ) 
 Ep. to the Galatians, (N. T.) 
 Genesis, (O. T.) 
 Greek. 
 
 Habakkuk, (0. T.) 
 Haggai, (O. T.) 
 Handbook. 
 
 Ecclesiastical History by Eusebius. 
 Hebrew or Ep. to the Hebrews, (N T.) 
 Herodotus, a Gr. historian B. C. 484. 
 History. 
 
 Satires of Horace, a Roman poet B. C. 
 Hosea, (O. T.) (65-8. 
 
 ibidem, ( Latin, )=in the same place. 
 idem, ( Latin. )= the same. 
 id est, ( Latin, )=that is. 
 in loco, (Latin. )=in the place, or on the 
 
 passage cited. 
 Isaiah, (0. T.) 
 Ep. of Jwnes, (N. T.) 
 Judith, (Apoc.) 
 Jeremiah. (0. T.) 
 Jonah, (O. T.) 
 
 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews. 
 Jos. Bellurn Jii'.hiicum=Jwish War. 
 Joshua, (0. T.) 
 Judges, (0. T.) 
 
 Juven. Sat.for Satires of Juvenal, a Roman wee. 
 
 IK 1st Book of Kings, (0. T.) 
 
 2 K 2d Book of Kings, (O. T.) 
 
 Lam Lamentations of Jeremiah, (0. T.) 
 
 1- c loco citato. (Latin)=at the plaits sited. 
 
 11 cc locis citatis,( Latin )=at the places cited 
 
 Lev Leviticus, (0. T.) 
 
 lib liber, (Latin)=book. 
 
 Lin. or Linn. Linnaeus, the Swedish naturalist. 
 
 lit literal, or literally. 
 
 Liv Livy, a Roman historian. 
 
 LXX The Seventy, i. e. the Septuagint. 
 
 M Monsieur, (French. )=Mr. 
 
 1 Mace. . . . 1st Book of Maccabees, (Apoc.) 
 
 2 Mace. . . . 2d Book of Maccabees, (Apoc.) 
 
 3 Mace. ... 3d Book of Maccabees, (Apoc.) 
 Mai Malachi. (O. T.) 
 
 marg margin or marginal. 
 
 Mart Martial, a Roman poet A. D. 40-100. 
 
 masc masculine. 
 
 Matt Gospel according to Matthew. 
 
 Mic Micah, (0. T.) 
 
 Mod. Eg. . . Modern Egyptians, by Lane. 
 
 MS Manuscript. 
 
 MSS Manuscripts. 
 
 Nah Nahum, (O. T.) 
 
 Neh Nehemiah, (0. T.) 
 
 Nin. & Bab. Nineveh and Babylon, by Layard- 
 
 N. T New Testament. 
 
 Num Numbers, (O. T ) 
 
 Ob Obadiah, (0. T.V 
 
 O. T Old Testament. 
 
 p. & pp. . . . page and pages, respectively. 
 
 Pal Palestine. 
 
 Pent Pentateuch. 
 
 Pew Persian. 
 
 1 Pet 1st Ep. of Peter, (N. T.) 
 
 2 Pet 2d Ep. of Peter, (N. T.) 
 
 Phil Ep. to the Philippians, (N. T.) 
 
 Philem. . . . Ep. to Philemon, (N. T.) 
 
 Polyb Polybius, a Gr. historian B.C. 205-123. 
 
 Polyc Polycarp, martyred A. D. 167. 
 
 Prov Proverbs, (0. T ) 
 
 Ps. & Pss. . Psalm or Psalms, (0. T.,) respectively- 
 
 Ptol Ptolemy. 
 
 R Rabbi, (before a Jewish name.) 
 
 Rawl Rawlinson. 
 
 Rev Revelation, or Apocalypse, (N. T.) 
 
 Rom Ep. to the Romans, (N. T.) 
 
 Sacr. Lit. . . Sacred Literature. 
 Sam Samaritan Pentateuch. 
 
 1 Sam 1st Book of Samuel. (O. T.) 
 
 2 Sam 2d Book of Samuel, (0. T.) 
 
 S. & P. ... Sinai and Palestine, by Stanley. 
 
 sc scilicet (Latiu)=that is to say. 
 
 sq. or seq . . sequens : ( Latin )=following (verse.) 
 sqq. or seqq. Sfquentia. ( Latin )=following (verses.) 
 
 Suet Suetonius, a historian, A. D. 100. 
 
 Sus History of Susanna, (Apoc.) 
 
 Syr Syria or Syriac. 
 
 Tac Tacitus, a Roman historian A. D. 56-135. 
 
 1 Thess. ... 1st Ep. to the Thessalonians, (N. T.) 
 
 2 Thess. . . . 2d Ep. to the Thessalonians, (N. T.) 
 
 1 Tim 1st Ep. to Timothy, (N. T.) 
 
 2 Tim 2d Ep. to Timothy, (N. T.) 
 
 Tit Ep. to Titus, (N. T.) 
 
 Tob Tobit, (Apoc.) 
 
 ver verse or verses. 
 
 viz videlicet. (Latin)=namely. 
 
 vol volume. 
 
 Vulg Vulgate. 
 
 Wisd Wisdom, (Apoe.) 
 
 Zech Zechariah, (0- T.) 
 
 Zeph Zephaniah, (O. T.) 
 
 denotes section or subdivision of ch. 
 
 = denotes equivalent to. 
 
 Words in brackets and printed in SMALL CAPITALS 
 thus [TALMUD.] refer the reader to those articles in the 
 Dictionary for further information.
 
 DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE. 
 
 A. 
 
 AaTon, the son of Amram and Jochebed, 
 and the elder brother of Moses and Miriam 
 (Num. xxvi. 59, xxxiii. 39). He was a 
 Levite, and is first mentioned in Ex. iv. 14, 
 as one who could " speak well." He was 
 appointed by Jehovah to be the Interpreter 
 and " Mouth " (Ex. iv. 16) of his brother 
 Moses, who was "slow of speech;" and 
 accordingly he was not only the organ of 
 communication with the Israelites and with 
 Pharaoh (Ex. iv. 30, vii. 2), but also the 
 actual instrument of working most of the 
 miracles of the Exodus. (See Ex. vii. 19, 
 &c.) Thus on the way to Mount Sinai, 
 during the battle with Amalek, Aaron is 
 mentioned with Hur, as staying up the 
 weary hands of Moses, when they were 
 lifted up for the victory of Israel (not in 
 prayer, as is sometimes explained, but) to 
 bear the rod of God. (See Ex. xvii. 9.) 
 Through all this period he is mentioned as 
 dependent upon his brother, and deriving 
 all his authority from him. The contrast 
 between them is even more strongly marked 
 on the arrival at Sinai. Moses at once acts 
 as the mediator (Gal. iii. 19) for the people, 
 to come near to God for them, and to speak 
 His words to them. Aaron only approaches 
 with Nadab, and Abihu, and the seventy 
 elders of Israel, by special command, near 
 enough to see God's glory, but not so as to 
 enter His immediate presence. Left then, 
 on Moses' departure, to guide the people, 
 Aaron is tried for a moment on his own 
 responsibility, and he fails from a weak in- 
 ability to withstand the demand of the peo- 
 ple for visible " gods to go before them." 
 Possibly it seemed to him prudent to make 
 an image of Jehovah, in the well-known 
 form of Egyptian idolatry (Apis or Mnevis), 
 rather than to risk the total alienation of 
 the people to false gods ; and his weakness 
 was rewarded by seeing a " feast to the 
 Lord " (Ex. xxxii. 5) degraded to the lowest 
 form of heathenish sensuality, and knowing, 
 from Moses' words and deeds, that the cov- 
 
 AARON 
 
 enant with the Lord was utterly broken. He 
 repented of his sin, and Moses gained for- 
 giveness for him (Deut. ix. 20). Aaron 
 was now consecrated by Moses to the new 
 office of the high-priesthood. The order 
 of God for the consecration is found in Ex. 
 xxix., and the record of its execution in 
 Lev. viii. The solemnity of the office, and 
 its entire dependence for sanctity on the 
 ordinance of God, were vindicated by the 
 death of his sons, Nadab and Abihu, for 
 " offering strange fire " on the altar (Lev. 
 x. 1, 2). From this time the history of 
 Aaron is almost entirely that of the priest- 
 hood, and its chief feature is the great re- 
 bellion of Korah and the Levites against 
 his sacerdotal dignity, united with that of 
 Dathan and Abiram and the Reubenites 
 against the temporal authority of Moses. 
 [KORAH.] The only occasion on which 
 his individual character is seen is one of 
 presumption. The murmuring of Aaron 
 and Miriam against Moses clearly pro- 
 ceeded from their trust, the one in his 
 priesthood, the other in her prophetic in- 
 spiration, as equal commissions from God 
 (Num. xii. 2). On all other occasions he 
 is spoken of as acting with Moses in the 
 guidance of the people. Leaning as he 
 seems to have done wholly on him, it is not 
 strange that he should have shared his sin 
 at Meribah, and its punishment [MosEs] 
 (Num. xx. 10-12). Aaron's death seems 
 to have followed very speedily. It took 
 place on Mount Hor, after the transference 
 of his robes and office to Eleazar (Num. xx. 
 28). This mount is still called the " Moun- 
 tain of Aaron." [Hon.] The wife of 
 Aaron was Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23) ; and the 
 two sons who survived him, Eleazar and 
 Ithamar. The high-priesthood descended 
 to the former, and to his descendants until 
 the time of Eli, who, although of the house 
 of Ithamar, received the high-priesthood, 
 and transmitted it to his children; with 
 them it continued till the accession of Solo- 
 CD
 
 AB 
 
 mon, who took it from Abiathar, and re- 
 stored it to Zadok (of the house of Eleazar). 
 [ABIATHAR.] 
 
 Ab (father), an element in the composi- 
 tion of many proper names, of which Abba 
 is a Chaldaic form, the syllable affixed giv- 
 ing the emphatic force of the definite arti- 
 cle. Applied to God by Jesus Christ (Mark 
 xiv. 36), and by St. Paul (Horn. viii. 15; 
 Gal. iv. 6). 
 
 Ab. [MONTHS.] 
 
 Abad'don. [APOLLYON.] 
 
 Abag'tha, one of the seven eunuchs in 
 the Persian court of Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 
 10). 
 
 Ab'ana, one of the " rivers of Damas- 
 cus " (2 K. v. 12). The Earada and the 
 Awaj are now the chief streams of Damas- 
 cus, the former representing the Abana and 
 the latter the Pharpar of the text. The 
 JSarada rises in the Antilibanus, at about 
 23 miles from the city, after flowing through 
 which it runs across the plain, till it loses 
 itself in the lake or marsh Bahret el-Kib- 
 liyeh. 
 
 Ab'arim, a mountain or range of high- 
 lands on the east of the Jordan, in the land 
 of MoaL, lacing Jericho, and forming the 
 eastern wall of the Jordan valley at that 
 part. Its most elevated spot was " the 
 Mount Nebo, 'head' of ' the ' Pisgah," from 
 which Moses viewed the Promised Land 
 before his death. These mountains are 
 mentioned in Num. xxvii. 12, xxxiii. 47, 48, 
 and Deut. xxxii. 49. 
 
 Ab'ba. [As.] 
 
 Ab'da. 1. Father of Adoniram (IK. 
 iv. 6). 2. Son of Shammua (Neh. xi. 17), 
 called Obadiah in 1 Chr. ix. 16. 
 
 Ab'deel, father of Shelemiah (Jer. 
 xxxvi. 26). 
 
 Ab'di. 1. A Meraritc, and ancestor of 
 Ethan the singer (1 Chr. vi. 44). 2. The 
 father of Kish, a Merarite, in the reign of 
 Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 3. One of 
 the Bene-Elam in the time of Ezra, who 
 had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 26). 
 
 Ab'diel, son of Guni and father of Ahi, 
 one of the Gadites who were settled in the 
 land of Bashan (1 Chr. v. 15) in the days 
 of Jotham king of Judah. 
 
 Ab'don. 1. A judge of Israel (Judg. 
 xii. 13, 15), perhaps the same person as 
 Bedan in 1 Sam. xii. 11. 2. Son of 
 Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 23). 3. First-born 
 son of Jehiel, son of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 
 30, ix. 35, 36). 4. Son of Micah, a con- 
 temporary of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 20), 
 called ACHBOR in 2 K. xxii. 12. 5. A city 
 in the tribe of Asher, given to the Gershon- 
 ites (Josh. xxi. 30;' 1 Chr. vi. 74). 
 
 Abed'nego (i. e. servant of Nego, per- 
 haps the same as Nebo), the Chaldaean 
 name given to Azariah, one of the three 
 friends of Daniel, miraculously saved from 
 the fiery furnace (Dan. iii.). 
 
 8 ASIA 
 
 A'bel, the name of several places in 
 Palestine, probably signifies a meadow. 1. 
 A'BEL-BETH-MA'ACHAH, a town of some im- 
 portance (2 Sam. xx. 19), in the extreme 
 N. of Palestine, which fell an early prey to 
 the invading kings of Syria (1 K. xv. 20) 
 and Assyria (2 K. xv. 29). In the parallel 
 passage, 2 Chr. xvi. 4, the name is changed 
 to ABRL-MAIM, "Abel on the waters." It 
 is also called simply Abel (2 Sam. xx. 14, 
 18). 2. A'BEL-MIZRA'IM, i. e. the mourn- 
 ing of Egypt, the name given by the 
 Canaanites to the floor of Atad, at which 
 Joseph, his brothers, and the Egyptians 
 made their mourning for Jacob (Gen. 1. 11). 
 It was beyond (on the east of) Jordan. 
 [ATAD.] 3. A'BEL-SHIT'TIM, " the meadow 
 of the acacias," in the " plains " of Moab; 
 on the low level of the Jordan valley. 
 Here their last resting-place before cross- 
 ing the Jordan Israel "pitched from 
 Bethjesimoth unto A. Shittim " (Num. 
 xxxiii. 49). The place is most frequently 
 mentioned by its shorter name of Shittim. 
 [SHITTIM.] 4. A'BEL-ME'HOLAH (" meadow 
 of the dance "), in the N. part of the Jordan 
 valley (1 K. iv. 12), to which the routed 
 Bedouin host fled from Gideon (Judg. vii. 
 22). Here Elisha was found at his plough 
 by Elijah returning up the valley from 
 Horeb (1 K. xix. 16-19). 5. A'BEL- 
 CE'RAMIM, in the A. V. rendered "the 
 plain of the vineyards," a place eastward 
 of Jordan, beyond Aroer (Judg. xi. 33). 6. 
 " The GREAT ' ABEL,' in the field of Joshua 
 the Bethshemite" (1 Sam. vi. 18). By 
 comparison with 14 and 15, it would seem 
 that for Abel should be read Eben stone. 
 Our translators, by the insertion of " stone 
 of," take, a middle course. 
 
 A'bel (i. e. breath, vapor, transitori- 
 ness, probably so called from the shortness 
 of his life), the second son of Adam, mur- 
 dered by his brother Cain (Gen. iv. 1-16). 
 Jehovah showed respect for Abel's offering, 
 but not for that of Cain, because, according 
 to the Epistle to the Hebrews (xi. 4), Abel 
 " by faith offered a more excellent sacrifice 
 than Cain." The expression "sin," i. e. 
 sin-offering " lieth at the door " (Gen. iv. 
 7), seems to imply that the need of sacri- 
 fices of blood to obtain forgiveness was 
 already revealed. Our Lord spoke of Abel 
 as the first martyr (Matt, xxiii. 35) ; so did 
 the early church subsequently. The tradi- 
 tional site of his murder and his grave are 
 pointed out near Damascus. 
 
 A'bez, a town in the possession of Issa- 
 char, named between Kishion and Kemeth, 
 in Josh. xix. 20, only. 
 
 A'bi, mother of king Hezekiah (2 K. 
 xviii. 2), written ABIJAH in 2 Chr. xxix. 1. 
 
 Abi'a, Abi'ah, or Abi'jah. 1. Son 
 of Becher, the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 
 8). 2. Wife of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 24). 3. 
 Second son of Samuel, whom together with
 
 ABI-ALBON 
 
 his eldest son Joel he made judge in Beer- 
 sheba (1 Sam. viii. 2; 1 Chr. vii. 28). The 
 corruptness of their administration was the 
 reason alleged by the Israelites for their 
 demanding a king. 4- ABIJAH, or ABIJAM, 
 the son of Rehoboam (1 Chr. iii. 10; Matt. 
 i. 7). 5. Mother of king Hezekiah. [Asi.] 
 6. Descendant of Eleazar, and chief of the 
 eighth of the 24 courses of priests (Luke i. 
 6) ; the same as ABIJAH, 4. 
 
 Abi-al'bon. [ABIEL.] 
 
 Abi'asaph (Ex. vi. 24), otherwise, 
 written Ebi'asaph (1 Chr. vi. 23, 37, ix. 
 19), the head of one of the families of the 
 Korhites (a house of the Kohathites). In 
 Ex. vi. 24, he appears at first sight to be 
 represented as one of the sons of Korah, 
 and as the brother of Assir and Elkanah. 
 But in 1 Chr. vi. he appears as the son of 
 Elkanah, the son of Assir, the son of Korah. 
 Among the remarkable descendants of Abi- 
 asaph, according to the text of 1 Chr. vi. 
 33-37, were Samuel the prophet and El- 
 kanah liis father (1 Sam. i. 1), and Hemau 
 the singer ; but Ebiasaph seems to be im- 
 properly inserted in ver. 37. 
 
 Abi athar, high-priest and fourth in 
 descent from Eli, who was of the line of 
 Ithamar, the younger son of Aaron. Abia- 
 thar was the only one of all the sons of 
 Ahimclech the high-priest who escaped the 
 slaughter inflicted upon his father's house 
 by Saul, in revenge for his having inquired 
 of the Lord for David, and given him the 
 shew-bread to eat (1 Sam. xxii.). Abiathar 
 having become high-priest fled to David, 
 an 3 was thus enabled to inquire of the Lord 
 for him (1 Sam. xxiii. 9, xxx. 7 ; 2 Sam. ii. 
 1, v. 19, &c.). He adhered to David in Ms 
 wanderings while pursued by Saul ; he was 
 with him while he reigned in Hebron (2 
 Sam. ii. 1-3), the city of the house of Aaron 
 (Josh, xxi. 10-13) ; he carried the ark be- 
 fore him when David brought it up to 
 Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 11; IK. ii. 26); he 
 continued faithful to him in Absalom's re- 
 bellion (2 Sam. xv. 24, 29, 35, 36, xvii. 
 15-17, xix. 11); and "was afflicted in all 
 wherein David was afflicted." When, how- 
 ever, Adonijah.set himself up for David's 
 successor on the throne, in opposition to 
 Solomon, Abiathar sided with him, while 
 Zadok was on Solomon's side. For this 
 Abiathar was deprived of the hi^h-priest- 
 hood, and we are told that " Zadok the 
 priest did the king put in the room of Abia- 
 thur " (1 K. ii. 27, 35), thus fulfilling the 
 prophecy of 1 Sam. ii. 30. Zadok was 
 descended from Eleazar, the elder son of 
 Aaron. He is first mentioned in 1 Chr. 
 xii. 28, and is said to have joined David 
 while he reigned in Hebron. From this 
 time we read, both in the books of Samuel 
 and Chronicles, of " Zadok and Abiathar 
 the priests." There were, henceforth, two 
 high-priests in the reign of David, and till 
 
 9 ABIHAIL 
 
 the deposition of Abiathar by Solomon, 
 when Zadok became the sole high-priest. 
 In Mark ii. 26, we find Abiathar spoken of 
 as the high-priest in whose time David ate 
 the shew-bread : this may perhaps be ac- 
 counted for, if Abiathar was the person 
 who persuaded his father to allow David to 
 have the bread, and if the loaves were 
 given by him with his own hand to David. 
 
 A 'bib. [MONTHS.] 
 
 Abi dah or Abi'da, a son of Midian 
 (Gen. xxv. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33.) 
 
 Abi dan, chief of the tribe of Benja- 
 min at the time of the Exodus (Num. i. 11, 
 ii. 22, vii. 60, 65, x. 24). 
 
 A'biel. 1. Father of Kish, and conse- 
 quently grandfather of Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1), 
 as well as of Abner, Saul's commander-in- 
 chief (1 Sam. xiv. 51). This is seen by 
 the following table : 
 
 ABIEI. 
 
 Kish 
 
 I 
 Saul 
 
 Ner 
 Abner 
 
 2. One of David's mighty men (1 Chr. 
 xi. 32). In 2 Sam. xxiii. 31 he is called 
 ABI-ALBON. 
 
 Abi-e'zer. 1. Eldest son of Gilead, 
 and descendant of Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 2 ; 
 1 Chr. vii. 18 ; Num. xxvi. 30, where the 
 name is given in the contracted form JEE- 
 ZER). He was the ancestor of the great 
 judge Gideon. [GIDEON.] The name also 
 occurs in Judg. vi. 34, viii. 2 ; and in an 
 adjectival form (" the Abiezrite ") in Judg. 
 vi. 11, 24, viii. 32. 2. One of David's 
 " mighty men " (2 Sam. xxiii. 27; 1 Chr. 
 xi. 28, xxvii. 12). 
 
 Abigail. 1. The beautiful wife of 
 Nabal, a wealthy owner of goats and sheep 
 in Carmel. When David's messengers 
 were slighted by Nabal, Abigail supplied 
 David and his followers with provisions, 
 and succeeded in appeasing his anger. Ten 
 days after this Nabal died, and David sent 
 for Abigail and made her his wife (1 Sam. 
 xxv. 14, &c.). By her he had a son, called 
 Chileab in 2 Sam. iii. 3 ; but Daniel in 1 
 Chr. iii. 1. 2. A sister of David, married 
 to Jether the Ishmaelite, and mother, by 
 him, of Amasa (1 Chr. ii. 17). The state- 
 ment in 2 Sam. xvii. 25 that the mother of 
 Amasa was an Israelite is doubtless a tran- 
 scriber's error. 
 
 Abiha'il. 1. Father of Zuriel, chief 
 of the Levitical family of Merari, a con- 
 
 | temporary of Moses (Num. iii. 35). 2. 
 
 ! Wife of Abishur (1 Chr. ii. 29). 3. Son 
 of Huri, of the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 14). 
 4. Wife of liehoboam. She is called the 
 daughter, i. e. descendant of Eliab, the 
 
 , elder brother of David (2 Chr. xi. 18). .
 
 ABIHU 
 
 10 
 
 ABISHAG 
 
 Father of Esther and uncle of Mordecai 
 (Esth. ii. 15, ix. 29). 
 
 Abi'hu, the second son (Num. iii. 2) of 
 Aaron by Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23). Being, 
 together with his elder brother Nadab, 
 guilty .of offering strange fire to the Lord, 
 he was consumed by fire from heaven (Lev. 
 x. 1, 2). 
 
 Abi'hud, son of Bela and grandson of 
 Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 3). 
 
 Abi'jah. or Abi'jam. 1. Son and suc- 
 cessor of Rehoboam on the throne of Ju- 
 dah (1 K. xiv. 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 16). He is 
 called ABIJAH in Chronicles, ABIJAU in 
 Kings. He began to reign B. c. 959, and 
 reigned three years. He endeavored to re- 
 cover the kingdom of the Ten Tribes, and 
 made war on Jeroboam. He was success- 
 ful in battle, and took several of the cities 
 of Israel. We are told that he walked in 
 all the sins of Rehoboam (idolatry and its 
 attendant immoralities, 1 K. xiv. 23, 24), 
 and that his heart "was not perfect before 
 God, as the heart of David his father." He 
 was succeeded by Asa. 2. The second 
 eon of Samuel, called ABIAH in our ver- 
 sion. [ABIA, ABIAH, No. 3.] 3. Son of 
 Jeroboam I. king of Israel, died in his 
 childhood, just after Jeroboam's wife had 
 been sent in disguise to seek help for him, 
 in his sickness, from the prophet Abijah (1 
 K. xiv.") 4. A descendant of Eleazar, who 
 gave his name to the eighth of the twenty- 
 four courses into which the priests were di- 
 vided by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 10; 2 Chr. 
 viii. 14; Neh. xii. 4, 17). To the course 
 of Abijah or Abia belonged Zacharias the 
 father of John the Baptist (Luke i. 5). 5. 
 One of the priests who entered into a cov- 
 enant with Nehemiah to walk in God's law 
 (Neh. x. 7) ; unless the name is rather that 
 of a family, and the same with the pre- 
 ceding. 
 
 Abi'jam. [ABIJAH, No. 1.] 
 
 Ab'ila. [ABILENE.] 
 
 Abile'ne (Luke iii. 1), a tetrarchy of 
 which the capital was Abila, a city situated 
 on the eastern slope of Antilibanus, in a 
 district fertilized by the river Barada. Its 
 name probably arose from the green luxu- 
 riance of its situation, " Abel " perhaps de- 
 noting " a grassy meadow." [See p. 8.] 
 The name, thus derived, is quite sufficient 
 to account for the traditions of the death of 
 Abel, which are associated with the spot, 
 and which are localized by the tomb called 
 Nebi Hdbil, on a height above the ruins of 
 the city. The city was 18 miles from Da- 
 mascus, and stood in a remarkable gorge 
 called Snk Wady Barada, where the river 
 breaks down through the mountain towards 
 the plain of Damascus. 
 
 Abim'ael, a descendant of Joktan (Gen. 
 x. 28; 1 Chr. i. 22), and probably the pro- 
 genitor of an Arab tribe. 
 
 Abim'elech (father of the king), the 
 
 name of several Philistine kings, was prob- 
 ably a common title of these kings, like 
 that of Pharaoh among the Egyptians, and 
 that of Caesar and Augustus among the 
 Romans. Hence in the title of Ps. xxxiv. 
 the name of Abimelech is given to the 
 king, who is called Achish in 1 Sam. xxi. 
 11. 1. A Philistine, king of Gerar (Gen. 
 xx., xxi.), who, exercising the right claimed 
 by Eastern princes, of collecting all the 
 beautiful women of their dominions into 
 their harem (Gen. xii. 15 ; Esth. ii. 3), sent 
 for and took Sarah. A similar account is 
 given of Abraham's conduct on this occa- 
 sion, to that of his behavior towards Pha- 
 raoh. [ABRAHAM.] 2. Another king of 
 Gerar in the time of Isaac, of whom a sim- 
 ilar narrative is recorded in relatioq to Re- 
 bekah (Gen. xxvi. 1, &c.). 3. Son of- the 
 judge Gideon by his Shechemite concubine 
 (Judg. viii. 31). After his father's death he 
 murdered all his brethren, 70 in number, 
 with the exception of Jotham, the youngest, 
 who concealed himself; and he then per- 
 suaded the Shechemites to elect him king. 
 Shechem now became an independent state, 
 and threw off the yoke of the conquering 
 Israelites. When Jotham heard that Abim- 
 elech was made king, he addressed to the 
 Shechemites his fable of the trees choosing 
 a king (Judg. ix. 1). After Abimelech had 
 j-eigned three years, the citizens of Shechem 
 rebelled. He was absent at the time, but 
 he returned and quelled the insurrection. 
 Shortly after he stormed and took Thebez, 
 but was struck on the head by a woman 
 with the fragment of a mill-stone (comp. 2 
 Sam. xi. 21) ; and lest he should be said to 
 have died by a woman, he bade his armor- 
 bearer slay him. Thus God avenged the 
 murder of his brethren, and fulfilled the 
 curse of Jotham. 
 
 Abin'adab. 1. A Levite, a native of 
 Kirjath-jearim, in whose house the ark re- 
 mained 20 years (1 Sam. vii. 1, 2; 1 Chr. 
 xiii. 7). 2. Second son of Jesse, who fol- 
 lowed Saul to his war against the Philis- 
 tines (1 Sam. xvi. 8, xvii. 13). 3. A son 
 of Saul, who was slain with his brothers at 
 the fatal battle on Mount Gilboa (1 Sam. 
 xxxi. 2). 4. Father of one of the twelve 
 chief officers of Solomon (1 K. iv. 11). 
 
 Abin'oam, the father of Barak (Judg. 
 iv. 6, 12, v. 1, 12). 
 
 Abi'ram. 1. A Reubenite, son of Eli- 
 ab, who with Dathan and On, men of the 
 same tribe, and Korah a Levite, organized 
 a conspiracy against Moses and Aaron 
 (Num. xvi.). [For details, see KORAH.] 
 2. Eldest son of Hiel, the Bethelite, who 
 died when his father laid the foundations 
 of Jericho (1 K. xvi. 34), and thus accom- 
 plished the first part of the curse of Joshua 
 (Josh. vi. 26). 
 
 Ab'ishag, a beautiful Shunammite, 
 taken into David's harem to comfort him
 
 ABISHAI 
 
 11 
 
 ABRAHAM 
 
 In his extreme old age (1 K. i. 1-4). After ! the side of David, till at last the imprudence 
 David's death Adonijah induced Bathsheba, of Ishbosheth deprived him of the counsels 
 the queen-mother, to ask Solomon to give j and generalship of the hero who was in 
 him Abishag in marriage ; but this impru- | truth the only support of his tottering 
 dent petition cost Adonijah his life (1 K. ii. throne. Abner had married Rizpah, Saul's 
 13, &c.). .[ADONIJAH.] j concubine, and this, according to the views 
 
 Abisha'i, the eldest of the three sons of Oriental courts, might be so interpreted 
 of Zeruiah, David's sister, and brother to | as to imply a design upon the throne. Right- 
 Joab and Asahel (1 Chr. ii. 16). Like his ly or wrongly, Ishbosheth so understood it, 
 two brothers he was the devoted follower > and he even ventured to reproach Abner 
 of David. He was his companion in the | with it. Abner, incensed at his ingratitude, 
 desperate night expedition to the camp of opened negotiations with David, by whom 
 Saul (1 Sam. xxvi. 6-9). On the outbreak he was most favorably received at Hebron. 
 of Absalom's rebellion he remained true to He then undertook to procure his recogni- 
 the king, and commanded a third part of i tion throughout Israel; but after leaving 
 the army in the decisive battle against Ab- J his presence for the purpose was enticed 
 salom. He rescued David from the hands \ back by Joab, and treacherously murdered 
 of a gigantic Philistine, Ishbi-benob (2 \ by him and his brother Abishai, at the gate 
 Sam. xxi. 17). His personal prowess on \ of the city, partly, no doubt, from fear lest 
 this, as on another occasion, when he fought ; so distinguished a convert to their cause 
 single-handed against three hundred, won should gain too high a place in David's fa- 
 for him a place as captain of the second i vor, but ostensibly in retaliation for the death 
 three of David's mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. of Asahel. Tlus murder caused the great- 
 
 18; 1 Chr. xi. 20). 
 
 est sorrow and indignation to David ; but 
 
 Abish'alom, father or grandfather of I as the assassins were too powerful to be 
 Maachah, who was the wife of Rehoboam, ! punished, he contented himself with show- 
 and mother of Abijah (1 K. xv. 2, 10). He | ing every public token of respect to Abner's 
 is called Absalom in 2 Chr. xi. 20, 21. j memory, by following the bier and pouring 
 This person must be David's son (see ! forth a simple dirge over the slain (2 Sam. 
 LXX., 2 Sam. xiv. 27). j iii. 33, 34). 2. The father of Jaasiel, chief 
 
 Abishu'a. 1. Son of Bela, of the tribe i of the Benjamites in David's reign (1 Chr. 
 of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 4). 2. Son of ^cxvii. 21) : probably the same as the pre- 
 Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, and fatheryceding. 
 
 of Bukki, in the genealogy of the high- Abomination of Desolation, men- 
 priests (1 Chr. vi. 4, 5, 50, 51 ; Ezr. vii. 4, 5). ' tioned by our Savior as a sign of the ap- 
 
 Ab'ishur, son of Shammai (1 Chr. ii. preaching destruction of Jerusalem, with 
 
 28). 
 
 Ab'ital, one of David's wives (2 Sam. 
 Si. 4; 1 Chr. iii. 3). 
 
 Ab'itub, son of Shaharaim by Hushim 
 (1 Chr. viii. 11). 
 
 Abi'ud, descendant of Zorobabel in the 
 
 genealogy of Jesus Christ (Matt. i. 
 Ablution. [PURIFICATION.] 
 
 13). 
 
 Ab'ner. 1. Son of Ner, who was the 
 brother of Kish (1 Chr. ix. 36), the father 
 of Saul. Abner, therefore, was Saul's first 
 cousin [see Table, p. 9], and was made by 
 
 reference to Dan. ix. 27, xi. 31, xii. 11. 
 The Jews considered the prophecy of Dan- 
 iel as fulfilled in the profanation of the 
 Temple under Antioehus Epiphanes, when 
 the Israelites themselves erected an idol- 
 atrous altar upon the sacred altar, and of- 
 fered sacrifice thereon. This altar is de- 
 scribed as "an abomination of desolation " 
 (1 Mace. i. 54, vi. 7). The prophecy, how- 
 ever, referred ultimately to the destruction 
 of Jerusalem by the Romans, and conse- 
 quently the " abomination " must describe 
 
 him commander-in-chief of his army (1 j some occurrence connected with that event. 
 Sam. xiv. 61, xvii. 57, xxvi. 3-14). After j It appears most probable that the profani- 
 the death of Saul David was proclaimed | ties of the Zealots constituted the abomi- 
 king of Judah in Hebron ; and some time i nation, which was the sign of impending 
 subsequently Abner proclaimed Ishbosheth, ! ruin. The introduction of the Roman stan- 
 Saul's son, as king of Israel, at Mahanaim i dards into the Temple, regarded by many 
 beyond Jordan. War soon broke out be- j as the "desolation," took place after the 
 tween the two rival kings, and " a very destruction of the city. 
 sore battle " was fought at G-ibeon between A'brahani or A'bram, as his name ap- 
 tlie men of Israel under Abner, and the ' pears in the earlier portion of the history, 
 men of Judah under Joab, son of Zeruiah, was the son of Terah, and founder of tbe 
 David's sister (1 Chr. ii. 16). When the great Hebrew nation. His family, a branch 
 army of Ishbosheth was defeated, Joab's of the descendants of Shem, was settled in 
 youngest brother Asahel pursued Abner, | Ur of the Chaldees, beyond the Euphrates. 
 and in spite of warning refused to leave I Terah had two other sons, Nahor and 
 him, so that Abner in self-defence was j Haran. Haran died before his father in 
 forced to kill him. After this the war con- j Ur of the Chaldees, leaving a son Lot; and 
 tinued, success inclining more and more to Terah, taking with him Abram, with Sarai
 
 ABRAHAM 
 
 12 
 
 ABRAHAM 
 
 his wife, and his grandson Lot, emigrated 
 to Haran in Mesopotamia, where he died. 
 On the death of his father, Abram, then in 
 the 75th year of his age, with Sarai and 
 Lot, pursued his course to the land of 
 Canaan, whither he was directed by divine 
 command (Gen. xii. 5), when he received 
 the general promise that he should become 
 the founder of a great nation, and that all 
 the families of the eartli should be blessed 
 in him. He passed through the heart of 
 the country by the great highway to She- 
 chem, and pitched his tent beneath the 
 terebinth of Moreh (Gen. xii. 6). Here 
 he received in vision from Jehovah the 
 further revelation that this was the land 
 which his descendants should inherit (xii. 
 7). The next halting-place of the wander- 
 er was on a mountain between Bethel and 
 Ai (Gen. xii. 8). But the country was suf- 
 fering from famine, and Abram, finding 
 neither pasture for his cattle nor food for 
 his household, journeyed still southwards 
 to the rich corn-lands of Egypt. There, 
 fearing that the great beauty of Sarai might 
 tempt the powerful monarch of Egypt and 
 expose his own life to peril, he arranged 
 that Sarai should represent herself as his 
 sister, which her actual relationship to 
 him, as probably the daughter of his broth- 
 er Haran, allowed her to do with some 
 semblance of truth. But her beauty was 
 reported to the king, and she was 
 Lato the royal harem. The deception was 
 discovered, and Pharaoh with some indig- 
 nation dismissed him from the country (xii. 
 10-20). Abram left Egypt with great pos- 
 sessions, and, accompanied by Lot, re- 
 turned by the south of Palestine to his 
 former encampment between Bethel and 
 Ai. The increased wealth of the two kins- 
 men was the ultimate cause of their sepa- 
 ration. The soil was not fertile enough to 
 support them both : their herdsmen quar- 
 relled ; and, to avoid dissensions in a 
 country where they were surrounded by 
 enemies, Abram proposed that each should 
 follow his own fortune. Lot chose the fer- 
 tile plain of the Jordan, rich and well 
 watered as the garden of Jehovah ; while 
 Abram quitted the hill-fastness between 
 Bethel and Ai, and pitched his tent among 
 the oak -groves of Mamre, close to Hebron 
 (Gen. xiii.). The chiefs of the tribes who 
 peopled the plain of the Jordan had been 
 subdued in a previous irruption of north- 
 ern warriors, and for twelve years had 
 been the tributaries of Chedorlaomer, king 
 of Elam. Their rebellion brought down 
 upon Palestine and the neighboring coun- 
 tries a fresh flood of invaders from the 
 north-east, who joined battle with the re- 
 volted chieftains in the vale of Siddiin. 
 The king of Sodom and his confederates 
 wer defeated, their cities plundered, and a 
 host of captives accompanied the victori- 
 
 ous army of Chedorlaomer. Among them 
 were Lot and his family. Abram, then con- 
 federate with Mamre the Amorite and his 
 brethren, heard the tidings from a fugitive, 
 and hastily arming his tru-sty slaves, started 
 in pursuit. He followed the track of the 
 conquerors along the Jordan valley, came 
 up with them by Dan, and in a night attack 
 completely routed their host, and checked 
 for a time the stream of northern immigra- 
 tion. The captives and plunder were all 
 recovered, and Abram was greeted on his 
 return by the king of Sodom, and by Mel- 
 chizedek, king of Salem, priest of the Most 
 High God, who mysteriously appears upon 
 the scene to bless the patriarch, and re- 
 ceive from him a tenth of the spoil (Gen. 
 xiv.). After this, the thrice-repeated prom- 
 ise that his descendants should become a 
 mighty natiop and possess the land in which 
 he was a stranger, was confirmed with all 
 the solemnity of a religious ceremony (Gen. 
 xv.). Ten years had passed since, in obe- 
 dience to the divine command, he had left 
 his father's house, and the fulfilment of the 
 promise was apparently more distant than 
 at first. At the suggestion of Sarai, who 
 despaired of having children of her own, he 
 took as his concubine Hagar, her Egyptian 
 maid, who bore him Ishmael in the 8Gth 
 year of his age (Gen. xvi.). [HAGAR ; ISH- 
 MAEL.] But this was not the acconiplish- 
 of the promise. Thirteen years 
 elapsed, dvriug which Abram still dwelt in 
 Hebron, when the last step in the revela- 
 tion was made, that the son of Sarai, and 
 not Ishmael, should inherit both the tem- 
 poral and spiritual blessings. The cove- 
 nant was renewed, and the rite of circum- 
 cision established as its sign. This most 
 important crisis in Abram's life is marked 
 by the significant change of his name to 
 Abraham, "father of a multitude;" while 
 his wife's from Sarai became Sarah. In 
 his 99th year Abraham was circumcised, in 
 accordance with the divine command, to- 
 gether with Ishmael and all the males of 
 his household, as well the slaves born in 
 his house as those purchased from the for- 
 eigner (Gen. xvii.). The promise that 
 Sarah should have a son was repeated in 
 the remarkable scene described in ch. xviii. 
 Three men stood before Abraham as he sat 
 in his tent door in the heat of the day. 
 The patriarch, with true Eastern hospital- 
 ity, welcomed the strangers, and bade 
 them rest and refresh themselves. The 
 meal ended, they foretold the birth of 
 Isaac, and went on their way to Sodom. 
 Abraham accompanied them, and is repre- 
 sented as an interlocutor in a dialogue with 
 Jehovah, in which he pleaded in vain to 
 avert the vengeance threatened to the de- 
 voted cities of the plain (xviii. 17-33). In 
 remarkable contrast with Abraham's firm 
 faith with regard to the magnificent for-
 
 ABRAHAM 
 
 13 
 
 ABSALOM 
 
 tunes of his posterity stands the incident ! nomadic tribes inhabiting the countries 
 which occurred during his temporary resi- 
 
 dence among the Philistines in Gerar, 
 whither he had, for some cause, removed 
 after the destruction of Sodom. Sarah's 
 beauty won the admiration of Abimelech, 
 the king of the country ; the temporizing 
 policy of Abraham produced the same re- 
 sults as before ; and the narrative of ch. 
 xx. is nearly a repetition of that in ch. xii. 
 11-20. Abimelech's digni fled rebuke taught 
 him that he was not alone in recognizing a 
 God of justice. At length Isaac, the long- 
 looked-tbr child, was born. His birth was 
 welcomed by all the rejoicings which could 
 greet the advent of one whose future was 
 of such rich promise. Sarah's jealousy, 
 aroused by the mockery of Ishmael at the 
 "great banquet" which Abraham made to 
 celebrate the weaning of her son (Gen. xxi. 
 9), demanded that, with his mother Hagar, 
 he should be driven out (Gen. xxi. 10). 
 The patriarch reluctantly consented, con- 
 soled by the fresh promise that Ishmael too 
 should become a great nation. But the 
 severest trial of his faith was yet to come. 
 For a long period the history is almost si- 
 lent. At length he receives the strange 
 command to take Isaac, his only son, and 
 
 offer him for 
 pointed place. 
 
 a burnt-offering at an ap- 
 Such a bidding, in direct 
 
 opposition to the promptings of nature and.^iral avenger of such an outrage would be 
 
 the divine mandate against the shedding of 
 human blood, Abraham hesitated not to 
 obey. His faith, hitherto unshaken, support- 
 ed him in this final trial, " accounting that 
 God was able to raise up his son, even 
 from the dead, from whence also he re- 
 ceived him in a figure " (Heb. xi. 19). 
 The sacrifice was stayed by the angel of 
 Jehovah, the promise of spiritual blessing 
 for the first time repeated, and Abraham 
 with his son returned to Beersheba, and 
 fora time dwelt there (Gen. xxii.). But 
 we find him after a few years in his origi- 
 nal residence at Hebron, for there Sarah 
 died -(Gen. xxiii. 2), and was buried in 
 the cave of Machpelah, which Abraham 
 purchased of Ephron the Hittite, for the 
 exorbitant price of 400 shekels of silver. 
 The mosque at Hebron is believed to stand 
 upon the site of the sepulchral cave. The 
 remaining years of Abraham's life are 
 marked by but few incidents. In his ad- 
 vanced age he commissioned the faithful 
 steward of his house to seek a wife for 
 Isaac from the family of his brother Nahor, 
 binding him by the most solemn oath not 
 to contract an alliance with the daughters 
 of the degraded Cauaanites among whom 
 he dwelt (Gen. xxiv.). After Isaac's mar- 
 riage with Rebekah, and his removal to 
 Lahai-roi, Abraham took to wife Keturah, 
 
 south and south-east of Palestine. Ketu- 
 rah occupied a position inferior to that of 
 a legitimate wife. Her children, like Ish- 
 mael, were dismissed with presents, and 
 settled in the East country during Abra- 
 ham's lifetime, and Isaac was left sole heir 
 of his father's wealth. Abraham lived to 
 see the gradual accomplishment of the 
 promise in the birth of his grandchildren 
 Jacob and Esau, and witnessed their growth 
 to manhood (Gen. xxv. 2G). At the good- 
 ly age of 175 he was " gathered to his peo- 
 ple," and laid beside Sarah in the tomb of 
 Machpelah by his sons Isaac and Ishmael 
 (Gen. xxv. 7-10). From the intimate com- 
 munion which Abraham held with the Al- 
 mighty, he is distinguished by the high 
 title of "the 'friend' of God" (2 Chr. xx. 
 7; Is. xli. 8; Jam. ii. 23) ; and El-Khalil y 
 " the friend," is' the appellation by which 
 he is familiarly known in the traditions of 
 the Arabs, who have given the same name 
 to Hebron, the place of his residence. 
 
 Ab'salom (father of peace}, third son 
 of David by Maachah, daughter of Talreai 
 king of Geshur, a Syrian district adjoining 
 the N. E. frontier of the Holy Land. Ab- 
 salom had a sister, Tamar, who was violated 
 by her half-brother Amnon, David's eldest 
 son by Ahinoam the Jezreelitess. The nat- 
 
 Tamar's full brother Absalom. He brooded 
 over the wrong for two years, and then in- 
 vited all the princes to a sheep-shearing 
 feast at his estate in Baal-hazor, on the bor- 
 ders of Ephraim and Benjamin. Here he 
 ordered his servants to murder Amnon, and 
 then fled for safety to lu's grandfather's court 
 at Geshur, where he remained for three 
 years. At the end of that time he was 
 brought back by an artifice of Joab, who 
 sent a woman of Tekoah to entreat the 
 king's interference in an imaginary case 
 similar to Absalom's. David, however, 
 would not see Absalom for two more years ; 
 but at length Joab brought about a recon- 
 ciliation. Absalom now began at once to 
 prepare for rebellion, urged to it partly by 
 his own restless wickedness, partly perhaps 
 by the fear lest Bathsheba's child should 
 supplant him in the succession, to which 
 he would feel himself entitled as being now 
 David's eldest surviving son. Absalom tried 
 to supplant his father by courting popular- 
 ity, standing in the gate, conversing with 
 every suitor, and lamenting the difficulty 
 which he would find in getting a hearing. 
 He also maintained a splendid retinue 
 (2 Sam. xv. 1), and was admired for his 
 personal beauty and the luxuriant growth 
 of his hair, on grounds similar to those 
 which had made Saul acceptable (1 Sam. 
 x. 23). It is probable too that the great 
 
 by whom he had six children, Zimran, 
 
 Jokshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbok, and j tribe of Judah had taken some offence at 
 
 Shuah, who became the ancestors of j David's government, perhaps from finding
 
 ACCAD 
 
 14 
 
 ACHAN 
 
 tkemselv"es completely merged in one united 
 Israel. But whatever the causes may have 
 been, Absalom raised the standard of revolt 
 at Hebron, the old capital of Judah, now 
 supplanted by Jerusalem. The revolt was 
 at first completely successful; David fled 
 from his capital over the Jordan to Maha- 
 nairn in Gilead. Absalom occupied Jeru- 
 salem, and by the advice of Ahithophel took 
 possession of David's harem, in which he 
 had left ten concubines. This was consid- 
 ered to imply a formal assumption of all his 
 father's royal rights (comp. the conduct of 
 Adonijah, 1 K. ii. 13 ff.), and was also a 
 fulfilment of Nathan's prophecy (2 Sam. 
 xii. 11). But David had left friends who 
 watched over his interests. The vigorous 
 counsels of Ahithophel were afterwards 
 rejected through the crafty advice of Hushai, 
 who insinuated himself into Absalom's 
 confidence to work his ruin, and Ahithophel 
 himself, seeing his ambitious hopes frus- 
 trated, went home to Giloh, and committed 
 suicide. At last, after being solemnly 
 anointed king at Jerusalem (xix. 10), 
 Absalom crossed the Jordan to attack his 
 father, who by tliis time had rallied round 
 him a considerable force, whereas had 
 AbithophePs advice been followed, he would 
 probably have been crushed at once. A 
 decisive battle was fought in Gilead, in the 
 wood of Ephraim. Here Absalom's forcesi 
 were totally defeated, and as he himself 
 was escaping, his long hair was entangled 
 in the branches of a terebinth, where he 
 was left hanging while the mule on. which 
 he was riding rar. away from under him. 
 He was despatched by Joab in spite of the 
 prohibition of David, who, loving him to 
 the last, had desired that his life might be 
 spared. He was buried in a great pit in the 
 forest, and the conquerors threw stones 
 over his grave, an old proof of bitter hos- 
 tility (Josh. vii. 26). 
 
 Ac'cad, one of the cities in the land of 
 Shinar (Gen. x. 10). Its position is quite 
 uncertain. 
 
 Ac'caron. [EKHON.] 
 
 Ac'cho(the PTOLEMAIS of the Maccabees 
 and N. T.), now called Acca, or more usu- 
 ally by Europeans, St. Jean d'Acre, the 
 most important sea-port town on the Syrian 
 coast, about 30 miles S. of Tyre. It was 
 situated on a slightly projecting headland, 
 at the northern extremity of that spacious 
 bay, which is formed by the bold promon- 
 tory of Carmel on the opposite side. In 
 the division of Canaan among the tribes, 
 Accho fell to the lot of Asher, but was nev- 
 er wrested from its original inhabitants 
 (Judg. i. 31) ; and hence it is reckoned by 
 the classical writers among the cities of 
 Phoenicia. No further mention is made of 
 it in the O. T. history, but it rose to impor- 
 tance after the dismemberment of the Mace- 
 donian empire. Along with the rest of 
 
 Phoenicia it fell to the lot of Egypt, aud 
 was named Ptolemais, after one of the 
 Ptolemies, probably Soter. It was after- 
 wards taken by Antiochus the Great, and 
 attached to his kingdom. The only notice 
 of it in the N. T. is in connection with St. 
 Paul's passage from Tyre to Caesarea (Acts 
 xxi. 7). 
 
 Acel'dama, "the field of blood; " the 
 name given by the Jews of Jerusalem to a 
 field near Jerusalem purchased by Judas 
 with the money which he received for the 
 betrayal of Christ, and so called from his 
 violent death therein (Acts i. 19). This ie 
 apparently at variance with the account of 
 St. Matthew (xxvii. 8), according to which 
 the "field of blood" was purchased by the 
 priests with the 30 pieces of silver, after 
 they had been cast down by Judas, as a 
 burial-place for strangers, the locality being 
 well known at the time as "the field of the 
 Potter." And accordingly ecclesiastical 
 tradition appears, from the earliest times, 
 to have pointed out two distinct spots as re- 
 ferred to in the two accounts. The " field 
 of blood " is now shown on the steep south- 
 ern face of the valley or ravine of Hinnom. 
 It was believed in the middle ages that the 
 soil of this place had the power of very 
 rapidly consuming bodies buried in it, and 
 in consequence either of tin's, or of the 
 sanctity of the spot, great quantities of the 
 earth were taken away ; amongst others by 
 the Pisan Crusaders in 1218 for their Campo 
 Santo at Pisa, and by the Empress Helena 
 for that at Rome. 
 
 Acha'ia signifies, in the N. T., a Roman 
 province, which included the whole of the 
 Peloponnesus and the greater part of Hel- 
 las proper with the adjacent islands. This 
 province, with that of Macedonia, compre- 
 hended the whole of Greece ; hence Achaia 
 and Macedonia are frequently mentionec 
 together in the N. T. to indicate all Greece 
 (Acts xviii. 12, xix. 21; Rom. xv. 26, xvi 
 5 ; ] Cor. xvi. 15 ; 2 Cor. ii. 1, ix. 2, xi. 10 
 IT ess. .i.7,8). In the time of the Empe- 
 ror Claudius, it was governed by a Procon- 
 sul, translated in the A. V. " deputy " of 
 Achaia (Acts xviii. 12). 
 
 Acha'icus, a name of a Christian (1 
 Cor. xvi. 17, subscription No. 25). 
 
 A'chan (troubler), an Israelite of the 
 tribe of Judah, who, when Jericho and all 
 that it contained were accursed and devoted 
 to destruction, secreted a portion of the 
 spoil in his tent. For this sin Jehovah 
 punished Israel by their defeat in the attack 
 upon Ai. When Achan confessed his guilt, 
 and the booty was discovered, he was stoned 
 to death with his whole family by the peo- 
 ple in a valley situated between Ai and Jer- 
 icho, and their remains, together with his 
 property, were burnt (Josh. vii. 16-22). 
 From this event the valley received the 
 name of Achor (i. e. trouble). [ACHOB.]
 
 ACHAE 
 
 15 
 
 ACTS OP THE APOSTLES 
 
 A'char = Achan (l Chr. ii. 7). 
 
 A'chaz = Ahaz, king of Judah (Matt. 
 L9). 
 
 Ach'bor. 1. Father of Baal-hanan, 
 king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39 ; 1 Chr. 
 i. 49). 2. Son of Michaiah, a contempo- 
 rary of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 12, 14 ; Jer. xxvi. 
 22, xxxvi. 12), called ABDON in 2 Chr. 
 xxxiv. 20. 
 
 A'chirn, son of Sadoc, and father of 
 Eliud, in our Lord's genealogy ; the fifth in 
 succession before Joseph, the husband of 
 Mary (Matt. i. 14). The Hebrew form of 
 the name would be Jachin, which is a short 
 form of Jehoiachin, the Lord will establish. 
 
 A'chish, a Philistine king of Gath, who 
 in the title to the 34th Psalm is called Abim- 
 elech. David twice found a refuge with 
 him when he fled from Saul. On the first 
 occasion, being recognized by the servants 
 of Achish as one celebrated for his victories 
 over the Philistines, he was alarmed for his 
 safety, and feigned madness (1 Sam. xxi. 
 10-13). [DAVID.] From Achish he fled 
 to the cave of Adullam. On a second occa- 
 sion David fled to Achish with 600 men (1 
 Sam. xxvii. 2), and remained at Gath a 
 year and four months. 
 
 Ach'metha. [ECBATANA.] 
 
 A'chor, Valley of, or ''valley of trou- 
 ble," the spot at which Achan, the " trou- 
 bler of Israel," was stoned (Josh. vii. 24, 
 26). On the N. boundary of Judah (xv. 7 ; 
 also Is. Ixv. 10; Hos. ii. 15). 
 
 Ach'sa (1 Chr. ii. 49). [AcnsAH.] 
 
 Ach'sah, daughter of Caleb. Her 
 father promised her in marriage to whoever 
 should take Debir. Othniel, her father's 
 younger brother, took that city, and accord- 
 ingly received the hand of Achsah as his 
 reward. Caleb, at his daughter's request, 
 added to her dowry the upper and lower 
 springs, which she had pleaded for as pecu- 
 liarly suitable to her inheritance in a south 
 country (Josh. xv. 15-19; Judg. i. 11-15). 
 
 Acli'shaph., a city within the territory 
 of Asher, named between Beten and Alam- 
 rnelech (Josh. xix. 25) ; originally the seat 
 of a Canaanite king (xi. 1, xii. 20). 
 
 Ach'zib. 1. A city in the lowlands of 
 Judah, named with Keilah and Mareshah 
 (Josh. xv. 44 ; Mic. i. 14). It is probably 
 the same with CHEZIB and CHOZEBA, which 
 see. 2. A town belonging to Asher (Josh, 
 xix. 29), from which the Canaanites were 
 not expelled (Judg. i. 31) ; afterwards 
 Ecdippa. It is now es-Zib, on the sea- 
 shore, 2 h. 20 m. N. of Acre. 
 
 Acts of the Apostles, a second 
 treatise by the author of the third Gospel, 
 traditionally known as Luke. The identity 
 of the writer of both books is strongly 
 shown by their great similarity in style and 
 idiom, and the usage of particular words 
 and compound forms. It is, at first sight, 
 somewhat surprising that notices of the 
 
 author are wanting, generally, in the Epis- 
 tles of St. Paul, whom he must have accom- 
 panied for some years on his travels. Bui 
 no Epistles were, strictly speaking, written 
 by St. Paul while our writer was in his 
 company, before his Roman imprisonment ; 
 for he does not seem to have joined him tit 
 Corinth (Acts xviii.), where the two Epis- 
 tles to the Thessalonians were written, nor 
 to have been with him at Ephesus (ch. xix.), 
 whence, perhaps, the Epistle to the Gala- 
 tians was written ; nor again to have win- 
 tered with him at Corinth (ch. xx. 3) at tlus 
 time of his writing the Epistle to the Bo- 
 mans, and, perhaps, that to the Galatians. 
 The book commences with an inscription to 
 one Theophilus, who was probably a man 
 of birth and station. But its design must 
 not be supposed to be limited to the edifica- 
 tion of Theophilus, whose name is prefixed 
 only, as was customary then as now, by 
 way of dedication. The readers were evi- 
 dently intended to be the members of the 
 Christian Church, whether Jews or Gen- 
 tiles ; for its contents are such as are of 
 the utmost consequence to the whole 
 Church. They are T he fulfilment of the 
 promise of the Father by the descent of 
 the Holy Spirit, and the results of thai 
 outpouring, by the dispersion of the Gos- 
 pel among Jews and Gentiles* Under these 
 leading heads all the personal and subor- 
 dinate details may be ranged. Immediately 
 after the Ascension, St. Peter, the first of 
 the Twelve, designated by our Lord as the 
 Rock on whom the Church was to be built, 
 the holder of the keys of the kingdom, 
 becomes the prime actor under God in the 
 founding of the Church. He is the centre 
 of the first great group of sayings and 
 doings. The opening of the door to Jews 
 (ch. ii.) and Gentiles (ch. x.) is his office, 
 and by him, in good time, is accomplished. 
 But none of the existing twelve Apostles 
 were, humanly speaking, fitted to preach 
 the Gospel to the cultivated Gentile world. 
 To be by divine grace the spiritual con- 
 queror of Asia and Europe, God raised up 
 another instrument, from among the highly 
 educated and zealous Pharisees. The prep- 
 aration of Saul of Tarsus for the work to 
 be done, the progress, in his hand, of that 
 work, his journeyings, preachings, and per- 
 ils, his stripes and imprisonments, his testi- 
 fying in Jerusalem and being brought to 
 testify in Rome, these are the subjects of 
 the latter half of the book, of which the 
 great central figure is the Apostle Paul. It 
 seems most probable that the place of writ- 
 ing was Rome, and the time about two years 
 from the date of St. Paul's arrival there, as 
 related in ch. xxviii. 30. This would give 
 us for the publication the year 63 A. D., 
 according to the most probable assignment 
 of the date of the arrival of St. Paul at 
 Rome.
 
 AD AD AH 
 
 16 
 
 ADAMANT 
 
 Ad'adah, one of the cities in the 
 extreme south of Judah named with Di- 
 ruonah and Kedesh (Josh. xv. 22). 
 
 A'dah (ornament, beauty). 1. The 
 first of the two wives of Lamech, hy whom 
 were born to him Jabal and Jubal (Gen. iv. 
 19). 2. AHittitess, one of the three wives 
 of Esau, mother of Eliphaz (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 
 
 10, 12, 1C). In Gen. xxvi. 34 she is called 
 BASHKMATH. 
 
 Adai'ah. 1. Maternal grandfather of 
 king Josiah, and native of Boscath in the 
 lowlands of Judah (2 K. xxii. 1). 2. A 
 Levite, of the Gershonite branch, and ances- 
 tor of Asaph (1 Chr. vi. 41). In v. 21 he 
 is called IDDO. 3. A Benjamite, son of 
 Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 21), who is apparently 
 the same as Shema in v. 13. 4. A priest, 
 son of Jehoram (1 Chr. ix. 12 ; Neb., xi. 
 12). 5. Ancestor of Maaseiah, one of the 
 captains who supported Jehoiada (2 Chr. 
 xxiii. 1). 6. One of the descendants of 
 Bani who had married a foreign wife after 
 the return from Babylon (Ezr. x. 29). 7. 
 The descendant of another Bani, who had 
 also taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 39). 8. 
 A man of Judah, of the line of Pharez 
 (Nch. xi. 5). 
 
 Adali a, the fifth son of Haman (Esth. 
 
 11. 8). 
 
 Ad'am, the name given in Scripture to 
 the first man. It apparently has reference 
 to the ground from which he was formed, 
 which is called in Hebrew Adamah. The 
 idea of redness of color seems to be inhe- 
 rent in either word. The creation of man 
 was the work of the sixth day. His forma- 
 tion was the ultimate object of the Creator. 
 It was with reference to him that all things 
 were designed. He was to be the "roof 
 and crown" of the whole fabric of the 
 world. In the first nine chapters of Gen- 
 esis there appear to be three distinct histo- 
 ries relating more or less to the life of 
 Adam. The first extends from Gen. i. 1 to 
 ii. 3, the second from ii. 4 to iv. 26, the 
 third from v. 1 to the end of ix. The word 
 at the commencement of the two latter nar- 
 ratives, which is rendered there and else- 
 where generations, may also be rendered 
 history. The object of the first of these 
 narratives is to record the creation ; that of 
 the second to give an account of paradise, 
 the original sin of man, and the immediate 
 posterity of Adam ; the third contains main- 
 ly the history of Noah, referring, it would 
 seem, to Adam and his descendants princi- 
 pally in relation to that patriarch. The 
 name Adam was not confined to the father 
 of the human race, but like homo was 
 applicable to woman as well as man, so 
 that we find it said in Gen. v. 2, " male and 
 female created He them, and called their 
 name Adam in the day when they were 
 created." The man Adam was placed in a 
 garden which the Lord God had planted 
 
 " eastward in Eden," for the purpose of 
 dressing it and keeping it. [EDEN.] Adam 
 was permitted to eat of the fruit of every 
 tree in the garden but one, which was called 
 the "tree of the knowledge of good and 
 evil." The prohibition to taste the fruit of 
 this tree was enforced by the menace of 
 death. There was also another tree which 
 was called "the tree of life." Some sup- 
 pose it to have acted as a kind of medicine, 
 and that by the continual use of it our first 
 parents, not created immortal, were pre- 
 served from death. While Adam was in 
 the garden of Eden, the beasts of the field 
 and the fowls of the air were brought to him 
 to be named, and whatsoever he called 
 every living creature that was the name 
 thereof. Thus the power of fitly designat- 
 ing objects of sense was possessed by the 
 first man, a faculty which is generally con- 
 sidered as indicating mature and extensive 
 intellectual resources. Upon the failure of 
 a companion suitable for Adam among the 
 creatures thus brought to him to be named, 
 the Lord God caused a deep sleep to fall 
 upon him, and took one of his ribs from 
 him, which He fashioned into a woman and 
 brought her to the man. At this time they 
 are both described as being naked without 
 the consciousness of shame. Such is the 
 Scripture account of Adam prior to the 
 Fall. The first man is a true man, with 
 the powers of a man and the innocence of 
 a child. He is moreover spoken of by St. 
 Paul as being " the figure of Him that was 
 to come," the second Adam, Christ Jesus 
 (Rom. T. 14). By the subtlety of the ser- 
 pent, the woman who was given to be with 
 Adam, was beguiled into a violation of the 
 one command which had been imposed upon 
 them. She took of the fruit of the forbid- 
 den tree and gave it to her husband. The 
 propriety of its name was immediately 
 shown in the results which followed : self- 
 consciousness was the first- fruits of sin; 
 their eyes were opened and they knew that 
 they were naked. Though the curse of 
 Adam's rebellion of necessity fell upon him, 
 yet the very prohibition to eat of the tree 
 of life after Ms transgression was probably 
 a manifestation of Divine mercy, because 
 the greatest malediction of all would have 
 been to have the gift of indestructible life 
 superadded to a state of wretchedness and 
 sin. Adam is stated to have lived 930 
 years. His sons mentioned in Scripture are 
 Cain, Abel, and Seth ; it is implied how- 
 ever that he had others. 
 
 Ad'am, a city on the Jordan " beside 
 Zaretan," in the time of Joshua (Josh. iii. 
 16). 
 
 Ad 'amah, one of the "fenced cities" 
 of Naphtali, named between Chinnereth 
 and ha-Ramah (Josh. six. 36). 
 
 Adamant, the translation of the Hebrew 
 word Shdmlr in Ez. iii. 9 and Zech. vii. 12.
 
 AD AMI 
 
 17 
 
 ADJT AH 
 
 In Jer. xvii. 1 it is translated " diamond." 
 In these three passages the word is the 
 representative of some stone of excessive 
 hardness, and is used metaphorically. 
 Since the Hebrews appear to have been 
 unacquainted with the true diamond, it is 
 very probable, from the expression in Ez. 
 iii. 9, of " adamant harder than flint" that 
 by Shamir is intended Emery, a variety of 
 Corundum, a mineral inferior only to the 
 diamond in hardness. Emery is extensively 
 used for polishing and cutting gems and 
 other hard substances. 
 
 Ad'ami, a place on the border of Naph- 
 tali (Josh. xix. 33). 
 
 A'dar, a place on the south boundary 
 of Judah (Josh. xv. 3). 
 
 A'dar. [MONTHS.] 
 
 Ad'asa, a place in Judaea, about 4 miles 
 from Bethhoron (1 Mace. vii. 40, 45). 
 
 Ad'beel, a son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 
 13; 1 Chr. i. 29), and probably the progen- 
 itor of an Arab tribe. 
 
 Ad'dan, one of the places from which 
 some of the captivity returned with Zerub- 
 babel to Judaea who could not show their 
 pedigree as Israelites (Ezr. ii. 59). In the 
 parallel list of Nehemiah (vii. 61) the 
 name is ADDON. 
 
 Ad'dar, son of Bela (1 Chr. viii. 3), 
 called ARD in Num. xxvi. 40. 
 
 Ad'der. This word is used for any 
 poisonous snake, and is applied in this gen- 
 eral sense by the translators of the A. V. 
 They use in a similar way the synonymous 
 term asp. The word adder occurs five 
 times in the text of the A. V. (see below), 
 and three times in the margin as synony- 
 mous with cockatrice, viz. Is. xi. 8, xiv. 29, 
 lix. 5. It represents four Hebrew words : 
 1. 'Acshiib is found only in Ps. cxl. 3, 
 " They have sharpened their tongues like 
 a serpent, adders' poison is under their 
 lips." The latter half of this verse is 
 quoted by St. Paul from the LXX. in Rom. 
 iii. 13. 'Acshub may be represented by the 
 Toxicoa of Egypt and North Africa. 2. 
 Pethen. [Asp.] 3. Tsepha, or Tsiphoni, 
 occurs five times in the Hebrew Bible. In 
 Prov. xxiii. 32 it is translated adder, and 
 in Is. xi. 8> xiv. 29, lix. 5, Jer. viii. 17, it is 
 rendered cockatrice. From Jeremiah we 
 learn that it was of a hostile nature, and 
 from the parallelism of Is. xi. 8 it appears 
 that the Tsiphoni was considered even 
 more dreadful than the Pethen. 4. She- 
 phiphdn occurs only in Gen. xlix. 17, where 
 it is used to characterize the tribe of Dan : 
 " Dan shall be a serpent by the way, an 
 adder in the path, that bitcth the horse's 
 heels, so that his rider shall fall backward." 
 The habit of lurking in the sand and biting 
 at the horse's heel?, here alluded to, suits the 
 character of a well-known species of ven- 
 omous snake, and helps to identify it with 
 the celebrated horned viper, the asp of 
 2 
 
 Cleopatra (Cerastes^, which is found abun- 
 dantly in the dry sandy deserts of Egypt, 
 Syria, and Arabia. The Cerastes is ex- 
 tremely venomous ; Bruce compelled a 
 specimen to scratch eighteen pigeons upon 
 the thigh as quickly as possible, and they 
 all died in nearly the same interval of time. 
 
 Ad'di. (Luke iii. 28.) Son of Cosam, 
 and father of Melchi, in our Lord's geneal- 
 ogy ; the third above Salathiel. 
 
 Ad'don. [ADDAN.] 
 
 A'der, a Benjamite, son of Beriah, 
 chief of the inhabitants of Aijalon (1 Chr. 
 viii. 15). The name is more correctly 
 Eder. 
 
 A'diel. 1. A prince of the tribe of Sim- 
 eon, descended from the prosperous family 
 of Shimei (1 Chr. iv. 36). He took part 
 in -the murderous raid made by his tribe 
 upon the peaceable Hamite shepherds of 
 the valley of Gedor in the reign of Heze- 
 kiah. 2. A priest, ancestor of Maasiai (}. 
 Chr. ix. 12). 3. Ancestor of Azmaveth, 
 David's treasurer (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). . 
 
 A'din, ancestor of a family who returned 
 with Zerubbabel, to the number of 454 
 (Ezr. ii. 15), or G55 according to the par- 
 allel list in Neh. vii. 20. Fifty-one more 
 accompanied Ezra in the second caravan 
 from Babylon (Ezr. viii. G). They joined 
 with Nehemiah in a covenant to separate 
 themselves from the heathen (Neh. x. 16). 
 
 Ad'ina, one of David's captains beyond 
 the Jordan, and a chief of the Heubenites 
 (1 Chr. xi. 42). According to the A. V. 
 and the Syr. he had the command of thirty 
 men ; but the passage should be rendered 
 " and over him were thirty," *'. e. the 
 thirty before enumerated were his supe- 
 riors. 
 
 Adi'no, the Eznite, 2 Sam. xxiii. 8. 
 See JASHOBEAM. 
 
 Aditha'im, a town belonging to Judah, 
 lying in the low country, and named, be- 
 tween Sharaim and hag-Gederah, in Joslu. 
 xv. 36 only. 
 
 Adla'i, ancestor of Shaphat, the over- 
 seer of David's herds that fed in the broad! 
 valleys (1 Chr. xxvii. 29). 
 
 Ad'mah, one of the "cities of the 
 plain," always coupled with Zeboitn (Gen. 
 x. 19, xiv. 2. 8 ; Deut. xxix. 23 ; Hos. xi. 8).. 
 
 Ad'matha, one of the seven princes of" 
 Persia (Esth. i. 14). 
 
 Ad'na. 1 . One of the family of Pahath- 
 Moab who returned with Ezra and married' 
 a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 30). 2. A priest, 
 descendant of Harim in the days of Joia- 
 kim, the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 15). 
 
 Ad'nah. 1. A Manassite who deserted 
 from Saul and joined the fortunes of David 
 on his road to Ziklag from the camp of the 
 Philistines. He was captain of a thousand 
 of his tribe, and fought at David's side in 
 the pursuit of the Amalekites (1 Chr. xii. 
 20). 2. The captain over 300,000 men of
 
 ADONI-BEZEK 
 
 18 
 
 ADORAM 
 
 Judali who were in Jehoshaphat's army (2 
 Chr. xvii. 14). 
 
 Adon'i-Be'zek (lord of Bezelc), king 
 of Bezek, a city of the Canaanites. [Bs- 
 ZEK.] This chieftain was vanquished by 
 the tribe of Judah (Judg. i. 3-7), who cut 
 off his thumbs and great toes, and brought 
 him prisoner to Jerusalem, where he died. 
 He confessed that he had inflicted the same 
 cruelty upon 70 petty kings whom he had 
 conquered. 
 
 Adoni'jah. (my Lord is JehovaJi). 1. The 
 fourth son of David by Haggith, born at 
 Hebron, while his father was king of Ju- 
 dah (2 Sam. iii. 4). After the death of his 
 three brothers, Amnon, Chileab, and Absa- 
 lom, he became eldest son ; and when his 
 father's strength was visibly declining, put 
 forward his pretensions to the crown. 
 David promised Bathsheba that her son 
 Solomon should inherit the succession (1 
 K. i. 30), for there was no absolute claim 
 of primogeniture in these Eastern monar- 
 chies. Adonijah's cause was espoused by 
 Abiathar and Joab, the famous commander 
 of David's army. [JoAB.J His name and 
 influence secured a large number of fol- 
 lowers among the captains of the royal 
 army belonging to the tribe of Judah (comp. 
 1 K. i. 9, 25) ; and these, together with all the 
 princes, except Solomon, were entertained 
 by Adonijah at a great sacrificial feast held 
 " by the stone Zoheleth, which is by En- 
 rogel." [ENROGEL.] Nathan and Bath- 
 sheba, now thoroughly alarmed, apprised 
 David of these proceedings, who immedi- 
 ately gave orders that Solomon should be 
 conducted on the royal mule in solemn 
 procession to Gihon, a spring on the W. of 
 Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxxii. 30). [Graox.] 
 Here he was anointed and proclaimed king 
 by Zadok, and joyfully recognized by the 
 people. This decisive measure struck ter- 
 ror into the opposite party, and Adonijah 
 fled to sanctuary, but was pardoned by 
 Solomon on condition that he should " show 
 himself a worthy man," with the threat 
 that "if wickedness were found in him he 
 should die " (i. 52). The death of David 
 quickly followed on these events ; and' 
 Adonijah begged Bathsheba, who as "king's 
 mother " would now have special dignity 
 and influence [ASA], to procure Solomon's 
 consent to his marriage with Abishag, who 
 had been the wife of David in his old age 
 (1 K. i. 3). This was regarded as equiva- 
 lent to a fresh attempt on the throne [AB- 
 SALOM ; ABNER] ; and therefore Solomon 
 ordered him to be put to death by Benaiah, 
 in accordance with the terms of his pre- 
 vious pardon. 2. A Levite in the reign of 
 Jc-hoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 3. (Neh. x. 
 16.) [ADONIKAM.] 
 
 Adoni'karn.. The sons of Adonikam, 
 666 in number, were among those who 
 returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel 
 
 (Ezr. ii. 13; Neh. vii. 18; 1 Esd. v. 24), 
 In the last two passages the number is 6G7. 
 The remainder of the family returned with 
 Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13; 1 Esd. viii. 39). The 
 name is given as ADONIJAH in Neh. x. 16. 
 
 Adoni'ram (1 K. iv. 6 ; by an unusual 
 contraction ADORAM, 2 Sam. xx. 24, and 
 1 K. xii. 18; also HADORAM, 2 Chr. x. 18), 
 chief receiver of the tribute during the 
 reigns of David (2 Sam. xx. 24), Solomon 
 (1 K. iv. 6), and Rehoboam (1 K. xii. 18). 
 This last monarch sent him to collect the 
 tribute from the rebellious Israelites, by 
 whom he was stoned to death. 
 
 Ado'ni-ze'dek (lord of justice), the 
 Amorite king of Jerusalem who organized 
 a league with four other Amorite princes 
 against Joshua. The confederate kings 
 having laid siege to Gibeon, Joshua marched 
 to the relief of his new allies and put the 
 besiegers to flight. The five kings took 
 refuge in a cave at Makkedah, whence they 
 were taken and slain, their bodies hung on 
 trees, and then buried in the place of their 
 concealment (Josh. x. 1-27). 
 
 Adoption, an expression metaphorical- 
 ly used by St. Paul in reference to the 
 present and prospective privileges of Chris- 
 tians (Rom. viii. 15, 23 ; Gal. iv. 5 ; Eph. i. 
 5). He probably alludes to the Roman cus- 
 tom of adoption, by which a person, not 
 having children of his own, might adopt as 
 his son one born of other parents. The ef- 
 fect of it was that the adopted child was 
 entitled, to the name 'and sacra privata of 
 his new father, and ranked as his heir- 
 at-law : while the father on his part was 
 entitled to the property of the son, and exer- 
 cised towards him all the rights and privi- 
 leges of a father. In short, the relation- 
 ship was to all intents and purposes the 
 same as existed between a natural father 
 and son. The selection of a person to be 
 adopted implied a decided preference and 
 love on the part of the adopter: and St. 
 Paul aptly transfers the well-known feel- 
 ings and customs connected with the act to 
 illustrate the position of the Christianized 
 Jew or Gentile. The Jews themselves 
 were unacquainted with the process of 
 adoption : indeed it would have been in- 
 consistent with the regulations of the Mo- 
 saic law affecting the inheritance of prop- 
 erty : the instances occasionally adduced as 
 referring to the custom (Gen. xv. 3, xvi. 2, 
 xxx. 5-9) are evidently not cases of adop- 
 tion proper. 
 
 Ado'ra or A'dor. [ADORAIM.] 
 
 Adora'im, a fortified city built by Re- 
 hoboam (2 Chr. xi. 9), in Judah. Adoraim 
 is probably the same place with Adora (1 
 "Mace. xiii. 20), unless that be Dor, on the 
 sea-coast below Carmel. Robinson identi- 
 fies it with Dura, a " large village " on a 
 rising ground west of Hebron. 
 
 Ado'ram. [ADONIRAM ; HADORAM.]
 
 ADORATION 
 
 19 
 
 ADULLAM 
 
 Adoration. The acts and postures by 
 which the Hebrews expressed adoration 
 bear a great similarity to those still in use 
 among Oriental nations. To rise up and 
 suddenly prostrate the body was the most 
 
 Adoration. Modern Egyptian. (Lane.) 
 
 simple method; but, generally speaking, 
 the prostration was conducted in a more 
 formal manner, the person falling upon the 
 knee and then gradually inclining the body 
 until the forehead touched the ground. 
 Such prostration was usual in the worship 
 of Jehovah (Gen. xvii. 3; Ps. xcv. 6). But 
 it was by no means exclusively used for 
 that purpose ; it was the formal mode of 
 receiving visitors (Gen. xviii. 2), of doing 
 obeisance to one of superior station (2 
 Sam. xiv. 4), and of showing respect to 
 equals (1 K. ii. 19). Occasionally it was 
 repeated three times (1 Sam. xx. 41), and 
 even seven times (Gen. xxxiii. 3). It was 
 accompanied by such acts as a kiss (Ex. 
 xviii. 7), laying hold of the knees or feet 
 of the person to whom the adoration was 
 paid (Matt, xxviii. 9), and kissing the 
 ground on which he stood (Ps. Ixxii. 9 ; 
 Mic. vii. 17). Similar adoration was paid 
 to idols (1 K. xix. 18) : sometimes how- 
 ever prostration was omitted, and the act 
 consisted simply in kissing the hand to the 
 object of reverence (Job xxxi. 27), and in 
 kissing the statue itself (Hos. xiii. 2). 
 
 Adram/melech. 1. The name of an 
 idol introduced into Samaria by the colo- 
 nists from Sepharvaim (2 K. xvii. 31). He 
 was worshipped with rites resembling those 
 of Molech, children being burnt in his 
 honor. The first part of the word proba- 
 My means fire. Adrammelcch was probably 
 the male power of the sun, and ANAMME- 
 LECH, who is mentioned with Adrammelech 
 as a companion-god, the female power of 
 the sun. 2. Son of the Assyrian king Sen- 
 nacherib, who, together with his brother 
 Sharezer, murdered their father in the 
 temple of Nisroch at Nineveh, after the 
 failure of the Assyrian attack on Jerusalem. 
 The parricides escaped into Armenia (2 K. 
 xix. 37; 2Chr. xxxii. 21 ; Is. xxxvii. 38). 
 The date of this event was B. c. 680. 
 
 Adramyt'tium, a seaport in the prov- 
 
 ince of Asia [ASIA], situated in the dis- 
 trict anciently called Aeolis, and also Mysia 
 (see Acts xvi. 7). Adramyttium gave, 
 and still gives, its name to a deep gulf on 
 this coast, opposite to the opening of which 
 is the island of Lesbos. [MITYLENE.] It 
 has no Biblical interest, except as illustrat- 
 ing St. Paul's voyage from Caesarea in a 
 ship belonging to this place (Acts xxvii. 
 2). Ships of Adramyttium must have been 
 frequent on this coast, for it was a placo 
 of considerable traffic. The modern Adra- 
 myti is a poor village, but it is still a place 
 of some trade and shipbuilding. 
 
 A'dria, more properly A'drias. It is 
 important to fix the meaning of this word 
 as used in Acts xxvii. 27. The word seems 
 to have been derived from the town of 
 Adria, near the Po ; and at first it denoted 
 the part of the Gulf of Venice which is in 
 that neighborhood. Afterwards the signifi- 
 cation of the name was extended, so as to 
 embrace the whole of that gulf. Subse- 
 quently it obtained a much wider exten- 
 sion, and in the apostolic age denoted that 
 natural division of the Mediterranean which 
 had the coasts of Sicily, Italy, Greece, and 
 Africa for its boundaries. This definition 
 is explicitly given by almost a contempo- 
 rary of St. Paul, the geographer Ptolemy, 
 who also says that Crete is bounded on the 
 west by Adrias. Later writers state that 
 Malta divides the Adriatic sea from the 
 Tyrrhenian sea, and the isthmus of Corinth 
 the Aegean from the Adriatic. It is thr ou gh 
 ignorance of these facts, or through the 
 want of attending to them, that writers have 
 drawn an argument from this geographical 
 term in favor of the false view which places 
 the apostle's shipwreck in the Gulf of 
 Venice. [MELITA.] 
 
 A'driel, son of Barzillai, to whom Saul 
 gave his daughter Merab, although he had 
 previously promised her to David (1 Sam. 
 xviii. 19). His five sons were amongst the 
 seven descendants of Saul whom David sur- 
 rendered to the Gibeonites in satisfaction 
 for the endeavors of Saul to extirpate them 
 (2 Sam. xxi. 8). 
 
 Adul'lam. Apocr. ODOIXAM, a city of 
 Judah in the lowland of the Shefelah (Josh. 
 xv. 35) ; the seat of a Canaanite king (Josh, 
 xii. 15), and evidently a place of great anti- 
 quity (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12, 20). Fortified 
 by Kehoboam (2 Chron. xi. 7), it was one 
 of the towns reoccupied by the Jews after 
 their return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 30), 
 and still a city in the times of the Macca- 
 bees (2 Mace. xii. 38). Adullamwas prob- 
 ably near Deir Dubbdn, 5 or 6 miles N. of 
 Eleutheropolis. The limestone cliffs of the 
 whole of that locality arc pierced with ex- 
 tensive excavations, some one of which is 
 doubtless the "cave of Adullam," the refuge 
 of David (1 Sam. xxii. 1 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 13; 
 1 Chr. xi. 15).
 
 ADULTERY 
 
 20 
 
 AGE 
 
 Adultery. The parties to this crime 
 were a married woman and a man who was 
 not her husband. The toleration of polyg- 
 amy, indeed, renders it nearly impossible 
 to make criminal a similar offence com- 
 mitted by a married man with a woman 
 not his wife. The Mosaic penalty was that 
 both the guilty parties should be stoned, 
 and it applied as well to the betrothed as 
 to the married woman, provided she were 
 free (Deut. xxii. 22-24). A bondwoman 
 so offending was to be scourged, and the 
 man was to make a trespass offering (Lev. 
 xix. 20-22). At a later time, and when, 
 owing to Gentile example, the marriage 
 tie became a looser bond of union, public 
 feeling in regard to adultery changed, and 
 the penalty of death was seldom or never 
 inflicted. Thus, in the case of the woman 
 brought under our Lord's notice (John 
 Tiii.), it is likely that no one then thought 
 of stoning her in fact, though there re- 
 mained the written law ready for the pur- 
 pose of the caviller. It is likely also that 
 a divorce, in which the adulteress lost her 
 dower and rights of maintenance, &c., 
 was the usual remedy, suggested by a wish 
 to avoid scandal and the excitement of com- 
 miseration for crime. The expression in 
 St. Matthew (i. 19) "to make her a pub- 
 lic example," probably means to bring the 
 case before the local Sanhedrim, which was 
 the usual course, but which Joseph did not 
 propose to take, preferring repudiation, be- 
 cause that could be managed privately. 
 The famous trial by the waters of jealousy 
 (Num. v. 11-29), was probably an ancient 
 custom, which Moses found deeply seated, 
 and which is said to be paralleled by a form 
 of ordeal called the "red water" in West- 
 ern Africa. The forms of Hebrew justice 
 all tended to limit the application of this 
 test. When adultery ceased to be capital, 
 as no doubt it did, and divorce became a 
 matter of mere convenience, it would be 
 absurd to suppose that this trial was con- 
 tinued. And when adultery became com- 
 mon, it would have been impious to expect 
 the miracle which it supposed. 
 
 Adum'mim, "THE GOING UP TO" or 
 " OF," one of the landmarks of the boun- 
 dary of Benjamin, a rising ground or pass 
 " over against Gilgal," and " on the south 
 side of the ' torrent ' " (Josh. xv. 7, xviii. 
 17), which is the position still occupied by 
 the road leading up from Jericho and the 
 Jordan valley to Jerusalem, on the south 
 face of the gorge of the Wady Kelt. The 
 pass is still infested by robbers, as it was in 
 the days of our Lord, of whose parable of 
 the Good Samaritan this is the scene. 
 
 Ae'gypt. [EGYPT.] 
 
 Aene'as, a paralytic at Lydda healed 
 by St. Peter (Acts ix. 33, 34). 
 
 Ae'non, a place "near to Salim," at 
 which John baptized (John iii. 23). It was 
 
 evidently west of the Jordan (comp. iii. 22, 
 with 26, and with i. 28), and abounded in 
 water. This is indicated by the name, 
 which is merely a Greek version of a Chal- 
 dee word, signifying "springs." Aenon is 
 given in the Onomasticon as 8 miles south 
 of Scythopolis " near Salem and the Jor- 
 dan." 
 
 Aera. [CHRONOLOGY.] 
 
 Aethio'pia. [ETHIOPIA.] 
 
 Affinity. [MARRIAGE.] 
 
 Ag'abus, a Christian prophet in the 
 apostolic age, mentioned in Acts xi. 28 and 
 xxi. 10. He predicted (Acts xi. 28) that a 
 famine would take place in the reign of 
 Claudius " throughout all the world." As 
 Greek and Roman writers used " the world " 
 of the Greek and the Roman world, so a 
 Jewish writer would use it naturally of the 
 Jewish world or Palestine. Josephus men- 
 tions a famine which prevailed in Judaea 
 in the reign of Claudius, and swept away 
 many of the inhabitants. This, in all prob- 
 ability, is the famine to which Agabus re- 
 fers. 
 
 A'gag, possibly the title of the kings of 
 Amalek, like Pharaoh of Egypt. One king 
 of this name is mentioned in Num. xxiv. 7, 
 and another in 1 Sam. xv. 8, 9, 20, 32. The 
 latter was the king of the Amalekites, whom 
 Saul spared, together with the best of the 
 spoil, although it was the well-known will 
 of Jehovah that the Amalekites should be 
 extirpated (Ex. xvii. 14; Deut. xxv. 17). 
 For this act of disobedience Samuel was 
 commissioned to declare to Saul his rejec- 
 tion, and he himself sent for Agag and cut 
 him in pieces. [SAMUEL.] Haman is 
 called the AGAGITE in Esth. iii. 1, 10, viii. 
 3, 5. The Jews consider him a descendant 
 of Agag the Amalekite, and hence account 
 for the hatred with which he pursued their 
 race. 
 
 A'gagite. [AGAG.] 
 
 A'gar, [HAGAR.] 
 
 Agate is mentioned four times in the 
 text of the A. V. ; viz. in Ex. xxviii. 19, 
 xxxix. 12 ; Is. liv. 12 ; Ez. xxvii. 16. In 
 the two former passages, where it is repre- 
 sented by the Hebrew word sheld, it is 
 spoken of as forming the second stone in 
 the third row of the high priest's breast- 
 plate ; in each of the two latter places the 
 original word is cadcd, by which, no doubt, 
 is intended a different stone. [RUBY.] 
 Our English agate derives its name from 
 the Achates, on the banks of which, accord- 
 ing to Theophrastus and Pliny, it was first 
 found ; but as agates are met with in almost 
 every country, this stone was doubtless 
 from the earliest times known to the Orien- 
 tals. It is a silicioOs stone of the quartz 
 family. 
 
 Age, Old. In early stages of civiliza- 
 tion, when experience is the only source of 
 practical knowledge, old age has its special
 
 AGEE 
 
 21 
 
 AGRICULTURE 
 
 value, and consequently its special honors. 
 A further motive was superadded in the 
 case of the Jew, who was taught to con- 
 sider old age as a reward for piety, and a 
 signal token of God's favor. For these 
 reasons the aged occupied a prominent 
 place in the social and political system of 
 the Jews. In private life they were looked 
 up to as the depositaries of knowledge (Job 
 xv. 10) : the young were ordered to rise up 
 in their presence (Lev. xix. 32) : they al- 
 lowed them to give their opinion first (Job 
 xxxii. 4) : they were taught to regard gray 
 hairs as a "crown of glory" and as the 
 "beauty of old men" (Prov. xvi. 31, xx. 
 29). The attainment of old age was re- 
 garded as a special blessing (Job v. 26), not 
 only on account of the prolonged enjoy- 
 ment of life to the individual, but also be- 
 cause it indicated peaceful and prosperous 
 times (Zech. viii. 4; 1 Mace. xiv. 9; Is. 
 Ixv. 20). In public affairs age carried 
 weight with it, especially in the infancy of 
 the state : it formed under Moses the main 
 qualification of those who acted as the 
 representatives of the people in all matters 
 of difficulty and deliberation. The old men 
 er Elders thus became a class, and the title 
 gradually ceased to convey the notion of 
 age, and was used in an official sense, like 
 Patres, Senatores, and other similar terms. 
 [ELDERS.] Still it would be but natural 
 that such an office was generally held by 
 men of advanced age (1 K. xii. 8). 
 
 Ag'ee, a Hararite, father of Shammah, 
 one of David's three mightiest heroes (2 
 Sam. xxiii. 11). 
 
 Agriculture. This, though promi- 
 nent in the scriptural narrative concerning 
 Adam, Cain, and Noah, was little cared for 
 by the patriarchs. The pastoral life was 
 the means of keeping the sacred race, 
 whilst yet a family, distinct from mixture 
 and locally unattached, especially whilst in 
 Egypt. When, grown into a nation they 
 conquered their future seats, agriculture 
 supplied a similar check on the foreign 
 intercourse and speedy demoralization, 
 especially as regards idolatry, which com- 
 merce would have caused. Thus agricul- 
 ture became the basis of the Mosaic com- 
 monwealth. Taken in connection with the 
 inalienable character of inheritances, it 
 gave each man and each family a stake in 
 the soil, and nurtured a hardy patriotism. 
 " The land is Mine " (Lev. xxv. 23) was a 
 dictum which made agriculture likewise 
 the basis of the theocratic relation. Thus 
 every family felt its own life with intense 
 keenness, and had its divine tenure which 
 it was to guard from alienation. The pro- 
 hibition of culture in the sabbatical year 
 formed, under this aspect, a kind of rent 
 reserved by the Divine Owner. Land- 
 marks were deemed sacred (Deut. xix. 14), 
 and the inalienability of the heritage was 
 
 insured by its reversion to the owner in the 
 year of jubilee ; so that only so many years 
 of occupancy could be sold (Lev. xxv. 8- 
 16, 23-35). The prophet Isaiah (v. 8) de- 
 nounces the contempt of such restrictions 
 by wealthy grandees, who sought to " add 
 field to field," erasing families and depopu- 
 lating districts. 
 
 Rain. The abundance of water in Pal- 
 estine, from natural sources, made it a 
 contrast to rainless Egypt (Deut. viii. 7, 
 xi. 8-12). Rain was commonly expected 
 soon after the autumnal equinox. The com- 
 mon scriptural expressions of the " early" 
 and the " latter rain" (Deut. xi. 14 ; Jer. v. 
 24; Hos. vi. 3; Zech. x. 1; Jam. v. 7) are 
 scarcely confirmed by modern experience, 
 the season of rains being unbroken, though 
 perhaps the fall is more strongly marked at 
 the beginning and the end of it. 
 
 Crops. The cereal crops of constant 
 mention are wheat and barley, and more 
 rarely rye and millet (?). Of the two for- 
 mer, together with the vine, olive, and fig, 
 the use of irrigation, the plough and the 
 harrow, mention is made in the book of 
 Job (xxxi. 40; xv. 33; xxiv. 6; xxix. 19; 
 xxxix. 10). Two kinds of cumin (the 
 black variety called " fitches," Is. xxviii. 
 27), and such podded plants as beans and 
 lentiles, may be named among the staple 
 produce. 
 
 Ploughing and Sowing. The plough 
 was probably very light, one yoke of oxen 
 usually sufficing to draw it. Mountains 
 and steep places were hoed (Is. vii. 25). 
 New ground and fallows, the use of which 
 latter was familiar to the Jews (Jer. iv. 3 ; 
 Hos. x. 12), were cleared of stones and of 
 thorns (Is. v. 2) early in the year, sowing 
 or gathering from "among thorns " being a 
 proverb for slovenly husbandry (Job v. 5 ; 
 Prov. xxiv. 30, 31). Sowing also took 
 place without previous ploughing, the seed, 
 as in the parable of the sower, being scat- 
 tered broadcast, and ploughed in after- 
 wards. The soil was then brushed over 
 with a light harrow, often of thorn bushes. 
 In highly irrigated spots the seed was 
 trampled in by cattle (Is. xxxii. 20), as in 
 Egypt by goats. The more formal routine 
 of heavy western soils must not be made 
 the standard of such a naturally fine tilth 
 as that of Palestine generally. During the 
 rains, if not too heavy, or between their 
 two periods, would be the best time for 
 these operations ; thus 70 days before the 
 passover was the time prescribed for sow- 
 ing for the " wave-sheaf," and probably, 
 therefore, for that of barley generally. 
 The oxen were urged on by a goad like a 
 spear (Judg. iii. 31). The custom of watch- 
 ing ripening crops and threshing floors 
 against theft, or damage, is probably an- 
 cient. Thus Boaz slept on the floor (Ruth 
 i iii. 4, 7) . Barley ripened a week or two
 
 AGRICULTURE 
 
 22 
 
 AHAB 
 
 before wheat, and as fine harvest weather 
 was certain (Prov. xxvi. 1 ; 1 Sam. xii. 17 ; 
 Am. iv. 7), the crop chiefly varied with the 
 quantity of timely rain. The proportion 
 of harvest gathered to seed sown was often 
 yast; a hundred fold is mentioned, but in 
 such a way as to signify that it was a limit 
 rarely attained (Gen. xxvi. 12 ; Matt. xiii. 
 8). Sowing a field with divers seeds was 
 forbidden (Deut. xxii. 9). 
 
 Reaping and Tlireshing. The wheat, 
 &c., were reaped by the sickle, or pulled up 
 by the roots. They were bound in sheaves 
 a process prominent in Scripture. The 
 sheaves or heaps were carted (Am. ii. 13) 
 to the floor a circular spot of hard 
 ground, probably, as now, from 50 to 80 or 
 100 feet in diameter. Such floors were prob- 
 ably permanent, and became well known 
 spots (Gen. 1. 10, 11 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 16, 18). 
 On these the oxen, &c., forbidden to be 
 muzzled (Deut. xxv. 4), trampled out the 
 grain, as we find represented on the Egyp- 
 tian monuments. At a later time the Jews 
 used a threshing sledge called morag (Is. 
 xii. 15; 2 Sam. xxiv. 22; 1 Chr. xxi. 23), 
 probably resembling the ndreg, still em- 
 ployed in Egypt a stage with three rollers 
 ridged with iron, which, aided by the dri- 
 ver's weight, crushed out, often injuring, 
 the grain, as well as cut or tore the straw, 
 which thus became fit for fodder. Lighter 
 grains were beaten out with a stick (Is. 
 xxviii. 27). The use of animal manure is 
 proved frequent by such recurring expres- 
 sions as " dung on the face of the earth, 
 field," &c. (Ps. Ixxxiii. 10 ; 2 K. ix. 37 ; Jer. 
 viii. 2, &c.). 
 
 Threshing-floor. The oxen driven round the heap ; con- 
 trary to the usual custom. (Wilkinson, Thebes.) 
 
 Winnowing. The " shovel " and " fan " 
 (Is. xxx. 24), the precise difference of 
 which is doubtful, indicate the process of 
 winnowing a conspicuous part of ancient 
 husbandry (Ps. xxxv. 5 ; Job xxi. 18 ; Is. 
 xvii. 13), and important, owing to the slov- 
 enly threshing. Evening was the favorite 
 time (Ruth iii. 2), when there was mostly 
 a breeze. The " fan " (Matt. iii. 12) was 
 perhaps a broad shovel which threw the 
 grain up against the wind. The last pro- 
 cess was the shaking in a sieve to separate 
 dirt and refuse (Am. ix. 9). 
 
 Fields and floors were not commonly en- 
 
 closed; vineyards mostly were, with a 
 tower arid other buildings (Num. xxii. 24 ; 
 Ps. Ixxx. 13 ; Is. v. 5 ; Matt. xxi. 33 ; comp. 
 Judg. vi. 11). Banks of mud from ditches 
 were also used. With regard to occu- 
 pancy, a tenant might pay a fixed money 
 rent (Cant. viii. 11), or a stipulated share 
 of the fruits (2 Sam. ix. 10; Matt. xxi. 34), 
 often a half or a third ; but local custom 
 was the only rule. A passer-by might eat 
 any quantity of corn or grapes, but not reap 
 or carry off fruit (Deut. xxiii. 24, 25 ; Matt, 
 xii. 1). The rights of the corner to be 
 left, and of gleaning [CORNER; GLEANING], 
 formed the poor man's claim on the soil for 
 support. For his benefit, too, a sheaf for- 
 gotten in carrying to the floor was to be 
 left; so also with regard to the vineyard 
 and the olive-grove (Lev. xix. 9, 10 ; Deut. 
 xxiv. 19). Besides there seems a proba- 
 bility that every third year a second tithe, 
 besides the priests', was paid for the poor 
 (Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12 ; Am. iv. 4 ; Tob. 
 i. 7). 
 
 Agrip'pa. [HEROD.] 
 
 A'gur, the son of Jakeh, an unknown 
 Hebrew sage, who uttered or collected the 
 sayings of wisdom recorded in Prov. xxx. 
 
 A'hab. 1. Son of Omri, seventh king 
 of Israel, reigned B. c. 919-896. He mar- 
 ried Jezebel, daughter of Ethbaal king of 
 Tyre; and in obedience to her wishes, 
 caused a temple to be built to Baal in Sa- 
 maria itself, and an oracular grove to be 
 consecrated to Astarte. (See 1 K. xviii. 
 19.) How the worship of God was restored, 
 and the idolatrous priests slain, in conse- 
 quence of " a sore famine in Samaria," is 
 related under ELIJAH. One of Ahab's chief 
 tastes was for splendid architecture, which 
 he showed by building an ivory house and 
 several cities. Desiring to add to his pleas- 
 ure-grounds at Jezreel the vineyard of his 
 neighbor Naboth, he proposed to buy it or 
 give land in exchange for it ; and when this 
 was refused by Naboth, a false accusation 
 of blasphemy was brought against him, and 
 not only was he himself stoned to death, 
 but his sons also, as we learn from 2 K. ix. 
 26. Thereupon Elijah declared that the 
 entire extirpation of Ahab's house was the 
 penalty appointed for his long course of 
 wickedness, now crowned by this atrocious 
 crime. The execution, however, of the 
 sentence was delayed in consequence of 
 Ahab's deep repentance (1 K. xxi.). 
 Ahab undertook three campaigns against 
 Benhadad II. king of Damascus, two de- 
 fensive and one offensive. In the first, 
 Benhadad laid siege to Samaria, but was 
 repulsed with great loss (1 K. xx. 1-21). 
 Next year Benhadad again invaded Israel 
 by way of Aphck, on the E. of Jordan. 
 Yet Ahab's victory was so complete that 
 Benhadad himself fell into his hands ; but 
 was released (contrary to the will of God
 
 AHARAH 
 
 23 
 
 AHASUERUS 
 
 as announced by a prophet) on condition 
 of restoring all the cities of Israel which he 
 held, and making "streets" for Ahab in 
 Damascus ; that is, admitting into his capi- 
 tal permanent Hebrew commissioners, in 
 an independent position, with special dwell- 
 ings for themselves and their retinues, to 
 watch over the commercial and political in- 
 terests of Ahab and his subjects (1 K. xx. 
 22-34). After this great success Ahab 
 enjoyed peace for three years, when he 
 attacked Ramoth in Gilead on the east of 
 Jordan, in conjunction with Jehoshaphat 
 king of Judah, which town he claimed as 
 belonging to Israel. But God's blessing 
 did not rest on the expedition, and Ahab 
 was told by the prophet Micaiah that it 
 would fail. Ahab took the precaution of 
 disguising himself, so as not to offer a con- 
 spicuous mark to the archers of Benhadad ; 
 but he was slain 1)y a " certain man who 
 drew a bow at a venture." When he was 
 brought to be buried in Samaria, the dogs 
 licked up his blood as a servant was wash- 
 ing his chariot ; a partial fulfilment of Eli- 
 jah's prediction (1 K. xxi. 19), which was 
 more literally accomplished in the case of 
 his son (2 K. ix. 26). 2. A lying proph- 
 et, who deceived the captive Israelites in 
 Babylon, and was burnt to death by Neb- 
 uchadnezzar (Jer. xxix. 21). 
 
 Ahar'ah, third son of Benjamin (1 Chr. 
 viii. 1). [AHER; AHIRASI.] 
 
 Ahar'hel, a name occurring in an ob- 
 scure fragment of the genealogies of Judah. 
 "The families of Aharhel" apparently 
 traced their descent through Coz to Ashur, 
 the posthumous son of Hezron. The Tar- 
 gum of R. Joseph on Chronicles identifies 
 him with " Hur the firstborn of Miriam" 
 (1 Chr. iv. 8). 
 
 Ahas'ai, a priest, ancestor of Maasiai 
 (Neh. xi. 13) ; called JAHZERAH in 1 Chr. 
 ix. 12. 
 
 Ahas'bai, father of Eliphelet, one of 
 David's thirty- seven captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 
 34). In the corrupt list in 1 Chr. xi. 35, 
 Eliphelet appears as "Eliphal the son of 
 Ur." 
 
 Ahasue'rus, the name of one Median 
 and two Persian kings mentioned in the 
 O. T. The following is a list of the Medo- 
 Persian kings from Cyaxares to Artaxerxes 
 Longimanus, according to their ordinary 
 classical names. The Scriptural names 
 conjectured to correspond to them are 
 added in italics. 1. Cyaxares, king of 
 Media, son of Phraortes, grandson of Dei- 
 oces and conqueror of Nineveh, began to 
 reign B. c. 634 : Ahasuerus. 2. Astyages 
 his son, last king of Media, B. c. 594 : Darius 
 the Mede. 3. Cyrus, son of his daughter 
 Mandane and Cambyses, a Persian noble, 
 first king of Persia, 559 : Cyrus. 4. Cam- 
 byses his son, 529 : Ahasuerus. 5. A Ma- 
 gian usurper, who personated Smerdis, the 
 
 ' younger son of Cyrus, 521 : Artaxerxes. 
 j G. Darius Hystaspis, raised to the throne 
 I on the overthrow of the Magi, 521 : Darius. 
 7. Xerxes his son, 485 : Ahasuerus. 8. 
 Artaxerxes Longimanus (Macrocheir), his 
 son, 465-425 : Artaxerxes. 1. In Dan. ix. 
 1, Ahasuerus is said to be the father of 
 Darius the Mede. Now it is almost certain 
 that Cyaxares is a form of Ahasuerus, Gre- 
 cized into Axares with the prefix Cy or Kai. 
 The son of this Cyaxares was Astyages, and 
 it is no improbable conjecture that Darius 
 the Mede was Astyages, set over Babylon 
 as viceroy by his grandson Cyrus, and al- 
 lowed to live there in royal state. [DARIUS.] 
 This first Ahasuerus, then, is Cyaxares, the 
 conqueror of Nineveh. And, in accordance 
 with this view, we read in Tobit xiv. 15 
 that Nineveh was taken by Nabuchodonosor 
 and Assuerus, *'. 'e. Cyaxares. 2. In Ezr. 
 iv. 6 the enemies of the Jews, after the 
 death of Cyrus, desirous to frustrate the 
 building of Jerusalem, send accusations 
 against them to Ahasuerus king of Persia. 
 This must be Cambyses. He was plainly 
 called after his grandfather, who was not 
 of royal race, and therefore it is very likely 
 that he also assumed the kingly name or 
 title of Cyaxares, which had been borne by 
 his most illustrious ancestor. 3. The third 
 is the Ahasuerus of the book of Esther. 
 Having divorced his queen Vashti for re- 
 fusing to appear in public at a banquet, he 
 married, four years afterwards, the Jewess 
 Esther, cousin and ward of Mordecai. 
 Five years after this, Haman, one of his 
 counsellors, having been slighted by Mor- 
 decai, prevailed upon the king to order the 
 destruction of all the Jews in the empire. 
 But before the day appointed for the mas- 
 sacre, Esther and Mordecai overthrew the 
 influence which Haman had exercised, and 
 so completely changed his feelings in the 
 matter, that they induced him to put I luman 
 to death, and to give the Jews the right of 
 self-defence. This they used so vigorously, 
 that they killed several thousands of their 
 opponents. This Ahasuerus is probably 
 Xerxes (the names being identical) : and 
 this conclusion is fortified by the resem- 
 blance of character, and by certain chrono- 
 logical indications. As Xerxes scourged 
 the sea, and put to death the engineers of 
 his bridge because their work was injured 
 by a storm, so Ahasuerus repudiated his 
 queen Vashti because she would not violate 
 the decorum of her sex, and ordered the 
 massacre of the whole Jewish people to 
 gratify the malice of Haman. In the third 
 year of the reign of Xerxes was held an 
 assembly to arrange the Grecian war. lu 
 the third year of Ahasuerus was held a 
 great feast and assembly in Shushan the 
 palace (Esth. i. 3). In the seventh year 
 of his reign Xerxes returned defeated from 
 Greece, and consoled himself by the pleas-
 
 AHAVA 
 
 24 
 
 AHIAH 
 
 nres of the harem. In the seventh year of 
 his reign "fair young virgins were sought" 
 for Ahasuerus, and he replaced Vashti by 
 marrying Esther. The tribute he " laid 
 upon the land and upon the isles of the 
 sea " (Esth. x. 1) may well have been the 
 result of the expenditure and ruin of the 
 Grecian expedition. 
 
 Aha'va, a place (Ezr. viii. 15), or a 
 river (viii. 21), on the banks of which Ezra 
 collected the second expedition which re- 
 turned with him from Babylon to Jerusalem. 
 Perhaps it is the modern Hit, on the Eu- 
 phrates, due east of Damascus. 
 
 A'haz, eleventh king of Judah, son of 
 Jothani, reigned 741-726. At the time of 
 his accession, Rezin king of Damascus and 
 Pekah king of Israel had recently formed 
 a league against Judah, and they proceeded 
 to lay siege to Jerusalem. Upon this Isaiah 
 hastened to give advice and encourage- 
 ment to Ahaz, and it was probably owing 
 to the spirit of energy and religious devo- 
 tion which he poured into his counsels, 
 that the allies failed in their attack on Jeru- 
 salem (Is. vii. viii. ix.). But the allies in- 
 flicted a most severe injury on Judah by 
 the capture of Elath, a flourishing port on 
 the Red Sea ; while the Philistines invaded 
 the W. and S. (2 K. xvi. ; 2 Chr. xxviii.). 
 The weak-minded and helpless Ahaz sought 
 deliverance from these numerous troubles 
 by appealing to Tiglath-pileser, king of 
 Assyria, who freed him from his most for- 
 midable enemies by invading Syria, taking 
 Damascus, killing Rezin, and depriving 
 Israel of its Northern and trans-Jordanic 
 districts. But Ahaz had to purchase this 
 help at a costly price : he became tributary 
 to Tiglath-pileser, sent him all the treasures 
 of the Temple and his own palace, and 
 even appeared before him in Damascus as 
 a vassal. He also ventured to seek for 
 safety in heathen ceremonies ; making his 
 son pass through the fire to Molech, con- 
 sulting wizards and necromancers (Is. viii. 
 19), sacrificing to the Syrian gods, intro- 
 ducing a foreign altar from Damascus, and 
 probably the worship of the heavenly bodies 
 from Assyria and Babylon; and "The 
 altars on the top (or roof) of the upper 
 chamber of Ahaz " (2 K. xxiii. 12) were 
 connected with the adoration of the stars. 
 
 Ahazi'ah. 1. Son of Ahab and Jezebel, 
 eighth king of Israel, reigned B. c. 896-895. 
 After the battle of Ramoth in Gilead, in 
 which Ahab perished [AHAB], the vassal 
 king of Moab refused his yearly tribute of 
 100,000 lambs and 100,000 rams with their 
 wool (comp. Is. xvi. 1). Before Ahaziah 
 could take measures for enforcing his 
 claim, he was seriously injured by a fall 
 through a lattice in his palace at Samaria. 
 In his health he had worshipped his 
 mother's gods, and now he sent to inquire 
 of the oracle of Baalzebub in the Philistine ! 
 
 city of Ekron whether he should recover 
 his health. But Elijah, who now for the 
 last time exercised the prophetic office, re- 
 buked him for this impiety, and announced 
 to him his approaching death. The only 
 other recorded transaction of his reign, his 
 endeavor to join the king of Judah in trad- 
 ing to Ophir, is related under JEHOSHA- 
 PHAT (1 K. xxii. 49-53 ; 2 K. 1. ; 2 Chr. xx. 
 35-37). 2. Fifth king of Judah, son of 
 Jehoram and Athaliah (daughter of Ahab), 
 and therefore nephew of the preceding 
 Ahaziah, reigned one year, B. c. 884. He 
 is called AZARIAH, 2 Chr. xxii. 6, probably 
 by a copyist's error, and JEHOAHAZ, 2 Chr. 
 xxi. 17. He was 22 years old at his acces- 
 sion (2 K. viii. 26 ; his age, 42 in 2 Chr. xxii. 
 2, is also a copyist's error). Ahaziah was 
 an idolater, and he allied himself with 
 his uncle Jehoram king of Israel, brother 
 and successor of the preceding Ahaziah, 
 against Hazael, the new king of Syria. 
 The two kings were, however, defeated at 
 Ramoth, where Jehoram was severely 
 wounded. The revolution carried out in 
 Israel by Jehu under the guidance of Elisha 
 broke out while Ahaziah was visiting his 
 uncle at Jezrcel. As Jehu approached the 
 town, Jehoram and Ahaziah went out to 
 meet him; the former was shot through 
 the heart by Jehu, and Ahaziah was pur- 
 sued and mortally wounded. He died when 
 he reached Megiddo. 
 
 Ah/ban, son of Abishur, by his wife 
 Abihail (1 Chr. ii. 29). He was of the 
 tribe of Judah. 
 
 A 'her, ancestor of Hushim, or rather 
 " the Hushirn," as the plural form seems 
 to indicate a family rather than an indi- 
 vidual. The name occurs in an obscure 
 passage in the genealogy of Benjamin (1 
 Chr. vii. 12). It is not improbable that 
 Aher and Ahiram (Num. xxvi. 38) are 
 the same; unless the former belonged to 
 the tribe of Dan, whose genealogy is 
 omitted in 1 Chr. vii. ; Hushim being a 
 Danite as well as a Benjamite name. 
 
 A'hi. 1. A Gadite, chief of a family 
 who lived in Gilead in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 
 15), in the days of Jotham, king of Judah. 
 2. A descendant of Shamer, of the tribe 
 of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 34). The name, ac- 
 cording to Gesenius, is a contraction of 
 Ahijah. 
 
 Ahi'ah orAhi'jah. 1. SonofAhitub, 
 grandson of Phinehas, and great-grandson 
 of Eli, succeeded his father as high-priest 
 in the reign of Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18). 
 Ahiah is probably the same person as 
 Ahimelech the son of Ahitub. However it is 
 not impossible that Ahimelech may have 
 been brother to Ahiah. 2. One of Solo- 
 mon's princes (1 K. iv. 3). 3. A prophet 
 of Shiloh (1 K. xiv. 2), hence called the 
 Shilonite (xi. 29) in the days of Solomon 
 and of Jeroboam king of Israel, of whom
 
 AHIAM 
 
 25 
 
 AHITHOrilEL 
 
 we have two remarkable prophecies extant : 
 the one in 1 K. xi. 31-39, addressed to 
 Jeroboam, announcing the rending of the 
 ten tribes from Solomon : the other in 1 K. 
 xiv. 6-16, delivered in the prophet's extreme 
 old age to Jeroboam's wife, in which he 
 foretold the death of Abijah, the king's 
 son, who was sick, and the destruction of 
 Jeroboam's house on account of the images 
 which he had set up. Jeroboam's speech 
 concerning Ahijah (1 K. xiv. 2, 3) shows 
 the estimation in which he held his truth 
 and prophetic powers (comp. 2 Chr. ix. 
 29). 4. Father of Baasha, king of Israel 
 (1 K. xv. 27, 33). 5. Son of Jerahmeel 
 (1 Chr. ii. 25). 6. Son of Bela (1 Chr. 
 viii. 7). 7. One of David's mighty men 
 (1 Chr. x. 36). 8. A Levite in David's 
 reign (1 Chr. xxvi. 20). 9. One of "the 
 heads of the people " who joined in the 
 covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 26). 
 
 Ahi'am, son of Sharar the Hararite (or 
 of Sacar, 1 Chr. xi. 35), one of David's 
 thirty mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 33). 
 
 Ahi'an, a Manassite, of the family of 
 Shemidah (1 Chr. vii. 19). 
 
 Ahie'zer. 1. Son of Ammishaddai, 
 hereditary chieftain of the tribe of Dan 
 (Num. i. 12, ii. 25, vii. 66). 2. The 
 Benjamite chief of a body of archers in 
 the time of David (1 Chr. xii. 3). 
 
 Ahi'hud. 1. The son of Shelomi, and 
 prince of the tribe of Asher (Num. xxxiv. 
 27). 2. Chieftain of the tribe of Benja- 
 min (1 Chr. viii. 7). 
 
 Ahi'jah. [AHIAH.] 
 
 Ahi'kam, son of Shaphan the scribe, 
 an influential officer at the court of Josiah. 
 was one of the delegates sent by Hilkiah to 
 consult Huldah (2 K. xxii. 12-14). In the 
 reign of Jehoiakim he successfully used his 
 influence to protect the prophet Jeremiah 
 (Jer. xxvi. 24). He was the father of 
 Gedaliah. [GEDALIAH.] 
 
 Ahi'lud. 1. Father of Jchoshaphat, 
 the recorder or chronicler of the kingdom 
 in the reigns of David and Solomon (2 
 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24 ; 1 K. iv. 3 ; 1 Chr. 
 xviii. 15). 2. The father of Baana, one 
 of Solomon's twelve commissariat officers 
 (1 K. iv. 12). It is uncertain whether he 
 is the same with the foregoing. 
 
 Ahim'aaz, son of Zadok, the high- 
 priest in David's reign, and celebrated for 
 his swiftness of foot. During Absalom's 
 rebellion he carried to David the important 
 intelligence that Ahithophel had counselled 
 an immediate attack upon David and his 
 follov ers, and that, consequently, the king 
 must cross the Jordan without the least 
 delay (2 Sam. xv. 24-37, xvii. 15-22). 
 Shortly afterwards he was the first to bring j 
 to the king the good news of Absalom's de- j 
 feat, suppressing his knowledge of the death 
 of his son, which was announced soon af- j 
 terwards by another (2 Sam. xviii. 19-33). | 
 
 Ahi'man, one of the three giant Anakim 
 who inhabited Mount Hebron (Num. xiii. 
 22, 33), seen by Caleb and the spies. The 
 whole race were cut off by Joshua (Josh, 
 xi. 21), and the three brothers were slain 
 by the tribe of Judah (Judg. i. 10). 
 
 Ahim'elech, son of Ahitub (1 Sara, 
 xxii. 11, 12), and high-priest at Nob in the 
 days of Saul. He gave David the shew- 
 bread to eat, and the sword of Goliath ; 
 and for so doing was, upon the accusation 
 of Doeg the Edomite, put to death with his 
 whole house by Saul's order. Abiathar 
 alone escaped. [ABIATHAR.] 
 
 Ahi'moth, a Levite, apparently in the 
 time of David (1 Chr. vi. 25). In ver. 35, 
 for Ahimoth we find Mahath, as in Luke 
 iii. 26. 
 
 Ahin'adab, son of Iddo, one of Solo- 
 mon's twelve commissaries who supplied 
 provisions for the royal household (1 K. 
 iv. 14). 
 
 Ahin'oam. 1. The daughter of Ahim- 
 aaz and wife of Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 50). 
 2. A native of Jezreel who was married 
 to David during his wandering life (1 Sam. 
 xxv. 43). She lived with him and his other 
 wife Abigail at the court of Achish (xxvii. 
 3), was taken prisoner with her by the 
 Amalekites when they plundered Ziklag 
 (xxx. 5), but was rescued by David (18). 
 She is again mentioned as living with him 
 when he was king of Judah in Hebron (2 
 Sam. ii. 2), and was the mother of his 
 eldest son Amnon (iii. 2). 
 
 Ahi'o. 1. Son of Abinadab, who ac- 
 companied the ark when it was brought 
 out of his father's house (2 Sam. vi. 3, 4 ; 
 1 Chr. xiii. 7). 2. A Benjamite, one of 
 the sons of Beriah who drove out the in- 
 habitants of Gath (1 Chr. viii. 14). 3. 
 A Benjamite, son of Jehiel, father or 
 founder of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 31, ix. 37). 
 
 Ahi'ra, chief of the tribe of Naphtali 
 when Moses took the census in the year 
 after the Exodus (Num. i. 15, ii. 29, vii. 
 78, 83, x. 27). 
 
 Ahi'ram, one of the sons of Benjamin, 
 and ancestor of the AHIRAMITES (Num. 
 xxvi. 38). In the list of Benjamin's chil- 
 dren, in Gen. xlvi. 21, the name of Ahiram 
 appears as " Ehi and Rosh," the former 
 being probably the true reading, of which 
 the latter was an easy corruption. It is un- 
 certain whether Ahiram is the same as Aher 
 (1 Chr. vii. 12), or Aharah (1 Chr. viii. 1.) 
 
 Ahis'amach, a Danite, father of Aho- 
 liab, one of the architects of the tabernacle 
 (Ex. xxxi. 6, xxxv. 34, xxxviii. 23). 
 
 Ahish'ahar, one of the sons of Bilhan, 
 the grandson of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 10). 
 
 Ahi'shar, the controller of Solomon's 
 household (1 K. iv. 6). 
 
 Ahith'ophel (brother of foolishness}, 
 a native of Giloh, was a privy councillor 
 of David, whose wisdom was highly es-
 
 AHITUB < 
 
 teemed, though his name had an exactly 
 opposite signification (2 Sam. xvi. 23). He 
 was the grandfather of Bathsheba (comp. 
 2 Sam. xi. 3 with xxiii. 34). When Ahith- 
 ophel joined the conspiracy of Absalom, 
 David prayed Jehovah to turn his counsel 
 to foolishness (xv. 31), alluding possibly 
 to the signification of his name. David's 
 grief at the treachery of his confidential 
 friend found expression in the Messianic 
 prophecies (Ps. xli. 9, Iv. 12-14). In 
 order to show to the people that the breach 
 between Absalom and his father was irrep- 
 arable, Ahithophel persuaded him to take 
 possession of the royal harem (2 Sam. xvi. 
 21). David, to counteract his counsel, 
 sent Hushai to Absalom. Ahithophel had 
 recommended an immediate pursuit of 
 David; but Hushai advised delay, his 
 object being to send intelligence to David, 
 and to give him time to collect his forces 
 for a decisive engagement. When Ahith- 
 ophel saw that Hushai's advice prevailed, 
 he despaired of success, and returning to 
 his own home " put his household in order 
 and hanged himself" (xvii. 1-23). 
 
 Ahi'tub. 1. Father of Ahimelech, or 
 Ahijah, the son of Phinehas, and grand- 
 son of Eli, and therefore of the family of 
 Ithamar (1 Sam. xiv. 3, xxii. 9, 11). 2. 
 Son of Amariah, and father of Zadok the 
 high-priest (1 Chr. vi. 7, 8 ; 2 Sam. viii. 
 17), of the house of Eleazar. 3. The 
 genealogy of the high-priests in 1 Chr. vi. 
 11, 12, introduces another AHITCB, son of 
 another Amariah, and father of another 
 Zadok. But there are reasons for believ- 
 ing that the second Ahitub and Zadok are 
 spurious. 
 
 Ah/lab, a city of Asher from which the 
 Canaanites were not driven out ( Judg. i. 3 1 ) . 
 
 Ahla'i, daughter of Sheshan, whom, 
 having no issue, he gave in marriage to his 
 Egyptian slave Jarha (1 Chr. ii. 31, 35). 
 In consequence of the failure of male issue, 
 she became the foundress of an important 
 branch of the family of the Jerahmeelites, 
 and from her were descended Zabad, one 
 of David's mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 41), and 
 Azariah, one of the captains of hundreds 
 in the reign of Joash (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 
 
 Aho'ah, son of Bela, the son of Benja- 
 min (1 Chr. viii. 4). In 1 Chr. viii. 7, he 
 is called AHIAH. The patronymic, AHO- 
 HITE, is found in 2 Sam. xxiii. 9, 28 ; 1 
 Chr. xi. 12, 29, xxvii. 4. 
 
 Aho'hite. [AIIOAH.] 
 
 Aho'lah, and Aho'libah, two sym- 
 bolical names, are described as harlots, the 
 former representing Samaria, and the latter 
 Judah (Ez. xxiii.). 
 
 Aho'liab, a Danite of great skill as a 
 weaver and embroiderer, whom Moses ap- 
 pointed with Bezaleel to erect the taber- 
 nacle (Ex. xxxv. 30-35). 
 
 Aholiba'mah, one (probably the sec- 
 
 6 AIJELETH SHAHAB 
 
 ond) of the three wives of Esau. She 
 was the daughter of Anah, a descendant of 
 Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 2. 25). In the 
 earlier narrative (Gen. xxvi. 34) Aholiba- 
 mah is called Judith, daughter of Beeri 
 the Hittite. It appears that her proper 
 personal name was Judith, and that Aholi- 
 bamah was the name which she received as 
 the wife of Esau and foundress of three 
 tribes of his descendants. 
 
 Ahu'mai, son of Jahath, a descendant 
 of Judah, and head of one of the families 
 of the Zorathites (1 Chr. iv. 2). 
 
 Ahu'zam, properly Ahuzzam, son of 
 Ashur, the father or founder of Tekoa, by 
 his wife Naarah (1 Chr. iv. 6). 
 
 Ahuz'zath, one of the friends of the 
 Philistine king Abhnelech, who accom- 
 panied him at his interview with Isaac 
 (Gen. xxvi. 26). 
 
 A'i (heap of ruins). 1. A city lying 
 east of Bethel and " beside Bethaven " 
 (Josh. vii. 2, viii. 9). It was the second 
 city taken by Israel after the passage of 
 the Jordan, and was "utterly destroyed" 
 (Josh. vii. -3-5, viii., ix. 3, x. 1, 2, xii. 9). 
 2. A city of the Ammonites, apparently 
 attached to Heshbon (Jer. xlix. 3). 
 
 Ai'ah. 1. Son of Zibeon, a descendant 
 of Seir, and ancestor of one of the wives 
 of Esau (1 Chr. i. 40), called in Gen. 
 xxxvi. 24, AJAH. He probably died before 
 his father, as the succession fell to his 
 brother Anah. 2. Father of Rizpah, the 
 concubine of Saul (2 Sam. iii. 7, xxi. 8, 
 10, 11. 
 
 Ai'ath, a place named by Isaiah (x. 28), 
 in connection with Migron and Michmash, 
 probably the same as Ai. 
 
 Ai'ja, like Aiath, probably a variation 
 of the name Ai, mentioned with Michmash 
 and Bethel (Neh. xi. 31). 
 
 Aij'alon, " a place of deer or gazelles." 
 
 1. A city of the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 24; 
 1 Chr. vi. 69), originally allotted to the tribe 
 of Dan (Josh. xix. 42; A. V. " Ajalon"), 
 which tribe, however, was unable to dis- 
 possess the Amorites of the place (Judg. i. 
 35). Aijalon was one of the towns fortified 
 by llehoboam (2 Chron. xi. 10), and the last 
 we hear of it is as being in the hands of the 
 Philistines (2 Chr. xxviii. 18; A. V. "Aja- 
 lon"). Being on the very frontier of the 
 two kingdoms, we can understand how Ai- 
 jalon should be spoken of sometimes (1 Chr. 
 vi. 69, comp. with 66) as in Ephraim, and 
 sometimes (2 Chr. xi. 10 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 31) as 
 in Judah and Benjamin. It is rcpsesented 
 by the modern YAlo, a little to the N. of the 
 Jaffa road, about 14 miles out of Jerusalem. 
 
 2. A place in Zebulun, mentioned as the 
 burial-place of Elon, one of the Judges 
 (Judg. xii. 12). 
 
 Aij'eleth Sha'har (i. e. the hind of 
 the morning dawn), found once only in the 
 Bible, in the title of Ps. xxii. It probably
 
 AIN 
 
 27 
 
 ALEXANDER HI. 
 
 describes to the musician the melody to 
 which the psalm was to be played, "a 
 Psalm of David, addressed to the music- 
 master who presides over the band called 
 the Morning Hind." 
 
 Ain. 1. One of the landmarks on the 
 eastern boundary of Palestine (Num. xxxiv. 
 11). It is probably 'Ain el-'Azy, the main 
 source of the Orontes. 2. One of the 
 southernmost cities of Judah (Josh. xv. 
 32), afterwards allotted to Simeon (Josh. 
 xix. 7 ; 1 Chr. iv. 32) and given to the 
 priests (Josh. xxi. 16). 
 
 A'jah = Aiah, 1 (Gen. xxxvi. 24). 
 
 Aj'alon. [AUALON.] 
 
 A'kan, son of Ezer, one of the " dukes" 
 or chieftains of the Horites, and descend- 
 ant of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 27). He is called 
 JAKAN in 1 Chr. i. 42 = JAAKAN, which last 
 is probably the true reading in both cases. 
 
 Ak'kub. 1. A descendant of Zerub- 
 babel and son of Elioenai (1 Chr. iii. 24). 
 
 2. One of the porters or doorkeepers at 
 the east gate of the Temple. His descend- 
 ants succeeded to his office, and appear 
 among those who returned from Babylon. 
 
 3. One of the Nethinim, whose family re- 
 turned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 45). 4. 
 A Levite who assisted Ezra in expounding 
 the law to the people (Neh. viii. 7). 
 
 Akrab'bim, " THE ASCENT OF," and 
 " TUB GOING UP TO ; " also " MAALEH- 
 ACRABBIM " (= "the scorpion-pass"). A 
 pass between the south end of the Dead 
 Sea and Zin, forming one of the landmarks 
 on the south boundary at once of Judah 
 (Josh. xv. 3) and of the Holy Land (Num. 
 xxxiv. 4). Also the boundary of the 
 Anio rites (Judg. i. 36). As to the name, 
 scorpions abound in the whole of this dis- 
 trict. 
 
 Alabaster occurs in the N. T. only in 
 the notice of the alabaster-box of ointment 
 
 Alabaster Vessels. From the British Museum. The in- 
 ncription on the centre vessel denotes the quantity it holds. 
 
 which a woman brought to our Lord when 
 He sat at meat in the house of Simon the 
 
 leper at Bethany, the contents of which 
 j she poured on the head of the Saviour (Matt, 
 i xx vi. 7; Mark xiv. 3; Luke vii. 37). The 
 ancients considered alabaster to be the best 
 material in which to preserve their oint- 
 ments. In Mark xiv. 3, the woman who 
 brought " the alabaster-box of ointment of 
 i spikenard " is said to break the box before 
 i pouring out the ointment, which probably 
 1 only means breaking the seal which kept 
 the essence of the perfume from evaporat- 
 ing. 
 
 Al ameth, properly Alemeth, one of the 
 sons of Becher, the son of Benjamin (1 
 Chr. vii. 8). 
 
 Alam'melech ("king's oak"), a place 
 within the limits of Asher, named between 
 Achshaph and Amad (Josh. xix. 26 only). 
 
 Al'amoth (Ps. xlvi. title; 1 Chr. xv. 
 20), a word of exceedingly doubtful mean- 
 ing, some interpreting it to mean a musical 
 instrument, and others a melody. 
 
 Al'emeth, a Benjamite, son of Jehoa- 
 dah or Jarah (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42), and 
 descended from Jonathan the son of Saul. 
 
 Alexan'der III., king of Macedon, 
 surnamed THE GREAT, the s.on of Philip 
 and Olympias, was born at Pella, B. c. 356, 
 and succeeded his father B. c. 336. Two 
 years afterwards he crossed the Hellespont 
 (B. c. 334) to carry out the plans of his 
 father, and execute the mission of Greece 
 to the civilized world. The battle of the 
 Granicus was followed by the subjugation 
 of western Asia ; and in the following year 
 the fate of the East was decided at Issus 
 (B. c. 333). Tyre and Gaza were the only 
 cities in western Syria which offered Alex- 
 ander any resistance, and these were re- 
 duced and treated with unusual severity 
 (B. c. 332) . Egypt next submitted to him ; 
 and in B. c. 331 he founded Alexandria, 
 which remains to the present day the most 
 characteristic monument of his life and 
 work. In the same year he finally defeated 
 Darius at Gaugamela ; and in B. c. 330 his 
 unhappy rival was murdered by Bessus, 
 satrap of Bactria. The next two years 
 were occupied by Alexander in the consoli- 
 dation of his Persian conquests and the re- 
 duction of Bactria. In B. c. 327 he crossed 
 the Indus, penetrated to the Hydaspes, and 
 was there forced by the discontent of his 
 army to turn westward. He reached Susa, 
 B. c. 325, and proceeded to Babylon, B. c. 
 324, which he chose as the capital of his 
 empire. In the next year (B. c. 323) he 
 died there in the midst of his gigantic 
 plans ; and those who inherited his con- 
 quests left his designs unachieved and un- 
 attempted (cf. Dan. vii. 6, viii. 5, xi. 3). 
 The famous tradition of the visit of Alex- 
 ander to Jerusalem during his Phoenician 
 campaign, which is related by Josephus, 
 has been a fruitful source of controversy. 
 The Jews, it is said, had provoke* his
 
 ALEXANDER BALAS 
 
 28 
 
 ALEXANDRIA 
 
 anger by refusing to transfer their alle- 
 giance to him when summoned to do so 
 during the siege of Tyre, and after the re- 
 duction of Tyre and Gaza he turned to- 
 wards Jerusalem. Jaddua (Jaddus) the 
 high-priest (Neh. xii. 11, 22) went out to 
 meet him, clad in his robes of hyacinth 
 and gold, and accompanied by a train of 
 priests and citizens arrayed in white. Al- 
 exander was so moved by the solemn spec- 
 tacle that he did reverence to the holy name 
 inscribed upon the tiara of the high-priest ; 
 and when Parmenio expressed surprise, he 
 replied that "he had seen the god whom 
 Jaddua represented in a dream at Dium, 
 encouraging him to cross over into Asia, 
 and promising him success." After this it 
 is said that he visited Jerusalem, offered 
 sacrifice there, heard the prophecies of 
 Daniel which foretold his victory, and con- 
 ferred important privileges upon the Jews. 
 In the prophetic visions of Daniel the em- 
 blem by which Alexander is typified (a he 
 goat) suggests the notions of strength and 
 speed; and the universal extent (Dan. viii. 
 5, ... from the west on the face of the 
 whoh earth) and marvellous rapidity of his 
 conquests (Dan. I. c., he touched not the 
 ground) are brought forward as the char- 
 acteristics of his power, which was directed 
 by the strongest personal impetuosity (Dan. 
 viii. 6, in the fury of his power). He 
 ruled with great dominion, and did accord- 
 ing to his will (xi. 3), " and there was none 
 that could deliver . . . out of his hand " 
 (viii. 7). 
 
 Coin of Lysimachue, King of Thrace, representing head 
 of Alexander the Great as a young Jupiter Aininou. 
 
 Alexan'der Ba'las was, according to 
 some, a natural son of Antiochus IV. Epiph- 
 anes, but he was more generally regarded 
 as an impostor who falsely assumed the 
 connection. He claimed the throne of Syr- 
 ia, in 152 B. c., in opposition to Demetrius 
 Soter, and gained the warm support of 
 Jonathan, the leader of the Jews (1 Mace, 
 ix. 73). In 150 B. c. he completely routed 
 the forces of Demetrius, who himself fell 
 in the retreat (1 Mace. x. 48-50). After 
 this, Alexander married Cleopatra, the 
 daughter of Ptolemy VI. Philometor. But 
 his triumph was of short duration. After 
 obtaining power he gave himself up to a 
 life of indulgence ; and when Demetrius 
 Nicator, the son of Demetrius Soter, 
 
 j landed in Syria, in 147 B. c., the new pre- 
 tender found powerful support (1 Mace. x. 
 67 ff.) In the following year Ptolemy de- 
 serted Alexander, who was defeated (1 
 Mace. xi. 15), and fled to Abac in Arabia, 
 where he was murdered, B. c. 146 (1 Mace. 
 xi. 17). The narrative in 1 Mace, shows 
 clearly the partiality which the Jews en- 
 tertained for Alexander ; and the same feel- 
 ing was exhibited afterwards in the zeal 
 with which they supported his son Antio- 
 chus. [ANTIOCHUS VI.] 
 
 Alexan'der. 1. Son of Simon the 
 Cyrenian, who was compelled to bear the 
 cross for our Lord (Mark xv. 21). 2. One 
 of the kindred of Annas the high-priest 
 (Acts iv. 6). 3. A Jew at Ephesus, whom 
 his countrymen put forward during the tu- 
 mult raised by Demetrius the silversmith 
 (Acts xix. 33), to plead their cause with 
 the mob. 4. An Ephesian Christian, rep- 
 robated by St. Paul in 1 Tim. i. 20, as 
 having, together with one Hymenaeus, put 
 from him faith and a good conscience, and 
 so made shipwreck concerning the faith. 
 This may be the same with 6. ALEXAN- 
 DER the coppersmith, mentioned by the 
 same apostle (2 Tim. iv. 14) as having 
 done him many mischiefs. 
 
 Alexan'dria (3 Mace. iii. 1; Acts 
 xviii. 24, vi. 9), the Hellenic, Roman, and 
 Christian capital of Egypt, was founded by 
 Alexander the Great, B. c. 332, who him- 
 self traced the ground-plan of the city. 
 The work thus begun was continued after 
 the death of Alexander by the Ptolemies. 
 Under the despotism of the later Ptolemies 
 the trade of Alexandria declined, but its 
 population and wealth were enormous. Its 
 importance as one of the chief corn-ports 
 of Rome secured for it the general favor of 
 the first emperors. Its population was 
 mixed from the first. According to Jose- 
 phus, Alexander himself assigned to the 
 Jews a place in his new city. Their num- 
 bers and importance were rapidly increased 
 under the Ptolemies by fresh immigrations 
 and untiring industry. The Septuagint 
 translation was made for their benefit, 
 under the first or second Ptolemy. Philo 
 estimates the number of the Alexandrine 
 Jews in his time at little less than 1,000,000 ; 
 and adds, that two of the five districts of 
 Alexandria were called " Jewish districts," 
 and that many Jews lived scattered in the 
 remaining three. Julius Caesar and Au- 
 gustus confirmed to them the privileges 
 which they had enjoyed before, and they 
 retained them, with various interruptions, 
 during the tumults and persecutions of 
 later reigns. According to the common 
 legend, St. Mark first "preached the Gos- 
 pel in Egypt, and founded the first Church 
 in Alexandria." At the beginning of the 
 second century the number of Christians at 
 Alexandria must have been very large, and
 
 ALEXANDRIANS 
 
 29 
 
 ALLIANCES 
 
 the great leaders of Gnosticism who arose 
 there (Basilides, Valentinus) exhibit an 
 exaggeration of the tendency of the Church. 
 
 Alexan'drians, the Jewish colonists 
 of Alexandria, who were admitted to the 
 privileges of citizenship, and had a syna- 
 gogue at Jerusalem (Acts vi. 9). 
 
 Algum or Almug Trees ; the former 
 occurring in 2 Chr. ii. 8, ix. 10, 11, the lat- 
 ter in 1 K. x. 11, 12. There can be no 
 question that these words are identical. 
 From 1 K. x. 11, 12; 2 Chr. ix. 10, 11, we 
 learn that the almug was brought in great 
 plenty from Ophir for Solomon's Temple 
 and house, and for the construction of mu- 
 sical instruments. It is probable that this 
 tree is the red sandal wood, which is a na- 
 tive of India and Ceylon. The wood is 
 very heavy, hard, and fine grained, and of 
 a beautiful garnet color. 
 
 All' ah. [ALVAH.] 
 
 All 'an. [ALTAN.] 
 
 Allegory, a figure of speech, which has 
 been defined by Bishop Marsh, in accord- 
 ance with its etymology, as " a representa- 
 tion of one thing which is intended to excite 
 the representation of another thing ; " the 
 first representation being consistent with 
 itself, but requiring, or capable of admitting, 
 a moral or spiritual interpretation over and 
 above its literal sense. In every allegory 
 there is a twofold sense ; the immediate or 
 historic, which is understood from the 
 words, and the ultimate, which is concerned 
 with the things signified by the words. 
 The allegorical interpretation is not of the 
 words, but of the things signified by them; 
 and not only may, but actually does, coex- 
 ist with the literal interpretation in every 
 allegory, whether the narrative in which it 
 is conveyed be of things possible or real. 
 An illustration of this may be seen in Gal. 
 iv. 24, where the apostle gives an allegori- 
 cal interpretation to the historical narrative 
 of Hagar and Sarah; not treating that nar- 
 rative as an allegory in itself, as our A. V. 
 would lead us to suppose, but drawing 
 from it a deeper sense than is conveyed by 
 the immediate representation. 
 
 Allelu'ia, so written in Rev. xix. 7, foil., 
 or more properly HALLELUJAH, " praise ye 
 Jehovah," as it is found in the margin of 
 Ps. civ. 35, cv. 45, cvi., cxi. 1, cxii. 1, cxiii. 
 1 (comp. Ps. cxiii. 9, cxv. 18, cxvi. 19, cxvii. 
 2). The literal meaning of " Hallelujah" 
 sufficiently indicates the character of the 
 Psalms in which it occurs, as hymns of 
 praise and thanksgiving. They are all 
 found in the last book of the collection, and 
 bear marks of being intended for use in the 
 Temple-service; the words " praise ye Je- 
 hovah " being taken up by the full chorus 
 of Levites. In the great hymn of triumph 
 in heaven over the destruction of Babylon, 
 the apostle in vision heard the multitude in 
 chorus like the voice of mighty thunderings 
 
 burst forth, "Alleluia, for the Lord God 
 omnipotent reigneth," responding to the 
 voice which came out of the throne saying, 
 "Praise our God, all ye his servants, and 
 ye that fear him, both small and great" 
 (Rev. xix. 1-6). In this, as in the offering 
 of incense (Rev. viii.), there is evident al- 
 lusion to the service of the Temple, as the 
 apostle had often witnessed it in its fading 
 grandeur. 
 
 Alliances. On the first establishment 
 of the Hebrews in Palestine no connections 
 were formed between them and the sur- 
 rounding nations. But with the extension 
 of their power under the kings, they were 
 brought more into contact with foreigners, 
 and alliances became essential to the secu- 
 rity of their commerce. Solomon con- 
 cluded two important treaties exclusively 
 for commercial purposes; the first with 
 Hiram, king of Tyre, originally with the 
 view of obtaining materials and workmen 
 for the erection of the Temple, and after- 
 wards for the supply of ship-builders and 
 sailors (1 K. v. 2-12, ix. 27) : the second 
 with a Pharaoh, king of Egypt; by this he 
 secured a monopoly of the trade in horses 
 and other products of that country (1 K. x. 
 28, 29). After the division of the kingdom 
 the alliances were of an offensive and de- 
 fensive nature. When war broke out be- 
 tween Amaziah and Jeroboam II. a coali- 
 tion was formed between Rezin, king of 
 Syria, and Pekah on the one side, and Ahaz 
 and Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, on the 
 other (2 K. xvi. 5-9). By this means an 
 opening was afforded to the advances of the 
 Assyrian power ; and the kingdoms of Israel 
 and Judah, as they were successively at- 
 tacked, sought the alliance of the Egyptians, 
 who were strongly interested in maintaining 
 the independence of the Jews as a barrier 
 against the encroachments -of the Assyrian 
 power (2 K. xvii. 4, xix. 9, 36; Is. xxx. 2). 
 On the restoration of independence Judas 
 Maccabeus sought an alliance with the 
 Romans as a counterpoise to the neighbor- 
 ing state of Syria (1 Mace. viii.). Treaties 
 of a friendly nature were at the same peri- 
 od concluded with the Lacedaemonians (1 
 Mace. xii. 2, xiv. 20). The formation of 
 an alliance was attended with various re- 
 ligious rites : a victim was slain and divided 
 into two parts, between which the contract- 
 ing parties passed (Gen. xv. 10). That 
 j this custom was maintained to a late period 
 appears from Jer. xxxiv. ]8-20. Generally 
 speaking the oath alone is mentioned in the 
 contracting of alliances, either between na- 
 tions (Josh. ix. 15) or individuals (Gen. 
 xxvi. 28, xxxL 53; 1 Sam. xx. 17; 2 K. xi. 
 4). The event was celebrated by a frast 
 I (Gen. I. c. ; Ex. xxiv. 11; 2 Sam. iii. 12, 
 i 20). Salt, as symbolical of fidelity, was 
 j used on these occasions. Occasionally a 
 
 pillar or a heap of stones was set up as a
 
 ALLON 
 
 30 
 
 ALPHAEUS 
 
 memorial of the alliance (Gen. xxxi. 52). 
 Presents were also sent by the party soli- 
 citing the alliance (1 K. xv. 18 ; Is. xxx. 6 ; 
 1 Mace. xv. 18). The fidelity of the Jews 
 to their engagements was conspicuous at 
 all periods of their history (Josh. ix. 18), 
 and any breach of covenant was visited 
 with very severe punishment (2 Sam. xxi. 
 1; Ez. xvii. 16). 
 
 Al'lpn, a Simeonite, ancestor of Ziza, a 
 prince of his tribe in the reign of Hezekiah 
 (1 Chr. iv. 37). 
 
 Al'lon, a large strong tree of some tle- 
 scriptioi , probably an oak. The word is 
 found in two names in the topography of 
 Palestine. 1. ALLON, more accurately 
 ELON, a place named among the cities of 
 Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33). Probably the 
 more correct construction is to take it with 
 the following word, *'. e. " the oak by Zaa- 
 nannim," or " the oak of the loading of 
 tents," as if deriving its name from some 
 nomad tribe frequenting the spot. [ELON.] 
 2. AL'LON-BA'CHUTH ("oak of weeping"), 
 the tree under which Rebekah's nurse, Deb- 
 orah, was buried (Gen. xxxv. 8). 
 
 Almo dad, the first, in order, of the 
 descendants of Joktan (Gen. x. 26 ; 1 Chr. 
 i. 20), and the progenitor of an Arab tribe. 
 His settlements must be looked for, in com- 
 mon with those of the other descendants of 
 Joktan, in the Arabian peninsula. 
 
 Al'mon, a city within the tribe of Ben- 
 j?min, with " suburbs " given to the priests 
 (josh, xxi. 18). In the parallel list in 1 
 Chr. vi. it is found as Alemeth. [ALEMETH.] 
 
 Al'mon-diblatha/im, one of the latest 
 stations of the Israelites, between Dibon- 
 gad and the mountains of Abarim (Num. 
 xxxiii. 46, 47). It is probable that Almon- 
 diblathaim is identical with Beth-dibla- 
 thaim. 
 
 Almond-Tree; Almond. This word 
 is found in Gen. xliii. 11 ; Ex. xxv. 33, 34, 
 xxxvii. 19, 20; Num. xvii. 8; Eccles. xii. 
 5 ; Jer. i. 11, in the text of the A. V. It is 
 invariably represented by the same Hebrew 
 word (shdktd), which sometimes stands 
 for the whole tree, sometimes for the fruit 
 or nut. The almond-tree, whose scientific 
 name is Amygdalus communis, is a native 
 of Asia and North Africa, but it is cultivated 
 in the milder parts of Europe. The height 
 of the tree is about 12 or 14 feet ; the flow- 
 ers are pink, and arranged for the most 
 part in pairs ; the leaves are long, ovate, 
 with a serrated margin, and an acute point. 
 The covering of the fruit is downy and suc- 
 culent, enclosing the hard shell which con- 
 tains the kernel. It is curious to observe, 
 in connection with the almond-bowls of the 
 golden candlestick, that, in the language 
 of lapidaries, Almonds are pieces of rock- 
 crystal, even now used in adorning branch- 
 candlesticks. 
 
 Alms. The duty of alms-giving, espe- 
 
 cially in kind, consisting chiefly in portions 
 to be left designedly from produce of the 
 field, the vineyard, and the oliveyard (Lev. 
 xix. 9, 10, xxiii. 22 ; Deut. xv. 11, xxiv. 19, 
 xxvi. 2-13; Ruth ii. 2), is strictly enjoined 
 by the Law. Every third year also (Deut. 
 xiv. 28) each proprietor was directed to 
 share the tithe of his produce with ' ' the 
 Levite, the stranger, the fatherless, and the 
 widow." The theological estimate of alms- 
 giving among the Jews is indicated in the 
 following passages : Job xxxi. 17 ; Prov. 
 x. 2, xi. 4 ; Esth. ix. 22 ; Ps. cxii. 9 ; Acts 
 ix. 36, the case of Dorcas ; x. 2, of Cor- 
 nelius ; to which may be added, Tob. iv. 
 10, 11, xiv. 10, 11; and Ecclus. iii. 30, xl. 
 24. And the Talmudists went so far as to 
 interpret righteousness by alms-giving in 
 such passages as Gen. xviii. 19 ; Is. liv. 14 ; 
 Ps. xvii. 15. The Pharisees were zealous 
 in alms-giving, but too ostentatious in their 
 mode of performance, for which our Lord 
 finds fault with them (Matt. vi. 2). The 
 duty of relieving the poor was not neglected 
 by the Christians (Matt. vi. 1-4 ; Luke xiv. 
 13; Acts xx. 35; Gal. ii. 10). Every 
 Christian was exhorted to lay by on the first 
 day of each week some portion of his prof- 
 its, to be applied to the wants of the needy 
 (Acts xi. 30 ; Rom. xv. 25-27 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 
 1-4). It was also considered a duty special- 
 ly incumbent on widows to devote them- 
 selves to such ministrations (1 Tim. v. 10) 
 
 Almug- Trees. [ALGUM-TREES.] 
 
 Aloes, Lign Aloes (in Heb. Ahdlim, 
 Ahdldth), the name of a costly and sweet- 
 smelling wood which is mentioned in Num. 
 xxiv. 6; Ps. xiv. 8; Prov. vii. 17: Cant. iv. 
 14; John xix. 39. It is usually identified 
 with the Aquilaria Agattochum, a tree 
 which supplies the agallochum, or aloes- 
 wood of commerce, much valued in India 
 on account of its aromatic qualities for 
 purposes of fumigation and for incense. 
 This tree grows to the height of 120 feet, 
 being 12 feet in girth. It is, however, un- 
 certain whether the AhdHm or Ahdldth is 
 in reality the aloes-wood of commerce ; it 
 is quite possible that some kind of odorifer- 
 ous cedar may be the tree denoted by 
 these terms. 
 
 A'loth, a place or district, forming with 
 Asher the jurisdiction of the ninth of Solo- 
 mon's commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 16). 
 
 Al'pha, the first letter of the Greek al- 
 phabet, as Omega is the last. Its signifi- 
 cance is plainly indicated in the context, 
 "I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning 
 and the end, the first and the last " (Rev. 
 i. 8, 11, xxi. 6, xxii. 13), which may be 
 compared with Is. xli. 4. Both Greeks and 
 Hebrews employed the letters of the alpha- 
 bet as numerals. 
 
 Alphabet. [WRITING.] 
 
 Alphae'us, the father of the Apostlo 
 James the Less (Matt. x. 3; Mark iii. 18;
 
 ALTAR 
 
 31 
 
 ALTAK 
 
 Lukj vi. 15; Acts i. 13), and husband of 
 that Mary who, with the mother of Jesus 
 and others, was standing by the cross dur- 
 ing the crucifixion (Johnxix. 25). [MARY.] 
 In this latter place he is called Clopas (not, 
 as in the A. V., Cleophas). 
 
 Altar. (A.) The first altar of which 
 we have any account is that built by Noah 
 when he left the ark (Gen. viii. 20). In 
 the early times altars were usually built in 
 certain spots hallowed by religious associa- 
 tions, e. g. where God appeared (Gen. xii. 
 7, xiii. 18, xxvi. 25, xxxv. 1). Generally 
 of course they were erected for the offer- 
 ing of sacrifice ; but in some instances they 
 appear to have been only memorials. Al- 
 tars were most probably originally made of 
 earth. The Law of Moses allowed them to 
 be made either of earth or unhewn stones 
 (Ex. xx. 24, 25). In later times they 
 were frequently built on high places, espe- 
 cially in idolatrous worship (Deut. xii. 2). 
 (B.) The Law of Moses directed that two 
 altars should be made, the one the Altar of 
 Burnt-offering (called also simply the Al- 
 tar), and the other the Altar of Incense. 
 I. The Altar of Burnt-offering. It dif- 
 fered in construction at different times. 
 (1.) In the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvii. 1 ff. 
 xxxviii. 1 ff.) it was comparatively small 
 and portable. In shape it was square. It 
 was five cubits in length, the same in 
 breadth, and three cubits high. It was 
 made of planks of shittim (or acacia) wood 
 overlaid with brass. The interior was hol- 
 low (Ex. xxvii. 8). At the four corners 
 were four projections called horns, made, 
 like the altar itself, of shittim-wood over- 
 laid with brass (Ex. xxvii. 2). They proba- 
 bly projected upwards ; and to them the 
 victim was bound when about to be sacri- 
 'ficed (Ps. cxviii. 27). On the occasion of 
 the consecration of the priests (Ex. xxix. 
 12) and the offering of the sin-offering 
 (Lev. iv. 7 ff.) the blood of the victim was 
 sprinkled on the horns of the altar. 
 Round the altar, midway between the top 
 and bottom, ran a projecting ledge (A. V. 
 " compass "), on which perhaps the priests 
 stood when they officiated. To the outer 
 edge of this, again, a grating or net-work 
 of brass was affixed, and reached to the 
 bottom of the altar, which thus presented 
 the appearance of being larger below than 
 above. At the four corners of the net- 
 work were four brazen rings, into which 
 were inserted the staves by which the altar 
 was carried. These staves were of the 
 same materials as the altar itself. As the 
 priests were forbidden to ascend the altar 
 by steps (Ex. xx. 26), it has been conjec- 
 tured that a slope of earth led gradually up 
 to the ledge from which they officiated. 
 The place of the altar was at " the door of 
 the tabernacle of the congregation " (Ex. 
 3d. 29). (2.) In Solomon's Te nple the 
 
 altar was considerably larger in its dimen- 
 sions. Like the former it was square; but 
 the length and breadth were now twenty cu- 
 bits, and the height ten (2 Chr. iv. 1). It 
 
 Altar of Burnt Offering. From Surenhusiu 
 
 differed, too, in the material of which it was 
 made, being entirely of brass (1 K. viii. G4 ; 
 2 Chr. vii. 7). It had no grating: and in- 
 stead of a single gradual slope, the ascent 
 to it was probably made by three succes- 
 sive platforms, to each of which it has been 
 supposed that steps led, as in the figure 
 annexed. (3.) The altar of burnt offer- 
 ing in the second (Zerubbabel's) temple. 
 Of this no description is given in the Bible. 
 We are only told (Ezr. iii. 2) that it was 
 built before the foundations of the Templo 
 were laid. According to Josephus it was 
 placed on the same spot on which that of 
 Solomon had originally stood. (4.) The 
 altar erected by Herod, which is thus de- 
 scribed by Josephus : "In front of the Tem- 
 ple stood the altar, 15 cubits in height, and 
 in breadth and length of equal dimensions, 
 viz. 50 cubits ; it was built foursquare, with 
 horn-like corners projecting from it; and 
 on the south side a gentle acclivity led up 
 to it. Moreover it was made without any 
 iron tool, neither did iron ever touch it at 
 any time." According to Lev. vi. 12, 13, 
 a perpetual fire was to be kept burning on 
 the altar. This was the symbol and token 
 of the perpetual worship of Jehovah. II. 
 The Altar of Incense, called also the golden 
 altar to distinguish it from the Altar of 
 Burnt-offering, which was called the bra- 
 zen altar (Ex. xxxviii. 30). (a.) That in 
 the Tabernacle was made of acacia-wood, 
 overlaid with pure gold. In shape it was 
 square, being a cubit in length and breadth, 
 and 2 cubits in height. Like the Altar of 
 Burnt-offering it had horns at the four cor- 
 ners, which were of one piece with the rest 
 of the altar. Its appearance may be illus- 
 trated by the following figure. This altar 
 stood in the Holy Place, "before the vail 
 that is by the ark of the testimony " (Ex. 
 xxx. 6, xl. 5). (4.) The Altar in Solomon's
 
 ALTASCHITH 
 
 32 
 
 Temple was similar (1 K. vii. 48 ; 1 Chr. 
 xxviii. 18), but was made of cedar overlaid 
 with gold, (c.) The Altar of Incense is 
 mentioned as having been removed from 
 
 Supposed form of the Altar of Incense. 
 
 the Temple of Zerubbabel by Antiochus 
 Epiphanes (1 Mace. i. 21). Judas Macca- 
 baeus restored it, together with the holy 
 vessels, &c. (1 Mace. iv. 49). (C.) Other 
 altars. (1.) Altars of brick. There seems 
 to be an allusion to such in Is. Ixv. 3. (2.) 
 An Altar to an Unknown God. What altar 
 this was has been the subject of much dis- 
 cussion. St. Paul merely mentions in his 
 speech on the Areopagus that he had him- 
 tslf seen such an altar in Athens. As to 
 the origin of these altars, we are told by 
 Diogenes Laertius that in the time of a 
 plague, when the Athenians knew not what 
 god to propitiate in order to avert it, Epi- 
 menides caused black and white sheep to 
 be let loose from the Areopagus, and wher- 
 ever they lay down, to be offered to the 
 respective divinities. It was probably on 
 this or similar occasions that altars were 
 dedicated to an Unknown God, since they 
 knew not what god was offended and re- 
 quired to be propitiated. 
 
 Al-tas'chith, found in the introductory 
 verse to the four following Psalms, Ivii., 
 Iviii., lix., Ixxv. Literally rendered, the 
 import of the words is "destroy not," prob- 
 ably the beginning of some song or poem 
 to the tune of which those psalms were to 
 be chanted. 
 
 A'lush, one of the stations of the Isra- 
 el : tes on their journey to Sinai, the last 
 before Rephidim (Num. xxxiii. 13, 14). 
 
 Al'vah, a duke of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 
 40), written ALIAH in 1 Chr. i. 51. 
 
 Al'van, a Horite, son of Shobal (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 23), written ALIAN in 1 Chr. i. 40. 
 
 A'mad. an unknown place in Asher, 
 between Alammelech and Misheal (Josh. 
 six. 26 only). 
 
 Amad'atha (Esth. xvi. 10, 17), and 
 Amad'athus (Esth. xii. 6). [HAMMED- 
 ATHA.] 
 
 A'mal, an Asherite, son of Helem (1 
 Chr. vii. 35). 
 
 Am'alek, son of Eliphaz by his concu- 
 bine Timnah, grandson of Esau, and chief- 
 tain (" duke " A. V.) of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 
 12, 16; 1 Chr. i. 36). 
 
 Am'alekites, a nomadic tribe, which 
 occupied the peninsula of Sinai and the 
 wilderness intervening between the south- 
 ern hill-ranges of Palestine and the border 
 of Egypt (Num. xiii. 29 ; 1 Sam. xv. 7 : 
 xxvii. 8). Arabian historians represent 
 them as originally dwelling on the shores 
 of the Persian Gulf, whence they were 
 pressed westwards by the growth of the 
 Assyrian empire, and spread over a portion 
 of Arabia at a period antecedent to its occu- 
 pation by the descendants of Joktan. The 
 physical character of the district which the 
 Amalekites occupied necessitated a nomadic 
 life, which they adopted to its fullest extent, 
 taking their families with them even on 
 their military expeditions (Judg. vi. 5). 
 Their wealth consisted in flocks and herds. 
 Mention is made of a " town" (1 Sam.xv. 5), 
 but their towns could have been little more 
 than stations, or nomadic enclosures. The 
 kings or chieftains were perhaps distin- 
 guished by the hereditary title Agag (Num. 
 xxiv. 7; 1 Sam. xv. 8). The Amalekites 
 first came in contact with the Israelites at 
 Rephidim, but were signally defeated (Ex. 
 xvii.). In union with the Canaanites they 
 again attacked the Israelites on the borders 
 of Palestine, and defeated them near Hor- 
 mah (Num. xiv. 45). Saul undertook an 
 expedition against them, overrunning their 
 whole district from Havilah to Shur, and in- 
 flicting an immense loss upon them (1 Sam. 
 xv). Their power was thenceforth broken, 
 and they degenerated into a horde of ban- 
 ditti. Their destruction was completed by 
 David (1 Sam. xxvii., xxx.). 
 
 A'marn. a city in the south of Judah, 
 named with Shenia and Moladah in Josh, 
 xv. 26 only. 
 
 A'man. [HAMAN.] (Esth. x. 7, xii. 6, 
 xiii. 3, 12, xiv. 17, xvi. 10, 17). 
 
 Ain'ana. apparently a mountain in or 
 near Lebanon (Cant. iv. 8). It is common- 
 ly assumed that this is the mountain in 
 which the river Abana (2 K. v. 12) has its 
 source, but in the absence of further re- 
 search in the Lebanon this is mere assump- 
 tion. 
 
 Amari'ah. 1. Father of Ahitub, ac- 
 cording to 1 Chr. vi. 7, 52, and son of Me- 
 raioth, in the line of the high-priests. 2. 
 The high-priest in the reign of Jehoshaphat 
 (2 Chr. xix. ]1). He was the son of Aza- 
 riah. 3. The head of a Levitical house 
 of the Kohathites in the time of David (1 
 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). 4. The head of
 
 AMASA 
 
 33 
 
 AMETHYST 
 
 one of the twenty-four courses of priests, 
 which was named after him, in the times of 
 David, of Hezekiah, and of Nehemiah (1 
 Chr. xxiv. 14 ; 2 Chr. xxxi. 15 ; Neh. x. 3, 
 xii. 2, 13). In the first passage the name 
 is written Immer, but it seems to be the 
 same name. Another form of the name is 
 Imri (1 Chr. ix. 4), a man of Judah, of the 
 sons of Bani. 5. One of the sons of Bani 
 in the time of Ezra, who had married a for- 
 eign wife (Ezr. x. 42). 6. A priest who re- 
 turned with Zerubbabel (Neh. x. 3, xii. 2, 13). 
 7. A descendant of Pharez, the son of Judah 
 (Neh. xi. 4), probably the same as IMRI in 
 1 Chr. ix. 4. 8. An ancestor of Zepha- 
 niah the prophet (Zeph. i. 1). 
 
 Am'asa. 1. Son of Ithra or Jether, by 
 Abigail, David' s sister (2 Sam. xvii. 25). 
 He joined Absalom in his rebellion, and 
 was by him appointed commander-in-chief 
 in the place of Joab, by whom he was to- 
 tally defeated in the forest of Ephraim (2 
 Sam. xviii. C). When Joab incurred the 
 displeasure of David for killing Absalom, 
 David forgave the treason of Amasa, rec- 
 ognized him as his nephew, and appointed 
 him Joab's successor (xix. 13). Joab after- 
 wards, when they were both in pursuit of 
 the rebel Sheba, pretending to salute Amasa, 
 stabbed him with his sword (xx. 10), which 
 he held concealed in his left hand. 2. A 
 prince of Ephraim, son of Hadlai, in the 
 reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). 
 
 Amasa'i. 1. A Kohathite, father of 
 Mahath, and ancestor of Samuel and He- 
 man the singer (1 Chr. vi. 25, 35). 2. 
 Chief of the captains of Judah and Ben- 
 jamin, who deserted to David while an 
 outlaw at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 18). 3. One 
 of the priests who blew trumpets before the 
 Ark, when David brought it from the house 
 of Obededom (1 Chr. xv. 24). 4. Another 
 Kohathite, father of another Mahath, in 
 the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12), 
 unless the name is that of a family. 
 
 Amasha'i, son of Azareel, a priest in 
 the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 13), ap- 
 parently the same as MAASIAI (1 Chr. ix. 
 12). 
 
 Amasi'ah., son of Zichri, and captain 
 of 200,000 warriors of Judah, in the reign 
 of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 16). 
 
 A'math. [HAMATH.] 
 
 Amazi'ah.. 1. Son of Joash, and eighth 
 king of Judah, reigned B. c. 837-809. He 
 succeeded to the throne at the age of 
 25, on the murder of his father, and pun- 
 ished the murderers. In order to restore 
 his kingdom to the greatness of Jehosha- 
 phat's days, he made war on the Edomites, 
 defeated them in the valley of Salt, south 
 of the Dead Sea, and took their capital, 
 Selah or Petra, to which he gave the name 
 of Jokteel, i. e. "God-subdued." Flushed 
 with his success, he had the foolish arro- 
 gance to challenge Joash, king of Israel, to 
 3 
 
 I battle. But Judah was completely defeated, 
 i and Amaziah himself was taken prisoner, 
 and conveyed by Joash to Jerusalem, which 
 opened its gates to -the conqueror. Ama- 
 ziah lived 15 years after the death of Joash; 
 and in the 29th year of his reign was mur- 
 dered by conspirators at Lachish, whither 
 he had retired for safety from Jerusalem (2 
 Chr. xxv. 27). 2. A descendant of Simeon 
 (1 Chr. iv. 34). 3. A Levite (1 Chr. vi. 
 45). 4. Priest of the golden calf at Bethel, 
 who endeavored to drive the prophet Amos 
 from Israel into Judah (Am. vii. 10, 12, 14). 
 
 Ambassador. The earliest examples 
 of ambassadors employed occur in the 
 cases of Edom, Moab, and the Amorites 
 (Num. xx. 14, xxi. 21; Judg. xi. 17-19), 
 afterwards in that of the fraudulent Gibeon- 
 ites (Josh. ix. 4, &c.), and in the instances 
 of civil strife mentioned Judg. xi. 12, and 
 xx. 12. They are alluded to more fre- 
 quently during and after the contact of the 
 great adjacent monarchies of Syria, Baby- 
 lon, &c., with those of Judah and Israel, as 
 in the invasion of Sennacherib. They 
 were usually men of high rank. In the 
 case quoted the chief captain, the chief cup- 
 bearer, and chief of the eunuchs, were met 
 by delegates of similar dignity from Heze- 
 kiah (2 K. xviii. 17, 18; see also Is. xxx. 
 4). Ambassadors are found to have been 
 employed, not only on occasions of hostile 
 challenge or insolent menace (2 K. xiv. 8 ; 
 1 K. xx. 2, 6), but of friendly compliment, 
 of request for alliance or other aid, of sub- 
 missive deprecation, and of curious inquiry 
 (2 K. xiv. 8, xvi. 7, xviii. 14; 2 Chr. xxxii. 
 31). 
 
 Amber (Heb. chasJimal) occurs only in 
 Ez! i. 4, 27, viii. 2. It is usually supposed 
 that the Hebrew word chashmal denotes a 
 metal, and not the fossil resin called amber. 
 
 Amen, literally, "true;" and, used as 
 a substantive, " that which is true," 
 "truth" (Is. Ixv. 16); a word used in 
 strong asseverations, fixing as it were the 
 stamp of truth upon the assertion which it 
 accompanied, and making it binding as an 
 oath (comp. Num. v. 22). According to 
 the Rabbins, "Amen" involved the ideas 
 of swearing, acceptance, and truthfulness. 
 In the synagogues and private houses it 
 was customary for the people or members 
 of the family who were present to say 
 " Amen " to the prayers which were offered 
 by the minister or the master of the house, 
 and the custom remained in the early Chris- 
 tian Church (Matt. vi. 13; 1 Cor. xiv. 16). 
 And not only public prayers, but those of- 
 fered in private, and doxologies were ap- 
 propriately concluded with " Amen " (Rom. 
 ix. 5, xi. 36, xv. 33, xvi. 27 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 
 13, &c.). 
 
 Amethyst (Heb. achldmdJi). Men- 
 tion is made of this precious stone, which 
 formed the third in the third row of the
 
 AMI 
 
 34 
 
 AMMON 
 
 high-priest's breastplate, in Ex. xxviii. 19, | 
 xxix. 12), " And the third row a ligure, an j 
 agate, and an amethyst." It occurs also in I 
 the N. T. (Rev. xxi. 20) as the twelfth stone 
 which garnished the foundations of the wall 
 of the heavenly Jerusalem. Commentators 
 generally are agreed that the amethyst is 
 the stone indicated by the Hebrew word, an 
 opinion which is abundantly supported by 
 the ancient versions. 
 
 A'mi, one of " Solomon's servants " 
 (Ezr. ii. 57) : called AMON in Neh. vii. 59. 
 
 Amin'adab (Matt. i. 4; Luke iii. 33). 
 [AMMIXADAB I.] 
 
 Amit'tai, father of the prophet Jonah 
 (2 K. xiv. 25; Jon. i. 1). 
 
 Am'mah, The hill of, a hill " facing " 
 Giah by the way of the wilderness of 
 Gibeon, named as the point to which Joab's 
 pursuit of Abner after the death of Asahel 
 extended (2 Sam. ii. 24). 
 
 Am'mi, i. e. as explained in the marg. 
 of A. V. " my people," a figurative name, 
 applied to the kingdom of Israel in token 
 of God's reconciliation with them, in con- 
 trast with the equally significant name Lo- 
 ammi given by the prophet Hosea to his 
 second son by Gomer the daughter of Dib- 
 laim (Hos. ii. 1). In the same manner 
 Kuhamah contrasts with Lo-Ruhamah. 
 
 Am'miel. 1. The spy selected by 
 Moses from the tribe of Dan (Num. xiii. 
 12). 2. Father of Machir of Lodebar (2 
 Sam. ix. 4, 5, xvii. 27). 3. Father of 
 Bathsheba (1 Chr. iii. 5), called ELIAM in 
 2 Sam. xi. 3. He was the son of Ahitho- 
 phel, David's prime minister. 4. The 
 sixth son of Obed-Edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5), 
 and one of the doorkeepers of the Temple. 
 
 Am'mihud. 1. An Ephraimite, father 
 of Elishama, the chief of the tribe at the 
 time of the Exodus (Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 
 48, 53, x. 22 ; 1 Chr. vii. 26), and, through 
 him, ancestor of Joshua. 2. A Simeon- 
 ite, father of Shemuel, prince of the tribe 
 (Num. xxxiv. 20) at the time of the divis- 
 ion of Canaan. 3. The father of Pedahel, 
 prince of the tribe of Naphthali at the 
 same time (Num. xxxiv. 28). 4. The 
 father of Talmai, king of Geshur (2 Sam. 
 xiii. 37). 5. A descendant of Pharez, son 
 of Judah (1 Chr. ix. 4). 
 
 Ammin'adab. 1. Son of Ram or 
 Aram, and father of Nahshon, or Naasson 
 (as it is written, Matt. i. 4; Luke iii. 32), 
 who was the prince of the tribe of Judah, 
 at the first numbering of Israel in the sec- 
 ond year of the Exodus (Num. i. 7, ii. 3 ; 
 Ruth iv. 19, 20; 1 Chr. i. 10). He was the 
 fourth generation after Judah, the patri- 
 arch of his tribe, and one of the ancestors 
 of JESUS CHRIST. 2. The chief of the 
 112 sons of Uzziel, a junior Levitical house 
 of the family of the Kohathites (Ex. vi. 
 18), in the days of David, whom that king 
 sent for, together with other chief fathers 1 
 
 of Levitical houses, to bring the ark of 
 God to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 10-12). 3. 
 In 1 Chr. vi. 22, Izhar, the son of Kohath, 
 and father of Korah, is called Amminadab, 
 but it is probably only a clerical error. 
 
 Ammin'adib. In Cant. vi. 12, it is 
 uncertain whether we ought to read, Am- 
 minadib, with the A. V., or my willing peo- 
 ple, as in the margin. 
 
 Ammishad'dai, the father of Ahie- 
 zer, prince of the tribe of Dan at the time 
 of the Exodus (Num. i. 12, ii. 25, vii. 6G, 
 71, x. 25). 
 
 Ammiz'abad, the son of Benaiah,who 
 apparently acted as his father's lieutenant, 
 and commanded the third division of Da- 
 vid's army, which was on duty for the 
 third month (1 Chr. xxvii. 6). 
 
 Am'mon, Am'monites, Children 
 of Ammon, a people descended from 
 Ben-Ammi, the son of Lot by his younger 
 daughter (Gen. xix. 38 ; comp. Ps. Ixxxiii. 
 7, 8), as Moab was by the elder; and dat- 
 ing from the destruction of Sodom. The 
 near relation between the two peoples indi- 
 cated in the story of their origin continued 
 throughout their existence (comp. Judg. x. 
 6 ; 2 Chr. xx. 1 ; Zeph. ii. 8, &c.). Indeed, 
 so close was their union, and so near their 
 identity, that each would appear to be oc- 
 casionally spoken of under the name of the 
 other. Unlike Moab, the precise position 
 of the territory of the Ammonites is not 
 ascertainable. In the earliest mention of 
 them (Deut. ii. 20) they are said to have 
 destroyed the Rephaim, whom they called' 
 the Zamzummim, and to have dwelt in their 
 place, Jabbok being their border (Num. 
 xxi. 24; Deut. ii. 37, iii. 16). "Land" 
 or "country" is, however, but rarely 
 ascribed to them, nor is there any reference 
 to those habits and circumstances of civili- 
 zation, which so constantly recur in the al- 
 lusions to Moab (Is. xv., xvi. ; Jcr. xlviii.). 
 On the contrary, we find everywhere traces 
 of the fierce habits of marauders in their 
 incursions (1 Sam. xi. 2; Am. i. 13), and 
 a very high degree of crafty cruelty to their 
 foes (Jer. xli. 6, 7 ; Jud. vii. 11, 12). It ap- 
 pears that Moab was the settled and civ- 
 ilized half of the nation of Lot, and that 
 Ammon formed its predatory and Bedouin 
 section. On the west of Jordan they never 
 obtained a footing. The hatred in which 
 the Ammonites were held by Israel is stated 
 to have arisen partly from their opposition, 
 or, rather, their denial of assistance (Deut. 
 xxiii. 4), to the Israelites on their approach 
 to Canaan. But whatever its origin the 
 animosity continued in force to the latest 
 date. The last appearances of the Am- 
 monites in the biblical narrative are in the 
 books of Judith (v., vi., vii.) and of the 
 Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 6, 30-43), and it 
 has been already remarked that their chief 
 characteristics close alliance with Moab,
 
 AMMOXITESS 
 
 35 
 
 AMOS 
 
 hatred of Israel, and cunning cruelty 
 are maintained to the end. The tribe was 
 governed by a king (Judg. xi. 12, &c. ; ] 
 Sam. xii. 12 ; 2 Sam. x. 1 ; Jer. xl. 14) ant 
 by " princes " (2 Sam. x. 3 ; 1 Chr. xix. 3). 
 It has been conjectured that Naliash (1 
 Sam. xi. 1 ; 2 Sam. x. 2) was the official 
 title of the king, as Pharaoh was of the 
 Egyptian monarchs ; but this is without any 
 sure foundation. The divinity of the tribe 
 was Molech, generally named in the O. T. 
 under the altered form of Milcom "the 
 abomination of the children of Ammon ; " 
 and occasionally as Malcham. In more 
 than one passage under the word rendered 
 " their king" in the A. V. an allusion is in- 
 tended to this idol. [MOLECH.] 
 
 Ammoni'tess, a woman of Ammonite 
 race. Such were Naamah, the mother of 
 Rehoboam, one of Solomon's foreign wives 
 (1 K. xiv. 21, 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 13), and Sbim- 
 eath, whose son Zabad or Jozachar was 
 one of the murderers of Joash (2 Chr. 
 xxiv. 26). For allusions to these mixed 
 marriages see 1 K. xi. 1, and Neh. xiii. 23. 
 
 Am'non. 1. Eldest son of David by 
 Ahinoam the Jezreelitess, born in Hebron 
 while his tither's royalty was only acknowl- 
 edged in Judah. He dishonored his half- 
 sister Taraar, and was in consequence mur- 
 dered by her brother (2 Sam. xiii. 1-29). 
 2. Son of Shimon (1 Chr. iv. 20). 
 
 A'mok, a priest who returned with Ze- 
 rubbabel (Neh/xii. 7, 20). 
 
 A'mon, an Egyptian divinity, whose 
 name occurs in that of No Amon (Nah. iii. 
 8), in A. V. "populous No," or Thebes, 
 jil.so called No. [No.] The Greeks called 
 
 The god Amon (Wilkinson). 
 
 this divinity Ammon. The ancient Egyp- 
 tian name is Amen. Amen was one of the 
 eight gods of the first order, and chief of 
 the triad of Thebes. He was worshipped at 
 that city as Amen-Ra, or "Amen the sun." 
 
 A'mon. King of Judah, son and suc- 
 cessor of Manasseh, reigned two years, 
 from B. c. 642 to 640. Following his 
 father's example, Amon devoted himself 
 wholly to the service of false gods, but was 
 killed in a conspiracy. The people avenged 
 him by putting all the conspirators to death, 
 and secured the succession to his son. Jo- 
 siah. To Amon's reign we must refer the 
 terrible picture which the prophet Zepha- 
 niah gives of the moral and religious state 
 of Jerusalem. 
 
 Amorite, the Amorites, t. e. the 
 dwellers on the summits mountaineers 
 one of the chief nations who possessed the 
 land of Canaan before its conquest by the 
 Israelites. In the genealogical table of 
 Gen. x. "the Amorite" is given as the 
 fourth son of Canaan, with " Zidon, Heth 
 [Hittite], the Jebusite," &c. As dwelling 
 on the elevated portions of the country, 
 they are contrasted with the Canaanites, 
 who were the dwellers in the lowlands : 
 and the two thus formed the main broad 
 divisions of the Holy Land (Num. xiii. 29 ; 
 and see Josh. v. 1, x. 6, xi. 3 ; Deut. i. 7, 
 
 20, "mountain of the A.;" 44). In the 
 very earliest times (Gen. xiv. 7) they are 
 occupying the barren heights west of the 
 Dead Sea, at the place which afterwards 
 bore the name of Engedi. From this point 
 they stretched west to Hebron, where 
 Abram was then dwelling under the " oak- 
 grove " of the three brothers, Aner, Eshcol, 
 and Mamre (Gen. xiv. 13; comp. xiii. 18). 
 At the date of the invasion of the country, 
 Sihon, their then king, had taken the rich 
 pasture-land south of the Jabbok, and had 
 driven the Moabites, its former possessors, 
 across the wide chasm of the Arnon (Num. 
 xxi. 13, 26), which thenceforward formed 
 the boundary between the two hostile peo- 
 ples (Num. xxi. 13). This rich tract, 
 bounded by the Jabbok on the north, the 
 Arnon on the south, Jordan on the west, 
 and " the wilderness " on the east (Judg. 
 xi. 21 , 22), was, perhaps, in the most special 
 sense the "land of the Amorites" (Num. 
 xxi. 31 ; Josh. xii. 2, 3, xiii. 9 ; Judg. xi. 
 
 21, 22) ; but their possessions are distinctly 
 stated to have extended to the very foot of 
 Hermon (Deut. iii. 8, iv. 48), embracing 
 " all Gilead and all Bashan" (iii. 10), with 
 the Jordan valley on the east of the river 
 (iv. 49). After the conquest of Canaan 
 nothing is heard in the Bible of the Am- 
 orites, except the occasional mention of 
 their name among the early inhabitants of 
 ;he country. 
 
 A'inos. A native of Tekoa in Judah, 
 about six miles S. of Bethlehem, originally 
 a shepherd and dresser of sycamore-trees, 
 who was called by God's Spirit to be a 
 >rophet, although not trained in any of the 
 egular prophetic schools (i. 1, vii. 14, 15). 
 le travelled from Judah into the northern
 
 AMOZ 
 
 36 
 
 ANAKIM 
 
 kingdom of Israel or Ephraim, and there 
 exercised his ministry, apparently not for 
 any long time. His date cannot be later 
 than the 15th year of Uzziah's reign (u. c. 
 808) ; for he tells us that he prophesied 
 "in the reigns of Uzziah king of Judah, 
 and Jeroboam the son of Joash king of 
 Israel, two years before the earthquake." 
 But his ministry probably took place at 
 an earlier period, perhaps about the mid- 
 dle of Jeroboam's reigri The book of the 
 prophecies of Amos seems divided into four 
 principal portions closely connected to- 
 gether. .(1) From i. 1 to ii. 3 he denounces 
 the sins of the nations bordering on Israel 
 and Judah, as a preparation for (2), in 
 which, from ii. 4 to vi. 14, he describes the 
 state of those two kingdoms, especially the 
 former. This is followed by (3) vii. 1 to ix. 
 10, in which, after reflecting on the previous 
 prophecy, he relates his visit to Bethel, and 
 sketches the impending punishment of 
 Israel which he predicted to Amaziah. 
 After this in (4) he rises to a loftier and 
 more evangelical strain, looking forward to 
 the time when the hope of the Messiah's 
 kingdom will be fulfilled, and His people 
 forgiven and established in the enjoyment 
 of God's blessings to all eternity. The 
 chief peculiarity of the style consists in the 
 number of allusions to natural objects and 
 agricultural occupations, as might be ex- 
 pected from the early life of the author. 
 See i. 3, ii. 13, iii. 4, 5, iv. 2, 7, 9, v. 8, 19, 
 vi. 12, vii. 1, ix.3,9, 13, 14. The references 
 to it in the N. T. are two : v. 25, 26, 27 is 
 quoted by St. Stephen in Acts vii. 42, 43, 
 and ix. 11 by St. James in Acts xv. 16. 
 
 A'moz, father of the prophet Isaiah, 
 and, according to Rabbinical tradition, 
 brother of Amaziah king of Judah (2 K. 
 six. 2, 20, xx. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 22, xxxii. 20, 
 32; Is. i. 1, ii. 1, xiii. 1, xx. 2, xxxvii. 2, 
 21, xxxviii. 1). 
 
 Amphip'olis, a city of Macedonia, 
 through which Paul and Silas passed on 
 their way from Philippi to Thessalonica 
 (Acts xvii. 1). It was distant 33 Roman 
 miles from Philippi. It stood upon an 
 eminence on the left or eastern bank of the 
 river Strymon, just below its egress from 
 the lake Cercinitis, and at the distance of 
 about three miles from the sea. Its site is 
 now occupied by a village called Neokhdrio, 
 in Turkish Jeni-Keni> or "New Town." 
 
 Am'plias, a Christian at Rome (Rom. 
 xvi. 8). 
 
 Am'ram. 1. A Levite of the family 
 of the Kohathites, and father of Moses, 
 Aaron, and Miriam (Ex. vi. 18, 20; Num. 
 iii. 19; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 3, 18). He is called 
 the " son" of Kohath, but it is evident that \ 
 in the genealogy several generations must 
 have been omitted; for from Joseph to 
 Joshua ten generations are recorded, while 
 from Levi to Moses there are but three. 
 
 2. A son of Bishon and descendant of Seir 
 (1 Chr. i. 41) ; properly " Haniran " = 
 HEMDAN in Gen. xxxvi. 26. 3. One of 
 the sons of Bani in the time of Ezra, who 
 had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 34). 
 
 Am'ramites. A branch of the great 
 Kohathite family of the tribe of Levi (Num. 
 iii. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23) ; descended from 
 Amram the father of Moses. 
 
 Am'rapliel, perhaps a Hamite king of 
 Shinar or Babylonia, who joined the victo- 
 rious incursion of theElamite Chedorlaomer 
 against the kings of Sodom and Gomorrah 
 and the cities of the plain (Gen. xiv.). 
 
 Amulets were ornaments, gems, scrolls, 
 &c., worn as preservatives against the power 
 of enchantments, and generally inscribed 
 with mystic forms or characters. The 
 word does not occur in the A. V., but the 
 " earrings " in Gen. xxxv. 4 were obviously 
 connected with idolatrous worship, and 
 were probably amulets taken from the 
 bodies of the slain Shechemites. They are 
 subsequently mentioned among the spoils 
 of Midian (Judg. viii. 24). Again, in Hos. 
 ii. 13, "decking herself with earrings" is 
 mentioned as one of the signs of the "days 
 of Baalim." The " earrings " in Is. iii. 20 
 were also amulets. 
 
 Am'zi. 1. A Levite of the family of 
 Merari, and ancestor of Ethan the minstrel 
 (1 Chr. vi. 46). 2. A priest, whose de- 
 scendant Adaiah with his brethren did the 
 service for the temple in tfce time of Nehe- 
 miah (Neh. xi. 12). 
 
 A'nab, a town in the mountains of 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 50), named, with Debit 
 and Hebron, as once belonging to the 
 Anakim (Josh. xi. 21). 
 
 A'nah, the son of Zibeon, the son of 
 Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 24), a 
 " duke " or prince of his tribe, and father 
 of Aholibamah, one of the wives of Esau 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 14, 25). There is no reason 
 to suppose that he is other than the same 
 Anah who found the " hot springs " (not 
 " mules," as in the A. V.) in the desert as 
 he fed the asses of Zibeon his father, though 
 Bunsen considers him a distinct personage, 
 the son of Seir and brother of Zibeon. 
 
 Anah'arath, a place within the border 
 of Issachar, named with Shihon and Rab- 
 bith (Josh. xix. 19). 
 
 Anal ah. 1. Probably a priest : one 
 of those who stood on Ezra's right hand aa 
 he read the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). 
 2. One of "the heads of the people" who 
 signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
 x. 22). 
 
 An'akim, a race of giants, descendants 
 of Arba (Josh. xv. 13, xxi. 11), dwelling in 
 the southern part of Canaan, and particu- 
 larly at Hebron, which from then- progeni- 
 tor received the name of " city of Arba." 
 Besides the general designation Anakim, 
 they, are variously called sons of Anak
 
 ANAMI.M 
 
 37 
 
 ANDREW 
 
 (Num. xiii. 33), descendants of Anak (Num. 
 xiii. 22), and sons of Anakim (Deut. i. 28). 
 These designations serve to show that we 
 must regard Anak as the name of the race 
 rather than that of an individual, and this 
 is confirmed by what is said of Arba, their 
 progenitor, that he "was a great man 
 among the Anakim" (Josh. xiv. 15). The 
 race appears to have been divided into 
 three tribes or families, bearing the names 
 Sheshai, Ahiman, and Talmai. Though 
 the warlike appearance of the Anakim had 
 struck the Israelites with terror in the time 
 of Moses (Num. xiii. 28 ; Deut. ix. 2), they 
 were nevertheless dispossessed by Joshua, 
 and utterly driven from the land, except a 
 small remnant that found refuge in the 
 Philistine cities, Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod 
 (Josh. xi. 21, 22). Their chief city Hebron 
 became the possession of Caleb, who is said 
 to have driven out from it the three sons 
 of Anak mentioned above, that is the three 
 families or tribes of the Anakim (Josh. xv. 
 14; Judg. i. 20). After this time they 
 vanish from history. 
 
 An'amim, a Mizraite people or tribe, 
 respecting the settlements of which nothing 
 certain is known (Gen. x. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 11). 
 
 Anam molech, one of the idols wor- 
 shipped by the colonists introduced into 
 Samaria from Sepharvaim (2 K. xvii. 31). 
 He was worshipped with rites resembling 
 those of Molech, children being burnt in 
 his honor, and, is the companion-god to 
 ADRAMMELECU. As Adrammelech is the 
 male power of the sun, so Anammelech is 
 the female power of the sun. 
 
 A'nau. One of " the heads of the peo- 
 ple " who signed the covenant with Nehe- 
 miah (Neh. x. 26). 
 
 Ana'ni, the seventh son of Elioenai, 
 descended through Zerubbabel from the 
 royal line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24). 
 
 Anani'all. Probably a priest, and an- 
 cestor of Azariah, who assisted in rebuild- 
 ing the city wall in the days of Nehemiah 
 (Neh. iii. 23). 
 
 Anani'ah, a place, named between 
 Nob and Hazor, in which the Benjamites 
 lived after their return from captivity (Neh. 
 xi. 32). 
 
 Anani'as. 1. A high-priest in Acts 
 xxiii. 2-5, xxiv. 1. He was the son of 
 Nebedaeus, succeeded Joseph son of Camy- 
 dus, and preceded Ismael son of Phabi. 
 He was nominated to the office by Herod 
 king of Chalcis, in A.D. 48 ; was deposed 
 shortly before Felix left the province, and 
 assassinated by the sicarii at the beginning 
 of the last Jewish war. 2. A disciple at 
 Jerusalem, husband of Sapphira (Acts v. 
 1-11). Having sold his goods for the bene- 
 fit of the church, he kept back a part of 
 the price, bringing to the apostles the re- 
 mainder, as if it were the whole, his wife 
 also being privy to the scheme. St. Peter 
 
 denounced the fraud, and Ananias fell down 
 and expired. 3. A Jewish disciple at 
 Damascus (Acts ix. 10-17), of high repute 
 (Acts xxii. 12), who sought out Saul dur- 
 ing the period of blindness and dejection 
 which followed his conversion, and an- 
 nounced to him his future commission as a 
 preacher of the Gospel. Tradition makes 
 him to have been afterwards bishop of 
 Damascus, and to have died by martyrdom. 
 
 A'nath, father of Shamgar (Judg. iii. 
 31, v. 6). 
 
 Anatli'ema. which literally means a 
 thing suspended, is the equivalent of the 
 Hebrew word signifying a thing or person 
 devoted. Any object so devoted to Jehovah 
 was irredeemable : if an inanimate object, 
 it was to be given to the priests (Num. 
 xviii. 14) ; if a living creature or even a 
 man, it was to be slain (Lev. xxvii. 28, 29). 
 The word anathema frequently occurs in 
 St. Paul's writings, and is generally trans- 
 lated accursed. Many expositors have re- 
 garded his use of it as a technical term for 
 judicial excommunication. That the word 
 was so used in the early Church there can 
 be no doubt, but an examination of the 
 passages in which it occurs shows that it 
 had acquired a more general sense as ex- 
 pressive either of strong feeling (Rom. ix. 
 3) or of dislike and condemnation (1 Cor. 
 xii. 3, xvi. 22; Gal. i. 9). 
 
 An'athoth. 1. Son of Becher, a son 
 of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). 2. One of 
 the heads of the people who signed the 
 covenant in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. x. 
 19) ; unless, as is not unlikely, the name 
 stands for "the men of Anathoth" enu- 
 merated in Neh. vii. 27. 
 
 An'attLOth, a priests' city, belonging to 
 the tribe of Benjamin, with " suburbs " 
 (Josh. xxi. 18 ; 1 Chr. vi. GO). Anathoth 
 lay on or near the great road from the 
 north to Jerusalem (Is. x. 30), and is placed 
 by Eusebius and Jerome at 3 miles from 
 the city. Its position has been discovered 
 by Robinson at Andta, on a broad ridge 1 J 
 hour N. N. E. from Jerusalem. The culti- 
 vation of the priests survives in tilled fields 
 of grain, with figs and olives. There are 
 the remains of walls and strong foundations, 
 and the quarries still supply Jerusalem 
 with building stones. 
 
 An'drew, one among the first called of 
 the Apostles of our Lord (John i. 40 ; Matt, 
 iv. 18) ; brother (whether elder or younger 
 is uncertain) of Simon Peter (ibid.). He 
 was of Bethsaida, and had been a disciple 
 of John the Baptist. On hearing Jesus a 
 second time designated by him as the Lamb 
 of God, he left his former master, and, in 
 company with another of John's disciples, 
 attached himself to our Lord. By his 
 means his brother Simon was brought to 
 Jesus (John i. 41). The apparent dis- 
 crepancy in Matt. iv. 18 ff , Mark i. 16 ff.,
 
 ANDRONICUS 
 
 38 
 
 ANGELS 
 
 where the two appear to have been called 
 together, is no real one ; St. John relating 
 the first introduction of the brothers to 
 Jesus, the other Evangelists their formal 
 call to follow Him in his ministry. In the 
 catalogue of the Apostles, Andrew appears, 
 in Matt. x. 2, Luke vi. 14, second, next 
 after his brother Peter; but in Markiii. 16, 
 Acts i. 13, fourth, next after the three, 
 Peter, James, and John, and in company 
 with Philip. And this appears to have been 
 his real place of dignity among the Apostles. 
 The traditions about him are various. Eu- 
 sebius makes him preach in Scythia ; Je- 
 rome and Theodoret in Achaia (Greece) ; 
 Nicephorus in Asia Minor and Thrace. 
 He is said to have been crucified at Patrae 
 in Achaia. Some ancient writers speak of 
 an apocryphal Acts of Andrew. 
 
 Androni'cus. 1. An otficer left as 
 viceroy (2 Mace. iv. 31) in Antioch by An- 
 tiochus Epiphanes during his absence (B. 
 c. 171). At the instigation of Menelaus, 
 Andronicus put to death the high-priest 
 Onias. This murder excited general indig- 
 nation : and on the return of Antiochus, 
 Andronicus was publicly degraded and exe- 
 cuted (2 Mace. iv. 31-38). 2. Another 
 officer of Antiochus Epiphanes who was 
 left by him on Garizem (2 Mace. v. 23), 
 probably in occupation of the temple there. 
 3. A Christian at Rome, saluted by St. 
 Paul (Horn. xvi. 7) together with Junias. 
 
 A'nem, a city of Issacbar, with "sub- 
 urbs," belonging to the Gershonites (1 Chr. 
 vi. 73). 
 
 A'ner, a city of Manasseh west of Jor- 
 dan, with "suburbs" given to the Koha- 
 thites (1 Chr. vi. 70). 
 
 A'ner, one of the three Amorite chiefs 
 of Hebron who aided Abraham in the pur- 
 suit after the four invading kings (Gen. 
 xiv. 13, 24). 
 
 Aneth'othite (2 Sam. xxiii. 27), 
 Anet'othite (1 Chr. xxvii. 12), and An'- 
 tOthite (1 Chr. xi. 28, xii. 3), an inhabi- 
 tant of Anathoth of the tribe of Benjamin. 
 
 Angels. By the word "angels" (i. e. 
 " messengers " of God) we ordinarily un- 
 derstand a race of spiritual beings, of a 
 nature exalted far above that of man, al- 
 though infinitely removed from that of God, 
 whose office is " to do Him service in 
 heaven, and by His appointment to succor 
 and defend men on earth." I. Scriptural 
 use of the word. There are many passages 
 in which the expression the " angel of 
 God," " the angel of Jehovah," is certainly 
 used for a manfestation of God himself. 
 This is especially the case in the earlier 
 books of the Old Testament, and may be 
 seen at once by a comparison of Gen. xxii. 
 11 with 12, and of Ex. iii. 2 with 6 and 14 ; 
 where He, who is called the " angel of 
 Jehovah" in one verse, is called "God," 
 and even "Jehovah" in those which fol- 
 
 low, and accepts the worship due to God 
 alone. It is to be observed also, that, side 
 by side with these expressions, we read of 
 God's being manifested in the form of man; 
 as to Abraham at Mamre (Gen. xviii. 2, 22, 
 comp. xix. 1), to Jacob at Penucl (Gen. 
 xxxii. 24, 30), to Joshua at Gilgal (Josh. v. 
 13, 15), &c. It is hardly to be doubted 
 that both sets of passages refer to the same 
 kind of manifestation of the Divine Pres- 
 ence. The inevitable inference is that by 
 the " Angel of the Lord " in such passages 
 is meant He, who is from the beginning 
 the " Word," i. e. the Manifester or Re- 
 vealer of God. Besides this, which is the 
 highest application of the word " angel," 
 we find the phrase used of any messengers 
 of God, such as the prophets (Is. xlii. 19; 
 Hag. i. 13; Mai. iii. 1), the priests (Mai. 
 ii. 7), and the rulers of the Christian 
 churches (Rev. i. 20). II. Nature of an- 
 gels. Little is said of their nature as dis- 
 tinct from their office. They are termed 
 "spirits" (as in Heb. i. 14); but it is not 
 asserted that the angelic nature is incor- 
 poreal. The contrary seems expressly im- 
 plied by the words in which our Lord de- 
 clares, that, after the Resurrection, men 
 shall be " like the angels " (Luke xx. 36) ; 
 because (Phil. iii. 21) their bodies, as well 
 as their spirits, shall have been made en- 
 tirely like His. The angels are revealed to 
 us as beings, such as man might be and 
 will be when the power of sin and death is 
 removed, partaking in their measure of the 
 attributes of God, Truth, Purity, and Love, 
 because always beholding His face (Matt, 
 xviii. 10), and therefore being "made like 
 Him" (1 John iii. 2). This, of course, 
 implies finiteness, and therefore (in the 
 strict sense) "imperfection" of nature, and 
 constant progress, both moral and intellec- 
 tual, through all eternity. Such imperfec- 
 tion, contrasted with the infinity of God, 
 is expressly ascribed to them in Job iv. 18 ; 
 Matt. xxiv. 36; 1 Pet. i. 12. The finite- 
 ness of nature implies capacity of tempta- 
 tion; and accordingly we hear of "fallen 
 angels." Of the nature of their tempta- 
 tion and the circumstances of their fall, we 
 know absolutely nothing. All that is cer- 
 tain is, that they " left their first estate," 
 and that they are now " angels of the 
 devil" (Matt. xxv. 41; Rev. xii. 7, 9), 
 partaking therefore of the falsehood, un- 
 cleanness, and hatred, which are his pecu- 
 liar characteristics (John viii. 44). On the 
 ether hand, the title especially assigned to 
 the angels of God, that of the "holy ones" 
 (see Dan. iv. 13, 23, viii. 13; Matt, xxv.- 
 31), is precisely the one which is given .to 
 those men Avho are renewed in Christ's 
 image, but which belongs to them in actual- 
 ity and in perfection only hereafter. (Comp. 
 Heb. ii. 10, v. 9, xii. 23.). III. Office of 
 the angels. Of their office in heaven, w*
 
 ANIAM 
 
 39 
 
 ANOINTING 
 
 have, of course, only vague prophetic 
 glimpses (as in 1 K. xxii. 19 ; Is. vi. 1-3 ; 
 Dan. vii. 9, 10; Rev. vi. 11, &c.), which 
 show us nothing but a never-ceasing adora- 
 tion. Their office towards man is far more 
 fully described to us. They are represent- 
 ed as being, in the widest sense, agents of 
 God's Providence, natural and supernat- 
 ural, to the body and to the soul. More 
 particularly, however, angels are spoken 
 of as ministers of what is called supernat- 
 ural Providence of God ; as agents in the 
 great scheme of the spiritual redemption and 
 sanctification of man, of which the Bible is 
 the record. During the prophetic and 
 kingly period, angels are spoken of only as 
 ministers of God in the operations of na- 
 ture. But in the captivity angels are re- 
 vealed in a fresh light, as watching, not 
 only over Jerusalem, but also over heathen 
 kingdoms, under the Providence, and to 
 work out the designs, of the Lord. (See 
 Zech. passim, and Dan. iv. 13, 23, x. 10, 
 13, 20, 21, &c.) The Incarnation marks a 
 new epoch of angelic ministration. " The 
 Angel of Jehovah," the Lord of all created 
 angels, having now descended from heaven 
 to earth, it was natural that His servants 
 should continue to do Him service there. 
 The New Testament is the history of the 
 Church of Christ, every member of which 
 is united to Him. Accordingly, the angels 
 are revealed now, as " ministering spirits " 
 to each individual member of Christ for 
 His spiritual guidance and aid (Heb. i. 14). 
 In one word they are Christ's ministers of 
 grace now, as they shall be of judgment 
 hereafter (Matt. xiii. 39, 41, 49, xvi. 27, 
 xxiv. 31, &c.). That there are degrees of 
 the angelic nature, fallen and unfallen, and 
 special titles and agencies belonging to 
 each, is clearly declared by St. Paul (Eph. 
 i. 21 ; Rom. viii. 38), but what their gen- 
 eral nature is, it is useless to speculate. 
 
 A'niam, a Manassite, son of Shemidah 
 (1 Chr. vii. 19). 
 
 A'nim, a city in the mountains of Judah, 
 named with Eshtemoh and Goshen (Josh. 
 xv. 50). 
 
 Anise. This word occurs only in Matt, 
 xxiii. 23. It is by no means a matter of 
 certainty whether the anise (Pimpinella 
 x^isum, Lin.) or the dill (Anethum graveo- 
 lens) is here intended, though the proba- 
 bility is more in favor of the latter plant. 
 
 Anklet. This word does not occur in 
 the A. V., but anklets are referred to in Is. 
 iii. 16, 18, 20. They were fastened to the 
 ankle-band of each leg, were as common 
 as bracelets and armlets, and made of 
 much the same materials ; the pleasant 
 jingling and tinkling which they made as 
 they knocked against each other, was no 
 doubt one of the reasons why they were ad- 
 mired (" the bravery of their tinkling orna- 
 ments "). They are still worn in the East. 
 
 An'na. A " prophetess " in Jerusalem 
 at the time of our Lord's presentation in 
 the Temple (Luke ii. 86). She was of the 
 tribe of Asher. 
 
 An'nas, the son of one Seth, was ap- 
 pointed high-priest in the year A. D. 7, by 
 Quirinus, the imperial governor of Syria ; 
 but was obliged by Valerius Gratus, pro- 
 curator of Judaea, to give way to Ismael, 
 son of Phabi, at the beginning of the reign 
 of Tiberius, A. D. 14. Ismael was suc- 
 ceeded by Eleazar, son of Annas ; then fol- 
 lowed, after one year, Simon, son of Canii- 
 thus, and then, after another year (about 
 A. D. 25), Joseph Caiaphas, son-in-law of 
 Annas (Johnxviii. 13). But in Luke iii. 2, 
 Annas and Caiaphas are both called high- 
 priests, Annas being mentioned first. Our 
 Lord's first hearing (John xviii. 13) was 
 before Annas, who then sent him bound to 
 Caiaphas. In Acts iv. 6, Annas is plainly 
 called the high-priest, and Caiaphas merely 
 named with others of his family. Some 
 maintain that the two, Annas and Caiaphas, 
 were together at the head of the Jewish 
 people, Caiaphas as actual high-priest, 
 Annas as president of the Sanhedrim. 
 Others again suppose that Annas held the 
 office of sagan, or substitute of the high- 
 priest. He lived to old age, having had 
 five sons high-priests. 
 
 Anointing, in Holy Scripture, is either 
 I. Material, with oil, or II. Spiritual, 
 with the Holy Ghost. I. MATERIAL. 
 1. Ordinary. Anointing the body or 
 head with oil was a common practice with 
 the Jews, as with other Oriental nations 
 (Deut. xxviii. 40; Ruth iii. 3; Mic. vi. 15). 
 Abstinence from it was a sign of mourning 
 (2 Sam. xiv. 2; Dan. x. 3; Matt. vi. 17). 
 Anointing the head with oil or ointment 
 seems also to have been a mark of respect 
 sometimes paid by a host to his guests 
 (Luke vii. 46 and Ps. xxiii. 5). 2. Official. 
 It was a rite of inauguration into each of 
 the three typical offices of the Jewish com- 
 monwealth, (a) Prophets were occasion- 
 ally anointed to their office (1 K. xix. 16), 
 and are called messiahs, or anointed (1 
 Chr. xvi. 22; Ps. cv. 15). (6) Priests, at 
 the first institution of the Levitical priest- 
 hood, were all anointed to their offices, the 
 sons of Aaron as well as Aaron himself 
 (Ex. xl. 15 ; Num. iii. 3) ; but afterwards, 
 anointing seems not to have been repeated 
 at the consecration of ordinary priests, but 
 to have been especially reserved for the 
 high-priest (Ex. xxix. 29 ; Lev. xvi. 32) ; 
 so that "the priest that is anointed" (Lev. 
 iv. 3) is generally thought to mean th-j 
 high-priest, (c) Kings. Anointing was 
 the "principal and divinely-appointed cere- 
 mony in the inauguration of the Jewish 
 kings (1 Sam. ix. 16, x. 1 ; 1 K. i. 34, 39). 
 The rite was sometime? performed more 
 than once. David was thrice anointed to
 
 ANT 
 
 40 
 
 ^be king. After the separation into two 
 kingdoms, the kings both of Judah and of 
 Israel seem still to have been anointed (2 
 K. ix. 3 r xi. 12). (d) Inanimate objects 
 also were anointed with oil in token of their 
 being set apart for religious service. Thus 
 Jacob anointed a pillar at Bethel (Gen. 
 xxxi. 13) ; and at the introduction of the 
 Mosaic economy, the tabernacle and all its 
 furniture were consecrated by anointing 
 (Ex. xxx. 26-28). 3. Ecclesiastical. An- 
 ointing with oil in the name of the Lord is 
 prescribed by St. James to be used to- 
 gether with prayer, by the elders of the 
 church, for the recovery of the sick (James 
 v. 14). Analogous to this is the anointing 
 with oil practised by the twelve (Mark vi. 
 13). II. SPIRITUAL. 1. In the O. T. a 
 Deliverer is promised under the title of 
 Messiah, or Anointed (Ps. ii. 2 ; Dan. ix. 
 25, 26) ; and the nature of Ms anointing is 
 described to be spiritual, with the Holy 
 Ghost (Is. Ixi. 1 ; see Luke iv. 18). In the 
 N. T. Jesus of Nazareth is shown to be the 
 Messiah, or Christ, or Anointed of the Old 
 Testament (John i, 41 ;. Acts ix. 22, xvii. 
 2, 3, xviii. 4, 28) ; and the historical fact 
 of his being anointed with the Holy Ghost 
 is asserted and recorded (John i. 32, 33; 
 Acts iv. 27, x. 38). 2 Spiritual anointing 
 with the Holy Ghost is conferred also upon 
 Christians by God (2 Cor. i. 21), and they 
 are described as having an unction from 
 the Holy One, by which they know all 
 things ( 1 John ii. 20, 27). 
 
 Ant (Heb. nemdldh). This insect is 
 mentioned twice in the O. T. : in Prov. vi. 
 6, xxx. 25. In the former of these passages 
 the diligence of this insect is instanced by 
 the wise man as an example worthy of imi- 
 tation ; in the second passage the ant's wis- 
 dom is especially alluded to, for these in- 
 sects, " though they be little on the earth, 
 are exceeding wise." It is well known that 
 the ancient Greeks and Eomans believed 
 that the ant stored up food, which it col- 
 lected in the summer, ready for the win- 
 ter's consumption; but this is an error. 
 The European species of ants are all dor- 
 mant in the winter, and consequently re- 
 quire no food; and the observations of 
 modern naturalists seem almost conclusive 
 that no ants lay up for future consumption. 
 
 Antichrist. This term is employed 
 by the Apostle John alone, and is de- 
 fined by him in a manner which leaves 
 no doubt as to its intrinsic meaning. With 
 regard to its application there is less cer- 
 tainty. In the first passage (1 John ii. 18) 
 in which it occurs the apostle makes direct 
 reference to the false Christs, whose com- 
 ing, it had been foretold, should mark 'the j 
 last days. "Little children, it is the last 
 time : and as ye have heard that the Anti- 
 cnrist cometh, even now have there been 
 many Antichrists ; whereby we know that 
 
 it is the last time." The allusu n to Matt, 
 xxiv. 24 was clearly in the mind of the Syr- 
 iac translator, who rendered Antichrist by 
 "the false Christ." In ver. 22 we find, 
 "he is the Antichrist that denieth the Fa- 
 ther and the Son ; " and still more positive- 
 ly, " every spirit that confesseth not that 
 Jesus Christ is come in the flesh " is of 
 Antichrist (comp. 2 John 7). From these 
 emphatic and repeated definitions it has 
 been supposed that the object of the apostle 
 in his first epistle was to combat the errors 
 of Cerinthus, the Docetae, and the Gnos- 
 tics on the subject of the Incarnation. The 
 Antichrists, against which he warned the 
 churches of Asia Minor as being already in 
 the world, had been of their own number ; 
 "they went out from us, but they were not 
 of us " (1 John ii. 19) ; and the manner in 
 which they are referred to implies that the 
 name was already familiar to those to whom 
 the epistle was addressed, through the apos- 
 tle's oral teaching (2 These, ii. 5). The 
 coming of Antichrist was believed to be 
 foretold in the "vile person" of Daniel's 
 prophecy (xi. 21), which received its first 
 accomplishment in Antlochus Epiphanes, 
 but of which the complete fulfilment was 
 reserved for the last times. He is identi- 
 fied with "the man of sin, the son of per- 
 dition" (2 Thess. ii. 3), who should be re- 
 vealed when he "who now letteth" was 
 removed; that is, according to the belief of 
 the primitive church, when the Roman 
 order of things ceased to be. This inter- 
 pretation brings Antichrist into close con- 
 nection with the gigantic power of evil, 
 symbolized by the "beast" (Rev. xiii.), 
 who received his power from the dragon 
 (i. e. the devil, the serpent of Genesis), 
 continued for forty and two months, and 
 was invested with the kingdom of the ten 
 kings who destroyed the harlot Babylon 
 (Rev. xvii. 12, 17), the city of seven hills. 
 The destruction of Babylon is to be followed 
 by the rule of Antichrist for a short period 
 (Rev. xvii. 10), to be in his turn overthrown 
 in " the battle of that great day of God 
 Almighty" (Rev xvi. 14) with the false 
 prophet and all his followers (Rev. xix.). 
 The personality of Antichrist is to be in- 
 ferred as well from the personality of his 
 historical precursor, as from that of Him to 
 whom he stands opposed. Such an inter- 
 pretation is to be preferred to that which 
 regards Antichrist as the embodiment and 
 personification of all powers and agencies 
 inimical to Christ, or of the Antiehristian 
 might of the world. But the language- of 
 the apostles is intentionally obscure, and 
 this obscurity has been rather deepened 
 than removed by the conflicting interpreta- 
 tions of expositors. All that the dark hints 
 of the apostles teach us is, that they re- 
 garded Antichrist as a power whose influ- 
 ence was beginning to be felt even ir thtir
 
 ANTIOCH 
 
 41 
 
 ANTIOCHUS III. 
 
 time, but whose full development was re- 
 served till the passing away of the principle 
 which hindered it, and the destruction of the 
 power symbolized by the mystical Babylon. 
 An tioch. 1. IN STRIA. The capital 
 of the Greek kings of Syria, and afterwards 
 the residence of the Roman governors of 
 the province which bore the same name. 
 This metropolis was situated where the 
 chain of Lebanon, running northwards, and 
 the chain of Taurus, running eastwards, are 
 brought to an abrupt meeting, Here the 
 Orontes breaks through the mountains ; and 
 Antioch was placed at a bend of the river, 
 partly on an island, partly on the level 
 which forms the left bank, and partly on 
 the steep and craggy ascent of Mount Sil- 
 pius, which rose abruptly on the south. In 
 the immediate neighborhood was Daphne, 
 the celebrated sanctuary of Apollo (2 Mace. 
 ir. 33) ; whence the city was sometimes 
 called ANTIOCH by DAPHNE, to distinguish 
 it from other cities of the same name. 
 No city, after Jerusalem, is so intimately 
 connected with the history of the apostolic 
 church. The chief interest of Aatioch, 
 
 Gate of St Paul, Antioch. 
 
 however, is connected with the progress 
 of Christianity among the heathen. Here 
 the first Gentile church was founded (Acts 
 xi. 20, 21); here the disciples of Jesus 
 Christ were first called Christians (xi. 26). 
 It was from Antioch that St. Paul started 
 on bis three missionary journeys. The city 
 was founded in the year 300 B. c., by Seleu- 
 cus Nicator. Jews were settled there from 
 the first in large numbers, were governed 
 by their own ethnarch, and allowed to have 
 the same political privileges with the Greeks. 
 Antioch grew under the successive Selcu- 
 cid kings, till it became a city of great ex- 
 tent and of remarkable beauty. Some of 
 the most magnificent buildings were on the 
 
 island. One feature, which seems to have 
 been characteristic of the great Syrian 
 cities, avast street with colonnades, in- 
 tersecting the whole from end to end, 
 was added by Antiochus Epiphanes. By 
 Pompey it was made a free city, and such it 
 continued till the time of Antoninus Pius. 
 The early Emperors raised there some 
 large and important structures, such as 
 aqueducts, amphitheatres, and baths. Herod 
 the Great contributed a road and a colon- 
 nade. 2. IN PISIDIA (Acts xiii. 14, xiv. 
 19, 21; 2 Tim. iii. 11), on the borders of 
 Phrygia, corresponds to Yalobatch, which 
 is distant from Alc-sher six hours over the 
 mountains. This city, like the Syrian An- 
 tioch, was founded by Seleucus Nicator. 
 Under the Romans it became a colonia, and 
 was also called Caesarea. 
 
 Anti'ochus II., king of Syria, sur- 
 named the God, succeeded his father An- 
 tiochus Soter in B. c. 261. During the 
 earlier part of his reign he was engaged in 
 a fierce war with Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
 king of Egypt, in the course of which Par- 
 thia and Bactria revolted and became inde- 
 pendent kingdoms. At length (B. c. 250) 
 peace was made, and the two monarchs 
 ."joined themselves together" (Dan. xi. 6), 
 and Ptolemy ("king of the south") gave 
 his daughter Berenice in marriage to An- 
 tiochus ("the king of the north"), who 
 set aside his former wife, Laodice, to re- 
 ceive her. After some time, on the death 
 of Ptolemy (B. c. 247), Antiochus recalled 
 Laodice and her children Seleucus and An- 
 tiochus to court. Thus Berenice was "not 
 able to retain her power ; " and Laodice, 
 in jealous fear lest she might a second 
 time lose her ascendency, poisoned Antio- 
 chus (him "that strengthened her," i. e. 
 Berenice), and caused Berenice and her in- 
 fant son to be put to death, B. c. 24:6 (Dan. 
 xi. 6). 
 
 Anti'ochus III., surnamed the Great, 
 grandson of the preceding, succeeded his 
 brother Seleucus Kcraunos, who was as- 
 sassinated after a short reign in B. c. 223. 
 He prosecuted the war against Ptolemy 
 Philopator with vigor, and at first with 
 success. In B. c. 218 he drove the Egyp- 
 tian forces to Sidon, conquered Samaria 
 and Gilead, and wintered at Ptolemais but 
 was defeated next year at Raphia, near 
 Gaza (B. c. 217), with immense loss, and 
 in consequence made a peace with Ptolemj-, 
 in which he ceded to him the disputed 
 provinces of Coele-Syria, Phoenicia and 
 Palestine (Dan. xi. 11, 12). During the 
 next thirteen years Antiochus was engaged 
 in strengthening his position in Asia Minor, 
 and on the frontiers of Parthia, and by hia 
 successes gained his surname of the Great. 
 At the end of this time, B. c. 205, Ptolemy 
 Philopator died, and left his kingdom to 
 his son Ptol. Epiphanes, who was only five
 
 ANTIOCHUS IV. 
 
 42 
 
 ANTIOCHUS IV. 
 
 years old. Autiochus availed himself of 
 the opportunity which was offered by the 
 weakness of a minority and the unpopu- 
 larity of the regent, to unite with Philip 
 III. of Macedon for the purpose of con- 
 quering and dividing the Egyptian domin- 
 ions. He succeeded in occupying the three 
 disputed provinces, but was recalled to 
 Asia by a war which broke out with At- 
 talus, king of Pergamus; and his ally 
 Philip was himself embroiled with the Ro- 
 mans. In consequence of this diversion, 
 Ptolemy, by the aid of Scopas, again made 
 himself master of Jerusalem, and recov- 
 ered the territory which he had lost. In 
 B. c. 198 Antiochus reappeared in the field 
 and gained a decisive victory near the 
 sources of the Jordan; and afterwards 
 captured Scopas and the remnant of his 
 forces who had taken refuge in Sidon. 
 His further designs against Egypt were 
 frustrated by the intervention of the Ro- 
 mans. From Egypt Antiochus turned 
 again to Asia Minor, and after various suc- 
 cesses in the Aegaean crossed over to 
 Greece, and by the advice of Hannibal 
 entered on a war with Rome. His vic- 
 torious course -was checked at Thermopy- 
 lae (B. c. 191), and after subsequent re- 
 verses he was finally defeated at Magnesia 
 in Lydia, B. c. 190. In B. c. 187 he at- 
 tacked a rich temple of Belus in Elymais, 
 and was slain by the people who rose in its 
 defence. 
 
 Head of Antiochus III. (From o coin.) 
 
 Anti'ochus IV., Epiph'anes (the 
 fllustrious*), was the youngest son of An- 
 tiochus the Great. He was given as a 
 hostage to the Romans (B. c. 188) after his 
 father's defeat at Magnesia. In B. c. 175 
 he was released by the intervention of his 
 brother Seleucus, who substituted his own 
 son Demetrius in his place. Antiochus 
 was at Athens when Seleucus was assassi- 
 nated by Heliodorus. He took advantage 
 of his position, and, by the assistance of 
 Eumenes and Attalus, easily expelled Heli- 
 odorus who had usurped the crown, and 
 himself " obtained the kingdom by flat- 
 teries " (Dan. xi. 21) to the exclusion of 
 his nephew Demetrius (Dan. viii. 7). The 
 accession of Antiochus was immediately 
 followed by desperate efforts of the Hel- 
 
 lenizing party at Jerusalem to assert their 
 supremacy. Jason, the brother of Onias 
 III., the high-priest, persuaded the king to 
 transfer the high-priesthood to him, and at 
 the same time bought permission (2 Mace, 
 iv. 9) to carry out his design of habituat- 
 ing the Jews to Greek customs (2 Mace, 
 iv. 7, 20). Three years afterwards, Mene- 
 laus, of the tribe of Benjamin, supplanted 
 Jason by offering the king a larger bribe, 
 and was himself appointed high-priest (2 
 Mace. iv. 23-26). Antiochus undertook 
 four campaigns against Egypt, B. c. 171, 
 170, 169, 168, with greater success than 
 had attended his predecessor, and the com- 
 plete conquest of the country was pre- 
 vented only by the interference of the Ro- 
 mans (Dan. xi. 24; 1 Mace. i. 16 ff. ; 2 
 Mace. v. 11, ff.). On his return from his 
 second Egyptian campaign (B. c. 170) he 
 attacked Jerusalem. The Temple was 
 plundered, a terrible massacre took place, 
 and a Phrygian governor was left with 
 Menelaus in charge of the city (2 Mace. v. 
 1-22; 1 Mace. i. 20-28). Two years af- 
 terwards, at the close of the fourth expedi- 
 tion, Antiochus detached a force under 
 Apollonius to occupy Jerusalem and fortify 
 it (1 Mace. iv. 61, v. 3 ff. ; Dan. xi. 41). 
 The decrees then followed which have 
 rendered his name infamous. The Temple 
 was desecrated, and the observance of the 
 law was forbidden (1 Mace. i. 54). Ten 
 days afterwards an offering was made upon 
 the altar to Jupiter Olympius. At Jerusa- 
 lem all opposition appears to have ceased ; 
 but Mattathias and his sons organized a 
 resistance, which preserved inviolate the 
 name and faith of Israel. Meanwhile An- 
 tiochus turned his arms to the East, to- 
 wards Partliia and Armenia (Dan. xi. 40). 
 Hearing not long afterwards of the riches 
 of a temple of Nanaea in Elymais, hung 
 with the gifts of Alexander, he resolved to 
 plunder it. The attempt was defeated; 
 and though he did not fall like his father 
 in the act of sacrilege, the event hastened 
 his death. He retired to Babylon, and 
 thence to Tabae in Persia, where he died 
 
 Head of Antiochus IV., Epiphanes. (From a coin.) 
 
 B. c. 164, having first heard of the suc- 
 cesses of the Maccabees in restoring the 
 Temple-worship at Jerusalem (1 Mace. vL 
 1-16; comp. 2 Mace. i. 7-17?).
 
 ANTIOCHUS V. 
 
 43 
 
 Anti'ochus V., Eu'pator (of noble 
 descent), succeeded his father Antiochus 
 IV. B. c. 164, while still a child, under the 
 guardianship of Lysias (1 Mace. iii. 32, vi. 
 17), though Antiochus had on his death- 
 bed assigne 1 this office to Philip, his own 
 foster-brother (1 Mace. vi. 14, 15, 55 ; 2 
 51 ace. ix. 29). Shortly after his accession 
 he marched against Jerusalem with a large 
 army to relieve the Syrian garrison, which 
 was hard pressed by Judas Maccabaeus (1 
 Mace. vi. 19 if.). He repulsed Judas at 
 Bethzacharia, and took Bethsura (Bethzur) 
 after a vigorous resistance (1 Mace. vi. 
 31-50). But when the Jewish force in the 
 Temple was on the point of yielding, Lys- 
 ias persuaded the king to conclude a 
 hasty peace that he might advance to meet 
 Philip, who had returned from Persia and 
 made himself master of Antioch (1 Mace, 
 vi. 51 ff.). Philip was speedily over- 
 powered; but in the next year (B. c. 162) 
 Antiochus and Lysias fell into the hands 
 of Demetrius Soter, the son of Seleucus 
 Philopator, who caused them to be put 
 to death (1 Mace. vii. 2-4; 2 Mace. xiv. 
 1,2). 
 
 Anti'ochus VI. was the son of Alex- 
 ander Balas and Cleopatra. After his 
 father's death (14G B. c.) he remained in 
 Arabia ; but though still a child (1 Mace, 
 xi. 54), he was soon afterwards brought 
 forward (c. 145 B. c.) as a claimant to the 
 throne of Syria against Demetrius Nicator 
 by Tryphon or Diodotus (1 Mace. xi. 39), 
 who had been an officer of his father. 
 
 Head of Antiochus VI. (From a coin.) 
 
 Tryphon succeeded in gaining Antioch (1 
 Mace. xi. 56) ; and afterwards the greater 
 part of Syria submitted to the young An- 
 tiochus. He afterwards defeated the troops 
 of Demetrius at Hazor (1 Mace. xi. 67) 
 near Cadesh (ver. 73) ; and repulsed a 
 second attempt which he made to regain 
 Palestine (1 Mace. xii. 24 ff.). Tryphon 
 having now, with the assistance of Jona- 
 than the high-priest, gained the supreme 
 power in the name of Antiochus, no longer 
 concealed his design of usurping the crown. 
 As a first step he took Jonathan by treach- 
 ery and put him to death, B. c. 143 (1 
 Ma<:c. xii. 40) ; and afterwards murdered 
 
 the young king, and ascended the throne 
 (1 Mace. xiii. 31). 
 
 Anti'oehus VII., Side'tes (of Side, 
 in Pamphylia) , king of Syria, was the second 
 son of Demetrius I. When his brother 
 Demetrius Nicator, was taken prisoner (c. 
 141 B. c.) by Mithridates I. (Arsaces VI., 1 
 Mace. xiv. 1) king of Parthia, he married 
 his wife Cleopatra and obtained possession 
 of the throne (137 B. c.), having expelled 
 the usurper Tryphon (1 Mace. xv. 1 ff.). 
 At first he made a very advantageous treaty 
 with Simon, high-priest of the Jews, but 
 when he grew independent of his help, he 
 withdrew the concessions which he had 
 made, and demanded the surrender of the 
 fortresses which the Jews held, or an equiv- 
 alent in money (1 Mace. xv. 26 ff.). As 
 Simon was unwilling to yield to his de- 
 mands, he sent a force under Cendebaeus 
 against him, who occupied a fortified posi- 
 tion at Cedron (? 1 Mace. xv. 41), near 
 Azotus, and harassed the surrounding 
 country. After the defeat of Cendebaeua 
 by the sons of Simon and the destruction 
 of his works (1 Mace. xvi. 1-10), Antiochus 
 laid siege to Jerusalem, but granted honor- 
 able terms to John Hyrcanus (B. c. 133), 
 who had made a vigorous resistance. In a 
 campaign against the Parthians he was 
 entirely defeated by Phraortes II. (Arsaces 
 VII.), and fell in the battle c. B. c. 127-6. 
 
 An'tipas, martyr at Pergamos (Rev. ii. 
 13), and according to tradition the bishop 
 of that place. 
 
 An'tipas. [HEROD.] 
 
 Antipa'tris, a town to which the sol- 
 diers conveyed St. Paul by night on their 
 march (Acts xxiii. 31). Its ancient name 
 was Capharsaba; and Herod, when he re- 
 built the city, changed it to Antipatris, in 
 honor of his father Antipater. The village 
 Kefr-Saba still retains the ancient name of 
 Antipatris. 
 
 An'tothite, a dweller at Anathoth (1 
 Chr. xi. 28, xii. 3). [ANATHOTH.] 
 
 Antothi'jah. A Benjamite. one of the 
 sons of Jeroham (1 Chr. viii. 24). 
 
 A'nub. Son of Coz and descendant of 
 Judah, through Ashur the father of Tekoa 
 (1 Chr. iv. 8). 
 
 Apel'les, a Christian saluted by St. 
 Paul in Rom. xvi. 10. Tradition makes 
 him bishop of Smyrna or Heraclea. 
 
 Apes (Heb. kdphim) are mentioned in 
 1 K. x. 22, and 2 Chr. ix. 21. There can be 
 little doubt but that the apes were brought 
 from the same country which supplied ivory 
 and peacocks, both of which are common 
 in Ceylon ; and Sir E. Tennent has drawn 
 attention to the fact that the Tamil names 
 for apes, ivory, and peacocks, are identical 
 with the Hebrew. 
 
 Aphar'sathchites, Aphar 'sites, 
 Aphar'sacites, the names of certain 
 tribes, colonies from which had been plant-
 
 APHEK 
 
 44 
 
 APOSTLE 
 
 ed in Samaria by the Assyrian leader As- 
 napper (Ezr. iv. 9, v. 6). The first and 
 last are regarded as the same. Whence 
 these tribes came is entirely a matter of 
 conjecture. 
 
 A'phek, the name of several places in 
 Palestine. 1. A royal city of the Canaan- 
 ites, the king of which was killed by Joshua 
 (Josh. xii. 18), probably the same as APHE- 
 KAH in Josh. xv. 53. 2. A city, appar- 
 ently in the extreme north of Asher (Josh, 
 xix. 30), from which the Canaanites were 
 not ejected (Judg. i. 31 ; though here it is 
 Aphik). This is probably the same "place 
 as Aphek (Josh. xiii. 4), on the extreme 
 north " border of the Amorites," identi- 
 fied with the Aphaca of classical times, the 
 modern Afka. 3. A place at which the 
 Philistines encamped while the Israelites 
 pitched in Eben-ezer, before the fatal bat- 
 tle in which the sons of Eli were killed and 
 the ark taken (1 Sam. iv. 1). This would 
 be somewhere to the N. W. of, and at no 
 great distance from Jerusalem. 4. The 
 scene of another encampment of the Phi- 
 listines, before an encounter not less dis- 
 astrous than that just named, the defeat 
 and death of Saul (1 Sam. xxix. 1). It is 
 possible that it may be the same place as 
 the preceding. 5. A city on the military 
 road from Syria to Israel (1 K. xx. 26). 
 It is now found in Ftk, at the head of the 
 Wady Ftk, 6 miles east of the Sea of Gal- 
 ilee. 
 
 Aphe'kah, a city of Judah, in the 
 mountains (Josh. xv. 63), probably the 
 same as APHEK (1). 
 
 Aphi'ah, one of the forefathers of king 
 Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1). 
 
 A'phik, a city of Asher from which the 
 Canaanites were not driven out (Judg. i. 
 31). Probably the same place as APHEK 
 (2). 
 
 Aph.'rah, the house of, a place men- 
 tioned in Mic. i. 10. Its site is uncertain. 
 
 Aph.'ses, chief of the 18th of the 24 
 courses in the service of the Temple (1 
 Chr. xxiv. 15). 
 
 Apoc'alypse. [REVELATION.] 
 
 Apoc'rypha. The collection of Books 
 to which this term is popularly applied in- 
 cludes the following (the order given is 
 that in which they stand in the English 
 version) : I. 1 Esdras ; II. 2 Esdras ; III. 
 Tobit; IV. Judith; V. The rest of the 
 chapters of the Book of Esther, which are 
 found neither in the Hebrew nor in the 
 Chaldee ; VI. The Wisdom of Solomon ; 
 VII. The Wisdom of Jesus the Son of 
 Sirach, or Ecclesiasticus ; VIII. Baruch ; 
 
 IX. The Song of the Three Holy Children ; 
 
 X. The History of Susanna ; XI. The His- 
 tory of the destruction of Bel and the 
 Dragon; XII. The Prayer of Manasses, 
 king of Judah; XIII. 1 Maccabees; XIV. 2 
 Maccabees . The primary meaning of Apoc- 
 
 rypha, "hidden, secret," seems, towards 
 the close of the 2d century, to have been 
 associated with the signification " spuri- 
 ous," and ultimately to have settled down 
 into the latter. The separate books of this 
 collection are treated of in distinct Articles. 
 Their relation to the canonical books of the 
 Old Testament is discussed under CANON. 
 
 Apollo'nia, a .city of Macedonia, 
 through which Paul and Silas passed in 
 their way from Philippi and Amphipolis to 
 Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 1). According to 
 the Antonine Itinerary it was distant 30 
 Roman miles from Amphipolis, and 37 
 Roman miles from Thessalonica. 
 
 Apol'los, a Jew from Alexandria, elo- 
 quent (which may also mean learned) and 
 mighty in the Scriptures ; one instructed in 
 the way of the Lord, according to the im- 
 perfect view of the disciples of John the 
 Baptist (Acts xviii. 25), but on his coming 
 to Ephesus during a temporary absence of 
 St. Paul, A. D. 54, more perfectly taught 
 by Aquila and Priscilla. After this he 
 became a preacher of the Gospel, first in 
 Achaia and then in Corinth (Acts xviii. 27, 
 xix. 1), where he watered that which Paul 
 had planted (1 Cor. iii. 6). When the 
 apostle wrote his First Epistle to the Corin- 
 thians, Apollos was with or near him (1 
 Cor. xvi. 12), probably at Ephesus in A. D. 
 57 : we hear of him then that he was un- 
 willing at that time to journey to Corinth, 
 but would do so when he should have con- 
 venient time. He is mentioned but once 
 more in the N. T., in Tit. iii. 13. After 
 this nothing is known of him. Tradition 
 makes him bishop of Caesarea. It has 
 been supposed by some that Apollos was 
 the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews. 
 
 Apol'lyon, or, as it is literally in the 
 margin of the A. V. of Rev. ix. 11, "a de- 
 stroyer," is the rendering of the Hebrew 
 word ABADDON, " the angel of the bottom- 
 less pit." The angel Apollyon is further 
 described as the king of the locusts which 
 rose from the smoke of the bottomless pit 
 at the sounding of the fifth trumpet. From 
 the occurrence of the word in Ps. Ixxxviii. 
 11, the Rabbins have made Abaddon the 
 nethermost of the two regions into which 
 they divide the lower world. But that in 
 Rev. ix. 11, Abbadon is the angei and not 
 the abyss, is perfectly evident in the Greek. 
 There is no authority for connecting it with 
 "the destroyer" alluded to in 1 Cor. x. 10. 
 
 Apostle (one sent forth), in the N. T., 
 originally the official name of those Twelve 
 of the disciples whom Jesus chose to send 
 forth first to preach the Gospel, and to be 
 with Him during the course of his ministry 
 on earth. The word also appears to have 
 been used in a- non-official sense to desig- 
 nate a much wider circle of Christian mes- 
 sengers and teachers. (See 2 Cor. viii. 23 ; 
 Phil. ii. 25.) It is only of those who were
 
 APOSTLE 
 
 45 
 
 APPEAL 
 
 officially designated Apostles, that we treat 
 in this article. The original qualification 
 of an Apostle, as stated by St. Peter, on 
 the occasion of electing a successor to the 
 traitor Judas, was, that he should have 
 been personally acquainted with the whole 
 ministerial course of our Lord, from his 
 baptism by John till the day when he was 
 taken up into Heaven. The Apostles were 
 from the lower ranks of life, simple and 
 uneducated; some of them were related 
 to Jesus according to the flesh ; some had 
 previously been disciples of John the Bap- 
 tist. Our Lord chose them early in his 
 public career, though it is uncertain pre- 
 cisely at what time. Some of them had 
 certainly partly attached themselves to Him 
 before ; but after their call as Apostles 
 they appear to have been continuously 
 with Him, or in his service. They seem 
 to have been all on an equality, both during 
 and after the ministry of Christ on earth. 
 Early in our Lord's ministry, He sent them 
 out two and two to preach repentance, and 
 perform miracles in his name (Matt. x. ; 
 Luke ix.). This their .mission was of the 
 nature of a solemn call to the children of 
 Israel, to whom it was confined (Matt. x. 
 5, 6). The Apostles were early warned by 
 their Master of the solemn nature and the 
 danger of their calling (Matt. x. 17). They 
 accompanied Him in his journeys of teach- 
 ing and to the Jewish feasts, saw his 
 wonderful works, heard his discourses ad- 
 dressed to the people, and made inquiries 
 of Him on religious matters. They recog- 
 nized Him as the Christ of God (Matt. xvi. 
 16 ; Luke ix. 20), and ascribed to Him su- 
 pernatural power (Luke ix. 54) ; but in the 
 recognition of the spiritual teaching and 
 mission of Christ, they made very slow 
 progress, held back as they were by weak- 
 ness of apprehension and by national preju- 
 dices. Even at the removal of our Lord 
 from the earth, they were yet weak in their 
 knowledge (Luke xxiv. 21 ; John xvi. 12), 
 though he had for so long been carefully 
 preparing and instructing them. And when 
 that happened of which He had so often fore- 
 warned them his apprehension by the 
 chief priests and Pharisees they all for- 
 sook Him and fled (Matt. xxvi. 5G). They 
 left his burial to one who was not of their 
 number and to the women, and were only 
 convinced of his resurrection on the very 
 plainest proofs furnished by himself. On 
 the Feast of Pentecost, ten days after our 
 Lord's ascension, the Holy Spirit came down 
 on the assembled church (Acts ii.) ; and from 
 that time the Apostles became altogether dif- 
 ferent men, giving witness with power of the 
 life and death and resurrection of Jesus as 
 He had declared they should (Luke xxiv. 
 48 ; Acts i. 8, 22, ii. 32, iii. 15, v. 32, xiii. 
 31). First of all the mother-church at 
 Jerusalem grew up under their hands (Acts 
 
 iii.-vii.), and their superior dignity and 
 power were universally acknowledged by 
 the rulers and the people (Acts v. 12 ff.). 
 Even the persecution which arose about 
 Stephen, and put the first check on the 
 spread of the Gospel in Judaea, does not 
 seem to have brought peril to the Apostles 
 (Acts viii. 1). Their first mission out of 
 Jerusalem was to Samaria (Acts viii. 5-25), 
 where the Lord himself had, during his 
 ministry, sown the seed of the Gospel. 
 Here ends, properly speaking (or rather 
 perhaps with the general visitation hinted 
 at in Acts ix. 31), the first period of the 
 Apostles' agency, during which its centre is 
 Jerusalem, and the prominent figure is 
 that of St. Peter. The centre of the 
 second period of the apostolic agency is 
 Antioch, where a church soon was built up, 
 consisting of Jews and Gentiles; and the 
 central figure of this and of the subsequent 
 period is St. Paul. The third apostolic 
 period is marked by the almost entire dis- 
 appearance of the Twelve from the sacred 
 narrative, and the exclusive agency of St. 
 Paul, the great apostle of the Gentiles. 
 Of the missionary work of the rest of the 
 Twelve, we know absolutely nothing from 
 the sacred narrative. As regards the 
 apostolic office, it seems to have been pre- 
 eminently that of founding the churches, 
 and upholding them by supernatural power 
 specially bestowed for that purpose. It 
 ceased, as a matter of course^ with its first 
 holders ; all continuation of it, from the 
 very conditions of its existence (cf. 1 Cor. 
 ix. 1), being imposaible. 
 
 Appa'im. Son of Nadab, and descend- 
 ed from Jerahmeel, the founder of an im- 
 portant family of the tribe of Judah (1 
 Chr. ii. 30, 31). 
 
 Appeal. The principle of appeal waa 
 recognized by the Mosaic law in the estab- 
 lishment of a central court under the 
 presidency of the judge or ruler for the 
 time being, before which all cases too diffi- 
 cult for the local courts were to be tried 
 (Deut. xvii. 8, 9). According to the above 
 regulation, the appeal lay in the time of 
 the Judges to the judge (Judg. iv. 5), and 
 under the monarchy to the king, who ap- 
 pears to have deputed certain persons to 
 inquire into the facts of the case, and record 
 his decision thereon (2 Sam. xv. 3). Je- 
 hoshaphat delegated his judicial author- 
 ity to a court permanently established for 
 the purpose (2 Chr. xix. 8). These courts 
 were re-established by Ezra (Ezr. vii. 25). 
 After the institution of the Sanhedrim the 
 final appeal lay to them. St. Paul, as a 
 Roman citizen, exercised a right of appeal 
 from the jurisdiction of the local court at 
 Jerusalem to the emperor (Acts xxv. 11). 
 Since the procedure in the Jewish courts at 
 that period was of a mixed and undefined 
 character, he availed himself of his un-
 
 APPHIA 
 
 46 
 
 AEABIA 
 
 doubted privilege to be tried by the pure 
 Roman law. 
 
 Ap'phia, a Christian woman addressed 
 jointly with Philemon and Archippus in 
 Philem. 2, apparently a member of Phile- 
 mon's household, and not improbably his 
 wife. 
 
 Ap'pii Fo'rum, a well-known station 
 on the Appian Way, the great road which 
 led from Home to the neighborhood of the 
 Bay of Naples (Acts xxviii. 13). There is 
 no difficulty in identifying the site with 
 some ruins near Treponti. [THREE TAV- 
 ERNS.] 
 
 Apple-Tree, Apple (Heb. tappiiach). 
 Mention of the apple-tree occurs in the A. 
 V. in Cant. ii. 3, viii. 5, and Joel i. 12. The 
 fruit of this tree is alluded to in Prov. XXT. 
 11, and Cant. ii. 5, vii. 8. It is a difficult 
 matter to say what is the specific tree de- 
 noted by the Hebrew word tappuach. 
 Most modern writers maintain that it is 
 either the quince or the citron. The quince 
 has some plausible arguments in its favor. 
 Its fragrance was held in high esteem by 
 the ancients. The quince was sacred to 
 Venus. On the other hand, Dr. Royle 
 says, "The rich color, fragrant odor, and 
 handsome appearance of the citron, wheth- 
 er in flower or in fruit, are particularly 
 suited to the passages of Scripture men- 
 tioned above." But neither the quince nor 
 the citron nor the apple appears fully to 
 ansvrer to all the Scriptural allusions. The 
 orange would answer all the demands of 
 the Scriptural passages, and orange-trees 
 are found in Palestine ^ but there does not 
 appear sufficient evidence that this tree was 
 known in the earlier times to the inhab- 
 itants of Palestine. The question of iden- 
 tification, therefore, must still be left an 
 open one. 
 
 Aq'uila, a Jew whom St. Paul found at 
 Corinth on his arrival from Athens (Acts 
 xviii. 2). He was a native of Pontus, but 
 had fled, with his wife Priscilla, from Rome, 
 in consequence of an order of Claudius 
 commanding all Jews to leave the city. He 
 became acquainted with St. Paul, and they 
 abode together, and wrought at their com- 
 mon trade of making the Cilician tent or 
 hair-cloth. On the departure of the Apos- 
 tle from Corinth, a year and six months 
 after, Priscilla and Aquila accompanied 
 him to Ephesus. There they remained, 
 and there they taught Apollos. At what 
 time they became Christians is uncertain. 
 
 Ar, or Ar of Moab, one of the chief 
 places of Moab (Is. xv. 1; Num. xxi. 28). 
 In later times the place was known as 
 Areopolis and Rabbath-Moab. The site is 
 still called Rabla ; it lies about half way 
 between Kerak and the Wady Mojeb, 10 or 
 11 miles from each, the Roman road pass- 
 ing through it. 
 - A'ra, One of the sons of Jether, the 
 
 head of a family of Asherites (1 Chr. vii. 
 38). 
 
 A'rab, a city of Judah in the mountain- 
 ous district, probably in the neighborhood 
 of Hebron, mentioned only in Josh. xv. 52. 
 
 Ar'abah. Although this word appears 
 in the A. V. in its original shape only in 
 Josh, xviii. 18, yet in the Hebrew text it is 
 of frequent occurrence. It indicates more 
 particularly the deep-sunken valley or 
 trench which forms the most striking among 
 the many striking natural features of Pal- 
 estine, and which extends with great 
 uniformity of formation from the slopes 
 of Hermon to the Elanitic Gulf (Gulf 
 of Akabah) of the Red Sea; the most 
 remarkable depression known to exist on 
 the surface of the globe. Through the 
 northern portion of this extraordinary fis- 
 sure the Jordan rushes through the lakes 
 of Huleh and Gennesareth down its tortu- 
 ous course to the deep chasm of the Dead 
 Sea. This portion, about 150 miles in 
 length, is known amongst the Arabs by the 
 name of el-Ghor. The southern boundary 
 of the Ghor is the wall of cliffs which crosses 
 the valley about 10 miles south of the Dead 
 Sea. From their summits, southward to 
 the Gulf of Akabah, the valley changes its 
 name, or, it would be more accurate to say, 
 retains its old name of Wady el-Aralah. 
 
 Ara'bia, a country known in the O. T. 
 under two designations. 1. The East 
 Country (Gen. xxv. 6) ; or perhaps the 
 East (Gen. x. 30 ; Num. xxiii. 7 ; Is. ii. 
 6) ; and Land of the Sons of the East 
 (Gen. xxix. 1) ; Gentile name, Sons of the 
 East (Judg. vi. 3, vii. 12 ; IK. iv. 30 ; Job 
 i. 3 ; Is. xi. 14 ; Jer. xlix. 28 ; Ez. xxv. 
 4). From these passages it appears that 
 the Land of the East and Sons of the East 
 indicate, primarily, the country east of 
 Palestine, and the tribes descended from 
 Ishmael and from Keturah; and that this 
 original signification may have become grad- 
 ually extended to Arabia and its inhabitants 
 generally, though without any strict limi- 
 tation. 2. 'Ardb and 'Arab, whence Arabia 
 (2 Chr. ix. 14 ; Is. xxi. 13 ; Jer. xxv. 24 ; Ez. 
 xxvii. 21). This name seems to have the 
 same geographical reference as the former 
 name to the country and tribes east of the 
 Jordan, and chiefly north of the Arabian 
 peninsula. Arabia may be divided into 
 Arabia Proper, containing the whole penin- 
 sula as far as the limits of the northern 
 deserts; Northern Arabia, constituting the 
 great desert of Arabia ; and Western Ara- 
 bia, the desert of Petra and the peninsula 
 of Sinai, or the country that has been called 
 Arabia Petraea. I. Arabia Proper, or the 
 Arabian peninsula, consists of high table- 
 land, declining towards the north ; its most 
 elevated portions being the chain cf moun- 
 tains running nearly parallel to the Red 
 Sea, and the territory east of the southern
 
 ARABIA 
 
 47 
 
 ARABIA 
 
 part of this chain. So far as the interior 
 has been explored, it consists of mountain- 
 ous and desert tracts, relieved by large 
 districts under cultivation, well peopled, 
 watered by wells and streams, and enjoying 
 periodical rains. The most fertile tracts 
 are those on the south-west and south. II. 
 Northern Arabia, or the Arabian Desert, 
 is a high, undulating, parched plain, of 
 which the Euphrates forms the natural 
 boundary from the Persian Gulf _ to the 
 frontier of Syria, whence it is bounded by 
 the latter country and the desert of Petra 
 on the north-west and west, the peninsula 
 of Arabia forming its southern limit. It 
 has few oases, the water of the wells is gen- 
 erally either brackish or unpotable, and it 
 is visited by the sand-wind called Samoom. 
 The inhabitants were known to the ancients 
 as " dwellers in tents" (comp. Is. xiii. 20; 
 Jer. xlix. 31 ; Ezck. xxxviii. 11) ; and they 
 extended from Babylonia on the east (comp. 
 Num. xxiii. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 16 ; Is. ii. 6, 
 xiii. 20), to the borders of Egypt on the 
 west. These tribes, principally descended 
 from Ishmael and from. Keturah have always 
 led a wandering and pastoral life. They con- 
 ducted a considerable trade of merchan- 
 dise of Arabia and India from the shores 
 of the Persian Gulf (Ez. xxvii. 20-24), 
 whence a chain of oases still forms caravan- 
 stations ; and they likewise traded from the 
 western portions of the peninsula. The 
 latter traffic appears to be frequently men- 
 tioned in connection with Ishmaelites, 
 Keturahites, and other Arabian peoples 
 (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 28; IK. x. 15, 25; 2 
 Chr. ix. 14, 24 ; Is. Ix. 6 ; Jer. vi. 20) : it 
 seems, however, to have been chiefly in 
 the hands of the inhabitants of Idumaea. 
 III. Western Arabia includes the peninsula 
 of Sinai [SINAI], and the desert of Petra, 
 corresponding generally with the limits of 
 Arabia Petraea. The latter name is proba- 
 bly derived from that of its chief city ; not 
 from its stony character. It was in the 
 earliest times inhabited by a people whose 
 genealogy is not mentioned in the Bible, 
 the Horites or Horim (Gen. xiv. 6, xxxvi. 
 20, 21, 22, 29, 30; Deut. ii. 12, 22). [HO- 
 RITES.] But it was mostly peopled by de- 
 scendants of Esau, and was generally 
 known as the land of Edom, or Idumaea 
 [EDOM] ; as well as by its older appellation, 
 the desert of Seir, or Mount Seir. [SEIR.] 
 The common origin of the Idumaeans from 
 Esau and Ishmael is found in the mar- 
 riage of the former with a daughter of the 
 latter (Gen. xxviii. 9, xxxvi. 3). The 
 Nabathaeans succeeded to the Idumaeans. 
 Inhabitants. 1. The descendants of JOK- 
 TAN occupied the principal portions of the 
 south and south-stest of the peninsula, with 
 colonies in the interior. In Genesis (x. 30) 
 it is said, "and their dwelling was from 
 Mesha, as thou goest unto Sephar, a mount 
 
 of the East (Kedem)" The principal 
 Joktanite kingdom, and the chief state of 
 ancient Arabia, was that of the Yemen, 
 founded (according to the Arabs) by Yaa- 
 rub, the son (or descendant) of Kahtdn 
 (Joktan). This was the Biblical kingdom 
 of Sheba. Its rulers, and most of its peo- 
 ple, were descendants of Sebi (= Sheba), 
 whence tiie classical Sabaei. The domi- 
 nant faimly was apparently that of Him- 
 yer, son (or descendant) of Seba. A mem- 
 ber of this family founded the more mod- 
 ern kingdom of the Himyerites. Native 
 tradition -seems to prove that the latter 
 appellation represented the former only 
 shortly before the Christian era. The rule 
 of the Himyerites (whence the Homeritae 
 of classical authors) probably extended 
 over the modern Yemen, Ifadramfiwt, and 
 Mahreh. Their kingdom lasted until A. D. 
 525, when it fell before an Abyssinian in- 
 vasion. The other chief Joktanite king- 
 dom was that of the Hijaz, founded by 
 Jurhum, the brother of Yaarub, who left 
 the Yemen and settled in the neighborhood 
 of Meklceh. This kingdom, situate in a 
 less fertile district than the Yemen, and 
 engaged in conflict with aboriginal tribes, 
 never attained the importance of that of 
 the south. 2. The ISHMAELITES appear to 
 have entered the peninsula from the north- 
 west. That they have spread over the 
 whole of it (with the exception of one or 
 two districts on the south coast), and that 
 the modern nation is predominantly Ish- 
 maelite, is asserted by the Arabs. They 
 extended northwards from the Hijaz into 
 the Arabian desert, where they mixed with 
 Keturahites and other Abrahamic people? ; 
 and westwards to Idumaea, where they 
 mixed with Edomites, &c. The tribes 
 sprung from Ishmael have always been gov- 
 erned by petty chiefs or heads of families 
 (sheykhs and emeers) : " they have gener- 
 ally followed a patriarchal life, and have 
 not originated kingdoms, though they have 
 in some instances succeeded to those of 
 the Joktanites, the principal one of these 
 being that of El-Heereh. With reference 
 to the Ishmaelites generally, there is doubt 
 as to the wide extension given to them by 
 Arab tradition. 3. Of the descendants of 
 KETURAH the Arabs say little. They appear 
 to have settled chiefly north of the penin- 
 sula in Desert Arabia, from Palestine to 
 the Persian Gulf. 4. In Northern and 
 Western Arabia are other peoples, which, 
 from their geographical position and mode 
 of life, are sometimes classed with the 
 Arabs. Of these are AMALEK, the de- 
 scendants of ESAU, &c. Religicn. The 
 most ancient idolatry of the Arabs we must 
 conclude to have been fetishism, of wliich 
 there arc striking proofs in the sacred trees 
 and stones of historical times, and in the 
 worship of the heavenly bodies, or Sabae-
 
 ARABIA 
 
 48 
 
 AEAM 
 
 ism. Magianism, an importation from 
 Chaldaea and Persia, must be reckoned 
 among the religions of the Pagan Arabs ; 
 but it never had very numerous followers. 
 Christianity was introduced into Southern 
 Arabia towards the close of the 2d cen- 
 tury, and about a century later it had made 
 great progress. It nourished chiefly in the 
 Yemen, where many churches were built. 
 Judaism was propagated in ArJPia, princi- 
 pally by Karaites, at the captivity, but it 
 was introduced before that time : it became 
 very prevalent in the Yemen, and in the 
 Hijaz, especially at Kheybar and El-Me- 
 deeneh, where there are said to be still 
 tribes of Jewish extraction. Language. 
 Arabic, the language of Arabia, is the most 
 developed and the richest of Shemitic lan- 
 guages, and the only one of which we have 
 an extensive literature ; it is, therefore, of 
 great importance to the study of Hebrew. 
 Of its early phases we know nothing ; while 
 we have archaic monuments of the Him- 
 yeritic (the ancient language of Southern 
 Arabia), though we cannot fix their precise 
 ages. It is probable that in the 14th or 13th 
 cent. B. c., the Shemitic languages differed 
 much less than in after times. But it ap- 
 pears from 2 K. xviii. 26, that in the 8th 
 cent. B. c. only the educated classes among 
 the Jews understood Aramaic. With these 
 evidences before us, we think that the Him- 
 yeritic is to be regarded as a sister of the 
 Heo'ew, and the Arabic (commonly so 
 called) as a sister of the Hebrew and 
 Aramaic, 01, in its classical phasis, as a de- 
 scendant of a sister of these two, but that 
 the Himycritic is mixed with an African lan- 
 guage, and that the other dialects of Arabia 
 are in like manner, though in a much less 
 degree, mixed with an African language. 
 The manners and customs of the Arabs are 
 of great value in illustrating the Bible. 
 No one can mix with this people without 
 being constantly and forcibly reminded 
 either of the early patriarchs or of the 
 settled Israelites. We may instance their 
 pastoral life, their hospitality, their univer- 
 sal respect for age (coinp. Lev. xix. 32), 
 their familiar deference (comp. 2 K. v. 13), 
 their superstitious regard for the beard. 
 References in the Bible to the Arabs them- 
 selves are still more clearly illustrated by 
 the manners of the modern people, in their 
 predatory expeditions, their mode of war- 
 fare, their caravan journeys, &c. Com- 
 merce. Direct mention of the commerce 
 of the south does not appear to be made in 
 the Bible, but it seems to have passed to 
 Palestine principally through the northern 
 tribes. The Joktanite people of Southern 
 Arabia have always been, in contradistinc- 
 tion to the Ishmaelite tribes, addicted to a 
 seafaring life. The latter were caravan- 
 merchants ; the former, the chief traders 
 of the Red Sea, carrying their commerce 
 
 to the shores of India, as well as to the 
 nearer coasts of Africa. 
 
 Ara'bians, the nomadic tribes inhabit- 
 ing the country to the east and south of 
 Palestine, who in the early times of He- 
 brew history were known as Ishmaelites 
 and descendants of Keturah. 
 
 A'rad, a Benjamite, son of Beriah, who 
 drove out the inhabitants of Gath (1 Chr. 
 viii. 15). 
 
 A'rad, a royal city of the Canaanites, 
 named with Hormah and Libnah (Josh. xii. 
 14). The wilderness of Judah was to " the 
 south of Arad" (Judg. i. 16). It may be 
 identified with a hill, Tel 'Ar&d, an hour 
 and a half N. E. by E. from Milk (Mola- 
 dah), and 8 hours from Hebron. 
 
 A'rah. 1. An Asherite, of the sons of 
 Ulla (1 Chr. vii. 39). 2. The sons of 
 Arah returned with Zerubbabel in number 
 775 according to Ezr. ii. 5, but 652 accord- 
 ing to Neh. vii. 10. One of his descend- 
 ants, Shechaniah, was the father-in-law of 
 Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 10). 
 
 A'ram. 1. The name by which the He- 
 brews designated, generally, the country ly- 
 ing to the north-east of Palestine ; the great 
 mass of that high table-land which, rising 
 with sudden abruptness from the Jordan 
 and the very margin of the Lake of Gennes- 
 areth, stretches, at an elevation of no less 
 than 2000 feet above the level of the sea, 
 to the banks of the Euphrates itself, con- 
 trasting strongly with the low land border- 
 ing on the Mediterranean, the : ' land of 
 Caanan," or the low country (Gen. xxxi. 18, 
 xxxiii. 18, &c.). Throughout the A. V. the 
 word is, with only a very few exceptions, 
 rendered, as in the Vulgate and LXX., 
 SYRIA. Its earliest occurrence in the book 
 of Genesis is in the form of Aram-naha- 
 raim, i. e. the " highland of or between the 
 two rivers" (Gen. xxiv. 10, A. V. " Meso- 
 potamia"), but in several succeeding chap- 
 ters, and in other parts of the Pentateuch, 
 the word is used without any addition, to 
 designate a dweller in Aram-naharaim. Tn 
 the later history we meet with a number 
 of small nations or kingdoms forming parts 
 of the general land of Aram : 1. Aram- 
 Zobah, or simply Zobah (1 Sam. xiv. 47; 
 2 Sam. viii. 3; 1 Chr. xviii. xix.). [ZouAn.] 
 2. Aram beth-rehob (2 Sam. x. G), or He- 
 hob (x. 8). [REHOB.] 3. Aram-maachah 
 (1 Chr. xix. 6), or Maachah only (2 Sam. 
 x. 6). [MAACHAH.] 4. Geshur. " in Aram" 
 (2 Sam. xv. 8), usually named in connection 
 with Maachah (Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xiii. 11, 
 13, &c.). [GESHUR.] 5. Aram-Damme- 
 sek (Damascus) (2 Sam. viii. 5, 6 ; 1 Chr. 
 xviii. 5, 6). The whole of these petty 
 states are spoken of collectively under the 
 name of "Aram" (2 Sam. x. 13), but as 
 Damascus increased in importance it grad- 
 ually absorbed the smaller powers (1 K. 
 xx. 1), and the name of Aram was at last
 
 ARAM-NAHARAIM 
 
 49 
 
 ARBELA 
 
 applied to it alone (Is. vii. 8 ; also 1 K. xi. 
 24, 25, xv. 18, &c.). In three passages 
 Aram would seem to denote Assyria (2 K. 
 xviii. 26; Is. xxxvi. 11; Jer. xxxv. 11). 
 2. Another Aram is named in Gen. xxii. 
 21, as a son of Kemuel, and descendant of 
 Nahor. 3. An Asherite, one of the sons 
 of Shamer (1 Chr. vii. 34). 4. Son of 
 Esrom, or Hezron, and the same as RAM 
 (Matt. i. 3, 4; Luke iii. 33). 
 
 A'ram-naliara'im (Ps. lx. title). 
 [ARAM.] 
 
 A'ram-zo'bah (Ps. lx. title). [ARAM, 1.] 
 
 Ararat tess, a female inhabitant of 
 Aram (1 Chr. vii. 14). 
 
 A'ran, a Horite, son of Dishan and 
 brother of Uz (Gen. xxxvi. 28 ; 1 Chr. i. 
 42). 
 
 Ar'arat, a mountainous district of Asia 
 mentioned in the Bible in connection with 
 the following events : (1.) As the rest- 
 ing-place of the Ark after the Deluge (Gen. 
 viii. 4) : (2.) as the asylum of the sons of 
 Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii. 38 ; 
 A. V. has "the land of Armenia"): (3.) 
 as the ally, and probably the neighbor, of 
 Minni and Ashchenaz (Jer. li. 27). [AR- 
 MENIA.] The name Ararat was unknown 
 to the geographers of Greece and Rome, 
 as it still is to the Armenians of the pres- 
 ent day : but that it was an indigenous and 
 an ancient name for a portion of Armenia, 
 appears from the statement of Moses of 
 Chorene, who gives Araratia as the des- 
 ignation of the central province. In its 
 Biblical sense it is descriptive generally of 
 the Armenian highlands the lofty plateau 
 which overlooks the plain of the Araxes on 
 the N., and of Mesopotamia on the S. 
 Various opinions have been put forth as 
 to the spot where the Ark rested, as de- 
 scribed in Gen. viii. 4 ; but Berosus the 
 Chaldaean, contemporary with Alexander 
 the Great, fixes the spot on the mountains 
 of Kurdistan. Tradition still points to the 
 Jebel Judi as the scene of the event. Eu- 
 ropeans have given the name Ararat ex- 
 clusively to the mountain which is called 
 Massis by the Armenians, Agri-Dagh, i. e. 
 Steep Mountain, by the Turks, and Kuh-i- 
 Nuh, i. e. Noah's Mountain, by the Per- 
 sians. It rises immediately out of the 
 plain of the Araxes, and terminates in two 
 conical peaks, named the Great and Less 
 Ararat, about seven miles distant from 
 each other ; the former of which attains an 
 elevation of 17,260 feet above the level of 
 the sea and about 14,000 above the plain of 
 the Araxes, while the latter is lower by 
 4000 feet. The summit of the higher is 
 covered with eternal snow for about 3000 
 feet. It is of volcanic origin. The sum- 
 mit of Ararat was long deemed inacces- 
 sible. It was first ascended in 1829 by 
 Parrot, who approached it from the N. W. 
 Arguri, tbe only village known to have 
 
 been built on its slopes, was the spot where, 
 according to tradition, Noah planted his 
 vineyard. Lower down, in the plain of 
 Araxes, is Nachdjevan, where the patriarch 
 is reputed to have been buried. Return- 
 ing to the broader signification we have 
 assigned to the term, " the mountains of 
 Ararat," as co-extensive with the Armenian 
 plateau from the base of Ararat in the N. 
 to the range of Kurdistan in the S., we 
 notice the following characteristics of that 
 region as illustrating the Bible narrative : 
 (1.) Its elevation. It rises to a height of 
 from 6000 to 7000 feet above the level of 
 the sea. (2.) Its geographical position. 
 The Armenian plateau stands equidistant 
 from the Euxine and the Caspian seas on 
 the N., and between the Persian Gulf and 
 the Mediterranean on the S. Viewed with 
 reference to the dispersion of the nations, 
 Armenia is the true centre of the world : 
 and at the present day Ararat is the g*eat 
 boundary-stone between the empires of 
 Russia, Turkey, and Persia. (3.) Its phys- 
 ical character. The plains as well as th 
 mountains supply evidence of volcanic 
 agency. Armenia, however, differs ma- 
 terially from other regions of similar geo- 
 logical formation, inasmuch as it does not 
 rise to a sharp well-defined central crest, 
 but expands into plains or steppes, sepa- 
 rated by a graduated series of subordinate 
 ranges. (4.) The climate. Winter lasts 
 from October to May, and is succeeded by 
 a brief spring and summer of intense heat. 
 In April the Armenian plains are still cov- 
 ered with snow ; and in the early part of 
 September it freezes keenly at night. (5.) 
 The vegetation. Grass grows luxuriantly 
 on the plateau, and furnishes abundant 
 pasture during the summer months to the 
 flocks of the nomad Kurds. Wheat, barley, 
 and vines ripen at far higher altitudes than, 
 on the Alps and the Pyrenees ; and the 
 harvest is brought to maturity with won- 
 derful speed. 
 
 Arau'nah, a Jebusite who sold his 
 threshing-floor on Mount Moriah to David 
 as a site for an altar to Jehovah, together 
 with his oxen (2 Sam. xxiv. 18-24 ; 1 Chr. 
 xxi. 25). 
 
 Ar'ba, the progenitor of the ANAKIM, or 
 sons of Anak, from whom their chief city 
 HEBRON received its name of Kirjath-Arba,. 
 (Josh. xiv. 15, xv. 13, xxi. 11). 
 
 Ar'bah. Hebron, or Kirjath-Arba, as 
 "the city of Arbah" is always rendered 
 elsewhere (Gen. xxxv. 27). 
 
 Ar'bathite, The, i. e. a native of the 
 Arabah or Ghor. [ARABAH.] Abialboni 
 the A. was one of David's mighty men 
 (2 Sam. xxiii. 31; 1 Chr. xi. 32). 
 
 Arbe'la, mentioned in the Bible only 
 in 1 Mace. ix. 2. It is identified with, the 
 modern Irbid, a site with a few ruins, west 
 of Mejdel, on the south-east aide of the
 
 ARBITE 
 
 50 
 
 ARETAS 
 
 Wady ITamdm., in a small plain at the foot 
 of the hill of Kurim Hattin. 
 
 Ar'bite, The. Paarai the Arbite was 
 one of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 35). 
 The word signifies a native of ARAB. 
 
 Archela'us, son of Herod the Great, 
 by a Samaritan woman, Malthake, and, 
 with his brother Antipas, brought up at 
 Rome. At the death of Herod (n. c. 4) 
 his kingdom was divided between his three 
 sons, Herod Antipas, Archelaus, and Philip. 
 Archelaus never properly bore the title of 
 king (Matt. ii. 22), but only that of eth- 
 narch. In the tenth year of his reign, or 
 the ninth, according to Dion Cassius, i. e. 
 A. D. 6, a complaint was preferred against 
 him by his brothers and his subjects on the 
 ground of his tyranny, in consequence of 
 which he was banished to Vienne in Gaul, 
 where he is generally said to have died. 
 
 Archery. [ARMS.] 
 
 Ar'chevites, perhaps the inhabitants 
 of ERECH, some of whom had been placed 
 as colonists in Samaria (Ezr. iv. 9). 
 
 Archip'pus, a Christian teacher in 
 Colossae (Col. iv. 17), called by St. Paul 
 his "fellow-soldier," (Philem. 2). He was 
 probably a member of Philemon's family. 
 
 Ar'chite,The (as if from a place named 
 Erech), the usual designation of David's 
 friend Hushai (2 Sam. xv. 32, xvii. 5, 14 ; 
 1 Chr. xxvii. 33). The word also appears 
 in Josh. xvi. 2, where " the borders of 
 Archi" (i. e. "the Archite") are named as 
 somewhere in the neighborhood of Bethel. 
 
 Architecture. The book of Genesis 
 (iv. 17, 20, 22) appears to divide mankind 
 into great characteristic sections, viz., the 
 "dwellers in tents" and the "dwellers in 
 cities." To the race of Shem is attributed 
 (Gen. x. 11, 12, 22, xi.2-9) the foundation 
 of those cities in the plain of Shinar, Baby- 
 lon, Nineveh, and others ; of one of which, 
 Resen, the epithet "great" sufficiently 
 marks its importance in the time of the 
 writer. It is in connection with Egypt 
 that the Israelites appear first as builders 
 of cities, compelled to labor at the build- 
 ings of the Egyptian monarchs. Pithom 
 and Raamses are said to have been built by 
 them (Ex. i. 11). They were by occupa- 
 tion shepherds, and by habit dwellers in 
 tents (Gen. xlvii. 3). They had therefore 
 originally, speaking properly, no archi- 
 tecture. From the time of the occupation 
 of Canaan they became dwellers hi towns 
 and in houses of stone (Lev. xiv. 34, 45 ; 
 1 K. vii. 10) ; but these were not in all, nor 
 indeed in most cases, built by themselves 
 (Deut. vi. 10; Num. xiii. 19). The peace- 
 ful reign and vast wealth of Solomon gave 
 great impulse to architecture ; for besides 
 the Temple and his other great works, he 
 built fortresses and cities in various places, 
 among which Baalath and Tadmor are in 
 all probability represented by Baalbec and 
 
 Palmyra (1 K. ix. 15, 24). Among the 
 succeeding kings of Israel and of Judah, 
 more than one is recorded as a builder : 
 Asa (1 K. xv. 23), Baasha (xv. 17), Ornri 
 (xvi. 24), Ahab (xvi. 32, xxii. 39), Heze- 
 kiah (2 K. xx. 20 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 27-30), 
 Jehoash, and Josiah (2 K. xii. 11, 12, xxii. 
 6) ; and, lastly, Jehoiakim, whose winter 
 palace is mentioned (Jer. xxii. 14, xxxvi. 
 22; see also Am. iii. 15). On the return 
 from captivity the chief care of the rulers 
 was to rebuild the Temple and the walls 
 of Jerusalem in a substantial manner, with 
 stone, and with timber from Lebanon (Ezr. 
 iii. 8, v. 8 ; Neh. ii. 8, iii.). But the reigns 
 of Herod and his successors were espe- 
 cially remarkable for their great archi- 
 tectural works. Not only was the Temple 
 restored, but the fortifications and other 
 public buildings of Jerusalem were enlarged 
 and embellished (Luke xxi. 5). The town 
 of Caesarea was built on the site of Strato's 
 Tower; Samaria was enlarged, and re- 
 ceived the name of Sebaste. Of the original 
 splendor of these great works no doubt can 
 be entertained ; but of their style and ap- 
 pearance we can only conjecture that they 
 were formed on Greek and Roman models. 
 The enormous stones employed in the 
 Assyrian, Persepolitan, and Egyptian build- 
 ings, find a parallel in the substructions of 
 Baalbec and in the huge blocks which still 
 remain at Jerusalem, relics of the buildings 
 either of Solomon or of Herod. But few 
 monuments are known to exist m Palestine 
 by which we can form an accurate idea of 
 its buildings, and even of those which do 
 remain no trustworthy examination has yet 
 been made. It is probable, however, that 
 the reservoirs known under the names of 
 the Pools of Solomon and Hezekiah con- 
 tain some portions at least of the original 
 fabrics. 
 
 Arctu'rus. The Hebrew words 'Ash 
 and 'Aish, rendered " Arcturus " in the 
 A. V. of Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 32, in conformity 
 with the Vulg. of the former passage, are 
 now generally believed to be identical, and 
 to represent the constellation-Ursa Major, 
 known commonly as the Great Bear, or 
 Charles's Wain. 
 
 Ard, the son of Bela and grandson of 
 Benjamin (Gen. xlvi. 21; Num. xxvi. 40). 
 In 1 Chr. viii. 3, he is called ADDAK. 
 
 Ard'ites, the descendants of Ard or 
 Addar the grandson of Benjamin (Num. 
 xxvi. 40). 
 
 Ar'don, a son of Caleb, the son of Hez- 
 ron, by his wife Azubah (1 Chr. ii. 18). 
 
 Are'li, a son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16; 
 Num. xxvi. 17). His descendants are 
 called THE ARELITES (Num. xxvi. 17). 
 
 Areop'agite, a member of the court of 
 Areopagus (Acts xvii. 34). [MARS' HILL.] 
 
 Areop'agus. [MARS' HILL.] 
 
 Are'tas. 1. A contemporary of Anti-
 
 ARGOB 
 
 51 ARK OF THE COVENANT 
 
 ochus Epiphanes (B. c. 170) and Jason 
 (2 Mace. v. 8). 2. The Aretas alluded to 
 by St. Paul (2 Cor. xi. 32) was father-in- 
 law of Herod Antipas. 
 
 Ar'gob, a tract of country on the east 
 of the Jordan, in Bashan, the kingdom of 
 Og, containing 60 great and fortified cities. 
 In later times it was called Trachonitis, 
 and it is now apparently identified with the 
 Ley ah, a very remarkable district south of 
 Damascus, and east of the Sea of Galilee 
 (Deut. iii. 4, 13, 14). 
 
 Ar'gob, perhaps a Gileadite officer, who 
 was governor of Argob. He was either an 
 accomplice of Pekah in the murder of 
 Pekahiah, or was slain by Pekah (2 K. xv. 
 25). 
 
 Ariara'thes, properly MithridatesIV., 
 Philopator, king of Cappadocia B. c. 168- 
 130, mentioned 1 Mace. xv. 22. He fell in 
 B. c. 130, in the war of the Romans against 
 Aristonicus. 
 
 Arid'ai, ninth son of Haman (Esth. ix. 
 9). 
 
 Arid'atha, sixth son of Haman (Esth. 
 ix. 8). 
 
 Ari'eh. Either one of the accomplices 
 of Pekah in his conspiracy against Pekahiah, 
 or one of the princes of Pekahiah, who was 
 put to death with him (2 K. xv. 25). 
 
 A'riel. 1. One of the " chief men " who 
 under Ezra directed the caravan which he 
 led back from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. 
 viii. 16). The word occurs also in refer- 
 ence to two Moabites slain by Benaiah (2 
 Sam.-xxiii. 20; 1 Chr. xi. 22). Many re- 
 gard the word as an epithet, " lion-like ; " 
 but it seems better to look upon it as a 
 proper name, and translate " two [sons] of 
 Ariel." 2. A designation given by Isaiah 
 to the city of Jerusalem (Is. xxix. 1, 2, 7). 
 Its meaning is obscure. We must under- 
 stand by it either u Lion of God," or 
 " Hearth of God." The latter meaning is 
 suggested by the use of the word in Ez. 
 xliii. 15, 16, as a synonyme for the altar of 
 burnt offering. On the whole it seems 
 most probable that, as a name given to 
 Jerusalem, Ariel means "Lion of God," 
 whilst the word used by Ezekiel means 
 " Hearth of God." 
 
 Arimathae'a (Matt, xxvii. 57; Luke 
 xxiii. 51; John xix. 38). St. Luke calls it 
 " a city of Judaea." It is identified by 
 many with the modern Ranilah. 
 
 A'rioch. 1. The king of Ellasar, one 
 of the allies of Chedorlaomer in his expedi- 
 tion against his rebellious tributaries (Gen. 
 xiv. 1). 2. The captain of Nebuchadnez- 
 zar's body-guard (Dan. ii. 14, &c.). 3. 
 Properly Eirioch, or Erioch, mentioned in 
 Jud. i. 6 as king of the Elymaeans. 
 
 Aris'ai, eighth son of Haman (Esth. 
 ix. 9). 
 
 Aristar'chus, a Thessalonian (Acts 
 xx. 4, xxvii. 2), who accompanied St. Paul 
 
 on his third missionary journey (Acts xix. 
 29). He was with the apostle on his return 
 to Asia (Acts xx. 4) ; and again (xxvii. 2) 
 on his voyage to Rome. We trace him 
 afterwards as St. Paul's fellow-prisoner in 
 Col. iv. 10, and Philem. 24. Tradition 
 makes him bishop of Apamea. 
 
 Aristobu'lus. 1. A Jewish priest (2 
 Mace. i. 10), who resided in Egypt in the 
 reign of Ptolemaeus VI. Philometor. There 
 can be little doubt that he is identical with 
 the peripatetic philosopher of that name, 
 who dedicated to Ptol. Philometor his alle- 
 goric exposition of the Pentateuch. 2. A 
 resident at Rome, some of whose house- 
 hold are greeted in Rom. xvi. 10. Tradi- 
 tion makes him one of the 70 disciples, and 
 reports that he preached the Gospel in 
 Britain. 
 
 Ark, Noah's. [NOAH.] 
 
 Ark of the Covenant. The first 
 piece of the tabernacle's furniture, for 
 which precise directions were delivered 
 (Ex. xxv.). I. It appears to have been 
 an oblong chest of shittim (acacia) wood, 
 2i cubits long, by li broad and deep. 
 Within and without gold was overlaid on 
 the wood, and on the upper side or lid, 
 which was edged round about with gold, 
 the mercy seat was placed. The ark was 
 fitted with rings, one at each of the four 
 corners, and through these were passed 
 staves of the same wood similarly overlaid, 
 by which it was carried by the Kohathites 
 (Num. vii. 9, x. 21). The ends of the 
 staves were visible without the veil in the 
 holy place of the Temple of Solomon (1 K. 
 viii. 8). The ark, when transported, was 
 enveloped in the "veil" of the dismantled 
 tabernacle, in the curtain of badgers' skins, 
 and in a blue cloth over all, and was there- 
 fore not seen (Num. iv. 5, 20). II. Its 
 purpose or object was to contain inviolate 
 the Divine autograph of the two tables, 
 that "covenant" from which it derived its 
 title. It was also probably a reliquary for 
 the pot of manna and the rod of Aaron. 
 
 " ^^ 2B ^S 
 
 
 ^^^^^-^ ^= 
 
 f 
 
 
 ;'--;v'"' : 
 
 
 r j 
 
 Egyptian Ark. (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt-) 
 
 Occupying the most holy spot of the sanc- 
 tuary, it tended to exclude any idol from 
 the centre of worship. It was also the 
 support of the mercy seat, materially syni-
 
 ARKITE 
 
 52 
 
 ARMS, ARMOR 
 
 bolizing, perhaps, the " covenant " as that 
 on which ' ' mercy "rested. III . The chief 
 facts in the earlier history of the ark 
 (see Josh. iii. and vi.) need not be recited. 
 
 Before David's 
 quently shifted. 
 
 tune its abode was fre- 
 It sojourned among sev- 
 
 eral, probably Levitical, families (1 Sam. 
 vii. 1 ; 2 Sam. vi. 3, 11 ; 1 Chr. xiii. 13, xv. 
 24, 25) in the border villages of Eastern 
 Judah, and did not take its place in the 
 tabernacle, but dwelt in curtains, t. e. in a 
 separate tent pitched for it in Jerusalem by 
 David. Its bringing up by David thither 
 was a national festival. Subsequently the 
 Temple, when completed, received, in the 
 installation of the ark in its shrine, the 
 signal of its inauguration by the effulgence 
 of Divine glory instantly manifested. When 
 idolatry became more shameless in the 
 kingdom of Judah, Manasseh placed a 
 "carved image" in the "house of God," 
 
 for it. This may account for the subse- 
 quent statement that it was reinstated by 
 Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiii. 7, xxxv. 3). It was 
 probably taken captive or destroyed by 
 Nebuchadnezzar (2 Esdr. x. 22). Pri- 
 deaux's argument that there must have 
 been an ark in the second Temple is of no 
 weight against express testimony, such as 
 that of Josephus. 
 
 Ark'ite, The, one of the families of 
 the Canaanites (Gen. x. 17; 1 Chr. i. 15), 
 and from the context evidently located in 
 the north of Phoenicia. The site which 
 now bears the name of 'Arka lies on the 
 coast, 2 to 2i hours from the shore, about 
 12 miles north of Tripoli, and 5 south of 
 the Nahr el-Kebir. 
 
 Armaged'don, "the hill, or city 
 of Megiddo" (Rev. xvi. 16). The scene 
 of the struggle of good and evil is suggested 
 by that battle-field, the plain of Esdraelon, 
 t which was famous for two great victories, 
 of Barak over the Canaanites, and of 
 Gideon over the Midianites ; and for two 
 great disasters, the death of Saul and of 
 Josiah. 
 
 Arme'nia is nowhere mentioned under 
 that name in the original Hebrew, though 
 it occurs in the English version (2 K. xix. 
 37) for Ararat. Armenia is that lofty pla- 
 teau whence the rivers Euphrates, Tigris, 
 Araxes, and Acampsis, pour down their 
 waters in different directions ; the two first 
 to the Persian Gulf, the last two respectively 
 to the Caspian and Euxine seas. It may 
 bo termed the nucleus of the mountain sys- 
 tem of Western Asia ; from the centre of 
 the plateau rise two lofty chains of moun- 
 tains, which run from E. to W., converging 
 towards the Caspian sea, but parallel to 
 each other towards the W. The slight 
 acquaintance which the Hebrews had with 
 this country was probably derived from the 
 
 knowledge having been progressive . Isaiah, 
 in his prophecies regarding Babylon, speaks 
 of the hosts as coming from the "moun- 
 tains" (xiii. 4), while Jeremiah employs 
 the specific names Ararat and Minni (li. 
 27). Ezekiel, apparently better acquainted 
 with the country, uses a name which was 
 familiar to its own inhabitants, Togarmah. 
 (1.) ARARAT is mentioned as the place 
 whither the sons of Sennacherib fled (Is. 
 xxxvii. 38). It was the central district 
 surrounding the mountain of that name. 
 (2.) MINNI only occurs hi Jer. li. 27. It 
 is probably identical with the district Min- 
 yas, in the upper valley of the Murad-su 
 branch of the Euphrates. (3.) TOGARMAH 
 is noticed in two passages of Ezekiel 
 (xxvii. 14, xxxviii. 6), both of which are in 
 favor of its identity with Armenia. 
 
 Armlet, an ornament universal in the 
 East, especially among women; used by 
 princes as one of the insignia of royalty, 
 and by distinguished persons in general. 
 The word is not used in the A. V., as even 
 in 2 Sam. i. 10 they render it by " the brace- 
 let on his arm." Sometimes only one was 
 worn, on the right arm (Ecclus. xxi. 21). 
 From Cant. viii. 6, it appears that the signet 
 sometimes consisted of a jewel on the arm 
 
 Assyrian Armlet. (From Nineveh Marbles, Britiih 
 Mute urn.) 
 
 let. These ornaments were used by most 
 ancient princes. They are frequent on the 
 sculptures of Persepolis and Nineveh, and 
 were worn by the kings of Persia. 
 
 Armo'ni, son of Saul by Rizpah (2 Sam. 
 xxi. 8). 
 
 Arms, Armor. The subject natu- 
 rally divides itself into I. Offensive 
 weapons : Arms. II. Defensive weapons : 
 Armor. I. Offensive weapons. 1. Ap- 
 parently the earliest known and most widely 
 used was the Chereb, or " SWORD." Very 
 little can be gathered as to its shape, size, 
 material, or mode of use. Perhaps if any- 
 thing is to be inferred it is that the Chereb 
 is both a lighter and a shorter weapon than 
 the modern sword. It was carried in a 
 sheath (1 Sam. xvii. 51; 2 Sam. xx. 8; 1 
 Chr. xxi. 27), slung by a girdle (1 Sam. 
 xxv. 13) and resting upon the thigh (Ps. 
 xlv. 3; Judg. iii. 16), or upon the hips (2 
 Sam. xx. 8). Doubtless it was of metal, 
 from the allusion to its brightness and 
 " glittering; " but from Josh. v. 2, 3, we 
 may perhaps infer that in early times tne 
 
 Phoenicians. There are signs of their , material was flint. 2. Next to the sword
 
 ARMS, ARMOR 
 
 53 
 
 ARMY 
 
 was the SPEAR; and of this weapon we 
 meet with at least three distinct kinds, a. 
 The Chanith, a " Spear," and that of the 
 largest kind. It was the weapon of Goli- 
 ath (1 Sam. xvii. 7, 45 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 19 ; 1 
 Chr. xx. 5), and also of other giants (2 
 Sam. xxiii. 21 ; 1 Chr. xi. 23) and mighty 
 warriors (2 Sam. ii. 23, xxiii. 18 ; 1 Chr. 
 xi. 11, 20). b. Apparently lighter than the 
 preceding was the Cidtin, or "Javelin." 
 When not in action the Ciddn was carried 
 on the back of the warrior (1 Sam. xvii. 
 6, A. V. "target"), c. Another kind of 
 spear was the Rdmach. In the historical 
 books it occurs in Num. xxv. 7, and 1 K. 
 xviii. 28, and frequently in the later books, 
 as in 1 Chr. xii. 8 (" buckler "), 2 Chr. xi. 
 12. d. The Shelach was probably a lighter 
 missile or " dart." See 2 Chr. xxiii. 10, 
 xxxii. 5 (".darts"); Neh. iv. 17, 23 (see 
 margin) ; Job xxxiii. 18, xxxvi. 12 ; Joel 
 ii. 8. e. Shebet, a rod or staff, is used once 
 only to denote a weapon (2 Sam. xviii. 14). 
 3. Of missile weapons of offence the chief 
 was undoubtedly the Bow, Kesheth. It is 
 met with in the earliest stages of the his- 
 tory, in use both for the chase (Gen. xxi. 
 20, xxvii. 3) and war (xlvii. 22). The AR- 
 ROWS were carried in a quiver (Gen. xxvii. 
 3; Is. xxii. 6, xlix. 2; Ps. cxxvii. 5). 
 From an allusion in Job vi. 4, they would 
 seem to have been sometimes poisoned; 
 and Ps. cxx. 4 may point to a practice of 
 using arrows with some burning material 
 attached to them. 4. The SLING is first 
 mentioned in Judg. xx. 16. This simple 
 weapon with which David killed the giant 
 Philistine was the natural attendant of a 
 shepherd. Later in the monarchy, slingers 
 formed part of the regular army (2 K. iii. 
 25). II. Armor. 1. The BREASTPLATE, 
 enumerated in the description of the arms 
 of Goliath, a " coat of mail," literally a 
 " breastplate of scales" (1 Sam. xvii. 5). 
 This word has furnished one of the names 
 of Mount Hermon (see Deut. iii. 9). 2. 
 The habergeon is mentioned but twice 
 
 Assyrian Helmets. 
 
 In reference to the gown of the high-priest 
 (Ex. xxviii. 32, xxxix. 23). It was prob- 
 ably a quilted shirt or doublet. 3. The 
 HELMET is referred to in 1 Sam. xvii. 5 ; 2 
 Chr. xxvi. 14 ; Ezek. xxvii. 10. 4. GREAVES, 
 
 or defences for the feet made of brass, are 
 named in 1 Sam. xvii. 6, only. 5. Two 
 kinds of SHIELD are distinguishable, a. 
 The large shield, encompassing (Ps. v. 12) 
 the whole person. When not in actual con- 
 flict, it was carried before the warrior (1 
 Sam. xvii. 7, 41). b. Of smaller dimen- 
 sions was the buckler or target, probably 
 for use in hand-to-hand fight (1 K. x. 16, 
 47; 2 Chr. ix. 15, 16). 6. What kind of 
 arm was the Shelet it is impossible to de- 
 termine. By some translators it is ren- 
 dered a ".quiver," by some "weapons" 
 generally, by others a " shield." It denot- 
 
 AMyrian Shields. 
 
 Egyptian Shield. 
 
 ed certain weapons of gold taken by David 
 from Hadadezer king of Zobah (2 Sam. 
 viii. 7; 1 Chr. xviii. 7), and dedicated in 
 the Temple (2 K. xi. 10; 2 Chr. xxiii. 9 
 Cant. iv. 4). In Jer. Ii. 11; Ezek. xxvii. 
 11, the word has the force of a foreign arm. 
 Army. I. JEWISH ARMY. The mili- 
 tary organization of the Jews commenced 
 with their departure from the land of Egypt, 
 and was adapted to the nature of the expe- 
 dition on which they then entered. Every 
 man above 20 years of age was a soldier 
 (Num. i. 3) : each tribe formed a regiment 
 with its own banner and its own leader 
 (Num. ii. 2, x. 14) : their positions in the 
 camp or on the march were accurately 
 fixed (Num. ii.) : the whole army started 
 and stopped at a given signal (Num. x. 5, 
 6) : thus they came up out of Egypt ready 
 for the fight (Ex. xiii. 18). On the ap- 
 proach of an enemy, a conscription was 
 made from the general body under the di- 
 rection of a muster-master (Deut. xx. 5 ; 2 
 K. xxv. 19), by whom also the officers were 
 appointed (Deut. xx. 9). The army was 
 then divided into thousands and hundreds 
 under their respective captains (Num. xxxi. 
 14), and still further into families (Num.ii. 
 34; 2 Chr. xxv. 5, xxvi. 12), the family 
 being regarded as the unit in the Jewish 
 polity. With the kings arose the custom 
 of maintaining a body-guard, which formed 
 the nucleus of a standing army. Thus Saul 
 had a band of 3000 select warriors (1 Sam.
 
 ARMY 
 
 54 
 
 ARPHAXAD 
 
 xiii. 2, xiv. 52, xxiv. 2), and David, before 
 his accession to the throne, 600 (1 Sam. 
 xxiii. 13, xxv. 13). This band he retained 
 after he became king, and added the CHER- 
 ETHITES and PELETHITES (2 Sam. xv. 18, 
 xx. 7), together with another class, Shali- 
 shim, officers of high rank, the chief of 
 whom (2 K. vii. 2 ; 1 Chr. xii. 18) was im- 
 mediately about the king's person. David 
 further organized a national militia, divided 
 into twelve regiments under their respec- 
 tive officers, each of which was called out 
 for one month in the year (1 JChr. xxvii. 
 1) ; at the head of the army when in active 
 service he appointed a commander-in-chief 
 (1 Sam. xiv. 50). Hitherto the army had 
 consisted entirely of infantry (1 Sam. iv. 
 10, xv. 4), the use of horses having been 
 restrained by divine command (Deut. xvii. 
 16); but we find that as the foreign rela- 
 tions of the kingdom extended, much im- 
 portance was attached to them. David had 
 reserved a hundred chariots from the spoils 
 of the Syrians (2 Sam. viii. 4) ; these prob- 
 ably served as the foundation of the force 
 which Solomon afterwards enlarged through 
 his alliance with Egypt (1 K. x. 26, 28, 29). 
 It does not appear that the system estab- 
 lished by David was maintained by the 
 kings of Judah ; but in Israel the proximity 
 of the hostile kingdom of Syria necessitated 
 the maintenance of a standing army. The 
 inilitia was occasionally called out in time 
 of peace (2 Chr. xiv. 8, xxv. 5, xxvi. 11) ; 
 but such cases were exceptional. On the 
 other hand the body-guard appears to have 
 been regularly kept up (1 K. xiv. 28 ; 2 K. 
 xi. 4, 11). Occasional reference is made 
 to war-chariots (2 K. viii. 21) ; but in Hez- 
 ekiah's reign no force of the kind could be 
 maintained, and the Jews were obliged to 
 seek the aid of Egypt for horses and char- 
 iots (2 K. xviii. 23, 24; Is. xxxi. 1). The 
 maintenance and equipment of the soldiers 
 at the public expense dates from the estab- 
 lishment of a standing army. It is doubt- 
 ful whether the soldier ever received pay 
 even under the kings. The numerical 
 strength of the Jewish army cannot be as- 
 certained with any degree of accuracy : the 
 numbers, as given in the text, are mani- 
 festly incorrect, and the discrepancies in 
 the various statements irreconcilable. 
 
 II. ROMAN ARMY. The Roman army 
 was divided into legions, the number of 
 which varied considerably, each under six 
 tribuni (" chief captains," Acts xxi. 31), who 
 commanded by turns. The legion was sub- 
 divided into ten cohorts (" band," Acts x. 
 1), the cohort into three maniples, and the 
 maniple into two centuries, containing ori- 
 ginally 100 men, as the name implies, but 
 subsequently from 50 to 100 men, accord- 
 ing to the strength of the legion. There 
 were thus 60 centuries in a legion, each 
 under the command of a centurion (Acts x. 
 
 1, 22; Matt. viii. 5, xxvii. 54). In addi- 
 tion to the legionary cohorts, independent 
 cohorts of volunteers served under the Ro- 
 man standards. One of these cohorts was 
 named the Italian (Acts x. 1), as consist- 
 ing of volunteers from Italy. The cohort 
 named "Augustus" (Acts xxvii. 1) may 
 have consisted of the volunteers from Se- 
 baste. Others, however, think that it was 
 a collars Augusta, similar to the legio Au- 
 gusta. The head-quarters of the Roman 
 forces in Judaea were at Caesarea. 
 
 Ar'nan. In the received Hebrew text 
 " the sons of Arnan" are mentioned in the 
 genealogy of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 21). 
 
 Ar'non, the river or torrent which 
 formed the boundary between Moab and 
 the Amorites, on the north of Moab (Num. 
 xxi. 13, 14, 24, 26; Judg. xi. 22), and after- 
 wards between Moab and Israel (Reuben) 
 (Deut. ii. 24, 36, iii. 8, 12, ] 6, iv. 48 ; Josh, 
 xii. 1, 2, xiii. 9, 16; Judg. xi. 13, 26). 
 There can be no doubt that the Wady el- 
 Mojeb of the present day is the Arnon. Its 
 principal source is near Katrane, on the 
 Haj route. 
 
 A'rod, a son of Gad (Num. xxvi. 17), 
 called ARODI in Gen. xlvi. 16. 
 
 Ar'odi. [AKOD.] 
 
 Ar'odites. [AROD.] 
 
 Ar'oer. 1. A city on the torrent Ar- 
 non, the southern point of the territory of 
 Sihon, king of the Amorites, and afterwards 
 of the tribe of Reuben (Deut. ii. 36, iii. 12, 
 iv. 48 ; Josh xii. 2, xiii. 9, 16 ; Judg. xi. 26 ; 
 2 K. x. 33; 1 Chr. v. 8), but later again in 
 possession of Moab (Jer. xlviii. 19). It is 
 the modern Ard'ir, upon the very edge of 
 the precipitous north bank of the Wady 
 Mojeb. 2. Aroer "that is 'facing' Rab- 
 bah" (Rabbah of Ammon), a town built by 
 and belonging to Gad (Num. xxxii. 34 ; 
 Josh. xiii. 25; 2 Sam. xxiv. 5). This is 
 probably the place mentioned in Judg. xi. 
 33, which was shown in Jerome's time. 
 3. Aroer, in Is. xvii. 2, if a place at all, 
 must be still farther north than either of 
 the two already named. 4. A town in Ju- 
 dah, named only in 1 Sam. xxx. 28, perhaps 
 Wady Ar'drah, on the road from Petra to 
 Gaza. 
 
 Aro'erite. Hothan the Aroerite was 
 the father of two of David's captains (1 Chr. 
 xi. 44). 
 
 Ar'pad or Ar'phad (Is. xxxvi. 19, 
 xxxvii. 13), a city or district in Syria, ap- 
 parently dependent on Damascus (Jer. 
 xlix. 23). No trace of its existence has 
 yet been discovered (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13 ; 
 Is. x. 9). 
 
 Arphax'ad. 1. The son of Shorn and 
 ancestor of Eber (Gen. x. 22, 24, xi. 10). 2. 
 ARPHAXAD, a king " who reigned over the 
 Medes in Ecbatana" (Jud. i. 1-4) : perhaps 
 the same as Phraortes, who fell in a battle 
 with the Assyrians, 633 B. c.
 
 ARROWS 
 
 55 
 
 ASAPH 
 
 Arrows. [ARMS.] 
 
 Ar'saces VI., a king of Parthia, who 
 assumed the royal title of Arsaces in addi- I 
 tion to his proper name, MITHRIDATES I. 
 (1 Mace. xiv. 1-3). 
 
 Artaxerx'es. 1. The first Artaxerxes 
 is mentioned in Ezr. iv. 7, and appears 
 identical with Smerdis, the Magian impos- 
 tor, and pretended brother of Cambyses, 
 who usurped the throne B. c. 522, and 
 reigned eight months. 2. In Neh. ii. 1 we 
 have another Artaxerxes. We may safely 
 identify him with Artaxerxes Macrocheir 
 or Longimanus, the son of Xerxes, who 
 reigned B. c. 461-425. 
 
 Ar'temas, a companion of St. Paul 
 (Tit. iii. 12). According to tradition he 
 was bishop of Lystra. 
 
 Ar'uboth, the third of Solomon's com- 
 missariat districts (1 K. iv. 10). It in- 
 cluded Sochoh, and was therefore probably 
 a name for the rich corn-growing lowland 
 country. 
 
 Aru'mah, a place apparently in the 
 neighborhood of Shechem, at which Abim- 
 elech resided (Judg. ix. 41). 
 
 Ar'vad (Ez. xxvii. 8, 11). The island 
 of Ruad, which lies off Tortosa (Tart-its'), 
 2 or 3 miles from the Phoenician coast. In 
 agreement with this is the mention of " the 
 Arvadite " in Gen. x. 18, and 1 Chr. i. ] 6, 
 as a son of Canaan, with Zidon, Hamath, 
 and other northern localities. 
 
 Ar'vadite. [ARVAD.] 
 
 Ar'za, prefect of the palace at Tirzah to 
 Elah king of Israel, who was assassinated 
 at a banquet in his house by Zimri (1 K. 
 xvi. 9). 
 
 A'sa. 1. Son of Abijah, and third king of 
 Judah (B. c. 956-916). In his zeal against 
 heathenism he did not spare his grand- 
 mother Maachah, who occupied the special 
 dignity of " King's Mother," to which great 
 importance was attached in the Jewish 
 court. Asa burnt the symbol of her re- 
 ligion (1 K. xv. 13), and threw its ashes 
 into the brook Kidron, and then deposed 
 Maachah from her dignity. He also placed 
 in the Temple certain girts which his father 
 had dedicated, and renewed the great altar 
 which the idolatrous priests apparently had 
 desecrated (2 Chr. xv. 8). Besides this, 
 he fortified cities on his frontiers, and 
 raised an army, amounting, according to 
 2 Chr. xiv. 8, to 580.000 men, a number 
 probably exaggerated by an error of the 
 copyist. During Asa's reign, Zerah, at the 
 head of an enormous host (2 Chr. xiv. 9), 
 attacked Mareshah. There he was utterly 
 defeated, and driven back with immense 
 loss to Gerar. The peace which followed 
 this victory was broken by the attempt of 
 Baasha of Israel to fortify Ramah. To 
 stop this Asa purchased the help of Ben- 
 hadad I. king of Damascus, by a large pay- 
 ment of treasure, forced Baasha to aban- 
 
 don his purpose, and destroyed the works 
 which he had begun at Raraah. In his old 
 age Asa suffered from the gout. He died 
 greatly loved and honored in the 41st 
 year of his reign. 2. Ancestor of Bere- 
 chiah, a Levite who resided in one of the 
 villages of the Netophathites after the re- 
 turn from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 16). 
 
 As'ahel. 1. Nephew of David, being the 
 youngest son of his sister Zeruiah. He 
 was celebrated for his swiftness of foot. 
 When fighting under the command of his 
 brother Joab against Ishbosheth's army at 
 Gibeon, he pursued Abner, who was obliged 
 to kill him in self-defence (2 Sam. ii. 18 ff.). 
 [ABNER.] 2. One of the Levites in the 
 reign of Jehoshaphat, who went throughout 
 the cities of Judah to instruct the people in 
 the knowledge of the law, at the time of 
 the revival of the true worship (2 Chr. 
 xvii. 8). 3. A Levite in the reign of Hez- 
 ekiah, who had charge of the tithes and 
 dedicated things in the Temple under Cono- 
 niah and Shimei (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). 4. A 
 priest, father of Jonathan in the time of 
 Ezra (Ezr. x. 15). He is called AZAEL in 
 
 1 Esd. ix. 14. 
 
 Asahi'ah, a servant of king Josiah, 
 sent by him, together with others, to seek 
 information of Jehovah respecting the book 
 of the law which Hilkiah found in the T^m- 
 ple (2 K. xxii. 12, 14 ; also called ASAIAH, 
 
 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20). 
 
 Asai ah.. 1. A prince of one of the 
 families of the Simeonites in the reign of 
 Hezekiah, who prove out the Hamite shep- 
 herds from Gedor (1 Chr. iv. 36). 2. A 
 Levite in the reign of David, chief of the 
 family of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 30). With 
 120 of his brethren he took part in" the sol- 
 emn service of bringing the ark from the 
 house of Obed-edom to the city of David 
 (1 Chr. xv. 6, 11). 3. The firstborn of 
 "the Shilonite," according to 1 Chr. ix. 6, 
 who with his family dwelt in Jerusalem 
 after the return from Babylon. In Neh. xi. 
 5 he is called MAASEIAH, and his descent 
 is there traced from Shiloni. 4. 2 Chr. 
 xxxjj. 20. [ASAHIAH.] 
 
 A saph. 1. A Levite, son of Berechiah, 
 one of the leaders of David's choir (1 Chr. 
 vi. 39). Psalms 1. and Ixxiii.-lxxxiii. are 
 attributed to him; and he was in after 
 times celebrated as a seer as well as a mu- 
 sical composer (2 Chr. xxix. 30 ; Neh. xii. 
 46). 2. The father or ancestor of Joah, 
 the recorder or chronicler to the kingdom 
 of Judah in the reign of Hezekiah (2 K. 
 xviii. 18, 37; Is. xxxvi. 3, 22). It is not 
 improbable that this Asaph is the same as 
 the preceding. 3. The keeper of the 
 royal forest or "paradise" of Artaxerxes 
 (Neh. ii. 8). His name would seem to in- 
 dicate that he was a Jew, who, like Nehe- 
 miah, was in high office at the court of 
 Persia. 4. Ancestor of Mattaniah, the
 
 ASAREEL 
 
 56 
 
 ASHKEXAZ 
 
 conductor of the temple-choir after the re- 
 turn from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 15 ; Neh. xi. 
 17). Most probably the same as 1 and 2. 
 
 Asar'eel. a son of Jehaleleel, whose 
 name is abruptly introduced into the gen- 
 ealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16). 
 
 Asare'lah. one of the sons of Asaph, 
 set apart by David to " prophesy with harps 
 and with psalteries' and with cymbals " (1 
 Chr. xxv. 2) ; called JESHARELAH in ver. 
 14. 
 
 As'calon. [ASHKELON.] 
 
 As'enath, daughter of Potipherah, 
 priest, or possibly prince, of On [POTIPHE- 
 RAH], wife of Joseph (Gen. xli. 45), and 
 mother of Manasseh and Ephraim (xli. 50, 
 xlvi. 20). 
 
 A'ser, Luke ii. 36 ; Rev. vii. 6. [ASHER.] 
 
 Ash (Heb. 6ren) occurs only in Is. xliv. 
 14. It is impossible to determine what is 
 the tree denoted by the Hebrew word ; the 
 LXX. and the Vulg. understand some 
 species of pine-tree. Perhaps the larch 
 (Laryx Europaea) may be intended. 
 
 A'shan, a city in the low country of 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 42). In Josh. xix. 7, and 
 1 Chr. iv. 32, it is mentioned again as be- 
 longing to Simeon. It has not yet been 
 identified, unless it be the same as Ain 
 (comp. Josh. xxi. 16 with 1 Chr. vi. 59) ; in 
 whicji case Robinson found it at El Ghu- 
 wein. 
 
 Ash'bea, a proper name, but whether 
 of a person or place is uncertain (1 Chr. iv. 
 21). 
 
 Ash'bel, 2d son of Benjamin and an- 
 cestor of the ASHBELITES (Gen. xlvi. 21; 
 Num. xxvi. 38; 1 Chr. viii. 1). 
 
 Ash'chenaz (1 Chr. i. 6; Jer. li. 27). 
 
 [ASHKENAZ.] 
 
 Ash'dod, or Azo'tus (Acts viii. 40), 
 one of the five confederate cities of the 
 Philistines, situated about 30 miles from 
 the southern frontier of Palestine, 3 from 
 the Mediterranean Sea, and nearly mid- 
 way between Gaza and Joppa. It was 
 assigned to the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 
 47), but was never subdued by the Israel- 
 ites. Its chief importance arose from, its 
 position on the high road from Palestine to 
 Egypt. It is now an insignificant village, 
 with no memorials of its ancient impor- 
 tance, but is still called Esdud. 
 
 Ash'dodites, the inhabitants of Ash- 
 dod (Neh. iv. 7) ; called ASHDOTHITES in 
 Josh. xiii. 3. 
 
 Ash'doth-pis'gah, a curious and prob- 
 ably a very ancient term of doubtful 
 meaning, found only in Deut. iii. 17 ; Josh, 
 xii. 3, xiii. 20 ; and in Deut. iv. 49, A. V. 
 " springs of Pisgah." 
 
 Ash'er, Apocr. and N. T. A'ser, the 
 8th son of Jacob, by Zilpah, Leah's hand- 
 maid [Gen. xxx. 13]. The general posi- 
 tion of his tribe was on the sea-shore from 
 Carmel northwards, with Manasseh on the 
 
 south, Zebulun and Issachar on the south- 
 east, and Naphtali on the north-east. The 
 boundaries and towns are given in Josh, 
 xix. 24-31, xvii. 10, 11; and Judg. i. 31, 
 82. They possessed the maritime portion 
 of the rich plain of Esdraelon, probably 
 for a distance of 8 or 10 miles from the 
 shore. This territory contained some of 
 the richest soil in all Palestine ; and to this 
 fact, as well as to their proximity to the 
 Phoenicians, the degeneracy of the tribe 
 may be attributed (Judg. i. 31, v. 17). 
 
 Ash/er, a place which formed one 
 boundary of the tribe of Manasseh on the 
 south (Josh. xvii. 7). Mr. Porter suggests 
 that Teydsir may be the Asher of Manas- 
 seh (ffandb. p. 348). 
 
 Ash'erah, the name of a Phoenician 
 goddess, or rather of the idol itself (A. V. 
 " grove "). Asherah is closely connected 
 with ASHTORETH and her worship (JuJg. 
 iii. 7, comp. ii. 3 ; Judg. vi. 25 ; IK. xviii. 
 19) ; Ashtoreth being, perhaps, the proper 
 name of the goddess, whilst Asherah is 
 the name of her image or symbol, which 
 was of wood (see Judg. vi. 25-30 ; 2 K. 
 xxiii. 14). 
 
 Ash'erites, descendants of Asher, and 
 members of his tribe (Judg. i. 32). 
 
 Asb.es. The ashes on the altar of burnt- 
 offering were gathered into a cavity in its 
 surface. On the days of the three solemn 
 festivals the ashes were not removed, but 
 the accumulation was taken away after- 
 wards in the morning, the priests casting 
 lots for the office. The ashes of a red 
 heifer burnt entire, according to regula- 
 tions prescribed in Num. xix., had the cere- 
 monial efficacy of purifying the unclean 
 (Heb. Lx. 13), but of polluting the clean. 
 [SACRIFICE.] Ashes about the person, 
 especially on the head, were used as a 
 sign of sorrow. [MOURNING.] 
 
 Ash/ima, a god of the Hamathite col- 
 onists in Samaria (2 K. xvii. 30). It has 
 been regarded as identical with the Mcn- 
 desian god of the Egyptians, the Pan of the 
 Greeks, and has also been identified with 
 the Phoenician god Esmun. 
 
 Ash'kelon, As'kelon, Apocr. As'- 
 calon, one of the five cities of the lords 
 of the Philistines (Josh. xiii. 3 ; 1 Sam. vi. 
 17), but less often mentioned and apparent- 
 ly less known to the Jews than the other 
 four. Samson went down from Timnath 
 to Ashkelon (Judg. xiv. 19), as if to a re- 
 mote place whence his exploit was not 
 likely to be heard of. In the post-biblical 
 times Ashkelon rose to considerable im- 
 portance. Near the town were the temple 
 and sacred lake of Derceto, the Syrian 
 Venus. The soil around was remarkable 
 for its fertility. Ascalon played a memora- 
 ble part in the struggles of the Crusades. 
 
 Ash'kenaz, one of the three sons of 
 Gomer, son of Japhet (Gen. x. 3). We
 
 ASHNAH 
 
 57 
 
 ASP 
 
 may probably recognize the tribe of Ash- 
 kenaz on the northern shore of Asia Minor, 
 in the name of Lake Ascanius, and in Eu- 
 rope in the name Scand-ia,, Scand-in&via.. 
 Knobel considers that Ashkenaz is to be 
 identified with the German race. 
 
 Ash/nab, the name of two cities, both 
 in the Lowlands of Judah : (1) named be- 
 tween Zoreah and Zanoah, and therefore 
 probably N. W. of Jerusalem (Josh. xv. 
 33) ; and (2) between Jiphtah and Nezib, 
 and therefore to the S. W. of Jerusalem 
 (Josh. xv. 43). Each, according to Rob- 
 inson's Map (1857), would be about 16 
 miles from Jerusalem. 
 
 Ash/penaz, the master of the eunuchs 
 of Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. i. 3). 
 
 Ash'riel, properly As'riel (1 Chr. vii. 
 14). 
 
 Ash'taroth, and once As'taroth, a 
 city on the E. of Jordan, in Bashan, in the 
 kingdom of Og, doubtless so called from 
 being a seat of the worship of the goddess 
 of the same name. It is generally men- 
 tioned as a description or definition of Og 
 (Deut. i. 4; Josh. ix. 10, xii. 4, xiii. 12). 
 The only trace of the name yet recovered 
 in these interesting districts is Tell-Ashte- 
 rah, or Asherah, and of this nothing more 
 than the name is known. 
 
 Ashte'rathite, a native or inhabitant 
 of Ashtaroth (1 Chr. xi. 44) beyond Jor- 
 dan. 
 
 Ash'teroth Karna'im = " Ashtaroth 
 of the two horns or peaks," a place of very 
 great antiquity, the abode of the Rephaim 
 (Gen. xiv. 5). The name reappears but 
 once, as Carnaim, or Carnion (1 Mace. v. 
 26, 43, 44; 2 Mace. xii. 21, 26), in "the 
 land of Galaad." It is probably the mod- 
 ern Es- Sanamein, on the Haj route, about 
 25 miles S. of Damascus. 
 
 Ash'toreth, the principal female di- 
 vinity of the Phoenicians, called Ishtar 
 by the Assyrians, and Astarte by the 
 Greeks and Romans. She was by some 
 ancient writers identified with the moon. 
 But on the other hand the Assyrian Ishtar 
 was not the moon-goddess, but the planet 
 Venus ; and Astarte was by many identi- 
 fied with the goddess Venus (or Aphrodite) 
 as well as with the planet of that name. 
 It is certain that the worship of Astarte be- 
 came identified with that of Venus, and 
 that this worship was connected with the 
 most impure rites is apparent from the 
 close connection of this goddess with ASHE- 
 RAH (1 K. xi. 5, 33; 2 K. xxiii. 13). 
 
 Ash'ur. the posthumous son of Hezron 
 by his wife Abiah (1 Chr. ii. 24, iv. 5). He 
 became " father " or founder of the town 
 of Tekoa. 
 
 Ash'urites, The. This name occurs 
 only in 2 Sam. ii. 9. By some of the old 
 interpreters the name is taken as meaning 
 the Geshurites, but if we follow the Tar- 
 
 gum of Jonathan, which has Beth-Asher, 
 "the house of Asher," "the Ashcrites " 
 will denote the inhabitants of the whole of 
 the country W. of the Jordan above Jea- 
 reel. 
 
 Ash'yath, one of the sons of Japhlet, 
 of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 33). 
 
 Asia. The passages in the N. T., where 
 this word occurs, are the following : Acts 
 ii. 9, vi. 9. xvi. 6, xix. 10, 22, 26, 27, xx. 4, 
 16, 18, xxi. 27, xxvii. 2; Rom. xvi. 5; 1 
 Cor. xvi. 19 ; 2 Cor. i. 8 ; 2 Tim. i. 15 ; 1 
 Pet. i. 1; Rev. i. 4, 11. In all these it 
 may be confidently stated that the word is 
 used for a Roman province which embraced 
 the western part of the peninsula of Asia 
 Minor, and of which Ephesus was the 
 capital. 
 
 Asiar'ehae (chief of Asia, A. V. ; Acts 
 xix. 31), officers chosen annually by the 
 cities of that part of the province of Asia, 
 of which Ephesus was, under Roman gov- 
 ernment, the metropolis. They had charge 
 of the public games and religious theatri- 
 cal spectacles, the expenses of which they 
 bore. 
 
 A'siel. 1. A Simeonite whose descend- 
 ant Jehu lived in the reign of Hezekiah (1 
 Chr. iv. 35). 2. One of the five swift 
 writers whom Esdras was commanded to 
 take to write the law and the history of the- 
 world (2 Esd. xiv. 24). 
 
 Asmode'us (Tob. iii. 8, 17), the same 
 as Abaddon or Apollyon (Rev. ix. 11 ; 
 comp. Wisd. xviii. 25). From the fact 
 that the Talmud calls him " king of the 
 demons," some assume him to be identical 
 with Beelzebub, and others with Azrael. In 
 the book of Tobit this evil spirit is repre- 
 sented as loving Sara, the daughter of 
 Raguel, and causing the death of her seven 
 husbands. 
 
 As'nah. The children of Asnah were 
 among the Nethinim who returned with 
 Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 50). 
 
 Asnap'per, mentioned in Ezr. iv. 10 as 
 the person who settled the Cuthaeans in 
 the cities of Samaria. He was probably a 
 general of Esarhaddon. 
 
 Asp (pethen). The Hebrew word occurs 
 in the six following passages : Deut. xxxii. 
 33; Job xx. 14, 16; Ps. Iviii. 5, xci. 13; 
 Is. xi. 8). It is expressed in the passages 
 from the Psalms by adder in the text of the 
 A. V., and by asp in the margin : else- 
 where the text of the A. V. has asp as the 
 representative of the original word pethen. 
 That some kind of poisonous serpent is de- 
 noted by the Hebrew word is clear from 
 the passages quoted above. We further 
 learn from Ps. Iviii. 5, tluit the pethen was 
 a snake upon which the serpent-charmers 
 practised their art. From Is. xi. 8, it 
 would appear that the pethen was a dweller 
 in holes of walls, &c. As the Egyptian 
 cobra is more frequently than any other
 
 ASPALATHUS 
 
 58 
 
 ASSYRIA 
 
 species the subject upon which the serpent- 
 charmers of the Bible lands practise their 
 art, and as it is fond of concealing itself in 
 walls and in holes (Is. xi. 8), it appears to 
 have the best claim to represent the pethen. 
 
 Aspal'athus, the name of some sweet 
 perfume mentioned in Ecclus. xxiv. 15. 
 The Lignum Rhodianum is by some sup- 
 posed to be the substance indicated by the 
 aspalathus ; the plant which yields it is 
 the Convolvulus scoparius of Linnaeus. 
 
 As patha, third son of Hainan (Esth. 
 ix. 7). 
 
 As'phar, the pool in the " wilderness 
 of Thecoe" (1 Mace. ix. 33). Is it possi- 
 ble that the name is a corruption of lacus 
 Asphaltites t 
 
 As'riel, the son of Gilead, and great- 
 grandson of Manasseh (Num. xxvi. 31; 
 Josh. xvii. 2). He was the founder of the 
 family of the ASRIELITES. 
 
 Ass. Five Hebrew names of the genus 
 Asinus occur in the O. T. 1. Chamdr 
 denotes the male domestic ass, though the 
 word was no doubt used in a general sense 
 to express any ass whether male or female. 
 The ass in Eastern countries is a very dif- 
 ferent animal from what he is in Western 
 Europe. The most noble and honorable 
 amongst the Jews were wont to be mounted 
 on asses ; and in this manner our Lord him- 
 self made his triumphant entry into Jeru- 
 salem (Matt. xxi. 2). 2. Athtin, the com- 
 mon domestic she-ass. Balaam rode on a 
 she-ass. The asses of Kish which Saul 
 sought were she-asses. The Shunaramite 
 (2 K. iv. 22, 24) rode on one when she went 
 to seek Elisha. They were she-asses which 
 formed the special care of one of David's 
 officers (1 Chr. xxvii. 30). 3. 'Air, the 
 name of a wild ass, which, occurs Gen. 
 xxxii. 16, xlix. 11 ; Judg. x. 4, xii. 14; Job 
 xi. 12; Is. xxx. 6, 24; Zech. ix. 9. 4. 
 Pere, a species of wild ass mentioned Gen. 
 xvi. 12; Ps. civ. 11; Job vi. 5, xi. 12, xxiv. 
 6, xxxix. 5; Hos. viii. 9; Jer. ii. 24, xiv. 
 6; Is. xxxii. 14. 5. Ardd occurs only in 
 Job xxxix. 5 ; but in what respect it differs 
 from the Pere is uncertain. The species 
 known to the ancient Jews are Asinus 
 hemippus, which inhabits the deserts of 
 Syria, Mesopotamia, and the northern parts 
 of Arabia ; the Asinus vulgaris of the N. 
 E. of Africa, the true onager or aboriginal 
 wild ass, whence the domesticated breed 
 has sprung; and probably the Asinus on- 
 ager, the Koulan or Ghorkhur, which is 
 found in Western Asia, from 48 N. lati- 
 tude southward to Persia, Beluchistan, and 
 Western India. Mr. Layard remarks 
 that in flectness the wild ass (Asinus 
 hemippus) equals the gazelle, and to over- 
 take them is a feat which only one or two 
 of the most celebrated inares have been 
 known to accomplish. 
 
 Assh'ur. [ASSYRIA.] 
 
 Assh'urim, a tribe descended from 
 Dedan, the grandson of Abraham (Gen. 
 xxv. 3). Like the other descendants of 
 Keturah, they have not been identified with 
 any degree of certainty. Knobel considers 
 them the same with the Asshur of Ez. 
 xxvii. 23, and connected with Southern 
 Arabia. 
 
 Asside'ans, i. e. the pious, " puritans," 
 the name assumed by a section of the or- 
 thodox Jews (1 Mace. ii. 42, vii. 13; 2 
 Mace. xiv. 6) as distinguished from the 
 Hellenizing faction. They appear to have 
 existed as a party before the Maccabaean 
 rising, and were probably bound by some 
 peculiar vow to the external observance of 
 the Law. 
 
 As'sir. 1. Son of Korah (Ex. vi. 24 ; 
 1 Chr. vi. 22). 2. Son of Ebiasaph, and a 
 forefather of Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 23, 37). 
 3. Son of Jeconiah (1 Chr. iii. 17), unless 
 " Jeconiah the captive " be the true render- 
 ing. 
 
 As'sos or As'sus, a seaport of the 
 Roman province of ASIA, in the district 
 anciently called Mysia. It was situated on 
 the northern shore of the gulf of ADRAMYT- 
 TIUM, and was only about seven miles from 
 the opposite coast of Lesbos, near Methym- 
 na (Acts xx. 13, 14). 
 
 As'sur. (Ezr. iv. 2; Ps. Ixxxiii. 8.) 
 [ASSHUR; ASSYRIA.] 
 
 Assyr'ia, Assh'ur, was a great and 
 powerful country lying on the Tigris (Gen. 
 ii. 14), the capital of which was Nineveh 
 (Gen. x. 11, &c.). It derived its name ap- 
 parently from Asshur, the son of Shem 
 (Gen. x. 22), who in later times was wor- 
 shipped by the Assyrians as their chief god. 
 The boundaries of Assyria differed greatly 
 at different periods. Probably in the ear- 
 liest times it was confined to a small tract 
 of low country, lying chiefly on the left 
 bank of the Tigris. Gradually its limits 
 were extended, until it came to be regarded 
 as comprising the whole region between 
 the Armenian mountains (lat. 37 30') upon 
 the north, and upon the south the country 
 about Baghdad (lat. 33 30'). Eastward 
 its boundary was the high range of Zagros, 
 or mountains of Kurdist&n ; westward, it 
 was, according to the views of some, 
 bounded by the Mesopotamian desert, while, 
 according to others, it reached the Euphra- 
 tes. 1. General character of the country. 
 On the N. and E. the high mountain-chains 
 of Armenia and Kurdistan are succeeded 
 by low ranges of limestone-hills of a some- 
 what arid aspect. To these ridges there 
 succeeds at first an undulating zone of 
 country, well watered and fairly productive, 
 which extends in length for 250 miles, and 
 is interrupted only by a single limestone- 
 range. Above and below this barrier is an 
 immense level tract, now for the most part 
 a wilderness, which bears marks of having
 
 ASSYRIA 
 
 been in early times well cultivated and 
 thickly peopled throughout. 2. Provinces 
 of Assyria. The classical geographers 
 divided Assyria into a number of regions, 
 which appear to be chiefly named from 
 cities, as Arbelitis from Arbela; Calacene 
 (or Calachine) from Calah or Halah (Gen. 
 X. 11 ; 2 K. xvii. 6) ; Apolloniatia from 
 Apollonia; Sittacene from Sittace, &c. 
 Adiabene, however, the richest region of 
 all, derived its appellation from the Zab 
 (Diab) river on which it lay. 3. Chief 
 cities. The chief cities of Assyria in the 
 time of its greatness appear to have been 
 the following: Nineveh, which is marked 
 by the mounds opposite Mosul (Nebi- Yunua 
 and Kouyunjik) ; Calah or Halah, now 
 Nimrud ; Asshur, now Kileh Sherghat ; 
 Sargina, or Dur-Sargina, now Khorsabad; 
 Arbela, still Arbil ; Opis at the junction of 
 the Diyaleh with the Tigris ; and Sittace, 
 a little farther down the latter river, if this 
 place should not rather be reckoned to 
 Babylonia. 4. History of Assyria origi- 
 nal peopling. Scripture informs us that 
 Assyria was peopled from Babylon (Gen. x. 
 11), and both classical tradition and the 
 monuments of the country agree in this 
 representation. 5. Date of the foundation 
 of the kingdom. As a country, Assyria 
 was evidently known to Moses (Gen. ii. 14, 
 xxv. 18 ; Num. xxiv. 22, 24) ; but it does 
 not appear in Jewish history as a kingdom 
 till the reign of Menahem (about B. c. 770). 
 Herodotus relates that the Assyrians were 
 " lords of Asia " for 520 years, till the 
 Median kingdom was formed, B. c. 708. 
 He would thus, it appears, have assigned to 
 the foundation of the Assyrian empire a 
 date not very greatly anterior to B. c. 1228. 
 This is, perhaps, the utmost that can be de- 
 termined with any approach to certainty. 
 6. Early kings from the foundation of the 
 kingdom to Pul. The Mesopotamian re- 
 searches have rendered it apparent that the 
 original seat of government was not at 
 Nineveh, but at Kileh- Sherghat, on the 
 right bank of the Tigris. The kings proved 
 to have reigned there are fourteen in num- 
 ber, divisible into three groups ; and their 
 reigns are thought to have covered a space 
 of nearly 350 years, from B. c. 1273 to B. c. 
 930. The most remarkable monarch of the 
 series was called Tiglath-pileser. He ap- 
 pears to have been king towards the close 
 of the twelfth century, and thus to have been 
 contemporary with Samuel. The later kings 
 of the series are only known to us as the 
 ancestors of two great monarchs ; Sarda- 
 napalus the first, and his son, Shalmaneser 
 or Shalmanubar, a still greater conqueror.- 
 His son and grandson followed in his steps 
 
 9 ASSYRIA 
 
 book of Kings we find the names of Pul, 
 Tiglath-pileser, Shalraaneser, Sennacherib, 
 and Esarhaddon (2 K. xv. 19, 29, xvii. 3, 
 xviii. 13, xix. 37) ; and in Isaiah we have the 
 name of "Sargon, king of Assyria" (xx. 
 1). The inscriptions, by showing us that 
 Sargon was the father of Sennacherib, fix 
 his place in the list, and give us for the 
 monarchs of the last half of the 8th and 
 the first half of the 7th century B. c. the 
 (probably) complete list of Tiglath-pileser 
 II., Shalmaneser II., Sargon, Sennacherib, 
 and Esarhaddon. 8. Lower dynasty. It 
 seems to be certain that at, or near, the 
 accession of Pul, about B. c. 770, a great 
 change of some kind or other occurred in 
 Assyria. Probably the Pul or Phaloch of 
 Scripture was really the last king of the 
 old monarchy, and Tiglath-pileser II., hi* 
 successor, was the founder of what haa 
 been called the "Lower Empire." 9. Sup- 
 posed loss of the empire at this period. 
 Many writers of repute have been inclined 
 to accept the statement of Herodotus with 
 respect to the breaking up of the whole 
 empire at tliis period. It is evident, how- 
 ever, both from Scripture and from the 
 monuments, that the shock sustained 
 through the domestic revolution has been 
 greatly exaggerated. It is plain from Scrip- 
 ture, that in the" reigns of Tiglath-pileser, 
 Shalmaneser, Sargon, Sennacherib, and 
 Esarhaddon, Assyria was as great as at any 
 former era. On every ground it seems 
 necessary to conclude that the second 
 Assyrian kingdom was really greater and 
 more glorious than the first ; that under it 
 the limits of the empire reached their full- 
 est extent, and the internal prosperity was 
 at the highest. 10. Successors of Esarhad- 
 don. By the end of the reign of Esarhad- 
 don the triumph of the arms of Assyria 
 had been so complete that scarcely an 
 enemy was left who could cause her serious 
 anxiety. In Scripture it is remarkable that 
 we hear nothing of Assyria after the reign 
 of Esarhaddon, and profane history is 
 equally silent until the attacks begin which 
 brought about her downfall. 11. Fall of 
 Assyria. The fall of Assyria, long pre- 
 viously prophesied by Isaiah (x. 5-^), was 
 effected by the growing strength and bold- 
 ness of the Medes. If we may trust He- 
 rodotus, the first Median attack on Nineveh 
 took place about the year B. c. 633. For 
 some time their efforts were unsuccessful ; 
 but after a while, having won over the 
 Babylonians to their side, they became 
 superior to the Assyrians in the field, and 
 about B. c. 625, or a little earlier, laid final 
 
 siege to the capital. 12. Fulfilment of 
 prophecy. The prophecies of Nahum and 
 
 but scarcely equalled his glory. The latter Zephaniah (ii. 13-15) against Assyria were 
 is thought to be identical with the Biblical | probably delivered shortly before tl 
 Pul, Phul, or Phalock. [PuL.J 7. The kings \ trophe. In accordance with ^ 
 from Pul to Esarhaddon.- 1* the 2d nouncement (iii. 19) we find that Assyria
 
 ASTAROTH 
 
 60 
 
 ATHAIAH 
 
 never succeeded in maintaining a distinct 
 nationality. 13. General character of the 
 empire. The Assyrian monarchs bore 
 sway over a number of petty kings through 
 the entire extent of their dominions. These 
 native princes were feudatories of the 
 Great Monarch, of whom they held their 
 crown by the double tenure of homage and 
 tribute. It is not quite certain how far 
 Assyria required a religious conformity 
 from the subject people. Her religion was 
 a gross and complex polytheism, compris- 
 ing the worship of thirteen principal and 
 numerous minor divinities, at the head of 
 all of whom stood the chief god, Asshur, 
 who seems to be the deified patriarch of the 
 nation (Gen. x. 22). The inscriptions ap- 
 pear to state that in all countries over 
 which the Assyrians established their su- 
 premacy, they set up "the laws of Asshur," 
 and " altars to the Great Gods." 14. Its 
 extent. On the west the Mediterranean 
 and the river Halys appear to have been 
 the boundaries ; on the north a fluctuating 
 line, never reaching the Euxine nor extend- 
 ing beyond the northern frontier of Ar- 
 menia ; on the east, the Caspian Sea and 
 the Great Salt Desert; on the south the 
 Persian Gulf and the Desert of Arabia. 
 The countries included within these limits 
 are the following : Susiana, Chaldaea, 
 Babylonia, Media, Matiene, Armenia, As- 
 syria Proper, Mesopotamia, parts of Cap- 
 padocia and Cilicia, Syria, Phoenicia, Pal- 
 estine, and Idumaea. Cyprus was also for 
 a while a dependency of the Assyrian kings, 
 and they may perhaps have held at one 
 time certain portions of Lower Egypt. 15. 
 Civilization of the Assyrians. The civil- 
 ization of the Assyrians was derived origi- 
 nally from the Babylonians. They were a 
 Shemitic race, originally resident in Baby- 
 lonia (which at that time was Cushite), and 
 thus acquainted with the Babylonian inven- 
 tions and discoveries, who ascended the 
 valley of the Tigris and established in the 
 tract immediately below the Armenian 
 mountains a separate and distinct nation- 
 ality. Still, as their civilization developed, 
 it became in many respects peculiar. Their 
 art is ,of home growth. But they were 
 still in the most important points barbari- 
 ans. Their government was rude and in- 
 artificial; their religion coarse and sen- 
 sual ; and their conduct of war cruel. 
 
 As'taroth, Deut. i. 4. [ASHTAROTH.] 
 
 Astar'te. [ASHTOKETH.] 
 
 Asty'ages, the last king of the Medes, 
 B. c. 595-560, or B. c. 592-558, wh was 
 conquered by Cyrus (Bel and Dragon, 1). 
 The name is identified by Rawlinson and 
 Niebuhr with Deioces = Ashdahak, the 
 emblem of the Median power. 
 
 Asup'pim, and House Of, 1 Chr. xxvi. 
 15, 17, literally "house of the gatherings." 
 Some understand it as a proper name of 
 
 chambers on the south of the Temple; 
 others of certain store-rooms, or of the 
 council-chambers in the outer court of the 
 Temple in which the elders held their 
 deliberations. 
 
 Asya'critus, a Christian at Rome, 
 saluted by St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 14). 
 
 A'tad, The Threshing-Floor of, 
 called also Abel-Mizraim (Gen. 1. 10, 11). 
 According to Jerome it was in his day 
 called Bethgla or Bethacla (Beth-Hogla). 
 Beth-Hogla is known to have lain between 
 the Jordan and Jericho, therefore on the 
 west side of Jordan. 
 
 At'arah, a wife of Jerahmeel, and 
 mother of Onam (1 Chr. ii. 26). 
 
 Atar'gatis, or DERCETO, a Syrian god- 
 dess, represented generally with the body 
 of a woman and the tail of a fish (comp. 
 DAGON). Her most famous temples were 
 at Hierapolis (Mabug) and Ascalon. There 
 was a temple of Atargatis (2 Mace. xii. 26) 
 at Karnion, which was destroyed by Judaa 
 Maccabaeus (1 Mace. v. 44). 
 
 At'aroth. 1. One of the towns in the 
 " land of Jazer and land of Gilead " (Num. 
 xxxii. 3), taken and built by the tribe of 
 Gad (xxxii. 34). From its mention with 
 places which have been identified on the 
 N. E. of the Dead Sea near the mountain 
 of the Jebcl Attar&s, a connection has been 
 assumed between Ataroth and that moun- 
 tain. But some other identification is 
 necessary. 2. A place on the (south?) 
 boundary of Ephraim and Manasseh (Josh, 
 xvi. 2, 7). It is impossible to say whether 
 Ataroth is or is not the same place, as, 3. 
 ATAROTH-ADAR, or -ADDAR, on the west 
 border of Benjamin, " near the ' mountain' 
 that is on the south side of the nether Beth- 
 horon" (Josh. xvi. 5, xviii. 13). In the 
 Onomasticon mention is made of an Ath- 
 aroth in Ephraim, in the mountains, 4 miles 
 N. of Sebaste ; as well as two places of the 
 name not far from Jerusalem. 4. " ATA- 
 ROTH, THE HOUSE OF JOAB," a place ( ?) 
 
 occurring in the list of the descendants of 
 Judah (1 Chr. ii. 54). 
 
 A'ter. 1. The children of Ater were 
 among the porters or gate-keepers of the 
 Temple who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
 ii. 42; Neh. vii. 45). 2. The children of 
 ATER OF HEZEKIAH to the number of 98 
 returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 16 ; Neh. 
 vii. 21), and were among the heads of the 
 people who signed the covenant with Nehe- 
 miah (x. 17). 
 
 A'thach (1 Sam. xxx. 30). As the name 
 does not occur elsewhere, it has been sug- 
 gested that it is an error of the transcriber 
 for Ether, a town in the low country of 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 42). 
 
 Athai'ah, a descendant of Pharez, the 
 son of Judah, who dwelt at Jerusalem after 
 the return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 4), called 
 UTHAI in 1 Chr. ix. 4.
 
 ATHALIAH 
 
 61 
 
 ATHENS 
 
 Athali'ah, daughter of Ahab and Jeze- 
 bel, married Jehoram the son of Jehosha- 
 pKat king of Judah, and introduced into 
 the S. kingdom the worship of Baal. After 
 the great revolution, by which Jehu seated 
 himself on the throne of Samaria, she killed 
 all the members of the royal family of 
 Judah who had escaped his sword (2 K. 
 xi. 1), availing herself probably of her 
 position as King's Mother [ASA] to per- 
 petrate the crime. From the slaughter of 
 the royal house, one infant named Joash, 
 the youngest son of Ahaziah, was rescued 
 by his aunt Jehosheba, wife of Jehoiada 
 (2 Chr. xxiii. 11) the high-priest (2 Chr. 
 xxiv. 6). The child was brought up un- 
 der Jehoiada's care, and concealed in the 
 Temple for six years, during which period 
 Athaliah reigned over Judah. At length 
 Jehoiada thought it time to produce the 
 lawful king to the people, trusting to their 
 zeal for the worship of God, and loyalty to 
 the house of David, which had been so 
 strenuously called out by Asa and Jehosha- 
 phat. His plan was successful, and Atha- 
 liah was put to death. 
 
 Athenians, natives of Athens (Acts 
 xvii. 21). 
 
 Ath ens, the capital of Attica, and the 
 chief seat of Grecian learning and civiliza- 
 tion during the golden period of the his- 
 tory of Greece. St. Paul visited it in his 
 journey from Macedonia, and appears to 
 have remained there some time (Acts xvii. 
 14-34 : comp. 1 Thess. iii. 1). In order 
 to understand the localities mentioned in 
 the narrative it is necessary to give a brief 
 account of the topography of the city. 
 Athens is situated about three miles from 
 the sea-coast, in the central plain of Attica. 
 In this plain rise several eminences. Of 
 these the most prominent is a lofty insulated 
 mountain, with a conical peaked summit, 
 now called the Hill of St. George, and 
 which bore in ancient times the name of 
 Lycabettus. This mountain, which was not 
 included within the ancient walls, lies to 
 the north-east of Athens, and forms the 
 most striking feature in the environs of the 
 city. It is to Athens what Vesuvius is to 
 Naples, or Arthur's Seat to Edinburgh. 
 South-west of Lycabettus there are four 
 hills of moderate height, all of which 
 formed part of the city. Of these the near- 
 est to Lycabettus, and at the distance of a 
 mile from the latter, was the Acropolis, or 
 citadel of Athens, a square craggy rock ris- 
 ing abruptly about 150 feet, with a flat 
 summit of about 1000 feet long from east 
 to west, by 500 feet broad from north to 
 south. Immediately west of the Acropolis 
 is a second hill of irregular form, the Are- 
 vpagus (Mars' Hill). To the south-west 
 there rises a third hill, the Pnyx, on which 
 the assemblies of the citizens were held ; j 
 
 and to the south of the latter is a fourth 
 hill, known as the Mustum. On the eastern 
 and western sides of the city there run two 
 small streams, which are nearly exhausted 
 before they reach the sea, by the heats of 
 summer and by the channels for artificial 
 irrigation. That on the east is the Ilissus, 
 which flowed through the southern quarter 
 of the city : that on the west is the Cephis- 
 sus. South of the city was seen the Saronic 
 gulf, with the harbors of Athens. Athens 
 is said to have derived its name from the 
 prominence given to the worship of the 
 goddess Athena (Minerva) by its king 
 Erechtheus. The inhabitants were previ- 
 ously called Cecropidae, from Cecrops, 
 who, according to tradition, was the ori- 
 ginal founder of the city. This at first oc- 
 cupied only the hill or rock which after- 
 wards became the Acropolis ; but gradually 
 the buildings spread over the ground at the 
 southern foot of this hill. It was not till 
 the time of Pisistratus and his sons (B. c. 
 560-514) that the city began to assume any 
 degree of splendor. The most remarkable 
 building of these despots was the gigantic 
 temple of the Olympian Zeus or Jupiter. 
 Xerxes reduced the ancient city almost to 
 a heap of ashes. After the departure of 
 the Persians, its reconstruction on a much 
 larger scale was commenced under the 
 superintendence of Themistocles, whose 
 first care was to provide for its safety by 
 the erection of walls. The Acropolis now 
 formed the centre of the city, round which 
 the new walls described an irregular circle 
 of about 60 stadia or 7<| miles in circumfer- 
 ence. But the views of Themistocles were 
 not confined to the mere defence of Athens : 
 he contemplated making her a great naval 
 power, and for this purpose adequate docks 
 and arsenals were required. Previously 
 the Athenians had used as their only harbor 
 the open roadstead of Phalerum on the 
 eastern side of the Phaleric bay, where the 
 sea-shore is nearest to Athens. But The- 
 mistocles transferred the naval station of 
 the Athenians to the peninsula of Piraeus, 
 which is distant about 4i miles from Athens, 
 and contains three natural harbors. It was 
 not till the administration of Pericles that 
 the walls were built wlu'ch connected Athens 
 with her ports. Under the administration 
 of Pericles, Athens was adorned with nu- 
 merous public buildings, which existed in 
 all their glory when St. Paul visited the city. 
 The Acropolis was the centre of the archi- 
 tectural splendor of Athens. After the 
 Persian wars the hill had ceased to be in- 
 habited, and was appropriated to the wor- 
 ship of Athena and to the other guardian 
 deities of the city. It was covered with 
 the temples of gods and heroes ; and thus 
 its platform presented not only a sanctuary, 
 but a museum, containing the finest pro-
 
 ATHENS 
 
 62 
 
 ATHENS 
 
 ductions of the architect and the sculptor, 
 in which the whiteness of the marble was 
 relieved by brilliant colors, and rendered 
 still more dazzling by the transparent clear- 
 ness of the Athenian atmosphere. The 
 only approach to it was from the Agora on 
 its western side. At the top of a magnifi- 
 cent flight of marble steps, 70 feet broad, 
 stood the Propylaea, constructed under the 
 auspices of Pericles, and which served as a 
 suitable entrance to the exquisite works 
 within. The Propylaea were themselves 
 one of the masterpieces of Athenian art. 
 They were entirely of Pentelic marble, and 
 covered the whole of the western end of the 
 Acropolis, having a breadth of 168 feet. 
 On passing through the Propylaea all the 
 glories of the Acropolis became visible. 
 The chief building was the Parthenon (i. e. 
 House of the Virgin), the most perfect 
 production of Grecian architecture. It 
 derived its name from its being the temple 
 of Athena Parthenos, or Athena the Virgin, 
 the invincible goddess of war. It stood on 
 the highest part of the Acropolis, near its 
 centre. It was entirely of Pentelic marble, 
 on a rustic basement of ordinary limestone, 
 and its architecture, which was of the Doric 
 order, was of the purest kind. It was 
 adorned with the most exquisite sculptures, 
 executed by various artists under the di- 
 rection of Phidias. A large number of 
 these sculptures were brought to England 
 by Lord Elgin, of whom they were purchased 
 by the nation and deposited in the British 
 Museum. But the chief wonder of the 
 Parthenon was the colossal statue of the 
 Virgin Goddess executed by Phidias him- 
 self. The Acropolis was adorned with^an- 
 other colossal figure of Athena, in bronze, 
 also the work of Phidias. It stood in the 
 open air, nearly opposite the Propylaea. 
 With its pedestal it must have been about 
 70 feet high, and consequently towered 
 above the roof of the Parthenon, so that the 
 point of its spear and the crest of its helmet 
 were visible off the promontory of Sunium 
 to ships approaching Athens. Another 
 magnificent building on the Acropolis was 
 the Erechthium, or temple of Erechtheus. 
 It was one of the finest models of the Ionic 
 order, as the Parthenon was of the Doric. 
 It stood to the north of the latter building, 
 and close to the northern wall of the Acrop- 
 olis. Among the remarkable places in 
 other parts of the city we may mention, 
 first, the Dionysiac theatre, which occupied 
 the slope at the south-eastern extremity of 
 the Acropolis. The middle of it was ex- 
 cavated out of the rock, and the rows of 
 seats ascended in curves one above another, 
 the diameter increasing with the height. 
 It was no doubt sufficiently large to ac- 
 commodate the whole body of Athenian 
 citizens, as well as the strangers who flocked 
 to Athens during the Dionysiac festival, 
 
 but its dimensions cannot now be accurately 
 ascertained. It had no roof, but the spec- 
 tators were probably protected from the 
 sun by an awning*, and from their elevated 
 seats they had a distinct view of the sea, 
 and of the peaked hills of Salamis in the 
 horizon. Above them rose the Parthenon 
 and the other buildings of the Acropolis, so 
 that they sat under the shadow of the an- 
 cestral gods of the country. The Areopa- 
 gus, or Hill of Ares (Mars) is described 
 elsewhere. [MARS' HILL.] The Pnyx, or 
 place for holding the public assemblies of 
 the Athenians, stood on the side of a low 
 rocky hill, at the distance of about a quarter 
 of a mile from the Areopagus. Projecting 
 from the hill, and hewn out of it, still stands 
 a solid rectangular block, called the Bema 
 or pulpit, from whence the orators ad- 
 dressed the multitude in the area before 
 them. The position of the Bema com- 
 manded a view of the Propylaea and the 
 other magnificent edifices of the Acropolis, 
 while beneath it was the city itself studded 
 with monuments of Athenian glory. The 
 Athenian oratorsjrequently roused the na- 
 tional feelings of their audience by pointing 
 to the Propylaea and to the other splendid 
 buildings before them. Between the Pnyx 
 on the west, the Areopagus on the north, 
 and the Acropolis on the east, and closely 
 adjoining the base of these hills, stood the 
 Agora or "Market," where St. Paul dis- 
 puted daily. In a direction from north-west 
 to south-east a street called the Ceramicus 
 ran diagonally through the Agora, entering 
 it through the valley between the Pnyx and 
 the Areopagus. The street was named 
 after a district of the city, which was divided 
 into two parts, the Inner and Outer Cerami- 
 cus. The former lay within the city walls, 
 and included the Agora. The Outer Cerami- 
 cus, which formed a handsome suburb on 
 the north-west of the city, was the burial- 
 place of all persons honored with a public 
 funeral. Through it ran the road to the 
 gymnasium and gardens of the Academy, 
 which were situated about a mile from the 
 walls. The Academy was the place where 
 Plato and his disciples taught. On each 
 side of this road were monuments to illus- 
 trious Athenians, especially those who had 
 fallen in battle. East of the city, and out- 
 side the walls, was the LycSum, a gymna- 
 sium dedicated to Apollo Lycfius, and cele- 
 brated as the place in which Aristotle 
 taught. The remark of the sacred histo- 
 rian respecting the inquisitive character of 
 the Athenians (Acts xvii. 21) is attested by 
 the unanimous voice of antiquity. Demos- 
 thenes rebukes his countrymen for their 
 love of constantly going about in the mar- 
 ket, and asking one another, What news ? 
 Their natural liveliness was partly owing 
 to the- purity and clearness of the atmos- 
 phere of Attica, which also allowed them to
 
 ATHLAI 
 
 63 
 
 ATONEMENT 
 
 pass much of their time in the open air. 
 The transparent clearness of the atmos- 
 phere is noticed by Euripides (Medea, 829), 
 who describes the Athenians as "delicately 
 marching through most pellucid air." Mod- 
 ern travellers have not failed to notice the 
 same peculiarity. Thus Dean Stanley 
 speaks "of the transparent clearness, the 
 brilliant coloring of an Athenian sky ; of 
 the flood of fire, with which the marble 
 columns, the mountains, and the sea are 
 all bathed and penetrated by an illumination 
 of an Athenian sunset." St. Paul began 
 his address at Athens by speaking of their 
 " carefulness in religion," which is trans- 
 lated in the A. V. "too superstitious," an 
 unfortunate mistranslation, as Conybeare 
 and Howson remark, " because it entirely 
 destroys the graceful courtesy of St. Paul's 
 opening address, and represents him as 
 beginning his speech by offending his audi- 
 ence." The Athenian carefulness in re- 
 ligion is confirmed by the ancient writers. 
 Thus Pausanias says that the Athenians 
 surpassed all other states in the attention 
 which they paid to the worship of the gods ; 
 and hence the city was crowded in every 
 direction with temples, altars, and other 
 sacred buildings. The altar "to the Un- 
 known God," which St. Paul mentions, has 
 been spoken of elsewhere. [ALTAR, p. 31, 
 6.] Of the Christian church, founded by 
 St. Paul at Athens, according to ecclesiasti- 
 cal tradition, Dionysius the Areopagite was 
 the first bishop. [DiONYSius.] 
 
 Ath/lai, one of the sons of Bebai, who 
 put away his foreign wife at the exhorta- 
 tion of Ezra (Ezr. x. 28). 
 
 Atonement, The day of. I. The 
 great day of national humiliation, and the 
 only one commanded in the Mosaic law. 
 [FASTS.] The mode of its observance is 
 described in Lev. xvi., and the conduct of 
 the people is emphatically enjoined in Lev. 
 xxiii. 26-32. II. It was kept on the tenth 
 day of Tisri, that is, from the evening of 
 the ninth to the evening of the tenth of 
 that month, five days before the Feast of 
 Tabernacles. [FESTIVALS.] III. The 
 observances of the day, as described in the 
 law, were as follow. It was kept by the 
 people as a high solemn sabbath. On this 
 occasion only the high priest was permitted 
 to enter into the Holy of Holies. Having 
 bathed his person and dressed himself en- 
 tirely in the holy white linen garments, he 
 brought forward a young bullock for a sin- 
 offering, purchased at his own cost, on 
 account of himself and his family, and two 
 young goats for a sin-offering with a ram 
 for a burnt-offering, which were paid for 
 out of the public treasury, on account of 
 the people. He then presented the two 
 goats before the Lord at the door of the 
 tabernacle and cast lots upon them* On 
 one lot " For Jehovah" was inscribed, and 
 
 on the other " For Azazel." He next sacri- 
 ficed the young bullock as a sin-offering 
 for himself and his family Taking with 
 him some of the blood of the bulloc-k, he 
 filled a censer with burning coals from the 
 brazen altar, took a handful of incense, 
 and entered into the most holy place. He 
 then threw the incense upon the coals and 
 enveloped the mercy-seat in a cloud of 
 smoke. Then, dipping his finger into the 
 blood, he sprinkled it seven times before 
 the mercy-seat eastward. The goat upon 
 which the lot "For Jehovah" had fallen 
 was then slain and the high priest sprinkled 
 its blood before the mercy-seat in the same 
 manner as he had done that of the bullock. 
 Going out from the Holy of Holies he puri- 
 fied the holy place, sprinkling some of the 
 blood of both the victims on the altar of 
 incense. At this time no one besides the 
 high priest was suffered to be present in 
 the holy place. The purification of the 
 Holy of Holies, and of the holy place, being 
 thus completed, the high priest laid his 
 hands upon the head of the goat on which 
 the lot " For Azazel" had fallen, and con- 
 fessed over it all the sins of the people. 
 The goat was then led, by a man chosen for 
 the purpose, into the wilderness, into " a 
 land not inhabited," and was there let loose. 
 The high priest after this returned into the 
 holy place, bathed himself again, put on 
 his usual garments of office, and offered 
 the two rams as burnt-offerings, one for 
 himself and one for the people. He also 
 burnt upon the altar the fat of the two sin- 
 offerings, while their flesh was carried away 
 and burned outside the camp. They who 
 took away the flesh and the man who had 
 led away the goat had to bathe their per- 
 sons and wash their clothes as soon as their 
 service was performed. The accessory 
 burnt-offerings mentioned Num. xxix. 7-11, 
 were a young bullock, a ram, seven lambs, 
 and a young goat. IV. There has been 
 much discussion regarding the meaning of 
 the word Azazel. The opinions which seera 
 most worthy of notice are the following : 
 1. It has been regarded as a designation of 
 the goat itself. This view has been most 
 favored by the old interpreters, who in gen- 
 eral supposed it to mean the goat sent away, 
 or let loose. But in this case it does not 
 seem possible to make sense out of Lev. 
 xvi. 10 and 26. 2. Some haye taken Azazel 
 for the name of the place to which the goat 
 was sent. 3. a) Gesenius supposes it to be 
 some false deity who was to be appeased 
 by such a sacrifice as that of the goat. 4) 
 But others have regarded him as an evil 
 spirit, or the devil himself. 4. An expla- 
 nation of the word which seems less objec- 
 tionable, if it is not wholly satisfactory, 
 would render the designation of the lot 
 " for complete sending away." V. In con- 
 sidering the meaning of the particular rites
 
 ATROTH 
 
 64 
 
 AXE 
 
 of the day, three points appear to be of a 
 very distinctive character. 1. The white 
 garments of the high priest. 2. His en- 
 trance into the Holy of Holies. 3. The 
 scapegoat. The writer of the Epistle to 
 the Hebrews (ix. 7-25) teaches us to apply 
 the first two particulars. The high priest 
 himself, with his person cleansed and 
 dressed in white garments, was the best 
 outward type which a living man could pre- 
 sent in his own person of that pure and 
 holy One who was to purify His people and 
 to cleanse them from their sins. But 
 respecting the meaning of the scapegoat, 
 we have no such light to guide us, and the 
 subject is one of great doubt and difficulty. 
 It has been generally considered that it was 
 dismissed to signify the carrying away of 
 the sins of the people, as it were, out of 
 the sight of Jehovah. If we keep in view 
 that the two goats are spoken of as parts 
 of one and the same sin-offering, we shall 
 not have much difficulty in seeing that they 
 form together but one symbolical expres- 
 sion ; the slain goat setting forth the act of 
 sacrifice, in giving up its own life f n others 
 " to Jehovah ; " and the goat which carried 
 off its load of sin " for complete removal," 
 as signifying the cleansing influence of faith 
 in that sacrifice. 
 
 At'roth, a city of Gad (Num. xxxii. 35). 
 
 At'tai. 1. Grandson of Sheshan the 
 Jorahmeelite through his daughter Ahlai, 
 whom he gave in marriage to Jarha, his 
 Egyptian slave (1 Chr. ii. 35, 36). His 
 grandson Zabad was one of David's mighty 
 men (1 Chr. xi. 41). 2. One of the lion- 
 faced warriors of Gad, captains of the host, 
 who forded the Jordan at the time of its 
 overflow, and joined David in the wilder- 
 ness (1 Chr. xii. 11). 3. Second son of 
 king Rehoboam by Maachah the daughter 
 of Absalom (2 Chr. xi. 20). 
 
 Attali'a, a coast-town of Pamphylia, 
 mentioned Acts xiv. 25. It was built by 
 Attalus Philadelphus, king of Pergamus, 
 and named after the monarch. All its re- 
 mains are characteristic of the date of its 
 foundation. Leake fixes Attalia at Adalia, 
 on the S. coast of Asia Minor, N. of the 
 Duden Sn, the ancient Catarrhactes. 
 
 At'talus,'the name of three kings of 
 Pergamus who reigned respectively B. c. 
 241-197, 159-138 (Philadelphus), 138-133 
 (Philometor). It is uncertain whether the 
 letters sent from Rome in favor of the Jews 
 (1 Mace. xv. 22) were addressed to Attalus 
 II. or Attalus III., as their date falls in 
 B. c. 139-8, about the time when the latter 
 succeeded his uncle. 
 
 Augus'tus Caes'ar, the first Roman 
 emperor. He was born A. u. c. 691, B. c. 
 63. His father was Caius Octavius; his 
 mother Atia, daughter of Julia the sis- 
 ter of C. Julius Caesar. He was princi- 
 pally educated by his great-uncle Julius 
 
 ! Caesar, and was made his heir. After his 
 j murder, the young Octavius, then Caius 
 j Julius Caesar Octavianus, was taken into 
 the Triumvirate with Antony and Lepidus, 
 and, after the removal of the latter, divided 
 the empire with Antony. The struggle for 
 the supreme power was terminated in fa- 
 vor of Octavianus by the battle of Actium, 
 B. c. 31. On this victory he was saluted 
 Imperator by the senate, who conferred on 
 him the title Augustus (B. c. 27). The first 
 link binding him to N. T. history is his 
 treatment of Herod after the battle of 
 Actium. That prince, who had espoused 
 Antony's side, found himself pardoned, 
 taken into favor and confirmed, nay even 
 increased in his power. After Herod's 
 death in A. D. 4, Augustus divided his 
 dominions almost exactly according to his 
 dying directions, among his sons. Augus- 
 tus died in Nola in Campania, Aug. 19, 
 A. u. c. 767, A. D. 14, in his 76th year ; but 
 long before his death he had associated 
 Tiberius with him in the empire. 
 
 Augustus' Band (Acts xxvii. 1). 
 [ARMY.] 
 
 A'va, a place in the empire of Assyria, 
 apparently the same as Ivah (2 K. xvii. 
 24). 
 
 A V aran, the surname of Eleazar, broth- 
 er of Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. ii. 5). 
 
 A'ven. 1. The " plain of Aven " is 
 mentioned by Amos (i. 5) in his denuncia- 
 tion of Syria and the country to the N. of 
 Palestine. It has not been identified with 
 certainty. 2. In Hos. x. 8 the word is 
 clearly an abbreviation of Bethaven, that 
 is, Bethel (comp. iv. 15, &c.). 3. The 
 sacred city of Heliopolis or On, in Egypt 
 (Ez. xxx. 17). 
 
 A' vim, A' vims, or A'vites. 1. A 
 people among the early inhabitants of Pal- 
 estine, whom we meet with in the S. W. 
 corner of the sea-coast, whither they may 
 have made their way northwards from the 
 Desert. The only notice of them which 
 has come down to us is contained in a 
 remarkable fragment of primeval history 
 preserved in Deut. ii. 23. It is a curious 
 fact that both the LXX. and Jerome iden- 
 tified the Avvim with the Hivites. 2. The 
 people of Avva, among the colonists who 
 were sent by the king of Assyria to re- 
 inhabit the depopulated cities of Israel (2 
 K. xvii. 31). 
 
 A'vith, the city of Hadad ben-Bedad, 
 one of the kings of Edom before there were 
 kings in Israel (Gen. xxxvi. 35 ; 1 Chr. i. 
 46). 
 
 Awl, a tool of which we do not know 
 the ancient form. The only notice of it is 
 in connection with the custom of boring 
 the ear of the slave (Ex. xxi. 6 ; Deut. xv. 
 17). 
 
 Axe. Seven Hebrew words are ren- 
 dered " axe " in the A. V. : the one of most
 
 AZAL 
 
 65 
 
 AZABI.UI 
 
 common occurrence being Garzen, from a 
 root signifying "to cut or sever," as 
 " hatchet," from " hack," corresponds to 
 the Lat. securis. It consisted of a head of 
 iron (cf. Is. x. 34), fastened, with thongs 
 or otherwise, upon a handle of wood, and 
 so liable to slip off (Deut. xix. 5 ; 2 K. vi. 
 6). It was used for felling trees (Deut. xx. 
 19), and also for shaping the wood when 
 
 Egyptian Axe. (British Museum). 
 
 felled, perhaps like the modern adze (1 K. 
 vi. 7). The "battle-axe" (mappets, Jer. 
 li. 20) was probably, as its root indicates, a 
 heavy mace or maul, like that wliich gave 
 his surname to Charles Martel. 
 
 A'zal, a name only occurring in Zech. 
 xiv. 5. It is mentioned as the limit to 
 which the ravine of the Mount of Olives 
 will extend when " Jehovah shall go forth 
 to fight." 
 
 Azali'ah, the father of Shaphan the 
 scribe in the reign of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 3 ; 
 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). 
 
 Azani'ali, the father or immediate an- 
 cestor of Jeshua the Levite in the time of 
 Nehemiah (Neh. x. 9). 
 
 Aza'rael, a Levite musician (Neh. xii. 
 36). 
 
 Aza'reel. 1. A Korhite who joined 
 David in his retreat at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 
 6). 2. A Levite musician of the family of 
 Hcman in the time of David, 1 Chr. xxv. 
 18 : called UZZIEL in xxv. 4. 3. Son of 
 Jeroham, and prince of the tribe of Dan 
 when David numbered the people (1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 22). 4. One of the sons of Bani, 
 who put away his foreign wife on the 
 remonstrance of Ezra (Ezr. x. 41). 5. 
 Father or ancestor of Maasiai, or Amashai, 
 a priest who dwelt in Jerusalem after the 
 return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 13, comp. 1 
 Chr. ix. 12)- 
 
 Azari'ah, a common name in Hebrew, 
 and especially in the families of the priests 
 of the line of ELEAZAR, whose name has 
 precisely the same meaning as AZARIAH. 
 It is nearly identical, and is often con- 
 founded with Ezra as well as with Zerahiah 
 and Seraiah. The principal persons who 
 bore this name were : 1. Son of Ahimaaz (1 
 Chr. vi. 9). He appears from 1 K. iv. 2, 
 to have succeeded Zadok, his grandfather, 
 in the high-priesthood, in the reign of Sol- 
 omon, Ahimaaz having died before Zadok. 
 [AHIMAAZ.] To him, it can scarcely be 
 doubted, instead of to his grandson, Aza- 
 riah the son of Johanan, belongs the notice 
 in 1 Chr. vi. 10. Josephus merely men- 
 tions Azarias as the son and successor of 
 5 
 
 Ahimaaz. 2. A chief officer of Solomon's, 
 the son of Nathan, perhaps David's grand- 
 son (1 K. iv. 5). 3. Tenth king of Judah, 
 more frequently called UZZIAH (2 K xiv 
 21, xv. 1, 6, 7, 8, 17, 23, 27 ; 1 Chr. iii. 12). 
 4. Son of Ethan, of the sons of Zerah, 
 where, perhaps, Zerahiah is the more prob- 
 able reading (1 Chr. ii. 8). 5. Son of 
 Jehu of the family of the Jerahmeelites, 
 and descended from Jarha the Egyptian 
 slave of Sheshan (1 Chr. ii. 38, 39). He 
 was probably one of the captains of hun- 
 dreds in the time of Athaliah mentioned hi 
 in 2 Chr. xxiii. 1 ; and there called the son 
 of Obed. This fact assigns the compila- 
 tion of the genealogy in 1 Chr. ii. 36-41 to 
 the reign of Hezekiah. 6. The son of Jo- 
 hanan (1 Chr. vi. 10). He must have been 
 high-priest in the reigns of Abijah and Asa. 
 7. Another Azariah is inserted between 
 Hilkiah, in Josiah's reign, and Saraiah who 
 was put to death by Nebuchadnezzar, in 1 
 Chr. vi. 13, 14. 8. Son of Zephaniah, a 
 Kohathite, and ancestor of Samuel the 
 prophet (1 Chr. vi. 36). Apparently the 
 same as UZZIAH in ver. 24. 0. Azariah, 
 the son of Oded (2 Chr. xv. 1), called 
 simply Oded in ver. 8, was a remarkable 
 prophet in the days of king Asa, and a 
 contemporary of Azariah the son of Jo- 
 hanan the high-priest, and of Hanani the 
 seer. 1O. Son of Jehoshaphat king of 
 Judah (2 Chr. xxi. 2). 11. Another son 
 of Jehoshaphat, and brother of the pre- 
 ceding (2 Chr. xxi. 2). 12. In 2 Chr. 
 xxii. 6, Azariah is a clerical error for Aha- 
 ziah. 13. Son of Jeroham, one of the 
 captains of Judah in the time of Athaliah 
 (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 14. The high-priest in 
 the reign of Uzziah, king of Judah, whose 
 name, perhaps from this circumstance, is 
 often corrupted into Azariah (2 K. xiv. 21, 
 xv. 1, 6, 7, 8, &c.). The most memorable 
 event of his life is that which is recorded 
 in 2 Chr. xxvi. 17-20. When king Uzziah, 
 elated by his great prosperity and power, 
 "transgressed against the Lord his God, 
 and went into the Temple of the Lord to 
 burn incense upon the altar of incense," 
 Azariah the priest, accompanied by eighty 
 of his brethren, went in boldly after him, 
 and withstood him. Azariah was contem- 
 porary with Isaiah the prophet, and with 
 Amos and Joel, and doubtless witnessed 
 the great earthquake in Uzziah's reign 
 (Am. i. 1; Zech. xiv. 5). 15. Son of Jp- 
 hanan, one of the captains of Ephraim ia 
 the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12), who 
 sent back the captives and spoil that were 
 taken in the invasion of Judah by Pekah. 
 16. A Kohathite, father of Joel in the 
 reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 17. 
 A Merarite, son of Jehalelel, in the time of 
 Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 18. .The 
 high-priest in the days of Hezekiah (2 Chr. 
 xxxi. 10, 13). He appears to have co-
 
 AZAZ 
 
 66 
 
 AZZAN 
 
 operated zealously with the king in that 
 thorough purification of the Temple and 
 restoration of the temple services which was 
 BO conspicuous a feature in his reign. He 
 succeeded Urijah, who was high-priest in 
 the reign of Ahaz. 19. Son of Maaseiah, 
 who repaired part of the wall of Jerusalem 
 in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 23, 24). 
 2O. One of the leaders of the children of 
 the province who went up from Babylon 
 with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 7). 21. One 
 of the Levites who assisted Ezra in instruct- 
 ing the people in the knowledge of the law 
 (Neh. viii. 7). 22. One of the priests who 
 sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
 x. 2), and probably the same with the 
 Azariah who assisted in the dedication of 
 the city wall (Neh. xii. 33). 23. Jer. xliii. 
 2 (JEZANIAH). 24. The original name 
 of Abed-nego (Dan. i. 6, 7, 11, 19). He 
 appears to have been of the seed-royal of 
 Judah. 
 
 A'zaz, a Reubenite, father of Bela (1 
 Chr. v. 8). 
 
 Azazi'ah.. 1. A Levite musician in the 
 reign of David, appointed to play the harp 
 in the service which attended the procession 
 by which the ark was brought up from the 
 house of Obed-cdom (1 Chr. xv. 21). 2. 
 The father of Hoshea, prince of the tribe 
 of Ephraim when David numbered the peo- 
 ple (1 Chr. xxvii. 20). 3. One of the Le- 
 vites in the reign of Hezekiah, who had 
 charge of the tithes and dedicated things in 
 the Temple under Cononiah and Shimei (2 
 Chr. xxxi. 13). 
 
 Az'buk, father or ancestor of Nehe- 
 miah the prince of part of Bethzur (Neh. 
 iii. 16) ; 
 
 Aze'kah, a town of Judah, with de- 
 pendent villages, lying in the Shefelah or 
 rich agricultural plain. It is most clearly 
 defined as being near Shochoh (1 Sam. 
 xvii. 1) ; but its position has not yet been 
 recognized. 
 
 A'zel, a descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 
 37, 38, ix. 43, 44). 
 
 A'zem, a city in the extreme south of 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 29), afterwards allotted to 
 Simeon (xix. 3). Elsewhere it is EZEM. 
 
 Az'gad. The children of Azgad, to the 
 number of 1222 (2322 according to Neh. 
 vii. 17), were among the laymen who re- 
 turned with Zorobabel (Ezr. ii. 12). A 
 second detachment of 110, with Johanan at 
 their head, accompanied Ezra in the second 
 caravan (Ezr. viii. 12). With the other 
 heads of the people they joined in the cove- 
 nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 15). 
 
 Aiaiel, a Levite (1 Chr. xv. 20). The 
 name is a shortened form of Jaaziel in 
 Ter. 18. 
 
 Azi za, a layman of the family of Zattu, 
 who had married a foreign wife after the re- 
 turn from Babylon (Ezr. x. 27). 
 
 Az'maveth. 1. One of David's mighty 
 
 men, a native of Bahurim (2 Sam. xxiii. 31 ; 
 1 Chr. xi. 33), and therefore probably a 
 Benjamite. 2. A descendant of Mephib- 
 osheth, or Merib-baal (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 
 42). 3. The father of Jeziel and Pelct, 
 two of the skilled Benjamite slingers and 
 archers who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. 
 xii. 3), perhaps identical with No. 1. 4. 
 Overseer of the royal treasures in the reign 
 of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 
 
 Az'maveth, a place to all appearance 
 in Benjamin, being named with Anathoth, 
 Kirjath-Jearim, and other towns belonging 
 to that tribe. (Ezr. ii. 24). The name 
 elsewhere occurs as BETH-AZMAVETII. 
 
 Az'mon, a place named as being on the 
 S. boundary of the Holy Land, apparently 
 near the torrent of Egypt ( Wadi el-Arish) 
 (Num. xxxiv. 4, 5 ; Josh. xv. 4). It lias not 
 yet been identified. 
 
 Az'noth.-ta'bor. the ears (i. e. possibly 
 the summits) of Tabor, one of the land- 
 marks of the boundary of Naphtali (Josh. 
 xix. 34). The town, if town it be, has 
 hitherto escaped recognition. 
 
 A'zor, son of Eliakim, in the line of our 
 Lord (Matt. i. 13, 14). 
 
 Azo'tus. [ASHDOD.] 
 
 Az'riel. 1. The head of a house of 
 the half-tribe of Manasseh beyond Jordan, 
 a man of renown (1 Chr. v. 24). 2. A 
 Naphtalite, ancestor of Jerimoth the head 
 of the tribe at the time of David's c:?nsus 
 (1 Chr. xxvii. 19). 3. The father of Se- 
 raiah, an officer of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 
 26). 
 
 Az'rikam. 1. A descendant of Zerub- 
 babel, and son of Neariah of the royal line 
 of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 23). 2. Eldest son 
 of Azel, and descendant of Saul (1 Chr. 
 viii. 38, ix. 44). 3. A Levite, ancestor of 
 Shemniah who lived in the time of Nehe- 
 miah (1 Chr. ix. 14; Neh. xi. 15). 4. Gov- 
 ernor of the house, or prefect of the palace, 
 to king Ahaz, who was slain by Zichri, an 
 Ephraimite hero, in the successful invasion 
 of the southern kingdom by Pekah king of 
 Israel (2 Chr. xxviii. 7). 
 
 Azu'bah. 1. Wife of Caleb, son of 
 Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 18, 19). 2. Mother of 
 king Jehoshaphat (1 K. xxii. 42; 2 Chr. 
 xx. 31). 
 
 A'zur, properly Az'zur. 1. A Ben- 
 jamite of Gibeon, and father of Hananiah 
 the false prophet (Jer. xxviii. 1). 2. Father 
 of Jaazaniah, one of the princes of the peo- 
 ple against whom Ezekiel was commanded 
 to prophesy (Ez. xi. 1). 
 
 Az'zah.. The more accurate rendering 
 of the name of the well-known Philistine 
 city, Gaza (Deut. ii. 23 ; IK. iv. 24 ; Jer. 
 xxv. 20). 
 
 Az'zan, the father of Paltiel prince of 
 the tribe of Issachar, who represented his 
 tribe in the division of the promised land 
 (Num. xxxiv. 26).
 
 AZZUR 
 
 67 
 
 BAAL 
 
 Az'zur, one of the heads of the people 
 who signed the covenant with Nehemiah 
 (Neh. x. 17). The name is probably that 
 of a family, and in Hebrew is the same as 
 is elsewhere represented by AZUR. 
 
 B. 
 
 Ba'al. 1. A Reubenite, whose son or 
 descendant Beerah was carried off by the 
 invading army of Assyria under Tiglath- 
 Pileser (1 Chr. v. 5). 2. The son of Je- 
 hiel, father or founder of Gibeon, by his wife 
 Maachah ; brother of Kish, and grandfather 
 of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 36). 
 
 Ba'al, the supreme male divinity of the 
 Phoenician and Canaanitish nations, as 
 ASHTORETH was their supreme female di- 
 vinity. Both names have the peculiarity 
 of being used in the plural, and it seems 
 certain that these plurals designate not 
 statues of the divinities, but different modi- 
 fications of the divinities themselves. The 
 plural BAALIM is found frequently alone. 
 The word Baa), is in Hebrew a common 
 noun of frequent occurrence, having the 
 meaning Lord, not so much, however, in 
 the sense of Rider as of Master, Owner, 
 Possessor. There can be no doubt of the 
 very high antiquity of the worship of Baal. 
 We find it established amongst the Moab- 
 ites and their allies the Midianites in the 
 time of Moses (Num. xxii.41), and through 
 these nations the Israelites were seduced 
 to the worship of this god under the par- 
 ticular form of Baal-Peor (Num. xxv. 3-18 ; 
 Deut. iv. 3). In the times of the kings 
 the worship of Baal spread greatly, and 
 together with that of Asherah became the 
 religion of the court and people of the ten 
 tribes (1 K. xvi. 31-33, xviii. 19, 22). And 
 though this idolatry was occasionally put 
 down (2 K. iii. 2, x. 28) it appears never 
 to have been permanently abolished among 
 them (2 K. xvii. 16). In the kingdom of 
 Judah also Baal-worship extensively pre- 
 vailed. The worship of Baal amongst the 
 Jews seems to have been appointed with 
 much pomp and ceremonial. Temples 
 wero erected to him (1 K. xvi. 32; 2 K. 
 xi. 18) ; his images were set up (2 K. x. 
 26) ; his altars were very numerous (Jer. 
 xi. 13), were erected particularly on lofty 
 eminences (1 K. xviii. 20), and on the 
 roofs of houses (Jer. xxxii. 29) ; there 
 were priests in great numbers (IK. xviii. 
 19), and of various classes \2 K. x. 19) ; 
 the worshippers appear to have been ar- 
 rayed in appropriate robes (2 K. x. 22) ; 
 the worship was performed by burning in- 
 cense (Jer. vii. 9) and offering burnt sacri- 
 fices, which occasionally consisted of hu- 
 man victims (Jer. xix. 5). The officiating' 
 priests danced with frantic shouts around i 
 
 the altar, and cut themselves with knives, 
 to excite the attention and compassion of 
 the god (1 K. xviii. 26-28). Throughout 
 all the Phoenician colonies we continually 
 find traces of the worship of this god ; nor 
 need we hesitate to regard the Babylonian 
 Bel (Is. xlvi. 1) or Belus, as essentially 
 identical with Baal, though perhaps under 
 some modified form. Among the compounds 
 of Baal which appear in the O. T. are : 1. 
 BA'AL-BE'RITH (Judg. viii. 33, ix. 4). The 
 name signifies the Covenant-Baal, the god 
 who comes into covenant with the wor- 
 shippers. 2. BA'AL-ZE'BDB, worshipped 
 at Ekron (2 K. i. 2, 3, 16). The meaning 
 of the name is Baal or Lord of the fly. 
 The name occurs in the N. T. in the well- 
 known form BEELZEBUB. 3. BA'AL-HA'- 
 NAN. 1. The name of one of the early 
 kings of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39 ; 1 Chr. 
 i. 49, 50). 2. The name of one of David's 
 officers, who had the superintendence of 
 his olive and sycamore plantations (1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 28). 4. BA'AL-PE'OR. We have 
 already referred to the worship of this god. 
 The narrative (Num. xxv.) seems clearly 
 to' show that this form of Baal-worship was 
 connected with licentious rites. Baal-Peor 
 was identified by the Rabbins and early 
 fathers with Priapus. 
 
 Baal, geographical. This word occurs 
 as the prefix or suffix to the names of sev- 
 eral places in Palestine. It never seems 
 to have become a naturalized Hebrew 
 word ; and such places called by this name 
 or its compounds as can be identified, were 
 either near Phoenicia, or in proximity to 
 some other acknowledged seat of heathen 
 worship. Some of the places in the names 
 of which Baal forms a part are as follows : 
 1. BA'AL, a town of Simeon, named only 
 in 1 Chr. iv. 33, which from the parallel 
 list in Josh. xix. seems to have been iden- 
 tical with BAALATH-BEER. 2. BA'ALAH. 
 (a.) Another name for KIRJATH-JEARIM, 
 or KIRJATH-BAAL, the well-known town, 
 now Kuriet el Enab. It is mentioned in 
 Josh. xv. 9, 10 ; 1 Chr. xiii. 6. In Josh, 
 xv. 11, it is called Mount Baalah, and in 
 xv. 60, and xviii. 14, Kirjath-Baal. It 
 would seem as if Baalah were the earlier 
 or Canaanite appellation of the place. In 
 2 Sam. vi. 2, the name occurs slightly al- 
 tered as "Baale of Judah." (i.) A town 
 in the south of Judah (Josh. xv. 29), which 
 in xix. 3 is callek BALAH, and in the paral- 
 lel list (1 Chr. iv. 29) BILIIAH. < t. BA'AL- 
 ATH, a town of Dan named with Gibbethon, 
 Gath-rimmon, and other Philistine places 
 (Josh. xix. 44). 4. BA'ALATH-BE'ER = 
 BA.AL 1, a town among those in the south 
 part of Judah, given to Simeon, which alsc 
 bore the name of RAMATH-NEGKB, or "the 
 height of the South "(Josh. xix. 8). 5. B 
 AL-GAD, used to denote the mast northern 
 (Josh. xi. 17, xii. 7), or perhaps north-
 
 BAALAH 
 
 68 
 
 BABEL, BABYLON 
 
 western (xiii. 5), point to which Joshua's 
 victories extended. It was in all probabil- 
 ity a Phoenician or Canaanite sanctuary 
 of Baal under the aspect of Gad, or For- 
 tune. 6. BA'AL-HA'MON, a place at which 
 Solomon had a vineyard, evidently of great 
 extent (Cant. viii. 11). 7. BA'AL-HA'ZOR, 
 a place " by Ephraim," where Absalom 
 appears to have had a sheep-farm, and 
 where Amnon was murdered (2 Sam. xiii. 
 23). 8. MOUNT BA'AL-HER'MON (Judg. 
 iii. 3), and simply Baal-hermon (1 Chr. v. 
 23). This is usually considered as a dis- 
 tinct place from Mount Hermon; but we 
 know that this mountain had at least three 
 names (Deut. iii. 9), and Baal-hermon may 
 have been a fourth in use among the Phoe- 
 nician worshippers of Baal. 9. BA'AL-ME'- 
 ON, one of the towns which were built by 
 the Eeubenites (Num. xxxii. 38), and to 
 which they " gave other names." It also 
 occurs in 1 Chr. v. 8, and on each occasion 
 with Nebo. In the time of Ezekiel it was 
 Moabite, one of the cities which were the 
 "glory of the country" (Ez. xxv. 9). 10. 
 BA'AL-PER'AZIM, the scene of a victory of 
 David over the Philistines, and of a great 
 destruction of their images (2 Sam. v. 20 ; 
 1 Chr. xiv. 11). The place and the cir- 
 cumstance appear to be again alluded to in 
 Is. xxviii. 21, where it is called Mount P. 
 11. BA'AL-SHAL'ISHA, a place named only 
 in 2 K. iv. 42 ; apparently not far from Gil- 
 gal (comp. ver. 38). 12. BA'AL-TA'MAR, 
 a place named only in Judg. xx. 33, as near 
 Gibeah of Benjamin. The palm-tree (td- 
 mdr} of Deborah (iv. 5) was situated some- 
 where in the locality, and is possibly alluded 
 to. 13. BA'AL-ZE'PHON, a place in Egypt 
 near where the Israelites crossed the Red 
 Sea (Ex. xiv. 2, 9 ; Num. xxxiii. 7). From 
 the position of Goshen and the indications 
 afforded by the narrative of the route of the 
 Israelites, we place Baal-zephon on the 
 western shore of the Gulf of Suez, a little 
 below its head, which at that time was 
 about 30 or 40 miles northward of the pres- 
 ent head. 
 
 Ba'alah. [BAAL, No. 2.] 
 Ba'alath. [BAAL, Nos. 3, 4.] 
 Ba'ale of Judah. [BAAL, No. 2, a.] 
 Ba'ali (Hos. ii. 16). [BAAL.] 
 Ba'alim. [BAAL.] 
 Ba'alis, king of the Ammonites at the 
 time of the destruction of Jerusalem by 
 Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. xl. 14). 
 
 Ba'ana. 1. The son of Ahilud, Solo- 
 mon's commissariat officer in Jezreel and 
 the north of the Jordan valley (1 K. iv. 12). 
 2. Father of Zadok, who assisted in re- 
 building the wall of Jerusalem under Ne- 
 liemiah (Neh. iii. 4)-. 
 
 Ba'anah. 1. Son of Rimmon, aBenja- 
 mite who with his brother Rechab mur- 
 dered Ishbosheth. For this they were 
 killed by David, and their mutilated bodies 
 
 hung up over the pool at Hebron (2 Sam. 
 iv. 2, 5, 6, 9). 2. A Netophathite, father 
 of Heleb or Heled, one of David's mighty 
 men (2 Sam. xxiii. 29; 1 Chr. xi. 30). 3. 
 Accurately Baana, son of Hushai, Solomon's 
 commissariat officer in Asher (1 K. iv. 16). 
 4. A man who accompanied Zorobabel on 
 his return from the captivity (Ezr. ii. 2 ; 
 Neh. vii. 7). Possibly the same person is 
 intended in Neh. x. 27. 
 
 Ba'ara, one of the wives of Sharahaim, 
 a descendant of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 8). 
 
 Baasei'ah, a Gershonite Levite, one of 
 the forefathers of Asaph the singer (1 Chr. 
 vi. 40 [25]). 
 
 Ba'asha. B. c. 953-931, third sovereign 
 of the separate kingdom of Israel, and the 
 founder of its second dynasty. He was 
 son of Ahijah of the tribe of Issachar, and 
 conspired against king Nadab, son of Jero- 
 boam, when he was besieging the Philistine 
 town of Gibbethon (1 K. xv. 27), and killed 
 him with his whole family. He appears to 
 have been of humble origin (1 K. xvi. 2). 
 It was probably in the 13th year of his reign 
 that he made war on Asa, and began to for- 
 tify Ramah. He was defeated by the un- 
 expected alliance of Asa with Benhadad I. 
 of Damascus. Baasha died in the 24th 
 year of his reign, and was honorably buried 
 in the beautiful city of Tirzah (Cant. vi. 4), 
 which he had made his capital (1 K. xvi. 
 6; 2 Chr. xvi. 1-G). 
 
 Ba'bel, Bab'ylon, is properly the capi- 
 tal city of the country, which is called in 
 Genesis Shinar, and in the later books Chal- 
 daea, or the land of the Chaldaeans. The ar- 
 chitectural remains discovered in Southern 
 Babylonia, taken in conjunction with the 
 monumental records, seem to indicate that 
 it was not at first the capital, nor, indeed, a 
 town of very great importance. The first 
 rise of the Chaldaean power was in the re- 
 gion close upon the Persian Gulf; thence 
 the nation spread northwards up the course 
 of the rivers, and the seat of government 
 moved in the same direction, being finally 
 fixed at Babylon, perhaps not earlier than 
 B. c. 1700. 1. Topography of Babylon 
 Ancient descriptions of the city. The de- 
 scriptions of Babylon which have come 
 down to us in classical writers are derived 
 chiefly from two sources, the works of He- 
 rodotus and of Ctesias. According to the 
 former, the city, which was built on both 
 sides of the Euphrates, formed a vast 
 square, enclosed within a double line of 
 high walls, the extent of the outer circuit 
 being 480 stades, or about 56 miles. The 
 entire area included would thus have been 
 about 200 square miles. The houses, which 
 were frequently three or four stories high, 
 were laid out in straight streets crossing 
 each other at right angles. In each divis- 
 ion of the town there was a fortress or 
 stronghold, consisting in the one case of
 
 BABEL, BABYLON 
 
 69 
 
 BABEL, BABYLON 
 
 the royal palace, in the other of the great 
 temple of Belus. The two portions of the 
 city were united by a bridge, composed of 
 a series of stone piers with movable plat- 
 forms of wood stretching from one pier to 
 another. According to Ctesias the circuit 
 of the city was not 480 but 360 stades, 
 which is a little under 42 miles. It lay, he 
 says, on both sides of the Euphrates, and 
 the two parts were connected together by a 
 stone bridge five stades (above 1000 yards) 
 long, and 30 feet broad, of the kind de- 
 scribed by Herodotus. At either extremity 
 of the bridge was a royal palace, that in the 
 eastern city being the more magnificent of 
 the two. The two palaces were joined, not 
 only by the bridge, but by a tunnel under 
 the river ! Ctesias' account of the temple 
 of Belus has not come down to us. In ex- 
 amining the truth of these descriptions, we 
 shall most conveniently commence from 
 the outer circuit of the town. All the an- 
 cient writers appear to agree in the fact of 
 a district of vast size, more or less inhab- 
 ited,, having been enclosed within lofty 
 walls, and included under the name of 
 Babylon. With respect to the exact extent 
 of the circuit they differ. The estimate of 
 Herodotus and of Pliny is 480 stades, of 
 Strabo 385, of Q. Curtius 368, of Clitarchus 
 365, and of Ctesias 360 stades. It is evi- 
 dent that here we have merely the moder- 
 ate variations to be expected in independent 
 measurements, except in the first of the 
 numbers. Perhaps the true explanation is 
 that Herodotus spoke .of the outer wall, 
 which could be traced in his time. Taking 
 the lowest estimate of the extent of the 
 circuit, we shall have for the space within 
 the rampart an area of above 100 square 
 miles ; nearly five times the size of Lon- 
 don ! It is evident that this vast space 
 cannot have been entirely covered with 
 houses. With regard to the height and 
 breadth of the walls there is nearly as much 
 difference of statement as with regard to 
 their extent. The gates and walls are alike 
 mentioned in Scripture ; the height of the 
 one and the breadth of the other being 
 specially noticed (Jer. li. 58 ; comp. 1. 15, 
 and li. 53). II. Present state of the ruins. 
 About five miles above Nilah, on the 
 opposite or left bank of the Euphrates, oc- 
 curs a series of artificial mounds of enor- 
 mous size. They consist chiefly of three 
 great masses of building, the high pile 
 of unbaked brickwork called by Rich ' Mu- 
 jellibe,' but which is known to the Arabs as 
 'Babil;' the building denominated the 
 ' Kasr' or palace ; and a lofty mound, upon 
 which stands the modern tomb of Amrrim- 
 ibn-'Alb. On the west, or right bank, the 
 remains are very slight and scanty. Scat- 
 tered over the country on both sides of the 
 Euphrates, are a number of remarkable 
 mounds, usually standing single, which are 
 
 plainly of the same date with the great mass 
 of ruins upon the river bank. Of these, by 
 far the most striking is the vast ruin called 
 the Sirs- Nimrud, which many regard as 
 the tower of Babel, situated about six miles 
 to the S. W. of Hillah. [BABEL, TOWER 
 OF.] III. Identification of sites. The 
 great mound of Babil is probably the an- 
 cient temple of Belus. The mound of the 
 Kasr marks the site of the great Palace of 
 Nebuchadnezzar. The mound of Amrdm 
 is thought by M. Oppert to represent the 
 " hanging gardens " of Nebuchadnezzar ; 
 but most probably it represents the ancient 
 palace, coeval with Babylon itself, of which 
 Nebuchadnezzar speaks in his inscriptions 
 as adjoining his own more magnificent res- 
 idence. The most remarkable fact con- 
 nected with the magnificence of Babylon, 
 is the poorness of the material with which 
 such wonderful results were produced. 
 With bricks made from the soil of the coun- 
 try, in many parts an excellent clay, and at 
 first only " slime for mortar" (Gen. xi. 3), 
 were constructed edifices of so vast a size 
 that they still remain among the most enor- 
 mous ruins in the world. IV. History of 
 Babylon. Scripture represents the " be- 
 ginning of the kingdom" as belonging to 
 the time of Nimrod, the grandson of Ham 
 (Gen. x. 6-10). The most ancient inscrip- 
 tions appear to show that the primitive in- 
 habitants of the country were really Cushite, 
 i. e. identical in race with the early inhab- 
 itants of Southern Arabia and of Ethiopia. 
 The early annals of Babylon are filled by 
 Berosus, the native historian, with three 
 dynasties ; one of 49 Chaldean kings, who 
 reigned 458 years ; another of 9 Arab kings, 
 who reigned 245 years ; and a third of 49 
 Assyrian monarchs, who held dominion for 
 526 years. The line of Babylonian kings 
 becomes exactly known to us from the year 
 B. c. 747. The " Canon of Ptolemy" gives 
 us the succession of Babylonian monarchs, 
 with the exact length of the reign *of each, 
 from the year B. c. 747, when Nabonassar 
 mounted the throne, to B. c. 331, when the 
 last Persian king was dethroned by Alex- 
 ander. Of the earlier kings of the Canon, 
 the only one worthy of notice is Mardoccm- 
 palus (B. c. 721), the MERODACH-BALADAN 
 of Scripture, but it is not till "we come to 
 Nabopolassar, the father of Nebuchadnez- 
 zar, that a new era in the history of Baby- 
 lon commences. On the fall of Nineveh 
 (B. c. 625) Babylon became not only an 
 independent kingdom, but an empire. The 
 city was taken by a surprise (B. c. 539), as 
 Jeremiah had prophesied (li. 31), by an 
 army of Medes and Persians under Cyrus, 
 as intimated 170 years earlier by Isaiah 
 (xxi. 1-9), and, as Jeremiah had also fore- 
 shown (li. 39), during a festival. Accord- 
 ing to the book of Daniel, it would seem as 
 if Babylon was taken, not by Cyrus, king
 
 BABEL, TOWER OF 
 
 70 
 
 BACA 
 
 of Persia, but by a Median king, named 
 Darius (v. 31). There is, however, suffi- 
 cient indication that "Darius the Mede" 
 was not the real conqueror, but a monarch 
 with a certain delegated authority (see Dan. 
 v. 31, and ix. 1). With the conquest by 
 Cyrus commenced the decay and ruin of 
 Babylon, though it continued a royal resi- 
 dence through the entire period of the Per- 
 sian empire. The defences and public 
 buildings suffered grievously from neglect 
 during the long period of peace which fol- 
 lowed the reign of Xerxes. After the death 
 of Alexander the Great, the removal of the 
 seat of empire to Antioch under the Seleu- 
 cidae gave the finishing blow to the pros- 
 perity of the place. Since then Babylon 
 has been a quarry from which all the tribes 
 in the vicinity have derived the bricks with 
 which they have built their cities. The 
 "great city," "the beauty of the Chaldees' 
 excellency," has thus emphatically " be- 
 come heaps" (Jer. li. 37). 
 
 Ba'bel, Tower of. The "tower of 
 Babel " is only mentioned once in Scripture 
 (Gen. xi. 4, 5), and then as incomplete. It 
 was built of bricks, and the " slime " used 
 for mortar was probably bitumen. Such 
 authorities as we possess represent the 
 building as destroyed soon after its erec- 
 tion. When the Jews, however, were car- 
 ried captive into Babylonia, they were 
 struck with the vast magnitude and peculiar 
 character of certain of the Babylonian tem- 
 ples, in one or other of which they thought 
 to recognize the very tower itself. The pre- 
 dominant opinion was in favor of the great 
 temple of Nebo at Borsippa, the modern 
 Birs-Nimrud. But the Birs-Nimrud, 
 though it cannot be the tower of Babel itself, 
 may well be taken to show the probable shape 
 and character of the edifice. This building 
 appears to have been a sort of oblique pyr- 
 amid built in seven receding stages. " Upon 
 a platform of crude brick, raised a few feet 
 above the level of the alluvial plain, was 
 built of burnt brick the first or basement 
 stage, an exact square, 272 feet each 
 way, and 26 feet in perpendicular height. 
 Upon this stage was erected a second, 230 
 feet each way, and likewise 26 feet high ; 
 which, however, was not placed exactly in 
 the middle of the first, but considerably 
 nearer to the south-western end, which con- 
 stituted the back of the building. The other 
 stages were arranged similarly; the third 
 being 188 feet, and again 26 feet high ; the 
 fourth, 146 feet square, and 15 feet high ; 
 the fifth 104 feet square, and the same 
 height as the fourth; the sixth 62 feet 
 square, and again the same height ; and the 
 seventh 20 feet square, and once more the 
 same height. On the seventh stage there 
 was probably placed the ark or tabernacle, 
 which seems to have been again 15 feet 
 high, and must have nearly, if not entirely, 
 
 covered the top of the seventh story. The 
 entire original height, allowing three feet for 
 the platform, would thus have been 150 feet, 
 or, without the platform, 153 feet. The 
 whole formed a sort of oblique pyramid, the 
 gentler slope facing the N. E., and the 
 steeper inclining to the S. W. On the 
 N. E. side was the grand entrance, and here 
 stood the vestibule, a separate building, the 
 debris from which having joined those from 
 the temple itself, fill up the intermediate 
 space, and very remarkably prolong the 
 moxind in this direction " (liawlinson's He- 
 rodotus, vol. ii. pp. 582-3). 
 
 Bab'ylon. The occurrence of this 
 name in 1 Pet. v. 13 has given rise to a 
 variety of conjectures, which may be briefly 
 enumerated. 1. That Babylon tropically 
 denotes -Home. 2. Some take Babylon, 
 with as little reason, to mean Jerusalem. 
 
 3. Bar-Hebraeus understands by it the 
 house in Jerusalem where the Apostles 
 were assembled on the Day of Pentecost. 
 
 4. Others place it on the Tigris, and iden- 
 tify it with Seleucia or Ctesiphon, but for 
 this there is no evidence. The two theories 
 which remain are worthy of more consid- 
 eration. 5. That by Babylon is intended 
 the small fort of that name which formed 
 the boundary between Upper and LoAver 
 Egypt, the modern Baboul. 6. The most 
 natural supposition of all is that by Baby- 
 lon is intended the old Babylon of Assyria, 
 which was largely inhabited by Jews at the 
 time in question. 
 
 Bab'ylon, in the Apocalypse, is the 
 symbolical name by which Home is denoted 
 (Rev. xiv. 8, xvii., xviii.). The power of 
 Rome was regarded by the later Jews as 
 that of Babylon by their forefathers (comp. 
 Jer. li. 7 with Rev. xiv. 8), and hence, 
 whatever the people of Israel be under- 
 stood to symbolize, Babylon represents the 
 antagonistic principle. 
 
 Babylo'nians, the inhabitants of Bab- 
 ylon, a race of Shemitic origin, who were 
 among the colonists planted in the cities of 
 Samaria by the conquering Assyrians (Ezr. 
 iv. 9). 
 
 Babylonish Garment, literally 'robe 
 of Shinar' (Josh. vii. 21). An ample robe, 
 probably made of the skin or fur of an 
 animal (comp. Gen. xxv. 25), and orna- 
 mented with embroidery, or perhaps a 
 variegated garment with figures inwoven in 
 the fashion for which the Babylonians were 
 celebrated. 
 
 Ba'ca, The Valley of, a valley in 
 Palestine, through which the exiled Psalm- 
 ist sees in vision the pilgrims passing in 
 their march towards the sanctuary of Jeho- 
 vah at Zion (Ps. Ixxxiv. C). That it was a 
 real locality is most probable, from the use 
 of the definite article before the name. 
 The rendering of the Targum is Gehenna, 
 . e. the Ge-Hinnom or ravine below Mount
 
 BACCHIDES 
 
 71 
 
 BALAAM 
 
 Zion. This locality agrees well with the 
 mention of Becalm (A. V. "mulberry") 
 trees in 2 Sam. v. 23. 
 
 Bac'chides, a friend of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes and governor of Mesopotamia 
 (1 Mace. vii. 8), who was commissioned by 
 Demetrius Soter to investigate the charges 
 wlu'ch Alcimus preferred against Judas 
 Maccabaeus. 
 
 Bach/rites, The, the family of BECHEK, 
 son of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 35). 
 
 Badger-Skins. There is much ob- 
 scurity as to the meaning of the word 
 tachash, rendered " badger " in our A. V. 
 (Ex. xxv. 5, xxxv. 7, &c.); the ancient 
 versions seem nearly all agreed that it 
 denotes not an animal, but a color, either 
 black or sky-blue. The badger is not 
 found in the Bible lands. The Arabic 
 duchash or tuchash denotes a dolphin, but 
 in all probability is not restricted in its 
 application, but may refer to either a seal 
 or a cetacean. The skin of the Halicore 
 from its hardness would be well suited for 
 making soles for shoes (Ez. xvi. 10), and 
 it is worthy of remark that the Arabs near 
 Cape Mussendum employ the skins of these 
 animals for a similar purpose. The Hali- 
 core Tabernaculi is found in the Red Sea, 
 and on the coral banks of the Abyssinian 
 coast. Perhaps, however, tachash may 
 denote a seal, the skin of which animal 
 would suit all the demands of the Scrip- 
 tural allusions. 
 
 Bag is the rendering of several words 
 in the Old and New Testaments. 1. Char- 
 ttim, the " bags " in which Naaman bound 
 up the two talents of silver for Gehazi (2 
 K. T. 23). The word only occurs besides 
 in Is. iii. 22, and there denotes the reticules 
 carried by the Hebrew ladies. 2. Cis, a 
 bag for carrying weights (Deut. xxv. 13; 
 Prov. xvi. 11; Mic. vi. 11), also used as a 
 purse (Prov. i. 14; Is. xlvi. 6). 3. Celt, 
 in Gen. xlii. 25, is the "sack" in which 
 Jacob's sons carried the corn which they 
 brought from Egypt, and in 1 Sam. ix. 7, 
 xxi. 5, it denotes a bag, or wallet, for carry- 
 ing food. The shepherd's " bag " which 
 David had seems to have been worn by him 
 as necessary to his calling, and was proba- 
 bly, from a comparison of Zech. xi. 15, 1C 
 (where A. V. "instruments" is the same 
 word), for the purpose of carrying the 
 lambs which were unable to walk or were 
 lost, and contained materials for healing 
 such as were sick and binding up those 
 that were broken (comp. Ez. xxxiv. 4, 16). 
 4. TsZrdr, properly a " bundle " (Gen. xlii. 
 35; 1 Sam. xxv. 29), appears to have been 
 used by travellers for carrying money dur- 
 ing a long journey (Prov. vii. 20 ; Hag. i. 
 6 ; comp. Luke xii. 33). The " bag " which 
 Judas carried was probably a small box or 
 chest (John xii. G, xiii. 29). The Greek 
 word is the same as tliat used in the 
 
 LXX. for "chest" in 2 Chr. xxiv. 8, 10, 
 
 Baha'rumite, The. [BAHCRIM.] 
 
 Bahu'rim, a village, the slight notices 
 remaining of which connect it almost 
 exclusively with the flight of David (2 Sam. 
 xvi. 5). It was apparently on, or close to 
 the road leading up from the Jordan valley 
 to Jerusalem, and must have been very 
 near the south boundary of Benjamin. Dr. 
 Barclay conjectures that it lay where some 
 ruins still exist close to a Wady Ruwaby, 
 which runs in a straight course for 3 miles 
 from Olivet directly towards Jordan. 
 
 Ba'jith (" the house "), referring to the 
 "temple " of the false gods of Moab, as 
 opposed to the " high places " in the same 
 sentence (Is. xv. 2, and compare xvi. 12). 
 
 Bakbak'kar, a Levite, apparently a 
 descendant of Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 15). 
 
 Bak'buk. "Children of Bakbuk" 
 were among the Nethinim who returned 
 from captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; 
 Neh. vii. 53). 
 
 Bakbuki'ah. 1. A Levite in time of 
 Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 17; xii. 9). 2. A Le- 
 vite porter, apparently the same as the 
 preceding (Neh. xii. 25). 
 
 Balaam, the son of Beor, a man en- 
 dowed with the gift of prophecy (Num. 
 xxii. 5). He belonged to the Midianites, 
 and perhaps as the prophet of his people 
 possessed the same authority that Moses 
 did among the Israelites. At any rate he 
 is mentioned in conjunction with the five 
 kings of Midian, apparently as a person of 
 the same rank (Num. xxxi. 8 ; cf. xxxi. 
 16). He seems to have lived at Pethor, 
 which is said at Deut. xxiii. 4 to have been 
 a city of Mesopotamia. He himself speaks 
 of being " brought from Aram out of the 
 mountains of the East" (Num. xxiii. 7). 
 Balaam is one of those instances which 
 meet us in Scripture of persons dwelling 
 among heathens but possessing a certain 
 knowledge of the one true God. When 
 the Israelites were encamped in the plains 
 of Moab, Balak, the king of Moab, sent 
 for Balaam to curse them. Balaam was 
 prohibited by God from going. The king 
 of Moab, however, sent again to him. The 
 prophet again refused, hut was at length 
 allowed to go. Balaam therefore proceeded 
 on his journey with the messengers of 
 Balak. But God's anger was kindled at 
 this manifestation of determined self-will, 
 and the angel of the Lord stood in the way 
 for an adversary against him. " The dumb 
 ass, speaking with man's voice, forbade the 
 madness of the prophet" (2 Pet. ii. 16). 
 Balaam predicted a magnificent career for 
 the people whom he was called to curse, 
 but he nevertheless suggested to the Moab- 
 ites the expedient of seducing them to com- 
 mit fornication. The effect of this ii 
 recorded in ch. xxv. A battle was after-
 
 BALAC 
 
 72 
 
 BAPTISM 
 
 wards fought against the Midianites, in 
 which Balaam sided with them and was 
 slain by the sword of the people whom he 
 had endeavored to curse (Num. xxxi. 8). 
 
 Ba'lac, Rev. ii. H. [BALAIC.] 
 
 Bal'adan. [MERODACH-BALADAX.] 
 
 Ba'lah, Josh. xix. 3. [BAAL, Geogr. 
 No. 2, &.] 
 
 Ba'lak, son of Zippor, king of the Moab- 
 ites, at the time when the children of Is- 
 rael were bringing their journeyings in the 
 wilderness to a close. Balak entered into 
 a league with Midian and hired Balaam to 
 curse the Israelites ; but his designs were 
 frustrated in the manner recorded in Num. 
 xxii.-xxiv. 
 
 Bal'amo. [BAAL, Geogr. No. 6.] 
 
 Baldness. There are two kinds of 
 baldness, viz. artificial and natural. The 
 latter seems to have been uncommon, since 
 it exposed people to public derision, and is 
 perpetually alluded to as a mark of squalor 
 and misery (2 K. ii. 23 ; Is. iii. 24, xv. 2 ; 
 Jer. xlvii. 5 ; Ez. vii. 18, &c.) In Lev. 
 xiii. 29, &c., very careful directions are 
 given to distinguish "the plague upon the 
 head and beard " from mere natural bald- 
 ness which is pronounced to be clean, ver. 
 40. Artificial baldness marked the conclu- 
 sion of a Nazarite's vow (Acts xviii. 18 ; 
 Num. vi. 9), and was a sign of mourning. 
 
 Balm (Heb. tzSri, tzeri) occurs in Gen. 
 xxxvii. 25, xliii. 11; Jer. viii. 22, xlvi. 11, 
 Ii. 8; and Ez. xxvii. 17. It is impossible 
 to identify it with any certainty. It may 
 represent the gum of the Pistacia Icntiscus, 
 or that of the Balsamodendron opolalsa- 
 mum. [SPICES; MASTICK.] Hasselquist 
 has given a description of the true balsam- 
 tree of Mecca. He says that the exudation 
 from the plant "is of a yellow color, 
 and pellucid. It has a most fragrant 
 smell, which is resinous, balsamic, and 
 very agreeable. It is very tenacious or 
 glutinous, sticking to the fingers, and may 
 be drawn into long threads." 
 
 Ba'mah (lit. "high-place"). This 
 word appears in its Hebrew form only in 
 one passage (Ez. xx. 29), very obscure, 
 and full of the play upon words so dear to 
 the Hebrew poets, so difficult for us to 
 appreciate : "What is the high-place where- 
 unto ye hie ? and the name of it is called 
 Bamah unto this day." 
 
 Ba'moth-Ba'al, a sanctuary of Baal in 
 the country of Moab (Josh. xiii. 17), which 
 is probably mentioned in Num. xxi. 19, 
 under the shorter form of Bamoth, or Ba- 
 moth-in-the-ravine (20), and again in Is. 
 xv. 2. 
 
 Ba'ni. 1. A Gadite, one of David's 
 mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 30). 2. A Le- 
 vite of the line of Merari, and forefather to 
 Ethan (1 Chr. vi.46). 3. A man of Judah 
 of the line of Pharez (1 Chr. ix. 4). 4. 
 "Children of Bani" returned from cap- 
 
 tivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 10; Neh. 
 x. 14; Ezr. x. 29, 84; 1 Esd. v. 12). 
 [BINNCI, MANX.] 5. An Israelite " of the 
 sons of Bani" (Ezr. x. 38). 6. A Levite 
 (Neh. iii. 17). 7. A Levite (Neh. viii. 7; 
 ix. 4, 5; x. 13). 8. Another Levite, of 
 the sons of Asaph (Neh. xi. 22). 
 
 Banquets, among the Hebrews, were 
 not only a means of social enjoyment, but 
 were a part of the observance of religious 
 festivity. At the three solemn festivals the 
 family also had its domestic feast (Deut. 
 xvi. 11). Probably both males and females 
 went up (1 Sam. i. 9) together, to hold 
 the festival. Sacrifices, both ordinary and 
 extraordinary (Ex. xxxiv. 15 ; Judg. xvi. 
 23), included a banquet, and Eli's sons 
 made this latter the prominent part. Birth- 
 day-banquets are only mentioned in the 
 cases of Pharaoh and Herod (Gen. xl. 
 20 ; Matt. xiv. 6). The usual time of the 
 banquet was the evening, and to begin early 
 was a mark of excess (Is. v. 11; Eccl. x. 
 16). The most essential materials of the 
 banqueting-room, next to the viands and 
 wine, which last was often drugged with 
 spices (Prov. ix. 2 ; Cant. viii. 2), were 
 perfumed unguents, garlands or loose flow- 
 ers, white or brilliant robes ; after these, 
 exhibitions of music, singers, and dancers, 
 riddles, jesting and merriment (Is. xxviii. 
 1 ; Wisd. ii. 7; 2 Sam. xix. 35 ; Is. xxv. 6, 
 v. 12; Judg. xiv. 12; Neh. viii. 10; Eccl. 
 x. 19; Matt. xxii. 11; Am. vi. 5, 6; Luke 
 xv. 25). The posture at table in early 
 times was sitting (1 Sam. xvi. 11, xx. 5, 
 18), and the guests were ranged in order of 
 dignity (Gen. xliii. 33 ; 1 Sam. ix. 22) : the 
 words which imply the recumbent posture 
 belong to the N. T. The separation of the 
 women's banquet was not a Jewish custom 
 (Esth. i. 9). 
 
 Baptism. I. It is well known that 
 ablution or bathing was common in most 
 ancient nations as a preparation for prayers 
 and sacrifice or as expiatory of sin. There 
 is a natural connection in the mind between 
 the thought of physical and that of spirit- 
 ual pollution. In warm countries this con- 
 nection is probably even closer than in 
 colder climates ; and hence the freqiieney 
 of ablution in the religious rites through- 
 out the east. II. The history of Israel 
 and the Law of Moses abound with such 
 lustrations (Gen. xxxv. 2 ; Ex. xix. 10 ; 
 Lev. xv., xvii. 15, xxii. 4, 6, xvi. 26, 28; 
 Num. xix. 10). It was natural, that of all 
 people, the priests most especially should 
 be required to purify themselves in this 
 manner. The consecration of the high- 
 priest deserves especial notice. It was 
 first by baptism, then by unction, and lastly 
 by sacrifice (Ex. xxix. 4, xl. 12 ; Lev. viii.). 
 From the Gospel history we learn that at 
 that time ceremonial washings had been 
 greatly multiplir . by traditions of the doc*
 
 BAPTISM 
 
 73 
 
 BAPTISM 
 
 tors and elders (sec Mark vii. 3, 4). The 
 most important and probably one of the 
 earliest of these traditional customs was 
 the baptizing of proselytes. III. The 
 baptism of John. These usages of the 
 Jews will account for the readiness with 
 which all men flocked to the baptism of 
 John the Baptist. There has been some 
 uncertainty as to the nature of John's bap- 
 tism and its spiritual significance. It ap- 
 pears to have been a kind of transition 
 from the Jewish baptism to the Christian. 
 The distinction between John's baptism and 
 Christian baptism appears in the case 
 of Apollos (Acts xviii. 26, 27), and of the 
 disciples at Ephesus, mentioned Acts xix. 
 1-6. We cannot but draw from this his- 
 tory the inference that in Christian baptism 
 there was a deeper spiritual significance. 
 IV. The Baptism of Jesus. Plainly the 
 most important action of John as a baptist 
 was his baptism of Jesus, which was His 
 formal setting apart for His ministry, and 
 was a most important portion of His con- 
 secration to be the High Priest of God. He 
 was just entering on the age of thirty (Luke 
 iii. 23), the age at which the Levites began 
 their ministry and the rabbis their teaching. 
 It has already been mentioned that the 
 consecration of Aaron to the high-priest- 
 hood was by baptism, unction, and sacrifice 
 (see Lev. viii.). All these were undergone 
 by Jesus. Baptism was the beginning of 
 coasecration ; unction was the immediate 
 consequent upon the baptism ; and sacri- 
 fice was the completion of the initiation, 
 so that He was thenceforth perfected, or 
 fully consecrated as a Priest for evermore 
 (Heb. vii. 28). V. Baptism of the Dis- 
 ciples of Christ. Whether our Lord ever 
 baptized has been doubted. The only pas- 
 sage which may distinctly bear on the 
 question is John iv. 1. 2, where it is said 
 " that Jesus made and baptized more dis- 
 ciples than John, though Jesus Himself 
 baptized not, but His disciples." We neces- 
 sarily infer from it. that, as soon as our 
 Lord began His ministry, and gathered to 
 Him a company of disciples, He, like John 
 the Baptist, admitted into that company by 
 the administration of baptism. After the 
 resurrection, baptism became the initiatory 
 rite of the Christian Church, as circumcis- 
 ion was the initiatory rite of Judaism. VI. 
 The Types of Baptism. Baptism is com- 
 pared to the Flood by which Noah was 
 saved (1 Pet. iii. 21) ; to the passage of 
 the Red Sea and the shadowing of the mi- 
 raculous cloud (1 Cor. x. 1, 2); to circum- 
 cision (Col. ii. 11); and to death (Matt. xx. 
 22; Mark x. .39; Luke xii. 50). VII. 
 Names of Baptism. 1. "Baptism" prop- 
 erly and literally means immersion. 2. 
 "The Water" is a name of baptism which 
 occurs in Acts x. 47. 3. " Washing of 
 Water" (lit. "the bath of the water") is 
 
 another Scriptural term, by which baptism 
 is signified (Eph. v. 26). There appears 
 clearly in these words a reference to the 
 bridal bath ; but the allusion to baptism is 
 clearer still. 4. " The washing of regen- 
 eration " (lit. " the bath of regeneration ") 
 is a phrase naturally connected with the 
 foregoing. It occurs Tit. iii. 5. All an- 
 cient and most modern commentators have 
 interpreted it of baptism. 5. " Illumina- 
 tion " (Heb. vi. 4). VIII. Recipients of 
 Baptism. The command to baptize was 
 co-extensive with the command to preach 
 j the Gospel. All nations were to be evan- 
 gelized ; and they were to be made disci- 
 ples, admitted into the fellowship of Christ's 
 religion, by baptism (Matt, xxviii. 19). 
 The great question has been, whether the 
 invitation extended, not to adults only, but 
 j to infants also. The universality of the 
 invitation, Christ's declaration concerning 
 the blessedness of infants and their fitnesa 
 for his kingdom (Mar. x. 14), the admis- 
 sion of infants to circumcision and to the 
 baptism of Jewish proselytes, the mention 
 of whole households, and the subsequent 
 practice of the Church, have been princi- 
 pally relied on by the advocates of infant 
 baptism. The silence of the New Testa- 
 ment concerning the baptism of infants, the 
 constant mention of faith as a pre-requisite 
 or condition of baptism, the great spiritual 
 blessings which seem attached to a right 
 reception of it, and the responsibility en- 
 tailed on those who have taken its obliga- 
 tions on themselves, seem the chief ob- 
 jections urged against paedo-baptism. But 
 here we must leave ground which has been 
 so extensively occupied by controversial- 
 ists. IX. The mode of Baptism. The 
 language of the New Testament and of the 
 primitive fathers sufficiently points to im- 
 mersion as the common mode of baptism. 
 But in the case of the family of the jailer 
 at Philippi (Acts xvi. 33), and of the three 
 thousand converted at Pentecost (Acts ii.), 
 it seems hardly likely that immersion should 
 have been possible. Moreover the ancient 
 Church, which mostly adopted immersion, 
 was satisfied with effusion in case of clini- 
 cal baptism the baptism of the sick and 
 dying. Questions and Answers. In the 
 earliest times of the Christian Church we 
 find the catechumens required to renounce 
 the Devil and to profess their faith in the 
 Holy Trinity and in the principal articles 
 of the Creed. It is generally supposed 
 that St. Peter (1 Pet. iii. 21) refers to a 
 custom of this kind as existing from the 
 first. X. The formula of Baptism. It 
 should seem from our Lord's own direction 
 (Matt, xxviii. 19) that the words made use 
 of in the administration of baptism should 
 be those which the Church has generally 
 retained. XI. Baptism for the Dead. 
 1 Cor. xv. 27. "Else what shall
 
 BARABBAS 
 
 74 
 
 BARTHOLOMEW 
 
 do who are baptized for the dead, if the dead 
 rise not at all? Why are they then bap- 
 tized for the dead ? " 1. Tertullian tells us 
 of a custom of vicarious baptism as exist- 
 ing among the Marcionites ; and St. Chrys- 
 ostom relates of the same heretics, that, 
 when one of their catechumens died with- 
 out baptism, they used to put a living per- 
 son under the dead man's bed, and asked 
 whether he desired to be baptized ; the liv- 
 ing man answering that he did, they then 
 baptized him in place of the departed 
 (Chrys. Horn. xl. on 1 Cor. xv.) 2. Chrys- 
 ostoni believes the Apostle to refer to the 
 profession of faith in baptism, part of which 
 was " I believe in the resurrection of the 
 dead." The former of the two interpreta- 
 tions above mentioned commends itself to 
 us by its simplicity ; the latter by its an- 
 tiquity. Many other explanations have 
 been given. 
 
 Barab'bas, a robber (John xviii. 40), 
 who had committed murder in an insurrec- 
 tion (Mark xv. 7 ; Luke xxiii. 19) in Jeru- 
 salem, and was lying in prison at the time 
 of the trial of Jesus before Pilate. 
 
 Bar'achel, "the Buzite," father of 
 Elihu (Job xxxii. 2, 6). [Buz.] 
 
 Barachi'as, Matt, xxiii. 35. [ZACHA- 
 
 RIAS.] 
 
 Ba'rak, son of Abinoam of Kedesh, a 
 refuge-city in Mount Naphtali, was incited 
 by Deborah, a prophetess of Ephraim, to 
 deliver Israel from the yoke of Jabin (Judg. 
 iv.). He utterly routed the Canaanites in 
 the plain of Jezreel (Esdraelon). 
 
 Barbarian. " Every one not a Greek 
 is a barbarian " is the common Greek defi- 
 nition, and in this strict sense the word is 
 used in Rom. i. It, "I am debtor both to 
 Greeks and barbarians." It often retains 
 this primitive meaning, as in 1 Cor. xiv. 11 
 (of one using an unknown tongue), and 
 Acts xxviii. 2, 4 (of the Maltese, who spoke 
 a Punic dialect). 
 
 Barhu'mite, The. [BAHURIM.] 
 
 Bari'ah, one of the sons of Shemaiah, 
 a descendant of the royal family of Judah 
 (1 Chr. iii. 22). 
 
 Bar-Je'sus. [ELTMAS.] 
 
 Bar-Jo'na. [PETER.] 
 
 Bar'kos. " Children of Barkos " were 
 among the Nethinim who returned from the 
 captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 53 ; Neh. 
 vii. 55). 
 
 Barley was grown by the Hebrews 
 (Lev. xxvii. 16 ; Deut. viii. 8 ; Ruth ii. 17, 
 &c.), who used it for baking into bread, 
 chiefly amongst the poor (Judg. vii. 13 ; 2 
 K. iv. 42 ; John vi. 9, 13) ; for making into 
 bread by mixing it with wheat, beans, len- 
 tils, millet, &c. (Ez. iv. 9) ; and as fodder 
 for horses (1 K. iv. 28). The barley harvest 
 (Ruth i. 22, ii. 23 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 9, 10) takes 
 place in Palestine in March and April, and 
 in the hilly districts as late as May ; but the 
 
 period of course varies according to the 
 localities where the corn grows. It always 
 precedes the wheat harvest, in some places 
 by a week, in others by fully three weeks. 
 In Egypt the barley is about a month ear- 
 lier than the wheat; whence its total de- 
 struction by the hail-storm (Ex. ix. 31). 
 Barley was sown at any time between No- 
 vember and March, according to the sea- 
 son. Barley bread is even to this day lit- 
 tie esteemed in Palestine. This fact is 
 important, as serving to elucidate some 
 passages in Scripture. 
 
 Bar'nabas, a name signifying " son of 
 prophecy," or " exhortation " (or, but not 
 so probably, "consolation," as A. V. ), 
 given by the Apostles' (Acts iv. 36) to 
 JOSEPH (or Joses), a Levite of the island 
 of Cyprus, who was early a disciple of 
 Christ. In Acts ix. 27, we find him intro- 
 ducing the newly-converted Saul to the 
 Apostles at Jerusalem, in a way which 
 seems to imply previous acquaintance be- 
 tween the two. On tidings coming to the 
 church at Jerusalem that men of Cyprus 
 and Gyrene had been preaching to Gentiles 
 at Antioch, Barnabas was sent thither (Acts 
 xi. 19-26), and went to Tarsus to seek Saul, 
 as one specially raised up to preach to the 
 Gentiles (Acts xxvi. 17). Having brought 
 him to Antioch, he was sent with him to 
 Jerusalem with relief for the brethren in 
 Judaea (Acts xi. 30). On their return, 
 they (Acts xiii. 2) were ordained by the 
 church for the missionary work, and sent 
 forth (A. D. 45). From this time Barnabas 
 and Paul enjoy the title and dignity of 
 Apostles. Their first missionary journey 
 is related in Acts xiii., xiv. ; it was confined 
 to Cyprus and Asia Minor. Some time 
 after their return to Antioch (A. D. 47 or 
 48), they were sent (A. D. 50), with some 
 others, to Jerusalem, to determine with the 
 Apostles and Elders the difficult question 
 respecting the necessity of circumcision for 
 the Gentile converts (Acts xv. 1 ff'.). On 
 that occasion Paul and Barnabas were 
 recognized as the Apostles of uncircum- 
 cision. After another stay in Antioch on 
 their return, a variance took place between 
 Barnabas and Paul on the question of 
 taking with them, on a second missionary 
 journey, John Mark, sister's son to Barna- 
 bas (Acts xv. 36 ff.). They parted, and 
 Barnabas took Mark, and sailed to Cyprus, 
 his native island. Here the Scripture 
 notices of him cease. The Epistle attrib- 
 uted to Barnabas is believed to have been 
 written early in the second century. 
 
 Bar'sabas. [JOSEPH BAKSABAS ; JUDAS 
 BARSABAS.] 
 
 Bartholomew, one of the Twelve 
 Apostles of Christ (Matt. x. 3 ; Mark iii. 
 18; Luke vi. 14; Acts i. 13). It has been 
 not improbably conjectured that he is iden- 
 tical with Nathanael (John i. 45 ff.). He
 
 BARTIMAEUS 
 
 75 
 
 BASKET 
 
 ia said to have preached the Gospel in 
 India, that is, probably, Arabia Felix, and 
 according to some in Armenia. 
 
 Bartimae'us, a blind beggar of Jericho 
 who (Mark x. 46 ff.) sat by the wayside 
 begging as our Lord passed out of Jericho 
 on His last journey to Jerusalem. 
 
 Ba'ruch. 1. Son of Neriah, the friend 
 (Jer. xxxii. 12), amanuensis (Jer. xxxvi. 
 4-32), and faithful attendant of Jeremiah 
 (Jer. xxxvi. 10 ff.; u. c. G03), in the dis- 
 charge of his prophetic office. He was of 
 a noble family (comp. Jer. li. 59 ; Bar. i. 
 1), and of distinguished acquirements; and 
 his brother Seraiah held an honorable 
 office in the court of edekiah (J e r. li. 59). 
 His enemies accused him of influencing 
 Jeremiah in favor of the Chaldaeans (Jer. 
 xliii. 3 ; cf. xxxvii. 13) ; and he was thrown 
 into prison with that prophet, where he re- 
 mained till the capture of Jerusalem, B. c. 
 586. By the permission of Nebuchadnez- 
 zar he remained with Jeremiah at Mizpeh 
 (Jos. Ant. x. 9, 1) ; but was afterwards 
 forced to go down to Egypt (Jer. xliii. 6). 
 Nothing is known certainly of the close of 
 his life. 2. The son of Zabbai, who as- 
 sisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the walls of 
 Jesusalem (Neh. iii. 20). 3. A priest, or 
 family of priests, who signed the covenant 
 with Xehemiah (Neh. x. 6). 4. The son 
 of Col-hozeh, a descendant of Perez, or 
 Pharez, the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 5). 
 
 Baruch, The Book of, may be divided 
 into two main parts, i.-iii. 8, and iii. 9-end. 
 1. It exists at present in Greek, and in 
 several translations which were made from 
 the Greek. Of the two Old Latin versions 
 which remain, that which is incorporated 
 in the Vulgate is generally literal; the 
 other is more free. The vulgar Syriac and 
 Arabic follow the Greek text closely. 2. 
 The assumed author is undoubtedly the 
 companion of Jeremiah, but the details of 
 the book are inconsistent with the assump- 
 tion. 3. The book was held in little esteem 
 among the Jews. From the time of Irenaeus 
 it was frequently quoted both in the East 
 and in the West, and generally as the work 
 of Jeremiah. At the Council of Trent 
 Baruch was admitted into the Romish 
 Canon. 4. The two divisions of the book 
 are distinguished by marked peculiarities 
 of style and language. The Hebraic char- 
 acter of the first part is such as to mark it 
 as a translation, and not as the work of a 
 Hebraizing Greek. The second part, on the 
 other hand, closely approaches the Alex- 
 andrine type. 5. The most probable ex- 
 planation of this contrast is gained by sup- 
 posing that some one thoroughly conver- 
 sant with the Alexandrine translation of 
 Jeremiah found the Hebrew fragment which 
 forms the basis of the book already attached 
 to the writings of that prophet, and wrought 
 it up into its present form. 6. The present 
 
 book must be placed probably about the 
 time of the war of liberation (D. c. 160), 
 or somewhat earlier. 7. TJie Epistle of 
 Jeremiah, which, according to the authority 
 of some Greek MSS., stands in the English 
 version as the 6th chapter of Baruch, is the 
 work of a later period. It may be assigned 
 with probability to the first century B. c. 
 
 Barzil'lai. 1. A wealthy Gileadite 
 who showed hospitality to David when he 
 fled from Absalom (2 Sam. xvii. 27). He 
 declined the king's offer of ending his days 
 at court (2 Sam. xix. 32-39). 2. A Meho- 
 lathite, whose son Adriel married Michal, 
 Saul's daughter (2 Sam. xxi. 8). 
 
 Ba'shan, a district on the east of Jor- 
 dan. It is sometimes spoken of as the 
 "land of Bashan " (1 Chr. v. 11; and 
 comp. Num. xxi. 33, xxxii. 33), and some- 
 times as "all Bashan" (Deut. iii. 10, 13; 
 Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 12, 30), but most com- 
 monly without any addition. It was taken 
 by the children of Israel after their con- 
 quest of the land of Sihon from Arnon to 
 Jabbok. The limits of Bashan are very 
 strictly defined. It extended from the 
 " border of Gilead " on the south to Mount 
 Hermon on the north (Deut. iii. 3, 10, 14 ; 
 Josh. xii. 5; 1 Chr. v. 23), and from the 
 Arabah or Jordan valley on the west to 
 Salchah (Sulkhad) and the border of the 
 Geshurites and the Maachathites on the 
 east (Josh. xii. 3-5; Deut. iii. 10). This 
 important district was bestowed on the half 
 tribe of Manasseh (Josh. xiii. 29-31), 
 together with "half Gilead." 
 
 Ba'shan-ha'voth-ja'ir, a name given 
 to Argob after its conquest by Jair (Deut, 
 iii. 14). 
 
 Bash'emath, daughter of Ishmael, the 
 last married of the three wives of Esau 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 3, 4, 13). In Gen. xxviii. 9 
 she is called Mahalath; whilst the name 
 Bashemath is in Gen. xxvi. 34 given to 
 another of Esau's wives, the daughter of 
 Elon the Hittite. This is probably due to 
 a transcriber's error. 
 
 Basin. Among the smaller vessels for 
 the Tabernacle or Temple service, many 
 must have been required to receive from the 
 sacrificial victims the blood to be sprinkled 
 for purification. The form and material of 
 these vessels can only be conjectured from 
 the analogy of ancient Assyrian and Egyp- 
 tian specimens of works of the same kind. 
 The " basin " from which our Lord washed 
 the disciples' feet was probably deeper and 
 larger than the hand-basin for sprinkling. 
 
 Basket. The Hebrew terms uged in 
 the description of this article are as follows : 
 (1) Sal, so called from the twigs of which 
 it was originally made, specially used for 
 holding bread (Gen. xl. 16 ff. ; Ex. xxix. 3, 
 23; Lev. viii. 2, 26, 31; Num. vi. 15, 17, 
 19). (2) Salsilldth, a word of kindred ori- 
 gin, applied to the basket used in gathering
 
 BASMATH 
 
 76 
 
 BEAK 
 
 grapes (Jer. ri. 9). (3) Tene, in which the 
 first-fruits of the harvest were presented 
 (Deut. xxvi. 2, 4). We may infer that it 
 was used for household purposes, perhaps 
 to bring the corn to the mill. (4) Cttub, so 
 called from its similarity to a birdcage or 
 trap, probably in regard to its having a lid : 
 it was used for carrying fruit (Am. viii. 1, 
 2). (5) DAd, used for carrying fruit (Jer. 
 xxiv. 1, 2), as well as on a larger scale for 
 carrying clay to the brickyard (Ps. Ixxxi. 
 6; pots, A. V.), or for holding bulky 
 articles (2 K. x. 7). In the N. T. baskets 
 are described under three different terms. 
 
 Bas'math, a daughter of Solomon, mar- 
 ried to Ahimaaz, one of his commissariat 
 officers (1 K. iv. 15). 
 
 Bastard. Among those who were ex- 
 cluded from entering the congregation, evtsn 
 to the tenth generation, was the mamzr 
 (A. V. bastard), who was classed in this 
 respect with the Ammonite and Moabite 
 (Deut. xxiii. 2). The term is not, however, 
 applied to any illegitimate offspring, born 
 out of wedlock, but is restricted by the 
 Rabbins to the issue of any connection 
 within the degrees prohibited by the Law. 
 
 Bat ('dtalttph). There is no doubt 
 whatever that the A. V. is correct in its 
 
 Bat. Taphozous perforattu. 
 
 rendering of this word (Lev, xi. 19 ; Deut. 
 xiv. 18). Many travellers have noticed the 
 immense numbers of bats that are found in 
 caverns in the East, and Mr. Layard says 
 that on the occasion of a visit to a cavern 
 these noisome beasts compelled him to re- 
 treat. 
 
 Bath, Bathing. This was a prescribed 
 part of the Jewish ritual of purification in 
 cases of accident, leprous or ordinary un- 
 cleanness (Lev. xv., xvi. 28, xxii. 6 ; Num. 
 six. 7, 19 ; 2 Sam. xi. 2, 4 ; 2 K. v. 10) ; as 
 also after mourning, which always implied 
 defilement (Ruth 'iii. 3; 2 Sam. xii. 20). 
 With bathing, anointing was customarily 
 joined; the climate making both these 
 essential alike to health and pleasure, to 
 which luxury added the use of perfumes 
 (Susan. 17; Jud. x. 3; Esth. ii. 12). The 
 " poole," such as that of Siloam and Heze- 
 kiah (Neh. iii. 15, 16; ? K. xx. 20; Is. 
 xxii. 11; John ix. 7), often sheltered by 
 porticos (John v. 2), are the first indica- 
 tions we have of public bathing accommo- 
 dation. 
 
 Bath. [MEASURES.] 
 
 Bath-rab'bim, The gate of, one of 
 
 the gates :>f the ancient citj of Heshbon 
 (Cant. vii. 4 [5]). 
 
 Bath'sheba (2 Sam. xi. 3, &c. ; also 
 called Bathshua in 1 Chr. iii. 5), the daugh- 
 ter of Eliam (2 Sam. xi. 3), or Ammiel (1 
 Chr. iii. 5), the son of Ahithophel (2 Sam. 
 xxiii. 34), and wife of Uriah the Hittitc. 
 The child which was the fruit of her adul- 
 terous intercourse with David died; but 
 after marriage she became the mother of 
 four sons, Solomon (Matt. i. 6), Shimea, 
 Shobab, and Nathan. When Adonijah at- 
 tempted to set aside, in his own favor, the 
 succession promised to Solomon, Bathsheba 
 was employed by Nathan to inform the king 
 of the conspiracy (1 K. i. 11, 15, 23). 
 After the accession of Solomon, she, as 
 queen-mother, requested permission of her 
 son for Adonijah to take in marriage Abi- 
 shag the Shunamite (1 K. ii. 21-25). 
 
 Bath'shua. [BATHSIIEBA.] 
 
 Bath-zachari'as, a place, named only 
 1 Mace. vi. 32, 33. It is the modern Beit 
 SakArieh, nine miles north of Beit stir. 
 [BETHZUR.] 
 
 Battle-axe, Jer. Ii. 20. [MAUL.] 
 
 Bav'ai, son of Henadad, ruler of the 
 district of Keilah in the time of Nehemiah 
 (Neh. iii. 18). 
 
 Bay-tree (ezr&cli). Most of the Jew- 
 ish doctors understand by the term ezrdch 
 " a tree which grows in its own soil " 
 one that has never been transplanted ; 
 which is the interpretation given in the 
 margin of the A. V. (Ps. xxxvii. 35). 
 
 Baz'lith. "Childrenof B." were amongst 
 the Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel 
 (Neh. vii. 54). In Ezr. ii. 52, the name is 
 given as BAZLUTH. 
 
 Baz'luth. [BAZLITH.] 
 
 Bdellium (beddlacK), Gen. ii. 12 ; Num. 
 xi. 7. It is quite impossible to say whether 
 bedolach denotes a mineral, or an animal 
 production, or a vegetable exudation. Bdel- 
 lium is an odoriferous exudation from a tree 
 which is perhaps the Borassus flabellifor- 
 mis, Lin., of Arabia Felix. 
 
 Beali'ah, a Benjamite, who went over 
 to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). 
 
 Be'aloth, a town in the extreme south 
 of Judah (Josh. xv. 24). 
 
 Beans (2 Sam. xvii. 28; Ezr. iv. 9). 
 Beans are cultivated in Palestine, which 
 produces many of the leguminous order 
 of plants, such as lentils, kidney-beans, 
 vetches, &c. Beans are in blossom in Jan- 
 uary ; they have been noticed in rlower at 
 Lydda on the 23d, and at Sidon and Acre 
 even earlier ; they continue in fl )wer till 
 March. 
 
 Bear (1 Sam. xvii. 34 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 8). 
 The Syrian bear (Ursus Syriacus), which 
 is without doubt the animal mentioned in 
 the Bible, is still found on the higher moun- 
 tains of Palestine. During the summer 
 months these bears keep to the snowy parts
 
 BEARD 
 
 77 
 
 BED 
 
 of Lebanon, but descend in winter to the 
 villages and gardens ; it is probable also 
 that at this period in former days they 
 extended their visits to other parts of Pal- 
 estine. 
 
 Beard. Western Asiatics have always 
 cherished the beard as the badge of the 
 
 Beards. Egyptian, from Wilkinson (top row). Of other 
 nations, from Rosellini and Layard. 
 
 dignity of manhood, and attached to it the 
 importance of a feature. The Egyptians 
 on the contrary, for the most part, shaved 
 the hair of the face and head, though we 
 find some instances to the contrary. It is 
 impossible to decide with certainty the 
 meaning of the precept (Lev. xix. 27, xxi. 
 5) regarding the " corners of the beard." 
 Probably the Jews retained the hair on the 
 sides of the face between the ear and the 
 eye, which the Arabs and others shaved 
 away. The beard is the object of an oath, 
 and that on which blessings or shame are 
 spoken of as resting. The custom was 
 and is to shave or pluck it and the hair out 
 in mourning (Is. 1. 6, xv. 2 ; Jer. xli. 5, 
 xlviii. 37; Ezr. ix. 3; Bar. vi. 31); to 
 neglect it in seasons of permanent afflic- 
 tion (2 Sam. xix. 24), and to regard any 
 insult to it as the last outrage which enmity 
 can inflict (2 Sam. x. 4). The beard was 
 the object of salutation (2 Sam. xx. 9). 
 The dressing, trimming, anointing, &c., of 
 the beard, was performed with much cere- 
 mony by persons of wealth and rank (Ps. 
 cxxxiii. 2). The removal of the beard was 
 a part of the ceremonial treatment proper 
 to a leper (Lev. xiv. 9). 
 
 Beb'ai. 1. " Sons of Bebai," 623 (Neh. 
 628) in number, returned from Babylon 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 1 1 ; Neh. vii. 16), 
 and at a later period twenty-eight more, un- 
 der Zechariah the son of Bebai, returned 
 withEzra (Ezr. viii. 11). Fourof this family 
 had taken foreign wives (Ezr. x. 28). The 
 name occurs also among those who sealed 
 the covenant (Neh. x. 15). 2. Father of 
 Zechariah, who was the leader of the 
 twenty-eight men of his tribe mentioned 
 above (Ezr. viii. 11). 
 
 Be'cher. 1. The second son of Ben- 
 jamin, according to the list both in Gen. 
 
 jxlvi. 21, and 1 Chr. vii. f, ; but omitted in 
 1 Chr. viii. 1. It is highly probable that 
 Becher, or his heir and head of his house, 
 married an Ephraimitish heiress, a daughter 
 of Shuthelah (1 Chr. vii. 20, 21), and so 
 that his house was reckoned in the tribe of 
 Ephraim, just as Jair, the son of Segub, 
 was reckoned in the tribe of Manasseh (1 
 Chr. ii. 22; Num. xxxii. 40, 41). 2. Son 
 of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 35), called BERED 
 (1 Chr. vii. 20). Same as the preceding. 
 
 Becho'rath, son of Aphiah or Abiah, 
 and grandson of Becher, according to 1 
 Sam. ix. 1 ; 1 Chr. vii. 8. 
 
 Bed and Bed-chamber. We may 
 distinguish in the Jewish bed five principal 
 parts : 1. The mattress, which was limited 
 to a mere mat, or one or more quilts. 2. 
 The covering, a quilt finer than those used 
 in 1. In summer a thin blanket or the 
 outer garment worn by day (1 Sam. xix. 
 13) sufficed. Hence the law provided that 
 it should not be kept in pledge after sunset, 
 that the poor man might not lack his need- 
 ful covering (Deut. xxiv. 13). 3. The only 
 material mentioned for this is that which 
 occurs 1 Sam. xix. 13, and the word used 
 is of doubtful meaning, but seems to 
 signify some fabric woven or plaited of 
 goat's hair. It is clear, however, that 
 it was something hastily adopted to serve 
 as a pillow, and is not decisive of the or- 
 dinary use. Such pillows are common to 
 this day in the East, formed of sheep's 
 fleece or goat's skin, with a stuffing of cot- 
 ton, &c. 4. The bedstead was not always 
 necessary, the divan, or platform .along the 
 side or end of an Oriental room, sufficing 
 as a support for the bedding. Yet some 
 slight and portable frame seems implied 
 among the senses of the word, which is 
 used for a " bier" (2 Sam. iii. 31), and for 
 the ordinary bed (2 K. iv. 10), for the litter 
 on which a sick person might be carried (1 
 Sam. xix. 15), for Jacob's bed of sickness 
 (Gen. xlvii. 31), and for the couch on 
 which guests reclined at a banquet (Esth. 
 i. 6). 5. The ornamental portions were 
 pillars and a canopy (Jud. xiii. 9), ivory 
 
 Bed and Head-rest (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptian!.) 
 
 carvings, gold and silver, and probably mo- 
 saic work, purple and fine liaen (Esth. L
 
 BED AD 
 
 78 
 
 BEEEOTH 
 
 6; Cant. iii. 9, 10). The ordinary furni- 
 ture of a bed-chamber in private life is 
 given in 2 K. iv. 10. The "bed-chamber" 
 in the Temple where Joash was hidden, 
 was, probably, a store-chamber for keeping 
 beds (2 K. xi. 2; 2 Chr. xxii. 11). The 
 position of the bed-chamber in the most 
 remote and secret parts of the palace seems 
 marked in the passages, Ex. viii. 3, 2 K. 
 vi. 12. 
 
 Be'dad, the father of Hadad king of 
 Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 85 ; 1 Chr. i. 46) . 
 
 Be'dan. 1. Mentioned 1 Sam. xii. 11, 
 as a judge of Israel between Jerubbaal 
 (Gideon) and Jephthah. The Chaldce 
 Paraphrast reads Samson for Bedan; the 
 LXX., Syr., and Arab, all have Barak. 
 Ewald suggests that it may be a false read- 
 ing for Abdon. 2. The son of Gilead (1 
 Chr. vii. 17). 
 
 Bedei'ah, one of the sons of Bani, in 
 the time of Ezra, who had taken a foreign 
 wife (Kzr. x. 35). 
 
 Bee (deltirdh), Deut. i. 44; Judg. xiv. 
 8; Ps. cxviii. 12; Is. vii. 18. That ^Pales- 
 tine abounded in bees is evident from the 
 description of that land by Moses, for it 
 was a land " flowing with milk and honey ; " 
 nor is there any reason for supposing that 
 this expression is to be understood other- 
 vise than in its literal sense. English nat- 
 uralists know little of the species of bees 
 that are found in Palestine. Mr. F. Smith, 
 our best authority on the Hymenoptera, is 
 inclined to believe that the honey-bee of 
 Palestine is distinct from the honey-bee 
 (A. mcllifica) of this country. There can 
 be no doubt that the attacks of bees in 
 Eastern countries are more to be dreaded 
 than they are in more temperate climates. 
 Swarms in the East are far larger than 
 they are with us, and, on account of the 
 heat of the climate, one can readily ima- 
 gine that their stings must give rise to very 
 dangerous symptoms. The passage in Is. 
 vii. 18, "the Lord shall hiss for the bee 
 that is in the land of Assyria," has been 
 understood by some to refer to the practice 
 of "calling out the bees from their hives 
 by a hissing or whistling sound to their 
 labor in the fields, and summoning them 
 again to return" in the evening. In all 
 probability, however, the expression in 
 Isaiah has reference, as Mr. Denham says, 
 "to the custom of the people in the East 
 of calling the attention of any one by a 
 significant hiss or rather hist." 
 
 Beeli'ada. one of David's sons, born 
 in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 7). In the lists 
 in Samuel the name is ELIADA. 
 
 Beel'zebul, the title of a heathen deity, 
 to whom the Jews ascribed the sovereignty 
 of the evil spirits (Matt. x. 25, xii. 24 ; 
 Mark iii. 22; Luke xi. 15 ff.). The cor- 
 rect reading is without doubt Beelzebul, and 
 not Beelzebub, as given in the Syriac, the 
 
 Vulg., and some other versions. Some 
 connect the term with zebnl, habitation, 
 thus making Beelzebul (Matt. x. 25), the 
 lord of the dwelling, whether as the " prince 
 of the power of the air " (Eph. ii. 2), or as 
 the prince of the lower world, or as inhab- 
 iting human bodies, or as occupying a man- 
 sion in the seventh heaven, like Saturn in 
 Oriental mythology. Others derive it from 
 zebel, dung, thus making Beelzebul, liter- 
 ally, the lord of dung, or the dunghill ; 
 and in a secondary sense, as zebel was used 
 by the Talmudical writers as idol or 
 idolatry, the lord of idols, prince of false 
 gods. We have lastly to notice the inge- 
 nious conjecture of Hug that the fly, under 
 which Baalzebub was represented, was the 
 Scarabaeus pillularius or dunghill beetle, 
 in which case Baalzebub and Beelzebul 
 might be used indifferently. 
 
 Be'er. 1. One of the latest halting- 
 places of the Israelites, lying beyond the 
 Arnon, and so called because of the well 
 which was there dug by the "princes " and 
 " nobles " of the people, and is perpetuated 
 in a fragment of poetry (Num. xxi. 16-18). 
 This is possibly the BEER-ELIM referred to 
 in Is. xv. 8. 2. A place to which Jotham, 
 the son of Gideon, fled for fear of his 
 brother Abimelech (Judg. ix. 21). 
 
 Bee'ra, son of Zophah, of the tribe of 
 Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37). 
 
 Bee'rah, prince of the Reubenites, 
 carried away by Tiglath-pileser (1 Chr. 
 v. 6). 
 
 Beer-E'lim, a spot named in Is. xv. 8 
 as on the " border of Moab," apparently 
 the south, Eglaim being at the north end 
 of the Dead Sea. The name points to the 
 well dug by the chiefs of Israel on their 
 approach to the promised land, close by the 
 " border of Moab" (Num. xxi. 16; comp. 
 13). 
 
 Bee'ri. 1. The father of Judith, one 
 of the wives of Esau (Gen. xxvi. 34). 
 [AN AH.] 2. Father of the prophet Hosea 
 (Hos. i. 1). 
 
 Beer-laha'i-roi, a well, or rather a 
 living spring (A. V. fountain, comp. Jer. 
 vi. 7), between Kadesh and Bered, in the 
 wilderness, " in the way to Shur," and 
 therefore in the " south country " (Gen. 
 xxiv. 62). Mr. Rowland announces the 
 discovery of the well Lahairoi at Moyle or 
 Moilahi, a station on the road to Beersheba, 
 10 hours south of Ruheibeh ; near which is 
 a hole or cavern bearing the name of Beit 
 Hagar (Ritter, Sinai, 1086, 7) : but this 
 requires confirmation. 
 
 Bee'roth, one of the four cities of the 
 Hivites who deluded Joshua into a treaty 
 of peace with them (Josh. ix. 17). It was 
 allotted to Benjamin (xviii. 25), and is 
 identified with the modern el-Bireh, which 
 stands at about 10 miles north of Jerusa- 
 lem by the great road to N&blus. Nahan
 
 BEEROTH 
 
 79 
 
 BELLOWS 
 
 "the Beerothite" (2 Sam. xxiii. 37), 
 or " the Berothite " (1 Chr. xi. 39), was 
 one of the "mighty men" of David's 
 guard. 
 
 Bee roth of the Children of Jaa- 
 kan, the wells of the tribe of Bene-Jaakan, 
 which formed one of the halting-places of 
 the Israelites in the desert (Deut. x. 6). 
 In Num. xxxiii., the name is given as 
 BENE JAAKAN only. 
 
 Beer'-sheba the name of one of the 
 old places in Palestine, which formed the 
 southern limit of the country. There are 
 two accounts of the origin of the name. 
 1. According to the first, the well was dug 
 by Abraham, and the name given, because 
 there he and Abimelech the king of the 
 Philistines " sware " both of them (Gen. 
 xxi. 31). 2. The other narrative ascribes 
 the origin of the name to an occurrence al- 
 most precisely similar, in which both Abim- 
 elech the king of the Philistines, and Phi- 
 chol, his chief captain, are again con- 
 cerned, with the difference that the person 
 on the Hebrew side of the transaction is 
 Isaac instead of Abraham (Gen. xxvi. 31- 
 33). There are at present on the spot 
 two principal wells, and five smaller ones. 
 The two principal wells are on or close to 
 the northern bank of the Wady es-Seba\ 
 They lie just a hundred yards apart, and 
 are so placed as to be visible from a con- 
 siderable distance. The larger of the two, 
 which lies to the east, is, according to the 
 careful measurements of Dr. Robinson, 
 12 feet diam., and at the time of his visit 
 (Apr. 12) was 44 feet to the surface of 
 the water ; the masonry which encloses 
 the well reaches downwards for 28i feet. 
 The other well is 5 feet diam., and was 42 
 feet to the water. The curb-stones round 
 the mouth of both wells are worn into deep 
 grooves by the action of the ropes of so 
 many centuries, and "look as if frilled or 
 fluted all round." The five lesser wells 
 are in a group in the bed of the wady. On 
 some low hills north of the large wells are 
 scattered the foundations and ruins of a 
 town of moderate size. There are no 
 trees or shrubs near the spot. Beersheba 
 was given to the tribe of Simeon (xix. 2 ; 
 1 Chr. iv. 28). In the time of Jerome it 
 was still a considerable place ; and later it 
 is mentioned as an episcopal city under the 
 Bishop of Jerusalem. It only remains to 
 notice that it retains its ancient name as 
 nearly similar in sound as an Arabic signi- 
 fication will permit Bir es-Seb& the 
 "well of the lion," or " of seven." 
 
 Beesh'terah, one of the two cities 
 allotted to the sons of Gershom, out of the 
 tribe of Manasseh beyond Jordan (Josh, 
 xxi. 27). It appears to be identical with 
 Ashtaroth (1 Chr. vi. 71). 
 
 Beetle. [LOCUST.] 
 Beheading. [PUNISHMENTS.] 
 
 Be'hemoth. There can be little or no 
 doubt, that by this word (Job xl. 15-24) 
 the hippopotamus is intended, since all the 
 details descriptive of the behemoth accord 
 entirely with the ascertained habits of that 
 animal. Since in the first part of Jehovah's 
 discourse (Job xxxviii., xxxix.) land ani- 
 mals and birds are mentioned, it suits the 
 general purpose of that discourse better to 
 suppose that aquatic or amphibious crea- 
 tures are spoken of in the last half of it : 
 and since the leviathan, by almost univer- 
 sal consent, denotes the crocodile, the be- 
 hemoth seems clearly to point to the hip- 
 popotamus, his associate in the Nile. The 
 description of the animal's lying under 
 " the shady trees," amongst the " reeds " 
 and willows, is peculiarly appropriate. 
 
 Be'kah. [WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.] 
 
 Bel. [BAAL]. 
 
 Be'la. 1. One of the five cities of 
 the plain which was spared at the interces- 
 sion of Lot, and received the name of 
 Zoar (Gen. xiv. 2, xix. 22). It lay on the 
 southern extremity of the Dead Sea, on 
 the frontier of Moab and Palestine (Jerome 
 on Is. xv.), and on the route to Egypt; the 
 connection in which it is found, Is. xv. 5; 
 Jer. xlviii. 34; Gen. xiii. 10. We first 
 read of Bela in Gen. xiv. 2, 8. 2. Son of 
 Beor, who reigned over Edom in the city of 
 Dinhabah, eight generations before Saul, 
 king of Israel, or about the time of the 
 Exodus. He is supposed by some to be 
 the same as Balaam. It is not improbable 
 that he was a Chaldean by birth, and 
 reigned in Edom by conquest. He may 
 have been contemporary with Moses (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 31-33; 1 Chr. i. 43, 44). 3. Eldest 
 son of Benjamin, according to Gen. xlvi. 
 21 (A. V. "Belah"); Num. xxvi. 38, 40; 
 1 Chr. vii. 6, viii. 1, and head of the family 
 of the BELAITES. 4. Son of Ahaz, a 
 Reubenite (1 Chr. v. 8). 
 
 Be'lah, [BELA, 3.] 
 
 Belaites, the, Num. xxvi. 38. [BELA, 
 3.1 
 
 Be'lial. The translators of our A. V., 
 following the Vulgate, have frequently 
 treated this word as a proper name, and 
 given it in the form Belial, in accordance 
 with 2 Cor. vi. 15. There can be no ques- 
 tion, however, that the word is not to be 
 regarded as a proper name in the O. T. ; 
 its meaning is worthlessness, and hence 
 recklessness, lawlessness. The expression 
 son or man of Belial must be understood 
 as meaning simply a worthless, lawless 
 fellow. The term as used in 2 Cor. vi. 15 
 is generally understood as an appellative 
 of Satan, as the personification of all that 
 was bad. 
 
 Bellows. The word occurs only in Jer. 
 vi. 29, " The bellows are burned ; " where 
 their use is to heat a smelting furnace. A 
 picture of two different kinds of bellows,
 
 BELLS 
 
 BENE-JAAKAN 
 
 both of highly ingenious construction, may 
 be found in Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, iii. 
 338. "They consisted," he says, "of a 
 leather, secured and fitted into a frame, 
 from which a long pipe extended for car- 
 rying the wind to the fire. They were 
 worked by the feet, the operator standing 
 upon them, with one under each foot, and 
 pressing them alternately while he pulled 
 up each exhausted skin with a string he 
 held in his hand. In one instance we ob- 
 eerve from the painting, that when the man 
 left the bellows, they were raised as if in- 
 flated with air; and this would imply a 
 knowledge of the valve. The pipes, even 
 in the time of Thotmes II. [supposed to be] 
 the contemporary of Moses, appear to have 
 been simply of reed, tipped with a metal 
 point to resist the action of the fire." 
 
 Bells. In Ex. xxviii. 33 the bells al- 
 luded to were the golden ones, according 
 to the Rabbis 72 in number, round the hem 
 of the high-priest's ephod. The object of 
 them was " that his sound might be heard 
 when he went in unto the holy place, and 
 when he came out, that he die not" (Ex. 
 xxviii. 34; Ecclus. xlv. 9). To this day 
 bells are frequently attached, for the sake 
 of their pleasant sound, to the anklets of 
 women. The little girls of Cairo wear 
 strings of them round their feet. In Zech. 
 xiv. 20 "bells of the horses" is probably 
 a wrong rendering. It is more probable 
 that they are not bells, but concave or flat 
 pieces of brass, which were sometimes at- 
 tached to horses for the sake of ornament. 
 
 Belshaz'zar, the last king of Babylon. 
 According to the well-known narrative in 
 Dan. v., he was slain during a splendid 
 feast in his palace. Similarly Xenophon 
 tells us that Babylon was taken by Cyrus 
 in the night, while the inhabitants were 
 engaged in feasting and revelry, and that 
 the king was killed. On the other hand 
 the narratives of Berosus in Josephus and 
 of Herodotus differ from the above account 
 in some important particulars. Berosus 
 calls the last king of Babylon Nabonncdus 
 or Nabonadius, and says that in the 17th 
 year of his reign Cyrus took Babylon, 
 the king having retired to the neighboring 
 city of Borsippus or Borsippa. According 
 to Herodotus the last king was called La- 
 bynetus. These discrepancies have lately 
 been cleared up by the discoveries of Sir 
 Henry Rawlinson. From the inscriptions 
 it appears that the eldest son of Nabon- 
 nedus was called Bel-shar-ezar, contracted 
 into Belshazzar, and admitted by his father 
 to a share in the government. So that 
 Belshazzar, as joint king with his father, 
 may have been governor of Babylon, when 
 the city was attacked by the combined 
 forces of the Medes and Persians, and may 
 have perished in the assault which fol- 
 lowed ; while Nabonnedus leading a force 
 
 to the relief of the place was defeated, and 
 obliged to take refuge in Borsippa. In 
 Dan. v. 2, Nebuchadnezzar is called the 
 father of Belshazzar. This, of course, need 
 only mean grandfather or ancestor. Baw- 
 linson connects Belshazzar with Nebuchad- 
 nezzar through his mother; but Marcus 
 Niebuhr considers Belshazzar to be another 
 name for Evil-merodach, the son of Nebu- 
 chadnezzar. On Eawlinson's view, Bel- 
 shazzar died B. c. 538 ; on Niebuhr's, B. c. 
 559. 
 
 Belteshaz'zar. [DANIEL.] 
 
 Ben, a Levite " of the second degree," 
 one of the porters appointed by David for 
 the ark (1 Chr. xv. 18). 
 
 Bena'iah. 1. The son of Jehoiada 
 the chief priest (1 Chr. xxvii. 5), and there- 
 fore of the tribe of Levi, though a native 
 of Kabzeel (2 Sam. xxiii. 20; 1 Chr. xi. 
 22), in the south of Judah; set by David 
 (1 Chr. xi. 25) over Ms bodyguard of 
 Cherethites and Pelethites (2 Sam. viii. 18 ; 
 1 K. i. 38; 1 Chr. xviii. 17 ; 2 Sam. xx. 23), 
 and occupying a middle rank between the 
 first three of the ''mighty men," and the 
 thirty "valiant men of the armies" (2 Sam. 
 xxiii. 22, 23; 1 Chr. xi. 25, xxvii. G). The 
 exploits which gave him this rank are nar- 
 rated in 2 Sam. xxiii. 20, 21 ; 1 Chr. xi. 22. 
 He was captain of the host for the third 
 month (1 Chr. xxvii. 5). Benaiah remained 
 faithful to Solomon during Adonijah's at- 
 tempt on the crown (1 K. i. 8, 10, 32, 38, 
 44) ; and was raised into the place of Joab 
 as commander-in-chief of the whole army 
 (ii. 35, iv. 4). 2. BENAIAH the PIRATHO- 
 NITE ; an Ephraimite, one of David's thirty 
 mighty -men (2 Sam. xxiii. 30 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
 31), and the captain of the eleventh 
 monthly course (1 Chr. xxvii. 14). 3. A 
 Levite in the time of David, who " played 
 with a psaltery on Alamoth" (1 Chr. xv. 
 18, 20, xvi. 5). 4. A priest in the time of 
 David, appointed to blow the trumpet be- 
 fore the ark (1 Chr. xv. 24, xvi. 6). 5. A 
 Levite of the sons of Asaph (2 Chr. xx. 
 14). 6. A Levite in the time of Hezekiah, 
 one of the "overseers of offerings" (2 
 Chr. xxxi. 13). 7. One of the "princes" 
 of the families of Simeon (1 Cbr. iv. 36). 
 8. Four laymen in the time of Ezra who 
 had taken strange wives (Ezr. x. 25, 30, 
 35, 43). 9. The father of Pelatiah, " a 
 prince of the people " in the time of Ezekit 1 
 (xi. 1, 13). 
 
 Ben-am'nai, the son of the younger 
 daughter of Lot, and progenitor of the 
 Ammonites (Gen. xix. 38). 
 
 Ben-eb'erak, one of the cities of the 
 tribe of Dan, mentioned only in Josh. xix. 
 45. 
 
 Bene-ja'akan, a tribe who gave their 
 name to certain wells in the desert which 
 formed one of the halting-places of the 
 Israelites on their journey to Canaan.
 
 BENE-KEDEM 
 
 81 
 
 BENJAMIN 
 
 [BEEROTH BENE-JAAKAN.] The tribe 
 doubtless derived its name from Jaakan, 
 the son of Ezer son of Seir the Horite (1 
 Chr. i. 42), whose name is also given in 
 Genesis (xxxvi. 27) as AKAN. 
 
 Bene-ke'dem, "the children of the 
 East," an appellation given to a people, or 
 to peoples, dwelling to the east of Pales- 
 tine. . It occurs in Gen. xxix. 1 ; Job i. 3 ; 
 Judg. vi. 3, 33, vii. 12, viii. 10. From 
 Judg. vii. 11-15, it is to be inferred that 
 they spoke a dialect intelligible to an Isra- 
 elite. 
 
 Benha'dad, the name of three kings 
 of Damascus. BENHADAD I. was either 
 son or grandson of Rezon, and in his time 
 Damascus was supreme in Syria. He 
 made an alliance with Asa, and conquered 
 a great part of the N. of Israel. From 1 
 K. xx. 34, it would appear that he con- 
 tinued to make war upon Israel in Omri's 
 time, and forced him to make " streets " in 
 Samaria for Syrian residents. This date is 
 B. c. 950. BENHADAD II., son of the pre- 
 ceding, and also king of Damascus. Long 
 wars with Israel characterized his reign. 
 Some time after the death of Ahab, Ben- 
 hadad renewed the war with Israel, at- 
 tacked Samaria a second time, and pressed 
 the siege so closely that there was a terri- 
 ble famine in the city. But the Syrians 
 broke up in the night in consequence of a 
 sudden panic. Soon after Benhadad fell 
 sick, and sent Hazael to consult Elisha as 
 to the issue of his malady. On the day 
 after Hazael's return Benhadad was mur- 
 dered, probably by some of his own ser- 
 vants (2 K. viii. 7-15). Benhadad's death 
 was about B. c. 890, and he must have 
 reigned some 30 years. BENHADAD III., 
 son of Hazael, and his successor on the 
 throne of Syria. When he succeeded to 
 the tlirone, Jehoash recovered the cities 
 which Jehoahaz had lost to the Syrians, 
 and beat him in Aphek (2 K. xiii. 17, 25). 
 Jehoash gained two more victories, but did 
 not restore the dominion of Israel on the 
 E. of Jordan. The date of Benhadad III. 
 is B. c. 840. 
 
 Ben-ha'il, one of the princes whom king 
 Jehoshaphat sent to teach in the cities of 
 Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 7). 
 
 Ben-ha'nan, son of Shimon, in the 
 line of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 
 
 Beni'nu, a Levite; one of those who 
 sealed the covenant with Neheiniah (Neh. 
 x. 13 [14]). 
 
 Ben'jamin. 1. The youngest of the 
 children of Jacob, and the only one of the 
 thirteen who was born in Palestine. His 
 birth took place on the road between Bethel 
 and Bethlehem, a short distance from the 
 latter, and his mother Rachel died in the 
 act of giving him birth, naming him with 
 her last breath Ben-oni, " son of my sor- 
 row." This was by Jacob changed into j 
 6 
 
 Benjamin (Gen. xxxv. 16-18). Until the 
 journeys of Jacob's sons and of Jacob him- 
 self into Egypt we hear nothing of Benja- 
 ; min. Henceforward the history of Benja- 
 min is the history of the tribe. And up to 
 the time of the entrance on the Promised 
 Land that history is as meagre as it is 
 afterwards full and interesting. The prox- 
 imity of Benjamin to Ephraim during the 
 march to the Promised Land was main- 
 tained in the territories allotted to each. 
 Benjamin lay immediately to the south of 
 Ephraim and between him and Judah. It 
 formed almost a parallelogram, of about 26 
 miles in length by 12 in breadth. Its eastern 
 boundary was the Jordan, and from thenc 
 it extended to the wooded district of Kir- 
 jath-jearim, a point about eight miles west 
 of Jerusalem, while in the other direction 
 it stretched from the valley of Hinnom, 
 under the " Shoulder of the Jebusite" on 
 the south, to Bethel on the north. On the 
 south the territory ended abruptly with the 
 steep slopes of the hill of Jerusalem, on 
 the north it melted imperceptibly into the 
 possessions of friendly Ephraim. (1.) 
 The general level of this part of Palestine 
 is very high, not less than 2000 feet above 
 the maritime plain of the Mediterranean 
 on the one side, or than 3000 feet above 
 the deep valley of the Jordan on the other, 
 besides which this general level or plateau 
 is surmounted, in the district now under 
 consideration, by a large number of emi- 
 nences, almost every one of which has 
 borne some part in the history of the tribe. 
 (2.) No less important than these emi- 
 nences are the torrent-beds and ravines by 
 which the upper country breaks down into 
 the deep tracts on each side of it. The 
 passes on the eastern side are of a much 
 more difficult and intricate character than 
 those of the western. The contrast be- 
 tween the warlike character of the tribe? 
 and the peaceful image of its progenitor- 
 comes out in many scattered notices. Ben-- 
 jamin was the only tribe which seems to. 
 have pursued archery to any purpose, and 
 their skill in the bow ^1 Sam. xx. 20, 36; 
 2 Sam. i. 22 ; 1 Chr. viii. 40, xii. 2 ; 2 Chr. 
 xvii. 17) and the sling (Judg. xx. Ift) is 
 celebrated. The dreadful deed recorded in 
 Judg. xix., though repelled by the whole 
 country, was unhesitatingly adopted andi 
 defended by Benjamin with an obstinacy 
 and spirit truly extraordinary. That fright- 
 ful transaction was indeed a crisis in the 
 history of the tribe : the six hundred who 
 took refuge in the clifl' Rimmon were the 
 only survivors. A long interval must have 
 elapsed between so abject a condition and 
 the culminating point at which we next 
 meet with the tribe. Several circumstances 
 may have conduced to its restoration to 
 that place which it was now to assume. 
 Raman (1 Sam. ix. 12, &c ), Mizpeh (1
 
 BENJAMIN 
 
 82 
 
 BERODACH-BALADAJV 
 
 Sam. vii. 5), Bethel, and Gibeon fl K. iii. 
 4-) were all in the land of Benjamin. The 
 people who resorted to these sanctuaries 
 must gradually have been accustomed to 
 associate the tribe with power and sanctity. 
 The struggles and contests which followed 
 the death of Saul arose from the natural 
 unwillingness of the tribe to relinquish its 
 position at the head of the nation, especial- 
 ly in favor of Judah, and we do not hear 
 of any cordial cooperation or firm union 
 between the two tribes until the disruption 
 of the kingdoms. Henceforward the his- 
 tory of Benjamin becomes merged in that 
 of the southern kingdom. 2. A man of 
 the tribe of Benjamin, son of Bilhan, and 
 the head of a family of warriors (1 Chr. 
 rii. 10^. 3. One of the "sons of Harim," 
 an Israelite in the time of Ezra, who had 
 married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 32). 
 
 Ben'jamin, High gate, or gate, of, 
 Jer. xx. 2, xxxvii. 13, xxxviii. 7 ; Zech. 
 xiv. 10. [JERUSALEM.] 
 
 Be'no, a Levite of the sons of Merari 
 (1 Chr. xxiv. 26, 27). 
 
 Ben-o'ni, the name which the dying 
 Rachel gave to her newly-born son, but 
 which by his father was changed into BEN- 
 JAMIN (Gen. xxxv. 18). 
 
 Ben-zo'heth, a name occurring among 
 the descendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 
 
 Be'on, a place on the east of Jordan 
 (Num. xxxii. 3), doubtless a contraction of 
 BAAL-MEON (comp. ver. 38). 
 
 Be'or. 1. The father of BELA, one of 
 the early Edomite kings (Gen. xxxvi. 32 ; 
 1 Chr. i. 43). 2. Father of Balaam (Num. 
 xxii. 5, xxiv. 3, 15, xxxi. 8 ; Deut, xxiii. 4 ; 
 Josh. xiii. 22, xxiv. 9; Mic. vi. 5). He is 
 called BOSOR in the N. T. 
 
 Be'ra, king of Sodom at the time of the 
 invasion of the five kings under Chedor- 
 laomer (Gen. xiv. 2; also 17 and 21). 
 
 Ber'achah, a Benjamite, who attached 
 himself to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3). 
 
 Ber'achah, Valley of, a valley in 
 which Jehoshaphat and his people assem- 
 bled to "bless" Jehovah after the over- 
 throw of the hosts of Moabites, Ammonites, 
 and Mehunim, who had come against them, 
 and jdiich from that fact acquired its name 
 of "the valley of blessing" (2 Chr. xx. 
 26). The name of Bereikiit still survives, 
 attached to ruins in a valley of the same 
 name lying between Tekua and the main 
 load from Bethlehem to Hebron. 
 
 Berachi'ah, a Gershonite Levite, father 
 of Asaph the singer (1 Chr. vi. 39). [BE- 
 
 KECHIAII.] 
 
 Berai'ah, son of Shimhi, a chief man of 
 Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 21). 
 
 Bere'a. 1. A city of Macedonia, men- 
 tioned in Acts xvii. 10, 15. It is now 
 called Verria or Kara- Verria, and is situ- 
 ated on the eastern slope of the Olympian 
 mountain-range, commanding an extensive 
 
 view of the plain of the Axius and Hali- 
 acmon. and has now 15,000 or 20,000 in- 
 habitants. 2. The modern Aleppo, men- 
 tioned in 2 Mace. xiii. 4. 3. A place ir 
 Judea, apparently not very far from Jeru- 
 salem (1 Mace. ix. 4). 
 
 Berechi'ah. 1. One of the sons of 
 Zorobabel, and a descendant of the royal 
 family of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 20). 2. A 
 man mentioned as the father of Meshullam 
 who assisted in rebuldingthe walls of Jeru- 
 salem (Neh. iii. 4, 30, vi. 18). 3. A Le- 
 vite of the line of Elkanah (1 Chr. ix. 16). 
 4. A doorkeeper for the ark (1 Chr. xv. 
 23). 5. One of the chief men of the tribe 
 of Ephraim in the time of king Ahaz (3 
 Chr. xxviii. 12). 6. Father of Asaph the 
 singer (1 Chr. xv. 17). [BERACHIAH.] 7. 
 Father of Zechariah the prophet (Zech. i. 
 1, 7).) 
 
 Be'red. 1. A place in the south of 
 Palestine, between which and Kadesh lay 
 the well Lahai-roi (Gen. xvi. 14). 2. A 
 son or descendant of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 
 20). possibly identical with Becher in Num 
 xxvi. 35, by a mere change of letters. 
 
 Bereni'ce. [BERNICE.] 
 
 Be'ri, son of Zophah, of the tribe of 
 Asher (1 Chr. vii. 36). 
 
 Beri'ah. 1. A son of Asher (Gen. 
 xlvi. 17; Num. xxvi. 44, 45), from whom 
 descended the "family of the Beriites" 
 (Num. xxvi. 44). 2. A son of Ephraim, 
 so named on account of the state of his 
 father's house when he was born (1 Chr. 
 vii. 20-23). This short notice is of no 
 slight historical importance ; especially as 
 it refers to a period of Hebrew history re- 
 specting which the Bible affords us no other 
 like information. The event must be as- 
 signed to the time between Jacob's death 
 and the beginning of the oppression. 3. 
 A Benjamite. He and his brother Shema 
 were ancestors of the inhabitants of Ajalon, 
 and expelled the inhabitants of Gath (1 
 Chr. viii. 13, 16.) 4. A Levite (1 Chr. 
 xxiii. 10, 11). 
 
 Beri'ites. [BERIAH, 1.] 
 
 Be'rites, The, a tribe or people who are 
 named with Abel and Beth-maachah, and 
 who were therefore doubtless situated in 
 the north of Palestine (2 Sam. xx. 14). 
 
 Be'rith, The god Judg. ix. 46. [BAAL- 
 
 BERITH.] 
 
 Berni'ce and Bereni'ce, the eldest 
 daughter of Herod Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 1, 
 &c.). She was first married to her uncle 
 Herod, king of Chalcis, and after his death 
 (A. D. 48) she lived under circumstances 
 of great suspicion with her own brother 
 Agrippa II., in' connection with whom she 
 is mentioned Acts xxv. 13, 23, xxvi. 30, aa 
 having visited Festus on his appointment aa 
 Procurator of Judaea. 
 
 Ber'odach-Bal'adan, 2 K. xx. lz, 
 [MERODACH-BALADAN.^
 
 BEROTHAH 
 
 83 
 
 BETH-BAAL-MEON 
 
 Bero'thah, Bero'thai. The first of 
 these two names is given by Ezekiel (xlvii. 
 16) in connection with Hamath and Da- 
 mascus as forming part of the northern 
 boundary of the Promised Land. The 
 second is mentioned (2 Sam. viii. 8) also in 
 connection with Hamath and Damascus. 
 The well-known city Beirut (Berytus) 
 naturally suggests itself as identical with 
 one at least of the names ; but in each 
 instance the circumstances of the case seem 
 to require a position farther east. 
 
 Bero'thite, The (1 Chr. xi. 39). [BEE- 
 ROTH.] 
 
 Beryl (tarshisli) occurs in Ex. xxviii. 
 20, xxxix. 13 ; Cant. v. 14 ; Ez. i. 16, x. 9, 
 xxviii. 13 ; Dan. x. 6. It is generally sup- 
 posed that the tarshish derives its name 
 from the place so called. The ancient 
 chrysolite or the modern yellow topaz ap- 
 pears to have a better claim than any other 
 gem to represent the tarshish of the He- 
 brew Bible, certainly a better claim than 
 the beryl of the A. V., a rendering which 
 appears to be unsupported by any kind of 
 evidence. 
 
 Be'sai. "Children of Besai" were 
 among the Nethinim who returned to Ju- 
 daea with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 49; Neh- 
 ru. 52). 
 
 Besodei'ah, father of Meshullam, one 
 of the repairers of the wall of Jerusalem 
 (Neh. iii. 6). 
 
 Be'sor, The Brook, a torrent-bed or 
 wady in the extreme south of Judah, of 
 which mention occurs only in 1 Sam. xxx. 
 9, 10, 21. 
 
 Be'tah, a city belonging to Hadadezer, 
 king of Zobah, mentioned with Berothai 
 (2 Sam. viii. 8). In the parallel account 
 1 Chr. xviii. 8, the name is called Tibchath. 
 
 Be'ten, one of the cities on the border 
 of the tribe of Asher (Josh. xix. 25). 
 
 Beth, the most general word for a house- 
 or habitation. Like Aedes in Latin and 
 Dom in German, it has the special mean- 
 ing of a temple or house of worship. 
 Beth is more frequently employed in com- 
 pound names of places than any other 
 word. BETH-EKED, the "shearing house" 
 (2 K. x. 12), lay between Jezreel and Sa- 
 maria, according to Jerome 15 miles from 
 the town of Legio, and in the plain of 
 Esdraelon. BETH-HAGGAN, "the garden- 
 house" (2 K. ix. 27), is doubtless the same 
 place as ENGANNIN, "spring of gardens," 
 the modern Jentn. 
 
 Beth-ab'ara, a place beyond Jordan, 
 in which, according to the Received Text 
 of the N. T., John was baptizing (John i. 
 28). If this reading be correct, Bethabara 
 may be identical with Beth-barah, the an- 
 cient ford of Jordan, or, which seems more 
 likely, with Beth-nimrah, on the east of 
 the river, nearly opposite Jericho. 
 
 Beth'-anath, one of the "fenced cities " 
 
 of Naphtali, named with Bethshemesh 
 (Josh. xix. 38) ; from neither of them were 
 the Canaanites expelled (Judg. i. 33). 
 
 Beth'-anoth, a town in the mountain- 
 ous district of Judah, named with Halbul, 
 Bethzur, and others, in Josh. xv. 59 only. 
 
 Beth'any, a village which, scanty as 
 are the notices of it contained in Scripture, 
 is more intimately associated in our minds 
 than perhaps any other place with the most 
 familiar acts and scenes of the last days of 
 the life of Christ. It was situated "at" the 
 Mount of Olives (Mark xi. 1 ; Luke xix. 
 29), about fifteen stadia from Jerusalem 
 (John xi. 18), on or near the usual road 
 from Jericho to the city (Luke xix. 29, 
 comp. 1; Mark xi. 1, comp. x. 46), and 
 close by the west (?) of another village 
 called BETHPHAGE, the two being several 
 times mentioned together. Bethany is now 
 known by a name derived from Lazarus, 
 el-'Azariyeh or Lazarieh. It lies on the 
 eastern slope of the Mount of Olives, fully 
 a mile beyond the summit, and not very for 
 from the point at which the road to Jericho 
 begins its more sudden descent towards the 
 Jordan valley. El-'Azariyeh is a ruinous 
 and wretched village, a wild mountain ham- 
 let of some twenty families. Beth-any has 
 been commonly explained " House of 
 Dates," but it more probably signifies 
 " House of Misery '.' (H. Dixon, Holy Land, 
 ii. 214, foil.). 
 
 Beth-ar'abah, one of the six cities of 
 Judah which were situated down in the 
 Arabah, the sunk valley of the Jordan and 
 Dead Sea (Josh. xv. 61), on the north bor- 
 der of the tribe. It is also included in the 
 list of the towns of Benjamin (xviii. 22). 
 
 Beth -aram, accurately BETH-HARAM, 
 one of the towns of Gad on the east of Jor- 
 dan, described as in " the valley," Josh. xiii. 
 27, and no doubt the same, place as that 
 named BETH-HAEAN in Num. xxxii. 36. 
 
 Beth-ar'bel, named only in Hos. x. 14, 
 as the scene of a sack and massacre by 
 Shalman. 
 
 Beth-a'.ven, a place on the mountains 
 of Benjamin, east of Bethel (Josh. vii. 2, 
 xviii. 12), and lying between that place and 
 Michmash (1 Sam. xiii. 5, xiv. 23). In 
 Hos. iv. 15, v. 8, x. 6, the name is trans- 
 ferred to the neighboring Bethel, once 
 the " house of God," but then the house of 
 idols, of " naught." 
 
 Beth-az'maveth. Under this name is 
 mentioned, in Neh. vii. 28 only, the town 
 of Benjamin which is elsewhere called Az- 
 MAVETII, and BETH-SAMOS. 
 
 Beth-baal-me'on, a place in the pos- 
 sessions of Reuben, on the downs (A. V. 
 "plain") east of Jordan (Josh. xiii. 17). 
 At the Israelites' first approach its name 
 was BAAL-MEON (Num. xxxii. 38, or in its 
 contracted form, BEON, xxxii. 3), to which 
 the Beth was possibly a Hebrew addition.
 
 BETH-BARAH 
 
 84 
 
 BETH-GADER 
 
 Later it would seem to have come into pos- 
 session of Moab, and to be known either as 
 Beth-meon (Jer. xlviii. 23) or Baal-meon 
 (Ez. xxv. 9). The name is still attached 
 to a ruined place of considerable size, a 
 short distance to the S. W. of Hesl&n, and 
 bearing the name of " the fortress of JUi'- 
 I tm," or Matin, which appears to give its 
 ! appellation .to the Wady Zerka maein. 
 
 Beth-ba'rah, named only in Judg. vii. 
 24, as a point apparently south of the scene 
 of Gideon's victory. Beth-barah derives 
 its chief interest from the possibility that 
 its more modern representative may have 
 been Beth-abara where John baptized. It 
 was probably the chief ford of the district. 
 
 Beth-bir'ei, a town of Simeon (1 Chr. 
 iv. 31), which by comparison with the par- 
 allel list in Josh. xix. appears to have had 
 also the name of BETH-LEBAOTH. It lay 
 to the extreme south. 
 
 Beth'-car, a place named as the point 
 to which the Israelites pursued the Philis- 
 tines (1 Sam. vii. 11), and therefore west 
 of Mizpeh. Josephus says that the stone 
 Ebenezer was set up here. 
 
 Beth-da'gon. 1. A city in the low 
 country of Judah (Josh. xv. 41), and there- 
 fore not far from the Philistine territory, 
 with which its name implies a connection. 
 2. A town apparently near the coast, 
 named as one of the landmarks of the 
 boundary of Asher (Josh. xix. 27). 
 
 Beth-diblatha'im, a town of Moab 
 (Jer. xlviii. 22), apparently the place else- 
 where called ALMON-DIBLATHAIM. 
 
 Beth'el. 1. A well-known city and 
 holy place of central Palestine. Of the ori- 
 gin of the name of Bethel there are two 
 accounts extant. 1. It was bestowed on 
 the spot by Jacob under the awe inspired 
 by the nocturnal vision of God, when on 
 his journey from his father's house at Beer- 
 sheba to seek his wife in Haran (Gen. 
 xxviii. 19). 2. But according to the other 
 account, Bethel received its name on the 
 occasion of a blessing bestowed by God 
 upon Jacob after his return from Padan- 
 aram ; at which time also (according to this 
 narrative) the name of Israel was given 
 him (Gen. xxxv. 14, 15). Early as is the 
 date involved in these narratives, yet, if we 
 are to accept the precise definition of Gen. 
 xii. 8, the name of Bethel would appear to 
 have existed at this spot even before the 
 arrival of Abram in Canaan (Gen. xii. 8, 
 xiii. 3, 4). In one thing, however, the 
 above narratives all agree, in omitting 
 any mention of town or buildings at Bethel 
 at that early period, and in drawing a 
 marked distinction between the "city" of 
 Luz and the consecrated "place" in its 
 neighborhood (comp. Gen. xxxv. 7). The 
 appropriation of the name of Bethel to the 
 city appears not to have been made till still 
 later, when it was taken by the tribe of 
 
 ! Ephraim ; after which the name of Luz oc- 
 | curs no more (Judg. i. 22-26). After the 
 j conquest Bethel is frequently heard of. In 
 the troubled times when there was no king 
 in Israel, it was to Bethel that the people 
 went up in their distress to ask counsel of 
 God (Judg. xx. 18, 26, 31 ; xxi. 2 : A. V. 
 "house of God"). Here was the ark of 
 the covenant under the charge of Phinehas 
 the grandson of Aaron (xx. 26-28, xxi. 4). 
 Later we find it named as one of the holy 
 cities to which Samuel went in circuit (1 
 Sam. vii. 16). Here Jeroboam placed one 
 of the two calves of gold. Towards the 
 end of Jeroboam's life Bethel fell into 
 the hands of Judah (2 Chr. xiii. 19). Eli- 
 jah visited Bethel, and we hear of "sons 
 of the prophets " as resident there (2 K. ii. 
 2, 3), two facts apparantly incompatible 
 with the active existence of the calf-worship. 
 But, after the destruction of the Baal wor- 
 ship by Jehu, Bethel comes once more into 
 view (2 K. x. 29). After the desolation of 
 the northern kingdom by the king of As- 
 syria, Bethel still remained an abode of 
 priests (2 K. xvii. 28, 27). In the accoxmfc 
 of Josiah's iconoclasm we catch one more 
 glimpse of the altar of Jeroboam, with its 
 last loathsome fire of " dead men's bones " 
 burning upon it. In later times Bethel is 
 named only once; its ruins still lie on the 
 right hand side of the road from Jerusalem 
 to Nablous under the scarcely altered name 
 of Beitin, 2. A town in the south part 
 of Judah, named in Josh. xii. 16, and 1 Sam. 
 xxx. 27. By comparison of the lists of the 
 towns of Judah and Simeon (Josh. xv. 30, 
 xix. 4 ; 1 Chr. iv. 29, 30), the place appears 
 under the names of CHESIL, BETHDL, and 
 BETHTTEL. HIEL, THE BETHELITE, is re- 
 corded as the rebuilder of Jericho (1 K. 
 xvi.34). 
 
 Beth-e'mek, a place on or near the bor- 
 der of Asher, on the north side of which 
 was the ravine of Jiphthah-el (Josh. xix. 27). 
 
 Beth'er, The Mountains of (Cant. 
 ii. 17). There is no clew to gfride us to 
 what mountains are intended here. 
 
 Bethesda, the Hebrew name of a res- 
 ervoir or tank, with five "porches," close 
 upon the sheep-gate or " market" in Jeru- 
 salem (John v. 2). The porches i. e. 
 cloisters or colonnades were extensive 
 enough to accommodate a large number of 
 sick and infirm people, whose custom it was 
 to wait there for the "troubling of the 
 water." The large reservoir JBirket Israil, 
 within the walls of the city, close by the St. 
 Stephen's Gate, and under the north-east 
 wall of the Haram area, is generally con- 
 sidered to be the modern representative of 
 Bethesda. 
 
 Bethe'zel, a place named only in Mie. 
 i. 11. From the context it was doubtless 
 situated in the plain of Philistia. 
 
 Beth-ga'der, doubtless a place, though
 
 BETH-GAMUL 
 
 85 
 
 BETH-NIMRAH 
 
 it occurs in the genealogies of Judah as if 
 a person (1 Chr. ii. 51). 
 
 Beth-ga'mul, a town of Moab, in the 
 downs east of Jordan (Jer. xlviii. 23, 
 comp. 21). 
 
 Beth-hac'cerem (Neh. Hi. 14). From 
 Jer. vi. 1, we find that it was used as a 
 beacon-station, and that it was near Tekoa. 
 In the time of Nehemiah (Hi. 14) it had a 
 ruler or prince. By Jerome a village named 
 Bethacharma is said to have been on a 
 mountain between Tekoa and Jerusalem, a 
 position in which the eminence known as 
 the Frank mountain (Herodium) stands 
 conspicuous ; and this has accordingly been 
 suggested as Beth-baccerem. 
 
 Beth-ha'ran, one of the fenced cities on 
 the east of Jordan, built by the Gadites 
 (Num. xxxii. 36). It is no doubt the same 
 place as BETH- ARAM, Josh. xiii. 27. 
 
 Beth-hog'la and Hog'lah, a place on 
 the border of Judah (Josh. xv. 6) and of 
 Benjamin (xviii. 19), to which latter tribe 
 it was reckoned to belong (xviii. 21). A 
 magnificent spring and a ruin between Jer- 
 icho and the Jordan still bear the names of 
 Ainhajla and K&sr I/ajla, and are doubt- 
 less on or near the old site. 
 
 Beth-ho'ron, the name of two towns 
 or villages, an "upper" and a "nether" 
 (Josh. xvi. 3, 5 ; 1 Chr. vii. 24), on the road 
 from Gibeon to Azekah (Josh. x. 10, 11), 
 and the Philistine plain (1 Mace. Hi. 24). 
 Beth-horon lay on the boundary-line be- 
 tween Benjamin and Ephraiin (Josh. xvi. 
 3, 5), and (xviii. 13, 14) was counted to 
 Ephraim (Josh. xxi. 22; 1 Chr. vii. 24), 
 and given to the Kohathites (JoshI xxi. 22 ; 
 1 Chr. vi. 68 [53]. There is no room for 
 doubt that the two Beth-horons still survive 
 in the modern villages of J3eit-'ur, et-tahta 
 and el-foka. 
 
 Beth-jesh'imoth, or Jes'imoth, a 
 town or place east of Jordan, on the lower 
 level at the south end of the Jordan valley 
 (Num. xxxiii. 49) ; and named with Ash- 
 dod-pisgah and Beth-peor. It was one of 
 the limits of the encampment of Israel be- 
 fore crossing the Jordan. Later it was al- 
 lotted to Reuben (Josh. xii. 3, xiii. 20), but 
 came at last into the hands of Moab, and 
 formed one of the cities which were " the 
 glory of the country" (Ez. xxv. 9). 
 
 Beth-leb'aoth, a town in the lot of 
 Simeon (Josh. xix. 6), and therefore in the 
 extreme south of Judah (xv. 32, Lebaoth). 
 In the parallel list in 1 Chr. iv. 31 the name 
 is given BETH-BIREI. 
 
 Bethlehem. 1. One of the oldest 
 towns in Palestine, already in existence at 
 the time of Jacob's return to the country. 
 Its earliest name was EPHRATH or EPHRA- 
 TAH (see Gen. xxxv. 16, 19, xlviii. 7), and 
 it is not till long after the occupation of the 
 country by the Israelites that we meet with 
 it under its new name of Bethlehem. After 
 
 the conquest Bethlehem appears under its 
 own name Bethlehem-judah (Judg. xvii. 7 
 1 Sam. xvu. 12; Euth i. 1, 2). The Book 
 of Ruth is a page from the domestic history 
 of Bethlehem : the names, almost the very 
 persons, of the Bethlehemitos are there 
 brought before us ; we are allowed to assist 
 at their most peculiar customs, and to wit- 
 ness the very springs of those events which 
 have conferred immortality on the name 
 of the place. The elevation of David to 
 the kingdom does not appear to have af- 
 fected the fortunes of his native town. 
 The few remaining casual notices of Beth- 
 lehem in the Old Testament may be quickly 
 enumerated. It was fortified by Rehoboam 
 (2 Chr. xi. 6). By the time of the captiv- 
 ity, the Inn of Chimham by Bethlehem ap- 
 pears to have become the recognized point 
 of departure for travellers to Egypt (Jer. 
 xli. 17). In the New Testament Bethle- 
 hem retains its distinctive title of Bethle- 
 hem-judah (Matt. ii. 1, 5), and once, in the 
 announcement of the Angels, the " city of 
 David" (Luke H. 4; comp. John vii. 42). 
 The passages just quoted, and the few which 
 follow, exhaust the references to it in the 
 N. T. (Matt. ii. 6, 8, 16 ; Luke ii. 15). The 
 modern town of Beit-lahm lies to the E. of 
 the main road from Jerusalem to Hebron, 
 6 miles from the former. It covers the E. 
 and N. E. parts of the ridge of a long gray 
 hill of Jura limestone, which stands nearly 
 due ,E. and W., and is about a mile in 
 length. The hill has a deep valley on the 
 N. and another on the S. On the top lies 
 the village in a kind of irregular triangle. 
 The population is about 3000 souls, entirely 
 Ch'ristians. 2. A town in the portion of 
 Zebulun named now here but in Josh. xix. 15. 
 Bethlo'mon, 1 Esd. v. 17. [BETHXE- 
 
 HEM, 1.] 
 
 Beth-ma'achall, a place named only 
 in 2 Sam. xx. 14, 15. In the absence of 
 more information, we can only conclude 
 that it is identical with MAACHAH, or ARAM- 
 MAACHAH, one of the petty Syrian kingdoms 
 in the north of Palestine (comp. 2 K. xv. 
 29). 
 
 Beth-mar'caboth, " house of the char- 
 iots," one of the towns of Simeon, situated 
 to the extreme south of Judah (Josh. xix. 
 5 ; 1 Chr. iv. 31). In the parallel list, Josh, 
 xv. 30, 31, Madmannah occurs in place of 
 Beth-marcaboth. 
 
 Beth-me'on, Jer. xlviii. 23. A con- 
 tracted form of the name elsewhere given 
 as BETH-BAAL-MEON. 
 
 Beth-nim'rah, one of the fenced cities 
 on the east of Jordan taken and built by 
 the tribe of Gad (Num. xxxii. 36), and de- 
 scribed as lying in the valley beside Beth- 
 haran (Josh. xiii. 27). In Num. xxxii. 3 
 it is called simply NIMRAH. The name 
 still survives in the Nahr Nimnm, the 
 Arab appellation of the lower end of the
 
 BETHORON 
 
 86 
 
 BETHULIA 
 
 Wady Shoaib, where the waters of that 
 valley discharge themselves into the Jor- 
 dan close to one of the regular fords a few 
 miles above Jericho. 
 
 Betho'ron, i. e. BETHORON (Jud.iv. 4). 
 
 Beth-pa'let, a town among those in 
 the extreme south of Judah, named in 
 Josh. xv. 27. 
 
 Beth-paz'zez, atown of Issachar named 
 with En-haddah (Josh. xix. 21), and of 
 which nothing is known. 
 
 Beth-pe'or, a place, no doubt dedicated 
 to the god Baal-peor, on the east of .Tor- 
 dan, opposite Jericho, and six miles above 
 Libias or Beth-haran. It was in the pos- 
 session of the tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 
 20). One of the last halting-places of the 
 children of Israel is designated " the 
 ravine over against Beth-peor" (Deut. 
 iii. 29, iv. 46). 
 
 Beth'-phage, the name of a place on 
 Ihe mount of Olives, on the road between 
 Jericho and Jerusalem. It was apparently 
 close to BETHANY (Matt. xxi. 1 ; Mark xi. 
 1; Luke xix. 29), and to the eastward of 
 it. No remains however which could an- 
 swer to this position have been found, and 
 the traditional site is above Bethany, half 
 way between that village and the top of the 
 mount. 
 
 Beth'-phelet, Neh. xi. 26. [BETH- 
 
 PALET.] 
 
 Beth'-rapha, a name which occurs in 
 the genealogy of Judah as the son of Esh- 
 ton (1 Chr. iv. 12). 
 
 Beth'-rehob, a place mentioned as hav- 
 ing near it the valley in which lay the town 
 of Laish or Dan (Judg. xviii. 28). It was 
 one of the little kingdoms of Aram or 
 Syria (2 Sam. x. 6). Robinson conjectures 
 that this ancient place is represented by 
 the modern Hunin. 
 
 Beth-sa'ida. 1. "Bethsaida of Gali- 
 lee" (John xii. 21), a city which was the 
 native place of Andrew, Peter, and Philip 
 (John i. 44, xii. 21) in the land of Gen- 
 nesareth (Mark vi. 45; comp. 53), and 
 therefore on the west side of the lake. 
 Dr. Robinson places Bethsaida at 'Ain et- 
 Tabigah, a short distance north of Khan 
 Minyeh, which he identifies with Caper- 
 naum. 2. By comparing the narratives in 
 Mark vi. 31-53, and Luke ix. 10-17, it ap- 
 pears certain that the Bethsaida at which 
 the 5000 were fed must have been a second 
 place of the same name on the east of the 
 lake. Such a place there was at the north- 
 eastern extremity, formerly a village, but 
 rebuilt and adorned by Philip the Tetrarch, 
 and raised to the dignity of a town under 
 the name of Julias, after the daughter of 
 the emperor. Here in a magnificent tomb 
 Philip was buried. Of this Bethsaida we 
 have certainly one and probably two men- 
 tions in the Gospels : 1. That named 
 above, of the feeding of the 5000 (Luke 
 
 ix. 10). 2. The other, roost probably, in 
 Mark viii. 22. 
 
 Beth-she'an, or in Samuel, BETH- 
 SHAN, a city, which, with its " daughter " 
 towns, belonged to Manasseh (1 Chr. vii. 
 29), though within the limits of Issachar 
 (Josh. xvii. 11), and therefore on the west 
 of Jordan (comp. 1 Mace. v. 52) but 
 not mentioned in the lists of the latter 
 tribe. The Canaanites were not driven out 
 from the town (Judg. i. ' 27). In later 
 times it was called ScythopolSs (2 Mace, 
 xii. 29) ; but this name has not survived to 
 the present day; and the place is still 
 known as Beis&n. It lies in the Ghor or 
 Jordan valley, about twelve miles south of 
 the sea of Galilee, and four miles west of 
 the Jordan. 
 
 Beth-she'mesh. 1. One of the towns 
 which marked the north boundary of Judah 
 (Josh. xv. 10), but not named in the lists 
 of the cities of that tribe. It is now 'Ain- 
 shems, about two miles from the great Phi- 
 listine plain, and seven from Ekron. 2. A 
 city on the border of Issachar (Josh. xix. 
 22). 3. One of the "fenced cities" of 
 Naphtali (Josh. xix. 38; Judg. i. 33). 4. 
 An idolatrous temple or place in Egypt 
 (Jer. xliii. 13). In the middle ages Heli- 
 opolis was still called by the Arabs Ain 
 Shems. 
 
 Beth-shit'tah, one of the spots to 
 which the flight of the host of the Midian- 
 ites extended after their discomfiture by 
 Gideon (Judg. vii. 22). 
 
 Beth-tap'puah, one of the towns of 
 Judah, in the mountainous district, and 
 near Hebron (Josh. xv. 53 ; comp. 1 Chr. 
 ii. 43). Here it has actually been discov- 
 ered by Robinson under the modern name 
 of Teffiili 5 miles W. of Hebron, on a ridge 
 of high table-land. 
 
 Betlm'el, the son of Nahor by Milcah ; 
 nephew of Abraham, and father of Rebekah 
 (Gen. xxii. 22, 23, xxiv. 15, 24, 47, xxviii. 
 2). In xxv. 20, and xxviii. 5, he is called 
 " Bethuel the Syrian." Though often re- 
 ferred to as above in the narrative, Bethuel 
 only appears in person once (xxiv. 50). 
 Upon this an ingenious conjecture is raised 
 by Prof. Blunt that he was the subject of 
 some imbecility or other incapacity. 
 
 Be'thul, a town of Simeon in the south, 
 named with El-tolad and Hormah (Josh. 
 xix. 4), called also Chesil and Bethuel 
 (Josh. xv. 30; 1 Chr. iv. 29). 
 
 Bethuli'a, the city which was the scene 
 of the chief events of the Book of Judith, 
 in which book only the name occurs. Its 
 position is there described with very mi- 
 nute detail. Notwithstanding this detail, 
 however the identification of the site of 
 Bethulia has hitherto defied all attempts, 
 and is one of the greatest puzzles of sacred 
 geography. Von Raumer suggests Sanur, 
 which is perhaps the nearest to probability.
 
 BETH-ZACHARIAS 
 
 87 
 
 BIBLE 
 
 ft is about three miles from Dothan. and 
 some six or seven from Jenin (Engannim), 
 which stand on the very edge of the great 
 plain of Esclraelon. 
 Beth-zachari'as. [BATH-ZACHARI- 
 
 A6.] 
 
 Beth'-zur, a town in the mountains of 
 Judah, named between Halhul and Gedor 
 (Josh. xv. 58). The recovery of the site 
 of Bethzur, under the almost identical 
 name of Beit-snr, explains its impregna- 
 bility, and also the reason for the choice of 
 its position, since it commands the road 
 from Beersheba and Hebron, which has 
 always been the main approach to Jeru- 
 salem from the south. 
 
 Bet'onim, a town in the inheritance of 
 the children of Gad, apparently on their 
 northern boundary (Josh. xiii. 26). 
 
 Betrothing. [MARRIAGE.] 
 
 Beu'lah, " married," the name which 
 the land of Israel is to bear, when " the 
 land shall be married" (Is. Ixii. 4). 
 
 Be'zai, " Children of Bezai," to the 
 number of 323, returned from captivity 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 17 ; Neh. vii. 23). 
 The name occurs again among those who 
 sealed the covenant (Neh. x. 18). 
 
 Bezal'eel. 1. The son of Uri, the son 
 of Hur, of the tribe of Judah, and one of 
 the architects of the tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 
 1-6). His charge was chiefly in all works 
 of metal, wood, and stone. 2. One of the 
 sons of Pahath-moab who had taken a for- 
 eign wife (Ezr. x. 30). 
 
 Be'zek. 1. The residence of Adoni- 
 bezek, i. e. the " lord of Bezek " (Judg. i. 
 5) ; in the lot of Judah (verse 3), and in- 
 habited by Canaanites and Perizzites (verse 
 4). This must have been a distinct place 
 from 2. Where Saul numbered the forces 
 of Israel and Judah before goina; to the re- 
 lief of Jabesh-Gilead (1 Sam. xi. 8). This 
 was doubtless somewhere in the centre of 
 the country, near the Jordan valley. No 
 identification of either place has been 
 made in modern times. 
 
 Be'zer, son of Zophah, one of the 
 heads of the houses of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 
 37). 
 
 Be'zer in the Wilderness, a city of 
 the Reubenites, with suburbs, set apart by 
 Moses as one of the three cities of refuge 
 in the downs on the east of the Jordan, and 
 allotted to the Merarites (Deut. iv. 43; 
 Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 36; 1 Chr. vi. 78). 
 
 Bible. I. When the Books of the Old 
 Testament were formed into a Canon 
 [CANON] it was natural to give a general 
 name to the collection. The earliest in- 
 stance of such a title occurs in Daniel, who 
 refers to " the books " (Dan. ix. 2) in a 
 manner which seems to mark the prophetic 
 writings as already collected into one whole. 
 The same word was applied by the Jews in 
 Alexandria to the collected books of the 
 
 Old Testament ul fii^ioi, more frequently 
 r'a (Sirtt'tu whence the word BIBLE, or 
 The Hook, has been given to the collected 
 books of the Old and New Testaments. 
 The writers of the New Testament call 
 the books of the Old Testament either The 
 Scripture (/, youy/;, Acts viii. 32; Gal. iii. 
 22; 2 Tim. iii. 16), or The Scriptures 
 (ai yo<pu(, Matt. xxi. 42; Luke xxiv. 27), 
 or The Holy Scriptures (ra <"toa ^UU.UUTU, 
 2 Tim. iii. 15). The use of' the phrase 
 >/ naiuiit diuQi'fXti in 2 Cor. iii. 14, for the 
 law as read in the synagogues, led gradu- 
 ally to the extension of the word to include 
 the other books of the Jewish Scriptures. 
 Of the Latin equivalents, which were 
 adopted by different writers (Instrumen- 
 tum, Testamentum), the latter met with the 
 most general acceptance, and perpetuated 
 itself in the languages of modern Europe, 
 whence the terms Old Testament and New 
 Testament, though the Greek word prop- 
 erly signifies " Covenant " rather than 
 " Testament." But the application of the 
 word BIBLE to the collected books of the 
 Old and New Testaments is not to be traced 
 farther back than the 5th century of our 
 era. II. The existence of a collection of 
 sacred books recognized as authoritative 
 leads naturally to a more or less systematic 
 arrangement. The Prologue to Ecclesias- 
 ticus mentions " the law and the prophets 
 and the other Books." In the N. T. there is 
 the same kind of recognition. " The Law 
 and the Prophets " is the shorter (Matt. xi. 
 13, xxii. 40; Acts xiii. 15, &c.) ; "the 
 Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms " (Luke 
 xxiv. 44), the fuller statement of the di-v 
 vision popularly recognized. The arrange- 
 ment of the books of the Hebrew text un- 
 der these three heads, requires however a 
 further notice. 1. The Law, containing 
 Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and 
 Deuteronomy, naturally continued to oc- 
 cupy the position which it must have held 
 from the first as the most ancient and 
 authoritative portion. In the Hebrew clas- 
 sification the titles were taken from the 
 initial words, or prominent words in the 
 initial verse ; in that of the LXX. they 
 were intended to be significant of the sub- 
 ject of each book. 2. The next group pre- 
 sents a more singular combination. The 
 arrangement stands as follows : 
 
 Jnehu*. 
 Judge*, 
 I & _ SamueJ. 
 1 .-. J Kingi. 
 
 Prophet* 
 
 Imiah. 
 
 Jeremiah. 
 
 Ezekicl. 
 
 the Hebrew titles of these books corre- 
 sponding to those of the English Bibles. 3. 
 Last in orler came the group known to
 
 BIBLE 
 
 BILEAM 
 
 the Jews as Cethubim, including the remain- 
 ing books of the Hebrew Canon, arranged 
 in the following order, and with subordi- 
 nate divisions : (a) Psalms, Proverbs, Job. 
 (6) The Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamenta- 
 tions, Ecclesiastes, Esther the five rolls. 
 (c) Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, 1 and 2 
 Chronicles. The history of the arrange- 
 ment of the Books of the New Testament 
 presents some variations, not without in- 
 terest, as indicating differences of feeling 
 or modes of thought. The four Gospels 
 and the Acts of the Apostles uniformly 
 stand first. They are so far to the New 
 what the Pentateucli was to the Old Tes- 
 tament. The position of the Acts as an 
 intermediate book, the sequel to the Gos- 
 pels, the prelude to the Epistles, was ob- 
 viously a natural one. After this we meet 
 with some striking differences. The order 
 in the Alexandrian, Vatican, and Ephraem 
 MSS. (A B C) gives precedence to the 
 Catholic Epistles, and this would appear to 
 have been characteristic of the Eastern 
 Churches. The Western Church on the 
 other hand, as represented by Jerome, Au- 
 gustine, and their successors, gave priority 
 of position to the Pauline Epistles. The 
 Apocalypse, as might be expected from the 
 peculiar character of its contents, occupied 
 a position by itself. III. Division into 
 Chapters and Verses. The Hebrew of the 
 Old Testament. It is hardly possible to 
 conceive of the liturgical use of the books 
 of the Old Testament, without some kind 
 of recognized division. The references, 
 however, in Mark xii. 26 and Luke xx. 37, 
 Jtom. xi. 2, and Acts viii. 32, indicate a 
 division which had become familiar, and 
 show that some at least of the sections 
 were known popularly by the titles taken 
 from their subjects. In like manner the 
 existence of a cycle of lessons is indicated 
 by Luke iv. 17 ; Acts xiii. 15, xv. 21 ; 2 
 Cor. iii. 14. The Talmudic division is on 
 the following plan. The Law was in the 
 first instance divided into fifty-four Par- 
 shioth, or sections, so as to provide a les- 
 son for each Sabbath- in the Jewish inter- 
 calary year. Coexisting with this there 
 was a subdivision into lesser Parshioth. A 
 different terminology was employed for the 
 Elder and Later Prophets, and the division 
 was less uniform. The name of the sec- 
 tions in this case was ffaphtaroth. Of the 
 traditional divisions of the Hebrew Bible, 
 however, that which has exercised most in- 
 fluence in the received arrangement of the 
 text, was the subdivision of the larger sec- 
 tions into verses (Pesukim). These do 
 not appear to have been used till the post- 
 Talmudic recension of the text by the 
 Masoretes of the 9th century. The chief 
 facts that remain to be stated as to the 
 verse division of the Old Testament are, 
 that it was adopted by Stephens in his edi- 
 
 tion of the Vulgate, 1555, and by Frcllon 
 in that of 1556 ; that it appeared for the 
 first time in an English translation, in tbe 
 Geneva Bible of 15(50, and was thence 
 transferred to the Bishops' Bible of 1508, 
 and the Authorized Version of 1611. With 
 the New Testament, the division into chap- 
 ters adopted by Hugh de St. Cher super- 
 seded those that had been in use previous- 
 ly, appeared in the early editions of the 
 Vulgate, was transferred to the English 
 Bible by Coverdale, and so became uni- 
 versal. As to the division into verses, the 
 absence of an authoritative standard left 
 more scope to the individual discretion of 
 editors or printers, and the activity of the 
 two Stephenses caused that which they 
 adopted in their numerous editions of the 
 Greek Testament and Vulgate to be gen- 
 erally received. In the Preface to the 
 Concordance, published by Henry Ste- 
 phens, 1594, he gives an account of the 
 origin of this division. The whole work 
 was accomplished " inter equitandum " on 
 his journey from Paris to Lyons. While 
 it was in progress men doubted of its suc- 
 cess. No sooner was it known than it met 
 with universal acceptance. The edition in 
 which this division was first adopted was 
 published in 1551. It was used for the 
 English version published in Geneva in 
 1560, and from that time, with slight vari- 
 ations in detail, has been universally rec- 
 ognized. 
 
 Bid'kar, Jehu's " captain," originally 
 his fellow-officer (2 K. ix. 25) ; who com- 
 pleted the sentence on Jehoram son of 
 Ahab. 
 
 Bier. [BURIAL.] 
 
 Big'tha, one of the seven chamberlains 
 or eunuchs of the harem of Ahasuerus 
 (Esth. i. 10). 
 
 Big'than and Big'thana, an eunuch 
 (chamberlain, A. V.) in the court of Ahas- 
 uerus, one of those " who kept the door," 
 and conspired with Teresh against the 
 king's life (Esth. ii. 21). The conspiracy 
 was detected by Mordecai. 
 
 Big'vai. 1. "Children of Bigvai," 
 2056 (Neh. 20C7) in number, returned 
 from the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
 ii. 14; Neh. vii. 19), and 72 of tbvm at a 
 later date with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 14). 2. 
 Apparently one of the chiefs of Zerubba- 
 bel's expedition (Ezr. ii. 2 ; Neh. vii. 7), 
 whose family afterwards signed the cove- 
 nant (Neh. x. 16). 
 
 Bik'ath-Aven, Amos i. 5 marg. [AVEN, 
 
 1.] 
 Bil'dad, the second o f T ob's three 
 
 friends.* He i r called "trie Shuhite," 
 which implies both his family and nation 
 (Jobii. 11). 
 
 Bil'eam, a town in the western half of 
 the tribe of Manasseh, named only in 1 
 Chr. vi. 70, as being given to the Kohatli-
 
 BILGAH 
 
 89 
 
 BISHOP 
 
 ites. In the lists in Josh. xvii. and xxi. 
 this name does not appear, and Ibleam and 
 Gath-rimmon are substituted for it. 
 
 Bil'gah. 1. A priest in the time of 
 David ; the head of the fifteenth course for 
 the temple service (1 Chr. xxiv. 14). 2. 
 A priest or priestly family who returned 
 from Babylon with Zerubbabel and Jeshua 
 (Nch. xii. 5, 18). 
 
 Bil'gai, Neh. x. 8. [BILGAH, 2.] 
 
 Bil'hah, handmaid of Rachel (Gen. 
 xxix. 29), and concubine of Jacob, to 
 whom she bore Dan and Naphtali (Gen. 
 xxx. 3-8, xxxv. 25, xlvi. 25 ; 1 Chr. vii. 
 13). [REUBEN.] 
 
 Bil'han. 1. A Horite chief, son of 
 Ezer, son of Seir, dwelling in Mount Seir, 
 in the land of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 27 ; 1 
 Chr. i. 42). 2. A Benjamite, son of Jedi- 
 ael (1 Chr. vii. 10), and probably descend- 
 ed from Bela. 
 
 Bil'shan, one of Zerubbabel's compan- 
 ions on his expedition from Babylon (Ezr. 
 ii. 2; Neh. vii. 7). 
 
 Bim'hal, one of the sons of Japhlet in 
 the line of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 33). 
 
 Bin'ea, the son of Moza; one of the 
 descendants of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 37; ix. 
 43). 
 
 Bin'nui. 1. A Levite, father of Noa- 
 diah, in Ezra's time (Ezr. viii. 33). 2. One 
 of the sons of Pahath-moab, who had taken 
 a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 30). 3. Another 
 Israelite, of the sons of Bani, who had also 
 taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 38). 4. Al- 
 tered from BANI in the corresponding list 
 in Ezra (Neh. vii. 15). 5. A Levite, son 
 of Henadad, who assisted at the reparation 
 of the wall of Jerusalem, under Nehemiah 
 (Neh. iii. 24; x. 9). He is possibly also 
 the Binnui in xii. 8. 
 
 Birds. [SPARROW.] 
 
 Bir'sha, king of Gomorrha at the time 
 of the invasion of Chedorlaomer (Gen. 
 xiv. 2). 
 
 Birthdays. The custom of observ- 
 ing birthdays is very ancient (Gen. xl. 20 ; 
 Jer. xx. 15) ; and in Job i. 4, &c., we read 
 that Job's sons " feasted every one his 
 day." In Persia they were celebrated 
 with peculiar honors and banquets, and in 
 Egypt the king's birthdays were kept with 
 great pomp. It is very probable that in 
 Matt. xiv. 6, the feast to commemorate 
 Herod's accession is intended, for we know 
 that such feasts were common, and were 
 called "the day of the king" (Hos. vii. 5). 
 
 Birthright. The advantages accruing 
 to the eldest son were not definitely fixed 
 in patriarchal times. Great respect was 
 pai 1 to him in the household, and, as the 
 family widened into a tribe, this grew into 
 a sustained authority, undefined, save by 
 custom, in all matters of common interest, j 
 Thus the " princes " of the congregation j 
 had probably rights of primogeniture (Num. , 
 
 vii. 2, xxi. 18, xxv. 14). A "double por- 
 tion " of the paternal property was allotted 
 by the Mosaic law (Deut. xxi. 15-17). The 
 first-born of the king was his successor by 
 law (2 Chr. xxi. 3) : David, however, by 
 divine appointment, excluded Adonijah in 
 favor of Solomon. 
 
 Bir'zavith, a name occurring in the 
 genealogies of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 31), and 
 apparently, from the mode of its mention, 
 the name of a place. 
 
 Bishop. This word, applied in the N. 
 T. to the officers of the Church who were 
 charged with certain functions of superin- 
 tendence, had been in use before as a title 
 of office. When the organization of the 
 Christian churches in Gentile cities involved 
 the assignment of the work of pastoral su- 
 perintendence to a distinct order, the title 
 bishop (tjii'oxo/ru?) presented itself as at once 
 convenient and familiar, and was therefore 
 adopted as readily as the word elder (/r(>*<- 
 pvrtQtif) had been in the mother church of 
 Jerusalem. That the two titles were ori- 
 ginally equivalent is clear from the follow- 
 ing facts. 1. Bishops and elders are no- 
 where named together as being orders 
 distinct from each other. 2. Bishops and 
 deacons are named as apparently an ex- 
 haustive division of the officers of the 
 Church addressed by St. Paul as an apostle 
 (Phil. i. 1; 1 Tim. i. 1, 8). 3. The same 
 persons are described by both names (Acts 
 xx. 17, 18; Tit. i. 5, 8). 4. Elders dis- 
 charge functions which are essentially epis- 
 copal, i. e. involving pastoral superintend- 
 ence (1 Tim. v. 17 ; 1 Pet. v. 1, 2). Assum- 
 ing as proved the identity of the bishops and 
 elders of the N. T. we have to inquire into, 
 
 I. The relation which existed between the 
 two titles. 2. The functions and mode of 
 appointment of the men to whom both titles 
 were applied. 3. Their relations to the 
 general government and discipline of the 
 Church. I. There can be no doubt that 
 elders had the priority in order of time. 
 The order itself is recognized in Acts xf. 
 30, and in Acts xv. 2. The earliest use of 
 " bishops," on the other hand, is in the ad- 
 dress of St. Paul to the elders of Miletus 
 (Acts xx. 28), and there it is rather de- 
 scriptive of functions than given as a title. 
 
 II. Of the order in which the first elders 
 were appointed, as of the occasion which led 
 to the institution of the office, we have no re- 
 cord. Arguing from the analogy of the Seven 
 in Acts vi. 5, 6, it would seem probable that 
 they were chosen by the members of the 
 Church collectively, and then set apart to 
 their office by the laying on of the apostles' 
 hands. In the case of Timothy (1 Tim. 
 iv. 14 ; 2 Tim. i. 6) the " presbyters," prob- 
 ably the body of the elders at Lystra, had 
 taken part with the apostle in this act of 
 ordination. The conditions which were to 
 be observed in choosing these officers, as
 
 BITHIAH 
 
 90 
 
 BLOOD 
 
 stated in the pastoral epistles, are, blame- 
 less life and reputation among those "that 
 are without" as well as within the Church, 
 fitness for the work of teaching, the wide 
 kindliness or temper which shows itself in 
 hospitality, the being "the husband of one 
 wife " (t. e. according to the most probable 
 interpretation, not divorced and then mar- 
 ried to another), showing powers of gov- 
 ernment in his own household as well as in 
 self-control, not being a recent, and, there- 
 fore, an untried convert. When appointed, 
 the duties of the bishop-elders appear to 
 have been as follows : 1. General superin- 
 tendence over the spiritual well-being of 
 the flock (1 Pet. v. 2). 2. The work of 
 
 teaching, both publicly and privately (1 
 These, v. 12; Tit. i. 9; 1 Tim. v. 17). 3. 
 The work of visiting the sick appears in 
 Jam. v. 14, as assigned to the elders of the 
 Church. 4 Among other acts of charity, 
 tb.at of receiving strangers occupied a con- 
 spicuous place (1 Tim. iii. 2; Tit. i. 8). 
 The mode in which these officers of the 
 Church were supported or remunerated 
 varied probably in different cities. Col- 
 lectively at Jerusalem, and probably in 
 other churches, the body of bishop-elders 
 took part in deliberations (Acts xv. 6-22, 
 xxi. 18), addressed other churches (ibid. 
 xv. 23), were joined with the apostles in 
 the work of ordaining by the laying on of 
 hands (2 Tim. i. 6). III. It is clear from 
 what 'has been said that episcopal func- 
 tions in the modern sense of the words, as 
 implying a special superintendence over 
 the ministers of the Church, belonged only 
 to the apostles and those whom they in- 
 vested with their authority. 
 
 Bithi'ah, daughter of a Pharaoh, and 
 
 hawkweeds, and sow-thistles, and wild let* 
 tuces which grow abundantly in the Penin- 
 sula of Sinai, in Palestine, and in Egypt. 
 
 Bittern. The Hebrew word has been 
 the subject of various interpretations. Phil- 
 ological arguments appear to be rather in 
 favor of the " hedgehog " or " porcupine," 
 for the Hebrew word kippdd appears to be 
 identical with kunfud, the Arabic word for 
 the hedgehog ; but zoologically, the hedge- 
 hog or porcupine is quite out of the ques- 
 tion. The word occurs in Is. xiv. 23, xxxiv. 
 11; Zeph. ii. 14, and we are inclined to 
 believe that the A. V. is correct. The 
 bittern (Botaurus stellaris) belongs to the 
 Ardcidae, the heron family of birds. 
 
 Bizjoth'jah, a town in the south of 
 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 28). 
 
 Eiz'tha, the second of the seven eunuchs 
 of king Ahasuerus' harem (Esth. i. 10). 
 
 Blains. violent ulcerous inflammations, 
 the sixth plague of Egypt (Ex. ix. 9, 10),. 
 and hence called in Deut. xxviii. 27, 35, 
 " the botch of Egypt." It seems to have 
 been the black leprosy, a fearful kind of 
 elephantiasis. 
 
 Blasphemy, in its technical English 
 sense, signifies the speaking evil of God, 
 and in this sense it is found Ps. Ixxiv. 18 ; 
 Is. Iii. 5 ; Horn. ii. 24, &c. But according 
 to its derivation it may mean any species 
 of calumny and abuse : see 1 K. xxi. 10 ; 
 Acts xviii. 6 ; Jude 9, &c. Blasphemy was 
 punished with stoning, which was inflicted 
 on the son of Shelomith (Lev. xxiv. 11). 
 On this charge both our Lord and St. Ste- 
 phen were condemned to death by the 
 Jews. It only remains to speak of " the 
 blasphemy against the Holy Ghost," which 
 has been so fruitful a theme for speculation 
 
 wife of Mered, a descendant of Judah (1 and controversy (Matt. xii. 32 ; Mark iii. 
 Chr. iv. 18). | 28). It consisted in attributing to the pow- 
 
 Bith'ron (more accurately "the Bith- 
 ron"), a place, doubtless a district in the 
 Jordan valley, on the east side of the river 
 
 r of Satan those unquestionable miracles, 
 which Jesus performed by " the finger of 
 God," and the power of the Holy Spirit. 
 Blas'tus, the chamberlain of Herod 
 
 Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 20) . 
 
 (2 Sam. ii. 29). 
 
 Bithyn'ia. This province of Asia 
 
 Minor is mentioned only in Acts xvi. 7, and j ^Blindness is extremely common in the 
 in 1 Pet. i. 1. Bithynia, considered as a ! East from many causes. Blind beggars 
 Roman province, was on the west contigu- i figure repeatedly in the N. T. (Matt. xii. 
 ous to ASIA. On the east its limits under- 22), and " opening the eyes of the blind " 
 went great modifications. The province ! is mentioned in prophecy as a peculiar 
 was originally inherited by the Roman re- I attribute of the Messiah (Is. xxix. 18, &c.). 
 public (B. c. 74) as a legacy from Nico- The Jews were specially 'charged to treat 
 medes III. The chief town of Bithynia \ the blind with compassion and care (Lev. 
 
 was Nicaea, celebrated for the general 
 Council of the Church held there in A. D. 
 325 against the Arian heresy. 
 
 Bitter Herbs. The Israelites were 
 commanded to eat the Paschal lamb " with 
 unleavened bread and with bitter herbs " 
 
 xix. 14; Deut. xxvii. 18). Blindness wil- 
 fully inflicted for political or other purposes 
 is alluded to in Scripture (1 Sain. xi. 2 ; 
 Jer. xxxix. 7). 
 
 Blood. To blood is ascribed in Scrip- 
 ture the mysterious sacredness which be- 
 
 (Ex. xii. 8). These may well be under- I longs to life, and God reserves it to Him- 
 etood to denote various sorts of bitter self when allowing man the dominion over 
 plants, such particularly as belong to the and the use of the lower animals for food. 
 cruciferae, as some of the bitter cresses, or Thus reserved, it acquires a double power : 
 to the chicory group of the compositae, the 1 1. that of sacrificial atonement ; and 2. that
 
 BLOOD 
 
 91 
 
 BOZKATH 
 
 of becoming a curse when wantonly shed, 
 unless duly expiated (Gen. ix. 4 ; Lev. vii. 
 26, xvii. 11-13). 
 
 Blood, Issue of. The menstruous 
 discharge, or thefuxus uteri (Lev. xv. 19- 
 30 ; Matt. ix. 20 ; Mark v. 25, and Luke 
 viii 43). The latter caused a permanent 
 legal uncleanness, the former a temporary 
 one, mostly for seven days ; after which the 
 woman was to be purified by the customary 
 offering. 
 
 Blood, Revenger of. It was, and 
 even still is, a common practice among na- 
 tions of patriarchal habits, that the near- 
 est of kin should, as a matter of duty, 
 avenge the death of a murdered relative. 
 Compensation for murder is allowed by the 
 Koran. Among the Bedouins, and other 
 Arab tribes, should the offer of blood- 
 money be refused, the 'Thar,' or law of 
 blood, comes into operation, and any per- 
 son within the fifth degree of blood from 
 the homicide may be legally killed by any 
 one within the same degree of consanguinity 
 to the victim. The right to blood-revenge 
 is never lost, except as annulled by com- 
 pensation ; it descends to the latest gener- 
 ation. The law of Moses was very precise 
 in its directions on the subject of Retalia- 
 tion. 1. The wilful murderer was to be 
 put to death without permission of com- 
 pensation. The nearest relative of the 
 deceased became the authorized avenger 
 of blood (Num. xxxv. 19). 2. The law of 
 retaliation was not to extend beyond the 
 immediate offender (Deut. xxiv. 16 ; 2 K. 
 xiv. 6 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 4 ; Jer. xxxi. 29, 30 ; 
 Ezek. xviii. 20). 3. The involuntary shed- 
 der of blood was permitted to take flight to 
 one of six Levitical cities, specially ap- 
 pointed as cities of refuge (Num. xxxv. 22, 
 23; Deut. xix. 4-6). 
 
 Boaner'ges, a name signifying " sons 
 of thunder," given by our Lord to the two 
 sons of Zebedee, James and John (Mark 
 iii. 17). See Luke ix. 54; Mark ix. 38; 
 comp. Matt. xx. 20, &c. 
 
 Boar. [SWINE.] 
 
 Bo'az. 1. A wealthy Bethlehemite, 
 kinsman to Elimelech, the husband of 
 Naomi. He married Ruth, and redeemed 
 the estates of her deceased husband Mah- 
 lon (iv. 1, ff.). Boaz is mentioned in the 
 genealogy of Christ (Matt. i. 5), but there 
 is great difficulty in assigning his date. 2. 
 BOAZ, the name of one of Solomon's 
 brazen pillars erected in the temple porch. 
 [JACHIN.] It stood on the left, and was 18 
 cubits high (1 K. vii. 15, 21 ; 2 Chr. iii. 15 ; 
 Jer. Hi. 21). 
 
 lioch.'eru, son of Azel, according to the 
 present Heb. text of 1 Chr. viii. 38. 
 
 Bo'chim, " the weepers," a place on 
 the * ust of Jordan above Gilgal (Judg. ii. 
 1,5). 
 
 Bo ban, a Reubenite, after whom a 
 
 stone was named. Its position was on the 
 border of the territories of Benjamin and 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 6, xviii. 17). 
 
 Boil. [MEDICINE.] 
 
 Bondage. [SLAVERY.] 
 
 Book. [WRITING.] 
 
 Booths. [SOCCOTH ; TABERNACLES, 
 FEAST OF.] 
 
 Booty consisted of captives of both 
 sexes, cattle, and whatever a captured city 
 might contain, especially metallic treas- 
 ures. Within the limits of Canaan no 
 captives were to be made (Deut. xx. 14 
 and 16) ; beyond these limits, in case of 
 warlike resistance, all the women and chil- 
 dren were to be made captives, and the men 
 put to death. The law of booty is given 
 in Num. xxxi. 26-47. As regarded tho 
 army David added a regulation that the 
 baggage guard should share equally with 
 the troops engaged (1 Sam. xxx. 24, 25). 
 
 Bo'oz, Matt. i. 5 ; Luke iii. 32. [BOAZ.] 
 
 Bos'cath, 2 K. xxii. 1. [BOZKATH.] 
 
 Bo'sor. The Aramaic mode of pro- 
 nouncing the name of BEOR, the father of 
 Balaam (2 Pet. ii. 15). 
 
 Bottle. 1. The skin bottle; 2. The 
 bottle of earthen or glass ware, both of 
 them capable of being closed from the air. 
 1. The Arabs keep their water, milk, and 
 other liquors, in leathern bottles. These 
 are made of goatskins. When the animal 
 is killed they cut off its feet and its head, 
 and they draw it in this manner out of the 
 skin, without opening its belly. The great 
 leathern bottles are made of the skin of 
 a he-goat, and the small ones, that serve 
 instead of a bottle of water on the road, 
 are made of a kid's skin. The effect of ex- 
 ternal heat upon a skin bottle is indicated 
 in Ps. cxix. 83, "a bottle in the smoke," 
 and of expansion produced by fermenta- 
 tion in Matt. ix. 17, "new wine in old bot- 
 tles." 2. Vessels of metal, earthen or 
 glass ware for liquids were in use among 
 the Greeks, Egyptians, Etruscans, and 
 Assyrians, and also no doubt among the 
 Jews, especially in later times. Thus Jer. 
 xix. 1, " a potter's earthen bottle." The 
 Jews probably borrowed their manufac- 
 tures in this particular from Egypt. 
 
 Box-tree. The Heb. teasshur occurs 
 in Is. xli. 19, Ix. 13. The Talmudical and 
 Jewish writers generally are of opinion 
 that the box-tree is intended. Box-wood 
 writing tablets are alluded to in 2 Esdr. xiv. 
 24. 
 
 Bo'zez, one of the two sharp rocks ft 
 tween the passages by wliich Jonathan 
 entered the Philistine garrison. It seems 
 to have been that on the north (1 Sam. xiv. 
 4, 5). 
 
 Boz'kath, a city of Judah in the low- 
 lands (Josh. xv. 39). It is mentioned once 
 again (2 K. xxii. 1, A. V. " Boscath ") as 
 the native place of the mother of king Josiah.
 
 BOZRAH 
 
 92 
 
 BRICK 
 
 Boz'rah. 1. In Edom the city of 
 Jobab the son of Zerah, one of the early 
 kings of that nation (Gen. xxxvi. 33.; 1 
 Chr. i. 44). This is doubtless the place 
 mentioned in later times by Isaiah (xxxiv. 
 6, Ixiii. 1) in connection with Edom, and 
 by Jeremiah (xlix. 13, 22), Amos (i. 12), 
 and Micah (ii. 12). There is no reason to 
 doubt that its modern representative is el- 
 Busaireh, which lies on the mountain dis- 
 trict to the S. E. of the Dead Sea. 2. In 
 his catalogue of the cities of the land of 
 Moab, Jeremiah (xMii. 24) mentions a 
 Bozrah as in " the plain country " (ver. 21, 
 t. e. the high level downs on the east of the 
 Dead Sea). 
 
 Bracelet. [See ARMLET.] Bracelets 
 of tine twisted Venetian gold are still com- 
 mon in Egypt. In Gen. xxxviii. 18, 25, 
 the- word rendered "bracelet" means 
 probably "a string by which a seal-ring 
 was suspended." Men as well as women 
 wore bracelets, as we see from Cant. v. 14. 
 Layard says of the Assyrian kings : " The 
 arms were encircled by armlets, and the 
 wrists by bracelet! " 
 
 Bramble [THORNS.] 
 
 Brass The word nechdsheth is im- 
 properly translated by " brass." In most 
 places of the O. T. the correct translation 
 would be copper, although it may some- 
 times possiMy mean bronze, a compound 
 of copper and tin. Indeed a simple metal 
 was obviously intended, as we see from 
 Deut. viii. 9, xxxii. 25, and Job xxviii. 2. 
 Copper was known at a very early period 
 (Gen. iv. 22). The word xalxoHipuvov in 
 Rev. i. 15, ii. 18 (A. V. "fine brass"), has 
 excited much difference of opinion. Some 
 suppose it to have been orichalcum, which 
 was so rare as to be more valuable than 
 gold. 
 
 Brazen-serpent. [SERPENT.] 
 
 Bread. The preparation of bread as 
 an article of food dates from a very early 
 period : the earliest undoubted instance of 
 its use is found in Gen. xviii. 6. The corn 
 or grain employed was of various sorts : 
 the best bread was made of wheat, which 
 after being ground produced the " flour " 
 or " meal" (Judg. vi. 19; 1 Sam. i. 24; 1 
 K. iv. 22, xvii. 12, 14), and when sifted the 
 " fine flour " (Ex. xxix. 2 ; Gen. xviii. 6) 
 usually employed in the sacred offerings 
 (Ex. xxix. 40 ; Lev. ii. 1 ; Ez. xlvi. 14), 
 and in the meals of the wealthy (IK. iv. 
 22; 2 K. vii. 1; Ez. xvi. 13, 19; Rev. 
 xviii. 13). " Barley " was used only by the 
 very poor (John vi. 9, 13), or in times of 
 scarcity (Ruth iii. 15, compared with i. 1; 
 2 K. iv. 38, 42 ; Rev. vi. 6). " Spelt" was 
 also used both in Egypt (Ex. ix. 32) and Pal- 
 estine (Is. xxviii. 25 ; Ez. iv. 9 ; 1 K. xix. 
 6). The bread taken by persons on a 
 journey (Gen. xlv. 23; Josh. ix. 12) was 
 probably a kind of biscuit. The process 
 
 of making bread was as follows : the 
 flour was first mixed with water, or per- 
 haps milk; it was then kneaded with the 
 hands (in Egypt with the feet also) in a 
 small wooden bowl or " kneading-trough" 
 until it became dough (Ex. xii. 34, 39 ; 2 
 Sam. xiii. 3; Jer. vii. 18; Hos. vii. 4^ 
 
 Egyptians kneading dough with their hands. 
 (Wilkinson, from a painting in the tomb of Rumesei IIL 
 at Thebes.) 
 
 When the kneading was completed, leaven 
 was generally added [LEAVEN] ; but when 
 the time for preparation was short, it was 
 omitted, and unleavened cakes, hastily 
 baked, were eaten, as is still the prevalent 
 custom among the Bedouins (Gen. xviii. (j, 
 xix. 3 ; Ex. xii. 39 ; Judg. vi. 19 ; 1 Sam. 
 xxviii. 24). The leavened mass was allowed 
 to stand for some time (Matt. xiii. 33; 
 Luke xiii. 21). The dough was then di- 
 vided into round cakes (Ex. xxix. 23; 
 Judg. vii. 13, viii. 5 ; 1 Sam. x. 3 ; Prov. 
 vi. 26), not unlike flat stones in shape and 
 appearance (Matt. vii. 9 ; comp. iv. 3), 
 about a span in diameter and a finger's 
 breadth in thickness. In the towns where 
 professional bakers resided, there were no 
 doubt fixed ovens, in shape and size resem- 
 bling those in use among ourselves : but 
 more usually each household possessed a 
 portable oven, consisting of a stone or 
 metal jar, about three feet high, which was 
 heated inwardly with wood (1 K. xvii. 12; 
 Is. xliv. 15; Jer. vii. 18) or dried grass 
 and flower-stalks (Matt. vi. 30). 
 Breastplate. [ARMS.] 
 Brethren of Jesus. [JAMES. J 
 Brick. Herodotus (i. 179), describing 
 the mode of building the walls of Babylon, 
 says that the clay dug out of the ditch was 
 made into bricks as soon as it was carried 
 up, and burnt in kilns. The bricks were 
 cemented with hot bitumen, and at every 
 thirtieth row crates of reeds were stuffed 
 in (comp. Gen. xi. 3). The Babylonian 
 bricks were more commonly burnt in kilns 
 than those used at Nineveh, which are 
 chiefly sun-dried like the Egyptian. They 
 are usually from 12 to 13 in. square, and 
 3i in. thick. They thus possess more of 
 the character of tiles (Ez. iv. 1). The Is- 
 raelites, in common with othor captives,
 
 BEIDE, BRIDEGROOM 
 
 93 
 
 BURIAL 
 
 were employed by the Egyptian monarchs 
 in making bricks and in building (Ex. i. 14, 
 T. 7). Egyptian bricks were not gener- 
 ally dried in kilns, but in the sun. When 
 made of the Nile mud, they required 
 straw to prevent cracking; and crude 
 brick walls had frequently the additional 
 security of a layer of reeds and sticks, 
 placed at intervals to act as binders. A 
 brick pyramid is mentioned by Herodotus 
 (ii. 13U) as the work of King Asychis. 
 The Jews learned the art of brick-making 
 in Egypt, and we find the use of the brick- 
 kiln in David's time (2 Sam. xii. 31), and 
 a complaint made by Isaiah that the people 
 built altars of brick instead of unhewn 
 stone as the law directed (Is. Ixr. 3 ; Ex. 
 xx. 25). [See STRAW.] 
 
 Bride, Bridegroom. [MARRIAGE.] 
 
 Bridge. The only mention of a bridge 
 in the Canonical Scriptures is indirectly in 
 the proper name Geshur, a district in 
 Bashan, N. E. of the sea of Galilee. At 
 this place a bridge still exists, called the 
 bridge of the sons of Jacob. Judas Mac- 
 cabaeus is said to have intended to make a 
 bridge in order to besiege the town of Cas- 
 phor or Caspis, situate near a lake (2 Mace, 
 xii. 13). The Romans were the first con- 
 structors of arched bridges. The bridge 
 connecting the Temple with the upper city, 
 of which Josephus speaks, seems to have 
 been an arched viaduct. 
 
 Brigandine, Jer. xlvi. 4; elsewhere 
 " habergeon," or " coat of mail." 
 
 Brimstone. The Hebrew word is con- 
 nected with gdpher, " gopher-wood," A. V. 
 Gen. vi. 14, and probably signified in the 
 first instance the gum or resin that exuded 
 from that tree ; hence it was transferred to 
 all inflammable substances, and especially 
 to sulphur, which is found in considerable 
 quantities on the shores of the Dead Sea 
 (Gen. xix. 24). 
 
 Brother. The Hebrew word is used 
 in various senses in the O. T., as, 1. Any 
 kinsman, and not a mere brother; e. g. 
 nephew (Gen. xiv. 1C, xiii. 8), husband 
 (Cant. iv. 9). 2. One of the same tribe (2 
 Sam. xix. 13). 3. Of the same people (Ex. 
 ii. 14), or even of a cognate people (Num. 
 xx. 14). 4. An ally (Am. i. 9). 5. Any 
 friend (Job v. 15). 6. One of the same 
 office (IK. ix. 13). 7. A fellow-man (Lev. 
 xix. 17). 8. Metaphorically of any similari- 
 ty, as in Job xxx. 19. The word adf/.<j>u? has 
 a similar range of meanings in the N. T. 
 
 Buk'ki. 1. Son of Abishua and father 
 of Uzzi, fifth from Aaron in the line of the 
 nigh-priests in 1 Chr. v. 31, vi. 36 (vi. 5, 
 51, A. V.), and in the genealogy of Ezra, 
 Ezr. vii. 4. 2. Son of Jogli, prince of the 
 tribe of Dan, one of the ten men chosen to 
 apportion the land of Canaan between the 
 tribes (Num. xxxiv. 22). 
 
 Bukki'ah, a Kohathite Levite, of the 
 
 sons of Heman, one of the musicians ia 
 the Temple (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 13). 
 
 Bui. [MONTHS.] 
 
 Bull, Bullock, terms used synony- 
 mously with ox, oxen, in the A. V., as the 
 representatives of several Hebrew words. 
 B&kar, the most common, is properly a 
 generic name for horned cattle when of 
 full age and fit for the plough. Accord- 
 ingly it is variously rendered bullock 
 (Is. Ixv. 25), cow (Ez. iv. 15), oxen (Gen. 
 xii. 16). In Is. Ii. 20, the "wild bull" 
 ("wild ox" in Deut. xiv. 5) was possibly 
 one of the larger species of antelope, and 
 took its name from its swiftness. D. 
 Robinson mentions large herds of black 
 and almost hairless buffaloes as still exist- 
 ing in Palestine, and these may be the ani 
 mal indicated. 
 
 Bu'nah, a son of Jerahmeel, of the 
 family of Pharez in Judah (1 Chr. ii. 25). 
 
 Bun'ni. 1. One of the Levites in the 
 time of Nehemiah (Neh. ix. 4) ; possibly 
 the same person is mentioned in x. 15. 
 2. Another Levite, but of earlier date than 
 the preceding (Neh. xi. 15). 
 
 Burial, Sepulchres, [TOMBS.] On 
 this subject we have to notice : 1. the place 
 of burial, its site and shape ; 2. the mode 
 of burial ; 3. the prevalent notions regard- 
 ing this duty. 1. A natural cave enlarged 
 and adapted by excavation, or an artificial 
 imitation of one, was the standard type of 
 sepulchre. This was what the structure 
 of the Jewish soil supplied or suggested. 
 Sepulchres, when the owner's means per- 
 mitted it, were commonly prepared before- 
 hand, and stood often in gardens, by road- 
 sides, or even adjoining houses. Kings and 
 prophets alone were probably buried within 
 towns (1 K. ii. 10, xvi. 6, 28 ; 2 K. x. 35, 
 xiii. 9; 2 Chr. xvi. 14, xxviii. 27; 1 Sam. 
 xxv. 1, xxviii. 3). Sarah's tomb and 
 Rachel's seem to have been chosen merely 
 from the accident of the place of death ; 
 but the successive interments at the former 
 (Gen. xlix. 31) are a chronicle of the 
 strong family feeling among the Jews. 
 Cities soon became populous and demanded 
 cemeteries (Ez. xxxix. 15), which were 
 placed without the walls. Sepulchres were 
 marked sometimes by pillars, as that of 
 Rachel, or by pyramids, as those of the 
 Asmoneans at Modin. Such as were not 
 otherwise noticeable were scrupulously 
 "whited" (Matt, xxiii. 27) once a year, 
 after the rains before the passover, to warn 
 passers-by of defilement. 2. " The man- 
 ner of the Jews " included the use of spices, 
 where they could command the means. Thus 
 Asa lay in a " bed of spices " (2 Chr. xvi. 
 11). A portion of these were burnt in 
 honor of the deceased, and to this use was 
 probably destined part of the 100 pounds 
 weight of " myrrh and aloes " in our Lord's 
 case. In no instance, save that of Saul
 
 BURNT-OFFERING 
 
 94 
 
 CAESAUEA PHILIPPI 
 
 and his sons, were the bodies burned ; and 
 even then the bones were interred, and re- 
 exhumed for solemn entombment. It was 
 the office of the next of kin to perform 
 and preside over the whole funereal office ; 
 but a company of public buriers, originat- 
 ing in an exceptional necessity (Ez. xxxix. 
 12-14), had become, it seems, customary 
 in the times of the N. T. (Acts v. 6, 10). 
 The bier, the word for which in the O. T. 
 is the same as that rendered " bed," was 
 borne by the nearest relatives. The grave- 
 clothes were probably of the fashion worn 
 in life, but swathed and fastened with ban- 
 dages, and the head covered separately. 3. 
 The precedent of Jacob's and Joseph's re- 
 mains being returned to the land of Canaan 
 was followed, in wish at least, by every 
 pious Jew. Following a similar notion, 
 some of the Rabbins taught that only in 
 that land could those who were buried 
 obtain a share in the resurrection which 
 was to usher in Messiah's reign on earth. 
 Tombs were, in popular belief, led by the 
 same teaching, invested with traditions. 
 
 Burnt-offering. The word is applied 
 to the offering which was wholly consumed 
 by fire on the altar, and the whole of which, 
 except the refuse ashes, " ascended " in 
 the smoke to God. The burnt-offering is 
 first named in Gen. viii. 20, as offered after 
 thf Flood. Throughout the whole of the 
 B ,ok of Genesis (see xv. 9, 17, xxii. 2, 7, 
 8 13) it appears to be the only sacrifice 
 referred to; afterwards it became distin- 
 guished as one of the regular classes of 
 sacrifice under the Mosaic law. The mean- 
 ing of the whole burnt-offering was that 
 wh ; ^h is the original idea of all sacrifice, 
 the offering by the sacrificer of himself, 
 soul and body, to God, the submission of 
 his will to the will of the Lord. The cer- 
 emonies of the burnt-offering are given in 
 detail in the Book of Leviticus. There 
 were, as public burnt-offerings 1st. The 
 daily burnt-offering (Ex. xxix. 38-42; 
 Num. xviii. 3-8). 2dly. The Sabbath 
 burnt-offering (Num. xxviii. 9, 10). 3dly. 
 The offering at the new moon, at the three 
 great festivals, the great Day of Atone- 
 ment, and feast of trumpets. (See Num. 
 xxviii. 11-xxix. 39). Private burnt-offer- 
 ings were appointed at the consecration of 
 priests (Ex. xxxix. 15 ; Lev. viii. 18, ix. 12), 
 at the purification of women (Lev. xii. 6, 
 8), at the cleansing of the lepers (Lev. xiv. 
 19), and removal of other ceremonial un- 
 cleanness (xv. 15, 30), on any accidental 
 breach of the Nazaritic vow, or at its con- 
 clusion ^Num. vi. ; comp. Acts xxi. 26), 
 &c. Bat freewill burnt-offerings were 
 offered and accepted by God on any sol- 
 emn occasions (Num. vii. ; 1 K. viii. 64). 
 
 Bush.. The Hebrew word seneh occurs 
 only in those passages which refer to Jeho- 
 vah's appearance to Moses " in the flame of 
 
 fire in the bush " (Ex. iii. 2, 3, 4 ; Deut. 
 xxxiii. 16). Celsius has argued in favor of 
 the Rubus vulgaris, i. e. R. fruticosus, the 
 bramble or blackberry bush. Sprengel iden- 
 tifies the seneh with what he terms the Ru- 
 bus sanctus, and says it grows abundantly 
 near Sinai. It is quite impossible to say 
 what kind of thorn bush is intended. 
 
 Bushel. [MEASURES.] 
 
 Butter, curdled milk (Gen. xviii. 8; 
 Deut. xxxii. 14; Judg. v. 25; Job xx. 17). 
 Milk is generally offered to travellers in 
 Palestine in a curdled or sour state, " leb- 
 ben," thick, almost like butter. Hassel- 
 quist describes the method of making but- 
 ter employed by the Arab women : "they 
 made butter in a leather bag, hung on 
 three poles erected for the purpose, in the 
 form of a cone, and drawn to and fro 
 by two women." 
 
 Buz. 1. The second son of Milcah and 
 Nahor (Gen. xxii. 21). Elihu " the Buz- 
 ite " was probably a descendant of Buz. 2. 
 A name occurring in the genealogies of the 
 tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 14). 
 
 Bu'zi, father of Ezekiel the prophet 
 (Ez. i. 3). 
 
 C. 
 
 Cab. [MEASURES.] 
 
 Cab'bon, a town in the low country ot 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 40). 
 
 Ca'bul, a place named as one of the 
 landmarks on the boundary of Asher (Josh. 
 xix. 27). It may fairly be considered as 
 still existing in the modern Kabul, 8 or 9 
 miles east of Akka, and about the same 
 distance from Jefat. 
 
 Cae'sar, always in the N. T. the Roman 
 emperor, the sovereign of Judaea (John 
 xix. 12, 15 ; Acts xvii. 7). 
 
 Caesare'a (Acts viii. 40, ix. 30, x. l, 24, 
 xi. 11, xii. 19, xviii. 22, xxi. 8, 16, xxiii. 23, 
 33, xxv. 1, 4, 6, 13) was situated on the 
 coast of Palestine, on the line of the great 
 road from Tyre to Egypt, and about half 
 way between Joppa and Dora. The dis- 
 tance from Jerusalem was about 70 miles ; 
 Josephus states it in round numbers as 600 
 stadia. In Strabo's time there was on this 
 point of the coast merely a town called 
 " Strato's Tower" with a landing-place, 
 whereas, in the time of Tacitus, C'aesarea 
 is spoken of as being the head of Judaea. 
 It was in this interval that the city was 
 built by Herod the Great. It was the offi- 
 cial residence of the Herodian kings, and 
 of Festus, Felix, and the other Roman 
 procurators of Judaea. Caesarea continued 
 to be a city of some importance even in the 
 time of the Crusades, and the name still 
 lingers on the site (Kaisariyeh). 
 
 Caesare'a Philip'pi is mentioned 
 only in the two first Gospels (Matt. xvi. 13 ;
 
 CAGE 
 
 95 
 
 CALF 
 
 Mark viii. 27) and in accounts of the same 
 transactions. It was at the easternmost 
 and most important of the two recognized 
 sources of the Jordan, the other being at 
 Tel-el-Kadi. The spring rises, and the 
 city was built, on a limestone terrace in a 
 valley at the base of Mount Hermon. 
 O?area Philippi has no O. T. history, 
 tnough it has been not unreasonably identi- 
 fied with Baal-Gad. There is no difficulty 
 in identifying it with the Panium of Jose- 
 phus. Panium became part of the territory 
 of Philip tetrarch of Trachonitis, who en- 
 larged and embellished the town, and called 
 it Caesarea Philippi, partly after his own 
 name, and partly after that of the emperor. 
 It is still called Banias. 
 
 Cage. The term so rendered in Jer. v. 
 27, is more properly a trap, in which decoy 
 birds were placed (comp. Ecclus. xi. 30). 
 In Rev. xviii. 2, the Greek term means a 
 prison. 
 
 Cai'aphas, in full JOSEPH CAIAPHAS, 
 high-priest of the Jews under Tiberius 
 f Matt, xxvi. 3, 57 ; John xi. 49, xviii. 13, 
 14, 24, 28 ; Acts iv. 6). The Procurator 
 Valerius Gratus appointed him to the dig- 
 nity. He was son-in-law of Annas. [AN- 
 NAS.] 
 
 Cain. The historical facts in the life of 
 Cain, as recorded in Gen. iv., are briefly 
 these : He was the eldest son of Adam 
 and Eve ; he followed the business of agri- 
 culture ; in a fit of jealousy, roused by the 
 rejection of his own sacrifice and the accept- 
 ance of Abel's, he committed the crime of 
 murder, for which he was expelled from 
 Eden, and led the life of an exile ; he set- 
 tled in the land of Nod, and built a city 
 which he named after his son Enoch ; his 
 descendants are enumerated, together with 
 the inventions for which they were remark- 
 able. 
 
 Cain, one of the cities in the low coun- 
 try of Judah, named with Zanoah and 
 Gibeah (Josh. xv. 57). 
 
 Cai'nan. 1. Sen of Enos, aged 70 
 years when he begat Mahalaleel his son. 
 He lived 840 years afterwards, and died 
 aged 910 (Gen. v. 9-14). 2. Son of Ar- 
 phaxad, and father of Sala, according to 
 Luke iii. 35, 36, and usually called the 
 second Cainan. He is also found in the 
 present copies of the LXX., but is no- 
 where named in the Hebrew MSS. It 
 seems certain that his name was introduced 
 into the genealogies of the Greek O. T. in 
 order to bring them into harmony with the 
 genealogy of Christ in St. Luke's Gospel. 
 
 Ca'lah, one of the most ancient cities of 
 Assyria (Gen. x. 11). The site of Calah 
 is probably marked by the Nimriid ruins. 
 If this be regarded as ascertained, Calah 
 must be considered to have been at one 
 time (about B. c. 930-720) the capital of 
 the empire. 
 
 Calamus. [REED.] 
 
 Cal'col, a man of Judah, son or descend- 
 ant of Zerah (1 Chr. iL 6). Probably 
 identical with CHALCOL. 
 
 Caldron, a vessel for boiling flesh, ei- 
 ther for ceremonial or domestic use (2 Chr. 
 xxxv. 13; 1 Sam. ii. 14: Mic. iii. 3; Job 
 xli. 20). 
 
 Caleb. 1. According to 1 Chr. ii. 9, 
 18, 19, 42, 50, the son of Hezron, the son 
 of Pharez, the son of Judah, and the father 
 of Hur by Ephrath or Ephratah, and con- 
 sequently grandfather of Caleb the spy. 
 2. Son of Jephunneh, by which patronymic 
 the illustrious spy is usually designated 
 (Num. xiii. 6, and ten other places), with 
 the addition of that of " the Kenezite," or 
 " son of Kenaz," in Num. xxxii. 12; Josh, 
 xiv. 6, 14. Caleb is first mentioned in the 
 list of the rulers or princes who were sent 
 to search the land of Canaan in the second 
 year of the Exodus. He and Oshea or 
 Joshua the son of Nun were the only two 
 of the whole number who encouraged the 
 people to enter in boldly to the land, and 
 take possession of it. Forty-five years 
 afterwards, Caleb came to Joshua and 
 claimed possession of the land of the Ana- 
 kims, Kirjath-Arba, or Hebron, and the 
 neighboring hill country (Josh. xiv.). 
 This was immediately granted to him, and 
 the following chapter relates how he took 
 possession of Hebron, driving out the three 
 sons of Anak ; and how he offered Achsah 
 his daughter in marriage to whoever woiild 
 take Kirjath-Sepher, i. e. Debir; and how 
 when Othniel, his younger brother, had 
 performed the feat, he not only gave him 
 his daughter to wife, but with her the upp-^r 
 and nether springs of water which she 
 asked for. It is probable that Caleb was a 
 foreigner by birth ; a proselyte, incorporat- 
 ed into the tribe of Judah. 
 
 Calf. In Ex. xxxii. 4, we are told that 
 Aaron, constrained by the people in the ab- 
 sence of Moses, made a molten calf of the 
 
 Bronze Figure of Apis. (Wilkimon.) 
 
 golden earrings of the people, to represent 
 the Elohim which brought Israel out of 
 Egypt. Probably it was a woodon figure
 
 CALNEH 
 
 CANA 
 
 laminated with gold, a process which is 
 known to have existed in Egypt. "A 
 gilded ox covered with a pall " was an em- 
 blem of Osiris (Wilkinson, iv. 335). To 
 punish the apostasy Moses burnt the calf, 
 and then grinding it to powder scattered it 
 over the water, which he made the people 
 drink. The process which he used is diffi- 
 cult of explanation. Bochart and Rosen- 
 mGllcr think that he merely cut, ground, 
 and filed the gold to powder. It has al- 
 ways been a great dispute respecting this 
 calf and those of Jeroboam, whether, I. 
 the Jews intended them for some Egyptian 
 god, or II. for a mere cherubic symbol of 
 Jehovah. Of the various sacred cows of 
 Egypt, those of Isis, of Athor, and of the 
 three kinds of sacred bulls, Apis, Basis, 
 and Mnevis, Sir G. Wilkinson fixes on the 
 latter as the prototype of the golden calf. 
 It seems to us more likely that in this calf- 
 worship the Jews merely 
 
 "Likened their Maker to the graved or," 
 
 or m other words, adopted a well-under- 
 stood cherubic emblem. The calf at Dan 
 was carried away by Tiglath-Pileser, and 
 that of Bethel ten years after by his son 
 Shalmaneser. 
 
 Cal'neh or Cal'no appears in Gen- 
 esis (x. 10) among the cities of Nimrod. 
 Probably the site is the modern Niffer. In 
 the 8th century B. c. Calnch was taken by 
 one of the Assyrian kings, and never re- 
 covered its prosperity (Is. x. 9; Am. vi. 2). 
 
 Cal'vary, a word occurring in the A. V. 
 only in Luke xxiii. 33, and there arising 
 from the translators' having literally adopt- 
 ed the word calvaria, i. e. a bare skull, the 
 Vulgate rendering of xouvioi*, which again 
 is nothing but the Greek for GOLGOTHA. 
 The popular expression "Mount Calvary" 
 is not warranted by any statement in the ac- 
 counts of the place of our Lord's crucifixion. 
 
 Camel. It is clear from Gen. xii. 16 that 
 camels were early known to the Egyptians, 
 though no representation of this animal 
 has yet been discovered in the paintings 
 or hieroglyphics. The Ethiopians had 
 "camels in abundance" (2 Chr. xiv. 15); 
 the queen of Sheba came to Jerusalem 
 " with camels that bare spices and gold and 
 precious stones " (1 K. x. 2) ; the men of 
 Kedar and of Ilazor possessed camels (Jer. 
 xlix. 29, 32) ; David took away the camels 
 from the Geshurites and the Amalckites 
 (1 Sam. xxvii. 2, xxx. 17); forty camels' 
 burden of good things were sent to Elisha 
 by Benhadad king of Syria from Damas- 
 cus (2 K. viii. 9) ; the Ishmaelites trafficked 
 with Egypt in the precious gums of Gilead, 
 carried on the backs of camels (Gen. 
 xxxvii. 25) ; the Midianites and the Amalek- 
 ites possessed camels "as the sand by the 
 sea-side for multitude " (Judg. vii. 12) ; 
 Job had throe thousand camels before his 
 
 affliction (Job i. 3), and six thousand after- 
 wards (xlii. 12). The camel was used for 
 riding (Gen. xxiv. 64; 1 Sam. xxx. 17) ; as 
 a beast of burden generally (Gen. xxxvii. 
 25 ; 2 K. viii. 9 ; 1 K. x. 2, &c.) ; and for 
 draught purposes (Is. xxi. 7). From 1 
 Sam. xxx. 17 we learn that camels were 
 used in war. John the Baptist wore a 
 garment made of camel's hair (Matt. iii. 4 ; 
 Mark i. 6), and some Uave supposed that 
 Elijah "was clad in a dress of the same 
 stuff." Dr. Kitto says "the Arabs adorn 
 the necks of their camels with a band of 
 cloth or leather, upon which are strung 
 small shells called cowries in the form of 
 half-moons." This very aptly illustrates 
 Judg. viii. 21, 26.* The species of camel 
 which was in common use amongst the Jews 
 and the heathen nations of Palestine was 
 the Arabian or one-humped camel ( Came- 
 lus Arabicus). The dromedary is a swifter 
 animal than the baggage-camel, and is used 
 chiefly for riding purposes ; it is merely a 
 finer breed than the other : the Arabs call 
 it the Ileirie. The speed of the dromedary 
 has been greatly exaggerated, the Arabs 
 asserting that it is swifter than the horse ; 
 eight or nine miles an hour is the utmost 
 it is able to perform ; this pace, however, it 
 is able to keep up for hours together. 
 
 Ca'mon, the place in which JAIR the 
 Judge was buried (Judg. x. 5). 
 
 Camp. [ENCAMPMENTS.] 
 
 Camphire (Heb. copher). There can 
 be no doubt that " camphire " is an incor- 
 rect rendering of the Hebrew term, which 
 occurs in the sense of some aromatic sub- 
 stance only in Cant. i. 14, iv. 13. The 
 margin in both passages has " cypress." 
 The substance really denoted by copher is 
 the Lawsonia alba of botanists, the henna 
 of Arabian naturalists. The inhabitants 
 of Nubia called the henna-plant Khofreh. 
 The henna-plant grows in Egypt, Syria, 
 Arabia, and N. India. The flowers are 
 white, and glow in clusters, and are very 
 fragrant. The whole shrub is from four to 
 six feet high. The Lawsonia aZia, the 
 only known species, belongs to the natural 
 order Lythraceae. 
 
 Ca'na of Galilee, once Cana in 
 Galilee, a village or town not far from 
 Capernaum, memorable as the scene of 
 Christ's first miracle (John ii. 1, 11, iv. 46) 
 as well as of a subsequent one (iv. 46, 54), 
 and also as the native place of the Apostle 
 Nathanael (xxi. 2). The traditional site is 
 at Kefr Kcnna, a small 'village about 4i 
 miles north-west ol Nazareth. The rival 
 site is a village situated farther north, 
 about 5 miles north of Sejfurieh (Scp- 
 phoris) and 9 of Nazareth, near the present 
 Jcfat, the Jotapata of the Jewish wars. 
 This village still bears the name of Kana- 
 
 * The word erroneously translated " cornels " in Kith. viii. 
 10 prubablv signiiiva " mulct " ol a tiue breed.
 
 CANAAN 
 
 97 
 
 CANON OF SCRIPTURE 
 
 el-jelH. The Gospel history will not be 
 affected whichever site may be discovered 
 to be the real one. 
 
 Ca'naan. 1. The fourth son of Ham 
 ((Jen. x. 6; 1 Chr. i. 8) ; the progenitor of 
 the Phoenicians (" Zidon"), and of the va- 
 rious nations who before the Israelite con- 
 quest peopled the sea-coast of Palestine, 
 and generall7 the whole of the country 
 westward of the Jordan (Gen. x. 13; 1 
 Chr. i. 13). 2. The name "Canaan" is 
 sometimes employed for the country itself. 
 In several passages the word is concealed 
 in the A. V. by being translated. These 
 are: Is. xxiii. 8, "traffickers," and xxiii. 
 11, " the merchant city; " Hos. xii. 7, 
 "He is a merchant;" Zeph. i. 11, "mer- 
 chant-people." 
 
 Ca'naan, The Land of, lit. "Low- 
 land," a name denoting the country west 
 of the Jordan and Dead Sea, and between 
 those waters and the Mediterranean; 
 specially opposed to the "land of Gilead," 
 that is, the high table-land on the east of 
 the Jordan. It is only in later notices, 
 such as Zeph. ii. 5, and Matt. xv. 22, that 
 we find it applied to the low maritime plains 
 of Philistia and Phoenicia (comp. Mark 
 vii. 26). 
 
 Ca'naanite, The, the designation of 
 the Apostle SIMON, otherwise known as 
 " Simon Zelotes." It occurs in Matt. x. 4 ; 
 Mark iii. 18, and is derived from a Chaldee 
 or Syriac word, by which the Jewish sect 
 or faction of "the Zealots " was designated. 
 The Greek equivalent is Zelotes (Luke vi. 
 15; Acts i. 13). 
 
 Ca'naanites,The,a wordused in two 
 senses : 1. a tribe which inhabited a partic- 
 ular locality of the land west of the Jordan 
 before the conquest ; and 2. the people who 
 inhabited generally the whole of that coun- 
 try. 1. For the tribe of " the Canaanites " 
 only the dwellers in the lowland. The 
 whole of the country west of Jordan was a 
 " lowland " as compared with the loftier and 
 more extended tracts on the east : but there 
 was a part of this western country which 
 was still more emphatically a "lowland." 
 "The Canaanite dwells by the sea, and by 
 the side of Jordan" (Num. xiii. 29). In 
 Gen. x. 18-20 the seats of the Canaanite 
 tribe are given as on the sea-shore arid in 
 the Jordan Valle}' (comp. Josh. xi. 3). 2. 
 Applied as a general name to the non-Isra- 
 elite inhabitants of the land, as we have 
 already seen was the case with " Canaan." 
 Instances of this are, Gen. xii. 6 ; Num. 
 xxi. 3 ; Judg. i. 10 ; and Gen. xiii. 12. See 
 also Gen. xxiv. 3, 37, comp. xxviii. 2, 6; 
 Ex. xiii. 11, comp. 5. Like the Phoenicians, 
 the Canaanites were probably given to 
 commerce ; and thus the name became prob- 
 ably in later times an occasional synonyme 
 for a merchant (Job xii. 6 ; Prov. xxxi. 24 ; 
 comp. Is. xxiii. 8, 11 ; Hos. xii. 7 ; Zeph. i. 11. 
 
 Canda'ce, a queen of Ethiopia (MeroS), 
 mentioned Acts viii. 27. The name was 
 not a proper name of an individual, but 
 that of a dynasty of Ethiopian queens. 
 
 Candlestick, which Moses was com- 
 manded to make for the tabernacle, is de- 
 scribed Ex. xxv. 31-37; xxxvii. 17-24. It 
 is called in Lev. xxiv. 4, "the pure," and 
 in Ecclus. xxvi. 17, " the holy candlestick." 
 With its various appurtenances it required 
 a talent of " pure gold," and it was not 
 moulded, but " of beaten work." Josephus, 
 however, says that it was of cast gold, and 
 hollow. The candlestick was placed on the 
 south side of the first apartment of the 
 tabernacle, opposite the table of shew-bread 
 (Ex. xxv. 37), and was lighted every even- 
 ing and dressed every morning (Ex. xxvii. 
 20, 21, xxx. 8; comp. 1 Sam. iii. 2). Each 
 lamp was supplied with' cotton, and half a 
 log of the purest olive-oil (about two wine- 
 glasses), which was sufficient to keep them 
 burning during a long night. When car- 
 ried about, the candlestick was covered 
 with a cloth of blue, and put with its ap- 
 pendages in badger-skin bags, which were 
 supported on a bar (Num. iv. 9). In Solo- 
 mon's Temple, instead of this candlestick, 
 there were ten golden candlesticks simi- 
 larly embossed, five on the right and five 
 on the left (IK. vii. 49; 2 Chr. iv. 7). 
 They were taken to Babylon (Jer. Iii. 19). 
 In the Temple of Zerubbabel there was 
 again a single candlestick (1 Mace. i. 23, 
 iv. 49). 
 
 Candlestick. (From Arch of TltM.) 
 
 Cane. [REED.] 
 
 Cankerworm. [Locusr.] 
 
 Can'neh (Ez. xxvii. 23), probably a 
 contraction of Calneh, which is the reading 
 of one MS. 
 
 Canon of Scripture, The, may be gen- 
 erally described as " the collection of booka 
 which form the original and authoritative
 
 CANOPY 
 
 98 
 
 CAPERNAUM 
 
 written rule of the faith and practice of the 
 Christian Church. The word Canon, in 
 classical Greek, is properly a straight rod, 
 as the rod of a shield, or that used in weav- 
 ing, or a carpenter's rule. In patristic 
 writings the word is commonly used both as 
 " a rule " in the widest sense, and especially 
 in. the phrases "the rule of the Church," 
 "the rule of faith," " the rule of truth." 
 As applied to Scripture the derivatives of 
 Canon were used long before the simple 
 word. The title " Canonical" was first 
 given to writings in the sense of " admitted 
 by the rule," and not as "forming part of 
 and giving the rule." The first direct ap- 
 plication of the term Canon to the Scrip- 
 tures seems to be in the verses of Amphilo- 
 chius (c. 380 A. D), where the word indi- 
 cates the rule by which the contents of the 
 Bible must be determined, and thus secon- 
 darily an index of the constituent books. 
 Among Latin writers it is commonly found 
 from the time of Jerome and Augustine, 
 and their usage of the word, which is wider 
 than that of Greek writers, is the source of 
 its modern acceptation. The uncanonical 
 books were described simply as " those 
 without," or "those uncanonized." The 
 Apocryphal books which were supposed to 
 occupy an intermediate position, were called 
 "books read," or " ecclesiastical," though 
 the latter title was also applied to the ca- 
 nonical Scriptures. The canonical books 
 were also called "books of the Testament," 
 and Jerome styled the whole collection by 
 the striking name of " the holy library," 
 which happily expresses the unity and va- 
 riety of the Bible. Popular belief assigned 
 to Ezra and " the great synagogue " the task 
 of collecting and promulgating the Scrip- 
 tures as part of their work in organizing 
 the Jewish Church. Doubts have been 
 thrown upon this belief, but it is in every 
 way consistent with the history of Judaism 
 and with the internal evidence of the books 
 themselves. After the Maccabaean perse- 
 cution the history of the formation of the 
 Canon is merged in the history of its con- 
 tents. The Old Testament appears from 
 that time as a whole. The complete Canon 
 of the New Testament, as commonly re- 
 ceived at present, was ratified at the third 
 COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE (A. D. 897), and 
 from that time was accepted throughout the 
 Latin Church. Respecting the books of 
 which the Canon is composed, see the arti- 
 cle BIBLE. 
 
 Canopy (Jud. x. 21, xiii. 9, xvi. 19). 
 The canopy of Holofernes is the only one 
 mentioned. It probably retained the mos- 
 quito nets or curtains in which the name 
 originated, although its description (Jud. x. 
 .21) betrays luxury and display rather than 
 uch simple usefulness. 
 
 Canticles, Song of Songs, i. e. the 
 most beautiful of songs, entitled in the A. 
 
 V. THE SONG OF SOLOMON. I. Author 
 and date. By the Hebrew title it is as- 
 cribed to Solomon ; and so in all the ver- 
 sions, and by the majority of Jewish and 
 Christian writers, ancient and modern. A 
 few of the Talmudical writers assigned it to 
 the age of Hezekiah. More recent criticism, 
 however, has called in question this deep- 
 rooted and well-accredited tradition, but on 
 the whole it seems unnecessary to depart 
 from the plain meaning of the Hebrew title. 
 Supposing the date fixed to the reign of 
 Solomon, there is great difficulty in deter- 
 mining at what period of that monarch's 
 life the poem was written. II. Form. It 
 may be called a drama, as it contains the 
 dramatic evolution of a simple love-story. 
 
 III. Meaning. The schools of interpreta- 
 tion may be divided into three : the mys~ 
 tical, or typical ; the allegorical ; and the 
 literal. 1. The mystical interpretation is 
 properly an offshoot of the allegorical, and 
 probably owes its origin to the necessity 
 which was felt of supplying a literal basis 
 for the speculation of the allegorists. This 
 basis is either the marriage of Solomon with 
 Pharaoh's daughter, or his marriage with 
 an Israelitish woman, the Shulamite. The 
 mystical interpretation makes its first ap- 
 pearance in Origen, who wrote a volumi- 
 nous commentary upon the Canticles. 2. 
 Allegorical. Notwithstanding the attempts 
 which have been made to discover the prin- 
 ciple of interpretation in the LXX. (Cant. 
 iv. 8), Jesus son of Sirach (xlvii. 14-17; 
 Wisd. viii. 2), and Josephus (c. Apion. i. 
 8), it is impossible to trace it with any 
 certainty farther back than the Talmud. 
 According to the Talmud the beloved is 
 taken to be God ; the loved one, or bride, 
 is the congregation of Israel. In the 
 Christian Church, the Talmudical interpre- 
 tation, imported by Origen, was all but 
 universally received. 3. The literal in- 
 terpretation. According to the most gen- 
 erally received interpretation of the modern 
 literalists, the Song is intended to display 
 the victory of humble and consult love 
 over the temptations of wealth and royalty. 
 
 IV. Canonicity. The book has been re- 
 jected from the Canon by some critics ; but 
 in no case has its rejection been defended 
 on external grounds. It is found in the 
 LXX., and in the translations of Aquila, 
 Symmachus, and Theodotion. It is con- 
 tained in the catalogue given in the Talmud, 
 and in the catalogue of Melito ; and in short 
 we have the same evidence for its canoni- 
 city as that which is commonly adduced for 
 the canonicity of any book of the O. T. 
 
 Caper'naum was on the western shore 
 of the Sea of Galilee (Matt. iv. 13 ; comp. 
 John vi. 24), and, if recent discoveries are 
 to be trusted, was of sufficient importance 
 to give to that Sea, in whole or in part, the 
 name of the " lake of Capernaum." It wa*
 
 CAPHAE 
 
 99 
 
 CAPTIVITIES 
 
 in the "land of Gennesaret" (Matt. xiv. 
 34, comp. John vi. 17, 21, 24). It was of 
 sufficient size to be always called a " city " 
 (Matt. ix. 1 ; Mark i. 33) ; had its own 
 synagogue, in which our Lord frequently 
 taught (John vi. 59 ; Mark i. 21 ; Luke iv. 
 33, 38) a synagogue built by the centurion 
 of the detachment of Roman soldiers which 
 appears to have been quartered in the place 
 (Luke vii. 1, comp. 8; Matt. viii. 8). But 
 besides the garrison there was also a cus- 
 toms' station, where the dues were gathered 
 both by stationary (Matt. ix. 9 ; Mark ii. 
 14; Luke v. 27) and by itinerant (Matt. 
 xvii. 24) officers. The only interest at- 
 taching to Capernaum is as the residence of 
 our Lord and his Apostles, the scene of so 
 many miracles and " gracious words." At 
 Nazareth He was " brought up," but Ca- 
 pernaum was emphatically His " own city ; " 
 it was when He returned thither that He is 
 said to have been " at home " (Mark ii. 1). 
 The spots which lay claim to its site are, 1. 
 Khan Minyeh, a mound of ruins, which 
 takes its name from an old khan hard by. 
 This mound is situated close upon the sea- 
 shore at the north-western extremity of the 
 plain (now El Ghuweir). 2. Three miles 
 north of Khan Minyeh is the other claim- 
 ant, Tell H&m, ruins of walls and founda- 
 tions covering a space of " half a mile long 
 by a quarter wide," on a point of the shore 
 projecting into the lake and backed by a 
 very gently rising ground. Khan Minyeh 
 Et-Tabighah, and Tell H&m, are all, with- 
 out doubt, ancient sites, but it is impossible 
 to say which of them represents Capernaum, 
 which Chorazin, or which Bethsaida. 
 
 Ca'phar, one of the numerous words 
 employed in the Bible to denote a village or 
 collection of dwellings smaller than a city 
 (/r). Mr. Stanley proposes to render it by 
 " hamlet." In names of places it occurs in 
 CHEPHAR-HA-AMMOKAI, CHEPHIRAH, CA- 
 PHAR-SALAMA. To us its chief interest 
 arises from its forming a part of the name 
 of CAPERNAUM, i. e. Capharnahum. 
 
 Caph'tor, Caph'torim, thrice men- 
 ti ^ned as the primitive seat of the Philis- 
 tines (Deut. ii. 23 ; Jer. xlvii. 4 ; Am. ix. 
 7), who are once called Caphtorims 
 (Deut. ii. 23), as of the same race as the 
 Mizraite people of that name (Gen. x. 14 ; 
 " Caphthorim," 1 Chr. i. 12). The position 
 of the country, since it was peopled by 
 Mizraites, must be supposed to be in Egypt 
 or near to it in Africa, for the idea of the 
 south-west of Palestine is excluded by the 
 migration of the Philistines. Mr. R. S. 
 Poole has proposed to recognize Caphtor in 
 the ancient Egyptian name of Coptos, or 
 the Coptite nome. It is probable that the 
 Philistines left Caphtor not long after the 
 first arrival of the Mizraite tribes, while 
 they had not yet attained that attachment 
 to the soil that afterwards so eminently 
 
 characterized the descendants of those 
 which formed the Egyptian nation. 
 
 Cappado'cia, Cappado'cians (Acts 
 ii. 9 ; 1 Pet. i. 1). The range of Mount 
 Taurus and the upper course of the Eu- 
 phrates may safely be mentioned, in general 
 terms, as natural boundaries of Cappadocia 
 on the south and east. Its geographical 
 limits on the west and north were variable. 
 In early times the name reached as far 
 northwards as the Euxine Sea. Cappadocia 
 is an elevated table-land intersected by 
 mountain-chains. It seems always to have 
 been deficient in wood ; but it was a good 
 grain country, and particularly famous for 
 grazing. Its Roman metropolis was Caes- 
 area. The native Cappadocians seem origi- 
 nally to have belonged to the Syrian stock. 
 
 Captain. (1.) As a purely military 
 title Captain answers to sar in the Hebrew 
 army, and " tribune " in the Roman. The 
 "captain of the guard" in Acts xxviii. 16 
 was probably the praefectus praetorio. (2.) 
 Kdtsin, occasionally rendered captain, ap- 
 plies sometimes to a military (Josh. x. 24 ; 
 Judg. xi. 6, 11; Is. xxii. 3; Dan. xi. 18), 
 sometimes to a civil command (e. g. Is. i. 
 10, iii. 6). (3.) The " captain of the tem- 
 ple " mentioned by St. Luke (xxii. 4 ; Acts 
 iv. 1, v. 24) superintended the guard of 
 priests and Levites, who kept watch by 
 night in the Temple. 
 
 Captivities of the Jews. The pres- 
 ent article is confined to the forcible de- 
 portation of the Jews from their native 
 land, and their forcible detention, under 
 the Assyrian or Babylonian kings. The 
 kingdom of Israel was invaded by three or 
 four successive kings of Assyria. Pul or 
 Sardanapalus, according to Rawlinson, im- 
 posed a tribute (B. c. 771 or 762 Rawl.) 
 upon Menahem (1 Chr. v. 26, and 2 K. xv. 
 19). Tiglath-Pileser carried away (B. c. 
 740) the trans-Jordanic tribes (1 Chr. v. 
 26) and the inhabitants of Galilee (2 K. 
 xv. 29, comp. Is. ix. 1) to Assyria. Shal- 
 maneser twice invaded (2 K. xvii. 3, 5) 
 the kingdom which remained to Hoshea, 
 took Samaria (B. c. 721) after a siege of 
 three years, and carried Israel away into 
 Assyria. Sennacherib (B. c. 713) is stated 
 to have carried into Assyria 200,000 cap- 
 tives from the Jewish cities which he took 
 (2 K. xviii. 13). Nebuchadnezzar, in the 
 first half of his reign (B. c. 606-562), re- 
 peatedly invaded Judaea, besieged Jeru- 
 salem, carried away the inhabitants to 
 Babylon, and destroyed the Temple. Two 
 distinct deportations are mentioned in 2 K. 
 xxiv. 14 (including 10,000 persons) and 
 xxv. 11. One in 2 Chr. xxxvi. 20. Three 
 in Jer. Iii. 28-30, including 4600 persons, 
 and one in Dan. i. 3. The two principal 
 deportations were, (1) that which took 
 place B. c. 598, when Jehoiachin with all 
 the nobles, soldiers, and artificers was car-
 
 CARBUNCLE - 
 
 100 
 
 CARRIAGE 
 
 Tied away ; and (2) that which followed the 
 destruction of the Temple and the capture 
 of Zedekiah B. c. 588. The 70 years of 
 captivity predicted by Jeremiah (xxv. 12) 
 are dated by Prideaux from B. c. 606. The 
 captivity of Ezekiel dates from B.C. 598, when 
 that prophet, like Mordecai the uncle of Es- 
 ther (Esth. ii. 6), accompanied Jehoiachin. 
 The captives were treated not as slaves but 
 as colonists. The Babylonian captivity was 
 brought to a close by the decree (Ezr. i. 2) 
 of Cyrus (B. c. 536), and the return of a 
 portion of the nation under Sheshbazzar or 
 Zerubbabel (B. c. 535), Ezra (B. c. 458), 
 and Nehemiah (B. c. 445). The number 
 who returned upon the decree of B. c. 536 
 was 42.360, besides servants. Those who 
 were left in Assyria (Esth. viii. 9, 11), and 
 kept up their national distinctions, were 
 known as The Dispersion (John vii. 35 ; 
 1 Pet. i. 1; James i. 1). Many attempts 
 have been made to discover the ten tribes 
 existing as a distinct community. But 
 though history bears no witness of their 
 present distinct existence, it enables us to 
 track the footsteps of the departing race in 
 four directions after the time of the Cap- 
 tivity. (1.) Some returned and mixed 
 with the Jews (Luke ii. 36 ; Phil. iii. 5, 
 &c.). (2.) Some were left in Samaria, 
 mingled with the Samaritans (Ezr. vi. 21 ; 
 John iv. 12), and became bitter enemies of 
 the Jews. (3.) Many remained in Assyria, 
 and were recognized as an integral part of 
 the Dispersion (see Acts ii. 9, xxvi. 7). 
 (4.) Most, probably, apostatized in Assyria, 
 adopted the usages and idolatry of the na- 
 tions among whom they were planted, and 
 became wholly swallowed up in them. 
 
 Carbuncle, the representative in the 
 A. V. of the Hebrew words 'ekddch and 
 bdrkath or bdreketh. 1. 'Ekd&ch (Is. liv. 
 12) may be a general term to denote any 
 bright sparkling gem, but it is impossible to 
 determine its real meaning. 2. Hdrekath, 
 bdreketh (Ex. xxviii. 17, xxxix. 10; Ez. 
 xxviii. 13), is supposed to be the smaragdus 
 or emerald. 
 
 Car'cas, the seventh of the seven 
 "chamberlains" (i.e. eunuchs) of king 
 Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). 
 
 Car'chemish occupied nearly the site 
 of the later Mabug, or Hierapolis. It 
 seems to have commanded the ordinary 
 passage of the Euphrates at Bit, or Bireh- 
 jik. Carchemish appears to have been 
 taken by Pharaoh-Necho shortly after the 
 battle of Megiddo (c. B. c. 608), and re- 
 taken by Nebuchadnezzar after a battle 
 three years later, B. c. 605 (Jer. xlvi. 2). 
 
 Care'ah, father of Johanan (2 K. 
 xxv. 23), elsewhere in the A. V. spelt KA- 
 BBAH. 
 
 Ca'ria, the southern part of the region 
 which in the N. T. is called ASIA, and the 
 Bouth-western part of the peninsula of Asia 
 
 Minor. At an earlier period we find it 
 mentioned as a separate district (1 Mace. 
 xv. 23). A little later it was incorporated 
 in the province of Asia. 
 
 Car'mel. 1. A mountain which forms 
 one of the most striking and characteristic 
 features of the country of Palestine. As 
 if to accentuate more distinctly the bay 
 which forms the one indentation in the 
 coast, this noble ridge, the only headland 
 of lower and central Palestine, forms its 
 southern boundary, running out with a bold. 
 bluff promontory all but into the very 
 waves of the Mediterranean. From this 
 point it stretches in a nearly straight line, 
 bearing about S. S. E., for a little more 
 than twelve miles, when it terminates sud- 
 denly in a bluff somewhat corresponding to 
 its western end, breaking down abruptly 
 into the hills of Jentn and Samaria, which 
 form at that part the central mass of the 
 country. Carmel thus stands as a wall be- 
 tween the maritime plain of Sharon on the 
 south, and the more inland expanse of Es- 
 draelon on the north. Its structure is in 
 the main the Jura formation (upper oolite), 
 which is prevalent in the centre of West- 
 ern Palestine a soft white limestone, with 
 nodules and veins of flint. In form Carmel 
 is a tolerably continuous ridge, at the W. 
 end about 600, and E. about 1600 feet above 
 the sea. There seem to bo grounds for 
 believing that from very early times it was 
 considered as a sacred spot. In later times 
 we know that its reputation was not con- 
 fined to Palestine. But that which has 
 made the name of Carmel most familiar to 
 the modern world is its intimate connection 
 with the history of the two great prophets 
 of Israel Elijah and Elisha. It is now 
 commonly called Mar Elyas ; Kurmel be- 
 ing occasionally, but only seldom, heard. 
 2. A town in the mountainous country of 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 55), familiar to us as the 
 residence of Nabal (1 Sam. xxv. 2, 5, 7, 
 40). 
 
 Car'mi. 1. The 4th son of Reuben the 
 progenitor of the family of THE CARMITES 
 (Gen. xlvi. 9 ; Ex. vi. 14 ; Num. xxvi. 6 ; 
 1 Chr. v. 3). 2. A man of the tribe of 
 Judah, father of Achan, the " troubler of 
 Israel " (Josh. vii. 1, 18 ; 1 Chr. ii. 7, iv. 
 1), according to the first two passages the 
 son of Zabdi or Zimri. 
 
 Car'naim, a large and fortified city in 
 "the land of Galaad." It was besieged 
 and taken by Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace, 
 v. 26, 43, 44). A comparison with 2 Mace, 
 xii. 21, 26, enables us to identify it with 
 ASHTEROTH-KARNAIM. 
 
 Carpenter. [HANDICRAFT.] 
 
 Car'pUS, a Christian at Troas (2 Tim. 
 iv. 13). According to Hippolytns, Carpua 
 was bishop of Berytus in Thrace. 
 
 Carriage. This word occurs only six 
 times in the text of the A. V., and signifies
 
 CARSHENA 
 
 101 
 
 CEDAR 
 
 what we now call " baggage." In the 
 margin of 1 Sam. xvii. 20, and xxvi. 5-7 
 and there only "carriage "is employed 
 in the sense of a wagon or cart. 
 
 Carshe'n.% one of the seven princes of 
 Persia and Alodia (Esth. i. 14). 
 
 Cart, Gen. xlv. 19, 27 ; Num. vii. 3, 7, 
 8, a vehicle drawn by cattle (2 Sam. vi. 6), 
 to be distinguished from the chariot drawn 
 
 Egyptian cart with two wheels. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 by horses. Carts and wagons were either 
 open or covered (Num. vii. 3), and were 
 used for conveyance of persons (Gen. xlv. 
 19), burdens (1 Sam. vi. 7, 8), or produce 
 (Am. ii. 13). The only cart used in West- 
 ern Asia has two wheels of solid wood. 
 But in the monuments of ancient Egypt 
 representations are found of carts with two 
 wheels, having four or six spokes, used for 
 carrying produce, and of one used for re- 
 ligious purposes having four wheels with 
 eight spokes. 
 
 Carving. The arts of carving and en- 
 graving were much in request in the con- 
 struction both of the Tabernacle and the 
 Temple (Ex. xxxi. 5, xxxv. 33-, 1 K. vi. 
 18, 35; Ps. Ixxiv. 6), as well as in the or- 
 namentation of the priestly dresses (Ex. 
 xxviii. 9-30; Zech. iii. 9; 2 Chr. ii. 6, 14). 
 
 Casipll'ia, a place of uncertain site on 
 the road between Babylon and Jerusalem 
 (Ezr. viii. 17). 
 
 Cas'luhim, a Mizraite people or tribe 
 (Gen. x. 14; 1 Chr. i. 12). The Only clew 
 we have as yet to the position of the Cas- 
 luhim is their place in the list of the sons 
 of Mizraim between the Pathrusim and the 
 Caphtorim, whence it is probable that they 
 were seated in Upper Egypt. 
 
 Cassia. The representative in the A. 
 V. of the Hebrew words kidddh and ketzt- 
 6th. 1. Kidddh occurs in Ex. xxx. 24, 
 and in Ez. xxvii. 19. The accounts of 
 cassia as given by ancient authors are con- 
 fused ; and the investigation of the subject 
 is a difficult one. It is clear that the Latin 
 writers by the term casia understood both 
 the Oriental product now under considera- 
 tion, as well as some low sweet herbaceous 
 plant ; but the Greek word is limited to the 
 Eastern product. The cassia-bark of com- 
 
 merce is yielded by various kinds of Cin- 
 namomum, which grow in different parts 
 of India. 2. Ketzitith, only in Ps. xlv. 8. 
 This word is generally supposed to be 
 another term for cassia : the old versions, 
 as well as the etymology of the Hebrew 
 word, are in favor of this interpretation. 
 
 Castle. [FORTIFICATIONS.] 
 
 Cas'tor and Pollux (Acts xxviii. ii). 
 The twin sons of Jupiter an d Leda were 
 regarded as the tutelary divinities of sail- 
 ors. They appeared in heaven as the con- 
 stellation Gemini. In art they were some- 
 times represented simply as stars hovering 
 over a ship, but more frequently as young 
 men on horseback, with conical caps and 
 stars above them. Such figures were 
 probably painted or sculptured at the bow 
 of the ship. 
 
 Cats occur only in Baruch vi. 22. The 
 Greek word, as used by Aristotle, has more 
 particular reference to the wild cat. He- 
 rodotus (ii. 66) applies it to denote the do- 
 mestic animal. The context of the passage 
 in Baruch appears to point to the domesti- 
 cated animal. Perhaps the people of Baby- 
 lon originally procured the cat from Egypt. 
 The domestic cat of the ancient Egyp- 
 tians is supposed by some to be identical 
 with the Felis maniculata. 
 
 Caterpillar. The representative in 
 the A. V. of the Hebrew words chiisil and 
 yelek. 1. Ch&sll occurs in 1 K. viii. 37 ; 
 2 Chr. vi. 28; Ps. Ixxviii. 46; Is. xxxiii. 
 4 ; Joel i. 4 ; and seems to be applied to a 
 locust, perhaps in its larva state. 2. Yelek. 
 [LOCUST.] 
 
 Cattle. [BULL.] 
 
 Cave. The chalky limestone of which 
 the rocks of Syria and Palestine chiefly 
 consist presents, as is the case in all lime- 
 stone formations, a vast number of caverns 
 and natural fissures, many of which have 
 also been artificially enlarged and adapted 
 to various purposes both of shelter and de- 
 fence. The most remarkable caves no- 
 ticed in Scripture are : 1. That in which 
 Lot dwelt after the destruction of Sodom 
 (Gen. xix. 30). 2. The cave of Mach- 
 pelah (xxiii. 17). 3. Cave of Makkedah 
 (Josh. x. 10). 4. Cave of Adullam (1 
 Sam. xxii. 1). 5. Cave of Engedi (xxiv. 
 3). 6. Obadiah's cave (1 K. xviii. 4). 7. 
 Elijah's cave in Horeb (xix. 9). 8, 0. 
 The rock sepulchres of Lazarus, and of 
 our Lord (John xi. 38; Matt, xxvii. 60). 
 
 Cedar. The Heb. word erez, invariably 
 rendered " cedar" by the A. V., stands for 
 that tree in most of the passages where the 
 word occurs. The erez, or " firmly rooted 
 and strong tree," from an Arabic root whicl: 
 has this signification, is particularly the 
 name of the cedar of Lebanon (Gear us 
 Libani); but that the word is used in a 
 wider sense to denote other trees of 1 
 Coniferae is clear from some Scriptural
 
 CEDRON 
 
 102 
 
 CHALCEDOXT 
 
 passages where it occurs. For instance, 
 the "cedar wood" mentioned in Lev. xiv. 
 6 can hardly be the wood of the Lebanon 
 cedars, seeing that the Cedrus Libani could 
 never have grown in the peninsula of Sinai. 
 There is another passage (Ez. xxvii. 5), in 
 which perhaps erez denotes some fir ; in 
 all probability the Pinus JJalepensis, which 
 grows in Lebanon, and is better fitted for 
 furnishing ship-masts than the wood of the 
 Cedrus Libani. The Cedrus Lilani, Pinus 
 JJalepensis, and Juniperus excelsa, were 
 probably all included under the term erez ; 
 though there can be no doubt that by this 
 name is more especially denoted the cedar 
 of Lebanon, as being the firmest and 
 grandest of the conifers. As far as is at 
 present known, the cedar of Lebanon is 
 confined in Syria to one valley of the 
 Lebanon range, viz., that of the Kedisha 
 river, which flows from near the highest 
 point of the range westward to the Medi- 
 terranean, and enters the sea at the port 
 of Tripoli. The grove is at the very upper 
 part of the valley, about 15 miles from the 
 sea, 6500 feet above that level, and its 
 position is moreover above that of all other 
 arboreous vegetation. 
 
 Ce'dron. In this form is given in the 
 N. T. the name of the brook Kidron in the 
 ravine below the eastern wall of Jerusalem 
 (John xviii. 1, only). Beyond it was the 
 garden of Gethsemane. [KIDKON.] 
 
 Ceiling. The descriptions of Scripture 
 (1 K. vi. 9, 15, vii. 3; 2 Chr. iii. 5, 9; Jer. 
 xxii. 14 ; Hag. i. 4), and of Josephus, show 
 that the ceilings of the Temple and the 
 palaces of the Jewish kings were formed 
 of cedar planks applied to the beams or 
 joints crossing from wall to wall, probably 
 with sunk panels, edged and ornamented 
 with gold, and carved with incised or 
 other patterns, sometimes painted (Jer. 
 xxii. 14). 
 
 Celosyria. [COELESYRIA.] 
 
 Cen'chrea (accurately Cenchreae), 
 the eastern harbor of Corinth (i. e. its har- 
 bor on the Saronic Gulf) and the empori- 
 um of its trade with the Asiatic shores of 
 the Mediterranean, as Lechaeum on the 
 Corinthian Gulf connected it with Italy 
 and the west. St. Paul sailed from Cen- 
 chreae (Acts xviii. 18) on his return to 
 Syria from his second missionary journey ; 
 and when he wrote his Epistle to the Ro- 
 mans in the course of the third journey, 
 an organized church seems to have been 
 formed here (Rom. xvi. 1). 
 
 Censer. A small portable vessel of 
 metal fitted to receive burning coals from 
 the altar, and on which the incense for 
 burning was sprinkled (2 Chr. xxvi. 18 ; 
 Luke i. 9). The only distinct precepts re- 
 garding the use of the censer are found in 
 Num. iv. 14, and in Lev. xvi. 12. Solo- 
 mon prepared "censers of pure gold "as 
 
 part of the same furniture (1 K. vii. 50; 2 
 Chr. iv. 22). Possibly their general use 
 may have been to take up coals from the 
 brazen altar, and convey the incense while 
 burning to the " golden altar," or " altar 
 of incense," on which it was to be offered 
 morning and evening (Ex. xxx. 7, 8). So 
 Uzziah, when he was intending " to burn 
 incense upon the altar of incense," took " a 
 censer in his hand" (2 Chr. xxvi. 10, 19). 
 The word rendered "censer" in Hebr. ix. 
 4 probably means the " altar of incense." 
 
 Census. [TAXING.] 
 
 Centurion. [ARMT.] 
 
 Cephas. [PETER.] 
 
 Chaff. The Heb. words rendered chaff 
 in A. V. do not seem to have precisely the 
 same meaning : chashash = dry grass, hay ; 
 and occurs twice only in O. T., viz., Is. v. 
 24, xxxiii. 11. M6ts is chaff separated by 
 winnowing from the grain the husk of 
 the wheat. The carrying away of chaff by 
 the wind is an ordinary Scriptural image 
 of the destruction of the wicked, and of 
 their powerlessness to resist God's judg- 
 ments (Ps. i. 4; Is. xviii. 13; Hos. xiii. 3; 
 2eph. ii. 2). 
 
 Chain. Chains were. used, 1. as badges 
 of office; 2. for ornament; 3. for confin- 
 ing prisoners. 1. The gold chain placed 
 about Joseph's neck (Gen. xli. 42), and 
 that promised to Daniel (Dan. v. 7), are 
 instances of the first use. In Ez. xvi. 11, 
 the chain is mentioned as the symbol of 
 sovereignty. 2. Chains for ornamental 
 purposes were worn by nfen as well as 
 women in many countries both of Europe 
 and Asia, and probably this was the case 
 among the Hebrews (Prov. i. 9). The 
 necklace consisted of pearls, corals, &c., 
 threaded on a string. Besides the neck- 
 lace, other chains were worn (Jud. x. 4), 
 hanging down as far as the waist, or even 
 lower. Some were adorned with pieces of 
 metal, shaped in the form of the moon 
 (" round tires like the moon," A. V. ; Is. 
 iii. 18). The Midianites adorned the necks 
 of their camels with it (Judg. viii. 21, 26). 
 To other chains were suspended various 
 trinkets as scent-bottles (Is. iii. 20) and 
 mirrors (Is. iii. 23). Step-chains were at- 
 tached to the ankle-rings, which shortened 
 the step and produced a mincing gait (Is. 
 iii. 16, 18). 3. The means adopted for con- 
 fining prisoners among the Jews were fetters 
 similar to our handcuffs (Judg. xvi. 21 ; 2 
 Sam. iii. 34; 2 K. xxv. 7; Jer. xxxix. 7). 
 Among the Romans, the prisoner was hand- 
 cuffed to one, and occasionally to two guards 
 (Acts xii. 6, 7, xxi. 33). 
 
 Chalcedony, only in Rev. xxi. 19. 
 The name is applied in modern mineralogy 
 to one of the varieties of agate. There 
 can, however, be little doubt that the stone 
 to which Theophrastus refers, as being 
 found in the island opposite Chalcedon
 
 CHALCOL 
 
 103 
 
 CHALDEANb 
 
 and used as a solder, must have been the 
 green transparent carbonate of copper, or 
 our copper emerald. 
 
 Chal'col, 1 K. iv. 31. [CALCOL.] 
 Chalde'a, more correctly Chaldaea, 
 properly only the most southern portion of 
 Babylonia, is used in Scripture to signify 
 that vast alluvial plain which has been 
 formed by the deposits of the Euphrates 
 and the Tigris at least so far as it lies to 
 the west of the latter stream. This extraor- 
 dinary flat, unbroken except by the works 
 of man, extends a distance of 400 miles 
 along the course of the rivers, and is on an 
 average about 100 miles in width. The 
 general aspect of the country is thus de- 
 scribed by a modern traveller, who well 
 contrasts its condition now with the ap- 
 pearance which it must have presented in 
 ancient times : " In former days," he says, 
 " the vast plains of Babylon were nourished 
 by a complicated system of canals and 
 watercourses, which spread over the sur- 
 face of the country like a network. The 
 wants of a teeming population were sup- 
 plied by a rich soil, not less bountiful than 
 that on the banks of the Egyptian Nik. 
 Like islands rising from a golden sea of 
 waving corn, stood frequent groves of 
 palm-trees and pleasant gardens, affording 
 to the idler or traveller their grateful and 
 highly-valued shade. Crowds of passen- 
 gers hurried along the dusty roads to and 
 from the busy city. The land was rich in 
 corn and wine. How changed is the as- 
 pect of that region at the present day ! 
 Long lines of mounds, it is true, mark the 
 courses of those main arteries which for- 
 merly diffused life and vegetation along their 
 banks, but their channels are now bereft 
 of moisture and choked with drifted sand ; 
 the smaller offshoots are wholly effaced. 
 ' A drought is upon her waters,' says the 
 prophet, ' and they shall be dried up ! ' All 
 that remains of that ancient civilization 
 that ' glory of kingdoms,' ' the praise of 
 the whole earth ' is recognizable in the 
 numerous mouldering heaps of brick and 
 rubbish which overspread the surface of 
 the plain. Instead of the luxurious fields, 
 the groves and gardens, nothing now meets 
 the eye but an arid waste the dense popu^ 
 lation of former times is vanished, and no 
 man dwells there." (Loftus's Chaldaea, 
 pp. 14, 15.) The true Chaldaea is always 
 in the geographers a distinct region, being 
 the most southern portion of Babylonia, 
 lying chiefly (if not solely) on the right 
 bank of the Euphrates. Babylonia above 
 this is separated into two districts, called 
 respectively Amordacia and Auranitis. 
 The former is the name of the central ter- 
 ritory round Babylon itself;, the latter is 
 applied to the regions towards the north, 
 where Babylonia borders on Assyria. 
 Cities. Babylonia was celebrated at all 
 
 times for the number and antiquity of its 
 cities. The most important of those which 
 have been identified are Borsippa (Birs- 
 Nimrud), Sippara or Sepharvaim (Mo- 
 saib), Cutha (Ibrahim), Calneh (Niffer), 
 Erech (Warka), Ur (Mugheir), Chilmad 
 (Kalwadha^, Larancha (Senkereh'), Is 
 (Zfi), Duraba (Akkerkuf) ; but besides 
 these there were a multitude of others, the 
 sites of which have not been determined. 
 The extraordinary fertility of the Chaldaean 
 soil has been noticed by various writers. 
 It is said to be the only country in the 
 world where wheat grows wild. Herod- 
 otus declared (i. 193) that grain com- 
 monly returned 200-fold to the sower, and 
 occasionally 300-fold. The palm was un- 
 doubtedly one of the principal objects of 
 cultivation. The soil is rich, but there is 
 now little cultivation, the inhabitants sub- 
 sisting chiefly upon dates. More than half 
 the country is left dry and waste from the 
 want of a proper system of irrigation; 
 while the remaining half is to a great ex- 
 tent covered with marshes, owing to the 
 same neglect. 
 
 Chalde'ans, or Char dees, appear in 
 Scripture, until the time of the Captivity, 
 as the people of the country which has 
 Babylon for its capital, and which is itself 
 termed Shinar ; but in the Book of Daniel, 
 while this meaning is still found (v. 30, and 
 ix. 1), a new sense shows itself. The 
 Chaldeans are classed with the magicians 
 and astronomers; and evidently form a 
 sort of priest class, who have a peculiar 
 "tongue" and "learning" (i. 4), and are 
 consulted by the king on religious sub- 
 jects. The same variety appears in profane 
 writers. It appears that the Chaldeans 
 (Kaldai or Kaldi) were in the earliest 
 times merely one out of the many Cushite 
 tribes inhabiting the great alluvial plain 
 known afterwards as Chaldaea or Babylo- 
 nia. Their special seat was probably that 
 southern portion of the country which is 
 found to have so late retained the name of 
 Chaldaea. Here was Ur "of the Chal- 
 dees," the modern Mugheir, which lies 
 south of the Euphrates, near its junction 
 with the Shat-el-JIie. In process of time, 
 as the Kaldi grew in power, their name 
 gradually prevailed over those of the other 
 tribes inhabiting the country ; and by the 
 era of the Jewish captivity it had begun to 
 be used generally for all the inhabitants of 
 Babylonia. It had come by this time to 
 have two senses, both ethnic : in the one it 
 was the special appellative of a particular 
 race to whom it had belonged from the re- 
 motest times, in the other it designated the 
 nation at large in which this race was pre- 
 dominant. It has been observed above 
 that the Kaldi proper were a Cushite race. 
 This is proved by the remains of their lan- 
 guage, which closely resembles the Gall*
 
 CHALDEES 
 
 104 
 
 CHARIOT 
 
 or ancient language of Ethiopia. Now it 
 appears by the inscriptions that while, both 
 in Assyria and in later Babylonia, the 
 Shemitic type of speech prevailed for civil 
 purposes, the ancient Cushite dialect was 
 retained, as a learned language for scien- 
 tific and religious literature. This is no 
 doubt the " learning " and the " tongue " to 
 which reference is made in the Book of 
 Daniel (i. 4). The Chaldeans were really 
 the learned class ; they were priests, magi- 
 cians, or astronomers, and in the last of the 
 three capacities they probably effected dis- 
 coveries of great importance. In later 
 times they seem to have degenerated into 
 mere fortune-tellers. 
 
 Costumes of the Chaldeans. (Rawlineon. From Ancient 
 Monument*.) 
 
 Cfhaldees. [CHALDEANS.] 
 
 Chalk Stones. [LIME.] 
 
 Chamberlain. Erastus, "the chamber- 
 lain " of the city of Corinth, was one of 
 those whose salutations to the Roman Chris- 
 tians are given at the end of the Ep. ad- 
 dressed to them (Rom. xvi. 23). The 
 office which he held was apparently that of 
 public treasurer, or arcarius, as the Vul- 
 gate renders his title. These arcarii were 
 inferior magistrates, who had the charge 
 of the public chest (area publica} , and were 
 under the authority of the senate. They 
 kept the accounts of the public revenues. 
 The office held by Blastus, "the king's 
 chamberlain," was entirely different from 
 this (Acts xii. 20). It was a post of hon- 
 or which involved great intimacy and in- 
 fluence with the king. The margin of our 
 version gives "that was over'the king's 
 bedchamber." For CHAMBERLAIN as used 
 in the O. T., see EUNUCH. 
 
 Chameleon, the translation of the He- 
 brew c6(tch, which occurs in the sense of 
 some kind of unclean animal in Lev. xi. 30. 
 Others suppose it to be the lizard, known 
 by the name of the " Monitor of the Nile " 
 (Monitor Nilolicus, Grey), a large strong 
 reptile common in Egypt and other parts 
 of Africa. 
 
 Chamois, the translation of the Hebieir 
 zemer in Deut. xiv. 5. But the translation 
 is incorrect ; for there is no evidence that 
 the chamois has ever been seen in Pales- 
 tine or the Lebanon. It is probable that 
 some mountain sheep is intended. 
 
 Cha'naan, the manner in which the 
 word CANAAN is spelt in the A. V. of the 
 Apocrypha and N. T. (Jud. v. 3, 9, 10 ; Bar. 
 iii. 22 ; Sus. 56 ; 1 Mace. ix. 37 ; Acts vii. 
 11, xiii. 19). 
 
 Chapiter, the capital of a pillar ; also 
 possibly a roll moulding at the top of a 
 building or work of art, as in the case (1) 
 of the pillars of the Tabernacle and Tem- 
 ple, and of the two pillars called especially 
 Jachin and Boaz ; and (2) of the lavers be- 
 longing to the Temple (Ex. xxxviii. 17 ; 1 
 K. vii. 27, 31, 38). 
 
 Char'ashim, The Valley of (" ra- 
 vine of craftsmen"), a place mentioned 
 twice : 1 Chr. iv. 14, as having been 
 founded or settled by Joab, a man of the 
 tribe of Judah and family of Othniel ; and 
 Neh. xi. 35,as being reinhabited by Bcnja- 
 mites after the Captivity. In this passage it 
 is rendered "valley of craftsmen." 
 
 Char'chemish, 2 Chr. xxxv. 20. [CAB- 
 
 CHEMISH.] 
 
 Charger, a shallow vessel for receiving 
 water or blood, also for presenting offer- 
 ings of fine flour with oil (Num. vii. 79). 
 The daughter of Ilerpdias brought the head 
 of St. John the Baptist in a charger (Matt, 
 xiv. 8) : probably a trencher or platter. 
 [BASIN.] 
 
 Chariot, a vehicle used either for war- 
 like or peaceful purposes, but most com- 
 monly the former. Of the latter use the 
 following only are probable instances as 
 regards the Jews, 1 K. x\iii. 44, and as re- 
 gards other nations, Gen. xli. 43, xlvi. 29; 
 2 K. v. 9 ; Acts viii. 28. The earliest men- 
 tion of chariots in Scripture is in Egypt, 
 where Joseph, as a mark of distinction, was 
 placed in Pharaoh's second chariot (Gen. 
 xli. 43), and later when he went in his own 
 chariot to meet his father on his entrance 
 into Egypt from Canaan (xlvi. 29). In the 
 funeral procession of Jacob chariots also 
 formed a part, possibly by way of escort or 
 as a guard of honor (1. 9). The next 
 mention of Egyptian chariots is for a war- 
 like purpose (Ex. xiv. 7). In this point 
 of view chariots among some nations of 
 antiquity, as elephants among others, may 
 be regarded as filling the place of heavy 
 artillery in modern times, so that the mili- 
 tary power of a nation might be estimated 
 by the number of its chariots. Thus Pha- 
 raoh in pursuing Israel took with him 600 
 chariots. The Canaanites of the valleys 
 of Palestine were enabled to resist the Is- 
 raelites successfully in consequence of the 
 number of their chariots of iron, t. e. per- 
 haps armed with iron scythes (Josh. xvii.
 
 CHARRAN 
 
 105 
 
 CHEMARIMS 
 
 18; Judg. i. 19). Jabin, king of Canaan, 
 had 900 chariots (Judg. iv. 3). The Phi- 
 listines in Saul's time had 30,000 (1 Sam. 
 xiii. 5). David took from Hadadezer, king 
 of Zobah, 1000 chariots (2 Sam. viii. 4), 
 and from the Syrians a little later 700 (x. 
 18), who, in order to recover their ground, 
 collected 32,000 chariots (1 Chr. xix. 7). 
 Up to this time the Israelites possessed few- 
 er nc chariots, partly no doubt in conse- 
 quence of the theocratic prohibition against 
 multiplying horses, for fear of intercourse 
 with Egypt, and the regal despotism implied 
 in the possession of them (Deut. xvii. 16 ; 
 1 Sam. viii. 11, 12). But to some extent 
 David (2 Sam. viii. 4), and in a much 
 greater degree Solomon, broke through the 
 prohibition. He raised, therefore, and 
 maintained a force of 1400 chariots (1 K. 
 x. 25) by taxation on certain cities agree- 
 ably to Eastern custom in such matters (1 
 K. ix. 19, x. 25). From this time chariots 
 were regarded as among the most important 
 arms of war, thougli the supplies of them and 
 of horses appear to have been mainly drawn 
 from Egypt (1 K. xxii. 34 ; 2 K. ix. 16, 21, 
 xiii. 7, 14, xviii. 24, xxiii. 30; Is. xxxi. 1). 
 Most commonly two persons, and some- 
 times three, rode in the chariot, of whom 
 the third was employed to carry the state 
 umbrella (2 K. ix. 20, 24; 1 K. xxii. 34; 
 Acts viii. 38). A second chariot usually 
 accompanied the king to battle, to be used 
 in case of necessity (2 Chr. xxv. 34). The 
 prophets allude frequently to chariots as 
 typical of power (Ps. xx. 7, civ. 3; Jer. li. 
 21; Zech. vi. 1). In the N. T., the only 
 mention made of a chariot, except in Rev. 
 ix. 9, is in the case of the Ethiopian or 
 Abyssinian eunuch of Queen Candace (Acts 
 viii. 28, 29, 38). Jewish chariots were no 
 doubt imitated from Egyptian models, if 
 not actually imported from Egypt. 
 
 Assyrian Chariot. 
 
 Char'ran, Acts vii. 2, 4. [HABAN.] 
 
 Chase. [HUNTING.} 
 
 Che'bar, a river in the " land of the 
 Chaldeans" (Ez. i. 3), on the banks of 
 which some of the Jews were located at the 
 time of the captivity, and where Ezekiel 
 saw his earlier visions (Ez. i. 1, iii. 15, 23, 
 &C-). It is commonly regarded as identi- 
 
 cal with the Habor, or river of Gozan, to 
 which some portion of the Israelites wore 
 removed by the Assyrians (2 K. xvii. 6). 
 But this is a mere conjecture. Perhaps 
 the Chebar of Ezekiel is the Nahr Malcha 
 or Royal Canal of Nebuchadnezzar, the 
 greatest of all the cuttings in Mesopotamia. 
 
 Che'bel, one of the singular topograph- 
 ical terms in which the ancient Hebrew 
 language abounded, and which give so 
 much force and precision to its records. 
 The ordinary meaning of the word Chelel is 
 a " rope " or " cord ; " but in its topograhpi 
 cal sense, as meaning a "tract" or "dis 
 trict," we find it always attached to the region 
 of Argob, which is invariably designated 
 by this, and by no other term (Deut. iii. 4, 
 13, 14; 1 K. iv. 13). 
 
 Chedorlao'mer, a king of Elam, in 
 the time of Abraham, who with three other 
 chiefs made war upon the kings of Sodom, 
 Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboim, and Zoar, and 
 reduced them to servitude (Gen. xiv. 17). 
 The name of a king is found upon the 
 bricks recently discovered in Chaldaea, 
 which is read Kudar-mapula. This man 
 has been supposed to be identical with 
 Chedorlaomer, and the opinion is confirmed 
 by the fact that he is further distinguished 
 by a title which may be translated " RaT- 
 ager of the west." 
 
 Cheese is mentioned only three times 
 in the Bible, and on each occasion under a 
 different name in the Hebrew (Job x. 10; 
 1 Sam. xvii. 18; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). It ia 
 difficult to decide how far these terms cor- 
 respond with our notion of cheese; for they 
 simply express various degrees of coagula- 
 tion. It may be observed that cheese is 
 not at the present day common among the 
 Bedouin Arabs, butter being decidedly pre- 
 ferred; but there is a substance, closely 
 corresponding to those mentioned in 1 
 Sam. xvii. ; 2 Sam. xvii., consisting of 
 coagulated buttermilk, which is dried until 
 it becomes quite hard, and is then ground : 
 the Arabs eat it mixed with butter. 
 
 Che'lal, Ezr. x. 30. 
 
 Chel'luh, Ezr. x. 35. 
 
 Che'lub. 1. A man among the descend- 
 ants of Judah, described as the brother of 
 Shuah and the father of Mechir. 2. Ezri 
 the son of Chelub was the overseer of 
 those who " did the work of the field for 
 tillage of the ground," one of David's 
 officers (1 Chr. xxvii. 26). 
 
 Chelu'bai, the son of Hezron, of one 
 of the chief families of Judah. The name 
 occurs in 1 Chr. ii. 9 only, and from a com- 
 parison of this passage with ii. 18 and 42, 
 it would appear to be but another form of 
 the name Caleb. 
 
 Chem'arims, The. This word only 
 occurs in the text of the A. V. in Zeph. i. 
 4. In 2 K. xxiii. 5 it is rendered " idola- 
 trous priests," and in Hos. x. 6 " priests, 1 *
 
 CHEMOSH- 
 
 106 
 
 CHERUB 
 
 and in both cases " chemarim " is given in 
 the margin. So far as regards the Hebrew 
 usage of the word it is exclusively applied 
 to the priests of the false worship, and was 
 in all probability a term of foreign origin. 
 
 Che'mosh, the national deity of the 
 Mosabites (Num. xxi. 29 ; Jer. xlviii. 7, 13, 
 46). In Judg. xi. 24, he also appears as 
 the god of the Ammonites. Solomon in- 
 troduced, and Josiah abolished, the wor- 
 ship of Chcmosh at Jerusalem (1 K. xi. 7 ; 
 2 K. xxiii. 13). Jerome identifies him with 
 Baal-Peor ; others with Baal-Zebub, on 
 etymological grounds ; others with Mars, 
 and others with Saturn. 
 
 Chena'anah. 1. Son of Bilhan, son 
 of Jediael, son of Benjamin, head of a 
 Benjamite house (1 Chr. vii. 10), probably 
 of the family of the Belaites. [BELA.] 2. 
 Father, or ancestor, of Zedekiah the false 
 prophet (1 K. xxii. 11, 24; 2 Chr. xviii. 10, 
 23). 
 
 Chen'ani, one of the Levites who as- 
 sisted at the solemn purification of the peo- 
 ple under Ezra (Neh. ix. 4). 
 
 Chenani'ah, chief of the Levites, 
 when David carried the ark to Jerusalem 
 (1 Chr. xv. 22, xxvi. 29). 
 
 Che'phar-Haam/monai, " Hamlet 
 of the Ammonites ; " a place mentioned 
 among the towns of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 
 24). No trace of it has yet been discov- 
 ered. 
 
 Chephi/rah, "the hamlet; " one of the 
 four cities of the Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 17), 
 named afterwards among the towns of Ben- 
 jamin, with Ilamah, Beeroth, and Mizpeh 
 (xviii. 26). The men of Chephirah re- 
 turned with Zerubbabel from Babylon (Ezr. 
 ii. 25; Neh. vii. 29). 
 
 Che'ran, one of the sons of Dishon the 
 Horite "duke" (Gen. xxxvi. 26; 1 Chr. i. 
 41). 
 
 Cher'etllims, Ez. xxv. 16. The plural 
 form of the word elsewhere rendered CHER- 
 ETHITES ; which see. 
 
 Cher'ethites and Pel'ethites, the 
 life-guards of King David (2 Sam. viii. 18, 
 xv. 18, xx. 7, 23 ; 1 K. i. 38, 44 ; 1 Chr 
 xviii. 17). These titles are commonly said 
 to signify " executioners and couriers." It 
 is plain that these royal guards were em- 
 ployed as executioners (2 K. xi. 4), and as 
 couriers (1 K. xiv. 27). But it has been 
 conjectured that they may have been foreign 
 mercenaries. They are connected with the 
 Gittites, a foreign tribe (2 Sam. xv. 21) ; 
 and the Cherethites are mentioned as a na- 
 tion (1 Sam. xxx. 14), dwelling apparently 
 on the coast, and therefore probably Philis- 
 tines, of which name Pelethites may be 
 only another form. 
 
 Che'rith, The Brook, the torrent-bed 
 or wady in which Elijah hid himself during 
 the early part of the three years' drought 
 (1 K. xvii. 3, 5). The position of the 
 
 Cherith has been much disputed. The 
 argument from probability is in favor of 
 the Cherith being on the east of Jordan, and 
 the name may possibly be discovered there. 
 
 Cher'ub, apparently a place in Babylo- 
 nia from which some persons of doubtful 
 extraction returned to Judaea with Zerub- 
 babel (Ezr. ii. 59; Neh. vii. 61). 
 
 Cher'ub, Cher'ubim. The symboli- 
 cal figure so called was a composite crea- 
 ture-form which finds a parallel in the 
 religious insignia of Assyria, Egypt, and 
 Persia, e. g. the sphinx, the winged bulls 
 and lions of Nineveh, &c. The Hebrew 
 
 The Winged Female Sphinx. OVilkinscm.) 
 
 idea seems to limit the number of the cher- 
 ubim. A pair (Ex. xxv. 18, &c.) were 
 placed on the mercy-seat of the ark : a 
 pair of colossal size overshadowed it in 
 Solomon's Temple with the canopy of their 
 contiguously extended wings. Ezekiel, i. 
 4-14, speaks of four, and similarly the apoc- 
 alyptic " beasts " (Rev. iv. 6) are four. 
 So at the front or east of Eden were post- 
 ed " the cherubim," as though the whole of 
 some recognized number. The cherubim 
 are placed beneath the actual presence of 
 Jehovah, whose moving throne they appear 
 to draw (Gen. iii. 24 ; Ez. i. 5, 25, 26, x. 1, 
 2, 6, 7; Is. vi. 2, 3, 6). The glory sym- 
 bolizing that presence which eye cannot see 
 rests or rides on them, or one of them, 
 thence dismounts to the temple threshold, 
 and then departs and mounts again (Ez. x. 
 4, 18; comp. ix. 3; Ps. xviii. 10). There 
 is in them an entire absence of human 
 sympathy, and even on the mercy-seat they 
 probably appeared not merely as admiring 
 and wondering (1 Pet. i. 12), but as guardi- 
 ans of the covenant and avengers of its 
 breach. Those on the ark were to be 
 placed with wings stretched forth, one at 
 each end of the mercy-seat, and to be made 
 " of the mercy-seat." They are called the 
 cherubim of glory (Heb. ix. 5), as on them 
 the glory, when visible, rested. They 
 were anointed with the holy oil, like the 
 ark itself, and the other sacred furniture. 
 Their wings were to be stretched upwards, 
 and their faces " towards each other and 
 towards the mercy-seat." It is remarkable 
 that with such precise directions as to their 
 position, attitude, and material, nothing,
 
 CHE SALON 
 
 107 
 
 CHILDHEN 
 
 save that they were winged, is said con- 
 cerning their shape. On the whole it seems 
 likely that the word " cherub " meant not 
 only the composite creature-form, of which 
 the man, lion, ox, and eagle were the ele- 
 ments, but, further, some peculiar and 
 mystical form, which Ezekiel, being a 
 priest, would know and recognize as " the 
 face of a CHERUB " (Ez. x. 14), but which 
 was kept secret from all others ; and such 
 probably were those on the ark, though 
 those on the hangings and panels might be 
 of the popular device. What this peculiar 
 cherubic form was is perhaps an impenetra- 
 ble mystery. It might well be the symbol 
 of Him whom none could behold and live. 
 For as symbols of Divine attributes, e. g. 
 omnipotence and omniscience, not as rep- 
 resentations of actual beings, the cheru- 
 bim should be regarded. 
 
 Clies'alon, a place named as one of the 
 landmarks on the west part of the north 
 boundary of Judah (Josh. xv. 10), probably 
 Kcsla, about six miles to the N. E. of Ain- 
 shems, on the western mountains bf Judah. 
 
 Che'sed, fourth son of Nahor (Gen. 
 xxii. 22). 
 
 Che'sil, a town in the extreme south of 
 Palestine, named with Hormah and Ziklag 
 (Josh. xv. 30). In Josh. xix. 4 the name 
 BETHUL occurs in place of it, whence we 
 may conclude that Chesil was ail early 
 variation of Bethul. 
 
 Chest. By this word are translated in 
 the A. V. two distinct Hebrew terms : 1. 
 ; this is invariably used for the Ark 
 
 Egyptian Chest or Box from Thebea. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 of the Covenant, and with two exceptions, 
 for that only. The two exceptions alluded 
 to are (a) the " coffin " in which the bones 
 of Joseph were carried from Egypt (Gen. 1. 
 26) ; and (6) the "chest" in which Jehoiada 
 the priest collected the alms for the repairs 
 of the Temple (2 K. xii. 9, 10 ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 
 8-11). Of the former the accompanying 
 engraving is probably a near representa- 
 tion. 2. gtndzim, " chests " (Ez. xxvii. 
 2* only). 
 
 Chestnut-tree (Heb. 'armdn : Gen. 
 xxx. 37 ; Ezek. xxxi. 8) : it is spoken of as 
 
 one of the glories of Assyria, for which the 
 "plane-tree" ought probably to have been 
 substituted. The context of the passages 
 where the word occurs indicates some tree 
 which thrives best in low and rather moist 
 situations, whereas the chestnut-tree is a 
 tree which prefers dry and hilly ground. 
 
 ChesuTloth (lit. " the loins "), one of 
 the towns of Issachar, deriving its name, 
 perhaps, from its situation on the slope of 
 some mountain (Josh. xix. 18). From its 
 position in the lists it appears to be between 
 Jezreel and Shunem (Salam). 
 
 Chet'tiim, 1 Mace. i. 1. [CHITTIM.] 
 
 Che'zib, a name which occurs but once 
 (Gen. xxxviii. 5), probably the same as 
 ACHZIB. 
 
 Chidon, the name which in 1 Chr. xiii. 
 9 is given to the threshing-floor at which 
 the accident to the ark took place. In the 
 parallel account in 2 Sam. vi. the name is 
 given as NACHON. 
 
 Children. The blessing of offspring, 
 but especially of the male sex, is highly 
 valued among all Eastern nations, while the 
 absence is regarded as one of the severest 
 punishments (Gen. xvi. 2 ; Deut. vii. 14 ; 
 1 Sam. i. 6 ; 2 Sam. vi. 23 ; 2 K. iv. 14 ; Is. 
 xlvii. 9; Jer. xx. 15; Ps. cxxvii. 3, 5). 
 As soon as the child was born, it was washed 
 in a bath, rubbed with salt, and wrapped in 
 swaddling clothes. Arab mothers some- 
 times rub their children with earth or sand 
 (Ez. xvi. 4 ; Job xxxviii. 9 ; Luke ii. 7"). 
 On the 8th day the rite of circumcision, in 
 the case of a boy, was performed, and a 
 name given, sometimes, but not usually, 
 the same as that of the father, and gener- 
 ally conveying some special meaning. At 
 the end of a certain time the mother was to 
 make an offering of purification of a lamb 
 as a burnt-offering, and a pigeon or turtle- 
 dove as a sin-offering, or, in case of pover- 
 ty, two doves or pigeons, one as a burnt- 
 offering, the other as a sin-offering (Lev. 
 xii. 1-8; Luke ii. 22). The period of 
 nursing appears to have been sometimes 
 prolonged to three years (Is. xlix. 15 ; 2 
 Mace. vii. 27). Nurses were employed in 
 cases of necessity (Ex. ii. 9; Gen. xxiv. 
 59, xxxv. 8 ; 1 Sam. iv. 4 ; 2 K. xi. 2 ; 2 
 Chr. xxii. 11). The time of weaning was 
 an occasion of rejoicing (Gen. xxi. 8). 
 Arab children wear little or no clothing for 
 four or five years : the young of both sexes 
 are usually carried by the mothers on the 
 hip or the shoulder, a custom to which 
 allusion is made by Isaiah (Is. xlix. 22, Ixvi. 
 12). Both boys and girls in their early 
 years were under the care of the women 
 (Prov. xxxi. 1). Afterwards the boys were 
 taken by the father under his charge. 
 Those in wealthy families had tutors of 
 governors, who were sometimes eunuchs 
 (Num. xi. 12; 2 K. x. 1, 6; Is. xlix. 23; 
 Gal. iii. 24; Esth. ii. 7). Daughters usu-
 
 CHILEAB 
 
 108 
 
 CHRISTIAN 
 
 ally remained in the women's apartments 
 till marriage, or, among the poorer classes, 
 were employed in household work (Lev. 
 xxi. 9^ Num. xii. 14; 1 Sam.ix. 11; Prov. 
 xxxi. 19, 23; Ecclus. vii. 25, xlii. 9; 2 
 Mace. iii. 19). The firstborn male chil- 
 dren were regarded as devoted to God, and 
 were to be redeemed by an offering (Ex. 
 xiii. 13; Num. xviii. 15; Luke ii. 22). 
 The authority of parents, especially of the 
 father, over children was very great, as 
 was also the reverence enjoined by the law 
 to be paid to parents. The disobedient 
 child, the striker or reviler of a parent, 
 was liable to capital punishment, though 
 not at the independent will of the parent. 
 The inheritance was divided equally be- 
 twten all the sons except the eldest, who 
 received a double portion (Deut. xxi. 17; 
 Gen. xxv. 31, xlix. 3; 1 Chr. v. 1,2; Judg. 
 xi. 2, 7). Daughters had by right no por- 
 tion in the inheritance ; but if a man had 
 no son, his inheritance passed to his daugh- 
 ters, who were forbidden to marry out of 
 their father's tribe (Num. xxvii. 1, 8, 
 xxxvi. 2, 8). 
 
 Chil'eab. [ABIGAIL.] 
 
 Chil'ion, the son of Elimelech and 
 Naomi, and husband of Orpah (Ruth i. 2-5, 
 iv. 9). He is described as " an Ephrathite 
 of Bethlehem-judah." 
 
 Chil'xnad, a place or country mentioned 
 in conjunction with Sheba and Asshur (Ez. 
 xxvii. 23). 
 
 Chim/ham, a follower, and probably a 
 son, of Barzillai the Gileadite, who returned 
 from beyond Jordan with David (2 Sam. 
 xix. 37, 38, 40). David appears to have 
 bestowed on him a possession at Bethle- 
 hem, on which, in later times, an inn or 
 Khan was standing (Jer. xli. 17) . 
 
 Chim'han. [CHIMIIAM.] 
 
 Chin'nereth., accurately Cinnareth, a 
 fortified city in the tribe of Naphtali (Josh, 
 xix. 35 only), of which no trace is found in 
 later writers, and no remains by travellers. 
 
 Chin'jiereth, Sea of (Num. xxxiv. 11 ; 
 Josh. xiii. 27), the inland sea, which is most 
 familiarly known to us as the " lake of 
 Gennesareth." It seems likely that Chin- 
 nereth was an ancient Canaanite name 
 existing long prior to the Israelite conquest. 
 
 Chin'neroth. [CHINNERETH.] 
 
 Chi'os. The position of this island in 
 reference to the neighboring islands and 
 coasts could hardly be better described than 
 in the detailed account of St. Paul's return 
 voyage from Troas to Caesarea (Acts xx. 
 xxi.). Having come from Assos to Mity- 
 lene in Lesbos (xx. 14), he arrived the next 
 day over against Chios (v. 15), the next day 
 at Samos and tarried at Trogyllium (t'6.) ; 
 and the following day at Miletus (ib.) : 
 thence he went by Cos and Rhodes to Patara 
 (xxi. 1). Chios is separated from the main- 
 land by a strait of only 5 miles. Its length 
 
 is about 32 miles, and in breadth it varies 
 from 8 to 18. 
 
 Chisleu. [MONTHS.] 
 
 Chis'lon, father of Elidad, the prince of 
 the tribe of Benjamin, chosen to assist in 
 the division of the land of Canaan among 
 the tribes (Num. xxxiv. 21). 
 
 Chis'lpth-Ta'bor, a place to the bor- 
 der of which reached the border of Zebulun 
 (Josh. xix. 12). It may be the village Iksdl, 
 which is now standing about two miles and 
 a half to the west of Mount Tabor. 
 
 Chit'tim, Kit'tim, a family or race 
 descended from Javan (Gen. x. 4; 1 Chr. i. 
 7 ; A. V. KITTIM), closely related to the 
 Dodanim, and remotely to the other de- 
 scendants of Javan. Chittim is frequently 
 noticed in Scripture : Balaam predicts that 
 a fleet should thence proceed for the destruc- 
 tion of Assyria (Num. xxiv. 24) : in Is. xxiii. 
 1, 12, it appears as the resort of the fleets of 
 Tyre : in Jer. ii. 10, the " isles of Chittim" 
 are to the far west, as Kedar to the east of 
 Palestine : the Tyrians procured thence the 
 cedar or box-wood, which they inlaid with 
 ivory for the decks of their vessels (Ez. 
 xxvii. 6) : in Dan. xi. 30, " ships of Chittim" 
 advance to the south to meet the king of the 
 north. At a later period we find Alexander 
 the Great described as comingfrom the land 
 of CHETTIIM (1 Mace. i. 1), and Perseus as 
 king of the CITIMS (1 Mace. viii. 5). Jose- 
 phus considered Cyprus as the original seat 
 of the Chittim, adducing as evidence the 
 name of its principal town, Citium. Cilium 
 was without doubt a Phoenician town. 
 From the town the name extended to the 
 whole island of Cyprus, which was occupied 
 by Phoenician colonies. The name Chittim, 
 which in the first instance had applied to 
 Phoenicians only, passed over to the islands 
 which they had occupied, and thence to the 
 people who succeeded the Phoenicians in 
 the occupation of them. Thus in Mace., 
 Chittim evidently = Macedonia. 
 
 Chi'un. [REMPHAN.] 
 
 Chlo'e, a woman mentioned in 1 Cor. 
 i. 11. 
 
 Chor a'shan, one of the places in which 
 " David and his men were wont to haunt," 
 (1 Sam. xxx. 30). It may, perhaps, be 
 identified with ASHAN of Simeon. 
 
 Chora'zin, one of the cities in which our 
 Lord's mighty works were done, but named 
 only in His denunciation (Matt. xi. 21 ; 
 Luke x. 13). St. Jerome describes it as on 
 the shore of the lake, two miles from Ca- 
 pernaum, but its modern site is uncertain. 
 
 Choze'ba. The "men of Chozeba" 
 are named (1 Chr. iv. 22) amongst tl e de- 
 scendants of Shelah the son of Judah. 
 Chezib and Chozeba are perhaps, the same 
 as ACHZIB. 
 
 Christ. [JESUS.] 
 
 Christian. The disciples, we are told 
 (Acts xi. 26), were first called Christians at
 
 CHRONICLES 
 
 109 
 
 CHRONICLES 
 
 Antioch on the Orontes, somewhere about 
 A. D. 43. The name, and the place where 
 it was conferred, are both significant. It is 
 clear that the appellation "Christian" was 
 one which could not have been assumed 
 by the Christians themselves. They were 
 known to each other as brethren of one 
 family, as disciples of the same Master, as 
 believers in the same faith, and as distin- 
 guished by the same endeavors after holi- 
 ness and consecration of life ; and so were 
 called brethren (Acts xv. 1, 23 ; 1 Cor. vii. 
 12), disciples (Acts ix. 26, xi. 29), believers 
 (Acts v. 14), saints (Rom. viii. 27, xv. 25). 
 But the outer world could know nothing of 
 the true force and significance of these 
 terms. To the contemptuous Jew they 
 were Nazarenes and Galilaeans, names 
 which carried with them the infamy and 
 turbulence of the places whence they 
 sprung, and from- whence nothing good and 
 no prophet might come. The Jews could 
 add nothing to the scorn which these names 
 expressed, and had they endeavored to do 
 so they would not have defiled the glory of 
 their Messiah by applying his title to those 
 whom they could not but regard as the fol- 
 lowers of a pretender. The name " Chris; 
 tian," then, which, in the only other cases 
 where it appears in the N. T. (Acts xxvi. 
 28 ; 1 Pet. iv. 16), is used contemptuously, 
 could not have been applied by the early 
 disciples to themselves, nor could it have 
 come to them from their own nation the 
 Jews ; it must, therefore, have been im- 
 posed upon them by the Gentile world, and 
 no place could have so appropriately given 
 rise to it as Antioch, where the first Church 
 was planted among the heathen. Its inhab- 
 itants were celebrated for their wit and a 
 propensity for conferring nicknames. The 
 Emperor Julian himself was not secure 
 from their jests. Apollonius of Tyana was 
 driven from the city by the insults of the 
 inhabitants. Their wit, however, was often 
 harmless enough ; and there is no reason 
 to suppose that the name " Christian" of 
 itself was intended as a term of scurrility 
 or abuse, though it would naturally be used 
 with contempt. Suidas says the name was 
 given in the reign of Claudius, when Peter 
 appointed Evodius bishop of Antioch, and 
 they who were formerly called Nazarenes 
 and Galilaeans had their name changed to 
 Christians. 
 
 Chronicles, First and Second 
 Books of, the name originally given to 
 the record made by the appointed histori- 
 ographers in the kingdoms of Israel and 
 Judah. In the LXX. these books are 
 called Pa ralipomena (t. e. things omitted), 
 which is understood as meaning that they 
 are supplementary to the books of Kings. 
 The Vulgate retains both the Hebrew and 
 Greek name in Latin characters, Dibre 
 jammim, or hajamim, and Paralipomenon. 
 
 The constant tradition of the J.ws is that 
 these books were for the most pait compiled 
 by Ezra. In fact, the internal evidence aa 
 to the time when the book of Chronicles was 
 compiled, seems to tally remarkably with 
 the tradition concerning its authorship. As 
 regards the plan of the book, of which the 
 book of Ezra is a continuation, forming one 
 work, it becomes apparent immediately we 
 consider it as the compilation of Ezra cr 
 some one nearly contemporary with him. 
 One of the greatest difficulties connected 
 with the captivity and the return must have 
 been the maintenance of that genealogical 
 distribution of the lands which yet was a 
 vital point of the Jewish economy. Another 
 difficulty intimately connected with the 
 former was the maintenance of the temple 
 services at Jerusalem. This could only be 
 effected by the residence of the priests and 
 Levites in Jerusalem in the order of their 
 courses : and this residence was only prac- 
 ticable in case of the payment of the 
 appointed tithes, first-fruits, and other 
 offerings. But then again the registers of 
 the Levitical genealogies were necessary, 
 in order that it might be known who were 
 entitled to such and such allowances, as 
 porters, as singers, as priests, and so on ; 
 because all these offices went by families ; 
 and again the payment of the tithes, first- 
 fruits, &c., was dependent upon the different 
 families of Israel being established each in 
 his inheritance. Obviously therefore one 
 of the most pressing wants of the Jewish 
 community after their return from Babylon 
 would be trusty genealogical records. But 
 further, not only had Zerubbabel, and after 
 him Ezra and Nehemiah, labored most 
 earnestly to restore the temple and the pub- 
 lic worship of God there to the condition it 
 had been in under the kings of Judah, but 
 it appears clearly from their policy, and 
 from the language of the contemporary 
 prophets, Haggai and Zechariah, that they 
 had it much at heart to re-infuse something 
 of national life and spirit into the heart of 
 the people, and to make them feel that they 
 were still the inheritors of God's covenant- 
 ed mercies, and that the captivity had only 
 temporarily interrupted, not dried up, the 
 stream of God's favor to their nation. 
 Now nothing could more effectually aid 
 these pious and patriotic designs than set- 
 ting before the people a compendious 
 history of the kingdom of David, which 
 should embrace a full account of its pros- 
 perity, should trace the sins which led to 
 its overthrow, should carry the thread 
 through the period of the captivity, and 
 continue it as it were unbroken on the 
 other side; and those passages in their 
 former history would be especially impor- 
 tant which exhibited their greatest and best 
 kings as engaged in building or restoring 
 the temple, in reforming all corruptions in
 
 CHRONOLOGY 
 
 110 
 
 CHURCH 
 
 religion, and zealously regulating the ser- 
 vices of the house of God. As regards the 
 kingdom of Israel or Samaria, seeing it had 
 utterly and hopelessly passed away, and 
 that the existing inhabitants were among the 
 bitterest " adversaries of Judahand Benja- 
 min," it would naturally engage very little 
 of the compiler's attention. These consid- 
 erations explain exactly the plan and scope 
 of that historical work which consists of the 
 two books of Chronicles and the book of 
 Ezra. For after having in the first eight 
 chapters given the genealogical divisions 
 and settlements of the various tribes, the 
 compiler marks distinctly his own age and 
 his own purpose, by informing us in ch. ix. 
 1 of the disturbance of those settlements by 
 the Babylonish captivity, and in the follow- 
 ing verses, of the partial restoration of 
 them at the return from Babylon (2-24) ; 
 and thajt this list refers to the families who 
 had returned from Babylon is clear, not 
 only from the context, but from its reinser- 
 tion, Neh. xi. 3-22, with additional matter 
 evidently extracted from the public archives, 
 and relating to times subsequent to the 
 return from Babylon, extending to Neh. xii. 
 27, where Nehcmiah's narrative is again 
 resumed in continuance with Neh. xi. 2. 
 Having thus shown the re-establishment of 
 the returned families, each in their own 
 inheritance according to the houses of their 
 fathers, the compiler proceeds to the other 
 part of his plan, which is to give a continu- 
 ous history af the kingdom of Judah from 
 David to his own times, introduced by the 
 closing scene of Saul's life (ch. x.), which 
 introduction is itself prefaced by a geneal- 
 ogy of the house of Saul (ix. 35-44). As 
 regards the materials used by Ezra, they 
 are not difficult to discover. The geneal- 
 ogies are obviously transcribed from some 
 register, in which were preserved the 
 genealogies of the tribes and families drawn 
 up at different times ; while the history is 
 mainly drawn from the same documents as 
 those used in the Books of Kings. [KINGS, 
 BOOKS OF.] 
 
 Chronology. By this term we under- 
 stand the technical and historical chronol- 
 ogy of the Jews and their ancestors from 
 the earliest time to the close of the New 
 Testament Canon, i. TECHNICAL CHRO- 
 NOLOGY. The technical part of Hebrew 
 chronology presents great difficulties, ii. 
 HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY. The histori- 
 cal part of Hebrew chronology is not less 
 difficult than the technical. The informa- 
 tion in the Bible is indeed direct rather 
 than inferential, although there is very im- 
 portant evidence of the latter kind, but the 
 present state of the numbers makes abso- 
 lute certainty in many cases impossible. 
 Three principal systems of Biblical Chro- 
 nology have been founded, which may be 
 termed the Long System, the Short, and 
 
 
 3 
 
 Jackaon. 
 
 Uaaher. 
 
 Petavius. 
 
 Buuaen. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 .-.41! 
 
 ",1.-..-, 
 Li ITS 
 liUS 
 
 Ktr 
 &st; 
 
 B.r. 
 
 .-.iL'ti 
 
 :tin> 
 j-s; 
 i.v.; 
 
 1014 
 
 .VxJ 
 
 B.C. 
 
 4<m 
 
 J.'K.s 
 
 lirjl 
 M'.'l 
 101-' 
 
 .-* 
 
 B.C. 
 
 :;'.i*: 
 L':'.L'7 
 Hull 
 l.Vil 
 10L! 
 .V.I 
 
 B. C. 
 
 (Adam) cir. 20,000 
 (Noah) cir. 10,000 
 
 1320 
 1004 
 586 
 
 Flood 
 
 Abrara leaves Ilaran.. 
 
 Foundation of Solo- ? 
 moil's Temple. . . > 
 Destruction of Solo- > 
 niou's Temple. . . $ 
 
 the Rabbinical. There is a fourth, which, 
 although an offshoot in part of the last, can 
 scarcely be termed biblical, inasmuch as it 
 depends for the most part upon theories, 
 not only independent of, but repugnant to 
 the Bible : this last is at present peculiar to 
 Baron Bunsen. The principal advocates 
 of the Long Chronology are Jackson, Hales, 
 and Des-Vignoles. Of the Short Chronol- 
 ogy Ussher may be considered as the most 
 able advocate. The Rabbinical Chronology 
 accepts the biblical numbers, but makes the 
 most arbitrary corrections. For the date of 
 the Exodus it has been virtually accepted 
 by Bunsen, Lepsius, and Lord A. Hervey. 
 
 The numbers given by the LXX. for the 
 antediluvian patriarchs would place the 
 creation of Adam 2262 yrs. before the end 
 of the Flood, or B. c. cir. 5361 or 5421. 
 
 Chrysolite, one of the precious stones 
 in the foundation of the heavenly Jerusa- 
 lem (Rev. xxi. 20). It has been already 
 stated [BERYL] that the chrysolite of the 
 ancients is identical with the modern Ori- 
 ental topaz, the tarshish of the Hebrew 
 Bible. 
 
 Chrysoprase occurs only in Rev. xxi. 
 20. The true chrysoprase is sometimes 
 found in antique Egyptian jewelry set alter- 
 nately with bits of lapis-lazuli ; it is not im- 
 probable therefore that this is the stone 
 which was the tenth in the walls of the 
 heavenly Jerusalem. 
 
 Chub, the name of a people in alliance 
 with Egypt in the time of Nebuchadnezzar 
 (Ez. xxx. 5), and probably of Northern Af- 
 rica, or of the lands near Egypt to the S. 
 
 Chun, a city of Hadadezer (1 Chr. xviii. 
 8), called Berothai in 2 Sam. viii. 8. 
 
 Church. I. The derivation of the word 
 Church is uncertain. It is generally said 
 to be derived from the Greek kuriakon 
 (xt>()iax6v), " belonging to the Lord." But 
 the derivation has been too hastily assumed. 
 It is probably connected with kirk, the 
 Latin circus, circulus, the Greek kuklos 
 (xt'xAos). II. Ecdesia^ixxli]o(a'), the Greek 
 word for Church, originally meant an as- 
 sembly called out by the magistrate, or by 
 legitimate authority. This is the ordinary 
 classical sense of the word. But it throws 
 no light on the nature of the institution so 
 designated in the New Testament. For to 
 the writers of the N. T. the word had now
 
 CHURCH 
 
 111 
 
 CHURCH 
 
 lost its primary signification, and was either 
 used generally for any meeting (Acts xix. 
 32), or more particularly, it denoted (1) 
 the religious assemblies of the Jews (Deut. 
 iv. 10, xviii. 16) ; (2) the whole assembly 
 or congregation of the Israelitish people 
 (Acts vii. 38; Heb. ii. 12; Ps. xxii. 22; 
 Deut. xxxi. 30). It was in this last sense 
 that the word was adopted and applied by 
 the writers of the N. T. to the Christian 
 congregation. The chief difference be- 
 tween the words " ecclesia" and " church," 
 would probably consist in this, that "eccle- 
 sia " primarily signified the Christian body, 
 and secondarily the place of assembly, 
 while the first signification of "church" 
 was the place of assembly, which imparted 
 its name to the body of worshippers. III. 
 The Church as described in the Gospels. 
 The word occurs only twice. Each time 
 in St. Matthew (Matt. xvi. 18, "On this 
 rock will I build my Church;" xviii. 17, 
 "Tell it unto the Church "). In every other 
 case it is spoken of as " the kingdom of 
 heaven " by St. Matthew, and as " the king- 
 dom of God" by St. Mark and St. Luke. 
 St. Mark, St. Luke, and St. John, never 
 use the expression " kingdom of heaven." 
 St. John once uses the phrase "kingdom 
 of God" (iii. 3). St. Matthew occasion- 
 ally speaks of "the kingdom of God" (vi. 
 33, xxi. 31, 43), and sometimes simply of 
 "the kingdom" (iv. 23, xiii. 19, xxiv. 14). 
 In xiii. 41 and xvi. 28, it is " the Son of 
 Man's kingdom." In xx. 21, " thy king- 
 dom," i. e. Christ's. In the one Gospel of 
 St. Matthew the Church is spoken of no 
 less than thirty-six times as "the kingdom." 
 Other descriptions or titles are hardly 
 found in the Evangelists. It is Christ's 
 household (Matt. x. 25), the salt and light 
 of the world (v. 13, 15), Christ's flock 
 (Matt. xxvi. 31 ; John x. 1), its members 
 ere the branches growing on Christ the 
 Vine (John xv.) ; but the general descrip- 
 tion of it, not metaphorically but directly, 
 is, that it is a kingdom (Matt. xvi. 19). 
 From the Gospel then, we learn that Christ 
 was about to establish His heavenly king- 
 dom on earth, which was To be the substi- 
 tute for the Jewish Church and kingdom, 
 now doomed to destruction (Matt. xxi. 43). 
 IV. The Church as described in the Acts 
 and in the Epistles its Origin, Nature, 
 and Constitution. From the Gospels we 
 learn little in the way of detail as to the 
 kingdom which was to be established. It 
 was in the great forty days which intervened 
 between the Resurrection and the Ascen- 
 sion that our Lord explained specifically to 
 His Apostles "the things pertaining to the 
 kingdom of God" (Acts i. 3), that is, his 
 future Church. Its Origin. The remo- 
 val of Christ from the earth had left his 
 followers a shattered company with no bond 
 of external or internal cohesion, except the 
 
 memory of the Master whom they had lost, 
 and the recollection of his injunctions to 
 unity and love. They continued together, 
 meeting for prayer and supplication, and 
 waiting for Christ's promise of the gift of 
 the Holy Ghost. They numbered in all 
 some 140 persons, namely, the eleven, the 
 faithful women, the Lord's mother, his 
 brethren, and 120 disciples. They had faith 
 to believe that there was a work before them 
 which they were about to be called to per- 
 form ; and that they might be ready to do 
 it, they filled up the number of the Twelve 
 by the appointment of Matthias "to be a 
 true witness " with the eleven " of the Res- 
 urrection." The Day of Pentecost is the 
 birth-day of the Christian Church. The 
 Spirit, who was then sent by the Son from 
 the Father, and rested on each of the Dis- 
 ciples, combined them once more into a 
 whole, combined them as they never had 
 before been combined, by an internal and 
 spiritual bond of cohesion. Before they 
 had been individual followers of Jesus, now 
 they became his mystical body, animated 
 by His Spirit. Its Nature. " Then they 
 that gladly received his word were baptized 
 . . . and they continued steadfastly in the 
 Apostles' doctrine and fellowship, and in 
 breaking of bread and in prayers " (Acts ii. 
 41). Here we. have indirectly exhibited the 
 essential conditions of Church Communion. 
 They are (1) Baptism, Baptism implying 
 on the part of the recipient repentance and 
 faith ; (2) Apostolic Doctrine ; (3) Fellow- 
 ship with the Apostles ; (4) the Lord's Sup- 
 per ; (5) Public Worship. Every requisite 
 for church-membership is here enumerated 
 not only for the Apostolic days, but for 
 future ages. St. Luke's treatise being his- 
 torical, not dogmatical, he does not. directly 
 enter further into the essential nature of 
 the Church. The community of goods, 
 which he describes as being universal 
 amongst the members of the infant society 
 (ii. 44, iv. 32), is specially declared to be 
 a voluntary practice (v. 4), not a necessary 
 duty of Christians as such (comp. Acts ix. 
 36, 39, xi. 29). From the illustrations 
 adopted by St. Paul in his Epistles, we 
 have additional light thrown upon the na- 
 ture of the Church. The passage which is 
 most illustrative of our subject in the Epis- 
 tles is Eph. iv. 3, 6. Here we see what it 
 is that constitutes the unity of the Church 
 in the mind of the Apostle : (1) unity of 
 Headship, " one Lord ; " (2) unity of belief, 
 "one faith;" (3) unity of Sacraments, 
 " one baptism : " (4) unity of hope of eter- 
 nal life, "one hope of your calling;" (5) 
 unity of love, " unity of the Spirit in the 
 bond of peace ; " (6) unity of organization, 
 "one body." The Church, then, at this 
 period was a body of baptized men and 
 women who believed in Jesus as the Clirist, 
 and in the revelation made by Him, who
 
 CHURCH 
 
 112 
 
 CHUSHAN-RISHATHAIM 
 
 were united by having the same faith, hope, 
 and animating Spirit of love, the same Sac- 
 raments, and the same spiritual invisible 
 Head. What was the Constitution of this 
 body ? On the evening of the Day of Pen- 
 tecost, the 3140 members of which it con- 
 sisted were (1) Apostles; (2) previous 
 Disciples; (3) converts. At this time the 
 Church was not only morally but actually 
 one congregation. Soon, however, its 
 numbers grew so considerably that it was 
 a physical impossibility that all its mem- 
 bers should come together in one spot. It 
 became, therefore, an aggregate of congre- 
 gations, though without losing its essential 
 unity. The apostles, who had been closest 
 to the Lord Jesus in his life on earth would 
 doubtless have formed the centres of the 
 several congregations. Thus the Church 
 continued for apparently some seven years, 
 but at the end of that time "the number 
 of disciples was" so greatly "multiplied" 
 (Acts vi. 1) that the twelve Apostles found 
 themselves to be too few to carry out these 
 works unaided. They thereupon for the 
 first time exercised the powers of mission 
 intrusted to them (John xx. 21), and by 
 laying their hands on the Seven who were 
 recommended to them by the general body 
 of Christians, they appointed them to fulfil 
 the secular task of distributing the common 
 stock. It is a question which cannot be 
 certainly answered whether the office of 
 these Seven is to be identified with that of 
 the deacons elsewhere found. We incline 
 to the hypothesis which makes the Seven 
 the originals of the Deacons. From this 
 time therefore, or from about this time, 
 there existed in the Church (1) the Apos- 
 tles ; (2) the Deacons and Evangelists ; (3) 
 the multitude of the faithful. We hear of 
 no other Church-officer till the year 44, 
 seven years after the appointment of the 
 deacons. We find that there were then in 
 the Church of Jerusalem officers named 
 Presbyters (xi. 30) who were the assistants 
 of James, the chief administrator of that 
 Church (xii. 17). The circumstances of 
 their first appointment are not recounted. 
 No doubt they were similar to those under 
 which the Deacons were appointed. The 
 name of Presbyter or Elder implies that the 
 men selected were of mature age. By the 
 year 44, therefore, there were in the Church 
 of Jerusalem (1) the Apostles holding 
 the government of the whole body in their 
 own hands ; (2) Presbyters invested by the 
 Apostles with authority for conducting pub- 
 lic worship in each congregation ; (3) Dea- 
 cons or Evangelists similarly invested with 
 the lesser power of preaching and of baptiz- 
 ing unbelievers, and of distributing the 
 common goods among the brethren. The 
 same order was established in the Gentile 
 Churches founded by St. Paul, the only 
 difference being that those who were called 
 
 Presbyters in Jerusalem bore indifferently 
 the name of Bishops (Phil. i. 1 ; 1 Tim. iii. 
 1, 2 ; Tit. i. 7) or of Presbyters (1 Tim. v. 
 17; Tit. i. 5) elsewhere. It was in the 
 Church of Jerusalem that another order of 
 the ministry found its exemplar. James 
 the brother of the Lord remained unmo- 
 lested during the persecution of Herod 
 Agrippa in the year 44, and from this time 
 he is the acknowledged head of the Church 
 of Jerusalem. A consideration of Acts xii. 
 
 17, xv. 13, 19; Gal. ii. 2, 9, 12; Acts xxi. 
 
 18, will remove all doubt on this point. 
 Whatever his pre-eminence was, he ap- 
 pears to have borne no special title indicat- 
 ing it. The example of the Mother Church 
 of Jerusalem was again followed by the 
 Pauline Churches. Timothy and Titus had 
 probably no distinctive title, but it is im- 
 possible to read the Epistles addressed to 
 them without seeing that they had an au- 
 thority superior to that of the ordinary 
 bishops or priests (1 Tim. iii., v. 17, 19 ; 
 Tit. i. 5). Thus, then, we see that where 
 the Apostles were themselves able to super- 
 intend the Churches that they had founded, 
 the Church-officers consisted of (1) Apos- 
 tles ; (2) Bishops or Priests ; (3) Deacons 
 and Evangelists. When the Apostles were 
 unable to give personal superintendence, 
 they delegated that power which they had 
 in common to one of themselves, as in Je- 
 rusalem, or to one in whom they had con- 
 fidence, as at Ephesus and in Crete. As 
 the apostles died off, these Apostolic Dele- 
 gates necessarily multiplied. By the end 
 of the first century, when St. John was the 
 only Apostle that now survived, they would 
 have been established in every country, ag 
 Crete, and in every large town where there 
 were several bishops or priests, such as the 
 seven towns of Asia mentioned in the Book 
 of Revelation. These superintendents ap- 
 pear to be addressed by St. John under the 
 name of Angels. With St. John's death 
 the Apostolic College was extinguished, 
 and the Apostolic Delegates or Angels were 
 left to fill their places in the government 
 of the Church, not with the full unrestricted 
 power of the Apostles, but with authority 
 only to be exercised in limited districts. 
 In the next century we find that these offi- 
 cers bore the name of Bishops, while those 
 who in the first century were called indif- 
 ferently Presbyters or Bishops had now 
 only the title of Presbyters. We conclude, 
 therefore, that the title bishop was grad- 
 ually dropped by the second order of the 
 ministry, and applied specifically to those 
 who represented what James, Timothy, and 
 Titus had been in the Apostolic age. 
 
 Chush'an-Rishatha'im, the king of 
 Mesopotamia who oppressed Israel during 
 eight years in the generation immediately 
 following Joshua (Judg. iii. 8). The seat 
 of his dominion was probably the region
 
 CHUZA 
 
 113 
 
 CISTERN 
 
 between the Euphrates and the Kliabour. 
 Chushan-Rishathaim's yoke was broken 
 from the neck of the people of Israel at 
 the end of eight years by Othniel, Caleb's 
 nephew (Judg. iii. 10), and nothing more 
 is heard of Mesopotamia as an aggressive 
 power. The rise of the Assyrian empire, 
 about B. c. 1270, would naturally reduce the 
 bordering nations to insignificance. 
 
 Chu'za (properly Chuzas), the house- 
 steward of Herod Antipas (Luke viii. 3). 
 
 Cic'car. [JORDAN.] 
 
 Cilic'ia, a maritime province in the S. 
 E. of Asia Minor, bordering on Pamphylia 
 in the W., Lycaonia and Cappadocia in the 
 N., and Syria in the E. The connection 
 between the Jews and Cilicia dates from the 
 time when it became part of the Syrian 
 kingdom. In the Apostolic age they were 
 still there in considerable numbers (Acts 
 vi. 9). Cilicia was from its geographical 
 position the high road between Syria and 
 the West ; it was also the native country of 
 St. Paul ; hence it was visited by him, first- 
 ly, soon after his conversion (Gal. i. 21 ; 
 Acts ix. 30) ;. and again in his second apos- 
 tolical journey, when he entered it on the 
 side of Syria, and crossed Antitaurus by 
 the Pylae Ciliciae into Lycaonia (Acts xv. 
 41). 
 
 Cinnamon, a well-known aromatic sub- 
 stance, the rind of the Laurus cinnamo- 
 mum, called Korunda-gauhah, in Ceylon. 
 It is mentioned in Ex. xxx. 23 as one of the 
 component parts of the holy anointing oil, 
 which Moses was commanded to prepare 
 in Prov. vii. 17 as a perfume for the bed 
 and in Cant. iv. 14 as one of the plants of 
 the garden which is the image of the spouse. 
 In Rev. xviii. 13 it is enumerated among 
 the merchandise of the great Babylon. It 
 was imported into Judaea by the Phoeni- 
 cians or by the Arabians, and is now found 
 in Sumatra, Borneo, China, &c., but chiefly, 
 and of the best quality, in the S. W. part 
 of Ceylon. 
 
 Cin'neroth, All, a district named with 
 the " land of Naphtali" and other northern 
 places as having been laid waste by Bcnha- 
 dad (IK. xv. 20). It was possibly the 
 small enclosed district north of Tiberias, 
 and by the side of the lake, afterwards 
 known as " the plain of Gennesarcth." 
 
 Circumcision was peculiarly, though 
 not exclusively, a Jewish rite. It was en- 
 joined upon Abraham, the father of the 
 nation, by God, at the institution, and as 
 the token, of the Covenant, which assured 
 to him and his descendants the promise of 
 the Messiah (Gen. xvii.). It was thus made 
 a necessary condition of Jewish national- 
 ity. Every male child was to be circum- 
 cised when eight days old (Lev. xii. 3) on 
 pain of death. If the eighth day were a 
 Sabbath the rito was not postponed (John 
 vii. 22, 23). Slaves, whether homeborn or 
 
 purchased, were circumcised (Gen. xvii. 12, 
 13) ; and foreigners must have their males 
 circumcised before they could be allowed 
 to partake of the passover (Ex. xii. 48), or 
 become Jewish citizens. It seems to have 
 been customary to name a child when it 
 was circumcised (Luke i. 59). The use of 
 circumcision by other nations besides the 
 Jews is to be gathered almost entirely from 
 sources extraneous to the Bible. The rite 
 has been found to prevail extensively both 
 in ancient and modern times. The biblical 
 notice of the rite describes it as distinc- 
 tively Jewish ; so that in the N. T. " the 
 circumcision " and " the uncircumcision " 
 are frequently used as synonymes for the 
 Jews and the Gentiles. Circumcision cer- 
 tainly belonged to the Jews as it did to no 
 other people, by virtue of its divine institu- 
 tion, of the religious privileges which were 
 attached to it. and of the strict regulations 
 which enforced its observance. Moreover, 
 the O. T. history incidentally discloses the 
 fact that many, if not all, of the nations 
 with whom they came in contact were un- 
 circumcised. The origin of the custom 
 amongst one large section of those Gen- 
 tiles who follow it, is to be found in the 
 biblical record of the circumcision of Ish- 
 mael (Gen. xvii. 25). Though Mohammed 
 did not enjoin circumcision in the Koran, 
 he was circumcised himself, according to 
 the custom of his country ; and circum- 
 cision is now as common amongst the Mo- 
 hammedans as amongst the Jews. The 
 process of restoring a circumcised person 
 to his natural condition by a surgical oper- 
 ation was sometimes undergone. Some of 
 the Jews in the time of Antiochus Epiph- 
 anes, wishing to assimilate themselves to 
 the heathen around them, " made them- 
 selves uncircumcised " (1 Mace. i. 15). 
 Against having recourse to this practice,, 
 from an excessive anti-Judaistic tendency,. 
 St. Paul cautions the Corinthians (1 Cor., 
 vii. 18). The attitude which Christianity, 
 at its introduction, assumed towards cir- 
 cumcision was one of absolute hostility, so- 
 far as the necessity of the rite to salvation, 
 or its possession of any religious or moral 
 worth was concerned (Acts xv. ; Gal. v. 
 2). The Abyssinian Christians still prac- 
 tise circumcision as a national custom. 
 
 Cis, the father of Saul (Acts xiii. 21),. 
 usually called KISH. 
 
 Cistern, a receptacle for water, either 
 conducted from an external spring, or pro- 
 ceeding from rain-fall. The dryness of the 
 summer months between May and Septem- 
 ber, in Svria, and the scarcity of springs in 
 many parts of the country, make it neces- 
 sary* to collect in reservoirs ami rNt.Tiis th 
 rain-water, of which abundance fulls in the 
 intermediate period. The largest sort of 
 public tanks or reservoirs is usual 1; called 
 in A. V. " pool," while for the smaller and
 
 CITHERN 
 
 114 
 
 CLAUDIUS 
 
 more private it is convenient to reserve the 
 name cistern. Both pools and cisterns are 
 frequent throughout the whole of Syria 
 and Palestine. On the long forgotten way 
 from Jericho to Bethel, " broken cisterns " 
 of high antiquity are found at regular in- 
 tervals. Jerusalem depends mainly for 
 water upon its cisterns, of which almost 
 every private house possesses one or more, 
 excavated in the rock on which the city is 
 built. The cisterns have usually a round 
 opening at the top, sometimes built up with 
 stonework above and furnished with a curb 
 and a wheel for the bucket (Eccl. xii. 6), 
 so that they have externally much the ap- 
 pearance of an ordinary well. The water 
 is conducted into them from the roofs of 
 the houses during the rainy season, and 
 with care remains sweet during the whole 
 summer and autumn. In this manner 
 most of the larger houses and public build- 
 ings are supplied. Empty cisterns were 
 sometimes used as prisons and places of 
 confinement. Joseph was cast into a " pit " 
 (Gen. xxxvii. 22), and his " dungeon " in 
 Egypt is called by the same name (xli. 14). 
 Jeremiah was thrown into a miry though 
 empty cistern, whose depth is indicated by 
 the cords used to let him down (Jer. 
 xxxviii. 6). 
 
 Cithern (1 Mace. iv. 54), a musical in- 
 strument, resembling a guitar, most prob- 
 ably of Greek origin, employed by the 
 Chaldeans, and introduced by the Hebrews 
 into Palestine on their return thither after 
 the Babylonian captivity. 
 
 Cities. 1. 'Ar, and also 'Ir: 2. Kir- 
 jath ; probably the most ancient name 
 for city, but seldom used in prose as a gen- 
 eral name for town. The classification of 
 the human race into dwellers in towns and 
 nomade wanderers (Gen. iv. 20, 22) seems 
 to be intimated by the etymological sense 
 of both words, as places of security against 
 an enemy, distinguished from the unwalled 
 village or hamlet, whose resistance is more 
 easily overcome by the marauding tribes 
 of the desert. The earliest notice in Scrip- 
 ture of city-building is of Enoch by Cain, 
 in the land of his exile (Gen. iv. 17). After 
 the confusion of tongues, the descendants 
 of Nimrod founded Babel, Erech, Accad, 
 and Calneh, in the land of Shinar, and 
 Asshur, a branch from the same stock, 
 built Nineveh, Rehoboth-by-the-river, Ca- 
 lah, and Resen, the last .being " a great 
 city." The earliest description of a city, 
 properly so called, is that of Sodom (Gen. 
 xix. 1-22). Hebron is said to have been 
 built sever, years before Zoan (Tanis) in 
 Egypt, and is thus the only Syrian town 
 which presents the elements of a date for 
 its foundation (Num. xiii. 22). Even be- 
 fore the time of Abraham there were cities 
 in Egypt (Gen. xii. 14, 15 ; Num. xiii. 22), 
 and the Israelites, during their sojourn 
 
 there, were employed in building or forti- 
 fying the " treasure cities " of Pithom and 
 Raamses (Ex. i. 11). Meanwhile the set- 
 tled inhabitants of Syria on both sides of 
 the Jordan had grown in power and in 
 number of " fenced cities," which were 
 occupied and perhaps partly rebuilt or for- 
 tified after the conquest. 
 
 Cities of Refuge, six Levitical cities 
 specially chosen for refuge to the involun- 
 tary homicide until released from banish 
 ment by the death of the high-priest (Num. 
 xxxv. 6, 13, 15; Josh. xx. 2, 7, 9). There 
 were three on each side of Jordan. 1. KE- 
 I>ESH, in Naphtali (1 Chr. vi. 76). 2. 
 SHECHEM, in Mount Ephraim (Josh. xxi. 
 21; 1 Chr. vi. 67; 2 Chr. x. 1). 3. HE- 
 BRON, in Judah (Josh. xxi. 13 ; 2 Sam. v. 
 5; 1 Chr. vi. 55, xxix. 27; 2 Chr. xi. 10). 
 4. On the E. side of Jordan BEZER, in 
 the tribe of Reuben, in the plains of Moab 
 (Deut. iv. 43; Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 36; 1 
 Mace. v. 26). 5. RAMOTH-GILEAD, in the 
 tribe of Gad (Deut. iv. 43; Josh. xxi. 38; 
 1 K. xxii. 3). 6. GOLAN, in Bashan, in 
 the half-tribe of Manasseh (Deut. iv. 43 ; 
 Josh. xxi. 27 ; 1 Chr. vi. 71). 
 
 Cit'ims, 1 Mace. viii. 5. [CHITTIM.] 
 
 Citizenship. The use of this term in 
 Scripture has exclusive reference to the 
 usages of the Roman empire. The privi- 
 lege of Roman citizenship was originally 
 acquired in various ways, as by purchase 
 (Acts xxii. 28), by military services, by 
 favor, or by manumission. The right once 
 obtained descended to a man's children 
 (Acts xxii. 28). Among the privileges at- 
 tached to citizenship, we may note that a 
 man could not be bound or imprisoned 
 without a formal trial (Acts xxii. 29), still 
 less be scourged (Acts xvi. 37 ; Cic. in 
 Vcrr. v. 63,66). Another privilege attach- 
 ing to citizenship was the appeal from a 
 provincial tribunal to the emperor at Rome 
 (Acts xxv. 11). 
 
 Citron. [APPLE-TREE.] 
 
 Clau'da (Acts xxvii. 16), a small island 
 nearly due W. of Cape Matala on the S. 
 coast of Crete, and nearly due S. of PHOE- 
 KICE, now Gozzo, 
 
 Clau'dia, a Christian woman mentioned 
 in 2 Tim. iv. 21, as saluting Timothens. 
 There is reason for supposing that this 
 Claudia was a British maiden, daughter of 
 king Cogidubnus, an ally of Rome, who 
 took the name of his imperial patron, 
 Tiberius Claudius. She appears to have 
 become the wife of Pudens, who is men- 
 tioned in the same verse. 
 
 Clau'dius, fourth Roman emperor, 
 reigned from 41 to 54 A. D. He was the 
 son of Nero Drusus, was born in Lyons, 
 Aug. 1, B. c. 9 or 10, and lived private and 
 unknown till the day of his being called to 
 the throne, January 24, A. D. 41. He wa 
 nominated to the supreme power mainly
 
 CLAUDIUS LYSIAS 
 
 115 
 
 COAL 
 
 through the influence of Herod Agrippa 
 the First. In the reign of Claudius there 
 were several famines, arising from unfa- 
 vorable harvests, and one such occurred in 
 Palestine and Syria (Acts xi. 28-30) under 
 the procurators Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius 
 Alexander, which perhaps lasted some years. 
 Claudius was induced by a tumult of the 
 Jews in Rome to expel them from the city 
 (cf. Acts xviii. 2). The date of this event 
 is uncertain. After a weak and foolish reign 
 he was poisoned by his fourth wife Agrippina, 
 the mother of Nero, Oct. 13, A. D. 54. 
 
 Clau'dius Lys'ias. [LYSIAS.] 
 
 Clay. As the sediment of water re- 
 maining in pits or in streets, the word is 
 used frequently in O. T. (Is. Ivii. 20 ; Jer. 
 xxxviii. 6; Ps. xviii. 42), and in N. T. 
 (John ix. 6), a mixture of sand or dust 
 with spittle. It is also found in the sense 
 of potter's clay (Is. xli. 25). The great 
 seat of the pottery of the present day in 
 Palestine is Gaza, where are made the ves- 
 sels in dark blue clay so frequently met 
 with. Another use of clay was for sealing 
 (Job xxxviii. 14). Wine jars in Egypt 
 were sometimes sealed with clay ; mummy 
 pits were sealed with the same substance, 
 and remains of clay are still found adher- 
 ing to the stone door-jambs. Our Lord's 
 tomb may have been thus sealed (Matt, 
 xxvii. 66), as also the earthen vessel con- 
 taining the evidences of Jeremiah's pur- 
 chase (Jer. xxxii. 14). The seal used for 
 public documents was rolled on the moist 
 clay, and the tablet was then placed in the 
 fire and baked. The practice of sealing 
 doors with clay to facilitate detection in case 
 of malpractice is still common in the East. 
 
 Clem'ent (Phil. iv. 2), a fellow-laborer 
 of St. Paul, when he was at Philippi. It 
 was generally believed in the ancient 
 church, that this Clement was identical 
 with the Bishop of Rome, who afterwards 
 became so celebrated. 
 
 Cle'opas, one of the two disciples who 
 were going to Emmaus on the day of the 
 resurrection (Luke xxiv. 18). It is a ques- 
 tion whether this Cleopas is to be consid- 
 ered as identical with CLEOPHAS (accur. 
 Clopas) orAlphaeusin Johnxix. 25. On the 
 whole, it seems safer to doubt their identity. 
 
 Cleopa'tra. 1. The "wife of Ptole- 
 my " (Esth. xi. 1) was probably the grand- 
 daughter of Antiochus, and wife of Ptol. 
 VI. Philometor. 2. A daughter of Ptol. 
 VI. Philometor and Cleopatra (1), who 
 was married first to Alexander Balas B. c. 
 150 (1 Mace. x. 58), and afterwards given 
 by her father to Demetrius Nicator when 
 he invaded Syria (1 Mace. xi. 12). During 
 the captivity of Demetrius in Parthia, Cleo- 
 patra married his brother Antiochus VII. 
 Sidetes. She afterwards murdered Seleucus, 
 her eldest son by Demetrius ; and at length 
 was herself poisoned B. c. 120 by a draught 
 
 which she had prepared for her second sou 
 Antiochus VIII. 
 
 Cle'ophas. [CLEOPAS; ALPHAEUS.] 
 
 Clothing. [DRESS.] 
 
 Cloud. The shelter given, and refresh- 
 ment of rain promised, by clouds, give 
 them their peculiar prominence in Oriental 
 imagery, and the individual cloud iu an 
 ordinary cloudless region becomes well 
 defined and is dwelt upon like the indi- 
 vidual tree in the bare landscape. When 
 a cloud appears, rain is ordinarily appre- 
 hended, and thus the " cloud without rain " 
 becomes a proverb for the man of promise 
 without performance (Prov. xvi. 15; Is. 
 xviii. 4, xxv. 5 ; Jude 12 ; comp. Prov. xxv. 
 14). The cloud is a figure of transitori- 
 ness (Job xxx. 15 ; Hos. vi. 4), and of 
 whatever intercepts divine favor or human 
 supplication (Lam. ii. 1, iii. 44). Being 
 the least substantial of visible forms, it is 
 the one amongst material things which 
 suggests most easily spiritual being. Hence 
 it is the recognized machinery by which 
 supernatural appearances are introduced 
 (Is. xix. 1 ; Ez. i. 4 ; Eev. i. 7). A bright 
 cloud, at any rate at times, visited and 
 rested on the Mercy Seat (Ex. xxix. 42, 43 ; 
 
 1 K. viii. 10, 11 ; 2 Chr. v. 14 ; Ez. xliii. 4), 
 and was by later writers named Shechinah. 
 
 Cloud, Pillar Of. This was the ac- 
 tive form of the symbolical glory-cloud, 
 betokening God's presence to lead His 
 chosen host, or to inquire and visit offences, 
 as the luminous cloud of the sanctuary ex- 
 hibited the same under an aspect of repose. 
 The cloud, which became a pillar when the 
 host moved, seems to have rested at other 
 times on the tabernacle, whence God is said 
 to have " come down in the pillar " (Num. 
 xii. 5; so Ex. xxxiii. 9, 10). It preceded 
 the host, apparently resting on the ark 
 which led the way (Ex. xiii. 21, xl. 36, &c. ; 
 Num. ix. 15-23, x. 34). 
 
 Cni'dus is mentioned in 1 Mace. xv. 23, 
 as one of the Greek cities which contained 
 Jewish residents in the 2d century B. c., 
 and in Acts xxvii. 7, as a harbor which was 
 passed by St. Paul after leaving Myra, and 
 before running under the lee of Crete. It 
 was a city of great consequence, situated 
 at the extreme S. W. of the peninsula of 
 Asia Minor, on a promontory now called 
 Cape Crio, which projects between the 
 islands of Cos and Rhodes (see Acts xxi. 1). 
 
 Coal. In A. V. this word represents no 
 less than five different Heb. words. 1. 
 The first and most frequently used is gache- 
 leth, a live ember, burning fuel, as distin- 
 guished from pcchdm (Prov. xxvi. 21). In 
 
 2 Sam. xxii. 9, 13, " coals of fire " are put 
 metaphorically for the lightnings proceeding 
 from God (Ps. xviii. 8, 12, 13, cxl. 10). In 
 Prov. xxv. 22 we have the proverbial < 
 pression, "Thou shalt heap coals of 
 upon his head," which has been adopted by
 
 COAT 
 
 116 
 
 COLOSSIANS 
 
 St. Paul in Rom. xii. 20, and by which are 
 metaphorically expressed the burning shame 
 and confusion which men must feel when 
 their evil is requited by good. 2. Pech&m. 
 In Prov. xxvi. 21, this word clearly signi- 
 fies fuel not yet lighted. The fuel meant 
 in the above passages is probably charcoal, 
 and not coal in our sense of the word. 
 
 Coat. [DRESS.] 
 
 Cock. In the ^N. T. the " cock " is 
 mentioned in reference to St. Peter's de- 
 nial of our Lord, and indirectly in the 
 word "cock-crowing" (Matt. xxvi. 34; 
 Mark xiv. 30, xiii. 35, &c.). We know 
 that the domestic cock and hen were early 
 known to the ancient Greeks and Romans, 
 and as no mention is made in the O. T. of 
 these birds, and no figures of them occur 
 on the Egyptian monuments, they probably 
 came into Judaea with the Romans, who, 
 as is well known, prized these birds both as 
 articles of food and for cock-fighting. 
 
 Cockatrice. [ADDEK.] 
 
 Cockle (Heb. bosh&h) occurs only in 
 Job xxxi. 40. We are inclined to believe 
 that the boshdh denotes any bad weeds or 
 fruit, and may in Job signify bad or smut- 
 ted barley. 
 
 Coele-Syr'ia, " the hollow Syria," was 
 (strictly speaking) the name given by the 
 Greeks, afterthetime of Alexander, to the re- 
 markable valley or hollow which intervenes 
 between Libanus and Anti-Libanus, stretch- 
 ing a distance of nearly a hundred miles. 
 But the term was also used in a much 
 wider sense. In the first place it was ex- 
 tended so as to include the inhabited tract 
 to the east of the Anti-Libanus range, be- 
 tween it and the desert, in which stood the 
 great city of Damascus ; and then it was 
 further carried on upon that side of Jordan, 
 through Traconitis and Paraea, to Idumaea 
 and the borders of Egypt. The only dis- 
 tinct reference to the region, as a separate 
 tract of country, which the Jewish Scrip- 
 tures contain, is probably that in Amos 
 (i. 5), where "the inhabitants of the plain 
 of Aven " are threatened in conjunction 
 with those of Damascus. In the Apocry- 
 phal Books there is frequent mention of 
 Coele-Syria in a somewhat vague sense, 
 nearly as an equivalent for Syria (1 Esd. 
 ii. 17, 24, 27, iv. 48, vi. 29, vii. 1, viii. 67; 
 1 Mace. x. 69 ; 2 Mace. iii. 5, 8, iv. 4, viii. 
 8, x. 11). In all these cases the word is 
 given in A. V. as CELOSTRIA. 
 
 Coffer (Argdz), a movable box hang- 
 ing from the side of a cart (1 Sam. vi. 8, 
 11, 15). This word is found nowhere else. 
 { - Coffin. [BURIAL.] 
 
 Col-ho'zeh, a man of the tribe of Judah 
 in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 15, xi. 5). 
 
 Collar. For the proper sense of this term, 
 as it occurs in Judg. viii. 26, see BARKINGS. 
 
 College, The. In 2 K. xxii. 14 it is 
 said in the A. V. that Huldah the prophet- 
 
 ess "dwelt in Jerusalem in the college" 
 (Heb. mishneh}, or, as the margin has it, 
 "in the second part." The same part of 
 the city is undoubtedly alluded to in Zeph. 
 i. 10 (A. V. "the second"). It is proba- 
 ble that the mishneh was the "lower city," 
 built on the hill Akra. 
 
 Colony, a designation of Philippi, in 
 Acts xvi. 12. After the battle of Actium, 
 Augustus assigned to his veterans those 
 parts of Italy which had espoused the 
 cause of Antony, and transported many of 
 the expelled inhabitants to Philippi, Dyr- 
 rachium, and other cities. In this way 
 Philippi was made a Roman colony with 
 the "Jus Italicum." 
 
 Colors. The terms relative to color, 
 occurring in the Bible, may be arranged in 
 two classes, the first including those applied 
 to the description of natural objects, the 
 second those artificial mixtures which were 
 employed in dyeing or painting. The nat- 
 ural colors noticed in the Bible are white, 
 black, red, yellow, and green. The only 
 fundamental color of which the Hebrews 
 appear to have had a clear conception was 
 red ; and even this is not very often noticed. 
 They had therefore no scientific knowledge 
 of colors, and we cannot but think that the 
 attempt to explain such passages as Rev.iv. 3 
 by the rules of philosophical truth, must fail. 
 
 Colps'se (more properly Colos'sae), 
 a city in the upper part of the basin of the 
 Maeander, on one of its affluents named the 
 Lycus. Hierapolis and Laodicaea were in 
 its immediate neighborhood (Col. ii. 1, iv. 
 13,15,16; see Rev. i. 11, iii. 14). Colossae 
 fell as these other two cities rose in im- 
 portance. It was situated close to the 
 great road which led from Ephesus to the 
 Euphrates. Hence our impulse would be 
 to conclude that St. Paul passed this way, 
 and founded or confirmed the Colossian 
 Church on his third missionary journey 
 (Acts xviii. 23, xix. 1). The most compe- 
 tent commentators, however, agree in think- 
 ing that Col. ii. 1, proves that St. Paul 
 had never been there when the Epistle was 
 written. That the Apostle hoped to visit 
 the place on being delivered from his Ro- 
 man imprisonment is clear from Philemon 
 22 (compare Phil. ii. 24). 
 
 Colossians, The Epistle to the, was 
 written by the Apostle St. Paul during his 
 first captivity at Rome (Actsxxviii. 16), and 
 apparently in that portion of it (Col. iv. 3. 4) 
 when the Apostle's imprisonment had not 
 assumed the more severe character which 
 seems to be reflected in the Epistle to the 
 Philippians (ch. i. 20, 21, 30, ii. 27), and 
 which not improbably succeeded (he death 
 of Burrus in A. D. 62, and the decline of the 
 influence of Seneca. This epistle was ad- 
 dressed to the Christians of the city of Co- 
 lossae, and was delivered to them by Tych- 
 icus, whom the Apostle had sent both to
 
 COMMERCE 
 
 117 
 
 CONEY 
 
 them (ch. iv. 7, 8), and to the church of 
 Ephesus (ch. vi. 21), to inquire into their 
 state and to administer exhortation and 
 comfort. The epistle seems to have been 
 called forth by the information St. Paul had 
 received from Epaphras (ch. iv. 12; Phi- 
 lem. 23) and from Onesimus, both of whom 
 appear to have been natives of Colossae. 
 The main object of the epistle is to warn 
 the Colossians against a spirit of semi-Ju- 
 daistic and semi-Oriental philosophy which 
 was corrupting the simplicity of their be- 
 lief, and was noticeably tending to obscure 
 the eternal glory and dignity of Christ. 
 The striking similarity between many por- 
 tions of this epistle and of that of the Ephe- 
 sians may be accounted for, (1) by the 
 proximity in time at which the two epistles 
 were written ; (2) by the high probability 
 that in two cities of Asia within a moderate 
 distance from one another, there would be 
 many doctrinal prejudices, and many social 
 relations, that would call forth and need 
 precisely the same language of warning and 
 exhortation. The shorter and perhaps more 
 vividly expressed Epistle to the Colossians 
 seems to have been first written, and to have 
 suggested the more comprehensive, more 
 systematic, but less individualizing, epistle 
 to the church of Ephesus. 
 
 Commerce. From the time that men 
 began to live in cities, trade, in some shape, 
 must have been carried on to supply the 
 town-dwellers with necessaries; but it is 
 also clear that international trade must 
 have existed, and affected to some extent 
 even the pastoral nomade races, for we find 
 that Abraham was rich, not only in cattle, 
 but in silver, gold, and gold and silver plate 
 and ornaments (Gen. xiii. 2, xxiv. 22, 53). 
 Among trading nations mentioned in Scrip- 
 ture, Egypt holds in very early times a 
 prominent position, though her external 
 trade was carried on, not by her own citi- 
 zens, but by foreigners, chiefly of the 
 nomade races. The internal trade of the 
 Jews, as well as the external, was much 
 promoted, as was the case also in Egypt, by 
 the festivals, which brought large numbers 
 of persons to Jerusalem, and caused great 
 outlay in victims for sacrifices and in in- 
 cense (IK. viii. 63). The places of pub- 
 lic market were, then as now, chiefly the 
 open spaces near the gates, to which goods 
 were brought for sale by those who came 
 from the outside (Neh. xiii. 15, 16 ; Zeph. i. 
 10). The traders in later times were al- 
 lowed to intrude into the temple, in the 
 outer courts of which victims were public- 
 ly sold for the sacrifices (Zech.xiv. 21 ; Matt. 
 xxi. 12 ; John ii. 14). 
 
 Conani'ah, one of the chiefs of the Le- 
 vites in the time of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 9). 
 
 Concubine. The difference between 
 wife and concubine was less marked among 
 the Hebrews than among us, owing to the 
 
 absence of moral stigma. The concubine's 
 condition was a definite one, and quite 
 independent of the fact of there being 
 another woman having the rights of wife 
 towards the same man. The difference 
 probably lay in the absence of the right of 
 the bill of divorce, without which the wife 
 could not be repudiated. With regard to 
 the children of wife and concubine, there 
 was no such difference as our illegitimacy 
 implies ; the latter were a supplementary 
 family to the former ; their names occur in 
 the patriarchal genealogies (Gen. xxii. 24; 
 1 Chr. i. 22) , and their position and provis- 
 ion would depend on the father's will (Gen. 
 xxv. 6). The state of concubinage is as- 
 sumed and provided for by the law of Moses. 
 A concubine would generally be either, (1) 
 a Hebrew girl bought of her father ; (2) a 
 Gentile captive taken in war ; (3) a foreign 
 slave bought ; or (4) a Canaanitish woman, 
 bond or free. The rights of (1) and (2) 
 were protected by law (Ex. xxi. 7 ; Deut. 
 xxi. 10-14), but (3) was unrecognized, and 
 (4) prohibited. Free Hebrew women also 
 might become concubines. So Gideon's 
 concubine seems to have been of a family 
 of rank and influence in Shechem, and such 
 was probably the state of the Levite's concu- 
 bine ( Judg. xx.) . The ravages of war among 
 the male sex, or the impoverishment of 
 families, might often induce this condition. 
 The case (1) was not a hard lot (Ex. xxi.). 
 The provisions relating to (2) are merciful 
 and considerate to a rare degree. In the 
 books of Samuel and Kings the concubines 
 mentioned belong to the king, and their 
 condition and number cease to be a guide 
 to the general practice. A new king stepped 
 into the rights of his predecessor, and by 
 Solomon's time the custom had approx- 
 imated to that of a Persian harem (2 Sam. 
 xii. 8, xvi. 21; IK. ii. 22). To seize on 
 royal concubines for his use was thus a 
 usurper's first act. Such was probably the 
 intent of Abner's act (2 Sam. iii. 7), and 
 similarly the request on behalf of Adoni- 
 jah was construed (1 K. ii. 21-24). 
 
 Conduit. Although no notice is given 
 either by Scripture or by Josephus of any 
 connection between the pools of Solomon 
 beyond Bethlehem and a supply of water 
 for Jerusalem, it seems unlikely that so 
 large a work as the pools should be con- 
 structed merely for irrigating his gardens 
 (Eccl. ii. 6), and tradition, both oral and as 
 represented by Talmudical writers, ascribes 
 to Solomon the formation of the original 
 aqueduct by which water was brought to 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 Coney (Sh&phAn), a gregarious animal 
 of the class Pachydermata, which is found 
 in Palestine, living in the caves and clefts 
 of the rocks, and has been erroneously 
 identified with the Kabbit or Coney. . 
 scientific name is Uyrax Synacus. In
 
 CONGREGATION 
 
 118 
 
 COPPEK 
 
 Lev. xi . 5 and in Dcut. xiv. 7 it is declared 
 to be unclean, because it chews the cud, 
 but does not divide the hoof. In Ps. civ. 
 18 Ave are told " the rocks are a refuge for 
 
 Hynix Syiiacue. (From a specimen in the British Mu- 
 eum.) 
 
 the coneys," and in Prov. xxx. 26, that " the 
 coneys are but a feeble folk, yet make they 
 their houses in the rocks." The Hyrax 
 satisfies exactly the expressions in the two 
 last passages. Its color is gray or brown 
 on the back, white on the belly; it is like 
 the alpine marmot, scarcely of the size of 
 the domestic cat, having long hair, a very 
 short tail, and round ears. It is found on 
 the Lebanon and in the Jordan and Dead 
 Sea valleys. 
 
 Congregation. This describes the 
 Hebrew people in its collective capacity 
 under its peculiar aspect as a holy commu- 
 nity, held together by religious rather than 
 political bonds. Sometimes it is used in a 
 broad sense as inclusive of foreign settlers 
 (Ex. xii. 19) ; but more properly, as exclu- 
 sively appropriate to the Hebrew element 
 of the population (Num. xv. 15). Every 
 circumcised Hebrew was a member of the 
 congregation, and took part in its proceed- 
 ings, probably from the time that he bore 
 arms. The congregation occupied an im- 
 portant position under the Theocracy, as 
 the comitia or national parliament, invest- 
 ed with legislative and judicial powers; 
 each house, family, and tribe being repre- 
 sented by its head or father. The number 
 of these representatives being inconvenient- 
 ly large for ordinary business, a further 
 selection was made by Moses of 70, who 
 formed a species of standing committee 
 (Num. xi. 16). Occasionally indeed the 
 whole body of the people was assembled at 
 the door of the tabernacle, hence usually 
 called the tabernacle of the congregation 
 (Num. x. 3). The people were strictly 
 bound by the acts of their representatives, 
 even in cases where they disapproved of 
 them (Josh. ix. 18). After the occupation 
 of the land of Canaan, the congregation 
 was assembled only on matters of the high- 
 est importance. In the later periods of 
 Jewish history the congregation was repre- 
 sented by the Sanhedrim. 
 
 Coni'ah. [JECONIAH.] 
 
 Corioni'ah, a Levite, ruler of the offer- 
 ings and tithes in the time of Hezekiah (2 
 Chr. xxxi. 12, 13). 
 
 Consecration. [PRIEST.] 
 
 Convocation. This term is applied 
 invariably to meetings of a religious char- 
 acter, in contradistinction to congregation. 
 With one exception (Is. i. 13), the word is 
 peculiar to the Pentateuch. 
 
 Cooking. As meat did not form an ar- 
 ticle of ordinary diet among the Jews, the 
 art of cooking was not carried to any per- 
 fection. Few animals were slaughtered 
 except for purposes of hospitality or fes- 
 tivity. The proceedings on such occasions 
 appear to have been as follows : On the 
 arrival of a guest, the animal, either a kid, 
 lamb, or calf, was killed (Gen. xviii. 7; 
 Luke xv. 23), its throat being cut so that 
 the blood might be poured out (Lev. vii. 
 26) ; it was then flayed and was ready either 
 for roasting or boiling ; in the former case 
 the animal was preserved entire (Ex. xii. 
 46), and roasted either over a fire (Ex. xii. 
 8) of wood (Is. xliv. 16), or perhaps in an 
 oven, consisting simply of a hole dug in the 
 earth, well heated, and covered up. Boil- 
 ing, however, was the more usual method of 
 cooking. 
 
 Co'os, Acts xxi. 1. [Cos.] 
 
 Copper, Heb. Nichdsheth, in the A. V. 
 always rendered " brass," except in Ezr. 
 viii. 27, and Jer. xv. 12. This metal is 
 usually found as pyrites (sulphuret of cop- 
 per and iron), malachite (carb. of copper), 
 or in the state of oxide, and occasionally 
 in a native state, principally in the New 
 World. It was almost exclusively used 
 by the ancients for common purposes ; for 
 which its elastic and ductile nature rendered 
 it practically available. We read in the 
 Bible of copper, possessed in countless 
 abundance (2 Chr. iv. 18), and used for 
 every kind of instrument ; as chains (Judg. 
 xvi. 21), pillars (1 K. vii. 15-21), lavers, 
 the great one being called " the coppei 
 sea" (2 K. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. xviii. 8), and 
 the other temple vessels. These were 
 made in the foundery, with the assistance 
 of Hiram, a Phoenician (1 K. vii. 13), al- 
 though the Jews were not ignorant of met- 
 allurgy (Ez. xxii. 18 ; Deut. iv. 20, &c.), and 
 appear to have worked their own mines 
 (Deut. viii. 9; Is. li. 1). We read also of 
 copper mirrors (Ex. xxxviii. 8 ; Job xxxvii. 
 18), and even of copper arms, as helmets, 
 spears, &c. (1 Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38 ; 2 Sam. 
 xxi. 16). The expression "bow of steel," 
 in Job xx. 24 ; Ps. xviii. 34, should be ren- 
 dered "bow of copper." They could 
 hardly have applied copper to these pur- 
 poses without possessing some judicious 
 system of alloys, or perhaps some forgot- 
 ten secret for rendering the metal harder 
 and more elastic than we can make it. The 
 only place in the A. V. where " copper" is 
 mentioned is Ez. viii. 27 (cf. 1 Esd. viii. 
 57). These vessels may have been of ori- 
 chalcum like the Persian or Indian vasea
 
 CORAL 
 
 119 
 
 CORINTHIANS 
 
 found among t.ic treasures of Darius. In 
 Ez. xxvii. 13 the importation of copper ves- 
 sels to the markets of Tyre by merchants of 
 Javan, Tubal, and Meshech is alluded to. 
 Probably these were the Moschi, &c., who 
 worked the copper-mines in the neighbor- 
 hood of Mount Caucasus. In 2 Tim. iv. 
 14 /u'/.xtt'c is rendered " coppersmith," but 
 the term is perfectly general. 
 
 Coral occurs only as the somewhat 
 doubtful rendering of the Hebrew rdmdth, 
 in Job xxviii. 18, and in Ez. xxvii. 16. But 
 " coral " has decidedly the best claim of 
 any other substances to represent rdmdth. 
 With regard to the estimation in which 
 coral was held by the Jews and other Ori- 
 entals, it must be remembered that coral 
 varies in price with us. Pliny says that 
 the Indians valued coral as the Romans 
 valued pearls. 
 
 Corban, an offering to God of any sort, 
 bloody or bloodless, but particularly in ful- 
 filment of a vow. The law laid down rules 
 for vows, 1. affirmative; 2. negative (Lev. 
 xxvii. ; Num. xxx.). Upon these rules the 
 traditionists enlarged, and laid down that a 
 man might interdict himself by vow, not 
 only from using for himself, but from giv- 
 ing to another, or receiving from him, some 
 particular object, whether of food or any 
 other kind whatsoever. The thing thus 
 interdicted was considered as Corban. A 
 person might thus exempt himself from 
 ny inconvenient obligation under plea of 
 corban. It was practices of this sort that 
 our Lord reprehended (Matt. xv. 5 ; Mark 
 vii. 11), as annulling the spirit of the law. 
 
 Cord. The materials of which cord 
 was made varied according to the strength 
 required ; the strongest rope was probably 
 made of strips of camel hide, as still used 
 by the Bedouins. The finer sorts were 
 made of flax (Is. xix. 9), and probably of 
 reeds and rushes. In the N. T. the term 
 is applied to the whip which our Saviour 
 made (John ii. 15), and to the ropes of a 
 ship (Acts xxvii. 32). 
 
 Co're, Jude 11. [KORAH, 1.] 
 
 Coriander. The plant called Corian- 
 drum sativum is found in Egypt, Persia, 
 and India, and has a round tall stalk; it 
 bears umbelliferous white or reddish flow- 
 ers, from which arise globular, grayish, 
 spicy seed-corns, marked with fine striae. 
 It is mentioned twice in the Bible (Ex. xvi. 
 31; Num. xi. 7). 
 
 Corinth. This city is alike remarkable 
 for its distinctive geographical position, its 
 eminence in Greek and Roman history, and 
 its close connection with the early spread 
 of Christianity. Geographically its situa- 
 tion was so marked, that the name of its 
 Isthmus has been given to every narrow 
 neck of land between two seas. But, be- 
 sides this, the site of Corinth is clistin- 
 
 feature viz. the Acrocorinthus, a vast 
 citadel of rock, which rises abruptly to the 
 height of 2000 feet above the level of the 
 sea, and the summit of which is so exten- 
 sive that it once contained a whole town. 
 The situation of Corinth, and the posses- 
 sion of its eastern and western harbors 
 (CENCHREAE and LECHAEUM), are the se- 
 crets of its history. In the latest passages 
 of Greek history Corinth held a conspicu- 
 ous place. It is not the true Greek Corinth 
 with which we have to do in the life of St. 
 Paul, but the Corinth which was rebuilt 
 and established as a Roman colony. The 
 distinction between the two must be care- 
 fully remembered. The new city was hardly 
 less distinguished than the old, and it ac- 
 quired a fresh importance as the metropolis 
 of the Roman province of ACHAIA. Cor- 
 inth was a place of great mental activity, 
 as well as of commercial and manufactur- 
 ing enterprise. Its wealth was so cele- 
 brated as to be proverbial; so were the 
 vice and profligacy of its inhabitants. The 
 worship of Venus here was attended with 
 shameful licentiousness. All these points 
 are indirectly illustrated by passages in the 
 two epistles to the Corinthians. Corinth 
 is still an episcopal see. The city has now 
 shrunk to a wretched village, on the old 
 site, and bearing the old name, which, how- 
 ever, is corrupted into Gortho. The Posi- 
 donium, or sanctuary of Neptune, the 
 scene of the Isthmian games, from which 
 St. Paul borrows some of his most striking 
 imagery in 1 Cor. and other epistles, was 
 a short distance to the N. E. of Corinth, 
 at the narrowest part of the Isthmus, near 
 the harbor of Schoenus (now Kalam&ki) 
 on the Saronic gulf. The exact site of the 
 temple is doubtful; but to the south are 
 the remains of the stadium, where the foot- 
 races were run (1 Cor. ix. 24) ; to the east 
 are those of the theatre, which was prob- 
 ably the scene of the pugilistic contests 
 (ib. 26) : and abundant on the shore are 
 the small green pine-trees which gave the 
 fading wreath (ib. 25) to the victors in the 
 games. 
 
 Corinthians, First Epistle to the, 
 was written by the Apostle St. Paul toward 
 the close of his nearly three years' stay at 
 Ephesus (Acts xix. 10, xx. 31), which, we 
 learn from 1 Cor. xvi. 8, probably terminated 
 with the Pentecost of A. D. 57 or 58. The 
 bearers were probably (according to the 
 common subscription) Stephanus, Fortu- 
 natus, and Achaicus, who had been recent- 
 ly sent to the Apostle, and who, in the con- 
 clusion of this epistle (ch. xvi. 17), are 
 especially commended to the honorable 
 regard of tin; church of Corinth, 
 varied and highly characteristic letter was 
 addressed not to any party, but to thi whole 
 body of the large (Acts sviii. 8, 10), Ju- 
 
 IUCB HUB) i/iic sue 01 v^unmu is uioi rwu^ v .... ~ v. - 
 
 guished by another conspicuous physical j daeo-Gentile (Acts xviii 4; <
 
 CORINTHIANS 
 
 120 
 
 CORMOEANT 
 
 Corinth, and appears to have been called 
 forth, 1st, by the information the Apostle 
 had received from members of the house- 
 hold of Chloe (ch. i. 11), of the divisions 
 that were existing among them, which were 
 of so grave a nature as to have already in- 
 duced the Apostle to desire Timothy to visit 
 Corinth (ch. iv. 17) after his journey to 
 Macedonia (Acts xix. 22) ; 2dly, by the in- 
 formation he had received of a grievous case 
 of incest (ch. v. 1), and of the defective 
 state of the Corinthian converts, not only 
 in regard of general habits (ch. vi. 1, sq.) 
 and church discipline (ch. xi. 20, sq.), but 
 as ic would also seem, of doctrine (ch. 
 xv.) ; 3dly, by the inquiries that had been 
 specially addressed to St. Paul by the 
 church of Corinth on several matters re- 
 lating to Christian practice. Two special 
 points deserve separate consideration: 1. 
 The state of parties at Corinth at the time 
 of the Apostle's writing. The few facts 
 supplied to us by the Acts of the Apostles, 
 and the notices in the epistle, appear to be 
 as follows : The Corinthian church was 
 planted by the Apostle himself (1 Cor. iii. 
 6), in his second missionary journey (Acts 
 xviii. 1, sq.). . He abode in the city a year 
 and a half (ch. xviii. 11). A short time 
 after the Apostle had left the city the elo- 
 quent Jew of Alexandria, Apollos, went to 
 Corinth (Acts xix. 1). This circumstance 
 of the visit of Apollos appears to have 
 formed the commencement of a gradual 
 division into two parties, the followers of 
 St. Paul, and the followers of Apollos 
 (comp. ch. iv. 6). These divisions, how- 
 ever, were to be multiplied; for, as it 
 would seem, shortly after the departure of 
 Apollos, Judaizing teachers, supplied prob- 
 ably with letters of commendation (2 Cor. 
 iii. 1) from the church of Jerusalem, ap- 
 pear to have come to Corinth and to have 
 preached the Gospel in a spirit of direct 
 antagonism to St. Paul personally. To 
 this third party we may perhaps add a 
 fourth, that, under the name of " the fol- 
 lowers of Christ" (ch. i. 12), sought at 
 first to separate themselves from the fac- 
 tious adherence to particular teachers, but 
 eventually were driven by antagonism into 
 positions equally sectarian and inimical to 
 the unity of the church. At this moment- 
 ous period, before parties had become con- 
 solidated, and had distinctly withdrawn 
 from communion with one another, the 
 Apostle writes : and in the outset of the 
 epistle (ch. i.-iv. 21) we have his noble and 
 impassioned protest against this fourfold 
 rending of the robe of Christ. 2. The 
 number of epistles written by St. Paul to 
 the Coriathian church will probably remain 
 a subject of controversy to the end of time. 
 The well-known words (ch. v. 9) do cer- 
 tainly seem to point to some former epis- 
 tolary communication to the church of 
 
 Corinth. The whole context seems in fa- 
 vor of this view, though the Greek com- 
 mentators are of the contrary opinion, and 
 no notice has been taken of the lost epistle 
 by any writers of antiquity. 
 
 Corinthians, Second Epistle to 
 the, was written a few months subse- 
 quently to the first, in the same year, 
 and thus, if the dates assigned to the former 
 epistle be correct, about the autumn of A. D. 
 57 or 58, a short time previous to the 
 Apostle's three months' stay in Achaia 
 (Acts xx. 3). The place whence it was 
 written was clearly not Ephesus (see ch. i. 
 8), but Macedonia (ch. vii. 5, viii. 1, ix. 2), 
 whither the Apostle went by way of Troas 
 (ch. ii. 12), after waiting a short time in 
 the latter place for the return of Titus (ch. 
 ii. 13). The Vatican MS., the bulk of 
 later MSS., and the old Syr. version, as- 
 sign Philippi as the exact place whence it 
 was written; but for this assertion we have 
 no certain grounds to rely on : that the 
 bearers, however, were Titus and his asso- 
 ciates (Luke?) is apparently substantiated 
 by ch. viii. 23, ix. 3, 5. The epistle was 
 occasioned by the information which thu 
 Apostle had received from Titus, and also, 
 as it would certainly seem probable, from 
 Timothy, of the reception of the first epis- 
 tle. This information, as it would seem 
 from our present epistle, was mainly fit- 
 vorable ; the better part of the church 
 were returning back to their spiritual al- 
 legiance to their founder (ch. i. 13, 14, vii. 
 9, 15, 16), but there was still a faction, pos^ 
 sibly of the Judaizing members (comp. cb. 
 xi. 22), that were sharpened into even a 
 more keen animosity against the Apostle 
 personally (ch. x. 1, 10), and more strenu- 
 ously denied his claim to Apostleship. The 
 contents of this epistle are thus very va- 
 ried, but niay be divided into three parts : 
 1st, the Apostle's account of the character 
 of his spiritual labors, accompanied with 
 notices of his affectionate feelings towards 
 his converts (ch. i.-vii.) ; 2dly, directions 
 about the collections (ch. viii., ix.) ; 3dly, 
 defence of his own Apostolical character 
 (ch. x.-xiii. 10). The principal historical 
 difficulty connected with the epistle relates 
 to the number of visits made by the 
 Apostle to the church of Corinth. The 
 words of this epistle (ch. xii. 14, xiii. 1, 2) 
 seem distinctly to imply that St. Paul had 
 visited Corinth twice before the time at 
 which he now writes. St. Luke, however, 
 only mentions one visit prior to that time 
 (Acts xviii. 1, sq.) ; for the visit recorded 
 in Acts xx. 2, 3, is confessedly subsequent. 
 We must assume that the Apostle made a 
 visit to Corinth which St. Luke did not re- 
 cord, probably during the period of his 
 three years' residence at Ephesus. 
 
 Cormorant. The representative in the 
 A. V. of the Hebrew wordti k&ath and
 
 CORN 
 
 121 
 
 COS 
 
 thAl&c. A.S to the former, see PELICAN. 
 Shdldc occurs only as the name of an un- 
 clean bird in Lev. xi. 17 ; Deut. xiv. 17. 
 The word has been variously rendered. 
 The etymology points to some plunging 
 bird : the common cormorant (Phalacro- 
 corax 'carbo), which some writers have 
 identified with the Shdldc, is unknown in 
 the eastern Mediterranean ; another species 
 i found S. of the Red Sea, but none on 
 the W. coast of Palestine. 
 
 Corn. The most common kinds were 
 wheat, barley, spelt (A. V. Ex. ix. 32, and 
 Is. xxviii. 25, "rie ; " Ez. iv. 9, " fitches ''), 
 and millet; oats are mentioned only by 
 rabbinical writers. Corn-crops are still 
 reckoned at twentyfold what was sown, and 
 were anciently much more. " Seven ears 
 on one stalk " (Gen. xli. 22) is no unusual 
 phenomenon in Egypt at this day. The 
 many-eared stalk is also common in the 
 wheat of Palestine, and it is of course of 
 the bearded kind. Wheat (see 2 Sam. iv. 
 6) was stored in the house for domestic 
 purposes. It is at present often kept in a 
 dry well, and perhaps the "ground corn" 
 of 2 Sam. xvii. 19 was meant to imply that 
 the well was so used. From Solomon's 
 time (2 Chr. ii. 10, 15), as agriculture became 
 developed under a settled government, Pal- 
 estine was a corn-exporting country, and 
 her grain was largely taken by her com- 
 mercial neighbor Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 17; 
 comp. Am. viii. 5). " Plenty of corn " was 
 part of Jacob's blessing (Gen. xxviii. 28; 
 comp. Ps. Ixv. 13). 
 
 Corne'liua, a Roman centurion of the 
 Italian cohort stationed in Caesarea (Acts 
 x. 1, &c.), a man full of good works and 
 alms-deeds. With his household he was 
 baptized by St. Peter, and 'thus Cornelius 
 became the first-fruits of the Gentile world 
 to Christ. 
 
 Corner. The " corner " of the field 
 was not allowed (Lev. xLx. 9) to be wholly 
 reaped. It formed a right of the poor to 
 carry off what was so left, and this was a 
 part of the maintenance from the soil to 
 which that class were entitled. On the 
 principles of the Mosaic polity every He- 
 brew family had a hold on a certain fixed 
 estate, and could by no ordinary and casual 
 calamity be wholly beggared. Hence its 
 indigent members had the claims of kindred 
 on the " corners," &c., of the field which 
 their landed brethren reaped. In the la- 
 ter period of the prophets their constant 
 complaints concerning the defrauding the 
 poor (Is. x. 2; Am. v. 11, viii. 6) seem to 
 show that such laws had lost their practical 
 force. Still later, under the Scribes, mi- 
 nute legislation fixed one sixtieth as the 
 portion of a field which was to be left for the 
 legal "corner." The proportion being thus 
 fixed, all the grain might be reaped, and 
 enough to satisfy the regulation subse- 
 
 jquently separated from the whole crop, 
 i This "corner" was, like the gleaning, 
 tithe-free. 
 
 Corner-stone, a quoin or corner-stone, 
 of great importance in binding together the 
 sides of a building. Some of the corner- 
 stones in the ancient work of the Temple 
 foundations are 17 or 19 feet long, and 74 
 feet thick. At Nineveh the corners are 
 sometimes formed of one angular stone. 
 The phrase "corner-stone" is sometimes 
 used to denote any principal person, as the 
 princes of Egypt (Is. xix. 13), and is thus 
 applied to our Lord (Is. xxviii. 16 ; Matt, 
 xxi. 42 ; 1 Pet. ii. 6, 7). 
 
 Cornet (Heb. Shdphdr'), a loud-sound- 
 ing instrument, made of the horn of a ram 
 or of a chamois (sometimes of an ox), and 
 used by the ancient Hebrews for signals, 
 t for announcing the " Jubilee " (Lev. xxv. 
 9), for proclaiming the new year, for the 
 purposes of war (Jer. iv. 5, 19 ; comp. Job 
 xxxix. 25), as well- as for the sentinels 
 placed at the watch-towers to give notice 
 of the approach of an enemy (Ez. xxxiii. 4, 
 5). Shdphdr is generally rendered hi the 
 A. V. "trumpet," but "cornet" (the more 
 correct translation) is used in 2 Chr. xv. 
 14 ; Pe. xcviii. 6 ; Hos. v. 8 ; and 1 Chr. 
 xv. 28. "Cornet" is also employed iu 
 Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15, for the Chaldee Keren 
 (literally a horn). The silver trumpets 
 which Moses was charged to furnish for the 
 I Israelites, were to be used for the follow- 
 ing purposes : for the calling together of 
 the assembly, for the journeying of camps, 
 for sounding the alarm of -war, and for cele- 
 ! brating the sacrifices on festivals and new 
 moons (Num. x. 1-10). In the age of Sol- 
 omon the " silver trumpets " were increased 
 in number to 120 (2 Chr. v. 12) ; and, in- 
 dependently of the objects for which they 
 had been first introduced, they were now 
 employed in the orchestra of the Temple 
 as an accompaniment to songs of thanks- 
 giving and praise. The sounding of the 
 cornet was the distinguishing ritual feature 
 of the festival appointed by Moses to be 
 held on the first day of the seventh month 
 i under the denomination of " a day of blow- 
 jing trumpets" (Num. xxix. 1), or " me- 
 ! morial of blowing of trumpets " (Lev. xxiii. 
 24). [TRUMPETS, FEASTS OF.] 
 
 Cos or Co'os (now Stanchio or Stanko). 
 This small island of the Grecian Archipel- 
 ago has several interesting points of con- 
 i nection with the Jews. It is specified as 
 ] one of the places which contained Jewish 
 i residents (1 Mace. xv. 23). Julius Caesar 
 ! issued an edict in favor of the Jews of Cos. 
 i Herod the Great conferred many favors on 
 ] the island. St. Paul, on the return from 
 i his third missionary journey, passed the 
 | night here, after sailing from MILETUS. 
 The chief town (of the same name) was on 
 ; the N. E. near a promontory called Scan-
 
 COSAM 
 
 122 
 
 CRETE 
 
 darium : and perhaps it is to the town that 
 xeference is made in the Acts (xxi. 1). 
 
 Co'sam, son of Elmodara, in the line 
 of Joseph the husband of Mary (Luke iii. 
 9tt). 
 
 Cotton, Heb. carpas (comp. Lat. car- 
 basus) Esth. i. 6, where the Vulg. has car- 
 basini coloris, as if a color, not a material 
 (so in A. V. "green"), were intended. 
 There is a doubt whether under Sh&sh, in 
 the earlier, and B&ts, in the later books of 
 the O. T., rendered in the A. V. by " white 
 linen," " fine linen," &c., cotton may have 
 been included as well. The dress of the 
 Egyptian priests, at any rate in their min- 
 istrations, was without doubt of linen (He- 
 rod, ii. 37). Cotton is now both grown and 
 manufactured in various parts of Syria and 
 Palestine ; but there is no proof that, till 
 they came in contact with Persia, the He- 
 brews generally knew of it as a distinct 
 fabric from linen. [LINEN.] 
 
 Couch. [BED.] 
 
 Council. 1. The great council of the 
 Sanhedrim, which sat at Jerusalem. [SAN- 
 HEDRIM.] 2. The lesser courts (Matt. x. 
 17 ; Mark xiii. 9), of which there were two 
 at Jerusalem, and one in each town of Pal- 
 estine. The constitution of these courts is 
 a doubtful point. The existence of local 
 courts, however constituted, is clearly im- 
 plied in the passages quoted from the N. 
 T.; and perhaps the "judgment" (Matt. 
 T. 21) applies to them. 3. A kind of jury 
 or privy council (Acts xxv. 12), consisting, 
 of a certain number of assessors, who as- 
 sisted Roman governors in the administra- 
 tion of justice and other public matters. 
 
 Court (Heb. chdtsr}, an open enclo- 
 sure, applied in the A. V. most commonly 
 to the enclosures of the Tabernacle and the 
 Temple (Ex. xxvii. 9, xl. 33 ; Lev. vi. 16 ; 
 1 K. vi. 36, vii. 8 ; 2 K. xxiii. 12 ; 2 Chr. 
 xxxiii. 5, &c.). 
 
 Covenant. The Heb. birith means 
 primarily "a cutting," with reference to 
 the custom of cutting or dividing animals 
 in two, and passing between the parts in 
 ratifying a covenant (Gen. xv. ; Jer. xxxiv. 
 18, 19). In the N. T. the corresponding 
 word is diathe.ee (<Jia3i ; x;), which is fre- 
 quently, though by no means uniformly, 
 translated testament in the Authorized Ver- 
 eion. In its Biblical meaning of a com- 
 pact or agreement between two parties, the 
 woid is used 1. Improperly, of a cove- 
 nant between God and man. Man not be- 
 ing in any way in the position of an inde- 
 pendent covenanting party, the phrase is 
 evidently used by way of accommodation. 
 Strifjlly speaking, such a covenant is quite 
 unconditional, and amounts to a promise 
 (Gal. iii. 15, ff.) or act of mere favor (Ps. 
 Ixxxix. 28). Thus the assurance given by 
 God after the Flood, that a like judgment 
 should not be repeated, and that the recur- 
 
 rence of the seasons, and of day and night, 
 should not cease, is called a covenant (Gen. 
 ix. ; Jer. xxxiii. 20). Consistently with 
 this representation of God's dealings with 
 man under the form of a covenant, such 
 covenant is said to be confirmed, in con- 
 formity to human custom, by ah oath 
 (Deut. iv. 31; Ps. Ixxxix. 3), to be sanc- 
 tioned by curses to fall upon the unfaithful 
 (Deut. xxix. 21), and to be accompanied 
 by a sign, such as the rainbow (Gen ix.), 
 circumcision (Gen. xvii.), or the Sabbath 
 (Ex. xxxi. 16, 17). 2. Properly, of a cove- 
 nant between man and man, i. e. a solemn 
 compact or agreement, either between tribes 
 or nations (1 Sam. xi. 1; Josh. ix. 6, 15), 
 or between individuals (Gen. xxxi. 44), by 
 which each party bound himself to fulfil 
 certain conditions, and was assured of re- 
 ceiving certain advantages. In making 
 such a covenant God was solemnly invoked 
 as witness (Gen. xxxi. 50), and an oath 
 was sworn (Gen. xxi. 31). A sign or wit- 
 ness of the covenant was sometimes framed, 
 such as a gift (Gen. xxi. 30), or a pillar, or 
 heap of stones erected (Gen. xxxi. 52). 
 The marriage compact is called " the cove- 
 nant of God" (Prov. ii. 17; see Mai. ii. 
 14). The word covenant came to be ap- 
 plied to a sure ordinance, such as that of 
 the shew-bread (Lev. xxiv. 8) ; and is used 
 figuratively in such expressions as a cove- 
 nant with death (Is. xxviii. 18), or with the 
 wild beasts (Hos. ii. 18). 
 
 Cow. [BULL.] 
 
 Coz, a man among the descendants of 
 Judah (1 Chr. iv. 8). 
 
 Cpz'bi, daughter of Zur, a chief of the 
 Midianites (Num. xxv. 15, 18). 
 
 Crane. There can be little doubt that 
 the A. V. is incorrect in rendering sAs by 
 " crane," which bird is probably intended 
 by the Hebrew word 'dgur, translated 
 "swallow," by the A. V. [SWALLOW.] 
 Mention is made of the s&s in Hezekiah's 
 prayer (Is. xxxviii. 14), " Like a sus or an 
 y &gur so did I twitter ; " and again in Jer. 
 viii. 7 these two words occur in the same 
 order, from which passage we learn that 
 both birds were migratory. According to 
 the testimony of most of the ancient ver- 
 sions, SMS denotes a " swallow." 
 
 Creditor. [LOAN.] 
 
 Cres'cens (2 Tim. iv. 10), an assistant 
 of St. Paul, said to have been one of the 
 seventy disciples. According to early tra- 
 dition, he preached the Gospel in Galatia. 
 Later tradition makes him preach in Gaul, 
 and found the Church at Vienne. 
 
 Crete, the modern Candia. This large 
 island, which closes in the Greek Archipel- 
 ago on the S., extends through a distance 
 of 140 miles between its extreme points of 
 Cape SALMONE (Acts xxvii. 7) on the E. 
 and Cape Criumetopon beyond PHOENICE 
 or Phoenix (ii. 12) on the W. Though
 
 CRETES 
 
 1'23 
 
 CROWN 
 
 extremely bold and mountainous, this island 
 has very fruitful valleys, and in early times 
 it was celebrated for its hundred cities. It 
 seems likely that a very early acquaintance 
 existed between the Cretans and the Jews. 
 There is no doubt that Jews were settled 
 in the island in considerable numbers dur- 
 ing the period between the death of Alex- 
 ander the Great and the final destruction 
 of Jerusalem. Gortyna seems to have been 
 their chief residence (1 Mace. xv. 23). 
 Thus the special mention of Cretans (Acts 
 ii. 11) among those who were at Jerusalem 
 at the great Pentecost is just what we 
 should expect. No notice is given in the 
 Acts of any more direct evangelization of 
 Crete ; and no absolute proof can be ad- 
 duced that St. Paul was ever there before 
 his voyage from Caesarea to Puteoli. The 
 circumstances of St. Paul's recorded visit 
 were briefly as follows : The wind being 
 contrary when he was off CNIDDS (Acts 
 xxvii. 7), the ship was forced to run down 
 to Cape Salmone, and thence under the lee 
 of Crete to FAIR HAVENS, which was near 
 a city called LASAF.A (ver. 8). Thence, after 
 some delay, an attempt was made, on the 
 wind becoming favorable, to reach Phoenice 
 for the purpose of wintering there (ver. 12). 
 The next point of connection between St. 
 Paul and this island is found in the Epistle 
 to Titus. It is evident from Tit. i. 5, that 
 the Apostle himself was here at no long 
 interval of time before he wrote the letter. 
 In the course of the letter (Tit. i. 12) St. 
 Paul adduces from Epimenides, a Cretan 
 sage and poet, a quotation in which the 
 vices of his countrymen are described in 
 dark colors. The truth of their statement 
 is abundantly confirmed by other ancient 
 writers. 
 
 Cretes (Acts ii. 11). Cretans, inhabit- 
 ants of Crete. 
 
 Cris'pus, ruler of the Jewish syna- 
 gogue at Corinth (Acts xviii. 8) ; baptized 
 with his family by St. Paul (1 Cor. i. 14). 
 According to tradition, he became after- 
 wards Bishop of Aegina. 
 
 Cross. As the emblem of a slave's 
 death and a murderer's punishment, the 
 cross was naturally looked upon with the 
 profoundest horror. But after the celebrat- 
 ed vision of Constantine, he ordered his 
 friends to make a cross of gold and gems, 
 $uch as he had seen, and " the towering 
 eagles resigned the flags unto the cross," 
 and " the tree of cursing and shame" " sat 
 upon the sceptres and was engraved and 
 signed on the foreheads of kings" (Jer. 
 Taylor, Life of Christ, iii., xv. 1). The 
 new standards were called by the name 
 Labarum, and may be seen on the coins of 
 Constantine the Great and his nearer suc- 
 cessors. The Latin cross, on which our 
 Lord suffered, was in the form of the letter 
 T, and had an upright above the crossbar, 
 
 on which the "title " was placed. There 
 was a projection from the central stem, on 
 which the body of the sufferer rested. This 
 was to prevent the weight of the body from 
 
 The Labarum. (From coin in the British Museum.) 
 
 tearing away the hands. Whether there 
 was also a support to the feet (as we see in 
 pictures), is doubtful. An inscription was 
 generally placed above the criminal's head, 
 briefly expressing his guilt, and generally 
 was carried before him. It was covered 
 with white gypsum, and the letters were 
 black. It is a question whether tying or 
 binding to the cross was the more common 
 method. That our Lord was nailed, ac- 
 cording to prophecy, is certain (John xx. 
 25, 27, &c. ; Zech. xii. 10; Ps. xxii. 16). 
 It is, however, extremely probable that 
 both methods were used at once. The 
 cross on which our Saviour suffered is said 
 to have been discovered in A. D. 326, and to 
 this day the supposed title, or rather frag- 
 ments of it, are shown to the people once a 
 year in the Church of Sta. Croce in Geru- 
 salemme at Rome. It was not till the 6th 
 century that the emblem of the cross became 
 the image of the crucifix. As a symbol the 
 use of it was frequent in the early Church. 
 It was not till the 2d century that any par- 
 ticular efficacy was attached to it. [CBUCI- 
 FIXION.] 
 
 Crown. This ornament, which is both 
 ancient and universal, probably originated 
 from tiie fillets used to prevent the hair 
 from being dishevelled by the wind. Such 
 fillets are still common, and they may be 
 seen on the sculptures of Persepolis, Nine- 
 veh, and Egypt ; they gradually developed 
 into turbans, which by the addition of orna- 
 mental or precious materials assumed the 
 dignity of mitres or crowns. Both the or- 
 dinary priests and the high-priest wor
 
 CROWN OF THORNS 
 
 124 
 
 CRUCIFIXION 
 
 them. The common " bonnet " (Ex. xxviii. 
 37, xxix. 6, &c), formed a sort of linen fil- 
 let or crown. The mitre of the high-priest 
 (used also of a regal crown, Ez. xxi. 2G) 
 was much mere splendid (Ex. xxviii. 36; 
 Lev. viii. 9). It had a second fillet of blue 
 lace, and over it a golden diadem (Ex. 
 xxix. 6). The gold band was tied behind 
 with blue lace (embroidered with flowers), 
 and being two fingers broad, bore the in- 
 scription "Holiness to the Lord" (comp. 
 Rev. xvii. ). There are many words in 
 Scripture denoting a crown besides those 
 mentioned : the head-dress of bridegrooms 
 (Is. Ixi. 10; Bar. v. 2; Ez. xxiv. 17), and 
 of women (Is. iii. 20) ; a head-dress of 
 great splendor (Is. xxviii. 5) ; a wreath of 
 flowers (Prov. i. 9, iv. 9) ; and a common 
 tiara or turban (Job xxix. 14; Is. iii. 23). 
 The general word is 'atdr&h, and we must 
 attach to it the notion of a costly turban ir- 
 radiated with pearls and gems of priceless 
 value, which often form aigrettes for feath- 
 ers, as in the crowns of modern Asiatic 
 sovereigns. Such was probably the crown, 
 which with its precious stones weighed (or 
 rather " was worth ") a talent, taken by 
 David from the king of Ammon at Rabbah, 
 and used as the state crown of Judah (2 
 Sam. xii. 30). In Rev. xii. 3, xix. 12, allu- 
 sion is made to "many crowns" worn in 
 token of extended dominion. The laurel, 
 pine, or parsley crowns given to victors in 
 the great games of Greece are finely al- 
 luded to by St. Paul (1 Cor. ix. 25 ; 2 Tim. 
 ii. 6, &c.). 
 
 Crowns worn by Assyrian Kings. (From Nlmroud and 
 Kouyunjik.) 
 
 Crown of Thorns, Matt, xxvii. 29. 
 Our Lord was crowned with thorns in 
 mockery by the Roman soldiers. The ob- 
 ject seems to have been insult, and not the 
 infliction of pain, as has generally been sup- 
 posed. The llhamnus or Spina Christi, al- 
 though abundant in the neighborhood of 
 Jerusalem, cannot be the plant intended, 
 because its thorns are so strong and large 
 that it could not have been woven into a 
 wreath. Had the acacia been intended,*as 
 eonie suppose, the phrase would have been 
 different. Obviously some small flexile 
 thorny shrub is meant ; perhaps Capparis 
 tfinosa. 
 
 Crucifixion was in use among the 
 Egyptians (Gen. xl. 19), the Carthaginians, 
 the Persians (Esth. vii. 10), the Assyrians, 
 Scythians, Indians, Germans, and from the 
 earliest times among the Greeks and Ro- 
 mans. Whether this mode of execution 
 was known to the ancient Jews is a matter 
 of dispute. Probably the Jews borrowed it 
 from the Romans. It was unanimously 
 considered the most horrible form of death. 
 Among the Romans also the degradation 
 was a part of the infliction, and the punish- 
 ment if applied to freemen was only used 
 in the case of the vilest criminals. Oar 
 Lord was condemned to it by the popular 
 cry of the Jews (Matt, xxvii. 23) on the 
 charge of sedition against Caesar (Luke 
 xxiii. 2), although the Sanhedrim had 
 previously condemned him on the totally 
 distinct charge of blasphemy. The scar- 
 let robe, crown of thorns, and other in- 
 sults to which our Lord was subjected were 
 illegal, and arose from the spontaneous 
 petulance of the brutal soldiery. But the 
 punishment properly commenced with 
 scourging, after the criminal had been 
 stripped. It was inflicted not with the 
 comparatively mild rods, but the more ter- 
 rible scourge (2 Cor. xi. 24, 25), which was 
 not used by the Jews (Deut. xxv. 3). Into 
 these scourges the soldiers often stuck nails, 
 pieces of bone, &c., to heighten the pain, 
 which was often so intense that the sufferer 
 died under it. In our Lord's case, howev- 
 er, this infliction seems neither to have 
 been the legal scourging after sentence, nor 
 yet the examination by torture (Acts xxii. 
 24), but rather a scourging before the sen- 
 tence, to excite pity and procure immunity 
 from further punishment (Luke xxiii. 22 ; 
 John xix. 1). The criminal carried his 
 own cross, or at any rate a part of it. The 
 place of execution was outside the city (1 
 K. xxi. 13; Acts vii. 58; Heb. xiii. 12), of- 
 ten in some public road or other conspicu- 
 ous place. Arrived at the place of execu- 
 tion, the sufferer was stripped naked, the 
 dress being the perquisite of the soldiers 
 (Matt, xxvii. 35). The cross was then 
 driven into the ground, so that the feet of 
 the condemned were a foot or two above 
 the earth, and he was lifted upon it, or else 
 stretched upon it on the ground, and then 
 lifted with it. Before the nailing or land- 
 ing took place, a medicated cup was given, 
 out of kindness to confuse the senses and 
 deaden the pangs of the sufferer (Prov. 
 xxxi. 6), usually " of wine mingled with 
 myrrh," because myrrh was soporific. Our 
 Lord refused it that his senses might be 
 clear (Matt, xxvii. 34 ; Mark xv. 23). He 
 was crucified between two " thieves " or 
 " malefactors," according to prophecy (Is. 
 liii. 12) ; and was watched according to 
 custom by a party of four soldiers (John 
 xix. 23) with their centurion (Matt, xxvii.
 
 CRUSE 
 
 125 
 
 CUPBEARER 
 
 66), whose express office was to prevent 
 the stealing of the body. This was neces- 
 sary from the lingering character of the 
 death, which sometimes did not supervene 
 even for three days, and was .at last the re- 
 sult of gradual benumbing and starvation. 
 But for tliis guard, the persons might have 
 boon taken down and recovered, as was ac- 
 tually done in the case of a friend of Jo- 
 sephus. Fracture of the legs was especial- 
 ly adopted by the Jews to hasten death 
 (John xix. 31). But the unusual rapidity 
 of our Lord's death was due to the depth 
 of His previous agonies, or may be suffi- 
 ciently accounted for simply from peculiari- 
 ties of constitution. Pilate expressly sat- 
 isfied himself of the actual death by ques- 
 tioning the centurion (Mark xv. 44). In 
 most cases the body was suffered to rot on 
 the cross by the action of sun and rain, or 
 to be devoured by birds and beasts. Sep- 
 ulture was generally therefore forbidden; 
 but in consequence of Deut. xxi. 22, 23, an 
 express national exception was made in fa- 
 vor of the Jews (Matt, xxvii. 58). This 
 accursed and awful mode of punishment 
 was happily abolished by Constantine. 
 
 Cruse, a vessel for holding water, such 
 as was carried by Saul when on his night 
 expedition after David (1 Sam. xxvi. 11, 
 12, lG),and by Elijah (1 K. xix. 6). In a 
 similar case in the present day this would 
 be a globular vessel of blue porous clay, 
 about 9 inches diameter, with a neck of 
 about 3 inches long, a small handle below 
 the neck, and opposite the handle a straight 
 spout, with an orifice about the size of a 
 straw, through which the water is drunk or 
 sucked. 
 
 Crystal, the representative in the A. V. 
 of two Hebrew words. 1. Zec&cith occurs 
 only in Job xxviii. IT, where " glass " 
 probably is intended. 2. Kerach, occurs 
 in numerous passages in the O. T. to denote 
 " ice," " frost," &c. ; but once only (Ez. i. 
 22), as is generally understood, to signify 
 "crystal." The ancients supposed rock- 
 crystal to be merely ice congealed by 
 intense cold. The similarity of appearance 
 between ice and crystal caused no doubt 
 the identity of the terms to express these 
 substances. The Greek word occurs in 
 Rev. iv. 6, xxii. 1. It may mean either 
 "ice" or " crystal." 
 
 Cubit. [MEASURES.] 
 
 Cuckoo (Heb. shachaph). There does 
 not appear to be any .authority for this 
 translation of the A. V. ; the Heb. word 
 occurs twice only (Lev. xi. 16 ; Deut. xiv. 
 15), as the name of some unclean bird, and 
 may probably indicate some of the larger 
 petrels, which abound in the east of the 
 Mediterranean. 
 
 Cucumbers (Heb. Tcishshulm). This 
 word occurs, in Num. xi. 5, as one of the 
 good things of Egypt for which the Israel- 
 
 ites longed. There is no doubt as to the 
 meaning of the Hebrew. Egypt produces 
 excellent cucumbers, melons, &c., the Cn- 
 cumis chate being the best of its tribe yet 
 known. This plant grows in the fertile 
 earth around Cairo after the inundation of 
 the Nile, and not elsewhere in Egypt. The 
 C. chate is a variety only of the common 
 melon ( C. melo) ; it was once cultivated in 
 England, and called "the round-leaved 
 Egyptian melon ; " but it is rather an insipid 
 sort. Besides the Cucumis chate, the com- 
 mon cucumber ((7. sativus), of which tho 
 Arabs distinguish a number of varieties, is 
 common in Egypt. " Both Cucumis chate 
 and C. sativus," says Mr. Tristram, " are 
 now grown in great quantities in Palestine : 
 on visiting the Arab school in Jerusalem 
 (1858) I observed that the dinner which 
 the children brought with them to school 
 consisted, without exception, of a piece of 
 barley-cake and a raw cucumber, which 
 they eat rind and all." The "lodge in a 
 garden of cucumbers " (Is. i. 8) is a rude* 
 temporary shelter, erected in the open 
 grounds where vines, cucumbers, gourds, 
 &c., are grown, in which some lonely man 
 or boy is set to watch, either to guard the 
 plants from robbers, or to scare away the 
 foxes and jackals from the vines. 
 
 Cummin, one of the cultivated plants 
 of Palestine (Is. xxviii. 25, 27 ; Matt, xxiii. 
 23). It is an umbelliferous plant some- 
 thing like fennel. The seeds have a 
 bitterish warm taste with an aromatic 
 flavor. The Maltese are said to grow it at 
 the present day, and to thresh it in the 
 manner described by Isaiah. 
 
 Cup. The cups of the Jews, whether 
 of metal or earthenware, were possibly bor- 
 rowed, in point of shape and design, from 
 Egypt and from the Phoenicians, who were 
 celebrated in that branch of workmanship. 
 Egyptian cups were of various shapes, 
 either with handles or without them. In 
 Solomon's time all his drinking vessels 
 were of gold, none of silver (1 K. x. 21). 
 Babylon is compared to a golden cup (Jer. 
 li. 7). The great laver, or " sea," was made 
 with a rim like the rim of a cup, (Otis), 
 "with flowers of lilies" (1 K. vii. 2G), a 
 form which the Persepolitan cups resemble. 
 The cups of the N. T. were often no doubt 
 formed on Greek and Roman models. They 
 were sometimes of gold (Rev. xvii. 4). 
 
 Cupbearer. An officer of high rank 
 with Egyptian, Persian, Assyrian, as veil 
 as Jewish monarchs (1 K. x. 5). The chief 
 cupbearer, or butler, to the king of Egypt 
 was the mefins of raising Joseph to his high 
 position (Gen. xl. 1, 21, xli. 9). Rabshakeh 
 appears from his name to have filled a lika 
 office in the Assyrian court (2 K. xviii. 17). 
 Nehciniah was cupbearer to Artaxerxes 
 Longimanus king of Pe-^ia (Neb. i. 11, 
 U. 1).
 
 i 
 
 CURTAINS 
 
 126 
 
 CYPRUS 
 
 Curtains. The Hebrew terms translat- 
 ed in the A. V. by this word are three : 1. 
 Yeridth, the ten " curtains " of fine linen, 
 and also the eleven of goats' hair, which 
 covered the Tabernacle of Moses (Ex. xxvi. 
 1-13 ; xxxvi. 8-17. 2. Mdsdc, the " hang- 
 ing " for the doorway of the tabernacle, Ex. 
 xxvi. 36, &c., and also for the gate of the 
 court round the tabernacle, Ex. xxvii. 16, 
 &c. The rendering "curtain" occurs but 
 once, Num. iii. 26. 3. Ddk. This word 
 is found but once (Is. xl. 22), and its mean- 
 ing is doubtful. 
 
 Gush, a Benjamite mentioned only in 
 the title to Ps. vii. He was probably a 
 follower of Saul, the head of his tribe. 
 
 Gush, the name of a son of Ham, ap- 
 parently the eldest, and of a territory or 
 territories occupied by his descendants. 1. 
 In the genealogy of Noah's children Cush 
 seems to be an individual, for it is said 
 "Cush begat Nimrod" (Gen. x. 8; 1 Chr. 
 i. 10). 2. Cush as a country appears to be 
 African in all passages except Gen. ii. 13. 
 We may thus distinguish a primeval and a 
 post-diluvian Cush. The former was en- 
 compassed by Gihon, the second river of 
 Paradise : it would seem therefore to have 
 been somewhere to the northward of As- 
 syria. It is possible that the African Cush 
 was named from this elder country. In 
 the ancient Egyptian inscriptions Ethiopia 
 above Egypt if termed Keesh or Kesh, and 
 this territory probably perfectly corre- 
 ponds- to the African Cush of the Bible. 
 The Cushites however had clearly a wider 
 extension, like the Ethiopians of the 
 Greeks, but apparently with a more definite 
 ethnic relation. The Cushites appear to 
 have spread along tracts extending from 
 the higher Nile to the Euphrates and Tigris. 
 History affords many traces of this relation 
 of Babylonia, Arabia, and Ethiopia. Zerah 
 the Cushite (A. V. "Ethiopian"), who was 
 defeated by Asa, was most probably a king 
 of Egypt, certainly the leader of an Egyptian 
 army. 
 
 Cu'shan (Hab. iii. 7), possibly the same 
 as Cushan-rishathaim (A. V. Cushan-) king 
 of Mesopotamia (Judg. iii. 8, 10). 
 
 Cu'shi. Properly "the Cushite," "the 
 Ethiopian," a man apparently attached to 
 Joab's person (2 Sam. xviii. 21, 22, 23, 31, 
 32). 
 
 Cuth or Cu'thah, one of the countries 
 whence Shalmaneser introduced colonists 
 into Samaria (2 K. xvii. 24, 30). Its posi- 
 tion is undecided ; but it may perhaps be 
 identified with the Cossaei, a warlike tribe, 
 who occupied the mountain ranges dividing 
 Persia and Media. 
 
 Cutting off from the People. [EX- 
 COMMUNICATION.] 
 
 Cuttings [in the Flesh]. The pro- 
 hibition (Lev. xix. 28) against marks or 
 cuttings in the flosh for the dead must be 
 
 taken in connection with the parallel pas- 
 sages (Lev. xxi. 5; Deut. xiv. 1), in which 
 shaving the head with the same view is 
 equally forbidden. The ground of the pro- 
 hibition will be found in the superstitious 
 or inhuman practices prevailing among 
 heathen nations. The priests of Baal cut 
 themselves with knives to propitiate the 
 god " after their manner" (1 K. xviii. 28). 
 Lucian, speaking of the Syrian priestly at- 
 tendants of this mock deity, says, that 
 using violent gestures they cut their arms 
 and tongues with swords. The prohibition, 
 therefore, is directed against practices pre- 
 vailing not among the Egyptians whom the 
 Israelites were leaving, but among the 
 Syrians, to whom they were about to be- 
 come neighbors. But there is another 
 usage contemplated more remotely by the 
 prohibition, viz., that of printing marks, 
 tattooing, to indicate allegiance to a deity, 
 in the same manner as soldiers and slaves 
 bore tattooed marks to indicate allegiance 
 or adscription. This is evidently alluded 
 to in the Revelation of St. John (xiii. 16, 
 xvii. 5, xix. 20), and, though in a contrary 
 direction, by Ezekiel (ix. 4), by St. Paul 
 (Gal. vi. 17), in the Revelation (vii. 3), 
 and perhaps by Isaiah (xliv. 6) and Zech- 
 ariah (xiii. 6). 
 
 Cymbal, Cymbals, a percussive mu- 
 sical instrument. Two kinds of cymbals 
 are mentioned in Ps. cl. 5, "loud cymbals" 
 or castagnettes, and " high-sounding cym- 
 bals." The former consisted of four small 
 plates of brass or of some other hard metal ; 
 two plates were attached to each hand of 
 the performer, and were struck together to 
 produce a great noise. The latter consist- 
 ed of two larger plates, one held in each 
 hand, and struck together as an accompani- 
 ment to other instruments. The use of 
 cymbals was not necessarily restricted to 
 the worship of the Temple or to sacred 
 occasions : they were employed for military 
 purposes, and also by Hebrew women as a 
 musical accompaniment to their national 
 dances. Both kinds of cymbals are still 
 common in the East in military music, and 
 Niebuhr often refers to them in his trav- 
 els. The " bells " of Zech. xiv. 20, were 
 probably concave pieces or plates of brass 
 which the people of Palestine and Syria 
 attached to horses by way of ornament. 
 
 Cypress (Heb. tirz&h). The Heb. 
 word is found only in Is. xliv. 14. We are 
 quite unable to assign any definite render- 
 ing to it. The true cypress is a native of 
 the Taurus. The Hebrew word points to 
 some tree with a hard grain, and this is all 
 that can be positively said of it. 
 
 Cy'prus. This island was in early 
 times in close commercial connection with 
 Phoenicia ; and there is little doubt that it 
 is referred to in such passages of the O. T. 
 as Ez. xxvii. 6. [CHITTIM.] Possibly
 
 CYRENE 
 
 127 
 
 CYRUS 
 
 Jews may have settled in Cyprus before 
 the time of Alexander. Soon after his 
 time they were numerous in the. island, as 
 is distinctly implied in 1 Mace. xv. 23. 
 The first notice of it in the N. T. is in 
 Acts iv. 36, where it is mentioned as the 
 native place of Barnabas. In Acts xi. 19, 
 20, it appears prominently in connection 
 with the earliest spreading of Christianity, 
 and is again mentioned in connection with 
 the missionary journeys of St. Paul (Acts 
 xiii. 4-13, xv. 39, xxi. 3), and with his 
 voyage to Rome (xxvii. 4). The island 
 became a Roman province (B. c. 58) under 
 circumstances discreditable to Rome. At 
 first its administration was joined with that 
 of Cilicia, but after the battle of Actium it 
 was separately governed. In the first di- 
 vision it was made an imperial province ; 
 but the emperor afterwards gave it up to 
 the Senate. The proconsul appears to 
 have resided at Paphos on the west of the 
 island. 
 
 Cyre'ne, the principal city of that part 
 of northern Africa, which was anciently 
 called Cyrenaica, and also (from its five 
 chief cities) Pentapolitana. This district 
 was that wide projecting portion of the 
 coast (corresponding to the modern 
 Tripoli}, which was separated from the 
 territory of Carthage on the one hand, and 
 that of Egypt on the other. The points to 
 be noticed in reference to Gyrene as con- 
 nected with the N. T. are these, that, 
 though on the African coast, it was a Greek 
 city ; that the Jews were settled there in 
 large numbers, and that under the Romans 
 it was politically connected with Crete. 
 The Greek colonization of this part of Af- 
 rica uuder Battus began as early as B. c. 
 631. After the death of Alexander the 
 Great, it became a dependency of Egypt. 
 It is in this period that we find the Jews es- 
 tablished there with great privileges, having 
 been introduced by Ptolemy the son of La- 
 gus. Soon after the Jewish war they rose 
 against the Roman power. In the year 
 B. c. 75 the territory of Cyrcne was re- 
 duced to the form of a province. On the 
 conquest of Crete (B. c. 67) the two were 
 united in one province, and together fre- 
 quently called Creta-Cyrene. The num- 
 bers and position of the Jews in Gyrene 
 prepare us for the frequent mention of the 
 place in the N. T. in connection with Chris- 
 tianity. Simon, who bore our Saviour's 
 cross (Matt, xxvii. 32 ; Mark xv. 21 ; Luke 
 xxiii. 26) was a native of Cyrene. Jewish 
 dwellers in Cyrenaica were in Jerusalem at 
 Pentecost (Acts ii. 10). They even gave 
 their name to one of the synagogues in 
 Jerusalem (ib. vi. 9). Christian converts 
 from Cyrene were among those who con- 
 tributed actively to the formation of the 
 first Gentile church at Antioch (xi. 20). 
 Lucius of Cyrene (xiii. 1) is traditionally j 
 
 said to have been the first bishop of his na- 
 tive district. 
 
 Tetra.Irachm (Attic talent) of Cyren. 
 Obv. Sacred silphiura plant. Rev. KYPA. Head of beard- 
 ed Jupiter Amrnon to the right. 
 
 Cyre'nius, the literal English render- 
 ing in the A. V. of the Greek name, which 
 is itself the Greek form -of the Roman 
 name of QUIRINUS. The full name is Pub- 
 lius Sulpicius Quirinus. He was consul 
 B. c. 12, and made governor of Syria after 
 the banishment of Archelaus in A. D. 6. 
 He was sent to make an enrolment of 
 property in Syria, and made accordingly, 
 both there and in Judaea, a census or 
 unoyQCKfi't. But this census seems in Luke 
 (ii. 2) to be identified with one which took 
 place at the time of the birth of Christ. 
 Hence has arisen a considerable difficulty, 
 but there is good reason for believing that 
 Quirinus was twice governor of Syria, and 
 that his first governorship extended from 
 B. c. 4 (the year of Christ's birth) to B. c. 
 1, when he was succeeded by M. Lollius. 
 
 Cy'rus, the founder of the Persian em- 
 pire (see Dan. vi. 28, x. 1, 13; 2 Chr. 
 xxxvi. 22, 23), was, according to the com' 
 mon legend, the son of Mandane, the 
 daughter of Astyages the last king of Me- 
 dia, and Cambyses a Persian of the royal 
 family of the Achaemenidae. In conse- 
 quence of a dream, Astyages, it is said, 
 designed the death of his infant grandson, 
 but the child was spared by those whom he 
 charged with the commission of the crime, 
 and was reared in obscurity under the name 
 of Agradates. When he grew up to man- 
 hood his courage and genius placed him at 
 the head of the Persians. The tyranny of 
 Astyages had at that time alienated a large 
 faction of the Medes, and Cyrus headed a 
 revolt which ended in the defeat and cap- 
 ture of the Median king B. c. 559, near 
 Pasargadae. After consolidating the em- 
 pire which he thus gained, Cyrus enter.'-! 
 on that career of conquest which has made 
 him the hero of the east. In B. c. 546 (?) 
 he defeated Croesus, and the kingdom ol' 
 Lydia was the prize of his success. Baby- 
 lon fell before his army, and the ancient 
 dominions of Assyria were added to his 
 empire (B. c. 538). Afterwards he at- 
 tacked the Massagctae, an-1 according to 
 Herodotus fell in a h:ittK> against themn. c. 
 529. His tomb is still showu at Pasarga-
 
 DABAREII 
 
 128 
 
 DAMASCUS 
 
 dae, the scene of his first decisive victory. 
 Hitherto the great kings, with whom the 
 Jews had been brought into contact, had 
 been open oppressors or seductive allies ; 
 bu fc Cyrus was a generous liberator and a 
 just guardian of their rights. An inspired 
 prophet (Is. xliv. 28) recognized in him " a 
 shepherd " of the Lord, an " anointed " 
 king (Is. xlv. 1). The edict of Cyrus for 
 the rebuilding of the Temple (2 Chr. xxxvi. 
 L>2, 23; Ezr. i. 1-4, iii. 7, iv. 3, v. 13, 17, 
 vi. 3) was in fact the beginning of Juda- 
 ism ; and the great changes by which the 
 nation was transformed into a church are 
 clearly marked. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dab'areh (Josh. xxi. 28), or DABE- 
 KATH, a town on the boundary of Zebulun 
 (Josh. xix. 12) named as next to Chisloth- 
 Tabor. But in 1 Chr. vi. 72, and in Josh, 
 xxi. 28, it is said to belong to Issachar. 
 Under the name of Debarieh it still lies at 
 the western foot of Tabor. 
 
 Dab'basheth, a town on the boundary 
 of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 11). 
 
 Da'gon, apparently the masculine (1 
 Sam. v. 3, 4) correlative of Atargatis, was 
 the national god of the Philistines. The 
 
 f Uh-god. From Nimroud. (Lay urd.) 
 
 most famous temples of Dagon were at 
 Gaza (Judg. xvi. 21-30) and Ashdod (1 
 Sam. v. 5, 6; 1 Chr. x. 10). The latter 
 temple was destroyed by Jonathan in the 
 Maccabaean wars (1 Mace. x. 83, 84, xi. 4). 
 Traces o the worship of Dagon likewise 
 appear in the names Caphar-Dagon (near 
 Jaiimia), and Beth-Dagon in Judah (Josh. 
 xv. 41) and Asher (Josh. xix. 27). Dagon 
 was represented with the face and hands of 
 a man and the tail of a fish (1 Sam. v. 5). 
 The fish-like form was a natural emblem 
 of fruitfulness, and as such was likely to be 
 adopted by seafaring tribes in the repre- 
 sentation of their gods. 
 
 Dai'san, 1 Esd. v. 31 = REZIN (Ezr. 
 ii. 48), by the commonly repeated change 
 of R to D. 
 
 Dalai ah, the sixth son of Elioenai, a 
 descendant of the royal family of Judah (1 
 Chr. iii. 24). 
 
 Dalmanu'tha, a town on the west side 
 of the Sea of Galilee near Magdala (Matt. 
 xv. 39 and Mark viii. 10). [MAGDALA.] 
 Dalmanutha probably stood at the place 
 called 'Ain-el-drideh, " the cold Foun- 
 tain." 
 
 Dalma'tia, a mountainous district on 
 the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, ex- 
 tending from the river Naro in the S. to the 
 Savus in the N. St. Paul sent Titus there 
 (2 Tim. iv. 10), and he himself had 
 preached the Gospel in its immediate neigh- 
 borhood (Rom. xv. 19). 
 
 Dal'phon, the second of the ten sons 
 of Haman (Esth. ix. 7). 
 
 Dam'aris, an Athenian woman con- 
 verted to Christianity by St. Paul's preach- 
 ing (Acts xvii. 34). Chrysostom and oth- 
 ers held her to have been the wife of Dio- 
 nysius the Areopagite. 
 
 Damas'cus, one of the most ancient and 
 most important of the cities of Syria. It is 
 situated in a plain of vast size and of ex- 
 treme fertility, which lies east of the great 
 chain of Anti-Libanus, on the edge of the 
 desert. This fertile plain, which is nearly 
 circular, and about 30 miles in diameter, is 
 due to the river Itarada, which is probably 
 the "Abana" of Scripture. Two other 
 streams, the Wady Helbon upon the north, 
 and the Awaj upon the south, which flows 
 direct from Hermon, increase the fertility 
 of the Damascene plain, and contend for 
 the honor of representing the "Pharpar" 
 of Scripture. According to Josephus, Da- 
 mascus was founded by Uz, the son of 
 Aram, and grandson of Shein. It is first 
 mentioned in Scripture in connection with 
 Abraham (Gen. xiv. 15), whose steward was 
 a native of the place (xv. 2). Nothing 
 more is known of Damascus until the time 
 of David, when " the Syrians of Damascus 
 came to succor Hadadczer, king of Zobah," 
 with whom David was at war (2 Sam. viii. 
 5; 1 Chr. xviii. 5). On this occasion Da-
 
 DAMASCUS 
 
 129 
 
 DAN 
 
 vid "slew of the Syrians 22,000 men;" 
 and in consequence of this victory became 
 completely master of the whole territory, 
 which he garrisoned with Israelites (2 Sam. 
 viii. 6). It appears that in the reign of 
 Solomon, a certain Rezon, who had been a 
 subject of Hadadezer, king of Zobah, and had 
 escaped when David conquered Zobah, made 
 himself master of Damascus, and estab- 
 lished his own rule there (1 K. xi. 23-25). 
 Afterwards the family of Hadad appears 
 to have recovered the throne, andaBenha- 
 dad, gnuidson of the antagonist of David, 
 is found in league with Baasha, king of 
 Israel, against Asa (1 K. xv. 19 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 
 3), and afterwards in league Avith Asa against 
 Baasha (1 K. xv. 20). He was succeeded by 
 his son, Iladud IV. (the Benhadad II. of 
 Scripture), who was defeated by Ahab (1 
 K. xx.). Three years afterwards war broke 
 out afresh, through the claim of Ahab to 
 the city of Ramoth-Gilead (1 K. xxii. 1-4). 
 The defeat and death of Ahab at that place 
 (il. 15-37) seem to have enabled the Syr- 
 ians of Damascus to resume the offensive. 
 Their bands ravaged the lands of Israel 
 during the reign of Jehoram; and they 
 even undertook at this time a second siege 
 of Samaria, which was frustrated miracu- 
 lously (2 K. vi. 24, vii. 6, 7). After this, 
 we do not hear of any more attempts against 
 the Israelite capital. The cuneiform in- 
 scriptions show that towards the close of 
 his reign Benhadad was exposed to the as- 
 saults of a great conqueror, who was bent 
 on extending the dominion of Assyria over 
 Syria and Palestine. It may have been 
 these circumstances which encouraged Ha- 
 zael, the servant of Benhadad, to murder 
 him, and seize the throne, which Elisha had 
 declared would certainly one day be his (2 
 K. viii. 15). Shortly after the accession of 
 Hazael (about B. c. 884) he was in his turn 
 attacked by the Assyrians, who defeated him 
 with great loss amid the fastnesses of Anti- 
 Libanus. However, in his wars with Israel 
 and Judah he was more fortunate, and his 
 son Benhadad followed up his successes. 
 At last a deliverer appeared (verse 5), and 
 Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, " beat Hazael 
 thrice, and recovered the cities of Israel " 
 (verse 25). In the next reign still further 
 advantages, were gained by the Israelites. 
 Jeroboam II. (ab. B. c. 836) is said to have 
 recovered Damascus (2 K. xiv. 28), and 
 though this may not mean that he captured 
 the city, it at least implies that he obtained j 
 a certain influence over it. A century later 
 (ab. B. c. 742) the Syrians appear as allies j 
 of Israel against Judah (2 K. xv. 37). It j 
 seems to have been during a pause in the 
 struggle against Assyria that Kezin king of j 
 Damascus, and Pekah king of Israel, re- 
 solved conjointly to attack Jerusalem, in- 
 tending to depose Ahaz and set up as king : 
 a creature of their own (Is. vii. 1-6 ; 2 K. j 
 
 xvi. 5). Jerusalem successfully maintained 
 itself against the combined attack. Ahaz 
 was induced to throw himself into the arms 
 of Tiglath-Pileser, to ask aid from him, and 
 to accept voluntarily the position of an As- 
 syrian feudatory (ib. xvi. 7, 8). The aid 
 sought was given, with the important result, 
 that Rezin was slain, the kingdom of Da- 
 mascus brought to an end, and the city it- 
 self destroyed, the inhabitants being carried 
 captive into Assyria (2 K. xvi. 9 ; comp. Is. 
 vii. 8 and Am. i. 5). It was long before 
 Damascus recovered from this serious blow. 
 We do not know at what time Damascus 
 was rebuilt; but Strabo says that it was 
 the most famous place in Syria during the 
 Persian period. At the time of the Gospel 
 history, and of the apostle Paul, it formed 
 a part of the kingdom of Aretas (2 Cor. xi. 
 32), an Arabian prince, who held his king- 
 dom under the Romans. Damascus has 
 always been a great centre for trade. It 
 would appear from Ez. xxvii. that Damas- 
 cus took manufactured goods from the 
 Phoenicians, and supplied them in exchange 
 with wool and wine. But the passage 
 trade of Damascus has probably been at all 
 times more important than its direct com- 
 merce. Certain localities in Damascus are 
 shown as the site of those Scriptural events 
 which especially interest us in its history. 
 A " long wide thoroughfare," leading direct 
 from one of the gates to the Castle or pal- 
 ace of the Pasha, is " called by the guides 
 ^-Straight'" (Acts ix. 11); but the natives 
 know it among themselves as the " Street 
 of Bazaars." The house of Judas is shown, 
 but it is not in the street " Straight." That 
 of Ananias is also pointed out. The scene 
 of the conversion is confidently said to be 
 an open green spot, surrounded by trees, 
 and used as the Christian burial-ground ; 
 but four distinct spots have been pointed 
 out at different times, so that little confi- 
 dence can be placed in any of them. The 
 point of the walls at which St. Paul was let 
 down by a basket (Acts ix. 25 ; 2 Cor. xi. 
 33) is also shown. 
 
 Dan. 1- The fifth son of Jacob, and 
 the first of Bilhah, Rachel's maid (Gen. 
 xxx. 6). The origin of the name is given 
 in the exclamation of Rachel " God hath 
 judged me (ddnanni) . . . and given me a 
 son ; therefore she called his name Dan," 
 i.e. "judge." In the blessing of Jacob 
 (Gen. xlix. 16) this play on the name is re- 
 peated " Dan shall judge (y&dln} his 
 people." The records of Dan are unusually 
 meagre. Only one son is attributed to him 
 (Gen. xlvi. 23) ; but when the people were 
 numbered in the wilderness of Sinai, hi 
 tribe was, with the exception of Judah, the 
 most numerous of all, containing 62,7( 
 men able to serve. The position of J 
 during the march through the desert was on 
 the north side of the tabernacle (Num. 11.
 
 DAN 
 
 130 
 
 DANCE 
 
 25), the hindmost of the long procession 
 (ii. 31, x. 25). It arrived at the threshold 
 of the Promised Land, and passed the or- 
 deal of the rites of Baal-peor (Num. xxv.) 
 with an increase of 1700 on the earlier cen- 
 sus. In the division of the Promised Land 
 Dan was the last of the tribes to receive his 
 portion, and that portion, according to the 
 record of Joshua, strange as it appears in the 
 face of the numbers just quoted, was the 
 smallest of the twelve (Josh. xix. 48). But 
 notwithstanding its smallness it had eminent 
 natural advantages. On the north and east 
 it was completely embraced by its two 
 brother-tribes Ephraim and Benjamin, while 
 on the south-east and south it joined Judah, 
 and was thus surrounded by the three most 
 powerful states of the whole confederacy. 
 From Japho afterwards Joppa, and now 
 Ydfa on the north, to Ekron and Gath- 
 rimmon on the south, a length of at least 
 14 miles, that noble tract, one of the most 
 fertile in the whole of Palestine, was allot- 
 ted to this tribe. But this rich district, the 
 corn-field and the garden of the whole south 
 of Palestine, was too valuable to be given 
 up without a struggle by its original pos- 
 sessors. The Amorites accordingly " forced 
 the children of Dan into the mountain, for 
 they would not suffer them to come down 
 into the valley" (Judg. i. 34). With the 
 help of Ephraim, Dan prevailed against the 
 Amorites for a time, but in a few years the 
 Philistines took the place of the Amorites 
 and with the same result. These consid- 
 erations enable us to understand how it 
 happened that long after the partition of 
 the land all the inheritance of the Danites 
 had not fallen to them among the tribes of 
 Israel (Judg. xviii. 1). They also explain 
 the warlike and independent character of 
 the tribe betokened in the name of their 
 head-quarters Mahaneh-Dan, " the camp, 
 or host of Dan," in the fact specially in- 
 sisted on and reiterated (xviii. 11, 16, 17) 
 of the complete equipment of their 600 
 warriors " appointed with weapons of war," 
 and the lawless freebooting style of their 
 behavior to Micah. In the "security" 
 and "quiet" (Judg. xviii. 7, 10) of their rich 
 northern possession the Danites enjoyed the 
 leisure and repose which had been denied 
 them in their original seat. But of the fate 
 of the city to which they gave " the name 
 of their father " (Josh. xix. 47) we know 
 scarcely anything. In the time of David 
 Dan still kept its place among the tribes (1 
 Chr. xii. 35). Asher is omitted, but the 
 " prince of the tribe of Dan " is mentioned 
 in the list of 1 Chr. xxvii. 22. But from 
 this time forward the name as applied to 
 the tribe vanishes ; it is kept alive only by 
 the northern city. In the genealogies of 
 1 Chr. ii.-xii. Dan is omitted entirely. 
 Lastly, Dan is omitted from the list of those 
 who were sealed by the Angel in the vision 
 
 of St. John (Rev. vii. 5-7). 2. The well- 
 known city, so familiar as the most north- 
 ern landmark of Palestine, in the common 
 expression " from Dan even to Beersheba." 
 The name of the place was originally LAISH 
 or LESHEM (Josh. xix. 47). Its inhabitants 
 lived " after the manner of the Zidonians," 
 
 1. e. engaged in commerce, and without 
 defence. Living thus " quiet and secure," 
 they fell an easy prey to the active and 
 practised freebooters of the Danites. They 
 conferred upon their new acquisition the 
 name of their own tribe, " after the name 
 of their father who was born unto Israel " 
 (Judg. xviii. 29; Josh. xix. 47), and Laish 
 became Dan. After the establishment of 
 the Danites at Dan it became the acknowl- 
 edged extremity of the country. Dan was, 
 with other northern cities, laid waste bv 
 Benhadad (1 K. xv. 20; 2 Chr. xvi. 4), and 
 this is the last mention of the place. With 
 regard to the mention of Dan in Gen. xiv. 
 14 it is probable that the passage originally 
 contained an older name, as Laish ; and 
 that when that was superseded by Dan, the 
 new name was inserted in the MSS. The 
 Tell el-Kadi, a mound from the foot of 
 which gushes out one of the largest foun- 
 tains in the world, the main source of the 
 Jordan, is very probably the site of the 
 town and citadel of Dan. The spring is 
 called el Ledddn, possibly a corruption of 
 Dan, and the stream from the spring Nahr 
 ed Dhan, while the name, Tell el Kadi, 
 " the Judge's mound," agrees in significa- 
 tion with the ancient name. 3. Appar- 
 ently the name of a city, associated with 
 Javan, as one of the places in Southern 
 Arabia from which the Phoenicians obtained 
 wrought iron, cassia, and calamus (Ez. 
 xxvii. 19). 
 
 Dan'iteS, The. The descendants of 
 Dan, and members of his tribe (Judg. xiii. 
 
 2, xviii. 1, 11 ; 1 Chr. xii. 35). 
 Dan-ja'an, a place named only in 2 
 
 Sam. xxiv. 6 as one of the points visited by 
 Joab in taking the census of the people. 
 There seems no reason for doubting that 
 the well-known Dan is intended. 
 
 Dance. The dance is spoken of in Holy 
 Scripture universally as symbolical of some 
 rejoicing, and is often coupled for the sake 
 of contrast with mourning, as in Eccl. iii. 
 4 (comp. Ps. xxx. 11; Matt. xi. 17). In 
 the earlier period it is found combined with 
 some song or refrain (Ex. xv. 20, xxxii. 18, 
 19; 1 Sam. xxi. 11); and with the tam- 
 bourine (A. V. "timbrel"), more especially 3 
 in those impulsive outbursts of popular 
 feeling which cannot find sufficient vent in 
 voice or in gesture singly. Dancing formed 
 a part of the religious ceremonies of the 
 Egyptians, and was also common in private 
 entertainments. The "feast unto the Lord," 
 which Moses proposed to Pharaoh to hold, 
 was really a dance. Women, however,
 
 DANCE 
 
 131 
 
 DANIEL 
 
 among the Hebrews made the dance their 
 especial means of expressing their feelings, 
 and so welcomed their husbands or friends 
 on their return from battle. The " en.ting 
 and drinking and dancing " of the Amalek- 
 ites is recorded, as is the people's " rising 
 up to play," with a tacit censure. The He- 
 brews, however, save in such moments of 
 temptation, seem to have left dancing to 
 the women. But more especially, on such 
 occasions of triumph, any woman whose 
 nearness of kin to the champion of the mo- 
 ment gave her a public character among 
 her own sex, seems to have felt that it was 
 her part to lead such a demonstration of 
 triumph, or of welcome (Ex. xv. 20 ; Judg. 
 xi. 34). This marks the peculiarity of Da- 
 vid's conduct, when, on the return of the 
 Ark of God from its long sojourn among 
 strangers and borderers, he (2 Sam. vi. 5- 
 22) was himself the leader of the dance ; 
 and here too the women, with their timbrels 
 (see especially vv. 5, 19, 20, 22), took an 
 important share. This fact brings out more 
 markedly the feelings of Saul's daughter 
 Michal, keeping aloof from the occasion, 
 and "looking through a window" at the 
 scene. She should, in accordance with the 
 examples of Miriam, &c., have herself led 
 the female choir, and so come out to meet 
 the Ark and her lord. She stays with the 
 " household" (ver. 20), and " comes out to 
 meet" him with reproaches, perhaps feeling 
 that his zeal was a rebuke to her apathy. 
 From the mention of " damsels," " tim- 
 brels," and " dances " (Ps. Ixviii. 25, cxlix. 
 3, cl. 4), as elements of religious wor- 
 ship, it may perhaps be inferred that Da- 
 vid's feeling led him to incorporate in its 
 rites that popular mode of festive celebra- 
 tion. In the earlier period of the Judges 
 the dances of the virgins in Shiloh (Judg. 
 xxi. 19-23) were certainly part of a reli- 
 gious festivity. Dancing also had its place 
 among merely festive amusements, apart 
 from any religious character (Jer. xxxi. 4, 
 13 ; Lam. v. 15 ; Mark vi. 22 ; Luke xv. 25). 
 Dance. By this word is rendered in 
 the A. V. the Hebrew term mdchdl, a musi- 
 cal instrument of percussion, supposed to 
 
 Musical Instruments. Dance. (Mendelssohn.) 
 
 have been used by the Hebrews at an early 
 period of their history. In the grand Hal- 
 lelujah Psalm (cl.) which closes that mag- 
 nificent collection, the sacred poet exhorts 
 mankind to praise Jehovah in His sanctu- 
 
 ary with all kinds of music ; and amongst 
 the instruments mentioned at the 3d, 4th, 
 and 5th verses is found mdchdl. It is gen- 
 erally believed to have been made of inetal, 
 open like a ring: it had many small 
 bells attached to its border, and was 
 played at weddings and merry-makings by 
 women, who accompanied it with the voice. 
 Dan'iel. 1. The second son of David 
 by Abigail the Carmelitess (1 Chr. iii. 1). 
 In 2 Sam. iii. 3, he is called Chileab. 2. 
 The fourth of " the greater prophets." 
 Nothing is known of his parentage or fam- 
 ily. He appears, however, to have been 
 of royal or noble descent (Dan. i. 3), and 
 to have possessed considerable personal 
 endowments (Dan. i. 4). He was taken to 
 Babylon in " the third year of Jehoiakim " 
 (B. c. 604), and trained for the king's ser- 
 vice with his three companions. Like 
 Joseph in earlier times, he gained the fa- 
 vor of his guardian, and was divinely sup- 
 ported in his resolve to abstain from the 
 " king's meat " for fear of defilement (Dan. 
 i. 8-16). At the close of his three years' 
 discipline (Dan. i. 5, 18), Daniel had an 
 opportunity of exercising his peculiar gift 
 (Dan. i. 17) of interpreting dreams, on 
 the occasion of Nebuchadnezzar's decree 
 against the Magi (Dan. ii. 14, ff.). In con- 
 sequence of his success he was made 
 " ruler of the whole province of Babylon," 
 and " chief of the governors over all the 
 wise men of Babylon" (ii. 48). He after- 
 wards interpreted the second dream of 
 Nebuchadnezzar (iv. 8-27), and the hand- 
 writing on the wall which disturbed the 
 feast of Belshazzar (v. 10-28), though he 
 no longer held his official position among 
 the magi (Dan. v. 7, 8, 1), and probably 
 lived at Susa (Dan. viii. 2). At the ac- 
 cession of Darius he was made first of the 
 "three presidents" of the empire (Dan. 
 vi. 2), and was delivered from the lions' 
 den, into which he had been cast for his 
 faithfulness to the rites of his faith (vi. 10- 
 23 ; cf. Bel and Dr. 29-42). At the acces- 
 sion of Cyrus he still retained his prosperi- 
 ty (vi. 28 ; cf. i. 21 ; Bel and Dr. 2) ; though 
 he does not appear to have remained at 
 Babylon (cf. Dan. i. 21), and in "the third 
 year of Cyrus " (B. c. 534) he saw his last 
 recorded vision on the banks of the Tigris 
 (x. 1, 4). In the prophecies of Ezekiel 
 mention is made of Daniel as a pattern of 
 righteousness (xiv. 14, 20) and wisdom 
 (xxviii. 3) ; and since Daniel was still 
 young at that time (circ. B. c. 588-584), 
 some have thought that another prophet of 
 the name must have lived at some earlier 
 time, perhaps during the captivity of Nin- 
 eveh, whose fame was transferred to h 
 later namesake. On the other hand 
 narrative in Dan. i. 11, implies that I 
 was conspicuously distinguished for purity 
 and knowledge at a very early age (ct
 
 DANIEL, BOOK OF 
 
 132 
 
 Hist. Sus. 45), and he may have been 
 nearly forty years old at the time of 
 Ezekiel's prophecy. 3. A descendant of 
 Itbainar, who returned with Ezra (Ezr. 
 viii. 2). 4. A priest who sealed the cove- 
 nant drawn up by Nehemiah B. c. 445 (Neh. 
 x. 6). He is perhaps the same as No. 3. 
 
 Dan'iel.The Book of, is the earliest 
 example of apocalyptic literature, and in a 
 great degree the model according to which 
 all later apocalypses were constructed. In 
 this aspect it stands at the head of a series 
 of writings in which the deepest thoughts 
 of the Jewish people found expression after 
 the close of the prophetic era. The lan- 
 guage of the book, no less than its general 
 form, belongs to an era of transition. Like 
 the book of Ezra, Daniel is composed part- 
 ly in the^ vernacular Aramaic (Chaldee), 
 and partly in the sacred Hebrew. The in- 
 troduction (i.-ii. 4 a) is written in Hebrew. 
 On the occasion of the " Syriac " (i. e. 
 Aramaic) answer of the Chaldaeans, the 
 language changes to Aramaic, and this is 
 retained till the close of the seventh chap- 
 ter (ii. 4 b vii.). The personal intro- 
 duction of Daniel as the writer of the text 
 (viii. 1) is marked by the resumption of 
 the Hebrew, which continues to the close 
 of the book (viii.-xii.). The use of Greek 
 technical terms marks a period when com- 
 merce had already united Persia and Greece. 
 The book may be divided into three parts. 
 The first chapter forms an introduction. 
 The next six chapters (ii.-vii.) give a gen- 
 eral view of the progressive history of the 
 powers of the world, and of the principles 
 of the divine government as seen in events 
 of the life of Daniel. The remainder of 
 the book (viii.-xii.) traces in minuter de- 
 tail the fortunes of the people of God, as 
 typical of the fortunes of the Church in all 
 ages. The unity of the book in its present 
 form, notwithstanding the difference of lan- 
 guage, is generally acknowledged. Still 
 there is a remarkable difference in its in- 
 ternal character. In the first seven chap- 
 ters Daniel is spoken of historically (i. 6- 
 21, ii. 14-49, iv. 8-27, v. 13-29, vi. 2-28, 
 vii. 1, 2) : in the last five he appears per- 
 sonally as the writer (vii. 15-28, viii. 1- 
 ix. 22, x. 1-9, xii. 5). The cause of the 
 difference of person is commonly supposed 
 to lie in the nature of the case. It is, how- 
 ever, more probable that the peculiarity 
 arose from the manner in which the book 
 assumed its final shape. The book exer- 
 cised a great influence upon the Christian 
 Church. Apart from the general type of 
 Apocalyptic composition which the Apos- 
 tolic writers derived from Daniel (2 Thess. 
 ii. ; Rev. passim : cf.. Matt. xxvi. 64, xxi. 
 44?), the New Testament incidentally ac- 
 knowledges each of the characteristic ele- 
 ments of the book, its miracles (Hebr. xi. 
 33, 34), its predictions (Matt. xxiv. 15), 
 
 and its doctrine of angels (Luke i. 19, 26). 
 At a still earlier time the same influence 
 may be traced in the Apocrypha. The 
 authenticity of the book has been attacked 
 in modern times, and its composition as- 
 cribed to the times of the Maccabees : but 
 in doctrine the book is closely connected 
 with the writings of the Exile, and forms a 
 last step in the development of the ideas of 
 Messiah (vii. 13, &c.), of the resurrection 
 (xii. 2, 3), of the ministry of angels (viii. 
 16, xii. 1, &c.), of personal devotion (vi. 
 10, 11, i. 8), which formed the basis of 
 later speculations, but received no essen- 
 tial addition in the interval before the com- 
 ing of our Lord. Generally it may be said 
 that while the book presents in many re- 
 spects a startling and exceptional charac- 
 ter, yet it is far more difficult to explain 
 its composition in the Maccabaean period 
 than to connect the peculiarities which it 
 exhibits with the exigencies of the Return. 
 
 Daniel, Apocryphal Additions to. 
 The Greek translations of Daniel, like that 
 of Esther, contain several pieces which are 
 not found in the original text. The most 
 important of these additions are contained 
 in the Apocrypha of the English Bible un- 
 der the titles of The Song of the Three Holy 
 Children, The History of Susannah, and 
 The History of . . . Bel and the Dragon. 
 The first of these pieces is incorporated 
 into the narrative of Daniel. After the 
 three confessors were thrown into the 
 furnace (Dan. iii. 23), Azarias is repre- 
 sented praying to God for deliverance 
 (Song of Three Children, 3-22); and in 
 answer the angel of the Lord shields them 
 from the fire which consumes their enemies 
 (23-27), whereupon "the three, as out of 
 one mouth," raise a triumphant song (29- 
 68), of which a chief part (35-66) has been 
 used as a hymn in the Christian Church 
 since the 4th century. The two other 
 pieces appear more distinctly as appendi- 
 ces, and offer no semblance of forming 
 part of the original text. The History of 
 Susannah (or The Judgment of Daniel) is 
 generally found at the beginning of the 
 book, though it also occurs after the 12th 
 chapter. The History of Bel and the 
 Dragon is placed at the end of the book. 
 The character of these additions indicates 
 the hand of an Alexandrine writer ; and it 
 is not unlikely that the translator of Daniel 
 wrought up traditions which were already 
 current, and appended them to his work. 
 
 Dan'nall, a city in the mountains of 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 49), and probably south 
 or south-west of Hebron. No trace of its 
 name has been discovered. 
 
 Da'ra, 1 Chr. ii. 6. [DARDA.] 
 
 Dar'da, a son of Mahol, one of four 
 men of great fame for their wisdom, but 
 surpassed by Solomon (1 K. iv. 31). In 1 
 Chr. ii. 6, however, the same four names
 
 DARIC 
 
 133 
 
 DAVID 
 
 occur again as " sons of Zerah," of the 
 tribe of Judah, with the slight difference 
 that Darda appears as Dara. The identity 
 of these persons with those in 1 K. iv. has 
 been greatly debated ; but there cannot be 
 much reasonable doubt that they are the 
 same. 
 
 Daric (A. V. " dram ; " Ezr. ii. 69 ; viii. 
 27; Neh. vii. 70, 71, 72; 1 Chr. xxix. 7), a 
 gold coin current in Palestine in the period 
 after the return from Babylon. At these 
 times there was no large issue of gold 
 money except by the Persian kings. The 
 Darics which have been discovered are 
 thick pieces of pure gold, of archaic style, 
 bearing on the obverse the figure of a king 
 with bow and javelin, or bow and dagger, 
 and on the .reverse an irregular incuse 
 square. 
 
 Dari'us, the name of several kings of 
 Media and Persia. Three kings bearing 
 this name are mentioned in the O. T. 1. 
 DARIUS the MEDE (Dan. xi. 1, vi. 1), "the 
 son of Ahasuerus of the seed of the Medes " 
 (ix. 1), who succeeded to the Babylonian 
 kingdom on the death of Belshazzar, being 
 then sixty-two years old (Dan. v. 31 ; ix. 
 1). Only one year of his reign is men- 
 tioned (Dan. ix. 1, xi. 1) ; but that was of 
 great importance for the Jews. Daniel 
 was advanced by the king to the highest 
 dignity (Dan. vi. 1, ff.), probably in conse- 
 quence of his former services (cf. Dan. v. 
 17) ; and after his miraculous deliverance, 
 Darius issued a decree enjoining through- 
 out his dominions " reverence for the God 
 of Daniel" (Dan. vi. 25, ff.). The ex- 
 treme obscurity of the Babylonian annals 
 has given occasion to different hypotheses 
 as to the name under which Darius the 
 Mede is known in history ; but he is prob- 
 ably the same as " Astyages," the last king 
 of the Medes. 2. DARIUS, the son of 
 HYSTASPES the founder of the Perso-Arian 
 dynasty. Upon the usurpation of the Ma- 
 gian Srnerdis, he conspired with six other 
 Persian chiefs to overthrow the impostor, 
 and on the success of the plot was placed 
 upon the throne, u. c. 521. His designs of 
 foreign conquest were interrupted by a re- 
 volt of the Babylonians. After the subju- 
 gation of Babylon Darius turned his arms 
 against Scythia, Libya, and India. The 
 defeat of Marathon (B. c. 490) only roused 
 him to prepare vigorously for that decisive 
 struggle with the West which was now in- 
 evitable. His plans were again thwarted 
 by rebellion. With regard to the Jews, 
 Darius Hystaspes pursued the same policy 
 as Cyrus, and restored to them the privi- 
 leges which they had lost (Ezr. v. 1, &c. ; 
 vi. 1, &c.) 3. DARIUS THE PERSIAN (Neh. 
 xii. 22) may be identified with Darius II. 
 Nothus (Ochus), king of Persia B. c. 424-3 
 to 405-4, if the whole passage in question 
 was written by Neheuiiah. If, however, 
 
 the register was continued to a later time, 
 as is not improbable, the occurrence of the 
 name Jaddua (vv. 11, 22) points to Darius 
 III. Codomannus, the antagonist of Alex- 
 ander, and last king of Persia B. c. 336- 
 330 (1 Mace. i. 1). 
 
 Darkness is spoken of as encompass- 
 ing the actual presence of God, as that out 
 of which he speaks, the envelope, as it 
 were, of Divine glory (Ex. xx. 21 ; IK. 
 viii. 12). The plague of Darkness in Egypt 
 has been ascribed by various commentators 
 to non-miraculous agency, but no sufficient 
 account of its intense degree, long duration, 
 and limited area, as proceeding from any 
 physical cause, has been given. The dark- 
 ness "over all the land" (Matt, xxvii. 45) 
 attending the crucifixion has been similarly 
 attributed to an eclipse. Phlegon of Tralles 
 indeed mentions an eclipse of intense dark- 
 ness, which began at noon, and was com- 
 bined, he says, in Bithynia, with an earth- 
 quake, which in the uncertain state of our 
 chronology more or less nearly synchronizes 
 with the event. Darkness is also, as in the 
 expression "land of darkness," used for the 
 state of the dead (Job x. 21, 22) ; and fre- 
 quently figuratively, for ignorance and un- 
 belief, as the privation of spiritual light 
 (John i. 5, iii. 19). 
 
 Dar'kon. Children of Darken were 
 among the " servants of Solomon " who re- 
 turned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
 ii. 5G ; Neh. vii. 58). 
 
 Dates, 2 Chr. xxxi. 5, marg. [PALM 
 TREE.] 
 
 Da'than, a Reubenite chieftain, son of 
 Eliab, who joined the conspiracy of Korah 
 the Levite (Num. xvi. 1, xxvi. 9 ; Deut. xi. 
 6; Ps. cvi. 17). 
 
 Daughter. 1. The word is used in 
 Scripture not only for daughter, but for 
 granddaughter or other female descendant, 
 much in the same way and like extent with 
 "son" (Gen. xxiv. 48, xxxi. 43). 2. The 
 female inhabitants of a place, a country, or 
 the females of a particular race are called 
 daughters (Gen. vi. 2, xxvii. 46, xxviii. 6, 
 xxxvi. 2; Num. xxv. 1; Deut. xxiii. 17; 
 Is. iii. 16; Jer. xlvi. 11, xlix. 2, 3, 4; Luke 
 xxiii. 28). 3. The same notion of descent 
 explains the phrase "daughters of music," 
 i. e. singing birds (Eccl. xii. 4), and the use 
 of the word for branches of a tree (Gen. 
 xlix. 22), the pupil of the eye (Lam. ii. 18; 
 Ps. xvii. 8), and the expression "daughter 
 of 90 years," to denote the age of Sarah 
 (Geu,xvii. 17). 4. It is also used of cities 
 in general (Is. x. 32, xxiii. 12 ; Jer. vi. 2, 
 26 ; Zech. ix. 9). 5. But more specifically 
 of dependent towns or hamlets, while to the 
 principal city the correlative "mother "is 
 applied (Num. xxi. 25; Josh. xvii. 11, 16; 
 Judg. i. 27; 1 Chr. vii. 28; 2 Sam. xx. 19). 
 
 David, the son of Jesse. His life may 
 be divided into three portions: I. Hia
 
 DAVID 
 
 134 
 
 DAVID 
 
 youth before his introduction to the court 
 of Saul. II. His relations with Saul. III. 
 His reign. I. The early life of David con- 
 tains in many important respects the ante- 
 cedents of his future career. 1. His fam- 
 ily may best be seen in the form of a 
 genealogy. It thus appears that David 
 was the youngest son, probably the youngest 
 child, of a family of ten. His mother's 
 name is unknown. His father, Jesse, was 
 of a great age when David was still young 
 (1 Sam. xvii. 12). His parents both lived 
 till after his final rupture with Saul (1 Sam. 
 xxii. 3). Through them David inherited 
 several points which he never lost, (a) 
 His connection with Moab through his 
 great-grandmother Ruth. This he kept up 
 when he escaped to Moab and intrusted his 
 aged parents to the care of the king (1 Sam. 
 xxii. 3). (6) His birthplace, BETHLEHEM. 
 His recollection of the well of Bethlehem 
 is one of the most touching incidents of his 
 later life (1 Chr. xi. 17), and it is his con- 
 nection with it that brought the place again 
 in after times into universal fame (Luke ii. 
 4). (c) His general connection with the 
 tribe of Judah. (d) His relations to Zeru- 
 iah and Abigail. Though called in 1 Chr. 
 ii. 16, sisters of David, they are not ex- 
 pressly called the daughters of Jesse ; and 
 Abigail, in 2 Sam. xvii. 25, is called the 
 daughter of Nahash. Is it too much to 
 suppose that David's mother had been the 
 wife or concubine of Nahash, and then 
 married by Jesse? 2. As the youngest of 
 the family he may possibly have received 
 from his parents the name, which first ap- 
 pears in him, of David the beloved, the 
 darling. Perhaps for this same reason he 
 was never intimate with his brethren. The 
 familiarity which he lost with his brothers 
 he gained with his nephews. The three 
 sons of his sister Zeruiah, and the one son 
 of his sister Abigail, were probably of the 
 same age as David himself, and they ac- 
 cordingly were to him throughout life in 
 the relation usually occupied by brothers 
 and cousins. The two sons of his brother 
 
 Shimeah are both connected with his after 
 history. One was Jonadab, the friend and 
 adviser of his eldest son Amnon (2 Sam. 
 xiii. 3). The other was Jonathan (2 Sam. 
 xxi. 21), who afterwards became the coun- 
 sellor of David himself (1 Chr. xxvii. 32). 
 The first time that David appears in history 
 at once admits us to the whole family circle 
 There was a practice once a year at Beth- 
 lehem, probably at the first now moon of 
 the year, of holding a sacrificial feast, at 
 which Jesse, as the chief proprietor of the 
 place, would preside (1 Sam. xx. 6), with 
 the elders of the town. At this or sucli like 
 feast (xvi. 1) suddenly appeared the great 
 prophet Samuel, driving a heifer before 
 him, and having in his hand a horn of the 
 consecrated oil of the Tabernacle. The 
 heifer was killed. The party were waiting 
 to begin the feast. Samuel stood with his 
 horn to pour forth the oil, as if for an invi- 
 tation to begin (comp. ix. 22). He was 
 restrained by divine intimation as son after 
 son passed by. Eliab, the eldest, by " hia 
 height " and " his countenance," seemed the 
 natural counterpart of Saul, whose rival, 
 unknown to them, the prophet came to se- 
 lect. But the day was gone when kings 
 were chosen because they were head and 
 shoulders taller than the rest. " Samuel 
 said unto Jesse, Are these all thy children ? 
 And he said, There remaineth yet the 
 youngest, and behold he keepeth the sheep." 
 This is our first and most characteristic in- 
 troduction to the future king. The boy 
 was brought in. We are enabled to fix 
 his appearance at once in our minds. He 
 was of short stature, with red or auburn 
 hair, such as is not unfrequently seen iu 
 his countrymen of the East at the present 
 day. In later life he wore a beard. His 
 bright eyes are especially mentioned (xvi. 
 12), and generally he was remarkable for 
 the grace of his figure and countenance 
 (" fair of eyes," " comely," " goodly," 
 xvi. 12, 18, xvii. 42), well made, and of 
 immense strength and agility. His swift- 
 ness and activity made him (like his nephew 
 
 Salmon or Salmah 
 (Ruthiv. 21, 1 Chr. ii. 11). 
 
 Elimelech = Naomi (Ruth i. 1). 
 
 Boaz = Ruth = Mahlon. 
 
 oLd 
 
 (Ruth iv. 17). 
 
 Chili 
 
 on = Orpah. 
 
 (2 Sam. xvii. 25) Nahash = unknown = Jesse. 
 
 Jonathan (1 Chr. xxvii. 32). 
 
 Ze 
 
 (1 
 ii. 
 
 uiah Abigail = Jether = Ira ?? ftfiab, Ahin- Shammah, 
 3hr. 1 (1 Chr. (Jerome. Elihu adab. Shimmah, 
 16). ii. 17). Qu. Heb. (1 Chr. Shimeah 
 on 1 Chr. xxvii. (2 Sam. 
 xi. 40). 18). ixi21). 
 
 Nethan- Ratldai Ozem (one DAVHX 
 eel. (Rael, (Asam is not 
 Jos. Ant. Jos. Ant. given, 
 vi. 8. 1. vi. 8. 1). unless 
 Rei, Ewald). Elihu, 
 Syr. and Arab. 
 
 Abishai. 
 
 Joab. Asahel. Amasa Abihail=Uohoboam. Jonathan 
 (2 Chr. xi. 1). (2 Sam. xxi. 21 ; 
 Zebadiah 1 Chr. xxvii. 32). 
 (1 Chr. xxvii. 7> (Nathan ? ? 
 Jer. Qu. Heb. 
 on 1 Saui. xvi. 12). 
 
 | 1 I Chr. ii. 15). 
 Jonudab Joel ? 
 (2 Sam. (Jerome, 
 xiii. 3). Qu. Heb. 
 on 1 Chr. 
 xi. 38).
 
 DAVID 
 
 135 
 
 DAVID 
 
 Asahel) like a wild gazelle, his feet like 
 hart's feet, and his arms strong enough 
 to break a bow of steel (Ps. xviii. 33, 34). 
 He was pursuing the occupation allotted in 
 Eastern countries usually to the slaves, the 
 females, or the despised of the family. He 
 usually carried a switch or wand in his hand 
 (1 Sam. xvii. 40), such as would be used 
 for his dogs (xvii. 43), and a scrip or wal- 
 let round his neck, to carry anything that 
 was needed for his shepherd's life (xvii. 
 43). 3. But there was another preparation 
 still more needed for his office, which is his 
 next introduction to the history. When 
 the body-guard of Saul were discussing 
 with their master where the best minstrel 
 could be found to chase away his madness 
 by music, one of the young men in the 
 guard suggested David. Saul, with the 
 absolute control inherent in the idea of an 
 Oriental king, instantly sent for him, and 
 in the successful effort of David's harp we 
 have the first glimpse into that genius for 
 music and poetry which was afterwards 
 consecrated in the Psalms. 4. One inci- 
 dent alone of his solitary shepherd life has 
 come down to us his conflict with the 
 lion and the bear in defence of his father's 
 flocks (1 Sam. xvii. 34, 35). But it did 
 not stand alone. He was already known to 
 Saul's guards for his martial exploits, prob- 
 ably against the Philistines (xvi. 18), and, 
 when he suddenly appeared in the camp, 
 his elder brother immediately guessed that 
 he had left the sheep in his ardor to see the 
 battle (xvii. 28). The scene of the battle 
 is at EPHKS-DAMMIM, in the frontier-hills of 
 Judah, called probably from this or similar 
 encounters " the bound of blood." Saul's 
 army is encamped on one side of the ravine, 
 the Philistines on the other; the watercourse 
 of Elah or " the Terebinth" runs between 
 them. A Philistine of gigantic stature, and 
 clothed in complete armor, insults the com- 
 paratively defenceless Israelites, amongst 
 whom the king alone appears to be well 
 armed (xvii. 38 ; comp. xiii. 20). No one 
 can be found to take up the challenge. At 
 this juncture David appears in the camp. 
 Just as he comes to the circle of wagons 
 which formed, as in Arab settlements, a 
 rude fortification round the Israelite camp 
 (xvii. 20), he hears the well-known shout 
 of the Israelite war-cry (comp. Num. xxiii. 
 21). The martial spirit of the boy is stirred 
 at the sound ; he leaves his provisions with 
 the baggage-master, and darts to join his 
 brothers, like one of the royal messengers, 
 into the midst of the lines. Then he hears 
 the challenge, now made for the fortieth 
 time sees the dismay of his countrymen 
 
 hears the reward proposed by the king 
 
 goes with the impetuosity of youth from 
 soldier to soldier talking of the event, in 
 spite of his brother's rebuke is intro- 
 duced to Saul undertakes tho combat. 
 
 His victory over the gigantic Philistine is 
 rendered more conspicuous by his own di- 
 minutive stature, and by the simple weapons 
 with which it was accomplished not the 
 armor of Saul, which he naturally found too 
 large, but the shepherd's sling, which he 
 always carried with him, and the five pol- 
 ished pebbles which he picked up as he went 
 from the watercourse of the valley, and put 
 in his shepherd's wallet. Two trophies long 
 remained of the battle one, the huge 
 sword of the Philistine, which was hung up 
 behind the ephod in the Tabernacle at Nob 
 (1 Sam. xxi. 9) ; the other, the head, which 
 he bore away himself, and which was either 
 laid up at Nob, or subsequently at Jeru- 
 salem. II. Relations with Saul. We 
 now enter on a HCAV aspect of David's life. 
 The victory over Goliath had been a turn- 
 ing point of his career. Saul inquired his 
 parentage, and took him finally to his court. 
 Jonathan was inspired by the romantic 
 friendship which bound the two youths to- 
 gether to the end of their lives. The tri- 
 umphant songs of the Israelitish women 
 announced that they felt that in him Israel 
 had now found a deliverer mightier even 
 than Saul. And in those songs, and in the 
 fame which David thus acquired, was laid 
 the foundation of that unhappy jealousy of 
 Saul towards him, which, mingling with the 
 king's constitutional malady, poisoned his 
 whole future relations to David. Three 
 new qualities now began to develop them- 
 selves in David's character, The first was 
 his prudence. Secondly, we now see his 
 magnanimous forbearance, called forth, in 
 the first instance, towards Saul, but dis- 
 playing itself (with a few painful excep- 
 tions) in the rest of his life. Thirdly, his 
 hairbreadth escapes, continued through so 
 many years, impressed upon him a sense 
 of dependence on the Divine help, clearly 
 derived from this epoch. This course of 
 life subdivides itself into four portions : 
 1. His life at the court of Saul till his final 
 escape (1 Sam. xviii. 2-xix. 18). His office 
 is not exactly defined. But it would seem 
 that, having been first armor-bearer (xvi. 
 21, xviii. 2), then made captain over a 
 thousand the subdivision of a tribe 
 (xviii. 13), he finally, on his marriage with 
 Michal, the king's second daughter, was 
 raised to the high office of captain of the 
 king's body-guard, second only, if not 
 equal, to Abner, the captain of the host, 
 and Jonathan, the heir apparent. These 
 three formed the usual companions of the 
 king at his meals (xx. 25). David was now 
 chiefly known for his successful exploits 
 against the Philistines, by one of which he 
 won Ms wife, and drove back the Philistine 
 power with a blow from which it only ral- 
 lied at the disastrous close of Saul's reign. 
 He also still p'-rformed from time to time 
 the office of minstrel. But the successive
 
 DAVID 
 
 136 
 
 DAVID 
 
 snares laid by Saul to entrap him, and the 
 open violence into which the king's mad- 
 ness twice broke cut, at last convinced him 
 that his life was no longer safe. He had 
 two faithful allies, however, in the court 
 the son of Saul, his friend Jonathan the 
 daughter of Saul, his wife Michal. Warned 
 by the one, and assisted by the other, he 
 escaped by night, and was from thence- 
 forward a fugitive. Jonathan he never 
 saw again except by stealth. Michal was 
 given in marriage to another (Phaltiel), 
 and he saw her no more till long after 
 her father's death. 2. His escape (1 Sam. 
 xix. 18-xxi. 15). He first fled to Naioth 
 (or the pastures) of Ramah, to Samuel. 
 This is the first recorded occasion of his 
 meeting with Samuel since the original in- 
 terview during his boyhood at Bethlehem. 
 Up to this time both the king and himself 
 had thought that a reunion was possible 
 (see xx. 5, 26). But the madness of Saul 
 now became more settled and ferocious in 
 character, and David's danger proportion- 
 ably greater. The secret interview with 
 Jonathan confirmed the alarm already ex- 
 cited by Saul's endeavor to seize him at 
 Ramah, and he now determined to leave 
 his country, and take refuge, like Coriola- 
 nus or Themistocles in like circumstances, 
 in the court of his enemy. Before this last 
 resolve, he visited Nob, the seat of the 
 tabernacle, partly to obtain a final inter- 
 view with the high-priest (1 Sam. xxii. 9, 
 15), partly to obtain food and weapons. 
 On the pretext of a secret mission from 
 Saul, he gained an answer from the oracle, 
 some of the consecrated loaves, and the 
 consecrated sword of Goliath. His stay at 
 the court of ACHISH was short. Discovered 
 possibly by " the sword of Goliath," his 
 presence revived the national enmity of the 
 Philistines against their former conqueror, 
 and he only escaped by feigning madness 
 (1 Sam, xxi. 13). 3. His life as an inde- 
 pendent outlaw (xxii. 1-xxvi. 25). (a) 
 His first retreat was the cave of Adullam, 
 probably the large cavern, not far from 
 Bethlehem, now called Khureitun. From 
 its vicinity to Bethlehem, he was joined 
 there by his whole family, now feeling them- 
 selves insecure from Saul's fury (xxii. 1). 
 This was probably the foundation of his 
 intimate connection with his nephews, the 
 sons of Zeruiah. (6) His next move was 
 to a stronghold, either the mountain, after- 
 wards called Herodium, close to Adullam, 
 or the fastness called by Josephus Masada, 
 the Grecized form of the Hebrew word 
 Matzed (1 Sam. xxii. 4, 5; 1 Chr. xii. 16), 
 in the neighborhood of En-gedi. Whilst 
 there he had deposited his aged parents, 
 for the sake of greater security, beyond the 
 Jordan, with their ancestral kinsman of 
 Moab (ib. 3). The neighboring king, 
 Nahash of Ammon, also treated him kindly 
 
 (2 Sam. x. 2). Here occurred the chival- 
 rous exploit of the three heroes just men- 
 tioned to procure water from the well of 
 Bethlehem, and David's chivalrous answer, 
 like that of Alexander in the desert of 
 Gedrosia (1 Chr. xi. 16-19; 2 Sam. xxiii. 
 14-17). He was joined here by two sepa- 
 rate bands. One a little body of eleven 
 fierce Gadite mountaineers, who swam the 
 Jordan in flood-time to reach him (1 Chr. 
 xii. 8). Another was a detachment of men 
 from Judah and Benjamin under his 
 nephew Amasai, who henceforth attached 
 himself to David's fortunes (1 Chr. xii. 16- 
 18). (e) At the warning of Gad, he fled 
 to the forest of Hareth, and then again fell 
 in with the Philistines, and again, appar- 
 ently advised by Gad (xxiii. 4), made a 
 descent on their foraging parties, and re- 
 lieved Kcildh, in which he took up his 
 abode. Whilst there, now for the first time 
 in a fortified town of his own (xxiii. 7), he 
 was joined by a new and most important 
 ally Abiathar, the last survivor of the 
 house of Ithamar. By this time the 400 
 who had joined him at Adullam (xxii. 2) 
 had swelled to 600 (xxiii. 13). (d) The 
 situation of David was now changed by the 
 appearance of Saul himself on the scene. 
 Apparently the danger was too great for 
 the little army to keep together. They es- 
 caped from Keilah, and dispersed, " whith- 
 ersoever they could go," among the fast- 
 nesses of Judah. Henceforth it becomes 
 difficult to follow his movements with ex- 
 actness. But thus much we discern. He is 
 in the wilderness of Ziph. Once (or twice) 
 the Ziphites betray his movements to Saul. 
 From thence Saul literally hunts him like a 
 partridge, the treacherous Ziphites beating 
 the bushes before him, and 3000 men sta- 
 tioned to catch even the print of his footsteps 
 on the hills (1 Sam. xxiii. 14, 22, xxiv. 11, 
 xxvi. 2, 20). David finds himself driven to 
 the extreme south of Judah, in the wilder- 
 ness of Maon. On two, if not three occa- 
 sions, the pursuer and pursued catch sight 
 of each other (1 Sam. xxiii. 25-29, xxiv. 1- 
 22, xxvi.). Whilst he was in the wilderness 
 of Maon occurred David's adventure witli 
 NABAL, instructive as showing his mode 
 of carrying on the freebooter's life, and his 
 marriage with Abigail. His marriage with 
 Ahinoam from Jezreel, also in the same 
 neighborhood (Josh. xv. 56), seems to have 
 taken place a short time before (1 Sam. xxv. 
 43, xxvii. 3; 2 Sam. iii. 2). 4. His ser- 
 vice under Achish (1 Sam. xxvii. 1 ; 2 Sam. 
 i. 27). Wearied with his wandering life 
 he at last crosses the Philistine frontier, 
 not, as before, in the capacity of a fugitive, 
 but the chief of a powerful band his 600 
 men now grown into an organized force, 
 with their wives and families around them, 
 (xxvii. 3, 4). After tl e manner of Eastern 
 potentates, Achish ga\ e him, for his support,
 
 DAVID 
 
 137 
 
 DAVID 
 
 a city Ziklag on the frontier of Philistia j 28). (II.) Reign over all Israel, 33 years 
 (xxvii. 6). There we meet with the first (2 Sam. v. 5 to 1 K. ii. 11). (1) The foun- 
 
 One fastness alone in 
 
 note of time in David's life. He was set- 
 tled there for a year and four months 
 (xxvii. 7), and a body of Benjamite arch- 
 ers and slingers, twenty-two of whom are 
 specially named, joined him from the very 
 tribe of his rival (1 Chr. xii. 1-7). He 
 deceived Achish into confidence by attack- 
 ing the old Nomadic inhabitants of the 
 desart frontier, and representing the plun- 
 der to be of portions of the southern tribes 
 or the Nomadic allied tribes of Israel. But 
 this confidence was not shared by the Phi- 
 listine nobles, and accordingly David was 
 sent back by Achish from the last victo- 
 rious campaign against Saul. During his 
 absence the Bedouin Amalekites, whom he 
 had plundered during the previous year, had 
 made a descent upon Ziklag, burnt it to the 
 ground, and carried off the wives and chil- 
 dren of the new settlement. A wild scene 
 of frantic grief and recrimination ensued 
 between David and his followers. It was 
 calmed by an oracle of assurance from 
 Abiathar. Assisted by the Manassites who 
 had joined him on the march to Gilboa (1 
 Chr. xii. 19-21), he overtook the invaders 
 in the desert, and recovered the spoil (1 
 Sam. xxx.). Two days after this victory 
 a Bedouin arrived from the north with the 
 fatal news of the death at Gilboa. The 
 reception of the tidings of the death of his 
 rival and of his friend, the solemn mourn- 
 ing, the vent of his indignation against the 
 bearer of the message, the pathetic lamen- 
 tation that followed, will close the second 
 period of David's life (2 Sam. i. 1-27). 
 III. David's reign. (I.) As king of Judah 
 at Hebron, 7^ years (2 Sam. ii. 1-v. 5). 
 Hebron was selected, doubtless, as the an- 
 cient sacred city of the tribe of Judah, the 
 burial-place of the patriarchs and the in- 
 heritance of Caleb. Here David was first 
 formally anointed king (2 Sam. ii. 4). 
 To Judah his dominion was nominally con- 
 fined. Gradually his power increased, 
 and during the two years which followed 
 the elevation of Ishbosheth a series of 
 skirmishes took place between the two 
 kingdoms. Then rapidly followed, though 
 without David's consent, the successive 
 murders of ABXKII and of ISHBOSHETH (2 
 Sam. iii. 30, iv. 5). The throne, so long 
 waiting for him, was now vacant, and the 
 united voice of the whole people at once 
 called him to occupy it. A solemn league 
 was made between him and his people (2 
 Sam. v. 3). For the third time David was 
 anointed king, and a festival of three days 
 celebrated the joyful event (1 Chr. xii. 39). 
 His little band had now swelled into " a 
 great host, like the host of God" (1 Chr. 
 xii. 22). The command of it, which had 
 formerly rested on David alone, he now 
 devolved on his nephew Joab (2 Sam. ii. 
 
 dation of Jerusalem. 
 
 the centre of the land had hitherto defied 
 the arms of Israel. On this, with a singu- 
 lar prescience, David fixed as his future 
 capital. By one sudden assault Jebus was 
 taken. The reward bestowed on the suc- 
 cessful sealer of the precipice was the 
 highest place in the army. Joab hence- 
 forward became captain of the host (1 Chr. 
 xi. 6). The royal residence was instantly 
 fixed there fortifications were added by 
 the king and by Joab and it was known 
 by the special name of the " city of David " 
 (1 Chr. xi. 7; 2 Sam. v. 9). The Philis- 
 tines made two ineffectual attacks on the 
 new king (2 Sam. v. 17-20), and a retribu- 
 tion on their former victories took place 
 by the capture and conflagration of their 
 own idols (1 Chr. xiv. 12). Tyre, now for 
 the first time appearing in the sacred his- 
 tory, allied herself with Israel ; and Hiram 
 sent cedar-wood for the buildings of the new 
 capital (2 Sam. v. 11), especially for the 
 palace of David himself (2 Sam. vii. 2). 
 Unhallowed and profane as the city had 
 been before, it was at once elevated to a 
 sanctity which it has never lost, above any 
 of the ancient sanctuaries of the land. The 
 ark was now removed from its obscurity 
 at Kirjath-jearim with marked solemnity. 
 A temporary halt (owing to the death of 
 Uzza) detained it at Obed-edom's house, 
 after which it again moved forward with 
 great state to Jerusalem. It was the great- 
 est day of David's life. One incident only 
 tarnished its splendor the reproach of 
 Michal, his wife, as he was finally entering 
 his own palace, to carry to his own household 
 the benediction which he had already pro- 
 nounced on his people. His act of severity 
 towards her was an additional mark of the 
 stress which he himself laid on the solem- 
 nity (2 Sam. vi. 20-23 ; 1 Chr. xv. 29). 
 (2) Foundation of the Court and Empire 
 of Israel, 2 Sam. viii. to xii. The erec- 
 tion of the new capital at Jerusalem in- 
 troduces us to a new era in David's life 
 and in the history of the monarchy. He 
 became a king on the scale of the great 
 Oriental sovereigns of Egypt and Persia, 
 with a regular administration and organi- 
 zation of court and camp; and he also 
 founded an imperial dominion which for 
 the first time realized the prophetic de- 
 scription of the bounds of the chosen peo- 
 ple (Gen. xv. 18-21). The internal organ- 
 ization now established lasted till the final 
 overthrow of the monarchy. The empire 
 was of much shorter duration, continuing 
 only through the reigns of David and his 
 successor Solomon. But, for the period 
 of its existence, it lent a peculiar character 
 to the sacred history, (a) In the inter- 
 nal organization of the kingdom the first
 
 DAVID 
 
 138 
 
 DAVID 
 
 new element that has to be considered is 
 the royal family, the dynasty, of which 
 David was the founder, a position which 
 entitled him to the name of " Patriarch " 
 (Acts ii. 29), and (ultimately) of the ances- 
 tor of the Messiah. Of these, Absalom 
 and Adonijah both inherited their father's 
 beauty (2 Sam. xiv. 25 ; 1 K. i. 6) ; but 
 Solomon alone possessed any of his higher 
 qualities. It was from a union of the chil- 
 dren of Solomon and Absalom that the royal 
 line was carried on (1 K. xv. 2). David's 
 strong parental affection for all of them 
 is very remarkable (2 Sam. xiii. 31, 33, 3G, 
 xiv. 33, xviii. 5, 33, xix. 4 ; IK. i. 6). (6) 
 The military organization, which was in 
 fact inherited from Saul, but greatly devel- 
 oped by David, was as follows : (1) " The 
 Host," i. e. the whole available military 
 force of Israel, consisting of all males capa- 
 ble of bearing arms, and summoned only 
 for war. There were 12 divisions of 24,000 
 each, who were held to be in duty month 
 by month ; and over each of them presided 
 an officer, selected for this purpose from 
 the other military bodies formed by David 
 (1 Chr. xxvii. 1-15). The army was still 
 distinguished from those of surrounding 
 nations by its primitive aspect of a force 
 of infantry without cavalry. The only in- 
 novations as yet allowed were the introduc- 
 tion of a very limited number of chariots 
 (2 Sam. viii. 4) and of mules for the 
 princes and officers instead of asses (2 
 Sam. xiii. 29, xviii. 9). (2) The Body- 
 guard. This also had existed in the court 
 of Saul, and David himself had probably 
 been its commanding officer (1 Sam. xxii. 
 14). But it now assumed a peculiar organ- 
 ization. They were at least in name for- 
 eigners, as having been drawn from the 
 Philistines, probably during David's resi- 
 dence at the court of Gath. They are usually 
 called from this circumstance " Cherethites 
 and Pelethites." The captain of the force 
 was, however, not only not a foreigner, but 
 an Israelite of the highest distinction and 
 purest descent, who first appears in this 
 capacity, but who outlived David, and 
 became the chief support of the throne of 
 his son, namely Benaiah, son of the chief- 
 priest Jehoiada, representative of the eld- 
 est branch of Aaron's house (2 Sam. viii. 
 18, xv. 18, xx. 23; IK. i. 38, 44). (3) 
 The most peculiar military institution in 
 David's army was that which arose out 
 of the peculiar circumstances of his early 
 life. The nucleus of what afterwards be- 
 came the only standing army in David's 
 forces was the band of 600 men who had 
 gathered round him in his wanderings. The 
 number of 600 was still preserved. It be- 
 came yet further subdivided into three large 
 bands of 200 each, and small bands of 20 
 each. The small bands were commanded 
 by 30 officers, one for each band, who to- 
 
 gether formed " the thirty," and the 3 large 
 bands by 3 officers, who together formed 
 "the three," and the whole by one cliief, 
 "the captain of the mighty men " (2 Sam. 
 xxiii. 8-39; 1 Chr. xi. 9-47). The CDin- 
 mander of the whole force was Abishai, 
 David's nephew (1 Chr. xi. 20; and comp. 
 2 Sam. xvi. 9). (c) Side by side with this 
 military organization were established social 
 and moral institutions. Some were entirely 
 for pastoral, agricultural, and financial pur- 
 poses ( 1 Chr. xxvii. 25-3 1 ) , other s for judicial 
 (1 Chr. xxvi. 29-32). Some few are named 
 as constituting whatwould now be called the 
 court, or council of the king ; the councillors, 
 Ahithophel of Gilo, and Jonathan, the king's 
 nephew (1 Chr. xxvii. 32, 33) ; the com- 
 panion or "friend," Hushai (1 Chr. xxvii. 
 33 ; 2 Sam. xv. 37, xvi. 19) ; the scribe, 
 Sheva, or Seraiah, and at one time Jonathan 
 (2 Sam. xx. 25 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 32) ; Jehosha- 
 phat, the recorder or historian (2 Sam. xx. 
 24), and Adoram the tax-collector, both of 
 whom survived him (2 Sam. xx. 24 ; IK. 
 xii. 18, iv. 3, 6 ). But the more peculiar of 
 David's institutions were those directly bear- 
 ing on religion. Two prophets appear aa 
 the king's constant advisers. Of these, 
 Gad, who seems to have been the elder, had 
 been David's companion in exile ; and, from 
 his being called "the seer," belongs prob- 
 ably to the earliest form of the prophetic 
 schools. Nathan, who appears for the first 
 time after the establishment of the kingdom 
 of Jerusalem (2 Sam. vii. 2), is distin- 
 guished both by his title of " prophet," and 
 by the nature of the prophecies which he 
 utters (2 Sam. vii. 5-17, xii. 1-14), as of 
 the purest type of prophetic dispensation, 
 and as the hope of the new generation, 
 which he supports in the person of Sol- 
 omon (1 K. i.). Two high-priests also 
 appear representatives of the two rival 
 houses of Aaron (1 Chr.xxiv. 3) ; hereagiiin, 
 as in the case of the two prophets, one, Abia- 
 thar, who attended him at Jerusalem, com- 
 panion of his exile, and connected with the 
 old time of the judges (1 Chr. xxvii. 34), 
 joining him after the death of Saul, and be- 
 coming afterwards the support of his son ; 
 the other, Zadoc, who ministered at Gib- 
 eon (1 Chr. xvi. 39), and who was made 
 the head of the Aaronic family (xxvii. 17). 
 Besides these four great religious func- 
 tionaries there were two classes of subor- 
 dinates prophets, specially instructed in 
 singing and music, under Asaph, Heman 
 the grandson of Samuel, and Jeduthun (1 
 Chr. xxv. 1-31) Levites, or attendants 
 on the sanctuary, who again were subdi- 
 vided into the guardians of the gates and 
 guardians of the treasures (1 Chr. xxvi. 
 1-28) which had been accumulated, since 
 the re-establishment of the nation, by Sam- 
 uel, Saul, Abner, Joab, and David himself 
 (1 Chr. xxvi. 26-28). (d) From the in-
 
 DAVID 
 
 139 
 
 DAVID 
 
 ternal state of David's kingdom we pass to 
 its external relations. These will be found at 
 length under the various countries to which 
 they relate. It will be here only neces- 
 sary to briefly indicate the enlargement of 
 his dominions. AVithin ten years from the 
 capture of Jerusalem, he had reduced to a 
 state of permanent subjection the PHILIS- 
 TINES on the west (2 Sam. viii. 1) ; the 
 MOABITES on the east (2 Sam. viii. 2), by 
 the exploits of Benaiah (2 Sam. xxiii. 20) ; 
 the SYRIANS on the north-east as far as the 
 Euphrates (2 Sam. viii. 3) ; the EDOMITES 
 (2 Sam. viii. 14), on the south ; and finally 
 the AMMONITES, who had broken their an- 
 cient alliance, and made one grand resist- 
 ance to the advance of his empire (2 Sam. 
 x. 1-19, xii. 26-31). These three last wars 
 were entangled with each other. The last 
 and crowning point was the siege of Rab- 
 bah. (3) Three great calamities may be 
 selected as marking the beginning, middle, 
 and close of David's otherwise prosperous 
 reign; which appears to be intimated in 
 the question of Gad (2 Sam. xxiv. 13), "a 
 three years' famine, a three months' flight, 
 or a three days' pestilence." (a) Of these, 
 the first (the three years' famine) intro- 
 duces us to the last notices of David's re- 
 lations with the house of Saul. There has 
 often arisen a puinful suspicion in later 
 times, as there seems to have been at the 
 time (xvi. 7), that the oracle, which gave 
 as the cause of the famine Saul's massacre 
 of the Gibeonites, may have been con- 
 nected with the desire to extinguish the 
 last remains of the fallen dynasty. But 
 such an explanation is not needed. The 
 massacre was probably the most recent 
 national crime that had left any deep im- 
 pression ; and the whole tenor of David's 
 conduct towards Saul's family is of an op- 
 posite kind. (6) The second group of in- 
 cidents contains the tragedy of David's 
 life, which grew in all its parts out of the 
 polygamy, with its evil consequences, into 
 which he had plunged on becoming king. 
 Underneath the splendor of his last glori- 
 ous campaign against the Ammonites, was 
 a dark story, known probably at that time 
 only to a very few; the double crime of 
 adultery with Bathsheba, and of the virtual 
 murder of Uriah. The crimes are un- 
 doubtedly those of a common Oriental 
 despot. But the rebuke of Nathan; the 
 sudden revival of the king's conscience ; 
 his grief for the sickness of the child ; the 
 gathering of his uncles and elder brothers 
 around him ; his return of hope and peace ; 
 are characteristic of David, and of David 
 only. But the clouds from this time gath- 
 ered over David's fortunes, and hencefor- 
 ward " the sword never departed from his 
 house" (2 Sam. xii. 10). The outrage on 
 his daughter Tamar; the murder of his 
 eldest son Amnon j and then the revolt of 
 
 his best-beloved Absalom, brought on the 
 crisis which once more sent him forth a wan- 
 derer, as in the days when he fled from 
 Saul ; and this, the heaviest trial of hia 
 life, was aggravated by the impetuosity of 
 Joab, now perhaps, from his complicity in 
 David's crime, more unmanageable than 
 ever. The rebellion was fostered appar- 
 ently by the growing jealousy of the tribe 
 of Judah at seeing their king absorbed into 
 the whole nation ; and if, as appears from 
 2 Sam. xi. 3, xxiii. 34, Ahithophel was the 
 grandfather of Bathsheba, its main sup- 
 porter was one whom David had provoked 
 by his own crimes. Por its general course 
 the reader is referred to the names just 
 mentioned. Mahanaim was the capital 
 of David's exile, as it had been of the ex- 
 iled house of Saul (2 Sam. xvii. 24 ; cornp. 
 ii. 8, 12). His forces were arranged under 
 the three great military officers who re- 
 mained faithful to his fortunes Joab, cap- 
 tain of the host; Abishai, captain of "the 
 mighty men ; " and Ittai, who seems to 
 have taken the place of Benaiah as cap- 
 tain of the guard (2 Sam. xviii. 2). On 
 Absalom's side was David's nephew Amasa 
 (ib. xvii. 25). The final battle was fought 
 in the " forest of Ephraim," which termi- 
 nated in the accident leading to the death 
 of Absalom. At this point the narrative 
 resumes its minute detail. The return was 
 marked at every stage by rejoicing and 
 amnesty (2 Sam. xix. 16-40; 1 K. ii. 7). 
 Judah was first reconciled. The embers 
 of the insurrection, still smouldering (2 
 Sam. xix. 41-43) in David's hereditary ene- 
 mies of the tribe of Benjamin, were 
 trampled out by the mixture of boldness 
 and sagacity in Joab, now, after the mur- 
 der of Amasa, once more in his old posi- 
 tion. And David again reigned in undis- 
 turbed peace at Jerusalem (2 Sam. xx. 
 1-22). (c) The closing period of David's 
 life, with the exception of one great calam- 
 ity, may be considered as a gradual prepa- 
 ration for the reign of Ms successor. 
 This calamity was the three days' pesti- 
 lence which visited Jerusalem at the warn- 
 ing of the prophet Gad. The occasion 
 which led to this warning was the census 
 of the people taken by Joab at the king's 
 orders (2 Sam. xxix. 1-9 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 1-7, 
 xxvii. 23, 24). Joab's repugnance to the 
 measure was such that he refused alto- 
 gether to number Levi and Benjamin (1 
 Chr. xxi. 6). The plague and its cessation 
 were commemorated down to the latest 
 times of the Jewish nation. Outside the 
 walls of Jerusalem, Araunah or Oman, a 
 wealthy Jebusite perhaps even the an- 
 cient king of Jebus (2 Sam. xxiv. 23) 
 possessed a threshing-floor; there he and 
 his sens were engaged in threshing the corn 
 gathered in from the harvest (1 Chr. xxi. 
 20). At this soot an awful vision appeared^
 
 DAVID, CITY OF 
 
 140 
 
 DAY 
 
 such as is described in the later days of Je- 
 rusalem, of the Angel of the Lord stretch- 
 ing out a drawn sword between earth and 
 sky over the devoted city. The scene of 
 such an apparition at such a moment was 
 at once marked out for a sanctuary. David 
 demanded, and Araunah willingly granted, 
 the site : the altar was erected on the rock 
 of the threshing-floor ; the place was called 
 by the name of "Moriah " (2 Chr. iii. 1) ; 
 and for the first time a holy place, sancti- 
 fied by a vision of the Divine presence, 
 was recognized in Jerusalem. It was this 
 spot which afterwards became the altar of 
 the Temple, and therefore the centre of the 
 national worship, with but slight interrup- 
 tion, for more than 1000 years, and it is 
 even contended that the same spot is the 
 rock, still regarded with almost idolatrous 
 veneration, in the centre of the Mussulman 
 *' Dome of the Rock." A formidable con- 
 spiracy to interrupt the succession broke 
 out in the last days of David's reign, which 
 detached from his person two of his court, 
 who from personal offence or adherence to 
 the ancient family had been alienated from 
 him Joab and Abiathar. But Zadok, 
 Nathan, Benaiah, Shimei, and Rei remain- 
 ing firm, the plot was stifled, and Solo- 
 mon's inauguration took place under his 
 father's auspices (1 K. i. 1-53). By this 
 time David's infirmities had grown upon 
 him. The warmth of his exhausted frame 
 was attempted to be restored by the intro- 
 duction of a young Shunammite, of the 
 name of Abishag, mentioned apparently 
 for the sake of an incident which grew up 
 in connection with her out of the later 
 events (2 K. i. 1, ii. 17). His last song is 
 preserved a striking union of the ideal 
 of a just ruler which he had placed before 
 him, and of the difficulties which he had 
 felt in realizing it (2 Sam. xxiii. 1-7). His 
 last words, as recorded, to his successor, 
 are general exhortations to his duty, com- 
 bined with warnings against Joab and 
 Shimei, and charges to remember the chil- 
 dren of Barzillai (1 K. ii. 1-9). He died, ac- 
 cording to Josephus, at the age of 70, and 
 " was buried in the city of David." After 
 the return from the captivity, " the sepul- 
 chres of David " were still pointed out 
 "between Siloah and the house of the 
 mighty men," or " the guardhouse" (Neh. 
 iii. 16). His tomb, which became the gen- 
 eral sepulchre of the kings of Judah, was 
 pointed out in the latest times of the Jew- 
 ish people. The edifice shown as such 
 from the Crusades to the present day is on 
 the southern hill of modern Jerusalem, 
 commonly called Mount Zion, under the 
 eo-called " Coenaculum ; " but it cannot be 
 identified with the tomb of David, which 
 was emphatically within the walls. 
 David, City Of. [JERUSALEM.] 
 Day. The variable length of the natu- 
 
 ral day at different seasons led in the very 
 earliest times to the adoption of the civil 
 day (or one revolution of the sun) as a 
 standard of time. The commencement of 
 the civil day varies in different xations: 
 the Babylonians reckoned it from sunrise 
 to sunrise; the Umbrians from noon to 
 noon ; the Romans from midnight to mid 
 night ; the Athenians and others from sun- 
 set to sunset. The Hebrews naturally 
 adopted the latter reckoning (Lev. xxiii. 
 32, " from even to even shall ye celebrate 
 your sabbath ") from Gen. i. 5, " the even- 
 ing and the morning were the first day." 
 The Jews are supposed, like the modern 
 Arabs, to have adopted from an early 
 period minute specifications of the parts 
 of the natural day. Roughly indeed they 
 were content to divide it into " morning, 
 evening, and noonday" (Ps. Iv. 17); but 
 when they wished for greater accuracy they 
 pointed to six unequal parts, each of which 
 was again subdivided. These are held to 
 have been : 1. " The dawn." 2. " Sun- 
 rise." 3. " Heat of the day," about 9 
 o'clock; 4. "The two noons" (Gen. xliii. 
 16; Deut. xxviii. 29); 5. "The cool (lit. 
 wind) of the day," before sunset (Gen. iii. 
 8) ; so called by the Persians to this day ; 
 6. "Evening." The phrase " between the 
 two evenings" (Ex. xvi. 12, xxx. 8), being 
 the time marked for slaying the paschal 
 lamb and offering the evening sacrifice 
 (Ex. xii. 6, xxix. 39), led to a dispute be- 
 tween the Karaites and Samaritans on the 
 one hand, and the Pharisees on the other. 
 The former took it to mean between sunset 
 and full darkness (Deut. xvi. 6) ; the Rab- 
 binists explained it as the time between the 
 beginning and end of sunset. Before the 
 captivity the Jews divided the night into 
 three watches (Ps. Ixiii. 6, xc. 4) , viz. the 
 first watch, lasting till midnight (Lam. ii. 
 19, A. V. " the beginning of the watches ") ; 
 the " Middle watch," lasting till cockcrow 
 (Judg. vii. 19) ; and the morning watch, 
 lasting till sunrise (Ex. xiv. 24). These 
 divisions were probably connected with the 
 Levitical duties in the Temple service. 
 The Jews, however, say (in spite of their 
 own definition, "a watch is the third part 
 of the night," that they always had four 
 night-watches (comp. Neh. ix. 3), but that 
 the fourth was counted as a part of the 
 morning. In the N. T. we have allusions 
 to four watches, a division borrowed from 
 the Greeks and Romans. These were, 1. 
 from twilight till 9 o'clock (Mark. xi. 11; 
 John xx. 19); 2. miinight, from 9 till 12 
 o'clock (Mark xiii. 35) ; 3. till 3 in the 
 morning (Mark xiii. 35 ; 3 Mace. v. 23) ; 
 4. till daybreak (John xviii. 28). The 
 word held to mean "hour "is first found 
 in Dan. iii. 6, 15, v. 5. Perhaps the Jews, 
 like the Greeks, learnt from the Babylonians 
 the division ot the day into 12 parts. In
 
 DAYSMAN 
 
 141 
 
 DEBORAH 
 
 our Lord's time the division was common 
 (John xi. 9). 
 
 Daysman, an old English term, mean- 
 ing umpire or arbitrator (Job ix. 33). It 
 is derived from day, in the specific sense of 
 a day fixed for a trial. 
 
 Deacon. The office described by this 
 title appears in the N. T. as the correlative 
 of Bishop. [BISHOP.] The two are men- 
 tioned together in Phil. i. 1 ; 1 Tim. iii. 2, 
 8. Like most words of similar import, it 
 appears to have been first used in its ge- 
 neric sense, implying subordinate activity (1 
 Cor. iii. 5; 2 Cor. vi. 4), and afterwards to 
 have gained a more defined connotation, as 
 applied to a distinct body of men in the 
 Christian society. The narrative of Acts 
 vi. is commonly referred to as giving an ac- 
 count of the institution of this office. The 
 Apostles, in order to meet the complaints 
 of the Hellenistic Jews, that their widows 
 were neglected in the daily ministration, 
 call on the body of believers to choose seven 
 men "full of the Holy Ghost and of wis- 
 dom," whom they " may appoint over this 
 business." It may be questioned, however, 
 whether the seven were not appointed to 
 lugher functions than those of the deacons 
 of the N. T. There are indications, how- 
 ever, of the existence of another body in 
 the Church of Jerusalem whom we may 
 compare with the deacons of Phil. i. 1, and 
 1 Tim. iii. 8. As the " elders " of Acts 
 xiv. 23, xv. 6; 1 Pet. v. 1, were not merely 
 men advanced in years, so the " young 
 men " of Acts v. 6, 10, were probably not 
 merely young iHfen, but persons occupying 
 a distinct position and exercising distinct 
 functions. Assuming the identity of the 
 two names we have to ask (1) To what 
 previous organization, if any, the order is 
 traceable ? (2) What were the qualifications 
 and functions of the men so designated? I. 
 As the constitution of the Jewish synagogue 
 had its elders or pastors, so also it had its 
 subordinate officers (Luke iv. 20), whose 
 work it was to give the reader the rolls 
 containing the lessons for the day, to clean 
 the synagogue, to open and close it at the 
 right times. II. The moral qualifications 
 described in 1 Tim. iii., as necessary for the 
 office of a deacon, are substantially the 
 same as those of the bishop. The deacons, 
 however, were not required to be " given 
 to hospitality," nor to be " apt to teach." 
 It was enough for them to " hold the mys- 
 tery of the faith in a pure conscience." 
 They were not to gain their living by dis- 
 reputable occupations. On offering them- 
 selves for their work they were to be subject 
 to a strict scrutiny (1 Tim. iii. 10), and if 
 this ended satisfactorily were to enter on it. 
 From the analogy of the synagogue, and 
 from the scanty notices of the N. T., we 
 may think of the deacons or "young men " 
 iu the Church of Jerusalem aa preparing 
 
 the rooms in which the disciples met, taking 
 part in the distribution of alms out of the 
 common fund, at first with no direct super- 
 vision, than under that of the Seven, and 
 afterwards under the elders, maintaining 
 order at the daily meetings of the disciples 
 to break bread, baptizing new converts, dis- 
 tributing the bread and the wine of the 
 Lord's Supper, which the Apostle or his 
 representative had blessed. It does not ap- 
 pear to have belonged to the office of a 
 deacon to teach publicly in the Church. 
 
 Deaconess. The word Siuzuius is found 
 in Rom. xvi. 1 (A. V. "servant"), associ- 
 ated with a female name, and this has led 
 to the conclusion that there existed in the 
 Apostolic age, as there undoubtedly did a 
 little later, an order of women bearing that 
 title, and exercising in relation to their own 
 sex functions which were analogous to those 
 of the deacons. On this hypothesis it has 
 been inferred that the women mentioned in 
 Rom. xvi. 6, 12, belonged to such an order. 
 The rules given as to the conduct of women 
 in 1 Tim. iii. 11, Tit. ii. 3, have in like 
 manner been referred to them, and they 
 have been identified even with the " wid- 
 ows " of 1 Tim. v. 3-10. 
 
 Dead Sea. This name nowhere occurs 
 in the Bible, and appears not to have exist- 
 ed until the 2d century after Christ. In 
 the O. T. the lake is called "the Salt Sea," 
 and " the Sea of the Plain," and under 
 the former of these names it is described. 
 
 Dearth. [FAMINE.] 
 
 De'tair, the name of three places of 
 Palestine. 1. A town in the mountains of 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 49), one of a group of 
 eleven cities to the west of Hebron. The 
 earlier name of Debir was Kirjathsepher, 
 " city of book" (Josh. xv. 15; Judg. i. 11), 
 and Kirjathsannah, " city of palm " (Josh, 
 xv. 49). It was one of the cities given with 
 their " suburbs " to the priests (Josh. xxL 
 15; 1 Chr. vi. 58). Debir has not been 
 discovered with certainty in modern times ; 
 but about three miles to the west of Hebron 
 is a deep and secluded valley called the 
 Wady Nunktir, enclosed on the north by 
 hills, of which one bears a name certainly 
 suggestive of Debir Dewir-ban. 2. A 
 place on the north boundary of Judah, near 
 the "Valley of Achor" (Josh. xv. 7), and 
 therefore somewhere in the complications 
 of hill and ravine behind Jericho. A Wady 
 Dabor is marked in Van de Velde's map as 
 close to the S. of Neby Musa, at the N. \V. 
 corner of the Dead Sea. 3. The "border 
 of Debir" is named as forming part of the 
 boundary of Gad (Josh. xiii. 26), and as ap- 
 parently not far from Mahanaim. 
 
 De'bir, king of Eglon ; one of the five 
 kings hanged by Joshua (Josh. x. 3, 23). 
 
 Deb'orah. 1- The nurse of Kebekah 
 (Gen. xxxv. 1). Deborah accompanied Re- 
 bekah from the house of Bethucl (Geu,
 
 DEBTOR 
 
 142 
 
 DEKAR 
 
 xxiv. 59), and is only mentioned by name 
 on the occasion of her burial, under the 
 oak-tree of Bethel, which was called in her 
 honor Allon-Bachuth. 2. A prophetess 
 who judged Israel (Judg. iv., v.). She 
 lived under the palm-tree of Deborah, be- 
 tween liamah and Bethel in Mount Ephraim 
 (Judg. iv. 5), which, as palm-trees were 
 rare in Palestine, " is mentioned as a well- 
 known and solitary landmark, and was 
 probably the same spot as that called (Judg. 
 xx. 33) Baal-Tamar, or the sanctuary of 
 the palm" (Stanley, S. and P. 146). She 
 was probably a woman of Ephraim, al- 
 though, from the expression in Judg. v. 13, 
 Borne suppose her to have belonged to 
 Issachar. Lapidoth was probably her hus- 
 band, and not Barak, as some say. She 
 was not so much a judge as one gifted with 
 prophetic command (Judg. iv. 6, 14, v. 7), 
 and by virtue of her inspiration " a mother 
 in Israel." Jabin's tyranny was peculiarly 
 felt in the northern tribes, who were near 
 his capital and under her jurisdiction, viz. 
 Zebulon, Naphtali, and Issachar: hence, 
 when she summoned Barak to the deliver- 
 ance, it was on them that the brunt of the 
 battle fell. Under her direction Barak en- 
 camped on the broad summit of Tabor. 
 Deborah's prophecy was fulfilled (Judg. iv. 
 9), and the enemy's general perished among 
 the "oaks of the wanderers (Zaanaim)," 
 in the tent of the Bedouin Kenite's wife 
 (Judg. iv. 21) in the northern mountains. 
 Deborah's title of " prophetess " includes 
 the notion of inspired poetry, as in Ex. xv. 
 20 ; and in this sense the glorious trium- 
 phal ode (Judg. v.) well vindicates her claim 
 to the office. 
 
 Debtor. [LOAN.] 
 
 Decap'olis. This name occurs only 
 three times in the Scriptures, Matt. iv. 25, 
 Mark v. 20, and vii. 81. Immediately after 
 the conquest of Syria by the Romans (B. c. 
 65) ten cities appear to have been rebuilt, 
 partially colonized, and endowed with pecu- 
 liar privileges ; the country around them 
 was hence called Decapolis. Pliny enumer- 
 ates them as follows : Scythopolis, Hippos, 
 Gadara, Pella, Philadelphia, Gerasa, 
 Dion, Canatha, Damascus, and Raphana. 
 All the cities of Decapolis, with the single 
 exception of Scythopolis, lay on the east of 
 the Jordan. It would appear, however, 
 from Matt. iv. 25, and Mark vii. 31, that 
 Decapolis was a general appellation for a 
 large district extending along both sides of 
 the Jordan. Pliny says it reached from 
 Damascus on the north to Philadelphia on 
 the south, and from Scythopolis on the west 
 to Canatha on the east. This region, once 
 GO populous and prosperous, from which 
 multitudes flocked to hear the Saviour and 
 through which multitudes followed His 
 footsteps, is now almost without an inhab- 
 itant. 
 
 Ij)e'dan. 1. The name of a son of Raa- 
 mah, son of Cush (Gen. x. 7; 1 Chr. i. 9). 
 2. A son of Jokshan, son of Keturah 
 (Gen. xxv. 3; 1 Chr. i. 32). The pas- 
 sages in the Bible in which Dedan is men- 
 tioned (besides the genealogies above re- 
 ferred to) are contained in the prophecies 
 of Isaiah (xxi. 13), Jeremiah (xxv. 23, 
 xlix. 8), and Ezekiel (xxv. 13, xxvii. 15, 
 20, xxxviii. 13), and are in every case ob- 
 scure. The probable inferences from these 
 mentions of Dedan are 1. That Dedan, 
 son of Raamah, settled on the shores of the 
 Persian Gulf, and hie descendants became 
 caravan-merchants between that coast and 
 Palestine. 2. That Jokshan, or a son of 
 Jokshan, by intermarriage with the Cushite 
 Dedan formed a tribe of the same name, 
 which appears to have had its chief settle- 
 ment in the borders of Idumaea, and per- 
 haps to have led a pastoral life. 
 
 Ded'anim, Is. xxi. 13. [DEDAN.] 
 
 Dedication, Feast of the, the fes- 
 tival instituted to commemorate the purging 
 of the Temple and the rebuilding of the 
 altar after Judas Maccabaeus had driven 
 out the Syrians, B. c. 164. It is named 
 only once in the Canonical Scriptures, 
 John x. 22. Its institution is recorded 1 
 Mace. iv. 52-59. It commenced on the 
 25th of Chisleu, the- anniversary of the pol- 
 lution of the Temple by Antiochus Epipha- 
 nes, B. c. 167. Like the great Mosaic 
 feasts, it lasted eight days, but it did not re- 
 quire attendance at Jerusalem. It was an 
 occasion of much festivity. The writer of 
 2 Mace, tells us that it \f&s celebrated in 
 nearly the same manner as the Feast of 
 Tabernacles, with the carrying of branches 
 of trees, and with much singing (x. 6, 7). 
 Josephus states that the festival was called 
 "Lights." In the Temple at Jerusalem 
 the "Hallel" was sung every day of the 
 feast. 
 
 Deer. [FALLOW-DEER.] 
 
 Degrees, Songs of, a title given to 
 fifteen Psalms, from cxx. to cxxxiv. in- 
 clusive. Four of them are attributed to 
 David, one is ascribed to the pen of 
 Solomon, and the other ten give no indica- 
 tion of their author. With respect to the 
 term rendered in the A. V. " degrees," a 
 great diversity of opinion prevails, but the 
 most probable opinion is that they were 
 pilgrim songs, sung by the people as they 
 went up to Jerusalem. 
 
 De'havites, mentioned only once in 
 Scripture (Ezr. iv. 9) among the colonists 
 planted in Samaria after the completion of 
 the Captivity of Israel. They are proba- 
 bly the Daf or Dahi, mentioned by Herodo- 
 tus (i. 125) among the nomadic tribes of 
 Persia. 
 
 De'kar. The son of Deker, i. e. BEJJ- 
 DEKEB, was Solomon's commissariat officer 
 in the western part of the hill-country of
 
 DELAIAH 
 
 143 
 
 DEMON 
 
 judah and Benjamin. Shaalbim and Beth- 
 Bhemesh (1 K. iv. 9). 
 
 Delai'ah. 1. A priest in the time of 
 David, leader of the twenty-third course 
 of priests (1 Chr. xxiv. 18). 2. " Children 
 of Delaiah " were among the people of un- 
 certain pedigree who returned from Babylon 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 60; Neh. vii. 62). 
 3. Son of Mehetabeel and father of 
 Shemaiah (Neh. vi. 10). 4. SonofShem- 
 aiah, one of the "princes" about the court 
 of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 12, 25). 
 
 Delilah, a woman who dwelt in the 
 valley of Sorek, beloved by Samson (Judg. 
 xvi. 4-18). There seems to be little doubt 
 that she was a Philistine courtesan. 
 [SAMSON.] 
 
 Deluge. [NOAH.] 
 
 De'lus, mentioned in 1 Mace. xv. 23, is 
 the smallest of the islands called Cyclades 
 in the Aegaean Sea. It was one of the chief 
 seats of the worship of Apollo, and was 
 celebrated as the birthplace of this god and 
 of his sister Artemis (Diana). 
 
 De'mas. most probably a contraction 
 from Demetrius, or perhaps from Demar- 
 chus, a companion of St. Paul (Philem. 24 ; 
 Col. iv. 14) during his first imprisonment 
 at Rome. At a later period (2 Tim. iv. 
 10) we find him mentioned as having de- 
 serted the apostle through love of this 
 present world, and gone to Thessalonico.. 
 
 Deme'trius, a maker of silver shrines 
 of Artemis at Ephesus (Acts xix. 24). 
 These were small models of the great tem- 
 ple of the Ephesian Artemis, with her statue, 
 which it was cjistomary to carry on jour- 
 neys, and place on houses, as charms. 
 
 Deme'trius I., surnamed Soter, "The 
 Saviour," king of Syria, was the son of 
 Seleucus Philopator, and grandson of Anti- 
 ochus the Great. While still a bo3 r he was 
 sent by his father as a hostage to Rome 
 (B. c. 175) in exchange for his uncle 
 Antiochus Epiphanes. From his position 
 he was unable to offer any opposition to the 
 usurpation of the Syrian throne by Antio- 
 chus IV. ; but on the death of that monarch 
 (B. c. 164) he claimed his liberty and the 
 recognition of his claim by the Roman 
 senate in preference to that of his cousin 
 Antiochus V. His petition was refused ; he 
 left Italy secretly, and landed with a small 
 force at Tripolis in Phoenicia (2 Mace. xiv. 
 1; 1 Mace. vii. 1). The Syrians soon 
 declared in his favor (B. c. 162), and Antio- 
 chus and his protector Lysias were put to 
 death (1 Mace. vii. 2, 3; 2 Mace. xiv. 2). 
 His campaigns against the Jews were 
 unsuccessful. In B. c. 152, Alexander 
 Balas was brought forward, with the con- 
 sent of the Roman senate, as a claimant to 
 the throne. The rivals met in a decisive 
 engagement (B. c. 150), and Demetrius, 
 after displaying the greatest personal 
 
 bravery, was defeated and skin (1 Marc, 
 x. 48-50). 
 
 Tetradrachm (Attic talent) of Demetriiu L 
 
 Deme'trius II., " The Victorius " 
 (Nicator), was the elder son of Demetrius 
 Soter. He was sent by his father, together 
 with his brother Antiochus, with a large 
 treasure, to Cnidus, when Alexander Balas 
 laid claim to the throne of Syria. When he 
 was grown up he made a descent on Syria 
 (B. c. 148), and was received with general 
 favor (1 Mace. x. 67, ff.). His campaigns 
 against Jonathan and the Jews are described 
 in 1 Mace, x., xi. In B. c. 138, Demetrius 
 was taken prisoner by Arsaces VI. (Mith- 
 ridates), whose dominions he had invaded 
 (1 Mace. xiv. 1-3). Mithridates treated 
 his captive honorably, and gave him his 
 daughter in marriage. When Antiochus 
 Sidetes, who had gained possession of the 
 Syrian throne, invaded Parthia, Phraates 
 employed Demetrius to effect a diversion. 
 In this Demetrius succeeded, and when 
 
 Tetradrachm (Attic talent) of Demetriui II. 
 
 Antiochus fell in battle, he again took pos- 
 session of the Syrian crown (B. c. 128). 
 Not long afterwards a pretender, supported 
 by Ptol. Physcon, appeared in the field 
 against him, and after suffering a defeat he 
 was assassinated, according to some by his 
 wife, while attempting to escape by sea. 
 
 Demon. Its usage in classical Greek 
 is various. In Homer, where the gods are 
 but supernatural men, it is used inter- 
 changeably with "god;" afterwards in 
 Hesiod, when the idea of the gods had 
 become more exalted and less familiar, the 
 "demons" are spoken of as intermediate 
 beings, the messengers of the gods to men. 
 In the Gospels generally, in James ii. 19, 
 and in Rev. xvi. 14, the demons arc spoken 
 of as spiritual beings, at enmity with God, 
 and having power to afflict man, not only 
 with disease, but, as is marked by the 
 frequent epithet "unclean," with spiritual
 
 DEMONIACS 
 
 144 
 
 DEPOSIT 
 
 pollution also. They " believe " the power 
 of God " and tremble " (James ii. 19) ; they 
 recognize the Lord as the Son of God 
 (Matt. viii. 29; Lukeiv. 41), and acknowl- 
 edge the power of His name, used in 
 exorcism, in the place of the name of 
 Jehovah, by His appointed messengers 
 (Acts xix. 15) ; and look forward in terror 
 to the judgment to come (Matt. viii. 29). 
 The description is precisely that of a na- 
 ture akin to the angelic in knowledge and 
 powers, but with the emphatic addition of 
 the idea of positive and active wickedness. 
 Demoniacs. This word is frequently 
 used in the N. T., and applied to persons 
 uffering under the possession of a demon 
 or evil spirit, such possession generally 
 showing itself visibly in bodily disease or 
 mental derangement. It has been main- 
 tained by many persons that our Lord and 
 the Evangelists, in referring to demoniacal 
 possession, spoke only in accommodation 
 to the general belief of the Jews, without 
 any assertion as to its truth or its falsity. 
 It is concluded that, since the symptoms of 
 the affliction were frequently those of bodily 
 disease (as dumbness, Matt. ix. 32; blind- 
 ness, Matt. xii. 22; epilepsy, Mark ix. 
 17-27), or those seen in cases of ordinary 
 insanity (as in Matt. viii. 28 ; Mark v. 1-5), 
 and since also the phrase " to have a devil " 
 is constantly used in connection with, and 
 as apparently equivalent to, "to be mad" 
 (see John vii. 20, viii. 48, x. 20, and perhaps 
 Matt. xi. 18; Luke vii. 33), the demoniacs 
 were merely persons suffering under un- 
 usual diseases of body and mind. But 
 demoniacs are frequently distinguished from 
 those afflicted with bodily sickness (see 
 Mark i. 32, xvi. 17 y 18; Luke vi. 17, 18), 
 even, it would seem, from the epileptic 
 (Matt. iv. 24) ; the same outward signs are 
 sometimes referred to possession, some- 
 times merely to disease (comp. Matt. iv. 
 24, with xvii. 15 ; Matt. xii. 22, with Mark 
 vii. 32, &c.) ; the demons are represented 
 as speaking in their own persons with 
 superhuman knowledge, and acknowledg- 
 ing our Lord to be, not as the Jews gener- 
 ally called him, son of David, but Son of 
 God (Matt. viii. 29 ; Mark i. 24, v. 7 ; Luke 
 iv. 41, &c.). All these things speak of a 
 personal power of evil. Nor does our Lord 
 speak of demons as personal spirits of evil 
 to the multitude alone, but in His secret 
 conversations with His disciples, declaring 
 the means and conditions by which power 
 over them could be exercised (Matt. xvii. 
 21). Twice also He distinctly connects 
 demoniacal possession with the power of 
 the evil one ; once in Luke x. 18, to the 
 seventy disciples, where He speaks of His 
 power and theirs over demoniacs as a " fall 
 of Satan," and again in Matt. xii. 25-30, 
 when He was accused of casting out demons 
 through Beelzebub, and, instead of giving 
 
 any hint that the possessed were not really 
 under any direct and personal power of 
 evil, He uses an argument, as to the division 
 of Satan against himself, which, if posses- 
 sion be unreal, becomes inconclusive and 
 almost insincere. Lastly, the single fact 
 recorded of the entrance of the demons at 
 Gadara (Mark v. 10-14) into the herd of 
 swine, and the effect which that entrance 
 caused, is sufficient to overthrow the notion 
 that our Lord and the Evangelists do not 
 assert or imply any objective reality of 
 possession. We are led, therefore, to the 
 ordinary and literal interpretation of these 
 passages, that there are evil spirits, subjects 
 of the Evil One, who, in the days of the 
 Lord Himself and His Apostles especially, 
 were permitted by God to exercise a direct 
 influence over the souls and bodies of 
 certain men. This influence is clearly 
 distinguished from the ordinary power of 
 corruption and temptation, wielded by Sa- 
 tan through the permission oi' God. The 
 distinguishing feature of possession is the 
 complete or incomplete loss of the suffer- 
 er's reason or power of will ; his actions, 
 his words, and almost his thoughts are 
 mastered by the evil spirit (Mark i. 24, v. 
 7 ; Acts xix. 15), till his personality seems 
 to be destroyed, or, if not destroyed, so 
 overborne as to produce the consciousness 
 of a twofold will within him, like that some- 
 times felt in a dream. 
 
 Dena'rius, A. V. " penny " (Matt, 
 xviii. 28, xx. 2, 9, 13, xxii. 19 ; Mark vi. 
 37, xii. 15, xiv. 5 ; Luke vii. 41, x. 35, xx. 
 24 ; John vi. 7, xii. 5 ; Rev. vi. G), a Roman 
 silver coin, in the time of Our Saviour and 
 the Apostles. It took its name from its 
 being first equal to ten " asses," a number 
 afterwards increased to sixteen. It was 
 the principal silver coin of the Roman 
 commonwealth. From the parable of the 
 laborers in the vineyard it would seem that 
 a denarius was then the ordinarv pay for a 
 day's labor (Matt. xx. 2, 4, 7, 9, 10, 13). 
 
 Deposit, the arrangement by which one 
 man kept at another's request the property 
 of the latter, until demanded back, was one 
 common to all the nations of antiquity. The 
 exigencies of war and other causes of ab- 
 sence must often have rendered such a de- 
 posit, especially as regards animals, an own- 
 er's only course. The articles specified by 
 the Mosaic law are, (1.) " money or stuff ;" 
 and (2.) " an ass, or an ox, or a sheep, or 
 any beast." The first case was viewed as 
 only liable to loss by theft, and the thief, if 
 found, was to pay double. In the second, 
 if the beast were to "die, or be hurt, or 
 driven away, no man seeing it," the depos- 
 itory was to purge himself by an oath before 
 the judges. In case, however, the animal 
 were stolen, the depositary was liable to 
 restitution, which probably was necessary 
 to prevent collusive theft.
 
 DEPUTY 
 
 145 
 
 DEUTERONOMY 
 
 Deputy, the uniform rendering in the 
 A. V. of the Greek word which signifies 
 "proconsul" (Acts xiii. 7, 8, 12, xix. 38). 
 The English word is curious in itself, and 
 to a certain extent appropriate, having been 
 applied formerly to the Lord Lieutenant of 
 Ireland. 
 
 Der'be (Acts xiv. 20, 21, xvi. 1, xx. 4). 
 The exact position of this town has not yet 
 been ascertained, but its general situation 
 is undoubted. It was in the eastern part of 
 the great upland plain of LTCAONIA, which 
 stretches from ICONIUM eastwards along the 
 north side of the chain of Taurus. It must 
 have been somewhere near the place where 
 the pass called the Cilician Gates opened 
 a way from the low plain of Cilicia to the 
 table-land of the interior; and probably it 
 was a stage upon the great road which 
 passed this way. 
 
 Desert, a word which is sparingly em- 
 ployed in the A. V. to translate four He- 
 brew terms, of which three are essentially 
 different in signification. A " desert," in 
 the sense which is ordinarily attached to 
 the word, is a vast, burning, sandy plain, 
 alike destitute of trees and of water. Here, 
 it is simply necessary to show that the 
 words rendered in the A. V. by " desert," 
 when used in the historical books, denoted 
 definite localities ; and that those localities 
 do not answer to the common conception 
 of a " desert." 1. ARABAH. This word 
 means that very depressed and enclosed 
 region the deepest and the hottest chasm 
 in the world the sunken valley north and 
 south of the Dead Sea, but more particu- 
 larly the former. [ARABAH.] ARABAH in 
 the sense of the Jordan Valley is translated 
 by the word " desert " only in Ez. xlvii. 8. 
 In a more general sense of waste, deserted 
 country a meaning easily suggested by 
 the idea of excessive heat contained in the 
 root " Desert," as the rendering of Ara- 
 bah, occurs in the prophets and poetical 
 books ; as Is. xxxv. 1, 6, xl. 3, xli. 19, li. 
 3 ; Jer. ii. 6, v. G, xvii. 6, 1. 12 ; but this 
 general sense is never found in the histori- 
 cal books. 2. MIDBAR. This word, which 
 our translators have most frequently ren- 
 dered by " desert," is accurately the " pas- 
 ture ground." It is most frequently used 
 for those tracts of waste land which lie be- 
 yond the cultivated ground in the immedi- 
 ate neighborhood of the towns and villages 
 of Palestine, and which are a very familiar 
 feature to the traveller in that country. In 
 the poetical books " desert " is found as the 
 translation of Midbar in Deut. xxxii. 10; 
 Job xxiv. 5 ; Is. xxi. 1 ; Jer. xxv. 24. 3. 
 CHARBAII appears to have the force of dry- 
 ness, and thence of desolation. It does 
 not occur in any historical passages. It is 
 rendered " desert " in Ps. cii. 6 ; Is. xlviii. 
 21; Ezek. xiii. 4. The term commonly 
 employed for it in the A. V. is " waste i 
 10 
 
 places" or "desolation." 4. 
 with the definite article, apparently denotes 
 the waste tracts on both sides of the Dead 
 Sea. In all these cases it is treated as a 
 proper name in the A. V. Without the ar- 
 ticle it occurs in a few passages of poetry ; 
 in the following of which it is rendered 
 "desert." Ps. Ixxxviii. 40, cvi. 14; Is. 
 xliii. 19, 20. 
 
 Deu'el, father of Eliasaph, the " cap- 
 tain " of the tribe of Gad at the time of the 
 numbering of the people at Sinai (Num. 
 i. 14, vii. 42, 47, x. 20). The same man is 
 mentioned again in ii. 14, but here the 
 name appears as Reuel. 
 
 Deuteronomy which means "the 
 repetition of the law " consists chiefly of 
 three discourses delivered by Moses short- 
 ly before his death. Subjoined to these 
 discourses are the Song of Moses, the 
 Blessing of Moses, and the story of his 
 death. I. The first discourse (i. 1-iv. 40). 
 After a brief historical introduction, the 
 speaker recapitulates the chief events of 
 the last 40 years in the wilderness, and es- 
 pecially those events which had the mosjt 
 immediate bearing on the entry of the peo- 
 ple into the promised land. To this dis- 
 course is appended a brief notice of the 
 severing of the three cities of refuge on 
 the east side of the Jordan (iv. 41-43). II. 
 The second discourse is introduced like the 
 first by an explanation of the circum- 
 stances under which it was delivered (iv. 
 44-49). It extends from chap. v. 1-xxvi. 
 19, and contains a recapitulation, with some 
 modifications and additions of the Law al- 
 ready given on Mount Sinai. III. In the 
 third discourse (xxvii. 1-xxx. 20), the El- 
 ders of Israel are associated with Moses. 
 The people are commanded to set up stones 
 upon Mount Ebal, and on them to write 
 " all the words of this law." Then follow 
 the several curses to be pronounced by the- 
 Levites on Ebal (xxvii. 14-26), and the 
 blessings on Gerizim (xxviii. 1-14). IV. 
 The delivery of the Law as written by- 
 Moses (for its still further preservation) to 
 the custody of the Levites, and a charge to 
 the people to hear it read once every seven 
 years (xxxi.) : the Song of Moses spoken 
 in the ears of the people (xxxi. 30-xxxii. 
 44) : and the blessing of the twelve tribes 
 (xxxiii.). V. The Book closes (xxxiv.) 
 with an account of the death of Moses, 
 which is first announced to him in xxxii. 
 48-52. It has been maintained by many 
 modern critics that Deuteronomy is of 
 later origin than the other four books of 
 the Pentateuch; but the book bears wit 
 ness to its own authorship (xxxi. 19), and 
 is expressly cited in the N. T. as the work 
 of Moses (Matt. xix. 7, 8; Mark x. 3; 
 Acts iii. 22, vii. 37). The last chapter, 
 containing an account of the death 
 Moses, was of course added by a later
 
 DEVIL 
 
 146 
 
 DIANA 
 
 hand, and perhaps formed originally the 
 beginning of the book of Joshua. [PEN- 
 TATEUCH.] 
 
 Devil. The name describes Satan as 
 slandering God to man, and man to God. 
 The former work is, of course, a part of 
 his great work of temptation to evil ; and 
 is not only exemplified but illustrated as to 
 its general nature and tendency by the nar- 
 rative of Gen. iii. The effect is to stir up 
 the spirit of freedom in man to seek a fan- 
 cied independence ; and it is but a slight 
 step further to impute falsehood or cruelty 
 to God. The other work, the slandering 
 or accusing man before God, is, as it must 
 necessarily be, unintelligible to us. The 
 essence of this accusation is the imputa- 
 tion of selfish motives (Job i. 9, 10), and 
 its refutation is placed in the self-sacrifice 
 of those " who loved not their own lives 
 unto death." [SATAN ; DEMON.] 
 
 Dew. This in the summer is so copious 
 in Palestine that it supplies to some extent 
 the absence of rain (Ecclus. xviii. 16, xliii. 
 22), and becomes important to the agricul- 
 turist. As a proof of this copiousness the 
 well-known sign of Gideon (Judg. vi. 37, 
 39, 40) may be adduced. Thus it is coupled 
 in the divine blessing with rain, or men- 
 tioned as a prime source of fertility (Gen. 
 xxvii. 28 ; Deut. xxxiii. 13 ; Zech. viii. 12), 
 and its withdrawal is attributed to a curse 
 (2 Sam. i. 21; 1 K. xvii. 1; Hag. i. 10). 
 It becomes a leading object in prophetic 
 imagery by reason of its penetrating mois- 
 ture without the apparent effort of rain 
 (Deut. xxxii. 2 ; Job xxix. 19 ; Ps. cxxxiii. 
 3; Prov. xix. 12; Is. xxvi. 19; Hos. xiv. 
 5 ; Mic. v. 7) ; while its speedy evanescence 
 typifies the transient goodness of the hypo- 
 crite (Hos. vi. 4, xiii. 3). 
 
 Diadem. What the " diadem" of the 
 Jews was we know not. That of other na- 
 tions of antiquity was a fillet of silk, two 
 inches broad, bound round the head and 
 tied behind, the invention of which is at- 
 tributed to Liber. Its color was gener- 
 
 ObTtrge of Tetradrachm of Tigranes, King of Syria. 
 
 ally white ; sometimes, however, it was of 
 blue, like that of Darius ; and it was sown 
 with pearls or other gems (Zech. ix. 16), 
 and enriched with gold (Rev. ix. 7). It 
 was peculiarly the mark of Oriental sover- 
 eigns (1 Mace. xiii. 32). A crown was 
 
 used by the kings of Israel, even in battle 
 (2 Sam. i. 10) ; but in all probability this 
 was not the state crown (2 Sam. xii. 30), 
 although used in the coronation of Joash 
 (2 K. xi. 12). In Esth. i. 11, ii. 17, we 
 have cetJier for the turban worn by the 
 Persian king, queen, or other eminent per- 
 sons to whom it was conceded as a special 
 favor (viii. 15). The diadem of the king 
 differed from that of others in having an 
 erect triangular peak. The words in Ez. 
 xxiii. 15 mean long and flowing turbans of 
 gorgeous colors. 
 
 Dial. The word ma'aldth is the same 
 as that rendered " steps " in A. V. (Ex. xx. 
 26; IK. x. 19), and "degrees" in A. V. 
 (2 K. xx. 9, 10, 11; Is. xxxviii. 8), where, 
 to give a consistent rendering, we should 
 read with the margin the " degrees " rather 
 than the "dial " of Ahaz. In the absence 
 of any materials for determining the shape 
 and structure of the solar instrument, which 
 certainly appears intended, the best course 
 is to follow the most strictly natural mean- 
 ing of the words, and to consider that the 
 ma'aloth were really stairs, and that the 
 shadow (perhaps of some column or obelisk 
 on the top) fell on a greater or smaller 
 number of them according as the sun was 
 low or high. The terrace of a palacs 
 might easily be thus ornamented. 
 
 Diamond (Heb. yalmldrn), a precious 
 stone, the third in the second row on the 
 breastplate of the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 
 18, xxxix. 11), and mentioned by Ezekiel 
 xxviii. 13) among the precious stones of 
 the king of Tyre. Some suppose yahftldm 
 to be the " emerald." Respecting shdmir, 
 which is translated " diamond " in Jer. xvii. 
 1, see under ADAMANT. 
 
 Dian'a. This Latin word, properly de- 
 noting a Roman divinity, is the representa- 
 tive of the Greek Artemis, the tutelary 
 goddess of the Ephesians, who plays so 
 important a part in the narrative of Acts 
 xix. The Ephesian Diana was, however, 
 regarded as invested with very different 
 attributes, and is rather to be identified 
 with Astarte and other female divinities of 
 the East. The coin below will give some 
 notion of the image of the true Ephesian 
 Diana, which was grotesque and archaic in 
 character. The head wore a mural crown, 
 each hand held a bar of metal, and the 
 lower part ended in a rude block covered 
 with figures of animals and mystic inscrip- 
 tions. This idol was regarded as an object 
 of peculiar sanctity, and was believed to 
 have fallen down from heaven (Acts xix. 
 35). The cry of the mob (Acts xix. 28), 
 " Great is Diana of the Ephesians ! " and 
 the strong expression in ver. 27, "whom 
 all Asia and the world worshippeth," may 
 be abundantly illustrated from a variety of 
 sources. The term " great" was evidently 
 a title of honor recognized as belonging to
 
 DIBLAIM 
 
 147 
 
 DIONYSIUS 
 
 the Ephesian goddess, 
 scrip tions. 
 
 "We find it in in- 
 
 Oreck Imperial Copper Coin of Ephesus and Smyrna. 
 Domitia with name of proconsul. 
 
 Dibla'im, mother of Hosea's wife Go- 
 mer (Hos. i. 3). 
 
 Dib'lath (accurately DIBLAH), a place 
 named only in Ez. vi. 14, as if situated at 
 one of the extremities of the land of Israel, 
 is perhaps only another form of RIBLAH. 
 
 Di'bon. 1. A town on the east side of 
 Jordan, in the rich pastoral country, which 
 was taken possession of and rebuilt by 
 the children of Gad (Num. xxxii. 3, 34). 
 
 circumstance it possibly re- 
 name of DIBON-GAD (Num. 
 
 From this 
 ceived the 
 
 xxxiii. 45, 46). Its first mention is in 
 Num. xxi. 30, and from this it appears to 
 have belonged originally to the Moabites. 
 We find Dibon counted to Reuben in the 
 lists of Joshua (xiii. 9, 17). In the time 
 of Isaiah and Jeremiah, however, it was 
 again in possession of Moab (Is. xv. 2 ; 
 Jer. xlviii. 18, 22, comp. 24). In the same 
 denunciations of Isaiah it appears, prob- 
 ably, under the name of DIMON. In mod- 
 ern times the name Dhiban has been dis- 
 covered as attached to extensive ruins on 
 the Roman road, about three miles north 
 of the Arnon ( Wady Modjeb). 2. One of 
 the towns which were re-inhabited by the 
 men of Judah after the return from cap- 
 tivity (Neh. xi. 25), identical with DIMO- 
 NAH. 
 
 Di'bon-Gad. [DIBON.] 
 
 Dib'ri, a Danite, father of Shelomith 
 (Lev. xxiv. 11). 
 
 Didrachmon. [MONEY; SHEKEL.] 
 
 Did'ymus, that is, the Twin, a sur- 
 name of the Apostle Thomas (John xi. 16, 
 
 xx. 24, xxi. 2). [THOMAS.] 
 Dik'lah (Gen. x. 27 ; 1 Chr. 
 
 21), a 
 
 son of Joktan, whose settlements, in com- 
 mon with those of the other sons of Jok- 
 tan, must be looked for in Arabia. The 
 name in Hebrew signifies " a palm-tree ; " 
 hence it is thought that Diklah is a part of 
 Arabia containing many palm-trees. 
 
 Dil'ean, one of the cities in the low- 
 lands of Judah (Josh. xv. 38). It has not 
 been identified with certainty. 
 
 Dim'nah, a city in the tribe of Zebu- 
 lun, given to the Merarite Levites (Josh, 
 xxi. 35). 
 
 Di'mon,TheWaters of, some streams 
 on the east of the Dead Sea, in the land of 
 
 denunciations (Is. xv. 9). Gesenius con- 
 jectures that the two names Dimon and 
 Dibon are the same. 
 
 Dimo'nah, a city in the south of Judah 
 (Josh. xv. 22), perhaps the same as DIBON 
 in Neh. xi. 25. 
 
 Di'nah, the daughter of Jacob by Leah 
 (Gen. xxx. 21). She accompanied her 
 father from Mesopotamia to Canaan, and, 
 having ventured among the inhabitants, 
 was violated by Shechem the son of Hamor, 
 the chieftain of the territory in which her 
 father had settled (Gen. xxxiv.). Shechem 
 proposed to make the usual reparation by 
 paying a sum to the father and marrying 
 her (Gen. xxxiv. 12). But in this case the 
 suitor was an alien, and the crown of the 
 offence consisted in its having been com- 
 mitted by an alien against the favored peo- 
 ple of God; he had ''wrought folly in Is- 
 rael " (xxxiv. 7). The proposals of Hamor, 
 who acted as his deputy, were framed on 
 the recognition of the hitherto complete 
 separation of the two peoples ; he proposed 
 the fusion of the two by the establishment 
 of the rights of intermarriage and com- 
 merce. The sons of Jacob, bent upon re- 
 venge, availed themselves of the eagerness, 
 which Shechem showed, to effect their pur- 
 pose ; they demanded, as a condition of the 
 proposed union, the circumcision of the 
 Shechemites. They therefore assented; 
 and on the third day, when the pain and 
 fever resulting from the operation were at 
 the highest, Simeon and Levi, own brothers 
 to Dinah, attacked them unexpectedly, slew 
 all the males, and plundered their city. 
 
 Di'naites (Ezr. iv. 9), the name of 
 some of the Cuthaean colonists who were 
 placed in the cities of Samaria after the 
 captivity of the ten tribes. 
 
 Din'habah (Gen. xxxvi. 32 ; 1 Chr. i. 
 43), the capital city, and probably the birth- 
 place, of Bela, son of Beor, king of Edom. 
 
 Dionys'ia, " the feast of Bacchus," 
 which was celebrated, especially in later 
 times, with wild extravagance and licen- 
 tious enthusiasm. Women, as well as men, 
 joined in the processions, acting the part of 
 Maenads, crowned with ivy and bearing 
 the thyrsus. Shortly before the persecu- 
 tion of Antiochus Epiphanes, 168 B. c., in 
 which the Jews " were compelled to go in 
 procession to Bacchus carrying ivy " (2 
 Mace. vi. 7), the secret celebration of the 
 Bacchanalia in Italy had been revealed to 
 the Roman senate (B. c. 186). A decree 
 was passed forbidding its observance in 
 Rome or Italy. This fact offers the best 
 commentary on the conduct of Antiochus. 
 
 Dionys'ius the Areopagite (Acts 
 xvii. 34). an eminent Athenian, converts 
 to Christianity by the preaching of 
 Paul. He is said to have been first bishop 
 of Athens. The writings which were once 
 
 wu me oaavuft LUC x^vttu ucctj JLU buv i,u VJA. v* - - 
 
 Moab, against which Isaiah is here uttering j attributed to him are now conies
 
 DIONYSUS 
 
 148 
 
 DIVINATION 
 
 the production of some neo-Platonists of 
 the 6th century. 
 
 Diony'sus (2 Mace. xiv. 33 ; 3 Mace. ii. 
 29), also called BACCHUS, the god of wine. 
 His worship was greatly modified by the in- 
 corporation of Eastern elements, and as- 
 sumed the twofold form of wild orgies and 
 mystic rites. To the Jew, Dionysus Avould 
 necessarily appear as the embodiment of 
 paganism in its most material shape, sanc- 
 tioning the most tumultuous passions and 
 the worst excesses. 
 
 Dioscorin'thius. [MONTHS.] 
 
 Diot'rephes, a Christian mentioned in 
 3 John 9, but of whom nothing is known. 
 
 Disciple. [SCHOOLS.] 
 
 Diseases. [MEDICINE.] 
 
 Dish. [BASIN; CHARGER]. In ancient 
 Egypt, and also in Judaea, guests at the 
 table handled their food with the fingers. 
 The same is the case in modern Egypt. 
 Each person breaks off a small piece of 
 bread, dips it in the dish, and then conveys 
 it to his mouth, together with a small por- 
 tion of the meat or other contents of the 
 dish. To pick out a delicate morsel and 
 hand it to a friend is esteemed a compli- 
 ment, and to refuse such an offering is 
 contrary to good manners. Judas dipping 
 his hand in the same dish with our Lord 
 was showing especial friendliness and inti- 
 macy. 
 
 Dis v han, the youngest son of Seir the 
 Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 21, 28, 30; 1 Chr. i. 
 38, 42). 
 
 Dis'hon. 1. The fifth son of Seir (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 21, 26, 30; 1 Chr. i. 38). 2. The 
 son of Anah and grandson of Seir (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 25 ; 1 Chr. i. 38). 
 
 Dispersion, The Jews of the, or 
 simply THE DISPERSION, was the general 
 title applied to those Jews who remained 
 settled in foreign countries after the return 
 from the Babylonian exile, and during the 
 period of the second Temple. The Disper- 
 sion, as a distinct element influencing the 
 entire character of the Jews, dates from the 
 Babylonian exile. Outwardly and inward- 
 ly, by its effects both on the Gentiles and on 
 the people of Israel, the Dispersion appears 
 to have been the clearest providential prep- 
 aration for the spread of Christianity. At 
 the beginning of the Christian era the Dis- 
 persion was divided into three great sec- 
 tions, the Babylonian, the Syrian, the 
 Egyptian. Precedence was yielded to the 
 first. From Babylon the Jews spread 
 throughout Persia, Media, and Parthia. 
 The Greek conquests in Asia extended the 
 limits of the Dispersion. Seleucus Nicator 
 transplanted large bodies of Jewish colo- 
 nists from Babylonia to the capitals of his 
 western provinces. His policy was fol- 
 lowed by his successor Antiochus the Great ; 
 and the persecutions of Antiochus Epipha- 
 nes only served to push forward the Jewish 
 
 emigration to the remoter districts of his 
 empire. Large settlements of Jews were 
 established in Cyprus, in the islands of the 
 Aegaean, and on the western coast of Asia 
 Minor. The Jews of the Syrian provinces 
 gradually formed a closer connection with 
 their new homes, and together with the 
 Greek language adopted in many respects 
 Greek ideas. This Hellenizing tendency, 
 however, found its most free development 
 at Alexandria. The Jewish settlements 
 established there by Alexander and Ptolemy 
 I. became the source of the African disper- 
 sion, which spread over the north coast of 
 Africa, and perhaps inland to Abyssinia. 
 At Cyrene and Berenice (Tripoli) the Jew- 
 ish inhabitants formed a considerable por- 
 tion of the population. The Jewish settle- 
 ments in Rome were consequent upon the 
 occupation of Jerusalem by Pompey, B. c. 
 63. The captives and emigrants whom he 
 brought with him were located in the trans- 
 Tiberine quarter. In the reign of Claudius 
 the Jews became objects of suspicion from 
 their immense numbers ; and the internal 
 disputes led to their banishment from the 
 city (Acts xviii. 2). This expulsion, if 
 general, can only have been temporary, for 
 in a few years the Jews at Rome were 
 numerous (Acts xxviii. 17, ff.). The influ- 
 ence of the Dispersion on the rapid prom- 
 ulgation of Christianity can scarcely be 
 overrated. The course of the apostolic 
 preaching followed in a regular progress 
 the line of Jewish settlements. The mixed 
 assembly from which the first converts were 
 gathered on the day of Pentecost represent- 
 ed each Division of the Dispersion (Acta 
 ii. 0-11; (1) Parthians . . . Mesopotamia; 
 
 (2) Judaea (i. e. Syria} . . . Pamphylia ; 
 
 (3) Egypt . . . Greece; (4) Eomans . . . ), 
 and these converts naturally prepared the 
 way for the apostles in the interval which 
 preceded the beginning of the separate ap- 
 ostolic missions. St. James and St. Peter 
 wrote to the Jews of the Dispersion (Jam. 
 i. 1 ; 1 Pet. i. 1). 
 
 Divination has been universal in all 
 ages, and all nations alike civilized and 
 savage. Numerous forms of divination are 
 mentioned, such as divination by rods (Hos. 
 iv. 12 ; divination by arrows (Ez. xxi. 21) ; 
 divination by cups (Gen. xliv. 5) ; consul- 
 tation of Teraphim (Zech. x. 2 ; Ez. xxi. 
 21 ; 1 Sam. XT. 23) [TERAPAIM] ; divina- 
 tion by the liver (Ez. xxi. 21) ; divination 
 by dreams (Deut. xiii. 2, 3; Judg. vii. 13; 
 Jer. xxiii. 32) ; consultation of oracles (Is. 
 xli. 21-24, xliv. 7). Moses forbade every 
 species of divination because a prying into 
 the future clouds the mind with supersti- 
 tion, and because it would have been an 
 incentive to idolatry : indeed the frequent 
 denunciations of the sin in the prophets 
 tend to prove that these forbidden arts pre- 
 sented peculiar temptations to apostate Is-
 
 DIVORCE 
 
 149 
 
 DOR 
 
 rael. But God supplied his people with 
 substitutes for divination, which would have 
 rendered it superfluous, and left them in no 
 doubt as to his will in circumstances of 
 danger, had they continued faithful. It 
 was only when they were unfaithful that 
 the revelation was withdrawn (1 Sam. 
 xxviii. G; 2 Sam. ii. 1, v. 23, &c.). Super- 
 stition not unfrequently goes hand in hand 
 with scepticism, and hence, amid the gen- 
 eral infidelity prevalent through the Roman 
 empire at our Lord's coming, imposture 
 was rampant ; as a glance at the pages of 
 Tacitus will suffice to prove. Hence the 
 lucrative trades of such men as Simon 
 Magus (Acts viii. 9), Bar-jesus (Acts viii. 
 6, 8), the slave with the spirit of Python 
 (Acts xvi. 16), the vagabond Jews, exorcists 
 (Luke xi. 19; Acts xix. 13), and others (2 
 Tim. iii. 13; Rev. xix. 20, &c.), as well as 
 the notorious dealers in magical books at 
 Ephesus (Acts xix. 19). 
 
 Divorce. The law regulating this sub- 
 ject is found Deut. xxiv. 1-4, and the cases 
 in which the right of a husband to divorce 
 his wife was lost, are stated ib. xxii. 19, 29. 
 The ground of divorce is a point on which 
 the Jewish doctors of the period of the N. 
 T. widely differed ; the school of Shammai 
 seeming to limit it to a moral delinquency 
 in the woman, whilst that of Hillel extended 
 it to trifling causes, e. g., if the wife burnt 
 the food she was cooking for her husband. 
 The Pharisees wished perhaps to embroil 
 our Saviour with these rival schools by their 
 question (Matt. xix. 3) ; by His answer to 
 which, as well as by His previous maxim 
 (v. 31), he declares that but for their hard- 
 ened state of heart, such questions would 
 have no place. Yet from the distinction 
 made, " but I say unto you," v. 31, 32, it 
 seems to follow, that he regarded all the 
 lesser causes than " fornication " as stand- 
 ing on too weak ground, and declined the 
 question of how to interpret the words of 
 Moses. 
 
 Diz'ahab, a place in the Arabian Des- 
 ert, mentioned Deut. i. 1, is identified with 
 Dahab, a cape on the W. shore of the Gulf 
 of Akabah. 
 
 Dod'ai, an Ahohite who commanded the 
 course of the 2d month (1 Chr. xxvii. 
 4). It is probable that he is the same as 
 DODO, 2. 
 
 Dod'anim, Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 7 (in 
 some copies and in marg. of A. V. 1 Chr. 
 i. 7, RODANIM), a family or race descended 
 from Javan, the son of Japhet (Gen. x. 4 ; 
 1 Chr. i. 7). The weight of authority is in 
 favor of the former name. Dodanira is re- 
 garded as identical with the Dardani, who 
 were found in liistorical times in Illyricum 
 and Troy. 
 
 Dod'avah, a man of Maresha in Judah, 
 father of Eliezer, who denounced Jehosha- 
 phat's alliance with Ahaziah (2 Chr. xx. 37.) 
 
 Do'do. 1. A man of Bethlehem, father 
 of Elhanan, who was one of David's thirty 
 captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 24; 1 Chr. xi. 26). 
 He is a different person from, 2. DODO 
 THE AHOHITE, father of Eleazar, the second 
 of the three mighty men who were over the 
 thirty (2 Sam. xxiii. 9 ; 1 Chr, xi. 12). He, 
 or his son in which case we must suppose 
 the words "Eleazar son of" to have es- 
 caped from the text probably had the 
 command of the second monthly course (1 
 Chr. xxvii. 4). In the latter passage the 
 name is DODAI. 
 
 Do'eg, an Idumaean, chief of Saul's 
 herdmen. He was at Nob when Ahimelech 
 gave David the sword of Goliath, and not 
 only gave information to Saul, but when 
 others declined the office, himself executed 
 the king's order to destroy the priests of 
 Nob, with their families, to the number of 
 85 persons, together with all their property 
 (1 Sam. xxi. 7, xxii. 9, 18, 22; Ps. Iii.). 
 
 Dog, an animal frequently mentioned 
 in Scripture. It was used by the Hebrews 
 as a watch for their houses (Is. Ivi. 10), 
 and for guarding their flocks (Job, xxx. 1). 
 Then also, as now, troops of hungry and 
 semi-wild dogs used to wander about the 
 fields and streets of the cities, devouring 
 dead bodies and other offal (1 K. xiv. 11, 
 xvi. 4. xxi. 19, 23, xxii. 38 ; 2 K. ix. 10, 36 ; 
 Jer. xv. 3; Ps. lix. 6, 14), and thus became 
 such objects of dislike that fierce and cruel 
 enemies are poetically styled dogs in Ps. 
 xxii. 16, 20. Moreover the dog being an 
 unclean animal (Is. Ixvi. 3), the terms dog, 
 dead dog, dog's head, were used as terms 
 of reproach, or of humility in speaking of 
 one's self (1 Sam. xxiv. 14 ; 2 Sam. iii. 8, ix. 
 8, xvi. 9; 2 K. viii. 13). Stanley mentions 
 that he saw on the very site of Jezreel the 
 descendants of the dogs that devoured Jez- 
 ebel, prowling on the mounds without the 
 walls for offal and carrion thrown out to 
 them to consume. 
 
 Doors. [GATES.] 
 
 Doph'kah, a place mentioned (Num. 
 xxxiii. 12) as a station in the Desert where 
 the Israelites encamped ; see WILDERNESS. 
 
 Dor (Josh. xvii. 11; 1 K. iv. 11; 1 
 Mace. xv. 11), an ancient royal city of the 
 Canaanites (Josh. xii. 23), whose ruler was 
 an ally of Jabin king of Hazor against 
 Joshua (Josh. xi. 1, 2). It was probably 
 the most southern settlement of the Phoeni- 
 cians on the coast of Syria. It appears to 
 have been within the territory of the tribe 
 of Asher, though allotted to Manasseh(Josh. 
 xvii. 11 ; Judg. i. 27). The original inhab- 
 itants were never expelled ; but during the 
 prosperous reigns of David and Sobmon 
 they were made tributary (Judg. i. 27, 28), 
 and the latter monarch stationed a 
 one of his twelve purveyors (1 K- iv. 1 
 Jerome places it on the coast, " in the n 
 mile from Caesarca, on the way to Ptole-
 
 DORA 
 
 150 
 
 DREAMS 
 
 mais." Just at the point indicated is the 
 small village of Tantura, probably an Arab 
 corruption of Dora, consisting of about 
 thirty houses, wholly constructed of ancient 
 materials. 
 
 Dora. 1 Mace. xv. 11, 13,25. [DoR.] 
 
 Dor'cas. [TABITHA.] 
 
 Dosith'eus, " a priest and Levite," 
 who carried the translation of Esther to 
 Egypt (Esth. xi. 1, 2). 
 
 Do'thaim. [DOTHAN.] 
 
 Do'than, a place first mentioned (Gen. 
 xxxvii. 17) in connection with the history of 
 Joseph, and apparently as in the neighbor- 
 hood of Shechem. It next appears as the 
 residence of Elisha (2 K. vi. 13). Later 
 still we encounter it under the name of 
 Dothaim, as a landmark in the account of 
 Holofernes's campaign against Bethulia 
 (Jud. iv. 6, vii. 3, 18, viii. 3). It was 
 known to Eusebius, who places it 12 miles 
 to the N. of Sebaste (Samaria) ; and here 
 it has been discovered in our own times, 
 still bearing its ancient name unimpaired. 
 
 Dove (Heb. Ytin&h). The first mention 
 of this bird occurs in Gen. viii. The dove's 
 rapidity of flight is alluded to in Ps. Iv. 6 ; 
 the beauty of its plumage in Ps. Ixviii. 13; 
 its dwelling in the rocks and valleys in Jer. 
 xlviii. 28, and Ez. vii. 16; its mournful 
 voice in Is. xxxviii. 14, lix. 11 ; Nah. ii. 7 ; 
 its harmlessness in Matt. x. 16 ; its sim- 
 plicity in Hos. vii. 11, and its amativeness 
 in Cant. i. 15, ii. 14. Doves are kept in a 
 domesticated state in many parts of the 
 East. In Persia pigeon-houses are erected 
 at a distance from the dwellings, for the 
 purpose of collecting the dung as manure. 
 There is probably an allusion to such a cus- 
 tom in Is. Ix. 8. 
 
 Dove's Dung. Various explanations 
 have been given of the passage in 2 K. vi. 
 25, which describes the famine of Samaria 
 to have been so excessive, that " an ass's 
 head was sold for fourscore pieces of silver, 
 and the fourth part of a cab of dove's dung 
 for five pieces of silver." Bochart has 
 labored to show that it denotes a species 
 of deer, "chick-pea," which he says the 
 Arabs call usndn, and sometimes improp- 
 erly " dove's or sparrow's dung." It can 
 scarcely be believed that even in the worst 
 horrors of a siege a substance so vile as is 
 implied by the literal rendering should 
 have been used for food. 
 
 Dowry. [MAREIAGE.] 
 
 Drachm (2 Mace. iv. 19, x. 20, xii. 43 ; 
 Luke xv. 8, 9), a Greek silver coin, vary- 
 ing in weight on account of the use of dif- 
 ferent talents. In Luke (A. V. " piece 
 of silver") denarii seem to be intended. 
 [MONET ; SILVER, PIECE OF.] 
 
 Dragon. The translators of the A. V., 
 apparently following the Vulgate, have 
 rendered by the same word " dragon " the 
 two Hebrew words Tan and Tannin, which 
 
 appear to be quite distinct in meaning. I. 
 The former is used, always in the plural, 
 in Job xxx. 29; Is. xxxiv. 13, xliii. 20; in 
 Is. xiii. 22; in Jer. x. 22, xlix. 33; in Ps. 
 xliv. 19; and in Jer. ix. 11, xiv. 6, Ii. 37; 
 Mic. i. 8. It is always applied to some 
 creatures inhabiting the desert, and we 
 should conclude from this that it refers 
 rather to some wild beast than to a serpent. 
 The Syriac renders it by a word which, 
 according to Pococke, means a "jackal." 
 II. The word tannin seems to refer to any 
 great monster, whether of the land or the 
 sea, being indeed more usually applied to 
 some kind of serpent or reptile, but not 
 exclusively restricted to that sense. When 
 we examine special passages we find the 
 word used in Gen. i. 21, of the great sea- 
 monsters, the representatives of the inhab- 
 itants of the deep. On the other hand, in 
 Ex. vii. 9, 10, 12, Deut. xxxii. 33, Ps. xci. 
 13, it refers to land-serpents of a powerful 
 and deadly kind. In the N. T. it is only 
 found in the Apocalypse (Rev. xii. 3, 4, 7, 
 9, 16, 17, &c.), as applied metaphorically 
 to "the old serpent, called the Devil, and 
 Satan," the description of the " dragon " 
 being dictated by the symbolical meaning 
 of the image rather than by any reference 
 to any actually existing creature. The 
 reason of this scriptural symbol is to be 
 sought not only in the union of gigantic 
 power with craft and malignity, of which 
 the serpent is the natural emblem, but in 
 the record of the serpent's agency in the 
 temptation (Gen. Hi.). 
 
 Dram. [DARIC.] 
 
 Dreams. The Scripture declares, that 
 the influence of the Spirit of God upon the 
 soul extends to its sleeping as well as its 
 waking thoughts. But, in accordance with 
 the principle enunciated by St. Paul in 1 
 Cor. xiv. 15, dreams, in which the under- 
 standing is asleep, are placed below the 
 visions of prophecy, in which the under- 
 standing plays its part. It is true that the 
 book of Job, standing as it does on the 
 basis of " natural religion," dwells on 
 dreams and " visions in deep sleep," as the 
 chosen method of God's revelation of Him- 
 self to man (see Job iv. 13, vii. 14, xxxiii. 
 15). But in Num. xii. 6; Deut. xiii. 1, 3, 
 5 ; Jer. xxvii. 9 ; Joel ii. 28, &c., dreamers 
 of dreams, whether true or false, are placed 
 below " prophets," and even below "divi- 
 ners ; " and similarly in the climax of 1 
 Sam. xxviii. 6, we read that "Jehovah 
 answered Saul not, neither by dreams, nor 
 by Urim [by symbol], nor by prophets." 
 Under the Christian dispensation, while 
 we read frequently of trances and visions, 
 dreams are never referred to as vehicles 
 of divine revelation. In exact accordance 
 with this principle are the actual records of 
 the dreams sent by God. The greater num- 
 ber of such dreams were granted, for pre-
 
 DRESS 
 
 151 
 
 DRESS 
 
 diction or for warning, to those who were 
 aliens to the Jewish covenant. And, where 
 dreams are recorded as means of God's 
 revelation to His chosen servants, they are 
 almost always referred to the periods of 
 their earliest and most imperfect knowledge 
 of Him. 
 
 Dress. This subject includes the follow- 
 ing particulars : 1. Materials. 2. Color 
 and decoration. 3. Name, form, and mode 
 of wearing the various articles. 4. Special 
 usages relating thereto. 1. The earliest 
 and simplest robe was made out of the 
 leaves of a tree, portions of which were 
 sewn together, so as to form an apron (Gen. 
 iii. 7). After the fall, the skins of animals 
 supplied a more durable material (Gen. iii. 
 21), which was adapted to a rude state of 
 society, and is stated to have been used by 
 various ancient nations. Skins were not 
 wholly disused at later periods : the " man- 
 tle " worn by Elijah appears to have been 
 the skin of a sheep or some other animal 
 with the wool left on. It was characteristic 
 of a prophet's office from its mean appear- 
 ance (Zech. xiii. 4 ; cf. Matt. vii. 15) . Pe- 
 lisses of sheepskin still form an ordinary 
 article of dress in the East. The art of 
 weaving hair was known to the Hebrews at 
 an early period (Ex. xxvi. 7, xxxv. 6) ; the 
 sackcloth used by mourners was of this 
 material. John the Baptist's robe was of 
 camel's hair (Matt. iii. 4). Wool, we may 
 presume, was introduced at a very early 
 period, the flocks of the pastoral families 
 being kept partly for their wool (Gen. 
 xxxviii. 12) : it was at all times largely em- 
 ployed, particularly for the outer garments 
 (Lev. xiii. 47; Deut. xxii. 11; &c.). It is 
 probable that the acquaintance of the He- 
 brews with linen, and perhaps cotton, dates 
 from the period of the captivity in Egypt, 
 when they were instructed in the manufac- 
 ture (1 Chr. iv. 21). After their return to 
 Palestine we have frequent notices of linen. 
 Silk was not introduced until a very late 
 period (Rev. xviii. 12). The use of mixed 
 material, such as wool and flax, was forbid- 
 den (Lev. xix. 19 ; Deut. xxii. 11). 2. Color 
 and decoration. The prevailing color of 
 the Hebrew dress was the natural white of 
 the materials employed, which might be 
 brought to a high state of brilliancy by the 
 art of the fuller (Mark ix. 3). It is un- 
 certain when the art of dyeing became 
 known to the Hebrews; the dress worn by 
 Joseph (Gen. xxxvii. 3, 23) is variously 
 taken to be either a " coat of divers colors," 
 or a tunic furnished with sleeves and reach- 
 ing down to the ankles. The latter is 
 probably the correct sense. The notice of i 
 scarlet thread (Gen. xxxviii. 28) implies 
 some acquaintance with dyeing. The 
 Egyptians had carried the art of weaving 
 and embroidery to a high state of perfec- 
 tion, and from them the Hebrews learned \ 
 
 various methods of producing decorated 
 stuffs. The elements of ornamentation 
 were (1) weaving with threads previous- 
 ly dyed (Ex. xxxv. 25) ; (2) the introduc- 
 tion of gold thread or wire (Ex. xxvii. 6, ff.) ; 
 (3) the addition of figures. These devices 
 may have been either woven into the stuff, 
 or cut out of other 'stuff and afterwards at- 
 tached by needlework : in the former case 
 the pattern would appear only on one side, 
 in the latter the pattern might be varied. 
 Robes decorated with gold (Ps. xlv. 13), 
 and at a later period with silver thread (cf. 
 Acts xii. 21), were worn by royal person- 
 ages ; other kinds of embroidered robes 
 were worn by the wealthy both of Tyre (Ez. 
 xvi. 13) and Palestine (Judg. v. 30; Ps. 
 xlv. 14). The art does not appear to have 
 been maintained among the Hebrews : the 
 Babylonians and other Eastern nations 
 (Josh. vii. 21 ; Ez. xxvii. 24), as well as the 
 Egyptians (Ez. xxvii. 7), excelled in it. 
 Nor does the art of dyeing appear to have 
 been followed up in Palestine : dyed robes 
 were imported from foreign countries 
 (Zeph. i. 8), particularly from Phoenicia, 
 and were not much used on account of 
 their expensiveness : purple (Prov. xxxi. 
 22 ; Luke xvi. 19) and scarlet (2 Sam. i. 
 24) were occasionally worn by the wealthy. 
 The surrounding nations were more lavish 
 in their use of them : the wealthy Tyrians 
 (Ez. xxvii. 7), the Midianitish kings (Judg. 
 viii. 26), the Assyrian nobles (Ez. xxiii. 6), 
 and Persian officers (Esth. viii. 15), are all 
 represented in purple. 3. The names, 
 forms, and mode of wearing the robes. It 
 is difficult to give a satisfactory account of 
 the various articles of dress mentioned in 
 the Bible. The general characteristics of 
 Oriental dress have indeed preserved a re- 
 markable uniformity in all ages : the mod- 
 ern Arab dresses much as the ancient He- 
 brew did ; there are the same flowing robes, 
 the same distinction between the outer and 
 inner garments, the former heavy and 
 warm, the latter light, adapted to the rapid 
 and excessive changes of temperature in 
 those countries ; and there is the same dis- 
 tinction between the costume of the rich and 
 the poor, consisting in the multiplication 
 of robes of a finer texture and more ample 
 dimensions. Hence the numerous illustra- 
 tions of ancient costume, which may be 
 drawn from the usages of modern Orientals, 
 supplying in great measure the want of 
 contemporaneous representations. The cos- 
 tume of the men and women was very simi- 
 lar ; there was sufficient difference, however, 
 to mark the sex, and it was strictly forbidden 
 to a woman to wear the appendages, such as 
 the staff, signet-ring, and other ornaments, 
 or, according to Josephus, the weapons, of u 
 man ; as well as to a man to wear the outer 
 robe of a woman (Deut. xxii. 5). We shall 
 first describe the robes which were common
 
 DRESS 
 
 152 
 
 DEESS 
 
 to tlie two sexes, and then those which were 
 peculiar to women. (1.) The cethdneth was 
 the most essential article of dress. It was 
 a closely -fitting garment, resembling in form 
 and use our shirt, though unfortunately 
 translated coat in the A. V. The material 
 of which it was made was either wool, cot- 
 ton, or linen. The primitive cethdneth Avas 
 without sleeves and reached only to the 
 knee. Another kind reached to the wrists 
 and ankles. It was in either case kept 
 close to the body by a girdle, and the fold 
 formed by the overlapping of the robe 
 served as an inner pocket. A person wear- 
 ing the cethdneth alone was described as 
 naked, A. V. The annexed woodcut (fig. 
 1) represents the simplest style of Oriental 
 
 Fig. 1. An Egyptian. (Lane's Modern Egyptians.) 
 
 dress, a long loose shirt or ctthdneth with- 
 out a girdle, reaching nearly to the ankle. 
 (2.) The sddin appears to have been a 
 wrapper of fine linen, which might be used 
 in various ways, but especially as a night- 
 shirt (Mark xiv. 51). (3.) The me.il was 
 an upper or second tunic, the difference 
 being that it was longer than the first. As 
 an article of ordinary dress it was worn by 
 kings (1 Sam. xxiv. 4), prophets (f Sam. 
 xxviii. 14), nobles (Job i. 20), and youths 
 (1 Sam. ii. 19). It may, however, be 
 doubted whether the term is used in its 
 specific sense in these passages, and not 
 rather for any robe that chanced to be worn 
 over the cethdneth. Where two tunics are 
 mentioned (Luke iii. 11) as being worn at 
 the same time, the second would be a meil ; 
 travellers generally wore two, but the prac- 
 tice was forbidden to the disciples (Matt. 
 x. 10 ; Luke ix. 3). The dress of the mid- 
 dle and upper classes in modern Egypt (fig. 
 2) illustrates the customs of the Hebrews. 
 (4.) The ordinary outer garment consisted 
 
 of a quadrangular piece of woollen cloth, 
 probably resembling in shape a Scotch 
 plaid. The size and texture would vary 
 with the means of the wearer. The He- 
 brew terms referring to it are simlah, 
 sometimes put for clothes generally (Gen. 
 xxxv. 2, xxxvii. 34 ; Ex. iii. 22, xxii. 9 ; 
 Deut. x. 18 ; Is. iii. 7, iv. 1) ; beged, which 
 
 Fig. 2. An Egyptian of the Upper Classes. (Lane.) 
 
 is more usual in speaking of robes of a 
 handsome and substantial character (Gen. 
 xxvii. 15, xli. 42 ; Ex. xxviii. 2 ; 1 K. xxii. 
 10; 2 Chr. xviii. 9; Is. Ixiii. 1); ctsnth, 
 appropriate to passages where covering or 
 protection is the prominent idea (Ex. xxii. 
 26 ; Job xxvi. 6, xxxi. 19) ; and lastly 
 ttbush, usual in poetry, but specially ap- 
 plied to a warrior's cloak (2 Sam. xx. 8), 
 priests' vestments (2 K. x. 32) , and royal 
 apparel (Esth. vi. 11, viii. 15). Another 
 term, mad, is specifically applied to a long 
 cloak (Judg. ii. 16; 2 Sam. xx. 8), and to 
 the priest's coat (Lev. vi. 10). The beged 
 might be worn in various ways, either 
 wrapped round the body, or worn over the 
 shoulders, like a shawl, with the ends or 
 " skirts " hanging down in front, or it might 
 be thrown over the head, so as to conceal 
 the face (2 Sam. xv. 30; Esth. vi. 12). 
 The ends were skirted with a fringe and 
 bound with a dark purple ribbon (Num. xv. 
 38) r it was confined at the waist by a 
 girdle, and the fold, formed by the over- 
 lapping of the robe, served as a pocket. 
 "~ ae dress of the women differed from that 
 of the men in regard to the outer garment, 
 the cethdneth being worn equally by both 
 sexes (Cant. v. 3). The names of their dis- 
 tinctive robes were as follow : (1) mitpa- 
 chath (veil, wimple, A. V.), a kind of shawl 
 (Ruth iii. 15 ; Is. iii. 22) ; (2) ma'atdphdh 
 (mantle, A. V.)> another kind of shawl ^Is,
 
 DRESS 
 
 153 
 
 DRIXK 
 
 iii. 22); (3) tsatph (veil, A. V.), probably 
 a light summer dress of handsome appear- 
 ance and of ample dimensions ; (4) rddid 
 (veil, A. V.) a similar robe (Is. iii. 23; 
 Cant. v. 7) ; (5) pethigi (stomacher, A. 
 V.), a term of doubtful origin, but proba- 
 bly significant of a gay holiday dress (Is. 
 iii. 24) ; (G) gilyonim (Is. iii. 23), also a 
 doubtful word, probably means, as in the 
 A. V., glasses. The garments of females 
 were terminated by an ample border of 
 fringe (skirts, A. V.), which concealed the 
 feet (Is. xlvii. 2; Jer. xiii. 22). Figs. 3 
 and 4 illustrate some of the peculiarities 
 of female dress ; the former is an Egyptian 
 woman in her walking dress : the latter 
 represents a dress, probably of great an- 
 tiquity, still worn by the peasants in the 
 south of Egypt. The references to Greek 
 or Roman dress are few : the xlauvg (2 
 Mace. xii. 35 ; Matt, xxvii. 28) was either 
 the paludamentum, the military scarf of 
 the Roman soldiery, or the Greek chlamys 
 itself, which was introduced under the Em- 
 perors : it was especially worn by officers. 
 The travelling cloak referred to by St. Paul 
 (2 Tim. iv. 13) is generally identified with 
 the Roman paenula, of which it may be a 
 corruption. It is, however, otherwise ex- 
 plained as a travelling-case for carrying 
 clothes or books. 4. Special usages re- 
 lating to dress. The length of the dress 
 rendered it inconvenient for active exer- 
 cise ; hence the outer garments were either 
 left in the house by a person working close 
 by (Matt. xxiv. 18) or were thrown off 
 when the occasion arose (Mark x. 50; 
 
 ! entering a house the upper garment was 
 
 | probably laid aside, and resumed on going 
 
 ' out (Acts xii. 8). In a sitting posture, the 
 
 garments concealed the feet; this was hold 
 
 to be an act of reverence (Is. vi 2). Thf> 
 
 number of suits possessed by the Hebrews 
 
 waa considerable : a single suit consist- 
 
 Fig. 8. An Egyptian Woman. (Lane. ) 
 
 John xiii. 4; Acts vii. 58), or, if this was 
 not possible, as in the case of a person 
 travelling, they were girded up (1 K. xviii. 
 46; 2 K. iv. 29, ix. 1; 1 Pet. i. 13); on 
 
 Fig. 4. A Woman of the Southern Province of Vcpet 
 Egypt. (Lane.) 
 
 ed of an under and upper garment. The 
 presentation of a robe in many instances 
 amounted to installation or investiture 
 (Gen. xii. 42; Esth. viii. 15; Is. xxii. 
 21) ; on the other hand, taking it away 
 amounted to dismissal from office (2 Mace, 
 iv. 38"). The production of the best robe 
 was a mark of special honor in a household 
 (Luke xv. 22). The number of robes thus 
 received or kept in store for presents was 
 very large, and formed one of the main 
 elements of wealth in the East (Job xxii. 
 16; Matt. vi. 19; James v. 2), so that to 
 have clothing = to be wealthy and power- 
 ful (Is. iii. 6, 7). On grand occasions the 
 entertainer offered becoming robes to his 
 guests. The business of making clothes 
 devolved upon women in a family (Prov. 
 xxxi. 21 ; Acts ix. 39) ; little art was re- 
 quired in what we may term the tailoring 
 department; the garments came forth for 
 the most part ready made from the loom, 
 so that the weaver supplanted the tailor. 
 
 Drink, Strong. The Hebrew term 
 sMcar, in its etymological sense, applies to 
 any beverage that had intoxicating qual- 
 ities. We may infer from Cant. viii. 2 
 that the Hebrews were in the habit of ex- 
 pressing the juice of other fruits besides 
 the grape for the purpose of making wine ; 
 the pomegranate, which is there noticed, 
 was probably one out of many fruits so 
 used. With regard to the application of
 
 DROMEDARY 
 
 154 
 
 EAGLE 
 
 the term in later times we have the ex- 
 plicit statement of Jerome, as well as other 
 sources of information, from which we 
 may state that the following beverages were 
 known to the Jews : 1. Beer, which was 
 largely consumed in Egypt under the name 
 of zythus, and was thence introduced into 
 Palestine. It was made of barley; cer- 
 tain herbs, such as lupine and skirret, were 
 used as substitutes for hops. 2. Cider, 
 which is noticed in the Mishna as apple- 
 wine. 3. Honey-wine, of which there were 
 two sorts, one consisting of a mixture of 
 wine, honey, and pepper; the other a de- 
 coction of the juice of the grape, termed 
 debash (honey) by the Hebrews, and dibs 
 by the modern Syrians. 4. Date-wine, 
 which was also manufactured in Egypt. 
 It was made by mashing the fruit in water 
 in certain proportions. 5. Various other 
 fruits and vegetables are enumerated by 
 Pliny as supplying materials for factitious or 
 home-made wine, such as figs, millet, the ca- 
 rob fruit, &c. It is not improbable that the 
 Hebrews applied raisins to this purpose in 
 the simple manner followed by the Ara- 
 bians, viz., by putting them in jars of water 
 and burying them in the ground until fer- 
 mentation takes place. 
 
 Dromedary. [CAMEL.] 
 
 Drusil'la, daughter of Herod Agrippa 
 I. (Acts xii. 1, 19, ff.) and Cypros. She 
 was at first betrothed to Antiochus Epiph- 
 anes, prince of Commagene, but was mar- 
 ried to Azizus, king of Emesa. Soon af- 
 ter, Felix, procurator of Judaea, brought 
 about her seduction by means of the Cyp- 
 rian sorcerer Simon, and took her as his 
 wife. In Acts xxiv. 24, we find her in 
 company with Felix at Caesarea. Felix 
 had by Drusilla a son named Agrippa, who, 
 together with his mother, perished in the 
 eruption of Vesuvius under Titus. 
 
 Dulcimer (Heb. Sumphoniah), a mu- 
 sical instrument, mentioned in Dan. iii. 5, 
 15, probably the bagpipe. The same in- 
 strument is still in use amongst peasants 
 in the N. W. of Asia and in Southern 
 Europe, where it is known by the similar 
 name Sampogna or Zampogna. 
 
 Du'mah. 1. A son of Ishmael, most 
 probably the founder of the Islfmaelite 
 tribe of Arabia, and thence the name of 
 the principal place, or district, inhabited by 
 that tribe (Gen. xxv. 14; 1 Chr. i. 30; Is. 
 xxi. 11). 2. A city in the mountainous 
 district of Judah, near Hebron (Josh. xv. 
 62), represented by the ruins, of a village 
 called ed-Daumeh, 6 miles south-west of 
 Hebron. 
 
 Dung. The uses of dung were twofold, 
 as manure, and as fuel. The manure con- 
 sisted either of straw steeped in liquid 
 manure (Is. xxv. 10), or the sweepings 
 (Is. v. 25) of the streets and roads, which 
 
 houses and collected in heaps outside the 
 walls of the towns at fixed spots (hence 
 the dung-gate at Jerusalem, Neh. ii. 13), 
 and thence removed in due course to the 
 fields. The mode of applying manure to 
 trees was by digging holes about their 
 roots and inserting it (Luke xiii. 8), as 
 still practised in Southern Italy. In the 
 case of sacrifices the dung was burnt out- 
 side the camp (Ex. xxix. 14 ; Lev. iv. 11, 
 viii. 17; Num. xix. 5) : hence the extreme 
 opprobrium of the threat in Mai. ii. 3. Par- 
 ticular directions were laid down in the 
 law to enforce cleanliness with regard to 
 human ordure (Deut. xxiii. 12, if.) : it was 
 the grossest insult to turn a man's house 
 into a receptacle for it (2 K. x. 27 ; Ezr. 
 vi. 11; Dan. ii. 5, iii. 29, "dunghill" A. 
 V.) ; public establishments of that nature 
 are still found in the large towns of the 
 East. The difficulty of procuring fuel in 
 Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, has made dung 
 in all ages valuable as a substitute : it was 
 probably used for heating ovens and for 
 baking cakes (Ez. iv. 12, 15), the equable 
 heat which it produced adapting it pecu- 
 liarly for the latter operation. Cow's and 
 camel's dung is still used for a similar pur 
 pose by the Bedouins. 
 
 Dungeon. [PRISON.] 
 
 Du'ra, the plain where Nebuchadnezzar 
 set up the golden image (Dan. iii. 1) has 
 been sometimes identified with a tract a 
 little below Tekrit, on the left bank of the 
 Tigris, where the name Dur is still found. 
 M. Oppert places the plain (or, as he calls 
 it, the " valley ") of Dura to the south- 
 
 east of Babylon, in the vicinity of 
 mound of Dowair or Duair. 
 Dust. [MOUKNING.] 
 
 the 
 
 E. 
 
 Eagle (Heb. nesher). The Hebrew 
 word, which occurs frequently in the O.T., 
 may denote a particular species of the Fal- 
 conidae, as in Lev. xi. 13 ; Deut. xiv. 12, 
 where the nesher is distinguished from the 
 ossifrage, osprey, and other raptatorial 
 birds ; but the term is used also to express 
 the griffon vulture ( Vultur fulvus) in two 
 or three passages. At least four distinct 
 kinds of eagles have been observed in Pal- 
 estine, viz. the golden eagle (Aguila Chry- 
 saetos}, the spotted eagle (A. naevia), the 
 commonest species in the rocky districts, 
 the imperial eagle (Aquila Neliaca*), and 
 the very common Circaetos gallicits, which 
 preys on the numerous reptilia of Pales- 
 tine. The Heb. nesher may stand for any 
 of these different species, though perhaps 
 more particular reference to the golden and 
 imperial eagles and the griffon vulture may 
 
 were carefully removed from about the | be intended. The passage in Mic. i. 16,
 
 EARNEST 
 
 155 
 
 EARTHQUAKE 
 
 " Enlarge thy baldness as the eagle," may 
 refer to the griffon vulture ( Vultur fulvus) 
 in which case the simile is peculiarly appro- 
 priate, for the whole head and neck of this 
 hird are destitute of true feathers. The 
 "eagles " of Matt. xxiv. 28, Luke xvii. 37, 
 may include the Vultur fulvus and Neo- 
 phron percnopterus ; though, as eagles fre- 
 quently prey upon dead bodies, there is no 
 necessity to restrict the Greek word to the 
 Vulturidae. The figure of an eagle is now 
 and lias been long a favorite military 
 ensign. The Persians so employed it; a 
 fact which illustrates the passage in Is. 
 xlvi. 11. The same bird was similarly em- 
 ployed by the Assyrians and the Romans. 
 
 Earnest (2 Cor. i. 22, v. 5 ; Eph. i. 14). 
 The equivalent in the original is arrhabon 
 (afj'ya^an'), a Graecized form of the Heb. 
 '&r&b6n, which was introduced by the Phoe- 
 nicians into Greece, and also into Italy, 
 where it reappears under the forms of ar- 
 rhabo and arrha. The Hebrew word was 
 used generally for pledge (Gen. xxxviii. 
 17), and in its cognate forms for surety 
 (Prov. xvii. 18) and hostage (2 K. xiv. 14). 
 The Greek derivative, however, acquired a 
 more technical sense as signifying the de- 
 posit paid by the purchaser on entering 
 into an agreement for the purchase of any- 
 thing. 
 
 Earrings. The material of which ear- 
 rings were made was generally gold (Ex. 
 xxxii. 2), and their form circular. They 
 were worn by women and by youth of both 
 
 Egyptian Earrings. From Wilkinson. 
 
 sexes (Ex. I. c.). It had been inferred 
 from the passage quoted, and from Judg. 
 viii. 24, that they were not worn by men : 
 these passages are, however, by no means 
 conclusive. The earring appears to have 
 been regarded with superstitious reverence 
 as an amulet. On this account they were 
 surrendered along with the idols by Jacob's 
 household (Gen. xxxv. 4). Chardin de- 
 scribes earrings, with talismanic figures and 
 characters on them, as still existing in the 
 East. Jewels were sometimes attached to 
 the rings. The size of the earrings still 
 worn in eastern countries far exceeds what 
 is usual among ourselves ; hence they 
 formed a handsome present (Job xlii. 11), 
 
 or offering to the service of God (Num. 
 xxxi. 50). 
 
 Earth. The term is used in two widely 
 different senses : (1) for the material of 
 which the earth's surface is composed ; (2) 
 as the name of the planet on which man 
 dwells. The Hebrew language discrimi- 
 nates between these two by the use of sepa- 
 rate terms, Adamah for the former, Erets 
 for the latter. I. Adamah is the earth in the 
 sense of soil or ground, particularly as being 
 susceptible of cultivation. The earth sup- 
 plied the elementary substance of which 
 man's body was formed, and the terms adam 
 and adamah are brought into juxtaposition, 
 implying an etymological connection (Gen. 
 ii. 7). II. Erets is applied in a more or 
 less extended sense : 1. to the whole world 
 (Gen. i. 1) ; 2. to land as opposed to sea 
 (Gen. i. 10) ; 3. to a country (Gen. xxi. 32) ; 
 
 4. to a plot of ground (Gen. xxiii. 15) ; and 
 
 5. to the ground on which a man stands 
 (Gen. xxxiii. 3). The two former senses 
 alone concern us, the first involving an 
 inquiry into the opinions of the Hebrews on 
 Cosmogony, the second on Geography. I. 
 COSMOGONY. 1. The earth was regarded 
 not only as the central point of the universe, 
 but as the universe itself, every other body 
 the heavens, sun, moon, and stars being 
 subsidiary to, and, as it were, the comple- 
 ment of the earth. 2. The earth was regarded 
 in a twofold aspect ; in relation to God, as 
 the manifestation of His infinite attributes ; 
 in relation to man, as the scene of his abode. 
 1. The Hebrew cosmogony is based upon 
 the leading principle that the universe ex- 
 ists, not independently of God, nor yet co- 
 existent with God, nor yet in opposition to 
 Him, as a hostile element, but dependently 
 upon Him, subsequently to Him, and in 
 subjection to Him. 2. Creation was regard- 
 ed as a progressive work a gradual devel- 
 opment from the inferior to the superior 
 orders of things. II. GEOGRAPHY. There 
 seem to be traces of the same ideas as pre- 
 vailed among the Greeks, that the world 
 was a disk (Is. xl. 22), bordered by the 
 ocean, with Jerusalem as its centre, like 
 Delphi, as the navel, or, according to an- 
 other view, the highest point of the world. 
 As to 'the size of the earth, the Hebrews 
 had but a very indefinite notion. 
 
 Earthenware. [POTTERT.] 
 Earthquake. Earthquakes, more or 
 less violent, are of frequent occurrence in 
 Palestine, as might be expected from the 
 numerous traces of volcanic agency visible 
 in the features of that country. The re- 
 corded instances, however, are but few ; the 
 most remarkable occurred in the reign of 
 Uzziah (Am. i. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 5), which Jo- 
 sephus connected with die sacrilege and 
 consequent punishment of that monarch (2 
 Chr. xxvi. 16, ff.). From Zech. xiv. 4, we 
 are led to infer that a great convulsion tools
 
 EAST 
 
 156 
 
 EBIASAPH 
 
 place at this time in the Mount of Olives, 
 the mountain being split so as to leave a 
 valley between its summits. Josephus re- 
 cords something of the sort, but his account 
 is by no means clear. We cannot but think 
 that the two accounts have the same foun- 
 dation, and that the Mount of Olives was 
 really affected by the earthquake. An 
 earthquake occurred at the time of our 
 Saviour's crucifixion (Matt, xxvii. 51-54), 
 which may be deemed miraculous rather 
 from the conjunction of circumstances than 
 from the nature of the phenomenon itself. 
 Earthquakes are not unfrequently accom- 
 panied by fissures of the earth's surface ; 
 instances of this are recorded in connection 
 with the destruction of Korah and his com- 
 pany (Num. xvi. 32), and at the time of our 
 Lord's death (Matt, xxxvii. 51) ; the former 
 may be paralleled by a similar occurrence 
 at Oppido in Calabria A. D. 1783, where the 
 earth opened to the extent of 500, and a 
 depth of more than 200 feet. 
 
 East. The Hebrew terms, descriptive 
 of the east, differ in idea, and, to a certain 
 extent, in application; (1) kedem properly 
 means that which is before or in front of 
 a person, and was applied to the east from 
 the custom of turning in that direction when 
 describing the points of the compass, before, 
 behind, the right, and the left, representing 
 respectively E.,W., S., andN. (Job xxiii.8, 
 9) ; (2) mizrach means the place of the sun's 
 rising. Bearing in mind this etymological 
 distinction, it is natural that kedem should 
 be used when the four quarters of the world 
 are described (as in Gen. xiii. 14, xxviii. 
 14; Job xxiii. 8, 9; Ez. xlvii. 18, ff.), and 
 mizrach when the east is only distinguished 
 from the west (Josh. xi. 3 ; Ps. 1. 1, ciii. 12, 
 cxiii. 3; Zech. viii. 7), or from some other 
 one quarter (Dan. viii. 9, xi. 44 ; Am. viii. 
 12) ; exceptions to this usage occur in Ps. 
 cvii. 3, and Is. xliii. 5 ; each, however, ad- 
 mitting of explanation. Again, kedem is 
 used in a strictly geographical sense to 
 describe a spot or country immediately be- 
 fore another in an easterly direction ; hence 
 it occurs in such passages as Gen. ii. 8, iii. 
 24, xi. 2, xiii. 11, xxv. 6; and hence the 
 subsequent application of the term, as a 
 proper name (Gen. xxv. 6, eastward, unto 
 the land of Kedem), to the lands lying im- 
 mediately eastward of Palestine, viz.Arabia, 
 Mesopotamia, and Babylonia ; on the other 
 hand mizrach is used of the far east with a 
 less definite signification (Is. xli. 2, 25, 
 xliii. 5, xlvi. 11). 
 
 Easter. The occurrence of this word 
 in the A. V. of Acts xii. 4, is chiefly noticea- 
 ble as an example of the want of consistency 
 in the translators. In the earlier English 
 versions Easter had been frequently used 
 as the translation of pascha (nuaxa). At 
 the last revision Passover was substituted 
 in all passages but this. [PASSOVEB.] 
 
 E'bal. 1. One of the sons of Shobal 
 the son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 23 ; 1 Chr. i. 
 40). 2. OBAL the son of Joktan (1 Chr. i. 
 22 ; comp. Gen. x. 28. 
 
 E'bal, Mount, a mount in the promised 
 land, on which, according to the command 
 of Moses., the Israelites were, after their 
 entrance on- the promised land, to "put" 
 the curse which should fall upon them if 
 they disobeyed the commandments of Jn 
 hovah. The blessing consequent on obedi- 
 ence was to be similarly localized on Mount 
 Gerizim (Deut. xi. 26-29). Ebal and 
 Gerizim are the mounts which form the 
 sides of the fertile valley in which lies 
 Nabliis, the ancient SIIECHEM Ebal on 
 the north and Gerizim on the south. One 
 of the most serious variations between the 
 Hebrew text of the Pentateuch and the 
 Samaritan text, is in reference to Ebal and 
 Gerizim. In Deut. xxvii. 4, the Samaritan 
 has Gerizim, while the Hebrew (as in A. V.) 
 has Ebal, as the mount on wliich the altar to 
 Jehovah and the inscription of the law were 
 to be erected. Upon this basis they ground 
 the sanctity of Gerizim and the authenticity 
 of the temple and holy place, wliich did exist 
 and still exist there. The modern name of 
 Ebal is Sitti Salamiyah, from a Moham- 
 medan female saint, whose tomb is stand- 
 ing on the eastern part of the ridge, a little 
 before the highest point is reached. 
 
 E'bed. 1. (Many MSS. have EBER.) Fa- 
 ther of GAAL,, who with his brethren assisted 
 the men of Shechem in their revolt against 
 Abimelech (Judg. ix. 26, 28, 30, 31, 35). 2. 
 Son of Jonathan ; one of the Bene-Adin who 
 returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. 
 viii. 6). 
 
 E'bed-Me'lech, an Aethiopian eunuch 
 in the service of king Zedekiah, through 
 whose interference Jeremiah was released 
 from prison (Jer. xxxviii. 7, ff., xxxix. 15, 
 ff.). His name seems to be an official ti- 
 tle = King's slave, i. e. minister. 
 
 Eb'en-e'zer ("the stone of help"), a 
 stone set up by Samuel after a signal de- 
 feat of the Philistines, as a memorial of the 
 "help" received on the occasion from Je- 
 hovah (1 Sam. vii. 12). Its position is care- 
 fully defined as between MIZPEH and SHEN. 
 
 E'ber. 1. Son of Salah, and great-grand- 
 son of Shem (Gen. x. 24; 1 Chr. i. 19). 
 For confusion between Eber and Heber see 
 HEBER. 2. Son of Elpaal and descendant 
 of Sharahaim of the tribe of Benjamin (1 
 Chr. viii. 12). 3. A priest in the days of 
 Joiakim the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 20). 
 
 Ebi'asaph, a Kohathite Levite of the 
 family of Korah, one of the forefathers of 
 the prophet Samuel and of Heman the 
 singer (1 Chr. vi. 23, 37). The same man 
 is probably intended in ix. 19. The name 
 appears also to be identical with ABIASAPH, 
 and in one passage (1 Chr. xxvi. 1) to be 
 abbreviated to Asaph.
 
 EBONY 
 
 157 
 
 ECLIPSE OF THE SUN 
 
 Ebony (Heb. hobnim) occurs only in 
 Ez. xxvii. 15, as one of the valuable com- 
 modities imported into Tyre by the men of 
 Dedan. The best kind of ebony is yield- 
 ed by the Diospyros ebenum, a tree which 
 grows in Ceylon and Southern India. There 
 is every reason for believing that the ebony 
 afforded by the Diospyros ebenum was im- 
 ported from India or Ceylon by Phoenician 
 traders. 
 
 Ebro'nah, one of the halting-places of 
 the Israelites in the desert, immediately pre- 
 ceding Ezion-geber (Num. xxxiii. 34, 35). 
 
 Ecbat'ana (Heb. Achmethd). It is 
 doubtful whether the name of this place is 
 really contained in the Hebrew Scriptures. 
 Many of the best commentators understand 
 the expression, in Ezr. vi. 2, differently, 
 and translate it "in a coffer." In the apoc- 
 ryphal books Ecbatana is frequently men- 
 tioned (Tob. iii. 7, xiv. 12, 14; Jud. i. 1, 2; 
 2 Mace. ix. 3, &c.). Two cities of the name 
 of Ecbatana seem to have existed in ancient 
 times, one the capital of Northern Media, 
 the Media Atropatene of Strabo ; the other 
 the metropolis of the larger and more im- 
 portant province known as Media Magna. 
 The site of the former appears to be marked 
 by the very curious ruins at Takht-i- Sulei- 
 man (lat. 36 28', long. 47 9') ; while that 
 of the latter is occupied by Ramadan, which 
 is one of the most important cities of mod- 
 ern Persia. There is generally some diffi- 
 culty in determining, when Ecbatana is 
 mentioned, whether the northern or the 
 southern metropolis is intended. Few wri- 
 ters are aware of the existence of the two 
 cities, and they lie sufficiently near to one 
 another for geographical notices in most 
 cases to suit either site. The northern city 
 was the " seven-walled town " described by 
 Herodotus, and declared by him to have 
 been the capital of Cyrus (Herod, i. 98, 99, 
 153) ; and it was thus most probably there 
 that the roll was found which proved to 
 Darius that Cyrus had really made a decree 
 allowing the Jews to rebuild their temple. 
 The peculiar feature of the.site of Takht-i- 
 Suletman is a conical hill rising to the 
 height of about 150 feet above the plain, 
 and covered both on its top and sides with 
 massive ruins of the most antique and prim- 
 itive character. In- the 2d book of Macca- 
 bees (ix. 3, &c.) the Ecbatana mentioned 
 is undoubtedly the southern city, now rep- 
 resented both in name and site by llama- 
 dan. This place, situated on the northern 
 flank of the great mountain called formerly 
 Orontes, and now Elwend, was perhaps as 
 ancient as the other, and is far better known 
 in history. If not the Median capital of 
 Cyrus, it was at any rate regarded from the 
 time of Darius Hystaspis as the chief city 
 of the Persian satrapy of Media, and as 
 
 The Ecbatana of the book of Tobit is thought 
 by Sir H. llawlinson to be the northern 
 city. 
 
 Ecclesias'tes. The title of this book 
 is in Hebrew Koheleth, a feminine noun, 
 signifying one who speaks publicly in an 
 assembly, and hence rendered in the Sep- 
 tuagint by Ecclesiastes, which is adopted 
 in the English version. Koheleth is the 
 name by which Solomon speaks of himself 
 throughout the book. " The words of the 
 preacher (Heb. Koheleth} the son of David, 
 king of Jerusalem" (i. 1). The apparent 
 anomaly of the feminine termination indi- 
 cates that the abstract noun has been trans- 
 ferred from the office to the person holding 
 it. The Book is that which it professes to 
 be, the confession of a man of wide expe- 
 rience looking back upon his past life and 
 looking out upon the disorders and calami- 
 ties which surround him. The writer is a 
 man who has sinned in giving way to self- 
 ishness and sensuality, who has paid the 
 penalty of that sin in satiety and weariness 
 of life, but who has through all this been 
 under the discipline of a divine education, 
 and has learnt from it the lesson which God 
 meant to teach him. It is tolerably clear 
 that the recurring burden of " Vanity of 
 vanities " and the teaching which recom- 
 mends a life of calm enjoyment, mark, 
 whenever they occur, a kind of halting- 
 place in the succession of thoughts. 
 
 Ecclesias'ticus, one of the books of 
 the Apocrypha, is the title given in the 
 Latin Version to the book which is called 
 in the Septuagint THE WISDOM OF JESUS 
 THE SON OF SIRACH. The word desig- 
 nates the character of the writing, as pub- 
 licly used in the services of the Church. 
 The writer describes himself as Jesus (i. e. 
 Jeshua) the son of Sirach, of Jerusalem (i. 
 27), but we know nothing of the author. 
 The language in which the book was origi- 
 nally composed was Hebrew, i. e. perhaps 
 the Aramean dialect; and the Greek trans- 
 lation incorporated in the LXX. was made 
 by the grandson of the author in Egypt 
 " in the reign of Euergetes," perhaps Ptol- 
 emy VII. Physcon, who also bore the sur- 
 name of Euergetes (B. c. 170-117). 
 
 Eclipse of the Sun. No historical 
 notice of an eclipse occurs in the Bible, 
 but there are passages in the prophets 
 which contain manifest allusion to this phe- 
 nomenon (Am. viii. 9 ; Mic. iii. 6 ; Zech. 
 xiv. 6; Joel ii. 10, 31, iii. 15). Some of 
 these notices probably refer to eclipses 
 that occurred about the time of the respec- 
 tive compositions : thus the date of Amos 
 coincides with a total eclipse, which oc- 
 curred Feb. 9, n. c. 784, and was visible at 
 Jerusalem shortly after noon ; that of Mi- 
 cah with the eclipse of June 5, B. c. 716. 
 
 UL Lllc JT crouKI SILLI WfJy \JL ITiUUlil) uuu. <*o ^0.11 ini n*v, *- "^ ~- > f f 
 
 such it became the summer residence of j A passing notice in Jcr. xv. 9 
 
 the Persian kings from Darius downwards. | date with the eclipse of Sept. 60, B. c. 010,
 
 ED 
 
 158 
 
 EDOM 
 
 80 well known from Herodotus's account 
 (i. 74, 103). The darkness that overspread 
 the world at the crucifixion cannot with 
 reason be attributed to an eclipse, as the 
 moon was at the full at the time of the 
 Passover. 
 
 Ed, t. e. " witness," a word inserted in 
 the Auth. Vers. of Josh. xxii. 34, apparent- 
 ly on the authority of a fewMSS., and also 
 of the Syriac and Arabic Versions, but not 
 existing in the generally received Hebrew 
 text. 
 
 E'dar, Tower of (accur. EDER), a 
 place named only in Gen. xxxv. 21. Ac- 
 cording to Jerome it was 1000 paces from 
 Bethlehem. 
 
 E'den. 1. The first residence of man, 
 called in the Septuagint Paradise. The 
 latter is a word of Persian origin, and de- 
 scribes an extensive tract of pleasure land, 
 somewhat like an English park; and the 
 use of it suggests a wider view of man's 
 first abode than a garden. The descrip- 
 tion of Eden is as follows : " And the 
 Lord God planted a garden in Eden east- 
 ward. . . . And a river goeth forth from 
 Eden to water the garden ; and from thence 
 it is divided and becomes four heads (or 
 arms). The name of the first is Pison : 
 that is it which compasseth the whole land 
 of Havilah, where is the gold. And the 
 gold of that land is good : there is the bdel- 
 lium and the onyx stone. And the name 
 of the second river is Gihon ; that is it 
 nhi".h compasseth the whole land of Cush. 
 And the name of the third river is Hid- 
 dekel; that is it which floweth before As- 
 syria. And the fourth river, that is Eu- 
 phrates" (Gen. ii. 8-14). In the eastern 
 portion then of the region of Eden was 
 the garden planted. The Hiddekel is the 
 Tigris ; but with regard to the Pison and 
 Gihon, a great variety of opinion exists. 
 Many ancient writers, as Josephus, identi- 
 fied the Pison with the Ganges, and the Gihon 
 with the Nile. Others, guided by the posi- 
 tion of the two known rivers, identify the 
 two unknown ones with the Phasis and 
 Araxes, which also have their sources in 
 the highlands of Armenia. Others, again, 
 have transferred the site to the sources of 
 the Oxus and Jaxartes, and place it in 
 Bactria; others, again, in the valley of 
 Cashmere. Such speculations may be mul- 
 tiplied ad infinitum, and have sometimes 
 assumed the wildest character. 2. One 
 of the marts which supplied the luxury of 
 Tyre with richly embroidered stuffs. It is 
 associated with Haran, Sheba, and Asshur. 
 In 2 K. xix. 12, and Is. xxxvii. 12, " the 
 sons of Eden " are mentioned with Gozan, 
 Haran, and Rezeph, as victims of the As- 
 syrian greed of conquest. In the absence 
 of positive evidence, probability seems to 
 point to the N. W. of Mesopotamia as the 
 locality of Eden. 3. BETH-EDEN, "house 
 
 of pleasure ; " probably the name of a 
 country residence of the kings of Damas- 
 cus (Am. i. 6). 
 
 E'den. 1. A Gershonite Levitc, son of 
 Joah, in the days of Hezekiah (2 Chr. 
 xxix. 12). 2. Also a Levite, contemporary 
 and probably identical with the preceding 
 (2 Chr. xxxi. 15). 
 
 E'der. 1. One of the towns of Judah, 
 in the extreme south, and on the borders 
 of Edom (Josh. xv. 21). No trace of it 
 has been discovered in modern times. 2. 
 A Levite of the family of Merari, in the 
 time of David (1 Chr. xxiii. 23, xxiv. 30). 
 
 E'dom, Idume'a, or Idumae'a. The 
 name Edom was given to Esau, the first-born 
 son of Isaac, and twin brother of Jacob, 
 when he sold his birthright to the latter for 
 a meal of lentil pottage. The peculiar 
 color of the pottage gave rise to the name 
 jEdom, which signifies "red" (Gen. xxv. 
 29-34) . The country which the Lord subse- 
 quently gave to Esau was hence called the 
 " field of Edom " (Gen. xxxii. 3), or " land 
 of Edom " (Gen. xxxvi. 16 ; Num. xxxiii. 
 87), and his descendants were called the 
 Edomites. Probably its physical aspect 
 may have had something to do with this. 
 Edom was previously called Mount Seir 
 (Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 8), from Seir the 
 progenitor of the Horites (Gen. xiv. 6, 
 xxxvi. 20-22). The name Seir was perhaps 
 adopted on account of its being descriptive 
 of the " rugged" character of the territory. 
 The original inhabitants of the country 
 were called Horites, from Hori, the grand- 
 son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 22), because 
 that name was descriptive of their habits as 
 " Troglodytes," or " dwellers in caves." 
 Edom was wholly a mountainous country. 
 It embraced the narrow mountainous tract 
 (about 100 miles long by 20 broad) extend- 
 ing along the eastern side of the Arabah 
 from the northern end of the gulf of Elath 
 to near the southern end of the Dead Sea. 
 It was separated from Moab on the N. by 
 the "brook Zered" (Deut. ii. 13, 14, 18), 
 probably the modern Wady-el-Ahsy. The 
 ancient capital of Edom was Bozrah (Busei- 
 reli) near the northern border (Gen. xxxvi. 
 33; Is. xxxiv. 6, Lxiii. 1; Jer. xlix. 13, 22). 
 But Sela (Petra) appears to have been the 
 principal stronghold in the days of Amazi- 
 ah (B. c.) 838 ; 2 K. xiv. 7) : Elath and 
 Eziongeber were the sea-ports (2 Sam. viii. 
 14; IK. ix. 26). Esau's bitter hatred to 
 his brother Jacob for fraudulently obtaining 
 his blessing appears to have been inherit- 
 ed by his latest posterity. The Edomites 
 peremptorily refused to permit the Israel- 
 ites to pass through their land (Num. xx. 
 18-21). For a period of 400 years we 
 hear no more of the Edomites. They were 
 then attacked and defeated by Saul (1 
 Sam. xiv. 47). Some forty years later 
 David overthrew their army in the " Valley
 
 EDOM 
 
 159 
 
 EGLON 
 
 of Salt," and his general, Joab, following 
 up the victory, destroyed nearly the whole 
 male population (1 K. xi. 15, 16), and 
 placed Jewish garrisons in all the strong- 
 holds of Edora (2 Sam. viii. 13, 14). lu 
 the reign of Jehoshaphat (B. c. 914) the 
 Edomites attempted to invade Israel in 
 conjunction with Ammon and Moab, but 
 were miraculously destroyed in the valley 
 of Berachah (2 Chr. xx. 22). A few years 
 later they revolted against Jehoram, elected 
 a king, and for half a century retained their 
 independence (2 Chr. xxi. 8). They were 
 then attacked by Amaziah, and Sela their 
 great stronghold was captured (2 K. xiv. 7 ; 
 2 Chr. xxv. 11, 12). Yet the Israelites 
 were never able again completely to subdue 
 them (2 Chr. xxviii. 17). When Nebuchad- 
 nezzar besieged Jerusalem the Edomites 
 joined him, and took an active part in the 
 plunder of the city and slaughter of the 
 Jows. Their cruelty at that time seems to 
 be specially referred to in the 137th Psalm. 
 It was on account of these acts of cruelty 
 committed upon the Jews in the day of 
 their calamity that the Edomites were so 
 fearfully denounced by the later prophets 
 (Is. xxxiv. 5-8, Ixiii. 1-4; Jer. xlix. 17; 
 Lam. iv. 21; Ez. xxv. 13, 14; Am. i. 11, 
 12; Obad. 10, sq.). On the conquest of 
 Judah, the Edomites, probably in reward 
 for their services during the war, were 
 permitted to settle in southern Palestine, 
 and the whole plateau between it and Egypt, 
 which now usually bore the Greek name of 
 Idumaea ; but they were about the same 
 time driven out of Edom Proper by the 
 Nabatheans. For more than four centuries 
 they continued to prosper. But during the 
 warlike rule of the Maccabees they were 
 again completely subdued, and even forced 
 to conform to Jewish laws and rites, and 
 submit to the government of Jewish pre- 
 fects. The Edomites were now incorporat- 
 ed with the Jewish nation, and the whole 
 province was often termed by Greek and 
 Roman writers Idumaea. Immediately 
 before the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, 
 20,000 Idumaeans were admitted to the 
 Holy City, which they filled with robbery 
 and bloodshed. From this time the Edom- 
 ites, as a separate people, disappear from 
 the page of history. Little is known of 
 their religion; but that little shows them 
 to have been idolaters (2 Chr. xxv. 14, -15, 
 20). Their habits were singular. The 
 Horites, their predecessors in Mount Seir, 
 were, as their name implies, troglodytes, or 
 dwellers in caves ; and the Edomites 
 seem to have adopted their dwellings as 
 well as their country. Everywhere we 
 meet with caves and grottos hewn in the 
 soft sandstone strata. Those at Petra are 
 well known. The nature of the climate, 
 the dryness of the soil, and their great size, 
 render them healthy, pleasant, and com- 
 
 modious habitations, while their security 
 made them specially suitable to a country 
 exposed in every age to incessant attacks 
 of robbers. 
 
 E'domites. [EDOM.] 
 
 Ed'rei. 1. One of the two capital cities 
 of Bashan (Num. xxi. 33 ; Deut. i. 4, iii. 10 ; 
 Josh. xii. 4). In Scripture it is only men- 
 tioned in connection with the victory gained 
 by the Israelites over the Amorites under 
 i Og their king, and the territory thus ac- 
 j quired. The ruins of this ancient city, 
 still bearing the name Edr'a, stand on a 
 rocky promontory which projects from the 
 S. W. corner of the Lejah. The ruins are 
 nearly three miles in circumference, and 
 have a strange wild look, rising up in black 
 shattered masses from the midst of a wilder- 
 ness of black rocks. 2. A town of northern 
 Palestine, allotted to the tribe of Naphtali, 
 and situated near Kedesh (Josh. xix. 37). 
 About two miles south of Kedesh is a coni- 
 cal rocky hill called Tell Khuraibeh, the 
 " Tell of the ruin," which may be the site 
 of Edrei. 
 
 Education. Although nothing is more 
 carefully inculcated in the Law than the 
 duty of parents to teach their children its 
 precepts and principles (Ex. xii. 26, xiii. 8, 
 14; Deut. iv. 5, 9, 10, vi. 2, 7, 20, &c.), 
 yet there is little trace among the Hebrews 
 in earlier times of education in any other 
 subjects. The wisdom therefore and in- 
 struction, of which so much is said in the 
 Book of Proverbs, are to be understood 
 chiefly of moral and religious discipline, 
 imparted, according to the direction of the 
 Law, by the teaching and under the exam- 
 ple of parents. In later times the prophe- 
 cies, and comments on them as well as on 
 the earlier Scriptures, together with other 
 subjects, were studied. Parents were re- 
 quired to teach their children some trade. 
 Previous to the captivity, the chief deposi- 
 taries of learning were the schools or col- 
 leges, from which in most cases proceeded 
 that succession of public teachers, who at 
 various times endeavored to reform the 
 moral and religious conduct of both rulers 
 and people. Besides the prophetical schools 
 instruction was given by the priests in the 
 Temple and elsewhere, but their subjects 
 were doubtless exclusively concerned with 
 religion and worship. 
 
 Eg(lah, one of David's wives during 
 his reign in Hebron, and the mother of his 
 son Ithream (2 Sam. iii. 5; 1 Chr. iii. 8). 
 According to the ancient Hebrew tradition, 
 she was Michal. 
 
 Egla'im, a place named only in Is. xv. 
 8, probably the same as EN-EGLAIM. 
 
 Eg'lon. 1. A king of the Moabitea 
 (Judg. iii. 12, ff.), who, aided by the Am- 
 monites and the Amalekites, crossed 
 Jordan and took " the city of palm-trees. 
 Here, according to Joscphu.s, he built turn-
 
 EGYPT 
 
 160 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 self a palace, and continued for eighteen 
 years to oppress the children of Israel, 
 who paid him tribute. He was slain by 
 Ehud. [EHUD.] 2. A town of Judah in 
 the low country (Josh. xv. 39). During 
 the struggles of the conquest, Eglon was 
 one of a confederacy of live towns, which 
 under Jerusalem attempted resistance, by 
 attacking Gibeon after the treaty of the lat- 
 ter with Israel (Josh. x.). The name sur- 
 vives in the modern Ajlan, a shapeless 
 mass of ruins, about 10 miles from Eleu- 
 theropolis and 14 from Gaza, on the S. of 
 the great maritime plain. 
 
 Egypt, a country occupying the north- 
 eastern angle of Africa. Its limits appear 
 always to have been very nearly the same. 
 In Ezekiel (xxix. 10, xxx. 6) the whole 
 country is spoken of as extending from 
 Migdol to Syene, which indicates the same 
 limits to the east and the south as at pres- 
 ent. Names. The common name of Egypt 
 in the Bible is "Mizraim,"or more fully 
 " the land of .Mizraim." In form Mizraim 
 is a dual, and accordingly it is generally 
 joined with a plural verb. When, there- 
 fore, in Gen. x. 6, Mizraim is mentioned as 
 a son of Ham, we must not conclude that 
 anything more is meant than that Egypt was 
 colonized by descendants of Ham. The dual 
 number doubtless indicates the natural di- 
 vision of the country into an upper and a 
 lower region. The singular Mazor also 
 occurs, and some suppose that it indicates 
 Lower Egypt, but there is no sure ground 
 for this assertion. The Arabic name of 
 Egypt, Mizr, signifies " red mud." Egypt 
 is also called in the Bible " the land of 
 Ham " (Ps. cv. 23, 27 ; comp. Ixxviii. 51), 
 a name most probably referring to Ham the 
 son of Noah; and " Rahab," the proud or 
 insolent; both these appear to be poetical 
 appellations. The common ancient Egyp- 
 tian name of the country is written in hier- 
 oglyphics KEM, which was perhaps pro- 
 nounced Chem. This name signifies, alike 
 in the ancient language and in Coptic, 
 1 ' black," and may be supposed to have 
 been given to the land on account of the 
 blackness of its alluvial soil. We may 
 reasonably conjecture that Kem is the 
 Egyptian equivalent of Ham, and also of 
 Mazor, these two words being similar or 
 even the same in sense. Under the Pha- 
 raohs Egypt was divided into Upper and 
 Lower, " the two regions." In subsequent 
 times this double division obtained. In the 
 time of the Greeks and Romans Upper 
 Egypt was divided into the Heptanomis and 
 the Thebafs, making altogether three prov- 
 inces, but the division of the whole coun- 
 try into two was even then the most usual. 
 General Appearance, Climate, $c. The 
 general appearance of the country cannot 
 have greatly changed since the days of I 
 Moses. The Delta was always a vast level i 
 
 plain, although of old more perfectly wa- 
 tered than now by the branches of the Kile 
 and numerous canals, while the narrow 
 valley of Upper Egypt must have suffered 
 still less alteration. Anciently, however, 
 the rushes must have been abundant ; 
 whereas now they have almost disappeared, 
 except in the lakes. The whole country is 
 remarkable for its extreme fertility, which 
 especially strikes the beholder when the 
 rich green of the fields is contrasted with 
 the utterly bare yellow mountains or the 
 sand-strewn rocky desert on either side. 
 The climate is equable and healthy. Rain 
 is not very unfrequent on the northern 
 coast, but inland very rare. Cultivation 
 nowhere depends upon it. This absence of 
 rain is mentioned in Deut. (xi. 10, 11) as 
 rendering artificial irrigation necessary, 
 unlike the case of Palestine, and in Zech. 
 (xiv. 18) as peculiar to the country. Egypt 
 has been visited in all ages by severe pesti- 
 lences. Famines are frequent, and one in 
 the middle ages, in the time of the Fatimee 
 Khaleefeh El-Mustansirbillah, seems to 
 have been even more severe than that of 
 Joseph. The inundation of the Nile fer- 
 tilizes and sustains the country, and makes 
 the river its chief blessing. The Nile was 
 on this account anciently worshipped. 
 The rise begins in Egypt about the summer 
 solstice, and the inundation commences 
 about two months later. The greatest 
 height is attained about or somewhat af- 
 ter the autumnal equinox. The inunda- 
 tion lasts about three months. Cultivation, 
 Agriculture, $c. The ancient prosperity 
 of Egypt is attested by the Bible as well 
 as by the numerous monuments of the 
 country. As early as the age of the Great 
 Pyramid it must have been densely popu- 
 lated. The contrast of the present state 
 of Egypt to its former prosperity is more 
 to be ascribed to political than to phys- 
 ical causes. Egypt is naturally an agri- 
 cultural country. As far back as the days 
 of Abraham, we find that when the prod- 
 uce failed in Palestine, Egypt was the 
 natural resource. In the time of Joseph 
 it was evidently the granary, at least dur- 
 ing famines, of the nations around. The 
 inundation, as taking the place of rain, has 
 always rendered the system of agriculture 
 peculiar; and the artificial irrigation dur- 
 ing the time of low Nile is necessarily on 
 the same principle. Vines were exten- 
 sively cultivated. Of other fruit-trees, the 
 date-palm was the most common and valu- 
 able. The gardens resembled the fields, 
 being watered in the same manner by irri- 
 gation. On the tenure of land much light 
 is thrown by the history of Joseph. Be- 
 fore the famine each city and large village 
 had its fieid (Gen. xli. 48) ; but Joseph 
 gained for Pharaoh all the land, except 
 that of the priests, in exchange for food,
 
 161 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 and required for the right thus obtained a | mortality of the soul, man's responsibility, 
 
 fifth of the produce, which became a law 
 
 Granary, nhowinpr how the pram was pnt in, and that the 
 doors a b were intended for taking it out. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 (xlvii. 20-26). Religion. The basis of 
 the religion was Nigritian fetiehism. the 
 lowest kind of nature-worship, differing in 
 different parts of the country, and hence 
 obviously indigenous. Upon this were in- 
 grafted, first, cosmic worship, mixed up 
 
 and future rewards and punishments, were 
 taught. Among the rites, circumcision is 
 the most remarkable : it is as old as the 
 time of the ivth dynasty. The Israelites 
 in Egypt appear during the oppression, for 
 the most part, to have adopted the Egyptian 
 religion (Josh. xxiv. 14; Ez. xx. 7, 8). 
 The golden calf, or rather steer, was prob- 
 ably taken from the bull Apis, certainly 
 from one of the sacred bulls. Remphan 
 and Chiun were foreign divinities adopted 
 into the Egyptian Pantheon. Ashtoreth 
 was worshipped at Memphis. Doubtless 
 this worship was introduced by the Phoeni- 
 cian Shepherds. Army. There are some 
 notices of the Egyptian army in the O. T. 
 They show, like the monuments, that its 
 most important branch was the chariot- 
 force. The Pharaoh of the Exodus led 
 600 chosen chariots besides his whole char- 
 iot-force in pursuit of the Israelites. The 
 warriors fighting in chariots are probably 
 the " horsemen " mentioned in the relation 
 of this event and elsewhere, for in Egyptian 
 they are called the " horse" or " cavalry." 
 We have no subsequent indication in the 
 Bible of the constitution of an Egyptian 
 army until the time of the xxiid dynasty, 
 when we find that Shishak's invading force 
 
 with traces of primeval revelation, as in I was partly composed of foreigners ; whether 
 Babylonia ; and then, a system of personi- i mercenaries or allies, cannot as yet be pos- 
 fications of moral and intellectual abstrac- j itively determined, although the monuments 
 tious. There were three orders of gods i make it most probable that they were of 
 the eight great gods, the twelve lesser, and the former character. ' The army of Necho, 
 the Osirian group. There was no promi- ! defeated at Carchemish, seems to have been 
 U8Lt hero-worship, although deceased kings similarly composed, although it probably 
 and other individuals often received divine contained Greek mercenaries, who soon 
 honors. The great doctrines of the im- | afterwards became the most important 
 
 Disciplined Troops of the time of the XVJIIth Dynasty. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 foreign element in the Egyptian forces, men, and the entire absence of J****" 
 Domestic Life. The sculptures and paint- system of seclusion. Marriage i 
 ings of the tombs give us a very full insight have been universal, at least 
 into the domestic life of the ancient Egyp- class; and if polygamy ^re_ to i 
 tians. What most strikes us in their man- 
 ners is the high position occupied by wo- 
 11 
 
 was 'rarely practised. There 
 
 castes, although great classes were rery
 
 EGYPT 
 
 162 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 distinct. The occupations of the higher 
 class were the superintendence of their 
 fields and gardens ; their diversions, the 
 pursuit of game in the deserts, or on the 
 river, and fishing. The tending of cattle 
 was left to the most despised of the lower 
 class. The Egyptian feasts, and the dances, 
 music, and feats which accompanied them, 
 for the diversion of the guests, as well as 
 the common games, were probably intro- 
 duced among the Hebrews in the most lux- 
 urious days of the kingdoms of Israel and 
 Judah.. The account of the noontide din- 
 ner of Joseph (Gen. xliii. 16, 31-34) agrees 
 with the representations of the monuments. 
 The funeral ceremonies were far more im- 
 portant than any events of the Egyptian 
 life, as the tomb was regarded as the only 
 true home. Magicians. We find frequent 
 reference in the Bible to the magicians of 
 Egypt (Gen. xli. 8; Ex. vii. 11, &c.). The 
 monuments do not recognize any such art, 
 and we must conclude that magic was se- 
 cretly practised, not because it was thought 
 to be unlawful, but in order to give it im- 
 portance. Industrial Arts. The indus- 
 trial arts held an important place in the 
 occupations of the Egyptians. The work- 
 ers in fine flax and the weavers of white 
 linen are mentioned in a manner that 
 shows they were among the chief contribu- 
 tors to the riches of the country (Is. xix. 
 9). The fine linen of Egypt found its way 
 to Palestine (Prov. vii. 16). Pottery was 
 a great branch of tfie native manufactures, 
 and appears to have furnished employment 
 to the Hebrews during the bondage (Ps. 
 Ixxxi. 6, Ixviii. 18; comp. Ex. i. 14). Fes- 
 tivals. The religious festivals were numer- 
 ous, and some of them were, in the days of 
 Herodotus, kept with great merrymaking 
 and license. The feast which the Israelites 
 celebrated when Aaron had made the gold- 
 en calf seems to have been very much of 
 the same character. History. The an- 
 cient history of Egypt may be divided into 
 three portions : the old monarchy, ex- 
 tending from the foundation of the king- 
 dom to the invasion of the Hyksos ; the 
 middle, from the entrance to the expulsion 
 of the Hyksos ; and the new, from the re- 
 establishment of the native monarchy by 
 Amosis to the Persian conquest. (1.) 
 The Old Monarchy. Memphis was the 
 most ancient capital, the foundation of 
 which is ascribed to Menes, the first mortal 
 king of Egypt. The names of the kings, 
 divided into thirty dynasties, are handed 
 down in the lists of Manetho,* and are 
 also known from the works which they ex- 
 ecuted. The most memorable epoch in 
 the history of the Old Monarchy is that of 
 
 * Manetho was an Egyptian priest who lived under the 
 Ptolemies in the 3d centurv B. c., and wrote in Greek a 
 history of Egypt, In which he divided the kings into thirty 
 dynasties. The work itself is lost, but the lists of dynas- 
 ties have been preserved by the Christian writers. 
 
 j the Pyramid kings, placed in Manetho's 
 ; fourth dynasty. Their names are found 
 upon these monuments : the builder of the 
 great pyramid is called Suphis by Manetho, 
 j Cheops by Herodotus, and Khufa or Shu- 
 fu, in an inscription upon the pyramid. 
 The erection of the second pyramid is at 
 tributed by Herodotus and Diodorus to 
 Chephren ; and upon the neighboring tombs 
 has been read the name of Khafra or 
 Shafre. The builder of the third pyramid 
 is named Mycerinus by Herodotus and 
 Diodorus'; and in this very pyramid a coffin 
 has been found bearing the name Menkura. 
 The most powerful kings of the Old Mon- 
 archy were those of Manetho's twelfth dy- 
 nasty : to this period are assigned the con- 
 struction of the Lake of Moeris and the 
 Labyrinth. (2.) The Middle Monarchy. 
 Of this period we only know that a nomad- 
 ic horde called Hyksos^ for several centu- 
 ries occupied and made Egypt tributary ; 
 that their capital was Memphis ; that in the 
 Sethroite nome they constructed an immense 
 earth-camp, which they called Abaris ; that 
 at a certain period of their occupation 
 two independent kingdoms were formed in 
 Egypt, one in the Thebaid, which held in- 
 timate relations with Ethiopia; another at 
 Xois, among the marshes of the Nile ; and 
 that, finally, the Egyptians regained their 
 independence and expelled the Hyksos, 
 who thereupon retired into Palestine. The 
 Hyksos form the fifteenth, sixteenth, and 
 seventeenth dynasties. Manetho says they 
 were Arabs, but he calls the six kings of the 
 fifteenth dynasty Phoenicians. (3.) The 
 New Monarchy extends from the com- 
 mencement of the eighteenth to the end of 
 the thirtieth dynasty. The kingdom was 
 consolidated by Amosis, who succeeded 
 in expelling the Hyksos, and thus prepared 
 the way for the foreign expeditions which 
 his successors carried on in Asia and 
 Africa, extending from Mesopotamia in the 
 former to Ethiopia in the latter continent. 
 The glorious era of Egyptian history was 
 under the nineteenth dynasty, when Sethi 
 I., B. c. 1322, and his grandson, Rameses 
 the Great, B. c. 1311, both of whom repre- 
 sent the Sesostris of the Greek historians, 
 carried their arms over the whole of West- 
 ern Asia, and southwards into Souddn, and 
 amassed vast treasures, which were expend- 
 ed on public works. Under the later kings 
 of the nineteenth dynasty the power of 
 Egypt faded : the twentieth and twenty-first 
 dynasties achieved nothing worthy of rec- 
 ord; but with the twenty -second we enter 
 upon a period that is interesting from its 
 associations with Biblical history, the first 
 of this dynasty, Sheshonk I. (Seconchis) 
 B. c. 990, being the Shishak who invaded 
 Judea in Rehoboam's reign and pillaged 
 
 t This, their Egyptian name, is derived by Manetha 
 from JJyk, a kiug, and <Sos, a shepherd.
 
 EGYPT 
 
 163 
 
 EKRON 
 
 the Temple (1 Kings xiv. 25). Probably his 
 successor, Osorkonl., is the Zerah of Scrip- 
 ture, defeated by Asa. Egypt makes no 
 figure in Asiatic history during the xxiiird 
 and xxivth dynasties ; under the xxvth it re- 
 gained, in part at least, its ancient impor- 
 tance. This was an Ethiopian line, the 
 warlike sovereigns of which strove to the 
 utmost to repel the onward stride of As- 
 syria. So, whom we are disposed to iden- 
 tify with Shebek II. or Sebichus, the second 
 Ethiopian, made an alliance with Hoshea 
 the last king of Israel. Tehrak or Tirha- 
 kah, the third of this house, advanced 
 against Sennacherib in support of Heze- 
 kiah. After this, a native dynasty again 
 occcupied the throne, the xxvith, of Salte 
 kings. Psametek I. or Psammetichus I. 
 (B. c. 664), who may be regarded as the 
 head of this dynasty, warred in Palestine, 
 and took Ashdod. Azotus, after a siege of 
 twenty-nine years. Neku or Necho, the 
 son of Psammetichus, continued the war in 
 the East, and marched along the coast of 
 Palestine to attack the king of Assyria. 
 At Megiddo Josiah encountered him (B. c. 
 608-7), notwithstanding the remonstrance 
 of the Egyytian king, which is very illus- 
 trative of the policy of the Pharaohs in the 
 East (2 Chr. xxxv. 21), DO less than is his 
 lenient conduct after t"-ss defeat and death of 
 the king of Judah. The army of Necho was 
 after a short space routed at Carchemish by 
 Nebuchadnezzar, B. c. 605-4 (Jer. xlvi. 2) . 
 The second successor of Necho, Apries or 
 Pharaoh -Hophra, sent his army into Pales- 
 tine to the aid of Zedekiah (Jer. xxxvii. 5, 7, 
 1 1 ) , so that the siege of Jerusalem was raised 
 for a time, and kindly received the fugitives 
 from the captured city. He seems to have 
 been afterwards attacked by Nebuchadnez- 
 zar in his own country. There is, however, 
 no certain account of a complete subjuga- 
 tion of Egypt by the king of Babylon. 
 Amasis, the successor of Apries, had a long 
 and prosperous reign, and somewhat re- 
 stored the weight of Egypt in the East. 
 But the new power of Persia was to prove 
 even more terrible to his house than Baby- 
 lon had been to the house of Psammetichus, 
 and the son of Amasis had reigned but six 
 months when Cambyses reduced the coun- 
 try to the condition of a province of his 
 empire, B. c. 525. With respect to the 
 difficult question of the period of the so- 
 journ of the Israelites in Egypt, the fol- 
 lowing remarks may suffice. The chronol- 
 ogy of Egypt is now so far settled that the 
 accession of the eighteenth dynasty may be 
 regarded as fixed to within a few years of 
 B. c. 1525. The era of the Exodus, in the 
 system of Ussher, is B. c. 1491. The obvi- 
 ous conclusion agrees with the statement 
 of Manetho, that Moses left Egypt under 
 Amosis, the first king of the eighteenth 
 dynasty. The same king, as we have al- 
 
 ready seen, expelled the Shepherd Kings; 
 and there is, in fact, no doubt that the great 
 power of the eighteenth dynasty was con- 
 nected with this expulsion. In this change 
 of dynasty many writers see a natural ex- 
 planation of the " new king who knew not 
 Joseph." If this view is correct, Joseph 
 would have come into Egypt under one of 
 the later kings of the Shepherd dynasty. 
 But, plausible as this theory is, the uncer- 
 tainty in which Scriptural chronology is in- 
 volved prevents us from coming to any 
 definite conclusion. Lepsius and other 
 eminent Egyptologers place the arrival of 
 the Israelites under the eighteenth dynasty, 
 and the Exodus under the nineteenth, in 
 the year 1314 B. c. He identifies the chief 
 oppressor, from whom Moses fled, with 
 the great king of the nineteenth dynasty, 
 RAMESES II., and the Pharaoh of the Exo- 
 dus with his son and successor MENPTAH, 
 or PHTHAHMEN. Mr. Poole, however, 
 takes an entirely opposite view, and places 
 not only the arrival of the Israelites in 
 Egypt, but also the Exodus, within the 
 dynasties of the Shepherd kings. It seems 
 impossible to come to any definite conclu- 
 sion upon the subject. The difficulty of a 
 solution is still further increased by the 
 uncertainty as to the length of the sojourn 
 of the Israelites in Egypt, whether it was 
 215 years, according to the Septuagint, or 
 430 years, according to the Hebrew. 
 
 Egyptian, Egyptians. Natives of 
 Egypt. 
 
 E'hi, head of one of the Benjamite 
 houses according to the list in Gen. xlvi. 
 21. He seems to be the same as Ahi-ram 
 in the list in Num. xxvi. 38, and if so, 
 Ahiram is probably the right name, as the 
 family were called Ahiramites. In 1 Chr. 
 viii. 1, the same person seems to be called 
 Aharah, and perhaps also Ahoah, in ver. 4, 
 Ahiah, ver. 7, and Aher, 1 Chr. vii. 12. 
 
 E'hud. 1. Ehud, the son of Bilhan, 
 and great-grandson of Benjamin the Patri- 
 arch (1 Chr. vii. 10, viii. 6). 2. Ehud son 
 of Gera of the tribe of Benjamin (Judg. 
 iii. 15), the second Judge of the Israelites. 
 In the Bible he is not called a Judge, but a 
 deliverer (I. c.) : so Othniel (Judg. iii. 9) 
 and all the Judges (Neh. ix. 27). As a 
 Benjamite he was specially chosen to de- 
 stroy Eglon, who had established himself in 
 Jericho, which was included in the. boun- 
 daries of that tribe. He was very strong, 
 and left-handed. [EGLON.] 
 
 E'ker, a descendant of Judah through 
 the families of Hezron and Jerahmeel (1 
 Chr. ii. 27). 
 
 Ek'ron, one of the five towns belong- 
 ing to the lords of the Philistines, and the 
 most northerly of the five (Josh. xui. 3). 
 Like the other Philistine cities its 
 tion was in the lowlands. It fell to the lot 
 of Judah (Josh. xv. 45, 46 Judg. i. 18),
 
 EKRONITES 
 
 164 
 
 ELDAAII 
 
 and indeed formed one of the landmarks 
 on his north border. We afterwards, how- 
 over, find it mentioned among the cities of 
 Dan (Josh. xix. 43). But it mattered little 
 to which tribe it nominally belonged, for 
 before the monarchy it was again in full 
 possession of the Philistines (1 Sam. v. 10). 
 'Aktr, the modern representative of Ekron, 
 lies at about 5 miles S. W. of Ramleh. 
 In the Apocrypha it appears as ACCARON 
 (1 Mace. x. 89, only). 
 
 Ek'ronites. This word appears in 
 Josh. xiii. 3, and 1 Sam. v. 10. In the for- 
 mer it should be singular "the Ekron- 
 ite." 
 
 El'adah, a descendant of Ephraim 
 through Shuthelah (1 Chr. vii. 20). 
 
 E'lah. 1. The son and successor of 
 Baasha, king of Israel (1 K. xvi. 8-10) ; 
 his reign lasted for little more than a year 
 (comp. ver. 8 with 10). He was killed, 
 while drunk, by Zimri, in the house of his 
 steward Arza, who was probably a confed- 
 erate in the plot. 2. Father of Hoshca, 
 the last king of Israel (2 K. XT. 30, xvii. 1). 
 
 E'lah. 1. One of the dukes of Edom 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 41 ; 1 Chr. i. 52). 2. Shimei 
 ben-Elah was Solomon's commissariat offi- 
 cer in Benjamin (1 K. iv. 18). 3. A son 
 of Caleb the son of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 
 15). 4. Son of Uzzi, a Benjamite (1 Chr. 
 ix. 8), and one of the chiefs of the tribe 
 at the settlement of the country. 
 
 Elah, The Valley of (= Valley of 
 the Terebinth), a valley in (not " by," as 
 the A. V. has it) which the Israelites were 
 encamped against the Philistines when Da- 
 vid killed Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 2, 19). It 
 is once more mentioned in the same con- 
 nection (xxi. 9). It lay somewhere near 
 Socoh of Judah and Azekah, and was 
 nearer Ekron than any other Philistine 
 town. So much may be gathered from the 
 narrative of 1 Sam. xvii. 
 
 E'lam. seems to have been originally the 
 name of a man, the son of Shem (Gen. x. 
 22; 1 Chr. i. 17). Commonly, however, it 
 is used as the appellation of a country 
 (Gen. xiv. 1, 9; Is. xi. 11, xxi. 2; Jer. 
 xxv. 25; xlix. 34-39; Ez. xxxii. 24; Dan. 
 viii. 2). 1. The Elam of Scripture appears 
 to be the province lying south of Assyria 
 and east of Persia Proper, to which He- 
 rodotus gives the name of Cissia (iii. 91, v. 
 49, &c.), and which is termed Susis or 
 Susiana by the geographers. It appears 
 from Gen. x. 22, that this country was ori- 
 ginally peopled by descendants of Shem, 
 closely allied to the Aramaeans (Syrians) 
 and the Assyrians ; and from Gen. xiv. 
 1-12, it is evident that by the time of Abra- 
 ham a very important power had been built 
 up in the same region. It is plain that at 
 this early time the predominant power in 
 Lower Mesopotamia was Elam, which for 
 a while held the place possessed earlier by 
 
 Babylon (Gen. x. 10). and later by either 
 Babylon or Assyria. 2. A Korhite Levite, 
 fifth son of Meshelemiah ; one of the Bene- 
 Asaph. in the time of king David (1 Chr. 
 xxvi. 3). 3. A chief man of the tribe of 
 Benjamin, one of the sons of Shishak (1 
 Chr. viii. 24). 4. " Children of Elam," to 
 the number of 1254, returned with Zerub- 
 babel from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 7 ; Neh. vii. 
 12; 1 Esd. v. 12), and a further detach- 
 ment of 71 men with Ezra in the second 
 caravan (Ezr. viii. 7 ; 1 Esd. viii. 33). Elam 
 occurs amongst the names of those, the 
 chief of the people, who signed the cove- 
 nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 14). 5. In 
 the same lists is a second Elam, whose 
 sons, to the same number as in the former 
 case, returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 
 31 ; Neh. vii. 34), and which for the sake 
 of distinction is called "the other Elam." 
 6. One of the priests who accompanied 
 Nehemiah at the dedication of the new wall 
 of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 42). 
 
 E'lamites. This word is found only in 
 Ezr. iv. 9. The Elamites were the original 
 inhabitants of the country called Elam ; 
 they were descendants of Shem, and per- 
 haps drew their name from an actual man 
 Elam (Gen. x. 22). 
 
 El'asah. 1. One of the Bene-Pashur, 
 a priest, in the time of Ezra, who had mar- 
 ried a Gentile wife (Ezr. x. 22). 2. Son of 
 Shaphan ; one of the two men who were 
 sent on a mission by King Zedekiah to Neb- 
 uchadnezzar at Babylon (Jer. xxix. 8). 
 
 E'lath, E'loth, the name of a town of 
 the land of Edom, commonly mentioned 
 together with Ezion-geber, and situate at 
 the head of the Arabian Gulf, which was 
 thence called the Elanitic Gulf. It first 
 occurs in the account of the wanderings 
 (Deut. ii. 8), and in later times must have 
 come under the rule of David in his con- 
 quest of the land of Edom (2 Sam. viii. 14). 
 We find the place named again in connec- 
 tion with Solomon's navy (IK. ix. 26 ; 
 comp. 2 Chr. viii. 17). It was apparently 
 included in the revolt of Edom against Jo- 
 ram recorded in 2 K. viii. 20; but it was 
 taken by Azariah (xiv. 22). After this, 
 however, " Rezin king of Syria recovered 
 Elath, and drave out the Jews from Elath, 
 and the Syrians came to Elath and dwelt 
 there to this day " (xvi. 6). From this 
 time the place is not mentioned until the 
 Roman period, during which it became a 
 frontier-town of the south, and the resi- 
 dence of a Christian bishop. The Arabic 
 name is Eyleh. 
 
 El-Beth'el, the name which Jacob is 
 said to have bestowed on the place at which 
 God appeared to him when he was flying 
 from Esau (Gen. xxv. 7). 
 
 El'daah (Gen. xxv. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 33), the 
 last, in order, of the sons of Midian. No 
 satisfactory trace of the tribe which we may
 
 ELDAD 
 
 165 
 
 ELEPH 
 
 enppose to have taken the appellation has 
 yet been found. 
 
 El'dad and Me'dad, two of the 70 
 elders to whom was communicated the pro- 
 phetic power of Moses (Num. xi. 16, 26). 
 Although their names were upon the list 
 which Moses had drawn up (xi. 26), they 
 did not repair with the rest of their breth- 
 ren to the tabernacle, but continued to 
 prophesy in the camp. Moses, being re- 
 quested by Joshua to forbid this, refused to 
 do so, and expressed a wish that the gift of 
 prophecy might be diffused throughout the 
 people. 
 
 Elder. The term elder or old man, as 
 the Hebrew literally imports, was one of 
 extensive use, as an official title, among 
 the Hebrews and the surrounding nations. 
 It had reference to various offices (Gen. 
 xxiv. 2, 1. 7; 2 Sam. xii. 17; Ez. xxvii. 9). 
 As betokening a political office, it applied 
 not only to the Hebrews, but also to the 
 Egyptians (Gen. 1. 7), the Moabites and 
 Midianites (Num. xxii. 7). Wherever a 
 patriarchal system is in force, the office 
 of the elder will be found, as the keystone 
 of the social and political fabric ; it is so 
 at the present day among the Arabs, 
 where the Sheikh (= the old man) is the 
 highest authority in the tribe. The earli- 
 est notice of the elders acting in concert 
 as a political body is at the time of the 
 Exodus. They were the representatives 
 of the people, so much so that elders 
 and people are occasionally used as equiva- 
 lent terms (comp. Josh. xxiv. 1 with 2, 19, 
 21; 1 Sam. viii. 4 with 7, 10, 19). Their 
 authority was undefined, and extended to 
 all matters concerning the public weal. 
 When the tribes became settled the elders 
 were distinguished by different titles ac- 
 cording as they were acting as national 
 representatives, as district governors over 
 the several tribes (Deut. xxxi. 28 ; 2 Sam. 
 xix. 11), or as local magistrates in the pro- 
 vincial towns, whose duty it was to sit in 
 the gate and administer justice (Deut. xix. 
 12; Ruth iv. 9, 11; 1 K. xxi. 8). Their 
 number and influence may be inferred from 
 1 Sam. xxx. 26, ff. They retained their po- 
 sition under all the political changes which 
 the Jews underwent : under the Judges 
 (Judg. ii. 7 ; 1 Sam. iv. 3) ; under the 
 kings (2 Sam. xvii. 4) ; during the captivity 
 (Jer. xxix. 1 ; Ez. viii. 1) ; subsequently 
 to tlie return (Ezr. v. 5, vi. 7, 14, x. 8, 14) ; 
 under the Maccabees, when they were de- 
 scribed sometimes as the senate (1 Mace. 
 xii. 6; 2 Mace. i. 10, iv. 44, xi. 27), some- 
 times by their ordinary title (1 Mace. vii. 
 83, xi. 23, xii. 35) ; and, lastly, at the com- 
 mencement of the Christian era, when they 
 are noticed as a distinct body from the San- 
 hedrim. St. Luke describes the whole 
 order by the collective term TtQrnfii'T^Qtov 
 (Luke xxii. 66; Acts xxii. 5). With re- 
 
 spect to the elders in the Christian Church, 
 see BISHOP. 
 
 El'ead, a descendant of Ephraim (1 
 Chr. vii. 21). 
 
 Elea'leh, a place on the east of Jordan, 
 taken possession of and rebuilt by the 
 tribe of Reuben (Num. xxxii. 3, 37). By 
 Isaiah and Jeremiah it is mentioned as a 
 Moabite town (Is. xv. 4, xvi. 9 ; Jer. xlviii. 
 34V 
 
 Ele'asah. 1. Son of Helez, one of the 
 descendants of Judah, of the family of 
 Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 39). 2. Son of Rapha, 
 or Rephaiah ; a descendant of Saul through 
 Jonathan and Merib-baal or Mephibosheth 
 (1 Chr. viii. 37, ix. 43). 
 
 Elea'zar. 1. Third son of Aaron, by 
 Elisheba, daughter of Amminadab. After 
 the death of Nadab and Abihu without 
 children (Lev. x. 1; Num. iii. 4), Eleazar 
 was appointed chief over the principal Le- 
 vites (Num. iii. 32). With his brother 
 Ithamar he ministered as a priest during 
 their father's lifetime, and immediately be- 
 fore his death was invested on Mount Hor 
 with the sacred garments, as the successor 
 of Aaron in the office of high-priest (Num. 
 xx. 28). One of his first duties was in 
 conjunction with Moses to superintend the 
 census of the people (Num. xxvi. 3). Af- 
 ter the conquest of Canaan by Joshua he 
 took part in the distribution of the land 
 (Josh. xiv. 1). The time of his death is 
 not mentioned in Scripture. 2. The son 
 of Abinadab, of the hill of Kirjath-jearim 
 (1 Sam. vii. 1). 3. The son of Dodo the 
 Ahohite, *. c. possibly a descendant of 
 Ahoah of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. 
 viii. 4) ; one of the three principal mighty 
 men of David's army (2 Sam. xxiii. 9 ; 1 
 Chr. xi. 12). 4. A Merarite Levite, son of 
 Mahli, and grandson of Merari (1 Chr. 
 xxiii. 21, 22, xxiv. 28). 5. A priest who 
 took part in the feast of dedication under 
 Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 42). 6. One of the 
 sons of Parosh ; an Israelite (i. e. a layman) 
 who had married a foreign wife, and had to 
 put her away (Ezr. x. 25 ; 1 Esdr. ix. 26). 
 7. Son of Phinehas a Levite (Ezr. viii. 33 ; 
 1 Esdr. viii. 63). 8. Surnamed A VARAN 
 (1 Mace. ii. 5), the fourth son of Matta- 
 thias, who fell by a noble act of self-devo- 
 tion in an engagement with Antiochus Eu- 
 pator, B. c. 164 (1 Mace. vi. 43, ff.). In a 
 former battle with Nicanor, Eleazar was 
 appointed by Judas to read " the holy book " 
 before the attack, and the watchword in the 
 fight " The help of God " was his 
 own name (2 Mace. viii. 23). 9- The son 
 of Eliud, in the genealogy of Jesus Christ 
 (Matt. i. 15). 
 
 El-elo'he-Is'rael, the name bestowed 
 by Jacob on the altar which he erected 
 facing the city of Shechem (Gen. xxxiiL 
 19. 20). 
 
 Eleph, one of the towns allotted to Ben-
 
 ELEPHANT 
 
 166 
 
 ELIAKIM 
 
 jamin, aad named next to Jerusalem (Josh, 
 xviii. 28). 
 
 Elephant. The word does not occur 
 in the text of the canonical Scriptures of 
 the A. V., but is found as the marginal 
 reading to Behemoth, in Job xl. 15. " Ele- 
 jylianfs teeth " is the marginal reading for 
 " ivory" in 1 K. x. 22; 2 Chr. ix. 41. El- 
 ephants, however, are repeatedly mentioned 
 in the 1st and 2d books of Maccabees, as 
 being used in warfare (1 Mace. vi.). 
 
 Eleu'therus, a river of Syria men- 
 tioned in 1 Mace. xi. 7 ; xii. 30. It sepa- 
 rated Syria from Phoenicia, and formed the 
 northern limit of Coele-syria. It is the 
 modern Nahr-el- Keblr, " Great River." 
 
 Elha'nan. 1. A distinguished warrior 
 in the time of King David, who performed 
 a memorable exploit agajnstthe Philistines, 
 though in what that exploit exactly con- 
 sisted, and who the hero himself was, it is 
 not easy to determine, (a.) 2 Sam. xxi. 19 
 says that he was the " son of Jaare Oregim 
 the Bethlehemite," and that he " slew Goli- 
 ath the Gittite, the staff of whose spear was 
 like a weaver's beam." Here, in the A. V. 
 the words "the brother of" are inserted, to 
 bring the passage into agreement with, 
 (6.) 1 Chr. xx. 5, which states that "El- 
 hanan, son of Jair (or Jaor) slew Lahmi 
 the brother of Goliath the Gittite, the staff of 
 whose spear," &c. Of these two statements 
 the latter is probably the more correct, 
 the differences between them being much 
 smaller in the original than in English. 2. 
 The son of Dodo of Bethlehem, one of 
 " the thirty " of David's guard, and named 
 first on the list (2 Sam. xxiii. 24 ; 1 Chr. 
 xi. 26). 
 
 E'li was descended from Aaron through 
 Ithamar, the youngest of his two surviving 
 sons (Lev. x. 1, 2, 12 ; comp. 1 K. ii. 27 
 with 2 Sam. viii. 17; 1 Chr. xxiv. 3). As 
 the history makes no mention of any high- 
 priest of the line of Ithamar before Eli, he 
 is generally supposed to have been the first 
 of that line who held the office. From him, 
 his sons having died before him, it appears 
 to have passed to his grandson, Ahitub (1 
 Sam. xiv. 3), and it certainly remained in his 
 family till Abiathar, the grandson of Ahitub, 
 was "thrust out from being priest unto the 
 Lord " by Solomon for his share in Adoni- 
 jah's rebellion (1 K. ii. 26, 27 ; i. 7), and the 
 high-priesthood passed back again to the 
 family of Eleazar in the person of Zadok (1 
 K. ii. 35). Its return to the elder branch 
 was one part of the punishment which had 
 been denounced against Eli during his life- 
 time, for his culpable negligence (1 Sam. 
 ii. 22-25) when his sons by their rapacity 
 and licentiousness profaned the priesthood, 
 and brought the rites of religion into abhor- 
 rence among the people (1 Sam. ii. 27-36, 
 with 1 K. ii. 27). Notwithstanding this 
 one great blemish, the character of Eli is 
 
 marked by eminent piety, as shown by his 
 meek submission to the divine judgment (1 
 Sam. iii. 18), and his supreme regard for 
 the ark of God (iv. 18). In addition to the 
 office of high-priest he held that of judge, 
 being the immediate predecessor of his pu- 
 pil Samuel (1 Sam. vii. 6, 15-17), the last 
 of the judges. He died at the advanced 
 age of 98 years (1 Sam. iv. 15), overcome 
 by the disastrous intelligence that the ark 
 of God had been taken in battle by the Phi- 
 listines, who had also slain his sons Hophni 
 and Phinehas. 
 
 Eliab. 1. Son of Helon and leader of 
 the tribe of Zebulun at the time of the cen- 
 sus in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 9, 
 ii, 7, vii. 24, 29, x. 16. 2. A Reubenite, 
 son of Palm or Phallu, father or progenitor 
 of Dathan and Abiram (Num. xxvi. 8, 9, 
 xvi. 1, 12; Deut. xi. 6). 3. One of Da- 
 vid's brothers, the eldest of the family (1 
 Chr. ii. 13; 1 Sam. xvi. 6, xvii. 13, 28). 
 4. A Levite in the time of David, who was 
 both a "porter" and a musician on the 
 "psaltery" (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 5). 5. 
 One of the warlike Gadite leaders who came 
 over to David when he was in the wilder- 
 ness taking refuge from Saul (1 Chr. xii. 
 9). 6. An ancestor of Samuel the proph- 
 et; a Kohathite Levite, son of Nahath (1 
 Chr. vi. 27). 7. Son of Nathanael, one of 
 the forefathers of Judith, and therefore be- 
 longing to the tribe of Simeon (Jud. viii. 1). 
 
 Eli'ada. 1. One of David's sons ; ac- 
 cording to the lists, the youngest but one 
 of the family born to him after his estab- 
 lishment in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ; 1 
 Chr. iii. 8). 2. A mighty man of war, a 
 Benjamite, who led 200,000 of his tribe to 
 the army of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 17). 
 
 Eli'adah. Father of Rezon, the cap- 
 tain of a marauding band of Zobah which 
 annoyed Solomon (1 K. xi. 23). 
 
 Eli 'ah. 1. A Benjamite; one of the 
 sons of Jeroham. and a chief man of the 
 tribe (1 Chr. viii. 27). 2. One of the Bene- 
 Elam ; an Israelite (i. e. a layman) in the 
 times of Ezra, who had married a foreign 
 wife (Ezr. x. 26). 
 
 Eli'ahba, a Shaalbonite, one of the 
 Thirty of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 32 ; 
 1 Chr. xi. 33). 
 
 Eli'akim. 1. Son of Hilkiah; master 
 of Hezekiah's household ("over the house," 
 as Is. xxxvi. 3), 2 K. xviii. 18, 26, 37. He 
 succeeded Shebna in this office, after he had 
 been ejected from it as a punishment for his 
 pride (Is. xxii. 15-20). Eliakim was a good 
 man, as appears by the title emphatically 
 applied to him by God, " my servant Elia- 
 kim" (Is. xxii. 20), and as was evinced by 
 his conduct on the occasion of Sennache- 
 rib's invasion (2 K. xviii. 37, xix. 1-5), and 
 also in the discharge of the duties of his 
 high station, in which he acted as a "father 
 to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and to the
 
 ELIAM 
 
 167 
 
 ELIHU 
 
 house of Judah" (Is. xxii. 21). 2. The 
 original name of Jehoiakim king of Judah 
 (2 K. xxiii. 34; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 4). 3. A 
 priest in the days of Nehemiah, who as- 
 sisted at the dedication of the new wall of 
 Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 41). 4. Eldest son 
 of Abiud, or Judah ; brother of Joseph, and 
 father of Azor (Matt. i. 13). 5. Son of 
 Melea, an'd father of Jonan (Luke iii. 30, 
 31). 
 
 Eli'am. 1. Father of Bathsheba, the 
 wife of David (1 Sam. xi. 3> 2. Son of 
 Ahithophel the Gilonite ; one of -David's 
 "thirty" warriors (2 Sam. xxiii. 34). 
 
 Eli'as, the form in which the name of 
 ELIJAH is given in the A. V. of the Apoc- 
 rypha and N. Test. 
 
 Eli'asaph. 1. Son of Deuel; head of 
 the tribe of Dan at the time of the census 
 in the Wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 14, ii. 
 14, vii. 42, 47, x. 20). 2. Son of Lael; a 
 Levite, and ' ' chief of the house of the fa- 
 ther of the Gershonite " at the same time 
 (Num. iii. 24). 
 
 Eli'ashib. 1. A priest in the time of 
 King David, eleventh in the order of the 
 "governors" of the sanctuary (1 Chr. 
 xxiv. 12). 2. A son of Elioenai; one of the 
 latest descendants of the royal family of Ju- 
 dah (1 Chr. iii. 24). 3. High-priest at Je- 
 rusalem at the time of the rebuilding of the 
 walls under Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 1, 20, 21). 
 4. A singer in the time of Ezra who had 
 married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 24). 5. A 
 son of Zattu (Ezr. x. 27), and, Q. A son 
 of Bani (x. 36), both of whom had trans- 
 gressed in the same manner. 
 
 Eli'athah., one of the sons of Heman, a 
 musician in the Temple in the time of King 
 David (1 Chr. xxv. 4), who with twelve 
 of his sons and brethren had the twentieth 
 division of the temple-service (xxv. 27). 
 
 Eli'dad, son of Chislon ; the man chosen 
 to represent the tribe of Benjamin in the 
 division of the land of Canaan (Num. 
 xxxiv. 21). 
 
 E'liel. 1. One of the heads of the tribe 
 of Manasseh on the east of Jordan (1 Chr. 
 v. 24). 2. Son of Toah; a forefather of 
 Samuel the prophet (1 Chr. vi. 34). 3. One 
 of the Bene- Shimhi ; a chief man in the tribe 
 of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 20). 4. Like the 
 preceding, a Benjamite, but belonging to the 
 Bene-Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 22). 5. "The 
 Mahavite ; " one of the heroes of David's 
 guard in the extended list of 1 Chr. (xi. 
 46). 6. Another of the same guard, but 
 without any express designation (xi. 47). J 
 7. One of the Gadite heroes who came 
 across Jordan to David when he was in 
 the wilderness of Judah hiding from Saul 
 (1 Chr. xii. 11). 8. A Kohathite Levite, 
 at the time of the transportation of the Ark 
 from the House of Obed-edom to Jerusalem 
 (1 Chr. xv. 9, 11). 9. A Levite in the 
 time of Hezekiah ; one of the overseers of 
 
 the offerings made in the Temple (2 Chr. 
 xxxi. 13). 
 
 Elie'nai, one of the Bene-shimhi; a 
 descendant of Benjamin, and a chief man 
 in the tribe (1 Chr. viii. 20). 
 
 Elie'zer. 1. Abraham's chief servant, 
 called by him " Eliezer of Damascus " 
 (Gen. xv. 2). There is an apparent con- 
 tradiction in the A. V., for it does not ap- 
 pear how, if he was " of Damascus," he 
 could be "born in Abraham's house" (ver. 
 3). But the phrase " son of my house," 
 only imports that he was one of Abraham's 
 household, not that he was born in his 
 house. It was, most likely, this same 
 Eliezer who is described in Gen. xxiv. 2. 
 2. Second son of Moses and Zipporah, to 
 whom his father gave this name, " because, 
 said he, the God of my father was my help, 
 that delivered me from the sword of Pha- 
 raoh" (Ex. xviii. 4; 1 Chr. xxiii. 15, 17). 
 He remained with his mother and brother 
 Gershom, in the care of Jethro his grand- 
 father, when Moses returned to Egypt (Ex. 
 iv. 18), she having been sent back to her 
 father by Moses (Ex. xviii. 2), though she 
 set off to accompany him, and went part 
 of the way with him. 3. One of the sons 
 of Becher, the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. 
 vii. 8). 4. A priest in the reign of David 
 (1 Chr. xv. 24). 5. Son of Zichri, ruler 
 of the Reubenites in the reign of David (1 
 Chr. xxvii. 16). 6. Son of Dodavah, of 
 Mareshahin Judah (2 Chr. xx. 37), a proph- 
 et, who rebuked Jehoshaphat for joining 
 himself with Ahaziah king of Israel. 7. 
 A chief Israelite a "man of understand- 
 ing" whom Ezra sent with others from 
 Ahava to Casiphia, to induce some Levites 
 and Nethinim to accompany him to Jeru- 
 salem (Ezr. viii. 16). 8, 9, 1O. A priest, 
 a Levite, and an Israelite of the sons of 
 Harim, who, in the time of Ezra, had mar- 
 ried foreign wives (Ezr. x. 18, 23^ 31). 11. 
 Son of Jorim, in the genealogy of Christ 
 (Luke ii. 29). 
 
 Elihoe'nai, son of Zerahiah, one of the 
 Bene-Pahath-moab, who with 200 men re- 
 turned from the Captivity with Ezra (Ezr. 
 viii. 4). 
 
 Eliho'reph, son of Shisha, and one of 
 Solomon's scribes (IK. iv. 3). 
 
 Eli'hu. 1. One of the interlocutors in the - 
 book of Job. [JoB.] He is described as 
 the " son of Barachel the Buzite," and thus 
 apparently referred to the family of Buz, 
 the son of Nahor, and nephew of Abra- 
 ham (Gen. xxii. 21). 2. Son of Tohu; a 
 forefather of Samuel the prophet (1 Sam. 
 i. 1). 3. In 1 Chr. xxvii. 18, Elihu "ol 
 the brethren of David " is mentioned as the 
 chief of the tribe of J.idah. 4. One of 
 the captains of the thousands of Manasseh 
 (1 Chr. xii. 20) who followed David to 
 Ziklag after he had left the Philistine army 
 on the eve of the battle of Gilboa. 5. A,
 
 ELIJAH 
 
 ELIJAH 
 
 Korhite Levite in the time of David ; one 
 of the doorkeepers of the house of Jehovah. 
 He was a son of Shemaiah, aud of the fam- 
 ily of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). 
 
 Eli'jah. has been well entitled "the 
 grandest and the most romantic character 
 that Israel ever produced." Certainly 
 there is no personage in the O. T. whose 
 career is more vividly portrayed, or who 
 exercises on us a more remarkable fasci- 
 nation. "Elijah the Tishbite of the in- 
 habitants of Gilead," is literally all that 
 is given us to know of his parentage 
 and locality. To an Israelite of the tribes 
 west of Jordan the title " Gileadite " 
 must have conveyed a similar impression, 
 though in a far stronger degree, to that 
 which the title " Celt" does to us. What 
 the Highlands were a century ago to the 
 towns in the Lowlands of Scotland, that, 
 and more than that, must Gilead have been 
 to Samaria or Jerusalem. It is impossible 
 rightly to estimate his character without 
 recollecting this fact. It is seen at every 
 turn. Of his appearance as he " stood be- 
 fore " Ahab, with the suddenness of motion 
 to this day characteristic of the Bedouins 
 from his native hills, we can perhaps re- 
 alize something from the touches, few, but 
 strong, of the narrative. His chief char- 
 acteristic was his hair, long and thick, and 
 hanging down his back ; which, if not be- 
 tokening the immense strength of Samson, 
 yet accompanied powers of endurance no 
 less remarkable. His ordinary clothing 
 consisted of a girdle of skin round his 
 loins, which he tightened when about to 
 move quickly (1 K. xviii. 46). But in ad- 
 dition to this he occasionally wore the 
 " mantle," or cape, of sheepskin, which 
 has supplied us with one of our most fa- 
 miliar figures of speech. In this mantle, 
 in moments of emotion, he would hide his 
 face (1 K. xix. 13), or when excited would 
 roll it up as into a kind of staff. The soli- 
 tary life in which these external peculiari- 
 ties had been assumed had also nurtured 
 that fierceness of zeal and that directness 
 of address which so distinguished him. It 
 was in the wild loneliness of the hills and 
 ravines of Gilead that the knowledge of 
 Jehovah, the living God of Israel, had been 
 impressed on his mind, which was to form 
 the subject of his mission to the idolatrous 
 court and country of Israel. The northern 
 kingdom had at this time forsaken almost en- 
 tirely the faith of Jehovah. The worship of 
 the calves had been a departure from Him ; 
 but still it would appear that even in the 
 presence of the calves Jehovah was ac- 
 knowledged, and they were at any rate a 
 national institution, not one imported from 
 the idolatries of any of the surrounding 
 countries. But the case was quite differ- 
 ent when Ahab introduced the foreign reli- 
 gion of his wife's family, the worship of 
 
 the Phoenician Baal. It is as a witness 
 against these two evils that Elijah comes 
 forward. 1. What we may call the first 
 Act in his life embraces between three and 
 four years three years and six months 
 for the duration of the drought, according 
 to the statements of the New Testament 
 (Luke iv. 25 ; James v. 17), and three or 
 four months more for the journey to Horeb, 
 and the return to Gilead (IK. xvii. 1-xix. 
 21). His introduction is of the most 
 startling description : he suddenly appears 
 before Ahab, as with the unrestrained free- 
 dom of eastern manners he would have no 
 difficulty in doing, and proclaims the ven- 
 geance of Jehovah for the apostasy of the 
 king. What immediate action followed on 
 this we are not told; but it is plain that 
 Elijah had to fly before some threatened 
 vengeance either of the king, or more prob- 
 ably of the queen (comp. xix. 2). Per- 
 haps it was at this juncture that Jezebel 
 " cut off the prophets of Jehovah" (1 K. 
 xviii. 4). He was directed to the brook 
 Cherith. There in the hollow of the tor- 
 rent-bed he remained, supported in the 
 miraculous manner with which we are all 
 familiar, till the failing of the brook obliged 
 him to forsake it. His next refuge was at 
 Zarephath, a Phoenician town lying be- 
 tween Tyre and Sidon, certainly the last 
 place at which the enemy of Baal would 
 be looked for. The widow woman in whose 
 house he lived seems, however, to have 
 been an Israelite, and no Baal-worshipper, 
 if we may take her adjuration by "Jeho- 
 vah thy God" as an indication. Here 
 Elijah performed the miracles of prolong- 
 ing the oil and the meal ; and restored the 
 son of the widow to life after his apparent 
 death. In this, or some other retreat, an 
 interval of more than two years must have 
 elapsed. The drought continued, and at 
 last the full horrors of famine, caused by 
 the failure of the crops, descended on Sa- 
 maria. The king and his chief domestic 
 officer divided between them the mournful 
 duty of ascertaining that neither round the 
 springs, which are so frequent a feature of 
 central Palestine, nor in the nooks and 
 crannies of the most shaded torrent-beds, 
 was there any of the herbage left, which 
 in those countries is so certain an indica- 
 tion of the presence of moisture. It is the 
 moment for the reappearance of the proph- 
 | et. He shows himself first to the min- 
 j ister. There, suddenly planted in his path, 
 i is the man whom he and his master have 
 I been seeking for more than three years. 
 | Before the sudden apparition of that wild 
 | figure, and that stern, unbroken counte- 
 nance, Obadiah could not but fall on his 
 j face. Elijah, however, soon calms his agi- 
 i tation " As Jehovah of hosts liveth, be- 
 j fore whom I stand, I will surely sl-ow my- 
 I self to Ahab ; " and thus relieved jf his
 
 ELIJAH 
 
 169 
 
 ELIJAH 
 
 fear that, as on a former occasion, Elijah 
 would disappear before he could return 
 with the king, Obadiah departs to inform 
 Ahab that the man they seek is there. 
 Ahab arrived, Elijah makes his charge 
 " Thou hast forsaken Jehovah and fol- 
 lowed the Baals." He then commands 
 that all Israel be collected to Mount 
 Carmel with the four hundred and fifty 
 prophets of Baal, and the four hun- 
 dred of Asherah (Ashtaroth), the latter 
 being under the especial protection of 
 the queen. There are few more sublime 
 stories in history than this. On the one 
 hand the solitary servant of Jehovah, ac- 
 companied by his one attendant; with his 
 wild shaggy hair, his scanty garb and 
 flheepskin cloak, but with calm dignity of 
 demeanor and the minutest regularity of 
 procedure, repairing the ruined altar of 
 Jehovah with twelve stones on the other 
 hand the 850 prophets of Baal and Ashta- 
 roth, doubtless in all the splendor of their 
 vestments (2 K. x. 22), with the wild din 
 of their vain repetitions and the maddened 
 fury of their disappointed hopes, and the 
 silent people surrounding all. The conclu- 
 sion of the long day need only be glanced 
 at. The fire of Jehovah consuming both 
 sacrifice and altar the prophets of Baal 
 killed, it would seem by Elijah's own 
 hand (xviii. 40) the king, with an apathy 
 aluiost unintelligible, eating and drinking 
 in the very midst of the carnage of his own 
 adherents the rising storm the ride 
 across the plain to Jezreel, a distance of at 
 least 16 miles ; the prophet, with true Arab 
 endurance, running before the chariot, but 
 also with true Arab instinct stopping short 
 of the city, and going no farther than the 
 " entrance of Jezreel." So far the triumph 
 had been complete; but the spirit of Jezebel 
 was not to be so easily overcome, and her 
 first act is a vow of vengeance against the 
 author of this destruction. Elijah takes 
 refuge in flight. The danger was great, 
 and the refuge must be distant. The first 
 stage on the journey was Beersheba. Here 
 Elijah halted. His servant he left in the 
 town ; while he himself set out alone into 
 the wilderness. His spirit is quite brok- 
 en, and he wanders forth over the dreary 
 sweeps of those rocky hills wishing for 
 death. But God, who had brought His 
 servant into this difficulty, provided him 
 with the means of escaping from it. The 
 prophet was wakened from his dream of 
 despondency beneath the solitary bush of 
 the wilderness, was fed with the bread and 
 the vater which to this day are all a Bed- 
 ouin's requirements, and went forward, in 
 the strength of that food, a journey of forty 
 days to the mount of God, even to Horeb. 
 Here, in the cave, one of the numerous 
 caverns in those awful mountains, he re- 
 mained for certainly one night. In the 
 
 morning came the "word of Jehovah" 
 the question, " What doest thou here, 
 Elijah?" In answer to this invitation the 
 prophet opens his griefs. The reply comes 
 in that ambiguous and indirect form in 
 which it seems necessary that the. deepest 
 communications with the human mind 
 should be couched, to be effectual. He is 
 directed to leave the cavern and stand on 
 the mountain in the open air, face to face 
 with Jehovah. Then, as before with Moses 
 (Ex. xxxiv. 6), " The Lord passed by," 
 passed in all the terror of His most appall- 
 ing manifestations ; and penetrating the 
 dead silence which followed these, came 
 the mysterious symbol the "still small 
 voice," and still as it was it spoke in louder 
 accents to the wounded heart of Elijah than 
 the roar and blaze which had preceded it. 
 To him no less unmistakably than to Moses, 
 centuries before, it was proclaimed that 
 Jehovah was " merciful and gracious, long- 
 suffering and abundant in goodness and 
 truth." Elijah knew the call, and at once 
 stepping forward and hiding his face in 
 his mantle, stood waiting for the Di- 
 vine communication. Three commands 
 were laid on him three changes were to 
 be made. Of these three commands the 
 two first were reserved for Elisha to ac- 
 complish, the last only was executed by 
 Elijah himself. His first search was for 
 Elisha. Apparently he soon found him; 
 we must conclude at his native place, Abel- 
 meholah. Elisha was ploughing at the 
 time, and Elijah "passed over to him" 
 possibly crossed the river and cast his 
 mantle, the well-known sheepskin cloak, 
 upon him, as if, by that familiar action, 
 claiming him for his son. A moment of 
 hesitation, and then commenced that long 
 period of service and intercourse which 
 continued till Elijah's removal, and which 
 after that time procured for Elisha one of 
 the best titles to esteem and reverence 
 " Elisha the son of Shaphat, who poured 
 water on the hands of Elijah." 2. Ahab 
 and Jezebel now probably believed that 
 their threats had been effectual, and that 
 they had seen the last of their tormentor. 
 After the murder of Naboth, Ahab loses no 
 time in entering on his new acquisition. 
 But his triumph was a short one. Elijah 
 had received an intimation from Jehovah 
 of what was taking place, and rapidly as 
 the accusation and death of Naboth had 
 been hurried over, he was there to meet 
 his ancient enemy on the very scene of his 
 crime. And then follows the curse, in 
 terms fearful to any Oriental peculiarly 
 terrible to a Jew and most of all signifi- 
 cant to a successor of the apostate princes 
 of the northern kingdom. The whole of 
 ! Elijah's denunciation may possibly be re- 
 | covered by putting together the words re- 
 ! called by Jehu, 2 K. ix. 26, 36, 37, and
 
 ELIJAH 
 
 170 
 
 ELIOENAI 
 
 those given in 1 K. xxi. 19-25. 3. A 
 
 space of three or four years now elapses 
 (comp. 1 K. xxii. 1,51, 2 K. i. 17) before 
 we again catch a glimpse of Elijah. Ahazi- 
 ah has met with a fatal accident, and is on 
 his death-bed (2 K. i. 1, 2; 1 K. xxii. 51). 
 In his extremity he sends to an oracle or 
 shrine of Baal at the Philistine town of 
 Ekron, to ascertain the issue of his illness. 
 But the oracle is nearer at hand than the 
 distant Ekron. An intimation is conveyed 
 to the prophet, probably at that time inhab- 
 iting one of the recesses of Carmel, and, as 
 on the former occasions, he suddenly ap- 
 pears on the path of the messengers, with- 
 out preface or inquiry utters his message of 
 death, and as rapidly disappears. But this 
 check only roused the wrath of Ahaziah. A 
 captain was despatched, with a party of fifty, 
 to take Elijah prisoner. " And there came 
 down fire from heaven and consumed him 
 and his fifty." A second party was sent, 
 only to meet the same fate. The altered 
 tone of the leader of a third party brought 
 Elijah down. But the king gained nothing. 
 The message was delivered to his face in 
 the same words as it had been to the mes- 
 sengers, and Elijah was allowed to go 
 harmless. 4. It must have been shortly 
 after the death of Ahaziah that Elijah made 
 a communication with the southern king- 
 dom. When Jehoram the son of Jehosha- 
 phat began " to walk in the ways of the 
 kings of Israel," Elijah sent him a letter 
 denouncing his evil doings, and predicting 
 his death (2 Chr. xxi. 12-15.) In its con- 
 tents the letter bears a strong resemblance 
 to the speeches of Elijah, while in the 
 dttails of style it is very peculiar, and quite 
 different from the narrative in which it is 
 embedded. 5. The closing transaction of 
 Elijah's life introduces us to a locality 
 heretofore unconnected with him. It was 
 at GILGAL probably on the western edge 
 of the hills of Ephraim that the prophet 
 received the divine intimation that his de- 
 parture was at hand. He was at the time 
 with Elisha, who seems now to have become 
 his constant companion, and whom he 
 endeavors to persuade to remain behind 
 while he goes on an errand of Jehovah. But 
 Elisha will not so easily give up his mas- 
 ter. They went together to Bethel. Again 
 Elijah attempts to escape to Jericho, and 
 again Elisha protests that he will not be 
 separated from him. At Jericho he makes 
 a final effort to avoid what they both so 
 much dread. But Elisha is not to be con- 
 quered, and the two set off across the 
 undulating plain of burning sand, to the 
 distant river Elijah in his mantle or cape 
 of sheepskin, Elisha in ordinary clothes. 
 Fifty men of the sons of the prophets ascend 
 the abrupt heights behind the town to watch 
 what happens in the distance. Talking as 
 they go, the two reach the river, and stand 
 
 on the shelving bank beside its swift brown 
 current. But they are not to stop even 
 here. It is as if the aged Gileadite cannot 
 rest till he again sets foot on his own side 
 of the river. He rolls up his mantle as into 
 a staff, and with his old energy strikes the 
 waters as Moses had done before him, 
 strikes them as if they were an enemy ; and 
 they are divided hither and thither, and 
 they two go over on dry ground. " And it 
 came to pass as they still went on and 
 talked, that, behold, a chariot of fire and 
 horses of fire, and parted them both asun- 
 der, and Elijah went up by the whirlwind in- 
 to the skies." And here ends all the direct 
 information which is vouchsafed to us of the 
 life and work of this great prophet. How 
 deep was the impression which he made on 
 the mind of the nation may be judged of from 
 the fixed belief which many centuries after 
 prevailed that Elijah would again appear for 
 the relief and restoration of his country. 
 But on the other hand, the deep impression 
 which Elijah had thus made on his nation 
 only renders more remarkable the departure 
 which the image conveyed by the later 
 references to him evinces, from that so 
 sharply presented in the records of his 
 actual life. With the exception of the 
 eulogiums contained in the catalogues of 
 worthies in the book of Jesus the son of 
 Sirach (xlviii.) and 1 Mace. ii. 58, and the 
 passing allusion in Luke ix. 54, none of 
 these later references allude to his works 
 of destruction or of portent. They all set 
 forth a very different side of his character 
 to that brought out in the historical nar- 
 rative. They speak of his being a man 
 of like passions with ourselves (James v. 
 17) ; of his kindness to the widow of Sarep- 
 ta (Luke iv. 25); of his "restoring all 
 things " (Matt. xvii. 11) ; "turning the hearts 
 of the fathers to the children, and the diso- 
 bedient to the wisdom of the just " (Mai. iv. 
 5, 6; Luke i. 17). 2. A priest of the sons 
 of Harim, who had married a foreign wife 
 (Ezr. x. 21). 
 
 El'ika. a Harodite, one of David's guard 
 (2 Sam. xxiii. 25). 
 
 E'lim (Ex. xv. 27 ; Num. xxxiii. 9), the 
 second station where the Israelites en- 
 camped after crossing the Red Sea. It is 
 distinguished as having had "twelve wells 
 (rather ' fountains ') of water, and three- 
 score and ten palm-trees." 
 
 Elim'elech, a man of the tribe of Judah, 
 and of the family of the Hezronites, who 
 dwelt in Bethlehem-Ephratah in the days 
 of the Judges. In consequence of a great 
 dearth in the land he went with his wife 
 Naomi, and his two sons, Mahlon and Chil- 
 ion, to dwell in Moab, where he and his sons 
 died without posterity (Ruth i. 2, 3, &c.). 
 
 Elioe'nai. 1. Eldest son of Neariah, 
 the son of Shemaiah (1 Chr. iii. 23, 24). 2. 
 Head of a family of the Simeonites (1 Chr.
 
 ELIPIIAL 
 
 171 
 
 ELISHA 
 
 iv. 36). 3. Head of one of the families of 
 the sons of Becher, the son of Benjamin (1 
 Chr. vii. 8). 4. Seventh son of Meshele- 
 miah, the son of Kore, of the sons of Asaph, 
 a Korhite Levite, and one of the door-keep- 
 ers of the " house of Jehovah " (1 -Chr. 
 xxvi. 3). 5. A priest of the sons of Pashur, 
 in the days ol Ezra, one of those who had 
 married foreign wives (Ezr. x. 22). He is 
 possibly the same as, 6. who is mentioned 
 in Neh. xii. 41, as one of the priests who 
 accompanied Nehemiah with trumpets at 
 the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem. 
 7. An Israelite, of the sons of Zattu, who 
 had also married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 27). 
 
 El'iphal, son of Ur, one of David's 
 guard (1 Chr. xi. 35). [ELIPHELET, 3.] 
 
 Eliph'alet, the last of the thirteen 
 sons born to David, after his establishment 
 in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 7). 
 [ELIPHELET, 2.] 
 
 El'iphaz. 1. The son of Esau and 
 Adah, and father of Teman (Gen. xxxvi. 4; 
 1 Chr. i. 35, 36). 2. The chief of the 
 " three friends " of Job. He is called " the 
 Teinauite ; " hence it is naturally inferred 
 that he was a descendant of Teman. On 
 him falls the main burden of the argument, 
 that God's retribution in this world is per- 
 fect and certain, and that consequently 
 suffering must be a proof of previous sin 
 (Job iv., v., xv., xxii.). The great truth 
 brought out by him is the unapproachable 
 majesty and purity of God (iv. 12-21, xv. 
 12-16). [Jos.] 
 
 Eliph'eleh, a Merarite Levite ; one of 
 the gate-keepers appointed by David to 
 play on the harp " on the Sheminith" on 
 the occasion of bringing up the Ark to the 
 city of David (1 Chr. xv. 18, 21). 
 
 Eliph/elet. 1. The name of a son of 
 David, one of the children born to him after 
 his establishment in Jerusalem (1 Chr. iii. 
 6). 2. Another son of David, belonging 
 also to the Jerusalem family, and apparent- 
 ly the last of his sons (1 Chr. iii. 8). 3. 
 Son of Ahasbai, son of the Maachathite. 
 One of the thirty warriors of David's guard 
 (2 Sam. xxiii. 34). 4. Son of Eshek, a de- 
 scendant of king Saul through Jonathan (1 
 Chr. viii. 39). 5. One of the leaders of the 
 Bene-Adonikam, who returned from Baby- 
 lon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13). 6. A man 
 of the Bene-Hashum in the time of Ezra 
 who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 33). 
 
 Elis'abeth, the wife of Zacharias and 
 mother of John the Baptist. She was her- 
 self of the priestly family, and a relation 
 (Luke i. 36) of the mother of our Lord. 
 
 Elise'us, the form in which the name 
 ELISHA appears in the A. V. of the Apocry- 
 pha and the N. T. (Ecclus. xlviii. 12 ; Luke 
 iv. 27). 
 
 Eli'sha, sun of Shaphat of Abel-me- 
 holah ; the attendant and disciple of Eli- 
 jah, and subsequently his successor as 
 
 prophet of the kingdom of Israel. 1. The 
 earliest mention of his name is in the com- 
 mand to Elijah in the cave at Horcb (1 K. 
 xix. 16, 17). But our first introduction to 
 the future prophet is in the fields of his 
 native place. Abel-meholah was probably 
 in the valley of the Jordan. Elijah, on his 
 way from Sinai to Damascus by the Jordan 
 valley, lights on his successor engaged in 
 the labors of the field. To cross to him, to 
 throw over his shoulders the rough mantle 
 a token at once of investiture with the 
 prophet's office, and of adoption as a son 
 was to Elijah but the work of an instant, 
 and the prophet strode on as if what he 
 had done were nothing " Go back again, 
 for what have I done unto thee ? " Elisha 
 was not a man who, having put his hand to 
 the plough, was likely to look back ; he de- 
 layed merely to give the farewell kiss to his 
 father and mother, and preside at a parting 
 feast with his people, and then followed the 
 great prophet on his northward road. Sev- 
 en or eight years must have passed between 
 the call of Elisha and the removal of hia 
 master, and during the whole of that time 
 we hear nothing of him. But when that 
 period had elapsed he reappears, to become 
 the most prominent figure in the history of 
 his country during the rest of his long life. 
 In almost every respect Elisha presents the 
 most complete contrast to Elijah. The co- 
 pious collection of his sayings and doings 
 which are preserved from the 3d to the 9th 
 chapter of the 2d book of Kings, is full of 
 testimonies to this contrast. Elijah was a 
 true Bedouin child of the desert. If he 
 enters a city it is only to deliver his mes- 
 sage of fire and be gone. Elisha, on the 
 other hand, is a civilized man, an inhab- 
 itant of cities. And as with his man- 
 ners so with his appearance. The touches 
 of the narrative are very slight; but we 
 can gather that his dress was the ordinary 
 garment of an Israelite, the beged, prob- 
 ably similar in form to the long abbeyeh of 
 the modern Syrians (2 K. ii. 12), that his 
 hair was worn trimmed behind, in contrast 
 to the disordered locks of Elijah ji. 23, 
 as explained below), and that he used a 
 walking-staff (iv. 29) of the kind ordinari- 
 ly carried by grave or aged citizens (Zech. 
 viii. 4). The call of Elisha seems to have 
 taken place about four years before the 
 death of Ahab. He died in the reign of 
 Joash, the grandson of Jehu. This em- 
 braces a period of not less than 65 years, 
 for certainly 55 of which he held the office 
 of "prophet in Israel " (2 K. v. 8). After 
 the departure of his master, Elisha returned 
 to dwell at Jericho (2 K. ii. 18) . The town 
 had been lately rebuilt (1 K. xvi. 34), and 
 was the residence of a body of the " sons 
 of the prophets " (2 K. ii. 5, 15). One of 
 the springs of Jericho was noxious at the 
 time of Elisha's visit. At the request of
 
 ELISHA 
 
 172 
 
 ELISHA 
 
 the men of Jericho he remedied this evil. | 
 He took salt in a new vessel, and cast it | 
 into the water at its source in the name of 
 Jehovah. 2. \Ve next meet with Elisha at 
 Bethel, in the heart of the country, on his 
 way from Jericho to Mount Carmel (2 K. 
 ii. 23). His last visit had been made in 
 company with Elijah on their road down 
 to the Jordan (ii. 2). Here the boys of 
 the town were clustered, waiting, as they 
 still wait at the entrance of the villages of j 
 Palestine, for the chance passer-by. In 
 the short-trimmed locks of Elisha, how 
 were they to recognize the successor of the 
 prophet, with whose shaggy hair streaming 
 over his shoulders they were all familiar ? 
 So with the license of the Eastern children 
 they scoff at the new comer as he walks 
 by "Go up, roundhead! go up, round- 
 head ! " For once Elisha assumed the 
 sternness of his master. He turned upon 
 them and cursed them in the name of Je- 
 hovah, and we all know the catastrophe 
 which followed. 3. Elisha extricates Je- 
 horam king of Israel, and the kings of Ju- 
 dah and Edom, from their difficulty in the 
 campaign against Moab, arising from want 
 of water (iii. 4-27). This incident proba- 
 bly took place at the S. E. end of the Dead 
 Sea. 4. The widow of one of the sons 
 of the prophets is in debt, and her two sons 
 are about to be taken from her and sold as 
 slaves. She has no property but a pot of 
 oil. This Elisha causes (in his absence, 
 iv. 5) to multiply, until the widow has filled 
 with it all the vessels which she could bor- 
 row. 5. The next occurrence is at Shu- 
 nem and Mount Carmel (iv. 8-37). The 
 story divides itself into two parts, separate'd 
 from each other by several years, (a.) 
 Elisha, probably on his way between 
 Carmel and the Jordan valley, calls acci- 
 dentally at Shunem. Here he is hospi- 
 tably entertained by a woman of sub- 
 stance, apparently at that time ignorant 
 of the character of her guest. There is 
 no occasion here to quote the details of 
 this charming narrative. (6.) An interval 
 has elapsed of several years. The boy is 
 now old enough to accompany his father 
 to the corn-field, where the harvest is pro- 
 ceeding. The fierce rays of the morning 
 sun are too powerful for him, and he is 
 carried home to his mother only to die at 
 noon. She says nothing of their loss to 
 her husband, but depositing her child on 
 the bed of the man of God, at once starts 
 in quest of him to Mount Carmel. No ex- 
 planation is needed to tell Elisha the exact 
 state of the case. The heat of the season 
 will allow of no delay in taking the neces- j 
 sary steps, &nd Gehazi is at once despatched 
 to run hack to Shunem with the utmost ' 
 speed. He takes the prophet's walking- 
 staff in his hand, which he is to lay on the 
 face of the child. The mother and Elisha ; 
 
 follow in haste. Before they reach the 
 village the sun of that long, anxious, sum- 
 mer afternoon must have set. Gehazi 
 meets them on the road, but he has no re- 
 assuring report to give ; the placing of the 
 staff on the face of the dead boy had called 
 forth no sign of life. Then Elisha enters 
 the house, goes up to Ms own chamber, 
 " and he shut the door on them twain and 
 prayed unto Jehovah." The child is re- 
 stored to life. 6. The scene now changes 
 to Gilgal, apparently at a time when Elisha 
 was residing there (iv. 38-41). The sons 
 of the prophets are sitting round him. It 
 is a time of famine. The food of the party 
 must consist of any herbs that can be 
 found. The great caldron is put on at 
 the command of Elisha, and one of the 
 company brings his blanket full of such 
 wild vegetables as he has collected, and 
 empties it into the pottage. But no sooner 
 have they begun their meal than the taste 
 betrays the presence of some noxious herb, 
 and they cry out, " There is death in the 
 pot, O man of God ! " In this case the 
 cure was effected by meal which Eli.sha 
 cast into the stew in the caldron. 7. (iv. 
 42-44). This in all probability belongs to 
 the same time, and also to the same place, 
 as the preceding. A man from Baal- 
 shalisha brings the man of God a present 
 of the first-fruits, which under the law 
 (Num. xviii. 8, 12; Deut. xviii. 3, 4) were 
 the perquisite of the ministers of the sanc- 
 tuary. 8. The simple records of these 
 dpmestic incidents amongst the sons of the 
 prophets are now interrupted by an occur- 
 rence of a more important character (v. 
 1-27). The chief captain of the army of 
 Syria, to whom his country was indebted 
 for some signal success, was afflicted wi.th 
 leprosy (v. 27). One of the members of 
 his establishment is an Israelite girl, kid- 
 napped by the marauders of Syria in one 
 of their forays over the border, and she 
 brings into that Syrian household the fame 
 of the name and skill of Elisha. The news 
 is communicated by Naaman himself to the 
 king. Benhadad had yet to learn the posi- 
 tion and character of Elisha. He writes to 
 the king of Israel a letter very characteris- 
 tic of a military prince. With this letter, 
 and with a present, and a full retinue of 
 attendants (13, 15, 23), Naaman proceeds 
 to. Samaria, to the house of Elisha. Elisha 
 still keeps in the background, and while 
 Naaman stands at the doorway, contents 
 himself with sending out a messenger with 
 the simple direction to bathe seven times 
 in the Jordan. The independent behavior 
 of the prophet, and the simplicity of the 
 prescription, all combined to enrage Naa- 
 man. His slaves, however, knew how to 
 deal with the quick but not ungenerous 
 temper of their master, and the result is, 
 that he goes down to the Jordan and dips
 
 ELISHA 
 
 ELISHA 
 
 himself seven times, " and his flesh came 
 again like the flesh of a little child, and he 
 was clean." His first business after his 
 cure is to thank his benefactor. He re- 
 turns with his whole following, and this 
 time he will not be denied the presence of 
 Elisha ; but making his way in, and stand- 
 ing before hirn, he gratefully acknowledges 
 the power of the God of Israel, and en- 
 treats him to accept the present which he 
 has brought from Damascus. Elisha is 
 firm, and refuses the offer, though re- 
 peated with the strongest adjuration. But 
 Gehazi cannot allow such treasures thus 
 to escape him. So he frames a story by 
 which the generous Naaman is made to 
 eend back with him to Elisha's house a 
 considerable present in money and clothes. 
 He then went in and stood before his mas- 
 ter as if nothing had happened. But the 
 prophet was not to be so deceived. His 
 heart had gone after his servant through 
 the whole transaction, even to its minutest 
 details, and he visits Gehazi with the tre- 
 mendous punishment of the leprosy, from 
 which he has just relieved Naaman. 9. 
 (vi. 1-7). We now return to the sons of 
 the prophets ; but this time the scene ap- 
 pears to be changed, and is probably at 
 Jericho, and during the residence of Elisha 
 there. As one of them was cutting at a 
 tree overhanging the stream, the iron of his 
 axe flew off and sank into the water. His 
 cry soon brought the man of God to his aid. 
 The stream of the Jordan is deep up to the 
 very bank, especially when the water is so 
 low as to leave the wood dry, and is more- 
 over so turbid that search would be useless. 
 But the place at which the lost axe en- 
 tered the water is shown to Elisha ; he breaks 
 off a stick and casts it into the stream, and 
 the iron appears on the surface, and is re- 
 covered by its possessor. . 10. (vi. 8-23). 
 Elisha is now residing at Dothan, half way 
 on the road between Samaria and Jezreel. 
 The incursions of the Syrian marauding 
 bands (comp. T. 2) still continue. Their 
 manoeuvres are not hid from the man of 
 God, and by his warnings he saves the king 
 41 not once nor twice." A strong party 
 with chariots is despatched to effect the 
 capture of Elisha. They march by night, 
 and before morning take up their station 
 round the base of the eminence on which 
 the ruins of Dothan still stand. Elisha's 
 servant is the first to discover the danger. 
 But Elisha remains unmoved by his fears. 
 He prays to Jehovah, and the whole of the 
 Syrian warriors are struck blind. Then 
 descending, he offers to lead them to the 
 person and the place which they seek. He 
 conducts them to Samaria. There, at the 
 prayer of the prophet, their sight is restored, 
 *nd they find themselves not in a retired 
 country village, but in the midst of the 
 capital of Israel, and in the presence of 
 
 the king and his troops. After such a re- 
 pulse it is not surprising that the maraud- 
 ing forays of the Syrian troops ceased. 11. 
 (vi. 24-vii. 2). But the king of Syria 
 could not rest under such dishonor. He 
 abandons his marauding system, and gathers 
 a regular army, with which he lays siege to 
 ] Samaria. The awful extremities to which 
 ! the inhabitants of the place were driven 
 ; need not here be recalled. 12. (viii. 1-6). 
 We now go back several years to an inci- 
 dent connected with the lady of Shunem, 
 at a period antecedent to the cure of Naa- 
 man and the transfer of his leprosy to 
 Gehazi (v. 1, 27). Elisha had been made 
 aware of a famine which Jehovah was about 
 to bring upon the land for seven years ; and 
 he had warned his friend the Shunarnmite 
 thereof that she might provide for her safety. 
 At the end of the seven years she returned 
 to her native place, to find that during her 
 absence her house with the field-land at- 
 tached to it had been appropriated by some 
 other person. To the king therefore the 
 Shunammite had recourse. And now oc- 
 curred one of those rare coincidences which 
 it is impossible not to ascribe to something 
 more than mere chance. At the very mo- 
 ment of the entrance of the woman and 
 her son the king was listening to a recital^ 
 by Gehazi of " all the great tilings which 
 Elisha had done." The woman was in- 
 stantly recognized by Gehazi. From her 
 own mouth the king hears the repetition 
 of the wonderful tale, and, whether from 
 regard to Elisha, or struck by the extraor- 
 dinary coincidence, orders her land to be 
 restored with the value of all its produce 
 during her absence. 13. (viii. 7-15). 
 Hitherto we have met with the prophet 
 only in his own country. We now find 
 him at Damascus. He is there to carry 
 out the command given to Elijah on Horeb 
 to anoint Hazael to be king over Syria. 
 At the time of his arrival Benhadad was 
 prostrate with his last illness. The king's 
 first desire is naturally to ascertain his 
 own fate ; and Hazael is commissioned to 
 be the bearer of a present to the prophet, 
 and to ask the question on the part of 
 his master, " Shall I recover of this dis- 
 ease ? " The reply, probably originally 
 ambiguous, is doubly uncertain in the pres- 
 ent doubtful state of the Hebrew text ; but 
 the general conclusion was unmistakable : 
 " Jehovah hath showed me that he shall 
 surely die." But this was not all that had 
 been revealed to the prophet. If Benhadad 
 died, who would be king in his stead but 
 the man who now stood before him ? The 
 prospect was one which drew forth the tears 
 of the man of God. At Hazael's request 
 Elisha confesses the reason of his tears. 
 But the prospect is one which has no sor- 
 row for Hazael. His only doubt is the 
 possibility of such good fortune for one so
 
 ELISHAH 
 
 174 
 
 ELON 
 
 mean. " But what is thy slave, dog that 
 he is, that he should do this great thing? " 
 To which Elisha replies, " Jehovah hath 
 showed me that thou wilt be king over 
 Syria," Returning to the king, Hazael 
 tells him only half the dark saying of the 
 man of God "He told me that thou 
 shouldest surely recover." But that was 
 the last day of Benhadad's life. 14. (ix. 
 1-10). Two of the injunctions laid on 
 Elijah had now been carried out ; the third 
 still remained. The time was come for 
 the fulfilment of the curse upon Ahab by 
 anointing Jehu king over Israel. Elisha's 
 personal share in the transaction was con- 
 fined to giving directions to one of the 
 sons of the .prophets. [JEHU.] 15. Be- 
 yond this we have no record of Elisha's 
 having taken any part in the revolution of 
 Jehu, or the events which followed it. He 
 does not again appear till we find him on 
 his death-bed in his own house (xiii. 14- 
 19). 16. (xiii. 20-22). The power of the 
 prophet, however, does not terminate with 
 his death. Even in the tomb he restores the 
 dead to life. 
 
 Eli'shah, the eldest son of Javan (Gen. 
 x. 4) . The residence of his descendants is 
 described in Ez. xxvii. 7, as the " isles of 
 Elishah," whence the Phoenicians obtained 
 their purple and blue dyes. Some connect 
 the race of Elishah with the Aeolians, 
 others with Elis, and in a more extended 
 sense Peloponnesus, or even Hellas. It 
 appears correct to treat it as the designa- 
 tion of a race rather than of a locality. 
 
 Elish'ama. 1. Son of Ammihud, the 
 "prince" or "captain" of the tribe of 
 Ephraim in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. 
 i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48, x. 22). From 1 Chr. 
 vii. 26 we find that he was grandfather to 
 the great Joshua. 2. A son of King David, 
 born to Mm of his wives after his establish- 
 ment in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ; 1 Chr. 
 iii. 8, xiv. 7.) 3. Another son of David (1 
 Chr. iii. 6) , who in the other lists is called 
 ELISHUA. 4. A descendant of Judah ; the 
 son of Jekamiah (1 Chr. ii. 41). 5. The 
 father of Nethaniah and grandfather of Ish- 
 mael (2 K. xxv. 25 ; Jer. xli. 1). 6. Scribe 
 to king Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 12, 20, 21). 
 7. A priest in the time of Jehoshaphat (2 
 Chr. xvii. 1). 
 
 Elish. aphat. son of Zichri ; one of the 
 captains of hundreds in the time of Jehoiada 
 (2 Clir. xxiii. 8). 
 
 Elish'eba, the wife of Aaron (Ex. vi. 
 23). She was the daughter of Amminadab, 
 and sister of Naashon the captain of the 
 host of Judah (Num. ii. 3). 
 
 Elishu'a, one of David's sons, born after 
 his settlement in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 15 ; 
 1 Chr. xiv. 5). 
 
 E'liud, sou of Achim in the genealogy 
 of Christ (Matt. i. 15). 
 
 Eliz'aphau. 1. A Levite, son of Uz- 
 
 ziel, chief of the house of the Kohathites 
 at the time of the census in the wilderness 
 of Sinai (Num. iii. 30). 2. Son of Par- 
 nach ; prince of the tribe of Zebulun (Num. 
 xxxiv. 25). 
 
 Eli'zur, son of Shedeur ; prince of the 
 tribe, and over the host of Reuben (Num. 
 i. 5, ii. 10, vii. 30, 35, x. 18). 
 
 El'kanah.. 1. Son, or rather grandson 
 (see 1 Chr. vi. 22, 23 [7, 8]), of Korah, ac- 
 cording to Ex. vi. 24. 2. A descendant of 
 the above in the line of Ahimoth, otherwise 
 Mahath, 1 Chr. vi. 26, 35 (Heb. 11, 20). 
 3. Another Kohathite Levite, was son of 
 Jeroham, and father of Samuel the illus- 
 trious Judge and Prophet (1 Chr. vi. 27, 
 34). All that is known of him is contained 
 in the above notices and in 1 Sam. i. 1, 4, 
 8, 19, 21, 23, and ii. 2, 20. 4. A Levite 
 (1 Chr. ix. 16). 5. A Korhite who joined 
 David while he was at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 
 6). 0. An officer in the household of Ahaz, 
 king of Judah, who was slain by Zichri the 
 Ephraimite, when Pekah invaded Judah. 
 (2 Chr. xxviii. 7). 
 
 El'kosh, the birthplace of the prophet 
 Nahum, hence called " the Elkoshite," 
 Nah. i. 1. Two widely differing Jewish 
 traditions assign as widely different locali- 
 ties to this place. In the time of Jerome 
 it was believed to exist in a small village 
 of Galilee. Others assign it to Alkush, a 
 village on the east bank of the Tigris, 
 about two miles north of Mosul. The for- 
 mer is more in accordance with the internal 
 evidence afforded by the prophecy, which 
 gives no sign of having been written in As- 
 syria. 
 
 Ellasar, the city of Arioch (Gen. xiv. 
 1), seems to be the Hebrew representative 
 of the old Chaldaean town called in the 
 native dialect Larsa or Larancha. Larsa 
 wa a town of Lower Babylonia or Chaldaea, 
 situated nearly half way between Ur (Mug- 
 heir) and Erech ( Warka), on the left bank 
 of the Euphrates. It is now Senkereh. 
 
 Elm, Hos. iv. 13. See OAK. 
 
 Elmo'dam. son of Er, in the genealo- 
 gy of Joseph (Luke iii. 28). 
 
 Elnaam. the father of Jeribai and Josh- 
 aviah, two of David's guard, according to 
 1 Chr. xi. 46. 
 
 El'nathan. 1. The maternal grand- 
 father of Jehoiachin (2K. xxiv. 8) is doubt- 
 less the same man with Elnathan the son of 
 Achbor (Jer. xxvi. 22, xxxvi. 12, 25). 2. 
 The name of three persons, apparently Le- 
 vites, in the time of Ezra (Ez. viii. 16). 
 
 E'lon. 1. A Hittite, whose daughter 
 was one of Esau's wives (Gen. xxvi. 34, 
 xxxvi. 2). 2. The second of the three 
 sons attributed to Zebulun (Gen. xlvi. 14 ; 
 Num. xxvi. 26) ; and the founder of the 
 family of the ELONITES. 3. Elon the Zeb- 
 ulonite, who judged Israel for ten years, and 
 was buried in Aijalon in Zebulun (Judg.
 
 ELON-BETH-HANAN 
 
 175 
 
 EMBROIDEREK 
 
 xli. 11, 12). 4. One of the towns in the 
 border of the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 43). 
 
 E'lon-beth'-hanan is named with 
 two Danite towns as forming one of Solo- 
 mon's commissariat districts (1 K. iv. 9). 
 
 E'lonites, The, Num. xxvi. 26. [ELON, 
 
 H,' 
 
 Eloth, 1 K. ix. 26. [ELATH.] 
 
 Elpa'al, a Benjamite, son of Hushim 
 and brother of Abitub (1 Chr. viii. 11). He 
 was the founder of a numerous family. 
 
 Elpa'let, one of David's sons born in 
 Jerusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 5). 
 
 El-pa'ran. Literally " the terebinth 
 of Paran " (Gen. xiv. 6). [PARAN.] 
 
 El'tekeh., one of the cities in the bor- 
 der of Dan (Josh. xix. 44), which with its 
 suburbs was allotted to the Kohathite Le- 
 vites (xxi. 23). 
 
 El'tekon, one of the towns of the tribe 
 of Judah in the mountains (Josh. xv. 59). 
 It has not yet been identified. 
 
 El'tolad, one of the cities in the south 
 of Judah (Josh. xv. 30) allotted to Simeon 
 (Josh. xix. 4) ; and in possession of that 
 tribe until the time of David (1 Chr. iv. 
 29Y. 
 
 E'lul, Neh. vi. 15; 1 Mace. xiv. 27. 
 [MONTHS.] 
 
 Elu'zai, one of the warriors of Benja- 
 min, wno joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. 
 xii. 5). 
 
 El'ymas, the Arabic name of the Jew- 
 ish magus or sorcerer Barjesus (Acts xiii. 
 6, ff.)- 
 
 El'zabad. 1. One of the Gadite heroes 
 who came across the Jordan to David (1 
 Chr. xii. 12). 2. A Korhite Levite (1 Chr. 
 xxvi. 7). 
 
 Erzaph.au, second son of Uzziel, who 
 was the son of Kohath son of Levi (Ex. 
 vi. 22). 
 
 Embalming, the process by which 
 dead bodies are preserved from putrefac- 
 tion and decay. It was most general 
 among the Egyptians, and it is in connec- 
 tion with this people that the two instances 
 which we meet with in the O. T. are men- 
 tioned (Gen. 1. 2, 26). Of the Egyptian 
 method of embalming there remain two 
 minute accounts, which have a general 
 kind of agreement, though they differ in 
 details. Herodotus (ii. 86-89) describes 
 three modes, varying in completeness and 
 expense, and practised by persons regular- 
 ly trained to the profession who were initi- 
 ated into the mysteries of the art by their 
 ancestors. The embalmers first removed 
 part of the brain through the nostrils, by 
 means of a crooked iron, and destroyed the 
 rest by injecting caustic drugs. An incision 
 was then made along the flank with a sharp 
 Ethiopian stone, and the whole of the in- 
 testines removed. The cavity was rinsed 
 out with palm-wine, and afterwards scoured 
 with pounded perfumes. It was then filled 
 
 with pure myrrh pounded, cassia, and oth 
 er aromatics, except frankincense. This 
 done, the body was sewn up and steeped in 
 natron for seventy days. When the sev- 
 enty days were accomplished, the embalm- 
 ers washed the corpse and swathed it in 
 bandages of linen, cut in strips and smeared 
 with gum. They then gave it up to the 
 relatives of the deceased, who provided for 
 
 The Mummy's Head, Men at an open panel of the coffin. 
 (VYilkinsou.) 
 
 it a wooden case, made in the shape of a 
 man, in which the dead was placed, and de- 
 posited in an erect position against the wall 
 of the sepulchral chamber. The second 
 mode of embalming cost about 20 minae. In 
 this case no incision was made in the body, 
 nor were the intestines removed, but cedar- 
 oil was injected into the stomach by the 
 rectum. The oil was prevented from es- 
 caping, and the body was then steeped in 
 natron for the appointed number of days. 
 On the last day the oil was withdrawn, and 
 carried off with it the stomach and intes- 
 tines in a state of solution, while the flesh 
 vfiis consumed by the natron, and nothing 
 was left but the skin and bones. The body 
 in this state was returned to the relatives 
 of the deceased. The third mode, which 
 was adopted by the poorer classes, and cost 
 but little, consisted in rinsing out the intes- 
 tines with syrmaea, an infusion of senna 
 and cassia, and steeping the body for the 
 usual number of days in natrum. It does 
 not appear that embalming, properly so 
 called, was practised by the Hebrews. 
 
 Embroiderer. This term is given in * 
 the A. V. as the equivalent of rdkt>m,the pro- 
 ductions of the art being described as " nee- 
 dlework" (rikmdh). In Exodus the em- 
 broiderer is contrasted with the " cunning 
 workman " (chdsheb'). Various explana- 
 tions have been offered as to the distinction 
 between them, but most of these overlook 
 the distinction marked in the Bible itself, 
 viz. that the r6km wove simply a varie- 
 gated texture, without gold thread or fig- 
 ures, and that the chdsheb interwove gold 
 thread or figures into the variegated tex- 
 ture. The distinction, as given by the
 
 EMERALD 
 
 176 
 
 EN-DOR 
 
 Talmudists, is this that rikmdh, or " nee- 
 dlework," was where a pattern was attached 
 to the stuff by being sewn on to it on one 
 side, and the work of the chdsh^b when the 
 pattern was worked into the stuff by the 
 loom, and so appeared on both sides. The art 
 of embroidery by the loom was extensively 
 practised among the nations of antiquity. 
 In addition to the Egyptians, the Babyloni- 
 ans were celebrated for it; but embroid- 
 ery in the proper sense of the term, i. e. 
 with the needle, was a Phrygian invention 
 of later date (Plin. viii. 48). 
 
 Emerald, a precious stone, first in the 
 second row on the breastplate of the high- 
 priest (Ex. xxviii. 18, xxxix. 11), imported 
 to Tyre from Syria (Ez. xxvii. 16), used as 
 a seal or signet (Ecclus. xxxii. 6), as an 
 ornament of clothing and bedding (Ez. 
 xxviii. 13 ; Jud. x. 21), and spoken of as 
 one of the foundations of Jerusalem (Rev. 
 xxi. 19; Tob. slii. 16). The rainbow round 
 the throne is compared to Emerald in Rev. 
 iv. 3. 
 
 EmerodS (Deut. xxviii. 27; 1 Sam. v. 
 6, 9, 12, vi. 4, 5, 11). Probably hemorrhoi- 
 dcU tumors, or bleeding piles, are intended. 
 These are very common in Syria at pres- 
 ent, oriental habits of want of exercise and 
 improper food, producing derangement of 
 the liver, constipation, &c., being such as 
 to cause them. 
 
 E'mims, a tribe or family of gigantic 
 stature which originally inhabited the re- 
 gion along the eastern side of the Dead 
 Sea. They were related to the Anakim, 
 and were generally called by the same 
 name ; but their conquerors the Moabites 
 termed them Emini that is, "terrible 
 men " (Deut. ii. 11) most probably on ac- 
 count of their fierce aspect. 
 
 Emman'uel, Matt. i. 23. [!MMAN- 
 UEL.] 
 
 Em'maus, the village to which the two 
 disciples were going when our Lord ap- 
 peared to them on the way, on the day of 
 His resurrection (Luke xxiv. 13). Luke 
 makes its distance from Jerusalem sixty 
 stadia (A. V. "threescore furlongs"), or 
 about ?i miles ; and Josephus mentions " a 
 village called Emmaus " at the same dis- 
 tance. The site of Emmaus remains yet 
 * to be identified. 
 
 Em'maus, or Nicop'olis (1 Mace. Hi. 
 40), a town in the plain of Philistia, at the 
 foot of the mountains of Judah, 22 Roman 
 miles from Jerusalem, and 10 from Lydda. 
 It was fortified by Bacchides, the general of 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, when he was engaged 
 in the war with Jonathan Maccabaeus (1 
 Mace. ix. 50). It was in the plain beside 
 this city that Judas Maccabaeus so signally 
 defeated the Syrians with a mere handful 
 of men, as related in 1 Mace. iii. 57, iv. 3, 
 &c. A small miserable village called 'Amwds 
 still occupies the site of the ancient city. 
 
 Em'mor, the father of Sychem (Acts 
 vii. 16). [HAMOR.] 
 
 En. at the beginning of many Hebrew 
 words, signifies a spring or fountain. 
 
 E'nam, one of the cities of Judah in 
 the Shefelah or lowland (Josh. xv. 34). 
 
 E'nan. Ahira ben-Enan was '-prince" 
 of the tribe of Naphtali at the time of the 
 numbering of Israel in the wilderness of 
 Sinai (Num. i. 15). 
 
 Encampment primarily denoted the 
 resting-place of an army or company of 
 travellers at night (Ex. xvi. 13 ; Gen. xxxii. 
 21), and was hence applied to the army or 
 caravan when on its march (Ex. xiv. 19; 
 Josh. x. 5, xi. 4; Gen. xxxii. 7, 8). Among 
 nomadic tribes war never attained to the 
 dignity of a science, and their encamp- 
 ments were consequently devoid of all the 
 appliances of more systematic warfare. 
 The description of the camp of the Israel- 
 ites, on their march from Egypt (Xum. ii., 
 iii.), supplies the greatest amount of in- 
 formation on the subject. The tabernacle, 
 corresponding to the chieftain's tent of an 
 ordinary encampment, was placed in the 
 centre, and around and facing it (Num. ii. 
 1), arranged in four grand divisions, cor- 
 responding to the four points of the com- 
 pass, lay the host of Israel, according to 
 their standards (Num. i. 52, ii. 2). In the 
 centre, round the tabernacle, and with no 
 standard but the cloudy or fiery pillar which 
 rested over it, were the tents of the priests 
 and Levites. The former, with Moses and 
 Aaron at their head, were encamped on the 
 eastern side. The order of encampment 
 was preserved on the march (Num. ii. 
 17). 
 
 Enchantments. 1. Heb. Utim or 
 lehdtim (Ex. vii. 11, 22, viii. 7), secret 
 arts. 2. Ceshdphim (2 K. ix.22; Mic. v. 
 12; Nah. iii. 4), "muttered spells." The 
 belief in the power of certain formulae was 
 universal in the ancient world. 3. Ll- 
 chdshim (Eccl. x. 11). This word is es- 
 pecially used of the charming of serpents, 
 Jer. viii. 17 (cf. Ps. Iviii. 5 ; Ecclus. xii. 
 13; Eccl. x. 11). 4. The word nechd- 
 shim is used of the enchantments sought 
 by Balaam (Num. xxiv. 1). It properly 
 alludes to ophiomancy, but in this place 
 has a general meaning of endeavoring to 
 gain omens. 5. Ghcber is used for magic 
 (Is. xlvii. 9, 12). Any resort to these meth- 
 ods of imposture was strictly forbidden in 
 Scripture (Lev. xix. 26; Is. xlvii. 9, &c.), 
 but to eradicate the tendency is almost im- 
 possible (2 K. xvii. 17; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 6), 
 and we find it still flourishing at the Chris- 
 tian era (Acts xiii. 6, 8, viii. 9, 11 ; Gal. v. 
 20; Rev. ix. 21). 
 
 En'-dor, a place in the territory of Issa- 
 char, and yet possessed by Manasseh (Josh. 
 xvii. 11). Endor was long held in memory 
 by the Jewish people as connected with the
 
 EN -EGLAIM 
 
 177 
 
 ENOCH, THE BOOK Of 
 
 great victory over Siscra and Jabin. It 
 was here that the witch dwelt whom Saul 
 consulted (1 Sam. xxviii. 7). It was known 
 to Eusebius, who describes it as a large vil- 
 lage 4 miles S. of Tabor. Here to the N. 
 of Jebel Diihy the name still lingers. The 
 distance from the slopes of Gilboa to En- 
 dor is 7 or 8 miles, over difficult ground. 
 
 En-egla'im, a place named only by 
 Ezekiel (xlvii. 10), apparently as on the 
 Dead Sea ; but whether near to or far from 
 Engedi, on the west or east side of the Sea, 
 it is impossible to ascertain. 
 
 En-gan'nim. 1. A city in the low 
 country of Judah, named between Zanoah 
 and Tappuah (Josh. xv. 34). 2. A city on 
 the border of Issachar (Josh. xix. 21), 
 allotted with its "suburbs" to theGershon- 
 ite Levites (xxi. 29), probably Jenin, the 
 first village encountered on the ascent from 
 the great plain of Esdraelon into the hills 
 of the central country. 
 
 En'gedi, a town in the wilderness of 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 62), on the western shore 
 of the Dead Sea (Ez. xlvii. 10). Its origi- 
 nal name was Hazazon-Tamar, on account 
 of the palm-groves which surrounded it (2 
 Chr. xx. 2; Ecclus. xxiv. 14). Its site is 
 about the middle of the western shore of 
 the lake, at the fountain of Ain Jidy, from 
 which the place gets its name. It was im- 
 mediately after an assault upon the " Am- 
 orites, that dwelt in Hazazon-Tamar," that 
 the five Mesopotamian kings were attacked 
 by the rulers of the plain of Sodom (Gen. 
 xir. 7; comp. 2 Chr. xx. 2). Saul was 
 told that David was in the "wilderness of 
 Engedi;" and he took "3000 men, and 
 went to seek David and his men upon the 
 rocks of the wild goats " (1 Sam. xxiv. 1- 
 4). The vineyards of Engedi were cele- 
 brated by Solomon (Cant. i. 14). 
 
 Engine, a term exclusively applied to 
 military affairs in the Bible. The engines 
 to which the term is applied in 2 Chr. xxvi. 
 15. were designed to propel various missiles 
 
 Ayrian War-engine. (From Botta, pi. 160.) 
 
 from the walls of a besieged town : one, with 
 
 which the Hebrews were acquainted, was 
 
 12 
 
 : the battering-ram, described in Ez. xxvi. 9, 
 and still more precisely in Ez. iv. 2, xxi. 22. 
 
 Engraver. His chief business was cut- 
 ting names or devices on rings and seals ; 
 the only notices of engraving are in con- 
 nection with the high-priest's dress the 
 two onyx-stones, the twelve jewels, and the 
 mitre-plate having inscriptions on them 
 (Ex. xxviii. 11, 21, 36). 
 
 En-had'dah, one of the cities on the 
 border of Issachar named next to Engan- 
 nim (Josh. xix. 21). 
 
 En-hak'kore, the spring which burst 
 out in answer to the cry of Samson after 
 his exploit with the jawbone (Judg. xv. 19). 
 
 En-ha'zor, one of the fenced cities in 
 the inheritance of Naphtali, distinct from 
 Hazor (Josh. xix. 37). It has not yet been 
 identified. 
 
 En-mish'pat, Gen. xiv. 7. [KADESH.] 
 
 E'npch. 1. The eldest son of Cain 
 (Gen. iv. 17), who called the city which he 
 built after his name (18). 2. The son of 
 Jared and father of Methuselah (Gen. v. 
 21, ff. ; Luke iii. 28). In the Epistle of Jude 
 (24) he is described as "the seventh from 
 Adam ; " and the number is probably no- 
 ticed as conveying the idea of divine com- 
 pletion and rest, while Enoch was lu-mself 
 a type of perfected humanity. After the 
 birth of Methuselah it is said (Gen. v. 22-24) 
 that Enoch " walked with God three hun- 
 dred years . . . and he was not ; for God 
 took him." The phrase " walked with 
 God " is elsewhere only used of Noah (Gen. 
 vi. 9; cf. Gen. xvii. 1, &c.), and is to be 
 explained of a prophetic life spent in im- 
 mediate converse with the spiritual world. 
 In the Epistle to the Hebrews the spring 
 and issue of Enoch's life are clearly marked. 
 Both the Latin and Greek fathers com- 
 monly coupled Enoch and Elijah as historic 
 witnesses of the possibility of a resurrection 
 of the body and of a true human existence 
 in glory ; and the voice of early ecclesias- 
 tical tradition is almost unanimous in re- 
 garding them as " the two witnesses " (Rev. 
 xi. 3, ff.) who should fall before " the beast." 
 
 Enoch, The Book of. The first trace 
 of its existence is generally found in the 
 Epistle of St. Jude (14, 15), but the 
 words of the Apostle leave it uncertain 
 whether he derived his quotation from tra- 
 dition or from writing, though the wide 
 spread of the book in the second century 
 seems almost decisive in favor of the latter 
 supposition. Conside-rable fragments are 
 preserved in the Ghronographia of Georgi- 
 us Syncellus (about 792 A. D.), and these, 
 with the scanty notices of earlier writers, 
 constituted the sole remains of the book 
 known in Europe till the close of the last 
 century. Meanwhile, however, a report 
 was current that the entire book was pre- 
 served in Abyssinia; and at length, in 1773, 
 Bruce brought with him on his return from
 
 ENON 
 
 178 
 
 EPHES-DAMMIM 
 
 Egypt three MSS. containing the complete 
 Ethiopic translation. The Ethiopia trans- 
 lation was made from the Greek, and prob- 
 ably towards tbe middle or close of the 
 fourth century. But it is uncertain whether 
 the Greek text was the original, or itself a 
 translation from the Hebrew. In its present 
 shape the book consists of a series of reve- 
 lations supposed to have been given to 
 F.noch and Noah, which extend to the most 
 varied aspects of nature and life, and are 
 designed to. offer a comprehensive vindica- 
 tion of the action of Providence. Notwith- 
 standing the quotation in St. Jude, and the 
 wide circulation of the book itself, the 
 apocalypse of Enoch was uniformly and 
 distinctly separated from the canonical 
 Scriptures. 
 
 E'non, a place " near to Salim," at 
 which John baptized (John iii. 23). It was 
 evidently west of the Jordan (comp. iii. 22, 
 with 26, and with i. 28), and abounded in 
 water. This is indicated by the name, 
 which is merely a Greek version of a Chal- 
 dee word, signifying "springs." Aenon is 
 given in the Onomasticon as 8 miles south 
 of Scythopolis "near Salem and the Jordan." 
 
 E'noS, the son of Seth ; properly called 
 Enosh, as in 1 Chr. i. 1 (Gen. iv. 26, v. 6, 
 7, 9, 10, 11; Luke iii. 38). 
 
 E'nosh. The same as the preceding (1 
 Chr. i. 1). 
 
 En-rimmon; one of the places which 
 the men of Judah re-inhabited after their 
 return from the Captivity (Neh. xi. 29). 
 Perhaps the same as " Ain and Rimruon " 
 (Josh. xv. 32), and " Ain, Remmon " (xix. 
 7; and see 1 Chr. iv. 32). 
 
 En-ro'gel, a spring which formed one 
 of the landmarks on the boundary line be- 
 tween Judah (Josh. xv. 7) and Benjamin 
 (xviii. 16). Here, Jonathan and Ahimaaz 
 remained, after the flight of David, awaiting 
 intelligence from within the walls (2 Sam. 
 xvii. 17 ; and here, by the stone Zoheleth. 
 which is close to En-rogel, Adonijah held 
 the feast, which was the first and last act 
 of his attempt on the crown (1 K. i. 9). It 
 may be identified with the present " Foun- 
 tain of the Virgin," 'Ain Umm ed-Daraj 
 the perennial source from which the 
 Pool of Siloam is supplied. 
 
 En'-shemesll, a spring which formed 
 one of the landmarks on the north bounda- 
 ry of Judah (Josh. xv. 7) and the south 
 boundary of Benjamin (xviii. 17), perhaps 
 Ain-Haud or Ain-Chdt, the " Well of the 
 Apostles," about a mile below Bethany. 
 
 Ensign (ns ; in the A. V. generally 
 "ensign," sometimes "standard;" degel, 
 " standard," with the exception of Cant. ii. 
 4, "banner;" 6th, "ensign"). The dis- 
 tinction between these three Hebrew terms 
 is sufficiently marked by their respective 
 uses : ns is a signal : degel a military stan- 
 dard for a large division of an army ; and 
 
 6tli, the same for a small one. Neither of 
 them, however, expresses the idea which 
 " standard " conveys to our minds, viz. a 
 flag ; the standards in use among the He- 
 brews probably resembled those of the 
 Egyptians and Assyrians a figure or de- 
 vice of some kind elevated on a pole. (1.) 
 The notices of the nes or "ensign" are 
 most frequent ; it consisted of some well- 
 understood signal which was exhibited on 
 the top of a pole from a bare mountain top 
 (Is. xiii. 2, xviii. 3). What the nature of 
 the signal was, we have no means of stat- 
 ing. The important point to be observed 
 is, that the ns was an occasional signal, 
 and not a military standard. (2.) The term 
 degel is used to describe the standards which 
 were given to each of the four divisions of 
 the Israelite army at the time of the Exodus 
 (Num. i. 52, ii. 2, ff., x. 14, ff.). The char- 
 acter of the Hebrew military standards is 
 quite a matter of conjecture ; they probably 
 resembled the Egyptian, which consisted 
 of a sacred emblem, such as an animal, a 
 boat, or the king's name. 
 
 En-tap'puah. It is probably identi- 
 cal with Tappuah, the position of which will 
 be elsewhere examined (Josh. xvii. 7). 
 
 Epaene'tus, a Christian at Rome, 
 greeted by St. Paul in Rom. xvi. 5, and 
 designated as his beloved, and the first fruit 
 of Asia unto Christ. 
 
 Ep'aphras, a fellow-laborer with the 
 Apostle Paul, mentioned Col. i. 7, as hav- 
 ing taught the Colossian church the grace 
 of God in truth, and designated a faithful 
 minister of Christ on their behalf. He was 
 at that time with St. Paul at Rome (Col. iv. 
 12), and seems by the expression there used 
 to have been a Colossian by birth. We find 
 him again mentioned in the Epistle to Phi- 
 lemon (ver. 23), which was sent at the same 
 time as that to the Colossians. Epaphras 
 may be the same as Epaphroditus. but the 
 notices in the N. T. do not enable us to 
 speak with any confidence. 
 
 Epaphrodi'tus (Phil. ii. 25, iv. 18). 
 See above under EPAPHKAS. 
 
 E'phah., the first, in order, of the sons 
 of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 33), after- 
 wards mentioned by Isaiah (Ix. 6, 7). 
 
 E'phah. 1. Concubine of Caleb, in the 
 line of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 46). 2. Son of Jah- 
 dai ; also in the line of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 47). 
 
 Ephah. [MEASURES.] 
 
 E'phai, aNetophathite, whose sons were 
 among the " captains of the forces " left in 
 Judah after the deportation to Babylon 
 (Jer. xl. 8, xli. 3, comp. xl. 13). 
 
 E'pher, the second, in order, of the 
 sons of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 33). 
 
 E'pher. 1. A son of Ezra, among the 
 descendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 17). 2. 
 One of the heads of the families of Manas- 
 seh on the east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). 
 
 E'phes-dam'mim, a place between
 
 EPHESIAXS 
 
 179 
 
 EPHESUS 
 
 Socoh and Azekah, at which the Philistines 
 were encamped before the affray in which 
 Goliath was killed (1 Sam. xvii. 1). Under 
 the shorter form of PAS-DAMMIM it occurs 
 once again in a similar connection (1 Chr. 
 xi. 13). 
 
 Ephesians, The Epistle to the, was 
 written by the Apostle St. Paul during his 
 first captivity at Rome (Acts xxviii. 16), 
 apparently immediately after he had writ- 
 ten the Epistle to the Colossians [COLOS- 
 SIANS, EP. TO], and during that period 
 (perhaps the early part of A. D. 62) when 
 his imprisonment had not assumed the 
 severer character which seems to have 
 marked its close. This epistle was ad- 
 dressed to the Christian church at Ephesus. 
 [EPHESUS.] Its contents may be divided 
 into two portions, the first mainly doctrinal 
 (ch. i.-iii.), the second hortatory and 
 practical. The Apostle reminds his con- 
 verts that they had been redeemed from 
 sin by grace, and not by works, and he 
 exhorts them to walk worthy of this call- 
 ing, and to keep the unity of the Spirit. 
 
 Eph'esus, the capital of the Roman 
 province of Asia, and an illustrious city in 
 the district of Ionia, nearly opposite the 
 island of Samos. St. -Paul's life furnishes 
 illustrations of the mercantile relations of 
 Ephesus with Achaia on the W., Mace- 
 donia on the N., and Syria on the E. As 
 to the relations of Ephesus to the inland 
 regions of the continent, these also are 
 prominently brought before us in the Apos- 
 tle's travels. The " upper coasts " (Acts 
 xix. 1) through which he passed, when 
 about to take up his residence in the city, 
 were the Phrygian table-lands of the in- 
 terior. Two great roads at least, in the 
 Roman times, led eastward from Ephesus ; 
 one through the passes of Tmolus to Sardis 
 (Rev. iii. 1) and thence to Galatia and the 
 N. E., the other round the extremity of 
 Pactyas to Magnesia, and so up the valley 
 of the Maeander to Iconium, whence the 
 communication was direct to the Euphrates 
 and to the Syrian Antioch. There seem 
 to have been Sardian and Magnesian gates 
 on the E. side of Ephesus corresponding to 
 these roads respectively. There were also 
 coast-roads leading northwards to Smyrna 
 and southwards to Miletus. By the- latter of 
 these it is probable that the Ephesian elders 
 travelled when summoned to meet Paul at 
 the latter city (Acts xx. 17, 18). Con- 
 spicuous at the head of the harbor of Ephe- 
 sus was the great temple of Diana or 
 Artemis, the tutelary divinity of the city. 
 This building was raised on immense sub- 
 structions, in consequence of the swampy 
 nature of the ground. The earlier temple, 
 which had been begun before the Persian 
 war, was burnt down in the night when j 
 Alexander the Great was born ; and an- | 
 other structure, raised by the enthusiastic 
 
 co-operation of all the inhabitants of 
 " Asia," had taken its place. The mag- 
 nificence of this sanctuary was a proverb 
 throughout the civilized world. In conse- 
 quence of this devotion the city of Ephesus 
 was called vtwxoQog (Acts xix. 35) or "war- 
 den " of Diana. Another consequence of 
 the celebrity of Diana's worship at Ephesus 
 was, that a large manufactory grew up 
 there of portable shrines, which strangers 
 purchased, and devotees carried with them 
 on journeys or set up in their houses. Of 
 the manufacturers engaged in this business, 
 perhaps Alexander the "coppersmith" (2 
 Tim. iv. 14) was one. The case of De- 
 metrius the " silversmith " is explicit. The 
 city was celebrated for its magical arts. In 
 illustration of the magical books which 
 were publicly burnt (ver. 19) under the in- 
 fluence of St. Paul's preaching, it is enough 
 here to refer to the Ephesian Writings 
 (mentioned by Plutarch and others), which 
 were regarded as a charm when pronounced, 
 and when written down were carried about 
 as amulets. Asia was a proconsular prov- 
 ince; and in harmony with this fact we 
 find proconsuls (A. V. " deputies ") special- 
 ly mentioned (ver. 38). Again we learn 
 from Pliny (v. 31) that Ephesus was an 
 assize town; and in the sacred narrative 
 (ver. 38) we find the court- days alluded to 
 as actually being held (A. V. " the law is 
 open ") during the uproar. Ephesus itself 
 was a " free city," and had its own assem- 
 blies and its own magistrates. The senate 
 is mentioned by Josepbus ; and St. Luke, 
 in the narrative before us, speaks of " the 
 people " and of its customary assemblies 
 (ver. 39, A. V. " a lawful assembly "). 
 We even find conspicuous mention made 
 of one of the most important municipal 
 officers of Ephesus, the " Town-Clerk " or 
 keeper of the records, whom we know from 
 other sources to have been a person of 
 great influence and responsibility. It is 
 remarkable how all these political and re- 
 ligious characteristics of Ephesus, which 
 appear in the sacred narrative, are illus- 
 trated by inscriptions and coins. The 
 coins of Ephesus are full of allusions to 
 the worship of Diana in various aspects. 
 The Jews were established there in consid- 
 erable numbers (Acts ii. 9, vi. 9). It is 
 liere, and here only, that we find disciples 
 of John the Baptist explicitly mentioned 
 after the ascension of Christ (Acts xviii. 
 25, xix. 3). The case of Apoilos (xviii. 
 24) is an exemplification further of the in- 
 tercourse between this place and Alexan- 
 dria. The first seeds of Christian truth 
 were possibly sown at Ephesus immediately 
 after the Great Pentecost (Acts ii.). In 
 St. Paul's stay of more than two years 
 (xix. 8, 10, xx. 31), which formed the most 
 important passage of his third circuit, and 
 during which he labored, first in the syna-
 
 EPHLAL 
 
 180 
 
 EPHRAIM 
 
 gogue (xix. 8), and 'then in the school of 
 Tyranuus (ver. 9), and also in private 
 houses (xx. 20), and during which he wrote 
 the First Epistle to the Corinthians, we 
 have the period of the chief evangelization 
 of this shore of the Aegean. The address 
 at Miletus shows that the church at Ephe- 
 8us was thoroughly organized under its 
 presbyters. At a later period TIMOTHY 
 was set over them, as we learn from the 
 two epistles addressed to him. Among St. 
 Paul's other companions, two, Trophimus 
 and Tychicus, were natives of Asia (xx. 
 4), and the latter probably (2 Tim. iv. 12), 
 the former certainly (Acts xxi. 29), natives 
 of Ephesus. In the same connection we 
 ought to mention Onesiphorus (2 Tim. i. 
 16-18) and his household (iv. 19). On the 
 other hand must be noticed certain speci- 
 fied Ephesian antagonists of the Apostle, 
 the sons of Sceva and his party (Acts xix. 
 14), Hymenaeus and Alexander (1 Tim. i. 
 20; 2 Tim. iv. 14), and Phygellus and Her- 
 mogenes (2 Tim. i. 15). The whole place is 
 now utterly desolate, with the exception of 
 the small Turkish village at Ayasaluk. 
 The ruins are of vast extent. 
 
 Eph/lal, a descendant of Judah, of the 
 family of Hezron and of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. 
 ii. 37). 
 
 Ephod, a sacred vestment originally ap- 
 propriate to the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 4), 
 but afterwards worn by ordinary priests (1 
 Sam. xxii. 18), and deemed characteristic 
 of the office (1 Sam. ii. 28, xiv. 3 ; Hos. iii. 
 4). For a description of the robe itself 
 see HIGH-PRIEST. The importance of the 
 Ephod as the receptacle of the breastplate 
 led to its adoption in the idolatrous forms 
 of worship instituted in the time of the 
 Judges (Judg. viii. 27, xvii. 5, xviii. 14, ff.). 
 
 E'phod, father of Hanniel of the tribe 
 of Manasseh (Num. xxxiv. 23). 
 
 E'phraim, the second son of JOSEPH 
 by his wife Asenath. The first indication 
 we have of that ascendency over his elder 
 brother Manasseh, which at a later period 
 the tribe of Ephraim so unmistakably pos- 
 sessed, is in the blessing of the children by 
 Jacob, Gen. xlviii. Ephraim would appear 
 at that time to have been about 21 years 
 oil. He was born before the beginning of 
 the seven years of famine, towards the lat- 
 ter part of which Jacob had come to Egypt, 
 17 years before his death (Gen. xlvii. 28). 
 Before Joseph's death Ephraim's family had 
 reached the third generation (Gen. 1. 23), 
 and it must have been about this time that 
 the affray mentioned in 1 Chr. vii. 21 oc- 
 curred. To this early period too must 
 probably be referred the circumstance al- 
 luded to in Ps. Ixxviii. 9. It is at the thiie 
 of the sending of the spies to the Promised 
 Land that we are first introduced to the 
 great hero to whom the tribe owed much 
 of its subsequent greatness. Under Joshua 
 
 the tribe must have taken a high position 
 in the nation, to judge from the tone 
 which the Ephraimites assumed on occa- 
 sions shortly subsequent to the conquest. 
 The boundaries of the portion of Ephraim 
 are given in Josh. xvi. 1-10. The south 
 boundary was coincident for part of its 
 length with the north boundary of Benja- 
 min. It extended from the Jordan on the 
 E., at the reach opposite Jericho, to the 
 j Mediterranean on the W., probably about 
 Joppa. On the N. of Ephraim and Ma- 
 nasseh were the tribes of Asher, Zebulun, 
 and Issachar. The territory thus allotted 
 to the " house of Joseph" may be roughly 
 estimated at 55 miles from E. to W. by 70 
 from N. to S., a portion about equal in ex- 
 tent to the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk 
 (Eng.) combined. But though simihir in 
 size, nothing can be more different in its 
 nature from those level counties than this 
 broken and hilly tract. Central Palestine 
 consists of an elevated district which rises 
 from the flat ranges of the wilderness on 
 the south of Judah, and terminates on the 
 north with the slopes which descend into 
 the great plain of Esdraelon. On the west 
 a flat strip separates it from the sea, and 
 on the east another flat strip forms the val- 
 ley of the Jordan.' Of this district the 
 northern half was occupied by the great 
 tribe we are now considering. This was 
 the liar- Ephraim, the " Mount Ephraim," 
 a district which seems to extend as far 
 south as Ramah and Bethel (1 Sam. i. 1, 
 vii. 17 ; 2 Chr. xiii. 4, 19, compared with 
 xv. 8), places but a few miles north of Jeru- 
 salem, and within the limits of Benjamin. 
 After the revolt of Jeroboam, the history 
 of Ephraim is the history of the kingdom 
 of Israel, since not only did the tribe be- 
 come a kingdom, but the kingdom em- 
 braced little besides the tribe. This is not 
 surprising, and quite susceptible of expla- 
 nation. North of Ephraim the country 
 appears never to have been really taken 
 possession of by the Israelites. And in 
 addition to this original defect there is 
 much in the physical formation and cir- 
 cumstances of the upper portion of Pales- 
 tine to explain why those tribes never took 
 any active part in the kingdom. But on 
 the other hand the position of Ephraim 
 was altogether different. It was one at 
 once of great richness and great security. 
 Her fertile plains and well watered valleys 
 could only be reached by a laborious as- 
 cent through steep and narrow ravines, all 
 but impassable for an army. There is no 
 record of any attack on the central king- 
 dom, either from the Jordan valley or the 
 maritime plain. On the north side, from 
 the plain of Esdraelon, it was more acces- 
 sible, and it was from this side that the 
 final invasion appears to have been made. 
 E'phraim. In "Baal-hazor which is
 
 EPIIRAIM 
 
 181 
 
 by Ephraira" was Absalom's sheep-farm, 
 at which took place the murder of Arnnon, 
 one of the earliest precursors of the great 
 revolt (2 Sam. xiii. 23). There is no clew 
 to its situation. 
 
 E'phraim, a city " in the district near 
 the wilderness " to which our Lord retired 
 with his disciples when threatened with vio- 
 lence by the priests (John xi. 54). Per- 
 haps Ophrah and Ephraim are identical, 
 and their modern representative is et-Tai- 
 yibeh. It is situated 4 or 5 miles east of 
 Bethel, and 16 from Jerusalem. 
 
 E'phraim, Gate of, one of the gates 
 of the city of Jerusalem (2 K. xiv. 13 ; 2 
 Chr. xxv. 23; Neh. viii. 16; xii. 39), prob- 
 ably at or near the position of the present 
 " Damascus gate." 
 
 E'phraim, The Wood of, a wood, or 
 rather a forest, on the E. of Jordan, in 
 which the fatal battle was fought between 
 the armies of David and of Absalom (2 
 Sam. xviii. 6). The name is probably de- 
 rived from the slaughter of Ephraim at the 
 fords of Jordan by the Gileadites under 
 Jephthah (Judg. xii. 1, 4, 5). 
 
 E'phraimite. Of the tribe of Ephra- 
 im ; elsewhere called " Ephrathite " (Judg. 
 xii. 5). 
 
 Ephra'in, a city of Israel, which with 
 its dependent hamlets Abijah and the army 
 of Judah captured from Jeroboam (2 Chr. 
 xiii. 19). It has been conjectured that this 
 Ephrain or Ephron is identical with the 
 Ephraim by which Absalom's sheep-farm 
 of Baal-hazor was situated; with the city 
 called Ephraim near the wilderness in which 
 our Lord lived for some time; and with 
 Ophrah, a city of Benjamin, apparently 
 not far from Bethel. But nothing more 
 than conjecture can be arrived at on these 
 points. 
 
 Eph'ratah or Eph'rath. 1. Second 
 wife of Caleb the son of Hezron, mother 
 of Hur, and grandmother of Caleb the spy, 
 according to 1 Chr. ii. 19, 50, and prob- 
 ably 24, and iv. 4. 2. The ancient name 
 of Bethlehem-Judah, as is manifest from 
 Gen. xxxv. 16, 19, xlviii. 7. 
 
 Eph'rathite. 1. An inhabitant of Beth- 
 lehem (Ruth i. 2). 2. An Ephraimite (1 
 Sam. i. 1; 1 K. xi. 26). 
 
 Eph'ron. 1. The son of Zochar, a 
 Hittite, from whom Abraham bought the 
 field and cave of Machpelah (Gen. xxiii. 
 8-17; xxv. 9, xlix. 29, 39, 1. 13). 2. A 
 very strong city on the east of Jordan be- 
 tween Carnaim (Ashteroth-Karnaim) and 
 Bethshean, attacked and demolished by 
 Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. v. 46-52; 2 
 Mace. xii. 27). 
 
 Eph'ron, Mount. The "cities of 
 Mount Ephron " formed one of the land- 
 marks on the northern boundary of the 
 tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 9). 
 
 Epicure'anSj The, derived their name 
 
 from Epicurus (342-271 B. c), a philoso- 
 pher of Attic descent, whose " Garden " at 
 Athens rivalled in popularity the " Porch" 
 and the " Academy." The doctrines of 
 Epicurus found wide acceptance in Asia 
 Minor and Alexandria, and they gained a 
 brilliant advocate at Home in Lucretius 
 (95-50 B. c.). The object of Epicurus 
 was to find in philosophy a practical guide 
 to happiness. True pleasure and not ab- 
 solute truth was the end at which he aimed ; 
 experience and not reason the test on 
 which he relied. It is obvious that a sys- 
 tem thus framed would degenerate by a 
 natural descent into mere materialism ; and 
 in this form Epicurism was the popular 
 philosophy at the beginning of the Christian 
 era. When St. Paul addressed " Epicure- 
 ans and Stoics " (Acts xvii. 18) at Athens, 
 the philosophy of life was practically re- 
 duced to the teaching of those two antag- 
 onistic schools. 
 
 Epiph'anes (1 Mace. i. 10, x. 1). [As- 
 TIOCHUS EPIPHANES.] 
 
 Ep'iphi (3 Mace. vi. 38), name of the 
 eleventh month of the Egyptian Vague 
 year, and the Alexandrian or Egyptian 
 Julian year. 
 
 Epistle. The epistles of the K T. in 
 their outward form are such as might be 
 expected from men who were brought into, 
 contact with Greek and Roman customs, 
 themselves belonging to a different race, 
 and so reproducing the imported style with 
 only partial accuracy. They begin (the 
 Epistle to the Hebrews and 1 John ex- 
 cepted) with the names of the writer, 
 and of those to whom the Epistle is ad- 
 dressed. Then follows the formula of sal- 
 utation. Then the letter itself commences, 
 in the first person, the singular and plural 
 being used indiscriminately. When the 
 substance of the letter has been completed, 
 come the individual messages. The con- 
 clusion in this case was probably modified 
 by the fact that the letters were dictated to 
 an amanuensis. When he had done his work, 
 the Apostle took up the pen or reed, and 
 added, in his own large characters (Gal. 
 vi. 11) the authenticating autograph. In 
 one instance, Rom. xvi. 22, the amanuensis 
 in his own name adds his salutation. An 
 allusion in 2 Cor. iii. 1 brings before us 
 another class of letters which must have 
 been in frequent use in the early ages of 
 the Christian Church, by which travellers 
 or teachers were commended by one church 
 to the good offices of others. 
 
 Er. 1. First born of Judah. Er " was 
 wicked in the sight of the Lord ; and the 
 Lord slew him." It does not appear what 
 the nature of his sin was; but, from hisj 
 Canaanitish birth on the mother's side, it 
 was probably connected with the abomina- 
 ble idolatries of Canaan (Gen. xxxviii. 3-7 ; 
 Num. xxvi. 19). 2. Descendant of Shelah
 
 ERAX 
 
 182 
 
 ESAU 
 
 the son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21). 3. Son 
 of Jose, and father of Elmodam (Luke 
 iii. 28). 
 
 E'ran, son of Shuthelah, eldest son of 
 Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 36). Eran was the 
 head of the family of 
 
 E'ranites, The, Num. xxvi. 36. 
 
 E'rech, one of the cities of Nimrod's 
 kingdom in the land of Shinar (Gen x. 10), 
 doubtless the same as Orchoe", 82 miles S. 
 and 43 E. of Babylon, the modern designa- 
 tions of the site, Warka, Irka, and Irak, 
 bearing a considerable affinity to the origi- 
 nal name. 
 
 Eras'tUS. 1. One of the attendants or 
 deacons of St. Paul at Ephesus, who with 
 Timothy was sent forward into Macedonia 
 while the Apostle himself remained in Asia 
 (Acts xix. 22). He is probably the same 
 with Erastus who is again mentioned in the 
 salutations to Timothy (2 Tim. iii. 20), 
 though not the same with, 2. Erastus the 
 chamberlain, or rather the public treasurer, 
 of Corinth, who was one of the early con- 
 verts to Christianity (Rom. xvi. 23). Ac- 
 cording to the traditions of the Greek 
 Church, he was first treasurer to the Church 
 at Jerusalem, and afterwards Bishop of 
 Paneas. 
 
 E'ri, son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16), and 
 ancestor of the ERITES (Num. xxvi. 16). 
 
 Esa'ias, the form of the name of the 
 prophet Isaiah in the N. T. [ISAIAH.] 
 
 E'sar-had'don, one of the greatest of 
 the kings of Assyria, was the son of Sen- 
 nacherib (2 K. xix. 37) and the grandson of 
 Sargon who succeeded Shalmaneser. Noth- 
 ing is really known of Esar-haddon until 
 his accession (ab. B. c. 680 ; 2 K. xix. 37 ; 
 Is. xxxvii. 38). He appears by his monu- 
 ments to have been one of the most power- 
 ful if not the most powerful of all the 
 Assyrian monarchs. He carried his arms 
 over all Asia between the Persian Gulf, the 
 Armenian mountains, and the Mediterra- 
 nean. In consequence of the disaffection 
 of Babylon, and its frequent revolts from 
 former Assyrian kings, Esar-haddon, hav- 
 ing subdued the sons of Merodach-Baladan 
 who headed the national party, introduced 
 the new policy of substituting for the former 
 government by viceroys, a direct depend- 
 ence upon the Assyrian crown. He is the 
 only Assyrian monarch whom we find to 
 have actually reigned at Babylon, where he 
 built himself a palace, bricks from which 
 have been recently recovered bearing his 
 name. His Babylonian reign lasted thir- 
 teen years, from B. c. 680 to B. c. 667 ; and 
 it was doubtless within this space of time 
 that Manasseh, king of Judah, having been 
 seized by his captains at Jerusalem on a 
 charge of rebellion, was brought before 
 him at Babylon (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11) and de- 
 tained for a time as prisoner there. As a 
 
 builder of great works Esar-haddon is par- 
 ticularly distinguished. Besides his palace 
 at Babylon, he built at least three others in 
 different parts of his dominions, either for 
 himself or his son. The south-west palace 
 at Nimrud is the best preserved of his con- 
 structions. It is conjectured that Esar- 
 haddon died about B. c. 660. 
 
 E'sau, the eldest son of Isaac, and twin- 
 brother of Jacob. The singular appearance 
 of the child at his birth originated the name 
 (Esau means hairy, Gen. xxv. 25). This 
 was not the only remarkable circumstance 
 connected with the birth of the infant. Even 
 in the womb the twin-brothers struggled to- 
 gether (xxv. 22). Esau's robust frame and 
 "rough" aspect were the types of a wild 
 and daring nature. The peculiarities of 
 his character soon began to develop them- 
 selves. He was, in fact, a thorough Bed- 
 ouin, a " son of the desert," who delighted to 
 roam free as the wind of heaven, and who 
 was impatient of the restraints of civilized 
 or settled life. His old father, by a caprice 
 of affection not uncommon, loved his wilful, 
 vagrant boy ; and his keen relish for savory 
 food being gratified by Esau's venison, he 
 liked him all the better for his skill in hunt- 
 ing (xxv. 28). An event occurred which 
 exhibited the reckless character of Esau on 
 the one hand, and the selfish, grasping na- 
 ture of his brother on the other. Jacob 
 takes advantage of his brother's distress to 
 rob him of that which was dear as life itself 
 to an Eastern patriarch. Esau married at 
 the age of 40, and contrary to the wish of 
 his parents. His wives were both Canaan- 
 ites ; and they "were bitterness of spirit 
 unto Isaac and to Rebekah" (Gen. xxvi. 
 34, 35). The next episode in the history 
 of Esau and Jacob is still more painful 
 than the former. Jacob, through the craft 
 of his mother, is again successful, and se- 
 cures irrevocably the covenant blessing. 
 Esau vows vengeance. But he knew not a 
 mother's watchful care. By a characteristic 
 piece of domestic policy Rebekah succeed- 
 ed both in exciting Isaac's anger against 
 Esau, and obtaining his consent to Jacob's 
 departure. When Esau heard that his fa- 
 ther had commanded Jacob to take a wife 
 of the daughters of his kinsman Laban, he 
 also resolved to try whether by a new alli- 
 ance he could propitiate his parents. He 
 accordingly married his cousin Mahalath, 
 the daughter of Ishmael (xxviii. 8, 9). 
 This marriage appears to have brought him 
 into connection with the Ishmaelitish tribes 
 beyond the valley of Arabah. He soon af- 
 terwards established himself in Mount Seir ; 
 still retaining, however, some interest in 
 his father's property in Southern Palestine. 
 He was residing in Mount Seir when Jacob 
 returned from Padan-aram, and had then be- 
 come so rich and powerful that the impres-
 
 ESAY 
 
 183 
 
 ESHCOL 
 
 sions of his brother's early offences seem to 
 have been almost completely effaced. It 
 does not appear that the brothers again met 
 until the death of their father about 20 years 
 afterwards. They united in laying Isaac's 
 body in the cave of Machpelah. Of Esau's 
 subsequent history nothing is known; for 
 that of his descendants see EDOM. 
 
 E'say, the form of the name of Isaiah 
 in Ecclus. xlviii. 20, 22; 2 Esd. ii. 18. 
 [ISAIAH.] 
 
 Esdrae'lon. This name is merely the 
 Greek form of the Hebrew word JEZREEL. 
 It occurs in this exact shape only twice in 
 the A. V. (Jud. iii. 9, iv. 6). In Jud. in. 3 
 it is ESDRAELOM, and in i. 8 ESDRELOM, with 
 the addition of " the great plain." In the 
 O. T. the plain is called the VALLEY OF 
 JEZREEL; by Josephus "the great plain." 
 The name is derived from the old royal 
 citj of JEZREEL, which occupied a com- 
 manding site, near the eastern extremity 
 of the plain, on a spur of Mount Gilboa. 
 " Th<j great plain of Esdraelon" extends 
 across* Central Palestine from the Mediter- 
 ranean to the Jordan, separating the moun- 
 tain ranges of Carmel and Samaria from 
 those of Galilee. The western section of 
 it is properly the plain of ACCHO, or 'Akka. 
 The main body of the plain is a triangle. 
 Its base on the east extends from Jenin 
 (the ancient Engannim) to the foot of the 
 hills below Nazareth, and is about 15 miles 
 long : the north side, formed by the hills 
 of Galilee, is about 12 miles long ; and the 
 south side, formed by the Samaria range, 
 is about 18 miles. The apex on the west 
 is a narrow pass opening into the plain of 
 'Akka. From the base of this triangular 
 plain three branches stretch out eastward, 
 like fingers from a hand, divided by two 
 bleak, gray ridges one bearing the fa- 
 miliar name of Mount Gilboa : the other 
 called by Franks Little Hermon, but by 
 natives Jebel ed-Duhy. The central branch 
 is the richest as well as the most cele- 
 brated. This is the "Valley of Jezreel" 
 proper the battle-field on which Gideon 
 triumphed, and Saul and Jonathan were 
 overthrown (Judg. vii. 1, sq. ; 1 Sam. xxix. 
 and xxxi.). Two things are worthy of spe- 
 cial notice in the plain of Esdraelon : 1. 
 its wonderful richness. 2. its desolation. 
 If we except the eastern branches, there is 
 not a single inhabited village on its whole 
 surface, and not more than one sixth of its 
 soil is cultivated. It is the home of the 
 wild wandering Bedouin. 
 
 Es'dras. The form of the name of 
 Ezra the scribe in 1 and 2 Esdras. 
 
 Es'dras, First Book of, the first in 
 order of the Apocryphal books in the Eng- 
 lish Bible. It was never known to exist in 
 Hebrew, and formed no part of the Hebrew 
 Canon. As regards the contents of the 
 book, and the author or authors of it the 
 
 first chapter is a transcript of the two last 
 chapters of 2 Chr. for the most part ver- 
 batim, and only in one or two parts slightly 
 abridged and paraphrased. Chapters iii., iv., 
 and v., to the end of v. 6, are the original 
 portions of the book, and the rest is a tran- 
 script more or less exact of the book of 
 Ezra, with the chapters transposed and 
 quite otherwise arranged, and a portion of 
 Nehemiah. Hence a twofold design in the 
 compiler is discernible. One to introduce 
 and give Scriptural sanction to the legend 
 about Zerubbabel ; the other to explain the 
 great obscurities of the book of Ezra, in 
 which, however, he has signally failed. As 
 regards the time and place when the com- 
 pilation was made, the original portion is 
 that which alone affords much clew. This 
 seems to indicate that the writer was thor- 
 oughly conversant with Hebrew, even if he 
 did not write the book in that language. 
 He was well acquainted too with the books 
 of Esther and Daniel (1 Esdr. iii. 1, 2, 
 sqq.), and other books of Scripture (ib. 
 20, 21, 39, 41, &c., and 45 compared with 
 Ps. cxxxvii. 7). But that he did not live 
 under the Persian kings, appears by the 
 undiscriminating way in which he uses 
 promiscuously the phrase Medes and Per- 
 sians, or, Persians and Modes, according 
 as he happened to be imitating the language 
 of Daniel or of the book of Esther. 
 
 Es'dras, The Second Book of, in 
 the English Version of the Apocrypha, and 
 so called by the author (2 Esdr. i. 1). The 
 original title, "the Apocalypse of Ezra," is 
 far more appropriate. Chapters iii.-xiv. 
 consist of a series of angelic revelations 
 and visions in which Ezra is instructed in 
 some of the great mysteries of the moral 
 world, and assured of the final triumph of 
 the righteous. The date of the book is un- 
 certain, but there can be no doubt that it is 
 a genuine product of Jewish thought. The 
 Apocalypse was probably written in Egypt ; 
 the opening and closing chapters certainly 
 were. Though this book is included among 
 those which are " read for examples of life " 
 by the English Church, no use of it is there 
 made in public worship. 
 
 E'sek, a well, which the herdsmen of 
 Isaac dug in the valley of Gerar (Gen. 
 xxvi. 20). 
 
 Esh-ba'al, the fourth son of Saul, ac- 
 cording to the genealogies of 1 Chr. viii. 3, 
 and ix. 39, is doubtless the same person as 
 
 ISH-BOSHETH. 
 
 Esh'ban, a Horite; one of the four 
 sons of DISUAN (Gen. xxxvi. 26 ; 1 Chr. 
 i. 41). 
 
 Esh'col, brother of Mamre the Amorite, 
 and of Aner ; and one of Abraham's com- 
 panions in his pursuit of the four kings who 
 had ca.Tied off Lot (Gen. xiv. 13, 24). 
 
 Esh'col, The Valley, or the Brook 
 Of, a wady in the neighborhood of Hebron,
 
 E SHE AN 
 
 184 
 
 ESTHER, BOOK OF 
 
 explored by the spies who were sent by 
 Moses from Kadesh-barnea (Num. xxxiii. 
 9 ; Dout. i. 24). The name is still attached 
 to a spring of fine water called 'Ain-JSsh- 
 kali, in a valley about two miles north of 
 Hebron. 
 
 Esh'ean, one of the cities of Judah 
 (Josh. xv. 52). 
 
 E'shek, a Benjamite, one of the late 
 descendants of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 39). 
 
 Esh'kalonites, The, Josh. xiii. 3. 
 
 [ASHKELON.] 
 
 Esll'taol, a town in the low country 
 the Shcfclah of Judah, afterwards allotted 
 to Dan (Josh. xv. 33, xix. 41). Here Sam- 
 son spent his boyhood, and hither after his 
 last exploit his body was brought (Judg. 
 xiii. 25, xvi. 31, xviii. 2, 8, 11, 12). 
 
 Esh'taulites, The, with the Zareath- 
 ites, were among the families of Kirjath- 
 jearim (1 Chr. ii. 53). 
 
 Eshtem'oa, and in shorter form Esh- 
 temoh', a town of Judah, in the mountains 
 (Josh. xv. 50), allotted to the priests (xxi. 
 14 ; 1 Chr. vi. 57). It was one of the places 
 frequented by David and his followers dur- 
 ing the long period of their wanderings (1 
 Sam. xxx. 28, comp. 31). Its site is at 
 Semu'a, a village seven miles south of 
 Hebron. Eshtemoa appears to have been 
 founded by the descendants of the Egyptian 
 wife of a certain Mered (1 Chr. iv. 17). 
 
 Esh'ton, a name which occurs in the 
 genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 11, 12). 
 
 Es'li, son of Nagge or Naggai, in the 
 genealogy of Chrisc (Luke iii. 25). 
 
 Es'ril, 1 Esd. ix. 34. [AZAREEL, or 
 SHARAI.] 
 
 Es'rom, Matt. i. 3 ; Luke iii. 33. [Hsz- 
 
 ROK.] 
 
 Essenes', a Jewish sect, who, according 
 to the description of Josephus, combined 
 the ascetic virtues of the Pythagoreans and 
 Stoics with a spiritual knowledge of the Di- 
 vine Law. It seems probable that the name 
 signifies "seer," or "the silent, the mysteri- 
 ous." As a sect the Essenes were distin- 
 guished by an aspiration after ideal purity 
 rather than by any special code of doctrines. 
 From the Maccabaean age there was a con- 
 tinuous effort among the stricter Jews to 
 attain an absolute standard of holiness. 
 Each class of devotees was looked upon as 
 practically impure by their successors, who 
 carried the laws of purity still further ; and 
 the Essenes stand at the extreme limit of 
 the mystic asceticism which was thus grad- 
 ually reduced to shape. To the Pharisees 
 they stood nearly in the same relation as 
 that in which the Pharisees themselves 
 stood with regard to the mass of the people. 
 There were isolated communities of Es- 
 senes, which were regulated by strict rules, 
 analogous to those of the monastic institu- 
 tions of a later date. All things were held 
 in common, without distinction of property ; 
 
 and special provision was made for the re- 
 lief of the poor. Self-denial, temperance, 
 and labor especially agriculture were 
 the marks of the outward life of the Es- 
 senes; purity and divine communion the 
 objects of their aspiration. Slavery, war, 
 and commerce were alike forbidden. Their 
 best known settlements were on the N. W. 
 shore of the Dead Sea. 
 
 Es'ther, the Persian name of HADAS- 
 SAH, daughter of Abihail, the son of Shimei, 
 the son of Kish, a Benjamite. Esther was 
 a beautiful Jewish maiden, whose ancestor 
 Kish had been among the captives led away 
 from Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar when 
 Jehoiachin was taken captive. She was an 
 orphan without father or mother, and had 
 been brought up by her cousin Mordecai, 
 who had an office in the household of Ahas- 
 uerus king of Persia, and dwelt at " Shu- 
 shan the palace." When Vashti was dis- 
 missed from'being queen, and all the fairest 
 virgins of the kingdom had been collected 
 at Shushan for the king to make choice of 
 a successor to her from among them, the 
 choice fell upon Esther. The king was not 
 aware, however, of her race and parentage ; 
 and so, on the representation of Haman the 
 Agagite that the Jews scattered through his 
 empire were a pernicious race, he gave him 
 full power and authority to kill them all, 
 young and old, women and children, and 
 take possession of their property. The 
 means taken by Esther to avert this great 
 calamity from her people and her kindred 
 are fully related in the book of Esther. 
 History is wholly silent both about Vashti 
 and Esther. Herodotus mentions only one 
 of Xerxes' wives ; Scripture mentions two 
 only, if indeed either of them were wives 
 at all. It seems natural to conclude that 
 Esther, a captive, and one of the harem, 
 was not of the highest rank of wives, but 
 that a special honor, with the name of 
 queen, may have been given to her, as to 
 Vashti before her, as the favorite concubine 
 or inferior wife, whose offspring, however, 
 if she had any, would not have succeeded 
 to the Persian throne. 
 
 Es'ther, Book of, one of the latest of 
 the canonical books of Scripture, having 
 been written late in the reign of Xerxes, or 
 early in that of his son Artaxerxes Longira- 
 anus. The author is not known, but may 
 very probably have been Mordecai himself. 
 Those who ascribe it to Ezra, or the men 
 of the Great Synagogue, may have merely 
 meant that Ezra edited and added it to the 
 canon of Scripture, which he probably did. 
 The book of Esther is placed among the 
 hagiographa by the Jews, and in that first 
 portion of them which they call "the five 
 rolls." It is sometimes emphatically called 
 Megillah ("roll"), without other distinc- 
 tion, and is read through by the Jews in 
 their synagogues at the feast of Purim. It
 
 ETAM 
 
 185 
 
 EUERGETES 
 
 has often been remarked as a peculiarity 
 of this book that the name of God does not 
 once occur in it. The style of writing is 
 remarkably chaste and simple. It does not 
 in the least savor of romance. The He- 
 brew is very like that of Ezra and parts of 
 the Chronicles ; generally pure, but mixed 
 with some words of Persian origin, and 
 gome of Chaldaic affinity. In short it is 
 just what one would expect to find in a 
 work of the age to which the book of Es- 
 ther professes to belong. As regards the 
 Septuagint version of the book, it consists 
 of the canonical Esther with various inter- 
 polations prefixed, interspersed, and added 
 at the close. Though, however, the inter- 
 polations of the Greek copy are thus mani- 
 fest, they make a consistent and intelligible 
 story. But the Apocryphal additions as 
 they are inserted in some editions of the 
 Latin Vulgate, and in the English Bible, 
 are incomprehensible. 
 
 E'tam. 1. A village of the tribe of 
 Simeon, specified only in the list in 1 Chr. 
 iv. 32 (coinp. Josh. xix. 7). 2. A place in 
 Judah, fortified and garrisoned by Reho- 
 boam (2 Chr. xi. 6). Here, according to 
 the statements of Josephus and the Tal- 
 mudists, were the sources of the water from 
 which Solomon's gardens and pleasure- 
 grounds were fed, and Bethlehem and the 
 Temple supplied. 
 
 E'tam, The Bock, a cliff or lofty rock, 
 into a cleft or chasm of which Samson re- 
 tired after his slaughter of the Philistines 
 (Judg. xv. 8, 11). This natural strong- 
 hold was in the tribe of Judah ; and near 
 it, probably at its foot, was Lelii or Ramath- 
 lehi, and Enhakkore (xv. 9, 14, 17, 19). 
 The name Etam was held by a city in the 
 neighborhood of Bethlehem (2 Chr. xi. 6), 
 which is known to have been situated in 
 the extremely uneven and broken country 
 round the modern Urtas. Here is a fitting 
 scene for the adventure of Samson. 
 
 E'tham. one of the early resting-places 
 of the Israelites when they quitted Egypt, 
 the position of which may be very nearly 
 fixed in consequence of its being described 
 as "in the edge of the wilderness " (Ex. 
 xiii. 20; Num. xxxiii. 6, 7). Etham may 
 be placed where the cultivable land ceases, 
 near the Seba Biar or Seven Wells, about 
 three miles from the western side of the 
 ancient head of the gulf. 
 
 E'than. 1. ETHAN THE EZRAHITE, one 
 of the four sons of Mahol, whose wisdom 
 was excelled by Solomon (1 K. iv. 31 ; 1 
 Chr. ii. 6). His name is in the title of Ps. 
 Ixxxix. 2. Son of Kishi or Kushaiah; a 
 Merarite Levite, head of that family in the 
 time of king David (1 Chr. vi. 44), and 
 spoken of as a " singer." With Hernan 
 and Asaph, the heads of the other two fam- j 
 ilies of Levites, Ethan was appointed to 
 sound with cymbals (xv. 17, 19). 3. A \ 
 
 \ Gershonite Levite, one of the ancestors 
 of Asaph the singer (1 Chr. vi. 42, Heb. 
 27). 
 
 Eth'anim. [MONTHS.] 
 
 Ethba'al, king of Sidon and father of 
 Jezebel (1 K. xvi. 31). Josephus repre- 
 sents him as king of the Tyrians as well as 
 the Sidonians. We may thus identify him 
 with Eithobalus, who, after having assas- 
 sinated Pheles, usurped the throne of Tyre 
 for 32 years. The date of Ethbaal's reign 
 may be given as about u. c. 940-908. 
 
 E'ther, one of the cities of Judah in the 
 low country, the Shefelah (Josh. xv. 42), 
 allotted to Simeon (xix. 7). 
 
 Ethio'pia. The country which the 
 Greeks and Romans described as " Aethio- 
 pia " and the Hebrews as " Gush " lay to 
 the S. of Egypt, and embraced, in its most 
 extended sense, the modern Nubia, Sen- 
 naar, Kordofan, and northern Abyssinia, 
 and in its more definite sense the kingdom 
 of Meroe'. Syene marked the division be- 
 tween Ethiopia and Egypt (Ez. xxix. 10). 
 The Hebrews do not appear to have had 
 much practical acquaintance with Ethiopia 
 itself, though the Ethiopians were well 
 ! known to them through their intercourse 
 I with Egypt. The inhabitants of Ethiopia 
 were a Hamitic race (Gen. x. 6). They 
 were divided into various tribes, of which 
 the Sabaeans were the most powerful. The 
 history of Ethiopia is closely interwoven 
 with that of Egypt. The two countries 
 were not unfrequently united under the 
 rule of the same sovereign. Shortly be- 
 fore our Saviour's birth a native dynasty of 
 females, holding the official title of Candace 
 (Plin. vi. 35), held sway in Ethiopia, and 
 even resisted the advance of the Roman 
 arms. One of these is the queen noticed 
 in Acts viii. 27. 
 
 Ethio'pian, properly " Cu shite " (Jer. 
 xiii. 23) ; used of Zerah (2 Chr. xiv. 9 [8]), 
 and Ebed-melech (Jer. xxxviii. 7, 10, 12, 
 xxxix. 1G). 
 
 Ethio'pian Woman. The wife of 
 Moses is so described in Num. xii. 1. She 
 is elsewhere said to have been the daugh- 
 ter of a Midianite, and in consequence of 
 this some have supposed that the allusion 
 is to another wife whom Moses married 
 after the death of Zipporah. 
 
 Ethiopians, properly "Cush" or 
 "Ethiopia" in two passages (Is. xx. 4; Jer. 
 xlvi. 9). Elsewhere " Cushites," or inhab- 
 itants of Ethiopia (2 Chr. xii. 3, xiv. 12 
 [11], 13 [12], xvi. 8, xxi. 16; Dan. xi. 43; 
 Am. ix. 7; Zeph. ii. 12). 
 
 Eth'nan, one of the sons of Helah the 
 wife of Ashur (1 Chr. iv. 7). 
 
 Eth'ni, a Gershonite Levite (1 Chr. vi. 
 41; Heb. 26). 
 
 Eubu'lus, a Christian at Rome men- 
 tioned by St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 21). 
 
 Euer'getes. [PXOLEMAEUS III.]
 
 EUNICE 
 
 186 
 
 EVANGELIST 
 
 Euni'ce; mother of Timotheus (2 Tim. 
 i.5). 
 
 Eunuch. The law (Deut. xxiii. 1 ; 
 conip. Lev. xxii. 24) is repugnant to thus 
 treating any Israelite. The origination of 
 the practice is ascribed to Semiramis, and 
 is no doubt as early, or nearly so, as East- 
 ern despotism itself. The complete assim- 
 ilation of the kingdom of Israel, and lat- 
 terly of Judah, to the neighboring models 
 of despotism, is traceable in the rank and 
 prominence of eunuchs (2 K. viii. 6, ix. 32, 
 xxiii. 11, xxv. 19; Is. Ivi. 3, 4; Jer. xxix. 
 2, xxxiv. 19, xxxviii. 7, xli. 16, lii. 25). 
 They mostly appear in one of two rela- 
 tions, either military, as " set over the men 
 of war," greater trustworthiness possibly 
 counterbalancing inferior courage and mil- 
 itary vigor, or associated, as we mostly 
 recognize them, with women and children. 
 We find the Assyrian Rab-Saris, or chief 
 eunuch (2 K. xviii. 17), employed together 
 with other high officials as ambassador. It 
 is probable that Daniel and his companions 
 were thus treated, in fulfilment of 2 K. xx. 
 17, 18; Is. xxxix. 7; comp. Dan. i. 3, 7. 
 The court of Herod of course had its eu- 
 nuchs, as had also that of Queen Candace 
 (Acts viii. 27). 
 
 Euo'dias, a Christian woman at Philippi 
 (Phil. iv. 2). The name is correctly Eu- 
 ODIA. 
 
 Euphra'tes is probably a word of 
 Aryan origin, signifying " the good and 
 abounding river." It is most frequently 
 denoted in the Bible by the term " the 
 river." The Euphrates is the largest, the 
 longest, and by far the most important of 
 the rivers of Western Asia. It rises from 
 two clu'ef sources in the Armenian moun- 
 tains, and flows into the Persian Gulf. The 
 entire course is 1780 miles, and of this dis- 
 tance more than two thirds (1200 miles) is 
 navigable for boats. The width of the 
 river is greatest at the distance of 700 or 
 800 miles from its mouth that is to say, 
 from its junction with the Khabour to the 
 village of Wcrai. It there averages 400 
 yards. The annual inundation of the 
 Euphrates is caused by the melting of the 
 snows in the Armenian highlands. It oc- 
 curs in the month of May. The great 
 hydraulic works ascribed to Nebuchadnez- 
 zar had for their chief object to control 
 the inundation. The Euphrates is first 
 mentioned in Scripture as one of the four 
 rivers of Eden (Gen. ii. 14). Its celebrity 
 is there sufficiently indicated by the ab- 
 sence of any explanatory phrase, such as 
 accompanies the names of the other streams. 
 We next hear of it in the covenant made 
 with Abraham (Gen. xv. 18), where the 
 whole country from "the great river, the 
 river Euphrates," to the river of Egypt is 
 promised to the chosen race. During the 
 reigns of David and Solomon the dominion 
 
 of Israel actually attained to the full extent 
 both ways of the original promise, the 
 Euphrates forming the boundary of their 
 empire to the N. E., and the river of Egypt 
 to the S. W. This wide-spread territory 
 was lost upon the disruption of the empire 
 under Rehoboam ; and no more is heard in 
 Scripture of the Euphrates until the ex- 
 pedition of Necho against the Babylonians 
 in the reign of Josiah. The river still 
 brings down as much water as of old, but 
 the precious element is wasted by the 
 neglect of man ; the various watercourses 
 along which it was in former times con- 
 veyed are dry; the main channel has 
 shrunk; and the water stagnates in un- 
 wholesome marshes. 
 
 Eupol'emus, the " son of John, the 
 son of Accos," one of the envoys sent to 
 Rome by Judas Maccabaeus, cir. u. c. 161 
 (1 Mace. viii. 17; 2 Mace. iv. 11). He 
 has been identified with the historian of the 
 same name, but it is by no means clear that 
 the historian was of Jewish descent. 
 
 Euroc'lydon, the name given (Acts 
 xxvii. 14) to the gale of wind which off the 
 south coast of Crete seized the ship in 
 which St. Paul was ultimately wrecked on 
 the coast of Malta. It came down from 
 the island, and therefore must have blown, 
 more or less, from the northward. 
 
 Eu'tychus, a youth at Troas (Acts xx. 
 9), who sitting in a window, and having 
 fallen asleep while St. Paul was discoursing 
 far into the night, fell from the third story, 
 and being taken up dead, was miraculously 
 restored to life by the Apostle. 
 
 Evangelist means "the publisher of 
 glad tidings," and therefore seems common 
 to the work of the Christian ministry gen- 
 erally; yet in Eph. iv. 11, the " evange- 
 lists " appear on the one hand after the 
 "apostles " and " prophets : " on the other 
 before the " pastors " and " teachers." This 
 passage accordingly would lead us to think 
 of them as standing between the two other 
 groups sent forth as missionary preachers 
 of the Gospel by the first, and as such pre- 
 paring the way for the labors of the second. 
 The same inference would seem to follow 
 the occurrence of the word as applied to 
 Philip in Acts xxi. 8. It follows from what 
 has been said that the calling of the Evan- 
 gelist is the proclamation of the glad tidings 
 to those who have not known them, rather 
 than the instruction and pastoral care of 
 those who have believed and been baptized. 
 It follows also that the name denotes a 
 work rather than an order- The Evangelist 
 might or might not be a Bishop-Elder or a 
 deacon. The Apostles, so far as they 
 evangelized (Acts viii. 25, xiv. 7 ; 1 Cor. i. 
 17), might claim the title, though there 
 were many Evangelists who were not Apos- 
 tles. If the Gospel was a written book, 
 and the office of the Evangelists was to
 
 EVE 
 
 187 
 
 EXCOMMUNICATION 
 
 read or distribute it, then the writers of 
 . Buch books were pre-eminently THE Evan- 
 gelists. In later liturgical language the 
 word was applied to the reader of the 
 Gospel for the day. 
 
 Eve, the name given in Scripture to the 
 first woman. The account of Eve's crea- 
 tion is found at Gen. ii. 21, 22. Perhaps 
 that Avhich we are chiefly intended to learn 
 from the narrative is the foundation upon 
 which the union between man and wife is 
 built, viz., identity of nature and oneness 
 of origin. Through the subtlety of the 
 serpent, Eve was beguiled into a violation 
 of the one commandment which had been 
 imposed upon her and Adam. The Scrip- 
 ture account of Eve closes with the birth 
 of Seth. 
 
 E'vi, one of the five kings or princes of 
 Midian, slain by the Israelites (Num. xxxi. 
 8; Josh. xiii. 21). 
 
 E'vil-mero'dach (2 K. xxv. 27), the 
 son and successor of Nebuchadnezzar. He 
 reigned but a short time, having ascended 
 the throne on the death of Nebuchadnezzar 
 in B. c. 5G1, and being himself succeeded 
 by Neriglissar in B. c. 559. He was mur- 
 dered by Neriglissar. 
 
 Excommunication. I. Jewish Ex- 
 communication. The Jewish system of ex- 
 communication was threefold. For a first 
 offence a delinquent was subjected to the 
 penalty of Niddui. The twenty-four of- 
 fences for which it was inflicted are vari- 
 ous, and range in heinousness from the 
 offence of keeping a fierce dog to that of 
 taking God's name in vain. The offender 
 was first cited to appear in court ; and if 
 he refused to appear or to make amends, 
 his sentence was pronounced. The term 
 of this punishment was thirty days ; and it 
 was extended to a second and to a third 
 thirty days when necessary. If at the end 
 of that time the offender was still contu- 
 macious, he was subjected to the second 
 excommunication, termed Cherem, a word 
 meaning something devoted to God (Lev. 
 xxvii. 21, 28; Ex. xxii. 20 [19]; Num. 
 xviii. 14). Severer penalties were now at- 
 tached. The sentence was delivered by a 
 court of ten, and was accompanied by a 
 solemn malediction. Lastly followed Sham- 
 mdthd, which was an entire cutting off 
 from the congregation. The punishment 
 of excommunication is not appointed by 
 the Law of Moses. It is founded on the 
 natural right of self-protection which all 
 societies enjoy. The case of Korah, Da- 
 than, and Abiram (Num. xvi.), the curse 
 denounced on Meroz (Judg. v. 23), the 
 commission and proclamation of Ezra (vii. 
 26, x. 8), and the reformation of Nehemiah 
 (xiii. 25), are appealed to by the Talmud- 
 ists as precedents by which their proceed- 
 ings are regulated. In the New Testament, 
 Jewish excommunication is brought prom- | 
 
 inently before us in the case of the man 
 that was born blind (John ix.). The ex- 
 pressions here used refer, no doubt, to the 
 first form of excommunication, or Niddui. 
 In Luke vi. 22, it has been thought that our 
 Lord referred specifically to the three forms 
 of Jewish excommunication : "Blessed are 
 ye when men shall hate you, and when 
 they shall separate you from their com- 
 pany, and shall reproach you, and cast out 
 your name as evil, for the Son of Man's 
 sake." The three words very accurately 
 express the simple separation, the addi- 
 tional malediction, and the final exclusion 
 of niddui, cherem, and shammdthd. II. 
 Christian Excommunication. Excommu- 
 nication, as exercised by the Christian 
 Church, is not merely founded on the nat- 
 ural right, possessed by all societies, nor 
 merely on the example of the Jewish 
 Church and nation. It was instituted by 
 our Lord (Matt, xviii. 15, 18), and it was 
 practised and commanded by St. Paul (1 
 Tim. i. 20; 1 Cor. v. 11 ; Tit. iii. 10). In 
 the Epistles we find St. Puul frequently 
 claiming the right to exercise discipline 
 over his converts (comp. 2 Cor. i. 23, xiii. 
 10). In two cases we find him exercising 
 this authority to the extent of cutting off 
 offenders from the Church. What is 
 the full meaning of the expression, " de- 
 liver unto Satan," is doubtful. All agree 
 that excommunication is contained in it, 
 but whether it implies any further pun- 
 ishment, inflicted by the extraordinary pow- 
 ers committed specially to the Apostles, 
 has been questioned. Introduction into 
 the Church is, in St. Paul's mind, a trans- 
 lation from the kingdom and power of 
 Satan to the kingdom and government of 
 Christ. This being so, he could hardly 
 more naturally describe the effect of ex- 
 cluding a man from the Church than by the 
 words "deliver him unto Satan." In ad- 
 dition to the claim to exercise discipline, 
 and its actual exercise in the form of ex- 
 communication, by the Apostles, we find 
 Apostolic precepts directing that discipline 
 should be exercised by the rulers of the 
 Church, and that in some cases excommu- 
 nication should be restored to (2 Thess. iii 
 14 ; Rom. xvi. 17 ; Gal. v. 12 ; 1 Tim. vi. 
 3; Tit. iii. 10; 2 John 10; 3 John 10; 
 Rev. ii. 20). There are two passages still 
 more important to our subject (Gal. i. 8, 9 ; 
 1 Cor. xvi. 22). It has been supposed that 
 these two expressions, " let him be Anath- 
 ema," "let him be Anathema Maranatha," 
 refer respectively to the two later stages of 
 Jewish excommunication the cherem and 
 the shammdthd. The Nature of Excom- 
 munication is made more evident by the 
 acts of St. Paul than by any investigation 
 of Jewish practice or of the etymology of 
 words. We thus find, (1) that it is a spir- 
 itual penalty, involving no temporal pun*
 
 EXECUTIONER 
 
 188 
 
 EZBON 
 
 ishmcnt, except accidentally; (2) that it 
 consists in separation from the communion 
 of the Church; (3) that its object is the 
 good of the sufferer (1 Cor. v. 5), and the 
 protection of the sound members of the 
 Church (2 Tim. iii. 17) ; (4) that its sub- 
 jects arc those who are guilty of heresy (1 
 Tim. i. 20), or gross immorality (1 Cor. v. 
 1) ; (5) that it is inflicted by the authority 
 of the Church at large (Matt, xviii. 18), 
 wielded by the highest ecclesiastical officer 
 (1 Cor. v. 3 ; Tit. iii. 10) ; (6) that this 
 officer's sentence is promulgated by the 
 congregation to which the offender belongs 
 (1 Cor. v. 4), in deference to his superior 
 judgment and command (2 Cor. ii. 9), and 
 in spite of any opposition on the part of a 
 minority (ib. 6) ; (7) that the exclusion 
 may be of indefinite duration, or for a pe- 
 riod ; (8) that its duration may be abridged 
 at the discretion and by the indulgence of 
 the person who has imposed the penalty 
 (ib. 8) ; (9) that penitence is the condi- 
 tion on which restoration to communion is 
 granted (ib. 7) ; (10) that the sentence is 
 to be publicly reversed as it was publicly 
 promulgated (ib. 10). 
 
 Executioner. The Hebrew word de- 
 scribes, in the first instance, the office of 
 executioner, and, secondarily, the general 
 duties of the body-guard of a monarch. 
 Thus Fotiphar was " captain of the execu- 
 tioners " (Gen. xxxvii. 36; see margin). 
 That the " captain of the guard" himself 
 occasionally performed the duty of an ex- 
 ecutioner appears from 1 K. ii. 25, 34. 
 Nevertheless the post was one of high dig- 
 nity. 
 
 Exile. [CAPTIVITT.] 
 
 Ex'odus (that is, going out [of Egypt]), 
 the second book of the Law or Pentateuch. 
 It may be divided into two principal parts : 
 I. Historical, i. 1-xviii. 27; and, II. Legis- 
 .ative, xix. 1-xl. 38. The former of these 
 may be subdivided into, (1.) the preparation 
 for the deliverance of Israel from their 
 bondage in Egypt; (2.) the accomplish- 
 ment of that deliverance. I. (1.) The first 
 section (i, 1-xii. 36) contains an account of 
 the following particulars : The great in- 
 crease of Jacob's posterity in the land of 
 Egypt, and their oppression under a new 
 dynasty, which occupied the throne after 
 the death of Joseph (ch. i.) ; the birth, ed- 
 ucation, and flight of Moses (ii.) ; his sol- 
 emn call to be the deliverer of his people 
 (iii. 1-iv. 17), and his return to Egypt in 
 consequence (iv. 18-31) ; his first ineffectu- 
 al attempt to prevail upon Pharaoh to let the 
 Israelites go, which only resulted in an in- 
 crease of their burdens (v. 1-21) ; a fur- 
 ther preparation of Moses and Aaron for 
 their office, together with the account of 
 their genealogies (v. 22-vii. 7) ; the succes- 
 sive signs and wonders, by means of which 
 the deliverance of Israel from the land of 
 
 bondage is at length accomplished, and the 
 institution of the Passover (vii. 8-xii. 36). 
 (2.) A narrative of events from the depart- 
 ure out of Egypt to the arrival of the Is- 
 raelites at Mount Sinai. II. The solemn 
 establishment of the Theocracy on Mount 
 Sinai. This book, in short, gives a sketch 
 of the early history of Israel as a nation : 
 and the history has three clearly marked 
 stages. First we see a nation enslaved; 
 next a nation redeemed ; lastly a nation set 
 apart, and through the blending of its reli- 
 gious and political life consecrated to the 
 service of God. 
 
 Ex'odus, The, of the Israelites from 
 Egypt. On the date of this event see 
 EGVPT, p. 163. The history of the Exodus 
 itself commences with the close of that of 
 the Ten Plagues. [PLAGUES OF EGYPT.] 
 In the night in which, at midnight, the 
 firstborn were slain (Ex. xii. 29), Pharaoh 
 urged the departure of the Israelites (ver. 
 31, 32). They at once set forth from Ra- 
 meses (ver. 37, 39), apparently during the 
 night (ver. 42), but towards morning, on 
 the 15th day of the first month (Num. xxxiii. 
 3). They made three journeys and en- 
 camped by the Red Sea. Here Pharaoh 
 overtook them, and the great miracle oc- 
 curred by which they were saved, while the 
 pursuer and his army were destroyed. [RED 
 SEA, PASSAGE OF.] 
 
 Exorcist. The use of the term exor- 
 cists in Acts xix. 13 confirms what we know 
 from other sources as to the common prac- 
 tice of exorcism amongst the Jews. That 
 some, at least, of them not only pretended 
 to, but possessed, the power of exorcising, 
 appears by our Lord's admission when he 
 asks the Pharisees, "If I by Beelzebub 
 cast out devils, by whom do your disciples 
 cast them out?" (Matt. xii. 27). What 
 means were employed by real exorcists we 
 are not informed. David, by playing skil- 
 fully on a harp, procured the temporary 
 departure of the evil spirit which troubled 
 Saul (1 Sam. rvi. 23). It was the profane 
 use of the nanie of Jesus as a mere charm 
 or spell which led to the disastrous issue 
 recorded in the Acts of the Apostles (xix. 
 13-16). The power of casting out devils 
 was bestowed by Christ while on earth 
 upon the Apostles (Matt. x. 8) and the sev- 
 enty disciples (Luke x. 17-19, and wa.?, ac- 
 cording to His promise (Mark xvi. 17), 
 exercised by believers after His Ascension 
 (Acts xvi. 18) ; but to the Christian miracle, 
 whether as performed by our Lord himself 
 or by His followers, the N. T. writers never 
 apply the terms " exorcise " or " exorcist." 
 
 Expiation. [SACRIFICE.] 
 
 Ez'bai, father of Naarai, who was one 
 of David's thirty mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 
 37). 
 
 Ez'bon. 1. Son of Gad, and founder 
 of one of the Gadite families (Gen. xlvi.
 
 EZEKIAS 
 
 189 
 
 EZRA 
 
 16; Num. xxvi. 1C). 2. Son of Bela, the 
 son of Benjamin, according to 1 Chr. vii. 7. 
 Ezeki'as, Matt. i. 9, 10. [HEZEKIAH.] 
 Eze'kiel, one of the four greater proph- 
 ets, was the son of a priest named Buzi, 
 and was taken captive in the captivity of Je- 
 hoiachin, eleven years before the destruc- 
 tion of Jerusalem. He was a member of a 
 community of Jewish exiles who settled on 
 the banks of the Chebar, a "river" or 
 stream of Babylonia. It was by this river 
 " in the land of "the Chaldaeans " that God's 
 message first reached him (i.3). His call 
 took place " in the fifth year of king Jehoia- 
 chin's captivity," B. c. 595 (i. 2), " in the 
 thirtieth year, in the fourth month." The lat- 
 ter expression is uncertain. It now seems 
 generally agreed that it was the 30th year 
 from the new era of Nabopolassar, father of 
 Nebuchadnezzar, who began to reign B. c. 
 625. The use of this Chaldee epoch is the 
 more appropriate as the prophet wrote in 
 Babylonia, and he gives a Jewish chronol- 
 ogy in ver. 2. The decision of the ques- 
 tion is the less important because in all 
 other places Ezekiel dates from the year 
 of Jehoiachin's captivity (xxix. 17, xxx. 
 29, et passim). We learn from an inci- 
 dental allusion (xxiv. 18) the only refer- 
 ence which he makes to his personal history 
 that he was married, and had a house 
 (viii. 1) in his place of exile, and lost his 
 wife by a sudden and unforeseen stroke. 
 He lived in the highest consideration among 
 his companions in exile, and their elders 
 consulted him on all occasions (viii. 1, xi. 
 25, xiv. 1, xx. 1, &c.). The last date he 
 mentions is the 27th year of the captivity 
 (xxix. 17), so that his mission extended 
 over twenty -two years, during part of which 
 period Daniel was probably living, and al- 
 ready famous (Ez. xiv. 14, xxviii. 3). He 
 is said to have been murdered in Babylon 
 by some Jewish prince whom he had con- 
 victed of idolatry, and to have been buried 
 in the tomb of Shem and Arphaxad, on the 
 banks of the Euphrates. The tomb, said 
 to have been built by Jehoiachin, was shown 
 a few days' journey from Bagdad. Ezekiel 
 was distinguished by his stern and inflex- 
 ible energy of will and character ; and we 
 also observe a devoted adherence to the 
 rites and ceremonies of his national re- 
 ligion. The depth of his matter, and the 
 marvellous nature of his visions, make him 
 occasionally obscure. The book is divided 
 into two great parts of which the destruc- 
 tion of Jerusalem is the turning-point; 
 chapters i.-xxiv. contain predictions deliv- 
 ered before that event, and xxv.-xlviii. 
 after it, as we see from xxvi. 2. Again, 
 chapters i.-xxxii. are mainly occupied with 
 correction, denunciation, and reproof, while 
 the remainder deal chiefly in consolation 
 and promise. A parenthetical section 
 in the middle of the book (xxv.-xxxii.) i 
 
 contains a group of prophecies against 
 seven foreign nations, the septenary ar- 
 rangement being apparently intentional. 
 There are no direct quotations from Eze- 
 kiel in the New Testament, but in the 
 Apocalypse there are many parallels and 
 obvious allusions to the later chapters 
 (xl.-xlviii.). 
 
 E'zel, The Stone. A well-known stone 
 in the neighborhood of Saul's residence, 
 the scene of the parting of David and 
 Jonathan when the former finally fled from 
 the court (1 Sam. xx. 19). 
 
 E'zem, one of the towns of Simeon, 
 (1 Chr. iv. 29). 
 
 E'zer. 1. A son of Ephraim, who was 
 slain by the aboriginal inhabitants of Gath, 
 while engaged in a foray on their cattle 
 (1 Chr. vii. 21). 2. A priest who assisted 
 in the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem 
 under Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 42). 3. Father 
 of Hushah of the sons of Hur (1 Chr. 
 iv. 4). 
 
 E'zion-ga'ber, or E'zion-ge'ber 
 (Num. xxxiii. 35 ; Deut. ii. 8 ; 1 K. ix. 26, 
 xxii. 48; 2 Chr. viii. 17), the last station 
 named for the encampment of the Israel- 
 ites before they came to the wilderness of 
 Zin. It probably stood at Ain el-Ghudy&n 
 about ten miles up what is now the dry 
 bed of the Arabah, but which was probably- 
 then the northern end of the gulf. 
 
 Ez'nite, The. According to the state- 
 ment of 2 Sam. xxiii. 8, " Adino the Ez- 
 nite " was another name for " Josheb-bas- 
 shebeth" a Tachcemonite (1 Chr. xi. 11). 
 
 Ez'ra, called ESDRAS in the Apocrypha, 
 the famous Scribe and Priest, descended 
 from Hilkiah the high-priest in Josiah's 
 reign, from whose younger son Azariah 
 sprung Seraiah, Ezra's father, quite a dif- 
 ferent person from Seraiah the high-priest 
 (Ezr. vii. 1). All that is really known of 
 Ezra is contained in the four last chapters of 
 the book of Ezra and in Neh. viii. andxii. 26. 
 From these passages we learn that he was a 
 learned and pious priest residing at Baby- 
 lon in the time of Artaxerxes Longimanus. 
 The origin of his influence with the king 
 does not appear, but in the seventh year 
 of his reign, in spite of the unfavorable 
 report which had been sent by Rehum and 
 Shimshai, he obtained leave to go to Jeru- 
 salem, and to take with him a company of 
 Israelites, together with priests, Levites, 
 singers, porters, and Nethinim. The jour- 
 ney of Ezra and his companions from Baby- 
 lon to Jerusalem took just four months ; and 
 they brought up with them a large free- 
 will offering of gold and silver, and silver 
 vessels. It appears that his great design 
 was to effect a religious reformation among 
 the Palestine Jews, and to bring them back 
 to the observation of the Law of Moses, 
 from which they had grievously declined. 
 His first step, accordingly, was to enforce a
 
 190 
 
 FAIRS 
 
 separation from their wives upon au who 
 had made heathen marriages, in which 
 number were many priests and Levites, as 
 well as other Israelites. This was effected 
 in little more than six months after his 
 arrival at Jerusalem. With the detailed 
 account of this important transaction Ez- 
 ra's autobiography ends abruptly, and we 
 hear nothing more of him till, 13 years 
 afterwards, in the 20th of Artaxerxcs, we 
 find him again at Jerusalem with Nehemiah 
 " the Tirshatha." It seems probable that 
 after he had effected the above-named ref- 
 ormation, and had appointed competent 
 judges and magistrates, with authority to 
 maintain it, he himself returned to the king 
 of Persia. The functions he executed under 
 Nehemiah's government were purely of a 
 priestly and ecclesiastical character. But 
 in such he filled the first place. As Ezra is 
 not mentioned after Nehemiah's departure 
 for Babylon in the 32d Artaxerxes, and as 
 every thing fell into confusion during Nehe- 
 miah's absence (Neh. xiii.), it is not unlikely 
 that Ezra may have died or returned to 
 Babylon before that year. There was a Jew- 
 ish tradition that he was buried in Persia. 
 The principal works ascribed to him by the 
 Jews are : 1. The institution of the Great 
 Synagogue. 2. The settling the canon of 
 Scripture, and restoring, correcting, and 
 editing the whole sacred volume. 3. The 
 introduction of the Chaldee character in- 
 stead of the old Hebrew or Samaritan. 
 4. The authorship of the books of Chron- 
 icles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and, some add, Es- 
 ther i and, many of the Jews say, also of 
 the books of Ezckiel, Daniel, and the twelve 
 prophets. 6. The establishment of syna- 
 gogues. 
 
 Ez'ra, Book of, is a continuation of 
 the books of Chronicles. Like these books, 
 it consists of the contemporary historical 
 journals kept from time to time, which 
 were afterwards strung together, and either 
 abridged or added to, as the case required, 
 by a later hand. That later hand, in the 
 book of Ezra, was doubtless Ezra's own, 
 as appears by the four last chapters, as well 
 as by other matter inserted in the previous 
 chapters. The chief portion of the last 
 chapter of 2 Chr. and Ezr. i. was probably 
 written by Daniel. As regards Ezr. ii., 
 and as far as iii. 1, it is found (with the ex- 
 ception of clerical errors) in the 7th ch. of 
 Nehemiah, where it belongs beyond a shad- 
 ow of doubt. The next portion extends 
 from iii. 2 to the end of ch. vi. With the 
 exception of one large explanatory addition 
 by Ezra, extending from iv. 6 to 23, this 
 portion is the work of a writer contem- 
 porary with Zerubbabel and Jeshua, and an 
 eye-witness of the rebuilding of the Temple 
 in the beginning of the reign of Darius 
 Hystaspis. That it was the prophet Hag- 
 gai becomes tolerably sure when we ob- 
 
 serve further the remarkable coincidences 
 in style. Ezr. iv. 6-23 is a parenthetic ad- 
 dition by a much later hand, and as the 
 passage most clearly shows, made in the 
 reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus. The 
 compiler who inserted ch. ii., a document 
 drawn up in the reign of Artaxcrxes to 
 illustrate the return of the captives under 
 Zerubbabel, here inserts a notice of two 
 historical facts of which one occurred in 
 the reign of Xerxes, and the other in the 
 reign of Artaxerxes to illustrate the op- 
 position offered by the heathen to the re- 
 building of the Temple in the reign of 
 Cyrus and Cambyses. The last four chap- 
 ters, beginning with ch. vii., are Ezra's 
 own, and continue the history after a gap 
 of fifty-eight years from the sixth of 
 Darius to the seventh of Artaxerxes. It is 
 written partly in Hebrew, and partly in 
 Chaldee. The Chaldee begins at iv. 8, and 
 continues to the end of vi. 18. The letter 
 or decree of Artaxerxes, vii. 12-26, is also 
 given in the original Chaldee. The period 
 covered by the book is eighty years, from 
 the first of Cyrus, B. c. 536, to the be- 
 ginning of the eighth of Artaxerxes, B. c. 
 456. 
 
 Ez'rahite, The, a title attached to two 
 persons Ethan (1 K. iv. 31 ; Ps. Ixxxix. 
 title) and Heman (Ps. Ixxxviii. title). 
 
 Ez'ri, son of Chelub, superintendent of 
 king David's farm-laborers (1 Chr. xxvii. 
 26). 
 
 F. 
 
 Fable. Of the fable, as distinguished 
 from the parable [PARABLE], we have but 
 two examples in the Bible, (1.) that of the 
 trees choosing their king, addressed by 
 Jotham to the men of Shechem (Judg. ix. 
 8-15) ; (2.) that of the cedar of Lebanon 
 and the thistle, as the answer of Jehoash 
 to the challenge of Amaziah (2 K. xiv. 9). 
 The fables of false teachers claiming to 
 belong to the Christian church, alluded to 
 by writers of the N. T. (1 Tim. i. 4, iv. 7; 
 Tit. i. 14 ; 2 Pet. i. 16), do not appear to 
 have had the character of fables, properly 
 so called. 
 
 Fair Havens, a harbor in the island 
 of CRETE (Acts xxvii. 8), though not men- 
 tioned in any other ancient writing, is still 
 known by its own Greek name, and appears 
 to have been the harbor of LASAEA. These 
 places are situated four or five miles to the 
 E. of Cape Matala, which is the most con- 
 spicuous headland on the S. coast of Crete, 
 and immediately to the W. of which the 
 coast trends suddenly to the N. 
 
 Fairs, a word which occurs only in Ez. 
 xxvii., and there no less than seven times 
 (ver. 12, 14, 16, 19, 22, 27, 33) : in the last 
 of these verses it is rendered "wares," and
 
 FALLOW-DEER 
 
 191 
 
 FASTS 
 
 this we believe to be the true meaning of 
 the word throughout. 
 
 Fallow-deer (Heb. yachmftr). The 
 Heb. word, which is mentioned only in 
 Deut. xiv. 5 and in 1 K. iv. 23, is probably 
 the Alcelaphus bubalis of Barbary and N. 
 Africa. It is about the size of a stag, and 
 lives in herds. 
 
 Famine. In the whole of Syria and 
 Arabia, the fruits of the earth must ever be 
 dependent on rain ; the watersheds having 
 few large springs, and the small rivers 
 not being sufficient for the irrigation of 
 even the level lands. If therefore the 
 heavy rains of November and December 
 fail, the sustenance of the people is cut off 
 in the parching drought of harvest-time, 
 when the country is almost devoid of mois- 
 ture. Egypt, again, owes all its fertility to 
 its mighty river, whose annual rise inun- 
 dates nearly the whole land. The causes 
 of dearth and famine in Egypt are occa- 
 sioned by defective inundation, preceded 
 and accompanied and followed by prevalent 
 easterly and southerly winds. The first 
 famine recorded in the Bible is that of 
 Abraham after he had pitched his tent on 
 the east of Bethel (Gen. xii. 10). We 
 may conclude that this famine was exten- 
 sive, although this is not quite proved by 
 the fact of Abraham's going to Egypt ; for 
 on the occasion of the second famine, in 
 the days of Isaac, this patriarch found 
 refuge with Abimelech king of the Philis- 
 tines in Gerar (Gen. xxvi. 1, sq.). We 
 hear no more of times of scarcity until the 
 great famine of Egypt which " was over all 
 the face of the earth." We have mentioned 
 the chief causes of famines in Egypt : this 
 instance differs in the providential recur- 
 rence of seven years of plenty, whereby 
 Joseph was enabled to provide against the 
 coming dearth, and to supply not only the 
 population of Egypt with corn, but those 
 of the surrounding countries (Gen. xli. 
 53-57). The modern history of Egypt 
 throws some curious light on these ancient 
 records of famines ; and instances of their 
 recurrence may be cited to assist us in un- 
 derstanding their course and extent. The 
 most remarkable famine was that of the 
 reign of the Fatimee Khaleefeh, El-Mus- 
 tansir billah, which is the only instance on 
 record of one of seven years' duration in 
 Egypt since the time of Joseph (A. H. 457- 
 464, A. D. 1064-1071). Vehement drought 
 and pestilence continued for seven consec- 
 utive years, so that the people ate corpses, 
 and animals that died of themselves. The 
 famine of Samaria resembled it in many 
 particulars ; and that very briefly recorded 
 in 2 K. viii. 1, 2, affords another instance 
 of one of seven years. In Arabia, famines 
 are of frequent occurrence. 
 
 Farthing. Two names of coins in 
 the N. T. are rendered in the A. V. by this 
 
 word. 1. xofycrmjs, quadrans (Matt. v. 
 26 ; Mark xii. 42), a coin current in Pales- 
 tine in the time of our Lord. It was equiv- 
 alent to two lepta (A. V. "mites "). The 
 name quadrans was originally given to the 
 quarter of the Roman as, or piece of three 
 unciae, therefore also called teruncius. 2. 
 aaauotov (Matt. x. 29; Luke xii. 6), prop- 
 erly a small as, assarium, but in the time 
 of our Lord used as the Gr. equivalent of 
 the Lat. as. The rendering of the Vulg. 
 in Luke xii. 6 makes it probable that a sin- 
 gle coin is intended by two assaria. 
 
 Fasts. I. One fast only was appointed 
 by the law, that on the day of Atonement. 
 There is no mention of any other periodi- 
 cal fast in the O. T., except in Zech. vii. 
 1-7, viii. 19. From these passages it ap- 
 pears that the Jews, during their captivity, 
 observed four annual fasts, in the fourth, 
 fifth, seventh, and tenth months. Zecha- 
 riah simply distinguishes the fasts by the 
 months in which they were observed ; but 
 the Mishna and St. Jerome give statements 
 of certain historical events which they were 
 intended to commemorate. The number 
 of annual fasts in the present Jewish Cal- 
 endar has been multiplied to twenty-eight. 
 II. Public fasts were occasionally pro- 
 claimed to express national humiliation, 
 and to supplicate divine favor. In the case 
 of public danger, the proclamation appears 
 to have been accompanied with the blow- 
 ing of trumpets (Joel ii; 1-15). The fol- 
 lowing instances are recorded of strictly 
 national fasts : Samuel gathered " all Is- 
 rael " to Mizpeh and proclaimed a fast (1 
 Sam. vii. 6) ; Jehoshaphat appointed one 
 " throughout all Judah" when he was pre- 
 paring for war against Moab and Ammon 
 (2 Chr. xx. 3) ; in the reign of Jehoiakim, 
 one was proclaimed for " all the people in 
 Jerusalem and all who came thither out of 
 the cities of Judah," when the prophecy of 
 Jeremiah was publicly read by Baruch 
 (Jer. xxxvi. 6-10 ; cf. Baruch i. 5) ; three 
 days after the feast of Tabernacles, when 
 the second temple was completed, " the 
 children of Israel assembled with fasting 
 and with sackclothes and earth upon them " 
 to hear the law read, and to confess their 
 sins (Neh. ix. 1). There are references to 
 general fasts in the Prophets (Joel i. 14, ii. 
 15; Is. Iviii.), and two are noticed in the 
 books of the Maccabees (1 Mace. iii. 46, 
 47; 2 Mace. xiii. 10-12). III. Private 
 occasional fasts are recognized in one pas- 
 sage of the law (Num. xxx. 13). The in- 
 stances given of individuals fasting under 
 the influence of grief, vexation, or anxie- 
 ty, are numerous. IV. In the N. T. the 
 only references to the Jewish fasts are the 
 mention of "the Fast "in Acts xxvii. 9 
 (generally understood to denote the Day 
 of Atonement), and the allusions to the 
 weekly fasts (Matt. ix. 14; Mark ii. 18;
 
 FAT 
 
 192 
 
 FENCED CITIES 
 
 Luke v. 33, xviii. 12; Acts x. 30). These 
 fasts originated some time after the cap- 
 tivity. They were observed on the second 
 and fifth days of the week, which, being ap- 
 pointed as the days for public fasts, seem 
 to have been selected for these private vol- 
 untary fasts. V. The Jewish fasts were 
 observed with various degrees of strict- 
 ness. Sometimes there was entire absti- 
 nence from food (Esth. iv. 16, &c.). On 
 other occasions, there appears to have been 
 only a restriction to a very plain diet (Dan. 
 x. 3). Those who fasted frequently dressed 
 in sackcloth or rent their clothes, put ashes 
 on their head and went barefoot (1 K. xxi. 
 27 ; Neh. ix. 1 ; Ps. xxxv. 13). VI. The 
 sacrifice of the personal will, which gives 
 to fasting all its value, is expressed in the 
 old term used in the law, afflicting the soul. 
 
 Fat. The Hebrews distinguished be- 
 tween the suet or pure fat of an animal, and 
 the fat which was intermixed with the lean 
 (Neh. viii. 10). Certain restrictions were 
 imposed upon them in reference to the for- 
 mer ; some parts of the suet, viz., about the 
 stomach, the entrails, the kidneys, and the 
 tail of a sheep, which grows to an excessive 
 size in many eastern countries, and pro- 
 duces a large quantity of rich fat, were for- 
 bidden to be eaten in the case of animals 
 offered to Jehovah in sacrifice (Lev. iii. 3, 
 9, 17, vii. 3, 23). The ground of the pro- 
 hibition was that the fat was the richest part 
 of the animal, and therefore belonged to 
 Him (iii. 16). The presentation of the fat 
 as the richest part of the animal was agree- 
 able to the dictates of natural feeling, and 
 was the ordinary practice even of heathen 
 nations. The burning of the fat of sacri- 
 fices was particularly specified in eachkind 
 of offering. 
 
 Fat, i. e. VAT, the word employed in 
 the A. V. to translate the Hebrew term 
 yekeb, in Joel ii. 34, iii. 13. The word com- 
 monly used for yekeb is "winepress" or 
 " winefat," and once "pressfat" (Hag. ii. 
 16). The " vats " appear to have been ex- 
 cavated out of the native rock of the hills 
 on which the vineyards lay. 
 
 Father. The position and authority of 
 the father as the head of the family are ex- 
 pressly assumed and sanctioned in Scrip- 
 ture, as a likeness of that of the Almighty 
 over His creatures. It lies of course at the 
 root of that so-called patriarchal govern- 
 ment (Gen. iii. 16; 1 Cor. xi. 3), which 
 was introductory to the more definite sys- 
 tems which followed, and which in part, but 
 not wholly, superseded it. The father's 
 blessing was regarded as conferring special 
 benefit, but his malediction special injury, 
 on those on whom it fell (Gen. ix. 25, 27, 
 xxvii. 27-40, xlviii. 15, 20, xlix.) ; and so 
 also the sin of a parent was held to affect, 
 in certain cases, the welfare of his descend- 
 ants (2 K. v. 27). The command to honor 
 
 'parents is noticed by St. Paul as the only 
 i one of the Decalogue which bore a distinct 
 promise (Ex. xx. 12; Eph. vi. 2), and dis- 
 respect towards them was condemned by 
 the Law as one of the worst of crimes (Ex. 
 xxi. 15, 17; 1 Tim. i. 9). It is to this well 
 recognized theory of parental authority and 
 supremacy that the very various uses of 
 the term "father" in Scripture are due. 
 "Fathers " is used in the sense of seniors 
 (Acts vii. 2, xxii. 1), and of parents in gen- 
 eral, or ancestors (Dan. v. 2 ; Jer. xxvii. 
 7; Matt, xxiii. 30, 32). 
 
 Fathom. [MEASUBES.] 
 
 Feasts. [FESTIVALS.] 
 
 Fe'lix, a Koman procurator of Judaea, 
 appointed by the Emperor Claudius, whose 
 freedman he was, on the banishment of 
 Ventidius Cumanus in A. r>. 53. Tacitus 
 states that Felix and Cumanus were joint 
 procurators ; Cumanus having Galilee, and 
 Felix Samaria. Felix was the brother 
 of Claudius's powerful freedman Pallas. 
 He ruled the province in a mean, cruel, and 
 profligate manner. His period of office 
 was full of troubles and seditions. St. 
 Paul was brought before Felix in Caesarea. 
 He was remanded to prison and kept there 
 two years, in hopes of extorting money 
 from him (Acts xxiv. 26, 27). At the end 
 of that time Porcius Festus [FESTUS] was 
 appointed to supersede Felix, who, on his 
 return to Rome, was accused by the Jews 
 in Caesarea, and would have suffered the 
 penalty due to his atrocities, had "not his 
 brother Pallas prevailed with the Emperor 
 Nero to spare him. This was probably in 
 the year 60 A. D. The wife of Felix was 
 Drusilla, daughter of Herod Agrippa I., 
 the former wife of Azizus king of Emesa. 
 
 Fenced Cities. The broad distinction 
 between a city and a village in Biblical 
 language consisted in the possession of 
 walls. The city had walls, the village was 
 unwalled, or had only a watchman's tower, 
 to which the villagers resorted in times of 
 danger. A threefold distinction is thus ob- 
 tained 1. cities; 2. unwalled villages ; 3. 
 villages with castles or towers (1 Chr. xxvii. 
 25). The district east of the Jordan, form- 
 ing the kingdoms of Moab and Bashan, is 
 said to have abounded from very early 
 times in castles and fortresses, such as 
 were built by Uzziah to protect the cattle, 
 and to repel the inroads of the neighboring 
 tribes, besides unwalled towns (Deut. Hi. 
 5; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10). The fortifications of 
 the cities of Palestine, thus regularly 
 "fenced," consisted of one or more walls 
 crowned with battlemented parapets, hav- 
 ing towers at regular intervals (2 Chr. 
 xxxii. 5 ; Jer. xxxi. 38), on which in later 
 times engines of war were placed, and 
 watch was kept by day and night in time 
 of war (2 Chr. xxvi. 9, 15 ; Judg. ix. 45 ; 
 2 K. ix. 17.)
 
 FERRET 
 
 193 
 
 FIR 
 
 Ferret. One of the unclean creeping 
 things mentioned in Lev. xi. 30. The an- 
 imal referred to was probably a reptile of 
 the lizard tribe. The Rabbinical writers 
 seem to have identified this animal with the 
 hedgehog. 
 
 Festivals. I. The religious times or- 
 dained in the Law fall under three heads : 
 (1.) Those formally connected with the 
 institution of the Sabbath ; (2.) The his- 
 torical or great festivals; (3.) The Day of 
 Atonement. (1.) Immediately connected 
 with the institution of the Sabbath are : (a) 
 The weekly Sabbath itself. (6) The sev- 
 enth new moon or Feast of Trumpets, (c) 
 The Sabbatical Year, (d) The Year of 
 Jubilee. (2/X The great feasts are : (a) 
 The Passover. (6) The Feast of Pente- 
 cost, of Weeks, of Wheat-harvest, or, of 
 the First-fruits, (c) The Feast of Taber- 
 nacles, or of Ingathering. On each of 
 these occasions every male Israelite was 
 commanded " to appear before the Lord," 
 that is, to attend in the court of the taber- 
 nacle or the temple, and to make his offer- 
 ing with a joyful heart (Deut. xxvii. 7 ; 
 Keh. viii. 9-12). The attendance of wo- 
 men was voluntary, but the zealous often 
 went up to the Passover. On all the days 
 of Holy Convocation there was to be an 
 entire suspension of ordinary labor of 
 all kinds (Ex. xii. 16 ; Lev. xvi. 29, xxiii. 
 21, 24, 25, 35). But on the intervening 
 days of the longer festivals work might be 
 carried on. Besides their religious pur- 
 pose, the great festivals must have had an 
 important bearing on the maintenance of a 
 feeling of national unity. The frequent 
 recurrence of the sabbatical number in the 
 organization ?>f these festivals is too re- 
 markable to be passed over, and seems, 
 when viewed in connection with the sab- 
 batical sacred times, to furnish a strong 
 proof that the whole system of the festivals 
 of the Jewish law was the product of one 
 mind. The agricultural significance of the 
 three great festivals is clearly set forth in 
 the account of the Jewish sacred year con- 
 tained in Lev. xxiii. The times of the 
 festivals were evidentry ordained in wis- 
 dom, so as to interfere as little as possi- 
 ble with the industry of the people. (3.) 
 For the Day of Atonement see that article. 
 II. After the captivity, the Feast of Purim 
 (Esth. ix. 20, sq.) and that of the Dedica- 
 tion (1 Mace. iv. 56) were instituted. 
 
 Fes'tus, Por'cius, successor of Felix 
 as procurator of Judaea (Acts xxiv. 27), 
 sent by Nero probably in the autumn of the 
 year 60 A. D. A few weeks after Festus 
 reached his province he heard the cause of 
 St. Paul, who had been left a prisoner by 
 Felix, in the presence of Herod Agrippa | 
 II. and Bernice his sister (Acts xxv. 11. j 
 12). Judaea was in the same disturbed j 
 state during the procuratorship of Festus, 
 13 
 
 : which had prevailed through that of his 
 predecessor. He died probably in the sum- 
 mer of 62 A. D., having ruled the province 
 less than two years. 
 
 Fetters. Fetters were usually made of 
 brass, and also in pairs, the word being in 
 the dual number. Iron was occasionally em- 
 ployed for the purpose (Ps. cv. 18, cxlix. 8). 
 
 Fever (kaddachath, datteketh, char- 
 chur ; Lev. xxvi. 16; Deut. xxviii. 22). 
 These words, from various roots, signifying 
 heat or inflammation, are rendered in the 
 A. V. by various words suggestive of fever, 
 or a feverish affection. The third word 
 may perhaps be erysipelas. Intermittent 
 fever and dysentery, the latter often fatal, 
 are ordinary Arabian diseases. 
 
 Field. The Hebrew sadeh is applied 
 to any cultivated ground, and in some in- 
 stances in marked opposition to the neigh- 
 boring wilderness. O.n the other hand the 
 sadeh is frequently contrasted with what is 
 enclosed, whether a vineyard, a garden, or 
 a walled town. In many passages the term 
 implies what is remote from a house (Gen. 
 iv. 8, xxiv. 63; Deut. xxii. 25) or settled 
 habitation, as in the case of Esau (Gen. 
 xxv. 27). The separate plots of ground 
 were marked off by stones, which might 
 easily be removed (Deui- xix. 14, xxvii. 
 17; cf. Job xxiv. 2; Prov. xxii. 28, xxiii. 
 10) ; the absence of fences rendered the 
 fields liable to damage from straying cattle 
 (Ex. xxii. 5) or fire (ver. 6; 2 Sam. xir. 
 30) : hence the necessity of constantly 
 watching flocks and herds. From the ab- 
 sence of enclosures, cultivated land of any 
 size might be termed a field. It should be 
 observed that the expressions " fruitful 
 field" (Is. x. 18, xxix. 17, xxxii. 15, 16), 
 and "plentiful field" (Is. xvi. 10; Jer. 
 xlviii. 33), are not connected with sadeh* 
 but with carmel, meaning a park or well- 
 kept wood, as distinct from a wilderness or 
 a forest. 
 
 Fig, Fig-tree (Heb. teendh), a word- 
 of frequent occurrence in the O. T, where- 
 it signifies the tree Ficus Carica of Lin- 
 naeus, and also its fruit. The fig-tree is 
 very common in Palestine (Deut. viii. 8). 
 Mount Olivet was famous for its fig-tree* 
 in ancient times, and they are still found' 
 there. " To sit under one's own vine and. 
 one's own fig-tree " became a proverbiaL 
 expression among the Jews to denote peace- 
 and prosperity (1 K. iv. 25; Mic. iv. 4; 
 Zech. iii. 10). 
 
 Fir (Heb. birdsh, btrdtk, Is. xiv. 8 ; Ez. 
 xxvii. 5, &c.). As the term " cedar " is in 
 all probability applicable to more than one 
 tree, so also " fir " in the A. V. represents 
 probably one or other of the following 
 trees: 1. Pinus sylvestris, or Scotch fir; 
 2. Larch; 3. Cupressus sempervirens, or 
 cypress, all which are at this day found in 
 the Lebanon.
 
 FIRE 
 
 194 
 
 FIRST-FRUITS 
 
 Fire is represented as the symbol of Je- 
 hovah's presence, and the instrument of 
 his power, in the way either of approval or 
 of destruction (Ex. iii. 2, xiv. 19, &c.). 
 Parallel with this application of fire and 
 witli its symbolical meaning are to be noted 
 the similar use for sacrificial purposes and 
 the respect paid to it, or to the heavenly 
 bodies as symbols of deity, which prevailed 
 among so many nations of antiquity, and 
 of which the traces are not even now ex- 
 tinct : e. g. the Sabaean and Magian sys- 
 tems of worship, and their alleged connec- 
 tion with Abraham ; the occasional relapse 
 of the Jews themselves into sun, or its cor- 
 rupted form of fire-wbrship (Is. xxvii. 9; 
 Deut. xvii. 3, &c.), the worship or deifica- 
 tion of heavenly bodies or of fire, prevail- 
 ing to some extent, as among the Persians, 
 so also even in Egypt. Fire for sacred pur- 
 poses obtained elsewhere than from the 
 altar was called " strange fire," and for the 
 use of such Nadab and Abihu were pun- 
 ished with death by fire from God (Lev. x. 
 1, 2; Num. iii. 4, xxvi. 61). 
 
 Firepan, one of the vessels of the 
 Temple service (Ex. xxvii. 3, xxxviii. 3 ; 2 
 K. xxv. 15; Jer. Iii. 19). The same word 
 is elsewhere rendered "snuff-dish" (Ex. 
 xxv. 38, xxxvii. 23; Num. iv. 2) and " cen- 
 ser " (Lev. x. 1, xvi. 12; Num. xvi. 6, ff.). 
 There appear, therefore, to have been two 
 articles so called : one, like a chafing-dish, 
 to carry live coals for the purpose of burn- 
 ing incense; another, like a snuffer-dish, 
 to be used in trimming the lamps, in order to 
 carry the snuffers and convey away the snuff. 
 
 Firkin. [WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.] 
 
 Firmament. The Hebrew term rdkia, 
 BO translated, is generally regarded as ex- 
 pressive of simple expansion, and is so 
 rendered in the margin of the A. V. (Gen. 
 i. 6). The root means to expand by beat- 
 ing, whether by the hand, the foot, or any 
 instrument. It is especially used of beat- 
 ing out metals into thin plates (Ex. xxxix. 
 3; Num. xvi. 39). The sense of solidity, 
 therefore, is combined with the ideas of 
 expansion and tenuity in the term. The 
 same idea of solidity runs through all the 
 references to the rdkia. In Ex. xxiv. 10, 
 it is represented as a solid floor. So again, 
 in Ez. i. 22-26, the "firmament" is the 
 floor on which the throne of the Most High 
 is placed. Further, the office of the rdkia 
 in the economy of the world demanded 
 strength and substance. It was to serve as 
 a division between the waters above and 
 the waters below (Gen. i. 7). In keeping 
 with this view the rdkia was provided with 
 "windows" (Gen. vii. 11; Is. xxiv. 18; 
 Mai. iii. 10) and "doors " (Ps. Ixxviii. 23), 
 through which the rain and the snow might 
 descend. A secondary purpose which the 
 rdkia served was to support the heavenly 
 bodies, sun, moon, and stars (Gen. i. 14), 
 
 1 in which they were fixed as nails, and from 
 \ which, consequently, they might be said to 
 1 drop off (Is. xiv. 12, xxxiv. 4; Matt. xxiv. 
 29). _ 
 
 First-born. Under the Law, in mem- 
 ory of the Exodus, the eldest son was re- 
 [ garded as devoted to God, and was in every 
 j case to be redeemed by an offering not ex- 
 ceeding 5 shekels, within one month from 
 birth. If he died before the expiration of 
 30 days, the Jewish doctors held the father 
 excused, but liable to the payment if he 
 outlived that time (Ex. xiii. 12-15, xxii. 
 29; Num. viii. 17, xviii. 15, 16; Lev. 
 xxvii. 6). The eldest son received a double 
 portion of the father's inheritance (Deut. 
 xxi. 17), but not of the mother's. Under 
 the monarchy, the eldest son usually, but 
 not always, as appears in the case of Solo- 
 mon, succeeded his father in the kingdom 
 (1 K. i. 30, ii. 22). The male first-born of 
 animals was also devoted to God (Ex. xiii. 
 2, 12, 13, xxii. 29, xxxiv. 19, 20). Unclean 
 animals were to be redeemed with the ad- 
 dition of one fifth of the value, or else put 
 to death ; or, if not redeemed, to be sold, 
 and the price given to the priests (Lev. 
 xxvii. 13, 27, 28). 
 
 First-fruits. 1. The Law ordered in 
 general, that the first of all ripe fruits and 
 of liquors, or, as it is twice expressed, the 
 first of first-fruits, should be offered in 
 God's house (Ex. xxii. 29, xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 
 27). 2. On the morrow after the Passover 
 sabbath, i. e. on the 16th of Nisan, a sheaf 
 of new corn was to be brought to the priest, 
 and waved before the altar, in acknowledg- 
 ment of the gift of fruitfulness (Lev. xxiii. 
 5, 6, 10, 12, ii. 12). 3. At the expiration 
 of 7 weeks from this time, i. e. at the Feast 
 of Pentecost, an oblation was to be made 
 of 2 loaves of leavened bread made from 
 the new flour, which were to be waved in 
 like manner with the Passover sheaf (Ex. 
 xxxiv. 22; Lev. xxiii. 15, 17; Num. xxviii. 
 26). 4. The feast of ingathering, i. e. the 
 Feast of Tabernacles in the 7th month, was 
 itself an acknowledgment of the fruits of 
 the harvest (Ex. xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22 ; Lev. 
 xxiii. 39). These four sorts of offerings 
 were national. Besides them, the two fol- 
 lowing were of an individual kind. 5. A 
 cake of the first dough that was baked, was 
 to be offered as a heave-offering (Num. xv. 
 19, 21). 6. The first-fruits of the land 
 were to be brought in a basket to the holy 
 place of God's choice, and there presented 
 to the priest, who was to set the basket 
 down before the altar (Deut. xxvi. 2-11). 
 The offerings were the perquisite of the 
 priests (Num. xviii. 11; Deut. xviii. 4). 
 Nehemiah, at the Return from Captivity, 
 took pains to reorganize the offerings of 
 first-fruits of both kinds, and to appoint 
 places to receive them (Neh. x. 35, 37, xii. 
 44). An offering of first-fruits is mentioned
 
 FISH 
 
 195 
 
 FLOOR 
 
 as an acceptable one to the prophet Elisha 
 (2 K. iv. 42). 
 
 Pish. The Hebrews recognized fish as 
 one of the great divisions of the animal 
 kingdom, and, as such, give them a place 
 in the account of the creation (Gen. i. 21, 
 28), as well as in other passages where an 
 exhaustive description of living creatures 
 is intended (Gen. ix. 2 ; Ex. xx. 4 ; Deut. 
 iv. 18 ; 1 K. iv. 33) The Mosaic law (Lev. 
 xi. 9, 10) pronounced unclean such fish as 
 were de void of fins and scales : these were 
 and are regarded as unwholesome in Egypt. 
 Among the Philistines, Dagon was repre- 
 sented by a figure, half man and half fish 
 (1 Sam. v. 4). On this account the wor- 
 ship of fish is expressly prohibited (Deut. 
 iv. 18). In Palestine, the Sea of Galilee 
 was and still is remarkably well stored 
 with fish. Jerusalem derived its supply 
 chiefly from the Mediterranean (comp. Ez. 
 xlvii. 10). The existence of a regular fish- 
 market is implied in the notice of the fish- 
 gate, which was probably contiguous to it 
 (2 Chr. xxxiii. 14 ; Neh. iii. 3, xii. 39 ; 
 Zeph. i. 10). Numerous allusions to the 
 art of fishing occur in the Bible. The 
 most usual method of catching fish was by 
 the use of the net, either the casting net 
 (Hab. i. 15; Ez. xxvi. 5, 14, xlvii. 10), 
 probably resembling the one used in Egypt, 
 
 An Egyptian Landing-net. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 as shown in Wilkinson (iii. 55), or the 
 draw or drag net (Is. xix. 8; Hab. i. 15), 
 which was larger, and required the use of 
 a boat : the latter was probably most used 
 on the Sea of Galilee, as the number of 
 boats kept on it was very considerable. 
 Angling was a favorite pursuit of the 
 wealthy in Egypt, as well as followed 
 by the poor who could not afford a net. 
 A still more scientific method was with the 
 trident or the spear, as practised in Egypt in 
 taking the crocodile (Job xli. 7) or the 
 hippopotamus. 
 
 Fitches (i. c. VETCHES), the represen- 
 tative in the A. V. of the two Heb. words 
 tussemeth and ketsach. As to the former 
 
 see RYE. Ketsach denotes without doubt 
 the Nigella sativa, an herbaceous annual 
 plant belonging to the natural order Ranun- 
 culaceae, and sub-order Uelleboreae, which 
 grows in the S. of Europe and in the N. of 
 Africa. 
 
 Flag, the representative in the A. V. 
 of the two Heb. words dchA and stiph. 1. 
 Achu, a word, according to Jerome, of 
 Egyptian origin, and denoting " any green 
 and coarse herbage, such as rushes and 
 reeds, which grows in marshy places." It 
 seems probable that some specific plant is 
 denoted in Job viii. 11. The word occurs 
 once again in Gen. xli. 2, 18, where it is 
 said that the seven well-favored kine came 
 up out of the river and fed in an dchu. It 
 is perhaps the Cyperus escidentus. 2. Suph 
 (Ex. ii. 3, 5 ; Is. xix. 6) appears to be used 
 in a very wide sense to denote " weeds of 
 any kind." 
 
 Flagon, a word employed in the A. V. 
 to render two distinct Hebrew terms : 1. 
 Ashlshah (2 Sam. vi. 19; 1 Chr. xvi. 3; 
 Cant. ii. 5; Hos. iii. 1). It really means a 
 cake of pressed raisins. 2. Ncbel (Is. xxii. 
 24) is commonly used for a bottle or vessel, 
 originally probably a skin, but in later times 
 a piece of pottery (Is. xxx. 14). 
 
 Flax. Two words are used for this 
 plant in the O. T., or rather the same word 
 slightly modified. Eliminating all the places 
 where the words are used for the article 
 manufactured in the thread, the piece, or 
 the made up garment, we reduce them to 
 two (Ex. ix. 31 ; Josh. ii. 6). It seems 
 probable that the cultivation of flax for 
 the purpose of the manufacture of linen was 
 by no means confined to Egypt ; but that 
 originating in India it spread over Asia at 
 a very early period of antiquity. That it 
 was grown in Palestine even before the con- 
 quest of that country by the Israelites ap- 
 pears from Josh. ii. 6. The various pro- 
 cesses employed in preparing the flax for 
 manufacture into cloth are indicated : 1. 
 The drying process. 2. The peeling of the 
 stalks, and separation of the fibres. 3. The 
 hackling (Is. xix. 9). That flax was one 
 of the most important crops in Palestine 
 appears from Hos. ii. 5, 9. 
 
 Flea, an insect twice only mentioned in 
 Scripture, viz., in 1 Sam. xxiv. 14, xxvi. 
 20. Fleas are abundant in the East, and 
 afford the subject of many proverbial ex- 
 pressions. 
 
 Flesh. [FOOD.] 
 
 Flint. The Heb. chdlldmtsh is rendered 
 flint in Deut. viii. 15, xxxii. 13 ; Ps. cxiv. 
 and Is. 1. 7. In Job xxviii. 9 the same 
 word is rendered rock in the text, a.nd flint 
 in the margin. In Ez. iii. 9 the English 
 word "flint" occurs in the same sense, but 
 there it represents the Heb. Tzor* 
 
 Flood. [NOAH.] 
 
 Floor. [PAVEMENT."!
 
 FLOUR 
 
 196 
 
 Plottr. [BHEAD.] 
 
 Flute (1 K. i. 4, marg. [PIPE]), a mu- 
 sical instrument mentioned amongst others 
 (Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15) as used at the wor- 
 ship of the golden image which Nebuchad- 
 nezzar had set up. 
 
 Flux, Bloody (Acts xxviii. 8), the 
 same as our dysentery, which in the East 
 is, though sometimes sporadic, generally 
 epidemic and infectious, and then assumes 
 its worst form. 
 
 Fly, Flies. 1. Zib&b occurs only in 
 Eccl. x. 1 and in Is. vii. 18, and is prob- 
 ably a generic name for any insect. The 
 zKbiib from the rivers of Egypt has been 
 identified with the zimb of which Bruce 
 gives a description, and which is evident- 
 ly some species of Tabanus. 2. 'Ardb 
 ("swarms of flies" "divers sorts of flies," 
 A. V.), the name of the insect, or insects, 
 which God sent to punish Pharaoh ; see Ex. 
 viii. 21-31 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 45, cv. 31. As the 
 &r6b are said to have filled the houses of 
 the Egyptians, it seems not improbable that 
 common flies (Muscidae) are more espe- 
 cially intended. The identification of the 
 'drdb with the cockroach is purely gratui- 
 tous. 
 
 Food. The diet of Eastern nations has 
 been in all ages light and simple. As com- 
 pared with our own habits, the chief points 
 of contrast are the small amount of animal 
 food consumed, the variety of articles used 
 as accompaniments to bread, the substitution 
 of milk in various forms for our liquors, 
 and the combination of what we should 
 deem heterogeneous elements in the .same 
 dish, or the same meal. The chief point 
 of agreement is the large consumption of 
 bread, the importance of which in the eyes 
 of the Hebrew is testified by the use of the 
 term lechem (originally food of any kind) 
 specifically for bread, as well as by the ex- 
 pression "staff of bread" (Lev. xxvi. 26; 
 Ps. cv. 16; Ez. iv. 16, xiv. 13). Simpler 
 preparations of corn were, however, com- 
 mon ; sometimes the fresh green ears were 
 eaten in a natural state, the husks being 
 rubbed offby the hand (Lev. xxiii. 14 ; Deut. 
 xxiii. 25 ; 2 K. iv. 42 ; Matt. xii. 1 ; Luke 
 vi. 1) ; more frequently, however, the grains, 
 after being carefully picked, were roasted 
 in a pan over a fire (Lev. ii. 14), and eaten 
 as " parched corn," in which form they were 
 an ordinary article of diet, particularly 
 among laborers, or others who had not the 
 means of dressing food (Lev. xxiii. 14 ; Ruth 
 ii. 14 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 17, xxv. 18 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 
 28) : this practice is still very usual in the 
 East. Sometimes the grain was bruised 
 (A. V. "beaten," Lev. ii. 14, 16), and then 
 dried in the sun ; it was eaten either mixed 
 with oil (Lev. ii. 15), or made into a soft 
 cake (A. V. " dough ; " Num. xv. 20 ; Neh. x. 
 87 ; Ez. xliv. 30). The Hebrews used a great 
 variety of articles (John xxi. 5) to give a rel- 
 
 ish to oread. Sometimes salt was so used 
 (Job vi. 6), as we learn from the passage just 
 quoted; sometimes the bread was dipped 
 into the sour wine (A. V. " vinegar ") 
 which the laborers drank (Ruth ii. 14) ; 
 or, where meat was eaten, into the gravy, 
 which was either served up separately for 
 the purpose, as by Gideon (Judg. vi. 19), 
 or placed in the middle of the meat-dish, as 
 done by the Arabs. Milk and its prepara- 
 tions hold a conspicuous place in Eastern 
 diet, as affording substantial nourishment; 
 sometimes it was produced in a fresh state 
 (Gen. xviii. 8), but more generally in the 
 form of the modern leban, i. e. sour milk 
 (A. V. "butter;" Gen. xviii. 8; Judg. v. 
 25; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). Fruit was another 
 source of subsistence : figs stand first in 
 point of importance ; they were generally 
 dried and pressed into cakes. Grapes were 
 generally eaten in a dried state as raisins. 
 Fruit-cake forms a part of the daily food of 
 the Arabians. Of vegetables we have most 
 frequent notice of lentils (Gen. xxv. 34 ; 2 
 Sam. xvii. 28, xxiii. 11 ; Ez. iv. 9), which 
 are still largely used by the Bedouins in 
 travelling ; beans (2 Sam. xvii. 28 ; Ez. iv. 
 9), leeks, onions, and garlic, which were 
 and still are of a superior quality in Egypt 
 (Num. xi. 5). The modern Arabians con- 
 sume but few vegetables : radishes and 
 leeks are most in use, and are eaten raw 
 with bread. In addition to these classes we 
 have to notice some other important articles 
 of food : in the first place, honey, whether 
 the natural product of the bee (1 Sam. xiv. 
 25; Matt. iii. 4), which abounds in most 
 parts of Arabia, or of the other natural and 
 artificial productions included under that 
 head, especially the dibs of the Syrians and 
 Arabians, t. e. grape-juice boiled down, 
 which is still extensively used in the East ; 
 the latter is supposed to be referred to in 
 Gen. xliii. 11, and Ez. xxvii. 17. With re- 
 gard to oil, it does not appear to have been 
 used to the extent we might have anticipat- 
 ed. Eggs are not often noticed, but were 
 evidently known as articles of food (Is. x. 
 14, lix. -5: Luke xi. 12.) The Orientals 
 have been at all times sparing in the use 
 of animal food : not only does the exces- 
 sive heat of the climate render it both un- 
 wholesome to eat much meat, and expen- 
 sive from the necessity of immediately 
 consuming a whole animal, but beyond this 
 the ritual regulations of the Mosaic law in 
 ancient, as of the Koran in modern times, 
 have tended to the same result. The pro- 
 hibition expressed against consuming the 
 blood of any animal (Gen. ix. 4) was more 
 fully developed in the Levitical law, and 
 enforced by the penalty of death (Lev. iii. 
 17, vii. 26, xix. 26; Deut. xii. 16; 1 Sam. 
 xiv. 32, ff. ; Ez. xliv. 7, 15). Certain por- 
 tions of the fat of sacrifices were also foi- 
 bidden (Lev. iii. 9, 10), as being set apart
 
 FOOTMAN 
 
 197 
 
 FOUNTAIN 
 
 for the altar (Lev. iii. 16, vii. 25 ; cf. 1 Sam. 
 ii. 16, ff. ; 2 Chr. vii. 7). In addition to the 
 above, Christians were forbidden to eat the 
 flesh of animals, portions of which had 
 been offered to idols. All beasts and birds 
 classed as unclean (Lev. xi. 1, ff. ; Deut. 
 xiv. 4, ff.) were also prohibited. Under 
 these restrictions the Hebrews were per- 
 mitted the free use of animal food : gen- 
 erally speaking they only availed them- 
 selves of it in the exercise of hospitality 
 (Gen. xviii. 7), or at festivals of a reli- 
 gious (Ex. xii. 8), public (1 K. i. 9; 1 Chr. 
 xii. 40), or private character (Gen. xxvii. 
 4 ; Luke xv. 23) ; it was only in royal 
 households that there was a daily consump- 
 tion of meat (1 K. iv. 23; Neh. v. 18). 
 The animals killed for meat were calves 
 (Gen. xviii. 7; 1 Sam. xxviii. 24; Am. 
 vi. 4) ; lambs (2 Sam. xii. 4; Am. vi. 4) ; 
 oxen, not above three years of age (1 
 K. i. 9 ; Prov. xv. 17 ; Is. xxii. 13 ; Matt, 
 xxii. 4) ; kids (Gen. xxvii. 9 ; Judg. vi. 19 ; 
 1 Sam. xvi. 20) ; harts, roebucks, and fal- 
 low-deer (1 K. iv. 23) ; birds of various 
 kinds ; fish, with the exception of such as 
 were without scales and fins (Lev. xi. 9 ; 
 Deut. xiv. 9). Locusts, of which certain 
 species only were esteemed clean (Lev. xi. 
 22), were occasionally eaten (Matt. iii. 4), 
 tut considered as poor fare. 
 
 Footman, a word employed in the 
 Auth. Version in two senses. 1. Gener- 
 ally, to distinguish those of the people or 
 of the fighting-men who went on foot from 
 those who were on horseback or in chariots. 
 But, 2. The word occurs in a more special 
 sense (in 1 Sam. xxii. 17 only), and as the 
 translation of a different term from the 
 above. This passage affords the first men- 
 tion of the existence of a body of swift run- 
 ners in attendance on the king, though 
 such a thing had been foretold by Samuel 
 (1 Sam. viii. 11). This body appears to 
 have been afterwards kept up, and to have 
 been distinct from the body-guard the six 
 hundred and the thirty who were origi- 
 nated by David. See 1 K. xiv. 27, 28 ; 2 
 Chr. xii. 10, 11; 2 K. xi. 4, 6, 11, 13, 19. 
 In each of these cases the word Is the same 
 as the above, and is rendered " guard ; " 
 but the translators were evidently aware of 
 its signification, for they have put the word 
 " runners " in the margin in two instances 
 (IK. xiv. 27; 2 K. xi. 13). 
 
 Forehead. The practice of veiling the 
 face in public for women of the higher 
 classes, especially married women, in the 
 East, sufficiently stigmatizes with reproach 
 the unveiled face of women of bad charac- 
 ter (Gen. xxiv. 65; Jer. iii. 3). The cus- 
 tom among many Oriental nations both of 
 coloring the face and forehead, and of im- 
 pressing on the body marks indicative of 
 devotion to some special deity or religious 
 sect is mentioned elsewhere. The "jewels 
 
 for the forehead," mentioned by Ezekiel 
 (xvi. 12), and in margin of A. V. (Gen. 
 xxiv. 22), were in all probability nose-rings 
 (Is. iii. 21). 
 
 Forest. Although Palestine has never 
 been in historical times a woodland coun- 
 try, yet there can be no doubt that there 
 was much more wood formerly than there 
 is at present. (1.) The wood of Ephraim 
 clothed the slopes of the hills that bordered 
 the plain of Jezreel, and the plain itself in 
 the neighborhood of Bethshan (Josh. xvii. 
 15, ff.). (2.) The wood of Bethel (2. K. ii. 
 23, 24) was situated in the ravine which 
 descends to the plain of Jericho. (3.) 
 The forest of Hareth (1 Sam. xxii. 5) was 
 somewhere on the border of the Philistine 
 plain, in the southern part of Judah. (4.) 
 The wood through which the Israelites 
 passed in their pursuit of the Philistines (1 
 Sam. xiv. 25) was probably near Aijalon 
 (comp. v. 31). (5.) The "wood" (Ps. 
 cxxxii. 6) implied in the name of Kirjath- 
 jearim (1 Sam. vii. 2) must have been 
 similarly situated, as also (6.) were the 
 " forests" in which Jotham placed his forts 
 (2 Chr. xxvii. 4). (7.) The plain of 
 Sharon was partly covered with wood (Is. 
 Ixv. 10). (8.) The wood in the wilderness 
 of Ziph, in which David concealed himself 
 (1 Sam. xxiii. 15, ff.), lay S. E. of Hebron. 
 The house of the forest of Lebanon (IK. 
 vii. 2, x. 17, 21 ; 2 Chr. ix. 16, 20) was so 
 called probably from being fitted up with 
 cedar. 
 
 Fortifications. [FENCED CITIES.] 
 
 Fortuna'tus (1 Cor. xvi. 17), one of 
 three Corinthians, the others being Steph- 
 anas and Achatcus, who were at Ephesus 
 when St. Paul wrote his first Epistle. 
 There is a Fortunatus mentioned at the 
 end of Clement's first Epistle to the Co- 
 rinthians, who was possibly the same per- 
 son. 
 
 Fountain. Among the attractive fea- 
 
 Fountain at Nazareth. (Roberts.)
 
 FOWL 
 
 198 
 
 FRONTLETS 
 
 tures presented by the Land of Promise to 
 the njition migrating from Egypt by way 
 of the desert, none would be more striking 
 than the natural gush of waters from the 
 ground. The springs of Palestine, though 
 short-lived, are remarkable for their abun- 
 dance and beauty, especially those which 
 fall into the Jordan and its lakes through- 
 out its whole course. The spring or foun- 
 tain of living water, the " eye " of the 
 landscape, is distinguished in all Oriental 
 languages from the artificially sunk and en- 
 closed well. Jerusalem appears to have 
 possessed either more than one perennial 
 spring, or one issuing by more than one 
 outlet. In Oriental cities generally public 
 fountains are frequent. Traces of such 
 fountains at Jerusalem may perhaps be 
 found in the names En-Rogel (2 Sam. xvii. 
 17), the "Dragon-well" or fountain, and 
 the " gate of the fountain" (Neh. ii. 13 r 14). 
 
 Fowl. Several distinct Hebrew and 
 Greek words are thus rendered in the A. 
 V. of the Bible. Of these the most com- 
 mon is 'dph, which is usually a collective 
 term for all kinds of birds. In 1 K. iv. 23, 
 among the daily provisions for Solomon's 
 table, " fatted fowl " are included. In the 
 N. T. the word translated " fowls " is most 
 frequently that which comprehends all kinds 
 of birds (including ravens, Luke xii. 24). 
 [SPABROW.] 
 
 Pox (Heb. sfcrt'fiZ). Probably the 
 "jackal" is the animal signified in almost 
 all the passages in the O. T. where the 
 Hebrew term occurs. The shu'dlim of 
 Judg. xv. 4 are evidently "jackals," and 
 not " foxes," for the former animal is gre- 
 garious, whereas the latter is solitary in its 
 habits. With respect to the jackals and 
 foxes of Palestine, there is no doubt that 
 the common jackal of the country is the 
 Canis aureus, which may be heard every 
 night in the villages. A vulpine animal, 
 under the name of Canis Syriacns, occurs 
 in Lebanon. The Egyptian Vulpes Niloti- 
 cus, and doubtless the common fox of our 
 own country, are Palestine species. 
 
 Frankincense, a vegetable resin, brit- 
 tle, glittering, and of a bitter taste, used 
 for the purpose of sacrificial fumigation 
 (Ex. xxx. 34-36). It is obtained by suc- 
 cessive incisions in the bark of a tree called 
 the arbor thuris, the first of which yields 
 the purest and whitest kind; while the 
 produce of the after incisions is spotted 
 with yellow, and as it becomes old loses its 
 whiteness altogether. The Hebrews im- 
 ported their frankincense from Arabia (Is. 
 Ix. 6; Jer. vi. 20), and more particularly 
 from Saba; but it is remarkable that at 
 present the Arabian Libanum, or Olibanum 
 is of a very inferior kind, and that the finest 
 frankincense imported into Turkey comes 
 through Arabia from the islands of the In- 
 dian Archipelago. There can be little 
 
 doubt that the tree which produces the In- 
 dian frankincense is the lioswellia serrata 
 of Roxburgh, or Boswellia thurifera oi 
 Colebrooke. It is still extremely uncer- 
 tain what tree produces the, Arabian Olib- 
 anum. 
 
 Frog. The mention of this reptile in 
 the O. T. is confined to the passage in Ex. 
 viii. 2-7, &c., in which the plague of frogs 
 is described, and to Ps. Ixxviii. 45, cv. 30. 
 In the N. T. the word occurs once only, in 
 Rev. xvi. 13. There is no question as to 
 the animal meant. The only known spe- 
 cies of frog which occurs at present in 
 Egypt is the Sana esculenta, the edible 
 frog of the continent. 
 
 Frontlets, or Phylacteries (Ex. 
 xiii. 16 ; Deut. vi. 8, xi. 18 ; Matt, xxiii. 5). 
 These " frontlets" or "phylacteries " were 
 strips of parchment, on which were written 
 four passages of Scripture (Ex. xiii. 2-10, 
 11-17; Deut. vi. 4-9, 13-23) in an ink pre- 
 pared for the purpose. They were then 
 rolled up in a case of black calfskin, which 
 was attached to a stiffer piece of leather, 
 having a thong one finger broad, and one 
 and a half cubits long. They were placed 
 at the bend of the left arm. Those worn 
 on the forehead were written on four stripa 
 of parchment, and put into four little cells 
 within a square case, on which the letter 
 C was written. The square had two thongs, 
 on which Hebrew letters were inscribed. 
 That phylacteries were used as amulets is 
 certain, and was very natural. The ex- 
 pression " they make broad their phylac- 
 teries " (Matt, xxiii. 5) refers not so much 
 to the phylactery itself, which seems to 
 
 Frontlets or Phylacteries. 
 
 have been of a prescribed breadth, as to 
 the case in which the parchment was kept, 
 which the Pharisees, among their other 
 pretentious customs (Mark vii. 3, 4 ; Luke 
 v. 33, &c.), made as conspicuous as they 
 could. It is said that the Pharisees wore
 
 FULLER 
 
 199 
 
 GABRIEL 
 
 them always, whereas the common people 
 only used them at prayers. The modern 
 Jews only wear them at morning prayers, 
 and sometimes at noon. In our Lord's 
 time they were worn by all Jews, except 
 the Karaites, women, and slaves. Boys, at 
 the age of thirteen years and a day, were 
 bound to wear them. The Karaites ex- 
 plained Deut. vi. 8, Ex. xiii. 9, &c., as a 
 figurative command to remember the law, 
 as is certainly the case in similar passages 
 (Prov. iii. 3, vi. 21, vii. 3; Cant. viii. 6, 
 c.). It seems clear to us that the scope 
 of these injunctions favors the Karaite in- 
 terpretation. 
 
 Fuller. The trade of the fullers, so 
 far as it is mentioned in Scripture, appears 
 to have consisted chiefly in cleansing gar- 
 ments and whitening them. The process 
 of fulling or cleansing cloth consisted in 
 treading or stamping on the garments with 
 the feet or with bats in tubs of water, in 
 which some alkaline substance answering 
 the purpose of soap had been dissolved. 
 The substances used for this purpose which 
 are mentioned in Scripture are natrum 
 (Prov. xxv. 20 ; Jer. ii. 22) and soap (Mai. 
 iii. 2). Other substances also are men- 
 tioned as being employed in cleansing, 
 which, together with alkali, seem to identi- 
 fy the Jewish with the Roman process, as 
 urine and chalk. The process of whiten- 
 ing garments was performed by rubbing into 
 them chalk or earth of some kind. Greta 
 Cimolia (Cimolite) was probably the earth 
 most frequently used. The trade of the 
 fullers, as causing offensive smells, and 
 also as requiring space for drying clothes, 
 appears to have been carried on at Jerusa- 
 lem outside the city. 
 
 Puller's Field, The, a spot near Je- 
 rusalem (2 K. xviii. 17 ; Is. vii. 3, xxxvi. 
 2) so close to the walls that a person speak- 
 ing from there could be heard on them (2 
 K. xviii. 17, 26). One resort of the fullers 
 of Jerusalem would seem to have been be- 
 low the city on the south-east side. But 
 Rahshakeh and lu's " great host" must have 
 come from the north; and the Fuller's 
 Field was therefore, to judge from this cir- 
 cumstance, on the table-land on the north- 
 ern side of the city. 
 
 Funerals. [BURIAL.] 
 
 Furlong. [MEASURES.] 
 
 Furnace. Various kinds of furnaces 
 are noticed in the Bible, such as a smelting 
 or calcining furnace (Gen. xix. 28 ; Ex. ix. 
 8, 10, xix. 18), especially a lime-kiln (Is. 
 xxxiii. 12 ; Am. ii. 1) ; a refining furnace 
 (Prov. xvii. 3, xxvii. 21 ; Ez. xxii. 18, ff.) ; 
 a large furnace built like a brick-kiln (Dan. 
 1 \. 22, 23) ; the potter's furnace (Ecclus. 
 xxvii. 5 ; the blacksmith's furnace (Ecclus. 
 xxxviii. 28). The Persians were in the 
 habit of using the furnace as a means of in- 
 
 The Egyptian Potter'* Furnace. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 flicting punishment (Dan. I. c. ; Jer. xxix. 
 22 ; 2 Mace. vii. 5 ; Hos. vii. 7). 
 
 G. 
 
 Ga'al, son of Ebed, aided the Shechem- 
 ites in their rebellion against Abimelech 
 (Judg. ix.). 
 
 Ga'ash. On the north side of " the hill 
 of Gaash " was the city which was given to 
 Joshua (Josh. xxiv. 30 ; Judg. ii. 9 ; comp. 
 Josh. xix. 49, 50). It does not appear to 
 have been recognized. 
 
 Ga'ba. The same name as GEBA. It 
 is found in the A. V. in Josh, xviii. 21; 
 Ezr. ii. 26 ; Neh. vii. 30. 
 
 Gab'atha, Esth. xii. 1. [BIGTHAW.] 
 
 Gab'bai, apparently the head of an im- 
 portant family of Benjamin resident at Je- 
 rusalem (Neh. xi. 8). 
 
 Gab'batha, the Hebrew or Chaldee 
 appellation of a place, also called " Pave- 
 ment," where the judgment-seat or bema 
 was planted, from his place on which Pilate 
 delivered our Lord to death (John xix. 13). 
 The place was outside the praetorium, for 
 Pilate brought Jesus forth from thence to 
 it. It is suggested that Gabbatha is a mere 
 translation of "pavement." It is more 
 probably from an ancient root signifying 
 height or roundness. In this case Gabba- 
 tha designated the elevated Bema; and the 
 " pavement " was possibly some mosaic or 
 tessellated work, either forming the bema 
 itself, or the flooring of the court immedi- 
 ately round it. 
 
 Ga'briel. The word, which is not in 
 itself distinctive, but merely a description 
 of the angelic office, is used as a proper 
 name or title in Dan. viii. 16, ix. 21, and in 
 Luke i. 19, 26. In the ordinary traditions, 
 Jewish and Christian, Gabriel is spoken of 
 as one of the archangels. In Scripture he 
 is set forth only as the representative of the 
 angelic nature in its ministration of com- 
 fort and sympathy to nun.
 
 GAD 
 
 200 
 
 GAHAR 
 
 Gael. Jacob's seventh son. the first-born 
 of Zilpah, Leah's maid, and whole-brother 
 to Asher (Gen. xxx. 11-13, xlvi. 16, 18). 
 The word means either "fortune'' or 
 " troop : " hence Leah said at his birth, 
 " a troop (of children) cometh " (Gen. xxx. 
 ii. ; comp. xlix. 19). Of the childhood and 
 life of the patriarch GAD nothing is pre- 
 served. At the time of the descent into 
 Egypt seven sons are ascribed to him. 
 The alliance between the tribes of Reuben 
 and Gad was doubtless induced by the sim- 
 ilarity of their pursuits. Of all the sons of 
 Jacob these two tribes alone returned to 
 the land which their forefathers had left 
 five hundred years before, with their occu- 
 pations unchanged. At the halt on the east 
 of Jordan we find them coming forward to 
 Moses with the representation that they 
 " have cattle," "a great multitude of cat- 
 tle," and the land where they now are is a 
 "place for cattle." They did not, however, 
 attempt to evade taking their proper share 
 of the difficulties of subduing the land of 
 Canaan, and after that task had been ef- 
 fected they were dismissed by Joshua "to 
 their tents," to their " wives, their little 
 ones, and their cattle," which they had left 
 behind them in Gilead. The country al- 
 lotted to Gad appears, speaking roughly, to 
 have lain chiefly about the centre of the 
 land east of Jordan. The south of that 
 district from the Arnon (Wady Mojeb), 
 about halfway down the Dead Sea, to Hesh- 
 bon, nearly due east of Jerusalem was 
 occupied by Reuben, and at or about Hesh- 
 bon the possessions of Gad commenced. 
 They embraced half Gilead, as the oldest 
 record specially states (Deut. iii. 12), or 
 half the land of the children of Ammon 
 (Josh. xiii. 25), probably the mountainous 
 district which is intersected by the torrent 
 Jabbok, including, as its most northern 
 town, the ancient sanctuary of Mahanaim. 
 On the east the furthest landmark given is 
 "Aroer, that faces Rabbah," the present 
 Amman (Josh. xiii. 25). West was the 
 Jordan (27). Such was the territory al- 
 lotted to the Gadites, but there is no doubt 
 that they soon extended themselves beyond 
 these limits. The official records of the 
 reign of Jotham of Judah (1 Chr. v. 11, 16) 
 show them to have been at that time estab- 
 lished over the whole of Gilead, and in pos- 
 session of Bashan as far as Salcah, and 
 very far both to the north and the east of 
 the border given them originally, while the 
 Manassites were pushed still further north- 
 wards to Mount Hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). 
 The character of the tribe is throughout 
 strongly marked fierce and warlike 
 " strong men of might, men of war for the 
 battle, that could handle shield and buckler, 
 their faces the faces of lions, and like roes 
 upon the mountains for swiftness." Gad 
 was carried into captivity by Tiglath-Pile- 
 
 ser-(l Chr. v. 26), and in the time of Jere- 
 miah the cities of the tribe seem to have 
 been inhabited by the Ammonites. 
 
 Gad, "the seer," or " the king's seer," 
 t. e. David's (1 Chr. xxix. 29 ; 2 Chr. xxix. 
 25; 2 Sam. xxiv. 11 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 9), was a 
 " prophet " who appears to have joined 
 David when in the hold (1 Sam. xxii. 5). 
 He reappears in connection with the pun- 
 ishment inflicted for the numbering of the 
 people (2 Sam. xxiv. 11-19; 1 Chr. xxi. 9- 
 19). He wrote a book of the Acts of Da- 
 vid (1 Chr. xxix. 29), and also assisted in 
 the arrangements for the musical service of 
 the "house of God" (2 Chr. xxix. 25). 
 
 Gad, properly " the Gad," with the 
 article. In the A. V. of Is. Ixv. 11 the 
 clause " that prepare a table for that 
 troop " has in the margin instead of the 
 last word the proper name " Gad," which 
 evidently denotes some idol worshipped by 
 the Jews in Babylon, though it is impossi- 
 ble positively to identify it. 
 
 Gad'ites, The, the defendants of Gad, 
 and members of his tribe. 
 
 Gad'ara, a strong city situated near the 
 river Hieromax, east of the Sea of Galilee, 
 over against Scythopolis and Tiberias, and 
 sixteen Roman miles distant from each of 
 those places. Josephus calls it the cap- 
 ital of Peraea. A large district was at- 
 tached to it. Gadara itself is not mentioned 
 in the Bible, but it is evidently identical 
 with the " country of the Gadarenes," or 
 Gergesenes (Matt. viii. 28 ; Mark v. 1 ; 
 Luke viii. 26, 37). The ruins of this city, 
 now called Um Keis, are about two miles 
 in circumference. Gadara derives its great- 
 est interest from having been the scene of 
 our Lord's miracle in healing the demoni- 
 acs (Matt. viii. 28-34 ; Mark v. 1-21 ; Luke 
 viii. 2C-40). The whole circumstances of 
 the narrative are strikingly illustrated by 
 the features of the country. Another thing 
 is worthy of notice. The most interesting 
 remains of Gadara are its tombs, which dot 
 the cliffs for a considerable distance round 
 the city. Gadara was captured by Vespa- 
 sian on the first outbreak of the war with 
 the Jews ; all its inhabitants massacred ; 
 and the town itself, with the surrounding 
 villages, reduced to ashes. 
 
 Gad'di, son of Susi ; the Manassite spy 
 sent by Moses to explore Canaan (Num. 
 xiii. 11). 
 
 Gad'diel, a Zebulonite, one of the 
 twelve spies (Num. xiii. 10). 
 
 Ga'di, father of Menahem (2 K. xv. 14, 
 17). 
 
 Ga'h.am, son of Nahor, Abraham's 
 brother, by his concubine Reumah (Gen. 
 xxii. 24). 
 
 Ga'har. The Bene-Gahar were among 
 the families of Ncthinim who returned from 
 the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 47, 
 Neh. vii. 49).
 
 GAIUS 
 
 201 
 
 GALILEE 
 
 Gai'us. [JOHN, SECOND AND THIRD 
 EPISTLES OF.] 
 
 Gal'aad, the Greek form of the word 
 GILEAD. 
 
 Ga'lal. 1. A Levite, one of the sons 
 of Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 15). 2. Another Le- 
 vite of the family of Elkanah (1 Chr. ix. 
 1C). 3. A third Levite, son of Jeduthun 
 (Xeh. xi. 17). 
 
 Gala'tia is literally the "Gallia" of 
 the East. The Galatians were in their or- 
 igin a stream of that great Keltic torrent 
 which poured into Greece in the third cen- 
 tury before the Christian era. Some of 
 these invaders moved on into Thrace, and 
 appeared on the shores of the Hellespont 
 and Bosporus, when Nicomedes I., king of 
 Bithynia, being then engaged in a civil war, 
 invited them across to help him. At the 
 end of the Republic, Galatia appears as a 
 dependent kingdom; at the beginning of 
 the Empire as a province (A. D. 26). The 
 Roman province of Galatia may be roughly 
 described as the central region of the pe- 
 ninsula of Asia Minor, with the provinces 
 of ASIA on the west, CAPPADOCIA on the 
 east, PAMPHYLIA and CILICIA on the south, 
 and BITHYNIA and PONTUS on the north. 
 These Eastern Gauls preserved much of 
 their ancient character, and something of 
 their ancient language. The prevailing 
 speech, however, of the district was Greek. 
 The inscriptions found at Ancyra are 
 Greek, and St. Paul wrote his Epistle in 
 Greek. It is difficult at first sight to de- 
 termine in what sense the word Galatia is 
 used by the writers of the N. T., or whether 
 always in the same sense. In the Acts of 
 the Apostles the journeys of St. Paul 
 through the district are mentioned in very 
 general terms. On all accounts it seems 
 most probable that Galatia is used by St. 
 Luke as an ethnographical term, and not 
 for the Roman province of that name. ' 
 
 Galatians, The Epistle to the, was 
 written by the Apostle St. Paul not long 
 after his journey through Galatia and Phry- 
 gia (Acts xviii. 23), and probably in the 
 early portion of his two years and a half 
 stay at Ephesus, which terminated with the 
 Pentecost of A. D. 57 or 58. The Epistle 
 appears to have been called forth by the 
 machinations of Judaizing teachers, who, 
 shortly before the date of its composition, 
 had endeavored to seduce the churches of 
 this province into a recognition of circum- 
 cision (v. 2, 11, 12, vi. 12, sq.), and had 
 openly sought to depreciate the apostolic 
 claims of St. Paul (comp. i. 1, 11). The 
 scope and contents of the Epistle are thus 
 (1) apologetic (i., ii.) and polemical (iii. 
 iv.) ; and (2) horatory and practical (v., 
 vi.) ; the positions and demonstrations of 
 the former portion being used with great 
 power and persuasiveness in the exhorta- 
 tions of the latter. Two historical ques- 
 
 tions require a brief notice : 1. The num- 
 ber of visits made by St. Paul to the 
 churches of Galatia previous to his writing 
 the Epistle. These seem certainly to have 
 been two. The Apostle founded the churches 
 of Galatia in the visit recorded Acts xvi. 
 6, during his second missionary journey, 
 about A. D. 51, and revisited them at the 
 period and on the occasion mentioned Acts 
 xviii. 23, when he went through the coun- 
 try of Galatia and Phrygia. On this occa- 
 sion it would seem probable that he found 
 the leaven of Judaism beginning to work 
 in the churches of Galatia. 2. Closely al- 
 lied with the preceding question is that of 
 the date, and the place from which the 
 Epistle was written. It was probably writ- 
 ten about the same time as the Epistle to 
 Romans at Corinth, during the three months 
 that the Apostle staid there (Acts xx. 2, 3), 
 apparently the winter of A. D. 57 or 58. 
 
 Galbanum, one of the perfumes em- 
 ployed in the preparation of the sacred in- 
 cense (Ex. xxx. 34). The galbanum of 
 commerce is brought chiefly from India 
 and the Levant. It is a resinous gum of a 
 brownish yellow color, and strong, disa- 
 greeable smell, usually met with in masses, 
 but sometimes found in yellowish, tear-like 
 drops. But, though galbanum itself is 
 well known, the plant which yields it has 
 not been exactly determined. 
 
 Gal'eed, the name given by Jacob to 
 the heap which he and Laban made on 
 Mount Gilead in witness of the covenant 
 then entered into between them (Gen. 
 xxxi. 47, 48; comp. 23, 25). 
 
 Galilee. This name, which in the Ro- 
 man age was applied to a large province, 
 seems to have been originally confined to a 
 little " circuit " of country round Kedesh- 
 Naphtali, in which were situated the twenty 
 towns given by Solomon to Hiram, king of 
 Tyre, as payment for his work in convey- 
 ing timber from Lebanon to Jerusalem 
 (Josh. xx. 7; IK. ix. 11). They were 
 then, or subsequently, occupied by stran- 
 gers, and for this reason Isaiah gives to the 
 district the name " Galilee of the Gentiles " 
 (Is. ix. 1). It is probable that the strangers 
 increased in number, and became during 
 the captivity the great body of the inhab- 
 itants ; extending themselves also over the 
 surrounding country, they gave to their new 
 territories the old name, until at length 
 Galilee became one of the largest provinces 
 of Palestine. In the time of our Lovd all 
 Palestine was divided into three provinces, 
 Judaea, Samaria, and Galilee (Acts ix. 31 ; 
 Luke xvii. 11; Joseph. B. J. iii. 3). The 
 latter included the whole northern section 
 of the country, including the ancient terri- 
 tories of Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, and 
 Naphtali. On the west it was bounded by 
 the territory of Ptolemais, which probably 
 included the whole plain of Akka to the
 
 GALILEE, SEA OF 
 
 202 
 
 GALLIC 
 
 foot of Carmel. The southern border ran j 
 along the base of Carmel and of the hills 
 of Samaria to Mount Gilbna, and then de- 
 scended the valley of Jezreel by Scythop- 
 olis to the Jordan. The river Jordan, the 
 Sea of Galilee, and the upper Jordan to 
 the fountain at Dan, formed the eastern 
 border; and the northern ran from Dan 
 westward across the mountain ridge till it 
 touched the territory of the Phoenicians. 
 Galilee was divided into two sections, 
 " Lower " and " Upper." Lower Galilee 
 included the great plain of Esdraelon with 
 its offshoots, which run down to the Jordan 
 and the Lake of Tiberias ; and the whole 
 of the hill country adjoining it on the north 
 to the foot of the mountain-range. It was 
 thus one of the richest and most beautiful 
 sections of Palestine. The chief towns of 
 Lower Galilee were Tiberias, Tarichaea, at 
 the southern end of the Sea of Galilee, 
 and Sepphoris. The towns most celebrated 
 in N. T. history are Nazareth, Cana, and 
 Tiberias (Luke i. 26; John ii. 1, vi. 1). 
 Upper Galilee embraced the whole moun- 
 tain-range lying between the upper Jordan 
 and Phoenicia. To this region the name 
 "Galilee of the Gentiles" is given in the 
 
 0. and N. T. (Is. ix. 1 ; Matt. iv. 15). The 
 town of Capernaum, on the north shore of 
 the lake, was in Upper Galilee. Galilee 
 was the scene of the greater part of our 
 Lord's private life and public acts. His 
 early years were spent at Nazareth; and 
 when He entered on His great work He 
 made Capernaum His home (Matt. iv. 13, 
 ix. 1). It is a remarkable fact that the first 
 three Gospels are chiefly taken up with our 
 Lord's ministrations in this province, while 
 the Gospel of John dwells more upon those 
 in Judaea. The nature of our Lord's par- 
 ables and illustrations was greatly influ- 
 enced by the peculiar features and products 
 of the country. The Apostles were all 
 either Galileans by birth or residence (Acts 
 
 1. 11). After the destruction of Jerusalem, 
 Galilee became the chief seat of Jewish 
 schools of learning, and the residence of 
 their most celebrated Rabbins. 
 
 Galilee, Sea of. [GENNESARETH.] 
 Gall, the representative in the A. V. of 
 the Hebrew words mSrerdh, or mertfrdh, 
 and rdsh. 1. Mererdh or mirdrdh denotes 
 etymologically " that which is bitter; " see 
 Job xiii. 26, "thou writest bitter things 
 against me." Hence the term is applied to 
 the ''bile " or " gall" from its intense bit- 
 terness (Job xvi. 13, xx. 25) ; it is also 
 used of the " poison " of serpents (Job xx. 
 14), which the ancients erroneously be- 
 lieved was their gall. 2. Rdsh, generally 
 translated " gall " by the A. V., is in Hos. 
 x. 4 rendered " hemlock : " in Deut. xxxii. 
 S3, and Job xx. 16, rdsh denotes the 
 " poison " or " venom " of serpents. From 
 Deut. xxix. 18, and Lam. iii. 19, compared 
 
 with Hos. x. 4, it is evident that the Hebrew 
 term denotes some bitter, and perhaps poi- 
 sonous plant. Other writers have supposed, 
 and with some reason (from Deut. xxxii. 
 32), that some berry-bearing plant must be 
 intended. Gesenius understands "poppies." 
 The capsules of the Papaveraceae may 
 well give the name of rdsh ("'head") to 
 the plant in question, just as we speak of 
 poppy heads. The various species of this 
 family spring up quickly in corn-fields, and 
 the juice is extremely bitter. A steeped 
 solution of poppy heads may be " the wa- 
 ter of gall " of Jer. viii. 14. The passages 
 in the Gospels which relate the circum- 
 stance of the Roman soldiers offering our 
 Lord, just before his crucifixion, " vinegar 
 mingled with gall," according to St. Mat- 
 thew (xxvii. 34), and "wine mingled with 
 myrrh," according to St. Mark's account 
 (xv. 23), require some consideration. " Mat- 
 thew, in his usual way," as Hengstenberg re- 
 marks, " designates the drink theologically : 
 always keeping his eye on the prophecies 
 of the O. T., he speaks of gall and vinegar 
 for the purpose of rendering the fulfilment 
 of the Psalms more manifest. Mark again 
 (xv. 23), according to his way, looks rather 
 at the outward quality of the drink." 
 "Gall" is not to be understood in any 
 other sense than as expressing the bitter 
 nature of the draught. Notwithstanding 
 the almost concurrent opinion of ancient 
 and modern commentators that the " wine 
 mingled with myrrh" was offered to our 
 Lord as an anodyne, we cannot readily 
 come to the same conclusion. Had the 
 soldiers intended a mitigation of suffering, 
 they would doubtless have offered a draught 
 drugged with some substance having nar- 
 cotic properties. The drink in question 
 was probably a mere ordinary beverage of 
 the Romans. 
 
 Gallery, an architectural term, de- 
 scribing the porticos or verandas which 
 are not uncommon in Eastern houses. It 
 is doubtful, however, whether the Hebrew 
 words, so translated, have any reference to 
 such an object. 
 
 Galley. [Snip.] 
 
 Gal'lim ( = " heaps," or, possibly, 
 " springs "), a place which is twice men- 
 tioned in the Bible: (1.) As the native 
 place of the man to whom Michal, David's 
 wife, was given (1 Sam. xxv. 44). There 
 is no clew to the situation of the place. 
 (2.) The name occurs again in the cata- 
 logue of places terrified at the approach of 
 Sennacherib (Is. x. 30). The name of 
 Gallim has not been met with in modern 
 times. 
 
 Gal'lio, Junius Annaeus Gallic, the 
 Roman proconsul of Achaia when St. 
 Paul was at Corinth, A. D. 53, under the 
 Emperor Claudius (Acts xviii. 12). He 
 was brother to Lucius Annaeus Seneca, the
 
 GALLOWS 
 
 GARDEN 
 
 philosopher. Jerome in the Chronicle of 
 Eusebius says that he committed suicide in 
 the year 65 A. D. 
 
 GallOWS. [PUNISHMENT.] 
 
 Gamaliel. 1. SonofPedahzur; prince 
 or captain of the tribe of Manasseh at the 
 census at Sinai (Num. i. 10, ii. 20, vii. 54, 
 59), and at starting on the march through 
 the wilderness (x. 23). 2. A Pharisee 
 and celebrated doctqr of the law, who gave 
 prudent worldly advice in the Sanhedrim 
 respecting the treatment of the followers 
 of Jesus of Nazareth (Acts v. 34, ff.). We 
 learn from Acts xxii. 3 that he was the 
 preceptor of St. Paul. He is generally 
 identified with the very celebrated Jewish 
 doctor Gamaliel. This Gamaliel was son 
 of Rabbi Simeon, and grandson of the cele- 
 brated Hillel; he was president of the 
 Sanhedrim under Tiberius, Caligula, and 
 Claudius, and is reported to have died 
 eighteen years before the destruction of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 Games. Among the Greeks the rage 
 for theatrical exhibitions was such that 
 every city of any size possessed its theatre 
 and stadium. At Ephesus an annual con- 
 test was held in honor of Diana. It is 
 probable that St. Paul was present when 
 these games were proceeding. A direct 
 reference to the exhibitions that took place 
 on such occasions is made in 1 Cor. xv. 
 32. St. Paul's Epistles abound with allu- 
 sions to the Greek contests, borrowed 
 probably from the Isthmian games, at 
 which he may well have been present dur- 
 ing his first visit to Corinth. These con- 
 tests (2 Tim. iv. 7 ; 1 Tim. vi. 12) were 
 divided into two classes, the pancratium, 
 consisting of boxing and wrestling, and the 
 pentathlon, consisting of leaping, running, 
 quoiting, hurling the spear, and wrestling. 
 The competitors (1 Cor. ix. 25; 2 Tim. ii. 
 5) required a long and severe course of 
 previous training (1 Tim. iv. 8), during 
 which a particular diet was enforced (1 
 Cor. ix. 25, 27). In the Olympic contests 
 these preparatory exercises extended over 
 a period of ten months, during the last of 
 which they were conducted under the super- 
 vision of appointed officers. The contests 
 took place in the presence of a vast multi- 
 tude of spectators (Heb. xii. 1), the com- 
 petitors being the spectacle (1 Cor. iv. 9; 
 Heb. x. 33). The games were opened by 
 the proclamation of a herald (1 Cor. ix. 
 27), whose office it was to give out the 
 name and country of each candidate, and 
 especially to announce the name of the 
 victor before the assembled multitude. 
 The judge was selected for his spotless 
 integrity (2 Tim. iv. 8) : his office was to 
 decide any disputes (Col. iii. 15) and to 
 give the prize (1 Cor. ix. 24; Phil. iii. 14), 
 consisting of a crown (2 Tim. ii. 5, iv. 8) 
 of leaves of wild olive at the Olympic 
 
 games, and of pine, or at one period, ivy, 
 at the Isthmian games. St. Paul alludes 
 to two only out of the five contests, boxing 
 and running, more frequently to the latter. 
 In boxing (cf. 1 Cor. ix. 26) the hands and 
 arms were bound with the cestus, a band of 
 leather studded with nails. The foot-race 
 (2 Tim. iv. 7) was run in the stadium (1 
 Cor. ix. 24), an oblong area, open at one 
 end, and rounded in a semicircular form at 
 the other, along the sides of which were 
 the raised tiers of seats on which the spec- 
 tators sat. The judge was stationed by the 
 goal (Phil. iii. 14), which was clearly visible 
 from one end of the stadium to the other. 
 
 Gain'madims. This word occurs only 
 in Ez. xxvii. 11. A variety of explanations 
 of the term have been offered. (1.) One 
 class renders it " pygmies." (2.) A second 
 treats it as a geographical or local term. 
 (3.) A third gives a more general sense to 
 the word, "brave warriors." Hitzig sug- 
 gests " deserters." After all, the render- 
 ing in the LXX., " guards," furnishes the 
 simplest explanation. 
 
 Ga'mul, a priest ; the Deader of the 22d 
 course in the service of the sanctuary (1 
 Chr. xxiv. 17). 
 
 Garden. Gardens in the East, as the 
 Hebrew word indicates, are enclosures, on 
 the outskirts of towns, planted with various 
 trees and shrubs. From the allusions in 
 the Bible we learn that they were sur- 
 rounded by hedges of thorn (Is. v. 5), or 
 walls of stone (Prov. xxiv. 31). For fur- 
 ther protection lodges (Is. i. 8 ; Lam. ii. 6) 
 or watchtowers (Mark xii. 1) were built in 
 them, in which sat the keeper (Job xxvii. 
 18) to drive away the wild beasts and rob- 
 bers, as is the case to this day. The gar- 
 dens of the Hebrews were planted with 
 flowers and aromatic shrubs (Cant. vi. 2, 
 iv. 16), besides olives, fig-trees, nuts, or 
 walnuts (Cant. vi. 11), pomegranates, and 
 others for domestic use (Ex. xxiii. 11; 
 Jer. xxix. 5; Am. ix. 14). Gardens of 
 herbs, or kitchen-gardens, are mentioned 
 in Deut. xi. 10, and 1 K. xxi. 2. Cucum- 
 bers were grown in them (Is. i. 8 ; Bar. vi. 
 70), and probably also melons, leeks, 
 onions, and garlic, which are spoken 
 of (Num. xi. 5) as the productions of a 
 neighboring country. The rose-garden in 
 Jerusalem, said to have been situated west- 
 ward of the temple mount, is remarkable as 
 having been one of the few gardens, which, 
 from the time of the prophets, existed 
 within the city walls. But of all the gar- 
 dens of Palestine none is possessed of as- 
 sociations more sacred and imperishable 
 than the garden of Gethsemane, beside the 
 oil-presses on the slopes of Olivet. In a 
 climate like that of Palestine the neigh- 
 borhood of water was an important consid- 
 eration in selecting the site of a garden. 
 To the old Hebrew poets " a well- watered
 
 GAREB 
 
 204 
 
 GATH 
 
 garden," or " a tree planted by the waters," 
 was an emblem of luxuriant fertility and 
 material prosperity (Is. Iviii. 11; Jer. xvii. 
 8, xxxi. 12). From a neighboring stream 
 or cistern were supplied the channels or 
 conduits by which the gardens were inter- 
 sected, and the water was thus conveyed 
 to all parts (Ps. i. 3 ; Eccl. ii. 6 ; Ecclus. 
 xxiv. 30). It is matter of doubt what is the 
 exact meaning of the expression " to water 
 with the foot " in Deut. xi. 10. The He- 
 brews made use of gardens as places of 
 burial (John xix. 41). Manasseh and his 
 son Amon were buried in the garden of 
 their palace, the garden of Uzza (2 K. 
 xxi. 18, 2G). The retirement of gardens 
 rendered them favorite places for devotion 
 (Matt. xxvi. 36 ; John xviii. 1 ; cf. Gen. 
 xxiv. 63). In the degenerate times of the 
 monarchy they were selected as the scenes 
 of idolatrous worship (Is. i. 29, Ixv. 3, 
 Ixvi. 17), and images of the idols were 
 probably erected in them. The traditional 
 gardens and pools of Solomon, supposed 
 to be alluded to in Eccl. ii. 5, 6, are shown 
 in the Wady Urtds (i. e. Hortus), about 
 an hour and a quarter to the south of Beth- 
 lehem. The " king's garden," mentioned 
 in 2 K. xxv. 4 ; Neh. iii. 15 ; Jer. xxxix. 4, 
 lii. 7, was near the pool of Siloam, at the 
 mouth of the Tyropoeon, north of Bir Eyub, 
 and was formed by the meeting of the val- 
 leys of Jehoshaphat and Ben Hinnom. 
 
 Ga'reb, one of the heroes of David's 
 army (2 Sam. xxiii. 38). 
 
 Gareb, The Hill, in the neighborhood 
 of Jerusalem, named only in Jer. xxxi. 39. 
 
 Garlic (Num. xi. 5), is the Allium Sati- 
 vum of Linnaeus, which abounds in Egypt. 
 
 Garment. [DRESS.] 
 
 Gar'mite, The. Keilah the Garmite, 
 t. e. the descendant of Gerem, is mentioned 
 in the obscure genealogical lists of the 
 families of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 19). 
 
 Garrison. The Hebrew words so ren- 
 dered in the A. V. are derivatives from the 
 root n&tsab to " place, erect," which may 
 be applied to a variety of objects. (1.) 
 Maitsab and mattsabah undoubtedly mean 
 a " garrison," or fortified post (1 Sam. xiii. 
 23, xiv. 1, 4, 12, 15; 2 Sam. xxiii. 14). 
 (2). Netsib is also used for a "garrison" 
 (in 1 Chr. xi. 16), but elsewhere for a 
 "column " erected in an enemy's country 
 as a token of conquest (1 Sam. xiii. 3). 
 (3.) The same word elsewhere means 
 " officers " placed over a vanquished peo- 
 ple (2 Sam. viii. 6, 14 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 13 ; 2 
 Chr. xvii. 2). (4.) Mattsebah in Ez. xxvi. 
 11 means a "pillar." 
 
 Gash'mu. A variation of the name 
 GESHEM (Neh. vi. 6). 
 
 Ga'tam, the fourth son of Eliphaz the 
 Bon of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 11 ; 1 Chr. i. 36), 
 and one of the " dukes " of Eliphaz (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 16). 
 
 Gate. The gates and gateways of east- 
 ern cities anciently held, and still hold, an 
 important part, not only in the defence but 
 in the public economy of the place. They 
 are thus sometimes taken as representing 
 the city itself (Gen. xxii. 17, xxiv. 60; 
 Deut. xii. 12; Judg. v. 8; Ruth iv. 10; 
 Ps. Ixxxvii. 2, cxxii. 2). Among the 
 special purposes for which they were used 
 may be mentioned : 1. As places of pub- 
 lic resort (Gen. xix. 1, xxiii. 10, xxxiv. 
 20, -24; 1 Sam. iv. 18, &c.). 2. Places 
 for public deliberation, administration of 
 justice, or of audience for kings and 
 rulers, or ambassadors (Deut. xvi. 18, xxi. 
 19, xxv. 7; Josh. xx. 4; Judg. ix. 35, &c.). 
 3. Public markets (2 K. vii. 1). In heathen 
 towns the open spaces near the gates ap- 
 pear to have been sometimes used as places 
 for sacrifice (Acts xiv. 13; comp. 2 K. 
 xxiii. 8). Regarded therefore as positions 
 of great importance the gates of cities were 
 carefully guarded and closed at nightfall 
 (Deut. iii. 6 ; Josh. ii. 5, 7 ; Judg. ix. 40, 
 44). They contained chambers over the 
 gateway (2 Sam. xviii. 24). The doors 
 themselves of the larger gates mentioned 
 in Scripture were two-leaved, plated with 
 metal, closed with locks and fastened with 
 metal bars (Deut iii. 5; Ps. cvii. 16; Is. 
 xiv. 1, 2). Gates not defended by iron 
 were of course liable to be set on fire by 
 an enemy (Judg. ix. 52). The gateways 
 of royal palaces and even of private houses 
 were often richly ornamented. Sentences 
 from the Law were inscribed on ana above 
 the gates (Deut. vi. 9 ; Is. liv. 12 ; Rev. 
 xxi. 21). The gates of Solomon's Temple 
 were very massive and costly, being over- 
 laid with gold and carvings (1 K. vi. 34, 35 ; 
 2 K. xviii. 16). Those of the Holy Place 
 were of olive-wood, two-leaved, and over- 
 laid with gold ; those of the temple of fir 
 (1 K. vi. 31, 32, 34 ; Ez. xli. 23, 24). The 
 figurative gates of pearl and precious stones 
 (Is. liv. 12 ; Rev. xxi. 21) may be regarded 
 as having their types in the massive stone 
 doors which are found in some of the an- 
 cient houses in Syria. These are of sin- 
 gle slabs several inches thick, sometimes 
 10 feet high, and turn on stone pivots 
 above. The parts of the doorway were 
 the threshold (Judg. xix. 27) ; the side- 
 posts, the lintel (Ex. xii. 7). In the Tem- 
 ple, Levites, and in houses of the wealthier 
 classes, and in palaces, persons were es- 
 pecially appointed to keep the door (Jer. 
 xxxv. 4; 2 K. xii. 9, xxv. 18, &c.). 
 
 Gath, one of the five royal cities of 
 the Philistines (Jjsh. xiii. 3; 1 Sam. vi. 
 17) ; and the native place of the giant Go- 
 liath (1 Sam. xvii. 4, 23). It probably 
 stood upon the conspicuous hill now called 
 Tell-es- Sdfieh, upon the side of the plain of 
 Philistia, at the foot of the mountains of 
 Judah ; 10 miles E. of Ashdod, and about
 
 GATII-IIEPHER 
 
 205 
 
 GEBA 
 
 the same distance S. by E. of Ekron. It 
 is irregular in form, and about 200ft. high. 
 Gath occupied a strong position (2 Chr. xi. 
 8) on the border of Judah and Philistia (1 
 Sam. xxi. 10 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 1) ; and from 
 its strength and resources forming the key 
 of both countries, it was the scene of fre- 
 quent struggles, and was often captured 
 and recaptured (2 Chr. xi. 8, xxvi. 6 ; 2 K. 
 xii. 17; Am. vi. 2). The ravages of war 
 to which Gath was exposed appear to have 
 destroyed it at a comparatively early pe- 
 riod, as it is not mentioned among the other 
 royal cities by the later prophets (Zeph. ii. 
 4; Zech. ix. 5, 6). It is familiar to the 
 Bible student as the scene of one of the 
 most romantic incidents in the life of king 
 David (1 Sam. xxi. 10-15). 
 
 Oath-he 'pher, or Git'tah-he'pher, 
 a town on the border of the territory of 
 Zebulun, not far from Japhia, now Y&fa 
 (Josh. xix. 12, 13), celebrated as the native 
 place of the prophet Jonah (2 K. xiv. 25). 
 El- Meshhad, a village 2 miles E. of Se- 
 f&rieh, is the ancient Gath-hepher. 
 
 Gath-rim'mon. 1. A city given out 
 of the tribe of Dan to the Levites (Josh. 
 xxi. 24 ; 1 Chr. vi. 69), situated on the plain 
 of Philistia, apparently not far from Joppa 
 (Josh. xix. 45). 2. A town of the half 
 tribe of Manasseh west of the Jordan, as- 
 signed to the Levites (Josh. xxi. 25). The 
 reading Gath-rimmon is probably an error 
 of the transcribers. 
 
 Ga'za (properly Azzak), one of the five 
 chief cities of the Philistines. It is re- 
 markable for its continuous existence _and 
 importance from the very earliest times. 
 The secret of this unbroken history is to 
 be found in the situation of Gaza. It is 
 the last town in the S. W. of Palestine, on 
 the frontier towards Egypt. The same pe- 
 culiarity of situation has made Gaza impor- 
 tant in a military sense. Its name means 
 " the strong ; " and this was well elucidat- 
 ed in its siege by Alexander the Great, 
 which lasted five months. In Gen. x. 19 
 it appears, even before the call of Abra- 
 ham, as a " border " city of the Canaan- 
 ites. In the conquest of Joshua the terri- 
 tory of Gaza is mentioned as one which he 
 was not able to subdue (Josh. x. 41, xi. 22, 
 xiii. 3). It was assigned to the tribe of 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 47), and that tribe did 
 obtain possession of it (Judg. i. 18) ; but 
 they did not hold it long; for soon after- 
 wards we find it in the hands of the Phi- 
 listines (Judg. iii. 3, xiii. 1, xvi. 1, 21) ; in- 
 deed it seems to have been their capital ; 
 and apparently continued througli the times 
 of Samuel, Saul, and David to be a Philis- 
 tine city (1 Sam. vi. 17, xiv. 52, xxxi. 1 ; 2 
 Sam. xxi. 15). Solomon became master 
 of "Azzah" (1 K. iv. 24). But in after 
 times the same trouble with the Philistines 
 recurred (2 Chr. xxi. 16, xxvi. 6, xxviii. 
 
 18). The passage where Gaza is men- 
 tioned in the N. T. (Acts viii. 26) is full of 
 interest. It is the account of the baptism 
 of the Ethiopian eunuch on his return from 
 Jerusalem to Egypt. The words " which is 
 desert" have given rise to much discus- 
 sion. The probability is, that they refer 
 to the road, and are used by the angel to 
 inform PHILIP, who was then in Samaria, 
 on what route he would find the eunuch. 
 Besides the ordinary road from Jerusalem 
 by Ramleh to Gaza, there was another, 
 more favorable for carriages (Acts xiii. 28), 
 further to the south through Hebron, and 
 thence through a district comparatively 
 without towns and much exposed to the in- 
 cursions of the people from the desert. The 
 modern Ghuzzeh is situated partly on an 
 oblong hill of moderate height, and partly 
 on the lower ground. The climate of the 
 place is almost tropical, but it has deep 
 wells of excellent water. There are a few 
 palm-trees in the town, and its fruit-or- 
 chards are very productive. But the chief 
 feature of the neighborhood is the wide- 
 spread olive-grove to the N. and N. E. 
 
 Gaza ra, a place frequently mentioned 
 in the wars of the Maccabees, and of great 
 importance in the operations of both par- 
 ties (1 Mace. ix. 52, xiii. 53, xiv. 7, 33, 34, 
 36, xv. 28, xvi. 1; 2 Mace. x. 32-36). 
 There is every reason to believe that Gaz- 
 ara was the same place as the more ancient 
 GEZEK or GAZER. 
 
 Ga'zathites, The (Josh. xiii. 3), the 
 inhabitants of GAZA. 
 
 Ga'zer, 2 Sam. T. 25 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 16. 
 [GEZER.] 
 
 Ga'zez, a name which occurs twice in 
 1 Chr. ii. 46 ; (1) as son of Caleb by Ephah 
 his concubine; and (2) as son of Haran, 
 the son of the same woman ; the second is 
 possibly only a repetition of the first. 
 
 Ga'zites, The, inhabitants of Gaza 
 (Judg. xvi. 2). 
 
 Gaz'zam. The Bene-Gazzam were 
 among the families of the Nethinim who 
 returned from the captivity with Zerubba- 
 bel (Ezr. ii. 48; Neh. vii. 51). 
 
 Ge'ba, a city of Benjamin, with " sub- 
 urbs," allotted to the priests (Josh. xxi. 17; 
 1 Chr. vi. 60). It is named amongst the 
 first group of the Benjamite towns ; appar- 
 ently those lying near to and along the north 
 boundary (Josh, xviii. 24). Here the name 
 is given as GABA. During the wars of the 
 earlier part of the reign of Saul, Geba was 
 held as a garrison by the Philistines (1 Sam. 
 xiii. 3), but they were ejected by Jonathan. 
 Later in the same campaign we find it re- 
 ferred to to define the position of the two 
 rocks which stood in the ravine below the 
 garrison of Michmash, in terms which fix 
 Geba on the south and Michmash on the 
 north of the ravine (1 Sam. xiv. 5 ; the A. V. 
 has here Gibeah). Exactly in accordance
 
 GEBAL 
 
 206 
 
 with this is the position of the modern vil- 
 lage of Jeba, which stands picturesquely on 
 the top of its steep terraced hill, on the very 
 edge of the great Wady Suweinit, looking 
 northwards to the opposite village, which 
 also retains its old name of JUukhmas. 
 
 Ge'bal, a proper name, occurring in Ps. 
 Ixxxiii. 7, in connection with Edom and 
 Moab, Ammon and Amalek, the Philistines 
 and the inhabitants of Tyre. The contexts 
 both of the psalm and of the historical 
 records will justify our assuming the Gebal 
 of the Psalms to be one and the same city 
 with the Gebal of Ezekiel (xxvii. 9), a mar- 
 itime town of Phoenicia. From the fact 
 that its inhabitants are written " Giblians " 
 in the Vulg., and " Biblians " in the LXX., 
 we may infer their identity with the Gib- 
 lites, spoken of in connection with Lebanon 
 by Joshua (xiii. 5), and that of their city 
 with the " Biblus " (or Byblus) of profane 
 literature. It is called Jebail by the Arabs, 
 thus reviving the old Biblical name. 
 
 Ge'ber. 1. The son of Geber resided 
 in the fortress of Ramoth-Gilead, and had 
 charge of Havoth-Jair, and the district of 
 Argob (1 K. iv. 13). 2. Geber the son of 
 Uri had a district south of the former the 
 "land of Gilead" (1 K. iv. 19). 
 
 Ge'bim, a village north of Jerusalem 
 (Is. x. 31), apparently between Anathoth 
 (the modern Anata) and the ridge on which 
 Nob was situated. 
 
 Gedali'ah, son of Ahikam (Jeremiah's 
 protector, Jer. xxvi. 24), and grandson of 
 Shaphan the secretary of king Josiah. Af- 
 ter the destruction of the Temple, B. c. 
 688, Nebuchadnezzar departed from Judaea, 
 leaving Gedaliah with a Chaldean guard 
 (Jer. xl. 5) at Mizpah to govern the vine- 
 dressers and husbandmen (Jer. lii. 16) who 
 were exempted from captivity. Jeremiah 
 joined Gedaliah ; and Mispah became the 
 resort of Jews from various quarters (Jer. 
 xl. 6, 11). He was murdered by Ishmael 
 two months after his appointment. 
 
 Ged'eon. The Greek form of the He- 
 brew name GIDEOX (Heb. xi. 32). 
 
 Ge'der. The king of Geder was one of 
 the 31 kings who were overcome by Joshua 
 on the west of the Jordan (Josh. xii. 13). 
 It is possible that it may be the same place 
 as the Geder named in 1 Chr. iv. 39. 
 
 Gede'rah, a town of Judah in the low- 
 land country(Josh. xv. 36), apparently in its 
 eastern part. No town bearing this name 
 has however been yet discovered in this 
 hitherto little explored district. 
 
 Gede'rathite, The, the native of a 
 place called Gederah, apparently in Ben- 
 jamin (1 Chr. xii. 4). 
 
 Ged'erite, The, the native of some 
 place named Geder or Gederah (1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 28). 
 
 Ged'eroth, a town in the low country 
 of Judah (Josh. xv. 41; 2 Chr. xxviii. 18). 
 
 Gederotha'im, a town in the low 
 country of Judah (Josh. xv. 36), named 
 next in order to Gederah. 
 
 Ge'dor, a town in the mountainous part 
 of Judah (Josh. xv. 58), a few miles north 
 of Hebron. Robinson discovered a Jedur 
 half way between Bethlehem and Hebron, 
 about two miles west of the road. 
 
 Geha'zi, the servant or boy of Elisha. 
 He was sent as the prophet's messenger on 
 two occasions to the good Shunammite (2 
 K. iv.) ; obtained fraudulently money and 
 garments from Naaman, was miraculously 
 smitten with incurable leprosy, and was 
 dismissed from the prophet's service (2 K. 
 v.). Later in the history he is mentioned 
 as being engaged in relating to King Joram 
 all the great things which Elisha had done 
 (2 K. viii.). 
 
 Gehen'na. [HINNOM.] 
 
 Gel'iloth, a place named among the 
 marks of the south boundary line of the 
 tribe of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 17). The 
 name Geliloth never occurs again in this 
 locality, and it therefore seems probable 
 that Gilgal is the right reading. 
 
 Gemal'li, the father of Ammiel, the 
 Danite spy (Num. xiii. 12). 
 
 Gemari'ah. 1. Son of Shaphan the 
 scribe, and father of Michaiah. He was one 
 of the nobles of Judah, and had a cham- 
 ber in the house of the Lord, from which 
 Baruch read Jeremiah's alarming prophecy 
 in the ears of all the people, B. c. 606 (Jer. 
 xxxvi.). 2. Son of Hilkiah, was made the 
 bearer of Jeremiah's letter to the captive 
 Jews (Jer. xxix.). 
 
 Gems. [STONES, PRECIOUS.] 
 
 Genealogy. In Hebrew the term for 
 genealogy or pedigree is " the book of the 
 generations ; " and because the oldest his- 
 tories were usually drawn up on a genea- 
 logical basis, the expression often extended 
 to the whole history, as is the case with the 
 Gospel of St. Matthew, where " the book of 
 the generation of Jesus Christ" includes 
 the whole history contained in that Gospel. 
 The promise of the land of Canaan to the 
 seed of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob succes- 
 sively, and the separation of the Israelites 
 from the Gentile world; the expectation 
 of Messiah as to spring from the tribe of 
 Judah; the exclusively hereditary priest- 
 hood of Aaron with its dignity and emolu- 
 ments ; the long succession^!' kings in the 
 line of David ; and the whole division and 
 occupation of the land upon genealogical 
 principles by the tribes, families, and houses 
 of fathers, gave a deeper importance to the 
 science of genealogy among the Jews than 
 perhaps any other nation. With Jacob, the 
 founder of the nation, the system of reck- 
 oning by genealogies was much further de- 
 veloped. In Gen. xxxv. 22-26, we have a 
 formal account of the sons of Jacob, the 
 patriarchs of the nation, repeated hi Ex. i.
 
 GENEALOGY 
 
 207 
 
 GENEALOGY OF CHRIST 
 
 1-5. In Gen. xlvi. we have an exact gene- 
 alogical census of the house of Israel at 
 the time of Jacob's going down to Egypt. 
 When the Israelites were in the wilderness 
 of Sinai, their number was taken by Divine 
 command " after their families, by the 
 house of their fathers." According to these 
 genealogical divisions they pitched their 
 tents, and marched, and offered their gifts 
 and offerings, chose spies, and the whole 
 land of Canaan was parcelled out amongst 
 them. When David established the temple 
 services on the footing which continued till 
 the time of Christ, he divided the priests 
 and Levites into courses and companies, 
 each under the family chief. When Heze- 
 kiah reopened the temple, and restored 
 the temple services, which had fallen into 
 disuse, he reckoned the whole nation by 
 genealogies. When Zerubbabel brought 
 back the captivity from Babylon, one of his 
 first cares seems to have been to take a cen- 
 sus of those that returned, and to settle them 
 according to their genealogies. Passing 
 on to the time of the birth of Christ, vre 
 have a striking incidental proof of the 
 continuance of the Jewish genealogical 
 economy in the fact that when Augustus 
 ordered the census of the empire to be 
 taken, the Jews in the province of Syria 
 immediately went each one to his own city. 
 Another proof is the existence of our 
 Lord's genealogy in two forms as given by 
 St. Matthew and St. Luke. The mention 
 of Zacharias, as "of the course of Abia," of 
 Elizabeth, as "of the daughter of Aaron," 
 and of Anna the daughter of Phanucl, as 
 " of the tribe of Aser," are further indica- 
 tions of the same thing. From all this it is 
 abundantly manifest that the Jewish gene- 
 alogical records continued to be kept till 
 near the destruction of Jerusalem. But 
 there can be little doubt that the registers 
 of the Jewish tribes and families perished 
 at the destruction of Jerusalem, and not 
 before. It remains to be said that just 
 notions of the nature of the Jewish genea- 
 logical records are of great importance with 
 a view to the right interpretation of Scrip- 
 ture. Let it only be remembered that these 
 records have respect to political and terri- 
 torial divisions, as much as to strictly gen- 
 ealogical descent, and it will at once be 
 seen how erroneous a conclusion it may 
 be, that all who are called "sons" of such 
 or such a patriarch, or chief father, must 
 necessarily be his very children. If any 
 one family or house became extinct, some 
 other would succeed to its place, called 
 after its own chief father. Hence of course 
 a census of any tribe drawn up at a later 
 period, would exhibit different divisions 
 from one drawn up at an earlier. The 
 eame principle must be borne in mind in in- 
 terpreting any particular genealogy. Again, 
 when a pedigree was abbreviated, it would 
 
 naturally specify such generations as would 
 indicate from what chief houses the person 
 descended. But then as regards the chron- 
 ological use of the Scripture genealogies, 
 it follows from the above view that great 
 caution is necessary in using them as meas- 
 ures of time, though they are invaluable 
 for this purpose whenever we can be sure 
 that they are complete. The Jewish gen- 
 ealogies have two forms, one giving the 
 generations in a descending, the other in 
 an ascending scale. Examples of the de- 
 scending form may be seen in Ruth iv. 18- 
 22, or 1 Chr. iii. Of the ascending, 1 Chr. 
 vi. 33-43 (A. V.) ; Ezr. vii. 1-5. Females 
 are named in genealogies when there is 
 anything remarkable about them, or when 
 any right or property is transmitted through 
 them. See Gen. xi. 29, xxii. 23, xxv. 1-4, 
 xxxv. 22-26 ; Ex. vi. 23 ; Num. xxvi. 33 ; 
 1 Chr. ii. 4, 19, 50, 35, &c. ' 
 
 Genealogy of Jesus Christ. The 
 New Testament gives us the genealogy of 
 but one person, that of our Saviour. The 
 following propositions will explain the true 
 construction of these genealogies : 1. 
 They are both the genealogies of Joseph 
 i. e. of Jesus Christ as the reputed and 
 legal son of Joseph and Mary. 2. The 
 genealogy of St. Matthew is Joseph's gen- 
 ealogy as legal successor to the throne of 
 David. St. Luke's is Joseph's private gen- 
 ealogy, exhibiting his real birth, as David's 
 son, and thus showing why he was heir to 
 Solomon's crown. The simple principle 
 that one evangelist exhibits that genealogy 
 which contained the successive heirs to 
 David's and Solomon's -throne, while the 
 other exhibits the paternal stem of him who 
 was the heir, explains all the anomalies of 
 the two pedigrees, their agreements as well 
 as their discrepancies, and the circumstance 
 of there being two at all. 3. Mary, the 
 mother of Jesus, was in all probability the 
 daughter of Jacob, and first cousin to 
 Joseph her husband. But besides these 
 main difficulties, as they have been thought 
 to be, there are several others which can- 
 not be passed over in any account, how- 
 ever concise, of the genealogies of Christ. 
 The most startling is the total discrepancy 
 between them both and that of Zerubbabel 
 in the O. T. (1 Chr. iii. 19-24). In this 
 last, of seven sons of Zerubbabel not one 
 bears the name, or anything like the name, 
 of Rhesa or Abiud ; and of the next gen- 
 eration not one bears the name, or any- 
 thing like the name, of Elinkim or Joanna, 
 which are in the corresponding generation 
 in Matthew and Luke. Rhesa is in fact 
 not a name at all, but it is the Chaldee title 
 of the princes of the captivity. It is very 
 probable therefore that this title should 
 have been placed against the name of 
 Zerubbabel by some early Christian Jew, 
 ; and thence crept into the text. If this be
 
 GENEALOGY OF CHRIST 
 
 208 
 
 GENEALOGY OF CHRIST 
 
 so, St. Luke will then give Joanna as the 
 son of Zerubbabel. But Joanna is the very 
 same name as Ifananiah, the son of Zerub- 
 babel according to 1 Chr. iii. 19. [HANA- 
 NIAH.] In St. Matthew this generation is 
 omitted. In the next generation we iden- 
 tify Matthew's Ab-jud (Abiud) with Luke's 
 Juda, and both with Hodaiah of 1 Chr. iii. 
 24, by the simple process of supposing the 
 Shemaiah of 1 Chr. iii. 22 to be the same 
 person as the Shimei of ver. 19. The 
 next difficulty is the difference in the num- 
 ber of generations between the two gene- 
 alogies. St. Matthew's division into three 
 fourteens gives only 42, while St. Luke, 
 from Abraham to Christ inclusive, reckons 
 56, or, which is more to the point (since 
 the generations between Abraham and 
 David are the same in both genealogies), 
 while St. Matthew reckons 28 from David 
 to Christ, St. Luke reckons 43, or 42 with- 
 out Rhesa. But the genealogy itself supplies 
 the explanation. In the second tessaro- 
 decade, including the kings, we know that 
 three generations are omitted Ahaziah, 
 Joash, Amaziah - - in order to reduce the 
 generations from 17 to 14 : the difference 
 between these 17 and the 19 of St. Luke be- 
 ing very small, bo in like manner it is 
 obvious that the generations have been 
 abridged in the same way in the third di- 
 vision to keep to the number 14. Another 
 difficulty is the apparent deficiency in the 
 number of the last tessaro-decade, which 
 seems to contain only 13 names ; but the 
 explanation of this is, that either in the 
 process of translation, or otherwise, the 
 names of Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin have 
 got confused and expressed by the one 
 name Jechonias. The last difficulty of 
 sufficient importance to be mentioned here 
 is a chronological one. In both the gen- 
 ealogies there are but three names be- 
 tween Salmon and David Boaz, Obed, 
 Jesse. But, according to the common 
 chronology, from the entrance into Canaan 
 (when Salmon was come to man's estate) 
 to the birth of David was 405 years, or 
 from that to 500 years and upwards. Now 
 for about an equal period, from Solomon to 
 Jehoiachin, St. Luke's genealogy contains 
 20 names. Obviously therefore either the 
 chronology or the genealogy is wrong. It 
 must suffice here to assert that the shorten- 
 ing the interval between the Exodus and 
 David by about 200 years, which brings it 
 to the length indicated by the genealogies, 
 does in the most remarkable manner bring 
 Iraelitish history into harmony with Egyp- 
 tian, with the traditional Jewish date of the 
 Exodus, with the fragment of Edomitish 
 history preserved in Gen. xxxvi. 31-39, 
 ar.d with the internal evidence of the Israel- 
 itish history itself. The following pedigree 
 will exhibit the successive generations as 
 given by the two Evangelists : 
 
 According Adam 
 
 to | 
 
 St. Lttke. Seth 
 
 *L 
 
 Cainaa 
 
 Haleleel 
 
 Jared 
 
 Enoch 
 
 Mathusala 
 
 Phalec (Peleg) 
 Rngau (Kcu) 
 Saruch (Serug) 
 Nachor 
 Thara (Terah) 
 
 According Abraham 
 
 to Matt. | 
 and Luke. Isaac 
 
 Jacob 
 Judah 
 
 Lamech 
 
 Noah 
 
 Shem 
 
 Arphaxad 
 
 Coition 
 
 z 
 
 Heber 
 
 Pharez 
 Ezrom 
 Aram (Ram) 
 Aminadab 
 Naasoa 
 
 Salmon = Rachab 
 Booz Ruth 
 
 Obed 
 
 I 
 Jesse 
 
 David Bath ihetw 
 
 According Solomon 
 to Matt. \ 
 
 Roboam 
 
 Abia 
 
 ithan 
 
 Asa 
 
 Josaphat 
 
 Jorum (Ahaziah, 
 Joash, Amaziah) 
 
 According Natli 
 to Luke. | 
 
 Mattntha 
 
 Menan 
 Melea 
 
 Eliakim 
 _ I 
 Jonan 
 
 Joseph 
 
 Ozias 
 
 i 
 
 Joatham 
 
 Juda 
 
 
 
 Simeon 
 
 Achaz 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Lev! 
 
 Ezekiaa 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 Hatthat 
 
 Manasse* 
 
 
 
 
 Jorim 
 
 Amon 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 Eliezer 
 
 Josins 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 Jose 
 
 Jechonias (f. e. Je- 
 hoiakim) and hit 
 
 4 
 
 brothers (t. e. Je- 
 
 i 
 
 hoahaz, Zedekiah, 
 and Shallum). 
 
 Elmodam 
 1 
 
 
 
 Cosam 
 
 Jechonias (. e. Je- 
 hoiachin), child- 
 
 Addi. 
 
 le 
 
 s. 
 
 Melchi 
 
 
 
 Ncri 
 
 
 (Matt, and Luke.) 
 
 1 
 
 His heir was . . Salathiel 
 I 
 
 Zorobabel (the Prince or Rhesa) 
 
 Joanna (Hananiah, in 1 Chr. iii. 19, 
 omitted by Matthew, i. ly) 
 
 Juda, or Abiud (Hodaiah, 1 Chr. iii. *) 
 
 Eliakim 
 Azor 
 
 Achim 
 Ehud 
 Elrazcr
 
 ' GENERATION 
 
 209 
 
 GENESIS 
 
 Joseph 
 Janna 
 Melchi 
 
 Levi 
 (Matt, and Luke.) \ 
 
 Matt. His heir was . . Mat than or Mattbat Luke. 
 
 Jacob Ecli 
 | (Matt, and Lvke.) | 
 
 Mary = Jacob's h'-ir waa Joseph 
 
 JESUS, called Christ 
 
 Thus it will be seen that the whole num- 
 ber of generations from Adam to Christ, 
 both inclusive, is 74, without the second 
 Cainan and Rhesa. 
 
 Generation. In the long-lived Patri- 
 archal age a generation seems to have been 
 computed at 100 years (Gen. xv. 16 ; comp. 
 13, and Ex. xii. 40) ; but subsequently the 
 reckoning was the same which has been 
 adopted by other civilized nations, viz., 
 from thirty to forty years (Job xlii. 16). 
 For generation in the sense of a definite 
 period of time, see Gen. xv. 16 ; Deut. 
 xxiii. 3, 4, 8, &c. As an indefinite period 
 of time : for time past, see Deut. xxxii. 
 7 ; Is. Iviii. 12 ; for time future, see Ps. 
 xlv. 17, Ixxii. 5, &c. Generation is also 
 used to signify the men of an age, or time, 
 as contemporaries (Gen. vi. 9; Is. liii. 8) ; 
 posterity, especially in legal formulae (Lev. 
 iii. 17, &c.) ; fathers, or ancestors (Ps. xlix. 
 19). 
 
 Genes'areth.. [GENNESARET.] 
 
 Gen'esis, the first book of the Law or 
 Pentateuch, so called from its title in the 
 Septuagint, that is, Creation. Respecting 
 its integrity and author, see PENTATEUCH. 
 The book of Genesis (with the first chap- 
 ters of Exodus) describes the steps which led 
 to the establishment of the Theocracy. It 
 is a part of the writer's plan to tell us what 
 the Divine preparation of the world was, 
 in order to show, first, the significance of 
 the call of Abraham, and next, the true na- 
 ture of the Jewish theocracy. He begins 
 with the creation of the world, because the 
 God who created the world and the God 
 who revealed Himself to the fathers is the 
 same God. The bobk of Genesis has thus 
 a character at once special and universal. 
 It embraces the world ; it speaks of God as 
 the God of the whole human race. But as 
 the introduction to Jewish history, it makes 
 the universal interest subordinate to the 
 national. Five principal persons are the 
 pillars, so to speak, on which the whole 
 superstructure rests : Adam, Noah, Abra- 
 ham, Isaac and Jacob. I. Adam. The 
 creation of the world, and the earliest his- 
 tory of mankind (ch. i.-iii.). As yet no di- 
 vergence of the different families of man. 
 II. Noah, The history of Adam's de- 
 scendants to the death of Noah (iv.-ix.). 
 14 
 
 I Here we have (1) the line of Cain branch- 
 I ing off while the history follows the for- 
 j tunes of Seth, whose descendants are (2) 
 traced in genealogical succession, and in 
 an unbroken line as far as Noah, and (3) 
 the history of Noah himself (vi.-ix.), con- 
 tinued to his death. III. Abraham. Noah's 
 posterity till the death of Abraham (x.-xxv. 
 18). Here we have (1) the peopling of the 
 whole earth by the descendants of Noah's 
 three sons (xi. 1-9). The history of two of 
 these is then dropped, and (2) the line of 
 Shem only pursued (xi. 10-32) as far as Te- 
 rah and Abraham, where the genealogical 
 table breaks off. (3) Abraham is now the 
 prominent figure (xii.-xxv. 18). But as 
 Terah had two other sons, Nahor and II a- 
 ran (xi. 27), some notices respecting their 
 families are added. Lot's migration with 
 Abraham into the land of Canaan is men- 
 tioned, as well as the fact that he was the 
 father of Moab and Ammon (xix. 37, 38), 
 nations whose later history was intimately 
 connected with that of the posterity of 
 Abraham. Nahor remained in Mesopota- 
 mia, but his family is briefly enumerated 
 (xxii. 20-24), chiefly no doubt for Rebekah's 
 sake, who was afterwards the wife of Isaac. 
 Of Abraham's own children, there branches 
 off first the line by Ishmael (xxi. 9, &c.), 
 and next the children by Keturah ; and the 
 genealogical notices of these two branches 
 of his posterity are apparently brought to- 
 gether (xxv. 1-6, and xxv. 12-18), in order 
 that, being here severally dismissed at the 
 end of Abraham's life, the main stream of 
 the narrative may flow in the channel of 
 Isaac's fortunes. IV. Isaac. Isaac's life 
 (xxv. 19-xxxv. 29), a life in itself retiring 
 and uneventful. But in his sons the final 
 separation takes place, leaving the field 
 clear for the great story of the chosen seed. 
 Even when Nahor's family comes on the- 
 scene, as it does in ch. xxix., we hear only 
 so much of it as is necessary to throw light; 
 on Jacob's history. V. Jacob. The his- 
 tory of Jacob and Joseph (xxxvi. 1). Here,, 
 after Isaac's death, we have (1) the geneal- 
 ogy of Esau (xxxvi.), who then drops out 
 of the narrative, in order that (2) the his- 
 tory of the Patriarchs may be carried on- 
 without intermission to the death of Joseph 
 (xxxvii.-l.) It will be seen that a specific- 
 plan is preserved throughout. The main 
 purpose is never forgotten. God's relation 
 to Israel holds the first place in the writer's 
 mind. It is this which it is his object to 
 convey. The history of that chosen seed, 
 who were the heirs of the promise and the 
 guardians of the Divine oracles, is the onrjr 
 history which interprets man's relation to 
 God. By its light all others shine, and 
 may be read when the time shall come. 
 Meanwhrle, as the different families drop 
 ofl' here and there from the principal stock, 
 their course is briefly indicated. Beyond
 
 GENNESARET 
 
 210 
 
 GERIZIM 
 
 all- doubt, then, we may trace in the book 
 of Genesis a systematic plan. 
 
 Gennes'aret, Land of. After the 
 miracle of feeding the five thousand, our 
 Lord and His disciples crossed the Lake of 
 Gennesaret and came to the other side, at 
 a place which is called " the land of Gen- 
 nesaret" (Matt. xiv. 34; Mark vi. 53). It 
 is generally believed that this term was ap- 
 plied to the fertile crescent-shaped plain on 
 the western shore of the lake, extending 
 from Khan Minyeh on the north to the 
 steep hill behind Mejdel on the south, and 
 called by the Arabs el-Ghuweir, " the little 
 Ghor." Mr. Porter gives the length as 
 three miles, and the greatest breadth as 
 about one mile. Additional interest is given 
 to the land of Gennesaret, or el-Ghuweir, by 
 the probability that its scenery suggested 
 the parable of the Sower. 
 
 Gennes'aret Sea of, called in the O. 
 T. " the Sea of Chinnereth," or " Cinne- 
 roth " (Num. xxxiv.ll ; Josh. xii. 3), from a 
 town of that name which stood on or near 
 its shore (Josh. xix. 35). At its north-west- 
 ern angle was a beautiful and fertile plain 
 called " Gennesaret " (Matt. xiv. 34 ; Mark 
 vi. 53), from which the name of the lake 
 was taken. The lake is also called in the 
 N. T. " the sea of Galilee," from the prov- 
 ince of Galilee which bordered on its west- 
 ern side (Matt. iv. 18; Mark vii. 31 ; John 
 vi. 1) ; and " the sea of Tiberias," from 
 the celebrated city (John vi. 1). Its mod- 
 ern name is Bahr Tubariyeh. Most of our 
 Lord's public life was spent in the environs 
 of the Sea of Gennesaret. This region 
 was then the most densely peopled in all 
 Palestine. No less than nine cities stood 
 on the very shores of the lake. The sea 
 of Gennesaret is of an oval shape, about 
 thirteen geographical miles long, and six 
 broad. The river Jordan enters it at 
 its northern end, and passes out at its 
 southern end. In fact the bed of the lake 
 is just a lower section of the great Jordan 
 valley. Its most remarkable feature is its 
 deep depression, being no less than 700 feet 
 below the level of the ocean. The scenery 
 is bleak and monotonous. The great de- 
 pression makes the climate of the shores 
 almost tropical. This is very sensibly felt 
 by the traveller in going down from the 
 plains of Galilee. In summer the heat is 
 intense, and even in early spring the air 
 has something of an Egyptian balminess. 
 The water of the lake is sweet, cool, and 
 transparent; and as the beach is every- 
 where pebbly it has a beautiful sparkling 
 look. It abounds in fish now as in ancient 
 times. 
 
 Gentiles. In the O. T. the Heb. 
 gdyim signified the nations, the surround- 
 ing nations, foreigners as opnpsed to Israel 
 (Neh. v. 8), and was used with an invidious 
 meaning. In the N. T. it is used as equiv- 
 
 alent to Greek. But the A. V. is not con- 
 sistent in its translation of the word Hellen, 
 sometimes rendering it by " Greek " (Acts 
 xiv. 1, xvii. 4; Rom. i. 16, x. 12), some- 
 times by " Gentile " (Rom. ii. 9, 10, iii. 9 ; 
 1 Cor. x. 32). The latter use of the word 
 seems to have arisen from the almost uai- 
 versal adoption of the Greek language. 
 
 Gen'ubath, the son of Hadad, an Edom- 
 ite of the royal family, by an Egyptian prin- 
 cess, the sister of Tahpenes, the queen of the 
 Pharaoh who governed Egypt in the latter 
 part of the reign of David (1 K. xi. 20 ; 
 comp. 16). 
 
 Ge'ra, one of the " sons," '. e. de- 
 scendants, of Benjamin, enumerated in 
 Gen. xlvi. 21, as already living at the time 
 of Jacob's migration into Egypt. He was 
 son of Bela (1 Chr. viii. 3). The text of 
 this last passage is very corrupt ; and the 
 different Geras there named seem to re- 
 duce themselves into one the same as the 
 son of Bela. Gera, who is named (Judg. 
 iii. 15) as the ancestor of Ehud, and in 2 
 Sam. xvi. 5, as the ancestor of Shimei who 
 cursed David, is probably also the same 
 person. 
 
 Gerah. [WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.] 
 
 Ge'rar, a very ancient city south of 
 Gaza. It occurs chiefly in Genesis (x. 19, 
 xx. 1, xxvi. 16) ; also incidentally in 2 Chr. 
 xiv. 13, 14. It must have trenched on the 
 " south" or "south country " of later Pal- 
 estine. From a comparison of xxi. 32 with 
 xxvi. 23, 26, Beersheba would seem to be 
 just on the verge of this territory, and per- 
 haps to be its limit towards the N. E. 
 
 Gergesenes', [GADARA.] 
 
 Ger'izim. On the position of Mount 
 Gerizim, see EBAL. It is an important 
 question whether Gerizim was the moun- 
 tain on which Abraham was directed to of- 
 fer his son Isaac (Gen. xxii. 2, and sq.). 
 First, then, let it be observed that it is not 
 the mountain, but the district which is 
 there called Moriah, and that antecedently 
 to the occurrence which took place " upon 
 one of the mountains " in its vicinity a 
 consideration which of itself would natur- 
 ally point to the locality, already known to 
 Abraham, as the plain or plains of Moreh, 
 "the land of vision," "the high land;" 
 and therefore consistently "the land of 
 adoration," or "religious worship," as it is 
 variously explained. That all these inter- 
 pretations are incomparably more applica- 
 ble to the natural features of Gerizim and 
 its neighborhood, than to the hillock (in 
 comparison) upon which Solomon built his 
 temple, none can for a moment doubt who 
 have seen both. [MORIAH.] The Samari- 
 tans, therefore, through whom the tradi- 
 tion of the true site of Gerizim has been 
 preserved, are probably not wrong when 
 they point out still as they have done 
 from time immemorial Gerizim as the
 
 GERIZITES 
 
 211 
 
 GETHSEMANE 
 
 hill upon which Abraham's " faith was 
 made perfect." Another tradition of the 
 Samaritans is far less trustworthy : viz., 
 that Mount Gerizim was the spot where 
 Melchisedech met Abraham though there 
 certainly was a Salem or Shalem in that 
 neighborhood (Gen. xxxiii. 18). Lastly, 
 the altar which Jacob built was not on Ger- 
 izim, as the Samaritans contend, though 
 probably about its base, at the head of the 
 plain between it and Ebal, "in the parcel 
 of a field " which that patriarch purchased 
 from the children of Hamor, and where he 
 spread his tent (Gen. xxxiii. 18-20). Here 
 was likewise his well (John iv. 6), and the 
 tomb of his son Joseph (Josh. xxiv. 32), 
 both of which are still shown. We now 
 enter upon the second phase in the history 
 of Gerizim. According to Josephus, a 
 marriage contracted between Manasseh, 
 brother of Jaddus, the then high-priest, and 
 the daughter of Sanballat the Cuthaean 
 (comp. 2 K. xvii. 24), having created a 
 great stir amongst the Jews, who had been 
 strictly forbidden to contract alien mar- 
 riages (Ezr. ix. 2; Neh. xiii. 23), Sanbal- 
 lat, in order to reconcile his son-in-law to 
 this unpopular affinity, obtained leave from 
 Alexander the Great to build a temple 
 upon Mount Gerizim, and to inaugurate a 
 rival priesthood and altar there to those of 
 Jerusalem. " Samaria thenceforth," says 
 Prideaux, " became the common refuge 
 and asylum of the refractory Jews." Ger- 
 izim is likewise still to the Samaritans 
 what Jerusalem is to the Jews, and Mecca 
 to the Mohammedans. 
 
 Ger'izites, 1 Sam. xxvii.8. [GEBZITBS.] 
 Ger 'shorn. 1. The first-born son of 
 Moses and Zipporah (Ex. ii. 22, xviii. 3). 
 The name is explained in these passages 
 as = " a stranger there," in allusion to 
 Moses' being a foreigner in Midian " For 
 he said, I have been a stranger (Ger) in a 
 foreign land." Its true meaning, taking it 
 as a Hebrew word, is " expulsion." The 
 circumcision of Gershom is probably relat- 
 ed in Ex. iv. 25. 2. The form under 
 which the name GERSHON the eldest son 
 of Levi is given in several passages of 
 Chronicles, viz., 1 Chr. vi. 16, 17, 20, 43, 
 62, 71, xv. 7. 3. The representative of 
 the priestly family of Phinehas, among 
 those who accompanied Ezra from Babylon 
 (Ezr. viii. 2). 
 
 Ger'shon, the eldest of the three sons 
 of Levi, born before the descent of Jacob's 
 family into Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 11; Ex. vi. 
 16). But, though the eldest born, the fam- 
 ilies of Gershon were outstripped in fame 
 by their younger brethren of Kohath, from 
 whom sprang Moses and the priestly line 
 of Aaron. At the census in the wilder- 
 ness of Sinai the whole number of the 
 males of the sons of Gershon was 7500 
 (Num. iii. 22), midway between the Ko- 
 
 hathites and the Merarites. The sons of 
 Gershon (the Gershonites) had charge of 
 the fabrics of the Tabernacle the cover- 
 ings, curtains, hangings, and cords (Num. 
 iii. 25, 26, iv. 25, 26) ; for the transport of 
 these they had two covered wagons and 
 four oxen (vii. 3, 7). In the encampment 
 their station was behind the Tabernacle, 
 on the west side (Num. iii. 23). In the 
 apportionment of the Levitical cities thir- 
 teen fell to the lot of the Gershonites. 
 These were in the northern tribes two in 
 Manesseh beyond Jordan, four in Issachar, 
 four in Asher, and three in Naphtali. 
 
 Ger'shonites, The, the family de- 
 scended from GERSHON or GERSHOM, the 
 son of Levi. " THE GERSHONITE," as ap- 
 plied to individuals occurs in 1 Chr. xxvi.21. 
 
 Ger'zites, The, a tribe who with the 
 Geshurites and the Amalekites occupied 
 the land between the south of Palestine 
 and Egypt in the time of Saul (1 Sam. 
 xxvii. 8). In the name of Mount Gerizim 
 we have the only remaining trace of the 
 presence of this old tribe of Bedouins in 
 central Palestine. 
 
 Ge'sham (properly GESHAN, as in 
 A. V. of 1611), one of the sons of JAHDAI, 
 in the genealogy of Judah and family of 
 Caleb (1 Chr. ii. 47). 
 
 Ge'shem, and Gash'mu, an Arabian, 
 mentioned in Neh. ii. 19, and vi. 1, 2, 6. 
 We may conclude that he was an inhab- 
 itant of Arabia Petraea, or of the Arabian 
 Desert, and probably the chief of a tribe. 
 
 Ge'shur, a little principality in the 
 north-eastern corner of Bashan, adjoining 
 the province of Argob (Deut. iii. 14), and 
 the kingdom of Aram (Syria in the A. V. ; 
 2 Sam. xv. 8; comp. 1 Chr. i. 23). It is 
 highly probable that Geshur was a section 
 of the wild and rugged region now called 
 el-Lejah. [ARGOB.] 
 
 Gesh'uri and Gesh'urites. 1. The 
 inhabitants of Geshur (Deut. iii. 14 ; Josh, 
 xii. 5, xiii. 11). 2. An ancient tribe which 
 dwelt in the desert between Arabia and 
 Philistia (Josh. xiii. 2; 1 Sam. xxvii. 8). 
 
 Ge'ther, the third in order of the sons 
 of Aram (Gen. x. 23). No satisfactory 
 trace of the people sprung from this stock 
 has been found. 
 
 Gethsem'ane, a small " farm " (A. V. 
 " place ;" Matt. xxvi. 36; Mark xiv. 32), 
 situated across the brook Kedron (John 
 xviii. 1), probably at the foot of Mount 
 Olivet (Luke xxii. 39), to the N. W., and 
 about i or | of a mile English from the 
 walls of Jerusalem. There was a " gar- 
 den," or rather orchard, attached to it, to 
 which the olive, fig, and pomegranate 
 doubtless invited resort by their hospitable 
 shade. And we know from the Evangel- 
 ists Luke (xxii. 39) and John (xviii. 2) 
 that our Lord ofttimes resorted thither with 
 his disciples. Bat Gethsemaue has not come
 
 GEUEL 
 
 212 
 
 GIBEAH 
 
 down to us as a scene of mirth ; its inex- 
 haustible associations are the offspring of a 
 single event the Agony of the Son of God 
 on the evening preceding His Passion. A 
 garden, with eight venerable olive-trees, and 
 a grotto to the north, detached from it, and 
 in closer connection with the church of the 
 Sepulchre of the Virgin, are pointed out as 
 tlie Gethsemane. Against the contemporary 
 antiquity of the olive-trees it has been urged 
 that Titus cut down all the trees about Jeru- 
 salem. The probability would seem to be 
 that they were planted by Christian hands 
 to mark the spot; unless, like the sacred 
 olive of the Acropolis, they may have re- 
 produced themselves. 
 
 Geu'el, son of Machi, the Gadite spy 
 (Num. xiii. 15). 
 
 Gez'er, an ancient city of Canaan, 
 whose king, Horam, or Elam, coming to 
 the assistance of Lachish, was killed with 
 all his people by Joshua (Josh. x. 33, xii. 
 12). It formed one of the landmarks on 
 the south boundary of Ephraim, between 
 the lower Beth-horon and the Mediterra- 
 nean (xvi. 3), the western limit of the tribe 
 (1 Chr. vii. 28). It was allotted with its 
 suburbs to the Kohathite Levites (Josh. 
 xxi. 21 ; 1 Chr. vi. 67) ; but the original 
 inhabitants were not dispossessed (Judg. 
 i. 29) ; and even down to the reign of Solo- 
 mon the Cananites were still dwelling there, 
 and paying tribute to Israel (IK. ix. 16). 
 Ewald takes Gezer and Geshur to be the 
 same. In one place Gob is given as iden- 
 tical with Gezer (1 Chr. xx. i ; comp. 2 
 Sam. xxi. 18). 
 
 Gez'rites, The. The word which the 
 Jewish critics have substituted in the mar- 
 gin of the Bible for the ancient reading, 
 "the Gerizite " (1 Sam. xxvii. 8). [GER- 
 ZITES, THE.] 
 
 Gi'ah, a place named only in 2 Sam. ii. 
 24, to designate the position of the hill 
 Amman. 
 
 Giants. 1. They are first spoken of 
 in Gen. vi. 4, under the name Nephilim. 
 We are told in Gen. vi. 1-4 that " there were 
 Nephilim in the earth," and that afterwards 
 the "sons of God" mingling with the 
 beautiful "daughters of men" produced 
 a race of violent and insolent Gibborim 
 (A. V. "mighty men"). But who were 
 the parents of these giants ? who are " the 
 sons of God ? " ? They were most proba- 
 bly the pious Sethites, though the prev- 
 alent opinion both in the Jewish and early 
 Christian Church is that they were angels. 
 It was probably this ancient view which 
 gave rise to the spurious Book of Enoch, 
 and the notion quoted from it by St. Jude 
 (6), and alluded to by St. Peter (2 Pet. ii. 
 4). 2. THE REPHAIM, a name which fre- 
 quently occurs. The earliest mention of 
 them is the record of their defeat by Che- 
 dorlaomer and some allied kings at Ashte- 
 
 roth-Karnaim (Gen. xiv. 5). Extirpated, 
 however, from the east of Palestine, they 
 long found a home in the west (2 Sam. 
 xxi. 18, sq. ; 1 Chr. xx. 4). It is probable 
 that they had possessed districts west of 
 the Jordan in early times, since the " Val- 
 ley of Rephaim " (2 Sam. v. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
 15; Is. xvii. 5), a rich valley S. W. of 
 Jerusalem, derived its name from them. 
 They were proba"bly an aboriginal people 
 of which the EMIM, ANAKIM, and ZCZIM 
 were branches. 
 
 Gib'bar. Bene-Gibbar, to the number 
 of ninety-five, returned with Zerubbabel 
 from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 20). 
 
 Gib'bethon, a town allotted to the 
 tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 44), and after- 
 wards given with its " suburbs " to the Ko- 
 hathite Levites (xxi. 23). 
 
 Gib'ea. Sheva "the father of Mac- 
 benah," and " father of Gibea," is men- 
 tioned with other names unmistakably 
 those of places and not persons, among the 
 descendants of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 49, comp. 
 42). This would seem to point out Gibea. 
 
 Gib'eah, a word employed in the Bible 
 to denote a " hill." Like most words of 
 this kind it gave its name to several towns 
 and places in Palestine, which would doubt- 
 less be generally on or near a hill. They 
 are 1. GIBEAH, a city in the mountain- 
 district of Judah, named with Maon and 
 the southern Carmel (Josh. xv. 57; and 
 comp. 1 Chr. ii. 49, &c.). 2. GIBEATH is 
 enumerated among the last group of the 
 towns of Benjamin, next to Jerusalem 
 (Josh, xviii. 28). It is generally taken to 
 be the place which afterwards became so 
 notorious as " Gibeah-of-Benjamin " or 
 " of-Saul." But this was five or six miles 
 north of Jerusalem. The name being in 
 the " construct state " Gibeath and not 
 Gibeah may it not belong to the follow- 
 ing name Kirjath, and denote the hill ad- 
 joining that town? 3. The place in which 
 the Ark remained from the time of its re- 
 turn by the Philistines till its removal by 
 David (2 Sam. vi. 3, 4 ; comp. 1 Sam. vii. 
 1, 2). 4. GIBEAH-OF-BENJAMIN, first ap- 
 pears in the tragical story of the Levite 
 and his concubine (Judg. xix., xx.). It 
 was then a " city," with the usual open 
 street or square (Judg. xix. 15, 17, 20), 
 and containing 700 " chosen men " (xx. 
 15), probably the same whose skill as sling- 
 ers is preserved in the next verse. In 
 many particulars Gibeah agrees very close- 
 ly with Tuleil-el-Ful, a conspicuous emi- 
 nence just four miles north of Jerusalem, 
 to the right of the road. We next meet 
 with Gibeah-of-Benjamin during the Philis- 
 tine wars of Saul and Jonathan (1 Sam. 
 xiii., xiv.). It now bears its full title. As 
 " Gibeah-of-Benjamin " this place is re- 
 ferred to in 2 Sam. xxiii. 29 (comp. 1 Chr. 
 xi. 31), and as ' Gibeah" it is mentioned
 
 GIBEATH 
 
 213 
 
 GIER--EAGLE 
 
 by Hosea (v. 8, ix. 9, x. 9), but it does not 
 again appear in the history. It is, how- 
 ever, almost without doubt identical with 
 5. GIBEAH-OF-SAUL. This is not men- 
 tioned as Saul's city till after his anointing 
 (1 Sam. x. 26), when he is said to have 
 gone " home " to Gibeah. In the subse- 
 quent narrative the town bears its full 
 name (xi. 4). 6. GIBEAH- IN -THE-FIELD, 
 named only in Judg. xx. 31, as the place 
 to which one of the " highways " led from 
 Gibeah-of-Benjamin. It is probably the 
 same as Geba. The " meadows of Gaba " 
 (A. V. Gibeah; Judg. xx. 33) have no 
 connection with the " field," the Hebrew 
 words being entirely different. 
 
 Gib'eath, Josh, xviii. 28. [GIBEAH, 2.] 
 
 Gib'eathite, The, i. e. the native of 
 Gibeah (1 Chr. xii. 3). 
 
 Gib'eon, one of the four cities of the 
 HIVITES, the inhabitants of which made a 
 league with Joshua (ix. 3-15), and thus 
 escaped the fate of Jericho and Ai (comp. 
 xi. 19). Gibeon lay -within the territory 
 of Benjamin (xviii. 25), and with its " sub- 
 urbs " was allotted to the priests (xxi. 17), 
 of whom it became afterwards a principal 
 station. It retains its ancient name almost 
 intact, El-Jib. Its distance from Jerusalem 
 by the main road is as nearly as possible 6 
 miles ; but there is a more direct road re- 
 ducing it to 5 miles. 
 
 Gib'eonites, The, the people of Gib- 
 eon, and perhaps also of the three cities 
 associated with Gibeon (Josh. ix. 17) 
 Hivites ; and who, on the discovery of the 
 stratagem by which they had obtained the 
 protection of the Israelites, were condemned 
 to be perpetual bondmen, hewers of wood 
 and drawers of water for the congregation, 
 and for the house of God and altar of Je- 
 hovah (Josh. ix. 23, 27). Saul appears to 
 have broken this covenant, and in a fit of 
 enthusiasm or patriotism to have killed 
 some, and devised a general massacre of 
 the rest (2 Sam. xxi. 1, 2, 5). Thk was 
 expiated many years after by giving up 
 seven men of Saul's descendants to the 
 Gibeonites, who hung them or crucified 
 them " before Jehovah " as a kind of sac- 
 rifice in Gibeah, Saul's own town (4, 6, 9). 
 
 Gib'lites, The. [GEBAL.] 
 
 Giddal'ti, one of the sons of Heman, 
 the king's seer (1 Chr. xxv. 4). 
 
 Gid'del. 1. Children of Giddel were 
 among the Nethinim who returned from 
 the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 47 ; 
 Neh. vii. 49). 2. Bene-Giddel were also 
 among the " servants of Solomon " who 
 returned to Judaea in the same caravan 
 (Ezr. ii. 56; Neh. vii. 58). 
 
 Gid'eon, a Manassite, youngest son of 
 Joash of the Abiezrites, an undistinguished 
 family who lived at Ophrah, a town proba- 
 bly on the west of Jordan (Judg. vi. 15). 
 He was the fifth recorded Judge of Israel, 
 
 and for many reasons the greatest of them 
 all. When we first hear of him he was 
 grown up and had sons (Judg. vi. 11, viii. 
 20), and from the apostrophe of the angel 
 (vi. 12) we may conclude that he had al- 
 ready distinguished himself in war against 
 the roving bands of nomadic robbers who 
 had oppressed Israel for seven years, and 
 whose countless multitudes (compared to 
 locusts from their terrible devastations, vi. 
 5) annually destroyed all the produce of 
 Canaan, except such as could be concealed 
 in mountain-fastnesses (vi. 2). It was 
 probably during this disastrous period that 
 the emigration of Elimelech took place 
 (Ruth i. 1, 2). When the angel appeared, 
 Gideon was threshing wheat with a flail in 
 the winepress, to conceal it from the preda- 
 tory tyrants. His call to be a deliverer, and 
 his destruction of Baal's altar, are related 
 in Judg. vi. After this begins the second 
 act of Gideon's life. Clothed by the Spirit 
 of God (Judg. vi. 34; comp. 1 Chr. xii. 18; 
 Luke xxiv. 49), he blew a trumpet, and 
 was joined by Zebulun, Naphtali, and even 
 the reluctant Asher. Strengthened by a 
 double sign from God, he reduced his army 
 of 32,000 by the usual proclamation (Deut. 
 xx. 8; comp. 1 Mace. iii. 56). By a sec- 
 ond test at "the spring of trembling" he 
 again reduced the number of his followers 
 to 300 (Judg. vii. 5, sq.). The midnight 
 attack upon the Midianites, their panic, 
 and the rout and slaughter that followed, 
 are told in Judg. vii. The memory of this 
 splendid deliverance took deep root in the 
 national traditions (1 Sam. xii. 11; Ps. 
 Ixxxiii. 11; Is. ix. 4, x. 26; Heb. xi. 32). 
 After this there was a peace of 40 years, 
 and we see Gideon in peaceful possession 
 of his well-earned honors, and surrounded 
 by the dignity of a numerous household 
 (viii. 29-31). It is not improbable that, 
 like Saul, he had owed a part of his popu- 
 larity to his princely appearance (Judg. 
 viii. 18). In this third stage of his life 
 occur alike his most noble and his most 
 questionable acts, viz., the refusal of the 
 monarchy on theocratic grounds, and the 
 irregular consecration of a jewelled ephod 
 formed out of the rich spoils of Midian 
 which proved to the Israelites a temptation 
 to idolatry, although it was doubtless in- 
 tended for use in the worship of Jehovah. 
 
 Gideo'ni, a Benjamite, father of Abidan 
 (Num. i. 14, iii. 22, vii. 60, 65, x. 24). 
 
 Gi'dom, a place named only in Judg. 
 xx. 45. It would appear to have been situ- 
 ated between Gibeah ( Tuleil-el- FAl) and the 
 cliff Rimmon. 
 
 Gier-eagle, an unclfean bird mentioned 
 in Lev. xi. 18 and Deut. xiv. 17. There is 
 no reason to doubt that the r&chdm of the 
 Heb. Scriptures is identical in reality as in 
 name with the racham of the Arabs, viz., 
 the Egyptian vulture.
 
 GIFT 
 
 214 
 
 GIMZO 
 
 Gift. The giving and receiving of pres- 
 ents has in all ages been not only a more 
 frequent, but also a more formal and sig- 
 nificant proceeding in the East than among 
 ourselves. We cannot adduce a more re- 
 markable proof of the important part which 
 presents play in the social life of the East 
 than the fact that the Hebrew language pos- 
 sesses no less than fifteen different expres- 
 sions for the one idea. The nature of the 
 presents was as various as were the occa- 
 sions. The mode of presentation was with 
 as much parade as possible. The refusal 
 of a present was regarded as a high indig- 
 nity. No less an insult was it, not to bring 
 a present when the position of the parties 
 demanded it (1 Sam. x. 27). 
 
 Gi'hon. 1. The second river of Para- 
 dise (Gen. ii. 13). [EDEN.] 2. A place 
 near Jerusalem, memorable as the scene 
 of the anointing and proclamation of Solo- 
 mon as king (1 K. i. 33, 38, 45). 
 
 Gil alai, one of the priests' sons at the 
 consecration of the wall of Jerusalem 
 (Neh. xii. 36). 
 
 GilbO'a, a mountain range on the east- 
 ern side of the plain of Esdraelon, rising 
 over the city of Jezreel (comp. 1 Sam. xxviii. 
 4 with xxix. 1). It is only mentioned in 
 Scripture in connection with one event in 
 Israelitish history, the defeat and death of 
 Saul and Jonathan by the Philistines (1 
 Sam. xxxi. 1 ; 2 Sam. i. 6, xxi. 12 ; 1 Chr. 
 x. 1, 8.) Of the identity of Gilboa with the 
 ridge which stretches eastward, from the 
 ruins of Jezreel, no doubt can be enter- 
 tained. The village is now called Jelbdu. 
 
 Gil'ead. 1. A mountainous region 
 hounded on the west by the Jordan, on the 
 north by Bashan, on the east by the Arabian 
 plateau, and on the south by Moab and Am- 
 inon (Gen. xxxi. 21 ; Deut. iii. 12-17). It is 
 sometimes called " Mount Gilead " (Gen. 
 xxxi. 25), sometimes " the land of Gilead " 
 Num. xxxii. 1) ; and sometimes simply "Gil- 
 ead " (Ps. Ix. 7 ; Gen. xxxvii. 25) ; but a com- 
 parison of the several passages shows that 
 they all mean the same thing. The name 
 Gilead, as is usual in Palestine, describes the 
 physical aspect of the country. It signifies 
 " a hard rocky region." The statements in 
 Gen. xxxi. 48, are not opposed to this ety- 
 mology. The old name of the district was 
 Gilead, but by a slight change in the pro- 
 nunciation, the radical letters being re- 
 tained, the meaning was made beautifully 
 applicable to the " heap of stones " Jacob 
 and Laban had built up " the heap of 
 witness." Those acquainted with the mod- 
 ern Arabs and their literature will see how 
 intensely such a play upon the word would 
 be appreciated by them. The mountains 
 of Gilead have a real elevation of from two 
 to three thousand feet ; but their apparent 
 elevation on the western side is much great- 
 er, owing to the depression of the Jordan 
 
 i valley, which averages about 1000 feet. 
 
 ! Their outline is singularly uniform, resem- 
 
 ! bling a massive wall running along the 
 
 horizon. The name Galaad occurs several 
 
 times in the history of the Maccabees (1 
 
 Mace. v. 9, sq.). 2. Possibly the name of 
 
 a mountain west of the Jordan, near Jezreel 
 
 (Judg. vii. 3). We are inclined, however, 
 
 to think that the true reading in this place 
 
 should be GILBOA. 3. Son of Machir, 
 
 grandson of Manasseh (Num. xxvi. 29, 30). 
 
 4. The father of Jephthah (Judg. xi. 1, 2). 
 
 Gil'eadites, The (Judg. xii. 4, 5; 
 
 Num. xxvi. 29 ; Judg. x. 3), a branch of the 
 tribe of Manasseh, descended from Gilead. 
 There appears to have been an old standing 
 feud between them and the Ephraimites, 
 who taunted them with being deserters. 
 
 Gil'gal. 1. The site of the first camp 
 of the Israelites on the west of the Jordan, 
 the place at which they passed the first night 
 after crossing the river,and where the twelve 
 stones were set up which had been taken 
 from the bed of the stream (Josh. iv. 19, 
 20, comp. 3) ; where also they kept their 
 first passover in the land of Canaan (v. 10). 
 It was in the " end of the east of Jericho " 
 (A. V. " in the east border of Jericho ") ap- 
 parently on a hillock or rising ground (v. 
 3, comp. 9), in the Arboth- Jericho (A. V. 
 "the plains "), that is, the hot depressed 
 district of the Ghor which lay between the 
 town and the Jordan (v. 10). We again 
 encounter Gilgal in the time of Saul, when 
 it seems to have exchanged its military as- 
 sociations for those of sanctity. We again 
 have a glimpse of it, some sixty years later, 
 in the history of David's return to Jerusa- 
 lem (2 Sam. xix.). Its site is uncertain. 
 But, 2. it was certainly a distinct place 
 from the Gilgal which is connected with the 
 last scene in the life of Elijah, and with one 
 of Elisha's miracles (2 K. ii.). The men- 
 tion of Baal-shalisha (iv. 42) gives a clew 
 to its situation, when taken with the notice 
 of Eusebius, that that place was fifteen 
 miles from Diospolis (Lydda) towards the 
 north. In that very position stand now the 
 ruins bearing the name ofJiljilieh, i. e. Gil- 
 gal. 3. The " KING OF THE RATIONS OF 
 
 GILGAL," or rather perhaps the " king of 
 Goim-at-Gilgal," is mentioned in the cata- 
 logue of the chiefs overthrown by Joshua 
 (Josh. xii. 23). 4. A Gilgal is spoken of 
 in Josh. xv. 7, in describing the north bor- 
 der of Judah. 
 
 Gi'loh, a town in the mountainous part 
 of Judah, named in the first group, with 
 Debir and Eshtemoh (Josh. xv. 51) ; it was 
 the native place of the famous Ahithophel 
 (2 Sam. xv. 12). 
 
 Gi'lonite, The, native of Giloh (2 Sam. 
 xv. 12; xxiii. 34). 
 
 Gim'zo, a town which with its depen- 
 dent villages was taken possession of by 
 the Philistines in the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr.
 
 GIN 
 
 215 
 
 GOAD 
 
 xxviii. 18). The name (Jimzu) still re- 
 mains attached to a large village between 
 two and three miles S. W. of Lydda, south 
 of the road between Jerusalem and 
 Jaffa. 
 
 Gin, a trap for birds or beasts : it con- 
 sisted of a net (Is. viii. 14, and a stick to 
 act as a springe (Am. iii. 5). 
 
 Gi'nath, father of Tibni(l K. xvi.21, 22). 
 
 Gin.'netho, one of the chief of the 
 priests and Levites who returned to Judaea 
 with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 4). He is 
 doubtless the same person as 
 
 Gin'nethon, a priest who sealed the 
 covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 6). 
 
 Girdle, an essential article of dress in 
 the East, and worn both by men and wo- 
 men. The common girdle was made of 
 leather (2 K. i. 8 ; Matt. iii. 4), like that 
 worn by the Bedouins of the present day. 
 A finer girdle was made of linen (Jer. xiii. 
 1 ; Ez. xvi. 10), embroidered with silk, and 
 sometimes with gold and silver thread 
 (Dan. x. 5; Rev. i. 13, xv. 6), and fre- 
 quently studded with gold and precious 
 stones or pearls. The manufacture of these 
 girdles formed part of the employment of 
 women (Prov. xxxi. 24). The girdle was 
 fastened by a clasp of gold or silver, or tied 
 in a knot so that the ends hung down in 
 front, as in the figures on the ruins of Per- 
 sepolis. It was worn by men about the 
 loins (Is. v. 27, xi. 5). The girdle of wo- 
 men was generally looser than that of the 
 men, and was worn about the hips, except 
 when they were actively engaged (Prov. 
 xxxi. 17). The military girdle was worn 
 about the waist ; the sword or dagger was 
 suspended from it (Judg. fii. 16 ; 2 Sam. 
 xx. 8; Ps. xlv. 3). Hence girding up the 
 loins denotes preparation for battle or for 
 active exertion. In times of mourning, 
 girdles of sackcloth were worn as marks of 
 humiliation and sorrow (Is. iii. 24, xxii. 12). 
 In consequence of the costly materials of 
 which girdles were made, they were fre- 
 quently given as presents (1 Sam. xviii. 4 ; 
 2 Sam. xviii. 11). They were used as 
 pockets, as among the Arabs still, and as 
 purses, one end of the girdle being folded 
 back for the purpose (Matt. x. 9 ; Mark vi. 
 8). The girdle worn by the priests about 
 the close-fitting tunic (Ex. xxviii. 39, xxxix. 
 29) is described by Josephus as made of 
 linen so fine of texture as to look like the 
 slough of a snake, and embroidered with 
 flowers of scarlet, purple, blue, and fine 
 linen. It was about four fingers broad, 
 and was wrapped several times round the 
 priest's body, the ends hanging down to 
 the feet. The " curious girdle " (Ex. xxviii. 
 8) was made of the same materials and 
 colors as the ephod, that is, of " gold, blue, 
 and purple, and scarlet, and fine twined 
 linen." Josephus describes it as sewn to 
 the breastplate. After passing once round 
 
 it was tied in front upon the seam, the ends 
 hanging down. 
 
 Gir'gashites, The, one of the nations 
 who were in possession of Canaan before 
 the entrance thither of the children of Is- 
 rael (Gen. x. 16, xv. 21 ; Deut. vii. 1 ; 
 Josh. iii. 10, xxiv. 11 ; 1 Chr. i. 14 ; Neh. 
 ix. 8). 
 
 Gir'gasite, The (Gen. x. 16). See 
 the foregoing. 
 
 Gis'pa, one of the overseers of the 
 Nethinim, in " the Ophel," after the return 
 from captivity (Neh. xi. 21). 
 
 Git'tah-hepher, Josh. xix. 13. [GATH- 
 
 HEPHER.] 
 
 Gitta'im. [GITTITES.] 
 
 Git'tites, the 600 men who followed 
 David from Gath, under Ittai the Gittite (2 
 Sam. xv. 18, 19), and who probably acted 
 as a kind of body-guard. Obed-edom "the 
 Gittite " may have been so named from the 
 town of Gittaim in Benjamin (2 Sam. iv. 3 ; 
 Neh. xi. 33), or from Gath-rimmon. 
 
 Gittith, a musical instrument, by some 
 supposed to have been used by the people 
 of Gath ; and by others to have been em- 
 ployed at the festivities of the vintage (Ps. 
 viii., Ixxxi., Ixxxiv.). 
 
 Gi'zonite, The. ' ' The sons of Hashem 
 the Gizonite " are named amongst the war- 
 riors of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 34). 
 Kennicott concludes that the name should 
 be GOUNI. 
 
 Glass. The Heb. word occurs only in 
 Job xxviii. 17, where in A. V. it is rendered 
 " crystal." In spite of the absence of spe- 
 cific allusion to glass in the sacred writings, 
 the Hebrews must have been aware of the 
 invention. From paintings representing 
 the process of glass-blowing which have 
 been discovered at Beni-hassan, and in 
 tombs at other places, we know that the in- 
 vention is at least as remote as the age of 
 Osirtasen the first (perhaps a contemporary 
 of Joseph), 3500 years ago. Fragments 
 too of wine- vases as old as the Exodus have 
 been discovered in Egypt. The art waa 
 also known to the ancient Assyrians. In 
 the N. T. glass is alluded to as an emblem 
 of brightness (Rev. iv. 6, xv. 2, xxi. 18). 
 
 Gleaning. The gleaning of fruit trees, 
 as well as of corn-fields, was reserved for 
 the poor. [CORNER.] 
 
 Glede, the old name for the common 
 kite (milvus ater) occurs only in Deut. xiv. 
 13 among the unclean birds of prey. 
 
 Gnat, mentioned only in the proverbial 
 expression used by our Saviour in Matt, 
 xxiii. 24. 
 
 Goad (Judg. iii. 31; 1 Sam. xiii. 21). 
 But the Hebrew word in the latter passage 
 probably means the point of the plough- 
 share. The former word does pobably 
 refer to the goad, the long handle o which 
 might be ' used as a formidable weapon. 
 The instrument, as still used in the noun.-
 
 GOAT 
 
 216 
 
 GOD 
 
 tries of Southern Europe and Western Asia, 
 consists of a rod about eight feet long, 
 brought to a sharp point and sometimes 
 cased with iron at the head. 
 
 Goat. There appear to he two or three 
 varieties of the common goat (Hircus aega- 
 grus) at present bred in Palestine and 
 Syria, but whether they are identical with 
 those which were reared by the ancient 
 Hebrews it is not possible to say. The 
 most marked varieties are the Syrian goat 
 (Capra Mambrica, Linn.), and the Angora 
 goat (Capra Angorensis, Linn.), with fine 
 long hair. As to the "wild goats" (1 Sam. 
 xxiv. 2 ; Job xxxix. 1, and Ps. civ. 18) it is 
 not at all improbable that some species of 
 ibex is denoted. 
 
 Goat, Scape. [ATONEMENT, DAT OF.] 
 
 Go'ath, a place apparently in the neigh- 
 borhood of Jerusalem, and named, in con- 
 nection with the lull Gareb, only in Jer. 
 xxxi. 39. 
 
 Gob, a place mentioned only in 2 Sam. 
 xxi. 18, 19, as the scene of two encounters 
 between David's warriors and the Philis- 
 tines. In the parallel account in 1 Chr. 
 xx. 4, the name is given as GEZBR. 
 
 Goblet, a circular vessel for wine or 
 other liquid. 
 
 God. Throughout the Hebrew Scrip- 
 tures two chief names are used for the one 
 true divine Being ELOHIM, commonly 
 translated God in our Version, and JEHO- 
 VAH, translated Lord. ELOHIM is the plu- 
 ral of ELOAH (in Arabic Allah), a form 
 which occurs only in poetry and a few pas- 
 sages of later Hebrew (Neh. ix. 17 ; 2 Chr. 
 xxxii. 15). It is also formed with the pro- 
 nominal suffixes, as ELOI, my God, with the 
 dependent genitive, and with an epithet, in 
 which case it is often used in the short 
 form EL (a word signifying strength*), as in 
 EL-SHADDAI, God Almighty, the name by 
 which God was specially known to the pa- 
 triarchs (Gen. xvii. 1, xxviii. 3; Ex. vi. 3). 
 The etymology is uncertain, but it is gen- 
 erally agreed that the primary idea is that 
 of strength, power to effect; and that it 
 properly describes God in that character in 
 which He is exhibited to all men in His 
 works, as the creator, sustainer, and su- 
 preme governor of the world. Hence it is 
 used to denote any being believed in and 
 worshipped as God ; but in the sense of a 
 heathen deity, or a divine being spoken of 
 indefinitely, the singular is most often used, 
 and the plural is employed, with the strict 
 idea of number, for the collective objects 
 of polytheistic worship, the gods, the gods 
 of the heathen. It is also used for any 
 being that strikes an observer as god-like 
 (1 Sam. xxviii. 13), and for kings, judges, 
 and others endowed with authority from 
 God (Psalm Ixxxii. 1, 6, viii. 6, xcvii. 7, 
 &c. ; Ex. xxi. 6, xxii. 7, 8). The short 
 form El is used for a hero, or mighty man, 
 
 as Nebuchadnezzar (Ezek. xxxi. 11), a 
 sense derived at once from the meaning of 
 strength. The plural form of ELOHIJI has 
 given rise to much discussion. The fanci- 
 ful idea, that it referred to the Trinity of 
 Persons in the Godhead, hardly finds now 
 a supporter among scholars. It is either 
 what grammarians call the plural of ma- 
 jesty, or it denotes the fulness of divine 
 strength, the sum of the powers displayed 
 by God. JEHOVAH denotes specifically the 
 one true God, whose people the Jews were, 
 and who made them the guardians of His 
 truth. The name is never applied to a 
 false god, nor to any other being, except 
 ONE, the ANGEL-JEHOVAH, who is thereby 
 marked as one with God, and who appears 
 again in the New Covenant as " God mani- 
 fested in the flesh." Thus much is clear ; 
 but all else is beset with difficulties. At a 
 time too early to be traced, the Jews ab- 
 stained from pronouncing the name, for 
 fear of its irreverent use. The custom is 
 said to have been founded on a strained 
 interpretation of Lev. xxiv. 16; and the 
 phrase there used, "THE NAME" (Shema), 
 is substituted by the Rabbis for the unutter- 
 able word. They also call it " the name 
 of four letters " (|-nn*0 " tne great and 
 terrible name," "the peculiar name," " the 
 separate name." In reading the Scriptures, 
 they substituted for it the word ADONAI 
 {Lord), from the translation of which by 
 KvQtuf in the LXX., followed by the Vul- 
 gate, which uses Dorainus, we have got 
 the LORD of our Version. Our translators 
 have, however, used JEHOVAH in four pas- 
 sages (Ex. vi. 3; Psalm Ixxxiii. 18; Is. 
 xii. 2, xxvi. 4),* and in the compounds, Je- 
 hovah-Jireh, Jehovah- Nissi, and Jehovah- 
 Shalom (Jehovah shall see, Jehovah is my 
 Banner, Jehovah is Peace, Gen. xxii. 14 ; 
 Ex. xvii. 15 ; Judges vi. 24) ; while the 
 similar phrases Jehovah-Tsidkenu and Je- 
 hovah-Shammah are translated, " the LORD 
 our righteousness," and "the Lord is there " 
 (Jer. xxiii. 6, xxxiii. 16 ; Ezek. xlviii. 35). 
 In one passage the abbreviated form JAH is 
 retained (Psalm Ixviii. 4). The substitu- 
 tion of the word LORD is most unhappy ; 
 for, while it in no way represents the mean- 
 ing of the sacred name, the mind has con- 
 stantly to guard against a confusion with 
 its lower uses, and above all, the direct per- 
 sonal bearing of the name on the revelation 
 of God through the whole course of Jewish 
 history is kept injuriously out of sight. The 
 key to the meaning of the name is unques- 
 tionably given in God's revelation of Himself 
 to Moses by the phrase " I AM THAT I AM," 
 in connection with the statement, that He 
 was now first revealed by his name JEHO- 
 VAH (Ex. iii. 14, vi. 3). Without entering 
 here upon questions of Hebrew philology, 
 we must be content to take as established 
 the etymological connection of the name
 
 GOG 
 
 217 
 
 GOMER 
 
 Jehovah with the Hebrew substantive verb, 
 with the inference that it expresses the 
 essential, eternal, unchangeable Being 
 of Jehovah. But more, it is not the ex- 
 pression only, or chiefly, of an absolute 
 truth : it is a practical revelation of God, 
 in His essential, unchangeable relation to 
 His chosen people, the basis of His Cove- 
 nant. This is both implied in the occasion 
 on which it is revealed to Moses, and in the 
 fifteenth verse of Ex. iii. And here we 
 find the solution of a difficulty raised by 
 Ex. vi. 3, as if it meant that the name Je- 
 hovah had not been known to the patri- 
 archs. There is abundant evidence to the 
 contrary. As early as the time of Seth, 
 " men began to call on the name of Jeho- 
 vah" (Gen. iv. 25). The name is used by 
 the patriarchs themselves (Gen. xviii. 14; 
 xxiv. 40; xxvi. 28; xxviii. 21). It is the 
 basis of titles, like Jehovah-Jireh, and of 
 proper names, like Moriah and Jochebed. 
 Indeed, the same reasoning would prove 
 that the prtriarchs did not know God as 
 Elohim, but exclusively as El-Shaddai. 
 But, in fact, the word name is used here, 
 as elsewhere, for the attributes of God. 
 He was about, for the first time, fully to re- 
 veal that aspect of His character which the 
 name implied. [JEHOVAH.] 
 
 Gog. 1. A Reubenite (1 Chr. v. 4), 
 son of Shemaiah. 2. [MAGOG.] 
 
 Go'lan, a city of Bashan (Deut. iv. 
 43), allotted out of the half tribe of Manas- 
 sen to the Levitcs (Josh. xxi. 27), and one 
 of the three cities of refuge east of the 
 Jordan (xx. 8). Its very site is now un- 
 known. It gave its name to the province 
 of Gaulanitis, which is frequently men- 
 tioned by Josephus. It lay east of Galilee, 
 and north of Gadaritis. [GADARA.] The 
 Jordan from the Sea of Galilee to its foun- 
 tains at Dan and Caesarea-Philippi, formed 
 its western boundary. It corresponds to 
 the modern province of Jauldn (which is 
 the Arabic form of the Hebrew Golan). 
 The greater part of Gaulanitis is a flat and 
 fertile table-land, well watered, and clothed 
 with luxuriant grass. 
 
 Gold, the most valuable of metals, 
 from its color, lustre, weight, ductility, and 
 other useful properties. Hence it is used 
 as an emblem of purity (Job xxiii. 10) and 
 nobility (Lam. iv. 1). Gold was known 
 from the very earliest times (Gen. ii. 11). 
 It was at first chiefly used for ornaments. 
 &c. (Gen. xxiv. 22). Coined money was 
 not known to the ancients till a compara- 
 tively late period; and on the Egyptian 
 tombs gold is represented as being weighed 
 in rings for commercial purposes. (Comp. 
 Gen. xliii. 21). Gold was extremely abun- 
 dant in ancient times (1 Chr. xxii. 14; 2 
 Chr. i. 15, ix. 9 ; Nah. ii. 9 ; Dan. iii. 1) ; 
 but this did not depreciate its value, be- 
 cause of the enormous quantities consumed 
 
 by the wealthy in furniture, &c. (1 K. vi. 
 22, x. passim ; Cant. iii. 9, 10 ; Esth. i. 6 ; 
 Jer. x. 9). The chief countries mentioned 
 as producing gold are Arabia, Sheba, and 
 Ophir (1 K. ix. 28, x. 1; Job xxviii. 16). 
 Other gold-bearing countries were Uphaz 
 (Jer. x. 9 ; Dan. x. 5) and Parvaim (2 
 Chr. iii. 6). Metallurgic processes are 
 mentioned in Ps. Ixvi. 10; Prov. xvii. 3, 
 xxvii. 21 ; and in Is. xlvi. 6, the trade of 
 goldsmith (cf. Judg. xvii. 4) is alluded to 
 in connection with the overlaying of idols 
 with gold-leaf. 
 
 Gol'gotha, the Hebrew name of the 
 spot at which our Lord was crucified (Matt, 
 xxvii. 33; Mark xv. 22; John xix. 17). 
 By these three Evangelists it is interpreted 
 to mean the " place of a skull." St. 
 Luke's words are really as follows "the 
 place which is called "a skull' " not, as 
 in the other Gospels, " of a skull," thus 
 employing the Greek term exactly as they 
 do the Hebrew one. Two explanations of 
 the name are given : (1) that it was a spot 
 where executions ordinarily took place, 
 and therefore abounded in skulls. Or (2) 
 it may come from the look or form of the 
 spot itself, bald, round, and skull-like, and 
 therefore a mound or hillock, in accordance 
 with the common phrase for which there 
 is no direct authority "Mount Calvary." 
 Whichever of these is the correct explana- 
 tion, Golgotha seems to have been a known 
 spot. 
 
 Goli'ath., a famous giant of Gath, who 
 " morning and evening for forty days " de- 
 fied the armies of Israel (1 Sam. xvii.). 
 He was possibly descended from the old 
 Rephaim [GIANTS], of whom a scattered 
 remnant took refuge with the Philistines 
 after their dispersion by the Ammonites 
 (Deut. ii. 20, 21; 2 Sam. xxi. 22). His 
 height was " six cubits and a span," which, 
 taking the cubit at 21 inches, would make 
 him 10k feet high. But the LXX. and Jo- 
 sephus read "four cubits and a span." 
 The scene of his combat with David was 
 the Valley of the Terebinth, between 
 Shochoh and Azekah, probably among the 
 western passes of Benjamin, although a 
 confused modern tradition has given the 
 name of Ain Jahlood (spring of Goliath) 
 to the spring of Harod (Judg. vii. 1). In 
 2 Sam. xxi. 19, we find that another Goli- 
 ath of Gath was slain by Elhanan, also a 
 Bethlehemite. 
 
 Go'mer. 1. The eldest son of Japheth, 
 and the father of Ashkenaz, Riphath, and 
 Togarmah (Gen. x. 2, 3). His name is 
 subsequently noticed but once (Ez. xxxviii. 
 6) as an ally or subject of the Scythian 
 king Gog. He is generally recognized as 
 the progenitor of the early Cimmerians, of 
 the later Cimbri and the other branches of 
 the Celtic family, and of the modern Gael 
 and Cymry, the latter preserving with very
 
 GOMORRAH 
 
 218 
 
 GOSPELS 
 
 Blight deviation the original name. 2. The 
 daughter of Diblaim, and concubine of 
 Hosea (i. 3\ 
 
 Gomor'rah., in the N. T. written Go- 
 mor'rha, one of the five " cities of the 
 plain," or " vale of Siddim," that under 
 their respective kings joined battle there 
 with Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2-8) and his 
 allies, by whom they were discomfited till 
 Abraham came to the rescue. Four out of 
 the five were afterwards destroyed by the 
 Lord with fire from heaven (Gen. xix. 23- 
 29). One of them only, Zoar or Bela, 
 which was its original name, was spared at 
 the request of Lot, in order that he might 
 take refuge there. Of these Gomorrah 
 seems to have been only second to Sodom 
 in importance, as well as in the wickedness 
 that led to their overthrow. What that 
 atrocity was may be gathered from Gen. 
 xix. 4-8. Their geographical position is 
 discussed under SODOM. 
 
 Gopher Wood. Only once in Gen. 
 vi. 14. Two principal conjectures have 
 been proposed : 1. That the " trees of 
 Gopher" are any trees of the resinous 
 kind, such as pine, fir, &c. 2 That Gopher 
 is cypress. 
 
 Go'shen, the name of a part of Egypt 
 where the Israelites dwelt for the whole 
 period of their sojourn in that country. It 
 is usually called the " land of Goshen," but 
 also Goshen simply. It appears to have 
 borne another name, "the land of Rameses" 
 (Gen. xlvii. 11), unless this be the name of 
 a district of Goshen. It was between Jo- 
 seph's residence at the time and the frontier 
 of Palestine, and apparently the extreme 
 province towards that frontier (Gen. xlvi. 
 29). The results of an examination of 
 Biblical evidence are that the land of Go- 
 ehen lay between the eastern part of the 
 ancient Delta and the western border of 
 Palestine, that it was scarcely a part of 
 Egypt Proper, was inhabited by other for- 
 eigners besides the Israelites ; that it was 
 a pasture land, especially suited to a shep- 
 herd-people, and sufficient for the Israelites, 
 who there prospered, and were separate 
 from the main body of the Egyptians. These 
 indications seem to indicate the Wddi-t- 
 Tumeylat, the valley along which anciently 
 flowed the canal of the Red Sea. 
 
 Gospels. The name Gospel (from god 
 and spell, Angl. Sax. good message or news, 
 which is a translation oftheGreek tvafyiiiov) 
 is applied to the four inspired histories of 
 the life and teaching of Christ contained in 
 the New Testament, of which separate ac- 
 counts are given in their place. They were 
 all composed during the latter half of the 
 first century : those of St. Matthew and St. 
 Mark some years before the destruction of 
 Jerusalem ; that of St. Luke probably about 
 A. D. 64 ; and that of St. John towards the 
 close of the century. Before the end of the 
 
 second century, there is abundant evidence 
 that the four Gospels, as one collection, 
 were generally used and accepted. A* a 
 matter of literary history, nothing can be 
 better established than the genuineness of 
 the Gospels. On comparing these four 
 books one with another, a peculiar difficulty 
 claims attention, which has had much to do 
 with the controversy as to their genuine- 
 ness. In the fourth Gospel the narrative 
 coincides with that of the other three in a 
 few passages only. Putting aside the ac- 
 count of the Passion, there are only three 
 facts which John relates in common with 
 the other Evangelists. Two of these are, 
 the feeding of the five thousand, and the 
 storm on the Sea of Galilee (ch. vi.). The 
 third is the anointing of His feet by Mary. 
 Whilst the others present the life of Jesus 
 in Galilee, John follows him into Judaea ; 
 nor should we know, but for him, that our 
 Lord had journeyed to Jerusalem at the 
 prescribed feasts. The received explanation 
 is the only satisfactory one, namely, that 
 John, writing last, at the close of the first 
 century, had seen the other Gospels, and 
 purposely abstained from writing anew 
 what they had sufficiently recorded. In 
 the other three Gospels there is a great 
 amount of agreement. If we suppose the 
 history that they contain to be divided into 
 sections, in 42 of these all the three narra- 
 tives coincide, 12 more are given by Mat- 
 thew and Mark only, 5 by Mark and Luke 
 only, and 14 by Matthew and Luke. To 
 these must be added 5 peculiar to Matthew, 
 2 to Mark, and 9 to Luke ; and the enumera- 
 tion is complete. But this applies only to 
 general coincidence as to the facts narrated : 
 the amount of verbal coincidence, that is, the 
 passages either verbally the same, or coin- 
 ciding in the use of many of the same 
 words, is much smaller. Various theories 
 have been proposed to account for this phe- 
 nomenon. (1.) The first and most obvious 
 suggestion would be, that the narrators made 
 use of each other's work. Accordingly 
 many have endeavored to ascertain which 
 Gospel is to be regarded as the first ; which 
 is copied from the first ; and which is the 
 last, and copied from the other two. But 
 the theory in its crude form is in itself most 
 improbable ; and the wonder is that so much 
 time and learning have been devoted to it. 
 It assumes that an Evangelist has taken up 
 the work of his predecessor, and, without 
 substantial alteration, has made a few 
 changes in form, a few additions and re- 
 trenchments, and then has allowed the 
 whole to go forth under his name. (2.) 
 The supposition of a common original from 
 which the three Gospels were drawn, each 
 with more or less modification, would nat- 
 urally occur to those who rejected the no- 
 tion that the Evangelists had copied from 
 each other. But if all the Evangelists had
 
 GOURD 
 
 219 
 
 GOVERNOR 
 
 agreed to draw from a common original, it 
 must have been widely if not universally 
 accepted in the Church ; and yet there is 
 no record of its existence. If the work 
 was of high authority, it would have been 
 preserved, or at least mentioned ; if of low- 
 er authority, it could not have become the 
 basis of three canonical Gospels. (3.) 
 There is another supposition to account for 
 these facts. It is probable that none of the 
 Gospels was written until many years after 
 the day of Pentecost on which the Holy 
 Spirit descended on the assembled disci- 
 ples. From that day commenced at Jeru- 
 salem the work of preaching the Gospel 
 and converting the world. Now their 
 preaching must have been, from the nature 
 of the case, in great part historical ; it must 
 have been based upon an account of the 
 life and acts of Jesus of Nazareth. Nor is 
 there anything unnatural in the supposition 
 that the Apostles intentionally uttered their 
 witness in the same order, and even, for 
 the most part, in the same form of words. 
 It is supposed, then, that the portions of 
 the three Gospels which harmonize most 
 exactly owe their agreement to the fact 
 that the apostolic preaching had already 
 clothed itself in a settled or usual form of 
 words, to which the writers inclined to con- 
 form without feeling bound to do so ; and 
 the differences which occur, often in the 
 closest proximity to the harmonies, arise 
 from the feeling of independence with 
 which each wrote what he had seen and 
 heard, or, in the case of Mark and Luke, 
 what apostolic witnesses had told him. 
 
 Gourd. 1. Kiknyon only in Jon. iv. 
 6-10. The plant which is intended by this 
 
 Outor-oU Plant. 
 
 word, and which afforded shade to the 
 prophet Jonah before Nineveh, is the Ri- 
 cinus communis, or castor-oil plant, wliich, 
 formerly a native of Asia, is now natural- 
 ized in America, Africa, and the south of 
 Europe. This plant varies considerably in 
 size, being in India a tree, but in England 
 seldom attaining a greater height than three 
 or four feet. The leaves are large and 
 palmate, with serrated lobes, and would 
 form an excellent shelter for the sun-strick- 
 en prophet. The seeds contain the oil so 
 well known under the name of " castor-oil," 
 which has for ages been in high repute as a 
 medicine. 2. With regard to the " wild 
 gourds " (pakku'dtJi) of 2 K. iv. 39, which 
 one of " the sons of the prophets " gath- 
 ered ignorantly, supposing them to be good 
 for food, there can be no doubt that it is a 
 species of the gourd tribe (Cucurbitaceae), 
 which contains some plants of a very bitter 
 and dangerous character. As several kinds 
 of Cucurbitaceae, such as melons, pump- 
 kins, &c., are favorite articles of refreshing 
 food amongst the Orientals, we can easily 
 understand the cause of the mistake. 
 
 Governor. In the Auth. Ver. this one 
 English word is the representative of no 
 less than ten Hebrew and four Greek words. 
 1. The chief of a tribe or family. 2. A 
 ruler in his capacity of lawgiver and dis- 
 penser of justice. 3. A ruler considered 
 especially as having power over the proper- 
 ty and persons of his subjects (Josh. xii. 
 2; Ps. cv. 20; Gen.xxiv. 2). The " gov- 
 ernors of the people," in 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, 
 appear to have been the king's body-guard 
 (cf. 2 K. xi. 19). 4. A prominent person- 
 age, whatever his capacity. It is applied 
 to a king as the military and civil chief of 
 hia people (2 Sam. v. 2, vi. 21; 1 Chr. 
 xxix. 22), to the general of an army (2 
 Chr. xxxii. 21), and to the head of a tribe 
 (2 Chr. xix. 11). It denotes an officer of 
 high rank in the palace, the lord high 
 chamberlain (2 Chr. xxviii. 7). It is ap- 
 plied in 1 K. x. 15 to the petty chieftains 
 who were tributary to Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 
 14) ; to the military commander of the 
 Syrians (1 K. xx. 24), the Assyrians (2 K. 
 xviii. 24, xxiii. 6), the Chaldeans (Jer. li. 
 23), and the Medes (Jer. li. 38). Under 
 the Persian viceroys, during the Babyloni- 
 an captivity, the land of the Hebrews ap- 
 pears to have been portioned out among 
 " governors " (pach6"th) inferior in rank to 
 the satraps (Ezr. viii. 36), like the other 
 provinces which were under the dominion 
 of the Persian king (Neh. ii. 7, 9). It is 
 impossible to determine the precise limits 
 of their authority, or the functions which 
 they had to perform. It appears from Ezr. 
 vi. 8 that these governors were intrusted 
 with the collection of the king's taxes ; and 
 from Neh. v. 18, xii. 26, that they were sup- 
 ported by a contribution levied upon the
 
 GOZAN 
 
 220 
 
 GROVE 
 
 people, which was technically termed "the 
 bread of the governor " (comp. Ezr. iv. 14). 
 They were probably assisted in discharging 
 their official duties by a council (Ezr. iv. 7, 
 vi. 6). The " governor " beyond the river 
 had a judgment-seat at Jerusalem, from 
 which probably he administered justice 
 when making a progress through his prov- 
 ince (Neh. iii. 7). 
 
 Go'zan seems in the A. V. of 1 Chr. v. 
 26, to be the name of a river ; but in Kings 
 (2 K. xvii. 6, and xviii. 11) it is evidently 
 applied not to a river but a count-y. .Gozan 
 was the tract to which the Israelites were 
 carried away captive by Pul, Tiglath-Pile- 
 ser, and Slialmaneser, or possibly Sargon. 
 It is probably identical with the Gauzanitis 
 of Ptolemy, and may be regarded as repre- 
 sented by the Mygdonia of other writers. 
 It was the tract watered by the Habor, the 
 modern Khabour, the great Mesopotamian 
 affluent of the Euphrates. 
 
 Grape. [VINE.] 
 
 Grass. This is the ordinary rendering 
 of the Hebrew word chdtstr (1 K. xviii. 5; 
 Job xl. 5; Ps. civ. 14; Is. xv. 6). As the 
 herbage rapidly fades under the parching 
 heat of the sun of Palestine, it has afforded 
 to the sacred writers an image of the fleet- 
 ing nature of human fortunes (Job viii. 12 ; 
 Ps. xxxvii. 2), and also of the brevity of 
 human life (Is. xl. 6, 7 ; Ps. xc. 5). 
 
 Grasshopper. [LOCCST.] 
 
 Grave. [BURIAL.] 
 
 Greaves (mitsch&h}. This word oc- 
 curs in the A. V. only in 1 Sam. xvii. 6. 
 Its ordinary meaning is a piece of defen- 
 sive armor which reached from the foot to 
 the knee, and thus protected the shin of 
 the wearer. But the mitschAh of the above 
 passage can hardly have been armor of this 
 nature. It was not worn on the legs, but 
 on the feet of Goliath, and would therefore 
 appear to have been a kind of shoe or 
 boot. 
 
 Greece, Greeks, Grecians. The 
 histories of Greece and Palestine are little 
 connected with each other. In Gen. x. 2- 
 6 Moses mentions the descendants of Javan 
 as peopling the isles of the Gentiles ; and 
 when the Hebrews came into contact with 
 the lonians of Asia Minor, and recognized 
 them as the long-lost islanders of the west- 
 ern migration, it was natural that they 
 should mark the similarity of sound be- 
 tween Javan and lones. Accordingly the 
 O. T. word which is Grecia, in A. V. 
 Greece, Greeks, &c., is in Hebrew Javan 
 (Joel iii. 6 ; Dan. viii. 21) : the Hebrew, 
 however, is sometimes retained (Is. Ixvi. 
 19; Ez. xxvii. 13). The Greeks and He- 
 brews met for the first time in the slave- 
 market. The medium of communication 
 seems to have been the Tyrian slave-mer- 
 chants. About B. c. 800 Joel speaks of 
 the Tyrians as selling the children of 
 
 Judah to the Grecians (Joel iii. 6) ; and in 
 Ez. xxvii. 13 the Greeks are mentioned* as 
 bartering their brazen vessels for slaves. 
 Prophetical notice of Greece occurs in 
 Dan. viii. 21, &c., where the history of 
 Alexander and his successors is rapidly 
 sketched. Zechariah (ix. 13) foretells the 
 triumphs of the Maccabees against the 
 Graeco-Syrian empire, while Isaiah looks 
 forward to the conversion of the Greeks 
 amongst other Gentiles, through the in- 
 strumentality of Jewish missionaries (Ixvi. 
 19). In 1 Mace. xii. 5-23 we have an ac- 
 count of an embassy and letter sent by the 
 Lacedaemonians to the Jews. The most 
 remarkable feature in the transaction is the 
 claim which the Lacedaemonians prefer to 
 kindred with the Jews, and which Areus 
 professes to establish by reference to a 
 book. The name of the country, Greece, 
 occurs once in N. T. (Acts xx. 2), as op- 
 posed to Macedonia. [GENTILES.] 
 
 Greyhound. The translation in the 
 text of the A. V. (Prov. xxx. 31) of the 
 Hebrew word zarzirmothnayin, i. e. "one 
 girt about the loins." Various are the 
 opinions as to what animal " comely in 
 going " is here intended. Some think " a 
 leopard," others " an eagle," or " a man 
 girt with armor," or " a zebra," or " a war- 
 horse girt with trappings." But perhaps 
 the word means " a wrestler," when girt 
 about the loins for a contest. 
 
 Grinding. [MILL.] 
 
 Grove. A word used in the A. V., with 
 two exceptions, to translate the mysterious 
 Hebrew term Asherah, which is not a grove, 
 but probably an idol or image of some kind. 
 [ASHEEAH.] It is also probable that there 
 was a connection between this symbol or 
 image, whatever it was, and the sacred 
 symbolic tree, the representation of which 
 occurs so frequently on Assyrian sculp- 
 tures, and is figured below. 2. The two 
 exceptions noticed above are Gen. xxi. 33, 
 
 Sacred Symbolic Tree of the Awyriiun. 
 
 and 1 Sam. xxii. 6 (margin). In the re- 
 ligions of the ancient heathen world groves 
 play a prominent part. In the old times
 
 GUDGODAH 
 
 221 
 
 HAD AD 
 
 altars only were erected to the gods. It 
 was thought wrong to shut up the gods 
 within walls, and hence trees were the first 
 temples ; and from the earliest times groves 
 are mentioned in connection with religious 
 worship (Gen. xii. 6, 7, xiii. 18 ; Deut. xi. 
 30; A. V. "plain"). The groves were 
 generally found connected with temples, 
 and often had the right of affording an asy- 
 lum. Some have supposed that even the 
 Jewish Temple had an enclosure planted 
 with palm and cedar (Ps. xcii. 12, 13) and 
 olive (Ps. lii. 8), as the mosque which 
 stands on its site now has. This is more 
 than doubtful; but we know that a cele- 
 brated oak stood by the sanctuary at She- 
 chem (Josh. xxiv. 26; Judg. ix. 6). There 
 are in Scripture many memorable trees : 
 e. g. Allon-bachuth (Gen. xxxv. 8), the tam- 
 arisk in Gibeah (1 Sam. xxii. 6), the tere- 
 binth in Shechem (Josh. xxiv. 26) under 
 which the law was set up, the palm-tree of 
 Deborah (Judg. iv. 5), the terebinth of en- 
 chantments (Judg. ix. 37), the terebinth of 
 wanderers (Judg. iv. 11), and others (1 
 Sam. xiv. 2, x. 3, sometimes " plain " in 
 A. V.). This observation of particular 
 trees was among the heathen extended to 
 a regular worship of them. 
 Gud'godah, Deut. x. 7. [Hon HAGID- 
 
 GAD.] 
 
 Guest. [HOSPITALITY.] 
 
 Gu'ni. 1. A son of Naphtali (Gen. 
 xlvi. 24; 1 Chr. vii. 13), the founder of the 
 family of the Gunites (Num. xxvi. 48). 2. 
 A descendant of Gad (1 Chr. v. 15). 
 
 Gu'nites, The, descendants of Guni, 
 eon of Naphtali (Num. xxvi. 48). 
 
 Gur, The going up to, an ascent or 
 rising ground, at which Ahaziah received 
 his death-blow while flying from Jehu after 
 the slaughter of Joram (2 K. ix. 27). 
 
 Gur Baal, a place or district in which 
 dwelt Arabians, as recorded in 2 Chr. xxvi. 
 7. It appears from the context to have 
 been in the country lying between Palestine 
 and the Arabian peninsula; but this, al- 
 though probable, cannot be proved. 
 
 H. 
 
 Haahash'tari, a man, or a family, im- 
 mediately descended from Ashur, " father 
 of Tekoa" by his second wife Naarah (1 
 Chr. iv. 6). 
 
 Habai'ah. Bene-Habaiah were among 
 the sons of the priests who returned from 
 Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 61 ; Neh. 
 vii. 63). 
 
 Hab'akkuk, the eighth in order of the 
 minor prophets. Of the facts of the 
 prophet's life we have no certain informa- 
 tion. He probably delivered his prophecy 
 about the 12th or 13th year of Josiah (B. c. 
 
 630 or 629). The prophet commences by 
 announcing his office and important mis- 
 sion (i. 1). He bewails the corruption and 
 social disorganization by which he is sur- 
 rounded, and cries to Jehovah for help 
 (i. 2-4). Next follows the reply of the 
 Deity, threatening swift vengeance (i. 5- 
 11). The prophet, transferring himsejfto 
 the near future foreshadowed in the divine 
 threatenings, sees the rapacity and boastful 
 impiety of the Chaldean hosts, but, confi- 
 dent that God has only employed them as the 
 instruments of correction, assumes (ii. 1) 
 an attitude of hopeful expectancy, and waits 
 to see the issue. He receives the divine 
 command to write in an enduring form the 
 vision of God's retributive justice, as re- 
 vealed to his prophetic eye (ii. 2, 3). The 
 doom of the Chaldeans is first foretold in 
 general terms (ii. 4-6), and the announce- 
 ment is followed by a series of denuncia- 
 tions pronounced upon them by the nations 
 who had suffered from their oppression 
 (ii. 6-20). The strophical arrangement of 
 these " woes " is a remarkable feature of 
 the prophecy. The whole concludes with 
 the magnificent Psalm in chap, iii., a com- 
 position unrivalled for boldness of concep- 
 tion, sublimity of thought, and majesty of 
 diction. 
 
 Habazini'ah, apparently the head of 
 one of the families of the REGHABITES (Jer. 
 xxxv. 3). 
 
 Habergeon, a coat of mail covering 
 the neck and breast. [ARMS.] 
 
 Ha'bor, the "river of Gozan" (2 K. 
 xvii. 6, and xviii. 11), is identified beyond 
 all reasonable doubt with the famous af- 
 fluent of the Euphrates, which is called 
 Aborrhas and Chaboras by ancient writers, 
 and now Khabour. 
 
 Hachali'ah, the father of Nehemiah 
 (Neh. i. 1, x. 1). 
 
 Hach'ilah, The Hill, a hill apparent- 
 ly situated in a wood in the wilderness or 
 waste land in the neighborhood of Ziph ; in 
 the fastnesses, or passes, of which David 
 and his six hundred followers were lurking 
 when the Ziphites informed Saul of his 
 whereabouts (1 Sam. xxiii. 19 ; comp. 14, 
 15, 18). No trace of the name Hachilah 
 has yet been discovered. 
 
 Hach'moni, Son of, and The Hach'- 
 monite (1 Chr. xxvii. 32, xi. 11). 
 Hachmon or Hachmoni was no doubt the 
 founder of a family to which these men be- 
 longed : the actual father of Jashobeam was 
 Zabdiel (1 Chr. xxvii. 2), and he is also 
 said to have belonged to the Korhites (1 
 Chr. xii. 6), possibly theLevites descended 
 from Korah. 
 
 Ha'dad, originally the indigenous ap- 
 pellation of the Sun among the Syrians, and 
 thence transferred to the king, as the high- 
 est of earthly authorities. The title appears 
 to have been an official one, like Pharaoh.
 
 HADADEZER 
 
 222 
 
 HAGAR 
 
 It is found occasionally in the altered form 
 Hadar (Gen. xxv. 15, xxxvi. 89, compared 
 with 1 Chr. i. 30, 50). 1. Son of Ishmael 
 (Gen. xxv. 15; 1 Chr. i. 80). 2. A king 
 of Edom who gained an important victory 
 over the Midianites on the "field of Moab 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 35; 1 Chr. i. 46). 3. Also a 
 king- of Edom, with Pau for his capital 
 (1 Chr. i. 50). 4. A member of the royal 
 house of Edom (1 K. xi. 14, ff.). In his 
 childhood he escaped the massacre under 
 Joab, in which his father appears to have 
 perished, and fled with a band of followers 
 into Egypt. Pharaoh, the predecessor of 
 Solomon's father-in-law, treated him kind- 
 ly, and gave him his sister-in-law in mar- 
 riage. After David's death Hadad resolved 
 to attempt the recovery of his dominion : 
 Pharaoh in vain discouraged him, and upon 
 this he left Egypt and returned to his own 
 country. 
 
 Hadade'zer (2 Sam. viii. 3-12 ; l K. 
 xi. 23). [HADAREZER.] 
 
 Ha'dad-rim'mon is, according to the 
 ordinary interpretation of Zech. xii. 11, a 
 place in the valley of Megiddo, named after 
 two Syrian idols, where a national lamen- 
 tation was held for the death of king 
 Josiah. 
 
 Ha'dar. [HADAD.] 
 
 Hadare'zer, son of Rehob (2 Sam. viii. 
 3), ths king of the Aramite state of Zobah, 
 who was pursued by David, and defeated 
 with great loss both of chariots, horses, and 
 men (1 Chr. xviii. 3, 4). After the first 
 repulse of the Ammonites and their Syrian 
 allies by Joab, Hadarezer sent his army to 
 the assistance of his kindred the people of 
 Maachah, Rehob, and Ishtob (1 Chr. xix. 
 16; 2 Sam. x. 15, comp. Jji, Under the 
 command of Shophach, oriShobach, the 
 captain of the host, they crossed the Eu- 
 phrates, joined the other Syrians, and 
 encamped at a place called Helam. David 
 himself came from Jerusalem to take the 
 command of the Israelite army. As on the 
 former occasion, the rout was complete. 
 
 Had'ashah, one of the towns of Judah, 
 in the maritime low country (Josh. xv. 37 
 only), probably the ADAS A of the Macca- 
 baean history. 
 
 Hadas'sah, probably the earlier name 
 of Esther (Esth. ii. 7). 
 
 Hadat'tah, According to the A. V. 
 one of the towns of Judah in the extreme 
 south (Josh. xv. 25). 
 
 Ha'did, a place named, with Lod (Lyd- 
 da) and Ono, only in the later books of the 
 history (Ezr. ii. 33; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 34). 
 In the time of Eusebius a town called 
 Aditha, or Adatha, existed to the east of 
 Diospolis (Lydda). This was probably 
 Hadid. 
 
 Had'lai, a man of Ephraim (2 Chr. 
 xxviii. 12). 
 
 Hado ram. 1. The fifth son of Joktan 
 
 (Gen. x. 27 ; 1 Chr. i. 21). His settlements, 
 unlike those of many of Jocktan's sons, have 
 not been identified. 2. Son of Tou or Toi 
 king of Hamath ; his father's ambassador 
 to congratulate David on his victory over 
 Haderezer king of Zobah (1 Chr. xviii. 10). 
 3. The form assumed in Chronicles by the 
 name of the intendant of taxes under David. 
 Solomon, and Rehoboam (2 Chr. x. 18). In 
 Kings the name is given in the longer form 
 of ADONIRAM, but in Samuel (2 Sam. xx. 
 24) as ADORAM. 
 
 Ha'drach, a country of Syria, men- 
 tioned once only, by the prophet Zechariah 
 (ix. 1, 2). The position of the district, 
 with its borders, is here generally stated ; 
 but the name itself seems to have wholly 
 disappeared. It still remains unknown. 
 
 Ha'gab. Bene-Hagab were among the 
 Nethinim who returned from Babylon with 
 Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 46). 
 
 Hag'aba. Bene-Hagaba were among 
 the Nethinim who came back from captivity 
 with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 48). The name 
 is slightly different in form from 
 
 Hag'abah, under which it is found in 
 the parallel list of Ezr. ii. 45). 
 
 Ha/gar, an Egyptian woman, the hand- 
 maid, or slave, of Sarah (Gen. xvi. 1), 
 whom the latter gave as a concubine to 
 Abraham, after he had dwelt ten years in 
 the land of Canaan and had no children by 
 Sarah (xvi. 2 and 3). That she was a bond- 
 woman is stated both in the O. T. and in 
 the N. T., in the latter as part of her typical 
 character. It is recorded that " when she 
 saw that she had conceived, her mistress was 
 despised in her eyes " (4), and Sarah, with 
 the anger, we may suppose, of a free woman, 
 rather than of a wife, reproached Abraham 
 for the results of her own act. Hagar fled, 
 turning her steps towards her native land 
 through the great wilderness traversed by 
 the Egyptian road. By the fountain in the 
 way to Shur, the angel of the Lord found 
 her, charged her to return and submit her- 
 self under the hands of her mistress, and 
 delivered the remarkable prophecy respect- 
 ing her unborn child recorded in ver. 10- 
 12. On her return, she gave birth to 
 Ishmael, and Abraham was then eighty-six 
 years old. Mention is not again made of 
 Hagar in the history of Abraham until the 
 feast at the weaning of Isaac, when " Sarah 
 saw the son of Hagar the Egyptian, which 
 she had borne unto Abraham, mocking; " 
 and in exact sequence with the first flight 
 of Hagar, we now read of her expulsion. 
 The verisimilitude, oriental exactness, and 
 simple beauty of this story are internal evi- 
 dences attesting its truth, apart from all 
 other evidence. The name of Hagar occurs 
 elsewhere only when she takes a wife to 
 Ishmael (xxi. 21) ; and in the genealogy 
 (xxv. 12). St. Paul refers to her as the 
 type of the old covenant, likening her to
 
 HAGARENES 
 
 223 
 
 HAIR 
 
 Mount Sinai, the Mount of the Law (Gal. iv. 
 22 seqq.). 
 
 Hagarenes', Ha'garites, a people 
 dwelling to the east of Palestine, with whom 
 the tribe of Reuben made war in the time 
 of Saul (1 Chr. v. 10, 18-20). The same 
 people, as confederate against Israel, are 
 mentioned in Ps. Ixxxiii. 6. It is generally 
 believed that they were named after Hagar, 
 and that the important town and dictrict of 
 Hejer, on the borders of the Persian Gulf, 
 represent them. 
 
 Ha'gerite, The. Jaziz the Hagerite, 
 t. e. the descendant of Hagar, had the 
 charge of David's sheep (1 Chr. xxvii. 31). 
 
 Hag'gai, the tenth in order of the Mi- 
 nor Prophets, and first of those who proph- 
 esied after the Captivity. With regard to 
 his tribe and parentage both history and 
 tradition are alike silent; but it is more 
 than probable that he was one of the exiles 
 who returned with Zerubbabel and Joshua. 
 The rebuilding of the temple, which was 
 commenced in the reign of Cyrus (B. c. 
 535), was suspended during the reigns of 
 his successors, Cambyses and Pseudo-Smer- 
 dis, in consequence of the determined hos- 
 tility of the Samaritans. On the accession 
 of Darius Hystaspis (B. c. 521), the proph- 
 ets Haggai and Zechariah urged the renewal 
 of the undertaking, and obtained the per- 
 mission and assistance of the king (Ezr. v. 
 1, vi. 14). According to tradition, Haggai 
 was born in Babylon, was a young man 
 when he came to Jerusalem, and was bu- 
 ried with honor near the sepulchres of the 
 priests. The names of Haggai and Zecha- 
 riah are associated in the LXX. in the titles 
 of Ps. 137, 145-148 ; in the Vulgate in those 
 of Ps. Ill, 145; and in the Peshito Syriac 
 in those of Ps. 125, 126, 145, 146, 147, 148. 
 It may be that tradition assigned to these 
 prophets the arrangement of the above-men- 
 tioned psalms for use in the temple service. 
 The style of Haggai is generally tame and 
 prosaic, though at times it rises to the dig- 
 nity of severe invective, when the prophet 
 rebukes his countrymen for their selfish in- 
 dolence and neglect of God's house. But 
 the brevity of the prophecies is so great, 
 and the poverty of expression which char- 
 acterizes them so striking, as to give rise to 
 a conjecture, not without reason, that in 
 their present form they are but the outline 
 or summary of the original discourses. 
 They were delivered in the second year of 
 Darius Hystaspis (B. c. 520), at intervals 
 from the 1st day of the 6th month to the 
 24th day of the 9th month in the same 
 year. 
 
 Hag'geri. " MIBHAR son of Haggeri " 
 was one of the mighty men of David's 
 guard, according to 1 Chr. xi. 38. The 
 parallel passage 2 Sam. xxiii. 36 has 
 " Bani the Gadite," which is probably the 
 correct reading. 
 
 Hag'gi, second son of Gad (Gen. xlvi 
 16 ; Num. xxvi. 15). 
 
 Haggi'ah, a Merarite Levite (1 Chr. vi. 
 30). 
 
 Hag'gites. The, a Gadite family sprung 
 from Haggi (Num. xxvi. 15). 
 
 Hag'gith. one of David's wives, the 
 mother of Adonijah (2 Sam. iii. 4; 1 K. i. 
 5, 11, ii. 13; 1 Chr. iii. 2). 
 
 Had. The form in which the well-known 
 place Ai appears in the A. V. on its first in- 
 troduction (Gen. xii. 8, xiii. 3). 
 
 Hair. The Hebrews were fully alive to 
 the importance of the hair as an element 
 of personal beauty, whether as seen in the 
 " curled locks, black as a raven," of youth 
 (Cant. v. 11), or in the "crown of glory" 
 that encircled the head of old age (Prov. 
 xvi. 31). Long hair was admired in the 
 case of young men ; it is especially noticed 
 in the description of Absalom's person (2 
 Sam. xiv. 26). The care requisite to keep 
 the hair in order in such cases must have 
 been very great, and hence the practice of 
 wearing long hair was unusual, and only 
 resorted to as an act of religious obser- 
 vance. In times of affliction the hair was 
 altogether cut off (Is. iii. 17, 24, xv. 2 ; Jer. 
 vii. 29). Tearing the hair (Ezr. ix. 3) and 
 letting it go dishevelled were similar tokens 
 of grief. The usual and favorite color of 
 the hair was black (Cant. v. 11), as is indi- 
 cated in the comparisons to a " flock of 
 goats " and the " tents of Kedar " (Cant. iv. 
 1, i. 5) : a similar hue is probably intended 
 by the purple of Cant. vii. 5. The ap- 
 proach of age was marked by a sprinkling 
 (Hos. vii. 9) of gray hairs, which soon 
 overspread the whole head (Gen. xlii. 38, 
 xliv. 29; IK. ii. 6, 9; Prov. xvi. 31, xx. 
 29). Pure white hair was deemed charac- 
 teristic of the Divine Majesty (Dan. vii. 9 ; 
 Rev. i. 14). The chief beauty of the hair 
 
 EjryptUn Wig. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 consisted in curls, whether of a natural or 
 
 artificial character. With regard to the 
 
 mode of dressing the hair, we have no very 
 
 I precise information ; the terms used are of
 
 HAKKATAN 
 
 224 
 
 HAMATE 
 
 a general character, as of Jezebel (2 K. ix. 
 30), of Judith (x. 3). The terms used in 
 the N. T. (1 Tim. ii. 9 ; 1 Pet. iii. 3) are 
 also of a general character. The arrange- 
 ment of Samson's hair into seven locks, or 
 more properly braids (Judg. xvi. 13, 19) 
 involves the practice of plaiting, which was 
 also familiar to the Egyptians and Greeks. 
 The locks were probably kept in their place 
 by a fillet, as in Egypt. The Hebrews, like 
 other nations of antiquity, anointed the 
 hair profusely with ointments, which were 
 generally compounded of various aromatic 
 ingredients (Ruth iii. 3 ; 2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Ps. 
 xxiii. 5, xlv. 7, xcii. 10; Eccl. ix. 8; Is. iii. 
 24) ; more especially on occasion of fes- 
 tivities or hospitality (Matt. vi. 17, xxvi. 
 7 ; Luke vii. 46). It appears to have been 
 the custom of the Jews in our Saviour's 
 time to swear by the hair (Matt. v. 36), 
 much as the Egyptian women still swear 
 by the side-lock, and the men by their 
 beards. 
 
 Hak katan. Johanan, son of Hakka- 
 tan was the chief of the Bene-Azgad who 
 returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. 
 viii. 12). 
 
 Hak'koz, a priest, the chief the seventh 
 course in the service of the sanctuary, as 
 appointed by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 10). In 
 Ezr. ii. 61 and Neh. iii. 4, 21, the name 
 occurs again as Koz in the A. V. 
 
 Hakupha. Bene-Hakupha were among 
 the Nethinim who returned from Babylon 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; Neh. vii. 53). 
 
 Ha'lah is probably a different place 
 from the Calah of Gen. x. 11. It may be 
 identified with the Chalcitis of Ptolemy. 
 
 Ha'lak, The Mount, a mountain 
 twice, and twice only, named as the south- 
 ern limit of Joshua's conquests (Josh. xi. 
 17, xii. 7), but which has not yet been iden- 
 tified. 
 
 Hal'hul, a town of Judah in the moun- 
 tain district (Josh. xv. 58). The name 
 still remains unaltered, attached to a con- 
 spicuous hill a mile to the left of the road 
 from Jerusalem to Hebron, between 3 and 
 4 miles from the latter. 
 
 Ha'li, a town on the boundary of Asher, 
 named between Helkath and Beten (Josh. 
 xix. 25). 
 
 Hall, used of the court of the high- 
 priest's house (Luke xxii. 55). In Matt, 
 xxvii. 27, and Mark xv. 16, " hall " is sy- 
 nonymous with " praetorium," which in 
 John xviii. 28 is in A. Y. "judgment- 
 hall." 
 
 Hallelujah. [ALLELUIA.] 
 
 Hallo'hesh, one of the chief of the 
 people who sealed the covenant with Nehe- 
 miah (Neh. x. 24). 
 
 Halo'hesh. Shallum, son of Hal-lo- 
 hesh, was " ruler of the half part of 
 Jerusalem " at the time of the repair of the 
 wall by Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 12). 
 
 Ham. 1. The name of one of the 
 three sons of Noah, apparently the second 
 in age. It probably signifies " warm " or 
 " hot." This meaning is confirmed by that 
 of the Egyptian word KEM (Egypt), the 
 Egyptian equivalent of Ham, which sig- 
 nifies " black," probably implying warmth 
 as well as blackness. Of the history of 
 Ham nothing is related except his irrever- 
 ence to his father, and the curse which that 
 patriarch pronounced. The sons of Ham 
 are stated to have been " Gush and Miz- 
 raim and Phut and Canaan " (Gen. x. 6 ; 
 comp. 1 Chr. i. 8). The name of Ham 
 alone, of the three sons of Noah, is known 
 to have been given to a country. Egypt 
 is recognized as the " land of Hani" in the 
 Bible (Ps. Ixxviii. 51, cv. 23, cvi. 22). The 
 other settlements of the sons of Ham are 
 discussed under their respective names. 
 An inquiry into the history of the Hamite 
 nations presents considerable difficulties, 
 since it cannot be determined in the cases 
 of the most important of those commonly 
 held to be Hamite that they were purely 
 of that stock. It is certain that the three 
 most illustrious Hamite nations the Cush- 
 ites, the Phoenicians, and the Egyptians 
 
 were greatly mixed with foreign peoples. 
 There are some common characteristics, 
 however, which appear to connect the dif- 
 ferent branches of the Hamite family, and 
 to distinguish them from the children of 
 Japheth and Shem. Their architecture haa 
 a solid grandeur that we look for in vain 
 elsewhere. 2. According to the present 
 text (Gen. xiv. 5), Chedorlaomer and his 
 allies smote the Zuzim in a place called 
 Ham. If, as seems likely, the Zuzim be 
 the same as the Zamzummim, Ham must 
 be placed in what was afterwards the Am- 
 monite territory. Hence it has been con- 
 jectured, that Ham is but another form of 
 the name of the chief stronghold of the 
 children of .<4mmon, Eabbah, now Am- 
 man. 
 
 Ha'man, the chief minister or vizier of 
 king Ahasuerus (Esth. iii. 1). After the 
 failure of his attempt to cut off all the 
 Jews in the Persian empire, he was hanged 
 on the gallows which he had erected for 
 Mordecai. The Targum and Josephus in- 
 terpret the description of him the Agagite 
 
 as signifying that he was of Amalekitish 
 descent. 
 
 Ha math, the principal city of Upper 
 Syria, was situated in the valley of the 
 Orontes, which it commanded from the low 
 screen of hills which forms the water- 
 shed between the Orontes and the Lit&ny 
 
 the " entrance of Hamath," as it is 
 called in Scripture (Num. xxxiv. 8 ; Josh, 
 xiii. 5, &c.) to the defile of Daphne be- 
 low Antioch. The Hamathites were a 
 Hamitic race, and are included among the 
 descendants of Canaan (Gen. x. 18). We
 
 HAMATH-ZOBAH 
 
 225 
 
 HANANI 
 
 must regard them as closely akin to the 
 Hittites on whom they bordered, and with 
 whom they were generally in alliance. 
 Nothing appears of the power of Hamath 
 until the time of David (2 Sam. viii. 10). 
 Hamath seems clearly to have been in- 
 cluded in the dominions of Solomon (1 K. 
 iv. 21-24). The " store-cities," which Sol- 
 omon "built in Hamath" (2 Chr. viii. 4), 
 were perhaps staples for trade. In the As- 
 syrian inscriptions of the time of Ahab 
 (B. c. 900) Hamath appears as a separate 
 power, in alliance with the Syrians of Da- 
 mascus, the Hittites, and the Phoenicians. 
 About three quarters of a century later 
 Jeroboam the Second " recovered Hamath" 
 (2 K. xiv. 28). Soon afterwards the As- 
 syrians took it (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13, 
 &c.), and from this time it ceased to be 
 a place of much importance. Antiochus 
 Epiphanes changed its name to Epiphaneia. 
 The natives, however, called it Hamath, 
 even in St. Jerome's time, and its present 
 name, Hamah, is but slightly altered from 
 the ancient form. 
 
 Ha'math-ZO'bah (2 Chr. viii. 3) has 
 been conjectured to be the same as Hamath. 
 But the name Hamath-zobah would seem 
 rather suited to another Hamath which was 
 distinguished from the " Great Hamath " by 
 the suffix " Zobah." 
 
 Ham.'athite, The, one of the families 
 descended from Canaan, named last in the 
 list (Gen. x. 18 ; 1 Chr. i. 16). 
 
 Hara'math, one of the fortified cities 
 in the territory allotted to Naphtali (Josh. 
 xix. 35). It was near Tiberias, one mile 
 distant, and had its name, Chammath, " hot 
 baths," because it contained those of Ti- 
 berias. In the list of Levitical cities given 
 out of Naphtali (Josh. xxi. 32) the name of 
 this place seems to be given as HAMMOTH- 
 DOR. 
 
 Hammed' atha, father of the infamous 
 Haman (Esth. iii. 1, 10, viii. 5, ix. 24). 
 
 Harn/melech, lit. " the king," unne- 
 cesarily rendered in the A. V. as a proper 
 name (Jer. xxxvi. 26, xxxviii. 6). 
 
 Hammol'eketh, a daughter of Machir 
 and sister of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 17, 18). 
 Ham'mon. 1. A city in Asher (Josh. 
 xix. 28), apparently not far from Zidon- 
 rabbah. 2. A city allotted out of the tribe 
 of Naphtali to the. Levites (1 Chr. vi. 76), 
 and answering to the somewhat similar 
 names HAMMATH and HAMMATH-DOR in 
 Joshua. 
 
 Ham'jnoth-dor. [HAMMATH.] 
 
 Harn'onah. the name of a city men- 
 tioned in Ezekiel (xxxix. 16). 
 
 Ha'mon-gog, The Valley of, the 
 name to be bestowed on a ravine or glen, 
 previously known as "the ravine of the 
 passengers on the east of the sea," after 
 the burial there of " Gog and all his multi- 
 tude " (Ez. xxxix. 11, 15). 
 
 15 
 
 Ha'mor, a Hivite, who at the time of 
 the entrance of Jacob on Palestine was 
 prince of the land and city of Shechem 
 (Gen. xxxiii. 19, xxxiv. 2, 4, 6, 8, 13, 18, 
 20, 24, 26). [DINAH.] 
 
 Hamu'el, a man of Simeon ; son of 
 Mishma, of the family of Shaul (1 Chr. iv. 
 26). 
 
 Ha'mul, the younger son of Pharez, 
 Judah's son by Tamar (Gen. xlvi. 12 ; 1 
 Chr. ii. 5). 
 
 Ha'mulites, The, the family of the 
 preceding (Num. xxvi. 21). 
 
 Hamu'tal, daughter of Jeremiah of 
 Libnah ; one of the wives of king Josiah 
 (2 K. xxiii. 31, xxiv. 18; Jer. Iii. 1). 
 
 Hanam'eel, son of Shallum, and cous- 
 in of Jeremiah (Jer. xxxii. 7, 8, 9, 12 ; and 
 comp. 44). 
 
 Ha'nan. 1. One of the chief people 
 of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 23). 
 
 2. The last of the six sons of Azel, a de- 
 scendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44). 
 
 3. " Son of Maachah," '. e. possibly a 
 Syrian of Aram-Maacah, one of the heroes 
 of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 43). 4. The 
 sons of Hanan were among the Nethinim 
 who returned from Babylon with Zerubba- 
 bel (Ezr. ii. 46; Neh. vii. 49). 5. One of 
 the Levites who assisted Ezra in his public 
 exposition of the law (Neh. viii. 7). The 
 same person is probably mentioned in x. 
 10. 6. One of the " heads " of the " peo- 
 ple," who also sealed the covenant (x. 22). 
 7. Another of the chief laymen on the 
 same occasion (x. 26). 8. Son of Zaccur, 
 son of Mattaniah, whom Nehemiah made 
 one of the storekeepers of the provisions 
 collected as tithes (Neh. xiii. 13). 9. Son 
 of Igdaliah (Jer. xxxv. 4). 
 
 Hauan eel, The Tower of, a tower 
 which formed part of the wall of Jerusalemi 
 (Neh. iii. 1, xii. 39). From these two pas- 
 sages, particularly from the former, it; 
 might almost be inferred that Hananeel was 
 but another name for the Tower of Meah : 
 at any rate they were close together, an<ti 
 stood between the sheep-gate and the fish- 
 gate. This tower is further mentioned in 
 Jer. xxxi. 38. The remaining passage in^ 
 which it is named (Zech. xiv. 10) also con- 
 nects this tower with the " corner-gate,"" 
 which lay on the other side of the sheep- 
 gate. 
 
 Hana'ni. 1 . One of the sons of Heman, 
 and head of the 18th course of the service 
 (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 25). 2. A seer who re- 
 buked (B. c. 941) Asa, king of Judah (2- 
 Chr. xvi. 7). For this he was imprisoned; 
 (10). He (or another Hanani) was the 
 father of Jehu the seer, who testified against 
 Baasha (1 K. xvi. 1, 7) and Jchoshaphat 
 (2 Chr. xix. 2, xx. 34). 3. On* of the 
 priests who in the time of Ezra had taken 
 strange wives (Ezr. x. 20). 4. A brother 
 of Nehemiah (Neh. i. 2) was afterward*
 
 HANANIAH 
 
 226 
 
 HANDICRAFT 
 
 made governor of Jerusalem under Nehe- 
 miah (vii. 2). 5. A priest mentioned in 
 Neb. xii. 36. 
 
 Hanani'ah. 1. One of the 14 sons of 
 Ileman, and chief of the 16th course of 
 singers (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 5, 23). 2. A gen- 
 eral in the army of king Uzziah (2 Chr. 
 xxvi. 11). 3. Father of Zedekiah in the 
 reign of Jehoiakim. 4. Son of Azur, a 
 Benjamite of Gibeon and a false prophet in 
 the reign of Zedekiah king of Judah. In 
 the 4th year of his reign, u. c. 595, Hana- 
 niah withstood Jeremiah the prophet, and 
 publicly prophesied in the temple that with- 
 in two years Jeconiah and all his fellow- 
 captives, with the vessels of the Lord's 
 house which Nebuchadnezzar had taken 
 away to Babylon, should be brought back 
 to Jerusalem (Jer. xxviii.) ; an indication 
 that treacherous negotiations were already 
 secretly opened with Pharaoh-Hophra. 
 Hananiah corroborated his prophecy by tak- 
 ing from off the neck of Jeremiah the yoke 
 which he wore by Divine command (Jer. 
 xxvii.) in token of the subjection of Judaea 
 and the neighboring countries to the Babylo- 
 nian empire, and breaking it. But Jeremiah 
 was bid to go and tell Hananiah that for 
 the wooden yokes which he had broken he 
 should make yokes of iron, so firm was the 
 dominion of Babylon destined to be for 
 seventy years. The prophet Jeremiah add- 
 ed this rebuke and prediction of Hanani- 
 ah's death, the fulfilment of which closes 
 the history of this false prophet. 5. Grand- 
 father of Irijah, the captain of the ward at 
 the gate of Benjamin, who arrested Jere- 
 miah, on the charge of deserting to the 
 Chaldeans (Jer. xxxvii. 13). 6. Head of 
 a Benjamite house (1 Chr. viii. 24). 7. 
 The Hebrew name of Shadrach. He was 
 of the house of David, according to Jew- 
 ish tradition (Dan. i. 3, 6, 7, 11, 19; ii. 17). 
 8. Son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19), from 
 whom CHRIST derived his descent. He is 
 the same person who is by St. Luke called 
 Joanna. The identity of the two names 
 Hananiah and Joanna is apparent immedi- 
 ately we compare them in Hebrew. 9. 
 One of the sons of Bebai, who returned 
 with Ezra from Babylon (Ezr. x. 28). 1O. 
 A priest, one of the makers of the sacred 
 ointments and incense, who built a portion 
 of the wall of Jerusalem in the days of 
 Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 8). 11. Head of the 
 priestly course of Jeremiah in the days of 
 Joiakim (Neh. xii. 12). 12. Ruler of the 
 palace at Jerusalem under Nehemiah. The 
 arrangements for guarding the gates of 
 Jerusalem were intrusted to him with 
 Hanani, the.Tirshatha's brother (Neh. vii. 
 2, 3). 13. An Israelite (Neh. x. 23). 
 
 Handicraft. (Acts xviii. 3, xix. 25 ; 
 Rev. xviii. 22). In the present article brief 
 notices only can be given of such handicraft 
 trades as are mentioned in Scripture. 1. 
 
 The preparation of iron for use either in 
 war, in agriculture, or for domestic pur- 
 poses, was doubtless one of the earliest ap- 
 plications of labor ; and together with iron, 
 working in bjpass, or rather copper alloyed 
 with tin, bronze, is mentioned in the same 
 passage as practised in antediluvian times 
 (Gen. iv. 22). In the construction of the 
 Tabernacle, copper, but no iron, appears 
 to have been used, though the use of iron 
 was at the same period well known to the 
 Jews, both from their own use of it and 
 from their Egyptian education, whilst the 
 Canaanite inhabitants of Palestine and 
 Syria were in full possession of its use 
 both for warlike and domestic purposes 
 (Ex. xx. 25, xxv. 3, xxvii. 19 ; Num. xxxv. 
 16; Deut. iii. 11, iv. 20, viii. 9; Josh. viii. 
 31, xvii. 16, 18). After the establishment 
 of the Jews in Canaan, the occupation of 
 a smith became recognized as a distinct 
 employment (1 Sam. xiii. 19). The smith's 
 work and its results are often mentioned in 
 Scripture (2 Sam. xii. 31; 1 K. vi. 7; 2 
 Chr. xxvi. 14; Is. xliv. 12, liv. 16). The 
 worker in gold and silver must have found 
 employment both among the Hebrews and 
 the neighboring nations in very early times, 
 as appears from the ornaments sent by 
 Abraham to Rebekah (Gen. xxiv. 22, 53, 
 xxxv. 4, xxxviii. 18; Deut. vii. 23). But 
 whatever skill the Hebrews possessed, it. is 
 quite clear that they must have learned 
 much from Egypt and its " iron furnaces," 
 both in metal-work and in the arts of set- 
 ting and polishing precious stones. Vari- 
 ous processes of the goldsmith's work are 
 illustrated by Egyptian monuments. After 
 the conquest frequent notices are found 
 both of moulded and wrought metal, in- 
 cluding soldering, which last had long beon 
 known in Egypt ; but the Phoenicians ap- 
 pear to have possessed greater skill than 
 the Jews in these arts, at least in Solomon'* 
 
 Egyptian Blow-pipe, and small Fireplace with Cheek* to 
 confine and reflect the heat. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 time (Judg. viii. 24, 27, xvii. 4 ; 1 K. vii. 
 13, 45, 46; Is. xii. 7; Wisd. xv. 4; Ecclus. 
 xxxviii. 28; Bar. vi. 50, 55, 57). 2. The 
 work of the carpenter is often mentioned 
 in Scripture (Gen. vi. 14 ; Ex. xxxvii. ; Is. 
 xliv. 13). In the palace built by David for
 
 HANDICRAFT 
 
 227 
 
 HANES 
 
 himself the workmen employed were chiefly 
 Phoenicians sent by Hiram (2 Sam. v. 11 ; 1 
 Chr. xiv. 1), as most probably were those, 
 or at least the principal of those, who were 
 employed by Solomon in his works (1 K. v. 
 6). But in the repairs of the Temple, ex- 
 ecuted under Joash king of Judah, and 
 also in the rebuilding under Zerubbabel, 
 no mention is made of foreign workmen, 
 
 Carpenters. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 r, drills a hole in the seat of a chair, s. 1 1, lefts of chair, 
 square. to, man planing or polishing the leg 
 
 though in the latter case the timber is ex- 
 pressly said to have been brought by sea to 
 Joppa by Zidonians (2 K. xii. 11; 2 Chr. 
 xxiv. 12; Ezra iii. 7). That the Jewish 
 carpenters must have been able to carve 
 with some skill is evident from Is. xli. 7, 
 xliv. 13. In the N. T. the occupation of a 
 carpenter is mentioned in connection with 
 Joseph the husband of the Virgin Mary, 
 an-i ascribed to our Lord himself by way 
 of reproach (Mark vi. 3; Matt. xiii. 55). 
 8. The masons employed by David and 
 Solomon, at least the chief of them, were 
 Phoenicians (1 K. v. 18; Ez. xxvii. 9). 
 The large stones used in Solomon's Tem- 
 ple are said by Josephus to have been fitted 
 together exactly without either mortar or 
 cramps, but the foundation stones to have 
 been fastened with lead. For ordinary 
 building, mortar was used; sometimes, 
 perhaps, bitumen, as was the case at Baby- 
 lon (Gen. xi. 3). The lime, clay, and 
 straw of which mortar is generally com- 
 posed in the East, require to be very care- 
 fully mixed and united so as to resist wet. 
 The wall " daubed with untempered mor- 
 tar " of Ezekiel (xiii. 10) was perhaps a 
 sort of cob-wall of mud or clay without 
 lime, which would give way under heavy 
 rain. The use of whitewash on tombs is 
 remarked by our Lord (Matt, xxiii. 27). 
 Houses infected with leprosy were required 
 by the Law to be re-plastered (Lev. xiv. 
 40-45). 4. Akin to the craft of the carpen- 
 ter is that of ship and boat-building, which 
 must have been exercised to some extent 
 for the fishing-vessels on the lake of Gen- 
 nesaret (Matt. viii. 23, ix. 1 ; John xxi. 3, 
 8). Solomon built, at Ezion-Geber, ships 
 for his foreign trade, which were manned 
 by Phoenician crews, an experiment which 
 Jehoshaphat endeavored in vain to renew 
 (1 K. ix. 26. 27, xxii. 48 ; 2 Chr. xx. 36, 37). 
 
 , adze*, 
 of a chair. 
 
 5. The perfumes used in the religious ser- 
 vices, and in later times in the funeral 
 rites of monarchs. imply knowledge and 
 practice in the art of the "apothecaries," 
 who appear to have formed a guild or 
 association (Ex. xxx. ,25, 35 ; Neh. iii. 8 ; 
 2 Chr. xvi. 14; Eccl. vii. 1, x. 1; Ec- 
 clus. xxxviii. 8). 6. The arts of spinning 
 and weaving both wool and linen were 
 carried on in early times, 
 as they are still usually 
 among the Bedouins, by 
 women. One of the ex- 
 cellences attributed to the 
 good housewife is her 
 skill and industry in these 
 arts (Ex. xxxv. 25, 26; 
 Lev. xix. 19 ; Deut. xxii. 
 11 ; 2 K. xxiii. 7 ; Ez. xvi. 
 16; Prov. xxxi. 13, 24). 
 The loom with its beam 
 (1 Sam. xvii. 7), pin 
 (Judg. xvi. 14), and shut- 
 tle (Job vii. 6), was perhaps introduced later, 
 but as early as David's time (1 Sam. xvii. 7). 
 Together with weaving we read also of em- 
 broidery, in which gold and silver threads 
 were interwoven with the body of the stuff, 
 sometimes in figure patterns, or with pre- 
 cious stones set in the needle-work (Ex. 
 xxvi. 1, xxviii. 4, xxxix. 6-13). 7. Besides 
 these arts, those of dyeing and of dressing 
 cloth were practised in Palestine, and those 
 also of tanning and dressing leather (Josh. ii. 
 15-18 ; 2 K. i. 8 ; Matt. iii. 4 ; Acts ix. 43). 
 Shoemakers, barbers, and tailors are men- 
 tioned in the Mishna (Pesach, iv. 6) ; the 
 barber, or his occupation, by Ezekiel (v. 1 : 
 Lev. xiv. 8 ; Num. vi. 5), and the tailor, 
 plasterers, glaziers, and glass vessels, paint- 
 ers, and goldworkers are mentioned in the 
 Mishna (Chel. viii. 9, xxix. 3, 4, xxx. 1). 
 Tent-makers are noticed in the Acts (xviii. 
 3), and frequent allusion is made to the 
 trade of the potters. 8. Bakers are noticed 
 in Scripture (Jer. xxxvii. 21 ; Hos. vii. 4) ; 
 and the well-known valley Tyropoeon prob- 
 ably derived its name from the occupation 
 of the cheese-makers, its inhabitants. Butch- 
 ers, not Jewish, are spoken of 1 Cor. x. 25. 
 Handkerchief, Napkin, Apron. 
 The two former of these terms, as used in 
 the A. V. = aoviJQibv, the latter = oiftixiv- 
 6ior. The sudarium is noticed in the N. 
 T. as a wrapper to fold up money (Luke 
 xix. 20) as a cloth bound about the head 
 of a corpse (John xi. 44, xx. 7) and last- 
 ly as an article of dress that could be easily 
 removed (Acts xix. 12), probably a hand- 
 kerchief worn on the head like the keffieh 
 of the Bedouins. 
 
 Ha'nes, a place in Egypt only men- 
 tioned in Is. xxx. 4. We think that the 
 Chald. Paraphr. is right in identifying it 
 with Tahpanhes, a fortified town on the 
 eastern frontier.
 
 HANGING 
 
 228 
 
 HARIM 
 
 Hanging, Hangings. (1.) The " hang- 
 ing " was a curtain or " covering " to close 
 an entrance ; one was placed before the 
 door of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvi. 36, 37, 
 xxxix. 38). (2.) The "hangings" were 
 used for covering the walls of the court of 
 the Tabernacle, just as tapestry was in 
 modern times (Ex. xxvii. 9, xxxv. 17, 
 xxxviii. 9 ; Num. iii. 26, iv. 26). 
 
 Han'iel, one of the sons of Ulla of the 
 tribe of Asher-(l Chr. vii. 39). 
 
 Han'nah, one of the wives of Elkanah, 
 and mother of Samuel (1 Sam. i. ii.). A 
 hymn of thanksgiving for the birth of her 
 son is in the highest order of prophetic 
 poetry ; its resemblance to that of the Vir- 
 gin Mary (comp. 1 Sam. ii. 1-10 with Luke 
 i. 46-55 ; see also Pa. cxiii.) has been no- 
 ticed by the commentators. More recent 
 critics have, however, assigned its author- 
 ship to David. 
 
 Han'nathon, one of the cities of Zeb- 
 ulun (Josh. xix. 14). 
 
 Han'niel, son of Ephod, and prince of 
 Manasseh (Num. xxxiv. 23). 
 
 Ha'noch. 1. The third in order of the 
 children of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4). 2. Eld- 
 est son of Reuben (Gen. xlvi. 9 ; Ex. yi. 
 14 ; Num. xxvi. 5 ; 1 Chr. v. 3), and found- 
 er of the family of the HANOCHITES (Num. 
 xxvi. 5). 
 
 Ha'nun. 1. Son of Nahash (2 Sam. x. 
 1, 2 ; 1 Chr. xix. 1, 2), king of Ammon, 
 who dishonored the ambassadors of David 
 (2 Sam. x. 4), and involved the Ammon- 
 ites in a disastrous war (2 Sam. xii. 31 ; 1 
 Chr. xix. 6). 2. A man who, with the 
 people of Zanoah, repaired the ravine-gate 
 in the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 13). 3. 
 The 6th son of Zalaph, who also assisted 
 in the repair of the wall, apparently on the 
 east side (Neh. iii. 30). 
 
 Haphra'im, a city of Issachar, men- 
 tioned next to Shunem (Josh. xix. 19). 
 About 6 miles north-east of Lejjun, and 2 
 miles west of Solam (the ancient Shunem), 
 stands the village of el-'Afuleh, which may 
 possibly be the representative of Haphraim. 
 
 Ha'ra (1 Chr. v. 26, only) is either a 
 place utterly unknown, or it must be re- 
 garded as identical with Haran or Charran. 
 
 Har'adah, a desert station of the Isra- 
 elites (Num. xxxiii. 24, 25) ; its position is 
 uncertain. 
 
 Ha'ran. 1. The third son of Terah, and 
 therefore youngest brother of Abram (Gen. 
 xi. 26). Three children are ascribed to him 
 Lot (27, 31), and two daughters, viz., Mil- 
 cah, who married her uncle Nahor (29), and 
 Iscah (29). Haran was born in Ur of the 
 Chaldees, and he died there while his father 
 was still living (28). 2. A Gershonite Le- 
 rite in the time of David, one of the family 
 of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 9). 3. A son of 
 the great Caleb by his concubine Ephah 
 (Tl Chr. ii. 46). 4. HARAN or CHARRAN 
 
 (Acts vii. 2, 4), name of the place whither 
 Abraham migrated with his family from Ur 
 of the Chaldees, and where the descend- 
 ants of his brother Nahor established them- 
 selves (comp. Gen. xxiv. 10 with xxvii. 
 43). It is said to be in Mesopotamia (Gen. 
 xxiv. 10), or more definitely, in Padan- 
 Aram (xxv. 20), the cultivated district at 
 the foot of the hills, a name well applying 
 Jo the beautiful stretch of country which 
 lies below Mount Masius between the Klia- 
 bour and the Euphrates. Here, about mid- 
 way in this district, is a small village still 
 called ffarrdn. It was celebrated among 
 the Romans under the name of Charrae, as 
 the scene of the defeat of Crassus. 
 
 Ha'rarite, The. The designation of 
 three of David's guard. 1. AGEE, a Ha- 
 rarite (2 Sam. xxiii. 11). 2. SHAMMAH the 
 Hararite (2 Sam. xxiii. 33). 3. SHARAR 
 (2 Sam. xxiii. 33) or SACAR (1 Chr. xi. 35) 
 the Hararite, was the father of Ahiam, 
 another member of the guard. 
 
 Har'bona, the third of the seven cham- 
 berlains, or eunuchs, who served king 
 Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10), 
 
 Har'bonah (Esth. vii. 9), the same aa 
 the preceding. 
 
 Hare (Heb. arnebetli) occurs only in 
 Lev. xi. 6 and Deut. xiv. 7, amongst the 
 animals disallowed as food by the Mosaic 
 law. The hare is at this day called arneb 
 by the Arabs in Palestine and Syria. It 
 was erroneously thought by the ancient 
 Jews to have chewed the cud. They were 
 no doubt misled, as in the case of the 
 shdphdn {Hyrax), by the habit these ani- 
 mals have of moving the jaw about. 
 
 Harem. [HOUSE.] 
 
 Ha'reph, a name occurring in the gen- 
 ealogies of Judah, as a son of Caleb, and 
 as " father of Beth-gader " (1 Chr. ii. 51, 
 only). 
 
 Ha'reth, The Forest of, in which Da- 
 vid took refuge, after, at the instigation of 
 the prophet Gad, he had quitted the " hold" 
 or fastness of the cave of Adullam (1 Sam. 
 xxii. 5). 
 
 Harhai'ah, father of Uzziel (Neh. 
 iii. 8). 
 
 Har'has, an ancestor of Shallum the 
 husband of Huldah (2 K. xxii. 14). 
 
 Har'hur. The sons of Harhur were 
 among the Nethinim who returned from 
 Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; Neh. 
 vii. 53). 
 
 Ha'rim. 1. A priest who had charge 
 of the third division in the house of God 
 (1 Chr. xxiv. 8). 2. Bene-Harim, prob- 
 ably descendants of the above, to the num- 
 ber of 1017, came up from Babylon with 
 Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 39; Neh. vii. 42). 3. 
 It further occurs in a list of the families of 
 priests " who went up with Zerubbabel and 
 Jeshua," and of those who were their de- 
 scendants iir-the next generation (Neh. xii
 
 HARIPH 
 
 229 
 
 HASHABIAH 
 
 15). 4. Another family of Bene-Harim, 
 three hundred and twenty in number, came 
 from the captivity in the same caravan (Ezr. 
 ii. 32 ; Neh. vii. 35). They also appear 
 among those who had married foreign wives 
 (Ezr. x. 31), as well as those who sealed 
 the covenant (Neh. x. 27). 
 
 Ha'riph. A hundred and twelve of the 
 Bene-Hariph returned from the captivity 
 with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 24). The name 
 occurs again among the " heads of the peo- 
 ple " who sealed the covenant (x. 19). 
 
 Harlot. That this class of persons 
 existed in the earliest states of society is 
 clear from Gen. xxxviii. 15. Rahab (Josh, 
 ii. 1) is said by the Chaldee paraph., to 
 have been an innkeeper, but if there were 
 such persons, considering what we know 
 of Canaanitish morals (Lev. xviii. 27), we 
 may conclude that they would, if women, 
 have been of this class. The " harlots " 
 are classed with " publicans," as those who 
 lay under the ban of society in the N. T. 
 (Matt. xxi. 32). 
 
 Har'nepher, one of the sons of Zophah, 
 of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 36). 
 
 Ha'rod, The Well of, a spring by 
 which Gideon and his great army encamped 
 on the morning of the day which ended in 
 the rout of the Midianites (Judg. vii. 1), 
 and where the trial of the people by their 
 mode of drinking apparently took place. 
 The Ain Jaldd is very suitable to the cir- 
 cumstances, as being at present the largest 
 spring in the neighborhood. 
 
 Ha'rodite, The, the designation of 
 two of the thirty-seven warriors of David's 
 guard, SHAMMAH and ELIKA (2 Sam. xxiii. 
 25), doubtless derived from a place named 
 Harod. 
 
 Har'oeh, a name occurring in the gen- 
 ealogical lists of Judah as one of the sons 
 of " Shobal, father of Kirjath-jearim " (1 
 Chr. ii. 52). 
 
 Ha'rorite, The, the title given to SHAM- 
 MOTH, one of the warriors of David's guard 
 (1 Chr. xi. 27). 
 
 Har osheth " of the Gentiles," so 
 called from the mixed races that inhabited 
 it, a city in the north of the land of Canaan, 
 supposed to have stood on the west coast 
 of the lake Merom, from which the Jordan 
 issues forth in one unbroken stream. It 
 was the residence of Sisera, captain of Ja- 
 bin, king of Canaan (Judg. iv. 2), and it was 
 the point to which the victorious Israelites 
 under Barak pursued the discomfited host 
 and chariots of the second potentate of that 
 name (Judg. iv. 16). 
 
 Harp (Heb. kinntir). The kinndr was 
 the national instrument of the Hebrews, 
 and was well known throughout Asia. 
 Moses assigns its invention to the antedilu- 
 vian period (Gen. iv. 21). Josephus re- 
 cords that the kinndr had ten strings, and 
 that it was played on with the plectrum ; 
 
 but this is in contradiction to what is set 
 forth in the 1st book of Samuel (xvi. 23, 
 xviii. 10), that David played on the kinnur 
 with his hand. Probably there was a 
 smaller and a larger kinndr, and these may 
 have been played in different ways (1 Sarn. 
 x. 5). 
 
 Harrow. The word so rendered (2 
 Sam. xii. 31) 1 Chr. xx. 3, is probably a 
 threshing-machine. The verb rendered " to 
 harrow " (Is. xxviii. 24 ; Job xxxix. 10 ; 
 Hos. x. 11) expresses apparently the break- 
 ing of the clods, and is so far analogous to 
 our harrowing, but whether done by any 
 such machine as we call a "harrow," is 
 very doubtful. 
 
 Har'sha. Bene-Harsha were among 
 the families of Nethinim who came back 
 from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 52 ; 
 Neh. vii. 54). 
 
 Hart. The hart is reckoned among the 
 clean animals (Deut. xii. 15, xiv. 5, xv. 22), 
 and seems, from the passages quoted, as well 
 as from 1 K. iv. 23, to have been commonly 
 killed for food. The Heb. masc. noun 
 ayy&l denotes, there can be no doubt, some 
 species of Cervidae (deer tribe), either the 
 Dama vulgaris, fallow-deer, or the Cervus 
 JBarbarus, the Barbary deer. 
 
 Ha'mm. Father of Aharhel, in one of 
 the most obscure genealogies of Judah (1 
 Chr. iv. 8). 
 
 Haru'maph, father or ancestor of Jed- 
 aiah (Neh. iii. 10). 
 
 Haru'phite, The, the designation of 
 Shephatiah, one of the Korhites who re- 
 paired to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). 
 
 Ha'ruz, a man of Jotbah, father of 
 Meshullemeth, queen of Manasseh (2 K. 
 xxi. 19). 
 
 Harvest. [AGRICULTURE.] 
 
 Hasadi'ah, one of a group of five per- 
 sons among the descendants of the royal 
 line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 20), apparently 
 sons of Zerubbabel. 
 
 Haseuu'ah, a Benjamite, of one of the 
 chief families in the tribe (1 Chr. ix. 7). 
 
 Hashabi'ah. 1. A Merarite Levite (1 
 Chr. vi. 45 ; Heb. 30). 2. Another Mera- 
 rite Levite (1 Chr. ix. 14). 3. The fourth 
 of the six sons of Jeduthun (1 Chr. xxv. 
 3), who had charge of the twelfth course 
 (19). 4. One of the descendants of He- 
 bron the son of Kohath (1 Chr. xxvi. 30). 
 5. The son of Kemuel, who was prince of 
 the tribe of Levi in the time of David (1 
 Chr. xxvii. 17). 6. A Levite, one of the 
 " chiefs " of his tribe, who officiated for 
 king Josiah at his great passover-feast (2 
 Chr. xxxv. 9). 7. A Merarite Levite who 
 accompanied Ezra from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 
 19). 8. One of the chiefs of the priests 
 who formed part of the same caravan (Ezr. 
 viii. 24). 9. Ruler of half the circuit or 
 environs of Keilah ; he repaired a portion 
 of the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah
 
 HASHABNAH 
 
 230 
 
 HAWK 
 
 (Neh. iii. 17). 10. One of the Levites 
 who seak-d the covenant of reformation 
 after the return from the captivity (Neh. 
 x. 11, xii. 24; comp. 26). 11. Another 
 Levite, son of Bunni (Neh. xi. 15). 12. 
 A Levite, son of Mattaniah (Neh. xi. 22). 
 13. A priest of the family of Hilkiah in 
 the days of Joiakim son of Jeshua (Neh. 
 xii. 21). 
 
 Hashab'nah, one of the chief of the 
 " people " who sealed the covenant with 
 Nehemiah (Neh. x. 25). 
 
 Hashabni'ah. 1. Father of Hattush 
 (Neh. iii. 10). 2. A Levite who was among 
 those who officiated at the great fast under 
 Ezra and Nehemiah when the covenant was 
 sealed (Neh. ix. 5). 
 
 Hashbad'ana, one of the men (prob- 
 ably Levites) who stood on Ezra's left 
 hand while he read the law to the people 
 in Jerusalem (Neh. viii. 4). 
 
 Ha'shem. The sons of Hashem the 
 Gizonite are named amongst the members 
 of David's guard in 1 Chr. xi. 34. 
 
 Hashmo'nah, a station of the Israel- 
 ites, mentioned Num. xxxiii. 29, as next 
 before Moseroth. 
 
 Ha'shub. 1. A son of Pahath-Moab, 
 who assisted in the repair of the wall of 
 Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 11). 2. Another who 
 assisted in the same work (Neh. iii. 23). 
 3. One of the heads of the people who 
 sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
 x. 23). 4. A Merarite Levite (Neh. xi. 15). 
 
 Hashu'bah, the first of a group of five 
 men, apparently the latter half of the fami- 
 ly of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 20). 
 
 Ha'shum. 1. Bene-Hashum, two hun- 
 dred and twenty-three in number, came 
 back from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
 ii. 19; Neh. vii. 22; Ezr. x. 33). The 
 chief man of the family was among those 
 who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah 
 (Neh. x. 18). 2. One of the priests or 
 Levites who stood on Ezra's left hand while 
 he read the law to the congregation (Neh. 
 viii. 4). 
 
 Hashu'pha, one of the families of 
 Nethinim who returned from captivity in 
 the first caravan (Neh. vii. 46). 
 
 Has'rah, the form in which the name 
 HARHAS is given in 2 Chr. xxxiv. 22 (comp. 
 2 K. xxii. 14). 
 
 Hassena'ah. The Bene-has-senaah re- 
 built the fish-gate in the repair of the wall 
 of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 3). 
 
 Has'shub, a Merarite Levite (1 Chr. 
 ix. 14), mentioned again Neh. xi. 15. 
 
 Hasu'pha. Bene-Hasupha were among 
 the Nethinim who returned from Babylon 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 43). 
 
 Ha'tach, one of the eunuchs in the 
 court of Ahasuerus (Esth. iv. 5, 6, 9, 10). 
 
 Ha'thath, one of the sons of Othniel 
 the Kenazite (1 Chr. iv. 13). 
 
 Hat ipha. Bene-Hatipha were among 
 
 the Nethenim who returned from Bahylop 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 54 ; Neh. vii. 56). 
 
 Hat'ita. Bene-Hatita were among the 
 " porters " (i. e. the gate-keepers) who re- 
 turned from the captivity with Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr. ii. 42 ; Neh. vii. 45). 
 
 Hat'til. Bene-Hattil were among the 
 " children of Solomon's slaves " who came 
 back from captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
 ii. 57; Neh. vii. 59). 
 
 Hat'tush. 1. A descendant of the 
 kings of Judah, apparently one of the sons 
 of Shechaniah (1 Chr. iii. 22), in the fourth 
 or fifth generation from Zerubbabel. A 
 person of the same name accompanied 
 Ezra from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 
 2). In another statement Hattush is said 
 to have returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. 
 xii. 2). 2. Son of Hashabniah; one of 
 those who assisted Nehemiah in the repair 
 of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 10). 
 
 Hau'ran, a province of Palestine twice 
 mentioned by Ezekiel (xlvii. 16, 18). There 
 can be little doubt that it is identical with 
 the well-known Greek province of Aura- 
 nitis and the modern Haur&n. 
 
 Hav'ilah. 1. A son of Cush (Gen. x. 
 7) ; and, 2. A son of Joktan (x. 29). Va- 
 rious theories have been advanced respect- 
 ing these obscure peoples. It appears to 
 be most probable that both stocks settled 
 in the same country, and there intermar- 
 ried ; thus receiving one name, and forming 
 one race, with a common descent. The 
 Cushite people of this name formed the 
 westernmost colony of Cush along the south 
 of Arabia. 
 
 Hav'ilah (Gen. ii. 11). [EDEN.] 
 
 Havoth-ja'ir, certain villages on the 
 east of Jordan, in Gilead or Bashan, which 
 were taken by Jair the son of Manasseh, 
 and called after his name (Num. xxxii. 41 ; 
 Deut. iii. 14). In the records of Manas- 
 seh in Josh. xiii. 30, and 1 Chr. ii. 23, the 
 Havoth-jair are reckoned with other dis- 
 tricts as making up sixty " cities " (comp. 
 1 K. iv. 13). There is apparently some 
 confusion in these different statements as to 
 what the sixty cities really consisted of. 
 No less doubtful is the number of the Ha- 
 voth-jair. In 1 Chr. ii. 22 they are speci- 
 fied as twenty-three, but in Judg. x. 4, as 
 thirty. 
 
 Hawk, the translation of the Hebrew 
 nets (Lev. xi. 16 ; Deut. xiv. 15 ; Job 
 xxxix. 26). The word is doubtless generic, 
 as appears from the expression in Deut. 
 and Lev. "after his kind, "and includes vari- 
 ous species of the Falconidae. With respect 
 to the passage in Job (I. c.), which appears 
 to allude to the migratory habits of hawks, 
 it is curious to observe that of the ten or 
 twelve lesser raptors of Palestine, nearly 
 all are summer migrants. The kestrel re- 
 mains all the year, but the others are all 
 migrants from the south.
 
 HAY 
 
 231 
 
 HAZOR 
 
 Hay (Ilcb. cJidtstr"), the rendering of 
 the A. V. in Prov. xxvii. 25, and Is. xv. 6, 
 of the above-named Heb. term, which oc- 
 curs frequently in the O. T., and denotes 
 " grass " of any kind. Harmer, quoting 
 from a MS. paper of Sir J. Chardin, states 
 that hay is not made anywhere in the East, 
 and that the "hay" of the A. V. is there- 
 fore an error of translation. It is quite 
 probable that the modern Orientals do not 
 make hay in our sense of the term ; but it 
 is certain that the ancients did mow their 
 grass, and probably made use of the dry 
 material. See Ps. xxxvii. 2. We may re- 
 mark that there is an express Hebrew term 
 for ''dry grass" or "hay," viz. chashash, 
 which, in the only two places where the 
 word occurs (Is. v. 24, xxxiii. 11) is ren- 
 dered " chaff" in the A. V. 
 
 Haz'ael, a king of Damascus, who 
 reigned from about B. c. 886 to B. c. 840. 
 He appears to have been previously a per- 
 son in a high position at the court of Ben- 
 hadad, and was sent by his master to Elisha, 
 to inquire if he would recover from the 
 malady under which he was suffering. 
 Elisha's answer led to the murder of Ben- 
 hadad by his ambitious servant, who forth- 
 with mounted the throne (2 K. viii. 7-15). 
 He was soon engaged in hostilities with 
 Ahaziah king of Jndah, and Jehoram king 
 of Israel, for the possession of the city of 
 Eamoth-Gilead (ibid. viii. 28). Towards 
 the close of the reign of Jehu, ifazael led 
 the Syrians against the Israelites (about 
 B. c. 860), whom he " smote in all their 
 coasts " (2 K. x. 32), thus accomplishing 
 the prophecy of Elisha (ibid. viii. 12). At 
 the close of his life, having taken Gath 
 (ibid, xii 17; comp. Am. vi. 2), he pro- 
 ceeded to attack Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxiv. 
 24) , and was about to assault the city, when 
 Joash bribed him to retire (2 K. xii. 18). 
 Hazael appears to have died about the year 
 B. c. 840 (ibid. xiii. 24), having reigned 46 
 years. 
 
 Hazai'ah. a man of Judah of the fam- 
 ily of the Shilonites, or descendants of 
 SUELAH (Neh. xi. 6). 
 
 Ha/zar-ad'dar, &c. [HAZER.] 
 
 Hazarma'veth, the third, in order, of 
 the sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 26). The 
 name is preserved in the Arabic Hadra- 
 mO-wt and Hadrum&wt, the appellation of 
 a province and an ancient people of South- 
 ern Arabia. Its capital is Satham, a very 
 ancient city, and its chief ports are Mirbat, 
 Zafari, and Kisheem, from whence a great 
 trade was carried on, in ancient times, with 
 India and Africa. 
 
 Hazel. The Hebrew term Hz occurs 
 only in Gen. xxx. 37. Authorities are di- 
 vided between the hazel and the almond 
 tree, as representing the Idz. The latter is 
 most probably correct. 
 
 Hazelelpo'ni, the sister of the sons of 
 
 Etam in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. 
 iv. 3). 
 
 Ha'zer, topographically, seems gener- 
 ally employed for the " villages " of people 
 in a roving and unsettled life, the semi-per- 
 manent collections of dwellings which are 
 described by travellers among the mod- 
 ern Arabs to consist of rough stone walls * 
 covered with the tent cloths. As a proper 
 name it appears in the A. V. : 1. In the 
 plural, HAZEKIM, and HAZEROTII, for which 
 see below. 2. In the slightly different form 
 of HAZOR. 3. In composition with other 
 words. 1. HAZAR-ADDAR, a place named as 
 one of the landmarks on the southern boun- 
 dary of the land promised to Israel (Num, 
 xxxiv. 4; ADAR, Josh. xv. 3). 2. HAZAR- 
 ENAN, the place at which the northern 
 boundary of the land promised to the chil- 
 dren of Israel was to terminate (Num. 
 xxxiv. 9, 10; comp. Ez. xlvii. 17, xlviii. 1). 
 
 3. HAZAR-GADDAH, one of the towns in the 
 southern district of Judah (Josh. xv. 27), 
 named between Moladah and Heshmon. 
 
 4. HAZAR-SHUAL, a town in the southern 
 district of Judah, lying between Hazar- 
 gaddah and Beersheba (Josh. xv. 28, xix. 
 3; 1 Chr. iv. 28). 5. HAZAR-SUSAH, one 
 of the " cities " allotted to Simeon in the 
 extreme south of the territory of Judah 
 (Josh. xix. 5). 
 
 Haze'rim. The AVIMS, or more accu- 
 rately the Avvim, are said to have lived " in 
 the villages (A. V. ' Hazerim ') as far as 
 Gaza " (Deut. ii. 23) before their expulsion 
 by the Caphtorim. 
 
 Haze 'roth (Num. xi. 35, xii. 16, xxxiii. 
 17; Deut. i. 1), a station of the Israelites 
 in the desert, and perhaps recognizable in 
 the Arabic Hudhera. 
 
 Haz'ezon-ta'mar, and Haz'azon- 
 ta'mar, the ancient name of Engedi (Gen. 
 xiv. 7). The name occurs in the records 
 of the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xx. 2). 
 
 Ha'ziel, a Levite in the time of David, 
 of the family of Shimei or Shimi, thr 
 younger branch of the Gershonites (1 Chr 
 xxiii. 9). 
 
 Ha'zo, a son of Nahor, by Milcah his 
 wife (Gen. xxii. 22). 
 
 Ha'zor. 1. A fortified city, which on 
 the occupation of the country was allotted 
 to Naphtali (Josh. xix. 36). Its position 
 was apparently between Ramah and Kedesh 
 (ibid. xii. 19), on the high ground over- 
 looking the Lake of Meroin. There is no 
 reason for supposing it a different place 
 from that of which Jabin was king ^Josh. 
 xi. 1; Judg. iv. 2, 17; 1 Sam. xii. 9). It 
 was the principal city of the whoh of North 
 Palestine (Josh. xi. 10). It was fortified 
 by Solomon (1 K. iv. 15), and its inhabit- 
 ants were carried captive by Tiglath-Pile- 
 ser (2 K. xv. 29). The most probable site 
 of Hazor is Tell Khuraibeh. 2. One of 
 the " cities " of Judah in the extreme south
 
 HEAD-DRESS 
 
 232 
 
 HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO 
 
 named next in order to Kedesh (Josh. xv. 
 23). 3 Hazor-Hadattah = " new Hazor," 
 another of the southern towns of Judah 
 (Josh. xv. 25). 4. A place in which the 
 Benjainites resided after their return from 
 the captivity (Neh. xi. 33). 
 
 Head-dress. The Hebrews do not ap- 
 pear to have regarded a covering for the 
 head as an essential article of dress. The 
 earliest notice we have of such a thing is 
 in connection with the sacerdotal vest- 
 ments (Ex. xxviii. 40). We may infer that 
 it was not ordinarily worn in the mosaic 
 age. Even in after times it seems to have 
 been reserved especially for purposes of 
 ornament ; thus the Ts&niph is noticed as 
 being worn by nobles (Job xxix. 14), ladies 
 (Is. iii. 23), and kings (Is. Ixii. 3), while 
 the Pe&r was an article of holiday dress 
 (Is. Ixi. 3,' A. V. " beauty; " Ez. xxiv. 17, 
 23), and was worn at weddings (Is. Ixi. 
 10). The ordinary head-dress of the Bed- 
 ouin consists of the keffieh, a square hand- 
 kerchief, generally of red and yellow cotton, 
 or cotton and silk, folded so that three of 
 the corners hang down over the back and 
 shoulders, leaving the face exposed, and 
 bound round the head by a cord. It is not 
 improbable that a similar covering was used 
 by the Hebrews on certain occasions. The 
 Assyrian head-dress is described in Ez. 
 xxiii. 15, under the terms " exceeding in 
 dyed attire." The word rendered " hats " 
 in Dan. iii. 21, properly applies to a cloak. 
 
 Hearth.. One way of baking much 
 practised in the East is to place the dough 
 on an iron plate, either laid on, or support- 
 ed on legs above the vessel sunk in the 
 ground, which forms the oven. The cakes 
 baked " on the hearth" (Gen. xviii. 6) were 
 probably baked in' the existing Bedouin 
 manner, on hot stones covered with ashes. 
 The " hearth " of king Jehoiakim's winter 
 palace (Jer. xxxvi. 23) was possibly a pan 
 or brazier of charcoal. 
 
 Heath. There seems no reason to 
 doubt Celsius' conclusion that the 'ar'&r 
 (Jer. xvii. G), was some species of juniper, 
 probably the savin. 
 
 Heathen. [GENTILES.] 
 
 Heaven. There are four Hebrew words 
 thus rendered in the O. T., which we may 
 briefly notice. 1. Rdkt'a (A. V. firma- 
 ment). [FIRMAMENT.] 2. Shdmayim. 
 This is the word used in the expression 
 " the heaven and the earth," or " the upper 
 and lower regions " (Gen. i. 1). 3. Mdrfim, 
 used for heaven in Ps. xviii. 16 ; Jer. xxv. 
 30; Is. xxiv. 18. Properly speaking it 
 means a mountain, as in Ps. cii. 19 ; Ez. 
 xvii. 23. 4. Shechdkim, " expanses," with 
 reference to the extent of heaven (Deut. 
 xxxiii. 26; Job xxxv. 5). St. Paul's ex- 
 pression " third heaven " (2 Cor. xii. 2) has 
 led to much conjecture. Grotius said that 
 the Jews divided the heaven into three 
 
 parts, viz., 1. the air or atmosphere, where 
 clouds gather ; 2. the firmament, in which 
 the sun, moon, and stars are fixed; 3. the 
 upper heaven, the abode of God and his 
 angels. 
 
 He'ber. 1. Grandson of the patriarch 
 Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17 ; 1 Chr. vii. 31 ; Num. 
 xxvi. 45), from whom came the Heberitcs 
 (Num. xxvi. 45). 2. The patriarch EBER 
 (Luke iii. 35). [EBEE.] 
 
 He'brew. This word first occurs as 
 given to Abram by the Canaanites (Gen. 
 xiv. 13) because he had crossed the Eu- 
 phrates. The name is also derived from 
 'eber, "beyond, on the other side," but this 
 is essentially the same with the preceding 
 explanation, since both imply that Abraham 
 and his posterity were called Hebrews in 
 order to express a distinction between the 
 races E. and W. of the Euphrates. It 
 would therefore appear that Hebrew was a 
 cis-Euphratian word applied to trans-Eu- 
 phratian immigrants. The term Israelite 
 was used by the Jews of themselves among 
 themselves, the term Hebrew was the name 
 by which they were known to foreigners. 
 The latter was accepted by the Jews in 
 their external relations ; and after the gen- 
 eral substitution of the word Jew, it still 
 found a place in that marked and special 
 feature of national contradistinction, the 
 language. All the Books of the Old Tes- 
 tament are written in the Hebrew language, 
 with the* exception of the following pas- 
 sages Dan. ii. 4-vii. ; Ez. iv. 8-vi. 18, and 
 vii. 12-26; Jer. x. 11 which are in Chal- 
 dee. Both Hebrew and Chaldee are sister 
 dialects of a great family of languages, to 
 which the name of Semitic is usually given, 
 from the real or supposed descent of the 
 people speaking them from the patri- 
 arch Shem. The dialects of this Semitic 
 family may be divided into three main 
 branches : 1. The Northern or Aramaean, 
 to which the Chaldee and Syriac belong. 
 2. The Southern, of which the Arabic is 
 the most important, and which also includes 
 the Ethiopic. 3. The Central, which com- 
 prises the Hebrew and the dialects spoken 
 by the other inhabitants of Palestine, such 
 as the Canaanites and Phoenicians. 
 
 Hebrews, Epistle to the. There 
 has been a wide difference of opinion re- 
 specting the authorship of this Epistle. The 
 superscription, the ordinary source of in- 
 formation, is wanting; but there is no rea- 
 son to doubt that at first, everywhere, ex- 
 cept in North Africa, St. Paul was regarded 
 as the author. Clement of Alexandria as- 
 scribed to St. Luke the translation of the 
 Epistle into Greek from a Hebrew original 
 of St. Paul. Origen believed that the 
 thoughts were St. Paul's, the language and 
 composition St. Luke's or Clement's of 
 Rome. Tertullian names Barnabas as the 
 reputed author according to the North,
 
 HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO 
 
 233 
 
 HEBRON 
 
 African tradition. Luther's conjecture that 
 Apollos was the author has been adopted 
 by many. The Epistle was probably ad- 
 dressed to the Jews in Jerusalem and Pales- 
 tine. The argument of the Epistle is such 
 as could be used with most effect to a church 
 consisting exclusively of Jews by birth, 
 personally familiar with and attached to the 
 Temple-service. It was evidently written 
 beforo the destruction of Jerusalem in A. D. 
 70. The whole argument, and specially 
 the passages viii. 4 and sq., ix. 6 and sq., 
 and xiii. 10 and sq., imply that the Temple 
 was standing, and that its usual course of 
 Divine service was carried on without in- 
 terruption. The date which best agrees 
 with the traditionary account of the author- 
 ship and destination of the Epistle is A. D. 
 63, about the end of St. Paul's imprison- 
 ment at Eome, or a year after Albinus suc- 
 ceeded Festus as Procurator. We have 
 already seen that Clement of Alexandria 
 stated that the Epistle was written by St. 
 Paul in Hebrew, and translated by St. Luke 
 into Greek. But nothing is said to lead us 
 to regard it as a tradition, rather than a 
 conjecture suggested by the style of the 
 Epistle. In favor of a Greek original we 
 may observe (1.) the purity and easy flow 
 of the Greek; (2.) the use of Greek words 
 which could not be adequately expressed in 
 Hebrew without long periphrase ; (3.) the 
 use of paronomasia; and (4.) the use of 
 the Septuagint in quotations and' refer- 
 ences. With respect to the scope of the 
 Epistle, it should be recollected that, while 
 the numerous Christian churches scattered 
 throughout Judaea (Acts ix. 31 ; Gal. i. 22) 
 were continually exposed to persecution 
 from the Jews (1 Thess. ii. 14), there was 
 in Jerusalem one additional weapon in the 
 hands of the predominant oppressors of the 
 Christians. The magnificent national Tem- 
 ple might be shut against the Hebrew 
 Christian ; and even if this affliction were 
 not often laid upon him, yet there was 
 a secret burden which he bore within him, 
 the knowledge that the end of all the beauty 
 and awfulness of Zion was rapidly approach- 
 ing. What could take the place of the 
 Temple, and that which was behind the veil, 
 and the Levitical sacrifices, and the Holy 
 City, when they should cease to exist? 
 What compensation could Christianity offer 
 him for the loss which was pressing the 
 Hebrew Christian more and more? The 
 writer of this Epistle meets the Hebrew 
 Christians on their own ground. His an- 
 swer is " Your new faith gives you Christ, 
 and, in Christ, all you seek, all your fathers 
 sought. In Christ the Son of God you have 
 an all-sufficient Mediator, nearer than 
 angels to the Father, eminent above Moses 
 as a benefactor, more sympathizing and 
 more prevailing than the High-priest as an 
 intercessor : His sabbath awaits you in 
 
 j heaven : to His covenant the old was in- 
 ! tended to be subservient; His atonement is 
 | the eternal reality of which sacrifices are 
 but the passing shadow ; His city heavenly, 
 not made with hands. Having Him, be- 
 lieve in Him with all your heart, with a 
 faith in the unseen future, strong as that of 
 the saints of old. patient under present, and 
 prepared for coming woe, full of energy, 
 and hope, and holiness, and love." Such 
 was the teaching of the Epistle to the He- 
 brews. 
 
 He'bron. 1. The third son of Kohath, 
 who was the second son of Levi ; the 
 younger brother of Amram, father of Moses 
 and Aaron (Ex. vi. 18 ; Num. iii. 19 ; 1 
 Chr. vi. 2, 18, xxiii. 12). The immediate 
 children of Hebron are not mentioned by 
 name (comp. Ex. vi. 21, 22), but he was 
 the founder of a family of Hebronites (Num. 
 iii. 27, xxvi. 58 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23, 30, 31) or 
 Bene-Hebron (1 Chr. xv. 9, xxiii. 19). 2. 
 A city of Judah (Josh. xv. 54) ; situated 
 among the mountains (Josh. xx. 7), 20 
 Roman miles south of Jerusalem, and the 
 same distance north of Beersheba. Hebron 
 is one of the most ancient cities in the 
 world still existing ; and in this respect it is 
 the rival of Damascus. It was built, says 
 a sacred writer, " seven years before Zoan 
 in Egypt" (Num. xiii. 22) ; and was a well- 
 known town when Abraham entered Canaan 
 3780 years ago (Gen. xiii. 18). Its original 
 name was Kirjath-Arba (Judg. i. 10), "the 
 city of Arba ; " so called from Arba, the 
 father of Anak, and progenitor of the giant 
 Anakim (Josh. xxi. 14, xv. 13, 14). The 
 chief interest of this city arises from its 
 having been the scene of some of the most 
 striking events in the lives ofthe patriarchs. 
 Sarah died at Hebron ; and Abraham then 
 bought from Ephron the Hittite the field 
 and cave of Machpelah, to serve as a family 
 tomb (Gen. xxiii. 2-20). The cave is still 
 there; and the massive walls ofthe Haram, 
 or mosque, within which it lies, form the 
 most remarkable object in the whole city. 
 Abraham is called by Mohammedans d- 
 Khulil, " the Friend," i.e. of God, and 
 this is the modern name of Hebron. He- 
 bron now contains about 5000 inhabitants, 
 of whom some 50 families are Jews. It is 
 picturesquely situated in a narrow valley, 
 surrounded by rocky hills. The valley 
 runs from north to south ; and the main 
 quarter of the town, surmounted by the 
 lofty walls of the venerable Haram, lies 
 partly on the eastern slope (Gen. xxxvii. 
 14; comp. xxiii. 19). About a mile from the 
 town, up the valley, is one of the largest 
 oak-trees in Palestine. This, say some, 
 is the very tree beneath which Abraham 
 pitched his tent, and it still bears the name 
 of the patriarch. 3. One of the towns in 
 the territory of Asher (Josh. xix. 28), on 
 the boundary of the tribe. It is not cer-
 
 234 
 
 HELL 
 
 tain whether the name should not rather be 
 Ebdon or Abdon, since that form is found 
 in many MSS. 
 
 Heb'ronites, The. A family of Ko- 
 hathite Levites, descendants of Hebron the 
 son of Kohath (Num. iii. 27, xxvi. 58 ; 1 
 Chr. xxvi. 23). 
 
 Hedge. The Heb. words thus ren- 
 dered denote simply that which surrounds 
 or encloses, whether it be a stone wall 
 (geder, Prov. xxiv. 31 ; Ez. xlii. 10) or a 
 fence of other materials. The stone walls 
 which surround the sheepfolds of modern 
 Palestine are frequently crowned with sharp 
 thorns. 
 
 Hega'i, one of the eunuchs (A. V. 
 " chamberlains ") of the court of Ahasuerus 
 (Esth. ii. 8, 15). 
 
 He'ge, another form of the preceding 
 (Esth. ii. 3). 
 
 Heifer. The Hebrew language has no 
 expression that exactly corresponds to 
 our heifer ; for both eglah and parah are 
 applied to cows that have calved (1 Sam. 
 vi. 7-12; Job xxi. 10; Is. vii. 21). The 
 heifer or young cow was not commonly 
 used for ploughing, but only for treading 
 out the corn (Hos. x. 11 ; but see Judg. xiv. 
 18), when it ran about without any head- 
 stall (Deut. xxv. 4) ; hence the expression 
 an "unbroken heifer" (Hos. iv. 16; A. V. 
 "backsliding"), to which Israel is com- 
 pared. 
 
 Heir. The Hebrew institutions relative 
 to inheritance were of a very simple char- 
 acter. Under the Patriarchal system the 
 property was divided among the sons of 
 the legitimate wives (Gen. xxi. 10, xxiv. 
 36, xxv. 5), a larger portion being assigned 
 to one, generally the eldest, on whom de- 
 volved the duty of maintaining the females 
 of the family. The sons of concubines 
 were portioned off with presents (Gen. xxv. 
 6). At a later period the exclusion of the 
 sons of concubines was rigidly enforced 
 (Judg. xi. 1, ff.). Daughters had no share 
 in the patrimony (Gen. xxi. 14), but re- 
 ceived a marriage portion. The Mosaic 
 law regulated the succession to real prop- 
 erty thus : it was to be divided among the 
 sons, the eldest receiving a double portion 
 (Deut. xxi. 17), the others equal shares; 
 if there were no sons, it went to the daugh- 
 ters (Num. xxvii. 8), on the condition that 
 they did not marry out of their own tribe 
 (Num. xxxvi. 6, ff. ; Tob. vi. 12, vii. 13), 
 otherwise the patrimony was forfeited. If 
 tnere were no daughters, it went to the 
 brother of the deceased ; if no brother, to 
 the paternal uncle ; and, failing these, to the 
 next of kin (Num. xxvii. 9-11). 
 
 He'lah, one of the two wives of Ashur, 
 father of Tekoa (1 Chr. iv. 6). 
 
 He'lam, a place east of the Jordan, but 
 west of the Euphrates, at which the Syrians 
 were collected by Hadarezer, and at which 
 
 David met and defeated them (2 Sam. x. 
 16, 17). 
 
 Hel'bah T a town of Asher, probably on 
 the plain of Phoenicia, not far from Sidon 
 (Judg. i. 31). 
 
 Hel'bon, a place mentioned only in 
 Ezokiel xxvii. Geographers have hitherto 
 represented Helbon as identical with the 
 city of Aleppo, called Haleb by the Arabs ; 
 but there are strong reasons against this, and 
 the ancient city must be identified with a 
 village within a few miles of Damascus, 
 still bearing the ancient name ffelbon, and 
 still celebrated as producing the finest 
 grapes in the country. 
 
 Hel'dai, 1. The twelfth captain of the 
 monthly courses for the temple service (1 
 Chr. xxvii. 15). 2. An Israelite who seems 
 to have returned from the Captivity (Zech. 
 vi. 10). 
 
 He'leb, son of Baanah, the Netophath- 
 ite, one of the heroes of king David's guard 
 (2 Sam. xxiii. 29). In the parallel list 
 the name is given as 
 
 He'led, 1 Chr. xi. 30. [HELEB.] 
 
 He'lek, one of the descendants of Ma- 
 nasseh, and second son of Gilead (Num. 
 xxvi. 30). 
 
 He'lekites, The, the family descended 
 from the foregoing (Num. xxvi. 30). 
 
 He'lem. 1. A descendant of Asher (1 
 Chr. vii. 35). 2. A man mentioned only 
 in Zech. vi. 14. Apparently the same as 
 HELDAI. 
 
 He'leph, the place from which the 
 boundary of the tribe of Naphtali started 
 (Josh. xix. 33). 
 
 He'lez. 1. One of " the thirty " of Da- 
 vid's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
 27), an Ephraimite, and captain of the sev- 
 enth monthly course (1 Chr. xxvii. 10. 2. 
 A man of Judah, son of Azariah (1 Chr. 
 ii. 39). 
 
 He'li, the father of Joseph, the husband 
 of the Virgin Mary (Luke iii. 23) ; main- 
 tained by Lord A. Hervey, the latest inves- 
 tigator of the genealogy of Christ, to have 
 been the real brother of Jacob, the father 
 of the Virgin herself. 
 
 Hel'kath, the town named as the start- 
 ing-point for the boundary of the tribe of 
 Asher (Josh. xix. 25), and allotted with its 
 " suburbs " to the Gershonite Levites (xxi. 
 31). Its site has not been recovered. 
 
 Hel'kath Haz'zurim, a smooth piece 
 of ground, apparently close to the pool of 
 Gibeon, where the combat took place be- 
 tween the two parties of Joab's men and 
 Abner's men, which ended in the death of 
 the whole of the combatants, and brought 
 on a general battle (2 Sam. ii. 16). 
 
 Hell. This is the word generally and 
 unfortunately used by our translators to 
 render the Hebrew Sheol. It would per- 
 haps have been better to retain the Hebrew 
 word Sheol, or else render it always by
 
 HELLENIST 
 
 235 
 
 HENADAD 
 
 "the grave " or "the pit." It is deep (Job 
 xi. 8) and dark (Job xi. 21, 22) in the cen- 
 tre of the earth (Num. xvi. 30 ; Deut. xxxii. 
 22), having within it depths on depths 
 (Prov. ix. 18), and fastened with gates (Is. 
 xxxviii. 10) and bars (Job xvii. 16). In 
 this cavernous realm are the souls of dead 
 men, the Rephaim and ill spirits (Ps. Ixxxvi. 
 13, Ixxxix. 48; Prov. xxiii. 14; Ez. xxxi. 
 17, xxxii. 21). It is clear that in many 
 passages of the O. T. Sheol can only mean 
 "the grave," and is so rendered in the 
 A. V. (see, for example, Gen. xxxvii. 35, 
 xlii. 38; 1 Sam. ii. 6; Job xiv. 13). In 
 other passages, however, it seems to involve 
 a notion of punishment, and is therefore 
 rendered in the A. V. by the word "Hell." 
 But in many cases this translation misleads 
 the reader. It is obvious, for instance, 
 that Job xi. 8 ; Ps. cxxxix. 8 ; Am. ix. 2 
 (where "hell" is used as the antithesis of 
 "heaven"), merely illustrate the Jewish 
 notions of the locality of Sheol in the bow- 
 els of the earth. In the N. T. the word 
 Hades, like Sheol, sometimes means merely 
 "the grave" (Rev. xx. 13; Acts ii. 31; 1 
 Cor. xv. 55), or in general "the unseen 
 world." It is in this sense that the creeds 
 say of our Lord, " He went down into hell," 
 meaning the state of the dead in general, 
 without any restriction of happiness or mis- 
 ery, a doctrine certainly, though only vir- 
 tually, expressed in Scripture (Eph. iv. 9 ; 
 Acts ii. 25-31). Elsewhere in the N. T. 
 Hades is used of a place of torment (Luke 
 xvj. 23 ; 2 Pet. ii. 4 ; Matt. xi. 23, &c. Con- 
 sequently it has been the prevalent, almost 
 the universal, notion that Hades is an inter- 
 mediate state between death and resurrec- 
 tion, divided into two parts, one the abode 
 of the blessed, and the other of the lost. 
 In holding this view, main reliance is placed 
 on the parable of Dives and Lazarus ; but 
 it is impossible to ground the proof of an 
 important theological doctrine on a passage 
 which confessedly abounds in Jewish meta- 
 phors. The word most frequently used in 
 the N. T. for the place of future punish- 
 ment is Gehenna or Gehenna of fire. [GE- 
 HENNA and HINNOJI.] 
 
 Hellenist. In one of the earliest no- 
 tices of the first Christian Church at Jeru- 
 salem (Acts vi. 1), two distinct parties 
 are recognized among its members, " He- 
 brews " and " Hellenists " (Grecians), who 
 appear to stand towards one another in 
 some degree in a relation of jealous rivalry 
 (comp. Acts ix. 29). The name, accord- 
 ing to its derivation, marks a class distin- 
 guished by peculiar habits, and not by 
 descent. Thus the Hellenists as a body 
 included not only the proselytes of Greek 
 Qor foreign) parentage, but also those Jews 
 who, by settling in foreign countries, had 
 adopted the prevalent form of the current 
 
 Greek civilization, and with it the use of 
 the common Greek dialect. 
 
 Helmet. [ARMS.] 
 
 He Ion, father of Eliab, of the tribe of 
 Zebulun (Num. i. 9, ii. 7, vii. 24, 29, x. 16). 
 
 Hem of Garment. The importance 
 which the later Jews, especially the Phar- 
 isees (Matt, xxiii. 5), attached to the hem 
 or fringe of their garments was founded 
 upon the regulation in Num. xv. 38, 39, 
 which gave a symbolical meaning to it. 
 
 He'mam. Hori and Hemain were sons 
 of Lotan, the eldest son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 
 22). 
 
 He'man. 1. Son of Zerah (1 Chr. ii. 
 6; 1 K. iv. 31). 2. Son of Joel, and grand- 
 son of Samuel the prophet, a Kohathite. 
 He is called "the singer," rather the musi- 
 cian (1 Chr. vi. 33), and was the first of 
 the three Levites to whom was committed 
 the vocal and instrumental music of the 
 temple-service in the reign of David (1 Chr. 
 XT. 16-22), Asaph and Ethan, or rather 
 according to xxv. 1, 3, Jeduthan, being his 
 colleagues. A further account of Heman 
 is given 1 Chr. xxv., where he is called 
 (ver. 5) " the king's seer in the matters of 
 God." Whether or no this Heman is the 
 person to whom the 88th Psalm is ascribed 
 is doubtful. He is there called " the Ez- 
 rahite ; " and the 89th Psalm is ascribed to 
 " Ethan the Ezrahite." 
 
 He'math, a person, or place, named in 
 the genealogical lists of Judah, as the origin 
 of the Kenites, and the "father" of the 
 house of RECHAB (1 Chr. ii. 55). 
 
 Hem'dan, the eldest son of Dishon, 
 sonofAnah the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 26). 
 [AMRAM 2.] 
 
 Hemlock. The Hebrew rdsh is ren- 
 dered " hemlock " in two passages (Hos. x. 
 4; Am. vi. 12), but elsewhere "gall." 
 [GALL.] 
 
 Hen". According to the A. V. of Zech. 
 vi. 14, Hen is a son of Zephaniah, and ap- 
 parently the same who is called Josiah in 
 ver. 10. But by the LXX. and others, the 
 words are taken to mean " for the favor of 
 the son of Zephaniah." 
 
 Hen. The hen is nowhere noticed in 
 the Bible except in Matt, xxiii. 37 ; Luke 
 xiii. 34. That a bird so common in Pales- 
 tine should receive such slight notice, is 
 certainly singular. 
 
 He'na seems to have been one of the 
 chief cities of a monarchical state which the 
 Assyrian kings had reduced shortly before 
 the time of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 13 ; Is. 
 xxxvii. 13). At no great distance from 
 Sippara (now Mosaib~), is an ancient town 
 called Ana or Anah, which may be the 
 same as Hena. 
 
 Hen'adad, the head of a family of the 
 Levites who took a prominent part in the 
 rebuilding of the Temple (Ezr. iii. 9).
 
 HENOCH 
 
 236 
 
 HERMONITES 
 
 He'noch. 1. Enoch 2 (1 Chr. i. 3). 
 2. Hanoch 1 (1 Chr. i. 33). 
 
 He'pher. 1. The youngest of the sons 
 of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 32), and head of the 
 family of the HEPHERITES. 2. Son of 
 Ashur, the "' father of Tekoa " (1 Chr. iv. 
 6). 3. The Mecherathite, one of the heroes 
 of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 3G). 
 
 He'pher, a place in ancient Canaan, 
 which occurs in the list of conquered kings 
 (Josh. xii. 17). It was on the west of Jor- 
 dan (comp. 7 and 1 K. iv. 10.) 
 
 He'pherites, The, the family of He- 
 pher the son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 32). 
 
 Heph'zi-bah. 1. A name signifying 
 " My delight in her," which is to be borne 
 by the restored Jerusalem (Is. Ixii. 4). 2. 
 The queen of king Hezekiah, and the 
 mother of Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 1). 
 
 Herald. The only notice of this officer 
 in the O. T. occurs in Dan. iii. 4. The 
 term " herald," might be substituted for 
 " preacher " in 1 Tim. ii. 7 ; 2 Tim. i. 11 ; 2 
 Pet. ii. 5. 
 
 Herd, Herdsman. The herd was 
 greatly regarded both in the patriarchal and 
 Mosaic period. The ox was the most 
 precious stock next to horse and mule. 
 The herd yielded the most esteemed sacri- 
 fice (Num. vii. 3 ; Ps. Ixix. 31 ; Is. Ixvi. 3) ; 
 also flesh meat, and milk, chiefly converted, 
 probably, into butter and cheese (Deut. 
 xxx. ii. 14; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). The full- 
 grown ox is hardly ever slaughtered in 
 Syria; but, both for sacrificial and convivial 
 purposes, the young animal was preferred 
 (Ex. xxix. 1). The agricultural and general 
 usefulness of the ox, in ploughing, threshing, 
 and as a beast of burden (1 Chr. xii. 40; Is. 
 xlvi. 1), made such a slaughtering seem 
 wasteful. Herdsmen, &c., in Egypt were 
 a low, perhaps the lowest caste ; but of the 
 abundance of cattle in Egypt, and of the 
 care there bestowed on them, there is no 
 doubt (Gen. xlvii. 6, 17 ; Ex. ix. 4, 20). So 
 the plague of hail was sent to smite espe- 
 cially the cattle (Ps. Ixxviii. 48), the first- 
 born of which also were smitten (Ex. xii. 29). 
 The Israelites departing stipulated for (Ex. 
 x. 26) and took " much cattle " with them 
 (xii. 38). Cattle formed thus one of the 
 traditions of the Israelitish nation in its 
 greatest period, and became almost a part 
 of that greatness. The occupation of herds- 
 man was honorable in early times (Gen. 
 xlvii. 6; 1 Sam. xi. 5; 1 Chr. xxvii. 29, 
 xxviii. 1). Saul himself resumed it in the 
 interval of his cares as king ; also Doeg was 
 certainly high in his confidence (1 Sam. 
 xxi. 7). Pharaoh made some of Joseph's 
 brethren " rulers over his cattle." David's 
 herd-masters were among his chief officers 
 of state. The prophet Amos at first fol- 
 lowed this occupation (Am. i. 1, vii. 14). 
 
 He'resh, a Levite attached to the taber- 
 nacle (1 Chr. ix. 15). 
 
 Her'mas, the name of a Christian resi- 
 dent at Rome to whom St. Paul sends greet- 
 ing in his Epistle to the Romans (xvi. 14). 
 Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Origen agree in 
 attributing to him the work called the 
 Shepherd : which is supposed to have been 
 written in the pontificate of Clement I. ; 
 while others affirm it to have been the work 
 of a namesake in the following age. It ex- 
 isted for a long time only in a Latin ver- 
 sion, but the first part in Greek is to be 
 found at the end of the Codex Sinaiticus. 
 It was never received into the canon ; but 
 yet was generally cited with respect only 
 second to that which was paid to^he author- 
 itative books of the N. T. 
 
 Her'mes, a Christian mentioned in 
 Rom. xvi. 14. According to tradition he 
 was one of the Seventy disciples, and after- 
 wards Bishop of Dalmatia. 
 
 Hermog'enes, a person mentioned by 
 St. Paul in the latest of all his Epistles 
 (2 Tim. i. 15) when all in Asia had turned 
 away from him, and among their number 
 " Phygellus and Hermogenes." 
 
 Her'mon. a mountain on the north- 
 eastern border of Palestine (Deut. iii. 8; 
 Josh. xii. 1), over against Lebanon (Josh, 
 xi. 17), adjoining the plateau of Bashan 
 (1 Chr. v. 23). It stands at the southern 
 end, and is the culminating point of the 
 anti-Libanus range; it towers high above 
 the ancient border city of Dan and the foun- 
 tains of the Jordan, and is the most con- 
 spicuous and beautiful mountain in Pales- 
 tine or Syria. The name Herman was 
 doubtless suggested by its appearance 
 " a lofty prominent peak," visible from afar. 
 The Sidonians called it Sirion, and the 
 Amorites Shenir. It was also named Sion, 
 "the elevated" (Deut. iv. 48). So now, 
 at the present day, it is called Jebel esh- 
 Sfieikhj "the chief mountain ;" and Jebel 
 eth-Thelj, "snowy mountain." When the 
 whole country is parched with the summer 
 sun, white lines of snow streak the head of 
 Hermon. This mountain was the great 
 landmark of the Israelites. It was associ- 
 ated with their northern border almost as 
 intimately as the sea was with the western. 
 Hermon has three summits, situated like 
 the angles of a triangle, and about a quarter 
 of a mile from each other. This may ac- 
 count for the expression in Ps. xlii. 7 (ft), 
 "I will remember thee from the land of 
 the Jordan and the Hermans." In two pas- 
 sages of Scripture this mountain is called 
 Baal-hermon (Judg. iii. 3; 1 Chr. v. 23), 
 possibly because Baal was there worshipped. 
 The height of Hermon has never been 
 measured, though it has often been estimat- 
 ed. It may safely be reckoned at 10,000 
 feet. 
 
 Her'monites, The. Properly "the 
 Hermons," with reference to the three sum- 
 mits of Mount Hermon (Ps. xlii. 6 [7] ).
 
 HEROD 
 
 237 
 
 HEROD 
 
 Her od. This family, though of Idu- 
 maean origin, and thus aliens by race, were 
 Jews in faith. I. HEROD THE GREAT was 
 the second son of Antipater, an Idumaean, 
 who was appointed Procurator of Judaea 
 by Julius Caesar, B. c. 47, and Cypros, an 
 Arabian of noble descent. At the time of 
 his father's elevation, though only fifteen 
 years old, he received the government of 
 Galilee, and shortly afterwards that of 
 Coele-Syria. When Antony came to Syria, 
 B. c. 41, he appointed Herod and his elder 
 brother Phasael tetrarchs of Judaea. Her- 
 od was forced to abandon Judaea next year 
 by an invasion of the Parthians, who sup- 
 ported the claims of Antigonus, the rep- 
 resentative of the Asmonaean dynasty, 
 and fled to Rome (B. c. 40). At Rome he 
 was well received by Antony and Octavian, 
 and was appointed by the senate king of 
 Judaea to the exclusion of the Hasmonean 
 line. In the course of a few years, by the 
 help of the Romans, he took Jerusalem 
 (B. c. 37), and completely established his 
 authority throughout his dominions. After 
 the battle of Actium he visited Octavian at 
 Rhodes, and his noble bearing won for him 
 the favor of the conqueror, who confirmed 
 him in the possession of the kingdom, B. c. 
 31, and in the next year increased it by the 
 addition of several important cities, and 
 afterwards gave him the province of Trach- 
 onitis and the district of Paneas. The 
 remainder of the reign of Herod was un- 
 disturbed by external troubles, but his do- 
 mestic life was embittered by an almost 
 uninterrupted series of injuries and cruel 
 acts of vengeance. The terrible acts of 
 bloodshed which Herod perpetrated in his 
 own family were accompanied by others 
 among his subjects equally terrible, from 
 the number who fell victims to them. Ac- 
 cording to the well-known story, he or- 
 dered the nobles whom he had called to 
 him in his last moments to be executed 
 immediately after his decease, that so at 
 least his death might be attended by uni- 
 versal mourning. It was at the time of 
 his fatal illness that he must have caused 
 the slaughter of the infants at Bethlehem 
 (Matt. ii. 16-18), and from the comparative 
 insignificance of the murder of a few young 
 children in an unimportant village when 
 contrasted with the deeds which he carried 
 out or designed, it is not surprising that 
 Josephus has passed it over in silence. In 
 dealing with the religious feelings or pre- 
 judices of the Jews, Herod showed as 
 great contempt for public opinion as in the 
 execution of his personal vengeance. But 
 while he alienated in this manner the affec- 
 tions of the Jews by his cruelty and disre- 
 gard for the Law, he adorned Jerusalem 
 with many splendid monuments of his taste 
 and magnificent. The Temple, which he 
 rebuilt with scrupulous care, was the great- 
 
 est of those works. The restoration was 
 begun B. c. 20, and the Temple itself was 
 completed in a year and a half. But fresh 
 additions were constantly made in succeed- 
 ing years, so that it was said that the Tem- 
 ple was "built in forty and six years" 
 (John ii. 20), a phrase which expresses the 
 whole period from the commencement of 
 Herod's work to the completion of the 
 latest addition then made. II. HEROD AN- 
 TIPAS was the son of Herod the Great by 
 Malthace, a Samaritan. His father had 
 originally destined him as his successor in 
 the kingdom, but by the last change of his 
 will appointed him " tetrarch of Galilee and 
 Peraea" (Matt. xiv. 1 ; Luke iii. 19, ix. 7; 
 Acts xiii. 1. Cf. Luke iii. 1). He first mar- 
 ried a daughter of Aretas, " king of Ara- 
 bia Petraea," but after some time he made 
 overtures of marriage to Herodias, the 
 wife of his half-brother Herod Philip, which 
 she received favorably. Aretas, indignant 
 at the insult offered to his daughter, found 
 a pretext for invading the territory of 
 Herod, and defeated him with great loss. 
 This defeat, according to the famous pas- 
 sage in Josephus, was attributed by many 
 to the murder of John the Baptist, which 
 had been committed by Antipas shortly be- 
 fore, under the influence of Herodias (Matt, 
 xiv. 4, ff. ; Mark vi. 17, ff. ; Luke iii. 19). 
 At a later time the ambition of Herodias 
 proved the cause of her husband's ruin. 
 She urged him to go to Rome to gain 
 the title of king (cf. Mark vi. 14) ; but 
 he was opposed at the court of Caligula 
 by the emissaries of Agrippa, and con- 
 demned to perpetual banishment at Lug- 
 dunum, A. D. 39. Herodias voluntarily 
 shared his punishment, and he died in ex- 
 ile. Pilate took occasion from our Lord's 
 residence in Galilee to send Him for exam- 
 ination (Luke xxiii. 6, ff.) to Herod Antipas, 
 who came up to Jerusalem to celebrate the 
 Passover. The city of TIBERIAS, which An- 
 tipas founded and named in honor of the em- 
 peror, was the most conspicuous monument 
 of his long reign. III. HEROD PHILIP I. 
 (Philip, Mark vi. 17) was the son of Herod 
 the Great and Mariamne, and must be 
 carefully distinguished from the tetrarch 
 Philip. He married Herodias, the sister 
 of Agrippa I., by whom he had a daughter 
 Salome. Herodias, however, left him, and 
 made an infamous marriage with his half- 
 brother Herod Antipas (Matt. xiv. 3 ; Mark 
 vi. 17; Luke iii. 19). He was excluded 
 from all share in his father's possessions in 
 consequence of his mother's treachery, and 
 lived afterwards in a private station. IV. 
 HEROD PHILIP II. was the son of Herod the 
 Great and Cleopatra. Like his half-brothers 
 Antipas and Archelaus, he was brought up 
 at home. He received as his own govern- 
 ment Batanea, Trachonitis, Auraiiitis (Gau- 
 loiiitis), and some parts about Jamnia, with
 
 HEROD 
 
 238 
 
 HESED 
 
 the title of tetrarch (Luke iii. 1). He 
 built a new city on the site of Paneas, near 
 the sources of the Jordan, which he called 
 Caesarea (Matt. xvi. 13; Mark viii. 27), 
 and raised Bethsaida to the rank of a city 
 under the title of Julias, and died there 
 A. D. 34. He married Salome, the daughter 
 of Herod Philip I. and Herodias. V. 
 HEROD AGRIPPA I. was the son of Aristo- 
 bulus and Berenice, and grandson of Her- 
 od the Great. He was brought up at 
 Rome with Claudius and Drusus, and after 
 a life of various vicissitudes, was thrown 
 into prison by Tiberius, where he remained 
 till the accession of Caius (Caligula) A. D. 
 37. The new emperor gave him the gov- 
 ernments formerly held by the tetrarchs 
 Philip and Lysanias, and bestowed on him 
 the ensigns of royalty and other marks of 
 favor (Acts xii. 1). On the banishment 
 of Antipas, his dominions were added to 
 those already held by Agrippa. After- 
 wards Agrippa rendered important ser- 
 vices to Claudius, and received from him 
 in return (A. D. 41) the government of 
 Judaea and Samaria. Unlike his prede- 
 cessors, Agrippa was a strict observer of 
 the Law, and he sought with success the 
 favor of the Jews. It is probable that it 
 was with this view he put to death James 
 the son of Zebedee, and further imprisoned 
 Peter (Acts xii. 1, ff.). But his sudden 
 death interrupted his ambitious projects. 
 la the fourth year of his reign over the 
 whole of Judaea (A. D. 44) Agrippa attend- 
 ed some games at Caesarea, held in honor 
 of the Emperor. When he appeared in the 
 theatre (Acts xii. 21) his flatterers saluted 
 him as a god ; and suddenly he was seized 
 with terrible pains, and being carried from 
 the theatre to the palace died after five 
 days' agony. VI. HEROD AGRIPPA II. 
 was the son of Herod Agrippa I. and 
 Cypros, a grand-niece of Herod the Great. 
 At the time of the death of his father A. D. 
 44, he was at Rome. Not long afterwards, 
 however, the Emperor gave him (about 
 A. D. 50) the kingdom of Chalcis, which had 
 belonged to his uncle ; and then transferred 
 him (A. D. 52) to the tetrarchies formerly 
 held by Philip and Lysanias, with the title 
 of king (Acts xxv. 13). The relation in 
 which he stood to his sister Berenice (Acts 
 xxv. 13) was the cause of grave suspicion. 
 In the last Roman war Agrippa took part 
 with the Romans, and after the fall of 
 Jerusalem retired with Berenice to Rome, 
 where he died in the third year of Trajan 
 (A. D. 100). The appearance of St. Paul 
 before Agrippa (A. o. 60) offers several 
 characteristic traits. The " pomp " with 
 which the king came into the audience 
 chamber (Acts xxv. 23) was accordant 
 with his general bearing; and the cold 
 irony with which he met the impassioned 
 words of the Apostle (Acts xxvi. 27, 28) 
 
 ; suits the temper of one who was contented 
 i to take part in the destruction of his na- 
 tion. 
 
 Hero'dians. In the account which is 
 given by St. Matthew (xxii. 15, ff.) and 
 | St. Mark (xii. 13, ff.) of the last efforts 
 made by different sections of the Jews to 
 obtain from our Lord Himself the mate- 
 rials for His accusation, a party under the 
 name of Herodians is represented as act- 
 ing in concert with the Pharisees (Matt. 
 xxii. 16; Mark xii. 13; comp. also iii. 6, 
 viii. 15). There were probably many who 
 saw in the power of the Herodian family 
 the pledge of the preservation of their na- 
 tional existence in the face of Roman am- 
 bition. Two distinct classes might thus 
 unite in supporting what was a domestic 
 tyranny as contrasted with absolute depen- 
 dence on Rome : those who saw in the 
 Herods a protection against direct heathen 
 rule, and those who were inclined to look 
 with satisfaction upon such a compromise 
 between the ancient faith and heathen civ- 
 ilization, as Herod the Great and his suc- 
 cessors had endeavored to realize, as the 
 true and highest consummation of Jewish 
 hopes. 
 
 Hero'dias. daughter of Aristobulus, one 
 of the sons of Mariamne and Herod the 
 Great, and consequently sister of Agrippa 
 I. She first married Herod Philip I. ; then 
 she eloped from him to marry Herod Anti- 
 pas, her step-uncle, who had been long 
 married to, and was still living with, the 
 daughter of Aeneas or Aretas, king of 
 Arabia. The consequences both of the 
 crime, and of the reproof which it in- 
 curred, are well known. Aretas made 
 war upon Herod for the injury done to 
 his daughter, and routed him with the loss 
 of his whole army. The head of John the 
 Baptist was granted to the request of He- 
 rodias (Matt. xiv. 8-11 ; Mark vi. 24-28). 
 According to Josephus the execution took 
 place in a fortress called Machaerus, look- 
 ing down upon the Dead Sea from the 
 south. She accompanied Antipas into ex- 
 ile to Lugdunum. 
 
 Hero'dion, a relative of St. Paul, to 
 whom he sends his salutation amongst the 
 Christians of the Roman Church (Rom. 
 xvi. 11). 
 
 Heron. The Hebrew andphah appears 
 as the name of an unclean bird in Lev. xi. 
 19, Deut. xiv. 18. It was probably a ge- 
 neric name for a well-known class of birds. 
 The only point on which any two commen- 
 tators seem to agree is, that it is not the 
 heron. On etymological grounds, Geseniu? 
 considers the name applicable to some irri- 
 table bird, perhaps the goose. 
 
 He'sed, the son of Hesed, or Ben- 
 Chesed, was commissary for Solomon in 
 the district of " the Arubboth, Socoh, and 
 all the land of Hepher " (1 K. iv. 10).
 
 HESHBON 
 
 239 
 
 HEZEKIAH 
 
 Hesh'bon, the capital city of Sihon 
 king of the Amorites (Num. xxi. 26). It 
 stood on the western border of the high 
 plain (Mishor, Josh. xiii. 17), and on the 
 boundary-line between the tribes of Reuben 
 and Gad. The ruins of Ifesbdn, 20 miles 
 east of the Jordan, on the parallel of the 
 northern end of the Dead Sea, mark the 
 site, as they bear the name, of the ancient 
 Heshbon. There are many cisterns among 
 the ruins (comp. Cant. vii. 4). 
 
 Hesh'inon, a place named, with others, 
 as lying in the extreme south of Judah 
 (Josh. xv. 27). 
 
 Hes'ron. HEZRON, the son of Reuben 
 (Num. xxvi. 6), and ancestor of the Hez- 
 ronites. 
 
 Heth, the forefather of the nation of THE 
 HITTITES. In the genealogical tables of 
 Gen. x. and 1 Chr. i., Heth is a son of 
 Canaan. The Hittites were therefore a 
 Hamite race, neither of the " country " nor 
 the "kindred" of Abraham and Isaac 
 (Gen. xxiv. 3, 4, xxviii. 1, 2). 
 
 Hethlon, the name of a place on the 
 northern border of Palestine (Ez. xlvii. 15, 
 xlviii. 1). In all probability the " way of 
 Hethlon " is the pass at the northern end 
 of Lebanon, and is thus identical with " the 
 entrance of Hamath " in Num. xxxiv. 8, c. 
 
 Hez'eki, a Benjaminite, one of the 
 Bene-Elpaal, a descendant of Shaaraim 
 (1 Chr. viii. 17). 
 
 Hezeki'ah. 1. Twelfth king of Judah, 
 son of the apostate Ahaz and Abi (or Abijah), 
 ascended the throne at the age of 25, B. c. 
 726. Hezekiah was one of the three most 
 perfect kings of Judah (2K. xviii. 5 ; Ecclus. 
 xlix. 4). His first act was to purge, and 
 repair, and reopen with splendid sacrifices 
 and perfect ceremonial, the Temple, which 
 had been despoiled and neglected during 
 the careless and idolatrous reign of his fa- 
 ther. This consecration was accompanied 
 by a revival of the theocratic spirit, so 
 strict as not even to spare " the high 
 places," which, although tolerated by many 
 well-intentioned kings, had naturally been 
 profaned by the worship of images and 
 Asherahs (2 K. xviii. 4). A still more de- 
 cisive act was the destruction of a brazen 
 serpent, said to have been the one used by 
 Moses in the miraculous healing of the 
 Israelites (Num. xxi. 9), which had become 
 an object of adoration. When the kingdom 
 of Israel had fallen, Hezekiah extended his 
 pious endeavors to Ephraim and Manas- 
 seh ; and by inviting the scattered inhabit- 
 ants to a peculiar Passover, kindled their 
 indignation also against the idolatrous prac- 
 tices which still continued among them. 
 This Passover was, from the necessities of 
 the case, celebrated at an unusual, though 
 not illegal (Num ix. 10, 11) time; and by 
 an excess of Levitical zeal it was continued 
 for the unprecedented period of fourteen 
 
 days (2 Chr. xxix., xxx., xxxi.). At the 
 head of a repentant and united people, 
 Hezekiah ventured to assume the aggres- 
 sive against the Philistines ; and in a series 
 of victories not only rewon the cities which 
 his father had lost (2 Chr. xxviii. 18), but 
 even dispossessed them of their own cities, 
 except Gaza (2 K. xviii. 8) and Gath. It 
 was perhaps to the purposes of this war that 
 he applied the money which would other- 
 wise have been used to pay the tribute ex- 
 acted by Shalmaneser, according to the 
 agreement of Ahaz with his predecessor, 
 Tiglath-Pileser. When, after the capture 
 of Samaria, the king of Assyria applied for 
 this impost, Hezekiah refused it, and in 
 open rebellion omitted to send even the 
 usual presents (2 K. xviii. 7). Instant war 
 was averted by the heroic and long-con- 
 tinued resistance of the Tyrians under their 
 king Eluloeus. This must have been a 
 critical and intensely anxious period for 
 Jerusalem ; and Hezekiah used every avail- 
 able means to strengthen his position, and 
 render his capital impregnable (2 K. xx. 
 20; 2 Chr. xxxii. 3-5, 30; Is. xxii. 8-11, 
 xxxiii. 18). According to a scheme of 
 chronology proposed by Dr. Hincks, Heze- 
 kiah's dangerous illness (2 K. xx. ; Is. 
 xxxviii. ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 24) nearly synchro- 
 nized with Sargon's futile invasion, in the 
 fourteenth year of Hczekiah's reign, eleven 
 years before Sennacherib's invasion. That 
 it must have preceded the attack of Sen- 
 nacherib is nearly obvious from the promise 
 in 2 K. xx. 6, as well as from modern dis- 
 coveries. Hezekiah, whose kingdom was 
 in a dangerous crisis, and who had at that 
 time no heir (for Manasseh was not born 
 till long afterwards, 2 K. xxi. 1), " turned 
 his face to the wall and wept sore " at the 
 threatened approach of dissolution. God 
 had compassion on his anguish, and heard 
 his prayer. Isaiah had hardly left the 
 palace when he was ordered to promise the 
 king immediate recovery, and a fresh lease 
 of life, ratifying the promise by a sign, and 
 curing the boil by a plaster of figs. Various 
 ambassadors came^with letters and gifts to 
 congratulate Hezekiah on his recovery (2 
 Chr. xxxii. 23), and among them an em- 
 bassy from Merodach-Baladan (or Bero- 
 dach, 2 K. xx. 12), the viceroy of Babylon. 
 The ostensible object of this mission was to 
 compliment Hezekiah on his convalescence 
 (2 K. xx. 12; Is. xxxix. 1); but its real 
 purpose was to discover how far an alliance 
 between the two powers was possible or 
 desirable, for Merodach-Baladan, no less 
 than Hezekiah, was in apprehension of the 
 Assyrians. Community of interest made 
 Hezekiah receive the overtures of Babylon 
 with unconcealed gratification ; and ; per- 
 haps, to enhance the opinion of his own im- 
 portance as an ally, he displayed to the mes- 
 sengers the princely treasures which he and
 
 HEZEKIAH 
 
 240 
 
 HIDDEKEL 
 
 his predecessors had accumulated. If osten- 
 tation were his motive it received a terrible 
 rebuke, and he was informed by Isaiah 
 that from the then tottering and subor- 
 dinate province of Babylon, and not from 
 the mighty Assyria, would come the ruin 
 and captivity of Judah (Is. xxxix. 5). Sar- 
 gon was succeeded (B. c. 702) by his 
 gon Sennacherib, whose two invasions oc- 
 cupy the greater part of the Scripture rec- 
 ords concerning the reign of Hezekiah. 
 The first of these took place in the third 
 year of Sennacherib (B. c. 702), and occu- 
 pies only three verses (2 K. xviii. 13-16), 
 though the route of the advancing Assyri- 
 ans may be traced in Is. x. 6, xi. The 
 main hope of the political faction was the 
 alliance with Egypt, and they seem to have 
 sought it by presents and private entreaties 
 (Is. xxx. 6). The account given of this 
 first invasion in the Annals of Sennacherib 
 is, that he attacked Hezekiah because the 
 Ekronites had sent their king Padiya (or 
 "Haddiya") as a prisoner to Jerusalem 
 (cf. 2 K. xviii. 8) ; that he took forty-six 
 cities (" all the fenced cities " in 2 K. xviii. 
 13 is apparently a general expression, cf. 
 xix. 8) and 200,000 prisoners ; that he be- 
 sieged Jerusalem with mounds (cf. 2 K. 
 xix. 32) ; and although Hezekiah promised 
 to pay 800 talents of silver (of which per- 
 haps 300 only were ever paid) and 30 of 
 gold (2 K. xviii. 14), yet not content with 
 this he mulcted him of a part of his domin- 
 ions, and gave them to the kings of Ekron, 
 Ashdod, and Gaza. In almost every par- 
 ticular this account agrees with the notice 
 in Scripture. Hezekiah's bribe (or fine) 
 brought a temporary release, for the As- 
 syrians marched into Egypt, where, if He- 
 rodotus and Josephus are to be trusted, 
 they advanced without resistance to Pelusi- 
 uin. In spite of this advantage, Sennache- 
 rib was forced to raise the siege of Pelu- 
 sium by the advance of Tirhakah or Tara- 
 kos. Returning from his futile expedition, 
 Sennacherib " dealt treacherously " with 
 Hezekiah (Is. xxxiii. 1) by attacking the 
 stronghold of Lachish. This was the com- 
 mencement of that second invasion respect- 
 ing which we have such full details in 2 K. 
 xviii. 17, sq. ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 9, sq. ; Is. xxxvi. 
 From Lachish Sennacherib sent against Je- 
 rusalem an army under two officers and his 
 cupbearer the orator Rabshakeh, with a 
 blasphemous and insulting summons to sur- 
 render. Hezekiah's ministers were thrown 
 into anguish and dismay, but the undaunted 
 Isaiah hurled back threatening for threat- 
 ening with unrivalled eloquence and force. 
 Meanwhile Sennacherib, having taken La- 
 chih, was besieging Libnah, when, alarmed 
 by a "rumor" of Tirhakah's advance, he 
 was forced to relinquish once more his 
 immediate designs, and content himself 
 with a defiant "letter to Hezekiah. The 
 
 next event of the campaign, about which 
 we are informed, is, that the Jewish king, 
 with simple piety, prayed to God, with 
 Sennacherib's letter outspread before him, 
 and received a prophecy of immediate de- 
 liverance. Accordingly " that night the 
 Angel of the Lord went out and smote in 
 the camp of the Assyrians 185,000 men." 
 There is no doubt that some secondary 
 cause was employed in the accomplishment 
 of this event. We are certainly " not to 
 suppose," as Dr. Johnson observed, " that 
 the angel went about with a sword in his 
 hand stabbing them one by one, but that 
 some powerful natural agent was employed." 
 Josephus, followed by an immense major- 
 ity of ancient and modern commentators, 
 attributes it to the Pestilence. Hezekiah 
 only lived to enjoy for about one year more 
 his well-earned peace and glory. He slept 
 with his fathers after a reign of twenty- 
 nine years, in the 56th year of his age (B. 
 c. 697). 2. Son of Neariah, one of the 
 descendants of the royal family of Judah 
 (1 Chr. Hi. 23). 3. The same name, though 
 rendered in the A. V. HIZKIAH, is found 
 in Zeph. i. 1. 4. ATER-OF-HEZEKIAH. 
 [ATER.] 
 
 lie zion. a king of Aram (Syria), father 
 of Tabrimon, and grandfather of Benhadad 
 I. He and his father are mentioned only 
 in 1 K. xv. 18. He is probably identical 
 with REZON, the contemporary of Solomon, 
 in 1 K. xi. 23 ; the two names being very 
 similar in Hebrew, and still more so in the 
 versions. 
 
 He'zir. 1. A priest in the time of 
 David, leader of the 17th monthly course 
 in the service (1 Chr. xxiv. 15). 2. One 
 of the heads of the people (laymen) who 
 sealed the solemn covenant with Nehemiah 
 (Neh. x. 20). 
 
 Hez'rai, one of the thirty heroes of 
 David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 35). In the 
 parallel list the name appears as 
 
 Hez'ro, in 1 Chr. xi. 37. 
 
 Hez'ron. 1. A son of Reuben (Gen. 
 xlvi. 9; Ex. vi. 14). 2. A son of Pharez 
 (Gen. xlvi. 12; Ruth iv. 18). 
 
 Hez'ronites, The. 1. Descendants 
 of Hezron the son of Reuben (Num. xxvi. 
 6). 2. A branch of the tribe of Judah, 
 descendants of Hezron, the son of Pharez 
 (Num. xxvi. 31). 
 
 Hid dai, one of the thirty-seven heroes 
 of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 30). 
 
 Hid'dekel, one of the rivers of Eden, 
 the river which " goeth eastward to As- 
 syria " (Gen. ii. 14), and which Daniel calls 
 "the Great river" (Dan..x. 4), seems to 
 have been rightly identified by the LXX. 
 with the Tigris. Dekd is clearly an equiv- 
 alent of Digla or Diglath, a name borne 
 by the Tigris in all ages. The name now 
 in use among the inhabitants of Mesopota- 
 mia is Dijleh.
 
 KIEL 
 
 241 
 
 HIGH-PRIEST 
 
 Hi'el, a native of Bethel, who rebuilt 
 Jericho in the reign of Ahab (IK. xvi. 
 34) ; and in whom was fulfilled the curse 
 pronounced by Joshua (Josh. v. i. 26). 
 
 Hierap'olis. This place is mentioned 
 only once in Scripture (Col. iv. 13), with 
 COLOSSAE and LAODICEA. Such associa- 
 tion is just what we should expect ; for the 
 three towns were all in the basin of the 
 Maeander, and within a few miles of one 
 another. 
 
 Higgai'on, a word which occurs three 
 times in the book of Psalms (ix. 17, xix. 
 15, xcii. 4). The word has two meanings, 
 one of a general character, implying thought, 
 reflection, and another, in Ps. ix. 17, and 
 Ps. xcii. 4. of a technical nature, the pre- 
 cise moaning of which cannot at this dis- 
 tance of time be determined. 
 
 High Places. From the earliest times 
 it was the custom among all nations to erect 
 altars and places of worship on lofty and 
 conspicuous spots. To this general cus- 
 tom we find constant allusion in the Bible 
 (Is. Ixv. 7; Jer. iii. 6; Ez. vi. 13, xviii. 6; 
 Hos. iv. 13), and it is especially attributed 
 to the Moabites (Is. xv. 2, xvi. 12; Jer. 
 xlviii. 35). Even Abraham built an altar 
 to the Lord on a mountain near Bethel (xii. 
 7, 8; cf. xxii. 2-4, xxxi. 54), which shows 
 that the practice was then as innocent as it 
 was natural ; and although it afterwards 
 became mingled with idolatrous obser- 
 vanees (Num. xxiii. 3), it was in itself far 
 less likely to be abused than the consecra- 
 tion of groves (Hos. iv. 13). It is, how- 
 ever, quite obvious that if every grove and 
 eminence had been suffered to become a 
 place for legitimate worship, especially in a 
 country where they had already been de- 
 filed with the sins of polytheism, the ut- 
 most danger would have resulted to the 
 pure worship of the one true God. It was 
 therefore implicitly forbidden by the law 
 of Moses (Deut. xii. 11-14), which also 
 gave the strictest injunction to destroy 
 these monuments of Canaanitish idolatry 
 (Lev. xxvi. 30; Num. xxxiii. 52; Deut. 
 xxxiii. 29). The command was a, prospec- 
 tive one, and was not to come into force un- 
 til such tinie as the tribes were settled in 
 the promised land. Thus we find that both 
 Gideon and Manoah built altars on high 
 places by Divine command (Judg. vi. 25, 
 26, xiii. 16-23), and it is quite clear, from 
 the tone of the book of Judges that the 
 law on the subject was either totally forgot- 
 ten or practically obsolete. It is more 
 surprising to find this law absolutely ig- 
 nored at a much later period, when there 
 was no intelligible reason for its violation 
 as by Samuel at Mizpeh (1 Sam. vii. 10) 
 and at Bethlehem (xvi. 5) ; by Saul at Gil- 
 gal (xiii. 9) and at Ajalon ( ? xiv. 35) ; by 
 David (1 Chr. xxi. 26) ; by Elijah on Mount 
 Carmel (1 K. xviii. 30) ; and by other 
 16 
 
 prophets (1 Sam. x. 5). The explanations 
 which are given are sufficiently unsatisfac- 
 tory ; but it is at any rate certain that the 
 worship in high places was organized and 
 all but universal throughout Judea, not 
 only during (1 K. iii. 2-4), but even after 
 the time of Solomon. The convenience of 
 them was obvious, because, as local centres 
 of religious worship, they obviated the un- 
 pleasant and dangerous necessity of visit- 
 ing Jerusalem for the celebration of the 
 yearly feasts (2 K. xxiii. 9). Many of the 
 pious kings of Judah were either too weak 
 or too ill-informed to repress the worship of 
 Jehovah at these local sanctuaries, while 
 they of course endeavored to prevent it 
 from being contaminated with polytheism. 
 At last Hezekiah set himself in good ear- 
 nest to the suppression of this prevalent cor- 
 ruption (2 K. xviii. 4, 22), both in Judah and 
 Israel (2 Chr. xxxi. 1), although, so rapid 
 was the growth of the evil, that even his 
 sweeping reformation required to be finally 
 consummated by Josiah (2 K. xxiii.), and 
 that too in Jerusalem and its immediate 
 neighborhood (2 Chr. xxiv. 3). After the 
 time of Josiah we find no further mention 
 of these Jehovistic high places. 
 
 High-priest. I. LEGALLY. The first 
 distinct separation of Aaron to the office of 
 the priesthood, which previously belonged to 
 the first-born, was that recorded Ex. xxviii. 
 We find from the very first the following 
 characteristic attributes of Aaron and the 
 high-priests his successors, as distinguished 
 from the other priests: (1.) Aaron alone 
 was anointed (Lev. viii. 12), whence one 
 of the distinctive epithets of the high- 
 priest was " the anointed priest" (Lev. iv. 
 3, 5, 16, xxi. 10; see Num. xxxv. 25). This 
 appears also from Ex. xxix. 29, 30. The 
 anointing of the sons of Aaron, i. e. the 
 common priests, seems to have been con- 
 fined to sprinkling their garments with the 
 anointing oil (Ex. xxix. 21, xxviii. 41, &c.). 
 The anointing of the high-priest is alluded to 
 in Ps. cxxxiii. 2. (2.) The high-priest had a 
 peculiar dress, which passed to his succes- 
 sor at his death. This dress consisted of 
 eight parts, as the Rabbins constantly note, 
 the breastplate, the ephod with its curious 
 girdle, the robe of the ephod, the mitre, the 
 broidered coat or diaper tunic, and the gir- 
 dle, the materials being gold, blue, red, 
 crimson, and fine (white) linen (Ex. xxviii.). 
 To the above are added, in ver. 42, the 
 breeches or drawers (Lev. xvi. 4) of linen ; 
 and to make up the number 8, some reckon 
 the high-priest's mitre, or the plate sep- 
 arately from the bonnet; while others 
 reckon the curious girdle of the ephod sep- 
 arately from the ephod. Of these 8 arti- 
 cles of attire, 4 viz, the coat or tunic, 
 the girdle, the breeches, and the bonnet or 
 turban (migbd'dh) instead of the mitre 
 (mitsnepheth) belonged to the common
 
 HIGH-PRIEST 
 
 242 
 
 HIGH-PRIEST 
 
 pnests. Taking the articles of the high- 
 priest's dress in the order in which they are 
 enumerated above, we have (a.) the breast- 
 plate, or, as it is further named (vers. 15, 
 29, 30), the breastplate of judgment. The 
 breastplate was originally 2 spans long, and 
 1 span broad, but when doubled it was 
 square, the shape in which it was worn. On 
 it were the 12 precious stones, set in 4 rows, 
 3 in a row, thus corresponding to the 12 
 tribes, and divided in the same manner as 
 their camps were ; each stone having the 
 name of one of the children of Israel engraved 
 upon it. According to the LXX. and Jose- 
 phus, and in accordance with the language 
 of Scripture, it was these stones which con- 
 stituted the Urim and Thummim. [URIM 
 andTnuMMiM.] (6.) The ephod. This 
 consisted of two parts, of which one covered 
 the back, and the other the front, i. e. the 
 breast and upper part of the body. These 
 were clasped together on the shoulder with 
 two large onyx stones, each having en- 
 graved on it G of the names of the tribes of 
 Israel. It was further united by a " curi- 
 ous girdle" of gold, blue, purple, scarlet, 
 and fine twined linen round the waist [EPH- 
 OD; GIRDLE], (e.) The robe of the ephod. 
 This was of inferior material to the ephod 
 itself, being all of blue (ver. 31), which im- 
 plied its being only of " woven work " 
 (xxxix. 22). It was worn immediately un- 
 der the ephod, and was longer than it. The 
 blue robe had no sleeves, but only slits in 
 the sides for the arms to come through. It 
 had a hole for the head to pass through, 
 with a border round it of woven work, to 
 prevent its being rent. The skirt of this 
 robe had a remarkable trimming of pome- 
 granates in blue, red, and crimson, with a 
 bell of gold between each pomegranate al- 
 ternately. The bells were to give a sound 
 when the high-priest went in and came out 
 of the Holy Place, (d.) The mitre or up- 
 per turban, with its gold plate, engraved 
 with HOLINESS TO THE LORD, fastened to it 
 by a ribbon of blue, (e.) The broidered 
 coat was a tunic or long skirt of linen with 
 a tessellated or diaper pattern, like the set- 
 ting of a stone. The girdle, also of linen, 
 was wound round the body several times 
 from the breast downwards, and the ends 
 hung down to the ankles. The breeches or 
 drawers, of linen, covered the loins and 
 thighs ; and the bonnet was a turban of lin- 
 en, partially covering the head, but not in 
 the form of a cone like that of the high- 
 priest when the mitre was added to it. 
 These four last were common to all priests. 
 (3.) Aaron had peculiar functions. To him 
 alone it appertained, and he alone was per- 
 mitted, to enter the Holy of Holies, which 
 he did once a year, on the great day of 
 atonement, when he sprinkled the blood of 
 the sin-offering on the mercy-seat, and 
 burnt incense within the veil (Lev. xvi.) 
 
 (4.) The high-priest had a peculiar place 
 in the law of the manslayer, and his taking 
 sanctuary in the cities of refuge. The man- 
 slayer might not leave the city of refuge 
 during the lifetime of the existing high- 
 priest who was anointed with the holy oil 
 (Num. xxxv. 25, 28). It was also forbidden 
 to the high-priest to follow a funeral, or 
 rend his clothes for the dead, according to 
 the precedent in Lev. x. 6. The Rabbins 
 speak very frequently of one second in dig- 
 nity to the high-priest, whom they call the 
 Sagan, and who often acted in the high- 
 priest's room. He is the same who in the 
 O. T. is called "the second priest" (2 K. 
 xxiii. 4, xxv. 18). Thus too it is explained 
 of Annas and Caiaphas (Luke iii. 2), that 
 Annas was Sagan. Ananias is also thought 
 by some to have been Sagan, acting for the 
 high-priest (Acts xxiii. 2). It does not 
 appear by whose authority the high-priests 
 were appointed to their office before there 
 were kings of Israel. But as we find it in- 
 variably dine by the civil power in later 
 times, it is probable that, in the times pre- 
 ceding the monarchy, it was by the elders, 
 or Sanhedrim. It should be added, that 
 the usual age for entering upon the func- 
 tions of the priesthood, according to 2 Chr. 
 xxxi. 17, is considered to have been 20 
 years, though a priest or high-priest was 
 not actually incapacitated if he had attained 
 to puberty. Again, according to Lev. xxi., 
 no one that had a blemish could officiate at 
 the altar. II. THEOLOGICALLY. The theo- 
 logical view of the high-priesthood does 
 not fall within the scope of this work. It 
 must suffice therefore to indicate that such 
 a view would embrace the consideration of 
 the office, dress, functions, and ministra- 
 tions of the high-priest, considered as typi- 
 cal of the priesthood of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, and as setting forth under shadows 
 the truths which are openly taught under 
 the Gospel. This has been done to a great 
 extent in the Epistle to the Hebrews. It 
 would also embrace all the moral and spir- 
 itual teaching supposed to be intended by 
 such symbols. III. HISTORICALLY. The 
 history of the high-priests embraces a pe- 
 riod of about 1370 years, and a succession 
 of about 80 high-priests, beginning with 
 Aaron, and ending with Phannias. They 
 naturally arrange themselves into three 
 groups (a.) those before David ; (6.) 
 those from David to the captivity ; (c.) those 
 from the return of the Babylonish captivity 
 till the cessation of the office at the destruc- 
 tion of Jerusalem, (a.) The high-priests 
 of the first group who are distinctly made 
 known to us as such are 1. Aaron; 2. 
 Eleazar; 3. Phinehas ; 4. Eli; 5. Ahitub 
 (1 Chr. ix. 11 ; Neh. xi. 11 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 3) ; 
 6. Ahiah ; 7. Abimelech. Phinehas the son 
 of Eli, and father of Ahitub, died before his 
 father, and so was not high-priest. Of tho
 
 HIGH-PRIEST 
 
 243 
 
 HIGH-PRIEST 
 
 above, the three first succeeded in regular 
 order, Nadab and Abibu, Aaron's eldest 
 sons, having died in the wilderness (Lev. 
 x.)- But Eli, the 4th, was of the line of 
 Ithamar. What was the exact interval be- 
 tween the death of Phinehas and the acces- 
 sion of Eli, what led to the transference of 
 the chief priesthood from the line of Elea- 
 z;ir to that of Ithamar, we have no means 
 of determining from Scripture. Josephus 
 asserts that the father of Bukki whom he 
 calls Joseph, and Abiezer, i. e. Abishua 
 was the last high-priest of Phinehas's line, 
 before Zadok. If Abishua died, leaving a 
 son or grandson under age, Eli, as head of 
 the line of Ithamar, might have become 
 high-priest as a matter of course, or he 
 might have been appointed by the elders. 
 If Ahiah and Ahimelech are not variations 
 of the name of the same person, they must 
 have been brothers, since both were sons 
 of Ahitub. The high-priests then before 
 David's reign may be set down as eight in 
 number, of whom seven are said in Scrip- 
 ture to have been high-priests, and one by 
 Josephus alone. (6.) Passing to the sec- 
 ond group, we begin with the unexplained 
 circumstance of there being two priests in 
 the reign of David, apparently of nearly 
 equal authority, viz. Zadok and Abiathar 
 (1 Chr. xv. 11 ; 2 Sam. vii. 17). It is not 
 unlikely that after the death of Ahimelech 
 and the secession of Abiathar to David, 
 Saul may have made Zadok priest, and that 
 David may have avoided the difficulty of 
 deciding between the claims of his faithful 
 friend Abiathar and his new and important 
 ally Zadok by appointing them to a joint 
 priesthood : the first place, with the Ephod 
 and Urim and Thummim, remaining with 
 Abiathar, who was in actual possession of 
 them. The first considerable difficulty that 
 meets us in the historical survey of the 
 high-priests of the second group is to as- 
 certain who was high-priest at the dedica- 
 tion of Solomon's Temple. Josephus says 
 that Zadok was, and the Seder Olam makes 
 him the high-priest in the reign of Solo- 
 mon ; but 1 K. iv. 2 distinctly asserts that 
 Azariah the son of Zadok was priest under 
 Solomon, and 1 Chr. vi. 10 tells us of Aza- 
 riah, " he it is that executed the priest's 
 office in the temple that Solomon built in 
 Jerusalem," obviously meaning at its first 
 completion. We can hardly therefore be 
 wrong in saying that Azariah the son of 
 Ahimaaz was the first high-priest of Solo- 
 mon's Temple. The priests of this series 
 ended with Seraiah, who was taken pris- 
 oner by Nebuzar-adan, and slain at Riblah 
 by Nebuchadnezzar, together with Zepha- 
 niah the second priest or Sagan, after the 
 burning of the Temple and the plunder of 
 all the sacred vessels (2 K. xx. 18). His 
 eon Jehozadak or Josedech was at the same 
 time carried away captive (1 Chr. vi. 15). 
 
 The time occupied by these high-priests 
 was about 454 years, which gives an aver- 
 age of something more than twenty-five 
 years to each high-priest. It is remarkable 
 ! that not a single instance is recorded after 
 j the time of David of an inquiry by Urim 
 I and Thummim. The ministry of the proph- 
 ] ets seems to have superseded that of the 
 high-priests (see e. g. 2 Chr. xv., xviii., xx. 
 14, 15; 2 K. xix. 1, 2, xxii. 12-14; Jer. 
 xxi. 1, 2). (e.) An interval of about fifty- 
 two years elapsed between the high-priests 
 of the second and third group, during which 
 there were neither Temple, nor altar, nor 
 ark, nor priest. Jehozadak, or Josedech, as 
 it is written in Haggai (i. 1, 14, &c.), who 
 should have succeeded Seraiah, lived and 
 died a captiye at Babylon. The pontifical 
 office revived in his son Jeshua, of whom 
 such frequent mention is made in Ezra and 
 Nehemiah, Haggai and Zechariah, 1 Esdr. 
 and Ecclus. ; and he therefore stands at 
 the head of this third and last series, hon- 
 orably distinguished for his zealous coop- 
 eration with Zerubbabel in rebuilding the 
 Temple, and restoring the dilapidated com- 
 monwealth of Israel. Under the Syrian 
 domination the high-priesthood was brought 
 to the lowest degradation by the apostasy 
 and crimes of the last Onias or Menelaus, 
 the son of Eleazar, and after a vacancy of 
 seven years by the brief pontificate of Al- 
 cimus, his no less infamous successor. A 
 new and glorious succession of high-priests 
 arose in the Asmonean family, who united 
 the dignity of civil rulers, and for a time 
 of indepeadent sovereigns, to that of the 
 high-priesthood. The Asmonean family 
 were priests of the course of Joiarib, the 
 first of the twenty-four courses (1 Chr. 
 xxiv. 7), whose return from captivity is re- 
 corded 1 Chr. ix. 10 ; Neh. xi. 10. They 
 were probably of the house of Eleazar, 
 though this cannot be affirmed with cer- 
 tainty. This Asmonean dynasty lasted 
 from B. c. 153, till the family was damaged 
 by intestine divisions, and then destroyed 
 by Herod the Great. Aristobulus, the last 
 high-priest of his line, brother of Mariain- 
 ne, was murdered by order of Herod, his 
 brother-in-law, B. c. 35. There were no 
 fewer than twenty-eight high-priests from 
 the reign of Herod to the destruction of 
 the Temple by Titus, a period of 107 years. 
 The N. T. introduces us to some of these 
 later and oft-changing high-priests, viz. 
 Annas, Caiaphas, and Ananias. Theophi- 
 lus, the son of Ananus, was the high-priest 
 from whom Saul received letters to the 
 synagogue at Damascus (Acts ix. 1, 14). 
 Phannias, the last high-priest, was ap- 
 pointed by lot by the Zealots from the 
 course of priests called by Josephus Eni- 
 achim (probably a corrupt reading for 
 Jachim). The subjoined table shows the 
 succession of high-priests, as far as it can
 
 HILEN 
 
 HILLS 
 
 be ascertained, and of the contemporary 
 civil rulers : 
 
 CIVIL BULEK. 
 
 HIGH-PRIEST. 
 
 Moses Aaron. 
 
 Joshua Elcazar. 
 
 Othniel Phinehas. 
 
 Abishua Aliishua. 
 
 Eli Eli. 
 
 Samuel Ahitub. 
 
 Saul Ahijah. 
 
 David Zadok and Abiathar. 
 
 Solomon Azariah. 
 
 Abijali Johanan. 
 
 Asa Azariah. 
 
 Jehoshaphat. .- Amariah. 
 
 Jehoram Jehuiada. 
 
 Ahaziah " 
 
 Jchoash Do. and Zechariah. 
 
 Amaziah . ? 
 
 Uzziah Azariah. 
 
 Jotham ? 
 
 Ahaz Urijah. 
 
 Hezekiah Azariah. 
 
 Manasseh Shallum. 
 
 josiah Y.""'..!!"!!!!!""!" nnkiah. 
 
 Jehoiakim Azariah? 
 
 Zedekiah Seraiah. 
 
 Evil-Merodach Jehozadak. 
 
 Zerubbabel (Cyrus and Da- Jeshua. 
 rius). 
 
 Mordecai ? (Xerxes) Joiakim. 
 
 Ezra and Nehemiah (Artu- Eliashib, 
 xences). 
 
 Darius Nothus Joiada. 
 
 Artaxerxes Mncmon Johanan. 
 
 Alexander the Great Jaddua. 
 
 Ouias I. (Ptolemy Soter, An- Onias I. 
 tigouus). 
 
 Ptolemy Soter Simon the Just. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphia Elcazar. 
 
 " Manasseh. 
 
 Ptolemy Euergetes Onias II. 
 
 Ptolemy Philuuator Simon IT. 
 
 Ptolemy Epiphanes and An- Onias III. 
 tiochus. 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes (Joshua, or) Jason. 
 
 " Onias, or Menelaus. 
 
 Demetrius Jacimus, or Alcimus. 
 
 Alexander Balas Jonathan, brother of Judas 
 
 Maccabeus (Asmonean). 
 
 Simon (Asmonean) Simon (Asmonean). 
 
 John Hyrcanus (Asm.) John Hvrcanus (Do.). 
 
 King Aristobulus (Asm.) Aristobulus (Do.). 
 
 King Alexander Jannaeus Alexander Jannaeus (Do.). 
 
 (Asmonean). 
 
 Queen Alexandra (Asm). Hyrcanus ILfDo.). 
 King Aristobulus II. (Asm.) Aristobulus n. (Do.). 
 Pompey the Great and llyr- Hyrcanus II. (Do.), 
 canus, or rather, towards 
 the end of his pontificate, 
 Antipater. 
 
 Pacorusthe Parthian Antigonns (Do.). 
 
 UerodK. of Judaea Ananelus. 
 
 " Aristobulus (last of Asmo- 
 
 neans), murdered by Herod. 
 
 * Ananelus restored. 
 
 Uerod the Great Jesus, son of Faneus. 
 
 " Simon, son of Boethus, father- 
 
 in-law to Herod. 
 
 Matthias, son of Theophilus. 
 
 " Jozarus, son of Simon. 
 
 Archelaus K. of Judaea. Eleazar. 
 
 Jesus, Son of SiR 
 
 " Jozarus (second time). 
 
 Cyrenius governor of Syria, Ananus. 
 
 "second time. 
 
 Valerius Gratus, procurator Ishmael, son of Phabi. 
 of Judca 
 
 Eleazar, son of Ananus. 
 
 Simon, son of Kamith. 
 
 Vitellius, governor of Syria... Caiaphas, called also Joseph. 
 
 Jonathan, son of Ananus. 
 
 Theophilus, brother' of Jona- 
 than. 
 
 Herod Agrippa. Simon Cantheras. 
 
 Matthias, brother of Jonathan, 
 
 son of Ananus. 
 
 " Elioneus, son of Cantheras. 
 
 Herod king of Chalcis Joseph, son of Camei. 
 
 Ananias, son of Nebedeus. 
 
 Jonathan. 
 
 Ismael, son of Fabi. 
 
 Joseph, son of Simon. 
 
 " Ananus, son of Ananus, or 
 
 Ananias. 
 
 Appointed by the people Jesus, son of Gamaliel. 
 
 Do (Whiston on B. J. iv. 3, Matthies, son of Theophilus. 
 
 Chosen by lot. Phannias, son of Samuel. 
 
 Hi'len, the name of a city of Judah allotted 
 with, its suburbs to the priests (1 Chr. vi. 58). 
 
 Hilki'ah. 1. Father of Elinkim (2 K. 
 xviii. 37; Is. xxii. 20, xxxvi. 22). [ELI- 
 AKIM.] 2. High-priest in the reign of 
 Josiah (2 K. xxii. 4, sqq. ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 9, 
 sqq. ; 1 Esdr. i. 8). According to the gen- 
 ealogy in 1 Chr. vi. 13 he was son of Shal- 
 lum, and from Ezr. vii. 1, apparently the 
 ancestor of Ezra the scribe. His high- 
 priesthood was rendered particularly illus- 
 trious by the great reformation effected 
 under it by king Josiah, by the solemn 
 Passover kept at Jerusalem in the 18th 
 year of that king's reign, and above all by 
 the discovery which he made of the book 
 of the law of Moses in the temple. 3. A 
 Merarite Levite, son of Amzi (1 Chr. vi. 
 45; hebr. 30). 4. Another Merarite Le- 
 vite, second son of Hosah (1 Chr. xxvi. 
 11). 5. One of those who stood on the 
 right hand of Ezra when he read the law 
 to the people. Doubtless a Levite, and 
 probably a priest (Neh. viii. 4). 6. A 
 priest of Anathoth, father of the prophet 
 Jeremiah (Jer. i. 1). 7- Father of Gema- 
 riah, who was one of Zedekiah's envoys to 
 Babylon (Jer. xxix. 3). 
 
 Hil'lel, a native of Pirathon in Mount 
 Ephraim, father of ABDON, one of the 
 judges of Israel (Judg. xii. 13, 15). 
 
 Hills. The structure and characteris- 
 tics of the hills of Palestine will be most 
 conveniently noticed in the general descrip- 
 tion of the features of the country. But it 
 may not be unprofitable to call attention 
 here to the various Hebrew terms for which 
 the word "hill" has been employed in the 
 Auth. Version. 1. Gibeah, from a root 
 which seems to have the force of curvature 
 or humpishness. A word involving this 
 idea is peculiarly applicable to the rounded 
 hills of Palestine. 2. But our translators 
 have also employed the same English word 
 for the very different term har, which has 
 a much more extended sense than gibeah, 
 meaning a whole district rather than an in- 
 dividual eminence, and to which our word 
 "mountain" answers with tolerable accu- 
 racy. For instance, in Ex. xxiv. 4, the 
 "hill" is the same which is elsewhere in 
 the same chapter (12, 13, 18, &c.) and 
 book consistently and accurately rendered 
 "mount" and "mountain." The country 
 of the hills," in Deut. i. 7 ; Josh. ix. 1, x. 
 40, xi. 1C, is the elevated district of Judah, 
 Benjamin and Ephraim, which is correctly 
 called " the mountain " in the earliest de- 
 scriptions of Palestine (Num. xiii. 29), and 
 in many subsequent passages. 3. On one 
 occasion the word Ma'alch, better "as- 
 cent," is rendered "hill" (1 Sam. ix. 11). 
 4. In the N. T. the word " hill " is em- 
 ployed to render the Greek word jBovio? / 
 but on one occasion it is used for OQOS , else- 
 where " mountain," so as to obscure the 
 connection between the two parts of the 
 same narrative (Luke ix. 37).
 
 HIN 
 
 245 
 
 HIVITES 
 
 Hin. [MEASURES.] 
 
 Hind, the female of the common stag or 
 cervua elaphus. It is frequently noticed in 
 the poetical parts of Scripture as emblem- 
 atic of activity (Gen. xlix. 21 ; 2 Sam. xxii. 
 34; Ps. xviii. 33; Hab. Hi. 19), gentleness 
 (Prov. v. 19), feminine modesty (Cant. ii. 
 7, iii. 5), earnest longing (Ps. xlii. 1), and 
 maternal affection (Jer. xiv. 5). Its shy- 
 ness and remoteness from the haunts of 
 men are also alluded to (Job* xxxix. 1), 
 and its timidity, causing it to cast its 
 young at the sound of thunder (Ps. xxix. 
 9). 
 
 Hinge. Both ancient Egyptian and 
 modern Oriental doors were and are hung 
 by means of pivots turning in sockets both 
 on the upper and lower sides (1 K. vii. 50). 
 In Syria, and especially the Hauran, there 
 are many ancient doors consisting of stone 
 slabs with pivots carved out of the same 
 piece, inserted in sockets above and below, 
 and fixed during the building of the house. 
 The allusion in Prov. xxvi. 14 is thus clear- 
 ly explained. 
 
 Hin'nom, Valley Of, otherwise called 
 "the valley of the son" or "children of 
 Hinnom," a deep and narrow ravine, with 
 steep rocky sides to the S. and W. of Je- 
 rusalem, separating Mount Zion to the N. 
 from the " Ilill of Evil Counsel," and the 
 sloping rocky plateau of the " plain of Re- 
 phaim " to the S. The earliest mention of 
 the Valley of Hinnom is in Josh. xv. 8, 
 xviii. 16, where the boundary-line between 
 the tribes of Judah and Benjamin is de- 
 scribed, as passing along the bed of the 
 ravine. On the southern brow, overlook- 
 ing the valley at its eastern extremity, Sol- 
 omon erected high places for Molech (IK. 
 xi. 7), whose horrid rites were revived from 
 time to time in the same vicinity by the 
 later idolatrous kings. Ahaz and Manas- 
 seh made their children " pass through the 
 fire" in this valley (2 K. xvi. 3; 2 Chr. 
 xxviii. 3, xxxiii. 6), and the fiendish cus- 
 tom of infant sacrifice to the fire-gods 
 seems to have been kept up in Tophet, at 
 its S. E. extremity, for a considerable peri- 
 od (Jer. vii. 31; 2 K. xxx. 10). To put 
 an end to these abominations the place was 
 polluted by Josiah, who rendered it cere- 
 monially unclean by spreading over it hu- 
 man bones, and other corruptions (2 K. 
 xxiii. 10, 13, 14; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 4, 5), from 
 which time it appears to have become the 
 common cesspool of the city, into which its 
 sewage was conducted, to be carried off by 
 the waters of the Kidron, as well as a lay- 
 stall, where all its solid filth was collected. 
 From its ceremonial defilement, and from 
 the detested and abominable fire of Molech, 
 if not from the supposed ever-burning fu- 
 neral piles, the later Jews applied the name 
 of this valley Ge Hinnom, Gehenna, to de- 
 note the place of eternal torment. In this 
 
 sense the word is used by our Lord (Matt. 
 v. 29, x. 28, xxiii. 15 ; Mark ix. 43 ; Luke 
 xii. 5). 
 
 Hippopot'amus. [BEHEMOTH.] 
 
 Hi'rah, an Adullamite, the friend of 
 Judah (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12; and see 20). 
 
 Hi'ram, or Hu'ram. 1. The king of 
 Tyre who sent workmen and materials to 
 Jerusalem, first (2 Sam. v. 11, 1 Chr. xiv. 
 1) to build a palace for David, whom he 
 ever loved (1 K. v. 1), and again (1 K. v. 
 10, vii. 13, 2 Chr. 14, 16) to build the Tem- 
 ple for Solomon, with whom he had a treaty 
 of peace and commerce (1 K. v. 11, 12). 
 The contempt with which he received Solo- 
 mon's present of Cabul (1 K. ix. 12) does 
 not appear to have caused any breach be- 
 tween the two kings. He admitted Solo- 
 mon's ships, issuing from Joppa, to a share 
 in the profitable trade of the Mediterranean 
 (1 K. x. 22) ; and Jewish sailors, under 
 the guidance of Tyrians, were taught to 
 bring the gold of India (1 K. ix. 26) to 
 Solomon's two harbors on the Red Sea. 
 2. Hiram was the name of a man of mixed 
 race (1 K. vii. 13, 40), the principal archi- 
 tect and engineer sent by king Hiram to 
 Solomon. 
 
 Hit'tites, The, the nation descended 
 from Cheth (A. V. "Heth"), the second 
 son of Canaan. Abraham bought from 
 the " Children of Heth," the field and the 
 cave of Machpelah, belonging to Ephron 
 the Hittite. They were then settled at the 
 town which was afterwards, under its new 
 name of Hebron, to become one of the 
 most famous cities of Palestine, then bear- 
 ing the name of Kirjath-arba (Gen. xxiii. 
 19, xxv. 9). When the Israelites entered 
 the Promised Land, we find the Hittites 
 taking their part against the invader, in 
 equal alliance with the other Canaanite 
 tribes (Josh. ix. 1, xi. 3, &c.). Hencefor- 
 ward the notices of the Hittites are very 
 few and faint. We meet with two individ- 
 uals, both attached to the person of David. 
 (1.) "Ahimelech the Hittite" (1 Sam. 
 xxvi. 6)T (2.) "Uriah the Hittite," one 
 of "the thirty" of David's body-guard (2 
 Sam. xxiii. 39; 1 Chr. xi. 41). 
 
 Hivites, The. In the genealogical 
 tables of Genesis, "the Hivite" is named 
 as one of the descendants the sixth in 
 order of Canaan, the son of Ham (Gen. 
 x. 17; 1 Chr. i. 15). We first encounter 
 the actual people of the Hivites at the time 
 of Jacob's return to Canaan. Shechem 
 was then in their possession, Hamor the 
 Hivite being the " prince of the land " 
 (Gen. xxxiv. 2). We next meet with the 
 Hivites during the conquest of Canaan 
 (Josh. ix. 7, xi. 19). The main body of 
 the Hivites were at this time living on the 
 northern confines of western Palestine 
 "under Hermon, in the land of Mizpeh " 
 (Josh. xi. 3) "in Mount Lebanon, from
 
 HIZKIAH 
 
 246 
 
 HOOK 
 
 Mount Baal-Hermon to the entering in 
 of Hamath " (Judg. iii. 3 ; comp. 2 Sam. 
 xxiv. 7). 
 
 Hizki'ah, an ancestor of Zephaniah the 
 prophet (Zeph. i. 1). 
 
 Hizki'jah, according to the A. V. a 
 man who sealed the covenant with Nehe- 
 miah (Neh. x. 17). But there is no doubt 
 that the name should be taken with that 
 preceding it, as " Ater-Hizkijah." 
 
 Ho'bab. This name is found in two 
 places only (Num. x. 29 ; Judg. iv. 11), 
 and it seems doubtful whether it denotes 
 the father-in-law or brother-in-law of Mo- 
 BCS. (1.) In favor of the latter is the ex- 
 press statement that Hobab was "the son 
 of Kaguel " (Num. x. 29) ; Raguel or Ruel 
 the Hebrew word in both cases is the 
 same being identified with Jethro, not 
 only in Ex. ii. 18 (comp. iii. 1, &c.), but 
 also by Josephus. (2.) In favor of Ho- 
 bab's identity with Jethro are the words. of 
 Judg. iv. 11, and the Mahometan traditions. 
 But whether Hobab was the father-in-law 
 of Moses or not, the notice of him in Num. 
 x. 29-32, though brief, is full of point and 
 interest. While Jethro is preserved to us 
 as the wise and practised administrator, 
 Hobab appears as the experienced Bed- 
 ouin sheikh, to whom Moses looked for 
 the material safety of his cumbrous cara- 
 van in the new and difficult ground before 
 them. 
 
 Ho'bah., the place to which Abraham 
 pursued the kings who had pillaged Sodom 
 (Gen. xiv. 15). It was situated " to the 
 north of Damascus." 
 
 Hod, one of the sons of Zophah, among 
 the descendants of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37). 
 
 Hodai'ah, son of Elioenai, of the royal 
 line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24). 
 
 Hodavi'ah. 1. A man of Manasseh, 
 one of the heads of the half-tribe on the 
 east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). 2. A man 
 of Benjamin, son of Has-senuah (1 Chr. ix. 
 7). 3. A Levite, who seems to have given 
 his name to an important family in the 
 tribe (Ezr. ii. 40). 
 
 Ho'desh., a woman named in the gene- 
 alogies of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 9) as the 
 wife of Shaharaim. 
 
 Hode'vah, Neh. yii. 43. [HODAVIAH, 
 3.] 
 
 Hodi'ah., one of the two wives of Ezra, 
 a man of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 19). She is 
 doubtless the same person as Jehudijah in 
 verse 18. 
 
 Hodi'jah. 1. A Levite in the time of 
 Ezra and Nehemiah (Neh. viii. 7; and 
 probable also ix. 5, x. 10). 2. Another 
 Levite at the same time (Neh. x. 13). 3. 
 A layman; one of the "heads" of the 
 people at the same time (Neh. x. 18). 
 
 Hog'lah, the third of the five daughters 
 of Zelophehad (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, 
 xxxvi. 11 ; Josh. xvii. 3. 
 
 Ho'liam, king of Hebron at the time 
 of the conquest of Canaan (Josh. x. 3). 
 
 Holofer'nes, or, more correctly, OLO- 
 FERNES, was, according to the book of 
 Judith, a general of Nebuchadnezzar, king 
 of the Assyrians (Jud. ii. 4), who was 
 slain by the Jewish heroine Judith during 
 the siege of Bethulia. 
 
 Ho'lon. 1. A town in the mountains 
 of Judah ; one of the first group, of which 
 Debir was apparently the most considerable 
 (Josh. xv. 51, xxi. 15). [HILEN.] 2. A 
 city of Moab (Jer. xlviii. 21, only.) No 
 identification of it has yet taken place. 
 
 Ho'mam, the form under which, in 1 
 Chr. i. 39, an Edomite name appears, which 
 in Gen. xxxvi. is given HEMAM. 
 
 Homer. [MEASURES.] 
 
 Honey. The Hebrew debash, in the 
 first place, applies to the product of the 
 bee, to which we exclusively give the name 
 of honey. All travellers agree in describing 
 Palestine as a land " flowing with milk and 
 honey " (Ex. iii. 8) ; bees being abundant 
 even in the remote parts of the wilderness, 
 where they deposit their honey in the crevices 
 of the rocks or in hollow trees. In some 
 parts of northern Arabia the hills are so well 
 stocked with bees, that no sooner are hives 
 placed than they are occupied. In the 
 second place the term dSbash applies to a 
 decoction of the juice of the grape, which is 
 still called dibs, and which forms an article 
 of commerce in the East ; it was this, and 
 not ordinaiy bee-honey, which Jacob sent 
 to Joseph (Gen. xliii. 11 ), and which the 
 Tyrians purchased from Palestine (Ez. 
 xxvii. 17). A third kind has been de- 
 scribed by some writers as " vegetable " 
 honey, by which is meant the exudations 
 of certain trees and shrubs, such as the 
 Tamarix mannifera, found in the penin- 
 sula of Sinai, or the stunted oaks of Luris- 
 tan and Mesopotamia. The honey which 
 Jonathan ate in the wood (1 Sam. xiv. 25), 
 and the " wild honey " which supported 
 John the Baptist (Matt. iii. 4), have been 
 referred to this species. But it was prob- 
 ably the honey of the wild bees. 
 
 Hook. Hooks. Various kinds of hooks 
 are noticed in the Bible, of which the fol- 
 lowing are the most important : 1. Fishing 
 hooks (Am. iv. 2 ; Job xli. 2 ; Is. xix. 8 ; 
 Hab. i. 15). 2. Properly a ring (A. V. 
 "thorn"), placed through the mouth of a 
 large fish and attached by a cord to a stake 
 for the purpose of keeping it alive in the 
 water (Job xli. 2) ; the word meaning the 
 cord is rendered "hook" in the A. V. 3. 
 A ring, such as in our country is placed 
 through the nose of a bull, and similarly 
 used in the East for leading about lions 
 (Ez. xix. 4, where the A. V. has " with 
 chains"), camels, and other animals. A 
 similar method was adopted for leading 
 prisoners, as in the case of Manasseh, who
 
 HOPHNI 
 
 247 
 
 HORN 
 
 was led with rings (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11 ; A. V. 
 " in the thorns "). An illustration of this 
 practice is found in a bass-relief discovered 
 at Khorsabad (Layard, ii. 370). 4. The 
 hooks of the pillars of the Tabernacle. 
 (Ex. xxvi. 32. 37, xxvii. 10, ff., xxxviii. 13, 
 fi". 5. A vine-dresser's pruning-hook (Is. 
 ii. 4, xviii. 5; Mic. iv. 3; Joel iii. 10). 6. 
 A flesh-hook for getting up the joints of 
 meat out of the boiling-pot (Ex. xxvii. 3; 
 1 Sam. ii. 13, 14). 7. Probably "hooks" 
 used for the purpose of hanging up animals 
 to flay tt r-in (Ez. xl. 43). 
 
 Hopll'ni and PHINEAS, the two sons of 
 Eli, who fulfilled their hereditary sacerdo- 
 tal duties at Shiloh. Their brutal rapacity 
 and lust, which seemed to acquire fresh 
 violence with their father's increasing years 
 (1 Sam. ii. 22, 12-17), filled the people with 
 disgust and indignation, and provoked the 
 curse which was denounced against their 
 father's house, first by an unknown prophet 
 (27-36), and then by Samuel (1 Sam. iii. 
 11-14). They were both cut off in one 
 day in the flower of their age, and the ark 
 which they had accompanied to battle 
 against the Philistines was lost on the same 
 occasion (1 Sam. iv. 10, 11). 
 
 Hor, Mount. 1. The mountain on 
 which Aaron died (Num. xx. 25, 27). The 
 word Hor is probably an archaic form of 
 Ifar, the usual Hebrew term for " moun- 
 tain." It was " on the boundary line " 
 (Num. xx. 23) or "at the edge" (xxxiii. 
 37) of the land of Edom. It was the halt- 
 ing-place of the people next after Kadesh 
 (xx. 22, xxxiii. 37), and they quitted it for 
 Zalmonah (xxxiii. 41) in the road to the Red 
 Sea (xxi. 4). It was during the encamp- 
 ment at Kadesli that Aaron was gathered 
 to his fathers. It is situated on the eastern 
 side of the great valley of the Arabah, the 
 highest and most conspicuous of the whole 
 range of the sandstone mountains of Edom, 
 having close beneath it on its eastern side 
 the mysterious city of Petra. The tradition 
 has existed from the earliest date. It is 
 now the Jebel Nebi-Uar&n, "the mountain 
 of the Prophet Aaron." Its height is 4800 
 feet above the Mediterranean, that is to say, 
 about 1700 feet above the town of Petra, 
 4000 above the level of the Arabah, and 
 more than 6000 above the Dead Sea. The 
 mountain is marked far and near by its 
 double top, which rises like a huge castel- 
 lated building from a lower base, and is 
 surmounted by a circular dome of the tomb 
 of Aaron, a distinct white spot on the dark 
 red surface of the mountain. The chief 
 interest of Mount Hor consists in the pros- 
 pect from its summit the last view of 
 Aaron that view which was to him what 
 Pisgah was to his brother. 2. A mountain, 
 entirely distinct from the preceding, named 
 in Num. xxxiv. 7, 8, only, as one of the marks 
 of the northern boundary of the land which 
 
 the children of Israel were about to conquer. 
 This " Mount Hor" is the great chain of 
 Lebanon itself. 
 
 Ho'ram, king of GEZER at the time of 
 the conquest of the south-western part of 
 Palestine (Josh. x. 33). 
 
 Ho'reb. [SINAI.] 
 
 Ho'rem, one of the fortified places in 
 the territory of Naphtali ; named with Iron 
 and Migdal-el (Josh. xix. 38). Vande Velde 
 suggests Ilurah as the site of Horem. 
 
 Hor Hagid'gad, the name of the desert 
 station where the Israelites encamped (Num. 
 xxxiii. 32), probably the same asGudgodah 
 (Deut. x. 7). 
 
 Ho'ri. 1. A Horite, son of Lotan, the 
 son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 22; 1 Chr. i. 39). 
 2. In Gen. xxxvi. 30, the name has in the 
 original the definite article prefixed, " the 
 Horite ; " and is in fact precisely the same 
 word with that which in the preceding verse, 
 and also in 21, is rendered in the A. V. 
 " the Horites." 3. A man of Simeon; 
 father of Shaphat (Num. xiii. 5). 
 
 Hp'rites and Ho'rims, the aboriginal 
 inhabitants of Mount Seir (Gen. xiv. 6), 
 and probably allied to the E minis and 
 Rephaims. The name Horite appears to 
 have been derived from their habits as 
 "cave-dwellers." Their excavated dwell- 
 ings are still found in hundreds in the 
 sandstone cliffs and mountains of Edom, 
 and especially in Petra. 
 
 Hor'mah, or Zephath (Judg. i. 17), was 
 the chief town of a king of a Canaanitisu 
 tribe on the south of Palestine, which was 
 reduced by Joshua, and became a city of 
 the territory of Judah (xv. 30; 1 Sam. 
 xxx. 30), but apparently belonged to Sim- 
 eon (1 Chr. iv. 30). 
 
 Horn. The word " horn" is often used 
 metaphorically to signify strength and hon- 
 or. Of strength the horn of the unicorn 
 was the most frequent representative (Deut. 
 xxxiii. 17, &c.), but not always; comp. 1 
 
 Heads of Modern Asiatics ornamented with Horns. 
 
 K. xxii. 11, where probably horns of iron, 
 worn defiantly and symbolically on the
 
 HORNET 
 
 248 
 
 HOSEA 
 
 head, are intended. Among the Druses 
 upon Mount Lebanon the married women 
 wear silver horns on their heads. In the 
 sense of honor, the word horn stands for 
 the abstract (my horn, Job xvi. 15 ; all the 
 horns of Israel, Lam. ii. 3), and so for the 
 supreme authority. It also stands for the 
 concrete, whence it comes to mean king, 
 kingdom (Dan. viii. 2, &c. ; Zech. i. 18). 
 Out of either or both of these two last met- 
 aphors sprang the idea of representing gods 
 with horns. 
 
 Hornet. In Scripture the hornet is re- 
 ferred to only as the means which Jehovah 
 employed for the extirpation of the Canaan- 
 ites (Ex. xxiii. 28 ; Deut. vii. 20 ; Josh, 
 xxiv. 12; Wisd. xii. 8). Some commenta- 
 tors regard the word as used in its literal 
 sense, but it more probably expresses un- 
 der a vivid image the consternation with 
 which Jehovah would inspire the enemies 
 of the Israelites, as declared in Deut. ii. 
 25, Josh. ii. 11. 
 
 Horona'im, a town of Moab, possibly 
 a sanctuary, named with Zoar and Luhith 
 (Is. xv. 5; Jer. xlviii. 3, 5, 34). 
 
 Hor'onite, The, the designation of 
 Sanballat (Neh. ii. 10, 19; xiii. 28). It is 
 derived by Gesenius from Iloronaim. 
 
 Horse. The most striking feature in 
 the Biblical notices of the horse is the ex- 
 clusive application of it to warlike opera- 
 tions ; in no instance is that useful animal 
 employed for the purposes of ordinary loco- 
 motion or agriculture, if we except Is. 
 xxviii. 28, where we learn that horses (A. 
 V. " horsemen ") were employed in thresh- 
 ing, not, however, in that case put in the 
 gears, but simply driven about wildly over 
 the strewed grain. The animated descrip- 
 tion of the horse in Job xxxix. 19-25 ap- 
 plies solely to the war-horse. The Hebrews 
 in the patriarchal age, as a pastoral race, 
 did not stand in need of the services of the 
 horse, and for a long period after their set- 
 tlement in Canaan they dispensed with it, 
 partly in consequence of the hilly nature 
 of the country, which only admitted of the 
 use of chariots in certain localities (Judg. 
 i. 19), and partly in consequence of the pro- 
 hibition in Deut. xvii. 1C, wliich would be 
 held to apply at all periods. David first 
 established a force of cavalry and chariots 
 after the defeat of Hadadezer (2 Sam. viii. 
 4). But the great supply of horses was 
 subsequently effected by Solomon through 
 his connection with Egypt (1 K. iv. 26). 
 Solomon also established a very active trade 
 in horses, which were brought by dealers 
 out of Egypt and resold at a profit to the 
 Hittites, who lived between Palestine and 
 the Euphrates (1 K. x. 28, 29). In the 
 countries adjacent to Palestine, the use of 
 the horse was much more frequent. It 
 was introduced into Egypt probably by the 
 Hyksos, as it is not represented on the 
 
 monuments before the 18th dynasty. The 
 Jewish kings sought the assistance of the 
 Egyptians against the Assyrians in this re- 
 spect (Is. xxxi. 1, xxxvi. 8; Ez. xvii. 15). 
 But the cavalry of the Assyrians and other 
 eastern nations was regarded as most formi- 
 dable ; the horses themselves were highly 
 bred, as the Assyrian sculptures still testify, 
 and fully merited the praise bestowed on 
 them by Habakkuk (i. 8). With regard to 
 the trappings and management of the horse 
 we have little information ; the bridle was 
 placed ove^ the horse's nose (Is^ xxx. 28), 
 and a bit or curb is also mentioned (2 K. 
 xix. 28; Ps. xxxii. 9; Prov. xxvi. 3; Is. 
 xxxvii. 29 ^_in the A. V. it is incorrectly 
 given " bridle," with the exception of Ps. 
 xxxii.). The harness of the Assyrian horses 
 was profusely decorated, the bits being 
 gilt (1 Esdr. Hi. 6), and the bridles adorned 
 with tassels ; on the neck was a collar ter- 
 minating in a bell, as described by Zecha- 
 riah (xiv. 20). Saddles were not used un- 
 til a late period. The horses were not shod, 
 and therefore hoofs as hard " as flint" (Is. 
 v. 28) were regarded as a great merit. The 
 chariot-horses were covered with embroid- 
 ered trappings (Ez. xxvii. 20). Horses and 
 chariots were used also in idolatrous pro- 
 cessions, as noticed in regard to the sun (2 
 K. xxiii. 11). 
 
 Horse-leech. (Heb. ' aHk&Ji) occurs 
 once only, viz. Prov. xxx. 15. There is lit- 
 tle doubt that ' alukdh denotes some species 
 of leech, or rather is the generic term for 
 any bloodsucking annelid. 
 
 Ho'sah, a city of Asher (Josh. xix. 29), 
 the next landmark on the boundary to Tyre. 
 
 Ho'sah, a Merarite Levite (1 Chr. xxvi. 
 10), chosen by David to be one of the first 
 doorkeepers to the ark after its arrival in 
 Jerusalem (1 Chr. xxvi. 38). 
 
 Hosan'na ( " Save, we pray " ), the cry 
 of the multitudes as they thronged in our 
 Lord's triumphal procession into Jerusalem 
 (Matt. xxi. 9, 15 ; Mark xi. 9, 10 ; John xii. 
 13). The Psalm from which it was taken, 
 the 118th, was one with which they were 
 familiar from being accustomed to recite 
 the 25th and 26th verses at the Feast of 
 Tabernacles. On that occasion the Hallel, 
 consisting of Psalms cxiii.-cxviii., was 
 chanted by one of the priests, and at certain 
 intervals the multitudes joined in the re- 
 sponses, waving their branches of willow 
 and palm, and shouting as they waved them, 
 Hallelujah, or Hosanna, or " O Lord, I 
 beseech thee, send now prosperity" (Ps. 
 cxviii. 25). 
 
 Hose'a, son of Beeri, and first of the 
 Minor Prophets. The title of the book 
 gives for the beginning of Hosea's miristry 
 the reign of Uzziah, king of Judar but 
 limits this vague definition by referenoe to 
 Jeroboam II., king of Israel ; it therefore 
 yields a date not later than B. c. 783. The
 
 HOSHATAH 
 
 HOSPITALITY 
 
 pictures of social and political life which 
 Husea draws so forcibly are rather applica- 
 ble to the interregnum which followed the 
 death of Jeroboam (782-772), and to the 
 reign of the succeeding kings. It seems 
 almost certain that very few of his prophe- 
 cies were written until after the death of 
 Jeroboam (783), and probably the life, or 
 rather the prophetic career, of Hosea ex- 
 tended from 784 to 725, a period of fifty- 
 nine years. The prophecies of Hosea were 
 delivered in the kingdom of Israel. It is 
 easy to recognize two great divisions in the 
 book: (1) chap. i. to hi.; (2) iv. to end. 
 The subdivision of these several parts is a 
 work of greater difficulty. (1.) The first 
 division should probably be subdivided into 
 three separate poems, each originating in a 
 distinct aim, and each after its own fashion 
 attempting to express the idolatry of Israel 
 by imagery borrowed from the matrimonial 
 relation. The first, and therefore the least 
 elaborate of these, is contained in chap, iii., 
 the second in i. 2-11, the third in i. 2-9, and 
 ii. 1-23. These three are progressively 
 elaborate developments of the same reiter- 
 ated idea. Chap. i. 2-9 is common to the 
 second and third poems, but not repeated 
 with each severally. (2.) Attempts have 
 been made to subdivide the second part of the 
 book. These divisions are made either ac- 
 cording to reigns of contemporary kings, or 
 according to tlie subject matter of the poem. 
 The prophecies were probably collected by 
 Hosea himself towards the end of his career. 
 Hosea is referred to in the following pas- 
 sages of the N. T. : Matt. ix. 13, xii. 7, Hos. 
 vi. 6 ; Luke xxiii. 30, Rev. vi. 16, Hos. x. 
 8 ; Matt. ii. 15, Hos. xi. 1 ; Rom. ix. 25, 26, 
 1 Pet. ii. 10, Hos. i. 10, ii. 23 ; 1 Cor. xv. 
 4, Hos. vi. 2 ; Heb. xiii. 15, Hos. xiv. 2. 
 
 Hoshai'ah. 1. A man who assisted in 
 the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem 
 after it had been rebuilt by Neheiniah (Neh. 
 xii. 32). 2. The father of a certain Jeza- 
 niah, or Azariah, who was a man of note 
 after the destruction of Jerusalem by Neb- 
 uchadnezzar (Jer. xlii. 1, xliii. 2). 
 
 Hosh/ama, one of the sons of Jeconiah, 
 or Jehoiachin, the last king of Judah but 
 one (1 Chr. iii. 18). 
 
 Hoshe'a, the nineteenth, last, and best 
 king of Israel. He succeeded Pekah, whom 
 he slew in a successful conspiracy, thereby 
 fulfilling a prophecy of Isaiah (Is. vii. 16). 
 It took place B. c. 737, in the 20th year of 
 Jotham (2 K. xv. 30), t. e. "in the 20th 
 year after Jotham became sole king," for he 
 only reigned 16 years (2 K. xv. 33). But 
 there must have been an interregnum of at 
 least eight years before Hoshea came to the 
 throne, which was not till B. c. 729, in the 
 12th year of Ahaz (2 K. xvii. 1). It is ex- 
 pressly stated (2 K. xvii. 2) that Hoshea 
 was not so sinful as his predecessors. In 
 the third year of his reign (B. c. 726) Shal- 
 
 maneser cruelly stormed the strong caves 
 of Bcth-arbel(Hos. viii. 14), and made Israel 
 tributary (2 K. xvii. 3) for three years. At 
 the end of this period, encouraged perhaps 
 by the revolt of Hezekiah, Hoshea entered 
 into a secret alliance with So, king of Egypt, 
 to throw off the Assyrian yoke. The alli- 
 ance did him no good ; it was revealed to 
 the court of Nineveh by the Assyrian party 
 in Ephraim, and Hoshea was immediately 
 seized as a rebellious vassal, shut up in 
 prison, and apparently treated with the 
 utmost indignity (Mic. v. 1). Of the sub- 
 sequent fortunes of Hoshea we know noth- 
 ing. 
 
 Hoshe'a. 1. The son of Nun, *'. e. 
 Joshua (Deut. xxxii. 44 ; and also in Num. 
 xiii. 8, though there the A. V. has OSHEA). 
 
 2. Son of Azaziah (1 Chr. xxvii. 20); like 
 his great namesake, a man of Ephraim, 
 ruler of his tribe in the time of king David. 
 
 3. One of the heads of the people who 
 sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
 x. 23). 
 
 Hospitality. Hospitality was regard- 
 ed by most nations of the ancient world as 
 one of the chief virtues. Among the Arabs 
 we find the best illustrations of the old 
 Bible narratives, and among them see traits 
 that might beseem their ancestor Abraham. 
 The laws respecting strangers (Lev. xix. 
 33, 34) and the poor (Lev. xxv. 14, seq. ; 
 Deut. xv. 7), and concerning redemption 
 (Lev. xxv. 23, seqq.)> &c., are framed in 
 accordance with the spirit of hospitality; 
 and the strength of the national feeling re- 
 garding it is shown in the incidental men- 
 tions of its practice. In the Law, compas- 
 sion to strangers is constantly enforced by 
 the words " for ye were strangers in the 
 land of Egypt" (Lev. xix. 34). And before 
 the Law, Abraham's entertainment of the 
 angels (Gen. xviii. 1, seqq.) and Lot's (xix. 
 1), are in exact agreement with its pre- 
 cepts, and with modern usage (comp. Ex. ii. 
 20 ; Judg. xiii. 15, xix. 17, 20, 21). In the 
 N. T. hospitality is yet more markedly en- 
 joined ; and in the more civilized state of 
 society which then prevailed, its exercise 
 became more a social virtue than a neces- 
 sity of patriarchal life. The good Samar- 
 itan stands for all ages as an example of 
 Christian hospitality, embodying the com- 
 mand to love one's neighbor as himself. 
 The neglect of Christ is symbolized by ia- 
 hospitality to our neighbors (Matt. xxv. 43). 
 The Apostles urged the Church to " follow 
 after hospitality " (Rom. xii. 13 ; cf. 1 Tim. 
 v. 10) ; to remember Abraham's example 
 (Heb. xiii. 2) ; to " use hospitality one to 
 another without grudging " (1 Pet. iv. 9) ; 
 while a bishop must be a " lover of hospital- 
 ity " (Tit. i. 8, cf. 1 Tim. iii. 2). The prac- 
 tice of the early Christians was in accord 
 with these precepts. They had all things 
 hi common, and their hospitality was a
 
 HOTHAM 
 
 250 
 
 HOUSE 
 
 characteristic of their belief. Such having 
 been the usage of Biblical times, it is in the 
 next place important to remark how hos- 
 pitality was shown. In the patriarchal 
 ages we may take Abraham's example as 
 the most fitting, as we have of it the fullest 
 account. " The account," says Mr. Lane, 
 "of Abraham's entertaining the three an- 
 gels, related in the Bible, presents a perfect 
 picture of the manner in which a modern 
 Bedawee sheykh receives travellers arriv- 
 ing at his encampment. He immediately 
 orders his wife or women to make bread, 
 slaughters a sheep or some other animal, 
 and dresses it in haste, and bringing milk 
 and any other provisions that he may have 
 ready at hand, with the bread and the meat 
 which he has dressed, sets them before his 
 guests. If these be persons of high rank, 
 he stands by them while they eat, as Abra- 
 ham did in the case above alluded to. Most 
 Bedawees will sufFor almost any injury to 
 themselves or their families rather than 
 allow their guests to be ill-treated while 
 under their protection." The Oriental re- 
 epect for the covenant of bread and salt, or 
 salt alone, certainly sprang from the high 
 regard in which hospitality was held. 
 
 Ho'tham, a man of Asher, son of 
 Heber, of the family of Beriah (1 Chr. vii. 
 32). 
 
 Ho'than, a man of Aroer, father of 
 Sham a and Jehiel (1 Chr. xi. 44). 
 
 Ho'thir, the 13th son of HEMAN, " the 
 king's seer" (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 28), and 
 therefore a Kohathite Levite. 
 
 Hour. The ancient Hebrews were prob- 
 ably unacquainted with the division of the 
 natural day into 24 parts ; but they after- 
 wards parcelled out the period between 
 sunrise and sunset into a series of divisions 
 distinguished by the sun's course. The 
 early Jews appear to have divided the day 
 into four parts (Neh. ix. 3), and the night 
 into three watches (Judg. vii. 19), and 
 even in the N. T. we find a trace of this 
 division in Matt. xx. 1-5. The Greeks 
 adopted the division of the day into 12 
 hours from the Babylonians. At what 
 period the Jews became first acquainted 
 with this way of reckoning time is unknown, 
 but it is generally supposed that they too 
 learnt it from the Babylonians during the 
 captivity. In whatever way originated, it 
 was known to the Egyptians at a very early 
 period. They had 12 hours of the day and 
 of the night. There are two kinds of 
 hours, viz. (1.) the astronomical or equi- 
 noctial hour, i. e. the 24th part of a civil 
 day, and (2.) the natural hour, i. e. the 
 12th part of the natural day, or of the time 
 between sunrise and sunset. These are 
 the hours meant in the N. T. (John xi. 9, 
 &c.), and it must be remembered that they 
 perpetually vary in length, so as to be very 
 different at different times of the year. For 
 
 the purposes of prayer the old division of 
 the day into 4 portions was continued in 
 the Temple service, as we see from Acts ii. 
 15, iii. 1, x. 9. 
 
 House. The houses of the rural poor 
 in Egypt, as well as in most parts of Syria, 
 Arabia, and Persia, are for the most part 
 mere huts of mud, or sunburnt bricks. In 
 some parts of Palestine and Arabia stone is 
 used, and in certain districts caves in the 
 rock are used as dwellings (Amos v. 11). 
 The houses are usually of one story only, 
 viz., the ground floor, and often contain 
 only one apartment. Sometimes a small 
 court for the cattle is attached; and in 
 some cases the cattle are housed in the 
 same building, or the people live on a raised 
 platform, and the cattle round them on the 
 ground (1 Sam. xxviii. 24). The windows 
 are small apertures high up in the walls, 
 sometimes grated with wood. The roofs 
 are commonly but not always flat, and are 
 usually formed of a plaster of mud and 
 straw laid upon boughs or rafters ; and 
 upon the flat roofs, tents or " booths " of 
 boughs or rushes are often raised to be 
 used as sleeping-places in summer. The 
 
 A Nestorian House, with stapes upon the roof for 
 sleeping. (L,aj ard, AiueteA, i. 177.) 
 
 difference between the poorest houses and 
 those of the class next above them is 
 greater than between these and the houses 
 of the first rank. The prevailing plan of 
 Eastern houses of this class presents, as 
 was the case in ancient Egypt, a front of 
 wall, whose blank and mean appearance is 
 usually relieved only by the door and a few 
 latticed and projecting windows. Within 
 this is a court or courts with apartments 
 opening into them. Over the door is a pro- 
 jecting window with a lattice more or less 
 elaborately wrought, which, except in times 
 of public celebrations, is usually closed (2K.
 
 HOUSE 
 
 251 
 
 HOUSE 
 
 ix. LfO). An awning is sometimes drawn 
 over the court, and the floor strewed with 
 carpets on festive occasions. The stairs to 
 the upper apartments are in Syria usually in 
 a corner of the court. Around part, if not 
 the whole, of the court is a veranda, often 
 nine or ten feet deep, over which, when 
 there is more than one floor, runs a second 
 gallery of like depth with a balustrade. 
 
 Inner Court of House in Cairo. (Lane, Modern 
 Egyptians.) 
 
 Bearing in mind that the reception room is 
 raised above the level of the court, we may, 
 in explaining the circumstances of the mira- 
 cle of the paralytic (Mark ii. 3; Luke v. 
 18), suppose, 1. either^ that our Lord was 
 standing under the veranda, and the peo- 
 ple in front in the court. The bearers of 
 the sick man ascended the stairs to the 
 roof of the house, and taking off a portion 
 of the boarded covering of the veranda, 
 or removing the awning, in the former case 
 let down the bed through the veranda 
 roof, or in the latter, down by way of the 
 roof, and deposited it before the Saviour. 
 2. Another explanation presents itself in 
 considering the room where the company 
 were assembled as the " upper room," and 
 the roof opened for the bed to be the true 
 roof of the house. 3. And one still more 
 simple is found in regarding the house as 
 one of the rude dwellings now to be seen 
 near the Sea of Galilee, a mere room 10 or 
 12 feet high, and as many or more square, 
 with no opening except the door. The 
 roof, used as a sleeping-place, is reached 
 by a ladder from the outside, and the bear- 
 ers of the paralytic, unable to approach the 
 door, would thus have ascended the roof, 
 and having uncovered it, let him down into 
 the room where our Lord was. When 
 there is no second floor, but more than one 
 
 court, the women's apartments, hareem, 
 harem, or haram, are usually in the sec- 
 ond court ; otherwise they form a separate 
 building within the general enclosure, or 
 are above on the first floor. When there 
 is an upper story, the Ka'ah forms the most 
 important apartment, and thus probably 
 answers to the " upper room," which was 
 often the "guest-chamber" (Luke xxii. 12; 
 Acts i. 13, ix. 37, xx. 8). The windows of 
 the upper rooms often project one or two 
 feet, and form a kiosk or latticed chamber. 
 Such may have been "the chamber in the 
 wall" (2 K. iv. 10, 11). The "lattice," 
 through which Ahaziah fell, perhaps be- 
 longed to an upper chamber of this kind (2 
 K. i. 2), as also the "third loft," from 
 which Eutychus fell (Acts xx. 9 ; comp. 
 Jer. xxii. 13). There are usually no spe- 
 cial bedrooms in Eastern houses. The 
 outer doors are closed with a wooden lock, 
 but in some cases the apartments are divid- 
 ed from each other by curtains only. There 
 are no chimneys, but fire is made when re- 
 quired with charcoal in a chafing-dish ; or 
 a fire of wood might be kindled in the open 
 court of the house (Luke xxii. 55). Some 
 houses in Cairo have an apartment, open 
 in front to the court, with two or more 
 arches, and a railing ; and a pillar to sup- 
 port the wall above. It was in a chamber 
 of this kind, probably one of the largest 
 size to be found in a palace, that our Lord 
 was being arraigned before the high-priest, 
 at the time when the denial of Him by St. 
 Peter took place. He " turned and looked " 
 on Peter as he stood by the fire in the 
 
 Interior of House (harem) In Damascus. 
 
 court (Luke xxii. 56, 61 ; John xviii. 24), 
 whilst He himself was in the "hall of 
 judgment." In no point do Oriental do- 
 mestic habits differ more from European 
 than in the use of the roof. Its flat sur- 
 face is made useful for various household 
 purposes, as drying corn, hanging up linen, 
 and preparing figs and raisins. The roofs 
 are used as places of recreation in the 
 evening, and often as sleeping-places at 
 night (2 Sam. xi. 2, xvi. 22; Dan. iv. 29 j
 
 HUKKOK 
 
 252 
 
 HUSHAI 
 
 1 Sam. ix. 25, 26; Job xxvii. 18; Prov. 
 xxi. 9). They were also used as places 
 for devotion, and even idolatrous worship 
 (Jer. xxxii. 29, xix. 13; 2 K. xxiii. 12; 
 Zeph. i. 5 ; Acts x. 9). At the time of 
 the Feast of Tabernacles booths were 
 erected by the Jews on the tops of their 
 houses. Protection of the roof by" parapets 
 was enjoined by the law (Deut. xxii. 8). 
 Special apartments were devoted in larger 
 houses to winter and summer uses (Jer. 
 xxxvi. 22; Am. iii. 15). The ivory house 
 of Ahab was probably a palace largely or- 
 namented with inlaid ivory. The circum- 
 stance of Samson's pulling down the house 
 by means of the pillars, may be explained 
 by the fact of the company being assembled 
 on tiers of balconies above each other, 
 supported by central pillars on the base- 
 ment; when these were pulled down the 
 whole of the upper floors would fall also 
 (Judg. xvi. 26). 
 
 Huk'kok, a place on the boundary of 
 Naphtali (Josh. xix. 34) named next to Az- 
 noth-Tabor. It has been recovered in Yakuk, 
 a village in the mountains of Naphtali, west 
 of the upper end of the Sea of Galilee. 
 
 Hu'kok, a name which in 1 Chr. vi. 75 
 is substituted for Helkath in Josh. xxi. 
 
 Hul. the second son of Aram, and 
 grandson of Shem (Gen. x. 23). The 
 strongest evidence is in favor of the district 
 about the roots of Lebanon. 
 
 Hul'dah, a prophetess, whose husband 
 Shallum was keeper of the wardrobe in the 
 time of king Josiah. It was to her that Josiah 
 had recourse when Hilkiah found a book of 
 the law, to procure an authoritative opinion 
 on it (2 K. xxii. 14; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 22). 
 
 Hurn'tah, a city of Judah, one of those 
 in the mountain-district, the next to He- 
 bron (Josh. xv. 54). 
 
 Hunting. Hunting, as a matter of ne- 
 cessity, whether for the extermination of 
 dangerous beasts, or for procuring suste- 
 nance, betokens a rude and semi-civilized 
 state ; as an amusement, it betokens an ad- 
 vanced state. The Hebrews, as a pastoral 
 and agricultural people, were not given to 
 the sports of the field ; the density of the 
 population, the earnestness of their char- 
 acter, and the tendency of their ritual reg- 
 ulations, particularly those affecting food, 
 all combined to discourage the practice of 
 hunting. The manner of catching animals 
 was either by digging a pitfall, or secondly 
 by a trap, which was set under ground 
 (Job xviii. 10), in the run of the animal 
 (Prov. xxii. 5), and caught it by the leg 
 (Job xviii. 9) ; or lastly by the use of the 
 net, of which there were various kinds, as 
 for the gazelle (Is. li. 20, A. V. " wild 
 bull ") and other animals of that class. 
 
 Hu'pham, a son of Benjamin, founder 
 of the family of the HUPUAMITES (Num. 
 xxvi. 39). 
 
 Hu'phamites, The, descendants of 
 Hupham of the tribe of Benjamin (Num. 
 xxvi. 39). 
 
 Hup'pah, a priest in the time of David 
 (1 Chr. xxiv. 13). 
 
 Hup'pim, head of a Benjamite family. 
 According to the text of the LXX. in Gen., 
 a son of Bela, but 1 Chr. vii. 12, tells ua 
 that he was a son of Ir, or Iri. 
 
 Hur. 1. A man who is mentioned with 
 Moses and Aaron on the occasion of the 
 battle with Amalek at Rephidim (Ex. xvii. 
 10), when with Aaron he stayed up the 
 hands of Moses (12). He is mentioned 
 again in xxiv. 14, as being, with Aaron, 
 left in charge of the people by Moses dur- 
 ing his ascent of Sinai. The Jewish tra- 
 dition is that he was the husband of Mir- 
 iam, and that he was identical with, 2. The 
 grandfather of Bezaleel, the chief artifi- 
 cer of the tabernacle " son of Huri, son 
 of Hur of the tribe of Judah." (Ex. 
 xxxi. 2, xxxv. 30, xxxviii. 22). In the lists 
 of the descendants of Judah in 1 Chr. the 
 pedigree is more fully preserved. Hur 
 there appears as one of the great family of 
 Pharez. He was the son of Caleb ben- 
 Hezron, by a second wife, Ephrath (ii. 19, 
 20; comp. 5, also iv. 1), the first fruit of 
 the marriage (ii. 50, iv. 4), and the father, 
 besides Uri (ver. 20), of three sons, who 
 founded the towns of Kirjath-jearim. Beth- 
 lehem, and Beth-gader (51). 3. The 
 fourth of the five kings of Midian, who 
 were slain with Balaam after the " matter 
 of Peor " (Num. xxxi. 8). In a later men- 
 tion of them (Josh. xiii. 21), they are called 
 princes of Midian and dukes. 4. Father 
 of Rephaiah, who was ruler of half of the 
 environs of Jerusalem, and assisted Nehe- 
 miah in the repair of the wall (Neh. iii. 9). 
 5. The " son of Hur " Ben-Hur was 
 commissariat officer for Solomon in Mount 
 Ephraim (1 K. iv. 8). 
 
 Hu'rai, one of David's guard Hurai 
 of the torrents of Gash according to the 
 list of 1 Chr. xi. 32. [HIDDAI.] 
 
 Hu'ram. 1. A Benjamite ; son of Bela, 
 the' first-born of the patriarch (1 Chr. viii. 
 5). 2. The form in which the name of the 
 king of Tyre in alliance with David and 
 Solomon and elsewhere given as HIHAM 
 appears in Chronicles (1 Chr. xiv. 1 ; 2 
 Chr. ii. 3, 11, 12; viii. 2, 18; ix. 10, 21). 
 3. The same change occurs in Chronicles 
 in the name of Hiram the artificer, which 
 is given as Huram in the following places ; 
 2 Chr. ii. 13; iv. 11, 16. [HIRAM.] 
 
 Hu'ri, a Gadite; father of Abihail (1 
 Chr. v. 14). 
 
 Husband. [MARRIAGE.] 
 
 Hu'shah, a name which occurs in the 
 genealogies qf the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. 
 iv. 4) " Ezer, father of Hushah." It 
 may perhaps be the name of a place. 
 
 Hu'shai, an Archite, i. e., possibly an
 
 HUSHAM 
 
 253 
 
 HYSSOP 
 
 inhabitant of a place called Erec (2 Sam. 
 xv. 32, ff., xvi. 1C, ff.). He is called the 
 " friend " of David (2 Sam. xv. 37 : comp. 
 1 Chr. xxvii. 33). To him David confided 
 the delicate and- dangerous part of a pre- 
 tended adherence to the cause of Absalom. 
 He was probably the father of Baana (1 
 K. iv. 1C). 
 
 Hu'sham, one of the early kings of 
 Edorn (Gen. xxxvi. 34, 35 ; 1 Chr. i. 45, 
 4CY. 
 
 Hu'shathite, The, the designation 
 of two of the heroes of David's guard. 1. 
 SIBBECHAI (2 Sam. xxi. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 29, 
 xx. 4, xxvii. 11). Josephus, however, calls 
 him a Hittite. 2. MEBUNNAI (2 Sam. xxiii. 
 27), a mere corruption of SIBBECHAI. 
 
 Hu'shim. 1. In Gen. xlvi. 23, " the 
 children of Dan" are said to have been 
 Hushim. The name is plural, as if of a 
 tribe rather than an individual. In Num. 
 xxvi. the name is changed to SIIUHAM. 2. 
 A Benjamite (1 Chr. vii. 12) ; and here 
 again apparently the plural nature of the 
 name is recognized, and Hushim is stated 
 to be " the sons of Aher." 3. One of the 
 two wives of Shaharaim (1 Chr. viii. 8). 
 
 Husks. The word rendered in the A. 
 V. "husks " (Luke xv. 16) describes real- 
 ly the fruit of a particular kind of tree, 
 viz. : the carob or Ceratonia siliqua of bot- 
 anists. Tliis tree is very commonly met 
 with in Syria and Egypt ; it produces pods, 
 shaped like a horn, varying in length from 
 G to 10 inches, and about a finger's breadth, 
 or rather more. 
 
 Huz, the eldest son of Nahor and Milcah 
 (Gen. xxii. 21). 
 
 Huz'zab, according to the general opin- 
 ion of the Jews, was the queen of Nineveh 
 at the time when Nahum delivered his 
 prophecy (Nah. ii. 7). The moderns fol- 
 low the rendering in the margin of our 
 English Bible " that which was estab- 
 lished." Still it is not improbable that after 
 all Huzzab may really be a proper name. 
 Hnzzab may mean "the Zab country," or 
 the fertile tract east of the Tigris, watered 
 by the upper and lower Zab rivers. 
 
 Hyaena. Authorities are at variance 
 as to whether the term tzdbu'a in Jer. xii. 
 9 means a " hyaena," as the LXX. has it, or 
 a " speckled bird," as in the A. V. The 
 only other instance in which it occurs is as 
 a proper name, Zeboim (1 Sam. xiii., "the 
 valley of hyaenas," Aquila; Neh. xi. 34). 
 The hyaena was common in ancient as in 
 modern Egypt, and is constantly depicted 
 upon monuments ; it must therefore have 
 been well known to the Jews. 
 
 Hymenae'us, the name of a person 
 occurring twice in the correspondence be- 
 tween St. Paul and Timothy ; the first time 
 classed with Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20), and 
 the second time classed with Philetus (2 
 Tim. ii. 17, 18). In the error with which he 
 
 was charged he stands as one of the earliest 
 of the Gnostics. As regards the sentence 
 | passed upon him it has been asserted 
 by some writers of eminence, that the " de- 
 livering to Satan " is a mere synonyme for 
 ecclesiastical excommunication. Such can 
 hardly be the case. As the Apostles healed 
 all manner of bodily infirmities, so they 
 seem to have possessed and exercised the 
 same power in inflicting them a power 
 far too perilous to be continued when the 
 manifold exigencies of the Apostolic age 
 had passed away (Acts v. 5, 10, Sx. 17, 40, 
 xiii. 11). Even apart from actual interven- 
 tion by the Apostles, bodily visitations are 
 spoken of in the case of those who ap- 
 proached the Lord's Supper unworthily (1 
 Cor. xi. 30). 
 
 Hymn. Among the later Jews the word 
 hymn was more or less vague in its appli- 
 cation, and capable of being used as occasion 
 should arise. To Christians the Hymn has 
 always been something different from the 
 Psalm ; a different conception in thought, 
 a different type in composition. There is 
 some dispute about the hymn sung by our 
 Lord and his Apostles on the occasion of 
 the Last Supper ; but even supposing it to 
 have been the Hallcl, or Paschal Hymn, con- 
 sisting of Pss. cxiii.-cxviii., it is obvious that 
 the word hymn is in this case applied not 
 to an individual psalm, but to a number of 
 psalms chanted successively, and all togeth-, 
 er forming a kind of devotional exercise 
 which is not unaptly called a hymn. In 
 the jail at Philippi, Paul and Silas " sang 
 hymns " (A. V. " praises ") unto God, and 
 so loud was their song that their fellow- 
 prisoners heard them. This must have 
 been what we mean by singing, and not 
 merely recitation. It was in fact a verita- 
 ble singing of hymns. And it is remarkable 
 that the noun hymn is only used in refer- 
 ence to the services of the Greeks, and in 
 the same passages is clearly distinguished 
 from the psalm (Eph. v. 19, Col. iii. 1C), 
 " psalms, and hymns, and spiritual songs." 
 
 Hyssop. (Heb. 6z6b.) The tz6b was 
 used to sprinkle the doorposts of the Israel- 
 ites in Egypt with the blood of the paschal 
 lamb (Ex. xii. 22) ; it was employed in the 
 purification of lepers and leprous houses 
 (Lev. xiv. 4, 51), and in the sacrifice of the 
 red heifer (Num. xix. 6). In consequence 
 of its detergent qualities, or from its being 
 associated with the purificatory services, 
 the Psalmist makes use of the expression, 
 "purge me with czdb" (Ps. Ii. 7). It is 
 described in 1 K. iv. 33 as growing on or 
 near walls. Bochart decides in favor of 
 marjoram, or some plant like it, and to this 
 conclusion, it must be admitted, all ancient 
 tradition points. But Dr. Royle, after a 
 careful investigation of the subject, arrives 
 at the conclusion that the hyssop is no other 
 than the caper-plant, or capparis spinosa
 
 1BHAR 
 
 254 
 
 IDOLATRY 
 
 of Linnaeus. The Arabic name of this 
 plant, asitf, by which it is sometimes, 
 though not commonly, described, bears 
 considerable resemblance to the Hebrew. 
 
 I. 
 
 ib'har, one of *the sons of David (2 
 Sam. v. 15 ; 1 Chr. iii. 6, xiv. 6) born in 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 Ib'leam, a city of Manasseh, with vil- 
 lages or towns dependent on it (Judg. i. 
 27). It appears to have been situated in 
 the territory of either Issachar or Asher 
 (Josh. xvii. 11). The ascent of GUR was 
 "at Ibleam" (2 K. ix. 27), somewhere 
 near the present Jenin, probably to the 
 north of it. 
 
 Ibnei'ah,* son of Jchoram, a Benjamite 
 (1 Chr. ix. 8). 
 
 Ibni'jah, a Benjamite (1 Chr. ix. 8). 
 
 Ib'ri, a Merarite Levite of the family of 
 Jaaziah (1 Chr. xxiv. 27), in the time of 
 David. 
 
 Ib'zan, a native of Bethlehem of Zebu- 
 lun, who judged Israel for seven years 
 after Jephthah (Judg. xii. 8, 10). 
 
 Ich'abod, the son of Phinehas, and 
 grandson of Eli (1 Sam. iv. 21). 
 
 Ico'nium, the modern Konieh, was the 
 capital of LYCAONIA. It was on the great 
 lia? of communication between Ephesus 
 and the western coast of the peninsula on 
 one side, and Tarsus, Antioch, and the 
 Euphrates on the other. Iconium was a 
 well chosen place for missionary operations 
 (Acts xiv. 1, 3, 21, 22, xvi. 1, 2, xviii. 23). 
 The Apostle's first visit was on his first 
 circuit, in company with Barnabas ; and 
 on this occasion he approached it from 
 Antioeh in Pisidia, which lay to the west. 
 
 Id'alah., one of the cities of the tribe 
 of Zebulun, named between Shimron and 
 Bethlehem (Josh. xix. 15). 
 
 Id/bash, one of the three sons of Abi- 
 Etam, among the families of Judah (1 Chr. 
 iv. 3). 
 
 Id'do. 1. The father of Abinadab (1 
 K. iv. 14). 2. A descendant of Gershom, 
 son of Levi (1 Chr. vi. 21). 3. Son of 
 Zechariah, ruler of the tribe of Manasseh 
 east of Jordan in the time of David (1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 21). 4. A seer whose "visions" 
 against Jeroboam incidentally contained 
 some of the acts of Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 
 29) . He appears to have written a chroni- 
 cle or story relating to the life and reign of 
 Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 22), and also a book 
 "concerning genealogies" in which the 
 acts of Rehoboam were recorded (xii. 15). 
 These books are lost, but they may have 
 formed part of the foundation of the ex- 
 isting books of Chronicles. 5. The grand- 
 father of the prophet Zechariah (Zech. i. 1, 
 
 7), although in other places Zechariah is 
 called " the son of Iddo " (Ezr. v. 1 ; vi. 
 14). Iddo returned from Babylon with 
 Zerubbabel and Jeshua (Neh. xii. 4). 6. 
 The chief of those who assembled at Ca- 
 siphia, at the time of the second caravan 
 from Babylon. He was one of the Nethi- 
 nim (Ezr. viii. 17; comp. 20). 
 
 Idol, Image. No less than twenty- 
 one different Hebrew words have been ren- 
 dered in the A. V. either by idol or image, 
 including a class of abstract terms, which, 
 with a deep moral significance, express the 
 degradation associated with it, and stand 
 out as a protest of the language against the 
 enormities of idolatry. Such are, 1. Aven, 
 rendered elsewhere " nought," " vanity," 
 " iniquity," " wickedness," " sorrow," &c., 
 and once only "idol" (Is. Ixvi. 3). 2. 
 Elil is thought by some to have a sense 
 akin to that of " falsehood." In strong 
 contrast with Jehovah it appears in Ps. xc. 
 5, xcvii. 7. 3. Em&h, "horror," or " ter- 
 ror," and hence an object of horror or ter- 
 ror (Jer. 1. 38), in reference either to the 
 hideousness of the idols or to the gross 
 character of their worship. 4. dsheth, 
 "shame," or "shameful thing" (A. V. 
 Jer. xi. 13; Hos. ix. 10), applied to Baal or 
 Baal-Peor, as characterizing the obscenity 
 of his worship, &c. Among the earliest 
 objects of worship, regarded as symbols of 
 deity, were, the meteoric stones which the 
 ancients believed to have been the images 
 of the gods sent down from heaven. From 
 these they transferred their regard to rough 
 unhewn blocks, to stone columns or pillars 
 of wood, in which the divinity worshipped 
 was supposed to dwell, and which were 
 consecrated, like the sacred stone at Delphi, 
 by being anointed with oil, and crowned 
 with wool on solemn days. Such customs 
 are remarkable illustrations, of the solemn 
 consecration by Jacob of the stone at Beth- 
 el, as showing the religious reverence with 
 which these memorials were regarded. Of 
 the forms assumed by the idolatrous images 
 we have not many traces in the Bible. 
 Dagon, the fish-god of the Philistines, was 
 a human figure terminating in a fish ; and 
 Jiat the Syrian deities were represented in 
 ater times in a symbolical human shape 
 ve know for certainty. The Hebrews im- 
 tated their neighbors in this respect as in 
 others (Is. xliv. 13; Wisd. xiii. 13). When 
 ;he process of adorning the image was com- 
 pleted, it was placed in a temple or shrine 
 appointed for it (Epist. Jer. 12, 19 ; Wisd. 
 xiii. 15; 1 Cor. viii. 10). From these 
 ;emples the idols were sometimes carried 
 n procession (Epist. Jer. 4, 2G) on festival 
 days. Their priests were maintained from 
 the idol treasury, and feasted upon the 
 meats which were appointed for the idols' 
 use (Bel and the Dragon, 3, 13). 
 Idolatry, strictly speaking, denotes the
 
 IDOLATRY 
 
 255 
 
 IDOLATRY 
 
 worship of deity in a visible form, whether 
 the images to which homage is paid are 
 symbolical representations of the true God 
 or of the false divinities which have been 
 made the objects of worship in His stead. 
 I. History of Idolatry among the Jews. 
 The first undoubted allusion to idolatry or 
 idolatrous customs in the Bible is in the 
 account of Rachel's stealing her father's 
 teraphim (Gen. xxxi. 19), a relic of the 
 worship of other gods, whom the ancestors 
 of the Israelites served " on the other side 
 of the river, in old time" (Josh. xxiv. 2). 
 These he consulted as oracles (Gen. xxx. 
 27, A.V. " learned by experience "), though 
 without entirely losing sight of the God of 
 Abraham and the God of Nahor, to whom 
 he appealed when occasion offered (Gen. 
 xxxi. 53), while he was ready, in the pres- 
 ence of Jacob, to acknowledge the benefits 
 conferred upon him by Jehovah (Gen. xxx. 
 27). Such, indeed, was the character of 
 most of the idolatrous worship of the Israel- 
 ites. Like the Cuthean colonists in Sa- 
 maria, who "feared Jehovah and served 
 their own gods " (2 K. xvii. 33), they 
 blended in a strange manner a theoretical 
 belief in the true God with the external 
 reverence which they were led to pay to 
 the idols of the nations by whom they were 
 surrounded. During their long residence 
 in Egypt, the country of symbolism, they 
 defiled themselves with the idols of the 
 land, and it was long before the taint was 
 removed (Josh. xxiv. 14; Ez. xx. 7). To 
 these gods Moses, as the herald of Jehovah, 
 flung down the gauntlet of defiance, and 
 the plagues of Egypt smote their symbols 
 (Num. xxxiii. 4). Yet, with the memory 
 of their deliverance fresh in their minds, 
 their leader absent, the Israelites clamored 
 for some visible shape in which they might 
 worship the God who had brought them 
 out of Egypt (Ex. xxxii.). Aaron lent 
 himself to the popular cry, and chose as 
 the symbol of deity one with which they 
 had long been familiar the calf em- 
 bodiment of Apis, and emblem of the pro- 
 ductive power of nature. For a while the 
 erection of the tabernacle, and the establish- 
 ment of the worship which accompanied it, 
 satisfied that craving for an outward sign 
 which the Israelites constantly exhibited; 
 and for the remainder of their march through 
 the desert, with the dwelling-place of Jeho- 
 vah in their midst, they did not again de- 
 generate into open apostasy. But it was 
 only so long as their contact with the na- 
 tions was of a hostile character that this 
 seeming orthodoxy was maintained. Dur- 
 ing the lives of Joshua and the elders who 
 outlived him, they kept true to their allegi- 
 ance; but the generation following, who 
 knew not Jehovah, nor the works he had 
 done for Israel, swerved from the plain path 
 of their fathers, and were caught in the 
 
 toils of the foreigner (Judg. ii.). From this 
 time forth their history becomes little more 
 than a chronicle of the inevitable sequence 
 of offence and punishment (Judg. ii. 12, 
 14). By turns each conquering nation 
 strove to establish the worship of its na- 
 tional god. Thus far idolatry as a national 
 sin. The episode of Micab, in Judg. 
 xvii., xviii., sheds a lurid light on the secret 
 practices of individuals, who, without for- 
 mally renouncing Jehovah, though ceasing 
 to recognize Him as the theocratic King 
 (xvii. 6), linked with His worship the sym- 
 bols of ancient idolatry. In later times the 
 practice of secret idolatry was carried to 
 greater lengths. Images were set up on 
 the corn-floors, in the wine-vats, and be- 
 hind the doors of private houses (Is. Ivii. 8 ; 
 Hos. ix. 1, 2) ; and to check this tendency 
 the statute in Deut. xxvii. 15 was originally 
 promulgated. Under Samuel's administra- 
 tion a fast was held, and purificatory rites 
 performed, to mark the public renunciation 
 of idolatry (1 Sam. vii. 3-6). But in the 
 reign of Solomon all this was forgotten. 
 Each of his many foreign wives brought 
 with her the gods of her own nation ; and 
 the gods of Ammon, Moab, and Zidon 
 ware openly worshipped. Rehoboam, the 
 son of an Ammonite mother, perpetuated 
 the worst features of Solomon's idolatry (1 
 K. xiv. 22-24) ; and in his reign was made 
 the great schism in the national religion : 
 when Jeroboam, fresh from his recollec- 
 tions of the Apis worship of Egypt, erected 
 golden calves at Bethel and at Dan. and by 
 this crafty state-policy severed forever the 
 kingdoms of Judah and Israel (1 K. xii 26- 
 33). The successors of Jeroboam followed 
 in his steps, till Ahab, who married a Zido- 
 nian princess, at her instigation (1 K. xxi. 
 25) built a temple and altar to Baal, and 
 revived all the abominations of the Amorites 
 (IK. xxi. 26). Compared with the worship 
 of Baal, the worship of the calves was a 
 venial offence, probably because it was 
 morally less detestable and also less anti- 
 national (1 K. xii. 28; 2 K. x. 28-31). 
 Henceforth Baal-worship became so com- 
 pletely identified with the northern kingdom 
 that it is described as walking in the way or 
 statutes of the kings of Israel (2 K. xvi. 3, 
 xvii. 8), as distinguished from the sin of 
 Jeroboam. The conquest of the ten tribes 
 by Shalmaneser was for them the last scene 
 of the drama of abominations which had 
 been enacted uninterruptedly for upwards 
 of 250 years. The first act of Hezekiah 
 on ascending the throne was the restoration 
 and purification of the temple, which had 
 been dismantled and closed during the lat- 
 ter part of his father's life (2 Chr. xxviii. 
 24, xxix. 3). The iconoclastic spirit was 
 not confined to Judah and Benjamin, but 
 spread throughout Ephraim and Manasseh 
 (2 Chr. xxxi. 1), and to all external ap-
 
 IDOLATRY 
 
 256 
 
 IDOLATRY 
 
 pearance idolatry Avas extirpated. But the 
 reform extended little below the surface (Is. 
 xxix. 13). With the death of Josiah ended 
 the last effort to revive among the people a 
 purer ritual, if not a purer faith. The lamp 
 of David, which had long shed but a strug- 
 gling ray, flickered for a while and then 
 went out in the darkness of Babylonian cap- 
 tivity. But foreign exile was powerless to 
 eradicate the deep inbred tendency to idola- 
 try. One of the first difficulties with which 
 Ezra had to contend was the haste with which 
 his countrymen took them foreign wives of 
 the people of the land, and followed them in 
 all their abominations (Ezr. ix.) The con- 
 quests of Alexander in Asia caused Greek 
 influence to be extensively felt, and Greek 
 idolatry to be first tolerated, and then 
 practised, by the Jews (1 Mace. i. 43-50, 
 54). The attempt of Antiochus to establish 
 this form of worship was vigorously re- 
 sisted by Mattathias (1 Mace. ii. 23-26). 
 The erection of synagogues has been as- 
 signed as a reason for the comparative 
 purity of the Jewish worship after the cap- 
 tivity, while another cause has been dis- 
 covered in the hatred for images acquired 
 by the Jews in their intercourse with the 
 Persians. II. Objects .of Idolatry. In 
 the old religion of the Semitic races the 
 deity, following human analogy, was con- 
 ceived of as male and female : the one rep- 
 resenting the active, the other the passive 
 principle of nature ; the former the source 
 of spiritual, the latter of physical life. The 
 sun and moon were early selected as out- 
 ward symbols of this all-pervading power, 
 and the worship of the heavenly bodies 
 was not only the most ancient but the 
 most prevalent system of idolatry. Tak- 
 ing its rise in the plains of Chaldea, it 
 spread through Egypt, Greece, Scythia, 
 and even Mexico and Ceylon (comp. 
 Deut. iv. 19, xvii. 3; Job xxxi. 26-28). 
 It is probable that the Israelites learnt 
 their first lessons in sun-worship from 
 the Egyptians, in whose religious sys- 
 tem that luminary, as Osiris, held a prom- 
 inent place. The Phoenicians worshipped 
 him under the title of " Lord of heaven." 
 As Molech or Milcom, the sun was wor- 
 shipped by the Ammonites, and as Che- 
 mosh by the Moabites. The Hadad of 
 the Syrians is the same deity. The Assyr- 
 ian Bel, or Bolus, is another form of Baal. 
 By the later kings of Judah, sacred horses 
 and chariots were dedicated to the sun-god, 
 as by the Persians (2 K. xxiii. 11). The 
 moon, worshipped by the Phoenicians under 
 the name of Astarte or Baaltis, the passive 
 power of nature, as Baal was the active, 
 and known to the Hebrews as Ashtaroth or 
 Ashtoreth, the tutelary goddess of the Zido- 
 nians, appears early among the objects of 
 Israelitish idolatry. In the later times of 
 the monarchy, the planets, or the zodiacal 
 
 signs, received, next to the sun and moon, 
 their share of popular adoration (2 K. xxiii. 
 5). Beast-worship, as exemplified in the 
 calves of Jeroboam, has already been al- 
 luded to. There is no actual proof that 
 the Israelites ever joined in the service 
 of Dagon, the fish-god of the Philistines, 
 though Ahaziah sent stealthily to Baalze- 
 bub, the fly-god of Ekron (2 K. i.), and in 
 later times the brazen serpent became the 
 object of idolatrous homage (2 K. xviii. 4). 
 Of pure hero-worship among the Semitic 
 races we find no trace. The singular rever- 
 ence with which trees have been honored is 
 not without example in the history of the 
 Hebrews. The terebinth at Mamre, be- 
 neath which Abraham built an altar (Gen. 
 xii. 7, xiii. 18), and the memorial grove 
 planted by him at Beersheba (Gen. xxi. 33), 
 were intimately connected with patriarchal 
 worship. Mountains and high places were 
 chosen spots for offering sacrifice and in- 
 cense to idols (1 K. xi. 7, xiv. 23) ; and the 
 retirement of gardens and the thick shade 
 of woods offered great attractions to their 
 worshippers (2 K. xvi. 4 ; Is. i. 29 ; Hos. iv. 
 13). The host of heaven was worshipped 
 on the house-top (2 K. xxiii. 12 ; Jer. xix. 
 3, xxxii. 29; Zeph. i. 5). III. Punishment 
 of Idolatry. If one main object of the 
 Hebrew polity was to teach the unity of God, 
 the extermination of idolatry was but a sub- 
 ordinate end. Jehovah, the God of the Is- 
 raelites, was the civil head of the State. 
 He was the theocratic king of the people, 
 who had delivered them from bondage, and 
 to whom they had taken a willing oath of 
 allegiance. Idolatry, therefore, to an Is- 
 raelite was a state offence (1 Sam. xv. 23), 
 a political crime of the gravest character, 
 high treason against the majesty of his king. 
 But it was much more than all this. While 
 the idolatry of foreign nations is stigma- 
 tized merely as an abomination in the sight 
 of God. which called for his vengeance, the 
 sin of the Israelites is regarded as of more 
 glaring enormity and greater moral guilt. 
 In the figurative language of the prophets, 
 the relation between Jehovah and his people 
 is represented as a marriage bond (Is. liv. 
 5; Jer. iii. 14), and the worship of false 
 gods with all its accompaniments (Lev. xx. 
 56) becomes then the greatest of social 
 wrongs (Hos. ii. ; Jer. iii., &c.). The first 
 and second commandments arc directed 
 against idolatry of every form. Individuals 
 and communities were equally amenable to 
 the rigorous code. The individual offender 
 was devoted to destruction (Ex. xxii. 20) ; 
 his nearest relatives were not only bound 
 to denounce him and deliver him up to 
 punishment (Deut. xiii. 2-10), but their 
 hands were to strike the first blow, when, on 
 the evidence of two witnesses at least, he 
 was stoned (Deut. xvii. 2-5). To attempt 
 to seduce others to false worship was a
 
 IDUMEA 
 
 257 
 
 INCENSE 
 
 crime of equal enormity (Deut. xiii. 6- 
 10). 
 
 Idume'a. [EDOM.] 
 
 I'gal. 1. Oneof the spies, son of Joseph, 
 of the tribe of Issachar (Num. xiii. 7). 2. 
 One of the heroes of David's guard, son of 
 Nathan of Zobah (2 Sam. xxiii. 36) . 
 
 Igdali'ah, a prophet or holy man 
 " the man of God " named once only (Jer. 
 xxxv. 4), as the father of Hanan. 
 
 Ig'eal, a son of Shemaiah ; a descend- 
 ant of the royal house of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 
 22). 
 
 I'im. 1. The partial or contracted form 
 of the name IJE-ABARIM (Num. xxxiii. 45). 
 2. A town in the extreme south of Judah 
 (Josh. xv. 28). 
 
 I'je-ab'arim, one of the later halting- 
 places of the children of Israel (Num. xxi. 
 11, xxxiii. 44). It was on the boundary 
 the S. E. boundary of the territory of 
 Moab; in the waste uncultivated "wilder- 
 ness " on its skirts (xxi. 11). 
 
 I'jon, a town in the north of Palestine, 
 belonging to the tribe of Naphtali. It was 
 taken and plundered by the captains of Ben- 
 hadad (1 K. xv. 20; 2 Chr. xvi. 4), and a 
 second time by Tiglath-pileser (2 K. xv. 29). 
 It was situated a few miles N. W. of the 
 site of Dan, in a fertile and beautiful little 
 plain called Merj 'AyHn. 
 
 Ik'kesh, the father of IRA the Tekoite 
 (2 Sam. xxiii. 26; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 
 9). 
 
 I'lai, an Ahohite, one of the heroes of 
 David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 29). 
 
 Illyr'icum, an extensive district lying 
 along the eastern coast of the Adriatic, from 
 the boundary of Italy on the north to Epirus 
 on the south, and contiguous to Moesia and 
 Macedonia on the east (Rom. xv. 19). 
 
 Image. [IDOL.] 
 
 Im'la, father or progenitor of Micaiah 
 the prophet (2 Chr. xviii. 7, 8). The form 
 
 Im'lah is employed in the parallel nar- 
 rative (1 K. xxii. 8, 9). 
 
 Imman'uel, that is, God with us, the 
 symbolical name given by the prophet 
 Isaiah to the child who was announced to 
 Ahaz and the people of Judah, as the sign 
 which God would give of their deliverance 
 from their enemies (Is. vii. 14). It is ap- 
 plied by the Apostle Matthew to the Mes- 
 siah, born of the Virgin "(Matt. i. 23). It 
 would therefore appear that the immediate 
 reference of the prophet was to some con- 
 temporary occurrence, but that his words 
 received their true and full accomplishment 
 in the birth of the Messiah. 
 
 Im'mer. 1. The founder of an important 
 family of priests (1 Chr. ix. 12 ; Neh. xi. 
 13). This family had charge of, and gave 
 its name to, the sixteenth course of the ser- 
 vice (1 Chr. xxiv. 14). 2. Apparently the 
 name of a place in Babylonia (Ezr. ii. 59 ; 
 Neh. vii. 61). 
 
 17 
 
 Im'na, a descendant of Asher, son of 
 Helem (1 Chr. vii. 35; comp. 40). 
 
 Im'nah. 1. The first-born of Asher 
 (1 Chr. vii. 30). 2. Kore ben-Imnah, the 
 Levite, assisted in the reforms of Hezekiah 
 (2 Chr. xxxi. 14). 
 
 Im'raa, a descendant of Asher, of the 
 family of ZOPHAH (1 Chr. vii. 36). 
 
 Im'ri. 1. A man of Judah, of the great 
 family of Pharez (1 Chr. ix. 4). 2. Father 
 or progenitor of ZACCUR (Neh. iii. 2). 
 
 Incense. The incense employed in the 
 service of the tabernacle was compounded 
 of the perfumes stacte, onycha, galbanum, 
 and pure frankincense. All incense which 
 was not made of these ingredients was for- 
 bidden to be offered (Ex. xxx. 9). Aaron, 
 as high-priest, was originally appointed to 
 offer incense, but in the daily service of 
 the second temple the office devolved upon 
 the inferior priests, from among whom one 
 was chosen by lot (Luke i. 9), each morn- 
 ing and evening. The times of offering 
 incense were specified in the instructions 
 first given to Moses (Ex. xxx. 7, 8). The 
 morning incense was offered when the 
 lamps were trimmed in the Holy place, 
 and before the sacrifice, when the watch- 
 man set for the purpose announced the 
 break of day. When the lamps were light- 
 ed "between the evenings." after the even- 
 ing sacrifice and before the drink-offerings 
 were offered, incense was again burnt on 
 the golden altar, which " belonged to the 
 oracle " (1 K. vi. 22), and stood before the 
 veil which separated the Holy place from 
 the Holy of Holies, the throne of God (Rev. 
 viii. 4). When the priest entered the Holy 
 place with the incense, all the people were 
 removed from the temple, and from be- 
 tween the porch and the altar (cf. Luke i. 
 10). Profound silence was observed among 
 the congregation who were praying with- 
 out (cf. Rev. viii. 1), and at a signal from 
 the prefect the priest cast the incense on 
 the fire, and bowing reverently towards the 
 Holy of Holies retired slowly backwards, 
 not prolonging his prayer that he might 
 not alarm the congregation, or cause them 
 to fear that he had been struck dead for 
 offering unworthily (Lev. xvi. 13 ; Luke i. 
 21). On the day of atonement the service 
 was different. The offering of incense has 
 formed a part of the religious ceremonies 
 of most ancient nations. It was an ele- 
 ment in the idolatrous worship of the Is- 
 raelites (Jer. xi. 12, 17, xlviii. 35 ; 2 Chr. 
 xxxiv. 25). Looking upon incense in con- 
 nection with the other ceremonial obser- 
 vances of the Mosaic ritual, it would 
 rather seem to be symbolical, not of prayer 
 itself, but of that which makes prayer ac- 
 ceptable, the intercession of Christ. In 
 Rev. viii. 3, 4, the incense is spoken (if as 
 something distinct from, though offered with 
 the prayers of all the saints (cf. Luke i.
 
 INDIA 
 
 258 
 
 IRON 
 
 10) ; and in Rev v. 8 it is the golden vials, 
 and not the odors or incense, which are said 
 to be the prayers of saints. 
 
 India. The name of India does not oc- 
 cur in the Bible before the book of Esther, 
 where it is noticed as the limit of the terri- 
 tories of Ahasuerus in the east, as Ethiopia 
 was in the west (i. 1; viii. 9). The India 
 of the book of Esther is not the peninsula 
 of Hindostan, but the country surrounding 
 the Indus, the PunjAb, and perhaps Scinde. 
 In 1 Mace. viii. 8, India is reckoned among 
 the countries which Eumenes, king of Per- 
 gamus, received out of the former posses- 
 sions of Antiochus the Great. A more 
 authentic notice of the country occurs in 1 
 Mace. xi. 37. But though the name of 
 India occurs so seldom, the people and 
 productions of that country must have 
 been tolerably well known to the Jews. 
 There is undoubted evidence that an active 
 trade was carried on between India and 
 Western Asia. The trade opened by Solo- 
 mon with Ophir through the Red Sea con- 
 sisted chiefly of Indian articles. The con- 
 nection thus established with India led to the 
 opinion that the Indians were included under 
 the ethnological title of Gush (Gen. x. 6). 
 Inheritance. [HEIR.] 
 Ink, Inkhorn. [WRITING.] 
 Inn. The Hebrew word (m&Wn) thus 
 rendered literally signifies " a lodging-place 
 for the night." Inns, in our sense of the 
 term, were, as they still are, unknown in 
 the East, where hospitality is religiously 
 practised. The khans, or caravanserais, 
 are the representatives of European inns, 
 and these were established but gradually. 
 It is doubtful whether there is any allusion 
 to them in the Old Testament. The halt- 
 ing-place of a caravan was selected origi- 
 nally on account of its proximity to water 
 or pasture, by which the travellers pitched 
 their tents, and passed the night. Such 
 was undoubtedly the " inn " at which oc- 
 curred the incident in the life of Moses, 
 narrated in Ex. iv. 24 (comp. Gen. xlii. 
 27). On the more frequented routes, re- 
 mote from towns (Jer. ix. 2), caravanserais 
 were in course of time erected, often at the 
 expense of the wealthy. The following 
 description of one of those on the road 
 from Bagdad to Babylon will suffice for 
 all : "It is a large and substantial square 
 building, in the distance resembling a for- 
 tress, being surrounded with a lofty wall, 
 and flanked by round towers to defend the 
 inmates in case of attack. Passing through 
 a strong gateway, the guest enters a large 
 court, the sides of which are divided into 
 numerous arched compartments, open in 
 front, for the accommodation of separate 
 parties, and for the reception of goods. In 
 the centre is a spacious raised platform, 
 used for sleeping upon at night, or for the 
 deTotians of the faithful during the day. 
 
 Between the outer wall and the compart- 
 ments are wide vaulted arcades, extending 
 round the entire building, where the beasts 
 of burden are placed. Upon the roof of 
 the arcades is an excellent terrace, and 
 over the gateway an elevated tower con- 
 taining two rooms one of which is open 
 at the sides, permitting the occupants to 
 enjoy every breath of air that passes across 
 the heated plain. The terrace is tolerably 
 clean ; but the court and stabling below are 
 ankle-deep in chopped straw and filth." 
 (Loftus, Chaldea, p. 13.) 
 
 Instant, Instantly, in the A. V., 
 means urgent, urgently, or fervently, as 
 will be seen from the following passages : 
 Luke vii. 4, xxiii. 23 ; Acts tfxvi. 7 ; Rom. 
 xii. 12. In 2 Tim. iv. 2 we find "be in- 
 stant in season and out of season." The 
 literal sense is " stand ready " "be alert" 
 for whatever may happen. 
 
 Iphedei'ah, a descendant of Benjamin, 
 one of the Bene-Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 25). 
 
 Ir, 1 Chr. vii. 12. [Im.] 
 
 I'ra. 1. "The Jairite," named in the 
 catalogue of David's great officers (2 Sam. 
 xx. 26). 2. One of the heroes of David's 
 guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 38; 1 Chr. xi. 40). 
 3. Another of David's guard, a Tekoite, 
 son of Ikkesh (2 Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
 28). 
 
 I'rad, son of Enoch ; grandson of Cain, 
 and father of Mehujael (Gen. iv. 18). 
 
 I'ram, a leader of the Edomites (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 43; 1 Chr. i. 54), i. e., the chief of 
 a family or tribe. No identification of him 
 has been found. 
 
 I'ri, or Ir, a Benjamite, son of Bela (1 
 Chr. vii. 7, 12). 
 
 Iri'jah, son of Shelemiah, a captain 
 of the wai'd, who met Jeremiah in the gate 
 of Jerusalem, called the "gate of Ben- 
 jamin," accused him of being about to de- 
 sert to the Chaldeans, and led him back to 
 the princes (Jer. xxxvii. 13, 14). 
 
 Ir'-nahash, a name which, like many 
 other names of places, occurs in the gene- 
 alogical lists of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 12). 
 
 I'ron, one of the cities of Naphtali 
 (Josh. xix. 38), hitherto totally unknown. 
 
 Iron is mentioned with brass as the 
 earliest of known metals (Gen. iv. 22). As 
 it is rarely found in its native state, but 
 generally in combination with oxygen, the 
 knowledge of the art of forging iron, which 
 is attributed to Tubal Cain, argues an ac- 
 quaintance with the difficulties which attend 
 the smelting of this metal. The natural 
 wealth of the soil of Canaan is indicated by 
 1 describing it as "a land whose stones are 
 iron" (Deut. viii. 9). The book of Job 
 contains passages which indicate that iron 
 was a metal well known. Of the manner 
 of procuring it, we learn that "iron is 
 taken from dust" (xxviii. 2). The "fur- 
 nace of iron " (Deut. iv. 28 ; IK. viii. 51)
 
 IRPEEL 
 
 259 
 
 ISAAC 
 
 is a figure which vividly expresses hard 
 bondage, as represented by the severe labor 
 which attended the operation of smelting. 
 Sheet-iron was used for cooking utensils 
 (Ez. iv. 3; cf. Lev. vii. 9). That it was 
 plentiful in the time of David appears from 
 1 Chr. xxii. 3. The market of Tyre was 
 supplied with bright or polished iron by the 
 merchants of Dan and Javan (Ez. xxvii. 
 19). The Chalybes of the Pontus were 
 celebrated as workers in iron in very an- 
 cient times. The produce of their labor is 
 supposed to be alluded to in Jer. xv. 
 12, as being of superior quality. It was 
 for a long time supposed that the Egyp- 
 tians were ignorant of the use of iron, and 
 that the allusions in the Pentateuch were 
 anachronisms, as no traces of it have been 
 found in their monuments ; but in the sep- 
 ulchres at Thebes butchers are repre- 
 sented as sharpening their knives on a 
 round bar of metal attached to their aprons, 
 which from its blue color is presumed to be 
 steel. One iron mine only has been dis- 
 covered in Egypt, which was worked by 
 the ancients. It is at Hammami, between 
 the Nile and the Red Sea ; the iron found 
 by Mr. Burton was in the form of specu- 
 lar and red ore. That no articles of iron 
 should have been found is readily accounted 
 for by the fact that it is easily destroyed by 
 moisture and exposure to the air. Speci- 
 mens of Assyrian iron-work overlaid with 
 bronze were discovered by Mr. Layard, and 
 are now in the British Museum. Iron 
 weapons of various kinds were found at 
 Nimroud, but fell to pieces on exposure 
 to the air. There is considerable doubt 
 whether the ancients were acquainted with 
 cast-iron. The rendering given by the 
 LXX. of Job xl. 18 seems to imply that 
 some method nearly like that of casting 
 was known, and is supported by a passage 
 in Diodorus (v. 13). In Ecclus. xxxviii. 
 28, we have a picture of the interior of an 
 iron-smith's (Is. xliv. 12) workshop. 
 
 Ir'peel, one of the cities of Benjamin 
 (Josh, xviii. 27). No trace has yet been 
 discovered of its situation. 
 
 Ir'-she'mesh, a city of the Danites 
 (Josh. xix. 41), probably identical with 
 BETH-SHEMESH, and, if not identical, at 
 least connected with MOUNT HERBS (Judg. 
 i. 35). 
 
 I'ru, the eldest son of the great Caleb 
 son of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 15). 
 
 I'saac, the son whom Sarah, in accord- 
 ance with the Divine promise, bore to Abra- 
 ham, in the hundredth year of his age, at 
 Gerar. In his infancy he became the ob- 
 ject of Ishmael's jealousy ; and in his youth 
 the victim, in intention, of Abraham's great 
 sacrificial act of faith. When forty years 
 old he married Rebekah his cousin, by 
 whom, when he was sixty, he had two sons, 
 Esau and Jacob. In his seventy-fifth year 
 
 he and his brother Ishmael buried their f 
 ther Abraham in the cave of Machpelah. 
 From this abode by the well Lahai-roi, in 
 the South Country, Isaac was driven by a 
 famine to Gerar. Here Jehovah appeared 
 to him and bade him dwell there, and not 
 go over into Egypt, and renewed to him the 
 promises made to Abraham. Here he sub- 
 jected himself, like Abraham in the same 
 place and under like circumstances (Gen. 
 xx. 2), to a rebuke from Abimelech the 
 Philistine king for an equivocation. Here 
 he acquired great wealth by his flocks, but 
 was repeatedly dispossessed by the Philis- 
 tines of the wells which he sank at con- 
 venient stations. At Beersheba Jehovah 
 appeared to him by night and blessed him, 
 and he built an altar there : there, too, like 
 Abraham, he received a visit from the Phi- 
 listine king Abimelech, with whom he made 
 a covenant of peace. After the deceit by 
 which Jacob acquired his father's blessing, 
 Isaac sent his son to seek a wife in Padan- 
 aram ; and all that we know of him during 
 the last forty-three years of his life is, that 
 he saw that son, with a large and prosper- 
 ous family, return to him at Hebron (xxxv. 
 27) before he died there at the age of 180 
 years. He was buried by his two sons in 
 the cave of Machpelah. In the N. T. 
 reference is made to the offering of Isaac 
 (Heb. xi. 17; and James ii. 21) and to his 
 blessing his sons (Heb. xi. 20). As the 
 child of the promise, and as the progenitor 
 of the children of the promise, he is con- 
 trasted with Ishmael (Rom. ix. 7, 10 ; Gal. 
 iv. 28; Heb. xi. 18). In our Lord's re- 
 markable argument with the Sadducees, his 
 history is carried beyond the point at which 
 it is left in the O. T., and beyond the grave. 
 Isaac, of whom it was said (Gen. xxxv. 29) 
 that he was gathered to his people, is rep- 
 resented as still living to God (Luke xx. 
 38, &c.) ; and by the same Divine author- 
 ity he is proclaimed as an acknowledged 
 heir of future glory (Matt. viii. 11, &c.). 
 It has been asked what are the persecutions 
 sustained by Isaac from Ishmael to which 
 St. Paul refers (Gal. iv. 29). Rashi re- 
 lates a Jewish tradition of Isaac suffering 
 personal violence from Ishmael, a tradition 
 which some think was adopted by St. Paul. 
 In reference to the offering up of Isaac by 
 Abraham, the primary doctrines taught are 
 those of sacrifice and substitution, as the 
 means appointed by God for taking away 
 sin ; and, as co-ordinate with these, the 
 need of the obedience of faith, on the part 
 of man, to receive the benefit (Heb. xi. 17). 
 A confusion is often made between Isaac 
 and the victim actually offered. Isaac 
 himself is generally viewed as a type of 
 the Son of God, offered for the sins of 
 men ; but Isaac, himself one of the sinful 
 race for whom atonement was to be made, 
 Isaac, who did not actually suffer death,
 
 ISAIAH 
 
 260 
 
 ISAIAH 
 
 was no fit type of Him who " was slain, 
 the just for the unjust." But the animal, 
 not of the human race, which God provided 
 and Abraham offered, was in the whole 
 history of sacrifice the recognized type 
 of " the Lamb of God, that taketh away 
 the sins of the world." Isaac is the type 
 of humanity itself, devoted to death for 
 sin, and submitting to the sentence. 
 
 Isa'iah, the prophet, son of Arnoz. The 
 Hebrew name, our shortened form of which 
 occurs with other persons [see JESAIAH, 
 JESHAIAH], signifies Salvation of Jdhu (a 
 shortened form of Jehovah}. He prophe- 
 sied concerning Judah and Jerusalem in 
 the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and 
 Hezekiah, kings of Judah (Is. i. 1). Isaiah 
 must have been an old man at the close of 
 Hezekiah's reign. The ordinary chronol- 
 ogy gives 758 B. c. for the date of Jotham's 
 accession, and 698 for that of Hezekiah's 
 death. This gives us a period of sixty 
 years. And since his ministry commenced 
 before Uzziah's death (how long we know 
 not), supposing him to have been no more 
 than twenty years old when he began to 
 prophesy, he would have been eighty or 
 ninety at Manasseh's accession. Rabbini- 
 cal tradition says that Isaiah was sawn 
 asunder in a trunk of a tree by order of 
 Manasseh, to which it is supposed that ref- 
 erence is made in Hebrews xi. 37. I. Chs. 
 i.-v. contain Isaiah's prophecies in the 
 reigns of Uzziah and Jotham. Ch. i. is 
 very general in its contents. Chs. ii.-iv. 
 are one prophesying, the leading thought 
 of which is, that the present prosperity of 
 Judah should be destroyed for her sins, to 
 make room for the real glory of piety and 
 virtue ; while ch. v. forms a distinct dis- 
 course, whose main purport is that Israel, 
 God's vineyard, shall be brought to desola- 
 tion. Ch. vi. describes an ecstatic vision 
 that fell upon the prophet in the year of 
 Uzziah's death. Ch. vi., vii., delivered in 
 the reign of Ahaz, when he was threatened 
 by the forces of Pekah, king of Israel, and 
 Rezin, king of Syria. As a sign that Judah 
 was not yet to perish, he announces the 
 birth of the child Iramanuel, who should 
 "know to refuse the evil and choose the 
 good," before the land of the two hostile 
 kings should be left desolate. Ch. viii.- 
 ix. 7. As the Assyrian empire began more 
 and more to threaten the Hebrew common- 
 wealth with utter overthrow, the prediction 
 of the Messiah, the Restorer of Israel, be- 
 comes more positive and clear. The king 
 was bent upon an alliance with Assyria. 
 This Isaiah steadfastly opposes. Ch. ix. 
 8-x. 4 is a prophecy delivered at this time 
 against the kingdom of Israel (ix. 8-x. 4). 
 Ch. x. 5-xii. 6 is one of the most highly 
 wrought passages in the whole book, and 
 was probably one single prophecy. It 
 stands wholly disconnected with the pre- 
 
 ceding in the circumstances which it pre- 
 supposes ; and to what period to assign it 
 is not easy to determine. Ch. xiii.-xxiii 
 contain chiefly a collection of utterances, 
 each of which is styled a "burden." (a.) 
 The first (xiii. 1-xiv. 27) is against Baby- 
 lon. The ode of triumph .(xiv. 3-23) in 
 this burden is among the most poetical pas- 
 sages in all literature. (6.) The short and 
 pregnant " burden " agakist Philistia (xiv. 
 29-32), in the year that Ahaz died, was oc- 
 casioned by the revolt of the Philistines 
 from Judah, and their successful inroad 
 recorded in 2 Chr. xxviii. 18. (c.) The 
 "burden of Moab" (xv., xvi.) is remark 
 able for the elegiac strain in which the 
 prophet bewails the disasters of Moab, and 
 for the dramatic character of xvi. 1-6. 
 (d.) Ch. xvii., xviii. This prophecy is 
 headed "the burden of Damascus;" and 
 yet after ver. 3 the attention is withdrawn 
 from Damascus and turned to Israel, and 
 then to Ethiopia. (e.~) In the "burden of 
 Egypt" (xix.) the prophet prophesies the 
 utter helplessness of Egypt under God's 
 judgments, probably to counteract the ten- 
 dency which led both Judah and Israel to 
 look towards Egypt for succor against As- 
 syria. (/.) In the midst of these "bur- 
 dens " stands a passage which presents Isa- 
 iah in a new aspect, an aspect in which he 
 appears in this instance only. The more 
 emphatically to enforce the warning al- 
 ready conveyed in the " burden of Egypt," 
 Isaiah was commanded to appear in the 
 streets and temple of Jerusalem stripped 
 of his sackcloth mantle, and wearing his 
 vest only, with his feet also bare, (g.} In 
 "the burden of the desert of the sea," a 
 poetical designation of Babylonia (xxi. 1- 
 10), the images in which the fall of Baby- 
 lon is indicated are sketched with Aes-. 
 chylean grandeur, (fe.) "The burden of 
 Dumah," and "of Arabia" (xxi. 11-17), 
 relate apparently to some Assyrian invasion, 
 (t.) In "the burden of the valley of vision " 
 (xxii. 1-14) it is doubtless Jerusalem that 
 is thus designated. The scene presented 
 is that of Jerusalem during an invasion. 
 (&.) The passage in xxii. 15-25 is singular 
 in Isaiah as a prophesying against an indi- 
 vidual. Shebna was one of the king's high- 
 est functionaries, and seems to have been 
 leader of a party opposed to Jehovah (ver. 
 25). (l.~) The last "burden" is against 
 Tyre (xxiii.). Her utter destruction is not 
 predicted by Isaiah as it afterwards was by 
 Ezekiel. Ch. xxiv.-xxvii. form one proph- 
 ecy, essentially connected with the preced- 
 ing ten "burdens" (xiii.-xxiii.), of which 
 it is in effect a general summary. In xxv., 
 after commemorating the destruction of 
 all oppressors, the prophet gives us in 
 vers. 6-9 a most glowing description of 
 Messianic blessings. In xxvi., vers. 12- 
 18 describe the new, happy state of God'a
 
 ISAIAH 
 
 261 
 
 ISH-BOSHETH 
 
 people as God's work wholly. In xxvii. 1, 
 " Leviathan the fleeing serpent, and Levia- 
 than the twisting serpent, and the dragon 
 in the sea," are perhaps Nineveh and Baby- 
 lon two phases of the same Asshur 
 and Egypt (comp. ver. 13) ; all, however, 
 symbolizing adverse powers of evil. Ch. 
 xxiii.-xxxv. predicts the Assyrian invasion. 
 The prophet protests against the policy of 
 courting the help of Egypt against Assyria 
 (xxx. 1-17, xxxi. 1-3.) Ch. xxxvii.-xxxix. 
 At length the season so often, tliough no 
 doubt obscurely foretold, arrived. The 
 Assyrian was near, with forces apparently 
 irresistible. In the universal consternation 
 which ensued, all the hope of the state 
 centred upon Isaiah; the highest func- 
 tionaries of the state Shebna too wait 
 upon him in the name of their sovereign. 
 The short answer which Jehovah gave 
 through him was, that the Assyrian king 
 should hear intelligence which should send 
 him back to his own land, there to perish. 
 How the deliverance was to be effected, 
 Isaiah was not commissioned to tell ; but 
 the very next night (2 K. xix. 35) brought 
 the appalling fulfilment. II. The last 27 
 chapters form a separate prophecy, and are 
 supposed by many critics to have been 
 written in the time of the Babylonian cap- 
 tivity, and are therefore ascribed to a " later 
 Isaiah." It is evident that the point of 
 time and situation from which the prophet 
 here speaks is that of the captivity in Baby- 
 lon (comp. e. g. Ixiv. 10, 11) ; but this may 
 be adopted on a principle which appears to 
 characterize " vision," viz., that the proph- 
 et sees the future as if present. This sec- 
 ond part falls into three sections, each, as 
 it happens, consisting of nine chapters ; 
 the two first end with the refrain, "There 
 is no peace, saith Jehovah (or " my God "), 
 to the wicked ; " and the third with the 
 same thought amplified. (1.) The first 
 section (xl.-xlviii.) has for its main topic 
 the comforting assurance of the deliver- 
 ance from Babylon by Koresh (Cyrus) who 
 is even named twice (xli. 2, 3, 25, xliv. 28, 
 xlv. 1-4, 13, xlvi. 11, xlviii. 14, 15). It is 
 characteristic of sacred prophecy in gen- 
 eral that the " vision " of a great deliver- 
 ance leads the seer to glance at the great 
 deliverance to come through Jesus Christ. 
 This principle of association prevails in 
 the second part taken as a whole; but in 
 the first section, taken apart, it .appears as 
 yet imperfectly. (2.) The second section 
 (xlix.-lvii.) is distinguished from the first 
 by several features. The person of Cyrus 
 as well as his name, and the specification 
 of Babylon, disappear altogether. Return 
 from exile is indeed spoken of repeatedly 
 and at length (xlix. 9-26, li. 9-lii. 12, Iv. 
 12, 13, Ivii. 14) ; but in such general terms 
 as admit of being applied to the spiritual 
 and Messianic, as well as to the literal res- 
 
 toration. (3.) In the third section (Iviii. 
 -Ixvi.), as Cyrus nowhere appears, so nei- 
 ther does " Jehovah's servant " occur so 
 frequently to view as in the second. The 
 only delineation of the latter is in Ixi. 1-3 
 and in Ixiii. 1-6, 9. He no longer appears 
 as suffering, but only as saving and aven- 
 ging Zion. The section is mainly occupied 
 with various practical exhortations founded 
 upon the views of the future already set 
 forth. In favor of the authenticity of the 
 last- 27 chapters the following reasons may 
 be advanced, (a.) The unanimous testi- 
 mony of Jewish and Christian tradition 
 (comp. Ecclus. xlviii. 24) ; and the evi- 
 dence of the N. T. quotations (Matt. iii. 3 ; 
 Luke iv. 17 ; Acts viii. 28 ; Rom. x. 16, 20). 
 (5.) The unity of design which connects 
 these last 27 chapters with the preceding. 
 The oneness of diction which pervades the 
 whole book. The peculiar elevation and 
 grandeur of style, which characterize the 
 second part as well as the first. The ab- 
 sence of any other name than Isaiah's 
 claiming the authorship. Lastly, the Mes- 
 sianic predictions which mark its inspira- 
 tion, and remove the chief ground of ob- 
 jection against its having been written by 
 Isaiah. In point of style we can find no 
 difficulty in recognizing in the second part 
 the presence of the same plastic genius as 
 we discover in the first. 
 
 Is'cah., daughter of Haran the brother 
 of Abram, and sister of Milcah and of Lot 
 (Gen. xi. 29). In the Jewish traditions 
 she is identified with SABAI. 
 
 Isear'iot. [JCDAS ISCARIOT.] 
 
 Ish'bah, a man in the line of Judah, 
 commemorated as the " father of Eshte- 
 moa" (1 Chr. iv. 17). 
 
 Ish/bak, a son of Abraham and Ketu- 
 rah (Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32), and the 
 progenitor of a tribe of northern Arabia. 
 
 Ish/bi-be'nob, son of llapha, one of 
 the race of Philistine giants, who attacked 
 David in battle, but Avas slain by Abishai 
 (2 Sam. xxi. 16, 17). 
 
 Ish-bo'sheth, the youngest of Saul's 
 four sons, and his legitimate successor. 
 His name appears (1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39) 
 to have been originally Esh-baal, " the 
 man of Baal." He was 35 years of age at 
 the time of the battle of Gilboa, but for 
 five years Abner was engaged in restoring 
 the dominion of the house of Saul over 
 all Israel. Ishbosheth was then " 40 years 
 old when he began to reign over Israel, and 
 reigned two years " (2 Sam. iii. 10). Dur- 
 ing these two years he reigned at Maha- 
 naim, though only in name. The wars and 
 negotiations with David were entirely car- 
 ried on by Abner (2 Sam. ii. 12, iii. 6, 12). 
 The death of Abner deprived the house of 
 Saul of their last remaining support. When 
 Ishbosheth heard of it, " his hands were 
 feeble, and all the Israelites were troubled "
 
 262 
 
 ISHMAEL 
 
 (2 Sara. IT. 1). In this extremity of weak- 
 ness he fell a victim, probably, to revenge 
 for a crime of his father. Two Beerothites, 
 I3aana and Rechab, in remembrance, it has 
 been conjectured, of Saul's slaughter of 
 their kinsmen the Gibeonites, determined 
 to take advantage of the helplessness of 
 the royal house to destroy the only repre- 
 sentative that was left, excepting the child 
 Mephibosheth (2 Sam. iv. 4). After as- 
 sassinating Ishbosheth, they took his head 
 to David as a welcome present. They met 
 with a stern reception. David rebuked 
 them for the cold-blooded murder of an 
 innocent man, and ordered them to be ex- 
 ecuted. The head of Ishbosheth was care- 
 fully buried in the sepulchre of his great 
 kinsman Abner, at the same place (2 Sam. 
 iv. 9-12). 
 
 I shi. 1. A man of the descendants of 
 Judah, son of Appaini (1 Chr. ii. 31) ; one 
 of the great house of Hezron. 2. In a 
 subsequent genealogy of Judah we find 
 another Ishi, with a son Zoheth (1 Chr. iv. 
 20). 3. Head of a family of the tribe of 
 Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 42). 4. One of the 
 heads of the tribe of Manasseh on the east 
 of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). 
 
 I'shi. This word occurs in Hos. ii. 16, 
 and signifies " my man," " my husband." 
 It is the Israelite term, in opposition to 
 BAALI, the Canaanite term, with the same 
 meaning, though with a significance of its 
 own. 
 
 Ishi'ah, the fifth of the five sons of Iz- 
 rahiah ; one of the heads of the tribe of 
 Issachar in the time of David (1 Chr. 
 vii. 3). 
 
 Ishi'jah, a lay Israelite of the Bene- 
 Harim, who had married a foreign wife 
 (Ezr. x. 31). 
 
 Ish'ma. a name in the genealogy of 
 Judah (1 Chr. iv. 3). 
 
 Ish'mael. 1. The son of Abraham by 
 ilagar the Egyptian, his concubine ; born- 
 when Abraham was fourscore and six years 
 old (Gen. xvi. 15, 16). Ishmael was the 
 first-born of his father. He was born in 
 Abraham's house, when he dwelt in the 
 plain of Mamre ; and on the institution of 
 the covenant of circumcision, was circum- 
 cised, be being then thirteen years old 
 (xvii. 25). With the institution of the 
 covenant, God renewed his promise re- 
 specting Ishmael. He does not again ap- 
 pear in the narrative until the weaning of 
 Isaac. The latter was born when Abraham 
 was a hundred years old (xxi. 5), and as 
 the weaning, according to Eastern usage, 
 probably took place when the child was 
 between two and three years old, Ishmael 
 himself must have been then between fif- 
 teen and sixteen years of age. At the 
 great feast made in celebration of the 
 weaning, " Sarah saw the son of Hagar the 
 Egyptian, which she had borne unto Abra- 
 
 ham, mocking," and urged Abraham to 
 cast out him and his mother. The patri- 
 arch, comforted by God's renewed promise 
 that of Ishmael He would make a nation, 
 sent them both away, and they departed 
 and wandered in the wilderness of Beer- 
 sheba. It is doubtful whether the wander- 
 ers halted by the well, or at once continued 
 their way to the " wilderness of Paran," 
 where, we are told in the next verse to that 
 just quoted, he dwelt, and where " his moth- 
 er took him a wife out of the land of Egypt " 
 (Gen. xxi. 9-21). This wife of Ishmael 
 was the mother of his twelve sons, and 
 daughter. Of the later life of Ishmael we 
 know little. He was present with Isaac 
 at the burial of Abraham. He died at the 
 age of 137 years (xxv. 17, 18). The sons of 
 Ishmael peopled the north and west of the 
 Arabian peninsula, and eventually formed 
 the chief element of the Arab nation. 
 Their language, which is generally acknowl- 
 edged to have been the Arabic commonly 
 so called, has been adopted with insignifi- 
 cant exceptions throughout Arabia. The 
 term ISHMAELITE occurs on three occasions : 
 Gen. xxxvii. 25, 27, 28, xxxix. 1 ; Judg. 
 viii. 24; Ps. Ixxxiii. 6. 2. One of the 
 sons of Azel, a descendant of Saul through 
 Meribbaal, or Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 
 38, ix. 44.) 3. A man of Judah, father of 
 ZEBADIAH (2 Chr. xix. 11). 4. Another 
 man of Judah, son of Jehohanan ; one of 
 the captains of hundreds who assisted 
 Jehoiada in restoring Joash to the throne 
 (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 5. A priest, of the Bene- 
 Pashur, who was forced by Ezra to relin- 
 quish his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 22). 6. 
 The son of Nethaniah; a perfect marvel 
 of craft and villany, whose treachery forms 
 one of the chief episodes of the history of 
 the period immediately succeeding the first 
 fall of Jerusalem. His exploits are related 
 in Jer. xl. 7-xli. 15, with a short summary 
 in 2 K. xxv. 23-25. His full description 
 is " Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah, the son 
 of Elishama, of the seed royal " of Judah 
 (Jer. xli. 1 ; 2 K. xxv. 25). During the 
 siege of the city he had, like many others 
 of his countrymen (Jer. xl. 11), fled 
 across the Jordan, where he found a refuge 
 at the court of Baalis, the then king of the 
 Bene-Ammon. After the departure of the 
 Chaldeans, Ishmael made no secret of his 
 intention to kill the superintendent left by 
 the king of Babylon, and usurp his posi- 
 tion. Of this Gedaliah was warned in ex- 
 press terms by Johanan and his compan- 
 ions. Thirty days after, in the seventh 
 month (xli. 1), on the third day of the 
 month, Ishmael again appeared at Mizpah, 
 this time accompanied by ten men. Gedaliah 
 entertained them at a feast (xli. 1). Be- 
 fore its close Ishmael and his followers had 
 murdered Gedaliah and all his attendants 
 with such secrecy that no alarm was given
 
 ISHMAELITE 
 
 263 
 
 ISRAEL, KINGDOM OF 
 
 outside the room. The same night he 
 killed all Gedaliuh's establishment, includ- 
 ing some Chaldean soldiers who were there. 
 For two days the massacre remained per- 
 fectly unknown to the people of the town. 
 On the second day, Jihmael perceived from 
 his elevated position a large party coming 
 southward along the main road from She- 
 chem and Samaria. He went out to meet 
 them. They proved to be eighty devotees, 
 who with rent clothes, and with shaven 
 beards, mutilated bodies, and with other 
 marks of heathen devotion, and weeping 
 as they went, were bringing incense and 
 offerings to the ruins of the Temple. At 
 his invitation they turned aside to the resi- 
 dence of the superintendent. As the un- 
 suspecting pilgrims passed into the court- 
 yard he closed the entrances behind them, 
 and there he and his band butchered the 
 whole number : ten only escaped by the 
 offer of heavy ransom for their lives. The 
 seventy corpses were then thrown into the 
 well which, as at Cawnpore, was within the 
 precincts of the house, and which was com- 
 pletely filled with the bodies. This done 
 he descended to the town, surprised and 
 carried off the daughters of king Zedekiah, 
 who had been sent there by Nebuchadnezzar 
 for safety, with their eunuchs and their 
 Chaldean guard (xli. 10, 16), and all the 
 people of the town, and made off with his 
 prisoners to the country of the Ammonites. 
 The news of the massacre had by this time 
 got abroad, and Ishmael was quickly pur- 
 sued by Johanan and his companions. 
 He was attacked, two of his bravos slain, 
 the whole of the prey recovered ; and Ish- 
 mael himself, with the remaining eight of 
 his people, escaped to the Ammonites. 
 
 Ishrnaelite. [ISHMAEL.] 
 
 Ishma'iah, son of Obadiah; the ruler 
 of the tribe of Zebulun in the time of 
 king David (1 Chr. xxvii. 19). 
 
 Ish'meelite (1 Chr. ii. 17) and Ish'- 
 meelites (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 27, 28, xxxix. 
 1), the form in which the descendants of 
 Ishmael are given in a few places in the 
 A. V. 
 
 Ish'merai, a Benjamite; one of the 
 family of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 18). 
 
 I'shod, one of the tribe of Manasseh 
 on the east of Jordan, son of Hammoleketh 
 (1 Chr. vii. 18). 
 
 Ish'pan, a Benjamite, one of the fam- 
 ily of Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 22). 
 
 Ish/tob, apparently one of the small 
 kingdoms or states which formed part of 
 the general country of Aram, named with 
 Zobah, Rehob, and Maacah (2 Sam. x. 6, 
 8). It is probable that the real signification 
 is " the rnen of TOB." 
 
 Ish'uah, the second son of Asher (Gen. 
 xlvi. 17). 
 
 Ish'uai, the third son of Asher (1 Chr. 
 vii. 30), founder of a family bearing his 
 
 name (Num. xxvi. 44 ; A. V. " Jesu- 
 ites "). 
 
 Ish/ui, the second son of Saul by his 
 wife Ahinoam (1 Sam. xiv. 49, comp. 50). 
 
 Isle. The radical sense of the Hebrew 
 word seems to be " habitable places," as 
 opposed to water, and in this sense it cc- 
 curs in Is. xlii. 15. Hence it means secon- 
 darily any maritime district, whether be- 
 longing to a continent or to an island : thus 
 it is used of the shore of the Mediterranean 
 (Is. xx. 6, xxiii. 2, 6), and of the coasts of 
 Elishah (Ez. xxvii. 7), i. e. of Greece and 
 Asia Minor. 
 
 Ismachi'ah, a Levite who was one of 
 the overseers of offerings during the revi- 
 val under king Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). 
 
 Ismai'ah, a Gibeonite, one of the chiefs 
 of those warriors who joined David at Zik- 
 lag (1 Chr. xii. 4). 
 
 Is pah, a Benjamite, of the family of 
 Beriah ; one of the heads of his tribe (1 
 Chr. viii. 16). 
 
 Is'rael. 1. The name given (Gen. 
 xxxii. 28) to Jacob after his wrestling with 
 the Angel (Hos. xii. 4) at Peniel. Gese- 
 nius interprets Israel "soldier of God." 
 2. It became the national name of the 
 twelve tribes collectively. They are BO 
 called in Ex. iii. 16 and afterwards. 3. 
 It is used in a narrower sense, excluding 
 Judah, in 1 Sam. xi. 8 ; 2 Sam. xx. 1 ; 1 
 K. xii. 16. Thenceforth it was assumed 
 and accepted as the name of the Northern 
 Kingdom. 4. After the Babylonian captiv- 
 ity, the returned exiles resumed the name 
 Israel as the designation of their nation. 
 The name Israel is also used to denote lay- 
 men, as distinguished from Priests, Levites, 
 and other ministers (Ezr. vi. 16, ix. 1, x. 
 25; Neh. xi. 3, &c.). 
 
 Israel, Kingdom of. 1. The prophet 
 Ahijah of Shiloh, who was commissioned 
 in the latter days of Solomon to announce 
 the division of the kingdom, left one tribe 
 (Judah) to the house of David, and assigned 
 ten to Jeroboam (1 K. xi. 35, 31). These 
 were probably Joseph (= Ephraim and Ma- 
 nasseh), Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, Naph- 
 tali, Benjamin, Dan, Simeon, Gad, and 
 Reuben; Levi being intentionally omitted. 
 Eventually the greater part of Benjamin, 
 and probably the whole of Simeon and Dan, 
 were included as if by common consent in 
 the kingdom of Judah. With respect to the 
 conquests of David, Moab appears to have 
 been attached to the kingdom of Israel (2 
 K. iii. 4) ; so much of Syria as remained 
 subject to Solomon (see 1 K. xi. 24) would 
 probably be claimed by his successor in the 
 northern kingdom; and Ammon, though 
 connected with Rehoboam as his mother's 
 native land (2 Chr. xii. 13), and though 
 afterwards tributary to Judah (2 Chr. xxvii. 
 5), was at one time allied (2' Chr. xx. 1), 
 we know not how closely or fiow early, with
 
 ISRAEL, KINGDOM OF 
 
 264 
 
 ISSACHAR 
 
 Moab. The sea -coast between Accho and 
 Japho remained in the possession of Israel. 
 2. The population of the kingdom is not 
 expressly stated ; and in drawing any infer- 
 ence from the numbers of fighting men, we 
 must benr in mind that the numbers in the 
 Hebrew text are strongly suspected to have 
 been subjected to extensive, perhaps sys- 
 tematic, corruption. Jeroboam brought into 
 the field an army of 800,000 men (2 Chr. 
 xiii. 3). If in B. c. 957 there were actually 
 under arms 800,000 men of that age in Is- 
 rael, the whole population may perhaps 
 have amounted to at least three millions 
 and a half. 3. SHECHEM was the first cap- 
 ital of the new kingdom (1 K. xii. 25), ven- 
 erable for its traditions, and beautiful in its 
 situation. Subsequently Tirzah became the 
 royal residence, if not the capital, of Jero- 
 boam (1 K. xiv. 17) and of his successors 
 (xv. 33, xvi. 8, 17, 23). Samaria, uniting 
 in itself the qualities of beauty and fertility, 
 and a commanding position, was chosen by 
 Omri (1 K. xvi. 24), and remained the cap- 
 ital of the kingdom until it had given the 
 last proof of its strength by sustaining for 
 three years the onset of the hosts of As- 
 syria. Jezreel was probably only a royal 
 residence of some of the Israelitish kings. 
 4. The kingdom of Israel lasted 254 years, 
 from B. c. 975 to B. c. 721, about two thirds 
 of the duration of its more compact neigh- 
 bor Judah. The detailed history of the 
 kingdom will be found under the names of 
 its nineteen kings. A summary view may 
 be taken in four periods : (a.) B. c. 975- 
 929. Jeroboam had not sufficient force of 
 character in himself to make a lasting im- 
 pression on his people. A king, but not a 
 founder of a dynasty, he aimed at nothing 
 beyond securing his present elevation. The 
 army soon learned its power to dictate to 
 the isolated monarch and disunited peo- 
 ple. Baasha, in the midst of the army at 
 Gibbethon, slew the son and successor of 
 Jeroboam ; Zimri, a captain of chariots, 
 slew the son and successor of Baasha; Om- 
 ri, the captain of the host, was chosen to 
 punish Zimri ; and after a civil war of four 
 years he prevailed over Tibni, the choice 
 of half the people. (6.) B. c. 929-884. 
 For forty-five years Israel was governed by 
 the house of Omri. That sagacious king 
 pitched on the strong hill of Samaria as the 
 site of his capital. The princes of his house 
 cultivated an alliance with the kings of Ju- 
 dah, which was cemented by the marriage 
 of Jehoram and Athaliah. The adoption 
 of Baal-worship led to a reaction in the na- 
 tion, to the moral triumph of the prophets 
 in the person of Elijah, and to the extinction 
 of the house of Ahab in obedience to the 
 bidding of Elisha. (c.) B. c. 884-772. Un- 
 paralleled triumphs, but deeper humilia- 
 tion, awaited the kingdom of Israel under 
 the dynasty of Jehu. Hazael, the ablest 
 
 king of Damascus, reduced Jehoahaz to the 
 condition of a vassal, and triumphed for a 
 time over both the disunited Hebrew king- 
 doms. Almost the first sign of the restora- 
 tion of their strength was a war between 
 them ; and Jehoash, the grandson of Jehu, 
 entered Jerusalem as the conqueror of 
 Amaziah. Jehoash also turned the tide of 
 war against the Syrians ; and Jeroboam 
 II., the most powerful of all the kings of Is- 
 rael, captured Damascus, and recovered 
 the whole ancient frontier from Hamath to 
 the Dead Sea. This short-lived greatness 
 expired with the last king of Jehu's line. 
 (d.) B. c. 772-721. Military violence, it 
 would seem, broke off the hereditary suc- 
 cession after the obscure and probably con- 
 vulsed reign of Zachariah. An unsuccess- 
 ful usurper, Shallum, is followed by the 
 cruel Menahem, who, being unable to make 
 head against the first attack of Assyria un- 
 der Pul, became the agent of that monarch 
 for the oppressive taxation of his subjects. 
 Yet his power at home was sufficient to in- 
 sure for his son and successor Pekahiah a 
 ten years' reign, cut short by a bold usurper, 
 Pekah. Abandoning the northern and trans- 
 Jordanic regions to the encroaching power 
 of Assyria under Tiglath-Pileser, he was 
 very near subjugating Judah, with the help 
 of Damascus, now the coequal ally of Is- 
 rael. But Assyria interposing summarily 
 put an end to the independence of Damas- 
 cus, and perhaps was the indirect cause of 
 the assassination of the baffled Pekah. The 
 irresolute Hoshea, the next and last usurp- 
 er, became tributary to his invader, Shal- 
 maneser, betrayed the Assyrian to the rival 
 monarchy of Egypt, and was punished by 
 the loss of his liberty, and by the capture, 
 after a three years' siege, of his strong cap- 
 ital, Samaria. Some gleanings of the ten 
 tribes yet remained in the land after so 
 many years of religious decline, moral de- 
 basement, national degradation, anarchy, 
 bloodshed, and deportation. Even these 
 were gathered up by the conqueror, and 
 carried to Assyria, never again, as a dis- 
 tinct people, to occupy their portion of that 
 goodly and pleasant land which their fore- 
 fathers won under Joshua from the heathen. 
 
 Is'raelite. In 2 Sam. xvii. 25, Ithra, 
 the father of Amasa, is called " an Israel- 
 ite," while in 1 Chr. ii. 17 he appears as 
 " Jether the Ishmaelite." The latter is un- 
 doubtedly the true reading. 
 
 Is'sachar. 1. The ninth son of Jacob and 
 the fifth of Leah ; the first born to Leah, 
 after the interval which occurred in the 
 births of her children (Gen. xxx. 17 ; comp. 
 xxix. 35). At the descent into Egypt four 
 sons are ascribed to him, who founded the 
 four chief families of the tribe (Gen. xlvi. 
 13; Num. xxvi. 23, 25; 1 Chr. vii. 1). The 
 number of the fighting men of Issachar, 
 when taken in the census at Sinai, was 54,400
 
 ISSHIAH 
 
 265 
 
 ITUEAEA 
 
 During the journey they seem to have stead- of Eli, but for what reason we are not in- 
 
 jly increased. The allotment of Issachar 
 lay above that of Manasseh (Josh. xix. 17- 
 23). In the words of Josephus, "it extend- 
 ed in length from Carmel to the Jordan, 
 in breadth to Mount Tabor." This terri- 
 tory was, as it still is, among the richest 
 land in Palestine. Westward was the fa- 
 mous plain which derived its name from its 
 fertility. On the north is Tabor, which 
 even under the burning sun of that climate 
 is said to retain the glades and dells of an 
 English wood. On the east, behind Jez- 
 reel, is the opening which conducts to the 
 plain of the Jordan to that Beth-shean 
 which was proverbially among the Eabbis 
 the gate of Paradise for its fruitfulness. It 
 is this aspect of the territory of Issachar 
 which appears to be alluded to in the Bless- 
 ing of Jacob. 2. A Korhite Levite, one 
 of the doorkeepers of the house of Jeho- 
 vah, seventh son of OBED-EDOM (1 Chr. 
 xxvi. 5). 
 
 Isshi'ah. 1. A descendant of Moses 
 by his younger son Eliezer (1 Chr. xxiv. 
 21; comp. xxiii. 17, xxvi. 25). 2. A Le- 
 vite of the house of Kohath and family of 
 Uzziel (1 Chr. xxiv. 25). 
 
 Issue, Running. (Lev. xv. 2, 3, 
 xxii. 4; Num. v. 2; and Sam. iii. 29.) In 
 Lev. xv. 3 a distinction is introduced, which 
 merely means that the cessation of the 
 actual flux does not constitute ceremonial 
 cleanness, but that the patient must bide 
 the legal time, seven days (ver. 13), and 
 perform the prescribed purifications and 
 sacrifice (ver. 14). 
 
 Is'uah, second son of Asher (1 Chr. 
 vii. 30). 
 
 Is'ui, third son of Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17), 
 founder of a family called after him, though 
 in the A. V. appearing as THE JESDITES 
 (Num. xxvi. 44). 
 
 Italian Band. [ARMY.] 
 
 It'aly. This word is used in the N. T. 
 (Acts xviii. 2, xxvii. 1 ; Heb. xiii. 24) in 
 the usual sense -of the period, i. e. in its 
 true geographical sense, as denoting the 
 whole natural peninsula between the Alps 
 and the Straits of Messina. 
 
 Ith'ai. a Benjamite, son of Ribai of 
 Gibcah, one of the heroes of David's guard 
 (1 Chr. xi. 31). 
 
 Ith'amar, the youngest son of Aaron 
 (Ex. vi. 23). After the deaths of Nadab 
 and Abihu (Lev. x. 1), Eleazar and Itha- 
 
 formed. 
 
 Ith'iel. 1. A Benjamite, son of Jesaiah 
 (Neh. xi. 7). 2. One of two persons 
 Ithiel and Ucal to whom Agur ben- Jakeh 
 delivered his discourse (Prov. xxx. 1). 
 
 Ith'mah, a Moabite, one of the heroes 
 of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 46). 
 
 Itll'nan, one of the towns in the ex- 
 treme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 23). No 
 trace of its existence has yet been discov- 
 ered. 
 
 Ith'ra, an Israelite (2 Sam. xvii. 25) or 
 Ishmaelite (1 Chr. ii. 17), the father of 
 Amasa by Abigail, David's sister. 
 
 Ith'ran. 1. A son of Dishon, a Ho- 
 rite (Gen. xxxi. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 41) ; and 
 probably a phylarch of a tribe of the Horim 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 30). 2. A descendant of 
 Asher (1 Chr. vii. 30-40). 
 
 Ith'ream, son of David, born to him in 
 Hebron, and distinctly specified as the sixth, 
 and as the child of Eglah, David's wife (2 
 Sam. iii. 5 ; 1 Chr. iii. 3). 
 
 Ith'rite, The. The designation of two 
 of the members of David's guard, Ira and 
 Gareb (2 Sam. xxiii. 38; 1 Chr. xi. 40). 
 They may have come from JATTIR, in the 
 mountains of Judah. 
 
 It'tah-ka'zin, one of the landmarks of 
 the boundary of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 13). 
 It has not been identified. 
 
 It'tai. 1. " ITTAI THE GITTITE," i. e. 
 the native of Gath, a Philistine in the army 
 of king David. He appears only during 
 the revolution of Absalom. "We first dis- 
 cern him on the morning of David's flight. 
 Last in the procession came the 600 heroes 
 who had formed David's band during his 
 wanderings in Judah, and had been with 
 him at Gath (2 Sam. xv. 18 ; comp. 1 Sam. 
 xxiii. 13, xxvii. 2, xxx. 9, 10). Amongst 
 these, apparently commanding them, was 
 Ittai the Gittite (ver. 19). He caught the 
 eye of the king, who at once addressed 
 him and besought him not to attach himself 
 to a doubtful cause, but to return "with his 
 brethren " and abide with the king (19, 20.) 
 But Ittai is firm : he is the king's slave, and 
 wherever his master goes he will go. Ac- 
 cordingly he is allowed by David to pro- 
 ceed. When the army was numbered and 
 organized by David at Mahanaim, Ittai 
 again appears, now in command of a third 
 part of the Force (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 5, 12). 
 2. Son of Ribai, from Gibeah of Benja- 
 
 mar were appointed -to succeed to their j min ; one of the thirty heroes of David's 
 places in the priestly office (Ex. xxviii. 1, ! guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 29). 
 
 40, 43; Num. iii. 3, 4; 1 Chr. xxiv. 2). In 
 the distribution of services belonging to the 
 Tabernacle, and its transport on the march 
 of the Israelites, the Gershonites and the 
 Merarites were placed under the superin- 
 teudence of Ithamar (Ex. xxxviii. 21 ; Num. 
 iv. 21-33). The high-priesthood passed 
 
 Iturae'a, a small province on the north- 
 western border of Palestine, lying along 
 the base of Mount Hermon, only men- 
 tioned in Luke iii. 1. JETUK the son of 
 Ishmael gave his name, like the rest of his 
 brethren, to the little province he colonized 
 (Gen. xxv. 15, 16). Ituraea, with the ad- 
 
 into the family of Ithamar in the person | joining provinces, fell into the hands of a
 
 IVAH 
 
 266 JABAL 
 
 chief called Zenodorus ; but about B. c. 20, 
 they were taken from him by the Roman 
 emperor, and given to Herod the Great, 
 who bequeathed them to his son Philip 
 (Luke iii. 1). It adjoined Trachonitis, and 
 lay along the base of Libanus between Ti- 
 berias and Damascus. At the place indi- 
 cated is situated the modern province of 
 Jedur, which is just the Arabic form of the 
 Hebrew Jetur. 
 
 I'vah., or A'va, which is mentioned in 
 Scripture twice (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13; 
 comp. Is. xxxvii. 13) in connection with 
 Hena and Sepharvaim, and once (2K. xvii. 
 24) in connection with Babylon and Cu- 
 thah, must be sought in Babylonia, and is 
 probably identical with the modern Hit, on 
 the Euphrates. 
 
 Ivory (Heb. sMn in all passages, ex- 
 cept 1 K. x. 22, and 2 Chr. ix. 21, where 
 shenhabbim is so rendered). The word 
 shSn literally signifies the " tooth " of any 
 animal, and hence more especially denotes 
 the substance of the projecting tusks of 
 elephants. It is remarkable that no word 
 in Biblical Hebrew denotes an elephant, 
 unless the latter portion of the compound 
 shenhabbtm be supposed to have this mean- 
 ing. Gesenius derives it from the Sanscrit 
 ibhas, " an elephant." The skilled work- 
 men of Hiram, king of Tyre, fashioned the 
 great ivory throne of Solomon, and over- 
 laid it with pure gold (1 K. x. 18; 2 Chr. 
 ix, 17). The ivory thus employed was 
 supplied by the caravans of Dedan (Is. xxi. 
 13; Ez. xxvii. 15), or was brought with 
 apes and peacocks by the navy of Tar- 
 ehish (1 K. x. 22). The "ivory house" 
 of Ahab (1 K. xxii. 39) was probably a pal- 
 ace, the walls of which were panelled with 
 ivory, like the palace of Menelaus, de- 
 scribed by Homer (Odys. iv. 73). Beds 
 inlaid or veneered with ivory were in use 
 among the Hebrews (Am. vi. 4). 
 
 Iz'ehar. The form in which the name 
 Izhar is given in the A. V. of Num. iii. 19 
 only. 
 
 Iz'eharites, The. A family of Ko- 
 hathite Levites, descended from Izhar the 
 son of Kohath (Num. iii. 27) ; called also 
 "Izharites" (1 Chr. xxvi. 23, 29). 
 
 Iz'har, son of Kohath, grandson of 
 Levi, uncle of Aaron and Moses, and father 
 of Korah (Ex. vi. 18, 21; Num. iii. 19, xvi. 
 1 ; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 18). Izhar was the head 
 of the family of the IZHARITKS (1 Chr. xxiv. 
 22, xxvi. 23, 30), or IZEHARITES (Num. iii. 
 27; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23, 29). 
 
 Iz'rahite, The, the designation of 
 Shamhuth (1 Chr. xxvii. 8). Its real force 
 is probably Zerahite, that is, from the great 
 Judaic family of Zerah. 
 
 Iz'ri, a Levite leader of the fourth 
 course or ward in the service of the house 
 of God (1 Chr. xxv. 11). In ver. 3 he is 
 called ZERI. 
 
 J. 
 
 Ja'akan. the same as JAKAN, the forefa- 
 ther of the Bene-Jaakan (Deut. x. 6). 
 
 Jaak obah. one of the princes of the 
 families of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 36). 
 
 Jaa'la. Bene-Jaala were among the 
 descendants of " Solomon's slaves " who 
 returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel 
 (Neh. vii. 58). The name also occurs as 
 
 Jaa'lah, Ezr. ii. 56. 
 
 Jaa'lam, a son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 
 14, 18 ; comp. 1 Chr. i. 35), and a phylarch 
 (A. V. " duke ") or head of a tribe of 
 Edom. 
 
 Ja'anai. A chief man in the tribe of 
 Gad (1 Chr. v. 12). 
 
 Ja'are-pr'egim (2 Sam. xxi. 19), a 
 Bethlehemite, and the father of Elhanan, 
 who slew Goliath. In the parallel passage, 
 1 Chr. xx. 5, Jair is found instead of Jaare, 
 and Oregim is omitted. The conclusion 
 of Kennicott appears a just one that in 
 the latter place it has been interpolated 
 from the former, and that Jair or Jaor is 
 the correct reading instead of Jaare. 
 
 Jaa'sau, one of the Bene-Bani who had 
 married a foreign wife, and had to put her 
 away (Ezr. x. 37). 
 
 Jaa'siel, son of the great Abner (1 Chr 
 xxvii. 21). 
 
 Jaazani'ah. 1. One of the captains 
 of the forces who accompanied Johanan 
 ben-Kareah to pay his respects to Gcda- 
 liah at Mizpah (2 K. xxv. 23), and who ap- 
 pears afterwards to have assisted in re- 
 covering Ishimiel's prey from his clutches 
 (comp. Jer. xli. 11; xliii. 4, 5). 2. Son of 
 Shaphan (Ez. viii. 11). It is possible that 
 he is identical with, 3. Son ot'Azur; one 
 of the princes of the people against whom 
 Ezekiel was directed to prophesy (Ez. xi. 
 1). 4. A llechabite, son of Jeremiah (Jer. 
 xxxv. 3). 
 
 Jaa'zer, or Ja'zer, a town on the east 
 of Jordan, in or near to Gilead (Num. 
 xxxii. 1, 3; 1 Chr. xxvi. 31). We first 
 hear of it in possession of the Amorites, 
 and as taken by Israel after Hcshbon, and 
 on their way from thence to Bashan (Num, 
 xxi. 32). It seems to have given its name 
 to a district of dependent or "daughter" 
 towns (Num. xxi. 32, A. V. "villages;" 
 1 Mace. v. 8), the " land of Jazer " (Num. 
 xxxii. 1). 
 
 Jaazi'ah, apparently a third son, or a 
 descendant, of Merari the Levite (1 Chr. 
 xxiv. 26, 27). 
 
 Jaa'ziel, one of the Levites of the sec- 
 ond order who were appointed by David to 
 perform the musical service before the ark 
 (1 Chr. xr. 18). 
 
 Ja'bal, the son of Lamech and Adah 
 (Gen. iv. 20) and brother of Jubal. He is
 
 JABBOK 
 
 267 
 
 JACOB 
 
 described as the father of such as dwell in 
 tents and have cattle. 
 
 Jab'bok, a stream which intersects the 
 mountain-range of Gilead (comp. Josh. xii. 
 2 and 5), and falls into the Jordan about 
 midway between the sea of Galilee and the 
 Dead Sea. It was anciently the border 
 of the children of Ammon (Num. xxi. 24 ; 
 Deut. ii. 37, iii. 16). It was on the south 
 bank of the Jabbok the interview took 
 place between Jacob and Esau (Gen. xxxii. 
 22) ; and this river afterwards became, 
 towards its western part, the boundary be- 
 tween the kingdoms of Sihon and Og (Josh, 
 xii. 2, 5). Its modern name is Wady 
 Zurka. 
 
 Ja'besh. 1. Father of SHALLUM, the 
 loth king of Israel (2 K. xv. 10, 13. 14). 
 2. Jabesh, or Jabesh Gilead, or jabesh in 
 the territory of Gilead. In its widest sense 
 Gilead included the half tribe of Manasseh 
 (1 Chr. xxvii. 21) as well as the tribes of 
 Gad and Reuben (Num. xxxii. 1-42) east 
 of the Jordan and of the cities of Gil- 
 ead, Jabesh was the chief. It is first men- 
 tioned in Judg. xxi. 8-14. Being attacked 
 subsequently by Naliash the Ammonite, it 
 gave Saul an opportunity of displaying his 
 prowess in its defence (1 Sam. xi. 1-15). 
 Eusebius places it beyond the Jordan, 6 
 miles from Pella on the mountain-road to 
 Gerasa ; where its name is probably pre- 
 served in the Wady Yabes. 
 
 Ja'bez. 1. Apparently a place at which 
 the families of the scribes resided, who 
 belonged to the families of the Kenites (1 
 Chr. ii. 55). 2. The name occurs again in 
 the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 9, 10), 
 in a passage of remarkable detail inserted 
 in a genealogy again connected with Beth- 
 lehem (ver. 4). Jabez was "more honor- 
 able than his brethren," though who fhey 
 were is not ascertainable. 
 
 Ja'bin. 1. King of Hazor, who organ- 
 ized a confederacy of the northern princes 
 against the Israelites (Josh. xi. 1-3). Josh- 
 ua surprised the allied forces by the waters 
 of Merom (ver. 7) and utterly routed them. 
 During the ensuing wars, Joshua again at- 
 tacked Jabin, and burnt his city (xi. 1-14). 
 2. A king of Hazor, whose general, Sisera, 
 was defeated by Barak (Judg. iv. 3, 13). 
 
 Jab'neel. 1. One of the points on the 
 northern boundary of Judah, not quite at 
 the sea, though near it (Josh. xv. 11). 
 There is no sign, however, of its ever hav- 
 ing been occupied by Judah. Josephus 
 attributes it to the Danites. There was a 
 constant struggle going on between that 
 tribe and the Philistines for the possession 
 of all the places in the lowland plains, and 
 it is not surprising that the next time we 
 meet with Jabneel it should be in the hands 
 of the latter (2 Chr. xxvi. 6). Uzziah 
 dispossessed them of it, and demolished 
 its fortifications. Here it is in the shorter 
 
 form of JABNEH. In its Greek garb, IAM- 
 NIA, it is frequently mentioned in the Mac- 
 cabees (1 Mace. iv. 15, v. 58, x. 69, xv. 
 40; 2 Mace. xii. 9). At the time of the 
 fall of Jerusalem, Jabneh was one of the 
 most populous places of Judaea. The 
 modern village of Yebna, more accurately 
 Jbna, stands about two miles from the sea, 
 on a slight eminence just south of the Ndhr 
 Rubin. 2. One of the landmarks on the 
 boundary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33) in 
 Upper Galilee. 
 
 Jab'neh., 2 Chr. xxvi. 6. [JABNEEL.] 
 
 Ja'chan, one of seven chief men of the 
 tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 13). 
 
 Ja'chin. 1. One of the two pillars 
 which were set up " in the porch "(IK. 
 vii. 21) or before the temple (2 Chr. iii. 17) 
 of Solomon. [BOAZ.] 2. Fourth son of 
 Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10 ; Ex. vi. 15) ; founder 
 of the family of the JACHINITES (Num. 
 xxvi. 12). 3. Head of the 21st course of 
 priests in the time of David. Some of the 
 course returned from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 
 10, xxiv. 17; Neh. xi. 10). 
 
 Jacinth, a precious stone, forming one 
 of the foundations of the walls of the new 
 Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 20). It seems to be 
 identical with the Hebrew Jeshem (A. V. 
 " ligure," Ex. xxviii. 19). The jacinth or 
 hyacinth is a red variety of zircon, which is 
 found in square prisms, of a white, gray, 
 red, reddish-brown, yellow, or pale-green 
 color. The expression in Rev. ix. 17, " of 
 jacinth," applied to the breastplate, is de- 
 scriptive simply of a hyacinthine, i. e. 
 dark-purple color. 
 
 Ja'COb, the second son of Isaac and 
 Rebekah. He was born with Esau, when 
 Isaac was 59 and Abraham 159 years old, 
 probably at the well Lahai-roi. His history 
 is related in the latter half of the book of 
 Genesis. He bought the birthright from his 
 brother Esau ; and afterwards, at his moth- 
 er's instigation, acquired the blessing in- 
 tended for Esau, by practising a well-known 
 deceit on Isaac. Hitherto the two sons 
 shared the wanderings of Isaac in the South 
 Country ; but now Jacob, in his 78th year, 
 was sent from the family home, to avoid his 
 brother, and to seek a wife among his kin- 
 dred in Padan-aram. As he passed through 
 Bethel, God appeared to him. After the 
 lapse of 21 years he returned from Padan- 
 aram with two wives, two concubines, eleven 
 sons, and a daughter, and large property. 
 He escaped from the angry pursuit of La- 
 ban, from a meeting with Esau, and from 
 the vengeance of the Canaanites provoked 
 by the murder of Shechem ; and in each of 
 those three emergencies he was aided and 
 strengthened by the interposition of God, 
 and in sign of the grace won by a night of 
 wrestling with God his name was changed 
 at Jabbok into Israel. Deborah and Rachel 
 died before he reached Hebron ; and it was
 
 JADA 
 
 268 
 
 JAHAZ 
 
 at Hebron, in the 122d year of his age, that 
 he and Esau buried their father Isaac. Jo- 
 seph, the favorite son of Jacob, was sold 
 into Egypt eleven years before the death of 
 Isaac; and Jacob had probably exceeded 
 his 130th year when he went thither, being 
 encouraged in a divine vision as he passed 
 for the last time through Beersheba. He 
 was presented to Pharaoh, and dwelt for 
 seventeen years in Rameses and Goshen. 
 After giving his solemn blessing to Ephraim 
 and Manasseh, and his own sons one by one, 
 and charging the ten to complete their re- 
 conciliation with Joseph, he died in his 147th 
 year. His body was embalmed, carried 
 with great care and pomp into the land of 
 Canaan, and deposited with his fathers, and 
 his wife Leah, in the cave of Machpelah. 
 The example of Jacob is quoted by the first 
 and the last of the minor prophets. Hosea, 
 in the latter days of the kingdom, seeks 
 (xii. 3, 4, 12) to convert the descendants of 
 Jacob from their state of alienation from 
 God, by recalling to their memory the re- 
 peated acts of God's favor shown to their 
 ancestor. And Malachi (i. 2) strengthens 
 the desponding hearts of the returned exiles 
 by assuring them that the love which God 
 bestowed upon Jacob was not withheld from 
 them. Besides the frequent mention of his 
 name in conj unction with those of the other 
 two patriarchs, there are distinct references 
 to events in the life of Jacob in four books 
 of the N. T. In Rom. ix. 11-13, St. Paul 
 adduces the history of Jacob's birth to prove 
 that the favor of God is independent of the 
 order of natural descent. In Heb. xii. 1C, 
 and xi. 21<the transfer of the birthright and 
 Jacob's dying benediction are referred to. 
 His vision at Bethel, and his possession of 
 land at Shechem are cited in St. John i. 
 51, and iv. 5, 12. And St. Stephen, in his 
 speech (Acts vii. 12, 16), mentions the 
 famine which was the means of restoring 
 Jacob to his lost son in Egypt, and the 
 burial of the patriarch in Shechem. 
 
 Ja'da, son of Onam, and brother of 
 Shammai, in the genealogy of the sons of 
 Jerahmeel by his wife Atarah (1 Chr. ii. 
 28, 32). 
 
 Jada'u, one of the Bene-Nebo who had 
 taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 43). 
 
 Jaddu'a. 1. Son and successor in the 
 high-priesthood of Jonathan or Johanan. 
 He is the last of the high-priests mentioned 
 in the O. T., and probably altogether the 
 latest name in the canon (Neh. xii. 11, 22). 
 2. One of the chief of the people, i. e. of the 
 laymen, who sealed the covenant with Nehe- 
 miah (Neh. x. 21). 
 
 Ja'don, the Meronothite, who assisted 
 to repair the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. 
 iii. 7). 
 
 Ja'el, the wife of Heber the Kenite. In 
 the headlong rout which followed the defeat 
 ol the Canaanites by Barak, Sisera, aban- 
 
 doning his chariot the more easily to avoid 
 notice, fled unattended, and in an opposite 
 direction from that taken by his army, to 
 the tent of the Kenite chieftainess. He ac- 
 cepted Jael's invitation to enter, and she 
 flung a mantle over him as he lay wearily 
 on the floor. When thirst prevented sleep, 
 and he asked for water, she brought him 
 buttermilk in her choicest vessel, thus rati- 
 fying with the semblance of officious zeal 
 the sacred bond of Eastern hospitality. At 
 last, with a feeling of perfect security, the 
 weary general resigned himself to the deep 
 sleep of misery and fatigue. Then it was 
 that Jael took in her left hand one of the 
 great wooden pins which fastened down the 
 cords of the tent, and in her right hand the 
 mallet used to drive it into the ground, and 
 with one terrible blow dashed it through 
 Sisera's temples deep into the earth (Judg. 
 v. 27). She then waited to meet the pur- 
 suing Barak, and led him into her tent that 
 she might in his presence claim the glory 
 of the deed ! Many have supposed that by 
 this act she fulfilled the saying of Deborah, 
 that God would sell Sisera into the hand of 
 a woman (Judg. iv. 9) ; and hence they 
 have supposed that Jael was actuated by 
 some divine and hidden influence. But the 
 Bible gives no hint of such an inspiration. 
 
 Ja'gUT, a town of Judah, one of those 
 farthest to the south, on the frontier of 
 Edom (Josh. xv. 21). 
 
 Jah. the abbreviated form of " Jehovah," 
 used only in poetry. It occurs frequently 
 in the Hebrew, but with a single exception 
 (Ps. Ixviii. 4) is rendered " Lord " in the 
 A. V. The identity of Jah and Jehovah is 
 strongly marked in two passages of Isaiah 
 (xii. 2, xxvi. 4), the force of which is greatly 
 weakened by the English rendering, " the 
 Lord." The former of these should be 
 translated " for my strength and song is 
 JAH JEHOVAH " (comp. Ex. xv. 2) ; and 
 the latter, " trust ye in Jehovah forever, 
 for in JAH JEHOVAH is the rock of ages." 
 
 Ja'hath. 1. Son of Libni, the son of 
 Gershom, the son of Levi (1 Chr. vi. 20). 
 
 2. Head of a later house in the family of 
 Gershom, being the eldest son of Shimei, 
 the son of Laadan (1 Chr. xxiii. 10, 11). 
 
 3. A man in the genealogy of Judah (1 
 Chr. iv. 2), son of Reaiah ben-Shobal. 4. 
 A Levite, son of Shelomoth (1 Chr. xxiv. 
 22). 5. A Merarite Levite in the reign of 
 Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12). 
 
 Ja'haz, also Jaha'za, Jaha'zah, and 
 Jah/zah.. Under these four forms are 
 given in the A. V. the name of a place 
 which in the Hebrew appears as Yahats and 
 Tahtsah. At Jahaz the decisive battle was 
 fought between the children of Israel and 
 Sihon king of the Amorites (Num. xxi. 23; 
 Deut. ii. 32; Judg. xi. 20). It was in the 
 allotment of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 18). Like 
 many others relating to the places east of
 
 JAHAZA 
 
 269 
 
 JAMES 
 
 the Dead Sea, the question of its site must 
 await further research. 
 
 Jaha'za. Josh. xiii. 18. [JAHAZ.] 
 
 Jaha'zah, Josh. xxi. 36; Jer. xlviii. 21. 
 [JAHAZ.] 
 
 Jahazi'ah, son of Tikvah, apparently a 
 priest (Ezr. x. 15). 
 
 Jaha'ziel. 1. One of the heroes of 
 Benjamin who joined David at Ziklag (1 
 Chr. xii. 4). 2. A priest in the reign of 
 David (1 Chr. xvi. 6). 3. A Kohathite 
 Levite, third son of Hebron (1 Chr. xxiii. 
 19; xxiv. 23). 4. Son of Zechariah, a 
 Levite of the Bene-Asaph in the reign of 
 Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 14). 5. The "son 
 of Jahaziel " was the chief of the Bene- 
 Shecaniah who returned from Babylon with 
 Ezra (Ezr. viii. 5\ 
 
 Jail dai. a man who appears to be thrust 
 abruptly into the genealogy of Caleb, as the 
 father of six sons (1 Chr. ii. 47). 
 
 Jah'diel. a chieftain of Manasseh on 
 the east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). 
 
 Jah'do, a Gadite (1 Chr. v. 14), son of 
 Buz, and father of Jeshishai. 
 
 Jah'leel, the third of the three sons 
 of Zebulun (Gen. xlvi. 14 ; Num. xxvi. 2G), 
 founder of the family of the JAHLEELITES. 
 
 Jali'mai. a man of Issachar, one of the 
 heads of the house of Tolah (1 Chr. vii. 2). 
 
 Jah'zah, 1 Chr. vi. 78. [JAHAZ.] 
 
 Jah.'zeel, the first of the four sons of 
 Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 24), founder of the 
 family of the JAHZEELITES (Num. xxvi. 
 48). 
 
 Jahze'rah, a priest of the house of Im- 
 mer (1 Chr. ix. 12). . 
 
 Jah'ziel, the same as JAHZEEL (1 Chr. 
 vii. 13). 
 
 JadLr. 1. A man who on his father's 
 side was descended from Judah, and on his 
 mother's from Manasseh. During the con- 
 quest he took the whole of the tract of AR- 
 COB (Deut. iii. 14), and in addition pos- 
 sessed himself of some nomad villages in 
 Gilead, which he called after his own name 
 HAVVOTH-JAIR (Num. xxxii. 41 ; 1 Chr. ii. 
 23). 2. "JAIR THE GILEADITE," who judged 
 Israel for two-and-twenty years (Judg. x. 
 3-5). He had thirty sons who rode thirty 
 asses, and possessed thirty cities in the land 
 of Gilead, which, like those of their name- 
 sake, were called Havvoth-Jair. 3. A 
 Benjamite, son of Kish, and father of Mor- 
 decai (Esth. ii. 5). 4. The father of El- 
 hanan, one of the heroes of David's army 
 (1 Chr. xx. 5). 
 
 Ja'irite, The. IRA the Jairite was a 
 priest (A. V. " chief ruler") to David (2 
 Ham. xx. 26). 
 
 Ja'irus. 1. A ruler of a synagogue, 
 probably in some town near the western 
 shore of the Sea of Galilee (Matt. ix. 18 ; 
 Mark v 22. Luke viii. 41). 2. Esth. xi. 
 2. [JAIR, 3.J 
 
 Ja'kan, sou of Ezer the Horite (1 Chr. 
 
 i. 42). The same as JAAKAX. And see 
 AKAN. 
 
 Ja'keh. [PROVERBS.] 
 
 Ja'kim. 1. Head of the 12th course of 
 priests in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 
 12). 2. A Benjamite, one of the Bene- 
 Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 19). 
 
 Ja'lon, one of the sons of Ezra (1 Chr. 
 iv. 17). 
 
 Jam'bres. [JANNES AND JAMBRES.] 
 
 James. 1. JAMES THE SON OF ZEBE- 
 DEE, one of the Twelve Apostles. We 
 first hear of him in A. D. 27, when Zebe- 
 dee, a fisherman (Mark i. 20), was out on 
 the Sea of Galilee with his two sons, James 
 and John, and some boatmen. He was en- 
 gaged in his customary occupation of fish- 
 ing, and near him was another boat belong- 
 ing to Simon and Andrew, with whom he 
 and his sons were in partnership. Finding 
 themselves unsuccessful, the occupants of 
 both boats came ashore, and began to wash 
 their nets. At this time the new Teacher 
 appeared upon the beach. At His call 
 they left all, and became, once and for- 
 ever, His disciples, hereafter to catch men. 
 For a full year we lose sight of St. James. 
 He is then, in the spring of 28, called to 
 the apostleship with his eleven brethren 
 (Matt. x. 2; Mark iii. 14; Luke vi. 13; 
 Acts i. 13). In the list of the Apostles 
 given us by St. Mark, and in the book of 
 Acts, his name occurs next to that of Si- 
 mon Peter : in the Gospels of St. Matthew 
 and St. Luke it comes third. It is worthy 
 of notice that with one exception (Luke ix. 
 28), the name of James is put before that 
 of John, and that John is twice described 
 as " the brother of James " (Mark v. 37 ; 
 Matt. xvii. 1). This would appear to im- 
 ply that at this time James, either from age 
 or character, took a higher position than 
 his brother. It would seem to have been 
 at the time of the appointment of the 
 twelve Apostles that the name of Boaner- 
 ges was given to the sons of Zebedee. 
 The " Sons of Thunder " had a burning 
 and impetuous spirit, which twice exhibits 
 itself in its unchastencd form (Luke ix. 54 ; 
 Mark x. 37). The first occasion on which 
 this natural character manifests itself in 
 St. James and his brother is at the com- 
 mencement of our Lord's last journey to 
 Jerusalem in the year 30. He was passing 
 through Samaria, and " sent messengers 
 before his face " into a certain village, " to 
 make ready for him" (Luke ix. 52), i. e. 
 in all probability to announce him as the 
 Messiah. The Samaritans, with their old 
 jealousy strong upon t! em, refused to re- 
 ceive him ; and in their exasperation James 
 and John entreated their Master to follow 
 the example of Elijah, and call down fire 
 to consume them. At the end of the 
 same journey a similar spirit appears again 
 (Mark x. 35). On the night before the
 
 JAMES THE LESS 
 
 270 
 
 JAMES, EPISTLE OF 
 
 Crucifixion he was present at the Agony in 
 the Garden. On the day of the Ascension 
 he is mentioned as persevering with the 
 rest of the Apostles and disciples in prayer 
 (Acts i. 13). Shortly before the day of 
 the Passover, in the year 44, he was put 
 to death by Herod Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 1, 
 2). 2. JAMES THE SON OF ALPHAEUS, one 
 of the Twelve Apostles. Matt. x. 3 ; Mark 
 iii. 18 : Luke vi. 15 ; Acts i. 13. 3. JAMES 
 
 THE BROTHER OF THE LORD. Matt. XUi. 
 
 55 ; Mark vi. 3 ; Gal. i. 19. 4. JAMES THE 
 SON OF MARY. Matt, xxvii. 56 ; Luke 
 xxiv. 10. Also called THE LESS. Mark 
 xx. 40. 5. JAMES THE BROTHER OF JU'DE. 
 Jude 1. 6. JAMES THE BROTHER (?)OF 
 JUDE. Luke vi. 16 ; Acts i. 13. 7. JAMES. 
 Acts xii. 17, xv. 13, xxi. 18 ; 1 Cor. xv. 7 ; 
 Gal. ii. 9, 12. 8. JAMES THE SERVANT OF 
 
 GOD AND OF OCR LORD JESUS CHRIST. 
 
 James i. 1. St. Paul identifies for us 
 Nos. 3. and 7. (see Gal. ii. 9 and 12 com- 
 pared with i. 19). If we may translate 
 'loi'dug 'laxiapov, Judas the brother, rather 
 than the son of James, we may conclude 
 that 5. and 6. are identical. We may iden- 
 tify 5. and 6. with 3., because we know that 
 James the Lord's brother had a brother 
 named Jude. We may identify 4. with 3., 
 because we know James the son of Mary 
 had a brother named Joses, and so also had 
 James the Lord's brother. Thus there re- 
 main two only, James the son of Alphaeus 
 (2), and James the brother of the Lord 
 (3). Can we, or can we not, identify 
 them? This is one of the most difficult 
 questions in the Gospel history By com- 
 paring Matt, xxvii. 56 and Mark xv. 40, 
 with John xix. 25, we find that the Virgin 
 Mary had a sister named like herself, 
 Mary, who was the wife of Clopas or Al- 
 phaeus (varieties of the same name), and 
 who had two sons, James the Less and 
 Joses. By referring to Matt. xiii. 55 and 
 Mark vi. 3, we find that a James and a 
 Joses, with two other brethren called Jude 
 and Simon, and at least three sisters, were 
 living with the Virgin Mary at Nazareth. 
 By referring to Luke vi. 16 and Acts i. 13, 
 we find that there were two brethren named 
 James and Jude among the Apostles. It 
 would certainly be natural to think that we 
 had here but one family of four brothers 
 and three or more sisters, the children of 
 Clopas and Mary, nephews and nieces of 
 the Virgin Mary. There are difficulties, 
 however, in the way of this conclusion into 
 which we cannot here enter ; but in reply 
 to the objection that the four brethren in 
 Matt. xiii. 55 are described as the brothers 
 of JESUS, not as His cousins, it must be 
 recollected that aSetyoi, which is here trans- 
 lated "brethren," may also signify cousins. 
 James the Loss, son of Alphaeus or 
 Clopas, and brother of our Lord (see 
 above), was called to the Apostolate, to- 
 
 gether with his younger brother Jude, ii 
 the spring of the year 28. It is not likely 
 (though far from impossible) that James 
 and Jude took part with their brothers and 
 sisters, and the Virgin Mary, in trying " to 
 lay hold on " JESUS in the autumn of the 
 same year (Mark iii. 21) ; and it is likely, 
 though not certain, that it is of the other 
 brothers and sisters, without these two, that 
 St. John says, " Neither did His brethren 
 believe on Him" (John vii. 5), in the 
 autumn of A. . 29. We hear no more of 
 James till after the Crucifixion and the 
 Resurrection. At some time in the forty 
 days that intervened between the Resurrec- 
 tion and the Ascension the Lord appeared 
 to him. This is not related by the Evangel- 
 ists, but it is mentioned by St. Paul (1 Cor. 
 xv. 7). Again we lose sight of James for 
 ten years, and when he appears once more 
 it is in a far higher position than any that 
 he has yet held. In the year 37 occurred 
 the conversion of Saul. Three years after 
 his conversion he paid his first visit to Jeru- 
 salem, but the Christians recollected what 
 they had suffered at his hands, and feared 
 to have anything to do with him. Barnabas, 
 at this time of far higher reputation than 
 himself, took him by the hand, and intro- 
 duced him to Peter and James (Acts ix. 27 ; 
 Gal. i. 18, 19), and by their authority he 
 was admitted into the society of the Chris- 
 tians, and allowed to associate freely with 
 them during the fifteen days of his stay. 
 Here we find James on a level with Peter, 
 and with him deciding on the admission of 
 St. Paul into fellowship with the Church at 
 Jerusalem ; and from henceforth we always 
 find him equal, or in his own department 
 superior, to the very chiefest Apostles, 
 Peter, John, and Paul. For by this time 
 he had been appointed to preside over the 
 infant Church in its most important centre, 
 in a position equivalent to that of Bishop. 
 This pre-eminence is evident throughout 
 the after history of the Apostles, whether 
 we read it in the Acts, in the Epistles, or in 
 Ecclesiastical writers (Acts xii. 17, xv. 13, 
 19, xxi. 18; Gal. ii. 9). According to tra- 
 dition, James was thrown down from the 
 Temple by the Scribes and Pharisees ; he 
 was then stoned and his brains dashed out 
 by a fuller's club. 
 
 James, The General Epistle of. 
 The author of this Epistle was in all proba- 
 bility James the son of Alphaeus, and our 
 Lord's brother. It was written from Jeru- 
 salem, which St. James does not seem to 
 have ever left. Its main object is not to 
 teach doctrine, but to improve morality. 
 St. James is the moral teacher of the N. T. 
 He wrote for the Jewish Christians wheth- 
 er in Jerusalem or abroad, to warn them 
 against the sins to which as Jews they were 
 most liable, and to console and exhort them 
 under the sufferings to which as Christiana
 
 JAMIN 
 
 271 
 
 JAEIB 
 
 they were most exposed. It has been main- 
 tained that the passage ii. 14-26 is a formal 
 opposition to St. Paul's doctrine of Jus- 
 tification by Faith ; but if we consider the 
 meaning of the two Apostles, we see at 
 once that there is no contradiction either 
 intended or possible. St. Paul was opposing 
 the Judaizing party, which claimed to earn 
 acceptance by good works, whether the 
 works of the Mosaic law, or works of piety 
 done by themselves. In opposition to these, 
 St. Paul lays down the great truth that ac- 
 ceptance cannot be earned by man at all, 
 but is the free gift of GOD to the Christian 
 man, for the sake of the merits of Jesus 
 Christ, appropriated by each individual, and 
 made his own by the instrumentality of faith. 
 St. James, on the other hand, was opposing 
 the old Jewish tenet that to be a child of 
 Abraham was all in all ; that godliness was 
 not necessary, so that the belief was cor- 
 rect. 
 
 Ja'min. 1. Second son of Simeon 
 (Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15; 1 Chr. iv. 24), 
 founder of the family of the Jaminites 
 (Num. xxvi. 12). 2. A man of Judah, 
 second son of Ram the Jerahmeelite (1 Chr. 
 ii. 27). 3. One of the Levites who under 
 Ezra and Nehemiah read and expounded 
 the law to the people (Neh. viii. 7). 
 
 Jam'lech, one of the chief men of the 
 tribe of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 34). 
 
 Jam'nia. [JABNEEL.] 
 
 Jan'na, son of Joseph, and father of 
 Melchi, in the genealogy of Christ (Luke 
 iii. 24). 
 
 Jan'nes and Jam'bres, the names of 
 two Egyptian magicians who opposed Mo- 
 ses. St. Paul alone of the sacred writers 
 mentions them by name, and says no more 
 than that they " withstood Moses," and that 
 their folly in doing so. became manifest (2 
 Tim. iii. 8, 9). It appears from the Jewish 
 commentators that these names were held 
 to be those of the magicians who opposed 
 Moses and Aaron, spoken of in Exodus, j 
 Whether Jannes and Jambres were men- i 
 tioned in some long-lost book relating to 
 the early history of the Israelites, orwhether 
 there were a veritable oral tradition respect- 
 ing them, cannot now be determined. 
 
 Jano ah. a place apparently in the north 
 of Galilee, or the "land of Naphtali," 
 one of those taken by Tiglath-Pileser in his 
 first incursion into Palestine (2 K. xv. 29). 
 No trace of it appears elsewhere. 
 
 Jano'hah, a place on the boundary of 
 Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 6, 7), east of Neapolis. 
 A little less than twelve miles from Nablus, 
 and about S. E. in direction, two miles from 
 Akrabeh, is the village of Yan&n, doubtless 
 identical with the ancient Janohah. 
 
 Ja'num, a town of Judah in the moun- 
 tain district, apparently not far from He- 
 bron (Josh. xv. 53). 
 
 Ja'pheth, one of the three sons of 
 
 | Noah. From the order in which their 
 names invariably occur (Gen. v. 32, vi. 10) 
 we should naturally infer that Japheth was 
 the youngest, but we learn from ix. 24 that 
 Ham held that position. It has been gen- 
 erally supposed from x. 21 that Japheth 
 was the eldest ; but the word " elder " in that 
 passage is better connected with "brother." 
 We infer therefore that Japheth was the 
 second son of Noah. The descendants of 
 Japheth occupied the "isles of the Gen- 
 tiles " (Gen. x. 5), *. e. the coast-lands of 
 the Mediterranean Sea in Europe and Asia 
 Minor, whence they spread northwards over 
 the whole continent of Europe and a con- 
 siderable portion of Asia. 
 
 Japhi'a. The boundary of Zebulun 
 ascended from Daberath to Japhia, and 
 thence passed to Gath-hepher (Josh. xix. 
 12). Yafa, 2 miles S. of Nazareth, is not 
 unlikely to be identical with Japhia. 
 
 Japhi'a. 1. King of Lachish at the 
 time of the conquest of Canaan by the Is- 
 raelites (Josh. x. 3). 2. One of "the sons 
 of David born to him in Jerusalem (2 Sam. 
 v. 15; 1 Chr. iii. 7, xiv. 6). 
 
 Jar>h'let, a descendant of Asher through 
 Beriah (1 Chr. vii. 32, 33). 
 
 Japh'leti. The boundary of the " Japh- 
 letite " is one of the landmarks on the 
 south boundary-line of Ephraim (Josh, 
 xvi. 3). 
 
 Ja'pho (Josh. xix. 46). The Heb. form 
 of the better known JOPPA (2 Chr. ii. 16; 
 Ezr. iii. 7; Jon. i. 3). In its modern garb 
 it is Ydfa. 
 
 Ja'rah, a descendant of Saul ; son of 
 Micah, and great-grandson of Mephibo- 
 sheth (1 Chr. ix. 42, comp. 40). 
 
 Ja'reb is either to be explained as the 
 proper name of a country or person, as a 
 noun in apposition, or as a verb from a 
 root, r&b, "to contend, plead." All these 
 senses are represented in the A. V. and the 
 marginal readings (Hos. v. 13, x. 6), and 
 the least preferable has been inserted in 
 the text. Jareb is most probably the name 
 of some city of Assyria, or another name 
 of the country itself. 
 
 Ja'red, one of the antediluvian patri- 
 archs, the fifth from Adam ; son of Mahala- 
 leel, and father of Enoch (Gen. v. 15, 16, 18 
 -20; Luke iii. 37). In the lists of Chron- 
 icles the name is given in the A. V. JERED. 
 
 Jaresi'ah, a Benjamite, one of the 
 Bene-Jehoram (1 Chr. viii. 27). 
 
 Jar'ha, the Egyptian servant of She- 
 shan, about the time of Eli, to whom his 
 master gave his daughter and heir in mar- 
 riage (1 Chr. ii. 31). 
 
 Ja'rib. 1. Named in the list of 1 Chr. 
 iv. 24 only, as a son of Simeon. Perhaps 
 the same as JACHIN (Gen. xlvi., Ex. vi., 
 and Num. xxvi.). 2. One of the "chief 
 men" who accompanied Ezra on his journey 
 from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 16").
 
 JAKIMOTH 
 
 272 
 
 JAYAN 
 
 3. A priest of the house of Jeshua the son 
 of Jozadak, who had married a foreign wife, 
 and was compelled by Ezra to put her 
 away (Ezr. x. 18). 4. (1 Mace. xiv. 29). 
 A contraction ~or corruption of the name 
 JOARIB (ii. 1). 
 
 Jar'imoth, 1 Esd. ix. 28. [JEREMOTH.] 
 
 Jar'muth. 1. A town in the low coun- 
 try of Judah (Josh. xv. 35). Its king, PI- 
 RAM, was one of the five who conspired 
 to punish Gibeon for having made alliance 
 with Israel (Josh. x. 3, 5), and who were 
 routed at Bethhoron and put to death by 
 Joshua at Makkedah (23). Its site is prob- 
 ably the modern Yarn/ink. 2. A city 'of 
 Issachar, allotted with its suburbs to the 
 Gershonite Levites (Josh. xxi. 29). 
 
 Jaro'ah, a chief man of the tribe of Gad 
 (1 Chr. v. 14). 
 
 Ja'shen. Bene-Jashen " sons of Ja- 
 shen" are named in the catalogue of the 
 heroes of David's guard in 2 Sam. xxiii. 32. 
 
 Ja'sher, Book of, or, as the margin of 
 the A. V. gives it, "the book of the up- 
 right," a record alluded to in two passages 
 only of the O. T. (Josh. x. 13, and 2 Sam. 
 
 1. 18), and consequently the subject of 
 much dispute. That it was written in 
 verse may reasonably be inferred from the 
 only specimens extant, which exhibit un- 
 mistakable signs of metrical rhythm. Ge- 
 senius conjectured that it was an anthology 
 of ancient songs, which acquired its name, 
 " the book of the just or upright," from 
 being written in praise of upright men. 
 
 Jasho'beam. Possibly one and the 
 same follower of David, bearing this name, 
 is described as a Hachmonite (1 Chr. xi. 
 11), a Korhite (1 Chr. xii. 6), and son of 
 Zabdiel (1 Chr. xxvii. 2). He came to 
 David at Ziklag. His distinguishing ex- 
 ploit was that he slew 300 (or 800, 2 Sam. 
 xxiii. 8) men at one time. He is named 
 first among the chief of the mighty men 
 of David (1 Chr. xi. 11). 
 
 Ja'shub. 1. The third son of Issachar, 
 and founder of the family of the Jashubites 
 (Num. xxvi. 24; 1 Chr. vii. 1). 2. One 
 of the sons of Bani, a layman in the time 
 of Ezra who had to put away his foreign 
 wife (Ezr. x. 29). 
 
 Jash'ubi-le'hem, a person or a place 
 named among the descendants of Shelah. 
 the son of Judah by Bath-shua the Canaan- 
 itess (1 Chr. iv. 22). 
 
 Ja'siel, the last named on the list of 
 David's heroes in 1 Chr. xi. 47. 
 
 Ja'son. 1. JASON THE SON OF ELEA- 
 ZER was one of the commissioners sent by 
 Judas Maccabaeus to conclude a treaty with 
 the Romans B. c. 1G1 (1 Mace. viii. 17). 
 
 2. JASON THE FATHER OF ANTIPATER, who 
 was an envoy to Rome at a later period (1 
 Mace. xii. 16, xiv. 22), is probably the 
 same person as No. 1. 3. JASON OF CY- 
 RENE, a Jewish historian who wrote "in 
 
 five books " a history of the Jewish war of 
 liberation, which supplied the chief mate- 
 rials for the second book of the Maccabees. 
 [2 MACCABEES.] His name and the place 
 of his residence seem to mark Jason as a 
 Hellenistic Jew, but nothing more is known 
 of him than can be gathered from 2 Mace, 
 ii. 19-23. 4. JASON THE HIGH-PRIEST, 
 the second son of Simon II., and brother 
 of Onias III., who succeeded in obtaining 
 the high-priesthood from Antioclms Epiph- 
 anes (circa 175 B. c.) to the exclusion of 
 his elder brother (2 Mace. iv. 7-26). He 
 labored in every way to introduce Greek 
 customs among the people, and that with 
 great success (2 Mace. iv.). After three 
 years (cir. B. c. 172) he was in turn sup- 
 planted in the king's favor by his own 
 emissary Menelaus, and was forced to take 
 refuge among the Ammonites (2 Mace. iv. 
 26). On a report of the death of Antio- 
 chus (c. 170 B. c.) he made a violent at- 
 tempt to recover his power (2 Mace. v. 5- 
 7), but was repulsed, and again fled to the 
 Ammonites. Afterwards he was compelled 
 to retire to Egypt, and thence to Sparta (2 
 Mace. v. 9), and there "perished in a 
 strange land " (2 Mace. I. c. ; cf. Dan. xii. 
 30, ff. ; 1 Mace. i. 12, ff.). 5. JASON THE 
 THESSALONIAN, who entertained Paul and 
 Silas, and was in consequence attacked by 
 the Jewish mob (Acts xvii. o, 6, 7, 9). He 
 is probably the same as the Jason men- 
 tioned in Rom. xvi. 21 as a companion of 
 the apostle, and one of his kinsmen or fel- 
 low-tribesmen. It is conjectured that Jason 
 and Secundus (Acts xx. 4) were the same. 
 
 Jasper, a precious stone frequently no- 
 ticed in Scripture. It was the last of the 
 twelve inserted in the high-priest's breast- 
 plate (Ex. xxviii. 20, xxxix. 13), and the 
 first of the twelve used in the foundations 
 of the new Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 19). The 
 characteristics of the stone, as far as they 
 are specified in Scripture (Rev. xxi. 11), 
 are, that it was "most precious," and " like 
 crystal : " we may also infer from Rev. iv. 3, 
 that it was a stone of brilliant and trans- 
 parent light. The stone which we name 
 "jasper" does not accord with this de- 
 scription. .There can be no doubt that the 
 diamond would more adequately answer to 
 the description in the book of Revelation. 
 
 Jath'niel, a Korhite Levite, the fourth 
 of the family of Meshelemiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 
 
 2)- 
 
 Jat'tir, a town of Judah in the moun - 
 tain districts (Josh. xv. 48), one of the group 
 containing Socho, Eshtemoa, &c. (See 
 also Josh. xxi. 14; 1 Sam. xxx. 27; 1 Chr. 
 vi. 57). By Robinson it is identified with 
 'Attir, 6 miles N. of Molada, and 10 miles 
 S. of Hebron. 
 
 Ja'van. 1. A son of Japheth, and the 
 father of Elishah and Tarshish, Kittim and 
 Dodanim (Gen. x. 2, 4). The name ap-
 
 JAVELIN 
 
 273 
 
 JEDUTHUN 
 
 pears in Is. Ixvi. 19, where it is coupled 
 with Tarshish, Pul, and Lud, and more 
 particularly with Tubal and the " isles afar 
 off," as representatives of the Gentile 
 world: again in Ez. xxvii. 13, where it is 
 coupled with Tubal and Meshech, as car- 
 rying on considerable commerce with the 
 Tynans, who imported from these coun- 
 tries slaves and brazen vessels : in Dan. 
 viii. 21, x. 20, xi. 2, in reference to the 
 Macedonian empire; and lastly in Zech. 
 ix. 13, in reference to the Graeco-Syrian 
 empire. From a comparison of these vari- 
 ous passages there can be no doubt that 
 Javan was regarded as the representative 
 of the Greek race. The name was prob- 
 ably introduced into Asia by the Phoeni- 
 cians, to whom the lonians were naturally 
 better known than any other of the Hel- 
 lenic races, on account of their commercial 
 activity and the high prosperity of their 
 towns on the western coast of Asia Minor. 
 2. A town in the southern part of Arabia 
 ( Yemen), whither the Phoenicians traded 
 (Ez. xxvii. 19). 
 
 Javelin. [ARMS.] 
 
 Ja'zer. [JAAZER.] 
 
 Ja'ziz, a Hagarite who had charge of 
 the flocks, the sheep and goats of king 
 David (1 Chr. xxvii. 31). 
 
 Je'arim, Mount, a place named in 
 specifying the northern boundary of Judah 
 (Josh. xv. 10). The boundary ran from 
 Mount Seir to "the shoulder of Mount 
 Jearirn, which is Cesalon" that is, Cesa- 
 lon was the landmark on the mountain. 
 Kesla stands, 7 miles due west of Jeru- 
 salem, on a high point on the north slope 
 of a lofty ridge, which is probably Mount 
 Jearim. 
 
 Jeat'erai, a Gershonite Levite, son of 
 Zerah (1 Chr. vi. 21). 
 
 Jeberechi'ah, father of a certain 
 Zechariah, in the reign of Ahaz, mentioned 
 Is. viii. 2. As this form occurs nowhere 
 else, and both the LXX. and Vulgate have 
 Berechiah, it is probably only an accidental 
 corruption. 
 
 Je'bus, one of the names of Jerusalem, 
 the city of the Jebusites, also called JEBUSI. 
 (Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 16, 28 ; Judg. xix. 10, 
 11 ; 1 Chr. xi. 4, 5). [JERUSALEM.] 
 
 Jebu'si, the name employed for the city 
 of JEBUS (Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 16, 28). 
 
 Jeb'usites, The, were descended from 
 the third son of Canaan (Gen. x. 16 ; 1 
 Chr. i. 14). The actual people first ap- 
 pear in the invaluable report of the spies 
 (Num. xiii. 29). When Jabin organized 
 his rising against Joshua he sent amongst 
 others "to the Amorite, the Hittite, the 
 Perizzite. and the Jebusite in the moun- 
 tain " (Josh. xi. 3). A mountain-tribe they 
 wore, and a mountain-tribe they remained. 
 " Jebus, which is Jerusalem," lost its king 
 in the slaughter of Bethhoron (Josh. x. 1, 5, 
 18 
 
 26; comp. xii. 10), was sacked and burned 
 by the men of Judah (Judg. i. 21), and its 
 citadel finally scaled and occupied by Da- 
 vid (2 Sam. v. 6). After this they emerge 
 from the darkness but once, in the person 
 of Araunah the Jebusite, " Araunah the 
 king," who appears before us in true kingly 
 dignity in his well-known transaction with 
 David (2 Sam. xxiv. 23; 1 Chr. xix. 23). 
 
 Jecami'ah, one of seven, including 
 Salathiel and Pedaiah, who were intro- 
 duced into the royal line, on the failure of 
 it in the person of Jehoiachin (1 Chr. iii. 
 18). 
 
 Jecholi'ah, wife of Amaziah king of 
 Judah, and mother of Azariah or Uzziah 
 his successor (2 K. xv. 2). 
 
 Jechoni'as, the Greek form of the 
 name of king JECHONIAH, an altered form 
 of JEHOIACHIN. [JEHOIACHIN.] 
 
 Jecholi'ah. The same as Jecoliah (2 
 Chr. xx vi. 3). 
 
 Jeconi'ah, an altered form of the 
 name of JEHOIACHIN (1 Chr. iii. 16, 17; 
 Jer. xxiv. 1, xxvii. 20, xxviii. 4, xxix. 1 ; 
 Esth. ii. 6). 
 
 Jeda iah. 1. Head of the second 
 course ot priests, as they were divided in 
 the time of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 7). Some 
 of them survived to return to Jerusalem 
 after the Babylonish captivity, as appears 
 from Ezr. ii. 36; Neh. vii. 39. 2. A priest 
 in the time of Jeshua the high-priest 
 (Zech. vi. 10, 14). 
 
 Jeda'iah. 1. A Simeonite, forefather 
 of Ziza (1 Chr. iv. 37). 2. Son of Ha- 
 rumaph ; a man who did his part in the re- 
 building of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 
 10). 
 
 Jedi'ael. 1. A chief patriarch of the 
 tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 6, 11). It 
 is usually assumed that Jediael is the same 
 as Ashbel (Gen. xlvi. 21 ; Num. xxvi. 38 ; 
 1 Chr. viii.). But this is not certain. 2_ 
 Second son of Meshelemiah, a Levite (L 
 Chr. xxvi. 1, 2). 3. Son of Shimri; one- 
 of the heroes of David's guard (1 Chr. xi.. 
 45). 4. One of the chiefs of the thousands 
 of Manasseh who joined David on his 
 march to Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 20; comp. 1 
 Sam. xxix., xxx.). 
 
 Jed'idah, queen of Amon, and mother 
 of the good king Josiah (2 K. xxii. 1). 
 
 Jcdidi ah. JEDID-JAH, " darling of Je- 
 hovah," the name bestowed, through Na- 
 than the prophet, on David's son Solomon 
 (2 Sam. xii. 25). 
 
 Jed'uthun, a Levite, of the family of 
 Merari, is probably the same as Ethan 
 (comp. 1 Chr. xv. 17, 19, with 1 Chr. xvi. 
 41, 42, xxv. 1, 3, 6; 2 Chr. xxxv. 15). 
 His office was generally to preside over th 
 music of the temple service. Jeduthun's 
 name stands at the head of the 39th, 62d, 
 and 77th Psalms, indicating probably that 
 they were to be sung by his choir.
 
 JEEZER 
 
 274 
 
 JEHOHANAN 
 
 Jee'zer, the form assumed in the list 
 in Numbers (xxvi. 30) by the name of a 
 descendant of Manasseh, and founder of 
 the family of the Jeezerites. In parallel 
 lists the name is given as ABI-EZER. 
 
 Je'gar-sahadu'tha (" heap of testi- 
 mony"), the Aramaean name given by 
 Laban the Syrian to the heap of stones 
 which he erected as a memorial of the 
 compact between Jacob and himself, while 
 Jacob commemorated the same by setting 
 up a pillar (Gen. xxxi. 47), as was his cus- 
 tom on several other occasions. Galeed, a 
 "witness heap," which is given as the 
 Hebrew equivalent, does not exactly repre- 
 sent Jegar-sahadutha. 
 
 Jehal'eleel. Four men of the Bene- 
 Jehaleleel are introduced abruptly into the 
 genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16). 
 
 Jehal'elel, a Merarite Levite, father 
 of Azariah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 
 
 Jehdei'ah. 1. The representative of 
 the Bene-Shubael, in the time of David (1 
 Chr. xxiv. 20). 2. A Meronothite who had 
 charge of the she-asses of David (1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 30). 
 
 Jehez ekel, a priest to whom was given 
 by David the charge of the twentieth of the 
 twenty-four courses in the service of the 
 house of Jehovah (1 Chr. xxiv. 16). 
 
 Jehi'alx and Obed-edom were " door- 
 keepers for the ark " at the time of its 
 establishment in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 
 24). 
 
 Jehi'el. 1. One of the Levites appoint- 
 ed by David to assist in the service of the 
 house of God (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 4). 
 2. One of the sons of Jehoshaphat king of 
 Judah, put to death by his brother Jehoram 
 (2 Chr. xxi. 2). 3. One of the rulers of 
 the house of God at the time of the reforms 
 of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 8). 4. A Gershon- 
 ite Levite, head of the Bene-Laadan in 
 the time of David (1 Chr. xxiii. 8), who 
 had charge of the treasures (xxix. 8). 5. 
 Son of Hachmoni, or of a Hachmonite, 
 named in the list of David's officers (1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 32) as " with the king's sons," what- 
 ever that may mean. 6. A Levite of the 
 Bene-Heman, who took part in the restora- 
 tions ofking Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 14). 
 7. Another Levite at the same period (2 
 Chr. xxxi. 13). 8. Father of Obadiah, of 
 the Bene-Joab (Ezr. viii. 9). Q. One of 
 the Bene-Elam, father of Shechaniah (Ezr. 
 x. 2). 10. A member of the same family, 
 who had himself to part with his wife (Ezr. 
 x. 26). 11. A priest, one of the Bene- 
 Harim, who also had to put away his for- 
 eign wife (Ezr. x. 21). 
 
 Jeh.i'el, a perfectly distinct name from 
 the last. 1. A man described as father of 
 Gibeon; a forefather of king Saul (1 Chr. 
 ix. 35). 2. One of the sons of Hotham 
 the Arocrite ; a member of David's guard 
 (1 Chr. xi. 44). 
 
 Jehi'eli, according to the A. V. a 
 Gershonite Levite of the family of LAADAN 
 (1 Chr. xxvi. 21, 22). 
 
 Jehizki'ah., son of Shallum, one of 
 the heads of the tribe of Ephraim in the 
 time of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12 ; comp. 8, 
 13, 15). 
 
 Jeh.o'adail, one of the descendants of 
 Saul (1 Chr. viii. 36) ; great-grandson to 
 Meribaal, i. e. Mephibosbeth. 
 
 Jehoad'dan, queen to king Joash, and 
 mother of Amaziah of Judah (2 K. xiv. 2 ; 
 2 Chr. xxv. 1). 
 
 Jeho'ahaz. 1. The son and successor 
 of Jehu, reigned 17 years B. c. 856-840 
 over Israel in Samaria. His inglorious 
 history is given in 2 K. xiii. 1-9. Through- 
 out his reign (ver. 22) he was kept in sub- 
 jection by Hazael king of Damascus. 
 Jehoahaz maintained the idolatry of Jero- 
 boam ; but in the extremity of his humili- 
 ation he besought Jehovah, and Jehovah 
 gave Israel a deliverer probably either 
 Jehoash (vv. 23 and 25), or Jeroboam II. 
 (2 K. xiv. 24, 25). 2. Jehoahaz, otherwise 
 called SHALLUM, the fourth (ace. to 1 Chr. 
 iii. 15), or third, if Zedekiah's age be cor- 
 rectly stated (2 Chr. xxxvi. 11), son of 
 Josiah, whom he succeeded as king of 
 Judah. He was chosen by the people in 
 preference to his elder (comp. 2 K. xxiii. 
 31 and 36) brother, B. c. 610, and he reigned 
 three months in Jerusalem. Pharaoh-Necho 
 on his return from Carchemish, perhaps 
 resenting the election of Jehoahaz, sent to 
 Jerusalem to depose him, and to fetch him 
 to Riblah. There he was cast into chains, 
 and from thence he was taken into Egypt, 
 where he died. 3. The name given (2 
 Chr. xxi. 17) to Ahaziah, the youngest son 
 of Jehoram king of Judah. 
 
 JehO'ash, the uncontracted form of 
 JOASH. 1. The eighth king of Judah ; 
 son of AHAZIAH (2 K. xi. 21, xii. 1, 2, 4, 6, 
 7, 18, xiv. 13). [JOASH, 1.] 2. The 
 twelfth king of Israel ; son of JEHOAHAZ 
 (2 K. xiii. 10, 25, xiv. 8, 9, 11, 13, 15, 16, 
 
 17). [JOASH, 2.] 
 
 Jeho'hanan. 1. A Korhite Levite, 
 one of the doorkeepers to the house of Je- 
 hovah, i. e. the Tabernacle, according to 
 the appointment of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 3; 
 comp. xxv. 1). He was the sixth of the 
 seven sons of Meshelemiah. 2. One of the 
 principal men of Judah, under king Je- 
 hoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 15; comp. 13 and 
 19). 3. Father of Ishmael, one of the 
 " captains of hundreds " whom Jehoiada 
 the priest took into his confidence about the 
 restoration of the line of Judah (2 Chr. 
 xxiii. 1). 4. One of the Bene-Bebai, a lay 
 Israelite who was forced by Ezra to put 
 away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 28). 6. A 
 priest (Neh. xii. 13) ; the representative of 
 the house of Amariah (comp. 2), during 
 the high-priesthood of Joiakim (ver. 12).
 
 JEKOIACIIIN 
 
 275 
 
 JEHOIARIB 
 
 6. A priest who took part in the dedication 
 of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 42). 
 
 Jeh.oi'achin, son of Jehoiakim and Ne- 
 hushta, and for three months and ten days 
 king of Judah, B. c. 597. Jehoiachin came 
 to the throne when Egypt was still prostrate 
 in consequence of the victory at Carche- 
 mish. Jerusalem was quite defenceless, 
 and unaljle to offer any resistance to the 
 regular army which Nehuchadnezzar sent 
 to besiege it (2 K. xxiv. 10, 11). In a very 
 short time Jehoiachin surrendered at dis- 
 cretion ; and he, and the queen-mother, and 
 all his servants, captains, and officers, came 
 out and gave themselves up to Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, who carried them, with the harem 
 and the eunuchs, to Babylon (Jer. xxix. 2 ; 
 Ezek. xvii. 12, xix. 9). There he remained 
 a prisoner, actually in prison, and wearing 
 prison garments, for thirty-six years, viz. 
 till the death of Nebuchadnezzar, when 
 Evil-Merodach, succeeding to the throne 
 of Babylon, brought him out of prison, and 
 made him sit at his own table. Whether 
 Jehoiachin outlived the two years of Evil- 
 Merodach's reign or not does not appear, 
 nor have we any particulars of his life at 
 Babylon. It does not appear certainly from 
 Scripture, whether Jehoiachin was married 
 or had any children. That Zedekiah, who 
 in 1 Chr. iii. 16 is called " his son," is the 
 same as Zedekiah his uncle (called "his 
 brother," 2 Chr. xxxvi. 10), who was his 
 successor on the throne, seems certain. 
 
 Jehoi'ada. 1. Father of BENAIAH, 
 David's well-known warrior (2 Sam. viii. 
 18, 1 K. i. and ii. passim, 1 Chr. xviii. 17, 
 &c.). 2. Leader of the Aaronites, i. e. the 
 priests; who joined David at Hebron (1 
 Chr. xii. 27). 3. According to 1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 34, son of Benaiah. But in all prob- 
 ability, Benaiah the son of Jehoiada is 
 meant, by a confusion similar to that which 
 has arisen with regard to Ahimelech and 
 Abiathar, 1 Chr. xviii. 16, 2 Sam. viii. 17. 
 4. High-priest at the time of Athaliah's 
 usurpation of the throne of Judah (B. c. 
 884-878), and during the greater portion of 
 the 40 years' reign of Joash. He probably 
 succeeded Amariah. He married JEHOSHE- 
 BA, or Jehoshabeath, daughter of king Je- 
 horam. and sister of king Ahaziah (2 Chr. 
 xxii. 11) ; and when Athaliah slew all the 
 seed royal of Judah after Ahaziah had been 
 put to death by Jehu, he and his wife stole 
 Joash from among the king's sons, and hid 
 him for six years in the Temple, and event- 
 ually replaced him on the throne of his 
 ancestors. Having divided the priests and 
 Levites into three bands, which were posted 
 at the principal entrances, he produced the ; 
 young king before the whole assembly, and I 
 crowned and anointed him. Athaliah was I 
 put to death. [ATHALIAH.] The destruc- | 
 tion of Baal-worship and the restoration of j 
 the Temple were among the great works 
 
 effected by Jehoiada. He died B. c. 834. 
 
 5. Second priest, or sagan, to Seraiah the 
 high-priest (Jer. xxix. 25-29 ; 2 K. xxv. 18). 
 
 6. Son of Paseach, who assisted to repair 
 the old gate of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 6). 
 
 Jehoi'akim, called ELIAKIM, son of 
 Josiah and Zebudah, and king of Judah. 
 After deposing Jehoahaz, Pharaoh Necho 
 set Eliakim, his elder brother, upon the 
 throne, and changed his name to Jehoiakim, 
 B. c. 608-597. Egypt played no part in 
 Jewish politics during the seven or eight 
 years of Jehoiakim's reign. After the battle 
 of Carchemish Nebuchadnezzar came into 
 Palestine as one of the Egyptian tributary 
 kingdoms, the capture of which was the 
 natural fruit of his victory over Necho. 
 He found Jehoiakim quite defenceless. 
 After a short siege he entered Jerusalem, 
 took the king prisoner, bound him in fetters 
 to carry him to Babylon, and took also some 
 of the precious vessels of the Temple and 
 carried them to the land of Shinar. But he 
 seems to have changed his purpose as re- 
 garded Jehoiakim, and to have accepted 
 his submission, and reinstated him on the 
 throne, perhaps in remembrance of the 
 fidelity of his father Josiah. What is 
 certain is, that Jehoiakim became tributary 
 to Nebuchadnezzar after his invasion of 
 Judah, and continued so for three years, 
 but at the end of that time broke his oath of 
 allegiance and rebelled against him (2 K. 
 xxiv. 1). Though Nebuchadnezzar was not 
 able at that time to come in person to 
 chastise his rebellious vassal he sent against 
 him numerous bands of Chaldeans, with 
 Syrians, Moabites, and Ammonites, who 
 were all now subject to Babylon (2 K. 
 xxiv. 7), and who cruelly harassed the 
 whole country. Either in an engagement 
 with some of these forces, or else by the 
 hand of his own oppressed subjects, who 
 thought to conciliate the Babylonians by 
 the murder of their king, Jehoiakim came 
 to a violent end in the llth year of his 
 reign. His body was cast out ignominious- 
 ly on the ground ; and then, after being left 
 exposed for some time, was dragged away 
 and buried " with the burial of an ass," 
 without pomp or lamentation, "beyond the 
 gates of Jerusalem" (Jer. xxii. 18, 19, 
 xxxvi. 30). All the accounts we have of Je- 
 hoiakim concur in ascribing to him a vicious 
 and irreligious character. The writer of 2 
 K. xxiii. 37, tells us that " he did that which 
 was evil in the sight of Jehovah," a state- 
 ment which is repeated xxiv. 9, and 2 Chr. 
 xxxvi. 5. But it is in the writings of Jere- 
 miah that we have the fullest portraiture of 
 him. The reign of Jehoiakim extends from 
 B. c. 609 to B. c. 598, or as some reckon 
 599. 
 
 Jehoi'arib, head of the first of the 
 24 courses of priests, according to the ar- 
 rangement of king David (1 Clir. x:riv. 7).
 
 JEHONADAB 
 
 276 
 
 JEHORAM 
 
 Some of his descendants returned from the 
 Babylonish captivity, as we learn from 1 
 Chr. ix. 10, Neh. xi. 10. Their chief in 
 the days of Joiakim the son of Jeshua was 
 Mattenai (Neh. xii. 6, 19). They were 
 probably of the house of Eleazar. To the 
 course of Jehoiarib belonged the Asmonean 
 family (1 Mace. ii. 1), and Josephus, as he 
 informs us. 
 
 Jehon'adab, and Jon'adab, the son 
 of Rechab, founder of the Rechabites. It 
 appears from 1 Chr. ii. 55, that his father 
 or ancestor Rechab belonged to a branch 
 of the Kenites, the Arabian tribe which en- 
 tered Palestine with the Israelites. One 
 settlement of them was established, under 
 a fourfold division, at or near the town of 
 Jabez in Judah (1 Chr. ii. 55). To these 
 last belonged Rechab and his son Jehona- 
 dab. The Bedouin habits, which were kept 
 up by the other branches of the Kenite 
 tribe, were inculcated by Jehonadab with 
 the utmost minuteness on his descendants 
 (Jer. xxxv. 6). Bearing in mind this gen- 
 eral character of Jehonadab as an Arab 
 chief, and the founder of a half religious 
 sect, we are the better able to understand 
 the single occasion on which he appears be- 
 fore us in the historical narrative. Jehu was 
 advancing, after the slaughter of Betheked, 
 on the city of Samaria, when he suddenly 
 met the austere Bedouin coming towards 
 him (2 K. x. 15). The king was in his 
 chariot ; the Arab was on foot. No doubt 
 he acted in concert with Jehu throughout ; 
 the only occasion on which he is expressly 
 mentioned is when he went with Jehu 
 through the temple of Baal to turn out any 
 that there might happen to be in the mass 
 of Pagan worshippers (2 K. x. 23) . 
 
 Jehon'athan. 1. Son of Uzziah; 
 superintendent of certain of king David's 
 storehouses (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 2. One of 
 the Levites who were sent by Jehoshaphat 
 through the cities of Judah, with a book of 
 the Law, to teach the people (2 Chr. xvii. 
 8). 3. A priest (Neh. xii. 18) ; the repre- 
 sentative of the family of Shemaiah (ver. 
 G), when Joiakim was high-priest. 
 
 Jeho'ram. 1. Son of Ahab king of 
 Israel, who succeeded his brother Ahaziah, 
 B. c. 896, and died B. c. 884. The alliance 
 between the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, 
 commenced by his father and Jehoshaphat, 
 was very close throughout his reign. We 
 first find him associated with Jehoshaphat 
 and the king of Edom, at that time a tribu- 
 tary of the kingdom of Judah, in a war 
 against the Moabites. The three armies 
 were in the utmost danger of perishing for 
 want of water. The piety of Jehoshaphat 
 .suggested an inquiry of some prophet of 
 Jehovah, and Hlisha, at that time and since 
 the latter part of Ahab's reign Elijah's at- 
 tendant (2 K. Hi. 11 ; 1 K. xix. 19-21), was 
 found with the host. From him Jehoram 
 
 received a severe rebuke, and was bid to 
 I inquire of the prophets of his father and 
 : mother, the prophets of Baal. Neverthe- 
 | less for Jehoshaphat's sake Elisha inquired 
 of Jehovah, and received the promise of an 
 abundant supply of water, and of a great 
 victory over the Moabites ; a promise which 
 was immediately fulfilled. The Moabites 
 were put to the rout. The allies pursued 
 them with great slaughter into their own 
 land, which they utterly ravaged and de- 
 stroyed with all its cities. Kirharaseth alone 
 remained, and there the king of Moab made 
 his last stand. An attempt to break through, 
 the besieging army having failed, he re- 
 sorted to the desperate expedient of offer- 
 ing up his eldest son, the heir to his throne, 
 as a burnt-offering, upon the wall of the 
 city, in the sight of the enemy. Upon this 
 the Israelites retired and returned to their 
 own land (2 K. iii.). A little later, when 
 war broke out between Syria and Israel, we 
 find Elisha befriending Jehoram. What 
 happened after this to change the relations 
 between the king and the prophet we can 
 only conjecture. But it seems probable 
 that when the Syrian inroads ceased, and 
 he felt less dependent upon the aid of the 
 prophet, he relapsed into idolatry, and was 
 rebuked by Elisha, and threatened with a 
 return of the calamities from which he had 
 escaped. Refusing to repent, a fresh inva- 
 sion by the Syrians, and a close siege of 
 Samaria, actually came to pass, according 
 probably to the word of the prophet. 
 Hence, when the terrible incident arose, in 
 consequence of the famine, of a woman 
 boiling and eating her own child, the king 
 immediately attributed the evil to Elisha, 
 and determined to take away his life. The 
 providential interposition by which both 
 Elisha's life was saved and the city deliv- 
 ered, is narrated 2 K. vii., and Jehoram 
 appears to have returned to friendly feeling 
 towards Elisha (2 K. viii. 4). It was very 
 soon after the above events that Elisha 
 went to Damascus, and predicted the revolt 
 of Hazael, and his accession to the throne 
 of Syria in the room of Ben-hadad. Jeho- 
 ram seems to have thought the revolution 
 in Syria, which immediately followed Eli- 
 sha's prediction, a good opportunity to pur- 
 sue his father's favorite project of recov- 
 ering Ramoth-Gilead from the Syrians. He 
 accordingly made an alliance with his neph- 
 ew Ahaziah, who had just succeeded Joram 
 on the throne of Judah, and the two kings 
 proceeded to occupy Ramoth-Gilead by 
 force. The expedition was an unfortunate 
 one. Jehoram was wounded in battle, and 
 obliged to return to Jezreel to be healed of 
 his wounds (2 K. viii. 29, ix. 14, 15), leav- 
 ing his army under Jehu to hold Ramoth- 
 Gilead against Hazael. Jehu, however, 
 and the army under his command, revolted 
 from their allegiance to Jehoram (2 K. ix.),
 
 JEHOSHABEATH 
 
 277 JEHOSHAPHAT, VALLEY OF 
 
 and hastily marching to Jezrecl, surprised 
 Jehoram, wounded and defenceless as he 
 was. Jehoram, going out to meet him, fell 
 pierced by an arrow from Jehu's bow on 
 the very plot of ground which Ahab had 
 wrested from Naboth the Jezreelite ; thus 
 fulfilling to the letter the prophecy of Eli- 
 jah (1 K. xxi. 21-29). With the life of 
 Jehoram. ended the dynasty of Omri. 2. 
 Eldest son of Jehoshaphat, succeeded his 
 father on the throne of Judah at the age of 
 32, and reigned eight years, from B. c. 
 893-2 to 885-4. Jehosheba his daughter 
 was wife to the high-priest Jehoiada. As 
 soon as he was fixed on the throne, he put 
 his six brothers to death, with many of the 
 chief nobles of the land. He then, proba- 
 bly at the instance of his wife Athaliah the 
 daughter of Ahab, proceeded to establish 
 the worship of Baal. A prophetic writing 
 from the aged prophet Elijah (2 Chr. xxi. 
 12), failed to produce any good effect upon 
 him. This was in the first or second year 
 of his reign. The remainder of it was a 
 series of calamities. First the Edomites, 
 who had been tributary to Jehoshaphat, re- 
 volted from his dominion, and established 
 their permanent independence. Next Lib- 
 nah, one of the strongest fortified cities in 
 Judah (2 K. xix. 8), rebelled against him. 
 Then followed invasions of armed bands of 
 Philistines and of Arabians, who stormed 
 the king's palace, put his wives and all his 
 children, except his youngest son Ahaziah, 
 to death (2 Chr. xxii. 1), or carried them 
 into captivity, and plundered all his treas- 
 ures. He died of a terrible disease (2 Chr. 
 xxi. 19, 20) early in the twelfth year of his 
 brother-in-law Jehoram's reign over Israel. 
 
 Jehoshab'eath, the form in which the 
 name of JEHOSHEBA is given in 2 Chr.' xxii. 
 11. 
 
 Jehosh'apliat. 1. King of Judah, son 
 of Asa, succeeded to the throne B. c. 914, 
 when he was 35 years old, and reigned 25 
 years. His history is to be found among 
 the events recorded in 1 K. xv. 24 ; 2 K. 
 viii. 16, or in a continuous narrative in 2 
 Chr. xvii. 1-xxi. 3. He was contemporary 
 with Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram. At 
 first he strengthened himself against Israel 
 by fortifying and garrisoning the cities of 
 Judah and the Ephraimite conquests of 
 Asia. But soon afterwards the two He- 
 brew kings, perhaps appreciating their com- 
 mon danger from Damascus and the tribes 
 on their eastern frontier, formed an alli- 
 ance. Jehoshaphat's eldest son Jehoram 
 married Athaliah, the daughter of Abab 
 and Jezebel. In his own kingdom Jehosh- 
 aphat ever showed himself a zealous fol- 
 lower of the commandments of God : he 
 tried, it would seem not quite successfully, 
 to put down the high places and groves in 
 which the people of Judah burnt incense. 
 Riches and honors increased around him. 
 
 He received tribute from the Philistines 
 and Arabians ; and kept up a large stand- 
 ing army in Jerusalem. It was probably 
 about the 16th year of his reign (B. c. 898) 
 when he went to Samaria to visit Ahab, and 
 to become his ally in the great battle of 
 Bamoth-Gilead. From thence Jehoshaphat 
 returned to Jerusalem in peace ; and went 
 himself through the people " from Beer- 
 sheba to Mount Ephraim," reclaiming them 
 to the law of God. Turning his attention 
 to foreign commerce, he built at Ezion- 
 geber, with the help of Ahaziah, a navy de- 
 signed to go to Tarshish ; but it was wrecked 
 at Ezion-geber. Before the close of his 
 reign he was engaged in two additional 
 wars. He was miraculously delivered from 
 a threatened attack of the people of Am- 
 mon, Moab, and Seir. After this, perhaps, 
 must be dated the war which Jehoshaphat, 
 in conjunction with Jehoram king of Israel 
 and the king of Edom, carried on against 
 the rebellious king of Moab (2 K. iii.). In 
 his declining years the administration of 
 affairs was placed (probably B. c. 891) in 
 the hands of his son Jehoram. 2. Son of 
 Ahilud, who filled the office of recorder or 
 annalist in the courts of David (2 Sam. viii. 
 16, &c.) and Solomon (1 K. iv. 3). 3. 
 One of the priests, who (1 Chr. xv. 24) 
 were appointed to blow trumpets before the 
 ark when it was carried from the house of 
 Obed-edom to Jerusalem. 4. Son of Pa- 
 ruah ; one of the twelve purveyors of king 
 Solomon (1 K. iv. 17). 6. Son of Nimshi, 
 and father of king Jehu (2 K. ix. 2, 14). 
 
 Jehosh'aphat, Valley of, a valley 
 mentioned by Joel only, as the spot in 
 which, after the return of Judah and Jeru- 
 salem from captivity, Jehovah would gather 
 all the heathen (Joel iii. 2), and would there 
 sit to judge them for their misdeeds to Is- 
 rael (iii. 12). The prophet seems to have 
 glanced back to that triumphant day when 
 king Jehoshaphat, the greatest king the 
 nation had seen since Solomon, led out his 
 people to a valley in the wilderness of 
 Tekoah, and was there blessed with such a 
 victory over the hordes of his enemies as 
 was without a parallel in the national rec- 
 ords (2 Chr. xx.). The scene of "Jeho- 
 vah's judgment" has been localized, and the 
 name has come down to us attached to that 
 deep ravine which separates Jerusalem from 
 the Mount of Olives, through which at one 
 time the Kedron forced its stream. At 
 what period the name was first applied to 
 this spot is not known. There is no trace 
 of it in the Bible or in Josephus. In both 
 the only name used for this gorge is KID- 
 RON (N. T. CEDRON). We first encounter 
 its new title in the middle of the 4th century 
 in the OnomasticonofHuscb'ms and Jerome, 
 and in the Commentary of the latter Father 
 on Joel. Since that time the name has 
 been recognized and adopted by travellers
 
 JEHOSHEBA 
 
 278 
 
 JEHOVAH 
 
 of all ages and all faiths. Both Moslems 
 aud Jews believe that the last Judgment is 
 to take place there. The steep sides of the 
 ravine, wherever a level strip affords the 
 opportunity, are crowded in places al- 
 most paved by the sepulchres of the 
 Moslems, or the simpler slabj of the Jew- 
 ish tombs, alike awaiting the assembly of 
 the last Judgment. The name would seem 
 to be generally confined by travellers to 
 the upper part of the glen, from about the 
 ''Tomb of the Virgin" to the south-east 
 corner of the wall of Jerusalem. 
 
 Jehosh'eba, daughter of Joram king 
 of Israel, and wife of Jehoiada the high- 
 priest (2 K. xi. 2). Her name in the Chron- 
 icles is given JEHOSHABEATH. As she is 
 called, 2 K. xi. 2, "the daughter of Joram, 
 sister of Ahaziah," it has been conjectured 
 that she was the daughter, not of Athaliah, 
 but of Joram by another wife. She is the 
 only recorded instance of the marriage of a 
 princess of the royal house with a high- 
 priest. 
 
 Jehosh'ua, that is, " help of Jehovah " 
 or " Saviour." In this form is given the 
 name of Joshua in Num. xiii. 16, on the oc- 
 casion of its bestowal by Moses. Once 
 more only the name appears in its full form 
 in the A. V. as 
 
 Jehosh'uah, in the genealogy of Eph- 
 raim (1 Chr. vii. 27). 
 
 Jehovah. The true pronunciation of 
 this name, by which God was known to 
 the Hebrews, has been entirely lost, the 
 Jews themselves scrupulously avoiding 
 every mention of it, and substituting in its 
 stead one or other of the words with whose 
 proper vowel-points it may happen to be 
 written. This custom, which had its origin 
 in reverence, and has almost degenerated 
 into a superstition, was founded upon an 
 erroneous rendering of Lev. xxiv. 16, from 
 which it was inferred that the mere utter- 
 ance of the name constituted a capital of- 
 fence. According to Jewish tradition, it 
 was pronounced but once a year by the 
 high-priest on the day of Atonement when 
 he entered the Holy of Holies ; but on this 
 point there is some doubt. On the authori- 
 ty of Maimonides we learn that it ceased 
 with Simeon the Just. But even after the 
 destruction of the second Temple instances 
 are met with of individuals who were in 
 possession of the mysterious secret. That 
 the Hebrews learned the word from the 
 Egyptians is a theory which has found some 
 advocates. There can be but little doubt 
 that the process in reality was reversed, 
 and that in this case the Hebrews were, not 
 the borrowers, but the lenders. We have 
 indisputable evidence that it existed among 
 them, whatever may have been its origin, 
 many centuries before it is found in other 
 records ; of the contrary we have no evi- 
 dence whatever. One argument for the 
 
 Egyptian origin of Jehovah may be noticed. 
 It is found in the circumstance that Pharaoh 
 changed the name of Eliakim to JeTioiakim 
 (2 K. xxiii. 34), which it is asserted is not 
 in accordance with the practice of conquer- 
 ors towards the conquered, unless the 
 Egyptian king imposed upon the king of 
 Judah the name of one of his own gods. 
 But the same reasoning would prove that 
 the origin of the word was Babylonian, for 
 the king of Babylon changed the name of 
 Mattaniah to Zedekiafe (2 K. xxiv. 17). 
 But many, abandoning as untenable the 
 theory of an Egyptian origin, have sought 
 to trace the name among the Phoenicians 
 and Canaanitish tribes. From the occur- 
 rence of Jehovah as a compound in the 
 proper names of many who were not He- 
 brews, Hamaker contends that it must have 
 been known among heathen people. But 
 such knowledge, if it existed, was no more 
 than might have been obtained by their ne- 
 cessary contact with the Hebrews. The 
 names of Un'a/z. the Hittite, of Araunah or 
 Aran/aA the Jebusite, of Tobr'aTi the Am- 
 monite, and of the Canaanitish town Biz- 
 joth/afe, may be all explained without hav- 
 ing recourse to Hamaker's hypothesis. 
 Most of the authorities on the opposite side 
 have taken for the basis of their explana- 
 tions, and the different methods of punctua- 
 tion which they propose, the passage in Ex. 
 iii. 14, to which we must naturally look for 
 a solution of the question. When Moses 
 received his commission to be the deliverer 
 of Israel, the Almighty, who appeared in 
 the burning bush, communicated to him the 
 name which he should give as the creden- 
 tials of his mission : "And God said unto 
 
 Moses, I AM THAT I AM rTfiS* T^K i^fiS 
 
 ehyeh dsher ehyeJi) ; and he said, Thus shalt 
 thou say unto the children of Israel, I AM 
 hath sent me unto you." That this passage 
 is intended to indicate the etymology of 
 Jehovah, as understood by the Hebrews, no 
 one has ventured to doubt : it is in fact the 
 key to the whole mystery. The next point 
 for consideration is of vastly more impor- 
 tance : what is the meaning of Jehovah, and 
 what does it express of the being and nature 
 of God, more than or in distinction from the 
 other names applied to the deity in the O. 
 T. ? Elohim is used in many aise. of the 
 gods of the heathen, who included 111 the 
 same title the God of the Hebrews, and de- 
 noted generally the Deity when spoken of 
 a supernatural being;, and when no national 
 feeling influenced the speaker. But, al- 
 though the distinction between Eiohjm, as 
 the general appellation of Deity, and Jeho- 
 vah, the national God of the Israelites, con- 
 tains some superficial truth, the real nature 
 of their difference must be sought for far 
 deeper, and as a foundation for the argu- 
 i ments which will be adduced recourse must
 
 JE1IOVAH-JIREH 
 
 279 
 
 JEHU 
 
 again be had to etymology. With regard 
 to the derivation of Elohim, etymologists are 
 divided in their opinions : some connecting 
 it with cl, and the unused root HI, "to be 
 strong." From whatever root however, 
 the word may be derived, most are of 
 opinion that the primary idea contained in 
 it is that of strength, power ; so that Elohim 
 is the proper appellation of the Deity, as 
 manifested in Ilis croative and universally 
 sustaining agency, and in the general di- 
 vine guidance and government of the world. 
 The question now arises, What is the mean- 
 ing to be attached to the plural form of the 
 word? Some have discovered therein the 
 mystery of the Trinity, while others main- 
 tain that it points to polytheism. It is prob- 
 able that the plural form Elohim, instead 
 of pointing to polytheism, is applied to God 
 as comprehending in Himself the fulness of 
 all power, and uniting in a perfect degree 
 all that which the name signifies, and all 
 the attributes which the heathen ascribe to 
 the several divinities of their pantheon. 
 The singular eldah, with few exceptions 
 (Neh. ix. 17; 2 Chr. xxxii. 15), occurs only 
 in poetry. It will be found, upon examina- 
 tion of the passages in which Elohim oc- 
 curs, that it is chiefly in places where God 
 is exhibited only in the plenitude of his 
 power, and where no especial reference is 
 made to his unity, personality, or holiness, 
 or to his relation to Israel and the theoc- 
 racy. But while Elohim exhibits God dis- 
 played in his power as the creator and 
 governor of the physical universe, the name 
 Jehovah designates his nature as He stands 
 in relation to man, as the only almighty, 
 true, personal, holy Being, a spirit, and 
 " the father of spirits " (Num. xvi. 22 ; 
 comp. John iv. 24), who revealed himself 
 to his people, made a covenant with them, 
 and became their lawgiver, and to whom 
 all honor and worship are due. If the 
 etymology above given be accepted, and 
 the name be derived from the future tense 
 of the substantive verb, it would denote, in 
 accordance with the general analogy of 
 proper names of a similar form, "He that 
 is," "the Being," whose chief attribute is 
 eternal existence. As the Israelites were 
 in a remarkable manner distinguished as 
 the people of Jehovah, who became their 
 lawgiver and supreme ruler, it is not strange 
 that He should be put in strong contrast 
 with Chemosh (Judg. xi. 24), Ashtaroth 
 (Judg. x. G), and the Baalim (Judg. iii. 7), 
 the national deities of the surrounding 
 nations, and thus be pre-eminently distin- 
 guished in one aspect of his character as 
 the tutelary deity of the Hebrews. [GoD.] 
 
 Jeho'vah-ji'reh, i. e. " Jehovah will 
 see," or " provide," the name given by 
 Abraham to the place on which he had been 
 commanded to offer Isaac, to commemorate 
 the interposition of the angel of Jehovah, 
 
 | who appeared to prevent the sacrifice (Gen. 
 j xxii. 14), and provided another victim. 
 
 Jeho'vah-nis'si, i. e. " Jehovah my 
 banner," the name given by Moses to the 
 altar which he built in commemoration of 
 the discomfiture of the Amalekites by 
 Joshua and his chosen warriors at Rcphi- 
 dim (Ex. xvii. 15). The significance of 
 the name is probably contained in the allu- 
 sion to the staff which Moses held in his 
 hand as a banner during the engagement. 
 
 Jeho'vah-sha'lom, i. e. " Jehovah 
 (is) peace," or, with an ellipsis, " Jehovah, 
 the God of peace," the altar erected by 
 Gideon in Ophrah was so called in memo- 
 ry of the salutation addressed to him by 
 the angel of Jehovah, " Peace be unto thee " 
 (Judg. vi. 24). 
 
 Jehoz'abad. 1. A Korahite Levite, 
 second son of Obed-edom, and one of the 
 porters of the south gate of the Temple, 
 and of the storehouse there in the time of 
 David (1 Chr. xxvi. 4, 15, compared with 
 Neh. xii. 25). 2. A Benjamite, captain of 
 180,000 armed men, in the days of king 
 Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 18). 3. Son of 
 Shomer or Shimrith, a Moabitish woman, 
 who with another conspired against king 
 Joash and slew him in his bed (2 K. xii. 21 ; 
 2 Chr. xxiv. 26). 
 
 Jehoz adak, son of the high priest 
 SERAIAH (1 Chr. vi. 14, 15) in the reign of 
 Zedekiah. When his father was slain at 
 Riblah by order of Nebuchadnezzar, in the 
 llth of Zedekiah (2 K. xxv. 18, 21), Jehoz- 
 adak was led away captive to Babylon (1 
 Chr. vi. 15), where he doubtless spent the 
 remainder of his days. He himself never 
 attained the high-priesthood, but he was the 
 father of JESHUA the high-priest who with 
 Zerubbabcl headed the Return from Captiv- 
 ity and of all his successors till the pontifi- 
 cate of Alcimus (Ezr. iii. 2 ; Neh. xii. 26, &c.) 
 
 Jehu. 1. The founder of the fifth 
 dynasty of the kingdom of Israel, son of 
 Jehoshaphat (2 K. ix. 2). In his youth he 
 had been one of the guards of Ahab. His 
 first appearance in history is when, with a 
 comrade in arms, Bidkar, he rode behind 
 Ahab on the fatal journey from Samaria to 
 Jezreel, and heard the warning of Elijah 
 against the murderer of Naboth (2 K. ix. 
 25). But he had already, as it would seem, 
 been known to Elijah as a youth of promise, 
 and, accordingly, in the vision at Horeb he 
 is mentioned as the future king of Israel, 
 whom Elijah is to anoint as the minister 
 of vengeance on Israel (1 K. xix. 16, 17). 
 This injunction, for reasons unknown to us, 
 Elijah never fulfilled. It was reserved long 
 afterwards 6r his successor Elisha. Jehu 
 meantime, in the reigns of Ahaziah and 
 Jehoram, had risen to importance. He was, 
 under the last-named king, captain of the 
 host in the siege of Ramoth-Gilead. Whilst 
 in the midst of the officers of the besieging
 
 JEHU 
 
 280 
 
 JEHTJSH 
 
 army a youth suddenly entered, of wild ap- 
 pearance (2 K. ix. 11), and insisted on a 
 private interview \vith Jehu. They retired 
 into a secret chamber. The youth uncov- 
 ered a vial of the sacred oil which he had 
 brought with him, poured it over Jehu's 
 head, and after announcing to him the mes- 
 sage from Elisha, that he was appointed to 
 be king of Israel and destroyer of the house 
 of Ahab, rushed out of the house and disap- 
 peared. Jehu's countenance, as he re-en- 
 tered the assembly of officers, showed that 
 some strange tidings had reached him. He 
 tried at first to evade their questions, but 
 Ihen revealed the situation in which he 
 found himself placed by the prophetic call. 
 In a moment the enthusiasm of the army 
 took fire. They threw their garments un- 
 der his feet, so as to form a rough carpet of 
 state, placed him on the top of the stairs, 
 as on an extempore throne, blew the royal 
 salute on their trumpets, and thus ordained 
 him king. He then cut off" all communica- 
 tion between Ramoth-Gilead and Jezreel, 
 and set off, full speed, with his ancient com- 
 rade, Bidkar, whom he had made captain 
 of the host in his place, and a band of horse- 
 men. From the tower of Jezreel a watch- 
 man saw the cloud of dust (A. V. " com- 
 pany ") and announced his coining (2 K. ix. 
 17). It was not till he had almost reached 
 the city, and was identified by the watch- 
 man, that alarm was taken. But it was not 
 till, in answer to Jehoram's question, " Is it 
 peace, Jehu ? " that Jehu's fierce denuncia- 
 tion of Jezebel at once revealed the danger. 
 Jehu seized his opportunity, and shot him 
 through the heart (ix. 24). The body was 
 thrown out. on the fatal field, and whilst his 
 soldiers pursued and killed the king of 
 Judah at Beth-gan (A. V. " the garden 
 house "), probably Engannim, Jehu himself 
 advanced to the gates of Jezreel and ful- 
 filled the divine warning on Jezebel as 
 already on Jehoram. He then entered on 
 a work of extermination hitherto unparal- 
 leled in the history of the Jewish monarchy. 
 All the descendants of Ahab that remained 
 in Jezreel, together with the officers of the 
 court, and hierarchy of Astarte, were swept 
 away. His next step was to secure Sama- 
 ria. As he drove on he encountered a 
 strange figure, such as might have remind- 
 ed him of the great Elijah. It was Jehona- 
 dab, the austere Arabian sectary, the son 
 of Rechab. In him his keen eye discovered 
 a ready ally. He took him into his chariot, 
 and they concocted their schemes as they 
 entered Samaria (x. 15, 16). Up to this 
 moment there was nothing which showed 
 anything beyond a determination to exter- 
 minate in all its branches the personal ad- 
 herents of Ahab. There was to be a new 
 inauguration of the worship of Baal. A 
 solemn assembly, sacred vestments, innu- 
 merable victims, were ready. The vast 
 
 ' temple at Samaria raised by Ahab (1 K. 
 I xvi. 32) was crowded from end to end. The 
 chief sacrifice was offered, as if in the ex- 
 cess of his zeal, by Jehu himself. Jehona- 
 dab joined in the deception. There was 
 some apprehension lest worshippers of Je- 
 hovah might be found in the temple ; such, 
 it seems, had been the intermixture of the 
 two religions. As soon, however, as it was 
 ascertained that all, and none but, the idol- 
 aters were there, the signal was given to 
 eighty trusted guards, and a sweeping mas- 
 sacre removed at one blow the whole hea- 
 then population of the kingdom of Israel. 
 This is the last public act recorded of Jehu. 
 The remaining twenty-seven years of his 
 long reign are passed over in a few words, 
 in which two points only are material : 
 He did not destroy the calf- worship of Jero- 
 boam : The trans- Jordanic tribes suffered 
 much from the ravages of Hazael (2 K. x. 
 29-33). He was buried in state in Samaria, 
 and was succeeded by his son JEHOAHAZ 
 (2 K. x. 35). His name is the first of the 
 Israelite kings which appears in the Assyr- 
 ian monuments. 2. Jehu, son of Hanani ; 
 a prophet of Judah, but whose ministrations 
 were chiefly directed to Israel. His father 
 was probably the seer who attacked Asa 
 (2 Chr. xvi. 7). He must have begun his 
 career as a prophet when very young. He 
 first denounced Baasha (IK. xvi. 1, 7), and 
 then, after an interval of thirty years, reap- 
 pears to denounce Jehoshaphat for his al- 
 liance with Ahab (2 Chr. xix. 2, 3). He 
 survived Jehoshaphat and wrote his life (xx. 
 34). 3. A man of Judah of the house of 
 Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 38). 4. A Simeonite, son 
 of Josibiah (1 Chr. iv. 35). 5. Jehu the 
 Antothite was one of the chief of the heroes 
 of Benjamin, who joined David at Ziklag 
 (1 Chr. xii. 3). 
 
 Jehub'bah, a man of Asher; son of 
 Shamer or Shomer, of the house of Beriah 
 (1 Chr. vii. 34). 
 
 Je'hucal, son of Shelemiah; one of two 
 persons sent by king Zedekiah to Jeremiah, 
 to entreat his prayers and advice (Jer. 
 xxxvii. 3). 
 
 Je'hud, one of the towns of the tribe of 
 Dan (Josh. xix. 45), named between Baal- 
 ath and Bene-berak. 
 
 Jehu'di, son of Nethaniah, a man em- 
 ployed by the princes of Jehoiakim's court 
 to fetch Baruch to read Jeremiah's denun- 
 ciation (Jer. xxxvi. 14), and then by the 
 king to fetch the volume itself and read it 
 to him (21, 23). 
 
 Jehudi'jah. There is really no such 
 name in the Heb. Bible as that which our 
 A. V. exhibits at 1 Chr. iv. 18. If it is a 
 proper name at all, it is Ha-jehudijah, like 
 Ham-melech, Hak-koz, &c. ; and it seems 
 to be rather an appellative, " the Jewess." 
 
 Je'hush, son of Eshek, a remote de- 
 scendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 39).
 
 JEIEL 
 
 281 
 
 JEREMIAH 
 
 Jei'el. 1. A Reubenitc of the house of 
 Joel (1 Chr. v. 7). 2. A Merarite Levite, 
 one of the gate-keepers to the sacred terit 
 (1 Chr. xv. 18). His duty was also to play 
 the harp (ver. 21), or the psaltery and harp 
 (xvi. 5), in the service before the Ark. 
 3. AGershonite Levite, one of the Bene- 
 Asaph, forefather of JAHAZIEL in the time 
 of king Jchoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 14). 4. 
 The Scribe who kept the account of the 
 numbers of king Uzziah's irregular preda- 
 tory warriors (2 Chr. xxvi. 11). 5. AGer- 
 shonite Levite, one of the Bene-Elizaphan 
 (2 Chr. xxix. 13). 6. One of the chiefs of 
 the Levites in the time of Josiah (2 Chr. 
 xxxv. 9). 7. One of the Bene-Adonikam 
 who formed part of the caravan of Ezra 
 from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 13). 
 8. A layman, of the Bene-Nebo, who had 
 taken a foreign wife and had to relinquish 
 her (Ezr. x. 43). 
 
 Jekab'zeel, a fuller form of the name 
 ofKABZEEL, the most remote city of Judah 
 on the southern frontier (Neh. xi. 25). 
 
 Jekame'am, a- Levite in the time of 
 king David; fourth of the sons of Hebron, 
 the son of Kohath (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). 
 
 Jekami ah. son of Shallum, in the line 
 of Ahlai (1 Chr. ii. 41). 
 
 Jeku'thiel, a man recorded in the gen- 
 ealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 18) as the 
 son of a certain Ezra or Mered, by his Jew- 
 ish wife (A. V. Jehudijah), and in his turn 
 the father, or founder, of the town of Zanoah. 
 
 Jemi'ma, the eldest of the three daugh- 
 ters born to Job after the restoration of his 
 prosperity (Job xlii. 14). 
 
 Jemu'el, the eldest son of Simeon 
 (Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15). 
 
 Jeph'thae (Heb. xi. 32), the Greek 
 form of the name JEPHTHAH. 
 
 Jeph'thah, a judge, about B. c. 1143- 
 1137. His history is contained in Judg. xi. 
 1-xii. 8. He was a Gileadite, the son of 
 Gilead and a concubine. Driven by the 
 legitimate sons from his father's inheritance, 
 he went to Tob, and became the head of a 
 company of freebooters in a debatable land 
 probably belonging to Ammon (2 Sam. x. 
 6). His fame as a bold and successful cap- 
 tain was carried back to his native Gilead ; 
 and when the time was ripe for throwing 
 off the yoke of Ammon, Jephthah consent- 
 ed to become their captain, on the condition 
 (solemnly ratified before the Lord in Miz- 
 peh) that in the event of his success against 
 Ammon he should still remain as their 
 acknowledged head. He collected warriors 
 throughout Gilead and Manasseh, the prov- 
 inces which acknowledged his authority; 
 and then he vowed his vow unto the Lord. 
 The Ammonites were routed with great 
 slaughter. But as the conqueror returned 
 to Mizpeh there came out to meet him a 
 procession of damsels with dances and tim- j 
 brels, and among them the first person 
 
 from his own house his daughter and 
 only child. " Alas ! my daughter, thou hast 
 brought me very low," was the greeting of 
 the heart-stricken father. But the high- 
 minded maiden is ready for any personal 
 suffering in the hour of her father's triumph. 
 Only she asks for a respite of two months 
 to withdraw to her native mountains, and 
 in their recesses to weep with her virgin- 
 friends over the early disappointment of 
 her life. When that time was ended she 
 returned to her father, and " he did unto 
 her his vow." But Jephthah had not long 
 leisure, even if he were disposed, for the 
 indulgence of domestic grief. The proud 
 tribe of Ephraim challenged his right to go 
 to war, as he had done without their con- 
 currence, against Ammon. He first defeat- 
 ed them, then intercepted the fugitives at 
 the fords of Jordan, and there put forty-two 
 thousand men to the sword. He judged 
 Israel six years and died. It is generally 
 conjectured that his jurisdiction was limit- 
 ed to the trans-Jordanic region. That the 
 daughter of Jephthah was really offered up 
 to God in sacrifice, is a conclusion which it 
 seems impossible to avoid. 
 
 Jephun'neh. 1. Father of Caleb the 
 spy, appears to have belonged to an Edom- 
 itish tribe called Kenezites, from Kenaz 
 their founder (See Num. xiii. 6, &c., xxxii. 
 12, &c. ; Josh. xiv. 14, &c. ; 1 Chr. iv. 15). 
 
 2. A descendant of Asher, eldest of the 
 three sons of Jether (1 Chr. vii. 38). 
 
 Je'rah, the fourth in order of the sons of 
 Joktan (Gen. x. 20; 1 Chr. i. 20), and the 
 progenitor of a tribe of southern Arabia. 
 
 Jerah'meel. 1. First-born son of 
 Hezron, the son of Pharez, the son of Judah 
 (1 Chr. ii. 9, 25-27, 33, 42) and founder of 
 the family of Jerahmeelites (1 Sam.xxvii. 
 10).. 2. A Merarite Levite, the represen- 
 tative of the family of Kish, the son of 
 Mahli (1 Chr. xxiv. 29; comp. xxiii. 21). 
 
 3. Son of Hammelech, who was employed 
 by Jehoiakim to make Jeremiah and Ba- 
 ruch prisoners, after he had burnt the roll 
 of Jeremiah's prophecy (Jer. xxxvi. 26). 
 
 Jerah'meelites, The. The tribe de- 
 scended from the first of the foregoing per- 
 sons (1 Sam. xxvii. 10). They dwelt in 
 the south of Judah. 
 
 Je'red. 1. Son of Mahalaleel and fa- 
 ther of Enoch (1 Chr. i. 2). 2. One of 
 the descendants of Judah signalized as the 
 " father" i. e. the founder " of Gedor " 
 (1 Chr. iv. 18). 
 
 Jer'emai, a layman ; one of the Bene- 
 Hashum, who was compelled by Ezra to 
 put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 33). 
 
 Jeremi'ah was " the son of Hilkiah 
 of the priests that were in Anathoth " (Jer. 
 i. 1), and was a child in the reign of Jo- 
 siah, B. c. 638-608 (i. 6). In his youth he 
 was called to the prophetic office, but we 
 have hardly any mention of liim during
 
 282 
 
 JEREMIAH 
 
 the eighteen years between his call and ! 
 Josiah's death, or during the short reign 
 of Jehoahaz. Under Jehoiakim, B. c. 607- 
 597, he opposed the Egyptian party, then 
 dominant in Jerusalem, and maintained 
 that the only way of safety lay in accepting 
 the supremacy of the Chaldeans. He was 
 accordingly accused of treachery, and men 
 claiming to be prophets had their " word 
 of Jehovah " to set against his (xiv. 13, 
 xxiii. 7) . In the fourth year of Jehoiakim 
 the battle of Carchemish overthrew the 
 hopes of the Egyptian party (xlvi. 2), and 
 the armies of Nebuchadnezzar drove those 
 who had no defenced cities to take refuge 
 in Jerusalem (xxxv. 11). As the danger 
 from the Chaldeans became more threaten- 
 ing, the persecution against Jeremiah grew 
 hotter (xviii.). The people sought his life ; 
 his voice rose up in the prayer that God 
 would deliver and avenge him. That 
 thought he soon reproduced in act as wdl 
 as word. Standing in the valley of Ben- 
 Hinnom, he broke" the earthen vessel he 
 carried in his hands, and prophesied to the 
 people that the whole city should be denied 
 with the dead, as that valley had been, 
 within their memory, by Josiah (xix. 10- 
 13). The boldness of the speech and act 
 drew upon him immediate punishment. 
 The years that followed brought no change 
 for the better. Famine and drought were 
 added to the miseries of the people (xiv. 1), 
 but false prophets still deceived them with 
 assurances of plenty ; and Jeremiah was 
 looked on with dislike, as " a prophet of 
 evil," and "everyone cursed" him (xv. 
 10). He was set, however, " as a fenced 
 brazen wall" (xv. 20), and went on with 
 his work, reproving king and nobles and 
 people. The danger which Jeremiah had 
 so long foretold at last came near. First 
 Jehoiakim, and afterwards his successor 
 Jehoiachin, were carried into exile (2 K. 
 Xxiv.) ; but Zedekiah (B. c. 597-586), who 
 was appointed by Nebuchadnezzar, does 
 not exhibit the same obstinate resistance to 
 the prophet's counsels as Jehoiakim. He 
 respects him, fears him, seeks his counsel; 
 but he is a mere shadow of a king, power- | 
 less even against his own counsellors, and 
 in his reign, accordingly, the sufferings of 
 Jeremiah were sharper than they had been 
 before. The approach of an Egyptian 
 army, and the consequent departure of the 
 Chaldeans, made the position of Jeremiah 
 full of danger ; and he sought to effect his es- 
 cape from the city, and to take refuge in his 
 own town of Anathoth or its neighborhood 
 (xxxvii. 12). The discovery of this plan led 
 to the charge of desertion : it was thought 
 that he too was " falling away to the 
 Chaldeans," as others were doing (xxxviii. 
 19) ; and, in spite of his denial, he was 
 thrown into a dungeon (xxxvii. 16). The 
 interposition of the king, who still respect- 1 
 
 ed and consulted him, led to some mitiga- 
 tion of the rigor of his confinement (xxxvii. 
 21) ; but, as tbis did not hinder him from 
 speaking to the people, the princes of Ju- 
 dah, bent on an alliance with Egypt, and 
 calculating on the king's being unable to 
 resist them (xxviii. 5), threw him into the 
 prison-pit, to die there. From this hor- 
 rible fate he was again delivered by the 
 friendship of the Ethiopian eunuch, Ebed- 
 Melech, and the king's regard for him, 
 and was restored to the milder custody in 
 which he had been kept previously where 
 we find (xxxii. 16) he had the compan- 
 ionship of Baruch. The return of the 
 Chaldean army filled both king and people 
 with dismay (xxxii. 1) ; and the risk now 
 was, that they would pass from their pre- 
 sumptuous confidence to the opposite ex- 
 treme, and sink down in despair, with no 
 faith in God and no hope for the future. 
 The prophet was taught how to meet that 
 danger also. In his prison, while the 
 Chaldeans were ravaging the country, he 
 bought, with all requisite formalities, the 
 field at Anathoth which his kinsman Ha- 
 nameel wished to get rid of (xxxii. 6-9). 
 His faith in the promises of God did not 
 fail him. At last the blow came. The 
 city was taken, the Temple burnt. The 
 king and his princes shared the fate of Je- 
 hoiachin. The prophet gave utterance to 
 his sorrow in the LAMENTATIONS. After 
 the capture of Jerusalem, B. c. 586, the 
 Chaldean party in Judah had now the pros- 
 pect of better things. We find a special 
 charge given to Nebuzaradan (xxxix. 11), 
 to protect the person of Jeremiah ; and, af- 
 ter being carried as far as Ramah with the 
 crowd of captives (xl. 1), he was set free, 
 and Gedaliah made governor over the cities 
 of Judah. The feeling of the Chaldeans 
 towards him was shown yet more strongly 
 in the offer made him by Nebuzaradan (xl. 
 4, 5). For a short time there was an inter- 
 val of peace (xl. 9-12), soon broken, how- 
 ever, by the murder of Gedaliah by Ishmael 
 and his associates. The prophet escaped 
 from the massacre ; and the people, under 
 Johanan, who had taken the command on 
 the death of Gedaliah, turned to him for 
 counsel. His warnings and assurances 
 were in vain, and did but draw on him and 
 Baruch the old charge of treachery (xliii. 
 3). The people followed their own coun- 
 sel, and in order to escape the vengeance 
 of Nebuchadnezzar for the murder of Ged- 
 aliah, they determined to take refuge in 
 Egypt. They carried with them Jeremiah 
 and his faithful friend and amanuensis 
 Baruch. [BARUCH.] In Egypt, in the 
 city of Tahpanhes, we have the last clear 
 glimpses of the Prophet's life. His words 
 are sharper and stronger than ever. He 
 does not shrink, even there, from speaking 
 of the Chaldean king once more as "the
 
 JEREMIAH 
 
 283 
 
 JERICHO 
 
 servant of Jehovah " (xliii. 10). After this 
 all is uncertain. If we could assume that 
 lii. 31 was written by Jeremiah himself, it 
 Avould show that he reached an extreme old 
 age, but this is so doubtful that we are left to 
 other sources. On the one hand there is 
 the Christian tradition, resting doubtless on 
 some earlier belief, that the Jews at Tah- 
 pauhes, irritated by his rebukes, at last 
 stoned him to death. On the other side 
 there is the Jewish statement that on the con- 
 quest of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, he, with 
 Baruch, made his escape to Babylon or 
 Judaea, and died in peace. The absence 
 of any chronological order in the present 
 structure of the collection of Jeremiah's 
 prophecies is obvious at the first glance. 
 In the present order we have two great 
 divisions : I. Ch. i.-xlv. Prophecies de- 
 livered at various times, directed mainly 
 to Judali, or connected with Jeremiah's 
 personal history. II. Ch. xlvi.-li. Proph- 
 ecies connected with other nations. Ch. 
 lii. taken largely, though not entirely, from 
 2 K. xxv., may be taken either as a supple- 
 ment to the prophecy, or as an introduction 
 to the Lamentations. Looking more closely 
 into each of these divisions we have the 
 following sections : 1. Chs. i.-xxi. Con- 
 taining probably the substance of the book 
 of xxxvi. 32, and including prophecies 
 from the thirteenth year of Josiah to the 
 fourth of Jehoiakim : i. 3, however, indi- 
 cates a later revision, and the whole of ch. 
 i. may possibly have been added on the 
 prophet's retrospect of his whole work 
 from this its first beginning. Ch. xxi. be- 
 longs to a later period, but has probably 
 found its place here as connected, by the 
 recurrence of the name Pashur, with ch. 
 iXi 2. Ch. xxii., xxv. Shorter prophecies, 
 delivered at different times, against the 
 kings of Judah and the false prophets. 
 xxv. 13, 14, evidently marks the conclusion 
 of a series of prophecies ; and that which 
 follows, xxv. 15-38, the germ of the fuller 
 predictions in xlvi.-xlix., has been placed 
 here as a kind of completion to the prophecy 
 of the Seventy Years and the subsequent 
 fall of Babylon. 3. Ch. xxvi.-xxviii. The 
 two great prophecies of the fall of Jerusa- 
 lem, and the history connected with them. 
 Ch. xxvi. belongs to the earlier, ch. xxvii. 
 and xxviii. to the later periodof the prophet's 
 work. Jehoiakim, in xxvii. 1, is evidently 
 (comp. ver. 3) a mistake for Zedekiah. 4. 
 Ch. xxix.-xxxi. The message of comfort 
 for the exiles in Babylon. 5. Ch. xxxii.- 
 xiiv. The history of the last two years 
 before the capture of Jerusalem, and of 
 Jeremiah's work in them and in the period 
 that followed. The position of ch. xlv., 
 unconnected with anything before or after 
 it, may be accounted for on the hypothesis 
 that Baruch desired to place on record so 
 -euiorable a passage in bis own life, and 
 
 inserted it where the direct narrative of 
 his master's life ended. The same expla- 
 nation applies in part to ch. xxxvi. 6. Ch. 
 xlvi.-li. The prophecies against foreign 
 nations, ending with the great prediction 
 against Babylon. 7. The supplementary 
 narrative of ch. lii. 
 
 Jeremi'ah. Seven other persons bear- 
 ing the same name as the prophet are 
 mentioned in the O. T. 1. Jeremiah of 
 Libnah, father of Hamutal wife of Josiah 
 (2 K. xxiii. 31). 2, 3, 4. Three warriors 
 two of the tribe of Gad in David's, 
 army (1 Chr. xii. 4, 10, 13). 5. One of 
 the "mighty men of valor" of the trans- 
 Jordanic half-tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. v. 
 24). 6. A priest of high rank, head of 
 the second or third of the 21 courses which 
 are apparently enumerated in Neh. x. 2-8, 
 xii. 1, 12. This course, or its chief, took 
 part in the dedication of the wall of Jeru- 
 salem (Neh. xii. 34). 7. The father of 
 Jazaniah the Rechabite (Jer. xxxv. 3). 
 
 Jeremi as. the Greek form of the 
 name of Jeremiah the prophet (Matt. xvi. 
 14). 
 
 Jer'emy, the prophet Jeremiah (Matt, 
 ii. 17, xxvii. 9). 
 
 Jer'ibai, one the Bene-Elnaan, named 
 among the heroes of David's guard (1 Chr. 
 xi. 46). 
 
 Jer'icho, a city of high antiquity, situ- 
 ated in a plain traversed by the Jordan, and 
 exactly over against where that river was 
 crossed by the Israelites under Joshua 
 (Josh. iii. 16). It had a king. Its walls 
 were so considerable that houses were built 
 upon them (ii. 15), and its gates were shut, 
 as throughout the East still, " when it was 
 dark " (v. 5). The spoil that was found in 
 it betokened its affluence. Jericho is first 
 mentioned as the city to which the two 
 spies were sent by Joshua from Shittim ; 
 they were lodged in the house of Rahab the 
 harlot upon the wall, and departed, having 
 first promised to save her and all that were 
 found in her house from destruction (ii. 
 1-21). As it had been left by Joshua it 
 was bestowed by him upon the tribe of Ben- 
 jamin (Josh, xviii. 21), and from this time 
 a long interval elapses before Jericho ap- 
 pears again upon the scene. The solemn 
 manner in which its second foundation 
 under Hiel the Bethelite is recorded (1 K. 
 xvi. 34) implies that up to that time its site 
 had been uninhabited. Once rebuilt, Jeri- 
 cho rose again slowly into consequence. 
 In its immediate vicinity the sons of the 
 prophets sought retirement from the world ; 
 Elisha " healed the spring of the waters ; " 
 and over against it, beyond Jordan, Elijah 
 "went up by a whirlwind into heaven" 
 (2 K. ii. 1-22). In its plains Zedekiah fell 
 into the hands of the Chaldeans (2 K. xxv. 
 5; Jer. xxxix. 6). In the return under 
 Zerubbabel the " children of Jericho," 345
 
 JERIEL 
 
 284 
 
 JEROBOAM 
 
 In number, are comprised CEz. iii. 34 ; TTeh. 
 vii. 36). Under Herod the Great it again 
 became an important place. He built a 
 fort there, which h^ called "Cyprus" in 
 honor of his mother, a tower vhich he called 
 in honor of b'n brother Phasaelis; and a 
 number of new palace*, which he named 
 after his friends. He eveii founded a new 
 town, higher up the plain, which he called, 
 like the tower, Phasaolis If he did not 
 make Jericho his habitual residence, he at 
 least retired thither to die, and it was in the 
 amphitheatre of Jericho that the news of 
 his death was announced to the assembled 
 soldiers and people by Salome. Soon 
 afterwards the palace was burnt, and the 
 town plundered by one Simon, slave to 
 Herod; but Archflaus rebuilt the former 
 sumptuously, and founded a new town on 
 the plain, that bort his own name , and, 
 most important of all, diverted water from 
 a village called Neaera, to irrigate the plain 
 which he had planted with palms. Thus 
 Jericho was once more " a city of palms " 
 when our Lord visited it. Here He re- 
 stored sight to the blind (Matt. xx. 30; 
 Mark x. 46; Luke xviii. 35). Here the 
 descendant of Rahab did not disdain the hos- 
 pitality of Zacchaeus the publican. Finally, 
 between Jerusalem and Jericho was laid 
 the scene of his story of the good Samari- 
 tan. The city was destroyed by Vespasian. 
 The site of ancient (the first) Jericho is 
 placed by Dr. Robinson in the immediate 
 neighborhood of the fountain of Elisha ; and 
 that of the second (the city of the N. T. 
 and of Josephus) at the opening of the 
 Wady Kelt (CheritJi), half an hour from 
 the fountain. 
 
 Je'riel, a man of Issachar, one of the 
 six heads 01 tiw house of TOLA at the time 
 of the census in the time of David (1 Chr. 
 vii 2 . 
 
 Jer'emotll. 1. A Benjamite chief, a 
 eon yf the house of Beriah of Elpaal (1 
 Chr viii. 14; comp. 12 and 18). His fam- 
 ily dwelt at Jerusalem. 2. A Merarite Le- 
 vite, son of Mushi (1 Chr. xxiii. 23). 3. 
 Son of Heman; head of the 13th course of 
 musicians in the Divine service (1 Chr. 
 xxv. 22). 4. One of the sons of Elam, 
 and, 5. One of the sons of Zattu, who had 
 taken strange wives (Ezr. x. 26, 27). 6. 
 The name which appears in the same list 
 as ''-and RAMOTH " (ver. 29). 
 
 Jeri'ah, a Kohathite Levite, chief of 
 the great house of Hebron when David or- 
 ganized the service (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 
 23). The same man is mentioned again as 
 
 Jeri'jah, in 1 Chr. xxvi. 31. 
 
 Jer'imoth. 1. Son or descendant of 
 Bela (1 Chr. vii. 7). He is perhaps the 
 same as 2., who joined David at Ziklag (1 
 Chr. xii. 5). 3. A son of Becher (1 Chr. 
 vii. 8), and head of another Benjamite 
 house. 4. Son of Mushi, the son of Me- 
 
 rari (1 Chr. xxiv. 30). 6. Son of Heman, 
 head of the 15th ward of musicians (1 Chr. 
 xxv. 4, 22). 6. Son of Azriel, ruler of 
 the tribe of Naphtali in the reign of David 
 (1 Chr. xxvii. 19). 7. Son of king David, 
 whose daughter Mahalath was one of the 
 wives of Rehoboam. her cousin Abihail be- 
 ing the other (2 Chr. xi. 18). 8. A Levite 
 in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). 
 
 Jer'ioth, one of the elder Caleb's wives 
 (1 Chr. ii. 18) ; but according to the Vul- 
 gate she was his daughter by his first wife 
 Azubah. 
 
 Jerobp'am. 1. The first king of the 
 divided kingdom of Israel (B. c. 975-954), 
 was the son of an Ephraimite of the name 
 of Nebat. He was employed by Solomon 
 in the fortifications of Millo underneath the 
 citadel of Zion, and was raised to the rank 
 of superintendent over the taxes and labors 
 exacted from the tribe of Ephraim (1 K. 
 xi. 28). He made the most of his position, 
 and at last was perceived by Solomon to be 
 aiming at the monarchy. These ambitious 
 designs were probably fostered by the sight 
 of the growing disaffection of the great 
 tribe over which he presided, as well as by 
 the alienation of the Prophetic order from 
 the house of Solomon. He was leaving Je- 
 rusalem, and he encountered, on one of the 
 black-paved roads which ran out of the 
 city, Ahijah, " the prophet" of the ancient 
 sanctuary of Shiloh. Ahijah, who was 
 dressed in a new outer garment, stripped it 
 off, and tore it into 12 shreds ; 10 of which 
 he gave to Jeroboam, with the assurance 
 that on condition of his obedience to H ; s 
 laws, God would establish for him a king- 
 dom and dynasty equal to that of David (1 
 K. xi. 29-40). The attempts of Solomon 
 to cut short Jeroboam's designs occasioned 
 his flight into Egypt. There he remained 
 during the rest of Solomon's reign. On 
 Solomon's death, he demanded Shishak's 
 permission to return. The Egyptian king 
 seems, in his reluctance, to have offered 
 any gift which Jeroboam chuse, as a reason 
 for his remaining, and the consequence was 
 the marriage with Ano, the elder sister of 
 the Egyptian queen, Tahpenes, and of an- 
 other princess who had married the Edom- 
 ite chief Hadad. A year elapsed, and a 
 son, Abijah (or Abijam), was born. Then 
 Jeroboam again requested permission to de- 
 part, which was granted; and on his return 
 to Shechem took place the conference with 
 Rehoboam, and the final revolt [REHOBO- 
 AM] ; which ended in the elevation of Jero- 
 boam to the throne of the northern king- 
 dom. From this moment one fatal error 
 crept, not unnaturally, into his policy, 
 which undermined his dynasty and tar- 
 nished his name as the first king of Israel. 
 The political disruption of the kingdom was 
 complete ; but its religious unity was as yet 
 unimpaired. He feared that the yearly
 
 285 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 dgrimages to Jerusalem would undo all 
 Jie work which he effected, and he took 
 the bold step of rending it asunder. Two 
 sanctuaries of venerable antiquity existed 
 already, one at the southern, the other at 
 the northern extremity of his dominions. 
 These he elevated into seats of the nation- 
 al worship, which should rival the newly 
 established Temple at Jerusalem. But lie 
 was not satisfied without another deviation 
 from the Mosaic idea of the national unity. 
 His long stay in Egypt had familiarized him 
 with the outward forms under which the 
 Divinity was there represented. A golden 
 figure of Mnevis, the sacred calf of Heliop- 
 olis, was set up at each sanctuary, with the 
 address, "Behold thy God which brought 
 thee up out of the land of Egypt." The sanc- 
 tuary at DAN, as the most remote from Je- 
 rusalem, was established first (1 K. xii. 30). 
 The more important one, as nearer the cap- 
 ital and in the heart of the kingdom, was 
 BETHEL. The worship and the sanctuary 
 continued till the end of the northern king- 
 dom. It was while dedicating the altar at 
 Bethel that a prophet from Judah suddenly 
 appeared, who denounced the altar, and 
 foretold its desecration by Josiah, and vio- 
 lent overthrow. The king, stretching out 
 his hand to arrest the prophet, felt it with- 
 ered and paralyzed, and only at the proph- 
 et's prayer saw it restored, and acknowl- 
 edged his divine mission. Jeroboam was at 
 constant war with the house of Judah, but 
 the only act distinctly recorded is a battle 
 with Abijah, son of Rehoboam, in which he 
 was defeated. The calamity was severely 
 felt; he never recovered the blow, and soon 
 after died, in the 22d year of his reign (2 
 Chr. xiii. 20), and was buried in his ances- 
 tral sepulchre (1 K. xiv. 20). 2. JEROBO- 
 AM II., the son of Joash, the 4th of the 
 dynasty of Jehu (B. c. 825-784). The 
 most prosperous of the kings of Israel. 
 He repelled the Syrian invaders, took their 
 capital city Damascus (2 K. xiv. 28 ; Am. 
 5. 3-5), and recovered the whole of the an- 
 cient dominion from Hatnah to the Dead Sea 
 (xiv. 25; Am. vi. 14). Ammon and Moab 
 were reconquered (Am. i. 13, ii. 1-3) ; the 
 trans-Jordanic tribes were restored to their 
 territory (2 K. xiii. 5; 1 Chr. v. 17-22). 
 But it was merely an outward restoration. 
 Amos was charged by Amaziah with proph- 
 esying the destruction of Jeroboam and 
 his house by the sword (Am. vii. 9, 17). 
 
 Jer'oham. 1. Father of Elkanah, the 
 father of Samuel, of the house of Kohalh 
 (1 Chr. vi. 27. 34 ; 1 Sam. i. 1). 2. A Ben- 
 jainite, and the founder of a family of Bene- 
 Jeroham (1 Chr. viii. 27). Probably the 
 same as, 3. Father (or progenitor) of Ib- | 
 neiah (1 Chr. ix. 8 ; comp. 3 and 9). 4. A ! 
 descendant of Aaron, of the house of Im- 
 mer, the leader of the sixteenth course of 
 priests ; son of Pashur, and father of Adaiah 
 
 (1 Chr. ix. 12). He appears to be men- 
 tioned again in Neh. xi. 12). 5. Jeroham 
 of Gedor, some of whose sons joined David 
 at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 7). 6. A Danite, 
 whose son or descendant Azareel was head 
 of his tribe in the time of David (1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 22). 7. Father of Azariah, one of 
 the " captains of hundreds " in the time of 
 Athaliah (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 
 
 Jerubba'al, the surname of Gideon, 
 which he acquired in consequence of de- 
 stroying the altar of Baal, when his father 
 defended him from the vengeance of the 
 Abiezrites (Judg. vi. 32). 
 
 Jerub 'besheth, a name of Gideon (2 
 Sam. xi. 21). 
 
 Jer'uel, The Wilderness of, the 
 place in which Jehoshaphat was informed 
 by Jahaziel the Levite that he should en- 
 counter the hordes of Ammon, Moab, and 
 the Mehunims (2 Chr. xx. 1C). The name 
 has not been met with. 
 
 Jeru'salem. I. THE PLACE ITSELF. 
 The arguments for and against the identity 
 of the " Salem" of Melchizedek (Gen. xiv. 
 18) with Jerusalem the " Salem " of a 
 late Psalmist (Ps. Ixxvi. 2) are discussed 
 under SALEM. The earliest notice of the 
 city is in Josh. xv. 8 and xviii. 1C, 28, de- 
 scribing the landmarks of the boundaries of 
 Judah and Benjamin. Here it is styled 
 Ha-Jebusi, i. e. "the Jebusite" (A. V. 
 Jebusi), after the name of its occupiers. 
 Next, we find the form JEBUS (Judg. xix. 
 10, 11) " Jebus, which is Jerusalem . . . 
 the city of the Jebusites ; " and lastly, we 
 have Jerusalem (Josh. x. 1, &c., xii. 10; 
 Judg. i. 7, &c.). Jerusalem stands in lati- 
 tude 31 46' 35" North, and longitude 35 
 18' 30" East of Greenwich. It is 32 miles 
 distant from the sea, and 18 from the 
 Jordan ; 20 from Hebron, and 36 from 
 Samaria. "In several respects," says 
 Dean Stanley, " its situation is singular 
 among the cities of Palestine. Its eleva- 
 tion is remarkable ; occasioned not from its 
 being on the summit of one of the numer- 
 ous hills of Judaea, like most of the towns 
 and villages, but because it is on the edge 
 of one of the highest table-lands of the 
 country. Hebron indeed is higher still by 
 some hundred feet, and from the south, ac- 
 cordingly (even from Bethlehem), the ap- 
 proach to Jerusalem is by a slight descent. 
 But from any other side the ascent is per- 
 petual; and to the traveller approaching 
 the city from the E. or W. it must always 
 have presented the appearance beyond any 
 other capital of the then known world we 
 may say beyond any important city that has 
 ever existed on the earth of a mountain 
 city ; breathing, as compared with the sul- 
 try plains of Jordan, a mountain air; en- 
 throned, as compared with Jericho or Da- 
 mascus, Gaza or Tyre, on a mountain 
 fastness" (S. $ P. 170, 1). The elevatiou
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 286 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 of Jerusalem is a subject of constant ref- 
 erence and exultation by the Jewish writers. 
 Their fervid poetry abounds with allusions 
 to its height, to the ascent thither of the 
 tribes from all parts of the country. It was 
 the habitation of Jehovah, from which 
 "He looked upon all the inhabitants of 
 the world" (Ps. xxxiii. 14) : its kings were 
 "higher than the kings of the earth" (Ps. 
 Ixxxix. 27). Jerusalem, if not actually in 
 the centre of Palestine, was yet virtually 
 so. " It was on the ridge, the broadest and 
 most strongly marked ridge of the back- 
 bone of the complicated hills which extend 
 through the whole country from the Plain 
 of Esdraelon to the Desert. Every wan- 
 derer, every conqueror, every traveller 
 who -has trod the central route of Palestine 
 from N. to S. must have passed through the 
 table-land of Jerusalem. It was the water- 
 shed between the streams, or rather the 
 torrent beds, which find their way eastward 
 to the Jordan, and those which pass west- 
 ward to the Mediterranean." (Stanley, S. $ 
 P. 176.) This central position, as ex- 
 pressed in the words of Ezekiel (r. 6), "I 
 have set Jerusalem in the midst of the 
 nations and countries round about her," 
 led in later ages to a definite belief that the 
 city was actually in the centre of the earth 
 in the words of Jerome, " umbilicus ter- 
 rae," the central boss or navel of the world. 
 Roads. There appear to have been but 
 two main approaches to the city. 1. From 
 the Jordan valley by Jericho and the Mount 
 of Olives. This was the route commonly 
 taken from the north and east of the country 
 as from Galilee by our Lord (Luke xvii. 
 11, xviii. 35, xix. 1, 29, 45, &c.), from 
 Damascus by Pompey, to Mahanaim by 
 David (2 Sam. xv., xvi.). It was also the 
 route from places in the central districts 
 of the country, as Samaria (2 Chr. xxviii. 
 15). The latter part of the approach, over 
 the Mount of Olives, as generally fol- 
 lowed at the present day, is identical with 
 what it was, at least in one memorable 
 instance, in the time of Christ. 2. From 
 the great maritime plain of Philistia and 
 Sharon. This road led by the two Beth- 
 horons up to the high ground at Gibeon, 
 whence it turned south, and came to Jeru- 
 salem by Ramah and Gibeah, and over the 
 ridge north of the. city. TOPOGRAPHY. 
 To convey an idea of the position of Jeru- 
 salem, we may say roughly, that the city 
 occupies the southern termination of a 
 table-land, which is cut off from the coun- 
 try round it on its west, south, and east 
 sides, by ravines more than usually deep 
 and precipitous. These ravines leave the 
 level of the table-land, the one on the west 
 and the other on the north-east of the city, 
 and fall rapidly until they form a junction 
 below its south-east corner. The eastern 
 one the Valley of the Kedron, commonly 
 
 called the Valley of Jehoshaphat, runs 
 nearly straight from north to south. But 
 the western one the Valley of Hinnom 
 
 runs south for a time, and then takes a 
 sudden bend to the east until it meets the 
 Valley of Jehoshaphat, after which the two 
 rush off as one to the Dead Sea. How 
 sudden is their descent may be gathered 
 from the fact, that the level at the point of 
 junction about a mile and a quarter from 
 the starting-point of each is more than 
 GOO feet below that of the upper plateau 
 from which they commenced their descent. 
 Thus, while on the north there is no ma- 
 terial difference between the general level 
 of the country outside the walls, and that 
 of the highest parts of the city; on the 
 other three sides, so steep is the fall of the 
 ravines, so trench-like their character, and 
 so close do they keep to the promontory, 
 at whose feet they run, as to leave on the 
 beholder almost the impression of the ditch 
 at the foot of a fortress, rather than of val- 
 leys formed by nature. The promontory 
 thus encircled is itself divided by a longi- 
 tudinal ravine running up it from south to 
 north, called the valley of the Tyropoeon, 
 rising gradually from the south like the ex- 
 ternal ones, till at last it arrives at the 
 level of the upper plateau, and dividing the 
 central mass into two unequal portions. 
 Of these two, that on the west is the higher 
 and more massive on which the city of Jeru- 
 salem now stands, and in fact always stood, 
 The Mil on the east is considerably lower 
 and smaller, so that, to a spectator from 
 the south, the city appears to slope sharply 
 towards the east. Here was the Temple, 
 and here stands now the great Mohamme- 
 dan sanctuary with its mosques and domes. 
 
 The name of MOUNT ZION has been ap- 
 plied to the western hill from the time of 
 Constantino to the present day ; but not- 
 withstanding it seems certain that up to the 
 time of the destruction of the city by Titus, 
 the name was applied exclusively to the 
 eastern hill, or that on which the Temple 
 stood. From the passages in 2 Sam. v. 7, 
 and 1 Chr. xi. 5-8, it is quite clear that 
 Zion and the city of David were identical, 
 for it is there said, " David took the castle 
 of Zion, which is the city of David." " And 
 David dwelt in the castle, therefore they 
 called it the city of David. And he built 
 the city round about, even from Millo 
 round about, and Joab repaired the rest of 
 the city." There are numberless passages 
 in which Zion is spoken of as a Holy place 
 in such terras as are never applied to Jeru- 
 salem, and which can only be understood 
 as applied to the Holy Temple Mount (Ps. 
 ii. 6, Ixxxvii. 2, &c.). When from the Old 
 Testament we turn to the Books of the 
 Maccabees, we come to some passages 
 written by persons who certainly were ac- 
 quainted with the localities, which seem
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 287 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 to fix the site of Zion with a considerable 2 Chr. xxiii. 5. Gate of the guard, or he- 
 amount of certainty (1 Mace. iv. 37 and hind the guard. 2 K. xi. 6, 19. Called the 
 60, vii. 33). The eastern hill, called High gate. 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, xxvii. 3; 2 
 MOUNT MORIAII in 2 Chron. iii. 1, was, ! K. xv. 35. Gate Shallecheth. 1 Chr. xxvi. 
 as already remarked, the site of the Tern- | 16. Walls. These are described by Jose- 
 pie. It was situated in the south-west | phus. The first or old wall began on the 
 
 angle of the area, now known as the 
 Haram area, and was, as we learn from 
 Josephus, an exact square of a stadium, or 
 
 north at the tower called Hippicus, the 
 ruins now called Kasr Jalud at the N. W. 
 angle of the present city, and, extending 
 
 COO Greek feet, on each side. Attached I to the Xystus, joined the council house, 
 
 to the north-west angle of the Temple was 
 the Antonia, a town or fortress. North of 
 
 and ended at the west cloister of the Tem- 
 ple. Its southern direction is described as 
 
 the side of the Temple is the building now ' passing the gate of the Essenes (probably 
 
 known to Christians as the Mosque of 
 Omar, but by Moslems called the Dome 
 of the Rock. This building is, according 
 to Mr. Fergusson's theory, the identical 
 church which Constantino erected over the 
 rock containing the tomb of Christ. Ac- 
 cording to this view the Church of the Holy 
 Sepulchre, which stands on the western 
 hill, has no right to its name. The south- 
 ern continuation of the eastern hill was 
 named OPIIEL, which gradually came to a 
 point at the junction of the valleys Tyro- 
 poeon and Jehoshaphat ; and the northern 
 BBZETHA, "the New City," first noticed 
 by Josephus, which was separated from 
 Moriah by an artificial ditch, and over- 
 looked the valley of Kedron on the E. ; 
 this hill was enclosed within the walls of 
 Herod Agrippa. Lastly, ACRA lay west- 
 ward of .Moriah and northward of Zion, 
 and formed the " Lower City " in the time 
 of Josephus. Gates. The following is a 
 complete list of those which are named in 
 the Bible and Josephus, with the refer- 
 ences to their occurrences : 1. Gate of 
 Ephraim. 2 Chr. xxv. 23; Neh. viii. 16, 
 xii. 39. This is probably the same as the, 
 2. Gate of Benjamin. Jer. xx. 2, xxxvii. 
 13 ; Zech. xiv. 10. If so, it was 400 cubits 
 distant from the, 3. Corner gate. 2 Chr. 
 xxv. 23, xxvi. 9 ; Jer. xxxi. 38 ; Zech. xiv. 
 10. 4. Gate of Joshua, governor of the 
 city. 2 K. xxiii. 8. 6. Gate between the 
 two walls. 2 K. xxv. 4 ; Jer. xxxix. 4. 
 6. Horse gate. Neh. iii. 38 ; 2 Chr. xxiii. 
 15; Jer. xxxi. 40. 7. Ravine gate (i. e. 
 opening on ravine of Hinnom). 2 Chr. 
 xxvi. 9; Neh. ii. 13, 15, iii. 13. 8. Fish 
 gate. 1 Chr. xxxiii. 14 ; Neh. iii. 1 ; Zeph. 
 i. 16. 9. Dung gate, Neh. ii. 13, iii. 13. 
 
 10. Sheep gate. Neh. iii. 1, 32, xii. 39. 
 
 11. East gate. Neh. iii. 29. 12. Miphkad. 
 Neh. iii. 31. 13. Fountain gate (Siloam?). 
 Neh. xii. 37. 14. Water gate. Neh. xii. 
 37. 15. Old gate. Neh. xii. 39. 16. Pris- 
 on gate. Neh. xii. 39. 17. Gate Harsith 
 (perhaps the Sun; A. V. East gate). Jer. 
 xix. 2. 18. First gate. Zech. xiv. 10. 19. 
 Gate Gennath (gardens). Joseph. B. J. v. 
 4, 4. 20. Essenes' gate. Jos. B. J. 4. 
 2. To these should be added the follow- 
 ing gates of the Temple: Gate Sur. 2 
 
 the modern Jaffa gate), and, bending above 
 the fountain of Siloam, it reached Ophel, 
 and was joined to the eastern cloister of 
 the Temple. The second wall began at the 
 gate Gennath, in the old wall, probably 
 near the Hippicus, and passed round the 
 northern quarter of the city, enclosing the 
 great valley of the Tyropoeon, which leads 
 up to the Damascus gate ; and then, pro- 
 ceeding southward, joined the fortress An- 
 tonia. The direction of this second wall 
 was identical with that of the modern wall ; 
 and some part at least of the northern por- 
 tion of the western part of the Haram area 
 is probably built on its site. The third 
 wall was built by King Herod Agrippa, and 
 was intended to enclose the suburbs which 
 had grown out on the northern sides of the 
 city, which before this had been left ex- 
 posed. It began at the Hippicus, and 
 reached as far as the tower Psephinus, 
 till it came opposite the monument of 
 Queen Helena of Adiabene ; it then passed 
 by the sepulchral monuments of the kings 
 a well-known locality and turning 
 south at the monument of the Fuller, joined 
 the old wall at the valley called the valley 
 of Kedron. After describing these walls, 
 Josephus adds that the whole circumfer- 
 ence of the city was 33 stadia, or nearly 
 four English miles, which is as near as 
 may be the extent indicated by the locali- 
 ties. He then adds that the number of 
 towers in the old wall was 60, the middle 
 wall 40, and the new wall 99. Pools and 
 Fountains. Among the objects of interest 
 about Jerusalem the pools hold a conspicu- 
 ous place. Outside the walls on the W. 
 side were the Upper and Lower Pools of 
 GIHON, the latter close under Zion, tho 
 former more to the N. W. on the Jaffa 
 road. At the junction of the valleys of 
 Hinnom and Jehoshnphat was ENHOGEL, 
 the Well of Job, in the midst of the king's 
 gardens. Within the walls, immediately 
 N. of Zion, was the " Pool of Hezekiah." 
 A large pool existing beneath the Temple 
 (referred to in Ecclus. i. 3), was probably 
 supplied by some subterranean aqueduct. 
 The "King's Pool" was probably identical 
 with the Fountain of the Virgin, at the 
 southern angle of Moriah. It possesses the 
 
 K. xi. 6. Called also Gate of foundation. | peculiarity that it rises and tails at irreyu-
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 288 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 lar periods ; it is supposed to be fed from 
 the cistern below the Temple. From this 
 a subterranean channel cut through the 
 solid rock leads the water to the pool of 
 SILOAH or SILOAM, which has also acquired 
 the charactcr*of being an intermittent foun- 
 tain. The pool to which tradition has as- 
 signed the name of BETHESDA is situated 
 on the N. side of Moriah : it is now named 
 JBirket Israil. Burial-grounds. The 
 main cemetery of the city seems from an 
 early date to have been where it is still 
 on the steep slopes of the valley of the 
 Kedron. The tombs of the kings were in 
 the city of David, that is, Mount Zion. 
 The royal sepulchres were probably cham- 
 bers containing separate recesses for the 
 successive kings. Other spots also were 
 used for burial. Gardens. The king's 
 gardens of David and Solomon seem to 
 have been in the bottom formed by the 
 confluence of the Kedron and Hinnom (Neh. 
 iii. 15). The Mount of Olives, as its name 
 and those of various places upon it seem 
 to imply, was a fruitful spot. At its foot 
 was situated the Garden of Gethsemane. 
 At the time of the final siege the space 
 north of the wall of Agrippa was covered 
 witli gardens, groves, and plantations of 
 fruit-trees, enclosed by hedges and walls ; 
 and to level these was one of Titus's first 
 operations. We know that the gate Gennath 
 (i. e. "of gardens ") opened on this side of 
 the city. Streets, Houses, $c. Of the 
 nature of these in the ancient city we have 
 only the most scattered notices. The 
 ' East street " (2 Chr. xxix. 4) ; the " street 
 of the city " i. e. the city of David 
 (xxxii. 6) ; the " street facing the water 
 gate " (Xeh. viii. 1, 3) or, according to 
 the parallel account in 1 Esdr. ix. 38, the 
 " broad place of the Temple towards the 
 East; " the " street of the house of God" 
 (Ezr. x. 9) ; the " street of the gate of 
 Ephraim " (Neh. viii. 1C) ; and the " open 
 place of the first gate towards the East " 
 must have been not " streets " in our sense 
 of the word, so much as the open spaces 
 found in eastern towns round the inside of 
 the gates. Streets, properly so called, there 
 were (Jer. v. 1, xi. 13, &c.), but the name 
 of only one, "the bakers' street" (Jer. 
 xxxvji. 21), is preserved to us. To the 
 houses we have even less clew ; but there 
 is no reason to suppose that in either 
 houses or streets the ancient Jerusalem 
 differed very materially from the modern. 
 No doubt the ancient city did not exhibit 
 that air of mouldering dilapidation which 
 is now so prominent there. The whole 
 of the slopes south of the Haram area 
 (the ancient Ophel), and the modern Zion, 
 and tiie west side of the valley of Jehosha- 
 pliat, present the appearance of gigantic 
 mounds of rubbish. In this point at least 
 the ancient city stood in favorable contrast 
 
 with the modern, but in many others the 
 resemblance must have been strong. Pop- 
 ulation. Taking the area of the city en- 
 closed by the two old walls at 750.000 yards, 
 and that enclosed by the wall of Agrippa at 
 1,500,000, we have 2,250,000 yards for the 
 whole. Taking the population of the old 
 city at the probable number of one person 
 to 50 yards we have 15.000, and at the ex- 
 treme limit of 30 yards we should have 
 25,000 inhabitants for the old city. And at 
 100 yards to each individual in the new city 
 about 15,000 more ; so that the population 
 of Jerusalem, in its days of greatest pros- 
 perity, may have amounted to from 30,000 
 to 45,000 souls, but could hardly ever have 
 reached 50,000 ; and assuming that in times 
 of festival one half were added to this 
 amount, which is an extreme estimate, 
 there may have been 60,000 or 70,000 in 
 the city when Titus came up against it. 
 Environs of the City. The various spots in 
 the neighborhood of the city are described 
 under their own names, and to them the 
 reader is accordingly referred. II. THE 
 ANNALS OF THE CITY. In considering the 
 annals of the city of Jerusalem, nothing 
 strikes one so forcibly as the number 
 and severity of the sieges which it un- 
 derwent. We catch our earliest glimpse 
 of it in the brief notice of the 1st 
 chapter . of Judges, which describes how 
 the "children of Judah smote it with 
 the edge of the sword, and set the city on 
 fire ; " and almost the latest mention of it 
 in the New Testament is contained in the 
 solemn warnings in which Christ foretold 
 how Jerusalem should be " compassed with 
 armies " (Luke xxi. 20), and the " abom- 
 ination of desolation " be seen standing in 
 the Holy Place (Matt. xxiv. 15). In the 
 fifteen centuries which elapsed between 
 those two points the city was besieged no 
 fewer than seventeen times ; twice it was 
 razed to the ground; and on two other 
 occasions its walls were levelled. In this 
 respect it stands without a parallel in any 
 city, ancient or modern. The first siege 
 appears to have taken place almost imme- 
 diately after the death of Joshua (cir. 1400 
 B. c.). Judah and Simeon " fought against 
 it and took it, and smote it with the edge of 
 the sword, and set the city on fire" (Jcdg. 
 i. 8). To this brief notice Josephus makes 
 a material addition. He tells us tl.at the 
 part which was* taken at last, and in which 
 the slaughter was made, was the lower city ; 
 but that the upper city was so strong, that 
 they relinquished the attempt and moved 
 off to Hebron. As long as the upper city 
 remained in the hands of the Jebusites they 
 practically had possession of the whole, and 
 a Jehusite city in fact it remained for a long 
 period after this. The Benjamites followed 
 the men of Judah to Jerusalem, but with no 
 | better result (Judg. i. 21). And this lasted
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 289 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 during the whole period of the Judges, the ' 
 reign of Saul, and the reign of David at j 
 Hebron. David advanced against the place 
 at the head of a formidable army. No 
 doubt he approached the city from the 
 south. As before, the lower city was im- 
 mediately taken and as before, the cita- 
 del held out. The undaunted Jcbusites, 
 believing in the impregnability of their for- j 
 tress, manned the battlements " with lame j 
 and blind." But they little understood the 
 temper of the king or of those he command- 
 ed. David's anger was thoroughly roused 
 by the insult, and he at once proclaimed to 
 his host that the first man who would scale 
 the rocky side of the fortress and kill a 
 Jebusite should be made chief captain of the 
 host. A crowd of warriors rushed forward 
 to the attempt, but Joab's superior agility 
 gained him the day, and the citadel, the 
 fastness of ZION, was taken (1046 B. c.). It 
 is the first time that that memorable name 
 appears in history. The fortress, which 
 now became the capital of the kingdom, re- 
 ceived the name of "the city of David; " 
 and David fortified its whole circuit round 
 about from Millo, while Joab repaired the 
 rest of the city. (2 Sam. v. 6-9 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
 4-8.) Until the time of Solomon we hear 
 of no additions to the city. His three great 
 works were the Temple, with its east wall 
 and cloister, his own Palace, and the Wall 
 of Jerusalem. One of the first acts of the 
 new king was to make the walls larger. 
 But on the completion of the Temple he 
 again turned his attention to the walls, and 
 both increased their height and constructed 
 very large towers along them. Another 
 work of his in Jerusalem was the repair or 
 fortification of Millo (1 K. ix. 15, 24). The 
 eity was taken by the Philistines and Arabi- 
 ans in the reign of Jehoram (. c. 886), and 
 by the Israelites in the reign of Amaziah (B. 
 c. 826). It was thrice taken by Nebuchadnez- 
 zar, in the years B. c. 607, 597, and 586, in the 
 last of which it was utterly destroyed. Its 
 restoration commenced under Cyrus (B. c. 
 538), and was completed under Artaxerxes 
 I., who issued commissions for this purpose 
 to Ezra (B. c. 457) and Nehemiah (B. c. 
 445). In B. c. 332 it was captured by Al- 
 exander the Great. Under the Ptolemies 
 and the Seleucidae the town was prosper- 
 ous, until Antiochus Epiphanes sacked it 
 (B. c. 170). In consequence of his tyran- 
 ny, the Jews rose under the Maccabees, 
 and Jerusalem became again independent, 
 and retained its position until its capture by 
 the Romans under Pompey (B. c. 63). The 
 Temple was subsequently plundered by 
 Crassus (B. c. 54), and the city by the Par- 
 thians (B. c. 40). Herod took up his resi- 
 dence there as soon as he was appointed 
 sovereign, and restored the Temple with 
 great magnificence. On the death of Herod 
 it became the residence of the Roman proc- 
 19 
 
 urators, who occupied the fortress cf An- 
 tonia. The greatest siege that it sustained, 
 however, was at the hands of the Romans 
 under Titus, when it held out nearly five 
 months, and when the town was completely 
 destroyed (A. D. 70). Hadrian restored it 
 as a Roman colony (A. D. 135), and among 
 other buildings erected a temple of Jupiter 
 Capitolinus on the site of the Temple. He 
 gave to it the name of Aelia Capitolina, 
 thus combining his own family name with 
 that of the Capitoline Jupiter. The em- 
 peror Constantine established the Christian 
 character by the erection of a church on 
 the supposed site of the holy sepulchre 
 (A. r>. 336). Of the buildings which Con- 
 stantine or his mother, Helena, erected, 
 Mr. Fergus son maintains that two of them 
 now remain, the one the Anastasis, a 
 circular building erected over the tomb it- 
 self; the other the " Golden Gateway," 
 which was the propylea described by Euse- 
 bius as leading to the atrium of the basilica. 
 
 Interior of Golden Gateway. (From a photograph.) 
 
 Justinian added several churches and hos- 
 pitals (about A. D. 532). It was taken by 
 the Persians under Chosroes II. in A. D.- 
 614. After a struggle of fourteen years the 
 imperial arms were again victorious, and, 
 in 628 Heraclius entered Jerusalem on foot,. 
 The dominion of the Christians in the Holy 
 City was now rapidly drawing to a close.. 
 In A. D. 637 the patriarch Sophronius sur- 
 rendered to the Khalif Omar in person.. 
 With the fall of the Abassides the Holy 
 City passed into the hands of the Fati- 
 mite dynasty, under whom the sufferings of 
 the Christians in Jerusalem reached their 
 height. About the year 1084 it was be- 
 stowed upon Ortok, chief of a Turkman 
 horde under his command. From this 
 time till 1091 brtok was emir of the city, 
 and on his death it was held as a kind of 
 fief by his sons Ilghazy and Sukman, whose 
 severity to the Christians became the proxi-
 
 JERUSHA 
 
 290 
 
 JESSE 
 
 mate cause of the Crusades. It was taken 
 by the Crusaders in 1099, and for eighty- 
 eight years Jerusalem remained in the 
 hands of the Christians. In 1187 it was re- 
 taken by Saladin after a siege of several 
 weeks. In 1277 Jerusalem was nominally 
 annexed to the kingdom of Sicily. In 1517 
 it passed under the sway of the Ottoman 
 Sultan Selim I., whose successor Suliman 
 built the present walls of the city in 1542. 
 Mohammed Aly, the Pasha of Egypt, took 
 possession of it in 1832 ; and in 1840, after 
 the bombardment of Acre, it was again re- 
 stored to the Sultan. 
 
 Jem 'sha, daughter of Zadok, and queen 
 ofUzziah (2K. xv. 33). 
 
 Jeru'shah. (2 Chr. xxvii. 1). The same 
 as the preceding'. 
 
 Jesai'ah. 1. Son of Hananiah, brother 
 of Pelatiah, and grandson of Zerubbabel (1 
 Chr. iii. 21). 2. A Benjamite (Neh. xi. 7). 
 
 Jeshai'ah. 1. One of the six sons of 
 Jeduthun (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 15). 2. A Le- 
 vite in the reign of David, eldest son of Re- 
 habiah, a descendant of Amram through 
 Moses (1 Chr. xxvi. 25). [ISSHIAH.] 3. 
 The son of Athaliah, and chief of the house 
 of the Bene-Elam who returned with Ezra 
 (Ezr. viii. 7). [JosiAS.] 4. A Merarite 
 who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 19). 
 
 Jesh'anah., a town which, with its de- 
 pendent villages, was one of the three taken 
 from Jeroboam by Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 19). 
 
 Jeshar'elah, son of Asaph, and head 
 of the seventh of the 24 wards into which 
 the musicians of the Levites were divided 
 (1 Chr. xxv. 14). [ASARELAH.] 
 
 Jesheb'eab, head of the 14th course of 
 priests (1 Chr. xxiv. 13). [JEHOIARIB.] 
 
 Je'sher, one of the sons of Caleb the 
 son of Hezron by his wife Azubah (1 Chr. 
 ii. 18). 
 
 Jesh'imon, " the waste," a name which 
 occurs in Num. xxi. 20, and xxiii. 28, in 
 designating the position of Pisgah and Peor ; 
 both described as "facing the Jeshimon." 
 Perhaps the dreary, barren waste of hills 
 lying immediately on the west of the Dead 
 Sea. 
 
 Jeshish'ai, one of the ancestors of the 
 Gadites who dwelt in Gilead (1 Chr. v. 14). 
 
 Jeshohai'ah, a chief of the Simeon- 
 ites, descended from Shimei (1 Chr. iv. 36). 
 
 Jesh'ua (another form of the name 
 Joshua or Jesus). 1. Joshua, the son of 
 Nun (Neh. viii. 17). [JOSHUA.] 2. A 
 priest in the reign of David, to whom the 
 ninth course fell by lot (1 Chr. xxiv. 11). 
 3. One of the Levites in the reign of Heze- 
 kiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 15). 4. Son of Jehoza- 
 dak, first high-priest of the third series, 
 vi/., of those after the Babylonish captivity, 
 and ancestor of the fourteen high-priests 
 his successors down to Joshua or Jason, 
 and Onias or Menelaus, inclusive. [HIGH- 
 PRIEST.] Jeshua, like his contemporary 
 
 Zerubbabel. was probably born in Babylon, 
 whither his father Jehozadak had been ta- 
 ken captive while young (1 Chr. vi. 15, 
 A. V.). He came up from Babylon in the 
 first year of Cyrus with Zerubbabel, and 
 took a leading part with him in the rebuild- 
 ing of the Temple, and the restoration of 
 the Jewish commonwealth. The two proph- 
 ecies concerning him in Zech. iii. and vi. 
 9-15 point him out as an eminent type of 
 Christ. 5. Head of a Levitical house, one 
 of those which returned from the Babylo- 
 nish captivity, and took an active part un- 
 der Zerubbabel, Ezra, and Nehemiah. The 
 name is used to designate either the whole 
 family or the successive chiefs of it (Ezr. 
 ii. 40, iii. 9 ; Neh. iii. 19, viii. 7, ix. 4, 5, 
 xii. 8, &c.). 6. A branch of the family of 
 Pahath-Moab, one of the chief families, 
 probably, of the tribe of Judah (Neh, x. 
 14, vii. 11, &c. ; Ezr. x. 30). 
 
 Jesh'ua, one of the towns re-inhabited 
 by the people of Judah after the return 
 from captivity (Neh. xi. 26). It is not 
 mentioned elsewhere. 
 
 Jesh'uah, a priest in the reign of Da- 
 vid (1 Chr. xxiv. 11), the same as JESHUA, 
 No. 2. 
 
 Jesh'urun, and once by mistake in 
 A. V. Jes'unin (Is. xliv. 2), a symboli- 
 cal name for Israel in Deut. xxxii. 15, 
 xxxiii. 5, 26 ; Is. xliv. 2. It is most prob- 
 ably derived from a root signifying " to be 
 blessed." With the intensive termination 
 Jeshurun would then denote Israel as su- 
 premely happy or prosperous, and to this 
 signification the context in Deut. xxxii. 15 
 points. 
 
 Jesi'ah.. 1. A Korhite, one of the migh- 
 ty men who joined David's standard at Zik- 
 lag (1 Chr. xii. 6). 2. The second son of 
 Uzziel, the son of Kohath (1 Chr. xxiii. 20). 
 [JESHIAH.] 
 
 Jesim'iel, a Simeonite chief of the fam- 
 ily of Sfcimei (1 Chr. iv. 36). 
 
 Jes'se, the father of David, was the son 
 of OBED, who again was the fruit of the 
 union of Boaz and the Moabitess Ruth. 
 Nor was Ruth's the only foreign blood that 
 ran in his veins ; for his great-grandmother 
 was no less a person than Rahab the Ca- 
 naanite, of Jericho (Matt. i. 5). Jesse's 
 genealogy is twice given in full in the O. T., 
 viz. Ruth iv. 18-22, and 1 Chr. ii. 5-12. 
 He is commonly designated as "Jesse the 
 Bethlehemite " (1 Sam. xvi. 1, 18). So he 
 is called by his son David, then fresh from 
 home (xvii. 58) ; but his full title is " the 
 Ephrathite of Bethlehem Judah" (xvii. 12). 
 He is an " old man " when we first meet 
 with him (1 Sam. xvii. 12), with eight sons 
 (xvi. 10, xvii. 12), residing at Bethlehem 
 (xvi. 4, 5). Jesse's wealth seems to have 
 consisted of a flock of sheep and goats, 
 which were under the care of David (xvi. 
 11, xvii. 34, 35). When David's ruptura
 
 JESUI 
 
 291 
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 with Saul had finally driven him from the 
 court, and he was in the cave of Adullam, 
 " his brethren and all his father's house " 
 joined him (xxii. 1). Anxious for their 
 safety, he took his father and his mother 
 into the country of Moab, and deposited 
 them with the king, and there they disap- 
 pear from our view in the records of Scrip- 
 ture. Who the wife of Jesse was we are 
 not told. His eight sons will be found dis- 
 played under DAVID. 
 
 Jes'ui, the son of Asher, whose descend- 
 ants THE JESUITES were numbered in the 
 plains of Moab at the Jordan of Jericho 
 (Num. xxvi. 44). He is elsewhere called 
 Isui (Gen. xlvi. 17) and Ishuai (1 Chr. 
 vii. 30). 
 
 Jes'uites, The. A family of the tribe 
 of Asher (Num. xxvi. 44). 
 
 Jes'urun. [JESHTJRUN.] 
 
 Je'sus. 1. The Greek form of the name 
 Joshua or Jeshua, a contraction of Jehosh- 
 ua, that is, "help of Jehovah" or " Sa- 
 viour" (Num. xiii. 16). 2. Joshua, son 
 of Nun (vii. 45; Heb. iv. 8). [JEHOSHUA.] 
 
 Jesus the Son of Sirach is described 
 in the text of Ecclesiasticus (i. 27) as the 
 author of that book, which in the LXX., 
 and generally, except in the Western 
 Church, is called by his name the Wisdom 
 of Jesus the Son of Sirach, or simply the 
 Wisdom of Sirach. [ECCLESIASTICUS.] 
 
 Je'sus, called Justus, a Christian who 
 was with St. Paul at Rome (Col. iv. 11). 
 
 Je'sus Christ. I. NAME. The 
 name Jesus signifies Saviour. The name 
 of Christ signifies Anointed. Priests were 
 anointed among the Jews, as their inaugura- 
 tion to their office (1 Chr. xvi. 22; Ps. 
 cv. 15), and kings also (2 Mace. i. 24; 
 Ecclus. xlvi. 19.) In the New Testament 
 the name Christ is used as equivalent to 
 Messiah (John i. 41), the name given to 
 the long-promised Prophet and King whom 
 the Jews had been taught by their prophets 
 to expect (Acts xix. 4; Matt. xi. 3). The 
 use of this name, as applied to the Lord, 
 has always a reference to the promises of 
 the Prophets. The name of Jesus is the 
 proper name of our Lord, and that of Christ 
 is added to identify Him with the promised 
 Messiah. II. BIRTH AND EARLY LIFE. 
 According to the received chronology, 
 which is in fact that of Dionysius Exiguus 
 in the 6th century, the Birth of Christ oc- 
 curred in the year of Rome 754 (A. D. 1) ; 
 but from other considerations it is probable 
 that the Nativity took place some time be- 
 fore the month of April, 750 (A. D. 4), and 
 if it happened only a few months before 
 Herod's death, then its date would be four 
 years earlier than the Dionysian reckoning. 
 The salutation addressed by the Angel to 
 Mary His mother, "Hail! thou that art 
 highly favored," was the prelude to a new 
 act of divine creation. Marv received the 
 
 I announcement of a miracle, the full import 
 of which she could not have understood, 
 with the submission of one who knew that 
 the message came from God; and the 
 Angel departed from her. The. prophet 
 Micah had foretold (v. 2) that the future 
 king should be born in Bethlehem of Ju- 
 daea, the place where the house of David 
 had its origin ; but Mary dwelt in Nazareth. 
 Augustus, however, had ordered a general 
 census of the Roman empire. From the 
 well-known passage of St. Luke (ii. 2) it 
 appears that the taxing was not completed 
 till the time of Quirinus (Cyrenius), some 
 years later; and how far it was carried 
 now, cannot be determined : all that we 
 learn is, that it brought Joseph, who was 
 of the house of David, from his home to 
 Bethlehem, where the Lord was born. As 
 there was no room in the inn, a manger was 
 the cradle in which Christ the Lord was 
 laid. But signs wese not wanting of the 
 greatness of the event that seemed so un- 
 important. Lowly shepherds were the wit- 
 nesses of the wonder that accompanied the 
 lowly Saviour's birth ; an angel proclaimed 
 to them "good tidings of great joy;" and 
 then the exceeding joy that was in heaven 
 amongst the angels about this mystery of 
 love broke through the silence of night with 
 the words, " Glory to God in the highest, 
 and on earth peace, good will toward men " 
 (Luke ii. 8-20). The child Jesus is cir- 
 cumcised in due time, is brought to the 
 Temple, and the mother makes the offering 
 for her purification. Simeon and Anna, 
 taught from God that the object of their 
 earnest longings was before them, prophe- 
 sied of His divine work : the one rejoicing 
 that his eyes had seen the salvation of God, 
 and the other speaking of Him " to all 
 that looked for redemption in Jerusalem " 
 (Luke ii. 28-38). Thus recognized amongst 
 His own people, the Saviour was not with- 
 out witness amongst the heathen. " Wise 
 men from the East " that is, Persian 
 magi of the Zend religion, in which the idea 
 of a Zoziosh or Reedemer was clearly 
 known guided miraculously by a star or 
 meteor created for the purpose, came and 
 sought out the Saviour to pay him homage. 
 A little child made the great Herod quake 
 upon his throne. When he knew that the 
 magi were come to hail their king and 
 Lord, and did not stop at his palace, but 
 passed on to a humbler roof, and when he 
 found that they would not return to betray 
 this child to him, he put to death all the 
 children in Bethlehem that were under two 
 years old. Joseph, warned by a dream, 
 flees to Egypt with the young child, beyond 
 the reach of Herod's arm. After the death 
 of Herod, in less than a year, Jesus return- 
 ed with his parents to their own land, and 
 went to Nazareth, where they abode. Ex- 
 cept as to one event, the EvangeFsts ar
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 292 
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 silent upon the succeeding years of our 
 Lord's life down to the commencement of 
 His ministry. When He was twelve years 
 old He was found in the Temple, hearing 
 the doctors and asking them questions 
 (Luke ii. 40-52). We are shown this one 
 fact that we may know that at the time 
 when the Jews considered childhood to 
 be passing into youth, Jesus was already 
 aware of His mission, and consciously pre- 
 paring for it, although years passed before 
 its actual commencement. Thirty years 
 had elapsed from the birth of our Lord to 
 the opening of His ministry. In that time 
 great changes had come over the chosen 
 people. Herod the Great had united under 
 him almost all the original kingdom of Da- 
 vid ; after the death of that prince it was 
 dismembered forever. It was in the fif- 
 teenth year of Tiberius the Emperor, reck- 
 oning from his joint rule with Augustus 
 (Jan. u. c. 765, A. D. 12), and not from his 
 sole rule (Aug. u. c. 767, A. D. 14), that 
 John the Baptist began to teach. He was 
 the last representative of the prophets or 
 the old covenant ; and his work was two- 
 fold to enforce repentance and the ter- 
 rors of the old law, and to revive the al- 
 most forgotten expectation of the Messiah 
 (Matt. iii. 1-10 ; Mark i. 1-8 ; Luke iii. 1- 
 18). The career of John seems to have 
 been very short. Jesus came to Jordan 
 with the rest to receive baptism at John's 
 hands : first, in order that the sacrament 
 by which all were hereafter to be admitted 
 into His kingdom might not want His ex- 
 ample to justify its use (Matt. iii. 15) ; 
 next, that John might have an assurance 
 that his course as the herald of Christ was 
 now completed by his appearance (John i. 
 33) ; and last, that some public token might 
 be given that He was indeed the Anointed 
 of God (Heb. v. 5). Immediately after 
 this inauguration of His ministry Jesus was 
 led up of the Spirit into the wilderness to 
 be tempted of the devil (Matt. iv. 1-11; 
 Mark i. 12, 13; Luke iv. 1-13). The three 
 temptations are addressed to the three 
 forms in which the disease of sin makes its 
 appearance on the soul to the solace of 
 sense, and the love of praise, and the de- 
 sire of gain (1 John ii. 16). III. THE 
 LORD'S MINISTRY. Before entering upon 
 the history of our Lord's ministry, there 
 are two points that demand a few remarks : 
 (i.) the scene of the ministry ; (ii.) its 
 duration, (i.) The scene of the ministry. 
 As to the scene of the ministry of Christ, 
 no less than as to its duration, the three 
 Evangelists seem at first sight to be at vari- 
 ance with the fourth. Matthew, Mark, and 
 Luke record only our Lord's doings in Gal- 
 ilee ; if we put aside a few days before the 
 Passion, we find that they never mention 
 His visiting Jerusalem. John, on the other 
 band, whilst he records some acts in Gali- 
 
 lee, devotes tjie chief part of his Gospel 
 to the transactions in Judaea. But when 
 the supplemental character of John's Gos- 
 pel is borne in mind there is little difficulty 
 in explaining this. The three Evangelists 
 do not profess to give a chronology of the 
 ministry, but rather a picture of it : notes 
 of time are not frequent in their narrative. 
 And as they chiefly confined themselves to 
 Galilee, where the Redeemer's chief acts 
 were done, they might naturally omit to 
 mention the feasts, which, being passed by 
 our Lord at Jerusalem, added nothing to 
 the materials for His Galilean ministry. 
 (ii.) Duration of the ministry. It is im- 
 possible to determine exactly from the Gos- 
 pels the number of years during which the 
 Redeemer exercised His ministry before 
 the Passion : but the doubt lies between two 
 and three. The data are to be drawn from 
 St. John. This Evangelist mentions six 
 feasts, at five of which Jesus was present ; 
 the Passover that followed His baptism (ii. 
 13) ; " a feast of the Jews " (v. 1) ; a Pass- 
 over during which Jesus remained in Gal- 
 ilee (vi. 4) ; the feast of Tabernacles to 
 which the Lord went up privately (vii. 
 2) ; the feast of Dedication (x. 22) ; and 
 lastly the feast of Passover, at which he 
 suffered (xii., xiii.). There are certain- 
 iy three Passovers, and it is possible that 
 "a feast" (v. 1) may be a fourth. Upon 
 this possibility the question turns. But if 
 this feast is not a Passover, then no Pass- 
 over is mentioned by John between the 
 first (ii. 13), and that which is spoken of 
 in the sixth chapter ; and the time between 
 those two must be assumed to be a single 
 year only. Now, although the record of 
 John of this period contains but few facts, 
 yet when all the Evangelists are compared, 
 the amount of labor compressed into this 
 single year would be too much for its com- 
 pass. It is, to say the least, easier to sup- 
 pose that the "feast" (John v. 1) was a 
 Passover, dividing the time into two, and 
 throwing two of these circuits into the sec- 
 ond year of the ministry. Upon the whole, 
 though there is nothing that amounts to 
 proof, it is probable that there were four 
 Passovers, and consequently that our Lord's 
 ministry lasted somewhat more than three 
 years, the " beginning of miracles " (John 
 ii.) having been wrought before the first 
 Passover. 1. First year of the ministry. - 
 The year of the first of these Passovers 
 was u. c. 780 (A. D. 27), and the Baptism 
 of our Lord took place either in the be- 
 ginning of that year or the end of the 
 year preceding. Our Lord has now passed 
 through the ordeal of temptation, and 
 His ministry is begun. At Bethabara, to 
 which He returns, disciples begin to be 
 drawn towards Him ; Andrew and anoth- 
 er, probably John, the sole narrator of 
 | the fact, see Jesus, aad hear the Baptist's
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 293 
 
 JESUS CHIUST 
 
 testimony concerning Him. Andrew brings 
 Simon Peter to see Him also ; and he re- 
 ceives from the Lord the name of Cephas. 
 Then Philip and Nathanael are brought 
 into contact with our Lord. The two dis- 
 ciples last named saw Him as He was about 
 to st t out for Galilee, on the third day of 
 His sojourn at Bethabara. The third day 
 after this interview Jesus is at Cana in 
 Galilee, and works His first miracle, by 
 making the water wine (John i. 29, 35, 43 ; 
 ii. 1). He now betakes Himself to Caper- 
 naum, and after a sojourn there of " not 
 many days," sets out for Jerusalem to the 
 Passover, which was to be the beginning 
 of His ministry in Judaea (John ii. 12, 13). 
 The cleansing of the Temple is associated 
 by St. John with this first Passover (ii. 12- 
 22), and a similar cleansing is assigned to 
 the last Passover by the other Evangelists. 
 These two cannot be confounded without 
 throwing discredit on the historical charac- 
 ter of one narrative or the other ; the notes 
 of time are too precise. The expulsion of 
 the traders was not likely to produce a per- 
 manent effect, and at the end of three years 
 Jesus found the tumult and the traflic de- 
 filing the court of the Temple as they had 
 done when He visited it before. The visit 
 of Nicodemus to Jesus took place about the 
 first Passover. It implies that our Lord 
 had done more at Jerusalem than is record- 
 ed of Him even by John ; since we have 
 here a Master of Israel (John iii. 10), a 
 member of the Sanhedrim (John vii. 50) 
 expressing his belief in Him, although too 
 timil at this time to make an open profes- 
 sion. The object of the visit, though not 
 directly stated, is still clear : he was one of 
 the better Pharisees, who were expecting 
 the kingdom of Messiah, and having seen 
 the miracles that Jesus did, he came to in- 
 quire more fully about these signs of its 
 approach. It has been well said that this 
 discourse contains the whole Gospel in 
 epitome. After a sojourn at Jerusalem of 
 uncertain duration, Jesus went to the Jor- 
 dan with His disciples ; and they there bap- 
 tized in His name. The Baptist was now 
 at Aenon near Salim ; and the jealousy of 
 his disciples against Jesus drew from John 
 an avowal of his position, which is remark- 
 able for its humility (John Hi. 27-30). How 
 long this sojourn in Judaea lasted is un- 
 certain. In the way to Galilee Jesus passed 
 by the shortest route, through Samaria. 
 In the time of our Lord the Samaritans 
 were hated by the Jews even more than if 
 they had been Gentiles. Yet even in Sa- 
 maria were souls to be saved ; and Jesus 
 would not shake off even that dust from 
 His feet. He came in His journey to 
 Sichem, which the Jews in mockery had 
 changed to Sycliar. Wearied and athirst 
 He sat on the side of Jacob's well. A wo- 
 man from the neighboring town came to 
 
 draw from the well, and was astonished that 
 a Jew should address her as a neighbor, 
 with a request for water. The conversation 
 that ensued might be taken for an example 
 of the mode in which Christ leads to Him- 
 self the souls of men. In this remarkable 
 dialogue are many things to ponder over. 
 The living water which Christ would give ; 
 the announcement of a change in the wor- 
 ship of Jew and Samaritan ; lastly, the 
 confession that He who speaks is truly the 
 Messiah, are all noteworthy. Jesus now 
 returned to Galilee, and came to Nazareth, 
 His own city. In the Synagogue He ex- 
 pounded to the people a passage from Isaiah 
 (Ixi. 1), telling them that its fulfilment was 
 now at hand in His person. The same 
 truth that had filled the Samaritans with 
 gratitude, wrought up to fury the men of 
 Nazaagth, who would have destroyed Him 
 if He had not escaped out of their hands 
 (Luke iv. 16-30). He came now to Caper- 
 naum. On his way hither, when He had 
 reached Cana, He healed the son of one of 
 the courtiers of Herod Antipas (John iv. 
 46-54), who "himself believed, and his 
 whole house." This was the second Gali- 
 lean miracle. At Capernaum He wrought 
 many miracles for them that needed. Here 
 two disciples who had known him before, 
 namely, Simon Peter and Andrew, were 
 called from their fishing to become " fishers 
 of men " (Matt. iv. 19), and the two gons of 
 Zebedee received the same summons. After 
 healing on the Sabbath a demoniac in the 
 Synagogue, He returned the same day to 
 Simon's house, and healed the mother-in- 
 law of Simon, who was sick of a fever. At 
 sunset, the multitude, now fully aroused by 
 what they had heard, brought their sick to 
 Simon's door to get them healed. He did 
 not refuse His succor, and healed them all 
 (Mark i. 29-34) . He now, after showering 
 down on Capernaum so many cures, turned 
 His thoughts to the rest of Galilee, where 
 other "lost sheep" were scattered: "Let 
 us go into the next towns that I may preach 
 there also, for therefore came I forth " 
 (Mark i. 38). The journey through Galilee, 
 on which He now entered, must have been a 
 general circuit of that country. 2. Second 
 year of the ministry. Jesus went up to 
 Jerusalem to " a feast of the Jews," which 
 was probably the Passoimr. At the pool 
 Bethesda (=* house of mercy), which was 
 near the sheep-gate (Neh. iii. 1) on the 
 north-east side of the Temple, Jesus saw 
 many infirm persons waiting their turn for 
 the healing virtues of the water (John v. 1 
 18). Among them was a man who had an 
 infirmity thirty-eight years : Jesus made 
 him whole by a word, bidding him take up 
 his bed and walk. The miracle was done 
 on the Sabbath ; and the Jews, who acted 
 against Jesus, rebuked the man for carrying 
 his bed. It was a labor, and as such for-
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 294 
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 bidden (Jer. xvii. 21). In our Lord's jus- 
 tification of Himself, "My Father worketh 
 hitherto, and I work " (John v. 17), there 
 is an unequivocal claim to the divine na- 
 ture. Another discussion about the Sab- 
 bath arose from the disciples plucking the 
 ears of corn as they went through the fields 
 (Matt. xii. 1-8). The time of this is some- 
 what uncertain ; some would place it a year 
 later, just after the third Passover : but its 
 place is much more probably here. Our 
 Lord quotes cases where the law is super- 
 seded or set aside, because He is One who 
 lias power to do the same. And the rise 
 of a new law is implied in those words which 
 St Mark alone has recorded : " The Sab- 
 bat.: was made for man, and not man for 
 the Sabbath." The law upon the Sabbath 
 was made in love to men, to preserve for 
 them a due measure of rest, to keep room 
 for the worship of God. The Son of Man 
 has power to re-adjust this law, if its work 
 is done, or if men are fit to receive a high- 
 er. This may have taken place on the way 
 to Jerusalem after the Passover. On an- 
 other Sabbath, probably at Capernaum, to 
 which Jesus had returned, the Pharisees 
 gave a far more striking proof of the way in 
 which their hard and narrow and unloving 
 interpretation would turn the beneficence 
 of the Law into a blighting oppression. Our 
 Lord entered into the synagogue, and found 
 there a man with a withered hand some 
 poor artisan perhaps whose handiwork was 
 his means of life. Jesus was about to heal 
 him which would give back life to the 
 sufferer which would give joy to every 
 beholder who had one to^uch of pity in his 
 heart. The Pharisees interfere : " Is it 
 lawful to heal on the Sabbath-day ? " Their 
 doctors would hare allowed them to pull a 
 sheep out of a pit ; but they will not have 
 a man rescued from the depth of misery. 
 Karely is that loving Teacher wroth, but 
 here His anger, mixed with grief, showed 
 itself: He looked round about upon them 
 " with anger, being grieved at the hardness 
 of their hearts," and answered their cavils 
 by healing the man (Matt. xii. 9-14 ; Mark 
 iii. 1-6; Luke vi. 6-11). In placing the 
 ordination or calling of the Twelve Apostles 
 just before the Sermon on the Mount, we 
 are under the guidance of St. Luke (vi. 13, 
 17). But this rilore solemn separation for 
 their work by no means marks the time of 
 their first approach to Jesus. That which 
 takes place here is the appointment of 
 twelve disciples to be a distinct body, under 
 the name of Apostles. They are not sent 
 forth to preach until later in the same year. 
 The number twelve must have reference to 
 the number of the Jewish tribes : it is a 
 number selected on account of its symbol- 
 ical meaning, for the work confided to them 
 might have been wrought by more or fewer. 
 In the four lists of the names of the Apos- 
 
 tles preserved to us (Matt, x., Mark iii., 
 Luke vi., Acts i.), there is a certain order 
 preserved, amidst variations. The two 
 pairs of brothers, Simon and Andrew, and 
 the sons of Zebedee, are always named the 
 first ; and of these Simon Peter ever holds 
 the first place. Philip and Bartholomew, 
 Thomas and Matthew, are always in the 
 next rank; and of them Philip is always the 
 first. In the third rank James the son of 
 Alpheus is the first, as Judas Iscariot is 
 always the last, with Simon the Zealot and 
 Thaddaeus between. Some of the Apostles 
 were certainly poor and unlearned men ; it 
 is probable that the rest were of the same 
 kind. Four of them were fishermen, not 
 indeed the poorest of their class ; and a fifth 
 was a " publican," one of the tax-gatherers, 
 who collected the taxes farmed by Romans 
 of higher rank. From henceforth the edu- 
 cation of the twelve Apostles will be one 
 of the principal features of the Lord's min- 
 istry. First He instructs them ; then He 
 takes them with Him as companions of His 
 wayfaring; then He sends them forth to 
 teach and heal for Him. The Sermon on 
 the Mount, although it is meant for all the 
 disciples, seems to have a special reference 
 to the chosen Twelve (Matt. v. 11). About 
 this time it was that John the Baptist, long 
 a prisoner with little hope of release, sent 
 his disciples to Jesus with the question, 
 " Art thou He that should come, or do we 
 look for another?" In all the Gospels 
 there is no more touching incident. The 
 great privilege of John's life was that he 
 was appointed to recognize and bear wit- 
 ness to the Messiah (John i. 31). After 
 languishing a year in a dungeon, after 
 learning that even yet Jesus had made no 
 steps towards the establishment of His 
 kingdom of the Jews, and that His follow- 
 ing consisted of only twelve poor Galileans, 
 doubts began to cloud over his spirit. 
 Was the kingdom of Messiah as near 
 as he had thought? Was Jesus not 
 the Messiah, but some forerunner of 
 that Deliverer, as he himself had been ? 
 There is no unbelief; he does not suppose 
 that Jesus has deceived ; when the doubts 
 arise, it is to Jesus that he submits them. 
 But it was not without great depression and 
 perplexity that he put the question, " Art 
 thou He that should come?" The scope 
 of the answer given lies in its recalling 
 John to the grounds of his former confi- 
 dence. Now commences the second circuit 
 of Galilee (Luke viii. 1-3), to which belong 
 the parables in Matt. xiii. ; the visit of our 
 Lord's mother and brethren (Luke viii. 19- 
 21), and the account of His reception at 
 Nazareth (Mark vi. 1-6). During this 
 time the twelve have journeyed with Him. 
 But now a third circuit in Galilee is record- 
 ed, which probably occurred during the 
 last three months of this year (Matt, is.
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 295 
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 35-38} ; and during this circuit, after re- 
 minding them how great is the harvest and 
 how pressing the need of laborers, He car- 
 ries the training of the disciples one step 
 further by sending them forth by themselves 
 to teach (Matt, x., xi.). They went forth 
 two and two ; and our Lord continued His 
 own circuit (Matt. xi. 1), with what com- 
 panions does not appear. After a journey 
 of perhaps two months' duration the twelve 
 returned to Jesus, and gave an account of 
 their ministry. The third Passover was 
 now drawing near ; but the Lord did not go 
 up to it. He wished to commune with His 
 Apostles privately upon their work, and, 
 we may suppose, to add to the instruction 
 they had already received from Him (Mark 
 vi. 30, 31). He therefore went with them 
 from the neighborhood of Capernaum to a 
 mountain on the eastern shore of the Sea 
 of Tiberias, near Bethsaida Julias, not far 
 from the head of the sea. Great multi- 
 tudes pursued them ; and here the Lord, 
 moved to compassion by the hunger and 
 weariness of the people, wrought for them 
 one of His most remarkable miracles. Out 
 of five barley loaves and two small fishes, 
 He produced food for five thousand men 
 besides women and children. After the 
 miracle the disciples crossed the sea, and 
 Jesus retired alone to a mountain to com- 
 mune with the Father. They were toiling 
 at the oar, for the wind was contrary, when, 
 as the night drew towards morning, they 
 saw Jesus walking to them on the sea. hav- 
 ing passed the whole night on the moun- 
 tain. They were amazed and terrified. He 
 came into the ship and the wind ceased. 
 When they reached the shore of Gennesa- 
 ret the whole people showed their faith in 
 Him as a Healer of disease (Mark vi. 53- 
 66) ; and He performed very many mira- 
 cles on them. Yet on the next day the 
 great discourse just alluded to was uttered, 
 and " from that time many of His disciples 
 went back, and walked no more with Him " 
 (John vi. 66). 3. Third year of the min- 
 istry. Hearing perhaps that Jesus was 
 not coming to the feast, Scribes and Phari- 
 sees from Jerusalem went down to see Him 
 at Capernaum (Matt. xv. 1). Leaving the 
 neighborhood of Capernaum our Lord now 
 travels to the north-west of Galilee, to the 
 region of Tyre and Sidon. The time is not 
 strictly determined, but it was probably the 
 early summer of this year. It does not 
 appear that He retired into this heathen 
 country for the purpose of ministering; 
 more probably it was a retreat from the 
 machination? of the Jews (Matt. xv. 21- 
 28; Mark vii. 24-30). Returning thence 
 He passed round by the north of the Sea 
 of Galilee to the region of Decapolis on its 
 eastern side (Mark vii. 31-37). In this dis- 
 trict he performed many miracles, and es- 
 pecially the restoration of a deaf man who 
 
 had an impediment in his speech, remarka- 
 ble for the seeming effort with which He 
 wrought it. To these succeeded the feed- 
 ing of the four thousand with the seven 
 loaves (Matt. xv. 32). He now crossed the 
 Lake of Magdala, where the Pharisees and 
 Sadducees asked and were refused a "sign." 
 After they had departed Jesus crossed the 
 lake with his disciples. At Bethsaida Ju- 
 lias, He restored sight to a blind man ; and 
 here, as in a former case, the form and 
 preparation which He adopted are to be re- 
 marked (Mark viii. 22-26). The ministry 
 in Galilee is now drawing to its close. 
 Through the length and breadth of that 
 country Jesus has proclaimed the kingdom 
 of Christ, and has shown by mighty works 
 that He is the Christ that was to come. 
 Many thousands had actually been benefited 
 by the miracles ; and yet of all these there 
 were only twelve that really clave to Him, 
 and one of them was Judas the traitor. 
 With this rejection an epoch of the history 
 is connected. He begins to unfold now the 
 doctrine of His passion more fully. The 
 doctrine of a suffering Messiah, so plainly 
 exhibited in the prophets, had receded from 
 sight in the current religion of that time. 
 The announcement of it to the disciples 
 was at once new and shocking. Turning 
 now to the whole body of those who fol- 
 lowed Him, He published the Christian 
 doctrine of self-denial. The Apostles had 
 just shown that they took the natural view 
 of suffering, that it was an evil to be shunned. 
 They shrank from conflict, and pain, and 
 death, as it is natural men should. But 
 Jesus teaches that, in comparison with the 
 higher life, the life of the soul, the life of 
 the body is valueless (Matt. xvi. 21-28; 
 Mark viii. 31-38; Luke ix. 22-27). The- 
 Transfiguration, which took place just 
 a week after this conversation, is to be 
 understood in connection with it. The 
 minds of the twelve were greatly disturbed 
 at what they had heard. Now, if ever, 
 they needed support for their perplexed 
 spirits, and this their loving Master failed 
 not to give them. He takes with Him 
 three chosen disciples, Peter, John, and 
 James, who formed as it were a smaller 
 circle nearer to Jesus than the rest, into a 
 high mountain apart by themselves. There 
 are no means of determining the position 
 of the mountain. The three disciples were 
 taken up with Him, who should afterwards 
 be the three witnesses of His agony in the 
 garden of Gethsemane : those who saw His 
 glory in the holy mount would be sustained 
 by the remembrance of it when they beheld 
 His lowest humiliation. Meantime amongst 
 the multitude below a scene was taking 
 place which formed the strongest contrast 
 to the glory and the peace which they had 
 witnessed, and which seemed to justify 
 Peter's remark, "It is good for us to b
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 296 
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 here." A poor youth, lunatic and pos- 
 sessed by a devil, was brought to the dis- 
 ciples who were not with Jesus, to be 
 cured. They could not prevail ; and when 
 Jesus appeared amongst them the agonized 
 and disappointed father appealed to Him, 
 with a kind of complaint of the impotence 
 of the disciples. What the disciples had 
 failed to do, Jesus did at a word. He then 
 explained to them that their want of faith 
 in their own power to heal, and in His 
 promises to bestow the power upon them, 
 was the cause of their inability (Matt. xvii. 
 14-21; Mark ix. 14-29; Luke ix. 37-43). 
 Once more did Jesus foretell His suffer- 
 ings on their way back to Capernaum 
 (Mark ix. 30-32). Third year, from the 
 Feast of Tabernacles. The Feast of Tab- 
 ernacles was now approaching. His breth- 
 ren set out for the feast without Him, and 
 He abode in Galilee for a few days longer 
 (John vii. 2-10). Afterwards He set out, 
 taking the more direct but less frequented 
 route by Samaria. St. Luke alone records, 
 in connection with this journey, the send- 
 ing forth of the seventy disciples. This 
 event is to be regarded in a different light 
 from that of the twelve. The seventy had 
 received no special education from our 
 Lord, and their commission was of a tem- 
 porary kind. The number has reference to 
 the Gentiles, as twelve had to the Jews ; 
 and the scene of the work, Samaria, re- 
 minds us that this is a movement directed 
 towards the stranger. After healing the 
 ten lepers in Samaria, He came about the 
 midst of the feast to Jerusalem. The Phar- 
 isees and rulers sought to take Him ; some 
 of the people, however, believed in Him, 
 but concealed their opinion for fear of the 
 rulers. To this division of opinion we may 
 attribute the failure of the repeated at- 
 tempts on the part of the Sanhedrim to 
 take One who was openly teaching in the 
 Temple (John vii. 11-53 : see esp. ver. 30, 
 32, 44, 45, 46). The officers were partly 
 afraid to seize in the presence of the peo- 
 ple the favorite Teacher, and partly were 
 themselves awed and attracted by Him. 
 The history of the woman taken in adul- 
 tery belongs to this time. To this place 
 belongs the account, given by John alone, 
 of the healing of one who was born blind, 
 and the consequences of it (John ix. 1-41, 
 x. 1-21). The well-known parable of the 
 good shepherd is an answer to the calumny 
 of the Pharisees, that He was an impostor 
 and breaker of the law : " This man is not 
 of God, because he keepeth not the Sab- 
 bath-day" (ix. 16). We now approach a 
 difficult portion of the sacred history. The 
 note of time given us by John immediately 
 afterwards is the Feast of the Dedication, 
 which was celebrated on the 25th of Kisleu v 
 answering nearly to December. Accord- 
 ing to this Evangelist our Lord does not 
 
 appear to have returned to Galilee between 
 the Feast of Tabernacles and that of the 
 Dedication, but to have passed the time in 
 and near Jerusalem. Matthew and Mark 
 do not allude to the Feast of Tabernacles. 
 Luke appears to do so in ix. 51 : but the 
 words there used would imply that this 
 was the last journey to Jerusalem. Now 
 in St. Luke's Gospel a large section, from 
 ix. 51 to xviii. 14, seems to belong to the 
 time preceding the departure from Galilee; 
 and the question is, How is this to be ar- 
 ranged, so that it shall harmonize with the 
 narrative of St. John? In most Harmonics 
 a return of our Lord to Galilee has been 
 assumed, in order to find a place for this 
 part of Luke's Gospel. Perhaps this great 
 division of Luke (x. 17-xviii. 14) should 
 be inserted entire between John x. 21 and 
 22. Some of the most striking parables, 
 preserved only by Luke, belong to this 
 period. The parables of the good Samari- 
 tan, the prodigal son, the unjust steward, 
 the rich man and Lazarus, and the Pharisee 
 and publican, ail peculiar to this Gospel, 
 belong to the present section. The in- 
 structive account of Mary and Martha and 
 the miracle of the ten lepers belong to this 
 portion of the narrative. Besides these,, 
 scattered sayings that occur in St. Matthew 
 are here repeated in a new connection. 
 The account of the bringing of young 
 children to Jesus unites again the three 
 Evangelists (Matt. xix. 13-15 ; Mark x. 
 13-16; Luke xviii. 15-17). On the way 
 to Jerusalem through Peraea> to the Feast 
 of Dedication, Jesus again puts before 
 the minds of the twelve what they are 
 never now to forget the sufferings that 
 await Him. They " understood none of 
 these things," for they could not reconcile 
 this foreboding of suffering with the signs 
 and announcements of the coming of His 
 kingdom (Matt. xx. 17-19 ; Mark x. 32-34 ; 
 Luke xviii. 31-34). In consequence of this 
 new, though dark, intimation of the coming 
 of the kingdom, Salome, with her two 
 sons, James and John, came to bespeak 
 the two places of highest honor in the 
 kingdom. Jesus tells them that they knovr 
 not what they ask ; that the places of honor 
 in the kingdom shall be bestowed, not by 
 Jesus in answer to a chance request, but 
 upon those for whom they are prepared by 
 the Father. As sin ever provokes sin, the 
 ambition of the ten was now aroused, and 
 they began to be much displeased with 
 James and John. Jesus once more recalls 
 the principle that the child-like disposition 
 is that which He approves (Matt. xx. 20-28 ; 
 Mark x. 35-45). The healing of the two 
 blind men at Jericho is chiefly remarkable 
 among the miracles from the difficijty 
 which has arisen ' \ harmonizing the ac- 
 counts. Matthew speaks of two blind men, 
 and of the occasion as the departure from
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 297 
 
 JESUS CHKIST 
 
 Jericho; Mark of one, whom he names, 
 and of their arrival at Jericho ; and Luke 
 agrees with him. This point lias received 
 much discussion; but the view of Light- 
 foot finds favor with many eminent exposi- 
 tors, that there were two blind men, and 
 both were healed under similar circum- 
 sUnces, except that Bartimaeus was on one 
 side of the city, and was healed by Jesus 
 H he entered, and the other was healed on 
 the other side as they departed (Matt. xx. 
 29-34; Mark x. 46-52; Luke xviii. 35-43). 
 The calling of Zacchaeus has more than a 
 mere personal interest. He was a publi- 
 can,* one of a class hated and despised 
 by the Jews. But he was one who sought 
 to serve God. From such did Jesus wish 
 to call His disciples, whether they w.ere 
 publicans or not (Luke xix. 1-10). We 
 have reached now the Feast of Dedication ; 
 but, as has been said, the exact place of the 
 events in St. Luke about this part of the 
 ministry has not been conclusively deter- 
 mined. After being present at the feast, 
 Jesus returned to Bethabara beyond Jor- 
 dan, where John had formerly baptized, 
 and abode there. How long He remained 
 here does not appear. It was probably for 
 some weeks. The sore need of a family 
 in Bethany, who were what men call the 
 intimate friends of our Lord, called Him 
 thence. Lazarus was sick, and his sisters 
 sent word of it to Jesus, whose power they 
 well knew. It was not till Lazarus had 
 been four days in the grave that the Saviour 
 appeared on the scene. But with the power 
 of God He breaks the fetters of brass in 
 which Lazarus was held by death, and at 
 His word the man on whom corruption had 
 already begun to do its work, came forth 
 alive and whole (John xi. 1-45). A mir- 
 acle so public, for Bethany was close to 
 Jerusalem, and the family of Lazarus 
 well known to many people in the mother- 
 city, could not escape the notice of the 
 Sanhedrim. A meeting of this Council 
 was called without loss of time, and the 
 matter discussed. We now approach the 
 final stage of the history, and every word 
 and act tend towards the great act of suf- 
 fering. Each day is marked by its own 
 events or instructions. Our Lord entered 
 into Bethany on Friday the 8th of Nisan, 
 the eve of the Sabbath, and remained over 
 the Sabbath. Saturday, the 9th of Nisan 
 {April 1st). As He was at supper in the 
 house of one Simon, surnamed " the leper," 
 a relation of Lazarus, who was at table 
 with Him, Mary, full of gratitude for the 
 wonderful raising of her brother from the 
 dead, took a vessel containing a quantity 
 of pure ointment of spikenard, and anointed 
 the feet of Jesus, and wiped His feet with 
 her hair, and anointed His head likewise. 
 - Passion Week. Sunday the 10th day 
 of Nisan (April 2d). When He arrives 
 
 at the Mount of Olives He commant s two 
 of His disciples to go into the village near 
 at hand, where they would find an ass and 
 a colt tied with her. With these beasts, 
 impressed as for the service of a king, He 
 was to enter into Jerusalem. The disciples 
 spread upon the ass their ragged cloaks for 
 Him to sit on. And the multitudes cried 
 aloud before Him in the words of the 118th 
 Psalm, " Hosanna, Save now! blessed is 
 He that cometh in the name of the Lord." 
 All the city was moved. Blind and lame 
 came to the Temple when He arrived there 
 and were healed. After working miracles 
 in the Temple He returned to Bethany. 
 The 10th of Nisan was the day for the sep- 
 aration of the paschal lamb (Ex. xii. 3). 
 Jesus, the Lamb of God, entered Jeru- 
 salem and the Temple on this day, and 
 although none but He knew that He was 
 the Paschal Lamb, the coincidence is not 
 undesigned (Matt. xxi. 1-11,14-17; Mark 
 xi. 1-11; Luke xix. 29-44; John xii. 12- 
 19). Monday the llth of Nisan (April 
 3d. The next day Jesus returned to 
 Jerusalem, again to take advantage of the 
 mood of the people to instruct them. On 
 the way He approached one of the many 
 fig-trees which grew in that quarter, and 
 found that it was full of foliage, but 
 without fruit. He said, " No man eat 
 fruit of thee hereafter forever ! " and the 
 fig-tree withered away (Matt. xxi. 18, 19 ; 
 Mark xi. 12-14). Proceeding now to the 
 Temple, He cleared its court of the crowd 
 of traders that gathered there (Matt. xxi. 
 12, 13; Mark xi. 15-19; Luke xix. 45-48). 
 In the evening he returned again to Beth- 
 any. Tuesday the 12th of Nisan (April 
 ith'). On this the third day of Passion 
 week Jesus went into Jerusalem as before, 
 and visited the Temple. The Sanhedrim 
 came to Him to call Him to account for 
 the clearing of the Temple. "By what 
 authority doest thou these things ? " The 
 Lord answered this question by another. 
 They refused to answer, and Jesus refused 
 in like manner to answer them. To this 
 time belong the parables of the two sons 
 (Matt. xxi. 23-32 ; Mark xi. 27-33 ; Luke 
 xx. 1-8), of the wicked husbandman, and 
 of the wedding garment (Matt. xxi. 33-46, 
 xxii. 1-14; Mark xii. 1-12; Luke xx. 9- 
 19). Another great discourse belongs to 
 this day, which, more than any other, pre- 
 sents Jesus as the great Prophet of His 
 people. On leaving the Temple His disci- 
 ples drew attention to the beauty of its 
 structure, its " goodly stones and gifts," 
 their remarks probably arising from the 
 threats of destruction which had so lately 
 been uttered by Jesus. Their Master an- 
 swered that not one stone of the noble pile 
 should be left upon another. When they 
 reached the Mount of Olives, the disciples, 
 or rather the first four (Mark), speaking
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 298 
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 for the rest, asked Him when this destruc- 
 tion should be accomplished. To under- 
 stand the answer it must be borne in mind 
 that Jesus warned them that He was not 
 giving them an historical account such as 
 would enable them to anticipate the events. 
 " Of that day and hour knoweth no man, 
 no, not the angels of heaven, but my Father 
 only." Exact data of time are to be pur- 
 posely withheld from them. Accordingly 
 two events, analogous in character but 
 widely sundered by time, are so treated in 
 the prophecy that it is almost impossible to 
 disentangle them. The destruction of Je- 
 rusalem and the day of judgment the 
 national and the universal days of account 
 are spoken of together or alternately 
 without hint of the great interval of time 
 that separates them. The conclusion which 
 Jesus drew from his own awful warning 
 was, that they were not to attempt to fix the 
 date of his return. The lesson of the par- 
 able of the Ten Virgins is the same (Matt, 
 xxiv. 44, xxv. 13). And the paraWe of the 
 Talents, here repeated in a modified form, 
 teaches how precious to souls are the uses 
 of time (xxv. 14-30). In concluding this 
 momentous discourse, our Lord puts aside 
 the destruction of Jerusalem, and displays 
 to our eyes the picture of the final judg- 
 ment (Matt. xxv. 31-46). With these 
 weighty words ends the third day. 
 Wednesday the 13th of Nisan (April 5th). 
 This day was passed in retirement with 
 the Apostles. Satan had put it into the 
 mind of one of them to betray Him ; and 
 Judas Iscariot made a covenant to betray 
 Him to the chief priests for thirty pieces of 
 silver (Matt. xxvi. 14-16; Mark xiv. 10, 
 11 ; Luke xxii. 1-6). Thursday the I4th 
 ' of Nisan (April 6z*). On " the first day 
 of unleavened bread," the disciples asked 
 their Master where they were to eat the 
 Passover. He directed Peter and John to 
 go into Jerusalem, and to follow a man 
 whom they should see bearing a pitcher of 
 water, and to demand of him, in their Mas- 
 ter's name, the use of the guest-chamber in 
 his house for this purpose. All happened 
 as Jesus had told them, and in the evening 
 they assembled to celebrate, for the last 
 time, the paschal meal. The sequence of 
 the events is not quite clear from a com- 
 parison of the Evangelists. The order 
 seems to be as follows. When they had 
 taken their places at table and the supper 
 had begun, Jesus gave them the first cup 
 to divide amongst themselves (Luke). It 
 was customary to drink at the paschal sup- 
 per four cups of wine mixed with water; 
 and this answered to the first of them. 
 There now arose a contention among the 
 disciples which of them should be the 
 greatest; perhaps in connection with the 
 places which they had taken at this feast 
 (Luke). After a solemn warning against 
 
 pride and ambition Jesus performed an act 
 which, as one of the last of His life, must 
 ever have been remembered by the wit- 
 nesses as a great lesson of humility. He 
 rose from the table, poured water into a 
 basin, girded himself with a towel, and 
 proceeded to wash the disciples' feet 
 (John). After all had been washed, the 
 Saviour explained to them the meaning of 
 what He had done. "If I, your Lord and 
 Master, have washed your feet, ye also 
 ought to wash one another's feet. For I 
 have given you an example, that ye should 
 do as I have done to you " (Matt. xxvi. 17- 
 20; Mark xiv. 12-17; Luke xxii. 7-30 ; John 
 xiii. 1-20). From this act of love it does 
 not seem that even the traitor Judas was 
 excluded. But his treason was thoroughly 
 known ; and now Jesus denounces it. One of 
 them should betray Him. The traitor hav- 
 ing gone straight to his wicked object, the 
 end of the Saviour's ministry seemed already 
 at hand. He gave them the new command- 
 ment, to love one another, as though it 
 were a last bequest to them (Matt. xxvi. 21 
 -25 ; Mark xiv. 18-21 ; Luke xxii. 21-23 ; 
 John xiii. 21-35). Towards the close of the 
 meal Jesus instituted the sacrament of the 
 Lord's Supper (Matt. xxvi. 26-29; Mark 
 xiv. 22-25; Luke xxii. 19, 20; 1 Cor. xL 
 23-25). The denial of Peter is now fore- 
 told, and to no one would such an announce- 
 ment be more incredible than to Peter him- 
 self (Matt. xxvi. 31-35 ; Mark xiv. 27-31 ; 
 Luke xxii. 31-38 ; John xiii. 36-38). That 
 great final discourse, which John alone has 
 recorded, is now delivered. Although in 
 the middle of it there is a mention of de- 
 parture (John xiv. 31), this perhaps only 
 implies that they prepared to go ; and then 
 the whole discourse was delivered in the 
 house before they proceeded to Gethsema- 
 ne (John xiv.-xvii.). Friday the loth of 
 Nisan (April 7th), including part of the 
 eve of it. " When they had sung a hymn " 
 which perhaps means, when they had sung 
 the second part of the Hallel, or song of 
 praise, which consisted of Psalms cxv.- 
 cxviii., the former part (Psalms cxiii.-cxiv.) 
 having been sung at an earlier part of the 
 supper, they went out into the JMount of 
 Olives. Jesus takes only his three proved 
 companions, Peter, James, and John, and 
 passes with them farther into the garden, 
 leaving the rest seated, probably near the 
 entrance. No pen can attempt to describe 
 what passed that night in that secluded spot. 
 He tells them, " My soul is exceeding sor- 
 rowful, even unto death ; tarry ye here and 
 watch with me," and then leaving even the 
 three He goes further, and in solitude 
 wrestles with an inconceivable trial. The 
 words of Mark are still more expressive 
 " He began to be sore amazed, and to ba 
 very heavy " (xiv. 33). The former word 
 means that he was struck with a great
 
 JESUS CHEIST 
 
 299 
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 dread ; not from the fear of physical suffer- 
 ing, however excruciating, we may well 
 believe, but from the contact with the sins of 
 the world, of which, in some inconceivable 
 way, He felt the bitterness and the weight. 
 He did not merely contemplate them, but 
 bear and feel them. It is impossible to 
 explain this scene in Gethsemane in any 
 other way. The disciples have sunk to 
 sleep. It was in search of consolation that 
 He came back to them. The disciple who 
 had been so ready to ask, " Why cannot I 
 follow thee now? " must hear another ques- 
 tion, that rebukes his former confidence 
 " Couldest not thou watch one hour?" 
 A second time He departs and wrestles in 
 prayer with the Father. A second time 
 lie returns and finds them sleeping. The 
 same scene is repeated yet a third time ; and 
 then all is concluded. Henceforth they 
 may sleep and take their rest ; never more 
 shall they be asked to watch one hour with 
 Jesus, for His ministry in the flesh is at an 
 end. This scene is in complete contrast 
 to the Transfiguration (Matt. xxvi. 36-46 ; 
 Mark xiv. 32-42 ; Luke xxii. 39-46 ; John 
 xviii. 1). Judas now appeared to complete 
 his work. In the doubtful light of torches, 
 a kiss from him was the sign to the officers 
 whom they should take. Peter, whose 
 name is first given in John's Gospel, drew 
 a sword and smote a servant of the high- 
 priest and cut off his ear ; but his Lord re- 
 fused such succor, and healed the wounded 
 man. All the disciples forsook Him and 
 fled (Matt. xxvi. 47-56 ; Mark xiv. 43-52 ; 
 Luke xxii. 47-53 ; John xviii. 2 12). There 
 is some difficulty in arranging the events 
 that immediately follow, so as to embrace 
 all the four accounts. On the capture of 
 Jesus he was first taken to the house of 
 Annas, the father-in-law of Caiaphas the 
 high-priest. It might appear from the 
 course of John's narrative, that the exam- 
 ination of our Lord, and the first denial of 
 Peter, took place in the house of Annas 
 (John xviii. 13, 14). But the 24th verse 
 is retrospective ; and probably all that oc- 
 curred after verse 14 took place not at the 
 house of Annas, but at that of Caiaphas. 
 The house of the high-priest consisted 
 probably, like other Eastern houses, of an 
 open central court with chambers round it. 
 Into this court a gate admitted them, at 
 which a woman stood to open. As Peter 
 passed in, the portress took note of him ; 
 and afterwards, at the fire which had been 
 lighted, asked him, " Art not thou also one 
 of this man's disciples?" (John). All 
 the zeal and boldness of Peter seem to 
 ha-ve deserted him. He had come as in se- 
 cret ; he is determined so to remain, and he 
 denies his Master ! Feeling now the dan- 
 ger of his situation, he went out into the 
 porch, and there some one, or, looking at 
 all the accounts, probably* several persons, 
 
 asked him the question a second time, and 
 he denied more strongly. About an hour 
 after, when he had returned into the court, 
 the same question was put to him a third 
 time, with the same result. Then the cock 
 crew; and Jesus, who was within sight, 
 probably in some open room communicat- 
 ing with the court, " turned and looked 
 upon Peter. And Peter remembered the 
 word of the Lord, how He had said unto 
 him, Before the cock crow, thou shalt 
 deny Me thrice. And Peter went out and 
 wept bitterly" (Matt. xxvi. 57, 58, 69-75; 
 Mark xiv. 53, 54, 66-72 ; Luke xxii. 54-62 ; 
 John xviii. 13 18, 24-27). The first inter- 
 rogatory to which our Lord was subject 
 (John xviii. 19-24) was addressed to Him 
 by Caiaphas, probably before the Sanhe- 
 drim had time to assemble. It was the 
 questioning of an inquisitive person who 
 had an important criminal in his pres- 
 ence, rather than a formal examination. 
 The Lord's refusal to answer is thus ex- 
 plained and justified. When the more 
 regular proceedings begin He is ready to 
 answer. A servant of the high-priest, 
 knowing that he should thereby please his 
 master, smote the cheek of the Son of God 
 with the palm of his hand. But this was 
 only the beginning of horrors. At the dawn 
 of day the Sanhedrim, summoned by the 
 high-priest in the course of the night! as- 
 sembled, and brought their band of ialse 
 witnesses, whom they must have had ready 
 before. These gave their testimony, but 
 even before this unjust tribunal it could not 
 stand, it was so full of contradictions. At 
 last two false witnesses came, and their 
 testimony was very like the truth. Even 
 these two fell into contradictions. The 
 high-priest now with a solemn adjuration 
 asks Him whether He is the Christ the Son 
 of God. He answers that He is, and fore- 
 tells His return in glory and power at the 
 last day. This is enough for their purpose. 
 They pronounce him guilty of a crime for 
 which death should be the punishment 
 (John xviii. 19-24 ; Luke xxii. 63-71 ; Matt, 
 xxvi. 59-68; Mark xiv. 55-65). Although 
 they had pronounced Jesus to be guilty of 
 death, the Sanhedrim possessed no power 
 to carry out such a sentence. As soon as 
 it was day they took Him to Pilate, the 
 Roman procurator. The hall of judgment, 
 or praetorium, was probably a part of the 
 tower of Antonia near the Temple, where 
 the Roman garrison was. Pilate, hearing 
 that Jesus was an offender under their law, 
 was about to give them leave to treat Him 
 accordingly ; and this would have made it 
 quite safe to execute Him. From the first 
 Jesus found favor in the eyes of Pilate, 
 and he pronounced that he found no fault 
 in Him. Not so easily were the Jews to be 
 cheated of their prey. They heaped up ac- 
 cusations against Him as a disturber of the
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 300 
 
 JESUS CHRIST 
 
 public peace (Luke xxiii. 5). Pilate was 
 no match for their vehemence. Finding 
 that Jesus was a Galilean, he sent Him to 
 Herod to be dealt with ; but Herod, after 
 cruel mockery and persecution, sent Him 
 back to Pilate. Now commenced the fear- 
 ful struggle between the Roman procurator, 
 a weak as well as cruel man, and the Jews. 
 The weJl-known incidents of the second in- 
 terview are soon recalled. After the ex- 
 amination by Herod, and the return of 
 Jesus, Pilate proposed to release Him, as it 
 was usual on the feast-day to release a 
 prisoner to the Jews out of grace. Pilate 
 knew well that the priests and rulers would 
 object to this ; but it was a covert appeal to 
 the people. The multitude, persuaded by 
 the priests, preferred another prisoner, 
 called Barabbas. Now came the scourging, 
 and the blows and insults of the soldiers, 
 who, uttering truth when they were only 
 reviling, crowned Him and addressed Him 
 as King of the Jews. According to John, 
 Pilate now made one more effort for His 
 release. He still sought to release Je- 
 sus : but the last argument, which had been 
 in the minds of both sides all along, was 
 now openly applied to him : "If thou let 
 this man go, thou art not Caesar's friend." 
 This decided the question. He delivered 
 Jesus to be crucified (Matt, xxvii. 15-30 ; 
 Mark xv. 6-19 ; Luke xxiii. 17-25 ; John 
 xviii. 39, 40, xix. 1-16). John mentions 
 that this occurred about the sixth hour, 
 reckoning probably from midnight. In 
 Mark the Jewish reckoning from six in the 
 morning is followed. One Person alone 
 has been calm amidst the excitements of 
 that night of horrors. On Him is now laid 
 the weight of His cross, or at least of the 
 transverse beam of it ; and, with this press- 
 ing Him down, they proceed out of the city 
 to Golgotha or Calvary, a place the site of 
 which is now uncertain. As He began to 
 droop. His persecutors, unwilling to deSle 
 themselves with the accursed burden, lay 
 hold of Simon of Cyrene and compel him 
 to carry the cross after Jesus. After offer- 
 ing Him wine and myrrh, they crucified 
 Him between two thieves. Nothing was 
 wanting to His humiliation; a thief had 
 been preferred before Him, and two thieves 
 share His punishment. Pilate set over Him 
 in three languages the inscription, "Jesus, 
 the King of the Jews." The chief priests 
 took exception to this, that it did not de- 
 nounce Him as falsely calling Himself by 
 that name, but Pilate refused to alter it. 
 One of the two thieves underwent a change 
 of heart even on the cross : he reviled at 
 first (Matt.) ; and then, at the sight of the 
 constancy of Jesus, repented (Luke) (Matt, 
 xxvii. ; Mark xv. ; Luke xxiii. ; John xix.). 
 In the depths of His bodily suffering, Jesus 
 calmiy commended to John (?), who stood 
 near, the care of Mary his mother. " Be- 
 
 hold thy son ! behold thy mother." From 
 the sixth hour to the ninth there was dark- 
 ness over the whole land. At the ninth hour 
 (3 P. M.) Jesus uttered with a loud voice the 
 opening words of the 22d Psalm, all the in- 
 spired words of which referred to the suffer- 
 ing Messiah. One of those present clipped 
 a sponge in the common sour wine of the 
 soldiers and put it on a reed to moisten the 
 sufferer's lips. Again he cried with a loud 
 voice, " It is finished "(John)," Father, into 
 thy hands I commend my spirit" (Luke), 
 and gave up the ghost (Matt, xxvii. 31-56; 
 Mark xv. 20-41 ; Luke xxiii. 33-49 ; John 
 xix. 17-30). On the death of Jesus the veil 
 which covered the most Holy Place of the 
 Temple, the place of the more especial pres- 
 ence of Jehovah, was rent in twain. There 
 was a great earthquake. Many who were 
 dead rose from their graves, although they 
 returned to the dust again after this great 
 token of Christ's quickening power had 
 been given to many (Matt.). The Jews, 
 very zealous for the Sabbath in the midst 
 of their murderous work, begged Pilate 
 that he would put an end to the punishment 
 by breaking the legs of the criminals that 
 they might be taken down and buried be- 
 fore the Sabbath, for which they were pre- 
 paring (Deut. xxi. 23 ; Joseph. B. J. iv. 5, 
 2). Those who were to execute this duty 
 found that Jesus was dead and the thieves 
 still living. The death of the Lord before 
 the others was, no doubt, partly the con- 
 sequence of the previous mental suffering 
 which He had undergone, and partly be- 
 cause His will to die lessened the natural 
 resistance of the frame to dissolution. 
 Joseph of Arimathea, a member of the 
 Council but a secret disciple of Jesus, came 
 to Pilate to beg the body of Jesus, that he 
 might bury it. Nicodemus assisted in this 
 work of love, and they anointed the body 
 and laid it in Joseph's new tomb (Matt. 
 xxvii. 50-61 ; Mark xv. 37-47 ; Luke xxiii. 
 46-56; John xix. 30-42). Saturday the 
 16th of Nisan (April 8th~). The chief 
 priests and Pharisees, with Pilate's permis- 
 sion, set a watch over the tomb, " lest His 
 disciples come by night and steal Him away, 
 and say unto the people, He is risen from 
 the dead." (Matt, xxvii. 62-66). Sunday 
 the 17th of Nisan (April 9th). The Sab- 
 bath ended at six on the evening of Nisan 
 16th. Early the next morning the resur- 
 rection of Jesus took place. The exact 
 hour of the resurrection is not mentioned 
 by any of the Evangelists. Of the great 
 mystery itself, the resumption of life by 
 Him who was truly dead, we see but little. 
 The women, who had stood by the cross of 
 Jesus, had prepared spices on the evening 
 before, perhaps to complete the embalming 
 of our Lord's body, already performed in 
 haste by Joseph and Nicodemus. They 
 came very early on the first day of the
 
 JETHER 
 
 301 
 
 JEW 
 
 week to the Sepulchre. When they arrive 
 they find the stone rolled away, and Jesus 
 no longer in the Sepulchre. He had risen 
 from the dead. Mary Magdalene at this 
 point goes back in haste; and at once,! 
 believing that the body has been removed 
 by men, tells Peter and John that the Lord 
 has baen taken away. The other women, 
 however, go into the Sepulchre, and they 
 see an angel (Matt. Mark). The two 
 angels, mentioned by St. Luke, are prob- I 
 ably two separate appearances to different 
 members of the group ; for he alone men- 
 tions an indefinite number of women. They 
 now leave the Sepulchre, and go in haste to 
 make known the news to the Apostles. As 
 they were going, " Jesus met them, saying, 
 All hail." The eleven do not believe the 
 account when they receive it. In the mean 
 time Peter and John came to the Sepulchre. 
 They ran, in their eagerness, and John ar- 
 rived first and looked in; Peter afterwards 
 came up, and it is characteristic that the 
 awe which had prevented the other disciple 
 from going in appears to have been unfelt by 
 Peter, who entered at once, and found the 
 grave-clothes lying, but not Him who had 
 worn them. This fact must have suggested 
 that the removal was not the work of human 
 hands. They then returned, wondering at 
 what they had seen. Mary Magdalene, 
 however, remained weeping at the tomb, 
 and she too saw the two angels in the tomb, 
 though Peter and John did not. They ad- 
 dress her, and she answers, still, however, 
 without any suspicion that the Lord is 
 risen. As she turns away she sees Jesus, j 
 but in the tumult of her feelings does not 
 even recognize Him at His first address. 
 But He calls her by name, and then she 
 joyfully recognizes her Master. The third 
 appearance of our Lord was to Peter (Luke, 
 Paul) ; the fourth to the two disciples going 
 to Emmaus in the evening (Mark, Luke) ; 
 the fifth in the same evening- to the eleven 
 as they sat at meat (Mark, Luke, John). 
 All of these occurred on the first day of 
 the week, the very day of the Resurrec- 
 tion. Exactly a week after, He appeared 
 to the Apostles, and gave Thomas a con- 
 vincing proof of His resurrection (John) ; 
 this was the sixth appearance. The seventh 
 was in Galilee, where seven of the Apostles 
 were assembled, some of them probably 
 about to return to their old trade of fishing 
 (John). The eighth was to the eleven 
 (Matt.), and probably to five hundred 
 brethren assembled with them (Paul) on 
 a mountain in Galilee. The ninth was to 
 James (Paul) ; and the last to the Apos- 
 tles at Jerusalem just before the Ascension 
 (Acts). 
 
 Je'ther. 1. Jethro, the father-in-law 
 of Moses (Ex. iv. 18). 2. The first-born 
 of Gideon's seventy sons (Judg. viii. 20). 
 3. The father of Amasa, captain-general 
 
 of Absalom's army. Jether is merely an- 
 other form of Iihra (2 Sam. xvii. 25), the 
 latter being probably a corruption. He is 
 described in 1 Chr. ii. 17 as an Ishmaelite, 
 which again is more likely to be correct 
 than the "Israelite" of the Heb. in 2 Sam. 
 xvii., or the " Jezreelite " of the LXX. and 
 Vulg. in the same passage. 4. The son 
 of Jada, a descendant of Hezron, of the 
 tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 32). 5. The son 
 of Ezra, whose name occurs in a dislocated 
 passage in the genealogy of Judah (1 Chr. 
 iv. 17). 6. The chief of a family of war- 
 riors of the line of Asher, and father of 
 Jephunneh (1 Chr. vii. 38). He is probably 
 the same as Ithran in the preceding verse. 
 
 Je'theth, one of the phylarchs (A. V. 
 " dukes ") who came of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 
 40 ; 1 Chr. i. 51). This record of the Edom- 
 ite phylarchs may point specially to the 
 places and habitations, or towns, named 
 after, or occupied by, them. 
 
 Jeth.'lah., one of the cities of the tribe of 
 Dan (Josh. xix. 42). 
 
 Je'thrO was priest or prince of Midian, 
 both offices probably being combined in one 
 person. Moses spent the forty years of his 
 exile from Egypt with him; and married his 
 daughter Zipporah. By the advice of Jeth- 
 ro, Moses appointed deputies to judge the 
 congregation and share the burden of gov- 
 ernment with himself (Ex. xviii.). On ac- 
 count of his local knowledge he" was entreat- 
 ed to remain with the Israelites throughout 
 their journey to Canaan (Num. x. 31, 33). 
 It is said in Ex. ii. 18 that the priest of 
 Midian whose daughter Moses married \ras 
 Reucl; afterwards at ch. iii. 1 he is called 
 Jethro, as also in ch. xviii. ; but in Num. x. 
 29 "Hobab the son of Raguel the Midian- 
 ite " is apparently called Moses' father-in- 
 law (comp. Judg. iv. 11). Some commen- 
 tators take Jethro and Reuel to be identical, 
 and call Hobab the brother-in-law of Moses. 
 
 Je'tur, Gen. xxv. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 31, v. 
 19. [ITURAEA.] 
 
 Je'uel, a chief man of Judah, one of 
 the Bene-Zerah (1 Chr. ix. 6; comp. 2). 
 [JEIEL.] 
 
 Je'ush. 1. Son of Esau, by Aholiba- 
 mah, the daughter of Anah, the son of Ze- 
 beon the Hivite (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14, 18 ; 1 
 Chr. i. 35). 2. A Benjamite, son of Bil- 
 han (1 Chr. vii. 10, 11). 3. A Gershonite 
 Levite, of the house of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 
 10,11). 4. Son of Rehoboam king of Ju- 
 dah (2 Chr. xi. 18, 19). 
 
 Je'uz, head of a Benjamite house, in an 
 obscure genealogy (1 Chr. viii. 10), appar- 
 ently son of Shaharaim and Hodesh his 
 third wife, and born in Moab. 
 
 Jew. This name was properly applied 
 to a member of the kingdom of Judah after 
 the separation of the ten tribes. The term 
 first makes its appearance just before the 
 captivity of the ten tribes (2 K. xvi. 6).
 
 JEWEL 
 
 302 
 
 JEZIEL 
 
 After the Return the word received a larger 
 application. Partly from the predominance 
 of the members of the old kingdom of Ju- 
 dah among those who returned to Palestine, 
 partly from the identification of Judah with 
 the religious ideas and hopes of the people, 
 all the members of the new state were called 
 Jews (Judaeans), and the name was ex- 
 tended to the remnants of the race scattered 
 throughout the nations (Dan. iii. 8, 12 ; Ezr. 
 iv. 12, 23, &c. ; Neh. i. 2, ii. 16, v. 1, &c. ; 
 Esth. iii. 4, ff., &c.). Under the name 
 of "Judaeans," the people of Israel were 
 known to classical writers (Tac. H. v. 2, 
 &c.). The force of the title " Jew " is seen 
 particularly in the Gospel of St. John, who 
 very rarely uses any other term to describe 
 the opponents of our Lord. The name, 
 indeed, appeared at the close of the apos- 
 tle's life to be the true antithesis to Chris- 
 tianity, as describing the limited and defi- 
 nite form of a national religion ; but at an 
 earlier stage of the progress of the faith, it 
 was contrasted with Greek as implying an 
 outward covenant with God (Rom. i. 16, ii. 
 9, 10; Col. iii. 11, &c.), which was the 
 correlative of Hellenist [HELLENIST], and 
 marked a division of language subsisting 
 within the entire body, and at the same 
 time less expressive than Israelite, which 
 brought out with especial clearness the 
 privileges and hopes of the children of Ja- 
 cob (2 Cor. xi. 22 ; John i. 47 ; 1 Mace. i. 
 43, 53, and often). 
 
 Jew'el. [PKECIOUS STONES.] 
 
 Jew'ess, a woman of Hebrew birth, 
 without distinction of tribe (Acts xvi. 1, 
 xxiv. 24). 
 
 Jew'ish, of or belonging to Jews; an 
 epithet applied to their Rabbinical legends 
 (Tit. i. 14). 
 
 Jew'ry, the same word elsewhere ren- 
 dered Judah and Judaea. It occurs sev- 
 eral times in the Apoc. and N. T., but once 
 only in the O. T. (Dan. v. 13). Jewry 
 comes to us through the Norman-French, 
 and is of frequent occurrence in Old Eng- 
 lish. 
 
 Jezani'atl, the son of Hoshaiah, the 
 Maachathite, and one of the captains of the 
 forces who had escaped from Jerusalem 
 during the final attack of the beleaguering 
 army of the Chaldaeans. When the Baby- 
 lonians had departed, Jezaniah, with the 
 men under his command, was one of the 
 first who returned to Gedaliah at Mizpah. 
 In the events which followed the assassina- 
 tion of that officer Jezaniah took a promi- 
 nent part (2 K. xxv. 23; Jer. xl. 8, xlii. 1, 
 xliii.2). 
 
 Jez'ebel, wife of Ahab, king of Israel, 
 and mother of Athaliah, queen of Judah, 
 and Ahaziah and Joram, kings of Israel. 
 She was a Phoenician princess, daughter 
 of " Ethbaal king of the Zidonians." In 
 her hands her husband became a mere pup- 
 
 pet (1 K. xxi. 25). The first effect of her 
 influence was the immediate establishment 
 of the Phoenician worship on a grand scale 
 in the court of Ahab. At her table were 
 supported no less than 450 prophets of 
 Baal, and 400 of Astarte (1 K. xvi. 31, 32, 
 xviii. 19). The prophets of Jehovah, who 
 up to this time had found their chief refuge 
 in the northern kingdom, were attacked by 
 her orders and put to the sword (1 K. xviii. 
 13 ; 2 K. ix. 7). When at last the people, 
 at the instigation of Elijah, rose against her 
 ministers, and slaughtered them at the foot 
 of Carmel, and when Ahab was terrified 
 into submission, she alone retained her 
 presence of mind. The next instance of 
 her power is still more characteristic and 
 complete. When she found her husband 
 cast down by his disappointment at being 
 thwarted by Naboth, she took the matter 
 into her own hands, with a spirit which re- 
 minds us of Clytemnestra or Lady Macbeth 
 (1 K. xxi. 7). She wrote a warrant in 
 Ahab's name, and sealed it with his seal. 
 To her, and not to Ahab, was sent the an- 
 nouncement that the royal wishes were ac- 
 complished (1 K. xxi. 14), and she bade 
 her husband go and take the vacant prop- 
 erty ; and on her accordingly fell the proph- 
 et's curse, as well as on her husband (IK. 
 xxi. 23). We hear no more of her for a 
 long period. But she survived Ahab for 14 
 years, and still, as queen-mother (after the 
 Oriental custom), was a great personage in 
 the court of her sons, and, as such, became 
 the special mark for the vengeance of Jehu. 
 She was looking out from the window of- 
 the palace, which stood by the gate of the 
 city, as Jehu approached. The new king 
 looked up from his chariot. Two or three 
 eunuchs of the royal harem showed their 
 faces at the windows, and at his command 
 dashed the ancient princess down from the 
 chamber. She fell immediately in front 
 of the conqueror's chariot. The merciless 
 destroyer passed on ; and the last remains 
 of life were trampled out by the horses' 
 hoofs. The body was left in that open 
 space called in modern Eastern language 
 " the mounds," where offal is thrown from 
 the city walls. The dogs of Eastern cities, 
 which prowl around these localities, and 
 which the present writer met on this very 
 spot by the modern village which occupies 
 the site of Jezreel, pounced upon this un- 
 expected prey. 
 
 Jeze'lus. 1. The same as JAHAZIKL 
 (1 Esd. viii. 32). 2. JEHIEL, the father 
 of Obadiah (1 Esd. viii. 35). 
 
 Je'zer, the third son of Naphtali (Gen. 
 xlvi. 24; Num. xxvi. 49; 1 Chr. vii. 13), 
 and father of the family of the JEZERITES. 
 
 Jezi'ah. a descendant of Parosh, who 
 had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 25). 
 
 Je'ziel, a Benjamite who joined David 
 at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3).
 
 JEZLIAH 
 
 303 
 
 JOAB 
 
 Jezli'ah, a Benjamite of the sons of 
 Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 18). 
 
 Jez'oar, tlie son of Helah, one of the 
 wives of Asher (1 Chr. iv. 7). 
 
 Jezrahi'ah, a Levite, the leader of the 
 choristers at the solemn dedication of the 
 wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. 
 xii. 42). 
 
 Jez'reel, a descendant of the father or 
 founder of Etam, of the line of Judah (1 
 Chr. iv. 3). But as the verse now stands, 
 we must supply some such word as " fami- 
 lies ; " " these (are the families of) the fa- 
 ther of Etam." 
 
 Jez'reel. 1. A city situated in the 
 plain of the same name between Gilboa 
 and Little Hermon, now generally called 
 Esdraelon. [ESDRAELON.] It appears in 
 Josh. xix. 18, but its historical importance 
 dates from the reign of Ahab, who chose it 
 for his chief residence. The situation of 
 the modern village of Zerin still remains 
 to show the fitness of his choice. In the 
 neighborhood, or within the town probably, 
 were a temple and grove of Astarte, with an 
 establishment of 400 priests supported by 
 Jezebel (1 K. xvi. 33; 2 K. x. 11). The 
 palace of Ahab (1 K. xxi. 1, xviii. 46), 
 probably containing his "ivory house" (1 
 K. xxii. 39), was on the eastern side of the 
 city, forming part of the city wall (comp. 1 
 K. xxi. 1 ; 2 K. ix. 25, 30, 33). The se- 
 raglio, in which Jezebel lived, was on the 
 city wall, and had a high window facing 
 eastward (2 K. ix. 30). Close by, if not 
 forming part of this seraglio, was a watch- 
 tower, on which a sentinel stood, to give 
 notice of arrivals from the disturbed district 
 beyond the Jordan (2 K. ix. 17). An an- 
 cient square tower which stands among the 
 hovels of the modern village may be its 
 representative. The gateway of the city on 
 the east was also the gateway of the palace 
 (2 K. ix. 34). Whether the vineyard of 
 Naboth was here or at Samaria is a doubt- 
 ful question. Still in the same eastern 
 direction are two springs, one 12 minutes 
 from the town, the other 20 minutes. The 
 latter probably both from its size and situa- 
 tion, was known as " THE SPRING OF JEZ- 
 REEL" (mistranslated A. V. " a fountain," 
 1 Sam. xxix. 1). With the fall of the house 
 of Ahab the glory of Jezreel departed. 2. 
 A town in Judah, in the neighborhood of 
 the southern Carmel (Josh. xv. 56). Here 
 David in his wanderings took Ahinoam the 
 Israelitess for his first wife (1 Sam. xxvii. 
 3, xxx. 5). 3. The eldest son of the 
 prophet Hosea (Hos. i. 4). 
 
 Jez'reelitess. A woman of Jezreel 
 (1 Sam. xxvii. 3, xxx. 6; 2 Sam. ii. 2, iii. 
 2; 1 Chr. iii. 1). 
 
 Jib'sam, one of the sons of Tola, the 
 eon of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 2). 
 
 Jid'laph, a son of Nahor (Gen. xxii. 22). 
 Jim'na, the firstborn of Asher (Num. 
 
 xxvi. 44). He is elsewhere called in the 
 A. V. JIMNAH (Gen. xlvi. 17) and IMNAH 
 (1 Chr. vii. 30). 
 
 Jim'nah = JIMNA = IMNAH (Gen. xlvi. 
 17). 
 
 Jim'nites, The, descendants of the 
 preceding (Num. xxvi. 44). 
 
 Jiph'tah, one of the cities of Judah in 
 the maritime lowlajid, or Shefelah (Josh. 
 xv. 43). It has not yet been met with. 
 
 Jiph'thah-el, The Valley of, a val- 
 ley which served as one of the landmarks 
 for the boundary both of Zebulun (Josh. 
 xix. 14) and Asher (27). Dr. Robinson 
 suggests that Jiphthah-el was identical with 
 Jotapata, and that they survive in the mod- 
 ern Jefat, a village in the mountains of 
 Galilee, half way between the Bay of Acre 
 and the Lake of Gennesareth. 
 
 Jo'ab, the most remarkable of the three 
 nephews of David, the children of Zeruiah, 
 David's sister. Their father is unknown, 
 but seems to have resided at Bethlehem, 
 and to have died before his sons, as we find 
 mention of his sepulchre at that place (2 
 Sam. ii. 32). Joab first appears after Da- 
 vid's accession to the throne at Hebron. 
 Abner slew in battle Asahel, the younger 
 brother of Joab ; and when David after- 
 wards received Abner into favor, Joab 
 treacherously murdered him. [ABNER.] 
 There was now no rival left in the way of 
 Joab's advancement, and at the siege of 
 Jebus he was appointed for his prowess 
 commander-in-chief " captain of the 
 host " the same office that Abner had held 
 under Saul, the highest in the state after 
 the king (1 Chr. xi. 6 ; 2 Sam. viii. 16). In 
 this post he was content, and served the 
 king with undeviating fidelity. In the wide 
 range of wars which David undertook, Joab 
 was the acting general. He was called by 
 the almost regal title of "Lord" (2 Sam. 
 xi. 11), " the prince of the king's army" 
 (1 Chr. xxvii. 84.) 1. His great war was 
 against the Ammonites, which he conducted, 
 in person. It was divided into three cam- 
 paigns. At the siege of Rabbah, in the last 
 campaign, the ark was sent with him, and 
 the whole army was encamped in booths or 
 huts round the beleaguered city (2 Sam. xi. 
 1, 11). Joab took the lower city on the 
 river, and then sent to urge David to 
 come and take the citadel (2 Sam. xii. 26- 
 28). 2. The services of Joab to the king 
 were not confined to these military achieve- 
 ments. In the entangled relations which 
 grew up in David's domestic life, he bore 
 an important part, (a) The first occasion 
 was the unhappy correspondence which 
 passed between him and the king during 
 the Ammonite war respecting Uriah the 
 Hittite (2 Sam. xi. 1-25.) (Z>) The next 
 occasion on which it was displayed was in 
 his successful endeavor to reinstate Absa- 
 lom in David's favor, after the murder of
 
 JOAH 
 
 304 
 
 JOASH 
 
 Amnon (2 Sam. xiv. 1-20). (e) The same 
 keen sense of his master's interests ruled 
 the conduct of Joab no less, when the rela- 
 tions of the father and son were reversed 
 by the successful revolt of Absalom. His 
 former intimacy with the prince did not im- 
 pair his fidelity to the king. He followed 
 him beyond the Jordan, and in the final 
 battle of Ephraim assumed the responsibil- 
 ity of taking the rebel prince's dangerous 
 life in spite of David's injunction to spare 
 him, and when no one else had courage to 
 act so decisive a part (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 11- 
 15). The king transferred the command 
 to Aniasa. (<Z) Nothing brings out more 
 strongly the good and bad qualities of Joab 
 than his conduct in -this trying crisis of his 
 history. With his own guard and the 
 mighty men under Abishai he went out in 
 pursuit of the remnants of the rebellion. In 
 the heat of pursuit, he encountered his rival 
 Aniasa, more leisurely engaged in the same 
 quest. At " the great stone " in Gibeon, 
 the cousins met. Joab's sword was at- 
 tached to his girdle ; by design or accident 
 it protruded from the sheath ; Amasa rushed 
 into the treacherous embrace, to which Joab 
 invited him, holding fast his beard by his 
 own right hand, whilst the unsheathed 
 sword in his left hand plunged into Amasa's 
 stomach ; a single blow from that practised 
 arm, as in the case of Abner, sufficed to do 
 its work. 3. There is something mournful 
 in the end of Joab. At the close of his long 
 life, his loyalty, so long unshaken, at last 
 wavered. " Though he had not turned 
 after Absalom he turned after Adonijah " 
 (1 K. ii. 28). This probably filled up the 
 measure of the king's long-cherished re- 
 sentment. The revival of the pretensions 
 of Adonijah after David's death was suffi- 
 cient to awaken the suspicions of Solomon. 
 Joab fled to the shelter of the altar at Gib- 
 eon, and was there slain by Benaiah. 
 
 Jo'ah. 1. The son of Asaph, and 
 chronicler, or keeper of the records, to 
 Hezekiah (Is. xxxvi. 3, 11, 22). 2. The 
 son or grandson ofZimmah, aGershonite (1 
 Chr. vi. 21). 3. The third son of Obed- 
 edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 4), a Korhite, and one 
 of the doorkeepers appointed by David. 
 4. A Gershonite, the son of Zimmah, and 
 father of Eden (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 5. The 
 son of Joahaz, and keeper of the records, 
 or annalist to Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). 
 
 Jo'ahaz, the father of Joah, the chron- 
 icler or keeper of the records to king Josiah 
 (L> Chr. xxxiv. 8). 
 
 Joan'na. 1. Son of Rhesa, according 
 to the text of Luke iii. 27, and one of the 
 ancestors of Christ. But according to the 
 view explained in a previous article, son of 
 Zerubbabel, and the same as Hananiah in 
 1 Chr. iii. 19. 2- The name of a woman, 
 occurring twice in Luke (viii. 3, xxiv. 10), 
 hut evidently denoting the same person. In 
 
 the first passage she is expressly stated to 
 have been " wife of Chuza, steward of 
 Herod," that is, Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee. 
 Jo'ash, contr. from JEHOASH. 1. Son 
 of Ahaziah, king of Judah, and the only 
 one of his children who escaped the mur- 
 derous hand of Athaliah. After his father's 
 sister Jehoshabeath, the wife of Jehoiada 
 the high-priest, had stolen him from among 
 the king's sons, he was hidden for six years 
 in the chambers of the Temple. In the 7th 
 year of his age and of his concealment, a 
 successful revolution, conducted by Jehoi- 
 ada, placed him on the throne of his ances- 
 tors, and freed the country from the tyr- 
 anny and idolatries of Athaliah. For at 
 least 23 years, while Jehoiada lived, this 
 reign was very prosperous. But, after the 
 death of Jehoiada, Joash fell into the hands 
 of bad advisers, at whose suggestion he re- 
 vived the worship of Baal and Ashtaroth. 
 When he was rebuked for this by Zecha- 
 riah, the son of Jehoiada, Joash caused him 
 to be stoned to death in the very court of 
 the Lord's house (Matt, xxiii. 35). The 
 vengeance imprecated by the murdered high- 
 priest was not long delayed. That very 
 year, Hazael king of Syria came up against 
 Jerusalem, and carried off a vast booty as 
 the price of his departure. Joash had 
 scarcely escaped this danger, when he fell 
 into another and fatal one. Two of his ser- 
 vants, taking advantage of his severe illness, 
 some think of a wound received in bat- 
 tle, conspired against him, and slew him 
 in his bed in the fortress of Millo. Joash's 
 reign lasted 40 years, from 878 to 838 B. c. 
 2. Son and successor of Jehoahaz on the 
 throne of Israel from B. c. 840 to 825, and 
 for two full years a contemporary sovereign 
 with the preceding (2 K. xiv. 1, comp. with 
 xii. 1, xiii. 10). When he succeeded to 
 the crown, the kingdom was in a deplorable 
 state from the devastations of Hazael and 
 Benhadad, kings of Syria. On occasion 
 of a friendly visit paid by Joash to Elisha 
 on his death-bed, the prophet promised him 
 deliverance from the Syrian yoke in Aphek 
 (1 K. xx. 2G-30). He then bade him smite 
 upon the ground, and the king smote thrice 
 and then stayed. The prophet rebuked 
 him for staying, and limited to three his 
 victories over Syria. Accordingly Joash 
 did beat Benhadad three times on the field 
 of battle, and recovered from him the cities 
 which Hazael had taken from Jehoahaz. 
 The other great military event of Joash's 
 reign was his successful war with Amaziah 
 king of Judah. The grounds of this war are 
 given fully in 2 Chr. xxv. The two armies 
 met at Beth-shemesh ; that of Joash was 
 victorious, put the army of Amaziah to the 
 rout, took him prisoner, brought him to 
 Jerusalem, broke down the wall of Jeru- 
 salem, and plundered the city. He died in 
 the 15th year of Amaziah king of Judah,
 
 JOATHAM 
 
 305 
 
 JOB 
 
 and was succeeded by his son Jeroboam IT. 
 3. The father of Gideon, and a wealthy 
 man among the Abiezrites (Judg. vi. 11, 
 29, 30, 31, vii. 14, viii. 13, 29, 32). 4. 
 Apparently a younger son of Ahab, who 
 held a subordinate jurisdiction in the life- 
 time of his father, or was appointed viceroy 
 (2 Chr. xviii. 25) during his absence in the 
 attack on Kamoth-Gilead (1 K. xxii. 26; 2 
 Chr. xviii. 25). Or he may have been 
 merely a prince of the blood-royal. 5. A 
 descendant of Shelahthe son of Judah, but 
 whether his son or the son of Jokiin, is not 
 clear (1 Chr. iv. 22). 6. ABenjamite, son 
 of Shemaah of Gibeah (1 Chr. xii. 3), who 
 resorted to David at Ziklag. 7. One of 
 the officers of David's household (1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 28). 8. Son of Becher, and head 
 of a Benjamite house (1 Chr. vii. 8). 
 
 Jo'atham = JOTHAM the son of Uzziah 
 (Matt. i. 9). 
 
 Job, the third son of Issachar (Gen. 
 xlvi. 13), called in another genealogy 
 JASHUB (1 Chr. vii. 1). 
 
 Job, the patriarch, the name of one of 
 the books of the O. T. His residence in 
 the land of Uz, which took its name from a 
 son of Aram (Gen. x. 23), or Nahor (Gen. 
 xxii. 21), marks him as belonging to a 
 branch of the Aramaean race, which had 
 settled in the lower part of Mesopotamia 
 (probably to the south or south-east of Pal- 
 estine, in Idumaean Arabia), adjacent to 
 the Sabaeans and Chaldaeans. The opin- 
 ions of Job and his friends are thus pecu- 
 liarly interesting as exhibiting an aspect of 
 the patriarchal religion outside of the family 
 of Abraham, and as yet uninfluenced by 
 the legislation of Moses. The form of 
 worship belongs essentially to the early 
 patriarchal type ; with little of ceremonial 
 ritual, without a separate priesthood, it is 
 thoroughly domestic in form and spirit. 
 Job is represented as a chieftain of im- 
 mense wealth and high rank, blameless in 
 all the relations of life. 1. One question 
 could be raised by envy; may not the good- 
 ness which secures such direct and tangi- 
 ble rewards be a refined form of selfish- 
 ness ? Satan, the accusing angel, suggests 
 the doubt, " Doth Job fear God for nought ? " 
 and asserts boldly that if those external 
 blessings were withdrawn, Job would cast 
 off his allegiance "he will curse thee to 
 thy face." The problem is thus distinctly 
 propounded which this book is intended 
 to discuss and solve. Can goodness exist 
 irrespective of reward? The accuser 
 receives permission to make the trial. He 
 destroys Job's property, then his children ; 
 and afterwards, to leave no possible open- 
 ing for a cavil, is allowed to inflict upon 
 him the most terrible disease known in the 
 East. Job's wife breaks down entirely 
 under the trial. Job remains steadfast. 
 He repels his wife's suggestion with the 
 20 
 
 simple words, "What! shall we receive 
 good at the hand of the Lord, and shall we 
 not receive evil?" "In all this Job did 
 not sin with his lips." The question raised 
 by Satan was thus answered. 2. Still it is 
 clear that many points of deep interest 
 would have been left in obscurity. Entire 
 as was the submission of Job, he must have 
 been inwardly perplexed by events to which 
 he had no clew. An opportunity for the 
 discussion of the providential government 
 of the world is afforded by the introduction 
 of three men, representing the wisdom and 
 experience of the age, who came to condole 
 with Job on bearing of his misfortunes. 
 The meeting is described with singular 
 beauty. At a distance they greet him with 
 the wild demonstrations' of sympathizing 
 grief usual in the East ; coming near they 
 are overpowered by the sight of his wretch- 
 edness, and sit seven days and seven nights 
 without uttering a word. This awful si- 
 lence drew out all his anguish. In an ago- 
 ny of desperation he curses the day of his 
 birth. With the answer to this outburst 
 begins a series of discussions, continued 
 probably with some intervals, during sever- 
 al successive days. The results of the first 
 discussion (from ch. iii.-xiv.) may be thus 
 summed up. We have on the part of Job's 
 friends a theory of the divine government 
 resting upon an exact and uniform correla- 
 tion between sin and punishment (iv. 6, 11, 
 and throughout). Afflictions are always pe- 
 nal, issuing in the destruction of those who 
 are radically opposed to God, or who do not 
 submit to His chastisements. They lead of 
 course to correction and amendment of life 
 when the sufferer repents and turns to Gou. 
 Still the fact of the suffering always proves 
 the commission of some special sin. These 
 principles are applied by them to the case of 
 Job. In order to do justice to the position 
 and arguments of Job, it must be borne in 
 mind, that the direct object of the trial was 
 to ascertain whether he would deny or for- 
 sake God, and that his real integrity is as- 
 serted by God Himself. He denies the 
 assertion that punishment follows surely on 
 guilt, or proves its commission. Still he 
 doubts not that God is just. There remains 
 then but one course open to him, and that 
 he takes. He turns to supplication, im- 
 plores God to give him a fair and open trial 
 (xiii. 18-28). Believing that with death all 
 hope connected with this world ceases, he 
 prays that he may be hidden in the grave 
 (xiv. 13), and there reserved for the day 
 when God will try his cause and manifest 
 himself in love (ver. 15). In the second 
 discussion (xv.-xxi.) there is a more reso- 
 lute, elaborate attempt on the part of Job's 
 friends to vindicate their theory of retribu- 
 tive justice. Eliphaz (xv.), who, as usual, 
 lays down the basis of the argument, does 
 not now hesitate to impute to Job the worst
 
 JOB 
 
 306 
 
 JOB 
 
 crimes of which man could be guilty. Bil- 
 dad (xviii.) takes up this suggestion of un- 
 godliness, .and concludes that the special 
 evils which had come upon Job are pecu- 
 liarly the penalties due to one who is with- 
 out God. Zophar not only accounts for 
 Job's present calamities, but menaces him 
 with still greater evils (xx.). In answer, 
 Job recognizes the hand of God in his af- 
 flictions (xvi. 7-16, and xix. 6-20), but re- 
 jects the charge of ungodliness ; he has 
 never forsaken his Maker, and never ceased 
 to pray. He argues that since in this life 
 the righteous certainly are not saved from 
 evil, it follows that their ways are watched 
 and their sufferings recorded, with a view 
 to a future and perfect manifestation of the 
 divine justice. On the other hand, stung 
 by the harsh and narrow-minded bigotry of 
 his opponents, Job draws out (xxi.) with 
 terrible force the undeniable fact, that from 
 the beginning to the end of their lives, un- 
 godly men, avowed atheists (vers. 14, 15), 
 persons, in fact, guilty of the very crimes 
 imputed, out of mere conjecture, to him- 
 self, frequently enjoy great and unbroken 
 prosperity. In the third dialogue (xxii.- 
 xxxi.) no real progress is made by Job's 
 opponents. Eliphaz (xxii.) makes a last 
 effort. The station in which Job was for- 
 merly placed presented temptations to cer- 
 tain crimes ; the punishments which he un- 
 dergoes are precisely such as might be 
 expected had those crimes been committed ; 
 hence he infers they actually were commit- 
 ted. In his two last discourses Job does 
 not alter his position, nor adduce any new 
 argument, but he states with incomparable 
 force and eloquence the chief points which 
 he regards as established (xxvi.). Then 
 follows (xxviii.) the grand description of 
 Wisdom. The remainder of this discourse 
 (xxix.-xxxi.) contains a singularly beauti- 
 ful description of his former life, contrasted 
 with his actual misery, together with a full 
 vindication of his character from all the 
 charges made or insinuated by his opponents. 
 After this long discussion between Job and 
 his three friends, Elihu, a young man, who 
 had listened in indignant silence to the ar- 
 guments of his elders (xxxii. 7), now ad- 
 dresses himself (xxxii.-xxxvii.) to both 
 parties in the discussion, and specially to 
 Job. He shows that they had accused Job 
 upon false or insufficient grounds, and failed 
 to convict him or to vindicate God's justice. 
 Job again had assumed his entire inno- 
 cence, and had arraigned that justice. 
 Jehovah at length appears in the midst of 
 a storm, and in language of incomparable 
 grandeur He reproves and silences the mur- 
 murs of Job. He rebukes the opponents 
 of Jab, and vindicates the integrity of the 
 pati iarch. The restoration of Job's exter- 
 nal prosperity, which is the result of God's 
 personal manifestation, symbolizes the ulti- 
 
 mate compensation of the righteous for all 
 sufferings undergone upon earth. The 
 great object of the book must surely be 
 that which is distinctly intimated in the in- 
 troduction, and confirmed in the conclusion, 
 to show the effects of calamity in its worst 
 and most awful form upon a truly religious 
 spirit. Integrity of the look. Four parts 
 of the book have been most generally at- 
 tacked. Objections have been made to the 
 introductory and concluding chapters: 1. 
 On account of the style. Of course there 
 is an obvious and natural difference be- 
 tween the prose of the narrative and the 
 highly poetical language of the colloquy. 
 Yet the best critics now acknowledge that 
 the style of these portions is quite as an- 
 tique in its simple and severe grandeur, as 
 that of the Pentateuch itself. It is said again 
 that the doctrinal views are not in harmony 
 with those of Job. This is wholly un- 
 founded. The form of worship belongs 
 essentially to the early patriarchal type. 
 2. Strong objections are made to the pas- 
 sage xxvii. from ver. 7 to the end of the 
 chapter. Here Job describes the ultimate 
 fate of the godless hypocrite in terms which 
 some critics hold to be in direct contradic- 
 tion to the whole tenor of his arguments in 
 other discourses. The fact of the contra- 
 diction is denied by able writers, who have 
 shown that it rests upon a misapprehension 
 of the patriarch's character and fundamen- 
 tal principles. The whole chapter is thor- 
 oughly coherent : the first part is admitted 
 by all to belong to Job ; nor can the rest be 
 disjoined from it without injury to the sense. 
 As for the style, M. Renan, a most compe- 
 tent authority in a matter of taste, declares 
 that it is one of the finest developments in 
 the poem. 3. The last two chapters of the 
 address of the Almighty have been rejected 
 as interpolations by many writers, partly 
 because of an alleged inferiority of style, 
 partly as not having any bearing upon the 
 argument. 4. The speech of Elihu pre- 
 sents greater difficulties, and has been re- 
 jected by several, whose opinion, however, 
 is controverted not only by orthodox writers, 
 but by some of the most sceptical commen- 
 tators. The former support their decision 
 chiefly on the manifest, and to a certain ex- 
 tent the real, difference between this and 
 other parts of the book in tone of thought, 
 in doctrinal views, and more positively in 
 language and general style. Much stress 
 also is laid upon the facts that Elihu is not 
 mentioned in the introduction nor at the 
 end, and that his speech is unanswered by 
 Job, and unnoticed in the final address of 
 the Almighty. A candid and searching 
 examination, however, leads to a different 
 conclusion. It is proved that there is a 
 close internal connection between this and 
 other parts of the book; there are refer- 
 ences to numerous passages in the dis-
 
 JOB 
 
 307 
 
 JOB 
 
 courses of Job and his friends, so covert 
 as only to be discovered by close inquiry, 
 yet, when pointed out, so striking and nat- 
 ural as to leave no room for doubt. Elihu 
 supplies exactly what Job repeatedly de- 
 mands a confutation of his opinions by 
 rational and human arguments. There is 
 110 difficulty in accounting for the omission 
 of Elihu's name in the introduction. No 
 persons are named in the book until they 
 appear as agents, or as otherwise concerned 
 in the events. Again, the discourse, being 
 substantially true, did not need correction, 
 and is therefore left unnoticed in the final 
 decision of the Almighty. More weight is 
 to be attached to the objection resting upon 
 diversity of style and dialectic peculiari- 
 ties. It may be accounted for on the sup- 
 position that the Clmldaic forms and idioms 
 are such as peculiarly suit the style of the 
 young and fiery speaker. Historical char- 
 acter of the work. Three distinct theories 
 have been maintained at various times; 
 some believing the book to be strictly his- 
 torical ; others a religious fiction ; others a 
 composition based upon facts. By some 
 the authorship of the work was attributed 
 to Moses. The fact of Job's existence, and 
 the substantial truth of the narrative, were 
 not likely to be denied by Hebrews or 
 Christians, considering the terms in which 
 the patriarch is named in the 14th of Eze- 
 kiel and in the Epistle of St. James (v. 11). 
 Luther first suggested the theory, which, 
 in some form or other, is now most gener- 
 ally received. He says, " I look upon the 
 book of Job as a true history, yet I do not 
 believe that all took place just as it is writ- 
 ten, but that an ingenious, pious, and learned 
 man brought it into its present form." The 
 probable age, country, and position of the 
 author. The date of the book is doubt- 
 ful, and there have been many theories 
 upon the subject. The language approaches 
 far more nearly to the Arabic than any 
 other Hebrew production. On the other 
 hand, there are undoubtedly many Aramaic 
 words, and grammatical forms, whicli some 
 critics have regarded as a strong proof that 
 the writer must have lived during, or even 
 after, the captivity. This hypothesis is now 
 universally given up as untenable ; and it 
 has been proved that these Aramaisms are 
 such as characterize the antique and highly 
 poetic style. It may be regarded as a set- 
 tled point that the book was written long 
 before the exile ; while there is absolutely 
 nothing to prove a later date than the Pen- 
 tateuch. This impression is borne out by 
 the style. All critics have recognized its 
 grand archaic character. Job is far more 
 remarkable for obscurity than any Hebrew 
 writing. Ewald, whose judgment in this 
 case will not be questioned, asserts very 
 positively that in all the descriptions of 
 manners and customs, domestic, social, 
 
 and political, and even in the indirect allu- 
 sions and illustrations, the genuine coloring 
 of the age of Job, that is, of the period be- 
 tween Abraham and Moses, is very faith- 
 fully observed ; that all historical examples 
 and allusions are taken exclusively from 
 patriarchal times, and that there is a com- 
 plete and successful avoidance of direct 
 reference to later occurrences, which in his 
 opinion may have been known to the wri- 
 ter. All critics concur in extolling the 
 fresh, antique simplicity of manners de- 
 scribed in this book, the genuine air of the 
 wild, free, vigoroiis life of the desert, the 
 stamp of hoar antiquity, and the thorough 
 consistency in the development of charac- 
 ters, equally remarkable for originality 
 and force. These considerations lead of 
 course to the conclusion that the book must 
 have been written before the promulgation 
 of the Law, by one speaking the Hebrew 
 language, and thoroughly conversant with 
 the traditions preserved in the family of 
 Abraham. One hypothesis which has been 
 lately brought forward, and supported by 
 very ingenious arguments, deserves a more 
 special notice. That supposition is, that 
 Job may have been written after the settle- 
 ment of the Israelites by a dweller in the 
 south of Judaea, in a district immediately 
 bordering upon the Idumean desert. The 
 local coloring, so strikingly characteristic 
 of this book, and so evidently natural, is 
 just what might be expected from such a 
 writer. The people appear also to have 
 been noted for freshness and originality of 
 mind ; qualities seen in the woman of Te- 
 koah, or still more remarkably in Amos, 
 the poor and unlearned herdman, also of 
 Tekoah. Some weight may also be attached 
 to the observation that the dialectic peculi- 
 arities of Southern Palestine, especially the 
 softening of the aspirates and exchanges of 
 the sibilants, resemble the few divergencies 
 from pure Hebrew which are noted in the 
 book of Job. The controversy about the 
 authorship cannot ever be finally settled. 
 From the introduction it may certainly be 
 inferred that the writer lived many years 
 after the death of Job. From the strong- 
 est internal evidence it is also clear that ho 
 must either have composed the work be- 
 fore the Law was promulgated, or under 
 most peculiar circumstances which exempt- 
 ed him from its influence. The total ab- 
 sence of any allusion, not only to the Mo- 
 saic Law, but to the events of the Exodus, 
 the fame of which must have reached the 
 country of Job, on any hypothesis respect- 
 ing its locality, is a strong argument for 
 the early age of the patriarch and the book. 
 Jo'bab. 1. The last in order of the 
 sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 29 ; 1 Chr. i. 23). 
 2. One of the "kings" of Edom (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 33, 34; 1 Chr. i. 44, 45). 3. King 
 of MADON ; one of the northern chieftaina
 
 JOCHEBED 
 
 308 
 
 JOHN THE APOSTLE 
 
 who attempted to oppose Joshua's con- 
 quest, and were routed by him at Mcron 
 (Josh. xi. 1, only). 4. Head of a Benja- 
 mite house (1 Chr. viii. 10). 
 
 Joch'ebed, the wife and at the same 
 time the aunt of Arnram, and the mother 
 of Moses and Aaron (Ex. ii. 1, vi. 20; 
 Num. xxvi. 59). 
 
 Jo'ed, a Benjamite, the son of Pedaiah 
 (Neh. xi. 7). 
 
 Jo'el. 1. Eldest son of Samuel the 
 prophet (1 Sam. viii. 2 ; 1 Chr. vi. 33, xv. 
 17), and father of Heman the singer. 2. 
 In 1 Chr. vi. 36, A. V., Joel seems to be 
 merely a corruption of Shaul in ver. 24. 
 3. The second of the twelve minor prophets, 
 the son of Pethuel, probably prophesied in 
 Judah in the reign of Uzziah. We find, 
 what we should expect on the supposition 
 of Joel being the first prophet to Judah, 
 only a grand outline of the whole terrible 
 scene, which was to be depicted more and 
 more in detail by subsequent prophets. 
 The proximate event to which the prophe- 
 cy related was a public calamity, then im- 
 pending on Judah, of a twofold charac- 
 ter : want of water, and a plague of lo- 
 custs, continuing for several years. The 
 prophet exhorts the people to turn to God 
 with penitence, fasting, and prayer; and 
 then (he says) the plague shall cease, and 
 the rain descend in its season, and the land 
 yield her accustomed fruit. Nay, the time 
 will be a most joyful one ; for God, by the 
 outpouring of His Spirit, will extend the 
 blessings of true religion to heathen lands. 
 The prophecy is referred to in Acts ii. 4. 
 A Simeonite chief (1 Chr. iv. 35). 5. A 
 descendant of Reuben. Junius and Tre- 
 mellius make him the son of Hanoch, while 
 others trace his descent through Cartni (1 
 Chr. v. 4). 6. Chief of the Gadites, who 
 dwelt in the land of Bashan (1 Chr. v. 12). 
 7. The son of Izrahiah, of the tribe of Is- 
 sachar (1 Chr. vii. 3). 8. The brother of 
 Nathan of Zobah (1 Chr. xi. 38), and one 
 of David's guard. 9. The chief of the 
 Gershomites in the reign of David (1 Chr. 
 xv. 7, 11). 1O. A Gershonite Levite in the 
 reign of David, son of Jchiel, a descendant 
 of Laadan, and probably the same as the 
 preceding (1 Chr. xxiii. 8, xxvi. 22). 11. 
 The son of Pedaiah, and a chief of the 
 half-tribe of Manasseh, west of Jordan, in 
 the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 20). 12. 
 A Kohathite Levite in the reign of Hezeki- 
 ah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 13. One of the sons 
 of Nebo, who returned with Ezra, and had 
 married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 43). 14. 
 The son of Zichri, a Benjamite (Neh. xi. 
 9). 
 
 Joe lah, son of Jeroham of Gedor (1 
 Chr. xii. 7). 
 
 Joe'zer, a Korhite, one of David's cap- 
 tains (1 Chr. xii. 6). 
 
 Jog'behah, one of the cities on the 
 
 east of Jordan which were built and forti- 
 fied by the tribe of Gad when they took 
 possession of their territory (Num. xxxii. 
 35). 
 
 Jog'li, the father of Bukki, a Danite 
 chief (Num. xxxiv. 22). 
 
 Jo'ha. 1. One of the sons of Beriah, 
 the Benjamite (1 Chr. viii. 16). 2. The 
 Tizite, one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 
 45). 
 
 Joha'nan. 1. Son of Azariah, and 
 grandson of Ahimaaz the son of Zadok, 
 and father of Azariah, 3 (1 Chr. vi. 9, 10, 
 A. V.). We may conclude without much 
 doubt that Johanan's pontificate fell in the 
 reign of Rehoboam. 2. Son of Elioenai, 
 the son of Neariah, the son of Shemaiah,.in 
 the line of Zerubbabel's heirs (1 Chr. iii. 
 24). 3. The son of Kareah, and one of 
 the captains of the scattered remnants of 
 the army of Judah, who escaped in the 
 final attack upon Jerusalem by the Chal- 
 deans. After the murder of Gedaliah, Jo- 
 hanan was one of the foremost in the pur- 
 suit of his assassin, and rescued the cap- 
 tives he had carried off from Mizpah (Jer. 
 xii. 11-16). Fearing the vengeance of the 
 Chaldeans, the captains, with Johanan at 
 their head, notwithstanding the warnings 
 of Jeremiah, retired into Egypt. 4. The 
 first-born son of Josiah king of Judah (1 
 Chr. iii. 15). 5. A valiant Benjamite who 
 joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 4). 6. 
 A Gadite warrior, who followed David (1 
 Chr. xii. 12). 7. The father of Azariah, 
 an Ephraimite in the time of Ahaz (2 Chr. 
 xxviii. 12). 8. The son of Hakkatan, and 
 chief of the Bene-Azgad who returned with 
 Ezra (Ezr. viii. 12). 9. The son of Elia- 
 sliib, one of the chief Levites (Neh. xii. 
 23; Ezr. x. 6). 10. The son of Tobiah 
 the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 18). 
 
 John, the same name as Johanan, a con- 
 traction of Jehohanan, "Jehovah's gift." 
 1. The father of Mattathias, and grand- 
 father of the Maccabaean family (1 Mace, 
 ii. 1.). 2. The eldest son of Mattathias 
 surnamed Caddis, who was slain by " the 
 children of Jambri" (1 Mace. ii. 2, ix. 36- 
 38). 3. The father of Eupolemus, one of 
 the envoys whom Judas Maccabaeus sent 
 to Rome (1 Mace. viii. 17; 2 Mace. iv. 
 11). 4. The son of Simon, the brother of 
 Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. xiii. 53, xvi. 
 1). 5. One of the high-priest's family, 
 who, with Annas and Caiaphas, sat in judg- 
 ment upon the Apostles Peter and John 
 (Acts iv. 6). 6. The Hebrew name of the 
 Evangelist Mark (Acts xii. 12, 25, xiii. 5, 
 13, xv. 37). 
 
 John the Apostle was the son of 
 Zebedee, a fisherman on the Lake of Gali- 
 lee, and of Salome, and brother of James, 
 also an apostle. He was probably younger 
 than his brother, whose name commonly 
 precedes his (Matt. iv. 21, x. 3, xvii 1,
 
 JOHN THE APOSTLE 
 
 309 
 
 JOHN THE BAPTIST 
 
 &c.). younger than his friend Peter, possi- 
 bly also than his Master. His call, and 
 that of his brother, to be first disciples and 
 then apostles of our Lord, are related un- 
 der JAMES. Peter and James and John 
 come within the innermost circle of their 
 Lord's friends. Peter is throughout the 
 leader of that band ; to John belongs the 
 jet more memorable distinction of being 
 the disciple whom Jesus loved. He hardly 
 sustains the popular notion, fostered by the 
 received types of Christian art, of a nature 
 gentle, yielding, feminine. The name Bo- 
 anerges (Mark iii. 17) implies a vehemence, 
 zeal, intensity, which gave to those who had 
 it the might of Sons of Thunder. [JAMES.] 
 The three are with Him when none else are, 
 in the chamber of death (Mark v. 37), in the 
 glory of the transfiguration (Matt. xvii. 1), 
 when he forewarns them of the destruction 
 of the Holy City (Mark xiii. 3, Andrew, in 
 this instance, with them), in the agony of 
 Gethsemane. When the betrayal is accom- 
 plished, Peter and John, after the first mo- 
 ment of confusion, follow afar off, while the 
 others simply seek safety in a hasty flight 
 (John xviii. 15). The personal acquaint- 
 ance which existed between John and Caia- 
 phas enabled him to gain access both for 
 himself and Peter, but the latter remains in 
 the porch, with the officers and servants, 
 while John himself apparently is admitted 
 to the council-chamber, and follows Jesus 
 thence, even to the praetorium of the Ro- 
 man Procurator (John xviii. 16, 19, 28). 
 Thence he followed, accompanied probably 
 by his own mother, Mary the mother of 
 Jesus, and Mary Magdalene, to the place 
 of crucifixion. The Teacher who had been 
 to him as a brother leaves to him a brother's 
 duty. He is to be as a son to the mother 
 who is left desolate (John xix. 26, 27). 
 The sabbath that followed was spent, it 
 would appear, in the same company. He 
 receives Peter, in spite of his denial, on the 
 old terms of friendship. It is to them that 
 Mary Magdalene first runs with the tidings 
 of the emptied sepulchre (John xx. 2) ; 
 they are the first to go together to see what 
 the strange words meant. Not without 
 some bearing on their respective characters 
 is the fact that John is the more impetuous, 
 running on most eagerly to the rock-tomb ; 
 Peter, the least restrained by awe, the first 
 to enter in and look (John xx. 4-6). For 
 at least eight days they continued in Jeru- 
 salem (John xx. 26). Then, in the interval 
 between the resurrection and the ascension, 
 we find them still together on the sea of 
 Galilee (John xxi. 1). Here too there is a 
 characteristic difference. John is the first 
 to recognize in the dim form seen in the 
 morning twilight the presence of his risen 
 Lord; Peter the first to plunge into the 
 water and swim towards the shore where 
 He stood calling to them (John xxi. 7). 
 
 The last words of the Gospel reveal to us 
 the deep affection which united the two 
 friends. It is not enough for Peter to know 
 his own future. That at once suggests the 
 question, " And what shall this man do? " 
 (John xxi. 21). The history of the Acts 
 shows the same union. They are of course 
 together at the ascension and on the day of 
 Pentecost. Together they enter the Tem- 
 ple as worshippers (Acts iii. 1 ) and protest 
 against the threats of the Sanhedrim (iv. 
 13). The persecution which was pushed on 
 by Saul of Tarsus did not drive him or any 
 of the apostles from their post (viii. 1). 
 The sharper though shorter persecution 
 which followed under Herod Agrippa 
 brought a great sorrow to him in the mar- 
 tyrdom of his brother (Acts xii. 2). His 
 friend was driven to seek safety in flight. 
 Fifteen years after St. Paul's first visit he 
 was still at Jerusalem, and helped to take 
 part in the settlement of the great contro- 
 versy between the Jewish and the Gentile 
 Christians (Acts xv. 6). His subsequent 
 history we know only by tradition. There 
 can be no doubt that he removed from 
 Jerusalem and settled at Ephesus, though 
 at what time is uncertain. Tradition goes 
 on to relate that in the persecution under 
 Domitian he is taken to Rome, and there, 
 by his boldness, though not by death, gains 
 the crown of martyrdom. The boiling oil 
 into which he is thrown has no power to 
 hurt him. He is then sent to labor in the 
 mines, and Patmos is the place of his exile. 
 The accession of Nerva frees him from 
 danger, and he returns to Ephesus. Here- 
 sies continue to show themselves, but he 
 meets them with the strongest possible pro- 
 test. The very time of his death lies with- 
 in the region of conjecture rather than of 
 history, and the dates that have been as- 
 signed for it range from A. r>. 89 to A. D. 
 120. 
 
 John the Baptist was of the priestly 
 race by both parents, for his father Zacha- 
 rias was himself a priest of the course of 
 Abia, or Abijah (1 Chr. xxiv. 10), offering 
 incense at the very time when a son was 
 promised to him ; and Elizabeth was of 
 the daughters of Aaron (Luke i. 5). His 
 birth a birth not according to the ordi- 
 nary laws of nature, but through the mirac- 
 ulous interposition of almighty power 
 was foretold by an angel sent from God, 
 and is related at length in the first chapter 
 of the Gospel of St. Luke. The birth of 
 John preceded by six months that of our 
 Lord. John was ordained to be a Nazarite 
 from his birth (Luke i. 15). Dwelling by 
 himself in the wild and thinly peopled 
 region westward of the Dead Sea, he pre- 
 pared himself for the wonderful office to 
 which he had been divinely called. The 
 | very appearance of the holy Baptist was of 
 | itself a lesson to his countrymen ; his dresa
 
 JOHN THE BAPTIST 
 
 310 
 
 JOHN, GOSPEL OP 
 
 wns that of the old prophets a garment 
 woven of camel's hair (2 K. i. 8), attached 
 to the body by a leathern girdle. His 
 food was such as the desert afforded 
 locusts (Lev. xi. 22) and wild honey (Ps. 
 . Ixxxi. 16). And now the long secluded 
 hermit came forth to the discharge of his 
 office. His supernatural birth his hard 
 ascetic life his reputation for extraordina- 
 ry sanctity and the generally prevailing 
 expectation that some great one was about 
 to appear these causes, without the aid 
 of miraculous power, for "John did no 
 miracle " (John x. 41), were sufficient to at- 
 tract to him a great multitude from " every 
 quarter" (Matt. iii. 5). Brief and startling 
 was his first exhortation to them, " Repent 
 ye, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand." 
 Many of every class pressed forward to 
 confess their sins and to be baptized. The 
 preparatory baptism of John was a visible 
 sign to the people, and a distinct acknowl- 
 edgment by them, that a hearty renuncia- 
 tion of sin and a real amendment of life 
 were necessary for admission into the king- 
 dom of heaven, which the Baptist pro- 
 claimed to be at hand. But the fundamen- 
 tal distinction between John's baptism unto 
 repentance, and that baptism accompanied 
 with the gift of the Holy Spirit which our 
 Lord afterwards ordained, is clearly marked 
 by John himself (Matt. iii. 11, 12). Jesus 
 himself came from Galilee to Jordan to be 
 baptized of John. [Jesus.] From inci- 
 dental notices we learn that John and his 
 disciples continued to baptize some time 
 after our Lord entered upon his ministry 
 (see John iii. 23, iv. 1; Acts xix. 3). We 
 gather also that John instructed his disci- 
 ples in certain moral and religious duties, 
 as fasting (Matt. ix. 14 ; Luke v. 33) and 
 prayer (Luke xi. 1). But shortly after he 
 had given his testimony to the Messiah, 
 John's public ministry was brought to a 
 close. In daring disregard of the divine 
 laws, Herod Antipas had taken to himself 
 the wife of his brother Philip ; and when 
 John reproved him for this, as well as for 
 other sins (Luke iii. 19), Herod cast him 
 into prison. The place of his confinement 
 was the castle of Machaerus a fortress 
 on the eastern shore of the Dead Sea. It 
 was here that reports reached him of 
 the miracles which our Lord was working 
 in Judaea. Respecting the message which 
 John sent to our Saviour, see JESUS, p. 294. 
 Nothing but the death of the Baptist would 
 satisfy the resentment of Herodias. A 
 court festival was kept at Machaerus in 
 honor of the king's birthday. After sup- 
 per, the daughter of Herodias came in and 
 danced before the company, and so charmed 
 was the king by her grace that he promised 
 with an oath to give her whatsoever she 
 should ask. Salome, prompted by her 
 abandoned mother, demanded the head of 
 
 John the Baptist. Herod gave instructions 
 to an officer of his guard, who went and 
 executed John in the prison, and his head 
 was brought to feast the eyes of the adul- 
 teress whose sins he had denounced. His 
 death is supposed to have occurred just 
 before the third passover, in the course of 
 the Lord's ministry. 
 
 John, Gospel Of. No doubt has been 
 entertained at any time in the Church, 
 either of the canonical authority of this 
 Gospel, or of its being written by St. John. 
 Ephesus and Patmos are the two places 
 mentioned by early writers as the place 
 where this gospel was written ; and the 
 weight of evidence seems to preponderate 
 in favor of Ephesus. The Apostle's sojourn 
 at Ephesus probably began after St. Paul's 
 Epistle to the Ephesians was written, i. e. 
 after A. D. 62. Eusebius specifies the 
 fourteenth year of Domitian, t. e. A. D. 95, 
 as the year of his banishment to Patmos. 
 Probably the date of the Gospel may lie 
 about midway between these two, about 
 A. D. 78. After the destruction of Jerusa- 
 lem A. D. 69, Ephesus probably became the 
 centre of the active life of Eastern Christen- 
 dom. It contained a large church of faith- 
 ful Christians, a multitude of zealous Jews, 
 an indigenous population devoted to the 
 worship of a strange idol whose image was 
 borrowed from the East, its name from 
 the West. The Gospel was obviously ad- 
 dressed primarily to Christians, not to 
 heathens. There can be little doubt that 
 the main object of St. John, who wrote 
 after the other Evangelists, is to supple- 
 ment their narratives, which were almost 
 confined to our Lord's lifejn Galilee. [See 
 further, GOSPEL.] The following is an 
 abridgment of its contents : A. Tlie Pro- 
 logue, i. 1-18. B. The History, i. 19-xx. 29. 
 a. Various events relating to our Lord's 
 ministry, narrated in connection with seven 
 journeys, i. 19-xii. 50 : 1. First journey, 
 into Judaea and beginning of his ministry, 
 i. 19-ii. 12. 2. Second journey, at the 
 Passover in the first year of His ministry, 
 ii. 13-iv. 3. Third journey, in the second 
 year of His ministry, about the Passover, 
 v. 4. Fourth journey, about the Passover, 
 in the third year of His ministry, beyond 
 Jordan, vi. 5. Fifth journey, six months 
 before his death, begun at the Feast of 
 Tabernacles, vii.-x. 21. 6. Sixth journey, 
 about the Feast of Dedication, x. 22-42. 7. 
 Seventh journey in Judaea towards Beth- 
 any, xi. 1-54. 8. Eighth journey, before His 
 last Passover, xi. 55-xii. b. History of the 
 death of Christ, xiii.-xx. 29. 1. Preparation 
 for His Passion, xiii.-xvii. 2. The circum- 
 stances of His Passion and Death, xviii., 
 xix. 3. His Resurrection, and the proofs of 
 it, xx. 1-29. C. The Conclusion, xx. 30- 
 xxi. : 1. Scope of the foregoing history, xx. 
 30, 31. 2. Confirmation of the authority of
 
 JOHN, EPISTLES OF 
 
 311 
 
 JOKTHEEL 
 
 the Evangelist by additional historical facts, 
 and by the testimony of the elders of the 
 Church, xxi. 1-24. 3. Eeason of the ter- 
 mination of the history, xxi. 25. 
 
 John, The First Epistle General 
 of. There can be no doubt that the Apos- 
 tle Jolm was the author of this Epistle. 
 Like the Gospel it was probably written 
 from Ephesus, and most likely at the close 
 of the first century. It was primarily meant 
 for the churches of Asia under St. John's 
 inspection, to whom he had already orally 
 delivered his doctrine (i. 3, ii. 7). In the 
 introduction (i. 1-4) the Apostle states the 
 purpose of his Epistle. It is to declare the 
 Word of life to those whom he is address- 
 ing, in order that he and they might be 
 united in true communion with each other, 
 and with God the Father, and his Son Jesus 
 Christ. The first part of the Epistle may 
 be considered to end at ii. 28. The Apostle 
 begins afresh with the doctrine of sonship 
 or communion at ii. 29, and returns to the 
 same theme at iv. 7. His lesson through- 
 out is, that the means of union with God 
 are, on the part of Christ, his atoning blood 
 (i. 7, ii. 2, iii. 5, iv. 10, 14, v. 6) and advo- 
 cacy (ii. 1) on the part of man, holiness, 
 (i. 6), obedience (ii. 3), purity (iii. 3), 
 faith (iii. 23, iv. 3, v. 5), and above all love 
 (ii. 7, iii. 14, iv. 7, v. 1). There are two 
 doubtful passages in this Epistle, ii. 23, 
 "But he that acknowledged the Son hath 
 the Father also," and v. 7, " For there are 
 three that bear record in heaven, the Father, 
 the Word, and the Holy Ghost, and these 
 three are one." It would appear without 
 doubt that they are not genuine. 
 
 John, The Second and Third 
 Epistles of. These two Epistles are 
 placed by Eusebius in the class of " dis- 
 puted " books, and he appears himself to 
 be doubtful whether they were written by 
 the Evangelist, or by some other John. 
 The evidence of antiquity in their favor is 
 not very strong, but yet is considerable. 
 In the 5th century they were almost uni- 
 versally received. The title and contents 
 of the Epistles are strong arguments 
 against a fabricator, whereas they would 
 account for their non-universal reception 
 in early times. The Second Epistle is ad- 
 dressed Ixlexifi xvQta. An individual wo- 
 man who had children, and a sister and 
 nieces, is clearly indicated. Whether her 
 name is given, and if so, what it is, has 
 been doubted. According to one interpre- 
 tation she is " the Lady Electa," to another, 
 " the elect Kyria," to a third, " the elect 
 Lady." The English version is probably 
 right, though here too we should have ex- ' 
 pected the article. The Third Epistle is ; 
 addressed to Gaius or Caius. We have no 
 reason for identifying him with Caius of 
 Macedonia (Acts xix. 29), or with Caius of 
 Derbe (Acts xx. 4), or with Caius of Cor- 
 
 inth (Rom. xvi. 23; 1 Cor. i. 14), or with 
 Caius Bishop of Ephesus, or with Caius 
 Bishop of Thessalonica, or with Caius 
 Bishop of Pergamos. He was probably a 
 convert of St. John (Ep. iii. 4), and a lay- 
 man of wealth and distinction (Ep. iii. 5) 
 in some city near Ephesus. The object of 
 | St. John in writing the Second Epistle was 
 j to warn the lady to whom he wrote against 
 abetting the teaching known as that of Ba- 
 silides and his followers, by perhaps an 
 undue kindness displayed by her towards 
 the preachers of the false doctrine. The 
 Third Epistle was written for the purpose 
 of commending to the kindness and hospi- 
 tality of Caius some Christians who were 
 strangers in the place where he lived. It 
 is probable that these Christians carried 
 this letter with them to Caius as their in- 
 troduction. 
 
 Joi'ada, high-priest after his father Eli- 
 ashib (Neh.-xiii. 28). 
 
 Joi'akim, a high-priest, son of the re- 
 nowned Jeshua (Neh. xii. 10). 
 
 Joi'arib. 1. A layman who returned 
 from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 16). 2. 
 The founder of one of the courses of 
 priests, elsewhere called in full JEHOIARIB 
 (Neh. xii. 6, 19). 3. A Shilonite i.e. 
 probably a descendant of SHELAH the son 
 of Judah (Neh. xi. 5). 
 
 Jok'.deam, a city of Judah, in the 
 mountains (Josh. xv. 56), apparently south 
 of Hebron. 
 
 Jo'kim, one of the sons of Shelah the 
 son of Judah (1 Chr. iv, 22), of whom 
 nothing further is known. 
 
 Jok'meam, a city of Ephraim, given 
 with its suburbs to the Kohathite Levites 
 (1 Chr. vi. 68). The situation of Jokmeara 
 is to a certain extent indicated in 1 K. iv. 
 12, where it is named with places which we 
 know to have been in the Jordan valley at 
 the extreme east boundary of the tribe. 
 
 Jok'neam, a city of the tribe of Zebu- 
 lun, allotted with its suburbs to the Mera- 
 rite Levites (Josh. xxi. 34). Its modern 
 site is Tell Kaimon, an eminence which 
 stands just below the eastern termination 
 of Carmcl. 
 
 Jok'shan, a son of Abraham and Ketu- 
 rah (Gen. xxv. 2, 3 ; 1 Chr. i. 32), whose 
 sons were Sheba and Dedan. 
 
 Jok'tan, son of Eber (Gen. x. 25; 1 
 Chr. i. 19), and the father of the Joktanite 
 Arabs. Scholars are agreed in placing the 
 settlements of Joktan in the south of the 
 peninsula. The original limits are stated 
 in the Bible : " their dwelling was from Me- 
 sha, as thou goest unto Sephar, i mount of 
 the East" (Gen. x. 30). The ancestor of 
 the great southern peoples was called Kah- 
 tan, who, say the Arabs, was the same as 
 Joktan. 
 
 Jok'theel. 1. A city in the low coun- 
 try of Judah (Josh xv. 38), named next to
 
 JONA 
 
 312 
 
 JONATHAN 
 
 Lachish. 2. " God-subdued," the title 
 given by Amaziah to the cliff (A. V. Selah) 
 the stronghold of the Edomites after 
 he had captured it from them (2 K. xiv. 7). 
 The parallel narrative of 2 Chr. xxv. 11-13 
 supplies fuller details. 
 
 Jo'na, the father of the Apostle Peter 
 (John i. 42), who is hence addressed as 
 Simon Barjona (i. e. son of Jona) in Matt, 
 xvi. 17. 
 
 Jon'adab. 1. Son of Shimeah and 
 nephew of David. He is described as 
 "very subtil" (2 Sam. xiii. 3). His age 
 naturally made him the friend of his cousin 
 Amnon, heir to the throne (2 Sam. xiii. 3). 
 He gave him the fatal advice for insnaring 
 his sister Tamar (5, 6). Again, when, in a 
 later stage of the same tragedy, Amnon 
 was murdered by Absalom, and the exag- 
 gerated report reached David that all the 
 princes were slaughtered, Jonadab was al- 
 ready aware of the real state of the case 
 (2 Sam. xiii. 32, 33). 2. Jer. xxxv. 6, 8, 
 10, 14, 16, 18, 19. [JEHONADAB.] 
 
 Jo'nah, the fifth of the Minor Prophets, 
 according to the order of our Bible, was 
 the son of Amittai, and a native of Gath- 
 hepher, a town of Lower Galilee in Zebu- 
 lun (2 K. xir. 25). He lived after the 
 reign of Jehu, when the losses of Israel (2 
 K. x. 32) began ; and probably not till the 
 latter part of the reign of Jeroboam II. 
 The general opinion is, that Jonah was the 
 first of the prophets. The king of Nine- 
 veh at this time is supposed to have been 
 Pul, who is placed B. c. 750. Our English 
 Bible gives B. c. 862. Having already, as 
 it seems, prophesied to Israel, he was sent 
 to Nineveh. The time was one of political 
 revival in Israel ; but ere long the Assyr- 
 ians were to be employed by God as a 
 scourge upon them. The prophet shrank 
 from a commission which he felt sure 
 would result (iv. 2) in the sparing of a 
 hostile city. He attempted therefore to es- 
 cape to Tarshish. The providence of God, 
 however, watched over him, first in a 
 storm, and then in his being swallowed by 
 a large fish for the space of three days and 
 three nights. [On this subject see art. 
 WHALE.] After his deliverance, Jonah ex- 
 ecuted his commission ; and th king, " be- 
 lieving him to be a minister from the su- 
 preme deity of the nation," and having 
 heard of his miraculous deliverance, ordered 
 a. general fast, and averted the threatened 
 judgment. But the prophet, not from per- 
 sonal, but national feelings, grudged the 
 mercy shown to a heathen nation. He was 
 therefore taught, by the significant lesson 
 of tlie " gourd," whose growth and decay 
 brought the truth at once home to him, that 
 he was sent to testify by deed, as other 
 prophets would afterwards testify by word, 
 the capacity of Gentiles for salvation, and 
 the design of God to make them partakers 
 
 of it. This was " the sign of the prophet 
 Jonas " (Luke xi. 29, 30). But the resur- 
 rection of Christ itself was also shadowed 
 forth in the history of the prophet (Matt. 
 xii. 39, 41, xvi. 4). The mission of Jonah 
 was highly symbolical. The facts con- 
 tained a concealed prophecy. The old tradi- 
 tion made the burial-place of Jonah to be 
 Gathhepher : the modern tradition places it 
 at Nebi-Yunus, opposite Mosul. 
 
 Jo'nan, son of Eliakim, in the geneal- 
 ogy of Christ (Luke iii. 30). 
 
 Jo'nas. 1. The prophet Jonah (Matt. 
 xii. 39, 40, 41, xvi. 4). 2. Father of Peter 
 (John xxi. 15-17). [JONA.] 
 
 Jon'athan, that is, " the gift of Jeho- 
 vah," the eldest son of king Saul. He was 
 regarded in his father's lifetime as heir to 
 the throne. Like Saul, he was a man of 
 great strength and activity (2 Sam. i. 23). 
 He was also famous for the peculiar martial 
 exercises in which his tribe excelled arch- 
 ery and slinging (1 Chr. xii. 2). His bow 
 was to him what the spear was to his father : 
 " the bow of Jonathan turned not back " 
 (2 Sam. i. 22). It was always about him 
 (1 Sam. xviii. 4, xx. 35). His life may be 
 divided into two main parts. 1. The war 
 with the Philistines, commonly called, from 
 its locality, "the war of Michmash" (1 
 Sam. xiii. 21). The Philistines were still 
 in the general command of the country ; an 
 officer was stationed at Geba, either the 
 same as Jonathan's position or close to it. 
 In a sudden act of youthful daring Jona- 
 than slew this officer, and thus gave the 
 signal for a general revolt. But it was a 
 premature attempt. The Philistines poured 
 in from the plain, and the tyranny became 
 more deeply rooted than ever. From this 
 oppression, as Jonathan by his former act 
 had been the first to provoke it, so now he 
 was the first to deliver his people. With- 
 out communicating his project to any one, 
 except the young man, whom, like all the 
 chiefs of that age, he retained as his armor- 
 bearer, he sallied forth from Gibeah to at- 
 tack the garrison of the Philistines stationed 
 on the other side of the steep defile of 
 Michmash (xiv. 1). A panic seized the 
 garrison, thence spread to the camp, and 
 thence to the surrounding hordes of marau- 
 ders ; an earthquake combined with the 
 terror of the moment. Saul and his little 
 band had watched in astonishment the wild 
 retreat from the heights of Gibeah : he now 
 joined in the pursuit. Jonathan had not 
 heard of the rash curse (xiv. 24) which 
 Saul invoked on any one who ate before the 
 evening, and he tasted the honey which lay 
 on the ground as they passed through the 
 forest. Jephthah's dreadful sacrifice would 
 have been repeated ; but the people inter- 
 posed in behalf of the hero of that great 
 day; and Jonathan was saved (xiv. 24-46). 
 2. But the chief interest of his career ii
 
 JONATH-ELEM-RECHOKIM 313 
 
 JORDAN 
 
 derived from the friendship with David, 
 which began on the day of David's return 
 from the victory over the champion of Gath, 
 and continued till his death. Their last 
 meeting was in the forest of Ziph, during 
 Saul's pursuit of David (1 Sam., xxiii. 1G- 
 18). From this time forth we hear no 
 more till the battle of Gilboa. In that battle 
 he fell, with his two brothers and his father, 
 and his corpse shared their fate (1 Sam. 
 xxxi. 2, 8). His ashes were buried first 
 at Jabesh-Gilead (ib. 13), but afterwards 
 removed with those of his father to Zelah 
 in Benjamin (2 Sam. xxi. 12). The news 
 of his death occasioned the celebrated elegy 
 of David. He left a son, Mephibosheth. 
 [MEPHIBOSHETH.] 2. Son of Shimeah 
 brother of Jonadab, and nephew of David 
 (2 Sam. xxi. 21 ; 1 Chr. xx. 7). Like Da- 
 vid, he engaged in a single combat, and 
 slew a gigantic Philistine of Gath (2 Sam. 
 xxi. 21). 3. The son of Abiathar, the 
 high-priest, is the last descendant of Eli 
 of whom we hear anything. He appears 
 on the day of David's flight from Absalom 
 (2 Sam. xv. 36, xvii. 15-21), and on the 
 day of Solomon's inauguration (1 K. i. 42, 
 43). 4. The son of Shage the Hararite (1 
 Chr. xi. 34; 2 Sam. xxiii. 32). He was 
 one of David's heroes. 5. The son, or de- 
 scendant, of Gershom the son of Moses 
 (Judg. xviii. 30). [Micxii.] 6. One of 
 the Bene-Adin (Ezr. viii. 6). 7. A priest, 
 the son of Asahel, in the time of Ezra 
 (Ezr. x. 15). 8. A priest of the family of 
 Melicu, in the days of Joiakim, son of 
 Jeshua (Xeh. xii. 14. 9. One of the sons 
 of Kareah, and brother of Johanan (Jer. 
 xl. 8). He was one of the captains of the 
 army who had escaped from Jerusalem in 
 the final assault by the Chaldeans, and 
 with his brother Johanan resorted to Geda- 
 liah at Mizpah : from that time we hear 
 nothing more of him. 1O. Son of Joiada, 
 and his successor in the high-priesthood 
 (Neh. xii. 11, 22, 23). 11. Father of 
 Zechariah, a priest who blew the trumpet 
 at the dedication of the wall (Neh. xii. 35.) 
 12. 1 Esdr. viii. 32. [See No. 6.] 
 
 Jo'nath-e'lem-re'chokim, "a dumb 
 dove of (in) distant places," a phrase found 
 once only in the Bible as a heading to the 
 66th psalm. Aben Ezra, who regards Jo- 
 nath Elem Rechokim as merely indicating 
 the modulation or the rhythm of the psalm, 
 appears to come the nearest to the mean- 
 ing of the passage. 
 
 Jop'pa. or JAPHO, now Jaffa, a town 
 on the S. W. coast of Palestine, in the por- 
 tion of Dan (Josh. xix. 46). Having a har- 
 bor attached to it though always, as still, 
 A dangerous one it became the port of 
 Jerusalem inlhe days of Solomon, and has 
 been ever since. Here Jonah "took ship 
 to flee from the presence of his Maker." 
 Here, on the house-top of Simon the tan- 
 
 ner, " by the seaside," St. Peter had his 
 vision of tolerance (Acts xi. 5). The ex- 
 isting town contains about 4000 inhabitants. 
 
 Jo 'rah, the ancestor of a family of 112 
 who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. 
 ii. 18). In Neh. vii. 24 he appears under 
 the name Hariph, or more correctly the 
 same family are represented as the Bene- 
 Hariph. 
 
 Jo'rai. One of the Gadites dwelling in 
 Gilead in Bashan, in the reign of Jothan 
 king of Judah (1 Chr v. 13). 
 
 JO'ram. 1. Son of Ahab; king of 
 Israel (2 K viii. 16, 25, 28, 29; ix. 14, 17, 
 21-23, 29). [JEHORAM, 1.] 2. Son of 
 Jehoshaphat; king of Judah (2 K. viii. 21, 
 23, 24; 1 Chr. iii. 11; 2 Chr. xxii. 5, 7; 
 M&tt. i. 8). [JEHORASI, 2.] 3. A priest 
 in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 
 8). 4. A Levite, ancestor of Shelomith in 
 the time of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 25). 5. Son 
 of Toi, king of Hamath (2 Sam. viii. 10). 
 [HADORAM.] 6. 1 Esd. i. 9. [JOZABAD, 3.] 
 
 Jor'dan, the one river of Palestine, has 
 a course of little more than 200 miles, from 
 the roots of Anti-Lebanon to the head of 
 the Dead Sea. It is the river of the " great 
 plain " of Palestine the " Descender " 
 if not " the river of God " in the book of 
 Psalms, at least that of His chosen people 
 throughout their history. There were fords 
 over against Jericho, to which point the 
 men of Jericho pursued the spies (Josh. ii. 
 7; comp. Judg. iii. 28). Higher up, per- 
 haps over against Succoth, some way above 
 where the little river Jabbok (Zerka) enters 
 the Jordan, were the fords or passages of 
 Bethbarah (probably the Bethabara of the 
 Gospel), where Gideon lay in wait for the 
 Midianites (Judg. vii. 24), and where the 
 men of Gilead slew the Ephraimites (xii. 
 6). These fords undoubtedly witnessed 
 the first recorded passage of the Jordan in 
 the O. T. (Gen. xxxii. 10). Jordan was 
 next crossed, over against Jericho, by Josh- 
 ua the son of Nun (Josh. iv. 12, 13). 
 From their vicinity to Jerusalem the lower 
 fords were much used ; David, it is proba- 
 ble, passed over them in one instance to 
 fight the Syrians (2 Sam. x. 17) ; and sub- 
 sequently, when a fugitive himself, in his 
 way to Mahanaim (xvii. 22) on the east 
 bank. Thus there were two customary 
 places at which the Jordan was fordable ; 
 and it must have been at one of these, if 
 not at both, that baptism was afterwards ad- 
 ministered by St. John, and by the disci- 
 ples of our Lord. Where our Lord was 
 baptized is not stated expressly ; but it was 
 probably at the upper ford. These fords 
 were rendered so much the more precious 
 in those days from two circumstances. 
 First, it does not appear that there were 
 then any bridges thrown over, or boats 
 regularly established on, the Jordan ; and 
 secondly, because " Jordan overflowed all
 
 JORIM 
 
 314 
 
 JOSEPH 
 
 W.s banks all the time of harvest " (Josh, 
 iii. 15). The channel or bed of the river 
 became brimful, so that the level of the 
 water and of the banks was then the same. 
 The last feature which remains to be noticed 
 in the Scriptural account of the Jordan is 
 its frequent mention as a boundary : " over 
 Jordan," " this," and "the other side," or 
 " beyond Jordan," were expressions as fa- 
 miliar to the Israelites as " across the wa- 
 ter," " this," and " the other side of the 
 Channel," are to English ears. In one 
 sense indeed, that is, in so far as it was the 
 eastern boundary of the land of Canaan, it 
 was the eastern boundary of the promised 
 land (Num. xxxiv. 12). The Jordan rises 
 from several sources near Panium (J3A- 
 nids), and passes through the lakes of 
 Merom (HulehJ) and Gennesaret. The two 
 principal features in its course are its de- 
 scent and its windings. From its fountain- 
 tain heads to the Dead Sea, it rushes -down 
 one continuous inclined plane, only broken 
 by a scries of rapids or precipitous falls. 
 Between the lake of Gennesaret and the 
 Dead Sea there are 27 rapids ; the depres- 
 sion of the lake of Gennesaret below the 
 level of the Mediterranean is 653 feet; and 
 that of the Dead Sea 1316 feet. Its sinu- 
 osity is not so remarkable in the upper part 
 of its course. The only tributaries to the 
 Jordan below Gennesaret are the Yarmuk 
 (Hieromax) and the Zerka (Jabbok). Not 
 a single city ever crowned the banks of the 
 Jordan. Still Bethshan and Jericho to the 
 W., Gerasa, Pella, and Gadara to the E. of 
 it, were important cities, and caused a good 
 deal of traffic between the two opposite 
 banks. The physical features of the Ghor, 
 through which the Jordan flows, are treated 
 of under PALESTINE. 
 
 Jo'rim, son of Matthat, in the geneal- 
 ogy of Christ (Luke iii. 29). 
 
 Jor'koam, either a descendant of Caleb 
 the son of Hezron, or the name of a place 
 in the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 44). 
 
 Jos'abad. Properly JOZABAD, the 
 Gederathite, one of the warriors of Ben- 
 jamin who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. 
 xii. 4). 
 
 Jos'apliat = Jehoshaphat king of Ju- 
 dah (Matt. i. 8). 
 
 Jo'se, son of Eliezer, in the genealogy 
 of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 29). 
 
 Jos'edech. = JEHOZADAK the. son of 
 Seraiah (Hag. i. 1, 12, 14, ii. 2, 4 ; Zech. 
 vi. 11). 
 
 Jo'seph. 1. The elder of the two sons 
 of Jacob by Rachel, is first mentioned when 
 a youth, seventeen years old. Jacob seems 
 then to have staid at Hebron with the 
 aged Isaac, while his sons kept his flocks. 
 Joseph, we read, brought the evil report of 
 his brethren to his father, and they hated 
 him because his father loved him more than 
 them, as the " son of his old age," and had 
 
 shown his preference by making him a dress 
 which appears to have been a long tunic 
 with sleeves, worn by youths and maidens 
 of the richer class (Gen. xxxvii. 2). The 
 hatred of Joseph's brethren was increased 
 by his telling of a dream foreshowing 
 that they would bow down to him, which 
 was followed by another of the same import. 
 They had gone to Shechem to feed the flock ; 
 and Joseph was sent thither from the vale of 
 Hebron by his father to bring him word of 
 their welfare and that of the flock. They 
 were not at Shechem, but were gone to 
 Dothan, which appears to have been not 
 far distant, pasturing their flock like the 
 Arabs of the present day, wherever the 
 wild country was unowned. On Joseph's 
 approach, his brethren, except Reuben, re- 
 solved to kill him ; but Reuben saved him, 
 persuading them to cast him into a dry pit, 
 to the intent that he might restore him to 
 his father. Accordingly, when Joseph was 
 come, they stripped him of his tunic and 
 cast him into the pit, "and they sat down 
 to eat bread; and they lifted up their eyes 
 and looked, and, behold, a company of 
 Ishmeelites came from Gilead with their 
 camels." Judah suggested to his brethren 
 to sell Joseph to the Ishmeelites, and ac- 
 cordingly they took him out of the pit and 
 sold him "for twenty [shekels] of silver" 
 (ver. 28). His brethren pretended to Jacob 
 that Joseph had been killed by some wild 
 beast, taking to him the tunic stained with 
 a kid's blood. The Midianites sold Joseph 
 in Egypt to Potiphar, "an officer of Pha- 
 raoh, captain of the executioners, an Egyp- 
 tian" (xxxix. 1 ; comp. xxxvii. 30). Joseph 
 prospered in the house of the Egyptian, 
 who, seeing that God blessed him, and 
 pleased witli his good service, " set him 
 over his house, and all [that] he had lie 
 gave into his hand" (xxxix. 4, comp. 5). 
 His master's wife, with the well-known 
 profligacy of the Egyptian women, tempted 
 him, and failing, charged him with the 
 crime she would have made him commit. 
 Potiphar, incensed against Joseph, cast him 
 into prison, where he remained for at least 
 two years, and perhaps longer. In the 
 prison, as in Potiphar's house, Joseph was 
 found worthy of complete trust, and the 
 keeper of the prison placed everything 
 under his control. After a while. Pharaoh 
 was incensed against two of his officers, 
 "the chief of the cup-bearers" and the 
 " chief of the bakers," and cast them into 
 the prison where Joseph was. Each dreamed 
 a prophetic dream, which Joseph interpret- 
 ed. "After two years," Joseph's deliver- 
 ance came. Pharaoh dreamed two pro- 
 phetic dreams. "He stood by the river 
 [the Nile]. And, behold, earning up out 
 of the river seven kine [or ' heifers'], 
 beautiful in appearance and fat-fleshed; 
 and they fed in the marsh-grass. And, be-
 
 JOSEPH 
 
 315 
 
 JOSEPH 
 
 hold, seven other kine coming up after 
 them out of the river, evil in appearance, 
 and lean-fleshed" (xli. 1-3). These, after- 
 wards described still more strongly, ate up 
 the first seven, and yet, as is said in the 
 second account, when they had eaten them 
 remained as len as before (xli. 1-4, 17-21). 
 Then Pharaoh had a second dream : " Be- 
 hold, seven ears of corn coming up on one 
 stalk, fat [or 'full,' ver. 22] and good. 
 And, behold, seven ears, thin and blasted 
 with the east wind, sprouting forth after 
 them" (ver. 5, 6). These, also described 
 more strongly in the second account, de- 
 voured the first seven ears (ver. 5-7, 22- 
 24). In the morning Pharaoh sent for the 
 "scribes" and the "wise men," and they 
 were unahle to give him an interpretation. 
 Then the chief of the cup-bearers remem- 
 bered Joseph, and told Pharaoh how a 
 young Hebrew, "servant to the captain of 
 the executioners," had interpreted his and 
 his fellow-prisoner's dreams. " Then Pha- 
 raoh sent and called Joseph, and they made 
 him hasten out of the prison : and he shaved 
 [himself], and changed his raiment, and 
 came unto Pharaoh " (ver. 14). The king 
 then related his dreams, and Joseph, when 
 he had disclaimed human wisdom, declared 
 to him that they were sent of God to fore- 
 warn Pharaoh. There was essentially but 
 one dream. Both kine and ears symbolized 
 years. There were to be seven years of 
 great plenty in Egypt, and after them seven 
 years of consuming and " very heavy fam- 
 ine." On the interpretation it may be 
 remarked, that the kine represented the 
 animal products, and the ears of corn the 
 vegetable products, the most important 
 object in each class representing the whole 
 class. Having interpreted the dream, Jo- 
 seph counselled Pharaoh to choose a wise 
 man and set him over the country, in order 
 that he should take the fifth part of the 
 produce of the seven years of plenty against 
 the years of famine. To this high post the 
 king appointed Joseph, made Mm not only 
 governor of Egypt, but second only to the 
 sovereign. He also " gave him to wife 
 Asenath daughter of Potipherah, priest [or 
 prince '] of On." Joseph's first act was to 
 go throughout all the land of Egypt. Dur- 
 ing the seven plenteous years there was a 
 very abundant produce, and he gathered 
 the fifth part, as he had advised Pharaoh, 
 and laid it up. Before the year of famine 
 Asenath bare Joseph two sons. When the 
 seven good years had passed, the famine 
 began (Gen. xli. 54-57). Famines are 
 not very unfrequent in the history of 
 Egypt. [FAMINE.] After the famine had 
 lasted for a time, apparently two years, 
 Joseph gathered up all the money that 
 was found in the land of Egypt, and in 
 the land of Canaan, for the corn which 
 they bought; and Joseph brought the 
 
 j money into Pharaoh's house (xlvii. 13, 14). 
 | When all the money of Epypt and Ca- 
 j naan was exhausted, barter became neces- 
 | sary. Joseph then obtained all the cattle of 
 j Egypt, and in the next year, all the land. 
 ' except that of the priests, and apparently, 
 ! as a consequence, the Egyptians themselves. 
 He demanded, however, only a fifth part 
 of the produce as Pharaoh's right. Early 
 in the time of famine, which prevailed 
 equally in Canaan and Egypt, Jacob re- 
 proved his helpless sons, and sent them to 
 Egypt, where he knew there was corn to be 
 bought. Benjamin alone he kept with him. 
 Joseph was now governor, an Egyptian in 
 habits and speech. His brethren did not 
 know him, grown, from the boy they had 
 sokl,into a man. Joseph remembered his 
 dreams, and behaved to them as a stranger, 
 using, as we afterwards learn, an inter- 
 preter, and spoke hard words to them, and 
 accused them of being spies. In defending 
 j themselves they spoke of their household. 
 | The whole story of Joseph's treatment of 
 j his brethren is so graphically told in Gen. 
 j xlii.-xlv., and is so familiar, that it is unne- 
 cessary here to repeat it. After the re- 
 moval of his family into Egypt, Jacob and 
 his house abode in the land of Goshen, 
 Joseph still ruling the country. Here 
 ; Jacob, when near his end, gave Joseph a 
 ! portion above his brethren, doubtless in- 
 cluding the " parcel of ground " at She- 
 chem, his future burying-place (comp. John 
 iv. 5). Then he blessed his sons, Joseph 
 most earnestly of all, and died in Egypt. 
 " And Joseph fell upon his face, and wept 
 upon him, and kissed him" (1. 1). When 
 he had caused him to be embalmed by "his 
 servants the physicians," he carried him to 
 Canaan, and laid him in the cave of Mach- 
 pelah, the burying-place of his fathers. 
 Then it was that his brethren feared that, 
 their father being dead, Joseph would pun- 
 ish them, and that he strove to remove 
 their fears. We know no more of Joseph 
 than that he lived " a hundred and ten 
 years," having been more than ninety in 
 Egypt; that he " saw Ephraim's children 
 of the third" [generation], and that "the 
 children also of Machir the son of Manas- 
 seh were borne upon Joseph's knees ; " and 
 that dying he took an oath of his brethren 
 that they should carry up his bones to the 
 land of promise : thus showing in his latest 
 action the faith (Heb. xi. 22) which had 
 guided his whole life. Like his father he 
 was embalmed, " and he was put in a coffin 
 in Egypt" (1.26). His trust Moses kept, 
 and laid the bones of Joseph in his inherit- 
 ance in Shechem, in the territory of Ephra- 
 im his offspring. As to the dynasty which 
 ruled in Egypt during Joseph's residence, 
 see EGYPT. 2. Father of Igal who repre- 
 sented the tribe of Issachar among the spies 
 (Num. xiii. 7). 3. A lay Israelite of the
 
 JOSEPH 
 
 316 
 
 JOSHUA 
 
 family of Bani who was compelled by Ezra 
 to put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 42). 
 4. Representative of the priestly family of 
 Shebaniah, in the next generation after 
 the Return from Captivity (Neh. xii. 14). 
 5- One of the ancestors of Christ (Luke iii. 
 30), son of Jonan. 6. Another ancestor 
 of Christ, son of Judah (Luke iii. 26). 7. 
 Another, son of Mattathias (Luke iii. 24). 
 8. Son of Heli, and reputed father of Jesus 
 Christ. All that is told us of Joseph in the 
 N. T. may be summed up in a few words. 
 He was a just man, and of the house and 
 lineage of David. The public registers 
 also contained his name under the reckon- 
 ing of the house of David (John i. 45 ; Luke 
 iii. 23; Matt. i. 20; Luke ii. 4). He lived 
 at Nazareth in Galilee, and it is probable 
 that his family had been settled there for 
 at least two preceding generations, possibly 
 from the time of Matthat, the common 
 grandfather of Joseph and Mary, since 
 Mary lived there too (Luke i. 26, 27). He 
 espoused Mary, the daughter and heir of 
 his uncle Jacob, and before he took her 
 home as his wife received the angelic com- 
 munication recorded in Matt. i. 20. When 
 Jesus was 12 years old Joseph and Mary 
 took him with them to keep the Passover 
 at Jerusalem, and when they returned to 
 Nazareth he continued to act as a father to 
 the child Jesus, and was reputed to be so 
 indeed. But here our knowledge of Joseph 
 ends. That he died before our Lord's 
 crucifixion, is indeed tolerably certain, by 
 what is related, John xix. 27, and perhaps 
 Mark vi. 3 may imply that he was then 
 dead. But where, when, or how he died, 
 we know not. 9. JOSEPH OF ARIMA- 
 THAKA, a rich and pious Israelite, is denom- 
 inated by Mark (xv. 43), an honorable 
 counsellor, by which we are probably to 
 understand that he was a member of the 
 Great Council, or Sanhedrim. He is fur- 
 ther characterized as "a good man and a 
 just" (Luke xxiii. 50), one of those who, 
 bearing in their hearts the words of their old 
 prophets, were waiting for the kingdom of 
 God (Mark xv. 43 ; Luke ii. 25, 38, xxiii. 
 51). We are expressly told that he did not 
 " consent to the counsel and deed " of his 
 colleagiies in conspiring to bring about the 
 death of Jesus ; but he seems to have lacked 
 the courage to protest against their judg- 
 ment. At all events we know that he 
 shrank, through fear of his countrymen, 
 from professing himself openly a disciple 
 of our Lord. The crucifixion seems to have 
 wrought in him the same clear conviction 
 that it wrought in the Centurion who stood 
 by the cross ; for on the very evening of 
 that dreadful day, when the triumph of the 
 chief priests and rulers seemed complete, 
 Joseph " went in boldly unto Pilate and 
 craved the body of Jesus." Pilate con- 
 Bented. Joseph and N icuderuus then, hav- 
 
 ing enfolded the sacred body in the linen 
 shroud which Joseph had bought, consigned 
 it to a tomb hewn in a rock, a tomb where 
 no human corpse had ever yet been laid. 
 The tomb was in a garden belonging to 
 Joseph, and close to the place of cruci- 
 fixion. There is a tradition that he was 
 one of the seventy disciples. 10. JOSEPH, 
 called BARSABAS, and surnamcd Justus ; 
 one of the two persons chosen by the as- 
 sembled church (Acts i. 23) as worthy to 
 fill the place in the Apostolic company from 
 which Judas had fallen. 
 
 Jo'ses. 1. Son of Eliezer, in the gene- 
 alogy of Christ (Luke iii. 29). 2. One of 
 the Lord's brethren (Matt. xiii. 55 ; Mark 
 vi. 3). 3. JOSES BARNABAS (Acts iv. 36). 
 [BARNABAS.] 
 
 Jo'shah. a prince of the house of Sim- 
 eon, son of Amaziah, in the days of Heze- 
 kiah (1 Chr. iv. 34, 38-41). 
 
 Josh'aphat, the Mithnite, one of Da- 
 vid's guard (1 Chr. xi. 43). 
 
 Joshavi ah, the son of Elnaam, and 
 one of David's guards (1 Chr. xi. 46). 
 
 Joshbek'ashah, son of Hcman, head 
 of the 17th course of musicians (1 Chr. 
 xxv. 4, 24). 
 
 Josh'ua. His name appears in the 
 various forms of HOSHEA, OSHEA, JEHOSH- 
 UA, JESHCA, and JESUS. 1. The son of 
 Nun, of the tribe of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 
 27), and was nearly forty years old when 
 he shared in the hurried triumph of the Ex- 
 odus. He is mentioned first in connection 
 with the fight against Amalek at Rephidim, 
 when he was chosen by Moses to lead the 
 Israelites (Ex. xvii. 9). When Moses as- 
 cended Mount Sinai to receive for the first 
 time the two Tables, Joshua, who is called 
 his minister or servant, accompanied him 
 part of the way, and was the first to accost 
 him in his descent (Ex. xxxii. 17). Soon 
 afterwards he was one of the twelve chiefs 
 who were sent (Num. xiii. 17) to explore 
 the land of Canaan, and one of the two 
 (xiv. 6) who gave an encouraging report 
 of their journey. The 40 years of wander- 
 ing were almost passed, and Joshua was 
 one of the few survivors, when Moses, 
 shortly before his death, was directed (Num. 
 xxvii. 18) to invest Joshua solemnly and 
 publicly with definite authority, in connec- 
 tion with Eleazar the priest, over the peo- 
 ple. And after this was done, God Him- 
 self gave Joshua a charge by the mouth of 
 the dying Lawgiver (Deut. xxxi. 14, 23). 
 Under the direction of God again renewed 
 (Josh. i. 1), Joshua assumed the command 
 of the people at Sbittim, sent spies into Jer- 
 icho, crossed the Jordan, fortified a camp 
 at Gilgal, circumcised the people, kept the 
 passover, and was visited by the Captain 
 of the Lord's Host. A miracle made the fall 
 of Jericho more terrible to the Canaanites. 
 In the first attack upon Ai the Israelites
 
 JOSHUA, BOOK OP 
 
 817 
 
 JOSIAH 
 
 were repulsed : it fell at the second assault, 
 and the invaders marched to the relief of 
 Gibeon. In the great battle of Bethhoron 
 the Amorites were signally routed, and the 
 south country was open to the Israelites. 
 Joshua returned to the camp at Gilgal, 
 master of half of Palestine. In the north, 
 at the waters of Merom, he defeated the 
 Canaanites under Jabin king of Hazor, and 
 pursued his success to the gates of Zidon 
 and into the valley of Lebanon under Her- 
 mon. In six years, six tribes with thirty- 
 one petty chiefs were conquered ; amongst 
 others the Anakim the old terror of Is- 
 rael are especially recorded as destroyed 
 everywhere except in Philistia. Joshua, 
 now stricken in years, proceeded in con- 
 junction with Eleazar and the heads of the 
 tribes to complete the division of the con- 
 quered land ; and when all was allotted, 
 Timnath-serah in Mount Ephraim was as- 
 signed by the people as Joshua's peculiar 
 inheritance. After an interval of rest, 
 Joshua convoked an assembly from all Is- 
 rael. He delivered two solemn addresses, 
 reminding them of the marvellous fulfil- 
 ment of God's promises to their fathers, and 
 warning them of the conditions on which 
 their prosperity depended; and lastly, he 
 caused them to renew their covenant with 
 God at Shechem, a place already famous 
 in connection with Jacob (Gen. xxxv. 4), 
 and Joseph (Josh. xxiv. 32). He died at 
 the age of 110 years, and was buried in his 
 own city, Timnath-serah. 2. An inhab- 
 itant of Bethshemesh, in whose land was 
 the stone at which the milch-kine stopped, 
 when they drew the ark of God with the 
 offerings of the Philistines from Ekron to 
 Bethshemesh (1 Sam. vi. 14, 18). 3. A 
 governor of the city who gave his name to 
 a gate of Jerusalem (2 K. xxiii. 8). 4. 
 JESHUA the son of Jozadak (Hag. i. 14, ii. 
 1; Zech. iii. 1, &c.). 
 
 Joshua, Book of. This book has 
 been regarded by many critics as a part of 
 the Pentateuch, forming with the latter one 
 complete work ; but there do not appear to 
 be sufficient grounds for this opinion. The 
 fact that the first sentence of Joshua begins 
 with a conjunction does not show any closer 
 connection between it and the Pentateuch 
 than exists between Judges and it. The 
 references in i. 8, viii. 31, xxiii. 6, xxiv. 
 20, to the "book of the law" rather show 
 that that book was distinct from Joshua. 
 Other references to events recorded in the 
 Pentateuch tend in the same direction. No 
 quotation (in the strict modern sense of the 
 word) from the Pentateuch can be found in 
 Joshua. The book may be regarded as 
 consisting of three parts : (I.) The con- 
 quest of Canaan; (II.) The partition of 
 Canaan; (III.) Joshua's farewell. I. The 
 preparations for the war and the passage 
 of the Jordan, ch. 1-5 ; the capture of Jeri- 
 
 I cho, 6 ; the conquest of the south, 7-10; the 
 conquest of the north, 11 ; recapitulation, 
 12. II. Territory assigned to Eeuben, 
 Gad, and half Manasseh, 13 ; the lot of Ca- 
 leb and of the tribe of Judah, 14, 15 ; Ephra- 
 im and half Manasseh, 16, 17 ; Benja- 
 min, 18 ; Simeon, Zebulun, Issachar, Asher, 
 Naphtali, and Dan, 19 ; the appointment of 
 six cities of refuge, 20; the assignment of 
 forty-eight cities to Levi, 21 ; the departure 
 of the trans-Jordanic tribes to their homes, 
 22. This part of the book has been aptly 
 compared to the Domesday-book of the 
 Norman conquerors of England. The doc- 
 uments of which it consists were doubtless 
 the abstract of such reports as were supplied 
 by the men whom Joshua sent out to de- 
 scribe the land. In the course of time it 
 is probable that changes were introduced 
 into their reports by transcribers adapting 
 them to the actual state of the country in 
 later times, when political divisions were 
 modified, new towns sprang up and old 
 ones disappeared. III. Joshua's convoca- 
 tion of the people and first address, 23; hia 
 second address at Shechem, and his death, 
 24. Nothing is really known as to the au- 
 thorship of the book. Joshua himself is 
 generally named as the author by the Jew- 
 ish writers and the Christian Fathers ; but 
 no contemporary assertion or sufficient his- 
 torical proof of the fact exists, and it can- 
 not be maintained without qualification. 
 The last verses (xxiv. 29-33) were obvi- 
 ously added at a later time. Some events, 
 such as the capture of Hebron, of Debir 
 (Josh. xv. 13-19, and Judg. i. 10-15), of 
 Leshem (Josh. xix. 47, and Judg. xviii. 
 7), and the joint occupation of Jerusalem 
 (Josh. xv. 63, and Judg. i. 21) probably 
 did not occur till after Joshua's death. 
 
 Josi'ah. 1. The son of Amon and 
 Jedidah, succeeded his father B. c. 641, in 
 the eighth year of his age, and reigned 31 
 years. His history is contained in 2 K. 
 xxii.-xxiv. 30; 2 Chr. xxxiv., xxxv. ; and 
 the first twelve chapters of Jeremiah throw 
 much light upon the general character of 
 the Jews in his days. He began in the 
 eighth year of his reign to seek the Lord ; 
 and in his twelfth year, and for six years 
 afterwards, in a personal progress through- 
 out all the land of Judah and Israel, he 
 destroyed everywhere high places, groves, 
 images, and .all outward signs and relics of 
 idolatry. The temple was restored under a 
 special. commission; and in the course of 
 the repairs Hilkiah the priest found that 
 book of the Law of the Lord which quick- 
 ened so remarkably the ardent zeal of the 
 king. The great day of Josiah's life was 
 the day of the Passover in the eighteenth 
 year of his reign. After this, his endeavors 
 to abolish every trace of idolatry and super- 
 stition were still carried en. But the time 
 drew near which had been indicated by
 
 JOSIAS 
 
 318 
 
 JUDA 
 
 Huldah (2 K. xxii. 20). When Pharaoh- 
 Necho went from Egypt to Carchemish to 
 carry on his war against Assyria, Josiah, 
 possibly in a spirit of loyalty to the As- 
 syrian king, to whom he may have been 
 bound, opposed his march along the sea- 
 coast. Necho reluctantly paused and gave 
 him battle in the valley of Esdraelon. Jo- 
 siah was mortally wounded, and died be- 
 fore he could reach Jerusalem. He was 
 buried with extraordinary honors. 2. The 
 eon of Zephaniah, at whose house the 
 prophet Zechariah was commanded to as- 
 semble the chief men of the captivity, to 
 witness the solemn and symbolical crown- 
 ing of Joshua the high-priest (Zech. vi. 9). 
 Josi'as. Josiah, king of Judah (Matt. 
 
 1. 10, 11). 
 
 Josibi'ah, the father of Jehu, a Simeon- 
 ite (1 Chr. iv. 35). 
 
 Josiphi'ah, the father or ancestor of 
 Shelomith, who returned with Ezra (Ezr. 
 viii. 10). 
 
 Jot'bah., the native place of Meshulle- 
 moth, the queen of Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 19). 
 
 Jot'bath, or Jot'bathah. (Deut. x. 7 ; 
 Num. xxxiii. 33), a desert station of the 
 Israelites. 
 
 Jo'tham. 1. The youngest son of 
 Gideon (Judg. ix. 5), who escaped from the 
 massacre of his brethren. His parable of 
 the reign of the bramble is the earliest ex- 
 ample of the kind. 2. The son of king 
 Uzziah or Azanah and Jerushah. After 
 *ihi\inistering the kingdom for some years 
 during Ms father's leprosy, he succeeded to 
 the throne B. c. 758, when he was 25 years 
 old, and reigned 16 years in Jerusalem. 
 He was contemporary with Pekah and with 
 the prophet Isaiah. His history is con- 
 tained in 2 K. xv. and 2 Chr. xxvii. 3. A 
 descendant of Judah, son of Jahdai (1 Chr. 
 ii. 47). 
 
 Joz'abad. 1. A captain of the thou- 
 sands of Manasseh, who deserted to David 
 before the battle of Gilboa (1 Chr. xii. 20). 
 
 2. A hero of Manasseh, like the preceding 
 (1 Chr. xii. 20). 3. A Levite in the reign 
 of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). 4. A chief 
 Levite in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 
 9). 5. A Levite, son of Jeshua, in the 
 days of Ezra (Ezr. viii. 33). Probably 
 identical with 7. 6. A priest of the sons 
 of Pashur, who had married a foreign wife 
 (Ezr. x. 22). 7. A Levite among those 
 who returned with Ezra and had married 
 foreign wives. He is probably identical 
 with Jozabad the Levite (Neh. viii. 7) ; 
 and with Jozabad, who presided over the 
 outer work of the Temple (Neh. xi. 16). 
 
 Joz'achar, the son of Shimeath the 
 Ammonitess, and one of the murderers of 
 Joash king of Judah (2 K. xii. 21). The 
 writer of the Chronicles (2 Chr. xxiv. 26) 
 calls him Zabad, which is nothing more 
 than a clerical error for Jozachar. 
 
 Joz'adak, Ezr. iii. 2, 8 ; v. 2 ; x. 18 , Neh. 
 xii. 26. The contracted form of JEIIOZADAK. 
 
 Ju'bal, a son of Lamech by Adah, and 
 the inventor of the " harp and organ " 
 (Gen. iv. 21), probably general terms for 
 stringed and wind instruments. 
 
 Jubilee, The Year of, the fiftieth 
 year after the succession of seven Sabbati- 
 cal years, in which all the land which had 
 been alienated returned to the families of 
 those to whom it had been allotted in the 
 original distribution, and all bondmen of 
 Hebrew blood were liberated. The rela- 
 tion in which it stood to the Sabbatical 
 year and the general directions for its ob- 
 servance are given Lev. xxv. 8-16 and 23- 
 55. Its bearing on lands dedicated to Je- 
 hovah is stated Lev. xxvii. 16-25. There 
 is no mention of the Jubilee in the book of 
 Deuteronomy, and the only other refer- 
 ence to it in the Pentateuch is in Num. 
 xxxvi. 4. The year was inaugurated on 
 the Day of Atonement with the blowing of 
 trumpets throughout the land, and by a 
 proclamation of universal liberty. Jose- 
 phus states that all debts were remitted in 
 the year of Jubilee ; but the Scripture 
 speaks of the remission of debts only in 
 connection with the Sabbatical year (Deut. 
 xv. 1, 2), and the Jewish writers say ex- 
 pressly that the remission of debts was a 
 point of distinction between the Sabbatical 
 year and the Jubilee. The Jewish writers 
 in general consider that the Jubilee was 
 observed till the destruction of the first 
 temple. But there is no direct historical 
 notice of its observance on any one occa- 
 sion, either in the books of the O. T., or in 
 any other records. The only passages in 
 the Prophets which can be regarded with 
 much confidence, as referring to the Ju- 
 bilee in any way, are Is. v. 7, 8, 9, 10, Ixi. 
 1, 2; Ez. vii. 12, 13, xlvi. 16, 17, 18. The 
 Jubilee is to be regarded as the outer cir- 
 cle of that great Sabbatical system which 
 comprises within it the Sabbatical year, 
 the sabbatical month, and the sabbath day. 
 But the Jubilee is more immediately con- 
 nected with the body politic ; and it was 
 only as a member of the state that each 
 person concerned could participate in its 
 provisions. It was not distinguished by 
 any prescribed religious observance pecu- 
 liar to itself, like the rites of the sabbath 
 day and of the sabbatical month. As far 
 as legislation could go, its provisions tend- 
 ed to restore that equality in outward cir- 
 cumstances which was instituted in the 
 first settlement of the land by Joshua. 
 
 Ju'cal, son of Shelemiah (Jer. xxxviii. 
 
 !) 
 
 Ju'da. 1. Son of Joseph in the gen- 
 ealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 30). 2. Son 
 of Joanna, or Hananiah [HAKANIAH, 8] 
 (Luke iii. 26). He seems to be certainly 
 the same person as Abiud in Matt. i. 13.
 
 JUDAEA 
 
 319 
 
 JTTDAH, KINGDOM OF 
 
 3. One of the Lord's brethren, enumerated 
 in Mark vi. 3. 4. The patriarch Judah 
 (Sus. 56 ; Luke iii. 33 ; Heb. vii. 14 ; Rev. 
 v. 5, vii. 5). 
 
 Judae'a, or Jude'a, a territorial divis- 
 ion which succeeded to the overthrow of 
 the ancient landmarks of the tribes of Is- 
 rael and Judah in their respective captivi- 
 ties. The word first occurs Dan. v. 13 (A. 
 V. " Jewry "), and the first mention of the 
 "province of Judea" is in the book of 
 Ezra (v. 8) ; it is alluded to in Neh. xi. 3 
 (A. V. "Judah"), and was the result of 
 the division of the Persian empire men- 
 tioned by Herodotus (iii. 89-97), under 
 Darius (comp. Esth. viii. 9; Dan. vi. 1). 
 In the Apocryphal Books the word " prov- 
 ince " is dropped, and throughout the 
 books of Esdras, Tobit, Judith, and Mac- 
 cabees, the expressions are the " land of 
 Judaea," " Judaea " (A. V. frequently 
 "Jewry"), and throughout the N. T. In 
 a wide and more improper sense, the term 
 Judaea was sometimes extended to the 
 whole country of the Canaanites, its an- 
 cient inhabitants ; and even in the Gospels 
 we seem to read of the coasts of Judaea 
 "beyond Jordan" (Matt. xix. 1; Mark x. 
 1). Judaea was, in strict language, the 
 name of the third district, west of the Jor- 
 dan, and south of Samaria. It was made 
 a portion of the Roman province of Syria 
 upon the deposition of Archelaus, the eth- 
 narch of Judea, in A. D. 6, and was gov- 
 erned by a procurator, who was subject to 
 the governor of Syria. 
 
 Ju'dah, the fourth son of Jacob and the 
 fourth of Leah, the last before the tempo- 
 rary cessation in the births of her children. 
 His whole-brothers were Reuben, Simeon, 
 nnd Levi, elder than himself Issachar 
 and Zebulun, younger (see Gen. xxxv. 23). 
 Of Judah's personal character more traits 
 are preserved than of any other of the pa- 
 triarchs, with the exception of Joseph. In 
 the matter of the sale of Joseph, he and 
 Reuben stand out in favorable contrast to 
 the rest of the brothers. When a second 
 visit to Egypt for corn had become inevita- 
 ble, it was Judah who, as the mouthpiece 
 of the rest, headed the remonstrance against 
 the detention of Benjamin by Jacob, and 
 finally undertook to be responsible for the 
 safety of the lad (xliii. 3-10). And when, 
 through Joseph's artifice, the brothers were 
 brought back to the palace, he is again the 
 leader and spokesman of the band. So too 
 it is Judah who is sent before Jacob to 
 smooth the way for him in the land of Go- 
 shen (xlvi. 28). This ascendency over 
 his brethren is reflected in the last words 
 addressed to him by his father. His sons 
 were five. Of these, three were by his 
 Canaanite wife Bath-shua. They are all 
 insignificant; two died early ; and the third, 
 SUELAH, does not come prominently for- 
 
 ward, either in his person or his family. 
 The other two, PHAREZ and ZERAH, were 
 illegitimate sons by the widow of Er, the 
 eldest of the former family. As is not un- 
 frequently the case, the illegitimate sons 
 surpassed the legitimate, and from Pharez, 
 the elder, were descended the royal and 
 other illustrious families of Judah. The 
 three sons went with their father into Egypt 
 at the time of the final removal thither 
 (Gen. xlvi. 12; Ex. i. 2). When we again 
 meet with the families of Judah they occu- 
 py a position among the tribes similar to 
 that which their progenitor had taken 
 amongst the patriarchs. The numbers of 
 the tribe at the census at Sinai were 74,600 
 (Num. i. 26, 27), considerably in advance 
 of any of the others, the largest of which 
 Dan numbered 62,700. On the bor- 
 ders of the Promised Land they were 76,500 
 (xxvi. 22), Dan being still the nearest. 
 During the march through the desert, Ju- 
 dah's place was in the van of the host, on 
 the east side of the Tabernacle, with his 
 kinsmen Issachar and Zebulun (ii. 3-9, x. 
 14). During the conquest of the country 
 the only incidents specially affecting the 
 tribe of Judah are (1) the misdeed of 
 Achan, who was of the great house of Ze- 
 rah (Josh. vii. 1, 16-18) ; and (2) the con- 
 quest of the mountain district of Hebron 
 by Caleb, and of the strong city Debir, 
 in the same locality, by his nephew and 
 son-in-law Othniel (Josh. xiv. 6-15, xv. 13- 
 19). The boundaries and contents of the 
 territory allotted to Judah are narrated at 
 great length, and with greater minuteness 
 than the others, in Josh. xv. 20-63. The 
 north boundary, for the most part coinci- 
 dent with the south boundary of Benjamin, 
 began at the embouchure of the Jordan, 
 entered the hills apparently at or about 
 the present road from Jericho, ran west- 
 ward to En-shemesh, probably the pres- 
 ent Ain-Haud, below Bethany, thence over 
 the Mount of Olives to Enrogel, in the 
 valley beneath Jerusalem ; went along the 
 ravine of Hinnom, under the precipices of 
 the city, climbed the hill in a N. W. direc- 
 tion to the water of the Nephtoah (probably 
 Lifta), and thence byKirjath-Jearim (prob- 
 ably Kuriet-el-Enab}, Bethshemesh (Ain- 
 Shems), Timnath, and Ekron to Jabneel on 
 the sea-coast. On the east the Dead Sea, 
 and on the west the Mediterranean, formed 
 the boundaries. The southern line is hard 
 to determine, since it is denoted by places 
 many of which have not been identified. It 
 left the Dead Sea at its extreme south end, 
 and joined the Mediterranean at the Wady 
 el-Arish. This territory is in average 
 length about 45 miles, and in average 
 breadth about 50. 
 
 Ju'dah, Kingdom of. When the dis- 
 ruption of Solomon's kingdom took place at 
 Shechem, only the tribe of Judah followed
 
 JUDAH, KINGDOM OF 
 
 320 
 
 JUDAS ISCARIOT 
 
 the house of David. But almost immediately j 
 afterwards, when Rehoboara conceived the 
 design of establishing his authority over 
 Israel by force of arms, the tribe of Ben- 
 jamin also is recorded as obeying his sum- 
 mons, and contributing its warriors to make 
 up his army. Two Benjamite towns, Bethel 
 and Jericho, were included in the northern 
 kingdom. A part, if not all, of the terri- 
 tory of Simeon (1 Sam. xxvii. 6 ; 1 K. xix. 
 3; comp. Josh. xix. 1) and of Dan (2 Chr. 
 xi. 10; comp. Josh. xix. 41, 42) was recog- 
 nized as belonging to Judah; and in the 
 reigns of Abijah and Asa the southern 
 kingdom was enlarged by some additions 
 taken out of the territory of Ephraim (2 
 Chr. xiii. 19, xv. 8, xvii. 2). The kingdom 
 of Judah possessed many advantages which 
 secured for it a longer continuance than 
 that of Israel. A frontier less exposed to 
 powerful enemies, a soil less fertile, a popu- 
 lation hardier and more united, a fixed and 
 venerated centre of administration and re- 
 ligion, an hereditary aristocracy in the sac- 
 erdotal caste, an army always subordinate, 
 a succession of kings which no revolution 
 interrupted : to these and other secon- 
 dary causes is to be attributed the fact that 
 Judah survived her more populous and 
 more powerful sister kingdom by 135 years, 
 and lasted from B. c. 975 to B. c. 536. (a.) 
 The first three kings of Judah seem to 
 have cherished the hope of re-establishing 
 their authority over the Ten Tribes ; for 
 sixty years there was war between them 
 and the kings of Israel. The victory 
 achieved by the daring Abijah brought to 
 Judah a temporary accession of territory. 
 Asa appears to have enlarged it still fur- 
 ther. (6.) Hanani's remonstrance (2 Chr. 
 xvi. 7) prepares us for the reversal by Je- 
 hoshaphat of the policy which Asa pursued 
 towards Israel and Damascus. A close 
 alliance sprang up with strange rapidity 
 between Judah and Israel. Jehoshaphat, 
 active and prosperous, repelled nomad in- 
 vaders from the desert, curbed the aggres- 
 sive spirit of his nearer neighbors, and 
 made his influence felt even among the 
 Philistines and Arabians. Amaziah, flushed 
 with the recovery of Edom, provoked a 
 war with his more powerful contemporary 
 Jehoash the conqueror of the Syrians ; and 
 Jerusalem was entered and plundered by 
 the Israelites. Under Uzziah and Jotham, 
 Judah long enjoyed political and religious 
 prosperity, till Ahaz became the tributary 
 and vassal of Tiglath-Pileser. (c.) Al- 
 ready in the fatal grasp of Assyria, Judah 
 was yet spared for a checkered existence 
 of almost another century and a half after 
 the termination of the kingdom of Israel. 
 The consummation of the ruin came upon 
 them in the destruction of the Temple by 
 the hand of Nebuzaradan, amid the wail- 
 ings of prophets, and the taunts of heathen 
 
 tribes released at length from the yoke of 
 David. 
 
 Ju'das, the Greek form of the Hebrew 
 name JUDAH, occurring in the LXX. and 
 N. T. 1. The Patriarch JUDAH (Matt, i. 
 2, 3). 2. A man residing at Damascus, in 
 "the street which is called Straight," in 
 whose house Saul of Tarsus lodged after 
 his miraculous conversion (Acts ix. 11). 
 
 Ju'das, surnamed Bar'sabas, a lead- 
 ing member of the Apostolic church at 
 Jerusalem (Acts xv. 22), endued with the 
 gift of prophecy (ver. 32), chosen with 
 Silas to accompany Paul and Barnabas as 
 delegates to the church at Antioch, to make 
 known the decree concerning the terms of 
 admission of the Gentile converts (ver. 27). 
 After employing their prophetical gifts for 
 the confirmation of the Syrian Christians in 
 the faith, Judas went back to Jerusalem. 
 
 Ju'das of Galilee, the leader of a 
 popular revolt "in the days of the taxing" 
 (t. e. the census, under the prefecture of 
 P. Sulp. Quirinus, A. D. 6, A. u. c. 759), re- 
 ferred to by Gamaliel in his speech before 
 the Sanhedrim (Acts v. 37). According 
 to Josephus, Judas was a Gaulonite of the 
 city of Gamala, probabty taking his name 
 of Galilean from his insurrection having 
 had its rise in Galilee. His revolt had a 
 theocratic character, the watchword of 
 which was, " We have no lord or master 
 but God." Judas himself perished, and his 
 followers were dispersed. With his fellow- 
 insurgent Sadoc, a Pharisee, Judas is rep- 
 resented by Josephus as the founder of a 
 fourth sect, in addition to the Pharisees, 
 Sadducees, and Essenes. The Gaulonites, 
 as his followers were called, may be re- 
 garded as the doctrinal ancestors of the 
 Zealots and Sicarii of later days. 
 
 Ju'das Iscar'iot. He is sometimes 
 called " the son of Simon " (John vi. 71, 
 xiii. 2, 26), but more commonly called (the 
 three Synoptic Gospels give no other name) 
 Iscariotes (Matt. x. 4 ; Mark iii. 19 ; Luke 
 vi. 16, &c.). In the three lists of the 
 Twelve there is added in each case the 
 fact that he was the betrayer. The name 
 Iscariot has received many interpretations 
 more or less conjectural. The most proba- 
 ble are (1) From Kerioth (Josh. xv. 25), 
 in the tribe of Judah. On this hypothesis 
 his position among the Twelve, the rest of 
 whom belonged to Galilee (Acts ii. 7), 
 would be exceptional ; and this has led to 
 (2) From Kartha in Galilee (Kartan, A. V. 
 Josh. xxi. 22). (3) From scortea, a leath- 
 ern apron, the name being applied to him 
 as the bearer of the bag, and = Judas with 
 the apron. Of the life of Judas, before 
 the appearance of his name in the lists of 
 the Apostles, we know absolutely nothing. 
 What that appearance implies, however, 
 is, that he had previously declared him- 
 self a disciple. He was drawn, as the
 
 JUDAS ISCARIOT 
 
 321 
 
 JUDE 
 
 others were, by the preaching of the Bap- 
 tist, or his own Messianic hopes, or the 
 "gracious words " of the new Teacher, to 
 leave his former life, and to obey the call of 
 the Prophet of Nazareth. The choice was 
 not made, we inus; remember, without a 
 prevision of its issue (John. vi. 64). The 
 germs of the evil, in all likelihood, unfold- 
 ed themselves gradually. The rules to 
 which the Twelve were subject in their 
 first journey (Matt. x. 9, 10) shelteced him 
 from the temptation that would have been 
 most dangerous to him. The new form 
 of life, of which we find the first traces in 
 Luke viii. 3, brought that temptation with 
 it. As soon as the Twelve were recognized 
 as a body, travelling hither and thither with 
 their Master, receiving money and other 
 offerings, and redistributing what they re- 
 ceived to the poor, it became necessary that 
 some one should act as the steward and 
 almoner of the small society, and this fell 
 to Judas (John xii. 6, xiii. 29). The Gal- 
 ilean or Judacan peasant found himself 
 intrusted with larger sums of money than 
 before, and with this there came covetous- 
 ness, unfaithfulness, embezzlement. It 
 was impossible after this that he could feel 
 at ease with One who asserted so clearly 
 and sharply the laws of faithfulness, duty, 
 unselfishness. The narrative of Matt, xxvi., 
 Mark xiv., places this history in close con- 
 nection with the fact of the betrayal. It 
 leaves the motives of the betrayer to con- 
 jecture. The mere love of money may 
 have been strong enough to make him 
 clutch at the bribe offered him. Mingled 
 with this there may have been some feeling 
 of vindictiveness, a vague, confused desire 
 to show that he had power to stop the 
 career of the Teacher who had reproved 
 him. There may have been the thought 
 that, after all, the betrayal could do no 
 harm, that his Master would prove his in- 
 nocence, or by some supernatural manifes- 
 tation effect his escape. Another motive 
 has been suggested of an entirely different 
 kind, altering altogether the character of 
 the act. Not the love of money, nor re- 
 venge, nor fear, nor disappointment, but 
 policy, a subtle plan to force on the hour 
 of the triumph of the Messianic -kingdom, 
 the belief that for this service he would re- 
 ceive as high a place as Peter, or James, or 
 John ; this it was that made him the traitor. 
 Ingenious as this hypothesis is, it fails for 
 that very reason. Of the other motives 
 that have been assigned we need not care 
 to fix on any one, as that which singly led 
 him on. During the days that intervened 
 between the supper at Bethany and the 
 Paschal or quasi-Paschal gathering, he ap- 
 peared to have concealed his treachery. At 
 the last Supper he is present, looking for- 
 ward to the consummation of his guilt as 
 drawing nearer every hour. Then come 
 21 
 
 the sorrowful words which showed him that 
 his design was known. " One of you shall 
 betray me." After this there comes on him 
 that paroxysm and insanity of guilt as of 
 one whose human soul was possessed by the 
 Spirit of Evil " Satan entered into him " 
 (John xiii. 27). He knows that garden in 
 which his Master and his companions had 
 so often rested after the weary work of the 
 day. He comes, accompanied by a band 
 of officers and servants (John xviii. 3), with 
 the kiss which was probably the usual salu- 
 tation of the disciples. The words of Jesus, 
 calm and gentle as they were, showed that 
 this was what embittered the treachery, and 
 made the suffering it inflicted more acute 
 (Luke xxii. 48). What followed in the 
 confusion of that night the Gospels do not 
 record. The fever of the crime passed 
 away. There came back on him the recol- 
 lection of the sinless righteousness of the 
 Master he had wronged (Matt, xxvii. 3). 
 He repented, and his guilt and all that had 
 tempted him to it became hateful. He car- 
 ried back the thirty pieces of silver to the 
 chief priests, and confessed his sin, hoping 
 perhaps that good might yet be done by this 
 assertion of Christ's innocence. Their only 
 answer was to throw the responsibility upon 
 him ; and casting down the money on the 
 pavement of the Temple, he went and 
 hanged himself. His death was made more 
 horrible to all the inhabitants of Jerusalem 
 by the circumstance recorded by St. Luke 
 in the Acts ; but most awful of all is the 
 sentence which was more than once pro- 
 nounced upon him by the Lord, and with 
 which Peter dismisses his name from the 
 Apostles' list, " from which Judas by trans- 
 gression fell, that he might go to his own 
 place." With a scrupulousness which is the 
 most striking example of religious formal- 
 ism glossing over moral deformity, the 
 chief priests decided that the thirty silver- 
 pieces, as the price of blood, must not be- 
 put back into the treasury; so they pur~ 
 chased with them the potter's field, without 
 the city, as a burial-place for strangers. It 
 seems to be implied in the narrative that 
 the field thus purchased was also the place 
 where Judas committed suicide, and the 
 double memorial of the scene and the price 
 of blood was preserved by its name, Aeel?~ 
 dama, the field of blood (Matt, xxvii. 3-10; 
 Acts i. 18, 19). It is hardly necessary to- 
 point out that "purchased" in the latter 
 passage is an instance of a common figure of 
 speech, implying indirect agency. [ACEL- 
 DAMA.] 
 
 Ju'das Maccabae'us. [MACCABEES.] 
 Jude, or Ju'das, Lebbe'us, and 
 Thadde'us (A. V. " Judas the brother of 
 James"), one of the Twelve Apostles; a 
 member, toother with his namesake " Is- 
 cariot," James the son of Alphaeus, and 
 Simon Z jlotes, of the last of the three sec-
 
 JUDAS, THE LORD'S BROTHER 322 
 
 JUDGES 
 
 tions of the Apostolic body. The uame 
 Judas only, without any distinguishing 
 mark, occurs in the lists given by St. Luke 
 Ti. 16; Acts i. 13; and in John xiv. 22 
 (where we find "Judas not Iscariot " 
 among the Apostles), but the Apostle has 
 been generally identified with "Lebbeus 
 whose surname was Thaddeus " (Matt. x. 
 3 ; Mark iii. 18). Much difference of opin- 
 ion has existed from the earliest times as 
 to the right interpretation of the words 
 'Iur8ag 'luxfbflov. The generally received 
 opinion is that the A. V. is right in trans- 
 lating " Judas the brother of James." But 
 we prt fer to follow nearly all the most em- 
 inent critical authorities, and render the 
 words " Judas the son of James." The 
 name of Jude occurs only once in the Gos- 
 pel narrative (John xiv. 22). Nothing is 
 certainly known of the later history of the 
 Apostle. Tradition connects him with the 
 foundation of the church at Edessa. 
 
 Ju'das, the Lord's brother. Among 
 the brethren of our Lord mentioned by the 
 people of Nazareth (Matt. xiii. 55 ; Mark 
 vi. 3) occurs a " Judas," who has been 
 sometimes identified with the Apostle of the 
 same name. It has been considered with 
 more probability that he was the writer of 
 the Epistle which bears the name of " Jude 
 the brother of James." 
 
 Jude, Epistle Of. Its author was prob- 
 ably Jude, one of the brethren of Jesus, 
 the subject of the preceding article. Al- 
 though the canon icity of this Epistle was 
 questioned in the earliest ages of the 
 Church, there never was any doubt of its 
 genuineness. The question was never 
 whether it was the work of an impostor, 
 but whether its author was of sufficient 
 weight to warrant its admission into the 
 Canon. This question was gradually de- 
 cided in its favor. There are no data from 
 which to determine its date or place of 
 writing. Lardner places the time between 
 A. D. 64 and 66, Davidson before A. D. 70, 
 Credner A. D. 80, Calmet, Estius, Witsius, 
 and Neander, after the death of all the 
 Apostles but John, and perhaps after the 
 fall of Jerusalem. The object of the Epistle 
 is plainly enough announced, ver. 3 : the 
 reason for this exhortation is given ver. 4. 
 The remainder of the Epistle is almost en- 
 tirely occupied by a minute depiction of the 
 adversaries of the faith. The Epistle closes 
 by briefly reminding the readers of the 
 oft-repeated prediction of the Apostles 
 among whom the writer seems not to rank 
 himself that the faith would be assailed 
 by such enemies as he has depicted (ver. 
 17-19), exhorting them to maintain their 
 own steadfastness in the faith (ver. 20, 21), 
 while they earn?%tly sought to rescue others 
 from the corrupt example of those licentious 
 livers (ver. 22, 23), and commending them 
 to the power of God in language which for- 
 
 cibly recalls the closing benediction of the 
 Epistle to the Romans (ver. 24, 25 ; cf. 
 Rom. xvi. 25-27). This Epistle presents 
 one peculiarity, which, as we learn from 
 St. Jerome, caused its authority to be im- 
 pugned in very early times the supposed 
 citation of apocryphal writings (ver. 9, 14, 
 15). The former of these passages, con- 
 taining the reference to the contest of the 
 archangel Michael and the devil " about 
 the body of Moses," was supposed by 
 Origen to have been founded on a Jewish 
 work called the " Assumption of Moses." 
 As regards the supposed quotation from the 
 Book of Enoch, the question is not so clear 
 whether St. Jude is making a citation from 
 a work already in the hands of his readers, 
 or is employing' a traditionary prophecy not 
 at that time committed to writing. The 
 larger portion of this Epistle (ver. 3-16) is 
 almost identical in language and subject 
 with a part of the Second Epistle of Peter 
 (2 Pet. ii. 1-19). This question is examined 
 in the article PETER, SECOND EPISTLE OF. 
 Judges. The Judges were temporary 
 and special deliverers, sent by God to de- 
 liver the Israelites from their oppressors, 
 not supreme magistrates, succeeding to the 
 authority of Moses and Joshua. Their 
 power only extended over portions of the 
 country, and some of them were contempo- 
 raneous. Their name in Hebrew is Sho- 
 phctim, which is the same as that for ordi- 
 nary judges ; nor is it applied to them in a 
 different sense.* For, though their first 
 work was that of deliverers and leaders in 
 war, they then administered justice to the 
 people, and their authority supplied the 
 want of a regular government. But the 
 only recognized central authority was still 
 the oracle at Shiloh, which sunk into a 
 system of priestly weakness and disorder 
 under Eli and his sons. Even while the 
 administration of Samuel gave something 
 like a settled government to the South, 
 there wa.s scope for the irregular exploits 
 of Samson on the borders of the Philistines ; 
 and Samuel at last established his authority 
 as Judge and prophet, but still as the ser- 
 vant of Jehovah, only to see it so abused by 
 his sons as to exhaust the patience of the 
 people, who at length demanded a KING, 
 .after the pattern of the surrounding nations. 
 The following is a list of the Judges, whose 
 history is given under their respective 
 names : 
 
 First Servitude, to Mesopotamia 
 
 First Judge : OTHNIEL. 
 Second Servitude, to Moab 
 
 Second Judge : EHUD ; 
 
 Jliird Judge : SHAMGAR. 
 Third Servitude, to Jabin and Sisera 
 
 Fourth Judge: DEBORAH and BARAK. 
 
 * The Hebrew word is the same as that of the Carthagin- 
 ian " Snffetea," the name of the magistrates whom we Ibid 
 in the time of the Punic wars.
 
 JUDGES, BOOK OF 323 
 
 JUDITH 
 
 Fourth Servitude, to Midian 
 
 Fifth Judge : GIDEON ; 
 
 Sixth Judge : ABIMELECH 
 
 Seventh Judge : TOLA; 
 
 Eighth Judge : JAIR. 
 Fifth Servitude, to Ammon 
 
 Ninth Judge : JEPHTHAH ; 
 
 Tenth Judge : IBZAN ; 
 
 Eleventh Judge : ELON ; 
 
 Twelfth Judge : ABDON. 
 Sixth Servitude, to the Philistines 
 
 Thirteenth Judge : SAMSON ; 
 
 Fourteenth Judge : ELI ; 
 
 Fifteenth Judge : SAMUEL. 
 
 On the Chronology of the Judges, see the 
 following article. 
 
 Judges, Book Of, of which the book of 
 Ruth formed originally a part, contains the 
 history from Joshua to Samson. As the his- 
 tory of the Judges occupies by far the great- 
 er part of the narrative, and is at the same 
 time the history of the people, the title of 
 the whole book is derived from that portion. 
 The book may be divided into two parts 
 (I.) Ch. i.-xvi. The subdivisions are 
 (a) i.-ii. 5, which may be considered as a 
 first introduction, giving a summary of the 
 results of the war carried on against' the 
 Canaanites by the several tribes on the 
 west of Jordan after Joshua's death, and 
 forming a continuation of Josh. xii. (6) ii. 
 6-iii. 6. This is a second introduction, 
 standing in nearer relation to the following 
 history, (c) iii. 7-xvi. The words, " and 
 the children of Israel did evil in the sight 
 of the Lord," which had been already used 
 in ii. 11, are employed to introduce the his- 
 tory of the thirteen Judges comprised in 
 this book. An account of six of these 
 thirteen is given at greater or less length. 
 The account of the remaining seven is 
 very short, and merely attached to the 
 longer narratives. We may observe in 
 general on this portion of the book, that it 
 is almost entirely a history of the wars of 
 deliverance. (II.) Ch. xvii.-xxi. This 
 part has no formal connection with the 
 preceding, and is often called an appendix. 
 No mention of the Judges occurs in it. It 
 contains allusions to " the house of God," 
 the ark, and the high-priest. The period 
 to which the narrative relates is simply 
 marked by the expression, " when there 
 was no king in Israel " (xix. 1 ; cf. xviii. 1). 
 It records (a) the conquest of Laish by a 
 portion of the tribe of Dan, and the estab- 
 lishment there of the idolatrous woj^hip 
 of Jehovah already instituted by Micah in 
 Mount Ephraim. (6) The almost total 
 extinction of the tribe of Benjamin. The 
 date is marked by the mention of Phin- 
 ehas, the grandson of Aaron (xx. 28). 
 From the above account it will be observed 
 that the history ceases with Samson, ex- 
 cluding Eli and Samuel ; and then at this 
 
 point two historical pieces are added 
 xvii.-xxi., and the book of Ruth inde- 
 pendent of the general plan and of each 
 other. This is sufficiently explained by the 
 supposition that the books from Judges to 
 2 Kings formed one work. [KINGS, BOOKS 
 OF.] In this case the histories of Eli and 
 Samuel, so closely united between them- 
 selves, are only deferred on account of 
 their close connection with the rise of the 
 monarchy. And Judg. xvii.-xxi. is insert- 
 ed both as an illustration of the sin of 
 Israel during the time of the Judges, in 
 which respect it agrees with i.-xvi., and as 
 presenting a contrast with the better order 
 prevailing in the time of the kings. If we 
 adopt the view, that Judges to 2 Kings 
 form one book, the final arrangement of 
 the whole must have been after the thirty- 
 seventh year of Jehoiachin's captivity, or 
 B. c. 562 (2 K. xxv. 27). The time com- 
 monly assigned to the period contained in 
 this book is 299 years. The dates which 
 are given amount to 410 years when reck- 
 oned consecutively; and Acts xiii. 20 
 would show that this was the computation 
 commojily adopted, as the 450 years seem 
 to result from adding 40 years for Eli to the 
 410 of this book. But a difficulty is created 
 by xi. 26, and in a still greater degree by 
 1 K. vi. 1, where the whole period from the 
 Exodus to the building of the Temple is 
 stated as 480 years. On the whole, it 
 seems safer to give up the attempt to ascer- 
 tain the chronology exactly. The succes- 
 sive narratives give us the history of only 
 parts of the country, and some of the occur- 
 rences may have been contemporary (x. 7). 
 
 Judgment-hall. The word Praeto- 
 rium is so translated five times in the A. 
 V. of the N. T. ; and in those five pas- 
 sages it denotes two different places. 1. In 
 John xviii. 28, 33, xxix. 9, it is the resi- 
 dence which Pilate occupied when he visit- 
 ed Jerusalem. The site of Pilate's prae- 
 torium in Jerusalem has given rise to mucfc 
 dispute, some supposing it to be the palace 
 of king Herod, others the tower of Anto- 
 nia ; but it was probably the latter, which 
 was then and long afterwards the citadel of 
 Jerusalem. 2. In Acts xxiii. 35, Herod's 
 judgment-hall or praetorium in Caesarea 
 was doubtless a part of that magnificent 
 range of buildings, the erection of which 
 by king Herod is described in Josephus. 
 The word " palace," or " Caesar's court," 
 in the A. V. of Phil. i. 13, is a translation 
 of the same word praetorium. It may 
 here have denoted the quarter of that de- 
 tachment of the Praetorian Guards which 
 was in immediate attendance upon the em- 
 peror, and had barracks in Mount Palatine. 
 
 Ju'dith. 1. The daughter of Beeri the 
 Hittite, and wife of Esau (Gen. xxvi. 34). 
 2. The heroine of the apocryphal book 
 which bears her name, who appears as an
 
 JUDITH, BOOK OF 
 
 324 
 
 KADESH 
 
 ideal type of piety (Jud. viii. 6), beauty 
 (xi. 21), courage, and chastity (xvi. 22, ff). 
 
 Ju'dith, The Book of, one of the 
 books of the Apocrypha, like that of Tobit, 
 belongs to the earliest specimens of his- 
 torical fiction. The narrative of the reign 
 of " Nebuchadnezzar king of Nineveh " (i. 
 1), of the campaign of Holofernes, and the 
 deliverance of Bethulia, through the strat- 
 agem and courage of the Jewish heroine, 
 contains too many and too serious diffi- 
 culties, both historical and geographical, to 
 allow of the supposition that it is either 
 literally true, or even carefully moulded on 
 truth. It belongs to the Maccabaean peri- 
 od, which it reflects not only in its general 
 spirit, but even in its smaller traits. The 
 text exists at present in two distinct recen- 
 sions, the Greek and the Latin. The for- 
 mer evidently is the truer representative 
 of the original, and it seems certain that 
 the Latin was derived, in the main, from 
 the Greek by a series of successive altera- 
 tions. 
 
 Ju'lia, a Christian woman at Rome, 
 probably the wife, or perhaps the sister, 
 of Philologus, in connection with whom she 
 is saluted by St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 15). 
 
 Ju'lius, the centurion of "Augustus' 
 band," to whose charge St. Paul was de- 
 livered when he was sent prisoner from 
 Caesarea to Rome (Acts xxvii. 1, 3). 
 
 Ju'nia, a Christian at Rome, mentioned 
 by St. Paul as one of his kinsfolk and fel- 
 low prisoners, of note among the Apostles, 
 and in Christ before St. Paul (Rom. 
 xvi. 7). 
 
 Juniper (1 K. xix. 4, 5 ; Ps. cxx. 4 ; 
 Job xxx. 4). The word which is rendered 
 in A. V. juniper is beyond doubt a sort of 
 broom, Genista monosperma, G. raetam of 
 Forskal, answering to the Arabic Rethem. 
 It is very abundant in the desert of Sinai, 
 and affords shade and protection, both in 
 heat and storm, to travellers. The Rothem 
 is a leguminous plant, and bears a white 
 flower. It is also found in Spain, Portugal, 
 and Palestine. 
 
 Ju'piter (the Greek Zeus). Antiochus 
 Epiphanes dedicated the Temple at Jeru- 
 salem to the service of Zeus Olympius (2 
 Mace. vi. 2), and at the same time the rival 
 temple on Gerizim was devoted to Zeus 
 Xenius (Jupiter hospitalis, Vulg.). The 
 Olympian Zeus was the national god of the 
 Hellenic race, as well as the supreme ruler 
 of the heathen world, and as such formed 
 the true opposite to Jehovah. The appli- 
 cation of the second epithet, " the God of 
 hospitality," is more obscure. Jupiter or 
 Zeus is mentioned in one passage of the N. 
 T., on the occasion of St. Paul's visit to 
 Lystra (Acts xiv. 12, 13), where the ex- 
 pression " Jupiter, which was before their 
 city," means that his temple was outside 
 the city. 
 
 Ju'shab-he'sed, son of Zerubbabel 
 (IChr. iii. 20). 
 
 Jus'tus. 1. A surname of Joseph called 
 Barsabas (Acts i. 23). 2. A Christian at 
 Corinth, with whom St. Paul lodged (Acts 
 xviii. 7). 3. A surname of Jesus, a friend 
 of St. Paul (Col. iv. 11). 
 
 Jut' tall, a city in the mountain region 
 of Judah, in the neighborhood of Maon and 
 Carmel (Josh. xv. 55). 
 
 K. 
 
 Kab'zeel, one of the " cities " of the 
 tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 21), the native 
 place of the great hero Benaiah-ben-Jehoi- 
 ada (2 Sam. xxiii. 20; 1 Chr. xi. 22). 
 After the captivity it was reinhabited by 
 the Jews, and appears as JEKABZEEL. 
 
 Ka'desh, Ka'desh-bar'nea (Kadesh 
 means holy : it is the same word as the 
 Arabic name for Jerusalem, El-Kliuds}. 
 This place, the scene of Miriam's death, 
 was the farthest point which the Israelites 
 reached in their direct road to Canaan ; it 
 was also that whence the spies were sent, 
 and where, on their return, the people 
 broke out into murmuring, upon which 
 their strictly penal term of wandering be- 
 gan (Num. xiii. 3, 2G, xiv. 29-33, xx. 1 ; 
 Deut. ii. 14). It is probable that the term 
 " Kadesh," though applied to signify a 
 " city, "yet had also a wider application to 
 a region, in which Kadesh-Meribah certain- 
 ly, and Kadesh-Barnea probably, indicates 
 a precise spot. In Gen. xiv. 7, Kadesh is 
 identified with En-Mishpat, the "fountain 
 of judgment," and is connected with Tamar 
 or Hazazon-Tamar. Precisely thus stands 
 Kadesh-Barnea in the Books of Numbers 
 and Joshua (comp. Ezek. xlvii. 19, xlviii. 
 28; Num. xxxiv. 4; Josh. xv. 3). The 
 name of the place to which the spies re- 
 turned is "Kadesh" simply, in Num. xiii. 
 26, and is there closely connected with the 
 " wilderness of Paran;"yet the "wilder- 
 ness of Zin '' stands in near conjunction, as 
 the point whence the " search " of the spies 
 commenced (ver. 21). Again, in Num. xx., 
 we find the people encamped in Kadesh 
 after reaching the wilderness of Zin. Hence 
 it has been supposed that there were two 
 places of the name of Kadesh, one in the 
 wilderness of Paran, and the other in that 
 of Zin ; but it is more probable that only 
 one njace is meant, for whether these tracts 
 were contiguous, and Kadesh on their com- 
 mon border, or ran into each other, and 
 embraced a common territory, to which the 
 name " Kadesh," in an extended sense, 
 might be given, is comparatively unimpor- 
 tant. Kadesh must be placed in a site near 
 where the mountain of the Amorites de- 
 scends to the low region of the Arabah and
 
 KADMIEL 
 
 325 
 
 KEMUEL 
 
 Dead Sea ; but its exact locality cannot be 
 ascertained. Dean Stanley would identify 
 it with Petra. 
 
 Kad'miel, one of the Levites who with 
 his family returned from Babylon with 
 Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 40; Neh. viS. 43). He 
 and his house are prominent in history on 
 three occasions (Ezr. iii. 9 ; Neh. ix. 4, 5, 
 x. 9). 
 
 Kad'monites, The, a people named in 
 Gen. xv. 19 only ; one of the nations who at 
 that time occupied the land promised to the 
 descendants of Abram. The name is prob- 
 ably a synonyme for the BENE-KEDEM 
 the "children of the East." 
 
 Kalla'i, a priest in the days of Joiakim 
 the son of Jeshua. He represented the 
 family of Sallai (Neh. xii. 20). 
 
 Ka'nah. 1. One of the places which 
 formed the landmarks of the boundary of 
 Asher ; apparently next to Zidon-rabbah, or 
 " great Zidon " (Josh. xix. 28). 2. The 
 River, a stream falling into the Mediterra- 
 nean, which formed the division between 
 the territories of Ephraim and Manasseh, 
 the former on the south, the latter on the 
 north (Josh. xvi. 8, xvii. 9). 
 
 Kare'ah, the father of Johanan and 
 Jonathan, who supported Gedaliah's author- 
 ity and avenged his murder (Jer. xl. 8, 13, 
 15, 16, xli. 11, 13, 14, 16, xlii. 1, 8, xliii. 
 2, 4, 5). 
 
 Kaika'a, one of the landmarks on the 
 south ojundary of the tribe of Judah (Josh. 
 xv. 3). Its site is unknown. 
 
 Kar'kor, the place in which Zebah and 
 Zalmunna were again routed by Gideon 
 (Judg. viii. 10), must have been on the 
 east of Jordan. 
 
 Kar'tah, a town of Zebulun, allotted to 
 the Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 34). 
 
 Kar'tan, a city of Naphtali, allotted to 
 the Gershonite Levites (Josh. xxi. 32). In 
 the parallel list of 1 Chr. vi. the name ap- 
 pears in the more expanded form of KIR- 
 JATHAIM (ver. 76). 
 
 Kat'tath, one of the cities of the tribe 
 of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 15). Schwarz seeks 
 to identify it with Kana el-Jeltl, most 
 probably the CANA OF GALILEE of the New 
 Testament. 
 
 Ke'dar, the second in order of the sons 
 of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. i. 29), 
 and the name of a great tribe of the Arabs, 
 settled on the north-west of the peninsula 
 and the confines of Palestine. The " glory 
 of Kedar " is recorded by the prophet Isa- 
 iah (xxi. 13-17) in the burden upon Ara- 
 bia ; and its importance may also be inferred 
 from the " princes of Kedar" mentioned by 
 Ez. (xxvii. 21), as well as the pastoral char- 
 acter of the tribe. They appear also to 
 have been, like the wandering tribes of the 
 present day, " archers " and " mighty men " 
 (Is. xxi. 17; comp. Ps. cxx. 5). That 
 they also settled in villages or towns, we 
 
 find from Isaiah (xlii. 11). The tribe 
 seems to have been one of the most con- 
 spicuous of all the Ishmaelite tribes, and 
 hence the Rabbins call the Arabians uni- 
 versally by this name. 
 
 Ke'demah, the youngest of the sons 
 of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15; 1 Chr. i. 31). 
 
 Ke'demoth, one of the towns in the 
 district east of the Dead Sea allotted to the 
 tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 18) ; given to 
 the Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 37 ; 1 Chr. 
 vi. 79). It possibly conferred its name on 
 the " wilderness," or uncultivated pasture 
 land, " of Kedemoth" (Num. xxi. 23 ; Deut. 
 ii. 26, 27, &c.). 
 
 Ke'desh. 1. In the extreme south of 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 23). 2. A city of Issa- 
 char, allotted to the Gershonite Levites (1 
 Chr. vi. 72) . The Kedesh mentioned among 
 the cities whose kings were slain by Joshua 
 (Josh. xii. 22), in company with Megiddo 
 and Jokneam of Carmel, would seem to 
 have been this city of Issachar. 3. KE- 
 DESH ; also KEDESH IN GALILEE ; and once, 
 Judg. iv. 6, KEDESH-NAPHTALI. One of the 
 fortified cities of the tribe of Naphtali, 
 named between Hazor and Edrei (Josh, 
 xix. 37) ; appointed as a city of refuge, and 
 allotted with its " suburbs " to the Gershon- 
 ite Levites (xx. 7, xxi. 32; 1 Chr. vi. 76). 
 It was the residence of Barak (Judg. iv. 6), 
 and there he and Deborah assembled the 
 tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali before the 
 conflict, being probably, as its name im- 
 plies, a "holy place" of great antiquity. 
 It was taken by Tiglath-Pileser in the reign 
 of Pekah (2 K. xv. 29). It is identified 
 with the village Kades, which lies 4 miles 
 to the N. W. of the upper part of the Sea 
 of Merom. 
 
 Ked'ron, properly Kidron. [KiDRON.J 
 
 Kehela'thah, a desert encampment of 
 the Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 22), of which 
 nothing is known. 
 
 Ke'ilah, a city of the Shefelah, or low- 
 land district of Judah (Josh. xv. 44). Its 
 main interest consists in its connection with 
 David (1 Sam. xxiii. 7-13). It is repre- 
 sented by Kila, a site with ruins, on the 
 lower road from Beit Jibrin to Hebron. 
 
 Ke'ilah the Garmite, apparently a 
 descendant of the great Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 
 19). There is no apparent connection with 
 the town Keilah. 
 
 Kelai'ah = KELITA (Ezr. x. 23). 
 
 Ke'lita, one of the Levites who returned 
 with Ezra (Ezr. x. 23). He assisted in 
 expounding the law (Neh. viii. 7), and 
 signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
 x. 10). 
 
 Kem'uel. 1. The son of Nahor by 
 Milcah, and father of Aram (Gen. xxii. 21). 
 2. The son of Shiphtan, and prince of the 
 tribe of Ephraim ; one of the twelve men 
 appointed by Moses to divide the land of 
 Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 24). 3. A Levite,
 
 KENAN 
 
 326 
 
 KIDRON 
 
 father of Hashabiah, prince of the tribe in 
 the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 17). 
 
 Ke 'nan = CAINAN, the son of Enos (1 
 Chr. i. 2). 
 
 Ke'nath, one of the cities on the east 
 of Jordan, with its "daughter-towns " (A. V. 
 " villages ") taken possession of by a cer- 
 tain NOBAH, who then called it by his own 
 name (Num. xxxii. 42). 
 
 Ke'naz. *1. Son of Eliphaz, the son of 
 Esau. He was one of the dukes of Edom 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 15, 42; 1 Chr. i. 53). 2. One 
 of the same family, a grandson of Caleb, 
 according to 1 Chr. iv. 15, where, however, 
 the Hebrew text is corrupt. 
 
 Ke'nezite, or Ke'nizzite (Gen. XT. 
 19), an Edomitish tribe (Num. xxxii. 12; 
 Josh. xiv. 6, 14). 
 
 Ke'nite, The, and Ke'nites, The ; a 
 tribe or nation, first mentioned in company 
 with the Kenizzites and Kadmom'tes (Gen. 
 xv. 19). Their origin is hidden from us. 
 But we may fairly infer that they were a 
 branch of the larger nation of MIDI AN, 
 from Ihe fact that Jethro, who in Exodus 
 (see ii. 15, 16, iv. 19, &c.) is represented 
 as dwelling in the land of Midian, and as 
 priest or prince of that nation, is in Judges 
 (i. 1G, iv. 11) as distinctly said to have been 
 a Kenite. The important services ren- 
 dered by the sheikh of the Kenites to Moses 
 during a time of great pressure and diffi- 
 culty were rewarded by the latter with a 
 promise of firm friendship between the two 
 peoples. The connection then commenced 
 lasted as firmly as a connection could last 
 between a settled people like Israel and 
 one whose tendencies were so ineradicably 
 nomadic as the Kenites. They seem to 
 have accompanied the Hebrews during their 
 wanderings (Num. xxiv. 21, 22 ; Judg. i. 
 16 ; comp. 2 Chr. xxviii. 15). But the wan- 
 derings of Israel, over, they forsook the 
 neighborhood of the towns, and betook 
 themselves to freer air, to "the wilder- 
 ness of Judah, which is to the south of 
 Arad" (Judg. i. 16). But one of the sheikhs 
 of the tribe, Heber by name, had wandered 
 north instead of south (Judg. iv. 11). The 
 most remarkable development of this peo- 
 ple is to be found in the sect or family of 
 the RECHABITES. 
 
 Ke'nizzite. (Gen. xv. 19). [KENE- 
 
 ZITE.] 
 
 Ke'ren-hap'puch, the youngest of the 
 daughters of Job, born to him during the 
 period of his reviving prosperity (Job xlii. 
 14). 
 
 Ke'rioth. 1. A name which occurs 
 among the lists of the towns in the southern 
 district of Judah (Josh. xv. 25). 2. A city 
 of Moab, named by Jeremiah only (Jer. 
 xlviii. 24). 
 
 Ke'ros, one of the Nethinim, whose 
 descendants returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
 ii. 44; Neh. vii. 47). 
 
 Kettle, a vessel for culinary or sacrifi- 
 cial purposes (1 Sam. ii. 14). The Hebrew 
 word is also rendered "basket" in Jer. 
 xxiv. 2, " caldron " in 2 Chr. xxxv. 13, and 
 "pot" in Job xli. 20. 
 
 Ketu'rah, the wife whom Abraham 
 "added and took" (A. V. "again took") 
 besides, or after the death of, Sarah (Gen. 
 xxv. 1 ; 1 Chr. i. 32). Some critics think 
 that Abraham took Keturah after Sarah's 
 death ; but it is more probable that he took 
 her during Sarah's lifetime (comp. Gen. 
 xvii. 17, xviii. 11; Rom. iv. 19; Ileb. xi. 
 12). That she was strictly speaking his 
 wife is also very uncertain. In the record 
 in 1 Chr. i. 32 she is called a " concubine" 
 (comp. Gen. xxv. 5, 6). 
 
 Key. The key of a native Oriental 
 lock is a piece of wood, from 7 inches to 
 2 feet in length, fitted with wires or short 
 nails, which, being inserted laterally into 
 the hollow bolt which serves as a lock, raises 
 other pins within the staple so as to allow 
 the bolt to be drawn back. But it is not 
 difficult to open a lock of this kind even 
 without a key, viz. with the finger dipped 
 in paste or other adhesive substance. The 
 passage Cant. v. 4, 5, is thus probably ex- 
 plained. 
 
 Kezi'a, the. second of the daughters of 
 Job, born to him after his recovery (Job 
 xlii. 14). 
 
 Ke'ziz, The Valley of, one of the 
 " cities " of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 21) and 
 the eastern border of the tribe. 
 
 Kib'roth-hatta'avah, Num. xi. 34; 
 
 marg. "the graves of lust" (comp. xxxiii. 
 17). From there being no change of spot 
 mentioned between it and Taberah in xi. 3, 
 it is probably, like the latter, about three 
 days' journey from Sinai (x. 33), and near 
 the sea (xi. 22, 31). If fiudherd be Haze- 
 roth, then "the graves of lust" may be 
 perhaps within a day's journey thence in 
 the direction of Sinai. 
 
 Kibza'im, a city of Mount Ephraim, 
 given up with its " suburbs " to the Kohath- 
 ite Levites (xxi. 22). In the parallel list 
 of 1 Chr. vi. JOKMEAM is substituted for 
 Kibzaim (ver. 68). 
 
 Kid. [GOAT.] 
 
 Kid'ron (orKed'ron), The Brook, 
 a torrent or valley not a " brook," as in 
 the A. V. close to Jerusalem. It lay be- 
 tween the city and the Mount of Olives, 
 and was crossed by David in his flight (2 
 Sam. xv. 23, comp. 30), and by our Lord 
 on His way to Gethsemane (John xviii. 1 ; 
 comp. Mark xiv. 26; Luke xxii. 39). Its 
 connection with these two occurrences is 
 alone sufficient to leave no doubt that the 
 Kidron is the deep ravine on the east of Je- 
 rusalem, now commonly known as the ' ' Val- 
 ley of Jehoshaphat." The distinguishing 
 peculiarity of the Kidron valley that in 
 respect to which it is most frequently
 
 KINAH 
 
 327 
 
 KING 
 
 mentioned in (he Old Testament is the 
 impurity which appears to have been as- 
 cribed to it. In the time of Josiah it was 
 the common cemetery of the city (2 K. 
 xxiii. G; comp. Jer. xxvi. 23, "graves of 
 the common people "). At present it is 
 the favorite resting-place of Moslems and 
 Jews, the former on the west, the latter on 
 the east, of the valley. The channel of the 
 valley of Jehoshaphat is nothing more than 
 the dry bed of a wintry torrent, bearing 
 marks of being occasionally swept over by 
 a large volume of water. 
 
 Ki'nah, a city of Judah, on the extreme 
 south boundary of the tribe, next to Edom 
 (Josh. xv. 22). 
 
 Kindred. I. Of the special names de- 
 noting relation by consanguinity, the prin- 
 cipal will be found explained under their 
 proper heads, FATHER, BROTHER, &c. It 
 will be there seen that the words which de- 
 note near relation in the direct line are used 
 also for the other superior or inferior de- 
 grees in that line, as grandfather, grand- 
 son, &c. II. The words which express col- 
 lateral consanguinity are 1. uncle; 2. 
 aunt; 3. nephew; 4. niece (not in A. V.); 
 5. cousin. III. The terms of affinity a?e 
 1. (a) father-in-law, (i) mother-in-law; 
 2. (a) son-in-law, (6) daughter-in-law; 3. 
 (a) brother-in-law, (6) sister-in-law. The 
 domestic and economical questions arising 
 out of kindred may be classed under the 
 three heads of MARRIAGE, INHERITANCE, 
 and BLOOD -REVENGE, and the reader is 
 referred to the articles on those subjects. 
 
 King. [BITLL. j 
 
 King, the name of the Supreme Ruler 
 of the Hebrews during a period of about 
 500 years previous to the destruction of Je- 
 rusalem, B. c. 586. The immediate occa- 
 sion of the substitution of a regal form of 
 government for that of Judges, seems to 
 have been the siege of Jabesh-Gilead by 
 Nahash, king of the Ammonites (1 Sam. 
 xi. 1, xii. 12), and the refusal to allow the 
 inhabitants of that city to capitulate, except 
 on humiliating and cruel conditions (1 Sam. 
 xi. 2, 4-6). The conviction seems to have 
 forced itself on the Israelites that they 
 could not resist their formidable neighbor 
 unless they placed themselves under the 
 way of a king, like surrounding nations. 
 Concurrently with this conviction, disgust 
 had been excited by the corrupt administra- 
 tion of justice under the sons of Samuel, 
 and a radical change was desired by them 
 in this respect also (1 Sam. viii. 3-5). Ac- 
 cordingly the original idea of a Hebrew 
 king was twofold : first, that he should lead 
 the people to battle in time of war ; and, 
 2dly, that he should execute judgment 
 and justice to them in war and in peace (1 
 Sam. viii. 20). In both respects the de- 
 sired end was attained. To form a correct 
 
 ourselves from the notions of modern Eu- 
 rope, and realize the position of Oriental 
 sovereigns. Besides being commander- in- 
 chief of the army, supreme judge, and ab- 
 solute master, as it were, of the lives of his 
 subjects, the king exercised the power of 
 imposing taxes on them, and of exacting 
 from them personal service and labor. And 
 the degree to which the exaction of personal 
 labor might be carried on a special occa- 
 sion is illustrated by King Solomon's re- 
 quirements for building the temple. In 
 addition to these earthly powers, the king 
 of Israel had a more awfuljL'laim to respect 
 and obedience. He was the vicegerent of 
 Jehovah (1 Sara. x. 1, xvi. 13), and as it 
 were His son, if just and holy (2 Sam. vii. 
 14; Ps. Ixxxix. 26, 27, ii. 6, 7). He had 
 been set apart as a consecrated ruler. Upon 
 his head had been poured the holy anoint- 
 ing oil, which had hitherto been reserved 
 exclusively for the priests of Jehovah. He 
 had become, in fact, emphatically " the 
 Lord's anointed." A ruler in whom so 
 much authority, human and divine, was 
 embodied, was naturally distinguished by 
 outward honors and luxuries. He had a 
 court of Oriental magnificence. When 
 the power of the kingdom was at its height, 
 he sat on a throne of ivory, covered with 
 pure gold, at the feet of which were two 
 figures of lions. The king was dressed 
 in royal robes (1 K. xxii. 10; 2 Chr. 
 xviii. 9) ; his insignia were, a crown or 
 diadem of pure gold, or perhaps ra- 
 diant with precious gems (2 Sam. i. 10, 
 xii. 30; 2 K. xi. 12 ; Ps. xxi. 3), and a royal 
 sceptre. Those who approached him did 
 him obeisance, bowing down and touching 
 the ground with their foreheads (1 Sam. 
 xxiv. 8 ; 2 Sam. xix. 24) ; and this was 
 done even by a king's wife, the mother of 
 Solomon (1 K. i. 16). Their officers and 
 subjects called themselves his servants or 
 slaves, though they do not seem habitually 
 to have given way to such extravagant sal- 
 utations as in the Chaldaean and Persian 
 courts (1 Sam. xvii. 32, 34, 3G, xx. 8; 2 
 Sam. vi. 20; Dan. ii. 4). As in the East to 
 this day, a kiss was a sign of respect and 
 homage (1 Sam. x. 1, perhaps Ps. ii. 12). 
 He lived in a splendid palace, with porches 
 and columns (1 K. vii. 2-7). All his drink- 
 ing vessels were of gold (1 K. x. 21). He 
 had a large harem, which in the time of 
 Solomon must have been the source of 
 enormous expense. As is invariably the 
 case in the great eastern monarchies at 
 present, his harem was guarded by eunuchs, 
 translated "officers" in the A. V. for the 
 most part (1 Sam. viii. 15; 2 K. xxiv. 12, 
 15 ; 1 K. xxii. 9 ; 2 K. viii. 6, jx. 32, 33, xx. 
 18, xxiii. 11 ; Jer. xxxviii. 7). The law of 
 succession to the throne is somewhat ob- 
 scure, but it seems most probable that the 
 
 idea of a Hebrew king, we must abstract ! kirg du-ing his lifetime named his succes-
 
 KINGS, BOOKS OF 
 
 328 
 
 KINGS, BOOKS OF 
 
 eor. This was certainly the case with David 
 (1 K. i. 30, ii. 22), and with Rehoboam (2 
 Chr. xi. 21, 22). At the same time, if no 
 partiality for a favorite wife or son inter- 
 vened, there would always be a natural bias 
 of affection in favor of the eldest son. 
 
 Kings, First and Second Books 
 Of, originally only one book in the Hebrew 
 Canon, form in the LXX. and the Vulgate 
 the third and fourth Books of Kings (the 
 Books of Samuel being the first and second) . 
 It must also be remembered that the divis- 
 ion between the Books of Kings and Sam- 
 uel is equally artificial, and that in point of 
 fact the historical books commencing with 
 Judges and ending with 2 Kings present 
 the appearance of one work, giving a con- 
 tinuous history of Israel from the time of 
 Joshua to the death of Jehoiachin. The 
 Books of Kings contain the history from 
 David's death and Solomon's accession to 
 the destruction of the kingdom of Judah 
 and the desolation of Jerusalem, with a 
 supplemental notice of an event that oc- 
 curred after an interval of twenty-six years, 
 viz. the liberation of Jehoiachin from his 
 prison at Babylon, and a still further ex- 
 tension to Jehoiachin's death, the time of 
 which is not known, but which was proba- 
 bly not long after his liberation. The his- 
 tory therefore comprehends the whole time 
 of the Israelitish monarchy, exclusive of 
 the reigns of Saul and David. As regards 
 the affairs of foreign nations, and the rela- 
 tion of Israel to them, the historical notices 
 in these books, though in the earlier times 
 scanty, are most valuable, and in striking 
 accordance with the latest additions to our 
 knowledge of contemporary profane his- 
 tory. The rames of Omri, Jehu, Mena- 
 hem, Hoshea, Hezekiah, &c., are believed 
 to have been deciphered in the cuneiform 
 inscriptions, which also contain pretty full 
 accounts of the campaigns of Tiglath-Pile- 
 ser, Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon : 
 Shalmaneser's name has not yet been dis- 
 covered, though two inscriptions in the 
 British Museum are thought to refer to 
 his reign. Another most important aid to 
 a right understanding of the history in 
 these books, and to the filling up of its 
 outline, is to be found in the prophets, 
 and especially in Isaiah and Jeremiah. It 
 must, however, be admitted that the chron- 
 ological details expressly given in the books 
 of Kings form a remarkable contrast with 
 their striking historical accuracy. The 
 very first date of a decidedly chronological 
 character which is given, that of the foun- 
 dation of Solomon's temple (1 K. vi. 1), is 
 manifestly erroneous, as being irreconcila- 
 ble with any view of the chronology of the 
 times of the Judges, or with St. Paul's cal- 
 culation, Acts xiii. 20. It is in fact aban- 
 doned by almost all chronologists, to what- 
 ever school they belong, whether ancient 
 
 ! or modern, and is utterly ignored by Jose- 
 phus. As regards, however, these chrono- 
 logical difficulties, it must be observed they 
 are of two essentially different kinds. One 
 kind is merely the want of the data neces- 
 sary for chronological exactness. But the 
 other kind of difficulty is of a totally differ- 
 ent character, and embraces dates which 
 are very exact in their mode of expression, 
 but are erroneous and contradictory. (1.) 
 When we sum up the years of all the 
 reigns of the kings of Israel as given in 
 the Books of Kings, and then all the years 
 of the reigns of the kings of Judah from 
 the 1st of Rehoboam to the 6th of Heze- 
 kiah, we find that, instead of the two suras 
 agreeing, there is an excess of 19 or 20 
 years in Judah; the reigns of the latter 
 amounting to 261 years, while the former 
 make up only 242. But we are able to get 
 somewhat nearer to the seat of this disa- 
 greement, because it so happens that the 
 parallel histories of Israel and Judah touch 
 in four or five points where the synchro- 
 nisms are precisely marked. These points 
 are, (1) at the simultaneous accessions of 
 Jeroboam and Rehoboam ; (2) at the simul- 
 taneous deaths of Jehoram and Ahaziah, 
 or, which is the same thing, the simultane- 
 ous accessions of Jehu and Athaliah ; (3) 
 at the 15th year of Amaziah, which was the 
 1st of Jeroboam II. (2 K. >.iv. 17) ; (4) in 
 the reign of Ahaz, which was contemporary 
 with some part of Pekah's, viz., according 
 to the text of 2 K. xvi. 1, the three first 
 years of Ahaz with the three last of Pekah ; 
 and (5) at the 6th of Hezekiah, which was 
 the 9th of Hoshea. Beginning with the 
 sub-period which commences with the dou- 
 ble accession of Rehoboam and Jeroboam, 
 a::d closes with the double death of Aha- 
 ziah and Jehoram, we find that the six 
 reigns in Judah make up 95 years, and the 
 eight reigns in Israel make up 98 years. 
 Here there is an excess of 3 years in the 
 kingdom of Israel, which may, however, 
 be readily accounted for by the frequent 
 changes of dynasty there, and the proba- 
 bility of fragments of years being reckoned 
 as whole years, thus causing the same year 
 to be reckoned twice over. Beginning, 
 again, at the double accession of Athaliah 
 and Jehu, we have in Judah 7 + 40 + 14 first 
 years of Amaziah = 61, to correspond with 
 28 + 17 + 16 = 61, ending with the last 
 year of Jehoash in Israel. Starting again 
 with the 15th of Amaziah = 1 Jeroboam 
 II., we have 15 + 52 + 16 + 3 == 86 (to 
 the 3d year of Ahaz), to correspond with 
 41 + 1+10 + 2 + 20 = 74 (to the close 
 of Pekah's reign), where we at once detect 
 a deficiency on the part of Israel of (86 
 74 = ) 12 years, if at least the 3d of Ahaz 
 really corresponded with the 20th of Pekah. 
 And lastly, starting with the year follow- 
 ing that last named, we have 13 last years
 
 KIXGS, BOOKS OF 
 
 329 
 
 KINGS, BOOKS OP 
 
 of Ahaz + 7 first of Hczckiah = 20, to 
 correspond .with the 9 years of Hoshea, 
 where we find another deficiency in Israel 
 of 11 years. The discrepance of 12 years 
 first occurs in the third period. We are 
 told in 2 K. xv. 8 that Zachariah began to 
 reign in the 38th of Uzziah, and (xiv. 23) 
 that his fal her Jeroboam began to reign in 
 the 15th of Amaziah. Jeroboam must, 
 therefore, have reigned 52 or 53 years, not 
 41 ; for the idea of an interregnum of 11 or 
 12 years between Jeroboam and his son 
 Zachariah is absurd. But the addition of 
 these 12 years to Jeroboam's reign exactly 
 equalizes the period in the two kingdoms, 
 which would thus contain 86 years. As 
 regards the discrepance of 11 years in the 
 last period, nothing can in itself be more 
 probable than that either during some part 
 of Pekah's lifetime, or after his death, a 
 period, not included in the regnal years 
 of either Pekah or Hoshea, should have 
 elapsed, when there was either a state of 
 anarchy, or the government was adminis- 
 tered by an Assyrian officer. (2.) Turn- 
 ing next to the other class of difficulties 
 mentioned above, the following instances 
 will perhaps be thought to justify the opin- 
 ion that the dates in these books which are 
 intended to establish a precise chronology 
 are the work of a much later hand or 
 hands than the books themselves. The 
 date in 1 K. vi. 1 is one which is obviously 
 intended for strictly chronological pur- 
 poses. If correct, it would, taken in con- 
 junction with the subsequent notes of time 
 in the Books of Kings, supposing them to 
 be correct also, give to a year the length 
 of the time from the Exodus to the Baby- 
 lonian captivity, and establish a perfect 
 connection between sacred and profane 
 history. But so little is this the case, 
 that this date is quite irreconcilable with 
 Egyptian history, and is, as stated above, 
 by almost universal consent rejected by 
 chronologists, even on purely Scriptural 
 grounds. This date is followed by pre- 
 cise synchronistic definitions of the par- 
 allel reigns of Israel and Judah, the effect 
 of which would be, and must have been 
 designed to be, to supply the want of ac- 
 curacy in stating the length of the reigns 
 without reference to the odd months. But 
 these synchronistic definitions are in con- 
 tinual discord with the statement of the 
 length of reigns. According to 1 K. xxii. 
 61, Ahaziah succeeded Ahab in the 17th 
 year of Jehoshaphat. But according to 
 the statement of the length of Ahab's reign 
 in xvi. 29, Ahab died in the 18th of Jehosh- 
 aphat; while according to 2 K. i. 17, Je- 
 horam the son of Ahaziah succeeded his 
 brother (after his 2 years' reign) in the 
 second year of Jehoram the son of Je- 
 hoshaphat, though, according to the length 
 of the reigns, he must have succeeded in 
 
 the ISth or 19th of Jehoshaphat (see 2 K. 
 iii. 1), who reigned in all 25 years (xxii. 
 42). [JEHORAM.] As regards Jehoram 
 the son of Jehoshaphat, the statements are 
 so contradictory that Archbishop Ussher 
 actually makes three distinct beginnings to 
 his regnal era. From the length of Ama- 
 ziah's reign, as given 2 K. xiv. 2, 17, 23, it 
 is manifest that Jeroboam II. began to 
 reign in the 15th year of Amaziah, an;l 
 that Uzziah began to reign in the IGth of 
 Jeroboam. But 2 K. xv. 1 places the 
 commencement of Uzziah's reign in the 
 27th of Jeroboam, and the accession of 
 Zachariah = the close of Jeroboam's reign, 
 in the 88th of Uzziah, statements utterly 
 contradictory and irreconcilable. Other 
 grave chronological difficulties seem to 
 have their source in the same erroneous 
 calculations on the part of the Jewish 
 chronologist. The peculiarities of diction 
 in the Books of Kings, and other features in 
 their literary history, may be briefly dis- 
 posed of. On the whole the peculiarities 
 of diction in these books do not indicate a 
 time after the captivity, or towards the close 
 of it, but on the contrary point pretty dis- 
 tinctly to the age of Jeremiah. The gen- 
 eral character of the language is, most dis- 
 tinctly, that of the time before the Babylon- 
 ish captivity. Authorship. As regards the 
 authorship of the books, but little difficulty 
 presents itself. The Jewish tradition, which 
 ascribes them to Jeremiah, is borne out by 
 the strongest internal evidence, in addition 
 to that of the language. The last chapter, 
 especially as compared with the last chap- 
 ter of the Chronicles, bears distinct traces 
 of having been written by one who did not 
 go into captivity, but remained in Judaea 
 after the destruction of the Temple. This 
 suits Jeremiah. The events singled out 
 for mention in the concise narrative are 
 precisely those of which he had personal 
 knowledge, and in which he took special 
 interest. The writer in Kings has nothing 
 more to tell us concerning the Jews or 
 Chaldees in the land of Judah, which ex- 
 actly agrees with the hypothesis that he is 
 Jeremiah, who we know was carried down 
 into Egypt with the fugitives. In fact, the 
 date of the writing and the position of the 
 writer seem as clearly marked by the ter- 
 mination of the narrative at xxv. 26, as in 
 the case of the Acts of the Apostles. The 
 annexation of this chapter to the writings 
 of Jeremiah so as to form Jer. Iii. (witli 
 the additional clause contained 28-30) is 
 an evidence of a very ancient, if not a con- 
 temporary belief, that Jeremiah was the 
 author of it. Going back to the xxivth 
 chapter, we find in ver. 14 an enumeration 
 of the captives taken with Jehoiachin iden- 
 tical with that in Jer. xxiv. 1 ; in ver. 13, a 
 reference to the vessels of the Temple 
 precisely similar to that in Jer. xxvii. 18-
 
 KINGS, BOOKS OF 
 
 330 
 
 KINGS, BOOKS OP 
 
 20, xxviii. 3, 6. Brief as the narrative is, 
 it brings out all the chief points in the po- 
 litical events of the time which we know 
 were much in Jeremiah's mind ; and yet, 
 which is exceedingly remarkable, Jeremiah 
 is never once named (as he is in 2 Chr. 
 xxxvi. 12, 21), although the manner of the 
 writer is frequently to connect the suffer- 
 ings of Judah with their sins and their 
 neglect of the Word of God, 2 K. xvii. 
 13, seq., xxiv. 2, 3, &c. It must, how- 
 ever, be acknowledged that as regards Je- 
 hoiakim's reign, and especially the latter 
 part of it, and the way in which he came 
 by his death, the narrative is much more 
 meagre than one would have expected from 
 a contemporary writer, living on the spot. 
 But exactly the same paucity of informa- 
 tion is found in those otherwise copious 
 notices of contemporary events with which 
 Jeremiah's prophecies are interspersed. 
 When it is borne in mind that the writer 
 of 2 K. was a contemporary writer, and, 
 if not Jeremiah, must have had indepen- 
 dent means of information, this coincidence 
 will have great weight. Going back to the 
 reign of Josiah, in the xxiii. and xxii. chap- 
 ters, the connection of the destruction of 
 Jerusalem with Manasseh's transgressions, 
 and the comparison of it to the destruction 
 of Samaria, ver. 2G, 27, lead us back to 
 xxi. 10-13, and that passage leads us to 
 Jer. vii. 15, xv. 4, xix. 3, 4, &c. The par- 
 ticular account of Josiah's passover, and his 
 other good works, the reference in ver. 24, 
 25, to the law of Moses, and the finding of 
 the Book by Hilkiah the priest, with the 
 fuller account of that discovery in ch. 
 xxii.j exactly suit Jeremiah, who began 
 his prophetic office in the 13th of Josiah ; 
 whose xith chap, refers repeatedly to the 
 book thus found ; who showed his attach- 
 ment to Josiah by writing a lamentation 
 on his death (2 Chr. xxxv. 25), and whose 
 writings show how much he made use of 
 the copy of Deuteronomy so found. With 
 Josiah's reign necessarily cease all strong- 
 ly marked characters of Jeremiah's author- 
 ship. But though the general unity and 
 continuity of plan lead us to assign the 
 whole history in a certain sense to one 
 author, yet it must be borne in mind that 
 the authorship of those p'arts of the history 
 of which Jeremiah was not an eye-witness 
 
 that is, of all before the reign of Josiah 
 
 would have consisted merely in select- 
 ing, arranging, inserting the connecting 
 phrases, and, when necessary, slightly 
 modernizing the old histories which had 
 been drawn up by contemporary prophets 
 through the whole period of time. (See 
 e. g. 1 K. xiii. 32.) For, as regards the 
 sources of information, it may truly be 
 said that we have the narrative of contem- 
 porary writers throughout. There was a 
 regular series of state-annals both for the 
 
 kingdom of Judah and for that of Israel, 
 which embraced the whole time compre- 
 hended in the Books of Kings, or at least 
 to the end of the reign of Jehoiakira (2 
 K. xxiv. 5). These annals are constantly 
 cited by name as "the Book of the Acts of 
 Solomon " (1 K. xi. 41) ; and after Solo- 
 mon, "the Book of the Chronicles of the 
 Kings of Judah, or, Israel " (e. g. 1 K. 
 xiv. 29, xv. 7, xvi. 5, 14, 20 ; 2 K. x. 34, 
 xxiv. 5, &c.) ; and it is manifest that the 
 author of Kings had them both before him, 
 while he drew up his history, in which the 
 reigns of the two kingdoms are harmo- 
 nized, and these annals constantly ap- 
 pealed to. But, in addition to these na- 
 tional annals, there were also extant, at 
 the time that the Books of Kings were 
 compiled, separate works of the several 
 prophets who had lived in Judah and Is- 
 rael. Thus the acts of Uzziah, written by 
 Isaiah, were very likely identical with the 
 history of his reign in the national chroni- 
 cles ; and part of the history of Jlezekiah 
 we know is identicabin the Chronicles and 
 in the prophet. The chapter in Jeremiah 
 relating to the destruction of the Temple 
 (iii.) is identical with that in 2 K. xxiv., 
 xxv. Relation of the Books of Kings to 
 those of Chronicles. It is manifest, and is 
 universally admitted, that the former is by 
 far the older work. The language, which 
 is quite free from the Persicisms of the 
 Chronicles and their late orthography, 
 clearly points out its relative superiority 
 in regard to age. Its subject also, em- 
 bracing the kingdom of Israel as well as 
 Judah, is another indication of its com- 
 position before the kingdom of Israel was 
 forgotten, and before the Jewish enmity 
 to Samaria, which is apparent in such pas- 
 sages as 2 Chr. xx. 37, xxv., and in those 
 chapters of Ezra (i.-vi.) which belong 
 to Chronicles, was brought to maturity. 
 While the Books of Chronicles, there- 
 fore, were written especially for the Jews 
 after their return from Babylon, the Book 
 of Kings was written for the whole of Is- 
 rael, before their common national exist- 
 ence was hopelessly quenched. Another 
 comparison of considerable interest be- 
 tween the two histories may be drawn in 
 respect to the main design, that design 
 having a marked relation both to the indi- 
 vidual station of the supposed writers, and 
 the peculiar circumstances of their coun- 
 try at the time of their writing. Jeremiah 
 was himself a prophet. He lived while the 
 prophetic office was in full vigor, in his 
 own person, in Ezekiel, and Daniel, and 
 many others, both true and false. Accord- 
 ingly, we find in the Books of Kings great 
 prominence given to the prophetic office. 
 Ezra, on the contrary, was only a priest. 
 In his days the prophetic office had wholly 
 fallen into abeyance. That evidence of the
 
 KINGS, BOOKS OF 
 
 331 
 
 KIRIOTH 
 
 Jews being the people of God, which con- 
 sisted in the presence of prophets among 
 them, was no more. But to the men of his 
 generation, the distinctive mark of the con- 
 tinuance of God's favor to their race was 
 the rebuilding of the Temple at Jerusalem, 
 the restoration of the daily sacrifice and the 
 Levitical worship, and the wonderful and 
 providential renewal of the Mosaic institu- 
 tions. The chief instrument, too, for pre- 
 serving the Jewish remnant from absorption 
 into the mass of Heathenism, and for main- 
 taining their national life till the coming of 
 Messiah, was the maintenance of the Tem- 
 ple, its ministers, and its services. Hence 
 we see at once that the chief care of a good 
 and enlightened Jew of the age of Ezra 
 and all the more if he were himself a priest 
 would naturally be to enhance the value 
 of the Levitical ritual, and the dignity of 
 the Levitical caste. And in compiling a 
 history of the past glories of his race, he 
 would as naturally select such passages as 
 especially bore upon the sanctity of the 
 priestly office, and showed the deep concern 
 taken by their ancestors in all that related 
 to the honor of God's House, and the sup- 
 port of his ministering servants. Hence the 
 Levitical character of the Books of Chroni- 
 cles, and the presence of several detailed nar- 
 ratives not found in the Books of Kings, and 
 the more frequent reference to the Mosaic 
 institutions, may most naturally and simply 
 be accounted for, without resorting to the 
 absurd hypothesis that the ceremonial law 
 was an invention subsequent to the captiv- 
 ity. (2 Chr. xxix., xxx., xxxi., compared 
 with 2 K. xviii., is perhaps as good a speci- 
 men as can be selected of the distinctive 
 spirit of the Chronicles. See also 2 Chr. 
 xxvi. 16-21, compared with 2 K. xv. 5 ; 2 
 Chr. xi. 13-17, xiii. 9-20, xv. 1-15, xxiii. 2 
 -8, compared with 2 K. xi. 5-9, and vers. 
 18, 19, compared with ver. 18, and many 
 other passages.) Moreover, upon the prin- 
 ciple that the sacred writers were influenced 
 by natural feelings in their selection of their 
 materials, it seems most appropriate that 
 while the prophetical writer in Kings deals 
 very fully with the kingdom of Israel, in 
 which the prophets were much more illus- 
 trious than in Judah, the Levitical writer, 
 on the contrary, should concentrate all his 
 thoughts round Jerusalem, where alone the 
 Levitical caste had all its power and func- 
 tions, and should dwell upon all the instan- 
 ces preserved in existing muniments of the 
 deeds and even the minutest ministrations 
 of the priests and Levites, as well as of their 
 faithfulness and sufferings in the cause of 
 truth. From the comparison of parallel 
 narratives in the two books, it appears that 
 the results are precisely what would natu- 
 rally arise from the circumstances of the 
 case. The writer of the Chronicles, having 
 the Books of Kings before him, made those 
 
 books to a great extent the basis of his own. 
 But also having his own personal views, 
 predilections, and motives in writing, com- 
 posing for a different age, and for people 
 under very different circumstances ; and, 
 moreover, having before him the original 
 authorities from which the Books of Kings 
 were compiled, as well as souje others, he 
 naturally re-arranged the older narrative 
 as suited his purpose and his taste. He 
 gave in full passages which the other had 
 abridged, inserted what had been wholly 
 omitted, omitted some things which the other 
 had inserted, including nearly everything re- 
 lating to the kingdom of Israel, and showed 
 the color of his own mind, not only in the 
 nature of the passages which he selected 
 from the ancient documents, but in the re- 
 flections which he frequently adds upon the 
 events which he relates, and possibly also 
 in the turn given to some of the speeches 
 which he records. The last point for our 
 consideration is the place of these books in 
 the Canon, and the references to them in 
 theN. T. Their canonical authority having 
 never been disputed, it is needless to bring 
 forward the testimonies to their authentici- 
 ty which may be found in Josephus, Euse- 
 bius, Jerome, Augustine, &c. They are 
 reckoned among the Prophets, in the 
 threefold division of the Holy Scriptures ; 
 a position in accordance with the supposi- 
 tion that they were compiled by Jeremiah, 
 and contain the narratives of the differ- 
 ent prophets in succession. They are fre- 
 quently cited by our Lord and by the 
 Apostles. 
 
 Kir is mentioned by Amos (ix. 7) as the 
 land from which the Syrians (Aramaeans) 
 were once "brought up;" i.e. apparently 
 as the country where they had dwelt before 
 migrating to the region north of Palestine. 
 May not Kir be a variant for Kish or Kush 
 (Gush), and represent the eastern Ethiopia, 
 the Cissia of Herodotus ? 
 
 Kir-har'aseth (2 K. iii. 25), Kir- 
 ha'resh (Is. xvi. 11), Kir-har'eseth 
 (Is. xvi. 7), Kir-he'res (Jer. xlviii. 31, 
 36). These four names are all applied to 
 one place, probably KiR-MoAB. 
 
 Kir'iah, apparently an ancient or ar- 
 chaic word, meaning a city or town. It 
 may be compared to the word " burg " or 
 " bury " in our own language. Closely re- 
 lated to Kiriah is Kereth, apparently a 
 Phoenician form, which occurs occasionally 
 (Job. xxix. 7; Prov. viii. 3). This is f- 
 miliar to us in the Latin garb of Cantingo, 
 and in the Parthian and Armenian names 
 Cirta, Tigrano- Certa. As a proper name 
 it appears in the Bible under the forms of 
 Kerioth, Kartah, Kartan ; besides those im- 
 mediately following. 
 
 Kiriatha'im. [KIKJATHAIM.] 
 
 Kir'ioth, a place in Moab, the palaces 
 of which were threatened by Amos with de-
 
 K1RJATH 
 
 332 
 
 KISHON, THE RIVER 
 
 Btruction by fire (Am. ii. 2) ; unless indeed 
 the word means simply "the cities," which 
 is probably the case also in Jer. xlviii. 4. 
 
 Kir'jatlx, the last of tfie cities enumer- 
 ated as belonging to the tribe of Benjamin 
 (Josh, xviii. 28), probably identical with 
 the better known place KIRJATH-JEARIM. 
 
 Kirjatha'im. 1. On the east of the 
 Jordan, one of the places which were taken 
 possession of and rebuilt by the Reubenites, 
 and had fresh names conferred on them 
 (Num. xxxii. 37, and see 38), the first and 
 last of which are known with some tolerable 
 degree of certainty (Josh. xii. 19). It ex- 
 isted in the time of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1, 23) 
 and Ezekiel (xxv. 9 in these three pas- 
 sages the A. V. gives the name KIRIATHAISI). 
 By Eusebius it appears to have been well 
 known. He describes it as a village en- 
 tirely of Christians, 10 miles west of Mede- 
 ba, " close to the Baris." 2. A town in 
 Naphtali not mentioned in the original lists 
 of the possession allotted to the tribe (see 
 Josh. xix. 32-39), but inserted in the list of 
 cities given to the Gershonite Levites, in 1 
 Chr. (vi. 76), in place of KAKTAN in the 
 parallel catalogue, Kartan being probably 
 only a contraction thereof. 
 
 Kir'jath-ar'ba, an early name of the 
 city which after the conquest is generally 
 known as HEBRON (Josh. xiv. 15 ; Judg. i. 
 10). The identity of Kirjath-Arba with 
 HclTon is constantly asserted (Gen. xxiii. 
 2, xxxv. 27 ; Josh. xiv. 15, xv. 13, 54, xx. 
 7, xxi. 11). 
 
 Kir'jath-a'rim, an abbreviated form 
 of the name KIRJATH-JEARIM, which oc- 
 curs only in Ezr. ii. 25. 
 
 Kir'jath-ba'al. [KIRJATH-JEARIM.] 
 
 Kir'jath-hu'zoth, a place to which 
 Balak accompanied Balaam immediately 
 after his arrival in Moab (Num. xxii. 39), 
 and which is nowhere else mentioned. It 
 appears to have lain between the ARNON 
 ( Wady Mojeb) and BAMOTH-BAAL (comp. 
 ver. 36 and 41). 
 
 Kir'jath-je'arim, first mentioned as 
 one of the four cities of the Gibeonites 
 (Josh. ix. 17) : it next occurs as one of the 
 landmarks of the northern boundary of 
 Judah (xv. 9), and as the point at which 
 the western and southern boundaries of 
 Benjamin coincided (xviii. 14, 15) ; and in 
 the two last passages we find that it bore 
 another, perhaps earlier, name that of the 
 great Canaanite deity Baal, namely BAALAH 
 and KIRJATH-BAAL. It is reckoned among 
 the towns of Judah (xv. 60). It is included 
 iii the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 50, 
 52) as founded by, or descended from, 
 SHOBAL, the son of Caleb-ben-Hur. " Be- 
 hind Kirjath-jearim " the band of Danites 
 pitched their camp before their expedition 
 to Mount Ephraim and Laish, leaving their 
 name attached to the spot for long after 
 (Judg. xviii. 12). [MAHANEH-DAN.] Hith- 
 
 erto beyond the early sanctity implied in 
 its bearing the name of BAAL, there is 
 nothing remarkable in Kirjath-jearim. It 
 was no doubt this reputation for sanctity 
 which made the people of Bethshemesh ap- 
 peal to its inhabitants to relieve them of the 
 Ark of Jehovah, which was bringing such 
 calamities on their untutored inexperience 
 (1 Sam. vi. 20, 21). In this high place the 
 ark remained for twenty years (vii. 2). 
 At the close of that time Kirjath-jearim lost 
 its sacred treasure, on its removal by David 
 to the house of Obed-edom the Gittite (1 
 Chr. xiii. 5, 6; 2 Chr. i. 4; 2 Sam. vi. 2, 
 &c.). To Eusebius and Jerome it appears 
 to have been well known. They describe 
 it as a village at the ninth mile between 
 Jerusalem and Diospolis (Lydda). These 
 requirements are exactly fulfilled in the 
 modern village of Kuriet-el-Enab now 
 usually known as Abii Gosh, from the rob- 
 ber-chief whose head-quarters it was on 
 the road from Jaffa to Jerusalem. 
 
 Kir'jath-san'nah. [DEBIR.] 
 
 Kir'jath-se'pher (Josh. xx. 15, 16; 
 Judg. i. 11, 12). [DEBIR.] 
 
 Kir Of Moab, one of the two chief 
 strongholds of Moab, the other being AR OF 
 MOAB. The name occurs only in Is. xv. 1, 
 though the place is probably referred to 
 under the names of KIR-HERES, KIR-HARA- 
 SETH, &c. It is almost identical with the 
 name Kerak, by which the site of an im- 
 portant city in a high and very strong 
 position at the S. E. of the Dead Sea is 
 known at this day. Its situation is truly 
 remarkable. It is built upon the top of a 
 steep hill, surrounded on all sides by a 
 deep and narrow valley, which again is 
 completely enclosed by mountains rising 
 higher than the town, and overlooking it 
 on all sides; 
 
 Kish. 1. The father of Saul ; a Ben- 
 jamite of the family of Matri, according to 1 
 Sam. x. 21, though descended from Becher 
 according to 1 Chr. vii. 8, compared with 1 
 Sam. ix. 1. 2. Son of Jehiel, and uncle 
 to the preceding (1 Chr. ix. 36). 3. A 
 Benjamite, great-grandfather of Mordecai 
 (Esth. ii. 5). 4. A Merarite, of the house 
 of Mahli, of the tribe of Levi. His sons 
 married the daughters of his brother Elea- 
 zar (1 Chr. xxiii. 21, 22, xxiv. 28, 29), ap- 
 parently about the time of King Saul, or 
 early in the reign of David, since Jeduthun 
 the singer was the son of Kish (1 Chr. vi. 
 44, compared with 2 Chr. xxix. 1*)). 
 
 Kisli'i. a Merarite, and father or ances- 
 tor of Ethan the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 44). 
 
 Kish'ion, one of the towns on the 
 boundary of the tribe of Issachar (Josh. 
 xix. 20), which with its suburbs was allot- 
 ted to the Gershonite Levites (xxi. 28 ; A. 
 V. KISHON). 
 
 Ki'shon, The Biver, a torrent or 
 winter stream of central Palestine, the
 
 KISON 
 
 333 
 
 KOA 
 
 Bcene of two of the grandest achievements 
 of Israelite history the defeat of Sisera 
 (Judg. iv.), and the destruction of the 
 prophets of Baal by Elijah (1 K. xviii. 40). 
 The Nahr Mukutta, the modern represen- 
 tative of the Kishon, is the drain by which 
 the waters of the plain of Esdraelon, and 
 of the mountains which enclose that plain, 
 find their way to the Mediterranean. Like 
 most of the so-called " rivers " of Pales- 
 tine, the perennial stream forms but a 
 small part of the Kishon. During the 
 greater part of the year its upper portion 
 is dry, and the stream confined to a few 
 miles next the sea. The" part of the Ki- 
 shon at which the prophets of Baal were 
 slaughtered by Elijah was doubtless close 
 below the spot on Carmel where the sacri- 
 fice ha/i taken place. 
 
 Ki'son, an inaccurate mode of repre- 
 senting the name KISHON (Ps. Ixxxiii. 9). 
 
 Kiss. Kissing the lips by way of affec- 
 tionate salutation was customary amongst 
 near relatives of both sexes, both in Patri- 
 archal and in later times (Gen. xxix. 11; 
 Cant. viii. 1). Between individuals of the 
 same sex, and in a limited degree between 
 those of different sexes, the kiss on the 
 cheek as a mark of respect or an act of 
 salutation has at all times been customary 
 in the East, and can hardly be said to be 
 extinct even in Europe. In the Christian 
 Church the kiss of charity was practised 
 not only as a friendly salutation, but as an 
 act symbolical of love and Christian broth- 
 erhood (Rom. xvi. 1G; 1 Cor. xvi. 20; 2 
 Cor. xiii. 12; 1 Thess. v. 26; 1 Pet. v. 14). 
 It was embodied in the earlier Christian 
 offices, and has been continued in some of 
 those now in use. Among the Arabs the 
 women and children kiss the beards of 
 their husbands or fathers. The superior 
 returns the salute by a kiss on the fore- 
 head. In Egypt an inferior kisses the 
 hand of a superior, generally on the back, 
 but sometimes, as a special favor, on the 
 palm also. To testify abject submission, 
 and in asking favors, the feet are often 
 kissed instead of the hand. The written 
 decrees of a sovereign are kissed in token 
 of respect ; even the ground is sometimes 
 issed by Orientals in the fulness of their 
 submission (Gen. xli. 40 ; 1 Sam. xxiv. 8 ; 
 Ps. Ixxii. 9; &c.). Kissing is spoken of in 
 Scripture as a mark of respect or adoration 
 to idols (1 K. xix. 18; Hos. xiii. 2). 
 
 Kite (Heb. ayydh). The Hebrew word 
 thus rendered occurs in three passages, 
 Lev. xi. 14, Deut. xiv. 13, and Job xxviii. 
 7 : in the two former it is translated ' kite " 
 in the A. V., in the latter " vulture." It is 
 enumerated among the twenty names of 
 birds mentioned in Deut. xiv. (belonging 
 for the most part to the order Raptorcs}, 
 which were considered unclean by the Mo- 
 saic Iaw, and forbidden to be used as food 
 
 by the Israelites. The allusion in Job 
 alone affords a clew to its identification. 
 The deep mines in the recesses of ' the 
 mountains from which the labor of man 
 extracts the treasures of the earth are 
 there described as "a track which the bird 
 of prey hath not known, nor hath the eye 
 of the ayydh looked upon it." The ayydh 
 may possibly be the " kite," but there is 
 no certainty on the subject. 
 
 Kith/lish., one of the towns of Judah, in 
 the Shefelah or lowland (Josh. xv. 40). 
 
 Kit'ron, one of the towns from which 
 Zebulun did not expel the Canaanitea 
 (Judg. i. 30). In the Talmud it is identi- 
 fied with " Zippori," i. e. Sepphoris, now 
 Seffurieh. 
 
 Kit'tim. Twice written in the A. V. 
 for CHITTIM (Gen. x. 4; 1 Chr. i. 7). 
 
 Kneading-troughs. [BREAD.] 
 
 Knife. 1. The knives of the Egyp- 
 tians, and of other nations in early times, 
 were probably only of hard stone, and the 
 use of the flint or stone knife was some- 
 times retained for sacred purposes after 
 the introduction of iron and steel. Herod- 
 otus (ii. 86) mentions knives both of iron 
 and of stone in different stages of the same 
 process of embalming. The same may per- 
 haps be said to some extent of the Hebrews. 
 2. In their meals the Jews, like other Ori- 
 entals, made little use of knives, but they 
 were required both for slaughtering ani- 
 mals either for food or sacrifice, as well as 
 cutting up the. carcass (Lev. vii. 33, 31, 
 viii. 15, 20, 25, ix. 13; Num. xviii. 18; 1 
 Sam. ix. 24, &c.). 3. Smaller knives were 
 in use for paring fruit (Joseph.), and for 
 sharpening pens (Jer. xxxvi. 23). 4. The 
 razor was often used for Nazaritic pur- 
 poses, for which a special chamber was 
 reserved in the Temple (Num. vi. 5, 9, 19 ; 
 Ez. v. 1; &c.). 5. The pruning-hooks of 
 Is. xviii. 5 were probably curved knives. 
 6. The lancets of the priests of Baal were 
 doubtless pointed knives (1 K. xviii. 28). 
 
 Knop. A word employed in the A. V. 
 to translate two terms, which refer to some 
 architectural or ornamental object, but 
 which have nothing in common. 1. Caph- 
 tor. Tliis occurs in the description of the 
 candlestick of the sacred tent in Ex. xxv. 
 31-3G, and xxxvii. 17-22. 2. The second 
 term, Peka'im, is found only in 1 K. vi. 18, 
 and vii. 24. The word no doubt signifies 
 some globular thing resembling a small 
 gourd, or an egg, though as to the character 
 of the ornament we are quite in the dark. 
 
 Ko'a is a word which occurs only in Ez. 
 xxiii. 23. It may perhaps designate a 
 place otherwise unknown, which we must 
 suppose to have been a city or district of 
 Babylonia. Or it may be a common noun, 
 signifying " prince " or " nobleman," as the 
 Vulgate takes it, and some of the Jewish 
 interpreters.
 
 KOHATH 
 
 334 
 
 LACHISH 
 
 KoTiath, second of the three sons of 
 Levi, from whom the three principal divis- 
 ions of the Levites derived their origin and 
 their name (Gen. xlvi. 11 ; Exod. vi. 16, 
 18; Num. iii. 17; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 12, &c.). 
 Kohath was the father of Amram, and he 
 of Moses and Aaron. From him, there- 
 fore, were descended all the priests ; and 
 hence those of the Kohathites who were 
 not priests were of the highest rank of the 
 Levites, though not the sons of Levi's first- 
 horn. In the journeyings of the Taber- 
 nacle the sons of Kohath had charge of the 
 most holy portions of the vessels (Num. 
 iv.). It appears from Ex. vi. 18-22, com- 
 pared with 1 Chr. xxiii. 12, xxvi. 23-32, 
 that there were four families of sons of 
 Kohath Amramites, Izharites, Hebron- 
 ites, and Uzzielites. Of the personal his- 
 tory of Kohath we know nothing, except 
 that he came down to Egypt with Levi and 
 Jacob (Gen. xlvi. 11), that his sister was 
 Jochebed (Ex. vi. 20), and that he lived to 
 the age of 133 years (Ex. vi. 18). 
 
 Kolai'ah. 1. A Benjamite whose de- 
 ecendants settled in Jerusalem after the 
 return from the captivity (Neh. xi. 7). 2. 
 The father of Ahab the false prophet, who 
 was burnt by the king of Babylon (Jer. 
 xxix. 21).' 
 
 Ko'rah. 1. Third son of Esau by 
 Aholibamah (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14, 18 ; 1 Chr. 
 i. 35). He was born in Canaan before 
 Esau migrated to Mount Seir (xxxvi. 5-9), 
 and was one of the " dukes " of Edom. 2. 
 Another Edomitish duke of this name, 
 sprung from Eliphaz, Esau's son by Adah 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 16). 3. One of the " sons 
 of Hebron," in 1 Chr. ii. 43. 4. Son of 
 Izhar, the son Kphath, the son of Levi. 
 He was leader of the famous rebellion 
 against his cousins Moses and Aaron in the 
 wilderness, for which he paid the penalty 
 of perishing with his followers by an earth- 
 quake and flames of fire (Num. xvi., xxvi. 
 9-11). The particular grievance which 
 rankled in the mind of Korah and his com- 
 pany was their exclusion from the office of 
 the priesthood, and their being confined 
 those among them who were Levites to 
 the inferior service of the tabernacle. Ko- 
 rah's position as leader in this rebellion 
 was evidently the result of his personal 
 character, which was that of a bold, haugh- 
 ty, and ambitious man. From some cause 
 which does not clearly appear, the children 
 of Korah were not involved in the destruc- 
 tion of their father (Num. xxvi. 11). Per- 
 haps the fissure of the ground which swal- 
 lowed up the tents of Dathan and Abiram 
 did not extend beyond those of the Reu- 
 benites. From ver. 27 it seems clear that 
 Korah himself was not with Dathan and 
 Abiram at the moment. He himself was 
 doubtless with the 250 men who bare cen- 
 eers nearer the tabernacle (ver. 19), and 
 
 perished with them by the " fire from Je- 
 hovah " which accompanied the earthquake. 
 In the N. T. (Jude 11) Korah is coupled 
 with Cain and Balaam. 
 
 Kor'ahite (l Chr. ix. 19, 31), Kor- 
 hite, or Kor'athite, that portion of the 
 Kohathites who were descended from Ko- 
 rah, and are frequently styled by the synony- 
 mous phrase Sons of Korah. They were 
 an important branch of the singers (2 Chr. 
 xx. 19). Hence Ave find eleven Psalms (or 
 twelve, if Ps. 43 is included under the 
 same title as Ps. 42) dedicated or assigned 
 to the sons of Korah, viz. Ps. 42, 44-49, 84, 
 85, 87, 88. 
 
 Ko're. 1. A Korahite ancestor of Shal- 
 lum and Meshelemiah, chief porters in the 
 reign of David (1 Chr. ix. 19, xxvi. 1). 2. 
 Son of Imnah, a Levite in the reign of 
 Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 14). 3. In the A. 
 V. of 1 Chr. xxvi. 19, "the sons of KORE " 
 (following the Vulg. Core"), should proper- 
 ly be " the sons of the Korhite." 
 
 Koz (Ezr. ii. 61 ; Neh. iii. 4, 21) = Coz 
 = HAKKOZ. 
 
 Kushai'ah. The same as KISH or 
 KISHI, the father of Ethan the Merarite (I 
 Chr. xv. 17). 
 
 - Y ': L. 
 
 La'adah., the son of Shelah, and grand- 
 son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21). 
 
 La'adan. 1. An Ephraimite, ancestor 
 of Joshua the son of Nun (1 Chr. vii. 26). 
 2. The son of Gershom, elsewhere called 
 LIBNI (1 Chr. xxiii. 7, 8, 9; xxvi. 21). 
 
 La'ban. 1. Son of Bethuel, brother of 
 Rebekah, and father of Leah and Rachel. 
 The elder branch of the family remained 
 at Haran when Abraham removed to the 
 land of Canaan, and it is there that we 
 first meet with Laban, as taking the lead- 
 ing part in the betrothal of his sister Re- 
 bekah to her cousin Isaac (Gen. xxiv. 10, 
 29-60, xxvii. 43, xxix. 4). The next time 
 Laban appears in the sacred narrative it is 
 as the host of his nephew Jacob at Haran 
 (Gen. xxix. 13, 14). The subsequent trans- 
 actions by which he secured the valuable 
 services of his nephew are related under 
 JACOB. 2. One of the landmarks named 
 in the obscure and disputed passage Deut. 
 i. 1. The mention of Hezeroth has perhaps 
 led to the only conjecture regarding Laban 
 of which the writer is aware, namely, that it 
 is identical withLiBNAH (Num. xxxiii. 20). 
 The Syriac Peshito understands the name 
 as Lebanon. 
 
 Lacedemo'nians, the inhabitants of 
 Sparta or Lacedaemon, with whom the 
 Jews claimed kindred (1 Mace. xii. 2, 5, 6, 
 20, 21 ; xiv. 20, 23 ; xv. 23 ; 2 Mace. v. 9). 
 
 La'chish, acity of the Amorites, the king 
 of which joined with four others, at the
 
 335 
 
 LAMENTATIONS 
 
 invitation of Adonizedek king of Jerusa- 
 lem, to chastise the Gibeonites for their 
 league with Israel (Josh. x. 3, 5). They 
 were routed by Joshua at Bethhoron, and 
 the king of Lachish fell a victim with the 
 others under the trees at Makkedah (ver. 
 26). The destruction of the town shortly 
 followed the death of the king (ver. 31-38). 
 In the special statement that the attack 
 lasted two days, in contradistinction to the 
 other cities which were taken in one (see 
 ver. 35), we gain our first glimpse of that 
 strength of position for which Lachish was 
 afterwards remarkable. Lachish was one 
 of the cities fortified and garrisoned by Re- 
 hoboam after the revolt of the northern 
 kingdom (2 Chr. xi. 9). It was chosen as 
 a refuge by Amaziah from the conspirators 
 who threatened him in Jerusalem, and to 
 whom he at last fell a victim at Lachish (2 
 K. xiv. 19; 2 Chr. xxv. 27). In the reign 
 of Hezekiah, it was one of the cities taken 
 by Sennacherib when on his way from 
 Phoenicia in Egypt. This siege is consid- 
 ered by Layard and Hincks to be depicted 
 on the slabs found by the former in one of 
 the chambers of the palace at Kouyunjik. 
 But though the Assyrian records appear to 
 assert the capture of Lachish, no statement 
 is to be found either in the Bible or Jose- 
 phus that it was taken. After the return 
 from captivity, Lachish with its surround- 
 ing ''fields" was re-occupied by the Jews 
 (Neh. xi. 30). By Eusebius and Jerome, 
 iu the Onomasticon, Lachish is mentioned 
 as " 7 miles from Eleutheropolis, towards 
 Daroma," i. e. towards the south. 
 
 La'el, the father of Eliasaph (Num. iii. 
 24). 
 
 La'had, son of Jahath, one of the de- 
 scendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 2). 
 
 Laha'i-ro'i, The Well. In this form 
 is given in the A. V. of Gen. xxiv. 62, and 
 xxv. 11, the name of the famous well of 
 Hagar's relief, in the oasis of verdure 
 round which Isaac afterwards resided. 
 
 Lah'inam, a town in the lowland dis- 
 trict of Judah (Josh. xv. 40). 
 
 Lah'mi, the brother of Goliath the Git- 
 tite, slain by Elhanan the son of Zair, or 
 Zaor (1 Chr. xx. 5). 
 
 Zia'ish, the city which was taken by the 
 Danites, and under its new name of DAN 
 became famous as the northern limit of the 
 nation (Judg. xviii. 7, 14, 27, 29). [DAN.] 
 In the A. V. Laish is again mentioned in 
 the account of Sennacherib's march on Je- 
 rusalem (Is. x. 36). This Laish is proba- 
 bly the small village, Laishah, lying be- 
 tween Gallim and Anathoth, and of which 
 hitherto no traces have been found. 
 
 La'ish, father of Phaltiel, to whom Saul 
 had given Miehal, David's wife (1 Sam. 
 xxv. 44; 2 Sam. iii. 15). 
 
 Lakes. [PALESTINE.] 
 
 La'kum, properly Lak'kum, one of 
 
 the places which formed the landmarks 
 of the boundary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 
 33). 
 
 Lambs formed an important part of 
 almost every sacrifice (Ex. xxix. 38-41; 
 Num. xxviii. 9, 11, xxix. 2, 13-40, &c.). 
 On the Paschal Lamb, see PASSOVER. 
 
 La'xnech, properly Lemech. 1. The 
 fifth lineal descendant from Cain (Gen. iv. 
 18-24). He is the only one except Enoch, 
 of the posterity of Cain, whose history is 
 related with some detail. His two wives, 
 Adah and Zillah, and his daughter Naamah, 
 are, with Eve, the only antediluvian women 
 whose names are mentioned by Moses. His 
 three sons, JABAL, JUBAL, and TUBAL-CAIN, 
 are celebrated in Scripture as authors of 
 useful inventions. The remarkable poem 
 which Lamech uttered has not yet been ex- 
 plained quite satisfactorily. It may be ren- 
 dered, 
 
 Adah and Zillah, hear my voice ; 
 
 Ye wives of Lamech, give ear unto my speech ; 
 
 For a man had I slain for smiting me. 
 
 And a youth for wounding me. 
 
 Surely seven-fold shall Cain be avenged, 
 
 But Lamech seventy and seven. 
 
 It may perhaps be regarded as Lamech's 
 song of exultation on the invention of the 
 sword by his son Tubal-cain, in the pos- 
 session of which he foresaw a great advan- 
 tage to himself and his family over any 
 enemies. 2. The father of Noah (Gen. v. 
 29). 
 
 Lamentations of Jeremiah. The 
 Hebrew title of this book, Ecah, is taken, 
 like those of the five Books of Moses, from 
 the Hebrew word with which it opens. The 
 poems included in this collection appear 
 in the Hebrew canon with no name at- 
 tached to them, and there is no direct ex- 
 ternal evidence that they were written by 
 the prophet Jeremiah earlier than the 
 date given in the prefatory verse which 
 appears in the Septuagint. The poems 
 belong unmistakably to the last days of 
 the kingdom, or the commencement of 
 the exile. They are written by one who 
 speaks, with the vividness and intensity of an 
 eye-witness, of the misery which he bewails. 
 It might almost be enough to ask who else 
 then living could have written with that 
 union of strong passionate feeling and en- 
 tire submission to Jehovah which char- 
 acterizes both the Lamentations and the 
 Prophecy of Jeremiah. The evidences of 
 identity are, however, stronger and more 
 minute. Assuming this as sufficiently es- 
 tablished, there come the questions (1,) 
 When, and on what occasion, did ho write 
 it? (2.) In what relation did it stand to 
 his other writings? (3.) What light does 
 it throw on his personal history, or on (hut 
 of the time in which he lived? I. The 
 earliest statement on this point is that of 
 Josephus (Ant. x. 5, 1). (lie finds among 
 the books which were extant in his own
 
 LAMENTATIONS 
 
 336 
 
 LAMP 
 
 time the lamentations on the death of Jo- 
 siah, which are mentioned in 2 Chr. xxxv. 
 25. As there are no traces of any other 
 poem of this kind in the later Jewish liter- 
 ature, it has been inferred, naturally enough, 
 that he speaks of this. Against this we have 
 to set (1) the tradition on the other side 
 embodied in the preface of the Septuagint, 
 (2) the contents of ttte book itself. We 
 look in vain for a single word distinctive of 
 a funeral dirge over a devout and zealous 
 reformer like Josiah, while we find, step by 
 step, the closest possible likeness between 
 the pictures of misery in the Lamentations 
 and the events of the closing years of the 
 reign of Zedekiah. At what period after 
 the capture of the city the prophet gave 
 tliis utterance to his sorrow we can only 
 conjecture, and the materials for doing so 
 with any probability are but scanty. II. 
 The book consists of five chapters, each of 
 which, however, is a separate poem, com- 
 plete in itself, and having a distinct sub- 
 ject, but brought at the same time under a 
 plan which includes them all. A compli- 
 cated alphabetic structure pervades nearly 
 the whole book. (1.) Ch. i., ii., and iv. 
 contain 22 verses each, arranged in alpha- 
 betic order, each verse falling into three 
 nearly balanced clauses ; ii. 19 forms an 
 exception, as having a fourth clause. (2.) 
 Ch. iii. contains three short verses under 
 each letter of the alphabet, the initial letter 
 being three times repeated. (3.) Ch. v. 
 contains the same number of verses as 
 ch. i., ii., iv., but without the alphabetic 
 order. III. Jeremiah was not merely a 
 patriot-poet, weeping over the ruin of his 
 country. He was a prophet who had seen 
 all this coming, and had foretold it as inev- 
 itable. He had nrged submission to the 
 Chaldaeans as the only mode of diminish- 
 ing the terrors of that " day of the Lord." 
 All feeling of exultation in which, as mere 
 prophet of evil, he might have indulged 
 at the fulfilment of his forebodings, was 
 swallowed up in deep, overwhelming sor- 
 row. Yet sorrow, not less than other 
 emotions, works on men according to 
 their characters, and a man with Jere- 
 miah's gifts of utterance could not sit 
 down in the mere silence and stupor of a 
 hopeless grief. He was compelled to give 
 expression to that which was devouring his 
 heart and the heart of his people. An ex- 
 amination of the five poems will enable us 
 to judge how far each stands by itself, how 
 fur they are connected as parts forming a 
 whole. I. The opening verse strikes the 
 key-note of the whole poem. That which 
 haunts the prophet's mind is the solitude 
 in which he finds himself. She that was 
 "princess among the nations" sits "sol- 
 itary," -as a widow." Mingling with this 
 outburst of sorrow there are two thoughts 
 characteristic both of the man and the time. 
 
 The calamities which the nation suffers are 
 the consequences of its sins. There must 
 be the confession of those sins. There 
 is also, at any rate, this gleam of con- 
 solation that Judah is not alone in her 
 sufferings. II. As the solitude of the city 
 was the subject of the first lamentation, so 
 the destruction that had laid it waste is 
 that which is most conspicuous in the sec- 
 ond. III. In the two preceding poems, 
 Jeremiah had spoken of the misery and 
 destruction of Jerusalem. In the third 
 he speaks chiefly, though not exclusively, 
 of his own. Here, as in the prophecies, 
 we find a Gospel for the weary and heavy- 
 laden. IV. It might seem, at first, as if 
 the fourth poem did but reproduce the 
 pictures and thoughts of the first and 
 second. Thus come before us once again 
 the famine, the misery, the desolation, 
 that had fallen on the holy city, making 
 all faces gather blackness. V. One great 
 difference in the fifth and last section 
 of the poem has been already pointed 
 out. It obviously indicates either a de- 
 liberate abandonment of the alphabetic 
 structure, or the unfinished character of 
 the concluding elegy. There are perhaps 
 few portions of the O. T. which appear 
 to have done the work they were meant to 
 do more effectually than this. The book 
 has supplied thousands with the fullest 
 utterance for their sorrows in the critical 
 periods of national or individual suffering. 
 We may well believe that it soothed the 
 weary years of the Babylonian exile. On 
 the ninth day of the month of Ab (July-Au- 
 gust), the Lamentations of Jeremiah were 
 read, year by year, with fasting and weep- 
 ing, to commemorate the misery out of 
 which the people had been delivered. It 
 enters largely into the order of the Latin 
 Church for the services of Passion-week. 
 The LXX. group the writings connected 
 with the name of Jeremiah together, but the 
 Book of Baruch comes between the prophe- 
 cy and the Lamentation. On the hypothesis 
 of some writers that Jer. Hi. was originally 
 the introduction to the poem, it would follow 
 that the arrangement of the \ r ulg. and the 
 A. V. corresponds more closely than any 
 other to that which we must look on as the 
 original one. 
 
 Lamp. 1. That part of the golden can- 
 dlestick belonging to the Tabernacle which 
 bore the light ; also of each of the ten can- 
 dlesticks placed by Solomon in the Temple 
 before the Holy of Holies (Ex. xxv. 37 ; 1 
 K. vii. 49 ; 2 Chr. iv. 20, xiii. 1 1 ; Zech. iv. 
 2). The lamps were lighted every evening, 
 and cleansed every morning (Ex. xxx. 7, 
 8). 2. A torch or flambeau, such as was 
 carried by the soldiers of Gideon (Judg. vii. 
 16, 20 ; comp. xv. 4). The use of lamps fed 
 with oil in marriage processions is alluded 
 to in the parable of the ten virgins (Matt,
 
 LANCET 
 
 337 
 
 LATTICE 
 
 XXT. 1). Modern Egyptian lamps consist 
 of small glass vessels with a tube at the bot- 
 tom containing a cotton-wick twisted round 
 a piece of straw. For night-travelling, a 
 lantern composed of waxed cloth strained 
 over a sort of cylinder of wire-rings, and a 
 top and bottom of perforated copper. This 
 would, in format least, answer to the lamps 
 within pitchers of Gideon. 
 
 . Egyptian Lamp. 
 
 Lancet. This word is found in 1 K. 
 xviii. 28 only. The Hebrew term is Romach, 
 which is elsewhere rendered, and appears 
 to mean, a javelin, or light spear. In the 
 original edition of the A. V. (1611) the 
 word is "lancers." 
 
 Language. [TONGUES, CONFUSION OF.] 
 
 Lantern occurs only in John xviii. 3. 
 See Diet, of Ant. art. LATEKNA. 
 
 Laocliee'a. a town in the Roman prov- 
 ince of ASIA, situated in the valley of the 
 Maeander, on a small river called the 
 Lycus, with COLOSSAE and HIEKAPOLIS a 
 few miles distant to the west. Built, or 
 rather rebuilt, by one of the Seleucid mon- 
 archs, and named in honor of his wife, Laod- 
 icea became under the Roman government 
 a place of some importance. Its trade was 
 considerable : it lay on the line of a great 
 road ; and it was the seat of a conventus. 
 From the third chapter and seventeenth 
 verse of Revelation we should gather it was 
 a place of great wealth. Christianity was 
 introduced into Laodicea, not, however, as 
 it would seem, through the direct agency of 
 St. Paul. We have good reason for be- 
 lieving that when, in writing from Rome to 
 the Christians of Colossae, he sent a greet- 
 ing to those of Laodicea. he had not per- 
 sonally visited either place. But the 
 preaching of the Gospel at Ephesus (Acts 
 xviii. 19-xix. 41) must inevitably have re- 
 sulted in the formation of churches in the 
 neighboring cities, especially where Jews 
 were settled ; and there were Jews in Laod- 
 icea. In subsequent times it became a 
 Christian city of eminence, the see of a 
 bishop, and a meeting-place of councils. 
 The Mohammedan invaders destroyed it ; 
 and it is now a scene of utter desolation : 
 but the extensive ruins near Denislu justify 
 all that we read of Laodicea in Greek and 
 Roman writers. One Biblical subject of 
 interest is connected with Laodicea. From 
 Col. iv. 1C it appears that St. Paul wrote a 
 letter to this place when he wrote the letter 
 to Colossae. The question arises whether 
 22 
 
 j we can give any account of this Laodicean 
 I epistle. Wieseler's theory is that the Epistle 
 to Philemon is meant. Another view, main- 
 tained by Paley and others, is that the 
 Epistle to the Ephesians is intended. 
 Ussher's view is that this last epistle was a 
 circular letter sent to Laodicea among other 
 places. The apocryphal Episiola ad Lao- 
 dicenses is a late and clumsy forgery. 
 
 Laodice'ans, the inhabitants of Laod- 
 icea (Col. iv. 16; Rev. iii. 14). 
 
 Lap'idotn, the husband of Deborah the 
 prophetess (Judg. iv. 4). 
 
 Lapwing (Heb. duciphalli) occurs only 
 in Lev. xi. 19, and in the parallel passage 
 of Deut. xiv. 18, amongst the list of those 
 birds which were forbidden by the law of 
 Moses to be eaten by the Israelites. Com- 
 mentators generally agree that the Hoopoe 
 is the bird intended. The hoopoe is not 
 now eaten except occasionally in those 
 countries where it is abundantly found 
 Egypt, France, Spain, &c., &c. The hcopoe 
 is an occasional visitor to England, arriv- 
 ing for the most part in the autumn. Its 
 crest is very elegant ; the long feathers form- 
 ing it are each of them tipped with black. 
 
 Lase'a (Acts xxvii. 8), a city of Crete, 
 the ruins of which were discovered in 1856, 
 a few miles to the eastward of Fair Havens. 
 
 La'sha, a place noticed in Gen. x. 19 
 as marking the limit of the country of the 
 Canaanites. It lay somewhere in the south- 
 east of Palestine. Jerome and other writers 
 identify it with Callirhoe, a spot famous for 
 hot springs, near the eastern shore of the 
 Dead Sea. 
 
 Lasha'ron, one of the Canaanite towns 
 whose kings were killed by Joshua (Josh, 
 xii. 18). 
 
 Latchet, the thong or fastening by 
 which the sandal was attached to the foot. 
 It occurs in the proverbial expression in 
 Gen. xiv. 23, and is there used to denote 
 something trivial or worthless. Another 
 semi-proverbial expression in Luke iii. 16 
 points to the fact that the office of bearing 
 and unfastening the shoes of great person- 
 ages fell to the meanest slaves. 
 
 Latin, the language spoken by the Ro- 
 mans, is mentioned only in John xix. 20, 
 and Luke xxiii. 38. 
 
 Lattice. The rendering in A. V. of 
 three Hebrew words. 1. JZshndb, which 
 occurs but twice, Judg. v. 28, and Prov. 
 vii. 6, and in the latter passage is translat- 
 ed " casement " in the A. V. In both in- 
 stances it stands in parallelism with " win- 
 dow." 2. Kh&raccim (Cant. ii. 9) is ap- 
 parently synonymous with the preceding, 
 though a word of later date. 3. Sebdcdh, 
 is simply "a network" placed before a 
 window or balcony. Perhaps the network 
 through which Ahaziah fell and received 
 his mortal injury was on the parapet of 
 his palace (2'K. i. 2).
 
 LAVEK 
 
 338 
 
 LAW OF MOSES 
 
 Laver. 1. In the Tabernacle, a vessel 
 of brass containing water for the priests to 
 wash their hands and feet before offering 
 sacrifice. It stood in the court between 
 the altar and the door of the Tabernacle 
 (Ex. xxx. 19, 21.) It rested on a basis, 
 i. e. a foot, though by some explained to 
 be a cover of copper or brass, which, as 
 well as the laver itself, was made from the 
 mirrors of the women who assembled at the \ 
 door of the Tabernacle-court (Ex. xxxviii. 
 8). The form of the laver is not specified, 
 but may be assumed to have been circular. 
 Like'the other vessels belonging to the Tab- 
 ernacle, it was, together with its "foot," 
 consecrated with oil (Lev. viii. 10, 11). 2. 
 In Solomon's Temple, besides the great 
 molten sea, there were ten lavers of brass, 
 raised on bases (1 K. vii. 27, 39), five on 
 the N. and S. sides respectively of the 
 court of the priests. Each laver contained 
 40 of the measures called "bath." They 
 were used for washing the animals to be 
 offered in burnt-offerings (2 Chr. iv. 6). 
 The dimensions of the bases with the la- 
 vers, as given in the Hebrew text, are 4 
 cubits in length and breadth, and 3 in 
 height. There were to each 4 wheels of 
 li cubit in diameter, with spokes, &c., all 
 cast in one piece. 
 
 Law. The word is properly used, in 
 Scripture as elsewhere, to express a defi- 
 nite commandment laid down by any rec- 
 ognized authority. The commandment may 
 be general, or (as in Lev. vi. 9, 14, &c., 
 " the law of the burnt-offering," &c.) par- 
 ticular in its bearing ; the authority either 
 human or divine. But when the word is 
 used with the article, and without any 
 words of limitation, it refers to the ex- 
 pressed will of God, and, in nine cases out 
 -of tea, to the Mosaic Law, or to the Pen- 
 tateuch, of which it forms the chief por- 
 tion. The Hebrew word, tdr&h, lays more 
 stress on its moral authority, as teaching 
 the truth, and guiding in the right way; 
 the Greek nomos (rouoc), on its constrain- 
 ing power, as imposed and enforced by a 
 recognized authority. The sense of the 
 word, however, extends its scope, and as- 
 sumes a more abstract character in the 
 writings of St. Paul. Nomos, when used 
 by him with the article, still refers in gen- 
 eral to the Law of Moses ; but when used 
 without the article, so as to embrace any 
 manifestation of " law," it includes all 
 powers which act on the will of man by 
 compulsion, or by the pressure of external 
 motives, whether their commands be or be 
 not expressed in definite forms. The oc- 
 casional use of the word " law " (as in 
 llom. iii. -27, "law of faith") to denote 
 in internal principle ;of action, does not 
 really militate against the general rule. It 
 should also be noticed that the title "the 
 Law " is occasionally used loosely to refer 
 
 to the whole of the Old Testament (as in 
 John x. 34, referring to Ps. Ixxxii. 6; in 
 John xv. 25, referring to Ps. xxxv. 19 ; 
 and in 1 Cor. xiv. 21, referring to Is. 
 xxviii. 11, 12). 
 
 Law of Moses. It will be the object 
 of this article to give a brief analysis of its 
 substance, to point out its main principles, 
 and to explain the position which it occu- 
 pies in the progress of Divine Eevelation. 
 In order to do this the more clearly, it 
 seems best to speak of the Law, 1st, in re- 
 lation to the past ; 2dly, in its own intrin- 
 sic character; and, 3dly, in its relation to 
 the future, (i.) (a.) In reference to the 
 past, it is all-important, for the proper un- 
 derstanding of the Law, to remember its 
 entire dependence on the Abrahamic Cove- 
 nant, and its adaptation thereto (see Gal. 
 iii. 17-24). That covenant had a twofold 
 character. It contained the " spiritual 
 promise " of the Messiah, which was given 
 to the Jews as representatives of the whole 
 human race. But it contained also the 
 temporal promises subsidiary to the for- 
 mer. These promises were special, given 
 distinctively to the Jews as a nation. It 
 follows that there should be in the Law a 
 corresponding duality of nature. (6.) The 
 nature of this relation of the Law to the 
 promise is clearly pointed out. The belief 
 in God as the Redeemer of man, and the 
 hope of His manifestation as such in the 
 person of the Messiah, involved the belief 
 that the Spiritual Power must be superior 
 to all carnal obstructions, and that there 
 was in man a spiritual element which could 
 rule his life by communion with a Spirit 
 from above. But it involved also the idea 
 of an antagonistic Power of Evil, from 
 which man was to be redeemed, existing 
 in eael* individual, and existing also in the 
 world at large, (c.) Nor is it less essen- 
 tial to remark the period of the history 
 at which it was given. It marked and de- 
 termined the transition of Israel from the 
 condition of a tribe to that of a nation, and 
 its definite assumption of a distinct posi- 
 tion and office in the history of the world. 
 (d.~) Yet, though new in its general con* 
 ception, it was probably not wholly new in 
 its materials. There must necessarily have 
 been, before the law, commandments and 
 revelations of a fragmentary character, un- 
 der which Israel had hitherto grown up. 
 So far therefore as they were consistent 
 with the objects of the Jewish law, the cus- 
 toms of Palestine and the laws of Egypt 
 would doubtless be traceable in the Mosaic 
 system. (e.~) In close connection with, and 
 almost in consequence of, this reference to 
 antiquity, we find an accommodation of the 
 Law to the temper and circumstances of 
 the Israelites, to which our Lord refers in 
 the case of divorce (Matt. xix. 7, 8) as ne- 
 cessarily interfering with its absolute per-
 
 LAW OF MOSES 
 
 339 
 
 LAW OF MOSES 
 
 fection. In many cases it rather should be 
 said tt) guide and modify existing usages 
 than actually to sanction them ; and the ig- 
 norance of their existence may lead to a 
 conception of its ordinances not only erro- 
 neous, but actually the reverse of the truth. 
 Nor is it less noticeable that the degree of 
 prominence, given to each part of the Mo- 
 saic system, has a similar reference to the 
 period at which the nation had arrived. 
 The ceremonial portion is marked out dis- 
 tinctly and with elaboration ; the moral and 
 criminal law is clearly and sternly decisive ; 
 even the civil law, so far as it relates to in- 
 dividuals, is systematic; because all these 
 were called for by the past growth of the 
 nation, and needed in order to settle and 
 develop its resources. But the political 
 and constitutional law is comparatively im- 
 perfect; a few leading principles are laid 
 down, to be developed hereafter; but the 
 law is directed rather to sanction the vari- 
 ous powers of the state than to define and 
 balance their operations. (/.) In close con- 
 nection with this subject we observe also 
 the gradual process by which the Law was 
 revealed to the Israelites. In Ex. xx.-xxiii., 
 in direct connection with the revelation 
 from Mount Sinai, that which may be called 
 the rough outline of the Mosaic Law is 
 given by God, solemnly recorded by Moses, 
 and accepted by the people. In Ex. xxv.- 
 xxxi. there is a similar outline of the Mo- 
 saic ceremonial. On the basis of these it 
 may be conceived that the fabric of the 
 Mosaic system gradually grew up under the 
 requirements of the time. The first reve- 
 lation of the Law in anything like a perfect 
 form is found in the book of Deuteronomy. 
 Yet even then the revelation was not final ; 
 it was the duty of the prophets to amend 
 and explain it in special points (Ez. xviii.), 
 and to bring out more clearly its great prin- 
 ciples, (ii.) In giving an analysis of the 
 substance of the Law, it will probably be 
 better to treat it, as any other system of 
 laws is usually treated, by dividing it into 
 (I.) Laws Civil; (II.) Laws Criminal; 
 (III.) Laws Judicial and Constitutional ; 
 (IV.) Laws Ecclesiastical and Ceremonial. 
 
 (I.) LAWS CIVIL. 
 (A) OF PERSONS. 
 
 (a) FATHER AND SON. The power of a 
 Father to be held sacred ; cursing, or smit- 
 ing (Ex. xxi. 15, 17; Lev. xx. 9), or stub- 
 born and wilful disobedience, to be con- 
 sidered capital crimes. But uncontrolled 
 power of life and death was apparently 
 refused to the father, and vested only in 
 the congregation (Deut. xxi. 18-21). Right 
 of the first-born to a double portion of the 
 inheritance not to be set aside by partiality 
 (Deut. xxi. 15-17). Inheritance by Daugh- 
 ters to be allowed in default of sons, pro- 
 
 vided (Num. xxvii. 6-8, comp. xxxvi.) 
 that heiresses married in their own tribe. 
 Daughters unmarried to be entirely de- 
 pendent on their father (Num. xxx. 3-5). 
 
 (i) HUSBAND AND WIFE. The power 
 of a Husband to be so great that a wife 
 could never be sui juris, or enter inde- 
 pendently into any engagement, even be- 
 fore God (Num. xxx. 6-15). A widow or 
 divorced wife became independent, and did 
 not again fall under her father's power 
 (ver. 9). Divorce (for uncleanness) al- 
 lowed, but to be formal and irrevocable 
 (Deut. xxiv. 1-4). Marriage within cer- 
 tain degrees forbidden (Lev. xviii., c.). 
 A Slave Wife, whether bought or captive, 
 not to be actual property, nor to be sold ; 
 if ill-treated, to be ipso facto free (Ex. xxi. 
 7-9; Deut. xxi. 10-14). Slander against 
 a wife's virginity to be punished by fine, 
 and by deprival of power of divorce ; on 
 the other hand, ante-connubial unclean- 
 ness in her to be punished by death (Deut. 
 xxii. 13-21). The raising up of seed (Le- 
 virate law) a formal right to be claimed by 
 the widow, under pain of infamy, with a 
 view to preservation of families (Deut. 
 xxv. 5-10). 
 
 (c) MASTER AND SLAVE. Power of 
 Master so far limited, that death under 
 actual chastisement was punishable (Ex. 
 xxi. 20) ; and maiming was to give liberty 
 ipso facto (ver. 26, 27). The Hebrew Slave 
 to be freed at the sabbatical year,* and pro- 
 vided with necessaries (his wife and chil- 
 dren to go with only if they came to his 
 master with him), unless by his own for- 
 mal act he consented to be a perpetual slave 
 (Ex. xxi. 1-6; Deut. xv. 12-18). In any 
 case, it would seem, to be freed at the 
 jubilee (Lev. xxv. 10), with his children. 
 If sold to a resident alien, to be always re- 
 deemable, at a price proportional to the 
 distance of the jubilee (Lev. xxv. 47-54). 
 Foreign Slaves to be held and inherited as 
 property forever (Lev. xxv. 45, 46) ; and 
 fugitive slaves from foreign nations not to 
 be given up (Deut. xxiii. 15). 
 
 (d) STRANGERS. They seem never to 
 have been sui juris, or able to protect them- 
 selves, and accordingly protection and kind- 
 ness towards them are enjoined as a sacred 
 duty (Ex. xxii. 21 ; Lev. xix. 33, 34). 
 
 (B) LAW OF THINGS. 
 
 (a) LAWS OF LAND (AND PROPERTY). 
 (1) All Land to be the property of God 
 alone, and its holders to be deemed His 
 tenants (Lev. xxv. 23). (2) All sold Land 
 therefore to return to its original owners 
 at the jubilee, and the price of sale to be 
 calculated accordingly ; and redemption on 
 equitable terms to be allowed at all times 
 (xxv. 25-27). A House sold to be redeem- 
 
 * The difficulty of enforcing this law in seen '.n .Tr. *x jiy. 
 8-16.
 
 LAW OF MOSES 
 
 340 
 
 able * ithin a year ; and, if not redeemed, 
 to pass away altogether (xxv. 29, 30). But 
 the Houses of the Levites, or those in un- 
 walled villages, to be redeemable at all 
 times, in the same way as land; and the 
 Levitical suburbs to be inalienable (xxv. 
 31-34). (3) Land or Houses sanctified, or 
 tithes, or unclean firstlings to be capable of 
 being redeemed, at six fifths value (calcu- 
 lated according to the distance from the 
 jubilee-year by the priest) ; if devoted by 
 the owner and unredeemed, to be hallowed 
 at the jubilee forever, and given to the 
 priests ; if only by a possessor, to return to 
 the owner at the jubilee (Lev. xxvii. 14-34). 
 (4) Inheritance. 
 
 (I) Son*. \ 
 
 (2) Daughters.* 
 
 (3) Brothers. 
 
 (4) Uncles on the Father's side. 
 
 (5) fiext Kinsmen, generally. 
 
 (5) LAWS OP DEBT. (1) All Debts (to 
 an Israelite to be released at the 7th (sab- 
 batical) year ; a blessing promised to obedi- 
 ence, and a curse on refusal to lend (Dcut. 
 xv. 1-11). (2) Usury (from Israelites) 
 not to be taken (Ex. xxii. 25-27; Deut. 
 xxiii. 19, 20). (3) Pledges not to be in- 
 solently or ruinously exacted (Deut. xxiv. 
 6, 10-13, 17, 18). 
 
 (c) TAXATION. (1) Census-money, a 
 poll-tax (of a half shekel), to be paid for 
 the service of the tabernacle (Ex. xxx. 12- 
 16). All spoil in war to be halved; of the 
 combatant's half, one five-hundredth, of the 
 people's, one fiftieth, to be paid for a 
 " heave-offering " to Jehovah. 
 
 (2) Tithes, (a) Tithes of all produce to 
 be given for maintenance of the Levites 
 (Num. xviii. 20-24). (Of this one tenth to 
 be paid as a heave-offering for maintenance 
 of the priests . . . 24-32.) (/*) Second Tithe 
 to be bestowed in religious feasting and 
 charity, either at the Holy Place, or every 
 3d year at home (?) (Deut. xiv. 22-28). 
 (y) First Fruits of corn, wine, and oil (at 
 least one sixtieth, generally one fortieth,' 
 for the priests) to be offered at Jerusalem, 
 with a solemn declaration of dependence on 
 God the King of Israel (Deut. xxvi. 1-15; 
 Num. xviii. 12, 13). Firstlings of clean 
 beasts ; the redemption-money (5 shekels) 
 of man, and ( shekel, or 1 shekel) of un- 
 clean beasts, to be given to the priests after 
 sacrifice (Num. xviii. 15-18). 
 
 (3) Poor Laws, (a) Gleanings (in field 
 or vineyard) to be a legal right of the poor 
 (Lev. xix. 9, 10; Deut. xxiv. 19-22). () 
 Slight Trespass (eating on the spot) to be 
 allowed as legal (Deut. xxiii. 24, 25). (y) 
 Second Tithe (see 2 /) to be given in chari- 
 ty. (cJ) Wages to be paid day by day (Deut. 
 xxiv. 15). 
 
 (4) Maintenance of Priests (Num. xviii. 
 
 * Heiresses to marry in their own tribe (Num. xxvii. 6- 
 
 0] XXXY1.J* 
 
 8-32). (a) Tenth of Levites' Tithe. (See 
 
 2 a). (/*) The heave and wave-offerings 
 
 (breast and right shoulder of all peace- 
 
 : offerings), (y) The meat and sin-offerings, 
 
 ' to be eaten solemnly, and only in the holy 
 
 1 place, ((}) First Fruits and redemption 
 
 I money. (See 2 y). () Price of all devoted 
 
 things, unless specially given for a sacred 
 
 service. A man's service, or that of his 
 
 household, to be redeemed at 50 shekels for 
 
 man, 30 for woman, 20 for boy, and 10 for 
 
 girl. 
 
 (II.) LAWS CRIMINAL. 
 
 (A) OFFENCES AGAINST GOD (of the nature 
 of treason). 
 
 1st Command. Acknowledgment of false 
 gods (Ex. xxii. 20), as e. g. Molcch (Lev. 
 xx. 1-5), and generally all idolatry (Deut. 
 xiii., xvii. 2-5). 
 
 2d Command. Witchcraft and false 
 prophecy (Ex. xxii. 18 ; Deut. xviii. 9-22 ; 
 Lev. xix. 31). 
 
 3d Command. Blasphemy (Lev. xxiv. 
 15, 16). 
 
 4th Command. Sabbath-breaking (Num. 
 xv. 32-36). 
 
 Punishment in all cases, death by ston- 
 ing. Idolatrous cities to be utterly de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 (B) OFFENCES AGAINST MAN. 
 
 6th Command. Disobedience to or curs- 
 ing or smiting of parents (Ex. xxi. 15, 17 ; 
 Lev. xx. 9; Deut. xxi. 18-21), to be 
 punished by death by stoning, publicly ad- 
 judged and inflicted ; so also of disobedience 
 to the priests (as judges) or Supreme Judge. 
 Comp. 1 K. xxi. 10-14 (Naboth) ; 2 Chr. 
 xxiv. 21 (Zechariah). 
 
 6th Command. (1) Murder, to be pun- 
 ished by death without sanctuary or re- 
 prieve, or satisfaction, (Ex. xxi. 12, 14; 
 Deut. xix. 11-13). Death of a slave, 
 actually under the rod, to be punished (Ex. 
 xxi. 20, 21). (2) Death by negligence, to 
 be punished by death (Ex. xxi. 28-30). 
 (3) Accidental Homicide: the avenger of 
 blood to be escaped by flight to the cities 
 of refuge till the death of the high-priest 
 (Num. xxxv. 9-28; Deut. iv. 41-43; xix. 
 4-10). (4) Uncertain Murder, to be ex- 
 piated by formal disavowal and sacrifice by 
 the elders of the nearest city (Deut. xxi. 
 1-9). (5) Assault to be punished by lex 
 talionis, or damages (Ex. xxi. 18, 19, 22- 
 25; Lev. xxiv. 19, 20). 
 
 7th Command. (1) Adultery to be pun- 
 ished by death of both offenders ; the rape 
 of a married or betrothed woman, by death 
 of the offender (Deut. xxii. 13-27). (2) 
 Rape or. Seduction of an unbetrothed virgin, 
 to be compensated by marriage, with dowry 
 (50 shekels), and without power of divorce ; 
 or, if she be refused, by payment of full 
 dowry (Ex. xxii. 16, 17; Deut. xxii. 28,
 
 LAW OF MOSES 
 
 341 
 
 29). (3) Unlawful Marriages (incestu- 
 ous, &c.), to be punished, some by death, 
 some by childlessness (Lev. xx.). 
 
 8th Command. (1) Theft to be punished 
 by fourfold or double restitution; a noc- 
 turnal robber might be slain as an outlaw 
 (Ex. xxii. 1-4). (2) Trespass and injury 
 of things lent to be compensated (Ex. xxiii. 
 5-15). (3) Perversion of Justice (by bribes, 
 threats, &c.), and especially oppression of 
 strangers, strictly forbidden (Ex. xxii. 9, 
 &c.). (4) Kidnapping to be punished by 
 death (Deut. xxiv. 7). 
 
 9th Command. False Witness, to be 
 punished by lex talionis (Ex. xxiii. 1-3; 
 Deut. xix. 16-21). Slander of a wife's 
 chastity, by fine and loss of power of di- 
 vorce (Deut. xxii. 18, 19). 
 
 A fuller consideration of the tables of the 
 Ten Commandments is given elsewhere. 
 [TEN COMMANDMENTS.] 
 
 (III.) LAWS JUDICIAL AND CON- 
 STITUTIONAL. 
 
 (A) JURISDICTION. 
 
 (a) Local Judges (generally Levites, as 
 more skilled in the Law) appointed, for 
 ordinary matters, probably by the people 
 with approbation of the supreme authority 
 (as of Moses in the wilderness) (Ex. xviii. 
 25 ; Deut. i. 15-18) through all the land 
 (Deut. xvi. 18). (6) Appeal to the Priests (at 
 the holy place), or to the judge; their 
 sentence final, and to be accepted under 
 pain of death. See Deut. xvii. 8-13 (comp. 
 appeal to Moses, Ex. xviii. 26). (c) Two 
 witnesses (at least) required in capital 
 matters (Num. xxxv. 30; Deut. xvii. G, 7). 
 (d) Punishment (except by special com- 
 mand), to be personal, and not to extend to 
 the family (Deut. xxiv. 16). Stripes al- 
 lowed and limited (Deut. xxv. 1-3), so as 
 to avoid outrage on the human frame. 
 
 All this would be to a great extent set 
 aside 1st. By the summary jurisdiction 
 of the king (see 1 Sam. xxii. 11-19 (Saul) 
 2 Sam. xii. 1-5, xiv. 4-11 ; 1 K. iii. 16-28), 
 which extended even to the deposition of the 
 high-priest (1 Sam. xxii. 17, 13 ; 1. iv. ii. 26, 
 27). The practical difficulty of its being car- 
 ried out is seen in 2 Sam. xv. 2-6, and would 
 lead of course to a certain delegation of his 
 power. 2d. By the appointment of the 
 Seventy (Num. xi. 24-30) with a solemn 
 religious sanction. In later times there 
 was a local Sanhedrim of 23 in each city, 
 and two such in Jerusalem, as well as the 
 Great Sanhedrim, consisting of 70 members, 
 besides the president, who was to be the 
 high-priest if duly qualified, and controlling 
 even the king and high-priest. The members 
 were priests, scribes (Levites), and elders 
 (of other tribes). A court of exactly this na- 
 ture is noticed, as appointed to supreme pow- 
 er by Jehoshaphat. (See 2 Chr. xix. 8-11.) 
 
 (B) ROYAL POWER. 
 
 The King's Power limited by the Law, 
 as written and formally accepted by the 
 king ; and directly forbidden to be despotic * 
 (Deut. xvii. 14-20; comp. 1 Sam x. 25). 
 Yet he had power of taxation (to one tenth) ; 
 and of compulsory service (1 Sam. viii. 10- 
 18) ; the declaration of war (1 Sam. xi.), &c. 
 There are distinct traces of a " mutual con- 
 tract" (2 Sam. v. 3; a "league," 2 K. xi. 
 17) ; the remonstrance with Ilehoboam 
 being clearly not extraordinary (1 K. xii. 
 1-6). 
 
 The Princes of the Congregation. The 
 heads of the tribes (see Josh. ix. 15) seem 
 to have had authority under Joshua to act 
 for the people (comp. 1 Chr. xxvii. 16-22 ; 
 and in the later times " the princes of Ju- 
 dah " seem to have had power to control 
 both the king and the priests (see Jer. xxvi. 
 10-24, xxxviii. 4, 5, &c.). 
 
 (C) ROYAL REVENUE. 
 
 (1) Tenth of produce. (2) Domain land 
 (1 Chr. xxvii. 26-29). Note confiscation 
 of criminal's land (1 K. xxi. 15). (3) Bond 
 service (1 K. v. 17, 18), chiefly on foreign- 
 ers (1 K. ix. 20-22 ; 2 Chr. ii. 16, 17). (4) 
 Flocks and herds (1 Chr. xxvii. 29-31). 
 
 (5) Tributes (gifts) from foreign kings. 
 
 (6) Commerce; especially in Solomon's 
 time (I K. x. 22, 29, &c.). 
 
 (IV.) ECCLESIASTICAL AND CER- 
 EMONIAL LAW. 
 
 (A) LAW OF SACRIFICE (considered as the 
 sign and the appointed means of the 
 union with God, on which the holiness 
 of the people depended). 
 
 (1) ORDINARY SACRIFICES. 
 
 () The whole Burnt-Offering (Lev. 1) 
 of the herd or the flock ; to be ottered 
 continually (Ex. xxix. 38-42) ; and the 
 fire on the altar never to be extin- 
 guished (Lev. vi. 8-13). 
 
 (/) The Meat-Offering (Lev. ii., vi. 14- 
 23) of flour, oil, and frankincense, un- * 
 leavened, and seasoned with salt. 
 
 (y) The Peace-Offering (Lev. iii., Tii. 
 11-21) of the herd or the flock; either 
 a thank-offering, or a vow, or freewill 
 offering. 
 
 (<J) The Sin- Offering, or Trespass- 
 Offering (Lev. iv., v., vi.). 
 
 (a) For sins committed in ignorance 
 Lev. iv.). 
 
 (4) For vows unwittingly made and 
 broken, or uncleanness unwittingly 
 contracted (Lev. v.). 
 
 (c) For sins wittingly committed (Lev. 
 vi. 1-7). 
 
 * Military conquest dincourajred by the prohibition of 
 the use of fiorsce. (See Josh. xi. 6.) For an example of 
 obedience to this law lee 2 Sam. viii. <, and of duobedienc* 
 to it iu 1 K. x. 26-29.
 
 LAW OF MOSES 
 
 342 
 
 LAW OF MOSES 
 
 (2) EXTRAORDINARY SACRIFICES. 
 (a) At the Consecration of Priests (Lev. 
 
 viii., ix.). 
 (l) At the Purification of Women (Lev. 
 
 xii.)- 
 (y) At the Cleansing of Lepers (Lev. 
 
 xiii., xiv.). 
 (3) On the Great Day of Atonement 
 
 (Lev. xvi.). 
 () On the great Festivals (Lev. xxiii.). 
 
 (B) LAW OF HOLINESS (arising from the 
 
 union with God through sacrifice). 
 
 (1) HOLINESS OF PERSONS. 
 (a) Holiness of the whole people as 
 
 "children of God" (Ex. xix. 6, 6; 
 
 Lev. xi.-xv., xvii., xviii. ; Deut. xiv. 
 
 1-21), shown in 
 (a) The Dedication of the first-born (Ex. 
 
 xiii. 2, 12, 13, xxii. 29, 30, &c ; and the 
 
 offering of all firstlings and first-fruits 
 
 (Deut. xxvi., &c.). 
 (6) Distinction of clean and unclean food 
 
 (Lev. xi. ; Deut. xiv.). 
 
 (c) Provision for purification (Lev. xii., 
 xiii., xiv., xv.; Deut. xxiii. 1-14). 
 
 (d) Laws against disfigurement (Lev. 
 xix. 27 ; Deut. xiv. 1 ; comp. Deut. 
 xxv. 3, against excessive scourging). 
 
 (e) Laws against unnatural marriages 
 and lusts (Lev. xviii., xx.). 
 
 (/*) Holiness of the Priests {and Levites). 
 
 (a) Their consecration (Lev. viii., ix. ; 
 Ex. xxix). 
 
 (6) Their special qualifications and re- 
 strictions (Lev. xxi., xxii. 1-9). 
 
 (c) Their rights (Deut. xviii. 1-6 ; Num. 
 xviii.) and authority (Deut. xvii. 8-13). 
 
 (2) HOLINESS OF PLACES AND THINGS. 
 
 (a) The Tabernacle with the ark, the 
 vail, the altars, the laver, the priestly 
 robes, &c. (Ex. xxv.-xxviii., xxx.). 
 
 (j) The Holy Place chosen for the perma- 
 nent erection of the tabernacle (Deut. 
 xii., xiv., 22-29), where only all sacri- 
 fices were to be offered, and all tithes, 
 first-fruits, vows, &c., to be given or 
 eaten. 
 
 (3) HOLINESS OF TIMES. 
 
 (a) The Sabbath (Ex. xx. 9-11, xxiii. 12, 
 &c.). 
 
 () The Sabbatical Year (Ex. xxiii. 10, 
 11; Lev. xxv. 1-7, &c.). 
 
 (y) The Tear of Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 8-16, 
 &c.). 
 
 (d) The Passover (Ex. xii. 3-27; Lev. 
 (xiii. 4-14). 
 
 () The Feast of Weeks (Pentecost) (Lev. 
 
 xxiii. 15, &c.). 
 (t) The Feast of Tabernacles (Lev. 
 
 xxiii. 33-43). 
 (i/) The Feast of Trumpets (Lev. yyiii. 
 
 23-25). 
 (6) The Day of Atonement (Lev. xxiii. 
 
 26-32, &c.). 
 
 Such is the substance of the Mosaic Law. 
 The leading principle of the whole is its 
 THEOCRATIC CHARACTER, its reference (that 
 is) of all action and thoughts of men di- 
 rectly and immediately to the will of God. 
 It follows from this, that it is to be regard- 
 ed not merely as a law, that is, a rule of 
 conduct, based on known truth and ac- 
 knowledged authority, l.ut also as a Revela- 
 tion of God's nature and His dispensations. 
 But this theocratic character of the law de- 
 pends necessarily on the belief in God, as 
 not only the Creator and Sustainer of the 
 world, but as, by special covenant, the head 
 of the Jewish nation. This immediate ref- 
 erence to God as their King is clearly seen 
 as the groundwork of their whole polity. 
 From this theocratic nature of the law fol- 
 low important deductions with regard to (a) 
 the view which it takes of political society; 
 (i) the extent of the scope of the law ; (c) 
 the penalties by which it is enforced ; and 
 (d) the character which it seeks to impress 
 on the people, (a.) The Mosaic Law seeks 
 the basis of its polity, first, in the absolute 
 sovereignty of God, next in the relation- 
 ship of each individual to God, and through 
 God to his countrymen. It is clear that 
 such a doctrine, while it contradicts none 
 of the common theories, yet lies beneath 
 them all. (6.) The law, as proceeding di- 
 rectly from God, and referring directly to 
 Him, is necessarily absolute in its suprem- 
 acy and unlimited in its scope. It is su- 
 preme over the governors, as being only 
 the delegates of the Lord, and therefore it 
 is incompatible with any despotic authority 
 in them. On the other hand, it is supreme 
 over the governed, recognizing no inhe- 
 rent rights in the individual, as prevailing 
 against or limiting the law. It regulated 
 the whole life of an Israelite. His actions 
 were rewarded and punished with great 
 minuteness and strictness ; and that ac- 
 cording to the standard, not of their conse- 
 quences, but of their intrinsic morality. His 
 religious worship was defined and enforced 
 in an elaborate and unceasing ceremonial. 
 (c.~) Tite penalties and rewards by which 
 the law is enforced are such as depend on 
 the direct theocracy. With regard to indi- 
 vidual actions, it may be noticed that, as 
 generally some penalties are inflicted by 
 the subordinate, and some only by the su- 
 preme authority, so among the Israelites 
 some penalties came from the hand of man, 
 some directly from the providence of God. 
 The bearing of this principle on the inquiry 
 as to the revelation of a future life, in the 
 Pentateuch, is easily seen. The sphere of 
 moral and religious action and thought to 
 which the law extends is beyond the cogni- 
 zance of human laws, and the scope of 
 their ordinary penalties, and is therefore 
 left by them to the retribution of God's in- 
 scrutable justice, which, being but imper-
 
 LAW OF MOSES 
 
 343 
 
 LAW OF MOSES 
 
 feetly seen here, is contemplated especially 
 as exercised in a future state. Hence arises 
 the expectation of a direct revelation of this 
 future state in the Mosaic Law. Such a 
 revelation is certainly not given. The truth 
 seems to be that, in a law which appeals 
 directly to God himself for its authority and 
 its sanction, there cannot be that broad line 
 of demarcation between this life and the 
 next, which is drawn for those whose power 
 is limited by the grave. (cZ.) But perhaps 
 the most important consequence of the the- 
 ocratic nature of the law was the peculiar 
 character of goodness which it sought to 
 impress on the people. The Mosaic Law, 
 beginning with piety, as its first object, en- 
 forces most emphatically the purity essen- 
 tial to those who, by their union with God, 
 have recovered the hope of intrinsic good- 
 ness, while it views righteousness and love 
 rather as deductions from these than as in- 
 dependent objects. The appeal is not to 
 any dignity of human nature, but to the 
 obligations of communion with a Holy God. 
 The subordination, therefore, of this idea 
 also to the religious idea Is enforced ; and 
 so long as the due supremacy of the latter 
 was preserved, all other duties would find 
 their places in proper harmony. But the 
 usurpation of that supremacy in practice 
 by the idea of personal and national sanc- 
 tity was that which gave its peculiar color 
 to the Jewish character. It is evident that 
 this characteristic of the Israelites would 
 tend to preserve the seclusion which, under 
 God's providence, was intended for them, 
 and would in its turn be fostered by it. 
 In considering the relation of the Law 
 to the future, it is important to be guided 
 by the general principle laid down in Heb. 
 vii. 19, " The Law made nothing perfect." 
 This principle will be applied in different 
 degrees to its bearing () on the after-his- 
 tory of the Jewish commonwealth before 
 the coming of Christ ; (6) on the coming of 
 our Lord Himself; and (c) on the dispensa- 
 tion of the Gospel, (a.) To that after- 
 history the Law was, to a great extent, the 
 key. It was indeed often neglected, and 
 even forgotten ; yet still it formed the stan- 
 dard from which the people knowingly 
 departed, and to which they constantly re- 
 turned; and to it therefore all which was 
 peculiar in their national and individual 
 character was due. Its direct influence 
 was probably greatest in the periods be- 
 fore the establishment of the kingdom, 
 and after the Babylonish captivity. The 
 last act of Joshua was to bind the Israel- 
 ites to it as the charter of their occupa- 
 tion of the conquered land (Josh. xxiv. 
 24-27) ; and, in the semi-anarchical period 
 of the Judges, the Law and the Tabernacle 
 were the only centres of anything like 
 national unity. The establishment of the 
 kingdom was due to an impatience of this 
 
 position, and a desire for a visible and per- 
 sonal centre of authority, much the same 
 in nature as that which plunged them so 
 often in idolatry. In the kingdom of Is- 
 rael, after the separation, the deliberate 
 rejection of the leading principles of the 
 Law by Jeroboam and his successors was 
 the beginning of a gradual declension into 
 idolatry and heathenism. But in the king- 
 dom of Judah the very division of the 
 monarchy and consequent diminution of 
 its splendor, and the need of a principle to 
 assert against the superior material power 
 of Israel, brought out the Law once more 
 in increased honor and influence. Far 
 more was this the case after the captivity. 
 The loss of the independent monarchy, and 
 the cessation of prophecy, both combined 
 to throw the Jews back upon the Law alone, 
 as their only distinctive pledge of nation- 
 ality, and sure guide to truth. This love 
 for the Law, rather than any abstract 
 patriotism, was the strength of the Mac- 
 cabaean struggle against the Syrians, and 
 the success of that struggle, enthroning a 
 Levitical power, deepened the feeling from 
 which it sprang. The Law thus became 
 the moulding influence of the Jewish char- 
 acter. The Pharisees, truly representing 
 the chief strength of the people, systema- 
 tized this feeling. Against this idolatry of 
 the Law there were two reactions. The 
 first was that of the SADDUCEES ; one which 
 had its basis in the idea of a higher love 
 and service of God, independent of the 
 Law and its sanctions. The other, that of 
 the ESSENES, was an attempt to burst the 
 bonds of the formal law, and assert its ideas 
 in all fulness, freedom, and purity, (i.) 
 The relation of the Law to the advent of 
 Christ is also laid down clearly by St. Paul. 
 The law was the IlaiSuywyo? tig Xnioruv, 
 the servant (that is), whose task it was to 
 guide the child to the true teacher (Gal. iii. 
 24); and Christ was "the end "or object 
 "of the Law" (Kom. x. 4). As being sub- 
 sidiary to the promise, it had accomplished 
 its purpose when the promise was fulfilled. 
 In its national aspect it had existed to guard 
 the faith in the theocracy. The chief liin- 
 derance to that faith had been the diffi- 
 culty of realizing the invisible presence of 
 God, and of conceiving a communion with 
 the infinite Godhead wL/ch should not crush 
 or absorb the finite creature. This difficulty 
 was now to pass away forever, in the In- 
 carnation of the Godhead in One truly and 
 visibly man. In its individual, or what is 
 usually called its " moral " aspect, the 
 Law bore equally the stamp of transitori- 
 ness and insufficiency. It had declared the 
 authority of truth and goodness over man's 
 will, and taken for granted in man the ex- 
 istence of a spirit which could recognize 
 that authority; but it had done no more. 
 Its presence liad, therefore, detected the
 
 LAWYER 
 
 344 
 
 LAZARUS 
 
 existence and the sinfulncss of sin, as alien 
 alike to God's will and man's true nature ; 
 but it had also brought out with more vehe- 
 ment and desperate antagonism the power 
 of sin dwelling in man as fallen (Rom. vii. 
 7-25). The relation of the Law to Christ 
 in its sacrificial and ceremonial aspect, will 
 be more fully considered elsewhere. [SAC- 
 RIFICE.] (c.) The question has been fre- 
 quently discussed how far the Mosaic Law 
 has any obligation or existence under the 
 dispensation of the Gospel. As a means of 
 justification or salvation, it ought never to 
 have been regarded, even before Christ; 
 it needs no proof to show that still less can 
 tliis be so since He has come. But yet 
 the question remains whether it is binding 
 on Christians, even when they do not de- 
 pend on it for salvation. It seems clear 
 enough, that its formal coercive authority 
 as a whole ended with the close of the 
 Jewish dispensation. It referred through- 
 out to the Jewish covenant, and in many 
 points to the constitution, the customs, and 
 even the local circumstances of the people. 
 That covenant was preparatory to the Chris- 
 tian, in which it is now absorbed; those 
 customs and observances have passed away. 
 It follows, by the very nature of the case, 
 that the formal obligation to the Law must 
 have ceased with the basis on which it is 
 grounded. But what then becomes of the 
 declaration of our Lord, that He came " not 
 to destroy the Law, but to perfect it," and 
 that " not one jot or one tittle of it shall pass 
 away " ? what of the fact, consequent upon 
 it, that the Law has been reverenced in all 
 Christian churches, and had an important 
 influence on much Christian legislation? 
 The explanation of the apparent contra- 
 diction lies in the difference between posi- 
 tive and moral obligation. To apply this 
 principle practically there is need of much 
 study and discretion, in order to distinguish 
 what is local and temporary from what is 
 universal, and what is mere external form 
 from what is the essence of an ordinance. 
 
 Lawyer. The title " lawyer " is gener- 
 ally supposed to be equivalent to the title 
 " scribe," both on account of its etymolo- 
 gical meaning, and also because the man, 
 who is also called a " lawyer " in Matt, 
 xxii. 35 and Luke. x. 25, is called " one of 
 the scribes " in Mark xii. 28. If the com- 
 mon reading in Luke xi. 44, 45, 46, be cor- 
 rect, it will be decisive against this. By 
 the use of the word ro^.xtg (Tit. iii. 9) as a 
 simple adjective, it seems more probable 
 that the title " scribe " was a legal and offi- 
 cial designation, but that the name n,uixo 
 was properly a mere epithet signifying one 
 " learned in the law," and only used as a 
 title in common parlance (comp. the use of 
 it in Tit. iii. 13, " Zenas the lawyer"). 
 Laying on of Hands. [BAPTISM.] 
 Laz'arus, another form of the Hebrew 
 
 name Eleazar. 1. Lazarus of Bethany, 
 the brother of Martha and Mary (John xi. 
 1). All that we know of him is derived 
 from the Gospel of St. John, and that re- 
 cords little more than the facts of his death 
 and resurrection ; but we may, with at least 
 some measure of probability, fill up these 
 scanty outlines. (1.) The language of 
 John xi. 1, implies that the sisters were the 
 better known. Lazarus is " of Bethany, 
 of the village of Mary and her sister Mar- 
 tha." From this, and from the order of 
 the three names in John xi. 5, we may rea- 
 sonably infer that Lazarus was the youngest 
 of the family. (2.) In Luke x. 38 and 
 John xii. 1 ; 2, a feast is given to Jesus by 
 Martha and Mary; but in Matt. xxvi. 6, 
 Mark xiv. 3, the same feast appears as oc- 
 curring in " the house of Simon the leper." 
 A leper, as such, would have been com- 
 pelled to lead a separate life, and certainly 
 could not have given a feast and received a 
 multitude of guests. Among the conjectu- 
 ral explanations which have been given of 
 this difference, the hypothesis that this Si- 
 mon was the father of the two sisters and 
 of Lazarus, that he had been smitten with 
 leprosy, and that actual death, or the civil 
 death that followed on his disease, had left 
 his children free to act for themselves, is at 
 least as probable as any other, and has 
 some support in early ecclesiastical tradi- 
 tions. (3.) All the circumstances of John 
 xi. and xii. point to wealth and social po- 
 sition above the average. (4.) A compari- 
 son of Matt. xxvi. 6, Mark xiv. 3,' with 
 Luke vii. 36, 44, suggests another conjec- 
 ture that harmonizes with and in part ex- 
 plains the foregoing. If Simon the leper 
 were also the Pharisee, it would explain 
 the fact just noticed of the friendship be- 
 tween the sisters of Lazarus and the mem- 
 bers of that party in Jerusalem. It would 
 follow on this assumption that the Pharisee, 
 whom we thus far identify with the father 
 of Lazarus, was probably one of the mem- 
 bers of that sect, sent down from Jerusalem 
 to watch the new teacher. (5.) One other 
 conjecture may yet be hazarded. There 
 are some coincidences which suggest the 
 identification of Lazarus with the young 
 ruler that had great possessions, of Matt, 
 xix., Mark x., Luke xviii. The age (Matt. 
 xix. 20, 22) agrees with what has been be- 
 fore inferred (see above, 1), as does the fact 
 of wealth above the average with what we 
 know of the condition of the family at Beth- 
 any (see 2). If the father were an influ- 
 ential Pharisee, if there were ties of some 
 kind uniting the family with that bod> , it 
 would be natural enough that the son, even 
 in comparative youth, should occupy the 
 position of a " ruler." But further, it is 
 of this rich young man that St. Mark uses 
 the emphatic word ("Jesus, beholding him, 
 loved him ") which is used of no others in
 
 LAZARUS 
 
 345 
 
 LEAD 
 
 the Gospel-history, save of the beloved 
 apostle and of Lazarus and his sisters (John 
 xi. 5). Combining these inferences then, 
 we get an insight into one aspect of the life 
 of the Divine Teacher and Friend, full of 
 living interest. The village of Bethany 
 and its neighborhood were a frequent re- 
 treat from the controversies and tumults of 
 Jerusalem (John xviii. 2 ; Luke xxi. 37, 
 xxii. 39). At some time or other one house- 
 hold, wealthy, honorable, belonging to the 
 better or Nicodemus section of the Phari- 
 sees (see above, 1, 2, 3) learns to know and 
 reverence him. Disease or death removes 
 the father from the scene, and the two sis- 
 ters are left with their younger brother to 
 do as they think right. In them and in the 
 brother over whom they watch, He finds 
 that which is worthy of His love. But two 
 at least need an education in the spiritual 
 life. A few weeks pass away, and then 
 comes the sickness of John xi. One of 
 the sharp malignant fevers of Palestine 
 cuts off the life that was so precious. The 
 sisters know how truly the Divine Friend 
 has loved him on whom their love and their 
 hopes centred. They send to Him in the 
 belief that the tidings of the sickness will at 
 once drawHimtotliein (Johnxi. 3). Slowly, 
 and in words which (though afterwards 
 understood otherwise) must at the time have 
 seemed to the disciples those of one upon 
 whom the truth came not at once but by de- 
 grees, He prepares them for the worst. "This 
 sickness is not unto death " " Our friend 
 Lazarus sleepeth " "Lazarus is dead." 
 The work which He was doing as a teach- 
 er or a healer (John x. 41, 42) in Bethab- 
 ara, or the other Bethany (John x. 40 and 
 i. 28), was not interrupted, and continues 
 for two days after the message reaches 
 Him. Then comes the journey, occupying 
 two days more. When He and His disci- 
 ples come, three days have passed since the 
 burial. The friends from Jerusalem, chief- 
 ly of the Pharisee and ruler class, are 
 there with their consolations. The sisters 
 receive the Prophet, each according to her 
 character. His sympathy with their sorrow 
 leads Him also to weep. Then comes the 
 work of might as the answer of the prayer 
 which the Son offers to the Father (John 
 xi. 41, 42). The stone is rolled away from 
 the mouth of the rock-chamber in which 
 the body had been placed. " He that was 
 dead came forth, bound hand and foot with 
 grave-clothes ; and his face was bound 
 about with a napkin." One scene more 
 meets us, and then the life of the family 
 which has come before us with such daylight 
 clearness lapses again into obscurity. In 
 the house which, though it still bore the 
 father's name (sup. 1), was the dwelling of 
 the sisters and the brother, there is a sup- 
 per, and Lazarus is there, and Martha 
 serves, no longer jealously, and Mary pours 
 
 out her love in the costly offering of the 
 spikenard ointment, and finds herself once 
 
 .again misjudged and hastily condemned. 
 After this all direct knowledge of Lazarus 
 ceases. The resurrection of Lazarus is 
 recorded only by St. John. The writers 
 of the first three Gospels confined them- 
 selves, as by a deliberate plan, to the mira- 
 cles wrought in Galilee (that of the blind 
 man at Jericho being the only exception) . 
 2. The name of a poor man in the well- 
 known parable of Luke xvi. 19-31. The 
 name of Lazarus has been perpetuated in 
 an institution of the Christian Church. The 
 leper of the Middle Ages appears as a Laz- 
 zaro. Among the orders, half military and 
 half monastic, of the 12th century, was one 
 which bore the title of the Knights of St. 
 Lazarus (A. D. 1119), whose special work 
 it was to minister to the lepers, first of Syr- 
 ia, and afterwards of Europe. The use of 
 lazaretto and lazar-house for the leper-hos- 
 pitals then founded in all parts of Western 
 Christendom, no less than that of lazzarone 
 for the mendicants of Italian towns, are in- 
 dications of the effect of the parable upon 
 the mind of Europe in the Middle Ages, 
 and thence upon its later speech. 
 
 Lead, one of the most common of met- 
 als, found generally in veins of rocks, 
 though seldom in a metallic state, and most 
 commonly in combination with sulphur. It 
 was early known to the ancients, and the 
 allusions to it in Scripture indicate that the 
 Hebrews were well acquainted with its uses. 
 The rocks in the neighborhood of Sinai 
 yielded it in large quantities, and it was 
 found in Egypt. That it was common in 
 Palestine is shown by the expression in 
 Ecclus. xlvii. 18 (comp. 1 K. x. 27). It 
 was among the spoils of the Midianites 
 which the children of Israel brought with 
 them to the plains of Moab, after their re- 
 turn from the slaughter of the tribe (Num. 
 xxxi. 22). The ships of Tarshish supplied 
 the market of Tyre with lead, as with other 
 metals (Ez. xxvii. 12). Its heaviness, to 
 which allusion is made in Ex. xv. 10, and 
 Ecclus. xxii. 14, caused it to be used for 
 weights, which were cither in the form of a 
 round flat cake (Zech. v. 7), or a rough 
 unfashioned lump or "stone" (ver. 8); 
 stones having in. ancient times served the 
 
 [ purpose of weights (comp. Prov. xvi. 11). 
 
 | In modern metallurgy lead is used with tin 
 
 | in the composition of solder for fastening 
 metals together. That the ancient Hebrews 
 were acquainted with the use of solder is 
 evident from Isaiah xli. 7. No hint i* 
 given as to the composition of the solder- 
 but in all probability lead was one of the 
 materials employed, its usage for such a 
 purpose being of great antiquity. In Job 
 xix. 24 the allusion is supposed to be to the 
 practice of carving inscriptions upon stone, 
 and pouring molten lead int i the cavities
 
 LEAF 
 
 ot the letters, to render them legible, and 
 at the same time preserve them from the 
 action of the air. In modern metallurgy 
 lead is employed for the purpose of purify- 
 ing silver from other mineral products. 
 The alloy is mixed with lead, exposed to 
 fusion upon an earthen vessel, and submit- 
 ted to a blast of air. By this means the 
 dross is consumed. This process is called the 
 cupelling operation, with which the descrip- 
 tion in Ez. xxii. 18-22 accurately coincides. 
 
 Leaf. Leaves. The word occurs in the 
 A. V. either in the singular or plural num- 
 ber in three different senses. 1. LEAF of 
 a tree. The olive-leaf is mentioned in Gen. 
 viii. 11. Fig-leaves formed the first cov- 
 ering of our parents in Eden. The barren 
 fig-tree (Matt. xxi. 19 ; Mark xi. 13) on the 
 road between Bethany and Jerusalem "had 
 on it nothing but leaves." The oak-leaf is 
 mentioned in Is. i. 30, and vi. 13. The right- 
 eous are often compared to green leaves 
 (Jer. xvii. 8). The ungodly, on the other 
 hand, are "as an oak whose leaf fadetli " 
 (Is. i. 30). In Ez. xlvii. 12, Rev. xxii. 1, 2, 
 there is probably an allusion to some tree 
 whose leavjes were used by the Jews as a 
 medicine or ointment; indeed, it is very 
 likely that many plants and leaves were thus 
 made use of by them, as by the old English 
 herbalists. 2. LEAVES of doors. The He- 
 brew Avord, which occurs very many times 
 in the Bible, and which in 1 K. vi. 32 (mar- 
 gin) and 34 is translated "leaves" in the 
 A. V., signifies beams, ribs, sides, &c. 3. 
 LEAVES of a book or roll occurs in this sense 
 only in Jer. xxxvi. 23. The Hebrew word 
 (literally doors} would perhaps be more 
 correctly translated columns. 
 
 Le ah, the daughter of Laban (Gen. 
 xxix. 16). The dulness or weakness of her 
 eyes was so notable, that it is mentioned as 
 a contrast to the beautiful form and appear- 
 ance of her younger sister Rachel. Her 
 father took advantage of the opportunity 
 which the local marriage-rite afforded to 
 pass her off in her sister's stead on the un- 
 conscious bridegroom, and excused himself 
 to Jacob by alleging that the custom of the 
 country forbade the younger sister to be 
 given first in marriage. Jacob's preference 
 of Rachel grew into hatred of Leah, after 
 he had married both sisters. Leah, how- 
 ever, bore to him in quick succession Reu- 
 ben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, then Issachar, 
 Zebulun, and Dinah, before Rachel had a 
 child. She died some time after Jacob 
 reached the south country in which his 
 father Isaac lived. She was buried in the 
 family grave in Machpelah (ch. xlix. 31). 
 
 Leasing, " falsehood." This word is 
 retained in the A. V. of Ps. iv. 2, v. 6, from 
 the older English versions ; but the Hebrew 
 word of which it is the rendering is else- 
 where almost uniformly translated "lies" 
 (Ps. xl. 4, Iviii. 3, &c.). 
 
 LEBANON 
 
 Leather. The notices of leather in the 
 Bible are singularly few ; indeed the word 
 occurs but twice in the A. V.. and in each 
 instance in reference to the same object, a 
 girdle (2 K. i. 8 ; Matt. iii. 4). There are, 
 however, other instances in which the word 
 " leather " might with propriety be substi- 
 tuted for "skin" (Lev. xi. 32, xiii. 48; 
 Num. xxxi. 20). 
 
 Leaven. Various substances were 
 known to have fermenting qualities; but 
 the ordinary leaven consisted of a lump of 
 old dough in a high state of fermentation, 
 which was inserted into the mass of dough 
 prepared for baking. The use of leaven 
 was strictly forbidden in all offerings made 
 to the Lord by fire. It is in reference to 
 these prohibitions that Amos (iv. 5) iron- 
 ically bids the Jews of his day to " offer r. 
 sacrifice of thanksgiving ivilh leaven" la 
 other instances, where the offering was to 
 be consumed by the priests, and not on the 
 altar, leaven might be used. Various ideas 
 were associated with the prohibition of 
 leaven in the instances above quoted. But 
 the most prominent idea, and the one which 
 applies equally to all the cases of pro- 
 hibition, is connected with the corruption 
 which leaven itself had undergone, and 
 which it communicated to bread in the pro- 
 cess of fermentation. It is to this property 
 of leaven that our Saviour points when he 
 speaks of the " leaven (i. e. the corrupt 
 doctrine) of the Pharisees and of the Sad- 
 ducees " (Matt. xvi. 6) ; and St. Paul, when 
 he speaks of the " old leaven " (1 Cor. v. 7). 
 
 Lob'ana, one of the Nethinim whose 
 descendants returned from Babylon with 
 Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 48). He is called 
 
 Leb'anah in Ezr. ii. 45. 
 
 Leb'anon, a mountain range in the 
 north of Palestine. The name Lebanon 
 signifies " white," and was applied either 
 on account of the snow, which, during a 
 great part of the year, covers its whole 
 summit, or on account of the white color of 
 its limestone cliffs and peaks. It is the 
 " white mountain " the Mont Blanc of 
 Palestine. Lebanon is represented in Scrip- 
 ture as lying upon the northern border of 
 the land of Israel (Deut. i. 7, xi. 24 ; Josh. 
 i. 4). Two distinct ranges bear this name. 
 They run in parallel lines from S. W. to 
 N. E. for about 90 geog. miles, enclosing 
 between them a long fertile valley from 5 
 to 8 miles wide, anciently called Coele- 
 Syria. The western range is the " Liba- 
 nus " of the old geographers, and the Leba- 
 non of Scripture. The eastern range was 
 called " Anti-Libanus " by geographers, 
 and "Lebanon toward the sun-rising" 
 by the sacred writers (Josh. xiii. 5). 1. 
 Lebanon the western range commences 
 on the south of the deep ravine of the 
 Litany, the ancient river Leontes, which 
 drains the valley of Code-Syria., and falls
 
 LEBANON 
 
 347 
 
 LEEKS 
 
 into the Mediterranean five miles north of 
 Tyre. It runs N. E. in a straight line par- 
 allel to the coast, to the opening from the 
 Mediterranean into the plain of Emesa, 
 called in Scripture the " Entrance of Ha- 
 math " (Num. xxxiv. 8). Here Nahr cl- 
 Keltir the ancient river Eleutherus 
 swseps round its northern end, as the 
 Leontes does round its southern. The 
 avertkge elevation of the range is from 6000 
 to 8000 ft. ; but two peaks rise considerably 
 higher. On the summits of both these 
 peaks the snow remains in patches during 
 the whole summer. The line of cultivation 
 runs along at the height of about 6000 ft. ; 
 and below this the features of the western 
 slopes are entirely different. The rugged 
 limestone banks are scantily clothed with 
 the evergreen oak, and the sandstone with 
 pines ; while every available spot is care- 
 fully cultivated. The cultivation is won- 
 derful, and shows what all Syria might be 
 if under a good government. Fig-trees 
 cling to the naked rock ; vines are trained 
 along narrow ledges ; long ranges of mul- 
 berries, on terraces like steps of stairs, 
 cover the more gentle declivities; and 
 dense groves of olives fill up the bot- 
 toms of the glens. Hundreds of vil- 
 lages are seen here built amid laby- 
 rinths of rocks, there clinging like swallows' 
 nests to the sides of cliffs ; while convents, 
 no less numerous, are perched on the top 
 of every peak. The vine is still largely 
 cultivated in every part of the mountain. 
 Lebanon also abounds in olives, figs, and 
 mulberries ; while some remnants exist of 
 the forests of pine, oak, and cedar, which 
 formerly covered it (1 K. v. 6 ; Ps. xxix. 5 ; 
 Is. xiv. 8 ; Ezr. iii. 7). Considerable num- 
 bers of wild beasts still inhabit its retired 
 glens and higher peaks ; the writer has seen 
 jackals, hyenas, wolves, bears, and pan- 
 thers (2 K. xiv. 9 ; Cant. iv. 8 ; Hab. ii. 17). 
 Along the base of Lebanon runs the irreg- 
 ular plain of Phoenicia ; nowhere more than 
 two miles wide, and often interrupted by 
 bold rocky spurs, that dip into the sea. 
 The main ridge of Lebanon is composed 
 of Jura limestone, and abounds in fossils. 
 Long belts of more recent sandstone run 
 along the western slopes, which is in places 
 largely impregnated with iron. Lebanon 
 was originally inhabited by the Hivites and 
 Giblites (Judg. iii. 3 ; Josh. xiii. 5, 6). The 
 whole mountain range was assigned to the 
 Israelites, but was never conquered by them 
 (Josh. xiii. 2-6; Judg. iii. 1-3). During 
 the Jewish monarchy it appears to have 
 been subject to the Phoenicians (1 K. v. 
 2-6; Ezr. iii. 7). From the Greek con- 
 quest until modern times Lebanon had no 
 separate history. 2. Anti-Libamis, The 
 main chain of Anti-Libanus commences in 
 the plateau of Bashan, near the parallel of 
 Caesarea-Philippi, runs north to Hermon, 
 
 and then north-east in a straight line till it 
 sinks down into the great plain of Emesa, 
 not far from the site of Riblah. HERMOH 
 is the loftiest peak; the next highest is a 
 few miles north of the site of Abila, beside 
 the village of Blud&n, and has an elevation 
 of about 7000 feet. The rest of the ridge 
 averages about 5000 ft. ; it is in general 
 bleak and barren, with shelving gray de- 
 clivities, gray cliffs, and gray rounded sum- 
 mits. Here and there we meet with thin 
 forests of dwarf oak and juniper. The 
 western slopes descend abruptly into the 
 Bukd'a ; but the features of the eastern 
 are entirely different. Three side ridges 
 here radiate from Hermon, like the ribs of 
 an open fan, and form the supporting walls 
 of three great terraces. Anti-Libanus is 
 only once distinctly mentioned in Scripture, 
 where it is accurately described as " Leba- 
 non toward the sun-rising" (Josh xiii. 5). 
 " The tower of Lebanon which looketh 
 toward Damascus " (Cant. vii. 4) is doubt- 
 less Hermon, which forms the most striking 
 feature in the whole panorama round that 
 city. 
 
 Leb'aoth., a town which forms one of 
 the last group of the cities of "the South" 
 in the enumeration of the possessions of 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 32), probably identical 
 with BETH-LEBAOTH. 
 
 Lebbae'us. This name occurs in Matt. 
 x. 3, according to Codex D (Bezae) of the 
 sixth century, and in the receive* Text. 
 In Mark iii. 18, it is substituted in a few 
 unimportant MSS. for Thaddaeus. [JuDE.] 
 
 Leb'onah., a place named in Judg. xxi. 
 19 only. Lebouah has survived to our times 
 under the almost identical form of el-Lub- 
 ban. It lies to the west of, and close to, 
 the Nablus road, about eight miles north of 
 Beitin (Bethel), and two from Seilun (Shi- 
 loh). 
 
 Le'cah, a name mentioned in the gene- 
 alogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21 only) as 
 one of the descendants of Shelah, the third 
 son of Judah by the Canaanitess Bath-shua. 
 
 Leech. (HORSE-LEECH.) 
 
 Leeks (Heb. chdtsir). The word chdt- 
 sir, which in Num. xi. 5 is translated leeks, 
 occurs twenty times in the Hebrew text. 
 The Hebrew term, which properly denotes 
 grass, is derived from a root signifying " to 
 be green," and may therefore stand in this 
 passage for any green food, lettuce, endive, 
 &c. ; it would thus be applied somewhat 
 in the same manner as we use the term 
 " greens ; " yet as the chdtsir is mentioned 
 together with onions and garlic in the text, 
 and as the most ancient versions unani- 
 mously understand leeks by the Hebrew- 
 word, we may be satisfied with our own 
 translation. There is, however, another 
 and a very ingenious interpretation of 
 chdtsir, first proposed by Hengstenberg, 
 and received by Dr. Kitto (Pictor. Bible,
 
 LEES 
 
 348 
 
 LEPER 
 
 Num. xi. 5), which adopts a more literal 
 translation of the original word, for, says 
 Dr. Kitto, " among the wonders in the nat- 
 ural history of Egypt, it is mentioned by 
 travellers that the common people there eat 
 with special relish a kind of grass similar 
 to clover." This plant (of which the scien- 
 tific name is Trigonellafoenum Graecum) is 
 similar to clover, but its leaves more point- 
 ed, and great quantities of it are eaten by 
 the people. The leek is too well known to 
 need description. Its botanical name is 
 Allium porrum. 
 
 Lees. The Hebrew shemer bears the 
 radical sense of preservation, and was ap- 
 plied to "lees " from the custom of allow- 
 ing the wine to stand on the lees in order 
 that its color and body might be better pre- 
 served. Hence the expression "wine on 
 the lees," as meaning a generous, full- 
 bodied liquor (Is. xxv. 6). Before the 
 wine was consumed, it was necessary to 
 strain off the lees; such wine was then 
 termed "well refined" (Is. xxv. 6). To 
 drink the lees, or " dregs," was an expres- 
 sion for the endurance of extreme punish- 
 ment (Ps. Ixxv. 8). 
 
 Legion, the chief subdivision of the 
 Roman army, containing about 6000 infan- 
 try, with a contingent of cavalry. The 
 term does not occur in the Bible in its pri- 
 mary sense, but appears to have been 
 adopted, in order to express any large 
 number, wit:; the accessory ideas of order 
 and subordination (Matt. xxvi. 53 ; Mark 
 v.9). 
 
 Letiabim, occurring only in Gen. x. 
 13, the name of a Mizraite people or tribe. 
 There can be no doubt that they are the same 
 as the ReBU or LeBU of the Egyptian in- 
 scriptions, and that from them Libya and the 
 Libyans derived their name. These primi- 
 tive Libyans appear to have inhabited the 
 northern part of Africa to the west of Egypt, 
 though latterly driven from the coast by 
 the Greek colonists of the Cyrenaica. 
 
 Le'hi, a place in Judah, probably on the 
 confines of the Philistines' country, between 
 it and the cliff Etam ; the scene of Sam- 
 eon's well-known exploit with the jawbone 
 (Judg.xv. 9, 14, 19). It contained an emi- 
 nence Ramath-lehi, and a spring of great 
 and lasting repute En-hak-kore. It may 
 perhaps be identified with Beit-Likiyeh. a 
 village about 2 miles below the upper Beth- 
 horon. 
 
 Lem'uel, the name of an unknown king 
 to whom his mother addressed the pruden- 
 tial maxims contained in Prov. xxxi. 1-9. 
 The Rabbinical commentators identified 
 Lemuel with Solomon. Others regard him 
 as king or chief of an Arab tribe dwelling 
 on the borders of Palestine, and elder 
 brother of Agur, whose name stands at the 
 head of Prov. xxx. 
 
 Lentils (Heb. '&ddshtm). The word 
 
 occurs in the four following passages : 
 Gen. xxv. 34, 2 Sam. xvii. 28, xxiii. 11, 
 and Ez. iv. 9. There are three or four 
 kinds of lentils, all of which are still much 
 esteemed in those countries where they are 
 grown, viz. the South of Europe, Asia, and 
 North Africa; the red lentil is still a favor- 
 ite article of food in the East ; it is a small 
 kind, the seeds of which, after being decor- 
 ticated, are commonly sold in the bazaars 
 of India. The modern Arabic name of this 
 plant is identical with the Hebrew; it is 
 known in Egypt and Arabia, Syria, &c., by 
 the name 'Adas. Lentil bread is still eat- 
 en by the poor of Egypt. 
 
 Leopard (Heb. ndmr') is invariably 
 given by the A. V. as the translation of the 
 Hebrew word, which occurs in the seven 
 following passages: Is. xi. 6; Jer. v. 6, 
 xiii. 23 ; Dan. vii. 6 ; Hos. xiii. 7 ; Cant, 
 iv. 8 ; Hab. i. 8. Leopard occurs also in 
 Ecclus. xxviii. 23, and in Rev. xiii. 2. From 
 Cant. iv. 8, we learn that the hilly ranges 
 of Lebanon were in ancient times frequent- 
 ed by these animals. They are now not un- 
 commonly seen in and about Lebanon, and 
 the southern maritime mountains of Syria. 
 Under the name ndmer, which means 
 " spotted," it is not improbable that another 
 animal, namely, the cheetah (Gueparda 
 jubata), may be included; which is tamed 
 by the Mohammedans of Syria, who employ 
 it in hunting the gazelle. 
 
 Leper, Leprosy. The predominant 
 and characteristic form of leprosy in Scrip- 
 ture is a white variety, covering either the 
 entire body, or a large tract of its surface, 
 which has obtained the name of lepra Mo- 
 saica. Such were the cases of Moses, 
 Miriam, Naaman, and Gehazi (Ex. iv. 6 ; 
 Num. xii. 10; 2 K. v. 1, 27; comp. Lev. 
 xiii. 13). But, remarkably enough, in the 
 Mosaic ritual-diagnosis of the disease (Lev. 
 xiii., xiv.), this kind, when overspreading 
 the whole surface, appears to be regarded 
 as "clean" (xiii. 12, 13, 16, 17). The 
 Egyptian bondage, with its studied degra- 
 dations and privations, and especially the 
 work of the kiln under an Egyptian sun, 
 must have had a frightful tendency to gen- 
 erate this class of disorders ; hence Mane- 
 tho asserts that the Egyptians drove out 
 the Israelites as infected with leprosy a 
 strange reflex, perhaps, of the Moaic nar- 
 rative of the " plagues " of Egypt, yet prob- 
 ably also containing a germ of truth. The 
 sudden and total change of fo. d, air, dwell- 
 ing, and mode of life, caused by the Exodus, 
 to this nation of newly-emancipated slaves, 
 may possibly have had a further tendency 
 to produce skin-disorders, and severe re- 
 pressive measures may have been required 
 in the desert-moving camp to secure the 
 public health, or to allay the panic of infec- 
 tion. Hence it is possible that many, per- 
 haps most of this repertory of symptoms
 
 LEPER 
 
 349 
 
 LEVIATHAN 
 
 may have disappeared with the period of 
 the Exodus, and the snow-white form, 
 which had pre-existed, may alone have 
 ordinarily continued in a later age. But 
 it is observable that, amongst these Leviti- 
 cal symptoms, the scaling, or peeling off 
 of the surface, is nowhere mentioned, nor 
 is there any expression in the Hebrew text 
 which points to exfoliation of the cuticle. 
 The principal morbid features are a rising 
 or swelling, a scab or baldness, and a 
 bright or white spot (xiii. 2). But espe- 
 cially a white swelling in the skin, with a 
 change of the hair of the part from the 
 natural black to white or yellow (3, 4, 10, 
 
 20, 25, 30), or an appearance of a taint 
 going " deeper than the skin," or again, 
 "raw flesh" appearing in the swelling (10, 
 14, 15), were critical signs of pollution. 
 The mere swelling, or scab, or bright spot, 
 was remanded for a week as doubtful (4, 
 
 21, 26, 31), and for a second such period, 
 if it had not yet pronounced (5). If it 
 then spread (7, 22, 27, 35), it was decided 
 as polluting. But if after the second peri- 
 od of quarantine the trace died away and 
 showed no symptom of spreading, it was 
 a mere scab, and the patient was adjudged 
 clean (G, 23, 34). This tendency to spread 
 seems especially to have been reTied on. 
 A spot most innocent in all other respects, 
 if it "spread much abroad," was unclean; 
 whereas, as before remarked, the man so 
 wholly overspread with the evil that it 
 could find no farther range, was on the 
 contrary " clean " (12, 13). These two 
 opposite criteria seem to show, that whilst 
 the disease manifested activity, the Mosaic 
 law imputed pollution to and imposed seg- 
 regation on the sufferer, but that the 
 point at which it might be viewed as hav- 
 ing run its course was the signal for his 
 readmission to communion. It is clear 
 that the leprosy of Lev. xiii., xiv., means 
 any severe disease spreading on the sur- 
 face of the body in the way described, and 
 so shocking of aspect, or so generally sus- 
 pected of infection, that public feeling 
 called for separation. It is now undoubt- 
 ed that the "leprosy" of modern Syria, 
 .and which has a wide range in Spain, 
 Greece, and Norway, is the Elephantiasis 
 Graecorum. It is said to have been brought 
 home by the crusaders into the various 
 countries of Western and Northern Eu- 
 rope. It certainly was not the distinctive 
 white leprosy, nor do any of the described 
 symptoms in Lev. xiii. point to elephanti- 
 asis. " White as snow " (2 K. v. 27) would 
 be as inapplicable to elephantiasis as to 
 small-pox. There remains a curious ques- 
 tion as regards the leprosy of garments and 
 houses. Some have thought garments worn 
 by leprous patients intended. This class- 
 ing of garments and house- walls with the 
 human epidermis, as leprous, has moved 
 
 the mirth of some, and the wonder of 
 others. Yet modern science has estab- 
 lished what goes far to vindicate the Mo- 
 saic classification as more philosophical 
 than such cavils. It is now known that 
 there are some skin-diseases which origi- 
 nate in an acarus, and others which pro- 
 ceed from a fungus. In these we may 
 probably find the solution of the paradox. 
 The analogy between the insect which frets 
 the human skin and that which frets the 
 garment that covers it, between the fun- 
 gous growth that lines the crevices of the 
 epidermis, and that which creeps in the 
 interstices of masonry, is close enough 
 for the purposes of a ceremonial law. It 
 is manifest also that a disease in the hu- 
 man subject caused by an acarus or by a 
 fungus would be certainly contagious, since 
 the propagative cause could be transferred 
 from person to person. 
 
 Le'shem, another form of LAISH, after- 
 wards DAN, occurring in Josh. xix. 47. 
 
 Letu'shim, the name of the second of 
 the sons of Dedan, son of Jokshan (Gen 
 xxv. 3). 
 
 Leum'mim, the name of the third of 
 the descendants of Dedan, son of Jokshan, 
 Gen. xxv. 3, being in the plural form, like 
 his brethren, Asshurim and Letushim. 
 
 Le'vi. 1. The name of the third son of 
 Jacob by his wife Leah. The name, de- 
 rived from Idrdh, "to adhere," gave utter- 
 ance to the hope of the mother that the af- 
 fections of her husband, which had hitherto 
 rested on the favored Rachel, would at last 
 be drawn to her. " This time will my hus- 
 band be joined unto me, because I have 
 borne him three sons " (Gen. xxix. 34). 
 The new-born child was to be a fresh link 
 binding the parents to each other more 
 closely than before. Levi, with his brother 
 Simeon, avenged with a cruel slaughter the 
 outrage of their sister Dinah. [DINAH.] 
 Levi, with his three sons, Gershon, Kohath, 
 Merari, went down to Egypt with his father 
 Jacob (Gen. xlvii. 11). When Jacob's 
 death draws near, and the sons are gathered 
 round him, Levi and Simeon hear the old 
 crime brought up again to receive its sen- 
 tence. They, no less than Reuben, the in- 
 cestuous first-born, had forfeited the privi- 
 leges of their birthright (Gen. xlix. 5-7). 
 [LEVITES.] 2. Son of Melchi, one of the 
 near ancestors of our Lord, in fact the 
 great-grandfather of Joseph (Luke iii. 24). 
 3. A more remote ancestor of Christ, son 
 of Simeon (Luke iii. 29). 4. Son of Al- 
 phaeus (Mark ii. 14; Luke v. 27, 29). 
 [MATTHEW.] 
 
 Levl'athan occurs five times in the 
 text of the A. V., and once in the margin 
 of Job iii. 8, where the text has " mourn- 
 ing." In the Hebrew Bible the word livy- 
 athan, which is, with the foregoing excep- 
 tion, always left untranslated in the A. V.,
 
 LEVIS 
 
 350 
 
 LEVITES 
 
 is found only in the following passages : 
 Job iii. 8, xli. 1; Ps. Ixxiv. 14, civ. 26; Is. 
 xxvii. 1. In the margin of Job iii. 8, and 
 text of Job xli. 1, the crocodile is most 
 clearly the animal denoted by the Hebrew 
 word. Ps. Ixxiv. 14 also clearly points to 
 this same saurian. The context of Ps. civ. 
 26 seems to show that in this passage 
 the name represents some animal of the 
 whale tribe ; but it is somewhat uncertain 
 what animal is denoted in Is. xxvii. 1. 
 
 Crocodile of the Nile (C. vulgaru). 
 
 As the. term leviathan is evidently used in 
 no limited sense, it is not improbable that 
 the "leviathan the piercing serpent," or 
 " leviathan the crooked serpent," may de- 
 note some species of the great rock-snakes 
 which are common in South and West 
 Africa. 
 
 Le'vis, improperly given as a proper 
 name in 1 Esd. ix. 14. It is simply a corrup- 
 tion of " the Levite " in Ezr. x. 15. 
 
 Le'vites. The analogy of the names 
 of the other tribes of Israel would lead us 
 to include under these titles the whole 
 tribe that traced its descent from Levi. 
 The existence of another division, how- 
 ever, within the tribe itself, in the higher 
 office of the priesthood as limited to " the 
 sons of Aaron," gave to the common form, 
 in this instance, a peculiar meaning. Most 
 frequently the Levites are distinguished, as 
 such, from the priests (1 K. viii. 4 ; Ezr. 
 ii. 70; John i. 19, &c.), and this is the 
 meaning which has perpetuated itself. 
 Sometimes the word extends to the whole 
 tribe, the priests included (Num. xxxv. 2 ; 
 Josh. xxi. 3, 41 ; Ex. vi. 25 ; Lev. xxv. 32, 
 &c.). Sometimes again it is added as an 
 epithet of the smaller portion of the tribe, 
 and we read of " the priests the Levites " 
 (Josh. iii. 3; Ez. xliv. 15). The history 
 of the tribe and of the functions attached 
 to its several orders is essential to any 
 right apprehension of the history of Israel 
 as a people. It will fall naturally into four 
 great periods. I. The time of the Exodus. 
 There is no trace of the consecrated 
 character of the Levites till the institution 
 of an hereditary priesthood in the family 
 of Aaron, during the first withdrawal of 
 
 Moses to the solitude of Sinai (xx viii. 1). 
 The next extension of the idea of the 
 priesthood grew out of the terrible crisis 
 of Ex. xxxii. The tribe stood forth, sepa- 
 rate and apart, recognizing even in this 
 stern work the spiritual as higher than the 
 natural. From this time they occupied a 
 distinct position. The tribe of Levi was to 
 take the place of that earlier priesthood of 
 the first-born as representatives of the ho- 
 liness of the -people. As the Tabernacle 
 was the sign of the presence among the 
 people of their unseen King, so the Levites 
 were, among the other tribes of Israel, as 
 the royal guard that waited exclusively on 
 Him. When the people were at rest they 
 encamped as guardians round the sacred 
 tent (Num. i. 51, xviii. 22). When on the 
 march no hands but theirs might strike the 
 tent at the commencement of the day's 
 journey, or carry the parts of its structure 
 during it, or pitch the tent once again when 
 they halted (Num. i. 51). It was obvious- 
 ly essential for such a work that there should 
 be a fixed assignment of duties ; and now 
 accordingly we meet with the first out- 
 lines of the organization which afterwards 
 became permanent. The division of the 
 tribe ijito the three sections that traced 
 their descent from the sons of Levi, formed 
 the groundwork of it. The work which 
 they all had to do required a man's full 
 strength, and therefore, though twenty was 
 the starting-point for military service 
 (Num. i.), they were not to enter on their 
 active service till they were thirty (Num. 
 iv. 23, 30, 35). At fifty they were to be 
 free from all duties but those of superin- 
 tendence (Num. viii. 25, 26). The Kohath- 
 ites, as nearest of kin to the priests, held 
 from the first the highest offices. They 
 were to bear all the vessels of the sanctu- 
 ary, the ark itself included (Num. iii. 31, 
 iv. 15 ; Deut. xxxi. 25), after the priests had 
 covered them with the dark-blue cloth which 
 was to hide them from all profane gaze. 
 The Gershonites had to carry the tent- 
 hangings and curtains (Num. iv. 22-2G). 
 The heavier burden of the boards, bars, and 
 pillars of the tabernacle fell on the sons of 
 Merari. The Levites were to have no ter- 
 ritorial possessions. In place of them they 
 were to receive from the others the tithes 
 of the produce of the land, from which 
 they, in their turn, offered a tithe to the 
 priests, as a recognition of their higher con- 
 secration (Num. xviii. 21, 24, 26; Neh. x. 
 37). When the wanderings of the people 
 should be over and the tabernacle have a 
 settled place, great part of the labor that had 
 fallen on them would come to an end, and 
 they too would need a fixed abode. Dis- 
 tinctness and diffusion were both to be 
 secured by the assignment to the whole 
 tribe of forty-eight cities, with an outlying 
 " suburb " (Num. xxxv. 2) of meadow-land
 
 .uEVlTES 
 
 351 
 
 LEVITICUS 
 
 for the pasturage of their flocks and herds. 
 The reverence of the people for them was 
 to be heightened by the selection of six of 
 these as cities of refuge. Through the 
 whole hind the Levites were to take the 
 place of the old household priests, sharing 
 in all festivals and rejoicings (Deut. xii. 19, 
 xiv. 26, 27, xxvi. 11). Every third year 
 they were to have an additional share in 
 the produce of the land (Deut. xiv. 28, 
 xxvi. 12). To " the priests the Levites" 
 was to belong the office of preserving, 
 transcribing, and interpreting the law 
 (Deut. xvii. 9-12, xxxi. 26). II. The pe- 
 riod of the Judges. The successor of 
 Moses, though belonging to another tribe, 
 did faithfully all that could be done to con- 
 rert this idea into a reality. The submis- 
 sion of the Gibeonites enabled him to re- 
 lieve the tribe-divisions of Gershon and 
 Merari of the most burdensome of their 
 duties. The conquered Hivites became 
 " hewers of wood and drawers of water " 
 for the house of Jehovah and for the con- 
 gregation (Josh. ix. 27). As soon as the 
 conquerors had advanced far enough to 
 proceed to a partition of the country, the 
 forty-eight cities were assigned to them. 
 III. The Monarchy. The rule of Samu- 
 el, himself a Levite, tended to give them 
 the position of a ruling caste. The reign 
 of Saul, in its later period, was the asser- 
 tion of a self-willed power against the 
 priestly order. The reign of David, how- 
 ever, wrought the change from persecution 
 to honor. When his kingdom was estab- 
 lished, there came a fuller organization of 
 the whole tribe. Their position in relation 
 to the priesthood was once again definitely 
 recognized. When the ark was carried up 
 to its new resting-place in Jerusalem, their 
 claim to be the bearers of it was publicly 
 acknowledged (1 Chr. xv. 2). In the pro- 
 cession which attended the ultimate con- 
 veyance of the ark to its new resting-place 
 the Levites were conspicuous, wearing their 
 linen ephods, and appearing in their new 
 character as minstrels (1 Chr. xv. 27, 28). 
 In the worship of the tabernacle under Da- 
 vid, as afterwards in that of the Temple, 
 we may trace a development of the simpler 
 arrangements of the wilderness and of 
 Shiloh. The Levites were the gatekeepers, 
 vergers, sacristans, choristers of the cen- 
 tral sanctuary of the nation. They were, 
 in the language of 1 Chr. xxiii. 24-32, to 
 which we may refer as almost the locus 
 dassicus on this subject, "to wait on the 
 sons of Aaron for the service of the house 
 of Jehovah, in the courts, and the cham- 
 bers, and the purifying of all holy things." 
 This included the duty of providing " for 
 the shew-bread, and the fine flour for meat- 
 offering, and for the unleavened bread." 
 They were, besides this, " to stand every 
 morning to thank and praise Jehovah, and 
 
 likewise at even." They were lastly " to 
 offer" i. e. to assist the priest in offering 
 " all burnt-sacrifices to Jehovah in the 
 sabbaths and on the set feasts." They 
 lived for the greater part of the year in 
 their own cities, and came up at fixed peri- 
 ods to take their turn of work (1 Chr. xxv., 
 xxvi.). The education which the Levites 
 received for their peculiar duties, no less 
 than their connection more or less intimate 
 with the schools of the prophets, would 
 tend to make them the teachers of the 
 others, the transcribers and interpreters of 
 the Law, the chroniclers of the times in 
 which they lived. We have some striking 
 instances of their appearance in this new 
 character. The two books of Chronicles 
 bear unmistakable marks of having been 
 written by men whose interests were all 
 gathered round the services of the Temple, 
 and who were familiar with its records. The 
 revolt of the ten tribes, and the policy pur- 
 sued by Jeroboam, led to a great change in 
 the position of the Levites. They were the 
 witnesses of an appointed order and of a 
 central worship. He wished to make the 
 priests the creatures and instruments of the 
 king, and to establish a provincial and di- 
 vided worship. The natural result was, that 
 they left the cities assigned to them in the 
 territory of Israel, and gathered round the 
 metropolis of Judah (2 Chr. xi. 13, 14). In 
 the kingdom of Judah they were, from this 
 time forward, a powerful body, politically, 
 as well as ecclesiastically. IV". After the 
 Captivity. On the return from Babylon, 
 the Levites take their old places in the Tem- 
 ple and in the villages near Jerusalem (Neh. 
 xii. 29), and are present in full array at the 
 great feast of the Dedication of the Wall. 
 The two prophets who were active at the 
 time of the Return, Haggai and Zechariah, 
 if they did not belong to the tribe, helped it 
 forward in the work of restoration. The 
 last prophet of the O. T. sees, as part of his 
 vision of the latter days, the time when the 
 Lord " shall purify the sons of Levi " (Mai. 
 iii. 3). During the period that followed the 
 Captivity they contributed to the formation 
 of the so-called Great Synagogue. They, 
 with the priests, formed the majority of the 
 permanent Sanhedrim, and as such had a 
 large share in the administration of justice 
 even in capital cases. They take no prom- 
 inent part in the Maccabaean struggles, 
 though they must have been present at the 
 great purification of the Temple. They ap- 
 pear but seldom in the history of the N. T. 
 Where we meet with their names it is as 
 the type of a formal heartless worship, 
 without sympathy and without love (Luke 
 x. 32). The mention of a Levite of Cyprus 
 in Acts iv. 36 shows that the changes of the 
 previous century had carried that tribe also 
 into " the dispersed among the Gentiles." 
 Levit'icus. The Book, which is so
 
 LIBANUS 
 
 352 
 
 LIEUTENANTS 
 
 called because it relates principally to the 
 Levites and Priests, consists of the fol- 
 lowing principal sections : I. The laws 
 touching sacrifices (chap, i.-vii.)- LL An 
 historical section containing, first, the con- 
 secration of Aaron and his sons (chap, 
 viii.) ; next, his first offering -for himself 
 and his people (chap, ix.) ; and lastly, the 
 destruction of Nadab and Abihu, the sons 
 of Aaron, for their presumptuous offence 
 (chap. x.). III. The laws concerning pu- 
 rity and impurity, and the appropriate 
 sacrifices and ordinances for putting away 
 impurity (chap, xi.-xvi.). IV. Laws chief- 
 ly intended to mark the separation between 
 Israel and the heathen nations (chap, xvii.- 
 xx.). V. Laws concerning the priests 
 (xxi., xxii.), and certain holy days and 
 festivals (xxiii., xxv.), together with an 
 episode (xxiv.). The section extends from 
 chap. xxi. 1 to xxvi. 2. VI. Promises and 
 threats (xxvi. 2-46). VII. An appendix 
 containing the laws concerning vows 
 (xxvii.). Integrity. This is very gener- 
 ally admitted. Those critics even who are 
 in favor of different documents in the Pen- 
 tateuch assign nearly the whole of this book 
 to one writer, the Elohist, or author of the 
 original document. According to Knobel 
 the only portions which are not to be re- 
 ferred to the Elohist are Moses' rebuke 
 of Aaron because the goat of the sin-offer- 
 ing had been burnt (x. 16-20) ; the group 
 of laws in chap, xvii.-xx. ; certain addi- 
 tional enactments respecting the Sabbath 
 and the Feast of Weeks and of Tabernacles 
 (xxiii., part of ver. 2, and ver. 3, ver. 18, 
 19, 22, 39-44) ; the punishments ordained 
 for blasphemy, murder, &c. (xxiv. 10-23) ; 
 the directions respecting the Sabbatical year 
 (xxv. 18-22), and the promises and warnings 
 contained in chap. xxvi. We must not quit 
 this book without a word on what may be 
 called its spiritual meaning. That so elab- 
 orate a ritual looked beyond itself we can- 
 not doubt. It was a prophecy of things to 
 come ; a shadow whereof the substance was 
 Christ and His kingdom. We may not al- 
 ways be able to say what the exact relation 
 is between the type and the antitype. But 
 we cannot read the Epistle to the Hebrews 
 and not acknowledge that the Levitical 
 priests " served the pattern and type of 
 heavenly things " that the sacrifices of 
 the law pointed to and found their interpre- 
 tation in the Lamb of God that the ordi- 
 nances of outward purification signified the 
 true inner cleansing of the heart and con- 
 science from dead works to serve the living 
 God. One idea moreover penetrates the 
 whole of this vast and burdensome ceremo- 
 nial, and gives it a real glory even apart 
 from any prophetic significance. Holiness 
 is its character. 
 
 Lib'anus. [LEBANOX.] 
 
 Libertines. This word, which occurs 
 
 once only in the N. T. (Acts vi. 9), is the 
 Latin Libertini. that is, " freedmen." They 
 were probably Jews who, having been taken 
 prisoners by Pompey and other Roman gen- 
 erals in the Syrian wars, had been reduced 
 to slavery, and had afterwards been eman- 
 cipated, and returned, permanently or for 
 a time, to the country of their fathers. 
 
 Lib'nah. 1. A city which lay in the 
 south-west part of the Holy Land, taken by 
 Joshua immediately after the rout of Beth- 
 horon. It belonged to the maritime low- 
 land of Judah, among the cities of which 
 district it is enumerated (Josh. xv. 42). It 
 was appropriated with its " suburbs" to the 
 priests (Josh. xxi. 13; 1 Chr. vi. 57). In 
 the reign of Jehoram the son of Jchosliaphat 
 it " revolted " from Judah at the same tinie 
 with Edom (2 K. viii. 22; 2 Chr. xxi. 10). 
 On completing or relinquishing the siego 
 of Lachish which of the two is not quite 
 certain Sennacherib laid siege to Libnah 
 (2 K. xix. 8; Is. xxxvii. 8). It was the 
 native place of Hamutal, or Hamital, the 
 queen of Josiah, and mother of Jehoahaz 
 (2 K. xxiii. 31) and Zedekiah (xxiv. 18; 
 Jer. Hi. 1). Its exact site is uncertain. 2. 
 One of the stations at which the Israelites 
 encamped, on their journey between the 
 wilderness of Sinai and Kadesh (Num. 
 xxxiii. 20, 21) ; and the only conjecture 
 which appears to have been made concern- 
 ing it is, that it was identical with Laban, 
 mentioned in Deut. i. 1. 
 
 Lib'ni. 1. The eldest son of Gershon, 
 the son of Levi (Ex. vi. 17; Num. iii. 18; 
 1 Chr. vi. 17, 20), and ancestor of the fami- 
 ly of the LIBNITES. 2. The son of Mahli, 
 or Mahali, son of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 29), as 
 the Text at present stands. It is probable, 
 however, that he is the same with the pre- 
 ceding, and that something has been omit- 
 ted (comp. ver. 29 with 20, 42). 
 
 Lib'ya occurs only in Acts ii. 10, in the 
 periphrasis " the parts of Libya about 
 Cyrene," which obviously means the Cyre- 
 naica. The name Libya is applied by the 
 Greek and Roman writers to the African 
 continent, generally, however, excluding 
 Egypt. 
 
 Lice (Heb. cinnim, cinnftm). This word 
 occurs in the A. V. only in Ex. viii. 16-18, 
 and in Ps. cv. 31 ; both of which passages 
 have reference to the third great plague of 
 Egypt. The Hebrew word has given occa- 
 sion to whole pages of discussion. Some 
 commentators, and indeed modern writers 
 generally, suppose that gnats are the ani- 
 mals intended by. the original word; while, 
 on the other hand, the Jewish Rabbis, 
 Josephus, and others, are in favor of the 
 translation of the A. V. Upon the whole it 
 appears that there is not sufficient authority 
 for departing from the translation of the 
 A. V. 
 
 Lieutenants. The Hebrew achash-
 
 LIGN ALOES 
 
 353 
 
 LINEN 
 
 da/rpan was the official title of the satraps 
 or viceroys who governed the provinces 
 of the Persian empire ; it is rendered 
 " lieutenant " in Esth. iii. 12, viii. 9, ix. 3 ; 
 Ezr. viii. 36, and " prince " in Dan. iii. 2, 
 vi. 1, &c. 
 
 Lign Aloes. [ALOES.] 
 
 Ligure (Heb. leshem), a precious stone 
 mentioned in Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12, as 
 the first in the third row of the high-priest's 
 breastplate. It is impossible to say, with 
 any certainty, what'stone is denoted by the 
 Hebrew term ; but perhaps tourmaline, or 
 more definitely the red variety known as 
 nibettite has better claims than that of any 
 other mineral. Rubellite is a hard stone, 
 and used as a gem, and is sometimes sold 
 for red sapphire. 
 
 Lik'hi, a Manassite, son of Shemida, 
 the son of Manasseh (1 Chr. vii. 19). 
 
 Lily (Heb. shushdn, shtishanndh).' Al- 
 though there is little doubt that the Hebrew 
 word denotes some plant of the lily species, 
 it is by no means certain what individual 
 of this class it especially designates. If the 
 shushdn or shdshanndh of the O. T. and 
 the xoifov of the Sermon on the Mount be 
 identical, which there seems no reason to 
 doubt, the plant designated by these terms 
 must have been a conspicuous object on the 
 shores of the Lake of Gennesaret (Matt. vi. 
 28 ; Luke xii. 27) ; it must have flourished 
 in the deep broad valleys of Palestine (Cant, 
 ii. 1), among the thorny shrubs (ib. ii. 2) 
 and pastures of the desert (ib. ii. 16, iv. 5, 
 vi. 3), and must have been remarkable for 
 its rapid and luxuriant growth (Hos. xiv. 
 5; Ecclus. xxxix. 14). That its flowers 
 were brilliant in color would seem to be in- 
 dicated in Matt. vi. 28, where it is compared 
 
 Liliurn Chalcedonieura. 
 
 with the gorgeous robes of Solomon ; and 
 that this color was scarlet or purple is im- 
 plied in Cant. v. 13. There appears to be 
 23 
 
 no species of lily which so completely 
 answers all these requirements as the 
 Lilium Chalcedonicum, or Scarlcj Mar- 
 tagon, which grows in profusion in the 
 Levant. But direct evidence on the point 
 is still to be desired from the observation 
 of travellers. The Phoenician architects 
 of Solomon's temple decorated the capitals 
 of the columns with "lily-work," that is, 
 with leaves and flowers of the lily (1 K. vii.), 
 corresponding to the lotus-headed capitals 
 of Egyptian architecture. The rim of the 
 "brazen sea" was possibly wrought in the 
 form of the recurved margin of a lily flower 
 (1 K. vii. 26). 
 
 Lime. This substance is noticed only 
 three times in the Bible, viz. in Deut. 
 xxvii. 2, 4 (A. V. "plaister"), in Is. xxxiii. 
 12, and in Am. ii. 1. 
 
 Linen. 1. As Egypt was the great cen- 
 tre of the linen manufacture of antiquity, 
 it is in connection with that country that 
 we find the first allusion to it in the Bible. 
 Joseph, when promoted to the dignity of 
 ruler of the land of Egypt, was arrayed 
 "in vestures of fine linen" (sMsh, marg. 
 " silk," Gen. xli. 42), and among the offer- 
 ings for the tabernacle of the tilings which 
 the Israelites had brought out of Egypt 
 were " blue, and purple, and scarlet, and 
 fine linen" (Ex. xxv. 4, xxxv. 6). 2. But 
 in Ex. xxviii. 42, and Lev. vi. 10, the 
 drawers of the priests and their flowing 
 robes are said to be of linen (bad} ; and 
 the tunic of the high-priest, his girdle and 
 mitre, which he wore on the day of atone- 
 ment, were made of the same material 
 (Lev. xvi. 4). From a comparison of E.\. 
 xxviii. 42 with xxxix. 28 it seems clear that 
 bad and shSsh were synonymous. 3. Hilts, 
 always translated " fine linen," except 2 
 Chr. v. 12, is apparently a late word, and 
 probably the same with the Greek pt'aao?, by 
 which it is represented by the LXX. It 
 was used for the dresses of the Levite: 
 choir in the temple (2 Chr. v. 12), for the- 
 loose upper garment worn by kings over the- 
 close-fitting tunic (1 Chr. xv. 27), and for 
 the vail of the temple, embroidered by the- 
 skill of the Tyrian artificers (2 Chr. iii. 14)^ 
 The dress of the rich man in the parable was 
 purple and fine linen (fit'ctaus, Luke xvu 
 19). "Fine linen," with purple and silk,, 
 is enumerated in Rev. xviii. 12 as among; 
 the merchandise of the mystical Babylon.. 
 4, 5. Etiin (Prov. vii. 16) and s&din< 
 (Judg. xiv. 12, 13) also signify linen. But 
 the general term which included all those 
 already mentioned was pishteh, which was 
 employed like our "cotton" to denote 
 not only the flax (Judg. xv. 14), or raw 
 material from which the linen was made, 
 but also the plant itself (Josh. ii. 6), and 
 the manufacture from it. It is generally 
 opposed to wool, as a vegetable product to 
 an animal (Lev. xiii. 47, 48, 52, f>9 ; Deut
 
 LINTEL 
 
 354 
 
 LOAN 
 
 xxii. 11; Prov. xxxi. 13; Hos. ii. 5, 9), 
 and was used for nets (Is. xix. 9), gir- 
 dles (Jer. xiii. 1), and measuring-lines 
 (Ez.xl. 3), as well as for the dress of the 
 priests (Ez. xliv. 17, 18). 
 
 Lintel. The beam which forms the 
 upper part of the framework of a door. 
 Gesenius arrives at the conclusion that in 
 the singular it denotes the whole projecting 
 framework of a door or gateway. In the 
 plural it is applied to denote the projections 
 along the front of an edifice ornamented 
 with columns or palm-trees, and with re- 
 cesses or intercolumniations between them 
 sometimes filled up by windows. 
 
 Li'nus, a Christian at Rome, known to 
 St. Paul and to Timothy (2 Tim. iv. 21), 
 who was the first bishop of Rome after the 
 apostles. 
 
 Lion. At present lions do not exist in 
 Palestine ; but they must in ancient times 
 have been numerous. The names Lebaoth 
 (Josh. xv. 32), Beth-Lebaoth (Josh. xix. 
 6), Arieh (2 K. xv. 25), arid Laish (Judg. 
 xviii. 7; 1 Sam. xxv. 44), were probably 
 derived from the presence of or connection 
 with lions, and point to the fact that they 
 were at one time common. They had their 
 lairs in the forests which have vanished 
 with them (Jer. v. 6, xii. 8; Am. iii. 4), in 
 the tangled brushwood (Jer. iv. 7, xxv. 38 ; 
 Job xxxviii. 40), and in the caves of the 
 mountains (Cant. iv. 8; Ez. xix. 9; Nah. 
 ii. 12). The canebrake on the banks of 
 the Jordan, the " pride " of the river, was 
 their favorite haunt (Jer. xlix. 19, 1. 44; 
 Zech. xi. 3). The lion of Palestine was in 
 all probability the Asiatic variety, described 
 by Aristotle and Pliny as distinguished by 
 its short curly mane, and by being shorter 
 and rounder in shape, like the sculptured 
 lion found at Arban. It was less daring 
 than the longer named species, but when 
 driven by hunger it not only ventured to 
 attack the flocks in the desert in presence 
 of the shepherd (Is. xxxi. 4 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 
 34), but laid waste towns and villages (2 
 K. xvii. 25, 26; Prov. xxii. 13, xxvi. 13), 
 and devoured men (1 K. xiii. 24, xx. 36 ; 2 
 K. xvii. 25 ; Ez. xix. 3, 6). The shepherds 
 sometimes ventured to encounter the lion 
 single-handed (1 Sam. xvii. 34) ; and the 
 vivid figure employed by Amos (iii. 12), 
 the herdsman of Tekoa, was but the tran- 
 script of a scene which he must have often 
 witnessed. At other times they pursued 
 the animal in large bands, raising loud 
 shouts to intimidate him (Is. xxxi. 4), and 
 drive him into the net or pit they had pre- 
 pared to catch him (Ez. xix. 4, 8). Be- 
 naiah, one of David's heroic body-guard, 
 had distinguished himself by slaying a lion 
 in his den (2 Sam. xxiii. 20). The kings 
 of Persia had a menagerie of lions (Dan. 
 vi. 7, &c.). When captured alive they 
 were put in a cage (Ez. xix. 9), but it does 
 
 not appear that they were tamed. The 
 strength (Judg. xiv. 18; Prov. xxx. 30; 2 
 Sam. i. 23), courage (2 Sam. xvii. 10; 
 Prov. xxviii. 1; Is. xxxi. 9; Nah. ii. 11), 
 and ferocity (Gen. xlix. 9; Num. xxiv. 4) 
 of the lion were proverbial. The "lion- 
 faced " warriors of Gad were among David's 
 most valiant troops (1 Chr. xii. 8); and the 
 hero Judas Maccabaeus is described as "like 
 a lion, and like a lion's whelp roaring for 
 his prey" (1 Mace. iii. 4). Among the 
 Hebrews, and throughout the O. T., the 
 lion was the achievement of the princely 
 tribe of Judah, while in the closing book of 
 the canon it received a deeper significance 
 as the emblem of Him who "prevailed to 
 open the book and loose the seven seals 
 thereof" (Rev. v. 5). On the other hand 
 its fierceness and cruelty rendered it an 
 appropriate metaphor for a fierce and ma- 
 lignant enemy (Ps. vii. 2, xxii. 21, Ivii. 4 ; 
 2 Tim. iv. 17), and hence for the arch-fiend 
 himself (1 Pet. v. 8). The figure of the 
 lion was employed as an ornament both in 
 architecture and sculpture. 
 
 Liz'ard (Heb. letddh, Lev. xi. 30). 
 Lizards of various kinds abound in Egypt, 
 Palestine, and Arabia. The lizard denoted 
 by the Hebrew word is probably the Fan- 
 Foot Lizard (Ptyodactylus Gecko}, which 
 is common in Egypt and in parts of Arabia, 
 and perhaps is also found in Palestine. It 
 is reddish brown, spotted with white. The 
 
 The Fan-Foot Lizard (Ptyoctacty'lus Gecko"). 
 
 Geckos live on insects and worms, which 
 they swallow whole. They derive their 
 name from the peculiar sound which some 
 of the species utter. 
 
 Lo-am'mi, *'. e. " not my people," the 
 figurative name given by the prophet Hosea 
 to his second son by Gotner, the daughter 
 of Diblaim (Hos. i. 9), to denote the rejec- 
 tion of the kingdom of Israel by Jehovah. 
 Its significance is explained in ver. 9, 10. 
 
 Loan. The Law strictly forbade any 
 interest to be taken for a loan to any poor 
 person, and at first, as it seems, even in the 
 case of a foreigner ; but this prohibition was 
 afterwards limited to the Hebrews only, 
 from whom, cf whatever rank, not onlv
 
 LOAVES 
 
 355 
 
 LO-DEBAR 
 
 was no usury on any pretence to be ex- 
 acted, but relief to the poor by way of 
 loan was enjoined, and'excuses for evading 
 this duty were forbidden (Ex. xxii. 25 ; 
 Lev. xxv. 35, 37 ; Deut. xv. 3, 7-10, xxiii. 
 19, 20). As commerce increased, the prac- 
 tice of usury, and so also of suretyship, 
 grew up ; but the exaction of it from a He- 
 brew appears to have been regarded to a 
 late period as discreditable (Prov. vi. 1, 4, 
 xi. 15, xvii. 18 ; xx. 16, xxii. 26 ; Ps. xv. 5, 
 xxvii. 13 ; Jer. xv. 10 ; Ez. xviii. 13, xxii. 
 12). Systematic breach of the law in this 
 respect was corrected by Nehemiah after 
 the return from captivity (Neh. v. 1., 13). 
 The money-changers, who had seats and 
 tables in the Temple, were traders whose 
 profits arose chiefly from the exchange of 
 money with those who came to pay their 
 annual half-shekel. The Jewish law did 
 not forbid temporary bondage in the case 
 of debtors, but it forbade a Hebrew debtor 
 to be detained as a bondsman longer than 
 the 7th year, or at farthest the year of Ju- 
 bilee (Ex. xxi. 2 ; Lev. xxv. 39, 42 ; Deut. 
 xv. 9). 
 
 Loaves. [BREAD.] 
 
 Lock. Where European locks have 
 not been introduced, the locks of Eastern 
 houses are usually of wood, and consist of 
 a partly hollow bolt from 14 inches to 2 feet 
 long for external doors or gates, or from 7 
 to 9 inches for interior doors. The bolt 
 passes through a groove in a piece attached 
 to the door into a socket in the door-post. 
 
 Locust, a well-known insect, which 
 commits terrible ravages on vegetation in 
 the countries which it visits. In the Bible 
 there are frequent allusions to locusts ; and 
 there are nine or ten Hebrew words which 
 are supposed to denote different varieties 
 or species of this family. The most de- 
 structive of the locust tribe that occur in the 
 Bible lands are the Oedipoda migratoria 
 and the Acridium peregrinum, and as both 
 these species occur in Syria and Arabia, 
 &c., it is most probable that one or other is 
 denoted in those passages which speak of 
 the dreadful devastations committed by 
 these insects. Locusts occur in great num- 
 
 Locurt (Oedipoda migratoria). 
 
 bers, and sometimes obscure the sun (Ex. 
 x. 15 ; Jer. xlvi. 23 ; Judg. vi. 5, vii. 12 ; 
 Joel ii. 10; Nah. iii. 15). Their voracity 
 is alluded to in Ex. x. 12, 15 ; Joel i. 4, 7, 
 12, and ii. 3 ; Deut. xxviii. 38 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 
 46, cv. 34; Is. xxxiii. 4. They are com- 
 pared to horses Joel ii. 4; Rev. ix. 7. 
 
 They make a fearful noise in their flight 
 (Joel ii. 5; Rev. ix. 9). They have 
 no king (Prov. xxx. 27). Their irre- 
 sistible progress is referred to in Joel ii. 
 8, 9. They enter dwellings, and devour 
 even the woodwork of houses (Ex. x. 6 ; 
 Joel ii. 9, 10). They do not fly in the night 
 (Nah. iii. 17). The sea destroys the great- 
 er number (Ex. x. 19; Joel ii. 20). Their 
 dead bodies taint the air (Joel ii. 20). The 
 flight of locusts is thus described by M. 
 Olivier ( Voyage dans V Empire Othoman, 
 ii. 424): "With the burning south winds 
 (of Syria) there come from the interior of 
 Arabia and from the most southern parts 
 of Persia clouds of locusts (Acridium pere- 
 grinum), whose ravages to these countries 
 are as grievous and nearly as sudden as 
 those of the heaviest hail in Europe. We 
 witnessed them twice. It is difficult to ex- 
 press the effect produced on us by the sight 
 of the whole atmosphere filled on all sides 
 and to a great height by an innumerable 
 quantity of these insects, whose flight was 
 slow and uniform, and whose noise resem- 
 bled that of rain : the sky was darkened, 
 and the light of the sun considerably weak- 
 ened. In a moment the terraces of the 
 houses, the streets, and all the fields were 
 covered by these insects, and in two days 
 they had nearly devoured all the leaves of 
 the plants. Happily they lived but a short 
 time, and seemed to have migrated only to 
 reproduce themselves and die ; in fact, near- 
 ly all those we saw the next day had paired, 
 and the day following the fields were cov- 
 ered with their dead bodies." The A. V. 
 is clearly in error in translating this word 
 " beetle ; " it occurs only in Lev. xi. 22, but 
 it is clear from the context that it denotes 
 some species of winged insect which the 
 Israelites were allowed to use as food. Lo- 
 custs were used as food (Lev. xi. 21, 22; 
 Matt. iii. 4; Mark i. 6). There are differ- 
 ent ways of preparing locusts for food : 
 sometimes they are ground and pounded, 
 and then mixed with flour and water and 
 
 Locnst (Acridium Peregrmwn). 
 
 made into cakes, or they are salted and then 
 eaten ; sometimes smoked ; boiled or roast- 
 ed ; stewed, or fried in butter. From ig- 
 norance of ftiis fact, some persons have 
 erroneously asserted that the locusts which 
 formed part of the food of the Baptist were 
 not the insect of that name, but the long 
 sweet pods of the locust-tree, " St. John's 
 bread," as the monks of Palestine call it. 
 
 Lod. [LTDDA.] 
 
 Lo'-debar, a place named with Maha-
 
 LODGE 
 
 356 
 
 LORD'S SUPPER 
 
 naiin, Rogelim, and other trans-Jordanic 
 towns (2 Sam. xvii. 27), and therefore no 
 doubt on the eastern side of the Jordan. It 
 was the native place of Machir-ben- Ammiel 
 (ix. 4, 5). 
 
 Lodge, To. This word in the A. V. 
 with one exception only is used to 
 translate the Hebrew verb lun or Hn, which 
 has, at least in the narrative portions of 
 the Bible, almost invariably the force of 
 " passing the night." 
 
 Log. [WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.] 
 
 Lo'iS, the grandmother of TIMOTHY, 
 and doubtless the mother of his mother 
 EUNICE (2 Tim. i. 5). It seems likely that 
 Lois had resided long at Lystra; and al- 
 most certain that from her, as well as from 
 Eunice, Timothy obtained his intimate 
 knowledge of the Jewish Scriptures (2 Tim. 
 iii. 15). 
 
 Looking-glasses. [MIRBORS.] 
 
 Lord. [Goo.] 
 
 Lord's Day, The (/ KvQiaxij 'H^lqa, 
 Rev. i. 10 only), the weekly festival of our 
 Lord's resurrection, and identified with 
 " the first day of the week," or " Sunday," 
 of every age of the Church. Scripture 
 says very little concerning this day. But 
 that little seems to indicate that the divine- 
 ly inspired apostles, by their practice and 
 by their precepts, marked the first day of 
 the week as a day for meeting together to 
 break bread, for communicating and receiv- 
 ing instruction, for laying up offerings in 
 store for charitable purposes, for occupa- 
 tion in holy thought and prayer. The 
 first day of the week so devoted seems also 
 to have been the day of the Lord's Resur- 
 rection. The Lord rose on the first day of 
 the week, and appeared, on the very day of 
 His rising, to His followers on five distinct 
 occasions to Mary Magdalene, to the 
 other women, to the two disciples on the 
 road to Emmaus, to St. Peter separately, 
 to ten Apostles collected together. After 
 eight days, that is, according to the ordi- 
 nary reckoning, on the first day of the next 
 week, He appeared to the eleven. On the 
 day of Pentecost, which in that year fell 
 on the first day of the week, " they were 
 all with one accord in one place," had spir- 
 itual gifts conferred on them, and in their 
 turn began to communicate those gifts, as 
 accompaniments of instruction, to others. 
 At Troas (Acts xx. 7), many years after 
 the occurrence at Pentecost, when Chris- 
 tianity had begun to assume something like 
 a settled form, St. Luke recqrds the fol- 
 lowing circumstances. St. Paul and his 
 companions arrived there, and " abode 
 seven days, and upon the first day of the 
 week, when the disciples came together to 
 break bread, Paul preached unto them." 
 In 1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2, that same St. Paul 
 writes thus : " Now concerning the collec- 
 tion for the saints, as I have given order to 
 
 the churches in Galatia, even so do ye. 
 Upon the first day of the week, let every 
 one of you lay by "him in store, as God 
 hath prospered him, that there be no gath- 
 erings when I come." In Heb. x. 25, the 
 correspondents of the writer are desired 
 " not to forsake the assembling of them- 
 selves together, as the manner of some is, 
 but to exhort one another," an injunction 
 which seems to imply that a regular day 
 for such assembling existed and was well 
 known; for otherwise no rebuke would lie. 
 And lastly, in the passage given above, St. 
 John describes himself as being in the 
 Spirit " on the Lord's Day." Taken sepa- 
 rately, perhaps, and even all together, these 
 passages seem scarcely adequate to prove 
 that the dedication of the first day of the 
 week to the purposes above mentioned was 
 a matter of apostolic institution, or even 
 of apostolic practice. But it may be ob- 
 served, that it is at any rate an extraordi- 
 nary coincidence, that almost immediately 
 we emerge from Scripture, we find the same 
 day mentioned in a similar manner, and 
 directly associated with the Lord's Resur- 
 rection; that it is an extraordinary fact 
 that we never find its dedication questioned 
 or argued about, but accepted as something 
 equally apostolic with Confirmation, with 
 Infant Baptism, with Ordination, or at least 
 spoken of in the same way. The results of 
 our examination of the principal writers 
 of the two centuries after the death of St. 
 John are as follows. The Lord's Day (a 
 name which has now come out more prom- 
 inently, and is connected more explicitly 
 with our Lord's resurrection than before) 
 existed during these two centuries as a part 
 and parcel of apostolical, and so of Scriptur- 
 al Christianity. It was never defended, for 
 it was never impugned, or at least only im- 
 pugned as other things received from the 
 apostles were. It was never confounded 
 with the Sabbath, but carefully distinguished 
 from it. Religiously regarded, it was a 
 day of solemn meeting for the Holy Eucha- 
 rist, for united prayer, for instruction, for 
 alms-giving. [SABBATH.] 
 
 Lord's Supper (Kvi>iaxv Sti.-iror). 
 The words which thus describe the great 
 central act of the worship of the Christian 
 Church occur but in one single passage of 
 the N. T. (1 Cor. xi. 20). I. It was institut- 
 ed on that night when Jesus and his disci- 
 ples met together to eat the Passover (Matt. 
 xxvi. 19; Mark xiv. 16; Luke xxii. 13). 
 The Paschal feast was kept by the Jews of 
 that period in the following order. (1) 
 The members of the company that were 
 joined for this purpose met in the evening 
 and reclined on couches (comp. Matt. xxvi. 
 20; Luke xxii. 14; and John xiii. 23, 25). 
 The head of the household, or celebrant, 
 began by a form of blessing "for the day 
 and for the wine," pronounced over a cup, of
 
 LORD'S SUPPER 
 
 357 
 
 LORD'S SUPPER 
 
 which he and the others then drank. (2) All 
 who were present then washed their hands ; 
 this also having a special benediction. (3) 
 The table was then set out with the paschal 
 lamb, unleavened bread, bitter herbs, and 
 the dish known as Charoseth, a sauce made 
 of dates, figs, raisins, and vinegar, and de- 
 signed to commemorate the mortar of 
 their bondage in Egypt. (4) The cele- 
 brant first, and then the others, dipped a 
 portion of the bitter herbs into the Charo- 
 seth and ate them. (5) The dishes were 
 then removed, and a cup of wine again 
 brought. Then followed an interval which 
 was allowed theoretically for the questions 
 that might be asked by children or prose- 
 lytes, who were astonished at such a 
 strange beginning of a feast, and the cup 
 was passed round and drunk at the close 
 of it. (6) The dishes being brought on 
 again, the celebrant repeated the com- 
 memorative words which opened what was 
 strictly the paschal supper, and pronounced 
 a solemn thanksgiving, followed by Ps. 
 cxiii. and cxiv. (7) Then came a second 
 washing of the hands, with a short form of 
 blessing as before, and the celebrant broke 
 one of the two loaves or cakes of un- 
 leavened bread, and gave thanks over it. 
 All then took portions of the bread, and 
 dipped them, together with the bitter herbs, 
 into the Charoseth, and so ate them. (8) 
 After this they ate the flesh of the paschal 
 lamb, with bread, &c., as they liked; and 
 after another blessing, a third cup, known 
 especially as the "cup of blessing," was 
 handed round. (9) This was succeeded 
 by a fourth cup, and the recital of Ps. 
 cxv.-cxviii. followed by a prayer, and this 
 was accordingly known as the cup of the 
 Hallel, or of the Song. (10) There might 
 be, in conclusion, a fifth cup, provided that 
 the "grat Hallel" (possibly Psalms cxx.- 
 cxxxviii.) was sung over it. Comparing 
 the ritual thus gathered from Rabbinic 
 writers with the N. T., and assuming 
 that it represents substantially the com- 
 mon practice of our Lord's time, and that 
 the meal of which He and His disciples 
 partook, was either the passover itself, or 
 an anticipation of it, conducted according 
 to the same rules, we are able to point, 
 though not with absolute certainty, to the 
 points of departure which the old practice 
 presented for the institution of the new. 
 To (1) or (3), or even to (8), we may re- 
 fer the first words and the first distribution 
 of the cup (Luke xxii. 17, 18) ; to (2) or 
 (7) , the dipping of the sop of John xiii. 26 ; 
 to (7), or to an interval during or after (8), 
 the distribution of the bread (Matt. xxvi. 
 26; Mark xiv. 22; Luke xxii. 19; 1 Cor. 
 xi. 23, 24); to (9) or (10) ("after sup- 
 per," Luke xxii. 20) the thanksgiving, and 
 distribution of the cup, and the hymn with 
 which the whole was ended. The narra- 
 
 tives of the Gospels show how strongly the 
 disciples were impressed with the words 
 which had given a new meaning to the old 
 familiar acts. They leave unnoticed all 
 the ceremonies of the Passover, except 
 those which had thus been transferred to 
 the Christian Church and perpetuated in 
 it. Old things were passing away, and all 
 things becoming new. They had looked 
 on the bread and the wine as memorials of 
 the deliverance from Egypt. They were 
 now told to partake of them " in remem- 
 brance " of their Master and Lord. The 
 festival had been annual. No rule was 
 given as to the time and frequency of the 
 new feast that thus supervened on the old, 
 but the command, " Do this as oft as ye 
 drink it" (1 Cor. xi. 25), suggested the 
 more continual recurrence of that whic!i 
 was to be their memorial of one whom they 
 would wish never to forget. The words, 
 " This is my body," gave to the unleavened 
 bread a new character. They had been 
 prepared for language that would other- 
 wise have been so startling, by the teach- 
 ing of John (vi. 32-58), and they were thus 
 taught to see in the bread that was broken 
 the witness of the closest possible uniou 
 and incorporation with their Lord. The 
 cup which was " the new testament in His 
 blood," would remind them, in like man- 
 ner, of the wonderful pAphecy in which 
 that new covenant had been foretold (Jer. 
 xxxi. 31-34). II. In the account given by 
 the writer of the Acts of the life of the first 
 disciples at Jerusalem, a prominent place 
 is given to this act, and to the phrase which 
 indicated it. He describes the baptized 
 members of the Church as continuing 
 steadfast in or to the teaching of the apos- 
 tles, in fellowship with them and with each 
 other, and in breaking of bread and in 
 prayers (Acts ii. 42). We can scarcely 
 doubt that this implies that the chief actual 
 meal of each day was one in which they 
 met as brothers, and which was either 
 preceded or followed by the more sol- 
 emn commemorative acts of the breaking 
 of the bread and the drinking of the 
 cup. It will be convenient to anticipate 
 the language and the thoughts of a some- 
 what later date, and to say that, appar- 
 ently, they thus united every day the 
 Agape or feast of Love with the celebration 
 of the Eucharist. It would be natural that 
 in a society consisting of many thousand 
 members there should be many places of 
 meeting. The congregation assembling in 
 each place would come to be known as "the 
 Church " in this or that man's house (Rom. 
 xvi. 5, 23 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 19 ; Col. iv. 15 ; 
 Philem. ver. 2). When they met, the place 
 of honor would naturally be taken by one 
 of the apostles, or some elder representing 
 him. It would belong to him to pronounce 
 the blessing and thanksgiving, -with which
 
 LORD'S SUPPER 
 
 358 
 
 LOT 
 
 the meals of devout Jews always began and 
 ended. The bread (unless the converted 
 Jews were to think of themselves as keeping 
 a perpetual passover) wauld be such as they 
 habitually used. The wine (probably the 
 common red wine of Palestine, Prov. xxiii. 
 31) would, according to their usual practice, 
 be mixed with water. At some time, before 
 or after the meal of which they partook as 
 such, the bread and the wine would be given 
 with some special form of words or acts, to 
 indicate its character. New converts would 
 need some explanation of the meaning and 
 origin of the observance. What would be 
 so fitting and so much in harmony with the 
 precedents of the Paschal feast as the nar- 
 rative of what had passed on the night of its 
 institution (1 Cor. xi. 23-27) ? With this 
 there would naturally be associated (as in 
 Acts ii. 42) prayers for themselves and oth- 
 ers. Their gladness would show itself in the 
 psalms and hymns with which they praised 
 God (Heb. ii. 46, 47; James v. 13). The 
 analogy of the Passover, the general feeling 
 of the Jews, and the practice of the Essenes 
 may possibly have suggested ablutions, par- 
 tial or entire, as a preparation for the feast 
 (Heb. x. 22; John xiii. 1-15). At some 
 point in the feast those who were present, 
 men and women sitting apart, would rise to 
 alute each othgr with the "holy kiss" (1 
 Cor. xvi. 20; 2 Cor.- xiii. 12). The next 
 traces that meet us are in 1 Cor., and the 
 fact that we find them is in itself significant. 
 The commemorative feast has not been 
 confined to the personal disciples of Christ, 
 or the Jewish converts whom they gathered 
 round them at Jerusalem. The title of the 
 "cup of blessing" (1 Cor. x. 16) has been 
 imported into the Greek Church. The 
 synonyme of " the cup of the Lord" (1 Cor. 
 x. 21) distinguishes it from the other cups 
 that belonged to the Agape, or Love-feast. 
 The word " fellowship " is passing by de- 
 grees into the special signification of " Com- 
 munion." The apostle refers to his own 
 office as breaking the bread and blessing 
 the cup (1 Cor. x. 16). The table on which 
 the bread was placed was the Lord's Table. 
 But the practice of the Agape, as well as 
 the observance of the commemorative feast, 
 had been transferred to Corinth, and this 
 called for a special notice. E vils had sprung 
 up which had to be checked at once. The 
 meeting of friends for a social meal, to 
 which all contributed, was a sufficiently fa- 
 miliar practice in the common life of Greeks 
 of this period ; and the club-feasts were as- 
 sociated with plans of mutual relief or char- 
 ity to the poor. The Agape of the new 
 society would seem to them to be such a 
 feast, and hence came a disorder that alto- 
 gether frustrated the object of the Church 
 in instituting it. What was to be the rem- 
 edy for this terrible and growing evil St. 
 Paul does not state explicitly. He reserves 
 
 formal regulations for a later personal vis- 
 it. In the mean time he gives a rule which 
 would make the union of the Agap& and 
 the Lord's Supper possible without the risk 
 of profanation. They were not to come 
 even to th'e former with the keen edge of 
 appetite. They were to wait till all were 
 met, instead of scrambling tumultuously to 
 help themselves (1 Cor. xi. 33, 34). In one 
 point, however, the custom of the Church 
 of Corinth differed apparently from that of 
 Jerusalem. The meeting for the Lord's 
 Supper was no longer daily (1 Cor. xi. 20, 
 33). The directions given in 1 Cor. xvi. 2 
 suggest the constitution of a celebration on 
 the first day of the week. The meeting at 
 Troas is on the same day (Acts xx. 7). A 
 change gradually takes place. The Lord's 
 Supper is separated from the Agape, and the 
 latter finally dies out. The morning celebra- 
 tion of the Supper takes the place of the even- 
 ing. In Acts xx. 11 we have an example of 
 the way in which the transition may have 
 been effected. The disciples at Troas meet 
 together to break bread. The hour is not 
 definitely stated, but the fact that St. Paul's 
 discourse was protracted till past midnight, 
 and the mention of the many lamps, indicate 
 a later time than that commonly fixed for 
 the Greek Sttnvov. Then came the teach- 
 ing and the prayers, and then, towards early 
 dawn, the breaking of bread, which consti- 
 tuted the Lord's Supper, and for which they 
 were gathered together. If this midnight 
 meeting may be taken as indicating a com- 
 mon practice, originating in reverence for 
 an ordinance which Christ had enjoined, we 
 can easily understand how the next step 
 would be to transfer the celebration of the 
 Eucharist permanently to the morning hour, 
 to which it had gradually been approxi- 
 mating. 
 
 Lo-ruha'mah, t. e. "the uncompas- 
 sionated," the name of the daughter of Ho- 
 sea the prophet, given to denote the utterly 
 ruined condition of the kingdom of Israel 
 (Hos. i. 6). 
 
 Lot, the son of Haran, and therefore 
 the nephew of Abraham (Gen. xi. 27, 31). 
 His sisters were MILCAH the wife of Nahor, 
 and ISCAH, by some identified with Sarah. 
 Haran died before the emigration of Te- 
 rah and his family from Ur of the Chaldees 
 (ver. 28) , and Lot was therefore born there. 
 He removed with the rest of his kindred 
 to Charran, and again subsequently with 
 Abraham and Sarai to Canaan (xii. 4, 5). 
 With them he took refuge in Egypt from a 
 famine, and with them returned, first to the 
 " South" (xiii. 1), and then to their origi- 
 nal settlement between Bethel and Ai (ver. 
 3, 4). But the pastures of the hills of 
 Bethel, which had with ease contained the 
 two strangers on their first arrival, were not 
 able any longer to bear them, so much had 
 their possessions of sheep, goats, and cattle
 
 LOT 
 
 359 
 
 LUCIUS 
 
 increased. Accordingly they separated, 
 Lot choosing the fertile plain of the Jor- 
 dan, and advancing as far as Sodom (Gen. 
 xiii. 10 -14). The next occurrence in the 
 life of Lot is his capture by the four kings 
 of the East, and his rescue by Abram (Gen. 
 xiv.). For details see ABRAHAM. The 
 last scene preserved to us in the history of 
 Lot is too well known to need repetition. 
 He is still living in Sodom (Gen. xix.). But 
 in the midst of the licentious corruption of 
 that city, he preserves some of the delight- 
 ful characteristics of his wandering life, his 
 fervent and chivalrous hospitality (xix. 2, 
 8), the unleavened bread of the tent of the 
 wilderness, the water for the feet of the 
 wayfarers, affording his guests a reception 
 identical with that which they had experi- 
 enced that very morning in Abraham's tent 
 on the heights of Hebron (comp. xviii. 3, 
 G). His deliverance from the guilty and 
 condemned city points the allusion of St. 
 Peter (2 Pet. ii. 6-9). Where Zoar was 
 situated, in which he found a temporary 
 refuge during the destruction of the other 
 cities of the plain, we do not know with 
 absolute certainty. The end of Lot's wife 
 is commonly treated as one of the difficul- 
 ties of the Bible. But it surely need not 
 be so. It cannot be necessary, as some 
 have done, to create the details of the story 
 where none are given. On these points the 
 record is silent. The value and the sig- 
 nificance of the story to us are contained 
 in the allusion of Christ (Luke xvii. 32). 
 Later ages have not been satisfied so to leave 
 the matter, but have insisted on identifying 
 the "' pillar" with some one of the fleeting 
 forms which the perishable rock of the 
 south end of the Dead Sea is constantly 
 assuming in its process of decomposition 
 and liquefaction. From the incestuous in- 
 tercourse between Lot and his two daugh- 
 ters sprang the nations of JMoab and Am- 
 mon. 
 
 Lot. The custom of deciding doubtful 
 questions by lot is one of great extent and 
 high antiquity. The religious estimate of 
 them may be gathered from Prov. xvi. 33. 
 The following historical or ritual instances 
 are 1. Choice of men for an invading 
 force (Judg. i. 1, xx. 10). 2. Partition (a) 
 of the soil of Palestine among the tribes 
 (Xum. xxvi. 55; Josh, xviii. 10; Acts xiii. 
 19). (6) of Jerusalem; t, e. probably its 
 spoil or captives among captors (Obad. 11) ; 
 of the land itself in a similar way (1 Mace, 
 iii. 36). (c) Apportionment of possessions, 
 or spoil, or of prisoners, to foreigners or 
 captors (Joel iii. 3 ; Nah. iii. 10 ; Matt, 
 xxvii. 35). 3. (a) Settlement of doubtful 
 questions (Prov. xvi. 33, xviii. 18). (6) A 
 mode of divination among heathens by 
 means of arrows, two inscribed, and one 
 without mark (Hos. iv. 12; Ez. xxi. 21). 
 (c) Detection of a criminal (Josh. vii. 14, 
 
 18). (d) Appointment of persons to offices 
 or duties, as above in Achan's case, (u) 
 Selection of the scape-goat on the Day of 
 Atonement (Lev. xvi. 8, 10). 4. The use 
 of words heard or passages chosen at ran- 
 dom from Scripture. 
 
 Lo'tan, the eldest son of Seir the Ho- 
 rite (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 22, 29; 1 Chr. i. 33, 
 39). 
 
 Lots, Feast of. [PUKIM.] 
 
 Love-feasts (Jade 12, and 2 Pet. ii. 
 13.) [LORD'S SUPPER.] 
 
 Lu'bim, a nation mentioned as contrib- 
 uting, together with Cushites and Sukkiim, 
 to Shishak's army (2 Chr. xii. 3) ; and ap- 
 parently as forming with Cushites the bulk 
 of Zerah's army (xvi. 8), spoken of by Na- 
 hum (iii. 9) with Put or Phut, as helping 
 No-Amon (Thebes), of which Cush and 
 Egypt were the strength; and by Daniel 
 (xi. 43) as paying court with the Cushitea 
 to a conqueror of Egypt or the Egyptians. 
 Upon the Egyptian monuments we find 
 representations of a people called REBU, or 
 LEBU, who correspond to the Lubim, and 
 who may be placed on the African coast to 
 the westward of Egypt, perhaps extending- 
 far beyond the Cyrenaica/ 
 
 Lu'cas (Philem. 24). [LuKE.] 
 
 Lu'cifer, found in Is. xiv. 12, coupled 
 with the epithet " son of the morning," 
 clearly signifies a "bright star," and prob- 
 ably what we call the morning star. In 
 this passage it is a symbolical representa- 
 tion of the king of Babylon, in his splen- 
 dor and in his fall. Its application, from 
 St. Jerome downwards, to Satan in his fall 
 from heaven, arises probably from the fact 
 that the Babylonian Empire is in Scripture 
 represented as the type of tyrannical and 
 self-idolizing power, and especially con- 
 nected with the enmire of the Evil One in 
 the Apocalypse. 
 
 Lu'cius. 1. A Roman consul who is 
 said to have written the letter to Ptolemy 
 (Euergetes), which assured Simon I. of the 
 protection of Rome (cir. B. c. 139-8; 1 
 Mace. xv. 10, 15-24). The whole form of 
 the letter shows that it cannot be an accu- 
 rate copy of the original document. The 
 imperfect transcription of the name has led 
 to the identification of Lucius with throe 
 distinct persons (1.) [Lucius] Furius 
 Philus, who was not consul till B. c. 136, 
 and is therefore at once excluded. (2.) 
 Lucius Caecilius Metellus Calvus, who was 
 consul in B. c. 142. (3.) Lucius may per- 
 haps be identified with Lucius Calpurnius 
 Piso, who was consul B. c. 139. 2. A kins- 
 man or fellow-tribesman of St. Paul (Rom 
 xvi. 21), by whom he is said by tradition to 
 have been ordained bishop of the church of 
 Cenchreae. He is thought by some to be 
 the same with Lucius of Cyrene. 3. Lu- 
 cius OF CYRENE is first mentioned in the 
 N. T. in company with Barnabas, Simeon,
 
 LUD 
 
 360 
 
 LUKE, GOSPEL OF 
 
 called Niger, Manaen, and Saul, who are j from this point. As far as Philippi the 
 described as prophets and teachers of the j Evangelist journeyed with the Apostle. The 
 church at Antioch (Acts xiii. 1). Whether | resumption of the third person on Paul's 
 Lucius was one of the seventy disciples, is ' departure from that place (xvii. 1) would 
 quite a matter of conjecture ; but it is high- ! show that Luke was now left behind. Dur- 
 ly probable that he formed one of the con- I ing the rest of St. Paul's second missionary 
 gregation to whom St. Peter preached on ! journey we hear of Luke no more. But on 
 the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 10) ; and j the third journey the same indication re- 
 there can hardly be a doubt that he was ' minds us that Luke is again of the company 
 one of " the men of Cyrene " who, being (Acts xx. 5), having joined it apparently at 
 
 scattered abroad upon the persecution 
 that arose about Stephen," went to Antioeh 
 preaching the Lord Jesus (Acts xi. 19, 20). 
 It is commonly supposed that Lucius is 
 the kinsman of St. Paul, mentioned by that 
 Apostle as joining with him in his salutation 
 to the Roman brethren (Rom. xvi. 21). 
 
 Lud, the fourth name in the list of the 
 children of Shem (Gen. x. 22; comp. 1 
 Chr. i. 17), supposed to have been the an- 
 cestor of the Lydians. 
 
 Lu'dim (Gen. x. 13; 1 Chr. i. 11), a 
 Mizraite people or tribe. From their posi- 
 tion at the head of the list of the Mizraites, 
 it is probable that the Ludim were settled 
 to the west of Egypt, perhaps farther than 
 . any other Mizraite tribe. Lud and the 
 Ludim are mentioned in four passages of 
 the prophets (Is. Ixvi. 19 ; Jer. xlvi. 9 ; Ez. 
 xxvii. 10, xxxviii. 5). There can be no 
 doubt that but one nation is intended in 
 these passages, and it seems that the pre- 
 ponderance of evidence is in favor of the 
 Mizraite Ludim. 
 
 Lu'hith, The Ascent of, a place in 
 Moab, occurs only in Is. xv. 5, and the par- 
 allel passage of Jeremiah (xlviii. 5). In 
 the days of Eusebius and Jerome it was 
 still known, and stood between Areopolis 
 (Rabbath-Moab) and Zoar. 
 
 Luke, or Lu'oas, is an abbreviated form 
 of Lucanus. It is not^to be confounded 
 with Lucius (Acts xiiii'l ; Rom. xvi. 21), 
 which belongs to a different person. The 
 name Luke occurs three times in the N. T. 
 (Col. iv. 14; 2 Tim. iv. 11; Philem. 24), 
 and probably in all three, the third evangel- 
 ist is the person spoken of. Combining the 
 traditional element with the scriptural, we 
 are able to trace the following dim outline 
 of the Evangelist's life. He was born at 
 Antioch in Syria, and was taught the science 
 of medicine. The well-known tradition 
 that Luke was also a painter, and of no 
 mean skill, rests on the authority of late 
 writers. He was not born a Jew, for he is 
 not reckoned among them " of the circum- 
 cision " by St. Paul (comp. Col. iv. 11 with 
 ver. 14). The date of his conversion is un- 
 certain. He joined St. Paul at Troas, and 
 shared his journey into Macedonia. The 
 sudden transition to the first person plural 
 fo Acts xvi. 9, is most naturally explained, 
 after all the objections that have been urged, 
 by supposing that Luke, the writer of the 
 Acts, formed one of St. Paul's company 
 
 Philippi, where he had been left. With the 
 Apostle he passed through Miletus, Tyre, 
 and Caesarea to Jerusalem (xx. 5, xxi. 18). 
 Between the two visits of Paul to Philippi 
 seven years had elapsed (A. D. 51 to A. n. 
 58), which the Evangelist may have spent 
 in Philippi and its neighborhood, preach- 
 ing the Gospel. There remains one pas- 
 sage, which, if it refers to St. Luke, must 
 belong to this period. " We have sent with 
 him " (i. e. Titus) " the brother whose 
 praise is in the gospel throughout all the 
 churches " (2 Cor. viii. 18). The subscrip- 
 tion of the Epistle sets forth that it was 
 "written from Philippi, a city of Macedonia, 
 by Titus and Lucas," and it is an old opinion 
 that Luke was the companion of Titus, al- 
 though he is not named in the body of the 
 Epistle. If this be so, we are to suppose 
 that during the " three months " of Paul's 
 sojourn at Philippi (Acts xx. 3) Luke was 
 sent from that place to Corinth on this 
 errand. He again appears in the company 
 of Paul in the memorable journey to Rome 
 (Acts xxvii. 1). He remained at his side 
 during his first imprisonment (Col. iv. 14 ; 
 Philem. 24) ; and if it is to be supposed that 
 the Second Epistle to Timothy was written 
 during the second imprisonment, then the 
 testimony of that Epistle (iv. 11) shows that 
 he continued faithful to the Apostle to the 
 end of his afflictions. After the death of 
 St. Paul, the acts of his faithful companion 
 are hopelessly obscure to us. In the well- 
 known passage of Epiphanius, we find that 
 Luke, receiving the commission to preach 
 the Gospel, preaches first in Dalmatia and 
 Gallia. As to his age and death, there is 
 the utmost uncertainty. He probably diea 
 a martyr, between A. D. 75 and A. D. 100. 
 
 Luke, Gospel Of. The third Gospel 
 is ascribed, by the general consent of an- 
 cient Christendom, to " the beloved phy- 
 sician," Luke, the friend and companion 01 
 the Apostle Paul. I. Date of the Gospel 
 of Luke. From Acts i. 1, it is clear that 
 the Gospel described as "the former trea 
 tise" was written before the Acts of the 
 Apostles ; but how much earlier is uncer- 
 tain. Perhaps it was written at Caesarea 
 during St. Paul's imprisonment there, A. D. 
 58-60. II. Place where the Gospel was 
 
 written. If the time has 
 indicated, the place would 
 
 been rightly 
 be Caesarea. 
 
 Other suppositions are, that it was com- 
 posed in Achaia and the region of Boeoti*
 
 LUKE, GOSPEL OF 
 
 361 
 
 LYCAONIA 
 
 (Jerome), in Alexandria (Syriac version). 
 in Rome (Ewald, &c.), in Achaia and 
 Macedonia (Hilgenfeld), and Asia Minor 
 (KOstlin). It is impossible to verify these 
 traditions and conjectures. III. Origin 
 of the Gospel. The preface, contained in 
 the first four verses of the Gospel, describes 
 the object of its writer. Here are several 
 facts to be observed. There were many 
 narratives of the life of our Lord current at 
 the early time when Luke wrote his Gospel. 
 The ground of fitness for the task St. Luke 
 places in his having carefully followed out 
 the whole course of events from the begin- 
 ning. He does not claim the character of 
 an eye-witness from the first ; but possibly 
 he may have been a witness of some part 
 of our Lord's doings. The ancient opinion, 
 that Luke wrote his Gospel under the in- 
 fluence of Paul, rests on the authority of 
 Irenaeus, Tertullian, Origen, and Eusebius. 
 The two first assert that we have in Luke 
 the Gospel preached by Paul ; Origen calls 
 it " the Gospel quoted by Paul," alluding 
 to Rom. ii. 16 ; and Eusebius refers Paul's 
 words, " according to my Gospel " (2 Tim. 
 ii. 8), to that of Luke, in which Jerome 
 concurs. The language of the preface is 
 against the notion of any exclusive in- 
 fluence of St. Paul. The four verses could 
 not have been put at the head of a his- 
 tory composed under the exclusive guid- 
 ance of Paul or of any one apostle, and as 
 little could they have introduced a gospel 
 simply communicated by another. The 
 truth seems to be that St. Luke, seeking 
 information from every quarter, sought it 
 from the preaching of his beloved master, 
 St. Paul ; and the apostle in his turn em- 
 ployed the knowledge acquired from other 
 sources by his disciple. Upon the question 
 whether Luke made use of the Gospels of 
 Matthew and Mark, see GOSPELS. IV. Pur- 
 pose for which the Gospel was written . 
 The Evangelist professes to write that 
 Theophilus "might know the certainty of 
 those things wherein he had been instruct- 
 ed " (i. 4). This Theophilus was probably 
 a native of Italy, and perhaps an inhabitant 
 of Rome, for in tracing St. Paul's journey 
 to Rome, places which an Italian might be 
 supposed not to know are described minute- 
 ly (Acts xxvii. 8,12,16); but when he comes 
 to Sicily and Italy this is neglected. Hence 
 it would appear that the person for whom 
 Luke wrote in the first instance was a Gen- 
 tile reader ; and accordingly we find traces 
 in the Gospel of a leaning towards Gentile 
 rather than Jewish converts. V. Lan- 
 guage and Style of the Gospel. It has nev- 
 er been doubted that the Gospel was written 
 in Greek. Whilst Hebraisms are frequent, 
 classical idioms and Greek compound words 
 abound. The number of words used by 
 Luke only is unusually great, and many of 
 them are compound words for which there 
 
 is classical authority. On comparing the 
 Gospel with the Acts it is found that the 
 style of the latter is more pure and free 
 from Hebrew idioms. VI. Integrity of 
 the Gospel the first two Cfiapters. The 
 Gospel of Luke is quoted by Justin Martyr 
 and by the author of the Clementine Homi- 
 lies. The silence of the Apostolic fathers 
 only indicates that it was admitted into the 
 Canon somewhat late, which was probably 
 the case. The result of the Marcion con- 
 troversy is, as we have seen, that our Gos- 
 pel was in use before A. D. 120. A special 
 question, however, has been raised about 
 the first two chapters. But there is no real 
 ground for distinguishing between the first 
 two chapters and the rest. 
 
 Lunatics. This word is used twice in 
 the N. T. (Matt. iv. 24, xvii. 15). It is 
 evident that the word itself refers to some 
 disease, affecting both the body and the 
 mind, which might or might not be a sign 
 of possession. By the description of Mark 
 ix. 17-26, it is concluded that this diseas 
 was epilepsy. 
 
 Luz. It seems impossible to discover 
 with precision whether Luz and Bethel rep- 
 resent one and the same town the former 
 the Canaanite, the latter the Hebrew name 
 or whether they were distinct places, 
 though in close proximity. The latter is 
 the natural inference from two of the pas- 
 sages in which Luz is spoken of (Gen. 
 xxviii. 19; Josh. xvi. 2, xviii. 13). Other 
 passages, however, seem to speak of the 
 two as identical (Gen. xxxv. 6 ; Judg. i. 23). 
 The most probable conclusion is, that the 
 two places were, during the times preceding 
 the conquest, distinct, Luz being the city 
 and Bethel the pillar and altar of Jacob ; 
 that after the destruction of Luz by the 
 tribe of Ephraim the town of Bethel arose. 
 2. When the original Luz was destroyed, 
 through the treachery of one of its inhab- 
 itants, the man who had introduced the 
 Israelites into the town went into the " land 
 of the Hittites " and built a city, which he 
 named after the former one (Judg. i. 26). 
 Its situation, as well as that of the " land of 
 the Hittites," has never been discovered, 
 and is one of the favorite puzzles of Scrip- 
 ture geographers. 
 
 Lycao'nia, a district of Asia Minor. 
 From what is said in Acts xiv. 11 of " the 
 speech of Lycaonia," it is evident that the 
 inhabitants of the district, in St. Paul's day, 
 spoke something very different from ordi- 
 nary Greek. Whether this language was 
 some Syrian dialect, or a corrupt form of 
 Greek, has been much 'debated. The fact 
 that the Lycaonians were familiar with the 
 Greek mythology is consistent with either 
 supposition. Lycaonia is for the most part 
 a dreary plain, bare of trees, destitute of 
 fresh water, and with several salt lakes. 
 After the provincial system of Rome had
 
 LYCIA 
 
 362 
 
 LYSIA3 
 
 embraced the whole of Asia Minor, the 
 boundaries of the provinces were variable ; 
 and Lyeaonia was, politically, sometimes 
 in Cappadocia, sometimes in Galatia. It is 
 interesting to see these rude country peo- 
 ple, when Paul and Barnubas worked mir- 
 acles among them, rushing to the conclusion 
 that the strangers were Mercury and Ju- 
 piter, whose visit to this very neighborhood 
 forms the subject of one of Ovid's most 
 charming stories (Ovid, Metam. viii. 626). 
 Nor can we fail to notice how admirably St. 
 Paul's address on the occasion was adapted 
 to a simple and imperfectly civilized race 
 (xiv. 15-17). This was at LYSTRA, in the 
 heart of the country. Farther to the east 
 was DERBE (ver. 6)", not far from the chief 
 pass which leads up through Taurus, from 
 CILICIA and the coast, to the central table- 
 land. At the western limit of Lyeaonia 
 was ICONIUM (ver. 1), in the direction of 
 ANTIOCH IN PISIDIA. A good Roman road 
 intersected the district along the line thus 
 indicated. On St. Paul's first missionary 
 journey he traversed Lyeaonia from west 
 to east, and then returned on his steps 
 (ver. 21; see 2 Tim. Hi. 11). On the 
 second and third journeys he entered it 
 from tire east ; and after leaving it, travelled 
 in the one case to Troas (Acts xvi. 1-8), in 
 the other to Ephesus (Acts xviii. 23, xix. 1). 
 
 Lyc'ia is the name of that south-west- 
 ern region of the peninsula of Asia Minor 
 which is immediately opposite the island 
 of Rhodes. The Lycians were incorporat- 
 ed in the Persian Empire, and their ships 
 were conspicuous in the great war against 
 the Greeks (Herod, vii. 91, 92). After the 
 death of Alexander the Great, Lycia was 
 included in the Greek Seleucid kingdom, 
 and was a part of the territory which the 
 Romans forced Antiochus to cede. It was 
 not till the reign of Claudius that Lycia be- 
 came part of the Roman provincial system. 
 At first it was combined with Pamphylia. 
 Such seems to have been the condition of 
 the district when St. Paul visited the 
 Lycian towns of PATAKA (Acts xxi. 1), and 
 Myra (Acts xxvii. 5). At a later period of 
 the Roman empire Lycia was a separate 
 province, with Myra for its capital. 
 
 Lyd'da, the Greek form of the name 
 (Acts ix. 32, 35, 38), which appears in the 
 Hebrew records as LOD, a town of Benja- 
 min, founded by Shamed or Shamer (1 
 Chr. viii. 12; Ezr. ii. 33; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 
 35). It is still called Lidd or Ludd, and 
 stands in part of the great maritime plain 
 which anciently bore the name of SHARON. 
 It is 9 miles from Joppa, and is the first 
 town on the northernmost of the two roads 
 between that place and Jerusalem. The 
 watercourse outside the town is said still 
 to bear the name of Abi-Butrus (Peter), 
 in memory of the Apostle. It was de- 
 stroyed by Vespasian, and was probably 
 
 not rebuilt till the time of Hadrian, 
 it received the name of Diospolis. When 
 Eusebius wrote (A. D. 320-330) Diospolis 
 was a well-known and much-frequented 
 town. The modern town is, for a Mcham- 
 medan place, busy and prosperous. 
 
 Lyd'ia, a maritime province in the west 
 of Asia Minor, bounded by Mysia on the 
 N., Phrygia on the E., and Caria on the S. 
 The name occurs only in 1 Mace. viii. 8 
 (the rendering of the A. V. in Ez. xxx. 5 
 being for Ludim) ; it is there enumerated 
 among the districts which the Romans took 
 away from Antiochus the Great after the 
 battle of Magnesia in B. c. 190, and trans- 
 ferred to Eumenes II. king of Pergamus. 
 For the connection between Lydia and the 
 Lud and Ludim of the O. T., see LUDIM. 
 Lydia is included in the " Asia " of the N. T. 
 
 Lyd'ia, the first European convert of 
 St. Paul, and afterwards his hostess during 
 his first stay at Philippi (Acts xvi. 14, 15, 
 also 40). She was a Jewish proselyte at 
 the time of the Apostle's coming ; and it 
 was at the Jewish Sabbath-worship by the 
 side of a stream (ver. 13) that the preach- 
 ing of the Gospel reached her heart. Her 
 native place was THYATIRA, in the province 
 of Asia (ver. 14; Rev. ii. 18). Thyatirawaa 
 famous for its dyeing-works ; and Lydia was 
 connected with this trade, either as a seller 
 of dye, or of dyed goods. We infer that 
 she was a person of considerable wealth. 
 
 Lysa'nias, mentioned by St. Luke in 
 one of his chronological passages (iii. 1) 
 as being tetrarch of ABILENE (i. e. the 
 district round Abila) in the 13th year of 
 Tiberius, at the time when Herod Antipas 
 was tetrarch of Galilee, and Herod Philip 
 tetrarch of Ituraea and Trachonitis. 
 
 Lys'ias, a nobleman of the blood-royal 
 (1 Mace. iii. 32; 2 Mace. xi. 1), who was 
 intrusted by Antiochus Epiphanes (cir. 
 B. c. 166) with the government of southern 
 Syria, and the guardianship of his son 
 Antiochus Eupator (1 Mace. iii. 32; 2 
 Mace. x. 11). He carried on the war 
 against Judas Maccabaeus. After the death 
 of Antiochus Epiphanes (B. c. 164), Lysias 
 assumed the government as guardian of 
 his son, who was yet a child (1 Mace. vi. 
 17). The war against the Jews was re- 
 newed; and Lysias was besieging Jerusa- 
 lem when he received tidings of the ap- 
 proach of Philip, to whom Antiochus had 
 transferred the guardianship of the prince 
 (1 Mace. vi. 18; 2 Mace. xiii.). He de- 
 feated Philip (B. c. 163), and was supported 
 at Rome; but in the next year, together 
 with his ward, fell into the hands of De- 
 metrius Soter, who put them both to death 
 (1 Mace. vii. 2-4; 2 Mace. xiv. 2). 
 
 Lys'ias, Clau'dius, " chief captain cf 
 the band," that is, tribune of the Roman co- 
 hort, who rescued St. Paul from the hands 
 of the infuriated mob at Jerusalem, and
 
 LYSIMACHUS 
 
 363 
 
 MAASEIAH 
 
 sent him under a guard to Felix, the gov- 
 ernor or proconsul of Caesarea (Acts xxi. 
 31, scq., xxiii. 26, xxiv. 7). 
 
 Lysim'achus. 1. "A son of Ptole- 
 maeus of Jerusalem," the Greek translator 
 of the book of Esther (comp. Esth. ix. 20). 
 2. A brother of the high-priest Menelaus, 
 rho was left by him as his deputy during 
 his absence at the court of Antioclms. He 
 fell a victim to the fury of the people (2 
 Mace. iv. 29-42). 
 
 Lys tra has two points of interest in 
 connection respectively with St. Paul's first 
 and second missionary journeys, (1) as the 
 place where divine honors were oifered to 
 him, and where he was presently stoned 
 (Acts xiv.) ; (2) as the home of his chosen 
 companion and fellow-missionary TIMOTHE- 
 trs (Acts xvi. 1). Lystra was in the east- 
 ern part of the great plain of Lycaonia ; 
 and its site may be identified with the ruins 
 called JSin-bir- Kilisseh, at the base of a 
 conical mountain of volcanic structure, 
 med the Karadagh. 
 
 M. 
 
 Ma'acah. 1. The mother of Absalom, 
 also called MAACHAH (2 Sam. iii. 3). 2. 
 MAACAH, and (in Chr.) MAACHAH. A 
 small kingdom in close proximity to Pales- 
 tine, which appears to have lain outside 
 Argob (Deut. iii. 14) and Bashan (Josh, 
 xii. 5). J?hese districts, probably answer- 
 ing to rare Lejdh and Jaul&n of modern 
 Syria, occupied the space from the Jordan 
 on the west to Salcah on the east and 
 Mount Hermon on the north. Maacah 
 must therefore be placed somewhere to 
 the east of the Lejah. The Ammonite 
 war was the only occasion on which the 
 Maacathites came into contact with Israel, 
 when their king assisted the Ammonites 
 against Joab with a force which he led 
 himself (2 Sam. x. 6, 8; 1 Chr. xix. 7). 
 
 Ma'achah. 1. The daughter of Nahor 
 by his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). 
 2. The father of Achish, who was king of 
 Gath at the beginning of Solomon's reign 
 (1 K. ii. 39). 3. The daughter, or more 
 probably granddaughter, of Absalom, named 
 after his mother ; the third and favorite wife 
 of Rehoboam, and mother of Abijah (1 K. 
 xv. 2 ; 2 Chr. xi. 20-22). The mother of 
 Abijah is elsewhere called " Michaiah, the 
 daughter of Uriel of Gibeah " (2 Chr. xiii. 
 3). It is probable that " Michaiah " is the 
 error of a transcriber, and that " Maa- 
 chah " is the true reading in all cases. Dur- 
 ing the reign of her grandson Asa she oc- 
 cupied at the court of Judah the high 
 position of "King's Mother" (comp. 1 K. 
 il. 19), which has been compared with that 
 of the Sultana Valide in Turkey. It may 
 
 be that at Abijah's death, after a short reign 
 of three years, Asa was left a minor, and 
 Maachah acted as regent, like Athaliah 
 under similar circumstances. If this con- 
 jecture be correct, it would serve to ex- 
 plain the influence by which she promoted 
 the practice of idolatrous worship. 4. The 
 concubine of Caleb the son of Hezron (1 
 Chr. ii. 48). 5. The daughter of Talmai 
 king of Geshur, and mother of Absalom (1 
 Chr. iii. 2) ; also called MAACAH in A. V. 
 of 2 Sam. iii. 3. 6. The wife of Machir 
 the Manassite (1 Chr. vii. 15, 16). 7. The 
 wife of Jehiel, father or founder of Gibeon 
 (1 Chr. viii. 29, ix. 35). 8- The father of 
 Hanan, one of the heroes of David's body- 
 guard (1 Chr. xi. 43). 9. A Simeonite, 
 father of Shephatiah, prince of his tribe in 
 the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 16). 
 
 Maach'athi, and Maach'athites, 
 The. Two words which denote the in- 
 habitants of the small kingdom of MAA- 
 CHAH (Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 11, 
 13). Individual Maachathites were not 
 unknown among the warriors of Israel (2 
 Sam. xxiii. 34 ; Jer. xl. 8 ; 2 K. xxv. 23). 
 
 Maada'i, one of the sons of Bani, who 
 had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 34). 
 
 Maadi'ah, one of the priests, or fam- 
 ilies of priests, who returned with Zerub- 
 babel and Jeshua (Neh. xii. 5) ; elsewhere 
 (ver. 17) called MOADIAH. 
 
 Maa'i, one of the Bene-Asaph who took 
 part In the solemn musical service by which 
 the wall of Jerusalem was dedicated after 
 it had been rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 
 36.) 
 
 Maal'sh-acrabTbim, the full form of 
 the name (Josh. xv. 3) which in its other 
 occurrences is given in the A. V. as "the 
 ascent of, or the going up to, Akrabbim." 
 [AKRABBIM.] 
 
 Ma'arath., one of the towns of Judah, 
 in the district of the mountains (Josh. xv. 
 58). The places which occur in company 
 with it have been identified at a few miles 
 to the north of Hebron, but Maarath has 
 hitherto eluded observation. 
 
 Maasei'ah. The name of four persons 
 who had married foreign wives in the time 
 of Ezra. 1. A descendant of Jeshua the 
 priest (Ezr. x. 18). 2. A priest, of the sons 
 of Harim (Ezr. x. 21). 3. A priest, of the 
 sons of Pashur (Ezr. x. 22). 4. One of 
 the laymen, a descendant of Pahath-Moab 
 (Ezr. x. 30). 5. The father of Azariah, 
 one of the priests from the oasis of the 
 Jordan, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuild- 
 ing the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 23). 
 6. One of those who stood on the right 
 hand of Ezra when he read the law to the 
 people (Neh. viii. 4). 7. A Levite who 
 assisted on the same occasion (Neh. viii. 
 7). 8. One of the heads of the people 
 whose descendants signed the covenant 
 with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 25). 9. Son of
 
 MAASIAI 
 
 364 
 
 MACCABEES, THE 
 
 Barueh and descendant of Pharez, the son 
 of Judah (Neh. xi. 5). 10- A Benjamite, 
 ancestor of Sallu (Neh. xi. 7). 11. Two 
 priests of this name are mentioned (Neh. 
 xii. 41, 42) as taking part in the musical 
 service which accompanied the dedication 
 of the wall of Jerusalem under Ezra. One 
 of them is probably the same as No. 6. 12. 
 Father of Zephauiah, who was a priest in 
 the reign of Zed.'kiah (Jer. xxi. 1, xxix. 
 25, xxxvii. 3). 13. The father of Zede- 
 kiah the false prophet (Jer. xxix. 21). 14. 
 One of the Levites of the second rank, ap- 
 pointed by David to sound " with psalteries 
 on Alamoth" (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20). 15. 
 The son of Adaiah, and one of the captains 
 of hundreds in the reign of Joash king of 
 Judah (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 16. An officer 
 of high rank in the reign of Uzziah (2 Chr. 
 xxvi. 11). He was probably a Levite (comp. 
 1 Chr. xxiii. 4), and engaged in a semi- 
 military capacity. 17. The " king's son," 
 killed by Zichri the Ephraimitish hero in 
 the invasion of Judah by Pekah king of 
 Israel, during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. 
 xxviii. 7). 18. The governor of Jerusa- 
 lem in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 
 8). 19. The son of Shallum, a Levite of 
 high rank in the reign of Jehoiakim (Jer. 
 xxxv. 4; comp. 1 Chr. ix. 19). 2O. A 
 priest; uncestor of Barueh and Seraiah, 
 the sono of Neriah (Jer. xxxii. 12, li. 59). 
 
 Maasi ai, a priest who after the return 
 from Babylon dwelt in Jerusalem (1 Chr. 
 ix. 12). 
 
 Ma'ath, son of Mattathias in the geneal- 
 ogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 26). 
 
 Ma'az, son of Ram, the first-born of 
 Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 27). 
 
 Maazi'ah. 1. One of the priests who 
 signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
 x. 8). 2. A priest in the reign of David, 
 head of the twenty-fourth course (1 Chr. 
 xxiv. 18). 
 
 Maccabees, The. This title, which 
 was originally the surname of Judas, one 
 of the sons of Mattathias, was afterwards 
 extended to the heroic family of which he 
 was one of the noblest representatives. 
 The original term Maccabi was probably 
 formed from Makkdbdh, " a hammer," giv- 
 ing a sense not unlike that in which Charles 
 Martel derived a surname from his favorite 
 weapon. Although the name Maccabees has 
 gained the widest currency, that of As- 
 monaeans, or Hasmonaeans, is the proper 
 name of the family, which is derived from 
 Cashmon, great-grandfather of Mattathias. 
 1. The causes of the Maccabaean war are 
 pointed out under ANTIOCHOS IV. (1 Mace, 
 v. 62). The standard of independence was 
 first raised by MATTATHIAS, a priest of the 
 course of Joiarib, which was the first of the 
 twenty-four courses (1 Chr. xxiv. 7), and 
 consequently of the noblest blood. He 
 seems, however, to have been already ad- 
 
 vanced in years when the rising was made, 
 and he did not long survive the fatigues 
 of active service. He died B. c. 166, and 
 "was buried in the sepulchre of his fathers 
 at Modin." 2. Mattathias himself named 
 JUDAS apparently his third son as his 
 successor in directing the war of indepen- 
 dence (1 Mace. ii. 66). The energy and 
 skill of " THE MACCABEE," as Judas is of- 
 ten called in 2 Mace., fully justified his 
 father's preference. After gaining several 
 victories over the other generals of Anti- 
 ochus, and defeating Lysias, whom Anti- 
 ochus Epiphanes left in the government of 
 the Palestinian provinces, Judas was able 
 to occupy Jerusalem, except the " tower " 
 (1 Mace. vi. 18, 19), and purified the 
 Temple (1 Mace. iv. 36, 41-53) on the 25th 
 of Cisleu, exactly three years after its prof- 
 anation (1 Mace. i. 59). The accession 
 of Demetrius brought with it fresh troubles 
 to the patriot Jews. A large party of their 
 countrymen, with ALCIMCS at their head, 
 gained the ear of the king, and he sent 
 Nicanor against Judas. Nioanor was de- 
 feated, first at Capharsalama, and again in 
 a decisive battle at Adasa, near to the 
 glorious field of Bethhoron (B. c. 161) on the 
 13th Adar (1 Mace. vii. 49 ; 2 Mace. xv. 
 36), where he was slain. This victory was 
 the greatest of Judas's successes, and practi- 
 cally decided the question of Jewish inde- 
 pendence, but it was followed by an un- 
 expected reverse. A new invasion under 
 Bacchides took place. Judas was able 
 only to gather a small force to meet the 
 sudden danger. Of this a larg^|>art de- 
 serted him on the eve of the battle ; but the 
 courage of Judas was unshaken, and he fell 
 at Eleasa, the Jewish Thermopylae, fight- 
 ing at desperate odds against the invaders. 
 His body was recovered by his brothers, 
 and buried at Modin "in the sepulchre 
 of his fathers " (B. c. 161). 3. After the 
 death of Judas the patriotic party seems to 
 have been for a short time wholly dis- 
 organized, and it was only by the pressure 
 of unparalleled sufferings that they were 
 driven to renew the conflict. For this 
 purpose they offered the command to JONA- 
 THAN, surnamed Apphus (the wary}, the 
 youngest son of Mattathias. After two or 
 three campaigns Bacchides accepted terms 
 which Jonathan proposed; and upon his 
 departure Jonathan "judged the people at 
 Michmash" (1 Mace. ix. 73), and gradually 
 extended his power. The claim of Alex- 
 ander Balas to the Syrian crown gave a 
 new importance to Jonathan and his ad- 
 herents. The success of Alexander led to 
 the elevation of Jonathan, who assumed 
 the high-priestly office (1 Mace. x. 21) ; 
 and not long after he placed the king under 
 fresh obligations by the defeat of Apol- 
 lonius, a general of the younger Demetrius 
 (1 Mace. x.). After the death of Alex-
 
 MACCABEES, THE 
 
 3G5 
 
 MACCALEES, BOOKS OF 
 
 ander, Jonathan attached himself to Anti- 
 ochus VI. He at last fell a victim to the 
 treachery of Tryphon, who put him to 
 death B. c. 144 (1 Mace. xi. 8-xii. 4). 4. 
 As soon as SIMON, the last remaining broth- 
 er of the Maccabaean family, heard of the 
 detention of Jonathan in Ptolemais by Try- 
 phon, he placed himself at the head of the 
 patriot party. He made overtures to De- 
 metrius II. (B. c. 143), which were favor- 
 ably received, and the independence of the 
 Jejps was at length formally recognized. 
 The long struggle was now triumphantly 
 ended, and it remained only to reap the 
 fruits of victory. This Simon hastened to 
 do. The prudence and wisdom for which 
 . he was already distinguished at the time of 
 his father's death (1 Mace. ii. 65), gained 
 fur the Jews the active support of Rome (1 
 Mace. xv. 16-21), in addition to the con- 
 firmation of earlier treaties. After settling 
 the external relations of the new state upon 
 a sure basis, Simon regulates its internal 
 administration. With two of his sons he 
 was murdered at Dok by Ptolemaeus, B. c. 
 135 (1 Mace. xvi. 11-16). 6. The treason 
 of Ptolemaeus failed in its object. JOHAN- 
 NES HYRCANDS, one of the sons of Simon, 
 escaped from the plot by which his life was 
 threatened, and at once assumed the govern- 
 ment (B.C. 135). At first he was hard 
 pressed by Antiochus Sidetes, and only 
 able to preserve Jerusalem on condition of 
 dismantling the fortifications and submitting 
 to a tribute, B. c. 133. He reduced Idu- 
 maea, confirmed the alliance with Rome, 
 and at length succeeded in destroying Sama- 
 ria, the hated rival of Jerusalem, B. c. 109. 
 The external splendor of his government 
 was marred by the growth of internal divis- 
 ions ; but John escaped the fate of all the 
 older members of his family, and died in 
 peace, B. c. 106-5. His eldest son Aristo- 
 bulus I., who succeeded, was the first who 
 assumed the kingly title, though Simon had 
 enjoyed the fulness of the kingly power. 
 The great outlines of the Maccabaean con- 
 test, which are somewhat hidden in the 
 annals thus briefly epitomized, admit of 
 being traced with fair distinctness. The 
 disputed succession to the Syrian throne 
 (B.C. 153) was the political turning-point 
 of the struggle, which may thus be divided 
 into two great periods. During the first 
 period (B. c. .168-153) the patriots main- 
 tained their cause with varying success 
 against the whole strength of Syria : during 
 the second (B. c. 153-139) they were court- 
 ed by rival factions, and their independence 
 was acknowledged from time to time, though 
 pledges given in time of danger were often 
 broken when the danger was over. The 
 war, thus brought to a noble issue, if less 
 famous is not less glorious than any of those 
 in which a few brave men have successfully 
 maintained the cause of freedom or religion 
 
 against overpowering might. For it is not 
 only in their victory over external diffi- 
 culties that the heroism of the Maccabees 
 is conspicuous; their real success was as 
 much imperilled by internal divisions as by 
 foreign force. The view of the Maccabaean 
 war which regards it only as a civil and not 
 as a religious conflict, is essentially one- 
 sided. If there were no other evidence 
 than the book of Daniel whatever opinion 
 be held as to the date of it that alone 
 would show how deeply the noblest hopes 
 of the theocracy were centred in the success 
 of the struggle. When the feelings of the 
 nation were thus again turned with fresh 
 power to their ancient faith, we might ex- 
 pect that there would be a new creative 
 epoch in the national literature ; or, if the 
 form of Hebrew composition was already 
 fixed by sacred types, a prophet or psalmist 
 would express the thoughts of the new age 
 after the models of old time. Yet in part 
 at least the leaders of Maccabaean times felt 
 that they were separated by a real chasm 
 from the times of the kingdom or of the 
 exile. If they looked for a prophet in the 
 future, they acknowledged that the spirit 
 of prophecy was not among them. The 
 volume of the prophetic writings was com- 
 pleted, and, as far as appears, no one 
 ventured to imitate its contents. But the 
 Hagiographa, though they were already 
 long fixed as a definite collection, were not 
 equally far removed from imitation. The 
 apocalyptic visions of Daniel served as a 
 pattern for the visions incorporated in the 
 book of Enoch ; and it has been commonly 
 supposed that the Psalter contains com- 
 positions of the Maccabaean date. This 
 supposition, which is at variance with the 
 best evidence which can be obtained on the 
 history of the Canon, can only be received 
 upon the clearest internal proof; and it 
 may well be questioned whether the hy- 
 pothesis is not as much at variance with 
 sound interpretation as with the history of 
 the Canon. 
 
 Maccabees, Books of. Four books 
 wlwch bear the common title of " Macca- 
 bees" are found in some MSS. of the 
 LXX. Two of these were included in 
 the early current Latin versions of the 
 Bible, and thence passed into the Vul- 
 gate. As forming part of the Vulgate 
 they were received as canonical by the 
 council of Trent, and retained among the 
 apocrypha by the reformed churches. The 
 two other books obtained no such wide 
 circulation, and have only a secondary 
 connection with the Maccabaean history. 
 1. THE FIRST BOOK OF MACCABEES con- 
 tains a history of the patriotic struggle, 
 from the first resistance of Mattathias to 
 the settled sovereignty and death of Simon, 
 a period of thirty-three years (B. c. 1G8- 
 135). The o-cning chapter gives a short
 
 MACCABEES, BOOKS OP 
 
 365 
 
 MACEDONIA 
 
 summary of the conquests of Alexander the 
 Great, and -describes at greater length the 
 oppression of Antiochus Epiphanes. The 
 great subject of the book begins with the 
 enumeration of the Maccabaean family (ii. 
 1-5), which is followed by an account of 
 the part which the aged Mattathias took in 
 rousing and guiding the spirit of his coun- 
 trymen (ii. 6-70). The remainder of the 
 narrative is occupied with the exploits of 
 his five sons. Each of the three divisions 
 into which the main portion of the book 
 thus naturally falls, is stamped with an 
 individual character derived from its spe- 
 cial hero. The great marks of trustwor- 
 thiness are everywhere conspicuous. Vic- 
 tory and failure and despondency are, on 
 the whole, chronicled with the same candor. 
 There is no attempt to bring into open dis- 
 play the working of Providence. The tes- 
 timony of antiquity leaves no doubt but 
 that the book was first written in Hebrew. 
 Its whole structure points to Palestine as 
 the place of its composition. There is, 
 however, considerable doubt as to its date. 
 Perhaps we may place it between B. c. 120- 
 100. The date and person of the Greek 
 translator are wholly undetermined. 2. 
 THE SECOND BOOK OF MACCABEES. The 
 history of the Second Book of the Macca- 
 bees begins some years earlier than that of 
 the First Book, and closes with the victory 
 of Judas Maccabaeus over Nicanor. It 
 thus embraces a period of twenty years, 
 from B.C. 180 (?) to B. c. 161. For the 
 few events noticed during the earlier years 
 it is the chief authority ; during the remain- 
 der of the time the narrative goes over the 
 same ground as 1 Mace., but with very con- 
 siderable differences. The first two chap- 
 ters are taken up by two letters supposed 
 to be addressed by the Palestinian to the 
 Alexandrine Jews, and by a sketch of the 
 author's plan, which proceeds without any 
 perceptible break from the close of the sec- 
 ond letter. The main narrative occupies 
 the remainder of the book. This presents 
 several natural divisions, which appear to 
 coincide with the " five books " of Jason 
 on which it was based. The first (c. iii.) 
 contains the history of Heliodorus (cir. B. c. 
 180). The second (iv.-vii.) gives varied 
 details of the beginning and course of the 
 great persecution (B. c. 175-167). The 
 third (viii.-x. 9) follows the fortunes of Ju- 
 das to the triumphant restoration of the 
 Temple service (B. c. 166, 165). The 
 fourth (x. 10-xiii.) includes the reign of 
 Antiochus Eupator (B. c. 164-162). The 
 fifth (xiv., xv.) records the treachery of 
 Alcimus, the mission of Nicanor, and the 
 crowning success of Judas (B. c. 162, 161). 
 The writer himself distinctly indicates the 
 Bource of his narrative " the five books 
 of Jason of Cyrene " (ii. 23), of which he 
 designed to furnish a short and agreeable 
 
 epitome for the benefit of those who would 
 be deterred from studying the larger work. 
 His own labor, which he describes in strong 
 terms (ii. 26, 27; comp. xv. 88,39), was 
 entirely confined to condensation and selec 
 tion ; all investigation of detail he declare? 
 to be the peculiar duty of the original his 
 torian. Of Jason himself nothing more i 
 known than may be gleaned from this men- 
 tion of him. The district of Cyrene was 
 most closely united with that of Alexandria. 
 In both the predominance of Greek lite^a- 
 ture and the Greek language was absolute. 
 The work of Jason must therefore have 
 been composed in Greek ; and the style of 
 the epitome proves beyond doubt that the 
 Greek text is the original. It is scarcely 
 less certain that the book was compiled at 
 Alexandria. The Second Book of Mac- 
 cabees is not nearly so trustworthy as the 
 First. In the Second Book the ground- 
 work of facts is true, but the dress in which 
 the facts are presented is due in part at 
 least to the narrator. It is not at all im- 
 probable that the error with regard to the 
 first campaign of Lysias arose from lie 
 mode in which it was introduced by Jason 
 as a prelude to the more important meas- 
 ures of Lysias in the reign of Antiochus 
 Eupator. In other places (as very obvi- 
 ously in xiii. 19, ff.) the compiler may have 
 disregarded the historical dependence of 
 events while selecting those which were 
 best suited for the support of his theme. 
 The latter half of the book (cc. viii.-xv.) 
 is to be regarded not as a connected .and 
 complete history, but as a series of special 
 incidents from the life of Judas, illustrating 
 the providential interference of God in be- 
 half of His people, true in substance, but 
 embellished in form. 3. THE THIRD BOOK 
 OP THE MACCABEES contains the history of 
 events which preceded the great Macca- 
 baean struggle, beginning with B. c. 217. 
 4. THE FOURTH BOOK OF MACCABEES con- 
 tains a rhetorical narrative of the martyr- 
 dom of Eleazar and of the " Maccabaean 
 family," following in the main the same 
 outline as 2 Mace. 
 
 Macedo'nia, the first part of Europe 
 which received the Gospel directly from St. 
 Paul, and an important scene of his subse- 
 quent missionary labors and those of his 
 companions. It was bounded by the range 
 of Haemus or the Balkan northwards, by 
 the chain of Pindus westwards, by the Cam- 
 bunian hills southwards, by which it is sep- 
 arated from Thessaly, and is divided on the 
 east from Thrace by a less definite moun- 
 tain-boundary running southwards from 
 Haemus. Of the space thus enclosed, two 
 of the most remarkable physical features 
 are two great plains, one watered by the 
 Axius, which comes to the sea at the Ther- 
 maic gulf, not far from Thessalonica ; the 
 other by the Strymon, wb/ch, after passing
 
 MACEDONIAN 
 
 367 
 
 MADON 
 
 near Philippi, flows out below Amphipolis. 
 Between the mouths of these two rivers a 
 remarkable peninsula projects, dividing it- 
 self into three points, on the farthest of 
 which Mount Athos rises nearly into the 
 region of perpetual snow. Across the neck 
 of this peninsula St. Paul travelled more 
 than once with his companions. This gen- 
 eral sketch sufficiently describes the Mace- 
 donia which was ruled over by Philip and 
 Alexander, and which the Romans con- 
 quered from Perseus. At first the con- 
 quered country was divided by Aemilius 
 Paulus into four districts. This division 
 was only temporary. The whole of Mace- 
 donia, along with Thessaly and a large tract 
 along the Adriatic, was made one province 
 and centralized under the jurisdiction of a 
 proconsul, who resided at Thessalonica. 
 We have now reached the definition which 
 corresponds with the usage of the term in 
 the N. T. (Acts xvi. 9, 10, 12, &c.). Three 
 Roman provinces, all very familiar to us in 
 the writings of St. Paul, divided the whole 
 space between the basin of the Danube and 
 Cape Matapan. The border town of IL- 
 LYEICUM was Lissus on the Adriatic. The 
 boundary line of ACHAIA nearly coincided, 
 except in the western portion, with that of 
 the kingdom of modern Greece, and ran in 
 an irregular line from the Acroceraunian 
 promontory to the bay of Thermopylae and 
 the north of Euboea. By subtracting these 
 two provinces, we define Macedonia. The 
 account of St. Paul's first journey through 
 Macedonia (Acts xvi. 10-xvii. 15) is marked 
 by copious detail and well-defined inci- 
 dents. At the close of this journey he re- 
 turned from Corinth to Syria by sea. On 
 the next occasion of visiting Europe, 
 though he both went and returned through 
 Macedonia (Acts xx. 1-6), the narrative is 
 a very slight sketch, and the route is left 
 uncertain, except as regards Philippi. The 
 character of the Macedonian Christians is 
 set before us in Scripture in a very favor- 
 able light. The candor of the Bereans is 
 highly commended (Acts xvii. 11); the 
 Thessalonians were evidently objects of St. 
 Paul's peculiar affection (1 Thess. ii. 8, 17- 
 20, iii. 10) ; and the Philippians, besides 
 their general freedom from blame, are 
 noted as remarkable for their liberality and 
 self-denial (Phil. iv. 10, 14-19 ; see 2 Cor. 
 ix. 2, xi. 9). 
 
 Macedo'nian occurs in A. V. only in 
 Acts xxvii. 2; Esth. xvi. 10, 14. In the 
 other cases (Acts xvi. 9, xix. 29, 2 Cor. ix. 
 2, 4) our translators render it " of Mace- 
 donia." 
 
 Mach'banai, one of the lion-faced war- 
 riors of Gad, who joined the fortunes of 
 J)avid when living in retreat at Ziklag (1 
 Chr. xii. 13) 
 
 Mach'benah. Sheva, the father of 
 Machbena, is named in the genealogical list 
 
 of Judah as the offspring of Maachah, the 
 concubine of Caleh ben-H"ezro (1 Chr. ii. 
 49). 
 
 Ma'chi, the father of Geuel the Gadite, 
 who went with Caleb and Joshua to spy out 
 the land of Canaan (Num. xiii. 15). 
 
 Ma'chir. 1. The eldest son (Josh. xvii. 
 1) of the patriarch Manasseh by an Ara- 
 mite or Syrian concubine (1 Chr. vii. 14). 
 His children are commemorated as having 
 been caressed by Joseph before his death 
 (Gen. 1. 23). At the time of the conquest 
 the family of Machir had become very pow- 
 erful, and a large part of the country on 
 the east of Jordan was subdued by them 
 (Num. xxxii. 39; Deut. iii. 15). So great 
 was their power that the name of Machir 
 occasionally supersedes that of Manasseh. 
 2. The son of Ammiel, a powerful sheikh 
 of one of the trans-Jordanic tribes, who 
 rendered essential service to the cause of 
 Saul and of David successively in each 
 case when they were in difficulty (2 Sam. 
 be. 4, 5, xvii. 27-29). 
 
 Ma'chirites, The, the descendants of 
 Machir the father of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 29). 
 
 Machnade'bai, one of the sons of Ba- 
 ni who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's 
 command (Ezr. x. 40). 
 
 Machpe'lah. [HEBROX.] 
 
 Mad'ai (Gen. x. 2) is usually called the 
 third son of Japhet, and the progenitor of 
 the Medes. But probably all that is in- 
 tended is, that the Medes, as well as the 
 Gomerites, Greeks, Tabareni, Moschi, &c., 
 descended from Japhet. 
 
 Ma'dian, Acts vii. 29. [MIDIAN.] 
 
 Madman'nah, one of the towns in the 
 south district of Judah (Josh. xv. 31). In 
 the time of Eusebius and Jerome, it was 
 called Menols, and was not far from Gaza. 
 The first stage southward from Gaza is now 
 el-Minydy, which is perhaps the modern 
 representative of MenoKs, and therefore of 
 Madmannah. 
 
 Mad'men. a place in Moab, threatened 
 with destruction in the denunciations of 
 Jeremiah (xlviii. 2), but not elsewhere 
 named, and of which nothing is yet known. 
 
 Madme'nah., one of the Benjamite vil- 
 lages north of Jerusalem, the inhabitants 
 of which were frightened away by the ap- 
 proach of Sennacherib along the northern 
 road (Is. x. 31). 
 
 Madness. In Scripture " madness " 
 is recognized as a derangement, proceed- 
 ing either from weakness and misdirection 
 of intellect, or from ungovernable violence 
 of passion. In one passage alone (John x. 
 20) is madness expressly connected with 
 demoniacal possession by the Jews in their 
 cavil against our Lord; in none is it re- 
 ferred to any physical causes. 
 
 Ma'don. one of the principal cities of 
 
 Canaan before the conquest, probably in 
 
 j the north. Its king joined Jabin and M>
 
 MAGBISH 
 
 368 
 
 MAGI 
 
 confederates in their attempt against Josh- 
 ua at the waters of Merom, and like the 
 rest wa.s killed (Josh. xi. 1, xii. 19). 
 
 Mag'bish, a proper name in Ezr. ii. 30, 
 but whether of a man or of a place is doubt- 
 ful ; probably the latter, as all the names 
 from Ezr. ii. 20 to 34, except Elam and Ha- 
 rim, are names of places. 
 
 Mag'dala. The name Magdala does 
 not really exist in the Bible. It is found in 
 the received Greek text and the A. V. of 
 Matt. xv. 39 only ; but the chief MSS. and 
 versions exhibit the name as " Magadan." 
 Into the limits of Magadan Christ came by 
 boat, over the lake of Gennesareth, after 
 His miracle of feeding the four thousand 
 on the mountain of the eastern side (Matt. 
 xv. 39) ; and from thence, after a short en- 
 counter with the Pharisees and Sadducees, 
 He returned in the same boat to the oppo- 
 site shore. In the present text of the par- 
 allel narrative of St. Mark (viii. 10) we 
 find the "parts of Dalmanutha," on the 
 western edge of the lake of Gennesareth. 
 The Magdala, which conferred her name 
 on " Mary the Magdal-ene," one of the 
 numerous Migdols, i. e. towers, which stood 
 in Palestine, was probably the place of that 
 name which is mentioned in the Jerusalem 
 Talmud as near Tiberias, and this again is 
 as probably the modern el-Mejdel, a miser- 
 able little Muslim village, on the water's- 
 edge at the south-east corner of the plain 
 of Gennesareth. By the Jews the word 
 megaddeld is used to denote a person who 
 platted or twisted hair, a practice then 
 much in use amongst women of loose char- 
 acter. Magdalum is mentioned as between 
 Tiberias and Capernaum, as early as by 
 Willibald, A. D. 722. 
 
 Mag'diel, one of the " dukes " of Edom, 
 descended from Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 43; 1 
 Chr. i. 54). 
 
 Magi (A. V. "wise men"). I. In the 
 Hebrew text of the O. T. the word occurs 
 but twice, and then only incidentally. In 
 Jcr. xxix. 3 and 13 we meet, among the 
 Chaldaean officers sent by Nebuchadnezzar 
 to Jerusalem, one with the name or title of 
 Rab-mag. This word is interpreted as 
 equivalent to chief of the Magi. Histori- 
 cally the Magi are conspicuous chiefly as a 
 Persian religious caste. Herodotus con- 
 nects them with another people by reckon- 
 ing them among the six tribes of the Medes 
 (i. 101). They appear in his history of 
 Astyages as interpreters of dreams (i. 120), 
 thcjname having apparently lost its ethno- 
 logical and acquired a caste significance. 
 But as they appear in Jeremiah among the 
 retinue of the Chaldaean king, we must 
 suppose Nebuchadnezzar's conquests led 
 him to gather round him the wise men and 
 religious teachers of the nations which he 
 subdued, and that thus the sacred tribe of 
 the Medes rose under his rule to favor 
 
 and power. The Magi took their places 
 among " the astrologers and star-gazers and 
 monthly prognosticators." It is with such 
 men that we have to think of Daniel and 
 his fellow-exiles as associated. The office 
 which Daniel accepted (Dan. v. 11) was 
 probably identical with that of the Rab-mag 
 who first came before us. The name of the 
 Magi does not meet us in the Biblical ac- 
 count of the Medo-Persian kings. II. The 
 word presented itself to the Greeks as con- 
 nected with a foreign system of divination, 
 and it soon became a by-word for the worst 
 form of imposture. This is the predomi- 
 nant meaning of the word as it appears in 
 the N. T. The noun and the verb derived 
 from it are used by St. Luke in describing 
 the impostor, who is therefore known dis- 
 tinctively as Simon Magus (Acts viii. 9). 
 Another of the same class (Bar-jesus) is 
 described (Acts xiii. 8) as having, in jiis 
 cognomen Elymas, a title which was equiv- 
 alent to Magus. III. In one memorable 
 instance, however, the word retains its bet- 
 ter meaning. In the Gospel of St. Matthew 
 (ii. 1-12) the Magi appear as " wise men " 
 properly MAGIANS who were guided 
 by a star from "the East" to Jerusalem, 
 where they suddenly appeared in the days 
 of Herod the Great, inquiring for the new- 
 born king of the Jews, whom they had come 
 to worship. As to the country from which 
 they came, opinions vary greatly ; but their 
 following the guidance of a star seems to 
 point to the banks of the Tigris and Eu- 
 phrates, where astronomy was early culti- 
 vated by the Chaldaeans. The religion of 
 Zoroaster remaining pure from the grosser 
 forms of idolatry preserved the hope of a 
 great deliverer, who should reform the 
 world, and establish a reign of universal 
 peace. That some tradition, influenced 
 possiby by the Jews of the dispersion, went 
 so far as to make this deliverer a "king of 
 the Jews," seems a fair inference from the 
 direct form of their inquiry for Him. As 
 to the sign which guided them, the chief 
 difficulties have arisen from t\vf attempt to 
 find a natural explanation; for the plain 
 narrative of St. Matthew evidently repre- 
 sents it as a miracle vouchsafed for the oc- 
 casion. The ingenious conjecture of cer- 
 tain astronomers that the appearance of the 
 star was caused by a remarkable conjunc- 
 tion of Jupiter and Saturn is now exploded. 
 The approach of the two planets was not at 
 all near enough for them to be mistaken for 
 a single star ; nor could habitual observers 
 of the heavens fail to recognize the positions 
 of such well-known planets. Besides, their 
 " standing over the place where the young 
 child was," so as to define the spot on the 
 surface of the earth, is utterly inconceiva- 
 ble. It only remains for us to be content 
 with the obvious explanation that some new 
 luminary, whether meteoric or celestial,
 
 MAGIC 
 
 369 
 
 MAGIC 
 
 was made to appear, in a manner distinct 
 enough to the eyes of practised astronomers, 
 expressly to guide the sages on their way. 
 Their arrival and inquiries threw Jerusa- 
 lem into commotion. With his usual craft, 
 Herod summoned the Sanhedrim, and learnt 
 that the Messiah was to be born at Beth- 
 lehem. Having inquired from the Magi 
 the time of the star's appearance, as a guide 
 to that of the child's birth, he professed his 
 desire to worship the newborn king, and 
 sent them on to discover his abode. The 
 star again guided them over the five miles 
 from Jerusalem to Bethlehem, and at length 
 stood still above the house where Jesus 
 was. They paid Him their willing homage, 
 and presented their costly gifts, the first- 
 fruits of the wealth and wisdom of the Gen- 
 tile world. By means of a dream, a form 
 of divination which they were wont to follow 
 with implicit faith, they were warned by 
 God not to return to Herod, and they de- 
 parted into their own country by another 
 route, perhaps by Hebron and round the 
 southern end of the Dead Sea. According 
 to a late tradition, the Magi are represented 
 as three kings, named Gaspar, Melchior, 
 and Belthazar, who take their place among 
 the objects of Christian reverence, and are 
 honored as the patron saints of travellers. 
 Among other relics supplied to meet the 
 demands of the market which the devotion 
 of Helena had created, the bodies of the 
 Magi were discovered somewhere in the 
 East, were brought to Constantinople, were 
 thence transferred to Milan, and were in 
 1162 finally deposited in the cathedral of 
 Cologne, where the shrine of the Three 
 Kings is shown as the greatest of its many 
 treasures. 
 
 Magic, Magicians. The magical arts 
 spoken of in the Bible are those practised 
 by the Egyptians, the Canaanites, and their 
 neighbors, the Hebrews, the Chaldaeans, 
 and probably the Greeks. With the lowest 
 race magic is the chief part of religion. 
 The Nigritians, or blacks of this race, show 
 this in their extreme use of amulets and 
 their worship of objects which have no other 
 value in their eyes but as having a sup- 
 posed magical character through the influ- 
 ence of supernatural agents. With the 
 Turanians, or corresponding whites of the 
 same great family, we use the word 
 white for a group of nations mainly yellow, 
 in contradistinction to black, incanta- 
 tions and witchcraft occupy the same place, 
 shamanism characterizing their tribes in 
 both hemispheres. The ancient Egyptians 
 show their partly-Nigritian origin not alone 
 in their physical characteristics and lan- 
 guage, but in their religion. With the 
 Shemites magic takes a lower place. Among 
 many of the Shemite peoples there linger 
 the remnants of a primitive fetishism. Sa- 
 cred trees and stones are reverenced from 
 
 an old superstition, of which they do not 
 always know the meaning, derived from the 
 nations whose place they have taken. The 
 Hebrews had no magic of their own. It 
 was so strictly forbidden by the Law that 
 it could never afterwards have had any 
 recognized existence, save in times of gen- 
 eral heresy or apostasy, and the same was 
 doubtless the case in the patriarchal ages. 
 The magical practices which obtained 
 among the Hebrews were therefore bor- 
 rowed from the nations around. From the 
 first entrance into the Land of Promise 
 until the destruction of Jerusalem we have 
 constant glimpses of magic practised in 
 secret, or resorted to, not alone by the 
 common, but also by the great. The Tal- 
 mud abounds in notices of contemporary 
 magic among the Jews, showing that it 
 survived idolatry notwithstanding their 
 original connection, and was supposed to 
 produce real effects. The Kur-an in like 
 manner treats charms and incantations as 
 capable of producing evil consequences 
 when used against a man. It is a distinc- 
 tive characteristic of the Bible that from 
 first to last it warrants no such trust or 
 dread... In examining the mentions of magic 
 in the Bible, we must keep in view the cu- 
 rious inquiry whether there be any reality 
 in the art. We would at the outset protest 
 against the idea, once very prevalent, that 
 the conviction that the seen and unseen 
 worlds were often more manifestly in con- 
 tact in the Biblical ages than now, necessi- 
 tates a belief in the reality of the magic 
 spoken of in the Scriptures. The theft 
 and carrying away of Laban's teraphjm by 
 Rachel, seems to indicate the practice of 
 magic in Padan-aram at this early time. 
 It appears that Laban attached great value 
 to these objects, from what he said as to 
 the theft and his determined search for 
 them (Gen. xxxi. 19, 30, 32-35). The 
 most important point is, that Laban calls 
 them his "gods" (ibid. 30,32), although 
 he was not without belief in the true God 
 (24, 49-53) ; for this makes it almost cer- 
 tain that we have here not an indication of 
 the worship of strange gods, but the first 
 notice of a superstition that afterwards ob- 
 tained among those Israelites who added 
 corrupt practices to the true religion. 
 The derivation of the name teraphim is 
 extremely obscure. We should prefer, if 
 no other etymology be found, to suppose 
 that the name might mean " dancers " or 
 " causers of dancing," with reference either 
 to primitive nature-worship or its magi- 
 cal rites of the character of shamanism, 
 rather than that it signifies, as Gesenius 
 suggests, " givers of pleasant life." There 
 is no description of these images ; but from 
 the account of Michal's stratagem to de- 
 ceive Saul's messengers, it is evident, if 
 only one image be there meant, as is verj
 
 MAGIC 
 
 370 
 
 MAGIC 
 
 probable, that they were at least sometimes 
 of the size of a man, and perhaps in the 
 head and shoulders, if not lower, of human 
 shape, or of a similar form (1 Sam. xix. 13 
 -16). The worship or use of teraphim 
 after the occupation of the Promised Land 
 cannot be doubted to have been one of the 
 corrupt practices of those Hebrews who 
 leant to idolatry, but did not abandon their 
 belief in the God of Israel. The account of 
 Micah's images in the Book of Judges, com- 
 pared with a passage in Hosea (iii. 4, 5), 
 shows our conclusion to be correct. We pass 
 to the magical use of teraphim. By the Is- 
 raelites they were consulted for oracular 
 answers. This was apparently done by the 
 Danites who asked Micah's Levite to in- 
 quire as to the success of their spying ex- 
 pedition (Judg. xviii. 5, 6). In later times 
 this is distinctly stated of the Israelites 
 where Zechariah says, " For the Teraphim 
 have spoken vanity, and the diviners have 
 seen a lie, .and have told false dreams " (x. 
 2). The only account of the act of divin- 
 ing by teraphim is in a remarkable passage 
 of Ezekiel relating to Nebuchadnezzar's 
 advance against Jerusalem. " Also, thou 
 son of man, appoint thee two ways, that 
 the sword of the king of Babylon may 
 come : both twain [two swords] shall come 
 forth out of one land : and choose thou a 
 place, choose [it] at the head of the way 
 to the city. Appoint a way, that the sword 
 may come to Rabbath of the Ammonites, 
 and to Judah in Jerusalem the defenced. 
 For the king of Babylon stood at the part- 
 ing of the way, at the head of the two 
 ways, to use divination ; he shuffled arrows, 
 he consulted with teraphim, he looked in 
 the liver. At his right hand was the divi- 
 nation for Jerusalem" (xxi. 19-22). The 
 mention together of consulting teraphim 
 and looking into the liver, may not indicate 
 that the victim was offered to teraphim and 
 its liver than looked into, but may mean 
 two separate acts of divining. Before 
 speaking of the notices of the Egyptian 
 magicians in Genesis and Exodus, there is 
 one passage that may be examined out of 
 the regular order. Joseph, when his breth- 
 ren left after their second visit to buy corn, 
 ordered his steward to hide his silver cup 
 in Benjamin's sack, and afterwards sent him 
 after them, ordering him to claim it, thus : 
 " [Is] not this [it] in which my lord drink- 
 eth, and whereby indeed he divineth ? " 
 (Gen. xliv. 5). Two uses of cups or the like 
 for magical purposes have obtained in the 
 East from ancient times. In one use either 
 the cup itself bears engraved inscriptions, 
 supposed to have a magical influence, or it 
 is plain, and such inscriptions are written 
 on its inner surface in ink. In both cases 
 water poured into the cup is drunk by those 
 wishing to derive benefit, as, for. instance, 
 the cure of diseases, from the inscriptions, 
 
 which, if written, are dissolved. This use, 
 in both its forms, obtains among the Arabs 
 in the present day. In the other use the 
 cup or bowl was of very secondary impor- 
 tance. It was merely the receptacle for 
 water, in which, after the performance of 
 magical rites, a boy looked to see what 
 the magician desired. This is precisely 
 the same as the practice of the modern 
 Egyptian magicians, where the difference 
 that ink is employed and is poured into the 
 palm of the boy's hand is merely accidental. 
 As this latter use only is of the nature of 
 divination, it is probable that to it Joseph 
 referred. The magicians of Egypt are 
 spoken of as a class in the histories of Jo- 
 seph and Moses. When Pharaoh's officers 
 were troubled by their dreams, being in 
 prison they were at a loss for an interpre- 
 ter. Before Joseph explained the dreams 
 he disclaimed the power of interpreting 
 save by the Divine aid, saying, " [Do] not 
 interpretations [belong] to God? tell me 
 [them], I pray you" (Gen. xl. 8). In like 
 manner when Pharaoh had his two dreams 
 we find that he had recourse to those who 
 professed to interpret dreams. Joseph, be- 
 ing sent for on the report of the chief of 
 the cup-bearers, was told by Pharaoh that 
 he had heard that he could interpret a 
 dream. From the expectations of the 
 Egyptians and Joseph's disavowals, we see 
 that the interpretation of dreams was a 
 branch of the knowledge to which the an- 
 cient Egyptian magicians pretended. We 
 again hear of the magicians of Egypt in 
 the narrative of the events before the Exo- 
 dus. They were summoned by Pharaoh to 
 oppose Moses. The account of what they 
 effected requires to be carefully examined, 
 from its bearing on the question whether 
 magic be an imposture. We read : " And 
 the Lord spake unto Moses and unto Aaron, 
 saying, When Pharaoh shall speak unto 
 you, saying, Show a miracle for you : then 
 thou shall say unto Aaron, Take thy rod, and 
 cast [it] before Pharaoh, [and] it shall be- 
 come a serpent." It is then related that 
 Aaron did thus, and afterwards : " Then 
 Pharaoh also called the wise men and the 
 enchanters : now they, the scribes of Egypt, 
 did so by their secret arts : for they cast 
 down every man his rod, and they became 
 serpents, but Aaron's rod swallowed up 
 their rods" (Ex. vii. 8-12). The rods 
 were probably long staves like those rep- 
 resented on the Egyptian monuments, not 
 much less than the height of a man. If 
 the word used mean here a serpent, the 
 Egyptian magicians may have feigned a 
 change : if it signify a crocodile, they could 
 scarcely have done so. The names by 
 which the magicians are designated are to 
 be noted. That which we render " scribes " 
 seems here to have a general signification, 
 including wise men and enchanters. The
 
 MAGIC 
 
 371 
 
 MAGIC 
 
 last term is more definite in its meaning, 
 denoting users of incantations. On the 
 occasion of the first plague, the turning 
 the rivers and waters of Egypt into blood, 
 the opposition of the magicians again oc- 
 curs. " And the scribes of Egypt did so 
 by their secret arts " (vii. 22). When the 
 second plague, that of frogs, was sent, the 
 magicians again made the same opposition 
 (viii. 7). Once more they appear in the 
 history. The plague of lice came, and we 
 read that when Aaron had worked the won- 
 der the magicians opposed him : " And the 
 scribes did so by their secret arts to bring 
 forth the lice, but they could not : so there 
 were lice upon man and upon beast. And 
 the scribes said unto Pharaoh, This [is] 
 the finger of God ; but Pharaoh's heart was 
 hardened, and he hearkened not unto them, 
 as the Lord had said" (viii. 18, 19, Heb. 
 14, 15). After this we hear no more of 
 the magicians. All we can gather from 
 the narrative is, that the appearances pro- 
 duced by them were sufficient to deceive 
 Pharaoh on three occasions. The Law 
 contains very distinct prohibitions of all 
 magical arts. Besides several passages 
 condemning them, in one place there is a 
 specification which is so full that it seems 
 evident that its object is to include every 
 kind of magical art. The Israelites are 
 commanded in the place referred to not to 
 learn the abominations of the peoples of 
 the Promised Land. Then follows this 
 prohibition : " There shall not be found 
 with thee one who offereth his son or his 
 daughter by fire, a practiser of divinations 
 (kds&m kesdmim*), a worker of hidden arts 
 (me'dnen), an augurer (menacMsK), an 
 enchanter (mecdssheph), or a fabricator of 
 charms (chdbcr chdber}, or an inquirer by 
 a familiar spirit (shtfel <J6), or a wizard 
 (yidde'tini), ot a consulter of the dead 
 (d6rsh el hamm&thim)" It is added that 
 these are abominations, and that on ac- 
 count of their practice the nations of Canaan 
 were to be driven out (Deut. xviii. 9-14, 
 esp. 10, 11). The history of Balaam shows 
 the belief of some ancient nations in the 
 powers of soothsayers. When the Israel- 
 ites had begun to conquer the Land of 
 Promise, Bal.ak the king of Moab and the 
 elders of Midian, resorting to Pharaoh's 
 expedient, sent by messengers with " the 
 rewards of divination in their hands " 
 (Num. xxii. 7) for Balaam the diviner 
 (Josh. xiii. 22), whose fame was known to 
 them though he dwelt in Aram. Balak's 
 message shows what he believed Balaam's 
 powers to be (Num. xxii. 5, 6). We are 
 told, however, that Balaam, warned of God, 
 first said that he could not speak of him- 
 self, and then by inspiration blessed those 
 whom he had been sent for to curse. The 
 account of Saul's consulting the witch of 
 Endor is the foremost place in Scripture of 
 
 those which refer to magic. The super- 
 natural terror, with which it is full, cannot, 
 however, be proved to be due to this art, 
 for it has always been held by sober critics 
 that the appearing of Samuel was permitted 
 for the purpose of declarring the doom of 
 Saul, and not that it was caused by the in- 
 cantations of a sorceress. As, however, 
 the narrative is allowed to be very difficult, 
 we may look for a moment at the evidence 
 of its authenticity. The details are strictly 
 in accordance with the age : there is a sim- 
 plicity in the manners described that is 
 foreign to a later time. The circum- 
 stances are agreeable with the rest of the 
 history, and especially with all we know 
 of Saul's character. Here, as ever, he is 
 seen resolved to gain his ends without 
 caring what wrong he does : he wishes to 
 consult a prophet, and asks a witch to call 
 up his shade. From the beginning to the 
 end of this strange history we have no 
 warrant for attributing supernatural power 
 to magicians. Viewed reasonably, it refers 
 to the question of apparitions of the dead 
 as to which other places in the Bible leave 
 no doubt. The connection with magic 
 seems purely accidental. The witch is no 
 more than a bystander after the first : she 
 sees Samuel, and that is all. The appa- 
 rition may have been a terrible fulfilment 
 of Saul's desire, but this does not prove 
 that the measures he used were of any 
 power. We have examined the narrative 
 very carefully, from its detail and its re 
 markable character : the result leaves the 
 main question unanswered. In the later 
 days of the two kingdoms magical prac- 
 tices of many kinds prevailed among the 
 Hebrews, as we especially learn from the 
 condemnation of them by the prophets. 
 Every form of idolatry which the peo- 
 ple had adopted in succession doubtless 
 brought with it its magic, which seems al- 
 ways to have remained with a strange tena- 
 city that probably made it outlive the false 
 worship with which it was connected. 
 Ezekiel, as we should have expected, 
 affords some remarkable details of the 
 magic of his time, in the clear and forcible 
 descriptions of his visions. From him we 
 learn that fetishism was among the idol- 
 atries which the Hebrews, in the latest days 
 of the kingdom of Judah, had adopted 
 from their neighbors, like the Romans in 
 the age of general corruption that caused 
 the decline of their empire (viii. 7-12). 
 This idolatry was probably borrowed from 
 Egypt, for the description perfectly an- 
 swers to that of the dark sanctuaries of 
 Egyptian temples, with the sacred animals 
 portrayed upon their walls, and does not 
 accord with the character of the Assyrian 
 sculptures, where creeping things are not 
 represented as objects of worship. With 
 this low form of idolatry an equally low
 
 MAGOG 
 
 372 
 
 kind of magic obtained, practised by proph- 
 etesses, who for small rewards made amu- 
 lets by which the people were deceived 
 (xiii. 17 ad fin.}. The notice of Nebuchad- 
 nezzar's divination by arrows, where it is 
 said " he shuffled arrows " (xxi. 21), must 
 refer to a practice the same as or similar to 
 the kind of divination by arrows called El- 
 Meysar, in use among the pagan Arabs, 
 and forbidden in the Kur-an. After the 
 Captivity it is probable that the Jews grad- 
 ually abandoned the practice of magic. In 
 the N. T. we read very little of magic. 
 Our Lord is not said to have been opposed 
 by magicians, and the Apostles and other 
 early teachers of the Gospel seem to have 
 rarely encountered them. Philip the dea- 
 con, when he preached at Samaria, found 
 there Simon, a famous magician, commonly 
 known as Simon Magus, who had had great 
 power over the people ; but he is not said 
 to have been able to work wonders, nor, 
 had it been so, is it likely that he would 
 have soon been admitted into the Church 
 (viii. 9-24). Our examination of the vari- 
 ous notices of magic in the Bible gives us 
 this general result : They do not, as far as 
 we can understand, once state positively 
 that any but illusive results were produced 
 by magical rites. They therefore afford no 
 evidence that man can gain supernatural 
 powers to use at his will. This conse- 
 quence goes some way towards showing 
 that we may conclude that there is no such 
 thing as real magic ; for although it is dan- 
 gerous to reason on negative evidence, yet 
 in a case of this kind it is especially strong. 
 [DIVINATION; MAGI.] 
 
 Ma'gOg. In Gen. x. 2 Magog appears 
 as the second son of Japheth in connection 
 with Gomer (the Cimmerians) and Madai 
 (the Medes) : in Ez. xxxviii. 2, xxxix. 1, 6, 
 it appears as a country or people of which 
 Gog was the prince, in conjunction with 
 Meshech (the Moschici), Tubal (the Tiba- 
 reni), and Rosh (the Roxolani). In the 
 latter of these senses there is evidently im- 
 plied an etymological connection between 
 Gog and Ma-gog, the Ma being regarded 
 by Ezekiel as a prefix significant of a coun- 
 try. In this case Gog contains the original 
 element of the name, which may possibly 
 have its origin in some Persian root. The 
 notices of Magog would lead us to fix a 
 northern locality : it is expressly stated by 
 Ezekiel that he was to come up from " the 
 sides of the north" (xxxix. 2), from a 
 country adjacent to that of Togarmah or 
 Armenia (xxxviii. 6), and not far from 
 "the isles" or maritime regions of Europe 
 (xxxix. 6). The people of Magog further ap- 
 pear as having a force of cavalry (xxxviii. 
 15), and as armed with the bow (xxxix. 3). 
 From the above data, we may conclude 
 that Magog represents the important race 
 of the Scythians. 
 
 j Ma'gor-mis'sabib, literally, "terror 
 ' on every side ; " the name given by Jere- 
 miah to Pashur the priest, when he smote 
 : him and put him in the stocks for proph- 
 ' esying against the idolatry of Jerusalem 
 ! (Jer. xx. 3). 
 
 Mag'piash, one of the heads of the peo- 
 ple who signed the covenant with Nehemiah 
 (Neh. x. 20). The same as MAGBISH in 
 Ezr. ii. 30. 
 
 j Ma'halah, one of the three children of 
 Hammoleketh, the sister of Gilead (1 Chr. 
 j vii. 18). 
 
 Mahal aleel. 1. The fourth in descent 
 | from Adam, according to the Sethite gene- 
 alogy, and son of Cainan (Gen. v. 12, 13, 
 j 15-17; 1 Chr. i. 2). 2. A descendant of 
 Perez, or Pharez, the son of Judah (Neh. 
 xi. 4). 
 
 Ma'halath, the daughter of Ishmael, 
 and one of the wives of Esau (Gen. xxviii. 
 9). 
 
 Ma'halath, one of the eighteen wives 
 of king Rehoboam, apparently his first (2 
 Chr. xi. 18 only). She was her husband's 
 c'ousin, being the daughter of king David's 
 son Jerimoth. 
 
 Ma'halath, the title of Ps. liii., and 
 Ma'halath-lean'npth, the title of Ps. 
 Ixxxviii. The meaning of these words is 
 uncertain. The conjecture is, that Maha- 
 lath is a guitar, and that Leannoth has 
 reference to the character of the Psalm, 
 and might be rendered " to humble, or 
 afflict," in which sense the root occurs in 
 ver. 7. 
 
 Ma'hali, MAHLI, the son of Merari. 
 His name occurs in the A. V. but once in 
 this form (Ex. vi. 19). 
 
 Mahana'im, a town on the east of the 
 Jordan, signifying two hosts or two camps, a 
 name given to it by Jacob, because he there 
 met " the angels of God " (Gen. xxxii. 1, 2). 
 We next meet with it in therecords of the 
 conquest (Josh. xiii. 26 and 29). It was 
 within the territory of Gad (Josh. xxi. 38, 
 89), and therefore on the south side of the 
 torrent Jabbok. The town with its " sub- 
 urbs " was allotted to the service of the 
 Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 39 ; 1 Chron. 
 vi. 80). From some cause the sanctity 
 of its original foundation, or the strength 
 of its position Mahanaina had become in 
 the time of the monarchy a place of mark 
 (2 Sam. ii. 9, 12, iv. 6). The same causes 
 which led Abner to fix Ishbosheth's resi- 
 dence at Mahanaim probably induced David 
 to take refuge there when driven out of the 
 western part of his kingdom by Absalom 
 (2 Sam. xvii. 24; IK. ii. 8). Mahanaim 
 was the seat of one of Solomon's commis- 
 sariat officers (1 K. iv. 14) ; and it is al- 
 luded to in the Song which bears his name 
 (vi. 13). Thefe is a place called Mahneh 
 among the villages of the east of Jordan, 
 though its exact position is not certain.
 
 MAHANEH-DAN 
 
 373 
 
 MALACHI 
 
 Ma'haneh-dan (the "camp-of-Dan"), 
 the position of which is specified with great 
 precision, as " behind Kirjath-jearim " 
 (JuJg. xviii. 12), and as " between Zorah 
 and Eshtaol " (xiii. 25). 
 
 Mahar'ai (2 Sam. xxiii. 28 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
 30, xxvii. 13), an inhabitant of Netophah in 
 the tribe of Judah, and one of David's cap- 
 tains. 
 
 Ma'hath. 1. The son of Amasai, a 
 Kohathite of the house of Korah (1 Chr. vi. 
 35). 2. Also a Kohathite, son of Amasai, 
 in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 
 He was apparently the same who is men- 
 tioned 2 Chr. xxxi. 13. 
 
 Ma'havite, The, the designation of 
 Eliel, one of the warriors of king David's 
 guard, whose name is preserved in the cata- 
 logue of 1 Chr. only (xi. 46). 
 
 Mahaz'ioth, one of the 14 sons of He- 
 man the Kohathite (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 30). 
 
 Ma'her-sha'lal-hash-baz, i. e. has- 
 ten-booty, speed-spoil, whose name was 
 given by Divine direction, to indicate that 
 Damascus and Samaria were soon to be 
 plundered by the king of Assyria (Is. viii. 
 1-4). 
 
 Mah'lah, the eldest of the five daughters 
 of Zelophehad, the grandson of Manasseh 
 (Num. xxvii. 1-11). 
 
 Mah'li. 1. Son of Merari, the son of 
 Levi, and ancestor of the family of the 
 MAHLITES (Num. iii. 20 ; 1 Chr. vi. 19, 29, 
 xxiv. 26). 2. Son of Mushi, and grand- 
 son of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 47, xxiii. 23, xxiv. 
 30). 
 
 Mahlon, the first husband of Ruth. 
 Hi and his brother Chilion were sons of 
 Elimelech and Naomi, and are described 
 as " Ephrathites of Bethlehem-judah (Ruth 
 i. 2, 5 ; iv. 9, 10; comp. 1 Sam. xvii. 12). 
 
 Ma'hol, the father of Ethan the Ez- 
 rahite, and Heman, Chalcol, and Darda, 
 the four men most famous for wisdom next 
 to Solomon himself (1 K. iv. 31), who in 1 
 Chr. ii. 6 are the sons and immediate de- 
 scendants of Zerah. 
 
 Ma kaz, a place, apparently a town, 
 named once only (1 K. iv. 9), in the speci- 
 fication of the jurisdiction of Solomon's 
 commissariat officer, Ben-Dekar. Makaz 
 has not been discovered. 
 
 Makhe loth, a place only mentioned 
 in Num. xxxiii. 25 as that of a desert en- 
 campment of the Israelites. 
 
 Makke clak, a place memorable in the 
 annals of the conquest of Canaan as the 
 scene of the execution by Joshua of the five 
 confederate kings (Josh. x. 10-30). It un- 
 questionably occurred in the afternoon of 
 that tremendous day, which " was like no 
 day before or after it." After the execution 
 of the chiefs Joshua turns to the town itself. 
 To force the walls, to put the king and all 
 the inhabitants to the sword (ver. 28), is to 
 
 that indomitable energy, still fresh after the 
 gigantic labors and excitements of the last 
 twenty-four hours, the work of an hour or 
 two. And now the evening has arrived, the 
 sun is at last sinking, the first sun that has 
 set since the departure from Gilgal, and, 
 the tragedy is terminated by cutting down 
 the five bodies from the trees, and restoring 
 them to the cave, which is then so blocked 
 up with stones as henceforth never again to 
 become refuge for friend or foe of Israel. 
 The taking of Makkedah was the first in 
 that series of sieges and destructions by 
 which the Great Captain possessed himself 
 of the main points of defence throughout 
 this portion of the country. The catalogue 
 of the cities of Judah in Joshua (xv. 41) 
 place it in the maritime plain, but its site 
 is uncertain. 
 
 Mak tesh, a place, evidently in Jeru- 
 salem, the inhabitants of which are de- 
 nounced by Zephaniah (i. 11). Ewald 
 conjectures that it was the "Phoenician 
 quarter " of the city. The meaning of 
 " Maktesh " is probably a deep hollow, lit- 
 erally a " mortar." This the Targum iden- 
 tifies with the torrent Kedron. 
 
 Mal'achi (that is, the angel or messen- 
 ger of Jehovah) is the last, and is therefore 
 called " the seal " of the prophets, and his 
 prophecies constitute the closing book of 
 the canon. Of his personal history nothing 
 is known. That Malachi was contemporary 
 with Nehemiah is rendered probable by a 
 comparison of ii. 8 with Neh. xiii. 15; ii. 
 10-16 with Neh. xiii. 23, &c. ; and iii. 7-12 
 with Neh. xiii. 10, &c. That he prophesied 
 after the times of Haggai and Zechariah ig 
 inferred from his omitting to mention the 
 restoration of the Temple, and from no 
 allusion being made to him by Ezra. The 
 captivity was already a thing of the long 
 past, and is not referred to. The existence 
 of the Temple-service is presupposed in i. 
 10, iii. 1, 10. The Jewish nation had still 
 a political chief (i. 8), distinguished by the 
 same title as that borne by Nehemiah (Neh. 
 xii. 26). Hence we may conclude that Mal- 
 achi delivered his prophecies after the sec- 
 ond return of Nehemiah from Persia (Neh. 
 xiii. 6), and subsequently to the 32d year 
 of Artaxerxes Longimanus (B. c. 420). 
 From the striking parallelism between the 
 state of things indicated in Malachi's proph- 
 ecies and that actually existing on Nehe- 
 miah's return from the court of Artaxerxes, 
 it is on all accounts highly probable that 
 the efforts of the secular governor were on 
 this occasion seconded by the preaching of 
 " Jehovah's messenger," and that Malachi 
 occupied the same position with regard to 
 the reformation under Nehemiah, which 
 Isaiah held in the time of Hezekiah, and 
 Jeremiah in that of Josiah. The last chap- 
 ter of canonical Jewish history is the key
 
 MALCHAM 
 
 374 
 
 MANAEN 
 
 vo the last chapter of its prophecy. The 
 whole prophecy naturally divides itself into 
 three sections, in the first of which Jehovah 
 is represented as the loving father and ruler 
 of His people (i. 2-ii. 9) ; in the second, as 
 the supreme God and Father of all (ii. 10- 
 16) ; and in the third, as their righteous and 
 final Judge (ii. 17-end). The prophecy of 
 Malachi is alluded to in the N. T. (comp. 
 Mark i. 2, ix. 11, 12; Luke i. 17; Rom. 
 ix. 13). 
 
 Mal'cham. 1. One of the heads of 
 the fathers of Benjamin, and son of Shaha- 
 raim by his wife Hodesh (1 Chr. viii. 9). 
 2. The idol Molech, as some suppose (Zeph. 
 i. 5). The word literally signifies "their 
 king," as the margin of our version gives 
 it, and is referred by Gesenius to an idol 
 generally, as invested with regal honors by 
 its worshippers. 
 
 Malchi'ah. 1. A descendant of Ger- 
 shom, the son of Levi, and ancestor of 
 Asaph the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 40). 2. One 
 of the sons of Parosh, who had married a 
 foreign wife (Ezr. x. 25). 3. Enumerated 
 among the sons of HarSm, who lived in the 
 time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 31). 4. Son of Re- 
 chab, and ruler of the circuit or environs 
 of Bethhaccerem (Neh. iii. 14). 5. "The 
 goldsmith's son," who assisted Nehemiah 
 in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. 
 iii. 31). 6. One of the priests who stood 
 at the left hand of Ezra when he read the 
 law to the people in the street before the 
 water-gate (Neh. viii. 4). 7. A priest, the 
 father of Pashur = MALCHIJAH 1 (Neh. xi. 
 12; Jer. xxxviii. 1). 8. The son of Ham- 
 melech (or " the king's son," as it is trans- 
 lated in 1 K. xxii. 26 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 7), into 
 whose dungeon or cistern Jeremiah was 
 cast (Jer. xxxviii. 6). It would seem that 
 the title "king's son" was official, like that 
 of " king's mother," and applied to one of 
 the royal family, who exercised functions 
 somewhat similar to those of Potiphar in 
 the court of Pharaoh. 
 
 Mal'chiel (Gen. xlvi. 17), the son of 
 Beriah, the son of Asher, and ancestor of 
 the family of the MALCHIELITES (Num. xxvi. 
 45). In 1 Chr. vii. 31 he is called the 
 father, that is, founder, of Birzavith. 
 
 Malchi'jah. 1. A priest, the father of 
 Pashur (1 Chr. ix. 12) ; the same as MAL- 
 CHIAH 7, and MELCHIAH. 2. A priest, chief 
 of the fifth of the twenty-four courses ap- 
 pointed by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 9). 3. A 
 layman of the sons of Parosh, who put away 
 his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 25). 4. Son, that 
 is, descendant, of Harim (Neh. iii. 11). 5. 
 One of the priests who sealed the covenant 
 with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 3). 6. One of 
 the priests who assisted in the solemn dedi- 
 cation of the wall of Jerusalem under Ezra 
 and Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 42). 
 
 Malchi'ram, one of the sons of Jeco- 
 niah, or Jehoiachin (1 Chr. iii. 18). 
 
 : Mal'chi-sliu'a, one of the sons of king 
 Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 49, xxxi. 2; 1 Chr. viii. 
 ; 33, ix. 39). 
 
 Mal'chus, the name of the servant of 
 the high-priest whose right ear Peter cut 
 off at the time of the Saviour's apprehen- 
 I sion in the garden (Matt. xxvi. 51 ; Mark 
 xiv. 47; Luke xxii. 49-51 ; John xviii. 10). 
 He was the personal servant of the high- 
 priest, and not one of the bailiffs or appari- 
 tors of the Sanhedrim. It is noticeable 
 that Luke the physician is the only one of 
 the writers who mentions the act of healing. 
 
 Mal'eleel, MAHALALEEL, the son of 
 Cainan (Luke iii. 37; Gen. v. 12, marg.). 
 
 Mai lothi. a Kohathite, one of the four- 
 teen sons of Heman the singer (1 Chr. xxv. 
 4, 26). 
 
 Mallows (Job xxx. 4). By the Hebrew 
 word malluach we are no doubt to under- 
 stand some species of Orache, and in all 
 probability the Atriplex halimus of bota- 
 nists. 
 
 Malluch.. 1. A Levite of the family 
 of Merari, and ancestor of Ethan the singer 
 (1 Chr. vi. 44). 2. One of the sons -of 
 Bani (Ezr. x. 29), and, 3. One of the de- 
 scendants of Harim (Ezr. x. 32), who had 
 married foreign wives. 4. A priest or fam- 
 ily of priests (Neh. x. 4), and, 5. One of 
 the " heads " of the people who signed the 
 covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 27). 6. 
 One of the families of priests who returned 
 with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 2) ; probably 
 the same as No. 4. 
 
 Mamai'as, apparently the same with 
 SHEMAIAH in Ezr. viii. 16. 
 
 Mam'mon (Matt. vi. 24 ; Luke xvi. 9), 
 a word which often occurs in the Chaldee 
 Targums of Onkelos, and later writers, and 
 in the Syriac Version, and which signifies 
 " riches." It is used in St. Matthew as a 
 personification of riches. 
 
 Mam're, an ancient Amorite, who with 
 his brothers, Eshcol and Aner was in alli- 
 ance with Abram (Gen. xiv. 13, 24), and 
 under the shade of whose oak-grove the 
 patriarch dwelt in the interval between his 
 residence at Bethel and at Beersheba (xiii. 
 18, xviii. 1). In the subsequent chapters 
 Mamre is a mere local appellation (xxiii. 
 17, 19, xxv. 9, xlix. 30, 1. 13). 
 
 Man. Four Hebrew terms are ren- 
 dered " man" in the A. V. 1. Adam. The 
 name of the man created in the image of 
 God. It appears to be derived from Adam, 
 "he or it was red or ruddy," like Edom. 2. 
 Ish, " man,"." woman," " men." 3. Geber, 
 " a man," from gdbar, "to be strong," 
 generally with reference to his strength. 4. 
 Methim, " men," always masculine. Per- 
 haps it may be derived from the root muth, 
 " he died." 
 
 Man'aen is mentioned in Acts xiii. 1 as 
 one of the teachers and prophets in the 
 church at Antioch at the time of the appoint-
 
 MANAHATH 
 
 375 
 
 MANASSEH 
 
 ment of Saul and Barnabas as missionaries 
 to the heathen. He is said to have been 
 brought up ((nVipotpoj) with Herod, that is, 
 Herod Antipas. There are two interpreta- 
 tions of an 'TQrxfng ; one, that it means edu- 
 cated with another; and the second, that it 
 denotes foster-brother, brought up at the 
 same breast, so that Manaen's mother would 
 have been also Herod's nurse. 
 
 Man'ahath, a place named in 1 Chr. 
 viii. 6 only, in connection with the geneal- 
 ogies of the tribe of Benjamin. 
 
 Man'ahath, one of the sons of Shobal, 
 and descendant of S&ir the Horite (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 23; 1 Chr. i. 40). 
 
 Mana'hethites, The. "Half the 
 Manahethites " are named in the genealo- 
 gies of Judah as descended from Shobal, 
 the father of Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii. 52), 
 and half from Salma, the founder of Beth- 
 lehem (ver. 54). 
 
 Manas'seh, that is, forgetting, the eld- 
 est son of Joseph, by his wife Asenath (Gen. 
 xli. 51, xlvi. 20), so called by Joseph be- 
 cause " God hath-made-me-forget all my 
 toil and all my father's house." Both he 
 and Ephraim were born before the com- 
 mencement of the famine. Whether the 
 elder of the two sons was inferior in form 
 or promise to the younger, or whether 
 there was any external reason to justify the 
 preference of Jacob, we are not told. 
 [ETHKAIM.] The position of the tribe of 
 Manasseh during the march to Canaan was 
 with Ephraim and Benjamin on the west 
 side of the sacred Tent. The chief of the 
 tribe at the time of the census at Sinai was 
 Gamaliel ben-Pedahzur, and its numbers 
 were then 32,200 (Num. i. 10, 35, ii. 20, 21, 
 vii. 54-59). In the division of the Prom- 
 ised Land half of the tribe of Manasseh 
 settled east of the Jordan, in the district 
 embracing the hills of Gilead with their in- 
 accessible heights and impassable ravines, 
 and the almost impregnable tract of Argob 
 (Josh. xiii. 29-33). Here they throve ex- 
 ceedingly, pushing their way northward 
 over the rich plains of Jaul&n and Jedilr to 
 the foot of Mount Hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). 
 But they gradually assimilated themselves 
 to the old inhabitants of the country, and 
 on them descended the punishment which 
 was ordained to be the inevitable conse- 
 quence of such misdoing. They, first of 
 all Israel, were carried away by Pul and 
 Tiglath-Pileser, and settled in the Assyrian 
 territories (1 Chr. v. 25, 26). The other 
 half tribe settled to the west of the Jordan, 
 north of Ephraim (Josh. xvii.). For fur- 
 ther particulars see EPHRAIM. 
 
 Manas'seh. 1. The thirteenth king 
 of Judah, son of Hezekiah and Hephzibah 
 (2 K. xxi 1), ascended the throne at the 
 age of 12. His accession was the signal 
 for an entire change in the religious admin- 
 istration of the kingdom. Idolatry was 
 
 again established, and he consecrated idol- 
 atrous altars in the Sanctuary itself (2 Chr. 
 xxxiii. 4). Every faith was tolerated but 
 the old faith of Israel. This was aban- 
 doned and proscribed. The aged Isaiah, 
 according to the old Jewish tradition, was 
 put to death. [ISAIAH.] But the perse- 
 cution did not stop there. It attacked the 
 whole order of the true prophets, and those 
 who followed them. Retribution came soon 
 in the natural sequence of events. The 
 Babylonian alliance, which the king had 
 formed, bore the fruits which had been pre- 
 dicted. The rebellion of Merodach-Bala- 
 dan was crushed, and then the wrath of the 
 Assyrian king fell on those who had sup- 
 ported him. Judaea was again overrun 
 by the Assyrian armies, and this time the 
 invasion was more successful than that of 
 Sannacherib. The city apparently was 
 taken. The king himself was made pris- 
 oner and carried off to Babylon in the 22d 
 year of his reign, according to a Jewish tra- 
 dition. There his eyes were opened, and 
 he repented, and his prayer was heard, and 
 the Lord delivered him (2 Chr. xxiii. 12, 13). 
 The period that followed is dwelt upon by 
 the writer of 2 Chr. as one of a great change 
 for the better. The compassion or death of 
 Esarhaddon led to his release, and he re- 
 turned after some uncertain interval of time 
 to Jerusalem. The old faith of Israel was no 
 longer persecuted. Foreign idolatries were 
 no longer thrust, in all their foulness, into the 
 Sanctuary itself. The altar of the Lord 
 was again restored, and peace-offerings and 
 thank-offerings sacrificed to Jehovah (2 
 Chr. xxxiii. 15, 16). But beyond this the 
 reformation did not go. The other facts 
 known of Manasseh's reign connect them- 
 selves with the state of the world round 
 him. The Assyrian monarchy was totter- 
 ing to its fall, and the king of Judah seems 
 to have thought that it was still possible 
 for him to rule as the head of a strong and 
 independent kingdom. He fortified Jeru- 
 salem (2 Chr. xxvii. 3), and put captains 
 of war in all the fenced cities of Judah. 
 There was, it must be remembered, a spe- 
 cial reason. Egypt was become strong and 
 aggressive under Psammitichus. About 
 this time we find the thought of an Egyptian 
 alliance again beginning to gain favor. *The 
 very name of Manasseh's son, Amon, iden- 
 tical in form and sound with that of the 
 great sun-god of Egypt, is probably an in- 
 dication of the gladness with whicn the al- 
 liance of Psammitichus was welcomed. As 
 one of its consequences, it involved prob- 
 ably the supply of troops from Judah to 
 serve in the armies of the Egyptian king. 
 If this was the close of Manasseh's reign, 
 we can understand how it was that on his 
 death he was buried as Ahaz had been, not 
 with the burial of a king, in the sepulchres 
 of the house of David, but in the garden of
 
 MANASSES 
 
 876 
 
 MANNA. 
 
 Uzza (2 K. xxi. 26), and that long after- 
 wards, in spite of his repentance, the Jews 
 held his name in abhorrence. He was suc- 
 ceeded by his son Amon, B. c. 642. Little 
 is added by later tradition to the O. T. nar- 
 rative of Manasseh's reign. The prayer 
 that bears his name in the Apocrypha can- 
 not be considered as identical with that re- 
 ferred to in 2 Chr. xxxiii. The original is 
 extant in Greek, and is probably the result 
 of an attempt to work out the hint there 
 supplied rather than the reproduction of an 
 older document. 2. One of the descend- 
 ants of Pahath-Moab, who in the days of 
 Ezra had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 
 30). 3. One of the laymen, of the family 
 of Hashum, who put away his foreign wife 
 at Ezra's command (Ezr. x. 33). 4. In the 
 Hebrew text of Judg. xviii. 30 the name of 
 the priest of the graven image of the Danites 
 is given as " Jonathan, the son of Ger shorn, 
 the son of Manasseh." 
 
 ManasVses. 1. MANASSEH, king of 
 Judah (Matt. i. 10), to whom the apocryphal 
 prayer is attributed. 2. MANASSEH, the son 
 of Joseph (Rev. vii. 6). 
 
 Manasses, The Prayer of. The 
 repentance and restoration of Manasseh (2 
 Chr. xxxiii. 12, ff.) furnished the subject 
 of many legendary stories. " His prayer 
 unto his God" was still preserved "in the 
 book of the kings of Israel" when the 
 Chronicles were compiled (2 Chr. xxxiii. 
 18), and, after this record was lost, the sub- 
 ject was likely to attract the notice of later 
 writers. " The Prayer of Manasseh," which 
 is found in some MSS. of the LXX., is the 
 work of one who has endeavored to express, 
 not without true feeling, the thoughts of the 
 repentant king. 
 
 Manas'sites, The, that is, the members 
 of the tribe of Manasseh. The word occurs 
 but thrice in the A. V., viz. Deut. iv. 43 ; 
 Judg. xii. 4 ; and 2 K. x. 33. 
 
 Mandrakes (Heb. duddtin) are men- 
 tioned in Gen. xxx. 14, 15, 16, and in Cant, 
 vii. 13. From the former passage we learn 
 that they were found in the fields of Meso- 
 potamia, where Jacob and his wives were 
 at one time living, and that the fruit was 
 gathered " in the days of wheat-harvest," 
 t. e. in May. From Cant. vii. 13 we learn 
 that^he plant in question was strong-scent- 
 ed, and that it grew in Palestine. The 
 translation in the A. V. is probably correct. 
 It has been objected that the mandrake is 
 far from odoriferous, the whole plant being, 
 in European estimation at all events, very 
 fetid. But, on the other hand, it is well 
 known that the mandrakes are prized by 
 the Arabs for their odor, and that Orien- 
 tals set an especial value on strongly-smell- 
 ing things that to more delicate European 
 senses are unpleasing. That the fruit was 
 fit to be gathered at the time of wheat-har- 
 vest is clear from the testimony of several | 
 
 travellers. Schultze found mandrake-ap- 
 ples on the 15th of May. Hasselquist saw 
 them at Nazareth early in May. Dr. Thorn - 
 son found mandrakes ripe on the lower 
 
 The Mtndnke (Atropa Mtautragora). 
 
 ranges of Lebanon and Hermon towards 
 the end of April. The mandrake (Atropa 
 mandragord) is closely allied to the we,ll- 
 known deadly nightshade (A. belladonna), 
 and belongs to the order Solanaceae. 
 Ma'neh. [WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.] 
 Manger. This word occurs only in 
 connection with the birth of Christ in Luke 
 ii. 7, 12, 16. The original term is yurnj, 
 which is found but once besides in the N. T., 
 viz. Luke xiii. 15, where it is rendered by 
 "stall." The word in classical Greek un- 
 doubtedly means a manger, crib, or feeding 
 trough ; but according to Schleusner its 
 real signification in the N. T. is the open 
 court-yard, attached to the inn or khan, into 
 which the cattle would be shut at night, and 
 where the poorer travellers might unpack 
 their animals and take up their lodging, 
 when they were either by want of room or 
 want of means excluded from the house. 
 
 Manna (Heb. man). The most impor- 
 tant passages of the O. T. on this topic are 
 the following: Ex. xvi. 14-36; Num. xi. 
 7-9; Deut. viii. 3, 16; Josh. v. 12; Pa. 
 Ixxviii. 24, 25; Wisd. xvi. 20,21. From 
 these passages we learn that the manna
 
 MANNA 
 
 377 
 
 MANTLE 
 
 came every morning except the Sabbath, 
 in the form of a small round seed resem- 
 bling the hoar frost ; that it must be gath- 
 ered early, before the sun became so hot as 
 to melt it ; that it must be gathered every 
 day except the Sabbath ; that the attempt 
 to lay aside for a succeeding day, except 
 on the day immediately preceding the Sab- 
 bath, failed by the substance becoming 
 wormy and offensive; that it was prepared 
 for food by grinding and baking; that its 
 taste was like fresh oil, and like wafers 
 made with honey, equally agreeable to all 
 palates ; that the whole nation subsisted 
 upon it for forty years ; that it suddenly 
 ceased when they first got the new corn 
 of the land of Canaan ; and that it was al- 
 ways regarded as a miraculous gift directly 
 from God, and not as a product of nature. 
 The natural products of the Arabian deserts 
 and other Oriental regions, which bear the 
 name of manna, have not the qualities or 
 
 Tamarix Gatlica. 
 
 nses ascribed to the manna of Scripture. 
 The manna of Scripture we regard as 
 wholly miraculous, and not in any respect 
 a product of nature. The Hebrew word 
 
 mdn, by which this substance is always 
 designated in the Hebrew Scriptures, is 
 the neuter interrogative pronoun (what?); 
 and the name is derived from the inquiry 
 (m&n hu, what is this?) which the He- 
 brews made when they first saw it upon 
 the ground. The substance now called 
 manna in the Arabian desert through which 
 the Israelites passed, is collected in the 
 month of June from the tarfa or tamarisk 
 shrub (Tamarix gallica). According to 
 Burckhardt it drops from the thorns on the 
 sticks and leaves with which the ground is 
 covered, and must be gathered early in the 
 day, or it will be melted by the sun. The 
 Arabs cleanse and boil it, strain it through 
 a cloth, and put it in leathern bottles ; and 
 in this way it can be kept uninjured for 
 several years. They use it like honey or 
 butter with their unleavened bread, but 
 never make it into cakes or eat it by it- 
 self. The manna of European commerce 
 comes mostly from Calabria and Sicily. It 
 is gathered during the months of June and 
 July from some species of ash (Ornus 
 Europaea and Ornus rotundifolia), from 
 which it drops in consequence of a punc- 
 ture by an insect resembling the locust, 
 but distinguished from it by having a sting 
 under its body. The substance is fluid at 
 night, and resembles the dew, but in the 
 morning it begins to harden. 
 
 Mano'ah, the father of Samson; a 
 Danite, native of the town of Zorah (Judg. 
 xiii. 2). [SAMSON.] 
 
 Manslayer. The cases of manslaugh- 
 ter mentioned appear to be a sufficient 
 example of the intention of the lawgiver. 
 a. Death by a blow in a sudden quarrel 
 (Num. xxxv. 22). b. Death by a stone or 
 missile thrown at random (ib. 22, 23). c. 
 By the blade of an axe flying from its han- 
 dle (Deut. xix. 5). d. Whether the case 
 of a person killed by falling from a roof 
 unprovided with a parapet involved the 
 guilt of manslaughter on the owner, is not 
 clear ; but the law seems intended to pre- 
 vent the imputation of malice in any such 
 case, by preventing as far as possible the 
 occurrence of the fact itself (Deut. xxii. 
 8). In all these and the like cases the 
 manslayer was allowed to retire to a city 
 of refuge. Besides these the following may 
 be mentioned as cases of homicide, a. An 
 animal, not known to be vicious, causing 
 death to a human being, was to be put to 
 death, and regarded as unclean. But if it 
 was known to be vicious, the owner also 
 was liable to fine, and even death (Ex. xxi. 
 28, 31). b. A thief overtaken at night in 
 the act might lawfully be put to death, but 
 if the sun had risen the act of killing him 
 was to be regarded as murder (Ex. xxii. 
 2,3). 
 
 Mantle, the word employed in the A. 
 V. to translate no less than four Hebrew
 
 MAOCH 
 
 378 
 
 MARK 
 
 terms, entirely distinct and independent 
 both in derivation and meaning. 1. S'mi- 
 cah. This word occurs but once, viz. 
 Judg. iv. 18, where it denotes the thing 
 with which Jael covered Sisera. 2. Mett. 
 (Rendered "mantle" in 1 Sam. xv. 27, 
 xxviii. 14; Ezr. ix. 3, 5, &c.). This word is 
 in other passages of the A. V. rendered 
 "coat," "cloak," and "robe." 3. Ma'a- 
 tdphdh (Is. iii. 22 only). Apparently some 
 article of a lady's dress. 4. Addereth (ren- 
 dered "mantle" in 1 K. xix. 13, 19; 2 K. 
 ii. 8, 13, 14 ; elsewhere " garment " and 
 "robe"). By it, and it only, is denoted 
 the cape or wrapper which, with the ex- 
 ception of a strip of skin or leather round 
 his loins, formed, as we have every reason 
 to believe, the sole garment of the prophet 
 Elijah. It was probably of sheepskin, such 
 as is worn by the modern dervishes. 
 
 Ma'och, the father of Achish, king of 
 Gath, with whom David took refuge (1 
 Sam. xxvii. 2). 
 
 Ma'on, one of the cities of the tribe of 
 Judah, in the district of the mountains 
 (Josh. xv. 55). Its interest for us lies in 
 its connection with David (1 Sam. xxiii. 
 24, 25). The name of Maon still exists in 
 Main, a lofty conical hill, south of, and 
 about 7 miles distant from, Hebron. 
 
 Ma'onites, The, a people mentioned 
 in one of the addresses of Jehovah to the 
 repentant Israelites (Judg. x. 12). The 
 name agrees with that of a people residing 
 in the desert far south of Palestine, else- 
 where in the A. V. called MEHUNIM. The 
 reading of the LXX. " Midian " is re- 
 markable as being found in both the great 
 MSS., and having on that account a strong 
 claim to be considered as the reading of 
 the ancient Hebrew text. 
 
 Ma ra, the name which NAOMI adopted 
 in the exclamation forced from her by the 
 recognition of her fellow-citizens at Beth- 
 lehem (Ruth i. 20), "Call me not Naomi 
 (pleasant), but call me Mara (bitter), for 
 Shaddai hath dealt-very-bitterly (hamr) 
 with me." 
 
 Ma'rah., that is, bitterness, a place which 
 lay in the wilderness of Shur or Etham, 
 three days' journey distant (Ex. xv. 23, 24, 
 Num. xxxiii. 8) from the place at which 
 the Israelites crossed the Red Sea, and 
 where was a spring of bitter water, sweet- 
 ened subsequently by the casting in of a 
 tree which "the Lord showed" to Moses. 
 It has been suggested that Moses made use 
 of the berries of the plant Gh&rktid. ffowa- 
 rah, distant 16 hours from Ayoun Mousa, 
 has been by many identified with it, appar- 
 ently because it is the bitterest water in the 
 neighborhood. 
 
 Mar'alah, one of the landmarks on the 
 boundary of the tribe of Zebulun (Josh. 
 xix. 11). 
 
 Maranath'a, an expression used by St. 
 
 Paul at the conclusion of his First Epistle to 
 the Corinthians (xvi. 22). It is a Grecised 
 form of the Aramaic words mdran &thd, 
 
 our Lord cometh." 
 
 Marble. The Heb. shsh, the generic 
 term for marble, may probably be taken to 
 mean almost any shining stone. The so- 
 called marble of Solomon's architectural 
 works, which Josephus calls Aiflo$ i.tvxi>?, 
 may thus have been limestone. There can 
 be no doubt that Herod, both in the Temple 
 and elsewhere, employed Parian or other 
 marble. The marble pillars and tesserae 
 of various colors of the palace at Susa came 
 doubtless from Persia itself (Esth. i. 6). 
 
 Marcheshvan. [MONTHS.] 
 
 Mar'cus, the Evangelist Mark (Col. iv. 
 10; Philem. 24; 1 Pet. v. 13). [MARK.] 
 
 Mar'eshah, one of the cities of Judah 
 in the district of the Shefelah or low coun- 
 try (Josh. xv. 44). It was one of the citiea 
 fortified and garrisoned by Rehoboam after 
 the rupture with the northern kingdom (2 
 Chr. xi. 8). It is mentioned once or twice 
 in the history of the Maccabaean struggles 
 (1 Mace. v. 66; 2 Mace. xii. 35). About 
 110 B. c. it was taken from the Idumaeans 
 by John Hyrcanus. It was in ruins in the 
 4th century, when Eusebius and Jerome 
 describe it as in the second mile from Eleu- 
 theropolis. S. S. W. of Beitjibrin in all 
 probability Eleutheropolis and a little 
 over a Roman mile therefrom, is a site 
 called Marash, which is very possibly tlie 
 representative of the ancient Mareshah. 
 
 Mark. Mark the Evangelist is prob- 
 ably the same as " John whose surname 
 was Mark" (Acts xii. 12, 25). John was 
 the Jewish name, and Mark (Marcus), a 
 name of frequent use among the Romans, 
 was adopted afterwards, and gradually su- 
 perseded the other. John Mark was the 
 son of a certain Man', who dwelt at Jeru- 
 salem, and was therefore probably born in 
 that city (Acts xii. 12). He was the cousin 
 of Barnabas (Col. iv. 10). It was to Mary's 
 house, as to a familiar haunt, that Peter 
 came after his deliverance from prison 
 (Acts xii. 12), and there found " many 
 gathered together praying ; " and probably 
 John Mark was converted by Peter from 
 meeting him in his mother's house, for he 
 speaks of "Marcus my son" (1 Pet. v. 
 13). The theory that he was one of the 
 seventy disciples is without any warrant. 
 Another theory, that an event of the night 
 of our Lord's betrayal, related by Mark 
 alone, is one that befell himself, must not 
 be so promptly dismissed (Mark xiv. 51, 
 52). The detail of facts is remarkably 
 minute ; the name only is wanting. The 
 most probable view is, that St. Mark sup- 
 pressed his own name, whilst telling a story 
 which he had the best means of knowing. 
 Anxious to work for Christ, he went with 
 Paul and Barnabas as their " minister" on
 
 MARK, GOSPEL OF 
 
 379 
 
 MARK, GOSPEL OF 
 
 their first journey ; but at Perg^ he turned 
 back (Acts xii. 25, xiii. 13). On the second 
 journey Paul would not accept him again 
 as a companion, but Barnabas his kinsman 
 was more indulgent; and thus he became 
 tt e cause of the memorable " sharp con- 
 tention " between them (Acts xv. 36-40). 
 Whatever was the cause of Mark's vacilla- 
 tion, it did not separate him forever from 
 Paul, for we find him by the side of that 
 Apostle in his first imprisonment at Rome 
 (Col. iv. 10; Philem. 24). In the former 
 place a possible journey of Mark to Asia is 
 spoken of. Somewhat later he is with Peter 
 at Babylon (1 Pet. v. 13). On his return 
 to Asia he seems to have been with Timothy 
 at Ephesus when Paul wrote to him during 
 his second imprisonment (2 Tim. iv. 11). 
 The relation of Mark to Peter is of great 
 importance for our view of his Gospel. 
 Ancient writers with one consent make the 
 Evangelist the Interpreter of the Apostle 
 Peter. Some explain this word to mean 
 that the office of Mark was to translate into 
 the Greek tongue the Aramaic discourses 
 of the Apostle ; whilst others adopt the more 
 probable view that Mark wrote a Gospel 
 which conformed more exactly than the 
 others to Peter's preaching, and thus " in- 
 terpreted " it to the church at large. The 
 report that Mark was the companion of 
 Peter at Rome, is no doubt of great anti- 
 quity. Senton a mission to Egypt by Peter, 
 Mark there founded the church of Alexan- 
 dria, and preached in various places, then 
 returned to Alexandria, of which church he 
 was bishop, and suffered a martyr's death. 
 But none of these later details rest on sound 
 authority. 
 
 Mark, Gospel Of. The characteristics 
 of this Gospel, the shortest of the four in- 
 spired records, will appear from the discus- 
 sion of the various questions that have been 
 raised about it. I. Sources of this Gospel. 
 The tradition that it gives the teaching of 
 Peter rather than of the rest of the Apostles, 
 has been alluded to above. Moreover there 
 are peculiarities in the Gospel which are 
 best explained by the supposition that Peter 
 in some way superintended its composition. 
 Whilst Mark goes over the same ground 
 for the most part as the other Evangelists, 
 and especially Matthew, there are many 
 facts thrown in which prove that we are 
 listening to an independent witness. Thus 
 the humble origin of Peter is made known 
 through him (i. 16-20), and his connection 
 with Capernaum (i. 29) ; he tells us that 
 Levi was "the son of Alphaeus " (ii. 14), 
 that Peter was the name given by our Lord 
 to Simon (iii. 16), and Boanerges a sur- 
 name added by Him to the names of two 
 others (iii. 17) ; he assumes the existence 
 of another body of disciples wider than the 
 Twelve (iii. 32, iv. 10, 36, viii. 34, xiv. 51, 
 B2) : we owe to him the name of Jairus (v. 
 
 22), the word "carpenter" applied to ou 
 Lord (vi. 3), the nation of the " Syrophoe- 
 nician " woman (vii. 26) ; he substitutes 
 Dalmanutha for the " Magdala" of Matthew 
 (viii. 10) ; he names Bartimaeus (x. 46) ; 
 he alone mentions that our Lord would not 
 suffer any man to carry any vessel through 
 the Temple (xi. 16),; and that Simon of 
 Cyrene was the father of Alexander and 
 Rufus (xv. 21). All these are tokens of an 
 independent writer, different from Matthew 
 and Luke, and in the absence of other tra- 
 ditions it is natural to look to Peter. II. 
 Relation of Mark to Matthew and Luke. 
 The results of criticism as to the relation 
 of the three Gospels are somewhat humili- 
 ating. Up to this day three views are main- 
 tained with equal ardor : (a) that Mark's 
 Gospel is the original Gospel out of which 
 the other two have been developed; (5) 
 that it was a compilation from the other two, 
 and therefore was written last ; and (c) that 
 it was copied from that of Matthew, and 
 forms a link of transition between the.other 
 two. It is obvious that they refute one an- 
 other ; the same internal evidence suffice* 
 to prove that Mark is the first, and the last 
 and the intermediate. Let us return to tht 
 facts, and, taught by these contradictions 
 what is the worth of "internal evidence,'' 
 let us carry our speculations no further than 
 the facts. The Gospel of Mark contains 
 scarcely any events that are not recited by 
 the others. There are verbal coincidences 
 with each of the others, and sometimes pe- 
 culiar words from both meet together in the 
 parallel place in Mark. On the other hand, 
 there are unmistakable marks of indepen- 
 dence. The hypothesis which best meets 
 these facts is, that whilst the matter common 
 to all three Evangelists, or to two of them, 
 is derived from the oral teaching of the 
 Apostles, which they had purposely reduced 
 to a common form, our Evangelist writes a> 
 an independent witness to the truth, and no 
 as a compiler ; and that the tradition thu 
 the Gospel was written under the sanction 
 of Peter, and its matter in some degree 
 derived from him, is made probable by the 
 evident traces of an eye-witness in many 
 of the narratives. III. This Gospel writ- 
 ten primarily for Gentiles. The Evan- 
 gelist scarcely refers to the O. T. in his 
 own person. The word Law does not once 
 occur. The genealogy of our Lord is like- 
 wise omitted. Other matters interesting 
 chiefly to the Jews are likewise omitted; 
 such as the references to the O. T. and Law 
 in Matt. xii. 5-7, the reflections on the 
 request of the Scribes and Pharisees for a 
 sign, Matt. xii. 38-45 ; the parable of the 
 king's son, Matt. xxii. 1-14 ; and the awful 
 denunciation of the Scribes and Pharisees 
 in Matt, xxiii. Explanations are given in 
 some places which Jews could not require ; 
 thus, Jordan is a "river" (Mark i. 5,
 
 MAKE, GOSPEL OF 
 
 380 
 
 MARRIAGE 
 
 Matt. iii. 6) ; the Pharisees, &c., " used to 
 fast" (Markii. 18; Matt. ix. 14), and other 
 customs of theirs are described (Mark vii. 
 1-4 ; Matt. xv. 1,2); " the time of figs was 
 yet," i. e. at the season of the Passover 
 (Mark xi. 13 ; Matt. xxi. 19) ; the Saddu- 
 cees' worst tenet is mentioned (Mark xii. 
 18) ; the Mount of Olives is " over against 
 the temple " (Mark xiii. 3 ; Matt. xxiv. 3) ; 
 at the Passover men eat " unleavened 
 bread" (Mark xiv. 1, 12; Matt. xxvi. 2, 
 17), and explanations are given which Jews 
 would not need (Mark xv. 6, 16, 42 ; Matt, 
 xxvii. 15, 27, 57). From the general testi- 
 mony of these and other places, whatever 
 may be objected to an inference from one or 
 other amongst them, there is little doubt but 
 that the Gospel was meant for use in the 
 first instance amongst Gentiles. IV. Time 
 when tlie Gospel was written. This is un- 
 certain. It is not likely that it dates before 
 the reference to Mark in the Epistle to the 
 Colossians (iv. 10), where he is only intro- 
 duced as a relative of Barnabas, as if this 
 were his greatest distinction ; and this 
 epistle was written about A. D. 62. On the 
 other hand it was written before the de- 
 struction of Jerusalem (xiii. 13, 24-30, 33, 
 &c.). Probably, therefore, it was written 
 between A. D. 63 and 70. V. Place where 
 the Gospel was written. The place is as 
 uncertain as the time. Clement, Eusebius, 
 Jerome, and Epiphanius, pronounce for 
 Rome, and many moderns take the same 
 view. Chrysostom thinks Alexandria ; but 
 this is riot confirmed by other testimony. 
 VI. Language. The Gospel was written 
 in Greek ; of this there can be no doubt if 
 ancient testimony is to weigh. Baronius 
 indeed, on the authority of an old Syriac 
 translation, asserts that Latin was the ori- 
 ginal language. VII. Genuineness of the 
 Gospel. All ancient testimony makes 
 Mark the author of a certain Gospel, and 
 that this is the Gospel which has come down 
 to us, there is not the least historical ground 
 for doubting. Owing to the very few sec- 
 tions peculiar to Mark, evidence from pa- 
 tristic quotation is somewhat difficult to pro- 
 duce. Justin Martyr, however, quotes ch. 
 ix. 44, 46, 48, xii. 30, and iii. 17, and 
 Irenaeus cites both the opening and closing 
 words (iii., x. 6) an important testimony 
 in any case, but doubly so from the doubt 
 that has been cast on the closing verses 
 (xvi. 9-19). With the exception of these 
 few verses the genuineness of the Gospel is 
 placed above the reach of reasonable doubt. 
 VIII. Style and Diction. The purpose 
 of the Evangelist seems to be to place before 
 us a vivid picture of the earthly acts of 
 Jesus.,; The style is peculiarly suitable to 
 this. He uses the present tense, instead of 
 +he narrative aorist,' almost in every chap- 
 ter. Precise and minute details as to per- 
 sons, places, and numbers, abound in the 
 
 narrative. All these tend to give force and 
 vividness to the picture of the human life 
 of our Lord. On the other side, the facts 
 are not very exactly arranged. Its concise- 
 ness sometimes makes this Gospel more ob- 
 scure than the others (i. 13, ix. 5, 6, iv. 10- 
 34). Many peculiarities of diction may be 
 noticed; amongst them the following: 1. 
 Hebrew (Aramaic) words are used, but ex- 
 plained for Gentile readers (iii. 17, 22, v. 
 41, vii. 11, 34, ix. 43, x. 46, xiv. 36, xv. 22, 
 34). 2. Latin words are very frequent. 
 
 3. Unusual words or phrases are found here. 
 
 4. Diminutives are frequent. 5. The sub- 
 stantive is often repeated instead of the pro- 
 noun ; as (to cite from ch. ii. only) ii. 16, 
 18, 20, 22, 27, 28. 6. Negatives are accu- 
 mulated for the sake of emphasis (vii. 12, 
 ix. 8, xii. 34, xv. 5, i. 44). 7. Words are 
 often added to adverbs for the sake of em- 
 phasis (ii. 20, v. 5, vi. 25, also vii. 21, viii. 
 4, x. 20, xiii. 29, xiv. 30, 43). 8. The same 
 idea is often repeated under another ex- 
 pression, as i. 42, ii. 25, viii. 15, xiv. 68, 
 &c. 9. And sometimes the repetition is 
 effected by means of the opposite, as in i. 
 22, 44, and many other places. 10. Some- 
 times emphasis is given by simple reitera- 
 tion, as in ii. 15, 19. 11. The elliptic 
 use of Tra, like that of onus in classical 
 writers, is found, v. 23. 12. The word 
 iniQoirav is used twenty-five times in this 
 Gospel. 13. Instead of avfi^oi'lLiov Haupuntv 
 of Matt. Mark has avn(SorX.tuv nottiv, iii. fi, 
 xv. 1, 14. There are many words peculiar 
 to Mark. The diction of Mark presents the 
 difficulty that whilst it abounds in Latin 
 words, and in expressions that recall Latin 
 equivalents, it is still much more ak ; n to 
 the Hebraistic diction of Matthew than to 
 the purer style of Luke. IX. Contents of 
 the Gospel. Though this Gospel has little 
 historical matter which is not shared with 
 some other, it would be a great error to 
 suppose that the voice of Mark could have 
 been silenced without injury to the divine 
 harmony. It is the history of the war of 
 Jesus against sin and evil in the world dur- 
 ing the time that He dwelt as a Man among 
 men. Its motto might well be, as Lange 
 observes, those words of Peter : " How 
 God anointed Jesus of Nazareth with the 
 Holy Ghost and with power; who went 
 about doing good, and healing all that were 
 oppressed of the devil ; for God was with 
 Him" (Acts x. 38). 
 
 Ma'roth, one of the towns of the west- 
 ern lowland of Judah whose names are al- 
 luded to or played upon by the prophet 
 Micah (i. 12). 
 
 Marriage. The topics which this sub- 
 ject presents to our consideration in con- 
 nection with Biblical literature may be ar- 
 ranged under five heads : I . Its origin 
 and history. The institution of marriage 
 dates from the time of man's original crea-
 
 MARRIAGE 
 
 MARRIAGE 
 
 tion. No sooner was the formation of wo- 
 man effected, than Adam recognized in that 
 act the will of the Creator as to man's social 
 condition. " Therefore shall a man leave 
 his father and his mother, and shall cleave 
 unto his wife : and they shall be one 
 flesh " (ii. 24). From these words, coupled 
 with the circumstances attendant on the 
 formation of the first woman, we may 
 evolve the following principles : (1) The 
 unity of man and wife, as implied in her 
 being formed out of man, and as expressed 
 in the words " one flesh " ; (2) the indis- 
 solubleness of the marriage bond, except 
 on the strongest grounds (comp. Matt. xix. 
 9) ; (3) monogamy, as the original law of 
 marriage ; (4) the social equality of man 
 and wife ; (5) the subordination of the wife 
 to the husband (1 Cor. xi. 8, 9 ; 1 Tim. ii. 
 13) ; and (6) the respective duties of man 
 and wife. In the patriarchal age Polygamy 
 prevailed (Gen. xvi. 4, xxv. 1, 6, xxviii. 9, 
 xxix. 23, 28 ; 1 Chr. vii. 14), but to a great 
 extent divested of the degradation which in 
 modern times attaches to that practice. Di- 
 vorce also prevailed in the patriarchal age, 
 though but one instance of it is recorded 
 (Gen. xxi. 14). The Mosaic law aimed at 
 mitigating rather than removing evils which 
 were inseparable from the state of society 
 in that day. Its enactments were directed, 
 
 (1) to the discouragement of polygamy; 
 
 (2) to obviate the injustice frequently con- 
 sequent upon the exercise of the rights of 
 a father or a master ; (3) to bring divorce 
 under some restriction ; and (4>) to enforce 
 purity of life during the maintenance of 
 the matrimonial bond. In the post-Baby- 
 lonian period monogamy appears to have 
 become more prevalent than at any previ- 
 ous time : indeed we have no instance of 
 polygamy during this period on record in 
 the Bible, all the marriages noticed being 
 with single wives (Tob. i. 9, ii. 11 ; Susan, 
 vers. 29, 63 ; Matt, xviii. 25 ; Luke i. 5 ; 
 Acts v. 1). The practice of polygamy nev- 
 ertheless still existed ; Herod the Great had 
 no less than Time wives at one time. The 
 abuse of divorce continued unabated. Our 
 Lord and His Apostles re-established the 
 integrity and sanctity of the marriage-bond 
 by the following measures : (1) by the 
 confirmation of the original charter of 
 marriage as the basis on which all regula- 
 tions were to be framed (Matt. xix. 4, 5) ; 
 f V) by the restriction of divorce to the case 
 of fornication, and the prohibition of re- 
 marriage in all persons divorced on improp- 
 r grounds (Matt. v. 32, xix. 9; Rom. vii. 
 3; 1 Cor. vii. 10, 11) ; and (3) by the en- 
 forcement of moral purity generally (Heb. 
 xiii. 4, &c.), and especially by the formal 
 condemnation of fornication, which appears 
 to have been classed among acts morally 
 indifferent by a certain party in the Church 
 (Acts xv. 20). II. The conditions of legal 
 
 marriage are decided by the prohibitions 
 which the law of any country imposes upon 
 its citizens. In the Hebrew commonwealth 
 these prohibitions were of two kinds, ac- 
 cording as they regulated marriage (i.) be- 
 tween an Israelite and a non-Israelite, and 
 (ii.) between an Israelite and one of his 
 own community. (i.) The prohibitions 
 relating to foreigners were based on that 
 instinctive feeling of exclusiveness, which, 
 forms one of the bonds of every social 
 body, and which prevails with peculiar 
 strength in a rude state of society. The 
 only distinct prohibition in the Mosaic law 
 refers to the Canaanites, with whom the Is- 
 raelites were not to marry, on the ground 
 that it would lead them into idolatry (Ex. 
 xxxiv. 16; Deut. vii. 3,4). But beyond 
 this, the legal disabilities to which the 
 Ammonites and Moabites were subjected 
 (Deut. xxiii. 3), acted as a virtual bar to 
 intermarriage with them, totally prevent- 
 ing the marriage of Israelitish women with 
 Moabites, but permitting that of Israelites 
 with Moabite women, such as that of Mah- 
 lon with Ruth. The prohibition against 
 marriages with the Edomites or Egyptians 
 was less stringent, as a male of those na- 
 tions received the right of marriage on his 
 admission to the full citizenship in the thir<? 
 generation of proselytism (Deut. xxiii. 7- 
 8). There were thus three grades of pro- 
 hibition total in regard to the Canaanites 
 on either side ; total on the side of the 
 males in regard of the Ammonites and 
 Moabites ; and temporary on the side of 
 the males in regard of the Edomites and 
 Egyptians, marriages with females in the 
 two latter instances being regarded as legal. 
 The progeny of illegal marriages between 
 Israelites and non-Israelites was described 
 under a peculiar term, mamz&r, (A. V. 
 "bastard"; Deut. xxiii. 2). (ii.) The 
 regulations relative to marriage between 
 Israelites and Israelites was based on con- 
 siderations of relationship. The most im- 
 portant passage relating to these is con- 
 tained in Lev. xviii. 6-18, wherein we have 
 in the first place a general prohibition 
 against marriages, between a man and the 
 " flesh of his flesh," and in the second place 
 special prohibitions against marriage with a 
 mother, step-mother, sister, or half-sister, 
 whether " born at home or abroad," grand- 
 daughter, aunt, whether by consanguinity 
 on either side, or by marriage on the fa- 
 ther's side, daughter-in-law, brother's wife, 
 step-daughter, wife's mother, step-grand- 
 daughter, or wife's sister during the lifetime 
 of the wife. An exception is subsequently 
 made (Deut. xxv. 5-9) in favor of marriage 
 with a brother's wife in the event of his hav- 
 ing died childless. The law which regu- 
 lates this has been named the " Levirate," 
 from the Lathi levir, "brother-in-law." 
 The first instance of this custom occurs in
 
 MAKEIAGE 
 
 382 
 
 the patriarchal period, where Onan is called 
 upon to marry his brother Er's widow (Gen. 
 xxxviii. 8). The Levirate marriage was not 
 peculiar to the Jews ; it has been found to 
 exist in many Eastern countries, particular- 
 ly in Arabia, and among the tribes of the 
 Caucasus. III. The modes by which mar- 
 riage was effected. The customs of the 
 Hebrews and of Oriental nations in regard 
 to marriage, differ in many respects from 
 those with which we are familiar. In the 
 first place, the choice of the bride devolved 
 not on the bridegroom himself, but on his 
 relations or on a friend deputed by the 
 bridegroom for this purpose. The consent 
 of the maiden was sometimes asked (Gen. 
 xxiv. 58) ; but this appears to have been 
 subordinate to the previous consent of the 
 father and the adult brothers (Gen. xxiv. 51, 
 xxxiv. 11). Occasionally the whole busi- 
 ness of selecting the wife was left in the 
 hands of a friend. The selection of the bride 
 was followed by the espousal, which was a 
 formal proceeding, undertaken by a friend 
 or legal representative on the part of the 
 bridegroom, and by the parents on the part 
 of the bride ; it was confirmed by oaths, 
 and accompanied with presents to the bride. 
 These presents were described by different 
 terms, that to the bride by mohar (A. V. 
 "dowry"), and that to the relations by 
 mattdn. Thus Shechem offers " never so 
 much dowry and gift" (Gen. xxxiv. 12), 
 the former for the bride, the latter for the 
 relations. It would undoubtedly be ex- 
 pected that the mohar should be pro- 
 portioned to the position of the bride, and 
 that a poor man could not on that account 
 afford to marry a rich wife (1 Sam. xviii. 
 23). The act of betrothal was celebrated 
 by a feast, and among the more modern 
 Jews it is the custom in some parts for the 
 bridegroom to place a ring on the bride's 
 finger. Some writers have endeavored to 
 prove that the rings noticed in the O. T. 
 (Ex. xxxv. 22; Is. iii. 21) were nuptial 
 rings, but there is not the slightest evidence 
 of this. The ring was nevertheless re- 
 garded among the Hebrews as a token of 
 fidelity (Gen. xli. 42), and of adoption into 
 a family (Luke xv. 22). Between the be- 
 trothal and the marriage an interval elapsed, 
 varying from a few days in the patriarchal 
 age (Gen. xxiv. 55), to a full year for 
 virgins and a month for widows in later 
 times. During this period the bride-elect 
 lived with her friends, and all commu- 
 nication between herself and her future 
 husband was carried on through the medium 
 of a friend deputed for the purpose, termed 
 the " friend of the bridegroom" (John iii. 
 29). She was now virtually regarded as 
 the wife of her future husband. Hence 
 faithlessness on her part was punishable 
 with death (Deut. xxii. 23, 24), the husband 
 having, however, the option of "putting her 
 
 away" (Matt. i. 19; Deut. xxiv. 1). "We 
 now come to the wedding itself; and in this 
 the most observable point is, that there 
 were no definite religious ceremonies con- 
 nected with it. It is probable, indeed, that 
 some formal ratification of the espousal 
 with an oath took place, as implied in some 
 allusions to marriage (Ez. xvi. 8 ; Mai. ii. 
 14), particularly in the expression, " the 
 covenant of her God" (Prov. ii. 17), as 
 applied to the marriage bond, and that a 
 blessing was pronounced (Gen. xxiv. 60; 
 Ruth iv. 11, 12), sometimes by the parents 
 (Tob. vii. 13). But the essence of the 
 marriage ceremony consisted in the re- 
 moval of the bride from her father's house 
 to that of the bridegroom or his father. 
 The bridegroom prepared himself for the 
 occasion by putting on a festive dress, and 
 especially by placing on his head the hand- 
 some turban described by the term pe r 
 (Is. Ixi. 10; A. V. "ornaments"), and a 
 nuptial crown or garland (Cant. iii. 11) : 
 he was redolent of myrrh and frankincense 
 and " all powders of the merchant" (Cant, 
 iii. 6). The bride prepared herself for the 
 ceremony by taking a bath, generally on 
 the day preceding the wedding. The 
 notices of it in the Bible are so few as to 
 have escaped general observation (Ruth iii. 
 3; Ez. xxiii. 40; Eph. v. 26, 27). The 
 distinctive feature of the bride's attire was 
 the " veil" a light robe of ample dimen- 
 sions, which covered not only the face but 
 the whole person (Gen. xxiv. 65 ; comp. 
 xxxviii. 14, 15). This was regarded as the 
 symbol of her submission to her husband 
 (1 Cor. xi. 10). She also wore a peculiar 
 girdle, named kishshurim, the "attire" 
 (A. V.), which no bride could forget (Jer. 
 ii. 32) ; and her head was crowned with a 
 chaplet, which was again so distinctive of 
 the bride, that the Hebrew term call&h, 
 "bride," originated from it. If the bride 
 were a virgin, she wore her hair flowing. 
 Her robes were white (Rev. xix. 8), and 
 sometimes embroidered with gold thread 
 (Ps. xlv. 13, 14), and covered with per- 
 fumes (Ps. xlv. 8) : she was further decked 
 out with jewels (Is. xlix. 18, Ixi. 10 ; Rev. 
 xxi. 2). When the fixed hour arrived, 
 which was generally late in the evening, 
 the bridegroom set forth from his house, 
 attended by his groomsmen (A. V. " com- 
 panions," Judg. xiv. 11; "children of the 
 bride-chamber," Matt. ix. 15), preceded by 
 a band of musicians or singers (Gen. xxxi. 
 27; Jer. vii. 34, xvi. 9; 1 Mace. ix. 39), 
 and accompanied by persons bearing flam- 
 beaux (2 Esdr. x. 2 ; Matt. xxv. 7 ; com- 
 pare Jer. xxv. 10; Rev. xviii. 23, "the 
 light of a candle"). Having reached the 
 house of the bride, who with her maidens 
 anxiously expected his arrival (Matt. xxv. 
 6), he conducted the whole party back to 
 his own or his father's house, with every
 
 MARRIAGE 
 
 383 
 
 MARS' HILL 
 
 demonstration of gladness (Ps. xlv. 15). 
 On their way back they were joined by a 
 party of maidens, friends of the bride and 
 bridegroom, who were in waiting to catch 
 the procession as it passed (Matt. xxv. 6). 
 The inhabitants of the place pressed out 
 into the streets to watch the procession 
 (Cant. iii. 11). At the house a feast was 
 prepared, to which all the friends and 
 neighbors were invited (Gen. xxix. 22; 
 Matt. xxii. 1-10; Luke xiv. 8; John ii. 2), 
 and the festivities were protracted for 
 seven, or even fourteen days (Judg. xiv. 
 12; Tob. viii. 19). The guests were pro- 
 vided by the host with fitting robes (Matt, 
 xxii. 11), and the feast was enlivened with 
 riddles (Judg. xiv. 12) and other amuse- 
 ments. The bridegroom now entered into 
 direct communication with the bride, and 
 the joy of the friend was "fulfilled" at 
 hearing the voice of the bridegroom (John 
 iii. 29) conversing with her, which he re- 
 garded as a satisfactory testimony of the 
 success of his share in the work. The last 
 act in the ceremonial was the conducting 
 of the bride to the bridal chamber (Judg. 
 xv. 1 ; Joel ii. 16), where a canopy was 
 prepared (Ps. xix. 5 ; Joel ii. 16). The 
 bride was still completely veiled, so that 
 the deception practised on Jacob (Gen. 
 xxix. 23) was very possible. A newly 
 married man was exempt from military 
 service, or from any public business which 
 might draw him away from his home, for 
 the space of a year (Deut. xxiv. 5) ; a 
 similar privilege was granted to him who 
 was betrothed (Deut. xx. 7). IV. The 
 social and domestic conditions of married 
 life. We must in the first place take 
 into account the position assigned to women 
 generally in their social scale. There is 
 abundant evidence that women, whether 
 married or unmarried, went about with 
 their faces unveiled (Gen. xii. 14, xxiv. 16, 
 65, xxix. 11; 1 Sam. i. 13). Women not 
 unfrequently held important offices. They 
 took their part in matters of public iuterest 
 (Ex. xv. 20; 1 Sam. xviii. 6, 7) : in short, 
 they enjoyed as much freedom in ordinary 
 life as the women of our own country. If 
 such was her general position, it is certain 
 that the wife must have exercised an im- 
 portant influence in her own home. She 
 appears to have taken her part in family 
 affairs, and even to have enjoyed a con- 
 siderable amount of independence (2 K. iv. 
 8; Judg. iv. 18; 1 Sam. xxv. 14, &c.). 
 In the N. T. the mutual relations of hus- 
 band and wife are a subject of frequent 
 exhortation (Eph. v. 22, 33; Col. iii. 18, 
 19; Tit. ii. 4, 5; 1 Pet. iii. 1-7). The 
 duties of the wife in the Hebrew house- 
 hold were multifarious : in addition to the 
 general superintendence of the domestic 
 arrangements, such as cooking, from which 
 even women of rank were not exempted 
 
 (Gen. xviii. 6; 2 Sam. xiii. 8), and the 
 distribution of food at meal times (Prov. 
 xxxi. 15), the manufacture of the clothing 
 and the various textures required in an 
 Eastern establishment devolved upon her 
 (Prov. xxxi. 13, 21, 22), and if she w.ere a 
 model of activity and skill, she produced a 
 surplus of fine linen shirts and girdles, 
 which she sold, and so, like a well-freighted 
 merchant-ship, brought in wealth to her 
 husband from afar (Prov. xxxi. 14, 24). 
 The legal rights of the wife are noticed in 
 Ex. xxi. 10, under the three heads of food, 
 raiment, and duty of marriage or conju- 
 gal right. V. Tlte allegorical and typi- 
 cal allusions to marriage have exclusive 
 reference to one subject, viz., to exhibit the 
 spiritual relationship between God and his 
 people. The earliest form, in which the 
 image is implied, is in the expressions "to 
 go a whoring," and " whoredom," as descrip- 
 tive of the rupture of that relationship by 
 acts of idolatry. These expressions have by 
 some writers been taken in their primary 
 and literal sense, as pointing to the licentious 
 practices of idolaters. But this destroys 
 the whole point of the comparison, and is 
 opposed to the plain language of Scripture. 
 The direct comparison with marriage is 
 confined in the O. T. to the prophetic 
 writings, unless we regard the Canticles as 
 an allegorical work. In the N. T. the 
 image of the bridegroom is transferred 
 from Jehovah to Christ (Matt. ix. 15 ; John 
 iii. 29), and that of the bride to the Church 
 (2 Cor. xi. 2 ; Rev. xix. 7, xxi. 2, 9, xxii. 
 17), and the comparison thus established 
 is converted by St. Paul into an illustration 
 of the position and mutual duties of man 
 and wife (Eph. v. 23-32). The breach of 
 the union is, as before, described as for- 
 nication or whoredom in reference to the 
 mystical Babylon (Rev. xvii. 1, 2, 5). 
 
 Mars' Hill, the Hill of Mars or Ares, 
 better known by the name of Areopagus, 
 of which the Hill of Mars or Ares is a 
 translation. The Areopagus was a rocky 
 height in Athens, opposite the western end 
 of the Acropolis, from which it is separated 
 only by an elevated valley. It rises grad- 
 ually from the northern end, and termi- 
 nates abruptly on the south, over against the 
 Acropolis, at which point it is about fifty 
 or sixty feet above the valley already men- 
 tioned. According to tradition it was called 
 the Hill of Mars (Ares), because this god 
 was brought to trial here before the as- 
 sembled gods by Neptune (Poseidon), on 
 account of his murdering Halirrhothius, 
 the son of the latter. The spot is memora- 
 ble as the place of meeting of the Council 
 of Areopagus, frequently called the Upper 
 Council, to distinguish it from the Council 
 of Five Hundred, which held its sittings in 
 the valley below the hill. It existed as a 
 criminal tribunal before the time of Solon,
 
 MARSENA 
 
 384 
 
 MARY MAGDALENE 
 
 and was the most ancient and venerable 
 of all the Athenian courts. It consisted 
 of all persons who had held the office of 
 Archon, and who were members of it for 
 life, unless expelled for misconduct. It 
 enjoyed a high reputation, not only in 
 Athens, but throughout Greece. Before 
 the time of Solon the court tried only 
 cases of wilful murder, wounding, poison, 
 and arson ; but he gave it extensive powers 
 of a censorial and political nature. The 
 Council continued to exist even under the 
 Roman emperors. Its meetings were held 
 on the south-eastern summit of the rock. 
 There are still sixteen stone steps cut in the 
 rock, leading up to the hill from the valley 
 of the Agora below; and immediately 
 above the steps is a bench of stones exca- 
 vated in the rock, forming three sides of a 
 quadrangle, and facing the south. Here 
 the Areopagites sat as judges in the open 
 air. On the eastern and western side is 
 a raised block. The Areopagus possesses 
 peculiar interest to the Christian, as the spot 
 from which St. Paul delivered his mem- 
 orable address to the men of Athens (Acts 
 xvii. 22-31). It has been supposed by some 
 commentators that St. Paul was brought 
 before the Council of Areopagus ; but there 
 is no trace in the narrative of any judicial 
 proceedings. St. Paul " disputed daily " 
 in the " market " or Agora (xvii. 17), which 
 was situated south of the Areopagus in the 
 valley lying between this hill and those of 
 the Acropolis, the Pnyx and the Museum. 
 Attracting more and more attention, " cer- 
 tain philosophers of the Epicureans and 
 Stoics " brought him up from the valley, 
 probably by the stone steps already men- 
 tioned, to the Areopagus above, that they 
 might listen to him more conveniently. 
 Here the philosophers probably took their 
 seats on the stone benches usually occu- 
 pied by the members of the Council, while 
 the multitude stood upon the steps and in 
 the valley below. 
 
 Mar'sena, one of the seven princes of 
 Persia, " wise men which knew the times," 
 which saw the king's face and sat first in 
 the kingdom (Esth. i. 14). 
 
 Mar'tha, the sister of Lazarus and 
 Mary. [LAZARUS.] The facts recorded 
 in Luke x. and John xi. indicate a charac- 
 ter devout after the customary Jewish type 
 of devotion, sharing in Messianic hopes and 
 accepting Jesus as the Christ. When she 
 first comes before us in Luke x. 38, as re- 
 ceiving her Lord into her house, she loses 
 the calmness of her spirit, is " cumbered 
 with much serving," is " careful and trou- 
 bled about many things." She needs the 
 reproof, " One thing is needful;" but her 
 love, though imperfect in its form, is yet 
 recognized as true, and she too, no less 
 than Lazarus and Mary, has the distinction 
 of being oue whom Jesus loved (John xi. 3). 
 
 Her position here, it may be noticed, is ob- 
 viously that of the elder sister, the head and 
 manager of the household. In the supper 
 at Bethany (John xii. 2), the old character 
 shows itself still, but it has been freed from 
 evil. She is no longer " cumbered," no 
 longer impatient. Activity has been calmed 
 by trust. When other voices are raised 
 against her sister's overflowing love, hers 
 is not heard among them. 
 
 Mary of Cleophas. So in A. V., 
 but accurately " of CLOPAS." In St. John's 
 Gospel we read that " there stood by the 
 cross of Jesus His mother, and His mother's 
 sister, Mary of Clopas, and Mary Magda- 
 lene " (John xix. 25). The same group of 
 women is described by St. Matthew as con- 
 sisting of " Mary Magdalene, and Mary of 
 James and Joses, and the mother of Zebe- 
 dee's children " (Matt, xxvii. 56) ; and by 
 St. Mark, as " Mary Magdalene, and Mary 
 of James the Little and of Joses, and Sa- 
 lome " (Mark xv. 40). Prom a comparison 
 of these passages, it appears that Mary of 
 Clopas, and Mary of James the Little and 
 of Joses, are the same person, and that 
 she was the sister of St. Mary the Virgin. 
 Mary of Clopas was probably the elder 
 sister of the Lord's mother. It would seem 
 that she had married Clopas or Alphaeus 
 while her sister was still a girl. She had 
 four sons, and at least three daughters. 
 The names of the daughters are unknown 
 to us : those of the sons are James, Joses, 
 Jude, Simon, two of whom became enrolled 
 among the twelve apostles [JAMES], and a 
 third [SIMON], may have succeeded his 
 brother in the charge of the Church of Je- 
 rusalem. Of Joses and the daughters we 
 know nothing. Mary herself is brought 
 before us for the first time on the day of 
 the Crucifixion in the parallel passages 
 already quoted from St. Matthew, St. 
 Mark, and St. John. In the evening of 
 the same day we find her sitting desolately 
 at the tomb with Mary Magdalene (Matt, 
 xxvii. 61 ; Mark xv. 47), and at the dawn 
 of Easter morning she was again there 
 with sweet spices, which she had prepared 
 on the Friday night (Matt, xxviii. 1 ; Mark 
 xvi. 1; Luke xxiii. 56), and was one of 
 those who had " a vision of angels, which 
 said that He was alive " (Luke xsiv. 23), 
 These are all the glimpses that we have of 
 her. Clopas or Alphaeus is not mentioned 
 at all, except as designating Mary and 
 James. It is probable that he was dead 
 before the ministry of our Lord commenced. 
 Joseph, the husband of St. Mary the Vir- 
 gin, was likewise dead; and the two wid- 
 owed sisters, as was natural both for com- 
 fort and for protection, were in the custom 
 of living together in one house. 
 
 Mary Magdale'ne. Different expla- 
 nations have been given of this name ; but 
 the most natural is, that she came from the
 
 MARY MAGDALENE 
 
 385 MARY, SISTER OF LAZARUS 
 
 town of Magdala. She appears before us 
 for the first time in Luke viii. 2, among the 
 women who " ministered unto Him of their 
 substance." All appear to have occupied a 
 position of comparative wealth. With all 
 the chief motive was that of gratitude for 
 their deliverance from " evil spirits and in- 
 firmities." Of Mary it is said specially that 
 "seven devils went out of her," and the 
 number indicates, as in Matt. xii. 45, and 
 Oe " Legion " of the Gadarene demoniac 
 (Mark v. 9), a possession of more than ordi- 
 nary malignity. This life of ministration 
 must have brought Mary Magdalene into 
 companionship of the closest nature with 
 Salome the mother of James and John 
 (Mark xv. 40), and even also with Mary 
 the mother of the Lord (John xix. 25). 
 The women who thus devoted themselves 
 are not prominent in the history : we have 
 no record of their mode of life or abode, 
 or hopes or fears, during the few momentous 
 days that preceded the crucifixion. They 
 " stood afar off, beholding these things " 
 (Luke xxiii. 49) during the closing hours 
 of the Agony on the Cross. The same 
 close association which drew them together 
 there is seen afterwards. She remains by 
 the cross till all is over, waits till the body 
 is taken down, and wrapped in the linen 
 cloth and placed in the garden-sepulchre 
 of Joseph of Arirnathea (Matt, xxvii. 61 ; 
 Mark xv. 47; Luke xxiii. 55). The sab- 
 bath that followed brought an enforced rest, 
 but no sooner is the sunset over than she, 
 with Salome and Mary the mother of 
 James, " bought sweet spices that they 
 might come and anoint" the body (Mark 
 xvi. 1). The next morning accordingly, in 
 the earliest dawn (Matt, xxviii. 1 ; Mark 
 xvi. 2) they come with Mary, the mother of 
 James, to the sepulchre. Mary Magdalene 
 had been to the tomb and had found it 
 empty, had seen the " vision of angels " 
 (Matt, xxviii. 5; Mark xvi. 5). She went 
 with her cry of sorrow to Peter and John 
 (John xx. 1, 2). But she returns there. 
 She follows Petor and John, and remains 
 when they go back. The one thought that 
 fills her mind is still that the body is not 
 there (John xx. 13). The utter stupor of 
 her grief is show n in her want of power to 
 recognize at first either the voice or the 
 form of the Lord to whom she had minis- 
 tered (John xx. 14, 15). At last her own 
 name, uttered by her Lord, recalls her to 
 consciousness ; and then follows the cry of 
 recognition, with the strongest word of 
 reverence which a woman of Israel could 
 use, " Rabboni," and the rush forward to 
 cling to His feet. (1) Mary Magdalene 
 has become the type of a class of repentant 
 sinners ; but there is no authority for iden- 
 tifying her with the " sinner " who anoints 
 tho feet of Jesus in Luke vii. 3G-50. "\Vhcn 
 the name of Mary Magdalene appears in 
 25 
 
 Luke viii. 3 there is not one word to con- 
 j nect it with the history that immediately 
 { precedes. Never, perhaps, has a figment 
 so utterly baseless obtained so wide an ac- 
 ceptance as that which we connect with the 
 name of the " penitent Magdalene." It is 
 to be regretted that the chapter-heading of 
 the A. V. of Luke vii. should seem to give 
 a quasi-authoritative sanction to a tradition 
 so utterly uncertain, and that it should have 
 been perpetuated in connection with a great 
 work of mercy. (2) It has also been be- 
 lieved that Mary Magdalene is the same a.a 
 the sister of Lazarus. But this supposition 
 is still more startling. Not one single cir- 
 cumstance, except that of love and rever- 
 ence for their Master, is common. The 
 epithet Magdalene, whatever may be its 
 meaning, seems chosen for the express 
 purpose of distinguishing her from all other 
 Marys. No one Evangelist gives the slight- 
 est hint of identity. The Gospels record 
 two anointings of our Saviour, one by the 
 " sinner," in some city unnamed during our 
 Lord's Galilean ministry (Luke vii.), the 
 other at Bethany, by Mary, the sister of 
 Lazarus, before the last entry into Jerusa- 
 lem (Matt. xxvi. ; Mark xiv. ; John xii.). 
 The only passage adduced in favor of the 
 supposition that in these two narrations one 
 woman is intended, is John xi. 2. But the 
 words which we find tljere, " It was that 
 Mary which anointed the Lord with oint- 
 ment whose brother Lazarus was 
 
 sick," evidently refer by anticipation to the 
 history which was about to follow in ch. 
 xii. Moreover there is not the slightest 
 trace of the life of Mary of Bethany ever 
 having been one of open and flagrant im- 
 purity. 
 
 Mary, Mother of Mark. The woman 
 known by this description must have been 
 among the earliest disciples. We learn 
 from Col. iv. 10 that she was sister to Bar- 
 nabas, and it would appear from Acts iv_ 
 37, xii. 12, that, while the brother gave up. 
 his land and brought the proceeds of the- 
 sale into the common treasury of the 
 Church, the sister gave up her house to be- 
 used as one of its chief places of meeting.. 
 The fact that Peter goes to that house on. 
 his release from prison, indicates that there- 
 was some special intimacy (Acts xii. 12) 
 between them, and this is confirmed by the- 
 language which he uses towards Mark as 
 being his "son" (1 Pet. v. 13). 
 
 Mary, Sister of Lazarus. She and 
 her sister Martha appear in Luke x. 40, as 
 receiving Christ in their house. Mary sat 
 listening eagerly for every word that fell 
 from the Divine Teacher. She had chosen 
 the good part, the life that has found its 
 unity, the " one thing needful," in rising 
 from the earthly to the heavenly, no longer 
 distracted by the "many things" of earth. 
 The same character shows itself in the his-
 
 MARY THE VIRGIN 
 
 386 
 
 MARY THE VIRGIN 
 
 tory of John si. Her grief is deeper, but 
 less active. Her first thought when she 
 sees the Teacher in whose power and love 
 she had trusted, is one of complaint. But 
 the great joy and love which her brother's 
 return to life calls up in her, pour them- 
 selves out in larger measure than had been 
 seen beiore. The treasured alabaster-box 
 of ointment is brought forth at the final 
 feast of Bethany, John xii. 3. [See fur- 
 ther, MARY MAGDALENE.] 
 
 Mary the Virgin, the mother of our 
 Lord. There is no person perhaps in sa- 
 cred or in profane literature around whom 
 so many legends have been grouped as the 
 Virgin Mary ; and there are few whose au- 
 thentic history is more concise. We are 
 wholly ignorant of the name and occupa- 
 tion of St. Mary's parents. She was, like 
 Joseph, of the tribe of Judah, and of the 
 lineage of David (Ps. cxxxii. 11 ; Luke i. 
 32; Rom. i. 3). She had a sister, named, 
 like herself, Mary (John xix. 25), and she 
 was connected by marriage (Luke i. 36) 
 with Elizabeth, who was of the tribe of 
 Levi and of the lineage of Aaron. This is 
 all that we know of her antecedents. Her 
 betrothal to Joseph, and the circumstances 
 connected with her becoming the mother 
 of our Lord, are related elsewhere. [JESUS 
 CHRIST.] From the time at which our 
 Lord's ministry commenced, St. Mary is 
 withdrawn almost wholly from sight. Four 
 times only is the veil removed. These four 
 occasions are 1: The marriage at Cana 
 of Galilee (John ii.). 2. The attempt 
 which she and his brethren made "to speak 
 with him" (Matt. xii. 46; Mark iii. 21 and 
 31; Luke viii. 19). 3. The Crucifixion. 
 4. The days succeeding the Ascension 
 (Acts i. 14). If to these we add two refer- 
 ences to her, the first by her Nazarene fel- 
 low-citizens (Matt. xiii. 54, 55 ; Mark yi. 
 1-3), the second by a woman in the multi- 
 tude (Luke xi. 27), we have specified 
 every event known to us in her life. It 
 is noticeable that, on every occasion of 
 our Lord's addressing her, OR. speaking of 
 her, there is a sound of reproof in His 
 words, with the exception of the last words 
 spoken to her from the cross. 1. The 
 marriage at Cana in 'Galilee took place in 
 the three months which intervened between 
 the baptism of Christ ajjd the passover of 
 the year 27. When Jesus was found by 
 his mother and Joseph in the Temple in 
 the year 8, we find him repudiating the 
 name of "father" as applied to Joseph 
 (Luke ii. 48, 49). Now, in like manner, 
 at His first miracle which inaugurates His 
 ministry, He solemnly withdraws himself 
 from the authority of His earthly mother. 
 2. Capernaum (John ii. 12) and Nazareth 
 (Matt. iv. 13, xiii. 54; Mark vi. 1) appear 
 to have been the residence of St. Mary for 
 8. considerable period. The next time that 
 
 she is brought before us we find her at Ca 
 pernaum. It is the autumn of the year 28, 
 more than a year and a half after the mir 
 acle wrought at the marriage-feast in Cana. 
 Mary was still living with her sister, and 
 her nephews and nieces, James, Joses, Si- 
 mon, Jude, and their three sisters (Matt, 
 xiii. 55) ; and she and they heard of the 
 toils which he was undergoing, and they 
 understood that He was denying himself 
 every relaxation from his labors. Their 
 human affection conquered their faith. They 
 therefore sent a message, begging him to 
 allow them to speak to Him. Again he 
 reproves. Again he refuses to admit any 
 authority on the part of his relatives, or 
 any privilege on account of their relation- 
 ship. 3. The next scene in St. Mary's life 
 brings us to the foot of the cross. She was 
 standing there with her sister Mary and 
 Mary Magdalene, and Salome, and other 
 women, having no doubt followed her Son 
 as she was able throughout the' terrible 
 morning of Good Friday. It was about 
 three o'clock in the afternoon, and he was 
 about to give up His spirit. Standing near 
 the company of the women was St. John ; 
 and, with almost His last words, Christ 
 commended His mother to the care of him 
 who had borne the name of the dfsciple 
 whom Jesus loved. " Woman, behold thy 
 son." And from that hour St. John assures 
 us that he took her to his own abode. 4. A 
 veil is drawn over her sorrow and over her 
 joy which succeeded that sorrow. Medi- 
 aeval imagination has supposed, but Scrip- 
 ture does not state, that her Son appeared 
 to Mary after his resurrection from the 
 dead. She was doubtless living at Jerusa- 
 lem with John, cherished with the tender- 
 ness which her tender soul would have 
 specially needed, and which undoubtedly 
 she found pre-eminently in St. John. We 
 have no record of her presence at the As- 
 cension, or at the descent of the Holy Spirit 
 on the day of Pentecost. What we do read 
 of her is, that she remained steadfast in 
 prayer in the upper room at Jerusalem with 
 Mary Magdalene and Salome, and those 
 known as the Lord's brothers and the apos- 
 tles. This is the last view that we have of 
 her. Holy Scripture leaves her engaged in 
 prayer. From this point forwards we know 
 nothing of her. It is probable that the rest 
 of her life was spent in Jerusalem with St. 
 John. According to one tradition the be- 
 loved disciple would not leave Palestine 
 until she had expired in his arms. Other 
 traditions make her journey with St. John 
 to Ephesus, and there die in extreme old 
 age. The character of St. Mary is not 
 drawn by any of the Evangelists, but some 
 of its lineaments are incidentally manifested 
 in the fragmentary record which is given 
 of her. It is clear from St. Luke's account, 
 though without any such intimation we
 
 MARY THE VIRGIN 
 
 387 
 
 MARY 
 
 might rest assured of the fact, that her 
 youth had been spent in the study of the 
 Holy Scriptures, and that she had set be- 
 fore her the example of the holy women of 
 the Old Testament as her model. This 
 would appear from the Magnificat (Luke i. 
 4G). Her faith and humility exhibit them- 
 selves in her immediate surrender of her- 
 self to the Divine will, though ignorant 
 how that will should be accomplished (Luke 
 i. 38) ; her energy and earnestness, in her 
 journey from Nazareth to Hebron (Luke i. 
 39) ; her happy thankfulness, in her song 
 of joy (Luke i. 48) ; her silent musing 
 thoughtfulness, in her pondering over the 
 shepherd's visit (Luke ii. 19), and in her 
 keeping her Son's words in her heart (Luke 
 ii. 51), though she could not fully under- 
 stand their import. In a word, so far as 
 St. Mary is portrayed to us in Scripture, 
 she is, as we should have expected, the 
 most tender, the most faithful, humble, pa- 
 tient, and loving of women, but a woman 
 still. We do not enter into the theological 
 bearings of the worship of St. Mary ; but 
 we shall have left our task incomplete if we 
 do not add a short historical sketch of the 
 origin, progress, and present state of the 
 devotion to her. What was its origin? 
 Certainly not the Bible. There is not a 
 word there from which it could be inferred , 
 nor in the Creeds ; nor in the Fathers of the 
 first five centuries. Whence, then, did it 
 arise ? There is not a shadow of doubt that 
 the origin of the worship of St. Mary is to 
 be found in the apocryphal legends of her 
 birth and of her death. In these we may 
 find the germ of what afterwards expanded 
 into its present portentous proportions. 
 Some of the legends of her birth are as 
 early as the 2d or 3d century. They were 
 the production of the Gnostics, and were 
 unanimously and firmly rejected by the 
 Church of the first five centuries as fabulous 
 and heretical. Down to the time of the 
 Nestorian controversy the cultus of the 
 Blessed Virgin would appear to have been 
 wholly external to the Church, and to have 
 been regarded as heretical. But the Nesto- 
 rian controversies produced a great change 
 of sentiment in men's minds. Nestorius 
 had maintained, or at least it was the ten- 
 dency of Nestorianism to maintain, not only 
 that our Lord had two natures, the divine 
 and the human (which was right), but also 
 that lie was two persons, in such sort that 
 the child born of Mary was not divine, but 
 merely an ordinary human being, until the 
 divinity subsequently united itself to Him. 
 This was condemned by the Council of 
 Ephesus in the year 431 ; and the title 
 ftfoTi-xo?,. loosely translated "Mother of 
 God," was sanctioned. The object of the 
 Council and of the Anti-Nestorians was in 
 no sense to add honor to the mother, but 
 
 to maintain the true doctrine with respect to 
 the Son. Nevertheless, the result was to 
 magnify the mother, and, after a time, at 
 the expense of the Son. The legends too 
 were no longer treated so roughly as before. 
 The Gnostics were not now objects of 
 dread. Nestorians, and afterwards Icono- 
 clasts, were objects of hatred. From this 
 time the worship of St. Mary grew apace. 
 We learn the present state of the religious 
 regard in which she is held throughout 
 the south of Europe from St. Alfonso de' 
 Liguori, whose every word is vouched for 
 by the whole weight of his Church's author- 
 ity. Thus in the worship of the Blessed 
 Virgin there are two distinctly-marked pe- 
 riods. The first is that which commences 
 with the apostolic times, and brings us down 
 to the close of the century in which the 
 Council of Ephesus was held, during which 
 time the worship of St. Mary was wholly 
 external to the Church, and was regarded 
 by the Church as heretical, and confined 
 to Gnostic and Collyridian heretics. The 
 second period commences with the 6th cen- 
 tury, when it began to spread within the 
 Church ; and in spite of the shock given it 
 by the Reformation, has continued to spread, 
 and is spreading still. The legend of the 
 Assumption of St. Mary first appears in an 
 insertion (now recognized on all hands to be 
 a forgery) in Eusebius' Chronicle, to the 
 effect that " in the year A. D. 48 Mary the 
 Virgin was taken up into heaven, as some 
 wrote that they had had it revealed to them." 
 Thus the legend crept into the Church during 
 the 6th and 7th centuries, and was finally 
 ratified by the authority both of Rome and 
 Constantinople. The sinlessness of St. 
 Mary, which has issued in the dogma of the 
 Immaculate Conception, was likewise of late 
 origin. Down to the close of the 5th cen- 
 tury the sentiment with respect to her was 
 identical with that which is expressed by 
 theologians of the Church of England. At 
 this time the change of mind before referred 
 to, as originated by the Nestorian contro- 
 versies, was spreading within the Church ; 
 and it became more and more the general 
 belief that St. Mary was preserved from 
 actual sin by the grace of God. It became 
 almost universal in the 12th century. It 
 was maintained by St. Bernard that St. 
 Mary was conceived in original sin, but that 
 before her birth she was cleansed from it, 
 like John the Baptist and Jeremiah. This 
 was the sentiment of the 13th century. 
 Early in the 14th century died J. Duns 
 Scotus, and he is the first theologian or 
 schoolman who threw out as a possibility 
 the idea of an Immaculate Conception, 
 which would exempt St. Mary from origi- 
 nal as well as actual sin. This doctrine was 
 affirmed by the Papal decree of Dec. 8, 1854. 
 Mary, a Roman Chrisf'an who is greeted
 
 MASCHIL 
 
 383 
 
 MATTHEW, GOSPEL OP 
 
 by St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans 
 (xvi. 6) as having toiled hard for him. 
 
 Mas'chil. The title of thirteen Psalms : 
 xxxii.,xlii.,xliv., xlv., lii.-lv., Ixxiv., Ixxviii., 
 Ixxxviii., Ixxxix., cxlii. Ewald regards Ps. 
 xlvii. 7 (A. V. " sing ye praises with un- 
 derstanding ; " Heb. maschil) as the key to 
 the meaning of Maschil, which in his opin- 
 ion is a musical term, denoting a melody 
 requiring great skill in its execution. 
 
 Mash, one of the sons of Aram (Gen. 
 x. 23). In 1 Chr. i. 17 the name appears 
 as Meshech. The name Mash is probably 
 represented by the Mons Masius of classi- 
 cal writers, a range which forms the north- 
 ern boundary of Mesopotamia, between the 
 Tigris and Euphrates. 
 
 Ma'shal. The same as Misheal or 
 Mishal (1 Chr. vi. 74). 
 
 Mas'rekah, an ancient place, the native 
 spot of Samlah, one of the old kings of the 
 Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 36; 1 Chr. i. 47). 
 
 Mas'sa, a son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 
 14 ; 1 Chr. i. 30). His descendants were 
 not improbably the Masani, placed by Ptol- 
 emy in the east of Arabia, near the borders 
 of Babylonia. 
 
 Mas'sah, i. e. " temptation," a name 
 given to the spot, also called MERIBAH, 
 where the Israelites tempted Jehovah (Ex. 
 xvi. 7; Ps. xcv. 8, 9; Heb. iii. 8). 
 
 Mastich-tree occurs only in the Apoc- 
 rypha (Susan, ver. 54), where the margin 
 of the A. V. has lentisk. The fragrant resin 
 known in the arts as " mastich," and which 
 is obtained by incisions made in the trunk 
 in the month of August, is the produce of 
 this tree, whose scientific name is Pistachio, 
 lentiscus. It is used with us to strengthen 
 the teeth and gums, and was so applied by 
 the ancients, by whom it was much prized 
 on this account, and for its many supposed 
 medical virtues. 
 
 Mathu'sala = METHOSELAH, the son 
 of Enoch (Luke iii. 37). 
 
 Ma'tred, a daughter of Mezahab, and 
 mother of Mehetabel, who was wife of Ha- 
 dar (or Hadad) of Pau, king of Edom (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 39; 1 Chr. i. 50). 
 
 Ma'tri, a family of the tribe of Benja- 
 min, to which Saul the king of Israel be- 
 longed (1 Sam. x. 21). 
 
 Mat'tan. 1. The priest of Baal slain 
 before his altars in the idol temple at Jeru- 
 salem (2 K. xi. 18; 2 Chr. xxiii. 17). He 
 probably accompanied Athalia from Sama- 
 ria. 2. The father of Shephatiah (Jer. 
 xxxviii. 1). 
 
 Mat'tanah, a station in the latter part 
 of the wanderings of the Israelites (Num. 
 xxi. 18, 19). It was probably situated to 
 the S. E. of the Dead Sea. 
 
 Mattani'ah. 1. The original name of 
 Zedekiah king of Judah, which was changec 
 when Nebuchadnezzar placed him on the 
 throne (2 K. xxiv. 17). 2. A Levite 
 
 singer of the sons of Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 15). 
 He is described as the son of Micah, Micha 
 (Neh. xi. 17), or Michaiah (Neh. xii. 35), 
 and after the return from Babylon lived in 
 the villages of the Netophathites (1 Chr. 
 ix. 16) or Netophathi (Neh. xii. 28), which 
 the singers had built in the neighborhood 
 of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 29). As leader of 
 the Temple choir after its restoration (Neh. 
 xi. 17, xii. 8) in the time of Nehemiah, he 
 took part in the musical service which ac- 
 companied the dedication of the wall of 
 Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 25, 35). We find him 
 among the Levites of the second rank, 
 " keepers of the thresholds," an office which 
 fell to the singers (comp. 1 Chr. xv. 18, 
 21). 3. A descendant of Asaph, and an- 
 cestor of Jahaziel the Levite in the reign of 
 Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 14). 4. One of 
 the sons of Elam (Ezr. x. 26). 5. One of 
 the sons of Zattu (Ezr. x. 27). 6. A de- 
 scendant of Pahath-Moab (Ezr. x. 30). 
 And, 7. One of the sons of Bani (Ezr. x. 
 37), who all put away their foreign wives 
 at Ezra's command. 8. A Levite, father 
 of Zaccur, and ancestor of Hanan the under- 
 treasurer who had charge of the offerings 
 for the Levites in the time of Nehemiah 
 (Neh. xiii. 13). 9. One of the fourteen 
 sons of Heman, whose office it was to blow 
 the horns in the Temple service as appoint- 
 ed by David (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 16). 10. A 
 descendant of Asaph, the Levite minstrel, 
 who assisted in the purification of the Tem- 
 ple in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 
 13). 
 
 Mattathi'as. 1. The father of the 
 Maccabees (1 Mace. ii. 1, 14, 16, 17, 19, 
 a4, 27, 39, 45, 49, xiv. 29). 2. The son of 
 Simon Maccabaeus who was treacherously 
 murdered, together with his father and 
 brother, in the fortress of Docus, by Ptole- 
 meus the son of Abubus (1 Mace. xvi. 14). 
 [MACCABEES.] 
 
 Mat'thew. Matthew the Apostle and 
 Evangelist is the same as Levi (Luke v. 
 27-29) the son of a certain Alphaeus (Mark 
 ii. 14). His call to be an apostle is related 
 by all three Evangelists in the same words, 
 except that Matthew (ix. 9) gives the for- 
 mer, and Mark (ii. 14) and Luke (v. 27) 
 the latter name. The publicans, properly so 
 called (publican?), were persons who farmed 
 the Roman taxes, and they were usually, 
 in later times, Roman knights, and persons 
 of wealth and credit. They employed un- 
 der them inferior officers, natives of the 
 province where the taxes were collected, 
 called properly portitores, to which class 
 Matthew no doubt belonged. The traditions 
 respecting the later life of St. Matthew are 
 various ; but nothing whatever is really 
 known. 
 
 Matthew, Gospel of. The Gospel 
 which bears the name of St. Matthew was 
 written by the Apostle, according to the
 
 MATTHEW, GOSPEL OF 
 
 3*9 
 
 MATTOCK 
 
 testimony of all antiquity. I. Language in 
 which it was first written. Every early 
 writer who mentions that St. Matthew wrote 
 a Gospel at all says that he wrote in He- 
 brew (that is, in the Syro-Chaldaic) and in 
 Palestine in the first century. Moreover 
 every early writer that has come down to 
 us uses the Greek of St. Matthew, and this 
 with the definite recognition that it is a 
 translation; hence we may be sure that the 
 Greek copy belongs to the Apostolic age, 
 having been thus authoritatively used from 
 and up to that time. Thus the question is 
 not the authority of the Greek translation, 
 which comes from the time when the 
 Churches enjoyed Apostolic guidance, but 
 whether there was a Hebrew original from 
 which it had been translated. The wit- 
 nesses to the Hebrew* original were men 
 sufficiently competent to attest so simple a 
 fact, especially seeing that they are relied 
 on in what is far more important, that 
 St. Matthew wrote a Gospel at all. There 
 is in fact no evidence whatsoever that 
 St. Matthew wrote in Greek. II. Style 
 and Diction. 1. Matthew uses the ex- 
 pression, " that it might be fulfilled which 
 was spoken of the Lord by the prophet " 
 (i. 22, ii. 15). In ii. 5, and in later passages 
 of Matt, it is abbreviated (ii. 17, iii. 3, iv. 
 14, viii. 17, xii. 17, xiii. 14, 35, xxi. 4, xxvi. 
 56, xxvii. 9). 2. The reference to the 
 Messiah under the name " Son of David," 
 occurs in Matthew eight times ; and three 
 times each in Mark and Luke. 3. Jeru- 
 salem is called "the holy city," "the holy 
 place" (iv. 6, xxiv. 15, xxvii. 55). 4. The 
 expression awriitia TUV ainivog is used five 
 times ; in the rest of the N. T. only once, 
 in Ep. to Hebrews. 5. The phrase " king- 
 dom of heaven," about thirty-three times ; 
 other writers use "kingdom of God," which 
 is found also in Matthew. 6. " Heavenly 
 Father," used about six times ; and " Father 
 in heaven " about sixteen, and without ex- 
 planation, point to the Jewish mode of 
 speaking in this Gospel. III. Genuineness 
 of the Gospel. The genuineness of the 
 first two chapters of the Gospel has been 
 questioned, but is established on satisfactory 
 grounds. 1. All the old MSS. and versions 
 contain them ; and they are quoted by the 
 Fathers of the 2d and 3d centuries. 2. 
 Their contents would naturally form part 
 of a Gospel intended primarily for the Jews. 
 3. The commencement of ch. iii. is depen- 
 dent on ii. 23 ; and in iv. 13 there is a refer- 
 ence to ii. 23. 4. In constructions and 
 Expressions they are similar to the rest of 
 the Gospel. IV. Time when and place 
 where the Gospel was written. Nothing 
 can be said on this point with certainty. 
 The most probable supposition is that it 
 was written between 50 and CO, and in Pal- 
 estine. V. Purpose of the Gospel. The 
 Gospel itself tells us x iy plain internal evi- 
 
 dence that it was written for Jewish con- 
 verts, to show them in Jesus of Nazareth 
 the Messiah of the O. T. whom they ex- 
 pected. Jewish converts over all the world 
 seem to have been intended, and not mere- 
 ly Jews in Palestine. It is pervaded by one 
 principle, the fulfilment of the Law and of 
 the Messianic prophecies in the person of 
 Jesus. 
 
 Matthi'as, the Apostle elected to fill 
 the place of the traitor Judas (Acts i. 26). 
 All beyond this that we know of him for 
 certainty is, that he had been a constant 
 attendant upon the Lord Jesus during the 
 whole course of His ministry ; for such was 
 declared by St. Peter to be the necessary 
 qualification of one who was to be a witness 
 of the resurrection. It is said that he 
 preached the Gospel and suffered martyr- 
 dom i.; Ethiopia. 
 
 Mattithi'ah. 1. A Levite, the first- 
 born of Shallum the Korhite, who presided 
 over the offerings made in the pans (1 Chr. 
 ix. 31; comp. Lev. vi. 20 [12], &c.). 2. 
 One of the Levites of the second rank under 
 Asaph, appointed by David to minister be- 
 fore the ark in the musical service (1 Chr. 
 xvi. 6), "with harps upon Sheminith" 
 (comp. 1 Chr. xv. 21), to lead the choir. 
 3. One of the family of Nebo, who had 
 married a foreign wife in the days of Ezra 
 (Ezr. x. 43). 4. Probably a priest, who 
 stood at the right hand of Ezra when he read 
 the law to the people (Ezr. viii. 4). 5. The 
 same as 2, the Hebrew being in the length- 
 ened form (1 Chr. xv. 18, 21). He was one 
 of the six sons of Jeduthun (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 
 21). 
 
 Mattock (Is. vii. 25). The tool used 
 
 Egyptian Hoe. (From Wilkinson.) . 
 
 in Arabia for loosening the ground, de- 
 scribed by Niebuhr, answers generally to 
 our mattock or grubbing-axe, t. e. a single-
 
 MAUL 
 
 390 
 
 MEALS 
 
 headed pickaxe, the sarculus simplex, as 
 opposed to bicornis of Palladius. The an- 
 cient Egyptian hoe was of wood, and an- 
 swered for hoe, spade, and pick. 
 
 Maul (i.e. a hammer ; a variation of mall, 
 from malleus'), a word employed by our 
 translators to render the Hebrew term 
 mgphits. The Hebrew and English alike 
 occur in Prov. xxv. 18 only. But a deriv- 
 ative from the same root, and differing but 
 slightly in form, viz. mappcts, is found in 
 Jer. li. 20, and is there translated by " bat- 
 tle-axe." 
 
 Mauz zim. The marginal note to the 
 A. V. of Dan. xi. 38, "the God of forces," 
 gives, as the equivalent of the last word, 
 "Mauzzim, or gods protectors, or muni- 
 tions." The Geneva version renders the 
 Hebrew as a proper name both in Dan. xi. 
 38 and 39, where the word occurs again 
 (marg. of A. V. "munitions"). In the 
 Greek version of Theodotion it is treated as 
 a proper name, as well as in the Vulgate. 
 There can be little doubt that " Mauzzim " 
 is to be taken in its literal sense of " for- 
 tresses," just as in Dan. xi. 19, 39 ; " the 
 god of fortresses " being then the deity who 
 presided over strongholds. But beyond 
 this it is scarcely possible to connect an 
 appellation so general with any special ob- 
 ject of idolatrous worship. Calvin suggest- 
 ed that it denoted " money," the strongest 
 of all powers. By others it has been sup- 
 posed to be Mars. The opinion of Gese- 
 nius is more probable, that " the god of 
 fortresses " was Jupiter Capitolinus, for 
 whom Antiochus built a temple at Antioch 
 (Liv. xli. 20). A suggestion made by Mr. 
 Laird (Nin. ii. 456, note} is worthy of being 
 recorded. After describing Hera, the As- 
 syrian Venus, as " standing erect on a lion, 
 and crowned with a tower or mural coronet, 
 which, we learn from Lucian, was peculiar 
 to the Semitic figure of the goddess," he 
 adds in a note, " May she be connected 
 with the ' El Maozem,' the deity presiding 
 over bulwarks and fortresses, the ' god of 
 forces' of Dan. xi. 38?" 
 
 Maz'zaroth. The margin of the A. V. 
 of Job xxxviii. 32 gives " the twelve signs" 
 as the equivalent of" Mazzaroth," and this 
 is in all probability its true meaning. 
 
 Meadow. This word, so peculiarly 
 English, is used in the A. V. to translate 
 two words which are entirely distinct and 
 independent of each other. " 1. Gen. xli. 2 
 and 18. Here the word in the original is 
 ha-Achd. It appears to be an Egyptian 
 term. Its use in Job viii. 11 (A. V. " flag") 
 seems to show that it is not a " meadow," 
 but some kind of reed or water-plant. But 
 as during high inundations of the Nile 
 such inundations as are the cause of fruitful 
 years the whole of the land on either side 
 is a marsh, and as the cultivation extends 
 up to the very lip of the river, is it not pos- 
 
 sible that Acliu may denote the herbage of 
 the growing crops ? 2. Judg. xx. 33 only : 
 " the meadows of Gibeah." Here the word 
 is Maareh, which occurs nowhere else with 
 the same vowels attached to it. The sense 
 is thus doubly uncertain. The most plau- 
 sible interpretation is that of the Peshito- 
 Syriac, which by a slight difference in the 
 vowel-points makes the word mearah, " the 
 cave." 
 
 Me'ah, The Tower of, one of the 
 towers of the wall of Jerusalem when re- 
 built by Nehemiah (iii. 1, xii. 39), appears 
 to have been situated somewhere at the 
 north-east part of the city, outside of the 
 walls of Zion. 
 
 Meals. Our information on this subject 
 is but scanty : the early Hebrews do not 
 seem to have given 1 special names to their 
 several meals, for the terms rendered 
 "dine" and "dinner" in the A. V. (Gen. 
 xliii. 16 ; Prov. xv. 17) are in reality gen- 
 eral expressions, which might more cor- 
 rectly be rendered "eat" and "portion of 
 food." In the N. T. we have the Greek 
 terms OCQKJTOV and StiTivov, which the A. V. 
 renders respectively "dinner" and "sup- 
 per" (Luke xiv. 12; John xxi. 12), but 
 which are more properly "breakfast " and 
 "dinner." There is some uncertainty as 
 to the hours at which the meals were taken : 
 the Egyptians undoubtedly took their prin- 
 cipal meal at noon (Gen. xliii. 16) ; labor- 
 ers took a light meal at that time (Ruth ii. 
 14; comp. ver. 17); and occasionally that 
 early hour was devoted to excess and revel- 
 ling (1 K. xx. 16). It has been inferred 
 from those passages (somewhat too hastily, 
 we think) that the principal meal generally 
 took place at noon : the Egyptians do indeed 
 still make a substantial meal at that time ; 
 but there are indications that the Jews 
 rather followed the custom that prevails 
 among the Bedouins, and made their prin- 
 cipal meal after sunset, and a lighter meal 
 at about 9 or 10 A. M. The posture at meals 
 varied at various periods : there is sufficient 
 evidence that the old Hebrews were in the 
 habit of sitting (Gen. xxvii. 19; Judg. xix. 
 6; 1 Sam. xx. 5, 24; 1 K. xiii. 20), but it 
 does not hence follow that they sat on 
 chairs ; they may have squatted on the 
 ground, as was the occasional, though not 
 perhaps the general custom of the ancient 
 Egyptians. The table was in this case In-t 
 slightly elevated above the ground, as is still 
 the case in Egypt. As luxurj' increased, 
 the practice of sitting was exchanged for 
 that of reclining: the first intimation tff 
 this occurs in the prophecies of Amos (iii. 
 12, vi. 4). The custom may have been 
 borrowed in the first instance from the 
 Babylonians and Syrians, among whom it 
 prevailed at an early period (Esth. i. 6, vii. 
 8). In the time of our Saviour, reclining 
 was the universal custom, as is implied in
 
 MEALS 
 
 391 
 
 MEALS 
 
 6 q r s 
 
 An Ancient Egyptian Dinner Party. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 a,j,n,r. Tables with various dishes. 6, p. Figs, d, e, g, and . Baskets of grapes. Fip. 3 is taking a wing from a froose. 
 Fig. 4 holds a joint of meat. Figs. 5 and 7 are eating fish. Fig. 6 ii about to drink water from an earthen vessel. 
 
 the terms used for " sitting at meat," as 
 the A. V. incorrectly has it. The couch 
 itself is only once mentioned (Mark vii. 4; 
 A. V. " table "), but there can belittle doubt 
 that the Roman triclinium had been intro- 
 duced, and that the arrangements of the ta- 
 bles resembled those described by classical 
 writers. Generally speaking, only three per- 
 sons reclined on each couch, but occasional- 
 ly four, or even five. The couches were pro- 
 vided with cushions, on which the left elbow 
 rested in support of the upper part of the 
 body, while the right arm remained free ; a 
 room provided with these was described as 
 iatQtnfiifov, lit. "spread" (Mark xiv. 15; 
 A. V. " furnished "). As several guests re- 
 clined on the same couch, each overlapped 
 his neighbor, as it were, and rested his 
 head on or near the breast of the one who 
 lay behind him ; he was then said to " lean 
 on the bosom " of his neighbor (John xiii. 
 23, xxi. 20). The ordinary arrangement 
 of the couches was in three sides of a 
 square, the fourth being left open for the 
 servants to bring up the dishes. Some 
 doubt attends the question whether the fe- 
 males took their meals along with the 
 Btles. The cases of Ruth amid the reap- 
 ers (Ruth ii. 14), of Elkanah with his 
 wives (1 Sam. i. 4), of Job's sons and 
 daughters (Job i. 4), and the general inter- 
 mixture of the sexes in daily life, make it 
 more than probable that they did so join ; 
 at the same time, as the duty of attending 
 upon the guests devolved upon them (Luke 
 x. 40), they probably took a somewhat 
 irregular and briefer repast. Before com- 
 mencing the meal the guests washed their 
 hands. This custom was founded on nat- 
 ural decorum ; not only was the hand the 
 
 substitute for our knife and fork, but the 
 hands of all the guests were dipped into 
 one and the same dish. Another prelimi- 
 nary step was the grace or blessing, of 
 which we have but one instance in the O. T. 
 (1 Sam. ix. 13), and more than one pro- 
 nounced by our Lord Himself in the N. T. 
 (Matt. xv. 36; Luke ix. 16; John vi. 11). 
 The mode of taking the food differed in no 
 material point from the modern usages of 
 the East ; generally there was a single dish, 
 into which each guest dipped his hand 
 (Matt. xxvi. 23) ; occasionally separate 
 portions were served out to each (Gen. 
 xliii. 34; Ruth ii. 14; 1 Sam. i. 4). A 
 piece of bread was held between the thumb 
 and two fingers of the right hand, and was 
 dipped either into a bowl of melted grease 
 (in which case it was termed "a sop," 
 John xiii. 26), or into the dish of meat, 
 whence a piece was conveyed to the mouth 
 between the layers of bread. At the con- 
 clusion of the meal, grace was again said 
 in conformity with Deut. viii. 10, and the 
 hands were again washed. Thus far we 
 have described the ordinary meal ; on state 
 occasions more ceremony was used, and 
 the meal was enlivened in various ways. 
 Such occasions were numerous, in connec- 
 tion partly with public, partly with private 
 events. On these occasions a sumptuous 
 repast was prepared ; the guests were pre- 
 viously invited (Esth. v. 8 ; Matt. xxii. 3), 
 and on the day of the feast a second, invi- 
 tation was issued to those that were bidden 
 (Esth. vi. 14 ; Prov. ix. 3 ; Matt. xxii. &',. 
 The visitors were received with a kiss 
 (Tob. vii. 6 ; Luke vii. 45) ; water was pro- 
 duced for 'Aem to wash Mieir feet with 
 (Luke vii. 44) ; the head, the beard, the
 
 MEARAH 
 
 392 
 
 MEDES 
 
 feet, and sometimes the clothes, 'were per- 
 fumed with ointment (Ps. xxiii. 5 ; Am. vi. 
 6; Luke vii. 38; John xii. 3) ; on special 
 occasions robes were provided (Matt. xii. 
 11) ; and the head was decorated with 
 wreaths (Is. xxviii. 1 ; Wisd. ii. 7, 8 ; Jo- 
 seph. Ant. xix. 9, 1). The regulation 
 of the feast was under the superintendence 
 of a special officer (John ii. 8 ; A. V. " gov- 
 ernor of the feast "), whose business it was 
 to taste the food and the liquors before they 
 were placed on the table, and to settle 
 about the toasts and amusements ; he was 
 generally one of the guests (Ecclus. xxxii. 
 1, 2), and might therefore take part in the 
 conversation. The places of the guests 
 were settled according to their respective 
 rank (Gen. xljii. 33 ; 1 Sam. ix. 22 ; Luke 
 xiv. 8; Mark xii. 39; John xiii. 23); por- 
 tions of food were placed before each (1 
 Sam. i. 4 ; 2 Sam. vi. 19 ; 1 Chr. xvi. 3), 
 the most honored guests receiving either 
 larger (Gen. xliii. 34 ; comp. Herod, vi. 
 57) or more choice (1 Sam. ix. 24) por- 
 tions than the rest. The meal was enliv- 
 ened with music, singing, and dancing (2 
 Sam. xix. 35; Ps. Ixix. 12; Is. v. 12; Arn. 
 vi. 5), or with riddles (Judg. xiv. 12) ; 
 and amid these entertainments the festival 
 was prolonged for several days (Esth. 
 i. 3. 4). 
 
 Mea'rah, a place named in Josh. xiii. 4 
 only. The word means in Hebrew a cave, 
 and it is commonly assumed that the refer- 
 ence is to some remarkable cavern in the 
 neighborhood of Zidon. 
 
 Measures. [WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.] 
 
 Meat. It does not appear that the word 
 " meat " is used in any one instance in the 
 A. V. of either the O. or N. Testament, in 
 the sense which it now almost exclusive- 
 ly bears of animal food. The latter is de- 
 noted uniformly by " flesh." The only 
 possible exceptions to this assertion in the 
 O. T. are (a.) Gen. xxvii. 4, &c., "sa- 
 vory meat." (&.) Ib. xiv. 23, " corn and 
 bread and meat." The only real and in- 
 convenient ambiguity caused by the change 
 which has taken place in the meaning of 
 the word is in the case of the " meat-offer- 
 ing." [MEAT-OFFERING.] 
 
 Meat-offering. The -word minchAh 
 signifies originally a gift of any kind, and 
 appears to be used generally of a gift from 
 an inferior to a superior, whether God or 
 man. The law or ceremonial of the meat- 
 offering is described in Lev. ii. and vi. 14- 
 23. It was to be composed of fine flour, 
 seasoned with salt, and mixed with oil and 
 frankincense, but without leaven ; and it 
 was generally accompanied by a drink-of- 
 fering of wine. A portion of it, including 
 all the frankincense, was to be burnt on the 
 altar as "a memorial ;" the rest belonged 
 to the priest ; but the meat-offerings offered 
 bj the priests themselves were to be wholly 
 
 burnt. Its meaning appears t .. be exactly 
 expressed in the words of David (1 Chr. 
 xxix. 10-14). It will be seen that this 
 meaning involves neither of the main ideas 
 of sacrifice the atonement for sin and 
 self-dedication to God. It takes them for 
 granted, and is based on them. According- 
 ly, the meat-offering, properly so-called, 
 seems always to have been a subsidiary of- 
 fering, needing to be introduced by the sin- 
 offering, which represented the one idea, 
 and forming an appendage to the burnt- 
 offering which represented the other. The 
 imbloody offerings offered alone did not 
 properly belong to the regular meat-offer- 
 ing. They were usually substitutes for 
 other offerings (comp. Lev. v. 11 ; Num. v. 
 15). [MEAT.] 
 
 Mebunna'i. In this form appears, in 
 one passage only (2 Sam. xxiii. 27), the 
 name of one of David's guard, who is else- 
 where called SIBBECHAI (2 Sam. xxi. 18; 
 
 1 Chr. xx. 4) or SIBBECAI (1 Chr. xi. 29, 
 xxvii. 11) in the A. V. The reading " Sib- 
 bcchni " is evidently the true one. 
 
 Mech'erathite, The, that is, the na- 
 tive or inhabitant of a place called Meche- 
 rah (1 Chr. xi. 30). In the parallel list of 
 
 2 Sam. xxiii. the name appears, with other 
 variations, as " the Maachathite" (ver. 34). 
 
 Me'dad. [ELDAD and MEDAD.] 
 
 Me'dan, a son of Abraham and Keturah 
 (Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32). It has been 
 supposed, from the similarity of the name, 
 that the tribe descended from Medan was 
 more closely allied to Midian than by mere 
 blood-relation, and that it was the same as, 
 or a portion of, the latter. There is, how- 
 ever, no ground for this theory beyond its 
 plausibility. 
 
 Med'eba, a town on the eastern side of 
 Jordan, first alluded to in Num. xxi. 30. 
 Here it seems to denote the limit of the ter- 
 ritory of Heshbon. It next occurs in the 
 enumeration of the country divided amongst 
 the trans-Jordanic tribes (Josh. xiii. 9), as 
 giving its name to a district of level downs 
 called "the Mishor of Medeba," or "the 
 Mishor on Medeba." At the time of the 
 conquest Medeba belonged to the Amor- 
 ites, apparently one of the towns taken from 
 Moab by them. In the time of Ahaz Me- 
 deba was a sanctuary of Moab (Is. xv. f). 
 It has retained its name down to our own 
 times, and lies 4 miles S. E. of JJeshbon, 
 on a rounded bnt rocky hill. 
 
 Medes. Me'dia. Media lay north-west 
 of Persia Proper, south and south-west of 
 the Caspian, east of Armenia and Assyria, 
 west and north-west of the great salt des- 
 ert of Irani. Its greatest length was from 
 north to south, and in this direction it ex- 
 tended from the 32d to the 40th parallel, a 
 distance of 550 miles. In width it reached 
 from about long. 45 to 53 ; but its aver- 
 age breadth was not more than from 250 to
 
 MEDES 
 
 393 
 
 MEDES 
 
 3oO miles. The division of Media com- 
 monly recognized by the Greeks and Ro- 
 mans was that into Media Magna and Media 
 Atropatene. 1. Media Atropatene corre- 
 sponded nearly to the modern Azerbijan, 
 being the tract situated between the Caspi- 
 an and the mountains which run north from 
 Zagros. 2. Media Magna lay south and 
 east of Atropatene. It contained great 
 part of Kurdistan and Luristan, with all 
 Ardelan and Irak Ajemi. It is indicative of 
 the division, that there were twoEcbatanas 
 one, the northern, at Takht-i- Suleiman ; 
 the other, the southern, at IJamadan, on 
 the flanks of Mount Orontes respective- 
 ly the capitals of the two districts. [EC- 
 BAT ANA.] Next to the two Ecbatanas, the 
 chief town in Media was undoubtedly Rha- 
 ges, the Raga of the inscriptions. It may 
 be gathered from the mention of the Medes, 
 by Moses, among the races descended from 
 Japhet [MADAI], that they were a nation 
 of very high antiquity ; and it is in accord- 
 ance with this view that we find a notice 
 of them in the primitive Babylonian history 
 of Berosus, who says that the Medes con- 
 
 ?uered Babylon at a very remote period 
 cir. B. c. 2458), and that eight Median 
 monarchs reigned there consecutively, over 
 a space of 224 years. The deepest obscu- 
 rity hangs, however, over the whole history 
 of the Medes from the time of their bearing 
 sway in Babylonia (B. c. 2458-2234) to 
 their first appearance in the cuneiform in- 
 scriptions among the enemies of Assyria, 
 about B. c. 880. They then inhabit a por- 
 tion of the region which bore their name 
 down to the Mohammedan conquest of Per- 
 sia; but whether they were recent immi- 
 grants into it, or had held it from a remote 
 antiquity, is uncertain. However this was, 
 it is certain that at first, and for a long 
 series of years, they were very inferior in 
 power to the great empire established upon 
 their flank. Herodotus represents the de- 
 cadence of Assyria as greatly accelerated by 
 a formal revolt of the Medes, and places this 
 revolt about B. c. 708. He gives a succes- 
 sion of kings Deioces, Phraortes, Cyax- 
 ares, and Astyages. But the cuneiform 
 records of Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esar- 
 haddon clearly show that the Median king- 
 dom did not commence so early as Herodo- 
 tus imagined. These three princes, whose 
 reigns cover the space extending from B. c. 
 720 to B. c. 6GO, all carried their arms deep 
 into Media, and found it, not under the 
 dominion of a single powerful monarch, 
 but under the rule of a vast number of 
 petty chieftains. It cannot have been till 
 near the middle of the 7th century B. c. 
 that the Median kingdom was consolidated, 
 and became formidable to its neighbors. 
 Cyaxares, the third Median monarch, took 
 Nineveh and conquered Assyria, B. c. 625. 
 The limits of the Median Empire cannot 
 
 be definitely fixed. From north to sonth 
 its extent was in no place great, since it 
 was certainly confined between the Persian 
 Gulf and the Euphrates on the one side, 
 the Black and Caspian Seas on the other. 
 From east to west it had, however, a wide 
 expansion, since it reached from the Halys 
 at least as far as the Caspian Gates, and 
 possibly farther. It was separated from 
 Babylonia either by the Tigris, or more 
 probably by a line running about half way 
 between that river and the Euphrates. Its 
 greatest length may be reckoned at 1500 
 miles from N. W. to S. E., and its average 
 breadth at 400 or 450 miles. Its area would 
 thus be about 600,000 square miles, or 
 somewhat greater than that of modern 
 Persia. With regard to the nature of the 
 government established by the Medes over 
 the conquered nations, we possess but lit- 
 tle trustworthy evidence. Herodotus in 
 one place compares, somewhat vaguely, 
 the Median with the Persian system (i. 
 134) ; but on the whole it is perhaps most 
 probable that the Assyrian organization 
 was continued by the Medes, the subject- 
 nations retaining their native monarchs, 
 and merely acknowledging subjection by 
 the payment of an annual tribute. The 
 satrapal organization was apparently a 
 Persian invention, begun by Cyrus, con- 
 tinued by Cambyses, his son, but first 
 adopted as the regular governmental sys- 
 tem by Darius Hystaspis. Of all the an- 
 cient Oriental monarchies the Median was 
 the shortest in duration. It was over- 
 thrown by the Persians under Cyrus, B. c. 
 558. After many partial engagements, a 
 great battle was fought between the two 
 armies, and the result was the complete 
 defeat of the Medes, and the capture of 
 their king, Astyages, by Cyrus. The treat- 
 ment of the Medes by the victorious Per- 
 sians was not that of an ordinary conquered 
 nation. According to some writers (as 
 Herodotus and Xenophon) there was a close 
 relationship between Cyrus and the last 
 Median monarch, who was therefore natu- 
 rally treated with more than common ten- 
 derness. The two nations were closely 
 akin ; they had the same Aryan or Iranic 
 origin, the same early traditions, the same 
 language, nearly the same religion, and ul- 
 timately the same manners and customs, 
 dress, and general mode of life. Medes 
 were advanced to stations of high honor 
 and importance under Cyrus and his suc- 
 cessors. The original religion of the Medea 
 must undoubtedly have been that simple 
 creed which is placed before us in the 
 earlier portions of the Zendavcsta. Its 
 peculiar characteristic was Dualism, the 
 belief in the existence of two opposite 
 principles of good and evil, nearly if not 
 quite on a par with one another. Orinazd 
 and Ahriman were both self-caused and 
 
 \
 
 MEDES 
 
 394 
 
 MEDICINE 
 
 self-existent, both indestructible, both po- 
 tent to work their will. Besides Ormazd, 
 the Aryans worshipped the Sun and Moon, 
 under the names of Mithra and Homa ; and 
 they believed in the existence of numerous 
 spirits or genii, some good, some bad, the 
 subjects and ministers respectively of the 
 two powers of Good and Evil. Their mi- 
 gration brought them into contact with the 
 fire-worshippers of Armenia and Mount 
 Zagros, among whom Magism had been 
 established from a remote antiquity. The 
 result was either a combination of the two 
 religions, or in some cases an actual con- 
 version of the conquerors to the faith and 
 worship of the conquered. So far as can 
 be gathered from the scanty materials in 
 our possession, the latter was the case with 
 the Medes. The customs of the Medes 
 nearly resembled those of their neighbors, 
 the Armenians and the Persians ; but they 
 were regarded as the inventors, their 
 neighbors as the copyists. They were 
 brave and warlike, excellent riders, and 
 remarkably skilful with the bow. The 
 flowing robe, so well known from the 
 Persepolitan sculptures, was their native 
 drss, and was certainly among the points 
 foi which the Persians were beholden to 
 them. References to the Medes. The 
 references to the Medes in the canonical 
 Scriptures are not very numerous, but they 
 are striking. We first hear of certain 
 " cities of the Medes," in which the cap- 
 tive Israelites were placed by " the king of 
 Assyria " on the destruction of Samaria, 
 B. c. 721 (2 K. xvii. 6, xyiii. 11). This 
 implies the subjection of Media to Assyria 
 at the time of Shalmaneser, or of Sargon, 
 his successor, and accords very closely 
 with the account given by the latter of cer- 
 tain military colonies which he planted in 
 the Median country. Soon afterwards 
 Isaiah prophesies the part which the Medes 
 shall take in the destruction of Babylon 
 (Is. xiii. 17, xxi. 2) ; which is again still 
 more distinctly declared by Jeremiah (li. 
 11 and 28), who sufficiently indicates the 
 independence of Media in his day (xxv. 25). 
 Daniel relates the fact of the Medo-Persic 
 conquest (y. 28, 31), giving an account of 
 the reign of Darius the Mede, who appears 
 to have been made viceroy by Cyrus (vi. 
 1-28). In Ezra we have a mention of 
 Achmetha (Ecbatana), " the palace in the 
 province of the Medes," where the decree 
 of Cyrus was found (vi. 2-5) a notice 
 which accords with the known facts that 
 the Median capital was the seat of govern- 
 ment under Cyrus, but a royal residence 
 only, and not the seat of government under 
 Darius Hystaspis. Finally, in Esther, the 
 high rank of Media under the Persian 
 kings, yet at the same time its subordinate 
 position, are marked by the frequent com- 
 bination of the two names in phrases of 
 
 honor, t. o precedency being in every case 
 assigned to the Persians. In the Apocry- 
 pha the Modes occupy a more prominent 
 i place. The chief scene of one whole book 
 ! (Tobit) is Media ; and in another (Judith) 
 I a very striking portion of the narrative be- 
 j longs to the same country. The mention 
 of Khages in both narratives as a Median 
 town and region of importance is geograph- 
 ically correct; and it is historically true 
 that Phraortes suffered his overthrow in 
 the Rhagian district. 
 
 Me'dian. Darius, " the son of Ahas- 
 uerus, of the seed of the Medes " (Dan. 
 ix. 1) or "the Mede" (xi. 1), is thus de- 
 scribed in Dan. v. 31. 
 
 Medicine. Next to care for food, 
 clothing, and shelter, the curing of hurts 
 takes precedence even amongst savage na- 
 tions. At a later period comes the treat- 
 ment of sickness, and recognition of states 
 of disease ; and these mark a nascent civ- 
 ilization. From the most ancient testi- 
 monies, sacred and secular, Egypt, from 
 whatever cause, though perhaps from ne- 
 cessity, was foremost among the nations in 
 this most human of studies purely physical. 
 Egypt was the earliest home of medical and 
 other skill for the region of the Mediter- 
 ranean basin, and every Egyptian mummy 
 of the more expensive and elaborate sort 
 involved a process of anatomy. Still we 
 have no trace of any philosophical or ra- 
 tional system of Egyptian origin ; and med- 
 icine in Egypt was a mere art or profes- 
 sion. Of science the Asclepiadae of Greece 
 were the true originators. Hippocrates, 
 who wrote a book on " Ancient Medicine," 
 and who seems to have had many oppor- 
 tunities of access to foreign sources, gives 
 no prominence to Egypt. Compared with 
 the wild countries around them, at any 
 rate, the Egyptians must have seemed in- 
 calculably advanced. Representations of 
 early Egyptian surgery apparently occur 
 on some of the monuments of Beni-Has- 
 san. Flint knives used for embalming have 
 been recovered the "Ethiopic stone" of 
 Herodotus (ii. 86 ; comp. Ex. iv. 25) was 
 probably either black flint or agate; and 
 those who have assisted at the opening of 
 a mummy have noticed that the teeth ex- 
 hibited a dentistry not inferior in execution 
 to the work of the best modern experts. 
 This confirms the statement of Herodotus 
 that every part of the body was studied by 
 a distinct practitioner. Pliny (vii. 57) as- 
 serts that the Egyptians claimed the inven- 
 tion of the healing art, and (xxvi. 1) thinks 
 them subject to many diseases. Their 
 " many medicines " are mentioned (Jer. 
 xlvi. 11). Athothmes II., king of the 
 country, is said to have written on the sub- 
 ject of anatomy. The various recipes 
 known to have been beneficial were record- 
 ed, with their peculiar cases, in the me-
 
 MEDICINE 
 
 395 
 
 MEDICINE 
 
 moirs of physic, inscribed among the laws, 
 and deposited in the principal temples of 
 the place (Wilkinson, iii. 396, 397). The 
 reputation of its practitioners in historical 
 times was such that both Cyrus and Darius 
 sent to Egypt for physicians or surgeons. 
 Of midwifery we have a distinct notice (Ex. 
 i. 15), and of women as its practitioners, 
 which fact may also be verified from the 
 sculptures. The physicians had salaries 
 from the public treasury, and treated al- 
 ways according to established precedents, 
 or deviated from these at their peril, in case 
 of a fatal termination ; if, however, the pa- 
 tient died under accredited treatment no 
 blame was attached. The Egyptians who 
 lived in the corn-growing region are said by 
 Herodotus (ii. 77) to have been specially 
 attentive to health. The scrupulous atten- 
 tion paid to the dead was favorable to the 
 health of the living. But, to pursue to 
 later times this merely general question, it 
 appears that the Ptolemies themselves prac- 
 tised dissection, and that, at a period when 
 Jewish intercourse with Egypt was com- 
 plete and reciprocal, there existed in Alex- 
 andria a great zeal for anatomical study. 
 In comparing the growth of medicine in the 
 rest of the ancient world, the high rank of 
 its practitioners princes and heroes 
 settles at once the question as to the esteem 
 in which it was held in the Homeric and 
 pre-Homeric period. The practice of physic 
 was not among the Jews a privilege of 
 the priesthood. Any one might practise it, 
 and this publicity must have kept it pure. 
 Nay, there was no Scriptural bar to its 
 practice by resident aliens. We read of 
 "physicians," " healing," &c., in Ex. xxi. 
 19; 2 K. viii. 29; 2 Chr. xvi. 12; Jerem. 
 viii. 22. At the same time the greater lei- 
 sure of the Levites and their other advan- 
 tages would make them the students of the 
 nation, as a rule, in all science, and their 
 constant residence in cities would give them 
 the opportunity, if carried out in fact, of a 
 far wider field of observation. The reign 
 of peace of Solomon's days must have 
 opened, especially with renewed Egyptian 
 intercourse, new facilities for the study. He 
 himself seems to have included in his fa- 
 >orite natural history some knowledge of 
 the medicinal uses of the creatures. His 
 works show him conversant with the notion 
 of remedial treatment (Prov. iii. 8, vi. 15, xii. 
 18, xvii. 22, xx. 30, xxix. 1 ; Eccles. iii. 3) ; 
 and one passage indicates considerable 
 knowledge of anatomy. The statement that 
 king Asa (2 Chr. xvi. 12) " sought not to Je- 
 hovah but to the physicians," may seem to 
 countenance the notion that a rivalry of actu- 
 al worship, based on some medical fancies, 
 nad been set up. The captivity at Baby- 
 lon brought the Jews in contact with a 
 new sphere of thought. We know too little 
 of the precise state of medicine in Babylon, 
 
 Susa, and the " cities of the Medes," to de- 
 termine the direction in which the impulse 
 so derived would have led the exiles. The 
 book of Ecclesiasticus shows the increased 
 regard given to the distinct study of medi- 
 cine, by the repeated mention of physicians, 
 &c., which it contains, and which, as prob- 
 ably belonging to the period of the Ptole- 
 mies, it might be expected to show. Hank 
 and honor are said to be the portion of the 
 physician, and his office to be from the 
 Lord (xxxviii. 1, 3, 12). The repeated al- 
 lusions to sickness in vii. 35, xxx. 17, xxxi. 
 22, xxxvii. 30, xxxviii. 9, coupled with the 
 former recognition of merit, have caused 
 some to suppose that this author was him- 
 self a physician. In Wisd. xvi. 12, plaister 
 is spoken of; anointing, as a means of 
 healing, in Tob. vi. 8. To bring down the 
 subject to the period of the N. T., St 
 Luke, "the beloved physician," who prac 
 tised at Antioch whilst the body was his 
 care, could hardly have failed to be con- 
 versant with all the leading opinions cur- 
 rent down to his own time. The medicine 
 and surgery of St. Luke were probably 
 not inferior to those commonly in demand 
 among educated Asiatic Greeks, and must 
 have been, as regards their basis, Greek, 
 and not Jewish. Before proceeding to the 
 examination of diseases in detail, it may 
 be well to observe that the question of 
 identity between any ancient malady known 
 by description, and any modern one known 
 by experience, is often doubtful. Some 
 diseases, just as some plants and some ani- 
 mals will exist almost anywhere ; others can 
 only be produced within narrow limits de- 
 pending on the conditions of climate, habit, 
 &c. Eruptive diseases of the acute kind 
 are more prevalent in the East than in 
 colder climes. They also run their course 
 more rapidly. Disease of various kinds is 
 commonly regarded as a divine infliction, 
 or denounced as a penalty for transgres- 
 sion; "the evil diseases of Egypt" are 
 especially so characterized ; so the emerods 
 of the Philistines (1 Sam. v. 6); the severe 
 dysentery (2 Chr. xxi. 15, 19) of Jehoram, 
 which was also epidemic ; so the sudden 
 deaths of Er, Onan, the Egyptian first- 
 born, Nabal, Bathsheba's son, and Jero- 
 boam's are ascribed to the action of Jeho- 
 vah immediately, or through a prophet. 
 Pestilence (Hab. iii. 5) attends His path, 
 and is innoxious to those whom he shelters 
 (Ps. xci. 3-10). It is by Jeremiah, Ezekiel, 
 and Amos associated (as historically in 2 
 Sam. xxiv. 13) with " the sword " and 
 "famine." The sicknesses of the widow's 
 son of Zarephath, of Ahaziah, Benhadad, 
 the leprosy of Uzziah, the boil of Hezekiah, 
 are also noticed as diseases sent by Jeho- 
 vah, or in which He interposed. In 2 Sam. 
 iii. 29, disease is invoked as a curse, and in 
 Solomon's prayer, 1 K. viii. 37 (comp. 2
 
 MEDICINE 
 
 896 
 
 MEDICINE 
 
 Cnr. xx. 9), anticipated as a chastisement. 
 Satanic agency appears also as procuring 
 disease (Job ii. 7; Luke xiii. 11, 1C). 
 Diseases are also mentioned as ordinary 
 calamities. Among special diseases named 
 in the O. T. are. ophthalmia (Gen. xxix. 
 17), which is perhaps more common in 
 Syria and Egypt than anywhere else in the 
 world; especially in the fig season, the 
 juice of the newly-ripe fruit having the 
 power of giving it. It may occasion par- 
 tial or total blindness (2 K. vi. 18). The 
 eye-salve (Rev. iii. 18) was a remedy 
 common to Orientals, Greeks-, and Eomans. 
 Several diseases are mentioned, the names 
 of which are derived from various words, 
 signifying to burn or to be hot (Ley. xxvi. 
 16; Deut. xxviii. 22). The "burning 
 boil," or " of a boil" (Lev. xiii. 23) is 
 merely marked by the notion of an effect 
 resembling that of fire, like our " carbun- 
 cle ; " it may possibly find an equivalent 
 in the Damascus boil of the present 
 time. The diseases rendered "scab" and 
 "scurvy "in Lev. xxi. 20, xxii. 22, Deut. 
 xxviii. 27, may be almost any skin disease. 
 Some of these may be said to approach the 
 type of leprosy. The " botch (shechtri) 
 of Egypt" (Deut. xxviii. 27) is so vague a 
 term as to yield a most uncertain sense ; 
 the pi igue as known by its attendant bubo, 
 hns been suggested. It is possible that the 
 Elephantiasis Graecorum may be intended. 
 The same word is used to express the 
 " boil " of Hezekiah. In Deut. xxviii. 35, 
 is mentioned a disease attacking the " knees 
 and legs," consisting in a " sore botch which 
 cannot be healed," but extended, in the se- 
 quel of the verse, from the " sole of the foot 
 to the top of the head." The latter part of 
 the quotation would certainly accord with 
 Elephantiasis Graecorum. The Elephanti- 
 asis Graecorum is what now passes under 
 the name of " leprosy " the lepers, e. g. 
 of the huts near the Zion gate of modern 
 Jerusalem are elepKantiasiacs. [LEPROSY.] 
 The disease of king Antiochus (2 Mace, 
 ix. 5-10, &c.) is that of a boil breeding 
 worms. There is some doubt whether this 
 disease be not allied to phthiriasis, in which 
 lice are bred, and cause ulcers. In Deut. 
 xxviii. 65. it is possible that a palpitation 
 of the heart is intended to be spoken of 
 (comp.Gen. xlv.26). InMarkxi. 17(comp. 
 Luke ix. 38) we have an apparent case of 
 epilepsy. The expression of Ex. ix. 10, a 
 "boil" flourishing, or ebullient with blains, 
 may perhaps be a disease analogous to 
 phlegmonous erysipelas, or even common 
 erysipelas. The " withered hand " of Jero- 
 boam (1 K. xiii. 4-6), and of the man, 
 Matt. xii. 1J-13 (comp. Luke vi. 10), ^is 
 such an effect as is known to follow from 
 me obliteration of the main artery of any 
 member, or from paralysis of the principal 
 nerve, either through disease or trough 
 
 injury. The case of the widow's son 
 restored by Elisha (2 K. iv. 19) was proba- 
 bly one of sunstroke. The disease of Asa 
 " in his feet " which attacked him in his 
 old age (1 K. xv. 23; 2 Chr. xvi. 12), and 
 became exceeding great, may have been 
 either oedema, swelling, or podagra, gout. 
 The disease of Nebuchadnezzar (Dun. iv. 
 33) may be viewed as a species of the 
 melancholy known as Lycanthropia. Per- 
 sons so affected wander like wolves in sep- 
 ulchres by night, and imitate the howling 
 of a wolf or a dog. Here should be noticed 
 the mental malady of Saul. His melan- 
 choly seems to have had its origin in his 
 sin. Music, which soothed him for a while, 
 has entered largely into the milder modern 
 treatment of lunacy. The palsy meets us 
 in the N. T. only, and in features too famil- 
 iar to need special remark. Gangrene, or 
 mortification in its various forms, is a to- 
 tally different disorder from the " canker " 
 of the A. V. in 2 Tim. ii. 17. Both gan- 
 grene and cancer were common in all the 
 countries familiar to the Scriptural writers, 
 and neither differs from the modern disease 
 of the same name. The bite or sting of 
 venomous beasts can hardly be treated as a 
 disease; but in connection with the " fiery 
 (t. e. venomous) serpents " of Num. xxi. 6, 
 and the deliverance from death of those 
 bitten, it deserves a notice. The brazen 
 figure was symbolical only. It was custom- 
 ary to consecrate the image of the affliction, 
 either in its cause or in its effect, as in the 
 goldon emerods, golden mice, of 1 Sam. vi. 
 4, 8, and in the ex-votos common in Egypt, 
 even before the Exodus ; and these may be 
 compared with this setting up of the brazen 
 serpent. The scorpion and centipede are 
 natives of the Levant (Rev. ix. 5, 10), and, 
 with a large variety of serpents, swarm 
 there. The disease of old age has acquired 
 a place in Biblical nosology chiefly owing 
 to the elegant allegory into which "The 
 Preacher " throws the successive tokens of 
 the ravage of time on man (Eccl. xii.). 
 The course of decline is marked in meta- 
 phor by the darkening of the great lights 
 of nature, and che ensuing period of life ia 
 compared to the broken weather of the 
 wet season, setting in when summer is 
 gone, when after every shower fresh clouds 
 are in the sky, as contrasted with the 
 showers of other seasons, which pass away 
 into clearness. The "keepers of the 
 house " are perhaps the ribs which support 
 the frame, or the arms and shoulders which 
 enwrap and protect it. The " strong men " 
 are its supporters, the lower limbs " bowing 
 themselves " under the weight they once so 
 lightly bore. The "grinding " hardly needs 
 to be explained of the teeth, now become 
 "few." The "lookers from the windows" 
 are the pupils of the eyes, now " darkened." 
 The "doors shut" represent the dolnessof
 
 MEDICINE 
 
 397 
 
 MEGIDDO 
 
 those other senses which are the portals of 
 knowledge. The "rising up at the voice 
 of a bird " portrays the light, soon-fleeting, 
 easily-broken slumber of the aged man ; or 
 possibly, and more literally, actual waking 
 in the early morning, when first the cock 
 crows, may be intended. The "daughters 
 of music brought low," suggest the 
 
 " big manly voice 
 Now turned again to childish treble ; " 
 
 and also, as illustrated by Barzillai, the 
 failure in the discernment and the utterance 
 of musical notes. The fears of old age are 
 next noticed: "They shall be afraid of 
 that which is high ; " an obscure expression, 
 perhaps, for what are popularly called 
 " nervous " terrors, exaggerating and mag- 
 nifying every object of alarm. " Fear in 
 the way " is at first less obvious ; but we 
 observe that nothing unnerves and agitates 
 an old person more than the prospect of a 
 long journey. Thus regarded, it becomes 
 a fine and subtile touch in the description 
 of decrepitude. All readiness to haste is 
 arrested and a numb despondency succeeds. 
 The "flourishing" of "the almond-tree" 
 is still more obscure ; but we observe this 
 tree in Palestine blossoming when others 
 show no sign of vegetation, and when it is 
 dead winter all around no ill type, per- 
 haps, of the old man who has survived his 
 own contemporaries and many of his juniors. 
 Youthful lusts die out, and their organs, 
 of which "the grasshopper" is perhaps a 
 figure, are relaxed. The "silver cord" 
 may be that of nervous sensation, or mo- 
 tion, or even the spinal marrow itself. 
 Perhaps some incapacity of retention may 
 be signified by the " golden bowl broken ; " 
 the " pitcher broken at the well," suggests 
 some vital supply stopping at the usual 
 source derangement perhaps of the di- 
 gestion or of the respiration; the "wheel 
 shivered at the cistern," conveys, through 
 the image of the water- lifting process fa- 
 miliar in irrigation, the notion of the blood, 
 pumped as it were, through the vessels, 
 and fertilizing the whole system ; for " the 
 blood is the life." This careful register of 
 the tokens of decline might lead us to ex- 
 pect great care for the preservation of 
 health and strength; and this indeed is 
 found to mark the Mosaic system, in the 
 regulation? concerning diet, the " divers 
 washings," and the pollution imputed to a 
 corpse nay, even in circumcision itself. 
 These served not only the ceremonial pur- 
 pose of imparting self-consciousness to the 
 Hebrew, and keeping him distinct from 
 alien admixture, but had a sanitary aspect 
 of rare wisdom, when we regard the coun- 
 try, the climate, and the age. Among 
 surgical instruments or pieces of apparatus 
 the following only are alluded to in Scrip- 
 ture. A cutting instrument, supposed a 
 " sharp-stone " (Ex. iv. 25). The " knife " 
 
 of Josh. v. 2 was probably a more refined 
 instrument for the same purpose. An 
 " awl " is mentioned (Ex. xxi. 6) as used 
 to bore through the ear of the bondman 
 who refused release, and is supposed to 
 have been a surgical instrument. The 
 " roller to bind " of Ez. xxx. 21 was for a 
 broken limb, as still used. A scraper, for 
 which the "potsherd" of Job was a sub,- 
 stitute (Job ii. 8). Ex. xxx. 23-25 is a 
 prescription in form. An occasional trace 
 occurs of some chemical knowledge, e. g. 
 the calcination of the gold by Moses ; the 
 effect of "vinegar upon natrum " (Ex. 
 xxxii. 20; Prov, xxv. 20; comp. Jer. ii. 
 22) ; the mention of " the apothecary " 
 (Ex. xxx. 35; Eccles. x. 1), and of the 
 merchant in " powders " (Cant. iii. 6), 
 shows that a distinct and important branch 
 of trade was set up in these wares, in 
 which, as at a modern druggist's, articles 
 of luxury, &c., are combined with the 
 remedies of sickness. Among the most 
 favorite of external remedies has always 
 been the bath. There were special oc- 
 casions on which the bath was ceremonially 
 enjoined. The Pharisees and Essenes 
 aimed at scrupulous strictness of all such 
 rules (Matt. xv. 2 ; Mark vii. 5 ; Luke 
 xi. 38). River-bathing was common, but 
 houses soon began to include a bath-room 
 (Ley. xv. 13; 2 K. v. 10; 2 Sam. xi. 2; 
 Susanna 15). 
 
 Megid'do was in a very marked position 
 on the southern rim of the plain of Es- 
 draelon, on the frontier-line of the ter- 
 ritories of the tribes of Issachar and 
 Manasseh, and commanding one of those 
 passes from the north into the hill-coUntry 
 which were of such critical importance on 
 various occasions in the history of Judaea 
 (Judith iv. 7). The first mention occurs in 
 Josh. xii. 21, where Megiddo appears as 
 the city of one of the kings whom Joshua 
 defeated on the west of the Jordan. The 
 song of Deborah brings the place vividly 
 before us, as the scene of the great conflict 
 between Sisera and Barak. The chariots 
 of Sisera were gathered " unto the river of 
 KISHON " (Judg. iv. 13) ; Barak went down 
 with his men " from Mount TABOR" into 
 the plain (iv. 14) ; " then fought the kings 
 of Canaan in Taanach by the waters of 
 Megiddo" (v. 19). The chief historical 
 interest of Megiddo is concentrated in 
 Josiah's death. When Pharaoh-Necho 
 came from Egypt against the king of 
 Assyria, Josiah joined the latter, and was 
 slain at Megiddo (2 K. xxiii. 29), and his 
 body was carried from thence to Jerusalem 
 (ib. 30). The story is told in the Chronicles 
 in more detail (2 Chr. xxxv. 22-24). There 
 the fatal action is said to have taken place 
 " in the valley of Megiddo." This calamity 
 made a deep and permanent impression on 
 the Jews. Thus, in the language of the
 
 MEGIDDON 
 
 398 
 
 MELCHIZEDEK 
 
 prophets (Zech. xii. 11), " the mourning of 
 Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon " 
 becomes a poetical expression for the 
 deepest and most despairing grief; as in 
 the Apocalypse (Rev. xvi. 16) AKMAGED- 
 DON, in continuance of the same imagery, 
 is presented as the scene of terrible and 
 final conflict. Megiddo is the modern el- 
 Jxjjiln, which is undoubtedly the Legio of 
 Eusebius and Jerome. There is a copious 
 stream flowing down the gorge, and turn- 
 ing some mills before joining the Kishon. 
 Here are probably the "waters of Megid- 
 do " of Judg. v. 19. 
 
 Megid'don, The Valley of. The 
 extended form of the preceding name. It 
 occurs only in Zech. xii. 11. 
 
 Mehet'abeel. Another and less cor- 
 rect form of MEHETABEL. The ancestor 
 of Shemaiah the prophet who was hired 
 against Nehemiah by Tobiah and Sanballat 
 (Neh. vi. 10). 
 
 Mehet abel, the daughter of Hatred, 
 and wife of Hadad, or Hadar, the eighth 
 and last-me,ntioned king of Edom (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 30). 
 
 Mehi'da, a family of Nethinim, the de- 
 scendants of Mehida, returned from Baby- 
 lon with Zcrubbabel (Ezr. ii. 52 ; Neh. vii. 
 64). 
 
 jyEe'hir, the son of Chelub, the brother 
 of Sbuah (1 Chr. iv. 11). 
 
 Mehol'athite, The, a word occurring 
 once only (1 Sam. xviii. 19). It no doubt 
 demotes that Adriel belonged to a place 
 called Meholah, but whether that was Abel- 
 MehoVih, afterwards the native place of 
 Elisha, or another, is uncertain. 
 
 Mehu'jael, the son of Irad, and fourth 
 in descent from Cain (Gen. iv. 18). 
 
 Mehu'man, one of the seven eunuchs 
 (A. V. " chamberlains ") of Ahasuerus 
 (Esth. i. 10). 
 
 Mehu'nim, Ezr. ii. 50. Elsewhere 
 called Mr.HUxiMS and MEUNIM. 
 
 Mehu'nims, The, a people against 
 whom king Uzziah waged a successful war 
 (2 Chr. xxvi. 7). Although so different in 
 its English dress, yet the name is in the 
 original merely the plural of Maon [MAON]. 
 Another notice of the Mehunims in the 
 reign of Hezekiah (cir. B. c. 726-697) is 
 found in 1 Chr. iv. 41. Here they are 
 spoken of as a pastoral people, either 
 themselves Hamites, or in alliance with 
 Hamites, quiet and peaceable, dwelling in 
 tents. Here, however, the A. V. treats the 
 word as an ordinary noun, and renders it 
 " habitations." A third notice of the Me- 
 hunim, corroborative of those already men- 
 tioned, is found in the narrative of 2 Chr. 
 xx. There is every reason to believe that 
 in ver. 1 " the Ammonites " should be read 
 as " the Maonites," who in that case are 
 the " men of Mount Seir " mentioned later 
 in the narrative (ver. 10, 22). In all these 
 
 passages, including the last, the LXX. ren- 
 der the name by of MUVMOI the Minae- 
 ans a nation of Arabia renowned for 
 their traffic in spices, who are named by 
 Strabo, Ptolemy, and other ancient geogra- 
 phers, and whose seat is now ascertained to 
 have been the S. W. portion of the great 
 Arabian peninsula, the western half of the 
 modern Hadramaut. The latest appear- 
 ance of the name MEHTTNIMS in the Bible 
 is in the lists of those who returned from 
 the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 50, 
 A. V. "Mehunim;" Neh. vii. 52, A. V. 
 " Meunim "). 
 
 Me-jar'kon, a town in the territory of 
 Dan (Josh. xix. 46 only) ; named next in 
 order to Gathrimmon, and in the neighbor- 
 hood of Joppa or Japho. 
 
 Mek'onah, one of the towns which 
 were re-inhabited after the captivity by the 
 men of Judah (Neh. xi. 28). 
 
 Melati'ah, a Gibeonite, who assisted in 
 rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. 
 iii. 7). 
 
 Mel'chi. 1. The son of Janna, and an- 
 cestor of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesus 
 Christ (Luke iii. 24). 2. The son of Addi 
 in the same genealogy (Luke iii. 21). 
 
 Melchi'ah, a priest, the father of Pashur 
 (Jer. xxi. 1). 
 
 Melchis'edec, the form of the name 
 MELCHIZEDEK adopted in the A. V. of the 
 New Testament (Heb. v., vi., vii.). 
 
 Mel'chi-shu'a, a son of Saul (1 Sam. 
 xiv. 49, xxxi. 2). Elsewhere correctly given 
 MALCHISHUA. 
 
 Melchiz'edek, king of Salem and priest 
 of the Most High God, who met Abram in 
 the valley of Shaveh, which is the king's 
 valley, brought out bread and wine, blessed 
 Abram, and received tithes from him (Gen. 
 xiv. 18-20). The other places in which 
 Melchizedek is mentioned are Ps. ex. 4, 
 where Messiah is described as a priest for- 
 ever, " after the order of Melchizedek," 
 and Heb. v., vi., vii., where these two pas- 
 sages of the O. T. are quoted, and the 
 typical relation of Melchizedek to cur Lord 
 is stated at great length. There is some- 
 thing surprising and mysterious in the first 
 appearance of Melchizedek, and in the sub- 
 sequent reference to him. Bearing a title 
 which Jews in after ages would-recognize 
 as designating their own sovereign, bearing 
 gifts which recall to Christians the Lord's 
 Supper, this Canaanite crosses for a mo- 
 ment the path of Abram, and is unhesitat- 
 ingly recognized as a person of higher 
 spiritual rank than the friend of God. Dis- 
 appearing as suddenly as he came in, he is 
 lost to the sacred writings for a thousand 
 years. The faith of early ages ventured to 
 invest his person with superstitious awe. 
 Jewish tradition pronounces Melchizedek 
 to be a survivor of the Deluge, the patri- 
 arch Shem. The way in which he is men-
 
 MELEA 
 
 399 
 
 MELONS 
 
 tionccl in Genesis would rather lead to the 
 inference that Melchizedek was of one 
 blood witli the children of Ham, among 
 whom he lived, chief (like the King of 
 Sodom) of a settled Canaanitish tribe. And 
 as Balaam was a prophet, so Melchizedek 
 was a priest among the corrupted heathen, 
 not self-appointed, but constituted by a spe- 
 cial gift from God, and recognized as such 
 by Him. The " order of Melchizedek," in 
 Ps. ex. 4, is explained to mean " manner " 
 = likeness in official dignity = a king and 
 priest. The relation between Melchizedek 
 and Christ as type and antitype is made in 
 the Ep. to the Hebrews to consist in the 
 following particulars. Each was a priest, 
 (1) not of the Levitical tribe; (2) superior 
 to Abraham ; (3) whose beginning and end 
 are unknown ; (4) who is not only a priest, 
 but also a king of righteousness and peace. 
 A fruitful source of discussion has been 
 found in the site of Salem. [SALEM.] 
 
 Mele'a. The son of Menan, and an- 
 cestor of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesus 
 Christ (Luke iii. 31). 
 
 Me'lech.. The second son of Micah, 
 the son of Merib-baal or Mephibosheth (1 
 Chr. viii. 35, ix. 41). 
 
 Mel'icu. The same as MALLUCH 6 
 (Neh. xii. 14; comp. ver. 2). 
 
 Mel'ita, the modern Malta. This island 
 has an illustrious place in Scripture, as the 
 scene of that shipwreck of St. Paul which 
 is described in such minute detail in the 
 Acts of the Apostles (Acts xxvii.). The 
 wreck probably happened at the place tra- 
 ditionally known as St. Paul's Bay. (1.) 
 We take St. Paul's ship in the condition in 
 which we find her about a day after leaving 
 FAIR HAVENS, i. e. when she was under the 
 lee of CLAUDA (Acts xxvii. 16), laid-to on 
 the starboard tack, and strengthened with 
 "undergirders," the boat being just taken 
 on board, and the gale blowing hard from 
 the E. N. E. (2.) Assuming (what every 
 practised sailor would allow) that the ship's 
 direction of drift would be about W. by N., 
 and her rate of drift about a mile and a 
 half an hour, we come at once to the con- 
 clusion, by measuring the distance on a 
 chart, that she would be brought to the 
 coast of Malta on the thirteenth day (see 
 ver. 27). (3.) A ship drifting in this di- 
 rection to the place traditionally known as 
 St. Paul's Bay would come to that spot on 
 the coast without touching any other part 
 of the island previously. The coast, in fact, 
 trends from this bay to the S. E. (4.) On 
 Koura Point, which is the south-easterly 
 extremity of the bay, there must infallibly 
 have been breakers, with the wind blowing 
 from the N. E. Now the alarm was cer- 
 tainly caused by breakers, for it took place 
 in the night (ver. 27), and it does not ap- 
 pear that the passengers were at first aware 
 of the danger which became sensible to the 
 
 quick ear of the " sailors." (5.) Yet the 
 vessel did not strike : and this corresponds 
 with the position of the point, which would 
 be some little distance on the port side, or 
 to the left of the vessel. (6.) Off this 
 point of the coast the soundings are 20 
 fathoms (ver. 28), and a little farther, in 
 the direction of the supposed drift, they 
 are 15 fathoms (ib.). (7.) Though the 
 danger was imminent, we shall find from 
 examining the chart that there wouM still 
 be time to anchor (ver. 29) before striking 
 on the rocks ahead. (8.) With bad hold- 
 ing ground there would have been great 
 risk- of the ship dragging her anchors. 
 The bottom of St. Paul's Bay is remark- 
 ably tenacious. (9.) The other geological 
 characteristics of the place are in harmony 
 with the narrative, which describes the 
 creek as having in one place a sandy or 
 muddy beach (ver. 39), and which states 
 that the bow of the ship was held fast in 
 the shore, while the stern was exposed to 
 the action of the waves (ver. 41). (10.) 
 Another point of local detail is of consid- 
 erable interest viz. that as the ship took 
 the ground, the pla^e was observed to be 
 8i6ul^aa<if, i. e. a c< nnection was noticed 
 between two apparently separate pieces of 
 water. We shall see, on looking at a chart, 
 that this would be the caso. (11.) Malta 
 is in the track of ships between Alexandria 
 and Puteoli : and this corresponds with the 
 fact that the " Castor and Pollux," an Alex- 
 andrian vessel, which ultimately conveyed 
 St. Paul to Italy, had wintered in the island 
 (Acts xxviii. 11). (12.) Finally, the course 
 pursued in this conclusion of the voyage, 
 first to Syracuse, and then to Rhegium, 
 contributes a last link to the chain of argu- 
 ments by which we prove that Melita is 
 Malta. The question has been set at rest 
 forever by Mr. Smith of Jordan Hill, in 
 his Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, 
 the first published work in which it was 
 thoroughly investigated from a sailor's 
 point of view. As regards the condition 
 of the island of Melita, when St. Paul was 
 there, it was a dependency of the Roman 
 province of Sicily. Its chief officer (under 
 the governor of Sicily) appears from in- 
 scriptions to have had the title of TILTHS 
 Mi AITUIIOV, or Primus Melitensium, and this 
 is the very phrase which St. Luke uses 
 (xxviii. 7). Melita, from its position in 
 the Mediterranean, and the excellence of 
 its harbors, has always been important 
 both in commerce and war. It was a set- 
 tlement of the Phoenicians at an early pe- 
 riod, and their language, in a corrupted 
 form, continued to be spoken there in St. 
 Paul's day. 
 
 Melons (Heb. abattichim) are men- 
 tioned only in Num. xi. 5. By the Hebrew 
 word we are probably to understand both 
 the Melon (Cucumis melo) and the water
 
 MELZAR 
 
 400 
 
 MENELAUS 
 
 Melon (Cucurbita citrullus}. The water- 
 meluii, which is now extensively cultivated 
 in all hot countries, is a fruit not unlike the 
 common melon, but the leaves are deeply 
 lobed and gashed, the flesh is pink or 
 white, and contains a large quantity of cold 
 watery juice without much flavor : the seeds 
 are black. 
 
 Mel'zar. The A. V. is wrong in regard- 
 Ing Melzar as a proper name ; it is rather 
 an official title, as is implied in the addition 
 of the article in each case where the name 
 occurs (Dan. i. 11, 16) ; the marginal read- 
 ing, " the steward," is therefore more cor- 
 rect. 
 
 Mem/phis, a city of ancient Egypt, 
 situated on the western bank of the Nile, in 
 latitude 30 J 6' N. It is mentioned by 
 Isaiah (xix. 13), Jeremiah (ii. 16, xlvi. 14, 
 19), and Ezekiel (xxx. 13, 16), under the 
 name of NOPH ; and by Hosea (ix. 6) un- 
 der the name of MOPH in Hebrew, and 
 MEMPHIS in our English version. Though 
 some regard Thebes as the more ancient 
 city, the monuments of Memphis are of 
 higher antiquity than those of Thebes. 
 Herodotus dates its foundation from Menes, 
 the first king of Egypt. The city is said 
 to have had a circumference of about 19 
 miles. The temple of Apis was one of the 
 most noted structures of Memphis. It 
 stood opposite the southern portico of the 
 temple of Ptah; and Psammetichus, who 
 built that gateway, also erected in front of 
 the sanctuary of Apis a magnificent colon- 
 nade, supported by colossal statues or Osi- 
 ride pilars, such as may still be seen at the 
 temple of Medeenet Habou at Thebes (He- 
 rod, ii. 153). Through this colonnade the 
 Apis was led with great pomp upon state oc- 
 casions. At Memphis was the reputed bu- 
 rial-place of Isis ; it had also a temple to 
 that " myriad-named " divinity. Memphis 
 had also its Serapeium, which probably stood 
 in the western quarter of the city. The 
 sacred cubit and other symbols used in 
 measuring the rise of the Nile, were de- 
 posited in the temple of Serapis. The Ne- 
 cropolis, adjacent to Memphis, was on a 
 scale of grandeur corresponding with the 
 city itself. The " city of the pyramids " is 
 a title of Memphis in the hieroglyphics upon 
 the monuments. Memphis long held its 
 place- as a capital ; and for centuries a 
 Memphite dynasty ruled over all Egypt. 
 Lepsius, Bunsen, and Brugsch, agree in 
 regarding the 3d, 4th, Gth, 7th, and 8th 
 dynasties of the Old Empire as Memphite, 
 reaching through a period of about 1000 
 years. The city's overthrow was distinctly 
 I redicted by the Hebrew prophets (Is. xix. 
 13; Jcr. xlvi. 19). The latest of these 
 predictions was uttered nearly 600 years be- 
 fore Christ, and half a century before the 
 invasion of Egypt by Cambyses (cir. B. c. 
 525). Herodotus informs us that Camby- 
 
 ] ses, enraged at the opposition he encoun- 
 tered at Memphis, committed many out- 
 rages upon the city. The city nevei re- 
 covered from the blow inflicted by Cam- 
 byses. The rise of Alexandria hastened 
 its decline. The Caliph conquerors found- 
 ed Fost^t (Old Cairo) upon the opposite 
 bank of the Nile, a few miles north of 
 Memphis, and brought materials from the 
 old city to build their new capital (A. D. 
 638). At length so complete was the ruin 
 of Memphis, that for a long time its very 
 site was lost. Recent explorations have 
 brought to light many of its antiquities. 
 
 Memu can. One of the seven princes 
 of Persia in the reign of Ahasuerus, who 
 " saw the king's face," and stit first in the 
 kingdom (Esth. i. 14, 16, 21). They were 
 " wise men who knew the times " (skilled 
 in the planets, according to Aben Ezra), 
 and appear to have formed a council of 
 state ; Josephus says that one of their of- 
 fices was that of interpreting the laws (Ant. 
 xi. 6, 1). 
 
 Men'ahem, son of Gadi, who slew the 
 usurper Shallum, and seized the vacant 
 throne of Israel, B. c. 772. His reign, 
 which lasted ten years, is briefly recorded 
 in 2 K. xv. 14-22. It has been inferred 
 from the expression in verse 14, " from 
 Tirzah," that Menahem was a general un- 
 der Zechariah stationed at Tirzah, and that 
 he brought up his troops to Samaria, and 
 avenged the murder of his master by Shal- 
 lum. He maintained the calf-worship of 
 Jeroboam. The contemporary prophets, 
 Hosea and Amos, have left a melancholy 
 picture of the ungodliness, demoralization, 
 and feebleness of Israel. In the brief his- 
 tory of Menahem, his ferocious treatment 
 of Tiphsah occupies a conspicuous place. 
 But the most remarkable event in his reign 
 is the first appearance of a hostile force of 
 Assyrians on the north-east frontier of Is- 
 rael. King Pul, however, withdrew, hav- 
 ing been converted from an enemy into an 
 ally by a timely gift of 1000 talents of 
 silver. 
 
 Me'nan. The son of Mattatha, one of 
 the ancestors of Joseph in the genealogy 
 of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 31). 
 
 Me ne (lit. " numbered "). The first 
 word of the mysterious inscription written 
 upon the wall of Belshazzar's palace, in 
 which Daniel read the doom of the king 
 and his dynasty (Dan. v. 25, 26)-. 
 
 Menela'us, a usurping high-priest who 
 obtained the office from Antiochus Epiph- 
 anes (about B. c. 172) by a large bribe (2 
 Mace. iv. 23-25), and drove out Jason, who 
 had obtained it not long before by sim- 
 ilar means. He met with a violent death 
 at the hands of Antiochus Eupator (cir. 
 B. c. 1G3), which seemed in a peculiar 
 manner a providential punishment of his 
 sacrilege (xiii. 3, 4). According to Jose-
 
 MEN! 
 
 401 
 
 MEPklBOSHETH 
 
 phus he was a younger brother of Jason 
 and Onias, and, like Jason, changed his 
 proper name Onias for a Greek name. In 
 2 Maccabees, on the other hand, he is 
 called a brother of Simon the Benjamite 
 (2 Mace. iv. 23). 
 
 Me'ni. The last clause of Is. Ixv. 11 
 is rendered in the A. V. "and that furnish 
 the drink-offering unto that number" the 
 marginal reading for the last word being 
 " Mcrii." That the word so rendered is a 
 proper name, and also the proper name of 
 an object of idolatrous worship cultivated 
 by the Jews in Babylon, is a supposition 
 which there seems no reason to question, 
 as it is in accordance with the context, and 
 has every probability to recommend it. 
 But the identification of Meni with any 
 known heathen god is still uncertain. 
 
 Meon'enim, The Plain of, an oak, 
 or terebinth, or other great tree for the 
 translation of the Hebrew Elon by "plain" 
 is most probably incorrect. [PLAIN.] It 
 is mentioned at least under this name 
 only in Judg. ix. 37. The meaning of 
 Meonenim, if interpreted as a Hebrew word, 
 is enchanters or " observers of times," as 
 it is elsewhere rendered (Deut. xviii. 10, 
 14; in Mic. v. 12 it is "soothsayers"). 
 This connection of the name with magical 
 arts has led to the suggestion that the tree 
 in question is identical with that beneath 
 which Jacob hid the foreign idols and amu- 
 lets of his household, before going into the 
 presence of God at the consecrated ground 
 of Bethel (Gen. xxxv. 4). But the infer- 
 ence seems hardly a sound one, for meo- 
 nenim does not mean " enchantments," but 
 " enchanters ; " nor is there any ground for 
 connecting it in any way with amulets or 
 images ; and there is the positive reason 
 against the identification that while this 
 tree seems to have been at a distance from 
 the town of Shechem, that of Jacob was in 
 it, or in very close proximity to it. It is 
 perhaps possible that Meonenim may have 
 originally been Maonim, that is, Maonites 
 or Mehunim ; a tribe or nation of non-Is- 
 raelites elsewhere mentioned. 
 
 Meonotha'i. One of the sons of Oth- 
 niel, the younger brother of Caleb (1 Chr. 
 iv. 14). 
 
 Mepha'ath, a city of the Reubenites, 
 one of the towns dependent on Heshbon 
 (Josh. xiii. 18), lying in the district of the 
 Mishor (comp. 17, and Jer. xlviii. 21, A. 
 V. "plain"), which probably answered to 
 the modern Belka. It was one of the cities 
 allotted with their suburbs to the Merarite 
 Levites (Josh. xxi. 37; 1 Chr. vi. 79). Its 
 site is uncertain. 
 
 Mephib'osheth, the name borne by 
 two members of the family of Saul his 
 aon and his grandson. 1. Saul's son by 
 Rizpah the daughter of Aiah, his concu- 
 bine (2 Sam. xxi. 8). He and his brother 
 26 
 
 Armoni were among the seven victims who 
 were surrendered by David to the Gibeon- 
 ites, and by them crucified in sacrifice to 
 Jehovah, to avert a famine from which the 
 country was suffering. 2. The son of 
 Jonathan, grandson of Saul, and nephew 
 of the preceding. His life seems to have 
 been, from beginning to end, one of trial 
 and discomfort. The name of his mother 
 is unknown. When his father and grand- 
 father were slain on Gilboa he was an in- 
 fant but five years old. He was then liv- 
 ing under the charge of his nurse, probably 
 at Gibeah, the regular residence of Saul. 
 The tidings that the army was destroyed, 
 the king and his sons slain, and that the 
 Philistines were sweeping all before them, 
 reached the royal household. The nurse 
 fled, carrying the child on her shoulder. 
 But in her panic and hurry she stumbled, 
 and Mephibosheth was precipitated to the 
 ground with such force as ' to deprive him 
 for life of the use of both feet (2 Sam. iv. 
 4). After the accident which thus embit- 
 tered his whole existence, Mephibosheth 
 was carried with the rest of his family be- 
 yond the Jordan to the mountains of Gil- 
 ead, where he found a refuge in the house 
 of Machir ben-Ammiel, a powerful Gadite 
 or Manassite sheikh at Lo-debar, not far 
 from Mahanaim, which during the reign of 
 his uncle Ishbosheth was the headquarters 
 of his family. By Machir he was brought 
 up, there he married, and there he was liv- 
 ing at a later period, when David, having 
 completed the subjugation of the adversa- 
 ries of Israel on every side, heard of his 
 existence from Ziba. David invited him 
 to Jerusalem, and there treated him and 
 his son Micha with the greatest kindness. 
 From this time forward he resided at Jeru- 
 salem. Of Mephibosheth's behavior dur- 
 ing the rebellion of Absalom we possess 
 two accounts his own (2 Sam. xix. 24- 
 30), and that of Ziba (xvi. 1-4). They are 
 naturally at variance with each other. In 
 consequence of the story of Ziba, he was 
 rewarded by the possessions of his master. 
 Mephibosheth's story which, however, he 
 had not the opportunity of telling until 
 several days later, when he met David re- 
 turning to his kingdom at the western 
 bank of Jordan was very different from 
 Ziba's. That David did not disbelieve it 
 is shown by his revoking the judgment he 
 had previously given. That he did not 
 entirely reverse his decision, but allowed 
 Ziba to retain possession of half the lands 
 of Mephibosheth, is probably due partly to 
 weariness at the whole transaction, but 
 mainly to the conciliatory frame of mind 
 in which he was at that moment. " Shall 
 there any man be put to death this day ? " 
 is the key-note of the whole proceeding. 
 The writer is aware that this is not the view- 
 generally taken of Mephibosheth's conduct,
 
 MEEAB 
 
 402 
 
 MEREMOTH 
 
 and in particular the opposite side has been 
 maintained with much cogency and ingenu- 
 ity by the late Professor Blunt in his Unde- 
 signed' Coincidences. But when the cir- 
 cumstances on both sides are weighed, 
 there seems to be no escape from the con- 
 clusion come to above. 
 
 Me'rab, the eldest daughter of king 
 Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 49). In accordance 
 with the promise which he made before the 
 engagement with Goliath (xvii. 25), Saul 
 betrothed Merab to David (xviii. 17). 
 Before the marriage Merab's younger sis- 
 ter Michal had displayed her attachment 
 for David, and Merab was then married to 
 Adriel the Meholathite, to whom she bore 
 five sons (2 Sam. xxi. 8). 
 
 Merai'ah. A priest in the days of 
 Joiakim, the son of Jeshua, and represen- 
 tative of the priestly family of Seraiah 
 (Neh. xii. 12). 
 
 Mera'ioth. 1. A descendant of Eleazar 
 the son of Aaron, and head of a priestly 
 house (1 Chr. vi. 6, 7, 52). It is appar- 
 ently another Meraioth who comes in be- 
 tween Zadok and Ahitub in the genealogy 
 of Azariah (1 Chr. ix. 11; Neh. xi. 11), 
 unless the names Ahitub and Meraioth are 
 transposed, which is not improbable. 2. 
 The head of one of the houses of priests, 
 which in the time of Joiakim the son of 
 Jeshua was represented by Helkai (Neh. 
 xii. 15). 
 
 Mer'ari, third son of Levi, and head of 
 the third great division of the Levites, THE 
 MERARITES. He was born before the de- 
 scent of Jacob into Egypt, and was one of 
 the seventy who accompanied Jacob thither 
 (Gen. xlvi. 8, 11). At the time of the Ex- 
 odus, and the numbering in the wilderness, 
 the Merarites consisted of two families, 
 the Mahlites and the Mushites, Mahli and 
 Mushi being either the two sons, or the son 
 and grandson, of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 19, 47). 
 Their chief at that time was Zuriel. Their 
 charge was the boards, bars, pillars, sock- 
 ets, pins, and corils of the tabernacle and 
 the court, and all the tools connected with 
 setting them up. Owing to the heavy 
 nature of the materials which they had to 
 carry, four wagons and eight oxen were 
 assigned to them ; and in the march both 
 they and the Gershonites followed imme- 
 diately after the standard of Judah, and 
 before that of Reuben, that they might set 
 up the tabernacle against the arrival of the 
 Kohathites (Num. iii. 20, 33-37, iv. 29-33, 
 42-45, vii. 8, x. 17, 21). In the division 
 of the land by Joshua, the Merarites had 
 twelve cities assigned to them, out of Reu- 
 ben, Gad, and Zebulun, of which one was 
 Ramoth-Gilead, a city of refuge, and in 
 later times a frequent subject of war between 
 Israel and Syria (Josh. xxi. 7, 34-40; 1 
 Chr. vi. 63, 77-81). In the days of Heze- 
 kiah the Merarites were still flourishing (2 
 
 Chr. xxix. 12, 15). After the return from 
 captivity Shemaiah represents the sons of 
 Merari, in 1 Chr. ix. 14, Neh. xi. 15. There 
 were also at that time sons of Jeduthun 
 under Obadiah or Abda, the son of Shein- 
 aiah (1 Chr. ix. 16; Neh. xi. 17). 
 
 Meratha'im, The Land of, that is, 
 " of double rebellion," alluding to the coun- 
 try of the Chaldeans, and to the double cap- 
 tivity which it had inflicted on the nation 
 of Israel (Jer. 1.21). 
 
 Mercu'rius, properly Hermes, the 
 Greek deity, whom the Romans identified 
 with their Mercury, the god of commerce 
 and bargains. Hermes was the son of Zeus 
 (Jupiter) and Maia the daughter of Atlas, 
 and is constantly represented as the com- 
 panion of his father in his wanderings upon 
 earth. The episode of Baucis and Philemon 
 (Ovid, Metam. viii. 620-724) appears to 
 have formed part of the folk-lore of Asia 
 Minor, aud strikingly illustrates the read- 
 iness with which the simple people of Lys- 
 tra recognized in Barnabas and Paul the 
 gods who, according to their wont, had come 
 down in the likeness of men (Acts xiv. 11). 
 They called Paul " Mercurius, because he 
 was the chief speaker ; " identifying in him, 
 as they supposed, by this characteristic the 
 herald of the gods and of Jupiter, the elo- 
 quent orator, inventor of letters, music, and 
 the arts. 
 
 Mercy-seat (Ex. xxv. 17, xxxvii. C; 
 Heb. ix. 5). This appears to have been 
 merely the lid of the Ark of the Covenant, 
 not another surface affixed thereto. It was 
 that whereon the blood of the yearly atone- 
 ment was sprinkled by the high-priest ; and 
 in this relation it is doubtful whether the 
 sense of the word in the Heb. is based on 
 the material fact of its " covering " the Ark, 
 or derived from this notion of its reference 
 to the "covering" (i. e. atonement) of sin. 
 
 Me'red. This name occurs in a frag- 
 mentary genealogy in 1 Chr. iv. 17, 18, as 
 that of one of the sons of Ezra. Tradition 
 identifies him with Caleb and Moses. 
 
 Mer'empth. 1. Son of Uriah, or Uri- 
 jah, the priest, of the family of Koz or 
 Hakkoz, the head of the seventh course of 
 priests as established by David. In Ezr. 
 viii. 33, Meremoth is appointed to weigh 
 and register the gold and silver vessels be- 
 longing to the Temple. In the rebuilding 
 of the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah 
 we find Meremoth taking an active part, 
 working between Meshullam and the sons 
 of Hassenaah who restored the fish-gate 
 (Neh. iii. 4), and himself restoring the por- 
 tion of the Temple wall on which abutted 
 the house of the high -priest Eliashib (Neh. 
 iii. 21). 2. A layman of the sons of Bani, 
 who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 
 36). 3. A priest, or more probably a fam- 
 ily of priests, who sealed the covenant with 
 Nehemiah (Neh. x. 5).
 
 MERES 
 
 403 
 
 MESHA 
 
 Me'res, one of the seven counsellors 
 of Ahasuerus, king of Persia, " wise men 
 which knew the times " (Esth. i. 14). 
 
 Mer'ibah. In Ex. xvii. 7 we read, " he 
 called the name of the place Massah and 
 Meribah," where the people murmured, and 
 the reck was smitten. [For the situation 
 see PvEPHiDiM.] The name is also given 
 to Kadesh (Num. xx. 13, 24, xxvii. 14 ; 
 Dcut. xxii. 51, " Meribah-kadesh), because 
 there also the people, when in want of 
 water, strove with God. 
 
 Merib-ba'al, son of Jonathan the son 
 of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 34, ix. 40), doubtless 
 the same person who in the narrative of 2 
 Samuel is called MEPHIBOSHETH. 
 
 Mero'dach is mentioned once only in 
 Scripture, namelj r , in Jer. 1. 2, and was 
 really identical with the famous Babylonian 
 Bel or Belus, the word being probably at 
 first a mere epithet of the god, which by 
 degrees superseded his proper appella- 
 tion. 
 
 Mero'dach-bal'adan is mentioned as 
 king of Babylon in the days of Hezekiah, 
 both in the second book of Kings (xx. 12) 
 and in Isaiah (xxxix. 1). In the former 
 .place he is called Berodach-Baladan. The 
 orthography " Merodach " is, however, to 
 be preferred. The name of Merodach- 
 Baladan has been recognized in the Assyr- 
 ian inscriptions. It appears there were two 
 reigns of this king, the first from B. c. 721 
 to B. c. 709, when he was deposed ; and the 
 second, after his recovery of the throne in 
 B. c. 702, which lasted only half a year. 
 There is some doubt as to the time at which 
 lie sent his ambassadors to Hezekiah, for the 
 purpose of inquiring as to the astronom- 
 ical marvel of which Judaea had been the 
 scene (2 Chr. xxxii. 31), but it appears to 
 have been B. c. 713. The real object of the 
 mission was most likely to effect a league 
 between Babylon, Judaea, and Egypt (Is. 
 xx. 5, 6), in order to check the growing 
 power of the Assyrians. The league, how- 
 ever, though designed, does not seem to 
 have taken effect. Sargon sent expeditions 
 both into Syria and Babylonia seized the 
 stronghold of Ashdod in the one, and com- 
 pletely defeated Merodach-Baladan in the 
 other. That monarch sought safety in 
 flight, and lived for eight years in exile. At 
 last he found an opportunity to return. In 
 B. c. 703 or 702, Babylonia was plunged in 
 anarchy the Assyrian yoke was thrown 
 off, and various native leaders struggled for 
 the mastery. Under these circumstances 
 the exiled monarch seems to have returned, 
 and recovered his throne. Merodach- 
 Baladan had obtained a body of troops from 
 his ally, the king of Susiana; but Sen- 
 nacherib defef ted the combined army in a 
 pitched battle Merodach-Baladan fled to 
 *' the islands at the mouth of the Euphrates." 
 He lost his recovered cr own after wearing 
 
 it for about six months, and spent the re- 
 mainder of his days in exile and obscurity. 
 
 Me'rom, The Waters of, a place 
 memora'rle in the history of the conquest of 
 Palestine. Here, after Joshua had gained 
 possession of the southern portions of 
 the country, a confederacy of the northern 
 chiefs assembled under the leadership of 
 Jabin, king of Hazor (Josh. xi. 5), and here 
 they were encountered by Joshua, and com- 
 pletely routed (ver. 7). It is a remarkable 
 fact that though by common consent the 
 " waters of Merom" are identified with the 
 lake through which the Jordan runs be- 
 tween Banias and the Sea of Galilee the 
 Bohr el-Htlleh of the modern Arabs yet 
 that identity cannot be proved by any an- 
 cient record. In form the lake is not far 
 from a triangle, the base being at the north 
 and the apex at the south. It measures 
 about 3 miles in each direction. The water 
 is clear and sweet; it is covered in parts 
 by a broad-leaved plant, and abounds in 
 water- fowl. 
 
 Meron'othite, The, that is, the na- 
 tive of a place called probably Meronoth, 
 of which, however, no further traces have 
 yet been discovered. Two Meronothites are 
 named in the Bible 1. JEHDEIAH (1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 30) ; and 2. JADON (Neh. iii. 7). 
 
 Me'roz, a place mentioned only in the 
 Song of Deborah and Barak in Judg. v. 
 23, and there denounced because its inhab- 
 itants had refused to take any part in the 
 struggle with Sisera. Meroz must have 
 been in the neighborhood of the Kishon, 
 but its real position is not known : possibly 
 it was destroyed in obedience to the curse. 
 
 Me'sech, Me'shech, a son of Japheth 
 (Gen. x. 2; 1 Chr. i. 5), and the progenitor 
 of a race frequently noticed in Scripture in 
 connection with Tubal, Magog, and other 
 northern nations. They appear as allies of 
 Gog (Ez. xxxviii. 2, 3, xxxix. 1), and as 
 supplying the Tyrians with copper and 
 slaves (Ez. xxvii. 13) ; in Ps. cxx. 5, they 
 are noticed as one of the remotest, and at 
 the same time rudest nations of the world. 
 Both the name and the associations are in 
 favor of the identification of Meshech with 
 the Moschi, a people on the borders of Col- 
 chis and Armenia. 
 
 Me'sha. 1. The name of one of the 
 geographical limits of the Joktanitcs wht-n 
 they first settled in Arabia (Gen. x. 30), 
 probably in north-western Yemen. 2. The 
 king of Moab in the reigns of Ahab and his 
 sons Alia/iuli and Jehoram, kings of Israel 
 (2 K. iii. 4), and tributary to the first. 
 When Ahab had fallen in battle at Bamoth- 
 Gilead, Mesha seized the opportunity af- 
 forded by the confusion consequent upon 
 this disaster, and the feeble reign of Ahaziah, 
 to shake off the yoke of Israel and free him- 
 self from the burdensome tribute of " a 
 hundred thousand wethers and a htt idred
 
 MESHACH 
 
 404 
 
 thousand rams with their wool." Wh.m 
 Jehoram succeeded to the throne of Israel, 
 one of his first acts was to secure the as- 
 sistance of Jehoshaphat, his father's ally, in 
 reducing the Moabites to their former con- 
 dition of tributaries. The united armies 
 of the two kings marched, by a circuitous 
 route, round the Dead Sea, and were joined 
 by the forces of the king of Edom. The 
 Moabites were defeated, and the king took 
 refuge in his last stronghold, and defended 
 himself with the energy of despair. With 
 700 fighting men he made a vigorous at- 
 tempt to cut his way through the beleaguer- 
 ing army, and when beaten back, he with- 
 drew to the wall of his city, and there, in 
 sight of the allied host, offered his first- 
 born son, his successor in the kingdom, as a 
 burnt-offering to Chemosh, the ruthless fire- 
 god of Moab. His bloody sacrifice had so 
 far the desired effect that the besiegers re- 
 tired from him to their own land. 3. The 
 eldest son of Caleb the son of Hezron by 
 his wife Azubah, as Kimchi conjectures (1 
 Chr. ii. 42). 4. A Benjamite, son of Sha- 
 haraim, by his wife Hodesh, who bare him 
 in the land of Moab (1 Chr. viii. 9). 
 
 Me'shach. The name given to Mishael, 
 one of the companions of Daniel, and like 
 him of the blood-royal of Judah, who with 
 three others was chosen from among the 
 captives to be taught "the learning and 
 the tongue of the Chaldeans" (Dan. i. 4), 
 so that they might be qualified to " stand 
 before " king Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. i. 5) 
 as his personal attendants and advisers 
 (i. 20). But, notwithstanding their Chal- 
 dean education, these three young Hebrews 
 were strongly attached to the religion of 
 their fathers ; and their refusal to join in 
 the worship of the image on the plain of 
 Dura gave a handle of accusation to the 
 Chaldeans. The rage of the king, the 
 swift sentence of condemnation passed 
 upon the three offenders, their miraculous 
 preservation from the fiery furnace heated 
 seven times hotter than usual, the king's 
 acknowledgment of the God of Shadrach, 
 Meshach, and Abednego, with their restora- 
 tion to office, are written in the 3d chapter 
 of Daniel, and there the history leaves 
 them. 
 
 Meshelemi'ah. A Korhite, son of 
 Kore, of the sons of Asaph, who with his 
 seven sons and his brethren, " sons of 
 might," were porters or gate-keepers of the 
 house of Jehovah in the reign of David 
 (1 Chr. ix. 21, xxvi. 1, 2, 9). 
 
 Meshez'abeel. 1. Ancestor of Me- 
 shullam, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuild- 
 ing the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 4). 2. 
 One of the " heads of the people," proba- 
 bly a family, who sealed the covenant with 
 Nehemiah (Neh. x. 21). 3. The father of 
 Pethahiah, and descendant of Zerah the son 
 of Judah (Neh. xi. 24). 
 
 Meshil'lemithi. The son f Immer, 
 a priest, and ancestor of Amashai or 
 Maasiai, according to Neh. xi. 13, and of 
 Pashur and Adaiah, according to 1 Chr 
 ix. 12. 
 
 Meshil'lemoth. 1. An Ephraimite ; 
 ancestor of Berechiah, one of the chieif 
 of the tribe in the reign of Pekah (2 Chr= 
 xxviii. 12). 2. Neh. xi. 13. The same as 
 MESHILLEMITH. 
 
 MeshuTlam. 1. Ancestor of Shaphan 
 the scribe (2 K. xxii. 3). 2. The son of 
 Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19). 3. A Gadite, 
 one of the chief men of the tribe, who dwelt 
 in Bashan at the time the genealogies were 
 recorded in the reign of Jotham king of 
 Judah (1 Chr. v. 13). 4. A Benjamite, of 
 the sons of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 17). 5. A 
 Benjamite, the son of Hodaviah or Joed, 
 and father of Sallu (1 Chr. ix. 7; Neh. xi. 
 7). 6. A Benjamite, son of Shephathiah, 
 who lived at Jerusalem after the captivity 
 (1 Chr. ix. 8). 7. The same as SHALLUM, 
 who was high-priest probably in the reign 
 of Amon, and father of Hilkiah (1 Chr. ix. 
 11; Neh. xi. 11). 8. A priest, son of 
 Meshillemith, or Meshillemoth, the son 
 of Immer, and ancestor of Maasiai or 
 Amashai (1 Chr. ix. 12; comp. Neh. xi. 
 13). 9. A Kohathite, or family of Ko- 
 hathite Levites, in the reign of Josiah (3 
 Chr. xxxiv. 12). 1O. One of the "heads" 
 (A. V. " chief men ") sent by Ezra to Iddo, 
 " the head," to gather together the Levites 
 to join the caravan about to return to Jeru- 
 salem (Ezr. viii. 16). 11. A chief man ii 
 the time of Ezra, probably a Levite, wt o 
 assisted Jonathan and Jahaziah in abol- 
 ishing the marriages which some of the 
 people had contracted with foreign wives 
 (Ezr. x. 15). 12. One of the descendants 
 of Bani, who had married a foreign wife 
 and put her away (Ezr. x. 29). 13. (Neh. " 
 iii. 30, vi. 18). The son of Berechiah, 
 who assisted in rebuilding the wall of Jeru- 
 salem (Neh. iii. 4), as well as the Temple 
 wall, adjoining which he had his " cham- 
 ber" (Neh. iii. 30). He was probably a 
 priest, and his daughter was married to 
 Johanan the son of Tobiah the Ammonite 
 (Neh. vi. 18). 14. The son of Besodeiah : 
 he assisted Jehoiada the son of Paseah in 
 restoring the old gate of Jerusalem (Neh. 
 iii. 6). 15. One of those who stood at the 
 left hand of Ezra when he read the law 
 to the people (Neh. viii. 4). 16. A priest, 
 or family of -priests, who sealed the cove- 
 nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 7). 17. 
 One of the heads of the people who sealed 
 the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 20). 
 18. A priest in the days of Joiakim the 
 son of Jeshua, and representative of the 
 house of Ezra (Neh. xii. 13). 19. Like- 
 wise a priest at the same time as the pre- 
 ceding, and head of the priestly family of 
 Ginnethon (Neh. xii. 16). 20. A family
 
 MESHULLEMETH 
 
 405 
 
 MESSIAH 
 
 ot porters, descendants of Meshullara 
 (Neh. xii. 25), who is also called Meshel- 
 emiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 1), Shelemiah (1 Chr. 
 xxvi. 14), and Shallum (Neh. vii. 45). 21. 
 One of the princes of Judah at the dedica- 
 tion of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 
 33). 
 
 Meshul'lemeth. The daughter of 
 Haruz of Jotbah, wife of Manasseh king 
 of Judah, and mother of his successor 
 Amon (2 K. xxi. 19). 
 
 Mes'obaite, The, a title which occurs 
 only once, and then attached to the name 
 of JASIEL (1 Chr. xi. 47.) The word re- 
 tains strong traces of ZOBAH, one of the 
 petty Aramite kingdoms. But on this it 
 is impossible to pronounce with any cer- 
 tainty. 
 
 Mesopota'mia is the ordinary Greek 
 rendering of the Hebrew Aram- Nahar aim, 
 or " Syria of the two rivers." If we look 
 to the signification of the name, we must 
 regard Mesopotamia as the entire country 
 between the two rivers the Tigris and 
 the Euphrates. This is a tract nearly 700 
 miles long, and from 20 to 250 miles broad, 
 extending in a south-easterly direction from 
 Telek (lat. 38 23', long. 39 18') to Kurnah 
 (lat. 31, long. 47 30')- The Arabian 
 geographers term it " the Island," a name 
 which is almost literally correct, since a 
 few miles only intervene between the source 
 of the Tigris and the Euphrates at Telek. 
 But the region which bears the name of 
 Mesopotamia, par excellence, both in Scrip- 
 ture and in the classical writers, is the 
 north-western portion of this tract, or the 
 country between the great bend of the 
 Euphrates (lat. 35 to 37 30') and the up- 
 per Tigris. We first hear of Mesopotamia 
 in Scripture as the country where Nahor 
 and his family settled after quitting Ur of 
 the Chaldees (Gen. xxiv. 10). Here lived 
 Bethuel-and Laban; and hither Abraham 
 sent his servant, to fetch Isaac a wife " of 
 his own kindred" (ib. ver. 38). Hither 
 too, a century later, came Jacob on the 
 same errand; and hence he returned with 
 his two wives after an absence of 21 years. 
 After this we have no mention of Mesopo- 
 tamia, till the close of the wanderings in 
 the wilderness (Deut. xxiii. 4). About 
 half a century later, we find, for the first 
 and last time, Mesopotamia the seat of a 
 powerful monarchy (Judg. iii.). Finally, 
 the children of Ammon, having provoked a 
 war with David, " sent a thousand talents 
 of silver to hire them chariots and horse- 
 men out of Mesopotamia, and out of Syria- 
 Maachah, and out of Zobah" (1 Chr. xix. 
 6). According to the Assyrian inscriptions 
 Mesopotamia was inhabited in the early 
 times of the empire (B. c. 1200-1100) by a 
 vast number of petty tribes, each under its 
 own prince, and all quite independent of 
 one another, "he Assyrian inonarchs con- 
 
 tended with these chiefs at great advantage, 
 and by the time of Jehu (B. c. 880) had 
 fully established their dominion over them. 
 On the destruction of the Assyrian empire, 
 Mesopotamia seems to have been divided 
 between the Medes and the Babylonians. 
 The conquests of Cyrus brought it wholly 
 under the Persian yoke ; and thus it con- 
 tinued to the time of Alexander. 
 
 Messi'ah. This word (Jtfashiach}, 
 which answers to the word Christ (Xomros) 
 in the N. T., means anointed, and is appli- 
 cable in its first sense to any one anointed 
 with the holy oil. It is applied to the high- 
 priest in Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16. The kings of 
 Israel were called anointed, from the mode 
 of their consecration (1 Sam. ii. 10, 35, xii. 
 3, 5, &c.). This word also refers to the 
 expected Prince of the chosen people who 
 was to complete God's purposes for them, 
 and to redeem them, and of whose coming 
 the prophets of the old covenant in all time 
 spoke. It is twice used in the N. T. of Je- 
 sus (John i. 41, iv. 25, A. V. "Messias"); 
 but the Greek equivalent, the Christ, is 
 constantly applied, at first with the article 
 as a title, exactly the Anointed One, but 
 later without the article, as a proper name, 
 Jesus Christ. The present article contains 
 a brief survey of the expectation of a Mes- 
 siah among the Jews. The earliest gleam 
 of the Gospel is found in the account of 
 the fall (Gen. iii. 15). Many interpreters 
 would understand by the seed of the woman 
 the Messiah only ; but it is easier to think 
 with Calvin that mankind, after they are 
 gathered into one army by Jesus the Christ 
 the Head of the Church, are to achieve a 
 victory over evil. The blessings in store 
 for the children of Shem are remarkably 
 indicated in the words of Noah, "Blessed 
 be Jehovah the God of Shem" (Gen. ix. 
 26). Next follows the promise to Abraham, 
 wherein the blessings to Shem are turned 
 into the narrower channel of one family 
 (Gen. xii. 2, 3). The promise is still in- 
 definite ; but it tends to the undoing of the 
 curse of Adam, by a blessing to all the 
 earth through the seed of Abraham, as 
 death had come on the whole earth through 
 Adam. A great step is made in Gen. xlix. 
 10, " The sceptre shall not depart from Ju- 
 dah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, 
 until Shiloh come ; and unto him shall the 
 gathering of the people be." This is the 
 first case in which the promises distinctly 
 centre in one person. The next passage 
 usually quoted is the prophecy of Balaam 
 (Num. xxiv. 17-19). The star points in- 
 deed to the glory, as the sceptre denotes 
 the power of a king. But it is doubtful 
 whether the prophecy is not fulfilled in Da- 
 vid (2 Sam. viii. 2, 14) ; and though David 
 is himself a type of Christ, the direct Mes- 
 sianic application of this place is by no 
 means certain. The prophecy of Mosea
 
 MESSIAH 
 
 406 
 
 METALS 
 
 (Deut. xviii. 18) claims attention. Does 
 this refer to the Messiah ? The reference 
 to Moses in John v. 45-47, " He wrote of 
 me," seems to point to this passage. The 
 passages in the Pentateuch which relate to 
 " the Angel of the Lord " have been thought 
 by many to bear reference to the Messiah. 
 The second period of Messianic prophecy 
 would include the time of David. Passages 
 in the Psalms are numerous which are ap- 
 plied to the Messiah in the N. T. ; such as 
 Ps. ii., xvi., xxii., xl., ex. The advance in 
 clearness in this period is great. The name 
 of Anointed, i. e. King, comes in, and the 
 Messiah is to come of the lineage of David. 
 He is described in His exaltation, with His 
 great kingdom that shall be spiritual rather 
 than temporal, Ps. ii., xxi., xl., ex. In 
 other places He is seen in suffering and 
 humiliation, Ps. xxii., xvi., xl. After the 
 time of David the predictions of the Mes- 
 siah ceased for a time ; until those prophets 
 arose whose works we possess in the canon 
 of Scripture. The Messiah is a King and 
 Ruler of David's house, who should come 
 to reform and restore the Jewish nation and 
 purify the church, as in Is. xi., xl.-lxvi. 
 The blessings of the restoration, however, 
 will not be confined to Jews ; the heathen 
 are made to share them fully (Is. ii., Ixvi.). 
 The passage of Micah v. 2 (eomp. Matt. ii. 
 6) left no doubt in the mind of the Sanhe- 
 drim as to the birthplace of the Messiah. 
 The lineage of David is again alluded to in 
 Zechariah xii. 10-14. The time of the sec- 
 ond Temple is fixed by Haggai ii. 9 for 
 Messiah's coming ; and the coming of the 
 Forerunner and of the Anointed are clearly 
 revealed in Mai. iii. 1, iv. 5, 6. The fourth 
 period after the close of the canon of the 
 O. T. is known to us in a great measure 
 from allusions in thg N. T. to the expecta- 
 tion of the Jews. The Pharisees and those 
 of the Jews who expected Messiah at all, 
 looked for a temporal prince only. The 
 Apostles themselves were infected with this 
 opinion till after the Resurrection, Matt. 
 xx. 20, 21 ; Luke xxiv. 21 ; Acts i. 6. Gleams 
 of a purer faith appear, Luke ii. 30, xxiii. 
 42 ; John iv. 25. On the other hand there 
 was a sceptical school which had discarded 
 the expectation altogether. The expecta- 
 tion of a golden age that should return upon 
 the earth was common in heathen nations. 
 This hope the Jews also shared ; but with 
 them it was associated with the coming of 
 a particular Person, the Messiah. It has 
 been asserted that in Him the Jews looked 
 for an earthly king, and that the existence 
 of the hope of a Messiah may thus be ac- 
 counted for on natural grounds, and with- 
 out a divine revelation. But the prophe- 
 cies refute this : they hold out not a Prophet 
 only, but a King and a Priest, whose busi- 
 ness it should be to set the people free from 
 sin, and to teach them the ways of God, as 
 
 in Ps. xxii., xl., ex. ; Is. ii., xi., liii. In 
 these and other places too the power of the 
 coming One reaches beyond the Jews and 
 embraces all the Gentiles, which is contrary 
 to the exclusive notions of Judaism. A 
 fair consideration of all the passages will 
 convince that the growth of the Messianic 
 idea in the prophecies is owing to revela- 
 tion from God. 
 
 Messi'as, the Greek form of Messiah 
 (John i. 41; iv. 25). 
 
 Metals. The Hebrews, in common with 
 other ancient nations, were acquainted with 
 nearly all the metals known to modern met- 
 allurgy, whether as the products of their 
 own soil or the results of intercourse with 
 foreigners. One of the earliest geographi- 
 cal definitions is that which describes the 
 country of Havilah as the land which 
 abounded in gold, and the gold of which 
 was good (Gen. ii. 11, 12). The first artist 
 in metals was a Cainite, Tubal Cain, the 
 son of Lamech, the forger or sharpener of 
 every instrument of copper (A. V. " brass ") 
 and iron (Gen. iv. 22). " Abram was very 
 rich in cattle, in silver, and in gold " (Gen. 
 xiii. 2) 7 silver, as will be shown hereafter, 
 being the medium of commerce, while gold 
 existed in the shape of ornaments, during 
 the patriarchal ages. Tin is first mentioned 
 among the spoils of the Midianites which 
 were taken when Balaam was slain (Num. 
 xxxi. 22), and lead is used to heighten the 
 imagery of Moses' triumphal song (Ex. xv. 
 10). Whether the ancient Hebrews were 
 acquainted with steel, properly so called, is 
 uncertain; the words so rendered in the 
 A. V. (2 Sam. xxii. 35; Job xx. 24; Ps. 
 xviii. 34; Jer. xv. 12) are in all other pas- 
 sages translated brass, and would be more 
 correctly copper. The " northern iron " of 
 Jer. xv. 12 is believed by commentators to 
 be iron hardened and tempered by some 
 peculiar process, so as more nearly to cor- 
 respond to what we call steel [STEEL] ; and 
 the " flaming torches " of Nah. ii. 3 are 
 probably the flashing steel scythes of the 
 war-chariots which should come against 
 Nineveh. Besides the simple metals, it is 
 supposed that the Hebrews used the mix- 
 ture of copper and tin known as bronze. 
 We have no indications of gold streams or 
 mines in Palestine. The Hebrews obtained 
 their principal supply from the south of 
 Arabia, and the commerce of the Persian 
 Gulf. It was probably brought in form of 
 ingots (Josh. vii. 21 ; A. V. " wedge," lit. 
 " tongue "). The great abundance of gold 
 in early times is indicated by its entering 
 into the composition of every article of or- 
 nament and almost all of domestic use. 
 Among the spoils of the Midianites taken 
 by the Israelites in their bloodless victory 
 when Balaam was slain, were ear-rings and 
 jewels to the amount of 16,750 shekels of 
 gold (Num. xxxi. 48-54), equal in value to
 
 MLTLEG-AMMAH 
 
 407 
 
 MICAH 
 
 more than 30,000?. of English money. 
 1700 shekels of gold (worth more than 
 8000Z.) in nose jewels (A. V. " ear-rings ") 
 alone were taken by Gideon's army from 
 the slaughtered Midianites (Judg. viii. 26). 
 These numbers, though large, are not in- 
 credibly great, when we consider that the 
 country of the Midianites was at that time 
 rich in gold streams which have been since 
 exhausted, and that like the Malays of the 
 present day, and the Peruvians of the time 
 of Pizarro, they carried most of their wealth 
 about them. But the amount of treasure 
 accumulated by David from spoils taken in 
 war, is so enormous, that we are tempted 
 to conclude the numbers exaggerated. 
 Though gold was thus common, silver 
 appears to have been the ordinary medium 
 of commerce. The first commercial trans- 
 action of which we possess the details was 
 the purchase of Ephron's field by Abraham 
 for 400 shekels of silver (Gen. xxiii. 16). 
 The accumulation of wealth in the reign of 
 Solomon was so great that silver was but 
 little esteemed ; "the king made silver to 
 be in Jerusalem as stones" (1 K. x. 21, 27). 
 With the treasures which were brought out 
 of Egypt, not only the ornaments but the 
 ordinary metal-work of the tabernacle were 
 made. Brass, or more properly copper, 
 was a native product of Palestine, " a land 
 whose stones are iron, and out of whose 
 hills thou mayest dig copper " (Deut. viii. 
 9; Job xxviii. 2). It was so "plentiful in 
 the days of Solomon that the quantity em- 
 ployed itf the Temple could not be estimated, 
 it was so great (IK. vii. 47). There is 
 strong reason to believe that brass, a mix- 
 ture of copper and zinc, was unknown to 
 the ancients. To the latter metal no allu- 
 sion is found. But tin was well known, 
 and from the difficulty which attends the 
 toughening pure copper so as to render it 
 fit for hammering, it is probable that the 
 mode of deoxidizing copper by the admix- 
 ture of small quantities of tin had been 
 early discovered. Arms (2 Sam. xxi. 16 ; 
 Job xx. 24 ; Ps. xviii. 34) and armor (1 
 Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38) were made of this 
 n^tal, which was capable of being so 
 wrought as to admit of a keen and hard 
 edge. The Egyptians employed it in cut- 
 ting the hardest granite. Iron, like copper, 
 was found in the hills of Palestine. Iron- 
 mines are still worked by the inhabitants 
 of Kefr Huneh in the S. of the valley Za- 
 Tiar&ni. 
 
 Me theg-am'mah, a place which Da- 
 vid took from the Philistines, apparently in 
 his last war with them (2 Sam. viii. 1). 
 Ammah may be taken as meaning " mother- 
 city" or " metropolis " (comp. 2 Sam. xx. 
 19), and Metheg-ha-Ammah "the bridle of 
 the mother-city " viz. of Gath, the chief 
 town of the Philistines. 
 
 Methu'sael, the son of Mehujael, fourth 
 
 in descent from Cain, and father of Lamech 
 (Gen. iv. IS). 
 
 Methu'selah, the son of Enoch, sixth 
 in descent froro Seth, and father of Lamech 
 (Gen. v. 25-27). 
 
 Meu'nim, Neh. vii. 52. Elsewhere given 
 in A. V. as MEHUNIM and MEHUNIMS. 
 
 Meu'zal, Ez. xxvii. 19, marg, [UzAL.] 
 
 Mez'ahab. The father of Matred and 
 grandfather of Mehetabel, who was wife of 
 Hadar or Hadad, the last-named king of 
 Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 50). His 
 name, which, if it be Hebrew, signifies 
 " waters of gold," has given rise to much 
 speculation. 
 
 Mi'amiJV 1. A layman of Israel of 
 tl*e sons of Parosh, who had married a for- 
 eign wife and put her away at the bidding 
 of Ezra (Ezr. x. 25). 2. A priest or family 
 of priests who went up from Babylon with 
 Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 5). 
 
 Mib'har. "Mibhar the son of Hag- 
 geri " is the name of one of David's heroes 
 in the list given in 1 Chr. xi. The verse 
 (38) in which it occurs appears to be cor- 
 rupt, for in the corresponding catalogue of 
 2 Sam. xxiii. 36 we find, instead of " Mib- 
 har the son of Haggeri," "of Zobah, Bani 
 the Gadite." 
 
 Mib'sam. 1. A son of Ishmael (Gen. 
 xxv. 13; 1 Chr. i. 29), not elsewhere men- 
 tioned. The signification of his name has 
 led some to propose an identification of the 
 tribe sprung from him witli some one of 
 the Abrahamic tribes settled in Arabia Aro- 
 matifera. 2. A son of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 
 25), perhaps named after the Ishmaelite 
 Mibsam. 
 
 Mib'zar. One of the phylarchs or 
 " dukes" of Edom (1 Chr. i. 53) or Esau 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 43) after the death of Hadad 
 or Hadar. 
 
 Mi'cah. (the sarfle name as Micaiah) 
 [MICAIAH]. 1. An Israelite whose familiar 
 story is preserved in the xviith and xviiith 
 chapters of Judges. From this interesting 
 narrative we see (1.) how completely some 
 of the most solemn and characteristic en- 
 actments of the Law had become a dead 
 letter. Micah was evidently a devout be- 
 liever in Jehovah. His one anxiety is to 
 enjoy the favor of Jehovah (xvii. 13) ; the 
 formula of blessing used by his mother and 
 his priest invokes the same awful name 
 (xvii. 2, xviii. 6) ; and yet so completely 
 ignorant is he of the Law of Jehovah, that 
 the mode which he adopts of honoring Him 
 is to make a molten and graven image, tera- 
 phim or images of domestic gods, and to 
 set up an unauthorized priesthood, first in 
 his own family (xvii, 5), and then in the 
 person of a Levite not of the priestly line 
 (ver. 12). (2.) The story also throws a 
 light on the condition of the Levites. Here 
 we have a Levite belonging to Bethlehcm- 
 Judah, a town not allotted to his tribe;
 
 408 
 
 MICAH 
 
 next wandering forth to take up his abode 
 wherever he could find a residence; then 
 undertaking the charge of Micah's idol- 
 chapel; and lastly, carrying off the prop- 
 erty of his master and benefactor, and 
 becoming the first priest to another system 
 of false worship. But the transaction be- 
 comes still more remarkable when we con- 
 sider, (3.) that this was no obscure or ordi- 
 nary Levite. He belonged to the chief 
 family in the tribe, nay, we may say to the 
 chief family of the nation, for though not 
 himself a priest, he was closely allied to the 
 priestly house, and was the grandson of no 
 less a person than the great Moses himself. 
 (4.) The narrative gives us^ most vivid 
 idea of the terrible anarchy in which the 
 country was placed, when " there was no 
 king in Israel, and every man did what was 
 right in his own eyes," and shows how ur- 
 gently necessary a central authority had 
 become. A body of six hundred men com- 
 pletely armed, besides the train of their 
 families and cattle, traverses the length and 
 breadth of the land, not on any mission for 
 the ruler or the nation, as on later occasions 
 (2 Sam. ii. 12, &c., xx. 7, 14), but simply 
 for their private ends. Entirely disregarding 
 the rights of private property, they burst in 
 wherever they please along their route, and 
 plundering the valuables and carrying off 
 persons, reply to all remonstrances by taunts 
 and threats. As to the date of these interest- 
 ing events, the narrative gives us no direct 
 information ; but we may at least infer that it 
 was also before the time of Samson, because 
 in this narrative (xviii. 12) we meet with 
 the origin of the name Mahaneh-dan, a place 
 which already bore that name in Samson's 
 childhood (xiii. 25). 2. The sixth in order of 
 the minor prophets. To distinguish him from 
 Micaiah the son of Imlah, the contempo- 
 rary of Elijah, he is called the MOKASTHITE, 
 that is, a native of Moresheth, or some place 
 of similar name, which Jerome and Euse- 
 bius call Morasthi and identify with a small 
 village near Eleutheropolis to the east, 
 where formerly the prophet's tomb was 
 shown, though in the days of Jerome it had 
 been succeeded by a church. It is stated 
 in the superscription to his prophecies 
 that Micah exercised the prophetical office 
 during the reigns of Jotliam, Ahaz, and 
 Hezckiah, kings of Judah, giving thus a 
 maximum limit of 59 years (B. c. 756-697), 
 from the accession of Jotham to the death 
 of Hezekiah, and a minimum limit of 16 
 years (B. c. 742-726), from the death of 
 Jotham to the accession of Hezekiah. In 
 either case he would be contemporary with 
 Hosea and Amos during part of their min- 
 istry in Israel, and with Isaiah in Judah. 
 With respect to one of his prophecies (iii. 
 12) it is distinctly assigned to the reign of 
 Hezekiah ( Jer. xxvi. 18), and was probably 
 delivered before the great passover which 
 
 inaugurated the reformation in Judah. Ac- 
 cording to the most probable arrangement, 
 ch. i. was delivered in the contemporary 
 reigns of 7otham king of Judah and of 
 Pekah king of Israel ; ii. 1-iv. 8, in those 
 of Ahaz, Pekah, and Hosea; iii. 12 being 
 assigned to the last year of Ahaz, and the. 
 remainder of the book to the reign of Heze- 
 kiah. But, at whatever time the several 
 prophecies were first delivered, they appear 
 in their present form as an organic whole, 
 marked by a certain regularity of develop- 
 ment. Three sections, omitting the super- 
 scription, are introduced by the same phrase, 
 " hear ye," and represent three natural 
 divisions of the prophecy i., ii., iii.-v., 
 vi. vii. each commencing with rebukes 
 and threatenings and closing with a promise. 
 The first section opens with a magnificent 
 description of the coming of Jehovah to 
 judgment for the sins and idolatries of Israel 
 and Judah (i. 2-4), and the sentence pro- 
 nounced upon Samaria (5-9) by the Judge 
 Himself. The prophet sees the danger which 
 threatens his country, and traces in imagina- 
 tion the devastating march of the Assyrian 
 conquerors (i. 8-16). The impending pun- 
 ishment suggests its cause, and the prophet 
 denounces a woe upon the people generally 
 for the corruption and violence which were 
 rife among them, and upon the false proph- 
 ets who led them astray by pandering to 
 their appetites and luxury (ii. 1-11). The 
 sentence of captivity is passed upon them 
 (10), but is followed instantly by a promise 
 of restoration and triumphant return (ii. 12, 
 13). The second section is addressed es- 
 pecially to the princes and heads .of the 
 people ; their avarice and rapacity are re- 
 buked in strong terms. But the threatening 
 is again succeeded by a promise of restora- 
 tion, and in the glories of the Messianic 
 kingdom the prophet loses sight of the deso- 
 lation which should befall his country. The 
 predictions in this section form the climax 
 of the book, and Ewald arranges them in 
 four strophes, consisting of from seven to 
 eight verses each (iv. 1-8, iv. 9-v. 2, v. 3- 
 9, v. 10-15), with the exception of the last, 
 which is shorter. In the last section (vi., 
 vii.) Jehovah, by a bold poetical figure, is 
 represented as holding a controversy with 
 His people, pleading with them in justifica- 
 tion of His conduct towards them and the 
 reasonableness of His requirements. The 
 dialogue form in which chap. vi. is cast 
 renders the picture very dramatic and strik- 
 ing. The whole concludes with a triumphal 
 song of joy at the great deliverance, like that 
 from Egypt, which Jehovah will achieve, and 
 a full acknowledgment of His mercy and 
 faithfulness to His promises (16-20). The 
 last verse is reproduced in the song of 
 Zacharias (Luke i. 72, 73). The predic- 
 tions uttered by Micah relate to the inva- 
 sions of Shalmaneser (i. 6-8 ; 2 K. xvii.
 
 MICAIAH 
 
 409 
 
 MICHAIAH 
 
 4, 6) and Sennacherib (i. 9-16; 2 K. xviii. 
 13), the destruction of Jerusalem (iii. 12, 
 vii. 13), the captivity in Babylon (iv. 10), 
 the return (iv. 1-8, vii. 11), the establish- 
 ment of a theocratic kingdom in Jerusalem 
 (iv. 8), and the Ruler who should spring 
 from Bethlehem (v. 2). The destruction 
 of Assyria and Babylon is supposed to be 
 referred to in v. 5, 6, vii. 8, 10. It is re- 
 markable that the prophecies commence 
 with the last words recorded of the proph- 
 et's namesake, Micaiah the son of Imlah, 
 " Hearken, O people, every one of you " 
 (1 K. xxii. 28). The style of Micah has 
 been compared with that of Hosea and 
 Isaiah. His diction is vigorous and forcible, 
 sometimes obscure from the abruptness of 
 its transitions, but varied and rich in figures 
 derived from the pastoral (i. 8, ii. 12, v. 4, 
 6, 7, 8, vii. 14) and rural life of the lowland 
 country (i. 6, iii. 12, iv. 3, 12, 13, vi. 15), 
 whose vines and olives and fig-trees were 
 celebrated (1 Chr. xxvii. 27, 28), and sup- 
 ply the prophet with so many striking allu- 
 sions (i. G, iv. 3, 4, vi. 15, vii. 1, 4), as to 
 suggest that, like Amos, he may have been 
 either a herdsman or a vine-dresser, who 
 had heard the howling of the jackals (i. 8, 
 A. V. " dragons ") as he watched his flocks 
 or his vines by night, and had seen the lions 
 slaughtering the sheep (v. 8). The language 
 of Micah is quoted in Matt. ii. 5, 6, and his 
 prophecies are alluded to in Matt. x. 35, 
 36 ; Mark xiii. 12 ; Luke xii. 53 ; John vii. 
 42. 3. A descendant of Joel the Reuben- 
 ite (1 Chr. v. 5). 4. The son of Merib- 
 baal, or Mephibosheth, the son of Jonathan 
 (1 Chr. viii. 34, 35, ix. 40, 41). 5. A 
 Kohathite Levite, eldest son of Uzziel the 
 brother of Ainram (1 Chr. xxiii. 20). 6. 
 The father of Abdon, a man of high station 
 in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 20). 
 
 Mica'iah, the same name as Micah, both 
 meaning the same thing. " Who like Je- 
 hovah ? " Micaiah, the son of Imlah, was 
 a prophet of Samaria, who, in the last year 
 of the reign of Ahab, king of Israel, pre- 
 dicted his defeat and death, B. c. 897 (IK. 
 xxii. 1-35 ; 2 Chr. xviii.). 
 
 Mi'cha. 1. The son of Mephibosheth 
 (2 Sam. ix. 12). 2. A Levite, or family 
 of Levites, who signed the covenant with 
 Nehemiah (Neh. x. 1 1). 3. The father of 
 Mattaniah, a Gershonite Levite and de- 
 scendant of Asaph (Neh. xi. 17, 22). 4. A 
 Simeonite, father of Ozias, one of the three 
 governors of the city of Bethulia in the time 
 of Judith (Jud. vi. 15). 
 
 Mi'chael. 1. An Asherite, father of 
 Sethur, one of the twelve spies (Num. xiii. 
 13). 2. The son of Abihail, one of the 
 Gadites who settled in the land of Bashan 
 (1 Chr. v. 13). 3. Another Gadite, ances- 
 tor of Abihail (1 Chr. v. 14). 4. A Ger- 
 shonite Levite, ancestor of Asaph (1 Chr. 
 yi. 40). 5. One of the five sons of Izra- 
 
 hiah of the tribe of Issachar (1 Chr.* vii. 3). 
 6. A Benjamite of the sons of Beriah (1 
 Chr. viii. 16). 7. One of the captains of 
 the " thousands " of Manasseh who joined 
 David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 20). 8. The 
 father or ancestor of Omri, chief of the 
 tribe of Issachar in the reign of David (1 
 Chr. xxvii. 18). 9. One of the sons of 
 Jehoshaphat who were murdered by their 
 elder brother Jehoram (2 Chr. xxi. 2, 4). 
 10. The father or ancestor of Zebadiah of 
 the sons of Shephatiah (Ezr. viii. 8). 11. 
 " One," or " the first of the chief princes " 
 or archangels (Dan. x. 13; comp. Jude 9), 
 described in Dan. x. 21 as the " prince " 
 of Israel, and in xii. 1 as " the great prince 
 which standeth" in time of conflict "for 
 the children of thy people." All these pas- 
 sages in the O. T. belong to that late period 
 of its revelation, wlien, to the general 
 declaration of the angelic office, was added 
 the division of that office into parts, and 
 the assignment of them to individual angels. 
 As Gabriel represents the ministration of 
 the angels towards man, so Michael is the 
 type and leader of their strife, in God's 
 name and His strength, against the power 
 of Satan. In the O. T. therefore he is the 
 guardian of the Jewish people in their an- 
 tagonism to godless power and heathenism. 
 In the N. T. (see Rev. xii. 7) he fights in 
 heaven against the dragon " that old ser- 
 pent called the Devil and Satan, which de- 
 ceiveth the whole world ; " and so takes part 
 in that struggle, which is the work of the 
 Church on earth. There remains one pas- 
 sage (Jude 9 ; comp. 2 Pet. ii. 11) in which 
 we are told that " Michael the archangel, 
 when contending with the devil he disputed 
 about the body of Moses, durst not bring 
 against him a railing accusation, but said, 
 The Lord rebuke thee." The allusion seems 
 to be to a Jewish legend attached to Deut. 
 xxxiv. 6. 
 
 Mi'chah, eldest son of Uzziel, the son 
 of Kohathj(l Chr. xxiv. 24, 25), elsewhere 
 (1 Chr. xxiii. 20) called MICAH. 
 
 Micha'iab. 1. The father of Achbor, 
 a man of high rank in the reign of Josiah 
 (2 K. xxii. 12). He is the same as MICAH 
 the father of Abdon (2Chr. xxxiv. 20.) 2. 
 The son of Zaccur, a descendant of Asaph 
 (Neh. xii. 35). He is the same as MICAH 
 the son of Zichri (1 Chr. ix. 15) and MICHA. 
 the son of Zabdi (Neh. xi. 17). 3- One of 
 the priests at the dedication of the wall of 
 Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 41). 4. The daugh- 
 ter of Uriel of Gibeah, wife of Rehoboam, 
 and mother of Abijah king of Judah (2 Chr. 
 xiii. 2). [MAACHAH, 3.] 5. One of the 
 princes of Jehoshaphat whom he sent to 
 teach the law of Jehovah in the cities of 
 Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 7). 6. The son of 
 Gemariah. He is only mentioned on one 
 occasion. After Baruch had read, in pub- 
 lic, prophecies of Jennaiah anuou icii g im-
 
 MICHAL 
 
 410 
 
 minent calamities, Michaiah went and de- 
 clared them to all the princes assembled in 
 king Jehoiakhn's house; and the princes 
 forthwith sent for Baruch to read the proph- 
 ecies to them (Jer. xxxvi. 11-14). 
 
 Mi'chal, the younger of Saul's two 
 daughters (1 Sam. xiv. 49). The king had 
 proposed to bestow on David his eldest 
 daughter MERAB ; but before the marriage 
 could be arranged an unexpected turn was 
 given to the matter by the behavior of 
 Michal, who fell violently in love with the 
 young hero. The marriage with her elder 
 sister was at once put aside. Saul eagerly 
 caught at the opportunity which the change 
 afforded him of exposing his rival to the risk 
 of death. The price fixed on Michal's hand 
 was no less than the slaughter of a hundred 
 Philistines. David by a brilliant feat doubled 
 the tale of victims, and Michal became his 
 wife. Shortly afterwards she saved David 
 from the assassins whom her father had sent 
 to take his life (1 Sam. xix. 11-17). Saul's 
 rage may be imagined : his fury was such 
 that Michal was obliged to fabricate a story 
 of David's having attempted to kill her. 
 This was the last time she saw her husband 
 for many years ; and when the rupture be- 
 tween Saul and David had become open 
 and incurable, she was married to another 
 man, Phalti or Phaltiel of Gallim (1 Sam. 
 xxv. 44). After the death of her father 
 and brothers at Gilboa, David compelled 
 her new husband to surrender Michal to 
 him (2 Sam. iii. 13-16). It is on the road 
 leading up from the Jordan valley to the 
 Mount of Olives that we first encounter her 
 with her husband, Michal under the joint 
 escort of David's messengers and Abner's 
 twenty men, en route to David at Hebron, 
 the submissive Phaltiel behind, bewailing 
 the wife thus torn from him. It was at least 
 fourteen years since David and she had 
 parted at Gibeah, since she had watched 
 him disappear down the cord into the dark- 
 ness and had perilled her own life for his 
 against the rage of her insane father. That 
 David's love for his absent wife had under- 
 gone no change in the interval seems cer- 
 tain from the eagerness with which he re- 
 claims her as soon as the opportunity is 
 afforded him. The meeting took place at 
 Hebron. How Michal comported herself 
 in the altered circumstances of David's 
 household we are not told; but it is- plain 
 from the subsequent occurrences that some- 
 thing had happened to alter the relations 
 of herself and David. It was the day of 
 David's greatest triumph, when he brought 
 the ark of Jehovah from its temporary rest- 
 ing-place to its home in the newly-acquired 
 city. Michal watched the procession ap- 
 proach from the window of her apartment; 
 the motions of her husband shocked her as 
 undignified and indecent ; "she despised him 
 in her heart." After the exertions of the 
 
 long day were over, the king was rcct ived 
 by his wife with a bitter taunt. David's re- 
 tort was a tremendous one, conveyed in 
 words which once spoken could never be 
 recalled. All intercourse between her and 
 David ceased from that date (2 Sam. vi. 
 20-23). Her name appears (2 Sam. xxi. 
 8) as the mother of five of the grandchil- 
 dren of Saul. But it is probably more cor- 
 rect to substitute Merab for Michal in this 
 place. 
 
 Mich/mas, a variation, probably a later 
 form, of the name MICHMASH (Ezr. ii. 27 ; 
 Neh. vii. 31). 
 
 Mich/mash, a town which is known to 
 us almost solely by its connection with the 
 Philistine war of Saul and Jonathan (1 
 Sam. xiii., xiv.). It has been identified 
 with great probability in a village which 
 still bears the name of Mukhmas, about 7 
 miles north of Jerusalem. The place was 
 thus situated in the very middle of the tribe 
 of Benjamin. In the invasion of Sen- 
 nacherib in the reign of Hezekiah, it is 
 mentioned by Isaiah (x. 28). After the 
 captivity the men of the place returned 
 (Ezr. ii. 27 ; Neh. vii. 31). At a later date 
 it became the residence of Jonathan Mac- 
 cabaeus, and the seat of his government 
 (1 Mace. ix. 73). In the time of Eusebius 
 and Jerome it was "a very large village 
 retaining its ancient name, and lying near 
 Ramah in the district of Aelia (Jerusa- 
 lem) at 9 miles' distance therefrom." Im- 
 mediately below the village the groat wady 
 spreads out to a considerable width per- 
 haps half a mile ; and its bed is broken up 
 into an intricate mass of hummocks and 
 mounds, some two of which, before the tor- 
 rents of 3000 winters had reduced and 
 rounded their forms, were probably the 
 two " teeth of cliff" the Bozez and Seneh 
 of Jonathan's adventure. Right opposite is 
 Jeba (Geba) on a curiously terraced hill. 
 
 Micll'methah, a place which formed 
 one of the landmarks of the boundary of 
 the territories of Ephraim and Manasseh on 
 the western side of Jordan (Josh. xvii. 7). 
 The position of the place must be some- 
 where on the east of and not far distant 
 from Shechem. 
 
 Mich/ri, ancestor of Elah, one of the 
 heads of the fathers of Benjamin (1 Chr. 
 ix. 8) after the captivity. 
 
 Mich'tam. This word occurs in the 
 titles of six Psalms (xvi., lvi.-lx.), all of 
 which are ascribed to David. The marginal 
 reading of our A. V. is " a golden Psalm," 
 while in the Geneva version it is described 
 as " a certain tune." From the position 
 which it occupies in the title we may infer 
 that michtam is a term applied to these 
 Psalms to denote their musical character, 
 but beyond this everything is obscure. 
 
 Mid' din, a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 61), 
 one of the six specified as situated in the
 
 MIDiAN 
 
 411 
 
 MIGDOL 
 
 district of "the midbar" (A. V. "wilder- 
 ness"). 
 
 Mid'ian, a son of Abraham and Keturah 
 (Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32); progenitor of 
 the Midianites, or Arabians dwelling prin- 
 cipally in the desert north of the peninsula 
 of Arabia. Southwards they extended 
 along the eastern shore of the Gulf of 
 Eyleh (Sinus Aelaniticus) ; and north- 
 wards they stretched along the eastern 
 frontier of Palestine. Midian is first men- 
 tioned, as a people, when Moses fled, hav- 
 ing killed the Egyptian, to the " land of 
 Midian " (Ex. ii. 15), and married a daugh- 
 ter of a priest of Midian (21). The "land 
 of Midian," or the portion of it specially 
 referred to, was probably the peninsula of 
 Sinai. The next occurrence of the name 
 of this people in the sacred history marks 
 their northern settlement on the border of 
 the Promised Land, " on this side Jordan 
 [by] Jericho " in the plains of Moab (Num. 
 xxii. 1-4). It was " on this side Jordan " 
 that the chief doings of the Midianites with 
 the Israelites took place. The influence 
 of the Midianites on the Israelites was 
 clearly most evil, and directly tended to 
 lead them from the injunctions of Moses. 
 The events at Shittim occasioned the in- 
 junction to vex Midian and smite them. 
 Twelve thousand men, a thousand from 
 each tribe, went up to this war, a war in 
 which all the males of the enemy were slain. 
 After a lapse of some years, the Midianites 
 appear again as the enemies of the Israelites. 
 They had recovered from the devastation of 
 the former war, probably by the arrival of 
 fresh colonists from the desert tracts over 
 which their tribes wandered ; and they now 
 were sufficiently powerful to become the 
 oppressors of the children of Israel. Allied 
 with the Amalekites and the ene-Kedem, 
 they drove them to make dens in the moun- 
 tains and caves and strongholds, and wasted 
 their crops even to Gaza, on the Mediter- 
 ranean coast, in the land of Simeon. The 
 Midianites had oppressed Israel for seven 
 years, but were finally defeated with great 
 slaughter by Gideon. [GIDEON.] The 
 Midianites are described as true Arabs 
 now Bedawees, or "people of the des- 
 ert; " anon pastoral, or settled Arabs the 
 " flock " of Jethro ; the cattle and flocks of 
 Midian, in the later days of Moses ; their 
 camels without number, as the sand of the 
 eea-side for multitude when they oppressed 
 Israel in the days of the Judges all agree 
 with such a description. Like Arabs, who 
 are predominantly a nomadic people, they 
 seem to have partially settled in the land 
 of Moab. The only glimpse of their habits 
 is found in the vigorous picture of the camp 
 in the valley of Jezreel (Judg. vii. 13). 
 The spoil taken in both the war of Moses 
 and that of Gideon is remarkable. The 
 gold, silver, brass, iron, tin, and lead (Num. 
 
 xxxi. 22), the "jewels of gold, chains, and 
 bracelets, rings, earrHgs, and tablets " (50) 
 taken by Moses, is especially noteworthy ; 
 and it is confirmed by the booty taken by 
 Gideon (Judg. viii. 21, 24-26). We have 
 here a wealthy Arab nation, living by plun- 
 der, delighting in finery ; and, where forays 
 were impossible, carrying on the traffic 
 southwards into Arabia, the land of gold 
 if not naturally, by trade and across to 
 Chaldaea, or into the rich plains of Egypt. 
 
 Midwife. Parturition in the East is 
 usually easy. The office of a midwife is 
 thus, in many eastern countries, in little 
 use, but is performed, when necessary, by 
 relatives. 
 
 Mig'dal-el. one of the fortified towns 
 of the possession of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 
 38 only), possibly deriving its name from 
 some ancient tower the "tower of El, 
 or God." 
 
 Mig'dal-gad, a city of Judah (Josh. 
 xv. 37) in the district of the Shefelah, or 
 maritime lowland. 
 
 Mig'dol, the name of one or two places 
 on the eastern frontier of Egypt, cognate 
 to Migdal, which appears properly to sig- 
 nify a military watch-tower, or a shepherd's 
 lookout. 1. A Migdol is mentioned in the 
 account of the Exodus (Ex. xiv. 2 ; Num. 
 xxxiii. 7, 8). We suppose that the position 
 of the encampment was before or at Pih? - 
 hiroth, behind which was Migdol, and on the 
 other hand Baal-zephon and the sea, these 
 places being near together. The place of 
 the encampment and of the passage of 
 the sea we believe to have been not far 
 from the Persepolitan monument, which is 
 made in Linant's map the site of the Sera- 
 peum. 2. A Migdol is spoken of by Jere- 
 miah and Ezekiel. The latter prophet men- 
 tions it as a boundary-town, evidently on the 
 eastern border, corresponding to Seveneh, 
 Syene, on the southern (xxix. 10, xxx. 6). 
 In the prophecy of Jeremiah the Jews in 
 Egypt are spoken of as dwelling at Migdol, 
 Tahpanhes, and Noph, and in the country 
 of Pathros (xliv. 1) ; and in that foretell- 
 ing, apparently, an invasion of Egypt by 
 Nebuchadnezzar, Migdol, Noph, and Tah- 
 panhes are again mentioned together (xlvi. 
 14). It seems plain, from its being spoken 
 of with Memphis, and from Jews dwelling 
 there, that this Migdol was an important 
 town, and not a mere fort, or even military 
 settlement. After this time there is no 
 notice of any place of this name in Egypt, 
 excepting of Magdolus, by Hecataeus of 
 Miletus, and in the Itinerary of Antoninus, 
 in which Magdolo is placed twelve Roman 
 miles to the southward of Pelusium, in the 
 route from the Serapeum to that town. 
 This latter place most probably represents 
 the Migdol mentioned by Jeremiah and 
 Ezekiel. Its position on the route to Pales- 
 tine would make it both strategically impor*
 
 MIGRON 
 
 412 
 
 MILL 
 
 tant and populous, neither of which would 
 be the case with a trwn in the position of 
 the Migdol of the Pentateuch. 
 
 Mig'ron, a town or a spot for there is 
 nothing to indicate which in the neigh- 
 borhood of Saul's city, Gibeah, on the very 
 edge of the district belonging to it (1 Sam. 
 xiv. 2). Migron is also mentioned in the 
 list of the places disturbed by Sennache- 
 rib's approach to Jerusalem (Is. x. 28). 
 But here its position seems a little farther 
 north than that indicated in the former pas- 
 sage. In Hebrew, Migron may mean a 
 "precipice," and it is not impossible, there- 
 fore, that two places of the same name are 
 intended. 
 
 Mi'jamin, 1. The chief of the sixth 
 of the 24 courses of priests established by 
 David (1 Chr. xxiv. 9). 2. A family of 
 priests who signed the covenant with Nehe- 
 miah; probably the descendants of the 
 preceding (Neh. x. 7). 
 
 Mlk'loth.. 1. One of the sons of Jehiel, 
 the father or prince of Gibeon, by his wife 
 Maachah (1 Chr. viii. 32, ix. 37, 38). 2. 
 The leader of the second division of David's 
 army (1 Chr. xxvii. 4). 
 
 Miknei'ah. One of the Levites of the 
 second rank, gatekeepers of the ark, ap- 
 pointed by David to play in the Temple 
 band " with harps upon Sheminith " (1 Chr. 
 xv. 18, 21). 
 
 Milala'i. Probably a Gershonite Levite 
 of the sons of Asaph, who assisted at the 
 dedication of the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. 
 adi. 86). 
 
 Mir call. 1. Daughter of Haran and 
 wife of her uncle Nahor, Abraham's brother, 
 to whom she bore eight children (Gen. xi. 
 29, xxii. 20, 23, xxiv. 15, 24, 47), 2. The 
 fourth daughter of Zelophehad (Num. xxvi. 
 33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 11; Josh. xvii. 3). 
 
 Mil/com. The "abomination" of the 
 children of Ammon, elsewhere called Mo- 
 VS.CH (1 K. xi. 7, &c.) and MALCHAM (Zeph. 
 i 5, marg. "their king"), of the latter of 
 which it is probably a dialectical variation. 
 
 Mile, a Roman measure of length, equal 
 to 1618 English yards. It is only once 
 noticed in the Bible (Matt. v. 41), the usual 
 method of reckoning both in the N. T. and 
 in Josephus being by the stadium. The 
 mile of the Jews is said to have been of 
 two kinds, long or short, dependent on the 
 length of the pace, which varied in differ- 
 ent parts, the long pace being double the 
 length of the short one. 
 
 5 Mile'tus (Acts xx. 15, 17, less correctly 
 0,0' called MILE-FUJI in 2 Tim. iv. 20). In the 
 context of Acts xx. 6, we have the geograph- 
 ical relations of Miletus brought out as dis- 
 tinctly as if it were St. Luke's purpose to 
 state them. In the first place it lay on the 
 coast to the S. of Ephesus. Next, it was 
 a day's sail from Trogy Ilium (ver. 15). 
 Moreo er, to those who are sailing from the 
 
 north, it is in the direct line for Cos. All 
 these details correspond with the geograph- 
 ical facts of the case. The site of Miletus 
 has now receded ten miles from the coast, 
 and even in the Apostle's time it must have 
 lost its strictly maritime position. The 
 passage in the Second Epistle to Timothy, 
 where Miletus is mentioned, presents a 
 very serious difficulty to the theory that 
 there was only one Roman imprisonment. 
 As to the history of Miletus itself, it was 
 far more famous five hundred years before 
 St. Paul's day, than it ever became after- 
 wards. In early times it was the most 
 flourishing city of the Ionian Greeks. In 
 the natural order of events, it was absorbed 
 in the Persian empire. After a brief peri- 
 od of spirited independence, it received -a 
 blow from which it never recovered, in the 
 siege conducted by Alexander, when on hia 
 Eastern campaign. But still it held, even 
 through the Roman period, the rank of a 
 second-rate trading town, and Strabo men- 
 tions its four harbors. At this time it was 
 politically in the province of ASIA, though 
 CARIA was the old ethnological name of 
 the district in which it was situated. 
 
 Milk. As an article of diet, milk holds 
 a more important position in Eastern coun- 
 tries than with us. It is not a mere adjunct 
 in cookery, or restricted to the use of the 
 young, although it is naturally the charac- 
 teristic food of childhood, both from its 
 simple and nutritive qualities (1 Pet. ii. 2), 
 and particularly as contrasted with meat 
 (1 Cor. iii. 2 ; Heb. v. 12) : but beyond 
 this it is regarded as substantial food 
 adapted alike to all ages and classes. Not 
 only the milk of cows, but of sheep (Deut. 
 xxxii. 14), of camels (Gen. xxxii. 15), and 
 of goats (Prov. xxvii. 27) was used ; the 
 latter appears to have been most highly 
 prized. Milk was used sometimes in its 
 natural state, and sometimes in a sour, 
 coagulated state : the former was named 
 chdldb, and the latter chema. In the A. V. 
 the latter is rendered " butter," but there 
 can be no question that in every case (ex- 
 cept perhaps Prov. xxx. 33) the term refers 
 to a preparation of milk well known in East- 
 ern countries under the name of leben. 
 The method now pursued in its preparation 
 is to boil the milk over a slow fire, adding 
 to it a small piece of old leben or some 
 other acid in order to make it coagulate. 
 The refreshing draught which Jael offered 
 " in a lordly dish " to Sisera (Judg. v. 
 25) was leben, Leben is still extensively 
 used in the East : at certain seasons of the 
 year the poor almost live upon it, while the 
 upper classes eat it with salad or meat. 
 It is still offered in hospitality to the pass- 
 ing stranger, exactly as of old in Abra- 
 ham's tent (Gen. xviii. 8). 
 
 Mill. The mills of the ancient Hebrews 
 probably differed but little from those at
 
 MILLET 
 
 413 
 
 MIXES 
 
 present in use in the East. These consist 
 of two circular stones, about 18 inches or 
 two feet in diameter, the lower of which is 
 fixed, and has its upper surface slightly 
 convex, fitting into a corresponding con- 
 cavity in the upper stone. The latter has 
 a hole in it, through which the grain passes, 
 immediately above a pivot or shaft which 
 rises from the centre of the lower stone, 
 and about which the upper stone is turned 
 by means of an upright handle fixed near 
 the edge. It is worked by women, some- 
 times singly and sometimes two together, 
 who are usually seated on the bare ground 
 (Is. xlvii. 1, 2) "facing each other; both 
 have hold of the handle by which the upper 
 is turned round on the ' nether ' millstone. 
 The one whose right hand is disengaged 
 throws in the grain as occasion requires 
 through the hole in the upper stone. It is 
 not correct to say that one pushes it half 
 round, and then the other seizes the han- 
 dle. This would be slow work, and would 
 give a spasmodic motion to the stone. Both 
 retain their hold, and pull to or push from, 
 as men do with the whip or crosscut saw. 
 The proverb of our Saviour (Matt. xxiv. 
 41) is true to life, for women only grind. I 
 cannot recall an instance in which men 
 were at the mill." (Thomson, The Land and 
 the Book, c. 34.) The labor is very hard, 
 and the task of grinding in consequence per- 
 formed only by the lowest sen-ants (Ex. 
 xi. 5) and captives (Judg. xvi. 21 ; Job 
 xxxi. 10; Is. xlvii. 1, 2; Lam. v. 13). So 
 essential were millstones for daily domes- 
 tic use, that they were forbidden to be taken 
 in pledge (Deut. xxiv. 6), in order that a 
 man's family might not be deprived of the 
 means of preparing their food. The hand- 
 mills of the ancient Egyptians appear to 
 have been of the same character. "They 
 had also a large mill on a very similar prin- 
 ciple ; but the stones were of far greater 
 power and dimensions ; and this could only 
 have been turned by cattle or asses, -like 
 those of the ancient Eomans, and of the 
 modern Cairenes " (Wilkinson). It was 
 the millstone of a mill of this kind, driven 
 by an ass, which is alluded to in Matt, xviii. 
 G. With the movable upper millstone of 
 the hand-mill the woman of Thebez broke 
 Abimelech's skull (Judg. ix. 53). 
 
 Millet (Heb. do'chan) occurs only in 
 Ez. iv. 9. Dr. Royle maintains that the 
 true dukhun of Arab authors is the Pani- 
 cum miliaceum, which is universally culti- 
 vated in the East. It is probable that both 
 the Sorghum vulgare and the Panicum 
 miliaceum were used by the ancient He- 
 brews and Egyptians, and that the Heb. 
 ddchan may denote either of these plants. 
 
 Mil'lo, a place in ancient Jerusalem. 
 Both name and place seem to have been al- 
 ready in existence when the city was taken 
 from the Jebusites by David (2 Sam. v. 9 ; 
 
 1 Chr. xi. 8). Its repair or restoration waj 
 one of the great works for which Solomon 
 raised his "levy" (1 K. ix. 15, 24, xi. 27); 
 and it formed a prominent part of the forti- 
 fications by which Hezekiah prepared for 
 the approach of the Assyrians (2 Chr. 
 xxxii. 5). The last passage seems to show 
 that " the Millo " was part of the " city of 
 David," that is, of Zion (comp. 2 K. xii. 
 20). If "Millo" be taken as a Hebrew- 
 word, it would Jbe derived from a root which 
 has the force* of "filling;" but the only 
 ray of light which we can obtain as to the 
 meaning of the word is from the LXX. 
 Their rendering in every case (excepting 
 only 2 Chr. xxxii. 5) is ; UXQU, a word 
 which they employ nowhere else in the O. T. 
 Now ij 'dxoct means "the citadel," and it is 
 remarkable that it is the word used with un- 
 varying persistence throughout the Books 
 of Maccabees for the fortress on Mount 
 Zion. It is therefore perhaps not too much 
 to assume that the word Millo was employed 
 in the Hebrew original of 1 Maccabees. 
 
 Mil'lo, The House Of. 1. Apparently 
 a family or clan, mentioned in Judg. ix. 6, 
 20, only, in connection with the men or lords 
 of Shechem. 2. The " house of Millo that 
 goeth down to Silla " was the spot at which 
 king Joash was murdered by his slaves (2 
 K. xii. 20). There is nothing to lead us to 
 suppose that the murder was not committed 
 in Jerusalem, and in that case the spot 
 must be connected with the ancient Millo 
 (see preceding article). 
 
 Mines, Mining. " Surely there is a 
 source for the silver, and a place for the 
 gold which they refine. Iron is taken out 
 of the soil, and stone man melts (for) cop- 
 per. He hath put an end to darkness, and 
 to all perfection (i. e. most thoroughly) ; 
 he searcheth the stone of thick darkness 
 and of the shadow of death. He hath sunk 
 a shaft far from the wanderer; they that 
 are forgotten of the foot are suspended, 
 away from man they waver to and fro. (As 
 for) the earth, from her cometh forth bread, 
 yet her nethermost parts are upturned as 
 (by) fire. The place of sapphire (are) her 
 stones, and dust of gold is his. A track 
 which the bird of prey hath not known, noi 
 the eye of the falcon glared upon ; which 
 the sons of pride (i. e. wild beasts) have 
 not trodden, nor the roaring lion gone 
 over ; in the flint, man hath thrust his hand, 
 he hath overturned mountains from the 
 root; in the rocks he hath cleft channels, 
 and every rare thing hath his eye seen : the 
 streams hath he bound that they weep not, 
 and that which is hid he bringeth forth to 
 light" (Job xxviii. 1-11). Such is the 
 highly poetical description given by the 
 author of the book of Job of the operations 
 of mining as known in his day, the only 
 record of the kind which we inherit from 
 the ancient Hebrews. It may be fairly in-
 
 MINES 
 
 414 
 
 MINES 
 
 ferred from the description that a distinc- 
 tion is made between gold obtained in the 
 manner indicated, and that which is found 
 in the natural state in the alluvial soil, 
 among the debris washed down by the tor- 
 rents. This appears to be implied in the 
 expression " the gold they refine," which 
 presupposes a process by which the pure 
 gold is extracted from the ore, and sepa- 
 rated from the silver or copper with which 
 it may have been mixed. .What is said of 
 gold may be equally applied to silver. In 
 the Wady Magh-irah, "the valley of the 
 Cave," are still traces of the Egyptian 
 colony of miners who settled there for the 
 purpose of extracting copper from the free- 
 stone rocks, and left their hieroglyphic in- 
 scriptions upon the face of the cliff. The 
 ancient furnaces are still to be seen, and on 
 the coast of the Red Sea are found the piers 
 and wharves whence the miners shipped 
 their metal in the harbor of Abu Zelimeh. 
 The copper-mines of Phaeno in Idumaea, 
 according to Jerome, were between Zoar 
 and Petra ; in the persecution of Diocletian 
 the Christians were condemned to work 
 them. The gold-mines of Egypt in the 
 Bisharee desert, the principal station of 
 which was Eshuranib, about three days' 
 journey beyond Wady Allaga, have been 
 discovered within the last few years by M. 
 Linant and Mr. Bonomi. According to the 
 account given by Diodorus Siculus (iii. 
 12-14), the mines were worked by gangs of 
 convicts and captives in fetters, who were 
 kept day and night to their task by the 
 soldiers set to guard them. The harder 
 rock was split by the application of fire, but 
 the softer was broken up with picks and 
 chisels. The miners were quite naked, 
 their bodies being painted according to the 
 color of the rock they were working, and in 
 order to see in the dark passages of the 
 mine they carried lamps upon their heads. 
 The stone as it fell was carried off by boys ; 
 it was then pounded in stone mortars with 
 iron pestles by those who were over 30 
 years of age till it was reduced to the size 
 of a lentil. The women and old men after- 
 wards ground it in mills to a fine powder. 
 The final process of separating the gold 
 from the pounded stone was intrusted to 
 the engineers who superintended the work. 
 They spread this powder upon a broad 
 slightly-inclined table, and rubbed it gently 
 with the hand, pouring water upon it from 
 time to time so as to carry away all the 
 earthy matter, leaving the heavier particles 
 upon the board. This was repeated several 
 times ; at first with the hand and afterwards 
 with fine sponges gently pressed upon the 
 earthy substance, till nothing but the gold 
 was left. It was then collected by other 
 workmen, and placed in earthen crucibles 
 with a mixture of lead and salt in certain 
 proportions, together with a little tin and 
 
 some barley bran. The crucibles were 
 covered and carefully closed with clay, and 
 in this condition baked in a furnace for five 
 days and nights without intermission. Of 
 the three methods which have been em- 
 ployed for refining gold and silver, 1. by 
 exposing the fused metal to a current of 
 air ; 2. by keeping the alloy in a state of 
 fusion and throwing nitre upon it; and 3. 
 by mixing the alloy with lead, exposing the 
 whole to fusion upon a vessel of bone-ashes 
 or earth, and blowing upon it with bellows 
 or other blast: the latter appears most 
 nearly to coincide with the description of 
 Diodorus. To this process, known as the 
 cupelling process, there seems to be a refer- 
 ence in Ps. xii. 6 ; Jer. vi. 28-30 ; Ez. xxii. 
 18-22. The chief supply of silver in the 
 ancient world appears to have been brought 
 from Spain. A strong proof of the ac- 
 quaintance possessed by the ancient He- 
 brews with the manipulation of metals is 
 found by some in the destruction of the 
 golden calf in the desert by Moses. "And 
 he took the calf which they had made, and 
 burnt it in fire, and ground it to powder, and 
 strewed it upon the water, and made the 
 children of Israel drink" (Ex. xxxii. 20). 
 As the highly malleable character of gold 
 would render an operation like that which 
 is described in the text almost impossible, 
 an explanation has been sought in the sup> 
 position that we have here an indication 
 that Moses was a proficient in the process 
 known in modern times as calcination. The 
 whole difficulty appears to have arisen from 
 a desire to find too much in the text. The 
 main object of the destruction of the calf 
 was to prove its worthlessness and to throw 
 contempt upon idolatry ; and all this might 
 have been done without any refined chemi- 
 cal process like that referred to. How far 
 the ancient Hebrews were acquainted with 
 the processes at present in use for extract- 
 ing copper from the ore it is impossible to 
 assert, as there are no references in Scrip- 
 ture to anything of the kind, except in the 
 passage of Job already quoted. The Egyp- 
 tians evidently possessed the art of working 
 bronze in great perfection at a very early 
 time, and much of the knowledge of metals 
 which the Israelites had must have been 
 acquired during their residence among 
 them. Of tiii there appears to have been 
 no trace in Palestine. The hills of Pales- 
 tine are rich in iron, and the mines are still 
 worked there, though in a very simple, rude 
 manner, like that of the ancient Samothra- 
 cians : of the method employed by the Egyp- 
 tians and Hebrews we have no certain infor- 
 mation. It may have been similar to that in 
 use throughout the whole of India from 
 very early times, which is thus described 
 by Dr. Ure : " The furnace or bloomary 
 in which the ore is smelted is from four to 
 five feet high ; it is somewhat pe^r-shaped,
 
 MINGLED PEOPLE 
 
 415 
 
 MINSTREL 
 
 being about five feet w ide at bottom and one 
 foot at top. It is built entirely of clay. . . . 
 There is an opening in front about a foot or 
 more in height, which is built up with clay 
 at the commencement and broken down at 
 the end of each smelting operation. The 
 bellows are usually made of goat's skin. . . . 
 The bamboo nozzles of the bellows are in- 
 serted into tubes of clay, which pass into 
 the furnace. . . . The furnace is filled with 
 charcoal, and a lighted coal being intro- 
 duced before the nozzles, the mass in the 
 interior is soon kindled. As soon as this is 
 accomplished, a small portion of the ore, 
 previously moistened with water to prevent 
 it from running through the charcoal, but 
 without any flux whatever, is laid on the 
 top of the coals and covered with charcoal 
 to fill up the furnace. In this manner ore 
 and fuel are supplied, and the bellows are 
 urged for three or four hours. When the 
 process is stopped and the temporary wall 
 in front broken down, the bloom is removed 
 with a pair of tongs from the bottom of the 
 furnace." It has seemed necessary to give 
 this account of a very ancient method of 
 iron-smelting, because, from the difficulties 
 which attend it, and the intense heat which 
 is required to separate the metal from the 
 ore, it has been asserted that the allusions 
 to iron and iron manufacture in the Old 
 Testament are anachronisms. But if it 
 were possible among the ancient Indians in 
 a very primitive state of civilization, it 
 might have been known to the Hebrews, 
 who may have acquired their knowledge by 
 working as slaves in the iron furnaces of 
 Egypt (comp. Deut. iv. 20). 
 
 Mingled People. This phrase, like 
 that of " the mixed multitude," which the 
 Hebrew closely resembles, is applied in Jer. 
 xxv. 20, and Ez. xxx. 5, to denote the mis- 
 cellaneous foreign population of Egypt and 
 its frontier-tribes, including every one, says 
 Jerome, who was not a native Egyptian, 
 but was resident there. It is difficult to 
 attach to it any precise meaning, or to iden- 
 tify with the mingled people any race of 
 which we have knowledge. " The kings of 
 the mingled people that dwell in the desert," 
 are the same apparently as the tributary 
 kings (A. V. "kings of Arabia") who 
 brought presents to Solomon (1 K. x. 15) ; 
 the Hebrew in the two cases is identical. 
 The " mingled people " in the midst of 
 Babylon (Jer. 1. 37), were probably the 
 foreign soldiers or mercenary troops, who 
 lived among the native population. 
 
 Mini'amin. 1. A Levite in the reign 
 of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 15). 2. The 
 same as MIAMIN 2 and MIJAMIN 2 (Neh. 
 xii. 17). 3. One of the priests at the dedica- 
 tion of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 41). 
 
 Minister. This term is used in the A. 
 V. to describe various officials of a religious 
 and civil character. In the O. T. it answers 
 
 to the Hebrew mesh&rth, which is applied 
 
 (1) to an attendant upon a person of high 
 rank (Ex. xxiv. 13 ; Josh. i. 1 ; 2 K. iv. 43) ; 
 
 (2) to the attaches of a royal court (1 K. x. 
 5 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 8 ; comp. P?. civ. 4), where, 
 it may be observed, they are distinguished 
 from the " servants " or officials of higher 
 rank ; (3) to the Priests and Levites (Is. Ixi. 
 6 ; Ez. xliv. 11 ; Joel i. 9, 13 ; Ezr. viii. 17 ; 
 Neh. x. 36). In the N. T. we have three 
 terms, each with its distinctive meaning 
 -dtiTovgyug, vniiQtrijg, and Siuxow?. The 
 first answers most nearly to the Hebrew 
 meshdreth, and is usually employed in the 
 LXX. as its equivalent. It betokens a sub- 
 ordinate public administrator (Rom. xiii. 6, 
 xv. 16 ; Heb. viii. 2). In all these instances 
 the original and special meaning of the 
 word, as used by the Athenians of one who 
 performs certain gratuitous public services, 
 is preserved. The second term, f Tn/Wr^s, 
 differs from the two others in that it con- 
 tains the idea of actual and personal attend- 
 ance upon a superior. Thus it is used of 
 the attendant in the synagogue, the chazan 
 of the Talmudists (Lukeiv. 20), whose duty 
 it was to open and close the building, to 
 produce and replace the books employed in 
 the service, and generally to wait on the 
 officiating priest or teacher. The idea of 
 personal attendance comes prominently for- 
 ward in Luke i. 2 ; Acts xxvi. 16. In all 
 these cases the etymological sense of the 
 word (vnb iofrtj?, literally a "sub-rower," 
 one who rows under command of the steers- 
 man) comes out. The third term, diuxovoc, 
 is the one usually employed in relation to 
 the ministry of the Gospel : its application is 
 twofold, in a general sense to indicate min- 
 isters of any order, whether superior or in- 
 ferior, and in a special sense to indicate an 
 order of inferior ministers. [DEACON.] 
 
 Min'ni, a country mentioned in connec- 
 tion with Ararat and Ashchenaz (Jer. li. 
 27). It has been already noticed as a por- 
 tion of Armenia. [ARMENIA.] 
 
 Min'nith, a place on the east of the 
 Jordan, named as the point to which Jeph- 
 thah's slaughter of the Ammonites extend- 
 ed (Judg. xi. 33.) A site bearing the name 
 Afenjah, is marked in Van de Velde's Map, 
 at 7 Roman miles east of Heshbon. The 
 "wheat of Minnith" is mentioned in Ez. 
 xxvii. 17, as being supplied by Judah and 
 Israel to Tyre ; but there is nothing to indi- 
 cate that the same place is intended, and 
 indeed the word is thought by some not to 
 be a proper name. 
 
 Minstrel. The Hebrew word in 2 K. 
 iii. 15 properly signifies a player upon a 
 stringed instrument like the harp or kinnor 
 [HARP], whatever its precise character 
 may have been, on which David played be- 
 fore Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 16, xviii. 10, xix. 9), 
 and which the harlots of the great cities 
 used to carry with them as they walked, to
 
 MINT 
 
 416 
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 attract notice (Is. xxiii. 16). The passage 
 in which it occurs has given rise to much 
 conjecture ; Elisha, upon being consulted 
 by Jehoram as to the issue of the war with 
 Moab, at first indignantly refuses to answer, 
 and is only induced to do so by the presence 
 of Jehoshaphat. He calls for a harper, 
 apparently a camp follower; "and it came 
 to pass as the'harper harped that the hand 
 of Jehovah was on him." Other instances 
 of the same divine influence or impulse 
 connected with music, are seen in tHe case 
 of Saul and the young prophets in 1 Sam. 
 x. 5, 6, 10, 11. In the present passage the 
 reason of Elisha's appeal is variously ex- 
 plained. According to Keil, " Elisha calls 
 for a minstrel, in order to gather in his 
 thoughts by the soft tones of music from 
 the impression of the outer world, and by 
 repressing the life of self and of the world, 
 to be transferred into the state of internal 
 vision, by which his spirit would be pre- 
 pared to receive the divine revelation." 
 The "minstrels" in Matt. ix. 23, were the 
 flute-players who were employed as profes- 
 sional mourners, to whom frequent allusion 
 is made (Eccl. xii. 5 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 25 ; Jer. 
 ix. 17-20). 
 
 Mint occurs only in Matt, xxiii. 23, and 
 Luke xi. 42, as one of those herbs, the tithe 
 of which the Jews were most scrupulously 
 exact in paying. The horse mint ( Jf. Syl- 
 vestris) is common in Syria. 
 
 Miph'kad, The Gate, one of the gates 
 of Jerusalem at the time of the rebuilding 
 of the wall after the return from captivity 
 (Neh. iii. 31). It was probably not in the 
 wall of Jerusalem proper, but in that of the 
 city of David, or Zion, and somewhere 
 near to the junction of the two on the 
 north side. 
 
 Miracles. The word " miracle " is 
 the ordinary translation, in our Authorized 
 English Version, of the Greek word Se- 
 meion (ff^ueiov), which signifies " a sign." 
 The habitual use of the term "miracle" 
 has tended to fix attention too much on the 
 physical strangeness of the facts thus de- 
 scribed, and to divert attention from what 
 may be called their signality. A miracle 
 may be defined to be a plain and manifest 
 exercise by a man, or by God at the call of 
 a man, of those powers which belong only 
 to the Creator and Lord of nature ; and 
 this for the declared object of attesting 
 that a divine mission is given to that man. 
 It is not, therefore, the wonder, the excep- 
 tion to common experience, that constitutes 
 the miracle, as is assumed both in the 
 popular use of the word, and by most ob- 
 jectors against miracles. No phenomenon 
 in nature, however unusual, no event in the 
 course of God's providence, however unex- 
 pected, is a miracle unless it can be traced 
 to the agency of man (including prayer 
 under the term agency), and unless it be 
 
 put forth as a proof of divine mission. 
 Prodigies and special providences are not 
 miracles. On the other hand, it is a mere 
 petitio principii, to argue against all mira- 
 cles, on the ground that if we could see the 
 secret manner of God's working, we might 
 find them to be consistent with some higher 
 law unknown to our experience. For it is 
 not so, much the violation of law, as the 
 manifest application of it to a special occa- 
 sion, that attests the immediate power of 
 God. The peculiar improbability of Mira- 
 cles is resolved by Hume, in his famous 
 Essay, into the circumstance that they 
 are " contrary to experience." This ex- 
 pression is, as has often been pointed out, 
 strictly speaking, incorrect. In strictness, 
 that only can be said to be contrary to ex- 
 perience, which is contradicted by the im- 
 mediate perceptions of persons present at 
 the time when the fact is alleged to have 
 occurred. But the terms " contrary to 
 experience " are used for " contrary to the 
 analogy of our experience ; " and it must 
 be admitted that, in this latter, less strict 
 sense, miracles are contrary to general ex- 
 perience, so far as their mere physical 
 circumstances, visible to us, are concerned. 
 This should not only be admitted, but 
 strongly insisted upon, by the maintenance 
 of miracles, because it is an essential ele- 
 ment of their signal character. And this 
 leads us to notice one grand difference be- 
 tween Divine Miracles and other alleged 
 facts that seem to vary from the ordinary 
 course of nature. It is manifest that there 
 is an essential difference between alleging 
 a case in which, all the real antecedents or 
 causes being similar to those which we have 
 daily opportunities of observing, a conse- 
 quence is said to have ensued quite different 
 from that which general experience finds 
 to be uniformly conjoined with them, and 
 alleging a case in which there is supposed 
 and indicated by all the circumstances, the 
 intervention of an invisible antecedent, or 
 cause, which we know to exist, and to be 
 adequate to the production of such result; 
 for the special operation of which, in this 
 case, we can assign probable reasons, and 
 also for its not generally operating in a 
 similar manner. This latter is the case of 
 the Scripture miracles. Even if we do not 
 regard the existence of God, in the proper 
 sense of that terra, as proved by the course 
 of nature, still if we admit His existence to 
 be in any degree probable, or even possible, 
 the occurrence of miracles will not be in- 
 credible. For it is surely going too far to 
 say, that, because the ordinary course of 
 nature leaves us in doubt whether the 
 author of it be able or unable to alter it, or 
 of such a character as to be disposed to 
 alter it for some great purpose, it is there- 
 fore incredible that he should ever have 
 actually altered it. It will be proper to
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 417 
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 eay a few words here upon some popular 
 forms of expression which tend greatly to 
 increase, in many minds, the natural preju- 
 dice against miracles. One of these is the 
 usual description of a miracle, as, "a viola- 
 tion of the laws of nature." This meta- 
 phorical expression suggests directly, the 
 idea of natural agents breaking, of their 
 own accord, some rule which has the au- 
 thority and sanctity of a law to them. 
 Such a figure can only be applicable to the 
 case of a supposed causeless and arbitrary 
 variation from the uniform order of se- 
 quence in natural things, and is wholJy in- 
 applicable to a change in that order caused 
 by God himself. The word "law," when 
 applied to material things, ought only to be 
 understood as denoting a number of ob- 
 served and anticipated sequences of phe- 
 nomena, taking place with such a resem- 
 blance or analogy to each other as if & 
 rule had been laid down, which those 
 phenomena were constantly observing. But 
 the rule, in this case, is nothing different 
 from the actual order itself; and there is 
 no cause of these sequences but the will 
 of God choosing to produce those phenom- 
 ena, and choosing to produce them in a 
 certain order. Again, the term "nature" 
 suggests to many persons the idea of a 
 great system of things endowed with powers 
 and forces of its own a sort of machine, 
 set a-going originally by a first cause, but 
 continuing its motions of itself. Hence 
 we are apt to imagine that a change in the 
 motion or operation of any part of it by 
 God, would produce the same disturbance 
 of the other parts, as such a change would 
 be likely to produce in them, if made by 
 us, or any other natural agent. But if the 
 motions and operations of material things 
 be produced really by the divine will, then 
 His choosing to change, for a special pur- 
 pose, the ordinary motion of one part, does 
 not necessarily, or probably, infer His 
 choosing to change the ordinary motions 
 of other parts in a way not at all requisite 
 for the accomplishment of that special pur- 
 pose. It is as easy for Him to continue 
 the ordinary course of the rest, with the 
 change of one part, as of all the phenomena 
 without any change at all. Thus, though 
 the stoppage of the motion of the earth in 
 the ordinary course of nature would be 
 attended with terrible convulsions, the 
 stoppage of the earth miraculously, for a 
 special purpose to be served by that only, 
 would not of itself be followed by any 
 such consequences. From the same con- 
 ception of nature, as a machine, we are apt 
 to think of interferences with the ordinary 
 course of nature as implying some imper- 
 fection in it. But it is manifest that this 
 is a false analogy ; for the reason why 
 machines are made is, to save us trouble ; 
 and, therefore, they are more perfect in 
 27 
 
 proportion as they answer this purpose. 
 But no one can seriously imagine that the 
 universe is a machine for the purpose of 
 saving trouble to the Almighty. Again, 
 when miracles are described as " inter- 
 ferences with the laws of nature," this 
 description makes them appear improbable 
 to many minds, from their not sufficiently 
 considering that the laws of nature inter- 
 fere with one another ; and that we cannot 
 get rid of " interferences " upon any hypoth- 
 esis consistent with experience. Further- 
 more, whatever ends may be contemplated 
 by the Deity for the laws of nature in 
 reference to the rest of the universe, in 
 which question we have as little informa- 
 tion as interest, we know that, in respect 
 of us, they answer discernible moral ends 
 that they place us, practically, under 
 government, conducted in the way of re- 
 wards and punishments, a government of 
 which the tendency is to encourage virtue 
 and repress vice, and to form in us a 
 certain character by discipline ; which char- 
 acter our moral nature compels us to con- 
 sider as the highest and worthiest object 
 which we can pursue. Since, therefore, 
 the laws of nature have, in reference to us, 
 moral purposes to answer, which, as far as 
 we can judge, they have not to serve in 
 other respects, it seems not incredible that 
 these peculiar purposes should occasionally 
 require modifications of those laws in rela- 
 tion to us, which are not necessary in 
 relation to other parts of the universe. 
 After all deductions and abatements have 
 been made, however, it must be allowed 
 that a certain antecedent improbability 
 must always attach to miracles, considered 
 as events varying from the ordinary ex- 
 perience of mankind as known to us ; be- 
 cause likelihood, ver similitude, or resem- 
 blance to what we know to have occurred, 
 is, by the constitution of our minds, the 
 very ground of probability; and, though 
 we can perceive reasons, from the moral 
 character of God, for thinking it likely that 
 He may have wrought miracles, yet we 
 know too little of His ultimate designs, and 
 of the best mode of accomplishing them, to 
 argue confidently from His character to His 
 acts, except where the connection between 
 the character and the acts is demonstrably 
 indissoluble, as in the case of acts rendered 
 necessary by the attributes of veracity and 
 justice. But, in order to form a fair judg- 
 ment, we must take in all the circumstances 
 of the case, and, amongst the rest, the testi- 
 mony on which the miracle is reported to 
 us. Our belief, indeed, in human testimony 
 seems to rest upon the same sort of in- 
 stinct on which our belief in the testimony 
 (as it may be called) of nature is built, and 
 is to be checked, modified, and confirmed 
 by a process of experience similar to that 
 which is applied in the other case. The
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 418 
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 circumstances of our condition force us 
 daily to make continual observations upon 
 the phenomena of human testimony ; and 
 it is a matter upon which we can make 
 such experiments with peculiar advantage, 
 because every man carries within his own 
 breast the whole sum of the ultimate mo- 
 tives which can influence human testimony. 
 Hence arises the aptitude of human testi- 
 mony for overcoming, and more than over- 
 coming, almost any antecedent improbabil- 
 ity in the thing reported. So manifest, 
 indeed, is this inherent power of testimony 
 to overcome antecedent improbabilities, that 
 Hume is obliged to allow that testimony 
 may be so circumstanced as to require us 
 to believe, in some cases, the occurrence 
 of things quite at variance with general 
 experience ; but he pretends to show that 
 testimony to such facts when connected with 
 religion can never be so circumstanced. 
 Over and above the direct testimony of 
 human witnesses to the Bible-miracles, we 
 have also what may be called the indirect 
 testimony of events confirming the former, 
 and raising a distinct presumption that 
 some such miracles must have been wrought. 
 Thus, for example, we know, by a copious 
 induction, that in no nation of the ancient 
 world, and in no nation of the modern 
 world unacquainted with the Jewish or 
 Christian revelation, has the knowledge 
 of the one true God as the Creator and 
 Governor of the world, and the public wor- 
 ship of Him, been kept up by the mere 
 light of nature, or formed the groundwork 
 of such religions as men have devised for 
 themselves. Yet we do find that, in the 
 Jewish people, though no way distinguished 
 above others by mental power or high 
 civilization, and with as strong natural ten- 
 dencies to idolatry as others, this knowl- 
 edge and worship were kept up from a very 
 early period of their history, and, accord- 
 ing to their uniform historical tradition, 
 kept up by revelation attested by undeni- 
 able miracles. Again, the existence of the 
 Christian religion, as the belief of the most 
 considerable and intelligent part of the 
 world, is an undisputed fact ; and it is also 
 certain that this religion originated (as far 
 as human means are concerned) with a 
 handful of Jewish peasants, who went 
 about preaching, on the very spot where 
 Jesus was crucified, that He had risen 
 from the dead, and had been seen by, and 
 had conversed with them, and afterwards 
 ascended into heaven. This miracle, at- 
 tested by them as eye-witnesses, was the 
 very ground and foundation of the religion 
 which they preached, and it was plainly 
 one so circumstanced that, if it had been 
 false, it could easily have been proved to be 
 false. Yet, though the preachers of it were 
 everywhere persecuted, they had gathered, 
 lefore they died, large churches in the 
 
 country where the facts were best known, 
 and through Asia Minor, Greece, Egypt, 
 and Italy ; and these churches, notwith- 
 standing the severest persecutions, went on 
 increasing, till, in about 300 years after, 
 this religion i. e. a religion which taught 
 the worship of a Jewish peasant who had 
 been ignominiously executed as a male- 
 factor became the established religion 
 of the Roman empire, and has ever since 
 continued to be the prevailing religion of 
 the civilized world. It is manifest that, if 
 the miraculous facts of Christianity did not 
 really occur, the stories about them must 
 have originated either in fraud or in fancy. 
 The coarse explanation of them by the hy- 
 pothesis of unlimited fraud, has been gen- 
 erally abandoned in modern times : but, in 
 Germany especially, many persons of great 
 acuteness have long labored to account for 
 them by referring them to fancy. In the 
 case of the Old Testament Miracles, in or- 
 der fully to understand their evidential 
 character, we must consider the general 
 nature and design of the dispensation with 
 which they were connected. The general 
 design of that dispensation appears to have 
 been to keep up in one particular race a 
 knowledge of the one true God, and of the 
 promise of a Messiah in whom "all the 
 families of the earth " should be " blessed " 
 And in order to this end, it appears to 
 have been necessary that, for some time, 
 God should have assumed the character of 
 the local tutelary Deity and Prince of that 
 particular people. And from this peculiar 
 relation in which He stood to the Jewish 
 people resulted the necessity of frequent 
 miracles, to manifest and make sensibly 
 perceptible His actual presence among 
 and government over them. The mira- 
 cles, therefore, of the Old Testament are 
 to be regarded as evidential of the theo- 
 cratic government ; and this again is to be 
 conceived of as subordinate to the further 
 purpose of preparing the way for Christian- 
 ity, by keeping up in the world a knowl- 
 edge of the true God and of His promise 
 of a Redeemer. With respect to the char- 
 acter of the Old Testament miracles, we 
 must also remember that the whole struc- 
 ture of the Jewish economy had reference 
 to the peculiar exigency of the circum- 
 stances of a people imperfectly civilized, and 
 is so distinctly described in the New Testa- 
 ment, as dealing with men according to the 
 " hardness of their hearts," and being a 
 system of " weak and beggarly elements," 
 and a rudimentary instruction for " chil- 
 dren " who were in the condition of " slaves." 
 The New Testament Miracles do not seem 
 to have been generally denied by the op- 
 : ponents of Christianity. They appear to 
 have preferred adopting the expedient of 
 ascribing them to art, magic, and the pow- 
 , er of evi] spirits. W? know that in two
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 419 
 
 MIRROR 
 
 instances, in the Gospel narrative, the cure 
 of the man born blind, and the Resurrec- 
 tion, the Jewish priests were unable to 
 pretend such a solution, and were driven to 
 maintain unsuccessfully a charge of fraud. 
 The circumstances of the Christian mira- 
 cles are utterly unlike those of any pre- 
 tended instances of magical wonders. This 
 difference consists in, (1.) The greatness, 
 number, completeness, and publicity of the 
 miracles. (2.) The natural beneficial ten- 
 dency of the doctrine they attested. (3.) 
 The connection of them with a whole 
 scheme of revelation extending from the 
 first origin of the human race to the time 
 of Christ. This evasion of the force of the 
 Christian miracles, by referring them to 
 the power of evil spirits, has seldom been 
 seriously recurred to in modern times ; but 
 the English infidels of the last century em- 
 ployed it as a kind of argumentum ad hom- 
 inem, to tease and embarrass their, oppo- 
 nents, contending that, as the Bible speaks 
 of " lying wonders " of Antichrist, and re- 
 lates a long contest of apparent miracles 
 between Moses and the Egyptian magicians, 
 Christians could not, on their own princi- 
 ples, have any certainty that miracles were 
 not wrought by evil spirits. The Ecclesias- 
 tical Miracles are not delivered to us by 
 inspired historians ; nor do they seem to 
 form any part of the same series of events 
 as the miracles of the New Testament. 
 The miracles of the New Testament (set- 
 ting aside those wrought by Christ Him- 
 self) appear to have been worked by a 
 power conferred upon particular persons 
 according to a regular law, in virtue of 
 which that power was ordinarily transmit- 
 ted from one person to another, and the 
 only persons privileged thus to transmit 
 that power were the Apostles. The only 
 exceptions to this rule were, (1.) the Apos- 
 tles themselves, and (2.) the family of 
 Cornelius, who were the first-fruits of the 
 Gentiles. In all other cases, miraculous 
 gifts were conferred only by the laying on 
 of the Apostles' hands. By this arrange- 
 ment, it is evident that a provision was 
 made for the total ceasing of that miracu- 
 lous dispensation within a limited period : 
 because, on the death of the last of the 
 Apostles, the ordinary channels would be 
 all stopped through which such gifts were 
 transmitted in the Church. One passage 
 has, indeed, been appealed to as seeming 
 to indicate the permanent residence of 
 miraculous powers in the Christian Church 
 through all ages, Mark xvi. 17, 18. But 
 (1.) That passage itself is of doubtful au- 
 thority, since we know that it was omitted 
 in most of the Greek MSS. which Eusebius 
 was able to examine in the 4th century; 
 and it is still wanting in some of the most 
 important that remain to us, (2.) It does 
 not ne< essarily Imply more than a promise 
 
 that such miraculous powers should exhibit 
 themselves among the immediate converts 
 of the Apostles. And (3.) this latter in- 
 terpretation is supported by what follows 
 " And they went forth, and preached 
 everywhere, the Lord working with them, 
 and confirming the word with the accom- 
 panying signs." Moreover, the ecclesias- 
 tical miracles are improbable, (1.) as vary- 
 ing from the analogy of nature ; (2.) as 
 varying from the analogy of the Scripture 
 miracles ; (3.) as resembling those legen- 
 dary stories which are the known product 
 of the credulity or imposture of mankind. 
 
 Mir'iam, the sister of Moses, was the 
 eldest of that sacred family ; and she first 
 appears, probably as a young girl, watch- 
 ing her infant brother's cradle in the Nile 
 (Ex. ii. 4), and suggesting her mother as a 
 nurse (ib. 7). The independent and high 
 position given by her superiority of age she 
 never lost. " The sister .of Aaron " is her 
 Biblical distinction (Ex. xv. 20). In Num. 
 xii. 1 she is placed before Aaron; and in 
 Mic. vi. 4 reckoned as amongst the Three 
 Deliverers. She is the first personage in 
 that household to whom the prophetic gifts 
 are directly ascribed " Miriam the proph- 
 etess " is her acknowledged title (Ex. xv. 
 20). The prophetic power showed it- 
 self in her under the same form as that 
 which it assumed in the days of Samuel 
 and David, poetry, accompanied with 
 music and processions (Ex. xv. 1-19). She 
 took the lead, with Aaron, in the complaint 
 against Moses for his marriage with a Cush- 
 ite. "Hath JEHOVAH spoken by Moses? 
 Hath He not also spoken by us? " (Num. 
 xii. 1, 2.) A stern rebuke was adminis- 
 tered in front of the sacred Tent to both 
 Aaron and Miriam. But the punishment 
 fell Qn Miriam, as the chief offender. The 
 hateful Egyptian leprosy, of which for a 
 moment the sign had been seen on the hand 
 of her younger brother, broke out over the 
 whole person of the proud prophetess, 
 How grand was her position, and how heavy 
 the blow, is implied in the cry of anguish 
 which goes up from both her brothers. 
 And it is not less evident in the silent grief 
 of the nation (Num. xii. 10-15). This 
 stroke, and its removal, which took place 
 at Hazeroth, form the last public event of 
 Miriam's life. She died towards the close 
 of the wanderings at Kadesh, and was 
 buried there (Num. xx. 1). Her tomb was 
 shown near Petra in the days of Jerome. 
 According to Josephus, she was married to 
 the famous HTTB, and, through him, wag 
 grandmother of the architect Bi:/-U.i.i:i,. 
 
 Mir'ma. A Benjamite, " chief of the 
 fathers," son of Shaharaim by his wife 
 Hodesh ; born in the land of Moab (1 Chr. 
 viii. 10). 
 
 Mirror. Two Hebrew words in Ex. 
 xxxviii. 8, and Job xxxvii. 18, are rendered
 
 MISGAB 
 
 420 
 
 MIXED MULTITUDE 
 
 " looking-glass " in the A. V., but from the 
 context evidently denote a mirror of pol- 
 ished metal. The Hebrew women on com- 
 ing out of Egypt probably brought with 
 them mirrors like those which were used by 
 the Egyptians, and were made of a mixed 
 metal, chiefly copper, wrought with admi- 
 rable skill, and susceptible of a bright lus- 
 tre. The metal of which the mirrors were 
 composed, being liable to rust and tarnish, 
 required to be constantly kept bright (Wisd. 
 vii. 26; Ecclus. xii. 11). The obscure im- 
 age produced by a tarnished or imperfect 
 mirror, appears to be alluded to in 1 Cor. 
 xiii. 12. 
 
 Mis'gab, a place in Moab named in 
 company with NEBO and KIRIATHAIM in the 
 denunciation of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1). It 
 appears to be mentioned also in Is. xxv. 12, 
 though there rendered in the A. V. " high 
 fort." It is possibly identical with MIZPEH 
 OF MOAB, named only in 1 Sam. xxiii. 3. 
 
 Mish'ael. 1. One of the sons of Uz- 
 ziel, the uncle of Aaron and Moses (Ex. 
 vi. 22). When Nadab and Abihu were 
 struck dead for offering strange fire, Mish- 
 ael and his brother Elzaphan, at the com- 
 mand of Moses, removed their bodies from 
 the sanctuary, and buried them without the 
 camp, their loose-fitting tunics serving for 
 winding-sheets (Lev. x. 4, 5). 2. One of 
 those who stood at Ezra's left hand when 
 he read the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). 
 [MESHACH.] 
 
 Mi'shal, and Mi'sheal, one of the 
 towns in the territory of Asher (Josh. 
 xix. 26), allotted to the Gershonite Levites 
 (xxi. 30). 
 
 Mi Sham. A Benjamite, son of Elpaal, 
 and descendant of Shaharaim (1 Chr. viii. 
 12> 
 
 Mish'ma. 1. A son of Ishmael and 
 brother of MIBSAM (Gen. xxv. 14 ; 1 Chr. 
 i. 30). The Masamani of Ptolemy may 
 represent the tribe of Mishma. 2. A son 
 of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25), brother of MIB- 
 SAM. These brothers were perhaps named 
 after the older brothers, Mishma and Mib- 
 sam. 
 
 Mishman'nah. The fourth of the 
 twelve lion-faced Gadites who joined David 
 at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 10). 
 
 Mish'raites, The, the fourth of the 
 four "families of Kirjath-jearim," . e. col- 
 onies proceeding therefrom and founding 
 towns (1 Chr. ii. 53). 
 
 Mis'per-eth. One of those who re- 
 turned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua from 
 Babylon (Neh. vii. 7). 
 
 Mis'rephoth-ma'im, a place in north- 
 ern Palestine, in close connection with 
 Zidon-rabbah, i. e. Sidon (Josh. xi. 8, xiii. 
 6). Taken as Hebrew, the literal meaning 
 ef the name is " burnings of waters," and 
 accordingly it is taken by the old interpret- 
 ers to mean " warm waters," whether nat- 
 
 ural, i. e. hot baths or springs or ar- 
 tificial, i. e. salt, glass, or smelting works. 
 Dr. Thomson treats Misrephoth-maim aa 
 identical with a collection of springs called 
 Ain-Mushcirifeh, on the sea shore close 
 under the Ras en- Nakhura ; but this has 
 the disadvantage of being very far from 
 Sidon. May it not rather be the place with 
 which we are familiar in the later history as 
 Zarephath ? 
 
 Mite, a coin current in Palestine in the 
 time of our Lord (Mark xii. 41-44 ; Luke 
 xxi. 1-4). It seems in Palestine to have 
 been the smallest piece of money, being 
 the half of the farthing, which was a coin 
 of very low value. From St. Mark's ex- 
 planation, " two mites, which make a far- 
 thing" (ver. 42), it may perhaps be inferred 
 that the farthing was the commoner coin. 
 In the Graeco-Roman coinage of Palestine, 
 the two smallest coins, of which the assa- 
 rion is the more common, seem to corre- 
 spond to the farthing and the mite, the 
 larger weighing about twice as much as the 
 smaller. 
 
 Mith'cah, the name of an unknown 
 desert encampment of the Israelites, mean- 
 ing, perhaps, "place of sweetness" (Num. 
 xxxiii. 28, 29). 
 
 Mith'nite, The, the designation of 
 JOSHAPHAT, one of David's guard in the 
 catalogue of 1 Chr. xi. (ver. 43). 
 
 Mith'redath. 1. The treasurer of Cy- 
 rus king of Persia, to whom the king gave 
 the vessels of the Temple, to be by him 
 transferred to the hands of Sheshbazzar 
 (Ezr. i. 8). 2. A Persian officer stationed 
 at Samaria, in the reign of Artaxerxes, or 
 Smerdis the Magian (Ezr. iv. 7). 
 
 Mitre. [CROWN.] 
 
 Mityle'ne, the chief town of Lesbos, 
 and situated on the east coast of the island. 
 Mitylene is the intermediate place where 
 St. Paul stopped for the night between 
 Assos and CHIOS (Acts xx. 14, 15). The 
 town itself was celebrated in Roman times 
 for the beauty of its buildings. In St. 
 Paul's day it had the privileges of a free 
 city. 
 
 Mixed Multitude. When the Israel- 
 ites journeyed from Rameses to Succoth, 
 the first stage of the Exodus from Egypt, 
 there went up with them "a mixed multi- 
 tude" (Ex. xii. 38; Num. xi. 4). They 
 were probably the offspring of marriages 
 contracted between the Israelites and the 
 Egyptians ; and the term may also include 
 all those who were not of pure Israelite 
 blood. In Exodus and Numbers it proba- 
 bly denoted the miscellaneous hangers-on 
 of the Hebrew camp, whether they were 
 the issue of spurious marriages with Egyp- 
 tians, or were themselves Egyptians, or be- 
 longing to other nations. The same hap- 
 pened on the return from Babylon, and in 
 Neh. xiii. 3 (comp. 23-30) a slight clew ia
 
 MIZAR 
 
 421 
 
 MIZRAIM 
 
 givon bj which the meaning of the " mixed 
 multitude " may be more definitely ascer- 
 tained. 
 
 Mi'zar. The Hill, a mountain appar- 
 ently in the northern part of trans- Jordanic 
 Palestine, from which the author of Psalm 
 xlii. utters his pathetic appeal (ver. 6). 
 
 Miz'pah, and Miz'peh, "a watch-tow- 
 er," the name of several places in Pales- 
 tine. 1. The earliest of all, in order of the 
 narrative, is the heap of stones piled up by 
 Jacob and Laban (Gen. xxxi. 48) on Mount 
 Gilead (ver. 25), to serve both as a witness 
 to the covenant then entered into, and also 
 as a landmark of the boundary between 
 them (ver. 52). This heap received a name 
 from each of the two chief actors in the 
 transaction GALEED and JEGAR SAHA- 
 DUTHA. But it had also a third, viz. MIZ- 
 PAH, which it seems from the terms of the 
 narrative to have derived from neither par- 
 ty, but to have possessed already. The 
 name remained attached to the ancient 
 meeting-place of Jacob and Laban, and the 
 spot where their conference had been held 
 became a sanctuary of Jehovah, and a 
 place for solemn conclave and deliberation 
 in times of difficulty long after. On this 
 natural " watch-tower" did the children of 
 Israel assemble for the choice of a leader 
 to resist the children of Ammon (Judg. x. 
 17) ; anl when the outlawed Jephthah had 
 been prevailed on to leave his exile and 
 take the head of his people, his first act 
 was to go to " the Mizpah," and on that 
 consecrated ground utter all his words 
 " before. Jehovah." At Mizpah he seems 
 to have henceforward resided; there the 
 fatal meeting took place with his daughter 
 on his return from the war (xi. 34), and we 
 can hardly doubt that on the altar of that 
 sanctuary the father's terrible vow was con- 
 summated. It seems most probable that the 
 " Mizpeh-Gilead " which is mentioned here, 
 and here only, is the same as the ham-Miz- 
 pah of the other parts of the narrative ; and 
 both are probably identical with the RA- 
 MATH-MizpEH and RAMOTH-GILEAD, so fa- 
 mous in the later history. Mizpah still re- 
 tained its name in the days of the Macca- 
 bees, by whom it was besieged and taken 
 with the other cities of Gilead (1 Mace. v. 
 35). 2. A second Mizpeh, on the east 
 of Jordan, was the MIZPEH-MOAB, where 
 the king of that nation was living when 
 David committed his parents to his care 
 (1 Sam. xxii. 3). 3. A third was THE 
 LAND OF MIZPEH, or more accurately "OF 
 MIZPAH," the residence of the Hivites who 
 joined the northern confederacy against 
 Israel, headed by Jabin king of Hazor 
 (Josh. xi. 3). No other mention is found 
 of this district in the Bible, unless it be iden- 
 tical with 4. THE VALLEY OF MIZPEH, to 
 which the discomfited hosts of the same 
 confederacy were cha a ed by Joshua (xi. 8), 
 
 perhaps identical with the great country of 
 Coele-Syria. 5. MISPEH, a city of Judah 
 (Josh. xv. 38), in the district of the Shefe- 
 lah or maritime lowland. 6. MIZPEH, in 
 Joshua and Samuel ; elsewhere MIZPAH, a 
 "city" of Benjamin, named in the list of 
 the allotment between Beeroth and Che- 
 phira, and in apparent proximity to Ramah 
 and Gibeon (Josh, xviii. 26). Its connec- 
 tion with the two last-named towns is also 
 implied in the later history (1 K. xv. 22 ; 2 
 Chr. xvi. 6 ; Neh. iii. 7). It was one of the 
 places fortified by Asa against the incur- 
 sions of the kings of the northern Israel (1 
 K. xv. 22 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 6 ; Jer. xli. 9) ; and 
 after the destruction of Jerusalem it became 
 the residence of the superintendent ap- 
 pointed by the king of Babylon (Jer. xl. 7, 
 &c.), and the scene of his murder and of 
 the romantic incidents connected with the 
 name of Ishmael the son of Nethaniah. 
 But Mizpah was more than this. In the 
 earlier periods of the history of Israel, at 
 the first foundation of the monarchy, it was 
 one of the three holy cities which Samuel 
 visited in turn as judge of the people (vii. 
 6, 16), the other two being Bethel and Gil- 
 gal. But, unlike Bethel and Gilgal, no 
 record is preserved of the cause or origin 
 of a sanctity so abruptly announced, and 
 yet so fully asserted. With the conquest 
 of Jerusalem and the establishment there 
 of the Ark, the sanctity of Mizpah, or at 
 least its reputation, seems to have declined. 
 We hear of no religious act in connection 
 with it till that affecting assembly called 
 together thither, as to the ancient sanctuary 
 of their forefathers, by Judas Maccabaeus, 
 "when the Israelites assembled themselves 
 together and came to Massepha over against 
 Jerusalem ; for in Maspha was there afore- ' 
 time a place of prayer for Israel" (1 Mace, 
 iii. 46). The expression "over against," 
 no less than the circumstances of the story, 
 seems to require that from Mizpah the City 
 or the Temple was visible. These condi- 
 tions are satisfied by the position of Scopus, 
 the broad ridge which forms the continua- 
 tion of the Mount of Olives to the north 
 and east, from which the traveller gains, 
 like Titus, his first view, and takes his last 
 farewell, of the domes, walls, and towers 
 of the Holy City. 
 
 Miz'par. Properly MISPAR, as in the 
 A. V. of 1611 and the Geneva version; the 
 same as MISPERETH (Ezr. ii. 2). 
 
 Miz'peli. [MIZPAH.] 
 
 Miz'raim, the usual name of Egypt in 
 the O. T., the dual of Mazor, which is less 
 frequently employed. It is probably de- 
 rived from the Arabic word Mizr, which 
 signifies " red earth or mud." Mizraim 
 first occurs in the account of the Karaites 
 in Gen. x w where we read, " And the sons 
 of Ham ; Cush, and Mizraim, and Phut, and 
 Canaan" (ver. 6; comp. 1 Chr. i. 8). In
 
 MIZZAH 
 
 422 
 
 MOAB 
 
 the use of the name Mizraim for Egypt there 
 can be no doubt that the dual indicates the 
 two regions (Upper and Lower Egypt) into 
 which the country has always been divided 
 by nature as well as by its inhabitants. 
 
 Miz'zah. Son of Reuel and grandson 
 of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13, 17; 1 Chr. i. 37). 
 
 Mna'son is honorably mentioned in 
 Scripture, like Gaius, Lydia, and others, as 
 one of the hosts of the Apostle Paul (Acts 
 xxi. 16). It is most likely that his resi- 
 dsnce at this time was not Caesarea, but 
 Jerusalem. He was a Cyprian by birth, and 
 may have been a friend of Barnabas (Acts 
 iv. 36), and possibly brought to the knowl- 
 edge of Christianity by him. 
 
 Mo'ab. Mo'abites. Moab was the son 
 of Lot's eldest daughter, the progenitor of 
 the Moabites, and the elder brother of Ben- 
 Ammi, the progenitor of the Ammonites 
 (Gen. xix. 37). Zoar was the cradle of the 
 race of Lot. From this centre the brother- 
 tribes spread themselves. The Moabites 
 first inhabited the rich highlands which 
 crown the eastern side of the chasm of the 
 Dead Sea, extending as far north as the 
 mountain of Gilead, from which country 
 they expelled the Emims, the original in- 
 habitants (Deut. ii. 11). But they them- 
 selves were afterwards driven southwards 
 by the warlike Amorites, who had crossed 
 the Jordan, and were confined to the coun- 
 try south of the river Arnon, which formed 
 their northern boundary (Num. xxi. 13; 
 Judg. xi. 18). The territory occupied by 
 Moab at the period of its greatest extent, 
 before the invasion of the Amorites, divided 
 itself naturally into three distinct and inde- 
 pendent portions. Each of these portions 
 appears to have had its name, by which it is 
 almost invariably designated. (1) The en- 
 closed corner or canton south of the Arnon 
 was the " field of Moab" (Ruth i. 1, 2, 6, 
 &c.). (2) The more open rolling country 
 north of the Arnon, opposite Jericho, and 
 tip to the hills of Gilead, was the " land of 
 Moab" (Deut. i. 5, xxxii. 49, &c.). (3) 
 The sunk district in the tropical depths of 
 the Jordan valley, taking its name from 
 that of the great valley itself the Arabah 
 
 was the Arboth-Moab, the dry regions 
 
 in the A. V. very incorrectly rendered 
 the " plains of Moab " (Num. xxii. 1, &c.). 
 The Israelites, in entering the Promised 
 Land, did not pass through the Moabites (1 
 Judg. xi. 18), but conquered the Amorites, 
 who occupied the country from which the 
 Moabites had been so lately expelled. Af- 
 ter the conquest of Canaan the relations of 
 Moab with Israel were of a mixed charac- 
 ter. With the tribe of Benjamin, whose 
 possessions at their eastern end were sepa- 
 rated from those of Moab only by the Jor- 
 dan, they had at least one severe struggle, 
 in union with their kindred, the Ammonites 
 (Judg. iii. 12-30). The feud continued 
 
 with true Oriental pertinacity to the tima 
 of Saul. Of his slaughter of the Ammon- 
 ites we have full details in 1 Sam. xi., and 
 amongst his other conquests Moab is espe- 
 cially mentioned (1 Sam. xiv. 47). But 
 while such were their relations to the tribe 
 of Benjamin, the story of Ruth, on the other 
 hand, testifies to^he existence of a friendly 
 intercourse between Moab and Bethlehem, 
 one of the towns of Judah. By his descent 
 from Ruth, David may be said to have had 
 Moabite blood in his veins. The relation- 
 ship was sufficient to warrant his visiting 
 the land, and committing his parents to the 
 protection of the king of Moab, when hard 
 pressed by Saul (1 Sam. xxii. 3, 4). But 
 here all friendly relations stop forever. The 
 next time the name is mentioned is in the 
 account of David's war, who made them 
 tributary (2 Sam. viii. 2; 1 Chr. xviii. 2). 
 So signal a vengeance can only have been 
 occasioned by some act of perfidy or insult, 
 like that which brought down a similar 
 treatment on the Ammonites (2 Sam. x.) 
 It has been conjectured that the king of 
 Moab betrayed the trust which David re- 
 posed in him, and either himself killed Jesse 
 and his wife, or surrendered them to Saul. 
 It must have been a considerable time be- 
 fore Moab recovered from so severe a blow. 
 At the disruption of the kingdom, Moab 
 seems to have fallen to the northern realm. 
 At the death of Ahab, eighty years later, 
 we find Moab paying him the enormous 
 tribute, apparently annual, of 100.000 rams, 
 and the same number of wethers, with their 
 fleeces. It is not surprising that the Moab- 
 ites should have seized the moment of 
 Ahab's death to throw off so burdensome a 
 yoke (1 K. i. 1, iii. 4) ; but it is surprising, 
 that notwithstanding such a drain on their 
 resources, they were ready to incur the risk 
 and expense of a war with a state in every 
 respect far their superior. Their first step, 
 after asserting their independence, was to 
 attack the kingdom of Judah (2 Chr. xx.). 
 The army was a huge heterogeneous horde 
 of ill-assorted elements, and the expedition 
 contained witlu'n itself the elements of its 
 own destruction. As a natural consequence 
 of the late events, Israel, Judah, and Edom, 
 united in an attack on Moab. The three 
 confederate armies approached not as usual 
 by the north, but round the southern end 
 of the Dead Sea, through the parched val- 
 leys of Upper Edom. As the host came 
 near, the king of Moab, doubtless the same 
 Mesha who threw off the yoke of Ahab, as- 
 sembled the whole of his people on the 
 boundary of his territory. Here they re- 
 mained all night on the watch. With the 
 approach of morning the sun rose suddenly 
 above the horizon of the rolling plain, and 
 shone with a blood-red glare on a mul- 
 titude of pools in the bed of the wady at 
 their feet. To them the conclusion was in-
 
 MOADIAH 
 
 423 
 
 eritable. The army had, like their own on 
 the late occasion, fallen out in the night; 
 these red pools were the blood of the slain ; 
 those who were not killed had fled, and 
 nothing stood between them and the pillage 
 of the camp. The cry " Moab to the spoil ! " 
 was raised. Down the slopes they rushed 
 in headlong disorder. Then occurred one 
 of those scenes of carnage which can hap- 
 pen but once or twice in the existence of a 
 nation. The Moabites fled back in confu- 
 sion, followed and cut down at every step 
 by their enemies. Far inwards did the pur- 
 suit reach, among the cities and farms and 
 orchards of that rich district; nor when the 
 slaughter was over was the horrid work of 
 destruction done. At last the struggle col- 
 lected itself at KIR-HAKASETH. Here Mesha 
 took refuge with his family, and with the 
 remnants of his army. The heights around 
 were covered with slingers, who discharged 
 their volleys of stones on the town. At 
 length the annoyance could be borne no 
 longer. Then Mesha, collecting round him 
 a forlorn hope of 700 of his best warriors, 
 made a desperate sally, with the intention 
 of cutting his way through to his special foe 
 the king of Edom. But the enemy were 
 too strong for him, and he was driven back. 
 And then came a fitting crown to a tragedy 
 already so terrible. An awful spectacle 
 amazed and horrified the besiegers. The 
 king and his eldest son, the heir to the 
 throne, mounted the wall, and, in the sight 
 of the thousands who covered the sides of 
 that vast amphitheatre, the father killed and 
 burnt his child as a propitiatory sacrifice to 
 the cruel gods of his country. Isaiah (xv., 
 xvi., xxv. 10-12) predicts the utter annihi-. 
 lation of Moab; and they are frequently 
 denounced by the subsequent prophets. For 
 the religion of the Moabites see CHEMOSH, 
 MOLECH, PEOB. 
 
 Moadi'ah. A priest, or family of priests, 
 who returned with Zerubbabel. The chief 
 of the house in the time of Joiakim the son 
 of Jeshua was. Piltai (Neh. xii. 17). Else- 
 where (Neh. xii. 5) called MAADIAH. 
 
 Mo'din, a place not mentioned in either 
 Old or New Testament, though rendered 
 immortal by its connection with the history 
 of the Jews in the interval between the two. 
 It was the native city of the Maccabaean 
 family (1 Mace. xiii. 25), and as a necessary 
 consequence contained their ancestral sep- 
 ulchre (ii. 70, ix. 19, xiii. 25-30). At Modin 
 the Maccabaean armies encamped on the 
 eves of two of their most memorable vic- 
 tories that of Judas, over Antiochus Eu- 
 pator (2 Mace. xiii. 14), and that of Simon 
 over Cendebeus (1 Mace. xvi. 4), the last 
 battle of the veteran chief before his assas- 
 sination. The only indication of the posi- 
 tion of the place to be gathered from the 
 above notices is contained in the last, from 
 which we may infer that it was near " the 
 
 plain," . e. the great maritime lowland of 
 Philistia (ver. 5). By Eusebius and Jerome 
 it is specified as near Diospolis, i. e. Lydda ; 
 while the notice in the Mishna states that it 
 was 1 (Roman) mile from Jerusalem. At 
 the same time the description of the monu- 
 ment seems' to imply that the spot was so 
 lofty as to be visible from the sea, and so 
 near that even the details of the sculpture 
 were discernible therefrom. All these con- 
 ditions, excepting the last, are tolerably 
 fulfilled in either of the two sites called- 
 Latrun and Kub&b. The mediaeval and 
 modern tradition places Modin at Soba, an 
 eminence south of Kurietel-endb ; but this 
 being not more than 7 miles from Jerusalem, 
 while it is as much as 25 from Lydda and 30 
 from the sea, and also far removed from the 
 plain of Philistia, is at variance with every 
 one of the conditions implied in the records. 
 
 Mol'adah, a city of Judah, one of those 
 which lay in the district of " the south," 
 next to Edom (Josh. xv. 26, xix. 2). In 
 the latter tribe it remained at any rate fill 
 the reign of David (1 Chr. iv. 28), but by 
 the time of the captivity it seems to have 
 come back into the hands of Judah, by 
 whom it was reinhabited after the captivity 
 (Neh. xi. 26). In the Onomasticon a place 
 named Malatha is spoken of as in the interior 
 of Daroma ; and further it is mentioned as 
 4 miles from Arad and 20 from Hebron. It 
 may be placed at el-Milh, which is about 4 
 English miles from Tell Arad, 17 or 18 from 
 Hebron, and 9 or 10 due east of Beersheba. 
 
 Mole. 1. Tinshemeth (Lev. xi. 30). It 
 is probable that the animals mentioned with 
 the tinshcmeth in the above passage denote 
 different kinds of lizards ; perhaps, there- 
 fore, the chameleon may be the animal in- 
 tended. 2. ChZphdr plroth is rendered 
 "moles" in Is. ii. 
 
 Mo'lech. The fire-god Molech was the 
 tutelary deity of the children of Ammon, 
 and essentially identical with the Moabitish 
 Chemosh. Fire-gods appear to have been 
 common to all the Canaanite, Syrian, and 
 Arab tribes, who worshipped the destructive 
 element under an outward symbol, with the 
 most inhuman rites. Among these were 
 human sacrifices, purifications and ordeals 
 by fire, devoting of the first-born, mutila- 
 tion, and vows of perpetual celibacy and 
 virginity. The root of the word Molech is 
 the same as that of melee or "king." The 
 first direct historical allusion to- Molech- 
 worship is in t le des ;ription of Solomon's 
 idolatry in his old age (1 K. xi. 7). Two 
 verses before, the same deity is called MIL- 
 COM. Most of the Jewish interpreters say 
 that in the worship of Molech the children 
 were not burnt, but made to pass between 
 two burning pyres, as a purificatory rite. 
 But the allusions to the actual slaughter are 
 too plain to be mistaken. Compare Deut. 
 xii. 31 ; JPs. cvi. 37, 38 ; Jer. vii. 31, xix. 5 j
 
 MOLI 
 
 424 
 
 MONEY 
 
 Ez. xvi. 20, 21, xxiii. 37. The worship of 
 Molech is evidently alluded to, though not 
 expressly mentioned, in connection with 
 star-worship and the worship of Baal in 2 
 K. xvii. 16, 17, xxi. 5, 6, which seems to 
 show that Molech, the flame-god, and Baal, 
 the sun-god, were worshipped with the same 
 rites. According to Jewish tradition, the 
 image of Molech was of brass, hollow with- 
 in, and was situated without Jerusalem. 
 Kimchi (on 2 K. xxiii. 10) describes it as 
 " set within seven chapels, and whoso of- 
 fered fine flour, they open to him one of 
 them ; (whoso offered) turtle-doves or young 
 pigeons, they open to him two ; a lamb, they 
 open to him three ; a ram, they open to him 
 four ; a calf, they open to him five ; an ox, 
 they open to him six ; and so whoever of- 
 fered his son, they open to him seven. And 
 his face was (that) of a calf, and his hands 
 stretched fortli like a man who opens his 
 hands to receive (something) of his neigh- 
 bor. And they kindled it with fire, and 
 tfie priests took the babe and put it into the 
 hands of Molech, and the babe gave up the 
 ghost." " The tabernacle of Moloch " men- 
 tioned in Acts vii. 43, was more probably a 
 shrine or ark in which the figure of the god 
 was carried in processions. Many instances 
 of human sacrifices are found in ancient 
 writers, which may be compared with the 
 description in the Old Testament of the 
 manner in which Molech was worshipped. 
 The Carthaginians, according to Augustine, 
 offered children to Saturn. Among the 
 Rhodians a man was offered to Kronos 
 on the 6th July. According to Manetho, 
 Amosis abolished the same practice in 
 Egypt at Heliopolis, sacred to Juno. San- 
 choniatho related that the Phoenicians, on 
 the occasion of any great calamity, sacri- 
 ficed to Saturn one of their relatives. Dio- 
 dorus Siculus (xx. 14) records that the Car- 
 thaginians, when besieged by Agathocles, 
 tyrant of Sicily, offered in public sacrifice 
 to Saturn 200 of their noblest children, 
 while others voluntarily devoted themselves 
 to the number of 300. His description of 
 the statue of the god differs but slightly 
 from that of Molech, which has been quoted. 
 Molech, " the king," was the lord and mas- 
 ter of the Ammonites ; their country was 
 his possession (Jer. xlix. 1), as Moab was 
 the heritage of Chcmosh; the princes of 
 the land were the princes of Malcham (Jer. 
 xlix. 3; Am. i. 15). His priests were men 
 of rank" (Jer. xlix. 3), taking precedence 
 of the princes. The priests of Molech, like 
 those of other idols, were called Chemarim 
 (2 K. xxiii. 5; Hos. x. 5; Zeph. i. 4). 
 
 Mo'li. MAHLI, the son of Merari (1 
 Esdr. viii. 47; comp. Ezr. viii. 18). 
 
 Mo'licl, the son of Abishur by his wife 
 Abihail, and descendant of Jerahmeel (1 
 iChr. ii. 29). 
 
 Moloch, the same as MOLECH. 
 
 Money. I. UNCOINED MONET. 1. Un- 
 coined Money in general. It is well 
 known that ancient nations that were with- 
 out a coinage weighed the precious metals, 
 a practice represented on the Egyptian 
 monuments, on which gold and silver are 
 shown to have been kept in the form of 
 rings. We have no certain record of the 
 use of ring-money or other uncoined money 
 in antiquity excepting among the Egyptians. 
 It can scarcely be doubted that the Assyr- 
 ians and Babylonians adopted, if they did 
 not originate, this custom. 2. The An- 
 tiquity of Coined Money. Respecting the 
 origin of coinage there are two accounts 
 seemingly at variance; some saying that 
 Phidon king of Argos first struck money, 
 and according to Ephorus, in Aegina; but 
 Herodotus ascribing its invention to the 
 Lydians. The former statement probably 
 refers to the origin of the coinage of Euro- 
 pean Greece, the latter to that of Asiatic 
 Greece. On the whole it seems reasonable 
 to carry up Greek coinage to the 8th cen- 
 tury B. c. Purely Asiatic coinage cannot 
 be taken up to so early a date. The more 
 archaic Persian coins seem to be of the time 
 of Darius Hystaspis, or possibly Cyrus, and 
 certainly not much older ; and there is no 
 Asiatic money, not of Greek cities, that can 
 be reasonably assigned to an earlier period. 
 3. Notices of Uncoined Money in the 0. T. 
 We have no evidence of the use of coined 
 money before the return from the Babylo- 
 nian captivity ; but silver was used for 
 money, in quantities determined by weight, 
 at least as early as the time of Abraham ; 
 and its earliest mention is in the generic 
 sense of the price paid for a slave (Gen. 
 xvii. 13) . The 1000 pieces of silver paid by 
 
 Egyptian weighing Ripgs for Money. 
 
 Abimelech to Abraham (Gen. xx. 16), and 
 the 20 pieces of silver for which Joseph was 
 sold to the Ishmeelites (Gen. xxxvii. 28) 
 were probably rings such as we see on the 
 Egyptian monuments in the act of bring
 
 MONEY 
 
 425 
 
 MONEY-CHANGERS 
 
 weighed. In the first recorded transaction 
 of commerce, the cave of Machpelah is pur- 
 chased by Abraham for 400 shekels of sil- 
 ver, and it was this just weight that was 
 recognized as current with the merchant 
 (" money " is not in the original : Gen. 
 xxiii. 15, 1C). The shekel weight of silver 
 was the unit of value through the whole 
 age of Hebrew history, down to the Baby- 
 lonian captivity. In only one place is there 
 a mention of so many shekels of gold as a 
 sum of money (1 Chr. xxi. 25), and even 
 here, in the older parallel passage, silver 
 only is mentioned (2 Sam. xxiv. 9). In the 
 transaction between Naaman and Gehazi, 
 the "six thousand of gold" (2 K. v. 5, 
 where pieces is not in the original) probably 
 denotes shekels, like the " six hundred of 
 gold " in 1 K. x. 16. II. COINED MONEY. 
 1. The Principal Monetary Systems of 
 Antiquity. The earliest Greek coins, by 
 which we here intend those struck in the 
 age before the Persian war, are of three 
 talents or standards : the Attic, the Aegine- 
 tan, and the Macedonian or earlier Phoe- 
 nician. The oldest coins of Athens, of 
 Aegina, and of Macedon and Thrace, we 
 should select as typical respectively of these 
 standards ; obtaining as the weight of the 
 Attic drachm about 67*5 grains troy ; of the 
 Aeginetan, about 96; and of the Macedo- 
 nian, about 58, or 116, if its drachm be 
 what is now generally held to be the di- 
 drachm. 2. Coined Money mentioned in 
 the Bible. After the Captivity we have the 
 earliest mention of coined money, in allu- 
 sion, as might have been expected, to the 
 .Persian coinage, the gold Daric (A. V. 
 dram: Ezra ii. 69, viii. 27; Neh. vii. 70, 
 71, 72). [DARIC.] No native Jewish coin- 
 age appears to have existed till Antiochus 
 VII. Sidetes granted Simon Maccabaeus 
 the license to coin money (u. c. 140) ; and 
 it is now generally agreed that the oldest 
 Jewish silver coins belong to this period. 
 They are shekels and half-shekels of the 
 weight of 220 and 110 grains. With this 
 
 ' " Shekel of Irael." Ve, bov which 
 &* [Year 1.] R. !Tw~D Cbsm" 1 . "Jeruitlem the 
 holy." Braiich bearing three flower*. AR. 
 
 silver there was associated a copper coin- 
 age, some pieces of which have been sup- 
 posed to reach as high as Judas Macca- 
 baeus ; but probably none are really older 
 than John Uyrcanus (B. c. 135), from whom 
 
 the series is continued, almost without in- 
 terruption, to the end of the Asmonaean 
 house. Most of them are marked as the 
 half or quarter (doubtless of the shtkeT), 
 their average weight being 235^ and 132 
 grains ; and there is a third piece of about 
 82 grains, which seems to be the sixth of a 
 shekel. The abundant money of Herod the 
 Great, which js of a thoroughly Greek char- 
 acter, and of copper only, seems to have 
 been a continuation of the copper coinage 
 of the Maccabees, with some adaptation to 
 the Roman standard. In the money of the 
 New Testament we see the native copper 
 coinage side by side with the Graeco-Roman 
 copper, silver, and gold. An interesting 
 illustration occurs in our Lord's first com- 
 mission to the Apostles. St. Matthew (x. 
 9), with comprehensive generality, mentions 
 all the three metals, "Provide neither gold, 
 nor silver, nor brass, in your girdles." St. 
 Mark (vi. 8) names only the copper (/*- 
 xov), which formed the common native cur- 
 rency. St. Luke (ix. 3) uses the general 
 word for money ((in/r/j<oi-). The coins 
 mentioned by the Evangelists, and first 
 those of silver, are the following : The 
 stater is spoken of in the account of the 
 miracle of the tribute-money. The receiv- 
 ers of didrachms demanded the tribute, but 
 St. Peter found in the fish a stater, which 
 he paid for our Lord and himself- (Matt. 
 xvii. 24-27). The stater was therefore a 
 tetradrachm; and it is noteworthy that at 
 this period almost the only Greek Imperial 
 silver coin in the East was a tetradrachm, 
 the didrachm being probably unknown, or 
 very little coined. The didrachm is men- 
 tioned as a money of account hi the passage 
 above cited, as the equivalent of the He- 
 brew shekel. The denarius, or Roman 
 penny, as well as the Greek drachm, then 
 of about the same weight, are spoken of as 
 current coins (Matt. xxii. 15-21; Luke xx. 
 19-25). Of copper coins the farthing and 
 its half, the mite, are spoken of, and these 
 probably formed the chief native currency. 
 The proper Jewish series closes with the 
 money of the famous Barkobab, who headed 
 the revolt in the time of Hadrian. His 
 most important coins are shekels, of which 
 we here engrave one. 
 
 Money-changers (Matt. xii. 12 ; Mark 
 xi. 15; John ii. 15). According to Ex.
 
 MONTH 
 
 426 
 
 MOON 
 
 xxx. 13-15, every Israelite who had reached 
 or passed the age of twenty must pay into 
 the sacred treasury, whenever the nation 
 was numbered, a half shekel as an offering 
 to Jehovah. The money-changers whom 
 Christ, for their impiety, avarice, and fraud- 
 ulent dealing, expelled from the Temple, 
 were the dealers who supplied half-shekels, 
 for such a premium as they might be able 
 to exact, to the Jews from all parts of the 
 world, who assembled at Jerusalem during 
 the great festivals, and were required to 
 pay their tribute or ransom money in the 
 Hebrew coin. 
 
 Month. The terms for " month " and 
 " moon " have the same close connection 
 in the Hebrew language as in our own. 
 The most important point in connection 
 with the month of the Hebrews is its length, 
 and the mode by which it was calculated. 
 The difficulties attending this inquiry are 
 considerable in consequence of the scanti- 
 ness of the data. Though it may fairly be 
 presumed from the terms used that the 
 month originally corresponded to a luna- 
 tion, no reliance can be placed on the mere 
 verbal argument to prove the exact length 
 of the month in historical times. From the 
 time of the institution of the Mosaic law 
 downwards the month was a lunar one. 
 The cycle of religious feasts commencing 
 with the Passover, depended not simply on 
 the month, but on the moon ; the 14th of 
 Abib was coincident with the full moon ; 
 and the new moons themselves were the 
 occasions of regular festivals (Num. x. 10, 
 xxviii. 11-14). The commencement of the 
 month was generally decided by observa- 
 tion of the new moon. The usual number 
 of months in a year was twelve, as implied 
 in 1 K. iv. 7 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 1-15 ; but inas- 
 much as the Hebrew months coincided 
 with the seasons, it follows as a matter of 
 course that an additional month must have 
 been inserted about every third year, which 
 would bring the number up to thirteen. 
 No notice, however, is taken of this month 
 in the Bible. In the modern Jewish cal- 
 endar the intercalary month is introduced 
 eeven times in every "19 years. The usual 
 method of designating the months was by 
 their numerical order, e. g. " the second 
 month" (Gen. vii. 11), "the fourth month" 
 (2 K. xxv. 3) ; and this was generally re- 
 tained even when the names were given, 
 e. g. " in the month Zif, which is the second 
 month " (1 K. vi. 1), "in the third month, 
 that is, the month Si van " (Esth. viii. 9). 
 An exception occurs, however, in regard to 
 Abib in the early portion of the Bible (Ex. 
 xiii. 4, xxiii. 15; Deut. xvi. 1), which is 
 always mentioned by name alone. The 
 practice of the writers of the post-Babylo- 
 nian period in this respect varied; Ezra, 
 Esther, and Zechariah specify both the 
 names and the numerical order ; Nehemiah 
 
 only the former ; Daniel and Haggai only 
 the latter. The names of tht months be- 
 long to two distinct periods ; in the first 
 place we have those peculiar to the period 
 of Jewish independence, of which four 
 only, even including Abib, which we hardly 
 regard as a proper name, are mentioned, 
 viz. : Abib, in which the Passover fell (Ex. 
 xiii. 4, xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18; Deut. xvi. 1), 
 and which was established as the first 
 month in commemoration of the Exodus 
 (Ex. xii. 2) ; Zif, the second month (1 K. 
 vi. 1, 37) ; Bui, the eighth (1 K. vi. 38) ; 
 and Ethanim, the seventh (1 K. viii. 2). 
 In the second place we have the names 
 which prevailed subsequently to the Baby- 
 lonish Captivity; of these the following 
 seven appear in the Bible : Nisan, the 
 first, in which the Passover was held (Neh. 
 ii. 1 ; Esth. iii. 7) ; Sivan, the third (Esth. 
 viii. 9 ; Bar. i. 8) ; Elul. the sixth (Neh. vi. 
 15 ; 1 Mace. xiv. 27) ; Chisleu, the ninth 
 (Neh. i. 1 ; Zech. vii. 1 ; 1 Mace. i. 54) ; 
 Tebeth, the tenth (Esth. ii. 16) ; Sebat, the 
 eleventh (Zech. i. 7 ; 1 Mace. xvi. 14) ; 
 and Adar, the twelfth (Esth. iii. 7, viii. 12 ; 
 2 Mace. xv. 36). The names of the re- 
 maining five occur in the Talmud and other 
 works ; they were, lyar, the second (Tar- 
 gum, 2 Chr. xxx. 2) ; Tammuz, the fourth ; 
 Ab, the fifth ; Tisri, the seventh ; and Mar- 
 cheshvan, the eighth. The name of the 
 intercalary month was Veadar, i. e. the 
 additional Adar. Subsequently to the 
 establishment of the Syro-Macedonian Em- 
 pire, the use of the Macedonian calendar 
 was gradually adopted for purposes of lit- 
 erature or intercommunication with other 
 countries. The only instance in which the 
 Macedonian names appear in the Bible is 
 in 2 Mace. xi. 30, 33, 38, where we hare 
 notice of Xanthicus in combination with 
 another named Dioscorinthius (ver. 21), 
 which does not appear in the Macedonian 
 calendar. It is most probable that the 
 author of 2 Mace, or a copyist was familiar 
 with the Cretan calendar, which contained 
 a month named Dioscurus, holding the 
 same place in the calendar as the Macedo- 
 nian Dystrus, i. e. immediately before Xan- 
 thicus, and that he substituted one for the 
 other. The identification of the Jewish 
 months with our own cannot be effected 
 with precision on account of the variations 
 that must inevitably exist between the lunar 
 and the solar month. Nisan (or Abib) an- 
 swers to March ; Zif or lyar to May ; Si- 
 van to June ; Tammuz to July ; Ab to 
 August; Elul to September; Ethanim or 
 Tisri to October ; Bui or Marcheshvan to 
 November ; Chisleu to December ; Tebeth 
 to January ; Sebat to February ; and Adar 
 to March. 
 
 Moon. The moon held an important 
 place in the kingdom of nature, as known 
 to the Hebrews. In the history of the
 
 MOON, NEW 
 
 427 
 
 MORDEC.AI 
 
 creation (Gen. i. 14-16), it appears simul- 
 taneously with the sun. Conjointly with 
 the sun, it was appointed " for signs and 
 for seasons, and for days and years ; " 
 though in this respect it exercised a more 
 important influence, if by the " seasons " 
 we understand the great religious festivals 
 of the Jews, as is particularly stated in Ps. 
 cir. 19, and more at length in Ecclus. xliii. 
 6, 7. Besides this, it had its special office 
 in the distribution of light ; it was appoint- 
 ed " to rule over the night," as the sun 
 over the day, and thus the appearance of 
 the two founts of light served " to divide 
 between the day and between the night." 
 The inferiority of its light is occasionally 
 noticed, as in Gen. i. 1C; in Cant. vi. 10; 
 and in Is. xxx. 26. The coldness of the 
 night-dews is prejudicial to the health, and 
 particularly to the eyes, of those who are 
 exposed to it, and the idea expressed in Ps. 
 cxxi. 6 may have reference to the general 
 or the particular evil effect. The worship 
 of the moon was extensively practised by 
 the nations of the East, and under a varie- 
 ty of aspects. In Egypt it was honored 
 under the form of Isis, and was one of the 
 only two deities which commanded the rev- 
 erence of all the Egyptians. In Syria it 
 was represented by that one of the Ashta- 
 roth, surnamed "Karnaim," from the horns 
 of the crescent moon by which she was 
 distinguished. There are indications of a 
 very early introduction into the countries 
 adjacent to Palestine of a species of wor- 
 ship distinct from any that we have hither- 
 to noticed, viz. of the direct homage gf 
 the heavenly bodies, sun, moon, and stars, 
 which is the characteristic of Sabianism. 
 The first notice we have of this is in Job 
 (xxxi. 26, 27), and it is observable that the 
 warning of Moses (Deut. iv. 19) is directed 
 against this nature-worship, rather than 
 against the form of moon-worship, which 
 the Israelites must have witnessed in Egypt. 
 At a later period, however, the worship of 
 the moon in its grosser form of idol-wor- 
 ship was introduced from Syria. In the 
 figurative language of Scripture, the moon 
 is frequently noticed as presaging events 
 of the greatest importance through the 
 temporary or permanent withdrawal of its 
 light (Is. xiii. 10; Joel ii. 31; Matt. xxiv. 
 29; Mark xiii. 24). 
 Moon, New. [NEW MOON.] 
 Morasthite, The, that is, the native of 
 a place named MOKESHETH. It occurs twice 
 (Jer. xxvi. 18; Mic. i. 1), each time as the 
 description of the prophet MICAH. 
 
 Mor'decai, the deliverer, under Divine 
 Providence, of the Jews from the destruc- 
 tion plotted against them by Hainan the 
 chief minister of Xerxes ; the institutor of 
 the feast of Purim. The incidents of his 
 history are too well known to need to be 
 dwelt upon. [ESTHEK.] It will be more 
 
 useful to point out his place in sacred, pro- 
 fane, and rabbinical history respectively. 
 Three things are predicated of Mordecai in 
 the Book of Esther : (1) that he lived in 
 Shushan ; (2) that his name was Mordecai, 
 son of Jair, son of Shimei, son of Kish the 
 Benjamite who was taken captive with Je- 
 hoiachin ; (3) that he brought up Esther. 
 This genealogy does then fix witli great cer- 
 tainty the age of Mt>rdecai. He was great 
 grandson of a contemporary of Jehoiachin. 
 Now four generations cover 120 years 
 and 120 years from B. c. 599 bring us to B. 
 c. 479, i. e. to the 6th year of the reign of 
 Xerxes. It is probable that the Mordecai 
 mentioned in Ezr. ii. 2 ; Neh. vii. 7, as one 
 of the leaders of the captives who returned 
 from time to time from Babylon to Judaea, 
 was the same as Mordecai of the Book 
 of Esther. As regards his place in prof ant 
 history, the domestic annals of the reign 
 of Xerxes are so scanty, that it would not 
 surprise us to find no mention of Mordecai. 
 But there is a person named by Ctesias, 
 who probably saw the very chronicles of 
 the kings of Media and Persia referred to 
 in Esth. x. 2, whose name and character 
 present some points of resemblance with 
 Mordecai, viz. Matacas, or Natacas, whom 
 he describes as Xerxes' chief favorite, and 
 the most powerful of them all. He relates 
 of him, that when Xerxes, after his return 
 from Greece, had commissioned Megabyzua 
 to go and plunder the temple of Apollo at 
 Delphi, upon his refusal, he sent Matacas 
 the eunuch, to insult the god, and to plun- 
 der his property, which Matacas did, and 
 returned to Xerxes. The known hatred of 
 Xerxes to idol-worship makes his selec- 
 tion of a Jew for his prime minister very 
 probable, and there are strong points of 
 resemblance in what is thus related of Mat- 
 acas, and what we know from Scripture of 
 Mordecai. Again, that Mordecai was, 
 what Matacas is related to have been, a 
 eunuch, seems not improbable from his 
 having neither wife nor child, from his 
 bringing up his cousin Esther in his own 
 house, from his situation in the king's gate, 
 from his access to the court of the women, 
 and from his being raised to the highest 
 post of power by the king, which we know 
 from Persian history was so often the case 
 with the king's eunuchs. If we suppose 
 the original form of the name to have been 
 Matacai, it would easily in the Chaldee or- 
 thography become Morde;';ti. As re'gards 
 his place in Rabbinical estimation, Morde- 
 cai, as is natural, stands very high. The 
 interpolations in the Greek book of Esther 
 are one indication of his popularity with his 
 countrymen. The Targum (of late date) 
 shows that this increased rather than di- 
 minished with the lapse of centuries. It ia 
 said of Mordecai that he knew the seventy 
 languages, t. e. the languages of all the
 
 428 
 
 MORTAE 
 
 nations mentioned in Gen. x., which the 
 Jews count as seventy nations, and that his 
 age exceeded 400 years. He is continually 
 designated by the appellation " the Just." 
 Benjamin of Turlela places the tomb of 
 Mordccai and Esther at Hamadan, or Ecbat- 
 ana. Others, however, place the tomb of 
 Mordecai in Susa. 
 
 Mo'reh. 1. THE PLAIN, or PLAINS (or, 
 as it should rather be rendered, the OAK 
 or OAKS), OF MOREH. The Oak of Moreh 
 was the first recorded halting-place of 
 Abram after his entrance into the land of 
 Canaan (Gen. xii. 6). It was at the "place 
 of Shechem" (xii. C), close to the moun- 
 tains of Ebal and Gerizim (Deut. xi. 30). 
 There is reason for believing that this place, 
 the scene of so important an occurrence in 
 Abram's early residence in Canaan, may 
 have been also that of one even more im- 
 portant, the crisis of his later life, the of- 
 fering of Isaac, on a mountain in " the 
 land of Moriah." Whether the oaks of 
 Moreh had any connection with 2. THE 
 HILL OF MOREH, at the foot of which the 
 Midianites and Amalekites were encamped 
 before Gideon's attack upon them (Judg. 
 vii. 1), seems, to say the least, most uncer- 
 tain. But a comparison of Judg. vi. 33 
 with vii. 1 makes it evident that it lay in 
 the valley of Jezrecl, rather on the north 
 side of the valley, and north also of the 
 eminence on which Gideon's little band of 
 heroes was clustered. These conditions 
 are most accurately fulfilled if we assume 
 Jebel ed-Duhy, the "Little Hermon" of 
 the modern travellers, to be Moreh, the 
 Ain-Jalood to be the spring of Harod, and 
 Gideon's position to have been on the north- 
 east slope of Jebel Fuk&a (Mount Gilboa), 
 between the village of Nuris and the last- 
 mentioned spring. 
 
 Mor'esheth-gath, a place named by 
 the prophet Micah only (Mic. i. 14), in 
 company with Lachish, Achzib, Mareshah, 
 and other towns of the lowland district of 
 Judah. Micah was himself the native of 
 a place called Moresheth. Eusebius and 
 Jerome, in the Onomasticon, describe Mo- 
 rasthi as a moderate-sized village near 
 Eleutheropolis, to the east. 
 
 Mori'ah.. 1. THE LAND OF MORIAH. 
 On " one of the mountains " in this district 
 took place the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 
 2). What the name of the mountain was 
 we are not told ; but it was a conspicuous 
 one, visible from " afar off" (ver. 4). Nor 
 does the narrative afford any data for ascer- 
 taining its position. It is most natural to 
 take the "land of Moriah" as the same 
 district with that in which the " Oak (A. 
 V. * plain ') of Moreh " was situated, and 
 not as that which contains Jerusalem, as 
 the modern tra iition, which would identify 
 the Moriah of jren. xxii. and that of 2 Chr. 
 iii. 1, affirms. 2. MOUST MORIAH. The 
 
 name ascribed, in 2 Chr. iii. 1 only, to the 
 eminence on which Solomon built the Tem- 
 ple ; " where He appeared to David his 
 father, in a place which David prepared in 
 the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebu- 
 site." From the mention of Araunah, the 
 inference is natural that the " appearance" 
 alluded to occurred at the time of the pur- 
 chase of the threshing-floor by David, and 
 his erection thereon of the altar (2 Sam. 
 xxiv. ; 1 Chr. xxi.). But it will be ob- 
 served that nothing is said in the narratives 
 of that event of any " appearance " of Je- 
 hovah. A tradition which first appears in 
 a definite shape in Josephus, and is now 
 almost universally accepted, asserts that 
 the " Mount Moriah " of the Chronicles is 
 identical with the " mountain " in " the land 
 of Moriah " of Genesis, and that the spot 
 on which Jehovah appeared to David, and 
 on which the Temple was built, was the 
 very spot of the sacrifice of Isaac. But 
 the single occurrence of the name in this 
 one passage of Chronicles is surely not 
 enough to establish a coincidence, which if 
 we consider it, is little short of miraculous. 
 Except in the case of Salem and that is 
 by no means ascertained the name of 
 Abraham does not appear once in connec- 
 tion with Jerusalem or the later royal or 
 ecclesiastical glories of Israel. Jerusalem 
 lies out of the path of the patriarchs, and 
 has no part in the history of Israel till the 
 establishment of the monarchy. But in 
 addition to this, Jerusalem is incompatible 
 with the circumstances of the narrative of 
 Gen. xxii. To name only two instances 
 (1.) The Temple mount cannot be spoken 
 of as a conspicuous eminence. It is not 
 visible till the traveller is close upon it at 
 the southern edge of the valley of Hinnom, 
 from whence he looks down upon it as on a 
 lower eminence. (2.) If Salem was Jeru- 
 salem, then the trial of Abraham's, faith, 
 instead of taking place in the lonely and 
 desolate spot implied by the narrative, 
 where not even fire was to be obtained, and 
 where no help but that of the Almighty was 
 nigh, actually took place under the very 
 walls of the city of Melchizedek. But, 
 while there is no trace except in the single 
 passage quoted of Moriah being attached 
 to any part of Jerusalem on the other 
 hand, in the slightly different form of MO- 
 REH, it did exist attached to the town and 
 the neighborhood of Shechem, the spot of 
 Abram's first residence in Palestine. 
 
 Mortar. The simplest and probably 
 most ancient method of preparing corn for 
 food was by pounding it between two stones. 
 The Israelites in the desert appear to have 
 possessed mortars and handmills among 
 their necessary domestic utensils. When 
 the manna fell they gathered it, and either 
 ground it in the -mill or pounded it in the 
 mortar till it was fit for use (Num. xi. 8).
 
 MORTEB 
 
 429 
 
 MOSES 
 
 So in the present day stone mortars are 
 used by the Arabs to pound wheat for their 
 national dish kibby. Another word occur- 
 ring in Prov. xxvii. 22, probably denotes a 
 mortar of a larger kind in which corn was 
 pounded. "Though thou bray the fool in 
 the mortar among the bruised corn with the 
 pestle, yet will not his folly depart from 
 him." Corn may be separated from its 
 husk and all its good properties preserved 
 by such an operation, but the fool's folly is 
 so essential a part of himself that no anal- 
 ogous process can remove it from him. 
 Such seems the natural interpretation of 
 this remarkable proverb. The language is 
 intentionally exaggerated, and there is no 
 necessity for supposing an allusion to a 
 mode of punishment by which criminals 
 were put to death by being pounded in a 
 mortar. A custom of this kind existed 
 among the Turks, but there is no distinct 
 trace of it among the Hebrews. Such, 
 however, is supposed to be the reference in 
 the proverb by Mr. Roberts, who illustrates 
 it from his Indian experience. 
 
 Morter (Gen. xi. 3 ; Ex. i. 14 ; Lev. xiv. 
 42, 45; Is. xli. 25; Ex. xiii. 10, 11, 14, 15, 
 xxii. 28 ; Nah. iii. 14). The various com- 
 pacting substances used in Oriental build- 
 ings appear to be 1. bitumen, as in the 
 Babylonian structures ; 2. common mud or 
 moistened clay ; 3. a very firm cement com- 
 pounded of sand, ashes, and lime, in the 
 proportions respectively of 1, 2, 3, well 
 pounded, sometimes mixed and sometimes 
 coated with oil, so as to form a surface al- 
 most -impenetrable to wet or the weather. 
 In Assyrian and also Egyptian brick build- 
 ings, stubble or straw, as hair or wool among 
 ourselves, was added to increase the te- 
 nacity. 
 
 Mo'serah, Deut. x. 6, apparently the 
 same as Moseroth, Num. xxxiii. 30, its 
 plural form, the name of a place near Mount 
 Hor. 
 
 Mo'868 (Heb. M6sheh = "drawn"), the 
 legislator of the Jewish people, and in a 
 certain sense the founder of the Jewish 
 religion. His birth and education. The 
 immediate pedigree of Moses is as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Gershon 
 
 ohath 
 
 Arnram =- Jochebed 
 
 Hur Miriam Aaron Eluheba MoBES Zipporah 
 
 Nadab Abibu Eleazar 
 
 Ith&inar 
 Phineaa Jonathan 
 
 I I 
 
 Gershora Eliezer 
 
 The fact that he was of the tribe of Levi 
 no doubt contributed to the selection of 
 that tribe as the sacred caste. The story 
 of his birth is thoroughly Egyptian in its 
 
 scene. The beauty of the new-born babe 
 induced the mother to make extraordinary 
 efforts for its preservation from the general 
 destruction of the male children of Israel. 
 For three months the child was concealed 
 in the house. Then his mother placed him 
 in a small boat or basket of papyrus, closed 
 against the water by bitumen. This was 
 placed among the aquatic vegetation by the 
 side of one of the canals of the Nile. The 
 mother departed as if unable to bear the 
 sight. The sister lingered to watch her 
 brother's fate. The Egyptian princess came 
 down, after the Homeric simplicity of the 
 age, to bathe in the sacred river. Her at- 
 tendant slaves followed her. She saw the 
 basket in the flags, and despatched divers 
 after it. The divers, or one of the female 
 slaves, brought it. It was opened, and the 
 cry of the child moved the princess to com- 
 passion. She determined to rear it as her 
 own. The sister was at hand to recom- 
 mend a Hebrew nurse. The child was 
 brought up as the princess's son, and the 
 memory of the incident was long cherished 
 in the name given to the foundling of the 
 water's side whether according to its He- 
 brew or Egyptian form. Its Hebrew form 
 is Dfdsheh, from Mdshdh, " to draw out" 
 " because I have drawn him out of the 
 water." But this is probably the Hebrew 
 form given to a foreign word. In Coptic, 
 mo = water, and ushe = saved. This is the 
 explanation given by Josephus. The child 
 was adopted by the princess. From this 
 time for many years Moses must be con- 
 sidered as an Egyptian. In the Pentateuch 
 this period is a blank, but in the N. T. he 
 is represented as " educated in all the wis- 
 dom of the Egyptians," and as " mighty in 
 words and deeds " (Acts vii. 22). But the 
 time at last arrived when he was resolved 
 to reclaim his nationality (Heb. xi. 24-26). 
 Seeing an Israelite suffering the bastina- 
 do from an Egyptian, and thinking that 
 they were alone, he slew the Egyptian, and 
 buried the corpse in the sand. The fire of 
 patriotism which thus turned him into a 
 deliverer from the oppressors, turns him 
 into the peace-maker of the oppressed. It 
 is characteristic of the faithfulness of the 
 Jewish records that his flight is there occa- 
 sioned rather by the malignity of his coun- 
 trymen than by the enmity of the Egyptians. 
 He fled into Midian. Beyond the fact that 
 it was in or near the peninsula of Sinai, its 
 precise situation is unknown. There was 
 a famous well (" the well," Ex. ii. 15) sur- 
 rounded by tanks for the watering of the 
 flocks of the Bedouin herdsmen. By this 
 well the fugitive seated himself, and watched 
 the gathering of the sheep. There were 
 the Arabian shepherds, and there were also 
 seven maidens, whom the shepherds rudely 
 drove away from the water. The ehival- 
 i rous spirit which had already broken forth
 
 MOSES 
 
 430 
 
 MOSES 
 
 in behalf of his oppressed countrymen, 
 broke forth again in behalf of the distressed 
 maidens. They returned unusually soon to 
 their father, and told him of their adven- 
 ture. Moses, who up to this time had been 
 " an Egyptian " (Ex. ii. 19), now became 
 for forty years (Acts vii. 30), an Arabian. 
 He married Zipporah, daughter of his host, 
 to whom he also became the slave and 
 shepherd (Ex. ii. 21, Hi. 1). But the chief 
 effect of this stay in Arabia is on Moses 
 himself. It was in the seclusion and sim- 
 plicity of his shepherd-life that he received 
 his call as a prophet. The traditional scene 
 of this great event is in the valley of Shoayb, 
 or Hobab, on the N. side of Jebel Musa. 
 The original indications are too slight to 
 enable us to fix the spot with any certainty. 
 It was at " the back of the wilderness " 
 at Horeb (Ex. iii. 1), " the mountain of 
 God." Upon the mountain was a well- 
 known acacia, the thorn-tree of the des- 
 ert, spreading out its tangled branches 
 thick set with white thorn, over the rocky 
 ground. It was this tree which became the 
 eymbol of the Divine Presence ; a flame 
 of fire in the midst of it, in which the dry 
 branches would naturally have crackled 
 and burnt in a moment, but which played 
 around it without consuming it. The rocky 
 ground at once became "holy," and the 
 shepherd's sandal was to be taken off no 
 less than on the threshold of a palace or a 
 temple. The call or revelation was two- 
 fold 1. The declaration of the Sacred 
 Name expresses the eternal self-existence 
 of the One God. 2. The mission was given 
 to Moses to deliver his people. The two 
 signs are characteristic the one of his 
 past Egyptian life the other of his active 
 shepherd life. In the rush of leprosy into 
 his hand is the link between him and the 
 people whom the Egyptians called a nation 
 of lepers. In the transformation of his 
 shepherd's staff is the glorification of the 
 simple pastoral life, of which that staff was 
 the symbol, into the great career which lay 
 before it. He returns to Egypt from his 
 exile. His Arabian wife and her two infant 
 sons are with him. She is seated with them 
 on the ass. He apparently walks by their 
 side with his shepherd's staff. On the 
 journey back to Egypt a mysterious in- 
 cident occurred in the family. The most 
 probable explanation seems to be, that at 
 the caravanserai either Moses or Gershom 
 was struck with what seemed to be a mortal 
 illness. In some way this illness was con- 
 nected by Zipporah with the fact that her 
 son had not been circumcised. She in- 
 stantly performed the rite, and threw the 
 sharp instrument, stained with the fresh 
 blood, at the feet of her husband, exclaim- 
 ing in the agony of a mother's anxiety for 
 the life of her child "A bloody husband 
 thou art, to cause the death of my son." 
 
 Then, when the recovery from the illness 
 took place, she exclaims again, "A bloody 
 husband still thou art, but not so as to cause 
 the child's death, but only to bring about his 
 circumcision." It would seem to have been 
 in consequence of this event, whatever it 
 was, that the wife and her children were 
 sent back to Jethro, and remained with him 
 till Moses joined them at Rephidim (Ex. 
 xviii. 2-6) . After this parting he advanced 
 into the desert, and at the same spot where 
 he had had his vision encountered Aaron 
 (Ex. iv. 27). From that meeting and co- 
 operation we have the first distinct indi- 
 cation of his personal appearance and 
 character. But beyond the slight glance at 
 his infantine beauty, no hint of this grand 
 personality is given in the Bible. What is 
 described is rather the reverse. The only 
 point there brought out is a singular and 
 unlooked-for infirmity. " I am slow of 
 speech and of a slow tongue." In the solu- 
 tion of this difficulty which Moses offers, 
 we read both the disinterestedness, which is 
 the most distinct trait of his personal 
 character, and the future relation of the 
 two brothers. Aaron spoke and acted for 
 Moses, and was the permanent inheritor of 
 the sacred staff of power. But Moses was 
 the inspiring soul behind. The history of 
 Moses henceforth is the history of Israel for 
 forty years. It is important to trace his 
 relation to his immediate circle of followers. 
 In the Exodus, he takes the decisive lead 
 on the night of the flight. Up to that point 
 he and Aaron appear almost on an equality. 
 But after that, Moses is usually mentioned 
 alone. Aaron still held the second place. 
 Another, nearly equal to Aaron, is HUR, of 
 the tribe of Judah. MIRIAM always held 
 the independent position to which her age 
 entitled her. Her part was to supply the 
 voice and song to her brother's prophetic 
 power. But Moses is incontestably the 
 chief personage of the history, in a sense in 
 which no one else is described before or 
 since. He was led into a closer com- 
 munion with the invisible world than was 
 vouchsafed to any other in the O. T. There 
 are two main characters in which he ap- 
 pears as a Leader and as a Prophet, (a. ) 
 As a Leader, his life divides itself into the 
 three epochs of the march to Sinai ; the 
 march from Sinai to Kadesh ; and the con- 
 quest of the Trans- Jordanic kingdoms. Of 
 his natural gifts in this capacity, we have 
 but few means of judging. The two main 
 difficulties which he encountered were the 
 reluctance of the people to submit to his 
 guidance, and the impracticable nature of 
 the country which they had to traverse. 
 The incidents with which his name was 
 especially connected both in the sacred nar- 
 rative, and in the Jewish, Arabian, and 
 heathen traditions, were those of supplying 
 water, when most wanted. In the Pen-
 
 MOSES 
 
 431 
 
 MOSES 
 
 tateuch these supplies of water take place 
 at Marah, at Horeb, at Kadesh, and in the 
 land of Moab. Of the three first of these 
 incidents, traditional sites, bearing his 
 name, are shown in the desert at the 
 present day, though most of them are re- 
 jected by modern travellers. The route 
 through the wilderness is described as hav- 
 ing been made under his guidance. The 
 particular spot of the encampment is fixed 
 by the cloudy pillar. But the direction of 
 the people first to the Ked Sea, and then 
 to Mount Sinai, is communicated through 
 Moses, or given by him. On approaching 
 Palestine the office of the leader becomes 
 blended with that of the general or the con- 
 queror. By Moses the spies were sent to 
 explore the country. Against his advice 
 took place the first disastrous battle at 
 Hormah. To his guidance is ascribed the 
 circuitous route by which the nation ap- 
 proached Palestine from the east, and to his 
 generalship the two successful campaigns 
 in which SIHON and OG were defeated. 
 The narrative is told so shortly, that we 
 are in danger of forgetting that at this last 
 stage of his life Moses must have been as 
 much a conqueror and victorious soldier as 
 Joshua, (b.) His character as a Prophet 
 is, from the nature of the case, more dis- 
 tinctly brought out. He is the first as he 
 is the greatest example of a prophet in the 
 O. T. In a certain sense, he appears as 
 the centre of a prophetic circle, now for 
 the first time named. His brother and 
 sister were both endowed with prophetic 
 gifts. The seventy elders, and Eldad and 
 Medad also, all "prophesied" (Num. xi. 
 25-27). But Moses rose high above all 
 these. With him the Divine revelations 
 were made, " mouth to mouth, even ap- 
 parently, and not in dark speeches, and the 
 similitude of JEHOVAH shall he behold" 
 (Num. xii. 8). Of the especial modes of this 
 more direct communication, four great ex- 
 amples are given, corresponding to four 
 critical epochs in his historical career. (1.) 
 The appearance of the Divine presence in 
 the flaming acacia-tree has been already 
 noticed. No form is described. " The 
 Angel," or " Messenger," is spoken of as 
 being "in the flame" (Ex. iii. 2-6). (2.) 
 In the giving of the Law from Mount Sinai, 
 the outward form of the revelation was a 
 thick darkness as of a thunder-cloud, out 
 of which proceeded a voice (Ex. xix. 19, 
 xx. 21). The revelation on this occasion 
 was especially of the Name of JEHOVAH. 
 On two occasions he is described as having 
 penetrated within the darkness, and re- 
 mained there successively, for two periods 
 of forty days, of which theecond was spent 
 in absolute seclusion and fasting (Ex. xxiv. 
 18, xxxiv. 28). (3.) It was nearly at the 
 close of those communications in the moun- 
 tains of Siuai that an especial revelation 
 
 was made to him personally. In the de- 
 spondency produced by the apostasy of the 
 molten calf, he besought JEHOVAH to show 
 him " His glory." The Divine answer an- 
 nounced that an actual vision of God was 
 impossible. " Thou canst not see my face ; 
 for there shall no man see my face and live." 
 He was commanded to hew two blocks of 
 stone, like those which he had destroyed. 
 He was to come absolutely alone. He took 
 his place on a- well-known or prominent 
 rock (" the rock ") (xxxiii. 21). The cloud 
 passed by (xxxiv. 5, xxxiii. 22). A voice 
 proclaimed the two immutable attributes 
 of God, Justice and Love in words which 
 became part of the religious creed of Israel 
 and of the world (xxxiv. 6, 7). (4.) The 
 fourth mode of Divine manifestation was 
 that which is described as commencing at 
 this juncture, and which continued with 
 more or less continuity through the rest of 
 his career. Immediately after the catas- 
 trophe of the worship of the calf, and ap- 
 parently in consequence of it, Moses re- 
 moved the chief tent outside the camp, and 
 invested it with a sacred character under 
 the name of " the Tent or Tabernacle of the 
 congregation" (xxxiii. 7). This tent be- 
 came henceforth the chief scene of his com- 
 munications with God. It was during these 
 communications that a peculiarity is men- 
 tioned which apparently had not been seen 
 before. It was on his final descent from 
 Mount Sinai, after his second long seclu- 
 sion, that a splendor shone on his face, as 
 if from the glory of the Divine Presence. 
 There is another form of the prophetic gift, 
 in which Moses more nearly resembles the 
 later prophets. It is clear that the pro- 
 phetical office, as represented in the history 
 of Moses, included the poetical form of 
 composition which characterizes the Jewish 
 prophecy generally. These poetical utter- 
 ances, whether connected with Moses by 
 ascription or by actual authorship, enter so 
 largely into the full Biblical conception of 
 his character, that they must be here men- 
 tioned. 1. "The song which Moses and 
 the children of Israel sung " (after the pas- 
 sage of the Red Sea, Ex. xv. 1-19). 2. A 
 fragment of a war-song against Amalek 
 (Ex. xvii. 16). 3. A fragment of a lyrical 
 burst of indignation (Ex. xxxii. 18). 4. 
 Probably, either from him or his immediate 
 prophetic followers, the fragments of war- 
 songs in Num. xxi. 14, 15, 27-30, preserved 
 in the " book of the wars of Jehovah," Num. 
 xxi. 14 ; and the address to the well, xxi. 
 16, 17, 18. 5. The Song of Moses (Deut. 
 xxxii. 1-43), setting forth the greatness and 
 the failings of Israel. 6. The blessing of 
 Moses on the tribes (Deut. xxxiii. 1-29). 
 7. The 90th Psalm, "A prayer of Moses, 
 the man of God." The title, like all the 
 titles of the Psalms, is of doubtful authority, 
 and the Psalm has often been referred to a
 
 MOSES 
 
 432 
 
 MOSES 
 
 later author. How far the gradual devel- 
 opment of these revelations or prophetic 
 utterances had any connection with his own 
 character and history, the materials are not 
 Buch as to justify any decisive judgment. 
 His Egyptian education must, on the one 
 hand, have supplied him with much of the 
 ritual of the Israelite worship. The coin- 
 cidences between the arrangements of the 
 priesthood, the dress, the sacrifices, the ark, 
 in the two countries, are decisive. On the 
 other hand, the proclamation of the Unity 
 of God implies distinct antagonism, almost 
 a conscious recoil against the Egyptian sys- 
 tem. And the absence of the doctrine of a 
 future state proves at least a remarkable 
 independence of the Egyptian theology, in 
 which that great doctrine held so promi- 
 nent a place. The prophetic office of Moses 
 can only be fully considered in connection 
 with his whole character and appearance 
 (Hos. xii. 13). He was in a sense peculiar 
 to himself the founder and representative 
 of his people. And in accordance with this 
 complete identification of himself with his 
 nation is the only strong personal trait 
 which we are able to gather from his his- 
 tory (Num. xii. 3). The word " meek" is 
 hardly an adequate reading of the Hebrew 
 term, which should be rather "much en- 
 during." It represents what we should now 
 designate by the word " disinterested." All 
 that is told of him indicates a withdrawal 
 of himself, a preference of the cause of his 
 nation to his own interests, which makes 
 him the most complete example of Jewish 
 patriotism. In exact conformity with his 
 life is the account of his end. The Book 
 of Deuteronomy describes, and is, the long 
 last farewell of the prophet to his people. 
 It takes place on the first day of the 
 eleventh month of the fortieth year of the 
 wanderings, in the plains of Moab (Deut. i. 
 3, 5). He is described as 120 years of age, 
 but with his sight and his freshness of 
 strength unabated (Deut. xxxiv. 7). The 
 address from ch. i. to ch. xxx. contains the 
 recapitulation of the Law. Joshua is then 
 appointed his successor. The Law is writ- 
 ten out, and ordered to be deposited in the 
 A.rk (ch. xxxi.). The song and the blessing 
 of the tribes conclude the farewell (ch. 
 xxxii., xxxiii.). And then comes the mys- 
 terious close. As if to carry out to the last 
 the idea that the prophet was to live, not for 
 himself, but for his people, he is told that 
 he is to see the good land beyond the Jor- 
 dan, but not to possess it himself. The sin 
 for which this penalty was imposed on the 
 prophet is difficult to ascertain clearly. He 
 ascends a mountain in the range which rises 
 above the Jordan valley. The mountain 
 tract was known by the general name of 
 THE PISGAH. Its summits apparently were 
 dedicated to different divinities (Num. xxiii. 
 14). On one of these, consecrated to Nebo, 
 
 Moses took his stand, and surveyed the four 
 great masses of Palestine west of the Jordan 
 so far as it could be discerned from that 
 height. The view has passed into a prov- 
 erb for all nations. " So Moses the ser- 
 vant of Jehovah died there in the land of 
 Moab, according to the word of Jehovah, 
 and He buried him in a ' ravine ' in the land 
 of Moab, ' before ' Beth-peor but no man 
 knoweth of his sepulchre unto this day. . . . 
 And the children of Israel wept for Moses 
 in the plains of Moab thirty days " (Deut. 
 xxxiv. 5, 8). This is all that is said in the 
 sacred record. Jewish, Arabian, and Chris- 
 tian traditions have labored to fill up the 
 detail. His grave, though studiously con- 
 cealed in the sacred narrative, is shown by 
 the Mussulmans on the west (and therefore 
 the wrong) side of the Jordan, between the 
 Dead Sea and St. Saba. In the O. T. the 
 name of Moses does not occur so frequent- 
 ly, after the close of the Pentateuch, aa 
 7iiight be expected. In the Psalms and the 
 Prophets, however, he is frequently named 
 as the chief of the prophets. In the N. T. 
 he is referred to partly as the representative 
 of the Law as in the numerous passages 
 cited above and in the vision of the 
 Transfiguration, where he appears side by 
 side with Elijah. As the author of the Law 
 he is contrasted with Christ, the Author 
 of the Gospel : " The Law was given by 
 Moses" (John i. 17). The ambiguity and 
 transitory nature of his glory are set against 
 the permanence and clearness of Christian- 
 ity (2 Cor. iii. 13-18), and his mediatorial 
 character against the unbroken communica- 
 tion of God in Christ (Gal. iii. 19). His "ser- 
 vice " of God is contrasted with Christ's son- 
 ship (Heb. iii. 5, 6). But he is also spoken of 
 as a likeness of Christ ; and as this is a point 
 of view which has been almost lost in the 
 Church, compared with the more familiar 
 comparisons of Christ to Adam, David, 
 Joshua, and yet has as firm a basis in fact 
 as any of them, it may be well to draw it 
 out in detail. 1. Moses is, as it would 
 seem, the only character of the O. T. to 
 whom Christ expressly likens Himself : 
 "Moses wrote of me" (John v. 46). It 
 suggests three main points of likeness : 
 (a.) Christ was, like Moses, the great 
 Prophet of the people the last, as Moses 
 was the first. (6.) Christ, like Moses, is 
 a Lawgiver: "Him shall ye hear." (c.) 
 Christ, like Moses, was a Prophet out of 
 the midst of the nation, " from their breth- 
 ren." As Moses was the entire represen- 
 tative of his people, feeling for them more 
 than for himself, absorbed in their inter- 
 ests, hopes, and fears, so, with reverence 
 be it said, was Christ. 2. In Hcb. iii. 1-19, 
 xii. 24-29, Acts vii. 37, Christ is described, 
 though more obscurely, as the Moses of 
 the new dispensation as the Apostle, or 
 Messenger, or Mediator, of God to the peo-
 
 MOTH 
 
 433 
 
 MOURNING 
 
 pic as the Controller and Leader of the 
 flock or household of God. 3. The details 
 of their lives are sometimes, though not 
 often, compared (Acts vii. 24-28, 35). In 
 Jude 9 is an allusion to an altercation be- 
 tween Michael and Satan over the body of 
 Moses. It probably refers to a lost apoc- 
 ryphal book, mentioned by Origen, called 
 the " Ascension, or Assumption of Moses." 
 Respecting the books of Moses, see PEN- 
 
 TATEf-CII. 
 
 Moth.. By the Hebrew word we are 
 certainly to understand some species of 
 clothes-moth (tinea). Reference to the 
 destructive habits of the clothes-moth is 
 made in Job iv. 19, xiii. 28; Ps. xxxix. 11, 
 &c. In Job xxvii. 18, "He buildeth his 
 house as a moth," it is clear that allusion is 
 made either to the well-known case of the 
 Tinea pellionella, or some allied species, 
 or else to the leaf-building larvae of some 
 other member of the Lepidoptera. The 
 clothes-moths belong to the group Tineina, 
 order Lepidoptera. 
 
 Mother. The superiority of the He- 
 brew over all contemporaneous systems of 
 legislation and of morals is strongly shown 
 in the higher estimation of the mother in 
 the Jewish family, as contrasted with mod- 
 ern Oriental, as well as ancient Oriental 
 and classical usage. The king's mother, 
 as appears in the case of Bathsheba, was 
 treated with especial honor (1 K. ii. 19; 
 Ex. xx. 1H; Lev. xix. 3; Deut. v. 16, xxi. 
 18, 21 ; Prov. x. 1, xv. 20, xvii. 25, xxix. 
 15, xxxi. 1, 30). 
 
 Mount (Is. xxix. 3; Jer. vi. 6, &c.). 
 
 [SlEGE.] 
 
 Mount, Mountain. The Hebrew word 
 har, like the English "mountain," is em- 
 ployed both for single eminences more or 
 less isolated, such as Sinai, Gerizim, Ebal, 
 Zion, and Olivet, and for ranges, such as 
 Lebanon. It is also applied to a mountain- 
 ous country or district. The frequent oc- 
 currence throughout the Scriptures of per- 
 sonification of the natural features of the 
 country is very remarkable. The follow- 
 ing are all the words used with this object 
 in relation to mountains or hills : 1. HEAD, 
 R6sh, Gen. viii. 5; Ex. xix. 20; Deut. 
 xxxiv. 1; 1 K. xviii. 42; (A. V. "top"). 
 2. EARS, Azntith, Aznotli-Tabor, Josh, 
 xix. 34 ; possibly in allusion to some pro- 
 jection on the top of the mountain. 3. 
 SHOULDER, C&thcph. Deut. xxxiii. 12; 
 Josh. xv. 8, and xviii. 16 ("side"). 4. 
 SIDE, TsarL l'-til in reference to a moun- 
 tain in 1 Sam. xxiii. 26; 2 Sam. xiii. 34. 
 ;. LOINS UK FLANKS, CisUth. Chisloth- 
 Tabor, Josh. xix. 12. It occurs also in the 
 name of a village, probably situated on this 
 part of the mountain, Ha-Cesulloth, t. e. 
 the " loins " (Josh. xix. 18). 6. RIB, 
 Tsld. Only used once, in speaking of the 
 Mount of Olives, 2 Sam. xvi. 13, and there 
 
 28 
 
 translated " side." 7. BACK, Sliecem. Pos- 
 sibly the root of the name of the town She- 
 chem, which may be derived from its situa- 
 tion, as it were on the back of Gerizim. 8. 
 THIGH, Jarcdh. Applied to Mount Ephra- 
 im, Judg. xix. 1, 18; and to Lebanon, 2 
 K. xix. 23 ; Is. xxxvii. 24. Used also for 
 the " sides " of a cave, 1 Sam. xxiv. 3. 9. 
 The word translated " covert " in 1 Sam. 
 xxv. 20 is Sether, from sdthar, " to hide," 
 and probably refers to the shrubbery or 
 thicket through which Abigail's path lay. 
 In this passage " hill" should be " moun- 
 tain." The Chaldee tfir is the name still 
 given to the Mount of Olives, the Jebel et- 
 Tilr. 
 
 Mountain of the Ammorites, spe- 
 cifically mentioned Deut. i. 19, 20 (corap. 
 44). It seems to be the range which rises 
 abruptly from the plateau of et- Tih, run- 
 ning from a little S. of W. to the N. of E., 
 and of which the extremities are the Jebel 
 Araif en-Nakah westward, and Jebel el- 
 Mukrah eastward, and from which line the 
 country continues mountainous all the way 
 to Hebron. 
 
 Mourning. The numerous list of 
 words employed in Scripture to express 
 the various actions which are characteris- 
 tic of mourning, shows in a great degree 
 the nature of the Jewish customs in this 
 respect. They appear to have consisted 
 chiefly in the following particulars : 1. 
 Beating the breast or other parts of the 
 body. 2. Weeping and screaming in an 
 excessive degree. 3. Wearing sad-colored 
 garments. 4. Songs of lamentation. 5. 
 Funeral feasts. 6. Employment of per- 
 sons, especially women, to lament. (1.) 
 One marked feature of Oriental mourning 
 is what may be called its studied publicity, 
 and the careful observance of the pre- 
 scribed ceremonies (Gen. xxiii. 2; Job U 
 20, ii. 8; Is. xv. 3, &c.). (2.) Among the- 
 particular forms observed the following: 
 may be mentioned : a. Rending the clothes 
 (Gen. xxxvii. 29, 34, xliv. 13, &c.). b.. 
 Dressing in sackcloth (Gen. xxxvii. 34; 
 2 Sam. iii. 31, xxi. 10, &c.). c. Ashes, 
 dust, or earth sprinkled on the person (2 1 
 Sam. xiii. 19, xv. 32, &c.). d. Black or 
 sad-colored garments (2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Jen. 
 viii. 21, &c.). e. Removal of ornaments 
 or neglect of person (Deut. xxi. 12, 13, 
 I &c.). /. Shaving the head, plucking out 
 ] the hair of the head or beard 'Lev. x. 6; 
 j 2 Sam. xix. 24, &c.). g. Laying bare some 
 I part of the body (Is. xx. 2, xlvii. 2, &c.). 
 : h. Fasting or abstinence In meat and drink 
 : (2 Sam. i. 12, iii. 35, xii. 16, 22, &c.). t. 
 In the same direction may be mentioned 
 diminution in offerings to God, and prohi- 
 bition to partake in sacrificial food (Lev. 
 ; vii. 20; Deut. xxvi. 14). k. Covering tho 
 i " upper lip, 'it. e. the lower part of the face, 
 and sometimes the head, in token of sileaco
 
 MOURNING 
 
 434 
 
 MULE 
 
 (Lev. xiii. 45; 2 Sam. xv. 30, xix. 4). I. 
 Cutting the flesh (Jer. xvi. 6, 7, xli. 5). 
 Beating the body (Ez. xxi. 12 ; Jer. xxxi. 
 19). m. Employment of persons hired for 
 the purpose of mourning (Eccl. xii. 5 ; Jer. 
 ix. 17; Am. v. 16; Matt. ix. 23). n. Akin 
 to this usage the custom for friends or pass- 
 ers-by to join in the lamentations of be- 
 reaved or afflicted persons (Gen. 1. 3 ; Judg. 
 xi. 40; Job ii. 11, xxx. 25, &c.). o. The 
 sitting or lying posture in silence indicative 
 of grief (Gen. xxiii. 3; Judg. xx. 26, &c.). 
 p. Mourning feast and cup of consolation 
 (Jer. xvi. 7, 8). The period of mourning 
 varied. In the case of Jacob it was seventy 
 days (Gen. 1. 3) ; of Aaron (Num. xx. 29) 
 and Moses (Deut. xxxiv. 8), thirty. A fur- 
 ther period of seven days in Jacob's case, 
 Gen. 1. 10. Seven days for Saul, which 
 may have been an abridged period in time 
 cf national danger, 1 Sam. xxxi. 13. (3.) 
 In the last place we may mention a. The 
 idolatrous "mourning for Tammuz," Ez. 
 viii. 14, as indicating identity of practice 
 in certain cases among Jews and heathens ; 
 and the custom in later days of offerings 
 of food at graves, Ecclus. xxx. 18. b. The 
 prohibition, both to the high-priest and to 
 Nazarites, against going into mourning even 
 for a father or mother, Lev. xxi. 10, 11; 
 Num. vi. 7. The inferior priests were lim- 
 ited to the cases of their near relatives, 
 Lev. xxi. 1, 2, 4. c. The food eaten dur- 
 ing the time of mourning was regarded as 
 impure, Deut. xxvi. 14 ; Jer. xvi. 5, 7 ; Ez. 
 xxiv. 17 ; Hos. ix. 4. With the practices 
 above mentioned, Oriental and other cus- 
 toms, ancient and modern, in great meas- 
 ure agree. Arab men are silent in grief, 
 but the women scream, tear their hair, 
 hands,' and face, and throw earth or sand 
 on their heads. Both Mohammedans and 
 Christians in Egypt hire wailing women, 
 and wail at stated times. Burckhardt says 
 the women of Atbara in Nubia shave their 
 heads on the death of their nearest rela- 
 tives a custom prevalent also among sev- 
 eral of the peasant tribes of Upper Egypt. 
 He also mentions wailing women, and a 
 man in distress besmearing his face with 
 dirt and dust in token of grief. In the 
 Arabian Nights are frequent allusions to 
 similar practices. They also mention ten 
 days and forty days as periods of mourn- 
 ing. Lane, speaking of the modern Egyp- 
 tians, says, "After death the women of the 
 family raise cries of lamentation called wel- 
 weleh or wilwal, uttering the most piercing 
 shrieks, and calling upon the name of the 
 deceased, 'O, my master! O, my resource! 
 O, my misfortune ! O, my glory ! ' (see Jer. 
 xxii. 18). The females of the neighborhood 
 come to join with them in this conclamation : 
 generally, also, the family send for two or 
 more nedddbehs, or public wailing women. 
 Each brings a tambourine, and beating them 
 
 they exclaim, 'Alas for him ! ' The female 
 relatives, domestics, and friends, with their 
 hair dishevelled, and sometimes with rent 
 clothes, beating their faces, cry in like man- 
 ner, ' Alas for him ! ' These make no al- 
 teration in dress, but women, in some cases, 
 dye their shirts, head-veils, and handker- 
 chiefs of a dark-blue color. They visit the 
 tombs at stated periods " (Mod. Eg. iii. 152, 
 171, 195). 
 
 Mouse occurs in Lev. xi. 29 ; 1 Sam. vi. 
 4, 5; Is. Ixvi. 17. The Hebrew word is in 
 all probability generic, and is not intended 
 to denote any particular species of mouse. 
 The original word denotes a field-ravager, 
 and may therefore comprehend any destruc- 
 tive rodent. It is probable, however, that 
 in 1 Sam. vi. 5, " the mice that mar the 
 land " may include and more particularly 
 refer to the short-tailed field-mice (arvicola 
 agrestis, Flem.), which cause great destruc- 
 tion to the corn-lands of Syria. 
 
 Mowing. As the great heat of the cli- 
 mate in Palestine and other similarly situ- 
 ated countries soon dries up the herbage 
 itself, hay-making in our sense of the term 
 is not in use. The term " hay," therefore, 
 in Prov. xxvii. 25 and Is. xv. 6, is incorrect. 
 The "king's mowings" (Am. vii. 1), i. e. 
 mown grass (Ps. Ixxii. 6), may perhaps re- 
 fer to some royal right of early pasturage 
 for the use of the cavalry. 
 
 Mo'za. I. Son of Caleb the son of Hez- 
 ron (1 Chr. ii. 46). 2. Son of Zimri, and 
 descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 36, 37, ix. 
 42, 43). 
 
 Mo'zah, one of the cities in the allot- 
 ment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 26) only, 
 named between hac-Cephirah and Kekcm. 
 No trace of any name resembling Mozah 
 has hitherto been discovered. 
 
 Mulberry-trees (Heb. lec&im) occur 
 only in 2 Sam. v. 23 and 24, and 1 Chr. 
 xiv. 14. We are quite unable to determine 
 what kind of tree is denoted by the Hebrew 
 word. Eosenniflller follows the LXX. of 1 
 Chr. xiv. 14, and believes " pear-trees " aro 
 signified. As to the claim of the mulberry- 
 tree to represent the bec&im of Scripture, 
 it is difficult to see any foundation for such 
 an interpretation. The explanation given 
 by Royle, that some poplar is signified, is 
 untenable; for the Hebrew bdcd and the 
 Arabic baka are clearly distinct both in 
 form and signification, as is evident from 
 the difference of the second radical letter in 
 each word. Though there is no evidence to 
 show that the mulberry-tree occurs in the 
 Hebrew Bible, yet the fruit of this tree is 
 mentioned in 1 Mace. vi. 34. 
 
 Mule. It is an interesting fact that we 
 do not read of mules till the time of David, 
 just at the time when the Israelites were 
 becoming well acquainted with horses. After 
 this time horses and mules are in Scripture 
 often mentioned together. In Solomon's
 
 MUrPIM 
 
 435 
 
 MUSIC 
 
 time it is possible that mules from Egypt 
 occasionally accompanied the horses which 
 we know the king of Israel obtained from 
 that country; for though the mule is not of 
 frequent occurrence in the monuments of 
 Egypt, yet it is not easy to believe that the 
 Egyptians were not well acquainted with 
 this animal. It would appear that kings 
 and great men only rode on mules. We 
 do not read of mules at all in the N. T. ; 
 perhaps therefore they had ceased to be 
 imported. Mules are mentioned in Gen. 
 xxxvi. 24: : " This was that Anah that found 
 the mules in the wilderness as he fed the 
 asses of Zibeon his father : " but the A. V. 
 is certainly incorrect; and the Hebrew word 
 ymim, here translated "mules," probably 
 means " warm springs," as the Vulg. has it. 
 
 Mup'pim, a Benjamite, and one of the 
 fourteen descendants of Rachel who be- 
 longed to the original colony of the sons 
 of Jacob in Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 21). In 
 Num. xxvi. 39 the name is written Shu- 
 pham. In 1 Chr. vii. 12, 15, it is Shuppim 
 (the same as xxvi. 16), and viii. 5 Shephu- 
 phan. Hence it is probable that Muppira 
 is a corruption of the text, and that Shu- 
 pham is the true form. 
 
 Murder. The principle on which the 
 act of taking the life of a human being was 
 regarded by the Almighty as a capital of- 
 fence is stated on its highest ground as an 
 outrage on the likeness of God in man, to 
 be punished even when caused by an ani- 
 mal (Gen. ix. 5, 6 ; see also John viii. 44 ; 
 1 John iii. 12, 15). The Law of Moses, 
 while it protected the accidental homicide, 
 defined with additional strictness the crime 
 of murder. It prohibited compensation or 
 reprieve of the murderer, or his protection 
 if he took refuge in the refuge city, or even 
 at the altar of Jehovah (Ex. xxi. 12, 14 ; 
 Lev. xxiv. 17, 21 ; 1 K. ii. 5, 6, 31). If an 
 animal known to be vicious caused the death 
 of any one, not only was the animal de- 
 stroyed, but the owner also, if he had taken 
 no steps to restrain it, was held guilty of 
 murder (Ex. xxi. 29, 31). The duty of 
 executing punishment on the murderer is 
 in the Law expressly laid on the " revenger 
 of blood ; " but the question of guilt was to 
 be previously decided by the Levitical tri- 
 bunal. In regal times the duty of execu- 
 tion of justice on a murderer seems to have 
 been assumed to some extent by the sover- 
 eign, as well as the privilege of pardon (2 
 Sam. xiii. 39, xiv. 7, 11; IK. ii. 34). It 
 was lawful to kill a burglar taken at night 
 in the act, but unlawful to do so after sun- 
 rise (Ex. xxii. 2, 3). 
 
 Mu'shi, the son of Mcrari the son of 
 Kohath (Ex. vi. 19; Num. iii. 20; 1 Chr. 
 vi. It), 47, xxiii. 21, 23, xxiv. 26, 30). 
 
 Music. The inventor of musical -in- 
 struments, like the first poet and the first 
 forger of metals, was a Cainite. We learn 
 
 from Gen. iv. that Jubal the son of Lamech 
 was " the father of all such as handle the 
 harp and organ," that is, of all players upon 
 stringed and wind instruments. The first 
 mention of music in the times after the 
 Deluge is in the narrative of Laban's inter- 
 view with Jacob (Gen. xxxi. 27). So that, 
 in whatever way it was preserved, the prac- 
 tice of music existed in the upland coun- 
 try of Syria ; and of the three possible kinds 
 of musical instruments, two were known 
 and employed to accompany the song. The 
 three kinds are alluded to in Job xxi. 12. 
 On the banks of the Red Sea Moses and 
 the children of Israel sang their triumphal 
 song of deliverance from the hosts of 
 Egypt; and Miriam, in celebration of the 
 same event, exercised one of her functions 
 as a prophetess by leading a procession of 
 the women of the camp, chanting in chorus 
 the burden to the song of Moses, " Sing 
 ye to Jehovah, for He hath triumphed glo- 
 riously ; the horse and his rider hath He 
 thrown into the sea." The triumphal hymn 
 of Moses had unquestionably a religious 
 character about it; but the employment of 
 music in religious service, though idola- 
 trous, is more distinctly marked in the fes- 
 tivities which attended the erection of the 
 golden calf. The silver trumpets made by 
 the metal workers of the tabernacle, which 
 were used to direct the movements of the 
 camp, point to music of a very simple kind 
 (Num. x. 1-10). The song of Deborah and 
 Barak is cast in a distinctly metrical form, 
 and was probably intended to be sung with 
 a musical accompaniment as one of the 
 people's songs. The simpler impromptu 
 with which the women from the cities of 
 Israel greeted David after the slaughter of 
 the Philistine, was apparently struck off 
 on the spur of the moment, under the in- 
 fluence of the wild joy with which they wel- 
 comed their national champion, " the dar- 
 ling of the songs of Israel" (1 Sam. xviii. 
 6, 7). Up to this time we meet with noth- 
 ing like a systematic cultivation of music 
 among the Hebrews, but the establishment 
 of the schools of the prophets appears to 
 have supplied this want. Whatever the 
 students of these schools may have been 
 taught, music was an essential part of their 
 practice. Professional musicians soon be- 
 came attached to the court. David seems 
 to have gathered round him " singing men 
 and singing women" (2 Sam. xix. 35). 
 Solomon did the same (Eccl. ii. 8), adding to 
 the luxury of his court by his patronage of 
 art, and obtaining a reputation himself as no 
 mean composer (1 K. iv. 32). But the 
 Temple was the great school of music, and it 
 was consecrated to its highest service in the 
 worship of Jehovah. Before, however, the 
 elaborate arrangements had been made by 
 David for the temple choir, there must have 
 been a considerable body of musician*
 
 MUSIC 
 
 436 
 
 MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 
 
 throughout the country (2 Sara. vi. 5), and 
 in the procession which accompanied the 
 ark from the house of Obed-edom, the 
 Levites, with Chenaniah at their head, who 
 had acquired skill from previous training, 
 played on psalteries, harps, and cymbals, 
 to the words of the psalm of thanksgiving 
 which David had composed for the occasion 
 (1 Chr. xv., xvi.). It is not improbable that 
 the Levites all along had practised music, 
 and that some musical service was part of 
 the worship of the tabernacle. The position 
 which they occupied among the other 
 tribes naturally favored the cultivation of 
 an art which is essentially characteristic of 
 a leisurely and peaceful life. The three 
 great divisions of the tribe had each a rep- 
 resentative family in the choir. Asaph 
 himself appears to have played on the cym- 
 bals (1 Chr. xvi. 5), and this was the case 
 with the other leaders (1 Chr. xv. 19), per- 
 haps to mark the time more distinctly, 
 while the rest of the band played on psal- 
 teries and harps. The singers were dis- 
 tinct from both, as is evident in Ps. Ixviii. 
 25, " the singers went before, the players 
 on instruments followed after, in the midst 
 of the damsels playing with timbrels." The 
 " players on instruments " were the per- 
 formers upon stringed instruments, like the 
 psaltery and harp. The " players on in- 
 struments " in Ps. Ixxxvii. 7, were different 
 from these last, and were properly pipers or 
 performers on perforated wind-instruments 
 (see 1 K. i. 40). " The damsels playing 
 with timbrels" (comp. 1 Chr. xiii. 8) seem to 
 indicate that women took part in the temple 
 choir. The trumpets which are mentioned 
 among the instruments played before the 
 ark (1 Chr. xiii. 8), appear to have been 
 reserved for the priests alone (1 Chr. xv. 24, 
 xvi. 6). As they were also used in royal 
 proclamations (2 Kxi. 14), they were prob- 
 . ably intended to set forth by way of cymbal 
 the royalty of Jehovah, the theocratic King 
 of His people, as well as to sound the alarm 
 against His enemies (2 Chr. xiii. 12). In 
 the private as well as in the religious life 
 of the Hebrews music held a prominent 
 place. The kings had their court musi- 
 cians (Eccl. ii. 8), who bewailed their death 
 (2 Chr. xxxv. 25), and in the luxurious 
 times of the later monarchy the effeminate 
 gallants of Israel, reeking with perfumes 
 and stretched upon their couches of ivory, 
 were wont at their banquets to accompany 
 the song with the tinkling of the psaltery 
 or guitar (Am. vi. 4-6), and amused them- 
 selves with devising musical instruments 
 while their nation was perishing. But 
 while music was thus made to minister to 
 debauchery and excess, it was the legiti- 
 mate expression of mirth and gladness, and 
 the indication of peace and prosperity. It 
 was only when a curse was upon the land 
 
 of tabrets ceaseth, the noise of them that 
 rejoice endeth, the joy of the harp ceaseth, 
 they shall not drink wine with a song" (Is. 
 xxiv. 8, 9). The bridal processions as they 
 passed through the streets were accom- 
 panied with music and song (Jer. vii. 34), 
 and these ceased only when the land was 
 desolate (Ez. xxvi. 13). The music of the 
 banquets was accompanied with songs and 
 dancing (Luke xv. 25). The triumphal 
 processions which celebrated a victory were 
 enlivened by minstrels and singers (Ex. 
 xv. i. 20; Judg. v. 1, xi. 34; 1 Sam. xviii. 
 6, xxi. 11 ; 2 Chr. xx. 28; Jud. xv. 12, 13), 
 and on extraordinary occasions they even 
 accompanied armies to battle. Besides 
 songs of triumph there were also religious 
 songs (Is. xxx. 29; Am. v. 23; Jam. v. 
 13), "songs of the temple" (Am. viii. 3), 
 and songs which were sung in idolatrous 
 worship (Ex. xxxii. 18). Love songs are 
 alluded to in Ps. xlv. title, and Is. v. 1. 
 There were also the doleful songs of the 
 funeral procession, and the wailing chant 
 of the mourners who went about the streets, 
 the professional "keening" of those who 
 were skilful in lamentation (2 Chr. xxxv. 
 25; Eccl. xii. 5; Jer. ix. 17-20; Am. v. 
 16). The grape-gatherers sang as they 
 gathered in the vintage, and the wine- 
 presses were trodden with the shout of a 
 song (Is. xvi. 10 ; Jer. xlviii. 33) ; the 
 women sang as they toiled at the mill, and 
 on every occasion the land of the Hebrews 
 during their national prosperity was a land 
 of music and melody. The instruments 
 of music which have been represented in 
 our version by some modern word, are 
 treated under their respective titles. 
 
 Musical Instruments. In addition 
 to the instruments of music which have 
 been represented in our version by some 
 modern word, and are treated under their 
 respective titles, there are other terms 
 which are vaguely or generally rendered. 
 These are 1. Dachavdn, Chald., rendered 
 "instruments of music" in Dan. vi. 18. 
 The margin gives "or table, perhaps lit. 
 concubines." The last-mentioned rendering 
 is that approved by Gesenius, and seems 
 most probable. 2. Minnim, rendered with 
 great probability " stringed^jnstruments " 
 in Ps. cl. 4. It appears to be a general 
 term, but beyond this nothing is known 
 of it. 3. 'Astir, " an instrument of ten 
 strings," Ps. xcii. 3. The full phrase is 
 nebel 'dsdr, "a ten-stringed psaltery," as in 
 Ps. xxxiii. 2, cxliv. 9 ; and the true render- 
 ing of the first-mentioned passage would 
 be " upon an instrument of ten strings, 
 even upon the psaltery." 4. Shidddh, in 
 Eccl. ii. 8 only, " I gat me men-singers and 
 women-singers, and the delights of the 
 sons of men, musical instruments, and that 
 of all soj-ts." The words thus rendered 
 
 that the prophet could say, " The mirth j have received a great variety of meanings
 
 MUSTARD 
 
 437 
 
 MYEA 
 
 But the most probable interpretation to be 
 put upon thorn is that suggested by a usage 
 of the Talmud, where shid&h denotes a i 
 "palanquin "or "litter" for women. 5. Sh A- j 
 lishim, rendered "instruments of music"! 
 in the A. V. of 1 Sam. xviii. 6, and in 
 the margin "three-stringed instruments." 
 Kocdigcr translates " triangles," which are 
 said to have been invented in Syria, from 
 the same root. We have no means of de- 
 ciding which is the more correct. 
 
 Mustard occurs in Matt. xiii. 31, xvii. 
 20; Mark iv. 31; Luke xiii. 19, xvii. 6. 
 The mustard-tree of Scripture is main- 
 tained by Dr. Royle to be the Salvadora 
 persica, which he supposes to be the same 
 as the tree called Khardal (The Arabic for 
 mustard), seeds of which are employed 
 throughout Syria as a substitute for mus- 
 tard, of which they have the taste and 
 properties. This tree is found all along 
 the banks of the Jordan, near the lake 
 of Tiberias, and near Damascus, and is 
 said to be generally recognized in Syria 
 as the mustard-tree of Scripture. But 
 notwithstanding all that has been adduced 
 by Dr. Royle in support of his argument, 
 it will be well to consider whether some 
 mustard-plant (Sinapis) may not after all 
 be the mustard-tree of the parable. The 
 objection commonly made against any 
 Sivapis being the plant of the parable is, 
 that the seed grew into " a tree," or, as St. 
 Luke has it, " a great tree," in the branches 
 of which the fowls of the air are said to 
 come and lodge. Now, in answer to the 
 above objection, it is urged with great truth 
 that the expression is figurative and Orien- 
 tal, and that in a proverbial simile no lit- 
 eral accuracy is to be expected. It is an 
 error, for which the language of Scripture 
 is hot accountable, to assert, as Dr. Royle 
 and some others have done, that the pas- 
 sage implies that birds " built their nests " 
 in the tree : the Greek word has no such 
 meaning; the word merely means " to set- 
 tle -or rest upon " anything for a longer or 
 shorter time ; nor is there any occasion to 
 suppose that the expression " fowls of the 
 air " denotes any other than the smaller in- 
 sessorial kinds linnets, finches, &c. Hil- 
 ler's explanation is probably the correct 
 one ; that the birds came and settled on the 
 mustard-plant for the sake of the seed, of 
 which they are very fond. Again, what- 
 ever the Sinapis may be, it is expressly 
 said to be an herb, or more properly " a gar- 
 den herb." Irby and Mangles mention the 
 large size which the mustard-plant attains 
 in Palestine. In their journey from Bysan 
 to Adjeloun, in the Jordan valley; they 
 crossed a small plain very thickly covered 
 with herbage, particularly the mustard- 
 plant, which reached as high as their horses' 
 heads. Dr. Thomson also says he has seen 
 the Wild Mustard on the rich plain of 
 
 Akkar as tall as the horse and the rider. 
 If, then, the wild plant on the rich plain of 
 Akkar grows as high as a man on horse- 
 back, it might attain to the same or a greater 
 height when in a cultivated garden. The 
 expression " which is indeed the least of all 
 seeds " is in all probability hyperbolical, 
 to denote a very small seed indeed, as there 
 are many seeds which are smaller than 
 mustard. " The Lord in his popular teach- 
 ing," says Trench (Notes on Parables, 108), 
 
 adhered to the popular language ; " and 
 the mustard-seed was used proverbially to 
 denote anything very minute. 
 
 Muth-lab'ben. " To the chief musi- 
 cian upon Muth-labben " is the title of Ps. 
 ix., which has given rise to infinite conjec- 
 ture. Two difficulties in connection with 
 it have to be resolved ; first, to determine 
 the true reading of the Hebrew, and then 
 to ascertain its meaning. Neither of these 
 points has been satisfactorily explained. 
 The Targum renders the title of the psalm, 
 "on the death of the man who came 
 forth from between the camps," alluding 
 to Goliath, the Philistine champion (1 Sam. 
 xvii. 4). Others render it "on the death 
 of the son," and apply it to Absalom. 
 Rashi's words are " but I say that this 
 song is of the future to come, when the 
 childhood and youth of Israel shall be 
 made white, and their righteousness be re- 
 vealed, and their salvation draw nigh, when 
 Esau and his seed shall be blotted out." 
 Donesh supposes that labben was the name 
 of a man who warred with David in those 
 days, and to whom reference is made as 
 " the wicked " in verse 5. Arama (quoted 
 by Dr. Gill in his Exposition") identifies 
 him with Saul. There still remain to be 
 noticed the conjectures of Delitzsch that 
 Muth-labben denotes the tune or melody, 
 with the words of the song associated with 
 it ; of others that it was a musical instru- 
 ment, and of Hupfeld that it was the com- 
 mencement of an old song, either signify- 
 ing "die for the son," or "death to the 
 son." On all accounts it seems extremely 
 probable that the title in its present form is 
 only a fragment of the original, which may 
 have been in full what has been suggested 
 above. 
 
 Myn'dus, a town on the coast of C ARIA, 
 between MILETUS and HALICARNASSUS. 
 We find in 1 Mace. xv. 23, that it was the 
 residence of a Jewish population. 
 
 My'ra, an important town in LYCIA, and 
 interesting to us as the place where St. 
 Paul, on his voyage to Rome (Acts xxvii. 
 5), was removed from the Adramyttian ship 
 which had brought him from Caesarea, and 
 entered the Alexandrian ship in which he 
 was wrecked on the coast of Malta. Myra 
 (called Dembra by the Greeks) is remark- 
 able still for its remains of various periods 
 of liistory.
 
 MYRRH 
 
 438 
 
 NAARAN 
 
 Myrrh is mentioned, in Ex. xxx. 23, as 
 one of the ingredients of the " oil of holy 
 ointment;" in Esth. ii. 12, as one of the 
 substances used in the purification of wo- 
 men ; in Ps. xlv. 8, Prov. vii. 17, and in 
 several passages in Canticles, as a perfume. 
 The Greek occurs in Matt. ii. 11 amongst 
 the gifts brought by the wise men to the in- 
 fant Jesus, and in Mark xv. 23, it is said 
 that " wine mingled with myrrh " was of- 
 fered to, but refused by, our Lord on the 
 cross. Myrrh was also used for embalm- 
 ing (see John xix. 39, and Herod, ii. 86). 
 The Balsamodendron myrrha, which pro- 
 duces the myrrh of commerce, has a wood 
 and bark which emit a strong odor ; the 
 gum which exudes from the bark is at first 
 oily, but becomes hard by exposure to the 
 air : it belongs to the natural order Tere- 
 binthaceae. For the "wine mingled with 
 inyrrh," see GALL. The " myrrh " men- 
 tioned in the A. V. in Gen. xxxvii. 25, 
 xliii. 11, is a translation of the Hebrew 
 word Idt, and is generally considered to de- 
 note the odorous resin which exudes from 
 the branches of the Cistus creticus, known 
 by the name of ladanum, or labdanum. It 
 is clear that Idt cannot signify " myrrh," 
 which is not produced in Palestine. There 
 can be no doubt that the Hebrew I6t, the 
 Arabic ladan, the Greek A i,'(Ju >"<, the Latin 
 and English ladanum, are identical. 
 
 Myrtle is mentioned in Neh. viii. 15 ; 
 Is. xli. 19, Iv. 13; Zech. i. 8, 10, 11. The 
 modern Jews still adorn with myrtle the 
 booths and sheds at the Feast of Taberna- 
 cles. Formerly, as we learn from Nehe- 
 miah (viii. 15), myrtles grew on the hills 
 about Jerusalem. " On Olivet," says Dean 
 Stanley, " nothing is now to be seen but 
 the olive and the fig-tree : " on some of the 
 hills, however, near Jerusalem, Hasselquist 
 observed the myrtle. Dr. Hooker says it 
 is not uncommon in Samaria and Galilee. 
 The Myrtus communis is the kind denoted 
 by the Hebrew word. 
 
 Mys'ia (Acts xvi. 7, 8) was the region 
 about the frontier of the provinces of Asia 
 and Bithynia. The term is evidently used 
 in an ethnological, not a political sense. 
 
 N. 
 
 Na'am. One of the sons of Caleb, the 
 eon of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 15). 
 
 Na'amah (loveliness). 1. One of the 
 four women whose names are preserved in 
 the records of the world before the Flood ; 
 all except Eve being Cainites. She was 
 daughter of Lamech by his wife Zillah, and 
 sister, as is expressly mentioned, to Tubal- 
 cain (Gen. iv. 22 only). 2. Mother of king 
 Rehoboam (1 K. xiv. 21, 31; 2 Chr. xii. 
 13). On each occasion she is distinguished 
 
 by the title " the (not ' an,' as in A. V.) Am- 
 monite." She was therefore one of the for- 
 eign women whom Solomon took into hia 
 establishment (1 K. xi. 1). 
 
 Na'amah, one of the towns of Judah 
 in the district of the lowland or Shefelah 
 (Josh. xv. 41). 
 
 Na'aman {pleasantness). 1. " Naaman 
 the Syrian " (Luke iv. 27). A Jewish tra- 
 dition, at least as old as the time of Jose- 
 phus, and which may very well be a genuine 
 one, identifies him with the archer whose 
 arrow, whether nt random or not, struck 
 Ahab with his mortal wound, and thus 
 " gave deliverance to Syria." The expres- 
 sion in 2 K. v. 1, is remarkable " because 
 that by him Jehovah had given deliverance 
 to Syria." The most natural explanation 
 perhaps is, that Naaman, in delivering his 
 country, had killed one who was the enemy 
 of Jehovah not less than he was of Syria. 
 Whatever the particular exploit referred to 
 was, it had given Naaman a great position 
 at the court of Benhadad. He was com- 
 mander-in-chief of the army, and was near- 
 est to the person of the king, whom he ac- 
 companied officially, and supported, when 
 he went to worship in the temple of Rira- 
 mon (ver. 18). He was afflicted with a 
 leprosy of the white kind (ver. 27), which 
 had hitherto defied cure. The circum- 
 stances of his visit to Elisha are related 
 elsewhere. [ELISHA, p. 172.] His request 
 to be allowed to take away two mules' bur- 
 den of earth is not easy to understand. The 
 natural explanation is that, with a feeling 
 akin to that which prompted the Pisan in- 
 vaders to take away the earth of Aceldama 
 for the Campo Santo at Pisa, the grateful 
 convert to Jehovah wished to take away 
 some of the earth of His country, to form an 
 altar. But in the narrative there is no men- 
 tion of an altar. How long Naaman lived to 
 continue a worshipper of Jehovah while as- 
 sisting officially at the worship of Rimmon, 
 we are not told. 2. One of the family of Ben- 
 jamin who came down to Egypt with Jacob, 
 as read in Gen. xlvi. 21. He was the son 
 of Bela, and head of the family of the Naam- 
 ites. (Num. xxvi. 40; 1 Chr. viii. 3, 4). 
 
 Na'amathite, the gentilic name of one 
 of Job's friends, Zophar the Naamathite 
 (Job ii. 11, xi. 1, xx. 1, xlii. 9). There is no 
 other trace of this name in the Bible, and 
 the town whence it is derived is unknown. 
 
 Na'atnites, The, the family descended 
 from NAAMAN, the grandson of Benjamin 
 (Num. xxvi. 40 only). 
 
 Na'arah, the second wife of Ashur, a 
 descendant of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 5, 6). 
 
 Na arai, One of the valiant men of 
 David's armies (1 Chr. xi. 37). In 1 Chr. 
 he is called the son of Ezbai, but in 2 Sam. 
 xxiii. 35 he appears as " Paarai the Arbite." 
 Kennicott decides that the former is correct. 
 
 Na'aran, a city of Ephraim, which in a
 
 NAARATH 
 
 439 
 
 NADAB 
 
 . y ancient record (1 Chr. vii. 28) is men- 
 tioned as the eastern limit of the tribe. It 
 is very probably identical with NAARATH, or 
 more accurately Naarah. 
 
 Na'arath (the Heb. is = to Naarah, 
 which is therefore the real form of the name), 
 a place named (Josh. xvi. 7, only) as one 
 of the landmarks on the (southern) boun- 
 dary of Ephraim. It appears to have lain 
 between Ataroth and Jericho. Eusebius 
 and Jerome speak of it as if well known to 
 them "Naorath, a small village of the 
 Jews, five miles from Jericho." 
 
 Naash'on. [NAHSHON.] 
 
 Naas'son. The Greek form of the name 
 NAHSHON (Matt. i. 4; Luke iii. 32, only). 
 
 If a'bal {fool) was a sheepmaster on the 
 confines of Judaea and the desert, in that 
 part of the country which bore from its 
 great conqueror the name of CALEB (1 
 Sam. xxx. 14, xxv. 3). His residence was 
 on the southern Carmel, in the pasture lands 
 of Maon. His wealth, as might be expected 
 from his abode, consisted chiefly of sheep 
 and goats. It was the custom of the shep- 
 herds to drive them into the wild downs on 
 the slopes of Carmt-1 ; and it was whilst they 
 were on one of these pastoral excursions, 
 that they met a band of outlaws, who showed 
 them unexpected kindness, protecting them 
 by day and night, and never themselves 
 committing any depredations (1 Sam. xxv. 
 7. 15, 16). Once a year there was a grand 
 banquet, on Carmel, "like the feast of a 
 king" (xxv. 2, 4, 36). It was on one of 
 these occasions that Nabal came across the 
 path of the man to whom he owes his place 
 in history. Ten youths from the chief of 
 the freebooters approached him with a triple 
 salutation enumerated the services of 
 their master, and ended by claiming, with a 
 mixture of courtesy and defiance character- 
 istic of the East, " whatsoever cometh into 
 thy hand for thy servants and for thy son 
 David." The great sheepmaster was not 
 disposed to recognize this unexpected pa- 
 rental relation. On hearing the demand of 
 the ten petitioners, he broke out into fury 
 " Who is David? and who is the son of 
 Jesse ? " " What runaway slaves are these 
 to interfere with^my own domestic arrange- 
 ments?" (xxv. 10, 11). The moment that 
 the messengers were gone, the shepherds 
 that stood by perceived the danger that their 
 master and themselves would incur. To 
 Nabal himself they durst not speak (xxv. 
 17). To his wife, as to the good angel of 
 the household, one of the shepherds told the 
 state of affairs. She, with the offerings 
 usual on such occasions, loaded the asses 
 of Nabal's large establishment herself 
 mounted one of. them, and, with her attend- 
 ants running before her, rode down the hill 
 towards David's encampment. David had 
 already made the fatal vow of extermination 
 (xxv. 22). At tliis moment, as it would 
 
 seem, Abigail appeared, threw herself on 
 her face before him, and poured forth her 
 petition in language which both in form and 
 expression almost assumes the tone of 
 poetry. She returns with the news of 
 David's recantation of his vow. Nabal is 
 then at the height of his orgies, and his 
 wife dared not communicate to him either 
 his danger or his escape (xxv. 36). At 
 break of day she told him both. The stupid 
 reveller was suddenly roused to a sense of 
 that which impended over him. " His heart 
 died within him, and he became as a stone." 
 It was as if a stroke of apoplexy or paraly- 
 sis had fallen upon him. Ten days he 
 lingered, " and the Lord smote Nabal, and 
 he died" (xxv. 37, 38). 
 
 Na'both, victim of Ahab and Jezebel, 
 was the owner of a small vineyard at Jezreel, 
 close to the royal palace of Ahab (1 K. xxi. 
 1, 2). It thus became an object of desire to 
 the king, who offered an equivalent in money 
 or another vineyard in exchange for this. 
 Naboth, in the independent spirit of a Jew- 
 ish landholder, refused. " Jehovah forbid 
 it to me that I should give the inheritance 
 of my fathers unto thee." Ahab was cowed 
 by this reply ; but the proud spirit of Jeze- 
 bel was roused. She took the matter into 
 her own hands. A solemn fast was pro- 
 claimed, as on the announcement of some 
 great calamity. Naboth was " set on high " 
 in the public place of Samaria : two men of 
 worthless character accused him of having 
 " cursed God and the king." He and his 
 children (2 K. ix. 26) were dragged out of 
 the city and despatched the same night. 
 The place of execution there, was by the 
 large tank or reservoir, which still remains 
 on the slope of the hill of Samaria, imme- 
 diately outside the walls. The usual pun- 
 ishment for blasphemy was enforced. Na- 
 both and his sons were stoned ; and the 
 blood from their wounds ran down into the 
 waters of the tank below. 
 
 Nabuchodon'osor. [NEBUCHADNEZ- 
 ZAR.] 
 
 Na'chon's Threshing-floor, the 
 place at which the ark hud arrived in its 
 progress from Kirjath-jearim to Jerusalem, 
 when Uzzah lost his life in his too hasty 
 zeal for its safety (2 Sam. vi 6.) 
 
 Na'chor. [NAHOR.] 
 
 Na'dab (liberal). 1. The eldest son of 
 Aaron and Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23 ; Num. iii. 
 2). He, his father and brother, and seven- 
 ty old men of Israel were led out from the 
 midst of the assembled people (E\. xxiv. 
 1), and were commanded to stay and wor- 
 ship God " afar off," below the lofty sum- 
 mit of Sinai, where Moses alone was to 
 come near to the Lord. Subsequently (Lev. 
 x. 1) Nadab and his brother were struck 
 dead before the sanctuary by fire from the 
 Lord. Their offence was, kindling the in- 
 cense in their censers with "strange ' fire,
 
 NAGGE 
 
 440 
 
 NAHSHON 
 
 i. e. not taken from that which burned 
 perpetually (Lev. vi. 13) on the altar. 2. 
 Kiug Jeroboam's son, who succeeded to the 
 throne of Israel B. c. 954, and reigned two 
 years (1 K. xv. 25-31). At the siege of 
 Gibbethon a conspiracy broke out in the 
 midst of the army, and the king was slain 
 by Baasha, a man of Issachar. 3. A son 
 of Shammai (1 Chr. ii. 28), of the tribe of 
 Judah. 4. A son of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 
 30, ix. 3G), of the tribe of Benjamin. 
 
 TTag'ge, one of the ancestors of Christ 
 (Luke iii. 25). It represents the Heb. No- 
 gah (1 Chr. iii. 7). Nagge must have lived 
 about the time of Onias I., and the com- 
 mencement of the Macedonian dynasty. 
 
 Nahal'al, one of the cities of Zebulun, 
 given with its " suburbs " to the Merarite 
 Levites (Josh. xxi. 35). It is the same 
 which in Josh. xix. 15 is inaccurately given 
 in the A. V. as NAHALLAL, the Hebrew be- 
 ing in both cases identical. Elsewhere it is 
 called NAHALOL (Judg. i. 30). The Jeru- 
 salem Talmud asserts that Nahalal was in 
 post-biblical times called Mahlul ; and this 
 is identified with the modern Malul, a vil- 
 lage in the plain of Esdraelon. 
 
 Naha'liel (torrents of God), one of the 
 halting-places of Israel in the latter part 
 of their progress to Canaan (Num. xxi. 19). 
 It lay " beyond," that is, north of the Ar- 
 non (ver. 13), and between Mattanah and 
 Bamoth, the next after Bamoth being Pis- 
 gah. Its name seems to imply that it was 
 a stream or wady, and it is not impossibly 
 preserved in that of the Wady Encheyle, 
 which runs into the Mojcb, the ancient Ar- 
 non, a short distance to the east of the 
 place at which the road between Rabba and 
 Aroer crosses the ravine of the latter river. 
 
 Na'halol. [NAHALAL.} 
 
 Na'ham. The brother of Hodiah, or 
 Jehudijah, wife of Ezra (1 Chr. iv. 19). 
 
 Naham'ani. A chief man among those 
 who returned from Babylon with Zerubba- 
 bel and Jeshua (Neh. vii. 7). 
 
 Nahar'ai. The armor-bearer of Joab, 
 called in the A. V. of 2 Sam. xxiii. 37, NA- 
 HARI. He was a native of Beeroth (1 Chr. 
 xi. 39). 
 
 Na'hari. The same as NAHARAI (2 Sam. 
 xxiii. 37). In the A. V. of 1611 the name 
 is printed "NAHARAI the Berothite." 
 
 Na'hash (serpent). 1. King of the Am- 
 monites, who dictated to the inhabitants of 
 Jabesh-Gilead that cruel alternative of the 
 loss of their right eyes or slavery, which 
 roused the swift wrath of Saul, and caused 
 the destruction of the Ammonite force (1 
 Sam. xi. 1, 2-11). " Nahash" would seem 
 to have been the title of the king of the 
 Ammonites rather than the name of an in- 
 dividual. Nahash the father of Hanun had 
 rendered David some special and valuable 
 service, wliich David was anxious for an 
 opportunity of requiting (2 Sam. x. 2). ; 
 
 2. A person mentioned once only (2 Sam. 
 xvii. 25) in stating the parentage of Ainasa, 
 the commander-in-chief of Absalom's army. 
 Amasa is there said to have been the son 
 of a certain Ithra, by Abigail, " daughter 
 of Nahash, and sister to Zeruiah." By the 
 genealogy of 1 Chr. ii. 16 it appears that 
 Zeruiah and Abigail were sisters of David 
 and the other children of Jesse. The ques- 
 tion then arises, How could Abigail have 
 been at the same time daughter of Nahash 
 and sister to the children of Jesse ? To 
 this, three answers may be given: 1. The 
 universal tradition of the Rabbis that Na- 
 hash and Jesse were identical. 2. That 
 Nahash was the king of the Ammonites, 
 and that the same woman had first been his 
 wife or concubine in which capacity she 
 had given birth to Abigail and Zeruiah 
 and afterwards wife to Jesse, and the mother 
 of his children. 3. A third possible expla- 
 nation is, that Nahash was the name not of 
 Jesse, nor of a former husband of his wife, 
 but of his wife herself. 
 
 Na'hath. 1. One of the " dukes " or 
 phylarchs in the land of Edom, eldest son 
 of Reuel the son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13, 
 17; 1 Chr. i. 87). 2. A Kohathite Levite, 
 son of Zophai (1 Chr. vi. 26). 3. A Le- 
 vite in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 
 13). 
 
 Nah'bi. The son of Vophsi, a Naph- 
 talite, and one of the twelve spies (Num. 
 xiii. 14). 
 
 N a'tior, the name of two persons in the 
 family of Abraham. 1. His grandfather ; 
 the son of Serug and father of Terah (Gen. 
 xi. 22-25). 2. Grandson of the preceding, 
 son of Terah and brother of Abraham and 
 Haran (Gen. xi. 26, 27). The order of the 
 ages of the family of Terah is not improb- 
 ably inverted in the narrative ; in which 
 case Nahor, instead of being younger than 
 Abraham, was really older. He married 
 Milcah, the daughter of his brother Haran ; 
 and when Abraham and Lot migrated to 
 Canaan, Nahor remained behind in the land 
 of his birth, on the eastern side of the Eu- 
 phrates. Like Jacob, and also like Ishmael, 
 Nahor was the father of twelve sons, and 
 further, as in the case of Jacob, eight of 
 them were the children of his wife, and 
 four of a concubine (Gen. xxii. 21-24). 
 Special care is taken in speaking of the 
 legitimate branch to specify its descent 
 from Milcah " the son of Milcah, which 
 she bare unto Nahor." It was to this pure 
 and unsullied race that Abraham and Re- 
 bekah in turn had recourse for wives for 
 their sons. But with Jacob's flight from 
 Ilaran the intercourse ceased. 
 
 Nah'shon, or Naash'on, son of Air- 
 minadab, and prince of the children of Ju- 
 dah (as he is styled in the genealogy of 
 Judah (1 Chr. ii. 10), at the time of the 
 first numbering in the wilderness (Exod.
 
 NAHUM 
 
 441 
 
 NAPHISH 
 
 TI. 23; Num. 5 7, &c.). His sister, Elish- 
 eba, was wife to Aaron, and his son, Sal- 
 mon, was husband to Rahab after the taking 
 of Jericho. lie died in the wilderness, 
 according to Num. xxvi. G4, G5. 
 
 Na'hum (consolation). Nahum " the 
 El'ioshite," the seventh in order of the 
 m nor prophets. His personal history is 
 quite unknown. The site of Elkosh, his 
 native place, is disputed, some placing it 
 in Galilee, others in Assyria. Those who 
 maintain ;he latter view assume that the 
 prophet's parents were carried into cap- 
 tivity by Tiglath-pileser, and that the 
 prophet was born at the village of Al- 
 kush, on the east bank of the Tigris, two 
 miles north of Mosul. But there is noth- 
 ing in the prophecy of Nahum to indicate 
 that it was written in the immediate neigh- 
 borhood of Nineveh, and in full view of the 
 scenes which are depicted, nor is the lan- 
 guage that of an exile in an enemy's country. 
 No allusion is made to the captivity ; while, 
 on the other hand, the imagery is such as 
 would be natural to an inhabitant of Pales- 
 tine (i. 4), to whom the rich pastures of 
 Bashan, the vineyards of Carmel, and the 
 blossom of Lebanon, were emblems of all 
 that was luxuriant and fertile. The lan- 
 guage employed in i. 15, ii. 2, is appropriate 
 to one who wrote for his countrymen in 
 their native land. In fact, the sole origin 
 of the theory that Nahum flourished in 
 Assyria is the name of the village Alkush, 
 which contains his supposed tomb, and from 
 its similarity to Elkosh was apparently 
 selected by mediaeval tradition as a shrine 
 for pilgrims. The date of Nahum's proph- 
 ecy can be determined with as little pre- 
 cision as his birthplace. It is, however, 
 certain that the prophecy was written be- 
 fore the final downfall of Nineveh, and its 
 capture by the Medes and Chaldaeans (cir. 
 B.C. 625). The allusions to the Assyrian 
 power imply that it was still unbroken (i. 
 12, ii. 13, 14, iii. 15-17). It is most proba- 
 "ble that Nahum flourished in the latter half 
 of the reign of Hczekiah, and wrote his 
 prophecy either in Jerusalem or its neigh- 
 borhood. The subject of the prophecy is, 
 in accordance with the superscription, " the 
 burden of Nineveh," the destruction of 
 which he predicts. As a poet, Nahum oc- 
 cupies a high place in the first rank of 
 Hebrew literature. In proof of this it is 
 only necessary to refer to the opening 
 verses of his prophecy (i. 2-6), and to the 
 magnificent description of the siege and de- 
 struction of Nineveh in ch. ii. His style is 
 clear and uninvolved, though pregnant and 
 forcible ; his diction sonorous and rhyth- 
 mical, the words re-echoing to the sense 
 (comp. ii. 4, iii. 3). 
 
 Nail. I. (of finger). 1. A nail or claw 
 of man or animal. 2. A point or style, e. g. 
 for writing- see Jer. xvii. 1. II. 1. A 
 
 nail (Is. xli. 7), a stake (Is. xxxiii. 20), 
 also a tent-peg. Tent-pegs are usually of 
 wood and of large size ; but sometimes, as 
 was the case with those used to fasten the 
 curtains of the Tabernacle, of metal (Ex. 
 xxvii. 19, xxxviii. 20). 2. A nail, primarily 
 a point. We are told that David prepared 
 iron for the nails to be used in the Temple ; 
 and as the Holy of Holies was plated with 
 gold, the nails also for listening the platea 
 were probably of gold. 
 
 Na'in, a village of Galilee, the gate of 
 which is made illustrious by the raising of 
 the widow's son (Luke vii. 12). The mod- 
 ern Nein is situated on the north-western 
 edge of the ' Little Hermon," or Jelel-ed- 
 Duhy, where the ground falls into the plain 
 of Esdraelon. The entrance to the place, 
 where our Saviour met the funeral, must 
 probably always have been up the steep 
 ascent from the plain ; and here, on the 
 west side of the village, the rock is full of 
 sepulchral caves. 
 
 Na'ioth, or more fully, "Naioth in Ea- 
 mah," a place in which Samuel and David 
 took refuge together, after the latter had 
 made his escape from the jealous fury of 
 Saul (1 Sam. xix. 18, 19, 22, 23, xx. 1). It 
 is evident from ver. 18, that Naioth was not 
 actually in Raman, Samuel's habitual resi- 
 dence. In its corrected form the name sig- 
 nifies " habitations," and probably means 
 the huts or dwellings of a school or college 
 of prophets over which Samuel presided, 
 as Elisha did over those at Gilgal and 
 Jericho. 
 
 Nane'a. The last act of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes was his attempt to plunder the 
 temple of Nanea at Elymais, which had 
 been enriched by the gifts and trophies of 
 Alexander the Great (1 Mace. vi. 1-4; 2 
 Mace. i. 13-16). The Persian goddess 
 Nanea is apparently the Moon-goddess. 
 Elphinstone in 1811 found coins of the Sas- 
 sanians with the inscription NANAIA, and 
 on the reverse a figure with nimbus and 
 lotus-flower. In consequence of a con- 
 fusion between the Greek and Eastern my- 
 thologies, Nanea has been identified with 
 Artemis and Aphrodite, the probability 
 being that she corresponds with the Tauric 
 or Ephesian Artemis, who was invested 
 with the attributes of Aphrodite, and repre- 
 sented the productive power of nature. 
 
 Tfa'omi, the wife of Elimelech, and 
 mother-in-law of Ruth (Ruth i. 2, &c., ii. 
 1, &c., iii. 1, iv. 3, &c.). The name is de- 
 rived from a root signifying sweetness or 
 pleasantness ; whence we read : " Call 
 me not Naomi (pleasant), call me Mara 
 (bitter) . . . why call ye me Naomi, when 
 Jehovah had testified against me ? " 
 
 Na'phish, the last but one of the sons 
 of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15; 1 Chr. i. 31). 
 The tribe descended from Nodr.b was sub- 
 dued by the Reubenites, the Gadites, and
 
 NAPHTALI 
 
 442 
 
 NATHANAEL 
 
 the half of the tribe of Manasseh, when 
 " they made war with the Hagarites, with 
 Jetur, and Nephish^ and Nodab" (1 Chr. 
 V. 19). 
 
 Naph'tali (wrestling}. The fifth son 
 of Jacob ; the second child borne to him by 
 Bilhah, Rachel's slave. His birth and the 
 bestowal of his name are recorded in Gen. 
 xxx. 8 : " and Eachel said, ' Wrestlings (or 
 contortions naplitide) of God have I 
 wrestled (niphtalti) with my sister, and 
 have prevailed.' And she called his name 
 Naphtali." At the migration to Egypt four 
 eons are attributed to Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 
 24; Ex. i. 4; 1 Chr. vii. 13). When the 
 census was taken at Mount Sinai the tribe 
 numbered no less than 53,400 fighting men 
 (Num. i. 43, ii. 30). But when the borders 
 of the Promised Land were reached, its 
 numbers were reduced to 45,400 (Num. 
 xxvi. 48-50). During the march through 
 the wilderness Naphtali occupied a position 
 on the north of the Sacred Tent with Dan 
 and Asher (Num. ii. 25-31). In the ap- 
 portionment of the land, the lot of Naphtali 
 was enclosed on three sides by those of 
 other tribes. On the west lay Asher; on 
 the south Zebulun, and on the east the 
 trans-Jordanic Manasseh. The north ter- 
 minated with the ravine of the Litdny or 
 Leontes, and opened into the splendid val- 
 ley which separates the two ranges of 
 Lebanon. The south boundary was prob- 
 ably very much the same as that which at 
 a later time separated Upper from Lower 
 Galilee. In the reign of Pekah king of 
 Israel (cir. B. c. 730), Tiglath-Pileser over- 
 ran the whole of the north of Israel, swept 
 off the population, and bore them away to 
 Assyria. But though the history of the 
 tribe of Naphtali ends here, yet under the 
 title of GALILEE the district which they had 
 formerly occupied was destined to become 
 in every way far more important than it 
 had ever before been. 
 
 Naph'tali, Mount. The mountainous 
 district which formed the main part of the 
 inheritance of Naphtali (Josh. xx. 7), an- 
 swering to " Mount Ephraim " in the centre 
 and " Mount Judah " in the south of Pales- 
 tine. 
 
 Naph'tuhim, a Mizraite nation or 
 tribe,, mentioned only in the account of the 
 descendants of Noah (Gen. x. 13 ; 1 Chr. 
 i. 11). If we may judge from their posi- 
 tion in the list of the Mizraites, the Naph- 
 tuhim were probably settled, at first, either 
 in Egypt or immediately to the west of it. 
 
 Narcis'sus, a dweller at Rome (Rom. 
 xvi. 11), some members of whose house- 
 hold were known as Christians to St. Paul. 
 Some have assumed the identity of this 
 Narcissus with the secretary of the Emperor 
 Claudius ; but this is quite uncertain. 
 
 Ward. [SPIKKNAKD.] 
 
 Na'than (a giver}. 1. An eminent 
 
 Hebrew prophet in the reigns of David and 
 Solomon. He first appears in the consul- 
 tation with David about tbe building of the 
 Temple (2 Sam. vii. 2, 3, 17). He next 
 comes forward as the reprover of David 
 for the sin with Bathsheba ; and his famous 
 apologue on the rich man and the ewe 
 lamb, which is the only direct example of 
 his prophetic power, shows it to have been 
 of a very high order (2 Sam. xii. 1-12). 
 On the birth of Solomon he was either 
 specially charged with giving him his name, 
 JEDEDIAH, or else with his education (2 
 Sam. xii. 25). At any rate, in the last 
 years of David, it is Nathan who, by taking 
 the side of Solomon, turned the scale in his 
 favor. He advised Bathsheba; he himself 
 ventured to enter the royal presence with a 
 remonstrance against the king's apathy; 
 and^at David's request he assisted in the in- 
 auguration of Solomon (1 K. i. 8, 10, 11, 
 22, 23, 24, 32, 34, 38, 45). This is the last 
 time that we hear directly of his interven- 
 tion in the history. He left two works be- 
 hind him a Life of David (1 Chr. xxix. 
 29), and a Life of Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 29). 
 The last of these may have been incom- 
 plete, as we cannot be sure that he outlived 
 Solomon. But the biography of David by 
 Nathan is, of all the losses which antiqui- 
 ty, sacred or profane, has sustained, the 
 most deplorable. His grave is shown at 
 Halhul, near Hebron. 2. A son of David ; 
 one of the four who were born to him by 
 Bathsheba (1 Chr. iii. 5; comp. xiv. 4, and 
 2 Sam. v. 14). Nathan appears to have 
 taken no part in the events of his father's 
 or his brother's reigns. He is interesting 
 to us from his appearing as one of the fore- 
 fathers of Joseph in the genealogy of St. 
 Luke (iii. 31). 3. Son, or brother, of one 
 of the members of David's guard (2 Sam. 
 xxiii. 36; 1 Chr. xi. 38). 4. One of the 
 head men who returned from Babylon with 
 Ezra on his second expedition (Ezr. viii. 
 16; 1 Esdr. viii. 44). It is not impossible 
 that he may be the same with the il son of* 
 Bani" (Ezr. x. 39). 
 
 Nathan' ael, a disciple of Jesus Christ, 
 concerning whom, under that name at least, 
 we learn from Scripture little more than 
 his birthplace, Cana of Galilee (John xxi. 
 2), and his simple truthful character (John 
 i. 47). The name does not occur in the 
 first three Gospels. But it is commonly 
 believed that Nathanael and Bartholomew 
 are the same person. The evidence for 
 that belief is as follows : St. John, who 
 twice mentions Nathanael, never introduces 
 the name of Bartholomew at all. St. Matt. 
 x. 3 ; St. Mark iii. 18 ; and St. Luke vi. 14, 
 all speak of Bartholomew, but never of 
 Nathaniel. It may be that Nathaniel was 
 the proper name, and Bartholomew (son of 
 Tholmai) the surname of the same disciple, 
 just as Simon was called Bar-Joua, and
 
 NA.THAN-MELECH 
 
 443 
 
 NAZAKITE 
 
 Joscs. Barnabas. It was Philip who first 
 brought Nathanael to Jesus, just as Andrew 
 had brought his brother Simon ; and Bar- 
 tholomew is named by each of the first 
 three Evangelists immediately after Philip, 
 while by St. Luke he is coupled with Philip 
 precisely in the same way as Simon with 
 his brother Andrew, and James with his 
 brother Jo'm. 
 
 Na'than-me'leoh, a eunuch (A. V. 
 " chamberlain ") in the court of Josiah (2 
 K. xxiii. 11). 
 
 Na'um, son of Esli and father of Amos, 
 in the genealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 25), 
 about contemporary with the high-priest- 
 hood of Jason and the reign of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes. 
 
 Nave. The Heb. gav conveys the no- 
 tion of convexity or protuberance. It is 
 rendered in A. V. boss of a shield, Job xv. 
 26 ; the eyebrow, Lev. xiv. 9 ; an eminent 
 place, Ez. xvi. 31 ; once only in plur. naves, 
 1 K.*vii. 33 ; but in Ez. i. 18, twice " rings," 
 and marg. " strakes." 
 
 Naz'arene, an inhabitant of Nazareth. 
 This appellative is applied to Jesus in 
 many passages in the N. T. Its applica- 
 tion to Jesus, in consequence of the provi- 
 dential arrangements by which His parents 
 were led to take up their abode in Naza- 
 reth, was the filling out of the predictions 
 in which the promised Messiah is described 
 as a Nttser, i. e. a shoot, sprout, of Jesse, 
 a humble and despised descendant of the 
 decayed royal family. Whenever men 
 spoke of Jesus as the Nazarene, they ei- 
 ther consciously or unconsciously pro- 
 nounced one of the names of the predict- 
 ed Messiah, a name indicative both of 
 his royal descent and his humble condi- 
 tion. Once (Acts xxiv. 5) the term Naza- 
 renes is applied to the followers of Jesus 
 by way of contempt. The name still exists 
 in Arabic as the ordinary designation of 
 Christians. 
 
 Naz'aretll, the ordinary residence of 
 our Saviour, is not mentioned in the O. T., 
 but occurs first in Matt. ii. 23. It derives 
 its celebrity from its connection with the 
 history of Christ, and in that respect has a 
 hold on the imagination and feelings of 
 men which it shares only with Jerusalem 
 and Bethlehem. It is situated among the 
 hills which constitute the south ridges of 
 Lebanon, just before they sink down into 
 the Plain of Esdraelon. Of the identifica- 
 tion of the ancient site there can be no 
 doubt. The name of the present village is 
 en-Ndzirah, the same, therefore, as of old ; 
 it is formed on a hill or mountain (Luke 
 iv. 29) ; it is within the limits of the prov- 
 ince of Galilee (Mark i. 9) ; it is near Cana, 
 according to the implication in John ii. 1, 
 2, 11; a precipice exists in the neighbor- 
 hood (Luke iv. 29) ; and, finally, a series 
 of testimonies readies back to Eusebius, the 
 
 father of Church history, which represent 
 the place as having occupied an invariable 
 position. The modern Nazareth belongs to 
 the better class of eastern villages. It has 
 a population of 3000 or 4000; a f(;w are 
 Mohammedans, the rest Latin and Greek 
 Christians. The origin of the disrepute in 
 which Nazareth stood (John i. 47) is not 
 certainly known. All the inhabitants of 
 Galilee were looked upon with contempt 
 by the people of Judaea because they spoke 
 a ruder dialect, were less cultivated, and 
 were more exposed by their position to 
 contact with the heathen. But Nazareth 
 labored under a special opprobrium, for it 
 was a Galilean and not a southern Jew who 
 asked the reproachful question whether 
 ' any good thing " could come from that 
 source. Among the " holy places " which 
 the legends have sought to connect with 
 events in the life of Christ, two localities 
 are of special interest. One of these is 
 the " Fountain of the Virgin," situated at 
 the north-eastern extremity of the town, 
 where, according to one tradition, the 
 mother of Jesus received the angel's salu- 
 tation (Luke i. 28). The other place is 
 that of the attempted Precipitation. Above 
 the town are several rocky ledges, over 
 which a person could not be thrown with- 
 out almost certain destruction. But there 
 is one very remarkable precipice, almost 
 perpendicular, and forty or fifty feet high, 
 near the Maronite church, which may well 
 be supposed to be the identical one over 
 which His infuriated townsmen attempted 
 to hurl Jesus. 
 
 Naz'arite, more properly Naz'irite 
 (one separated}, one of either sex who was 
 bound by a vow of a peculiar kind to be set 
 apart from others for the service of God. 
 The obligation was either for life or for a 
 defined time. There is no notice in the 
 Pentateuch of Nazarites for life ; but the 
 regulations for the vow of a Nazarite of 
 days are given Num. vi. 1-21. The Naz- 
 arite, during the term of his consecration, 
 was bound to abstain from wine, grapes, 
 with every production of the vine, and 
 from every kind of intoxicating drink. He 
 was forbidden to cut the hair of his head, or 
 to approach any dead body, even that of his 
 nearest relation. When the period of his 
 vow was fulfilled, he was brought to the door 
 of the tabernacle, and was required to offer 
 a he lamb for a burnt-offering, a ewe lamb 
 for a sin-offering, and a ram for a peace-of- 
 fering, with the usual accompaniments of 
 peace-offerings (Lev. vii. 12, 13) and of the 
 offering made at the consecration of priests 
 (Ex. xxix. 2), "a basket of unleavened 
 bread, cakes of fine flour mingled with oil, 
 and wafers of unleavened bread anointed 
 with oil " (Num. vi. 15). He brought also a 
 meat-offering and a drink-offering, which 
 appear to have been presented by them-
 
 KAZAEITE 
 
 444 
 
 NEBO 
 
 selves as a distinct act of service (ver. 17). 
 He was to cut off the hair of " the head of 
 his separation " (that is, the hair which had 
 grown during the period of his consecra- 
 tion) at the door of the tabernacle, and to 
 put it into the fire under the sacrifice on 
 the altar. The priest then placed upon his 
 hands the sodden left shoulder of the rain, 
 with one of the unleavened cakes and one 
 of the wafers, and then took them again 
 and waved them for a wave-offering. Of 
 the' Nazarites for life three are mentioned 
 in the Scriptures : Samson, Samuel, and 
 St. John the Baptist. The only one of 
 these actually called a Nazarite is Samson. 
 We do not know whether the vow for life 
 was ever voluntarily taken by the individ- 
 ual. In all the cases mentioned in the 
 sacred history, it was made by the parents 
 before the birth of the Nazarite himself. 
 The consecration of the Nazarite bore a 
 striking resemblance to that of the high- 
 priest (Lev. xxi. 10-12). In one particu- 
 lar, this is brought out more plainly in the 
 Hebrew text than it is in our version, in 
 the LXX., or in the Vulgate. One word 
 (n^zer), derived from the same root as 
 Nazarite, is used for the long hair of the 
 Nazarite (Num. vi. 19), where the A. V. 
 has " hair of his separation," and for the 
 anointed head of the high-priest (Lev. xxi. 
 12), where it is rendered "crown." Of 
 the two vows recorded of St. Paul, that in 
 Acts xviii. 18 certainly cannot be regarded 
 as a regular Nazarite vow. All that we 
 are told of it is that, on his way from Cor- 
 inth to Jerusalem, he " shaved his head in 
 Cenchreae, for he had a vow." It is most 
 likely that it was a sort of vow modified 
 from the proper Nazarite vow, which had 
 come into use at this time amongst the re- 
 ligious Jews who had been visited by sick- 
 ness, or any other calamity. The other 
 reference to a vow taken by St. Paul is in 
 Acts xxi. 24, where we find the brethren 
 at Jerusalem exhorting him to take part 
 with four Christians who had a vow on 
 them, to sanctify (not purify, as in A. V.) 
 himself with them, and to be at charges 
 with them, that they might shave their 
 heads. It cannot be doubted that this was 
 a strictly legal Nazarite vow. The mean- 
 ing of the Nazarite vow has been regarded 
 in different lights. It may be regarded as 
 an act of self-sacrifice. That it was essen- 
 tially a sacrifice of the person to the Lord 
 is obviously in accordance with the terms 
 of the Law (Num. vi. 2). As the Nazarite 
 was a witness for the straitness of the Law, 
 as distinguished from the freedom of the 
 Gospel, his sacrifice of himself was a sub- 
 mission to the letter of the rule. Its out- 
 ward manifestations were restraints and 
 eccentricities. The man was separated 
 from his brethren that he might be pecu- 
 liarly devoted to the Lord. This was con- 
 
 sistent with the purpose of divine wisdom 
 for the time for which it was ordained. 
 
 Ne'ah, a place which was one of the 
 landmarks on the boundary of Zcbulun 
 (Josh. xix. 13 only). By Eusebius and 
 Jerome it is mentioned merely with a cau- 
 tion that there is a place of the same name, 
 10 miles S. of Neapolis. It has not yet 
 been identified. 
 
 Neap'olis is the place in northern 
 Greece where Paul and his associates first 
 landed in Europe (Acts xvi. 11) ; where, no 
 doubt, he landed also on his second visit to 
 Macedonia (Acts xx. 1), and whence cer- 
 tainly he embarked on his last journey 
 through that province to Troas and Jeru- 
 salem (Acts xx. G). Philippi being an in- 
 land town, Neapolis was evidently the port, 
 and is represented by the present Kavcdla. 
 
 Neari'ah. 1. One of the six sons of 
 Shemaiah in the line of the royal family of 
 Judah after the captivity (1 Chr. iii. 22, 23). 
 2. A son of Ishi, and one of the cap'tains 
 of the 500 Simeonites who, in the days of 
 Hezekiah, drove out the Amalekites from 
 Mount Seir (1 Chr. iv. 42). 
 
 Neba'i, a family of the heads of the 
 people who signed the covenant with Nehe- 
 miah (Neh. x. 19). The LXX. followed 
 the written text, while the Vulgate adopted 
 the reading of the margin. 
 
 Neba'ioth, Neba'joth, the " first-born 
 of Ishmael" (Gen. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. i. 29), 
 and father of a pastoral tribe named after 
 him, the " rams of Nebajoth " being men- 
 tioned by the prophet Isaiah (Ix. 7) with 
 the flocks of Kedar. From the days of 
 Jerome this people had been identified with 
 the Nabathaeans, of whom Petra was the 
 capital, until M. Quatremere first investi- 
 gated the origin of the latter, their language, 
 religion, and history. It is possible that 
 Nebaioth went to the far east, to the country 
 of his grandfather Abraham, intermarried 
 with the Chaldaeans, and gave birth to a 
 mixed race, the Nabat. It is, however, 
 safest to leave unsettled the identification 
 of Nebaioth and Nabat until another link 
 be added to the chain that at present seems 
 to connect them. 
 
 Nebal'lat, a town of Benjamin, one of 
 those which the Benjamites reoccupicd 
 after the captivity (Neh. xi. 34). 
 
 Ne'bat, the father of Jeroboam (IK. 
 xi. 26, xii. 2, 15, &c.), is described as an 
 Ephrathite, or Ephraimite, of Zereda. 
 
 Ne'bo, Mount, the mountain from 
 which Moses took his first and last view of 
 the Promised Land (Deut. xxxii. 49. xxxiv. 
 1). It is described as in the land of Moab, 
 facing Jericho ; the head or summit of a 
 mountain called the Pisgah ; but notwith- 
 standing the minuteness of this description, 
 no one has yet succeeded in pointing out 
 any spot which answers to Nebo. 
 
 Ne'bo. 1. A town of Reuben on the
 
 NEBUCHADNEZZAR 
 
 445 
 
 NEBUCHADNEZZAR 
 
 eastern side of Jordan (Num. xxxii. 3, 38). 
 In the remarkable prophecy adopted by 
 Isaiah (xv. 2) and Jeremiah (xlviii. 1, 22) 
 concerning Aloab, Nebo is mentioned in the 
 same connection as before, but in the hands 
 of Moab. Eusebhrs and Jerome identify it j 
 with Nobah or Kenath, and place it 8 miles 
 south of Heshbon, where the ruins of el- \ 
 Ilalis appear to stand at present. 2. The 
 children of Nebo returned from Babylon 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 29, x. 43 ; Neh. 
 vii. ;>3). The name occurs between Bethel 
 and Ai, and Lydda, which implies that it 
 was situated in the territory of Benjamin 
 to -the N. W. of Jerusalem. This is pos- 
 sibly the modern Beit- Nubah, about 12 miles 
 N. W. by W. of Jerusalem, 8 from Lydda. 
 3. Nebo, which occurs both in Isaiah (xlvi. 
 1) and Jeremiah (xlviii. 1) as the name of 
 a Chaldaean god, is a well-known deity of 
 the Babylonians and Assyrians. He was 
 the god who presided over learning and let- 
 ters. His general character corresponds to 
 that of the Egyptian Thoth, the Greek 
 Hermes and the Latin Mercury. Astro- 
 nomically he is identified with the planet 
 nearest the sun. In Babylonia Nebo held 
 a prominent place from an early time. The 
 ancient town of Borsippa was especially 
 under his protection, and the great temple 
 there (the modern Birs-Nimrud) was ded- 
 icated to him from a very remote age. He 
 was the tutelar god of the most important 
 Babylonian kings, in whose names the word 
 Nalu, or Nebo, appears as an element. 
 
 Webuchadnez'zar, or Nebuchad- 
 rez'zar, the greatest and most powerful 
 of the Babylonian kings. His name is ex- 
 plained to mean "Nebo is the protector 
 against misfortune." He was the son and 
 successor of Nabopolassar, the founder of 
 the Babylonian Empire. In the lifetime 
 of his father, Nebuchadnezzar led an army 
 against Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt, de- 
 feated him at Carchemish (B. c. 605) in a 
 great battle (Jer. xlvi. 2-12), recovered 
 Coele-syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine, took 
 Jerusalem (Dan. i. 1, 2), pressed forward 
 to Egypt, and was engaged in that country 
 or upon its borders when intelligence ar- 
 rived which recalled him hastily to Babylon. 
 Nabopolassar, after reigning 21 years, had 
 died, and the throne was vacant. In some 
 alarm about the succession he hurried back 
 to the capital, accompanied only by his light 
 troops ; and crossing the desert, probably 
 by way of Tadmor or Palmyra, reached 
 Babylon before any disturbance had arisen, 
 and entered peaceably on his kingdom (B. c. 
 604). Within three years of Nebuchadnez- 
 zar's first expedition into Syria and Pales- 
 tine, disaffection again showed itself in 
 those countries. Jehoiakim, who, although 
 threatened at first with captivity (2 Chr. 
 xxxvi. 6) had been finally maintained on 
 he throne as a Babylonian vassal, after 
 
 three years of service " turned and rebelled" 
 against his suzerain, probably trusting to be 
 supported by Egypt (2 K. xxiv. 1). Not 
 long afterwards Phoenicia seems to have 
 broken into revolt; and the Chaldaean 
 monarch, who had previously endeavored 
 to subdue the disaffected by his generals 
 (ib. ver. 2), once more took the field in 
 person, and marched first of all against 
 Tyre. Having invested that city, and left a 
 portion of his army there to continue the 
 siege, he proceeded against Jerusalem, 
 which submitted without a struggle. Ac- 
 cording to Josephus, who is here our chief 
 authority, Nebuchadnezzar punished Jehoi- 
 akim with death (comp. Jer. xxii. 18, 19, 
 and xxxvi. 30), but placed his son Jehoi- 
 acliin upon the throne. Jehoiachin reigned 
 only three months ; for, on his showing 
 symptoms of disaffection, Nebuchadnezzar 
 came up against Jerusalem for the third 
 time, deposed the young prince (whom he 
 carried to Babylon, together with a large 
 portion of the population of the city, and 
 the chief of the Temple treasures), and 
 made his uncle, Zedekiah, king in his room. 
 Tyre still held out ; and it was not till the 
 thirteenth year from the time of its first 
 investment that the city of merchants fell 
 (B.C. 585). Ere this happened, Jerusalem 
 had been totally destroyed. This consum- 
 mation was owing to the folly of Zedekiah, 
 who, despite the warnings of Jeremiah, 
 made a treaty with Apries (Hophra), king 
 of Egypt (Ez. xvii. 15), and on the strength 
 of this alliance renounced his allegiance 
 to the king of Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar 
 commenced the final siege of Jerusalem in 
 the ninth year of Zedekiah, his own sev- 
 enteenth year (B. c. 588), and took it two 
 years later (B. c. 586). One effort to carry 
 out the treaty seems to have been made by 
 Apries. An Egyptian army crossed the 
 frontier, and began its march towards Jeru- 
 salem ; upon which Nebuchadnezzar raised 
 the siege, and set off to meet the new foe. 
 According to Josephus a battle was fought, 
 in which Apries was completely defeated ; 
 but the Scriptural account seems rather to 
 imply that the Egyptians retired on the ad- 
 vance of Nebuchadnezzar, and recrossed 
 the frontier without risking an engagement 
 (Jer. xxxvii. 5-8). After an eighteen 
 months' siege Jerusalem fell. Zedekiah 
 escaped from the city, but was captured 
 near Jericho (ib. xxxix. 5), and brought to 
 Nebuchadnezzar at Kiblah in the territory 
 of Hamath, where his eyes were put out by 
 the king's order, while his sons and his chief 
 nobles were slain. Nebuchadnezzar then 
 returned to Babylon with Zedekiah, whom 
 he imprisoned for the remainder of his life ; 
 leaving Nebuzar-adan, the captain of his 
 guard, to complete the destruction of the 
 city and the pacification of Judaea. Geda- 
 liah, a Jew, was appointed governor, but he
 
 NEBUSHASBAN 
 
 446 
 
 NEHEMIAH 
 
 was shortly murdered, and the rest of the 
 Jews either fled to Egypt or were carried 
 by Nebuzar-adan to Babylon. The military 
 successes of Nebuchadnezzar cannot be 
 traced minutely beyond this point. It may 
 be gathered from the prophetical Scriptures 
 and from Josephus, that the conquest of 
 Jerusalem was rapidly followed by the fall 
 of Tyre and the complete submission of 
 Phoenicia (Ez. xxvi.-xxviii.) ; after which 
 the Babylonians carried their arms into 
 Egypt, and inflicted severe injuries on that 
 fertile country (Jer. xlvi. 13-26 ; Ez. xxix. 
 2-20). We are told that the first care of 
 Nebuchadnezzar, on obtaining quiet pos- 
 session of his kingdom after the first Syrian 
 expedition, was to rebuild the temple of 
 Bel (Z?eZ- McrodacTi) at Babylon out of the 
 spoils of the Syrian war. He next pro- 
 ceeded to strengthen and beautify the city, 
 which he renovated throughout, and sur- 
 rounded with several lines of fortification, 
 himself adding one entirely new quarter. 
 Having finished the walls and adorned the 
 gates magnificently, he constructed a new 
 palace. In the grounds of this palace he 
 formed the celebrated " hanging garden." 
 But he did not confine his efforts to the or- 
 namentation and improvement of his capital. 
 Throughout the empire, at Borsippa, Sip- 
 para, Cutha, Chilmad, Duraba, Teredon, 
 and a multitude of other places, he built or 
 rebuilt cities, repaired temples, constructed 
 ^uays, reservoirs, canals, and aqueducts, 
 on a scale of grandeur and magnificence 
 surpassing everything of the kind recorded 
 in history, unless it be the constructions of 
 one or two of the greatest Egyptian mon- 
 archs. The wealth, greatness, and general 
 prosperity of Nebuchadnezzar are striking- 
 ly placed before us in the book of Daniel. 
 Towards the close of his reign the glory 
 of Nebuchadnezzar suffered a temporary 
 eclipse. As a punishment for his pride and 
 vanity, that strange form of madness was 
 sent upon him which the Greeks called Ly- 
 canthropy, wherein the sufferer imagines 
 himself a beast, and quitting the haunts of 
 men, insists on leading the life of a beast 
 (Dan. iv. 33). After an interval of four 
 or perhaps seven years (Dan. iv. 16), Neb- 
 uchadnezzar's malady left him. We are 
 told that " his reason returned, and for the 
 glory of his kingdom his honor and bright- 
 ness returned ;" and he "was established 
 in his kingdom, and excellent majesty was 
 added to him" (Dan. iv. 36). He died in 
 the year u. c. 561, at an advanced age (eigh- 
 ty-three or eighty-four), having reigned 
 forty-three years. A son, EVIL-MERODACH, 
 succeeded him. 
 
 Nebustias'ban, one of the officers of 
 Nebuchadnezzar at the time of the capture 
 of Jerusalem. He was Rab-saris, i. e. chief 
 of the eunuchs (Jer. xxxix. 13). Nebu- 
 shasban'a office and title were the same as 
 
 those of Ashpenaz (Dan. i. 3), whom he 
 probably succeeded. 
 
 Nebuzar'adan, the Rab-tabbachim, 
 i. e. chief of the slaughterers (A. V. " cap- 
 tain of the guard"), a high officer in the 
 court of NebuchadnezzaV. On the capture 
 of Jerusalem he was left by Nebuchadnez- 
 zar in charge of the city (comp. Jer. xxxix. 
 11). He seems to have quitted Judaea when 
 he took down the chief people of Jerusalem 
 to his master at Riblah (2 K. xxv. 18-20). 
 In four years he again appeared (Jer. Hi. 
 30). Nebuchadnezzar in his twenty-third 
 year made a descent on the regions east of 
 Jordan, including the Ammonites and Moab- 
 ites, who escaped when Jerusalem was de- 
 stroyed. Thence he proceeded to Egypt, 
 and, either on the way thither or on the re- 
 turn, Nebuzar-adan again passed through 
 the country and carried off more captives 
 (Jer. Hi. 30). 
 
 Ne'cho, 2 Chr. xxxv. 20, 22 ; xxxvi. 4. 
 [PHARAOH-NECHO.] 
 
 Nedabi'ah. Apparently one of the 
 sons of Jeconiah, or Jehoiachin, king of 
 Judah (1 Chr. iii. 18). 
 
 Neg'inah., properly Neginath, occuis 
 in the title of Ps. Ixi., "to the chief musi- 
 cian upon Neginath." The LXX. and 
 Vulg. evidently read "Neginoth" in the 
 plural, which occurs in the titles of Ps. iv., 
 vi., liv., Iv., Ixvii., Ixxvi., and the margin of 
 Hab. iii. 19, and is perhaps the true reading. 
 Whether the word be singular or plural, it 
 is the general term by which all stringed 
 instruments are described. "The chief 
 musician on Neginoth" was therefore the 
 conductor of that portion of the Temple- 
 choir who played upon the stringed instru- 
 ments, and who are mentioned in Ps. Ixviii. 
 25. 
 
 Neg'inotll. [NEGINAH.] 
 
 Nehel'amite, The. The designation 
 of a man named Shemaiah, a false prophet, 
 who went with the captivity to Babylon 
 (Jer. xxix. 24, 31, 32). The name is no 
 doubt formed from that either of Shemaiah's 
 native place, or the progenitor of his fam- 
 ily ; which of the two is uncertain. 
 
 Nehemi'ah. 1. Son of Hachaliah, and 
 apparently of the tribe of Judah. All that 
 we know certainly concerning him is con- 
 tained in the book which bears his name. 
 We first find him at Shushan, the winter 
 residence of the kings of Persia, in high of- 
 fice as the cupbearer of king Artaxerxes 
 Longimanus. In the 20th year of the king's 
 reign, t. e. B. c. 445, certain Jews arrived 
 from Judaea, and gave Nehemiah a deplora- 
 ble account of the state of Jerusalem. He 
 immediately conceived the idea of going 
 to Jerusalem to endeavor to better their 
 state, and obtained the king's consent to 
 his mission. Having received his appoint- 
 ment as governor of Judaea, he started 
 upon his journey, being under promise to
 
 NEHEMIAH 
 
 447 
 
 NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF 
 
 return to Persia within a given time. Ne- 
 hemiah's great work was rebuilding, for the 
 first time since their destruction by Nebu- 
 zaradan, the walls of Jerusalem, and restor- 
 ing that city to its former state and dignity 
 as a fortified town. It is impossible to over- 
 estimate the importance to the future polit- 
 ical and ecclesiastical prosperity of the Jew- 
 ish nation of this great achievement of their 
 patriotic governor. How low the commu- 
 nity of the Palestine Jews had fallen is ap- 
 parent from the fact that from the Gth of 
 Darius to the 7th of Artaxerxes there is no 
 history of them whatever. The one step 
 which could resuscitate the nation, preserve 
 the Mosaic institutions, and lay the founda- 
 tion of future independence, was the resto- 
 ration of the city walls. To this great ob- 
 ject therefore Nehemiah directed his whole 
 energies without an hour's unnecessary de- 
 la)'. In a wonderfully short time the walls 
 seemed to emerge from the heaps of burnt 
 rubbish, and to encircle the city as in the 
 days of old. It soon became apparent how 
 wisely Nehemiah had acted in hastening on 
 the work. On his very first arrival, as 
 governor, Sanballat and Tobiah had given 
 unequivocal proof of their mortification at 
 his appointment. But when the restoration 
 was seen to be rapidly progressing, their 
 indignation knew no bounds. They made 
 a great conspiracy to fall upon the builders 
 with an armed force and put a stop to the 
 undertaking. The project was defeated by 
 the vigilance and prudence of Nehemiah. 
 Various stratagems were then resorted to 
 to get Nehemiah away from Jerusalem, and 
 if possible to take his life. But that which 
 most nearly succeeded was the attempt to 
 bring him into suspicion with the king of 
 Persia, as if he intended to set himself up 
 as an independent king as soon as the 
 walls were completed. The artful letter 
 of Sanballat so far wrought upon Arta- 
 xerxes that he issued a decree stopping the 
 work till further orders. It is probable 
 that at the same time he recalled Nehemi- 
 ah, or perhaps his leave of absence had pre- 
 viously expired. But after a delay, perhaps 
 of several years, he was permitted to return 
 to Jerusalem, and to crown his work by 
 repairing the Temple and dedicating the 
 walls. Nehemiah does not indeed mention 
 this adverse decree; nor should we have 
 suspected his absence at all from Jerusalem 
 but for the incidental allusion in ch. ii. 6, 
 xiii. 6, coupled with the long interval of 
 years between the earlier and later chap- 
 ters of the book. It seems that the work 
 stopped immediately after the events nar- 
 rated in vi. 16-19, and that chapter vii. 
 goes on to relate the measures adopted by 
 him upon his return with fresh powers. 
 During his government Nehemiah firmly 
 repressed the exactions of the nobles, and 
 the usury of the rich, and rescued the poor 
 
 Jews from spoliation and slavery. He re- 
 fused to receive his lawful allowance as 
 governor from the people, in consideration 
 of their poverty, during the whole twelve 
 years that he was in office, but kept at his 
 own charge a table for 150 Jews, at which 
 any who returned from captivity were wel- 
 come. He made most careful provision for 
 the maintenance of the ministering priests 
 and Levites, and for the due and constant 
 celebration of Divine worship. He insisted 
 upon the sanctity of the precincts of the 
 Temple being preserved inviolable, and per- 
 emptorily ejected the powerful Tobiah from 
 one of the chambers which Eliashib had 
 assigned to him. He then replaced the 
 stores and vessels which had been removed 
 to make room for him, and appointed proper 
 Levitical officers to superintend and distrib- 
 ute them. With no less firmness and impar- 
 tiality he expelled from all sacred functions 
 those of the high-priest's family who had 
 contracted heathen marriages, and rebuked 
 and punished those of the common people 
 who had likewise intermarried with for- 
 eigners ; and lastly, he provided for keeping 
 holy the Sabbath day, which was shame- 
 fully profaned by many, both Jews and for- 
 eign merchants, and by his resolute con- 
 duct succeeded in repressing the lawless 
 traffic on the day of rest. Beyond the 32d 
 year of Artaxerxes, to which Nehemiah's 
 own narrative leads us, we have no account 
 of him whatever. 2. One of the leaders 
 of the first expedition from Babylon to Je- 
 rusalem under Zerubbabcl (Ezr. ii. 2 ; Neh. 
 vii. 7). 3. Son of Azbuk, and ruler of the 
 half part of Beth-zur, who helped to repair 
 the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 1C). 
 
 Nehemi'ah, Book Of, like the pre- 
 ceding one of Ezra, is clearly and certainly 
 not all by the same hand. [EZRA, BOOK 
 OF.] By far the principal portion, indeed, 
 is the work of Nehemiah ; but other por- 
 tions are either extracts from various chron- 
 icles and registers, or supplementary nar- 
 ratives and reflections, some apparently by 
 Ezra, others, perhaps, the work of the same 
 person who inserted the latest genealogical 
 extracts from the public chronicles. The 
 main history contained in the book of Ne- 
 hemiah covers about 12 years, viz., from 
 the 20th to the 32d year of Artaxerxes 
 Longimanus, i. e. from B. c. 445 to 433. 
 The whole narrative gives us a graphic and 
 interesting account of the state of Jerusa- 
 lem and the returned captives in the writer's 
 times, and, incidentally, of the nature of 
 the Persian government and the condition 
 of its remote provinces. The documents 
 appended to it also give some further infor- 
 mation as to the times of Zerubbabel, on the 
 one hand, and as to the continuation of the 
 genealogical registers and the succession 
 of the high-priesthood to the close of the 
 Persian empire on the other. The view
 
 KEHEMIAH, BOOK OF 
 
 given of the rise of two factions among the 
 Jews the one the strict religious party, 
 the other the gentilizing party sets before 
 us the germ of much that we meet with in 
 a more developed state in later Jewish his- 
 tory. Again, in this history as well as in 
 the book of Ezra, we see the bitter enmity 
 between the Jews and Samaritans acquir- 
 ing strengtli and definitive form on both 
 religious and political grounds. The book 
 also throws much light upon the domestic 
 institutions of the Jews. Some of its details 
 give us incidentally information of great 
 historical importance, (a.) The account 
 of the building and dedication of the wall, 
 iii., xii., contains the most valuable mate- 
 rials for settling the topography of Jerusa- 
 lem to be found in Scripture. (6.) The 
 list of returned captives who came under 
 different leaders from the time of Zerubba- 
 bel to that of Nehemiah (amounting in all 
 to only 42,360 adult males, and 7337 ser- 
 vants), which is given in ch. vii., conveys 
 a faithful picture of the political weakness 
 of the Jewish nation as compared with the 
 times when Judah alone numbered 470,000 
 fighting men (1 Chr. xxi. 5). (c.~) The 
 lists of leaders, priests, Levites, and of 
 those who signed the covenant, reveal inci- 
 dentally much of the national spirit as well 
 as of the social habits of the captives, de- 
 rived from older times. Thus the fact that 
 twelve leaders are named in Neh. vii. 7 in- 
 dicates the feeling of the captives that they 
 represented the twelve tribes, a feeling fur- 
 ther evidenced in the expression "the men 
 of the people of Israel."' (<.) Other miscel- 
 laneous information contained in this book 
 embraces the hereditary crafts practised by 
 certain priestly families, e. g. the apothe- 
 caries, or makers of the sacred ointments 
 and incense (iii. 8), and the goldsmiths 
 (iii. 8), and who may have been the ances- 
 tors, so to speak, of the money-changers in 
 the Temple (John ii. 14, 15) ; the situation 
 of the garden of the kings of Judah by which 
 Zedekiah escaped (2 K. xxv. 4), as seen iii. 
 15 ; and statistics, reminding one of Domes- 
 day-Book. In respect to language and 
 style, this book is very similar to the Chron- 
 icles and Ezra. Nehemiah has, it is true, 
 quite his own manner, and certain phrases 
 and modes of expression peculiar to him- 
 self. He has also some few words and 
 forms not found elsewhere in Scripture; 
 but the general Hebrew style is exactly that 
 of the books purporting to be of the same 
 age. The Book of Nehemiah has always 
 had an undisputed place in the Canon, be- 
 ing included by the Hebrews under the 
 general head of the Book of Ezra, and as 
 Jerome tells us in the Prolog. Gal. by the 
 Greeks and Latins under the name of the 
 second Book of Ezra. There is no quota- 
 tion from it in the N. T., and it has been 
 
 NEriHSII 
 
 comparatively neglected by both the Greek 
 and Latin fathers. 
 
 Ne'hiloth. The title of Ps. v. in the 
 A. V. is rendered "to the chief musician 
 upon Nehiloth." It is most likely that 
 Nehilot'a is the general term for perforated 
 wind-instruments of all kinds, as Neginoth 
 denotes all manner of stringed instruments. 
 Ne'lium. One of those who retur led 
 from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 7). 
 Nehush'ta. The daughter of Elna- 
 than of Jerusalem, wife of Jehoiakim. and 
 mother of Jehoiachin, kings of Judah ^l' K. 
 xxiv. 8). 
 
 Nehush'tan, the name by which the 
 . brazen serpent, made by Moses in the wil- 
 derness (Num. xxi. 9), was worshipped in 
 ; the time of Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 4). It is 
 evident that our translators by their ren- 
 | dering, " and he called it Nehushtan," un- 
 derstood that the subject of the sentence is 
 : Hezekiah, and that when he destroyed the 
 brazen serpent he gave it the name Ne- 
 hushtan, 4< a brazen thing," in token of his 
 utter contempt. But it is better to under- 
 stand the Hebrew as referring to the name 
 | by which the serpent was generally known, 
 the subject of the verb being indefinite 
 " and one called it ' Nehushtan.' " 
 
 Ne'iel, a place which formed one of the 
 landmarks of the boundary of the tribe of 
 Asher (Josh. xix. 27 only). It occurs be- 
 tween JIPHTHAH-EL and CABCL. If the 
 former of these be identified with Jrfnl, and 
 the latter with Kabul, 8 or 9 miles E. S. E. 
 of Akka, then Neiel may possibly he repre- 
 sented by Afi'ar, a village conspicuously 
 placed on a lofty mountain brow, just half 
 way between the two. 
 
 Ne'keb, one of the towns on the boun- 
 dary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33). It lay 
 between ADAMI and JABNEEL. A great 
 number of commentators have taken this 
 name as being connected with the pre- 
 ceding. 
 
 Neko'da. 1. The descendants of Nek- 
 
 oda returned among the Nethinim after the 
 
 captivity (Ezr. ii. 48; Neh. vii. 50). 2. 
 
 I The sons of Nekoda were among those 
 
 j who went up after the captivity from Tel- 
 
 | melah, Tel-harsa, and other places, but 
 
 I were unable to prove their descent from 
 
 j Israel (Ezr. ii. 60; Neh. vii. 62). 
 
 Nenm'el. 1. AReubenite, son of Eliab, 
 
 ! and eldest brother of Dathan and Abirani 
 
 ! (Num. xxvi. 9). 2. The eldest son of 
 
 i Simeon (Num. xxvi. 12; 1 Chr. iv. i'4>, 
 
 I from whom were descended the family of 
 
 the Nemuelites. In Gen. xlvi. 10 he is 
 
 called JEMUEL. 
 
 Ne'pheg. 1. One of the sons of Izhar 
 
 the son of Kohath (Ex. vi. 21). 2. One 
 
 of David's sons born to him in Jerusalem 
 
 (2 Sam. v. 15; 1 Chr. iii. 7, xiv. 6). 
 
 Ne'phish. An inaccurate variation
 
 NEPHISHESIM 
 
 449 
 
 XE1 IIIXIM 
 
 (found in 1 Chr. v. 19 only) of the name 
 
 M"ephiflh'esim. The children of Xe- 
 phisheriim were among the Xethinim who 
 returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 52). 
 
 Neph'thalim. A form of the name 
 Xaphtali (Tob. vii. 3; Matt. iv. 13, 15; 
 
 Neph'toah, The Water of. The 
 
 spring or source of the water or (inaccu- 
 rately) waters of Xephtoah, was one of the ! 
 landmark* in the boundary-line which aep- | 
 anited Judah from Benjamin (Josh. \v. 9, i 
 xviii. 15;. It lay X. W. of Jerusalem, in 
 which direction it seems to hare been satis- 
 factorily identified in Ain Lifta, a spring 
 situated a little distance above the village 
 of the same name. 
 
 WephU'sim. The same as NETOISHE- 
 ftiM, of which name according to Gesenius 
 it H the proper form (Ezr. ii. 50). 
 
 Wer, son of Jehiel, according to 1 Chr. 
 viii. 33, father of Kish and Abner, and 
 grandfather of king Saul. Abner was, 
 therefore, uncle to Saul, as is expressly 
 tated 1 Sam. xiv. 50. 
 
 Ne'reus, a Christian at Rome, saluted 
 by St. Paul, Rom. xvi. 15. According to 
 tradition he was beheaded at Terracina, 
 probably in the reign of Xerva. 
 
 TTer'gaL one of the chief Assyrian and 
 Babylonian deities, seems to have corre- 
 sponded closely to the classical Mars (2 K. 
 xvii. 30). He was of Babylonian origin, 
 and his name signifies, in the early Cushite 
 dialect of that country, " the great man," 
 or " the great hero." His monumental titles 
 are " the storm-ruler," " the king of bat- 
 tle," " the champion of the gods," " the 
 male principle " (or " the strong begetter"), 
 " the tutelar god of Babylonia," and " the 
 god of the chase." It is conjectured that 
 he may represent the deified Ximrod. 
 
 Ner'gal-share'zer occurs only in Jer. 
 xxxix. 3 and 13. There appear to have 
 been two persons of the name among the 
 " princes of the king of Babylon," who 
 accompanied Xebuchadnezzar on his last 
 expedition against Jerusalem. One of these 
 is not marked by any additional title ; but 
 the other has the honorable distinction of 
 Rabmag, and it is to him alone that any 
 particular interest attaches. In sacred 
 Scripture he appears among the persons, 
 who, by command of Xebuchadnezzar, re- 
 leased Jeremiah from prison : profane his- 
 tory gives us reason to believe that he was 
 a personage of great importance, who not 
 long afterwards mounted the Babylonian 
 throne. Tlii.-i identification depends in part 
 upon the exact resemblance of name, which i 
 i found on Babylonian bricks in the form j 
 of Nergal-shar-uzur ; but mainly it rests j 
 ujHjn the title of Rubu-emga, or Rab-Mag, 
 which this king bears in his inscriptions, 
 lie is the same as the* monarch called Xeri- 
 29 
 
 glissar or Xerigliasoor. who murdered Evil- 
 Merodach. the *on of Nebuchadnezzar, and 
 succeeded him upon the throne. His reign 
 lasted from B. c. 559 to B. c. ~>"^>. 
 
 Netlx'inim. As applied specifically to 
 a distinct body of men connected with the 
 services of the Temple, this name first 
 meets ns in the later books of the O. T. ; in 
 1 Chr.. Ezra, and X'ehemiah. The word, 
 and the ideas embodied in it, may, however, 
 be traced to a much earlier period. As de- 
 rived from the verb ndthan (= give, set 
 apart, dedicate), it was applied to those 
 who were specially appointed to the litur- 
 gical offices of the -Tabernacle. We must 
 not forget that the Levites were given to 
 Aaron and his sons, t. e. to the priests as 
 an order, and were accordingly the first 
 Xethinim (Xum. iii. 9, viii. 19). At first 
 they were the only attendants, and their 
 work must have been laborious enough. 
 The first conquests, however, brought them 
 their share of the captive slaves of the 
 Midianites, and 320 were given to them as 
 having charge of the Tabernacle (X'um. 
 xxxi. 47), while 32 only were assigned spe- 
 cially to the priests. This disposition to 
 devolve the more laborious offices of their 
 ritual upon slaves of another race showed 
 itself again in the treatment of the Gibeon- 
 ites. Xo addition to the number thus em- 
 ployed appears to have been made during 
 the period of the Judges, and they contin- 
 ued to be known by their old name as the 
 Gibeonites. Either the massacre at Xob 
 had involved the Gibeonites as well as the 
 priests (1 Sam. xxii. 19), or else they had 
 fallen victims to some other outburst of 
 Saul's fury, and, though there were survi- 
 vors (2 Sam. xxi. 2), the number was likely 
 to be quite inadequate for the greater state- 
 liness of the new worship at Jerusalem. It 
 is to this period accordingly that the origin 
 of the class bearing this name may be 
 traced. The Xethinim were those " who mi 
 David and the princes appointed (Heb_ 
 gare) for the service of the Levites " (Ezr.. 
 viii. 20). Analogy would lead us to con- 
 clude that, in this as in the former in- 
 stances, these were either prisoners taken: 
 in war, or else some of the remnant of the 
 Canaanites. From this time the Xethinim* 
 probably lived within the precincts of the 
 Temple, doing its rougher work, and so> 
 enabling the Levites to take a higher posi- 
 tion as the religious representatives and 
 instructors of the people. The exampla- 
 set by David was followed by his successor. 
 Assuming, as is probable, that the later 
 Rabbinic teaching represents the traditions 
 of an earlier period, the Xethinim appear 
 never to have lost the stigma of their Ca- 
 naanite origin. They were all along a ser- 
 vile and subject caste. The only period at 
 which they rise into anything like promi- 
 nence is that of the return from the cap-
 
 NETOPHAH 
 
 450 
 
 NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 tivity. In that return the priests were 
 conspicuous and numerous, but the Levites, 
 for some reason unknown to us, hung back. 
 The services of the Nethinim were conse- 
 quently of more importance (Ezr. viii. 17), 
 but in their case also, the small number of 
 those that joined (392 under Zerubbabel, 
 220 under Ezra, including " Solomon's ser- 
 vants ") indicates that many preferred re- 
 maining in the land of their exile to return- 
 ing to their old service. Those that did 
 come were consequently thought worthy of 
 special mention. 
 
 Neto'ph.ah., a town the name of which 
 occurs only in the catalogue of those who 
 returned with Zerubbabel from the Captivi- 
 ty (Ezr. ii. 22 ; Neh. vii. 26 ; 1 Esdr. v. 18). 
 But, though not directly mentioned till so 
 late a period, Nctophah was really a much 
 older place. Two of David's guard (1 Chr. 
 Xxvii. 13, 15) were Netophathites. The 
 " villages of the Netophathites " were the 
 residence of the Levites (1 Chr. ix. 16). 
 From another notice we learn that the par- 
 ticular Levites who inhabited these villages 
 were singers (Neh. xii. 28). To judge from 
 Neh. vii. 26 the town was in the neighbor- 
 hood of, or closely connected with, Bethle- 
 hem. 
 
 Netoph'athi, Neh. xii. 28. The same 
 word which in other passages is rendered 
 " the Netophathite." 
 
 Netoph'athite, The, 2 Sam. xxiii. 28, 
 29 ; 2 K. xxv. 23 ; 1 Chr. xi. 30, xxvii. 13, 
 15 ; Jer. xl. 8. The plural form, THE NE- 
 TOPHATHITES (the Hebrew word being the 
 same as above) occurs in 1 Chr. ii. 54, 
 ix. 16. 
 
 Nettle. The Hebrew word so translat- 
 ed in Job xxx. 7 ; Prov. xxiv. 31, was per- 
 haps some species of wild, mustard. The 
 Hebrew word translated nettle in Is. xxxiv. 
 13; Hos. ix. 6; Prov. xxiv. 31, maybe un- 
 derstood to denote some species of nettle 
 ( Urtica) . 
 
 New Moon. The first day of the lu- 
 nar month was observed as a holy day. In 
 addition to the daily sacrifice there were 
 offered two young bullocks, a ram, and sev- 
 en lambs of the first year as a burnt-offer- 
 ing, with the proper meat-offerings and 
 drink-offerings, and a kid as a sin-offering 
 (Num. xxviii. 11-15). As on the Sabbath, 
 trade and handicraft work were stopped 
 (Am. viii. 5), and the Temple was opened 
 for public worship (Ez. xlvi. 3 ; Is. Ixvi. 
 23). The trumpets were blown at the of- 
 fering of the special sacrifices for the day, 
 as on Ihe solemn festivals (Num. x. 10; Ps. 
 Ixx^i. 3). It was an occasion for state- 
 banquets (1 Sam. xx. 5-24). In later, if 
 not in earlier times, fasting was intermitted 
 at the new moons (Jud. viii. 6). The new 
 moons are generally mentioned so as to 
 show that they were regarded as a peculiar 
 class of holy days, distinguished from the 
 
 solemn feasts and the Sabbaths (Ez. xlv. 17; 
 1 Chr. xxiii. 31 ; 2 Chr. ii. 4, viii. 13, xxxi. 
 3; Ezr. Hi. 5; Neh. x. 33). The seventh 
 new moon of the religious year, being that 
 of Tisri, commenced the civil year, and 
 had a significance and rights of its own. It 
 was a day of holy convocation. By what 
 method the commencement of the month 
 was ascertained in the time of Moses is un- 
 certain. The Mishna describes the man- 
 ner in which it was determined seven times 
 in the year by observing the first appear- 
 ance of the moon,- which, according to 
 Maimonides, derived its origin, by tradition, 
 from Moses, and continued in use as long 
 as the Sanhedrim existed. On the 30th 
 day of the month watchmen were placed 
 on commanding heights round Jerusalem to 
 watch the sky. As soon as each of them 
 detected the moon, he hastened to a house 
 in the city, which was kept for the purpose, 
 and was there examined by the president 
 of the Sanhedrim. When the evidence of 
 the appearance was deemed satisfactory, 
 the president rose up and formally an- 
 nounced it, uttering the words, " It is con- 
 secrated." The information was immedi- 
 ately .sent throughout the land from the 
 Mount of Olives, by beacon-fires on the 
 tops of the hills. The religious observance 
 of the day of the new moon may plainly be 
 regarded as the consecration of a natural 
 division of time. 
 
 New Testament. The origin, his- 
 tory, and characteristics of the constituent 
 books and of the great versions of the N. 
 T., the mutual relations of the Gospels, 
 and the formation of the Canon, are dis- 
 cussed in other articles. It is proposed 
 now to consider the Text of the N. T. 
 The subject naturally divides itself into 
 the following heads, which will be exam- 
 ined in succession : I. The history of the 
 written Text. II. The history of the print- 
 ed Text. III. The language of the New 
 Testament. 
 
 I. THE HISTORY or THE WRITTEN TEXT. 
 1. The early history of the Apostolic writ- 
 ings externally, as far as it can be traced, 
 is the same as that of other contemporary 
 books. St. Paul, like Cicero or Pliny, of- 
 ten employed the services of an amanuen- 
 sis, to whom he dictated his letters, affixing 
 the salutation "with his own hand" (1 Cor. 
 xvi. 21; 2 Thess. iii. 17; Col. iv. 18). In 
 one case the scribe has added a clause in 
 his own name (Rom. xvi. 22). If we pass 
 onwards one step, it does not appear that 
 any special care was taken in the first age 
 to preserve the books of the N. T. from the 
 various injuries of time, or to insure per- 
 fect accuracy of transcription. They were 
 given as a heritage to man, and "it was 
 some time before men felt the full value 
 of the gift. The original copies seem to 
 have soon perished. 2. In the natural
 
 NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 451 
 
 NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 course of things the Apostolic autographs 
 would be likely to perish soon. The ma- 
 terial which was commonly used for let- 
 ters, the papyrus-paper, to which St. John 
 incidentally alludes (2 John 12 ; comp. 3 
 John 13), was singularly fragile, and even 
 the stouter kinds, likely to be used for the 
 historical books, were not fitted to bear con- 
 stant use. The papyrus fragments which 
 have come down to the present time have 
 been preserved under peculiar circum- 
 stances, as at Herculaneum or in the 
 Egyptian tombs. 3. In the time of the 
 Diocletian persecution (A. D. 303) copies 
 of the Christian Scriptures were sufficient- 
 ly numerous to furnish a special object for 
 persecutors, and a characteristic name to 
 renegades who saved themselves by sur- 
 rendering the sacred books. Partly, per- 
 haps, owing to the destruction thus caused, 
 but still more from the natural effects of 
 time, no MS. of the N. T. of the first three 
 centuries remains. But though no frag- 
 ment of the N. T. of the first century still 
 remains, the Italian and Egyptian papyri, 
 which are of that date, give a clear notion 
 of the caligraphy of the period. In these 
 the text is written in columns, rudely di- 
 vided, in somewhat awkward capital letters 
 (uncials') , without any punctuation or di- 
 vision of words. The iota, which was 
 afterwards subscribed, is commonly, but 
 not always, adscribed ; and there is no trace 
 of accents or breathings. 4. In addition 
 to the later MSS., the earliest versions and 
 patristic quotations give very important tes- 
 timony to the character and history of the 
 ante-Nicene text. Express statements of 
 readings which are found in some of the 
 most ancient Christian writers are, indeed, 
 the first direct evidence which we have, 
 and are consequently of the highest im- 
 portance. But till the last quarter of the 
 second century this source of information 
 fails us. Not only are the remains of 
 Christian literature up to that time ex- 
 tremely scanty, but the practice of verbal 
 quotation from the N. T. was not yet prev- 
 alent. As soon as definite controversies 
 arose among Christians, the text of the N. 
 T. assumed its true importance. 5. Sev- 
 eral very important conclusions follow from 
 this earliest appearance of textual criticism. 
 It is in the first place evident that various 
 readings existed in the books of the N. T. 
 at a time prior to all extant authorities. 
 History affords no trace of the pure Apos- 
 tolic originals. Again, from the preserva- 
 tion of the first variations noticed, which 
 are jften extremely minute, in one or more 
 of the primary documents still left, we may 
 be certain that no important changes have 
 been made in the sacred text which we 
 cannot now detect. 6. Passing from these 
 isolated quotations we find the first great 
 witnesses to the apostolic text in the early 
 
 Syriac and Latin versions, and in the rich 
 quotations of Clement of Alexandria (fcir. 
 A. D. 220) and Origen (A. D. 184-254). 
 From the extant works of Origen alone no 
 inconsiderable portion of the whole N. T. 
 might be transcribed. 7. Two chief causes 
 contributed especially to corrupt the text 
 of the Gospels, the attempts to harmonize 
 parallel narratives, and the influence of 
 tradition. 8. But Origen stands as far 
 first of all the ante-Nicene fathers in criti- 
 cal authority as he does in commanding 
 genius, and his writings are an almost in- 
 exhaustible storehouse for the history of 
 the text. 9. In thirteen cases Origen has 
 expressly noticed varieties of reading in 
 the Gospels (Matt. viii. 28, xvi. 20, xviii. 
 1, xxi. 5, xxi. 9, 15, xxvii. 17; Mark iii. 
 18 ; Luke i. 46, ix. 48, xiv. 19, xxiii. 45 ; 
 John i. 3, 4, 28). In three of these pas- 
 sages the variations winch he notices are 
 no longer found in our Greek copies, Matt. 
 xxi. 9 or 15 ; Mark iii. 18 (ii. 14) ; Luke 
 i. 46 ; in seven our copies are still divided ; 
 in two (Matt. viii. 28 ; John i. 28) the read- 
 ing which was only found in a few MSS. 
 is now widely spread : in the remaining 
 place (Matt, xxvii. 17), a few copies of no 
 great age retain the interpolation which was 
 found in his time "in very ancient copies." 
 10. There can be no doubt that in Origen's 
 time the variations in the N. T. MSS. were 
 beginning to lead to the formation of specific 
 groups of copies. 11. The most ancient 
 MSS. and versions now extant exhibit the 
 characteristic differences which have been 
 found to exist in different parts of the 
 works of Origen. These cannot have had 
 their source later than the beginning of 
 the third century, and probably were much 
 earlier. Bengel was the first (1734) who 
 pointed out' the affinity of certain groups 
 of MSS., which, as he remarks, must have 
 arisen before the first versions were made. 
 The honor of carefully determining the re- 
 lations of critical authorities for the N. T. 
 text belongs to Griesbach. According to 
 him two distinct recensions of the Gospels 
 existed at the beginning of the third cen- 
 tury : the Alexandrine and the Western. 
 12. From the consideration of the earliest 
 history of the N. T. text we now pass to 
 the aera of MSS. The quotations of 
 DIONYSIUS ALEX, (t A. D. 264), PETRUS 
 ALEX, (f c. A. D. 312), METHODIUS (f A. D. 
 311), and EUSEBIUS (t A. . 340), confirm 
 I the prevalence of the ancient type of text ; 
 | but the public establishment of Christianity 
 ! in the Roman empire necessarily led to im- 
 ! portant changes. The nominal or real ad- 
 | herence of the higher ranks to the Christian 
 j faith must have largely increased the de- 
 mand for costly MSS. As a natural con- 
 sequence the rude Hellenistic forms gave 
 way before the current Greek, and at the 
 same time it is reasonable to blie~ r e that
 
 NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 452 
 
 NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 smoother and fuller constructions were sub- 
 stituted for the rougher turns of the apos- 
 tolic language. In this way the foundation 
 of the Byzantine text was laid. Meanwhile 
 the multiplication of copies in Africa and 
 Syria was checked by Mohammedan con- 
 quests. 13. The appearance of the oldest 
 MSS. has been already described ( 3). 
 The MSS. of the 4th century, of which 
 Codex Vaticanus may be taken as a type, 
 present a close resemblance to these. The 
 writing is in elegant continuous (capitals) 
 uncials, in three columns, without initial 
 letters or iota subscript, or adscript. A 
 small interval serves as a simple punctua- 
 tion ; and there are no accents or breath- 
 ings by the hand of the first writer, though 
 these have been added subsequently. Un- 
 cial writing continued in general use till 
 the middle of the 10th century. From the 
 llth century downwards cursive writing 
 prevailed. The earliest cursive Biblical 
 MS. is dated 964 A. D. The MSS. of the 
 14th and 15th centuries abound in the con- 
 tractions which afterwards passed into the 
 early printed books. The oldest MSS. are 
 written on the thinnest and finest vellum : 
 in later copies the parchment is thick and 
 cparse. Papyrus was very rarely used 
 after the 9th century. In the 10th century 
 cotton paper was generally employed in 
 Europe ; and one example at least occurs 
 of its use in the 9th century. In the 12th 
 century the common linen or rag paper 
 came into use. One other kind of materi- 
 al requires notice re-dressed parchment. 
 Even at a very early period the original 
 text of a parchment MS. was often erased, 
 that the material might be used afresh. In 
 lapse of time the original writing frequent- 
 ly re-appears in faint lines below the later 
 text, and in this way many precious frag- 
 ments of Biblical MSS., which had been 
 once obliterated for the transcription of 
 other works, have been recovered; 14. The 
 division of the Gospels into " chapters " 
 must have come into general use some 
 time before the 5th century. The divis- 
 ion of the Acts and Epistles into chapters 
 came into use at a later time. It is com- 
 monly referred to Euthalius, who, how- 
 ever, says that he borrowed the divisions 
 of the Pauline Epistles from an earlier 
 father ; and there is reason to believe that 
 the division of the Acts and Catholic Epis- 
 tles which he published was originally the 
 work of Pamphilus the Martyr. The Apoc- 
 alypse was divided into sections by Andre- 
 as of Caesarea about A. D. 500. The titles 
 of the sacred books are from their nature 
 additions to the original text. The distinct 
 names of the Gospels imply a collection, 
 and the titles of the Epistles are notes by 
 the possessors, and not addresses by the 
 writers. 15. Very few MSS. contain the 
 whole N. T., twenty -seven in all out of the 
 
 vast mass of extant documents. Besides 
 the MSS. of the N. T., or of parts of i., 
 there are also Lectionaries, which contain 
 extracts arranged for the Church-services. 
 16. The number of uncial MSS. remain- 
 ing, though great when compared with the 
 ancient MSS. extant of other writings, is 
 inconsiderable. Tischendorf reckons 40 
 in the Gospels. To these must be added 
 Cod. Sinait., which is entire; a new MS. 
 of Tischendorf, which is nearly entire ; and 
 Cod. Zacynth., which contains consider- 
 able fragments of St. Luke. In the Acts 
 there are 9. In the Catholic Epistles 
 5. In the Pauline Epistles there are 14. 
 In the Apocalypse 3. 17. A complete de- 
 scription of these MSS. is given in the 
 great critical editions of the N. T. : here 
 those only can be briefly noticed which are 
 of primary importance, the first place be- 
 ing given to the latest discovered and most 
 complete Codex Sinaiticus. Codex Si- 
 naiticus (= Cod. Frid. Aug. of LXX.), 
 at St. Petersburg, obtained by Tischen- 
 dorf from the convent of St. Catherine, 
 Mount Sinai, in 1859. The N. T. is entire, 
 and the Epistle of Barnabas and parts of 
 the Shepherd of Hermas are added. It is 
 probably the oldest of the MSS. of the N. 
 T., and of the 4th century. Codex Alex- 
 andrinus (Brit. Mus.), a MS. of the entire 
 Greek,Bible, with the Epistles of Clement 
 added. It was given by Cyril Lucar, patri- 
 arch of Constantinople, to Charles I. in 
 1628, and is now in the British Museum. 
 It contains the whole of the N. T. with 
 some chasms. It was probably written in 
 the first half of the 5th century. Codex 
 Vaticanus (1209), a MS. of the entire 
 Greek Bible, which seems to have been in 
 the Vatican Library almost from its com- 
 mencement (c. A. D. 1450). It contains 
 the N. T. entire to Heb. ix. 14, xu&a : the 
 rest of the Epistle to the Hebrews, the 
 Pastoral Epistles, and the Apocalypse were 
 added in the 15th century. The MS. is 
 assigned to the 4th century. Codex Eplira- 
 emi rescriptus (Paris, B-ibl. Imp. 9), a 
 palimpsest MS. which contains fragments 
 of the LXX. and of every part of the N. T. 
 In the 12th century the original writing 
 was effaced, and some Greek writings of 
 Ephraem Syrus were written over it. The 
 MS. was brought to Florence from the 
 East at the beginning of the 16th century, 
 and came thence to Paris with Catherine 
 de' Medici. The only entire books which 
 have perished are 2 Thess. and 2 John, 
 &c. 18. The number of the cursive MSS. 
 (minuscules) in existence cannot be accu- 
 rately calculated. Tischendorf catalogues 
 about 500 of the Gospels, 200 of the Acts 
 and Catholic Epistles, 250 of the Pauline 
 Epistles, and a little less than 100 of the 
 Apocalypse (exclusive of lectionaries) ; but 
 this enumeration can only be accepted aa
 
 NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 453 
 
 NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 A rongh approximation. 19. Having sur- 
 veyed in outline the history of the trans- 
 mission of the written text, and the chief 
 characteristics of the MSS. in which it is 
 preserved, we are in a position to consider 
 the extent and nature of the variations 
 which exist in different copies. It is im- 
 possible to estimate the number of these ex- 
 actly, but they cannot be less than 120,000 
 in all, though of these a very large pro- 
 portion consists of differences of spelling 
 and isolated aberrations of scribes, and of 
 the remainder comparatively few altera- 
 tions are sufficiently well supported to cre- 
 ate reasonable doubt as to the final judg- 
 ment. Probably there are not more than 
 1600-2000 places in which the true reading 
 is a matter of uncertainty. 20. Various 
 readings are due to different causes : some 
 arose from accidental, others from inten- 
 tional alterations of the original text. 21. 
 Other variations are due to errors of sight. 
 Others may be described as errors of im- 
 pression or memory. The copyist, after 
 reading a sentence from the text before 
 him, often failed to reproduce it exactly. 
 Variations of order are the most frequent, 
 and very commonly the most puzzling 
 questions of textual criticism. Examples 
 occur in every page, almost in every verse, 
 of the N. T. 22. Of intentional changes 
 some affect the expression, others the sub- 
 stance of the passage. 23. The number 
 of readings which seem to have been al- 
 tered for distinctly dogmatic reasons is ex- 
 tremely small. In spite of the great revo- 
 lutions in thought, feeling, and practice 
 through which the Christian Church passed 
 in fifteen centuries, the copyists of the N. 
 T. faithfully preserved, according to their 
 ability, the sacred trust committed to them. 
 There is not any trace of intentional re- 
 vision designed to give support to current 
 opinions (Matt. xvii. 21 ; Mark ix. 29 ; 1 
 Cor. vii. 5, need scarcely be noticed). 24. 
 The great mass of various readings are 
 simply variations in form. There are, 
 however, one or two greater variations of 
 a different character. The most important 
 of these are John vii. 63-viii. 12; Mark 
 xvi. 9-end; Rom. xvi. 25-27. The first 
 stands quite by itself; and there seems to 
 be little doubt that it contains an authentic 
 narrative, but not by the hand of St. John. 
 The two others, taken in connection with 
 the last chapter of St. John's Gospel, sug- 
 gest the possibility that the apostolic writ- 
 ings may have undergone in some cases 
 authoritative revision. 25. Manuscripts, 
 it must be remembered, are but one of the 
 three sources of textual criticism. The ver- 
 sions and patristic quotations are scarcely 
 less important in doubtful cases. 
 - II. THE HISTORY OF THE PRINTED 
 TEXT. 1. The history of the printed text 
 of the N T. may be divided into three pe- 
 
 ric-'Js. The first of these extends from the 
 labors of the Complutensian editors to those 
 of Mill ; the second from Mill to Scholz ; 
 the third from Lachmann to the present 
 time. The criticism of the first period was 
 necessarily tentative and partial : the mate- 
 rials available for the construction of the 
 text were few, and imperfectly known. The 
 second period marks a great progress : the 
 evidence of MSS.. of versions, of Fathers, 
 was collected with the greatest diligence and 
 success; authorities were compared and 
 classified; principles of observation and 
 judgment were laid down. But the in- 
 fluence of the former period still lingered. 
 The third period was introduced by the dec- 
 laration of a new and sounder law. It was 
 laid down that no right of possession could 
 be pleaded against evidence. The " re- 
 ceived " text, as such, was allowed no 
 weight whatever. Its authority, on. this 
 view, must depend solely on critical worth. 
 From first to last, in minute details of order 
 and orthography, as well as in graver ques- 
 tions of substantial alteration, the text must 
 be formed by a free and unfettered judg- 
 ment. EARLIEST EDITIONS. 1. Tlie Com- 
 plutensian Polyglot. The glory of print- 
 ing the first Greek Testament is due to the 
 princely Cardinal XIMENES. This great 
 prelate as early as 1502 engaged the ser- 
 vices of a number of scholars to superintend 
 an edition of the whole Bible in the original 
 Hebrew and Greek, with the addition of 
 the Chaldee Targum of Onkelos, the LXX. 
 version, and the Vulgate. The volume 
 containing the N. T. was printed first, and 
 was completed on Jan. 10, 1514. The whole 
 work was not finished till July 10, 1517. 
 
 2. The edition of Erasmus. The edition 
 of ERASMUS was the first published edition 
 of the N. T. Erasmus had paid consyler- 
 able attention to the study of the N. T., 
 when he received an application from 
 Froben, a printer of Basle with whom 'he 
 was acquainted, to prepare a Greek text for 
 the press. The request was made on April 
 17, 1515, while Erasmus was in England. 
 Thedetails of the printing were not settled 
 in September in the same year, and the 
 whole work was finished in February, 1516. 
 
 3. The edition of Stephens. The scene 
 of our history now changes from Basle to 
 Paris. In 1543, Simon de Colines (Cou- 
 NAECS) published a Greek text of the N. T., 
 corrected in about 150 places on fresh MS. 
 authority. Not long after it appeared, R. 
 Estienne (STEPHANUS) published his first 
 edition (1546), which was based on a colla- 
 tion of MSS. in the Royal Library with the 
 Complutensian text. 4. The editions of 
 Bezaand Elzevir. Nothing can illustrate 
 more clearly the deficiency among scholars 
 of the first elements of the textual criticism 
 of the N. T. than the annotations of BEZA 
 (1556). This great divine obtained from
 
 454 
 
 NICODEMUS 
 
 II Stephens a copy of the N. T. in which 
 he had noted clown various readings from 
 about twenty-five MSS. and from the early 
 editions, but he used the collection rather 
 for exegetical than for critical purposes. 
 The Greek text of Beza (dedicated to Queen 
 Elizabeth) was printed by H. Stephens in 
 15G5, and again in 1576; but his chief edi- 
 tion vras the third, printed in 1582, which 
 contained readings from the Codices Bezae 
 and Claromontanus. 
 
 III. THE LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TES- 
 TAMENT. 1. The eastern conquests of 
 Alexander opened a new field for the devel- 
 opment of the Greek language. 2. At no 
 place could the corruption have been great- 
 er or more rapid than at Alexandria, where 
 a motley population, engaged in active com- 
 merce, adopted Greek as their common 
 medium of communication. And it is in 
 Alexandria that we must look for the origin 
 of the language of the New Testament. 
 Two distinct elements were combined in 
 this marvellous dialect, which was destined 
 to preserve forever the fullest tidings of 
 the Gospel. On the one side there was 
 Hebrew conception, on the other Greek 
 expression. The thoughts of the East were 
 wedded to the words of the West. This 
 was accomplished by the gradual translation 
 of the Hebrew Scriptures into the vernac- 
 ular Greek. 3. The Greek of the LXX., 
 like the English of the A. V. or the German 
 of Luther, naturally determined the Greek 
 dialect of the mass of the Jews. It is more 
 correct to call the N. T. dialect Hellenistic 
 than Alexandrine, though the form by 
 which it is characterized may have been 
 peculiarly Alexandrine at first. 4. The 
 position of Palestine was peculiar. The 
 Aramaic (Syro-Chaldaic), which was the 
 national dialect after the Return, existed 
 side by side with the Greek. It was in this 
 language, we may believe, that our Lord 
 was accustomed to teach the people ; and it 
 appears that He used the same in the more 
 private acts of His life (Mark iii. 17, v. 41, 
 vii. 34; Matt, xxvii. 46; John i. 43; cf. 
 John xx. 16). But the habitual use of the 
 LXX. is a sufficient proof of the familiarity 
 of the Palestinian Jews with the Greek dia- 
 lect; and the judicial proceedings before 
 Pilate must have been conducted in Greek. 
 5. The literal sense of the Apostolic writ- 
 ings must be gained in the same way as the 
 literal sense of any other writings by the 
 fullest use of every appliance of scholar- 
 ship, and the most complete confidence in 
 the necessary and absolute connection of 
 words and thoughts. No variation off phrase, 
 no peculiarity of idiom, no change of tense, 
 no change of order, can be neglected. The 
 truth lies in the whole expression, and no 
 one can presume to set aside any part as 
 trivial or indifferent. 6. The importance 
 
 of investigating most patiently and most 
 faithfully the literal meaning of the sacred 
 text must be felt with tenfold force, when 
 it is remembered that the literal sense is 
 the outward embodiment of a spiritual 
 sense, which lies beneath and quickens 
 every part of Holy Scripture. [BIBLE.] 
 
 New Year. [TRUMPETS, FEAST OF.] 
 
 Nezi'ah.. The descendants of Neziah 
 were among the Nethinim who returned 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 54; Neh. vii. 5G). 
 
 Ne'zib, a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 43 
 only), in the district of the Shefe-lah or 
 Lowland, one of the same group with Kei- 
 lah and Mareshah. To Eusebius and Jer- 
 ome it was evidently known. They place 
 it on the road between Eleutheropolis and 
 Hebron, 7 or 9 (Euseb.) miles from the 
 former, and there it still stands under the 
 almost identical name of Beit Nusib, or 
 Chirbeh Nasib. 
 
 Nib'haz, a deity of the Avites, intro- 
 duced by them into Samaria in the time of 
 Shalmaneser (2 K. xvii. 31). There is no 
 certain information as to the character of 
 the deity, or the form of the idol so named. 
 The Rabbins derived the name from a He- 
 brew root ndbach, "to bark" and hence 
 assigned to it the figure of a dog, or a dog- 
 headed man. There is no A priori improb- 
 ability in this : the Egyptians worshipped the 
 dog. Some indications of the worship of 
 the dog have been found in Syria, a colos- 
 sal figure of a dog having formerly existed 
 between Berytus and Tripolis. 
 
 Nib'shan, one of the six cities of Ju- 
 dah (Josh. xv. 62) which were in the dis- 
 trict of the Midbar (A. V. " wilderness "). 
 
 Nica'nor. 1. Son of Patroclus (2 
 Mace. viii. 9), a general who was engaged 
 in the Jewish wars under Antiochus Epiph- 
 anes and Demetrius I. (1 Mace. iii. 38, iv., 
 vii. 26, 49). 2. One of the first seven dea- 
 cons (Acts vi. 5). 
 
 Nicode'mus, a Pharisee, a ruler of the 
 Jews, and teacher of Israel (John iii. 1, 10), 
 whose secret visit to our Lord was the oc- 
 casion of the discourse recorded only by 
 St. John. A constitutional timidity is dis- 
 cernible in the character of the inquiring 
 Pharisee. Thus the few words which he 
 interposed against the rash injustice of his 
 colleagues are cautiously rested on a gen- 
 eral principle (John vii. 50). And even 
 when the power of Christ's love, manifested 
 on the cross, had made the most timid dis- 
 ciple bold, Nicodemus does not come for- 
 ward with his splendid gifts of affection 
 until the example had been set by one of his 
 own rank, and wealth, and station in society 
 (xix. 39). In these three notices of Nico- 
 demus a noble candor and a simple love of 
 truth shine out in the midst of hesitation 
 and fear of man. We can therefore easily 
 believe the tradition that after the resurrec-
 
 NICOLAITANS 
 
 455 
 
 NILE 
 
 in. i lie became a professed disciple of Christ, 
 and received baptism ut tbe hands of Peter 
 and John. 
 
 Nicola'itans. It will here be consid- 
 ered how far we can get at any distinct 
 notion of what the sect itself was that is 
 mentioned by this name in Rev. ii. 6, 15, 
 and in what relation it stood to the life of 
 the Apostolic age. It has been suggested 
 as one step towards this result that the name 
 before us was symbolic rather than histor- 
 ical. The Greek Nixilaus is, it has been 
 said, an approximate equivalent to the He- 
 brew Balaam, the lord, or, according to 
 another derivation, the devourer of the 
 people. We are now in a position to form 
 a clearer judgment of the characteristics of 
 the sect. It comes before us as presenting 
 the ultimate phase of a great controversy 
 which threatened at one time to destroy the 
 unity of the Church, and afterwards to taint 
 its purity. The controversy itself was in- 
 evitable as soon as the Gentiles were admit- 
 ted in any large numbers into the Church 
 of Christ. Were the new converts to be 
 brought into subjection to the whole Mosaic 
 law ? The apostles and elders at Jerusalem 
 met the question calmly and wisely. The 
 burden of the Law was not to be imposed on 
 the Gentile disciples. They were to abstain, 
 among other tilings, from " meats offered 
 to idols " and from " fornication " (Acts xv. 
 20, 29), and this decree was welcomed as 
 the great charter of the Church's freedom. 
 The two sins were very closely allied, often 
 even in the closest proximity of time and 
 place. The messages to the Churches of 
 Asia and the later Apostolic Epistles (2 
 Pete: an;! Jude) indicate that the two evils 
 appeared at that period also in close alliance. 
 The teachers of the Church branded them 
 with a name which expressed their true 
 character. The men who did and taught 
 such things were followers of Balaam (2 
 Pet. ii. 15; Jude 11). They, like the false 
 prophet of Pethor, united brave words with 
 evil deeds. In a time of persecution, when 
 the eating or not eating of things sacrificed 
 to idols was more than ever a crucial test 
 of faithfulness, they persuaded men more 
 than ever that it was a thing indifferent 
 (Rev. ii. 13, 14). This was bad enough, 
 but there was a yet worse evil. Mingling 
 themselves in the orgies of idolatrous feasts, 
 they brought the impurities of those feasts 
 into the meetings of the Christian Church. 
 And all this was done, it must be remem- 
 bered, not simply as an indulgence of appe- 
 tite, but as part of a system, supported by a 
 " doctrine," accompanied by the boast of a 
 prophetic illumination (2 Pet. ii. 1). These 
 were the characteristics of the followers of 
 Balaam, and, worthless as most of the tra- 
 ditions about Nicolas may be, they point to 
 the same distinctive evils. It confirms the 
 which has been token of their char- 
 
 acter to find that stress is laid in the first 
 instance on the "deeds "of the Nicolaitans. 
 To hate those deeds is a sign cf life in a 
 Church that otherwise is weak and faithless 
 (Rev. ii. G). To tolerate them is well nigh 
 to forfeit the glory of having been faithful 
 under persecution (Rev. ii. 14, 15). [NICO- 
 LAS.] 
 
 Nic'olas (Acts vi. 5), a native of An- 
 tioch, and a proselyte to the Jewish faith. 
 When the church was still confined to Jeru- 
 salem, he became a convert; and being a 
 man of honest report, full of the Holy Ghost 
 and of wisdom, he was chosen by the whole 
 multitude of the disciples to be one of the 
 first seven deacons, and he was ordained by 
 the apostles. A sect of Nicolaitans is men- 
 tioned in Rev. ii. 6, 15; but there is no 
 reason except the similarity of name for 
 identifying Nicolas with the sect which our 
 Lord denounces, for the traditions on the 
 subject are of no value. It would seem from 
 Rev. ii. 14, that the Nieolaitans held that it 
 was lawful " to eat things sacrificed to idols, 
 and to commit fornication," in opposition to 
 the decree of the church rendered in Acts 
 xv. 20, 29). 
 
 Nicop'olis is mentioned in Tit. iii. 12, 
 as the place where St. Paul was intending 
 to pass the coming winter. Nothing is to 
 be found in the Epistle itself to determine 
 which Nicopolis is here intended. One 
 Nieopolis was in Thrace, near the borders 
 of Macedonia. The subscription (which, 
 however, is of no authority) fixes on this 
 place, calling it the Macedonian Nicopolis. 
 But we little doubt that Jerome's view is 
 correct, and that the Pauline Nicopolis was 
 the celebrated city of Epirus. This city 
 (the " City of Victory ") was built by 
 Augustus in memory of the battle of Ac- 
 tium. It was on a peninsula to the west of 
 the bay of Actium. 
 
 Ni'ger is the additional or distinctive 
 name given to the Simeon who was one of 
 the teachers and prophets in the Church at 
 Antioch (Acts xiii. 1). 
 
 Night. [DAY.] 
 
 Night-hawk. The Hebrew word so 
 translated (Lev. xi. 16; Deut. xiv. 15) 
 probably denotes some kind of owl. 
 
 Nile, the great river of Egypt. The 
 word Nile nowhere occurs in the A. V. ; 
 but it is spoken of under the name of Sihor 
 [SiHOR], and " the river of Egypt " (Gen. 
 xv. 18). We cannot as yet determine the 
 length of the Nile, although recent dis- 
 coveries have narrowed the question. There 
 is scarcely a doubt that its largest confluent 
 is fed by the great lakes on and south of the 
 equator. It has been traced upwards for 
 about 2*00 miles, measured by its course, 
 not in a direct line, and its extent is proba- 
 bly upwards of 1000 miles more, making it 
 longer than even the Mississippi, . nd the 
 longest of rivers. On the inundation of the
 
 NIMRAH 
 
 456 
 
 NIMROD 
 
 Nile, see EGYPT. The great difference 
 between the Nile of Egypt in the present day 
 and in ancient times is caused by the failure 
 of eome of its branches, and the ceasing of 
 some of its chief vegetable products ; and 
 the chief change in the aspect of the cul- 
 tivable land, as dependent on the Nile, is 
 the result of the ruin of the fish-pools and 
 their conduits, and the consequent decline 
 of the fisheries. The river was famous for 
 its seven branches, and under the Roman 
 dominion eleven were counted, of which, 
 however, there were but seven principal 
 ones. The monuments and the narratives 
 of ancient writers show us in the Nile of 
 Egypt in old times a stream bordered by 
 flags and reeds, the covert of abundant 
 
 wild-fowl, and bearing on its waters tlio 
 fragrant flowers of the various-colored 
 lotus. Now in Egypt scarcely any reeds or 
 water-plants the famous papyrus being 
 nearly if not quite extinct, and the lotus 
 almost unknown are to be seen, except- 
 ing in the marshes near the Mediterranean. 
 Of old the great river must have shown a 
 more fair and busy scene than now. Boats 
 of many kinds were ever passing along it, 
 by the painted walls of temples, and the 
 gardens that extended around the light 
 summer pavilions, from the pleasure-galley, 
 with one great square sail, white or with 
 variegated pattern, and many oars, to the 
 little papyrus skiff, dancing on the water, 
 and carrying the seekers of pleasure whie 
 
 Bo*t Df the Nile, showing how the sail was fastened to the yards, and the nature of the rigging. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 they coul'l shoot with arrows, or knock 
 down with the throw-stick, the wikUfowl 
 that abounded among the reeds, or en- 
 gage in the dangerous chase of the hip- 
 popotamus or the crocodile. The Nile is 
 constantly before us in the history of Israel 
 in Egypt. Into it the male children were 
 cast ; in it, or rather in some canal or pool, 
 was the ark of Moses put, and found by 
 Pharaoh's daughter when she went down to 
 bathe. When the plagues were sent, the 
 sacred river a main support of the peo- 
 ple and its waters everywhere were 
 turned into blood. 
 
 Nim'rah., a place mentioned by this 
 name in Num. xxxii. 3 only. If it is the 
 same as BETH-NIMRAH (ver. 36) it belonged 
 to the tribe of Gad. By Eusebius, however, 
 it is cited as a " city of Reuben in Gilead." 
 A wady and a town, both called Nimreh, 
 have been met with in Hetheniyeh, east 
 of the Lejah, and five miles north-west of 
 Kunaw&t. 
 
 Nim'rim, The Waters of, a stream 
 or brook within the country of Moab, which 
 is mentioned in the denunciations of that 
 nation by Isaiah (xv. 6) and Jeremiah 
 (xlviii. 34). We should perhaps look for 
 the site of Nimrim in Moab proper, i. e. on 
 the south-eastern shoulder of the Dead Sea. 
 
 Nim'rod, a son of Cush and grandson 
 of Ham. The events of his life are re- 
 corded in Gen. x. 8, ff., from which we 
 learn (1) that he was a Cushite ; (2) that 
 he established an empire in Shinar (the 
 classical Babylonia), the chief towns being 
 Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneh ; and (3) 
 that he extended this empire northwards 
 along the course of the Tigris over Assyria, 
 where he founded a second group of capi- 
 tals, Nineveh, Rehoboth, Calah, and Resen. 
 (In verse 11 instead of "out of that land 
 went forth Asshur," we ought to read " out 
 of that land he went forth to Assyria," as 
 in the margin.) These events may be held 
 to represent the salient historical facts con- 
 nected with the earliest stages of the great 
 Babylonian empire. 1. In the first place, 
 there is abundant evidence that the race 
 that first held sway in the lower Babylonian 
 plain was of Cushite or Hamitic extraction. 
 The name Cush itself was preserved in Baby- 
 lonia and the adjacent countries under the 
 forms of Cossaei, Cissia, Cuthah, and Susi- 
 ana or Chuzistan. 2. In the second place, 
 the earliest seat of empire was in the south 
 part of the Babylonian plain. The large 
 mounds which for a vast number of cen- 
 turies have covered the ruins of ancient 
 cities, have already yielded some evidences
 
 NIMSHI 
 
 457 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 of the dates and names of their founders, 
 and we can assign the highest antiquity to 
 the towns represented by the mounds of 
 Nijfer (perhaps the early Babel, though 
 also identified with Calneh), Warka (the 
 Biblical Erech), Mugheir (IJr), and Sen- 
 kerth (Ellasar), while the name of Accad 
 is preserved in the title Kinzi-Akkad, 
 by which the founder or embellisher of 
 those towns was distinguished. The date 
 of their foundation may be placed at 
 about B. c. 2200. 3. In the third place, 
 the Babylonian empire extended its sway 
 northwards along the course of the Ti- 
 gris at a period long anterior to the rise 
 of the Assyrian empire in the 13th centu- 
 ry B. c. 
 
 Nim'shi. The grandfather of Jehu, 
 who is generally called " the son of Nim- 
 shi" (1 K. xix. 16; 2 K. ix. 2, 14, 20; 2 
 Chr. xxii. 7). 
 
 Nin'eveh., the capital of the ancient 
 kingdom and empire of Assyria. The 
 name appears to be compounded from 
 that of an Assyrian deity, "Nin," corre- 
 sponding, it is conjectured, with the Greek 
 Hercules, and occurring in the names of 
 several Assyrian kings, as in " Ninus," 
 the mythic founder, according to Greek 
 tradition, of the city. Nineveh is first 
 mentioned in the O. T. in connection with 
 the primitive dispersement and migrations 
 of the human race. Asshur, or, accord- 
 ing to the marginal reading, which is gen- 
 erally preferred, Nimrod, is there described 
 (Gen. x. 11) as extending his kingdom 
 from the land of Shinar, or Babylonia, 
 in the south, to Assyria in the north, and 
 founding four cities, of which the most 
 famous was Nineveh. Hence Assyria was 
 subsequently known to the Jews as " the 
 land of Nirarod " (cf. Mic. v. 6), and was 
 believed to have been first peopled by a 
 colony from Babylon. The kingdom of 
 Assyria and of the Assyrians is referred to 
 in the O. T. as connected with the Jews at 
 a very early period ; as in Num. xxiv. 22, 
 24, and Ps. Ixxxiii. 8 ; but after the notice 
 of the foundation of Nineveh in Genesis no 
 further mention is made of the city until the 
 time of the book of Jonah, or the 8th cen- 
 tury B. c. In this book neither Assyria nor 
 the Assyrians are mentioned, the king to 
 whom the prophet was sent being termed 
 the " king of Nineveh," and his subjects 
 " the people of Nineveh." Assyria is first 
 called a kingdom in the time of Menahem, 
 about B. c. 770. Nahum (? B. c. 645) di- 
 rects his prophecies against Nineveh ; only 
 once against the king of Assyria, ch. iii. 18. 
 In 2 K. (xix. 36) and Is. xxxvii. 37, the city 
 is first distinctly mentioned as the residence 
 of the monarch. Sennacherib was slain 
 there when worshipping in the temple of 
 Nisroeh his god. Zephaniah, about B. c. 
 630, couples the capital and the kingdom 
 
 together (ii. 13) ; and this is the last men- 
 tion of Nineveh as an existing city. The 
 destruction of Nineveh occurred B. c. 606. 
 The city was then laid waste, its monu- 
 ments destroyed, and its inhabitants scat- 
 tered or carried away into captivity. It 
 never rose again from its ruins. This total 
 disappearance of Nineveh is fully confirmed 
 by the records of profane history. Herod- 
 otus (i. 193) speaks of the Tigris as ' the 
 river upon which the town of Nineveh 
 formerly stood." The historians of Alex- 
 ander, with the exception of Arrian, do not 
 even allude to the city, Vver the ruins of 
 which the conqueror must have actually 
 marched. It is evident that the later Greek 
 and Roman writers, such as Strabo, Ptolemy, 
 and Pliny, could only have derived any in- 
 dependent knowledge they possessed of 
 Nineveh from traditions of no authority. 
 The political history of Nineveh is that of 
 Assyria, of which a sketch has already been 
 given. [ASSYRIA.] Previous to recent 
 excavations and researches, the ruins which 
 occupied the presumed site of Nineveh 
 seemed to consist of mere shapeless heaps 
 or mounds of earth and rubbish. Unlike 
 the vast masses of brick masonry which 
 mark the site of Babylon, they showed ex- 
 ternally no signs of artificial construction, 
 except perhaps here and there the traces of 
 a rude wall of sun-dried bricks. Some of 
 these mounds were of enormous dimensions 
 looking in the distance rather like natural 
 elevations than the work of men's hands. 
 They differ greatly in form, size, and height. 
 Some are mere conical heaps, varying from 
 50 to 150 feet high ; others have a broad flat 
 summit, and very precipitous cliff-like sides, 
 furrowed by deep ravines worn by the win- 
 ter rains. Such mounds are especially nu- 
 merous in the region to the east of the 
 Tigris, in which Nineveh stood, and some 
 of them mast mark the ruins of the Assyrian 
 capital. The only difficulty is to determine 
 which rujns are to be comprised within 
 the actual limits of the ancient city. The 
 principal ruins are 1, the group immedi- 
 ately opposite Mosul, including the great 
 mounds of Kouyunjik and Nebbi Yunus ; 
 2, that near the junction of the Tigris and 
 Zab, comprising the mounds of Nimroud 
 and Athur ; 3, Khorsabad, about 10 miles to 
 the east of the former river ; 4, Shereef Khan, 
 about oi miles to the north of Kouyunjik ; 
 and 5, Selamiyah, 3 miles to the north 
 of Nimroud. We will describe the most im- 
 portant. The ruins opposite Mosul consist 
 of an enclosure formed by a continuous line 
 of mounds, resembling a vast embankment 
 of earth, but marking the remains of a wall, 
 the western face of which is interrupted by 
 the two great mounds of Kouyunjik and 
 Nebbi Yunus. To the east of this enclosure 
 are the remains of an extensive line of de- 
 fences, consisting of moats and rampart/i.
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 458 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 The inner wall forms an irregular quad- 
 rangle with very unequal sides the north- 
 ern being 2333 yards, the western, or the 
 river face, 4533, the eastern (where the wall 
 is almost the segment of a circle) 6300 
 yards, and the southern but little more than 
 1000 ; altogether 1,3,200 yards, or 7 English 
 miles 4 furlongs. The present height of 
 
 this earthen wall is between 40 an 1 50 feet. 
 Nimroud consists of a similar enelosure of 
 consecutive mounds the remains of an- 
 cient walls. The system of defences is 
 however very inferior in importance and 
 completeness to that of Kouyunjik. The 
 indications of towers occur at regular in- 
 tervals ; 108 may still be traced on the N. 
 
 Mound of Nimroud. 
 
 and E. sides. The area forms an irregular 
 square, about 2331 yards by 2095, contain- 
 ing about 1000 acres. The N. and E. sides 
 were defended by moats, the W. and S. 
 walls by the river, which once flowed im- 
 mediately beneath them. On the S. W. 
 face is a great mound, 700 yards by 400, 
 and covering about GO acres, with a cone or 
 pyramid of earth, about 140 feet high, rising 
 in the N. W. corner of it. At the S. E. 
 angle of the enclosure is a group of lofty 
 mounds, called by the Arabs, after Nim- 
 roud's lieutenant, Athur (cf. Gen. x. 11). 
 The first traveller who carefully examined 
 the supposed site of Nineveh was Mr. Kich, 
 formerly political agent for the East India 
 Company at Bagdad ; but his investigations 
 were almost entirely confined to Kouyunjik 
 and the surrounding mounds, of which he 
 made a survey in 1820. In 1843 M. Botta, 
 the French consul at Mosul, fully explored 
 the ruins. They consisted of the lower 
 part of a number of halls, rooms, and pas- 
 sages, for the most part wainscoted with 
 slabs of coarse gray alabaster, sculptured 
 with figures in relief, the principal en- 
 trances being formed by colossal human- 
 headed winged bulls. No remains of exterior 
 architecture of any great importance were 
 discovered. The calcined limestone and 
 the great accumulation of charred wood and 
 charcoal showed that the building had been 
 destroyed by fire. Its upper part had en- 
 tirely disappeared, and its general plan 
 could anly be restored by the remains of the 
 lower story. The collection of Assyrian 
 sculptures in the Louvre came from these 
 ruins. M. Botta's discoveries at Khorsabad 
 were followed by those of Mr. Layard at 
 Nimroud and Kouyunjik, made between the 
 years 1845 and 1850. The mound of Nim- 
 roud was found to contain the rains of sev- 
 
 eral distinct edifices, erected at different 
 periods. In general plan and in construc- 
 tion they resembled the ruins at Khorsabad 
 consisting of a number of halls, cham- 
 bers, and galleries, panelled with sculptured 
 and inscribed alabaster slabs, and opening 
 one into the other by doorways generally 
 formed by pairs of colossal human-headed 
 winged bulls or lions. The exterior archi- 
 tecture could not be traced. The Assyrian 
 edifices were so nearly alike in general 
 plan, construction, and decoration, that one 
 description will suffice for all. They were 
 built upon artificial mounds or platforms, 
 varying in height, but generally from 30 to 
 50 feet above the level of the surrounding 
 country, and solidly constructed of regular 
 layers of sun-dried bricks, as at Nimroud, 
 or consisting merely of earth and rubbish 
 heaped up, as at Kouyunjik. This platform 
 was probably faced with stone masonry, re- 
 mains of which were discovered at Nimroud, 
 and broad flights of steps or inclined ways 
 led up to its summit. Although only the 
 general plan of the ground-floor can now be 
 traced, it is evident that the palaces had 
 several stories built of wood and sun-dried 
 bricks, which, when the building was de- 
 serted and allowed to fall to decay, gradu- 
 ally buried the lower chambers with their 
 ruins, and protected the sculptured slabs 
 from the effects of the weather. The 
 depth of soil and rubbish above the ala- 
 baster slabs varied from a few inches to 
 about 20 feet. It is to this accumulation 
 of rubbish above them that the bass-reliefa 
 owe their extraordinary preservation. The 
 portions of the edifices still remaining con- 
 sist of halls, chambers, and galleries, open- 
 ing for the most part into large uncov- 
 ered courts. The wall, above the wain- 
 scoting of alabaster, was plastered, and
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 459 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 painted with figures and ornamenta. The 
 sculptures, with the exception of the hu- 
 man-headed lions and bulls, were for the 
 most part in low relief. The colossal fig- 
 ures usually represent the king, his attend- 
 ants, and the gods; the smaller sculptures, 
 which either cover the whole face of the 
 slab, or are divided into two compart- 
 ments by bands of inscriptions, repre- 
 sent battles, sieges, the chase, single com- 
 bats with wild beasts, religious ceremo- 
 nies, &c., &c. All refer to public or na- 
 tional events ; the hunting-scenes evidently 
 recording the prowess and personal valor 
 of the king as the head of the people 
 " the mighty hunter before the Lord." The 
 sculptures appear to have been painted 
 remains of color having been found on 
 most of them. Thus decorated, without 
 and within, the Assyrian palaces must have 
 displayed a barbaric magnificence, not how- 
 ever devoid of a certain grandeur and beau- 
 ty which no ancient or modern edifice has 
 probably exceeded. These great edifices, 
 the depositories of the national records, ap- 
 pear to have been at the same time the 
 abode of the king and the temple of the 
 gods. Site of the City. Much diversity 
 of opinion exists as to the identification of 
 the ruins which may be properly included 
 within the site of ancient Nineveh. Ac- 
 cording to Sir H. Rawlinson and those who 
 concur in his interpretation of the cuneiform 
 characters, each group of mounds already 
 mentioned represents a separate and dis- 
 tinct city. On the other hand, it has been 
 conjectured, with much probability, that 
 these groups of mounds are not ruins of 
 separate cities, but of fortified royal resi- 
 dences, each combining palaces, temples, 
 propylaea, gardens, and parks, and having 
 its peculiar name ; and that they all formed 
 part of one great city built and added to at 
 different periods, and consisting of distinct 
 quarters scattered over a very large area, 
 and frequently very distant one from the 
 other. Nineveh might thus be compared 
 with Damascus, Ispahan, or perhaps more 
 appropriately with Delhi. It is thus alone 
 that the ancient descriptions of Nineveh, if 
 any value whatever is to be attached to 
 them, can be reconciled with existing re- 
 mains. As at Babylon, no great consec- 
 utive wall of enclosure comprising all the 
 ruins has been discovered at Nineveh, and 
 no such wall ever existed. Prophecies re- 
 lating to Nineveh, and Illustrations of the 
 O. T. These are exclusively contained 
 in the books of Nahum and Zephaniah ; 
 fur although Isaiah foretells the downfall 
 of the Assyrian empire (ch. x. and xiv.), 
 he makes no mention of its capital. Na- 
 hum threatens the entire destruction of the 
 city, so that it shall not rise again from its 
 ruins : " With an overrunning flood he 
 will make an utter end of the place there- 
 
 of." " He will make an utt fr end : afflic- 
 tion shall not rise up the second time " (i. 
 8, 9). "Thy people is scattered upon the 
 mountains, and no one gathereth them. 
 There is no healing of thy bruise " (iii. 18, 
 19). Some commentators believe that 
 " the overrunning flood " refers to the 
 agency of water in the destruction of the 
 walls by an extraordinary overflow of the 
 Tigris, and the consequent exposure of 
 the city to assault through a breach ; others, 
 that it applies to a large and devastating 
 army. Most of the edifices discovered had 
 been destroyed by fire, but no part of the 
 walls of either Nimroud or Kouyunjik ap- 
 pears to have been washed away by the 
 river. The likening of Nineveh to " a 
 pool of water" (ii. 8) has been conjectured 
 to refer to the moats and dams by which a 
 portion of the country around Nineveh 
 could be flooded. The city was to be part- 
 ly destroyed by fire. " The fire shall de- 
 vour thy bars," " then shall the fire devour 
 thee" (iii. 13, 15). The gateway in the 
 northern wall of the Kouyunjik enclosure 
 had been destroyed by fire as well as the 
 palaces. The population was to be sur- 
 prised when unprepared, " while they are 
 drunk as drunkards they shall be devoured 
 as stubble fully dry " (i. 10). Diodorus 
 states that the last and fatal assault was 
 made when they were overcome with wine. 
 The captivity of the inhabitants and their 
 removal to distant provinces are predicted 
 (iii. 18). The palace-temples were to be 
 plundered of their idols : " Out of the house 
 of thy gods will I cut off the graven image 
 and the molten image " (i. 1-4), and the city 
 sacked of its wealth : " Take ye the spoil 
 of silver, take the spoil of gold " (ii. 9). 
 For ages the Assyrian edifices have been 
 despoiled of their sacred images. Only 
 one or two fragments of the precious met- 
 als were found in the ruins. Nineveh, 
 after its fall, was to be " empty, and void, 
 and waste " (ii. 10) ; "it shall come to 
 pass, that all they that look upon thee shall 
 flee from thee, and say, Nineveh is laid 
 waste " (iii. 7). . These epithets describe the 
 present state of the site of the city. But 
 the fullest and the most vivid and poetical 
 picture of its ruined and deserted condi- 
 tion is that given by Zephaniah, who prob- 
 ably lived to see its fall (ii. 13, 14, 15). 
 The canals which once fertilized the soil are 
 now dry. Except when the earth is green 
 after the periodical rains, the site of the city, 
 as well as the surrounding country, is an 
 arid yellow waste. Many allusions in the 
 O. T. to the dress, arms, modes of warfare, 
 and customs of the people of Nineveh, as 
 well as of the Jews, are explained by the 
 Nineveh monuments. Thus (Nah. ii. 3), 
 " The shield of his mighty men is nude red, 
 the valiant men are in scarlet." Tte shields 
 and the dresses of the warriors are general-
 
 460 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 ly painted red in the sculpt ires. The mag- 
 nificent description of the assault upon the 
 city (Hi. 1, 2, 3) is illustrated in almost 
 every particular. The mounds built up 
 against the walls of a besieged town (Is. 
 xxxvii. 33; 2 K. xix. 32; Jer. xxxii. 2i; 
 &.C.), the battering-ram (Ez. iv. 2), the 
 various kinds of armor, helmets, shields, 
 spears, and swords, used in battle during a 
 siege; the chariots and horses (Nah. iii. 3), 
 are all seen in various bass-reliefs. The 
 interior decoration of the Assyrian palaces 
 is described by Ezekiel, himself a captive 
 in Assyria and an eye-witness of their 
 magnificence (xxiii. 14, 15) ; a description 
 strikingly illustrated by the sculptured like- 
 nesses of the Assyrian kings and warriors. 
 The mystic figures seen by the prophet in 
 his vision (ch. i.), uniting the man, the lion, 
 the ox, and the eagle, may have been sug- 
 gested by the eagle-headed idols, and man- 
 headed bulls and lions, and the sacred 
 emblem of the "wheel within wheel" by 
 the winged circle or globe frequently repre- 
 sented in the bass-reliefs. Arts. The 
 origin of Assyrian art is a subject at present 
 involved in mystery, and one which offers a 
 wide field for speculation and research. 
 Those who derive the civilization and polit- 
 ical system of the Assyrians from Babylonia 
 would trace their arts to the same source. 
 Oie of the principal features of their archi- 
 tecture, the artificial platform serving as a 
 substructure for their national edifices, may 
 have been taken from a people inhabiting 
 plains perfectly flat, such as those of Shi- 
 nar. rather than an undulating country in 
 which natural elevations are not uncom- 
 mon, such as Assyria proper, In none of 
 the arts of the Assyrians have any traces 
 hitherto been found of progressive change. 
 In sculpture, as probably in painting also, 
 if we possessed the means of comparison, 
 the same thing is observable as in the re- 
 mains of ancient Egypt. The earliest works 
 hitherto discovered show the result of a 
 lengthened period of gradual development, 
 which, judging from the slow progress made 
 by untutored man in the arts, must have 
 extended over a vast number of years. 
 They exhibit the arts of the Assyrians at 
 the highest stage of excellence they prob- 
 ably ever attained. The only change we 
 can trace, as in Egypt, is one of decline or 
 " decadence." The arts of the Assyrians, 
 especially their architecture, spread to sur- 
 rounding nations, as is usually the case 
 when one race is brought into contact with 
 another in a lower state of civilization. 
 They appear to have crossed the Euphrates, 
 and to have had more or less influence on 
 the countries between it and the Mediter- 
 ranean. The Assyrian inscriptions seem 
 to indicate a direct dependence of Judaea 
 upon Assyria from a very early period. 
 From the descriptions of the temple and 
 
 "houses" of Solomon (cf. 1 K. vi., vii. ; 2 
 Chr. hi., iv.), it would appear that there was 
 much similarity between them and the pal- 
 aces of Nineveh, if not in the exterior arch- 
 itecture, certainly in the interior decora- 
 tions. The Jewish edifices were, ho'vever, 
 very much inferior in size to the Assyrian. 
 Of objects of art (if we may use the term) 
 contained in the Temple we have the de- 
 scription of the pillars, of the brazen sea, 
 and of various bronze or copper vessels. 
 The Assyrian character of these objects is 
 very remarkable. The influence of Assyria 
 to the eastward was even more considerable, 
 extending far into Asia. Amongst the As- 
 syrians, the arts were principally employed, 
 as amongst all nations in their earlier 
 stages of civilization, for religious and 
 national purposes. The colossal figures at 
 the doorways of the palaces were mythic 
 combinations to denote the attributes of a 
 deity. The " Man-Bull " and the " Man- 
 Lion," are conjectured to be the gods 
 " Nin " and " Nergal," presiding over war 
 and the chase; the eagle-headed and fish- 
 headed figures so constantly repeated in the 
 sculptures, and as ornaments of vessels of 
 metal, or in embroideries Nisroch and 
 Dagon. The bass-reliefs almost invariably 
 record some deed of the king, as head of 
 the nation, in war, and in combat with wild 
 beasts, or his piety in erecting vast palace- 
 temples to the gods. Hitherto no sculp- 
 tures specially illustrating the private life 
 of the Assyrians have been discovered, 
 except one or two incidents, such as men 
 baking bread or tending horses. This may 
 be partly owing to the fact that no traces 
 whatever have yet been found of their burial 
 places, or even of their mode of dealing with 
 the dead. Writing and Language. The 
 ruins of Nineveh have furnished a vast 
 collection of inscriptions partly carved on 
 marble or stone slabs, and partly impressed 
 upon bricks, and upon clay cylinders, or 
 six-sided and eight-sided prisms, barrels, 
 and tablets, which, used for the purpose 
 when still moist, were afterwards baked in 
 a furnace or kiln. (Comp. Ez. iv. 4.) The 
 character employed was the arrow-headed 
 or cuneiform so called from each letter 
 being formed by marks or elements resem- 
 bling an arrow-head or a wedge. This 
 mode of writing, believed by some to be 
 of Turanian or Scythic origin, prevailed 
 throughout the provinces comprised in the 
 Assyrian, Babylonian, and the eastern por- 
 tion of the ancient Persian empires, from 
 the earliest times to which any known 
 record belongs, or at least 20 centuries be- 
 fore the Christian era, down to the period 
 of the conquests of Alexander. The Assyr- 
 ian and Babylonian alphabet (if the term 
 may be applied to above 200 signs) is of the 
 most complicated, imperfect, and arbitrary 
 nature some characters being phonetic,
 
 NINEVITES 
 
 461 
 
 NOAH 
 
 others syllabic, others ideographic the 
 same character being frequently used in- 
 differently. The people of Nineveh spoke 
 a Sheniitic dialect, connected with the He- 
 brew and with the so-called Chaldee of the 
 Books of Daniel and Ezra. This agrees with 
 the testimony of the O. T. The Assyrian 
 inscriptions usually contain the chronicles 
 of the king who built or restored the edifice 
 in which they are found, records of his wars 
 and expeditions into distant countries, of 
 the amount of tribute and spoil taken from 
 conquered tribes, of the building of temples 
 and palaces, and invocations to the gods of 
 Assyria. These inscribed bricks are of the 
 greatest value in restoring the royal dynas- 
 ties. The most important inscription hith- 
 erto discovered in connection with Bibli- 
 cal history, is that upon a pair of colossal 
 human-headed bulls from Kouyunjik, now 
 in the British Museum, containing the 
 records of Sennacherib, and describing, 
 amongst other events, his wars with Heze- 
 kiah. It is accompanied by a series of bass- 
 reliefs believed to represent the siege and 
 capture of Lachish. A list of nineteen or 
 twenty kings can already be compiled, and 
 the annals of the greater number of them 
 will probably be restored to the lost history 
 of one of the most powerful empires of the 
 ancient world, and of one which appears to 
 have exercised perhaps greater influence 
 than any other upon the subsequent condi- 
 tion and development of civilized man. 
 
 Nin'evites, the inhabitants of Nineveh 
 (Luke xi. 30). 
 
 Ni'san. [MONTHS.] 
 
 Nis'roch, an idol of Nineveh, in whose 
 temple Sennacherib was worshipping when 
 assassinated by his sons, Adrammelech and 
 Sharezer (2 K. xix. 37; Is. xxxvii. 38). 
 The word signifies " the great eagle." It is 
 identified with the eagle-headed human 
 figure, which is one of the most prominent 
 on the earliest Assyrian monuments, and is 
 always represented as contending with and 
 conquering the lion or the bull. 
 
 Nitre occurs in Prov. xxv. 20, " and as 
 vinegar upon nitre ; " and in Jer. ii. 22. 
 The substance denoted is not that which we 
 now understand by the term nitre, i. e. 
 nitrate of potassa " saltpetre " but the 
 nitrum of the Latins, and the natron or 
 native carbonate of soda of modern chemis- 
 try. The latter part of the passage in Prov- 
 erbs is well explained by Shaw, who says 
 (Trav. ii. 387), "the unsuitabloness of the 
 singing of songs to a heavy heart is very 
 finely compared to the contrariety there is 
 between vinegar and natron. 
 
 No. [NO-AMON.] 
 
 Noadi'ah. 1. A Levite, son of Binnui. 
 who with Meremoth, Eleazar, and Jozabad, 
 weighed the vessels of gold and silver be- 
 longing to the Temple which were brought 
 buck from Babvlon (Ezr. viii. 33). 2. The 
 
 prophetess Noadiah joined Sanballat and 
 Tobiah in their attempt to intimidate Ne- 
 hemiah (Neh. vi. 14). 
 
 No'ah, the tenth in descent from Adam, 
 in the line of Scth, was the son of Lamech, 
 and grandson of Methuselah. In the reason 
 which Lamech gives for calling his son 
 Noah, there is a play upon the name which 
 it is impossible to preserve in English. He 
 called his name Noah (Noach, rest), saying, 
 " This same shall comfort us." Of Noah 
 himself we hear nothing till he is 500 years 
 old, when it is said he begat three sons, 
 Shem, Ham, and Japhet. In consequence 
 of the grievous and hopeless wickedness of 
 the world at this time, God resolved to de- 
 stroy it. "My Spirit," He says, "shall 
 not always ' dwell ' or ' bear sway ' in man 
 inasmuch as he is but flesh." The mean- 
 ing of which seems to be, that whilst God 
 had put His Spirit in man, i. e. not only the 
 breath of life, but a spiritual part capable 
 of recognizing, loving, and worshipping 
 Him, man had so much sunk down into the 
 lowest and most debasing of fleshly pleas- 
 ures, as to have almost extinguished the 
 higher light within him. Then follows, 
 " But his days shall be a hundred and 
 twenty years," which has been interpreted 
 by some to mean, that still a time of grace 
 shall be given for repentance, viz. 120 years 
 before the Flood shall come ; and by others, 
 that the duration of human life should in 
 future be limited to this term of years, 
 instead of extending over centuries as 
 before. This last seems the most nat- 
 ural interpretation of the Hebrew words- 
 Of Noah's life during this age of almost 
 universal apostasy we are told but little. 
 It is merely said, that he was a right- 
 eous man and perfect in his genera- 
 tions (i, e. amongst his contemporaries), 
 and that he, like Enoch, walked with God. 
 St. Peter calls him " a preacher of right- 
 eousness " (2 Pet. ii. 5). Besides this we 
 are merely told that he had three sons, each 
 of whom had married a wife ; that ho built 
 the Ark in accordance with Divine direc- 
 tion ; and that he was 600 years old when 
 the flood came (Gen. vi., vii.). Both about 
 the Ark and the Flood so many questions 
 have been raised, that we must consider 
 each of these separately. The Ark. The 
 precise meaning of the Hebrew word 
 (tcbdli) is uncertain. The word occurs 
 only in Genesis and in Exodus (ii. 3). In 
 all probability it is to the old Egyptian that 
 we are to look for its original form. Bun- 
 sen, in his vocabulary, gives Iba, " a chest," 
 tpt, " a boat," and in the Copt. Vers. of 
 Exod. ii. 3, 5, thebi is the rendering of 
 tebfih. This " chest," or " boat," was to be 
 made of gopher (i. e. cypress) wood, a kind 
 of timber which both for its lightness and its 
 durability was employed by the Phoenicians 
 for building their vessels. The planks of
 
 NOAH 
 
 462 
 
 NOAH 
 
 thtj ark, after being put together, were to 
 be protected by a coating of pitch, or rather 
 bitumen, which was to be laid on both in- 
 side and outside, as the most effectual 
 means of making it water-tight, and per- 
 liaps also as a protection against the attacks 
 of marine animals. The ark was to consist 
 of a number of " nests " or small compart- 
 ments, with a view, no doubt, to the con- 
 venient distribution of the different animals 
 and their food. These were to be arranged 
 in three tiers, one above another; "with 
 lower, second, and third (stories) shalt thou 
 make it." Means were also to be provided 
 for letting light into the ark. In the A. V. 
 we read, " A window shalt thou make to 
 the ark. and in a cubit shalt thou finish it 
 above " words which, it must be con- 
 fessed, convey no very intelligible idea. 
 The original, however, is obscure, and has 
 been differently interpreted. What the 
 " window," or " light-hole " was, is very 
 puzzling. It was to be at the top of the 
 ark, apparently. If the words " unto a 
 cubit shalt thou finish it above" refer to 
 the window, and not to the ark itself, they 
 seem to imply that this aperture, or sky- 
 light, extended to the breadth of a cubit the 
 whole length of the roof. But if so, it 
 could not have been merely an open slit, 
 for that would have admitted the rain. Are 
 we then to suppose that some transparent, 
 or at least translucent, substance was em- 
 ployed? It would almost seem so. But 
 besides the window there was to be a door. 
 This was to be placed in the side of the 
 ark. Of the shape of the ark nothing is 
 said ; but its dimensions are given. It was 
 to be 300 cubits in length, 50 in breadth, 
 and 30 in height. Taking 21 inches for the 
 cubit, the ark would be 525 feet in length. 
 87 feet 6 inches in breadth, and 52 feet 6 
 inches in-height. This is very considerably 
 larger than the largest British man-of-war. 
 It should be remembered that this huge 
 structure was only intended to float on the 
 water, and was not in the proper sense of 
 the word a ship. It had neither mast, sail, 
 nor rudder ; it was in fact nothing but an 
 enormous floating house, or oblong box 
 rather. Two objects only were aimed at 
 in its construction : the one was that it 
 should have ample stowage, and the other 
 that it should be able to keep steady upon 
 the water. After having given Noah the 
 necessary instructions for the building of 
 the ark, God tells him the purpose for 
 which it was designed. The earth is to be 
 destroyed by water. " And I, behold I do 
 bring the flood waters upon the earth 
 to destroy all flesh wherein is the breath of 
 life . . . but I will establish my covenant 
 with thee," &c. (vi. 17, 18). The inmates 
 of the ark are then specified. They are to 
 be Noah and his wife, and his three sons 
 with their wives. Noah is also to take a 
 
 pair of each kind of animal into the ark 
 with him that he may preserve them alive ; 
 birds, domestic animals, and creeping things 
 are particularly mentioned. He is to pro- 
 vide for the wants of each of these stores 
 " of every kind of food that is eaten." It 
 is added, "Thus did Noah; according to 
 all that God commanded him, so did he." 
 A remarkable addition to these directions 
 occurs in the following chapter. The pairs 
 of animals are now limited to one of unclean 
 animals, whilst of clean animals and birds 
 (ver. 2), Noah is to take to him seven pairs. 
 Are we then to understand that Noah lit- 
 erally conveyed a pair of all the animals of 
 the world into the ark? This question vir- 
 tually contains in it another, viz., whether 
 the deluge was universal, or only partial ? 
 If it was only partial, then of course it was 
 necessary to find room but for a compara- 
 tively small number of animals ; and the 
 dimensions of the ark are ample enough for 
 the required purpose. But it is not only 
 the inadequate size of the ark to contain 
 all, or anything like all, the progenitors of 
 our existing species of animals, which is 
 conclusive against a universal deluge. An- 
 other fact points with still greater force, if 
 possible, in the same direction, and that is 
 the manner in which we now find these an- 
 imals distributed over the earth's surface. 
 We now know that every great continent 
 has its own peculiar fauna; that the origi- 
 nal centres of distribution must have been 
 not one, but many ; further, that the areas 
 or circles around these centres must have 
 been occupied by their pristine animals in 
 ages long anterior to that of the Noachian 
 Deluge. It is quite plain, then, that if all 
 the animals of the world were literally 
 gathered together in the ark, and so saved 
 from the waters of a universal deluge, this 
 could only have been effected (even sup- 
 posing there was space for them in the 
 ark) by a most stupendous miracle. But 
 the narrative does not compel us to adopt 
 so tremendous an hypothesis. We shall 
 see more clearly when we come to con- 
 sider the language used with regard to 
 the Flood itself, that even that language, 
 strong as it undoubtedly is, does not oblige 
 us to suppose that the Deluge was uni- 
 versal. The Flood. The ark was fin- 
 ished, and all its living freight was gathered 
 into it as in a place of safety. Jehovah 
 shut him in, says the chronicler, speaking 
 of Noah. And then there ensued a solemn 
 pause of seven days before the threatened 
 destruction was let loose. At last the Flood 
 came ; the waters were upon the earth. The 
 narrative is vivid and forcible, though en- 
 tirely wanting in that sort of description 
 which in a modern historian or poet would 
 have occupied the largest space. But one 
 impression is left upon the mind with pecu- 
 liar vividness, from the very simplicity of
 
 NOAH 
 
 463 
 
 NOAH 
 
 the narrative, and it is that of utter desola- 
 tion. From vii. 17 to the end of the chap- 
 ter a very simple but very powerful and 
 impressive description is given of the appall- 
 ing catastrophe. The waters of the Flood 
 increased for a period of 190 days (40+150, 
 comparing vii. 12 and 24). And then "God 
 remembered Noah," and made a wind to 
 pass over the earth, so that the waters were 
 assuaged. The ark rested on the seventeenth 
 day of the seventh month on the mountains 
 of Ararat. After this the waters gradually 
 decreased till the first day of the tenth 
 month, when the tops of the mountains were 
 eeen. It was then that Noah sent forth, first, 
 the raven, which flew hither and thither, 
 resting probably on the mountain-tops, but 
 not returning to the ark ; and next, after an 
 interval of seven days (cf. ver. 10), the 
 dove, " to see if the waters were abated from 
 the ground" (i. e. the lower plain country). 
 " But the dove found no rest for the sole of 
 her foot, and she returned unto him into the 
 ark." After waiting for another seven days 
 he again sent forth the dove, which returned 
 this time with a fresh olive-leaf in her 
 mouth, a sign that the waters were still 
 lower. And once more, after another inter- 
 val of seven days, he sent forth the dove, 
 and she " returned not again unto him any 
 more," having found a home for herself upon 
 the earth. Whether the Flood was univer- 
 sal or partial has given rise to much contro- 
 versy ; but there can be no doubt that it was 
 universal, so far as man was concerned : we 
 mean that it extended to all the then known 
 world. The literal truth of the narrative 
 obliges us to believe that the whole human 
 race, except eight persons, perished by the 
 waters of the Flood. In the New Testament 
 our Lord gives the sanction of His own au- 
 thority to the historical truth of the narra- 
 tive (Matt. xxiv. 37 ; Luke xvii. 26), declar- 
 it-jf that the state of the world at His second 
 con. _^ "b.all be such as it was in the days 
 of Nci_, St. Peter speaks of the " long- 
 suffering of God," which "waited in the 
 days of Noah while the ark was a preparing, 
 wherein few, that is, eight souls, were saved 
 by water," and sees in the waters of the 
 Flood by which the ark was borne up a type 
 of Baptism, by which the Church is separat- 
 ed from the world (1 Pet. iii. 20, 21). And 
 again, in his Second Epistle (2 Pet. ii. 5), 
 he cites it as an instance of the righteous 
 judgment of God, who spared not the old 
 world. But the language of the Book of 
 Genesis does not compel us to suppose that 
 the whole surface of the globe was actually 
 covered with water, if the evidence of geol- 
 ogy requires us to adopt the hypothesis of a 
 partial deluge. It is natural to suppose that 
 the writer, when he speaks of " all flesh," 
 " all in whose nostrils was the breath of 
 life," refers only to his own locality. This 
 sort of language is common enough in the 
 
 Bible when only a small part of the globe i* 
 intended. Thus, for instance, it is said that 
 " all countries came into Egypt to Joseph 
 to buy corn ; " and that " a decree went out 
 from Caesar Augustus that all the world 
 should be taxed." In these and many simi- 
 lar passages the expressions of the writer 
 are obviously not to be taken in an exactly 
 literal sense. Even the apparently very 
 distinct phrase " all the high hills that were 
 under the whole heaven were covered " may 
 be matched by another precisely similar, 
 where it is said that God would put the fear 
 and the dread of Israel upon every nation 
 under heaven. The truth cf the Biblical 
 narrative is confirmed by the numerous tra- 
 ditions of other nations, which have pre- 
 served the memory of a great and destruc- 
 tive Sood, from which but a small part of 
 mankind escaped. They seem to point back 
 to a common centre, whence they were car- 
 ried by the different families of man, as they 
 wandered east and west. The traditions 
 which come nearest to the Biblical account 
 are those of the nations of Western Asia. 
 Foremost among these is the Chaldean. It 
 is preserved in a fragment of Berosus, and 
 tells how Xisuthrus built a vessel in which 
 he was saved from a great deluge, with 
 different animals, birds, and quadrupeds. 
 Other notices of a Flood may be found (a) 
 in the Phoenician mythology, where the 
 victory of Pontus (the sea) over Demarous 
 (the earth) is mentioned : (&) in the Sibyl- 
 li'ne Oracles, partly borrowed no doubt from 
 the Biblical narrative, and partly perhaps 
 from some Babylonian story. To these 
 must be added (c) the Phyrgian story of 
 king Annakos or Nannakos (Enoch) in 
 Iconium, who reached an age of more than 
 300 years, foretold the Flood, and wept and 
 prayed for his people, seeing the destruction 
 that was coming upon them. There is a 
 medal of Apamea in Phrygia, struck as late 
 as the time of Septitnius Severus, in which 
 the Phrygian deluge is commemorated. 
 
 Bledal of Apamea in Phrygia, representing the Deluge 
 
 This medal represents a kind of square 
 vessel floating in the water. Through an 
 opening in it are seen two persons, a man 
 and a woman. Upon the top of this chest 
 or ark is perched a bird, whilst another fliea
 
 NOAH 
 
 464 
 
 NON 
 
 towards it carrying a branch between its 
 feet. Before the vessel are represented the 
 same pair as having just quitted it, and got 
 upon the dry land. Singularly enough, 
 too, on some specimens of this medal the 
 letters Nil, or NilE, have been found on 
 the vessel, as in the preceding cut. After 
 the Flood. Noah's first act after he left 
 the ark was to build an altar, and to offer 
 sacrifices. This is the first altar of which 
 we read in Scripture, and the first burnt 
 sacrifice. Then follows the blessing of God 
 upon Noah and his sons. All living crea- 
 tures are now given to man for food ; but 
 express provision is made that the blood (in 
 which is the life) should not be eaten. 
 Next, God makes provision for the security 
 of human life. The blood of man, in which 
 is his life, is yet more precious than the 
 blood of beasts. Hence is laid the first 
 foundation of the civil power. Thus with 
 (he beginning of a new world God gives, on 
 the one hand, a promise which secures the 
 stability of the natural order of the uni- 
 verse, and, on the other hand, consecrates 
 human life with a special sanctity as resting 
 upon these two pillars the brotherhood 
 of men, and man's likeness to God. Of 
 the seven precepts of Noah, as they arc 
 called, the observance of which was re- 
 quired of all Jewish proselytes, three only 
 are here expressly mentioned. It is in the 
 terms of the blessing and the covenant 
 made with Noah after the Flood that we 
 find the strongest evidence that it extend- 
 ed to all the then known world. Noah is 
 clearly the head of a new human family, 
 the representative of the whole race. It is 
 as such that God makes his covenant with 
 him ; and hence selects a natural phenom- 
 enon as the sign of that covenant. The 
 bow in the cloud, seen by every nation un- 
 der heaven, is an unfailing witness to the 
 truth of God. Noah now for the rest of 
 his life betook himself to agricultural pur- 
 suits. It is particularly noticed that he 
 planted a vineyard. Whether in ignorance 
 of its properties or otherwise, we are not in- 
 formed, but he drank of the juice of the 
 grape till he became intoxicated and shame- 
 fully exposed himself in his own tent. One 
 of his sons, Ham, mocked openly at his 
 father's disgrace. The others, with dutiful 
 care and reverence, endeavored to hide it. 
 When he recovered from the effects of his 
 intoxication, he declared that a curse should 
 rest upon the sons of Ham. With the curse 
 on his youngest son was joined a blessing 
 on the other two. After this prophetic 
 blessing we hear no more of the patriarch 
 but the sum of his years. 
 
 No'ah. One of the five daughters of 
 Zelophelmd (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 
 11: Josh. xvii. 3). 
 
 No-a'mon (Nah. iii. 8), No (Jer. xlvi. 
 25; Ez. xxx. li, 15, 1C), a city of Egypt, 
 
 better known under the name of Thebes, 
 or Diospolis Magna. The second part of 
 the first form is the name of Amen, the 
 chief divinity of Thebes, mentioned or al- 
 luded to in connection with this place in 
 Jeremiah, " Behold, I will punish Amon 
 in No, and Pharaoh, and Egypt, with their 
 gods and their kings ; " and perhaps also 
 alluded to in Ezekicl (xxx. 15). There is 
 a difficulty as to the meaning of No. It 
 seems most reasonable to suppose that No 
 is a Shemitic name, and that Amon is add- 
 ed in Nahum (I. c.) to distinguish Thebes 
 from some other place bearing the same 
 name, or on account of the connection of 
 Amen with that city. The description of 
 No-Amon, as " situate among the rivers, 
 the waters round about it" (Nah. I. c.), 
 remarkably characterizes Thebes. 
 
 Nob (1 Sam. xxiii. 11; Neh. xi. 32), a 
 sacerdotal city in the tribe of Benjamin, 
 and situated on some eminence near Jeru- 
 salem. It was one of the places where the 
 tabernacle, or ark of Jehovah, was kept for 
 a time during the days of its wanderings (2 
 Sam. vi. 1, &c.). But the event for which 
 Nob was most noted in the Scripture annals, 
 was a frightful massacre which occurred 
 there in the reign of Saul (1 Sam. xxii. 
 17-19). 
 
 No'bah, an Israelite warrior (Num. 
 xxxii. 42), who during the conquest of the 
 territory on the east of Jordan possessed 
 himself of the town of Kenath and the 
 villages or hamlets dependent upon it, and 
 gave them his own name. For a certain 
 period after the establishment of the Isra- 
 elite rule the new name remained (Judg. 
 viii. 11). But it is not again heard of, and 
 the original appellation, as is usual in such 
 cases, appears to have recovered its hold, 
 which it has since retained ; for in the 
 slightly modified form of Kunaw&t it is the 
 name of the place to the present day. 
 
 Nod. [CAIN.] 
 
 No'dab, the name of an Arab tribe 
 mentioned only in 1 Chr. v. 19, in the ac- 
 count of the war of the Reubenites, the 
 Gadites, and the half of the tribe of Ma- 
 nasseh, against the Hagarites (verses 9-22, 
 ver. 19). It has been supposed that Nodab 
 was one of the sons of Ishmael. But we 
 have no other mention of Nodab, and it is 
 probable that he was a grandson or other 
 descendant of the patriarch, and that the 
 name, in the time of the record, was that 
 of a tribe sprung from such descendant. 
 
 No'e, the patriarch Noah (Tob. iv. 12 ; 
 Matt. xxiv. 37, 38 ; Luke iii. 36, xvii. 26, 27). 
 
 No'gah. One of the thirteen sons of 
 David who were born to him in Jerusalem 
 (1 Chr. iii. 7, xiv. 6). 
 
 No'hah. The fourth son of Benjamin 
 (1 Chr. viii. 2). 
 
 Non. Nun, the father of Joshua (1 
 Chr. vii. 27).
 
 NOPH 
 
 465 
 
 NUMBERS 
 
 Noph. [MEMPHIS.] 
 
 No phah, a place mentioned only in 
 Num. xxi. 30, in the remarkable song ap- 
 parently composed by the Amorites after 
 their conquest of Heshbon from the Moab- 
 ites, and therefore of an earlier date than 
 the Israelite invasion. It is named with 
 I)il>on and Medeba, and was possibly in 
 the neighborhood of Heshbon. A name 
 very similar to Nophah is Nobah, which is 
 twice mentioned. Ewald decides that No- 
 phah is identical with the latter of these. 
 
 Nose-jewel (Gen. xxiv. 22; Ex. xxxv. 
 22. "ear-ring;" Is. iii. 21; Ez. xvi. 12, 
 " jewel on the forehead"), a ring of metal, 
 sometimes of gold or silver, passed usually 
 through the right nostril, and worn by way 
 of ornament by women in the East. Upon 
 it are strung beads, coral, or jewels. In 
 Egypt it is now almost confined to the 
 lower classes. 
 
 Number. Like most Oriental nations, 
 it is probable that the Hebrews in their 
 written calculations made use of the letters 
 of the alphabet. That they did so in post- 
 Babylonian times we have conclusive evi- 
 dence in the Maccabaean coins ; and it is 
 highly probable that this was the case also 
 in earlier times. But though, on the one 
 hand, it is certain that in all existing MSS. 
 of the Hebrew text of the O. T. the nu- 
 merical expressions are written at length, 
 yet, on the other, the variations in the 
 several versions between themselves and 
 from the Hebrew text, added to the evident 
 inconsistencies in numerical statement be- 
 tween certain passages of that text itself, 
 seem to prove that some shorter mode of 
 writing was originally in vogue, liable to 
 be misunderstood, and in fact misunder- 
 stood by copyists and translators. These 
 variations appear to have proceeded from 
 the alphabetic method of writing numbers. 
 There can be little doubt, however, that 
 some at least of the numbers mentioned in 
 Scripture are intended to be representative 
 rather than determinative. Certain num- 
 bers, as 7, 10, 40, 100, were regarded as 
 giving the idea of completeness. Without 
 entering into St. Augustine's theory of this 
 usage, we may remark that the notion of 
 representative numbers in certain cases is 
 one extremely common among Eastern 
 nations, who have a prejudice against 
 counting their possessions accurately ; that 
 it enters largely into many ancient systems 
 of -chronology, and that it is found in the 
 philosophical and metaphysical speculations 
 not only of the Pythagorean and other 
 ancient schools of philosophy, both Greek 
 and Roman, but also in those of the later 
 Jewish writers, of the Gnostics, and also 
 of such Christian writers as St. Augustine 
 himself. We proceed to give some instances 
 of numbers used, (a) representatively, and 
 thus probably by design indefinitely, or, 
 30 
 
 (6) definitely, but. as we may say, prefer- 
 entially, i. e. because some meaning (which 
 we do not in all cases understand) was 
 attached to them. 1. Seven, as denoting 
 either plurality or completeness, is so fre- 
 quent as to make a selection only of in 
 stances necessary, e. g. seven-fold, Gen. iv. 
 24 ; seven times, i. e. completely, Lev. xxvi. 
 24; Ps. xii. 6; seven (i.e. many) ways, 
 Deut. xxviii. 25. 2. Ten as a preferential 
 number is exemplified in the Ten Com- 
 mandments and the law of Tithe. 3. 
 Seventy, as compounded of 7X10, appears 
 frequently, e. g. seventy fold (Gen. iv. 24; 
 Matt, xviii. 22). Its definite use appears 
 in the offerings of 70 shekels (Num. vii. 
 13, 19, and foil.) ; the 70 elders (xi. 16) ; 
 70 years of captivity (Jer. xxv. 11). 4. 
 Five appears in the table of punishments, 
 of legal requirements (Ex. xxii. 1 ; Lev. T. 
 16, xxii. 14, xxvii. 15 ; Num. v. 7, xviii. ' 
 16), and in the five empires of Daniel 
 (Dan. ii.). 5. Four is used in reference 
 to the 4 winds (Dan. vii. 2) ; and the so- 
 called 4 corners of the earth ; the 4 crea- 
 tures, each with 4 wings and 4 faces, of 
 Ezekiel (i. 5, and foil.) ; 4 rivers of Para- 
 dise (Gen. ii. 10) ; 4 beasts (Dan. vii., and 
 Rev. iv. 6) ; the 4 equal-sided Temple- 
 chamber (Ez. xl. 47). 6. Three was re- 
 garded, both by the Jews and other nations, 
 as a specially complete and mystic number. 
 7. Twclvf (3 X 4) appears in 12 tribes, 12 
 stones in the high-priest's breastplate, 12 
 Apostles, 12 foundation-stones, and 12 
 gates (Rev. xxi. 19-21). 8. Lastly, the 
 mystic number 666 (Rev. xiii. 18). 
 
 Numbering. [CENSUS.] 
 
 Numbers, the Fourth Book of the Law 
 or Pentateuch. It takes its name in the 
 LXX. and Vulg. (whence our " Numbers ") 
 from the double numbering or census of the 
 people ; the first of which is given in chaps, 
 i.-iv., and the second in chap. xxvi. A.. 
 Contents. The Book may be said to con- 
 tain generally the history of the Israelite* 
 from the time of their leaving Sinai, in 
 the second year after the Exodus, till their 
 arrival at the borders of the Promised Lanrl 
 in the fortieth year of their journeyings.. It- 
 consists of the following principal divisions :. 
 I. The preparations for the departure frosn 
 Sinai (i. 1-x. 10). II. The jouray from 
 Sinai to the borders of CajQfian (x. 11-xiv. 
 45). III. A brief notice of laws given, and-, 
 events which transpired, during the thirty-, 
 seven years' wandering in the wilderness 
 (xv. 1-xix. 22). IV. The history of the last 
 year, from the second arrival of the Israel- 
 ites in Kadesh till they reach ''the plains 
 j of Moab by Jordan near Jericho " (xx. 1- 
 I xxxvi. 13). I. (a.) The object of the en- 
 j campment at Sinai has been accomplished. 
 It is now time to depart in order that the oi>- 
 jject may be achieved for which Israel has 
 ! been sanctified. That object is the occupa-
 
 NUMBERS 
 
 466 
 
 NYMPH AS 
 
 tion of the Promised Land. Therefore Israel 
 must be organized as Jehovah's army ; and to 
 this end a mustering of all who are capable 
 of bearing arms is necessary. Hence the 
 book opens with the numbering of the peo- 
 ple, chapters i.-iv. These contain, first, 
 the census of all the tribes or clans (chap, 
 i.) ; secondly, the arrangement of the camp, 
 and the order of march (chap, ii.) ; thirdly, 
 the special and separate census of the Le- 
 vites (chaps, iii., iv.). (6.) Chapters v., 
 vi. Certain laws apparently supplementary 
 to the legislation in Leviticus, (c.) Chap- 
 ters vii. 1-x. 10. Events occurring at this 
 time, and regulations connected with them. 
 
 II. March from Sinai to the borders of Ca- 
 naan, (a.) We have here, first, the order 
 of march described (x. 14-28) ; the appeal 
 of Moses to his father-in-law, Hobab, to 
 accompany them in their journeys ; and the 
 chant which accompanied the moving and 
 the resting of the ark (vers. 35, 36). (6.) 
 An account of several of the stations and 
 of the events which happened at them (x. 
 11-xii. 15) ; the Sending of the spies from 
 the wilderness of Paran (et Tyh), their re- 
 port, the refusal of the people to enter Ca- 
 naan, their rejection in consequence, and 
 their rash attack upon the Amalekites, 
 which resulted in a defeat (xii. 16-xiv. 45). 
 
 III. What follows must be referred appar- 
 ently to the thirty-seven years of wander- 
 ings ; but we have no notices of time or 
 place (xv. 1-xix). IV. (a.) The narrative 
 returns abruptly to the second encampment 
 of the Israelites in Kadesh. Here Miriam 
 dies, and the people murmur for water, and 
 Moses and Aaron are not allowed to enter 
 the Promised Land (xx. 1-13). They in- 
 tended perhaps, as before, to enter Canaan 
 from the south. They therefore desired a 
 passage through the country of Edom. The 
 Edomites refused the request, and turned 
 out in arms to defend their border. The 
 Israelites abandoned the attempt as hope- 
 less and turned southward, keeping along 
 the western borders of Idumaea till they 
 reached Ezion-geber (xx. 14-21). On their 
 way southward they stop at Mount Hor, 
 or' rather at Moserah, on the edge of the 
 Edouute territory ; and from this spot it 
 wojild seem that Aaron, accompanied by 
 his brother Moses and his son Eleazar, 
 quitted the camp in order to ascend the 
 mountain. After Aaron's death the march 
 is continued southward. (6.) There is again 
 a gap in the narrative. We are told noth- 
 ing of the march along the eastern edge of 
 Edom, but suddenly find ourselves trans- 
 ported to the borders of Moab. Here the 
 Israelites successive!/ encounter and defeat 
 the kings of the .Auwrites and of Bashan 
 (xxi. 10-35).. Their successes alarm the 
 king of Moab, who, distrusting his supe- 
 riority in the field, sends for a magician to 
 curse his enemies; hence the episode of 
 
 Balaam (xxii. 1-xxiv. 25). Other artifices 
 are employed by the Moabites to weaken 
 the Israelites, especially through the influ- 
 ence of the Moabitish women (xxv. 1). The 
 book concludes with a recapitulation of the 
 various encampments of the Israelites in 
 the desert (xxxiii. 1-49) ; the command to 
 destroy the Canaanites (xxxiii. 50-56) ; the 
 boundaries of the Promised Land, and the 
 men appointed to divide it (xxxiv.) ; the 
 appointment of the cities of the Levites and 
 the cities of refuge (xxxv.) ; and further 
 directions respecting heiresses. B. Integ- 
 rity. This, like the other books of the 
 Pentateuch, is supposed by many critics 
 to consist of a compilation from two or 
 three, or more, earlier documents. But the 
 grounds on which this distinction of docu- 
 ments rests are in every respect most un- 
 satisfactory. The Book of Numbers is 
 rich in fragments of ancient poetry, some 
 of them of great beauty, and all throwing 
 an interesting light on the character of the 
 times in which they were composed. Such, 
 for instance, is the blessing of the high- 
 priest (vi. 24-26). Such too are the chants 
 which were the signal for the Ark to move 
 when the people journeyed, and for it to 
 rest when they were about to encamp. In 
 chap. xxi. we have a passage cited from a 
 book called the "Book of the Wars of Je- 
 hovah." This was probably a collection of 
 ballads and songs composed on different 
 occasions by the watch-fires of the camp, 
 and for the most part, though not perhaps 
 exclusively, in commemoration of the vic- 
 tories of the Israelites over their enemies. 
 
 Nun, the father of the Jewish captain 
 Joshua (Ex. xxxiii. 11, &c.) His genealo- 
 gical descent from Ephraim is recorded in 
 1 Chr. vii. 
 
 Nurse. It is clear, both from Scrip- 
 ture and from Greek and lloman writers, 
 that in ancient times the position of the 
 nurse, wherever one was maintained, was 
 one of much honor and importance. (See 
 Gen. xxiv. 59, xxxv. 8; 2 Sam. iv. 4; 2 
 K. xi. 2; 3 Mace. i. 20). The same term 
 is applied to a foster-father or mother, 
 e. g. Num. xi. 12; Ruth iv.16; Is. xlix. 23. 
 
 Nuts are mentioned among the good 
 things of the land which the sons of Israel 
 were to take as a present to Joseph in 
 Egypt (Gen. xliii. 11). There can scarcely 
 be a doubt that the Hebrew word, here 
 translated " nuts," denotes the fruit of the 
 Pistachio tree (Pistacia vera), for which 
 Syria and Palestine have been long famous. 
 In Cant. vi. 11, a different Hebrew word is 
 translated "nuts." In all probability it 
 here refers to the Walnut-tree. According 
 to Josephus the walnut-tree was formerly 
 common, and grew most luxuriantly around 
 the lake of Gennesareth. 
 
 Nym'phas, a wealthy and zealous 
 Christian in Laodicea, Col. iv. 15.
 
 OAK 467 
 
 OBADIAH 
 
 O. 
 
 Oak. The following Hebrew words, 
 which appear to be merely varioas forms 
 of the same root, occur in the O. T. as 
 the names of some species of oak, viz. 61, 
 eidh, ildn, ildn, alldh, and allon. There is 
 much difficulty in determining the exact 
 meanings of the several varieties of the 
 term mentioned above. Celsius has en- 
 deavored to show that el, elim, tldn, ldh, 
 and alldh, all stand for the terebinth-tree 
 (Pistacia terebinthus), while alldn denotes 
 an oak. RosenmQller gives the terebinth 
 to 1, and ilah, and the oak to alldh, alldn, 
 and t-ldn. If we examine the claims of the 
 terebinth to represent the tldh, we shall see 
 that in point of size it cannot compete with 
 some of the oaks of Palestine. Dr. Thomson 
 (The Land and the Book, p. 243) remarks 
 on this point : " There are more mighty 
 oaks here in this immediate vicinity (Mej- 
 del es-Shems) than there are terebinths in 
 all Syria and Palestine together." Two 
 oaks (Quercus pseudo-coccifera and Q. 
 aegilops) are well worthy of the name of 
 mighty trees; though it is equally true 
 that over a greater part of the country 
 the oaks of Palestine are at present mere- 
 ly bushes. 
 
 Oath. The principle on which an oath- 
 is held to be binding is incidentally laid 
 down in Heb. vi. 16, viz. as an ultimate 
 appeal to divine authority to ratify an 
 assertion. There the Almighty is repre- 
 sented as promising or denouncing with an 
 oath, t. e. doing so in the most positive and 
 solemn manner. On the same principle, 
 that oath has always been held most bind- 
 ing which appealed to the highest authority, 
 both as regards individuals and communi- 
 ties. As a consequence of this principle, 
 appeals to God's name on the one hand, 
 and to heathen deities on the other, are 
 treated in Scripture as tests of allegiance 
 (Ex. xxiii. 13, xxxiv. 6 ; Deut. xxix. 12, 
 &c.). So also the sovereign's name is 
 sometimes used as a form of obligation 
 (Gen. xlii. 15 ; 2 Sam. xi. 11, xiv. 19). Oth- 
 er forms of oath, serious or frivolous, are 
 mentioned, some of which are condemned 
 by our Lord (Matt. v. 33, xxiii. 16-22 ; and 
 see Jam. v. 12). The forms of abjuration 
 mentioned in Scripture are 1. Lifting up 
 the hand. Witnesses laid their hands on 
 the head of the accused (Gen. xiv. 22; 
 Lev. xxiv. 14; Deut. xxxiii. 40; Is. iii. 7). 
 2. Putting the hand under the thigh of the 
 person to whom the promise was made 
 (Gen. xxiv. 2, xlvii. 29). 3. Oaths were 
 sometimes taken before the altar, or, as 
 some understand the passage, if the per- 
 sons wjere not in Jerusalem, in a position 
 looking towards the Temple (1 K. viii. 31 ; 
 
 2 Chr. vi. 22). 4. Dividing a victim and 
 passing between or distributing the pieces 
 (Gen. xv. 10, 17; Jer. xxxiv. 18). As 
 the sanctity of oaths was carefully incul- 
 cated by the Law, so the crime of perjury 
 was strongly condemned; and to a false 
 witness the same punishment was assigned 
 which was due for the crime to which he tes- 
 tified (Ex. xx. 7 ; Lev. xix. 12 ; Deut. xix. 
 16-19; Ps. xv. 4; Jer. v. 2, vii. 9; Ez. 
 xvi. 59; Hos. x. 4; Zech. viii. 17). The 
 Christian practice in the matter of oaths 
 was founded in great measure on the 
 Jewish. Thus the oath on the Gospels 
 was an imitation of the Jewish practice of 
 placing the hands on the book of the Law. 
 The stringent nature of the Roman 
 military oath, and the penalties attached to 
 infraction of it, are alluded to, more or less 
 certainly, in several places in the N. T., e. g. 
 M#tt. viii. 9 ; Acts xii. 19, xvi. 27, xxvii. 42. 
 "Obadi'ah. 1. The sons of Obadiah are 
 enumerated in a corrupt passage of the 
 genealogy of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. 
 iii. 21). 2. According to the received 
 text, one of the five sons of Izrahiah, a 
 descendant of Issachar and a chief man of 
 his tribe (1 Chr. vii. 3). 3. One of the 
 six sons of Azel, a descendant of Saul 
 (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44). 4. A Levite, son 
 of Shemaiah, and descended from Jeduthun 
 (1 Chr. ix. 16). He appears to have been 
 a principal musician in tho Temple choir in 
 the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 25). 5. 
 The second of the lion-faced Gadites, who 
 joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 9). 6. 
 One of the princes of Judah in the reign of 
 Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 7). 7. The son 
 of Jehiel, of the sons of Joab, who came 
 up in the second caravan with Ezra (Ezr. 
 viii. 9). 8. A priest, or family of priests, 
 who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah 
 (Neh. x. 5). 9. (Servant of the Lord), 
 the fourth of the twelve minor prophets. 
 We know nothing of him except what we 
 can gather from the short book which bears 
 his name. The Hebrew tradition that he 
 is the same person as the Obadiah of Ahab's 
 reign (1 K. xviii. 7-16), is destitute of all 
 foundation. The question of his date must 
 depend upon the interpretation of the lltli 
 verse of his prophecy. He there speaks 
 of the conquest of Jerusalem and the cap- 
 tivity of Jacob. If he is referring to the 
 well-known captivity by Nebuchadnezzar, 
 he must have lived at the time of the Baby- 
 lonish captivity, and have prophesied subse- 
 quently to the year B. c. 588. If, further, 
 his prophecy against Edom found its first 
 fulfilment in the conquest of that country by 
 Nebuchadnezzar in the year B. c. 583, we 
 have its date fixed. It must have been 
 uttered at some time in the five years 
 which intervened between those two dates. 
 The only argument of any weight for the 
 early date of Obadiah is his position in the
 
 OBAL 
 
 468 
 
 OG 
 
 list of the books of the minor prophets 
 Why should he have been inserted between 
 Amos and Jonah if his date is about B. c 
 585? The answer seems to be, that the 
 prophecy of Obadiah is an amplification of 
 the last five verses of Amos, and was there- 
 fore placed next after the book of Amos. 
 The book of Obadiah is a sustained denun- 
 ciation of the Edomites, melting into a 
 vision of the future glories of Zion, when 
 the arm of the Lord should have wrought 
 her deliverance and have repaid double 
 upon her enemies. 1O. An officer of high 
 rank in the court of Ahab, who is described 
 as " over the house," that is, apparently, 
 lord high chamberlain, or mayor of the 
 palace (1 K. xviii. 3). His influence with 
 the king must have been great to enable 
 him to retain his position, though a devout 
 worshipper of Jehovah, during the fierce 
 persecution of the prophets by Jezebel. 
 At the peril of his life he concealed a h 
 dred of them in caves, and fed them there 
 with bread and water. But he himself does 
 not seem to have been suspected (1 K. 
 xviii. 4, 13). The occasion upon which 
 Obadiah appears in the history shows the 
 confidential nature of his office (1 K. 
 xviii. 7-16). 11. The father of Ishmaiah, 
 who was chief of the tribe of Zebulon in 
 David's reign (1 Chr. xxvii. 19). 12. A 
 Merarite Levite in the reign of Josiah, and 
 * one of the overseers of the workmen in the 
 restoration of the Temple (2 Chr. xxxiv. 
 12). 
 
 O'bal. A son of Joktan, and, like the 
 rest of his family, apparently the founder 
 of an Arab tribe (Gen. x. 28), which has 
 not yet been identified. In 1 Chr. i. 22 the 
 name is written EBAL, which has been 
 compared with the Avalitae and the Geba- 
 nitae. 
 
 O'bed. 1. Son of Boaz and Ruth the 
 Moabitess (Ruth iv. 17). The circum- 
 stances of his birth, which make up all that 
 we know about him, are given with much 
 beauty in the book of Ruth, and form a 
 most interesting specimen of the religious 
 and social life of the Israelites in the days 
 of Eli. The name of Obed occurs only 
 Ruth iv. 17, and in the four genealogies, 
 Ruth iv. 21, 22; 1 Chr. ii. 12; Matt. i. 5; 
 Luke iii. 32. In all these five passages, 
 and in the first with peculiar emphasis, he 
 is said to be the father of Jesse. 2. A de- 
 scendant of Jarha, the Egyptian slave of 
 Sheshan in the line of Jerahmeel. He was 
 grandson of Zabad, one of David's mighties 
 (1 Chr. ii. 37, 38). 3. One of David's 
 mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 47). 4. One of 
 the gate-keepers of the Temple; son of 
 Shemaiah the first-born of Obed-edom (1 
 Chr. xxvi. 7). 5. Father of Azariah, one 
 of the captains of hundreds who joined 
 with Jehoiada in the revolution by which 
 Athaliah fell (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 
 
 O'bed-e'dorn. 1. A Lc ite, described 
 as a Gittite (2 Sam. vi. 10, 11), that is, 
 probably, a native of the Levitical city of 
 Gath-Rimmon in Manasseh, which was as- 
 signed to the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 45). 
 After the death of Uzzah, the ark, which 
 was being conducted from the house of 
 Abinadab in Gibeah to the city of David, 
 was carried aside into the house of Obed- 
 edom, where it continued three months. 
 It was brought thence by David (1 Chr. 
 xv. 25; 2 Sam. vi. 12). 2. "Obed-edom 
 the son of Jeduthun " (1 Chr. xvi. 38), a 
 Merarite Levite, appears to be a different 
 person from the last-mentioned. He was a 
 Levite of the second degree and a gate- 
 keeper for the ark (1 Chr. xv. 18, 24), ap- 
 pointed to sound " with harps on the Sheni- 
 inith to excel" (1 Chr. xv. 21, xvi. 5). 
 
 O'bil. An Ishmaelite who was appro- 
 priately appointed keeper of the herds of 
 camels in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 
 30). 
 
 Oblation. [SACRIFICE.] 
 
 O'both, one of the encampments of the 
 Israelites, east of Moab (Num. xxi. 10, 
 xxxiii. 43). Its exact site is unknown. 
 
 Oc'ran. An Asherite, father of Pagiel 
 (Num. 5. 13, ii. 27, vii. 72, 77, x. 26). 
 
 O'ded. 1. The father of Azariah the 
 prophet in the reign of Asa (2 Chr. xv. 1). 
 2. A prophet of Jehovah in Samaria, at the 
 time of Pekah's invasion of Judah (2 Chr. 
 xxviii. 9). 
 
 Odol'lam. [ADULLAM.] 
 
 Offerings. [SACRIFICE.] 
 
 Officer. It is obvious that most, if not 
 all, of the Hebrew words rendered " offi- 
 cer," are either of an indefinite character, 
 or are synonymous terms for functionaries 
 known under other and more specific names, 
 as " scribe," " eunuch," &c. The two words 
 so rendered in the N. T. each bear in ordi- 
 nary Greek a special sense. In the case ot 
 
 ijofrtj? this is of no very definite kind, but 
 the word is used to denote an inferior officer 
 of a court of justice, a messenger or bailiff, 
 ike the Roman viator or lictor. JToaxrootg 
 at Athens were officers whose duty it was 
 to register and collect fines imposed by 
 ourts of justice ; and " deliver to the offi- 
 cer " means, give in the name of the debtor 
 to the officer of the court. 
 
 Og, an Amoritish king of Bashan, whose 
 rule extended over sixty cities (Josh. xiii. 
 12). He was one of the last representatives 
 of the giant race of Rephaim, and was, with 
 lis children and his people, defeated and 
 exterminated by the Israelites at Edrei, im- 
 mediately after the conquest of Sihon (Deut. 
 ii. 1-13; Num. xxxii. 33. Also Deut. i. 4, 
 v. 47, xxxi. 4; Josh. ii. 10, ix. 10, xiii. 12, 
 30). The belief in Og's enormous stature 
 s corroborated by an appeal to his iron bed- 
 tead preserved in " Rabbath of the children 
 of Arnmon " (Deut. iii. 11). Some -have
 
 OIL 
 
 469 
 
 OINTMENT 
 
 supposed that this was one of the common 
 fiat beds used sometimes on the housetops of 
 Eastern cities, but made of iron instead of 
 palm-branches, which would not have sup- 
 ported the giant's weight. It is more prob- 
 able that the words mean a " sarcophagus 
 of black basalt," a rendering of which they 
 undoubtedly admit. 
 
 Oil. Of the numerous substances, an- 
 imal and vegetable, which were known 
 to the ancients as yielding oil, Ine olive- 
 berry is the one of which most frequent 
 mention is made in the Scriptures. 1. 
 Gathering. Great care is necessary, in 
 gathering, not to injure either the fruit it- 
 self or the boughs of the tree ; and with this 
 view it was either gathered by hand or 
 shaken off carefully with a light reed or 
 stick. 2. Pressing. In order to make 
 oil, the fruit was either bruised in a mortar, 
 crushed in a press loaded with wood or 
 stones, ground in a mill, or trodden with the 
 feet. The " beaten" oil of Ex. xxvii. 20; 
 Lev. xxiv. 2, and Ex. xxix. 40 ; Num. xxviii. 
 5, was probably made by bruising in a mor- 
 tar. The principal uses of olive-oil may be 
 thus stated. 1. As food. Dried wheat, 
 boiled with either butter or oil, but more 
 commonly the former, is a common dish for 
 all classes in Syria. 2. Cosmetic. As is 
 the case generally in hot climates, oil was 
 used by the Jews for anointing the body, 
 e. g. after the bath, and giving to the skin 
 and hair a smooth and comely appearance, 
 e. g. before an entertainment. 3. Funereal. 
 The bodies of the dead were anointed 
 with oil by the Greeks and Komans, proba- 
 bly as a partial antiseptic, and a similar 
 custom appears to have prevailed among the 
 Jews. 4. Medicinal. The prophet Isaiah 
 (i. 6) alludes to the use of oil as ointment 
 in medical treatment ; and it thus furnished 
 a fitting symbol, perhaps also an efficient 
 remedy, when used by our Lord's disciples 
 in the miraculous cures which they were 
 enabled to perform (Mark vi. 13). With a 
 similar intention, no doubt, its use was en- 
 joined by St. James (v. 14). 5. Oil for 
 light. The oil for "the light" was ex- 
 pressly ordered to be olive-oil, beaten. In 
 the same manner the great lamps used at 
 the Feast of Tabernacles were fed. 6. 
 Ritual. Oil was poured on, or mixed with 
 the flour or meal used in offerings. On the 
 other hand, certain offerings were to be de- 
 Toid of oil; the sin-offering, Lev. v. 11, 
 and the offering of jealousy, Num. v. 15. 
 The principle on which both the presence 
 and the absence of oil were prescribed is, 
 clearly, that as oil is indicative of gladness, 
 so its absence denoted sorrow or humiliation 
 (Is. Ixi. 3; Joel ii. 19; Rev. vi. 6). Kings, 
 priests, and prophets were anointed with 
 oil or ointment. 7. As so important a ne- 
 cessary of life, the Jew was required to 
 include oil among his first-fruit offerings 
 
 (Ex. xxii. 29, xxiii. 16; Num. xviii. 12; 
 Deut. xviii. 4; 2 Chr. xxxi. 5). Tithes of 
 oil were also required (Deut. xii. 17 ; 2 
 Chr. xxxi. 5, &c.). [OuvE.] 
 
 Oil-tree (Heb. ts shemen). The He- 
 brew words occur in Neh. viii. 15 (A. V. 
 " pine-branches "), 1 K. vi. 23 (" olive- 
 tree"), and in Is. xli. 19 ("oil-tree"). 
 From the passage in Nehemiah, where the 
 its shemen is mentioned as distinct from the 
 "olive-tree," it may perhaps be identified 
 with the zackum-tiee of the Arabs, the 
 Balanites Aegyptiaca, a well-known and 
 abundant shrub or small tree in the plain 
 of Jordan. The zackum-oil is held in high 
 repute by the Arabs for its medicinal prop- 
 erties. [OLIVE.] 
 
 Balanittt Aegyptiaca. 
 
 Ointment. 1. Cosmetic. The Greek 
 and Roman practice of anointing the head 
 and clothes on festive occasions prevailed 
 also among the Egyptians, and appears to 
 have had place among the Jews (Ruth iii. 
 3; Eccl. vii. 1, ix. 8; Prov. xxvii. 9, 16, 
 &c.). Oil of myrrh, for like purposes, is 
 mentioned Esth. ii. 12. 2. Funereal. Oint- 
 ments as well as oil were used to anoint 
 dead bodies and the clothes in which they 
 were wrapped (Matt. xxvi. 12 ; Mark xiv. 
 3, 8 ; Luke xxiii. 56 ; John xii. 3, 7, xix. 
 40). 3. Medicinal. Ointment formed an 
 important feature in ancient medical treat- 
 ment (Is. i. 6). The mention of balm of 
 Gilead and of eye-salve (collyrium) points 
 to the same method (Is. i. 6 ; John ix. 6 ; 
 Jer. viii. 22 ; Rev. iii. 18, &c.). 4. Ritual. 
 Besides the oil used in many ceremonial
 
 OLD TESTAMENT 
 
 470 
 
 OLD TESTAMENT 
 
 observances, a special ointment was appoint- 
 ed to be used in consecration (Ex.xxx. 23, 33, 
 xxix.7,xxxvii. 29, xl. 9, 15). Strict prohi- 
 bition was issued against using this unguent 
 for any secular purpose, or on the person of 
 a foreigner, and against imitating it in any 
 way whatsoever (Ex. xxx. 32, 33). A per- 
 son whose business it was to compound oint- 
 ments in general was called an " apothe- 
 cary " (Neh. iii. 8; Eccl. x. 1; Ecclus. 
 xlix. 1). The work was sometimes carried 
 on by women " confectionaries " (1 Sam. 
 viii. 13). In the Christian Church the an- 
 cient usage of anointing the bodies of the 
 dead was long retained. The ceremony of 
 Chrism or anointing was also added to bap- 
 tism. 
 
 Old Testament. A. TEXT OF THE 
 OLD TESTAMENT. 1. History of the Text. 
 A history of the text of the O. T. should 
 properly commence from the date of the 
 completion of the canon. As regards the 
 form in which the sacred writings were 
 preserved, there can be little doubt that the 
 text was ordinarily written on skins, rolled 
 up into volumes, like the modern syna- 
 gogue-rolls (Pa. xl. 7; Jer. xxxvi. 14; 
 Zech. v. 1 ; Ez. ii. 9). The original char- 
 acter in which the text was expressed is 
 that still preserved to us, with the excep- 
 tion of four letters, on the Maccabaean 
 coins, and having a strong affinity to the 
 Samaritan character. At what date this 
 was exchanged for the present Aramaic 
 or square character is still as undetermined, 
 as it is at what date the use of the Aramaic 
 language in Palestine superseded that of 
 the Hebrew. The Old Jewish tradition, 
 repeated by Origen and Jerome, ascribed 
 the change to Ezra. [WHITING.] Of any 
 logical division, in the written text, of the 
 prose of the 0. T. into Pesukim, or verses, 
 we find in the Talmud no mention ; and 
 even in the existing synagogue-rolls such 
 division is generally ignored. In the poet- 
 ical books, the Pesukim mentioned in the 
 Talmud correspond to the poetical lines, 
 not to our modern verses. Of the docu- 
 ments which directly bear upon the history 
 of the Hebrew text, the two earliest are 
 the Samaritan copy of the Pentateuch, and 
 the Greek translation of the LXX. [SA- 
 MARITAN PENTATEUCH; SEPTUAGINT.] In 
 the translations of Aquila and the other 
 Greek interpreters, the fragments of whose 
 works remain to us in the Hexapla, we 
 have evidence of the existence of a text 
 differing but little from our own : so also 
 in the Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan. 
 A few centuries later we have, in the Hex- 
 apla, additional evidence to the same effect 
 in Origen's transcriptions of the Hebrew 
 text. And yet more important are the 
 proofs of the firm establishment of the 
 text, and of its substantial identity with 
 our own, supplied by the translation of Jer- 
 
 ome, who was instructed by the Palestin- 
 ian Jews, and mainly relied upon theii 
 authority -for acquaintance not only with 
 the text itself, but also with the traditional 
 unwritten vocalization of it. This brings 
 us to the middle of the Talmudic period. 
 The care of the Talmudic doctors for the 
 text is shown by the pains with which they 
 counted up the number of verses in the 
 different books, and computed which were 
 the middle verses, words, and letters in the 
 Pentateuch and in the Psalms. The scru- 
 pulousness with which the Talmudists noted 
 what they deemed the truer readings, and 
 yet abstained from introducing them into 
 the text, indicates at once both the diligence 
 with which they scrutinized the text, and 
 also the care with which, even while ac- 
 knowledging its occasional imperfections, 
 they guarded it. Critical procedure is also 
 evinced in a mention of their rejection of 
 manuscripts which were found not to agree 
 with others in their readings ; and the rules 
 given with reference to the transcription 
 and adoption of manuscripts attest the care 
 bestowed upon them. It is evident from 
 the notices of the Talmud that a number 
 of oral traditions had been gradually accu- 
 mulating respecting both the integrity of 
 particular passages of the text itself, and 
 also the manner in which it was to be read. 
 This vast heterogeneous mass of traditions 
 and criticisms, compiled and embodied in 
 writing, forms what is known as the Maso- 
 rah, i. e. Tradition. From the end of the 
 Masoretic period onward, the Masorah be- 
 came the great authority by which the 
 text given in all the Jewish MSS. was set- 
 tled. 2. Manuscripts. We must now 
 give an account of the O. T. MSS. known 
 to us. They fall into two main classes : 
 Synagogue-rolls and MSS. for private use. 
 Of the latter, some are written in the 
 square, others in the rabbinic or cursive 
 character. The synagogue-rolls contain, 
 separate from each other, the Pentateuch, 
 the Haphtaroth, or appointed sections of 
 the Prophets, and the so-called Megilloth, 
 viz. Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Eccle- 
 siastes, and Esther. Private MSS. in the 
 square character are in the book-form, 
 either on parchment or on paper, and of 
 various sizes, from folio to 12mo. Some 
 contain the Hebrew text alone ; others add 
 the Targum, or an Arabic or other trans- 
 lation, either interspersed with the text or 
 in a separate column, occasionally in the 
 margin. The upper and lower margins 
 are generally occupied by the Masorah, 
 sometimes by rabbinical commentaries, &c. 
 The date of a MS. is ordinarily given in the 
 subscription ; but as the subscriptions are 
 often concealed in the Masorah or elsewhere, 
 it is occasionally difficult to find them : occa- 
 sionally also it is difficult to decipher them. 
 No satisfactory criteria have been yet estab-
 
 OLD TESTAMENT 
 
 471 
 
 OLD TESTAMENT 
 
 lished by which the ages of MSS. are to 
 be determined. Few existing MSS. are 
 supposed to be older than the 12th century. 
 Kennicott and.Bruns assigned one of their 
 collntion (No. 690) to the 10th century; 
 De Rossi dates it A. D. 1018 ; on the other 
 hand, one of his own (No. 634) he adjudges 
 to the 8th century. Since the days of 
 Kennicott and De Rossi modern research 
 has discovered various MSS. beyond the 
 limits of Europe. Of many of these there 
 seems no reason to suppose that they will 
 add much -to our knowledge of the Hebrew 
 text. It is different with the MSS. exam- 
 ined by Pinner at Odessa. One of these 
 MSS. (A. No. 1), a Pentateuch roll, un- 
 pointed, brought from Derbend in Daghes- 
 tan, appears by the subscription to have 
 been written previously to the year A. D. 
 680 ; and, if so, is the oldest known Bibli- 
 cal Hebrew MS. in existence. The forms 
 of the letters are remarkable. Another 
 MS. (B. No. 3) containing the Prophets, 
 on parchment, in small folio, although only 
 dating, according to the inscription, from 
 A. D. 916, and furnished with a Masorah, is 
 a yet greater treasure. Its vowels and ac- 
 cents are wholly different from those now 
 in use, both in form and in position, being 
 all above the letters : they have according- 
 ly been the theme of much discussion 
 among Hebrew scholars. 3. Printed Text. 
 The history of the printed text of the 
 Hebrew Bible commences with the early 
 Jewish editions of the separate books. 
 First appeared the Psalter, in 1477, proba- 
 bly at Bologna, in 4to., with Kimchi's com- 
 mentary interspersed among the verses. 
 Only the first four psalms had the vowel- 
 points, and these but clumsily expressed. 
 At Bologna there subsequently appeared, 
 in 1482, the Pentateuch, in folio, pointed, 
 with the Targum and the commentary of 
 Rashi ; and the five Megilloth (Ruth Es- 
 ther), in folio, with the commentaries of 
 Rashi and Aben Ezra. From Soncino, near 
 Cremona, issued in 1486 the Prophetae 
 priores (Joshua Kings), folio, unpoint- 
 ed, with Kimchi's commentary. The hon- 
 or of printing the first entire Hebrew Bible 
 belongs to the above-mentioned town of 
 Soncino. The edition is in folio, pointed 
 and accentuated. Nine copies only of it 
 are now known, of which one belongs to 
 Exeter College, Oxford. This was followed, 
 in 1494, by the 4to. or 8vo. edition printed 
 by Gersom at Brescia, remarkable as being 
 the edition from which Luther's German 
 translation was made. After the Brescian, 
 the next primary edition was that contained 
 in the Complutensian Polyglot, published 
 at Complutum (Alcala) in Spain, at the ex- 
 pense of Cardinal Ximenes, dated 1514-17, 
 but not issued till 1522. To this succeeded 
 an edition which has had more influence 
 than any on the text of later times the 
 
 Second Rabbinical Bible, printed by Bora- 
 berg at Venice, 4 vols. fol., 1525-6. The 
 editor was the learned Tunisian Jew, R. 
 Jacob ben Chaim. The great feature of 
 his work lay in the correction of the text 
 by the precepts of the Masorah, in which 
 he was profoundly skilled, and on which, 
 as well as on the text itself, his labors were 
 employed. The Hebrew Bible which be- 
 came the standard to subsequent generations 
 was that of Joseph Athias, a learned rabbi 
 and printer at Amsterdam. His text was 
 based on a comparison of the previous edi- 
 tions with two MSS. ; one bearing date 
 1299, the other a Spanish MS., boasting an 
 antiquity of 900 years. It appeared at 
 Amsterdam, 2 vols. 8 vo. 1661. 4. Prin- 
 ciples of Criticism. The method of pro- 
 cedure required in the criticism of the O. 
 T. is widely different from that practised in 
 the criticism of the N. T. Our O. T. tex- 
 tus receptus is a far more faithful represen- 
 tation of the genuine Scripture, but, on the 
 other hand, the meaHS of detecting and 
 correcting the errors contained in it are 
 more precarious, the results are more un- 
 certain, and the ratio borne by the value of 
 the diplomatic evidence of MSS. to that of 
 a good critical judgment and sagacity is 
 greatly diminished. It is indeed to the di- 
 rect testimony of the MSS. that, in endeav- 
 oring to establish the, tme text, we must 
 first have recourse. The comparative puri- 
 ty of the Hebrew text is probably different 
 in different parts of the O. T. In the re- 
 vision of Dr. Davidson, who has generally 
 restricted himself to the admission of cor- 
 rections warranted by MS., Masoretic, or 
 Talmudic authority, those in the book of 
 Genesis do not exceed 11; those in the 
 Psalms are proportionately three times as 
 numerous ; those in the historical books and 
 the Prophets are proportionately more nu- 
 merous than those in the Psalms. 
 
 B. INTERPRETATION OF THE OLD TESTA- 
 MENT. 1. History of the Interpretation. 
 At the period of the rise of Christianity two 
 opposite tendencies had manifested them- 
 selves in the interpretation of the O. T. 
 among the Jews ; the one to an extreme lit- 
 eralism, the other to an arbitrary allegorism. 
 The former of these was mainly develrped 
 in Palestine, where the Law of Moses was, 
 from the nature of things, most completely 
 observed. On the other hand at Alexan- 
 dria the allegorizing tendency prevailed. 
 Germs of it had appeared in the apocryphal 
 writings, as where in the Book of Wisdom 
 (xviii. 24) the priestly vestments r ( Aaron 
 had been treated as symbolical of the uni- 
 verse. The Alexandrian interpreters were 
 striving to vindicate for the Hebrew Scrip- 
 tures a new dignity in the_ eyes of the 
 Gentile world, by showing that Moses had 
 anticipated all the doctrines of the philoso- 
 phers of Greece. The earliest Christian
 
 OLD TESTAMENT 
 
 472 
 
 OLD TESTAMENT 
 
 non-apostolic treatment of the O. T. was 
 necessarily much dependent on that which 
 it had received from the Jews. Tertullian 
 well laiJ it down as a canon that the words 
 of Scripture were to be interpreted only in 
 their logical connection, and with reference 
 to the occasion on which they were uttered. 
 The Christian interpreters by their belief 
 ill Christ stood on a vantage-ground for the 
 comprehension of the whole burden of the 
 O. T. to which the Jews had never reached ; 
 and thus, however they may have erred in 
 the details of their interpretations, they were 
 generally conducted by them to the right 
 conclusions in regard of Christian doctrine. 
 It was at Alexandria, which through her 
 previous learning had already exerted the 
 deepest influence on the interpretation of 
 the 0. T., that definite principles of inter- 
 pretation were by a new order of men, 
 the most illustrious and influential teachers 
 in the Christian Church, first laid down. 
 Clement here led the. way. He was suc- 
 ceeded by his scholar Origen. With him 
 biblical interpretation showed itself more 
 decidedly Christian. Origen recognizes in 
 Scripture, as it were, a body, soul, and 
 spirit, answering to the body, soul, and 
 spirit of man : the first serves for the edifi- 
 cation of the simple, the second for that of 
 the more advanced, the third for that of the 
 perfect. The influence of Origen's writings 
 was supreme in the Greek Church for a 
 hundred years after his death. Augustine 
 stood somewhat in advance of Origen ; care- 
 fully preserving in its integrity the literal 
 sense of the historical narrative of Scrip- 
 ture as the substructure of the mystical, 
 lest otherwise the latter should prove to be 
 but a building in the air. In the interpre- 
 tation which prevailed through the middle 
 ages, the mystical sense of Scripture was 
 entirely divorced from the literal. The first 
 impulse to the new investigation of the lit- 
 eral meaning of the text of the O. T. came 
 from the great Jewish commentators, most- 
 ly of Spanish origin, of the llth and follow- 
 ing centuries; Rashi (f 1105), Aben Ezra 
 (t 1167), Kimchi (f 1240), and others. 
 2. Principles of Interpretation. From the 
 foregoing sketch it will have appeared that 
 it has been very generally recognized that 
 the interpretation of the O. T. embraces the 
 discovery of its literal, moral, and spiritual 
 meaning. It has given occasion to mis- 
 representation to speak of the existence in 
 Scripture of more than a single sense ; 
 rather, then, let it he said that there are in 
 it three elements, co-existing and coalescing 
 with each other, and generally requiring 
 each other's presence in order that they may 
 be severally manifested. Correspondingly 
 too there are three portions of the O. T. 
 in which the -respective elements, each in 
 its turn, shine out with peculiar lustre. 
 The literal (and historical) element is most 
 
 obviously displayed in the historical narra- 
 tive : the moral is specially honored in the 
 Law, and in the hortatory addresses of the 
 Prophets : the predictions of the Prophets 
 bear emphatic witness to the prophetical or 
 spiritual. With these preliminary observa- 
 tions we may glance at the several branches 
 of the interpreter's task. First, then, Scrip- 
 ture has its outward form or body, all the 
 several details of which he will have to ex- 
 plore and to analyze. He must ascertain 
 the thing outwardly asserted, commanded, 
 foretold, prayed for, or the like; and this 
 with reference, so far as is possible, to the 
 historical occasion and circumstances, the 
 time, the place, the political and social posi- 
 tion, the manner of life, the surrounding 
 influences, the distinctive character, and 
 the object in view, alike of the writers, the 
 persons addressed, and the persons who ap- 
 pear upon the scene. From the outward 
 form of the O. T. we proceed to its moral 
 element or soul. It was with reference to 
 this that St. Paul declared that all Scripture 
 was given by inspiration of God, and was 
 profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for cor- 
 rection, for instruction in righteousness (2 
 Tim. iii. 16) ; and it is in the implicit recog- 
 nition of the essentially moral character of 
 the whole, that our Lord and His apostles 
 not only appeal to its direct precepts (e. g. 
 Matt. xv. 4; xix. 17-19), and set forth the 
 fulness of their bearing (e. g. Matt. ix. 13), 
 but also lay bare moral lessons in O. T. 
 passages which lie rather beneath the sur- 
 face than upon it (Matt. xix. 5, 6, xxii. 32 ; 
 John x. 34, 35 ; Acts vii. 48, 49 ; 1 Cor. ix. 
 9, 10; 2 Cor. viii. 13-15). With regard 
 more particularly to the Law, our Lord 
 shows in His Sermon on the Mount how 
 deep is the moral teaching implied in its 
 letter ; and in His denunciation of the Phar- 
 isees, upbraids them for their omission of 
 its weightier matters judgment, mercy, 
 and faith. But the O. T. has further its 
 spiritual and therefore prophetical element. 
 Our attention is here first attracted to the 
 avowedly predictive parts of the O. T., of 
 the prospective reference of which, at the 
 time that they were uttered, no question can 
 exist, and the majority of which still await- 
 ed their fulfilment when the Redeemer of 
 the world was born. With Christ the new 
 era of the fulfilment of prophecy com- 
 menced. 
 
 C. QUOTATIONS FROM THE OLD TESTA- 
 MENT IN THE NEW TESTAMENT. The New 
 Testament quotations from the Old form 
 one of the outward bonds of connection be- 
 tween the two parts of the Bible. They 
 are manifold in kind. In the quotations 
 of all kinds from the Old Testament in the 
 New, we find a continual variation from the 
 letter of the older Scriptures. To this vari- 
 ation three causes may be specified aa 
 having contributed: First, all tfie N. T.
 
 OLIVE 
 
 473 
 
 OLIVE 
 
 writers quoted from the Scptuagint; cor- 
 recting it indeed more or less by the Hebrew, 
 especially when it was needful for their 
 purpose ; occasionally deserting it altogeth- 
 er; still abiding by it to so large an extent 
 as to shor that it was the primary source 
 whence their quotations were drawn. Sec- 
 ondly, the N. T. writers must have fre- 
 quently quoted from memory. Thirdly, 
 combined with this, there was an alteration 
 of conscious or unconscious design. Some- 
 times the object of this was to obtain in- 
 creased force. Sometimes an O. T. passage 
 is abridged, and in the abridgment so adjust- 
 ed, by a little alteration, as to present an 
 aspect of completeness, and yet omit what 
 is foreign to the immediate purpose (Acts 
 i. 20; 1 Cor. i. 31). At other times a pas- 
 sage is enlarged by the incorporation of a 
 passage from another source : thus in Luke 
 iv. 18, 19, although the contents are pro- 
 fessedly those read by our Lord from Is. 
 Ixi., we have the words " to set at liberty 
 them that are bruised," introduced from Is. 
 Iviii. 6 (Sept.) : similarly in Rom. xi. 8, 
 Deut. xxix. 4 is combined with Is. xxix. 
 10. In some cases still greater liberty of 
 alteration is assumed. In some places 
 again, the actual words of the original are 
 taken up, but employed with a new mean- 
 ing. Almost more remarkable than any 
 alteration in the quotation itself, is the cir- 
 cumstance that in Matt, xxvii. 9, Jeremiah 
 should be named as the author of a proph- 
 ecy really delivered by Zechariah; the 
 reason being that the prophecy is based 
 upon that in Jer. xviii., xix., and that with- 
 out a reference to this original source the 
 most essential features of the fulfilment of 
 Zechariah's prophecy would be misunder- 
 stood. [BIBLE.] 
 
 Olive. No tree is more closely associ- 
 ated with the history and civilization of 
 man. Many of the Scriptural associations 
 of the olive-tree are singularly poetical. 
 It has this remarkable interest, in the first 
 place, that its foliage is the earliest that is 
 mentioned by name, when the waters of the 
 flood began to retire (Gen. viii. 11). Next 
 we find it the most prominent tree in the 
 earliest allegory (Judg. ix. 8, 9). With 
 David it is the emblem of prosperity and 
 the divine blessing (Ps. lii. 8, cxxviii. 3). 
 So with the later prophets it is the symbol 
 of beauty, luxuriance, and strength. We 
 must bear in mind, in reading this imagery, 
 that the olive was among the most abun- 
 dant and characteristic vegetation of Ju- 
 daea. Turning now to the mystic imagery 
 of Zechariah (iv. 3, 11-14), and of St. 
 John in the Apocalypse (Rev. xi. 3, 4), we 
 find the olive-tree used, in both cases, in a 
 very remarkable way. Finally, in the 
 argumentation of St. Paul concerning the 
 relative positions of the Jews and Gentiles 
 in the counsels of God, this tree supplies 
 
 the basis of one of his most forcible alle- 
 gories (Rom. xi. 16-25). The Gentiles 
 are the "wild olive " grafted in upon the 
 "good olive," to which once the Jews be- 
 longed, and with which they may again be 
 incorporated. The olive-tree grows freely 
 almost everywhere on the shores of the 
 Mediterranean, but it was peculiarly abun- 
 dant in Palestine (see Deut. vi. 11, viii. 8, 
 xxviii. 40). Olive-yards are a matter of 
 course in descriptions of the country, like 
 vineyards and cornfields (Judg. xv. 5 ; 1 
 Sam. viii. 14). The kings had very exten- 
 sive ones (1 Chr. xxvii. 28). Even now 
 the tree is very abundant in the country. 
 Almost every village has its olive-grove. 
 Certain districts may be specified where at 
 various times this tree has been very lux- 
 uriant. The cultivation of the olive-tree 
 had the closest connection with the domes- 
 tic life of the Israelites (2 Chr. ii. 10), their 
 trade (Ez. xxvii. 17; Hos. xii. 1), and even 
 their public ceremonies and religious wor- 
 ship. The oil was used in coronations : 
 thus it was an emblem of sovereignty (1 
 Sam. x. 1, xii. 3, 5). It was also mixed 
 with the offerings in sacrifice (Lev. ii. 1, 2, 
 6, 15). For the burning of it in common 
 lamps see Matt. xxv. 3, 4, 8. The use of 
 it on the hair and skin was customary, and 
 indicative of cheerfulness (Ps. xxiii. 5 ; 
 Matt. vi. 17). It was also employed me- 
 dicinally in surgical cases (Luke x. 34). 
 See again Mark vi. 13 ; Jam. v. 14, for its 
 use in combination with prayer on behalf 
 of the sick. In Solomon's temple the 
 cherubim were " of olive-tree " (1 K. vi. 
 23), as also the doors (vers. 31, 32) and 
 the posts (ver. 33). As to the berries 
 (Jam. iii. 12; 2 Esd. xvi. 29), which pro- 
 duce the oil, they were sometimes gathered 
 by shaking the tree (Is. xxiv. 13), some- 
 times by beating it (Deut. xxiv. 20). Then, 
 followed the treading of the fruit (Deut. 
 xxxiii. 24; Mic. vi. 15). Hence the men- 
 tion of " oil-fats " (Joel ii. 24). The wind 
 was dreaded by the cultivator of the olive, 
 for the least ruffling of a breeze is apt to 
 cause the flowers to fall (Job xv. 33). It 
 is needless to add that the locust was a 
 formidable enemy of the olive (Amos iv. 
 9). It happened not unfrequently that 
 hopes were disappointed, and that " the 
 labor of the olive failed " (Hab. iii. 17). 
 As to the growth of the tree, it thrives 
 best in warm and sunny situations. It is 
 of a moderate height, with knotty gnarled 
 trunks, and a smooth ash-colored bark. It 
 grows slowly, but it lives to an immense 
 age. Its look is singularly indicative of 
 tenacious vigoi , and this is the force of 
 what is said in Scripture of its "green- 
 ness," as emblematic of strength and pros- 
 perity. The leaves, too, are not deciduous. 
 Those who see olives for the first time are 
 occasionally disappointed by the dusty
 
 OLIVES, MOUNT OF 
 
 474 
 
 OLIVES, MOUNT OP 
 
 color of their foliage; but those who are 
 familiar with them find an inexpressible 
 charm in the rippling changes of their 
 Blender gray-green leaves, 
 
 Olives, Mount Of. The exact ex- 
 pression " the Mount of Olives " occurs in 
 the 0. T. in Zech. xiv. 4 only ; in the other 
 places of the O. T. in which it is referred 
 to, the form employed is the "ascent of 
 the olives " (2 Sam. xv. 80 ; A. V. inaccu- 
 rately "the ascent of Mount Olivet"), or 
 simply "the Mount" (Neh. viii. 15), "the 
 mount facing Jerusalem" (1 K. xi. 7), or 
 " the mountain which is on the east side of 
 the city " (Ez. xi. 23). In the N. T. three 
 forme of the word occur: 1. The usual 
 one, "the Mount of Olives." 2. By St. 
 Luke twice (xix. 29, xxi. 37), "the mount 
 called the Mount of Olives." 3. Also by 
 St. Luke (Acts i. 12), the "mount called 
 Olivet." But in the Greek text, both in 
 the Gospel and the Acts, the same word is 
 used, translated by the Vulgate " Olive- 
 turn," that is, the Mount of Olives. It is 
 the well-known eminence on the east of 
 Jerusalem, intimately connected with some 
 of the gravest events of the history of the 
 Old Testament and the New Testament, the 
 scene of the flight of David and the trium- 
 phal progress of the Son of David, of the 
 idolatry of Solomon, and the agony and 
 betrayal of Christ. It is not so much a 
 " mount " as a ridge, of rather more than a 
 mile in length, running in general direction 
 north and south, covering the whole eastern 
 eide of the city. At its northern end the 
 ridge bends round to the west, so as to form 
 an enclosure to the city on that side also. 
 But there is this difference, that whereas 
 on the north a space of nearly a mile of 
 tolerably level surface intervenes between 
 the walls of the city and the rising ground, 
 on the east the mount is close to the walls, 
 parted only by that which from the city it- 
 self seems no parting at all the narrow 
 ravine of the Kidron. It is this portion 
 which is the real Mount of Olives of the 
 history. In general height it is not very 
 much above the city : 300 feet higher than 
 the Temple Mount, hardly more than 100 
 above the so-called Zion. The word " ridge " 
 has been used above as the only one avail- 
 able for an eminenc'e of some length and 
 even height ; but that word is hardly accu- 
 rate. There is nothing " ridge-like " in the 
 appearance of the Mount of Olives, or of 
 any other of the limestone hills of this dis- 
 trict of Palestine ; all is rounded, swelling, 
 and regular in form. At a distance its out- 
 line is almost horizontal, gradually sloping 
 away at its southern end ; but when seen 
 from below the eastern wall of Jerusalem, 
 it divides itself into three, or rather per- 
 haps four, independent summits or emi- 
 nences. Proceeding from north to south, 
 these occur in the following order : Galilee, 
 
 or Viri Galilaei; Mount of the Ascension; 
 Prophets, subordinate to the last, and al- 
 most a part of it; Mount of Offence. 1. 
 Of these the central one, distinguished by 
 the minaret and domes of the Church of the 
 Ascension, is in every way the most impor- 
 tant. Three paths lead from the valley to 
 the summit. The first passes under the 
 north wall of the enclosure of Gethsernane, 
 and follows the line of the depression be- 
 tween the centre and the northern hill.. 
 The second parts from the first about 50 
 yards beyond Gethsemane, and striking off" 
 to the right up the very breast of the hill, 
 surmounts the projection on which is the 
 traditional spot of the Lamentation over 
 Jerusalem, and thence proceeds directly 
 upwards to the village. The third leaves 
 the other two at the N. E. corner of Geth- 
 semane, and making a considerable detour 
 to the south, visits the so-called " Tombs 
 of the Prophets," and, following a very 
 slight depression which occurs, at that part 
 of the mount, arrives in its turn at the vil- 
 lage. Of these three paths, the first, from 
 the fact that it follows the natural shape 
 of the ground, is unquestionably older than 
 the others, which deviate in pursuit of cer- 
 tain artificial objects. Every consideration 
 is in favor of its being the road taken by 
 David in his flight. It is, with equal proba- 
 bility, that usually taken by our Lord and 
 His disciples in their morning and evening 
 transit between Jerusalem and Bethany, 
 and that also by which the Apostles re- 
 turned to Jerusalem after the Ascension. 
 The central hill, which we are now con- 
 sidering, purports to contain the sites of 
 some of the most sacred and impressive 
 events of Christian history. The majority 
 of these sacred spots now command little 
 or no attention; but three still remain, suf- 
 ficiently sacred if authentic to conse- 
 crate any place. These are : (1.) Geth- 
 semane, at the foot of the mount. (2.) 
 The spot from which our Saviour ascend- 
 ed on the summit. (3.) The place of the 
 Lamentation of Christ over Jerusalem, half 
 way up. Of these, Gethsemane is the only 
 one which has any claim to be authentic. 
 [GETHSEMANE.] 2. We have spoken of 
 the central and principal portion of the 
 mount. Next to it on the southern side, 
 separated from it by a slight depression, 
 up which the path mentioned above as the 
 third takes its course, is a hill which ap- 
 pears neither to possess, nor to have pos- 
 sessed, any independent name. It is re- 
 markable only for the fact that it contains 
 the "singular catacomb" known as the 
 " Tombs of the Prophets," probably in al- 
 lusion to the words of Christ (Matt, xxiii. 
 29). 3. The most southern portion of 
 the Mount of Olives is that usually known 
 as the " Mount of Offence," Mons Of- 
 fensioms. It rises next to that last men-
 
 OLIVES, MOUNT OP 
 
 475 
 
 OMIII 
 
 tioned; and in the hollow between the two, 
 more marked than the depressions between 
 the more northern portions, runs the road 
 from Bethany, which was without doubt the 
 road of Christ's entry to Jerusalem. The 
 title Mount of Offence, or Scandal, was be- 
 stowed on the supposition that it is the 
 "Mount of Corruption " on which Solomon 
 erected the high places for the gods of his 
 foreign wives (2 K. xxiii. 13; IK. xi. 7). 
 The southern summit is considerably lower 
 than the centre one. 4. The only ojie of the 
 four summits remaining to be considered is 
 that on the north of the " Mount of Ascen- 
 sion " the Karem es Seyad, or Vineyard of 
 the Sportsman; or, as it is called by the 
 modern Latin and Greek Christians, the Viri 
 Galilaei. This is a hill of exactly the same 
 character as the Mount of the Ascension, 
 and so nearly its equal in height that few 
 travellers agree as to which is the more 
 lofty. The summits of the two are about 
 400 yards apart: It stands directly oppo- 
 site the N. E. corner of Jerusalem, and is 
 approached by the path between it and the 
 Mount of Ascension, which strikes at the 
 top into a cross-path leading to el-Isawiyeh 
 and Anata. The Arabic name well reflects 
 the fruitful character of the hill, on which 
 there are several vineyards, besides much 
 cultivation of other kinds. The Christian 
 name is due to the singular tradition, that 
 here the two angels addressed the Apostles 
 after our Lord's ascension " Ye men of 
 Galilee ! " This idea, which is so incom- 
 patible, on account of the distance, even 
 with the traditional spot of the Ascension, 
 is of late existence and inexplicable origin. 
 The presence of the crowd of churches 
 and other edifices must have rendered the 
 Mount of Olives, during the early and 
 middle ages of Christianity, entirely unlike 
 what it was in the time of the Jewish king- 
 dom or of our Lord. Except the high places 
 on the summit, the only buildings then to 
 be seen were probably the walls of the 
 vineyards and gardens, and the towers and 
 presses which were their invariable accom- 
 paniment. But though the churches are 
 nearly all demolished, there must be a con- 
 siderable difference between the aspect of 
 the mountain now and in those days when 
 it received its name from the abundance of 
 its olive-groves. It does not now stand so 
 pre-eminent in this respect among the hills 
 in the neighborhood of Jerusalem. It is 
 only in the deeper and more secluded slope 
 leading up to the northernmost summit that 
 these venerable trees spread into anything 
 like a forest. The cedars commemorated 
 by the Talmud, and the date-palms implied 
 in the name Bethany, have fared still worse ; 
 there is not one of either to be found within 
 many miles. Two religious ceremonies per- 
 formed there must have done much to in- 
 crease the numbers who resorted to the 
 
 mount. The appearance of the now moon 
 was probably watched for, certainly pro- 
 claimed, from the summit. The second 
 ceremony referred to was the burning of 
 the lied Heifer. Tliis solemn ceremonial 
 was enacted on the central mount, and in a 
 spot so carefully specified that it would 
 seem not difficult to fix it. It was due east 
 of the sanctuary, and at such an elevation 
 on the mount that the officiating priest, 
 as he slew the animal and sprinkled her 
 blood, could see the facade of the sanctuary 
 through the east gate of the Temple. To 
 this spot a viaduct was constructed across 
 the valley on a double row of arches, so as 
 to raise it far above all possible proximity 
 with graves or other defilements. It was 
 probably demolished by the Jews them- 
 selves on the approach of Titus, or even 
 earlier, when Pompey led his army by Jer- 
 icho and over the Mount of Olives. This 
 would account satisfactorily for its not be- 
 ing alluded to by Josephus. 
 
 Ol'ivet (2 Sam. xv. 30; Acts i. 12). 
 [OLIVES, MOUNT OF.] 
 
 Olym'pas, a Christian at Eome (Rom. 
 xvi. 15), perhaps of the household of Phi- 
 lologus. 
 
 O'mar, son of Eliphaz the firstborn of 
 Esau, and " duke " or phy larch of Edoin 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 11, 15; 1 Chr. i. 36). 
 
 Ome'ga, the last letter of the Greek al- 
 phabet, as Alpha is the first. It is used 
 metaphorically to denote the end of any- 
 thing : "I am Alpha and Omega, the begin- 
 ning and the ending, . . . the first and the 
 last" (Rev. i. 8, 11). 
 
 O'mer. [WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.] 
 
 Om'ri. 1. Originally " captain of the 
 host " to ELAH, was afterwards himself king 
 of Israel, and founder of the third dynasty. 
 When Elah was murdered by Zimri at Tir- 
 zah, then capital of the northern kingdom, 
 Omri was engaged in the siege of Gibbe- 
 thon, situated in the tribe of Dan, which 
 had been occupied by the Philistines. As 
 soon as the army heard of Elah's death, 
 they proclaimed Omri king. Thereupon he 
 broke up the siege of Gibbethon, and at- 
 tacked Tirzah, where Zimri was holding 
 his court as king of Israel. The city was 
 taken, and Zimri perished in the flames of 
 the palace, after a reign of seven days. 
 Omri, however, was not allowed to estab- 
 lish his dynasty without a struggle against 
 Tibni, whom " half the people " (1 K. xvi. 
 21) desired to raise to the throne. The 
 civil war lasted four years (cf. 1 K. xvi. 15, 
 with 23). After the defeat and death of 
 Tibni, Omri reigned for six years in Tir- 
 zah ; but at the end of that time he trans- 
 ferred his residence, probably from the 
 proved inability of Tirzah to stand a siege, 
 to the mountain Shomron, better known by 
 its Greek name Samaria, which he bough 
 for two talents of silver from a rich man,
 
 ON 
 
 476 
 
 ONIAS 
 
 otherwise unknown, called Shcmer. At 
 Samaria Omri reigned for six years more. 
 He seems to have been a vigorous and un- 
 scrupulous ruler, anxious to strengthen his 
 dynasty by intercourse and alliances with 
 foreign states. The probable date of Omri's 
 accession (t. e. of the deaths of Elah and 
 Zimri) was B. c. 935 ; of Tibni's defeat and 
 the beginning of Omri's sole reign B. c. 931, 
 and of his death B. c. 919. 2. One of the 
 eons of Becher the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. 
 vii. 8). 3. A descendant of Pharez the son 
 of Judah(lChr. ix. 4). 4. Son of Michael, 
 and chief of the tribe of Issachar in the 
 reign of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 18). 
 
 On, the son of Peleth, and one of the 
 chiefs of the tribe of Reuben, who took part 
 with Korah, Dathan, and Abiram in their 
 revolt against Moses (Num. xvi. 1). His 
 name dues not again appear in the narra- 
 live of the conspiracy, nor is he alluded to 
 when reference is made to the final catas- 
 tropl-- 
 
 On, a town of Lower Egypt, which is 
 mentioned in the Bible under at least two 
 names, BETH-SHEMESH (Jer. xliii. 13), 
 corresponding to the ancient Egyptian 
 sacred name HA-RA, " the abode of the 
 sun," and that above, corresponding to the 
 common name AN. On is better known 
 under its Greek name Heliopolis. It was 
 situate on the east side of the Pelusiac 
 branch of the Nile, just below the point of 
 the Delta, and about twenty miles north- 
 cast of Memphis. The chief object of 
 worship at Heliopolis was the sun, whose 
 temple, described by Strabo, is now only 
 represented by the single beautiful obelisk, 
 which is of red granite, 68 feet 2 inches 
 high above the pedestal. Heliopolis was 
 anciently famous for its learning, and Eu- 
 doxus and Plato studied under its priests. 
 The first mention of this place in the Bible 
 is in the history of Joseph, to whom we 
 read Pharaoh gave " to wife Asenath the 
 daughter of Potipherah, priest of On " 
 (Gen. xli. 45, comp. ver. 50, and xlvi. 20). 
 
 O'nam. 1. One of the sons of Shobal 
 the son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 23 ; 1 Chr. i. 
 40). 2. The son of Jerahineel by his wife 
 Atarah (1 Chr. ii. 26, 28). 
 
 O'nan, the second son of Judah by the 
 Canaanitess, " the daughter of Shua " (Gen. 
 xxxviii. 4; 1 Chr. ii. 3). "What he did 
 was evil in the eyes of Jehovah, and He 
 slew him also," as He had slain his elder 
 brother (Gen. xxxviii. 9). His death took 
 place before the family of Jacob went down 
 into Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 12; Num. xxvi. 19). 
 
 Ones'imus is the name of the servant 
 or slave in whose behalf Paul wrote the 
 Epistle to Philemon. He was a native, or 
 certainly an inhabitant, of Colossae, since 
 Paul in writing to the Church there speaks 
 f him (Col. iv. 9) as " one of you." 
 Slaves were numerous in Phrygia, and the 
 
 name itself of Phrygian was almost synon- 
 ymous with that of slave. Onesimus was 
 one of this unfortunate class of persons, 
 as is evident both from the manifest impli- 
 cation in Phil. 16, and from the general 
 tenor of the Epistle. The man escaped 
 from his master and fled to Rome, where in 
 the midst of its vast population he could 
 hope to be concealed. Though it may be 
 doubted whether Onesimus heard the gos- 
 pel for the first time at Rome, it is beyond 
 question that he was led to embrace the 
 gospel there through the apostle's instru- 
 mentality. The language in ver. 10 of the 
 letter is explicit on this point. After his 
 conversion, the most happy and friendly 
 relations sprung up between the teacher 
 and the disciple. The situation of the 
 apostle as a captive and an indefatigable 
 laborer for the promotion of the gospel 
 (Acts xxviii. 30, 31) must have made him 
 keenly alive to the sympathies of Christian 
 friendship, and dependent upon others for 
 various services of a personal nature, im 
 portant to his efficiency as a minister of the 
 word. Onesimus appears to have supplied 
 this twofold want in an eminent degree. 
 Whether Paul desired his presence as a 
 personal attendant or as a minister of the 
 gospel, is not certain from ver. 13 of the 
 Epistle. 
 
 Onesiph'orus is named twice only in 
 the N. T., viz. 2 Tim. i. 16-18, and iv. 19. 
 In the former passage Paul mentions him 
 in terms of grateful love, as having a noble 
 courage and generosity in his behalf, amid 
 his trials as a prisoner at Rome, when others 
 from whom he expected better things had 
 deserted him (2 Tim. iv. 16) ; and in the 
 latter passage he singles out " the house- 
 hold of Onesiphorus " as worthy of a special 
 greeting. It has been made a question 
 whether this friend of the apostle was still 
 living when the letter to Timothy was writ- 
 ten, because in both instances Paul speaks 
 of " the household " (in 2 Tim. i. 16) and 
 not separately of Onesiphorus himself. 
 The probability is, that other members of 
 the family were also active Christians ; and 
 as Paul wished to remember them at the 
 same time, he grouped them together (2 
 Tim. iv. 19), and thus delicately recognized 
 the common merit, as a sort of family dis- 
 tinction. It is evident from 2 Tim. i. 18, 
 that Onesiphorus had his home at Ephesns ; 
 though if we restrict the salutation near the 
 close of the Epistle (iv. 19) to h s family 
 he himself may possibly have been witli 
 Paul at Rome when the latter wrote to 
 Timothy. 
 
 Oni'as, the name of five high-priests in 
 the period between the Old and New Testa- 
 ments. 1. The son and successor of Jad- 
 dua, about B. c. 330-309. According to 
 Josephus he was father of Simon the Just. 
 2. The son of Simon the Just. He was a
 
 ONIAS, CITY OF 
 
 477 
 
 OPHIR 
 
 minor at the time of his father's death 
 (about B. c. 290), and the high-priesthood 
 was occupied in succession by his uncles 
 Eleazar and Manasseh to his exclusion. 
 He entered r-n the office about B. c. 240, 
 and retained ft till his death, about B. c. 
 226, when he was succeeded by his son 
 Simon II. 3. The son of Simon II., who 
 succeeded his father in the high-priesthood, 
 about B. c. 198. Seleucus Philopator was 
 informed by Simon, governor of the Tem- 
 ple, of the riches contained in the sacred 
 treasury, and he made an attempt to seize 
 them by force. At the prayer of Onias, ac- 
 cording to the tradition (2 Mace, iii.), the 
 sacrilege was averted ; but the high-priest 
 was obliged to appeal to the king himself 
 for support against the machinations of 
 Simon. Not long afterwards, Seleucus died 
 (B. c. 175), and Onias found himself sup- 
 planted in the favor of Antiochus Epiphanes 
 by his brother Jason, who received the 
 high-priesthood from the king. Jason, in 
 turn, was displaced by his youngest brother 
 Menelaus, who procured the murder of 
 Onias (about B. c. 171). 4. The youngest 
 brother of Onias III., who bore the same 
 name, which he afterwards exchanged for 
 Menelaus. 5. The son of Onias III., who 
 sought a refuge in Egypt from the sedition 
 and sacrilege which disgraced Jerusalem. 
 The immediate occasion of his flight was 
 the triumph of " the sons of Tobias," 
 gained by the interference of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes. Onias, receiving the protec- 
 tion of Ptol. Philometor, endeavored to 
 give a unity to the Hellenistic Jews. With 
 this object he founded the temple at Le- 
 ontopolis. 
 
 Oni'as, The City of, The Region 
 Of Onla>S, the city in which stood the tem- 
 ple built by Onias, and the region of the 
 Jewish settlements in Egypt. 
 
 Onions occur only in Num. xi. 5, as 
 one of the good things of Egypt of which 
 the Israelites regretted the loss. Onions 
 have been from time immemorial a favorite 
 article of food amongst the Egyptians. The 
 onions of Egypt are much milder in flavor 
 and less pungent than those of this country. 
 
 O'no, one of the towns of Benjamin, is 
 first found in 1 Chr. viii. 12, where Shamed 
 or Shamer is said to have built Ono and 
 Lod with their "daughter villages." A 
 plain was attached to the town, called " the 
 plain of Ono" (Neh. vi. 2), perhaps identi- 
 cal with the "valley of craftsmen" (Neh. 
 xi. 36). 
 
 Onycha occurs only in Ex. xxx. 34, as 
 one of the ingredients of the sacred per- 
 fume. In Ecclus. xxiv. 15, Wisdom is 
 compared to the pleasant odor yielded by 
 " galbanum, onyx, and sweet storax." It 
 is probably the operculum of a Strombus, 
 perhaps S. lentiginosus. 
 
 Onyx, the translation of the Heb. shfi 
 
 ham ; but there is nothing in the contexts 
 of the several passages (Gen. ii. 12; Ex. 
 xxviii. 9, 20 ; 1 Chr. xxix. 2 ; Ez. xxviii 13) 
 where the Hebrew term occurs to help us 
 to determine its signification. Some wri- 
 ters believe that the "beryl" is intended; 
 but the balance of authority is in favor of 
 some variety of the onyx. 
 
 O'phel, a part of ancient Jerusalem. 
 The name is derived by the lexicographers 
 from a root of similar sound, which has the 
 force of a swelling or tumor. It does not 
 come forward till a late period of Old Test, 
 history. In 2 Chr. xxvii. 3, Jotham is said 
 to have built much " on the wall of Ophel." 
 Manasseh, amongst his other defensive 
 works, "compassed about Ophel" (Jbid, 
 xxxiii. 14). From the catalogue of Nehe- 
 miah's repairs to the wall of Jerusalem, it 
 appears to have been near the "water- 
 gate " (Neh. iii. 26) and the " great tower 
 that lieth out" (ver. 27). Lastly, the for- 
 mer of these two passages, and Neh. xi. 21, 
 show that Ophel was the residence of the 
 Levites. Josephus in his account of the 
 last days of Jerusalem mentions it four 
 times as Ophla. Ophel was the swelling 
 declivity by which the Mount of the Tem- 
 ple slopes off on its southern side into the 
 Valley of Hinnom a long, narrowish, 
 rounded spur or promontory, which inter- 
 venes between the mouth of the central 
 valley of Jerusalem (the Tyropoeon) and 
 the Kidron, or Valley of Jehoshaphat. Half 
 way down it on its eastern face is the 
 "Fount of the Virgin," so called; and at 
 its foot the lower outlet of the same spring 
 the Pool of Siloam. 
 
 O'phir. 1. The eleventh in order of 
 the sons of Joktan, coming immediately 
 after Sheba (Gen. x. 29 ; 1 Chr. i. 23). 
 From the way in which the sons of Joktan 
 are here described, it is evident that this 
 Ophir corresponds to some city, region, or 
 tribe in Arabia. 2. A seaport or region 
 from which the Hebrews in the time of Sol- 
 omon obtained gold, in vessels which went 
 thither in conjunction with Tyrian ships 
 from Ezion-geber, near Elath, on that 
 branch of the Red Sea which is now called 
 the Gulf of Akabah. The gold was pro- 
 verbial for its fineness, so that "gold of 
 Ophir " is several times used as an expres- 
 sion for fine gold (Ps. xlv. 10; Job xxviii. 
 16; Is. xiii. 12; 1 Chr. xxix. 4) ; and in one 
 passage (Job xxii. 24) the word "Ophir" 
 by itself is used for gold of Ophir, and for 
 gold generally. In addition to gold, the 
 vessels brought from Ophir almug-wood 
 and precious stones. The precise geograph- 
 ical situation of Ophir has long been a 
 subject of doubt and discussion. The two 
 countries which have divided the opinions 
 of the learned have been Arabia and India, 
 while some have placed it in Africa. There 
 are only five passages in the historical books
 
 ORGAN 
 
 which mention Ophir by name ; three in the 
 Books of Kings (1 K. ix. 2G-29, x. 11, xxii. 
 48), and two in the Book's of Chronicles 
 (2 Chr. viii. 18, ix. 10). The latter were 
 probably copied from the former. In addi- 
 tion to these passages, the following verse 
 in the Book of Kings has very frequently 
 been referred to Ophir : " For the king (i. e. 
 Solomon) had at sea a navy of Tharshish 
 with the navy of Hiram : once in three years 
 came the navy of Tharshish bringing gold 
 and silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks " 
 (1 K. x. 22). But there is not sufficient 
 evidence to show that the fleet mentioned 
 in this verse was identical with the fleet 
 mentioned in 1 K. ix. 26-29, and 1 K. x. 11, 
 as bringing gold, almug-trees, and precious 
 stones from Ophir. If the three passages 
 of the Book of Kings are carefully exam- 
 ined, it will be seen that all the information 
 given respecting Ophir is, that it was a 
 place or region accessible by sea from 
 Ezion-geber on the Red Sea, from which 
 imports of gold, almug-trees, and precious 
 stones were brought back by the Tyrian and 
 Hebrew sailors. Now we have seen above 
 that the author of the 10th chapter of Gen- 
 esis certainly regarded Ophir as the name 
 of some city, region, or tribe in Arabia. 
 And it is almost equally certain that the 
 Ophh if Genesis is the Ophir of the Book 
 of Kings. There is no mention, either in 
 the Bible or elsewhere, of any other Ophir ; 
 and the idea of there having been two 
 Ophirs evidently arose from a perception of 
 the obvious meaning of the 10th chapter of 
 Genesis, on the one hand, coupled with the 
 erroneous opinion, on the other, that the 
 Ophir of the Book of Kings could not have 
 been in Arabia. Hence the burden of 
 proof lies on any one who denies Ophir to 
 have been in Arabia. There do not, how- 
 ever, appear to be sufficient data for deter- 
 mining in favor of any one emporium or of 
 any one locality rather than another in 
 Arabia, as having been the Ophir of Solo- 
 mon. The Book of Kings certainly suggests 
 the inference that there was some connec- 
 tion between the visit of the Queen of Sheba 
 and the voyage to Ophir, but this would be 
 consistent with Ophir being either contig- 
 uous to Sabaea, or situated on any point 
 of the southern or eastern coasts of Arabia ; 
 as in either of these cases it would have 
 been politic in Solomon to conciliate the 
 good will of the Sabaeans, who occupied a 
 long tract of the eastern coast of the Red 
 Sea, and who might possibly have com- 
 manded the Straits of Bab-el-mandeb. In 
 answer to objections against the obvious 
 meaning of the tenth chapter of Genesis, 
 the alternatives may be stated as follows. 
 Either Ophir, although in Arabia, produced 
 gold and precious stones ; or, if it shall be 
 hereafter proved in the progress of geologi- 
 cal investigation 'that this could not have 
 
 been the case, Ophir furnished gold and 
 precious stones as an emporium. 
 
 Oph/ni, a town of Benjamin, mentioned 
 in Josh, xviii. 24, the same as the Gophna 
 of Josephus, a place which at the time of 
 Vespasian's invasion was apparently so im- 
 portant as to be second only to Jerusalem. 
 It still survives in the modern Jifna or 
 Jufna. 2i miles north-west of Bethel. 
 
 Oph'rah. 1. A town in the tribe of 
 Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 23 ; 1 Sam. xiii. 17). 
 Jerome places it 5 miles east of Bethel. It 
 is perhaps et- Taiyibeh, a small village on 
 the crown of a conspicuous hill, 4 miles 
 E. N.E. of Beittn (Bethel). 2. More fully 
 OPHRAH OF THE ABI-EZRITES, the native 
 place of Gideon ( Judg. vi. 1 1) ; the scene 
 of his exploits against Baal (ver. 24) ; his 
 residence after his accession to power (ix. 
 5), and the place of his burial in the family 
 sepulchre (viii. 32). It was probably in 
 Manasseh (vi. 15), and not far distant from 
 Shechem (ix. 1, 5). 3. The son of Meono- 
 thai (1 Chr. iv. 14). 
 
 Orator. 1. The A. V. rendering in Is. 
 iii. 3, for what is literally " skilful in whis 
 per, or incantation." 2. The title applied 
 to Tertullus, who appeared as the advocate 
 or patronus of the Jewish accusers of St. 
 Paul before Felix (Acts xxiv. 1). 
 
 Orchard. [GARDEN.] 
 
 O'reb, the " raven " or " crow," the com- 
 panion of Zeeb, the " wolf," was one of the 
 chieftains of the Midianite host which in- 
 vaded Israel, and was defeated and driven 
 back by Gideon. The defeat is but slightly 
 touched upon in the narrative of Judges, 
 but the terms in which Isaiah refers to it 
 (x. 26) are such as to imply that it was a 
 truly awful slaughter. He places it in the 
 same rank with the two most tremendous 
 disasters recorded in the whole of the his- 
 tory of Israel the destruction of the Egyp- 
 tians in the Red Sea, and of the army of 
 Sennacherib (comp. Ps. Ixxxiii.). The 
 slaughter was concentrated round the rock 
 at which Oreb fell, and which was long 
 known by his name (Judg. vii. 25 ; Is. x. 26). 
 
 O'reb, The Rock, the "raven's crag," 
 the- spot, E. of Jordan, at which the Mid- 
 ianite chieftain Oreb, with thousands of his 
 countrymen, fell by the hand of the Ephra- 
 imites, and which probably acquired ita 
 name therefrom. It is mentioned in Judg. 
 vii. 25 ; Is. x. 26. Perhaps the place called 
 'Orbo, which in the Bereshith Ralba is 
 stated to have been in the neighborhood 
 of Bcthshean, may have some connection 
 with it. 
 
 O'ren. One of the sons of Jerahmeel, 
 the first-born of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 25). 
 
 Organ (Gen. iv. 21 ; Job xxi. 12, xxx. 
 31; Ps. cl. 4). The Hebrew word 'ngdb 
 or 'uggdb, thus rendered in our version, 
 probably denotes a pipe or perforated wind- 
 instrument, as the root of the word indicates.
 
 ORION 
 
 479 
 
 OSTRICH 
 
 Tn Gen. iv. 21 it appears to be a general 
 term for all wind-instruments. In Job xxi. 
 12, are enumerated the three kinds of musi- 
 cal instruments which are possible, under 
 the general terms of the timbrel, harp, and 
 organ. Some identify it with the Pandean 
 pipes, or syrinx, an instrument of unques- 
 tionably ancient origin, and common in the 
 East. 
 
 Ori'on. That the constellation known 
 to the Hebrews by the name cesil is the 
 same as that which the Greeks called Orion, 
 and the Arabs "the giant," there seems 
 little reason to doubt (Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 
 31; Am. v. 8). The "giant "of Oriental 
 astronomy was Nimrod, the mighty hunter, 
 who was fabled to have been bound in the 
 sky for his impiety. The two dogs and the 
 hare, which are among the constellations in 
 the neighborhood of Orion, made his train 
 complete. There is possibly an allusion to 
 this belief in " the bands of cesil " (Job 
 xxxviii. 31). 
 
 Ornaments, Personal. The num- 
 ber, variety, and weight of the ornaments 
 ordinarily worn upon the person form one of 
 the characteristic features of Oriental cos- 
 tume, both in ancient and modern times. 
 The monuments of ancient Egypt exhibit the 
 hands of ladies loaded with rings, earrings 
 of very greatsize, anklets, armlets, bracelets 
 of the most varied character, richly orna- 
 mented necklaces, and chains of various 
 kinds. There is sufficient evidence in the 
 Bible that the inhabitants of Palestine were 
 equally devoted to finery. In the Old 
 Testament, Isaiah (iii. 18-23) supplies us 
 with a detailed description of the articles 
 with which the luxurious women of his 
 day were decorated, and the picture is filled 
 up by incidental notices in other places. 
 The notices which occur in the early books 
 of the Bible imply the weight and abun- 
 dance of the ornaments worn at that period. 
 Eliezer decorated Rebekah with " a golden 
 nose-ring of half a shekel weight, and two 
 bracelets for her hands of ten skekels 
 weight of gold " (Gen. xxiv. 22). Earrings 
 were worn by Jacob's wives, apparently as 
 charms, for they are mentioned in connec- 
 tion with idols (Gen. xxxv. 4). The orna- 
 ments worn by the patriarch Judah were a 
 " signet," which was suspended by a string 
 round the neck, and a " staff'" (Gen. 
 xxxviii. 18) ; the staff itself was probably 
 ornamented. The first notice of the ring 
 occurs in reference to Joseph, when he 
 was made ruler of Egypt (Gen. xli. 42). 
 The number of personal ornaments worn 
 by the Egyptians, particularly by the fe- 
 niciles, is incidentally noticed in Ex. iii. 22. 
 The poetical portions of the O. T. contain 
 numerous references to the ornaments worn 
 by the Israelites in the time of their high- 
 est prosperity. The appearance of the 
 bride is thus described in the book of the 
 
 Canticles: "Thy cheeks are comely with 
 beads, thy neck with perforated (pearls') ; 
 we will make thee beads of gold with studs 
 of silver" (i. 10, 11). Her neck rising tall 
 and stately, " like the tower of David builded 
 for an armory," was decorated with vari- 
 ous ornaments hanging like the "thousand 
 bucklers, all shields of mighty men, on the 
 walls of the armory " (iv. 4) ; her hair 
 falling gracefully over her neck is de- 
 scribed figuratively as a " chain " (iv. 9) ; 
 and " the roundings " (not as in the A. V. 
 " the joints ") of her thighs are likened to 
 the pendant of an earring, which tapers 
 gradually downwards (vii. 1). The pas- 
 sage of Isaiah (iii. 18-23) may be rendered 
 as follows: (18) "In that day the Lord 
 will take away the bravery of their anklets, 
 and their lace caps, and their necklaces; 
 (19) the ear-pendants, and the bracelet?, 
 and the light veils ; (20) the turbans, and 
 the step-chains, and the girdles, and the . 
 scent-bottles, and the amulets; (21) the 
 rings and nose-rings ; (22) the state-dresses, 
 and the cloaks, and the shawls, and the 
 purses; (23) the mirrors, and the fine 
 linen shirts, and the turbans, and the light 
 dresses." 
 
 Or'nan, the same as Araunah (1 Chr. 
 xxi. 15; 2 Chr. iii. 1). [ARAUNAH.] 
 
 Or'pah, a Moabite woman, wife of Chil- 
 ion, son of Naomi, and thereby sister-in- 
 law to RUH (Ruth i. 4, 14). 
 
 O shea. [JOSHUA.] 
 
 Ospray (Heb. ozniyydh). The Hebrew- 
 word occurs in Lev. xi. 13, and Deut. xiv. 
 12, as the name of some unclean bird. It 
 is probably either the ospray (Pandion 
 haliaeetus) or the white-tailed eagle (7/a- 
 liacetus albicella). 
 
 Ossifrage (Heb. peres}. The Hebrew 
 word occurs, as the name of an unclean 
 bird, in Lev. xi. 13, and Deut. xiv. 12. If 
 much weight is to be allowed to etymology, 
 the peres of the Hebrew Scriptures may 
 well be represented by the ossifrage or 
 bone-breaker ; for peres in Hebrew means 
 "the breaker." And the ossifrage (Oy- 
 paetus barbatus} is well deserving of his 
 name. The Lammergeyer, or bearded vul- 
 ture, as it is sometimes called, is one of 
 the largest of the birds of prey. 
 
 Ostrich. There can be no doubt that 
 the Hebrew words bath haya'anfih, yd'en, 
 and rdnan, denote this bird of the desert. 
 1. Bath haya'an&h occurs in Lev. xi. 
 16, Deut. xiv. 15, in the list of unclean 
 birds ; and in other passages of Scripture. 
 The A. V. erroneously renders the Hebrew 
 expression, which signifies either " daughter 
 of greediness " or "daughter of shouting," by 
 " owl," or, as in the margin, by " daughter 
 of owl." In Job xxx. 29, Is. xxxiv. ]3, 
 and xliii. 20, the margin of the A V. cor- 
 rectly reads "ostriches." The loud crying 
 of the ostrich seems to be referred to in
 
 OSTRICH 
 
 480 
 
 OTHNIEL 
 
 Mic. i. 8. 2. Yd'en occurs in Lam. iv. 3, 
 where the context shows that the ostrich is 
 intended. 3*. R&n&n occurs in Job xxxix. 
 13, where it is clear from the whole pas- 
 sage (13-18) that ostriches are intended by 
 the word. The A. V. erroneously trans- 
 lates the word " peacocks ; " but there is 
 a different Hebrew name for peacocks, 
 and this bird was probably not known to 
 the people of Arabia or Syria before the 
 time of Solomon. The "ostrich" of the 
 A. V. in Job xxxix. 13 is the represen- 
 tative of the Hebrew ndtseh, " feathers." 
 The following short account of the 
 nidification of the ostrich (Struthio came- 
 lus) will elucidate those passages of Scrip- 
 ture which ascribe cruelty to this bird in 
 neglecting her eggs or young. Ostriches 
 are polygamous : the hens lay their eggs 
 promiscuously in one nest, which is merely 
 a hole scratched in the sand ; the eggs are 
 then covered over to the depth of about a 
 foot, and are, in the case of those birds 
 which are found within the tropics, gen- 
 erally left for the greater part of the day 
 to the heat of the sun, the parent-birds 
 taking their turns at incubation during the 
 night. But in those countries which have 
 not a tropical sun, ostriches frequently incu- 
 bate during the day, the male taking his 
 turn at night, and watching over the eggs 
 with great care and affection, as is evi- 
 denced by the fact that jackals a/id other 
 of the smaller carnivora are occasionally 
 found dead near vhe nest, having been 
 killed by the ostrich in defence of the eggs 
 or young. The habit of the ostrich leaving 
 its eggs to be matured by the sun's heat is 
 usually appealed to in order to confirm the 
 Scriptural account, " she leaveth her eggs 
 to the earth ; " but this is probably the case 
 only with the tropical birds. And even if 
 the Hebrews were acquainted with the hab- 
 its of the tropical ostriches, how can it be 
 said that " she forgetteth that the foot may 
 crush " the eggs, when they are covered a 
 foot deep or more in the sand? We believe 
 the true explanation of this passage is to be 
 found in the fact that the ostrich deposits 
 some of her eggs not in the nest, but around 
 it ; these lie about on the surface of the 
 sand, to all appearance forsaken ; they are, 
 however, designed for the nourishment of 
 the young birds. And this remark will hold 
 good in the passage of Job which speaks of 
 the ostrich being without understanding. It 
 is a general belief amongst the Arabs that 
 the ostrich is a very stupid bird; indeed 
 they have a proverb, " Stupid as an ostrich." 
 Hut it by no means deserves such a charac- 
 ter, as travellers have frequently testified. 
 " So wary is the bird," says Mr. Tristram, 
 " and so open are the vast plains over which 
 it roams, that no ambuscades or artifices 
 can be employed, and the vulgar resource 
 of dogged perseverance is the only mode 
 
 of pursuit." The ostrich is the largest of 
 all known birds, and perhaps the swiftest 
 of all cursorial animals. The feathers so 
 much prized are the Jong white plumes of 
 the wings. The best come to us from Bar- 
 bary and the west coast of Africa. 
 
 Oth'ni, son of Shemaiah, the first-born 
 of Obed-Edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). 
 
 Oth'niel, son of Kenaz, and younger 
 brother of Caleb, Josh. xv. 17 ; Judg. i. 13, 
 iii. 9 ; 1 Chr. iv. 13. But these passages all 
 leave it doubtful whether Kenaz was his 
 father, or, as is more probable, the more 
 remote ancestor and head of the tribe, 
 whose descendants were called Kenezites 
 (Num. xxxii. 12, &c.), or sons of Kenaz. 
 If Jephunneh was Caleb's father, then prob- 
 ably he was father of Othniel also. The 
 first mention of Othniel is on occasion of 
 the taking of Kirjath-Sepher, or Debir, as 
 it was afterwards called. I)ebir was in- 
 cluded in the mountainous territory near 
 Hebron, within the border of Judah, as- 
 signed to Caleb the Kenezite (Josh. xiv. 
 12-14) ; and in order to stimulate the valor 
 of the assailants, Caleb promised to give 
 his daughter Achsah to whosoever should 
 assault and take the city. Othniel won the 
 prize. The next mention of him is in Judg. 
 iii. 9, where he appears as the first judge of 
 Israel after the death of Joshua, and their 
 deliverer from the oppression of Chushan- 
 Rishathaim. This with his genealogy, 1 
 Chr. iv. 13, 14, which assigns him a son, 
 Hathath, is all that we know of Othniel. 
 But two questions of some interest arise 
 concerning him. (1) As regards his rela- 
 tionship to Caleb, the doubt arises from the 
 uncertainty whether the words in Judg. iii. 
 9, " Othniel the son of Kenaz, Caleb's 
 younger brother," indicate that Othniel him- 
 self, or that Kenaz, was the brother of Ca- 
 leb. The most natural rendering makes 
 Othniel to be Caleb's brother. And this is 
 favored by the probability that Kenaz was 
 not Othniel's father, but the father and head 
 of the tribe. (2) And this leads to the sec- 
 ond question, viz. the time of Othniel's 
 judgeship. Supposing Caleb to be about 
 the same age as Joshua, we should have to 
 reckon about 25 years from Othniel's mar- 
 riage with Achsah till the death of Joshua 
 at the age of 110 years (85+25=110). 
 And if we take Africanus's allowance of 30 
 years for the elders after Joshua, in whose 
 lifetime " the people served the Lord " 
 (Judg. ii. 7), and then allow 8 years for 
 Chushan-Rishathaim's dominion; and 40 
 years of rest under Othniel's judgeship, and 
 suppose Othniel to have been 40 years old 
 at his marriage, we obtain (40-f-25-f-30-f- 
 8-(-40 =) 143 years as Othniel's age at his 
 death. This, we are quite sure, cannot be 
 right. Nor does any escape from the diffi- 
 culty very readily offer itself. If we judge 
 only by ordinary probabilities, we shall sup-
 
 OVEN 
 
 481 
 
 OX 
 
 pose Othniol to have survived Joshua not 
 more than 20, or at the outside, 30 years. 
 Oven. The Eastern oven is of two kinds 
 - fixed and portable. The former is found 
 only in towns, where regular bakers are 
 employed (Hos. vii. 4). The latter is 
 adapted to the nomad state. It consists 
 of a large jar made of clay, about three 
 feet high, and widening towards the bot- 
 tom, with a hole for the extraction of the 
 ashes. Each household possessed such an 
 article (Ex. viii. 3) ; and it was only in 
 times of extreme dearth that the same 
 oven sufficed for several families (Lev. 
 xxvi. 26). It was heated with dry twigs 
 and grass (Matt. vi. 30) ; and the loaves 
 were placed both inside and outside of it. 
 
 Egyptian Oven. 
 
 Owl, the representative in the A. V. of 
 the Hebrew words bath haya'andh, yan- 
 sh-Aph, ctis, kippdz, and lilith. 1. Bath ha- 
 ycCantih. [OSTRICH. J 2. Yanshtiph, or 
 yannhSph, occurs in Lev. xi. 17, Deut. xiv. 
 16, as the name of some unclean bird, and 
 
 Otw ascalaphta. 
 
 in Is. xxxiv. 11, in the description of deso- 
 late Edom, " the yanshAph and the raven 
 shall dwell in it." The A. V. translates 
 yanshiiph by " owl," or " great owl." The 
 LXX. and Vulg. read ibis, i. e. the Ibis re- 
 Si 
 
 ligiosa, the sacred bird of Egypt. 3. frfi, 
 the name of an unclean bird (Lev. xi. 17 ; 
 Deut. xiv. 16) ; it occurs again in Ps. cii. 
 6. The passage in Ps. cii. 6 points de- 
 cidedly to some kind of owl. The owl we 
 figure is the Otus ascalaphus, the Egyptian 
 and Asiatic representative of our great 
 horned owl (Bubo maximus). 4. Kippdz 
 occurs only in Is. xxxiv. 15 : "There (i. e. 
 in Edom) the kippdz shall make her nest, 
 and lay and hatch and gather under her 
 shadow." It is hopeless to attempt to iden- 
 tify the animal denoted by this word ; but it 
 may denote some species of owl. 5. Llliik. 
 
 Athene meridionalit. 
 
 The A. V. renders this word by " screech- 
 owl " in the text of Is. xxxiv. 14, and by 
 " night-monster " in the margin. Accord- 
 ing to the Rabbins the lilith was a noctur- 
 nal spectre in the form of a beautiful wo- 
 man that carried off children at night and 
 destroyed them. If, however, some animal) 
 be denoted by the Hebrew term, the screech- 
 owl (strix flammed) may well be supposed- 
 to represent it, for this bird is found in the 
 Bible lands, and is, as is well known, a fre- 
 quent inhabiter of ruined places. 
 
 Ox. There was no animal in the rural 
 economy of the Israelites, or indeed in that 
 of the ancient Orientals generally, that wa* 
 held in higher esteem than the ox ; and de- 
 servedly so, for the ox was the animal upon* 
 whose patient labors depended all the ordi- 
 nary operations of farming. Oxen were used 
 for ploughing (Ueut. xxir. 10; 1 Sam. xiv. 
 14, &c.) ; for treading out corn (Deut. xxv. 
 4; Hos. x. 11, &c.) ; for draught purposes, 
 when they were generally yoked in pairs 
 (Num. vii. 3; 1 Sam. vi. 7, &c.) ; as beasts 
 of burden (1 Chr. xii. 40) ; their flesh was 
 eaten (Deut. xiv. 4 ; 1 K. i. 9, &c.) ; they 
 were used in the sacrifices ; cows supplied 
 milk, butter, &c. (Deut. xxxii. 14 ; Is. vii. 
 22; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). Connected with the
 
 OZEM 
 
 482 
 
 PAINT 
 
 importance of oxen in the rural economy 
 of the Jews is the strict code of laws which 
 was mercifully enacted by God for their 
 protection and preservation. The ox that 
 threshed the corn was by no means to be 
 muzzled ; he was to enjoy rest on the Sab- 
 bath as well as his master (Ex. xxiii. 12 ; 
 Deut. v. 14). The law which prohibited 
 the slaughter of any clean animal, except- 
 ing as "an offering unto the Lord before 
 the tabernacle," during the time that the 
 Israelites abode in the wilderness (Lev. 
 xvii. 1-6), no doubt contributed to the pres- 
 ervation of their oxen and sheep. It seems 
 clear from Prov. xv. 17, and 1 K. iv. 23, 
 that cattle were sometimes stall-fed, though 
 as a general rule it is probable that they 
 fed in the plains or on the hills of Pales- 
 tine. The cattle that grazed at large in the 
 open country would no doubt often become 
 fierce and wild, for it is to be remembered 
 that in primitive times the lion and other 
 wild beasts of prey roamed about Pales- 
 tine. Hence the force of the Psalmist's 
 complaint of his enemies (Ps. xxii. 13). 
 
 O'zem. 1. The sixth son of Jesse, the 
 next eldest above David (1 Chr. ii. 15). 
 2. Son of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 25). 
 
 Ozi'as. . 1. Uzzi, one of the ancestors 
 of Ezra (2 Esd. ii. 2). 2. UZZIAH, king 
 of Judah (Matt. i. 8, 9). 
 
 Oz'ni. One of the sons of Gad (Num. 
 xxvi. 1C), and founder of the family of the 
 Oznites, Num. xxvi. 16. 
 
 P. 
 
 Pa'arai. In the list of 2 Sam. xxiii. 
 35, "Paaraithe Arbite" is one of David's 
 mighty men. In 1 Chr. xi. 37, he is called 
 "Naarai the son of Ezbai," and this in 
 Kennicott's opinion is the true reading. 
 
 Pa' dan. Padan-Aram (Gen. xlviii. 7). 
 
 Pa'dan-a'ram. By this name, which 
 signifies " the table-land of Aram," the 
 Hebrews designated the tract of country 
 which they otherwise called Aram-naha- 
 raim, "Aram of the two rivers," the Greek 
 Mesopotamia (Gen. xxiv. 10), and "the 
 field (A. V. 'country') of Aram" (Hos. 
 xii. 13). The term was perhaps more espe- 
 cially applied to that portion which bor- 
 dered on the Euphrates, to distinguish it 
 from the mountainous districts in the N. 
 and N. E. of Mesopotamia. It is elsewhere 
 called PADAN simply (Gen. xlviii. 7). 
 
 Pa' don. The ancestor of a family of 
 Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr. ii, 44; Neh. vii. 47). 
 
 Pa'giel. The son of Ocran, and chief 
 of the tribe of Asher at the time of the 
 Exodus (Num. i. 13, ii. 27, vii. 72, 77, x. 
 26). 
 
 Pa'hath-mo'ab. Head of one of the 
 
 chief houses of the tribe of Judah. Of the 
 individual, or the occasion of his receiving 
 so singular a name, nothing is known cer- 
 tainly. But as we read, in 1 Chr. iv. 22, of 
 a family of Shilonites, of the tribe of Ju- 
 dah, who in very early times " had domin- 
 ion in Moab," it may be conjectured that 
 this was the origin of the name. That this 
 family was of high rank in the tribe of 
 Judah we learn from their appearing fourth 
 in order in the two lists, Ezr. ii. 6 ; Neh. 
 vii. 11, and from their chief having signed 
 second among the lay princes, in Neh. x. 
 14. It was also the most numerous (2818) 
 of all the families specified, except the 
 Benjamite house of Senaah (Neh. vii. 38). 
 
 Pai. [PAU.] 
 
 Paint (as a cosmetic). The use of cos- 
 metic dyes has prevailed in all ages in 
 Eastern countries. We have abundant evi- 
 dence of the practice of painting the eyes 
 both in ancient Egypt and in Assyria ; and 
 in modern times no usage is more general. 
 It does not appear, however, to have been 
 by any means universal among the He- 
 brews. The notices of it are few ; and in 
 each instance it seems to have been used 
 as a meretricious art, unworthy of a womin 
 of high character. Thus Jezebel "put her 
 eyes in painting " (2 K. ix. 30, margin) ; 
 Jeremiah says of the harlot city, "Though 
 thou rentest thy eyes with painting " (Jcr. 
 iv. 30) ; and Ezekiel again makes it a char- 
 acteristic of a harlot (Ez. xxiii. 40). The 
 expressions used in these passages are 
 worthy of observation, as referring to the 
 mode in which the process was effected. 
 It is thus described by Chandler (Travels, 
 ii. 140) : "A girl, closing one of her eyes, 
 took the two lashes between the forefinger 
 and thumb of the left hand, pulled them 
 forward, and then thrusting in at the ex- 
 ternal corner a bodkin which had been im- 
 mersed in the soot, and extracting it again, 
 the particles before adhering to it remained 
 within, and were presently ranged round 
 the organ." The eyes were thus literally 
 " put in paint," and were "rent" open in 
 the process. A broad line was also drawn 
 round the eye. The effect was an appar- 
 ent enlargement of the eye ; and the ex- 
 pression in Jer. iv. 30 has been by some 
 understood in this sense. The Bible gives 
 no indication of the substance out of which 
 the dye was formed. The old versions 
 agree in pronouncing the dye to have been 
 produced from antimony. Antimony is 
 still used for the purpose in Arabia and in 
 Persia, but in Egypt the kohl is a soot pro- 
 duced by burning either a kind of frankin- 
 cense or the shells of almonds. The dye- 
 stuff was moistened with oil, and kept in a 
 small jar, which we may infer to have been 
 made of horn, from the proper name Kcr- 
 en-happuch, " horn for paint " (Job xlii. 
 14). Whether the custom of staining the
 
 PALACE 
 
 483 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 hands and feet, particularly the nails, now 
 so prevalent in the East, was known to the 
 Hebrews, is doubtful. The plant henna, 
 which is used for that purpose, was cer- 
 tainly known (Cant. i. 14; A. V. " cam- 
 phire "), and the expressions in Cant. v. 14 
 may possibly refer to the custom. 
 
 Palace. There are few tasks more 
 difficult or puzzling than the attempt to re- 
 store an ancient building of which we pos- 
 sess nothing but two verbal descriptions ; 
 and these difficulties are very much en- 
 hanced when one account is written in a 
 language like Hebrew, the scientific terms 
 in which are, from our ignorance, capable 
 of the widest latitude of interpretation, and 
 the other, though written in a language 
 of which we have a more definite knowl- 
 edge, was composed by a person who never 
 could have seen the buildings he was de- 
 scribing. The site of the Palace of Solo- 
 mon was almost certainly in the city itself, 
 on the brow opposite to the Temple, and 
 overlooking it and the whole city of David. 
 It is impossible, of course, to be at all cer- 
 tain what was either the form or the exact 
 disposition of such a palace; but, as we 
 have the dimensions of the three principal 
 buildings given in the Book of Kings, and 
 confirmed by Josephus, we may, by taking 
 these as a scale, ascertain pretty nearly 
 that the building covered somewhere about 
 150,000 or 100,000 square feet. Whether 
 it was a square of 400 feet each way, or an 
 oblong of about 550 feet by 300, must al- 
 ways be more or less a matter of conjec- 
 ture. The principal building situated with- 
 in the palace was, as in all Eastern palaces, 
 the great hall of state and audience, called 
 " The House of the Forest of Lebanon," 
 apparently from the four rows of cedar pil- 
 lars by which it was supported. It was 100 
 cubits long, 50 wide, and 30 high. Next in 
 importance was the Hall or "Porch of 
 Judgment," a quadrangular building sup- 
 ported by columns, as we 'learn from Jose- 
 phus, which apparently stood on the other 
 side of the great court, opposite the House 
 of the Forest of Lebanon. The third edi- 
 fice is merely called a "Porch of Pillars." 
 Its dimensions were 50 by 30 cubits. Its 
 use cannot be considered as doubtful, as it 
 was an indispensable adjunct to an Eastern 
 palace. It was the ordinary place of busi- 
 ness of the palace, and the reception-room 
 when the king received ordinary visitors, 
 and sat, except on great state occasions, to 
 transact the business of the kingdom. Be- 
 hind this, we are told, was the inner court, 
 adorned with gardens and fountains, and 
 surrounded by cloisters for shade ; and 
 there were other courts for the residence 
 of the attendants and guards, and for the 
 women of his harem. Apart from this pal- 
 ace, but attached, as Josephus tells us, to 
 the Hall of Judgment, was the palace of 
 
 Pharaoh's daughter too proud and im- 
 portant a personage to be grouped with 
 the ladies of the harem, and requiring a 
 residence of her own. The recent discov- 
 eries at Nineveh have enabled us to under- 
 stand many of the architectural details of 
 this palace, which before they were made 
 were nearly wholly inexplicable. Solomon, 
 constructed an ascent from his own house 
 to the Temple, " the house of Jehovah " (1 
 K. x. 5), which was a subterranean passage 
 250 feet long by 42 feet wide, of which the 
 remains may still be traced. 
 
 Pa'lal, the son of Uzai, who assisted in 
 restoring the walls of Jerusalem in the 
 time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 25). 
 
 Palesti'na and Pal'estine. These two 
 forms occur in the A. V. but four times in 
 all, always in poetical passages ; the first 
 in Ex. xv. 14, and Is. xiv. 29, 31 ; the sec- 
 ond, Joel iii. 4. In each case the Hebrew 
 is Pelesheth, a word found, besides the 
 above, only in Ps. Ix. 8, Ixxxiii. 7, Ixxxvii. 
 4, and cviii. 9, in all which our translators 
 have rendered it by " Philistia" or " Philis- 
 tines." Palestine in the A. V. really means 
 nothing but Philistia. The original He- 
 brew word Pelesheth, to the Hebrews, sig- 
 nified merely the long and broad strip of 
 maritime plain inhabited by their encroach- 
 ing neighbors ; nor does it appear that at 
 first it signifies more to the Greeks. As 
 lying next the sea, and as being also the 
 high road from Egypt to Phoenicia and the 
 richer regions north of it, the Philistine 
 plain became sooner known to the western 
 world than the country farther inland, and 
 was called by them Syria Palaestina Phi- 
 listine Syria. From thence it was gradual- 
 ly extended to the country farther inland, 
 till in the Roman and later Greek authors, 
 both heathen and Christian, it becomes the 
 usual appellation for the whole country of 
 the Jews, both west and east of Jordan. 
 The word is now so commonly employed 
 in our more familiar language to designate 
 the whole country of Israel, that, although 
 biblically a misnomer, it has been chosen 
 here as the most convenient heading under 
 which to give_ a general description of THE 
 HOLY LAND, embracing those points which 
 have not been treated under the separate 
 headings of cities or tribes. This descrip- 
 tion will most conveniently divide itself into 
 three sections : I. The Names applied to 
 the country of Israel in the Bible and else- 
 where. II. The Land : its situation, as- 
 pect, climate, physical characteristics, in 
 connection with its history ; its structure, 
 botany, and natural history. III. The His- 
 tory of the country is so fully given under 
 its various headings throughout the work, 
 that it is unnecessary to recapitulate it- 
 here. 
 
 I. THE NAMES. Palestine, then, is des- 
 ignated in the Bible by more than one
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 484 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 name : 1. During the Patriarchal period, 
 the Conquest, and the age of the Judges, 
 and also where those early periods are re- 
 ferred to in the later literature (as Ps. cv. 11), 
 it is spoken of as " Canaan," or more fre- 
 quently " the land of Canaan," meaning 
 thereby the country west of the Jordan, as 
 opposed to " the land of Gilead " on the 
 east. 2. During the monarchy the name 
 usually, though not frequently, employed, 
 is " land of Israel" (1 Sam. xiii. 19; 2 K. 
 v. 2, 4, &c.). It is Ezekiel's favorite ex- 
 pression. The pious and loyal aspirations 
 of Hosea find vent in the expression, " land 
 of Jehovah " (Hos. ix. 3). In Zechariah 
 it is " the holy land " (Zech. ii. 12) ; and in 
 Daniel "the glorious laud" (Dan. xi. 41). 
 In Amos (ii. 10) alone it is " the land of 
 the Amorite." Occasionally it appears to 
 be mentioned simply as "the land;" as 
 in Ruth i. 1 ; Jer. xxii. 27 ; 1 Mace. xiv. 4 ; 
 Luke iv. 25, and perhaps even xxiii. 44. 3. 
 Between the Captivity and the time of our 
 Lord the name " Judaea " had extended it- 
 self from the southern portion to the whole 
 of the country, even that beyond Jordan 
 (Matt. xix. 1 ; Mark x. 1). In the book of 
 Judith it is applied to the portion between 
 the plain of Esdraelon and Samaria (xi. 
 19), as it is in Luke xxiii. 5 ; tiiough it is 
 also used in the stricter sense of Judaea 
 proper (John iv. 3, vii. 1). In this nar- 
 rower sense it is employed throughout 1 
 Mace, (see especially ix. 50, x. 30, 38, xi. 
 34). 4. The Roman division of the coun- 
 try hardly coincided with the Biblical one, 
 and it does not appear that the Romans had 
 any distinct name for that which we un- 
 derstand by Palestine. 6. Soon after the 
 Christian era we find the name Palaestina 
 in possession of the country. 6. The name 
 most frequently used throughout the middle 
 ages, and down to our own time, is Terra 
 Sancta the Holy Land. II. THE LAND. 
 The Holy Land is not in size or physi- 
 cal characteristics proportioned to its moral 
 and historical position, as the theatre of 
 the most momentous events in the world's 
 history. It is but a strip of country about 
 the size of Wales, less than 140 miles in 
 length, and barely 40 in average breadth, on 
 the very frontier of the East, hemmed in be- 
 tween the Mediterranean Sea on the one 
 hand, and the enormous trench of the Jordan 
 valley on the other, by which it is effec- 
 tually cut off from the main land of Asia 
 behind it. On the north it is shut in by ttie 
 high ranges of Lebanon and anti-Lebanon, 
 and by the chasm of the Litany. On the 
 south it is no less enclosed by the arid and 
 inhospitable deserts of the upper part of 
 the peninsula of Sinai. 1. Its position on 
 the Map of the World as the world was 
 when the Holy Land first made its appear- 
 ance in history is a remarkable one. 
 (i.) It is on the very outpost on the ex- 
 
 tremest western edge of the East. On the 
 shore of the Mediterranean it stands, as if 
 it had advanced as far as possible towards 
 the West, separated therefrom by that 
 which, when the time arrived, proved to be 
 no barrier, but the readiest medium of 
 communication the wide waters of the 
 " Great Sea." Thus it was open to all the 
 gradual influences of the rising communi- 
 ties of the West, while it was saved from 
 the retrogression and decrepitude which 
 have ultimately been the doom of all pure- 
 ly Eastern States whose connections were 
 limited to the East only, (ii.) There was 
 however one channel, and but one, by which 
 it could reach and be reached by the great 
 Oriental empires. The only road by which 
 the two great rivals of the ancient world 
 could approach one another by which 
 alone Egypt could get to Assyria, and As- 
 syria to Egypt lay along the broad flat 
 strip of coast which formed the maritime 
 portion of the Holy Land, and thence by 
 the Plain of the Lebanon to the Euphrates, 
 (iii.) After this the Holy Land became 
 (like the Netherlands in Europe) the con- 
 venient arena on which in successive ages 
 the hostile powers who contended for the 
 empire of the East fought their battles. 
 2. It is essentially a mountainous country. 
 Xot that it contains independent mountain 
 chains, as in Greece, for example, but that 
 every part of the highland is in greater or 
 less undulation. But it is not only a moun- 
 tainous country. The mass of hills which 
 occupies the centre of the country is bor- 
 dered or framed on both sides, east and 
 west, by a broad belt of lowland, sunk deep 
 below its own level. The slopes or cliffs 
 which form, as it were, the retaining walls 
 of this depression, are furrowed and cleft 
 by the torrent beds which discharge the 
 waters of the hills, and form the means of 
 communication between the upper and low- 
 er level. On the west this lowland inter- 
 poses between the mountains and the sea, 
 and is the PLAIN OF PHILISTIA and of SHA- 
 RON. On the east it is the broad bottom of 
 the JOKDAN VALLEY, deep down in which 
 rushes the one river of Palestine to its grave 
 in the Dead Sea. Such is the first general 
 impression of the physiognomy of the Holy 
 Land. It is a physiognomy compounded 
 of the three main features already named 
 the plains, the highland hills, and the 
 torrent beds : features which are marked in 
 the words of its earliest describers (Num. 
 xiii. 29; Josh. xi. 1C, xii. 8), and which 
 must be comprehended by every one who 
 wishes to understand the country, and the 
 intimate connection existing between its 
 structure and its history. 3. About balf 
 way up the coast the maritime plain 
 is suddenly interrupted by a long ridge 
 thrown out from the central mass, rising 
 considerably above the general level, and
 
 HOLY LAND 
 
 in UP- 
 TIME OF DAVID 
 
 *iis^^J^
 
 485 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 terminating in a bold promontory on the 
 very edge of the Mediterranean. This ridge 
 is MOUNT CARMEL. On its upper side, the 
 plain, as if to compensate for its temporary 
 displacement, invades the centre of the 
 country, and forms an undulating hollow 
 right across it from the Mediterranean to 
 the Jordan valley. This central lowland, 
 which divides with its broad depression the 
 mountains of Ephraim from the mountains 
 of Galilee, is the PLAIN OF ESDRAELON or 
 JEZREEL, the great battle-field of Palestine. 
 North of Carmel the lowland resumes its 
 position by the sea- side till it is again in- 
 terrupted and finally put an end to by the 
 northern mountains, which push their way 
 out of the sea, ending in the white promon- 
 tory of the Ras Nakhura. Above this is 
 the ancient Phoenicia. 4. The country 
 ttms roughly portrayed, and which, as be- 
 fore stated, is less than 140 miles in length, 
 and not more than 40 in average breadth, 
 is to all intents and purposes the whole land 
 of Israel. The northern portion is GALI- 
 LEE ; the centre, SAMARIA ; the south, JU- 
 DAEA. This is the land of Canaan which 
 was bestowed on Abraham ; the covenanted 
 home of his descendants. The two tribes 
 and a half remained on the uplands beyond 
 Jordan; and the result was, that these tribes 
 soon ceased to have any close connection 
 with the others, or to form any virtual part 
 of the nation. But even this definition 
 might without impropriety be further cir- 
 cumscribed ; for during the greater part of 
 the Old Testament times the chief events of 
 the history were confined to the district 
 south of Esdraelon, which contained the 
 cities of Hebron, Jerusalem, Bethel, Shiloh, 
 Shechem, and Samaria, the Mount of Olives, 
 and Mount Carmel. The battles of the Con- 
 quest and the early struggles of the era of 
 the Judges once passed, Galilee subsided 
 into obscurity and unimportance till the 
 time of Christ. 6. The highland district, 
 surrounded and intersected by its broad 
 lowland plains, preserves from north to 
 south a remarkably even and horizontal 
 profile. Its average height may be taken 
 as 1500 to 1800 feet above the Mediterra- 
 nean. It can hardly be denominated a 
 plateau, yet so evenly is the general level 
 preserved, and so thickly do the hills stand 
 behind and between one another, that, when 
 seen from the coast or the western part of 
 the maritime plain, it has quite the appear- 
 ance of a wall. This general monotony of 
 profile is, however, accentuated at intervals 
 by certain centres of elevation.* Between 
 these elevated points runs the watershed 
 of the country, sending off on either hand 
 
 * Bejrinninf? from the south, there elevations are Hebron 
 (KV*.! feet above the Mediterranean; Jerusalem, "filO, and 
 Mount of Olive*, -J7M. with Xtby Saimc il on the north, 26.50 ; 
 BHhel, -24M ; Siujil, 'JOBS: Ebal and Gerizim, 27(10 ; " Little 
 Hirmon" and Tabor (on the north side of the Plain of - 
 draeiou;, 1SIOO ; WeJ, 2775 ; Jetxl Jurmuk, 4000. 
 
 to the Jordan valley on the east and the 
 Mediterranean on the west the long, tor- 
 tuous arms of its many torrent beds. The 
 valleys on the two sides of the watershed 
 differ considerably in character. Those on 
 the east are extremely steep and rugged. 
 This is the case during the whole length of 
 the southern and middle portions of the 
 country. It is only when the junction be- 
 tween the Plain of Esdraelon and the Jordan 
 Valley is reached, that the slopes become 
 gradual' and the ground fit for the manoeu- 
 vres of anything but detached bodies of foot 
 soldiers. But, rugged and difficult as they 
 are, they form the only access to the upper 
 country from this side, and every man or 
 body of men who reached the territory of 
 Judah, Benjamin, or Ephraim, from the 
 Jordan Valley, must have climbed one or 
 other of them. The western valleys are 
 more gradual in their slope. The level of 
 the external plain on this side is higher, 
 and therefore the fall less, while at the 
 same time the distance to be traversed is 
 much greater. Here again the valleys are 
 the only means of communication between 
 the lowland and the highland. From Jaffa 
 and the central part of the plain there are 
 two of these roads " going up to Jerusalem ;" 
 the one to the right by Ramleh and the 
 Wady Aly ; the other to the left by Lydda, 
 and thence by the Beth-borons, or the Wady 
 Suleiman, and Gibeon. The former of these 
 is modern, but the latter is the scene of 
 many a famous incident in the ancient his- 
 tory. 6. When the highlands of the coun- 
 try are more closely examined, a consider- 
 able difference will be found to exist in the 
 natural condition and appearance of their 
 different portions. The south, as being 
 nearer the arid desert, and farther removed 
 from the drainage of the mountains, is drier 
 and less productive than the north. The 
 tract below Hebron, which forms the link 
 between the hills of Judah and the desert, 
 was known to the ancient Hebrews by a 
 term originally derived from its dryness 
 (Negeb). This was THE SOUTH country. 
 As the traveller advances north of this tract 
 there is an improvement; but perhaps no 
 country equally cultivated is more monoto- 
 nous, bare, or uninviting in its aspect, than 
 a great part of the highlands of Judah and 
 Benjamin during the largest portion of the 
 year. The spring covers even those bald 
 gray rocks with verdure and color, and fills 
 the ravines with torrents of rushing water ; 
 but in summer and autumn the look of the* 
 country from Hebron up to Bethel is very 
 dreary and desolate. At Jerusalem this 
 reaches its climax. To the west and north- 
 west of the highlands, where the sea-breezes 
 are felt, there is considerably more vegeta- 
 tion. 7. Hitherto we have spoken of the 
 central and northern portions of Judaea. 
 Its eastern portion a tract some nine or
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 486 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 ten miles in width by about tliirty-five in 
 length which intervenes between the cen- 
 tre and the abrupt descent to the Dead Sea. 
 is far more wild and desolate, and that not 
 for a portion of the year only, but through- 
 out it. This must have been always what 
 it is now an uninhabited desert, because 
 uninhabitable. 8. No descriptive sketch 
 of this part of the country can be complete 
 which does not allude to the caverns, char- 
 acteristic of all limestone districts, but here 
 existing in astonishing numbers. Every 
 hill and ravine is pierced with them, some 
 very large and of curious formation 
 perhaps partly natural, partly artificial 
 others mere grottos. Many of them are 
 connected with most important and inter- 
 esting events of the ancient history of the 
 country. Especially is this true of the dis- 
 trict now under consideration. Machpelah, 
 Makkedah, Adullam, Engedi, names in- 
 separably connected with the lives, adven- 
 tures, and deaths of Abraham, Joshua, 
 David, and other Old Testament worthies, 
 are all within the small circle of the terri- 
 tory of Judaea. Moreover, there is perhaps 
 hardly one of these caverns, however small, 
 which has not at some time or other fur- 
 nished a hiding-place to some ancient 
 Hebrew from the sweeping incursions of 
 Philistine or Amalekite. 9. The bareness 
 and dryness which prevail more or less 
 in Judaea are owing partly to the ab- 
 sence of wood, partly to its proximity to 
 the desert, and partly to a scarcity of 
 water, arising from its distance from the 
 Lebanon. But to this discouraging as- 
 pect there are some important exceptions. 
 The valley of Urtds, south of Bethlehem, 
 contains springs which in abundance and 
 excellence rival even those of Nabliis ; the 
 huge " Pools of Solomon " are enough to 
 supply a district for many miles round 
 them ; and the cultivation now going on in 
 that neighborhood shows what might be 
 done with a soil which requires only irriga- 
 tion and a moderate amount of labor to evoke 
 a boundless produce. 10. It is obvious 
 that in the ancient days of the nation, when 
 Judah and Benjamin possessed the teeming 
 population indicated in the Bible, the con- 
 dition and aspect of the country must have 
 been very different. Of this there are not 
 wanting sure evidences. There is no coun- 
 try in which the ruined towns bear so large 
 a proportion to those still existing. Hardly 
 a hill-top of the many within sight that is 
 not covered with vestiges of some fortress 
 or city. But, besides this, forests appear 
 to have stood in many parts of Judaea 
 until the repeated invasions and sieges 
 caused their fall; and all this vegetation 
 must have reacted on the moisture of the 
 climate, and, by preserving the water in 
 many a ravine and natural reservoir where 
 now it is rapidly dried by the fierce sun of 
 
 the early summer, must have influenced 
 materially the look and the resources of the 
 country. 11. Advancing northwards from 
 Judaea, the country (SAMARIA) becomes 
 gradually more open and pleasant. Plains 
 of good soil occur between the hills, at 
 first small, but afterwards comparatively 
 large. The hills assume here a more varied 
 aspect than in the southern districts, springs 
 are more abundant and more permanent, 
 until at last, when the district of Jebel 
 NaUiis is reached the ancient Mount 
 Ephraim the traveller encounters an at- 
 mosphere and an amount of vegetation and 
 water which are greatly superior to anything 
 he has met with in Judaea, and even suffi- 
 cient to recall much of the scenery of the 
 West. Perhaps the springs are the only 
 objects which in themselves, and apart 
 from their associations, really strike an 
 English traveller with astonishment and 
 admiration. Such glorious fountains as 
 those of Ain-jalud or the Ras el-Mukdtta 
 where a great body of the clearest water 
 wells silently but swiftly out from deep 
 blue recesses worn in the foot of a low 
 cliff of limestone rock, and at once forms 
 a considerable stream are very rarely to 
 be met with out of irregular, rocky, moun- 
 tainous countries, and being such unusual 
 sights, can hardly be looked on by the 
 traveller without surprise and emotion. 
 The valleys which lead down from the 
 upper level in this district to the valley 
 of the Jordan, are less precipitous than in 
 Judaea. The eastern district of the Jebel 
 Nabliis contain some of the most fertile 
 and valuable spots in the Holy Land. 
 Hardly less rich is the extensive region 
 which lies nQrth-west of the city of Shechem 
 (Nablfis~), between it and Carmel, in which 
 the mountains gradually break down into 
 the Plain of Sharon. But with all its rich- 
 ness, and all its advance on the southern 
 part of the country, there is a strange 
 dearth of natural wood about this central 
 district. It is this which makes the wooded 
 sides of Carmel and the park-like scenery 
 of the adjacent slopes and plains so re- 
 markable. 12. No sooner, however, is the 
 Plain of Esdraelon passed, than a consid- 
 erable improvement is perceptible. The 
 low hills which spread down from the moun- 
 tains of GALILEE, and form the barrier 
 between the plains of Akka and Esdraelon, 
 are covered with timber, of moderate size, 
 it is true, but of thick, vigorous growth, and 
 pleasant to the eye. Eastward of these 
 hills rises the round mass of Tabor, dark 
 with its copses of oak, and set off by con- 
 trast with the bare slopes of Jebel ed-Duhy 
 (the so-called "Little Hermon") and the 
 white hills of Nazareth. North of Tabor 
 and Nazareth is the plain of el-Buttaiif, an 
 upland tract hitherto very imperfectly de- 
 scribed, but apparently of a siinilar aature
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 487 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 to Esdraelon, though much more elevated. 
 The notices of this romantic district in the 
 Bible are but scanty ; in fact, till the date 
 of the New Testament, when it had ac- 
 quired the name of Galilee, it may be said, 
 for all purposes of history, to be hardly 
 mentioned. And even in the New Testa- 
 ment times the interest is confined to a 
 very small portion the south and south- 
 west corner, containing Nazareth, Cana, 
 and Nain, on the confines of Esdraelon, 
 Capernaum, Tiberias, and Gennesareth, on 
 the margin of the Lake. 13. Few things 
 are a more constant source of surprise to 
 the stranger in the Holy Land than the 
 manner in which the hill-tops are, through- 
 out, selected for habitation. A town in a 
 valley is a rare exception. On the other 
 hand, scarce a single eminence of the multi- 
 tude always in sight but is crowned with its 
 city or village, inhabited or in ruins, often so 
 placed as if not accessibility, but inaccessi- 
 bility, had been the object of its builders. 
 And indeed such was their object. These 
 groups of naked, forlorn structures, piled 
 irregularly one over the other on the curve 
 of the hill-top, are the lineal descendants, if 
 indeed they do not sometimes contain the 
 actual remains, of the " fenced cities, great 
 and walled up to heaven," which are so fre- 
 quently mentioned in the records of the Is- 
 raelite conquest. These hill-towns were not 
 what gave the Israelites their main difficulty 
 in the occupation of the country. Wherever 
 strength of arm and fleetness of foot availed, 
 there those hardy warriors, fierce as lions, 
 sudden and swift as eagles, sure-footed and 
 fleet as the wild deer ori the hills (1 Chr. xii. 
 9; 2 Sam. i. 23, ii. 18), easily conquered. 
 It was in the plains, where the horses and 
 chariots of the Canaanites and Philistines 
 had space to manoeuvre, that they failed 
 in dislodging the aborigines. " Judah drove 
 out the inhabitants of the mountain, but 
 could not drive out the inhabitants of the 
 valley, because they had chariots of iron 
 . . . neither could Manasseh drive out the 
 inhabitants of Bethshean . . . nor Megid- 
 do," in the Plain of Esdraelon ..." nor 
 could Ephraim drive out the Canaanites that 
 dwelt in Gezer," on the maritime plain near 
 Ramleh ..." nor could Asher drive out 
 the inhabitants of Accho " ... " and the 
 Araorites forced the children of Dan into 
 the mountain, for they would not suffer 
 them to come down into the valley " (Judg. 
 i. l!)-35). Thus in this case the ordinary 
 conditions of conquest were reversed the 
 conquerors took the hills, the conquered 
 kept the plains. To a people so exclusive 
 as the Jews there must have been a con- 
 stant satisfaction in the elevation and in- 
 accessibility of their highland regions. This 
 is evident in every page of their literature, 
 which is tinged throughout with a high- I 
 land coloring. The " mountains " were to i 
 
 " bring peace," the " little hills, justice to 
 the people : " when plenty came, the corn 
 was to flourish on the " top of the moun- 
 tains " (Ps. Ixxii. 3, 16). In like manner 
 the mountains were to be joyful before 
 Jehovah when He came to judge his people 
 (Ps. xcviii. 8). What gave its keenest 
 sting to the Babylonian conquest, was the 
 consideration that the " mountains of 
 Israel," the " ancient high places," were 
 become a "prey and a derision;" while, 
 on the other hand, one of the most joyful 
 circumstances of the restoration is, that the 
 mountains " shall yield their fruit as before, 
 and be settled after their old estates " (Ez. 
 xxxvi. 1, 8, 11). We have the testimony 
 of the heathens that in their estimation Je- 
 hovah was the " God of the mountains " (1 
 K. xx. 28), and they showed their apprecia- 
 tion of the fact by fighting, when possible, 
 in the lowlands. The contrast is strongly 
 brought out in the repeated expression of 
 the psalmists. " Some," like the Canaan- 
 ites and Philistines of the lowlands, " put 
 their trust in chariots, and some in horses ; 
 but we " we mountaineers, from our 
 " sanctuary " on the heights of our " Zion " 
 
 " will remember the name of Jehovah 
 our God," " the God of Jacob our father," 
 the shepherd warrior, whose only weapons 
 were sword and bow the God who is now 
 a high fortress for us "at whose com- 
 mand both chariot and horse are fallen," 
 " who burneth the chariots in the fire " 
 (Ps. xx. 1, 7, xlvi. 7-11, Ixxvi. 2, G). 14. 
 A few words must be said in general de- 
 scription of the maritime lowland, which in- 
 tervenes between the sea and the highlands. 
 This region, only slightly elevated above 
 the level of the Mediterranean, extends 
 without interruption from el-Arish, south 
 of Gaza, to Mount Carmel. It naturally 
 divides itself into two portions, each of 
 about half its length; the lower one the 
 wider, the upper one the narrower. The 
 lower half is the Plain of the Philistines 
 
 Philistia, or, as the Hebrews called it, 
 the Shefelah or Lowland. The upper half 
 is the Sharon or Saron of the Old and New 
 Testaments. The PHILISTINE PLAIN is on 
 an average 15 or 16 miles in width from the 
 coast to the first beginning of the belt of 
 hills which forms the gradual approach to 
 the high land of the mountains of Judah. 
 The larger towns, as Gaza and Ashdod, 
 which stand near the shore, are surround- 
 ed with huge groves of olive, sycamore, 
 and palm, as in the days of King David (1 
 Chron. xxvii. 28). The whole plain ap- 
 pears to consist of brown loamy soil, light, 
 but rich, and almost without a stone. It is 
 now, as it was when the Philistines pos- 
 sessed it, one enormous cornfield ; an ocean 
 of wheat covers tue wide expanse between 
 the hills and the sand dunes of the sea- 
 shore, without interruption of. any kind
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 488 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 no break or hedge, hardly even a single 
 olive-tree. Its fertility is marvellous ; for 
 the prodigious crops which it raises are pro- 
 duced, and probably have been produced 
 almost year by year for the last forty cen- 
 turies, without any of the appliances which 
 we find necessary for success. The PLAIN 
 OF SHARON is much narrower than Philis- 
 tia. It is about 10 miles wide from the sea 
 to the foot of the mountains, which are here 
 of a more abrupt character than those of 
 Philistia, and without the intermediate hilly 
 region there occurring. 15. The one an- 
 cient port of the Jews, the " beautiful " city 
 of Joppa, occupied a position central be- 
 tween the Shefelah and Sharon. Roads led 
 from these various cities to each other, to 
 Jerusalem, Neapolis, and Sebaste in the in- 
 terior, and to Ptolemais and Gaza on the 
 north and south. The commerce of Damas- 
 cus, and, beyond Damascus, of Persia and 
 India, passed this way to Egypt, Rome, and 
 the infant colonies of the west ; and that traf- 
 fic and the constant movement of troops 
 backwards and forwards must have made 
 this plain one of the busiest and most popu- 
 lous regions of Syria at the time of Christ. 
 10. The characteristics already described are 
 hardly peculiar to Palestine. But there is 
 oue feature, as yet only alluded to, in which 
 she stands alone. This feature is the JOR- 
 DAN the one river of the country. The 
 river is elsewhere described [JORDAN] ; but 
 it and the valley through which it rushes 
 down its extraordinary descent must be 
 here briefly characterized. This valley 
 begins with the river at its remotest springs 
 of Hasbeiya on the N. W. side of Hermon, 
 and accompanies it to the lower end of the 
 Dead Sea, a length of about 150 miles. 
 During the whole of this distance its course 
 is straight, and its direction nearly due 
 north and south. The springs of Hasbeiya 
 are 1700 feet above the level of the Mediter- 
 ranean, and the northern end of the Dead 
 Sea is 1317 feet below it, so that between 
 these two points the valley falls with more 
 or less regularity through a height of more 
 than 3000 feet. But though the river dis- 
 appears at this point, the valley still con- 
 tinues its descent below the waters of the 
 Dead Sea till it reaches a farther depth of 
 1308 feet. So that the bottom of this ex- 
 traordinary crevasse is actually more than 
 2600 feet below the surface of the ocean. 
 In width the valley varies. In its upper 
 and shallower portion, as between Banias 
 and the lake of Merom (ffuleh), it is about 
 five miles across. Between the lake of 
 Merom and the sea of Galilee it contracts, 
 and becomes more of an ordinary ravine or 
 glen. It is in its third and lower portion 
 that the valley assumes its more definite and 
 regular character. During the greater part 
 of this portion, it is about seven miles wide 
 from the ojie wall to the other. The east- 
 
 ern mountains preserve their straight line 
 of direction, and their massive horizontal 
 wall-like aspect, during almost the whole 
 distance. The western mountains are more 
 irregular in height, their slopes less verti- 
 cal. North of Jericho they recede in a 
 kind of wide amphitheatre, and the valley 
 becomes twelve miles broad a breadtli 
 which it thenceforward retains to the south- 
 ern extremity of the Dead Sea. Buried as 
 it is between such lofty ranges, and shielded 
 from every breeze, the climate of the Jor- 
 dan valley is extremely hot and relaxing. 
 Its enervating influence is shown by the 
 inhabitants of Jericho. All the irrigation 
 necessary for the cultivation which formerly 
 existed is obtained from the torrents of the 
 western mountains. For all purposes to 
 which a river is ordinarily applied the Jor- 
 dan is useless. The Dead Sea, which is 
 the final receptacle of the Jordan, is de- 
 scribed elsewhere. [SEA, THE SALT.] 17. 
 Monotonous and uninviting as much of the 
 Holy Land will appear, from the above de- 
 scription, to readers accustomed to the con- 
 stant verdure, the succession of flowers, last- 
 ing almost throughout the year, the ample 
 streams and the varied surface of the south- 
 ern part of our country we must remem- 
 ber that its aspect to the Israelites after that 
 weary march of forty years through the 
 desert, and even by the side of the bright- 
 est recollections of Egypt that they could 
 conjure up, must have been very different. 
 They entered the country at the time of 
 the Passover, when it was arrayed in the 
 full glory and freshness of its brief spring- 
 tide, before the scorching sun of summer 
 had had time to wither its flowers and em- 
 brown its verdure. Taking all these cir- 
 cumstances into account, and allowing for 
 the bold metaphors of Oriental speech, it is 
 impossible not to feel that those way-worn 
 travellers could have chosen no fitter words 
 to express what their new country was to 
 them than those which they so often employ 
 in the accounts of the conquest il a land 
 flowing with milk and honey, the glory of 
 all lands." 18. In the preceding descrip- 
 tion, allusion has been made to many of the 
 characteristic features of the Holy Land. 
 But it is impossible to close this account 
 without mentioning a defect which is even 
 more characteristic its lack of monu- 
 ments and personal relics of the nation who 
 possessed it for so many centuries, and 
 gave it its claim to our veneration and affec- 
 tion. When compared with other nations 
 of equal antiquity, Egypt, Greece, As- 
 syria the contrast is truly remarkable. In 
 Egypt and Greece, and also in Assyria, as 
 far as our knowledge at present extends, 
 we find a series of buildings, reaching down 
 from the most remote and mysterioi .s anti- 
 quity, a chain, of which hardly a link is 
 wanting, and which records the progrto3 of
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 489 
 
 PALMER-WORM 
 
 the people in civilization, art, and religion, 
 as certainly as the buildings of the mediae- 
 val architects do that of the various nations 
 at modern Europe. But in Palestine it is 
 not too much to say that there does not 
 exist a single edifice, or part of an edifice, 
 of which \ve can be sure that it is of a date 
 anterior to the Christian era. And as with 
 the buildings, so with other memorials. 
 With one exception, the museums of Eu- 
 rope do not possess a single piece of pot- 
 tery or metal work, a single weapon or 
 household utensil, an ornament or a piece 
 of armor, of Israelite make, which can 
 give us the least conception of the manners 
 or outwird appliances of the nation before 
 the date of the destruction of Jerusalem by 
 Titus. The coins form the single excep- 
 tion. M. Renan has named two circum- 
 stances which must have had a great effect 
 in suppressing art or architecture amongst 
 the ancient Israelites, while their very ex- 
 istence proves that the people had no genius 
 in that direction. These are (1) the pro- 
 hibition of sculptured representations of 
 living creatures, and (2) the command not 
 to build a temple anywhere but at Jeru- 
 salem. THE GEOLOGY. Of the geological 
 structure of Palestine it has been said with 
 trutli that our information is but imper- 
 foct and indistinct, and that much time 
 must elapse, and many a cherished hy- 
 pothesis be sacrificed, before a satisfactory 
 explanation can be arrived at of its more 
 remarkable phenomena. THE BOTANY. 
 The botany of Syria and Palestine differs 
 but little from that of Asia Minor, which is 
 one of the most rich and varied on the 
 globe. What differences it presents are due 
 to a slight admixture of Persian forms on 
 the eastern frontier, of Arabian and Egyp- 
 tian on the southern, and of Arabian and 
 Indian tropical plants in the low torrid de- 
 pression of the Jordan and Dead Sea. On 
 the other hand, Palestine forms the south- 
 ern and eastern limit of the Asia Minor 
 flora, and contains a multitude of trees, 
 shrubs, and herbs that advance no farther 
 south and east. Amongst trees, oaks are 
 by far the most prevalent, and are the only 
 ones that form continuous woods, except the 
 Pinifs maritima and P. Halepensis (Alep- 
 po Pine). The trees of the genus Pistacia 
 rank next in abundance to the Oak, and of 
 these there are three species in Syria. The 
 Carob or Locust-tree (Cei-atonia Siliqua), 
 ranks perhaps next in abundance to the 
 foregoing trees. The Sycamore-fig is com- 
 mon in the neighborhood of towns, and at- 
 tains a large size ; its wood is much used, 
 especially in Egypt, where the mummy- 
 cases were formerly made of it. Poplars, 
 especially the aspen and white poplar, are 
 extremely common by streams. The Wal- 
 nut is more common in Syria than in Pal- 
 estine. Of planted trees and large shrubs, 
 
 the first in importance is the Vine, which 
 is most abundantly cultivated all over the 
 country, and produces, as in the time of the 
 Canaanites, enormous bunches of grapes. 
 This is especially the case in the southern 
 districts, those of Eshcol being still partic- 
 ularly famous. Next to the vine, or even 
 in some respects its superior in importance, 
 ranks the Olive, which nowhere grows in 
 greater luxuriance and abundance than in 
 Palestine, where the olive orchards form 
 a prominent feature throughout the land- 
 scape, and have done so from time im- 
 memorial. The Fig forms another most 
 important crop in Syria and Palestine. 
 ZOOLOGY. It will be sufficient in this 
 article to give a general survey of the 
 fauna of Palestine, as the reader will find 
 more particular information in the sev- 
 eral articles which treat of the various 
 animals under their respective names. 
 Jackals and foxes are common ; the hyena 
 and wolf are also occasionally observed; 
 the lion is no longer a resident in Pal- 
 estine or Syria. A species of squirrel 
 which the Arabs term Orkidaun, " the 
 leaper," has been noticed on the lower and 
 middle parts of Lebanon : two kinds of 
 hare ; rats and mice, which are said to 
 abound ; the jerboa ; the porcupine ; the 
 short-tailed field-mouse, may be considered 
 as the representatives of the Rodentia. Of 
 the Pachydermata. the wild boar, which is 
 frequently met with on Tabor and Little 
 Hermon, appears to be the only living wild 
 example. There does not appear to be at 
 present any wild ox in Palestine. Of do- 
 mestic animals we need only mention the 
 Arabian or one-humped camel; asses, and 
 mules, and horses, all of which are in gen- 
 eral use. The buffalo (Bubalus buffalo) is 
 common. The ox of the country is small 
 and unsightly in the neighborhood of Jeru- 
 salem, but in the richer pastures the cattle, 
 though small, are not unsightly; the com- 
 mon sheep of Palestine is the broad-tail, 
 with its varieties ; goats are extremely 
 common everywhere. Palestine abounds- in 
 numerous kinds of birds. Vultures, eagles, 
 falcons, kites, owls of different kinds, rep- 
 resent the Raptorial order. In the south 
 of Palestine especially, reptiles of various 
 kinds abound. It has been remarked that 
 in its physical character Palestine presents 
 on a small scale an epitome of the natural 
 features of all regions, mountainous and 
 desert, northern and tropical, maritime and 
 inland, pastoral, arable, and volcanic. 
 
 Pal'lu. The second son of Reuben, 
 father of Eliab (Ex. vi. 14 ; Num. xxvi. 5, 
 8 ; 1 Chr. v. 3) and founder of the fami- 
 ly of 
 
 Pal'luites, The (Num. xxvi. 5). 
 
 Palmer-WOrm (Heb. gdzdm) occurs 
 Joel i. 4, ii. 25 ; Am. iv. 9. It is maintained 
 by many that g&z&m denotes some species
 
 PALM-TREE 
 
 490 
 
 PALSY 
 
 of locust, but it is more probably a cater- 
 pillar. 
 
 Palm-tree (Hcb. i&m&r}. Under this 
 generic term many species are botanically 
 included ; but we have here only to do with 
 the Date-palm, the Phoenix Dactylifera of 
 Linnaeus. While this tree was abundant 
 generally in the Levant, it was regarded 
 by the ancients as peculiarly characteristic 
 of Palestine and the neighboring regions. 
 The following places may be enumerated 
 from the Bible as having some connection 
 with the palm-tree, either in the derivation 
 of the name, or in the mention of the tree 
 as growing on the spot. (1.) At ELIM, one 
 of the stations of the Israelites between 
 Egypt and Sinai, it is expressly stated that 
 there were "twelve wells (fountains) of 
 water, and threescore and ten palm-trees " 
 (Ex. xv. 27 ; Num. xxxiii. 9). (2.) Next, 
 it should be observed that ELATH (Deut. ii. 
 8; 1 K. ix. 26; 2 K. xiv. 22, xvi. 6; 2 Chr. 
 viii. 17, xxvi. 2) is another plural form of 
 the same word, and may likewise mean 
 "the palm-trees." (3.) No place in Scrip- 
 ture is so closely associated with the sub- 
 ject before us as JERICHO. Its rich palm- 
 groves are connected with two very different 
 periods, with that of Moses (Deut. xxxiv. 
 3 ; Judg. i. 16) and Joshua, on the one 
 hand, and that of the Evangelists, on the 
 other. What the extent of these palm- 
 groves may have been in the desolate pe- 
 riod of Jericho we cannot tell; but they 
 were renowned in the time of the Gos- 
 pels and Josephus. The Jewish historian 
 mentions the luxuriance of these trees 
 again and again. (4.) The name of HAZE- 
 ZON-TAMAK, "the felling of the palm-tree," 
 is clear in its derivation. This place is 
 mentioned in the history both of Abraham 
 (Gen. xiv. 7) and of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. 
 xx. 2). (5.) Another place having the 
 same element in its name, and doubtless 
 the same characteristic in its scenery, was 
 BAAL-TAMAK (Judg. xx. 33). (6.) We 
 must next mention the TAMAR, " the palm," 
 which is set before us in the vision of Eze- 
 kiel (xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28). (7.) There is 
 little doubt that Solomon's TADMOR, after- 
 wards the famous Palmyra, on another des- 
 ert frontier far to the N. E. of Tamar, is 
 primarily the same word. (8.) Nor, again, 
 are the places of the N. T. without their 
 associations with this characteristic tree of 
 Palestine. BETHANY means " the house 
 of dates ; " and thus we are reminded that 
 the palm grew in the neighborhood of the 
 Mount of Olives. This helps our realiza- 
 tion of our Saviour's entry into Jerusalem, 
 when the people "took branches of palm- 
 trees and went forth to meet Him " (John 
 xii. 13 ; comp. Neh. viii. 15). (9.) The 
 word Phoenicia, which occurs twice in the 
 N. T. (Acts xi. 19, xv. 3) is in all proba- 
 bility derived from the Greek word for a 
 
 palm. (10.) Lastly, Phoenix in the island 
 of Crete, the harbor which St. Paul was 
 prevented by the storm from reaching (Acts 
 xxvii. 12), lias doubtless the same deriva- 
 tion. From the passages where there is 
 a literal reference to the palm-tree, we may 
 pass to the emblematical uses of it in Scrip- 
 ture. Under this head may be classed the 
 following: (1.) The striking appearance of 
 the tree, its uprightness and beauty, would 
 naturally suggest the giving of its name 
 occasionally to women (Gen. xxxviii. 6 ; 
 2 Sam. xiii. 1, xiv. 27). (2.) We have 
 notices of the employment of this form in 
 decorative art, both in the real temple of 
 Solomon and in the visionary temple of 
 Ezekiel. This work seems to have been in 
 relief. It was a natural and doubtless cus- 
 tomary kind of ornamentation in Eastern 
 architecture. (3.) With a tree so abundant 
 in Judaea, and so marked in its growth and 
 appearance, as the palm, it seems rather 
 remarkable that it does not appear more 
 frequently in the imagery of the O. T. 
 There is, however, in the Psalms (xcii. 12) 
 the familiar comparison, " The righteous 
 shall flourish like the palm-tree," which 
 suggests a world of illustration, whether 
 respect be had to the orderly and regular 
 aspect of the tree, its fruitfulness, the per- 
 petual greenness of its foliage, or the height 
 at which the foliage grows, as far as possi- 
 ble from earth and as near as possible to 
 heaven. Perhaps no point is more worthy 
 of mention, if we wish to pursue the com- 
 parison, than the elasticity of the fibre of 
 the palm, and its determined growth up- 
 wards, even when loaded with weights. 
 (4.) The passage in Rev. vii. 9, where the 
 glorified of all nations are described as 
 " clothed with white robes and palms in 
 their hands," might seem to us a purely 
 classical image. But palm-branches were 
 used by Jews in token of victory and peace 
 (1 Mace. xiii. 51; 2 Mace. x. 7, xiv. 4). 
 As to the industrial and domestic uses of 
 the palm, it is well known that they are 
 very numerous : but there is no clear allu- 
 sion to them in the Bible. That the ancient 
 Orientals, however, made use of wine and 
 honey obtained from the palm-tree is evi- 
 dent from Herodotus, Strabo, and Pliny. 
 It is indeed possible that the honey men- 
 tioned in some places may be palm-sugar. 
 (In 2 Chr. xxxi. 5 the margin has "dates.") 
 There may also in Cant. vii. 8, "I will go 
 up to the palm-tree, I will take hold of the 
 boughs thereof," be a reference to climbing 
 for the fruit. So in ii. 3 and elsewhere 
 (e. g. Ps. i. 3) the fruit of the palm may be 
 intended : but this cannot be proved. It is 
 curious that this tree, once so abundant in 
 Judaea, is now comparatively rare, except 
 in the Philistine plain, and in the old Phoe- 
 nicia about Beyrout. 
 Palsy. The palsy meets us in tl N.
 
 PALTI 
 
 491 
 
 PARABLE 
 
 T. only, and in features too familiar to need 
 special remark. The words " grievously 
 tormented " (Matt. viii. 6) may refer to 
 paralysis agitans, or even St. Vitus 1 dance, 
 in both of which the patient, being never 
 still for a moment save when asleep, might 
 well be so described. The woman's case 
 who was "bowed together" by "a spirit 
 of infirmity," may probably have been that 
 of a paralytic (Luke xiii. 11). 
 
 Pal'ti. The Benjamite spy; son of 
 llapliu (Num. xiii. 9). 
 
 Pal'tiel. The son of Azzan and prince 
 of the tribe of Issachar (Num. xxxiv. 26). 
 He was one of the twelve appointed to di- 
 vide the land of Canaan among the tribes 
 west of Jordan. 
 
 Pal'tite, The. Helez " the Paltite " is 
 named in 2 Sam. xxiii. 26 among David's 
 mighty men. 
 
 PaxnphyTia, one of the coast-regions 
 in the south of Asia Minor, having CILICIA 
 on the east, and LTCIA on the west. In 
 St. Paul's time it was not only a regular 
 province, but the Emperor Claudius had 
 united Lycia with it, and probably also a 
 good part of Pisidia. It was in Pamphylia 
 that St. Paul first entered Asia Minor, after 
 preaching the Gospel in Cyprus. He and 
 Barnabas sailed up the river Cestrus to 
 PERGA (Acts xiii. 13). The two mission- 
 aries finally left Pamphylia by its chief 
 seaport, ATTALIA. Many years afterwards 
 St. Paul sailed near the coast (Acts xxvii. 5). 
 
 Pan. Of the six words so rendered in 
 A. V., two, machabath and masrSth, seem 
 to imply a shallow pan or plate, such as is 
 used by Bedouins and Syrians for baking 
 or dressing rapidly their cakes of meal, 
 such as were used in legal oblations ; the 
 others, especially sir, a deeper vessel or 
 caldron for boiling meat, placed during the 
 process on three stones. 
 
 Pan'nag, an article of commerce ex- 
 ported from Palestine to Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 
 17), the nature of which is a pure matter 
 of conjecture, as the term occurs nowhere 
 else. A comparison of the passage in Eze- 
 kiel with Gen. xliii. 11, leads to the suppo- 
 sition that pannag represents some of the 
 spices grown in Palestine. 
 
 Paper. [WRITING.] 
 
 Pa phos, a town at the west end of 
 CYPRUS, connected by a road with SAL- 
 AMIS at the east end. Paul and Barnabas 
 travelled on their first missionary expedi- 
 tion, " through the isle," from the latter 
 place to the former (Acts xiii. 6). The 
 great characteristic of Paphos was the wor- 
 ship of Aphrodite or Venus, who was here 
 fabled to have risen from the sea. Her 
 temple, however, was at " Old Paphos," 
 now called Kuklia. The harbor and the 
 chief town were at " New Paphos," at 
 some little distance. The place is still 
 called Bafa. 
 
 Papyrus. [REED.] 
 
 Parable. The word Parable, in Gr. 
 Parabole (/tuo^o *<,'), does not of itself im- 
 ply a narrative. The juxtaposition of two 
 things, differing in most points, but agree- 
 ing in some, is sufficient to bring the com- 
 parison thus produced within the etymology 
 of the word. In Hellenistic Greek it ac- 
 quired a meaning co-extensive with that 
 of the Hebrew mdshdl. That word (= si- 
 militude) had a large range of application, 
 and was applied sometimes to the shortest 
 proverbs (1 Sam. x. 12, xxiv. 13 ; 2 Chr. 
 vii. 20), sometimes to dark prophetic utter- 
 ances (Num. xxiii. 7, 18, xxiv. 3 ; Ez. xx. 
 49), sometimes to enigmatic maxims (Ps. 
 Ixxviii. 2; Prov. i. 6), or metaphors ex- 
 panded into a narrative (Ez. xii. 22). la 
 the N. T. itself the word is used with a like 
 latitude. By the Jewish Rabbis the para- 
 ble was made the instrument for teaching 
 the young disciple to discern the treasures 
 of wisdom, of which the " accursed " mul- 
 titude were ignorant. The teaching of 
 our Lord at the commencement of His 
 ministry was, in every way, the opposite 
 of this. The Sermon on the Mount may be 
 taken as the type of the "words of grace" 
 which he spoke, " not as the scribes." So 
 for some months He taught in the syna- 
 gogues and on the sea-shore of Galilee, as 
 He had before taught in Jerusalem, and 
 as yet without a parable. But then there 
 comes a change. The direct teaching was 
 met with scorn, unbelief, hardness, and He 
 seems for a time to abandon it for that 
 which took the form of parables. The 
 question of the disciples (Matt. xiii. 10) 
 implies that they were astonished. Their 
 Master was speaking to the multitude in 
 the parables and dark sayings which the 
 Rabbis reserved for their chosen disciples 
 Here, for them, were two grounds of won- 
 der. Here, for us, is the key to the expla- 
 nation which He gave, that He had chosen 
 this form of teaching because the people 
 were spiritually blind and deaf (Matt. xiii. 
 13), and in order that they might remain 
 so (Mark iv. 12). The worth of parables, 
 as instruments of teaching, lies in their be- 
 ing at once a test of character, and in their 
 presenting each form of character with that 
 which, as a penalty or blessing, is adapted 
 to it. They withdraw the light from those 
 who love darkness. They protect the truth 
 which they enshrine from the mockery of 
 the scoffer. They leave something e,ven 
 with the careless which may be interpreted 
 and understood afterwards. They reveal, 
 on the other hand, the seekers after truth. 
 These ask the meaning of the parable, and 
 will not rest till the teacher has explained 
 it. In this way the parable did its work, 
 found out the fit hearers, and led them on. 
 In the parables which remain it is possible 
 to trace something like an order. (A.)
 
 PARABLE 
 
 492 
 
 PARADISE 
 
 There is the group which have for their 
 subject the laws of the Divine Kingdom. 
 Under this head we have 1. The Sower 
 (Matt. xiii. ; Mark iv. ; Luke viii.). 2. The 
 Wheat and the Tares (Matt. xiii.). 3. The 
 Mustard-Seed (Matt. xiii. ; Mark iv.). 4. 
 The Seed cast into the Ground (Mark iv.). 
 5. The Leaven (Matt. xiii.). 6. The Hid 
 Treasure (Matt. xiii.). 7. The Pearl of 
 Great Price (Matt. xiii.). 8. The Net cast 
 into the Sea (Matt. xiii.). (B.) When the 
 next parables meet us they are of a different 
 type and occupy a different position. They 
 are drawn from the life of men rather than 
 from the world of nature. They are such 
 as these 9. The Two Debtors (Luke 
 vii.). 10. The Merciless Servant (Matt, 
 xviii.). 11. The Good Samaritan (Luke x.). 
 12. The Friend at Midnight (Luke xi.). 13. 
 The Rich Fool (Luke xii.). 14. The Wed- 
 ding Feast (Luke xii.). 15. The Fig-Tree 
 (Luke xiii.). 1C. The Great Supper (Luke 
 xiv.). 17. The Lost Sheep (Matt, xviii.; 
 Luke xv.). 18. The Lost Piece of Money 
 (Luke xv.). 19. The Prodigal Son (Luke 
 xv.). 20. The Unjust Steward (Luke xvi.). 
 
 21. The Rich Man and Lazarus (Luke xvi.). 
 
 22. The Unjust Judge (Luke xviii.). 23. The 
 Pharisee and the Publican (Luke xviii.). 
 24. The Laborers in the Vineyard (Matt, 
 xx.). (C.) Towards the close of our Lord's 
 ministry, the parables are again theocratic, 
 but the phase of the Divine Kingdom, on 
 which they chiefly dwell, is that of its final 
 consummation. To this class we may refer 
 25. The Pounds (Luke xix.). 26. The 
 Two Sons (Matt. xxi.). 27. The Vineyard 
 let out to Husbandmen (Matt. xxi. ; Mark 
 xii.; Luke xx.). 28. The Marriage-Feast 
 (Matt. xxii.). 29. The Wise and Foolish 
 Virgins (Matt. xxv.). 30. The Talents 
 (Matt. xxv.). 31. The Sheep and the 
 Goats (Matt. xxv.). It is characteristic of 
 the several Gospels that the greater part 
 of the parables of the first and third groups 
 belong to St. Matthew, emphatically the 
 Evangelist of the kingdom. Those of the 
 second are found for the most part in St. 
 Luke. Lastly, there is the law of inter- 
 pretation. It has been urged by some wri- 
 ters, that there is a scope or purpose for 
 each parable, and that our aim must be to 
 discern this, not to find a special signifi- 
 cance in each circumstance or incident. It 
 may be questioned, however, whether this 
 canon of interpretation is likely to lead us 
 to the full meaning of this portion of our 
 Cord's teaching. It must be remembered 
 that in the great patterns of interpretation 
 which He himself has given us, there is 
 more than this. Not only the sower and 
 the seed and the several soils have their 
 counterparts in the spiritual life, but the 
 birds of the air, the thorns, the scorching 
 heat, have each of them a significance. It 
 may be inferred from these two instances 
 
 | that we are, at least, justified iu looking for 
 a meaning even in the seeming accessories 
 of a parable. The very form of the teach- 
 ing makes it probable that there may be, in 
 any case, more than one legitimate expla- 
 nation. A parable may be at once ethical, 
 and in the highest sense of the term pro- 
 phetic. There is thus a wide field open to 
 the discernment of the interpreter. There 
 are also restraints upon the mere fertility 
 of his imagination. (1.) The analogies 
 must be real, not arbitrary. (2.) The par- 
 ables are to be considered as parts of a 
 whole, and the interpretation of one is not 
 to override or encroach upon the lessons 
 taught by others. (3.) The direct teaching 
 of Christ presents the standard to which all 
 our interpretations are to be referred, and 
 by which they are to be measured. 
 
 Paradise is a word of Persian origin, 
 and is used in the Septuagint as the trans- 
 lation of Eden. [EDEN.] It is a matter 
 of some interest to ascertain with what as- 
 sociations the word was connected in the 
 minds of the Jews of Palestine and other 
 countries at the time of our Lord's teach- 
 ing; what sense therefore we may attach to 
 it in the writings of the N. T. In this as 
 in other instances we may distinguish throe 
 modes of thought. (1.) To the Idealist 
 school of Alexandria, of which Philo is the 
 representative, Paradise was nothing more 
 than a symbol and an allegory. Spiritual 
 perfection was the only paradise. The trees 
 that grew in it were the thoughts of the 
 spiritual man. (2.) The Rabbis in the time 
 of our Saviour taught that there was a re- 
 gion of the world of the dead, of Sheol, in 
 the heart of the earth. Gehenna was on 
 one side, with its flames and torments ; 
 Paradise on the other, the intermediate 
 home of the blessed. (3.) Out of the dis- 
 cussions and theories of the Rabbis, there 
 grew a broad popular belief, fixed in the 
 hearts of men, accepted without discussion., 
 blending with their best hopes. In the com- 
 mon belief Paradise was a far-off land, a 
 region where there was no scorching heat, 
 no consuming cold ; and the common prayer 
 for the dying or the dead was that their 
 souls might rest in Paradise, in the garden 
 of Eden. It is with this popular belief 
 that the language of t'ae N. T. connects 
 itself. The old word is kept, and is raised 
 to a new dignity or power. It is significant, 
 indeed, that the word " Paradise " no nrhere 
 occurs in the public teaching of our Lord, 
 or in His intercourse with His own disci- 
 ples. Connected as it had been with the 
 thoughts of a sensuous happiness, it was 
 not the fittest or fie best word for those 
 whom He was training to rise out of sensu- 
 ous thoughts to the higher regions of the 
 spiritual life. For them, accordingly, the 
 kingdom of Heaven, the kingdom of God, 
 are the worda most dwelt on. With the
 
 PARAH 
 
 493 
 
 PARTHIANS 
 
 thief dying on the cross the case was dif- 
 ferent (Luke xxiii. 43.). We can assume 
 nothing in the robber-outlaw but the most 
 rudimentary forms of popular belief. The 
 answer to his prayer gave him what he 
 needed most, the assurance of immediate 
 rest and peace. The word Paradise spoke 
 to him, as to other Jews, of repose, shelter, 
 joy the greatest contrast possible to the 
 thirst, and agony, and shame of the hours 
 upon the cross. There is a like significance 
 in the general absence of the word from 
 the language of the Epistles. Here also it 
 is found nowhere in the direct teaching. It 
 occurs only in passages that are apocalyp- 
 tic, and therefore almost of necessity sym- 
 bolic (2 Cor. xii. 3; comp. Rev. ii. 7). (4.) 
 The eager curiosity whicli prompts men to 
 press on into the things behind the veil, has 
 led them to construct hypotheses more or 
 less definite as to the intermediate state, 
 and these have affected the thoughts which 
 Christian writers have connected with the 
 word Paradise. The word enters largely, 
 as might be expected, into the apocryphal 
 literature of the early Church. Where the 
 true Gospels are most reticent, the mythical 
 are most exuberant. 
 
 Pa'rah, one of the cities in the territory 
 allotted to Benjamin, named only in the 
 lists of the conquest (Josh, xviii. 23). 
 
 Pa'ran, El-pa'ran. 1. The name Pa- 
 ran corresponds probably in general outline 
 with the desert Et-Tih. [KADESH.] Be- 
 tween the wilderness of Paran and that of 
 Zin no strict demarcation exists in the nar- 
 rative, nor do the natural features of the 
 region yield a well-defined boundary. The 
 name of Paran seems, as in the story of 
 Ishmael (Gen. xxi. 21), to have predomi- 
 nated towards the western extremity of the 
 northern desert frontier of Et-Tih, and in 
 Num. xxxiv. 4 the wilderness of Zin, not 
 Paran, is spoken of as the southern border 
 of the land or of the tribe of Judah (Josh. 
 xv. 3). Was there, then, a Paran proper, 
 or definite spot to which the name was ap- 
 plied? From Deut. i. 1 it would seem 
 there must have been. This is confirmed 
 by 1 K. xi. 18, from which we further learn 
 the fact of its being an inhabited region ; 
 and the position required by the context 
 here is one between Midian and Egypt. 
 Padan proper is probably the Wady Feiran. 
 2. "Mount" Paran occurs only in two 
 poetic passages (Deut. xxxiii. 2 ; Hab. iii. 
 3). It probably denotes the north-western 
 member of the Sinaitic mountain-group, 
 which lies adjacent to the Wady Feiran. 
 
 Par'bar. A word occurring in Hebrew 
 and A. V. only in 1 Chr. xxvi. 18. It would 
 seem that Parbar was some place on the 
 west side of the Temple enclosure, the 
 same side with the causeway and the gate 
 Shallccheth. The latter was close to the 
 causeway. Parbai herefore must have been 
 
 south of Shallecheth. As to the meaning 
 of the name, the Rabbis generally agree in 
 translating it " the outside place;" while 
 modern authorities take it as equivalent to 
 the parv&rim in 2 K. xxiii. 11 (A. V. " sub- 
 urbs "). Accepting this interpretation, there 
 is no difficulty in identifying the Parbar 
 with the suburb mentioned by Josephus in 
 describing Herod's Temple, as lying in the 
 deep valley which separated the west wall 
 of the Temple from the city opposite it. 
 
 Parchment. [WRITING.] 
 
 Parlor. A word in English usage mean- 
 ing the common room of the family, and 
 hence probably in A. V. denoting the king's 
 audience-chamber, so used in reference to 
 Eglon (Judg. iii. 20-25). 
 
 Parmash'ta. One of the ten sons of 
 Human, slain by the Jews in Shushan (Esth. 
 ix. 9). 
 
 Par'menas. One of the seven dea- 
 cons, " men of honest report, full of the 
 Holy Ghost and wisdom " (Acts vi. 5). 
 There is a tradition that he suffered mar- 
 tyrdom at Philippi in the reign of Trajan. 
 
 Par'nach., father or ancestor of Eliza- 
 phan prince of the tribe of Zebulun (Num. 
 xxxiv. 25). 
 
 Pa'rosh. The descendants of Parosh, 
 in number 2172, returned from Babylon 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 3; Neh. vii. 8). 
 Another detachment of 150 males, with 
 Zechariah at their head, accompanied Ezra 
 (Ezr. viii. 3). They assisted in the build- 
 ing of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 25), 
 and signed the covenant with Nehemiah 
 (Neh. x. 14). 
 
 Parshan'datha, the eldest of Hainan's 
 ten sons who were slain by the Jews in 
 Shushan (Esth. ix. 7). 
 
 Parthians occurs only in Acts ii. 9, 
 where it designates Jews settled in Parthia. 
 Parthia Proper was the region stretching 
 along the southern flank of the mountains 
 which separate the great Persian desert from 
 the desert of Kharesm. It lay south of 
 Hyrcania, east of Media, and north of Sa- 
 gartia. The ancient Partliians are called a 
 " Scythic" race, and probably belonged to 
 the great Turanian family. After being 
 subject in succession to the Persians and 
 the Seleucidae, they revolted in B. c. 250, 
 and under Arsaces succeeded in establish- 
 ing their independence. Parthia, in the mind 
 of the writer of the Acts, would designate 
 this empire, which extended from India to 
 the Tigris, and from the Chorasmian desert 
 to the shores of the Southern Ocean. 
 Hence the prominent position of the name 
 Parthians in the list of those present at 
 Pentecost. Parthia was a power almost 
 rivalling Rome the only existing power 
 which had tried its strength against Rome 
 and not been worsted in the encounter. 
 The Parthian dominion lasted for nearly 
 | five centuries, commencing ia the third
 
 PARTRIDGE 
 
 494 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 century before, and terminating in the third 
 century after, our era. 
 
 Partridge (Heb. Tc6r) occurs only 1 
 Sam. xxvi. 20, and Jer. xvii. 11. The 
 " hunting this bird upon the mountains " (1 
 Sam. xxvi. 20) entirely agrees with the 
 habits of two well-known species of par- 
 tridge, viz. Caccabis saxatilis (the Greek 
 partridge) and Ammoperdix Heyii. The 
 expression in Ecclus. xi. 30, " like as a 
 partridge taken (and kept) in a cage," 
 clearly refers to " a decoy partridge." 
 Our common partridge (Perdix cinerea) 
 does not occur in Palestine. 
 
 Partridge. (Caecabit taxatilit.) 
 
 Par'ttah, the father of Jehoshaphat, 
 Solomon's commissariat officer in Issachar 
 (1 K. iv. 17). 
 
 Parva'im, the name of an unknown 
 place or country whence the gold was pro- 
 cured for the decoration of Solomon's Tem- 
 ple (2 Chr. iii. 6). We may notice the 
 conjecture that it is derived from the San- 
 scrit ptirva, " eastern," and is a general 
 term for the East. 
 
 Pa'sach, son of Japhlet, of the tribe of 
 Asher (1 Chr. vii. 33). 
 
 Pas-dam'mim. [EPHES-DAMMIM.] 
 
 Pase'ah. 1. Son of Eshton, in an ob- 
 scure fragment of the genealogies of Ju- 
 dah (1 Chr. iv. 12). 2. The " sons of 
 Paseah " were among the Nethinim who 
 returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 49). 
 
 Pash'ur. 1. One of the families of 
 priests of the chief house of Malchijah 
 (Jer. xxi. 1, xxxviii. 1 ; 1 Chr. ix. 12, xxiv. 
 9; Neh. xi. 12). In the time of Nehemiah 
 this family appears to have become a chief 
 house, "and its head the head of a course 
 (Ezr. ii. 38; Neh. vii. 41, x. 3). The in- 
 dividual from whom the family was named 
 was probably Pashur, the son of Malchiah, 
 who in the reign of Zedekiah was one of 
 the chief princes of the court (Jer. xxxviii. 
 1). He was sent, with others, by Zedekiah 
 to Jeremiah at the time when Nebuchad- 
 nezzar was preparing his attack upon Jeru- 
 salem (Jer. xxi.). Again, somewhat later, 
 
 Pashur joined with several other chief men 
 in petitioning the king that Jeremiah might 
 be put to death as a traitor (Jer. xxxviii.). 
 2. Another person of this name, also a 
 priest, and " chief governor of the house 
 of the Lord," is mentioned in Jer. xx. 1. 
 He is described as " the son of Immer " 
 (1 Chr. xxiv. 14), probably the same as 
 Amariah (Neh. x. 3, xii. 2, &c.). In the 
 reign of Jehoiakim he showed himself as 
 hostile to Jeremiah as his namesake the son 
 of Malchiah did afterwards, and put him in 
 the stocks by the gate of Benjamin. For 
 this indignity to God's prophet, Pashur was 
 told by Jeremiah that his name was changed 
 to Magor-missabib (Terror on every side), 
 and that he and all his house should be car- 
 ried captives to Babylon and there die 
 (Jer. xx. 1-6). 
 
 Passage. Used in plur. (Jer. xxii. 20), 
 probably to denote the mountain region of 
 Abarim, on the east side of Jordan. It also 
 denotes a river-ford or a mountain gorge 
 or pass. 
 
 Passover, the first of the three great 
 annual Festivals of the Israelites, celebrated 
 in the month Nisan, from the 14th to the 
 21st. The following are the principal pas- 
 sages in the Pentateuch relating to the 
 Passover: Ex. xii. 1-51, xiii. 3-10, xxiii. 
 14-19, xxxiv. 18-26 ; Lev. xxiii. 4-14 ; Num. 
 ix. 1-14, xxviii. 16-25; Deut. xvi. 1-6. I. 
 INSTITUTION AND FIRST CELEBRATION OF 
 THE PASSOVER. When the chosen people 
 were about to be brought out of Egypt, the 
 word of the Lord came to Moses and Aaron, 
 commanding them to instruct all the con- 
 gregation of Israel to prepare for their 
 departure by a solemn religious ordinance. 
 On the tenth day of the month of Abib, the 
 head of each family was to select from the 
 flock either a lamb or a kid, a male of the 
 first year, without blemish. If his family 
 was too small to eat the whole of the lamb, 
 he was permitted to invite his nearest neigh- 
 bor to join the party. On the fourteenth 
 day of the month he was to kill his lamb, 
 while the sun was setting. He was then to 
 take blood in a basin, and with a sprig of 
 hyssop to sprinkle it on the two side-posts 
 and the lintel of the door of the house. The 
 lamb was then thoroughly roasted, whole. 
 It was expressly forbidden that it should be 
 boiled, or that a bone of it should be broken. 
 Unleavened bread and bitter herbs were to 
 be eaten with the flesh. No male who was 
 uncircumcised was to join the company. 
 Each one was to have his loins girt, to hold 
 a staff in his hand, and to have shoes on his 
 feet. He was to eat in haste, and it would 
 seem that he was to stand during the meal. 
 The number of the party was to be calcu- 
 lated as nearly as possible, so that all the 
 flesh of the lamb might be eaten ; but if any 
 portion of it happened to remain, it was to 
 be burned in the morning. No morsel of it
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 495 
 
 was to be carried out of the house. The 
 legislator was further directed to inform 
 the people of God's purpose to smite the 
 first-born of the Egyptians, to declare that 
 the Passover was to be to them an ordi- 
 nance forever, to give them directions 
 respecting the order and duration of the 
 festival in future times, and to enjoin upon 
 them to teach their children its meaning, 
 from generation to generation. When the 
 message was delivered to the people they 
 bowed their heads in worship. The lambs 
 were selected, on the fourteenth they were 
 slain, and the blood sprinkled, and in the 
 following evening, after the fifteenth day of 
 the month had commenced, the first paschal 
 meal was eaten. At midnight the first-born 
 of the Egyptians- were smitten. The king 
 and his people were now urgent that the 
 Israelites should start immediately, and 
 readily bestowed on them supplies for 
 the journey. In such haste did the Israel- 
 ites depart, on that very day (Num. xxxiii. 
 3), that they packed up their kneading- 
 troughs containing the dough prepared for 
 the morrow's provisions, which was not yet 
 leavened. II. OBSERVANCE OF THE PASS- 
 OVER IN LATER TIMES. 1. In the twelfth 
 and thirteenth chapters of Exodus there are 
 not only distinct references to the obser- 
 vance of the festival in future ages (e. g. xii. 
 2, 14, 17, 24-27, 42, xiii. 2, 5, 8-10), but 
 there are several injunctions which were 
 evidently not intended for the first Passover, 
 and which indeed could not possibly have 
 been observed. In the later notices of the 
 festival in the books of the law there are 
 particulars added which appear as modifi- 
 cations of the original institution (Lev. 
 xxiii. 10-14 ; Num. xxviii. 16-25 ; Deut. 
 xvi. 1-6). Hence it is not without reason 
 that the Jewish writers have laid great 
 stress on the distinction between "the 
 Egyptian Passover" and " the perpetual 
 Passover." 2. The following was the gen- 
 eral order of the observances of the Pass- 
 over in later times : On the 14th of Nisan 
 every trace of leaven was put away from 
 the houses, and on the same day every male 
 Israelite not laboring under any bodily in- 
 firmity or ceremonial impurity, was com- 
 manded to appear before the Lord at the 
 national sanctuary with an offering of money 
 in proportion to his means (Ex. xxiii. 15 ; 
 Dout. xvi. 16, 17). Devout women some- 
 times attended, as is proved by the instances 
 of Hannah and Mary (1 Sam. i. 7; Luke ii. 
 41, 42). As the sun was setting, the lambs 
 were slain, and the fat and blood given to 
 the priests (2 Chr. xxxv. 5, 6). The lamb 
 was then roasted whole, and eaten with 
 unleavened bread and bitter herbs ; no por- 
 tion of it was to be left until the morning. 
 The same night, after the 15th of Nisan had 
 commenced, the fat was burned by the priest 
 and the blood sprinkled on the altar (2 Chr. 
 
 xxx. 16, xxxv. 11). On the 15th, the night 
 being passed, there was a holy convocation, 
 and during that day no work might be done, 
 except the preparation of necessary food 
 (Ex. xii. 1C). On this and the six following 
 days an offering in addition to the daily sac- 
 rifice was made of two young bullocks, a 
 ram, and seven lambs of the first yeai, with 
 meat-offerings, for a burnt-offering, and a 
 goat fora sin-offering (Num. xxviii. 19-23). 
 On the 16th of the month, " the morrow after 
 the sabbath " (i. e. after the day of holy 
 convocation), the first sheaf of harvest 
 was offered and waved by the priest before 
 the Lord, and a male lamb was offered as a 
 burnt sacrifice with a meat and drink offer- 
 ing. Nothing necessarily distinguished the 
 four following days of the festival, except the 
 additional burnt and sin-offerings, and the 
 restraint from some kinds of labor. On the 
 seventh day. the 21st of Nisan, there was a 
 holy convocation, and the day appears to 
 have been one of peculiar solemnity. As 
 at all the festivals, cheerfulness was to pre- 
 vail during the whole week, and all care 
 was to be laid aside (Deut. xxvii. 7). 3. 
 (a.) The Paschal Lamb. After the first 
 Passover in Egypt there is no trace of the 
 lamb having been selected before it was 
 wanted. In later times we are certain that 
 it was sometimes not provided before the 
 14th of the month (Luke xxii. 7-9 ; Mark 
 xiv. 12-16). The law formally allowed the 
 alternative of a kid (Ex. xii. 5), but a lamb 
 was preferred, and was probably nearly 
 always chosen. It was to be faultless, and 
 a male, in accordance with the established 
 estimate of animal perfection (see Mai. i. 
 14). Either the head of the family, or any 
 other person who was not ceremonially 
 unclean (2 Chr. xxx. 17), took it into the 
 court of the Temple on his shoulders. As 
 the paschal lamb could be legally slain, and 
 the blood and fat offered, only in the na- 
 tional sanctuary (Deut. xvi. 2), it of 
 course ceased to be offered by the Jews 
 after the destruction of Jerusalem. The 
 spring festival of the modern Jews strictly 
 consists only of the feast of unleavened 
 bread. (6.) The Unleavened Bread. It 
 might be made of wheat, spelt, barley, 
 oats, or rye, but not of rice or millet. It 
 appears to have been usually made of the 
 finest wheat flour. It was probably formed 
 into dry, thin biscuits, not unlike those 
 used by the modern Jews, (c.) The Bitter 
 Herbs and the Sauce. According to the 
 Mishna the bitter herbs (Ex. xii. 8) might 
 be endive, chicory, wild lettuce, or nettles. 
 These plants were important articles of 
 food to the ancient Egyptians. The sauce 
 into which the herbs, the bread, and the 
 meat were dipped as they were eaten (John 
 xiii. 26 ; Matt. xxvi. 23) is not mentioned 
 ! in the Pentateuch, (d.) The Four Cups 
 \ of Wine. There is no mention of wine
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 496 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 in connection with the Passover in the 
 Pentateuch; but the Mislina strictly en- 
 joins that there should never be less than 
 four cups of it provided at the paschal 
 meal even of the poorest Israelite. Two 
 of them appear to be distinctly mentioned 
 Luke xxii. 17, 20. " The cup of blessing " 
 (1 Cor. x. 16) was probably the latter one 
 of these, and is generally considered to 
 have been the third of the series, after 
 which a grace was said ; though a compar- 
 ison of Luke xxii. 20 (where it is called 
 " the cup after supper ") with a passage in 
 the Talmud, and the designation "cup of 
 the llalld" suggests that it was the fourth 
 and last cup. (e.) The Hallel. The ser- 
 vice of praise sung at the Passover is not 
 mentioned in the Law. The name is con- 
 tracted from Hallelujah. It consisted of 
 the series of Psalms from cxiii. to cxviii. 
 The first portion, comprising Ps. cxiii. and 
 cxiv., was sung in the early part of the 
 meal, and the second part after the fourth 
 cup of wine. This is supposed to have been 
 the " hymn " sung by our Lord and His 
 Apostles (Matt. xxvi. 30; Mark xiv. 26). 
 (/.) Mode and Order of the Paschal Meal. 
 Adopting as much from Jewish tradition as 
 in not inconsistent or improbable, the fol- 
 lowing appears to have been the usual cus- 
 tom : All work, except that belonging to a 
 few trades connected with daily life, was 
 suspended for some hours before the even- 
 ing of the 14th Nisan. It was not lawful 
 to eat any ordinary food after midday. 
 No male was admitted to the table unless 
 he was circumcised, even if he was of the 
 seed of Israel (Ex. xii. 48). It was cus- 
 tomary for the number of a party to be not 
 less than ten. When the meal was pre- 
 pared, the family was placed round the 
 table, the paterfamilias taking a place of 
 honor, probably somewhat raised above the 
 rest. There is no reason to doubt that the 
 ancient Hebrews sat as they were accus- 
 tomed to do at their ordinary meals. Our 
 Lord and His Apostles conformed to the 
 usual custom of their time, and reclined 
 (Luke xxii. 14, &c.). When the party was 
 arranged the first cup of wine was filled, and 
 a blessing was asked by the head of the fam- 
 ily on the feast, as well as a special one on the 
 cup. The bitter herbs were then placed on 
 the table, and a portion of them eaten, either 
 with or without the sauce. The unleavened 
 bread was handed round next, and after- 
 wards the lamb was placed on the table in 
 front of the head of the family. Before the 
 lamb was eaten the second cup of wine was 
 lilled, and the son, in accordance with Ex. 
 xii. 20', asked his father the meaning of the 
 feast. In reply, an account was given of 
 the sufferings of the Israelites in Egypt, and 
 of their deliverance, with a particular expla- 
 nation of Deut. xxvi. 5, and the first part of 
 the Hallul (Ps. cxiii., cxiv.) was sung. This 
 
 being gone through, the lamb was carved 
 and eaten. The third cup of wine was 
 poured out and drunk, and soon afterwards 
 the fourth. The second part of the Hallel 
 (Ps. cxv. to cxviii.) was then sung. A fifth 
 wine-cup appears to have been occasionally 
 produced, but perhaps only in later times. 
 What was termed the greater Hallel (Ps. 
 cxx. to cxxxviii.) was sung on such occa- 
 sions. The Israelites who lived in the 
 country appear to have been accommodated 
 at the feast by the inhabitants of Jerusalem 
 in their houses, so far as there was room 
 for them (Luke xxii. 10-12; Matt. xxvi. 
 18). Those who could not be received into 
 the city encamped without the walls in 
 tents, as the pilgrims now do at Mecca. 
 (g.) The first Sheaf of Harvest. The 
 offering of the Omer, or sheaf, is mentioned 
 nowhere in the Law except Lev. xxiii. 10- 
 14. It is there commanded that when the 
 Israelites reached the land of promise, they 
 should bring, on the 16th of the month, 
 " the morrow after the sabbath " (i. e. the 
 day of holy convocation), the first sheaf of 
 the harvest to the priest, to be waved by 
 him before the Lord. The sheaf was of 
 barley, as being the grain which was first 
 ripe (2 K. iv. 42). (A.) The Chagigali. 
 The daily sacrifices are enumerated in the 
 Pentateuch only in Num. xxviii. 19-23, but 
 reference is made to them Lev. xxiii. 8. 
 Besides these public offerings, there was 
 another sort of sacrifice connected with the 
 Passover, as well as with the other great 
 festivals, called in the Talmud Chagigah, 
 i. e. " festivity." It was a voluntary peace- 
 offering made by private individuals. The 
 victim might be taken either from the flock 
 or the herd. It might be either male or 
 female, but it must be without blemish. 
 The offerer laid his hand upon its head, and 
 slew it at the door of the sanctuary. The 
 blood was sprinkled on the altar, and the 
 fat of the inside, with the kidneys, was 
 burned by the priest. The breast was given 
 to the priest as a wave-offering, and the 
 right shoulder as a heave-offering (Lev. iii. 
 1-5, vii. 29-34). What remained of the 
 victim might be eaten by the offerer and 
 his guests on the day on which it was slain, 
 and on the day following ; but if any por- 
 tion was left till the third day it was burned 
 (Lev. vii. 16-18). The eating of the Cha- 
 gigah was an occasion of social festivity 
 connected with the festivals, and especially 
 with the Passover, (t.) Release of Prison- 
 ers. It is a question whether the release 
 of a prisoner at the Passover (Matt, xxvii. 
 15 ; Mark xv. 6 ; Luke xxiii. 17 ; John xviii. 
 i 39) was a custom of Roman origin resem- 
 ; bling what took place at the lectisU-rnium 
 ! (Liv. v. 13), and, in later times, on the 
 birthday of an emperor, or whether it was 
 | an old Hebrew usage belonging to the fes- 
 tival, which Pilate allowed the Jews to re-
 
 PASSOVEK 
 
 497 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 tain. (.) The Second, or Little Passover. 
 When the Passover was celebrated the 
 second year, in the wilderness, certain men 
 were prevented from keeping it, owing to 
 their being defiled by contact with a dead 
 body. Being thus prevented from obeying 
 the Divine command, they came anxiously 
 to Moses to inquire what they should do. 
 He was accordingly instructed to institute 
 a second Passover, to be observed on the 
 14th of the following month, for the benefit 
 of any who had been hindered from keep- 
 ing the regular one in Nisan (Num. ix. 
 11). The Talmudists called this the Little 
 Passover. (Z.) Observances of the Pass- 
 over recorded in Scripture. Of these, 
 seven are of chief historical importance : 
 
 1. The first Passover in Egypt (Ex. xii.). 
 
 2. The first kept in the desert (Num. ix.). 
 
 3. That celebrated by Joshua at Gilgal 
 (Josh. v.). 4. That which Hezekiah ob- 
 served on the occasion of his restoring the 
 national worship (2 Chr. xxx.). This Pass- 
 over was not held till the second month, 
 the proper time for the Little Passover. 5. 
 The Passover of Josiah, in the eighteenth 
 year of his reign (2 Chr. xxxv.). 6. That 
 celebrated by Ezra after the return from 
 Babylon (Ezr. vi.) 7. The last Passover 
 of our Lord's life. III. THE LAST SUP- 
 PER. 1. Was the supper which our Lord 
 ate with his disciples on the Thursday even- 
 ing the true Paschal Supper, or did the latter 
 fall on the following evening, the same as 
 that of His crucifixion? No point in the 
 Gospel history has been more disputed. 
 The truth of the former view could never 
 have been questioned, had we possessed the 
 first three Gospels only. They expressly 
 call the Supper of the Thursday evening the 
 Passover; and even if St. John does not 
 so call it, no inference can be drawn from 
 his silence, any more than from his not 
 mentioning the institution of the Lord's 
 Supper, considering the supplementary na- 
 ture of his Gospel. There are, however, 
 other passages in St. John's narrative of 
 our Saviour's passion, which seem to sug- 
 gest the inference that the Passover was yet 
 to be eaten on the Friday evening; but all 
 these passages admit of another explanation. 
 If we admit that the last supper was on the 
 13th of Nisan, our Lord must have been 
 crucified on the 14th. the day. on which the 
 paschal lamb was slain and eaten. He lay 
 in the grave on the loth (which was a 
 " high day " or double sabbath, because the 
 weekly sabbath coincided with the day of 
 holy convocation), and the Sunday of the 
 resurrection was the 16th. It is not sur- 
 prising that some modern critics should 
 have given up as hopeless the task of rec- 
 onciling this difficulty. 2. The reconcili- 
 ations which have been attempted fall under 
 three principal heads : i. Those which re- 
 gard the supper at which our Lord washed 
 
 32 
 
 the feet of His disciples (John xiii.), as 
 having been a distinct meal eaten one or 
 more days before the regular Passover, of 
 which our Lord partook in due course 
 according to the synoptical narratives, ii. 
 Those in which it is endeavored to establish 
 that the meal was eaten on the 13th, and 
 that our Lord was crucified on the evening 
 of the true paschal supper, iii. Those in 
 which the most obvious view of the first 
 three narratives is defended, and in which it 
 is attempted to explain the apparent con- 
 tradictions in St. John, and the difficulties 
 in reference to the law. (i.) The first 
 method has the advantage of furnishing the 
 most ready way of accounting for St. 
 John's silence on the institution of the Holy 
 Communion ; but any explanation founded 
 on the supposition of two meals appears to 
 be rendered untenable by the context, (ii.) 
 The current of opinion in modern times has 
 set in favor of taking the more obvious 
 interpretation of the passages in St. John, 
 that the supper was eaten on the 13th, and 
 that our Lord was crucified on the 14th. 
 Those who thus hold that the supper was 
 eaten on the 13th day of the month have 
 devised various ways of accounting for the 
 circumstance, of which the following are 
 the most important : (a.) It is assumed 
 that a party of the Jews, probably the Sad- 
 ducees and those who inclined towards them, 
 used to eat the Passover one day before the 
 rest, and that our Lord approved of their 
 practice. (6.) It has been conjectured that 
 the great body of the Jews had gone wrong 
 in calculating the true Passover-day, pla- 
 cing it a day too late, and that our Lord ate 
 the Passover on what was really the 14th, 
 but what commonly passed as the loth, 
 (c.) Calvin supposed that on this occasion, 
 though our Lord thought it right to adhere 
 to the true legal time, the Jews ate the Pass- 
 over on the lothinstead of the 14th, in order 
 to escape from the burden of two days of 
 strict observance (the day "of holy convoca- 
 tion and the weekly sabbath) coming to- 
 gether, (d.) Grotius thought that the meal 
 was a Tiiinga ui'\u.(j*iriixCv (like the paschal 
 feast of the modern Jews, and such as might 
 have been observed during the Babylonian 
 captivity), not a naa/a Ai'muuv. (e.) A view 
 which has been received with favor far 
 more generally than either of the preceding 
 is, that the Last Supper was instituted by 
 Christ for the occasion, in order that He 
 might Himself suffer on the proper evening 
 on which the paschal lamb was slain. Eras- 
 mus and others have called it an " antici- 
 patory Passover ; " but if this view is to 
 stand, it seems better, in a formal treat- 
 ment of the subject, not to call it a Passover 
 at all. (iii.) They who take the facts as 
 they appear to lie on the surface of the 
 synoptical narratives start from a simpler 
 point. They have to show that the passages
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 498 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 in St. John may be fairly interpreted in 
 such a manner as not to interfere with their 
 own conclusion. (a.) John xiii. 1,2. Does 
 nno n'g ioQT^g limit the time only of the 
 proposition in the first verse, or is the limi- 
 tation to be carried on to verse 2, so as to 
 refer to the supper? In the latter case the 
 natural conclusion is, that the meal was one 
 eaten before the paschal supper. Others 
 take n^njfa to mean the seven days of un- 
 leavened bread as not including the eating 
 of the lamb, and justify this limitation by 
 St. Luke xxii. 1 ; but not a few of those 
 who take this side of the main- question 
 regard the first verse as complete in itself. 
 On the whole, Neander himself admits that 
 nothing can safely be inferred from John 
 xiii. 1, 2, in favor of the supper having 
 taken place on the 13th. (6.) John xiii. 
 29. It is urged that the things of which 
 they had " need against the feast," might 
 have been the provisions for the Chagigah, 
 perhaps with what else was required for the 
 seven days of unleavened bread. The usual 
 day for sacrificing the Chagigah was the 
 loth, which was then commencing. But 
 there is another difficulty in the disciples 
 thinking it likely either that purchases 
 could be made, or that alms could be given 
 to the poor, on a day of holy convocation. 
 It is highly probable that the letter of the 
 law in regard to trading was habitually re- 
 laxed in the case of what was required for 
 religious rites or for burials, (c.) John xviii. 
 28. The Jews refused to enter the praetori- 
 um lest they should be defiled, and so dis- 
 qualified from eating the Passover. Neander 
 and others deny that this passage can possi- 
 bly refer to anything but the paschal supper. 
 But it is alleged that the words may either 
 be taken in a general sense as meaning "that 
 they might go on keeping the passover," or 
 that T<> JIM /a may be understood specifical- 
 ly to denote the Chagigah. (d.) John xix. 
 14. " The preparation of the Passover " at 
 first sight would seem as if it must be the 
 preparation for the Passover on the 14th, a 
 time set apart for making ready for the 
 paschal week, and for the paschal supper 
 in particular. It is naturally so understood 
 by those who advocate the notion that the 
 last supper was eaten on the 13th. But 
 they who take the opposite view affirm that, 
 though there was a regular " preparation " 
 for the sabbath, there is no mention of 
 any "preparation" for the Festivals. It 
 seems to be essentially connected with the 
 sabbath itself (John xix. 31). The phrase 
 in John xix. 14 may thus be understood as 
 th.3 preparation of the sabbath which fell 
 in the Passover week. If these arguments 
 are admitted, the day of the preparation 
 mentioned in the Gospels might have fallen 
 on the day of holy convocation, the 15th of 
 Nisan. (e.) John xix. 31. "That sabbath 
 day was a high day." It is assumed by 
 
 ) those who fix the supper on the 13th that 
 the term was applied, owing to the loth 
 being " a double sabbath," from the coin- 
 cidence of the day of holy convocation with 
 the weekly festival. Those, on the other 
 hand, who identify the supper with the 
 paschal meal, contend that the special dig- 
 nity of the day resulted from its being that 
 on which the Omer was oll'ered, and from 
 which were reckoned the fifty days to Pen- 
 tecost. (/.) The difficulty of supposing 
 that our Lord's apprehension, trial, and 
 crucifixion took place on the day of holy 
 convocation has been strongly urged. But 
 the statements which refer to Jewish usage 
 in regard to legal proceedings on sacred 
 days as are very inconsistent with each 
 other. Some of them make the difficulty 
 equally great whether we suppose the trial 
 to have taken place on the 14th or the 15th. 
 In others there are exceptions permitted 
 which seem to go far to meet the case be- 
 fore us. But we have better proof than 
 either the Mishna or the Gcmara can afford 
 that the Jews did not hesitate, in the time 
 of the Roman domination, to carry arms 
 and to apprehend a prisoner on a solemn 
 feast day. We find them at the feast of 
 Tabernacles, on the "great day of tho 
 feast," sending out officers to take our 
 Lord, and rebuking them for not bringing 
 Him (John vii. 32-45). St. Peter also was 
 seized during the Passover (Acts xii. 3, 4). 
 And, again, the reason alleged by the rulers 
 for not apprehending Jesus was, not the 
 sanctity of the festival, but the fear of an 
 uproar among the multitude which was 
 assembled (Matt. xxvi. 5). On the whole, 
 notwithstanding the express declaration of 
 the Law and of the Mishna that the days 
 of holy convocation were to be observed 
 precisely as the sabbath, except in the 
 preparation of food, it is highly probable that 
 considerable license was allowed in regard 
 to them, as we have already observed. 3. It 
 must be admitted that the narrative of St. 
 John, as far as the mere succession of 
 events is concerned, bears consistent testi- 
 mony in favor of the last supper having 
 been eaten on the evening before the Pass- 
 over. That testimony, however, does not 
 appear to be so distinct, and so incapable 
 of a second interpretation, as that of the 
 synoptical Gospels, in favor of the meal 
 having been the paschal supper itself, at 
 the legal time (see especially Matt. xxvi. 
 17; Mark xiv. 1, 12; Luke xxii. 7). IV. 
 MEANING OF THE PASSOVER. 1. Each of 
 the three great festivals contained a refer- 
 ence to the annual course of nature. Two 
 at least of them the first and the last 
 also commemorated events in the history of 
 the chosen people. It must be admitted 
 that the relation to the natural year ex- 
 pressed in the Passover was less marked 
 than that in Pentecost or Tabernacles, while
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 499 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 Its historical import was deeper and more 
 pointed. That part of its ceremonies which 
 has a direct agricultural reference the 
 offering of the Omer holds a very sub- 
 ordinate place. 2. The deliverance from 
 Egypt was regarded as the starting-point 
 of the Hebrew nation. The Israelites were 
 then raised from the condition of bondmen 
 under a foreign tyrant to that of a free 
 people owing allegiance to no one but Je- 
 hovah. The prophet in a later age spoke 
 of the event as a creation and a redemption 
 of the nation. God declares Himself to be 
 "the Creator of Israel." The Exodus was 
 thus looked upon as the birth of the nation ; 
 the Passover was its annual birthday feast. 
 It was the yearly memorial of the dedica- 
 tion of the people to Him who had saved 
 their first-born from the destroyer, in order 
 that they might be made holy to Himself. 
 3. (a.) The paschal lamb must of course 
 be regarded as the leading feature in the 
 ceremonial of the festival. Some Protes- 
 tant divines during the last two centuries 
 (Calov, Carpzov) have denied that it was a 
 sacrifice in the proper sense of the word. 
 But most of their contemporaries (Cud- 
 worth, Bochart, Vitringa), and nearly all 
 modern critics, have held that it was in the 
 strictest sense a sacrifice. The chief char- 
 acteristics of a sacrifice are all distinctly 
 ascribed to it. It was offered in the holy 
 place (Deut. xvi. 5, 6) ; the blood was 
 sprinkled on the altar, and the fat was 
 burned (2 Chr. xxx. 16, xxxv. 11). The 
 language of Ex. xii. 27, xxiii. 18, Num. ix. 
 7, Deut. xvi. 2, 5, together with 1 Cor. v. 
 7, would seem to decide the question be- 
 yond the reach of doubt. As the original 
 institution of the Passover in Egypt pre- 
 ceded the establishment of the priesthood 
 and the regulation of the service of the 
 tabernacle, it necessarily fell short in 
 several particulars of the observance of 
 the festival according to the fully devel- 
 oped ceremonial law. The head of the 
 family slew the lamb in his own house, not 
 in the holy place ; the blood was sprinkled 
 on the doorway, not on the altar. But 
 when the law was perfected, certain partic- 
 ulars were altered in order to assimilate 
 the Passover to the accustomed order of 
 religious service. It can hardly be doubted 
 that the paschal lamb was regarded as the 
 great annual peace-offering of the family, 
 a thank-offering for the existence and pres- 
 ervation of the nation (Ex. xiii. 14-16), 
 the typical sacrifice of the elected and rec- 
 onciled children of the promise. A ques- 
 tion, perhaps not a wise one, has been raised 
 regarding the purpose of the sprinkling of 
 the blood on the lintels and door-posts. 
 Some have considered that it was meant 
 as a mark to guide the destroying angel. 
 Others suppose that it was merely a sign 
 to confirm the faith of the Israelites in 
 
 their safety and deliverance. Surely nei- 
 ther of these views can stand alone. The 
 sprinkling must have been an act of faith 
 and obedience which God accepted with 
 favor. That it also denoted the purifica- 
 tion of the children of Israel from the 
 abominations of the Egyptians, and so had 
 the accustomed significance of the sprin- 
 kling of blood under the law (Heb. ix. 22), 
 is evidently in entire consistency with this 
 view. No satisfactory reason has been as- 
 signed for the command to choose the lamb 
 four days before the paschal supper. That 
 the lamb was to be roasted, and not boiled, 
 has been supposed to commemorate the 
 haste of the departure of the Israelites. 
 It is not difficult to determine the reason 
 of the command, " Not a bone of him shall 
 be broken." The lamb was to be a symbol 
 of unity ; the unity of the family, the unity 
 of the nation, the unity of God with His 
 people whom He had taken into covenant 
 with Himself. (6.) The unleavened bread 
 ranks next in importance to the paschal 
 lamb. The notion has been very generally 
 held, or taken for granted, both by Chris- 
 tian and Jewish writers of all ages, that 
 it was intended to remind the Israelites 
 of the unleavened cakes which they were 
 obliged to eat in their hasty flight (Ex. xii. 
 34, 39) ; but there is not the least intima- 
 tion to this effect in the sacred narrative. 
 It has been considered by some that the 
 unleavened bread and the bitter herbs alike 
 owe their meaning to their being regarded 
 as unpalatable food ; but this seems to be 
 wholly inconsistent with the pervading joy- 
 ous nature of the festival. On the whole 
 we are warranted in concluding that un- 
 leavened bread had a peculiar sacrificial 
 character, according to the Law. It seems 
 more reasonable to accept St. Paul's refer- 
 ence to the subject (1 Cor. v. 6-8) as fur- 
 nishing the true meaning of the symbol. 
 Fermentation is decomposition, a dissolu- 
 tion of unity. The pure dry biscuit would 
 be an apt emblem of unchanged duration, 
 and, in its freedom from foreign mixture, 
 of purity also, (c.) The bitter herbs are 
 generally understood by the Jewish writers 
 to signify the bitter sufferings which the 
 Israelites had endured (Ex. i. 14). But 
 it has been remarked by Abenezra that 
 these herbs are a good and wholesome ac- 
 companiment for meat, and are now, and 
 appear to have been in ancient times, com- 
 monly so eaten. (cZ.) The offering of the 
 Omer, though it is obviously that part of 
 the festival which is immediately connected 
 with the course of the seasons, bore a dis- 
 tinct analogy to its historical significance. 
 It may have denoted a deliverance from 
 winter, as the lamb signified deliverance 
 from the bondage of Egypt, which might 
 well be considered as a winter in the his- 
 tory of the nation. Again, the consecra-
 
 PATAKA 
 
 500 
 
 PATRIARCHS 
 
 tion of the first-fruits, the first-born of the ; 
 soil, is an easy type of the consecration of | 
 the first-born of the Israelites. 4. No other j 
 shadow of good things to come contained 
 in the Law can vie with the festival of the 
 Passover in expressiveness and complete- 
 ness. Hence we are so often reminded of 
 it, more or less distinctly, in the ritual and 
 language of the Church. Its outline, con- 
 sidered in reference to the great deliver- 
 ance of the Israelites which it commemo- 
 rated, and many of its minute details, have 
 been appropriated as current expressions 
 of the truths which God has revealed to us 
 in the fulness of time in sending His Son 
 upon earth. It is not surprising that eccle- 
 siastical writers should have pushed the 
 comparison too far, and exercised their 
 fancy in the application of trifling or ac- 
 cidental particulars either to the facts of 
 our Lord s life or to truths connected with 
 it. But, keeping within the limits of sober in- 
 terpretation indicated by Scripture itself, the 
 application is singularly full and edifying. 
 The crowning application of the paschal 
 rites to the truths of which they were the 
 shadowy promises appears to be that which 
 is afforded by the fact that our Lord's 
 death occurred during the festival. Ac- 
 cording to the Divine purpose, the true 
 Lamb of God was slain at nearly the same 
 time as " the Lord's Passover," in obedience 
 to the letter of the law. It does not seem 
 needful that, in order to give point to this 
 coincidence, we should (as some have done) 
 draw from it an it priori argument in favor 
 of our Lord's crucifixion having taken place 
 on the 14th of Nisan. It is enough to 
 know that our own Holy Week and Easter 
 stand as the anniversary of the same great 
 facts as were foreshown in those events of 
 which the yearly Passover was a com- 
 memoration. As compared with the other 
 festivals, the Passover was remarkably dis- 
 tinguished by a single victim essentially its 
 own, sacrificed in a very peculiar manner. 
 In this respect, as well as in the place it 
 held in the ecclesiastical year, it had a for- 
 mal dignity and character of its own. It was 
 the representative festival of the year, and 
 in this unique position it stood in a certain 
 relation to circumcision as the second sac- 
 rament of the Hebrew church (Ex. xii. 44). 
 
 Pat'ara, a Lycian city situated on the 
 south-western shore of Lycia, not far from 
 the left bank of the river Xanthus. The 
 coast here is very mountainous and bold. 
 Immediately opposite is the island of 
 RHODES. Patara was practically the sea- 
 port of the city of Xanthus, which was ten 
 miles distant. These notices of its posi- 
 tion and maritime importance introduce us 
 to the single mention of the place hi the 
 Bible (Acts xxi. 1, 2). 
 
 Path'ros, gent, noun PATHRUSIM, a 
 part of Egypt, and a Mizraite tribe. la the 
 
 list of the Mizraites, the Pathrt.tim occur 
 after the Naphtuhim, and before the Caslu- 
 him ; the latter being followed by the notice 
 of the Philistines, and by the Caphtorim 
 (Gen. x. 13, 14; 1 Chr. i. 12). Pathros is 
 mentioned in the prophecies of Isaiah (xi. 
 11), Jeremiah (xliv. 1, 15), and Ezekiel 
 (xxix. 14, xxx. 13-18). It was probably 
 part of or all Upper Egypt, and we may 
 trace its name in the Pathyrite nome, in 
 which Thebes was situate. 
 
 Pathru'sim. [PATHROS.] 
 
 Pat/mos (Rev. i. 9), a rugged and bare 
 island, is one of the Sporades, and in that 
 part of the Aegean which is called the Ica- 
 rian Sea. Such a scene of banishment for 
 St. John in the reign of Dornitiau is quite 
 in harmony with what we read of the cus- 
 tom of the period. Patmos is divided into 
 two nearly equal parts, a northern and a 
 southern, by a very narrow isthmus, where, 
 on the east side, are the harbor and the 
 town. On the hill to the south, crowning 
 a commanding height, is the celebrated 
 monastery, which bears the name of " John 
 the Divine." Half way up the ascent is the 
 cave or grotto where tradition says that St. 
 John received the Revelation. 
 
 Patriarchs. The name Patriarch is 
 applied in the N. T. to Abraham (Heb. vii. 
 4), to the sons of Jacob (Acts vii. 8, 9), 
 and to David (Acts ii. 29) ; and is appar- 
 ently intended to be equivalent to the 
 phrase, the "head" or "prince of a tribe," 
 so often found in the O. T. It is used in 
 this sense by the LXX. in 1 Chr. xxiv. 31, 
 xxvii. 22; 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, xxvi. 12. In 
 common usage the title of patriarch is as- 
 signed especially to those whose lives are 
 recorded in Scripture previous to the time 
 of Moses. The patriarchal times are nat- 
 urally divided into the ante-diluvian and 
 post-diluvian periods. 1. In the former 
 the Scripture record contains little except 
 the list of the line from Seth, through Enos, 
 Cainan, Mahalaleel, Jared, Enoch, Methu- 
 selah, and Lamech, to Noah ; with the ages 
 of each at their periods of generation and 
 at their deaths. To some extent parallel to 
 this, is given the line of Cain ; Enoch, Irad, 
 Mehujael, Methusael, Lamech, and the sons 
 of Lamech, .Tahiti, Jubal, and Tubal-Cain. 
 To the latter line are attributed the first 
 signs of material civilization, the building 
 of cities, the division of classes, and the 
 knowledge of mechanical arts ; while the 
 only moral record of their history obscurely 
 speaks of violence and bloodshed. One of 
 the main questions raised as to the antedilu- 
 vian period turns on the longevity assigned 
 to the patriarchs. With the single excep- 
 tion of Enoch (whose departure from the 
 earth at 365 years of age is exceptional in ev- 
 ery sense), their ages vary from 777 (La- 
 mech) to 969 (Methuselah). This statement 
 of ages is clear and definite. If the Divine
 
 PATRIARCHS 
 
 501 
 
 PAUL 
 
 origin of Scripture be believed, its author- 
 ity must be accepted in this as in other 
 cases, and the list of the ages of the patri- 
 archs be held to be (what it certainly claims 
 to be) a statement of real facts. 2. It is in 
 the post-diluvian periods that more is gath- 
 ered as to the nature of the patriarchal his- 
 tory. It is at first general in its scope. 
 The "Covenant" given to Noah is one, 
 free from all condition, and fraught with 
 natural blessings, extending to all alike. 
 But the history soon narrows itself to that 
 of a single tribe or family, and afterwards 
 touches the general history of the ancient 
 world and its empires only so far as it bears 
 upon this. It is in this last stage that the 
 principle of the patriarchal dispensation is 
 most clearly seen. It is based on the sa- 
 credness of family ties and paternal author- 
 ity. This authority, as the only one which 
 is natural and original, is inevitably the 
 foundation of the earliest form of society, 
 and is probably seen most perfectly in wan- 
 dering tribes, where it is not affected by 
 local attachments and by the acquisition of 
 wealth. In Scripture this authority is con- 
 secrated by an ultimate reference to God, 
 as the God of the patriarch, the Father 
 (that is) both of him and his children. At 
 the same time, this faith was not allowed to 
 degenerate, as it was prone to do, into an 
 appropriation of God, as the mere tutelary 
 God of the tribe. Still the distinction and 
 preservation of the chosen family, and the 
 maintenance of the paternal authority, are 
 the special purposes, which give a key to 
 the meaning of history, and of the institu- 
 tions recorded. The type of character 
 formed under this dispensation is one im- 
 perfect in intellectual and spiritual growth, 
 because not yet tried by the subtler temp- 
 tations, or forced to contemplate the deeper 
 questions of life ; but it is one remarkably 
 simple, affectionate, and free, such as would 
 grow up under a natural authority, derived 
 from God and centring in Him, yet allow- 
 ing, under its unquestioned sacredness, a 
 familiarity and freedom of intercourse with 
 Him. which are strongly contrasted with the 
 stern and awful character of the Mosaic 
 dispensation. We see in it the germs of the 
 future of the future revelation of God, and 
 the future trials and development of man. It 
 is on this fact that the typical interpretation 
 of its history depends. In the post-diluvian 
 history of the chosen family is seen the dis- 
 tinction of the true believers, possessors 
 of a special covenant, special revelation, 
 and special privileges, from the world with- 
 out. In it is therefore shadowed out the 
 history of the Jewish Nation and Christian 
 Church, as regards the freedom of their 
 covenant, the gradual unfolding of their 
 revelation, and the peculiar blessings and 
 temptations which belong to their distinc- 
 tive position. 
 
 Pat'robas, a Christian at Rome to whom 
 St. Paul sends his salutation (Rom. xvi. 
 14). Like many other names mentioned in 
 Rom. xvi., this was borne by at least one 
 member of the emperor's household (Suet. 
 Galba, 20; Martial, Ep, ii. 32, 3). 
 
 Pau, but in 1 Chr. i. 50, PAI, the capital 
 of Hadar, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39). 
 Its position is unknown. 
 
 Paul, the Apostle of Jesus Christ to the 
 Gentiles. Original Authorities. Nearly 
 all the original materials for the Life of St. 
 Paul are contained in the Acts of the Apos- 
 tles and in the Pauline Epistles. Out of 
 a comparison of these authorities the biog- 
 rapher of St. Paul has to construct his ac- 
 count of the really important period of the 
 Apostle's life. The early traditions of the 
 Church appear to have left almost un- 
 touched the space of time for which we 
 possess those sacred and abundant sources 
 of knowledge ; and they aim only at sup- 
 plying a few particulars in the biography 
 beyond the points at which the narrative 
 of the Acts begins and terminates. We 
 shall assume the Acts of the Apostles to be 
 a genuine and authentic work of St. Luke, 
 the companion of St. Paul, and shall speak 
 of the Epistles at the places which we be- 
 lieve them to occupy in the history. Prom- 
 inent Points in the Life. Foremost of all 
 is his Conversion. This was the main root 
 of his whole life, outward and inward. 
 Next after this, we may specify his Labors 
 at Antioch. From these we pass to the 
 First Missionary Journey, in the eastern 
 part of Asia Minor. The Visit to Jerusa- 
 lem was a critical point, both in the history 
 of the Church and of the Apostle. The in- 
 troduction of the Gospel into Europe, with 
 the memorable visits to Philippi, Athens, 
 and Corinth, was the boldest step in the 
 carrying out of St. Paul's mission. A third 
 great missionary journey, chiefly charac- 
 terized by a long stay at Ephesus, is further 
 interesting from its connection with four 
 leading Epistles. This was immediately 
 followed by the apprehension of St. Paul 
 at Jerusalem, and his imprisonment at 
 Caesarea. And the last event of which 
 we have a full narrative is the Voyage to 
 Rome. Saul of Tarsus, before his Con- 
 version. Up to the time of his going 
 forth as an avowed preacher of Christ to 
 the Gentiles, the Apostle was known by the 
 name of Saul. This was the Jewish name 
 which he received from his Jewish parents. 
 But though a Hebrew of the Hebrews, he 
 was born in a Gentile city. Of his parents 
 we know nothing, except that his father 
 was of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil. iii. 5), 
 and a Pharisee (Acts xxiii. 6), that he had 
 acquired by some means the Roman fran- 
 chise ("I was free born," Acts xxii. 28), 
 and that he was settled in Tarsus. " I am 
 a Jew of Tarsus, a city in Cilicia, a citizen
 
 PAUL 
 
 502 
 
 PAUL 
 
 of no mean city" (Acts xxi. 39). At Tar- | Saul, and spoke to him so that His very 
 sus he must have learnt to used the Greek ! words could be understood, is the substan- 
 lan<mage with freedom and mastery in both ', tial fact declared to us. The purport of 
 speaking and writing. At Tarsus also he j the three narratives is that an actual con- 
 learnt that trade of "tent-maker" (Acts | versation took place between Saul and the 
 xviii. 3), at which he afterwards occasion- Lord Jesus. It is remarkable that in none 
 ally wrought with his own hands. There j of them is Saul said to have seen Jesus, 
 was a goafs-hair cloth called Cilicium, \ Uow it was that Saul " saw" and " heard" 
 manufactured in Cilicia, and largely used we are quite unable to determine. That 
 for tents. Saul's trade was probably that \ the light, and the sound or voice, were 
 of making tents of this hair-cloth. When j both different from any ordinary phenom- 
 
 St. Paul makes his defence before his 
 countrymen at Jerusalem (Acts xxii.), lie 
 tells them that though born in Tarsus, he 
 had been " brought up " in Jerusalem. He 
 must, therefore, have been yet a boy when 
 he was removed, in all probability for the 
 sake of his education, to the Holy City of 
 his fathers. He learnt, he says, " at the 
 feet of Gamaliel." He who was to resist 
 so stoutly the usurpations of the law, had 
 for his teacher one of the most eminent of 
 all the doctors of the law. Saul was yet 
 " a young man " (Acts vii. 58), when the 
 Church experienced that sudden expansion 
 which was connected with the ordaining of 
 the Seven appointed to serve tables, and 
 with the special power and inspiration of 
 Stephen. Amongst those who disputed 
 with Stephen were some " of them of 
 Cilicia." We naturally think of Saul as 
 having been one of these, when we find 
 him afterwards keeping the clothes of those 
 suborned witnesses who, according to the 
 law (Deut. xvii. 7), were the first to cast 
 stones at Stephen. " Saul," says the sacred 
 writer, significantly, " was consenting unto 
 his death." Saul's Conversion, The per- 
 secutor was to be converted. Having un- 
 dertaken to follow up the believers "unto 
 strange cities," Saul naturally turned his 
 thoughts to Damascus. What befell him as 
 he journeyed thither, is related in detail 
 three times in the Acts, first by the his- 
 torian in his own person, then in the two 
 addresses made by St. Paul at Jerusalem 
 and before Agrippa. St. Luke's statement 
 is to be read in Acts ix. 3-19, where, how- 
 ever, the words " it is hard for thee to kick 
 against the pricks," included in the English 
 version, ought to be omitted. The sudden 
 light from heaven; the voice of Jesus 
 speaking with authority to His persecu- 
 tor; Saul struck to the ground, blinded, 
 overcome; the three days' suspense; the 
 coming of Ananias as a messenger of the 
 Lord ; and Saul's baptism ; these were 
 the leading features of the great event, and 
 in these we must look for the chief signifi- 
 cance of the conversion. For we must 
 
 external nature of the phenomena we are 
 considering, the whole transaction was es- 
 sentially, in any case, a spiritual communi- 
 cation. That the Lord Jesus manifested 
 Himself as a Living Person to the man 
 
 ena with which Saul and his companions 
 were familiar, is unquestionably implied in 
 the narrative. It is also implied that they 
 were specially significant to Saul, and not 
 to those with him. The only mention in 
 the Epistles of St. Paul of the outward 
 phenomena attending his conversion is that 
 in 1 Cor. xv. 8, "Last of all He was seen 
 of me also." But there is one important 
 passage in which he speaks distinctly of 
 his conversion itself. In the Epistle to the 
 Galatians (i.15,16) St. Paul has these words : 
 " When it pleased God, who separated me 
 from my mother's womb, and called me by 
 His grace, to reveal His Son in me, that I 
 might preach Him among the heathen . . ." 
 What words could express more exactly 
 than these the spiritual experience which 
 occurred to Saul on the way to Damascus? 
 The manifestation of Jesus as the Son of 
 God is clearly the main point in the narra- 
 tive. It would be groundless to assume 
 that the new convictions of that midday 
 immediately cleared and settled themselves 
 in Saul's mind. It is sufficient to say that 
 he was then converted, or turned round. 
 For a while no doubt his inward state was 
 one of awe and expectation. Thus enter- 
 ing Damascus as a servant of the Lord 
 Jesus, he sought the house of one whom he 
 had, perhaps, intended to persecute. The 
 fame of Saul's coming had preceded him ; 
 and Ananias, " a devout man according to 
 the law," but a believer in Jesus, when di- 
 rected by the Lord to visit him, wonders 
 at what he is told concerning the notori- 
 ous persecutor. He obeys, however; and 
 going to Saul in the name of " the Lord 
 Jesus, who had appeared to him in the 
 way," he puts his hands on him that he 
 may receive his sight and be filled with 
 the Holy Ghost. Thereupon Saul's eyes 
 are immediately purged, and his sight is re- 
 stored. After the recovery of sight. Saul 
 received baptism as a sign of "the washing 
 of regeneration." He then broke his three 
 days' fast, and was strengthened. It was 
 in Damascus that he was received into 
 the Church by Ananias, and here, to the 
 astonishment of all his hearers, he pro- 
 claimed Jesus in the synagogues, declar- 
 ing him to be the Son of God. The nar- 
 rative in the Acts tells us simply that he 
 was occupied in this work, with increasing 
 vigor, for " many days," up to the time
 
 PAUL 
 
 503 
 
 PAUL 
 
 when imminent danger drove him from . a- 
 maseus. From the Epistle to the Galatians 
 (i. 17, 18) we learn that the many days 
 were at least a good part of " three years," 
 and that Saul, not thinking it necessary to 
 procure authority to preach from the Apos- 
 tles that were before him, went after his 
 conversion into Arabia, and returned from 
 thence to Damascus. We know nothing 
 whatever of this visit to Arabia ; but upon 
 his departure from Damascus, we are again 
 upon historical ground, and have the double 
 evidence of St. Luke in the Acts, and of 
 the Apostle in his 2d Epistle to the Corin- 
 thians. According to the former, the Jews 
 lay in wait for Saul, intending to kill him, 
 and watched the gates of the city that he 
 might not escape from them. Knowing 
 this, the disciples took him by night and let 
 him down in a basket from the wall. Ac- 
 cording to St. Paul (2 Cor. xi. 32) it was 
 the ethnarch under Aretas the king who 
 watched for him, desiring to apprehend him. 
 There is no difficulty in reconciling the two 
 statements. Having escaped from Damas- 
 cus, Saul betook himself to Jerusalem, and 
 there " assayed to join himself to the disci- 
 ples ; but they were all afraid of him, and 
 believed not that he was a disciple." Bar- 
 nabas became his sponsor to the Apostles 
 and Church at Jerusalem, assuring them 
 from some personal knowledge, we must 
 presume of the facts of Saul's conver- 
 sion and subsequent behavior at Damas- 
 cus. Barnabas's introduction removed the 
 fears of the Apostles, and Saul "was with 
 them coming in and going out at Jeru- 
 salem." His Hellenistical education made 
 him, like Stephen, a successful disputant 
 against the "Grecians;" and it is not 
 strange that the former persecutor was 
 singled out from the other believers as the 
 object of a murderous hostility. He was, 
 therefore, again urged to flee ; and by way 
 of Caesarea betook himself to his native city 
 Tarsus. In the Epistle to the Galatians 
 St. Paul adds certain particulars. He tells 
 us that his motive for going up to Jerusa- 
 lem rather than anywhere else was that he 
 might see Peter ; that he abode with him 
 fifteen days ; that the only Apostles he saw 
 were Peter and James the Lord's brother ; 
 and that afterwards he came into the re- 
 gions of Syria and Cilicia, remaining un- 
 known by face, though well known for his 
 conversion to the Churches in Judaea which 
 were in Christ,. St. Paul at Antioch. 
 While Saul was at Tarsus, a movement 
 was going on at Antioch, which raised that 
 city to an importance second only to that 
 of Jerusalem itself in the early history of 
 the Church. It was there that the Preach- 
 ing of the Gospel to the Gentiles first took 
 root, and from thence that it was afterwards 
 propagated. There came to Antioch, when 
 the persecution which arose about Stephen 
 
 scattered upon their different routes the dis- 
 ciples who had been assembled at Jerusalem, 
 men of Cyprus and Cyrene, eager to tell all 
 who would hear them the good news con- 
 cerning the Lord Jesus. A great number be- 
 lieved ; and when this was reported at Jeru- 
 salem, Barnabas was sent on a special mis- 
 sion to Antioch. As the work grew under his 
 hands, he felt the need of help, went himself 
 to Tarsus to seek Saul, and succeeded in 
 bringing him to Antioch. There they la- 
 bored together unremittingly for " a whole 
 year." All this time Saul was subordinate 
 to Barnabas. An opportunity soon occurred 
 for proving the affection of these new dis- 
 ciples towards their brethren at Jerusalem. 
 There came " prophets " from Jerusalem 
 to Antioch : " and there stood up one of 
 them, named Agabus, and signified by the 
 Spirit that there should be great dearth 
 throughout all the world." It is obvious 
 that the fulfilment followed closely upon 
 the intimation of the coming famine. For 
 the disciples at Antioch determined to send 
 contributions immediately to Jerusalem; 
 and the gift was conveyed to the elders of 
 that Church by the hands of Barnabas and 
 Saul. Having discharged their errand, 
 Barnabas and Saul returned to Antioch, 
 bringing with them another helper, John 
 surnamed Mark, sister's son to Barnabas. 
 The work of prophesying and teaching was 
 resumed. Antioch was in constant com- 
 munication with Cilicia, with Cyprus, with 
 all the neighboring countries. The ques- 
 tion must have forced itself upon hundreds 
 of the " Christians " at Antioch, " What is 
 the meaning of this faith of ours, of this 
 baptism, of this incorporation, of this king- 
 dom of the Son of God, for the world? 
 The Gospel is not for Judaea alone : here 
 are we called by it at Antioch. Is it meant 
 to stop here ? " The Church was preg- 
 nant with a great movement, and the time 
 of her delivery was at hand. Something 
 of direct expectation seems to be implied 
 in what is said of the leaders of the Church 
 at Antioch, that they were "ministering 
 to the Lord, and fasting," when the Holy 
 Ghost spoke to them. " Separate me Bar- 
 nabas and Saul for the work whereunto I 
 have called them." Everything was done 
 with orderly gravity in the sending forth of 
 the two missionaries. Their brethren after 
 fasting and prayer, laid their hands on them, 
 and so they departed. The first Mission- 
 ary Journey. As soon as Barnabas and 
 Saul reached Cyprus, they began to " an- 
 nounce the word of God," but at first they 
 delivered their message in the sjMiagogues 
 of the Jews only. When they had gone 
 through the island, from Salamis to Paphos, 
 they were called upon to explain their doc- 
 trine to an eminent Gentile, Sergius Paulus, 
 the proconsul. A Jew, named Barjesus, 
 or Elymas, a magus and false prophet, had
 
 PAUL 
 
 504 
 
 PAUL 
 
 attached himself to the governor, and had 
 no doubt interested his mind with what he 
 had told him of the history and hopes of 
 the Jews. Accordingly when Sergius Pau- 
 lus heard of the strange teachers who were 
 announcing to the Jews the advent of their 
 true Messiah, he wished to see them, and 
 sent for them. The impostor, instinctive- 
 ly hating the Apostles, and seeing his in- 
 fluence over the proconsul in danger of 
 perishing, did what he could to withstand 
 them. Then Saul, "who is also called 
 Paul," denouncing Elymas in remarkable 
 terms, declared against him God's sentence 
 of temporary blindness. The blindness 
 immediately falls upon him ; and the pro- 
 consul, moved by the scene and persuaded 
 by the teaching of the Apostle, becomes a 
 believer. This point is made a special crisis 
 in the history of the Apostle by the writer of 
 the Acts. Saul now becomes Paul, and be- 
 gins to take precedence of Barnabas. Noth- 
 ing is said to explain the change of name. 
 No reader could resist the temptation of sup- 
 posing that there must be some connection 
 between Saul's new name and that of his 
 distinguished Roman convert. But on re- 
 flection it does not seem probable that St. 
 Paul would either have wished, or have 
 consented, to change his own name for that 
 of a distinguished convert. There is no 
 reason, therefore, why Saul should not 
 have borne from infancy the other name 
 of Paul. In that case he would be Saul 
 amongst his own countrymen, Paulus 
 amongst the Gentiles. The conversion of 
 Sergius Paulus may be said, perhaps, to 
 mark the beginning of the work amongst 
 the Gentiles ; otherwise, it was not in Cy- 
 prus that any change took place in the 
 method hitherto followed by Barnabas and 
 Saul in preaching the Gospel. Their pub- 
 lic addresses were as yet confined to the 
 synagogues ; but it was soon to be other- 
 wise. From Paphos "Paul and his com- 
 pany " set sail for the mainland, and arrived 
 at Perga in Pamphylia. Here the heart of 
 their companion John failed him, and he 
 returned to Jerusalem. From Perga they 
 travelled on to a place, obscure in secular 
 history, but most memorable in the history 
 of the kingdom of Christ, Antioch in 
 Pisidia. Here " they went into the syna- 
 gogue on the sabbath-day, and sat down." 
 Small as the place was, it contained its 
 colony of Jews. What took place here in 
 the synagogue and in the city, is interesting 
 to us not only on account of its bearing on 
 the history, but also because it represents 
 more or less exactly what afterwards oc- 
 curred in many other places. The Apostles 
 of Christ sat still with the rest of the assem- 
 bly, whilst the Law and the Prophets were 
 read. Then the rulers of the synagogue sent 
 3,0 invite them, as strangers but brethren, to 
 speak any word of exhortation which might 
 
 be in them to the people. Paul stood up, 
 and beckoning with his hand, he spoke. The 
 speech is given in Acts xiii. 1G-41. The dis- 
 course produced a strong impression ; and 
 the hearers (not " the Gentiles "), requested 
 the Apostles to repeat their message on the 
 next sabbath. During the week so much 
 interest was excited by the teaching of the 
 Apostles, that on the sabbath-day " almost 
 the whole city came together, to hear the 
 Word of God." It was this concern of 
 the Gentiles which appears to have first 
 alienated the minds of the Jews from what 
 they had heard. They were filled with 
 envy, and set themselves to oppose bitterly 
 the words which Paul spoke. The new 
 opposition brought out new action on the 
 part of the Apostles. Rejected by the Jews, 
 they became bold and outspoken, and 
 turned from them to the Gentiles. At 
 Antioch now, as in every city afterwards, 
 the unbelieving Jews used their influence 
 with their own adherents amongst the Gen- 
 tiles, to persuade the authorities or the 
 populace to persecute the Apostles and to 
 drive them from the place. Paul and Bar- 
 nabas now travelled on to Iconiuin, where 
 fhe occurrences at Antioch were repeated, 
 and from thence to the Lycaonian country 
 which contained the cities Lystra and 
 Derbe. Here they had to deal with un- 
 civilized heathens. At Lystra the healing 
 of a cripple took place. Thereupon these 
 pagans took the Apostles for gods, calling 
 Barnabas, who was of the more imposing 
 presence, Jupiter, and Paul, who was the 
 chief speaker, Mercurius. This mistake, 
 followed up by the attempt to offer sacri- 
 fices to them, gives occasion to the record- 
 ing of an address, in which we see a type of 
 what the Apostles would say to an ignorant, 
 pagan audience. Although the people of 
 Lystra had been so ready to worship Paul 
 and Barnabas, the repulse of their idola- 
 trous instincts appears to have provoked 
 them, and they allowed themselves to bo 
 persuaded into hostility by Jews who came 
 from Antioch and Iconium, so that they 
 attacked Paul with stones, and thought they 
 had killed him. He recovered, however, 
 as the disciples were standing round him, 
 arid went again into the city. The next 
 day he left it with Barnabas, and went to 
 Derbe, and thence they returned once more 
 to Lystra, and so to Iconium and Antioch. 
 In order to establish the Churches after 
 their departure they solemnly appointed 
 " elders " in every city. Then they came 
 down to the coast, and from Attalia they 
 sailed home to Antioch in Syria, where 
 they related the successes which had been 
 granted to them, and especially the " open- 
 ing of the door of faith to the Gentiles." 
 And so the First Missionary Journey end- 
 j ed. The Council at Jerusalem, (Acts xv. ; 
 , Galatians ii). Upon that missionary jour*
 
 PAUL 
 
 505 
 
 PAUL 
 
 ney follows most naturally the next impor- 
 tant scene which the historian sets before 
 us the council held at Jerusalem to de- 
 termine the relations of Gentile believers 
 to the Law of Moses. In following this 
 portion of the history, we encounter two 
 of the greater questions which the biogra- 
 pher of St. Paul has to consider. One of 
 those is historical : What were the relations 
 between the Apostle Paul and the Twelve? 
 The other is critical : How is Galatians ii. 
 to be connected with the narrative of the 
 Acts ? The relations of St. Paul and the 
 Twelve will best be set forth in the narra- 
 tive. But we must explain here why we 
 accept St. Paul's statements in the Galatian 
 Epistle as additional to the history in Acts 
 xv. The first impression of any reader 
 would be a supposition that the two writers 
 might be referring to the same event. The 
 "one would at least bring the other to his 
 mind. On looking more closely into both, 
 the second impression upon the reader's 
 mind may possibly be that of a certain in- 
 compatibility between the two. Another 
 view will remain, that St. Paul refers to a 
 visit not recorded in the Acts at all. This 
 is a perfectly legitimate hypothesis ; and it 
 is recommended by the vigorous sense of 
 Paley. But where are we to place the visit ? 
 The only possible place for it is some short 
 time before the visit of cli. xv. But it can 
 scarcely be denied, that the language of ch. 
 xv. decidedly implies that the visit there 
 recorded was the first paid by Paul and 
 Barnabas to Jerusalem, after their great 
 success in preaching the Gospel amongst 
 the Gentiles. We suppose the reader, 
 therefore, to recur to his first impression. 
 He will then have to ask himself, "Grant- 
 ing the considerable differences, are there, 
 after all, any plain contradictions between 
 the two narratives, taken to refer to the 
 same occurrences ? " The answer must be, 
 *' There are no plain contradictions" We 
 proceed then to combine the two narratives. 
 Whilst Paul and Barnabas were staying at 
 Antioch, " certain men from Judaea" came 
 there, and taught the brethren that it was 
 necessary for the Gentile converts to be 
 circumcised. This doctrine was vigorously 
 opposed by the two Apostles, and it was 
 determined that the question should be re- 
 ferred to the Apostles and elders at Jeru- 
 salem. Paul and Barnabas themselves, and 
 certain others, were selected for this mis- 
 sion. The Apostles and elders came to- 
 gether, and there was much disputing. 
 After they had done, St. James, with in- 
 comparable simplicity and wisdom, binds 
 up the testimony of recent facts with the 
 testimony of ancient prophecy, and gives 
 a practical judgment upo.i the question. 
 The judgment was a decisive one. The 
 injunction that the Gentiles should abstain 
 from pollutions of idols and from fornica- 
 
 tion explained itself. The abstinence from 
 things strangled and from blood is desired 
 as a concession to the customs of the Jews, 
 who were to be found in every city, and 
 for whom it was still right, when they had 
 believed in Jesus Christ, to observe the 
 Law. St. Paul had completely gained his 
 point. The older Apostles, James, Cephas, 
 and John, perceiving the grace which had 
 been given him (his effectual Apostleship), 
 gave to him and Barnabas the right hand 
 of fellowship. At this point it is very im- 
 portant to observe precisely what was the 
 matter at stake between the contending 
 parties. The case stood thus : Circumcis- 
 ion and the ordinances of the Law were 
 witnesses of a separation of the chosen race 
 from other nations. The Jews were proud 
 of that separation. But the Gospel of the 
 Son of Man proclaimed that the time had 
 come in which the separation was to be 
 done away, and God's good will manifested 
 to all nations alike. It spoke of a union 
 with God, through trust, which gave hope 
 of a righteousness that the Law hud been 
 powerless to produce. Therefore to insist 
 upon Gentiles being circumcised would 
 have been to deny the Gospel of Christ. 
 If there was to be simply an enlarging of 
 the separated nation by the receiving of 
 individuals into it, then the other nations of 
 the world remained as much on the outside 
 of God's covenant as ever. Then there 
 was no Gospel to .mankind; no justification 
 given to men. The loss, in such a case, 
 would have been as much to the Jew as to 
 the Gentile. St. Paul felt this the most 
 strongly ; but St. Peter also saw that if the 
 Jewish believers were thrown back on the 
 Jewish Law, and gave up the free and 
 absolute grace of God, the Law became a 
 mere burden, just as heavy to the Jew as it 
 would be to the Gentile. The only hope 
 for the Jew was in a Saviour who must be 
 the Saviour of mankind. It implied there- 
 fore no difference of belief when it was 
 agreed that Paul and Barnabas should go 
 to the heathen, while James and Cephas and 
 John undertook to be the Apostles of the 
 Circumcision. The judgment of the Church 
 was immediately recorded in a letter ad- 
 dressed to the Gentile brethren in Antioch 
 and Syria and Cilicia. Second Missionary 
 Journey. The most resolute courage, in- 
 deed, was required for the work to which 
 St. Paul was now publicly pledged. He 
 would not associate with himself in that 
 work one who had already shown a want 
 of constancy. This was the occasion of 
 what must have been a most painful differ- 
 ence between him and his comrade in the 
 faith and in past perils, Barnabas (Acts xv. 
 35-40). Silas, or Silvanus, becomes now 
 a chief companion of the Apostle. The 
 two went together through Syria and Cili- 
 cia, visiting the churches, and so 'jame to
 
 PAUL 
 
 506 
 
 PAUL 
 
 Derbe and Lystra. Here they find Timo- 
 theus, who had become a disciple on the 
 former visit of the Apostle. Him St. Paul 
 took and circumcised. Paul and Silas were 
 actually delivering the Jerusalem decree 
 to all the churches they visited. They 
 were no doubt triumphing in the freedom 
 secured to the Gentiles. Yet at this very 
 time our Apostle had the wisdom and large- 
 ness of heart to consult the feelings of the 
 Jews by circumcising Timothy. St. Luke 
 now steps rapidly over a considerable space 
 of the Apostle's life and labors. " They 
 went throughout Phrygia and the region of 
 Galatia" (xvi. G). At this time St. Paul 
 was founding "the churches of Galatia" 
 (Gal. i. 2). He himself gives us hints of 
 the circumstances of his preaching in that 
 region, of the reception he met with, and 
 of the ardent, though unstable, character 
 of the people (Gal. iv. 13-15). St. Paul 
 at this time had not indulged the ambition 
 of preaching his Gospel in Europe. His 
 views were limited to the peninsula of Asia 
 Minor. Having gone through Phrygia 
 and Galatia, he intended to visit the 
 western coast; but "they were forbidden 
 by the Holy Ghost to preach the word " 
 there. Then, being on the borders of 
 Mysia, they thought of going back to the 
 north-east into Bithynia; but again the 
 Spirit of Jesus " suffered them not." So 
 they passed by Mysia, and came down to 
 Troas. St. Paul saw in a vision a man 
 of Macedonia, who besought him, saying, 
 " Come over into Macedonia and help us." 
 The vision was at once accepted as a heav- 
 enly intimation; the help wanted by the 
 Macedonians was believed to be the preach- 
 ing of the Gospel. It is at this point that 
 the historian, speaking of St. Paul's com- 
 pany, substitutes " we " for " they." He 
 says nothing of himself; we can only infer 
 that St. Luke, to whatever country he be- 
 longed, became a companion of St. Paul at 
 Troas. The party, thus re-enforced, im- 
 mediately set sail from Troas, touched at 
 Samothrace, then landed on the continent 
 at Neapolis, and from thence journeyed to 
 Philippi. There were a few Jews, if not 
 many, at Philippi; and when the sabbath 
 came round, the Apostolic company joined 
 their countrymen at the place by the river- 
 side where prayer was wont to be made. 
 The narrative in this part is very graphic 
 (xvi. 13). The first convert in Macedonia 
 was but an Asiatic woman who already 
 worshipped the God of the Jews ; but she 
 was a very earnest believer, and besought 
 the Apostle and his friends to honor her by 
 staying in her house.' They could not re- 
 sist her urgency, and during their stay at 
 Philippi they were the guests of Lydia 
 (ver. 40). But a proof was given before 
 long that the preachers of Christ were come 
 to grapple with the powers in the spiritual 
 
 world to which heathenism was the.i doing 
 homage. A female slave, who brought gain 
 to her masters by her powers of prediction 
 when she was in the possessed state, beset 
 Paul and his company. Paul was vexed 
 by her cries, and addressing the spirit in 
 the girl, he said, " I command thee in the 
 name of Jesus Christ to come out of her." 
 The girl's masters saw that now the hope 
 of their gains was gone. Paul and Silas 
 were dragged before the magistrates, the 
 multitude clamoring loudly against them, 
 upon the vague charge of " troubling the 
 city," and introducing observances which 
 were unlawful for Romans. The magis- 
 trates yielded without inquiry to the clam- 
 or of the inhabitants, caused the clothes of 
 Paul and Silas to be torn from them, and 
 themselves to be beaten, and then commit- 
 ted them to prison. This cruel wrong waa 
 to be the occasion of a signal appearance 
 of the God of righteousness and deliver- 
 ance. The narrative tells of the earth- 
 quake, the jailor's terror, his conversion, 
 and baptism (xvi. 26-34). In the morn- 
 ing the magistrates sent word to the prison 
 that the men might be let go. But St. 
 Paul denounced plainly their unlawful acts, 
 informing them moreover that those whom, 
 they had beaten and imprisoned without 
 trial were lioman citizens. The magis- 
 trates, in great alarm, saw the necessity of 
 humbling themselves. They came and 
 begged them to leave the city. Paul and 
 Silas consented to do so, and, after paying 
 a visit to " the brethren " in the house of 
 Lydia, they departed. Leaving St. Luke, 
 and perhaps Timothy for a short time, at 
 Philippi, Paul and Silas travelled through 
 Amphipolis and Apollonia, and stopped 
 again at Thessalonica. At this important 
 city there was a synagogue of the Je^vs. 
 True to his custom, St. Paul went in to 
 them, and for three sabbath-days pro- 
 claimed Jesus to be the Christ, as he 
 would have done in a city of Judaea. 
 Again, as in Pisidian Antioch, the envy 
 of the Jews .was excited. The mob as- 
 saulted the house of Jason, with whom 
 Paul and Silas were staying as guests, 
 and, not finding them, dragged Jason him- 
 self and some othev brethren before the 
 magistrates. But the magistrates, after 
 taking security of Jason and the rest, let 
 them go. After these signs of danger the 
 brethren immediately sent away Paul and 
 Silas by night. They next came to Be- 
 roea. Here they found the Jews more no- 
 ble than those at Thessalonica had been. 
 Accordingly they gained many .converts, 
 both Jews and Greeks ; but the Jews of 
 Thessalonica, hearing of it, sent emissaries 
 to stir up the people, and it was thought 
 best that St. Paul should himself leave the 
 city, whilst Silas and Timothy remained 
 behind. Some of " the brethren " went
 
 PAUL 
 
 507 
 
 PAUL 
 
 with St. Paul as far as Athens, where they | they opposed themselves and blaspuomed, 
 
 left him, carrying back a request to Silas 
 and Timothy that they would speedily join 
 him. There he witnessed the most profuse 
 idolatry side by side with the most preten- 
 tious philosophy. Either of these would 
 have been enough to stimulate his spirit. 
 To idolaters and philosophers he felt equal- 
 ly urged to proclaim his Master and the 
 Living God. So he went to his own coun- 
 trymen and the proselytes in the syna- 
 them that the 
 he also spoke, 
 like another Socrates, with people in the 
 market, and with the followers of the two 
 great schools of philosophy, Epicureans and 
 Stoics, naming to all Jesus and the Resur- 
 rection. The philosophers encountered 
 him with a mixture of curiosity and con- 
 tempt. But any one with a novelty was 
 welcome to those who " spent their time in 
 nothing else but either to hear or to tell 
 They brought him, 
 
 gogue, and declared to 
 Messiah had come ; but 
 
 some new thins 
 
 therefore, to the Areopagus, that he might 
 make a formal exposition of his doctrine to 
 an assembled audience. Here the Apostle 
 delivered that wonderful discourse, reported 
 in Acts xvii. 22-31. He gained but few 
 converts at Athens, and he soon took his 
 departure and came to Corinth. Athens 
 still retained its old intellectual predomi- 
 nance; but Corinth was the political and 
 commercial capital of Greece. Here, as at 
 Thessalonica, he chose to earn his own sub- 
 sistence by working at his trade of tent- 
 making. This trade brought him into close 
 connection with two persons who became 
 distinguished as believers in Christ, Aquila 
 and Priscilla. Laboring thus on the six 
 days, the Apostle went to the synagogue 
 on the sabbath, and there by expounding 
 the Scriptures sought to win both Jews and 
 proselytes to the belief that Jesus was the 
 Christ. He was testifying with unusual 
 effort and anxiety, when Silas and Timothy 
 came from Macedonia and joined him. 
 Their arrival was the occasion of the writ- 
 ing of the First Epistle to the Thessalo- 
 nians. This is the first extant example of 
 that work by which the Apostle Paul has 
 served the Church of all ages in as eminent 
 a degree as he labored at the founding of 
 it in his lifetime. It is notorious that the 
 order of the Epistles in the book of the 
 N. T. is not their real or chronological 
 order. The two Epistles to the Thessalo- 
 nians belong and these alone to the 
 present Missionary Journey. The Epistles 
 to the Galatians, Romans, and Corinthians, 
 were written during the next journey. 
 Those to Philemon, the Colossians, the 
 Ephesians, and the Philippians, belong to 
 the captivity at Rome. When Silas and 
 Timotheus came to Corinth, St. Paul was 
 testifying to the Jews with great earnest- 
 ness, but with little success. So " when 
 
 he shook out his raiment," and said to them, 
 in words of warning taken from their own 
 prophets (Ezek. xxxiii. 4), " Your blood 
 be upon your own heads ; I am clean, and 
 henceforth will go to the Gentiles." The 
 Apostle went, as he threatened, to the Gen- 
 tiles, and began to preach in the house of a 
 proselyte named Justus. Corinth was the 
 chief city of the province of Achaia, and 
 the residence of the proconsul. During 
 St. Paul's stay, we find the proconsular 
 office held by Gallic, a brother of the phi- 
 losopher Seneca. Before him the Apostle 
 was summoned by his Jewish enemies, who 
 hoped to bring the Roman authority to bear 
 upon him as an innovator in religion. But 
 Gallio perceived at once, before Paul could 
 "open his mouth" to defend himself, that 
 the movement was due to Jewish prejudice, 
 and refused to go into the question. " If 
 it be a question of words and names and 
 of your law," he said to the Jews, speaking 
 with the tolerance of a Roman magistrate, 
 " look ye to it; for I will be no judge of 
 such matters." Then a singular scene oc- 
 curred. The Corinthian spectators, either 
 favoring St. Paul, or actuated only by anger 
 against the Jews, seized on the principal 
 person of those who had brought the charge, 
 and beat him before the judgment-seat. 
 Gallio left these religious quarrels to settle 
 themselves. The Apostle, therefore, was 
 not allowed to be " hurt," and remained 
 some time longer at Corinth unmolested. 
 Having been the instrument of accomplish- 
 ing this work, St. Paul took his departure 
 for Jerusalem, wishing to attend a festival 
 there. Before leaving Greece, he cut off 
 his hair at Cenchreae, in fulfilment of a 
 vow (Acts xviii. 18). He may have fol- 
 lowed in this instance, for some reason not 
 explained to us, a custom of his country- 
 men. [See NAZAEITE, p. 443.] When he 
 sailed from the Isthmus, Aquila and Pris- 
 cilla went with him as far as Ephesus. 
 Paul paid a visit to the synagogue at Ephe- 
 sus, but would not stay. Leaving Ephesus, 
 he sailed to' Caesarea, and from thence 
 went up to Jerusalem and " saluted the 
 Church." It is argued, from considerations 
 founded on the suspension of navigation 
 during the winter months, that the festival 
 was probably the Pentecost. From Jeru- 
 salem, almost immediately, the Apostle went 
 down to Antioch, thus returning to the same 
 place from which he had started with Silas. 
 Third Missionary Journey, including the 
 stay at Ephesus (Acts xviii. 23-xxi. 17). 
 The great Epistles which belong to this 
 period, those to the Galatians, Corinthians, 
 and Romans, show how the " Judaizing " 
 question exercised at this time the Apostle's 
 mind. St. Paul " spent some time " at An- 
 tioch, and, during this stay, as we are in- 
 clined to believe, his collision with St. Peter
 
 PAUL 
 
 508 
 
 PAUL 
 
 (Gal. ii. 11-14) took pla/:e. When he left 
 Antioch, he " went over all the country of 
 Galatia and Phrygia in order, strengthen- 
 ing all the disciples," and giving orders 
 concerning the collection for the saints 
 (1 Cor. xvi. 1). It is probable that the 
 Epistle to the Galatians was written soon 
 after this visit. This Letter was, in all prob- 
 ability, sent from Ephesus. This was the goal 
 of the Apostle's journcyings through Asia 
 Minor. He came down to Ephesus, from the 
 upper districts of PJirygia. Here he entered 
 upon his usual work. He went into the 
 synagogue, and for three months he spoke 
 openly, disputingand persuading concerning 
 " the kingdom of God." At the end of this 
 time the obstinacy and opposition of some 
 of the Jews led him to give up frequenting 
 the synagogue, and he established the be- 
 lievers as a separate society, meeting " in 
 the school of Tyrannus." This continued 
 for two years. During this time many 
 tilings occurred, of which the historian of 
 the Acts chooses two examples, the triumph 
 over magical arts, and the great disturbance 
 raised by the silversmiths who made shrines 
 for Diana; amongst which we are to note 
 further the writing of the First Epistle to the 
 Corinthians. Before leaving Ephesus he 
 went into Macedonia, where he met Titus, 
 who brought him news of the state of the 
 Corinthian church. Thereupon he wrote 
 the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, and 
 sent it by the hands of Titus and two other 
 brethren to Corinth. The particular nature 
 of this Epistle, as an appeal to facts in fa- 
 vor of his own Apostolic authority, leads 
 to the mention of many interesting features 
 of St. Paul's life. His summary, in xi. 23 
 -28, of the hardships and dangers through 
 which he had gone, proves to us how little 
 the history in the Acts is to be regarded as 
 a complete account of what he did and suf- 
 fered. The mention of " visions and reve- 
 lations of the Lord," and of the " thorn (or 
 rather stake} in the flesh," side by side, is 
 peculiarly characteristic both of the mind 
 and of the experiences of St. Paul. As an 
 instance of the visions, he 'alludes to a 
 trance which had befallen him fourteen 
 years before, in which he had been caught 
 up into paradise, and had heard unspeak- 
 able words. But he would not, even in- 
 wardly with himself, glory in visions and 
 revelations without remembering how the 
 Lord had guarded him from being puffed 
 up by them. A thorn in the flesh was given 
 him, a messenger of Satan to buffet him, 
 lest he should be exalted above meas- 
 ure. Different interpretations have pre- 
 vailed of this " thorn ; " but it is almost the 
 unanimous opinion of modern divines that 
 the " stake " represents some vexatious 
 bodily infirmity. After writing this Epistle, 
 St. Paul travelled through Macedonia, per- 
 haps to the borders of Illyricum (Rom. xv. 
 
 19), and then came to Corinth. The nar- 
 rative in the Acts tells us that " when he 
 had gone over those parts (Macedonia), 
 and had given them much exhortation, he 
 came into Greece, and there abode three 
 months" (xx. 2, 3). There is only one in- 
 cident which we can connect with this visit 
 to Greece, but that is a very important one 
 the writing of his Epistle to the Romans. 
 That this was written at this time from 
 Corinth appears from passages in the Epistle 
 itself, and has never been doubted. The 
 letter is a substitute for the personal visit 
 which he had longed " for many years " 
 to pay. Before his departure from Corinth, 
 St. Paul was joined again by St. Luke, as 
 we infer from the change in the narrative 
 from the third to the first person. He was 
 bent on making a journey to Jerusalem, for 
 a special purpose and within a limited time. 
 With this view he was intending to go by 
 sea to Syria. But he was made aware of 
 some plot of the Jews for his destruction, 
 to be carried out through this voyage : and 
 he determined to evade their malice by 
 changing his route. Several brethren were 
 associated with him in this expedition, the 
 bearers, no doubt, of the collections made 
 in all the Churches for the poor at Jeru- 
 salem. These were sent on by sea, and 
 probably the money with them, to Troas, 
 where they were to await St. Paul. He, 
 accompanied by St. Luke, went northwards 
 through Macedonia. During the stay at 
 Troas there was a meeting on the first day 
 of the week " to break bread," and Paul 
 was discoursing earnestly artd at length 
 with the brethren. He was to depart the 
 next morning, and midnight found them 
 listening to his earnest speech. A youth 
 named Eutychus was sitting in the window, 
 and was gradually overpowered by sleep, 
 so that at last he fell into the street or court 
 from the third story, and was taken up 
 dead. The meeting was interrupted by 
 this accident, and Paul went down and fell 
 upon him and embraced him, saying, "Be 
 not disturbed; his life is in him." His 
 friends then appear to have taken charge 
 of' him, whilst Paul went up again, first 
 presided at the breaking of bread, after- 
 wards took a meal, and continued con- 
 versing until daybreak, and so departed. 
 Whilst the vessel which conveyed the rest 
 of the party sailed from Troas to Assos, 
 Paul gained some time by making the jour- 
 ney by land. At Assos he went on board 
 again. Coasting along by Mitylene, Chios, 
 Samos, and Trogyllium, they arrived at 
 Miletus. At Miletus, howr rer, there was 
 time to send to Ephesus , and the elders of 
 the Church were invited to come down to 
 him there. This meeting is made the oc- 
 casion for recording another characteristic 
 and representative address of St. Paul 
 (Acts xx. 18-35). This spoken address to
 
 PAUL 
 
 509 
 
 PAUL 
 
 the elders of the Ephesian Church may be 
 ranked with the Epistles, and throws the 
 same kind of light upon St. Paul's Apos- 
 tolical relations to the Churches. The 
 course of the voyage from Miletus was by 
 Coos and Rhodes to Patara, and from Pat- 
 ara in another vessel past Cyprus to Tyre. 
 Here Paul and his company spent seven 
 days. From Tyre they sailed to Ptole- 
 mais, where they spent one day, and from 
 Ptolemais proceeded, apparently by land, to 
 Caesarea. In this place was settled Philip 
 the Evangelist, one of the seven, and he be- 
 came the host of Paul and his friends. Philip 
 had four unmarried daughters, who" proph- 
 esied," and who repeated, no doubt, the 
 warnings already heard. They now " tarried 
 many days " at Caesarea. During this in- 
 terval the prophet Agabus (Acts xi. 28) came 
 down from Jerusalem, and crowned the pre- 
 vious intimations of danger with a prediction 
 expressively delivered. At this stage a final 
 effort was made to dissuade Paul from go- 
 ing up to Jerusalem, by the Christians of 
 Caesarea, and by his travelling companions. 
 After a while, they went up to Jerusalem, 
 and were gladly received by the breth- 
 ren. This is St. Paul's fifth and last visit 
 to Jerusalem. St. Paul's Imprisonment : 
 Jerusalem and Caesarea. He who was 
 thus conducted into Jerusalem by a com- 
 pany of anxious friends had become by this 
 time a man of considerable fame amongst 
 his countrymen. He was widely known as 
 one who had taught with pre-eminent bold- 
 ness that a way into God's favor was opened 
 to the Gentiles, and that this way did not 
 lie through the door of the Jewish Law. 
 He had thus roused against himself the 
 bitter enmity of that unfathomable Jewish 
 pride which was almost as strong in some 
 of those who had professed the faith of 
 Jesus, as in their unconverted brethren. 
 He was now approaching a crisis in the long 
 struggle, and the shadow of it has been made 
 to rest upon his mind throughout his jour- 
 ney to Jerusalem. He came " ready to die 
 for the name of the Lord Jesus," but he 
 came expressly to prove himself a faithful 
 Jew, and this purpose emerges at every 
 point of the history. St. Luke does not 
 mention the contributions brought by Paul 
 and his companions for the poor at Jeru- 
 salem. As on former occasions, the believ- 
 ers at Jerusalem could not but glorify God 
 for what they heard; but they had been 
 alarmed by the prevalent feeling concerning 
 St. Paul. In order to dispel this impression 
 they ask him to do publicly an act of hom- 
 age to the Law and its observances. They 
 had four men who were under the Nazarite 
 vow. The completion of this vow involved 
 (Num. vi. 13-21) a considerable expense 
 for the offerings to be presented in the 
 Temple ; and it was a meritorious act to 
 provide these offerings for the poorer Naz- 
 
 arites. St. Paul was requested to putnim- 
 self under the vow with those other four, 
 and to supply the cost of their offerings. 
 He at once accepted the proposal. It ap- 
 pears that the whole process undertaken by 
 St. Paul required seven days to complete it. 
 Towards the end of this time certain Jews 
 from " Asia," who had come up for the 
 Pentecostal feast, and who had a personal 
 knowledge both of Paul himself and of 
 his companion Trophimus, a Gentile from 
 Ephesus, saw Paul in the Temple. They 
 immediately set upon him, and stirred up 
 the people against him, crying out, " Men 
 of Israel, help ; this is the man that teacheth 
 all men everywhere against the people, and 
 the law, and this place ; and further brought 
 Greeks also, into the Temple, and hath pol- 
 luted this holy place." The latter charge 
 had no more truth in it than the first ; it was 
 only suggested by their having seen Trophi- 
 mus with lu'm, not in the Temple, but in the 
 city. They raised, however, a great com- 
 motion ; Paul was dragged out of the Tem- 
 ple, of which the doors were immediately 
 shut, and the people, having him in their 
 hands, were proposing to kill him. But 
 tidings were soon carried to the commander 
 of the force which was serving as a garrison 
 in Jerusalem, that " all Jerusalem was in 
 an uproar ; " and he, taking with him sol- 
 diers and centurions, hastened to the scene 
 of the tumult. Paul was rescued from the 
 violence of the multitude by the Koman 
 officer, who made him his own prisoner, 
 causing him to be chained to two soldiers, 
 and then proceeded to inquire who he was 
 and what he had done. The inquiry only 
 elicited confused outcries, and the " chief 
 captain " seems to have imagined that the 
 Apostle might perhaps be a certain Egyp- 
 tian pretender who had recently stirred up 
 a considerable rising of the people. The 
 account in the Acts (xxi. 34-40) tells us 
 with graphic touches how St. Paul obtained 
 leave and opportunity to address the people 
 in a discourse which is related at length. 
 This discourse was spoken in Hebrew ; that 
 is, in the native dialect of the country, and 
 was on that account listened to with the 
 more attention. It is described by St. Paul 
 himself, in his opening words, as his 
 " defence," addressed to his brethren and 
 fathers. It is in this light that it ought to 
 be regarded. Until the hated word of a 
 mission to the Gentiles had been spoken, 
 the Jews had listened to the speaker. 
 " Away with such a fellow from the earth," 
 the multitude now shouted; "it is not fit 
 that he should live." The Roman com- 
 mander, seeing the tumult that arose, might 
 well conclude that St. Paul had committed 
 some heinous offence; and carrying him 
 off, he gave orders that he should be forced 
 by scourging to confess his crime. Again 
 the Apostle took advantage of his liomau
 
 PAUL 
 
 510 
 
 PAUL 
 
 citizenship to protect himself from such an 
 outrage. The Roman officer was bound to 
 protect a citizen, and to suppress tumult; 
 but it was also a part of his policy to treat 
 with deference the religion and the customs 
 of the country. St. Paul's present history 
 is the resultant of these two principles. 
 The chief captain set him free from bonds, 
 but on the next day called together the chief 
 priests and the Sanhedrim, and brought 
 Paul as a prisoner before them. We need 
 not suppose that this was a regular legal 
 proceeding; it was probably an experiment 
 of policy and courtesy. If, on the one hand, 
 the commandant of the garrison had no 
 power to convoke the Sanhedrim, on the 
 other hand he would not give up a Roman 
 citizen to their judgment. As it was, the 
 affair ended in confusion, and with no sem- 
 blance of a judicial termination. The inci- 
 dents selected by St. Luke from the history 
 of this meeting form striking points in the 
 biography of St. Paul, but they are not easy 
 to be understood. St. Paul appears to have 
 been put upon his defence, and with the 
 peculiar habit, mentioned elsewhere also 
 (Acts xiii. 9), of looking steadily when 
 about to speak, he began to say, " Men 
 and brethren, I have lived in all good con- 
 science (or, I have lived a conscientiously 
 loyal life) unto God, until this day." Here 
 the High-Priest Ananias commanded them 
 that stood by him to smite him on the mouth. 
 With a fearless indignation, Paul exclaimed, 
 " God sh'Jl smite thee, thou whited wall ; 
 for sittest thou to judge me after the law, 
 an'l cornmandest me to be smitten contrary 
 to the law?" The bystanders said, "Re- 
 vilest thou God's High-Priest?" Paul an- 
 swered, " I knew not, brethren, that he was 
 the High-Priest ; for it is written, Thou shalt 
 not speak evil of the ruler of thy people." 
 How was it possible for him not to know that 
 he who spoke was the High-Priest? The 
 least objectionable solutions seem to be, 
 that for some reason or other, either be- 
 cause his sight was not good, or because 
 he was looking another way, he did not 
 know whose voice it was that ordered him 
 to be smitten ; and that he wished to correct 
 the impression which he saw was made 
 upon some of the audience by his threaten- 
 ing protest, and therefore took advantage of 
 the fact that he really did not know the 
 speaker to be the High-Priest, to explain 
 the deference he felt to be due to the person 
 holding that office. The next incident which 
 St. Luke records seems to some, who can- 
 not think of the Apostle as remaining still a 
 Jew, to cast a shadow upon his rectitude. 
 He perceived, we are told, that the council 
 was divided into two parties, the Sadducees 
 and Pharisees, and therefore he cried out, 
 " Men and brethren, I am a Pharisee, the 
 son of a Pharisee ; concerning the hope and 
 resurrection of the dead I am called in 
 
 question." Those who impugn the authen- 
 ticity of the Acts point triumphantly to this 
 scene as an utterly impossible one ; others 
 consider that the Apostle is to be blamed 
 for using a disingenuous artifice. But it is 
 not so clear that St. Paul was using an arti- 
 fice at all, at least for his own interest, in 
 identifying himself as he did with the pro- 
 fessions of the Pharisees. The creed of the 
 Pharisee, as distinguished from that of the 
 Sadducee, was unquestionably the creed of 
 St. Paul. His belief in Jesus seemed to him 
 to supply the ground and fulfilment of that 
 creed. He wished to lead his brother Phar- 
 isees into a deeper and more living appre- 
 hension of their own faith. The immediate 
 consequence of the dissension which oc- 
 curred in the assembly was that Paul was 
 like to be torn in pieces, and was carried 
 off by the Roman soldiers. On the next 
 day a conspiracy was formed, which the 
 historian relates with a singular fulness 
 of details. More than forty of the Jews 
 bound themselves under a curse neither 
 to eat nor to drink until they had killed 
 Paul. The plot was discovered, and St. 
 Paul was hurried away from Jerusalem. 
 The chief captain, Claudius Lysias, de- 
 termined to send him to Caesarea, to 
 Felix the governor, or procurator, of 
 Judaea. He therefore put him in charge 
 of a strong guard of soldiers, who 
 took him by night as far as Antipatris. 
 From thence a smaller detachment con- 
 veyed him to Caesarea, where they deliv- 
 ered up their prisoner into the hands of the 
 governor. Imprisonment at Caesarea. 
 St. Paul was henceforth, to the end of the 
 period embraced in the Acts, if not to thy 
 end of his life, in Roman custody. This 
 custody was in fact a protection to him, 
 without which he would have fallen a vic- 
 tim to the animosity of the Jews. He 
 seems to have been treated throughout with 
 humanity and consideration. The governor 
 before whom he was now to be tried, ac- 
 cording to Tacitus and Josephus, was a 
 mean and dissolute tyrant. After hearing 
 St. Paul's accusers, and the Apostle's de- 
 fence, Felix made an excuse for putting off 
 the matter, and gave orders that the pris- 
 oner should be treated with indulgence, and 
 that his friends should be allowed freo ac- 
 cess to him. After a while, he heard him 
 again. St. Paul remained in custody until 
 Felix left the province. The unprincipled 
 governor had good reason to seek to ingra- 
 tiate himself with the Jews ; and to please 
 them, he handed over Paul, as an untried 
 prisoner, to his successor Festus. Upon 
 his arrival in the province, Festus went up 
 without delay from Caesarea to Jerusalem, 
 and the leading Jews seized the opportunity 
 of asking that Paul might be brought up 
 there for trial, intending to assassinate him 
 by the way. But Festus would not comply
 
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 511 
 
 PAUL 
 
 vrith their request. He invited them to fol- 
 low him on his speedy return to Caesarea, 
 and a trial took place there, closely resem- 
 bling that before Felix. " They had certain 
 questions against him," Festus says to 
 Agrippa, " of their own superstition (or 
 religion), and of one Jesus, who was dead, 
 whom Paul affirmed to be alive. And being 
 puzzled for my part as to such inquiries, I 
 asked him whether he would go to Jerusa- 
 lem to be tried there." This proposal, not 
 a very likely one to be accepted, was the 
 occasion of St. Paul's appeal to Caesar. 
 The appeal having been allowed, Festus 
 reflected that he must send with the pris- 
 oner a report of " the crimes laid against 
 him." He therefore took advantage of an 
 opportunity which offered itself in a few 
 days to seek some help in the matter. The 
 Jewish prince Agrippa arrived with his sister 
 Berenice on a visit to the new governor. 
 To him Festus communicated his perplex- 
 ity. Agrippa expressed a desire to hear 
 Paul himself. Accordingly Paul conducted 
 his defence before the king ; and when it 
 was concluded Festus and Agrippa, and 
 their companions, consulted together, and 
 came to the conclusion that the accused 
 was guilty of nothing that deserved death 
 or imprisonment. And -Agrippa's final an- 
 swer to the inquiry of Festus was, " This 
 man might have been set at liberty, if he 
 had not appealed unto Caesar." The Voy- 
 age to Rome. No formal trial of St. Paul 
 had yet taken place. After a while arrange- 
 ments were made to carry " Paul and cer- 
 tain other prisoners," in the custody of a 
 centurion named Julius, into Italy; and 
 amongst the company, whether by favor or 
 from any other reason, we find the historian 
 of the Acts. The narrative of this voyage 
 is accordingly minute and circumstantial ; 
 but we must refer the reader to articles in 
 this Dictionary on the names of places 
 which occur in the narrative. The land 
 on which the wreck took place was found 
 to belong to Malta. The inhabitants of the 
 island received the wet and exhausted voy- 
 agers with no ordinary kindness, and im- 
 mediately lighted a fire to warm them. This 
 particular kindness is recorded on account 
 of a curious incident connected with it. The 
 Apostle was helping to make the fire, and 
 had gathered a bundle of sticks and laid 
 them on it, when a viper came out of the 
 heat and fastened on his hand. When the 
 natives saw the creature hanging from his 
 hand they believed him to be poisoned by 
 the bite, and said amongst themselves, " No 
 doubt this man is a murderer, whom, though 
 he has escaped from the sea, yet Vengeance 
 suffers not to live." But when they saw 
 that no harm came of it, they changed their 
 minds, and said that he was a god. This 
 circumstance, as well as the honor in which 
 he was held by Julius, would account for 
 
 St. Paul being invited with some others to 
 stay at the house of the chief man of the 
 island, whose name was Publius. After a 
 three months' stay in Malta the soldiers and 
 their prisoners left in an Alexandrian ship 
 for Italy. They touched at Syracuse, where 
 they staid three days, and at llhcgiuru, 
 from which place they were carried with a 
 fair wind to Puteoli, where they left their 
 ship and the sea. At Puteoli they found 
 " brethren," for it was an important place, 
 and especially a chief port for the traffic be- 
 tween Alexandria and Rome ; and by these 
 brethren they were exhorted to stay a while 
 with them. Permission seems to have been 
 granted by the centurion ; and whilst they 
 were spending seven days at Puteoli news of 
 the Apostle's arrival was sent on to Rome. 
 St. Paul at Rome. On their arrival at Rome 
 the centurion delivered up his prisoners into 
 the proper custody, that of the praetorian 
 prefect. Paul was at once treated with spe- 
 cial consideration, and was allowed to dwell 
 by himself with the soldier who guarded him. 
 He was now therefore free " to preach the 
 Gospel to them that were at Rome also ; " 
 and proceeded without delay to act upon his 
 rule " to the Jew first." But, as of old, 
 the reception of his message by the Jews 
 was not favorable. He turned, therefore, 
 again to the Gentiles, and for two years he 
 dwelt in his own hired house. These are 
 the last words of the Acts. But St. Paul's 
 career is not abruptly closed. Before he 
 himself fades out of our sight in the twilight 
 of ecclesiastical tradition, we have letters 
 written by himself, which contribute some 
 particulars to his biography. Period of 
 the later Epistles. To that imprisonment 
 to which St. Luke has introduced us the 
 imprisonment which lasted for such a tedi- 
 ous time, though tempered by much in- 
 dulgence belongs the noble group of 
 Letters to Philemon, to the Colossians, to 
 the Ephesians, and to the Philippians. The 
 three former of these were written at one 
 time, and sent by the same messengers. 
 Whether that to the Philippians was writ- 
 ten before or after these, we cannot deter- 
 mine ; but the tone of it seems to imply 
 that a crisis was approaching, and there- 
 fore it is commonly regarded as the latest 
 of the four. In this Epistle St. Paul twice 
 expresses a confident hope that before long 
 he may be able to visit the Philippians in 
 person (i. 25, ii. 24). Whether this hope 
 was fulfilled or not, has been the occasion 
 of much controversy. According to the 
 general opinion, the Apostle was liberated 
 from his imprisonment, and left Rome, soon 
 after the writing of the letter to the Philip- 
 pians, spent some time in visits to Greece, 
 Asia Minor, and Spain, returned again as 
 a prisoner to Rome, and was put to death 
 there. From the Pastoral Epistles we may 
 draw the following conclusions : (1.) St.
 
 PAUL 
 
 512 
 
 PAUL 
 
 Paul must have left Rome, and visited Asia 
 Minor and Greece ; for he says to Timo- 
 thy (1 Tim. i. 3), "I besought thee to 
 abide still at Ephesus, when I was setting 
 out for Macedonia." After being once at 
 Ephesus, lie was purposing to go there 
 again (1 Tim. iv. 13), and he spent a con- 
 siderable time at Ephesus (2 Tim. i. 18). 
 (2.) He paid a visit to Crete, and left Titus 
 to organize Churches there (Tit. i. 5). 
 He was intending to spend a winter at one 
 of the places named Nicopolis (Tit. iii. 12). 
 (3.) He travelled by Miletus (2 Tim. iv. 
 20), Troas (2 Tim. iv. 13), where he left a 
 cloak or case, and some books, and Corinth 
 (2 Tim. iv. 20). (4.) He is a prisoner at 
 Rome, " suffering unto bonds as an evil- 
 doer " (2 Tim. ii. 9), and expecting to be 
 soon condemned to death (2 Tim. iv. 6). 
 At this time he felt deserted and solitary, 
 having only Luke of his old associates to 
 keep him company ; and he was very anx- 
 ious that Timothy should come to him with- 
 out delay from Ephesus, and bring Mark 
 with him (2 Tim. i. 15, iv. 16, 9-12). We 
 conclude then, that after a wearing impris- 
 onment of two years or more at Rome, St. 
 Paul was set free, and spent some years in 
 various journeyings eastwards and west- 
 wards. Towards the close of this time he 
 pours out his warnings in the Letters to 
 Timothy and Titus. The first to Timothy 
 and that to Titus wre evidently written at 
 very nearly the same time. After these 
 were written, he was apprehended again 
 and sent to Rome. The Apostle appears 
 now to have been treated, not as an honor- 
 able state prisoner, but as a felon (2 Tim. 
 ii. 9). But he was at least allowed to write 
 this Second Letter to his " dearly beloved 
 son " Timothy ; and though he expresses a 
 confident expectation of his speedy death, 
 he yet thought it sufficiently probable that 
 it might be delayed for some time, to war- 
 rant him in urging Timothy to come to 
 him from Ephesus. Meanwhile, though 
 he felt his isolation, he was not in the least 
 daunted by his danger. He was more than 
 ready to die (iv. 6), and had a sustaining 
 experience of not being deserted by his 
 Lord. Once already, in this second im- 
 prisonment, he had appeared before the 
 authorities ; and " the Lord then stood by 
 him and strengthened him," and gave him 
 a favorable opportunity for the one thing 
 always nearest to his heart, the public dec- 
 laration of his Gospel. This Epistle, sure- 
 ly no unworthy utterance at such an age 
 and in such an hour even of a St. Paul, 
 brings us, it may well be presumed, close 
 to the end of his life. For what remains, 
 we have the concurrent testimony of eccle- 
 siastical antiquity, that he was beheaded at 
 Rome, about the same time that St. Peter 
 was crucified there. Dionysius, bishop of 
 Corinth (A. D. 170), says that Peter and 
 
 Paul went to Italy and taught there to- 
 gether, and suffered martyrdom about the 
 same time. Eusebius himself adopts the 
 tradition that St. Paul was beheaded under 
 Nero at Rome. Chronology of St. PauTs 
 Life. There are two principal events which 
 serve as fixed dates for determining the 
 Pauline chronology the death of Herod 
 Agrippa, and the accession of Festus. Now 
 it has been proved almost to certainty that 
 Felix was recalled from Judaea, and suc- 
 ceeded by Festus in the year GO. In the 
 autumn, then, of A. D. GO St. Paul left 
 Caesarea. In the spring of Gl he arrived 
 at Rome. There he lived two years, that 
 is, till the spring of 63, with much freedom 
 in his own hired house. After this we de- 
 pend upon conjecture ; but the Pastoral 
 Epistles give us reasons for deferring the 
 Apostle's death until G7, with Eusebius, or 
 68, with Jerome. Similarly we can go 
 backwards from A. D. 60. St. Paul was 
 two years at Caesarea (Acts xxiv. 27) ; 
 therefore he arrived at Jerusalem on his 
 last visit by the Pentecost of 58. Before 
 this he had wintered at Corinth (Acts xx. 2, 
 3), having gone from Ephesus to Greece. 
 He left Ephesus, then, in the latter part of 
 57, and as he staid 3 years at Ephesus 
 (Acts xx. 31), he -must have come thither 
 in 54. Previously to this journey he had 
 spent " some time " at Antioch (Acts xviii. 
 23), and our chronology becomes indeter- 
 minate. We can only add together the 
 time of a hasty visit to Jerusalem, the 
 travels of the great second missionary 
 journey, which included \h year at Corinth, 
 another indeterminate stay at Antioch, the 
 important third visit to Jerusalem, an- 
 other " long " residence at Antioch (Acts 
 xiv. 28), the first missionary journey, again 
 an indeterminate stay at Antioch (Acts xii. 
 25) until we come to the second visit to 
 Jerusalem, which nearly synchronized with 
 the death of Herod Agrippa in A. D. 44. 
 Within this interval of some 10 years the 
 most important date to fix is that of the 
 third visit to Jerusalem ; and there is a 
 great concurrence of the best authorities 
 in placing this visit in either 50 or 51. St. 
 Paul himself (Gal. ii. 1) places this visit 
 " 14 years after " either his conversion or 
 the first visit. In the former case we have 
 37 or 38 for the date of the conversion. 
 The conversion was followed by 3 years 
 (Gal. i. 18) spent in Arabia and Damascus, 
 and ending with the first visit to Jerusa- 
 lem ; and the space between the first visit 
 (40 or 41) and the second (44 or 45) is 
 filled up by an indeterminate time, pre- 
 sumably 2 or 3 years, at Tarsus (Acts ix. 
 30), and 1 year at Antioch (Acts xi. 26). 
 The date of the martyrdom of Stephen can 
 only be conjectured, and is very variously 
 placed between A. D. 30 and the year of 
 St. Paul's conversion. In the account of
 
 PAVEMENT 
 
 513 
 
 PELATIAH 
 
 the death of Stephen St. Paul is called '"a 
 young man " (Acts vii. 58). It is not im- 
 probable therefore that he was born be- 
 tween A. D. and A. D. 5, so that he might 
 be past 60 years of age when he calls him- 
 self " Paul the aged " in Philemon 9. 
 
 Pavement. [GABBATHA.] 
 
 Pavilion. 1. Sfic, properly an enclosed 
 place, also rendered " tabernacle," " cov- 
 ert," and "den," once only "pavilion" 
 (Ps. xxvii. 5). 2. Succdh, usually "tab- 
 ernacle" and "booth." 3. Skaphnir and 
 Shaphrir, a word used once only, in Jer. 
 xliii. 10, to signify glory or splendor, and 
 hence probably to be understood of the 
 splendid covering of the royal throne. 
 
 Peacocks (Ileb. tucciyyim). Amongst 
 the natural products of the land of Tarshish 
 which Solomon's fleet brought home to Je- 
 rusalem, mention is made of "peacocks" 
 (1 K. x. 22 ; 2 Chr. ix. 21), which is proba- 
 bly the correct translation. The Hebrew 
 word may be traced to the Tamul or Mala- 
 baric togei, " peacock." 
 
 Pearl (Heb. gAlisli). The Heb. word 
 in Job xxviii. 18, probably means "crys- 
 tal." Pearls, however, are frequently men- 
 tioned in the N. T. (Matt. xiii. 45 ; 1 Tim. 
 ii. 9 ; Rev. xvii. 4, xxi. 21). "The pearl 
 of great price " is doubtless a fine specimen 
 yielded by the pearl oyster (Avicula mar- 
 garitifera), still found in abundance in the 
 Persian Gulf, which has long been cele- 
 brated for its pearl fisheries. 
 
 Ped'ahel, the son of Ammihud, and 
 prince of the tribe of Naphtali (Num. 
 xxxiv. 28). 
 
 Pedah'zur, father of Gamaliel, the 
 chief of the tribe of Manasseh at the time 
 of the Exodus (Num. i. 10, ii. 20, vii. 54, 
 59, x. 23). 
 
 Peda'iah. 1. The father of Zebudah, 
 mother of king Jehoiakim (2 K. xxiii. 36). 
 2. The brother of Salathiel, or Shealtiel, 
 and father of Zerubbabel, who is usually 
 called the " son of Shealtiel," being, as 
 Lord A. Hervey conjectures, in reality his 
 uncle's successor and heir, in consequence 
 of the failure of issue in the direct line (1 
 Chr. Hi. 17-19). 3. Son of Parosh, that 
 is, one of the family of that name, who as- 
 sisted Nehemiah in repairing the walls of 
 Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 25). 4. Apparently 
 a priest; one of those who stood on the 
 left hand of Ezra when he read the law to 
 the people (Neh. viii. 4). 5. A Benjamite, 
 ancestor of Sallu (Neh. xi. 7). 6. A Le- 
 vite in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 
 13). 7. The father of Joel, prince of the 
 half tribe of Manasseh in the reign of Da- 
 vid (1 Chr. xxvii. 20). 
 
 Pe'kah, son of Remaliah, originally a 
 captain of Pekahiah king of Israel, mur- 
 dered his master, seized the throne, and 
 became the 18th sovereign of the northern 
 kingdom (B. c. 757-740). Under his pred- 
 
 ecessors Israel had been much weakened 
 through the payment of enormous trib- 
 ute to the Assyrians (see especially 2 
 K. xv. 20), and by internal wars and 
 conspiracies. Pekah seems steadily to 
 have applied himself to the restoration 
 of its power. For this purpose he sought 
 for the support of a foreign alliance, 
 and fixed his mind on the plunder of the 
 sister kingdom of Judah. He must have 
 made the treaty by which he proposed to 
 share its spoil with Rezin king of Damas- 
 cus, when Jotham was still on the throne 
 of Jerusalem (2 K. xv. 37) ; but its execu- 
 tion was long delayed, probably in conse- 
 quence of that prince's righteous and vigor- 
 ous administration (2 Chr. xxvii.). When, 
 however, his weak son Ahaz succeeded to 
 the crown of David, the allies no longer 
 hesitated, and formed the siege of Jeru- 
 salem (B. c. 742). The history of the war 
 is found in 2 K. xvi. and 2 Chr. xxviii. It 
 is famous as the occasion of the great 
 prophecies in Is. vii.-ix. Its chief result 
 was the Jewish port of Elath on the Red 
 Sea; but the unnatural alliance of Damas- 
 cus and Samaria was punished through 
 the final overthrow of the ferocious con- 
 federates by Tiglath-pileser. The kingdom 
 of Damascus was finally suppressed, and 
 Rezin put to death, while Pekah was de- 
 prived of at least half his kingdom, includ- 
 ing all the northern portion, and the whole 
 district to the east of Jordan. Pekah him- 
 self, now fallen into the position of an As- 
 syrian vassal, was of course compelled to 
 abstain from further attacks on Judah. 
 Whether his continued tyranny exhausted 
 the patience of his subjects, or whether his 
 weakness emboldened them to attack him, 
 we do not know; but, from one or the 
 other cause, Hoshea the son of Elah con- 
 spired against him, and put him to death. 
 
 Pekahi'ah. son and successor of Mena- 
 hem, was the 17th king of the separate 
 kingdom of Israel (B. c. 759-757). After 
 a brief reign of scarcely two years a con- 
 spiracy was organized against him by Pe- 
 kah, who murdered him and seized the 
 throne. 
 
 Pe'kod, an appellative applied to the 
 Chaldaeans (Jer. 1. 21; Ez. xxiii. 23). 
 Authorities are undecided as to the mean- 
 ing of the term. 
 
 Pelai'ah. 1. A son of Elioenai, of the 
 royal line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24). 2. 
 One of the Levites who assisted Ezra in 
 expounding the law (Neh. viii. 7). He 
 afterwards sealed the covenant with Nehe- 
 miah (Neh. x. 10). 
 
 Pelali'ah, the son of Amzi, and ances- 
 tor of Adaiah (Neh. xi. 12). 
 
 Pelati'ah. 1. Son of Hananiah the 
 son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 21). 2. 
 One of the captains of the marauding band 
 of Simeonites, who in the reign of Heze-
 
 PELEG 
 
 514 
 
 PENTATEUCH 
 
 kiah made an expedition to Mount Seir, and 
 smote the Amelekites (1 Chr. iv. 42). 3. 
 One of the heads of the people, and prob- 
 ably the name of a family, who sealed the 
 covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 22). 4. 
 The son of Benaiah, and one of the princes 
 of the people against whom Ezekiel was 
 directed to utter the words of doom record- 
 ed in Ez. xi. 5-12. 
 
 Pe'leg, son of Eber and brother of Jok- 
 tan (Gen. x. 25, xi. 16). The only inci- 
 dent connected with his history is the state- 
 ment that "in his days was the earth di- 
 vided " an event which was embodied in 
 his name, Peleg meaning "division." This 
 refers to a division of the family of Eber 
 himself, the younger branch of whom (the 
 Joktanids) migrated into southern Arabia, 
 while the elder remained in Mesopotamia. 
 
 Pe'let. 1. A son of Jahdai in an ob- 
 scure genealogy (1 Chr. ii. 47). 2. The 
 son of Azmaveth, that is, either a native 
 of the place of that name, or the son of one 
 of David's heroes (1 Chr. xii. 3). 
 
 Pe'leth. 1. The father of On, the Reu- 
 benite, who joined Dathan and Abiram in 
 their rebellion (Num. xvi. 1). 2. Son of 
 Jonathan, and a descendant of Jerahmeel 
 (1 Chr. ii. 33). 
 
 Pe'lethites. [CHERETHITES.] 
 
 Pelican (Heb. kdath). Amongst the 
 unclean birds mention is made of the kd- 
 ath (Lev. xi. 18; Deut. xiv. 17). The sup- 
 pliant psalmist compares his condition to 
 "a kdath in the wilderness" (Ps. cii. 6). 
 As a mark of the desolation that was to 
 come upon Edom, it is said that " the 
 kdath and the bittern should possess it " 
 (Is. xxxiv. 11). The same words are 
 spoken of Nineveh (Zeph. ii. 14). In these 
 two last places the A. V. has " cormorant" 
 in the text and " pelican" in the margin. 
 The best authorities are in favor of the 
 pelican being the bird denoted by kdath. 
 The psalmist, in comparing his pitiable 
 condition to the pelican, probably has refer- 
 ence to its general aspect as it sits in ap- 
 parent melancholy mood, with its bill rest- 
 ing on its breast. 
 
 Pel'onite, The. Two of David's 
 mighty men, Helez and Ahijah, are called 
 Pelonites (1 Chr. xi. 27, 36). From 1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 10,^it appears that the former was 
 of the triBe of Ephraim, and " Pelonite " 
 would therefore be an appellation derived 
 from his place of birth or residence. " Ahi- 
 jah the Pelonite " appears in 2 Sam. xxiii. 
 34 as " Eliam the son of Ahithophel the 
 Gilonite," of which the former is a corrup- 
 tion. 
 
 Pen. [WRITING.] 
 
 Pen'iel, the name which Jacob gave to 
 the place in which he had wrestled with 
 God : " He called the name of the place 
 ' Face of El,' for I have seen Elohim fact 
 to face" (Gen. xxxii. 30). In xxxii. 31, 
 
 and the other passages in which the name 
 occurs, its form is cnanged to PENUEL. 
 From the narrative it is evident that Peniel 
 lay somewhere between the torrent Jabbok 
 and Succoth. 
 
 Penin'nah, one of the two wives of 
 Elkanah (1 Sam. i. 2). 
 
 Penny, Pennyworth. In the A. V. 
 of the N. T. " penny," either alone or in 
 the compound " pennyworth," occurs as the 
 rendering of the Roman denarius (Matt. 
 xx. 2, x: ii. 19; Mark vi. 37, xii. 15; Luke 
 xx. 24; John vi. 7; Rev. vi. 6). The de- 
 narius was the chief Roman silver coin, and 
 was worth about 9rf. 
 
 Pentateuch, The, is the Greek name 
 sjiven to the five books commonly called 
 the " Five Books of Moses." * In the time 
 of Ezra and Nehemiah it was called "the 
 Law of Moses " (Ezr. vii. 6) ; or " the book 
 of the Law of Moses " (Neh. viii. 1) ; or 
 simply " the book of Moses " (Ezr. vi. 18 ; 
 Neh. xiii. 1 ; 2 Chron. xxv. 4, xxx\ . 12). 
 This was beyond all reasonable doubt our 
 existing Pentateuch. The book which was 
 discovered in the temple in the reign of 
 Josiah, and which is entitled (2 Chr. xxxiv. 
 14) " the book of the Law of Jehovah by 
 the hand of Moses," was substantially, it 
 would seem, the same volume, though it 
 may afterwards have undergone some re- 
 vision by Ezra. The present Jews usually 
 called the whole by the name of Torah, i. e. 
 "the Law," or Torath Mosheh, "the Law 
 of Moses." The division of the whole 
 work into five ports was probably made by 
 the Greek translators ; for the titles of the 
 several books are not of Hebrew but of 
 Greek origin. The Hebrew names are 
 merely taken from the first words of each 
 book, and in the first instance only desig- 
 nated particular sections, and not whole 
 books. The MSS. of the Pentateuch form 
 a single roll or volume, and are divided, not 
 into books, but into the larger and smaller 
 sections called Parshiyoth and Scdarim. 
 The Five Books of the Pentateuch form a 
 consecutive whole. The work, beginning 
 with the record of creation, and the history 
 of the primitive world, passes on to deal 
 more especially with the early history of 
 the Jewish family. It gives at length the 
 personal history of the three great Fathers 
 of the family; it then describes how the 
 family grew into a nation in Egypt, tells us 
 of its oppression and deliverance, of its 
 forty years' wandering in the wilderness, 
 of the giving of the Law, with all its enact- 
 ments, both civil and religious, of the con- 
 struction of the tabernacle, of the num- 
 bering of the people, of the rights and du- 
 ties of the priesthood, as well as of many 
 
 * ft aiurarivxos,K. jffi'/JAof ; Pentateuchus, c. liber; tht 
 fivefold book; from Ttv\of , which menningoriginally " ves- 
 sel, instrument," ic., came in Alexandrine Greek to mean 
 " book."
 
 PENTATEUCH 
 
 515 
 
 PENTATEUCH 
 
 important events which befell them before 
 their entrance into the Land of Canaan, 
 and finally concludes with Moses' last dis- 
 courses and his death. The unity of the 
 work in its existing form is now generally 
 recognized. It is not a mere collection of 
 loose fragments carelessly put together at 
 different times, but bears evident traces 
 of design and purpose in its composition. 
 Even those who discover different authors 
 in the earlier books, and who deny that 
 Deuteronomy was written by Moses, are 
 still of opinion that the work in its present 
 form is a connected whole, and was at least 
 reduced to its present shape by a single 
 reviser or editor. Till the middle of last 
 century it was the general opinion of both 
 Jews and Christians that the whole of the 
 Pentateuch was written by Moses, with the 
 exception of a few manifestly later addi- 
 tions such as the 34th chapter of Deuter- 
 onomy, which gives the account of Moses' 
 death. The first attempt to call in question 
 the popular belief was made by Astruc, 
 Doctor and Professor of Medicine in the 
 Royal College at Paris, and Court Physi- 
 cian to Louis XIV.* He had observed that 
 throughout the book of Genesis, and as far 
 as the 6th chapter of Exodus, traces were 
 to. be found of two original documents, 
 each characterized by a distinct use of the 
 names of GOD ; the one by the name Elo- 
 him, and the other by the name Jehovah 
 [GOD]. Besides these two principal docu- 
 ments, he supposed Moses to have made 
 use of ten others in the composition of the 
 earlier part of his work. The path traced by 
 Astruc has been followed by numerous 
 German writers ; but the various hypoth- 
 eses which have been formed upon the 
 subject cannot be presented in this Dic- 
 tionary. It is sufficient here to state 
 that there is sufficient evidence for believ- 
 ing that the main bulk of the Pentateuch, 
 at any rate, was written by Moses, though 
 he probably availed himself of existing 
 documents in the composition of the earlier 
 part of the work. Some detached portions 
 would appear to be of later origin ; and 
 when we remember how entirely, during 
 some periods of Jewish history, the Law 
 seem to have been forgotten, and again how 
 necessary it would be after the seventy 
 years of exile to explain some of its ar- 
 chaisms, and to add here and there short 
 notes to make it more intelligible to the 
 people, nothing can be more natural than 
 to suppose that such latter additions were 
 made by Ezra and Nehemiah. On care- 
 fully weighing all the evidence, we can hard- 
 ly question, without a literary scepticism, 
 which would be most unreasonable, that the 
 Pentateuch is to a very considerable extent 
 
 * Hi work was published at Brussels in 1753, under the 
 title of " Conjectures sur lea Memoires originaux. dont il 
 paroit que Moyse s'est servi pour composer le Livre de 
 Genese. 
 
 as early as the time of Moses, though it may 
 have undergone many later revisions and 
 corrections, the last of these being certainly 
 as late as the time of Ezra. But as regards 
 any direct and unimpeachable testimony to 
 the composition of the whole work by Moses 
 we have it not. Only one book out of the 
 five that of Deuteronomy claims in 
 express terms to be from his hand. And 
 yet, strange to say, this is the very 
 book in which modern criticism refuses 
 most peremptorily to admit the claim. 
 It is of importance therefore to consider 
 this question separately. All allow that 
 the Book of the Covenant in Exodus, per- 
 haps a great part of Leviticus and some 
 part of Numbers, were written by Israel's 
 greatest leader and prophet. But Deuter- 
 onomy, it is alleged, is in style and purpose 
 so utterly unlike the genuine writings of 
 Moses that it is quite impossible to believe 
 that he is the author. But how then set 
 aside the express testimony of the book 
 itself? How explain the fact that Moses is 
 there said to have written all the words of 
 this Law, to have consigned it to the cus- 
 tody of the priests, and to have charged the 
 Levites sedulously to preserve it by the 
 side of the ark ? Only by the bold asser- 
 tion that the fiction was invented by a later 
 writer, who chose to personate the great 
 Lawgiver in order to give the more color 
 of consistency to his work ! But, besides 
 the fact that Deuteronomy claims to have 
 been written by Moses, there is other evi- 
 dence which establishes the great antiquity 
 of the book. 1. It is remarkable for its 
 allusions to Egypt, which are just what 
 would be expected supposing Moses to have 
 been. the author. In xx. 5 there is an allu- 
 sion to Egyptian regulations in time of 
 war ; in xxv. 2 to the Egyptian bastinado ; 
 in xi. 10 to the Egyptian mode of irriga- 
 tion. Again, among the curses threatened 
 are the sicknesses of Egypt, xxviii. 60 (comp. 
 vii. 15). According to xxviii. 68, Egypt is 
 the type of all the oppressors of Israel. 
 Lastly, references to the sojourning in 
 Egypt are numerous (vi. 21-23; see also 
 vii. 8, 18, xi. 3). The phraseology of the 
 book, and the archaisms found in it, 
 stamp it as of the same age with the rest of 
 the Pentateuch. 2. A fondness for the use of 
 figures is another peculiarity of Deuterono- 
 my. See xxix. 17, 18, xxviii. 13, 44, i. 31, 44, 
 viii. 5, xxviii. 29, 49. The results are most 
 surprising when we compare Deuteronomy 
 with the Book of the Covenant (Ex. xix.- 
 xxiv.) on the one hand, and with Ps. xc. 
 (which is said to be Mosaic) on the other. 
 In addition to all these peculiarities which 
 are arguments for the Mosaic authorship 
 of the Book, we have here, too, the evi- 
 dence strong and clear of post-Mosaic times 
 and writings. The attempt by a wrong inter- 
 pretation of 2 K. xyii. and 2 Chr. xxxiv. to
 
 PENTECOST 
 
 516 
 
 bring down Deuteronomy as low as the time 
 of Manasseh fails utterly. A century ear- 
 lier the Jewish prophets borrow their words 
 and their thoughts from Deuteronomy. 
 Since, then, not only Jeremiah and Ezekiel, 
 but Amos and Hosea, Isaiah and Micah, 
 speak in the words of Deuteronomy, as 
 well as in words borrowed from other por- 
 tions of the Pentateuch, we see at once 
 how untenable is the theory of those who, 
 like Ewald, maintain that Deuteronomy 
 was composed during the reign of Manas- 
 seh, or, as Vaihinger does, during that of 
 Hezekiah. But, in truth, the Book speaks 
 for itself. No imitator could have written 
 in such a strain. We scarcely need the 
 express testimony of the work to its own 
 authorship. But, having it, we find all the 
 internal evidence conspiring to show that 
 it came from Moses. We therefore de- 
 clare unhesitatingly for the Mosaic author- 
 ship of Deuteronomy. Briefly, then, to 
 sum up the results of our inquiry : 1. The 
 Book of Genesis rests chiefly on documents 
 much earlier than the time of Moses, 
 though it was probably brought to very 
 nearly its present shape either by Moses 
 himself, or by one of the elders who acted 
 under him. 2. The Books of Exodus, Le- 
 viticus, and Numbers, are to a great extent 
 Mosaic. Besides those portions which are 
 expressly declared to have been written by 
 him, other portions, and especially the legal 
 sections, were, if not actually written, in 
 all probability dictated by him. 3. Deu- 
 teronomy, excepting the concluding part, 
 is entirely the work of Moses, as it professes 
 to be. 4. It is not probable that this was 
 written before the three preceding books, 
 because the legislation in Exodus and 
 Leviticus, as being the more formal, is man- 
 ifestly the earlier, whilst Deuteronomy is 
 the spiritual interpretation and application 
 of the Law. But the letter is always 
 before the spirit ; the thing before its inter- 
 pretation. 5. The first composition of the 
 Pentateuch as a whole could not have taken 
 place till after the Israelites entered Canaan. 
 It is probable that Joshua, and the elders who 
 were associated with him, would provide for 
 its formal arrangement, custody and trans- 
 mission. 6. The whole work did not finally 
 assume its present shape till its revision 
 was undertaken by Ezra after the return 
 from the Babylonish Captivity. For an 
 account of the separate books see GENESIS, 
 EXODUS, LEVITICUS, NUMBERS, DEUTER- 
 ONOMY. 
 
 Pentecost, that is, the fiftieth day* or 
 HARVEST FEAST, or FEAST or WEEKS, may 
 be regarded as a supplement to the Pass- 
 pver. It lasted only for one day ; but the 
 
 * This Greek mime i* not the translation of any corre- 
 sponding word in the Pentateuch; but the later name of the 
 feafit, which naturally grew out of the calculation of iti in- 
 terval from the Pasaover. 
 
 modern Jews extend it over two. The peo- 
 ple, having at the Passover presented before 
 God the first sheaf of the harvest, departed 
 to their homes to gather it in, and then 
 returned to keep the harvest-feast before 
 Jehovah. From the sixteenth of Nisan 
 seven weeks were reckoned inclusively, and 
 the next or fiftieth day was the Day of 
 Pentecost, which fell on the sixth of Sivan 
 (about the end of May) (Ex. xxiii. 1C, 
 xxxiv. 22 ; Lev. xxiii. 15-22 ; Num. xxviii. 
 26-31 ; Deut. xvi. 9-12 ; 2 Mace. xii. 32 ; 
 Acts ii. 1, xx. 16; 1 Cor. xvi. 8). The 
 intervening period included the whole of 
 the grain harvest, of which the wheat was 
 the latest crop. Its commencement is also 
 marked as from the time when " thou be- 
 ginnest to put the sickle to the corn." The 
 Pentecost was the Jewish harvest-home, 
 and the people were especially exhorted to 
 rejoice before Jehovah with their families, 
 their servants, the Levite within their gates, 
 the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow, 
 in the place chosen by God for His name, 
 as they brought a freewill-offering of their 
 hand to Jehovah their God (Deut. xvi. 10, 
 11). The great feature of the celebration 
 was the presentation of the two loaves, made 
 from the first-fruits of the wheat-harvest, 
 and leavened, that is, in the state fit for 
 ordinary food. In this point, as contrasted 
 with the unleavened bread of the Passover, 
 we see the more homely and social nature 
 of the Feast; while its bounty to the poor is 
 connected with the law which secures them 
 plenty of gleanings (Lev. xxiii. 22). With 
 the loaves two lambs were offered as a 
 peace-offering; and all were waved before 
 Jehovah, and given to the priests ; the 
 loaves, being leavened, could not be offered 
 on the altar. The other sacrifices were, a 
 burnt-offering of a young bullock, two rams, 
 and seven lambs, with a meat and drink- 
 offering, and a kid for a sin-offering (Lev. 
 xxiii. 18, 19). Till the pentecostal loaves 
 were offered, the produce of the harvest 
 might not be eaten, nor could any other 
 first-fruits be offered. The whole ceremony 
 was the completion of that dedication of the 
 harvest to God, as its giver, and to whom 
 both the land and the people were holy, 
 which was begun by the offering of the 
 wave-sheaf at the Passover. The interval 
 is still regarded as a religious season. The 
 Pentecost is the only one of the three great 
 feasts which is not mentioned as the memo- 
 rial of events in the history of the Jews. 
 But such a significance has been found in 
 the fact, that the Law was given from Sinai 
 on the fiftieth day after the deliverance from 
 Egypt (comp. Ex. xii. and xix.). In the 
 Exodus, the people were offered to God, as 
 living first-fruits ; at Sinai their consecration 
 to Him as a nation was completed. The 
 typical significance of the Pentecost is made 
 clear from the events of the day recorded
 
 PENUEL 
 
 517 
 
 PERGAMOS 
 
 In the Acts of the Apostles (Acts ii.). The 
 preceding Passover had been marked by 
 the sacrifice upon the cross of the true 
 Paschal Lamb, and by his offering to his 
 Father as " the first-fruits of them that 
 slept." The day of Pentecost found his 
 disciples assembled at Jerusalem, like the 
 Israelites before Sinai, waiting for " the 
 promise of the Father." Again did God 
 descend from heaven in fire, to pour forth 
 that Holy Spirit which gives the spiritual 
 discernment of His law ; and the converts 
 to Peter's preaching were the first-fruits of 
 the spiritual harvest, of which Christ had 
 long before assured his disciples. Just as 
 the appearance of God on Sinai was the 
 birthday of the Jewish nation, so was that 
 Pentecost the birthday of the Christian 
 Church. If the feast of Pentecost stood 
 without an organic connection with any 
 other rites, we should have no certain war- 
 rant in the Old Testament for regarding it 
 as more than the divinely appointed solemn 
 thanksgiving for the yearly supply of the 
 most useful sort of food. But it was, as we 
 have seen, essentially linked on to the Pass- 
 over, that festival, which, above all others, 
 expressed the fact of a race chosen and 
 separated from other nations. It was not 
 an insulated day. It stood as the culmi- 
 nating point af the Pentecostal season. If 
 the offering of the omer was a supplication 
 for the Divine blessing on the harvest which 
 was just commencing, and the offering of 
 the two loaves was a thanksgiving for its 
 completion, each rite was brought into a 
 higher significance in consequence of the 
 omer forming an integral part of the Pass- 
 over. The Pentecost was the last Jewish 
 feast that Paul was anxious to keep (1 Cor. 
 xvi. 8), and Whitsuntide, its successor, was 
 the first annual festival adopted in the 
 Christian Church. 
 
 Penu'el. [PENIEL.] 
 
 Pe'or. 1. A mountain in Moab, from 
 whence, after having ascended the lower or 
 less sacred summits of Bamoth-Baal and 
 Pisgah, the prophet Balaam was conducted 
 by Balak for his final conjurations (Num. 
 xxiii. 28 only). Peor was "facing Jeshi- 
 mon." The same thing is said of Pisgah. 
 But unfortunately we are as yet ignorant 
 of the position of all three, so that nothing 
 can be inferred from this specification. In 
 the Onomasticon it is stated to be above the 
 town of Libias (the ancient Beth-aram), 
 and opposite Jericho. 2. In four passages 
 (Num. xxv. 18 twice; xxxi. 16; Josh. xxii. 
 17) Peor occurs as a contraction for Baal- 
 peor. [BAAL.] 
 
 Per'azim, Mount, a name which oc- 
 curs in Is. xxviii. 21 only, unless the 
 place which it designates be identical with 
 the BAAL-PERAZIM mentioned as the scene 
 of one of David's victories over the Philis- 
 tines^ 
 
 Pe'resh.. The son of Machir by his 
 wife Maachah (1 Chr. vii. 16). 
 
 Pe'rez. The " children of Perez," or 
 Pharez, the son of Judah, appear to have 
 been a family of importance for many cen- 
 turies (1 Chr. xxvii. 3; Neh. xi. 4, 6). 
 
 Pe'rez-UZ'Za, 1 Chr. xiii. 11; and 
 
 Pe'rez-uz'zah, 2 Sam. vi. 8. The title 
 which David conferred on the threshing- 
 floor of Nachon, or Cidon, in commemora- 
 tion of the sudden death of Uzzah. 
 
 Perfumes. The free use of perfumes 
 was peculiarly grateful to the Orientals 
 (Prov. xxvii. 9), whose olfactory nerves are 
 more than usually sensitive to the offensive 
 smells engendered by the heat of their 
 climate. The Hebrews manufactured their 
 perfumes chiefly from spices imported from 
 Arabia, though to a certain extent also from 
 aromatic plants growing in their own coun- 
 try. Perfumes entered largely into the 
 Temple service, in the two forms of incense 
 and ointment (Ex. xxx. 22-38). Nor were 
 they less used in private life ; not only were 
 they applied to the person, but to garments 
 (Ps. xlv. 8; Cant. iv. 11), and to articles 
 of furniture, such as beds (Prov. vii. 17). 
 On the arrival of a guest the same compli- 
 ments were probably paid in ancient as in 
 modern times (Dan. ii. 46). When a royal 
 personage went abroad in his litter, attend- 
 ants threw up " pillars of smoke " about his 
 path (Cant. iii. 6). The use of perfumes 
 was omitted in times of mourning, whence 
 the allusion in Is. iii. 24. 
 
 Per'ga, a city of Pamphylia (Acts xiii. 
 13), situated on the river Cestius, at a dis- 
 tance of 60 stadia from its mouth, and cele- 
 brated in antiquity for the worship of Arte- 
 mis (Diana). 
 
 Per'gamos, a city of Mysia, about 3 
 miles to the N. of the river Caicus, and 20 
 miles from its present mouth. The name 
 was originally given to a remarkable hill, 
 presenting a conical appearance when 
 viewed from the plain. It was the resi- 
 dence of a dynasty of Greek princes, found- 
 ed after the time of Alexander the Great, 
 and usually called the Attalic dynasty, from 
 its founder Attalus. This Attalic dynasty 
 terminated B. c. 133, when Attalus III., dy- 
 ing at an early age, made the Romans his 
 heirs. His dominions formed the province 
 of Asia. The sumptuousness of the At- 
 talic princes had raised Pergamos to the 
 rank of the first city in Asia as regards 
 splendor. It became a city of temples, 
 devoted to a sensuous worship ; and being 
 in its origin, according to pagan notions, 
 a sacred place, might not unnaturally be 
 viewed by Jews and Jewish Christians as 
 one " where was the throne of Satan " 
 (Rev. ii. 13). After the extinction of its 
 independence, the sacred character of Per- 
 gamos seems to have been put even more 
 prominently forward. In the time of Mar-
 
 PERIDA 
 
 518 
 
 PERSIA 
 
 tiiil, Aesculapius had acquired so much 
 prominence that he is called Pergameus 
 deits. From the circumstance of this no- 
 toriety of the Pergamene Aesculapius, and 
 from the serpent being his characteristic 
 emblem, it has been supposed that the 
 expressions " the throne of Satan " and 
 " where Satan dwelleth," have an especial 
 reference to this one pagan deity, and not 
 to the whole city as a sort of focus of idol- 
 atrous worship. But although undoubtedly 
 the Aesculapius worship of Pergamos was 
 the most famous, yet an inscription of the 
 time of Marcus Antoninus distinctly puts 
 Zeus, Athene, Dionysus, and Asclepius in 
 a co-ordinate rank, as all being special 
 tutelary deities of Pergamos. It seems 
 unlikely, therefore, that the expressions 
 above quoted should be so interpreted as 
 to isolate one of them from the rest. It 
 may be added, that the charge against a 
 portion of the Pergamene Church, that 
 some among them were of the school of 
 Balaam, whose policy was to put a stum- 
 bling-block before the children of Israel, 
 by inducing them to eat things sacrificed 
 to idols and to commit fornication (Rev. ii. 
 14), is in both its particulars very inappro- 
 priate to the Aesculapian ritual. It points 
 rather to the Dionysus and Aphrodite wor- 
 ship. 
 
 Peri'da. The children of Perida re- 
 turned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. 
 vii. 57). 
 
 Per'izzite, The, and Per'izzites, one 
 of the nations inhabiting the Land of Prom- 
 ise before and at the time of its conquest 
 by Israel. They are continually mentioned 
 in the formula so frequently occurring to 
 express the Promised Land (Gen. xv. 20 ; 
 Ex. iii. 8, 17, xxiii. 23, xxxiii. 2, xxxiv. 11 ; 
 Deut. vii. 1, xx. 17 ; Josh. iii. 10, ix. 1, 
 xxiv. 11 ; Judg. iii. 5; Ezr. ix. 1 ; Neh. ix. 
 8). They appear, however, with somewhat 
 greater distinctness on several occasions 
 (Gen. xiii. 7, xxxiv. 30; Judg. i. 4, 5; 2 
 Esdr. i. 21). The notice in the book of 
 Judges locates them in the southern part 
 of the Holy Land. The signification of 
 the name is not by any means clear. It 
 possibly meant rustics, dwellers in open, 
 unwalled villages, which are denoted by a 
 similar word. 
 
 Persep'olis, mentioned only in 2 Mace, 
 ix. 2, was the capital of Persia Proper, and 
 the occasional residence of the Persian 
 court from the time of Darius Hystaspis, 
 who seems to have been its founder, to the 
 invasion of Alexander. Its wanton destruc- 
 tion by that conqueror is well known. Its 
 site is now called the Chehl-Minar, or Forty 
 Pillars. Here, on a platform hewn out of 
 the solid rock, the sides of which face the 
 four cardinal points, are the remains of two 
 great palaces, built respectively by Darius 
 Hystaspis and his son Xerxes, besides a 
 
 number of other edifices, chiefly temples. 
 They are of great extent and magnificence, 
 covering an area of many acres. 
 
 Per'seus, the eldest son of Philip V. 
 and last king of Macedonia (B. c. 179-168). 
 The defeat of Perseus by the Romans put 
 an end to the independence of Macedonia, 
 and extended even to Syria the terror of 
 the Roman name (1 Mace. viii. 5). 
 
 Per'sia, Persians. Persia Proper was 
 a tract of no very large dimensions on the 
 Persian Gulf, which is still known as Fars, 
 or Farsistan, a corruption of the ancient 
 appellation. This tract was bounded, on 
 the west, by Susiana or Elam, on the north 
 by Media, on the south by the Persian Gulf, 
 and on the east by Carmania. But the name 
 is more commonly applied, both in Scrip- 
 ture and by profane authors, to the entire 
 tract which came by degrees to be included 
 within the limits of the Persian Empire. 
 This empire extended at one time from 
 India on the east to Egypt and Thrace 
 upon the west, and included, besides por- 
 tions of Europe and Africa, the whole of 
 Western Asia between the Black Sea, the 
 Caucasus, the Caspian, and the Jaxartes 
 upon the north, the Arabian desert, the 
 Persian Gulf, and the Indian Ocean upon 
 the south. The only passage in Scripture 
 where Persia designates the tract which haa 
 been called above " Persia Proper " is Ez. 
 xxxviii. 5. Elsewhere the Empire is in- 
 tended. The Persians were of the same 
 race as the Medes, both being branches of 
 the great Aryan stock. 1. Character of 
 the nation. The Persians were a people 
 of lively and impressible minds, brave and 
 impetuous in war, witty, passionate, for 
 Orientals truthful, not without some spirit 
 of generosity, and of more intellectual ca- 
 pacity than the generality of Asiatics. In 
 the times anterior to Cyrus they were noted 
 for the simplicity of their habits, which 
 offered a strong contrast to the luxurious- 
 ness of the Medes ; but from the date of 
 the Median overthrow, this simplicity began 
 to decline. Polygamy was commonly prac- 
 tised among them. They were fond of the 
 pleasures of the table. In war they fought 
 bravely, but without discipline. 2. Reli- 
 gion. The religion which the Persians 
 brought with them into Persia Proper 
 seems to have been of a very simple char- 
 acter, differing from natural religion in 
 little, except that it was deeply tainted 
 with Dualism. Like the other Aryans, the 
 Persians worshipped one Supreme God, 
 whom they called Aura-mazaa (Oromas- 
 des) a term signifying (as is believed) 
 " the Great Giver of Life." The royal in- 
 scriptions rarely mentioned any other god. 
 Occasionally, however, they indicate a slight 
 and modified polytheism. Oromasdes is 
 " the chief of the gods," so that there are 
 other gods besides him; and the Ugliest
 
 PERSIA 
 
 519 
 
 PERSIA 
 
 of these is evidently Mithra, who is some- 
 times invoked to protect the monarch, and 
 is beyond a doubt identical with " the sun." 
 Entirely separate from these their active 
 resister and antagonist was Ahriman 
 (Arimanius) " the Death-dealing " the 
 powerful, and (probably) self-existing Evil 
 Spirit, from whom war, disease, frost, hail, 
 poverty, sin, death, and all other evils, had 
 their origin. The character of the original 
 Persian worship was simple. They were 
 not destitute of temples, as Herodotus as- 
 serts ; but they had probably no altars, and 
 certainly no images. Neither do they ap- 
 pear to have had any priests. 3. Language. 
 Their language was closely akin to the 
 Sanscrit, or ancient language of India. 
 Modern Persian is its degenerate repre- 
 sentative, being, as it is, a motley idiom, 
 largely impregnated with Arabic. 4. Di- 
 vision into tribes, $c. Herodotus tells us 
 that the Persians were divided into ten 
 tribes, of which three were noble, three ag- 
 ricultural, and four nomadic. 5. History. 
 The history of Persia begins with their re- 
 volt from the Medes and accession of Cyrus 
 the Great, B. c. 558. Its success, by trans- 
 ferring to Persia the dominion previously 
 in the possession of the Medes, placed her 
 at the head of an empire, the bounds of 
 which were the Halys upon the west, 
 the Euxine upon the north, Babylonia 
 upon the south, and upon the east the 
 salt desert of Iran. As usual in the 
 East, this success led on to others. Cyrus 
 defeated Croesus, and added the Lydian 
 empire to his dominions. This conquest 
 was followed closely by the submission of 
 the Greek settlements on the Asiatic coast, 
 and by the reduction of Caria and Lycia. 
 The empire was soon afterwards extended 
 greatly towards the north-east and east. 
 In B. c. 539 or 538, Babylon was attacked, 
 and after a stout defence fell before his irre- 
 sistible bands. This victory first brought 
 the Persians into contact with the Jews. 
 The conquerors found in Babylon an op- 
 pressed race like themselves, abhorrers 
 of idols and professors of a religion in 
 which to a great extent they could sympa- 
 thize. This race Cyrus determined to re- 
 store to their own country ; which he did 
 by the remarkable edict recorded in the 
 first chapter of Ezra (Ezr. i. 2-4). He 
 was slain in an expedition against the Mas- 
 sagetae or the Derbices, after a reign of 
 twenty-nine years. Under his son and 
 successor, Cambyses, the conquest of Egypt 
 took place (B. c. 525). This prince ap- 
 pears to be the Ahasuerus of Ezra (iv. 6). 
 In the absence of Cambyses with the army, 
 a conspiracy was formed against him at 
 court, and a Magian priest, Gomates by 
 name, professing to be Smerdis, the son of 
 Cyrus, whom his brother, Cambyses, had 
 put to death secretly, obtained quiet pos- 
 
 session of the throne. Cambyses, despair- 
 ing of the recovery of his crown, ended his 
 life by suicide. His reign had lasted seven 
 years and five months. Gomates the Ma- 
 gian found himself thus, without a strug- 
 gle, master of Persia (B. c. 522). His sit- 
 uation, however, was one of great danger 
 and difficulty. There is reason to believe 
 that he owed his elevation to his fellow- 
 religionists, whose object in placing him 
 upon the throne was to secure the triumph 
 of Magianism over the Dualism of the 
 Persians. He reversed the policy of Cyrus 
 with respect to the Jews, and forbade by an 
 edict the further building of the Temple 
 (Ez. iv. 17-22). Darius, the son of Hys- 
 taspis, headed a revolt against him, which 
 in a short time was crowned with complete 
 success. The reign of Gomates lasted 
 seven months. The first efforts of Darius 
 were directed to the re-establishment of 
 the Oromasdian religion in all its purity. 
 Appealed to, in his second year, by the 
 Jews, who wished to resume the construction 
 of their Temple, he not only allowed them, 
 confirming the decree of Cyrus, but assist- 
 ed the work by grants from his own reve- 
 nues, whereby the Jews were able to com- 
 plete the Temple as early as his sixth year 
 (Ezr. vi. 1-15). During the first part of 
 the reign of Darius the tranquillity of the 
 empire was disturbed by numerous revolts. 
 After five or six years of struggle, he be- 
 came as firmly seated on his throne as any 
 previous monarch. The latter part of his 
 reign was, however, clouded by reverses. 
 The disaster of Mardonius at Mount Athos 
 was followed shortly by the defeat of Datis 
 at Marathon ; and before any attempt could 
 be made to avenge that blow, Egypt rose 
 in revolt (B. c. 486), massacred its Persian 
 garrison, and declared itself independent. 
 When, after a reign of thirty-six years, 
 the fourth Persian monarch died (B. c. 485), 
 leaving his throne to a young prince of 
 strong and ungoverned passions, it was ev- 
 ident that the empire had reached its high- 
 est point of greatness, and was already 
 verging towards its decline. The first act 
 of Xerxes was to reduce Egypt to subjec- 
 tion (B. c. 484), after which he began at 
 once to make preparations for his invasion 
 of Greece. It is probable that he was the 
 Ahasuerus of Esther. It is unnecessary to 
 give an account of the well-known expedi- 
 tion against Greece, which ended so disas- 
 trously for the invaders. A conspiracy in 
 the seraglio having carried off Xerxes (B. 
 c. 465), Artaxerxes his son, called by the 
 Greeks "Long-Handed," succeeded him, 
 after an interval of seven months, during 
 which the conspirator Artabanus occupied 
 the throne. This Artaxerxes, who reigned 
 forty years, is beyond a doubt the king of 
 that name who stood in such a friendly re- 
 lation towards Ezra (Ezr. vii 11-28) and
 
 PEESIS 
 
 520 
 
 PETER 
 
 Nehemiah (Neh. ii. 1-9, &c.). He is the 
 last of the Persian kings who had any 
 special connection with the Jews, and the 
 last but one mentioned in Scripture. His 
 successors were Xerxes II., Sogdianus, 
 Darius Nothus, Artaxerxes Mnemon, Arta- 
 xerxes Ochus, and Darius Codomannus, 
 who is probabl- the " Darius the Persian " 
 of Hehemiih (xii. 22). These monarchs 
 reigned from B. c. 424 to B. c. 330. The 
 collapse of the empire under the attack of 
 Alexander is well known, and requires no 
 description here. On the division of Alex- 
 ander's dominions among his generals, Per- 
 sia fell to the Seleucidae, under whom it 
 continued till after the death of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes, when the conquering Parthians 
 advanced their frontier to the Euphrates, 
 and the Persians became included among 
 their subject-tribes (B. c. 164). Still their 
 nationality was not obliterated. In A. D. 
 226, the Persians shook off the yoke of 
 their oppressors, and once more became a 
 nation. 
 
 Per'sis, a Christian woman at Rome 
 (Rom. xvi. 12) whom St. Paul salutes. 
 
 PerU'da. The same as PERIDA (Ezr. 
 ii. 55). 
 
 Pestilence. [PLAGUE.] 
 
 Pe'ter. His original name was Simon, 
 t. e. " hearer." He was the son of a man 
 named Jonas (Matt. xvi. 17 ; John i. 43, 
 xxi. 16), and was brought up in his father's 
 occupation, a fisherman on the sea of Ti- 
 berias. He and his brother Andrew were 
 partners of John and James, the sons of 
 Zebedee, who had hired servants. The 
 Apostle did not live, as a mere laboring 
 man, in a hut by the sea-side, but first at 
 Bethsaida, and afterwards in a house at 
 Capernaum, belonging to himself or his 
 mother-in-law, which must have been rath- 
 er a large one, since he received in it not 
 only our Lord and his fellow-disciples, but 
 multitudes who were attracted by the mir- 
 acles and preaching of Jesus. It is not 
 probable that he and his brother were whol- 
 ly uneducated. The statement in Acts iv. 
 13, that "the council perceived they (t. e. 
 Peter and John) were unlearned and igno- 
 rant men," is not incompatible with this as- 
 sumption. The translation of the passage 
 in the A. V. is rather exaggerated, the 
 word rendered " unlearned " being nearly 
 equivalent to " laymen," i. e. men of ordi- 
 nary education, as contrasted with those 
 who were specially trained in the schools 
 of the Rabbis. It is doubtful whether our 
 Apostle was acquainted with Greek in early 
 life. Within a few years after his call he 
 seems to have conversed fluently in Greek 
 with Cornelius. The style of both of Pe- 
 ter's Epistles indicates a considerable knowl- 
 edge of Greek it is pure and accurate, 
 and in grammatical structure equal to that 
 of Paul. That may, however, be account- 
 
 ed for by the fact, for which there is very 
 ancient authority, that Peter employed an 
 interpreter in the composition of his Epis- 
 tles, if not in his ordinary intercourse with 
 foreigners. It is on the whole probable 
 that he had some rudimental knowledge of 
 Greek in early life, which may have been 
 afterwards extended when the need was 
 felt. That he was an affectionate husband, 
 married in early life to a wife who accom- 
 panied him in his Apostolic journeys, are 
 facts inferred from Scripture, while very 
 ancient traditions, recorded by Clement of 
 Alexandria and by other early but less 
 trustworthy writers, inform us that her name 
 was Perpctua, that she bore a daughter, or 
 perhaps other children, and suffered mar- 
 tyrdom. He was probably between thirty 
 and forty years of age at the date of his 
 call. That call was preceded by a special 
 preparation. Peter and his brother Andrew, 
 together with their partners James and 
 John, the sons of Zebedee, were disciples 
 of John the Baptist, when he was first called 
 by our Lord. The particulars of this call 
 are related with graphic minuteness by St. 
 John. It was upon this occasion that Jesus 
 gave Peter the name CEPHAS, a Syriac 
 word answering to the Greek PETER, and 
 signifying a stone or rock (John i. 35-42). 
 This first call led to no immediate change 
 in Peter's external position. He and his 
 fellow-disciples looked henceforth upon our 
 Lord as their teacher, but were not com- 
 manded to follow him as regular disciples. 
 They returned to Capernaum, where they 
 pursued their usual business, waiting for a 
 further intimation of His will. The second 
 call is recorded by the other three Evange- 
 lists ; the narrative of Luke being apparently 
 supplementary to the brief, and, so to speak, 
 official accounts given by Matthew and Mark. 
 It took place on the sea of Galilee near Ca- 
 pernaum where the four disciples, Peter 
 and Andrew, James and John, were fishing. 
 Peter and Andrew were first called. Our 
 Lord then entered Simon Peter's boat and 
 addressed the multitude on the shore. Im- 
 mediately after that call our Lord went to the 
 house of Peter, where He wrought the mir- 
 acle of healing on Peter's wife's mother. 
 Some time was passed afterwards in attend- 
 ance upon our Lord's public ministrations 
 in Galilee, Decapolis, Peraea, and Judaea. 
 The special designation of Peter and his 
 eleven fellow-disciples took place some 
 time afterwards, when they were set apart 
 as our Lord's immediate attendants (see 
 Matt. x. 2-4 ; Mark iii. 13-19, the most 
 detailed account, Luke vi. 13). They ap- 
 pear then first to have received formally 
 the name of Apostles, and from that time 
 Simon bore publicly, and as it would seem 
 all but exclusively, the name Peter, which 
 had hitherto been used rather as a charac- 
 teristic appellation than as a proper name*
 
 PETER 
 
 521 
 
 PETER 
 
 From this time there can be no doubt that 
 Peter held the first place among the Apos- 
 tles, to whatever cause his precedence is to 
 be attributed. He is named first in every 
 list of the Apostles ; he is generally ad- 
 dressed by our Lord as their representa- 
 tive ; and on the most solemn occasions he 
 speaks in their name. Thus when the first 
 great secession took place in consequence 
 of the offence given by our Lord's mystic 
 discourse at Capernaum (see John vi. 66- 
 69), " Jesus said unto the twelve, Will ye 
 also go away? Then Simon Peter an- 
 swered Him, Lord, to whom shall we go ? 
 Thou hast the words of eternal life : and 
 we believe and are sure that Thou art that 
 Christ, the Son of the living God." Thus 
 again at Caesarea Philippi, St. Peter 
 (speaking as before in the name of the 
 twelve, though, as appears from our Lord's 
 words, with a peculiar distinctness of per- 
 sonal conviction) repeated that declaration, 
 " Thou art the Christ, the Son of the liv- 
 ing God." The confirmation of our Apostle 
 in his special position in the Church, his 
 identification with the rock on which that 
 Church is founded, the ratification of the 
 powers and duties attached to the apostolic 
 office, and the promise of permanence to 
 the Church, followed as a reward of that 
 confession. The early Church regarded 
 St. Peter generally, and most especially on 
 this occasion, as the representative of the" 
 apostolic body, a very distinct theory from 
 that which makes him their head, or gov- 
 ernor in Christ's stead. Primus inter pares 
 Peter hold no distinct office, and certainly 
 never claimed any powers which did not 
 belong equally to all his fellow-Apostles. 
 This great triumph of Peter, however, 
 brought other points of his character into 
 strong relief. The distinction which he 
 then received, and it may be his conscious- 
 ness of ability, energy, zeal, and absolute 
 devotion to Christ's person, seem to have 
 developed a natural tendency to rashness 
 and forwardness bordering upon presump- 
 tion. On this occasion the exhibition of 
 such feelings brought upon him the strong- 
 est reproof ever addressed to a disciple by 
 our Lord. In his affection and self-confi- 
 dence Peter ventured to reject as impossible 
 the announcement of the sufferings and hu- 
 miliation which Jesus predicted, and heard 
 the sharp words " Get thee behind me, Sa- 
 tan ; thou art an offence unto me ; for thou 
 savorest not the things that be of God, but 
 those that be of men." It is remarkable that 
 on other occasions when St. Peter signal- 
 ized his faith and devotion, he displayed 
 at the time, or immediately afterwards, a 
 more than usual deficiency in spiritual dis- 
 cernment and consistency. Thus a few 
 days after that fall he was selected together 
 with John and James to witness the trans- 
 figuration of Christ ; but the words which 
 
 he then uttered prove that he was complete- 
 ly bewildered, and unable at the time to 
 comprehend the meaning of the transaction. 
 Thus again, when his zeal and courage 
 prompted him to leave the ship and walk 
 on the water to go to Jesus (Matt. xiv. 29), 
 a sudden failure of faith withdrew the sus- 
 taining power ; he was about to sink, when 
 he was at once reproved and saved by his 
 Master. Towards the close of our Lord's 
 ministry Peter's characteristics become 
 especially prominent. Together with his 
 brother, and the two sons of Zebedee, he 
 listened to the last awful predictions and 
 warnings delivered to the disciples, in ref- 
 erence to the second advent (Matt. xxiv. 
 3 ; Mark xiii. 3, who alone mentions these 
 names; Luke xxi. 7). At the last supper 
 Peter seems to have been particularly ear- 
 nest in the request that the traitor might be 
 pointed out. After the supper his words 
 drew out the meaning of the significant act 
 of our Lord in washing His disciples' feet. 
 Then too it was that he made those repeat- 
 ed protestations of unalterable fidelity, so 
 soon to be falsified by his miserable fall. 
 On the morning of the resurrection we have 
 proof that Peter, though humbled, was not 
 crushed by his fall. He and Jobn were the 
 first to visit the sepulchre ; he was the first 
 who entered it. We are told by Luke and 
 by Paul that Christ appeared to him first 
 among the Apostles. It is observable, how- 
 ever, that on that occasion he is called by 
 his original name, Simon, not Peter; the 
 higher designation was not restored until 
 he had been publicly reinstituted, so to 
 speak, by his Master. That reinstitution 
 took place at the sea of Galilee (John xxi.), 
 an event of the very highest import. Slower 
 than John to recognize their Lord, Peter 
 was the first to reach Him ; he brought the 
 net to land. The thrice-repeated question 
 of Christ referring doubtless to the three 
 protestations and denials, was thrice met 
 by answers full of love and faith. He then 
 received the formal commission to feed 
 Christ's sheep, rather as one who had for- 
 feited his place, and could not resume it 
 without such an authorization. Then fol- 
 lowed the prediction of his martyrdom, in 
 which he was to find the fulfilment of his 
 request to be permitted to follow the Lord. 
 With this event closes the first part of 
 Peter's history. Henceforth, he and his 
 colleagues were to establish and govern the 
 Church founded by their Lord, without the 
 support of His presence. The first part of 
 the Acts of the Apostles is occupied by the 
 record of transactions, in nearly all of 
 which Peter stands forth as the recognized 
 leader of the Apostles. He is the most 
 prominent person in the greatest event after 
 the resurrection, when on the day of Pente- 
 cost the Church was first invested with the 
 plenitude of gifts and powers. The first
 
 PETER 
 
 522 PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF 
 
 miracle after Pentecost was wrought by 
 him (Acts iii.). This first miracle of heal- 
 ing was soon followed by the first miracle 
 of judgment. Peter was the minister in 
 that transaction. [ANANIAS.] When the 
 Gospel was first preached heyond the pre- 
 cincts of Judaea, he and John were at once 
 sent by the Apostles to confirm the converts 
 at Samaria. Henceforth he remains prom- 
 inent, but not exclusively prominent, amon 
 the propagators of the Gospel. At Samaria 
 he was confronted with Simon Magus, the 
 first teacher of heresy. About three years 
 Jater (compare Acts ix. 26, and Gal. i. 17, 
 18) we have two accounts of the first meet- 
 ing of Peter and Paul. This interview was 
 followed by other events marking Peter's 
 position a general apostolical tour of vis- 
 itation to the Churches hitherto established 
 (Acts ix. 313), in the course of which two 
 great miracles were wrought on Aeneas and 
 Tabitha, and in connection with which the 
 most signal transaction after the day of 
 Pentecost is recorded, the baptism of Cor- 
 nelius. That was the crown and consum- 
 mation of Peter's ministry. The establish- 
 ment of a Church in great part of Gentile 
 origin at Antioch, and the mission of Bar- 
 nabas, between whose family and Peter 
 there were the bonds of near intimacy, set 
 the seal upon the work thus inaugurated by 
 Peter. This transaction was soon followed 
 by the imprisonment of our Apostle. His 
 miraculous deliverance marks the close of 
 this second great period of his ministry. 
 The special work assigned to him was com- 
 pleted. From that time we have no con- 
 tinuous history of him. It is quite clear 
 that he retained his rank as the chief Apos- 
 tle, equally so that he neither exercised nor 
 claimed any right to control their proceed- 
 ings. He left Jerusalem, but it is not said 
 where he went. Certainly not to Rome, 
 where there are no traces of his presence 
 before the last years of his life ; he probably 
 remained in Judaea; six years later we find 
 him once more at Jerusalem, when the 
 Apostles and elders came together to consid- 
 er the question whether converts should be 
 circumcised. Peter took the lead in that 
 discussion, and urged with remarkable co- 
 gency the principles settled in the case of 
 Cornelius. His arguments, adopted and 
 enforced by James, decided that question 
 at once and forever. It is a disputed point 
 whether the meeting between Paul and 
 Peter, of which we have an account in the 
 Galatians (ii. 1-10) took place at this time, 
 or on St. Paul's return from his great Mis- 
 sionary Journey. The only point of real 
 importance was certainly determined before 
 the Apostles separated, the work of con- 
 verting the Gentiles being henceforth spe- 
 cially intrusted to Paul and Barnabas, 
 while the charge of preaching to the cir- 
 cumcision was assigned to the elder Apos- 
 
 tles, and more particularly to Peter (GaL 
 ii. 7-9). This arrangement cannot, how- 
 ever, have been an exclusive one. Paul 
 always addressed himself first to the Jews 
 in every city : Peter and his old colleagues 
 undoubtedly admitted and sought to make 
 converts among the Gentiles. It may have 
 been in full force only when the old and 
 new apostles resided in the same city. 
 Such at least was the case at Antioch, 
 where Peter went soon afterwards. From 
 this time until the date of his Epistles, we 
 have no distinct notices in Scripture of 
 Peter's abode or work. Peter was prob- 
 ably employed for the most part in build- 
 ing up, and completing the organization of 
 Christian communities in Palestine and the 
 adjoining districts. There is, however, 
 strong reason to believe that he visited 
 Corinth at an early period. The name of 
 Peter as founder, or joint founder, is not 
 associated with any local Church save those 
 of Corinth, Antioch, or Rome, by early 
 ecclesiastical tradition. It may be con- 
 sidered as a settled point that he did not 
 visit Rome before the last year of his life ; 
 but there is satisfactory evidence that he 
 and Paul were the founders of that Church, 
 and suffered death in that city. The time 
 and manner of the Apostle's martyrdom 
 are less certain. According to the early 
 writers, he suffered at or about the same 
 time with Paul, and in the Neronian per- 
 secution. All agree that he was crucified, 
 The Apostle is said to have employed 
 interpreters. Of far more importance is 
 the statement that Mark wrote his Gospel 
 under the teaching of Peter, or that he 
 embodied in that Gospel the substance of 
 our Apostle's oral instructions. [MARK.] 
 The only written documents which Peter 
 has left, are the First Epistle, about which 
 no doubt has ever been entertained in the 
 Church; and the Second, which has been 
 a subject of earnest controversy. 
 
 Peter, First Epistle Of. The exter- 
 nal evidence of authenticity is of the strong- 
 est kind; and the internal is equally strong. 
 It was addressed to the Churches of Asia 
 Minor, which had for the most part been 
 founded by Paul and his companions. Sup- 
 posing it to have been written at Babylon, 
 it is a probable conjecture that Silvanus, by 
 whom it was transmitted to those Churches, 
 had joined Peter after a tour of visitation, 
 and that his account of the condition of the 
 Christians in those districts determined the 
 Apostle to write the Epistle. The objects 
 of the Epistle were 1. To comfort and 
 strengthen the Christians in a season of 
 severe trial. 2. To enforce the practical 
 and spiritual duties involved in their call- 
 ing. 3. To warn them against special 
 temptations attached to their position. 4. 
 To remove all doubt as to the soundness 
 and completeness of the religious system
 
 PETEE, SECOND EPISTLE OF 523 
 
 PHALTI 
 
 which they had already received. Such an 
 attestation was especially needed by the 
 Hebrew Christians, who were wont to ap- 
 peal from Paul's authority to that of the 
 elder Apostles, and above all to that of 
 Peter. The last, which is perhaps the very 
 principal object, is kept in view throughout 
 the Epistle, and is distinctly stated, ch. v. 
 ver. 12. The harmony of such teaching 
 with that of Paul is sufficiently obvious ; 
 but the indications of originality and in- 
 dependence of thought are at least equally 
 conspicuous. He dwells more frequently 
 than Paul upon the future manifestation of 
 Christ, upon which he bases nearly all his 
 exhortations to patience, self-control, and 
 the discharge of all Christian duties. The 
 Apostle's mind is full of one thought the 
 realization of Messianic hopes. In this he 
 is the true representative of Israel, moved 
 by those feelings which were best calculated 
 to enable him to do his work as the Apos- 
 tle of the circumcision. But while Peter 
 thus shows himself a genuine Israelite, 
 his teaching is directly opposed to Judaiz- 
 ing tendencies. He belongs to the school, 
 or, to speak more correctly, is the leader 
 of the school, which at once vindicates the 
 unity of the Law and Gospel, and puts the 
 superiority of the latter on its true basis 
 that of spiritual development. The Apos- 
 tle of the circumcision says not a word in 
 this Epistle of the perpetual obligation, the 
 dignity, or even the bearings of the Mosaic 
 Law. He is full of the Old Testament; 
 his style and thoughts are charged with its 
 imagery ; but he contemplates and applies 
 its teaching in the light of the Gospel ; he 
 regards the privileges and glory of the 
 ancient people of God entirely in their 
 spiritual development in the Church of 
 Christ. 
 
 Peter, Second Epistle of. The fol- 
 lowing is a brief outline of its contents : 
 The customary opening salutation is fol- 
 lowed by an enumeration of Christian 
 blessings and exhortation to Christian du- 
 ties (i. 1-13). Referring then to his ap- 
 proaching death, the Apostle assigns as 
 grounds of assurance for believers his own 
 personal testimony as eye-witness of the 
 transfiguration, and the sure word of proph- 
 ecy that is, the testimony of the Holy 
 Ghost (14-21). The danger of being mis- 
 led by false prophets is dwelt upon with 
 great earnestness throughout the second 
 chapter, which is almost identical in lan- 
 guage and subject with the Epistle of 
 Jude. The overthrow of all opponents of 
 Christian truth is predicted in connection 
 with prophecies touching the second ad- 
 vent of Christ, the destruction of the world 
 by fire, and the promise of new heavens 
 and a new earth wherein dwelleth right- 
 eousness (iii.). This Epistle of Peter 
 presents questions of difficulty. "We have 
 
 few references to it in the writings of the 
 early Fathers ; the style differs materially 
 from that of the First Epistle ; and the 
 resemblance, amounting to a studied imi- 
 tation, between this Epistle and that of 
 Jude, seems scarcely reconcilable with the 
 position of Peter. Doubts as to its genu- 
 ineness were entertained by the early 
 Church ; in the time of Eusebius it was 
 reckoned among the disputed books, and 
 was not formally admitted into the Canon 
 until the year 393, at the Council of Hippo. 
 These difficulties, however, are insufficient 
 to justify more than hesitation in admitting 
 its genuineness. Supposing, as some emi- 
 nent critics have believed, that this Epistle 
 was copied by St. Jude, we should have 
 the strongest possible testimony to its au- 
 thenticity; but if, on the other hand, we 
 accept the more general opinion of modern 
 critics, that the writer of this Epistle copied 
 St. Jude, the following considerations have 
 great weight. It seems quite incredible 
 that a forger, personating the chief among 
 the Apostles, should select the least im- 
 portant of all the Apostolical writings for 
 imitation; whereas it is probable that St. 
 Peter might choose to give the stamp of 
 his personal authority to a document bear- 
 ing so powerfully upon practical and doc- 
 trinal errors in the Churches which he ad- 
 dressed. The doubts as to the genuineness 
 of the Epistle appear to have originated with 
 the critics of Alexandria, where, however, 
 the Epistle itself was formally recognized 
 at a very early period. The opinions of 
 modern commentators may be summed up 
 under three heads. Many reject the Epis- 
 tle altogether as spurious. A few consider 
 that the first and last chapters were written 
 by Peter or under his dictation, but that the 
 second chapter was interpolated. But a 
 majority of names may be quoted in sup- 
 port of the genuineness and authenticity 
 of this Epistle. 
 
 Pethahi'ah. 1. A priest, over the 
 19th course in the reign of David (1 Chr. 
 xxiv. 16). 2. A Levite in the time of 
 Ezra, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. 
 x. 23). He is probably the same who is 
 mentioned in Neh. ix. 5. 3. The son of 
 Meshe/abeel, and descendant of Zerah 
 (Neh. xi. 24). 
 
 Pe'thor, a town of Mesopotamia, where 
 Balaam resided (Num. xxii. 5 ; Deut. xxiii. 
 4). Its position is wholly unknown. 
 
 Pethu'el. The father of the prophet 
 Joel (Joel i. 1). 
 
 Peultha'i. Properly " Peullethai ; " the 
 eighth son of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5). 
 
 Pha'lec. PELEG the son of Eber (Luke 
 iii. 35). 
 
 Phal'lu. Pallu the son of Reuben is so 
 called in the A. V. of Gen. xlvi. 9. 
 
 Phal'ti. The son of Laish of Gallim, 
 to whom Saul gave Michal in marriage
 
 PHALTIEL 
 
 524 
 
 PHARAOH 
 
 after his mad jealousy haJ driven David 
 forth as an outlaw (1 Sam. xxv. 44). In 2 
 Sam. iii. 15 he is called PHALTIEL. With 
 the exception of this brief mention of his 
 name, and the touching little episode in 2 
 Sam. iii. 16, nothing more is heard of 
 Phalti. 
 
 Phal'tiel. The same as PHALTI (2 
 Sam. iii. 15). 
 
 Phanu'el. The father of Anna, the 
 prophetess of the tribe of Aser (Luke ii. 
 36). 
 
 Pha'raoh, the common title of the na- 
 tive kings of Egypt in the Bible, corre- 
 sponding to P-RA or PH-RA, "the Sun," of 
 the hieroglyphics. As several kings are 
 only mentioned by the title " Pharaoh " in 
 the Bible, it is important to endeavor to 
 discriminate them : 1. The Pharaoh of 
 Abraham. At the time at which the pa- 
 .triarch went into Egypt, it is generally held 
 that the country, or at least Lower Egypt, 
 was ruled by the Shepherd kings, of whom 
 the first and most powerful line was the 
 xvth dynasty, the undoubted territories of 
 which would be first entered by one com- 
 ing from the east. The date at which 
 Abraham visited Egypt was about B. c. 
 2081, which would accord with the time of 
 Salatis, the head of the xvth dynasty, ac- 
 cording to our reckoning. 2. The Pharaoh 
 of Joseph. The chief points for the iden- 
 tification of the line to which this Pharaoh 
 belonged, are that he was a despotic mon- 
 arch, ruling all Egypt, who followed Egyp- 
 tian customs, but did not hesitate to set 
 then aside when he thought fit; that he 
 seems u. have desired to gain complete 
 power over the Egyptians ; and that he fa- 
 vored strangers. These particulars cer- 
 tainly lend support to the idea that he was 
 an Egyptianized foreigner rather than an 
 Egyptian. Baron Bunsen supposed that 
 he was Sesertesen I., the head of the xiith 
 dynasty, on account of the mention in a 
 hieroglyphic inscription of a famine in that 
 king's reign. This identification, although 
 receiving some support from the statement 
 of Herodotus, that Sesostris, a name rea- 
 sonably traceable to Sesertesen, divided 
 the land and raised his chief revenue from 
 the rent paid by the holders, must be 
 abandoned, since the calamity recorded 
 does not approach Joseph's famine in char- 
 acter, and the age is almost certainly too 
 remote. If, discarding the idea that Jo- 
 seph's Pharaoh was an Egyptian, we turn 
 to the old view that he was one of the 
 Shepherd kings, a view almost inevitable 
 if we infer that he ruled during the Shep- 
 herd-period, we are struck with the fitness 
 of all the circumstances of the Biblical nar- 
 rative. It is stated by Eusebius that the 
 Pharaoh to whom Jacob came was one of 
 the Shepherd kings, perhaps Apophis, who 
 Belonged to the xvth dynasty. He appears 
 
 to have reigned from Joseph's appointment 
 (or, perhaps, somewhat earlier) until Ja- 
 cob's death, a period of at least twenty-six 
 years, from about B. c. cir. 1876 to 1850, 
 and to have been the fifth or sixth king of 
 the xvth dynasty. 3. The Pharaoh of the 
 Oppression. The first persecutor of the 
 Israelites may be distinguished as the Pha- 
 raoh of the Oppression, from the second, 
 the Pharaoh of the Exodus, especially as 
 he commenced, and probably long carried 
 on, the persecution. The general view is 
 that he was an Egyptian. He has been 
 generally supposed to have been a king of 
 the xv.iiith or xixth dynasty : we believe 
 that he was of a line earlier than either. 
 If a Shepherd, he must have been of the 
 xvith or the xviith dynasty. The reign of 
 this king probably commenced a little be- 
 fore the birth of Moses, which we place 
 B. c. 1732, and seems to have lasted up- 
 wards of forty years, perhaps much more. 
 
 4. The Pharaoh of the Exodus. What is 
 known of the Pharaoh of the Exodus is 
 rather biographical than historical. He 
 was reigning for about a year or more be- 
 fore the Exodus, which we place B. c. 1652. 
 
 5. Pharaoh, father-in-law of Mered. In 
 the genealogies of the tribe of Judah, men- 
 tion is made of the daughter of a Pharaoh, 
 married to an Israelite ; " Bithiah the 
 daughter of Pharaoh, which Mered took " 
 (1 Chr. iv. 18). This marriage may tend to 
 aid us in determining the age of the sojourn 
 in Egypt. It is perhaps less probable that 
 an Egyptian Pharaoh would have given his 
 daughter in marriage to an Israelite, than 
 that a Shepherd king would have done so, 
 before the oppression. 6. Pharaoh, Irother- 
 in-law of Hadad the Edomite. This king 
 gave Hadad as his wife the sister of his own 
 wife Tahpenes (1 K. xi. 18-20). He was 
 probably a Tanite of the xxist dynasty. 7. 
 Pharaoh, father-in-law of Solomon. The 
 mention that the queen was brought into 
 the city of David, while Solomon's house, 
 and the Temple, and the city-wall were 
 building, shows that the marriage took place 
 not later than the eleventh year of the 
 king, when the Temple was finished, hav- 
 ing been commenced in the fourth jear (1 
 K. vi. 1, 37, 38). He was probably also a 
 Tanite of the xxist dynasty, but it seems cer- 
 tain not the Pharaoh who was reigning when 
 Hadad left Egypt. This Pharaoli led an 
 expedition into Palestine (1 K. ix. 16). 8. 
 Pharaoh, the opponent of Sennacherib. - 
 This Pharaoh (Is. xxxvi. 6) can only be 
 the Sethos whom Herodotus mentions as 
 the opponent of Sennacherib, and who nny 
 reasonably be supposed to be the Zet of 
 Manetho, the last king of his xxiiid dy- 
 nasty. Tirhakah, as an Ethiopian, whether 
 then ruling in Egypt or not, is, like So, 
 apparently not called Pharaoh. 9. Pha- 
 raoh Neclio. The first mention in the
 
 PHARAOH 
 
 525 
 
 PHARISEES 
 
 Bible of a proper name with the title 
 Pharaoh is the case of Pharaoh Necho, 
 who is also called Necho, simply. This king 
 was of the Satte xxvith dynasty, of which 
 Manctho makes him either the fifth ruler 
 or the sixth. Herodotus calls him Nekos, 
 and assigns to him a reign of 16 years, 
 which is confirmed by the monuments. 
 He seems to have been an enterprising 
 king, as he is related to have attempted to 
 complete the canal connecting the Red Sea 
 with the Kile, and to have sent an expedi- 
 tion of Phoenicians to circumnavigate Af- 
 rica, which was successfully accomplished. 
 At the commencement of his reign (B. c. 
 610) fie made war against the king of As- 
 syria, and, being encountered on his way 
 by Josiah, defeated and slew the king of 
 Judah at Megiddo (2 K. xxiii. 29, 30; 2 
 Chr. xxxv. 20-24). Necho seems to have 
 soon returned to Egypt. Perhaps he was 
 on his way thither when he deposed Jehoa- 
 haz. The army was probably posted at 
 Carchemish, and was there defeated by 
 Nebuchadnezzar in the fourth year of 
 Necho (B. c. 607), that king not being, as it 
 seems, then at its head (Jer. xlvi. 1, 2, 6, 
 10). This battle led to the loss of all the 
 Asiatic dominions of Egypt (2 K. xxiv. 7). 
 10. Pharaoh Hophra. The next king of 
 Egypt mentioned in the Bible is Pharaoh 
 Hophra, the second successor of Necho, 
 from whom he was separated by the six 
 years' reign of Psammetichus II. He came 
 to the throne about B. c. 589, and ruled 19 
 years. Herodotus, who calls him Apries, 
 makes him son of Psammetichus II., whom 
 he calls Psammis, and great-grandson of 
 Psammetichus I. In the Bible it is related 
 that Zedekiah, the last king of Judah, was 
 aided by a Pharaoh against Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, in fulfilment of a treaty, and that 
 an army came out of Egypt, so that the 
 Chaldeans were obliged to raise the siege 
 of Jerusalem. The city was first besieged 
 in the ninth year of Zedekiah, B. c. 590, 
 and was captured in his eleventh year, B. c. 
 588. It was evidently continuously invested 
 for a length of time before it was taken, so 
 that it is most probable that Pharaoh's ex- 
 pedition took place during 590 or 589. 
 There may, therefore, be some doubt 
 whether Psammetichus II. be not the king 
 here spoken of; but it must be remembered 
 that the siege may be supposed to have 
 lasted some time before the Egyptians 
 could have heard of it and marched to 
 relieve the city, and also that Hophra may 
 have come to the throne as early as B. c. 590. 
 The Egyptian army returned without effect- 
 ing its purpose (Jer. xxvii. 5-8 ; Ez. xvii. 
 11-18; comp. 2 K. xxv. 1-4). No subse- 
 quent Pharaoh is mentioned in Scripture, 
 but there are predictions doubtless refer- 
 ring to the misfortunes of later princes 
 until the second Persian conquest, when 
 
 the prophecy, " There shall be no more a 
 prince of the land of Egypt " (Ex. xxx. 
 13), was fulfilled. 
 
 Pharaoh's Daughter. Three Egyp- 
 tian princesses, daughters of Pharaohs, 
 are mentioned in the Bible. 1. The pre- 
 server of Moses, daughter of the Pharaoh 
 who first oppressed the Israelites (Ex. ii. 
 5-10). 2. Bithiah, wife of Mered, an Is- 
 raelite, daughter of a Pharaoh of an uncer- 
 tain age, probably of about the time of the 
 Exodus (1 Chr. iv. 18). [PIIARAOH, No. 
 5.] 3. A wife of Solomon, most probably 
 daughter of a king of the xxist dynasty 
 (1 K. iii. 1, vii. 8, ix. 24). [PHARAOH, 7.] 
 
 Pharaoh, The Wife of. The wife of 
 one Pharaoh, the king who received Hadad 
 the Edomite, is mentioned in Scripture. 
 She is called " queen," and her name, 
 Tahpenes, is given. Her husband was 
 most probably of the xxist dynasty. [TAH- 
 PENES ; PHARAOH, 6.] 
 
 Pha'res, PHAREZ or PEREZ, the son of 
 Judah (Matt. i. 3; Luke iii. 33). 
 
 Pha'rez (PEREZ, 1 Chr. xxvii. 3 ; PHA- 
 RES, Matt. i. 3; Luke iii. 33; 1 Esd. v. 5), 
 twin son, with Zarah or Zerah, of Judah 
 and Tamar his daughter-in-law. The cir- 
 cumstances of his birth are detailed in 
 Gen. xxxviii. Pharez seems to have kept 
 the right of primogeniture over his brother, 
 as, in the genealogical lists, his name comes 
 first. The house also which he founded 
 was far more numerous and illustrious 
 than that of the Zarhites. Its remarkable 
 fertility is alluded to in Ruth iv. 12, "Let 
 thy house be like ,the house of Pharez, 
 whom Tamar bare unto Judah." After the 
 death of Er and Onan without children, 
 Pharez occupied the rank of Judah's second 
 son, and from two of his sons sprang two 
 new .chief houses, those of the Hezronites 
 and Hamulites. From Hezron's second son 
 Ram, or Aram, sprang David and the kings 
 of Judah, and eventually Jesus Christ. In 
 the reign of David the house of Pharez 
 seems to have been eminently distin- 
 guished. 
 
 Pharisees, a religious party or school 
 amongst the Jews at the time of Christ, so 
 called from Perishin, the Aramaic form of 
 the Hebrew word Penishim, " separated." 
 The name does "not occur either in the Old 
 Testament or in the Apocrypha ; but it is 
 usually considered that the Pharisees were 
 essentially the same with the Assideans 
 (i. e. chasidim = godly men, saints) men- 
 tioned in the 1st Book of Maccabees ii. 42, 
 vii. 13-17, and in the 2d Book xiv. 6). A 
 knowledge of the opinions and practices of 
 this party at the time of Christ is of great 
 importance for entering deeply into the 
 genius of the Christian religion. A cursory 
 perusal of the Gospels is sufficient to show 
 that Christ's teaching was in some respects 
 thoroughly antagonistic to theirs. He de-
 
 PHARISEES 
 
 526 
 
 PHARISEES 
 
 nounced them in the bitterest language. 
 (See Matt. xv. 7, 8, xxiii. 5, 13, 14, 15, 23 ; 
 Mark vii. 6 ; Luke xi. 42-44, and compare 
 Matt. vii. 1-5, xi. 29, xii. 19, 20; Luke vi. 
 28, 37-42.) Indeed, it is difficult to avoid 
 the conclusion that His repeated denuncia- 
 tions of the Pharisees mainly exasperated 
 them into taking measures for causing his 
 death ; so that in one sense He may be said 
 to have shed His blood, and to have laid 
 down His lite, in protesting against their 
 practice and spirit. (See especially Luke 
 xi. 53, 54.) Hence, to understand the 
 Pharisees is, by contrast, an aid towards 
 understanding the spirit of uncorrupted 
 Christianity. Authorities. The sources 
 of information respecting the Pharisees are 
 mainly threefold. 1st. The writings of 
 Josephus, who was himself a Pharisee 
 ( Vit. 2), and who in each of his great 
 works professes to give a direct account of 
 their opinions (B. J. ii. 8, 2-14 ; Ant. xviii. 
 1, 2, and compare xiii. 10, 5, 6, xvii. 2, 
 4, xiii. 16, 2, and Vit. 38). The value 
 of Josephus' accounts would be much 
 greater if he had not accommodated them, 
 more or less, to Greek ideas. 2dly. The 
 New Testament, including St. Paul's Epis- 
 tles, in addition to the Gospels and Acts 
 of the Apostles. 3dly. The first portion 
 of the Talmud, called the Mishna, or "sec- 
 ond law." This is by far the most impor- 
 tant source of information respecting the 
 Pharisees ; and it may safely be asserted 
 that it is nearly impossible to have adequate 
 conceptions respecting them, without con- 
 sulting that work. It is a digest of the 
 Jewish traditions, and a compendium of the 
 whole ritual law, reduced to writing in its 
 present form by Rabbi Jehudah the Holy, 
 a Jew of great wealth and influence, who 
 flourished in the 2d century. Referring to 
 the Mishna for details, it is proposed in this 
 article to give a general view of the pecu- 
 liarities of the Pharisees. 1. The funda- 
 mental principle of the Pharisees common 
 to them with all orthodox modern Jews is, 
 that by the side of the written law regarded 
 as a summary of the principles and general 
 laws of the Hebrew people, there was an 
 oral law to complete and to explain the 
 written law. It was an article of faith that 
 in the Pentateuch there was no precept, 
 and no regulation, ceremonial, doctrinal, 
 or legal, of which God had not given to 
 Moses all explanations necessary for their 
 application, with the order to transmit them 
 by word of mouth. It is not to be supposed 
 that all the traditions which bound the Phar- 
 isees were believed to be direct revelations 
 to Moses on Mount Sinai. Viewed as a 
 whole, they treated men like children, for- 
 malizing and defining the minutest particu- 
 lars of ritual observances. The expressions 
 of " bondage," of " weak and beggarly ele- 
 ments," and of " burdens too heavy for men 
 
 to bear," faithfully represent the impres- 
 sion produced by their multiplicity. [TAL- 
 MUD.] I. The Pharisees formed a kind of 
 society. A member was called a chdbr, 
 and those among the middle and lower 
 classes who were not members were called 
 " the people of the land," or the vulgar. 
 Each member undertook, in the presence 
 of three other members, that he would re- 
 main true to the laws of the association. 
 Perhaps some of the most characteristic 
 laws of the Pharisees related to what was 
 clean and unclean. According to the Levit- 
 ical law, every unclean person was cut off 
 from all religious privileges, and was re- 
 garded as defiling the sanctuary of Jehovah 
 (Num. xix. 20). On principles precisely 
 similar to those of the Levitical laws (Lev. 
 xx. 25, xxii. 4-7), it was possible to incur 
 these awful religious penalties either by 
 eating or by touching what was unclean 
 in the Pharisaical sense. One point alone 
 raised an insuperable barrier between the 
 free social intercourse of Jews and other 
 nations. This point is, " that anything 
 slaughtered by a heathen should be deemed 
 unfit to be eaten, like the carcass of an 
 animal that had died of itself, and like such 
 carcass should pollute the person who 
 carried it." On the reasonable assumption 
 that under such circumstances animals used 
 for food would be killed by Jewish slaugh- 
 terers, regulations the most minute are laid 
 down for their guidance. In reference, 
 likewise, to touching what is unclean, the 
 Mishna abounds with prohibitions and dis- 
 tinctions no less minute. To any one fresh 
 from the perusal of the regulations upon 
 this subject in the Mishna, the words 
 " Touch not, taste not, handle not," seem a 
 correct but almost a pale summary of their 
 drift and purpose (Col. ii. 21) ; and the 
 stern antagonism becomes vividly visible 
 between them and Him who proclaimed 
 boldly that a man was defiled not by any- 
 thing he ate, but by the bad thoughts of the 
 heart alone (Matt. xv. 11) ; and who, even 
 when the guest of a Pharisee, pointedly 
 abstained from washing his hands before a 
 meal, in order to rebuke the superstition 
 which attached a moral value to such a cer- 
 emonial act (see Luke xi. 37-40). It is 
 proper to add that it would be a great mis- 
 take to suppose that the Pharisees were 
 wealthy and luxurious, much more that 
 they had degenerated into the vices which 
 were imputed to some of the Roman popes 
 and cardinals during the 200 years preced- 
 ing the Reformation. Josephus compared 
 the Pharisees to the sect of the Stoics. He 
 says that they lived frugally, in no respect 
 giving in to luxury, but that they followed 
 the leadership of reason in what it had se- 
 lected and transmitted as a good. Although 
 there would be hypocrites among them, it 
 would be unreasonable to charge all the
 
 PHARISEES 
 
 527 
 
 PHICHOL 
 
 Pharisees as a body with hypocrisy, in the 
 sense wherein we at the present day use the 
 word. They must be regarded as having 
 been some of the most intense formalists 
 whom the world has ever seen. It was 
 alleged against them, on the highest spir- 
 itual authority, that they " made the word 
 of God of no effect by their traditions." 
 This would be true in the largest sense, 
 from the purest form of religion in the Old 
 Testament being almost incompatible with 
 such endless forms (Mic. vi. 8) ; but it was 
 true in another sense, from some of the 
 traditions being decidedly at variance with 
 genuine religion. II. One of the funda- 
 mental doctrines of the Pharisees was a 
 belief in a future state. They appear to 
 have believed in a resurrection of the dead, 
 very much in the same sense as the early 
 Christians. This is in accordance with St. 
 Paul's statement to the chief priests and 
 council (Acts xxiii. 6), that he was a Phar- 
 isee, the son of a Pharisee, and that he was 
 called in question for the hope and res- 
 urrection of the dead; and it is likewise 
 almost implied in Christ's teaching, which 
 does not insist on the doctrine of a future 
 life as anything new, but assumes it as 
 already adopted by his hearers, except by 
 the Sadducees, although he condemns some 
 unspiritual conceptions of its nature as er- 
 roneous (Matt. xxii. 30 ; Mark xii. 25 ; Luke 
 xx. 34-36). III. In reference to the opinions 
 of the Pharisees concerning the freedom of 
 the will, a difficulty arises from the very 
 prominent position which they occupy in 
 the accounts of Josephus, whereas nothing 
 vitally essential to the peculiar doctrines 
 of the Pharisees seems to depend on those 
 opinions, and some of his expressions are 
 Greek, rather than Hebrew. " There were 
 three sects of the Jews," he says, " which 
 had different conceptions respecting human 
 affairs, of which one was called Pharisees, 
 the second Sadducees, and the third Es- 
 senes. The Pharisees say that some things, 
 and not all things, are the work of Fate ; but 
 that some things are in our own power to 
 be and not to be. But the Essenes declare 
 that Fate rules all things, and that nothing 
 happens to man except by its decree. The 
 Sadducees, on the other hand, take away 
 Fate, holding that it is a thing of nought, 
 and that human affairs do not depend upon 
 it ; but in their estimate all things are in 
 the power of ourselves, as being ourselves 
 the causes of our good things, and meeting 
 with evils through our own inconsiderate- 
 ness." In reference to this point, the opin- 
 ion of Gruetz seems not improbable, that 
 the real difference between the Pharisees 
 and Sadducees was at first practical and 
 political. [SADDUCEES.] IV. In reference 
 to the spirit of proselytism among the Phar- 
 isees, there is indisputable authority for the 
 statement that it prevailed to a very great 
 
 extent at the time of Christ (Matt, xxiii. 
 15) ; and attention is now called to it on 
 account of its probable importance in hav- 
 ing paved the way for the early diffusion 
 of Christianity. Jews at the time of Christ 
 had become scattered over the fairest por- 
 tions of the civilized world. On the day 
 of Pentecost, Jews are said to have been 
 assembled with one accord in one place 
 at Jerusalem, "from every region under 
 heaven." Moreover, the then existingregu- 
 lations or customs of synagogues afforded 
 facilities which do not exist now either in 
 synagogues or Christian churches for pre- 
 senting new views to a congregation (Acts 
 xvii. 2 ; Luke iv. 1C). Under such auspices 
 the proselytizing spirit of the Pharisees 
 inevitably stimulated a thirst for inquiry, 
 and accustomed the Jews to theological 
 controversies. Thus there existed prece- 
 dents and favoring circumstances for efforts 
 to make proselytes, when the greatest of 
 all missionaries, a Jew by race, a Pharisee 
 by education, a Greek by language, and a 
 Roman citizen by birth, preaching the res- 
 urrection of Jesus to those who for the 
 most part already believed in the resurrec- 
 tion of the dead, confronted the elaborate 
 ritual-system of the written and oral law by 
 a pure spiritual religion, and thus obtained 
 the co-operation of many Jews themselves 
 in breaking down every barrier between 
 Jew, Pharisee, Greek, and Roman, and in 
 endeavoring to unite all mankind by the 
 brotherhood of a common Christianity. 
 
 Pha'rosh. Elsewhere PAROSH (Ezr. 
 viii. 3). 
 
 Phar'par, the second of the " two riv- 
 ers of Damascus " Abana and Pharpar 
 alluded to by Naaman (2 K. v. 12). The 
 two principal streams in the district of 
 Damascus are the Barada and the Awaj : 
 the former being the Abana, and the latter 
 the Pharpar. The Awaj rises on the S. E. 
 slopes of Hermon, and flows into the most 
 southerly of the three lakes or swamps of 
 Damascus. 
 
 Phar'zites, The. The descendants of 
 Pharez, the son of Judah (Num. xxvi. 20). 
 
 Pha'seah. PASEAH 2 (Neh. vii. 51). 
 
 Phase'lis, a town on the coast of Asia 
 Minor, on the confines of Lycia and Pam- 
 phylia, and consequently ascribed by the 
 ancient writers sometimes to one and some- 
 times to the other (1 Mace. xv. 23). 
 
 Phe'be. [PHOEBE.] 
 
 Pheni'ce. 1. See PHOENICE, PHOE- 
 NICIA. 2. (Acts xxvii. 12), more properly 
 PHOENIX, the name of a haven in Crete on 
 the south coast. The name was doubtless 
 derived from the Greek word for the palm- 
 tree, which Theophrastus says was indi- 
 genous in the island. It is the modern 
 Lutr6. 
 
 Phi'chol, chief captain of the army of 
 Abirnelech, king of the Philistines of Gerar
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 528 
 
 in the days of both Abraham (Gen. xxi. 22, 
 32) and Isaac (xxvi. 26). 
 
 Philadel'phia, a town on the confines 
 of Lyclia and Phrygia Catacecaumenc, built 
 by Attains II., king of Pergamus. It was 
 situated on the lower slopes of Tmolus, 
 and is still represented by a town called 
 Allah-shehr (city of God). Its elevation is 
 952 feet above the sea. The original popu- 
 lation of Philadelphia seems to have been 
 Macedonian : but there was, as appears from 
 Rev. iii. 9, a synagogue of Hellenizing 
 Jews there, as well as a Christian Church. 
 The locality was suhject to constant earth- 
 quakes, which in the time of Strabo ren- 
 dered even the town-walls of Philadelphia 
 unsafe. The expense of reparation was 
 constant, and hence perhaps the poverty of 
 the members of the Christian Church (Rev. 
 iii. 8). 
 
 Phile'mon, the name of the Christian 
 to whom Paul addressed his Epistle in be- 
 half of Onesimus. He was a native prob- 
 ably of Colossae, or at all events lived in 
 that city when the Apostle wrote to him ; 
 first, because Onesimus was a Colossian 
 (Col. iv. 9) ; and secondly, because Archip- 
 pus was a Colossian (Col. iv. 17), whom 
 Paul associates with Philemon at the be- 
 ginning of his letter (Philem. 1, 2). It is 
 related that Philemon became bishop of 
 Colossae, and died as a martyr under Nero. 
 It is evident from the letter to him that 
 Philemon was a man of property and influ- 
 ence, since he is represented as the head of 
 a numerous household, and as exercising 
 an expensive liberality towards his friends 
 and the poor in general. He was indebted 
 to the Apostle Paul as the medium of his 
 personal participation in the Gospel. It is 
 not certain under what circumstances they 
 became known to each other. It is evident 
 that on becoming a disciple, he gave no 
 common proof of the sincerity and power 
 of his faith. His character, as shadowed 
 forth in the epistle to him, is one of the 
 noblest which the sacred record makes 
 known to us. 
 
 Philemon, The Epistle of Paul 
 to, is one of the letters which the Apostle 
 wrote during his first captivity at Rome. 
 The time when Paul wrote may be fixed 
 with much precision. The Apostle at the 
 close of the letter expresses a hope of his 
 speedy liberation. Presuming, therefore, 
 that he had good reasons for such an ex- 
 pectation, we may conclude that this letter 
 was written by him about the year A. D. 63, 
 or early in A. D. 64. Nothing is wanted 
 to confirm the genuineness of the epistle. 
 The external testimony is unimpeachable. 
 The Canon of Muratori enumerates this as 
 one of Paul's epistles. Origen and Euse- 
 bius include it among the universally ac- 
 knowledged writings of the early Christian 
 times. Nor does the epistle itself offer 
 
 anything to conflict with this decision. Baur 
 would divest it of its historical character, 
 and make it the personified illustration, 
 from some later writer, of the idea that 
 Christianity unites and equalizes in a higher 
 sense those whom outward circumstances 
 have separated. He does not impugn the 
 external evidence. But, not to leave his 
 theory wholly unsupported, he suggests 
 some linguistic objections to Paul's author- 
 ship of the letter, which must be pro- 
 nounced unfounded and frivolous. Our 
 knowledge respecting the occasion and 
 object of the letter we must derive from 
 declarations or inferences furnished by the 
 letter itself. Paul, so intimately connected 
 with the master and the servant, was anx- 
 ious naturally to effect a reconciliation be- 
 tween them. Paul used his influence with 
 Onesimus (in ver. 12) to induce him to re- . 
 turn to Colossae, and place himself again 
 at the disposal of his master. On his de- 
 parture', Paul put into his hand this letter 
 as evidence that Onesimus was a true and 
 approved disciple of Christ, and entitled 
 as such to be received, not as a servant, 
 but above a servant, as a brother in the 
 faith. He intercedes for him as his own 
 child, promises reparation if he had done 
 any wrong, demands for him not only a re- 
 mission of all penalties, but the reception 
 of sympathy, affection, Christian brother- 
 hood. The result of the appeal cannot be 
 doubted. It may be assumed from the 
 character of Philemon that the Apostle's 
 intercession for Onesimus was not unavail- 
 ing. The Epistle to Philemon has one 
 peculiar feature its aesthetical character 
 it may be termed which .distinguishes it 
 from all the other epistles. The writer had 
 peculiar difficulties to overcome ; but Paul, 
 it is confessed, has shown a degree of self- 
 denial and a tact in dealing with them, 
 which in being equal to the occasion could 
 hardly be greater. 
 
 Phlle'tua was possibly a disciple of Hy- 
 menaeus, with whom he is associated in 2 
 Tim. ii. 17, and who is named without him 
 in an earlier Epistle (1 Tim. i. 20). They 
 appear to have been persons who believed 
 the Scriptures of the O. T., but misinter- 
 preted them, allegorizing away the doctrine 
 of the Resurrection, and resolving it all into 
 figure and metaphor. The delivering over 
 unto Satan seems to have been a form of 
 excommunication declaring the person re- 
 duced to the state of a heathen ; and in the 
 Apostolical age it was accompanied with 
 supernatural or miraculous effects upon 
 the bodies of the persons so delivered. 
 
 Philip the ^Apostle was of Beth- 
 saida, the city of Andrew and Peter (John 
 i. 44), and apparently was among the Gali- 
 laean peasants of that district who flocked 
 to hear the preaching of the Baptist. The 
 manner in which St. John speaks of him,
 
 PHILIP THE EVANGELIST 529 
 
 PIIILIPPI 
 
 the repetition by him of the selfsame words 
 with which Andrew had brought to Peter 
 the good news that the Christ had at last 
 appeared, all indicate a previous friendship 
 with the sons of Jona and of Zebedee, and 
 a consequent participation in their Messi- 
 anic hopes. The close union of the two in 
 John vi. and xii. suggests that he may have 
 owed to Andrew the first tidings that the 
 hope had been fulfilled. The statement 
 that Jesus found him (John i. 43) implies 
 a previous seeking. To him first in the 
 whole circle of the disciples were spoken 
 the words so full of meaning, " Follow 
 me " (Ibid.). As soon as he has learnt to 
 know his Master, he is eager to communi- 
 cate his discovery to another who had also 
 shared the same expectations. He speaks 
 to Nathanael, probably on his arrival in 
 .Cana (comp. John xxi. 2), as though they 
 had not seldom communed together, of the 
 intimations of a better time, of a divine 
 kingdom, which they found in their sacred 
 books. In the lists of the twelve Apostles, 
 in the Synoptic Gospels, his name is as 
 uniformly at the head of the second group 
 of four, as the name of Peter is at that of 
 the first (Matt. x. 3 ; Mark iii. 18 ; Luke 
 vi. 14) ; and the facts recorded by St. John 
 give the reason of this priority. Philip 
 apparently was among the first company 
 of disciples who were wiji the Lord at the 
 commencement of His ministry, at the 
 marriage of Cana, on His first appearance 
 as a prophet in Jerusalem (John ii.). When 
 John was cast into prison, and the work of 
 declaring the glad tidings of the kingdom 
 required a new company of preachers, we 
 may believe that he, like his companions 
 and friends, received a new call to a more 
 constant discipleship (Matt. iv. 18-22). 
 When the Twelve were specially set apart 
 for their office, he was numbered among 
 them. The first three Gospels tell us noth- 
 ing more of him individually. St. John, 
 with his characteristic fulness of personal 
 reminiscences, records a few significant ut- 
 terances (John vi. 5-9, xii. 20-22, xiv. 8). 
 No other fact connected with the name of 
 Philip is recorded in the Gospels. He is 
 among the company of disciples at Jerusa- 
 lem after the Ascension (Acts i. 13), and 
 on the day of Pentecost. After this all is 
 uncertain and apocryphal. 
 
 Philip the Evangelist is first men- 
 tioned in the account of the dispute be- 
 tween the Hebrew and Hellenistic disciples 
 in Acts vi. He is one of the Seven ap- 
 pointed to superintend the daily distribu- 
 tion of food and alms, and so to remove all 
 suspicion of partiality. Whether the office 
 to which he was thus appointed gave him 
 the position and the title of a Deacon of the 
 Church, or was special and extraordinary 
 in its character, must remain uncertain. 
 The after-history of Philip warrants the 
 34 
 
 ; belief, in any case, that his office was not 
 simply that of the later Diaconate. The 
 persecution of which Saul was the leader 
 must have stopped the " daily ministra- 
 tions " of the Church. The teachers who 
 had been most prominent were compelled 
 to take to flight, and Philip was among 
 them. It is noticeable that the city of Sa- 
 maria is the first scene of his activity 
 (Acts viii.). He is the precursor of St. 
 Paul in his work, as Stephen had been in 
 his teaching. It falls to his lot, rather 
 than to that of an Apostle, to take that first 
 step in the victory over Jewish prejudice 
 and the expansion of the Church, accord- 
 ing to its Lord's command. The scene 
 which brings Philip and Simon the Sorcerer 
 into contact with each ather, in which the 
 magician has to acknowledge a power over 
 nature greater than his own, is interesting, 
 rather as belonging to the life of the hcre- 
 siarch than to that of the Evangelist. This 
 step is followed by another. He is directed 
 by an angel of the Lord to take the road 
 that led down from Jerusalem to Gaza on 
 the way to Egypt. Here he met the Ethio- 
 pian eunuch (Acts vi. 26, foil.). The his- 
 tory that follows is interesting as one of 
 the few records in the N. T. of the process 
 of individual conversion. A brief sen- 
 tence tells us that Philip continued his 
 work as a preacher at Azotus (Ashdod), and 
 among the other cities that had formerly 
 belonged to the Philistines, and, following 
 the coast-line, came to Caesarea. Then 
 for a long period, not less than eighteen or 
 nineteen years, we lose sight of him. The 
 last glimpse of him in the N. T. is in the 
 account of St. Paul's journey to Jerusalem. 
 It is to his house, as to one well known to 
 them, that St. Paul and his companions, 
 turn for shelter. He has four daughters,, 
 who possess the gift of prophetic utterance,, 
 and who apparently give themselves to the- 
 work of teaching instead of entering on- 
 the life of home (Acts xxi. 8, 9). He is- 
 visited by the prophets and elders of Jeru- 
 salem. One tradition places the scene of 
 his death at Hierapolis in Phrygia. Ac- 
 cording to another, he died Bishop of 
 Tralles. The house in which he and his- 
 daughters had lived was pointed out to> 
 travellers in the time of Jerome. 
 Philip Herod I., II. [HEROD.] 
 Philip'pi, a city of Macedonia, about 
 nine miles from the sea, to the N. W. of 
 the island of Thasos, which is twelve miles- 
 distant from its port Neapolis, the modern 
 Kavalla. It is situated in a plain between 
 the ranges of Pangaeus and Haeimis. St. 
 Paul, when, on his first visit to Macedonia 
 in company with Silas, he embarked at 
 Troas, made a straight run to Samothrace, 
 and the next day to Neapolis, and from 
 thence to Philippi (Acts xvi. 11, 12). The 
 Philippi which St. Paul visited was a Bo-
 
 PHILIPPIANS 
 
 530 
 
 PHILIPPIANS 
 
 man colony founded by Augustus, and the 
 remains which strew the ground near the 
 modern Turkish village Bereketli are no 
 doubt derived from that city. The original 
 town, built by Philip of Macedonia, was 
 probably not exactly on the same site. 
 Philip, when he acquired possession of the 
 site, found there a town named Datus or 
 Datum, which was in all probability in its 
 origin a factory of the Phoenicians, who 
 were the first that worked the gold-mines 
 in the mountains here, as in the neighbor- 
 ing Thasos. The proximity of the gold- 
 mines was of course the origin of so large 
 a city as Philippi, but the plain in which it 
 lies is of extraordinary fertility. The posi- 
 tion, too, was on the main road from Rome 
 to Asia, the Via Egnatia, which from Thes- 
 salonica to Constantinople followed the 
 same course as the existing post-road. On 
 St. Paul's visits to Philippi, see the follow- 
 ing article. 
 
 Philippians, Epistle to the, was 
 written by St. Paul from Rome in A. D. 62 
 or G3. 1. The canonical authority, Pauline 
 authorship and integrity of this Epistle were 
 unanimously acknowledged up to the end 
 of the 18th century. Marcion (A. D. 140) 
 in the earliest known Canon held common 
 ground with the Church touching the au- 
 thority of this Epistle : it appears in the 
 Muratorian Fragment ; among the "ac- 
 knowledged " books in Eusebius ; in the 
 lists of the Council of Laodicea, A. D. 365, 
 and the Synod of Hippo, 393 ; and in all 
 subsequent lists, as well as in the Peshito 
 and later versions. Even contemporary 
 evidence may be claimed for it. Philippian 
 Christians who had contributed to the col- 
 lections for St. Paul's support at Rome, 
 who had been eye and ear-witnesses of the 
 return of Epaphroditus and the first read- 
 ing of St. Paul's Epistle, may have been 
 still alive at Philippi when Polycarp wrote 
 (A. D. 107) his letter to them, in which (ch. 
 2, 3) he refers to St. Paul's Epistle as a 
 well-known distinction belonging to the 
 Philippian Church. It is quoted as St. 
 Paul's by Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, 
 and Tertullian. A quotation from it (Phil, 
 ii. 6) is found in the Epistle of the Churches 
 of Lyons and Vienue, A. D. 177. The tes- 
 timonies of later writers are innumerable. 
 But F. C. Baur, followed by Schwegler, 
 has argued from the phraseology of the 
 Epistle and other internal marks, that it is 
 the work not of St. Paul, but of some 
 Gnostic forger in the 2d century. 2. Where 
 written. The constant tradition that this 
 Epistle was written at Rome by St. Paul in 
 his captivity, was impugned first by Oeder 
 (1731), who, disregarding the fact that the 
 Apostle was in prison (i. 7, 13, 14) when 
 he wrote, imagined that he was at Corinth ; 
 and then by Paulus (1799), Schulz (1829), 
 Bottger (1837) and Rilliet (1841), in whose 
 
 opinion the Epistle was written during the 
 Apostle's confinement, at Caesarea (Acts 
 xxiv. 23) ; but the references to the " pal- 
 ace" (praetorium, i. 13), and to " Caesar's 
 household" (iv. 22), seem to point to Rome 
 rather than to Caesarea. St. Paul's con- 
 nection with Philippi was of a peculiar 
 character, which gave rise to the writing 
 of this Epistle. St. Paul entered its walls, 
 A. D. 52 (Acts xvi. 12). There, at a greater 
 distance from Jerusalem than any Apostle 
 had yet penetrated, the long-restrained en- 
 ergy of St. Paul was again employed in lay- 
 ing the foundation of a Christian Church. 
 Philippi was endeared to St. Paul, not only 
 by the hospitality of Lydia, the deep sym- 
 pathy of the converts, and the remarkable 
 miracle which set a seal on his preaching, 
 but also by the successful exercise of his 
 missionary activity after a long suspense, 
 and by the happy consequences of his un- 
 daunted endurance of ignominies, which 
 remained in his memory (Phil. i. 30) after 
 the long interval of eleven years. Leaving 
 Timothy and Luke to watch over the infant 
 Church, Paul and Silas went to Thessalo- 
 nica (1 Thess. ii. 2), whither they were fol- 
 lowed by the alms of the Philippians (Phil. 
 iv. 16), and thence southwards. After the 
 lapse of five years, spent chiefly at Corinth 
 and Ephesus, St. Paul passed through Mace- 
 donia, A. D. 57, on his way to Greece, and 
 probably visited Philippi for the second 
 time, and was there joined by Timothy. He 
 wrote at Philippi his second Epistle to the 
 Corinthians. On returning from Greece 
 (Acts xx. 4), he again found a refuge 
 among his faithful Philippians, where he 
 spent some days at Easter, A. D. 58, with 
 St. Luke, who accompanied him when he 
 sailed from Neapolis. Once more, in his 
 Roman captivity (A. D. 62) their care of 
 him revived again. They sent Epaphro- 
 ditus, bearing their alms for the Apostle's 
 support, and ready also to tender his per- 
 sonal service (Phil. ii. 25). St. Paul's aim 
 in writing is plainly this : while acknowl- 
 edging the alms of the Philippians and the 
 personal services of their messenger, to 
 give them some information respecting his 
 own condition, and some advice respecting 
 theirs. After the inscription (i. 1, 2) in 
 which Timothy as the second father of the 
 Church is joined with Paul, he sets forth 
 his own condition (i. 3-26), his prayers, 
 care, and wishes for his Philippians, with 
 the troubles and uncertainty of his impris- 
 onment, and his hope of eventually seeing 
 them again. Then (i. 27-ii. 18) he exhorts 
 them to those particular virtues which he 
 would rejoice to see them practising at the 
 present time. He hopes soon to hear a 
 good report of them (ii. 19-30), either by 
 sending Timothy, or by going himself to 
 them, as he now sends Epaphroditus, whose 
 diligent service is highly commended. Re-
 
 PHILISTIA 
 
 531 
 
 PHILISTINES 
 
 verting (ili. 1-21) to the tone of joy which 
 runs through the preceding descriptions and 
 exhortations as in i. 4, 18, 25, ii. 2, 16, 17, 
 18, 28 he bids them take heed that their 
 joy be in the Lord, and warns them against 
 admitting itinerant Judaizing teachers, the 
 tendency of whose doctrine was towards a 
 vain confidence in mere earthly things ; in 
 contrast to this, he exhorts them to follow 
 him in placing their trust humbly but en- 
 tirely in Christ, and in pressing forward 
 in their Christian course, with the Resur- 
 rection-day constantly before their minds. 
 Again (iv. 1-9), adverting to their position 
 in the midst of unbelievers, he beseeches 
 them, even with personal appeals, to be 
 firm, united, joyful in the Lord ; to be full 
 of prayer and peace ; and to lead such a life 
 as must approve itself to the moral sense 
 of all men. Lastly (iv. 10-23) he thanks 
 them for the contribution sent by Epaphro- 
 ditus for his support, and concludes with 
 salutations and a benediction. Though we 
 cannot trace the immediate effect of St. 
 Paul's Epistle on the Philippians, yet no 
 one can doubt that it contributed to form 
 the character of their church, as it was in 
 the time of Polycarp. It is evident from 
 Polycarp's Epistle that the Church, by the 
 grace of God and the guidance of the Apos- 
 tle, had passed through those trials of which 
 St. Paul warned it, and had not gone back 
 from the high degree of Christian attain- 
 ments which it reached under St. Paul's 
 oral and written teaching (Polyc. i., iii., ix., 
 xi.). Strangely full of joy and thanksgiv- 
 ing amidst adversity, like the Apostle's mid- 
 night hymn from the depth of his Philippian 
 dungeon, this Epistle went forth from his 
 prison at Rome. In most other epistles he 
 writes with a sustained effort to instruct, 
 or with sorrow, or with indignation ; he is 
 striving to supply imperfect, or to correct 
 erroneous teaching, to put down scandalous 
 impurity, or to heal schism in the Church 
 which he addresses. But in this Epistle, 
 though he knew the Philippians intimately, 
 and was not blind to the faults and tenden- 
 cies to fault of some of them, yet he men- 
 tions no evil so characteristic of the whole 
 Church as to call for general censure on 
 his part, or amendment on theirs. Of all 
 his Epistles to Churches, none has so little 
 of an official character as this. 
 
 Philis^tia (Heb. Pelesheth). The word 
 thus translated (in Ps. Ix. 8, Ixxxvii. 4, 
 cviii. 9) is in the original identical with 
 that elsewhere rendered PALESTINE. 
 
 PMlis'tines. The origin of the Philis- 
 tines is nowhere expressly stated in the 
 Bible ; but as the prophets describe them 
 as "the Philistines fromCaphtOr" (Am. ix. 
 7), and " the remnant of the maritime dis- 
 trict of Caphtor " (Jer. xlvii. 4), itiaprimd 
 facie probable that they were the " Capli- 
 torims which came out of Caphtor " who 
 
 expelled the Avim from their territory and 
 occupied it in their place (Deut. ii. 23), 
 and that these again were the Caphtorim 
 mentioned in the Mosaic genealogical table 
 among the descendants of Mizraim (Gen. x. 
 14). But in establishing this conclusion a 
 difficulty arises out of the language of the 
 Philistines ; for while the Caphtorim were 
 Hamitic, the Philistine language is held to 
 have been Semitic. This difficulty, howev- 
 er, may be met by assuming either that the 
 Caphtorim adopted the language of the 
 conquered Avim, or that they diverged 
 from the Hamitic stock at a period when 
 the distinctive features of Hamitism and 
 Semitism were yet in embryo. It has 
 been generally assumed that Caphtor rep- 
 resents Crete, and that the Philistines, mi- 
 grated from that island, either directly or 
 through Egypt, into Palestine. But the 
 name Caphtor is more probably identified 
 with the Egyptian Coptos. [CAPHTOR.] 
 The Cretan origin of the Philistines has been 
 deduced, not so much from the name Caph- 
 tor, as from that of the Cherethites. This 
 name in its Hebrew form bears a close re- 
 semblance to Crete, and is rendered Cretans 
 in the LXX. But the mere coincidence of 
 the names cannot pass for much without 
 some corroborative testimony. Without 
 therefore asserting that migrations may not 
 have taken place from Crete to Philistia, 
 we hold that the evidence adduced to prove 
 that they did is insufficient. The Philis- 
 tines must have settled in the land of 
 Canaan before the time of Abraham ; for 
 they are noticed in his day as a pastoral 
 tribe in the neighborhood of Gerar (Gen. 
 xxi. 32, 34, xxvi. 1, 8). Between the times 
 of Abraham and Joshua, the Philistines had 
 changed their quarters, and had advanced 
 northwards into the plain of Philistia. 
 This plain has been in all ages remark- 
 able for the extreme richness of its soil. 
 It was also adapted to the growth of mili- 
 tary power ; for while the plain itself per- 
 mitted the use of war-chariots, which were 
 the chief arm of offence, the occasional 
 elevations which rise out of it offered se- 
 cure sites for towns and strongholds. It 
 was, morever, a commercial country : from 
 its position it must have been at all times 
 the great thoroughfare between Phoenicia 
 and Syria in the north, and Egypt and 
 Arabia in the south. They had at an early 
 period attained proficiency in the arts of 
 peace. Their wealth was abundant (Judg. 
 xvi. 5, 18), and they appear in all respects 
 to have been a prosperous people. Pos- 
 sessed of such elements of power, the 
 Philistines had attained in the time of the 
 Judges an important position among East- 
 ern nations. About B. c. 1209 we find 
 i them engaged in successful war with the 
 i Sidonians (Justin, xviii. 3). The territory 
 i of the Philistines, having been once oc-
 
 PHILISTINES 
 
 532 
 
 PHILISTINES 
 
 cupied by the Canaanites, formed a portion 
 of the promised land, and was assigned to 
 the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 2, 12, 45-47). 
 No portion, however, of it was conquered 
 in the lifetime of Joshua (Josh. xiii. 2), and 
 even after his death no permanent con- 
 quest was effected (Judg. iii. 3), though 
 we are informed that the three cities of 
 Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron were taken 
 (Judg. i. 18). The Philistines soon recov- 
 ered these, and commenced an aggressive 
 policy against the Israelites, by which they 
 gained a complete ascendency over them. 
 Individual heroes were raised up from time 
 to time, such as Shamgar the son of Anath 
 (Judg. iii. 31), and still more, Samson 
 (Judg. xiii.-xvi.) ; but neither of these men 
 succeeded in permanently throwing off the 
 yoke.. Under Eli there was an organized 
 but unsuccessful resistance to the encroach- 
 ments of the Philistines, who were met at 
 Aphek (1 Sam. iv. 1). The production of 
 the ark on this occasion demonstrates the 
 greatness of the emergency, and its loss 
 marked the lowest depth of Israel's degra- 
 dation. The next action took place under 
 Samuel's leadership, and the tide of suc- 
 cess turned in Israel's favor. The Israel- 
 ites now attributed their past weakness to 
 their want of unity, and they desired a 
 king, with the special object of leading 
 them against the foe (1 Sam. viii. 20). 
 Saul threw off the yoke ; and the Philis- 
 tines were defeated with great slaughter at 
 Geba (1 Sam. xiii., xiv.). They made no 
 attempt to regain their supremacy for about 
 25 years, and the scene of the next con- 
 test shows the altered strength of the two 
 parties : it was no longer in the central 
 country, but in a ravine leading down to 
 the Philistine plain, the valley of Elah, the 
 position of which is about 14 miles S. W. 
 of Jerusalem : on this occasion the prowess 
 of young David secured success to Israel, 
 and the foe was pursued to the gates of 
 Gath and Ekron (1 Sam. xvii.). The pow- 
 er of the Philistines was, however, still in- 
 tact on their own territory. The border 
 warfare was continued. The scene of the 
 next conflict was far to the north, in the 
 valley of Esdraelon. The battle on this 
 occasion proved disastrous to the Israelites ; 
 Saul himself perished, and the Philistines 
 penetrated across the Jordan, and occupied 
 the forsaken cities (1 Sam. xxxi. 1-7). On 
 the appointment of David to be king, he 
 twice attacked them, and on each occasion 
 with signal success, in the first case cap- 
 turing their images, in the second pursuing 
 them " from Geba until thou come to 
 Gazer" (2 Sam. v. 17-25; 1 Chr. xiv. 
 8-16). Henceforth the Israelites appear 
 as the aggressors : about seven years after 
 the defeat at Rephaim, David, who had now 
 consolidated his power, attacked them on 
 their own soil, and took Gath with its de- 
 
 pendencies (1 Chr. xviii. 1), and thus (ac- 
 cording to one interpretation of the obscure 
 expression " Metheg-ammah " in 2 Sam. 
 viii. 1) "he took the arm-bridle out of the 
 hand of the Philistines," meaning that their 
 ascendency was utterly broken. The whole 
 of Philistia was included in Solomon's em- 
 pire. The division of the empire at Sol- 
 omon's death was favorable to the Phi- 
 listine cause : Rehoboam secured himself 
 against them by fortifying Gath and other 
 cities bordering on the plain (2 Chr. xi. 8) : 
 the Israelite monarchs were either not so 
 prudent or not so powerful, for they al- 
 lowed the Philistines to get hold of Gib- 
 bethon (1 K. xv. 27, xvi. 15). Judah 
 meanwhile had lost the tribute (2 Chr. xvii. 
 1 1). The increasing weakness of the Jewish 
 monarchy under the attacks of Hazael led 
 to the recovery of Gath, which was after- 
 wards dismantled and probably destroyed by 
 Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 6 ; 2 K. xii. 17). We 
 have reason to suppose that the Philistines 
 were kept in subjection until the time of 
 Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 18). A few years 
 later, the Philistines, in conjunction with 
 the Syrians and Assyrians, and perhaps as 
 the subject-allies of the latter, carried on a 
 series of attacks on the kingdom of Israel 
 (Is. ix. 11, 12). Hezekiah formed an alli- 
 ance with the Egyptians, as a counterpoise 
 to the Assyrians, and the possession of Phi- 
 listia became henceforth the turning-point of 
 the struggle between the two great empires 
 of the East. The Assyrians under Tartan, 
 the general of Sargon, made an expedition 
 against Egypt, and took Ashdod, as the 
 key of that country (Is. xx. 1, 4, 5). Un- 
 der Sennacherib Philistia was again the 
 scene of important operations. The As- 
 syrian supremacy was restored by Esar- 
 haddon, and it seems probable that the As- 
 syrians retained their hold on Ashdod until 
 its capture, after a long siege, by Psammet- 
 ichus. It was about this time that Philis- 
 tia was traversed by a vast Scythian horde 
 on their way to Egypt. The Egyptian as- 
 cendency was not as yet re-establiahed, for 
 we find the next king, Neco, compelled to 
 besiege Gaza on his return, from the battle 
 of Megiddo. After the death of Neco, the 
 contest was renewed between the Egyptians 
 and the Chaldaeans under Nebuchadnezzar, 
 and the result was specially disastrous to 
 the Philistines. The " old hatred " that 
 the Philistines bore to the Jews was exhib- 
 ited in acts of hostility at the time of the 
 Babylonish captivity (Ez. xxv. 15-17) ; but 
 on the return this was somewhat abated, 
 for some of the Jews married Philistian 
 women, to the great scandal of their rulers 
 (Neh. xiii. 23, 24). From this time the 
 history of Philistia is absorbed in the strug- 
 gles of the neighboring kingdoms. The 
 latest notices of the Philistines as a nation 
 occur in 1 Mace, iii.-v. With regard to
 
 PHILOLOGUS 
 
 533 
 
 PHILOSOPHY 
 
 the institutions of the Philistines our infor- 
 mation is very scanty. The five chief 
 cities had, as early as the days of Joshua, 
 constituted themselves into a confederacy, 
 restricted, however, in all probability, to 
 matters of offence and defence. Each was 
 under the government of a prince (Josh. xiii. 
 3; Judg. iii. 3, &c.; 1 Sam. xviii. 30, xxix. 
 6), and each possessed its own territory. 
 The Philistines appear to have been deep- 
 ly imbued with superstition : they carried 
 their idols with them on their campaigns (2 
 Sam. v. 21), and proclaimed their victories 
 in their presence (1 Sam. xxxi. 9). The 
 gods whom they chiefly worshipped were 
 Dagon (Judg. xvi. 23; 1 Sam. v. 3-5; 1 
 Chr. x. 10; 1 Mace. x. 83); Ashtaroth (1 
 Sam. xxxi. 10 ; Herod, i. 105) ; and Baal- 
 zelmb (2 K. i. 2-6). 
 
 Philol'OguS, a Christian at Rome to 
 whom St. Paul sends his salutation (Rom. 
 xvi. 15). 
 
 Philosophy. It is the object of the 
 following article to give some account (I.) 
 of that development of thought among the 
 Jews which answered to the philosophy 
 of the West; (II.) of the recognition of 
 the preparatory (propaedeutic) office of 
 Greek philosophy in relation to Christian- 
 ity; (III.) of the systematic progress of 
 Greek philosophy as forming a complete 
 whole ; and (IV.) of the contact of Chris- 
 tianity with philosophy. I. THE PHILO- 
 SOPHIC DISCIPLINE OF THE JEWS. Phi- 
 losophy, if we limit the word strictly to de- 
 scribe the free pursuit of knowledge of which 
 truth is the one complete end, is essentially 
 of Western growth. In the East the search 
 after wisdom has always been connected 
 with practice. The history of the Jews 
 offers no exception to this remark: there 
 is no Jewish philosophy, properly so called. 
 The method of Greece was to proceed from 
 life to God; the method of Israel (so to 
 speak) was to proceed from God to life. 
 The axioms of one system are the conclu- 
 sions of the other. The one led to the suc- 
 cessive abandonment of the noblest domains 
 of science which man had claimed original- 
 ly as his own, till it left bare systems of 
 morality ; the other, in the fulness of time, 
 prepared many to welcome the Christ 
 the Truth. The philosophy of the Jews, 
 using the word in a large sense, is to be 
 sought for rather in the progress of the 
 national life than in special books. Step 
 by step the idea of the family was raised 
 into that of the people ; and the kingdom 
 furnished the basis of those wider promises 
 which included all nations in one kingdom 
 of heaven. The social, the political, the 
 cosmical relations of man were traced out 
 gradually in relation to God. The philoso- 
 phy of the Jews is thus essentially a moral 
 philosophy, resting on a definite connection 
 with God. The doctrines of Creation and 
 
 Providence, of an Infinite Divine Person, 
 and of a* responsible human will, which 
 elsewhere form the ultimate limits of spec- 
 ulation, are here assumed at the outset. 
 The Psalms, which, among the other in- 
 finite lessons which they convey, give a 
 deep insight into the need of a personal 
 apprehension of truth, everywhere declare 
 the absolute sovereignty of God over the 
 material and moral worlds. One man 
 among all is distinguished among the Jews 
 as "the wise man." The description which 
 is given of his writings serves as a com- 
 mentary on the national view of philosophy 
 (IK. iv. 30-33). The lesson of practical 
 duty, the full utterance of " a large heart " 
 (Ibid. 29), the careful study of God's crea- 
 tures : this is the sum of wisdom. Yet in 
 fact the very practical aim of this philoso- 
 phy leads to the revelation of the most sub- 
 lime truth. Wisdom was gradually felt to 
 be a Person, throned by God, and holding 
 converse with men (Prov. viii.). She was 
 seen to stand in open enmity with "the 
 strange woman," who sought to draw them 
 aside by sensuous attractions ; and thus a 
 new step was made towards the central 
 doctrine of Christianity the Incarnation 
 of the Word. Two books of the Bible, 
 Job and Ecclesiastes, of which the latter 
 at any rate belongs to the period of the 
 close of the kingdom, approach more near- 
 ly than any others to the type of philo- 
 sophical discussions. But in both the prob- 
 lem is moral, and not metaphysical. The 
 one deals with the evils which afflict " the 
 perfect and upright ; " the other with the 
 vanity of all the pursuits and pleasures of 
 earth. The Captivity necessarily exercised 
 a profound influence upon Jewish thought. 
 The teaching of Persia seems to have been 
 designed to supply important elements in 
 the education of the chosen people. But it 
 did yet more than this. The contact of the 
 Jews with Persia thus gave rise to a tra- 
 ditional mysticism. Their contact with 
 Greece was marked by the rise of distinct 
 sects. In the third century B. c. the great 
 doctor Antigonus of Socho bears a Greek 
 name, and popular belief pointed to him as 
 the teacher of Sadoc and Boethus, the sup- 
 posed founders of Jewish rationalism. At 
 any rate, we may date from this time the 
 twofold division of Jewish speculation. 
 The Sadducees appear as the supporters of 
 human freedom in its widest scope; the 
 Pharisees of a religious Stoicism. At a 
 later time the cycle of doctrine was com- 
 pleted, when by a natural reaction the Es- 
 senes established a mystic Asceticism. II. 
 THE PATRISTIC RECOGNITION OF THE PRO- 
 PAEDEDTIC OFFICE OF GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 
 The Divine discipline of the Jews was 
 in nature essentially moral. The lessons 
 which it was designed to teach were em- 
 bodied in the family and the nation. Yet
 
 PHILOSOPHY 
 
 534 
 
 PHILOSOPHY 
 
 this was not in itself a complete discipline 
 of our nature. The reason, no, less than 
 the will and the affections, had an office to 
 discharge in preparing man for the Incar- 
 nation. The process and the issue in the 
 two cases were widely different, but they 
 were in some sense complementary. Phi- 
 losophy failed as a religious teacher prac- 
 tically (Roin. i. 21, 22), but it bore noble 
 witness to an inward law (Rom. ii. 14, 15). 
 In its purest and grandest forms it was " a 
 schoolmaster to bring men to Christ." This 
 function of ancient philosophy is distinctly 
 recognized by many of the greatest of the 
 fathers. The use which was made of 
 heathen speculation by heretical writers 
 was one great cause of its disparagement 
 by their catholic antagonists. This variety 
 of judgment in the heat of controversy was 
 inevitable. The full importance of the 
 history of ancient Philosophy was then first 
 seen when all rivalry was over, and it be- 
 came possible to contemplate it as a whole, 
 animated by a great law, often trembling 
 on the verge of Truth, and sometimes by 
 a " bold venture " claiming the heritage of 
 Faith. III. THE DEVELOPMENT OF GREEK 
 PHILOSOPHY. The various attempts which 
 have been made to derive Western Phi- 
 losophy from Eastern sources have signal- 
 ly failed. It is true that in some degree 
 the character of Greek speculation may 
 have been influenced, at least in its earliest 
 stages, by religious ideas which were origi- 
 nally introduced from the East ; but this 
 indirect influence does not affect the real 
 originality of the great Greek teachers. 
 The very value of Greek teaching lies in 
 the fact that it was, as far as is possible, a 
 result of simple Reason, or, if Faith as- 
 serts its prerogative, the distinction is 
 sharply marked. Of the various classifi- 
 cations of the Greek schools which have 
 been proposed, the simplest and truest 
 seems to be that which divides the history 
 of Philosophy into three great periods, the 
 first reaching to the era of the Sophists, 
 the next to the death of Aristotle, the third 
 to the Christian era. In the first period 
 the world objectively is the great centre 
 of inquiry : in the second, the " ideas " of 
 things, truth, and being; in the third, the 
 chief interest of philosophy falls back upon 
 the practical conduct of life. After the 
 Christian era philosophy ceased to have 
 any true vitality in Greece, but it made 
 fresh efforts to meet the changed conditions 
 of life at Alexandria and Rome. 1. The 
 pre-Socratic Schools. The first Greek phi- 
 losophy was little more than an attempt to 
 follow out in thought the mythic cosmogo- 
 nies of earlier poets. What is the one per- 
 manent element which underlies the chan- 
 ging forms of things? this was the pri- 
 mary inquiry, to which the Ionic school en- 
 deavored to find an answer. THALES (cir. 
 
 B. c. 639-543) pointed to moisture (water) 
 as the one source and supporter of life. 
 ANAXIMENES (cir. B. c. 520-480) substitut- 
 ed air for water. At a much later date 
 (cir. B. c. 450) DIOGENES of Apollonia 
 represented this elementary "air" as en- 
 dowed with intelligence. 2. The Socratic 
 Schools. In the second period of Greek 
 philosophy the scene and subject were both 
 changed. A philosophy of ideas, using 
 the term in its widest sense, succeeded a 
 philosophy of nature. In three genera- 
 tions Greek speculation reached its great- 
 est glory in the teaching of Socrates, Plato, 
 and Aristotle. The famous sentence in 
 which Aristotle characterizes the teach- 
 ing of SOCRATES (B. c. 468-399) places his 
 scientific position in the clearest light. 
 There are two things, he says, which we 
 may rightly attribute to Socrates induc- 
 tive reasoning and general definition. By 
 the first he endeavored to discover the per- 
 manent element which underlies the chan- 
 ging forms of appearances and the varieties 
 of opinion : by the second he fixed the truth 
 which he had thus gained. But, besides 
 this, Socrates rendered another service to 
 truth. Ethics occupied in his investiga- 
 tions the primary place which had hitherto 
 been held by Physics. The great aim of 
 his induction was to establish the sover- 
 eignty of Virtue. He affirmed the exist- 
 ence of a universal law of right and wrong. 
 He connected philosophy with action, both 
 in detail and in general. On the one side 
 he upheld the supremacy of Conscience, on 
 the other the working of Providence. 3. 
 The post-Socratic Schools. After Aris- 
 totle, Philosophy took a new direction. 
 Speculation became mainly personal. EP- 
 ICURUS (B. c. 352-270) defined the object 
 of Philosophy to be the attainment of a 
 happy life. The pursuit of truth for its 
 own sake he regarded as superfluous. He 
 rejected dialectics as a useless study, and 
 accepted the senses, in the widest accepta- 
 tion of the term, as the criterion of truth. 
 But he differed widely from the Cyrenaics 
 in his view of happiness. The happiness 
 at which the wise man aims is to be found, 
 he said, not in momentary gratification, but 
 in life-long pleasure. All things were sup- 
 posed to come into being by chance, and so 
 pass away. The individual was left master 
 of his own life. While Epicurus asserted 
 in this manner the claims of one part of 
 man's nature in the conduct of life, ZENO, 
 of Citium (cir. B. c. 280), with equal par- 
 tiality, advocated a purely spiritual (intel- 
 lectual) morality. The opposition between 
 the two was complete. The infinite, chance- 
 formed worlds of the one stand over against 
 the one harmonious world of the other. 
 On the one side are Gods regardless of 
 material things, on the other a Being per- 
 meating and vivifying all creation. Thi*
 
 PHIXEHAS 
 
 535 
 
 PHOENICE 
 
 difference necessarily found its chief ex- 
 pression in Ethics. IV. CHRISTIANITY IN 
 CONTACT WITH ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY. 
 The only direct trace of the contact of 
 Christianity with Western Philosophy in 
 the N.T. is in the account of St. Paul's visit 
 to Athens (Acts xvii. 18), and there is noth- 
 ing in the apostolic writings to show that 
 it exercised any important influence upon 
 the early Church (comp. 1 Cor. i. 22-24). 
 But it was otherwise with Eastern specula- 
 tion, which penetrated more deeply through 
 the mass of the people. The " philoso- 
 phy" against which the Colossians were 
 warned (Col. ii. 8) seems undoubtedly to 
 have been of Eastern origin, containing 
 elements similar to those which were after- 
 vards embodied in various shapes of 
 Gnosticism, as a selfish asceticism, and a 
 superstitious reverence for angels (Col. ii. 
 16-23) ; and in the Epistles to Timothy, ad- 
 dressed to Ephesus, in which city St. Paul 
 anticipated the rise of false teaching (Acts 
 xx. 30), two distinct forms of error may be 
 traced in addition to Judaism, due more or 
 less to the same influence. The writings 
 of the sub-apostolic age, with the exception 
 of the famous anecdote of Justin Martyr 
 (Dial. 2-4), throw little light upon the 
 relations of Christianity and Philosophy. 
 Christian Philosophy may be in one sense 
 a contradiction in terms, for Christianity 
 confessedly derives its first principles from 
 revelation, and not from simple reason ; 
 but there is no less a true Philosophy of 
 Christianity, which aims to show how com- 
 pletely these meet the instincts and aspira- 
 tions of all ages. The exposition of such 
 a Philosophy would be the work of a mod- 
 ern Origen, 
 
 PMn'ehas. 1. Son of Eleazar and 
 grandson of Aaron (Ex. vi. 25). He is mem- 
 orable for having while quite a youth, by 
 his zeal and energy at the critical moment 
 of the licentious idolatry of Shittim, ap- 
 peased the divine wrath, and put a stop to 
 the plague which was destroying the nation 
 (Num. xxv. 7). For this he was rewarded 
 by the special approbation of Jehovah, and 
 by a promise that the priesthood should 
 remain in his family forever (10-13). He 
 was appointed to accompany as priest the 
 expedition by which the Midianites were 
 destroyed (xxxi. 6). Many years later he 
 also headed the party who were despatched 
 from Shiloh to remonstrate against the 
 Altar which the trans-Jordanic tribes were 
 reported to have built near Jordan (Josh, 
 xxii. 13-32). In the partition of the coun- 
 try he received an allotment of his own 
 a hill on Mount Ephraim which bore his 
 name. After Eleazar's death he became 
 liigh-priost the 3d of the series. In this 
 capacity he is introduced as giving the 
 oracle to the nation during the whole strug- 
 gle with the Benjamites on the matter of 
 
 Gibeah (Juclg. xx. 28). The verse which 
 closes the Book of Joshua is ascribed to 
 Phinchas, as the description of the death 
 of Moses at the end of Deuteronomy is to 
 Joshua. The tomb of Phinehas, a place 
 of great resort to both Jews and Samari- 
 tans, is shown at Awertah, four miles S. E. 
 of Nablus. 2. Second son of Eli (1 Sam. 
 i. 3, ii. 34, iv. 4, 11, 17, 19, xiv. 3). Phinehas 
 was killed with his brother by the Philis- 
 tines when the ark was captured. [ELI.] 
 3. A Levite of Ezra's time (Ezr. viii. 33), 
 unless the meaning be that Eleazar was of 
 the family of the great Phinehas. 
 
 Phle'gon. A Christian at Rome whom 
 St. Paul salutes (Rom. xvi. 14). Pseudo- 
 Hippolytus makes him one of the seventy 
 disciples and bishop of Marathon. 
 
 Phoe'be, the first, and one of the most 
 important, of the Christian persons the de- 
 tailed mention of whom fills nearly all the 
 last chapter of the Epistle to the Romans. 
 What is said of her (Rom. xvi. 1, 2) is 
 worthy of especial notice, because of its 
 bearing on the question of the deaconesses 
 of the Apostolic Church. 
 
 Phoeni'ce, Phoenicia, a tract of 
 country, of which Tyre and Sidon were the 
 principal cities, to the north of Palestine, 
 along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea ; 
 bounded by that sea on the west, and by the 
 mountain range of Lebanon on the east. 
 The name was not the one by which its 
 native inhabitants called it, but was given 
 to it by the Greeks, from the Greek word 
 for the palm-tree. The native name of 
 Phoenicia was Kenaan (Canaan~) or KnA, 
 signifying lowland, so named in contrast 
 to the adjoining Aram, i. e. highland, the 
 Hebrew name of Syria. The length of 
 coast to which the name of Phoenicia was 
 applied varied at different times. 1. What 
 may be termed Phoenicia proper was a nar- 
 row undulating plain, extending from the 
 pass ofJtds el- Bey Ad or Aby ad, the " Prom- 
 ontorium Album " of the ancients, about 
 six miles south of Tyre, to the Nahr el- 
 Auly, the ancient Bostrenus, two miles 
 north of Sidon. The plain is only 28 miles 
 in length. Its average breadth is about a 
 mile ; but near Sidon, the mountains retreat 
 to a distance of 2 miles, and near Tyre to 
 a distance of Smiles. 2. A longer district, 
 which afterwards became entitled to the 
 name of Phoenicia, extended up the coast 
 to a point marked by the island of Aradus, 
 and by Antaradus towards the north ; the 
 southern boundary remaining the same as 
 in Phoenicia Proper. Phoenicia, thus de- 
 fined, is estimated to have been about 120 
 miles in length ; while its breadth, between 
 Lebanon and the sea, never exceeded 20 
 miles, and was generally much less. Scarce- 
 ly 16 geographical miles farther north than 
 Sidon was Berytus, with a roadstead so 
 well suited for the purposes of modern
 
 PHOENICE 
 
 536 
 
 PHOENICE 
 
 navigation, that, under the modern name 
 of Seirout, it has eclipsed both Sidon and 
 Tyre as an emporium for Syria. Still far- 
 ther north was Byblus, the Gehal of the 
 Bible (Ez. xxvii. 9), inhabited by seamen 
 and calkers. It still retains in Arabic the 
 kindred name of Jebeil. Then came Trip- 
 olis (now Tardbulus), said to have been 
 founded by colonists from Tyre, Sidon, and 
 Aradus, with three distinct towns. And 
 lastly, towards the extreme point north was 
 Aradus itself, the Arvad of Gen. x. 18, and 
 Ez. xxvii. 8 ; situated, like Tyre, on a small 
 island near the mainland, and founded by 
 exiles from Sidon. The whole of Phoe- 
 nicia Proper is well watered by various 
 streams from the adjoining hills. The 
 havens of Tyre and Sidon afforded water 
 of sufficient depth for all the requirements 
 of ancient navigation, and the neighboring 
 range of the Lebanon, in its extensive for- 
 ests, furnished what then seemed a nearly 
 inexhaustible supply of timber for ship- 
 building. In reference to the period when 
 the Phoenicians had lost their independence, 
 scarcely any two Greek and Roman writers 
 give precisely the same geographical boun- 
 daries to Phoenicia. In the Apocrypha, it 
 is not defined, though spoken of as being, 
 with Coele-Syria, under one military com- 
 mander (2 Mace. iii. 5, 8, viii. 8, x. 11; 
 3 Mace. iii. 15). In the New Testament, 
 the word occurs only in three passages, 
 Acts xi. 19, xv. 3, xxi. 2 ; and not one 
 of these affords a clew as to how far the 
 writer deemed Phoenicia to extend. The 
 Phoenicians spoke a branch of the Semitic 
 language so closely allied to Hebrew, that 
 Phoenician and Hebrew, though different 
 dialects, may practically be regarded as the 
 same language. Concerning the original 
 race to which the Phoenicians belonged, 
 nothing can be known with certainty, be- 
 cause they are found already established 
 along the Mediterranean Sea at the earliest 
 dawn of authentic history, and for centuries 
 afterwards there is no record of their origin. 
 According to Herodotus (vii. 89), they said 
 of themselves in his time that they came in 
 days of old from the shores of the Red Sea ; 
 and in this there would be nothing in the 
 slightest degree improbable, as they spoke 
 a language cognate to that of the Arabians, 
 who inhabited the east coast of that sea. 
 Still neither the truth nor the falsehood of 
 the tradition can now be proved. But there 
 is one point respecting their race which can 
 be proved to be in the highest degree prob- 
 able, and which has peculiar interest as 
 bearing on the Jews, viz. that the Phoeni- 
 cians were of the same race as the Ca- 
 naanites. In regard to Phoenician trade, 
 connected with the Israelites, it must be 
 recollected that up to the time of David, 
 not one of the twelve tribes seems to have 
 possessed a single harbor on the sea-coast ; 
 
 it was impossible therefore that they could 
 become a commercial people. But from 
 the time that David had conquered Kilum, 
 an opening for trade was afforded to the 
 Israelites. The command of Ezion-gc-lier 
 near Elath, in the land of Edom, enabled 
 them to engage in the navigation of the Kod 
 Sea. As they were novices, however, at 
 sailing, and as the Phoenicians, during the 
 period of the independence of Edom, were 
 probably allowed to trade from Ezion-geber, 
 it was politic in Solomon to permit the 
 Phoenicians of Tyre to have docks, and 
 build ships at Ezion-geber on condition 
 that his sailors and vessels might have the 
 benefit of their experience. The results 
 seem to have been strikingly successful. 
 The religion of the Phoenicians, opposed 
 to Monotheism, was a Pantheistical person- 
 ification of the forces of nature, and in its 
 most philosophical shadowing forth of the 
 Supreme powers, it may be said to have 
 represented the male and female principles 
 of production. In its popular form, it was 
 especially a worship of the sun, moon, and 
 five planets, or, as it might have been ex- 
 pressed according to ancient notions, of 
 the seven planets the most beautiful, :md 
 perhaps the most natural, form of idolatry 
 ever presented to the human imagination. 
 These planets, however, were not regard- 
 ed as lifeless globes of matter, obedient to 
 physical laws, but as intelligent animated 
 powers, influencing the human will, and 
 controlling human destinies. It will be 
 proper here to point out certain effects 
 which the circumstance of their being wor- 
 shipped in Phoenicia produced upon the 
 Hebrews. 1. In the first place, their wor- 
 ship was a constant temptation to Poly- 
 theism and idolatry. It can scarcely be 
 doubted that the Phoenicians, as a great 
 commercial people, were more generally 
 intelligent, and as we should now say civil- 
 ized, than the inland agricultural popula- 
 tion of Palestine. When the simple-mind- 
 ed Jews, therefore, came in contact with a 
 people more versatile, and, apparently, more 
 enlightened than themselves, but who nev- 
 ertheless, either in a philosophical or in a 
 popular form, admitted a system of Poly- 
 theism, an influence would be exerted on 
 Jewish minds, tending to make them regard 
 their exclusive devotion to their own one 
 God, Jehovah, however transcendent His 
 attributes, as unsocial and morose. 2. The 
 Phoenician religion was likewise in other 
 respects deleterious to the inhabitants of 
 Palestine, being in some points essentially 
 demoralizing. For example, it sanctioned 
 the dreadful superstition of burning children 
 as sacrifices to a Phoenician god. Again, 
 parts of the Phoenician religion, especially 
 the worship of Astarte, tended to encourage 
 dissoluteness in the relations of the sexes, 
 and even to sanctify impurities of the most
 
 PHRYGIA 
 
 537 
 
 PIETY 
 
 abominable description. The only other 
 fact respecting the Phoenicians that need 
 be mentioned here is, that the invention 
 of letters was universally asserted by the 
 Greeks and Romans to have been commu- 
 nicated by the Phoenicians to the Greeks. 
 The names of the letters in the Hebrew 
 nlphabet are in accordance with this belief. 
 Moreover, as to writing, the ancient Hebrew 
 letters, substantially the same as Phoenician, 
 agree closely with ancient Greek letters. 
 For further details respecting the Phoeni- 
 cians, see TYRE and ZIDON. 
 
 Phryg'ia. Perhaps there is no geo- 
 graphical term in the New Testament which 
 is less capable of an exact definition. In fact 
 there was no Roman province of Phrygia 
 till considerably after the first establish- 
 ment of Christianity in the peninsula of 
 Asia Minor. The word was rather eth- 
 nological than political, and denoted, in a 
 vague manner, the western part of the 
 central region of that peninsula. Accord- 
 ingly, in two of the three places where it 
 is used, it is mentioned in a manner not 
 intended to be precise (Acts xvi. 6, xviii. 
 23). By Phrygia we must understand an 
 extensive district in Asia Minor, which con- 
 tributed portions to several Roman prov- 
 inces, and varying portions at different 
 times. 
 
 Phu'rah, Gideon's servant, probably 
 his armor-bearer (comp. 1 Sam. xiv. 1), 
 who accompanied him in his midnight visit 
 to the camp of the Midianites (Judg. vii. 
 10, 11). 
 
 Phu'rim, Esth. xi. 1. [PURIM.] 
 Phut, Put, the third name in the list 
 of the sons of Ham (Gen. x. 6 ; 1 Chr. i. 8), 
 elsewhere applied to an African country or 
 people. The few mentions of Phut in the 
 Bible clearly indicate a country or people 
 of Africa, and, it must be added, probably 
 not far from Egypt (Is. Ixvi. 19 ; Nah. iii. 
 9 ; Jcr. xlvi. 9 ; Ez. xxvii. 10, xxx. 5, 
 xxxviii. 5). From these passages we can- 
 not infer anything as to the exact position 
 of this country or people ; unless indeed 
 in Nahum, Gush and Phut, Mizraim and 
 Lubim, are respectively connected, which 
 might indicate a position south of Egypt 
 Phu'vah, one of the sons of Issachar 
 (Gen. xlvi. 13), and founder of the family 
 of the PUNITES. 
 
 Phygel'lus. [HERMOGENES.] 
 Phylactery. [FRONTLETS.] 
 Pi-be'seth, a town of Lower Egypt, 
 mentioned in Ez. xxx. 17, the same as Bu- 
 bastis, which was situate on the west bank 
 of the Pelusiac branch of the Nile, about 40 
 milen from Memphis. 
 
 Picture. In two of the three passages 
 in which " picture " is used in the A. V. it 
 denotes idolatrous representations, either 
 independent images, or more usually stones 
 " portrayed," i. e. sculptured in low relief, 
 
 or engraved and colored (Ez. xxiii. 14 ; 
 Layard, Nin. $ Bab. ii. 306, 308). Mov- 
 . able pictures, in the modern sense, were 
 doubtless unknown to the Jews. The 
 ! " pictures of silver " of Prov. xxv. 11, were 
 | probably wall-surfaces or cornices with car- 
 vings. 
 
 Piece Of Gold. The A. V. in render- 
 ing the elliptical expression " six thousand 
 of gold," in a passage respecting Naaman, 
 relating that he " took with him ten talents 
 of silver, and six thousand of gold, and ten 
 changes of raiment" (2 K. v. 5), supplies 
 " pieces " as the word understood. The 
 rendering " pieces of gold" is very doubt- 
 ful; and "shekels of gold," as designating 
 the value of the whole quantity, not indi- 
 vidual pieces, is preferable. 
 
 Piece Of Silver. The passages in the 
 O. T. and those in the N. T. in which the 
 A. V. uses this term, must be separately 
 considered. I. In the O. T. the word 
 "pieces" is used in the A. V. for a word 
 understood in the Hebrew, if we except one 
 case to be afterwards noticed. The phrase 
 is always "a thousand" or the like " of 
 silver " (Gen. xx. 16, xxxvii. 28, xlv. 22 ; 
 Judg. ix. 4, xvi. 5; 2 K. vi. 25; Hos. iii. 2; 
 Zech. xi. 12, 13). In similar passages the 
 word " shekels " occurs in the Hebrew. 
 There are other passages in which the A. 
 V. supplies the word " shekels " instead of 
 " pieces " (Deut. xxii. 19, 29 ; Judg. xvii. 
 2, 3, 4, 10; 2 Sam. xviii. 11, 12), and of 
 these the first two require this to be done. 
 The shekel, be it remembered, was the 
 common weight for money, and therefore 
 most likely to be understood in an elliptical 
 phrase. The exceptional case in which a 
 word corresponding to " pieces " is found 
 in the Hebrew is in the Psalms (Ixviii. 30, 
 Heb. 31). The word rats, which occurs 
 nowhere else, if it preserve its radical 
 meaning, must signify a piece broken oif, 
 or a fragment ; there is no reason to sup- 
 pose that a coin is meant. II. In theN. T. 
 two words are rendered by the phrase 
 " piece of silver : " 1. Drachma (Luke 
 xv. 8, 9), which was a Greek silver coin, 
 equivalent, at the time of St. Luke, to the 
 Roman denarius. 2. Silver only occurs in 
 the account of the betrayal of our Lord for 
 " thirty pieces of silver" (Matt. xxvi. 15, 
 xxvii. 3, 5, 6, 9). It is difficult to ascertain 
 what coins are here intended. If the most 
 common silver pieces be meant, they would 
 be denarii. The parallel passage in Zech- 
 ariah (xi. 12, 13) must, however, be taken 
 into consideration, where shekels must be 
 understood. It is more probable that the 
 thirty pieces of silver were tetradrachms 
 than that they were denarii. 
 
 Piety. This word occurs but once in 
 the A. V. : "Let them learn first to show 
 piety at home," better, " towards their own 
 household " (1 Tim. v. 4). The choice of
 
 PIGEON 
 
 538 
 
 PILLED 
 
 this word here instead of the more usual 
 equivalents of " godliness," "reverence," 
 and the like, was probably determined by 
 the special sense of pietas, as " erga pa- 
 rentes," i. e. towards parents. 
 
 PlgeOn. [TURTLE-DOVE.] 
 
 Pi-hahi'roth, a place before or at 
 which the Israelites encamped, at the close 
 of the third march from Kameses, when 
 they went out of Egypt (Ex. xiv. 2, 9; 
 Num. xxiii. 7, 8). It is an Egyptian word, 
 signifying "the place where sedge grows." 
 
 Pi'late, Pon'tius. The name indi- 
 cates that he was connected, by descent or 
 adoption, vith the gens of the Pontii, first 
 conspicuous in Roman history in the person 
 of C. Pontius Telesinus, the great Samnite 
 general. He was the sixth Roman procu- 
 rator of Judaea, and under him our Lord 
 worked, suffered, and died, as we learn, 
 not only from Scripture, but from Tacitus 
 (Ann. xv. 44). He was appointed A. D. 
 25-6, in the 12th year of Tiberius. His 
 arbitrary administration nearly drove the 
 Jews to insurrection on two or three occa- 
 sions. One of his first acts was to remove 
 the headquarters of the army from Caesarea 
 to Jerusalem. The soldiers of course took 
 with them their standards, bearing the im- 
 age of the emperor, into the Holy City. No 
 previous governor had ventured on such 
 an outrage. The people poured down in 
 crowds to Caesarea, where the procurator 
 was then residing, and besought him to 
 remove the images. After five days of dis- 
 cussion he gave the signal to some concealed 
 soldiers to surround the petitioners, and put 
 them to death unless they ceased to trouble 
 him; but this only strengthened their de- 
 termination, and they declared themselves 
 rf.ady rather to submit to death than forego 
 their resistance to an idolatrous innovation. 
 Pilate then yielded, and the standards were 
 by his orders brought down to Caesarea. 
 His slaughter of certain Galileans (Luke 
 xiii. 1) led to some remarks from our Lord 
 on the connection between sin and calam- 
 ity. It must have occurred at some feast 
 at Jerusalem, in the outer court of the 
 Temple. It was the custom for the procu- 
 rators to reside at Jerusalem during the 
 great feasts, to preserve order, and accord- 
 ingly, at the time of our Lord's last pass- 
 over, Pilate was occupying his official res- 
 idence in Herod's palace. The history 
 of his condemnation of our Lord is related 
 fully elsewhere. [Jesus CHRIST, p. 291.] 
 We learn from Josephus that Pilate's anxi- 
 ety to avoid giving offence to Caesar did 
 not save him from political disaster. The 
 Samaritans were unquiet and rebellious 
 Pilate led his troops against them, and de- 
 feated them easily enough. The Samari- 
 tans complained to Vitellius, now president 
 of Syria, and he sent Pilate to Rome to 
 answer their accusations before the emper- 
 
 or. When he reached it he found Tiberius 
 dead, and Caius (Caligula) on the throne, 
 A. D. 36. Eusebius adds that soon after- 
 wards, "wearied with misfortunes," he 
 killed himself. As to the scene of his 
 death there are various traditions. One 
 is, that he was banished to Vienna Allob- 
 rogum (Vienne on the Rhone), where a 
 singular monument a pyramid on a quad- 
 rangular base, 52 feet high is called Pon- 
 tius Pilate's tomb. Another is, that he 
 sought to hide his sorrows on the moun- 
 tain by the Lake of Lucerne, now called 
 Mount Pilatus ; and there, after spending 
 years in its recesses, in remorse and de- 
 spair rather than penitence, plunged into 
 the dismal lake which occupies its sum- 
 mit. We learn from the Fathers that 
 Pilate made an official report to Tiberias 
 of our Lord's trial and condemnation ; but 
 the Ada Pilati now extant in Greek, and 
 two Latin epistles from him to the emperor, 
 are certainly spurious. 
 
 Pil dash, one of the eight sons of Na- 
 hor, Abraham's brother, by his wife and 
 niece, Milcah (Gen. xxii. 22). 
 
 Pil'eha, the name of one of the chief 
 of the people, probably a family, who 
 signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
 x. 24). 
 
 Pillar. The notion of a pillar is of a 
 shaft or isolated pile, either supporting or 
 not supporting a roof. But perhaps the 
 earliest application .of the pillar was the vo- 
 tive or monumental. This in early times 
 consisted of nothing but a single stone, or 
 pile of stones (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxi. 46, 
 &c.). The stone Ezel (1 Sam. xx. 19) 
 was probably a terminal stone, or a way- 
 mark. The "place" set up by Saul (1 
 Sam. xv. 12) is explained by St. Jerome to 
 be a trophy. So also Jacob set up a pillar 
 over Rachel's grave (Gen. xxxv. 20). The 
 monolithic tombs and obelisks of Petra are 
 instances of similar usage. Lastly, the 
 figurative use of the term "pillar," in ref- 
 erence to the cloud and fire accompanying 
 the Israelites on their march, or as in Cant, 
 iii. 6, and Rev. x. 1, is plainly derived from 
 the notion of an isolated column not sup- 
 porting a roof. 
 
 Pillar, Plain of the, or rather " oak 
 of the pillar " that Ming the real signifi- 
 cation of the Hebrew word el6n. A tree 
 which stood near Shechem, and at which 
 the men of Shechem and the house of Millo 
 assembled to crow i Abimelech son of Gid- 
 eon (Judg. ix. 6). 
 
 Pilled (Gen. xxx. 37, 38) : PEELED 
 (Is. xviii. 2; Ez. xxix. 18). The verb 
 "to pill " appears in old Eng. as identical 
 in meaning with "to peel = to strip," and 
 in this sense is used in the above passages 
 from Gen. Of the next stage in its mean- 
 ing as = plunder, we have traces in the 
 words "pillage," "pilfer." In the Eng-
 
 PILTAI 
 
 539 
 
 PITCH 
 
 lish of the 17th century "peel" was used 
 for the latter signification. 
 
 Pil'tai, the representative of the priestly 
 house of Moadiah, or Maadiah, in the time 
 of Joiakim the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 17). 
 
 Pine-tree. 1. Heb. TidMr (Is. xli. 
 19, Ix. 13). What tree is intended is not 
 certain; but the rendering "pine" seems 
 loast probable of any. 2. Shemen (Neh. 
 viii. 15) is probably the wild olive. 
 
 Pinnacle of the Temple (Matt. iv. 5 ; 
 Luke iv. 9). The Greek word ought to be 
 rendered not a pinnacle, but the pinnacle. 
 The only part of the Temple which answered 
 to the modern sense of pinnacle was the 
 golden spikes erected on the roof to pre- 
 vent birds from settling there. Perhaps 
 the word means the battlement ordered by 
 law to be added to every roof. 
 
 Pi'non, one of the "dukes" of Edom; 
 that is, head or founder of a tribe of that 
 nation (Gen. xxxvi. 41; 1 Chr. i. 52). 
 
 Pipe (Heb. chdlil). The Hebrew word 
 so rendered is derived from a root signify- 
 ing " to bore, perforate," and is represent- 
 ed with sufficient correctness by the Eng- 
 lish "pipe" or "flute," as in the margin 
 of 1 K. i. 40. It is one of the simplest, and 
 therefore probably one of the oldest of 
 musical instruments. It is associated with 
 the tabret as an instrument of a peaceful 
 and social character. The pipe and tabret 
 were used at the banquets of the Hebrews 
 (Is. v. 12), and accompanied the simpler 
 religious services, when the youngprophets, 
 returning from the high-place, caught their 
 inspiration from the harmony (1 Sam. x. 
 5) ; or the pilgrims, on their way to the 
 great festivals of their ritual, beguiled the 
 weariness of the march with psalms sung 
 to the simple music of the pipe (Is. xxx. 
 29). The sound of the pipe was apparent- 
 ly a soft wailing note, which made it appro- 
 priate to be used in mourning and at funer- 
 als (Matt. ix. 23), and in the lament of the 
 prophet over the destruction of Moab (Jer. 
 xlviii. 36). It was even used in the Tem- 
 ple choir, as "appears from Ps. Ixxxvii. 7, 
 where " the players on instruments " are 
 properly " pipers." Twelve days in the 
 year, according to the Mishna, the pipes 
 sounded before the altar. They were of 
 reed, and not of copper or bronze, because 
 the former gave a softer sound. Of these 
 there were not less than two nor more than 
 twelve. In later times the funeral and 
 death-bed were never without the profes- 
 sional pipers or flute-players (Matt. ix. 
 23), a custom which still exists. In the 
 social and festive life of the Egyptians the 
 pipe played as prominent a part as among 
 the Hebrews. 
 
 Pi'ram. The Amorite king of Jarmuth 
 at the time of Joshua's conquest of Canaan 
 (Josh. x. 3, 27). 
 
 Pir'atnon, " in the land of Ephraim in 
 
 the mount of the Amalekite ; " a place in 
 Judg. xii. 15. Its site, now called Fer'ata, 
 is about one mile and a half S. of the road 
 from Jaffa, by Hableh, to Nattiis. Pira- 
 thonites are mentioned in Judg. xii. 13, 15, 
 and 1 Chr. xxvii. 14. 
 
 Pir'athonite, the native of, or dweller 
 in, PIRATHON. Two such are named in the 
 Bible. 1. Abdon ben-Ilillel (Judg. xii. 
 13, 15). 2. Erom the same place came 
 " Benaiah the Pirathonite of the children 
 of Ephraim" (1 Chr. xxvii. 14). 
 
 Pis'gah (Num. xxi. 20, xxiii. 14 ; Deut. 
 iii. 27, xxxiv. 1), a mountain range or dis- 
 trict, the same as, or a part of, that called 
 the mountains of Abarirn (comp. Deut. 
 xxxii. 49 with xxxiv. 1). It lay on the 
 east of Jordan, contiguous to the field of 
 Moab, and immediately opposite Jericho. 
 Its highest point or summit its "head" 
 was the Mount Nebo. If it was a proper 
 name, we can only conjecture that it de- 
 noted the whole or part of the range of the 
 highlands on the east of the lower Jordan. 
 No traces of the name Pisgah have been 
 met with in later times on the east of Jor- 
 dan, but in the Arabic garb of Ras el-Fesh- 
 Jcah (almost identical with the Hebrew 
 Rosh hap-pisgah) it is attached to a well- 
 known headland on the north-western end 
 of the Dead Sea, a mass of mountain on 
 which is situated the great Mussulman 
 sanctuary of Neby Husa (Moses). This 
 association of the names of Moses and Pis- 
 gah on the west side of the Dead Sea is 
 extremely startling. No explanation of it 
 has yet been offered. A shdoth- Pisgah is 
 noticed under its own head. 
 
 Pisid/ia was a district in Asia Minor, N. 
 of Pamphylia, and reached to, and was 
 partly included in, Phrygia. Thus ANTI- 
 OCH IN PISIDIA was sometimes called a 
 Phrygian town. St. Paul passed through 
 Pisidia twice, with Barnabas, on the first 
 missionary journey, i. e. both in going from 
 PERGA to ICONIUM (Acts xiii. 13, 14, 51), 
 and in returning (xiv. 21, 24, 25 ; compare 
 2 Tim. iii. 11). It is probable also that he 
 traversed the northern part of the district, 
 with Silas and Timotheus, on the second 
 missionary journey (xvi. 6) : but the word 
 Pisidia does not occur except in reference 
 to the former journey. 
 
 Pi'son. [EDEN.] 
 
 Pit- [HELL.] 
 
 Pitch. The three Hebrew words all 
 represent the same object, viz. mineral 
 pitch or asphalt, in its different aspects. 
 Asphalt is an opaque, inflammable sub- 
 stance, which bubbles up from subterranean 
 fountains in a liquid state, and hardens by 
 exposure to the air, but readily melts under 
 the influence of heat. In the latter state it 
 is very tenacious, and was used as a cement 
 in lieu of mortar in Babylonia (Gen. xi. 3), 
 as well as for coating the outsides of vessels
 
 PITCHER 
 
 540 
 
 PLAGUES 
 
 (Gen. vi. 14), and particularly for making 
 the papyrus boats of the Egyptians water- 
 tight (Ex. ii. 3). The Jews and Arabians 
 got their supply in large quantities from 
 the Dead Sea, which hence received its 
 classical name of Lacus Asphaltites. 
 
 Pitcher. The word " pitcher " is used 
 in A. V. to denote the water-jars or pitchers 
 with one or two handles, used chiefly by 
 women for carrying water, as in the story 
 of Rebekah (Gen. xxiv. 15-20; but see 
 Mark xiv. 13; Luke xxii. 10). This prac- 
 tice has been, and is still usual both in the 
 East and elsewhere. The vessels used for 
 the purpose are generally carried on the 
 head or the shoulder. The Bedouin women 
 commonly use skin-bottles. Such was the 
 " bottle " carried by Hagar (Gen. xxi. 14). 
 The same word is used of the pitchers em- 
 ployed by Gideon's 300 men (Judg. vii. 1C). 
 
 Pi'thom, one of the store-cities built 
 by the Israelites for the first oppressor, the 
 Pharaoh " which knew not Joseph " (Ex. i. 
 11). It is probably the Patumus of Herod- 
 otus (ii. 159), a town on the borders of 
 Egypt, near which Necho constructed a 
 canal from the Nile to the Arabian Gulf. 
 
 Pi'thon. One of the four sons of Mi- 
 cah, the son of Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 
 35, ix. 41). 
 
 Plague, The. Several Hebrew words 
 are translated " pestilence " or " plague ; " 
 but not one of these words can be consid- 
 ered as designating by its signification the 
 disease now called the Plague. Whether 
 the disease be mentioned must be judged 
 from the sense of passages, not from the 
 sense of words. Those pestilences which 
 were sent as special judgments, and were 
 either supernaturally rapid in their effects, 
 or in addition directed against particular 
 culprits, are beyond the reach of human 
 inquiry. But we also read of pestilences 
 which, although sent as judgments, have 
 the characteristics of modern epidemics, 
 not being rapid beyond nature, nor directed 
 against individuals (Lev. xxvi. 25 ; Deut. 
 xxviii. 21). In neither of these passages 
 does it seem certain that the Plague is 
 specified. The notices in the prophets 
 present the same difficulty. Hezekiah's 
 disease has been thought to have been the 
 Plague, and its fatal nature, as well as the 
 mention of a boil, makes this not improba- 
 ble. On the other hand, there is no men- 
 tion of a pestilence among his people at the 
 time. 
 
 Plagues, The Ten. The occasion on 
 which the plagues were sent is described in 
 Ex. iii.-xii. 1. The Plague of Blood. When 
 Moses and Aaron came before Pharaoh, a 
 miracle was required of them. Then Aaron's 
 rod became " a serpent" (A. V.), or rather 
 "a crocodile." Its being changed into an j 
 animal reverenced by all the Egyptians, or 
 by some of them, would have been an espe- ! 
 
 I cial warning to Pharaoh. The Egyptian 
 magicians called by the king produced what 
 seemed to be the same wonder, yet Aaron's 
 rod swallowed up the others (vii. 3-12). 
 This passage, taken alone, would appear to 
 indicate that the magicians succeeded in 
 working wonders, but, if it is compared 
 with the others which relate their opposi- 
 tion on the occasions of the first three 
 plagues, a contrary inference seems more 
 reasonable. A comparison with other pas- 
 sages strengthens us in the inference that 
 the magicians succeeded merely by jug- 
 gling. After this warning to Pharaoh, Aaron, 
 at the word of Moses, waved his rod over the 
 Nile, and the river was turned into blood, 
 with all its canals and reservoirs, and every 
 vessel of water drawn from them ; the fish 
 died, and the river stank. The Egyptians 
 could not drink of it, and digged around it 
 for water. This plague was doubly humil- 
 iating to the religion of the country, as the 
 Nile was held sacred, as well as some kinds 
 of its fish, not to speak of the crocodiles, 
 which probably were destroyed (Ex. vii. 
 16-25). Those who have endeavored to 
 explain this plague by natural causes, have 
 referred to the changes of color to which 
 the Nile is subject, the appearance of the 
 Red Sea, and the so-called rain and dew 
 of blood of the middle ages ; the last two 
 occasioned by small fungi of very rapid 
 growth. But such theories do not explain 
 why the wonder happened at a time of year 
 when the Nile is most clear, nor why it 
 killed the fish and made the water unfit to 
 be drunk. 2. The Plague of Frogs. When 
 seven days had passed after the first plague, 
 the river and all the open waters of Egypt 
 brought forth countless frogs, which not 
 only covered the land, but filled the houses, 
 even in their driest parts and vessels, for 
 the ovens and kneading-troughs are speci- 
 fied. This must have been an especially 
 trying judgment to the Egyptians, as frogs 
 were included among the sacred animals 
 (Ex. viii. 1-15). 3. The Plague of Lice. 
 The dry land was now smitten by the rod, 
 and its very dust seemed turned into minute 
 noxious insects, so thickly did they swarm 
 on man and beast, or rather " in " them. 
 The scrupulous cleanliness of the Egyp- 
 tians wouH add intolerably to the bodily 
 distress of tnis plague, by which also they 
 again incurred religious defilement. As to 
 the species of the vermin there seems no 
 reason to disturb the authorized translation 
 of the word. The magicians, who had im- 
 itated by their enchantments the two previ- 
 ous miracles, were now foiled. They struck 
 the ground, as Aaron did, and repeated their 
 own incantations, but it was without effect 
 (Ex. viii. 16-19). 4. The Plague of Flies. 
 After the river and the land, the air was 
 smitten, being filled with winged insects, 
 which swarmed in the houses and devoured
 
 PLAGUES 
 
 541 
 
 PLAINS 
 
 the land, hut Goshen was exempted from 
 the plague. The word translated " swarms 
 of flies " most probably denotes the great 
 Egyptian beetle (scarabaeus-sacer), which is 
 constantly represented in their sculptures. 
 Besides the annoying and destructive hab- 
 its of its tribe, it was an object of worship, 
 and thus the Egyptians were again scourged 
 by their own superstitions (Ex. viii. 20- 
 32} . o. The Plague of the Murrain of 
 Beasts. Still coming closer and closer to 
 the Egyptians, God sent a disease upon 
 the cattle, which were not only their prop- 
 erty, but their deities. At the precise time 
 of which Moses forewarned Pharaoh, all 
 the cattle of the Egyptians were smitten 
 with a murrain and died, but not one of 
 the cattle of the Israelites suffered (Ex. ix. 
 1-7) . 6. The Plague of Boils. From the 
 cattle, the hand of God was extended to 
 their own persons. Moses and Aaron were 
 commanded to take ashes of the furnace, 
 and to " sprinkle it toward the heaven in 
 the sight of Pharaoh." It was to become 
 " small dust" throughout Egypt, and " be 
 a boil breaking forth [with] blains upon 
 man and upon beast" (Ex. ix. 8-12). 
 This accordingly came to pass. The plague 
 seems to have been the black leprosy, a 
 fearful kind of elephantiasis, which was 
 long remembered as " the botch of Egypt " 
 (Deut. xxviii. 27, 35). 7. TJie Plague of 
 Hail. The account of the seventh plague 
 is preceded by a warning, which Moses 
 was commanded to deliver to Pharaoh, re- 
 specting the terrible nature of the plagues 
 that were to ensue if he remained obsti- 
 nate. Man and beast were smitten, and 
 the herbs and every tree broken, save in 
 the land of Goshen. The ruin caused by 
 the hail was evidently far greater than that 
 effected by any of the earlier plagues. 
 Hail is now extremely rare, but not un- 
 known, in Egypt, and it is interesting that 
 the narrative seems to imply that it some- 
 times falls there (Ex. ix. 13-34). 8. The 
 Plague of Locusts. The severity of this 
 plague can be well understood by those 
 who have been in Egypt in a part of the 
 country where a flight of locusts has alight- 
 ed. In this case the plague was greater 
 than an ordinary visitation, since it extend- 
 ed over a far wider space, rather than be- 
 cause it was more intense ; for it is impos- 
 sible to imagine any more complete de- 
 struction than that always caused by a 
 swarm of locusts (Ex. x. 1-20). 9. The 
 Plague of Darkness. " There was a thick 
 darkness in all the land of Egypt three 
 days;" while "all the children of Israel 
 had light in their dwellings." It has been 
 illustrated by reference to the Samoom and j 
 the hot wind of the Khanuiseen. The for- j 
 nier is a sand-storm which occurs in the | 
 desert, seldom lasting more than a quarter 
 of an hour or twenty minutes, but for the [ 
 
 ' time often causing the darkness of twilight, 
 i and affecting man and beast. The hot 
 ! wind of the Khamaseen usually blows for 
 three days and nights, and carries so much 
 sand with it, that it produces the appear- 
 ance of a yellow fog. It thus resembles 
 the Samoom, though far less powerful and 
 far less distressing in its effects. It is not 
 known to cause actual darkness. The 
 plague may have been an extremely severe 
 sand-storm, miraculous in its violence and 
 duration, for the length of three days does 
 not make it natural, since the severe storms 
 are always very brief (Ex. x. 21-29). 10. 
 The Death of the Firstborn. Before the 
 tenth plague Moses went to warn Pharaoh. 
 "Thus saith the Lord, About midnight will 
 I go out into the midst of Egypt ; and all 
 the firstborn in the land of Egypt shall die, 
 from the firstborn of Pharaoh that sitteth 
 upon his throne, even to the firstborn of 
 the maidservant that is behind the mill; 
 and all the firstborn of beasts " (Ex. xi. 4, 
 5). The clearly miraculous nature of this 
 plague, in its severity, its falling upon man 
 and beast, and the singling out of the first- 
 born, puts it wholly beyond comparison with 
 any natural pestilence, even the severest 
 recorded in history, whether of the peculiar 
 Egyptian Plague, or other like epidemics. 
 The history of the ten plagues strictly ends 
 with the death of the firstborn. The grad- 
 ual increase in severity of the plagues is 
 perhaps the best key to their meaning. 
 They seem to have been sent as warnings 
 to the oppressor, to afford him a means of 
 seeing God's will and an opportunity of 
 repenting before Egypt was ruined. The 
 lesson that Pharaoh's career teaches us 
 seems to be, that there are men whom the 
 most signal judgments do not affect so as to 
 cause any lasting repentance. 
 
 Plains. This one term does duty in the 
 Authorized Version for no less^than seven 
 distinct Hebrew words. 1. Abel. This 
 word perhaps answers more nearly to our 
 word " meadow" than any other. It occurs 
 in the names of ABEL-MAIM, ABEL-MEHO- 
 LAH, ABEL-SHITTIM, and is rendered "plain " 
 in Judg. xi. 33, " plain of vineyards." 2. 
 Btk'&h. Fortunately we are able to iden- 
 tity the most remarkable of the Bik'&hs of 
 the Bible, and thus to ascertain the force 
 of the term. The great Plain or Valley 
 of Coele-Syria, the " hollow land" of the 
 Greeks, which separates the two ranges of 
 Lebanon and Antilcbanon, is the most re- 
 markable of them all. Out of Palestine 
 we find denoted by the word Bik'dh the 
 "plain of the land of Shinar" (Gen. xi. 2), 
 the "plain of Mesopotamia" (Ez. iii. 22, 
 23, viii. 4, xxxvii. 1, 2), and the " plain in 
 the province of Dura" (Dan. iii. 1). 3. 
 J/a-Sheftlali, the invariable designation of 
 the depressed, flat or gently undulating re- 
 gion which intervened between the high*
 
 PLEDGE 
 
 542 
 
 POETRY 
 
 lands of Judah and the Mediterranean, and 
 was commonly in possession of the Philis- 
 tines. 1. El(>n. Our translators have uni- 
 formly rendered this word "plain." But this 
 is not the verdict of the majority or the most 
 trustworthy of the ancient versions. They 
 regard the word as meaning an " oak" or 
 " grove of oaks," a rendering supported by 
 nearly all the commentators and lexicogra- 
 phers of the present day. The passages in 
 which the word occurs erroneously trans- 
 lated "plain," are as follows : Plain of 
 Moreh (Gen. xii. 6; Deut. xi. 30), Plain of 
 Mamre (Gen. xiii. 18, xiv. 13, xviii. 1), 
 Plain of Zaanaim (Judg. iv. 11), Plain of 
 the Pillar (Judg. ix. 6), Plain of Meonenim 
 (ix. 37), Plain of Tabor (1 Sam. x. 3). 
 
 Pledge. [LOAN.] 
 
 Ple'iades. The Heb. word (cimdfi) so 
 rendered occurs in Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 31, 
 and Am. v. 8. In the last passage our A. 
 V. has "the seven stars," although the Ge- 
 neva version translates the word "Pleia- 
 des " as in the other cases. 
 
 Plough. [AGRICULTURE.] 
 
 Poch.'ereth. The children of Poch- 
 ereth of Zebaim were among the children of 
 Solomon's servants who returned with Ze- 
 rubbabel (Ezr. ii. 57 ; Neh. vii. 59). 
 
 Poetry, Hebrew. The attributes 
 which are common to all poetry, and which 
 the poetry of the Hebrews possesses in a 
 higher degree perhaps than the literature 
 of any other people, it is unnecessary 
 here to describe. But the points of con- 
 trast are so numerous, and the peculiarities 
 which distinguish Hebrew poetry so re- 
 markable, that these alone require a full 
 and careful consideration. Of the three 
 kinds of poetry which are illustrated by 
 the Hebrew literature, the lyric occupies 
 the foremost place. The Shemitic nations 
 have nothing approaching to an epic poem, 
 and in proportion to this defect the lyric 
 element prevailed more greatly, commen- 
 cing in the pre-Mosaic times, flourishing in 
 rude vigor during the earlier periods of the 
 Judges, the heroic age of the Hebrews, 
 growing with the nation's growth and 
 strengthening with its strength, till it 
 reached its highest excellence in David, 
 the warrior-poet, and from thenceforth be- 
 gan slowly to decline. Gnomic poetry is 
 the product of a more advanced age. It 
 arises from the desire felt by the poet to 
 express the results of the accumulated ex- 
 periences of life in a form of beauty and 
 permanence. It gives expression, not like 
 the lyric to the sudden and impassioned 
 feelings of the moment, but to calm and 
 philosophic reflection. Being less sponta- 
 neous in its origin, its ftmn is of a neces- 
 sity more artificial. We meet with it at 
 intervals up to the time of the Captivity, 
 and, as it is chiefly characteristic of the age 
 of the monarchy, Ewald has appropriately 
 
 designated this era the " artificial period 5 * 
 of Hebrew poetry. From the end of the 
 8th century B. c. the decline of the nation 
 was rapid, and with its glory departed the 
 chief glories of its literature. After the 
 Captivity we have nothing but the poems 
 which formed part of the liturgical services 
 of the Temple. Whether dramatic poetry, 
 properly so called, ever existed among the 
 Hebrews, is, to say the least, extremely 
 doubtful. In the opinion of some writers 
 the Song of Songs, in its external form, is 
 a rude drama, designed for a simple stage. 
 But the evidence for this view is extremely 
 slight. I. Lyrical Poetry. The litera- 
 ture of the Hebrews abounds with illus- 
 trations of all forms of lyrical poetry, in 
 its most manifold and wide-embracing com- 
 pass, from such short ejaculations as the 
 songs of the two Lamechs and Ps. xv., 
 cxvii., and others, to the longer chants of 
 victory and thanksgiving, like the songs of 
 Deborah and David (Judg. v. ; Ps. xviii.). 
 II. Gnomic Poetry. The second grand 
 division of Hebrew poetry is occupied by a 
 class of poems which are peculiarly She- 
 mitic, and which represent the nearest ap- 
 proaches made by the people of that race 
 to anything like philosophic thought. Rea- 
 soning there is none : we have only results, 
 and those rather the product of observation 
 and reflection than of induction or argu- 
 mentation. As lyric poetry is the expres- 
 sion of the poet's own feelings and im- 
 pulses, so gnomic poetry is the form in 
 which the desire of communicating knowl- 
 edge to others finds vent. Its germs are 
 the floating proverbs which pass current in 
 the mouths of the people, and embody the 
 experiences of many with the wit of one. 
 The utterer of sententious sayings was to 
 the Hebrews the wise man, the philosopher. 
 Of the earlier isolated proverbs but few 
 'examples remain. III. Dramatic Poetry. 
 It is impossible to assert that no form of 
 the drama existed among the Hebrew peo- 
 ple. It is unquestionably true, as Ewald 
 observes, that the Arab reciters of ro- 
 mances will many times in their own per- 
 sons act out a complete drama in recitation, 
 changing their voice and gestures with the 
 change of person and subject. Something 
 of this kind may possibly have existed 
 among the Hebrews ; but there is no evi- 
 dence that it did exist, nor any grounds for 
 making even a probable conjecture with re- 
 gard to it. But the mere fact of the exist- 
 ence of these rude exhibitions among the 
 Arabs and Egyptians of the present day is 
 of no weight when the question to be de- 
 cided is, whether the Song of Songs was 
 designed to be so represented, as a 'simple 
 pastoral drama, or whether the Book of 
 Job is a dramatic poem or not. Inasmuch 
 as it represents an action and a progress, 
 it is a drama as truly and really as any
 
 POETRY 
 
 543 
 
 PONTUS 
 
 poem can be which develops the working 
 of passion, and the alternations of faith, 
 hope, distrust, triumphant confidence, and 
 black despair, in the struggle which it de- 
 picts the human mind as engaged in, while 
 attempting to solve one of the most in- 
 tricate problems it can be called upon to 
 regard. It is a drama as life is a drama, 
 the most powerful of all tragedies ; but 
 that it is a dramatic poem, intended to be 
 represented upon a stage, or capable of 
 being so represented, may be confidently 
 denied. One characteristic of Hebrew poe- 
 try, not indeed peculiar to it, but shared 
 by it in common with the literature of other 
 nations, is its intensely national and local 
 coloring. The writers were Hebrews of 
 the Hebrews, drawing their inspiration from 
 the mountains and rivers of Palestine, 
 which they have immortalized in their poetic 
 figures, and even while uttering the sub- 
 limest and most universal truths never for- 
 getting their own nationality in its nar- 
 rowest and intensest form. Examples of 
 this remarkable characteristic of the He- 
 brew poets stand thick upon every page 
 of their writings, and in striking contrast 
 to the vague generalizations of the Indian 
 philosophic poetry. But the form of He- 
 brew poetry is its distinguishing charac- 
 teristic, and what this form is, has been a 
 vexed question for many ages. The Ther- 
 apeutae, as described by Philo, sang hymns 
 and psalms of thanksgiving to God, in 
 divers measures and strains ; and these 
 were either new or ancient ones composed 
 by the old poets, who had left behind 
 them measures and melodies of trimeter 
 verses. According to Josephus, the Song 
 of Moses at the Red Sea (Ex. xv.) was 
 composed in the hexameter measure ; and 
 again, the song in Deut. xxxii. is described 
 as a hexameter poem. The Psalms of 
 David were in various metres, some trime- 
 ters and some pentameters. Eusebius char* 
 acterizes the great Song of Moses and the 
 118th (119th) Psalm as metrical compo- 
 sitions in what the Greeks call the heroic 
 metre. They are said to be hexameters of 
 sixteen syllables. The other verse compo- 
 sitions of the Hebrews are said to be in 
 trimeters. The opinions of Lowth, with 
 regard to Hebrew metre, are summed up 
 by Jebb (Sacr. Lit. p. 16) as follows : " He 
 begins by asserting, that certain of the He- 
 brew writings are not only animated with 
 the true poetic spirit, but, in some degree, 
 couched in poetic numbers ; yet he allows 
 that the quantity, the rhythm, or modulation 
 of Hebrew poetry not only is unknown, 
 but admits of no investigation by human 
 art or industry ; he barely maintains the 
 credibility of attention having been paid to 
 numbers or feet in their compositions ; and, 
 at the same time, he confesses the utter 
 impossibility of determining whether He- 
 
 brew poetry was modulated by the ear 
 alone, or according to any definite and set- 
 tled rules of prosody." 
 
 Pollux. [CASTOR AND POLLUX.] 
 
 Polygamy. [MARRIAGE.] 
 
 Pomegranate. The pomegranate was 
 early cultivated in Egypt ; hence the com- 
 plaint of the Israelites in the wilderness of 
 Zin (Num. xx. 5), this " is no place of figs, 
 or of vines, or of pomegranates." The 
 tree, with its characteristic calyx-crowned 
 fruit, is easily recognized on the Egyptian 
 sculptures. Mention is made of " an or- 
 chard of pomegranates " in Cant. iv. 13. 
 
 Pomegranate (Ptroiea granatum). 
 
 Carved figures of the pomegranate adorned 
 the tops of the pillars in Solomon's Temple 
 (1 K. vii. 18, 20, &c.) ; and worked repre- 
 sentations of this fruit, in blue, purple, and 
 scarlet, ornamented the hem of the robe of 
 the ephod (Ex. xxviii. 33, 34). The pome- 
 granate-tree (Punica granatum') derives 
 its name from the Latin pomum granatum, 
 " grained apple." The Romans gave it the 
 name of Punica, as the tree was introduced 
 from Carthage. 
 
 Pommels, only in 2 Chr. iv. 12, 13. In 
 1 K. vti. 41, "bowls." The word signifies 
 convex projections belonging to the capi- 
 tals of pillars. 
 
 Pond. The ponds of Egypt (Ex. vn. 
 19, viii. 5) were doubtless water left by tiio 
 inundation of the Nile. Ponds for fish are 
 mentioned in Is. xix. 10. 
 
 Pon'tius Pilate. [PILATE.] 
 
 Pon'tus, a large district in the north of 
 Asia Minor, extending along the coast of 
 the Pontus Euxinus, from which circum- 
 stance the name was derived. It is thjee 
 times mentioned in the N. T. (Acts ii. 9, 
 10, xviii. 2; 1 Pet. i. 1). All these pas-
 
 POOL 
 
 POTIPHAR 
 
 sages agree in showing that there were 
 many Jewish residents in the district. As 
 to the annals of Pontus, the one brilliant 
 passage of its history is the life of the 
 great Mithridates. Under Nero the whole 
 region was made a Boman province, bear- 
 ing the name of Pontus. 
 
 Pool. Pools, like the tanks of India, 
 are in many parts of Palestine and Syria 
 the only resource for water during the dry 
 season, and the failure of them involves 
 drought and calamity (Is. xlii. 15). Of 
 the various pools mentioned in Scripture, 
 perhaps the most celebrated are the pools 
 of Solomon near Bethlehem, called by the 
 Arabs el-Burak, from which an aqueduct 
 was carried which still supplies Jerusalem 
 with water (Eccl. ii. 6 ; Ecclus. xxiv. 30, 
 31). 
 
 Poor. The general kindly spirit of the 
 law towards the poor is sufficiently shown 
 by such passages as Deut. XT. 7, for the 
 reason that (ver. 11) " the poor shall 
 never cease out of the land." Among the 
 special enactments in their favor the fol- 
 lowing must be mentioned : 1. The right 
 of gleaning (Lev. xix. 9, 10; Deut. xxiv. 
 19, 21). 2. From the produce of the land 
 in sabbatical years, the poor and the stran- 
 ger were to have their portion (Ex. xxiii. 
 11; Lev. xxv. 6). 3. Re-entry upon land 
 in the jubilee year, with the limitation as to 
 town homes (Lev. xxv. 25-30). 4. Prohi- 
 bition of usury, and of retention of pledges 
 (Lev. xxv. 35, 37; Ex. xxii. 25-27, &c.). 
 5. Permanent bondage forbidden, and manu- 
 mission of Hebrew bondsmen or bondswo- 
 men enjoined in the sabbatical and jubilee 
 years (Deut. xv. 12-15 ; Lev. xxv. 39-42, 
 47-54). G. Portions from the tithes to be 
 shared by the poor after the Levites (Deut. 
 xiv. 28,'xxvi. 12, 13). 7. The poor to 
 partake in entertainments at the feasts of 
 Weeks and Tabernacles (Deut. xvi. 11, 14; 
 see Neh. viii. 10). 8. Daily payment of 
 wages (Lev. xix. 13). Principles similar 
 to those laid down by Moses are incul- 
 cated in the New Testament, as Luke iii. 
 11, xiv. 13; Acts vi. 1; Gal. ii. 10; James 
 ii, 15. 
 
 Poplar, the renderii.g of the Hebrew 
 word libneh, which occurs in Gen. xxx. 37, 
 and Hos. iv. 13. Several authorities are in 
 favor of the rendering of the A. V., and 
 think the "white poplar" (Populus alba) 
 is the tree denoted ; others understand the 
 "storax tree" (Styrax qfficinale, Linn.). 
 Both poplars and styrax or storax trees are 
 common in Palestine, and either would suit 
 the passages where the Heb. term occurs. 
 Storax is mentioned in Ecclus. xxiv. 15, to- 
 gether with other aromatic substances. The 
 Styrax ojpcinale is a shrub from nine to 
 twelve feet high, with ovate leaves, which 
 are white underneath ; the flowers are in 
 racemes, and arc white or cream-colored. 
 
 The white appearance agrees with the ety- 
 mology of the Heb. libneh. 
 
 Por'atha. One of the ten sons of 
 Haman slain by the Jews in Shushan the 
 palace (Esth. ix.JS). 
 
 Porch. 1. Ulam, or uldm (1 Chr. 
 xxviii. 11). 2. Misderfin &2am (Judg. iii. 
 23), strictly a vestibule, was probably a 
 sort of veranda chamber in the works of 
 Solomon, open in front and at the sides, 
 but capable of being enclosed with awn- 
 ings or curtains. The porch (Matt. xxvi. 
 71) may have been the passage from the 
 street into the first court of the house, in 
 which, in Eastern houses, is the mastdbah 
 or stone bench, for the porter or persons 
 waiting, and where also the master of the 
 house often receives visitors and transacts 
 business. 
 
 Por'cius Pes'tus. [FESTUS.] 
 
 Porter. This word when used in the 
 A. V. does not bear its modern signification 
 of a carrier of burdens, but denotes in 
 every case a gate-keeper, from the Latin 
 portarius, the man who attended to the 
 porta, or gate. 
 
 Possession. [DEMONIACS.] 
 
 Post. Probably, as Gesenius argues, 
 the door-case of a door, including the 
 lintel and side-posts. The posts of the 
 doors of the Temple were of olive-wood 
 (1 K. vi. 33). 
 
 Pot. The term "pot" is applicable to 
 so many sorts of vessels, that it can scarce- 
 ly be restricted to any one in particular. 
 1. Asuc (2 K. iv. 2), an earthen jar, deep 
 and narrow, without handles, probably like 
 the Roman and Egyptian amphora, insert- 
 ed in a stand of wood or stone. 2. CAeres, 
 an earthen vessel for stewing or seething 
 (Ez. iv. 9; Lev. vi. 28). 3. Dud, a vessel 
 for culinary purposes, perhaps of smaller 
 size (1 Sam. ii. 14). The "pots" set be- 
 fore the Rechabites (Jer. xxxv. 5) were 
 probably bulging jars or bowls. The water- 
 pots of Cana appear to have been large 
 amphorae, such as are in use at the present 
 day in Syria. These were of stone or hard 
 earthen ware. The water-pot of the Sa- 
 maritan woman may have been a leathern 
 bucket, such as Bedouin women use. 
 
 Pot'iphar, an Egyptian name, also 
 written POTIPHEKAH, signifies "Belonging 
 to the Son." Potiphar, with whom the his- 
 tory of Joseph is connected, is described 
 as " an officer of Pharaoh, chief of the 
 executioners, an Egyptian " (Gen. xxxix. 
 1 ; comp. xxxvii. 3G). He is called an 
 Egyptian, though his master was probably 
 a Shepherd-king of the xvth 3ynasty. He 
 appears to have been a wealthy man (xxxix. 
 4-6). The view we have of Potiphar'a 
 household is exactly in accordance with the 
 representations on the monuments. When 
 Joseph was accused, his master contented 
 himself with casting him into prison (19.
 
 POTIPHERAH 
 
 545 
 
 PEAETORIUM 
 
 20). After this we hear no more of Poti- 
 phar. [JOSEPH.] 
 
 Potiph'erah was priest or prince of 
 On, and his daughter Asenath was given 
 Joseph to wife by Pharaoh (Gen. xli. 45, 
 60. xlvi. 20). 
 
 Potsherd, also in A. V. " sherd," a 
 broken piece of earthen ware (Prov. xxvi. 
 23). 
 
 Potter's Field, The. A piece of 
 ground which, according to the statement of 
 St. Matthew (xxvii. 7), was purchased by 
 the priests with the thirty pieces of silver 
 rejected by Judas, and converted into a buri- 
 al-place for Jews not belonging to the city. 
 St. Matthew adduces this (ver. 9) as a ful- 
 filment of an ancient prediction. What that 
 prediction was, and who made it, is not, 
 however, at all clear. St. Matthew names 
 Jeremiah; but there is no passage in the 
 Book of Jeremiah, as we posses* it, re- 
 sembling that which he gives ; and that in 
 Zechariah (xi. 12) which is usually sup- 
 posed to be alluded to, has only a very im- 
 perfect likeness to it. Three explanations 
 suggest themselves : 1. That the Evangel- 
 ist unintentionally substituted the name of 
 Jeremiah for that of Zechariah, at the same 
 time altering the passage to suit his imme- 
 diate object. 2. That this portion of the 
 Book of Zechariah was in the time of St. 
 Matthew attributed to Jeremiah. 3. That 
 the reference is to some passage of Jere- 
 miah which has been lost from its place in 
 his book, and exists only in the Evangelist. 
 Some support is afforded to this view by 
 the fact that potters and the localities oc- 
 
 cupied by them are twice alluded to by 
 Jeremiah. Its partial correspondence witli 
 Zech. xi. 12, 13, is no argument against its 
 having at one time formed a part of the 
 prophecy of Jeremiah : for it is well known 
 to every student of the Bible that similar 
 correspondences are continually found in 
 the prophets. See, for instance, Jer. xlviii. 
 45, comp. with Num. xxi. 27, 28, xxiv. 17; 
 Jer. xlix. 27, comp. with Am. i. 4. [ACEL- 
 DAMA.] 
 
 Pottery. The art of pottery is one of 
 the most common and most ancient of all 
 manufactures. It is abundantly evident, 
 both that the Hebrews used earthen-ware 
 vessels in the wilderness, and that the 
 potter's trade was afterwards carried on 
 in Palestine. They had themselves been 
 concerned in the potter's trade in Egypt 
 (Ps. Ixxxi. 6), and the wall-paintings mi- 
 nutely illustrate the Egyptian process. The 
 clay, when dug, was trodden by men's feet 
 so as to form a paste (Is. xli. 25 ; Wisd. 
 xv. 7) ; then placed by the potter on the 
 wheel beside which he sat, and shaped by 
 him with his hands. How early the wheel 
 came in use in Palestine we know not, but 
 it seems likely that it was adopted from 
 Egypt (Is. xlv. 9; Jer. xviii. 3). The 
 vessel was then smoothed and coated with 
 a glaze, and finally burnt in a furnace. 
 There was at Jerusalem a royal establish- 
 ment of potters (1 Chr. iv. 23), from 
 whose employment, and from the frag- 
 ments cast away in the process, the Pot- 
 ter's Field perhaps received its name (Is. 
 xxx. 14). 
 
 Egyptian Pottery. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 Pound. 1. A weight. See WEIGHTS 
 AND MEASURES. 2. A money of account, 
 mentioned in the parable of the Ten Pounds 
 (Luke xix. 12-27), as the talent is in the 
 parable of the Talents (Matt. xxv. 14-30). 
 The reference appears to be to a Greek 
 pound, a weight used as a money of ac- 
 count, of which sixty went to the talent, 
 the weight depending upon the weight of 
 the talent. 
 
 PraetO'rium. The headquarters of 
 the Roman military governor, wherever 
 he happened to be. In time of peace 
 Borne one of the best buildings of the city, 
 which was the residence of the proconsul 
 or praetor, was selected for this purpose. 
 35 
 
 Thus at Caesarea that of Herod the Great 
 was occupied by Felix (Acts xxiii. 35) ; 
 and at Jerusalem the new palace erected 
 by the same prince was the residence of 
 Pilate. After the Roman power was es- 
 tablished in Judaea, a Roman guard was 
 always maintained in the Antonia, the 
 commander of which for the time being 
 seems to be the official termed or^oTijyos 
 TOW Itoov in the Gospels and Acts. The 
 Praetorian camp at Rome, to which St. 
 Paul refers (Phil. i. 13), was erected by 
 the Emperor Tiberius, acting under the 
 advice of Sejanus. It stood outside the 
 walls, at some distance short of the fourth 
 milestone, and near either to the Salarian
 
 PRAYER 
 
 546 
 
 PRAYER 
 
 or the Nomentane road. From the first, 
 buildings must have sprung up near it for 
 sutlers and others. St. Paul appears to 
 have been permitted, for the space of two 
 years, to lodge, so to speak, " within the 
 rules" of the Praetorium (Acts xxviii. 30), 
 although still under the custody of a sol- 
 dier. 
 
 Prayer. The object of this article will 
 be to touch briefly on, (1.) The doctrine of 
 Scripture, as to the nature and efficacy of 
 prayer ; (2.) Its directions as to time, place, 
 and manner of prayer ; (3.) Its types and 
 examples of prayer. (1.) Scripture does 
 not give any theoretical explanation of the 
 mystery which attaches to prayer. The 
 difficulty of understanding its real efficacy 
 arises chiefly from two sources : from the 
 belief that man lives under general laws, 
 which in all cases must be fulfilled unal- 
 terably ; and the opposing belief that he is 
 master of his own destiny, and need pray 
 for no external blessing. Now, Scripture, 
 while, by the doctrine of spiritual influ- 
 ence, it entirely disposes of the latter diffi- 
 culty, does not so entirely solve that part 
 of the mystery which depends on the na- 
 ture of God. It places it clearly before 
 us, and emphasizes most strongly those 
 doctrines on which the difficulty turns. 
 Yet, while this is so, on the other hand the 
 instinct of prayer is solemnly sanctioned 
 and enforced in every page. Not only is 
 its subjective effect asserted, but its real 
 objective efficacy, as a means appointed by 
 God for obtaining blessing, is both implied 
 and expressed in the plainest terms. Thus, 
 as usual in the case of such mysteries, the 
 two apparently opposite truths are empha- 
 sized, because they are needful to man's 
 conception of his relation to God; their 
 reconcilement is not, perhaps cannot be, 
 fully revealed. For, in fact, it is involved 
 in that inscrutable mystery which attends 
 on the conception of any free action of 
 man as necessary for the working out of 
 the general laws of God's unchangeable 
 will. At the same time it is clearly im- 
 plied that such a reconcilement exists, and 
 that all the apparently isolated and inde- 
 pendent exertions of man's spirit in prayer 
 are in some way perfectly subordinated to 
 the one supreme will of God, so as to form 
 a part of His scheme of providence. It is 
 also implied that the key to the mystery 
 lies in the fact of man's spiritual unity with 
 God in Christ, and of the consequent gift 
 of the Holy Spirit. So also is it said of 
 the spiritual influence of the Holy Ghost 
 on each individual mind, that while " we 
 know not what to pray for," the indwelling 
 " Spirit makss intercession for the saints, 
 according to the will of God" (Rom. viii. 
 26, 27). Here, as probably in all other 
 cases, the action of the Holy Spirit on the 
 soul is to free agents what the laws of na- 
 
 ture are to things inanimate, and is the 
 power which harmonizes free individual 
 action with the universal will of God. (2.) 
 There are no directions as to prayer given 
 in the Mosaic law : the duty is rather taken 
 for granted, as an adjunct to sacrifice, than 
 enforced or elaborated. It is hardly con- 
 ceivable that, even from the beginning, 
 public prayer did not follow every public 
 sacrifice. Such a practice is alluded to as 
 common in Luke i. 10; and in one in- 
 stance, at the offering of the first-fruits, it 
 was ordained in a striking form (Deut. 
 xxvi. 12-15). In later times it certainly 
 grew into a regular service, both in the 
 Temple and in the Synagogue. But, be- 
 sides this public prayer, it was the custom 
 of all at Jerusalem to go up to the Temple, 
 at regular hours if possible, for private 
 prayer (see Luke xviii. 10; Acts iii. 1); 
 and those who were absent were wont to 
 " open their windows towards Jerusalem," 
 and pray "towards" the place of God's 
 Presence (1 K. viii. 46-49; Dan. vi. 10; 
 Ps. v. 7, xxviii. 2, cxxxviii. 2). The regu- 
 lar hours of prayer seem to have been three 
 (see Ps. Iv. 17; Dan. vi. 10), "the even- 
 ing," that is, the ninth hour (Acts iii. 1, x. 
 3), the hour of the evening sacrifice (Dan. 
 ix. 21) ; the " morning," that is, the third 
 hour (Acts ii. 15), that of the morning sac- 
 rifice; and the sixth hour, or "noonday." 
 Grace before meat would seem to have 
 been a common practice (see Matt. xv. 36 ; 
 Acts xxvii. 35). The posture of prayer 
 among the Jews seems to have been most 
 often standing (1 Sam. i. 26; Matt. vi. 5; 
 Mark xi. 25; Luke xviii. 11); unless the 
 prayer were offered with especial solem- 
 nity, and humiliation, which was naturally 
 expressed by kneeling (1 K. viii. 54 ; 
 comp. 2 Chr. vi. 13 ; Ezr. ix. 5 ; Ps. xcv. 
 6; Dan. vi. 10), or prostration (Josh, 
 vii. 6; IK. xviii. 42; Neh. viii. 6). 
 The only Form of Prayer given for per- 
 petual use in the O. T. is the one in Deut. 
 xxvi. 5-15, connected with the offering of 
 tithes and first-fruits, and containing in 
 simple form the important elements of 
 prayer, acknowledgment of God's mercy, 
 self-dedication, and prayer for future bless- 
 ing. To this may perhaps be added the 
 threefold blessing of Num. vi. 24-20, 
 couched as it is in a precatory form, and 
 the short prayer of Moses (Num. x. 35, 
 36) at the moving and resting of the cloud, 
 the former of which was the germ of the 
 G8th Psalm. But of the prayers recorded 
 in the O. T., the two most remarkable are 
 those of Solomon at the dedication of the 
 Temple (1 K. viii. 23-53), and of Joshua 
 the high priest, and his colleagues, aftei 
 the captivity (Neh. ix. 5-38). It appears 
 from the question of the disciples in Luke 
 xi. 1, and from Jewish tradition, that the 
 chief teachers of the day gave special forms
 
 PRESENTS 
 
 547 
 
 PRIEST 
 
 of prayer to their disciples, as the badge 
 of tlieir discipleship and the best fruits of 
 their learning. All Christian prayer is, 
 of course, based on the Lord's Prayer ; but 
 its spirit is also guided by that of His 
 prayer in Gethsemane, and of the prayer 
 recorded by St. John (ch. xvii.), the begin- 
 ning of His great work of intercession. 
 The influence of these prayers is more dis- 
 tinctly traced in the prayers contained in 
 the Epistles (see Eph. iii. 14-21 : Rom. 
 xvi. 25-27: Phil. i. 3-11; Col. i. 9-15; 
 Heb. xiii. 20, 21; 1 Pet. v. 10, 11, &c.), 
 than in those recorded in the Acts. The 
 public prayer probably in the first instance 
 took much of its form and style from the 
 prayers of the synagogues. In the record 
 of prayers accepted and granted by God, 
 we observe, as always, a special adaptation 
 to the period of His dispensation to which 
 they belong. In the patriarchal period, 
 they have the simple and child-like tone of 
 domestic supplication for the simple and 
 apparently trivial incidents of domestic 
 life. In the Mosaic period they assume a 
 more solemn tone and a national bearing, 
 chiefly that of direct intercession for the 
 chosen people. More rarely are they for 
 individuals. A special class are those 
 which precede and refer to the exercise of 
 miraculous power. In the New Testament 
 they have a more directly spiritual bearing. 
 It would seem the intention of Holy Scrip- 
 ture to encourage all prayer, more espe- 
 cially intercession, in all relations, and for 
 all righteous objects. 
 
 Presents. [GIFTS.] 
 
 President. Sdrac, or S&rZcA, only 
 used Dan. vi., the Chaldee equivalent for 
 Hebrew ShdUr, probably from Sara, Zend, 
 a "head." 
 
 Priest. The English word is derived 
 from the Greek Presbyter, signifying an 
 " elder" (Heb. ctihfn). Origin. The idea 
 of a priesthood connects itself, in all its 
 forms, pure or corrupted, with the con- 
 sciousness, more or less distinct, of sin. 
 Men feel that they have broken a law. 
 The power above them is holier than they 
 are, and they dare not approach it.* They 
 crave for the intervention of some one of 
 whom they can think as likely to be more 
 acceptable than themselves. He must offer 
 up tlieir prayers, thanksgivings, sacrifices. 
 He becomes their representative in " things 
 pertaining unto God." He may become 
 also (though this does not always follow) 
 the representative of God to man. The 
 functions of the priest and prophet may 
 exist in the same person. No trace of an 
 hereditary or caste-priesthood meets us in 
 the worship of the patriarchal age. Once, 
 and once only, does the word C6Mn meet 
 us as belonging to a ritual earlier than the 
 time of Abraham. Melchizedek is " the 
 priest of the most high God " (Gen. xiv. 
 
 18). In the worship of the patriarchs them- 
 selves, the chief of the family, as such, 
 acted as the priest. The office descended 
 with the birthright, and might apparently 
 be transferred with it. The Priesthood 
 was first established in the family of Aaron, 
 and all the sons of Aaron were priests. 
 They stood between the High Priest on the 
 one hand and the Levites on the other. 
 [HIGH PRIEST ; LEVITES.] The ceremony 
 of their consecration is described in Ex. 
 xxix., Lev. viii. The dress which they 
 wore during their ministrations consisted 
 of linen drawers, with a close-fitting cas- 
 sock, also of linen, white, but with a dia- 
 mond or chess-board pattern on it. This 
 came nearly to the feet, and was to be worn 
 in its garment shape (comp. John xix. 23). 
 The white cassock was gathered round the 
 body with a girdle of needlework, into 
 which, as in the more gorgeous belt of the 
 High Priest, blue, purple, and scarlet, were 
 intermingled with white, and worked in the 
 form of flowers (Ex. xxviii. 39, 40, xxxix. 
 2; Ezek. xliv. 17-19). Upon their heads 
 they were to wear caps or bonnets in the 
 form of a cup-shaped flower, also of fine 
 linen. In all their acts of ministration they 
 were to be barefooted. Before they en- 
 
 Dress of Egyptian High-priest. 
 
 tered the Tabernacle they were to wash 
 their hands and their feet (Ex. xxx. 17-21, 
 xl. 30-32). During the time of their min- 
 istration they were to drink no wine or 
 strong drink (Lev. x. 9 ; Ez. xliv. 21). Ex- 
 cept in the case of the nearest relationships 
 (six degrees are specified, Lev. xxi. 1-5 ; Ez. 
 xliv. 25), they were to make no mourning 
 for the dead. They were not to shave their 
 heads. They were to go through their 
 ministrations with the serenity of a rever- 
 ential awe, not with the orgiastic wildness 
 which led the priests of Baal in their despair 
 to make cuttings rn their flesh (Lev. xix.
 
 PRIEST 
 
 548 
 
 PRIEST 
 
 28 ; IK. xviii. 28). They were forbidden to 
 marry an unchaste woman, or one who had 
 been divorced, or the widow of any but a 
 priest (Lev. xxi. 7, 14; Ezek. xliv. 22). 
 Their chief duties were to watch over the 
 fire on the altar of burnt-offerings, and to 
 keep it burning evermore both- by day and 
 night (Lev. vi. 12; 2 Chr. xiii. 11), to feed 
 the golden lamp outside the vail with oil 
 (Ex. xxvii. 20, 21; Lev. xxiv. 2), to offer 
 the morning and evening sacrifices, each 
 accompanied with a meat-offering and a 
 drink-offering, at the door of the tabernacle 
 (Ex. xxix. 38-44). They were also to teach 
 the children of Israel the statutes of the 
 Lord (Lev. x. 11; Deut. xxxiii. 10; 2 Chr 
 xv. 3; Ezek. xliv. 23, 24). During the 
 journeys in the wilderness it belonged to 
 them to cover the ark and all the vessels 
 of the sanctuary with a purple or scarlet 
 cloth before the Levites might approach 
 them (Num. iv. 5-15). As the people 
 started on each day'* march they were to 
 blow " an alarm " with long silver trumpets 
 (Num. x. 1-8). Other instruments of music 
 might be used by the more highly-trained 
 Levites and the schools of the prophets, but 
 the trumpets belonged only to the priests. 
 The presence of the priests on the field of 
 battle (1 Chr. xii. 23, 27; 2 Chr. xx. 21, 
 22) led, in the later periods of Jewish his- 
 tory, to the special appointment at such 
 times of a war-priest. Other functions were 
 hinted at in Deuteronomy which might have 
 given them greater influence as the educa- 
 tors and civilizers of the people. They were 
 to act (whether individually or collectively 
 does not distinctly appear) as a court of 
 appeal in the more difficult controversies in 
 criminal or civil cases (Deut. xvii. 8-13). 
 It must remain doubtful, however, how far 
 this order kept its ground during the storms 
 and changes that followed. Functions 
 such as these were clearly incompatible with 
 the common activities of men. On these 
 grounds therefore a distinct provision was 
 made for them. This consisted (1) of 
 one tenth of the tithes which the people 
 paid to the Levites, '. e. one per cent, on the 
 whole produce of the country (Num. xviii. 
 26-28). (2) Of a special tithe every third 
 year (Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12). (3) Of the 
 redemption-money, paid at the fixed rate 
 of five shekels a head, for the first-born of 
 man or beast (Num. xviii. 14-19). (4) Of 
 the redemption-money paid in like manner 
 for men or things specially dedicated to the 
 Lord (Lev. xxvii.). (5) Of spoil, captives, 
 cattle, and the like, taken in war (Num. 
 xxxi. 25-47). (6) Of the shew-bread, the 
 flesh of the burnt-offerings, peace-offerings, 
 trespass-offerings (Num. xviii. 8-14 ; Lev. 
 vi. 26, 29, vii. 6-10), and, in particular, the 
 heave-shoulder and the wave-breast (Lev. 
 x. 12-15). (7) Of an undefined amount 
 of the first-fruits of corn, wine, and oil 
 
 (Ex. xxiii. 19; Lev. ii. 14; Deut. xxvi. 1- 
 10). Of some of these, as " most holy," 
 none but the priests were to partake (Lev. 
 vi. 29). It was lawful for their sons and 
 daughters (Lev. x. 14), and even in some 
 cases for their home-born slaves, to eat of 
 others (Lev. xxii. 11). The stranger and 
 the hired servant were in all cases excluded 
 (Lev. xxii. 10). (8) On their settlement 
 in Canaan the priestly families had thirteen 
 cities assigned them, with " suburbs " or 
 pasture-grounds for their flocks (Josh. xxi. 
 13-19). These provisions were obviously 
 intended to secure the religion of Israel 
 against the dangers of a caste of pauper- 
 priests, needy and dependent, and unable 
 to bear their witness to the true faith. They 
 were, on the other hand, as far as possible 
 removed from the condition of a wealthy 
 order. The standard of a priest's income, 
 even in the earliest days after the settle- 
 ment in Canaan, was miserably low (Judg. 
 xvii. 10). The earliest historical trace of 
 any division of the priesthood, and cor- 
 responding cycle of services, belongs to the 
 time of David. The priesthood was then 
 divided into the four and twenty "courses" 
 or orders (1 Chr. xxiv. 1-19 ; 2 Chr. xxiii. 
 8 ; Luke i. 5), each of which was to serve 
 in rotation for one week, while the further 
 assignment of special services during the 
 week was determined by lot (Luke i. 9). 
 Each course appears to have commenced 
 its work on the Sabbath, the outgoing 
 priests taking the morning sacrifice, and 
 leaving that of the evening to their succes- 
 sors (2 Chr. xxiii. 8). In this division, 
 however, the two great priestly houses did 
 not stand on an equality. The descendants 
 of Ithamar were found to have fewer rep- 
 resentatives than those of Eleazar, and 
 sixteen courses accordingly were assigned 
 to the latter, eight only to the former (1 
 Chr. xxiv. 4). The division thus instituted 
 was confirmed by Solomon, and continued 
 to be recognized as the typical number of 
 the priesthood. On the return from the 
 captivity there were found but four courses 
 out of the twenty-four, each containing, in 
 round numbers, about a thousand (Ezr. ii. 
 36-39). Out of these, however, to revive 
 at least the idea of the old organization, the 
 four and twenty courses were reconstituted 
 (comp. Luke i. 5), bearing the same names 
 as before, and so continued till the destruc- 
 tion of Jerusalem. If we may accept the 
 numbers given by Jewish writers as at all 
 trustworthy, the proportion of the priest- 
 hood to the population of Palestine, during 
 the last century of their existence as an 
 order, must have been far greater than that 
 of the clergy has ever been in any Christian 
 nation. Over and above those that were 
 scattered in the country and took their turn, 
 there were not fewer than 24,000 stationed 
 permanently at Jerusalem, and 12,000 at
 
 PRIEST 
 
 549 
 
 PROCURATOR 
 
 Jericho. It was almost inevitable that the 
 great mass of the order, under such cir- 
 cumstances, should sink in character and 
 reputation. The reigns of the two kings 
 David and Solomon were the culminating 
 period of the glory of the Jewish priest- 
 hood. The position of the pripsts under 
 the monarchy of Judah deserves a closer 
 examination than it has yet received. For 
 every week of service in the Temple there 
 were twenty-three weeks in which they had 
 no appointed work. To what employment 
 could they turn? (1) The more devout 
 and thoughtful found, probably, in the 
 schools of the prophets that which satisfied 
 them. They became teaching priests (2 
 Chr. xv. 3), students, and interpreters of 
 the Divine Law. (2) Some perhaps served 
 in the king's army. (3) A few chosen ones 
 might enter more deeply into the divine 
 life, and so receive, like Zechariah, Jere- 
 miah, Ezekiel, a special call to the office 
 of a prophet, (4) We can hardly escape 
 the conclusion that many did their work in 
 the Temple of Jehovah with a divided alle- 
 giance, and acted at other times as priests 
 of the high-places. Those who ceased to 
 be true shepherds of the people found noth- 
 ing in their ritual to sustain or elevate them. 
 They became as sensual, covetous, tyran- 
 nical, as ever the clergy of the Christian 
 Church became in its darkest periods ; con- 
 spicuous as drunkards and adulterers (Is. 
 xxviii. 7, 8, Ivi. 10-12). The prophetic 
 order, instead of acting as a check, became 
 sharers in the corruption (Jer. v. 31 ; Lam. 
 iv. 13; Zeph. iii. 4). It will be interesting 
 to bring together the few facts that indicate 
 their position in the N. T. period of their 
 history. The number scattered throughout 
 Palestine was, as has been stated, very 
 large. Of these the greater number were 
 poor and ignorant. The priestly order, like 
 the nation, was divided between contending 
 sects. In the scenes of the last tragedy of 
 Jewish history the order passes away, with- 
 out honor, " dying as a fool dieth." The 
 high-priesthood is given to the lowest and 
 vilest of the adherents of the frenzied Zeal- 
 ots. Other priests appear as deserting to 
 the enemy. The destruction of Jerusalem 
 deprived the order at one blow of all but 
 an honorary distinction. Their occupation 
 was gone. Many families must have alto- 
 gether lost their genealogies. The lan- 
 guage of the N. T. writers in relation to 
 the priesthood ought not to be passed over. 
 They recognize in Christ, the first-born, the 
 king, the Anointed, the representative of 
 the true primeval priesthood after the or- 
 der of Melchizedek (Heb. vii., viii.), from 
 which that of Aaron, however necessary 
 for the time, is now seen to have been a 
 deflection. But there is no trace of an 
 order in the new Christian society, bearing 
 the name and exercising functions like those 
 
 of the priests of the older Covenant. The 
 idea which pervades the teaching of the 
 Epistles is that of a universal priesthood. 
 It was the thought of a succeeding age that 
 the old classification of the high-priest, 
 priests, and Levites was reproduced in the 
 bishops, priests, and deacons of the Chris- 
 tian Church. 
 
 Prince, Princess. The only special 
 uses of the word "prince" are 1. 
 " Princes of provinces" (1 K. xx. 14), who 
 were probably local governors or magis- 
 trates. 2. The "princes" mentioned in 
 Dan. vi. 1 (see Esth. i. 1) were the prede- 
 cessors of the satraps of Darius Hystaspis. 
 
 Pris'ca (2 Tim. iv. 19) or Priscil'la. 
 [AQCILA.] To what has been said else- 
 where under the head of AQDILA the follow- 
 ing may be added. We find that the name 
 of the wife is placed before that of the hus- 
 band in Rom. xvi. 3, 2 Tim. iv. 19, and 
 (according to some of the best MSS.) in 
 Acts xviii. 26. Hence we should be dis- 
 posed to conclude that Priscilla was the 
 more energetic character of the two. In 
 fact we may say that Priscilla is the ex- 
 ample of what the married woman may do 
 for the general service of the Church, in 
 conjunction with home duties, as PHOEBE 
 is the type of the unmarried servant of the 
 Church, or deaconess. 
 
 Prison. For imprisonment as a pun- 
 ishment, see PUNISHMENTS. During the 
 wandering in the desert we read on two 
 occasions of confinement "in ward" (Lev. 
 xxiv. 12; Num. xv. 34); but as imprison- 
 ment was not directed by the Law, so we 
 hear of none till the time of the kings, when 
 the prison appears as an appendage to the 
 palace, or a special part of it (1 K. xxii. 27). 
 
 Proch'orus, one of the seven deacons, 
 being the third on the list, and named next 
 after Stephen and Philip (Acts vi. 5). 
 
 Proconsul. The Greek Mi'naTo?, for 
 which this is the true equivalent, is ren- 
 dered uniformly "deputy" in the A. V. of 
 Acts xiii. 7, 8, 12, xix. 38 ; and the derived 
 verb ar&vnaTtro) in Acts xviii. 12, is trans- 
 lated "to be deputy." At the division of 
 the Roman provinces by Augustus, in the 
 year B. c. 27, into Senatorial and Imperial, 
 the emperor assigned to the senate such 
 portions of territory as were peaceable, and 
 could be held without force of arms. Over 
 these senatorial provinces the senate ap- 
 pointed by lot yearly an officer, who was 
 called " proconsul," and who exercised 
 purely civil functions. The provinces were 
 in consequence called " proconsular." 
 
 Procurator. The Greek /yj/ua>>, ren- 
 dered "governor" in the A. V., is applied 
 in the N. T. to the officer who presided over 
 the imperial province of Judaea. It is used 
 of Pontius Pilate (Matt, xxvii.), of Felix 
 (Acts xxiii., xxiv.), and of Festus (Acts 
 xxvi. 30). In all these cases the Vulgate
 
 PROPHET 
 
 550 
 
 PROPHET 
 
 equivalent is praeses. The office of proc- 
 urator is mentioned in Luke iii. 1. It is 
 explained, under PROCONSUL, that after the 
 battle of Actium (B. c. 27) the provinces 
 of the Roman empire were divided by 
 Augustus into two portions, giving some to 
 the senate, and reserving to himself the 
 rest. The imperial provinces were admin- 
 istered by Legati. No quaestor came into 
 the emperor's provinces, but the property 
 and revenues of the imperial treasury were 
 administered by Procuratores. Sometimes 
 a province was governed by a procurator 
 with the functions of a Legatus. This 
 was especially the case with the smaller 
 provinces and the outlying districts of 
 a larger province; and such is the re- 
 lation in which Judaea stood to Syria. 
 The headquarters of the procurator were 
 at Caesarea (Acts xxiii. 23), where he 
 had a judgment-seat (Acts xxv. 6) in 
 the audience chamber (Acts xxv. 23), 
 and was assisted by a council (Acts xxv. 
 12), whom he consulted in cases of diffi- 
 culty. In the N. T. we see the procurator 
 only in his judicial capacity. Thus Christ 
 is brought before Pontius Pilate as a politi- 
 cal offender (Matt, xxvii. 2, 11), and the 
 accusation is heard by the procurator, who 
 is seated on the judgment seat (Matt, 
 xxvii. 19). Felix heard St. Paul's accusa- 
 tion and defence from the judgment seat at 
 Caesarea (Acts xxiv.) ; and St. Paul calls 
 him "judge" (Acts xxiv. 10), as if this 
 term described his chief functions. The 
 procurator is again alluded to in his judicial 
 capacity in 1 Pet. ii. 14. He was attended 
 by a cohort as body-guard (Matt, xxvii. 27), 
 and apparently went up to Jerusalem at the 
 time of the high festivals, and there resided 
 at the palace of Herod, in which was the 
 praetorium, or "judgment hall," as it is 
 rendered in the A. V. (Matt, xxvii. 27; 
 Mark xv. 16; comp. Acts xxiii. 35). 
 
 Prophet. The ordinary Hebrew word 
 for prophet is n&bi, derived from a verb 
 signifying " to bubble forth " like a foun- 
 tain. Hence the word means one who an- 
 nounces or pours forth the declarations of 
 God. The English word comes from the 
 Greek Prophetes ^rpo^'Tij?), which signi- 
 fies in classical Greek one who speaks for 
 another, specially one who speaks for a 
 god, and so interprets his will to man. 
 Hence its essential meaning is "an inter- 
 preter." The use of the word in its modern 
 sense as " one who predicts " is post-clas- 
 sical. The larger sense of interpretation 
 has not, however, been lost. In fact the 
 English word Prophet has always been used 
 in a larger and in a closer sense. The dif- 
 ferent meanings, or shades of meaning, in 
 which the abstract noun is employed in 
 Scripture, have been drawn out by Locke 
 as follows : " Prophecy comprehends 
 three tilings : prediction ; singing by the 
 
 dictate of the Spirit; and understanding 
 and explaining the mysterious, hidden sense 
 of Scripture, by an immediate illumination 
 and motion of the Spirit." The sacerdotal 
 order was originally the instrument by 
 which the members of the Jewish Theoc- 
 racy were taught and governed in things 
 spiritual. Teaching by act and teaching 
 by word were alike their task. But during 
 the time of the Judges, the priesthood sank 
 into a state of degeneracy, and the people 
 were no longer affected by the acted les- 
 sons of the ceremonial service. They re- 
 quired less enigmatic warnings and exhor- 
 tations. Under these circumstances a new- 
 moral power was evoked the Prophetic 
 Order. Samuel, himself a Levite, of the 
 family of Kohath (1 Clir. vi. 28), and al- 
 most certainly a priest, was the instrument 
 used at once for effecting a reform in the 
 sacerdotal order (1 Chr. ix. 22), and for 
 giving to the prophets a position of im- 
 portance which they had never before held. 
 Nevertheless, it is not to be supposed that 
 Samuel created the prophetic order as a 
 new thing before unknown. The germs 
 both of the prophetic and of the regal 
 order are found in the Law as given to the 
 Israelites by Moses (Deut. xiii. 1, xviii. 20, 
 xvii. 18), but they were not yet developed, 
 because there was not yet the demand for 
 them. Samuel took measures to make his 
 work of restoration permanent as well as 
 effective for the moment. For this purpose 
 he instituted Companies, or Colleges of 
 Prophets. One we find in his lifetime at 
 Ramah (1 Sam. xix. 19, 20) ; others after- 
 wards at Bethel (2 K. ii. 3), Jericho (2 K. 
 ii. 5), Gilgal (2 K. iv. 38), and elsewhere 
 (2 K. vi. 1). Their constitution and object 
 were similar to those of Theological Col- 
 leges. Into them were gathered promising 
 students, and here they were trained for 
 the office which they were afterwards des- 
 tined to fulfil. So successful were these 
 institutions, that from the time of Samuel 
 to the closing of the Canon of the Old 
 Testament, there seems never to have been 
 wanting a due supply of men to keep up 
 the line of official prophets. Their chief 
 subject of study was, no doubt, the Law 
 and its interpretation ; oral, as distinct from 
 I symbolical, teaching being henceforth tacit- 
 ly transferred from the priestly to the pro- 
 phetical order. Subsidiary subjects of in- 
 struction were music and sacred poetry, 
 both of which had been connected with 
 prophecy from the time of Moses (Ex. xv. 
 20) and the Judges (Judg. iv. 4, v. 1). But 
 to belong to the prophetic order and to pos- 
 sess the prophetic gift are not converti- 
 ble terms. Generally, the inspired proph- 
 et came from the College of the Proph- 
 ets, and belonged to the prophetic order; 
 but this was not always the case. Thus 
 Amos, though called to the prophetic office,
 
 PROPHET 
 
 551 
 
 PROPHET 
 
 did not belong to the prophetic order (Am. 
 vii. 14). The sixteen prophets whose books 
 are in the Canon have therefore that place 
 of honor, because they were endowed with 
 the prophetic gift as well as ordinarily (so 
 far as we know) belonging to the prophetic 
 order. What then are the characteristics 
 of the sixteen prophets, thus called and com- 
 missioned, and intrusted with the messages 
 of God to His people? (1.) They were the 
 national poets of Judaea. (2.) They were 
 annalists and historians. A great portion 
 of Isaiah, of Jeremiah, of Daniel, of Jonah, 
 of Haggai, is direct or indirect history. (3.) 
 They were preachers of patriotism ; their 
 patriotism being founded on the religious 
 motive. (4.) They were preachers of morals 
 aud of spiritual religion. The system of 
 morals put forward by the prophets, if not 
 higher, or sterner, or purer than that of the 
 Lax, is more plainly declared, and with 
 greater, because now more needed, vehe- 
 mence of diction. (5.) They were extraor- 
 dinary, but yet authorized exponents of 
 the Law. (6.) They held a pastoral or 
 quasi-pastoral office. (7.) They were a 
 political power in the state. (8.) But the 
 prophets were something more than na- 
 tional pots and annalists, preachers of 
 patriotism, moral teachers, exponents of 
 the Law, pastors, and politicians. Their 
 most essential characteristic is, that they 
 were instruments of revealing God's will 
 to man, as in other ways, so specially by 
 predicting future events, and, in particular, 
 by foretelling the incarnation of the Lord 
 Jesus Christ, and the redemption effected 
 by Him We have a series of prophecies 
 which an * . applicable to the person and 
 earthly life of Jesus Christ as to be thereby 
 shown to have been designed to apply to 
 Him. And if they were designed to 
 app)y to Him, prophetical prediction is 
 proved. Objections have been urged. We 
 notice only one, viz. vagueness. It has 
 been said that the prophecies are too darkly 
 and vaguely worded to be proved predic- 
 tive by the events which they are alleged to 
 foretell. But to this might be answered, 
 1. That God never forces men to believe, 
 but that there is such a union of definite- 
 ness and vagueness in the prophecies as to 
 enable those who are willing to discover 
 the truth, while the wilfully blind are not 
 forcibly constrained to see it. 2. That, 
 had the prophecies been couched in the 
 form of direct declarations, their fulfilment 
 would have thereby been rendered impos- 
 sible, or, at least, capable of frustration. 
 3. That the effect of prophecy would have 
 been far less beneficial to believers, as 
 being less adapted to keep them in a state 
 of constant expectation. 4. That the Mes- 
 siah of revelation could not be so clearly 
 portrayed in his varied character as God and 
 Man, as Prophet, Priest and King, if he had 
 
 been the mere " teacher." 5. That the state 
 of the Prophets, at the time of receiving 
 the Divine revelation, was such as neces- 
 sarily to make their predictions fragmen- 
 tary, figurative, and abstracted from the 
 relations of time. 6. That some portions 
 of the prophecies were intended to be of 
 double application, and some portions to 
 be understood only on their fulfilment (cf. 
 John xiv. 29; Ez. xxxvi. 33). We learn 
 from Holy Scripture that it was by the 
 agency of the Spirit of God that the proph- 
 ets received the divine communication. 
 But the means by which the Divine Spirit 
 communicated with the human spirit, and 
 the conditions of the human spirit under 
 which the Divine communications were re- 
 ceived, hare not been clearly declared to 
 us. They are, however, indicated. In 
 Num. xii. 6-8 we have an exhaustive di- 
 vision of the different ways in which the 
 revelations of God are made to man. 1. 
 Direct declaration and manifestation : "I 
 will speak mouth to mouth, apparently, 
 and the similitude of the Lord shall he be- 
 hold." 2. Vision. 3. Dream. But though 
 it must be allowed that Scripture language 
 seems to point out the state of dream and 
 of trance, or ecstasy, as a condition in 
 which the human instrument received the 
 Divine communications, it does not follow 
 that all the prophetic revelations were thus 
 made. Had the prophets a full knowledge 
 of that which they predicted? It follows 
 from what we have already said that they 
 had not, and could not have. They were 
 the " spokesmen " of God (Ex. vii. 1), the 
 " mouth " by which His words were uttered, 
 or they were enabled to view, and empow- 
 ered to describe, pictures presented to their 
 spiritual intuition ; but there are no grounds 
 for believing that, contemporaneously with 
 this miracle, there was wrought another 
 miracle, enlarging the understanding of 
 the prophet so as to grasp the whole of the 
 Divine counsels which he was gazing into, 
 or which he was the instrument of enun- 
 ciating. Of the sixteen Prophets, four 
 are usually called the Great Prophets, 
 namely, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and 
 Daniel; and twelve the Minor Prophets, 
 namely, Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, 
 Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zeph- 
 aniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi. They 
 may be divided into four groups : the 
 Prophets of the Northern Kingdom Ho- 
 sea, Amos, Joel, Jonah; the Prophets of 
 the Southern Kingdom Isaiah, Jeremiah, 
 Obadiah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zeph- 
 aniah; the Prophets of the Captivity 
 Ezekiel and Daniel; the Prophets of the 
 Return Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi. 
 They may be arranged in the following 
 chronological order : namely, Joel, Jona'n, 
 Hosea, Amos, Isaiah, Micah, Nahum, Zeph- 
 aniah, Habakkuk, Obadiab, Jeremiah
 
 552 
 
 PROSELYTES 
 
 kiel, Daniel, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi. 
 Use of Prophecy. Predictive prophecy is 
 at once a part and an evidence of revela- 
 tion : at the time that it is delivered, and 
 until its fulfilment, a part ; after it has been 
 fulfilled, an evidence. St. Peter (2 Ep. i. 
 19) describes it as "a light shining in a 
 dark place," or " a taper glimmering where 
 there is nothing to reflect its rays," that is, 
 throwing some light, but only a feeble light 
 as compared with what is shed from the 
 Gospel history. But after fulfilment, St. 
 Peter says, "the word of prophecy" be- 
 comes " more sure " than it was before ; 
 that is, it is no longer merely a feeble light 
 to guide, but it is a firm ground of confi- 
 dence, and, combined with the apostolic 
 testimony, serves as a trustworthy evidence 
 of the faith. As an evidence, fulfilled 
 prophecy is as satisfactory as anything can 
 be ; for who can know the future except the 
 Ruler who disposes future events? and 
 from whom can come prediction except 
 from Him who knows the future ? Devel- 
 opment of Messianic Prophecy. Predic- 
 tion, in the shape of promise and threaten- 
 ing, begins with the Book of Genesis. 
 Immediately upon the Fall, hopes of re- 
 covery and salvation are held out, but the 
 manner in which this salvation is to be 
 effected is left altogether indefinite. All 
 that is at first declared is, that it shall come 
 through a child of woman (Gen. iii. 15). 
 By degrees the area is limited : it is to 
 come through the family of Shem (Gen. ix. 
 26), through the family of Abraham (Gen. 
 vii. 3), of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 18), of Jacob 
 (Gen. xxviii. 14), of Judah (xlix. 10). 
 Balaam seems to say that it will be wrought 
 by a warlike Israelitish King (Num. xxiv. 
 17) ; Jacob, by a peaceful Ruler of the earth 
 (Gen. xlix. 10) ; Moses, by a Prophet like 
 himself, i. e. a revealer of a new religious 
 dispensation (Deut. xviii. 15). Nathan's 
 announcement (2 Sam. vii. 16) determines 
 further that the salvation is to come through 
 the house of David, and through a descend- 
 ant of David who shall be himself a king. 
 This promise is developed by David him- 
 self in the Messianic Psalms. Pss. xviii. 
 and Ixi. are founded on the promise com- 
 municated by Nathan, and do not go beyond 
 the announcement made by Nathan. The 
 same may be said of Ps. Ixxxix., which 
 was composed by a later writer. Pss. ii. 
 and ex. rest upon the same promise as their 
 foundation, but add new features to it. 
 The Son of David is to be the Son of God 
 (ii. 7), the Anointed of the Lord (ii. 2), not 
 only the King of Zion (ii. 6, ex. 1), but the 
 Inheritor and Lord of the whole earth (ii. 
 8, ex. 6), and besides this, a Priest forever 
 after the order of Melchizedek (ex. 4). At 
 the same time, he is, as typified by his pro- 
 genitor, to be full of suffering and affliction 
 
 to the grave, yet raised to life without 
 seeing corruption (Ps. xvi.). In Pss. xlv., 
 Ixxii., the sons of Koran and Solomon 
 describe his peaceful reign. Between Solo- 
 mon and Hezekiah intervened some 200 
 years, during which the voice of prophecy 
 was silent. The Messianic conception en- 
 tertained at this time by the Jews might 
 have been that of a King of the royal 
 house of David, who would arise, and gather 
 under his peaceful sceptre his own people 
 and strangers. Sufficient allusion to his 
 prophetical and priestly offices had been 
 made to create thoughtful consideration, 
 but as yet there was no clear delineation of 
 him in these characters. It was reserved 
 for the Prophets to bring out these features 
 more distinctly. In this great period of 
 prophetism there is no longer any chrono- 
 logical development of Messianic Prophecy, 
 as in the earlier period previous to Solo- 
 mon. Each prophet adds a feature, one 
 more, another less clearly : combine the 
 feature, and we have the portrait; but it 
 does not grow gradually and perceptibly 
 under the hands of the several artists. 
 Its culminating point is found in the 
 prophecy contained in Is. Iii. 13-15, and liii. 
 Prophets of the Now Testament. So far 
 as their predictive powers are concerned, 
 the Old Testament prophets find their New 
 Testament counterpart in the writer of the 
 Apocalypse ; but in their general character, 
 as specially illumined revealers of God's 
 will, their counterpart will rather be found, 
 first in the Great Prophet of the Church, 
 and his forerunner John the Baptist, and 
 next in all those persons who were endowed 
 with the extraordinary gifts of the Spirit 
 in the Apostolic age, the speakers with 
 tongues and the interpreters of tongues, the 
 prophets and the discerners of spirits, the 
 teachers and workers of miracles (1 Cor. 
 xii. 10, 28). That predictive powers did 
 occasionally exist in the N. T. prophets is 
 proved by the case of Agabus (Acts xi. 28), 
 but this was not their characteristic. The 
 prophets of the N. T. were supernaturally- 
 illuminated expounders and preachers. 
 
 Proselytes. The Hebrew word thus 
 translated is in the A. V. commonly ren- 
 dered " stranger " (Gen. xv. 13 ; Ex. ii. 
 22 ; Is. v. 17, &c.). In the N. T. the A. V. 
 has taken the word in a more restricted 
 meaning, and translated it accordingly (Matt, 
 xxiii. 15; Acts ii. 10, vi. 5). The CHERE- 
 THITES and PELETHITES consisted probably 
 of foreigners who had been attracted to the 
 service of David, and were content for it 
 to adopt the religion of their master. A 
 convert of another kind, the type, as it has 
 been thought, of the later proselytes of the 
 gate, is round in Naaman the Syrian (2 K. 
 v. 15, 18), recognizing Jehovah as his God, 
 yet not binding himself to any rigorous 
 
 (Pss. xxii., Ixxi., cii., cix.) ; brought down i observance of the Law. The Dispersion
 
 PROSELYTES 
 
 553 
 
 PROSELYTES 
 
 of the Jews in foreign countries, which has 
 been spoken of elsewhere [DISVERSION, 
 The], enabled them to make many con- 
 verts to their faith. The converts who 
 where thus attracted, joined, with varying 
 strictness, in the worship of the Jews. In 
 Palestine itself, even Roman centurions 
 learnt to love the conquered nation, built 
 synagogues for them (Luke vii. 5), fasted 
 and prayed, and gave alms after the pattern 
 of the strictest Jews (Acts x. 2, 30), and 
 became preachers of the new faith to the 
 soldiers under them (ib. v. 7). Such men, 
 drawn by what was best in Judaism, were 
 naturally among the readiest receivers of 
 the new truth which rose out of it, and 
 became, in many cases, the nucleus of a 
 Gentile Church. Proselytism had, how- 
 ever, its darker side. The Jews of Pales- 
 tine were eager to spread their faith by the 
 same weapons as those with which they 
 had defended it. The Idumaeans had the 
 alternative offered them by John Hyrca- 
 nus of death, exile, or circumcision. The 
 Ituraeans were converted in the same way 
 by Aristobulus. Where force was not in 
 their power, they obtained their ends by 
 the most unscrupulous fraud. Those who 
 were most active in proselytizing were pre- 
 cisely those from whose teaching all that 
 was most true and living had departed. 
 The vices of the Jew were ingrafted on 
 the vices of the heathen. A repulsive 
 casuistry released the convert from obli- 
 gations which he had before recognized, 
 while in other things he was bound, hand 
 and foot, to an unhealthy superstition. It 
 was no wonder that he became " twofold 
 more the child of hell " (Matt, xxiii. 15) 
 than the Pharisees themselves. The posi- 
 tion of such proselytes was indeed every 
 way pitiable. At Rome, and in other large 
 cities, they became the butts of popular 
 scurrility.* Among the Jews themselves 
 their case was not much better. For the 
 most part the convert gained but little 
 honor, even from those who gloried in hav- 
 ing brought him over to their sect and party. 
 The popular Jewish feeling about them was 
 like the popular Christian feeling about a 
 converted Jew. The better Rabbis did 
 their best to ^uard against these evils. 
 Anxious to exclude all unworthy converts, 
 they grouped them, according to their 
 motives, with a somewhat quaint classifica- 
 tion. (1.) Love-proselytes, where they 
 were drawn by the hope of gaining the 
 beloved one. (2.) Man-for-Woman or 
 Woman-for-Man proselytes, where the 
 husband followed the religion of the wife, 
 or conversely. (3.) Esther-proselytes, 
 where conformity was assumed to escape 
 danger, as in the original Purim (Esth. 
 viii. 17). (4.) King's-table-proselytes, who 
 
 * The words " curtun," " verpe," met them at every cor- 
 ner (Hor. Hat, i. 4, liJ ; Mart vii. 29, 84, 81, xi. 95, xii. 37). 
 
 were led by the hope of court favor and 
 promotion, like the converts under David 
 and Solomon. (5). Lion-proselytes, where 
 the conversion originated in a superstitious 
 dread of a divine judgment, as with the 
 Samaritans of 2 K. xvii. 26. None of these 
 were regarded as fit for admission within 
 the covenant. We find in the Talmud a 
 distinction between Proselytes of the Gate 
 and Proselytes of Righteousness. 1. The 
 term Proselytes of the Gate was derived 
 from the frequently occurring description 
 in the Law, " the stranger that is within 
 thy gates" (Ex. xx. 10, &c.). Converts of 
 this class were not bound by circumcision 
 and the other special laws of the Mosaic 
 code. It was enough for them to observe 
 the seven precepts of Noah *'. e. the six 
 supposed to have been given to Adam, (1) 
 against idolatry, (2) against blaspheming, 
 (3) against bloodshed, (4) against unclean- 
 ness (o) against theft, (6) of obedience, with 
 (7) the prohibition of " flesh with the blood 
 thereof" given to Noah. The proselyte 
 was not to claim the privileges of an 
 Israelite, might not redeem his first-born, 
 or pay the half-shekel. He was forbidden 
 to study the Law under pain of death. 
 The later Rabbis insisted that the profes- 
 sion of his faith should be made solemnly 
 in the presence of three witnesses. The 
 Jubilee was the proper season for his 
 admission. All this seems so full and pre- 
 cise that it has led many writers to look 
 on it as representing a reality ; and most 
 commentators accordingly have seen these 
 Proselytes of the Gate in the " religious 
 proselytes," " the devout persons," " de- 
 vout men " of the Acts (Acts xiii. 43, xvii. 
 4, 17, ii. 5). It remains doubtful, however, 
 whether it was ever more than a paper 
 scheme of what ought to be, disguising 
 itself as having actually been. 2. The 
 Proselytes of Righteousness, known also as 
 Pi oselytes of the Covenant, were perfect 
 Israelites. We learn from the Talmud 
 that, in addition to circumcision, baptism 
 was also required to complete their admis- 
 sion to the faith. The proselyte was placed 
 in a tank or pool, up to his neck in water. 
 His teachers, who now acted as his spon- 
 sors, repeated the great commandments of 
 the Law. The baptism was followed, as 
 long as the Temple stood, by the offering 
 or Corban. This account suggests many 
 questions of grave interest. Was this rit- 
 ual observed as early as the commence- 
 ment of the first century ? If so, was the 
 baptism of John, or that of the Christian 
 Church, in any way derived from, or con- 
 nected with, the baptism of proselytes? If 
 not, was the latter in any way borrowed 
 from the former? It will be enough to 
 sum up the conclusions which seem fairly 
 to be drawn from the controversy on this 
 subject. (1.) There is no direct evidence
 
 PROVEKBS, BOOK OF 
 
 554 
 
 PROVINCE 
 
 of the practice being in use before the de- 
 struction of Jerusalem. (2.) The negative 
 argument drawn from the silence of the O. 
 T., of the Apocrypha, of Philo, and of Jo- 
 sephus, is almost decisive against the be- 
 lief that there was, in their time, a baptism 
 of proselytes with as much importance at- 
 tached to it as we find in the Talmudists. 
 (3.) It is probable, however, that there 
 was a baptism in use at a period consider- 
 ably earlier than that for which we have 
 direct evidence. (4.) The history of the 
 N. T. itself suggests the existence of such 
 a custom. A sign is seldom chosen unless 
 it already has a meaning for those to whom 
 it is addressed. The fitness of the sign in 
 this case would be in proportion to the as- 
 sociations already connected with it. The 
 question of the Priests and Levites, "Why 
 baptizest thou then ? " (John i. 25) implies 
 that they wondered, not at the thing itself, 
 but at its being done for Israelites by one 
 who disclaimed the names which, in their 
 eyes, would have justified the introduction 
 of a new order. 
 
 Proverbs, Book of. The canonicity 
 of the Book of Proverbs has never been 
 disputed except by the Jews themselves. 
 It appears to have been one of the points 
 urged by the school of Shammai, that the 
 contradictions in the Book of Proverbs ren- 
 dered it apocryphal. It occurs in all the 
 Jewish lists of canonical books, and is 
 reckoned among what are called the " writ- 
 ings " (cethulim) or Hagiographa, which 
 form the third great division of the Hebrew 
 Scriptures. The superscriptions which are 
 affixed to several portions of the Book, in 
 i. 1, x. 1, xxv. 1, attribute the authorship 
 of those portions to Solomon, the son of 
 David, king of Israel. With the exception 
 of the last two chapters, which are distinct- 
 ly assigned to other authors, it is probable 
 that the statement of the superscriptions is 
 in the main correct, and that the majority 
 of the Proverbs contained in the book were 
 uttered or collected by Solomon. Speak- 
 ing roughly, the book consists of three main 
 divisions, with two appendices. 1. Chaps. 
 i.-ix. form a connected didactic poem, in 
 which Wisdom is praised and the youth 
 exhorted to devote himself to her. This 
 portion is preceded by an introduction and 
 title describing the character and general 
 aim of the book. 2. Chaps, x.-xxiv., with 
 the title, "The Proverbs of Solomon," con- 
 sist of three parts : x. l.-xxii. 16, a collec- 
 tion of single proverbs, and detached sen- 
 tences out of the region of moral teaching 
 and worldly prudence ; xxii. 17-xxiv. 21, a 
 more connected didactic poem, with an in- 
 troduction, xxii. 17-22, which contains pre- 
 cepts of righteousness and prudence : xxiv. 
 23-34, with the inscription, "These also be- 
 long to the wise," a collection of uncon- 
 nected maxims, which serve as an appendix 
 
 ! to the preceding. Then follows the third 
 division, xxv.-xxix., which, according to 
 the superscription, professes to be a collec- 
 tion of Solomon's proverbs, consisting of 
 single sentences, which the men of the 
 court of Hezekiah copied out. The first 
 appendix, ch. xxx., " The words of Agur, 
 the son of Jakeh," is a collection of partly 
 proverbial and partly enigmatical sayings ; 
 the second, ch. xxxi., is divided into two 
 parts, " The words of king Lemuel " (1-6), 
 and an alphabetical acrostic in praise of a 
 virtuous woman, which occupies the rest of 
 the chapter. Who was Agur, and who was 
 Jakeh, are questions which have been often 
 asked, and never satisfactorily answered. 
 All that can be said of him is, that he is an 
 unknown Hebrew sage, the son of an equal- 
 ly unknown Jakeh, and that he lived after 
 the time of Hezekiah. Lemuel, like Agur, 
 is unknown. It is even uncertain whether 
 he is to be regarded as a real personage, or 
 whether the name is merely symbolical. 
 If the present text be retained, it is difficult 
 to see what other conclusion can be arrived 
 at. If Lemuel were a real personage, he 
 must have been a foreign neighbor-king, or 
 the chief of a nomade tribe; and in this 
 case the proverbs attributed to him must 
 have come to the Hebrews from a foreign 
 source, which is highly improbable, and 
 contrary to all we know of the people. 
 The Proverbs are frequently quoted or al- 
 luded to in the New Testament, and the 
 canonicity of the book thereby confirmed. 
 The following is a list of the principal pas- 
 sages : 
 
 Prov. i. 18 compare Rom. iii. 10, 15. 
 
 iii. 7 " Horn. xii. 10. 
 
 iii. 11, 12 " Hi 1,. xii. 5, 6; see also Rev. iii. 
 
 19. 
 
 iii. 34 " Jam. iv. 6. 
 
 x. 12 " 1 Pet. iv. 8. 
 
 xi. 32 " 1 Pet. iv. 18. 
 
 zvii. 13 " Rom. xii. 17-, IThess.v.lSj IPet. 
 
 iii. 9. 
 
 xvii. 27 Jam. i. 19. 
 
 xx. ' Uohiii. 8. 
 
 xx. 20 ' Matt. xv. 4; Mark vii. 10. 
 
 xxii. 8(LXX.) ' 2 Cor. ix. 7. 
 xxv. 21, 22 ' Rom. xii. 20. 
 
 xxvi. 11 ' 2 Pet. ii. 2J. 
 
 xxvii. 1 ' Jam. iv. lo, 14. 
 
 Province. It is not intended here to 
 do more than indicate the points of contact 
 which this word presents with Biblical his- 
 tory and literature. (1.) In the O. T. it 
 appears in connection with the wars be- 
 tween Ahab and Benhadad (1 K. xx. 14, 
 15, 19). The victory of the former is 
 gained chiefly "by the young men of the 
 princes of the provinces," i. e., probably, of 
 the chiefs of tribes in the Gilead country. 
 (2.) More commonly the word is used of 
 the divisions of the Chaldaean (Dan. ii. 49, 
 iii. 1, 30) and the Persian kingdoms (Ezr. 
 ii. 1; Neh. vii. 6; Esth. i. 1, 22, ii. 3, &c.). 
 In the N. T. we are brought into contact 
 with the administration of the provinces of 
 the Roman empire. The classification of
 
 PSALMS, BOOK OF 
 
 555 
 
 PSALMS, BOOK OF 
 
 provinces supposed to need military con- 
 trol, and therefore placed under the im- 
 mediate government of the Caesar, and 
 those still belonging theoretically to the 
 republic, and administered by the senate ; 
 and of the latter again into proconsular 
 and praetorian, is recognized, more or less 
 distinctly, in the Gospels and the Acts [PRO- 
 CONSUL; PROCURATOR.] The oT^arr^ui of 
 Acts xvi. 22 (" magistrates," A. V.), on the 
 other hand, were the duumviri, or praetors 
 of a Roman colony. The right of any Ro- 
 man citizen to appeal from a provincial gov- 
 ernor to the emperor meets us as asserted 
 by St. Paul (Acts xxv. 11). In the coun- 
 cil of Acts xxv. 12 we recognize the assess- 
 ors who were appointed to take part in the 
 judicial functions of the governor. 
 
 Psalms, Book of. The present He- 
 brew name of the Book is Tehillim, 
 " Praises." But in the actual superscrip- 
 tions of the psalms the word TehilHh is 
 applied only to one, Ps. cxlv., which is in- 
 deed emphatically a praise-hymn. The 
 LXX. entitled them yu'tuoi, or "Psalms." 
 The Christian Church obviously received 
 the Psalter from the Jews not only as a 
 constituent portion of the sacred volume 
 of Holy Scripture, but also as the liturgi- 
 cal hymn-book which the Jewish Church 
 had regularly used in the Temple. The 
 book contains 150 Psalms, and may be 
 divided into five great divisions or books, 
 which must have been originally formed at 
 different periods. This is by various fur- 
 ther considerations rendered all but certain. 
 Thus, there is a remarkable difference be- 
 tween the several books in their use of the 
 divine names Jehovah and Elohim, to des- 
 ignate Almighty God. In Book I. (i.-xli.) 
 the former name prevails : it is found 272 
 times, while Elohim occurs but 15 times. 
 In Book II. (xlii.-lxxii.), Elohim is found 
 more than five times as often as Jehovah. 
 In Book III. (Ixxiii.-lxxxix.), the prepon- 
 derance of Elohim in the earlier is balanced 
 by that of Jehovah in the latter psalms of 
 the book. In Book IV. (xc.-cvi.) the 
 name Jehovah is exclusively employed; 
 and so also, virtually, in Book V. (cvii. 
 cl.), Elohim being there found only in two 
 passages incorporated from earlier psalms. 
 We find the several groups of psalms which 
 form the respective five books distinguished, 
 in great measure, by their superscriptions, 
 from each other. Book I. is, by the super- 
 scriptions, entirely Davidic ; nor do we find 
 in it a trace of any but David's authorship. 
 We may well believe that the compilation 
 of the book was also David's work. Book 
 II. appears by the date of its latest psalm, 
 Ps. xlvi., to have been compiled in the 
 reign of king Hezekiah. It would natural- 
 ly comprise, 1st, several or most of the 
 Levitical psalms anterior to that date ; and j 
 2dly, the remainder of the psalms of David ! 
 
 previously uncompiled. To these latter the 
 collector, after properly appending the sin- 
 gle psalm of Solomon, has affixed the notice 
 that " the prayers of David the son of Jesse 
 are ended " (Ps. Ixxii. 20) ; evidently im- 
 plying, at least on the primd facie view, 
 that no more compositions of the royal 
 psalmist remained. How then do we find, 
 in the later Books III., IV., V., further 
 psalms yet marked with David's name? 
 The name David is used to denote, in 
 other parts of Scripture, after the original 
 David's death, the then head of the Davidic 
 family ; and so, in prophecy, the Messiah 
 of the seed of David, who was to sit on 
 David's throne (1 K. xii. 16; Hos. iii. 5; 
 Is. Iv. 3; Jer. xxx. 9; Ez. xxxiv. 23, 2i). 
 And thus then we may explain the mean- 
 ing of the later Davidic superscriptions in 
 the Psalter. The psalms to which they be- 
 long were written by Hezekiah, by Josiah, 
 by Zerubbabel, or others of David's pos- 
 terity. The above explanation removes all 
 serious difficulty respecting the history of 
 the later books of the Psalter. Book III., 
 the interest of which centres in the times 
 of Hezekiah, stretches out, by its last two 
 psalms, to the reign of Manasseh : it was 
 probably compiled in the reign of Josiah. 
 Book IV. contains the remainder of the 
 psalms up to the date of the captivity; 
 Book V. the psalms of the Return. There 
 is nothing to distinguish these two books 
 from each other in respect of outward dec- 
 oration or arrangement, and they may have 
 been compiled together in the days of Nehe- 
 miah. Connection of the Psalms with the 
 Israelitish History. The psalm of Moses, 
 Ps. xc., which is in point of actual date the 
 earliest, faithfully reflects the long, weary 
 wanderings, the multiplied provocations, 
 and the consequent punishments of the 
 wilderness. It is, however, with David 
 that Israelitish psalmody may be said vir- 
 tually to commence. Previous mastery 
 over his harp had probably already pre- 
 pared the way for his future strains, when 
 the anointing oil of Samuel descended upon 
 him, and he began to drink in special meas- 
 ure, from that day forward, of the Spirit of 
 the Lord. It was then that, victorious at 
 home over the mysterious melancholy of 
 Saul, and in the field over the vaunting 
 champion of the Philistine hosts, he sang 
 how from even babes and sucklings God 
 had ordained strength because of His ene- 
 mies (Ps. viii.). His next psalms are of 
 a different character; his persecutions at 
 the hands of Saul had commenced. When 
 David's reign has begun, it is still with the 
 most exciting incidents of his history, pri- 
 vate or public, that his psalms are mainly 
 associated. There are none to which the 
 period of his reign at Hebron can lay ex- 
 clusive claim. But after the conquest of 
 Jerusalem his psalmody opened afresh with
 
 PSALMS, BOOK OF 
 
 556 
 
 PSALMS, BOOK OF 
 
 the solemn removal of the ark to Mount 
 Zion ; and in Pss. xxiv.-xxix., which be- 
 long together, we have the earliest definite 
 instance of David's systematic composition 
 or arrangement of psalms for public use. 
 Even of those psalms which cannot be re- 
 ferred to any definite occasion, several re- 
 flect the general historical circumstances 
 of the times. Thus Ps. ix. is a thanksgiv- 
 ing for the deliverance of the land of Israel 
 from its former heathen oppressors. Ps. 
 x. is a prayer for the deliverance of the 
 Church from the high-handed oppression 
 exercised from within. The succeeding 
 psalms dwell on the same theme, the vir- 
 tual internal heathenism by which the 
 Church of God was weighed down. So 
 that there remain very few, e. g. Pss. xv.- 
 xvii., xix., xxxii. (with its choral appen- 
 dage xxiii.), xxxvii., of which some histori- 
 cal account may not be given. A season 
 of repose near the close of his reign in- 
 duced David to compose his grand person- 
 al thanksgiving for the deliverances of his 
 whole life, Ps. xviii. ; the date of which is 
 approximately determined by the place at 
 which it is inserted in the history (2 Sam. 
 xxii.). It was probably at this period that 
 he finally arranged for the sanctuary-ser- 
 vice that collection of his psalms which 
 now constitutes the First Book of the Psal- 
 ter. The course of David's reign was not, 
 however, as yet complete. The solemn 
 assembly convened by him for the dedica- 
 tion of the materials of the future Temple 
 ^1 Chr. xxviii., xxix.) would naturally call 
 forth a renewal of his best efforts to glorify 
 the God of Israel in psalms ; and to this 
 occasion we doubtless owe the great festal 
 hymns Pss. Ixv.-lxvii., Ixviii., containing 
 a large review of the past history, present 
 position, and prospective glories of God's 
 chosen people. The supplications of Ps. 
 Ixix. suit best with the renewed distress 
 occasioned by the sedition of Adonijah. 
 Ps. Ixxi., to which Ps. Ixx., a fragment of 
 a former psalm, is introductory, forms 
 David's parting strain. Yet that the psalmo- 
 dy of Israel may not seem finally to ter- 
 minate with him, the glories of the future 
 are forthwith anticipated by his son in Ps. 
 Ixxii. For a time the single psalm of Sol- 
 omon remained the only addition to those 
 of David. If, however, religious psalmody 
 were to revive, somewhat might be not un- 
 reasonably anticipated from the great as- 
 sembly of king Asa (2 Chr. xv.) ; and Ps. 
 1. suits so exactly with the circumstances 
 of that occasion, that it may well be as- 
 signed to it. The great prophetical ode Ps. 
 xlv. connects itself most readily with the 
 splendors of Jehoshaphat's reign. And 
 after that psalmody had thus definitely re- 
 Tived, there would be no reason why it 
 should not thenceforward manifest itself in 
 seasons of anxiety, as well as of festivity 
 
 and thanksgiving. Hence Ps. xlix. Yet 
 the psalms of this period flow but sparing- 
 ly. Pss. xlii.-xliv., Ixxiv., are best as- 
 signed to the reign of Ahaz. The reign 
 of Hezekiah is naturally rich in psalmody. 
 Pss. xlvi., Ixxiii., Ixxv., Ixxvi., connect 
 themselves with the resistance to the su- 
 premacy of the Assyrians and the divine 
 destruction of their host. We are now 
 brought to a series of psalms of peculiar 
 interest, springing out of the political and 
 religious history of the separated ten tribes. 
 In date of actual composition they com- 
 mence before the times of Hezekiah. The 
 earliest is probably Ps. Ixxx., a supplica- 
 tion for the Israelitish people at the time 
 of the Syrian oppression. All these psalms 
 (Ixxx.-lxxxiii.) are referred by their super- 
 scriptions to the Levite singers, and thus 
 bear witness to the efforts of the Levites to 
 reconcile the two branches of the chosen 
 nation. The captivity of Manasseh him- 
 self proved to be but temporary ; but the 
 sentence which his sins had provoked upon 
 Judah and Jerusalem still remained to be 
 executed, and precluded the hope that 
 God's salvation could be revealed till after 
 such an outpouring of His judgments aa 
 the nation never yet had known. Labor 
 and sorrow must be the lot of the present 
 generation ; through these mercy might oc- 
 casionally gleam, but the glory which was 
 eventually to be manifested must be for 
 posterity alone. The psalms of Book IV. 
 bear generally the impress of this feeling. 
 We pass to Book V. Ps. cvii. is the open- 
 ing psalm of the return, sung probably at 
 the first Feast of Tabernacles (Ezr. iii.). 
 The ensuing Davidic psalms may well be 
 ascribed to Zerubbabel. We here pass 
 over the questions connected with Ps. 
 cxix. ; but a directly historical character 
 belongs to Pss. cxx.-oxxxiv., styled in our 
 A. V. " Songs of Degrees." Internal evi- 
 dence refers these to the period when the 
 Jews under Nehemiah were, in the very 
 face of the enemy, repairing the walls of 
 Jerusalem, and the title may well signify 
 " Songs of goings up upon the walls," the 
 psalms being, from their brevity, well 
 adapted to be sung by the workmen and 
 guards while engaged in their respective 
 duties. Of somewhat earlier date, it may 
 be, are Ps. cxxxvii. and the ensuing Da- 
 vidic psalms. Of 'fhese, Ps. cxxxix. is a 
 psalm of the new birth of Israel, from the 
 womb of the Babylonish captivity, to a life 
 of righteousness ; Pss. cxl.-cxliii. may be 
 a picture of the trials to which the un re- 
 stored exiles were still exposed in the 
 realms of the Gentiles. Henceforward, 
 as we approach the close of the Psalter, 
 its strains rise in cheerfulness ; and it 
 fittingly terminates with Pss. cxlvii.-cl., 
 which were probably sung on the occasion 
 of the thanksgiving procession of Neh. xii.,
 
 PSALMS, BOOK OP 
 
 557 
 
 PTOLEMEE 
 
 after the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusa- 
 lem had been completed. Moral Charac- 
 teristics of the Psalms. Foremost among 
 these meets us, undoubtedly, the universal 
 recourse to communion with God. Con- 
 nected with tlu's is the faith by which the 
 psalmist everywhere lives in God rather 
 than in himself. It is of the essence of 
 such faith that his view of the perfections 
 of God should be true and vivid. The 
 Psalter describes God as He is : it glows 
 with testimonies to His power and prov- 
 idence, His love and faithfulness. His holi- 
 ness and righteousness. The Psalms not 
 only set forth the perfections of God : they 
 proclaim also the duty of worshipping Him 
 by the acknowledgment and adoration of 
 His perfections. They encourage all out- 
 ward rites and means of worship. Among 
 these they recognize the ordinance of sac- 
 rifice as an expression of the worshipper's 
 consecration of himself to God's service. 
 But not the less do they repudiate the out- 
 ward rite when separated from that which 
 it was designed to express. Similar depth 
 is observable in the view taken by the 
 psalmists of human sin. In regard to the 
 law, the psalmist, while warmly acknowl- 
 edging its excellence, feels yet that it can- 
 not so effectually guide Ms own unassisted 
 exertions as to preserve him from error 
 (Ps. xix.). The Psalms bear repeated tes- 
 timony to the duty of instructing others in 
 the ways of holiness (Pss. xxxii., xxxiv., 
 li.). This brings us to notice, lastly, the 
 faith of the psalmists in a righteous recom- 
 pense to all men according to their deeds 
 (Ps. xxxvii., &c.). Prophetical Character 
 of tlie Psalms. The moral struggle be- 
 tween godliness and ungodliness, so vividly 
 depicted in the Psalms, culminates, in Holy 
 Scripture, in the life of the Incarnate Son 
 of God upon earth. It only remains to 
 show that the Psalms themselves definitely 
 anticipated this culmination. Now there 
 are in the Psalter at least three psalms of 
 which the interest evidently centres in a 
 person distinct from the speaker, and which, 
 since they cannot without violence to the 
 language be interpreted of any but the Mes- 
 siah, may be termed directly and exclusively 
 Messianic. We refer to Pss. ii., xlv., ex. ; 
 to which may perhaps be added Ps. Ixxii. 
 It would be strange if these few psalms 
 stood, in their prophetical significance, ab- 
 solutely alone among the rest. And hence 
 the impossibility of viewing the psalms gen- 
 erally, notwithstanding the historical dra- 
 pery in which they are outwardly clothed, 
 as simply the past devotions of the histor- 
 ical David or the historical Israel. The 
 national hymns of Israel are indeed also 
 ^respective ; but in general they anticipate 
 rather the struggles and the triumphs of 
 the Christian Church than those of Christ 
 Himself. 
 
 Psaltery was a stringed instrument of 
 music to accompany the voice. The He- 
 brew ntbelj, or nebel, is so rendered in the 
 A. V. in all passages where it occurs, ex- 
 cept in Is. v. 12, xiv. 11, xxii. 24 .marg. ; 
 Am. v. 23, vi. 5, where it is translated viol. 
 The ancient viol was a six-stringed guitar. 
 In the Prayer Book version of the Psalms, 
 the Hebrew word is rendered " lute." This 
 instrument resembled the guitar, but was 
 superior in tone, being larger, and having 
 a convex back, somewhat like the vertical 
 section of a gourd, or more nearly resem- 
 bling that of a pear. These three instru- 
 ments, the psaltery or sautry, the viol, and 
 the lute, are frequently associated in the old 
 English poets, and were clearly instruments 
 resembling each other, though still differ- 
 ent. The Greek Psalterium (yali I',QI<JV} 
 from which our word is derived, denotet 
 an instrument played with the fingers in- 
 stead of a plectrum or quill, the verb being 
 used of twanging the bow-string. It is 
 impossible to say positively with what in- 
 strument the nebel of the Hebrew exactly 
 corresponded. From the fact that nebel in 
 Hebrew also signifies a wine-bottle or skin, 
 it has been conjectured that the term when 
 applied to a musical instrument denotes a 
 kind of bagpipe. The psalteries of David 
 were made of cypress (2 Sam. vi. 5), those 
 of Solomon of algum or almug-trees (2 Chr. 
 ix. 11). Among the instruments of the 
 band which played before Nebuchadnezzar's 
 golden image on the plains of Dura, we 
 again meet with the psaltery (Dan. iii. 5, 
 10, 15 ; pesantMn). The Chaldee word 
 appears to be merely a modification of the 
 Greek psalterium. 
 
 PtoremeeandPtoleme'us. 1. "The 
 son of Dorymenes " (1 Mace. iii. 38 ; 2 Mace, 
 iv. 45 ; comp. Polyb. v. 61), a courtier who 
 possessed great influence with Antiochus 
 Epiphanes. He was induced by a bribe to 
 support the cause of Menelaus (2 Mace. iv. 
 45-50). Ptolemy took part in the great 
 expedition which Lysias organized against 
 Judas (1 Mace. iii. 38). 2. The son of 
 Agesarchus, a Megalopolitan, surnamed 
 Macron (2 Mace. x. 12), who was gov- 
 ernor of Cyprus during the minority of 
 Ptolemy Philometor. He afterwards de- 
 serted the Egyptian service to join Antio- 
 chus Epiphanes. He stood high in the 
 favor of Antiochus, and received from him 
 the government of Phoenicia and Coele- 
 Syria (2 Mace. viii. 8, x. 11, 12). On the 
 accession of Antiochus Eupator, his con- 
 ciliatory policy towards the Jews brought 
 him into suspicion at court. He was de- 
 prived of his government, and in conse- 
 quence of this disgrace he poisoned himself 
 c. B. c. 164 (2 Mace. x. 13). 3. The son 
 of Abubus, who married the daughter of 
 Simon the Maccabee. He was a man of 
 great wealth, and being invested with the
 
 PTOLEMAEUS 
 
 558 
 
 PTOLEMAEUS 
 
 government of the district of Jericho, formed 
 the design of usurping the sovereignty of 
 Judaea. 
 
 Ptolemae'us I. So'ter, the son of La- 
 gus, a Macedonian of low rank, distin- 
 guished himself greatly during the cam- 
 paigns of Alexander ; at whose Ideath, he 
 secured for himself the government of 
 Egypt, where he proceeded at once to lay 
 the foundations of a kingdom (B. c. 323). 
 He abdicated in favor of his youngest son 
 Ptol. II. Philadelphus, two years before his 
 death, which took place in B. c. 283. Ptol. 
 Soter is described very briefly in Daniel 
 (xi. 5) as one of those who should receive 
 part of the empire of Alexander when it 
 was " divided toward the four winds of 
 heaven." 
 
 Ptolemae'us II. Philadel'phus 
 (B. c. 285-247) the youngest son of Ptol. 
 I., was made king two years before his 
 death, to confirm the irregular succession. 
 The conflict between Egypt and Syria was 
 renewed during his reign in consequence 
 of'the intrigue of his half-brother Magas. 
 " But in the end of years they [the kings 
 of Syria and Egypt] joined themselves to- 
 gether [in friendship]. For the king's 
 daughter of the south [Berenice, the daugh- 
 ter of Ptol. Philadelphus] came [as bride] 
 to the king of the north [Antiochus II.], to 
 make an agreement " (Dan. xi. 6). In other 
 respects, however, this reign was a critical 
 epoch for the development of Judaism, as 
 it was for the intellectual history of the 
 ancient world. The liberal encouragement 
 which Ptolemy bestowed on literature and 
 science gave birth to a new school of writ- 
 ers ind thinkers. The critical faculty was 
 called forth in place of the creative, and 
 learning in some sense supplied the place 
 of original speculation. It was impossible 
 that the Jew, who was now become as true 
 a citizen of the world as the Greek, should 
 remain passive in the conflict of opinions. 
 It is enough now to observe the greatness 
 of the consequences involved in the union 
 of Greek language with Jewish thought. 
 From this time the Jew was familiarized 
 with the great types of Western literature, 
 and in some degree aimed at imitating them. 
 An elder Philo celebrated Jerusalem in a 
 long hexameter poem. Another epic poem, 
 " on the Jews," was written by Theodotus. 
 The work of ARISTOBULUS on the interpre- 
 tation of the Law, was a still more impor- 
 tant result of the combination of the old 
 faith with Greek culture, as forming the 
 groundwork of later allegories. A second 
 time and in a new fashion Egypt disciplined 
 a people of God. It first impressed upon a 
 nation the firm unity of a family, and then 
 in due time reconnected a matured people 
 with the world from which it had been 
 called out. 
 
 Ptolemae'us III. Euer'getes (B, c. 
 
 247-222) was the eldest son of Ptol. Philad. 
 and brother of Berenice the wife of Antio- 
 chus II. The repudiation and murder of 
 his sister furnished him with an occasion 
 for invading Syria (c. B. c. 246). He " stood 
 up, a branch out of her stock [sprung from 
 the same parents] in his [father's] estate ; 
 and set himself at [the head of] his army, 
 and came against the fortresses of the king 
 of the north [Antiochus], and dealt against 
 them and prevailed " (Dan. xi. 7). He ex- 
 tended his conquests as far as Antioch, and 
 then eastwards to Babylon, but was recalled 
 to Egypt by tidings of seditions which had 
 broken out there. His success was brilliant 
 and complete. " He carried captive into 
 Egypt the gods [of the conquered nations] 
 with their molten images, and with their 
 precious vessels of silver and gold " (Dan. 
 xi. 8). This capture of sacred trophies 
 earned for the king the name Euergetes 
 " Benefactor." After his return to Egypt 
 (cir. B. c. 243) he suffered a great part of 
 the conquered provinces to fall again under 
 the power of Seleucus. But the attempts 
 which Seleucus made to attack Egypt ter- 
 minated disastrously to himself. He first 
 collected a fleet, which was almost totally 
 destroyed by a storm ; and then, as if by 
 some judicial infatuation, " he came against 
 the realm of the king of the south, and 
 [being defeated] returned to his own land 
 [to Antioch] " (Dan. xi. 9 ; Justin xxvii. 
 2). After this Ptolemy " desisted some 
 years from [attacking] the king of the 
 north" (Dan. xi. 8). 
 
 Ptolemae'us IV. Philop'ator (B. c. 
 222-205). After the death of Ptol. Euer- 
 getes the line of the Ptolemies rapidly 
 degenerated. Ptol. Philopator, his eldest 
 son, who succeeded him, was to the last 
 degree sensual, effeminate, and debased. 
 But externally his kingdom retained its 
 power and splendor; and when circum- 
 stances forced him to action, Ptolemy him- 
 self showed ability not unworthy of his 
 race. The description of the campaign of 
 Raphia (B. c. 217) in the Book of Daniel 
 gives a vivid description of his character. 
 " The sons of Seleucus [Seleucus Ceraunus 
 and Antiochus the Great] were stirred up, 
 and assembled a multitude of great forces ; 
 and one of them [Antiochus] came and 
 overflowed and passed through [even to 
 Pelusium : Polyb. v. 62] ; and he returned 
 [from Seleucia, to which he had retired 
 during a faithless truce : Polyb. V. 66] ; 
 and they [Antiochus and Ptolemy] were 
 stirred up [in war] even to his [Antiochus'] 
 fortress. And the king of the south [Ptol. 
 Philopator] was moved with choler, and 
 came forth and fought with him [at Ra- 
 phia] ; and he set forth a great multitude ; 
 and the multitude was given into his hand 
 [to lead to battle] ; and the multitude raised 
 itself [proudly for the conflict], and hit
 
 PTOLEMAEUS 
 
 559 
 
 PTOLEMAEUS 
 
 "heart was lifted up, and he cast down ten 
 thousands [cf. Polyb. v. 86] ; but Tie was 
 not vigorous" [to reap the fruits of his 
 victory] (Dan. xi. 10-12; cf. 3 Mace. i. 
 1-5). After this decisive success Ptol. Phi- 
 lopator visited the neighboring cities of 
 Syria, and among others Jerusalem. After 
 offering sacrifices of thanksgiving in the 
 Temple he attempted to enter the sanc- 
 tuary. A sudden paralysis hindered his 
 design ; but when he returned to Alexan- 
 dria he determined to inflict on the Alex- 
 andrine Jews the vengeance for his dis- 
 appointment. He was succeeded by his 
 only child. Ptol. V. Epiphanes, who was at 
 the time only four or five years old. 
 
 Ptolemae'us V. Epiph/anes (B. c. 
 205-181). The reign of Ptol. Epiphanes 
 was a critical epoch in the history of the 
 Jews. The rivalry between the Syrian and 
 Egyptian parties, which had for some time 
 divided the people, came to an open rup- 
 ture in the struggles which marked his mi- 
 nority. In the strong language of Daniel, 
 " The rollers of the people exalted them- 
 selves to establish the vision" (Dan. xi. 14). 
 The accession of Ptolemy and the confu- 
 sion of a disputed regency furnished a 
 favorable opportunity for foreign invasion. 
 " Many stood up against the king of the 
 south " under Antiochus the Great and 
 Philip III. of Macedonia, who formed a 
 league for the dismemberment of his king- 
 dom. " So the king of the north [Antio- 
 chus] came, and cast up a mount, and took 
 the most fenced city [Sidon], and the arms 
 of the south did not withstand " [at Pa- 
 neas, B. c. 198] (Dan. xi. 14, 15). The 
 Romans interfered, and in order to retain 
 the provinces of Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, 
 and Judaea, Antiochus " gave him [Ptol- 
 emy, his daughter Cleopatra] a young 
 maiden " [as his betrothed wife] (Dan. xi. 
 17). But in the end his policy only partial- 
 ly succeeded. After the marriage of Ptol- 
 emy and Cleopatra was consummated (B. 
 c. 193), Cleopatra did " not stand on his 
 side," but supported her husband in main- 
 taining the alliance with Rome. The dis- 
 puted provinces, however, remained in the 
 possession of Antiochus ; and Ptolemy was 
 poisoned at the time when he was prepar- 
 ing an expedition to recover them from 
 Seleucus, the unworthy successor of An- 
 tiochus. 
 
 Ptolemae'us VI. Philome'tor (B. c. 
 181-H5). On the death of Ptol. Epiphanes, 
 his wife Cleopatra held the regency for her 
 young son, Ptol. Philometor, and preserved 
 peace with Syria till she died, B. c. 173. 
 The government then fell into unworthy 
 hands, and an attempt was made to recover 
 Syria (comp. 2 Mace. iv. 21). Antiochus 
 Epiphanes seems to have made the claim a 
 pretext for invading Egypt. The gener- 
 als of Ptolemy were defeated near Pelusi- 
 
 um, probably at the close of B. c. 171 (1 
 Mace. i. 16, ff.) ; and in the next year An- 
 tiochus, having secured the person of the 
 young king, reduced almost tte ^rhole of 
 Egypt (comp. 2 Mace. v. 1). Meanwhile 
 Ptol. Euergetes II., the younger brother of 
 Ptol. Philometor, assumed the supreme 
 power at Alexandria ; and Antiochus, under 
 the pretext of recovering the crown for 
 Philometor, besieged Alexandria in B. c. 
 
 169. By this time, however, his selfish 
 designs were apparent : the brothers were 
 reconciled, and Antiochus was obliged to 
 acquiesce for the time in the arrangement 
 which they made. But while doing so he 
 prepared for another invasion of Egypt, 
 and was already approaching Alexandria, 
 when he was met by the Roman embassy 
 led by C. Popillius Laenas, who, in the 
 name of the Roman senate, insisted on his 
 immediate retreat (B. c. 168), a command 
 which the late victory at Pydna made it 
 impossible to disobey. These campaigns, 
 which are intimately connected with the 
 visits of Antiochus to Jerusalem in B. c. 
 
 170, 168, are briefly described in Dan. xi. 
 25-30. After the discomfiture of Antio- 
 chus, Philometor was for some time occu- 
 pied in resisting the ambitious designs of 
 his brother, who made two attempts to add 
 Cyprus to the kingdom of Cyrene, which 
 was allotted to him. Having effectually 
 put down these attempts, he turned his at- 
 tention again to Syria. During the brief 
 reign of Antiochus Eupator he seems to 
 have supported Philip against the regent 
 Lysias (comp. 2 Mace. ix. 29). After the 
 murder of Eupator by Demetrius I., Phil- 
 ometor espoused the cause of Alexander 
 Balas, the rival claimant to the throne, be- 
 cause Demetrius had made an attempt on 
 Cyprus ; and when Alexander had defeat- 
 ed and slain his rival, he accepted the over- 
 tures which he made, and gave him his 
 daughter Cleopatra in marriage (B. c. 150 ; 
 1 Mace. x. 51-58). But, according to 1 
 Mace. xi. 1, 10, &c., the alliance was not 
 made in good faith, but only as a means 
 towards securing possession of Syria. Ac- 
 cording to others, Alexander himself made 
 a treacherous attempt on the life of Ptolemy 
 (comp. 1 Mace. xi. 10), which caused him 
 to transfer his support to Demetrius II., 
 to whom also he gave his daughter, whom 
 he had taken from Alexander. The whole 
 of Syria was quickly subdued, and he was 
 crowned at Antioch king of Egypt and 
 Asia (1 Mace. xi. 13). Alexander made 
 an effort to recover his crown, but was de- 
 feated by the forces of Ptolemy and Deme- 
 trius, and shortly afterwards put to death 
 in Arabia. But Ptolemy did not long en- 
 joy his success. He fell from his horse in. 
 the battle, and died within a few days (1 
 Mace. xi. 18). Ptolemaeus Philometor is 
 the last king of Egypt who is noticed in
 
 PTOLEMAIS 
 
 560 
 
 PULSE 
 
 eacred history, and his reign was marked 
 also by the erection of the Temple at 
 Leontopolis. 
 
 Ptolema'is. [Accno.] 
 
 Pu'a, properly Puvvah. PHUVAH the 
 eon of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 23). 
 
 Pu'ah. 1. The father of Tola, a man 
 of the tribe of Issachar, and judge of Is- 
 rael after Abimelech (Judg. x. 1). 2. The 
 son of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 1), elsewhere 
 called PHUVAH and PUA. 3. One of the 
 two midwives to whom Pharaoh gave in- 
 structions to kill the Hebrew male children 
 at their birth (Ex. i. 15). In the A. V. 
 they are called " Hebrew midwives," a 
 rendering which is not required by the 
 original. We may translate Ex. i. 18 in 
 this way : " And the king of Egypt said to 
 the women who acted as midwives to the 
 Hebrew women." The two, Shiphrah and 
 Puah, are supposed to have been the chief 
 and representatives of their profession. 
 
 Publican. The class designated by 
 this word in the N. T. were employed as 
 collectors of the Roman revenue. The 
 Roman senate farmed the vectigalia (direct 
 taxes) and the portoria (customs) to cap- 
 italists who undertook to pay a given sum 
 into the treasury (in puUicuin), and so re- 
 ceived the name of pullicani. Contracts 
 of this kind fell naturally into the hands of 
 the equites, as the richest class of Romans. 
 They appointed managers, under whom 
 were the portitores, the actual custom- 
 house officers, who examined each bale of 
 goods, exported or imported, assessed its 
 value more or less arbitrarily, wrote out 
 the ticket, and enforced payment. The 
 latter were commonly natives of the prov- 
 ince in which they were stationed, as 
 being brought daily into contact with all 
 classes of the population. The name publi- 
 cani was used popularly, and in the N. 
 T. exclusively, of the portitores. The 
 system was essentially a vicious one. The 
 portitores were encouraged in the most 
 vexatious or fraudulent exactions, and a 
 remedy was all but impossible. They over- 
 charged whenever they had an opportunity 
 (Luke iii. 13). They brought false charges 
 of smuggling in the hope of extorting hush- 
 money (Luke xix. 8). They detained and 
 opened letters on mere suspicion. It was 
 the basest of all livelihoods. All this was 
 enough to bring the class into ill favor 
 everywhere. In Judaea and Galilee there 
 were special circumstances of aggravation. 
 The employment brought out all the beset- 
 ting vices of the Jewish character. The 
 strong feeling of many Jews as to the abso- 
 lute unlawfulness of paying tribute at all 
 made matters worse. The Scribes who 
 discussed the question (Matt. xxii. 15) for 
 the most part answered it in the negative. 
 In addition to their other faults, according- 
 ly, the publicans of the N. T. were regard- 
 
 j ed as traitors and apostates, denied by thinr 
 frequent intercourse with the heathen, will 
 ing tools of the oppressor. The class thus 
 practically excommunicated furnished some 
 of the earliest disciples both of the Baptist 
 and of our Lord. The position of Zac- 
 chaeus as a " chief among the publicans " 
 (Luke xix. 2), implies a gradation of 
 some kind among the persons thus em- 
 ployed. 
 
 Pub'lius, the chief man probably 
 the governor of Melita, who received 
 and lodged St. Paul and his companions on 
 the occasion of their being shipwrecked off 
 that island (Acts xxviii. 7). Publius may 
 perhaps have been the delegate of the Ro- 
 man praetor of Sicily to whose jurisdiction 
 Melita or Malta belonged. 
 
 Pu'dens, a Christian friend of Timothy 
 at Rome (2 Tim. iv. 21). According to 
 legend he was the host of St. Peter and 
 friend of St. Paul, and was martyred under 
 Nero. 
 
 Pultites, The. According to 1 Chr. 
 ii. 53, the "Puhites" or " Puthites " be- 
 longed to the families of Kirjath-jearim. 
 
 Pul, a country or nation mentioned in 
 Is. Ixvi. 19. It is spoken of with distant 
 nations, and is supposed by some to repre- 
 sent the island Philae in Egypt. 
 
 Pul, an Assyrian king, and the first of 
 those monarchs mentioned in Scripture. 
 He made an expedition against Menahem, 
 king of Israel, about B. c. 770. Menahem 
 appears to have inherited a kingdom which 
 was already included among the dependen- 
 cies of Assyria. Under the Assyrian sys- 
 tem the monarchs of tributary kingdoms, 
 on ascending the throne, applied for " con- 
 firmation in their kingdoms " to the Lord 
 Paramount, and only became established 
 on receiving it. We may gather from 2 K. 
 xv. 19, 20, that Menahem neglected to 
 make any such application to his liege lord, 
 Pul a neglect which would have been re- 
 garded as a plain act of rebellion. Possi- 
 bly, he was guilty of more overt and fla- 
 grant hostility. "Menahemsmote Tiphsah" 
 (2 K. xv. 16), we are told. However this 
 may have been, it is evident that Pul looked 
 upon Menahem as a rebel. He conse- 
 quently marched an army into Palestine 
 for the purpose of punishing his revolt. 
 The Assyrian monuments have a king, 
 whose name is read very doubtfully as Vul- 
 lush or Iva-lush, at about the period when 
 Pul must have reigned. His probable date 
 is B. c. 800-750, while Pul, as we have 
 seen, ruled over Assyria in B. c. 770. The 
 Hebrew name Pul is undoubtedly cur- 
 tailed ; for no Assyrian name consists of a 
 single element. 
 
 Pulse occurs only in the A. V. in Dan. 
 i. 12, 16, as the translation of words, the 
 literal meaning of which is " seeds " of any 
 kind. Probably the term denotes uncooked
 
 PUNISHMENTS 
 
 561 
 
 PUNITES 
 
 prain of any kind, whether barley, wheat, 
 millet, vetches, &c. 
 
 Punishments. The earliest theory 
 of punishment current among mankind is 
 doubtless the one of simple retaliation, 
 " blood for blood." Viewed historically, 
 the first case of punishment for crime men- 
 tioned in Scripture, next to the Fall itself, 
 is that of Cain, the first murderer. That 
 death was regarded as the fitting punish- 
 ment for murder appears plain from the 
 remark of Lamech (Gen. iv. 24). In the 
 post-diluvian code, if we may so call it, 
 retribution by the hand of man, even in the 
 case of an offending animal, for blood shed, 
 is clearly laid down (Gen. ix. 5, 6), Pass- 
 ing onwards to Mosaic times, we find the 
 ser tence of capital punishment, in the case 
 of murder, plainly laid down in the Law. 
 The murderer was to be put to death, even 
 if he should have taken refuge at God's 
 altar or in a refuge city, and the same prin- 
 ciple was to be carried out even in the case 
 of an animal. I. The following offences 
 also are mentioned in the Law as liable to 
 the punishment of death : 1. Striking, or 
 even reviling, a parent (Ex. xxi. 15, 17). 
 2. Blasphemy (Lev. xxiv. 14, 16, 23). 3. 
 Sabbath-breaking (Num. xv. 32-36; Ex. 
 xxxi. 14, xxxv. 2). 4. Witchcraft, and 
 false pretension to prophecy (Ex. xxii. 18 ; 
 Lev. xx. 27; Deut. xiii. 5, xviii. 20). 5. 
 Adultery (Lev. xx. 10; Deut. xxii. 22). 6. 
 Unchastity (Deut. xxii. 21, 23; Lev. xxi. 
 9). 7. Rape (Deut. xxii. 25). 8. Inces- 
 tuous and unnatural connections (Lev. xx. 
 11, 14, 16; Ex. xxii. 19). 9. Man-stealing 
 (Ex. xxi. 1G; Deut. xxiv. 7). 10. Idolatry, 
 actual or virtual, in any shape (Lev. xx. 2 ; 
 Deut. xiii. 6, 10, 15, xvii. 2-7 : see Josh, 
 vii. and xxii. 20, and Num. xxv. 8). 11. 
 False witness in certain cases (Deut. xix. 
 16, 19). II. But there is a large number 
 of offences, some of them included in this 
 list, which are named in the Law as involv- 
 ing the penalty of " cutting off from the 
 people." On the meaning of this expres- 
 sion some controversy has arisen. There 
 are altogether thirty-six or thirty-seven 
 cases itt the Pentateuch in which this for- 
 mula is used. We may perhaps conclude 
 that the primary meaning of " cutting off" 
 is a sentence of death to be executed in 
 some cases without remission, but in others 
 voidable : (1.) by immediate atonement on 
 the offender's part; (2.) by direct interposi- 
 tion of the Almighty, '. e. a sentence of 
 death always "recorded," but not always 
 executed. III. Punishments are twofold, 
 Capital and Secondary. I. (A.) Of the 
 former kind, the following only are pre- 
 scribed by the Law. 1. Stoning, which 
 was the ordinary mode of execution (Ex. 
 xvii. 4; Luke xx. 6; John x. 31 ; Acts xiv. 
 6). In the case of idolatry, and it may be 
 presumed in other cases also, the witnesses, 
 36 
 
 of whom there were to be at least two, were 
 required to cast the first stone (Deut. xiii. 
 9; Acts vii. 58). 2. Hanging is mentioned 
 as a distinct punishment (Num. xxv. 4 ; 2 
 Sam. xxi. 6, 9). 3. Burning, in pre-Mosaic 
 times, was the punishment for unchastity 
 (Gen. xxxviii. 24). Under the Law it is 
 ordered in the case of a priest's daughter 
 (Lev. xxi. 9). 4. Death by the sword or 
 spear is named in the Law (Ex. xix. 13, 
 xxxii. 27; Num. xxv. 7); and it occurs 
 frequently in regal and post-Babylonian 
 times (1 K. ii. 25, 34, xix. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 4, 
 &c.). 5. Strangling is said by the Rab- 
 bins to have been regarded as the most 
 common but least severe of the capital pun- 
 ishments, and to have been performed by 
 immersing the convict in clay or mud, and 
 then strangling him by a cloth twisted 
 round the neck. (B.) Besides these or- ' 
 dinary capital punishments, we read of 
 others, either of foreign introduction or 
 of an irregular kind. Among the former, 
 1. CRUCIFIXION is treated elsewhere. 2. 
 Drowning, though not ordered under the 
 Law, was practised at Rome, and is said 
 by St. Jerome to have been in use among 
 the Jews. 3. Sawing asunder or crushing 
 beneath iron instruments (2 Sam. xii. 31, 
 and perhaps Prov. xx. 26; Heb. xi. 37). 4. 
 Pounding in a mortar, or beating to death, 
 is alluded to in Prov. xxvii. 22, but not as 
 a legal punishment, and cases are described 
 (2 Mace. vi. 28, 30). 5. Precipitation, 
 attempted in the case of our Lord at Naza- 
 reth, and carried out in that of captives from 
 the Edomites, and of St. James, who is 
 said to have been cast from " the pinnacle " 
 of the Temple. Criminals executed by law 
 were buried outside the city-gates, and 
 heaps of stones were flung upon their 
 graves (Josh. vii. 25, 26 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 17 ; 
 Jer. xxii. 19). II. Of secondary punish- 
 ments among the Jews the original prin- 
 ciples were, 1. Retaliation, " eye for eye,'" 
 &c. (Ex. xxi. 24, 25). 2. Compensation,. 
 identical (restitution), or analogous; pay- 
 ment for loss of time or of power (Ex. xxi.. 
 18-36; Lev. xxiv. 18-21; Deut. xix. 21). 
 Slander against a wife's honor was to be 
 compensated to her parents by a fine of 
 100 shekels, and the traducer himself to be- 
 punished with stripes (Deut. xxii. 18, 19)_ 
 3. Stripes, whose number was not to ex- 
 ceed forty (Deut. xxv. 3) ; whence the 
 Jews took care not to exceed thirty-nine 
 (2 Cor. xi. 24). 4. Scourging with thorns 
 is mentioned Judg. viii. 16. The stocJif 
 are mentioned Jer. xx. 2 ; passing through 
 fire, 2 Sam. xii. 31 ; mutilation, Judg. i. 6 ; 
 2 Mace. vii. 4; and see 2 Sam. iv. 12; 
 plucking out hair, Is. 1.6; in later times, 
 imprisonment, and confiscation or exile., 
 Ezr. vii. 26 ; Jer. xxxvii. 15, xxxviii. t ; 
 Acts iv. 3, v. 18, xii. 4. 
 
 Fu'nites, The. The descendants of
 
 PUNON 
 
 562 
 
 PYGAEG 
 
 Pua, or Puvah, the son of Issachar (Num. 
 xxvi. 23). 
 
 Pu'non, one of the halting-places of the 
 Israelite host during the last portion of the 
 Wandering (Num. xxxiii. 42, 43). By 
 Kusebius and Jerome it is identified with 
 Phaeno, which contained the copper-mines 
 so notorious at that period, and was situ- 
 ated hetween Petra and Zoar. 
 
 Purification, in its legal and technical 
 sense, is applied to the ritual observances 
 whereby an Israelite was formally absolved 
 from the taint of uncleanness. The essence 
 of purification, in all cases, consisted in the 
 use of water, whether by way of ablution 
 or aspersion; but in the majora delicta 
 of legal uncleanness, sacrifices of various 
 kinds were added, and the ceremonies 
 throughout bore an expiatory character. 
 Ablution of the person and of the clothes 
 was required in the cases mentioned in Lev. 
 xv. 18, xi. 25, 40, xv. 16, 17. In cases of 
 childbirth the sacrifice was increased to a 
 lamb of the first year, with a pigeon or tur- 
 tle-dove (Lev. xii. 6). The ceremonies of 
 purification required in cases of contact with 
 a corpse or a grave are detailed in Num. 
 xix. The purification of the leper was a 
 yet more formal proceeding, and indicated 
 the highest pitch of uncleanness. The rites 
 are described in Lev. xiv. 4-32. The ne- 
 cessity of purification was extended in the^ 
 post-Babylonian period to a variety of un- 
 authorized cases. Cups and pots, brazen 
 vessels and couches, were washed as a mat- 
 ter of ritual observance (Mark vii. 4). The 
 washing of the hands before meals was con- 
 ducted in a formal manner (Mark vii. 3). 
 What may have been the specific causes 
 of uncleanness in those who came up to 
 purify themselves before the Passover (John 
 xi. 55), or in those who had taken upon 
 themselves the Nazarite's vow (Acts xxi. 
 24, 26), we are not informed. In conclu- 
 sion it may be observed, that the distinctive 
 feature in the Mosaic rites of purification 
 is their expiatory character. The idea of 
 imcleanness was not peculiar to the Jew. 
 But with all other nations simple ablution 
 sufficed ; no sacrifices were demanded. The 
 Jew alone was taught by the use of expi- 
 atory offerings to discern to its full extent 
 the connection between the outward sign 
 and the inward fount of impurity. 
 
 Purim (Lots), the annual festival insti- 
 tuted to commemorate the preservation of 
 the Jews in Persia from the massacre with 
 which they were threatened through the 
 machinations of Haman (Esth. ix.). It was 
 probably called Purim by the Jews in irony. 
 Their great enemy Haman appears to have 
 been very superstitious, and much given to 
 casting lots (Esth. iii. 7). They gave the 
 name Purim, or " Lots," to the commem- 
 orative festival, because he had thrown lots 
 to ascertain what day would be auspicious 
 
 for him to carry into effect the bloody de 
 cree which the king had issued at his in- 
 stance (Esth. ix. 24). The festival lasted 
 two days, and was regularly observed on 
 the 14th and 15th of Adar. According to 
 modern custom, as soon as the stars begin 
 to appear, when the 14th of the month has 
 commenced, candles are lighted up in token 
 of rejoicing, and the people assemble in 
 the synagogue. After a short prayer and 
 thanksgiving, the reading of the book of 
 Esther commences. The book is written 
 in a peculiar manner, on a roll called " the 
 Roll " (Megillah). When the reader comes 
 to the name of Haman, the congregation cry 
 out, " May his name be blotted out," or, 
 " Let the name of the ungodly perish." 
 When the Megillah is read through, the 
 whole congregation exclaim, " Cursed be 
 Haman ; blessed be Mordecai ; cursed be 
 Zoresh (the wife of Haman) ; blessed be 
 Esther ; cursed be all idolaters ; blessed be 
 all Israelites, and blessed be Harbonah who 
 hanged Haman." In the morning service 
 in the synagogue, on the 14th, after the 
 prayers, the passage is read from the Law 
 (Ex. xvii. 8-16) which relates the destruc- 
 tion of the Amalekites, the people of Agag 
 (1 Sam. xv. 8), the supposed ancestor of 
 Haman (Esth. iii. 1). The Megillah is then 
 read again in the same manner. The 14th 
 of Adar, as the very day of the deliverance 
 of the Jews, is more solemnly kept than the 
 13th ; but when the service in the synagogue 
 is over, all give themselves up to merry- 
 making. 
 
 Purse. The Hebrews, when on a jour- 
 ney, were provided with a bag, in which 
 they carried their money (Gen. xlii. 35 ; 
 Prov. i. 14, vii. 20 ; Is. xlvi. 6), and, if they 
 were merchants, also their weights (Deut. 
 xxv. 13 ; Mic. vi. 11). This bag is described 
 in the N. T. by the terms /SuAumov (Luke 
 x. 4, xii. 33, xxii. 35, 36), and y\Mnaoxouov 
 (John xii. 6, xiii. 29). The girdle also 
 served as a purse (Matt. x. 9 ; Mark vi. 
 8). Ladies wore ornamental purses (Is. 
 iii. 23). 
 
 Put (1 Chr. i. 8; Nah. iii. 9). [Purrr.] 
 
 Pute'oli, the great landing-place of 
 travellers to Italy from the Levant, and the 
 harbor to which the Alexandrian corn-ships 
 brought their cargoes (Acts xxviii. 13). 
 The celebrated bay which is now " the hay 
 of Naples," was then called " Sinus Pute- 
 olanus." The city was at the north-eastern 
 angle of the bay. The name Puteoli arose 
 from the strong mineral springs which are 
 characteristic of the place. It is now a 
 fourth-rate Italian town, still retaining the 
 name of Pozzuoli. 
 
 Pu'tiel. One of the daughters of Putiel 
 was wife of Eleazar the son of Aaron, and 
 mother of Phinehas (Ex. vi. 25). 
 
 Pygarg occurs (Deut. xiv. 5) in the list 
 of clean animals as the rendering of the
 
 QUAILS 
 
 5G3 
 
 QUIVER 
 
 Heb. disJidn, the name apparently of some 
 ipecies of antelope, though it is by no 
 means easy to identify it. 
 
 Quails (Heb. stldv, sgldiv). There 
 san be no doubt that the Hebrew word in 
 the Pentateuch (Ex. xvi. 13; Num. xi. 31, 
 82) and the 105th Ps. denotes the common 
 quail (Coturnix dactylisonans) . The ex- 
 pression "as it were two cubits (high) upon 
 the face of the earth " (Num. xi. 31) refers 
 probably to the height at which the quails 
 flew above the ground, in their exhausted 
 condition from their long flight. As to the 
 enormous quantities which the least suc- 
 cessful Israelite is said to have taken, viz. 
 " ten homers," in the space of a night and 
 two days, there is every reason for believ- 
 ing that the " homers " here spoken of do 
 not denote strictly the measure of that 
 name, but simply " a heap." The Israel- 
 ites would have had little difficulty in cap- 
 turing large quantities of these birds, as 
 they are known to arrive at places some- 
 times so completely exhausted by their 
 flight as to be readily taken, not in nets 
 only, but by the hand. They " spread the 
 quails round about the camp ; " this was for 
 the purpose of drying them. The Egyptians 
 similarly prepared these birds. The ex- 
 pression " quails from the sea " (Num. xi. 
 31) must not bo restricted to denote that the 
 birds came from the sea as their starting- 
 point, but it must be taken to show the 
 direction from which they were coming. 
 The quails were, at the time of the event 
 narrated in the sacred writings, on their 
 spring journey of migration northwards. It 
 is interesting to note the time specified ; " it 
 was at even" that they began to arrive; 
 and they no doubt continued to come all 
 the night. Many observers have recorded 
 that the quail migrates by night. 
 
 Quar'tus, a Christian of Corinth (Rom. 
 xvi. 23), said to have been one of the 
 Seventy disciples, and afterwards bishop 
 of Berytus. 
 
 Quaternion, a military term, signify- 
 ing a guard of four soldiers, two of whom 
 were attached to the person of a prisoner, 
 while the other two kept watch outside the 
 door of his cell (Acts xii. 4). 
 
 Queen. This title is properly applied 
 to the queen-mother, since in an Oriental 
 household, it is not the wife but the mother 
 of the master who exercises the highest 
 authority. Strange as such an arrange- 
 ment at first sight appears, it is one of the 
 inevitable results of polygamy. The extent 
 of the influence of the queen-mother is 
 well illustrated by the narrative of the in- 
 terview of Solomon and Bathsheba, as 
 
 given in 1 K. ii. 19, ff. The term ii 
 applied to Maachah, Asa's mother, who 
 was deposed from her dignity in conse- 
 quence of her idolatry (1 K. xv. 13; 2 
 Chr. xv. 16) ; to Jezebel as contrasted with 
 Joram (2 K. x. 13, " the children of the 
 king, and the children of the queen ") ; 
 and to the mother of Jehoiachin or Jeco- 
 niah (Jer. xiii. 18; compare 2 K. xxiv. 12; 
 Jer. xxix. 2). 
 
 Queen of Heaven (Jer. vii. 18, xliv. 
 17, 18, 19, 25) is the moon, worshipped as 
 Ashtaroth or Astarte, to whom the Hebrew 
 women offered cakes in the streets of Jeru- 
 salem. 
 
 Quicksands, The, more properly THE 
 SYRTIS (Acts xxvii. 17), the broad and deep 
 bight on the North African coast between 
 Carthage and Cyrene. The name is de- 
 rived from Sert, an Arabic word for a desert. 
 For two reasons this region was an object 
 of peculiar dread to the ancient navigators 
 of the Mediterranean, partly because of the 
 drifting sands and the heat along the shore 
 itself, but chiefly on account of the shal- 
 lows and the uncertain currents of water 
 in the bay. There were properly two 
 Syrtes : the eastern or larger, now called 
 the Gulf of Sidra ; and the western or 
 smaller, now the Gulf of Cabes. It is the 
 former to which our attention is directed in 
 this passage of the Acts. 
 
 Quiver. Two distinct Hebrew terms 
 are represented by this" word in the A. V. 
 (1.) Thlli. This occurs only in Gen. 
 xxvii. 3. It is derived from a root which 
 has the force of hanging. It may there- 
 fore signify either a quiver or a suspended 
 
 Assyrian Chariot with Quiver. 
 
 weapon for instance, such a sword as In 
 our own language was fonrerly called a 
 "hanger." (2.) Ashpdh. The root of
 
 RAAMAH 
 
 564 
 
 RABMAG 
 
 this word is uncertain. It is connected 
 with arrows only in Lam. iii. 13. Its other 
 occurrences are Job xxxix. 23, Is. xxii. (!, 
 and Jer. v. 16. In each of these the LXX. 
 translate it by " quiver," with two excep- 
 tions, Job xxxix. 23, and Ps. cxxvii. 5. As 
 to the thing itself, there is nothing in the 
 Bible to indicate either its form or material, 
 or in what way it was carried. 
 
 R. 
 
 Ra'amah, a son of Cush, and father of 
 the Cushite Sheba and Dedan (Gen. x. 7). 
 The tribe of Raamah became afterwards 
 renowned as traders (Ez. xxvii. 22). They 
 were settled on the Persian Gulf. 
 
 Raami'ah, one of the chiefs who re- 
 turned with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 7). In 
 Ezr. ii. 2 he is called REELAIAH. 
 
 Raam'ses, Ex. i. 10. [RAMESES.] 
 
 Bab'bah. 1. A very strong place on 
 the east of the Jordan, and chief city of 
 the Ammonites. In five passages (Deut. iii. 
 11; 2 Sam. xii. 26, xvii. 27; Jer. xlix. 2; 
 Ez. xxi. 20) it is styled at length RABBATH 
 OF THE AMMONITES, or CHILDREN OF 
 AMMON; but elsewhere (Josh. xiii. 25; 2 
 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 27, 29; 1 Chr. xx. 1; Jer. 
 xlix. 3 ; Ez. XXT. 5 ; Amos i. 14) simply 
 RABBAH. When first named it is men- 
 tioned as containing the bed or sarcophagus 
 of the giant Og (Deut. iii. 11). David 
 gent Joab to besiege Rabbah (2 Sam. xi. 1). 
 The siege must have lasted two years. 
 The sallies of the Ammonites appear to 
 have formed a main feature of the siege 
 (2 Sam. xi. 17, &c.). At the end of that 
 time Joab succeeded in capturing a portion 
 of the place the "city of waters," that 
 is, the lower town, so called from its con- 
 taining the perennial stream which rises 
 in and still flows through it. But the cita- 
 del, which rises abruptly on the north side 
 of the lower town, a place of very great 
 strength, still remained to be taken ; and 
 the honor of this capture Joab insists on 
 reserving for the king. Shortly after Da- 
 vid's arrival the fortress was taken (2 Sam. 
 xii. 26-31). We are not told whether the 
 city was demolished, or whether David was 
 satisfied with the slaughter of its inmates. 
 In the time of Amos, two centuries and 
 a half later, it had again a " wall " and 
 "palaces," and was still the sanctuary of 
 Molech "the king" (Am. i. 14). So it 
 was also at the date of the invasion of 
 Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. xlix. 2, 3), when its 
 dependent towns are mentioned, and when 
 it is named in such terms as imply that 
 it was of equal importance with Jerusalem 
 (Ez. xxi. 20). At Rabbah, no doubt Baalis, 
 king of the Ammonites (Jer. xl. 14), held 
 euch court as he could muster ; and within 
 
 its walls was plotted the attack of Ishmael, 
 which cost Gedaliah his life, and drove Jer- 
 emiah into Egypt. In the period between 
 the Old and New Testaments, Rabbath- 
 Ammon appears to have been a place of 
 much importance, and the scene of many 
 contests. From Ptolemy Philadelphus (B. c. 
 285-247) it received the name of PHILA- 
 DELPHIA. It was one of the cities of the 
 Decapolis, and became the seat of a Chris- 
 tian bishop. Its ruins, which are consider- 
 able, are found at Amm&n, about 22 miles 
 from the Jordan. It lies in a valley which 
 is a branch, or perhaps the main course, of 
 the Wady Zerka, usually identified with 
 the Jabbok. The public buildings are said 
 to be Roman, except the citadel, which is 
 described as of large square stones put 
 together without cement, and which is 
 probably more ancient than the rest. 2. A 
 city of Judah, named with Kirjath-jearim 
 in Josh. xv. 60 only. No trace of its ex- 
 istence has yet been discovered. 3. In one 
 passage (Josh. xi. 8) ZIDON is mentioned 
 with the affix Rabbah Zidon-rabbah. This 
 is preserved in the margin of the A. V., 
 though in the text it is translated " great 
 Zidon." 
 
 Bab'bath Moab. [An.] 
 
 Bab'bath of the Children of Am- 
 mon, and B. of the Ammonites. This 
 is the full appellation of the place commonly 
 given as RABBAH. It occurs only in Deut. 
 iii. 11, and Ez. xxi. 20. 
 
 Rab'bi, a title of respect, signifying 
 Master, Teacher, given by. the Jews to their 
 doctors and teachers, and often addressed 
 to our Lord (Matt, xxiii. 7, 8, xxvi. 25, 49 ; 
 Mark ix. 5, xi. 21, xiv. 45 ; John i. 39, 50, 
 iii. 2, 26, iv. 31, vi. 25, ix. 2, xi. 8). An- 
 other form of the title was Rabboni (Mark 
 x. 51 ; John xx. 16). The i which is added 
 to these titles has been thought to be the 
 pronominal affix "My;" but it is to be 
 noted that St. John does not translate 
 cither of these by " My Master," but simply 
 " Master," so that the i would seem to have 
 lost any especial significance as a posses- 
 sive pronoun intimating appropriation or 
 endearment, and, like the " my " in titles 
 of respect among ourselves, or in such 
 terms as JJ/onseigneur, J/onsieur, to be 
 merely part of the formal address. The 
 title Rabbi is not known to have been used 
 before the reign of Herod the Great, and is 
 thought to have taken its rise about the 
 time of the disputes between the rival 
 schools of Hillel and Shammai. Rabbi 
 was considered a higher title than Rab, and 
 Rabban higher than Rabbi. 
 
 Bab'bith, a town in the territory, per- 
 haps on the boundary, of Issachar (Josh, 
 xix. 20 only). 
 
 Rabbo'ni, John xx. 16. [RABBI.] 
 
 Bab-mag (Jer. xxxix. 3, 13), a title 
 borne by Norgal-sharezer, probably iden-
 
 RABSARIS 
 
 565 
 
 RAHAB 
 
 tical with the king, called by the Greeks 
 Neriglissar. [NERGAL-SHAREZER.] This 
 king, as well as certain other important 
 personages, is found to bear the title in the 
 Babylonian inscriptions. It is written in- 
 deed with a somewhat different vocalization, 
 being read as Rabu-Emga. The significa- 
 tion is somewhat doubtful. Rabu is most 
 certainly " great," or " chief ;" but Mag, 
 or Emga, is an obscure term. It has 
 been commonly identified with the word 
 "Magus," but this identification is very 
 uncertain. 
 
 Rab'saris. 1. An officer of the king 
 of Assyria sent up with Tartan and Rab- 
 shakeh against Jerusalem in the time of 
 Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 17). 2. One of the 
 princes of Nebuchadnezzar, who was pres- 
 ent at the capture of Jerusalem, B. c. 588 
 (Jer. xxxix. '6, 13). Rabsaris is probably 
 rather the name of an office than of an in- 
 dividual, the word signifying chief eunuch. 
 In Dan. i. 3, Ashpenaz is called the master 
 of the eunuchs (Rab-sarisim). It is not 
 improbable that in Jeremiah xxxix. we have 
 not only the title of the Rabsaris given, but 
 his name also, either Sarsechim (ver. 3) 
 or (ver. 13) Nebushasban (worshipper of 
 Nebo, Is. xlvi. 1). 
 
 Rab'shakeh. (2 K. xviii., xix. ; Is. 
 xxxvi., xxxvii.), one of the officers of the 
 king of Assyria sent against Jerusalem in 
 the reign of Hezekiah. [HEZEKIAH.] Many 
 have imagined, from the familiarity of Rab- 
 shakeh with Hebrew, that he either was a 
 Jewish deserter or an apostate captive of 
 Israel. The English version takes Rabsha- 
 keh as the name of a person ; but it is more 
 probably the name of the office which he 
 held at the court, that of chief cupbearer. 
 
 Raca, a term of reproach used by the 
 Jews of our Saviour's age (Matt. v. 22), 
 derived from the Chaldee rekd, "worth- 
 less . 
 
 Race. [GAMES.] 
 
 Ra'chab. RAHAB the harlot (Matt. 
 
 i. 5). 
 
 Ra'chel, the younger of the daughters 
 of Laban, the wife of Jacob, and mother of 
 Joseph and Benjamin. The incidents of 
 her life may be found in Gen. xxix.-xxxiii., 
 xxxv. The story of Jacob and Rachel has 
 always had a peculiar interest. The beauty 
 of Rachel, the deep love with which she was 
 loved by Jacob from their first meeting by 
 the well of Haran, when he showed to her 
 the simple courtesies of the desert life, and 
 kissed her and told her he was Rebekah's 
 son; the long servitude with which he 
 patiently served for her, in which the seven 
 years " seemed to him but a few days, for 
 the love he had to her ; " their marriage at 
 last ; and the death of Rachel at the very 
 time when in giving birth to another son her 
 own long-delayed hopes were accomplished, 
 and she had become still more endeared to 
 
 her husband; his deep grief and ever-living 
 regrets for her loss (Gen. xlviii. 7) : these 
 tilings make up a touching tale of personal 
 and domestic history which has kept alive 
 the memory of Rachel. Yet from what is 
 related to us concerning her character there 
 does not seem much to claim any high de- 
 gree of admiration and esteem. The dis- 
 content and fretful impatience shown in her 
 grief at being for a time childless, moved 
 even her fond husband to anger (Gen. xxx. 
 
 1, 2). She appears moreover to have shared 
 all the duplicity and falsehood of her family. 
 See, for instance, Rachel's stealing her 
 father's images, and the ready dexterity and 
 presence of mind with which she concealed 
 her theft (Gen. xxxi.). From this incident 
 we may also infer that she was not alto- 
 gether free from the superstitions and idol- 
 atry which prevailed in the land whence 
 Abraham had been called (Josh. xxiv. 2, 
 14). Rachel's tomb. "Rachel died and 
 was buried in the way to Ephrath, which is 
 Bethlehem. And Jacob set a pillar upon 
 her grave ; that is the pillar of Rachel's 
 grave unto this day" (Gen. xxxv. 19, 20). 
 The site of Rachel's tomb, " on the way to 
 Bethlehem," " a little way to come to Eph- 
 rath," " in the border of Benjamin," has 
 never been questioned. It is about two 
 miles S. of Jerusalem, and one mile N. of 
 Bethlehem. 
 
 Rad'dai, one of David's brothers, fifth 
 son of Jesse (1 Chr. ii. 14). Ewald con- 
 jectures that he is identical with REI, but 
 this does not seem probable. 
 
 Ra'gau. One of the ancestors of our 
 Lord, son of Phalec (Luke iii. 35). He is 
 the same person with REU, son of Peleg. 
 
 Ra'ges, an important city in north-east- 
 ern Media, where that country bordered 
 upon Parthia. It is not mentioned in the 
 Hebrew Scriptures, but occurs frequently 
 in the Book of Tobit (i. 14, v. 5, vi. 10 and 
 12, &c.), and twice in Judith (i. 5 and 15). 
 Its ruins, still known by the name of Rliey, 
 lie about five miles S. E. of Teheran. 
 
 RagU el, or Reu'el. 1. Probably the 
 same as Jethro. [JETHRO and HOBAB.] 
 
 2. A pious Jew of "Ecbatane, a city of 
 Media," father of Sara, the wife of Tobias 
 (Tob. iii. 7, 17, &c.). 
 
 Ra'hab, or Ra'chab, a celebrated wo- 
 man of Jericho, who received the spies sent 
 by Joshua to spy out the land, hid them in 
 her house from the pursuit of her country- 
 men, was saved with all her family when 
 the Israelites sacked the city, and became 
 the wife of Salmon, and the ancestress of 
 the Messiah (Josh. ii. 1; Matt. i. 5). She 
 was a " harlot," and probably combined 
 the trade of lodging-keeper for wayfaring 
 men. She seems also to have been en- 
 gaged in the manufacture of linen and the 
 art of dyeing, for which the Phoenicians 
 were early famous ; since we find the flat
 
 RAHAB 
 
 566 
 
 RAIN 
 
 roof of her house covered with stalks of 
 flax put there to dry, and a stock of scarlet 
 or crimson line in her house. Her house 
 was situated on the wall, probably near the 
 town gate, so as to be convenient for per- 
 sons coming in and going out of the city. 
 We may conjecture that Kahab therefore 
 had been well informed with regard to the 
 events of the Exodus. The effoct upon her 
 mind had been what one would not have 
 expected in a person of her way of life. It 
 led her to a firm faith in Jehovah as the 
 true God, .and to the conviction that He 
 purposed to give the land of Canaan to the 
 Israelites. When, therefore, the two spies 
 sent by Joshua came to her house, they 
 found themselves under the roof of one 
 who, alone probably of the whole popula- 
 tion, was friendly to their nation. Her re- 
 ception of the spies, the artifice by which 
 she concealed them from the king, their 
 escape, and the saving of Rahab and her 
 family at the capture of the city, in accord- 
 ance with their promise, are all told in the 
 narrative of Josh. ii. The narrator adds, 
 " and she dwelleth in Israel unto this day," 
 not necessarily implying that she was alive 
 at the time he wrote, but that the family of 
 strangers of which she was reckoned the 
 head, continued to dwell among the chil- 
 dren of Israel. As regards Rahab herself, 
 we learn from Matt. i. 5, that she became 
 the wife of Salmon the son of Naasson, and 
 the mother of Boaz, Jesse's grandfather. 
 The suspicion naturally arises that Salmon 
 may have been one of the spies whose life 
 she saved, and that gratitude for so great a 
 benefit led in his case to a more tender 
 passion, and obliterated the memory of any 
 past disgrace attaching to her name. But, 
 however this may be, it is certain, on the 
 authority of St. Matthew, that Rahab be- 
 came the mother of the line from which 
 sprung David, and eventually Christ; for 
 that the Rachab mentioned by St. Matthew 
 is Rahab the harlot, is as certain as that 
 David in the genealogy is the same person 
 as David in the Books of Samuel. The 
 attempts that have been made to prove 
 Rachab different from Rahab, in order to 
 get out of the chronological difficulty, are 
 singularly absurd. We may also dismiss, 
 as inconsistent with truth, the attempt to 
 clear her character of stain by saying that 
 she was only an innkeeper, and not a har- 
 lot ; but it is very possible that to a woman 
 of her country and religion such a calling 
 may have implied a far less deviation from 
 the standard of morality than it does with 
 us ; and, moreover, with a purer faith she 
 seems to have entered upon a pure life. 
 As a case of casuistry, her conduct in de- 
 ceiving the king of Jericho's messengers 
 with a false tale, and above all, in taking 
 part against her own countrymen, has 
 been much discussed. With regard to the 
 
 first, strict truth, either in Jew or heathen, 
 was a virtue so utterly unknown before the 
 promulgation of the gospel, that, as far as 
 Rahab is concerned, the discussion is quite 
 superfluous. With regard to her taking 
 part against her own countrymen, it can 
 only be justified, but is fully justified, by 
 the circumstance that fidelity to her coun- 
 try would in her case have been infidelity 
 to God, and that the higher duty to her 
 Maker eclipsed the lower duty to her na- 
 tive land. If her own life of shame was 
 in any way connected with that idolatry, 
 one can readily understand what a further 
 stimulus this would give, now that her 
 heart was purified by faith, to her desire 
 for the overthrow of the nation to which 
 she belonged by birth, and the establish- 
 ment of that to which she wished to belong 
 by a community of faith and hope. This 
 view of Rahab's conduct is fully borne out 
 by the references to her in the N. T. The 
 author of the Epistle to the Hebrews tells 
 us that " by faith the harlot Rahab perished 
 not with them that believed not, when she 
 had received the spies with peace " (Heb. 
 xi. 31) ; and St. James fortifies his doc- 
 trine of justification by works, by asking, 
 " Was not Rahab the harlot justified by 
 works, when she had received the messen- 
 gers, and had sent them out another way ? " 
 (James ii. 25). 
 
 Ra.'hab, a poetical name of Egypt (Ps. 
 Ixxxix. 10; Is. Ii. 9), signifying "fierce- 
 ness, insolence, pride." Rahab, as a name 
 of Egypt, occurs once only without refer- 
 ence to the Exodus : this is in Ps. Ixxxvii. 
 4. In Is. xxx. 7 the name is alluded to. 
 
 Ha ham. In the genealogy of the de- 
 scendants of Caleb the son of Hezron (1 
 Chr. ii. 44), Raham is described as the son 
 of Shema and father of Jorkoam. 
 
 Ra'hel, the more accurate form of the 
 familiar name elsewhere rendered RACHEL 
 (Jer. xxxi. 15). 
 
 Rain. In the Bible EARLY RAIN signi- 
 fies the rains of the autumn (Deut. xi. 14 ; 
 Jer. v. 24) ; also mdreh (Joel ii. 23) ; and 
 LATTER RAIN, the rain of spring (Prov. 
 xvi. 15; Job xxix. 23; Jer. iii. 3; Hos. vi. 
 3 ; Joel ii. 23 ; Zech. x. 1). The early and 
 latter rains are mentioned together (Dent, 
 xi. 14; Jer. v. 24; Joel ii. 23; Hos. vi. 3; 
 James v. 7). In a country comprising so 
 many varieties of elevation as Palestine, 
 there must of necessity occur correspond- 
 ing varieties of climate. For six months 
 in the year no rain falls, and the harvests 
 are gathered in without any of the anxiety 
 with which we are so familiar lest the work 
 be interrupted by unseasonable storms. 
 There are, however, very considerable, 
 and perhaps more than compensating, dis- 
 advantages occasioned by this long ab- 
 sence of rain : the whole land becomes dry, 
 parched, and brown, the cisterns are empty,
 
 RAIN 
 
 567 
 
 RAM 
 
 the syringt. and fountains fail, and the au- 
 tumnal rai is are eagerly looked for, to 
 prepare the earth for the reception of the 
 seel. These, the early rains, commence 
 about the latter end of October or begin- 
 ning of November, in Lebanon a month 
 earlier; not suddenly, but by degrees ;, the 
 husbandman has thus the opportunity of 
 sowing his fields of wheat and barley. The 
 rains come mostly from the west or south- 
 west (Luke xii. 54), continuing for two or 
 three days at <i time, and falling chiefly dur- 
 ing the night ; the wind then shifts round 
 to the north or east, and several days of fine 
 weather succeed (Prov. xxv. 23). During 
 the months of November and December 
 the rains continue to fall heavily, but at in- 
 tervals ; afterwards they return, only at 
 longer intervals, and are less heavy; but 
 at no period during the winter do they en- 
 tirely cease. January and February are the 
 coldest months, and snow falls, sometimes 
 to the depth of a foot or more, at Jeru- 
 salem, but it does not lie long ; it is very 
 seldom seen along the coast and in the low 
 plains. Rain continues to fall more or less 
 during the month of March ; it is very rare 
 in April, and even in Lebanon the showers 
 that occur are generally light. In the 
 valley of the Jordan the barley harvest 
 begins as early as the middle of April, 
 and the wheat a fortnight later; in Leb- 
 anon the grain is seldom ripe before the 
 middle of June. With 
 respect to the distinction 
 between the early and 
 the latter rains, Robinson 
 observes that there are 
 not, at the present day, 
 " any particular periods 
 of rain or succession of 
 showers, which might be 
 regarded as distinct rainy 
 seasons. The whole pe- 
 riod from October to 
 March now constitutes 
 only one continued sea- 
 son of rain, without any 
 regularly intervening 
 term of prolonged fine 
 weather. Unless, there- 
 fore, there has been 
 some change in the cli- 
 mate, the early and the 
 latter rains for which the 
 husbandman waited with 
 longing, seem rather to 
 have implied the first 
 showers of autumn which 
 revived the parched and 
 thirsty soil, and prepared 
 it for the seed; and the 
 later showers of spring, 
 which continued to re- 
 fresh and forward both 
 the ripening crops and 
 
 | the vernal products of the fields (James r. 
 7 ; Prov. xvi. 15)." 
 
 Rainbow, the token of the covenant 
 which God made with Noah when he came 
 forth from the ark, that the waters should 
 no more become a flood to destroy all flesh. 
 The right interpretation of Gen. ix. . 13 
 seems to be, that God took the rainbow, 
 which had hitherto been but a beautiful 
 object shining in the heavens when the 
 sun's rays fell on falling rain, and conse- 
 crated it as the sign of His love and the 
 witness of His promise (Ecclus. xliii. 11). 
 The figurative and symbolical use of the 
 rainbow as an emblem of God's mercy and 
 faithfulness must not be passed over. In 
 the wondrous vision shown to St. John in 
 the Apocalypse (Rev. iv. 3), it is said that 
 "there was a rainbow round about the 
 throne, in sight like unto an emerald : " 
 amidst the awful vision of surpassing glory 
 is seen the symbol of Hope, the bright em- 
 blem of Mercy and of Love. 
 
 Raisins. [VINE.] 
 
 Ram. Battering, is mentioned in Ez. 
 iv. 2, xxi. 22; and both references are to 
 the battering-rams in use among the As- 
 syrians and Babylonians. In attacking the 
 walls of a fort or city, the first step ap- 
 pears to have been to form an inclined 
 plane or bank of earth (comp. Ez. iv. 2, 
 " cast a mount against it"), by which the 
 besiegers could bring their battering-rama 
 
 Battering-ram.
 
 RAMA 
 
 RAMATII 
 
 and other engines to the foot of the walls. 
 "The battering-rams," says Mr. Layard, 
 "were of several kinds. Some were joined 
 to movable towers which held warriors 
 and armed men. The whole then formed 
 one great temporary building, the top of 
 which is represented in sculptures as on a 
 level witli the walls, and even turrets, of 
 the besieged city. In some bas-reliefs the 
 battering-ram is without wheels : it was 
 then perhaps constructed upon the spot, 
 and was not intended to be moved." 
 
 Ra'ma. Matt. ii. 18, referring to Jer. 
 xxxi. 15. The original passage alludes to 
 a massacre of Benjamites or Ephraimites 
 (comp. ver. 9, 18), at the Ramah in Ben- 
 jamin or in Mount Ephraim. This is 
 seized by the Evangelist and turned into a 
 touching reference to the slaughter of the 
 Innocents at Bethlehem, near to which was 
 (and is) the sepulchre of Rachel. 
 
 Ra'mah, a word signifying " a hill," 
 and which in its simple or compound shape 
 forms the name of several places in the 
 Holy Land. 1. One of the cities of the 
 allotment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 25). 
 Its site is at er-Rdm, on the elevation which 
 its ancient name implies, about five miles 
 from Jerusalem. This position is in close 
 agreement with the notices of the Bible 
 (Judg. iv. 5, xix. 13; 1 K. xv. 17, 21, 22; 
 2 Chr. xvi. 1, 5, 6 ; Is. x. 29 ; Jer. xl. 1, 
 &c.). Its proximity to Gibeah is implied 
 in 1 Sam. xxii. 6; Hos. v. 8; Ezr. ii. 26; 
 Neh. vii. 30 ; the last two of which passages 
 show also that its people returned after 
 the Captivity. The Ramah in Neh. xi. 33 
 occupies a different position in the list, and 
 may be a distinct place, situated farther 
 west, nearer the plain. 2. The home of 
 Elkanah, Samuel's father (1 Sam. i. 19, ii. 
 11), the birthplace of Samuel himself, his 
 home and official residence, the site of his 
 altar (vii. 17, viii. 4, xv. 34, xvi. 13, xix. 
 18), and finally his burial-place (xxv. 1, 
 xxviii. 3). It is a contracted form of RA- 
 MATHAIM-ZOPHIM. All that is directly said 
 as to its situation is that it was in Mount 
 Ephraim (1 Sam. i. 1), and this would 
 naturally lead us to seek it in the neighbor- 
 hood of Shechem. But the whole tenor of 
 the narrative of the public life of Samuel 
 (in connection with which alone this Ramah 
 is mentioned) is so restricted to the region 
 of the tribe of Benjamin, and to the neigh- 
 borhood of Gibeah, the residence of Saul, 
 that it seems impossible not to look for 
 Samuel's city in the same locality. On 
 the other hand, the boundaries of Mount 
 Ephraim are nowhere distinctly set forth. 
 In the mouth of an ancient Hebrew the 
 expression would mean that portion of the 
 mountainous district which was at the time 
 of speaking in the possession of the tribe 
 of Ephraim. In this district, tradition 
 places the residence of Samuel on the lofty 
 
 and remarkable eminence of Neby 
 which rises four miles to the N. W. of Jeru- 
 salem, and which its height (greater than 
 that of Jerusalem itself), its commanding 
 position, and its peculiar shape, render the 
 most conspicuous object in all the land- 
 scapes of that district, and make the 
 names of Ramah and Zophim exceedingly 
 appropriate to it. Since the days of Arculf 
 the tradition appears to have been continu- 
 ous. Here, then, we are inclined, in the 
 present state of the evidence, to place the 
 Ramah of Samuel. 3? One of the nineteen 
 fortified places of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 3G) 
 named between Adamah and Hazor. It 
 would appear to have been in the moun- 
 tainous country N. W. of the Lake of Gen- 
 nesareth. In this district a place bearing 
 the name of Rameh has been discovered by 
 Dr. Robinson. It lies on the main track 
 between Akka and the north end of the 
 Sea of Galilee, and about 8 miles E. S. E. 
 of Safed. 4. One of the landmarks on 
 the boundary (A. V. "coast") of Ashcr 
 (Josh. xix. 29), apparently between Tyre 
 and Zidon. Two places of the same name 
 have been discovered in the district allotted 
 to Asher; the one east of Tyre, and with- 
 in about three miles of it, the other more 
 than ten miles off, and south-east of the 
 same city. If either of these places repre- 
 sent the Ramah in question, it certainly 
 seems safer to identify it with that nearest 
 to Tyre and the sea-coast. 5. By this 
 name in 2 K. viii. 29 and 2 Chr. xxii. <;; 
 only, is designated RAMOTH-GILEAD. 6. 
 A place mentioned in the catalogue of 
 those re-inhabited by the Benjamites after 
 their return from the Captivity (Neh. xi. 
 33). It may be the Ramah of Benjamin 
 (above, No. 1) or the Ramah of Samuel, 
 but its position in the list (remote from 
 Geba, Michmash, Bethel, ver. 31, comp. 
 Ezr. ii. 26, 28), seems to remove it farther 
 west, to the neighborhood of Lod, Hadid, 
 and Ono. The situation of the modern 
 Ramleh agrees very well with this, a town 
 too important and too well placed not to 
 have existed in the ancient times. 
 
 Ra'math-le'hi, the name bestowed by 
 Samson on the scene of his slaughter of 
 the thousand Philistines with the jaw-bono 
 (Judg. xv. 17). "He cast away the jaw- 
 bone out of his hand, and called that place 
 ' Ramath-lehi,' " as if " heaving of the 
 jaw-bone." But Gesenius has pointed out 
 that, as they at present stand, the words 
 are exactly parallel to Ramath-mizpeh and 
 Ramath-negeb, and mean the " height of 
 Lechi." 
 
 Ra'math-miz'peh. [RAMOTH-GIL- 
 EAD.] 
 
 Ba'math of the South, more accu- 
 rately Ramah of the South, one of the 
 .towns in the allotment of Simeon (Josh. 
 xix. 8), apparent at its extreme south limit
 
 RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM 
 
 569 
 
 RAVEN 
 
 It appears from this passage to have been 
 another name for Baalath-Beer. It is in 
 all probability the same place as South 
 Ramoth (1 Sam. xxx. 27). 
 
 Ramatha'im-zo'phini. [RAMAH,2.] 
 
 Ra'mathite, The. Shimei the Ra- 
 mathite had charge of the royal vineyards 
 of king David (1 Chr. xxvii. 27). The 
 name implies that he was native of t place 
 called Rain ah, but there is no tradition or 
 other clew by which the particular Ramah 
 to which this worthy belonged can be iden- 
 tified. 
 
 Rame'ses, or Raam'ses, a city and 
 district of Lower Egypt, is first mentioned 
 in the narrative of the settling by Joseph 
 of his father and brethren in Egypt, where 
 it is related that a possession was given 
 them "in the land of Rameses" (Gen. 
 xlvii. 11). This land of Rameses either 
 corresponds to the land of Goshen, or was 
 a district of it, more probably the former, 
 as appears from a comparison with a paral- 
 lel passage (G). The name next occurs as 
 that of one of the two store-cities built for 
 the Pharaoh who first oppressed the chil- 
 dren of Israel (Ex. i. 11). In the narrative 
 of the Exodus it is the starting-point of the 
 journey (Ex. xii. 37; see also Num. xxxiii. 
 3, 5). Rameses seems to correspond to the 
 western part of the land of Goshen, since 
 two full marches, and part at least of a 
 third, brought the Israelites from this town 
 to the Red Sea ; and the narrative appears 
 to indicate a route for the chief part directly 
 towards the sea. 
 
 Ra'moth-gil'ead, the " heights of 
 Gilead," one of the great fastnesses on the 
 east of Jordan, and the key to an impor- 
 tant district, as is evident not only from the 
 direct statement of 1 K. iv. 13, that it com- 
 manded the regions of Argob and of the 
 towns of Jair, but also from the obstinacy 
 with which it was attacked, and defended 
 by the Syrians and Jews in the reigns of 
 Ahab and Joram. It seems probable that 
 it was identical with Ramath-Mizpeh (Josh, 
 xiii. 2G), which, again, there is every reason 
 to believe occupied the spot on which Jacob 
 had made his covenant with Laban. It was 
 the city of refuge for the tribe of Gad 
 (Deut. iv. 43; Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 38). We 
 next encounter it as the residence of one of 
 Solomon's commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 
 13). In the second Syrian war Ramoth- 
 Gilead played a conspicuous part. During 
 the invasion related in 1 K. xv. 20, or some 
 subsequent incursion, this important place 
 had been seized by Benhadad I. from Omri. 
 The incidents of Ahab's expedition are well 
 known. [AHAB.] During Ahaziah's short 
 reign we hear nothing of it : it probably re- 
 mained in possession of the Syrians till the 
 suppression of the Moabite rebellion gave 
 Joram time to renew the siege. He was 
 more fortunate than Ahab. The town was 
 
 taken by Israel, and held in spite of all the 
 efforts of Hazael (who was now on the 
 throne of Damascus) to regain it (2 K. ix. 
 14). Henceforward Ramoth-Gilead disap- 
 pears from our view. Eusebius and Jer- 
 ome specify the position of Ramoth as 15 
 miles from Philadelphia (Amm&n). It may 
 correspond to the site bearing the name of 
 Jel'dd, exactly identical with the ancient 
 Hebrew Gilead, which is four or five miles 
 nortli of es-Salt. 
 
 Ra'moth in Gil'ead, Deut. iv. 43; 
 Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 38 ; 1 K. xxii. 3. Else- 
 where the shorter form, RAMOTH-GILEAD, 
 is used. 
 
 Rams' Horns. [CORNET ; JUBILEE.] 
 
 Rams' Skins dyed red formed part 
 of the materials that the Israelites were 
 ordered to present as offerings for the 
 making of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxv. 5) ; 
 of which they served as one of the inner 
 coverings. There is no doubt that the 
 A. V., following the LXX. and Vulgate, 
 and the Jewish interpreters, is correct. 
 The original words, it is true, admit of 
 being rendered thus " skins of red rams." 
 
 Ra'pha. Son of Binea, among the de- 
 scendants of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 37). 
 
 Ra'phael. " One of the seven holy 
 angels which ... go in and out before the 
 glory of the Holy One" (Tob. xii. 15). 
 According to another Jewish tradition, 
 Raphael was one of the four angels which 
 stood round the throne of God (Michael, 
 Uriel, Gabriel, Raphael). In Tobit he 
 appears as the guide and counsellor oi* 
 Tobias. 
 
 Ra'phon, a city of Gilead (1 Mace. v. 
 37), perhaps identical with Raphana, which 
 is mentioned by Pliny as one of the cities 
 of the Decapolis. 
 
 Ra'phu. The father of Palti, the Bcn- 
 jamite spy (Num. xiii. 9). 
 
 Raven (Heb. '<?r6), from a root signi- 
 fying " to be black." A raven was sent 
 out by Noah from the ark to see whether 
 the waters were abated (Gen. viii. 7). This 
 bird was not allowed as food by the Mosaic 
 law (Lev. xi. 15). Ravens were the 
 means, under the Divine command, of sup- 
 porting the prophet Elijah at the brook 
 Cherith (IK. xvii. 4, 6). They are ex- 
 pressly mentioned as instances of God's 
 protecting love and goodness (Job xxxviii. 
 41, Luke xii. 24, Ps. cxlvii. 9). They are 
 enumerated with the owl, the bittern, 
 &c., as marking the desolation of Edora 
 (Is. xxxiv. 11). "The locks of the be- 
 loved " are compared to the glossy black- 
 ness of the raven's plumage (Cant. v. 11). 
 The raven's carnivorous habits, and espe- 
 cially his readiness to attack the eye, are 
 alluded to in Prov. xxx. 17. To the fact 
 of the raven being a common bird in Pales- 
 tine, and to its habit of flying restlessly 
 about in constant aearch for food to satisfy
 
 RAZOR 
 
 570 
 
 RECHAB 
 
 its voracious appetite, may perhaps be 
 traced the reason for its being selected by 
 our Lord and the inspired writers as the 
 especial object of God's providing care. 
 The raven belongs to the order Incessores, 
 family Corvidae. 
 
 Razor. Besides other usages, the prac- 
 tice of shaving the head after the comple- 
 tion of a vow, must have created among 
 the Jews a necessity for the special trade 
 of a barber (Num. vi. 9, 18, viii. 7 ; Lev. 
 xiv. 8 ; Judg. xiii. 5 ; Is. vii. 20 ; Ez. v. 1 ; 
 Acts xviii. 18). The instruments of his 
 work were probably, as in modern times, 
 the razor, the basin, the mirror, and per- 
 haps also the scissors (see 2 Sam. xiv. 26). 
 Like the Levites, the Egyptian priests 
 were accustomed to shave their whole 
 bodies. 
 
 Reai'a. A Reubenite, son of Micah, 
 and apparently prince of his tribe (1 Chr. 
 v. 6). The name is identical with 
 
 Beai'ah. 1. A descendant of Shubal, 
 the son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 2). 2. The 
 children of Reaiah were a family of Nethi- 
 nim who returned from Babylon with 
 Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 47; Neh. vii. 50). 
 
 Re'ba, one of the five kings of the 
 Midianites slain by the children of Israel in 
 their avenging expedition when Balaam fell 
 (Num. xxxi. 8 ; Josh. xiii. 21). 
 
 Rebec'ca. The Greek form of the 
 name REBEKAH (Rom. ix. 10 only), 
 
 Rebek'ah, daughter of Bethuel (Gen. 
 xxii. 23) and sister of Laban, married to 
 Isaac, her father's cousin. She is first pre- 
 sented to us in the account of the mission 
 of Eliezer to Padan-aram (Gen. xxiv.), in 
 which his interview with Rebekah, her con- 
 sent and marriage, are related. For nine- 
 teen years she was childless : then, after 
 the prayers of Isaac and her journey to 
 inquire of the Lord, Esau and Jacob were 
 born ; and while the younger was more par- 
 ticularly the companion and favorite of his 
 mother (xxv. 19-28), the elder became a 
 grief of mind to her (xxvi. 35). When 
 Isaac was driven by a famine into the law- 
 less country of the Philistines, Rebekah's 
 beauty became, as was apprehended, a 
 source of danger to her husband. It was 
 probably a considerable time afterwards 
 when Rebekah suggested the deceit that 
 was practised by Jacob on his blind father. 
 She directed and aided him in carrying it 
 out, foresaw the probable consequence of 
 Esau's anger, and prevented it by moving 
 Isaac to send Jacob away to Padan-aram 
 (xxvii.) to her own 'kindred (xxix. 12). It 
 has been conjectured that she died during 
 Jacob's sojourn in Padan-aram. St. Paul 
 (Rom. ix. 10) refers to her as being made 
 acquainted with the purpose of God re- 
 garding her children before they were 
 born. 
 
 Re'chab (rider). 1. One of the two 
 
 " captains of Lnnds," whom Ishbosheth 
 took into his service, and who conspired to 
 murder him (2 Sam. iv. 2). 2. The lather 
 of Malchiah, ruler of part of Bcth-hac- 
 cerem (Neh. iii. 14). 3. The father or 
 ancestor of Jchonadab (2 K. x. 15, 23 ; 1 
 Chr. ii. 55; Jer. xxxv. C-19), identified by 
 some writers with Hobab. It was from 
 this Rechab that the tribe of the Re- 
 chabites derived their name. Nothing is 
 known of his personal history. In 1 Chr. 
 ii. 55, the house of Rechab is identified 
 with a section of the Kenites, who came 
 into Canaan with the Israelites, and re- 
 tained their nomadic habits. It has been 
 inferred from this passage that the descend- 
 ants of Rechab belonged to a branch of the 
 Kenites settled from the first at Jabez in 
 Judah. But it is more probable that this 
 passage refers to the locality occupied by 
 the Rechabites after their return from 
 the captivity. The real founder of the 
 tribe was Jehonadab, whose history has 
 been given elsewhere. [JEHONADAB.] He 
 and his people had all along been worship- 
 pers of Jehovah, circumcised, though not 
 reckoned as belonging to Israel, and proba- 
 bly therefore not considering themselves 
 bound by the Mosaic law and ritual. The 
 worship of Baal was accordingly not 
 less offensive to them than to the Israel- 
 ites. The luxury and license of Phoeni- 
 cian cities threatened the destruction of the 
 simplicity of their nomadic life (Amos ii. 
 7, 8, vi. 3-6). A protest was needed against 
 both evils, and as in the case of Elijah", and 
 of the Nazarites of Amos ii. 11, it took the 
 form of asceticism. There was to be a more 
 rigid adherence than ever to the old Arab 
 life. They were to drink no wine, nor build 
 house, nor sow seed, nor plant vineyard, 
 nor have any. All their days they were to 
 dwell in tents, as remembering that they 
 were strangers in the land (Jer. xxxv. 6, 
 7). This was to be the condition of their 
 retaining a distinct tribal existence. For 
 two centuries and a half they adhered faith- 
 fully to this rule. The Nabathaeans and 
 Wahabys supply us with a striking parallel. 
 The invasion of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar 
 in B. c. 607, drove the Rechabites from their 
 tents. Some inferences may be safvly drawn 
 from the facts of Jer. xxxv. The names 
 of the Rechabites show that they continued 
 to be worshippers of Jehovah. They are 
 already known to the prophet. One of them 
 (ver. 3) bears the same name. Their rigid 
 Nazarite life gained for them admission into 
 the house of the Lord, into one of the cham- 
 bers assigned to priests and Levites, within 
 its precincts. Here they are tempted, and 
 are proof against the temptation. The his- 
 tory of this trial ends with a special bless- 
 ing: " Jonadab, the son of Rechab, shall 
 not want a man to stand before me forever" 
 (ver. 19). The words " to stand before
 
 EECHABITES 
 
 571 
 
 me," are essentially liturgical. The Re- 
 chabites were solemnly adopted into the 
 families of Israel, and were recognized as 
 incorporated into the tribe of Levi. It 
 remains for us to see whether there are any 
 traces of their after-history in the Biblical 
 or later writers. (1.) We have the singu- 
 lar heading of Ps. Ixxi. in the LXX. ver- 
 sion, indicating that the " sons of Jonadab" 
 shared the captivity of Israel. (2.) There 
 is the significant mention of a son of 
 Rechab in Neh. iii. 14, as co-operating with 
 the priests, Levites, and princes in the res- 
 toration of the wall of Jerusalem. (3.) 
 The mention of the house of Rechab in 1 
 Chr. ii. 55, though not without difficulty, 
 points, there can be little doubt, to the same 
 conclusion. The Rechabites have become 
 Scribes. They give themselves to a calling 
 which, at the time of the return from Baby- 
 lon, was chiefly, if not exclusively, in the 
 hands of Levites. (4.) The account of the 
 martyrdom of James the Just given by 
 Hegesippus brings the name of the Rechab- 
 ites once more before us, and in a very 
 strange connection. While the Scribes and 
 Pharisees were stoning him, " one of the 
 priests of the sons of Rechab, the son of 
 Rechabim, who are mentioned by Jeremiah 
 the prophet," cried out, protesting against 
 the crime. We may accept Hegesippus as 
 an additional witness to the existence of the 
 Rechabites as a recognized body up to the 
 destruction of Jerusalem, sharing in the 
 ritual of the Temple. (5.) Some later 
 notices are not without interest. Benjamin 
 of Tudela in the 12th century mentions that 
 near El Jubar (== Pumbeditha) he found 
 Jews who were named Rechabites. They 
 tilled the ground, kept flocks and herds, 
 abstained from wine and flesh, and gave 
 tithes to teachers who devoted themselves 
 to studying the Law, and weeping for Jeru- 
 salem. A later traveller, Dr. Wolff, gives 
 a yet stranger and more detailed report. 
 The Jews of Jerusalem and Yemen told 
 him that he would find the Rechabites of 
 Jer. xxxv. living near Mecca. When he 
 came near Senaa he came in contact with a 
 tribe, the Beni-Khaibr, who identified them- 
 selves with the sons of Jonadab. With one 
 of them, Mousa, Wolff conversed. 
 
 Re'chabites. [RECHAB.] 
 
 Be'chah. In 1 Chr. iv. 12, Beth-rapha, 
 Paseah, and Tehinnah the father, or found- 
 er, of Ir-nahash, are said to have been " the 
 men of Rachah." 
 
 Recorder, an officer of high rank in the 
 Jewish state, exercising the functions, not 
 simply of an annalist, but of chancellor or 
 president of the privy council. In David's 
 court the recorder appears among the high 
 officers of his household (2 Sam. viii. 1G, 
 xx. 24; 1 Chr. xviii. 15). In Solomon's, 
 he is coupled with the three secretaries, and 
 is mentioned last, probably as being their 
 
 president (1 K. iv. 3 ; comp. 2 K. xviii. 18, 
 37 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). 
 
 Red Sea. The sea known to us as the 
 Red Sea was by the Israelites called " the 
 sea " (Ex. xiv. 2, 9, 16, 21, 28, xv. 1, 4, 8, 
 10, 19 ; Josh. xxiv. C, 7 ; and many other 
 passages) ; and specially "the sea of s&ph " 
 (Ex. x. 19, xiii. 18, xv. 4, 22, xxiii. 31 ; 
 Num. xiv. 25; c.). It is also perhaps 
 written sfiphdh in Num. xxi. 14, rendered 
 " Red Sea " in A. V. ; and in like manner 
 in Deut. i. 1, siiph. This word signifies a 
 sea-weed resembling wool, and such sea- 
 weed is thrown up abundantly on the shores 
 of the Red Sea. The LXX. always render 
 it i/ Igvdou (JuHaaoa (except in Judg. xi. 1C). 
 The origin of this appellation has been the 
 source of more speculation even than the 
 obscure s&ph ; for it lies more within the , 
 range of general scholarship. The authors 
 of theories concerning it may be divided 
 into two schools. The first have ascribed 
 it to some natural phenomenon ; such as the 
 singularly red appearance of the mountains 
 of the western coast ; the red color of the 
 water, sometimes caused by the presence 
 ofzoophites; the red coral of the sea ; the 
 red sea-weed ; and the red storks that have 
 been seen in great numbers, &c. The sec- 
 ond have endeavored to find an etymo- 
 logical derivation. Of these the earliest 
 (European) writers proposed a derivation 
 from Edom, " red," by the Greeks trans- 
 lated literally. The Greeks and Romans 
 tell us that the sea received its name from 
 a great king, Erythras, who reigned in the 
 adjacent country ; the stories that have 
 come down to us appear to be distortions 
 of the tradition that Ilimyer was the name 
 of apparently the chief family of Arabia 
 Felix, the great South-Arabian kingdom, 
 whence the Hiinyerites and Homeritae. 
 Himyer appears to be derived from the 
 Arabic " ahmar," red. We can scarcely 
 doubt, on these etymological grounds, the 
 connection between the Phoenicians and 
 the Himyerites, or that in this is the true 
 origin of the appellation of the Red Sea. 
 But when the ethnological side of the ques- 
 tion is considered, the evidence is much 
 strengthened. The South-Arabian kingdom 
 was a Joktanite (or Shemite) nation mixed 
 with a Cushite. The Red Sea, therefore, 
 was most probably the Sea of the Red men. 
 Ancient Limits. The most important 
 change in the Red Sea has been the drying 
 up of its northern extremity, " the tongue 
 of the Egyptian Sea." The land about the 
 head of the gulf has risen, and that near 
 the Mediterranean become depressed. The 
 head of the gulf has consequently retired 
 gradually since the Christian era. Thus 
 the prophecy of Isaiah has been fulfilled 
 (xi. 15, xix. 5) ; the tongue of the Red Sea 
 has dried up for a distance of at least 50 
 miles from its ancient head. An ancient
 
 RED SEA 
 
 572 
 
 RED SEA 
 
 canal conveyed the waters of the Nile to 
 the Red Sea flowing through the Wadi-t- 
 Tumeylat, and irrigating with its system 
 of water-channels a large extent of country. 
 The drying up of the head of the gulf ap- 
 pears to have been one of the chief causes 
 of the neglect and ruin of this canal. The 
 country, for the distance above indicated, 
 is now a desert of gravelly sand, with wide 
 patches about the ol I sea-bottom, of rank 
 marsh land, now called the ' Bitter Lakes." 
 At the northern extremity of this salt 
 waste is a small lake, sometimes called the 
 lake of Heroopolis ; the lake is now Birket 
 et-Timsah, " the lake of the Crocodile," 
 and is supposed to mark the ancient head 
 of the gulf. The canal that connected this 
 with the Nile was of Pharaonic origin. It 
 was anciently known as the " Fossa Re- 
 gum," and the " Canal of Hero." The time 
 at which the canal was extended, after the 
 drying up of the head of the gulf, to the 
 present head, is uncertain, but it must have 
 been late, and probably since the Moham- 
 medan conquest. Traces of the ancient 
 channel throughout its entire length to the 
 vicinity of Bubastis, exist at intervals in 
 the present day. The land north of the 
 ancient, hpd of the gulf is a plain of heavy 
 sand, merging into marsh-land near the 
 Mediterranean coast, and extending to 
 Palestine. This region, including Wadi-t- 
 Tumeylat, was probably the frontier land 
 occupied in part by the Israelites, and open 
 to the incursions of the wild tribes of the 
 Arabian desert. Physical Description. 
 In extreme length the Red Sea stretches 
 from the straits of Babel-Mendeb (or rath- 
 ei Ras Bab el-Mcndeb) in lat. 12 40' N., 
 to the modern head of the Gulf of Suez, 
 lat. 30 N. Its greatest width may be 
 stated roughly at about 200 geographical 
 miles ; this is about lat. 16 30', but the 
 navigable channel is here really narrower 
 than in some other portions. At Ras Mo- 
 hammad, the Red Sea is split by the gra- 
 nitic peninsula of Sinai into two gulfs ; the 
 westernmost, or Gulf of Suez, is now about 
 130 geographical miles in length, with an 
 average width of about 18, though it con- 
 tracts tc less than 10 miles ; the eastern- 
 most, or Gulf of El-'Akabeh, is only about 
 90 miles long, from the Straits of Tirdn, to 
 the 'Akabeh, and of proportionate narrow- 
 ness. Journeying southwards from Suez, 
 on our left is the peninsula of Sinai ; on the 
 right, is the desert coast of Egypt, of lime- 
 stone formation like the greater part of the 
 Nile valley in Egypt, the cliffs on the sea- 
 margin stretching landwards in a great 
 rocky plateau, while more inland a chain 
 of volcanic mountains (beginning about lat. 
 28 4' and running south) rear their lofty 
 peaks at intervals above the limestone, gen- 
 erally about 15 miles distant. This coast 
 is especially interesting in a Biblical point 
 
 of view, for here were some of the earliest 
 monasteries of the Eastern Church, find in 
 those secluded and barren mountains lived 
 very early Christian hermits. The western 
 shore is the peninsula of SIXAI. The sea, 
 from its dangers and sterile shores, is en- 
 tirely destitute of boats. The coral of the 
 Red Sea is remarkably abundant, and 
 beautifully colored and variegated. The 
 earliest navigation of the Red Sea (passing 
 by the pre-historical Phoenicians) is men- 
 tioned by Herodotus. " Sesostris (Rame- 
 ses II.) was the first who, passing the Ara- 
 bian Gulf in a fleet of long vessels, reduced 
 under his authority the inhabitants of the 
 coast bordering the Erythraean Sea." 
 Three centuries later, Solomon's navy was 
 built " in Eziongeber, which is beside Eloth, 
 on the shore of the Red Sea (Yam Si>ph), in 
 the land of Edom " (1 K. ix. 26). The king- 
 dom of Solomon extended as far as the Red 
 Sea, upon which he possessed the harbors of 
 Elath and Eziongeber. [ELATH ; EZION- 
 GEBER.] It is possible that the sea has 
 retired here as at Suez, and that Ezion- 
 geber is now dry land. Jehoshaphat also 
 " made ships of Tharshish to go to Ophir 
 for gold ; but they went not, for the ships 
 were broken at Eziongeber " (1 K. xxii. 
 48). The scene of this wreck has been 
 supposed to be Edh-Dhahab. The fashion 
 of the ancient ships of the Red Sea, or of 
 the Phoenician ships of Solomon, is un- 
 known. From Pliny we learn that the ships 
 were of papyrus, and like the boats of the 
 Nile ; and this statement was in some meas- 
 ure correct. More precise and curious is 
 El-Makreezee's description, written in the 
 first half of the 15th century, of the ships 
 that sailed from Eydhab on the Egyptian 
 coast to Juddah: " Their 'jelebehs,' which 
 carry the pilgrims on the coast, have not 
 a nail used in them ; but their planks are 
 sewed together with fibre, which is taken 
 from the cocoanut-tree ; and they calk 
 them with the fibres of the wood of the date 
 palm ; then they ' pay ' them with butter, or 
 the oil of the palma Christi, or with the fat 
 of the kirsh (squalus carcharias). . . . 
 The sails of these jelebehs are of mats made 
 of the dom-palm." The fleets appear to 
 have sailed about the autumnal equinox, 
 and returned in December or the middle 
 of January. The Red Sea, as it possessed 
 for many centuries the most important sea- 
 trade of the East, contained ports of celeb- 
 rity. Of these, Elath and Eziongeber alone 
 appear to be mentioned in the Bible. The 
 Herobpolite Gulf is of the chief interest ; it 
 was near to Goshen ; it was the scene of the 
 passage of the Red Sea; and it was the 
 " tongue of the Egyptian Sea." It was 
 also the seat of the Egyptian trade in this 
 sea and to the Indian Ocean. Heroopolis 
 is doubtless the same as Hero, and its site 
 is probably identified with the modern
 
 RED SEA 
 
 573 
 
 RED SEA 
 
 A ooo-Kesheyd, at the head of the old gulf. 
 Suez is a poor town, and has only an unsafe 
 anchorage, with very shoal water. But the 
 shoaling of the head of the gulf rendered 
 the navigation, always dangerous, more 
 difficult ; it destroyed the former anchor- 
 ages, and made it necessary to carry mer- 
 chandize across the desert to the Nile. This 
 change appears to have hcen one of the 
 main causes of the decay of the commerce 
 of Egypt. Since the time of Mohammad 
 the Red Sea trade has been insignificant. 
 Passage of. The passage of the Red Sea 
 was the crisis of the Exodus. The points 
 that arise are the place of the passage, the 
 narrative, and the importance of the event 
 in Biblical history. 1. It is usual to sup- 
 pose that the most northern place at which 
 the Red Sea could have been crossed is the 
 present head of the Gulf of Suez. This 
 supposition depends upon the erroneous 
 idea that in the time of Moses the Gulf did 
 not extend farther to the northward than 
 at present. An examination of the country 
 north of Suez has shown, however, that the 
 sea has receded many miles. The old bed 
 is indicated by the Birket-et-Timsah, or 
 "Lake of the Crocodile," and the more 
 southern Bitter Lakes, the northernmost 
 part of the former probably corresponding 
 to the head of the Gulf at the time of the 
 Exodus. It is necessary to endeavor to 
 ascertain the route of the Israelites be- 
 fore we can attempt to discover where 
 they crossed the Sea. The point from 
 which they started was Rameses, a place 
 certainly in the Land of Goshen, which 
 we identify with the Wddi-t-Tumeyldt. 
 After the mention that the people jour- 
 neyed from Rameses to Succoth, and 
 before the account of their departure 
 from Succoth, a passage occurs which ap- 
 pears to show the first direction of the 
 journey, and not a change in the route (Ex. 
 xiii. 17, IS). At the end of the second 
 day's journey the camping-place was at 
 Etliam, "in the edge of the wilderness" 
 (Ex. xiii. 20; Num. xxxiii. 6). Here the 
 Wudi-t- Tumeyldt was probably left, as it is 
 cultivable and terminates in the desert. 
 The first passage relating to the journey, 
 after the mention of the encamping at 
 Etham, is this, stating a command given to 
 Moses : " Speak unto the children of Israel, 
 that they turn [or ' return '] and encamp 
 [or ' that they encamp again '] before Pi- 
 hahiroth, between Migdol and the sea, over 
 against Baal-zephon " (Ex. xiv. 2). At the 
 end of the third day's march, for each 
 camping-place seems to mark the close of 
 a day's journey, the Israelites encamped 
 by the sea. The place of this last encamp- 
 ment, and that of the passage, would be not 
 very far from the Persepolitan monument. 
 It is here necessary to mention the argu- 
 ments for and against the common opinion 
 
 that the Israelites passed near the present 
 head of the gulf. Local tradition is in its 
 favor, but it must be remembered that local 
 tradition in Egypt and the neighboring 
 countries, judging from the evidence of 
 history, is of very little value. The Mus- 
 lims suppose Memphis to have been the 
 city at which the Pharaoh of the Exodus 
 resided before that event occurred. From 
 opposite Memphis a broad valley leads to 
 the Red Sea. It is in part called the Wadi- 
 t-Teeh, or " Valley of the Wandering." 
 From it the traveller reaches the sea be- 
 neath the lofty Gebel-et-Tdkah, which rises 
 on the north and shuts off all escape in that 
 direction, excepting by a narrow way along 
 the sea-shore, which Pharaoh might have 
 occupied. The sea here is broad and deep, 
 as the narrative is generally held to imply. 
 All the local features seem suited for a 
 great event. The supposition that the Is- 
 raelites took an upper route, now that of 
 the Mekkeh caravan, along the desert to 
 the north of the elevated tract between 
 Cairo and Suez, must be mentioned, al- 
 though it is less probable than that just no- 
 ticed, and offers the same difficulties. We 
 therefore think that the only opinion war- 
 ranted by the narrative is that already 
 stated, which supposes the passage of the 
 sea to have taken place near the northern- 
 most part of its ancient extension. The 
 last camping-place was before Pi-hahiroth. 
 It appears that Migdol was behind Pi-ha- 
 hiroth, and on the other hand Baal-zephon 
 and the sea. These neighboring places 
 have not been identified. From Pi-hahi- 
 roth the Israelites crossed the sea. The 
 only points bearing on geography in the 
 account of this event are, that the sea was 
 divided by an east wind, whence we may 
 reasonably infer that it was crossed from 
 west to east, and that the whole Egyptian 
 army perished, which shows that it must 
 have been some miles broad. On the'whole 
 we may reasonably suppose about twelve 
 miles as the smallest breadth of the sea. 
 2. A careful examination of the narrative 
 of the passage of the Red Sea is necessary 
 to a right understanding of the event. 
 When the Israelites had departed, Pharaoh 
 repented that he had let them go. The 
 strength of Pharaoh's army is not further 
 specified than by the statement that "he 
 took six hundred chosen chariots, and [or 
 ' even '] all the chariots of Egypt, and cap- 
 tains over every one of them " (Ex. xiv. 7). 
 i With this army, which, even if a small one, 
 ! was mighty in comparison to the Israelite 
 multitude, encumbered with women, chil- 
 dren, and cattle, Pharaoh overtook the 
 people " encamping by the sea " (9). When 
 the Israelites saw the oppressor's army they 
 were terrified and murmured against Moses. 
 Then Moses encouraged them, bidding them 
 see how God would save them. It sceins
 
 RED SEA 
 
 574 
 
 from the narrative that Moses did not know 
 at this time how the people would be saved, 
 and spoke only from a heart full of faith, 
 for we read, " And THE LORD said unto 
 Moses, Wherefore criest thou unto me? 
 speak unto the children of Israel, that they 
 go forward : but lift thou up thy rod, and 
 stretch thou out thine hand over the sea, 
 and divide it : and the children of Israel 
 shall go on dry [ground] through the midst 
 of the sea" (15, 16). That night the two 
 armies, the fugitives and the pursuers, were 
 encamped near together. Between them 
 was the pillar of the cloud, darkness to the 
 Egyptians and a light to the Israelites. 
 Perhaps in the camp of Israel the sounds 
 of the hostile camp might be heard on the 
 one hand, and on the other the roaring of 
 the sea. But the pillar was a barrier and 
 a sign of deliverance. The time was now 
 come for the great decisive miracle of the 
 Exodus. " And Moses stretched out his 
 hand over the sea : and the LORD caused 
 the sea to go [back] by a strong east wind 
 all that night, and made the sea dry [land], 
 and the waters were divided. And the 
 children of Israel went through the midst 
 of the sea upon the dry [ground] : and the 
 waters [were] a wall unto them on their 
 right hand and on their left" (21, 22, 
 comp. 2s)). The narrative distinctly states 
 that a path was made through the sea, and 
 that the waters were a wall on either hand. 
 The term "wall " does not appear to oblige 
 ^s to suppose, as many have done, that the 
 sea stood up like a cliff on either side, but 
 should rather be considered to mean a bar- 
 rier, as the former idea implies a seeming- 
 ly needless addition to the miracle, while 
 the latter seems to be not discordant with 
 the language of the narrative. It was dur- 
 ing the night that the Israelites crossed, 
 and the Egyptians followed. In- the morn- 
 ing watch, the last third or fourth of the 
 night, or the period before sunrise, Pha- 
 raoh's army was in full pursuit in the 
 divided sea, and was there miraculously 
 troubled, so that the Egyptians sought to 
 flee (23-25). Then was Moses command- 
 ed again to stretch out his hand, and the 
 sea returned to its strength, and over- 
 whelmed the Egyptians, of whom not one 
 remained alive (26-28). In a later passage 
 some particulars are mentioned which are 
 not distinctly stated in the narrative in Ex- 
 odus. The place is indeed a poetical one, 
 but its meaning is clear, and we learn from 
 it that at the time of the passage of the 
 sea there was a storm of rain with thunder 
 and lightning, perhaps accompanied by an 
 earthquake (Ps. Ixxvii. 15-20). 3. The 
 importance of this event in Biblical history 
 is shown by the manner in which it is 
 spoken of in the books of the O. T. writ- 
 ten in later times. In them it is the chief 
 fact of Jewish history. It may be inquired 
 
 how it is that there seems to have been no 
 record or tradition of this miracle among the 
 Egyptians. This question involves that of 
 the time in Egyptian history to which this 
 event should be assigned. The date of the 
 Exodus according to different chronologers 
 varies more than three hundred years ; the 
 dates of the Egyptian dynasties ruling dur- 
 ing this period of three hundred years vary 
 full one hundred. If the lowest date of 
 the beginning of the xviiith dynasty be 
 taken, and the highest date of the Exodus, 
 both which we consider the most probable 
 of those which have been conjectured in 
 the two cases, the Israelites must have left 
 Egypt in a period of which monuments or 
 other records are almost wanting. 
 
 Reed. Under this name may be noticed 
 the following Hebrew words : 1. Agmdn 
 occurs Job xl. 26 (A. V. xli. 2, " hook "), xl. 
 12 (A. V. xli. 20, " caldron ") ; Is. ix. 14 
 (A. V. "rush"). The agmdn is mentioned 
 also as an Egyptian plant, in a sentence 
 similar to the last, in Is. xix. 15 ; while 
 from Iviii. 5 we learn that it had a pendu- 
 lous panicle. There can be no doubt that 
 it denotes some aquatic reed-like plant, 
 probably the Phragmitis communis, which, 
 if it does not occur in Palestine and Egypt, 
 is represented by a very closely allied spe- 
 cies, viz. the Arundo isiaca of Delisle. 
 The drooping panicle of this plant will an- 
 swer well to the " bowing down the head " 
 of which Isaiah speaks. 2. G6me, trans- 
 lated " rush " and " bulrush " by the A. V., 
 without doubt denotes the celebrated paper- 
 reed of the ancients (Papyrus antiquorum), 
 which formerly was common in some parts 
 of Egypt. The Hebrew word is found four 
 times in the Bible (Ex. ii. 3 ; Is. xviii. 2, 
 xxxv. 7; Job viii. 11). The papyrus reed 
 is not now found in Egypt; it grows, how- 
 ever, in Syria. Dr. Hooker saw it on the 
 banks of Lake Tiberias, a few miles north 
 of the town. The papyrus plant (Papyrus 
 antiquorum) has an angular stem from 3 to 
 6 feet high, though occasionally it grows to 
 the height of 14 feet ; it has no leaves ; the 
 flowers are in very small spikelets, which 
 grow on the thread-like flowering branchlets 
 which form a bushy crown to each stem. 
 3. 'Artfth is translated " paper-reed " in Is. 
 xix. 7 ; but there is not the slightest au- 
 thority for this rendering of the A. V. It 
 probably denotes the open grassy land on 
 the banks of the Nile. 4. KAneh, the 
 generic name of a reed of any kind ; it oc- 
 curs in numerous passages of the O. T., and 
 sometimes denotes the "stalk" of wheat 
 (Gen. xli. 5, 22), or the " branches " of the 
 candlestick (Ex. xxv. and xxxvii.). The 
 word is variously rendered in the A. V. by 
 "stalk," "branch," "bone," "calamus," 
 " reed." The Arundo donax is common 
 on the banks of the Nile, and may perhaps 
 be " the staff of the bruised reed " to which
 
 REELAIAH 
 
 575 
 
 REHOBOAM 
 
 Sennacherib compared the power of Egypt 
 (2 K. xviii. 21; Ez. xxix. 6, 7). The thick 
 stem of this reed may have been used as 
 walking-staves by the ancient Orientals ; 
 perhaps the measuring-reed was this plant ; 
 at present the dry culms of this huge grass 
 are in much demand for fishing-rods, &c. 
 Some kind of fragrant reed is denoted by 
 the word kenSh (Is. xliii. 24 ; Ez. xxvii. 
 19; Cant. iv. 14), or more fully by kenh 
 bdsem ; see Ex. xxx. 23, or by k&neh Jiattdb 
 (Jer. vi. 20) ; which the A.V. renders " sweet 
 cane," and " calamus." It was of foreign 
 importation (Jer. vi. 20). It may be repre- 
 sented by the lemon grass of India and 
 Arabia. 
 
 Reela'iah. One of the children of the 
 province who went up with Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr. ii. 2). In Neh. vii. 7 he is called 
 RAAMIAH, and in 1 Esd. v. 8 REESAIAS. 
 
 Refiner. The refiner's art was essen- 
 tial to the working of the precious metals. 
 It consisted in the separation of the dross 
 from the pure ore, which was effected by 
 reducing the metal to. a fluid state by the 
 application of heat, and by the aid of sol- 
 vents, such as alkali (Is. i. 25) or lead (Jer. 
 vi. 29), which, amalgamating with the dross, 
 permitted the extraction of the unadulter- 
 ated metal. The instruments required by 
 the refiner were a crucible or furnace, and 
 a bellows or blow-pipe. The workman 
 sat at his work (Mai. iii. 3) : he was thus 
 better enabled to watch the process, and 
 let the metal run off at the proper moment. 
 
 Refuge, Cities of. [CITIES OF REF- 
 UGE.] 
 
 Re'gem. A son of Jahdai (1 Chr. ii. 
 47). 
 
 Re'gem-me'lech. The names of She- 
 rezer and Regem-melech occur in an ob- 
 scure passage of Zechariah (vii. 2). They 
 were sent on behalf of some of the captivity 
 to make inquiries at the Temple concerning 
 fasting. On referring to Zech. vii. 5, the 
 expression " the people of the land " seems 
 to indicate that those who sent to the Tem- 
 ple were not the captive Jews in Babylon, 
 but those who had returned to their own 
 country; and this being the case, it is prob- 
 able that in ver. 2 " Bethel " is to be taken 
 as the subject, " and Bethel (i. e. the in- 
 habitants of Bethel) sent." From its con- 
 nection with Sherezer, the name Regem- 
 melech (lit. " king's friend," comp. 1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 33) was probably an Assyrian title 
 of office. 
 
 Region round about, The (? n<>i- 
 70100?). In the Old Test, it is used by the 
 LXX. as the equivalent of the singular 
 Hebrew word hac-Ciccar (literally "the 
 round"), which seems in its earliest occur- 
 rences to denote the circle or oasis of culti- 
 vation in which stood Sodom and Gomorrah 
 and the rest of the five " cities of the 
 Ciccar ' (Gen. xiii. 10, 11, 12, xix. 17, 25, 
 
 ; 28, 29; Dent, xxxiv. 3). In Matt. iii. 5 and 
 
 | Luke iii. 3 it denotes the populous and 
 
 1 flourishing region which contained the towns 
 
 ! of Jericho and its dependencies, in the Jor- 
 
 ; dan valley, enclosed in the amphitheatre of 
 
 the hills of Quarantana. It is also applied 
 
 to the district of Gennesaret (Matt. xiv. 
 
 35; Mark vi. 55; Luke vi. 37, vii. 17). 
 
 Rehabi'ah. The only son of Eliezer, 
 the son of Moses (1 Chr. xxiii. 17, xxir. 
 21, xxvi. 25). 
 
 Re'hob. 1. The father of Hadadezer 
 king of Zobah, whom David smote at the 
 Euphrates (2 Sam. viii. 3, 12). 2. A Le- 
 vite, or family of Levites, who sealed the 
 covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 11). 3. 
 The northern limit of the exploration of 
 the spies (Num. xiii. 21). It is specified as 
 being " as men come unto Hamath," i. e. 
 at the commencement of the territory of 
 that name, by which in the early books of 
 the Bible the great valley of Lebanon seems 
 to be roughly designated. This seems to 
 fix the position of Rehob as not far from 
 Tell el-Kady and Banias. Inasmuch, how- 
 ever, as Beth-rehob is distinctly stated to 
 have been " far from Zidon " (Judg. xviii. 
 28), it must be a distinct place from 4. 
 One of the towns allotted to Asher (Josh. 
 xix. 28). 5. Asher contained another Re- 
 hob (Josh. x-ix. 30) ; but the situation of 
 these towns is unknown. 
 
 Rehobo'am, son of Solomon, by the 
 Ammonite princess Naamah (1 K. xiv. 21, 
 31), and his successor (1 K. xi. 43). From 
 the earliest period of Jewish history we 
 perceive symptoms that the confederation 
 of the tribes was but imperfectly cemented. 
 The powerful Ephraim could never brook 
 a position of inferiority. When Solomon's 
 strong hand was withdrawn the crisis came. 
 Rehoboam selected Shechetn as the place 
 of his coronation, probably as an act of 
 concession to the Ephraimites. The people 
 demanded a remission of the severe bur- 
 dens imposed by Solomon, and Rehoboam 
 promised them an answer in three days, 
 during which time he consulted first his 
 father's counsellors, and then the young 
 men "that were grown up with him, and 
 which stood before him." Rejecting the 
 advice of the elders to conciliate the people 
 at the beginning of his reign, he returned 
 as his reply the frantic bravado of his con- 
 temporaries. Thereupon rose the formida- 
 ble song of insurrection, heard once before, 
 when the tribes quarrelled after David's 
 return from the war with Absalom. Reho- 
 boam sent Adoram or Adonirara (1 K. iv. 
 6; 2 Sam. xx. 24) to reduce the rebels to 
 reason, but he was stoned to death by them ; 
 whereupon the king and his attendants fled 
 to Jerusalem. Jeroboam was made king 
 of the northern tribes. [JEROBOAM.] On 
 Rehoboam's return to Jerusalem he as- 
 sembled an army of 180,000 men from the
 
 REHOBOTH 
 
 576 
 
 REMPHAN 
 
 two faithful tribes of Judah and Benjamin, 
 in the hope of reconquering Israel. The 
 expedition, however, was forbidden by the 
 prophet Shemaiah (1 K. xii. 24) : still dur- 
 ing Rehoboara's lifetime peaceful relations 
 between Israel and Judah were never re- 
 stored (2 Chr. xii. 15; 1 K. xiv. 30). Re- 
 hoboam now occupied himself in strength- 
 ening the territories which remained to 
 him, by building a number of fortresses (2 
 Chr. xi. 6-10). The pure worship of God 
 was maintained in Judah. But Rehoboam 
 did not check the introduction of heathen 
 abominations into his capital ; the lascivious 
 worship of Ashtoreth was allowed to exist 
 by the side of the true religion, " images " 
 were set up, and the worst immoralities 
 were tolerated (1 K. xiv. 22-24). These 
 evils were punished and put down by the 
 terrible calamity of an Egyptian invasion. 
 In the 5th year of Rehoboam's reign the 
 country was invaded by a host of Egyptians 
 and other African nations under Shishak, 
 numbering 1200 chariots, 60,000 cavalry, 
 and a miscellaneous multitude of infantry. 
 The line of fortresses which protected Jeru- 
 salem to the W. and S. was forced, Jerusa- 
 lem itself was taken, and Rehoboam had to 
 purchase an ignominious peace by deliver- 
 ing up all the treasures with which Solomon 
 had adorned the temple and palace, includ- 
 ing his golden shields, 200 of' the larger, 
 and 300 of the smaller size (1 K. x. 16, 17). 
 After this great humiliation the moral con- 
 dition of Judah seems to have improved (2 
 Chr. xii. 12), and the rest of Rehoboam's 
 life to have been unmarked by any events 
 of importance. He died B. c. 958, after a 
 reign of 17 years, having ascended the 
 throne B. c. 975, at the age of 41 (1 K. xiv. 
 21 ; 2 Chr. xii. 13). He had 18 wives, 60 
 concubines, 28 sons, and 60 daughters. 
 
 Reho'both. 1. The third of the series 
 of wells dug by Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 22). 2. 
 One of the four cities built by Asshur, or by 
 Kimrod in Asshur, according as this diffi- 
 cult passage is translated (Gen. x. 11). 
 Nothing certain is known of its position. 
 3. The city of a certain Saul or Shaul, one 
 of the early kings of the Edomites (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 37; 1 Chr. i. 48). The affix, "by 
 the river," fixes the situation of Rehoboth 
 as on the Euphrates. 
 
 Re'hum. 1. One of the " children of 
 the province " who went up from Babylon 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 2). 2. "Rehum 
 the chancellor " (Ezr. iv. 8, 9, 17, 23). He 
 was perhaps a kind of lieutenant-governor 
 of the province under the king of Persia, 
 holding apparently the same office as Tat- 
 nai, who is described in Ezr. v. 6 as taking 
 part in a similar transaction, and is there j 
 called " the governor on this side the ; 
 river." 3. A Levite of the family of Bani. 
 who assisted in rebuilding the walls of 
 Jerusalem (Neh. Hi. 17). 4. One of the 
 
 chief of the people, who signed the cove- 
 I nant with Neherniah (Neh. x. 25). 5. A 
 ! priestly family, or the head of a priestly 
 house, who went up with Zerubbabel (Neh. 
 xii. 3). 
 
 Re'i. A person mentioned (in 1 K. i. 8 
 only) as having remained firm to David's 
 cause when Adonijah rebelled. Jerome 
 states that he is the same with " Hiram the 
 Zairite," i. e. Ira the Jarite. Ewald sug- 
 gests that Rei is identical with RADDAJ. 
 
 Reins, i. e. kidneys, from the Latin rents. 
 In the ancient system of physiology the 
 kidneys were believed to be the seat of de- 
 sire and longing, which accounts for their 
 often being coupled with the heart (Ps. vii. 
 9, xxvi. 2 ; Jer. xi. 20, xvii. 10, &c.). 
 
 Re'kem. 1. One of the five kings or 
 chieftains of Midian slain by the Israelites 
 (Num. xxxi. 8; Josh. xiii. 21). 2. One 
 of the four sons of Hebron, and father of 
 Shammai (1 Chr. ii. 43, 44). 
 
 Re'kem. One of the towns of the al- 
 lotment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 27). No 
 one has attempted to identify it with any 
 existing site. But may there not bo a trace 
 of the name in Ain Karim, the well-known 
 spring west of Jerusalem ? 
 
 Remali'ah, the father of Pekah, cap- 
 tain of Pekahiah king of Israel, who slew 
 his master and usurped his throne (2 K. xv. 
 25-37, xvi. 1, 5 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 6 ; Is. vii. 
 1-9, viii. 6). 
 
 Re'meth. One of the towns of Issa- 
 char (Josh. xix. 21). It is probably (though 
 not certainly) a distinct place from the RA- 
 MOTH of 1 Chr. vi. 73. 
 
 Rem'mon. A town in the allotment of 
 Simeon (Josh. xix. 7) ; elsewhere accu- 
 rately given in the A. V. as RIMMON. 
 
 Rem'mon-meth'oar. A place which 
 formed one of the landmarks of the eastern 
 boundary of the territory of Zebulun (Josh. 
 xix. 13 only). Methoar does not really 
 form a part of the name, but should be 
 translated (as in the margin of the A. V.), 
 " R. which reaches to Neah." This 
 Rimrnon does not appear to have been 
 known to Euscbius and Jerome, but it is 
 mentioned by the early traveller Parchi, 
 who says that it is called Rurnaneh, and 
 stands an hour south of Sepphoris. If for 
 south we read north, this is in close agree- 
 ment with the statements of Dr. Robinson 
 and Mr. Van de Velde, who place Rummd- 
 neh on the S. border of the Plain of But- 
 tauf, 3 miles N. N. E. of Seffurieh. It is 
 difficult, however, to see how this can have 
 been on the eastern boundary of Zebulun. 
 
 Rem'phan (Acts vii. 43) and Chiun 
 (Am. v. 26) have been supposed to be 
 names of an idol worshipped by the Israel- 
 ites in the wilderness. Much difficulty has 
 been occasioned by this corresponding oc- 
 currence of two names so wholly different 
 in sound. The most reasonable opinion
 
 REPHAEL 
 
 577 
 
 REUBEN 
 
 seems to be that Chiun WAS a Hebrew or 
 Semitic name, and Remphan an Egyptian 
 equivalent substituted by the LXX. The 
 former, rendered Saturn in the Syr., was 
 compared with the Arab, and Pers. kaiwdn, 
 " the planet Saturn." Egyptology has, 
 however, shown that this is not the true 
 explanation. Among the foreign divinities 
 worshipped in Egypt, two, the god RENPU, 
 perhaps pronounced REMPU, and tiie god- 
 dess KEN, occur together. We have no 
 clew to the exact time of the introduction 
 of these divinities into Egypt. Their names 
 occur as early as the period of the xviiith 
 and xixth dynasties, and it is therefore not 
 improbable that they were introduced by 
 the Shepherds. KEN is a form of the Syr- 
 ian goddess, and also bears some relation 
 to the Egyptian god of productiveness, 
 KHEM. Their similarity to Baal and Ash- 
 toreth seems strong. The naked goddess 
 KEN would suggest such worship as that 
 of the Babylonian Mylitta, but the thorough- 
 ly Shemite appearance of RENPU is rather 
 in favor of an Arab source. The mention 
 of CHIUN or REMPHAN as worshipped 
 in the desert shows that this idolatry was, 
 in part at least, that of foreigners, and no 
 doubt of those settled in Lower Egypt. 
 
 Re'pliael. Son of Shemaiah, the first- 
 born of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). 
 
 Re'phah. A son of Ephraim, and an- 
 cestor of Joshua (1 Chr. vij. 25). 
 
 Repli'aiah. 1. The sons of Rephaiah 
 appear among the descendants of Zerub- 
 babel in 1 Chr. iii. 21. 2. A Simeonite 
 chieftain in the reign of Hezekiah (1 Chr. 
 iv. 42). 3. Son of Tola, the son of Issa- 
 char (1 Chr. vii. 2). 4. Son of Binea, and 
 descendant of Saul (1 Chr. ix. 43). 6. 
 The son of Hur, and ruler of a portion of 
 Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 9). 
 
 Reph'aim. [GIANTS.] 
 
 Reph'aim. The Valley of, 2 Sam. v. 
 18, 22, xxiii. 13; 1 Chr. xi. 15, xiv. 9; Is. 
 xvii. 5. Also in Josh. xv. 8, and xviii. 1C, 
 where it is translated in the A. V. "the 
 valley of the giants." A spot which was 
 the scene of some of David's most remark- 
 able adventures. He twice encountered 
 the Philistines there, and inflicted a de- 
 struction on them and on their idols so sig- 
 nal that it gave the place a new name. It 
 was probably during the former of these 
 two contests that the incident of the water 
 of Bethlehem (2 Sam. xxiii. 13, &c.) oc- 
 curred. The "hold" (ver. 14) in which 
 David found himself, seems (though it is 
 not clear) to have been the cave of Adul- 
 lam. This narrative seems to imply that 
 the valley of Rephaim was near Bethlehem. 
 Josephus mentions it as " the valley which 
 extends (from Jerusalem) to the city of 
 Bethlehem." Since the latter part of the 
 16th century the name has been attached to 
 the upland plain which stretches south of 
 37 
 
 | Jerusalem, and is crossed by the road to 
 Bethlehem the el Euk'ah of the modern 
 Arabs. But this, though appropriate enough 
 as regards its proximity to Bethlehem, does 
 not answer at all to the meaning of the 
 Hebrew word Emek, which appears always 
 to designate an enclosed valley, never an 
 open upland plain like that in question. 
 To bier, in his last investigations, conclu- 
 sively adopts the Wady Der Jasin. The 
 valley appears to derive its name from the 
 ancient nation of the Rephaim. It may 
 be a trace of an early settlement of theirs, 
 possibly after they were driven from their 
 original seats east of the Jordan by Che- 
 dorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 5). [GIANTS.] 
 
 Reph'idim (Ex. xvii. 1, 8; xix. 2). 
 The name means " rests " or " stays ; " the 
 place lies in the march of the Israelites 
 from Egypt to Sinai. Its site is not cer- 
 tain, but it is perhaps Wady Feiran. 
 
 Rc'sen is mentioned only in Gen. x. 12, 
 where it is said to have been one of the 
 cities built by Asshur, and to have lain " be- 
 tween Nineveh and Calah." Assyrian re- 
 mains of some considerable extent are 
 found near the modern village of Selamiyeh, 
 and it is perhaps the most probable conjec- 
 ture that these represent Resen. 
 
 Re'sheph. A son of Ephraim and 
 brother of Rephah (1 Chr. vii. 25). 
 
 Re'u, son of Peleg, in the line of Abra- 
 ham's ancestors (Gen. xi. 18, 19, 20, 21; 1 
 Chr. i. 25). 
 
 Reu'ben (Hehold a sow). Jacob's first- 
 born child (Gen. xxix. 32), the son of Leah, 
 apparently not born till an unusual inter- 
 val had elapsed after the marriage (31). 
 The notices of the patriarch Reuben in the 
 Book of Genesis and the early Jewish tra- 
 ditional literature are unusually frequent, 
 and on the whole give a favorable view of 
 his disposition. To him, and him alone, 
 the preservation of Joseph's life appears 
 to have been due. His anguish at the dis- 
 appearance of his brother, and the frustra- 
 tion of his kindly artifice for delivering 
 him (Gen. xxxvii. 22), his recollection of 
 the minute details of the painful scene 
 many years afterwards (xlii. 22), his offer to 
 take the sole responsibility of the safety of 
 the brother who had succeeded to Joseph's 
 place in the family (xlii. 37), all testify to 
 a warm and (for those rough times) a kind- 
 ly nature. Of the repulsive crime which 
 mars his history, and which turned th 
 blessing of his dying father into a curse 
 his adulterous connection with Bilhah we 
 know from the Scriptures only the fact 
 (Gen. xxxv. 22). These traits, slight as 
 they are, are those of an ardent, impetuous, 
 unbalanced, but not ungenerous nature; 
 not crafty and cruel, as were Simeon and 
 Levi, but rather, to use the metaphor of 
 the dying patriarch, boiling up like a vessel 
 of water over the rapid wood-fire of the
 
 578 
 
 REVELATION 
 
 nomad tenl , and as quickly subsiding into ap- 
 athy when the fuel was withdrawn. At the 
 time of the migration into Egypt, Reuben's 
 sons were four (Gen. xlvi. 9; 1 Chr. v. 3). 
 The census at Mount Sinai (Num. i. 20, 21, 
 ii. 11) shows that at the Exodus the num- 
 bers of the tribe were 46,500 men above 
 twenty years of age, and fit for active war- 
 like service. During the journey through 
 the wilderness the position of Reuben was 
 on the south side of the Tabernacle. The 
 " camp " which went under his name was 
 formed of his own tribe, that of Simeon 
 and Gad. The Reubenites, like their rela- 
 tives and neighbors on the journey, the 
 Gadites, had maintained, through the march 
 to Canaan, the ancient calling of their fore- 
 fathers. Their cattle accompanied them 
 in their flight from Egypt (Ex. xii. 38). 
 It followed naturally that when the nation 
 arrived on the open downs east of the Jor- 
 dan, the three tribes of Reuben, Gad, and 
 the half of Manasseh, should prefer a re- 
 quest to their leader to be allowed to remain 
 in a place so perfectly suited to their re- 
 quirements. The part selected by Reuben 
 had at that date the special name of " the 
 Mishor," with reference possibly to its 
 evenness. Under its modern name of the 
 Belka it is still esteemed beyond all others 
 by the Arab sheep-masters. Accordingly, 
 when the Reubenites and their fellows ap- 
 proach Moses with their request, his main 
 objection is that by what they propose they 
 will discourage the hearts of the children 
 of Israel from going over Jordan into the 
 land which Jehovah had given them (Num. 
 xxxii. 7). It is only on their undertaking 
 to fulfil their part in the conquest of the 
 western country, the land of Canaan proper, 
 that Moses will consent to their proposal. 
 From this time it seems as if a bar, not 
 only the material one of distance, and of 
 the intervening river and mountain wall, 
 hut also of difference in feeling and habits, 
 gradually grew up between the Eastern and 
 Western tribes. The pile of stones which 
 they erected on the western bank of the 
 Jordan to mark their boundary was erected 
 in accordance with the unalterable habits 
 f Bedouin tribes both before and since. 
 It was an act identical with that in which 
 Laban and Jacob engaged at parting, with 
 that which is constantly performed by the 
 Bedouins of the present day. But by the 
 Israelites west of Jordan, who were fast 
 relinquishing their nomad habits and feel- 
 ings for those of more settled permanent 
 life, this act was completely misunderstood, 
 and <was construed into an attempt to set 
 up a rival altar to that of the Sacred Tent. 
 No judge, no prophet, no hero of the tribe 
 of Reuben is handed down to us. In the 
 dire extremity of their brethren in the 
 north under Deborah and Barak, they con- 
 tented themselves with debating the news 
 
 amongst the streams of the Mishor; the 
 distant distress of his brethren could not 
 move Reuben ; he lingered among his sheep- 
 folds, and preferred the shepherd's pipe and 
 the bleating of the flocks to the clamor of 
 the trumpet and the turoioil of battle. His 
 individuality fades more rapidly than Gad's. 
 No person, no incident, is recorded, to 
 place Reuben before us in any distincter 
 form than as a member of the community 
 (if community it can be called) of "the 
 Reubenites, the Gadites, and the half-tribe 
 of Manasseh" (1 Chr. xii. 37). Being re- 
 mote from the central seat of the national 
 government and of the national religion, it 
 is not to be wondered at that Reuben re- 
 linquished the faith of Jehovah. The last 
 historical notice which we possess of them, 
 while it records this fact, records also as its 
 natural consequence that the Reubenites 
 and Gadites, and the half-tribe of Manas- 
 seh, were carried off by Pul and Tiglath- 
 Pileser (1 Chr. v. 26). 
 
 Reu'el. 1. One of the sons of Esau, 
 by his wife Bashcmath, sister of Ishmael 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 4, 10, 13, 17 ; 1 Chr. i. 35, 37). 
 
 2. One of the names of Moses' father-in- 
 law (Ex. ii. 18); the same which is given 
 in another passage of the A. V. RAGUEL. 
 
 3. Father of Eliasaph, the leader of the 
 tribe of Gad at the time of the census at 
 Sinai (Num. ii. 14). 4. A Benjamite, an- 
 cestor of Elah (1 Chr. ix. 8). 
 
 Reu'Hiah, the concubine of Nahor, 
 Abraham's brother (Gen. xxii. 24). 
 
 Revelation of St. John, the last book 
 of the N. T. It is often called the Apoca- 
 lypse, which is its title in Greek, signifying 
 " Revelation." I. CANONICAL AUTHORITY 
 AND AUTHORSHIP. The question as to the 
 canonical authority of the Revelation re- 
 solves itself into a question of authorship. 
 Was St. John the Apostle and Evangelist 
 the writer of the Revelation? The evi- 
 dence adduced in support of his being the 
 author consists of (1) the assertions of the 
 author, and (2) historical tradition. (1) 
 The author's description of himself in the 
 1st and 22d chapters is certainly equivalent 
 to an assertion that he is the Apostle. He 
 names himself simply John, without prefix 
 or addition. He is also described as a ser 
 vant of Christ, one who had borne testi- , 
 mony as an eye-witness of the word of 
 God and of the testimony of Christ 
 terms which were surely designed to iden- 
 tify him with the writer of the versc-s John 
 xix. 35, i. 14, and 1 John i. 2. He is in 
 Fatmos for the word of God and the testi- 
 mony of Jesus Christ. He is also a fellow- 
 sufferer with those whom he addresses, and 
 the authorized channel of the most direct 
 and important communication that was ever 
 made to the Seven Churches of Asia, of 
 which churches John the Apostle was at 
 that time the spiritual governor and teach-
 
 REVELATION 
 
 579 
 
 REVELATION 
 
 er. Lastly, the writer was a fellow-servant 
 of angels and a brother of prophets. All 
 these marks are found united together in 
 the Apostle John, and in him alone of all 
 historical persons. (2) A long series of 
 writers testifies to St. John's authorship, 
 (a) Justin Martyr, circ. 150 A. D., says: 
 " A man among us whose name was John, 
 one of the Apostles of Christ, in a revela- 
 tion which was made to him, prophesied 
 that the believers in our Christ shall live 
 a thousand years in Jerusalem." (by The 
 author of the Muratorian Fragment, circ. 
 170 A. D., speaks of St. John as the writer 
 of the Apocalypse, (c) Melito of Sardis, 
 circ. 170 A. D., wrote a treatise on the 
 Revelation of John. Eusebius (II. E. iv. 
 26) mentions this among the books of 
 Melito which had come to his knowledge ; 
 and it may be presumed that he found no 
 doubt as to St. John's authorship in the 
 book of this ancient Asiatic bishop, (d) 
 Theophilus, bishop of Antioch (circ. 180), 
 in a controversy with Hermogenes, quotes 
 passages out of the Revelation of John. 
 (e) Irenaeus (circ. 195), apparently never 
 having heard a suggestion of any other 
 author than the Apostle, often quotes the 
 Revelation as the work of John. The tes- 
 timony of Irenaeus as to the authorship of 
 Revelation is perhaps more important than 
 that of any other writer. (/) Apollonius 
 (circ. 200) of.Ephesus (?), in controversy 
 with the Montanists of Phrygia, quoted 
 passages out of the Revelation of John, 
 and narrated a miracle wrought by John 
 at Ephesus. (#) Clement of Alexandria 
 (circ. 200) quotes the book as the Revela- 
 tion of John, and as the work of an Apos- 
 tle, (h) Tertullian (A. D. 207), in at least 
 one place, quotes by name " the Apostle 
 John in the Apocalypse." (t) Origen 
 (circ. 233), in his Commentary on St. John, 
 quoted by Eusebius (//. E. vi. 25), says of 
 the Apostle, " He wrote also the Revela- 
 tion." The testimonies of later writers, in 
 the third and fourth centuries, in favor of 
 St. John's authorship of the Revelation, are 
 equally distinct, and far more numerous. 
 All the foregoing writers, testifying that 
 the book came from an Apostle, believed 
 that it was a part of Holy Scripture. The 
 book was admitted into the list of the Third 
 Council of Carthage, A. D. 397. II. TIME 
 AND PLACE OF WRITING. The datt f the 
 Revelation is given by the great majority 
 of critics as A. D. 95-97. Irenaeus says : 
 " It (i. e. the Revelation) was seen no very 
 long time ago, but almost in our own gen- 
 eration, at the close of Domitian's reign." 
 Eusebius also records that, in the persecu- 
 tion under Domitian, John the Apostle and 
 Evangelist was banished to the island Pat- 
 nios for his testimony of the divine word. 
 There is no mention in any writer of the 
 first three centuries of any other time or 
 
 place. Unsupported by any historical evi- 
 dence, some commentators have put forth 
 the conjecture that the Revelation was 
 written as early as the time of Nero. This 
 is simply their inference from the style and 
 contents of the book. It has been inferred 
 from i. 2, 9, 10, that the Revelation was 
 written in Ephesus, immediately after the 
 Apostle's return from Patmos. But the 
 style in which the messages to the Seven 
 Churches are delivered rather suggests the 
 notion that the book was written in Pat- 
 mos. III. INTERPRETATION. A short ac- 
 count of the different directions in which 
 attempts have been made to interpret the 
 Revelation, is all that can be given in this 
 place. In the interval between the Apos- 
 tolic age and that of Constantine the vis- 
 ions of St. John were chiefly regarded as 
 representations of general Christian truths, 
 scarcely yet embodied in actual facts, for 
 the most part to be exemplified or fulfilled 
 in the reign of Antichrist, the coming of 
 Christ, the millennium, and the day of 
 judgment. Immediately after the triumph 
 of Constantine, the Christians, emancipated 
 from oppression and persecution, and dom- 
 inant and prosperous in their turn, began 
 to lose their vivid expectation of our Lord's 
 speedy Advent, and their spiritual concep- 
 tion of His kingdom, and to look upon the 
 temporal supremacy of Christianity as a 
 fulfilment of the promised reign of Christ 
 on earth. The Roman empire become 
 Christian was regarded no longer as the 
 object of prophetic denunciation, but as 
 the scene of a millennial development. 
 This view, however, was soon met by the 
 figurative interpretation of the millennium 
 as the reign of Christ in the hearts of all 
 true believers. As the barbarous and he- 
 retical invaders of the falling empire ap- 
 peared, they were regarded by the suffering 
 Christians as fulfilling the woes denounced 
 in the Revelation. Modern interpreters 
 are generally placed in three great divis- 
 ions, a. The Historical or Continuous ex- 
 positors, in whose opinion the Revelation 
 is a progressive history of the fortunes of 
 the Church from the first century to the 
 end of time. b. The Praeterist expositors, 
 who are of opinion that the Revelation has 
 been almost, or altogether, fulfilled in the 
 time which has passed since it was written ; 
 that it refers principally to the triumph of 
 Christianity over Judaism and Paganism, 
 signalized in the downfall of Jerusalem 
 and of Rome. c. The Futurist expositors, 
 whose views show a strong reaction against 
 some extravagances of the two preceding 
 schools. They believe that the whole book, 
 excepting perhaps the first three chapters, 
 refers principally, if not exclusively, to 
 events which are yet to come. Each of 
 these three schemes is open to objection. 
 In conclusion, it may be stated that two
 
 REZEPH 
 
 580 
 
 RIBLAH 
 
 methods have been proposed by which the 
 student of the Revelation may escape the 
 incongruities and fallacies of the different 
 interpretations, whilst he may derive edifi- 
 cation from whatever truth they contain. 
 It has been suggested that the book may be 
 regarded as a prophetic poem, dealing in 
 general and inexact descriptions, much of 
 which may be set down as poetic imagery, 
 mere embellishment. But such a view 
 would be difficult to reconcile with the 
 belief that the book is an inspired prophe- 
 cy. A better suggestion is made, or rather 
 is revived, by Dr. Arnold in his Sermons 
 On the Interpretation of Prophecy : that 
 we should bear in mind that predictions 
 have a lower historical sense, as well as a 
 higher spiritual sense ; that there may be 
 one or more than one typical, imperfect, 
 historical fulfilment of a prophecy, in each 
 of which the higher spiritual fulfilment is 
 shadowed forth more or less distinctly. 
 
 Re'zeph, one of the places which Sen- 
 nacherib mentions, in his taunting message 
 to Hezekiah, as having been destroyed by his 
 predecessor (2 K. xix. 12; Is. xxxvii. 12). 
 
 Rezi'a. An Asherite, of the sons of 
 Ulla (1 Chr. vii. 39). 
 
 Re'zin. 1. King of Damascus, con- 
 temporary with Pekah in Israel, and with 
 Jotham and Aliaz in Judaea. He attacked 
 Jotham during the latter part of his reign 
 (2 K. xv. 37) ; but his chief war was with 
 Ahaz, whose territories he invaded, in com- 
 pany with Pekah (about B. c. 741). The 
 combined army laid siege to Jerusalem, 
 where Ahaz was, but " could not prevail 
 against it" (Is. vii. 1 ; 2 K. xvi. 5). Rezin, 
 however, "recovered Elath to Syria" (2 
 K. xvi. 6) . Soon after this he was attacked, 
 defeated, and slain by Tiglath-Pileser II., 
 king of Assyria (2 K. xvi. 9 ; compare 
 Tiglath-Pileser's own inscriptions, where 
 the defeat of Rezin and the destruction of 
 Damascus are distinctly mentioned. 2. 
 One of the families of the Nethinim (Ezr. 
 ii. 48; Neh. vii. 50). 
 
 Re'zon, son of Eliadah, a Syrian, who 
 when David defeated Hadadezer king of 
 Zobah, put himself at the head of a band 
 of freebooters and set up a petty kingdom 
 at Damascus (1 K. xi. 23). From his 
 position at Damascus Rezon harassed the 
 kingdom of Solomon during his whole 
 reign. The name is Aramaic, and may be 
 compared with Rezin. 
 
 Rhe'gium, an Italian town situated on 
 the Bruttian coast, just at the southern en- 
 trance of the Straits of Messina, occurs in 
 the account of St. Paul's voyage from Syra- 
 cuse to Puteoli, after the shipwreck at 
 Malta (Acts xxviii. 13). By a curious 
 coincidence the figures on its coins are the 
 very "twin brothers" which gave the 
 name to St. Paul's ship. As to the history 
 of the place, it was originally a Greek 
 
 colony : it was miserably destroyed by 
 Dionysius of Syracuse : from Augustus it 
 received advantages which combined with 
 its geographical position in making it im- 
 portant throughout the duration of the Ro- 
 man empire. The modern Reggio is a 
 town of 10,000 inhabitants. Its distance 
 across the straits from Messina is only 
 about six miles. 
 
 Rhe'sa. son of Zorobabel in the gen- 
 ealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 27). Lord A. 
 Hervey has ingeniously conjectured that 
 Rhesa is no person, but merely the title 
 Rosh, i. e. "Prince," originally attached to 
 the name of Zerubbabel. 
 
 Rho'da. the name of a maid who an- 
 nounced Peter's arrival at the door of 
 Mary's house after his miraculous release 
 from prison (Acts xii. 13). 
 
 Rhodes. The history of this island is 
 so illustrious that it is interesting to see it 
 connected, even in a small degree, with the 
 life of St. Paul. He touched at this island 
 on his return voyage to Syria from the third 
 missionary journey (Acts xxi. 1). Rhodes 
 is immediately opposite the high Carian and 
 Lycian headlands at the S. W. extremity 
 of the peninsula of Asia Minor. Its posi- 
 tion has had much to do with its history. 
 Its real eminence began (about 400 B. c.) 
 with the founding of that city at the N. E. 
 extremity of the island, which still con- 
 tinues to be the capital. After Alexander's 
 death it entered on a glorious period, its 
 material prosperity being largely developed, 
 and its institutions deserving and obtaining 
 general esteem. As we approach the time 
 of the consolidation of the Roman power 
 in the Levant, we have a notice of the 
 Jewish residents in Rhodes (1 Mace. xv. 
 23). The Romans, after the defeat of 
 Antiochus, assigned, during some time, to 
 Rhodes certain districts on the mainland. 
 Its Byzantine history is again eminent. 
 Under Constantine it was the metropolis 
 of the "Province of the Islands." It was 
 the last place where the Christians of the 
 East held out against the advancing Sara- 
 cens ; and subsequently it was once more 
 famous as the home and fortress of the 
 Knights of St. John. 
 
 Ri'bai, the father of Ittai the Benjamite 
 of Gibeah (2 Sam. xxiii. 29; 1 Chr. xi. 31). 
 
 Rib'lah. 1. One of the landmarks on 
 the eastern boundary of the land of Israel, 
 as specified by Moses (Num. xxxiv. 11). 
 It seems hardly possible, without entirely 
 disarranging the specification of the boun- 
 dary, that the Riblah in question can be 
 the same with the following. 2. Rib- 
 lah in the land of Hamath, a place on the 
 great road between Palestine and Baby- 
 lonia, at which the kings of Babylonia 
 were accustomed to remain while direct- 
 ing the operations of their armies in Pales- 
 tine and Phoenicia. Here Nebuchadnez-
 
 RIDDLE 
 
 581 
 
 RISSAH 
 
 zar waited while the sieges of Jerusalem 
 and of Tyre were being conducted by his 
 lieutenants (Jer. xxxix. 5, 6, lii. 9, 10, 26, 
 27; 2 K. xxv. 6, 20, 21). In like manner 
 Pharaoh-Necho, after his victory over the 
 Babylonians at Carchemish, returned to 
 Riblah and summoned Jehoahaz from Jeru- 
 salem before him (2 K. xxiii. 33). This 
 Riblali still retains its ancient name, on 
 the right (east) bank of the cl Asy (Oron- 
 tes), upon the great road which connects 
 Baalbek and Hums, about 35 miles N. E. 
 of the former and 20 miles S. W. of the 
 latter place. 
 
 Riddle. The Hebrew word is derived 
 from an Arabic root meaning " to bend off," 
 "to twist" (Judg. xiv. 12-19), and is used 
 for artifice (Dan. viii. 23), a proverb (Prov. 
 i. 6), a song (Ps. xlix. 4, Ixxviii. 2), an 
 oracle (Num. xii. 8), a parable (Ez. xvii. 
 2), and in generaj any wise or intricate sen- 
 tence (Ps. xciv. 4; Hab. ii. 6, &c.). The 
 riddles which the queen of Sheba came to 
 ask of Solomon (1 K. x. 1 ; 2 Chr. ix. 1) 
 were rather " hard questions " referring to 
 profound inquiries. Solomon is said, how- 
 ever, to have been very fond of riddles. 
 We know that all ancient nations, and 
 especially Orientals, have been fond of 
 riddles. We find traces of the custom 
 among the Arabs (Koran xxv. 35), and in- 
 deed several Arabic books of riddles exist ; 
 but these are rather emblems and devices 
 than what we call riddles, although they 
 are very ingenious. They were also known 
 to the ancient Egyptians, and were espe- 
 cially used in banquets both by Greeks and 
 Romans. Riddles were generally proposed 
 in verse, like the celebrated riddle of Sam- 
 eon, which, however, was properly no rid- 
 dle at all, because the Philistines did not 
 possess the only clew on which the solution 
 could depend. 
 
 Rim'mon (pomegranate) the name of 
 several towns, probably so called from 
 producing pomegranates. 1. A city of 
 Zebulun belonging to the Merarite Levites 
 (1 Chr. vi. 77). It is not impossible that 
 DIMNAH (Josh. xxi. 35) may have been 
 originally Rimmon, as the D and R in He- 
 brew are notoriously easy to confound. 2. 
 A town in the southern portion of Judah 
 (Josh. xv. 3), allotted to Simeon (Josh. 
 xix. 7; 1 Chr. iv. 32). In each of the 
 above lists the name succeeds that of AIN, 
 also one of the cities of Judah and Sim- 
 eon. In the catalogue of the places re- 
 occupied by the Jews after the return 
 from Babylon (Neh. xi. 29) the two are 
 joined, and appear in the A. V. as En- 
 Rimmon. 3. RIMMON- PAREZ, the name 
 of a march-station in the wilderness (Num. 
 xxxiii. 19, 20). No place now known has 
 been identified with it. 4. RIMMON, THE 
 ROCK, a cliff or inaccessible natural fast- 
 ness, in which the six hundred Benjamites 
 
 who escaped the slaughter of Giheah took 
 refuge (Judg. xx. 45, 47, xxi. 13). It is de- 
 scribed as in the " wilderness," that is, the 
 wild uncultivated country which lies on the 
 east of the central highlands of Benjamin, 
 on which Gibeah was situated between 
 them and the Jordan Valley. Here the 
 name is still found attached to a village 
 perched on the summit of a conical chalky 
 hill, visible in all directions, and command- 
 ing the whole country. 5. A Benjamite 
 of Beeroth, the father of Rechab and Baa- 
 nah, the murderers of Ishbosheth (2 Sam. 
 iv. 2, 5, 9). 
 
 Rim'mon. a deity worshipped by the 
 Syrians of Damascus, where there was a 
 temple or house of Rimmon (2 K. v. 18). 
 Rimmon is perhaps the abbreviated form 
 of Hadad-Rimmon, Hadad being the sun- 
 god of the Syrians. Combining this with 
 the pomegranate, which was his symbol, 
 Hadad-Rimmon would then be the sun-god 
 of the late summer, who ripens the pome- 
 granate and other fruits. 
 
 Ring. The ring was regarded as an in- 
 dispensable article of a Hebrew's attire, 
 inasmuch as it contained his signet. It 
 was hence the symbol of authority, and as 
 such was presented by Pharaoh to Joseph 
 (Gen. xli. 42), and by Ahasuerus to Haman 
 (Esth. iii. 10). Such rings were worn not 
 only by men, but by women (Is. iii. 21), 
 and are enumerated among the articles 
 presented by men and women for the ser- 
 vice of the tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 22). 
 The signet-ring was worn on the right 
 hand (Jer. xxii. 24). We may conclude 
 from Ex. xxviii. 11 that the rings contained 
 a stone engraven with a device, or with the 
 owner's name. The custom appears also 
 to have prevailed among the Jews of the 
 Apostdlic age ; for in James ii. 2, a rich 
 man is described as not simply "with a 
 gold ring," as in the A. V., but "golden- 
 ringed." 
 
 Egyptian Rings. 
 
 . Rin'nah, one of the sons of Shimon in 
 an obscure genealogy of the descendants 
 of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 
 
 Ri'phath, the second son of Gomer, 
 and the brother of Ashkenaz and Togar- 
 mah (Gen. x. 3). The Hebrew text in 1 
 Chr. i. 6 gives the form Diphath, but 
 this arises out of a clerical error. The 
 name may be identified with the Rhipaean 
 mountains, t. e. the Carpathian range in 
 the N. E. of Dacia. 
 
 Ris'sah, a march-station in the wilder- 
 ness (Num. xxxiii. 21, 22).
 
 RITHMAH 
 
 582 
 
 ROE 
 
 Rith'mah, a march-station in the wil- 
 derness (Num. xxxiii. 18, 19), probably 
 N. E. of Hazeroth. 
 
 River. In the sense in which we em- 
 ploy the word, viz. for a perennial stream 
 of considerable size, a river is a much 
 rarer object in the East than in the West. 
 With the exception of the Jordan and the 
 Litany, the streams of the Holy Land are 
 either entirely dried up in the summer 
 months, and converted into hot lanes of 
 glaring stones, or else reduced to very 
 small streamlets, deeply sunk in a nar- 
 row bed, and concealed from view by a 
 dense growth of shrubs. The perennial 
 river is called Nahar by the Hebrews. 
 With the definite article, "the river," it 
 signifies invariably the Euphrates (Gen. 
 xxxi. 21; Ex. xxiii. 31; Num. xxiv. 6; 2 
 Sam. x. 16, &c., &c.). It is never applied 
 to the fleeting fugitive torrents of Pales- 
 tine. The term for these is nachal, for 
 which our translators have used promis- 
 cuously, and sometimes almost alternately, 
 "valley," " brook," and " river." No one 
 of these words expresses the thing in- 
 tended; but the term "brook" is pecu- 
 liarly unhappy. Many of the wadys of 
 Palestine are deep, abrupt chasms or rents 
 in the solid rock of the hills, and have a 
 savage, gloomy aspect, far removed from 
 that of an English brook. Unfortunately 
 our language does not contain any single 
 word which has both the meanings of- the 
 Hebrew Nachal and its Arabic equivalent 
 wady, which can be used at once for a dry 
 valley and for the stream which occasion- 
 ally flows through it. 
 
 River of Egypt. 1. The Nile (Gen. 
 xv. 38). [NILE.] 2. A desert stream on 
 the border of Egypt, still occasionally 
 flowing in the valley called W&di-l- Areesh. 
 The centre of the valley is occupied by the 
 bed of this torrent, which only flows after 
 rains, as is usual in the desert valleys. 
 This stream is first mentioned as the point 
 where the southern border of the Promised 
 Land touched the Mediterranean, which 
 formed its western border (Num. xxxiv. 
 3-6). In the later history we find Solo- 
 mon'e kingdom extending from the " enter- 
 ing in of Hamath unto the river of Egypt " 
 (IK. viii. 65), and Egypt limited in the 
 same manner where the loss of the eastern 
 provinces is mentioned (2 K. xxiv. 7). 
 
 Riz'pah, concubine to king Saul, and 
 mother of his two sons Armoni and Mephib- 
 osheth. After the death of Saul and oc- 
 cupation of the country west of the Jordan 
 by the Philistines, Rizpah accompanied the 
 other members of the royal family to their 
 new residence at Mahanaim (2 Sam. iii. 7). 
 We hear nothing more of Rizpah till the 
 tragic story which has made her one of the 
 most familiar objects in the whole Bible 
 (2 Sam. xxi. 8-11). Every one can appre- 
 
 ciate the love and endurance with which 
 the mother watched over the bodies of her 
 two sons and her five relatives, to save 
 them from an indignity peculiarly painful 
 to the whole of the ancient world (see Ps. 
 Ixxix. 2). But it is questionable whether 
 the ordinary conception of the scene is ac- 
 curate. The seven victims were not, as the 
 A. V. implies, "hung; " they were cruci- 
 fied. The seven crosses were planted in 
 the rock on the top of the sacred hill of 
 Gibeah. The victims were sacrificed at 
 the beginning of barley harvest, the sa- 
 cred and festal time of the Passover, and 
 in the full blaze of the summer sun they 
 hung till the fall of the periodical rain in 
 October. During the whole of that time 
 Rizpah remained at the foot of the crosses 
 on which the bodies of her sons were ex- 
 posed ; the Mater dolorosa, if the expres- 
 sion may be allowed, of the ancient dispen- 
 sation. 
 
 Road. This word occurs but once in 
 the Authorized Version of the Bible, viz. in 
 1 Sam. xxvii. 10, where it is used in the 
 sense of " raid " or " inroad." 
 
 Robbery. Whether in the larger sense 
 of plunder, or the more limited sense of 
 theft, systematically organized, robbery has 
 ever been one of the principal employments 
 of the nomad tribes of the East. From the 
 time of Ishmael to the present day the Bed- 
 ouin has been a "wild man," and a robber 
 by trade (Gen. xvi. 12). An instance of 
 an enterprise of a truly Bedouin character, 
 but distinguished by the exceptional fea- 
 tures belonging to its principal actor, is 
 seen in the night-foray of David (1 Sam. 
 xxvi. 6-12). Predatory inroads on a large 
 scale are seen in the incursions of the Sa- 
 baeans and Chaldaeans on the property of 
 Job (Job i. 15, 17) ; the revenge coupled 
 with plunder of Simeon and Levi (Gen. 
 xxxiv. 28, 29) ; the reprisals of the He- 
 brews upon the Midianites (Num. xxxi. 
 32-54), and the frequent and often pro- 
 longed invasions of "spoilers" upon the 
 Israelites (Judg. ii. 14, vi. 3, 4; 1 Sam. 
 xi., xv.; 2 Sam. viii., x. ; 2 K. v. 2; 1 
 Chr. v. 10, 18-22). Similar disorder in 
 the country, complained of more than once 
 by the prophets (Hos. iv. 2, vi. 9 ; Mic. ii. 
 8), continued more or less through Macca- 
 baean down to Roman times. The Mosaic 
 law on the subject of theft is contained in 
 Ex. xxii. There seems no reason to sup- 
 pose that the law underwent any alteration 
 in Solomon's time. Man-stealing was pun- 
 ishable with death (Ex. xxi. 16; Deut. 
 xxiv. 7). Invasion of right in land was 
 strictly forbidden (Deut. xxvii. 17 ; Is. v. 
 8; Mic. ii. 2). 
 
 Roe, Roebuck. The Hebrew words 
 thus translated denote some species of an- 
 telope, probably the Gazella AtaMca of 
 Syria and Arabia. The gazelle was al-
 
 EOGELIM 
 
 583 
 
 ROMAN EMPIRE 
 
 lowed as food (Deut. xii. 15, 22, &c.) ; it is 
 mentioned as very fleet of foot (2 Sam. ii. 
 18 ; 1 Chr. xii. 8) ; it was hunted (Is. xiii. 
 14 ; Prov. vi. 5) ; it was celebrated for its 
 loveliness (Cant. ii. 9, 17, viii. 14). 
 
 Roge'lim. the residence of Barzillai the 
 Gileadite (2 Sam. xvii. 27, xix. 31) in the 
 highlands east of the Jordan. 
 
 Roh'gah. an Asherite, of the sons of 
 Shamer (1 Chr. vii. 34). 
 
 Roll. A book in ancient times consisted 
 of a single long strip of paper or parch- 
 ment, which was usually kept rolled up on 
 a stick, and was unrolled when a person 
 wished to read it. The roll was usually 
 written on one side only, and hence the 
 particular notice of one that was " written 
 within and without" (Ez. ii. 10). The 
 writing was arranged in columns. We 
 may here add that the term in Is. viii. 1, 
 rendered in the A. V. " roll," more cor- 
 rectly means tablet. 
 
 Romam'ti-e'zer, one of the fourteen 
 sons of Heinan (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 31). 
 
 Roman Empire. The notices of Ro- 
 man history which occur in the Bible are 
 confined to the last century and a half of 
 the commonwealth and the first century of 
 the imperial monarchy. The first historic 
 mention of Home in the Bible is in 1 Mace. 
 i. 10. About the year 161 B. c. Judas Mac- 
 cabaeus heard of the Romans as the con- 
 querors of Philip, Perseus, and Antiochus 
 (1 Mace. viii. 5, 6). In order to strengthen 
 himself against Demetrius king of Syria he 
 sent ambassadors to Rome (viii. 17), and 
 concluded a defensive alliance with the 
 senate (viii. 22-32). This was renewed by 
 Jonathan (xii. 1) and by Simon (xv. 17). 
 In the year 65 B. c., when Syria was made 
 a Roman province by Pompey, the Jews 
 were still governed by one of the Asmonae- 
 an princes. Aristobulus had lately driven 
 his brother Hyrcanus from the chief priest- 
 hood, and was now in his turn attacked by 
 Aretas, king of Arabia Petraea, the ally of 
 Hyrcanus. Pompey's lieutenant, M. Aemil- 
 ius Scaurus, interfered in the contest B. c. 
 64, and the next year Pompey himself 
 marched an army into Judaea and took 
 Jerusalem. From this time the Jews were 
 practically under the government of Rome. 
 Hyrcanus retained the high-priesthood and 
 a titular sovereignty, subject to the watch- 
 ful control of his minister Antipater, an 
 active partisan of the Roman interests. 
 Finally, Antipater's son, Herod the Great, 
 was made king by Antony's interest, B. c. 
 40, and confirmed in the kingdom by Au- 
 gustus, B. c. 30. The Jews, however, were 
 all this time tributaries of Rome, and their 
 princes in reality were mere Roman proc- 
 urators. On the banishment of Archelaus, 
 A. D. G, Judaea became a mere appendage 
 of the province of Syria, and was governed 
 by a Roman procurator, who resided at 
 
 Caesarea. Such were the relations of the 
 Jewish people to the Roman government 
 at the time when the N. T. history begins. 
 In illustration of the sacred narrative it 
 may be well to give a general account of 
 the position of the Emperor, the extent of 
 the empire, and the administration of the 
 provinces in the time of our Lord and His 
 Apostles. I. When Augustus became sole 
 ruler of the Roman world he was in theory 
 simply the first citizen of the republic, in- 
 trusted with temporary powers to settle the 
 disorders of the state. The old magistracies 
 were retained, but the various powers and 
 prerogatives of each were conferred upon 
 Augustus. Above all he was the Emperor 
 (Imperator). This word, used originally 
 to designate any one intrusted with the 
 iinperium or full military authority over 
 a Roman army, acquired a new signifi- 
 cance when adopted as a permanent title 
 by Julius Caesar. By his use of it as 
 a constant prefix to his name in the city 
 and in the camp he openly asserted 
 a paramount military authority over the 
 state. The Empire was nominally elective, 
 but practically it passed by adoption ; and 
 till Nero's time a sort of hereditary right 
 seemed to be recognized. II. Extent of 
 the Umpire. Cicero's description of the 
 Greek states and colonies as a " fringe on 
 the skirts of barbarism," has been well 
 applied to the Roman dominions before the 
 conquests of Pompey and Caesar. The 
 Roman Empire was still confined to a nar- 
 row strip encircling the Mediterranean Sea. 
 Pompey added Asia Minor and Syria. 
 Caesar added Gaul. The generals of Au- 
 gustus overran the N. W. portion of Spain, 
 and the country between the Alps and the 
 Danube. The boundaries of the Empire 
 were now, the Atlantic on the W., the 
 Euphrates on the E., the deserts of Africa, 
 the cataracts of the Nile, and the Arabian 
 deserts on the S., the British Channel, the 
 Rhine, the Danube, and the Black Sea on 
 the N. The only subsequent conquests of 
 importance were those of Britain by Clau- 
 dius and of Dacia by Trajan. The only in- 
 dependent powers of importance were the 
 Parthians on the E. and the Germans on 
 the N. The population of the Empire in 
 the time of Augustus has been calculated 
 at 85,000,000. III. The Provinces. The 
 usual fate of a country conquered by Rome 
 was to become a subject province, governed 
 directly from Rome by officers sent out for 
 that purpose. Sometimes, however, petty; 
 sovereigns were left in possession of a 
 nominal independence on the borders, or 
 within the natural limits, of the province. 
 Augustus divided the provinces into two 
 classes: (1.) Imperial; (2.) Senatorial; 
 retaining in his own hands, for obvious 
 reasons, those provinces where the pres- 
 ence of a 1&. ge military force was neces-
 
 ROMANS, EPISTLE TO 
 
 584 
 
 ROMANS, EPISTLE TO 
 
 nary, and committing the peaceful and 
 unarmed provinces to the Senate. The 
 Imperial provinces at first were Gaul, 
 Lusitania, Syria, Phoenicia, Cilicia, Cyprus, 
 and Aegypt. The Senatorial provinces 
 were Africa, Numidia, Asia, Achaia and 
 Epirus, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicily, Crete 
 and Cyrene, Bithynia and Pontus, Sardin- 
 ia, Baetica. Cyprus and Gallia Narbonen- 
 sis were subsequently given up by Augustus, 
 who in turn received Dalmatia from the 
 Senate. Many other changes were made 
 afterwards. The N. T. writers invariably 
 designate the governors of Senatorial prov- 
 inces by the correct title of aiOi'/turoi, pro- 
 consuls (Acts xiii. 7, xviii. 12, xix. 38). 
 !For the governor of an Imperial province, 
 properly styled " Legatus Caesaris," the 
 word i Hytuu>v (Governor) is used in the 
 N. T. The provinces were heavily taxed 
 for the benefit of Rome and her citizens. 
 They are said to have been better governed 
 under the Empire than under the Common- 
 wealth, and those of the Emperor better 
 than those of the Senate. Two important 
 changes were introduced under the Empire. 
 The governors received a fixed pay, and 
 the term of their command was prolonged. 
 The condition of the Roman Empire at the 
 time wlien Christianity appeared has often 
 been dwelt upon, as affording obvious illus- 
 trations of St. Paul's expression, that the 
 " fulness of time had come " (Gal. iv. 4). 
 The general peace within the limits of the 
 Empire, the formation of military roads, 
 the suppression of piracy, the march of the 
 legions, the voyages of the corn fleets, the 
 general increase of traffic, the spread of 
 the Latin language in the West as Greek 
 had already spread in the East, the exter- 
 nal unity of the Empire, offered facilities 
 hitherto unknown for the spread of a world- 
 wide religion. The tendency, too, of a des- 
 potism like that of the Roman Empire to 
 reduce all its subjects to a dead level, was 
 a powerful instrument in breaking down 
 the pride of privileged races and national 
 religions, and familiarizing men with the 
 truth that " God had made of one blood all 
 nations on the face of the earth " (Acts xvii. 
 24, 26). But still more striking than this 
 outward preparation for the diffusion of the 
 Gospel was the appearance of a deep and 
 wide-spread corruption, which seemed to 
 defy any human remedy. The chief pro- 
 phetic notices of the Roman Empire are 
 found in the Book of Daniel. According 
 to some interpreters the Romans are in- 
 tended in Deut. xxviii. 49-57. 
 
 Romans, Epistle to the. 1. The 
 date of this Epistle is fixed with more ab- 
 solute certainty and within narrower limits 
 than that of any other of St. Paul's Epistles. 
 The following considerations determine the 
 time of writing. First. Certain names in 
 .the salutations point to Corinth, as the place 
 
 from which the letter was sent. (1.) Phoebe, 
 a deaconess of Cenchreae, one of the port 
 towns of Corinth, is commended to the 
 Romans (xvi. 1, 2). (2.) Gaius, in whose 
 house St. Paul was lodged at the time (xvi. 
 23), is probably the person mentioned as 
 one of the chief members of the Corinthian 
 Church in 1 Cor. i. 14, though the name 
 was very common. (3.) Erastus, here 
 designated "the treasurer of the city" 
 (xvi. 23, A. V. " chamberlain ") is else- 
 where mentioned in connection with Cor- 
 inth (2 Tim. iv. 20; see also Acts xix. 22). 
 Secondly. Having thus determined the 
 place of writing to be Corinth, we have no 
 hesitation in fixing upon the visit recorded 
 in Acts xx. 3, during the winter and spring 
 following the Apostle's long residence at 
 Ephesus, as the occasion on which the 
 Epistle was written. For St. Paul, when 
 he wrote the letter, was on the point of 
 carrying the contributions of Macedonia 
 and Achaia to Jerusalem (xv. 25-27), and 
 a comparison with Acts xx. 22, xxiv. 17, 
 and also 1 Cor. xvi. 4 ; 2 Cor. viii. 1, 2, ix. 
 1, ff., shows that he was so engaged at this 
 period of his life. The Epistle then was 
 written from Corintli during St. Paul's third 
 missionary journey, on the occasion of the 
 second of the two visits recorded in the. Acts. 
 On this occasion he remained three months 
 in Greece (Acts xx. 3). It was in the win- 
 ter or early spring of the year that the 
 Epistle to the Romans was written. Ac- 
 cording to the most probable system of 
 chronology, this would be the year A. c. 
 58. 2. The Epistle to the Romans is thus 
 placed in chronological connection with the 
 Epistles to the Galatians and Corinthians, 
 which appear to have been written within 
 the twelve months preceding. They pre- 
 sent a remarkable resemblance to each oth- 
 er in style and matter a much greater 
 resemblance than can be traced to any 
 other of St. Paul's Epistles. 3. The occa- 
 sion which prompted this Epistle, and the 
 circumstances attending its writing, were as 
 follows. St. Paul had long purposed visit- 
 ing Rome, and still retained this purpose, 
 wishing also to extend his journey to Spain 
 (i. 9-13, xv. 22-29). For the time, how- 
 ever, he was prevented from carrying out 
 his design, as he was bound for Jerusalem 
 with the alms of the Gentile Christians, and 
 meanwhile he addressed this letter to the 
 Romans, to supply the lack of his person- 
 al teaching. Phoebe, a deaconess of the 
 neighboring Church of Cenchreae, was on 
 the point of starting for Rome (xvi. 1, 2), 
 and probably conveyed the letter. The 
 body of the Epistle was written at the 
 Apostle's dictation by Tertius (xvi. 22) ; 
 but perhaps we may infer from the abrupt- 
 ness of the final doxology, that it was added 
 by the Apostle himself. 4. The Origin 
 of the Roman Church is involved in obscu-
 
 EOMANS, EPISTLE TO 
 
 585 
 
 EOMANS, EPISTLE TO 
 
 rity. [HOME, p. 588.] If it had been found- 
 ed by St. Peter, according to a later tradi- 
 tion, the absence of any allusion to him 
 both in this Epistle and in the letters written 
 by St. Paul from Home would admit of no 
 explanation. It is equally clear that no 
 other Apostle was the Founder. The state- 
 ment in the Clementines that the first tid- 
 ings of the Gospel reached Rome during the 
 lifetime of our Lord, is evidently a fiction 
 for the purposes of the romance. On the 
 other hand, it is clear that the foundation 
 of this Church dates very far back. It may 
 be that some of those Romans, " both Jews 
 and proselytes," present on the day of Pen- 
 tecost (Acts ii. 10), carried back the earliest 
 tidings of the new doctrine, or the Gospel 
 may have first reached the imperial city 
 through those who were scattered abroad 
 to escape the persecution which followed 
 on the death of Stephen (Acts viii. 4, xi. 
 19). At first we may suppose that the Gos- 
 pel was preached there in a confused and 
 imperfect form, scarcely more than a phase 
 of Judaism, as in the case of Apollos at 
 Corinth (Acts xviii. 25), or the disciples at 
 Ephesus (Acts xix. 1-3). As time advanced 
 and better instructed teachers arrived, the 
 clouds would gradually clear away, till at 
 length the presence of the gre<- 1 Apostle 
 himself at Rome dispersed tbf mists of 
 Judaism which still hung about t\e Roman 
 Church. 5. A question next arises as to 
 the composition of the Roman Church, at 
 the time when St. Paul wrote. It is more 
 probable that St. Paul addressed a mixed 
 Church of Jews and Gentiles, the latter 
 perhaps being the more numerous. There 
 are certainly passages which imply the 
 presence of a large number of Jewish con- 
 verts to Christianity. If we analyze the 
 list of names in the 16th chapter, and assume 
 that this list approximately represents the 
 proportion of Jew and Gentile in the Roman 
 Church (an assumption at least not improb- 
 able), we arrive at the same result. Alto- 
 gether it appears that a very large fraction 
 of the Christian believers mentioned in 
 these salutations were Jews, even supposing 
 that the others, bearing Greek and Latin 
 names, of whom we know nothing, were 
 heathens. Nor does the existence of a large 
 Jewish element in the Roman Church pre- 
 sent any difficulty. The captives carried to 
 Rome by Pompeius formed the nucleus of 
 the JtiWish population in the metropolis. 
 Since that time they had largely increased. 
 On the other hand, situated in the metrop- 
 olis of the great empire of heathendom, the 
 Roman Church must necessarily have been 
 in great measure a Gentile Church; and 
 the language of the Epistle bears out this 
 supposition. These Gentile converts, how- 
 ever, were not for the most part native 
 Romans. Strange as the paradox appears, 
 nothing is more certain than that the Church 
 
 of Rome was at this time a Greek and 
 not a Latin Church. All the literature 
 of the early Roman Church was written 
 in the Greek tongue. The names of the 
 bishops of Rome during the first two cen- 
 turies are, with but few exceptions, Greek. 
 And we find that a very large proportion 
 of the names in the salutations of this Epis- 
 tle are Greek names. When we inquire 
 into the probable rank and station of the 
 Roman believers, an analysis of the names 
 in the list of salutations again gives an ap- 
 proximate answer. These names belong 
 for the most part to the middle and lower 
 grades of society. Many of them are found 
 in the columbaria of the freedmen and 
 slaves of the early Roman emperors. 
 Among the less wealthy merchants and 
 tradesmen, among the petty officers of the 
 army, among the slaves and freedmen of 
 the imperial palace whether Jews or 
 Greeks the Gospel would first find a firm 
 footing. To this last class allusion is made 
 in Phil. iv. 22, " they that are of Caesar's 
 household." 6. The heterogeneous com- 
 position of this Church explains the general 
 character of the Epistle to the Romans. In 
 an assemblage so various, we should expect 
 to find, not the exclusive predominance of a 
 single form of error, but the coincidence of 
 different and opposing forms. It was there- 
 fore the business of the Christian teacher 
 to reconcile the opposing difficulties and to 
 hold out a meeting point in the Gospel. 
 This is exactly what St. Paul does in the 
 Epistle to the Romans. Again, it does not 
 appear that the letter was specially written 
 to answer any doubts or settle any contro- 
 versies then rife in the Roman Church. 
 There were therefore no disturbing influ- 
 ences, such as arise out of personal rela- 
 tions, or peculiar circumstances, to derange 
 a general and systematic exposition of the 
 nature and working of the Gospel. Thus 
 the Epistle to the Romans is more of a 
 treatise than of a letter. In this respect it 
 differs widely from the Epistles to the Co- 
 rinthians and Galatians, which are full of 
 personal and direct allusions. In one in- 
 stance alone (xiii. 1) we seem to trace a 
 special reference to the Church of the me- 
 tropolis. 7. This explanation is in fact to 
 be sought in its relation to the contempora- 
 neous Epistles. The letter to the Romans 
 closes the group of Epistles written during 
 the second missionary journey. This group 
 contains besides, as already mentioned, the 
 letters to the Corinthians and Galatians, 
 written probably within the few months 
 preceding. In the Epistles to these two 
 Churches we study the attitude of the Gos- 
 pel towards the Gentile and Jewish world 
 respectively. These letters are direct and 
 special. The Epistle to the Romans is the 
 summary of what St. Paul had written be- 
 fore, the result of his dealing with the two
 
 KOMANS, EPISTLE TO 
 
 586 
 
 ROMANS, EPISTLE TO 
 
 antagonistic forms of error, the gathering 
 together of the fragmentary teaching in the 
 Corinthian and Galatian letters. 8. View- 
 ing this Epistle then rather in the light of a 
 treatise than of a letter, we are enabled to 
 explain certain phenomena in the text. In 
 the received text a doxology stands at the 
 close of the Epistle (xvi. 25-27). The pre- 
 ponderance of evidence is in favor of this 
 position, but there is respectable authority 
 for placing it at the end of ch. xiv. In some 
 texts, again, it is found in both places, while 
 others omit it entirely. The phenomena 
 of the MSS. seem best explained by sup- 
 posing that the letter was circulated at an 
 early date (whether during the Apostle's 
 lifetime or not it'is idle to inquire) in two 
 forms, both with and without the two last 
 chapters. 9. In describing the purport of 
 this Epistle we may start from St. Paul's 
 own words, which, standing at the beginning 
 of the doctrinal portion, may be taken as 
 giving a summary of the contents (i. 16, 
 17). Accordingly the Epistle has been 
 described as comprising " the religious 
 philosophy of the world's history." The 
 atonemt nt of Christ is the centre of reli- 
 gious history. The Epistle, from its gen- 
 eral character, lends itself more readily to 
 an analysis than is often the case with St. 
 Paul's Epistles. The following is a table 
 of its contents : Salutation (i. 1-7). The 
 Apostle at the outset strikes the key-note of 
 the Epistle in the expressions " called as an 
 apostle," " called as saints." Divine grace 
 is everything, human merit nothing. I. 
 Personal explanations. Purposed visit to 
 Rome (i. 8-15). II. Doctrinal (i. 16-xi. 
 36) . The general proposition. The Gos- 
 pel is the salvation of Jew and Gentile alike. 
 This salvation comes by faith (i. 16, 17). 
 (a) All alike were under condemnation be- 
 fore the Gospel. The heathen (i. 18-32). 
 The Jew (ii. 1-29). Objections to this 
 statement answered (iii. 1-8). And the 
 position itself established from Scripture 
 (iii. 9-20). (6) A righteousness (justifica- 
 tion) is revealed under the Gospel, which 
 being of faith, not of law, is also universal 
 (iii. 21-26). And boasting is thereby ex- 
 cluded (iii. 27-31). Of this justification by 
 faith Abraham is an example (iv. 1-25). 
 Thus then we are justified in Christ, in 
 whom alone we glory (v. 1-11). And this 
 acceptance in Christ is as universal as was 
 the condemnation in Adam (v. 12-19). (c) 
 The moral consequences of our deliverance. 
 The law was given to multiply sin (v. 20, 
 21). When we died to the law we died to 
 sin (vi. 1-14). The abolition of the law, 
 however, is not a signal for moral license 
 (vi. 15-23). On the contrary, as the law 
 has passed away, so must sin, for sin and 
 the law are correlative ; at the same time 
 this is no disparagement of the law, but 
 rather a proof of human weakness (vii. 1- 
 
 25). So henceforth in Christ we are free 
 from sin; we have the Spirit, and look for- 
 ward in hope, triumphing over our present 
 afflictions (viii. 1-39). (d) The rejection 
 of the Jews is a matter of deep sorrow (ix. 
 1-5). Yet we must remember (i.) That 
 the promise was not to the whole people, 
 but only to a select seed (ix. 6-13). And 
 the absolute purpose of God in so ordaining 
 is not to be canvassed by man (ix. 14-19). 
 (ii.) That the Jews did not seek justifica- 
 tion aright, and so missed it. This justifi- 
 cation was promised by faith, and is offered 
 to all alike, the preaching to the Gentiles 
 being implied therein. The character and 
 results of the Gospel dispensation are fore- 
 shadowed in Scripture (x. 1-21). (iii.) 
 That the rejection of the Jews is not final. 
 This rejection has been the means of gather- 
 ing in the Gentiles, and through the Gentiles 
 they themselves will ultimately be brought 
 to Christ (xi. 1-36). III. Practical ex- 
 hortations (xii. 1-xv. 13). (a) To holiness 
 of life and to charity in general, the duty 
 of obedience to rulers being inculcated by 
 the way (xii. 1-xiii. 14). (6) And more 
 particularly against giving offence to weaker 
 brethren (xiv. 1-xv. 13). IV. Personal 
 matters. (a) The Apostle's motive in 
 writing the letter, and his intention of visit- 
 ing the Romans (xv. 14-33). (6) Greet- 
 ings (xvi. 1-23). The letter ends with a 
 benediction and doxology (xvi. 24-27). 
 While this Epistle contains the fullest and 
 most systematic exposition of the Apostle's 
 teaching, it is at the same time a very 
 striking expression of his character. No- 
 where do his earnest and affectionate nature 
 and his tact and delicacy in handling un- 
 welcome topics appear more strongly than 
 when he is dealing with the rejection of his 
 fellow-countrymen the Jews. 10. Internal 
 evidence is so strongly in favor of the 
 genuineness of the Epistle to the Romans 
 that it has never been seriously questioned. 
 But while the Epistle bears in itself the 
 strongest proofs of its Pauline authorship, 
 the external testimony in its favor is not 
 inconsiderable. It is not the practice of 
 the Apostolic fathers to cite the N. T. 
 writers by name, but marked passages from 
 the Romans are found embedded in the 
 Epistles of Clement and Polycarp. It 
 seems also to have been directly cited by 
 the elder quoted in Irenaeus, and is alluded 
 to by the writer of the Epistle to Dignetus, 
 and by Justin Martyr. It has a place more- 
 over in the Muratorian Canon and in the 
 Syriac and Old Latin Versions. Nor have 
 we the testimony of orthodox writers alone. 
 The Epistle was commonly quoted as an 
 authority by the heretics of the subapostolic 
 age, by the Ophites, by Basilides, by Val- 
 entinus, by the Valentinians Heracleon 
 and Ptolemaeus, and perhaps also by Ta- 
 tian, besides being included in Marcion'a
 
 ROME 
 
 587 
 
 ROME 
 
 Canon. In the latter part of the second 
 century the evidence in its favor is still 
 fuller. 
 
 Rome, the famous capital of the ancient 
 world, is situated on the Tiber at a distance 
 of about 15 miles from its mouth. The 
 " seven hills " (Rev. xvii. 9) which formed 
 the nucleus of the ancient city stand on the 
 left bank. On the opposite side of the river 
 rises the far higher side of the Janiculum. 
 Here from very early times was a fortress 
 with a suburb beneath it extending to the 
 river. Modern Rome lies to the N. of the 
 ancient city, covering with its principal por- 
 tion the plain to the N. of the seven hills, 
 once known as the Campus Martius, and on 
 the opposite bank extending over the low 
 ground beneath the Vatican to the N. of the 
 ancient Janiculum. Rome is not mentioned 
 in the Bible except in the books of Macca- 
 bees and in three books of the N. T., viz., 
 the Acts, the Epistle to the Romans, and 
 the 2d Epistle to Timothy. For the notices 
 of Rome in the books of Maccabees see 
 ROMAN EMPIRE. The conquests of Pom- 
 pey seem to have given rise to the first set- 
 tlement of Jews at Rome. The Jewish king 
 Aristobulus and his son formed part of 
 Pompey's triumph, and many Jewish cap- 
 tives and emigrants were brought to Rome 
 at that time. A special district was as- 
 signed to them, not on the site of the mod- 
 ern " Ghetto," between the Capitol and the 
 island of the Tiber, but across the Tiber. 
 Many of these Jews were made freedmen. 
 Julius Caesar showed them some kindness ; 
 they were favored also by Augustus, and 
 by Tiberius during the latter part of his 
 reign. At an earlier period apparently he 
 banished a great number of them to Sar- 
 dinia. Claudius " commanded all Jews to 
 depart from Rome" (Acts xviii. 2), on ac- 
 count of tumults connected, possibly, with 
 the preaching of Christianity at Rome. 
 This banishment cannot have been of long 
 duration, for we find Jews residing at Rome 
 apparently in considerable numbers at the 
 time of St. Paul's visit (Acts xxviii. 17). 
 It is chiefly in connection with St. Paul's 
 history that Rome comes before us in the 
 Bible. In illustration of that history it may 
 be useful to give some account of Rome in 
 'he time of Nero, the " Caesar " to whom St. 
 ^aul appealed, and in whose reign he suf- 
 fered martyrdom. 1. The city at that time 
 must be imagined as a large and irregular 
 mass of buildings unprotected by an outer 
 wall. It had long outgrown the old Ser- 
 vian wall ; but the limits of the suburbs 
 cannot be exactly defined. Neither the 
 nature of the buildings nor the configura- 
 tion of the ground was such as to give 
 a striking appearance to the city viewed 
 from without. "Ancient Rome had nei- 
 ther cupola nor campanile," and the hills, 
 never lofty or imposing, would present, 
 
 when covered with the buildings and 
 streets of a huge city, a confused appear- 
 ance like the hills of modern London, to 
 which they have sometimes been compared. 
 The visit of St. Paul lies between two famous 
 epochs in the history of the city, viz. its 
 restoration by Augustus and its restoration 
 by Nero. The boast of Augustus is well 
 known, " that he found the city of brick, and 
 left it of marble." Some parts of the city, 
 especially the Forum and Campus Martius, 
 must now have presented a magnificent 
 appearance, of which Niebuhr's Lectures 
 on Rom. Hist., ii. 177, will give a general 
 idea ; but many of the principal buildings 
 which attract the attention of modern trav- 
 ellers in ancient Rome were not yet built. 
 The streets were generally narrow and 
 winding, flanked by densely crowded lodg- 
 ing-houses (insulae) of enormous height. 
 Augustus found it necessary to limit their 
 height to 70 feet. St. Paul's first visit to 
 Rome took place before the Neronian con- 
 flagration ; but even after the restoration of 
 the city, which followed upon that event, 
 many of the old evils continued. The pop- 
 ulation of the city has been variously esti- 
 mated. Probably Gibbon's estimate of one 
 million two hundred thousand is nearest 
 to the truth. One half of the population 
 consisted, in all probability, of slaves. The 
 larger part of the remainder consisted of 
 pauper citizens supported in idleness by 
 the miserable system of public gratuities. 
 There appears to have been no middle class, 
 and no free industrial population. Side by 
 side with the wretched classes just men- 
 tioned was the comparatively small body 
 of the wealthy nobility, of whose luxury 
 and profligacy we hear so much in the 
 heathen writers of the time. Such was 
 the population which St. Paul would find 
 at Rome at the time of his visit. We learn 
 from the Acts of the Apostles that he was 
 detained at Rome for " two whole years," 
 " dwelling in his own hired house with a 
 soldier that kept him" (Acts xxviii. 16, 30), 
 to whom, apparently, according to Roman 
 custom, he was bound with a chain (Acts 
 xxviii. 20; Eph. vi. 20; Phil. i. 13). Here 
 he preached to all that came to him, no man 
 forbidding him (Acts xxviii. 30, 31). It ia 
 generally believed that on his " appeal to 
 Caesar " he was acquitted, and after some 
 time spent in freedom, was a second time 
 imprisoned at Rome. Five of his Epistles, 
 viz. those to the Colossians, Ephesians, 
 Philippians, that to Philemon, and the 2d 
 Epistle to Timothy, were in all probability, 
 written from Rome, the latter shortly be- 
 fore his death (2 Tim. iv. 6), the others 
 during his first imprisonment. It is uni- 
 versally believed that he suffered martyr- 
 dom at Rome. 2. The localities in and 
 about Rome especially connected with 
 the life of St. Paul, are (1.) The Ap-
 
 ROME 
 
 588 
 
 ROSH 
 
 plan Way, by which he approached Rome 
 (Acts xxviii. 15). [Appn FORUM.] (2.) 
 " The palace," or " Caesar's court" (Prae- 
 toriura, Phil. i. 13). This may mean 
 either the great camp of the Praetorian 
 guards which Tiberius established outside 
 the walls on the N. E. of the city, or, as 
 seems more probable, a barrack attached 
 to the Imperial residence on the Palatine. 
 There is no sufficient proof that the word 
 " Praetorium " was ever used to designate 
 the emperor's palace, though it is used for 
 the official residence of a Roman governor 
 (John xviii. 28 ; Acts xxiii. 35). The men- 
 tion of " Caesar's household " (Phil. iv. 
 22) confirms the notion that St. Paul's 
 residence was in the immediate neighbor- 
 hood of the emperor's house on the Pala- 
 tine. 3. The connection of other locali- 
 ties at Rome with St. Paul's name rests 
 only on traditions of more or less probabil- 
 ity. We may mention especially (1.) The 
 Mamertine prison, or Tullianum, built by 
 Ancus Martius near the Forum. It still 
 exists beneath the church of S. Giuseppe 
 dei Fcdegnami. Here it is said that St. 
 Peter and St. Paul were fellow-prisoners 
 for nine months. This is not the place to 
 discuss the question whether St. Peter was 
 ever at Rome. It may be sufficient to 
 state, that though there is no evidence of 
 such a visit in the N. T., unless Babylon 
 in 1 Pet. v. 13 is a mystical name for 
 Rome, yet early testimony and the univer- 
 sal belief of the early Church seem suffi- 
 cient to establish the fact of his having 
 suffered martyrdom there. [PETER.] The 
 story, however, of the imprisonment in the 
 Mamertine prison seems inconsistent with 
 2 Tim., esp. iv. 11. (2.) The chapel on 
 the Ostian road which marks the spot where 
 the two Apostles are said to have separat- 
 ed on their way to martyrdom. (3.) The 
 supposed scene of St. Paul's martyrdom, 
 viz. the church of St. Paolo alle tre fontane 
 on the Ostian road. To these may be add- 
 ed (4.) The supposed scene of St. Peter's 
 martyrdom, viz. the church of St. Pietro 
 in Montorio, on the Janiculum. (5.) The 
 chapel " Domine quo Vadis," on the Ap- 
 pian road, the scene of the beautiful le- 
 gend of our Lord's appearance to St. Peter 
 as he was escaping from martyrdom. (6.) 
 The places where the bodies of the two 
 Apostles, after having been deposited first 
 in the catacombs, are supposed to fave 
 been finally buried that of St. Paul 
 by the Ostian road that of St. Peter be- 
 neath the dome of the famous Basilica 
 which bears his name. 4. We may add, 
 as sites unquestionably connected with the 
 Roman Christians of the Apostolic age 
 (1.) The Gardens of Nero in the Vatican, 
 not far from the spot where St. Peter's 
 now stands. Here Christians wrapped in 
 tite skins of beasts were torn to pieces by 
 
 dogs, or, clothed in inflammable robes, were 
 burnt to serve as torches durir^g the mid- 
 night games. Others were crucified. (2.) 
 The Catacombs. These subterranean gal- 
 leries, commonly from 8 to 10 feet in height, 
 and from 4 to 6 in width, and extend- 
 ing for miles, especially in the neighbor- 
 hood of the old Appian and Nomentan 
 Ways, were unquestionably used as places 
 of refuge, of worship, and of burial by the 
 early Christians. The earliest dated in- 
 scription in the catacombs is A. D. 71. 
 Nothing is known of the first founder of 
 the Christian Church at Rome. Christian- 
 ity may, perhaps, have been introduced into 
 the city not long after the outpouring of 
 the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost by 
 the " strangers of Rome," who were then 
 at Jerusalem (Acts ii. 10). It is clear that 
 there were many Christians at Rome before 
 St. Paul visited the city (Rom. i. 8, 13, 15, 
 xv. 20). The names of twenty-four Chris- 
 tians at Rome are given in the salutations 
 at the end of the Epistle to the Romans. 
 Linus (who is mentioned, 2 Tim. iv. 21), 
 and Clement (Phil. iv. 3) are supposed to 
 have succeeded St. Peter as bishops of 
 Rome. Rome seems to be described under 
 the name of Babylon in Rev. xiv. 8, xvi. 
 19, xvii. 5, xviii. 2, 21 ; and again, as the 
 city of the seven hills (Rev. xvii. 9, cf. xii. 
 3, xiii. 1). 
 
 Roof. [HOUSE.] 
 
 Room. This word is employed in the 
 A. V. of the New Testament as the equiv- 
 alent of no less than eight distinct Greek 
 terms. The only one of these, however, 
 which need be noticed here is TtQiarnxiiala 
 (Matt, xxiii. 6 ; Mark xii. 39 ; Luke xiv. 7, 
 8, xx. 46), which signifies the highest place 
 on the highest couch round the dinner or 
 supper table the "uppermost seat," as 
 it is more accurately rendered in Luke xi. 
 43. 
 
 Rose occurs twice only, viz. in Cant. ii. 
 1 ; Is. xxv. 1. There is much difference of 
 opinion as to what particular flower is here 
 denoted ; but it appears to us most probable 
 that the narcissus is intended. The nar- 
 cissus and the lily (Lttium candidum) 
 would be in blossom together in the early 
 spring, while the Colchicum is an autumn 
 plant. Chateaubriand men'iions the narcis- 
 sus as growing in the plain of Sharon. 
 Though the rose is apparently not men- 
 tioned in the Hebrew Bible, it is referred 
 to in Ecclus. xxiv. 14 (comp. also eh. 1. 8; 
 xxxix. 13; Wisd. ii. 8). Roses are greatly 
 prized in the East, more especially for the 
 sake of the rose-water, which is in much 
 request. Dr. Hooker observed seven spe- 
 cies of wild roses in Syria. 
 
 Rosh. In the genealogy of Gen. xlvi. 
 21, Rosh is reckoned among the sons of 
 Benjamin; but the name does not occur 
 elsewhere, and it is extremely probabla
 
 ROSH 
 
 589 
 
 RUTH 
 
 that " EM and Rosh" is a corruption of 
 " Ahiram " (comp. Num. xxvi. 38). 
 
 Rosh (Ez. xxxviii. 2, 3, xxxix. 1). The 
 whole sentence, thus rendered by the A. 
 V., " Magog the chief prince of Meshech 
 and Tubal," ought to run, " Magog the 
 prince of Rosh, Meshech, and Tubal." 
 The moaning is, that Magog is the head of 
 the three great Scythian tribes, of which 
 " Rosh " is thus the first. By Rosh is ap- 
 parently meant the tribe on the north of the 
 Taurus, so called from the neighborhood to 
 the Rha, or Volga, and thus in this name 
 and tribe we have the first trace of the 
 Russ or RUSSIAN nation. The name prob- 
 ably occurs again under the altered form of 
 Rasses, in Judith ii. 23. 
 
 Rosin. Properly " naphtha," as it is 
 both in the LXX. and Vulg. as well as the 
 Peshito-Syriac. In the Song of the Three 
 Children (23), the servants of the king of 
 Babylon are said to have " ceased not to 
 make the oven hot with rosin, pitch, tow, 
 and small wood." Pliny mentions naphtha 
 as a product of Babylonia, similar in ap- 
 pearance to liquid bitumen, and having a 
 remarkable affinity to fire. To this natural 
 product (known also as Persian naphtha, 
 petroleum, rock oil, Rangoon tar, Burmese 
 naphtha, &c.) reference is made in the pas- 
 sage in question. 
 
 Rubies. Concerning the meaning of 
 the Hebrew words translated " rubies " 
 there is much difference of opinion (Job 
 xxviii. 18; see also Prov. iii. 15, viii. 11, 
 xxxi. 10). In Lam. iv. 7 it is said, "the 
 Nazarites were purer than snow, they were 
 whiter than milk, they were more ruddy in 
 body than rubies" Some suppose " coral " 
 to be intended. Others contend that the 
 Hebrew term denotes pearls, and explain 
 the " ruddiness," alluded to above, by sup- 
 posing that the original word signifies mere- 
 ly "bright in color," or " color of a red- 
 dish tinge." 
 
 Rue occurs only in Luke xi. 42. The 
 rue here spoken of is doubtless the com- 
 mon Rutagraveolens, a shrubby plant about 
 2 feet high, of strong medicinal virtues. It 
 is a native of the Mediterranean coasts, and 
 has been found by Hasselquist on Mount 
 Tabor. The Talmud enumerates rue 
 amongst kitchen-herbs, and regards it as 
 free of tithe, as being a plant not cultivated 
 in gardens. In our Lord's time, however, 
 rue was doubtless a garden-plant, and there- 
 fore tithable. 
 
 Ru'fus is mentioned in Mark xv. 21, 
 along with Alexander, as a son of Simon 
 the Cyrenian (Luke xxiii. 26). Again, in 
 Rom. xvi. 13, the Apostle Paul salutes a 
 Rufus whom he designates as " elect in the 
 Lord." It is generally supposed that this 
 Rufus was identical with the one to whom 
 Mark refers. Yet we are to bear in mind 
 that Rufus was not an uncommon name, 
 
 and possibly, therefore, Mark and Paul 
 may have had in view different individuals. 
 
 Ru'hamah. The margin of our ver- 
 sion renders it "having obtained mercy 7 * 
 (Hos. ii. 1). The name, if name it be, is, 
 like Loruhamah, symbolical, and is ad- 
 dressed to the daughters of the people to 
 denote that they were still the objects of 
 his love and tender compassion. 
 
 Ru'mah, mentioned once only (2 K. 
 xxiii. 36). It has been conjectured to be 
 the same place as Arumah (Judg. ix. 41), 
 which was apparently near Shecheni. It is 
 more probable that it is identical with Du- 
 mah (Josh. xv. 52). 
 
 Rush. [REED.] 
 
 Rust occurs as the translation of two 
 different Greek words in Matt. vi. 19, 20, 
 and in James v. 3. In the former passage 
 the word ^(Sois, which is joined with 
 " moth," has by some been understood to 
 denote the larva of some moth injurious to 
 corn, as the Tinea granella. It can scarce- 
 ly be taken to signify "rust," for which 
 there is another term, fug, which is used by 
 St. James to express rather the "tarnish" 
 which overspreads silver than "rust," by 
 which name we now understand " oxide of 
 iron." 
 
 Ruth, a Moabitish woman, the wife, 
 first, of Mahlon, secondly of Boaz, the an- 
 cestress of David and of Christ, and one 
 of the four women who are named by St. 
 Matthew in the genealogy of Christ. A 
 severe famine in the land of Judah in- 
 duced Elimelech, a native of Bethlehem 
 Ephratah, to emigrate into the land of 
 Moab, with his wife Naomi, and his two 
 sons, Mahlon and Chilion. At the end of 
 ten years, Naomi, row left a widow and 
 childless, having iieard that there was 
 plenty again in Judah, resolved to return to 
 Bethlehem, and her daughter-in-law, Ruth, 
 returned with her. They arrived at Beth- 
 lehem just at the beginning of barley har- 
 vest, and Ruth, going out to glean, chanced 
 to go into the field of Boaz, a wealthy man, 
 and near kinsman of her father-in-law 
 Eliraelech. Upon learning who the stran- 
 ger was, Boaz treated her with the utmost 
 kindness and respect, and sent her home 
 laden with corn which she had gleaned. 
 Encouraged by this incident, Naomi in 
 structed Ruth to claim at the hand of Boaz 
 that he should perform the part of her 
 husband's near kinsman, by purchasing the 
 inheritance of Elimelech, and taking her 
 to be his wife. But there was a nearer 
 kinsman than Boaz, *nd it was necessary 
 that he should have the option of redeem- 
 ing the inheritance for himself. He, how- 
 ever, declined, fearing to mar his own in- 
 heritance. Upon which, with all due 
 solemnity, Boaz took Ruth to be his wife, 
 amidst the blessings and congratulations 
 of their neighbors. Their son, Obed, waa
 
 RUTH, BOOK OF 
 
 590 
 
 the father of Jesse, who was the father of 
 David. 
 
 Ruth, Book of, contains the history 
 of Ruth, as narrated in the preceding arti- 
 cle. The main object of the writer is 
 evidently to give an account of David's 
 ancestors ; and the book was avowedly 
 composed long after the time of the heroine. 
 (See Ruth i. 1, iv. 7, 17.) Its date and 
 author are quite uncertain. It is probable 
 that the books of Judges, Ruth, Samuel, 
 and Kings originally formed but one work. 
 The book of Ruth clearly forms part of 
 those of Samuel, supplying as it does the 
 essential point of David's genealogy and 
 early family history, and is no less clearly 
 connected with the book of Judges by its 
 opening verse, and the epoch to which the 
 whole book relates. 
 
 Rye (lleb. cussemetli) occurs in Ex. ix. 
 32 ; Is. xxviii. 25 : in the latter the margin 
 reads "spelt." In Ez. iv. 9 the text has 
 " fitches," and the margin " rie." It is 
 probable that by cussemeth " spelt " is in- 
 tended. Spelt (Triticum spelta) is grown 
 in some parts of the south of Germany ; it 
 differs but slightly from our common wheat 
 (T. vulgare). 
 
 S. 
 
 Sabaoth, The Lord of, occurs in 
 Horn, ix. 29 ; James v. 4, but is more 
 familiar through its occurrence in the Sanc- 
 tus of Te Deum "Holy, Holy, Holy, 
 Lord God of Sabaoth." Sabaoth is the 
 Greek form of the Hebrew word tsebddth, 
 " armies," and is translated in the Author- 
 ized Version of the O. T. by "Lord of 
 Hosts," "Lord God of Hosts." In the 
 mouth and the mind of an ancient He- 
 brew, Jehovah-tseb&oth was the leader and 
 commander of the armies of the nation, 
 who " went forth with them" (Ps. xliv. 9), 
 and led them to certain victory over the 
 worshippers of Baal, Chemosh, Molech, 
 Ashtaroth, and other false gods. 
 
 Sabbath (shabb&th, "a day of rest," 
 from shdbath, " to cease to do," " to rest "). 
 The name is applied to divers great festi- 
 vals, but principally and usually to the 
 seventh day of the week, the strict obser- 
 vance of which is enforced not merely in 
 the general Mosaic code, but in the Deca- 
 logue itself. The consecration of the Sab- 
 bath was coeval with the Creation. The 
 first Scriptural notice of it, though it is not 
 mentioned by name, is to be found in Gen. 
 ii. 3, at the close of the record of the six 
 days' creation. It has been maintained by 
 some that this is only an anticipatory ref- 
 erence to the Fourth Commandment, be- 
 cause there is no record of the observance 
 of the Sabbath between the Creation and 
 the Exodus. But this is just in accord- 
 
 ance with the plan of the Scripture narra- 
 tive, in whicli regular and ordinary events 
 are unnoticed. There are not wanting 
 indirect evidences of its observance, as 
 the intervals between Noah's sending forth 
 the birds out of the ark, an act naturally 
 associated with the weekly service (Gen. 
 viii. 7-12), and in the week of a wedding 
 celebration (Gen. xxix. 27, 28) ; but when 
 a special occasion arises, in connection 
 with the prohibition against gathering manna 
 on the Sabbath, the institution is mentioned 
 as one already known (Ex. xvi. 22-30).* 
 And that this was especially one of the 
 institutions adopted by Moses from the 
 ancient patriarchal usage is implied in the 
 very words of the law, " Remember the 
 Sabbath day, to keep it holy." But even 
 if such evidence were wanting, the reason 
 of the institution would be a sufficient proof. 
 It was to be a joyful celebration of God's 
 completion of His creation. It has indeed 
 been said that Moses gives quite a different 
 reason for the institution of the Sabbath, as 
 a memorial of the deliverance from Egyp- 
 tian bondage (Deut. v. 15). As if Moses, 
 in his repetition of the law, had forgotten 
 the reason given by God himself from Sinai 
 (Ex. xx. 11). The words added in Deu- 
 teronomy are a special motive for the joy 
 with which the Sabbath should be cele- 
 brated, and for the kindness whicli extended 
 its blessings to the slave and beast of bur- 
 den as well as the master: "that thy man- 
 servant and thy maidservant may rest as 
 well as thou " (Deut. v. 14). These at- 
 tempts to limit the ordinance proceed from 
 an entire misconception of its spirit, as if 
 it were a season of stern privation rather 
 than of special privilege. But, in truth, 
 the prohibition of work is only subsidiary 
 to the positive idea of joyful rest and recrea- 
 tion, in communion with Jehovah, who him- 
 self " rested and was refreshed" (Ex. xxxi. 
 17 : comp. xxiii. 12.) It is in Ex. xvi. 23-29 
 that we find the first incontrovertible institu- 
 tion of the day, as one given to, and to be kept 
 by, the children of Israel. Shortly after- 
 wards it was re-enacted in the Fourth Com- 
 mandment. The Sabbath was the key-note 
 to a scale of Sabbatical observance con- 
 sisting of itself, the seventh month, the 
 seventh year, and the year of Jubilee. As 
 each seventh day was sacred, so was each 
 seventh month, and each seventh year. 
 Of the observances of the seventh month, 
 little needs be said. That month opened 
 with the Feast of Trumpets, and contained 
 the day of Atonement and Feast of Taber- 
 nacles the last named being the most 
 joyful of Hebrew festivals. Its great cen- 
 tre was the Feast of Tabernacles or In- 
 gathering, the year and the year's labor 
 
 * All this is confirmed by the great antiquity of the divis- 
 ion of time into weeks, and the naming the day* after tht 
 tun, moon, and planeto.
 
 SABBATH 
 
 591 
 
 SABBATH 
 
 having then done their work and yielded 
 their issues. The rules for the Sabbatical 
 year are very precise. As labor was pro- 
 hibited on the seventh day, so the land was 
 to rest every seventh year. And as each 
 forty-ninth year wound up seven of such 
 weeks of years, so it either was itself, or 
 it ushered in, what was called " the year of 
 Jubilee." In Exodus xxiii. 10, 11, we find 
 the Sabbatical year placed in close connec- 
 tion with the Sabbath-day, and the words 
 in which the former is prescribed are analo- 
 gous to those of the Fourth Commandment. 
 This is immediately followed by a renewed 
 proclamation of the law of the Sabbath. It 
 is impossible to avoid perceiving that in 
 these passages the two institutions are put 
 on the same ground, and are represented 
 as quite homogeneous. Their aim, as here 
 exhibited, is eminently a beneficent one. 
 To give rights to classes that would other- 
 wise have been without such, to the bond- 
 man and bondmaid, nay, to the beast 
 of the field, is viewed here as their main 
 end. " The stranger," too, is compre- 
 hended in the benefit. The same benefi- 
 cent aim is still more apparent in the fuller 
 legislation respecting the Sabbatical year 
 which we find in Lev. xxv. 2-7. One 
 great aim of both institutions, the Sabbath- 
 day and the Sabbatical year, clearly was 
 to debar the Hebrew from the thought 
 of absolute ownership of anything. The 
 year of Jubilee must be regarded as com- 
 pleting this Sabbatical Scale, whether we 
 consider it as really the forty-ninth year, 
 the seventh of a week of Sabbatical years 
 or the fiftieth, a question on which opinions 
 are divided. This beneficent character 
 of the Fourth Commandment is very ap- 
 parent in the version of it which we find 
 in Deuteronomy (Deut. v. 12-15). But 
 although this be so, and though it be plain 
 that to come within the scope of the com- 
 mandment was to possess a franchise, to 
 share in a privilege, yet does the original 
 proclamation of it in Exodus place it on a 
 ground which, closely connected, no doubt, 
 with these others, is yet higher and more 
 comprehensive. The Divine method of 
 working and rest is there proposed to man 
 as the model after which he is to work and 
 to rest. Time then presents a perfect whole, 
 is then well rounded and entire, when it is 
 shaped into a week, modelled on the six 
 days of creation and their following Sab- 
 bath. Six days' work and the seventh day's 
 rest conform the life of man to the method 
 of his Creator. In distributing his life thus, 
 man may look up to God as his Archetype. 
 It is most important to remember that the 
 Fourth Commandment is not limited to a 
 mere enactment respecting one day, but 
 prescribes the due distribution of a week, 
 and enforces the six days' work as much as 
 the seventh day's rest. This higher ground 
 
 of observance was felt to invest the Sabbath 
 with a theological character, and rendered 
 it the great witness for faith in a personal 
 and creating God. In all this, however, we 
 have but an assertion of the general prin- 
 ciple of resting on the Sabbath, and must 
 seek elsewhere for information as to the 
 details wherewith that principle was to be 
 brought out. It was to be a sacred pause 
 in the ordinary labor by which man earns 
 his bread ; the curse of the fall was to be 
 suspended for one day ; and, having spent 
 that day in joyful remembrance of God's 
 mercies, man had a fresh start in Ms course 
 of labor. A great snare, too, has always 
 been hidden in the word work, as if the 
 commandment forbade occupation and im- 
 posed idleness. The terms in the com- 
 mandment show plainly enough the sort 
 of work which is contemplated. They are 
 servile work, and business. The Pentateuch 
 presents us with but three applications of 
 the general principle (Ex. xvi. 29, xxxv. 3 ; 
 Num. xv. 32-36). The reference of Isaiah 
 to the Sabbath gives us no details. Those 
 in Jeremiah and Neherniah show that car- 
 rying goods for sale, and buying such, were 
 equally profanations of the day. There is 
 no ground for supposing that to engage the 
 enemy on the Sabbath was considered un- 
 lawful before the Captivity. At a subse- 
 quent period we know (1 Mace. ii. 34-38) 
 that the scruple existed, and was acted on 
 with most calamitous effects. Yet the 
 scruple, like many other scruples, proved 
 a convenience, and under the Roman Em- 
 pire the Jews procured exemption from 
 military service by means of it. It was 
 not, however, without its evils. In the 
 siege of Jerusalem by Pompey, as well as 
 in the final one by Titus, the Romans took 
 advantage of it. A consideration of the 
 spirit of the law and of Christ's comments 
 on it will show that it is work for worldly 
 gain that was to be suspended ; and hence 
 the restrictive clause is prefaced with the 
 positive command, " Six days shalt thou 
 labor, and do all thy work ; " for so only 
 could the Sabbatic rest be fairly earned. 
 Hence, too, the stress constantly laid on 
 permitting the servant and beast of burden 
 to share the rest which selfishness would 
 grudge to them. Thus the spirit of the 
 Sabbath was joy, refreshment, and mercy, 
 arising from remembrance of God's good- 
 ness as the Creator, and as the Deliverer 
 from bondage. We have seen, then, that, 
 for whomsoever else the provision was in- 
 tended, the chosen race were in possession 
 of an ordinance, whereby neither a man's 
 time nor his property could be considered 
 absolutely his own, the seventh of each 
 week being holy to God, and dedicated to 
 rest after the pattern of God's rest, and 
 giving equal rights to all. We have also 
 seen that this provision was the tonic to a
 
 592 
 
 SABBATH 
 
 chord of Sabbatical observance, through 
 which the same great principles of God's 
 claim and society's, on every man's time 
 and every man's property, were extended 
 and developed. Of the Sabbatical year, 
 indeed, and of the year of Jubilee, it may 
 be questioned whether they were persis- 
 tently observed. These views are practi- 
 cally illustrated by the manner in which 
 the Israelites were to spend, and in which 
 the prophets afterwards reprove them for 
 not spending, the Sabbath and the other 
 festivals. The Sabbath was a perpetual 
 sign and covenant, and the holiness of the 
 day is connected with the holiness of the 
 people ; -" that ye may know that I am Je- 
 hovah that doth sanctify you " (Ex. xxxi. 
 12-17; Ez. xx. 12). Joy was the key-note 
 of their service. Moses declared that a 
 place of sacrifice should be given them ; 
 " and there shall ye eat before Jehovah 
 your God, and ye shall rejoice, ye and your 
 households " (Deut. xii. 7, xiv. 26, xvi. 14, 
 15, xxvi. 11). The Psalmists echo back 
 the same spirit: "This is the day which 
 Jehovsfch hath made ; we will rejoice and be 
 glad in it" (Ps. cxviii. 24). Isaiah re- 
 proves the fasts which were kept with mere 
 outward observance, in place of acts of 
 charity, by promising that those who called 
 the Sabbath a delight and honored God by 
 doing His works in it, should delight them- 
 selves in Jehovah (Is. Iviii. 3-14). Nehe- 
 miah commanded the people, on a day holy 
 to Jehovah, " Mourn not, nor weep : eat the 
 fat, and drink the sweet, and send portions to 
 them for whom nothing is prepared " (Neh. 
 viii. 9-13). The Sabbath is named as a day 
 of special worship in the sanctuary (Lev. xix. 
 30, xxvi. 2). It was proclaimed as a holy con- 
 vocation (Lev. xxiii. 3). The public reli- 
 gious services consisted in the doublingof the 
 morning and evening sacrifice, and the re- 
 newal of the shewbread in the Holy Place. 
 In later times the worship of the sanctuary 
 was enlivened by sacred music (Ps. Ixviii. 
 25-27, cl., &c.). On this day the people were 
 accustomed to consult their prophets (2 K. 
 iv. 23), and to give to their children that 
 instruction in the truths recalled to memory 
 by the day, which is so repeatedly enjoined 
 as the duty of parents ; it was "the Sab- 
 bath of Jehovah " not only in the Sanctuary, 
 but " in all their dwellings " (Lev. xxiii. 3). 
 It is quite true that we have but little 
 information on this part of the subject 
 in the Scriptures themselves, but the in- 
 ferences drawn from what is told us, and 
 from the character of the day, are confirmed 
 by the testimony of later writers, and by 
 the system of public worship in the syna- 
 gogues, which we find in full operation at 
 the time of Christ. The prohibitory part 
 of the law is general ; and the only special 
 cases mentioned relate to the preparation of 
 food. The manna was not given on the Sab- 
 
 bath, but a double supply was to be gath- 
 ered on the day before (Ex. xvi. 22-30), just 
 as the rest of the Sabbatic year was compen- 
 sated by the extraordinary fertility of the 
 year before. No fire was to be kindled on 
 the Sabbath, under the penalty of death 
 (Ex. xxxv. 2, 3; comp. xxxi. 14), which 
 was inflicted on a man who went out to 
 gather sticks on the Sabbath (Num. xv. 
 35). Its observance is enjoined in the 
 time of earing and harvest, when there 
 was a special temptation to find an excuse 
 for work (Ex. xxxiv. 21). The habitual 
 transgression of these laws, by priests as 
 well as people, was denounced by the 
 prophets (Is. Ivi. 2, Iviii. 13; Ez. xxii. 26, 
 comp. xliv. 22), and excited the reforming 
 zeal of Nehemiah after the Babylonish cap- 
 tivity (Neh. xiii. 15-19). Henceforward 
 there is no evidence of the Sabbath being 
 neglected by the Jews, except such as (1 
 Mace. i. 11-15, 39-45) went into open 
 apostasy. When we come to the N. T. 
 we find the most marked stress laid on 
 the Sabbath. In whatever ways the Jew 
 might err respecting it, he had altogether 
 ceased to neglect it. On the contrary, 
 wherever he went its observance became 
 the most visible badge of his nationality. 
 Our Lord's mode of observing the Sab- 
 bath was one of the main features of His 
 life, which His Pharisaic adversaries most 
 eagerly watched and criticised. They had 
 invented many prohibitions respecting the 
 Sabbath of which we find nothing in the 
 original institution. Some of these pro- 
 hibitions were fantastic and arbitrary, in 
 the number of those " heavy burdens and 
 grievous to be borne " which the latter ex- 
 pounders of the Law "laid on men's shoul- 
 ders " (comp. Matt. xii. 1-13 ; John v. 10). 
 That this perversion of the Sabbath had 
 become very general in our Saviour's time 
 is apparent both from the recorded objec- 
 tions to acts of His on that day, and from 
 His marked conduct on occasions to which 
 those objections were sure to be urged 
 (Matt. xii. 1-15 ; Mark iii. 2 ; Luke vi. 1- 
 5, xiii. 10-17; John v. 2-18, vii. 23, ix. 1- 
 34). The Epistles, it must be admitted, 
 with the exception of one place, and per- 
 haps another (Heb. iv. 9), are silent on the 
 subject of the Sabbath. No rules for its 
 observance are ever given by the Apostles 
 its violation is never denounced by them; 
 Sabbath-breakers are never included in any 
 list of offenders. Col. ii. 16, 17, seems a 
 far stronger argument for the abolition of 
 the Sabbath in the Christian dispensation 
 than is furnished by Heb. iv. 9 for its con- 
 tinuance ; and while the first clay of the 
 week is more than once referred to as one 
 of religious observance, it is never identi- 
 fied with the Sabbath. When we turn to 
 the monuments, which we possess of the 
 early Church, we find ourselves on the
 
 SABBATH-DAY'S JOURNEY 593 
 
 SABTAH 
 
 whole carried in the same direction. Again, 
 the observance of the Lord's Day as a Sab- 
 bath would have been well nigh impossible 
 to the majority of Christians in the first 
 ages. When the early Fathers speak of 
 the Lord's Day, they sometimes, perhaps 
 by comparing, connect it with the Sabbath ; 
 but we have never found a passage, previ- 
 ous to the conversion of Constantine, pro- 
 hibitory of any work or occupation on the 
 former, and any such, did it exist, would 
 have been in a great measure nugatory, for 
 the reasons just alleged. After Constantine 
 things become different at once. His cele- 
 brated edict prohibitory of judicial proceed- 
 ings on the Lord's Day was probably dic- 
 tated by a wish to give the great Christian 
 festival as much honor as was enjoyed by 
 those of the heathen, rather than by any 
 reference to the Sabbath or the Fourth 
 Commandment ; but it was followed by 
 several which extended the prohibition to 
 many other occupations, and to many forms 
 of pleasure held innocent on ordinary days. 
 But it was surely impossible both to observe 
 the Lord's Day, as was done by Christians 
 after Constantine, and to read the Fourth 
 Commandment, without connecting the two ; 
 and, seeing that such was to be the practice 
 of the developed Church, we can understand 
 how the silence of the N. T. Epistles, and 
 even the strong words of St. Paul (Col. ii. 
 16, 17), do not impair the human and uni- 
 versal scope of the Fourth Commandment, 
 exhibited so strongly in the very nature of 
 the Law, and in the teaching respecting it 
 of Him who came not to destroy the Law, 
 but to fulfil. Among the Christians the 
 "Lord's Day " the first day of the week 
 gradually took the place of the Jewish 
 Sabbath. [LORD'S DAY.] 
 
 Sabbath-day's Journey (Acts i. 12). 
 On occasion of a violation of the command- 
 ment by certain of the people who went to 
 look for manna on the seventh day, Moses 
 enjoined every man to " abide in his place," 
 and forbade any man to " go out of his 
 place" on that day (Ex. xvi. 29). It seems 
 natural to look on this as a mere enactment 
 pro re nat&, and having no bearing on any 
 state of affairs subsequent to the journey 
 through thg wilderness and the daily gath- 
 ering of manna. Whether the earlier He- 
 brews did or did not regard it thus, it is 
 not easy to say. In after times the pre- 
 cept in Ex. xvi. was undoubtedly viewed 
 as a permanent law. But as some depart- 
 ure from a man's own place was unavoid- 
 able, it was thought necessary to determine 
 the allowable amount, which was fixed at 
 2000 paces, or about six furlongs, from the 
 wall of the city. The permitted distance 
 seems to have been grounded on the space 
 to be kept between the Ark and the people 
 (Josh. iii. 4) in the wilderness, which tra- 
 dition said was that between the Ark and 
 38 
 
 the tents. We find the same distance gi>on 
 as the circumference outside the walls 01 
 the Levitical cities to be counted as their 
 suburbs (Num. xxxv. 5). The terminus d 
 quo was thus not a man's own house, but 
 the wall of tho city where he dwelt. 
 
 Sabbatical Year. As each seventh 
 day and each seventh month were holy, so 
 was each seventh year, by the Mosaic code. 
 We first encounter this law in Ex. xxiii. 
 10, 11. The commandment is, to sow and 
 reap for six years, and to let the land rest 
 on the seventh, "that the poor of thy peo- 
 ple may eat ; and what they leave the beasts 
 of the field shall eat." It is added, "In 
 like manner thou shalt deal with thy vine- 
 yard and thy olive-yard." We next meet 
 with the enactment in Lev. xxv. 2-7, and 
 finally in Deut. xv., in which last place the 
 new feature presents itself of the seventh 
 year being one of release to debtors. When 
 we combine these several notices, we find 
 that every seventh year the land was to 
 have rest to enjoy her Sabbaths. Neither 
 tillage nor cultivation of any sort was to be 
 practised. This singular institution has 
 the aspect, at first sight, of total impracti- 
 cability. This, however, wears off when we 
 consider that in no year was the owner al- 
 lowed to reap the whole harvest (Lev. xix. , 
 9, xxiii. 22). Moreover, it is clear that the 
 owners of land were to lay by corn in pre- 
 vious years for their own and their families' 
 wants (Lev. xxv. 20-22). The release of 
 debtors during the Sabbatical year must 
 not be confounded with the release of 
 slaves on the seventh year of their service. 
 The spirit of this law is the same as that 
 of the weekly Sabbath. Both have a be- 
 neficent tendency, limiting the rights and 
 checking the sense of property ; the one 
 puts in God's claims on time, the other on 
 the land. There may also have been an 
 eye to the benefit which would accrue to 
 the land from lying fallow every seventlu 
 year, in a time when the rotation of crops; 
 was unknown. The Sabbatical year openedj 
 in the Sabbatical month, and the whole Law- 
 was to be read every such year, during the- 
 Feast of Tabernacles, to the assembled peo- 
 ple. At the completion of a week of Sab- 
 batical years, the Sabbatical scale received* 
 its completion in the year of Jubilee. [JU- 
 BILEE.] The constant neglect of this law- 
 from the very first was one of the national 
 sins that were punished by the Babylonian 
 captivity. Moses warned Israel of the ret- 
 ribution, that their land should be desolate 
 till it had enjoyed its Sabbaths (Lev. xxvi. 
 32-35) ; and the warning was fulfilled in 
 the seventy years' duration of the captivity 
 (2 Chr. xxxvi. 20, 21). Of the observance 
 of the Sabbatic year after the captivity we 
 have a proof in 1 Mace. vi. 49. 
 
 Sabe'ans. [SHEBA.] 
 
 Sab'tah (Gen. x. 7), or Sab'ta (1 Chr.
 
 SABTECHA 
 
 594 
 
 SACRIFICE 
 
 i. 9), the third in order of the sons of Cush. 
 The statements of Pliny and Ptolemy re- 
 specting Sabbatha, Sabota, or Sobotale, the 
 metropolis of the Atramitae (probably the 
 Chatrarnotitae), seem to point to a trace of 
 the tribe which descended from Sabtah. 
 Ptolemy places Sabbatha in 77 long. 16 
 30' lat. It was an important city, contain- 
 ing no less than sixty temples. 
 
 Sab'techa, and Sab'techah (Gen. x. 
 7 ; 1 Chr. i. 9), the fifth in order of the 
 sons of Cush, whose settlements would 
 probably be near the Persian Gulf. 
 
 Sa'car. 1. A Hararite, father of Ahiam 
 (1 Chr. xi. 35). 2. The fourth son of 
 Obcd-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 4). 
 
 Sackbut (Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15), the 
 rendering in the A. V. of the Chaldee 
 sabbeca. If this musical instrument be 
 the same as the Greek and Latin sambuca, 
 the English translation is entirely wrong. 
 The sackbut was a wind-instrument ; the 
 sambuca was played with strings. 
 
 Sackcloth, a coarse texture, of a dark 
 color, made of goats'-hair (Is. 1. 3 ; Rev. 
 vi. 12), and resembling the cilicium of the 
 Romans. It was used for making sacks 
 (Gen. xlii. 25 ; Lev. xi. 32; Josh. ix. 4), 
 and for making the rough garments used by 
 mourners, which were in extreme cases 
 worn next the skin (1 K. xxi. 27 ; 2 K. vi. 
 30; Job xvi. 15; Is. xxxii. 11), and this 
 even by females (Joel i. 8 ; 2 Mace. iii. 19), 
 but at other times were worn over the 
 coat (Jon. iii. 6) in lieu of the outer gar- 
 ment. 
 
 Sacrifice. The peculiar features of 
 each kind of sacrifice are referred to under 
 their respective hands. I. (A.) ORIGIN 
 OF SACRIFICE The universal prevalence 
 of sacrifice shows it to have been primeval, 
 and deeply rooted in the instincts of hu- 
 manity. Whether it was first enjoined by 
 an external command, or whether it was 
 based on that sense of sin and lost com- 
 munion with God which is stamped by His 
 hand on the heart of man, is an historical 
 question, perhaps insoluble. The great 
 difficulty in the theory which refers it to a 
 distinct command of God, is the total silence 
 of Holy Scripture. Nor is the fact of the 
 mysterious and supernatural character of 
 the doctrine of Atonement, with which the 
 sacrifices of the O. T. are expressly con- 
 nected, any conclusive argument on this 
 side of the question. AIL allow that the 
 eucharistic and deprecatory ideas of sacri- 
 fice are perfectly natural to man. The 
 higher view of its expiatory character, de- 
 pendent, as it is, entirely on its typical 
 nature, appears but gradually in Scripture. 
 It- is only in the N. T. (especially in the 
 Epistle to the Hebrews) that its nature is 
 clearly unfolded. It is to be noticed that, 
 except in Gen. xv. 9, the method of patri- 
 archal sacrifice is left free. The inference 
 
 is at last probable, that when God sanc- 
 tioned formally a natural rite, then, and 
 I not till then, did He define its method. 
 (B.) ANTE -MOSAIC HISTORY OF SACRIFICE. 
 In examining the various sacrifices re- 
 corded in Scripture before the establish- 
 ment of the Law, we find that the words 
 specially denoting expiatory sacrifice are 
 not applied to them. This fact does not 
 at all show that they were not actually ex- 
 piatory, but it justifies the inference that 
 this idea was not then the prominent one in 
 the doctrine of sacrifice. The sacrifice of 
 Cain and Abel is called minchah, although 
 in the case of the latter it was a bloody 
 sacrifice. In the case of both it would ap- 
 pear to have been eucharistic. The sacri- 
 fice of Noah after the flood (Gen. viii. 20) 
 is called burnt-offering. This sacrifice is 
 expressly connected with the institution of 
 the Covenant which follows, in ix. 8-17. 
 The sacrifice of Jacob at Mispah nl.*o 
 marks a covenant with Laban, to which 
 God is called to be a witness and a party. 
 In all these, therefore, the prominent .idea 
 seems to have been what is called the 
 federative the recognition of a bond be- 
 tween the sacrificer and God, and the dedi- 
 cation of himself, as represented by the 
 victim, to the service of the Lord. The 
 sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 1-13) stands 
 by itself. Yet in its principle it appears to 
 have been of the same nature as before : 
 the voluntary surrender of an only son on 
 Abraham's part, and the willing dedication 
 of himself on Isaac's, are in the fore- 
 ground ; the expiatory idea, if recognized 
 at all, holds certainly a secondary position. 
 In the burnt-oiferings of Job for his chil- 
 dren (Job i. 5) and for his three friends 
 (xlii. 8), we for the first time find the ex- 
 pression of the desire of expiation for sin. 
 The same is the case in the words of Moses 
 to Pharaoh (Ex. x. 25). Here the main 
 idea is at least deprecatory. (C.) The SAC- 
 RIFICES OF THE MOSAIC PERIOD. These 
 are inaugurated by the offering of the PASS- 
 OVER and the sacrifice of Ex. xxiv. The 
 Passover indeed is unique in its character ; 
 but it is clear that the idea of salvation from 
 death by means of sacrifice is brought out 
 in it with a distinctness before unknown. 
 The sacrifice of Ex. xxiv., offered as a 
 solemn inauguration of the Covenant of 
 Sinai, has a similarly comprehensive char- 
 acter. The Law of Leviticus now unfolds 
 distinctly the various forms of sacrifice : 
 (a.) The burnt-offering. SELF-DEDICA- 
 TORY. (6.) The meat-offering (unbloody}; 
 the peace-offering (bloody). EUCHARISTIC. 
 (c.) The sin-offering; the trespass-offer- 
 ing. EXPIATORY. To these may be add- 
 ed, (d.) The incense offered after sacri- 
 fice in the Holy Place, and (on the Day of 
 Atonement) in the Holy of Holies, the sym- 
 bol of the intercession of the priest (as a
 
 SACRIFICE 
 
 595 
 
 SACRIFICE 
 
 type of the Great High Priest), accom- 
 panying and making efficacious the prayer 
 of the people. In the consecration of 
 Aaron and his sons Lev. viii.) we find 
 these offered in what became ever after- 
 wards the appointed order : first came the 
 sin-offering, to prepare access to God ; 
 next, the burnt-offering, to mark their 
 dedication to his service; and thirdly, 
 the meat-offering of thanksgiving. Hence- 
 forth the sacrificial system was fixed in all 
 its parts, until He should come whom it 
 typified. (D.) POST-MOSAIC SACRIFICES. 
 It will not be necessary to pursue, in 
 detail, the history of Post-Mosaic Sacrifice, 
 for its main principles were now fixed for- 
 ever. The regular sacrifices in the Temple 
 service were, (a.) BURNT-OFFERINGS. 1. 
 The daily burnt-offerings (Ex. xxix. 38- 
 42). 2. The double burnt-offerings on the 
 Sabbath (Num. xxviii. 9, 10). 3. The 
 burnt-offerings at the great festivals (Num. 
 xxviii. 11-xxix. 39). (6.) MEAT-OFFER- 
 INGS. 1. The daily meat-offerings accom- 
 panying the daily burnt-offerings (Ex. xxix. 
 40, 41). 2. The shewbread, renewed every 
 Sabbath (Lev. xxiv. 5, 9). 3. The special 
 meat-offerings at the Sabbath and the great 
 festivals (Num. xxviii., xxix.). 4. The 
 first-fruits, at the Passover (Lev. xxiii. 10- 
 14). at Pentecost (xxiii. 17-20) ; the first- 
 fruits of the dough and threshing-floor at 
 the harvest-time (Num. xv. 20, 21 ; Deut. 
 xxvi. 1-11). (e.) SIN-OFFEKINGS. 1. Sin- 
 offering each new moon (Num. xxviii. 15). 
 2. Sin-offerings at the Passover, Pente- 
 cost, Feast of Trumpets, and Tabernacles 
 (Num. xxviii. 22, 30, xxix. 5, 16, 19, 22,- 
 25, 28, 31, 34, 38). 3. The offering of 
 the two goats for the people, and of the 
 bullock for the priest himself, on the Great 
 Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi.). (d.) IJT- 
 CENSE. 1. The morning and evening in- 
 cense (Ex. xxx. 7, 8). 2. The incense on 
 the Great Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi. 
 12). Besides these public sacrifices, there 
 were offerings of the people for themselves 
 individually. II. By the order of sacrifice 
 in its perfect form (as in Lev. viii.) it is 
 clear that the sin-offering occupies the most 
 important place ; the burnt-offering comes 
 next, and the meat-offering or peace-offer- 
 ing last of all. The second could only be 
 offered after the first had been accepted ; 
 the third was only a subsidiary part of the 
 second. Yet, in actual order of time, it 
 has been seen that the patriarchal sacri- 
 fices partook much more of the nature 
 of the peace-offering and burnt-offering; 
 and that, under the Law, by which was 
 <; the knowledge of sin " (Rom. iii. 20), the 
 sin-offering was for the first time explicitly 
 set forth. This is but natural, that the 
 deepest ideas should be the last in order of 
 development. It is needless to dwell on 
 the universality of heathen sacrifices, and | 
 
 difficult to reduce to any single theory the 
 various ideas involved therein. It is clear 
 that the sacrifice was often looked upon as 
 a gift or tribute to the gods. It is also 
 clear that sacrifices were used as prayers 
 to obtain benefits, or to avert wrath. On 
 the other hand, that they were regarded as 
 thank-offerings is equally certain. Nor was 
 the higher idea of sacrifice, as a represen- 
 tation of the self-devotion of the offerer, 
 body and soul, to the god, wholly lost, 
 although generally obscured by the grosser 
 and more obvious conceptions of the rite. 
 But, besides all these, there seems always 
 to have been latent the idea of propitiation, 
 that is, the belief in a communion with the 
 gods, natural to man, broken off in some 
 way, and by sacrifice to be restored. Now, 
 the essential difference between these hea- 
 then views of sacrifice and the Scriptural 
 doctrine of the O. T. is not to be found in 
 its denial of any of these ideas. In fact, it 
 brings out, clearly and distinctly, the ideas 
 which in heathenism were uncertain, vague, 
 and perverted. But the essential points 
 of distinction are two. First, that whereas 
 the heathen conceived of their gods as 
 alienated in jealousy or anger, to be sought 
 after and to be appeased by the unaided 
 action of man, Scripture represents God 
 Himself as approaching man, as pointing 
 out and sanctioning the way by which the 
 broken covenant should be restored. The 
 second mark of distinction is closely con- 
 nected with this, inasmuch as it shows 
 sacrifice to be a scheme proceeding from 
 God, and, in His foreknowledge, connected 
 with the one central fact of all human his- 
 tory. The nature and meaning of the 
 various kinds of sacrifice are partly gathered 
 from the form of their institution and cere- 
 monial, partly from the teaching of the 
 Prophets, and partly from the N. T., es- 
 pecially the Epistle to the Hebrews. All 
 had relation, under different aspects, to a 
 Covenant between God and man. The 
 SIN-OFFERING represented that Covenant 
 as broken by man, and as knit together 
 again, by God's appointment, through the 
 " shedding of blood." The shedding of the 
 blood, the symbol of life, signified that the 
 death of the offender was deserved for sin, 
 but that the death of the victim was accept- 
 ed for his death by the ordinance of God's 
 mercy. Beyond all doubt the sin-offering 
 distinctly witnessed that sin existed in man, 
 that the " wages of that sin was death," and 
 that God had provided an Atonement by 
 the vicarious suffering of an appointed vic- 
 tim. The ceremonial and meaning of the 
 BURNT- OFFERING were very different. The 
 idea of expiation seems not to have been 
 absent from it, for the blood was sprinkled 
 round about the altar of sacrifice ; but the 
 main idea is the offering of the whole vie- 
 tim to God, representing (as the laying of.
 
 596 
 
 &ACRIFICE 
 
 the hand on its head shows) the devotion 
 of the sacrifice!-, body and soul, to Him 
 (Rom. xii. 1). The death of the victim 
 was, so to speak, an incidental feature. 
 The MEAT-OJFERINGS, the peace or thank- 
 offering, the first-fruits, &c., were simply 
 offerings to God of His own best gifts, as a 
 sign of thankful homage, and as a means 
 of maintaining His service and His ser- 
 vants. The characteristic ceremony in the 
 peace-offering was the eating of the flesh 
 by the sacrificer. It betokened the enjoy- 
 ment of communion with God. It is clear 
 from this that the idea of sacrifice is a com- 
 plex idea, involving the propitiatory, the 
 dedicatory, and the eucharistic elements. 
 Any one of these, taken by itself, would 
 lead to error and superstition. All three 
 probably were more or less implied in each 
 sacrifice, each element predominating in its 
 turn. Now, the Israelites, while they seem 
 always to have retained the ideas of propi- 
 tiation and of eucharistic offering, con- 
 stantly ignored the self-dedication which is 
 the link between the two, and which the 
 regular burnt-offering should have im- 
 pressed upon them as their daily thought 
 and duty. It is therefore to this point that 
 the teaching of the Prophets is mainly di- 
 rected (1 Sam. xv. 22; Is. i. 10-20; Jer. 
 vii. 22, 23 ; Ez. xx. 39-44 ; Hos. vi. 6 ; Am. 
 v. 21-27; Mic. vi. 6-8). The same truth, 
 here enunciated from without, is recog- 
 nized from within by the Psalmist (Ps. xl. 
 8-11, 1. 13, 14, li. 16, 17, cxli. 2). It is 
 not to be argued from these passages that 
 the idea of self-dedication is the main one 
 of sacrifice. The idea of propitiation lies 
 below it, taken for granted by the prophets 
 as by the whole people, but still enveloped 
 in mystery until the Antitype should come 
 to make all clear. For the evolution of 
 this doctrine we must look to the N. T. 
 Without entering directly on the great sub- 
 ject of the Atonement (which would be 
 foreign to the scope of this article), it will 
 be sufficient to refer to the connection, 
 established in the N. T., between it and the 
 sacrifices of the Mosaic system. The mean- 
 ing of sacrifice is set forth fully in the Epis- 
 tle to the Hebrews, which contains the key 
 of the whole sacrificial doctrine. The ob- 
 ject of the Epistle is to show the typical 
 and probationary character of sacrifices, 
 and to assert that in virtue of it alone they 
 had a spiritual meaning. Our Lord is de- 
 clared (see 1 Pet. i. 20) "to have been 
 foreordained " as a sacrifice " before the 
 foundation of the world," or (as it is more 
 strikingly expressed in Rev. xiii. 8) " slain 
 from the foundation of the world." The 
 material sacrifices represented this Great 
 Atonement as already made and accepted 
 in God's foreknowledge ; and to those who 
 grasped the ideas of sin, pardon, and self- 
 dedication symbolized in them, they were 
 
 means of entering into the blessings which 
 the One True Sacrifice alone procured. 
 They could convey nothing in themselves ; 
 yet, as types, they might, if accepted by a 
 true, though necessarily imperfect, faith, 
 be means of conveying in some degree the 
 blessings of the Antitype. This typical 
 character of all sacrifice being thus set 
 forth, the next point dwelt upon is the union 
 in our Lord's Person of the priest, the offer- 
 er, and the sacrifice. It is clear that the 
 Atonement, in this Epistle, as in the N. T. 
 generally, is viewed in a twofold light. On 
 the one hand, it is set forth distinctly as a 
 vicarious sacrifice, which was rendered ne- 
 cessary by the sin of man, and in which the 
 Lord " bare the sins 'of many." It is its 
 essential characteristic that in it He stands 
 absolutely alone, offering His sacrifice with- 
 out any reference to the faith or the con- 
 version of men. In it He stands out alone 
 as the Mediator between God and man ; and 
 His sacrifice is offered once for all, never 
 to be imitated or repeated. Now, this view 
 of the Atonement is set forth in the Epistle 
 to the Hebrews, as typified by the sin-offer- 
 ing. All the expiatory and propitiatory 
 sacrifices of the Law are now for the first 
 time brought into full light. As the sin- 
 offering, though not the earliest, is the most 
 fundamental of all sacrifices, so the aspect 
 of the Atonement, which it symbolizes, is 
 the one on which all others rest. On the 
 other hand, the sacrifice of Christ is set 
 forth to us, as the completion of that per- 
 fect obedience to the will of the Father, 
 which is the natural duty of sinless man, 
 in which He is the representative of all 
 men, and in which He calls upon us, when 
 reconciled to God, to " take up the Cross 
 and follow Him." In this view His death 
 is not the principal object; we dwell rather 
 on His lowly incarnation, and His life of 
 humility, temptation, and suffering, to 
 which that death was but a fitting close. 
 The main idea of this view of the Atone- 
 ment is representative rather than vicarious. 
 It is typified by the burnt-offering, in re- 
 spect of which the N. T. merely quotes and 
 enforces the language already cited from 
 the O. T., and especially (see Heb. x. 6-9) 
 the words of Ps. xl. 6, &c., which contrast 
 with material sacrifice the " doing the will 
 of God." As without the sin-offering of the 
 Cross, this, our burnt-offering, would be 
 impossible, so also without the burnt-offer- 
 ing the sin-offering will to us be unavail- 
 ing. With these views of our Lord's 
 sacrifice on earth, as typified in the Levit- 
 ical sacrifices on the outer altar, is also 
 to be connected the offering of His inter- 
 cession for us in heaven, which was repre- 
 sented by the incense. The typical sense 
 of the meat-offering, or peace-offering, is 
 less connected with the sacrifice of Christ 
 Himself, than with those sacrifices of praise,
 
 SADDUCEES 
 
 597 
 
 SADDUCEES 
 
 thanksgiving, charity, and devotion, which 
 we, as Christians, offer to God, and " with 
 which He is well pleased" (Heh. xiii. 15, 
 16) as with " an odor of sweet smell, a 
 sacrifice acceptable to God" (Phil. iv. 18). 
 Sadducees (Matt. iii. 7, xvi. l, 6, 11, 
 12, xxii. 23, 34 ; Mark xii. 18 ; Luke xx. 
 27; Acts iv. 1, v. 17, xxiii. 6, 7, 8), a reli- 
 gious party or school among the Jews at 
 the time of Christ, who denied that the oral 
 law was a revelation of God to the Israel- 
 ites, and who deemed the written law alone 
 to be obligatory on the nation, as of divine 
 authority. Although frequently mentioned 
 in the New Testament in conjunction with 
 the Pharisees, they do not throw such vivid 
 light as their great antagonists on the real 
 significance of Christianity. Except on one 
 occasion, when they united with the Phar- 
 isees in insidiously asking for a sign 
 from heaven (Matt. xiv. 1, 4, 6), Christ 
 never assailed the Sadducees with the 
 same bitter denunciations which he ut- 
 tered against the Pharisees ; and they do 
 not, like the Pharisees, seem to have taken 
 active measures for causing Him to be 
 put to death. The origin of their name is 
 involved in great difficulties. The Hebrew 
 word by which they are called in the Mishna 
 is Tesdukim, the plural of Ts&dtik, which 
 undoubtedly means " just," or " righteous," 
 but which is never used in the Bible except 
 as a proper name, and in the English Ver- 
 sion is always translated " Zadoc " (2 K. 
 xv. 33 ; 2 Sam. viii. 17 ; 1 Chr. vi. 8, 13, 
 &c. ; Neh. iii. 4, 29, xi. 11). The most ob- 
 vious translation of the word, therefore, is 
 to call them Zadocs or Zadokites ; and a 
 question would then arise as to why they 
 were so called. The ordinary Jewish state- 
 ment is, that they are named from a certain 
 Zadoc, a disciple of the Antigonus of Socho, 
 who is mentioned in the Mishna as having 
 received the oral law from Simon the Just, 
 the last of the men of the Great Syna- 
 gogue ; but it is certain that this statement 
 must be rejected. As recourse is had to con- 
 jecture, the first point to be considered is, 
 whether the word is likely to have arisen 
 from the meaning of " righteousness," or 
 from the name of an individual. This must 
 be decided in favor of the latter alternative, 
 inasmuch as the word Zadok, as we have 
 already seen, never occurs in the Bible, 
 except as a proper name ; and then we are 
 led to inquire as to who the Zadok of the 
 Sadducees is likely to have been. Now 
 there was one Zadok of transcendent im- 
 portance, and only one : viz. the priest who 
 acted such a prominent part at the time of 
 David, and who declared in favor of Solo- 
 mon, when Abiathar took the part of Ado- 
 nijah as successor to the throne (1 K. i. 32- 
 45). His line of priests appears to have 
 had decided pre-eminence in subsequent 
 history. 'Hius, in Ezekiel's prophetic vision 
 
 of the future Temple, " the sons cf Zadok," 
 and " the priests the Levites of the seed of 
 Zadok," are spoken of with peculiar honor, 
 as those who kept the charge of the sanctu- 
 ary of Jehovah when the children of Israel 
 went astray (Ez. xl. 46, xlii. 19, xliv. 15, 
 xlviii. 11). Now, as the transition from the 
 expression " sons of Zadok," and "priests 
 of the seed of Zadok," to Zadokites is easy 
 and obvious, and as in the Acts of the 
 Apostles, v. 17, it is said, " Then the high, 
 priest rose, and all they that were with him, 
 which is the sect of the Sadducees, and were 
 filled with indignation," it has been conjec- 
 tured that the Sadducees or Zadokites were 
 originally identical with the sons of Zadok, 
 and constituted what may be termed a kind 
 of sacerdotal aristocracy. To these were 
 afterwards attached all who for any reason 
 reckoned themselves as belongingto the aris- 
 tocracy ; such, for example, as the families 
 of the high-priest, who had obtained consid- 
 eration under the dynasty of Herod. These 
 were for the most part judges, and individ- 
 uals of the official and governing class. 
 Now, although this view of the Sadducees 
 is only inferential, and mainly conjectural, 
 it certainly explains the name better than 
 any other, and elucidates at once in the Acts 
 of the Apostles the otherwise obscure state- 
 ment that the high-priest, and those who 
 were with him, were the sect of the Saddu- 
 cees. I. The leading tenet of the Saddu- 
 cees was the negation of the leading tenet 
 of their opponents. As the Pharisees as- 
 serted, so the Sadducees denied, that the 
 Israelites were in possession of an Oral 
 Law transmitted to them by Moses. [PHAR- 
 ISEES.] In opposition to the Pharisees, 
 they maintained that the written law alone 
 was obligatory on the nation, as of divine 
 authority. II. The second distinguishing 
 doctrine of the Sadducees, the denial of 
 man's resurrection after death, followed in 
 their conceptions as a logical conclusion 
 from their denial that Moses had revealed 
 to the Israelites the Oral Law. For on a 
 point so momentous as a second life be- 
 yond the grave, no religious party among 
 the Jews would have deemed themselves 
 bound to accept any doctrine as an article 
 of faith, unless it had been proclaimed by 
 Moses, their great legislator ; and it is cer- 
 tain that in the written Law of the Penta- 
 teuch there is a total absence of any asser- 
 tion by Moses of the resurrection of the 
 dead. This fact is presented to Christians 
 in a striking manner by the well-known 
 words of the Pentateuch which are quoted 
 by Christ in argument with the Sadducees 
 on this subject (Ex. iii. 6, 16; Mark xii. 
 26, 27; Matt. xxii. 31, 32; Luke xx. 37). 
 It cannot be doubted that in such a case 
 Christ would quote to his powerful ad- 
 versaries the most cogent text in the Law ; 
 and yet the text actually quoted does not
 
 SADDUCEES 
 
 598 
 
 SAFFRON 
 
 do more than suggest an inference on this ' 
 groat doctrine. It is true that in other \ 
 parts of the Old Testament there are indi- ! 
 vidual passages which express a belief 
 in a resurrection, such as in Is. xxvi. 19, 
 Dan. xii. 2, Job xix. 26, and in some of the 
 Psalms ; and it may at first sight be a sub- 
 ject of surprise that the Sadducees were 
 not convinced by the authority of those pas- 
 sages. But, although the Sadducees regard- 
 ed the books which contained these passages 
 as sacred, it is more than doubtful whether 
 any of the Jews regarded them as sacred in 
 precisely the same sense as the written Law. 
 In connection with the disbelief of a resur- 
 rection by the Sadducees, it is proper to no- 
 tice the statement (Acts xxiii. 8) that they 
 likewise denied there was " angel or spirit." 
 A perplexity arises as to the precise sense 
 in which this denial is to be understood. 
 Angels are so distinctly mentioned in the 
 Pentateuch and other books of the Old 
 Testament, that it is hard to understand how 
 those who acknowledged the Old Testament 
 to have divine authority could deny the ex- 
 istence of angels (Gen. xvi. 7, xix. 1, xxii. 
 11, xxviii. 12; Ex. xxiii. 20; Num. xxii. 
 23; Judg. xiii. 18; 2 Sam. xxiv. 16). The 
 two principal explanations which have been 
 suggested are, either that the Sadducees 
 regarded the angels of the Old Testament 
 as transitory, unsubstantial representations 
 of Jehovah, or that they disbelieved, not the 
 angels of the Old Testament, but merely 
 the angelical system which had become 
 developed in the popular belief of the Jews 
 after their return from the Babylonian Cap- 
 tivity. Either of these explanations may 
 possibly be correct ; and the first, although 
 there are numerous texts to which it did not 
 apply, would have received some counte- 
 nance from passages wherein the same di- 
 vine appearance, which at one time is called 
 the "angel of Jehovah," is afterwards called 
 simply " Jehovah " (Gen. xvi. 7, 13, xxii. 
 11, 12, xxxi. 11, 16; Ex. iii. 2, 4; Judg.vi. 
 14, 22, xiii. 18, 22). III. Josephus states 
 that the Sadducees believed in the freedom 
 of the will, which the Pharisees denied. 
 Possibly the great stress laid by the Saddu- 
 cees on the freedom of the will may have 
 had some connection with their forming 
 such a large portion of that class from 
 which criminal judges were selected. Those 
 Jews who were almost exclusively religious 
 teachers would naturally insist on the ina- 
 bility of man to do anything good if God's 
 Holy Spirit were taken away from him (Ps. 
 li. 11, 12), and would enlarge on the perils 
 which surrounded man from the tempta- 
 tions of Satan and evil angels or. spirits (1 
 Chr. xxi. 1 ; Tob. iii. 17). But it is likely 
 that the tendencies of the judicial class 
 would be more practical and direct. IV. 
 Some of the early Christian writers attrib- 
 ute to the Sadducees the rejection of all 
 
 the Sacred Scriptures except the Pentateuch. 
 Such rejection, if true, would undoubtedly 
 constitute a most important additional dif- 
 ference between the Sadducees and Phari- 
 sees. The statement of these Christian 
 writers is, however, now generally admitted 
 to have been founded on a misconception 
 of the truth, and it seems to have arisen 
 from a confusion of the Sadducees with the 
 Samaritans. V. An important fact in the 
 history of the Sadducees is their rapid 
 disappearance from history after the first 
 century, and the subsequent predominance 
 among the Jews of the opinions of the 
 Pharisees. Two circumstances, indirectly 
 but powerfully, contributed to produce this 
 result: 1st. The state of the Jews after the 
 capture of Jerusalem by Titus ; and 2dly. 
 The growth of the Christian religion. As 
 to the first point, it is difficult to over-esti- 
 mate the consternation and dismay which 
 the destruction of Jerusalem occasioned in 
 the minds of sincerely religious Jews. 
 In this their hour of darkness and anguish, 
 they naturally turned to the consolations 
 and hopes of a future state ; and the doc- 
 trine of the Sadducees, that there was noth- 
 ing beyond the present life, would have 
 appeared to them cold, heartless, and hate- 
 ful. Again, while they were sunk in the 
 lowest depths of depression, a new religion, 
 which they despised as a heresy and a super- 
 stition, was gradually making its way among 
 the subjects of their detested conquerors, 
 the Romans. One of the causes of its suo 
 cess was undoubtedly the vivid belief in the 
 resurrection of Jesus, and a consequent 
 resurrection of all mankind, which was ac- 
 cepted by its heathen converts with a pas- 
 sionate earnestness, of which those who at 
 the present day are familiar from infancy 
 with the doctrine of the resurrection of the 
 dead can form only a faint idea. To at- 
 tempt to check the progress of this new re- 
 ligion among the Jews by an appeal to the 
 temporary rewards and punishments of the 
 Pentateuch, would have been as idle as an 
 endeayor to check an explosive power by 
 ordinary mechanical restraints. Conscious- 
 ly, therefore, or unconsciously, many cir- 
 cumstances combined to induce the Jews 
 who were not Pharisees, but who resisted 
 the new heresy, to rally round the standard 
 of the Oral Law, and to assert that their 
 holy legislator, Moses, had transmitted to 
 his faithful people by word of mouth, al- 
 though not in writing, the revelation of a 
 future state of rewards and punishments. 
 
 Sa'doc. 1. ZADOK the ancestor of Ezra 
 (2 Esd. i. 1; comp. Ezr. vii. 2). 2. A 
 descendant of Zerubbabel in the genealogy 
 of Jesus Christ (Matt. i. 14). 
 
 Saffron (Cant. iv. 14). Saffron has 
 from the earliest times been in high esteem 
 as a perfume. " It was used," says Rosen- 
 i mailer " for the same purposes as the mod-
 
 fcALA 
 
 599 
 
 SALMA 
 
 c/n pot-pourri." The word saffron is de- 
 rived from the Arabic Zafran, "yellow." 
 
 Sa'la- SALAH, or SHELAII, the father 
 of Eber (Luke iii. 35). 
 
 Sa'lah. the son of Arphaxad, and father 
 of Eber (Gen. x. 24, xi. 12-14 ; Luke iii. 
 35). The name is significant of extension. 
 It thus seems to imply the historical fact of 
 the grad vial extension of a branch of the 
 Semitic race from its original seat in North- 
 ern Assyria towards the river Euphrates. 
 
 Sal'arnis, a city at the east end of the 
 inland of Cyprus, and the first place visited 
 by Paul and Barnabas, on the first mission- 
 ary journey, after leaving the mainland at 
 Seleucia. Here alone, among all the Greek 
 cities visited by St. Paul, we read expressly 
 of " synagogues " in the plural (Acts xiii. 
 5). Hence we conclude that there were 
 many Jews in Cyprus. And this is in har- 
 mony with what we read elsewhere. Salamis 
 was not far from the modern Famagousta. 
 It was situated near a river called the 
 Pediaeus, on low ground, which is in fact 
 a continuation of the plain running up into 
 the interior towards the place where Nicosia, 
 the present capital of Cyprus, stands. 
 
 Sala thiel (I have asked of God}, son 
 of Jechonias king of Judah, and father of 
 Zorobabel, according to Matt. i. 12 ; but 
 son of Neri, and father of Zorobabel, ac- 
 cording to Luke iii. 27; while the geneal- 
 ogj in 1 Chr. iii. 17-19, leaves it doubtful 
 whether he is the son of Assir or Jechonias, 
 and makes Zerubbabel his nephew. Upon 
 the incontrovertible principle that no gene- 
 alogy would assign to the true son and 
 heir of a king any inferior and private 
 parentage, whereas, on the contrary, the 
 son of a private person would naturally be 
 placed in the royal pedigree on his becom- 
 ing the rightful heir to the throne ; we may 
 assert, with the utmost confidence, that St. 
 Luke gives us the true state of the case, 
 when he informs us that Salathiel was the 
 son of Neri, and a descendant of Nathan 
 the son of David. And from his insertion 
 in the royal pedigree, both in 1 Chr. and 
 St. Matthew's Gospel, after the childless 
 Jechonias, we infer, with no less confi- 
 dence, that, on the failure of Solomon's 
 line, he was the next heir to the throne of 
 David. It may therefore be considered 
 as certain, that Salathiel was the son of 
 Neri, and the heir of Jechoniah. As re- 
 gards the orthography of the name, it has 
 two forms in Hebrew. The A. V. has 
 Saluthiel in 1 Chr. iii. 17, but everywhere 
 else in the O. T. SHEALTIEL. 
 
 Sal'cah, a city named in the early 
 records of Israel as the extreme limit of 
 Ba.shan (Deut. iii. 10; Josh. xiii. 11), and 
 of the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 11). On 
 another occasion the name seems to denote 
 a district rather than a town (Josh. xii. 5). 
 It is identical with the town of Sulkhad. 
 
 Sal'chall, another form of SALCAH 
 (Deut. iii. 10). 
 
 Salem (peace). 1. The place of which 
 Melchizedek was king (Gen. xiv. 18 ; Heb. 
 vii. 1,2). No satisfactory identification of 
 it is perhaps possible. Two main opinions 
 have been current from the earliest ages 
 of interpretation. 1. That of the Jewish 
 commentators, who affirm that Salem is 
 Jerusalem, on the ground that Jerusalem 
 is so called in Ps. Ixxvi. 2. 2. Jerome 
 himself, however, is not of the same 
 opinion. He states without hesitation, that 
 the Salem of Melchizedek was not Jerusa- 
 lem, but a town near Scythopolis, which in 
 his day was still called Salem. Elsewhere 
 he places it more precisely at eight Roman 
 miles from Scythopolis, and gives its then 
 name as Salumias. Further, he identifies 
 this Salem with the Salim of St. John the 
 Baptist. 2. Ps. Ixxvi. 2. It is agreed on 
 all hands that Salem is here employed for 
 Jerusalem, but whether as a mere abbrevia- 
 tion to suit some exigency of the poetry, 
 and point the allusion to the peace (salem) 
 which the city enjoyed through the protec- 
 tion of God, or whether, after a well-known 
 habit of poets, it is an antique name pre- 
 ferred to the more modern and familiar one, 
 is a question not yet decided. 
 
 Sa'lim, a place named (John iii. 23) to 
 denote the situation of Aenon, the scene 
 of St. John's last baptisms Salim being 
 the well-known town or spot, and Aenon 
 a place of fountains, or other water, near 
 it. [SALEM.] The name of Salim has 
 been discovered by Mr. Van de Velde in a 
 position exactly in accordance with the 
 notice of Eusebius, viz. six English miles 
 south of JBeisdn (Scythopolis), and two 
 miles west of the Jordan. Salim fulfils 
 also the conditions implied in the name of 
 Aenon (springs), and the direct statement 
 of the text, that the place contained abun- 
 dance of water. 
 
 Sal'ma, or Sal'mon (Ruth iv. 20, 21 ; 
 1 Chr. ii. 11, 51, 54; Matt. i. 4, 5; Luke 
 iii. 32). Son of Nahshon, the prince of 
 the children of Judah, and father of Boaz, 
 the husband of Ruth. On the entrance of 
 the Israelites into Canaan, Salmon took 
 Rahab of Jericho to be his wife, and from 
 this union sprang the Christ. [RAHAB.] 
 Two circumstances connected with Salmon 
 have caused some perplexity : one, the 
 variation in the orthography of his name ; 
 the other, an apparent variation in his 
 genealogy. As regards the first, tl e vari- 
 ation in proper names is so extremely 
 common that such slight differences are 
 scarcely worth noticing. The variation in 
 Salma's genealogy is more apparent than 
 real. It arises from the circumstance that 
 Bethlehem Ephratah, which was Salmon's 
 inheritance, was part of the territory of 
 Caleb, the grandson of Ephratah ; and this
 
 SALMON 
 
 600 
 
 SALUTATION 
 
 caused him to be reckoned among the sons ' 
 of Caleb. 
 
 Sal'mon, a hill near Shechem, on which 
 Abimelech and his followers cut down the 
 boughs with which they set the tower of 
 Shechem on fire (Judg. ix. 48). Its exact 
 position is not known. It is usually sup- 
 posed that this hill is mentioned in a verse 
 of the Psalms (Ps. Ixviii. 14). The allusion 
 is probably to the ground being snow-white 
 with bones after a defeat of the Canaan- 
 itish kings ; and this may be accepted by 
 those who will admit the scarcely permis- 
 sible meaning, " white as snow," and who 
 cannot rest satisfied without attaching some 
 definite signification to the passage. In 
 despair of understanding the allusion to 
 Salmon, some suppose that Salmdn, i. e. 
 Tsalmdn, is not a proper name in this 
 passage, but merely signifies " darkness." 
 
 Sal'mon, the father of Boaz. [SALMA.] 
 
 Salmo'ne, the east point of the island 
 of CKETE (Acts xxvii. 7). 
 
 Salo'me. 1. The wife of Zebedee, as 
 appears from comparing Matt, xxvii. 56 
 with Mark xv. 40. It is further the opinion 
 of many modern critics that she was the 
 sister of Mary, the mother of Jesus, to 
 whom reference is made in John xix. 25. 
 The words admit, however, of another ex- 
 planation, according to which they refer to 
 the " Mary the wife of Cleophas " imme- 
 diately afterwards mentioned. We can 
 hardly regard the point as settled, though 
 the weight of modern criticism is decided- 
 ly in favor of the former view. The only 
 events recorded of Salome are, that she 
 preferred a request on behalf of her two 
 sons for seats of honor in the kingdom 
 of heaven (Matt. xx. 20), that she at- 
 tended at the crucifixion of Jesus (Mark 
 xv. 40), and that she visited his sepulchre 
 (Mark xvi. 1). She is mentioned by name 
 only on the two later occasions. 2. The 
 daughter of Herodias by her first husband, 
 Herod Philip (Matt. xiv. 6). She married 
 in the first place Philip the tetrarch of 
 Trachonitis, her paternal uncle, and second- 
 ly Aristobulus, the king of Chalcis. 
 
 Salt. Indispensable as salt is to our- 
 selves, it was even more so to the He- 
 brews, being to them not only an appetiz- 
 ing condiment in the food both of man (Job 
 xi. 6) and beast (Is. xxx. 24, see margin), 
 and a most valuable antidote to the effects 
 of the heat of climate on animal food, but 
 also entering largely into their religious 
 services as an accompaniment to the vari- 
 ous offerings presented on the altar (Lev. 
 ii. 13). They possessed an inexhaustible 
 and ready supply of it on the southern 
 shores of the Dead Sea. [SEA, THE SALT.] 
 The Jews appear to have distinguished be- 
 tween rock-salt and that which was gained 
 by evaporation, as the Talmudists particu- 
 larize one species (probably the latter) as 
 
 the "salt of Sodom." The salt-pits formed 
 an important source of revenue to the rulers 
 of the country, and Antiochus conferred a 
 valuable boon on Jerusalem by presenting 
 the city with 375 bushels of salt for the 
 Temple service. In addition to the uses 
 of salt already specified, the inferior sorts 
 were appliea as a manure to the soil, or to 
 hasten the decomposition of dung (Matt. v. 
 13; Luke xiv. 35). Too large an admix- 
 ture, however, was held to produce steril- 
 ity ; and hence also arose the custom of 
 sowing with salt the foundations of a de- 
 stroyed city (Judg. ix. 45), as a token of 
 its irretrievable ruin. The associations 
 connected with salt in Eastern countries 
 are important. As one of the most essen- 
 tial articles of diet, it symbolized hospitali- 
 ty ; as an antiseptic, durability, fidelity, and 
 purity. Hence the expression "covenant 
 of salt" (Lev. ii. 13; Num. xviii. 19; 2 
 Chr. xiii. 5), as betokening an indissoluble 
 alliance between friends ; and again the 
 expression, " salted with the salt of the 
 palace " (Ezr. iv. 14), not necessarily 
 meaning that they had " maintenance from 
 the palace," as the A. V. has it, but that 
 they were bound by sacred obligations of 
 fidelity to the king. So in the present day, 
 " to eat bread and salt together" is an ex- 
 pression for a league of mutual amity. It 
 was probably with a view to keep this idea 
 prominently before the minds of the Jews 
 that the use of salt was enjoined on the 
 Israelites in their offerings to God. 
 
 Salt, City of, the fifth of the six cities 
 of Judah which lay in the " wilderness " 
 (Josh. xv. 62). Dr. Robinson expresses 
 his belief that it lay somewhere near tlie 
 plain at the south end of the Salt Sea. 
 
 Salt Sea, or Dead Sea. [SEA, THE 
 SALT.] 
 
 Salt, Valley of, a valley in which oc- 
 curred two memorable victories of the Is- 
 raelite arms. 1. That of David over the 
 Edomites (2 Sam. viii. 13 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 
 12). 2. That of Amaziah (2 K. xiv. 7; 2 
 Chr. xxv. 11). Neither of these notices 
 affords any clew to the situation of the 
 Valley of Salt. It is perhaps the broad, 
 open plain which lies at the lower end of 
 the Dead Sea, and intervenes between the 
 lake itself and the range of heights which 
 crosses the valley at six or eight miles to 
 the south. This same view is taken by 
 Dr. Robinson. Others suggest that it lay 
 nearer to Pctra. What little can be in- 
 ferred from the narrative as to its situation 
 is in favor of this theory. 
 
 Sa'lu, the father of Zimri the prince of 
 the Simeonites, who was slain by Phine- 
 has Num. xxv. 14). Called also SALOM. 
 
 Salutation. Salutations may be classed 
 under the two heads of conversational and 
 epistolary. The salutation at meeting con- 
 sisted in early times of various expressions
 
 SAMARIA 
 
 601 
 
 of blessing, such as " God be gracious unto 
 thee " (Gen. xliii. 29) ; " Blessed be thou 
 of the Lord " (Ruth iii. 10 ; 1 Sam. xv. 13) ; 
 " The Lord be with you," " The Lord bless 
 thee " (Ruth ii. 4) ; " The blessing of the 
 Lord be upon you ; we bless you in the 
 name of the Lord" (Ps. cxxix. 8). Hence 
 the term " bless " received the secondary 
 sense of " salute." The Hebrew term used 
 in these instances (shAldm) has no special 
 reference to "peace," as stated in the mar- 
 ginal translation, but to general well-being, 
 and strictly answers to our "welfare." The 
 salutation at parting consisted originally of 
 a simple blessing (Gen. xxiv. 60, xxviii. 1, 
 xlvii. 10; Josh. xxii. 6), but in later times 
 the term shdl6mwa,s introduced here also in 
 the form " Go in peace," or rather " Fare- 
 well" (1 Sam. i. 17, xx. 42; 2 Sam. xv. 9). 
 In modern times the ordinary mode of ad- 
 dress current in the East resembles the 
 Hebrew : Es-seldm aleykum, "Peace be on 
 you," and the term " salam" has been in- 
 troduced into our own language to describe 
 the Oriental salutation. The epistolary 
 salutations in the period subsequent to the O. 
 T. were framed on the model of the Latin 
 style: the addition of the term "peace" 
 may, however, be regarded as a vestige of 
 the old Hebrew form (2 Mace. i. 1). The 
 writer placed his own name first, and then 
 that of the person whom he saluted ; it was 
 only in special cases that this order was re- 
 versed (2 Mace. i. 1, ix. 19; 1 Esdr. vi. 7). 
 A combination of the first and third per- 
 sons in the terms of the salutation was not 
 unfreqtient (Gal. i. 1, 2; Philem. 1; 2 Pet. 
 i. 1). A form of prayer for spiritual mer- 
 cies was also used. The concluding salu- 
 tation consisted occasionally of a transla- 
 tion of the Latin valete (Acts xv. 29, xxiii. 
 30), but more generally of the term "I 
 salute," or the cognate substantive, accom- 
 panied by a prayer for peace or grace. 
 
 Sama'ria (Heb. Shomerdn), a city of 
 Palestine. The word Shomerdn means, 
 etymologically, " pertaining to a watch," 
 or "a watch-mountain;" and there can be 
 little doubt that the peculiarity of the situ- 
 ation gave occasion to its name. In the 
 territory originally belonging to the tribe 
 of Joseph, about six miles to the north- 
 west of Shechem, there is a wide basin- 
 shaped valley, encircled with high hills, 
 almost on the edge of the great plain which 
 borders upon the Mediterranean. In the 
 centre of this basin, which is on a lower 
 level than the valley of Shechem, rises a 
 less elevated oblong hill, with steep yet ac- 
 cessible sides, and a long flat top. This hill 
 was chosen by Omri as the site of the capi- 
 tal of the kingdom of Israel. He " bought 
 the hill of Samaria of Shemcr for two talents 
 of silver, and built on the hill, and called 
 the name of the city which he built, after 
 the name of the owner of the hill, Samaria " 
 
 (1 K. xvi. 23, 24). From the date of Omri'a 
 purchase, B. c. 925, Samaria retained its 
 dignity as the capital of the ten tribes, and 
 the name is given to the northern kingdom 
 as well as to the city. Ahab built a temple 
 to Baal there (1 K. xvi. 32, 33) ; and from 
 this circumstance a portion of the city, 
 possibly fortified by a separate wall, was 
 called "the city of the house of Baal" (2 
 K. x. 25). Samaria must have been a 
 place of great strength. It was twice be- 
 sieged by the Syrians, in B. c. 901 (1 K. 
 xx. 1), and in B. c. 892 (2 K. vi. 24-vii. 
 20) ; but on both occasions the siege was 
 ineffectual. The possessor of Samaria was 
 considered de facto king of Israel (2 K. xv. 
 13, 14) ; and woes denounced against the 
 nation were directed against it by name (Is. 
 vii. 9, &c.). In B. c. 721, Samaria was 
 taken, after a siege of three years, by Shal- 
 maneser king of Assyria (2 K. xviii. 9, 10), 
 and the kingdom of the ten tribes was put 
 an end to. Some years afterwards the dis- 
 trict of which Samaria was the centre was 
 repeopled by Esarhaddon ; but we do not 
 hear especially of the city until the days 
 of Alexander the Great. That conqueror 
 took the city, which seems to have some- 
 what recovered itself, killed a large portion 
 of the inhabitants, and suffered the remain- 
 der to settle at Shechera. He replaced 
 them by a colony of Syro-Macedonians. 
 These Syro-Macedonians occupied the city 
 until the time of John Hyrcanus, who took 
 it after a year's siege, and did his best to 
 demolish it entirely. After this disaster 
 (which occurred in B. c. 109), the Jews in- 
 habited what remained of the city ; at least 
 we find it in their possession in the time of 
 Alexander Jannaeus, and until Poinpey 
 gave it back to the descendants of its origi- 
 nal inhabitants. By directions of Gabin- 
 ius, Samaria and other demolished cities 
 were rebuilt. But its more effectual re- 
 building was undertaken by Herod the 
 Great. He called it Sebaste = Augusta, 
 after the name of his patron. How long 
 Samaria maintained its splendor after Her- 
 od's improvements we are not informed. 
 In the N. T. the city itself does not appear 
 to be mentioned, but rather a portion of 
 the district to which, even in older times, it 
 had extended its name (Matt. x. 5; John 
 iv. 4, 6). At this day the city is repre- 
 sented by a small village retaining few 
 vestiges of the past except its name, Sebus- 
 tiyeh, an Arabic corruption of Sebaste. 
 Some architectural remains it has, partly 
 of Christian construction or adaptation, as 
 the ruined church of St. John the Baptist, 
 partly, perhaps, traces of Idumaean mag- 
 nificence. St. Jerome, whose acquaint- 
 ance with Palestine imparts a sort of proba- 
 bility to the tradition which prevailed so 
 strongly in later days, asserts that Sebaste, 
 which he invariably identifies with Samaria,
 
 SAMARITANS 
 
 602 
 
 SAMARITANS 
 
 was the place in which St. John the Bap- 
 tist was imprisoned and suffered death. 
 He also makes it the burial-place of the 
 prophets Elisha and Obadiah. 
 
 Samar'itans. In the strictest sense of 
 the term, a SAMARITAN would be an inhab- 
 itant of the city of Samaria. But it is not 
 found at all in this sense, exclusively at any 
 rate, in the O. T. SAMARIA at first in- 
 cluded all the tribes over which Jeroboam 
 made himself king, whether east or west of 
 the river Jordan (1 K. xiii. 32). In other 
 places in the historical books of the O. T. 
 (with the exception of 2 K. xvii. 24, 26, 28, 
 29) Samaria seems to denote the city ex- 
 clusively. But the prophets use the word in 
 a greatly extended sense. Hence the word 
 Samaritan must have denoted every one 
 subject to the king of the northern capital. 
 But whatever extent the word might have 
 acquired, it necessarily became contracted 
 as the limits of the kingdom of Israel be- 
 came contracted. In all probability the 
 territory of Simeon and that of Dan were 
 very early absorbed in the kingdom of Ju- 
 dah. It is evident from an occurrence in 
 Hezekiah's reign, that just before the depo- 
 sition and death of Hoshea, the last king 
 of Israel, the authority of the king of Ju- 
 dah, or, at least, his influence, was recog- 
 nized by portions of Asher, Issachar, and 
 Zebulun, and even of Ephraim and Manas- 
 seh (2 Chr. xxx. 1-26). Men came from all 
 those tribes to the Passover at Jerusalem. 
 This was about B. c. 726. Samaria (the 
 city), and a few adjacent cities or villages 
 only, represented that dominion which had 
 once extended from Bethel to Dan north- 
 wards, and from the Mediterranean to the 
 borders of Syria and Ammon eastwards. 
 This brings us more closely to the second 
 point of our discussion, the origin of those 
 who are in 2 K. xvii. 29, and in the N. T., 
 called Samaritans. Shalmaneser, as ' we 
 have seen (2 K. xvii. 5, 6, 26), carried Israel, 
 t. e. the remnant of the ten tribes which 
 still acknowledged Hoshea's authority, into 
 Assyria. This remnant consisted, as has 
 been shown, of Samaria (the city) and a 
 few adjacent cities and villages. We may 
 conclude that the cities of Samaria were 
 not merely partially, but wholly, evacuated 
 of their inhabitants in B. c. 721, and that 
 they remained in this desolated state until, 
 in the words of 2 K. xvii. 24, " the king of 
 Assyria brought men from Babylon, and 
 from Cuthah, and from Ava (Ivan, 2 K. 
 xviii. 34), and from Hamath, and from Seph- 
 arvaim, and placed them in the cities of 
 Samaria instead of the children of Israel : 
 and they possessed Samaria, and dwelt in 
 the cities thereof." Thus the new Samari- 
 tans were Assyrians by birth or subjuga- 
 tion. An incidental question, however, 
 arises, Who was the king of Assyria that 
 effected this colonization? The Samari- 
 
 tans themselves, in Ezr. iv. 2, K attrib- 
 uted their colonization not to Shalmaneser, 
 but to " Esarhaddon king of Assur," or 
 to " the great and noble Asnapper," either 
 the king himself or one of his generals 
 (about B. c. 677). The fact, too, that some 
 of these foreigners came from Babylon, 
 would seem to direct us to Esarhaddon, 
 rather than to his grandfather, Shalmane- 
 ser. And there is another reason why this 
 date should be preferred. It coincides 
 with the termination of the sixty-five years 
 of Isaiah's prophecy, delivered B. c. 742, 
 within which "Ephraim should be broken, 
 that it should not be a people" (Is. vii. 8). 
 These strangers, whom we will now assume 
 to have been placed in " the cities of Sa- 
 maria " by Esarhaddon, were of course 
 idolaters, and worshipped a strange medley 
 of divinities. God's displeasure was kin- 
 dled, and they were infested by beasts of 
 prey, which had probably increased to a 
 great extent before their entrance upon it. 
 On their explaining their miserable condi- 
 tion to the king of Assyria, he despatched 
 one of the captive priests to teach them 
 " how they should fear the Lord." The 
 priest came accordingly, and henceforth, 
 in the language of the sacred historian, 
 they " feared the Lord and served their 
 graven images, both their children and their 
 children's children : as did their fathers, so 
 do they unto this day" (2 K. xvii. 41). A 
 gap occurs in their history until Judah has 
 returned from captivity. They then de- 
 sire to be allowed to participate in the re- 
 building of the Temple at Jerusalem. But 
 they do not call it a national undertaking. 
 They advance no pretensions to Jewish 
 blood. They confess their Assyrian de- 
 scent, and even put it forward ostentatious- 
 ly, perhaps to enhance the merit of their 
 partial conversion to God. Ezra, no doubt, 
 from whose pen we have a record of the 
 transaction, saw them through and through. 
 On this the Samariums throw off the mask, 
 and become open enemies, frustrate the 
 operations of the Jews through the reigns 
 of two Persian kings, and are only effectu- 
 ally silenced in the reign of Darius Hystas- 
 pis, B. c. 519. The feud, thus unhappily 
 begun, grew year by year more inveterate. 
 Matters at length came to a climax. About 
 B. c. 409, a certain Manasseh, a man of 
 priestly lineage, on being expelled from 
 Jerusalem by Nehemiah for an unlawful 
 marriage, obtained permission from the 
 Persian king of his day, Darius Nothus, to 
 build a temple on Mount Gerizim for the 
 Samaritans, with whom he had found ref- 
 uge. The animosity of the Samaritans 
 became more intense than ever. They are 
 said to have done everything in their power 
 to annoy the Jews. Their own temple on 
 Geriziui they considered to be much su- 
 perior to that at Jerusalem. There the/
 
 SAMARITANS 
 
 603 SAMARITAN 1ENTATEUCH 
 
 sacrificed a passover. Towards the moun- 
 tain, even after the temple on it had 
 fallen, wherever they were, they directed 
 their worship. To their copy of the Law 
 they arrogated an antiquity and authority 
 greater than attached to any copy in the 
 possession of the Jews. The Law (t. e. the 
 live books of Moses) was their sole code ; 
 for they rejected every other book in the 
 Jewish canon. The Jews, on the other 
 hand, were not more conciliatory in their 
 treatment of the Samaritans. The copy 
 of the Law possessed by that people they 
 declared to be the legacy of an apostate 
 (Manasseh), and cast grave suspicions upon 
 its genuineness. Certain other Jewish ren- 
 egades had from time to time taken refuge 
 with the Samaritans. Hence, by degrees 
 the Samaritans claimed to partake of Jew- 
 ish blood, especially if doing so happened 
 to suit their interest. A remarkable in- 
 stance of this is exhibited in a request 
 which they made to Alexander the Great, 
 about B. c. 332. They desired to be ex- 
 cused payment of tribute in the Sabbatical 
 year, on the plea that as true Israelites, 
 descendants of Ephraim and Manasseh, 
 eons of Joseph, they refrained from culti- 
 vating their land in that year. Another in- 
 stance of claim to Jewish descent appears 
 in the words of the woman of Samaria to 
 our Lord, John iv. 12 : " Art thou greater 
 than our father Jacob, who gave us the 
 well?" Very far were the Jews from ad- 
 mitting this claim to consanguinity on the 
 part of these people. They were ever re- 
 minding them that they were, after all, mere 
 Cuthaeans, mere strangers from Assyria. 
 The traditional hatred in which the Jew 
 held the Samaritan is expressed in Ecclus. 
 1. 25, 26. And so long was it before such 
 a temper could be banished from the Jew- 
 ish mind, that we find even the Apostles 
 believing that an inhospitable slight shown, 
 by a Samaritan village to Christ would be- 
 not unduly avenged by calling down fire 
 from heaven. Such were the Samaritans 
 of our Lord's day ; a people distinct from 
 the Jews, though lying in the very midst 
 of the Jews ; a people preserving their 
 identity, though seven centuries had rolled 
 away since they had been brought from 
 Assyria by Esarhaddon, and though they 
 had abandoned their polytheism for a sort 
 of ultra Mosaicism ; a people, who 
 though their limits had gradually contract- 
 ed, and the rallying-place of their religion 
 on Mount Gerizim had been destroyed one 
 hundred and sixty years before by John 
 Hyrcanus (B. c. 130), and though Samaria 
 (the city) had been again and again de- 
 stroyed still preserved their nationality, 
 still worshipped from Shechem and their 
 impoverished settlements towards their 
 sacred hill ; still retained their nationality, 
 aud could not coalesce with the Jews. Not 
 
 indeed that we must suppose that the whole 
 of the country called in our Lord's time 
 SAMARIA", was in the possession of the 
 Cuthaean Samaritans, or that it had ever 
 been so. It was bounded northward by 
 the range of hills which commences at 
 Mount Carmel on the west, and, after 
 making a bend to the south-west, runs 
 almost due east to the valley of the Jordan, 
 forming the southern border of the plain 'of 
 Esdraelon. It touched towards the south, 
 as nearly as possible, the northern limits 
 of Benjamin. Thus it comprehended the 
 ancient territory of Ephraim, and of those 
 Manassites who were west of Jordan. The 
 Cuthaean Samaritans, however, possessed 
 only a few towns and villages of this large 
 area, and these lay almost together in the 
 centre of the district. At NAUus the 
 Samaritans have still a settlement, consist- 
 ing of about 200 persons. [SHECHEM.] 
 
 Samaritan Pentateuch, a Recension 
 of the commonly received Hebrew Text of 
 the Mosaic Law, in use with the Samari- 
 tans, and written in the ancient Hebrew, 
 or so-called Samaritan character. The 
 origin of the Samaritan Pentateuch has 
 given rise to much controversy, into which 
 we cannot enter in this place. The two 
 most usual opinions are : 1. That it came 
 into the hands of the Samaritans as an in- 
 heritance from the ten tribes whom they 
 succeeded. Because (a.) It seems improb- 
 able that the Samaritans should have ac- 
 cepted their code at the hands of the Jews 
 after the exile, since there existed an in- 
 tense hatred between the two nationalities, 
 (i.) The Samaritan Canon has only the 
 Pentateuch in common with the Hebrew 
 Canon : had that book been received at a 
 period when the Hagiographa and the 
 Prophets were in the Jews' hands, it would 
 be surprising if they had not also received 
 those. 2. That it was introduced by Ma- 
 nasseh at the time of the foundation of the 
 Samaritan Sanctuary on Mount Gerizim, 
 and written in the ancient Hebrew, or so- 
 called Samaritan character. It differs in 
 several important points from the Hebrew 
 text. Among these may be mentioned : 1. 
 Emendations of passages and words of the 
 Hebrew text which contain something ob- 
 jectionable in the eyes of the Samaritans, 
 on account either of historical improbabil- 
 ity or apparent want of dignity in the terms 
 applied to the Creator. Thus in the Samar- 
 itan Pentateuch no one in the antediluvian 
 times begets his first son after he has lived 
 150 years : but one hundred years are, 
 where necessary, subtracted before, and 
 added after, the birth of the first son. An 
 exceedingly important and often discussed 
 | emendation of this class is the passage in 
 Ex. xii. 40, which in our text reads, "Now 
 the sojourning of the children of Israel 
 who dwelt in Egypt was four hundred and
 
 SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH 604 
 
 SAMSON 
 
 thirty years." The Samaritan has "The! 
 sojourning of the children of Israel [and\ 
 their fathers who dwelt in the land of 
 Canaan and in the land of Egypt] was 
 four hundred and thirty years ; " an inter- 
 polation of very late date indeed. Again, 
 in Gen. ii. 2, "And God [?] had finished 
 on the seventh day," is altered into " the 
 sixth," lest God's rest on the Sabbath-day 
 might seem incomplete. 2. Alterations 
 made in favor of or on behalf of Samaritan 
 theology, hermeneutics, and domestic wor- 
 ship. Thus the word JElohim, four times 
 construed with the plural verb in the He- 
 brew Pentateuch, is in the Samaritan Pen- 
 tateuch joined to the singular verb (Gen. 
 xx. 13, xxxi. 53, xxxv. 7; Ex. xxii. 9) ; and 
 further, anthropomorphisms as well as 
 aothropopathisms are carefully expunged 
 f practice very common in later times. 
 Tnc last and perhaps most momentous of 
 all intentional alterations is the constant 
 change of all the phrases, " God will 
 choose a spot," into " He has chosen," viz. 
 Gerizim, and the well-known substitution 
 of Gerizim for Ebal in Deut. xxvii. 4. In 
 Exodus as well as in Deuteronomy the 
 Sam. has, immediately after the Ten Com- 
 mandments, the following insertions from 
 Deut. xxvii. 2-7 and xi. 30 : " And it shall 
 be on the day when ye shall pass over Jor- 
 dan ... ye shall set up these stones ... on 
 Mount Gerizim . . . and there shalt thou 
 build an altar . . . ' That mountain ' on the 
 other side Jordan by the way where the 
 sun goeth down ... in the champaign over 
 against Gilgal, beside the plains of Moreh, 
 ' over against Shechem.' " It may perhaps 
 not be superfluous to add here a brief ac- 
 count of the Samaritan literature. 1. Chron- 
 icon Samaritanum. Joshua alone seems 
 to have found favor in their eyes ; but the 
 Book of Joshua, which they perhaps pos- 
 sessed in its original form, gradually came 
 to form only the groundwork of a fictitious 
 national Samaritan history, overgrown with 
 the most fantastic and anachronistic le- 
 gends. This is the so-called " Samaritan 
 Joshua," or Chronicon. Samaritanum, sent 
 to Scaliger by the Samaritans of Cairo in 
 1584. It was edited by Juynboll (Leyden, 
 1848), and his acute investigations have 
 shown that it was redacted into its present 
 form about A. D. 1300, out of four special 
 documents, three of which were Arabic, 
 and one Hebrew (i. e. Samaritan). The 
 chronicle embraces the time from Joshua 
 to about A. D. 350, and was originally writ- 
 ten in, or subsequently translated into, 
 Arabic. 2. From this work chiefly has 
 been compiled another Chronicle written 
 in the 14th century (1355), by Abu'l Fatah. 
 This comprises the history of the Jews and 
 Samaritans from Adam to A. H. 756 and 798 
 (A. D. 1355 and 1397) respectively. It is of 
 equally low historical value ; its only re- 
 
 markable featiire being the adoption of cer- 
 tain Talmudical legends, which it took at 
 second hand from Josippon ben Gorion. 
 3. Another " historical " work is on the 
 history and genealogy of the patriarchs, 
 from Adam to Moses, attributed to Moses 
 himself; perhaps the same which Peter- 
 mann saw at N&Uus, and which consisted 
 of sixteen vellum leaves (supposed, how- 
 ever, to contain the history of the world 
 down to the end). 4. There are various 
 other Samaritan works chiefly in Arabic 
 their Samaritan and Hebrew literature hav- 
 ing mostly been destroyed by the Emperor 
 Commodus that do not require special 
 notice. 
 
 Sam'gar-ne'bo, one of the princes 
 or generals of the king of Babylon who 
 commanded the victorious army of the 
 Chaldaeans at the capture of Jerusalem 
 (Jer. xxxix. 3). The Nebo is the Chal- 
 daean Mercury; about the Samgar, opin- 
 ions are divided. 
 
 Sam'lah, Gen. xxxvi. 3G, 37 ; 1 Chr. i. 
 47, 48. One of the kings of Edom, succes- 
 sor to Hadad or Hadar. 
 
 Sa'mos, a Greek island off that part of 
 Asia Minor where IONIA touches CARIA. 
 Samos comes before our notice in the de- 
 tailed account of St. Paul's return from his 
 third missionary journey (Acts xx. 15). He 
 had been at Chios, and was about to pro- 
 ceed to Miletus, having passed by Ephesus 
 without touching there. The topograph- 
 ical notices given incidentally by St. Luke 
 are most exact. In the time of Herod the 
 Great, and when St. Paul was there, it was 
 politically a " free city " in the province of 
 ASIA. 
 
 Samothra'cia. The mention of this 
 island in the account of St. Paul's first 
 voyage to Europe (Acts xvi. 11) is for two 
 reasons worthy of careful notice. In 'the 
 first place, being a very lofty and conspic- 
 uous island, it is an excellent landmark for 
 sailors, and must have been full in view, 
 if the weather was clear, throughout that 
 voyage from Troas to Neapolis. Secondly, 
 this voyage was made with a fair wind. Not 
 only are we told that it occupied only parts 
 of two days, whereas on a subsequent re- 
 turn-voyage (Acts xx. 6) the time spent at 
 sea was five, but the technical word here 
 used implies that they ran before the wind. 
 Now, the position of Samothrace is exactly 
 such as to correspond with these notices, 
 and thus incidentally to confirm the accu- 
 racy of a most artless narrative. St. Paul 
 and his companions anchored for the night 
 off Samothrace. The ancient city, and 
 therefore probably the usual anchorage, 
 vas on the N. side, which would be suffi- 
 ciently sheltered from a S. E. wind. 
 
 Sam'son (properly Sham-sun, t. e. 
 " little sun," or " sun-like," from shemesh, 
 the sun), son of Manoah, a man of the town
 
 SAMSON 
 
 605 
 
 SAMSON 
 
 of Zorah, in the tribe of Dan, on the border 
 of Judali (Josh. xv. 33, xix. 41). The 
 miraculous circumstances of his birth are 
 recorded in Judg. xiii. ; and the three fol- 
 lowing chapters are devoted to the history 
 of his life and exploits. Samson takes his 
 place in Scripture, (1.) as a judge an 
 office which he filled for twenty years 
 (Judg. xv. 20, xvi. 31) ; (2.) as a Nazarite 
 (Judg. xiii. 5, xvi. 17) ; and, (3.) as one 
 endowed with supernatural power by the 
 Spirit of the Lord (Judg. xiii. 25, xiv. 6, 
 ID, xv. 14). As a judge his authority seems 
 to have been limited to the district border- 
 ing upon the country of the Philistines. It 
 is evident from Judg. xiii. 1, 5, xv. 9-11, 
 20, and the whole history, that the Israel- 
 ites, or at least Judah and Dan, which are 
 the only tribes mentioned, were subject to 
 the Philistines through the whole of Sam- 
 son's judgeship ; so that Samson's twenty 
 years of office would be included in the 
 forty years of the Philistine dominion. 
 From the angel's speech to Samson's mother 
 (Judg. xiii. 5), it appears further that the 
 Israelites were already subject to the Philis- 
 tines at his birth; and as Samson cannot 
 have begun to be judge before he was twen- 
 ty years of age, it follows that his judge- 
 ship must have coincided with the last 
 twenty years of Philistine dominion. But 
 when we turn to the First Book of Samuel, 
 and especially to vii. 1-14, we find that the 
 Philistine dominion ceased under the judge- 
 ship of Samuel. Hence it is obvious to 
 conclude that the early part of Samuel's 
 judgeship coincided with the latter part 
 of Samson's, and that the capture of the 
 ark by the Philistines in the time of Eli 
 occurred during Samson's lifetime. The 
 divine inspiration, which Samson shared 
 with Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah, as- 
 sumed in him the unique form of vast 
 personal strength, animated by undaunted 
 bravery. It was inseparably connected 
 with the observance of his vow aS a Naza- 
 rite ; " his strength was in his hair." Con- 
 scious of his power, he began to seek a 
 quarrel with the Philistines ; and with this 
 view he asked the hand of a Philistine wo- 
 man whom he had seen at Timnath. One 
 day, as he passed by the vineyards of the 
 city on a visit to his intended bride, a young 
 lion rushed out upon him; the spirit of 
 Jehovah came on Samson, and without a 
 weapon he tore the lion as he would have 
 torn a kid, but he told no one of the exploit. 
 As he passed that way again, he saw a swarm 
 of bees in the carcass of the lion ; and he 
 ate of the honey, but still he told no one. 
 He availed himself of this circumstance, 
 and of the custom of proposing riddles at 
 marriage-feasts, to lay a snare for the Phi- 
 listines. But Samson told the riddle to his 
 wife, and she told it to the men of the city. 
 The spirit of Jehovah came again upon 
 
 him ; and going down to Askelon, he slew 
 thirty men of the city, and gave their spoil 
 to their fellow-countrymen of Timnath. lie 
 then returned to his own house. His wife 
 was given to one of the groomsmen, and on 
 Samson's visiting her soon after, her father 
 refused to let him see her. Samson re- 
 venged himself by taking 300 foxes (or 
 rather jackals) and tying them together two 
 by two by the tails, with a firebrand be- 
 tween every pair of tails, and so he let them 
 loose into the standing corn of the Philis- 
 tines, which was ready for harvest. The 
 Philistines took vengeance by burning Sam- 
 son's wife and her father ; but he fell upon 
 them in return, and smote them " hip and 
 thigh with a great slaughter," after which 
 he took refuge on the top of the rock of 
 Etam, in the territory of Judah. The 
 Philistines gathered an army and marched 
 against the men of Judah, who hastened to 
 make their peace by giving up Samson. 
 Three thousand of them went up to the 
 rock of Etam to bind him, and he submitted 
 on their promise not to fall upon him them- 
 selves. Bound with two new cords, he was 
 brought down to the camp of the Philis- 
 tines, who received him with a shout of 
 triumph ; but the spirit of Jehovah came 
 upon him : he broke the cords like burnt 
 flax, and finding a jawbone of an ass at 
 hand, he slew with it a thousand of the 
 Philistines. The place was henceforth 
 called Ramath-Lehi (the Jieight of the jaw- 
 bone). The supernatural character of the 
 exploit was confirmed by the miraculous 
 bursting out of a spring of water to revive 
 the champion as he was ready to die of 
 thirst. He called the spring En-hakkore t 
 that is, the well of him that cried. This 
 achievement raised Samson to the position 
 of a judge, which he held for twenty years. 
 After a time he began to fall into the temp- 
 tations which addressed themselves to his 
 strong animal nature ; but he broke through 
 every snare in which he was caught so long 
 as he kept his Nazarite's vow. While he 
 was visiting a harlot in Gaza, the Philis- 
 tines shut the gates of the city, intending 
 to kill him in the morning ; but at midnight 
 he went out and tore away the gates, with 
 the posts and bar, and carried them to the 
 top of a hill looking towards Hebron. Next 
 he formed his fatal connection with Delilah, 
 a woman who lived in the valley of Sorek. 
 She was bribed by the lords of the Philistines 
 to entice Samson to tell her the secret of 
 his strength ; and though not at once be- 
 traying it, he played witli -the temptation. 
 Thrice he suffered himself to be bound with 
 green withes, with new ropes, and by weav- 
 ing the seven locks of his hair to the beam 
 of a loom; and each time, when Delilah 
 gave the signal, "The Philistines are upon 
 thee, Samson," he burst the withes and 
 ropes, and tore away the beam with iw
 
 SAMUEL 
 
 606 
 
 SAMUEL 
 
 pin. Instead of resenting Delilah's evident 
 treachery, he seems to have enjoyed the 
 certainty of triumph over each new snare, 
 till he was betrayed into the presumption 
 that perhaps his strength might survive the 
 loss of his Nazarite's locks. Wearied out 
 with her importunity, he at last "told her 
 all his heart," and, while he was asleep, she 
 had him shaven of his seven locks of hair. 
 For the last time he was awakened by her 
 cry, " The Philistines are upon thee, Sam- 
 son," and thought he had only to go out and 
 shake himself, as at the other times, for 
 " he wist not that Jehovah was departed from 
 him." They put out his eyes, and led him 
 down to Gaza, bound in brazen fetters, and 
 made him grind in the prison. As his hair 
 grew, his strength returned ; but his infatu- 
 ated foes only saw in this the means of their 
 diversion. The lords and chief people of 
 the Philistines held a great festival in the 
 temple of Dagon, to celebrate their victory 
 over Samson. They brought forth the blind 
 champion to make sport for them; and, 
 after he had shown his feats of strength, 
 they placed him between the two chief pil- 
 lars which supported the roof that surround- 
 ed the court, which, as well as the court 
 itself, was crowded with spectators, to the 
 number of 3000. Samson asked the lad 
 who guided him to let him feel the pillars, 
 to lean upon them. Then, with a fervent 
 prayer that God would strengthen him only 
 this once, to be avenged on the Philistines, 
 he bore with all his might upon the two pil- 
 lars ; they yielded, and the house fell upon 
 the lords and all the people. " So the dead 
 which he slew at his death were more than 
 they which he slew in his life." His name 
 is enrolled among the worthies of the Jew- 
 ish church in Heb. xi. 32. 
 
 Sam'uel was the son of Elkanah, an 
 Ephrathite or Ephraimite, and Hannah or 
 Anna, and was born at Kamathaim-Zophim. 
 [RAMAH, No. 2.] It is on the mother of 
 Samuel that our chief attention is fixed in 
 the account of his birth. She is described 
 as a woman of a high religious mission. 
 Almost a Nazarite by practice (1 Sam. i. 
 15), and a prophetess in her gifts (1 Sam. 
 ii. 1), she sought from God the gift of the 
 child for which she longed with a passion- 
 ate devotion of silent prayer, of which there 
 is no other example in the O. T. ; and when 
 the son was granted, the name which he 
 bore, and thus first introduced into the 
 world, expressed her sense of the urgency 
 of her entreaty Samuel, " the Asked or 
 Heard of God." She had before his birth 
 dedicated him to the office of a Nazarite. 
 As soon as he was weaned, she herself with 
 her husband brought him to the Tabernacle 
 at Shiloh, where she had received the first 
 intimation of his birth, and there solemnly 
 consecrated him. The lymn which followed 
 on this consecration is the first of the kind 
 
 in the sacred volume. From this time the 
 child is shut up in the tabernacle, and 
 " ministered unto the Lord before Eli." He 
 seems to have slept within the Holiest 
 Place, and his special duty was to put 
 out the sacred candlestick, and to open 
 the doors at sunrise. In this way his child- 
 hood was passed. It was whilst thus sleep- 
 ing in the tabernacle that he received his 
 first prophetic call (1 Sam. iii. 1-18). From 
 this moment the prophetic character of 
 Samuel was established. His words were 
 treasured up, and Shiloh became the resort 
 of those who came to hear him (iii. 19-21). 
 In the overthrow of the sanctuary, which 
 followed shortly on this vision, we hear not 
 what became of Samuel (iv. 11). He next 
 appears, probably twenty years afterwards, 
 suddenly amongst the people, warning them 
 against their idolatrous practices (vii. 3. 4). 
 He convened an assembly at Mizpeh, prob- 
 ably the place in Benjamin. It was at the 
 moment that he was offering up a sacrifice 
 that the Philistine host suddenly burst upon 
 them. A violent thunderstorm came to the 
 timely assistance of Israel. The Philistines 
 fled, and, exactly at the spot where twenty 
 years before they had obtained their great 
 victory, they were totally routed. A stone 
 was set up, which long remained as a 
 memorial of Samuel's triumph, and gave 
 to the place its name of Eben-ezer, " the 
 Stone of Help" (1 Sam. vii. 12). This 
 was Samuel's first, and, as far as we know, 
 his only military achievement. But it was 
 apparently this which raised him to the 
 office of "Judge" (comp. 1 Sam. xii. 11, 
 and Ecclus xlvi. 15-18). He visited, in 
 discharge of his duties as ruler, the three 
 chief sanctuaries on the west of Jordan 
 Bethel, Gilgal, and Mizpeh (1 Sam. vii. 16). 
 His own residence was still his native city, 
 Ramah or Ramathaim, which he further 
 consecrated by an altar (vii. 17). Here he 
 married, and two sons grew up to repeat 
 under his eyes the same perversion of high 
 office that he had himself witnessed in his 
 childhood in the case of the two sons of 
 Eli. In his old age he shared his power 
 with them (1 Sam. viii. 1-4). Down to 
 this point in Samuel's life there is but little 
 to distinguish his career from that of his 
 predecessors. But his peculiar position in 
 the sacred narrative turns on the events 
 which follow. He is the inaugurator of the 
 transition from what is commonly called 
 the theocracy to the monarchy. The mis- 
 demeanor of his own sons precipitated the 
 catastrophe which had been long prepar- 
 ing. The people demanded a king. For 
 the whole night he lay fasting and sleepless, 
 in the perplexity of doubt and difficult}'. In 
 the vision of that night, as recorded by the 
 sacred historian, is given the dark side of 
 the new institution, on which Samuel dwells 
 on /be following day (1 Sam. vni.*0-18)
 
 SAMUEL 
 
 607 
 
 SAMUEL, BOOKS OF 
 
 This presents his reluctance to receive the second was that of not carrying out the stern 
 
 new order of things. The whole narrative 
 of the reception and consecration of Saul 
 gives his acquiescence in it. The final con- 
 flict of feeling and surrender of his office 
 are given in the last assembly over which he 
 presided,' and in his subsequent relations 
 with Saul. The assembly was held at Gil- 
 gal, immediately after the victory over the 
 Ammonites. The monarchy was a second 
 time solemnly inaugurated. Then takes 
 place his farewell address. It is the most 
 signal example afforded in the O. T. of a 
 great character reconciling himself to a 
 changed order of things, and of the Divine 
 sanction resting on his acquiescence. His 
 subsequent relations with Saul are of the 
 same mixed kind. The two institutions 
 which they respectively represented ran on 
 side by side. Samuel was still Judge. He 
 judged Israel " all the days of his life" 
 (vii. 15), and from time to time came across 
 the king's path. But these interventions 
 are chiefly in another capacity, which this 
 is the place to unfold. Samuel is called 
 emphatically " the Prophet " (Acts iii. 24, 
 xiii. 20). He was especially known in his 
 old age as " Samuel the Seer " (1 Sani. ix. 
 11, 18, 19; 1 Chr. ix. 22, xxvi. 28, xxix. 
 29). He was consulted far and near on the 
 small affairs of life (1 Sam. ix. 7, 8). From 
 this faculty, combined with his office of 
 ruler, an awful reverence grew up around 
 him. No sacrificial feast was thought com- 
 plete without his blessing (ib. ix. 13). A 
 peculiar virtue was believed to reside in his 
 intercession. There was something pecu- 
 liar in the long-sustained cry or shout of 
 supplication, which seemed to draw down 
 as by force the Divine answer (1 Sam. vii. 
 8, 9). But there are two other points 
 which more especially placed him at the 
 head of the prophetic order, as it afterwards 
 appeared. The first is brought out in his 
 relation with Saul, the second in his rela- 
 tion with David. (1) He represents the 
 independence of the moral law, of the Di- 
 vine Will, as distinct from regal or sacer- 
 dotal enactments, which is so remarkable a 
 characteristic of all the later prophets. He 
 was, if a Levite, yet certainly not a Priest ; 
 and all the attempts to identify his opposi- 
 tion to Saul with a hierarchical interest are 
 founded on a complete misconception of 
 the facts of the case. From the time of 
 the overthrow of Shiloh, he never appears 
 in the remotest connection with the priestly 
 order. When he counsels Saul, it is not as 
 the priest, but as the prophet. Saul's sin, in 
 botli cases where he came into collision with 
 Samuel, was not of intruding into sacerdotal 
 functions, but of disobedience to the pro- 
 phetic voice. The first was that of not wait- 
 ing for Samuel's arrival, according to the 
 sign given by Samuel at his original meet- 
 ing at liamah (1 Sam. x. 8, xiii. 8) ; the 
 
 prophetic injunction for the destruction of 
 the Amalekites. He is the first of the reg- 
 ular succession of prophets (Acts iii. 24). 
 Moses, Miriam , and Deborah, perhaps Ehud, 
 had been prophets. But it was only from 
 Samuel that the continuous succession was 
 unbroken. It is in his lifetime, long after 
 he had been " established as a prophet" (1 
 Sam. iii. 20), that we hear of the compa- 
 nies of disciples, called in the O. T. " the 
 sons of the prophets," by modern writers 
 " the schools of the prophets." In those 
 schools, and learning to cultivate the pro- 
 phetic gifts, were some, whom we know for 
 certain, others whom we may almost cer- 
 tainly conjecture, to have been so trained 
 or influenced. One was Saul. Twice at 
 least he is described as having been in the 
 company of Samuel's disciples (1 Sam. x. 
 10, 11, xix. 24). (2) The first acquaint- 
 ance of Samuel with David was when he 
 privately anointed him at the house of 
 Jesse. But the connection thus begun with 
 the shepherd hoy must have been continued 
 afterwards. David, at first, fled to " Naioth 
 in Ramah," as to his second home (1 Sam. 
 xix. 19). It is needless to enlarge on the 
 importance with which these' incidents in- 
 vest the appearance of Samuel. He there 
 becomes the spiritual father of the Psalmist 
 king. He is also the Founder of the first 
 regular institutions of religious instruction, 
 and communities for the purposes of educa- 
 tion. The death of Samuel is described as 
 taking place in the year of the close of 
 David's wanderings. It is said with pecu- 
 liar emphasis, as if to mark the loss, that 
 " all the Israelites were gathered together" 
 from all parts of this hitherto divided coun- 
 try, and " lamented him," and " buried 
 him," not in any consecrated place, nor 
 outside the walls of his city, but within his 
 own house, thus in a manner consecrated 
 by being turned into his tomb (1 Sam. xxv. 
 1). The place long pointed out as his tomb 
 is the height, most conspicuous of all in the 
 neighborhood of Jerusalem, immediately 
 above the town of Gibeon, known to the 
 Crusaders as " Montjoye," as the spot from 
 whence they first saw Jerusalem, now called 
 Neby Samwil, "the Prophet Samuel." He- 
 man, his grandson, was one of the chief 
 singers in the Levitical choir (1 Chr. vi. So, 
 xv. 17, xxv. 5). The apparition of Samuel 
 at Endor (1 Sam. xxviii. 14) belongs to the 
 history of SAUL. 
 
 Samuel, Books of, are not sepa- 
 rated from each other in the Hebrew MSS., 
 and, from a critical point of view, must be 
 regarded as one book. The present division 
 was first made in the Septuagint translation, 
 and was adopted in the Vulgate from the 
 Septuagint. The book was called by the 
 Hebrews " Samuel," probably because the 
 birth and life of Samuel were the subjects
 
 SAMUEL, BOOKS OF 
 
 608 
 
 SAMUEL, BOOKS OF 
 
 treated of in the beginning of the work. 
 The books of Samuel commence with the 
 history of Eli and Samuel, and contain an 
 account of the establishment of the Hebrevr 
 monarchy and of the reigns of Saul and 
 David, with the exception of the last days 
 of the latter monarch, which are related in 
 the beginning of the books of Kings, of 
 which those of Samuel form the previous 
 portion. [KINGS, BOOKS OF.] Authorship 
 and Date of the Boole,. 1. As to the au- 
 thorship. In common with all the historical 
 books of the Old Testament, except the 
 beginning of Nehemiah. the Book of Sam- 
 uel contains no mention in the text of the 
 name of its author. It is indisputable that 
 the title " Samuel " does not imply that the 
 prophet was the author of the Book of 
 Samuel as a whole ; for the death of Samuel 
 is recorded in the beginning of the 25th 
 chapter. Again, in reference to the Book 
 of Samuel, the absence of the historian's 
 name from both the text and the title is not 
 supplied by any statement of any other 
 writer, made within a reasonable period 
 from the time when the book may be sup- 
 posed to have been written. No mention 
 of the author's name is made in the Book 
 of Kings, nor, as will be hereafter shown, 
 in the Chronicles, nor in any other of the 
 sacred writings. In like manner, it is not 
 mentioned either in the Apocrypha or in 
 Josephus. And it is not until we come to 
 the Babylonian Gemara, which is supposed 
 to have been completed in its present form 
 somewhere about 500 A. D., that any Jewish 
 statement respecting the authorship can be 
 pointed out, and then it is for the first time 
 asserted that "Samuel wrote his book," 
 t. e. as the words imply, the book which 
 bears his name. But this statement cannot 
 be proved to have been made earlier than 
 1 550 years after the death of Samuel ; and 
 unsupported as it is by reference to any 
 authority of any kind, it would be unworthy 
 of credit, even if it were not opposed to 
 the internal evidence of the book itself. 
 At the revival of learning, an opinion was 
 propounded by Abrabanel, a learned Jew, 
 t A. D. 1508, that the Book of Samuel was 
 written by the prophet Jeremiah, and this 
 opinion was adopted by Hugo Grotius. Not- 
 withstanding the eminence, however, of 
 these writers, this opinion must be rejected 
 as highly improbable. In our own time the 
 most prevalent idea in the Anglican Church 
 seems to have been that the first twenty- 
 four chaptei-s of the Book of Samuel were 
 written by the prophet himself, and the rest 
 of the chapters by the prophets Nathan and 
 Gad. Two circumstances have probably 
 contributed to the adoption of this opinion 
 at the present day : 1st, the growth of 
 stricter ideas as to the importance of know- 
 ing- who was the author of any historical 
 work which advances claims to be trust- 
 
 worthy; and 2dly, the mistranslation of 
 an ambiguous passage in the First Book of 
 Chronicles (xxix. 29), which ought to be 
 rendered, " Now the history of David, 
 first and last, behold, it is written in the 
 history of Samuel the seer, and in the his- 
 tory of Nathan the prophet, and in the 
 history of Gad the seer," which does not 
 imply that the books were written by these 
 persons. 2. But although the authorship 
 cannot be ascertained with certainty, it ap- 
 pears clear that, in its present form, it must 
 have been composed subsequent to the se- 
 cession of the Ten Tribes (B. c. 975). This 
 results from the passage in 1 Sam. xxvii. 6, 
 wherein it is said of David, " Then Achish 
 gave him Ziklag that day : wherefore Zik- 
 lag pertaineth unto the kings of Judah to 
 this day : " for neither Saul, David, nor 
 Solomon is in a single instance called king 
 of Judah simply. Before the secession, the 
 designation of the kings was that they were 
 kings of Israel (1 Sam. xiii. 1, xv. 1, xvi. 
 1; 2 Sam. v. 17, viii. 15; 1 K. ii. 11, iv. 1, 
 vi. 1, xi. 42). On the other hand, it would 
 hardly have been written later than the 
 reformation of Josiah, since it seems to 
 have been composed at a time when the 
 Pentateuch was not acted on as the rule of 
 religious observances. It is in accordance 
 with this early date of the Book of Samuel 
 that allusions in it even to the existence of 
 Moses are so few. After the return from 
 the Captivity, and more especially after the 
 changes introduced by Ezra, Moses became 
 that great central figure in the thoughts 
 and language of devout Jews which he 
 could not fail to be when all the laws of 
 the Pentateuch were observed, and they 
 were all referred to him as the divine 
 prophet who communicated them directly 
 from Jehovah. This transcendent impor- 
 tance of Moses must already have com- 
 menced at the finding of the Book of the 
 Law at the reformation of Josiah. Now it 
 is remarkable that the Book of Samuel is 
 the historical work of the Old Testament 
 in which the name of Moses occurs most 
 rarely. To a religious Jew, when the laws 
 of the Pentateuch were observed, Moses 
 could not fail to be the predominant idea in 
 his mind; but Moses would not necessarily 
 be of equal importance to a Hebrew histo- 
 rian who lived before the reformation of 
 Josiah. 3. It tallies with an early date for 
 the composition of the Book of Samuel 
 that it is one of the best specimens of He- 
 brew prose in the golden age of Hebrew 
 literature. In prose it holds the same place 
 which Joel and the undisputed prophecies 
 of Isaiah hold in poetical or prophetical 
 language. At the same time this argument 
 from language must not be pushed so far 
 as to imply that, standing alone, it would 
 be conclusive ; for some writings, the date 
 of which is about the time of the Captivity,
 
 SANBALLAT 
 
 609 
 
 SANHEDRIM 
 
 are in pure Hebrew. According to the 
 Mosaic Law, sacrifices to Jehovah were 
 not lawful anywhere but before the door 
 of the tabernacle of the congregation, 
 whether this was a permanent temple, as 
 at Jerusalem, or otherwise (Deut. xii. 13, 
 14; Lev. xvii. 3, 4; but see Ex. xx. 24). 
 But in the Book of Samuel, the offering 
 of sacrifices, or the erection of altars, which 
 implies sacrifices, is mentioned at several 
 places, such as Mizpeh, Ramah, Bethel, the 
 threshing-place of Araunah the Jebusite, 
 and elsewhere, not only without any dis- 
 approbation, apology, or explanation, but 
 in a way which produces the impression 
 that such sacrifices were pleasing to Jeho- 
 vah (1 Sam. vii. 9, 10, 17, ix. 13, x. 3, xiv. 
 35; 2 Sam. xxiv. 18-25). Now we know 
 that after the reformation of Josiah the 
 worship upon high-places was abolished by 
 the king's orders (2 K. xxii. 8, xxiii. 8, 13, 
 15, 19, 21). All, therefore, that can be 
 asserted with any certainty is, that the 
 book, as a whole, can scarcely have been 
 composed later than the reformation of Jo- 
 siah, and that it could not have existed in 
 its present form earlier than the reign of 
 Rehoboam. 
 
 Sanbal'lat, a Moabite of Horonaim 
 (Neh. ii. 10, 19, xiii. 28). He held ap- 
 parently some civil or military command 
 in Samaria, in the service of Artaxerxes 
 (Neh. iv. 2), and, from the moment of Ne- 
 hemiah's arrival in Judaea, he set himself 
 to oppose every measure for the welfare of 
 Jerusalem. His companions in this hostil- 
 ity were Tobiah the Ammonite, and Geshem 
 the Arabian (Neh. ii. 19, iv. 7). The only 
 other incident in his life is his alliance with 
 the high-priest's family by the marriage of 
 his daughter with one of the grandsons of 
 Eliashib, which, from the similar connection 
 formed by Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. xiii. 
 4), appears to have been part of a settled 
 policy concerted between Eliashib and the 
 Samaritan faction. The expulsion from the 
 priesthood of the guilty son of Joiada by 
 Nehemiah must have still farther widened 
 the breach between him and Sanballat, and 
 between the two parties ^n the Jewish state. 
 Here, however, the Scriptural narrative 
 ends owing, probably, to Nehemiah's re- 
 turn to Persia and with it likewise our 
 knowledge of Sanballat. 
 
 Sandal was the article ordinarily used 
 by the Hebrews for protecting the feet. It 
 consisted simply of a sole attached to the 
 foot by thongs. We have express notice of 
 the thong (A. V. "shoe-latchet") in sev- 
 eral passages (Gen. xiv. 23; Is. v. 27; 
 Mark i. 7). In Assyria the heel and the 
 side of the foot were encased, and some- 
 times the sandal consisted of little else than 
 this. Sandals were worn by all classes of 
 society in Palestine, even by the very poor 
 (Am. viii. 6), and both the sandal and the 
 3d 
 
 ! thong or shoe-latchet were so cheap and 
 common, that they passed into a proverb 
 for the most insignificant thing (Gen. xir. 
 23; Ecclus. xlvi. 19). They were not, 
 however, worn at all periods ; they were 
 dispensed with in-doors, and were only put 
 on by persons about to undertake some 
 business away from their homes ; such as 
 a military expedition (Is. v. 27; Eph. vi. 
 15), or a journey (Ex. xii. 11 ; Josh. ix. 5, 
 13; Acts xii. 8): on such occasions per- 
 sons carried an extra pair. During meal- 
 times the feet were undoubtedly uncovered, 
 as implied in Luke vii. 38 ; John xiii. 5, 6. 
 It was a mark of reverence to cast off the 
 shoes in approaching a place or person of 
 eminent sanctity (Ex. iii. 5; Josh. v. 15). 
 It was also an indication of violent emo- 
 tion, or of mourning, if a person appeared 
 barefoot in public (2 Sam. xv. 30 ; Is. xx. 
 
 Assyrian Sunduls. (From Layard, ii. 234.) 
 
 2; Ez. xxiv. 17, 23). To carry or to un- 
 loose a person's sandal was a menial office 
 betokening great inferiority on the part of 
 the person performing it (Matt. iii. 1 1 ; 
 Mark i. 7; John i. 27; Acts xiii. 25). 
 The expression in Ps. Ix. 8, cviii. 9, " over 
 Edom I cast out my shoe," evidently sig- 
 nifies the subjection of that country, but 
 the exact point of the comparison is ob- 
 scure. The use of the shoe in the transfer- 
 of property is noticed in Ruth iv. 7, 8. 
 
 San'hedrim (accurately Sanhedrin,. 
 from the Greek avriSgmr, " a council- 
 chamber"), called also in the Talmud the- 
 great Sanhedrim, the supreme council of 
 the Jewish people in the time of Christ and! 
 earlier. 1. The origin of this assembly is 
 traced in the Mishna to the seventy elders 
 whom Moses was directed (Num. xi. 16, 
 17) to associate with him in the govern- 
 ment of the Israelites ; but this tribunal* 
 was probably temporary, and did not con- 
 tinue to exist after the Israelites had en- 
 tered Palestine. In the lack of definite 
 historical information as to the establish- 
 ment of the Sanhedrim, it can only be said 
 in general that the Greek etymology of the 
 name seems to point to a period subsequent 
 to the Macedonian supremacy in Palestine. 
 From the few incidental notices in the New 
 Testament, we gather that it consisted of
 
 SANSANNAH 
 
 610 
 
 SARAPH 
 
 chief priests, or the heads of the 24 classes 
 into which the priests were divided, elders, 
 men of age and experience, and scribes, 
 lawyers, or those learned in the Jewish law 
 (Matt. xxvi. 57, 59 ; Mark xv. 1 ; Luke 
 xxii. 66; Acts v. 21). 2. The number of 
 members is usually given as 71. The pres- 
 ident of this body was styled Nasi, and was 
 chosen on account of his eminence in worth 
 and wisdom. Often, if not generally, this 
 pre-eminence was accorded to the high- 
 priest. The vice-president, called in the 
 Talmud "father of the house of judg- 
 ment," sat at the right hand of the presi- 
 dent. Some writers speak of a second 
 vice-president, but this is not sufficiently 
 confirmed. While in session the Sanhe- 
 drim sat in the form of a half-circle. 3. 
 The place in which the sessions of the San- 
 hedrim were ordinarily held was, according 
 to the Talmud, a hall called Gazzith, sup- 
 posed by Lightfoot to have been situated in 
 the south-east corner of one of the courts 
 near the temple building. In special ex- 
 igencies, however, it seems to have met 
 in the residence of the high-priest (Matt. 
 xxvi. 3). Forty years before the destruc- 
 tion of Jerusalem, and consequently while 
 the Saviour was teaching in Palestine, the 
 sessions of the Sanhedrim were removed 
 from the hall Gazzith to a somewhat greater 
 distance from the temple building, although 
 still on Mt. Moriah. After several other 
 changes, its seat was finally established at 
 Tiberias. As a judicial body the Sanhe- 
 drim constituted a supreme court, to which 
 belonged in the first instance the trial of a 
 tribe fallen into idolatry, false prophets, 
 and the high-priest ; also the other priests. 
 As an administrative council it determined 
 other important matters. Jesus was ar- 
 raigned before this body as a false prophet 
 (John xi. 47), and Peter, John, Stephen, 
 and Paul as teachers of error and deceivers 
 of the people. From Acts ix. 2 it appears 
 that the Sanhedrim exercised a degree of 
 authority beyond the limits of Palestine. 
 According to the Jerusalem Gemara the 
 power of inflicting capital punishment was 
 taken away from this tribunal forty years 
 before the destruction of Jerusalem. With 
 this agrees the answer of the Jews to Pilate 
 (John xix. 31). The Talmud also mentions 
 a lesser Sanhedrim, of twenty-three mem- 
 bers in every city in Palestine in wliich 
 were not less than 120 householders. 
 
 Sansan'nah. one of the towns in the 
 south district of Judah, named in Josh. xv. 
 31 only. We have nothing to guide us to 
 the position of Sansannah. It does not 
 appear to be mentioned by any explorer, 
 -ancient or modern. 
 
 Saph, one of the sons of the giant 
 slain by Sibbechai the Hushathite (2 
 Sam. xxi. 18). In 1 Chr. xx. 4 he is called 
 
 .SlPPAI. 
 
 Saph/ir, one of the villages addressed 
 by the Prophet Micah (i. 11), is described 
 by Eusebius and Jerome " in the mountain 
 district between Eleutheropolis and Asca- 
 lon," perhaps represented by the village 
 cs-Sau-dfir seven or eight miles to the 
 N. E. of Ascalon. 
 
 Sapphi'ra. [ANANIAS.] 
 
 Sapphire (Heb. sappir"), a precious 
 stone, apparently of a bright blue color (see 
 Ex. xxiv. 10) ; the second stone in the 
 second row of the high priest's breastplate 
 (Ex. xxviii. 18) ; extremely precious (Job 
 xxviii. 16) ; it was one of the precious 
 stones that ornamented the king of Tyre 
 (Ez. xxviii. 13). The sapphire of the an- 
 cients was not our gem of that name, viz. 
 the azure or indigo blue, crystalline variety 
 of Corundum, but our Lapis lazuli ( Ultra- 
 marine'). 
 
 Sa'ra. [SARAH.] 
 
 Sa'rah. 1. The wife of Abraham, and 
 mother of Isaac. Of her birth and parent- 
 age we have no certain account in Scrip- 
 ture. Her name is first introduced in Gen. 
 xi. 25), as follows : " Abram and Nahor took 
 them wives : the name of Abram's wife was 
 Sarai ; and the name of Nahor's wife was 
 Milcah, the daughter of Haran, the father 
 of Milcah and the father of Iscah." In 
 Gen. xx. 12, Abraham speaks of her as " his 
 sister, the daughter of the same father, 
 but not the daughter of the same mother." 
 The common Jewish tradition is, that Sarai 
 is the same as Iscah. the daughter of Haran, 
 and the sister of Lot. The change of her 
 name from " Sarai " to " Sarah " was made 
 at the same time that Abram's name was 
 changed to Abraham, on the establishment 
 of the covenant of circumcision between 
 him and God. That the name "Sarah" 
 signifies " princess " is universally ac- 
 knowledged; but the meaning of "Sarai" 
 is still a subject of controversy. The 
 older interpreters suppose it to mean " my 
 princess." Her history is of course that 
 of Abraham. [ABRAHAM.] She died at 
 Hebron at the age of 127 years, 28 years 
 before her husband, and was buried by him 
 in the cave of Machpelah. She is referred 
 to in the N. T. as a type of conjugal obe- 
 dience in 1 Pet. iii. 6, and as one of tho 
 types of faith in Heb. xi. 11. 2. SATIAH, 
 the daughter of Asher (Num. xxvi. 46). 
 
 Sa'rai. the original name of Sarah, the 
 wife of Abraham. The meaning of the 
 name may possibly be, as Ewald has sug- 
 gested, " contentious." 
 
 Sar'amel, the name of the place in 
 which the assembly of the Jews was held 
 at which the high-priesthood was conferred 
 upon Simon Maccabaeus (1 Mace. xiv. 28). 
 Some have treated it as a corruption of 
 Jerusalem ; but this is inadmissible, though 
 it was probably some part of the city. 
 
 Sa'raph, mentioned in 1 Chr. iv. 22,
 
 SARDINE 
 
 611 
 
 SATAN 
 
 among the descendant? of Shelah the son 
 of Judah. 
 
 Sardine, Sardius (Heb. ddem), the 
 stone which occupied the first place in the 
 first row of the high-priest's breastplate 
 (Ex. xxviii. 17, xxxix. 10; Ez. xxviii. 13). 
 In Rev. iv. 3, St. John declares that he 
 whom he saw sitting on the heavenly throne 
 " was to look upon like a jasper and a 
 sardine stone." The sixth foundation of 
 the wall of the heavenly Jerusalem was a 
 sardius (Rev. xxi. 20). The sard, which is 
 the stone probably denoted by odem, is a 
 superior variety of agate, and has long 
 been a favorite stone for the engraver's 
 art. Sards differ in color : there is a bright 
 red variety, and perhaps the Heb. ddem, 
 from a root which means " to be red," 
 points to this kind. 
 
 Sar'dis, a city situated about two miles 
 to the south of the river Hermus, just be- 
 low the range of Tmolus (Bos Dagh), on 
 a spur of which its acropolis was built. It 
 was the ancient residence of the kings of 
 Lydia. Sardis was in very early times, 
 both from the extremely fertile character 
 of the neighboring region, and from its 
 convenient position, a commercial mart of 
 importance. Chestnuts were first produced 
 in the neighborhood. The art of dyeing 
 wool is said by Pliny to have been invented 
 there ; and at any rate Sardis was the en- 
 trepot of the dyed woollen manufactures. 
 Sardis too was the place where the metal 
 elect-rum was procured ; and it was thither 
 that the Spartans sent, in the 6th centtiry 
 B. c,, to purchase gold for the purpose of 
 gilding the face of the Apollo at Amyclae. 
 In the year 214 B. c. it was taken and 
 racked by the army of Antiochus the 
 Great. After the ruin of Antiochus' for- 
 tunes, it passed, with the rest of Asia on 
 that side of Taurus, under the dominion 
 of the kings of Pergamus, whose interests 
 led them to divert the course of traffic be- 
 tween Asia and Europe away from Sardis. 
 Its productive soil must always have con- 
 tinued a source of wealth ; but its impor- 
 tance as a central mart appears to have 
 diminished from the time of the invasion of 
 Asia by Alexander. The massive temple 
 of Cybele still bears witness in its fragmen- 
 tary remains to the wealth and architec- 
 tural skill of the people that raised it. On 
 the north side of the acropolis, overlooking 
 the valley of the Hermus, is a theatre near 
 400 feet in diameter, attached to a stadium 
 of about 1000. This probably was erected 
 after the restoration of Sardis by Alex- 
 ander. There are still considerable re- 
 mains of the ancient city at Sert-Kalessi. 
 Travellers describe the appearance of the 
 locality as that of complete solitude. The 
 only passage in which it is mentioned in 
 the Bible is Rev. iii. 1-6. 
 
 Sar'dites, The, descendants of Sered 
 the son of Zebulun (Num. xxvi. 26). 
 
 Sardonyx is mentioned in the N. T. 
 once only, viz. in Rev. xxi. 20. The sar- 
 donyx consists of " a white opaque layer, 
 superimposed upon a red transparent stra- 
 tum of the true red sard." It is, like the sard, 
 merely a variety of agate, and is frequently 
 employed by engravers for a signet-ring. 
 
 Sarep'ta. [ZAREPHATH.] 
 
 Sar'gpn, one of the greatest of the As- 
 syrian kings, is mentioned by name only 
 once in Scripture (Is. xx. 1). Earlier 
 writers had identified him with either Shal- 
 maneser, or Sennacherib, or Esarhaddon. 
 All these conjectures are now shown to be 
 wrong by the Assyrian inscriptions, which 
 prove Sargon to have been distinct from 
 the several monarchs named, and fix his 
 place in the list between Shalmaneser and 
 Sennacherib. His name is read in the in- 
 scriptions as " Sargina." He was Sennache- 
 rib's father, and his immediate predeces- 
 sor, and reigned from B. c. 721 to 702, 
 and seems to have been a usurper. He 
 was undoubtedly a great and successful 
 warrior. In his annals, which cover a space 
 of fifteen years (from B. c. 721 to 70G), he 
 gives an account of his warlike expeditions 
 against Babylonia and Susiana on the 
 south, Media on the east, Armenia and 
 Cappadocia towards the north, Syria, Pales- 
 tine, Arabia, and Egypt towards the west 
 and south-west. In B. c. 712 he took 
 Ashdod, by one of his generals, which is 
 the event which causes the mention of his 
 name in Scripture. It is not as a warrior 
 only that Sargon deserves special mention 
 among the Assyrian kings. He was also the 
 builder of useful works, and of one of the 
 most magnificent of the Assyrian palaces. 
 
 Sa'rid, a chief landmark of the terri- 
 tory of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 10, 12). All 
 that can be gathered of its position is that 
 it lay to the west of Chisloth -Tabor. 
 
 Sa'ron, the district in which Lydda 
 stood (Acts ix. 35 only) ; the SHARON of 
 the O. T. [SHARON.] 
 
 Saro'thie. " The sons of Sarothie " are 
 among the sons of the servants of Solomon 
 who returned with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 34). 
 
 Sarse'chim, one of the generals of 
 Nebuchadnezzar's army at the taking of 
 Jerusalem (Jer. xxxix. 3). He appears to 
 have held the office of chief eunuch. In 
 Jer. xxxix. 13, Nebushasban is called Rab- 
 saris, " chief eunuch ; " and perhaps Nebu- 
 shasban and Sarsechim may be names of the 
 same person. 
 
 Sa'ruch. SERUG the son of Reu (Luko 
 iii. 35). 
 
 Sa'tan. The word itself, the Hebrew 
 sdtdn, is simply an "adversary," and is so 
 used in 1 Sam. xxix. 4 ; 2 Sam. xix. 22 ; 1 
 K. v. 4, xi. 14, 23, 25; Num. xxii. 22, 32;
 
 SATAN 
 
 612 
 
 SATAN 
 
 Ps. cix. 6. This original sense is still found 
 in our Lord's application of the name to 
 St. Peter in Matt. xvi. 23. It is used as a 
 proper name or title only_four times in the 
 O. T. viz. (with the article) in Job i. C, 12, 
 ii. 1, Zech. ii. 1, and (without the article) 
 in lX2hr. xxi. i. It is with the scriptural 
 revelation on the subject that we are here 
 concerned ; and it is clear, from this simple 
 enumeration of passages, that it is to be 
 sought in the New, rather than in the Old 
 Testament. I. The personal existence of a 
 Spirit of Evil is clearly revealed in Scrip- 
 ture ; but the revelation is made gradually, 
 in accordance with the progressiveness of 
 God's method. In the first entrance of evil 
 into the world, the temptation is referred 
 only to the serpent. Throughout the whole 
 period of the patriarchal and Jewish dis- 
 pensation, tlu's vague and imperfect revela- 
 tion of the Source of Evil alone was given. 
 The Book of Job stands alone on the basis 
 ef " natural religion," apart from the grad- 
 ual evolutions of the Mosaic revelation. In 
 it, for the first time, we find a distinct men- 
 tion of " Satan," the " adversary " of Job. 
 But it is important to remark the emphatic 
 stress laid on his subordinate position, on 
 the absence of all but delegated power, of 
 all terror, and all grandeur in his character. 
 It is especially remarkable that no power 
 of spiritual influence, but only a power over 
 outward circumstances, is attributed to him. 
 The Captivity brought the Israelites face to 
 face with the great dualism of the Persian 
 mythology, the conflict of Ormuzd with 
 Ahriman, the co-ordinate Spirit of Evil. In 
 the books written after the Captivity we 
 have again the name of " Satan" twice 
 mentioned (1 Chr. xxi. 1-; Zech. iii. 1,2); 
 but it is confessed by all that the Satan of 
 Scripture bears no resemblance to the Per- 
 sian Ahriman. His subordination and in- 
 feriority are as strongly marked as ever. 
 In the interval between the Old and New 
 Test, the Jewish mind had pondered on the 
 scanty revelations already given of evil 
 spiritual influence. But the Apocryphal 
 Books (as, for example, Tobit and Judith), 
 while dwelling on " demons," have no 
 notice of Satan. The same may be ob- 
 served of Josephus. But, while a mass of 
 fable and superstition grew up on the gen- 
 eral subject of evil spiritual influence, still 
 the existence and nature of Satan remained 
 in the background, felt, but not understood. 
 The N. T. first brings it plainly forward. 
 From the beginning of the Gospel, when he 
 appears as the personal tempter of our 
 Lord, through all the Gospels, Epistles, 
 and Apocalypse, it is asserted or implied, 
 again and again, as a familiar and impor- 
 tant truth. Without dwelling on other pas- 
 sages, the plain, solemn, and unmetaphori- 
 cal words of John viii. 44 must be suflicient. 
 
 II. Of the nature and original state of 
 Satan, little is revealed in Scripture. He 
 is spoken of as a " spirit " in Eph. ii. 2, as 
 the prince or ruler of the "demons" in 
 Matt. xii. 24-26, and as having " angels " 
 subject to him in Matt. xxv. 41 ; Rev. xii. 
 7, 9. The whole description of his power 
 implies spiritual nature and spiritual in- 
 fluence. We conclude therefore that he 
 was of angelic nature, a rational and 
 spiritual creature, superhuman in power, 
 wisdom, and energy; and not only so, 
 but an archangel, one of the " princes " 
 of heaven. We cannot, of course, con- 
 ceive that anything essentially and ori- 
 ginally evil was created by God. We can 
 only conjecture, therefore, that Satan is a 
 fallen angel, who once had a time of pro- 
 bation, but whose condemnation is now 
 irrevocably fixed. But of the time, cause, 
 and manner of his fall, Scripture tells 
 us scarcely anything. It limits its dis- 
 closures, as always, to that which we 
 need to know. The passage on which all 
 the fabric of tradition and poetry has 
 been raised is Rev. xii. 7, 9. Whatever 
 be the meaning of this passage, it is certain 
 that it cannot refer to the original fall of 
 Satan. The only other passage which re- 
 fers to the fall of the angels is 2 Pet. ii. 4, 
 with the parallel passage in Jude 6. Here, 
 again, the passage is mysterious ; but it 
 seems hardly possible to consider Satan as 
 one of these ; for they are in chains and 
 guarded till the Great Day ; he is permitted 
 still to go about as the Tempter and the 
 Adversary, until his appointed time be 
 come. Setting these passages aside, we 
 have still to consider the declaration of our 
 Lord in Luke x. 18, " I beheld Satan, as 
 lightning, fall from heaven." This may 
 refer to the fact of his original fall ; but, 
 in any case, it tells nothing of its cause or 
 method. There is also the passage already 
 referred to (John viii. 44) ; but here it 
 seems likely the words refer to the begin- 
 ning of his action upon man. Perhaps the 
 only one, which has any value, is 1 Tim. 
 iii. 6, " lest, being lifted up by pride, he fall 
 into the condemnation of the devil." It is 
 concluded from this that pride was the 
 cause of the devil's condemnation. But, 
 while these points are passed by almost in 
 silence, Scripture describes to us distinctly 
 the moral nature of the Evil One. The 
 ideal of goodness is made up of the three 
 great moral attributes of God Love, 
 Truth, and Purity or Holiness ; combined 
 with that spirit which is the natural temper 
 of a finite and dependent creature, the 
 spirit of Faith. We find, accordingly, 
 that the opposites of these qualities are 
 dwelt upon as the characteristics of the 
 devil. III. The power of Satan over the 
 soul is represented as exercised either
 
 SATAN 
 
 613 
 
 SAUL 
 
 directly or by his instruments. His direct 
 influence over the soul is simply that of a 
 powerful and evil nature on those in whom 
 lurks the germ of the same evil. Besides 
 this direct influence, we learn from Scrip- 
 ture that Satan is the leader of a host of 
 evil spirits or angels who share his evil 
 work, and for whom the " everlasting fire 
 is prepared" (Matt. xxv. 41). Of their 
 origin and fall we know no more than of 
 his, for they cannot be the same as the 
 fallen and imprisoned angels of 2 Pet. ii. 4, 
 and Jude 6; but one passage (Matt. xii. 
 24-26) identifies them distinctly with the 
 " demons " (A. V. " devils ") who had 
 power to possess the souls of men. They 
 are mostly spoken of in Scripture in ref- 
 erence to possession ; but in Eph. vi. 12, 
 they are described in various lights, as 
 "principalities," "powers," "rulers of the 
 darkness of this world," and " spiritual 
 powers of wickedness in heavenly places " 
 (or " things ") ; and in all as " wrestling " 
 against the soul of man. In Rev. xii. 7-9, 
 they are spoken of as fighting with " the 
 dragon, the old serpent, called the devil and 
 Satan," against " Michael and his angels," 
 and as cast out of heaven with their chief. 
 Taking all these passages together, we find 
 them sharing the enmity to God and man 
 implied in the name and nature of Satan ; 
 but their power and action are but little 
 dwelt upon in comparison with his. But 
 the Evil One is not only the " prince of the 
 demons," but also he is called the " prince 
 of this world," in John xii. 31, xiv. 30, 
 xvi. 11, and even the "god of this world" 
 in 2 Cor. iv. 4 ; the two expressions being 
 united in Eph. vi. 12. This power he 
 claimed for himself, as a delegated author- 
 ity, in the temptation of our Lord (Luke 
 iv. C) ; and the temptation would have 
 been unreal had he spoken altogether 
 falsely. The indirect action of Satan is 
 best discerned by an examination of the 
 title by which he is designated in Scripture. 
 He is called emphatically 6 8iu(hHof, " the 
 devil." The derivation of the word in it- 
 self implies only the endeavor to break the 
 bonds between others, and "set them at 
 variance ; " but common usage adds to this 
 general sense the special idea of " setting 
 at variance by slander." In the applica- 
 tion of the title to Satan, both the general 
 and special senses should be kept in view. 
 His general object is to break the bonds of 
 Communion between God and man, and the 
 bonds of truth and love which bind men to 
 each other. The slander of God to man ig 
 seen best in the words of Gen. iii. 4, 5. 
 They attribute selfishness and jealousy to 
 the Giver of all good. The slander of man 
 to God is illustrated by the Book of Job 
 (Job i. 9-11, ii. 4, 5). In reference to it, 
 Satan is called the " adversary " of man 
 in 1 Pet v. 8, and represented in that char- 
 
 acter in Zech. iii. 1, 2; and more plainly 
 still designated in Rev. xii. 10, as " the ac- 
 cuser of our brethren, who accuse them 
 before our God day and night." It is diffi- 
 cult for us to understand what can be the 
 need of accusation, or the power of slander, 
 under the all-searching eye of God. But 
 these points, important as they are, are of 
 less moment than the disclosure of the 
 method of Satanic action upon the heart 
 itself. It may be summed up in two words 
 Temptation and Possession. The sub- 
 ject of temptation is illustrated, not only by 
 abstract statements, but also by the record 
 of the temptations of Adam and of our Lord. 
 It is expressly laid down (as in James i. 2- 
 4) that " temptation," properly so called, 
 
 1. e. "trial," is essential to man, and is ac- 
 cordingly ordained for him and sent to him 
 by God (as in Gen. xxii. 1). It is this tenta- 
 bility of man, even in his original nature, 
 which is represented in Scripture as giving 
 scope to the evil action of Satan. He is 
 called the "tempter" (as in Matt. iv. 3; 
 1 Thess. iii. 5). He has power, first, to 
 present to the appetites or passions their 
 objects in vivid and captivating forms ; and 
 next, to act upon the false desire of the 
 will for independence. It is a power which 
 can be resisted, because it is under the con- 
 trol and overruling power of God (1 Cor. x. 
 13; James iv. 7, &c.). It is exercised both 
 negatively and positively. Its negative exer- 
 cise is referred to in the parable of the sower. 
 Its positive exercise is set forth in the par- 
 able of the wheat and the tares. This ex- 
 ercise of the tempter's power is possible, 
 even against a sinless nature. We see this 
 in the temptation of our Lord. But in the 
 temptation of a fallen nature Satan has a 
 greater power. Every sin committed makes 
 a man the " servant of sin " for the future 
 (John viii. 34 ; Rom. vi. 16) : it therefore 
 creates in the spirit of man a positive ten- 
 dency to evil, which sympathizes with, and 
 aids, the temptation of the Evil One. On 
 the subject of Possession, see DEMONIACS. 
 
 Satyrs are mentioned in Is. xiii. 21, and 
 xxxiv. 14, where the prophet predicts the 
 desolation of Babylon. The Hebrew word 
 signifies "hairy" or " rough," and is fre- 
 quently applied to " he-goats." In the 
 passages cited it probably refers to demons 
 of woods and desert places, half men and half 
 goats (comp. Lev. xvii. 7; 2 Chr. xi. 15). 
 
 Saul, more accurately SHAUL. 1. Saul 
 of Rehoboth by the River was one of the 
 early kings of Edom, and successor of 
 Samlah (Gon. xxxvi. 37, 38; 1 Chr. i. 48). 
 
 2. The first king of Israel, was the son of 
 Kish and of the tribe of Benjamin. His 
 character is in part illustrated by the fierce, 
 wayward, fitful nature of the tribe, and in 
 part accounted for by the struggle between 
 the old and new systems in which he found 
 himself involved. To this we must add a
 
 SAUL 
 
 614 
 
 SAUL 
 
 taint of madness, which broke out in vio- 
 lent frenzy at times, leaving him with long 
 lucid intervals. He was remarkable for his 
 strength and activity (2 Sam. i. 23) and 
 like the Homeric heroes, of gigantic stat- 
 ure, taller by head and shoulders than the 
 rest of the people, and of that kind of 
 beauty denoted by the Hebrew word 
 " good " (1 Sam. ix. 2), and which caused 
 him to be compared to the gazelle, " the 
 gazelle of Israel." His birthplace is not 
 expressly mentioned; but, as Zelah was 
 the place of Kish's sepulchre (2 Sam. xxi.), 
 it was probably his native village. His 
 father, KisJi, was a powerful and wealthy 
 chief, though the family to which he be- 
 longed was of little importance (ix. 1, 21). 
 A portion of his property consisted of a 
 drove of asses. In search of these asses, 
 gone astray on the mountains, he sent his 
 son Saul, accompanied by^ a servant, who 
 acted also as a guide and guardian of the 
 young man (ix. 3-10). It was while pros- 
 ecuting this adventure that Saul met with 
 Samuel for the first time. A Divine inti- 
 mation had indicated to him the approach 
 and the future destiny of the youthful Ben- 
 jamite. In anticipation of some distin- 
 guished stranger, Samuel had bade the 
 cook reserve a boiled shoulder, from which 
 Saul, as the chief guest, was bidden to tear 
 off the first morsel. They then descended 
 to the city, and a bed was prepared for 
 Saul on the house-top. At daybreak Sam- 
 uel roused him. They descended again to 
 the skirts of the town, and there (the ser- 
 vant having left them) Samuel poured over 
 Saul's head the consecrated oil, and with a 
 kiss of salutation announced to him that 
 he was to be the ruler of the nation (ixl 25 
 -x. 1). From that moment a new life 
 dawned upon him ; and on his return home- 
 wards, his call was confirmed by the inci- 
 dents which, according to Samuel's predic- 
 tion, awaited him (x. 9, 10). This is what 
 may be called the private, inner view of 
 his call. The outer call, which is related 
 independently of the other, was as follows : 
 An assembly was convened by Samuel 
 at Mizpeh, and lots were cast to find the 
 tribe and the family which was to produce 
 the king. Saul was named and, by a Di- 
 vine intimation, found hid in the circle of 
 baggage which surrounded the encampment 
 (x. 17-24). His stature at once conciliated 
 the public feeling, and for the first time the 
 shout was raised, afterwards so often re- 
 peated in modern times, " Long live the 
 king" (x. 23-34), and he returned to Gib- 
 eah, where he usually resided. He was 
 (having apparently returned to his private 
 life) on his way home, driving his herd of 
 oxen, when he heard one of those wild 
 lamentations in the city of Gibeah, such as 
 mark in Eastern towns the arrival of a 
 great calamity. It was the tidings of the 
 
 threat issued by Nahash king of Ammon 
 against Jabesh-Gilead. " The spirit of the 
 Lord came upon him," as on the ancient 
 Judges. He speedily collected an army, 
 and Jabesh was rescued. The effect was 
 instantaneous on the people, and the mon- 
 archy was inaugurated anew at Gilgal (xi. 
 1-15). It should be, however, observed 
 that according to 1 Sam. xii. 12, the affair 
 of Nahash preceded and occasioned the 
 election of Saul. He becomes king of Is- 
 rael. But he still so far resembles the 
 earlier Judges, as to be virtually king only 
 of his own tribe, Benjamin, or of the im- 
 mediate neighborhood. Almost all his ex- 
 ploits are confined to this circle of territory 
 or associations. Samuel, who had up to 
 this time been still named as ruler with Saul 
 (xi. 7, 12, 14), now withdrew, and Saul 
 became the acknowledged chief. In the 
 2d year of his reign, he began to organize 
 an attempt to shake off the Philistine yoke 
 which pressed on his country; not least on 
 his own tribe, where a Philistine officer had 
 long been stationed even in his- own field 
 (x. 5, xiii. 3). An army of 3000 was 
 formed, which he soon afterwards gathered 
 together round him ; and Jonathan, appar- 
 ently with his sanctioji, rose against the 
 officer and slew him (xiii. 2-4). This 
 roused the whole force of the Philistine 
 nation against him. The spirit of Israel 
 was completely broken. In this crisis, 
 Saul, now on the very confines of his king- 
 dom at Gilgal, found himself in the posi- 
 tion long before described by Samuel; 
 longing to exercise his royal right of sacri- 
 fice, yet deterred by his sense of obedience 
 to the Prophet. At last, on the 7th day, he 
 could wait no longer, but just after the 
 sacrifice was completed Samuel arrived, 
 and pronounced the first curse, on his im- 
 petuous zeal (xiii. 5-14). Meanwhile the 
 adventurous exploit of Jonathan at Mich- 
 mash brought on the crisis which ultimate- 
 ly drove the Philistines back to their own 
 territory. It was signalized by two re- 
 markable incidents in the life of Saul. 
 One was the first appearance of his mad- 
 ness in the rash vow which all but cost the 
 life of his son (1 Sam. xiv. 24, 44). The 
 other was the erection of his first altar, 
 built either to celebrate the victory, or to 
 expiate the savage feast of the famished 
 people (xiv. 35). The expulsion of the 
 Philistines (although not entirely complet- 
 ed, xiv. 52) at once placed Saul in a position 
 higher than that of any previous ruler of 
 Israel. The warlike character of his reign 
 naturally still predominated, and he was 
 now able to attack the neighboring tribes 
 of Moab, Ammon, Edom, Zobah, and final- 
 ly Amalek (xiv. 47). The war with Ama- 
 lek is twice related, first briefly (xiv. 48), 
 and then at length (xv. 1-9). Its chief 
 connection with Saul's history lies in the
 
 SAUL 
 
 615 
 
 SAW 
 
 disobcdi/nro to the prophetical command 
 of Samuel, shown in the sparing of the 
 king and the retention of the spoil. This 
 second act of disobedience called down the 
 second curse, and tlie first distinct intima- 
 tion of the transference of the kingdom to 
 a rival. The struggle between Samuel and 
 Saul in their final parting is indicated by 
 the rent of Samuel's robe of state, as he 
 tears himself away from Saul's grasp, and 
 by the long mourning of Samuel for the 
 separation " Samuel mourned for Saul." 
 
 The rest of Saul's life is one long trage- 
 dy. The frenzy, which had given indica- 
 tions of itself before, now at times took al- 
 most entire possession of him. It is de- 
 scribed in mixed phrases, as " an evil spirit 
 of God " (much as we might speak of, " re- 
 ligious madness "), which, when it came 
 upon him, almost choked or strangled him 
 from its violence. In this crisis David was 
 recommended to him by one of the young 
 men of his guard. From this time forward 
 their lives are blended together. [DAVID.] 
 In Saul's better moments he never lost the 
 strong affection which he had contracted 
 for David. Occasionally, too, his propheti- 
 cal gift returned, blended with his madness 
 (xix. 24). But his acts of fierce, wild zeal 
 increased. At last the monarchy itself, 
 which he had raised up, broke down under 
 the weakness of its head. The Philistines 
 re-entered the country, and with their char- 
 iots and Corses occupied the plain of Es- 
 draclon. Their camp was pitched on the 
 southern slope of the range now called 
 Little Hermon, by Slmnem. On the oppo- 
 site side, on Mount Gilboa, was the Israel- 
 ite army, clinging, as usual, to the heights 
 which were their safety. It was near the 
 spring of Gideon's encampment, hence 
 called the spring of Harod or " trembling " 
 
 and now the name assumed an evil omen, 
 and the heart of the king, as he pitched his 
 camp there, "trembled exceedingly" (1 
 Sam. xxviii. 5). In the loss of all the 
 usual means of consulting the Divine Will, 
 Le determined, with that wayward mixture 
 of superstition and religion which marked 
 his whole career, to apply to one of the 
 necromancers who had escaped his perse- 
 cution. She was a woman living at Endor, 
 on the other side of Little Hermon. Vol- 
 umes have been written on the question, 
 whether in the scene that follows we are to 
 understand an imposture or a real appari- 
 tion of Samuel. At this distance of time 
 it is impossible to determine the relative 
 amount of fraud or of reality, though the 
 obvious meaning of the narrative itself 
 tends to the hypothesis of some kind of 
 apparition. She recognizes the disguised 
 king first by the appearance of Samuel, 
 seemingly from his threatening aspect or 
 tone as towards his enemy. Saul appar- 
 ently saw nothing, but listened to her de- 
 
 scription of a godlike figure of an aged 
 man, wrapped round with the royal or sa- 
 cred robe. On hearing the denunciation 
 which the apparition conveyed, Saul fell 
 the whole length of his gigantic stature on 
 the ground, and remained motionless till 
 the woman and his servants forced him to 
 eat. The next day the battle came on. The 
 Israelites were driven up the side of Gilboa.. 
 The three sons of Saul were slain. SaCul 
 himself, with his armor-bearer, was pursued 
 by the archers and the charioteers of the 
 enemy. He was wounded. According to 
 one account, he fell upon his own sword (1 
 Sam. xxxi. 4). According to another ac- 
 count, an Amalekite came up at the mo- 
 ment of his death-wound, and found him 
 " fallen," but leaning on his spear; and he 
 was, at his own request, put out of his pain 
 by the Amalekite, who took off his royal 
 diadem and bracelet, and carried the news 
 to David (2 Sam. i. 7-10). The body on 
 being found by the Philistines was stripped, 
 and decapitated. The armor was sent into 
 the Philistine cities, as if in retribution for 
 the spoliation of Goliath, and finally de- 
 posited in the temple of Astarte, apparently 
 in the neighboring Canaanitish city of 
 Bethshan ; and over the walls of the same 
 city was hung the naked headless corpse, 
 with those of his three sons (ver. 9, 10). 
 The head was deposited (probably at Ar,h- 
 dod) in the temple of Dagon (1 Chr. x. 10.) 
 The corpse was removed from Bethshan 
 by the gratitude of the inhabitants of Ja- 
 besh-gilead, who came over the Jordan by 
 night, carried off the bodies, burnt them, 
 and buried them under the tamarisk at 
 Jabesh (1 Sam. xxxi. 13). Thence, after 
 the lapse of several years, his ashes and 
 those of Jonathan were removed by David 
 to their ancestral sepulchre at Zelah in Ben- 
 jamin (2 Sam. xxi. 14). 3. The Jewish 
 name of ST. PAUL. This was the most 
 distinguished name in the genealogies of 
 the tribe of Benjamin, to which the Apcstle 
 felt some pride in belonging (Rom. xi. 1 ; 
 Phil. iii. 5). Nothing certain is known 
 about the change of the Apostle's name 
 from Saul to Paul (Acts xiii. 9). Two 
 chief conjectures prevail concerning the 
 change. (1.) That the name was derived 
 from SERGIUS PACLUS, the first of his 
 Gentile converts. (2.) That Paulus was 
 the Apostle's Roman name as a citizen of 
 Tarsus, which was naturally adopted into 
 common use by his biographer when his 
 labors among the heathen commenced. 
 
 Saw. Egyptian saws, so far as has 
 yet been discovered, were single-handed, 
 though St. Jerome has been thought to al- 
 lude to circular saws. As is the case in 
 modern Oriental saws, the teeth usually in- 
 cline towards the handle, instead of away 
 from it, like ours. They have, in most 
 case J, bronze blades, apparently attached
 
 SCArE-GOAT 
 
 616 
 
 SCRIBES 
 
 to the handles by leathern thongs ; but 
 some of those in the British Museum have 
 their blades let into them like our knives. 
 A double-handed iron saw has been found 
 at Nimrftd. No evidence exists of the use 
 of the saw applied to stone in Egypt, nor 
 without the double-handed saw does it seem 
 likely that this should be the case ; but we 
 read of sawn stones used in the Temple (1 
 K. vii. 9). The saws "under" or "in" 
 which David is said to have placed his cap- 
 tives were of iron. The expression in 2 
 Sam. xii. 31, does not necessarily imply 
 torture, but the word " cut " in 1 Chr. xx. 
 3, can hardly be understood otherwise. 
 
 Scape-goat. [ATONEMENT, DAT or.] 
 
 Scarlet. [COLORS.] 
 
 Sceptre, originally meant a rod or staff. 
 It was thence specifically applied to the 
 shepherd's crook (Lev. xxvii. 32 ; Mic. vii. 
 14), and to the wand or sceptre of a ruler. 
 The use of the staff' as a symbol of author- 
 ity was not confined to kings; it might be 
 used by any leader, as instanced in Judg. 
 v. 14, where for " pen of the writer," as in 
 the A. V., we should read " sceptre of the 
 leader." The allusions to it are all of a 
 metaphorical character, and describe it 
 simply as one of the insignia of supreme 
 power (Gen. xlix. 10; Num. xxiv. 17; Ps. 
 xlv. 6; Is. xiv. 5; Am. i. 5; Zech. x. 11; 
 Wisd. x. 14; Bar. vi. 14). We are con- 
 sequently unable to describe the article 
 from any Biblical notices ; we may infer 
 that it was probably made of wood. The 
 sceptre of the Persian monarch is described 
 as " golden," i. e. probably of massive gold 
 (Esth. iv. 11). 
 
 Sce'va, a Jew residing at Ephesus at 
 the time of St. Paul's second visit to that 
 town (Acts xix. 14-16). He is described 
 as a "high-priest," either as having exer- 
 cised the office at Jerusalem, or as being 
 chief of one of the twenty -four classes. 
 
 Science. In the A. V. this word oc- 
 curs only in Dan. i. 4, and 1 Tim. vi. 20. 
 Its use in Dan. i. 4 is probably to be ex- 
 plained by the number of synonymous 
 words in the verse, forcing the translators 
 to look out for diversified equivalents in 
 English. Why it should have been chosen 
 for 1 Tim. vi. 20 is not so obvious. Its 
 effect is injurious, as leading the reader to 
 suppose that St. Paul is speaking of some- 
 thing else than the " knowledge " of which 
 both the Juiaizing and the mystic sects 
 of the Apostolic age continually boasted, 
 against which he so urgently warns men (1 
 Cor. viii. 1, 7), the counterfeit of the true 
 knowledge which he prizes so highly (1 
 Cor. xii. 8, xiii. 2; Phil. i. 9; Col. iii. 10). 
 A natural perversion of the meaning of the 
 text has followed from this translation. 
 
 Scorpion (Heb. 'akrdb), twice men- 
 tioned in the O. T. (Deut. viii. 15 ; Ez. ii. 
 6), and four times in the N. T. (Luke x. 
 
 19, xi. 12; Rev. ix. 3, 10). The wilder- 
 ness of Sinai is especially alluded to as 
 being inhabited by scorpions at the time of 
 the Exodus, and to this day these animals 
 are common in the same district, as well 
 as in some parts of Palestine. Scorpions 
 are generally found in dry and in dark 
 places, under stones and in ruins, chiefly 
 in warm climates. They are carnivorous 
 in their habits, and move along in a threat- 
 ening attitude, with the tail elevated. The 
 sting, which is situated at the extremity of 
 the tail, has at its base a gland that secretes 
 a poisonous fluid, which is discharged into 
 the wound by two minute orifices at its 
 extremity. In hot climates the sting often 
 occasions much suffering, and sometimes 
 alarming symptoms. The "scorpions" 
 of 1 K. xii. 11, 14, 2 Chr. x. 11, 14, have 
 clearly no allusion whatever to the animal, 
 but to some instrument of scourging 
 unless indeed the expression is a mere 
 figure. 
 
 Scorpion. 
 
 Scourging. The punishment of scour- 
 ging was prescribed by the Law in the case 
 of a betrothed bondwoman guilty of un- 
 chastity, and perhaps in the case of both 
 the guilty persons (Lev. xix. 20). The in- 
 strument of punishment in ancient Egypt, 
 as it is also in modern times generally in 
 the East, was usually the stick, applied to 
 the soles of the feet bastinado. Under 
 the Roman method the culprit was strippt^ 
 stretched with cords or thongs on a frame, 
 and beaten with rods. 
 
 Screech-owl. [OWL.] 
 
 Scribes (Heb. sdpherim). I. Name. 
 (1.) Three meanings are connected with 
 the verb s&phar, the root of Sdplierim 
 (1) to write, (2) to set in order, (3) to 
 count. The explanation of the word has 
 been referred to each of these. The S6- 
 pherim were so called because they wrote 
 out the Law, or because they classified 
 and arranged its precepts, or because they 
 counted with scrupulous minuteness every 
 clause and letter it contained. The au-
 
 SCRIBES 
 
 617 
 
 SCRIBES 
 
 thoi-fty of most Hebrew scholars is with 
 the first. (2.) The name of KIRJATH- 
 SKPHEK (Josh. xv. 15; Jiidg. i. 12) may 
 possibly connect itself with some early use 
 of the title. In the song of Deborah (Judg. 
 v. 14) the word appears to point to military 
 functions of some kind. The "pea of the 
 wrter" of the A. V. is probably the rod or 
 sceptre of the commander numbering or 
 marshalling his troops. Three men are 
 mentioned as successively filling the office 
 of Scribe under David and Solomon (2 
 Sam. viii. 17, xx. 25; 1 K. iv. 3). We 
 may think of them as the king's secreta- 
 ries, writing his letters, drawing up his de- 
 crees, managing his finances (comp. 2 K. 
 xii. 10). At a later period the word again 
 connects itself with the act of numbering 
 the military forces of the country (Jer. lii. 
 25, and probably Is. xxxiii. 18). Other as- 
 sociations, however, began to gather round 
 it about the same period. The zeal of 
 Hezekiah led him to foster the growth of a 
 body of men whose work it was to tran- 
 scribe old records, or to put in writing what 
 had been handed down orally (Prov. xxv. 
 1). To this period, accordingly, belongs 
 the new significance of the title. It no 
 longer designates only an officer of the 
 king's court, but a class, students and in- 
 terpreters of the Law, boasting of their 
 wisdom (Jer. viii. 8). The seventy years 
 of the Captivity gave a fresh glory to the 
 name. The exiles would be anxious above 
 all things to preserve the sacred books, the 
 laws, the hymns, the prophecies of the 
 past. The Scribes' office became more 
 and more prominent. They appear as a 
 distinct class, " the families of the Scribes," 
 with a local habitation (1 Chr. ii. 55). They 
 compile, as in the two Books of Chronicles, 
 excerpta and epitomes of larger histories (1 
 Chr. xxix. 29; 2 Chr. ix. 29). II. Devel- 
 opment of Doctrine. Of the Scribes of 
 this period, with the exception of Ezra and 
 Zadok (Neh. xiii. 13), we have no record. 
 A later age honored them collectively as 
 the men of the Great Synagogue. Never, 
 perhaps, was so important a work done so 
 silently. They devoted themselves to the 
 careful study of the text, and laid down 
 rules for transcribing it with the most 
 scrupulous precision. A saying is as- 
 cribed to Simon the Just (n. c. 300-290), 
 the last of the succession of the men of the 
 Great Synagogue, which embodies the prin- 
 ciple on which they acted, and enables us 
 to trace the growth of their system. " Our 
 fathers have taught us," he said, " three 
 tilings : to be cautious in judging, to train 
 many scholars, and to set a fence about the 
 Law." They wished to make the Law of 
 Moses the rule of life for the whole nation 
 and for individual men. But it lies in the 
 nature of every such law, of every informal, 
 half-systematic code, that it raises ques- 
 
 tions which it does not solve. The result 
 showed that, in this as in other instances, 
 the idolatry of the letter was destructive of 
 the very reverence in which it had origi- 
 nated. Step by step the Scribes were led 
 to conclusions at which we may believe the 
 earlier representatives of the order would 
 have started back with horror. Decision* 
 on fresh questions were accumulated into a 
 complex system of casuistry. The new pre- 
 cepts, still transmitted orally, came practi- 
 cally to take their place. The right rela- 
 tion of moral and ceremonial laws was not 
 only forgotten, but .absolutely inverted. 
 Here it will be enough to notice what way 
 the teaching of the Scribes in our Lord's 
 time was making to that result. Their first 
 work was to report the decisions of previouo 
 Rabbis. These were the Ilalaclwth (the 
 current precepts of the schools) precepts 
 binding on the conscience. A new code, a 
 second Corpus Juris, the Mishna, grew out 
 of them. The anecdotes of the schools or 
 courts of law, the obiter dicta of Rabbis, 
 the wildest fables of Jewish superstition 
 (Tit. i. 14), were brought in, and the Ge- 
 tnara (completeness) filled up the measure 
 of the Institutes of Rabbinic Law. The 
 Mishna and the Gemara together were 
 known as the Talmud (instruction). Side 
 by side with this was a development in an- 
 other direction. The sacred books were not 
 studied as a code of laws only. To search 
 into their meaning had from the first be- 
 longed to the ideal office of the Scribe. But 
 here also the book suggested thoughts which 
 could not logically be deduced from it. The 
 fruit of the effort to find what was not there 
 appears in the Midrashim (searchings, in- 
 vestigations) on the several books of the 
 O. T. The process by which the meaning, 
 moral or mystical, was elicited, was known 
 as Hagada (saying, opinion). There was 
 obviously no assignable limit to such a pro- 
 cess. But there lay a stage higher even 
 than the, Hagada. The mystical school of 
 interpretation culminated in the Kabbala 
 (reception, the received doctrine). Every 
 letter, every number, became pregnant with 
 mysteries. The " Words of the Scribes," 
 now used as a technical phrase for these 
 decisions, were honored above the Law. 
 It was a greater crime to offend against 
 them than against the Law. The first step 
 was taken towards annulling the command- 
 ments of God for the sake of their own 
 traditions. The casuistry became at once 
 subtle and prurient, evading the plainest 
 duties, tampering with conscience (Matt. 
 xv. 1-6; xxiii. 16-23). We can therefore 
 understand why they were constantly de- 
 nounced by our Lord along with the Phar- 
 isees. While the Scribes repeated the tra- 
 ditions of the elders, He " spake as one 
 having authority," " not as the Scribes " 
 (Matt. vii. 29). While they coifiued their
 
 SCRIBES 
 
 618 
 
 SCRIBES 
 
 teaching to the class of scholars, He " had 
 compassion on the multitudes " (Matt. ix. 
 36). While they were to be found only in 
 the council or in their schools, He jour- 
 neyed through the cities and villages (Matt. 
 iv. 23, ix. 35, &c., &c.). While they spoke 
 of the kingdom of God vaguely, as a thing 
 far off, He proclaimed that it had already 
 come nigh to men (Matt. iv. 17). But in 
 most of the points at issue between the two 
 parties, He must have appeared in direct 
 antagonism to the school of Shammai, in 
 sympathy with that of Hillel. So far, on 
 the other hand, as the temper of the Hillel 
 school was one of mere adaptation to the 
 feeling of the people, cleaving to tradi- 
 tion, wanting in the intuition of a higher 
 life, the teaching of Christ must have 
 been felt as unsparingly condemning it. 
 III. History. (1.) The names of the ear- 
 lier scribes passed away, as has been said, 
 unrecorded. Simon the Just (circ. B. c. 
 300-290) appears as the last of the men of 
 the Great Synagogue, the beginner of a new 
 period. The memorable names of the times 
 that followed Antigonus of Socho, Zadok, 
 Boothos connect themselves with the rise 
 of the first opposition to the traditional sys- 
 tem which was growing up. The tenet of 
 the Sadducees, however, never commanded 
 the adliesion of more than a small minority. 
 It tended, by maintaining the sufficiency of 
 the letter of the Law, to destroy the very 
 occupation of a Scribe, and the class, as 
 such, belonged to the party of its oppo- 
 nents. The words " Scribes" and "Phar- 
 isees " were bound together by the closest 
 possible alliance (Matt, xxiii. passim ; Luke 
 v. 30). To understand their relation to 
 each other in our Lord's time, or their con- 
 nection with His life and teaching, we must 
 look back to what is known of the five pairs 
 of teachers who represented the scribal suc- 
 cession. (2.) The two names that stand 
 first in order are Joses ben- Joezer, a priest, 
 and Joses ben-Jochanan (circ. B..C. 140- 
 130). The precepts ascribed to them indi- 
 cate a tendency to a greater elaboration of 
 all rules connected with ceremonial defile- 
 ment. (3.) Joshua ben- Perachiah and Nith- 
 ai of Arbela were contemporary with John 
 Hyrcanus (circ. B. c. 135-108), and enjoyed 
 his favor till towards the close of his reign, 
 when caprice or interest led him to pass 
 over to the camp of the Sadducees. (4.) 
 The secession of Hyrcanus involved the 
 Pharisees, and therefore the Scribes as a 
 class, in difficulties, and a period of confu- 
 sion followed. The meetings of the San- 
 hedrim were suspended or became predom- 
 inantly Sadducean. Under his successor, 
 Alexander Jannai, the influence of Simon 
 ben-Shctach over the queen-mother Salome 
 re-established for a time the ascendency 
 of the Scribes. The Sanhedrim once again 
 assembled, with none to oppose the domi- 
 
 nant Pharisaic party. The return of Al- 
 exander from his campaign against Gaza 
 again turned the tables. Eight hundred 
 Pharisees took refu-ge in a fortress, were 
 besieged, taken, and put to death. Joshua 
 ben-Perachiah, the venerable head of the 
 order, was driven into exile. The Sad- 
 ducees failed, however, to win the confi- 
 dence of the people. On the death of 
 Jannai the influence of his widow Alexan- 
 dra was altogether on the side of the 
 Scribes, and Simon ben-Shetach and Judah 
 ben-Tabbai entered on their work as joint 
 teachers. Under them the juristic side of 
 the Scribes' functions became prominent. 
 Their rules turn chiefly on the laws of evi- 
 dence. (5.) The two that followed, Shem- 
 aiah and Abtaliou, were conspicuous for 
 another reason. Now, for the first time, 
 the teachers who sat in Moses' seat were 
 not even of the children of Abraham. Pros- 
 elytes themselves, or the sons of prose- 
 lytes, their pre-eminence in the knowledge 
 of the Law raised them to this office. The 
 lot of these two also was cast upon evil 
 days. On the death of Shemaiah and Ab- 
 talion there were no qualified successors 
 to take their place. Two sons of Bethera, 
 otherwise unknown, for a time occupied it, 
 but they were themselves conscious of their 
 incompetence. (6.) The name of Hillel 
 (born circ. B. c. 112) has hardly received 
 the notice due to it from students of the 
 Gospel history. The noblest and most 
 genial representative of his order, we may 
 see in him the best fruit which the system 
 of the Scribes was capable of producing. 
 He, however, was tempted by the growing 
 power of Herod, and, with a large number 
 of his followers, abandoned at once their 
 calling as Scribes and their habits of de- 
 votion. The place thus vacant was soon 
 filled by Shammai. The two were held in 
 nearly equal honor. They did not teach, 
 however, as their predecessors had done, 
 in entire harmony with each other. Within 
 the party of the Pharisees, within the order 
 of the Scribes, there came for the first time 
 to be two schools with distinctly opposed 
 tendencies, one vehemently, rigidly ortho- 
 dox, the other orthodox also, but with an 
 orthodoxy which, in the language of mod- 
 ern politics, might be classed as Liberal 
 Conservative. (7.) The teaching of Hillel 
 showed some capacity for wider thoughts. 
 His personal character was more lovable 
 and attractive. The genial character of 
 the man comes out in some of his sayings, 
 which remind us of the tone of Jesus the 
 son of Sirach, and present some faint ap- 
 proximations to a higher teaching. (8.) 
 The contrast showed itself in the conduct 
 of the followers not less than in the teach- 
 ers. The disciples of Shammai were con- 
 spicuous for their fierceness, appealed to 
 popular passions, and used the sword to
 
 SCRIBES 
 
 619 
 
 SCRIPTURE 
 
 decide their controversies. Out of that 
 school grew the party of the Zealots, 
 fierce, fanatical, vindictive, the Orange- 
 men of Pharisaism. Those of Hillel were 
 like their master (eomp. e. g. the advice of 
 Gamaliel, Acts v. 34-42), cautious, gentle, 
 tolerant, unwilling to make enemies, con- 
 tent to let things take their course. One 
 sought to impose upon the proselyte from 
 heathenism the full burden of the Law, the 
 other that he should be treated with some 
 syn.pathy and indulgence. (9.) Outwardly 
 the teaching of our Lord must have ap- 
 peared to men different in many ways from 
 both. But in most of the points at issue 
 between the two parties, He must have ap- 
 peared, in direct antagonism to the school 
 of Shammai, in sympathy with that of 
 Hillel. So far, on the other hand, as the 
 temper of the Hillel school was one of 
 mere adaptation to the feeling of the peo- 
 ple, cleaving to tradition, wanting in the 
 intuition of a higher life, the teaching of 
 Christ must have been felt as unsparingly 
 condemning it. (10.) It adds to the inter- 
 est of this inquiry to remember that Hillel 
 himself lived, according to the tradition of 
 the Rabbis, to the great age of 120, and 
 may therefore have been present among 
 the doctors of Luke ii. 46, and that Ga- 
 maliel, his grandson and successor, was at 
 the head of this school during the whole of 
 the ministry of Christ, as well as in the 
 early portion of the history of the Acts. 
 We are thus able to explain the fact which 
 so many passages in the Gospels lead us to 
 infer the existence all along of a party 
 amono; the Scribes themselves, more or 
 less disposed to recognize Jesus of Naz- 
 areth as a teacher. IV. Education and 
 Life. The special training for a Scribe's 
 office began, probably, about the age of 
 thirteen. The boy who was destined by 
 his parents to the calling of a Scribe, went 
 to Jerusalem, and applied for admission in 
 the school of some famous Rabbi. If he 
 were poor, it was the duty of the synagogue 
 of his town or village to provide for the 
 payment of his fees, and in part also for his 
 maintenance. The master and his scholars 
 met, the former sitting on a high chair, the 
 elder pupils on a lower bench, the younger 
 on the ground, both literally " at his feet." 
 The class-room might be the chamber of 
 the Temple set apart for this purpose, or 
 the private school of the Rabbi. The edu- 
 cation was chiefly catechetical, the pupil 
 submitting cases and asking questions, the 
 teacher examining the pupil (Luke ii.). 
 Parables entered largely into the method 
 of instruction. After a sufficient period 
 of training, probably at the age of thirty, 
 the probationer was solemnly admitted to 
 his office. After his admission there was a 
 choice of a variety of functions, the chances 
 of failure and success. He might give him- 
 
 self to any one of the branches of study, or 
 combine two or more of them. He might 
 rise to high places, become a doctor of 
 the law, an arbitrator in family litigations 
 (Luke xii. 14), the head of a school, a 
 member of the Sanhedrim. He might 
 have to content himself with the humbler 
 work of a transcriber, copying the Law rod 
 the Prophets for the use of synagogues, or 
 a notary, writing out contracts of sale, cov- 
 enants of espousals, bills of repudiation. 
 The position of the more fortunate was of 
 course attractive enough. In our Lord's 
 time the passion for distinction was insati- 
 able. The ascending scale of Rab, Rabbi, 
 Rabban, presented so many steps on the 
 ladder of ambition. Other forms of world- 
 liness were not far off. The salutations in, 
 the market-place (Matt, xxiii. 7), the rev- 
 erential kiss offered by the scholars to their 
 master, or by Rabbis to each other, tlie 
 greeting of Abba, father (Matt, xxiii. 9), 
 the long robes with the broad blue fringe 
 (Matt, xxiii. 5), all these go to make up 
 the picture of a Scribe's life. Drawing to 
 themselves, as they did, nearly all the ener- 
 gy and thought of Judaism, the close hered- 
 itary caste of the priesthood was powerless 
 to compete with them. Unless the priest 
 became a Scribe also, he remained in ob- 
 scurity. The order, as such, became con- 
 temptible and base. For the Scribes there 
 were the best places at feasts, the chief seats 
 in synagogues (Matt, xxiii. 6 ; Luke xiv. 7). 
 
 Scrip. The Hebrew word thus trans- 
 lated appears in 1 Sam. xvii. 40, as a 
 synonyme for the bag in which the shep- 
 herds of Palestine carried their food or 
 other necessaries. The scrip of the Gali- 
 lean peasants was of leather, used especial- 
 ly to carry their food on a journey, and 
 slung over their shoulders (Matt. x. 10; 
 Mark vi. 8; Luke ix. 3, xxii. 35). The 
 English word " scrip " is probably con- 
 nected with scrape, scrap, and was used in 
 like manner for articles of food. 
 
 Scripture. It is not till the return 
 from the Captivity that this word meets us 
 with any distinctive force. In the earlier 
 books we read of the Law, the Book of the 
 Law. In Ex. xxxii. 16, the Commandments 
 written on the tables of testimony are said 
 to be " the writing of God," but there is no 
 special sense in the word taken by itself. 
 In the passage from Dan. x. 21, where the 
 A. V. has " the Scripture of Truth," the 
 words do not probably mean more than " a 
 true writing." The thought of the Scripture 
 as a whole is hardly to be found in them. 
 This first appears in 2 Chr. xxx. 5, 18 (" as 
 it was written," A. V.). The Greek word, 
 as will be seen, kept its ground in tfiis 
 sense. A slight change passed over that 
 of the Hebrew, and led to the substitution 
 of another. Another word was found in the 
 Mikra '}i?>2> Neh. viii. 8), cr " reading,"
 
 SCYTHIAN 
 
 620 
 
 SEA, THE SALT 
 
 the thing read or recited, recitation. This 
 accordingly we find as the equivalent for 
 the collective yt>u</>i. With this meaning 
 the word y^'P'i passed into the language of 
 the N. T. Used in the singular it is ap- 
 plied chiefly to this or that passage quoted 
 from the O. T. (Mark xii. 10; John vii. 38, 
 xiii. 18, xix. 37; Luke iv. 21; Rom. ix. 17; 
 Gal iii. 8, &c.). In two passages of some 
 difficulty, some have seen the wider, some 
 the narrower sense. (1.) Uaaa yyaipij 
 flfd/ritimro? (2 Tiin. iii. 16) has been trans- 
 lated in the A. V. " All Scripture is given 
 by inspiration of God." There is a pre- 
 ponderance of authority in favor of the ren- 
 dering, " Every y^agx,', being inspired, is 
 also profitable. ..." The meaning of the 
 genitive in n'anu TTOW/U/TIIU YQaiff/s (2 Pet. i. 
 20) seems at first sight distinctly collective. 
 " Every prophecy of, t. e. contained in, the 
 O. T. Scripture." In the plural, as might 
 be expected, the collective meaning is 
 prominent. In 2 Pet. iii. 16, we find an 
 extension of the term to the Epistles of St. 
 Paul ; but it remains uncertain whether 
 " the other Scriptures " are the Scriptures 
 of the O. T. exclusively, or include other 
 writings, then extant, dealing with the same 
 topics. In one passage, Ta I tout youuuuru 
 (*<* Tim. iii. 15) answers to " The Holy 
 Scriptures" of the Ai V. [BIBLE.] 
 
 Scyth'ian occurs in Col. iii. 11 as a 
 generalized term for rude, ignorant, de- 
 graded. The same view of Scythian bar- 
 barism appears in 2 Mace. iv. 47, and 3 
 Mace. vii. 5. The Scythians dwelt mostly 
 on the north of the Black Sea and the Cas- 
 pian, stretching thence indefinitely into 
 inner Asia, and were regarded by the an- 
 cients as standing extremely low in point 
 of intelligence and civilization. 
 Scythop'olis. [BETHSHEAN.] 
 Sea. The Sea, ydm, is used in Scripture 
 to denote 1. " The gathering of the 
 waters " (ydmim}, encompassing the land, 
 or what we call, in a more or less definite 
 sense, "the Ocean" (Gen. i. 2, 10; Deut. 
 xxx. 13, &c.). 2. Some portion of this, as 
 the Mediterranean Sea, called the " hinder," 
 the " western," and the " utmost " sea 
 (Deut. xi. 24, xxxiv. 2 ; Joel ii. 20) ; " sea 
 of the Philistines" (Ex. xxiii. 31); "the 
 great sea " (Num. xxxiv. 6, 7 ; Josh. xv. 
 47); "the sea " (Gen. xlix. 13; Ps. Ixxx. 
 11, cvii. 23; IK. iv. 20, &c.). Also fre- 
 quently of the Red Sea (Ex. xv. 4 ; Josh, 
 xxiv. 6), or one of its gulfs (Num. xi. 31 ; 
 Is. xi. 15). [RED SEA.] 3. Inland lakes 
 termed seas, as the Salt or Dead Sea. (See 
 the special article.) 4. Any great collec- 
 tion of waters, as the river Nile (Is. xix. 5 ; 
 Am. viii. 8, A. V. "flood;" Nah. iii. 8; 
 Ez. xxxii. 2), and Euphrates (Jer. li. 36). 
 It may be remarked that almost all the fig- 
 ures of speech taken from the sea in Scrip- 
 ture refer either to its power or its danger. 
 
 Sea, Molten. In the place of tlie laver 
 of the tabernacle, Solomon caused a laver 
 to be cast for a similar purpose, which from 
 its size was called a sea. It was made 
 partly or wholly of the brass, or rather 
 copper, which had been captured by David 
 from " Tibhath and Chun, cities of Hada- 
 rezer king of Zobah" (1 K. vii. 23-26; 1 
 Chr. xviii. 8). It is said to have been ca- 
 pable of containing 2000, or, according to 2 
 Chr. iv. 5, 3000 baths. Below the brim 
 there was a double row of " knops." These 
 were probably a running border or double 
 fillet of tendrils, and fruits, said to be 
 gourds, of an oval shape. The brim itself, 
 or lip, was wrought " like the brim of a 
 cup, with flowers of lilies," t. e. curved 
 outwards like a lily or lotus flower. The 
 laver stood on twelve oxen, three towards 
 each quarter of the heavens, and all looking 
 outwards. It was mutilated by Ahaz, by 
 being removed from its basis of oxen and 
 placed on a stone base, and was finally 
 broken up by the Assyrians (2 K. xvi. 14, 
 17, xxv. 13). 
 
 Hypothetical Restoration of the Laver. 
 
 Sea, The Salt. The usual, and perhaps 
 the most ancient, name for the remarkable 
 lake which to the Western world is now 
 generally known as the Dead Sea. I. 1. 
 It is found only, and but rarely, in the 
 Pentateuch (Gen. xiv. 3 ; Num. xxxiv. 3, 
 12; Deut. iii. 17), and in the Book of 
 Joshua (iii. 16, xii. 3, xv. 2, 5, xviii. 19). 
 
 2. Another, and possibly a later name, ia 
 the SEA OF THE AKABAH (A. V. " sea of the 
 plain"), which is found in Deut. iv. 49, 
 and 2 K. xiv. 25 ; and combined with the 
 former "the sea of the Arabah, the salt 
 sea" in Deut. iii. 17; Josh iii. 16, xii. 
 
 3. 3. In the prophets (Joel ii. 20 ; Ezek. 
 xlvii. 18; Zech. xiv. 8) it is mentioned by 
 the title of the EAST SF v. 4. In Ez. xlvii. 
 8, it is styled, without previous reference, 
 THE SEA, and distinguished from " the 
 great sea" the Mediterranean (ver. 10). 
 
 5. Its connection with Sodom is first sug- 
 gested in the Bible in the book of 2 Esdras 
 (v. 7) by the name " Sodomitish sea." 
 
 6. In the Talmudical books it is called both 
 the " Sea of Salt," and " Sea of Sodom." 7. 
 Josephus, and before him Diodorus Siculus,
 
 SEA, THE SALT 
 
 621 
 
 names it the Asphaltic Lake. 8. The name 
 " Dead Sea " appears to have been first 
 used in Greek by Pausanias and Galen, and 
 in Latin (marc mortuum) by Justin (xxxvi. 
 3, 6), or rather by the older historian, 
 Trogus Pompeius (cir. B. c. 10), whose 
 work he epitomized. 9. The Arabic name is 
 JBahr Litt, the " Sea of Lot." II. The so- 
 called DEAD SEA is the final receptacle of 
 the river Jordan, the lowest and largest of 
 the three lakes which interrupt the rush of 
 its downward course. It is the deepest 
 portion of that very deep natural fissure 
 which runs like a furrow from the Gulf of 
 Akaba to the range of Lebanon, and from 
 the range of Lebanon to the extreme north 
 of Syria. Viewed on the map, the lake is 
 of an oblong form, of tolerably regular con- 
 tour, interrupted only by a large and long 
 peninsula which projects from the eastern 
 shore, near its southern end, and virtually 
 divides the expanse of the water into two 
 portions, connected by a long, narrow, and 
 somewhat devious, passage. Its water sur- 
 face is from N. to S. as nearly as possi- 
 ble 40 geographical, or 46 English miles 
 long. Its greatest width is about 9 geogr. 
 miles, or 10J Eng. miles. Its area is about 
 250 square geographical miles. At its 
 northern end the lake receives the stream 
 of the Jordan; on its eastern side the 
 Z&rka Afa'in (the ancient Callirrhoe, and 
 possibly the more ancient en-Eglaim), the 
 Mojlb (the Arnon of the Bible), and the 
 Beni-Hem&d; on the south the Kurahy 
 or el-Ahsy ; and on the west that of Ain 
 Jidy. The depression of its surface, and 
 the depth which it attains below that sur- 
 face, combined with the absence of any 
 outlet, render it one of the most remark- 
 able spots on the globe. The surface of 
 the lake in May, 1848, was 1316-7 feet be- 
 low the level of the Mediterranean at Jaffa. 
 Its depth, at about one third of its length 
 from the north end, is 1308 feet. The 
 water of the lake is not less remarkable 
 than its other features. Its most obvious 
 peculiarity is its great weight. Its specific 
 gravity has been found to be as much as 
 12-28; that is to say, a gallon of it would 
 weigh over 12i Ibs., instead of 10 Ibs., the 
 weight of distilled water. Water so heavy 
 must not only be extremely buoyant, but j 
 must possess great inertia. Its buoyancy 
 is a common theme of remark by the trav- 
 ellers who have been upon it or in it. Dr. 
 liobinson " could never swim before, either 
 in fresh or salt water," yet here he " could I 
 sit, stand, lie, or swim without difficulty " 
 (B. R. i. 506). The remarkable weight 
 of the water is due to the very large quan- j 
 tity of mineral salts which it holds in solu- j 
 tion. Each gallon of the water, weighing \ 
 L'&k Ibs., contains nearly 3J Ibs. of matter ' 
 in solution an immense quantity when ; 
 we recollect that sea-water, weigliing 10J ! 
 
 Ibs. per gallon, contains less than i Ib. 
 Of this 3J Ibs. nearly 1 Ib. is common salt 
 (chloride of sodium), about 2 Ibs. chloride 
 of magnesium, and less than i a Ib. chlo- 
 ride of calcium (or muriate of lime). The 
 most unusual ingredient is bromide of 
 magnesium, which exists in truly extraor- 
 dinary quantity. It has been long supposed 
 that no life whatever existed in the lake. 
 But recent facts show that some inferior 
 organizations do find a home even in these 
 salt and acrid waters. The statements of 
 ancient travellers and geographers to tlie 
 effect that no living creature could exist on 
 the shores of the lake, or bird fly across 
 its surface, are amply disproved by later 
 travellers. The springs on the margin of 
 the lake harbor snipe, partridges, ducks, 
 nightingales, and other birds, as well as 
 frogs ; and hawks, doves, and hares are 
 found along the shore. The appearance of 
 the lake does not fulfil the idea conveyed 
 by its popular name. " The Dead Sea," 
 says a recent traveller, " did not strike me 
 with that sense of desolation and dreari- 
 ness which I suppose it ought. I thought it 
 a pretty, smiling lake a nice ripple on its 
 surface." The truth lies, as usual, some- 
 where between these two extremes. On 
 the one hand, the lake certainly is not a 
 gloomy, deadly, smoking gulf. In this re- 
 spect it does not at all fulfil the promise 
 of its name. At sunrise and sunset the 
 scene must be astonishingly beautiful. But 
 on the other hand, there is something in 
 the prevalent sterility and the dry, burnt 
 look of the shores, the overpowering heat, 
 the occasional smell of sulphur, the dreary 
 salt marsh at the southern end, and the 
 fringe of dead driftwood round the margin, 
 which must go far to excuse the title which 
 so many ages have attached to the lake, 
 and which we may be sure it will never 
 lose. The connection between this singu- 
 lar lake and the Biblical history is very 
 slight. In the topographical records of the 
 Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua, it forms 
 one among the landmarks of the boundaries 
 of the whole country, as well as of the in- 
 ferior divisions of Judah and Benjamin. As 
 a landmark it is once named in what ap- 
 pears to be a quotation from a lost work of 
 the prophet Jonah (2 K. xiv. 25), itself ap- 
 parently a reminiscence of the old Mosaic 
 statement (Num. xxxiv. 8, 12). Besides 
 this the name occurs once or twice in the 
 imagery of the Prophets. In the New Tes- 
 tament there is not even an allusion to it. 
 There is, however, one passage in which 
 the "Salt Sea "is mentioned in a manner 
 different from any of those already quoted, 
 viz. as having been in the time of Abraham 
 the Vale of Siddim (Gen. xiv. 3). In con- 
 sequence of this passage it has been be- 
 lieved that the present lake covered a dis- 
 trict which in historic times had been per-
 
 SEAL 
 
 SEIR 
 
 manently habitable dry land. But it must 
 not be overlooked that the passage in ques- 
 tion is the only one in the whole Bible to 
 countenance the notion that the cities of 
 the plain were submerged ; a notion which 
 does not date earlier than the Christian 
 era. [SODOM; ZOAR.] The belief which 
 prompted the statements just quoted from 
 Modern writers, viz. that the Dead Sea was 
 formed by the catastrophe which overthrew 
 the " Cities of the Plain," is a nrere as- 
 sumption. It is not only unsupported by 
 Scripture, but is directly in the teeth of the 
 evidence of the ground itself. Of the situ- 
 ation of those cities, we only know that, 
 being in the " Plain of the Jordan," they 
 must have been to the north of the lake. 
 Of the catastrophe which destroyed them, 
 we only know that it is described as a 
 shower of ignited sulphur descending from 
 the skies. Its date is uncertain, but we 
 shall be safe in placing it within the limit 
 of 2000 years before Christ. The destruc- 
 tion of Sodom and Gomorrah may have 
 been by volcanic action, but it may be safely 
 asserted that no traces of it have yet been 
 discovered, and that, whatever it was, it 
 can have had no connection with that far 
 vaster and far more ancient event which 
 opened the great valley of the Jordan and 
 the Dead Sea, and at some subsequent time 
 cut it off from communication with the Red 
 Sea by forcing up between them the tract 
 of the Wady Arabah. 
 
 Seal. The importance attached to seals 
 in the East is so great that without one no 
 document is regarded as authentic. The 
 use of some method of sealing is obviously, 
 therefore, of remote antiquity. Among such 
 methods used in Egypt at a very early period 
 were engraved stones, pierced through their 
 length and hung by a string or chain from 
 the arm or neck, or set in rings for the finger. 
 The most ancient form used for this purpose 
 was the scarabaeus, formed of precious or 
 common stone, or even of blue pottery or 
 porcelain, on the flat side of which the in- 
 scription or device was engraved. Cylinders 
 of stone or pottery bearing devices were also 
 used as signets. In many cases the seal 
 consisted of a lump of clay, impressed with 
 the seal and attached to the document, 
 whether of papyrus, or other material, by 
 strings. The use of clay in sealing is no- 
 ticed in the Book of Job (xxxviii. 14), and 
 the signet-ring as an ordinary part of a 
 man's equipment in the case of Judah 
 (Gen. xxxviii. 18), who probably, like many 
 modern Arabs, wore it suspended by a string 
 from his neck or arm (Cant. viii. 6). The 
 ring or the seal as an emblem of authority 
 both in Egypt, in Persia, and elsewhere, is 
 mentioned in the cases of Pharaoh with 
 Joseph (Gen. xli. 42), of Ahab (1 K. xxi. 
 8), of Ahasuerus (Esth. hi. 10, 12, viii. 2), 
 of Darius (Dan. vi. 17; also 1 Mace. vi. 
 
 15), and as an evidence of a covenant in 
 Jer. xxxii. 10, 54 ; Neh. ix. 38, x. 1 ; Hag. 
 ii. 23. Its general importance is denoted 
 by the metaphorical use of the word, Rev. 
 v. 1, ix. 4. Engraved signets were in use 
 among the Hebrews in early times, as is 
 evident in the description of the high- 
 priest's breastplate (Ex. xxviii. 11, 36, 
 xxxix. 6), and the work of the engraver as a 
 distinct occupation is mentioned in Ecclus. 
 xxxviii. 27. 
 
 Se'ba (pi. Sebdtm: A. V. incorrectly 
 rendered SABEANS) heads the list of the 
 sons of Cush. Besides the mention of Seba 
 in the list of the sons of Cush (Gen. x. 7 ; 
 1 Chr. i. 9), there are but three notices of 
 the nation (Ps. Ixxii. 10; Is. xliii. 3, xlv. 
 14). These passages seem to show that 
 Seba was a nation of Africa, bordering on 
 or included in Cush, and in Solomon's time 
 independent and of political importance. 
 It may perhaps be identified with the island 
 of Merofi. Josephus says that Saba was 
 the ancient name of the Ethiopian island 
 and city of Meroe, but he writes Seba, in 
 the notice of the Noachian settlements, 
 Sabas. The island of Meroe lay between 
 the Astaboras, the Atbara, the most north- 
 ern tributary of the Nile, and the Astapus, 
 the Bahr el-Azrak or " Blue River," the 
 eastern of its two great confluents. 
 
 Se'bat. [MONTH.] 
 
 Sec'acah. One of the six cities of 
 Judah which were situated in the Midba/r 
 ("wilderness "), that is, the tract bordering 
 on the Dead Sea (Josh. xv. 61). Its posi- 
 tion is not known. 
 
 Se'chu, a place mentioned once only 
 (1 Sam. xix. 22), apparently as lying on 
 the route between Saul's residence, Gibeah, 
 and Ramah (Ramathaim Zophim), that of 
 Samuel. It was notorious for " the great 
 well " (or rather cistern) which it contained. 
 Assuming that Saul started from Gibeah 
 (Tuleil el- Ful), and that Neby Samu-il is 
 Ramah, then Bir Neballa (the well of Ne- 
 balla), alleged by a modern traveller to 
 contain a large pit, would be in a suitable 
 position for the great well of Sechu. 
 
 Secun'dus, a Thessalonian who went 
 with the Apostle Paul from Corinth as 
 far as Asia, on his return to Jerusalem 
 from his third missionary tour (see Acts 
 xx. 4). 
 
 Seer. [PROPHET.] 
 
 Se'gub. 1. The youngest son of Hiel 
 the Bethelite, who rebuilt Jericho (1 K. 
 xvi. 34). 2. Son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 
 21, 22). 
 
 Se'ir (hairy, shaggy'}. 1. We have both 
 " land of Seir" (Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 30), 
 and "Mount Seir" (Gen. xiv. 6). It is the 
 original name of the mountain ridge ex- 
 tending along the east side of the valley of 
 Arabah, from the Dead Sea to the Elanitic 
 Gulf. The name may either have been
 
 5EIRATH 
 
 623 
 
 SELEUCUS IV. 
 
 derived from Seir the Horite, who appears 
 to have been the chief of the aboriginal 
 inhabitants (Gen. xxxvi. 20), or, what is 
 perhaps more probable, from the rough 
 a, 1 pect of the whole country. The name 
 Gc-bala, or Gebalene, was applied to this 
 province by Josephus, and also by Eusebius 
 and Jerome. The northern section of Mount 
 Seir, as far as Petra, is still called Jebdl, 
 the Arabic form of Gebal. The Mount Seir 
 of the Bible extended much farther south 
 than the modern province, as is shown by 
 the words of Deut. ii. 1-8. It had the Ara- 
 bah on the west (vers. 1 and 8) ; it extended 
 as far south as the head of the Gulf of 
 Akabah (ver. 8) ; its eastern border ran 
 along the base of the mountain range where 
 the plateau of Arabia begins. Its northern 
 border is not so accurately determined. 
 The land of Israel, as described by Joshua, 
 extended from " the Mount Halak that 
 goeth up to Seir, even unto Baal Gad " 
 (Josh. xi. 17). As no part of Edom was 
 given to Israel, Mount Halak must have 
 been upon its northern border. Now there 
 is a line of " naked " (halak signified " na- 
 ked ") white hills or cliffs which runs across 
 the great valley about eight miles south of 
 the Dead Sea, forming the division between 
 the Arabah proper and the deep Ghor north 
 of it. The view of these cliffs, from the 
 shore of the Dead Sea, is very striking. 
 They appear as a line of hills shutting in 
 the valley, and extending up to the moun- 
 tains of Seir. This is probably the very 
 " Mount Halak that goeth up to Seir." 2. 
 An entirely different place from the fore- 
 going ; one of the landmarks on the north 
 boundary of the territory of Judah (Josh. 
 xv. 10 only). It lay westward of Kirjath- 
 jearim, and between it and Beth-shemesh. 
 If Kuriet el Enab be the former, and Ain- 
 shems the latter of these two, then Mount 
 Seir cannot fail to be the ridge which lies 
 between the Wady Aly and the Wady 
 Ghnrab. 
 
 Se'irath, the place to which Ehud fled 
 after his murder of Eglon (Judg. iii. 26, 
 27). It was in " Mount Ephraim " (27), a 
 continuation, perhaps, of the same wooded, 
 shaggy hills (such seems to be the signifi- 
 cation of Seir and Seiratli) which stretched 
 even so far south as to enter the territory 
 of Judah (Josh. xv. 10). 
 
 Se'la and Se'lah, 2 K. xiv. 7 ; Is. xvi. 
 1: rendered "the rock" in the A. V., in 
 Judg. i. 36, 2 Chr. xxv. 12, Obad. 3. Prob- 
 ably the city later known as Petra, the 
 ruins of which are found about two days' 
 journey N. of the top of the gulf of Akaba, 
 and three or four S. from Jericho. It was 
 in the midst of Mount Seir, in the neighbor- 
 hood of Mount Hor, and therefore Edomite 
 territory, taken by Amaziah, and called JOK- 
 TIIKEL. In the end of the fourth century 
 B. c. it appears as the headquarters of the 
 
 ] Nabatheans, who successfully resisted the 
 attacks of Antigonus. About 70 B. c. Potra 
 appears as the residence of the Arab princes 
 named Aretas. It was by Trajan reduced 
 to subjection to the Roman empire. The 
 city Petra lay, though at a high level, in a 
 hollow shut in by mountain-cliffs, and ap- 
 proached only by a narrow ravine, through 
 which, and across the city's site, the river 
 winds. There are extensive ruins at Petra 
 of Roman date, which have been frequently 
 described by modern travellers. 
 
 Se'la-Hammahle'koth (t. c. " the 
 cliff of escapes " or " of divisions "), a rock 
 or cliff in the wilderness of Maon. the 
 scene of one of those remarkable escapes 
 which are so frequent in the history of 
 Saul's pursuit of David (1 Sam. xxiii. 28). 
 No identification has yet been suggested. 
 
 Se'lah. This word, which is only found 
 in the poetical books of the O. T., occurs 
 seventy-one times in the Psalms, and three 
 times in Habakkuk. In sixteen Psalms it 
 is found once, in fifteen twice, in seven 
 three times, and in one four times al- 
 ways at the end of a verse, except in Ps. 
 Iv. 19 [20], Ivii. 3 [4], and Hab. iii. 3, 9, 
 where it is in the middle, though at the end 
 of a clause. It is probably a term which 
 had a meaning in the musical nomenclature 
 of the Hebrews, though what that meaning 
 may have been is now a matter of pure 
 conjecture. 
 
 Se'led. One of the sons of Nadab, a 
 descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 30). 
 
 Seleu'cia, near the mouth of the Oron- 
 tes, was practically the seaport of ANTIOCH. 
 The distance between the two towns was 
 about 16 miles. We are expressly told that 
 St. Paul, in company with Barnabas, sailed 
 from Seleucia at the beginning of his first 
 missionary circuit (Acts xiii. 4); and it is 
 almost certain that he landed there on his 
 return from it (xiv. 2G). This strong for- 
 tress and convenient seaport was construct- 
 ed by the first Seleucus, and here he was 
 buried. It retained its importance in Ro- 
 man times, and in St. Paul's day it had the 
 privileges of a free city. The remains arc 
 numerous. 
 
 Seleu'ctlS IV. (Philopator), "king of 
 Asia " (2 Mace. iii. 3), that is, of the prov- 
 inces included in the Syrian monarchy, 
 according to the title claimed by the Seleu- 
 cidae, even when they had lost their footing 
 in Asia Minor, was the son and successor 
 of Antiochus the Great. He took part in 
 the disastrous battle of Magnesia (n. c. 
 190), and three years afterwards, on the 
 death of his father, ascended the throne. 
 He was murdered, after a reign of twelve 
 years (B. c. 175), by Heliodorus, one of 
 his own courtiers (Dan. xi. 20). His son 
 Demetrius I. (Soter), whom he had sent, 
 while still a boy, as hostage to Rome, after 
 | a series of romantic adventures, gained the
 
 SEM 
 
 624 
 
 SENNACHERIB 
 
 crown in 1G2 B. c. (1 Mace. vii. 1 ; 2 Mace, 
 xiv. 1). The general policy of Seleucus 
 towards the Jews, like that of his father 
 (2 Mace. iii. 2, 3), was conciliatory, and he 
 undertook a large share of the expenses of 
 the Temple-service (2 Mace. iii. 3, 6). On 
 one occasion, by the false representations 
 of Simon, a Jewish officer, he was induced 
 to make an attempt to carry away the treas- 
 ures deposited in ;he Temple, by means of 
 the same Heliodorus who murdered him. 
 The attempt signally failed, but it does not 
 appear that he afterwards showed any re- 
 sentment against the Jews (2 Mace. iv. 
 5, 6). 
 
 Sem. SHEM the patriarch (Luke iii. 36). 
 
 Semachi'ah. One of the sons of Shem- 
 aiah 9 (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). 
 
 Sem'ei. 1. SHIMEI 14 (1 Esd. ix. 33). 
 2. SHIMEI 16 (Esth. xi. 2). 3. The father 
 of Mattathias in the genealogy of Jesus 
 Christ (Luke iii. 26). 
 
 Semitic Languages. [SHEMITIC LAN- 
 GUAGES; HEBREW.] 
 
 Sen'aah. The " children of Senaah " 
 are enumerated amongst the " people of 
 Israel " who returned from the Captivity 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 35 ; Neh. vii. 38). 
 In Neh. iii. 3, the name is given with the 
 article, has-Senaah. The names in these 
 lists are mostly those of towns ; but Senaah 
 does not occur elsewhere in the Bible as 
 attached to a town. The Magdal-Senna, 
 or " great Senna " of Eusebius and Jerome, 
 seven miles N. of Jericho (" Senna "), how- 
 ever, is not inappropriate in position. 
 
 Se'neh, the name of one of the two iso- 
 lated rocks which stood in the " passage of 
 Michmash " (1 Sam. xiv. 4). It was the 
 southern one of the two (ver. 5), and the 
 nearest to Geba. The name in Hebrew 
 means a " thorn," or thorn-bush. Jose- 
 phus mentions that the last encampment of 
 Titus' army was at a spot "which in the 
 Jews' tongue is called the valley," or per- 
 haps the plain " of thorns, near to a vil- 
 lage called Gabathsaoule," i. e. Gibeath of 
 Saul. 
 
 Se'nir. This name occurs twice in the 
 A. V., viz. 1 Chr. v. 23, and Ez. xxvii. 5; 
 but it should be found in two other pas- 
 sages, in each of which the Hebrew word is 
 exactly similar to the above, viz. Deut. iii. 
 9, and Cant. iv. 8. In these it appears in 
 the A. V. as SHENIK. It is the Amorite 
 name for the mountain in the north of 
 Palestine which the Hebrews called HER- 
 MON, and the Phoenicians SIRION ; or per- 
 haps it was rather the name for a portion 
 of the mountain than the whole. 
 
 Sennach.6Tifo was the son and succes- 
 sor of Sargon. [SARGON.] His name in 
 the original is read as Tsinakki-irib, which 
 is understood to mean, " Sin (or the Moon) 
 increases brothers; " an indication that he 
 was not the first-born of his father. Senna- 
 
 | cherib mounted the throne B. c. 702. His 
 efforts were directed to crushing the revolt 
 of Babylonia, which he invaded with a 
 large army. Merodach-Baladan ventured 
 on a battle, but was defeated and driven 
 from the country. In his third year (B. c. 
 700) he turned his arms towards the west, 
 chastised Sidon, took tribute from Tyre, 
 Aradus, and other Phoenician cities, as well 
 as from Edom and Ashdod, besieged and 
 captured Ascalon, made war on Egypt, 
 which was still dependent on Ethiopia, took 
 Libnah and Lachish on the Egyptian fron- 
 tier, and, having probably concluded a con- 
 vention with his chief enemy, finally marched 
 against Hezekiah, king of Judah. It was at 
 this time that " Sennacherib came up against 
 all the fenced cities of Judah, and took them " 
 (2 K. xviii. 13). There can be no doubt 
 that the record which he has left of his 
 campaign against " Hiskiah " in his third 
 year, is the war with Hezekiah so briefly 
 touched in the four verses of this chapter 
 (vers. 13-16). In the following year (B. c. 
 699), Sennacherib invaded Babylonia for 
 the second time. It was perhaps in this 
 
 Sennacherib on hi Throne before LachUh. 
 
 same year that Sennacherib made his sec- 
 ond expedition into Palestine. Hezekiah 
 had again revolted, and claimed the pro- 
 tection of Egypt. Instead, therefore, of
 
 SENUAH 
 
 62D 
 
 SEPTUAGIXT 
 
 besieging Jerusalem, the Assyrian king 
 marched past it to the Egyptian frontier, 
 attacked once more Lachish and Libnah but 
 apparently failed to take them, sent mes- 
 sengers from the former to Hezekiah (2 K. 
 xviii. 17), and on their return without his 
 submission wrote him a threatening letter 
 (2 K. xix. 14). Tirhakah was hastening to 
 the aid of the Egyptians when an event oc- 
 curred which relieved both Egypt and Ju- 
 daea from their danger. In one night the 
 Assyrians lost, either by a pestilence or by 
 some more awful manifestation of divine 
 power, 185.000 men ! The camp immedi- 
 ately broke up the king fled. Senna- 
 cherib reached his capital in safety, and 
 wag not deterred, by the terrible disaster 
 which had befallen his arms, from engaging 
 in other wars, though he seems thence- 
 forward to have carefully avoided Pales- 
 tine. In his fifth year he led an expedition 
 into Armenia and Media ; after which, from 
 his sixth to his eighth year, he was engaged 
 in wars with Susiana and Babylonia. From 
 this point his annals fail us. Sennacherib 
 reigned 22 years, and was succeeded by 
 Esarhaddon, B. c. 680. Sennacherib was 
 one of the most magnificent of the Assyrian 
 kings. He seems to have been the first who 
 fixed the seat of government permanently 
 at Nineveh, which he carefully repaired and 
 adorned with splendid buildings. His great- 
 est work is the grand palace at Kouyunjik. 
 Of the death of Sennacherib nothing is 
 known beyond the brief statement of Scrip- 
 ture, that "as he was worshipping in the 
 house of Nisroch his god. Adrammelech and 
 Sharezer his sons smote him with the sword, 
 and escaped into the land of Armenia " (2 
 K. xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii. 38). 
 
 Sen'uah. Properly Hassenuah, with 
 the def. article. A Benjamite, the father 
 of Judah, who was second over the city 
 after the return from Babylon (N"eh. xi. 9). 
 
 Seo'rim. The chief of the fourth of 
 the twenty-four courses of priests instituted 
 by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 8). 
 
 Se'phar. It is written, after the enu- 
 meration of the sons of Joktan, "And their 
 dwelling was from Mesha as thou goestunto 
 Sephar, a mount of the east" (Gen. x. 30). 
 The immigration of the Joktanites was prob- 
 ably from west to east, and they occupied 
 the south-western portion of the peninsula. 
 The undoubted identifications of Arabian 
 places and tribes with their Joktanite origi- 
 nals are included within these limits, and 
 point to Sephar as the eastern boundary. 
 There appears to be little doubt that the 
 ancient seaport town called Dhafdri or 
 Zafari, and Dhafdr or Zafdr, without the 
 inflectional termination, represents the Bib- 
 lical site or district. 
 
 Seph'arad, a name which occurs in 
 Obad. ver. 20 only. Its situation has al- 
 ways been a matter of uncertainty. 
 40 
 
 Seph.arva'im is mentioned by Sen- 
 nacherib in his letter to Hezekiah as a city 
 whose king had been unable to resist the 
 Assyrians (2 K. xix. 13; Is. xxxvii. 13, 
 comp. 2 K. xviii. 34). It is coupled with 
 Hena and Avah, or Ivah, which were towns 
 on the Euphrates above Babylon. Again, 
 it is mentioned in 2 K. xvii. 24, where it 
 is again joined with Avah, and also with 
 Cuthah and Babylon. These indications 
 are enough to justify us in identifying the 
 place with the famous town of Sippara, on 
 the Euphrates above Babylon, which was 
 near the site of the modern Mosaib. The 
 dual form indicates that there were two 
 Sipparas, one on either side of the river. 
 Berosus called Sippara " a city of the 
 sun ; " and in the inscriptions it bears the 
 same title, being called Tsipar sha Shamas, 
 or " Sippara of the Sun " the sun being 
 the chief object of worship there (comp. 2 
 K. xvii. 31). 
 
 Sephe'la, the Greek form of the ancient 
 word has- Shifeldh, the native name for the 
 southern division of the low-lying flat dis- 
 trict which intervenes between the central 
 highlands of the Holy Land and the Medi- 
 terranean, the other and northern portion 
 of which was known as SHARON. The 
 name occurs throughout the topographical 
 records of Joshua, the historical works, 
 and the topographical passages in the 
 Prophets ; always with the article prefixed, 
 and always denoting the same region (Deut. 
 i. 7; Josh. ix. 1, x. 40, xi. 2, 1C a, xii. 8, xv. 
 33 ; Judg. i. 9 ; 1 K. x. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 
 28; 2 Chr. i. 15, ix. 27, xxvi. 10, xxviii. 18; 
 Jer. xvii. 26, xxxii. 44, xxxiii. 13 ; Obad. 19 ; 
 Zech. vii. 7). In each of these passages, 
 however, the word is treated in the A. V. 
 not as a proper name, analogous to the Cam- 
 pagna, t/ie Wolds, the Carse, but as a mere 
 appellative, and rendered "the vale," "the 
 valley," " the plain," " the low plains," and 
 " the low country." The Shefelah was, 
 and is, one of the most productive regions 
 of the Holy Land. It was in ancient times 
 the cornfield of Syria, and as such the 
 constant subject of warfare between Philis- 
 tines and Israelites, and the refuge of the 
 latter when the harvests in the central 
 country were ruined by drought (2 K. viii. 
 1-3). 
 
 Septuagint. The Septuagint or Greek 
 version of the Old Testament owed its 
 origin to the same cause as the Targums. 
 It appears at the present day in four prin- 
 cipal editions. 1. Biblia Polyglotta Com- 
 plutensis, A. D. 1514-1517. 2. The Aldine 
 Edition, Venice, A. D. 1518. 3. The Roman 
 Edition, edited under Pope Sixtus V., A. D. 
 1587. 4. Fac-simile Edition of the Codex 
 Alexandrinus, by H. H. Baber, A. D. 1816. 
 [TARGUMS.] The Jews of Alexandria had 
 probably still less knowledge of Hebrew 
 than their brethren in Palestine ; their la.-
 
 SEPTUAGINT 
 
 626 
 
 SEPTUAGINT 
 
 nuliar language was Alexandrian Greek. 
 They had settled in Alexandria in large 
 numbers soon after the time of Alexander, 
 and under the early Ptolemies. They would 
 naturally follow the same practice as the 
 Jews in Palestine ; and hence would arise 
 in time an entire Greek version. But the 
 numbers and names of the translators, and 
 the times at which different portions were 
 translated, are all uncertain. The com- 
 monly received story respecting its origin 
 is contained in an extant letter ascribed to 
 Aristeas, who was an officer at the court of 
 Ptolemy Philadelphia. This letter, which 
 is addressed by Aristeas to his brother, 
 Philocrates, gives a splendid account of the 
 origin of the Septuagint; of the embassy 
 and presents sent by king Ptolemy to the 
 high-priest at Jerusalem, by the advice of 
 Demetrius Phalereus, his librarian, 50 tal- 
 ents of gold and 70 talents of silver, &c. ; 
 the Jewish slaves whom he set free, paying 
 their ransom himself; the letter of the king ; 
 the answer of the high priest ; the choosing 
 of six interpreters from each of the twelve 
 tribes, and their names ; the copy of the Law, 
 in letters of gold ; the feast prepared for the 
 seventy-two, which continued for seven 
 days ; the questions proposed to each of the 
 interpreters in turn, with the answers of 
 each ; their lodging by the sea-shore ; and 
 the accomplishment of their work in seventy- 
 two days, by conference and comparison. 
 This is the story, which probably gave to 
 the Version the title of the Septuagint, and 
 which has been repeated in various forms 
 by the Christian writers. But it is now 
 generally admitted that the letter is spuri- 
 ous, and is probably the fabrication of an 
 Alexandrian Jew shortly before the Chris- 
 tian era. Still there can be no doubt that 
 there was a basis of fact for the fiction ; on 
 three points of the story there is no mate- 
 rial difference of opinion, and they are con- 
 firmed by the study of the Version itself: 
 
 1. The Version was made at Alexandria. 
 
 2. It was begun in the time of the earlier 
 Ptolemies, about 280 B. c. 3. The Law 
 (i. e. the Pentateuch) alone was translated 
 at first. The Septuagint version was high- 
 ly esteemed by the Hellenistic Jews before 
 the coming of Christ. The manner in which 
 it is quoted by the writers of the New Tes- 
 tament proves that it had been. long in gen- 
 eral use. Wherever, by the conquests of 
 Alexander, or by colonization, the Greek 
 language prevailed; wherever Jews were 
 settled, and the attention of the neighboring 
 Gentiles was drawn to their wondrous his- 
 tory and law, there was found the Septua- 
 gint, which thus became, by Divine Prov- 
 idence, the means of spreading widely the 
 knowledge of the One True God, and His 
 promises of a Saviour to come, throughout 
 the nations. To the wide dispersion of this 
 vejsion we may ascribe in great measure 
 
 that general persuasion which prevailed 
 over the whole East of the near approach 
 of the Redeemer, and led the Magi to rec- 
 ognize the star which proclaimed the birth 
 of the King of the Jews. Not less wide was 
 the influence of the Septuagint in the spread 
 of the Gospel. Many of those Jews who 
 were assembled, at Jerusalem on the day 
 of Pentecost, from Asia Minor, from Africa, 
 from Crete and Rome, used the Greek lan- 
 guage ; the testimonies to Christ from the 
 Law and the Prophets came to them in the 
 words of the Septuagint; St. Stephen prob- 
 ably quoted from it in his address to the 
 Jews ; the Ethiopian eunuch was reading 
 the Septuagint version of Isaiah in his 
 chariot; they who were scattered abroad 
 went forth into many lands speaking of 
 Christ in Greek, and pointing to the things 
 written of Him in the Greek version of 
 Moses and the Prophets ; from Antioch and 
 Alexandria in the East, to Rome and Mas- 
 silia in the West, the voice of the Gospel 
 sounded forth in Greek; Clemens of Rome, 
 Ignatius at Antioch, Justin Martyr in Pal- 
 estine, Irenaeus at Lyons, and many more, 
 taught and wrote in the words of the Greek 
 Scriptures ; and a still wider range was 
 given to them by the Latin version (or 
 versions) made from the LXX. for the use 
 of the Latin Churches in Italy and Africa; 
 and in later times by the numerous other 
 versions into the tongues of Egypt, Ethio- 
 pia, Armenia, Arabia, and Georgia. For a 
 long period the Septuagint was the Old 
 Testament of the far larger part of the 
 Christian Church. CHARACTER OF THE 
 SEPTUAGINT. A. Is the Septuagint faith- 
 ful in substance? 1. It has been clearly 
 shown by Hody, Frankel, and others, that 
 the several books were translated by differ- 
 ent persons, without any comprehensive 
 revision to harmonize the several parts. 
 Names and words are rendered differently 
 in different books. 2. Thus the character 
 of the Version varies much in the several 
 books ; those of the Pentateuch are the best. 
 3. The poetical parts are, generally speak- 
 ing, inferior to the historical, the original 
 abounding with rarer words and expres- 
 sions. 4. In the Major Prophets (probably 
 translated nearly 100 years after the Pen- 
 tateuch) some of the most important proph- 
 ecies are sadly obscured. Ezekiel and the ^ 
 Minor Prophets (generally speaking) seem 
 to be better rendered. 5. Supposing the 
 numerous glosses and duplicate render- 
 ings, which have evidently crept from 
 the margin into the text, to be removed, 
 and forming a rough estimate of what the 
 Septuagint was in its earliest state, we may 
 perhaps say of it that it is the image of the 
 original seen through a glass not adjusted 
 to the proper focus ; the larger features are 
 shown, but the sharpness of definition is 
 lost. B. Is the Version minutely accurate
 
 SEPULCHRE 
 
 627 
 
 SERGIUS PAULUS 
 
 tre details f 1. The same word in the same 
 chapter is often rendered by differing 
 words. 2. Differing words by the same 
 words. 3. The divine names are frequent- 
 ly interchanged. 4. Proper names are 
 sometimes translated, sometimes not. 5. 
 The translators are often misled by the 
 similarity of Hebrew words. In very many 
 cases the error may be thus traced to the 
 similarity of some of the Hebrew letters ; in 
 some it is difficult to see any connection 
 between the original and the Version. 6. 
 There are some passages which seem to 
 exhibit a studied variation in the LXX. from 
 the Hebrew (e. g. Gen. ii. 2; Ex. xii. 40). 
 Frequently the strong expressions of the 
 Hebrew are softened down, where human 
 parts are ascribed to GOD. The Version is 
 therefore not minutely accurate in details. 
 WHAT, THEN, ARE THE BENEFITS TO BE 
 DERIVED FROM THE STUDY OF THE SEP- 
 XUAGINT? 1. For the Old Testament. 
 The Septuagint gives evidence of the char- 
 acter and condition of the Hebrew MSS. 
 from which it was made, with respect to 
 vowel-points and the mode of writing. 
 Being made from MSS. far older than the 
 Masoretic recension, the Septuagint often 
 indicates readings more ancient and more 
 correct than those of our present Hebrew 
 MSS. and editions, and often speaks de- 
 cisively between the conflicting readings 
 of the present MSS. (e.g. Ps. xvi. 10, xxii. 
 17; Hos. vi. 5). In Gen. iv. 8, a clause 
 necessary to the sense is omitted in the 
 Hebrew, but preserved in the LXX. In all 
 these cases we do not attribute any para- 
 mount authority to the Septuagint on ac- 
 count of its superior antiquity to the extant 
 Hebrew MSS. ; but we take it as an evi- 
 dence of a more ancient Hebrew text, as an 
 eye-witness of the texts, 280 or 180 years 
 B. c. 2. The close connection between the 
 Old and New Testament makes the study 
 of the Septuagint extremely valuable, and 
 almost indispensable to the theological stu- 
 dent. It was manifestly the chief store- 
 house from which the Apostles drew their 
 proofs and precepts. 
 
 Sepulchre. [BURIAL.] 
 
 Se'rah, the daughter of Asher (Gen. 
 xlvi. 17; 1 Chr. vii. 30), called in Num. 
 xxvi. 40, SARAH. 
 
 Serai'ah. 1. The king's scribe or sec- 
 retary in the reign of David (2 Sam. viii. 
 17). 2. The high-priest in the reign of 
 Zedekiah (2 K. xxv. 18; 1 Chr. vi. 14; 
 Jer. Hi. 24). 3. The son of Tanhumeth 
 the Netophathite (2 K. xv. 23; Jer. xl. 8). 
 4. The son of Kenaz, and brother of Oth- 
 niel (1 Chr. iv. 13, 14). 5. Ancestor of 
 Jehu, a Simeonite chieftain (1 Chr. iv. 35). 
 6. One of the children of the province who 
 returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 2). 7. 
 One of the ancestors of Ezra the scribe 
 (Ezr. vii. 1), but whether or not the same 
 
 as Seraiah the high-priest seems uncertain. 
 
 8. A priest, or priestly family, who signed 
 the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 2). 
 
 9. A priest, the son of Hilkiah (Neh. xi. 
 11). 1O. The head of a priestly house 
 which went up from Babylon with Zerub- 
 babel (Neh. xii. 1, 12). 11. The son of 
 Neriah, and brother of Baruch (Jer. Ii. 59, 
 61). He went with Zedekiah to Babylon 
 in the fourth year of his reign. Perhaps 
 he was an officer who took charge of the 
 royal caravan on its march, and fixed the 
 place where it should halt. Seraiah was 
 commissioned by the prophet Jeremiah to 
 take with him on his journey the roll in 
 which he had written the doom of Babylon, 
 and sink it in the midst of the Euphrates, 
 as a token that Babylon should sink, never 
 to rise again (Jer. Ii. 60-64). 
 
 Ser'apMm, an order of celestial beings, 
 whom Isaiah beheld in vision standing above 
 Jehovah as He sat upon His throne (Is. vi. 
 2). They are described as having each of 
 them three pairs of wings, with one of which 
 they covered their faces (a token of humil- 
 ity) ; with the second they covered their 
 feet (a token of respect) ; while with the 
 third they flew. They seem to have borne 
 a general resemblance to the human figure, 
 for they are represented as having a face, 
 a voice, feet, and hands (ver. 6). Their 
 occupation was twofold to celebrate the 
 praises of Jehovah's holiness and power 
 (ver. 3), and to act as the medium of com- 
 munication between heaven and earth (ver. 
 6). From their antiphonal chant (" one 
 cried unto another ") we may conceive them 
 to have been ranged in opposite rows on 
 each side of the throne. The idea of a 
 winged human figure was not peculiar to 
 the Hebrews : among the sculptures found 
 at Mourghaub in Persia, we meet with a 
 representation of a man with two pairs of 
 wings, springing from the shoulders, and 
 extending, the one pair upwards, the other 
 downwards, so as to admit of covering the 
 head and the feet. The meaning of the 
 word " seraph" is doubtful; it is perhaps 
 connected with an Arabic term signifying 
 high or exalted ; and this may be regarded 
 as the generally received etymology. 
 
 Se'red, the first-born of Zebulon (Gen. 
 xlvi. 14; Num. xxvi. 26), 
 
 Ser'gius Pau'lua was the proconsul of 
 Cyprus when the Apostle Paul visited that 
 island with Barnabas on his first missionary 
 tour (Acts xiii. 7, sq.). He is described as 
 an intelligent man, truth-seeking, eager for 
 information from all sources within his 
 reach. It was this trait of his character 
 which led him in the first instance to admit 
 to his society Elymas the Magian, and after- 
 wards to seek out the missionary strangers 
 and learn from them the nature of the 
 Christian doctrine. But Sergius was not 
 effectually or long deceived by the arts of
 
 SERPENT 
 
 628 
 
 SERPENT 
 
 the impostor ; for on becoming acquainted 
 with the Apostle he examined at once the 
 claims of the Gospel, and yielded his mind 
 to the evidence of its truth. 
 
 Serpent. 1. The Hebrew word NAch&sh 
 is the generic name of any serpent. The 
 following are the principal Biblical allu- 
 sions to this animal : Its subtlety is men- 
 tioned in Gen. iii. 1 ; its wisdom is alluded 
 to by our Lord in Matt. x. 16 ; the poison- 
 ous properties of some species are often 
 mentioned (see Ps. Iviii. 4; Prov. xxiii. 
 32) ; the sharp tongue of the serpent, which 
 it would appear some of the ancient He- 
 brews believed to be the instrument of 
 poison, is mentioned in Ps. cxl. 3, Job xx. 
 16, "the viper's tongue shall slay him ;" 
 although in other places, as in Prov. xxiii. 
 32, Eccl. x. 8, 11, Num. xxi. 9, the venom 
 is correctly ascribed to the bite, while in 
 Job xx. 14 the gall is said to be the poison ; 
 the habit serpents have of lying concealed 
 in hedges is alluded to in Eccl. x. 8, and in 
 holes of walls, in Am. v. 19 ; their dwelling 
 in dry sandy places, in Deut. viii. 15 ; their 
 wonderful mode of progression did not 
 escape the observation of the author of 
 Prov. xxx., who expressly mentions it as 
 " one of the three things which were too 
 wonderful for him" (19); the oviparous 
 nature of most of the order is alluded to in 
 Is. lix. 5, where the A. V., however, has 
 the unfortunate rendering of " cockatrice." 
 The art of taming and charming serpents 
 is of great antiquity, and is alluded to in 
 Ps. Iviii. 5, Eccl. x. 11, Jer. viii. 17, and 
 doubtless intimated by St. James (iii. 7), 
 who particularizes serpents among all other 
 animals that " have been tamed by man." 
 
 Serpent-charming. 
 
 Serpents used for this purpose, both in 
 Africa and in India, are the hooded snakes 
 {Naia tripudians, and Jfaia haje) and the 
 horned Cerastes. That the charmers fre- 
 
 quently and perhaps generally, take the 
 precaution of extracting the poison-fangs 
 before the snakes are subjected to their 
 skill, there is much probability for believ- 
 ing ; but that this operation is not always 
 attended to is clear from the testimony of 
 Bruce and numerous other writers. Some 
 have supposed that the practice of taking 
 out or breaking off the poison-fangs is 
 alluded to in Ps. Iviii. 6, " Break their 
 teeth, O God, in their mouth." The ser- 
 pent-charmer's usual instrument is a flute. 
 It was under the form of a serpent that the 
 devil seduced Eve; hence in Scripture 
 Satan is called " the old serpent " (Rev. 
 xii. 9, and comp. 2 Cor. xi. 3). It has been 
 supposed by many commentators that the 
 serpent, prior to the Fall, moved along in 
 an erect attitude. It is quite clear that an 
 erect mode of progression is utterly incom- 
 patible with the structure of a serpent; 
 consequently, had the snakes before the 
 Fall moved in an erect attitude, they must 
 have been formed on a different plan alto- 
 gether. The typical form of the serpent 
 and its mode of progression were in all 
 probability the same before the Fall as after 
 it ; but subsequent to the Fall its form and 
 progression were to be regarded with ha- 
 tred and disgust by all mankind, and thus 
 the animal was cursed "above all cattle," 
 and a mark of condemnation was forever 
 stamped upon it. Serpents are said in 
 Scripture to " eat dust " (See Gen. iii. 14 ; 
 Is. Ixv. 25; Mic. vii. 17); these animals, 
 which for the most part take their food on 
 the ground, do consequently swallow with 
 it large portions of sand and dust. Through- 
 out the East the serpent was used as an 
 emblem of the evil principle, of the spirit 
 of disobedience and contumacy. Much has 
 been written on the question of the " fiery 
 serpents " of Num. xxi. 6, 8, with which it 
 is usual erroneously to identify the " fiery 
 flying serpent " of Is. xxx. 6, and xiv. 29. 
 The word " fiery " probably signifies 
 " burning," in allusion to the sensation 
 produced by the bite. The Cerastes, or the 
 Naia haje, or any other venomous species 
 frequenting Arabia, may denote the " ser- 
 pent of the burning bite " which destroyed 
 the children of Israel. The " fiery flying 
 serpent " of Isaiah (I. c.) can have no ex- 
 istence in nature. Monstrous forms of 
 snakes with birds' wings occur on the Egyp- 
 tian sculptures. 2. The Hebrew vrordEph'eh 
 occurs in Job xx. 16; Is. xxx. 6, and lix. 
 5 (A. V. "viper"). There is no Scrip- 
 tural allusion by means of which it is pos- 
 sible to determine the species of serpent 
 indicated by the Hebrew term, which is de- 
 rived from a root which signifies " to hiss." 
 The snake that fastened on St. Paul's hand 
 when he was at Melita (Acts xxviii. 3) was 
 probably the common viper of England 
 (Pelias berus), or else the Vipera aspis.
 
 SERPENT 
 
 629 
 
 SEVEN 
 
 [See also ADDER; ASP.] When God 
 punished the murmurs of the Israelites in 
 the wilderness by sending among them ser- 
 pents, whose fiery bite was fatal, Moses, 
 upon their repentance, was commanded to 
 make a serpent of brass, whose polished 
 surface shone like fire, and to set it up on 
 the banner-pole in the midst of the people ; 
 and whoever was bitten by a serpent had 
 but to look up at it and live (Num. xxi. 4- 
 9). But a far deeper interest belongs to 
 this incident of the pilgrimage of Israel. 
 " As Moses lifted up the serpent in the wil- 
 derness, even so must the Son of man be 
 lifted up ; that whosoever believeth in him 
 should not perish, but have eternal life " 
 (John iii. 14, 15). To present the serpent- 
 form as deprived of its power to hurt, im- 
 paled as the trophy of a conqueror, was to 
 assert that evil, physical and spiritual, had 
 been overcome, and thus help to strengthen 
 the weak faith of the Israelites in a victory 
 over both. To some writers this has com- 
 mended itself as the simplest and most ob- 
 vious view. Others, again, have started 
 from a different ground. They look to 
 Egypt as the starting-point for all the 
 thoughts which the serpent could suggest, 
 and they find there that it was worshipped 
 as an agathodaemon, the symbol of health 
 and life. Contrasted as these views appear, 
 they have, it is believed, a point of contact. 
 The idea primarily connected with the ser- 
 pent in the history of the Fall, as through- 
 cut the proverbial language of Scripture, is 
 that of wisdom (Gen. iii. 1; Matt. x. 16; 
 2 Cor. xi. 3). Wisdom, apart from obedi- 
 ence to a divine order, allying itself to 
 man's lower nature, passes into cunning. 
 Man's nature is envenomed and degraded 
 by it. But wisdom, the selfsame power of 
 understanding, yielding to the divine law, 
 is the source of all healing and restoring 
 influences, and the serpent-form thus be- 
 comes a symbol of deliverance and health. 
 The Israelites were taught that it would be 
 so to them in proportion as they ceased to 
 be sensual and rebellious. Preserved as a 
 relic, whether on the spot of its first erec- 
 tion or elsewhere, the Brazen Serpent, 
 called by the name of Nehushtan, became 
 an object of idolatrous veneration, prob- 
 ably in connection with the Ophite worship 
 that was adopted in the reign of Ahaz, with 
 all the other idolatries of the neighboring 
 nations ; and the zeal of Hezekiah destroyed 
 it with the other idols of his father (2 K. 
 xviii. 4). [NEHUSHTAN.] But the passion 
 for relics is not extinguished by the destruc- 
 tion of its objects. In A. D. 971, a Milanese 
 envoy to Constantinople, being asked to 
 select a present from the imperial treas- 
 ures, chose a brazen serpent which the 
 Greeks assured him was made of the same 
 metal that Hezekiah had broken up ; and 
 this serpent, probably the idol of some i 
 
 Ophite sect, is still shown in the church of 
 St. Ambrose at Milan as that which was 
 lifted up by Moses in the wilderness. 
 
 Se'rug, son of Reu, and great-grand- 
 father of Abraham. His age is given in the 
 Hebrew Bible as 230 years (Gen. xi. 20- 
 23) ; 30 years before he begat Nahor, and 
 200 years afterwards. 
 
 Servant. [SLAVE.] 
 
 Seth (Gen. iv. 25, v. 3; 1 Chr. i. l),the 
 third son of Adam, and father of Enos. 
 The signification of his name is " appoint- 
 ed" or " put" in the place of the murdered 
 Abel. Adam handed down to Seth and his 
 descendants the promise of mercy, faith in 
 which became the distinction of God's chil- 
 dren. This seems to be the meaning of 
 the statement that, in the days and in the 
 family of Seth, " men began to call upon 
 the name of Jehovah " (Gen. iv. 26). 
 
 Se'thur. The Asherite spy, son of Mi- 
 chael (Num. xiii. 13). 
 
 Seven, the frequent recurrence of cer- 
 tain numbers in the sacred literature of 
 the Hebrews is obvious to the most super- 
 ficial reader ; and it is almost equally ob- 
 vious that these numbers . are associated 
 with certain ideas, so as in some instances 
 to lose their numerical force, and to pass 
 over into the province of symbolic signs. 
 This is more or less true of the numbers 
 three, four, seven, twelve, and forty; but 
 seven so far surpasses the rest, both in the 
 frequency with which it recurs, and in the 
 importance of the objects with which it is 
 associated, that it may fairly be termed the 
 representative symbolic number. It has 
 hence attracted considerable attention, and 
 may be said to be the keystone on which 
 the symbolism of numbers depends. The 
 origin of this symbolism is a question that 
 meets us at the threshold of any discussion 
 as to the number seven. The views of 
 Biblical critics may be ranged under two 
 heads, according as the symbolism is at- 
 tributed to theoretical speculations as to the 
 internal properties of the number itself, or 
 to external associations of a physical or 
 historical character. According to the for- 
 mer of these views, the symbolism of the 
 number seven would be traced back to the 
 symbolism of its component elements three 
 and four, the first of which = Divinity, and 
 the second = Humanity, whence seven = 
 Divinity + Humanity, or, in other words, 
 the union between God and Man, as effected 
 by the manifestations of the Divinity in 
 creation and revelation. This theory is se- 
 ductive from its ingenuity, and its appeal 
 to the imagination, but there appears to be 
 little foundation for it. We turn to the 
 second class of opinions which attribute 
 the symbolism of the number seven to ex- 
 ternal associations. The influence of the 
 number seven was not restricted to the He- 
 brews; it prevailed among the Persian*
 
 SEVEN 
 
 630 
 
 SHADRACH 
 
 (Eslh. i. 10, H), among the ancient Indians, 
 among the Greeks and Romans to a certain 
 extent, and probably among all nations 
 where the week of seven days was estab- 
 lished, as in China, Egypt, Arabia, &c. 
 The peculiarity of the Hebrew view con- 
 sists in the special dignity of the seventh, 
 and not simply in that of seven. We can- 
 not trace back the peculiar associations of 
 the Hebrews farther than to the point when 
 the seventh day was consecrated to the 
 purposes of religious rest. Assuming this, 
 therefore, as our starting-point, the first 
 idea associated with seven would be that of 
 religious periodicity. The Sabbath, being 
 the seventh day, suggested the adoption of 
 seven as the coefficient, so to say, for the 
 appointment of all sacred periods ; and we 
 thus find the 7th month ushered in by the 
 Feast of Trumpets, and signalized by the 
 celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles and 
 the great Day of Atonement ; 7 weeks as 
 the interval between the Passover and the 
 Pentecost; the 7th year as th'e Sabbatical 
 year ; and the year succeeding 7X7 years 
 as the Jubilee year. From the idea of pe- 
 riodicity, it passed by an easy transition to 
 the duration or repetition of religious pro- 
 ceedings ; and thus 7 days were appointed 
 as the length of the Feasts of Passover and 
 Tabernacles ; 7 days for the ceremonies of 
 the consecration of priests, and so on; 7 
 victims to be offered on any special occa- 
 sion, as in Balaam's sacrifice (Num. xxiii. 
 1), and especially at the ratification of a 
 treaty, the notion of seven being embodied 
 in the very term signifying to swear, liter- 
 ally meaning to do seven times (Gen. xxi. 
 28). The number seven, having thus been 
 impressed with the seal of sanctity as the 
 symbol of all connected with the Divinity, 
 was adopted generally as a cyclical number, 
 with the subordinate notions of perfection 
 or completeness. The foregoing applica- 
 tions of the number seven become of great 
 practical importance in connection with the 
 interpretation of some of the prophetical 
 portions of the Bible, and particularly of 
 the Apocalypse. We have but to run over 
 the chief subjects of that book, in order to 
 see the necessity of deciding whether the 
 number is to be accepted in a literal or a 
 metaphorical sense in other words, wheth- 
 er it represents a number or a quality. 
 The decision of this question affects not 
 only the number seven, but also the num- 
 ber which stands in a relation of antago- 
 nism to seven, viz. the half of seven, which 
 appears under the form of forty- two months, 
 3i years (Rev. xiii. 5), twelve hundred 
 and sixty days, also = 3i years (xi. 3, xii. 
 6), and again a time, times, and half a time 
 = 3i years (xii. 14). If the number seven 
 express the notion of completeness, then 
 the number half-seven = incompleteness 
 and the secondary ideas of suffering and 
 
 disaster : if the one represent divine agency, 
 the other we may expect to represent hu- 
 man agency. 
 
 Shaal'bim or Shaalab'bin, a town in 
 the allotment of Dan, named between Ir- 
 Shemesh and Ajalon (Judg. i. 35 ; Josh, 
 xix. 42 ; IK. iv. 9). By Eusebius and Jer- 
 ome it is mentioned in the Onomasticon as 
 a large village in the district of Sebaste (i. e. 
 Samaria), and as then called Selaba. 
 
 Shaal'bonite, The. EliahbatheShaal- 
 bonite was one of David's thirty-seven he- 
 roes (2 Sam. xxiii. 32; 1 Chr. xi. 33). He 
 was the native of a place named Shaalbon, 
 which is unmentioned elsewhere, unless it 
 is identical witli SHAALBIM or SHAALABBIN 
 of the tribe of Dan. 
 
 Sha'aph. 1. The son of Jahdai (1 
 Chr. ii. 47). 2. The son of Caleb the 
 brother of Jerahmeel by his concubine 
 Maachah (1 Chr.' ii. 49). 
 
 Shaara'im, a city in the territory allot- 
 ted to Judah (Josh. xv. 36 ; in A. V. incor- 
 rectly Sharaim ; 1 Sam. xvii. 52). Shaara- 
 im, one of the towns of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 
 31), must be a different place. 
 
 Shaash'gaz, the eunuch in the palace 
 of Xerxes who had the custody of the women 
 in the second house (Esth. ii. 14). 
 
 Shabbetha'i. 1. A Levite in the time 
 of Ezra (Ezr. x. 15). It is apparently the 
 same who with Jeshua and others instruct- 
 ed the people in the knowledge of the Law 
 (Neh. viii. 7). 2. One of the chief of the 
 Levites after the return from Babylon 
 (Neh. xi. 16). Possibly 1. and 2. are iden- 
 tical. 
 
 Shachi'a, properly " Shabiah," a son of 
 Shaharaim by his wife Hodesh (1 Chr. viii. 
 10). 
 
 Shad'dai, an ancient name of God, 
 rendered "Almighty" everywhere in the A. 
 V. In all passages of Genesis, except one 
 (xlix. 25), in Ex. vi. 3, and in Ez. x. 5, it 
 is found in connection with el, " God," El 
 Shaddai being there rendered " God Al- 
 mighty," or "the Almighty God." By the 
 name or in the character of El-Shaddai, 
 God was known to the patriarchs (Gen. 
 xvii. 1, xxviii. 3, xliii. 14, xlviii. 3, xlix. 
 25), before the name Jehovah, in its full 
 significance, was revealed (Ex. vi. 3). The 
 prevalent idea attaching to the name in all 
 the passages in which it occurs is that of 
 strength and power, and our translators 
 have probably given to " Shaddai" its true 
 meaning when they rendered it " Almighty." 
 
 [GOD.] 
 
 Sha'drach., the Hebrew, or rather 
 Chaldee name of Hananiah, the chief of 
 the " three children," whose song, as given 
 in the apocryphal Daniel, forms part of 
 the service of the Church of England, un- 
 der the name of "Benedicite, omnia opera." 
 The history of Shadrach, or Hananiah, as 
 told in Dan. i.-iii., is well known. After
 
 SHAGE 
 
 631 
 
 SHALMANESER 
 
 their deliverance from the furnace, we hear 
 no more of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed- 
 nego in the O. T. ; neither are they spoken 
 of in the N. T., except in the pointed allu- 
 sion to them in the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
 as having " through faith quenched the vio- 
 lence of fire " (Heb. xi. 33, 34). But there 
 are repeated allusions to them in the later 
 apocryphal books, and the martyrs of the 
 Maccabaean poriod seem to have been much 
 encouraged by their example. See 1 Mace, 
 ii. 59, 60; 3 Mace. vi. 6; 4 Mace. xiii. 9, 
 xvi. 3, 21, xviii. 12. 
 
 Sha'ge. Father of Jonathan the Hara- 
 rite, one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 34). 
 [See SHAMMAH 5.] 
 
 Shahara'im. A Benjamite whose his- 
 tory and descent are alike obscure in the 
 present text (1 Chr. viii. 8). It is more in- 
 telligible if we remove the full stop from 
 the end of ver. 7, and read on thus : " and 
 begat Uzza and Ahihud, and Shaharaim he 
 begat in the field of Moab," &c. 
 
 Shahaz'imah. One of the towns of 
 the allotment of Issachar (Josh. xix. 22 
 only). 
 
 Sha'lem, Gen. xxxiii. 18. It seems 
 more than probable that this word should 
 cot here be taken as a proper name, but 
 that the sentence should be rendered, " Ja- 
 cob came safe to the city of Shechem." 
 It is certainly remarkable that there should 
 be a modern village bearing the name of 
 Salim, 3 miles east of N&blus (the ancient 
 Shechem) ; but this appears to be only a 
 fortuitous coincidence. 
 
 Sha'lim, The Land of, a district 
 through which Saul passed on his journey 
 in quest of his father's asses (1 Sam. ix. 4, 
 onlj). The spelling of the name in the 
 original, properly Sha'&lim, shows that it 
 had no connection with Shalem, or with 
 the modern Salim, east of N&blus. 
 
 Shal'isha, The Land of, one of the 
 districts traversed by Saul when in search 
 of the asses of Kish (1 Sam. ix. 4, only). 
 If the land of Shalisha contained, as it not 
 impossibly did, the place called BAAL-SHA- 
 LISUA (2 K. iv. 42), then the whole disposi- 
 tion of Saul's route would be changed. 
 
 Shal'lecheth, The Gate, one of the 
 gates of the "house of Jehovah" (1 Chr. 
 xxvi. 16). It was the gate " to the cause- 
 way of the ascent." As the causeway is 
 actually in existence, the gate Shallecheth 
 can hardly fail to be identical with the Bab 
 Silsileh, or Sinsleh, which enters the west 
 wall of the Haram about 600 feet from the 
 south-west corner of the Haram wall. 
 
 Shallum. 1. The fifteenth king of 
 Israel, sou of Jabesh, conspired against 
 Zechariah, son of Jeroboam II., killed him, 
 and brought the dynasty of Jehu to a close, 
 B. c. 770. Shallum, after reigning in Sa- 
 maria for a month only, was in his turn de- 
 throned and killed by Menahem (2 K. x- . 
 
 10-14). 2. The husband of Huldah the 
 prophetess (2 K. xxii. 14; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 
 22) in the reign of Josiah. 3. A descend- 
 ant of Shesham (1 Chr. ii. 40, 41). 4. 
 The third son of Josiah king of Judah, 
 known in the books of Kings and Chron- 
 icles as Jehoahaz (1 Chr. iii. 15; Jer. xxii. 
 11). [JEHOAHAZ.] 5. Son of Shaul the 
 son of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25). 6. A high- 
 priest, son of Zadok and ancestor of Ezra 
 (1 Chr. vi. 12, 13; Ezr. vii. 2). 7. A son 
 of Naphtali (1 Chr. vii. 13). 8. The chief 
 of a family of porters or gate-keepers of 
 the east gate of the Temple (1 Chr. ix. 17). 
 9. Son of Kore, a Korahite (1 Chr. ix. 19, 
 31). With this Shallum we may identify 
 Meshelemiah and Shelemiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 
 1, 2, 9, 14), but he seems to be different 
 from the last-mentioned Shallum. 1O. 
 Father of Jehizkiah, an Ephraimite (2 Chr. 
 xxviii. 12). 11. One of the porters of the 
 Temple who had married a foreign wife 
 (Ezr. x. 24). 12. One of the sons of 
 Bani (Ezr. x. 42). 13. The son of Halo- 
 hesh and ruler of a district of Jerusalem 
 (Neh. iii. 12). 14. The uncle of Jeremiah 
 (Jer. xxxii. 7) ; perhaps the same as 2. 
 15. Father or ancestor of Maaseiah (Jer. 
 xxxv. 4) ; perhaps the same as 9. 
 
 Shal'lun. The son of Col-hozeh, and 
 ruler of a district of the Mizpah (Neh. iii. 
 15). 
 
 Shalma'i. The children of Shalmai 
 (or SHAMLAI, as in the margin of Ezr. ii. 
 46) were among the Nethinim who returned 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 46; Neh. vii. 48). 
 In Nehemiah the name is properly SAL- 
 HAI. 
 
 Snal'man. Shalmaneser king of As- 
 syria (Hos. x. 14). 
 
 Shalmane'ser was the Assyrian king 
 who reigned immediately before Sargon, 
 and probably immediately after Tiglath- 
 pileser. He can scarcely have ascended 
 the throne earlier than B. c. 730, and may 
 possibly not have done so till a few years 
 later. It must have been soon after hia 
 accession that he led the forces of Assyria 
 into Palestine, where Hoshea, the last king 
 of Israel had revolted against his authority 
 (2 K. xvii. 3). No sooner was he come 
 than Hoshea submitted, acknowledged him- 
 self a "servant" of the Great King, and 
 consented to pay him a fixed tribute annu- 
 ally. He soon after concluded an alliance 
 with the king of Egypt, and withheld his 
 tribute in consequence. In B. c. 723 Shal- 
 maneser invaded Palestine for the second 
 time, and, as Hoshea refused to submit, 
 laid siege to Samaria. The siege lasted to 
 the third year (B. c. 721), when the As- 
 syrian arms prevailed (2 K. xvii. 4-6, 
 xviii. 9-11). It is uncertain whether Shal- 
 maneser conducted the siege to its close, 
 or whether he did not lose his crown to 
 Sargon before the city was taken.
 
 SHAMA 
 
 632 
 
 SHARAR 
 
 Sha'ma. One of David's guard, son of 
 Hothan of Aroer (1 Chr. xi. 44). 
 
 Shamari'ah. Son of Rehoboain (2 
 Chr. xi. 19). 
 
 Sha'med. Properly SHAMEB, or She- 
 mer; one of the sons of Elpaal the Benja- 
 nrite (1 Chr. viii. 12). 
 
 Sha'mer. 1. A Merarite Levite (1 
 Chr. vi. 4<>). 2. SHOMEK the son of Heber 
 an Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 34). 
 
 Sham'gar, son of Anath, judge of Is- 
 rael after Ehud, and before Barak, though 
 possibly contemporary with the latter, since 
 he seems to be spoken of in Judg. v. 6 as 
 a contemporary of Jael. In the days of 
 Shamgar, Israel was in a most depressed 
 condition, and the whole nation was cowed. 
 At this conjuncture Shamgar was raised up 
 to be a deliverer. With no arms in his 
 hand but an ox-goad (Judg. iii. 31 ; coinp. 
 1 Sam. xiii. 21), he made a desperate assault 
 upon the Philistines, and slew 600 of them. 
 But it was reserved for Deborah and Barak 
 to complete the deliverance. 
 
 Sham'huth. The fifth captain for the 
 fifth month in David's arrangement of his 
 army (1 Chr. xxvii. 8). From a compari- 
 son of the lists in 1 Chr. xi., xxvii., it would 
 seem that Shamhuth is the same as SIIAM- 
 MOTH the Harorite. 
 
 Sha'mir. 1. A town in the mountain 
 district of Judah (Josh. xv. 48, only). It 
 probably lay some eight or ten miles south 
 of Hebron, but it has not been yet discov- 
 ered. 2. A place in Mount Ephraim, the 
 residence and burial-place of Tola the 
 judge (Judg. x. 1, 2). Perhaps Samur, 
 half way between Samaria and Jentn. 3. 
 A Kohathite, son of Micah, or Michal, the 
 first-oorn of Uzziel (1 Chr. xxiv. 24). 
 
 Sham'ma. One of the sons of Zophar, 
 an Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 37). 
 
 Sham'mah. 1. The son of Reuel the 
 son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13, 17; 1 Chr. 
 i. 37). 2. The third son of Jesse, and 
 brother of David (1 Sam. xvi. 9, xvii. 13). 
 Called also SHIMEA, SHIMEAH, and SHIM- 
 MA. 3. One of the three greatest of 
 David's mighty men. He was with him 
 during his outlaw life in the cave of Adul- 
 lam, and signalized himself by defending a 
 piece of ground full of lentiles against the 
 Philistines on one of their marauding in- 
 cursions. This achievement gave him a 
 place among the first three heroes (2 Sam. 
 xxiii. 11-17). 4. The Harodite, one of 
 David's mighties (2 Sam. xxiii. 25). He 
 is called " SHAMMOTH the Harorite " in 
 1 Chr. xi. 27, and in 1 Chr. xxvii. 8 
 " SHAMHUTH the Izrahite." Kennicott 
 maintained the true reading in both to be 
 " Shamhoth the Harodite." 5. In the list 
 of David's mighty men in 2 Sam. xxiii. 
 32, 33, we find "Jonathan, Shammah the 
 Hararite ; " while in the corresponding 
 verse of 1 Chr. xi. 34, it is "Jonathan, 
 
 the son of Shage the Hararite." Com- 
 bining the two, Kennicott proposes to read 
 " Jonathan, the son of Shamha, the Hara- 
 rite." 
 
 Sham'mai. 1. The son of Onam (1 
 Chr. ii. 28, 32). 2. Son of Rekem (1 Chr. 
 ii. 44, 45). 3. The brother of Miriam and 
 Ishbah the founder of Eshtemoa, in an ob- 
 scure genealogy of the descendants of Ju- 
 dah (1 Chr. iv. 17). 
 
 Sham'moth. [SHAMMAH.] 
 
 Shammu'a. 1. The Reuhenite spy, 
 son of Zaccur (Num. xiii. 4.) 2. Son of 
 David, by his wife Bathsheba (1 Chr. xiv. 
 4). 3. A Levite, the father of Abda (Neh. 
 xi. 17). The same as SHEMAIAH 6. 4. The 
 representative of the priestly family of 
 Bilgah, or Bilgai, in the days of Joiakim 
 (Neh. xii. 18). 
 
 Shammu'atL. Son of David (2 Sam. 
 v. 14) ; elsewhere called SHAMMUA, and 
 SHIMEA. 
 
 Shamshera'i. One of the sons of 
 Jeroam, a Benjamite (1 Chr. viii. 26). 
 
 Sha'pham. A Gadite of Bashan (1 
 Chr. v. 12). 
 
 Sha'phan, the scribe or secretary of 
 king Josiah. He was the son of Azaliah 
 (2 K. xxii. 3; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8), father 
 of Ahikam (2 K. xxii. 12; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 
 20) Elasah (Jer. xxix. 3), and Gemariih 
 (Jer. xxxvi. 10, 11, 12), and grandfather 
 of Gedaliah (Jer. xxxix. 14, xl. 5, 9, 11, 
 xli. 2, xliii. 6), Michaiah (Jer. xxxvi. 11), 
 and probably of Jaazaniah (Ez. viii. 11). 
 The history of Shaphan brings out some 
 points with regard to the office of scribe 
 which he held. He appears on an equality 
 with the governor of the city and the royal 
 recorder, with whom he was sent by the 
 king to Hilkiah to take an account of the 
 money which had been collected by the 
 Levites for the repair of the Temple and to 
 pay the workmen (2 K. xxii. 4 ; 2 Chr. 
 xxxiv. 9; comp. 2 K. xii. 10). It w&s on 
 this occasion that Hilkiah communicated 
 his discovery of a copy of the Law, which 
 he had probably found while making prep- 
 arations for the repair of the Temple. 
 
 Sha'phut. 1. The Simeonite spy, son 
 of Hori (Num. xiii. 5). 2. The father of 
 the prophet Elisha (1 K. xix. 16, 19 ; 2 K. 
 iii. 11, vi. 31). 3. One of the six sons of 
 Shemaiah in the royal line of Judah (1 
 Chr. iii. 22). 4. One of the chiefs of the 
 Gadites in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 12). 5. The 
 son of Adlai, who was over David's oxen 
 in the valleys (1 Chr. xxvii. 29). 
 
 Sha'pher, Mount (Num. xxxiii. 23), 
 the name of a desert station where the Is- 
 raelites encamped. No site has been sug- 
 gested for it. 
 
 Shar'ai. One of the sons of Bani (Ezr. 
 x. 40). 
 
 Shar'aim. [SHAARAIM.] 
 
 Sha'rar. The lather of Ahiam the
 
 633 
 
 SHEBA 
 
 Hararite (2 Sara, xxiii. 33.)- In 1 Chr. xi. 
 35 he is called SACAR, which Kennicott 
 thinks the true reading. 
 
 Share zer was a son of Sennacherib, 
 whom, in conjunction with his brother 
 Adrammelech, he murdered (2 K. xix. 37). 
 
 Sha'ron, a district of the Holy Land 
 occasionally referred to in the Bible (1 
 Chr. v. 16, xxvii. 29 ; Is. xxxiii. 9, xxxv. 
 2. Ixv. 10 ; Cant. ii. J ; Acts ix. 35, A. V. 
 SAKON). The name has on each occur- 
 rence, with one exception only, the definite 
 article (1 Chr. v. 16). It would therefore 
 appear that " the Sharon " was some well- 
 defined region familiar to the Israelites. 
 It is that broad, rich tract of land which lies 
 between the mountains of the central part 
 of the Holy Land and the Mediterranean 
 the northern continuation of the SHEFELAH. 
 A general sketch of the district is given 
 under the head of PALESTINE (p. 487). 
 2- The SHAKON of 1 Chr. v. 16, to which 
 allusion has already been made, is distin- 
 guished from the western plain by not 
 having the article attached to its name, as 
 the other invariably has. It is also ap- 
 parent from the passage itself that it was 
 some district on the east of Jordan, in the 
 neighborhood of Gilead and Bashun. The 
 name has not been met with in that direc- 
 tion. 
 
 Sha'ronite, The. Shitrai, who Had 
 charge of the royal herds pastured in Sha- 
 ron (1 Chr. xxvii. 29), is the only Sharon- 
 ite mentioned in the Bible. 
 
 Sharu'hen. A town named in Josh. 
 xix. 6 only, amongst those which were al- 
 lotted within Judah to Simeon. Sharuhen 
 does not appear in the catalogue of the 
 cities of Judah ; but instead of it, and oc- 
 cupying the same position with regard to 
 the other names, we find SHILHIH (xv. 32). 
 In the list of 1 Chr., on the other hand, the 
 same position is occupied by SIIAARAIM (iv. 
 31). Whether these are different places, 
 or different names of the same place, or 
 mere variations of careless copyists, and, 
 in the last case, which is the original form, 
 it is perhaps impossible now to determine. 
 
 Shash'ai. One of the sons of Bani in 
 the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 40). 
 
 Sha'shak. A Benjamite, one of the 
 eons of Beriah (1 Chr. viii. 14, 25). 
 
 Sha'ul. 1. The son of Simeon by a 
 Canaanitish woman (Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 
 15; Num. xxvi. 13; 1 Chr. iv. 24), and 
 founder of the family of the SHACLITES. 
 2. One of the kings of Edom (1 Chr. i. 48, 
 49). In the A. V. of Gen. xxxvi. 37 he is 
 less accurately called SAUL. 
 
 Sha'veh, The Valley of, described as 
 " the Valley of the King" (Gen. xiv. 17). 
 The " Valley of the King " is mentioned 
 again in 2 Sam. xviii. 18, as the site of a 
 pillar set up by Absalom ; but neither pas- 
 sage conveys any indication of its position ; 
 
 and it is by no means certain that the two 
 passages refer to the same spot. 
 
 Sha'veh Kiriatha'im, mentioned 
 (Gen. xiv. 5) as the residence of the Emun 
 at the time of Chedorlaomer's incursion. 
 Kiriathaim is named in the later history, 
 though it has not been identified ; and Sha- 
 ven Kiriathaim was probably the valley in 
 or by which the town lay. 
 
 Shav'sha. The royal secretary in the 
 reign of David (1 Chr. xviii. 16). He is 
 apparently the same with SERAIAH (2 Sam. 
 viii. 17). In 2 Sam. xx. 25 he is called 
 SHEVA, and in 1 K. iv. 3, SHISHA. 
 
 Shawm. In the Prayer-book version 
 of Ps. xcviii. 7, " with trumpets also and 
 shawms " is the rendering of what stands 
 in the A. V. " with trumpets and sound 
 of cornet." The Hebrew word translated 
 " cornet " is treated under that head. The 
 " shawm " was a musical instrument resem- 
 bling the clarionet. 
 
 She al. One of the sons of Bani who 
 had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 29). 
 
 Sheal'tiel. Father of Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
 Hi. 2, 8, v. 2; Neh. xii. 1; Hagg. i. 1, 12, 
 14, ii. 2, 23). 
 
 Sheari'ah. One of the six sons of 
 Azel, a descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 38, 
 ix. 44). 
 
 Shearing-house, The, a place on the 
 road between Jezreel and Samaria, at which 
 Jehu, on his way to the latter, encountered 
 forty-two members of the royal family of 
 Judah, whom he slaughtered at the well or 
 pit attached to the place (2 K. x. 12, 14). 
 Eusebius mentions it as a village of Samaria 
 " in the great plain [of Esdraelon], 15 miles 
 from Legeon." , 
 
 She'ar-ja'shub (lit. " a remnant shall 
 return "), the son of Isaiah the prophet 
 (Is. vii. 3). The name, like that of Maher- 
 shalal-hash-baz, had a mystical significance 
 (comp. Is. x. 20-22). 
 
 She'ba, the son of Bichri, a Benjamite 
 from the mountains of Ephraim (2 Sam. 
 xx. 1-22), the last chief of the Absalom 
 insurrection. He is described as a "man 
 of Belial." But he must have been a per- 
 son of some consequence, from the immense 
 effect produced by his appearance. It was 
 in fact all but an anticipation of the revolt 
 of Jeroboam. The occasion seized by Sheba 
 was the emulation, as if from loyalty, be- 
 tween the northern and southern tribes on 
 David's return (2 Sam. xx. 1, 2). The king 
 might well say, " Sheba the son of Bichri 
 shall do us more harm than did Absalom." 
 Sheba traversed the whole of Palestine, 
 apparently rousing the population, Joab 
 following in full pursuit. It seems to have 
 been his intention to establish himself in 
 the fortress of Abel-Beth-maachah, famous 
 for the prudence of its inhabitants (2 Sam. 
 xx. 18). That prudence was put to the test 
 on the present occasion. Joab's terms were
 
 SHEBA 
 
 634 
 
 SHECHEM 
 
 the head of the insurgent chief. A woman 
 Of the place undertook the mission to her 
 city, and proposed the execution to her 
 fellow-citizens. The head of Sheha was 
 thrown over the wall, and the insurrection 
 ended. 
 
 She'ba. 1. A son of Raamah, son of 
 Cush (Gen. x. 7; 1 Chr. i. 9). 2. A son 
 of Joktan (Gen. x. 28; 1 Chr. i. 22). 3. A 
 son of Jokshan, son of Keturah (Gen. xxv. 
 3; 1 Chr. i. 32). We shall consider, first, 
 the history of the Joktanite Sheba; and, 
 secondly, the Cushite Sheha and the Ketu- 
 rahite Sheba together. I. The Joktanites 
 were among the early colonists of Southern 
 Arabia, and the kingdom which they there 
 founded was, for many centuries, called the 
 kingdom of Sheba, after one of the sons of 
 Joktan. The inhabitants are the " Sabaei" 
 of the Greeks and Romans. In the Bible, 
 the Joktanite Sheba, mentioned genealogi- 
 cally in Gen. x. 28, recurs, as a kingdom, 
 in the account of the visit of the queen of 
 Sheba to king Solomon (1 K. x. 1). That 
 the queen was of Sheba in Arabia, and not 
 of Seba the Cushite kingdom of Ethiopia, 
 is unquestionable. The other passages in 
 the Bible which seem to refer to the 
 Joktanite Sheba occur in Is. Ix. 6; and 
 again in Jer. vi. 20. In Ps. Ixxii. 10, the 
 Joktanite Sheba is undoubtedly meant. The 
 kingdom of Sheba embraced the greater 
 part of the Yemen, or Arabia Felix. Its 
 chief cities, and probably successive capi- 
 tals, were Seba, San'a. (UZAL), and Zafiir 
 (SEPIIAR). Seba was probably the name 
 of the city, and generally of the country 
 and nation. II. Sheba, son of Raamah 
 son of* Cush, settled somewhere on the 
 shores of the Persian Gulf. It was this 
 Sheba that carried on the great Indian 
 traffic with Palestine, in conjunction with, 
 as we hold, the other Sheba, son of Jok- 
 shan son of Keturah, who, like DEDAN, 
 appears to have formed, with the Cushite 
 of the same name, one tribe. 
 
 She'ba. one of the towns of the allot- 
 ment of Simeon (Josh. xix. 2), probably 
 the same as Shema (xv. 26). 
 
 She'bah, the famous well which gave 
 its name to the city of Beersheba (Gen. 
 xxvi. 33). [BEERSHEBA.] 
 
 Slie'bara, one of the towns in the pas- 
 toral district on the east of Jordan de- 
 manded by and finally ceded to the tribes 
 of Reuben and Gad (Num. xxiii. 3). It is 
 probably the same which appears in the 
 altered forms of SHIBMAH (Num. xxxii. 38) 
 and SIBMAH (Josh. xiii. 19; Is.xvi. 8, 9; 
 Jer. xlviii. 32). 
 
 Shebani'ah. 1. A Levite in the time 
 of Ezra (Neh. ix. 4, 5). He sealed the 
 covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 10). 2. 
 A priest or priestly family, who sealed the 
 covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 4, xii. 
 14). Called SHECHANIAH in Neh. xii. 3. 
 
 3. An jther Le^ite who sealed the covenant 
 with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 12). 4. One of 
 the priests appointed by David to blow with 
 the trumpets before the ark of God (1 
 Chr. xv. 24). 
 
 Sheb'arim, a place named in Josh. vii. 
 5, only, as one of the points in the flight 
 from Ai. 
 
 She'ber. Son of Caleb ben-Hezron by 
 his concubine Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 48). 
 
 Sheb'na, a person of high position in 
 Hezekiah's court, holding at one time the 
 oflice of prefect of the palace (Is. xxii. 15), 
 but subsequently the subordinate office of 
 secretary (Is. xxxvi. 3; 2 K. xix. 2). 
 
 Sheb'uel. 1. A descendant of Ger- 
 shom (1 Chr. xxiii. 16, xxvi. 24), who was 
 ruler of the treasures of the house of God; 
 called also SHUBAEL (1 Chr. xxiv. 20). He 
 is the last descendant of Moses of whom 
 there is any trace. 2. One of the fourteen 
 sons of Heman the minstrel (1 Chr. xxv. 
 4) ; called also SHUBAEL (1 Chr. xxv. 20). 
 
 Shecani'all. 1. The tenth in order of 
 the priests who were appointed by lot in the 
 reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 11). 2. A 
 priest in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. 
 xxxi. 15). 
 
 Shechani'ah. 1. A descendant of Ze- 
 rubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 21, 22). 2. Some de- 
 scendants of Shechaniah returned with Ezra 
 (Ezr. viii. 3). 3. The sons of Shechaniah 
 were another family who returned with 
 Ezra (Ezr. viii. 5). In this verse some 
 name appears to have been omitted. Per- 
 haps the reading should be, " of the sons 
 of Zattu, Shechaniah, the son of Jahaziel." 
 
 4. The son of Jehiel of the sons of Elam 
 (Ezr. x. 2). 5. The father of Shemaiah 2 
 (Neh. iii. 29). Q. The son of Arah (Neh. 
 vi. 18). 7. The head of a priestly family 
 who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 3). 
 
 She'chem (back or shoulder). 1. An 
 important city in Central Palestine. The 
 etymology of the Hebrew word indicates 
 that the place was situated on some moun- 
 tain or hill-side ; and that presumption 
 agrees with Josh. xx. 7, which places it in 
 Mount Ephraim (comp. 1 K. xii. 25), and 
 with Judg. ix. 9, which represents it as 
 under the summit of Gerizim, which be- 
 longed to the Ephraim range. Its present 
 name, Ndbulus, is a corruption of Neapolis ; 
 which succeeded the more ancient Shechem, 
 and received its new name from Vespasian. 
 On coins still extant it is called Flavia 
 Neapolis. The situation of the town is 
 one of surpassing beauty. It lies in a shel- 
 tered valley, protected by Gerizim on the 
 south, and Ebal on the north. The feet of 
 these mountains, where they rise from the 
 town, are not more than five hundred yards 
 apart. The bottom of the valley is about 
 1800 feet above the level of the sea, and 
 the top of Gerizim 800 feet higher still. 
 The site of the present city, which was also
 
 SHECHEM 
 
 635 
 
 SHECHEM 
 
 that of the Hebrew city, occurs exactly on 
 the water-summit ; and streams issuing from 
 the numerous springs there, flow down the 
 Opposite slopes of the valley, spreading 
 verdure and fertility in every direction. 
 Travellers vie with each other in the lan- 
 guage which they employ to describe the 
 scene that bursts here so suddenly upon 
 them on arriving in spring or early summer 
 at this paradise of the Holy Land. " The 
 whole valley," says Dr. Kobinson, " was 
 filled with gardens of vegetables, and or- 
 chards of all kinds of fruits, watered by 
 fountains, which burst forth in various parts 
 and flow westwards in refreshing streams. 
 It came upon us suddenly like a scene of 
 fairy enchantment. We saw nothing to 
 compare with it in all Palestine. Here, 
 beneath the shadow of an immense mul- 
 berry-tree, by the side of a purling rill, we 
 pitched our tent for the remainder of the 
 day and the night. . . . We rose early, 
 awakened by the songs of nightingales and 
 other birds, of which the gardens around 
 us were full." The allusions to Shechem 
 in the Bible are numerous, and show how 
 important the place was in Jewish history. 
 Abraham, on his first migration to the Land 
 of Promise, pitched his tent and built an 
 altar under the Oak (or Terebinth) of 
 Moreh at Shechem. " The Canaanite was 
 then in the land ; " and it is evident that 
 the region, if not the city, was already in 
 possession of the aboriginal race (see Gen. 
 xii. 6). At the time of Jacob's arrival 
 here, after his sojourn in Mesopotamia 
 (Gen. xxxiii. 18, xxxiv.), Shechem was a 
 Hivite city, of which Hamor, the father of 
 Shechem, was the headman. It was at this 
 time that the patriarch purchased from that 
 chieftain " the parcel of the field," which he 
 subsequently bequeathed, as a special patri- 
 mony, to his son Joseph (Gen. xliii. 22; 
 Josh. xxiv. 32 ; John iv. 5). The field lay un- 
 doubtedly on the rich plain of the Mukhna, 
 and its value was the greater on account of 
 the well which Jacob had dug there, so as 
 not to be dependent on his neighbors for a 
 supply of water. The defilement of Dinah, 
 Jacob's daughter, and the capture of She- 
 chem and massacre of all the male inhabit- 
 ants by Simeon and Levi, are events that 
 belong to this period (Gen. xxxiv. 1, sq. The 
 oak under which Abraham had worshipped 
 survived to Jacob's time (Gen. xxxv. 1-4). 
 The " oak of the monument " (Judg. ix. 6), 
 where the Shechemites made Abimelech 
 king, marked, perhaps, the veneration with 
 which the Hebrews looked back to these 
 earliest footsteps of the patriarchs in the 
 Holy Land. In the distribution of the 
 land after its conquest by the Hebrews, 
 Shechem fell to the lot of Ephraim (Josh. 
 xx. 7), but was assigned to the Levites, 
 and became a city of refuge (Josh. xxi. 
 20, 21). It acquired new importance as 
 
 the scene of the renewed promulgation 
 of the Law, when its blessings were heard 
 from Gerizim and its curses from Ebal, and 
 the people bowed their heads and acknowl- 
 edged Jehovah as their king and ruler (Deut. 
 xxvii. 11, and Josh. ix. 33-35). It was here 
 Joshua assembled the people, shortly before 
 his death, and delivered to them his last 
 counsels (Josh. xxiv. 1, 25). After the death 
 of Gideon, Abimelech, his bastard son, in- 
 duced the Shechemites to revolt from the 
 Hebrew commonwealth and elect him as king 
 (Judg. ix.). In revenge for his expulsion, 
 after a reign of three years, Abimelech de- 
 stroyed the city, and as an emblem of the 
 fate to which he would consign it, sowed 
 the ground with salt (Judg. ix. 34-45). It 
 was soon restored, however, for we are 
 told in 1 K. xii. that all Israel assembled at 
 Shechem, and Rehoboam, Solomon's suc- 
 cessor, went thither to be inaugurated as 
 king. Here, at this same place, the ten 
 tribes renounce* the house of David, and 
 transferred their allegiance to Jeroboam (1 
 K. xii. 16), under whom Shechem became 
 for a time the capital of his kingdom. From 
 the time of the origin of the Samaritans, 
 the history of Shechem blends, itself with 
 that of this people and of their sacred 
 mount, Gerizim. [SAMAKIA ; SAMARITAN 
 PENT.] Shechem reappears in the New 
 Testament. It is the STCHAR of John iv. 
 5, near which the Saviour conversed with 
 the Samaritan woman at Jacob's Well. In 
 Acts vii. 16, Stephen reminds his hearers 
 that certain of the patriarchs (meaning 
 Joseph, as we see in Josh. xxiv. 32, and 
 following, perhaps, some tradition as to 
 Jacob's other sons) were buried at SYCHEM. 
 The population of Nabulus consists of 
 about 5000, among whom are 500 Greek 
 Christians, 150 Samaritans, and a few Jews. 
 The enmity between the Samaritans and 
 Jews is as inveterate still, as it was in the 
 days of Christ. The Mohammedans, of 
 course, make up the bulk of the population. 
 The Well of Jacob and the Tomb of 
 Joseph are still shown in the neighborhood 
 of the town. The Well of Jacob lies about 
 a mile and a half east of the city, close to 
 the lower road, and just beyond the wretch- 
 ed hamlet of Baldta. The Christians 
 sometimes call it Bir es-Samariyeh 
 " the well of the Samaritan woman." The 
 well is deep 75 ft. when last measured 
 and there was probably a considerable ac- 
 cumulation of rubbish at the bottom. Some- 
 times it contains a few feet of water, but at 
 others it is quite dry. It is entirely exca- 
 vated in the solid rock, perfectly round, 9 
 ft. in diameter, with the sides hewn smooth 
 and regular. Of all the special localities 
 of our Lord's life, this is almost the only 
 one absolutely undisputed. The Tomb of 
 Joseph lies about a quarter of a mile north 
 of the well, exactly in the centre of the
 
 SHECHEMITES 
 
 636 
 
 SHEEP 
 
 opening of the valley between Gerizim and 
 Ebal. It is a small, square enclosure of 
 high whitewashed walls, surrounding a 
 tomb of the ordinary kind, but with the 
 peculiarity that it is placed diagonally to 
 the walls, instead of parallel, as usual. A 
 rough pillar used as an altar, and black 
 with the traces of fire, is at the head, and 
 another at the foot of the Tomb. In the 
 walls are two slabs with Hebrew inscrip- 
 tions, and the interior is almost covered 
 with the names of pilgrims in Hebrew, 
 Arabic, and Samaritan. Beyond this there 
 is nothing to remark in the structure itself. 
 The local tradition of the Tomb, like that 
 of the well, is as old as the beginning of 
 the 4th century. 2. The son of Hamor the 
 chieftain of the Hivite settlement of She- 
 chem at the time of Jacob's arrival (Gen. 
 xxxiii. 19, xxxiv. 2-26; Josh. xxiv. 32; 
 Judg. Lx. 28). 3. A man of Manasseh, of 
 the clan of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 31). 4. A 
 Gileadite, son of Shemida, the younger 
 brother of the foregoing (1 Chr. vii. 19). 
 
 She'chemites, The. The family of 
 Shechem, son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 31 ; 
 comp. Josh. xvii. 2). 
 
 Shechi'jaah. This term is not found 
 in the Bible. It was used by the later 
 Jews, and borrowed by Christians from 
 them, to express the visible majesty of the 
 Divine Presence, especially when resting, 
 or dwelling, between the Cherubim on the 
 mercy-seat in the Tabernacle, and in the 
 temple of Solomon ; but not in Zerubba- 
 bel's temple, for it was one of the five par- 
 ticulars which the Jews reckon to have 
 been wanting in the second temple. The 
 use of the term is first found in the Tar- 
 gums, where it forms a frequent periphrasis 
 for God, considered as dwelling amongst 
 the children of Israel, and is thus used, 
 especially by Onkelos, to avoid ascribing 
 corporeity to God Himself. In Ex. xxv. 8, 
 where the Hebrew has 1 , " Let them make 
 me a sanctuary, that I may dwell among 
 them," Onkelos has, " I will make my She- 
 chinah to dwell among them." In xxix. 
 45, 46, for the Hebrew, " I will dwell among 
 the children of Israel," Onkelos has, " I 
 will make my Shechinah to dwell," &c. 
 As regards the visible manifestation of the 
 Divine Presence dwelling amongst the Isra- 
 elites, to which the term Shechinah has 
 attached itself, the idea which the different 
 accounts in Scripture convey is that of a 
 most brillicint and glorious light, enveloped 
 in a cloud, and usually concealed by the 
 cloud, so that the cloud itself was for the 
 most part alone visible ; but on particular 
 occasions the glory appeared. The allu- 
 sions in the N. T. to the Shechinah are not 
 unfrequent. Thus in the account of the 
 Nativity, the words, "Lo, the angel of the 
 Lord came upon them, and the glory of th<* 
 Lord shone round about them " (Luke 11. 
 
 9), followed by the apparition of "the 
 multitude of the heavenly host," recall the 
 appearance of the Divine glory on Sinai, 
 when "He shined forth from Paran, and* 
 came with ten thousands of saints " (Deut. 
 xxxiii. 2, comp. Ps. Ixviii. 17 ; Acts vii. 53 ; 
 Heb. ii. 2; Ezek. xliii. 2). The " God of 
 glory" (Acts vii. 2, 55), "the cherubirns 
 of glory " (Heb. ix. 5), " the glory " (Rom. 
 ix. 4), and other like passages, are distinct 
 references to the manifestations of the glory 
 in the O. T. When we read in John i. 14, 
 that " the Word was made flesh, and dwelt 
 among us, and we beheld his glory ; " or hi 
 2 Cor. xii. 9, " that the power of Christ may 
 rest upon me ; " or in Rev. xxi. 3, " Behold, 
 the tabernacle of God is with men, and He 
 will dwell with them," we have not only ref- 
 erences to the Shechinah, but are distinctly 
 taught to connect it with the incarnation 
 and future coming of Messiah, as type with 
 antitype. 
 
 Shed'eur. The father of Elizur, chief 
 of the tribe of Reuben at the time of the 
 Exodus (Num. i. 5, ii. 10, vii. 30, 35, x. 
 18). 
 
 Sheep. Sheep were an important part 
 of the possessions of the ancient Hebrews 
 and of Eastern nations generally. The 
 first mention of sheep occurs in Gen. iv. 2. 
 They were used in the sacrificial offerings, 
 both the adult animal (Ex. xx. 24 ; IK. 
 viii. 63 ; 2 Chr. xxix. 33) and the lamb, i. e. 
 " a male from one to three years old," but 
 young lambs of the first year were more 
 generally used in the offerings (see Ex. ' 
 xxix. 38; Lev. ix. 3, xii. 6; Num. xxviii. 
 9, &c.). Sheep and lambs formed an im- 
 portant article of food (1 Sam. xxv. 18 ; 1 
 K. i. 19, iv. 23; Ps. xliv. 11, &c.). The 
 wool was used as clothing (Lev. xiii. 47 ; 
 Deut. xxii. 11; Prov. xxxi. 13; Job xxxi. 
 20, &c.). "Rams' skins dyed red "were 
 used as a covering for the tabernacle (Ex. 
 xxv. 5). Sheep and lambs were sometimes 
 paid as tribute (2 K. iii. 4). It is very 
 striking to notice the immense numbers of 
 sheep that were reared in Palestine in 
 Biblical times. Sheep-shearing is alluded 
 to Gen. xxxi. 19, xxxviii. 13 ; Deut. xv. 19 ; 
 1 Sam. xxv. 4; Is. liii. 7, &c. Sheep -doga 
 were employed in Biblical times, as is evi- 
 dent from Job xxx. 1, "the dogs of my 
 flock." Shepherds in Palestine and the 
 East generally go before their flocks, which 
 they induce to follow by calling to them 
 (comp. John x. 4; Ps. Ixxvii. 20, Ixxx. 1), 
 though they also drove them (Gen. xxxiii. 
 13). The following quotation from Hart- 
 ley's Researches in Greece and the Levant, 
 p. 321, is strikingly illustrative of the al- 
 lusions in John x. 1-16 : " Having had 
 my attention directed last night to the 
 words in John x. 3, I asked my man if 
 it was usual in Greece to give names to 
 the sheep. He informed me that it was.
 
 SHEEP-GATE 
 
 637 
 
 SHELOMITH 
 
 and that the sheep obeyed the shepherd 
 when he called them by their names. 
 This morning I had an opportunity of veri- 
 fying the truth of this remark. Passing by 
 a flock of sheep, I asked the shepherd the 
 same question which I had put to the ser- 
 vant, and he gave me the same answer. I 
 then bade him call one of his sheep. He 
 did so, and it instantly left its pasturage 
 and its companions and ran up to the hands 
 of the shepherd with signs of pleasure and 
 with a prompt obedience which I had never 
 before observed in any other animal. It is 
 also true in this country that ' a stranger 
 will they not follow, but will flee from him.' 
 The shepherd told me that many of his 
 sheep were still wild, that they had not yet 
 learned their names, but that by teaching 
 them they would all learn them." The 
 common sheep of Syria and Palestine are 
 the broad-tailed. As the sheep is an em- 
 blem of meekness, patience, and submis- 
 sion, it is expressly mentioned as typifying 
 these qualities in the person of our Blessed 
 Lord (Is. liii. 7; Acts viii. 32, fee.;? The 
 relation that exists between Christ, "the 
 chief Shepherd," and His members is beau- 
 tifully compared to that which in tne East 
 is so strikingly exhibited by the shepherds 
 to their flocks. [SHEPHERD.] 
 
 Sheep-gate, The, one of the gates of 
 Jerusalem as rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neh. 
 iii. 1, 32, xii. 39). It stood between the 
 tower of Meah and the chamber of the 
 corner (iii. 32, 1) or gate of the guard- 
 house (xii. 39, A. V. " prison-gate "). The 
 latter seems to have been at the angle 
 formed by the junction of the wall of the 
 city of David with that of the city of Jeru- 
 salem proper, having the sheep-gate on the 
 north of it. The position of the sheep-gate 
 may therefore have been on or near that 
 of the Bab el- Katt&nin. 
 
 Sheep-market, The (John Y. 2). 
 The word " market " is an interpolation of 
 our translators. We ought probably to 
 supply the word " gate " (not " market" ), 
 meaning the gate mentioned in the preced- 
 ing article. 
 
 Shehari'ah, a Benjamite, son of Je- 
 horam (1 Chr. viii. 26). 
 
 Shekel. In a former article [MONET] 
 some account has been given of the coins 
 called shekels. The present article will 
 only contain a few particulars relating 
 to the Jewish coinage which did not fall 
 within the plan of the former. Although 
 some shekels are found with Hebrew letters 
 instead of Samaritan, these are undoubt- 
 edly all forgeries. Jiamban, i. e. Rabbi- 
 Moses- Bar- Nachman, who lived about the 
 commencement of the 13th century, de- 
 scribes a shekel which he had seen, and of 
 which the Cuthaeans read the inscription 
 with ease. The explanation which they 
 gave of the inscription was, on one side, 
 
 Shekel ha-Shekalim, "the shekel of shek- 
 els," and on the other, "Jerusalem the 
 Holy." But the most important passage 
 of all is that in which R. Azarias de Rossi 
 quotes the description of a shekel seen by 
 Ramban at St. Jean d'Acre, A. D. 1210. He 
 gives the inscriptions as above, " the Shekel 
 of Shekels," and "Jerusalem the Holy;" 
 but he also determines the weight, which 
 he makes about half an ounce. We find, 
 therefore, that in early times shekels were 
 known to the Jewish Rabbis with Samari- 
 tan inscriptions, corresponding with those 
 now found (except in one point, which is 
 probably an error), and corresponding with 
 them in weight. We believe that W. Pos- 
 tell is the first Christian writer who saw 
 and described a shekel. He was a Parisian 
 traveller, who visited Jerusalem early in the 
 16th century. Postell gives a very bad 
 wood-cut of one of these shekels, but the 
 inscription is correct. The correspondence 
 of the newly-found coins with the earlier 
 description is almost demonstrative. But 
 they bear such undoubted marks of genu- 
 ineness, that no judge of ancient coins 
 could doubt them for a moment. On the 
 contrary, to a practised eye, those with 
 Hebrew inscriptions bear undoubted marks 
 of spuriousness. [MONET.] 
 
 She'lah. 1. The youngest son of Judah 
 by the daughter of Shuah (Gen. xxxviii. 5, 
 11, 14, 26, xlvi. 12; Num. xxvi. 20; 1 Chr. 
 ii. 3, iv. 21). 2. The proper form of the 
 name of SALAH the son of Arphaxad (1 
 Chr. i. 18, 24). 
 
 She'lanites, The. The descendants 
 of SHELAH 1 (Num. xxvi. 20). 
 
 Shelemi'ah. 1. One of the sons of 
 Bani in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 39). 2. 
 The father of Hananiah (Neh. iii. 30). 3. 
 A priest in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 
 xiii. 13). 4. The father of Jehucal, or 
 Jucal, in the time of Zedekiah (Jer. xxxvii. 
 3). 5. The father of Irijah, the captain 
 of the ward who arrested Jeremiah (Jer. 
 xxxvii. 13). 6. The same as MESHELE- 
 HIAH and SHALLUM 8 (1 Chr. xxvi. 14). 7. 
 Another of the sons of Bani in the time of 
 Ezra (Ezr. x. 41). 8. Ancestor of Jehudi 
 in the time of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 14). 
 9. Son of Ab.deel ; one of those who re- 
 ceived the orders of Jehoiakim to take 
 Baruch and Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvi. 26). 
 
 She'leph, the second in order of the 
 sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 26; 1 Chr. i. 20). 
 The tribe which sprang from him has been 
 satisfactorily identified, both in modern 
 and classical times. The district of the 
 Yemen named after him is that of fnilaf. 
 
 She'lesh, son of Helem (1 Chr. vii. 35). 
 
 Shel'omi, an Asherite, father of Ahi- 
 hud (Num. xxxiv. 27). 
 
 ShePomith. 1. The daughter of Dibri 
 of the tribe of Dan (Lev. xxiv. 11). 2. 
 The daughter of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii.
 
 SHELOMOTH 
 
 638 
 
 SHEMARIAH 
 
 19). 3. Chief of the Izharites (1 Chr. 
 xxiii. 18). 4. A descendant of Eliezer 
 the son of Moses, in the reign of David 
 (1 Chr. xxvi. 25, 26, 28). 5. A. Ger- 
 shonitc, son of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 9). 
 " Shimei " is probably a mistake. 6. Ac- 
 cording to the present text, the sons of 
 Shelomith, with the son of Josiphiah at 
 their head, returned from Babylon with 
 Ezra (Ezr. viii. 10). There appears, how- 
 ever, to be an omission, and the true read- 
 ing is probably, "Of the sons of Bani, 
 Shelomith the son of Josiphiah." 
 
 Shel'omotli, the same as SHELOMITH 
 3 (1 Chr. xxiv. 22). 
 
 Shelu'rniel, the son of Zurishaddai, 
 and prince of the tribe of Simeon at the 
 time of the Exodus (Num. i. 6, ii. 12, vii. 
 86* 41, x. 19). 
 
 Shem. the eldest son of Noah, born 
 (Gen. v. 32) when his father had attained 
 the age of 500 years. He was 98 years old, 
 married, and childless, at the time of the 
 Flood. After it, he, with his father, broth- 
 ers, sisters-in-law, and wife, received the 
 blessing of God (ix. 1), and entered into 
 the covenant. Two years afterwards he 
 became the father of Arphaxad (xi. 10), 
 and other children were born to him subse- 
 quently. With the help of his brother Ja- 
 pheth, he covered the nakedness of their 
 father, whioh Canaan and Ham did not care 
 to hide. In the prophecy of Noah which 
 is connected with this incident (ix. 25-27), 
 the first blessing falls on Shem. He died 
 at the age of 600 years. The portion of 
 the earth occupied by the descendants of 
 Shem (x. 21-31) intersects the portions of 
 JapLeth and Ham, and stretches in an un- 
 interrupted line from the Mediterranean 
 Sea to the Indian Ocean. Beginning at its 
 north-western extremity with Lydia. it in- 
 cludes Syria (Aram), Chaldaea (Arphax- 
 ad), parts of Assyria (Asshur), of Persia 
 (Elam), and of the Arabian Peninsula 
 (Joktan). Modern scholars have given the 
 name of Shemitic or Semitic to the lan- 
 guages spoken by his real or supposed de- 
 scendants. [HEBREW.] 
 
 Sh.e'ma. 1. A Reubenite, ancestor of 
 Bela (1 Chr. v. 8). 2. Son of Elpaal (1 
 Chr. viii. 13). Probably the same as 
 SHIMHI. 3. One of those who stood at 
 Ezra's right hand when he read the law to 
 the people (Neh. viii. 4). 4. (Josh. xv. 
 26). [SHEBA.] 
 
 Shem'aah, a Benjamite of Gibeah, 
 and father of Ahiezer and Joash (1 Chr. 
 xii. 3). 
 
 Shemai'ah. 1. A prophet in the reign 
 of Rehoboam. When the king had assem- 
 bled 180,000 men of Benjamin and Judah to 
 reconquer the northern kingdom after its re- 
 volt, Shemaiah was commissioned to charge 
 them to return to their homes, and not to 
 war against their brethren (1 K, xii. 22 ; 
 
 2 Chr. xi. 2). His second and last appear- 
 ance upon the stage was upon the occasion 
 of the invasion of Judah and siege of Jeru- 
 salem by Shishak king of Egypt (2 Chr. 
 xii. 5, 7). He wrote a chronicle contain- 
 ing the events of Rehoboam's reign (2 Chr. 
 xii. 15). 2. The son of Shechaniah, 
 among the descendants of Zerubbabel (1 
 Chr. iii. 22). He was keeper of the east 
 gate of the city, and assisted Nehemiah in 
 restoring the wall (Neh. iii. 29). 3. An- 
 cestor of Ziza, a prince of the tribe of 
 Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 37). Perhaps the same 
 as SHIMEI 6. 4. Son of Joel, a Reubenite ; 
 perhaps the same as SHEMA (1 Chr. v. 4). 
 5. Son of Hasshub, a Merarite Levite (1 
 Chr. ix. 14; Neh. xi. 15). 6. Father of 
 Obadiah, or Abda, a Levite (1 Chr. ix. 
 16). 7. Son of Elizaphan, and chief of 
 his house in the reign of David (1 Chr. xv. 
 8, 11). 8. A Levite, son of Nethaneel, and 
 also a scribe in the time of David (1 Chr. 
 xxiv. 6). 9. The eldest son of Obed-edom 
 the Gittite (1 Chr. xxvi. 4, 6, 7). 10. A 
 descendant of Jeduthun the singer, who 
 lived in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. 
 xxix. 14). 11. One of the sons of Adoni- 
 kam who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 
 
 13. 12. One of the "heads" whom Ezra 
 sent for to his camp by the river of Ahava, 
 for the purpose of obtaining Levites and 
 ministers for the Temple from " the place 
 Casiphia" (Ezr. viii. 16). 13. A priest 
 of the family of Harim, who put away his 
 foreign wife at Ezra's bidding (Ezr. x. 21). 
 
 14. A layman of Israel, son of another 
 Harim, who had also married a foreigner 
 (Ezr. x. 31.) 15. Son of Delaiah the son of 
 Mehetabeel, a prophet in the time of Nehe- 
 miah (Neh. vi. 10). 16. The head of a 
 priestly house who signed the covenant 
 with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 8). His family 
 went up with Zerubbabel, and were repre- 
 sented in the time of Joiakim by Jehonathan 
 (Neh. xii. 6, 18). Probably the same who 
 is mentioned again in Neh. xii. 35. 17. 
 One of the princes of Judah at the time of 
 the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem 
 (Neh. xii. 34). 18. One of the choir on 
 the same occasion (Neh. xii. 36). 19. A 
 priest who blew a trumpet on the same 
 occasion (Neh. xii. 42). 2O. Shemaiah the 
 Nehelamite, a false prophet in the time of 
 Jeremiah (Jer. xxix. 24-32). 21. A Le- 
 vite in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. 
 xvii. 8) . 22. A Levite in the reign of Hez- 
 ekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 15). 23. A Levite in 
 the reign of Josiah, who assisted at the 
 solemn passover (2 Chr. xxxv. 9). 24. 
 The father of Urijah of Kirjath-jearim 
 (Jer. xxvi. 20). 25. The father of Delaiah 
 (Jer. xxxvi. 12). 
 
 Shemari'ah. 1. One of the Benja- 
 mite warriors who came to David at Ziklag 
 (1 Chr. xii. 5). 2. One of the family of 
 Harim, a layman of Israel, who put away
 
 SHEMEBER 
 
 639 
 
 SHEMITIC LANGUAGES 
 
 his foreign wife in the time of Ezra (Ezr. 
 x. 32). 3. One of the family of Bani, 
 under the same circumstances as the pre- 
 ceding (Ezr. x. 41). 
 
 Sheme'ber, king of Zeboim, and ally of 
 the king of Sodom when he was attacked 
 by the north-eastern invaders under Che- 
 dorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2). 
 
 She'rner, the owner of the hill on which 
 the city of Samaria was built (1 K. xvi. 
 24). [SAMARIA.] 
 
 Shemi'da, a son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 
 32 ; Josh. xvii. 2). 
 
 Shemi'dah, Shemida the son of Gilead 
 (1 Chr. vii. 19). 
 
 Shemida'ites, The, the descendants 
 of Shemida the son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 
 32). They obtained their lot among the 
 male children of Manasseh. 
 
 Shem'inith. The title of Ps. vi. is: 
 " To the chief Musician on Neginoth upon 
 Sheminith," or " the eighth," as the mar- 
 gin of the A. V. has it. A similar direc- 
 tion is found in the title of Ps. xii. (comp. 
 1 Chr. xv. 21). It seems most probable 
 that Sheminith denotes a certain air known 
 as the eighth, or a certain key in which the 
 Psalm was to be sung. 
 
 Shemir'amoth. 1. A Levite of the sec- 
 ond degree, in the choir formed by David 
 (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 5). 2. A Levite in 
 the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 
 
 Shemitic Languages. 1. The expres- 
 sions, "Shemitic family," and "Shemitic 
 languages," are based, as is well known, 
 on a reference to Gen. x. 21, seqq. Subse- 
 quently, the obvious inaccuracy of the ex- 
 pression has led to an attempt to substitute 
 others, such as Western Asiatic, or Syro- 
 Arabic this last a happily chosen desig- 
 nation, as bringing at once before us the 
 two geographical extremes of this family 
 of languages. 2. It is impossible to lay 
 down with accuracy the boundaries of the 
 area occupied by the tribes employing so- 
 called Shemitic dialects. For general pur- 
 poses, the highlands of Armenia may be 
 taken as the Northern boundary the river 
 Tigris and the ranges beyond it as the East- 
 ern and the Red Sea, the Levant, and 
 certain portions of Asia Minor as the West- 
 ern. 3. Varieties of the great Shemitic 
 language-family are to be found in use in 
 the following localities within the area 
 named. Along the Mediterranean seaboard, 
 and among the tribes settled in Canaan, 
 must be placed the home of the language 
 of the canonical books of the Old Testa- 
 ment, among which were interspersed some 
 relics of that of the Phoenicians. In the 
 south, amid the seclusion of Arabia, was 
 preserved the dialect destined at a subse- 
 quent period so widely to surpass its sisters 
 in the extent of territory over which it is 
 spoken. 4. The peculiar elements of the 
 {Shemitic character will be found to have 
 
 exercised considerable influence on their 
 literature. Like other languages, this one 
 is mainly resolvable into monosyllabic prim- 
 itives. Another leading peculiarity of this 
 branch of languages is the absence (save 
 in the case of proper names) of compound 
 words to which the sister family is in- 
 debted for so much life and variety. 
 
 HEBREW LANGUAGE. PERIOD OP 
 GROWTH. 5. The Hebrew language is a 
 branch of the so-called Shemitic family, 
 extending over a large portion of South- 
 western Asia. In the north (or Aram, 
 under which designation are comprehended 
 Syria, Mesopotamia. Babylonia), and under 
 a climate partially cold and ungenial in 
 the close proximity of tribes of a different 
 origin, not unfrequently masters by con- 
 quest the Shemitic dialect became *in 
 places harsher, and its general character 
 less pure and distinct. Towards the south, 
 opposite causes contributed to maintain the 
 language in its purity. Originally, the lan- 
 guage of the Hebrews presented more affin- 
 ities with the Aramaic, in accordance with 
 their own family accounts, which bring the 
 patriarchs from the N. E., more directly 
 from Northern Mesopotamia. 6. Two ques- 
 tions, in direct connection with the early 
 movements of the ancestors of the subse- 
 quent Hebrew nation, have been discussed 
 with great earnestness by many writers 
 the first bearing on the causes which set 
 the Terachite family in motion towards the 
 south and west; the second, on the origin 
 and language of the tribes in possession of 
 Canaan at the arrival of Abraham. Scrip- 
 ture only tells us that, led in a way which 
 they knew not, chosen Shemitic wanderers 
 of the lineage of Arphaxad set forth on the 
 journey fraught with such enduring con- 
 sequences to the history of the world, as 
 recorded in Scripture, in its second stage 
 of progress. There is nothing unreasonable 
 in the thought, that the movement of Terah 
 from Ur of the Chaldees was caused by 
 Divine suggestion, acting on a mind ill at 
 ease in the neighborhood of Cushite thought 
 and habits. Scripture is distinct upon the 
 fact, that the new comers and the early 
 settlers in Canaan found no difficulty in 
 conversing. Of the origin of its earliest 
 occupants, history records nothing certiiin. 
 Some claim for the early inhabitants of Asia 
 Minor a Japhetian origin. Others affirm the 
 descent of these early tribes from Lud, the 
 fourth son of Shem. 7. Another view is 
 that put forward by Rawlinson, and shared 
 by other scholars. " Either from ancient 
 monuments, or from tradition, or from the 
 dialects now spoken by their descendants, 
 we are authorized to infer that at some 
 very remote period, before the rise of the 
 Shemitic orArian nations, a great Scythic" 
 (== Hamitic) " population must have over- 
 spread Europe, Asia, and Africa, speaking
 
 SHEMITIC LANGUAGES 
 
 640 
 
 SHEMITIC LANGUAGES 
 
 languages all more or less dissimilar in 
 their vocabulary, but possessing in common 
 certain organic characteristics of grammar 
 and construction." And this statement 
 would appear, in its leading features, to be 
 historically sound. Looking to the authori- 
 tative records (Gen. ix. 18, x. 6, 15-20) 
 there would seem to be no reason for doubt 
 as to the Hamitic origin of these tribes. 
 Nor can the singular accordances discernible 
 between the language of these Canaanitish 
 (= Hamitic) occupants and the Shemitic 
 family be justly pleaded in bar of this view 
 of the origin of the former. "If we ex- 
 amine the invaluable ethnography of the 
 Book of Genesis, we shall find that, while 
 Ham is the brother of Shem, and therefore 
 a relationship between his descendants and 
 th Shemitic nations fully recognized, the 
 Hamites are described as those who previ- 
 ously occupied the different countries into 
 which the Aramaean race afterwards forced 
 their way. Thus Scripture (Gen. x. seqq.) 
 attributes to the race of Ham not only the 
 aboriginal population of Canaan, with its 
 wealthy and civilized communities on the 
 coast, but also the mighty empires of Baby- 
 lon and Nineveh, the rich kingdoms of Sheba 
 and Havilah in Arabia Felix, and the won- 
 derful realm of Egypt. There is every 
 reason to believe indeed in some cases 
 the proof amounts to demonstration that 
 all these Hamitic nations spoke languages 
 which differed only dialectically from those 
 of the Syro-Arabic family." 8. Connected 
 with this subject is the question, Did the 
 Terachite branch of the Shemitic stock 
 acquire the art of writing from the Phoe- 
 nicians, or Egyptians, or Assyrians or 
 was it evolved from given elements among 
 themselves? [WRITING.] 9. Between the 
 dialects of Aram and Arabia, that of the 
 Terachites occupied a middle place. The 
 dialect which we are now considering has 
 been ordinarily designated as that of the 
 Hebrews, rather than of the Israelites. 
 Probably the term " Hebrews " should be 
 regarded as designating all the Shemitic- 
 speaking tribes which had migrated to the 
 south from the other side of the Euphrates, 
 and in that case might have been applied 
 by the earlier inhabitants of Canaan. 10. 
 Many csiuses, all obvious and intelligible, 
 combine to make difficult, if not impossible, 
 any formal or detached account of the 
 Hebrew language, anterior to its assuming 
 a written shape. The general style of 
 Hebrew prose literature is plain and simple, 
 but lively and pictorial, and rising with the 
 subject, at times, to considerable elevation. 
 But the requisite elevation of poetical com- 
 position led to the introduction of many 
 expressions which we do not commonly find 
 in Hebrew prose literature. For the origin 
 and existence of these we must look espe- 
 cially to the Aramaic. But from the earliest 
 
 period of the existence of a literature among 
 the Hebrew people to B. c. 600, the Hebrew 
 language continued singularly exempt from 
 change. From that period the Hebrew dia- 
 lect will be found to give way before the 
 Aramaic. 
 
 ARAMAIC LANGUAGE. SCHOLASTIC PE- 
 RIOD. 11. The language ordinarily called 
 Aramaic is a dialect of the great Shemitic 
 family, deriving its name from the district 
 over which it was spoken, Aram = the high 
 or hill country (as Canaan = the low 
 country). In general practice Aram was 
 divided into Eastern and Western. The 
 dialects of these two districts were severally 
 called Chaldaic and Syriac. The eastern 
 boundary of the Shemitic languages is ob- 
 scure ; but this much may be safely as- 
 sumed, that this family had its earliest set- 
 tlement on the upper basin of the Tigris, 
 from which extensions were doubtless made 
 to the south. 12. The earliest extant frag- 
 ments are the well-known ones to be found 
 at Dan. ii. 4-vii. 28; Ezr. iv. 8-vi. 18, vii. 
 12-26; Jer. x. 11. The Christian or eccle- 
 siastical Aramaic is that ordinarily known 
 as Syriac the language of early Christian- 
 ity, as Hebrew and Arabic, respectively, of 
 the Jewish religion and Mohammedanism. 
 13. Perhaps few lines of demarcation are 
 traced with greater difficulty than those by 
 which one age of a language is separated 
 from another. This is remarkably the case 
 in respect of the cessation of the Hebrew, 
 and the ascendency of the Aramaic. 14. 
 Of the other main division of the Aramaic 
 language the Western or Syriac dialect 
 the earliest existing document is the Peshito 
 version of the Scriptures, which not im- 
 probably belongs to the middle of the second 
 century. The Syrian dialect is thickly 
 studded with foreign words Arabic, Per- 
 sian, Greek, and Latin, especially with the 
 third. 15. The Chaldaic paraphrases of 
 Scripture are exceedingly valuable for the 
 light which they throw on Jewish manners 
 and customs, and the meaning of passages 
 otherwise obscure, as likewise for many 
 happy renderings of the original text. But 
 they are valuable also on higher reasons 
 the Christian interpretation put by their 
 authors on controverted passages. A com- 
 parative estimate is not yet attainable, as to 
 what in Targumic literature is the pure ex- 
 pression and development of the Jewish 
 mind, and what is of foreign growth. But, 
 as has been said, the Targums and kindred 
 writings are of considerable dogmatical and 
 exegetical value ; and a similar good work 
 has been effected by means of the cognate 
 dialect, Western Aramaic or Syriac. From 
 the 3d to the 9th century, Syriac was, to a 
 great part of Asia, what in their spheres 
 Hellenic Greek and mediaeval Latin have 
 respectively been the one ecclesiastical 
 language of the district named.
 
 SHEMITIC LANGUAGES 
 
 641 
 
 SHEPHERD 
 
 ARABIC LANGUAGE. PERIOD OF UEVI- 
 VAL. 16. We find Arabia occupied by a 
 confluence of tribes, the leading one of un- 
 doubted Ishmaelitish descent the others 
 of the seed or lineage of Abraham, and 
 blended by alliance, language, neighbor- 
 hood, and habits. Before these any abori- 
 ginal inhabitants must have disappeared. 
 We have seen that the peninsula of Arabia 
 lay in the track of Cushite civilization, in 
 its supposed return-course towards the 
 north-east. 17. Internal evidence demon- 
 strates that the Arabic language, at the 
 time when it first appears on the field of 
 history, was being gradually developed in 
 its remote and barren peninsular home. 
 That the Arabs possessed a literature an- 
 terior to the birth of Mohammed, and ex- 
 pressed in a language marked with many 
 grammatical peculiarities, is beyond doubt. 
 The earliest reliable relics of Arabic litera- 
 ture are only fragments, to be found in 
 what has come down to us of pre-Islamite 
 compositions. 18. With regard to the value 
 of Arabic in illustration, two different judg- 
 ments obtain. According to one, all the 
 lexical riches and grammatical varieties of 
 the Shemitic family are to be found com- 
 bined in the Arabic. 19. Another school 
 maintains very different opinions. The 
 comparatively recent date (in their present 
 form at least) and limited amount of Arabic 
 remains are pleaded against its claims as a 
 standard of reference in respect of the He- 
 brew. Its verbal copiousness, elaborate 
 mechanism, subtilty of thought, wide and 
 diversified fields of literature, cannot be 
 called in question. But it is urged (and 
 colorably) that its riches are not all pure 
 metal, and that no great attention to ety- 
 mology has been evinced by native writers 
 on the language. 20. We now approach a 
 question of great interest. Was the art of 
 writing invented by Moses and his contem- 
 poraries, or from what source did the He- 
 brew nation acquire it? It can hardly be 
 doubted that the art of writing was known 
 to the Israelites in the time of Moses. 
 Great difference of opinion has prevailed as 
 to which of the Shemitic peoples may justly 
 claim the invention of letters. [WRITING.] 
 The history of the Arabic language has a 
 peculiar feature. Until a comparatively 
 short time before the days of Mohammed, 
 the art of writing appears to have been 
 practically unknown. For the Himyarites 
 guarded with jealous care their own peculiar 
 character the " musnad," or elevated; in 
 itself unfitted for general use. Possibly 
 different tribes might have possessed ap- 
 proaches to written characters ; but about 
 the beginning of the 7th century, the heavy 
 cumbrous Cufic character (so called from 
 Cufa, the city whence it was most early used) 
 appears to have been generally adopted. 
 It was said to hare been invented by Mura- 
 41 
 
 mar-Ibn Murrat, a native of Babylonian 
 Irak. 21. A comparison of the Shemitic 
 languages, as known to us, presents them 
 as very unevenly developed. In their pres- 
 ent form the Arabic is undoubtedly the 
 richest : but it would have been rivalled by 
 the Hebrew had a career been vouchsafed 
 equally long and favorable to this latter. 
 
 Shemu'el. 1. Son of Ammihud, ap- 
 pointed from the tribe of Simeon to divide 
 the land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 20). 2. 
 SAMUEL the prophet (1 Chr. vi. 33). 3. 
 Son of Tola, and one of the chiefs of the 
 tribe of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 2). 
 
 Shen. A place mentioned only in 1 
 Sam. vii. 12. Nothing is known of it. 
 
 Shena'zar. Son of Salathiel, or Sheal- 
 tiel (1 Chr. iii. 18). 
 
 She'nir. [SEKIR.] 
 
 She'pham, a place mentioned only in 
 the specification by Moses of the eastern 
 boundary of the Promised Land (Num. 
 xxxiv. 10, 11). The ancient interpreters 
 render the name by Apamea ; but it seems 
 uncertain whether by this they intend the 
 Greek city of that name on the Qrontes, 50 
 miles below Antioch, or whether they use 
 it as a synonyme of Banias or Dan. 
 
 Shephathi'ah. A Benjamite, father 
 of MESHULLAM 6 (1 Chr. ix. 8). The name 
 is properly SHEPHATIAH, as in the ed. of 
 1611. 
 
 Shephati'ah. 1. The fifth son of Da- 
 vid by his wife Abital (2 Sam. iii. 4 ; 1 Chr. 
 iii. 3). 2. The family of Shephatiah, 372 
 in number, returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
 ii. 4; Neh. vii. 9). A second, detachment 
 of eighty, with Zebadiah at their head, 
 came up with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 8). 3. The 
 family of another Shephatiah were among 
 the children of Solomon's servants, who 
 came up with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 57 ; Neh. 
 vii. 59). 4. A descendant of Perez, or 
 Pharez, the son of Judah, and ancestor of 
 Athaiah (Neh. xi. 4). 5. The son of Mat- 
 tan; one of the princes of Judah who 
 counselled Zedekiah to put Jeremiah in the 
 dungeon (Jer. xxxviii. 1). 6. The Har- 
 uphite, or Hariphite, one of the Benjamite 
 warriors who joined David in his retreat at 
 Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). 7. Son of Maachah, 
 and chief of the Simeonites in the reign 
 of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 16). 8. Son of 
 Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xxi. 2). 
 
 Shepherd. In a nomadic state of so- 
 ciety every man, from the sheikh down to 
 the slave, is more or less a shepherd. The 
 progenitors of the Jews in the patriarchal 
 age were nomads, and their history is rich 
 in scenes of pastoral life. The occupation 
 of tending the flocks was undertaken, not 
 only by the sons of wealthy chiefs (Gen. 
 xxx. 29, ff;, xxxvii. 12, ff.), but even by their 
 daughters (Gen. xxix. 6, ff. ; Ex. ii. 19). 
 The Egyptian captivity did much to im- 
 plant a love of settled abode, and couse-
 
 SHEPHERD 
 
 642 
 
 SHESHAI 
 
 quently we find the tribes which still re- 
 tained a taste for shepherd life selecting 
 their own quarters apart from their brethren 
 in the trans-Jordanic district (Num. xxxii. 1, 
 ff.). Henceforward in Palestine Proper 
 the shepherd held a subordinate position. 
 The office of the Eastern shepherd, as de- 
 scribed in the Bible, was attended with 
 much hardship, and even danger. He was 
 exposed to the extremes of heat and cold 
 (Gen. xxxi. 40) ; his food frequently con- 
 sisted of the precarious supplies afforded 
 by nature, such as the fruit of the "syca- 
 more" or Egyptian fig (Am. vii. 14), the 
 "husks" of the carob-tree (Luke xv. 16), 
 and perchance the locusts and wild honey 
 which supported the Baptist (Matt. iii. 4) ; 
 lie had to encounter the attacks of wild 
 beasts, occasionally of the larger species, 
 such as lions, wolves, panthers, and bears 
 (1 Sam. xvii. 34; Is. xxxi. 4; Jer. v. 6; 
 Am. iii. 12) ; nor was he free from the risk 
 of robbers or predatory hordes (Gen. xxxi. 
 39). To meet these various foes the shep- 
 herd's equipment consisted of the follow- 
 ing articles : a mantle, made probably of 
 sheepskin with the fleece on, which he 
 turned inside out in cold weather, as im- 
 plied in the comparison in Jer. xliii. 12 (cf. 
 Juv. xiv. 187) ; a scrip or wallet, contain- 
 ing a small amount of food (1 Sam. xvii. 
 40) ; a sling, which is still the favorite 
 weapon of the Bedouin shepherd (1 Sam. 
 xvii. 40) ; and, lastly, a staff, which served 
 the double purpose of a weapon against 
 foes, and a crook for the management of 
 the flock (1 Sam. xvii. 40; Ps. xxiii. 4; 
 Zech. xi. 7). If the shepherd was at a dis- 
 tance from his home, he was provided with 
 a light tent (Cant. i. 8; Jer. xxxv. 7), the 
 removal of which was easily effected (Is. 
 xxxviii. 12). In certain localities, more- 
 over, towers were erected for the double 
 purpose of spying an enemy at a distance, 
 and protecting the flock : such towers were 
 erected by Uzziah and Jotham (2 Chr. xxvi. 
 10, xxvii. 4), while their existence in earlier 
 times is testified by the name Migdal-Eder 
 (Gen. xxxv. 21, A. V. " tower of Edar; " 
 Mic. iv. 8, A. V. "tower of the flock"). 
 The routine of the shepherd's duties ap- 
 pears to have been as follows : In the 
 morning he led forth his flock from the 
 fold (John x. 4), which he did by going be- 
 fore them and calling to them, as is still 
 usual in the East ; arrived at the pasturage, 
 he watched the flock with the assistance of 
 dogs (Job xxx. 1,), and, should any sheep 
 stray, he had to search for it until he found 
 it (Ez. xxxiv. 12; Luke xv. 4); he sup- 
 plied them with water, either at a running 
 stream or at troughs attached to wells 
 (Gen. xxix. 7, xxx. 38; Ex. ii. 16; Ps. 
 xxiii. 2) ; at evening he brought them back 
 to the fold, and reckoned them, to see that 
 none were missing, by passing them " un- 
 
 der the rod " as they entered the door of 
 the enclosure (Lev. xxvii. 32; Ez. xx. 37), 
 checking each sheep, as it passed, by a mo- 
 tion of the hand (Jer. xxxiii. 13) ; and, 
 finally, he watched the entrance of the fold 
 throughout the night, acting as porter (John 
 x. 3). The shepherd's office thus required 
 great watchfulness, particularly by night 
 (Luke ii. 8; cf. Nah. iii. 18). It also re- 
 quired tenderness towards the young and 
 feeble (Is. xl. 11), particularly in driving 
 them to and from the pasturage (Gen. 
 xxxiii. 13). In large establishments there 
 were various grades of shepherds, the high- 
 est being styled " rulers " (Gen. xlvii. 6), 
 or " chief shepherds " (1 Pet. v. 4) : in a 
 royal household the title of abbir, " mighty," 
 was bestowed on the person who held the 
 post (1 Sam. xxi. 7). [SHEEP.] The ha- 
 tred of the Egyptians towards shepherds 
 (Gen. xlvi. 34) may have been mainly due 
 to their contempt for the sheep itself, which 
 appears to have been valued neither for 
 food nor generally for sacrifice, the only 
 district where they were offered being 
 about the natron lakes. It may have been 
 increased by the memory of the Shepherd 
 invasion. 
 
 She'phi. Son of Shobal, of the sons of 
 Seir (1 Chr. i. 40). Called also SHEPHO 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 23). 
 
 She'pho (Gen. xxxvi. 23). [SITEPHI.] 
 
 Sheph.u'ph.an. One of the sons of 
 Bela the first-born of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 
 5). His name is also written SHEPHDPHAM 
 (A. V. " Shupham," Num. xxvi. 39), SHUP- 
 PIM (1 Chr. vii. 12, 15), and MUPPIM (Gen. 
 xlvi. 21). [MUPPIM.] 
 
 She'rah. Daughter of Ephraim (1 Chr. 
 vii. 24), and foundress of the two Beth- 
 borons, and of UZZEN-SHERAH. 
 
 Sherebi'ah. A Levite in the time of 
 Ezra, of the family of Mahli the son of 
 Merari (Ezr. viii. 18, 24). When Ezra 
 read the Law to the people, Sherebiah was 
 among the Levites who assisted him (Neh. 
 viii. 7). He took part in the psalm of con- 
 fession and thanksgiving which was sung at 
 the solemn fast after the Feast of Taber- i 
 nacles (Neh. ix. 4, 5), and signed the cov- 
 enant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 12). 
 
 She'resh. Son of Machir the son of 
 Manasseh by his wife Maachah (1 Chr. vii. 
 16). 
 
 Shere'zer. Properly " Sharezer ; " one 
 of the messengers sent in the fourth year 
 of Darius by the people who had returned 
 from the Captivity to inquire concerning 
 fasting in the fifth month (Zech. vii. 2). 
 [REGEMMELECH.] 
 
 She'shach is a term which occurs only 
 in Jeremiah (xxv. 26, Ii. 41), who evident- 
 ly uses it as a synonyme either for Babylon 
 or for Babylonia. 
 
 She'shai, one of the three sons of Anak 
 who dwelt in Hebron (Num. xiii. 22) and
 
 SHESHAN 
 
 643 
 
 SHIBBOLETH 
 
 were driven thence and slain by Caleb at 
 the head of the children of Judau (Josh. 
 XV. 14; Judg. i. 10). 
 
 She'shan. A descendant of Jerahmeel 
 the son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 31, 34, 35). 
 
 Sheshbaz'zar, the Chaldean or Per- 
 sian name given to Zerubbabel, in Ezr. i. 
 8, 11, v. 14, 16; 1 Esdr. ii. 12, 15. [Zs- 
 
 RCBBABEL.] 
 
 Sheth. 1. The patriarch SETH (1 Chr. 
 
 1. 1). 2. In the A. V. of Num. xxiv. 17, 
 the Ileb. Sheth is rendered as a proper 
 name, but there is reason to regard it as an 
 appellative, and to translate, instead of 
 " the sons of Sheth," " the sons of tumult," 
 the wild warriors of Moab (comp. Jer. 
 xlviii. 45). 
 
 She'thar (Pers. " a star "), one of the 
 seven princes of Persia and Media, who 
 had access to the king's presence (Esth. i. 
 14). 
 
 She'thar-boz'nai (Pers. " star of 
 splendor"), a Persian officer of rank in 
 the reign of Darius Hystaspis (Ezr. v. 3, 
 6, vi. 6, 13). He joined with Tatnai and 
 the Apharsachites in trying to obstruct 
 the progress of the Temple in the time of 
 Zerubbabel, and in writing a letter to Dari- 
 us, of which a copy is preserved in Ezr. v. 
 
 She'va. 1. The scribe or royal secretary 
 of David (2 Sam. xx. 25). He is called else- 
 where SERAIAH (2 Sam. viii. 17), SHISHA 
 (1 K. iv. 3), and SHAVSHA (1 Chr. xvi. 18). 
 
 2. Son of Caleb ben-Hezron by his con- 
 cubine Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 49). 
 
 Shew-bread (Ex. xxv. 30, xxxv. 13, 
 xxxix. 36, &c.), literally " bread of the face " 
 or " faces." Within the Ark it was directed 
 that there should be a table of shittim wood, 
 i. e. acacia, two cubits in length, a cubit in 
 breadth, and a cubit and a half in height, 
 overlaid with pure gold, and " having a gold- 
 en crown to the border thereof roundabout," 
 i. e. a border or list, in order, as we may 
 suppose, to hinder that which was placed 
 on it from, by any accident, falling off. 
 The further description of this table will 
 
 Table of Shew-bred. (From the Arch of Titu.) 
 
 be found in Ex. xxr. 23-30, and a repre- 
 sentation of it as it existed in the Herodian 
 Temple forms an interesting feature in the 
 bass-reliefs within the Arch of Titus. It 
 
 exhibits one striking correspondence with 
 the prescriptions in Exodus. We there 
 find the following words : " And thou shalt 
 make unto it a border of a hand-breadth 
 round about." In the sculpture of the 
 Arch the hand of one of the slaves who is 
 carrying the Table, and the border, are of 
 about equal breadth. The table of the sec- 
 ond Temple was carried away by Antiochus 
 Epiphanes (1 Mace. i. 22), and a new one 
 made at the refurnishing of the sanctuary 
 under Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. iv. 49). 
 Afterwards Ptolemy Philadelphus presented 
 a magnificent table. The Table stood in 
 the sanctuary together with the seven- 
 branched candlestick and the altar of in- 
 cense. Every Sabbath twelve newly-baked 
 loaves were put on it in two rows, six in 
 each, and sprinkled with incense, where they 
 remained till the following Sabbath. Then 
 they were replaced by twelve new ones, the 
 incense was burned, and they were eaten 
 by the priests in the Holy Place, out of 
 which they might not be removed. Besides 
 these the Shew-bread Table was adorned 
 with dishes, spoons, bowls, &c., which were 
 of pure gold (Ex. xxv. 29). The number 
 of loaves (twelve) plainly answers to the 
 twelve tribes (compare Rev. xxii. 2). But, 
 taking this for granted, we have still to as- 
 certain the meaning of the rite, and there 
 is none which is left in Scripture so wholly 
 unexplained. But, although unexplained, 
 it is referred to as one of the leading and 
 most solemn appointments of the sanctuary 
 (comp. 2 Chr. xiii. 10, 11). Its name 
 "Bread of the Face" seems to indicate 
 that bread through which God is seen, that 
 is, with the participation of which the see- 
 ing of God is bound up, or through the 
 participation of which man attains the sight 
 of God. Whence it follows that we have 
 not to think of bread merely as such, as the 
 means of nourishing the bodily life, but as 
 spiritual food, as a means of appropriating 
 and retaining that life which consists in 
 seeing the face of God. 
 
 Shib'boleth (Judg. xii. 6) is the He- 
 brew word which the Gileadites under Jeph- 
 thah made use of at the passage of the Jor- 
 dan, after a victory over the Ephraimites, 
 to test the pronunciation of the sound sh 
 'by those who wished to cross over the 
 river. The Ephraimites, it would appear, 
 in their dialect substituted for sh the sim- 
 ple sound s ; and the Gileadites, regarding 
 every one who failed to pronounce sh as 
 an Ephraimite, and therefore an enemy, 
 put him to death accordingly. The word 
 " Shibboleth," which has now a second life 
 in the English language in a new significa- 
 tion, has two meanings in Hebrew : 1st, an 
 ear of corn ; 2dly, a stream or flood (Ps. 
 Ixix. 2, 15) : and it was, perhaps, in the 
 latter sense that this particular word sug- 
 gested itself to the Gileadites, the Jordan
 
 SHIBMAH 
 
 644 
 
 being a rapid river. There is no mystery 
 in this particular word. Any word begin- 
 ning with the sound sh would have an- 
 swered equally well as a test. 
 
 Shib'mah (properly SIBMAH). [SHE- 
 BAM.] 
 
 Shi'cron, one of the landmarks at the 
 western end of the north boundary of Judah 
 (Josh. xv. 11, only). It lay between Ekron 
 (Akir) and Jabneel (Yebna), the port at 
 which the boundary ran to the sea. 
 
 Shield. The ordinary shield consisted 
 of a framework of wood covered with 
 leather; it thus admitted of being burnt 
 (Ez. xxxix. 9). It was frequently cased 
 witli metal, either brass or copper ; its ap- 
 pearance in this case resembled gold, when 
 the sun shone on it (1 Mace. vi. 39), and to 
 this, rather than to the practice of smear- 
 ing blood on the shield, we may refer the 
 redness noticed by Nahum (ii. 3). The 
 surface of the shield was kept bright by the 
 application of oil, as implied in Is. xxi. 5. 
 The shield was worn on the left arm, to 
 which it was attached by a strap. Shields 
 of state were covered with beaten gold. 
 Shields were suspended about public build- 
 ings for ornamental purposes (1 K. x. 17). 
 In the metaphorical language of the Bible 
 the shield generally represents the protec- 
 tion of God (e. g. Ps. iii. 3, xxviii. 7) ; but 
 in Ps. xlvii. 9 it is applied to earthly rulers, 
 and in Eph. vi. 16, to faith. [ARMS.] 
 
 Shigga'ion (Ps. vii. 1), a particular 
 kind of Psalm, the specific character of 
 which is now not known. 
 
 Shi'hon, a town of Issachar, named only 
 in Josh. xix. 19. Eusebius mentions it as 
 then existing " near Mount Tabor." 
 
 Shi'hor of Egypt. [SIHOR.] 
 
 Shi'hor-lib'nath, named only in Josh, 
 xix. 26 as one of the landmarks of the 
 boundary of Asher. Nothing is known of it. 
 
 ShiTM. The father of Azubah, Je- 
 hoshaphat's mother (1 K. xxii. 42 ; 2 Chr. 
 xx. 31). 
 
 Shil'him. One of the cities in the 
 southern portion of the tribe of Judah. 
 Its place in the list is between Lebaoth and 
 Ain, or Ain-Rimmon (Josh. xv. 32), and it 
 is not elsewhere mentioned. No trace of 
 it has yet been discovered. 
 
 Shil'lem. Son of Naphtali, and an- 
 cestor of the family of the Shillemites 
 (Gen. xlvi. 24; Num. xxvi. 49). 
 
 Shillemites, The. [SHILLEM.] 
 
 Shilo'ah, The Waters of, a certain 
 soft-flowing stream mentioned by the proph- 
 et Isaiah (viii. 6), better known under the 
 later name of SILO AM the only perennial 
 spring of Jerusalem. 
 
 Shi'loh. In the A. V. of the Bible, 
 Shiloh is once used as the name of a per- 
 son, in a very difficult passage, in Gen. 
 xlix. 10, "The sceptre shall not depart 
 from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between 
 
 his feet, \mtil Shiloh come ; and unto him 
 shall the gathering of the people be." Sup- 
 posing that the translation is correct, the 
 meaning of the word is Peaceable or Pa- 
 cific, and the allusion is either to Solomon, 
 whose name has a similar signification, or 
 to the expected Messiah, who in Is. ix. 6 
 is expressly called the Prince of Peace. 
 [MESSIAH, p. 405, b.] Other interpreta- 
 tions, however, of the passage are given, 
 one of which makes it refer to the city of 
 this name. (See the following article.) It 
 might be translated, "The sceptre shall not 
 depart from Judah, nor the ruler's staff 
 from between his feet, till he shall go to 
 Shiloh." In this case the allusion would 
 be to the primacy of Judah in war ( Judg. i. 
 1, 2, xx. 18; Num. ii. 3, x. 14), which was 
 to continue until the Promised Land was 
 conquered, and the Ark of the Covenant 
 was solemnly deposited at Shiloh. The 
 next best translation of Shiloh is perhaps 
 that of " Rest." The passage would then 
 run thus : " The sceptre shall not depart 
 from Judah . . . till rest come, and the na- 
 tions obey him ; " and the reference would 
 be to the Messiah, who was to spring from 
 the tribe of Judah. This translation de- 
 serves respectful consideration, as having 
 been ultimately adopted by Gesenius. A 
 third explanation of Shiloh, on the assump- 
 tion that it is not the name of a person, is a 
 translation by various learned Jews, appar- 
 ently countenanced by the Targum of Jona- 
 than, that Shiloh merely means "his son," 
 t. e. the son of Judah (in the sense of the 
 Messiah), from a supposed word SMI, "a 
 son." There is, however, no such word in 
 known Hebrew. The translation, then, of 
 Shiloh as the name of a city is to be re- 
 garded as the soundest, if the present He- 
 brew text is correct. But the fact that 
 there were different readings, in former 
 times, of this very difficult passage, neces- 
 sarily tends to suggest the possibility that 
 the correct reading may have been lost. 
 Whatever interpretation of the present 
 reading may be adopted, the one which 
 must be pronounced entitled to the least 
 consideration is that which supposes the 
 prophecy relates to the birth of Christ as 
 occurring in the reign of Herod just before 
 Judaea became a Roman province. 
 
 Shiloh, a city of Ephraim. In Judg. 
 xxi. 19 it is said that Shiloh is "on the 
 north side of Bethel, on the east side of the 
 highway that goeth up from Bethel to She- 
 chem, and on the south of Lebonah." In 
 agreement with this the traveller at the 
 present day, going north from Jerusalem, 
 lodges the first night at Seitin, the ancient 
 Bethel ; the next day, at the distance of a 
 few hours, turns aside to the right, in or- 
 der to visit SeilAn, the Arabic for Shiloh ; 
 and then passing through the narrow Wady, 
 which brings him to the main road, leaves
 
 SHILOXI 
 
 645 
 
 eb-Lelbdn, the Lebonah of Scripture, on 
 the loft, as he pursues " the highway " to 
 Jfdblus, the ancient Shechevn. [SHECHEM.] 
 Shiloli was one of the earliest and most 
 sacred of the Hebrew sanctuaries. The 
 ark of the covenant, which had been kept 
 at Gilgal during the progress of the Con- 
 quest (Josh, xviii. 1, sq.), was removed 
 thence on the subjugation of the country, 
 and kept at Shiloli from the last days of 
 Joshua to the time of Samuel (Josh, xviii. 
 10; Judg. xviii. 31; 1 Sam. iv. 3). It was 
 here the Hebrew conqueror divided among 
 the tribes the portion of the west Jordan- 
 region, which had not been already allotted 
 (Josh, xviii. 10, xix. 51). In this distribu- 
 tion, or an earlier one, Shiloh fell within 
 the limits of Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 5). The 
 ungodly conduct of the sons of Eli occa- 
 sioned the loss of the ark of the covenant, 
 which had been carried into battle against 
 the Philistines, and Shiloh from that time 
 sank into insignificance. It stands forth in 
 the Jewish history as a striking example of 
 the Divine indignation (Jer. vii. 12). 
 
 Shilo'ni. This word occurs in the A. 
 V. only in Neh. xi. 5, where it should be 
 rendered as it is in other cases "the 
 Shilonite," that is, the descendant of Shelah 
 the youngest son of Judah. 
 
 Shilo'nite, The, that is, the native or 
 resident of Shiloh; a title ascribed only to 
 Ahijah (1 K. xi. 29, xii. 15, xv. 29; 2 Chr. 
 ix. 29, x. 15). 
 
 Shilo'nites, The, are mentioned among 
 the descendants of Judah dwelling in Jeru- 
 salem at a date difficult to fix (1 Chr. ix. 
 6). They are doubtless the members of 
 the house of SHELAH, who in the Penta- 
 teuch are more accurately designated SHE- 
 LAXITES. 
 
 Shil'shah. Son of Zophah of the tribe 
 of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37). 
 
 Shirn'ea. 1. Son of David by Bath- 
 sheba (1 Chr. iii. 5). 2. A Merarite Levite 
 (1 Chr. vi. 30 [15]). 3. A Gershonite Le- 
 vite, ancestor of Asaph the minstrel (1 Chr. 
 vi. 39 [24]). 4. The brother of David (1 
 Chr. xx. 7), elsewhere called SHAMMAII, 
 SHIMMA, and SHIMEAH. 
 
 Shim'eah. 1. Brother of David, and 
 father of Jonathan and Jonadab (2 Sam. 
 xxi. 21) ; called also SHAMMAH, SHIMEA, 
 and SHIMMA. 2. A descendant of Jehiel, 
 the father or founder of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 
 32). 
 
 Shim'eam. A descendant of Jehiel, 
 the founder or prince of Gibeon (1 Chr. ix. 
 38). Called SHIMEAH in 1 Chr. viii. 32. 
 
 Shim'eath. An Aramonitess, mother 
 ii Jozachar, or Zabad, one of the murder- 
 ers of king Joash (2 K. xii. 21 [221 ; 2 Chr. 
 xxiv. 26). 
 
 Shim'ei. 1. Son of Gershon the son 
 of Levi (Xum. iii. 18 ; 1 Chr. vi. 17, 29, 
 xxiii. 7, 9, 10 ; Zech. xii. 13) ; called SHUKI 
 
 in Ex. vi. 17. 2. Shimei the son of Gera, 
 a Benjamite of the house of Saul, who lived 
 at Bahurim. When David and his suite 
 were seen descending the long defile, oa 
 his flight from Absalom (2 Sam. xvi. 5-13), 
 the whole feeling of the clan of Benjamin 
 burst forth without restraint in the person 
 of Shimei. He ran along the ridge, curs- 
 ing, and throwing stones at the king and 
 his companions. The next meeting was 
 very different. The king was now return- 
 ing from his successful campaign. Just as 
 he was crossing the Jordan (2\ Sam. xix. 
 18), the first person to welcome him was 
 Shimei, who threw himself at David's feet 
 in abject penitence. But the king's sus- 
 picions were not set at rest by this submis- 
 sion ; and on his death-bed he recalls the 
 whole scene to the recollection of his son 
 Solomon. Solomon gave Shimei notice that 
 from henceforth he must consider himself 
 confined to the walls of Jerusalem on pain 
 of death (1 K. ii. 36, 37). For three years 
 the engagement was kept. At the end of 
 that time, for the purpose of capturing two 
 slaves who had escaped to Gath, he went 
 out on his ass, and made his journey suc- 
 cessfully (ib. ii. 40). On his return, the 
 king took him at his word, and he was slain 
 by Benaiah (ib. ii. 41-46). 3. One of the 
 adherents of Solomon at the time of Adoni- 
 jah's usurpation (1 K. i. 8). 4. Solomon's 
 commissariat officer in Benjamin (1 K. iv. 
 18). 5. Son of Pedaiah, and brother of 
 Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19). 6. A Simeon- 
 ite, son of Zacchur (1 Chr. iv. 26, 27). 7. 
 Son of Gog, a Reubenite (1 Chr. v. 4). 8. 
 A Gershonite Levite, son of Jahath (1 Chr. 
 vi. 42). 9. Son of Jeduthun, and chief of 
 the tenth division of the singers (1 Chr. 
 xxv. 17). 10. The Ramathite who was 
 over David's vineyards (1 Chr. xxvii. 27). 
 11. A Levite of the sons of Heman, who 
 took part in the purification of the Temple 
 under Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 14). 12. 
 The brother of Cononiah the Levite in the 
 reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 12, 13). 
 Perhaps the same as the preceding. 13. 
 A Levite in the time of Ezra who had mar- 
 ried a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 23). 14. One 
 of the family of Hashum, who put away his 
 foreign wife at Ezra's command (Ezr. x. 
 33). 15. A son of Bani, who had also 
 married a foreign wife, and put her away 
 (Ezr. x. 38). 16. Son of Kish a Benja- 
 mite, and ancestor of Mordecai (Esth. ii. 5). 
 
 Shim con. A layman of Israel, of the 
 family of Harim, who had married a foreign 
 wife and divorced her in the time of Ezra 
 (Ezr. x. 31). 
 
 Shim hi. A Benjamite, apparently tho 
 same as SIIEMA the son of Elpaal (1 Chr. 
 viii. 21). 
 
 Shi'mi = SHIMEI 1, Ex. vi. 17. 
 
 Shim'ites, The. The descendants of 
 Shimei the son of Gershom (Num. iii. 2 Li,
 
 SHIMMA 
 
 Shiin'ma. The third son of Jesse, and 
 brother of David (1 Chr. ii. 13). 
 
 Shi'mon. The four sons of Shimon are 
 enumerated in an obscure genealogy of the 
 tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 
 
 Shim/rath. A Benjamite, of the sons 
 of Shirahi (1 Chr. viii. 21). 
 
 Shiin'ri. 1. A Siraeonite, son of Shera- 
 aiah (] Chr. iv. 37). 2. The father of 
 Jediael, one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 
 45). 3. A Kxihathite Levite in the reign 
 of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 13). 
 
 Shirn'rith. A Moabitess, mother of 
 Jehozabad, one of the assassins of king 
 Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 26). In 2 K. xii. 21, 
 she is called SHOMER. 
 
 Shim'rom (iChr. vii. 1.) [SHIMRON.] 
 
 Shim'ron. 1. A city of Zebulun (Josh, 
 xi. 1, xix. 15). Its full appellation was per- 
 haps SHIMRON-MERON. 2. The fourth son 
 of Issachar according to the lists of Genesis 
 (xlvi. 13) and Numbers (xxvi. 24), and the 
 head of the family of the SHIMRONITES. 
 
 Shim'ronites, The. [SHIMRON.] 
 
 Shim'ron-me'ron. The king of Shim- 
 ron-meron is mentioned as one of the thirty- 
 one kings vanquished by Joshua (Josh. xii. 
 20). It is probably the complete name of 
 the place elsewhere called SHIMRON, a city 
 of Zebulun (Josh. xi. 1, xix. 15). 
 
 Shim'shai. The scribe or secretary of 
 Rehum, who was a kind of satrap of the 
 conquered province of Judaea, and of the 
 colony of Samaria, supported by the Per- 
 sian court (Ezr. iv. 8, 9, 17, 23). He was 
 apparently an Aramaean, for the letter 
 which he wrote to Artaxerxes was in Syri- 
 ac (Ezr. iv. 7). 
 
 Shi'nab. The king of Admah in the 
 time of Abraham (Gen. xiv. 2). 
 
 SM'nar. The ancient name of the great 
 alluvial tract through which the Tigris and 
 Euphrates pass before reaching the sea 
 the tract known in later times as Chaldaea 
 or Babylonia. It was a plain country where 
 brick had to be used for stone, and slime 
 for mortar (Gen. xi. 3). Among the cities 
 were Babel (Babylon), Erech or Orech 
 (Orchoe), Calneh or Calno (probably Nif- 
 fer), and Accad, the site of which is un- 
 known. It may be suspected that Shinar 
 was the name by which the Hebrews origi- 
 nally knew the lower Mesopotamian coun- 
 try, where they so long dwelt, and which 
 Abraham brought with him from "Ur of 
 the Chaldees." 
 
 Ship. No one writer in the whole range 
 of Greek and Roman literature has supplied 
 us with so much information concerning 
 the merchant- ships of the ancients as St. 
 Luke in the narrative of St. Paul's voyage 
 to Rome (Acts xxvii., xxviii.). It is im- 
 portant to remember that he accomplished 
 it in three ships : first the Adramyttian 
 vessel which took him from Caesarea to 
 Myra, and which was probably a coasting 
 
 SHIP 
 
 vessel of no great size (xxvii. 1-6) ; sec- 
 ondly, the large Alexandrian corn-ship, in 
 which he was wrecked on the coast of 
 Malta (xxvii. 6-xxviii. 1) ; and thirdly, 
 another large Alexandrian corn-ship, in 
 which he sailed from Malta by Syracuse 
 and Rhegium to Puteoli (xxviii. 11-13). 
 (1.) Size of Ancient Ships. The narra- 
 tive which we take as our chief guide af- 
 fords a good standard for estimating this. 
 The ship in which St. Paul was wrecked 
 had 276 persons on board (Acts xxvii. 37), 
 besides a cargo of wheat (ib. 10, 38) ; and 
 all these passengers seem to have been 
 taken on to Puteoli in another ship (xxviii. 
 11), which had its own crew and its own 
 cargo. Now, in English transport-ships, 
 prepared for carrying troops, it is a com- 
 mon estimate to allow a ton and a half per 
 man. On the whole, if we say that an 
 ancient merchant-ship might range from 
 500 to 1000 tons, we are clearly within the 
 mark. (2.) Steering Apparatus. Some 
 commentators have fallen into strange per- 
 plexities from observing that in Acts xxvii. 
 40 (" the fastenings of the rudders ") St. 
 Luke uses the plural. Ancient ships were 
 in truth not steered at all by rudders fas- 
 tened or hinged to the stern, but by means 
 of two paddle-rudders, one on each quar- 
 ter, acting in a rowlock or through a port- 
 hole^ as the vessel might be small or large. 
 (3.) *uild and Ornaments of the Hull. 
 It is probable that there was no very 
 marked difference between the bow and 
 the stern. The "hold" (Jonah i. 5) would 
 present no special peculiarities. That per- 
 sonification of ships, which seems to be in- 
 stinctive, led the ancients to paint an eye 
 on each side of the bow (comp. Acts xxvii. 
 15). An ornament of that which took Paul 
 on from Malta to Pozzuoli is more explicit- 
 ly referred to. The "sign" of that ship 
 (Acts xxviii. 11) was CASTOR AND POLLUX; 
 and the symbols of these heroes were doubt- 
 less painted or sculptured on each side of 
 the bow. (4.) Under-girders. The im- 
 perfection of the build, and still more (see 
 below, 6) the peculiarity of the rig, in 
 ancient ships, resulted in a greater ten- 
 dency than in our times to the starting of 
 the planks, and consequently to leaking 
 and foundering. Hence it was customary 
 to take on board peculiar contrivances, 
 suitably called "helps" (Acts xxvii. 17), 
 as precautions against such dangers. These 
 were simply cables or chains, which in case 
 of necessity could be passed round the 
 frame of the ship, at right angles to its 
 length, and made tight. (5.) Anchors. 
 Ancient anchors were similar in form to 
 those which we use now, except that they 
 were without flukes. Two allusions to 
 anchoring are found in the N. T., one in a 
 very impressive metaphor concerning Chris- 
 tian hope (Heb. vi. 19). The other pas-
 
 SHIP 
 
 647 
 
 SHIP 
 
 sage is part of the literal narrative of St. 
 Paul's voyage at its most critical point. 
 The ship in which he was sailing had four 
 anchors on board, and these were all em- 
 ployed in the night, when the danger of 
 falling on breakers was imminent. The 
 sailors on this occasion anchored by the 
 stern (Acts xxvii. 29). (G.) Masts, Sails, 
 Hopes, and Yards. The rig of an ancient 
 ship was more simple and clumsy than 
 that employed in modern times. Its great 
 feature was one large mast, with one large 
 square sail fastened to a yard of great 
 length. Hence the strain upon the hull, 
 
 Ancient Ship. (From a painting at Pompeii.) 
 
 and the danger of starting the planks, were 
 greater than under the present system, 
 which distributes the mechanical pressure 
 more evenly over the whole ship. Not 
 that there were never more masts than 
 one, or more sails than one on the same 
 mast, in an ancient merchantman. But 
 these were repetitions, so to speak, of the 
 same general unit of rig. In the O. T. 
 the mast is mentioned (Is. xxxiii. 23) ; and 
 from another prophet (Ez'. xxvii. 5) we 
 learn that cedar-wood from Lebanon was 
 sometimes used for this part of ships. 
 There is a third passage (Prov. xxiii. 
 34), where the top of a ship's mast is 
 probably intended. In Ez. xxvii. 29, oars 
 are distinctly mentioned ; and it seems that 
 oak-wood from Bashan was used in making 
 them. Another feature of the ancient, as of 
 the modern ship, is the flag at the top of the 
 mast (Is. I. c., and xxx. 17). (7.) Rate of 
 Sailing. St. Paul's voyages furnish ex- 
 cellent data for approximately estimating 
 this ; and they are quite in harmony with 
 what we learn from other sources. We 
 must notice here, however (what commen- 
 tators sometimes curiously forget), that 
 winds are variable. Thus the voyage be- 
 tween TROAS and PHILIPPI, accomplished 
 on one occasion (Acts xvi. 11, 12) in two 
 days, occupied on another occasion (Acts 
 xx. 6) five days. With a fair wind an 
 ancient ship would sail fully seven knots 
 an hour. (8.) Sailing before the wind, 
 and near the wind. The rig which has 
 
 been described is, like the rig of Chinese 
 junks, peculiarly favorable to a quick run 
 before the wind (Acts xvi. 11, xxvii. 16). 
 It would, however, be a great mistake to 
 suppose that ancient ships could not work 
 to windward. The superior rig and build, 
 however, of modern ships enable them to 
 sail nearer to the wind than was the case 
 in classical times. A modern ship, if the 
 weather is not very boisterous, will sail 
 within six points of the wind. To an 
 ancient vessel, of which the hull was 
 more clumsy, and the yards could not be 
 braced so tight, it would be safe to assign 
 seven points as the limit. (9.) Lying-to. 
 A ship that could make progress on her 
 proper course, in moderate weather, when 
 sailing within seven points of the wind, 
 would lie-to in a gale, with her length 
 making about the same angle with the 
 direction of the wind. This is done when 
 the object is, not to make progress at all 
 hazards, but to ride out a gale in safety ; 
 and this is what was clone in St. Paul's 
 ship when she was undergirded and the 
 boat taken on board (Acts xxvii. 14-17) 
 under the lee of CLAUDA. (10.) Ship's 
 Boat. This appears prominently in Acts 
 xxvii. 16, 32. Every large merchant-ship 
 must have had one or more boats. It is 
 evident that the Alexandrian corn-ship in 
 which St. Paul was sailing from Fair 
 Havens, and in which the sailors, appre- 
 hending no danger, hoped to reach PHE- 
 KICE, had her boat towing behind. (11.) 
 Officers and Crew. In Acts xxvii. 1 1 we 
 have both xv^cqv^ri]? and varxHr^og. The 
 latter is the owner (in part or in whole) of 
 the ship or the cargo, receiving also (pos- 
 sibly) the fares of the passengers. The 
 former has the charge of the steering. 
 The word for " shipmen " (Acts xxvii. 27, 
 30) and "sailors" (Rev. xviii. 17) is sim- 
 ply the usual term vavrut. (12.) Storms 
 and Shipwrecks. The first century of 
 the Christian era was a time of immense 
 traffic in the Mediterranean; and there 
 must have been many vessels lost there 
 every year by shipwreck, and (perhaps) 
 as many by foundering. This last danger 
 would be much increased by the form of 
 rig described above. Besides this, we must 
 remember that the ancients had no com- 
 pass, and very imperfect charts and instru- 
 ments, if any at all. Certain coasts were 
 much dreaded, especially the African Syr- 
 tis (Acts xvii. 17). The danger indicated 
 by breakers (ib. 29), and the fear of falling 
 on rocks, are matters of course. St. Paul's 
 experience seems to have been full of illus- 
 trations of all these perils. (13.) Boats on 
 the Sea of Galilee. In the narratives of 
 the call of the disciples to be " fishers of 
 men" (Matt. iv. 18-22; Mark i. 16-20; 
 Luke v. 1-11), there is no special informa- 
 tion concerning the characteristics of these
 
 SHIPIII 
 
 648 
 
 SHOBACH 
 
 boats. In the account of the storm and 
 the miracle on the lake (Matt. viii. 23-27 ; 
 Mark iv. 35-41 ; Luke viii. 22-25), it is for 
 every reason instructive to compare the 
 three narratives ; and we should observe 
 that Luke is more technical in his language 
 than Matthew, and Mark than Luke. With 
 the large population round the Lake of 
 Tiberias, there must have been a vast num- 
 ber both of fishing-boats and pleasure-boats, 
 and boat-building must have been an ac- 
 tive trade on its shores. (14.) Merchant- 
 ships in the Old Testament. The earliest 
 passages where seafaring is alluded to in 
 the O. T. are the following in order : Gen. 
 xlix. 13, in the prophecj of Jacob concern- 
 ing Zebulun ; Num. xxiv. 24, in Balaam's 
 prophecy; Deut. xxviii. 68, in one of the 
 warnings of Moses ; Judg. v. 17, in Deb- 
 orah's Song. Next after these it is natural 
 to mention the illustrations and descriptions 
 connected with this subject in Job (ix. 2G) ; 
 and in the Psalms (xlvii. [xlviii.] 7, ciii. 
 [civ.] 26, cvi. 23). Prov. xxiii. 34 has al- 
 ready been quoted. To this add xxx. 19, 
 xxxi. 14. Solomon's own ships, which 
 may have suggested some of these illus- 
 trations (1 K. ix. 26 ; 2 Chr. viii. 18, ix. 
 21), have previously been mentioned. We 
 must notice the disastrous expedition of 
 Jehoshaphat's ships from the same port of 
 Ezion-geber (1 K. xxii. 48, 49 ; 2 Chr. xx. 
 36, 37). The passages which remain are 
 in the prophets (Is. ii. 16, xxiii. 1, 14, Ix. 
 9; Ez. xxvii. ; Jon. i. 3-16). 
 
 Shi'phi, a Simeonite, father of Ziza, 
 a prince of the tribe in the time of Hezekiah 
 (1 Chr. iv. 37). 
 
 Shiph.'inite, The, probably, though 
 not certainly, the native of SHEPHAM (1 
 Chr. xxvii. 27). 
 
 Shiph'rah. (Ex. i. 15), the name of 
 one of the two midwives of the Hebrews 
 who disobeyed the command of Pharaoh to 
 kill the male children (vers. 15-21). 
 
 Shiph'tan, father of Kemuel, a prince 
 of the tribe of Ephraim (Num. xxxiv. 24). 
 
 Shi'sha, father of Elihoreph and Ahiah, 
 the royal secretaries in the reign of Solo- 
 mon (1 K. iv. 3). He is apparently the 
 same as SHAVSHA, who held the same po- 
 sition under David. 
 
 Shi'shak, king of Egypt, the Sheshenk 
 I. of the monuments, first sovereign of the 
 Bubastite xxiid dynasty. His reign offers 
 the first determined synchronisms of Egyp- 
 tian and Hebrew history. The first year 
 of Slushak would about correspond to the 
 26th of Solomon, and the 20th of Shishak 
 to the 5th of Rehoboam. Shishak at the 
 beginning of his reign received the fugitive 
 Jeroboam (1 K. xi. 40) ; and it was proba- 
 bly at the instigation of Jeroboam that he 
 attacked Rehoboara. " He took the fenced 
 cities which [pertained] to Judah, and came 
 to Jerusalem." He exacted all the treas- 
 
 ures of his city from Rehoboam, and ap- 
 parently made him tributary (1 K. xiv. 25, 
 26; 2 Chr. xii. 2-9). Shishak has left a 
 record of this expedition, sculptured on the 
 wall of the great temple of El-Karnak. It 
 is a list of the countries, cities, and tribes, 
 conquered or ruled by him, or tributary to 
 him. 
 
 Shittah-tree, Shittim (Hob. shittdh'), 
 is without doubt correctly referred to some 
 species of Acacia, of which three or four 
 kinds occur in the Bible lands. The wood 
 of this tree perhaps the Acacia Seyal is 
 more definitely signified was extensively 
 employed in the construction of the taber- 
 nacle (see Ex. xxv., xxvi., xxxvi., xxxvii., 
 xxxviii.). The A. Seyal is very common 
 in some parts of the peninsula of Sinai. 
 It yields the well-known substance called 
 gum arabic which is obtained by incisions 
 in the bark, but it is impossible to say 
 whether the ancient Jews were acquainted 
 with its use. From the tangled thickets 
 into which the stem of this tree expands, 
 Stanley well remarks that hence is to be 
 traced the use of the plural form of the 
 Heb. noun Shittim, the sing, number oc- 
 curring but once only in the Bible. This 
 acacia must not be confounded with the 
 tree (Robinia pseudo-acacia) popularly 
 known by this name in England, which 
 is a North American plant, and belongs 
 to a different genus and sub-order. The 
 true acacias belong to the order Legumi- 
 nosae, sub-order Mimoseae. 
 
 Shit'tim, the place of Israel's encamp- 
 ment between the conquest of the trans- 
 Jordanic highlands and the passage of the 
 Jordan (Num. xxxiii. 49, xxv. 1 ; Josh. ii. 
 1, iii. 1 ; Mic. vi. 5). Its full name appears 
 to be given in the first of these passages 
 Abel has-Shittim " the meadow, or moist 
 place, of the acacias." It was " in the 
 Arboth-Moab, by Jordan-Jericho" (Num. 
 xxii. 1, xxvi. 3, xxxi. 12, xxxiii. 48, 49). 
 That is to say, it was in the Arabah or Jor- 
 dan Valley, opposite Jericho. The "Valley 
 of Shittim," of Joel (iii. 18), can hardly be 
 the same spot as that described above, 
 but there is nothing to give a clew to its 
 position. 
 
 Shi'za, a Reubenite, father of Adina (1 
 Chr. xi. 42). 
 
 Sho'a, a proper name which occurs only 
 in Ez. xxiii. 23, in connection with Pekod 
 and Koa. The three apparently designate 
 districts of Assyria witli which the southern 
 kingdom of Judah had been intimately con- 
 nected, and which were to be arrayed against 
 it for punishment. 
 
 Sho'bab. 1. Son of David by Bathsheba 
 (2 Sam. v. 14 ; 1 Chr. iii. 5, xiv. 4). 2. 
 Apparently the son of Caleb the son of 
 Hezron by his wife Azubah (1 Chr. ii. IS). 1 " 
 
 Slio'bacli, the general of Hardarezer 
 king of the Syrians of Zoba. who was de
 
 SHOBAI 
 
 649 
 
 SHUPHAMITES 
 
 feated by David (2 Sam. x. 15-18). In 1 
 Chr. xix. 16, 18, he is called SHOPHACH. 
 
 Sho'bai. The chiM-en of Shobai were 
 a family of the door-keepers of the Temple, 
 who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 42 ; 
 Neh. vii. 45). 
 
 Sho'bai. 1. Second son of Seir the 
 Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 20- I Chr. i. 38), and 
 one of the " dukes " or the Horites (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 29). 2. Son of Caleb the son of 
 Hur, and founder or prince of Kirjath-jearim 
 (1 Chr. ii. 50, 52). 3. In 1 Chr. iv. 1, 2, 
 Shobai appears with Hur among the sons 
 of Judah. He is possibly the same as the 
 preceding. 
 
 Sho'bek, one of the heads of the peo- 
 ple who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah 
 (Neh. x. 24). 
 
 Sho'bi, son of Nahash of Kabbah of 
 the children of Ainmon (2 Sam. xvii. 27). 
 He was one of the first to meet David at 
 Mahanaim on his flight from Absalom. 
 
 Sho'co, 2 Chr. xi. 7. A variation in 
 the A. V. of the name SOCOH. 
 
 Sho'chp, 2 Chr. xxviii. 18. One of the 
 four varieties of the name SOCOH. 
 
 Sho'choh, 1 Sam. xvii. 1. Same as 
 SOCOH. 
 
 Shoe. [SANDAL.] 
 
 Sho'hain, a Merarite Levite, son of 
 Jaaziah (1 Chr. xxiv. 27). 
 
 Sho'mer. 1. An Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 
 82) ; also called Sharner (ver. 34). 2. The 
 father (mother?) of Jehozabad, who slew 
 king Joash (2 K. xii. 21) ; in the parallel 
 passage in 2 Chr. xxiv. 26, the name is 
 converted into the feminine form Shimrith, 
 who is further described as a Moabitess. 
 
 [SUIMRITH.] 
 
 Sho'phach, SUOBACH, the general of 
 Hadarezer (1 Chr. xix. 16, 18). 
 
 Sho'phan, one of the fortified towns 
 on the east of Jordan which were taken 
 possession of and rebuilt by the tribe of 
 Gad (Num. xxxii. 35). 
 
 Shoshan'nim. " To the chief musi- 
 cian upon Shoshannim " is a musical direc- 
 tion to the leader of the Temple-choir which 
 occurs in Ps. xlv., Ixix., and most probably 
 indicates the melody " after " or " in the 
 manner of" (A. V. " upon ") which the 
 Psalms were to be sung. SHOSHANNIM- 
 EDUTH occurs in the same way in the title 
 of Ps. Ixxx. As the words now stand they 
 signify "lilies, a testimony," and the two 
 are separated by a large distinctive accent. 
 In themselves they have no meaning in the 
 present text, and must therefore be regard- 
 ed as probably a fragment of the beginning 
 of an older Psalm with which the choir 
 were familiar. 
 
 Shu'ah. 1. Son of Abraham by Ketu- 
 rah (Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32). 2. Prop- 
 erly " Shuchah," brother of Chelub (1 
 Chr, iv. 11). 3. The father of Judah's 
 
 wife (Gen. xxxviii. 2, 12) ; also called 
 SHUA in the A. V. 
 
 Shu'al, son of Zophah, an Asherite (1 
 Chr. vii. 36). 
 
 Shu'al, The Land Of, a district named 
 only in 1 Sam. xiii. 17. It is pretty cer- 
 tain from U'.e passage that it lay north of 
 Michmash. If therefore it be identical with 
 the " land of Shalim" (1 Sam. ix. 4), as 
 is not impossible, we obtain the first and 
 only clew yet obtained to Saul's journey in 
 quest of the asses. The name Shual has 
 not yet been identified. 
 
 Shu'bael. 1. SHEBUEL the son of 
 Gershom (1 Chr. xxiv. 20). 2. SHEBUEI. 
 the son of Heman the minstrel (1 Chr. xxv. 
 20). 
 
 Shu'ham, son of Dan, and ancestor of 
 the SHUHAMITES (Num. xxvi. 42). 
 
 Shu'hamites, The. [SHCHAM.] 
 
 Shu'hite. This ethnic appellative 
 " Shuliite " is frequent in the Book of Job, 
 but only as the epithet of one person, Bil- 
 dad. The local indications of the Book of 
 Job point to a region on the western side 
 of Chaldaea, bordering oil Arabia ; and ex- 
 actly in this locality, above Hit and on both 
 sides of the Euphrates, are found, in the 
 Assyrian inscriptions, the Tsukhi, a power- 
 ful people. It is probable that these were 
 the Shuhites. 
 
 Shu'lamite, The, one of the person- 
 ages in the poem of Solomon's Song (vi. 
 13). The name denotes a woman belong- 
 ing to a place called Shulem, which is prob- 
 ably the same as Shunem. [SHCNEM.] If, 
 then, Shulamite and Shunammite are equiv- 
 alent, we may conjecture that the Shunam- 
 mite who was the object of Solomon's pas- 
 sion was Abishag. 
 
 Shu'mathites, The, one of the four 
 families who sprang from Kirjath-jearim 
 (1 Chr. ii. 53). 
 
 Shu'nammite, The, i. e. the native 
 of Shunem, is applied to two persons : Abi- 
 shag, the nurse of king David (1 K. i. 3, 
 15, ii. 17, 21, 22), and the nameless hostess 
 of Elisha (2 K. iv. 12, 25, 36). 
 
 Shu'nem, one of the cities allotted to 
 the tribe of Issachar (Josh. xix. 18). It is 
 mentioned on two occasions (1 Sam. xxviii. 
 4; 2 K. iv. 8). It was besides the native 
 place of Abishag (1 K. i. 3). It is men- 
 tioned by Eusebius as 5 miles south of 
 Mount Tabor, and then known as Sulein. 
 This agrees with the position of the present 
 Solam, a village 3 mUes N. of Jezreel, and 
 5 from Gilboa. 
 
 Shu'ni, son of Gad, and founder of the 
 family of the Shunites (Gen. xlvi. 16; 
 Num. xxvi. 15). 
 
 Shu'nites, The, the descendants of 
 Shuni. 
 
 Shu'pham. [SHUPPIM.] 
 
 Shu'phamites, The, tne descendants
 
 SHUPPIM 
 
 650 
 
 SIDE 
 
 of Shupharn, or Shephupham, the Ben- 
 jamite (Num. xxvi. 39). 
 
 Shup'pim. In the genealogy of Ben- 
 jamin " Shuppim and Iluppim, the children 
 of Ir," are reckoned in 1 Chr. vii. 12. Ir 
 is the same as Iri the son of Bela, the son 
 of Benjamin, so that Shuppim was the 
 great-grandson of Benjamin. 
 
 Shur, a place just without the eastern 
 border of Egypt. Shur is first mentioned 
 in the narrative of Hagar's flight from 
 Sarah (Gen. xvi. 7). Abraham afterwards 
 " dwelled between Kadesh and Shur, and 
 sojourned in Gerar" (xx. 1). The first 
 clear indication of its position occurs in the 
 account of Ishmael's posterity. " And they 
 dwelt from Havilah unto Shur, that [isj 
 before Egypt, as thou goest towards As- 
 syria " (xxv. 18 ; comp. 1 Sam. xv. 7 ; xxvii. 
 8). The wilderness of Shur was entered 
 by the Israelites after they had crossed 
 the Red Sea (Ex. xv. 22, 23). It was also 
 called the Wilderness of Etham (Num. 
 xxxiii. 8). Shur may have been a fortified 
 town east of the ancient head of the Red 
 Sea; and from its being spoken of as a limit, 
 it was probably the last Arabian town be- 
 fore entering Egypt. 
 
 Shu'shan, or Su'sa, is said to have re- 
 ceived its name from the abundance of the 
 lily (ShusTian, or Shushanah) in its neigh- 
 borhood. It was originally the capital of 
 the country called in Scripture Elam, and 
 by the classical writers Susis or Susiana. 
 In the time of Daniel Susa was in the pos- 
 session of the Babylonians, to whom Elam 
 had probably passed at the division of the 
 Assyrian empire made by Cyaxares and 
 Nabopolassar (Dan. viii. 2). The conquest 
 of Babylon by Cyrus transferred Susa to the 
 Persian dominion ; and it was not long be- 
 fore the Achaemenian princes determined 
 to make it the capital of their whole empire, 
 and the chief place of their own residence. 
 According to some writers the change was 
 made by Cyrus ; according to others, it had 
 at any rate taken place before the death of 
 Cambyses ; but, according to the evidence 
 of the place itself and of the other Achae- 
 menian monuments, it would seem most 
 probable that the transfer was really the 
 work of Darius Hystaspis. Nehemiah re- 
 sided here (Neh. i. 1). Shushan was situ- 
 ated on the Ulai or Choaspes. It is identi- 
 fied with the modern Sits or Shush, and its 
 ruins are about 3 miles in circumference. 
 
 Shu'shan-e'duth (Ps. lx.) is prob- 
 ably an abbreviation of " Shoshannim- 
 eduth " (Ps. Ixxx.). [SHOSHANNIM.] 
 
 Shu'thalhites, The. [SHUTHELAH.] 
 
 Shu thelah, head of an Ephraimite 
 family, called after him Shuthalhites (Num. 
 xxvi. 35), and lineal ancestor of Joshua, 
 the son of Nun (1 Chr. vii. 20-27). 
 
 Si'a. "The children of Sia" were a 
 family of Netbinim who returned-with Ze- 
 
 rubbabel (Neh. vii. 47). The name is arrit- 
 ten SIAHA in Ezr. ii. 44, and SUD in 1 Esu. 
 v. 29). 
 
 Si'aha = SIA (Ezr. ii. 44). 
 
 Sib'becai = SIBBECHAI the Husha- 
 thite. 
 
 Sib'bechai, one of David's guard, and 
 eighth captain for the eighth month of 
 24,000 men of the king's army (1 Chr. xi. 
 29, xxvii. 11). He belonged to one of the 
 principal families of Judah, the Zarliites, or 
 descendants of Zerah, and is called " the 
 Hushathite," probably from the place of 
 his birth. Sibbechai's great exploit, which 
 gave him a place among the mighty men 
 of David's army, was his single combat with 
 Saph, or Sippai, the Philistine giant, in the 
 battle at Gezer, or Gob (2 Sam. xxi. 18; 1 
 Chr. xx. 4). 
 
 Sib'boleth, the Ephraimite pronuncia- 
 tion of the word Shibboleth (Judg. xii. 6). 
 [SHIBBOLETH.] 
 
 Sib'mah. [SHEBAM.] 
 
 Sibra'im, one of the landmarks on the 
 northern boundary of the Holy Land as 
 stated by Ezekiel (xlvii. 16.) It has not 
 been identified. 
 
 Si'chem (Gen. xii. 6). [SHECHEM.] 
 
 Sic'yon (1 Mace. xv. 23), a celebrated 
 Greek city in Peloponnesus upon the Co- 
 rinthian gulf. 
 
 Sid' dim, The Vale of, a place named 
 only in one passage of Genesis (xiv. 3, 8, 
 10). It was one of that class of valleys 
 which the Hebrews designated by the word 
 Emek. This term appears to have been 
 assigned to abroad, flattish tract, sometimes 
 of considerable width, enclosed on each 
 side by a definite range of hills. It was so 
 far a suitable spot for the combat between 
 the four and five kings (ver. 8) ; but it con- 
 tained a multitude of bitumen-pits sufficient 
 materially to affect the issue of the battle. 
 In this valley the kings of the five allied 
 cities of Sodom, Gomorrah, Adinah, Ze- 
 boim, and Bela, seem to have awaited the 
 approach of the invaders. It is therefore 
 probable that it was in the neighborhood 
 of the "plain, or circle, of Jordan" in 
 which those cities stood. If we could ven- 
 ture, as some have done, to interpret the 
 latter clause of ver. 3, "which is near," or 
 " which is at, or by, the Salt Sea," then we 
 might agree with Dr. Robinson and others 
 in identifying the Valley of Siddim with the 
 enclosed plain which intervenes between 
 the south end of the lake and the range of 
 heights which terminate the Ghdr and com- 
 mence the Wady Arabah. But the original 
 of the passage seems to imply that the Salt 
 Sea covers the actual space formerly occu- 
 pied by the Vale of Siddim. [SEA, THB 
 SALT, p. 620.] 
 
 Si'de, a city on the coast of Pamphylia, 
 10 or 12 miles to the east of the river Eu- 
 rymedon. It is mentioned in 1 Mace. xv. 23,
 
 SIDON 
 
 651 
 
 SILOAM 
 
 among the list of places to which the Roman 
 senate sent letters in favor of the Jews. It 
 was a colony of Cumaeans. 
 
 Si'don, the Greek form of the Phoeni- 
 cian name Zidon. [ZIDON.] 
 
 Sido'nians, the Greek form of the 
 word ZIDONIANS, usually so exhibited in 
 the Auth. Vers. of the O. T. It occurs 
 Deut. iii. 9 ; Josh. xiii. 4, 6 ; Judg. iii. 3 ; 1 
 
 K. V. 6. [ZlDON.] 
 
 Si'hon, king of the Amorites when Israel 
 arrived on the borders of the Promised Land 
 (Num. xxi. 21). Shortly before the time 
 of Israel's arrival he had dispossessed the 
 Moabites of a splendid territory, driving 
 them south of the natural bulwark of the 
 Arnon (xxi. 26-29). When the Israelite 
 host appears, he does not hesitate or tem- 
 porize like Balak, but at once gathers his 
 people together and attacks them. But the 
 battle was his last. He and all his host 
 were destroyed, and their district from 
 Arnon to Jabbok became at once the pos- 
 session of the conqueror. 
 
 Si'hor, accurately Shi'hor, once The 
 Shihor or Shihor Of Egypt, when un- 
 qualified a name of the Nile. It is held to 
 signify "the black" or "turbid." There 
 are but three occurrences of Shihor in the 
 Bible, and but one of Shihor of Egypt, or 
 Shihor-Mizraim. It is spoken of as one of 
 the limits of territory which was still un- 
 conquered when Joshua was old (Josh. xiii. 
 2, 3). With this passage must be compared 
 that in which Shihor-Mizraim occurs. Da- 
 vid is related to have " gathered all Israel 
 together from Shihor of Egypt even unto 
 the entering of Hamath" (1 Chr. xiii. 5). 
 There is no other evidence that the Israel- 
 ites ever spread westward beyond Gaza. 
 The stream may therefore be that of the 
 Wddi-V Areesh. That the stream intended 
 by Shihor unqualified was a navigable riv- 
 er is evident from a passage in Isaiah, 
 where it is said of Tyre, " And by great 
 waters, the sowing of Shihor, the harvest 
 of the river [is] her revenue" (xxiii. 3). 
 Here Shihor is either the same as, or com- 
 pared with, Yeor, generally thought to be 
 the Nile, but perhaps the extension of the 
 Red Sea. In Jeremiah the identity of 
 Shihor with the Nile seems distinctly stated 
 (ii. 18). 
 
 Silas, an eminent member of the early 
 Christian Church, described underthat name 
 in the Acts, but as Silvanus in St. Paul's 
 Epistles. He first appears as one of the 
 leaders of the Church at Jerusalem (Acts 
 xv. 22), holding the office of an inspired 
 teacher (xv. 32). His name, derived from 
 the Latin silva, " wood," betokens him a 
 Hellenistic Jew, and he appears to have 
 been a Roman citizen (Acts xvi. 37). He 
 was appointed as a delegate to accompany 
 Paul and Barnabas on their return to An- 
 tioch with the decree of the Council of 
 
 -Jerusalem (Acts xv. 22, 32). Having ac- 
 complished this mission, he returned to 
 Jerusalem (Acts xv. 33). He must, how- 
 ever, have immediately revisited Antioch, 
 for we find him selected by St. Paul as the 
 companion of his second missionary jour- 
 ney (Acts xv. 40-xvii. 40). At Beroea he 
 was left behind with Timothy while St. 
 Paul proceeded to Athens (Acts xvii. 14), 
 and we hear nothing more of his movements 
 until he rejoined the Apostle at Corinth 
 (Acts xviii. 5). His presence at Corinth is 
 several times noticed (2 Cor. i. 19 ; 1 Thess. 
 i. 1 ; 2 Thess. i. 1). Whether he was the Sil- 
 vanus who conveyed St. Peter's First Epis- 
 tle to Asia Minor (1 Pet. v. 12) is doubt- 
 ful; the probabilities are in favor of the 
 identity. A tradition of very slight author- 
 ity represents Silas to have become bishop 
 of Corinth. 
 
 Silk. The only undoubted notice of 
 silk in the Bible occurs in Rev. xviii. 12, 
 where it is mentioned among the treasures 
 of the typical Babylon. It is, however, in 
 the highest degree probable that the texture 
 was known to the Hebrews from the time 
 that their commercial relations were ex- 
 tended by Solomon. The well-known clas- 
 sical name of the substance does not occur 
 in the Hebrew language. The Hebrew 
 terms which have been supposed to refer 
 to silk are meshi and demeshek. The for- 
 mer occurs only in Ez. xvi. 10, 13 (A. "V . 
 " silk "). The other term demeshek occurs 
 in Am. iii. 12 (A. V. "Damascus"), and 
 has been supposed to refer to silk from the 
 resemblance of the word to our "damask." 
 It appears, however, that "damask "is a 
 corruption of dimakso, a term applied by 
 the Arabs to the raw material alone. We 
 must, therefore, consider the reference to 
 silk as extremely dubious. The value set 
 upon silk by the Romans, as implied in 
 Rev. xviii. 12, is noticed by Josephus as 
 well as by classical writers. 
 
 Sil'la. "The house of Millo which 
 goeth down to Silla," was the scene of the 
 murder of king Joash (2 K. xii. 20). What 
 or where Silla was is entirely matter of 
 conjecture. Some have suggested the Pool 
 of Siloam. 
 
 Sil'oah, The Pool of, properly "the 
 Pool of Shelach" (Neh. iii. 15). [SiL- 
 
 OAM.] 
 
 Sil'oam (Shiloach, Is. viii. 6; Shelach, 
 Neh. iii. 15; Siloam, John ix. 7, 11). Sil- 
 oam is one of the few undisputed locali- 
 ties in the topography of Jerusalem ; still 
 retaining its old name (with Arabic modi- 
 fication, Silu'dn"), while every other pool 
 has lost its Bible-designation. This is the 
 more remarkable as it is a mere suburban 
 tank of no great size, and for many an age 
 not particularly good or plentiful in its 
 waters, though Josephus tells us that in his 
 day they were both " sweet and abundant."
 
 SILOAM 
 
 652 
 
 SIMEON 
 
 A little way below the Jewish burying- 
 ground, but on the opposite side of the val- 
 ley, where the Kedron turns slightly west- 
 ward, and widens itself considerably, is the 
 fountain of the Virgin or Um-ed-Deraj, 
 near the beginning of that saddle-shaped 
 projection of the Temple-hill supposed 
 to be the OFHEL of the Bible, and the 
 Ophlas of Josephus. At the back part of 
 this fountain a subterraneous passage be- 
 gins, through which the water flows, and 
 through which a man may make his way, 
 sometimes walking erect, sometimes stoop- 
 ing, sometimes kneeling, and sometimes 
 crawling, to Siloarn. This conduit has 
 had tributaries which have formerly sent 
 their waters down from the city pools or 
 Temple-walls to swell Siloam. It enters 
 Siloam at the north-west angle ; or rather 
 enters a small rock-cut chamber which 
 forms the vestibule of Siloam, about five 
 or six feet broad. To this you descend by 
 a few rude steps, under which the water 
 pours itself into the main pool. This pool is 
 oblong ; about 18 feet broad, and 19 feet deep ; 
 but it is never filled, the water either passing 
 directly through, or being maintained at a 
 depth of three or four feet. The present 
 pool is a ruin, with no moss or ivy to make 
 it romantic ; its sides falling in ; its pillars 
 broken; its stair a fragment; its walls 
 giving way ; the edge of every stone worn 
 round or sharp by time; in some parts 
 mere d&bris ; though around its edges, wild 
 flowers, and, among other plants, the caper- 
 tree, grow luxuriantly. The gray crum- 
 bling limestone of the stone (as well as of 
 the surrounding rocks, which are almost 
 verdureless) gives a poor and worn-out 
 aspect to this venerable relic. The present 
 pool is not the original building ; it may be 
 the work of crusaders, perhaps even im- 
 proved by Saladin, whose affection for 
 wells and pools led him to care for all these 
 things. Yet the spot is the same. This 
 pool, which we may call the second, seems 
 anciently to have poured its waters into 
 a third, before it proceeded to water the 
 royal gardens. This third is perhaps that 
 which Josephus calls " Solomon's pool," 
 and which Nehemiah calls the "King's 
 pool" (ii. 14). The expression in Isaiah 
 (viii. 6), " waters of Shiloah that go soft- 
 ly," seems to point to the slender rivulet, 
 flowing gently, though once very profusely, 
 out of Siloam into the lower breadth of 
 level, where the king's gardens, or royal 
 paradise, stood, and which is still the 
 greenest spot about the Holy City. Siloam 
 is a sacred spot, even to the Moslem; 
 much more to the Jew. It was to Siloam. 
 that the Levite was sent with the golden 
 pitcher on the " last and great day of the 
 feast" of Tabernacles; it was from Siloam 
 that he brought the water which was then 
 pquxed over the sacrifice, in memory of 
 
 ^he water from the rock of Eephidim ; and 
 it was to this Siloam water that the Lord 
 pointed when He stood in the Temple on 
 that day and cried, "If any man thirst, let 
 him come unto me and drink." The Lord 
 sent the blind man to wash, not in, as our 
 version has it, but at (ti's), the pool of 
 Siloam ; for it was the clay from his eyes 
 that was to be washed off; and the Evan- 
 gelist is careful to throw in a remark, not 
 for the purpose of telling us that Siloam 
 meant an " aqueduct," as some think* but 
 to give higher significance to the miracle. 
 "Go wash at Siloam," was the command; 
 the Evangelist adds, " which is, by inter- 
 pretation, SENT" (John ix. 7). That 
 " Sent " is the natural interpretation is 
 evident, not simply from the word itself, 
 but from other passages where the Hebrew 
 word is used in connection with water, as 
 Job iii. 10, " He sendeth waters upon the 
 fields ;" and Ezek. xxxi. 4, " She sent out 
 her little rivers unto all the trees of the 
 field." 
 
 Sil'oam, Tower in (Luke xiii. 4). Of 
 this we know nothing definitely beyond 
 these words of the Lord. In connection 
 with Ophel, there is mention made of " a 
 tower that lieth out " (Neh. iii. 26) ; and 
 there is no unlikelihood in connecting this 
 projecting tower with the tower in Siloam, 
 while one may be almost excused for the 
 conjecture that its projection was the cause 
 of its ultimate fall. 
 
 Silva'nus. [SILAS.] 
 
 Silver. In very early times, silver was 
 used for ornaments (Gen. xxiv. 53) and 
 for vessels of various kinds. Images for 
 idolatrous worship were made of silver or 
 overlaid with it (Ex. xx. 23 ; Hos. xiii. 2 ; 
 Hab. ii. 19; Bar. vi. 39), and the manufac- 
 ture of silver shrines for Diana was a trade 
 in Ephesus (Acts xix. 24). But its chief 
 use was as a medium of exchange, and 
 throughout the O. T. we find " silver " 
 used for money, like the Fr. argent. Sil- 
 ver was brought to Solomon from Arabia 
 (2 Chr. ix. 14) and from Tarshish (2 Chr. 
 ix. 21), which supplied the markets of 
 Tyre (Ez. xxvii. ]2). From Tarshish it 
 came in the form of plates (Jer. x. 9), like 
 those on which the sacred books of the 
 Singhalese are written to this day. Spain 
 appears to have been the chief source 
 whence silver was obtained by the ancients. 
 Possibly the hills of Palestine may have 
 afforded some supply of this metal. Silver 
 mixed with alloy is referred to in Jer. vi. 
 30, and a finer kind, either purer in itself, 
 or more thoroughly purified, is mentioned 
 in Prov. viii. 19. 
 
 Sil'verlings, a word used once only in 
 the A. V. (Is. vii. 23), as a translation of 
 the Hebrew word elsewhere rendered " sil- 
 ver" or "money." 
 
 Sim'eon. (Jieard'). 1. The second of Ja-
 
 SIMEON 
 
 653 
 
 SIMON 
 
 cob's sons by Leah. His birth is recorded in 
 Gen. xxix. S3. The first group of Jacob's 
 children consists, besides Simeon, of the 
 three other sons of Leah Reuben, Levi, 
 Judah. With each of these Simeon is 
 mentioned in some connection. " As Reu- 
 ben and Simeon are mine," says Jacob, 
 ' so shall Joseph's sons, Ephraim and 
 Manasseh, be mine" (Gen. xlviii. 5). With 
 Levi, Simeon was associated in the massa- 
 cre of the Shechemites (xxxiv. 25). With 
 Judah the connection was drawn still closer. 
 He and Simeon not only " went up " to- 
 gether, side by side, in the fore-front of 
 the nation, to the conquest of the south of 
 the Holy Land (Judg. i. 3, 17), but their 
 allotments lay together in a more special 
 manner than those of the other tribes. 
 Besides the massacre of Shechem, the only 
 personal incident related of Simeon is the 
 fact of his being selected by Joseph as the 
 hostage for the appearance of Benjamin 
 (Gen. xlii. 19, 24, 36; xliii. 23). The 
 chief families of the tribe are mentioned 
 in the lists of Gen. xlvi. (10), in which 
 one of them, bearing the name of Shaul 
 (Saul), is specified as "the son of the Ca- 
 naanitess " Num. xxvi. (12-14), and 1 
 Chr. iv. (24-43). At the census at Sinai 
 Simeon numbered 59,300 fighting men 
 (Num. i. 23). When the second census 
 was taken, at Shittim, the numbers had 
 fallen to 22.200, and it was the weakest 
 of all the tribes. This was no donbt partly 
 due to the recent mortality following the 
 idolatry of Peor, but there must have been 
 other causes which have escaped mention. 
 The connection between Simeon and Levi 
 implied in the blessing of Jacob (Gen. 
 xlix. 5-7) has been already adverted to. 
 The connection between Judah and Simeon 
 already mentioned seems to have begun 
 with the Conquest. Judah and the two 
 Joseph-brethren were first served with the 
 lion's share of the land; and then, the 
 Canaanites having been sufficiently sub- 
 dued to allow the Sacred Tent to be es- 
 tablished without risk in the heart of the 
 country, the work of dividing the remain- 
 der amongst the seven inferior tribes was 
 proceeded with (Josh. viii. 1-6). Benja- 
 min had the first turn, then Simeon (xix. 1). 
 By this time Judah had discovered that the 
 tract allotted to him was too large (xix. 9), 
 and also too much exposed on the west and 
 south for even his great powers. To Sim- 
 con accordingly was allotted a district out 
 of the territory of his kinsman, on its south- 
 ern frontier, which contained eighteen or 
 nineteen cities, with their villages, spread 
 round the venerable well of Beersheba 
 (Josh. xix. 1-8; 1 Chr. iv. 28-33). Of 
 these places, with the help of Judah, the 
 Simeonites possessed themselves (Judg. i. 
 3, 17) ; and here they were found, doubt- 
 less by Joab, residing in the reign of David 
 
 (1 Chr. iv. 31). What part Simeon took 
 at the time of the division of the kingdom 
 we are not told. The only thing which can 
 be interpreted into a trace of its having 
 taken any part with the northern kingdom 
 are the two casual notices of 2 Chr. xv. 9 
 and xxxiv. 6, which appear to imply the 
 presence of Simeonites tliere in the reigns 
 of Asa and Josiah. On the other hand the 
 definite statement of 1 Chr. iv. 41-43 proves 
 that at that time there were still some of 
 them remaining in the original seat of the 
 tribe, and actuated by all the warlike law- 
 less spirit of their progenitor. Simeon is 
 named by Ezekiel (xlviii. 25), and the au- 
 thor of the Book of the Revelation (vii. 7) 
 in their catalogues of the restoration of Is- 
 rael. 2. A devout Jew, inspired by the 
 Holy Ghost, who met the parents of our 
 Lord in the Temple, took Him in his arms, 
 and gave thanks for what he saw and knew 
 of Jesus (Luke ii. 25-35). There was a 
 Simeon who succeeded his father Hillel as 
 president of the Sanhedrim about A. D. 13, 
 and whose son Gamaliel was the Pharisee 
 at whose feet St. Paul was brought up 
 (Acts xxii. 3). It has been conjectured 
 that he may be the Simeon of St. Luke. 
 Sim'eonNi'ger(Actsxiii. i).[NiGEK.] 
 Si'mon. 1. Son of Mattathias. [MAC- 
 CABEES.] 2. Son of Onias the high-priest, 
 whose eulogy closes the." praise of famous 
 men " in the Book of Ecclesiasticus (cli. 
 iv.). 3. "A governor of the Temple" in 
 the time of Seleucus Philopator, whose in- 
 formation as to the treasures of the Temple 
 led to the sacrilegious attack of Heliodorus 
 (2 Mace. iii. 4, &c.). 4. SIMON THE BROTH- 
 ER OF JESUS. The only undoubted notice 
 of this Simon occurs in Matt. xiii. 55, Mark 
 vi. 3. He has been identified by some writers 
 with Simon the Canaanite, and still more 
 generally with Symeon who became bishop 
 of Jerusalem after the death of James, A. D. 
 62. The former of these opinions rests on 
 no evidence whatever, nor is the latter with- 
 out its difficulties. 5. SIMON THE CANAAN- 
 ITE, one of the Twelve Apostles (Matt. x. 
 4.; Mark iii. 18), otherwise described as 
 Simon Zelotes (Luke vi. 15 ; Acts i. 13). 
 The latter term, which is peculiar to Luke, 
 is the Greek equivalent for the Chaldee 
 term preserved by Matthew and Mark. 
 [CANAANITE.] Each of these equally points 
 out Simon as belonging to the faction of the 
 Zealots, who were conspicuous for their 
 fierce advocacy of the Mosaic ritual. 6. 
 SIMON OF GYRENE. A Hellenistic Jew, 
 born at Gyrene on the north coast of Africa, 
 who was present at Jerusalem at the time 
 of the crucifixion of Jesus, either as an at- 
 tendant at the feast (Acts ii. 10), or as one 
 of the numerous settlers at Jerusalem from 
 that place (Acts vi. 9). Meeting the pro- 
 cession that conducted Jesus to Golgotha, 
 as he was returning from the country, he
 
 SIMON 
 
 654 
 
 SIN-OFFERING 
 
 was pressed into the service to bear the 
 cross (Matt, xxvii. 32; Mark xv. 21; Luke 
 xxiii. 2G), when Jesus himself was unable 
 to bear it any longer (comp. John xix. 17). 
 Mark describes him as the father of Alex- 
 ander and Rufus, perhaps because this was 
 the Rufus known to the Roman Christians 
 (Rom. xvi. 13), for whom he more especial- 
 ly wrote. 7. SIMON THE LEPER. A res- 
 ident at Bethany, distinguished as " the 
 leper." It is not improbable that he had 
 been miraculously cured by Jesus. In his 
 house Mary anointed Jesus preparatory to 
 His death and burial (Matt. xxvi. 6, &c. ; 
 Mark xiv. 3, &c. ; John xii. 1, &c.). 8. SI- 
 MON MAGUS. A Samaritan living in the 
 Apostolic age, distinguished as a sorcerer 
 or " magician," from his practice of magi- 
 cal arts (Acts viii. 9). According to eccle- 
 siastical writers he was born at Gitton, a 
 village of Samaria, and was probably edu- 
 cated at Alexandria in the tenets of the 
 Gnostic school. He is first introduced to 
 us as practising magical arts in a city of Sa- 
 maria, perhaps Sychar (Acts viii. 5 ; comp. 
 John iv. 5), and with such success, that he 
 was pronounced to be "the power of God 
 which is called great" (Acts viii. 10). The 
 preaching and miracles of Philip having ex- 
 cited his observation, he became one of his 
 disciples, and received baptism at his hands. 
 Subsequently he witnessed the effect pro- 
 duced by the imposition of hands, as prac- 
 tised by the Apostles Peter and John, and, 
 being desirous of acquiring a similar power 
 for himself, he offered a sum of money for 
 it. His object evidently was to apply the 
 power to the prosecution of magical arts. 
 The motive and the means were equally to 
 be reprobated ; and his proposition met with 
 a severe denunciation from Peter, followed 
 by a petition on the part of Simon, the tenor 
 of which bespeaks terror, but not penitence 
 (Acts viii. 9-24). The memory of his pe- 
 culiar guilt has been perpetuated in the word 
 simony, as applied to all traffic in spiritual 
 offices. Simon's history, subsequently to 
 his meeting with Peter, is involved in diffi- 
 culties. Early Church historians depict him 
 as the pertinacious foe of the Apostle Peter, 
 whose movements he followed for the pur- 
 pose of seeking encounters, in which he was 
 signally defeated. He is said to have fol- 
 lowed the Apostle to Rome. His death is 
 associated with this meeting ; according to 
 Hippolytus, the earliest authority on the 
 subject, Simon was buried alive at his own 
 request, in the confident assurance that he 
 would rise again on the third day. Accord- 
 ing to another account, he attempted to fly, 
 in proof of his supernatural power ; in an- 
 swer to the prayers of Peter, he fell, and 
 sustained a fracture of his thigh and ankle- 
 bones; overcome with vexation, he commit- 
 ted suicide. 9. SIMON PETER. [PETER.] 
 10. SIMON, a Pharisee, in whose house a 
 
 penitent woman anointed the head and feet 
 of Jesus (Luke vii. 40). 11. SIMON THE 
 TANNER. A Christian convert living at 
 Joppa, at whose house Peter lodged (Acts 
 ix. 43). The house was near the sea-side 
 (Acts x. 6, 32), for the convenience of the 
 water. 12. SIMON, the father of Judas 
 Iscariot (John vi. 71, xiii. 2, 26). 
 
 Sim'ri, properly " Shimri," son of 
 Hosah, a Merarite Levite in the reign of 
 David (1 Chr. xxvi. 10). 
 
 Sin, a city of Egypt, mentioned only by 
 Ezekiel (xxx. 15, 1G). The name is He- 
 brew, or, at least, Semitic, perhaps signify- 
 ing " clay." It is identified in the Vulg. 
 with Pelusium, "the clayey or muddy" 
 town. Its antiquity may perhaps be in- 
 ferred from the mention of " the wilderness 
 of Sin " in the journeys of the Israelites 
 (Ex. xvi. 1 ; Num. xxxiii. 11). Ezekiel 
 speaks of Sin as " Sin the stronghold of 
 Egypt" (xxx. 15). This place it held from 
 that time until the period of the Romans. 
 Herodotus relates that Sennacherib ad- 
 vanced against Pelusium, and that near 
 Pelusium Cambyses defeated Psammenitus. 
 In like manner the decisive battle in which 
 Ochus defeated the last native king, Nec- 
 tanebos, was fought near this city. 
 
 Sin, Wilderness of, a tract of the 
 wilderness which the Israelites reached after 
 leaving the encampment by the Red Sea. 
 (Num. xxxiii. 11, 12). Their next halting- 
 place (Ex. xvi. 1, xvii. 1) was Rephidim, 
 probably the Wady FeirAn [REPHIDIM] ; 
 on which supposition it would follow that 
 Sin must lie between that wady and the 
 coast of the Gulf of Suez, and of course 
 west of Sinai. In the wilderness of Sin the 
 manna was first gathered, and those who 
 adopt the supposition that this was merely 
 the natural product of the tarfa bush, find 
 from the abundance of that shrub in Wady 
 es Sheikh, S. E. of W, Gh&rundel a proof 
 of local identity. 
 
 Sin-offering. The sin-offering among 
 the Jews was the sacrifice, in which the 
 ideas of propitiation and of atonement for 
 sin were most distinctly marked. The cer- 
 emonial of the sin-offering is described in 
 Lev. iv. and vi. The TRESPASS-OFFERING 
 is closely connected with the sin-offering in 
 Leviticus, but at the same time clearly dis- 
 tinguished from it, being in some cases 
 offered with it as a distinct part of the same 
 sacrifice ; as, for example, in the cleansing 
 of the leper (Lev. xiv.). The distinction 
 of ceremonial clearly indicates a difference 
 in the idea of the two sacrifices. The na- 
 ture of that difference is still a subject of 
 great controversy. We find that the sin- 
 offerings were (A.) REGULAR. (1.) For 
 the whole people, at the New Moon, Pass- 
 over, Pentecost, Feast of Trumpets, and 
 Feast of Tabernacles (Num. xxviii. 15- 
 xxix. 38) ; besides the solemn offering of
 
 SIN-OFFERING 
 
 655 
 
 SINAI 
 
 the two goats on the Great Day of Atone- 
 ment (Lev. xvi.). (2.) For "the Priests 
 and Levites at their consecration (Ex. xxix. 
 10-14, 36) ; besides the yearly sin-offering 
 (a bullock) for the high-priest on the Great 
 Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi.) (B.) SPE- 
 CIAL. (1.) For any sin of "ignorance" 
 (Lev. iv.). (2). For refusal to bear wit- 
 ness (Lev. v. 1). (3.) For ceremonial de- 
 filement not wilfully contracted (Lev. v. 2, 
 3, xii. 6-8, xiv. 19, 31, xv. 15, 30; Num. vi. 
 6-11, 16). (4.) For the breach of a rash 
 oath (Lev. v. 4). The trespass-offerings, 
 on the other hand, were always special, as 
 (1.) for sacrilege "in ignorance" 
 (Lev. v. 15, 16). (2.) for ignorant trans- 
 gression (v. 17-19). (3.) for fraud, sup- 
 pression of the truth, or perjury (vi. 1-6). 
 (4.) for rape of a betrothed slave (Lev. 
 xix. 20, 21). (5.) At the purification of 
 the leper (Lev. xiv. 12), and the polluted 
 Nazarite (Num. vi. 12), offered with the 
 sin-offering. From this enumeration it will 
 be clear that the two classes of sacrifices, 
 although distinct, touch closely upon each 
 other. It is also evident that the sin-offer- 
 ing was the only regular and general rec- 
 ognition of sin in the abstract, and accord- 
 ingly was far more solemn and symbolical 
 in its ceremonial ; the trespass-offering was 
 confined to special cases, most of which 
 related to the doing of some material dam- 
 age, cither to the holy things or to man, 
 except in (5), where the trespass-offering 
 is united with the sin-offering. Josephus 
 declares that the sin-offering is presented 
 by those " who fall into sin in ignorance," 
 and the trespass offering by " one who has 
 sinned and is conscious of his sin, but has 
 no one to convict him thereof." Without 
 attempting to decide so difficult and so 
 controverted a question, we may draw the 
 following conclusions : First, that the sin- 
 offering was tar the more solemn and com- 
 prehensive of the two sacrifices. Secondly, 
 that the sin-offering looked more to the 
 guilt of the sin done, irrespective of its 
 consequences, while the trespass-offering 
 looked to the evil consequences of sin, 
 either against the service of God, or against 
 man, and to the duty of atonement, as far 
 as atonement was possible. Thirdly, that 
 in the sin-offering especially we nna sym- 
 bolized the acknowledgment of sinfulness 
 as inherent in man, and of the need of ex- 
 piation by sacrifice to renew the broken 
 covenant between man and God. There is 
 one other question of some interest, as to 
 the nature of the sins for which either sac- 
 rifice could be offered. It is seen at once 
 that in the Law of Leviticus, most of them, 
 which are not purely ceremonial, are called 
 sins of " ignorance " (see Heb. ix. 7) ; and 
 in Num. xv. 30, it is expressly said that 
 while such sins can be atoned for by offer- 
 ings, " the soul that doeth aught presump- 
 
 tuously" (Ileb. with a high hand} "shall 
 be cut off from among his people." . . . 
 " His iniquity shall be upon him " (comp. 
 Heb. x. 26) . But here are sufficient indi- 
 cations that the sins here called " of igno- 
 rance " are more strictly those of " negli- 
 gence " or "frailty," repented of by the 
 unpunished offender, as opposed to those 
 of deliberate and unrepentant sin. If we 
 turn to the sins actually referred to in Lev. 
 iv., v., we find some which certainly are not 
 sins of pure ignorance ; they are indeed few 
 out of the whole range of sinfulness, but 
 they are real sins. In considering this sub- 
 ject, it must be remembered that the sac- 
 rifices of the Law had a temporal, as well 
 as a spiritual, significance and effect. They 
 restored an offender to his place in the 
 .commonwealth of Israel ; they were there- 
 fore an atonement to the King of Israel for 
 the infringement of His law. 
 
 Sin.'a, Mount, the Greek form of the 
 well-known name SINAI (Acts vii. 30, 38). 
 
 Si'nai. Nearly in the centre of the pe- 
 ninsula which stretches between the horns of 
 the Red Sea lies a wedge of granite, gran- 
 stein, and porphyry rocks rising to be- 
 tween 8000 and 9000 feet above the sea. Its 
 shape resembles a scalene triangle. These 
 mountains may be divided into two great 
 masses that of Jebel Serbal (6759 feet 
 high) in the north-west above Wady Feir&n 
 and the central group, roughly denoted by 
 the general name of Sinai. This group 
 rises abruptly from the Wady es-Sheykh at 
 its north foot, first to the cliffs of the Ras 
 Sufsdfeh, behind which towers the pinnacle 
 of Jebel jfitsa (the Mount of Moses), and 
 farther back to the right of it the summit 
 of Jebel Katerin (Mount St. Catherine, 8705 
 feet), all being backed up and overtopped 
 by Urn Shaumer (the mother of fennel, 
 9300 feet), which is the highest point of the 
 whole peninsula. Before considering the 
 claims of the individual mountains to Scrip- 
 tural notice, there occurs a question regard- 
 ing the relation of the names Horeb and 
 Sinai. The latter name first occurs as that 
 of the limit on the farther side from Egypt 
 of the wilderness of Sin (Ex. xvi. 1), and 
 again (xix. 1, 2) as the " wilderness " or 
 " desert of Sinai," before Mount Sinai is 
 actually spoken of, as in ver. 11 soon after 
 we find it. But the name " Horeb " is, in 
 the case of the rebuke of the people by God 
 for their sin in making the golden calf, rein- 
 troduced into the Sinaitic narrative (xxxiii. 
 6), having been previously most recently 
 used in the story of the murmuring at Reph- 
 idirn (xvii. 6), and earlier as the name of 
 the scene of the appearance of God in the 
 "burning bush"(iii. 1). Hcreb, strictly 
 taken, may probably be a dry plain, valley, 
 or bed of a wady near the mountain ; and 
 yet Mount Horeb, on the " vast green plain " 
 of which was doubtless excellent pasture,
 
 SINIM 
 
 656 
 
 SLAVE 
 
 may mean the mountain viewed in refer- 
 ence thereto, or its side abutting thereon. 
 But beyond the question of the relation 
 which these names naturally bear, there re- 
 mains that of site. Sinai is clearly a sum- 
 mit distinctly marked. Where are we to 
 look for it? There are three principal 
 views in answer to this question : I. That 
 Serbdl is Sinai, some 30 miles distant west- 
 ward from the Jebel Musa, but close to the 
 Wady Feirdn, which is thus identified with 
 Rephidim. The earliest traditions are in 
 its favor. But there are two main objec- 
 tions to this : (1.) It is clear, from Ex. 
 xix. 2 (comp. xvii. 1), that the interval be- 
 tween Rephidim and Sinai was that of a 
 regular stage of the march. (2.) There is 
 no plain or wady of any sufficient size near 
 Serbdl to offer camping-ground to so large 
 a host, or perhaps the tenth part of them. 
 II. That Jebel Musa is Sinai, and that the 
 Wady es Sebayeh, which its S. E. or highest 
 summit overhangs, is the spot where the 
 people camped before the mount ; but the 
 second objection to Serbdl applies almost 
 in equal force to this the want of space 
 below. III. That the modern Horeb of 
 the monks viz. the N. W. and lower face 
 of the Jebel Mnsa, crowned with a range of 
 magnificent cliffs, the highest point called 
 Bas Svfsdfeh, as overlooking the plain er 
 Bahah, is the scene of the giving of the 
 Law, and that peak the mountain into which 
 Moses ascended. But the whole of Jebel 
 Musa is, compared with the adjacent moun- 
 tains, insignificant. The conjunction of 
 mountain with plain is the greatest feature 
 of this site ; in choosing it, we lose in the 
 mountain, as compared with Serbdl, but we 
 gain in the plain, of which Serbdl has noth- 
 ing. It may be added that, supposing Wady 
 Tayibeh to have been the encampment " by 
 the sea," as stated in Num. xxxiii. 10, three 
 routes opened there before the Israelites ; 
 the most southerly one down the plain el 
 K&a to Tur ; the most northerly by the 
 Sarbut el Khadem ; and the middle one by 
 Wady Feirdn, by which they would pass 
 the foot of Serbdl, which therefore in this 
 case alone could possibly be Sinai. The 
 middle route aforesaid from W. Tayibeh 
 reaches the W. Feirdn through what is 
 called the W. Mokatteb, or " written valley," 
 from the inscriptions on the rocks which line 
 it, generally considered to have been the 
 work of Christian hands, but whether those 
 of a Christian people localized there at an 
 unknown period, as Lepsius thinks, or of 
 passing pilgrims, as is the more general 
 opinion, is likely to continue doubtful. 
 
 Si'nim, a people noticed in Is. xlix. 12, 
 as living at the extremity of the known 
 world. They may be identified with the 
 classical Sinae, the inhabitants of the south- 
 ern part of China. 
 
 Sin'ite, atribe of Canaanites (Gen. x. 17 ; 
 
 1 Chr. i. 15), whose position is to be sought 
 for in the northern part of the Lebanon dis- 
 trict. 
 
 Si'on, Mount. 1. One of the various 
 names of Mount Hermon (Deut. iv. 48 
 only). 2. The Greek form of the Hebrew 
 name, ZION, the famous Mount of the Tem- 
 ple (1 Mace. iv. 37, GO, v. 54, vi. 48, 62, vii. 
 33, x. 11, xiv. 27; Heb. xii. 22; Kev. xiv. 
 1). [JERUSALEM.] 
 
 Siph'moth, one of the places in the 
 south of Judah which David frequented 
 during his freebooting life (1 Sam. xxx. 
 28). 
 
 Sip'pai, Saph, one of the sons of Reph- 
 aim, or "the giants," slain by Sibbechai at 
 Gezer (1 Chr. xx. 4). 
 
 Si'rach, the father of Jesus (Joshua), 
 the writer of the Hebrew original of the 
 Book of Ecclesiasticus. 
 
 Si'rah, The Well of, from which Ab- 
 ner was recalled by Joab to his death at 
 Hebron (2 Sam. iii. 26, only). It was ap- 
 parently on the northern road from Hebron. 
 There is a spring and reservoir on the 
 western side of the ancient northern road, 
 about one mile out of Hebron, which is 
 called Ain Sara. 
 
 Sir'ion, one of the various names of 
 Mount Hermon, that by which it was known 
 to the Zidonians (Deut. iii. 9). The use of 
 the name in Ps. xxix. 6 (slightly altered in 
 the original Shirion instead of Sirion) is 
 remarkable. 
 
 Sisam'ai, a descendant of Sheshan in 
 the line of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 40). 
 
 Sis'era. 1. Captain of the army of 
 Jabin king of Canaan who reigned in Ha- 
 zor. He himself resided in Harosheth of the 
 Gentiles. The particulars of the rout of 
 Megiddo and of Sisera's flight and death 
 are drawn out under the heads of BAHAK, 
 DEBORAH, JAEL, KISHON. 2. After a long 
 interval the name re-appears in the lists of 
 the Nethinim who returned from the Cap- 
 tivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 53 ; Neh. vii. 
 55). It doubtless tells of Canaanite cap- 
 tives devoted to the lowest offices of the 
 Temple. 
 
 Sit'nah, the second of the two wells dug 
 by Isaac in the valley of Gerar, the pos- 
 session of which the herdmen of the valley 
 disputed with him (Gen. xxvi. 21). 
 
 Sivan. [MONTH.] 
 
 Slave. The institution of slavery was 
 recognized, though not established, by the 
 Mosaic Law with a view to mitigate its 
 hardship and to secure to every man his 
 ordinary rights. I. Hebrew Stares. 1. 
 The circumstances under which a Hebrew 
 might be reduced to servitude were (1) 
 poverty; (2) the commission of theft; and 
 (3) the exercise of paternal authority. In 
 the first case, a man who had mortgaged 
 his property, and was unable to support his 
 family, might sell himself to another He-
 
 SLAVE 
 
 .657 
 
 SLAVE 
 
 brew, with a view both to obtain mainte- 
 nance, and perchance a surplus sufficient to 
 redeem his property (Lev. xxv. 25, 39). 
 
 (2) The commission of theft rendered a 
 person liable to servitude, whenever resti- 
 tution could not be made on the scale pre- 
 scribed by the Law (Ex. xxii. 1, 3). The 
 thief was bound to work out the value of 
 his restitution money in the service of him 
 on whom the theft had been committed. 
 
 (3) The exercise of paternal authority was 
 limited to the sale of a daughter of tender 
 age to be a maid-servant, with the ulterior 
 view of her becoming the concubine of the 
 purchaser (Ex. xxi. 7). 2. The servitude 
 of a Hebrew might be terminated in three 
 ways : (1) by the satisfaction or the re- 
 mission of all claims against him ; (2) by 
 the recurrence of the year of Jubilee (Lev. 
 xxv. 40) ; and (3) the expiration of six 
 years from the time that his servitude com- 
 menced (Ex. xxi. 2; Deut. xv. 12). (4) 
 To the above modes of obtaining liberty 
 the Rabbinists added, as a fourth, the death 
 of the master without leaving a son, there 
 being no power of claiming the slave on 
 the part of any heir except a son. If a 
 servant did not desire to avail himself of 
 the opportunity of leaving his service, he 
 was to signify his intention in a formal 
 manner before the judges (or more exactly 
 at the place of judgment), and then the 
 master was to take him to the door-post, 
 and to bore his ear through with an awl (Ex. 
 xxi. 6), driving the awl into or "unto the 
 door," as stated in Deut. xv. 17, and thus 
 fixing the servant to it. A servant who 
 had submitted to this operation remained, 
 according to the words of the Law, a ser- 
 vant " forever" (Ex. xxi. 6). These words 
 are, however, interpreted by Josephus and 
 by the Rabbinists as meaning until the 
 year of Jubilee. 3. The condition of a 
 Hebrew servant was by no means intoler- 
 able. His master was admonished to treat 
 him, not "as a bond-servant, but as an hired 
 servant and as a sojourner," and, again, 
 " not to rule over him with rigor " (Lev. 
 xxv. 39, 40, 43). At the termination of his 
 servitude the master was enjoined not to 
 " let him go away empty," but to remuner- 
 ate him liberally out of his flock, his floor, 
 ami his wine-press (Deut. xv. 13, 14). In 
 the event of a Hebrew becoming the ser- 
 vant of a " stranger," meaning a non-He- 
 brew, the servitude could be terminated 
 only in two ways, viz. by the arrival of the 
 year of Jubilee, or by the repayment to the 
 master of the purchase-money paid for the 
 servant, after deducting a sum for the 
 value of his services proportioned to the 
 length of his servitude (Lev. xxv. 47-55). 
 A Hebrew woman might enter into volun- 
 tary servitude on the score of poverty, and 
 in this case she was entitled to her freedom 
 after six years' service, together with her 
 
 42 
 
 usual gratuity at leaving, just as in the 
 case of a man (Deut. xv. 12, 13). Thus 
 far we have seen little that is objectionable 
 in the condition of Hebrew servants. In 
 respect to marriage there were some pecu- 
 liarities which, to our ideas, would be re- 
 garded as hardships. A master might, for 
 instance, give a wife to a Hebrew servant 
 for the time of his servitude, the wife being 
 in this case, it must be remarked, not only 
 a slave, but a non-Hebrew. Should he 
 leave when his term had expired, his wife 
 and children would remain the absolute 
 property of the master (Ex. xxi. 4, 5). 
 Again, a father might sell his young daugh- 
 ter to a Hebrew, with a view either of 
 marrying her himself, or of giving her to 
 his son (Ex. xxi. 7-9). It diminishes the 
 apparent harshness of this proceeding if 
 we look on the purchase-money as in the 
 light of a dowry given, as was not un- 
 usual, to the parents of the bride; still 
 more, if we accept the Rabbinical view 
 that the consent of the maid was required 
 before the marriage could take place. The 
 position of a maiden thus sold by her 
 father was subject to the following regula- 
 tions : (1) She could not " go out as the 
 men-servants do," i, e. she could not leave 
 at the termination of six years, or in the 
 year of Jubilee, if her master was willing 
 to fulfil the object for which he had pur- 
 chased her. (2) Should he not wish to 
 marry her, he should call upon her friends 
 to procure her release by the repayment 
 of the purchase-money. (3) If he be- 
 trothed her to his son, he was bound to 
 make such provision for her as he would 
 for one of his own daughters. (4) If either 
 he or his son, having married her, took a 
 second wife, it should not be to the pre- 
 judice of the first. (5) If neither of the 
 three first specified alternatives took place, 
 the maid was entitled to immediate amft 
 gratuitous liberty (Ex. xxi. 7-11). The- 
 custom of reducing Hebrews to servitude' 
 appears to have fallen into disuse subse^ 
 quently to the Babylonish captivity. Vast 
 numbers of Hebrews were reduced to sla- 
 very as war-captives at different periods by 
 the Phoenicians (Joel iii. 6), the Philistines 
 (Joel iii. 6 ; Am. i. 6), the Syrians (1 Mace, 
 iii. 41; 2 Mace. viii. 11), the Egyptians: 
 (Joseph. Ant. xii. 2, 3), and, above all,, 
 by the Romans (Joseph. B. J. vi. 9, 3).. 
 II. Non-Hebrew Slaves. 1. The majority 
 of non-Hebrew slaves were war-captives, 
 either of the Canaanites who had survived' 
 the general extermination of their race- 
 under Joshua, or such as were conquered 
 from the other surrounding nations (Num. 
 xxxi. 26, ff.) Besides these, many were 
 obtained by purchase from foreign slave- 
 dealers (Lev. xxv. 44, 45) ; and others may 
 have been resident foreigners who were 
 reduced to tlu's state either by poverty or
 
 SLIME 
 
 658 
 
 SO 
 
 crime. The children of slaves remained 
 slaves, being the class described as " born 
 in the house " (Gen. xiv. 14, xvii. 12 ; Eccl. 
 ii. 7), and hence the number was likely to 
 increase as time went on. The average 
 value of a slave appears to have been thirty 
 shekels (Ex. xxi. 32.) 2. That the slave 
 might be manumitted, appears from Ex. 
 xxi. 26, 27 ; Lev. xix. 20. 3. The slave is 
 described as the " possession " of his mas- 
 ter, apparently with a special reference to 
 the power which the latter had of disposing 
 of him to his heirs as he would any other 
 article of personal property (Lev. xxv. 45, 
 46) ; the slave is also described as his mas- 
 ter's " money" (Ex. xxi. 21), t. e. as rep- 
 resenting a certain money value. Such 
 expressions show that he was regarded 
 very much in the light of a chattel. But 
 on the other hand, provision was made for 
 the protection of his person (Lev. xxiv. 17, 
 22; Ex. xxi. 20). A minor personal in- 
 jury, such as the loss of an eye or a tooth, 
 was to be recompensed by giving the ser- 
 vant his liberty (Ex. xxi. "26, 27). The 
 position of the slave in regard to religious 
 privileges was favorable. He was to be 
 circumcised (Gen. xvii. 12), and hence was 
 entitled to partake of the Paschal sacrifice 
 (Ex. xii. 44), as well as of the other re- 
 ligious festivals (Deut. xii. 12, 18, xvi. 11, 
 14). The occupations of slaves were of a 
 menial character, as implied in Lev. xxv. 
 39, consisting partly in' the work of the 
 house, and partly in personal attendance on 
 the master. 
 
 Slime, translated bitumen in the Vul- 
 gate. The three instances in which it is 
 mentioned in the O. T. are illustrated by 
 travellers and historians. It is first spoken 
 of as used for cement by the builders in the 
 plain of Shinar, or Babylonia (Gen. xi. 3). 
 The bitumen pits in the vale of Siddim 
 are mentioned in the ancient fragment of 
 Canaanitish history (Gen. xiv. 10) ; and 
 the ark of papyrus in which Moses was 
 placed was made impervious to water by a 
 coating of bitumen and pitch (Ex. ii. 3). 
 Herodotus (i. 179) tells us of the bitumen 
 found at Is, a town of Babylonia, eight 
 days' journey from Babylon. The town 
 of Is, mentioned by Herodotus, is the mod- 
 ern Hit or Ileet, on the west or right bank 
 of the Euphrates, and four days' journey 
 from Bagdad. The principal bitumen pit 
 at Heet has two sources, and is divided by 
 a wall in the centre, on one side of which 
 bitumen bubbles up, and on the other the 
 oil of naphtha. 
 
 Sling. [ARMS, p. 52.] 
 
 Smith. [HANDICRAFT.] 
 
 Smyr'na, the city to which allusion is 
 made in Revelation ii. 8-11, was founded 
 by Alexander the Great, and was situated 
 twenty stades from the city of the same 
 name, which after a long series of wars 
 
 with the Lydians had been finally taken 
 and sacked by Halyattes. It seems not 
 impossible, that just as St. Paul's illustra- 
 tions in the Epistle to the Corinthians are 
 derived from the Isthmian games, so the 
 message to the Church in Smyrna contains 
 allusions to the ritual of the pagan mys- 
 teries which prevailed in that city. In the 
 time of Strabo the ruins of the Old Smyrna 
 still existed, and were partially inhabited, 
 but the new city was one of the most beau- 
 tiful in all Asia. The streets were laid out 
 as near as might be at right angles. There 
 was a large public library there, and also a 
 handsome building surrounded with porti- 
 cos which served as a museum. It was 
 consecrated as a heroilm to Homer, whom 
 the Smyrnaeans claimed as a countryman. 
 Olympian games were celebrated here, and 
 excited great interest. 
 
 Snail. 1. The Hebrew word shablM 
 occurs only in Ps. Iviii. 8. The rendering 
 of the A. V. is probably correct. The 
 term would denote either a Limax or a 
 Helix, which are particularly noticeable 
 for the slimy track they leave behind them. 
 2. The Hebrew word chdmet occurs only 
 as the name of some unclean animal in 
 Lev. xi. 30. Perhaps some kind of lizard 
 may be intended. 
 
 Snow. The historical books of the 
 Bible contain only two notices of snow 
 actually falling (2 Sam. xxiii. 20 ; 1 Mace, 
 xiii. 22) ; but the allusions in the poetical 
 books are so numerous that there can be 
 no doubt as to its being an ordinary occur- 
 rence in the winter months (Ps. cxlvii. 16, 
 cxlviii. 8). The snow lies deep in the 
 ravines of the highest ridge of Lebanon 
 until the summer is far advanced, and in- 
 deed never wholly disappears ; the summit 
 of Hermon also perpetually glistens with 
 frozen snow. From these sources proba- 
 bly the Jews obtained their supplies of ice 
 for the purpose of cooling their beverages 
 in summer (Prov. xxv. 13). The liability 
 to snow must of course vary considerably 
 in a country of such varying altitude as 
 Palestine. At Jerusalem snow often falls 
 to the depth of a foot or more in January 
 and February, but it seldom lies. At 
 Nazareth it falls more frequently and deep- 
 ly, and it has been observed to fall even 
 in the maritime plain of Joppa and about 
 Carmel. 
 
 So. " So, king of Egypt " is once men- 
 tioned in the Bible. Hoshea, the last king 
 of Israel, evidently intending to become 
 the vassal of Egypt, sent messengers to 
 him, and made no present, as had been the 
 yearly custom, to the king of Assyria (2 
 K. xvii. 4). So has been identified by 
 different writers with the first and second 
 kings of the Ethiopian xxvth dynasty, 
 called, by Manetho, Sabakon (Shebek), 
 and Sebichos (Shebetek).
 
 SOAP 
 
 659 
 
 SODOM 
 
 Soap The Hebrew term Idriih is a 
 general term for any substance of cleansing 
 qualities. As, however, it appears in Jer. 
 ii. 22, in contradistinction to nether, which 
 undoubtedly means " natron," or mineral 
 alkali, it is fair to infer that bdrith refers 
 to vegetable alkali, or some kind of potash, 
 which forms one of the usual ingredients 
 in our soap. Numerous plants, capable 
 of yielding alkalies, exist in Palestine and 
 the surrounding countries ; we may notice 
 one named Hubeibeh (the salsola kali of 
 botanists) found near the Dead Sea, the 
 ashes of which are called el-Kuli from 
 their strong alkaline properties. 
 
 So'cho, 1 Chr. iv. 18. Probably the 
 town of Socoh in Judah, though which of 
 the two cannot be ascertained. 
 
 So'choh., another form of the name 
 which is more correctly given in the A. V. 
 as SOCOH. The present one occurs in 1 K. 
 iv. 10, and is therefore probably, though 
 not certainly, Socoh 1. 
 
 So'coh, the name of two towns in the 
 tribe of Judah. 1. In the district of the 
 Shefelah (Josh. xv. 35 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 1 ; 
 2 Chr. xi. 7, xxviii. 18). In the time of 
 Eusebius it bore the name of Socchoth, and 
 lay between 8 and 9 Roman miles from 
 Eleutheropolis, on the road to Jerusalem. 
 It may be identified with esh-Shuweikeh, 
 in the western part of the mountains of 
 Judah. From this village probably came 
 " Antigonus of Soco," who lived about the 
 commencement of the 3d century B. o. 
 2. Also a town of Judah, but in the moun- 
 tain district (Josh. xv. 48). It has been 
 discovered about 10 miles S. W. of He- 
 bron; bearing, like the other Socoh, the 
 name of esh-Shuweikeh. 
 
 So'di, the father of Gaddiel, the spy 
 selected from the tribe of Zebulun (Num. 
 xiii. 10). 
 
 Sod/cm, one of the most ancient cities 
 3f Syria. It is commonly mentioned in 
 connection with Gomorrah, but also with 
 Admah and Zeboim, and on one occasion 
 (Gen. xiv.) with Bela or Zoar. Sodom 
 was evidently the chief town m the settle- 
 ment. The four are first named in the 
 ethnological records of Gen. x. 19, as be- 
 longing to the Canaanites. The next men- 
 tion of the name of Sodom (Gen, xiii. 10- 
 13) gives more certain indication of the 
 position of the city. Abram and Lot are 
 standing together between Bethel and Ai 
 (ver. 3"), taking a survey of the land 
 around and below them. Eastward of 
 them, and absolutely at their feet, lay the 
 " circle of Jordan." The whole circle was 
 one great oasis "a garden of Jehovah " 
 (vcr. 10). In the midst of the garden the 
 four cities of Sodom, Gomorrah, Adraah, 
 and Zeboim appear to have been situated. 
 It is necessary to notice how absolutely 
 the citif-9 are identified with the district. 
 
 In the subsequent account of their destruc- 
 tion (Gen. xix.), the topographical terms 
 are employed with all the precision which 
 is characteristic of such early times. The 
 mention of the Jordan is conclusive as to 
 the situation of the district, for the Jordan 
 ceases where it enters the Dead Sea, and 
 can have no existence south of that point. 
 The catastrophe by which they were de- 
 stroyed is described in Gen. xix. as a 
 shower of brimstone and fire from Jehovah. 
 However we may interpret the words of 
 the earliest narrative, one thing is certain 
 
 that the lake was not one of the agents in 
 the catastrophe. Nor is it implied in any 
 of the later passages in which the destruc- 
 tion of the cities is referred to throughout 
 the Scriptures. Quite the contrary. Those 
 passages always speak of the district on 
 which the cities once stood, not as sub- 
 merged, but as still visible, though deso- 
 late and uninhabitable. In agreement with 
 this is the statement of Josephus, and the 
 accounts of heathen writers, as Strabo and 
 Tacitus ; who, however vague their state- 
 ments, are evidently under the belief that 
 the district was not under water, and that 
 the remains of the towns were still to be 
 seen. From all these passages, though 
 much is obscure, two things seem clear : 
 1. That Sodom and the rest of the cities 
 of the plain of Jordan stood on the north 
 of the Dead Sea. 2. That neither the 
 cities nor the district were submerged by 
 the lake, but that the cities were over- 
 thrown and the land spoiled, and that it 
 may still be seen in its desolate condition. 
 When, however, we turn to more modern 
 views, we discover a remarkable variance 
 from these conclusions. 1. The opinion 
 long current, that the five cities were sub- 
 merged in the lake, and that their remains 
 
 walls, columns, and capitals might be 
 still discerned below the water, hardly 
 needs refutation after the distinct state- 
 ment and the constant implication of Scrip- 
 ture. But -2. A more serious departure 
 from the terms of the ancient history is 
 exhibited in the prevalent opinion that the 
 cities stood at the south end of the lake. 
 This appears to have been the belief of 
 Josephus and Jerome. It seems to have 
 been universally held by the mediaeval 
 historians and pilgrims, and it is adopted 
 by modern topographers, probably without 
 exception. There are several grounds for 
 this belief; but the main point on which 
 Dr. Robinson rests his argument is the sit- 
 uation of Zoar. (a.) " Lot," says he, " fled 
 to Zoar, which was near to Sodom ; and 
 Zoar lay almost at the southern end of the 
 present sea, probab' y in the mouth of Wady 
 Kerak." (6.) Another consideration in 
 favor of placing the cities at the southern 
 end of the lake is the existence of similar 
 names in that direction, (c.) A third argu-
 
 SODOMA 
 
 660 
 
 SOLOMON 
 
 ment, and perhaps the weightiest of the 
 three, is the existence of the salt moun- 
 tain at the south of the lake, and its ten- 
 dency to split off in columnar masses, pre- 
 senting a rude resemblance to the human 
 form. But it is by no means certain that 
 salt does not exist at other spots round the 
 lake. It thus appears that on the situation 
 of Sodcm no satisfactory conclusion can at 
 present be come to. On the one hand, the 
 narrative of Genesis seems to state posi- 
 tively that it lay at the northern end of the 
 Dead Sea. On the other hand, the long- 
 continued tradition and the names of exist- 
 ing spots seem to pronounce with almost 
 equal positiveness that it was at its southern 
 end. Of the catastrophe which destroyed 
 the city and the district of Sodom we can 
 hardly hope ever to form a satisfactory con- 
 ception. Some catastrophe there undoubt- 
 edly was. But what secondary agencies, 
 besides fire, were employed in the accom- 
 plishment of the punishment cannot be safe- 
 ly determined in the almost total absence of 
 exact scientific description of the natural 
 features of the ground round the lake. It 
 was formerly supposed that the overthrow 
 of Sodom was caused by the convulsion 
 which formed the Dead Sea. But the 
 changes which occurred when the limestone 
 strata of Syria were split by that vast 
 fissure which forms the Jordan Valley and 
 the basin of the Salt Lake, must not only 
 have taken place at a time long anterior to 
 the period of Abraham, but must have 
 been of such a nature and on such a scale 
 as to destroy all animal life far and near. 
 But in fact the narrative of Gen. xix. 
 neither states nor implies that any convul- 
 sion of the earth occurred. If it were pos- 
 sible to speculate on materials at once so 
 slender and so obscure as are furnished by 
 that narrative, it would be more consistent 
 to suppose that the actual agent in the igni- 
 tion and destruction of the cities had been 
 of the nature of a tremendous thunder- 
 storm accompanied by a discharge of 
 meteoric stones. The name Sodom has 
 been interpreted to mean " burning." The 
 miserable fate of Sodom and Gomorrah is 
 held up as a warning in numerous passages 
 of the Old and New Testaments (2 Pet. ii. 
 6; Jude 4-7; Mark vi. 11). 
 
 Sod'oma. Rom. ix. 29. In this place 
 alone the Authorized Version has followed 
 the Greek and Vulgate form of the well- 
 known name SODOM. 
 
 Sod'omites. This word does not de- 
 note the inhabitants of Sodom; but it is 
 employed in the A. V. of the Old Testa- 
 ment for those who practised as a religious 
 rite the abominable and unnatural vice 
 from which the inhabitants of Sodom and 
 Gomorrah have derived their lasting infamy. 
 It occurs in Deut. xxiii. 17 ; 1 K. xiv. 24, 
 xv. 12, xxii. 46; 2 K xxiii. 7; and Job 
 
 xxxvi. 14 (margin). The Hebrew word 
 Kadesh is said to be derived from a root 
 kadash, which (strange as it may appear) 
 means " pure," and thence "holy." This 
 dreadful " consecration," or rather des- 
 ecration, was spread in differei .t forms over 
 Phoenicia, Syria, Phrygia, Assyria, Baby- 
 lonia. 
 
 Sol'omon. I. Early Life and Acces- 
 sion. He was the child of David's old 
 age, the last-born of all his sons (1 Chr. iii. 
 5). The feelings of the king and of his 
 prophet-guide expressed themselves in the 
 names with which they welcomed his birth. 
 The yearnings of the " man of war " now 
 led him to give to the new-born infant the 
 name of Solomon (ShSlomoh = the peace- 
 ful one}. Nathan, with a marked reference 
 to the meaning of the king's own name 
 (David = the darling, the beloved one), calls 
 the infant Jedidiah (Jedid-yah), that is, the 
 "darling of the Lord" (2 Sam. xii. 24, 
 25). He was placed under the care of 
 Nathan from his earliest infancy. At first, 
 apparently, there was no distinct pur- 
 pose to make him his heir. Absalom is 
 still the king's favorite son (2 Sam. xiii. 
 37, xviii. 33) is looked on by the people 
 as the destined successor (2 Sam. xiv. 13, 
 xv. 1-6). The death of Absalom, when 
 Solomon was about ten years old, left the 
 place vacant, and David pledged his word 
 in secret to Bathsheba that he, and no 
 other, should be the heir (1 K. i. 13). The 
 words which were spoken somewhat later, 
 express, doubtless, the purpose which 
 guided him throughout (1 Chr. xxviii. 9, 
 20). His son's life should not be as his 
 own had been, one of hardships and wars, 
 dark crimes and passionate repentance, but, 
 from first to last, be pure, blameless, peace- 
 ful, fulfilling the ideal of glory and of 
 righteousness, after which he himself had 
 vainly striven. The glorious visions of 
 Ps. Ixxii. maybe looked on as the prophetic 
 expansion of those hopes of his old age. 
 So far, all was well. But we may not 
 ignore the fact, that the later years of 
 David's life presented a change for the 
 worse, as well as for the better. We can- 
 not rest in the belief that his influence over 
 his son's character was one exclusively for 
 good. Nothing that we know of Bathsheba 
 leads us to think of her as likely to mould 
 her son's mind and heart to the higher 
 forms of goodness. Under these influences 
 the boy grew up. At the age of ten or eleven 
 he must have passed through the revolt of 
 Absalom, and shared his father's exile (2 
 Sam. xv. 16). He would be taught all 
 that priests, or Levites, or prophets had to 
 teach. Admirable, however, as all tins 
 was, a shepherd-life, like his father's, fur- 
 nished, we may believe, a better education 
 for the kingly calling (Ps. Ixxviii. 70, 71). 
 The feebleness of David's old age led to an
 
 661 
 
 SOLOMON 
 
 attempt which might have deprived Solomon 
 of the throne his father destined for him. 
 Adonijah, next in order of birth to Absa- 
 lom, like Absalom " was a goodly man " (1 
 K. i. 6), in full maturity of years, backed 
 by the oldest of the king's friends and 
 counsellors. Following in the steps of Ab- 
 salom, he assumed the kingly state of a 
 chariot and a bodyguard. At last a time 
 was chosen for openly proclaiming him as 
 king. A solemn feast at EN-KOGEL was to 
 inaugurate the new reign. It was necessary 
 for those whose interests were endangered 
 to take prompt measures. Bathsheba and 
 Nathan took counsel together. The king 
 was reminded of his oath. Solomon went 
 down to GIHON, and was proclaimed and 
 anointed king. The shouts of his followers 
 fell on the startled ears of the guests at 
 Adonijah's banquet. One by one they rose 
 and departed. The plot had failed. A few 
 months more, and Solomon found himself, 
 by his father's death, the sole occupant of 
 the throne. The position to which he suc- 
 ceeded was unique. Never before, and never 
 after, did the kingdom of Israel take its 
 place among the great monarchies of the 
 East. Large treasures accumulated through 
 many years were at his disposal. Of Solo- 
 mon's personal appearance we have no di- 
 rect description, as we have of the earlier 
 kings. There are, however, materials for 
 filling up the gap. Whatever higher mystic 
 meaning may be latent in Ps. xlv., or the 
 Song of Songs, we are all but compelled to 
 think of them as having had, at least, an his- 
 torical starting-point. They tell us of one 
 who was, in the eyes of the men of his own 
 time, " fairer than the children of men," the 
 face " bright and ruddy " as his father's 
 (Cant. v. 10; 1 Sam. xvii. 42), bushy locks, 
 dark as the raven's wing, yet not without a 
 golden glow, the eyes soft as " the eyes of 
 doves," the " countenance as Lebanon, ex- 
 cellent as the cedars," " the chiefest among 
 ten thousand, the altogether lovely" (Cant. 
 v. 9-16). Add to this all gifts of a noble, 
 far-reaching intellect, large and ready sym- 
 pathies, a playful and genial humor, the 
 lips '* full of grace," the soul " anointed " 
 as " with the oil of gladness " (Ps. xlv.), 
 and we may form some notion of what the 
 king was like in that dawn of his golden 
 prime. The narrative of the earliest facts 
 in the history of the new reign, as told in 
 1 K. ii., is not a little perplexing. Bath- 
 sheba, who had before stirred up David 
 against Adonijah, now appears as interced- 
 ing for him, begging that Abishag the Shu- 
 nammite, the virgin coocubine of David, 
 might be given him as a wife. Solomon, 
 who till then had professed the profoundest 
 reverence for his mother, suddenly flashes 
 into fiercest wrath at this. The petition is 
 treated as part of a conspiracy in which 
 Joab and Abiataar are sharers. Adonijah 
 
 is put to death at once. Joab is slain even 
 within the precincts of the Tabernacle, to 
 which he had fled as an asylum. Abiathar 
 is deposed, and exiled, sent to a life of pov- 
 erty and shame (1 K. ii. 31-36), and the 
 high-priesthood transferred to another fam- 
 ily. [ZADOK.] II. Reign. All the data 
 for a continuous history that we have of 
 Solomon's reign are (a.) The duration 
 of the reign, 40 years (1 K. xi. 42) B. c. 
 1015-975. (6.) The commencement of the 
 Temple in the 4th, its completion in the 
 llth year of his reign (1 K. vi. 1, 37, 38). 
 (c.) The commencement of his own palace 
 in the 7th, its completion in the 20th year 
 (1 K. vii. L; 2 Chr. viii. 1). (rf.) The con- 
 quest of Hamath-Zobah, and the conse- 
 quent foundation of cities hi the region 
 north of Palestine after the 20th year (2 
 Chr. viii. 1-6). With materials so scanty 
 as these, it will be better to group the chief 
 facts in an order which will best enable us 
 to appreciate their significance. III. For- 
 eign Policy. 1. Egypt. The first act of the 
 foreign policy of the new reign must have 
 been to most Israelites a very startling one 
 He made affinity with Pharaoh, king of 
 Egypt, by marrying his daughter (IK. iii. 
 1). The immediate results were probably 
 favorable enough. The new queen brought 
 with her as a dowry the frontier-city of 
 Gezer, against which, as threatening the 
 tranquillity of Israel, and as still possessed 
 by a remnant of the old Canaanites, Pha- 
 raoh had led his armies. She was received 
 with all honor. A separate and stately pal- 
 ace was built for her, before long, outside 
 the city of David (2 Chr. viii. 11). The 
 ultimate issue of the alliance showed that 
 it was hollow and impolitic. There may 
 have been a revolution in Egypt. There 
 was, at any rate, a change of policy. There 
 was planned the scheme which first led to 
 the rebellion of the Ten Tribes, and then 
 to the attack of Shishak on the weakened 
 and dismantled kingdom of the son of 
 Solomon. 2. Tyre. The alliance with the 
 Phoenician king rested on a somewhat dif- 
 ferent footing. It had been part of David's 
 policy from the beginning of his reign. 
 Hiram had been " ever a lover of David." 
 As soon as he heard of Solomon's accession 
 he sent ambassadors to salute him. A cor- 
 respondence passed between the two kings, 
 which ended in a treaty of commerce. The 
 opening of Joppa as a port created a new 
 coasting-trade, and the materials from Tyre 
 were conveyed to it on floats, and thence to 
 Jerusalem (2 Chr. ii. 16). In return for these 
 exports, the Phoenicians were only too glad 
 to receive the corn and oil of Solomon's ter- 
 ritory. The results of the alliance did not end 
 here. Now, for the first time in the history of 
 Israel, they entered on a career as a commer- 
 cial people. They joined the Phoenicians in 
 their Mediterranean voyages to the coasts of
 
 SOLOMON 
 
 662 
 
 SOLOMON 
 
 Spain. Jj'oL jmon's possession of the Eclora- 
 ite coast enabled him to open to his ally a 
 new world of commerce. The ports of Elath 
 and Ezion-geber were filled with ships of 
 Tarshish, merchant-ships, manned chiefly 
 by Phoenicians, but built at Solomon's ex- 
 pense, which sailed down the Aelanitic 
 Gulf of the Red Sea, on to the Indian 
 Ocean, to lands which had before been 
 hardly known even by name. According 
 to the statement of the Phoenician writers 
 quoted by Josephus {Ant. viii. 5, 3), the 
 intercourse of the two kings had in it also 
 something of the sportiveness and freedom 
 of friends. They delighted to perplex each 
 other with hard questions, and laid wagers 
 as to their power of answering them. The 
 singular fragment of history inserted in 1 
 K. ix. 11-14, recording the cession by Sol- 
 omon of sixteen cities, and Hiram's dis- 
 satisfaction with them, is perhaps connect- 
 ed with these imperial wagers. 3. These 
 were the two most important alliances. 
 The absence of any reference to Babylon 
 and Assyria, and the fact that the Euphrates 
 was recognized as the boundary of Solo- 
 mon's kingdom (2 Chr. ix. 26), suggest the 
 inference that the Mesopotamian monar- 
 chies were at this time comparatively feeble. 
 Other neighboring nations were content to 
 pay annual tribute in the form of gifts (2 
 Chr. ix. 42). 4. The survey of the influ- 
 ence exercised by Solomon on surrounding 
 nations would be incomplete if we were to 
 pass over that which was more directly 
 personal the fame of his glory and his 
 wisdom. Wherever the ships of Tarshish 
 went, they carried with them the report, 
 losing nothing in its passage, of what their 
 crews had seen and heard. The journey 
 of the queen of Sheba, though from its cir- 
 cumstances the most conspicuous, did not 
 stand alone. She had heard of the wisdom 
 of Solomon, and connected with it "the 
 name of Jehovah " (1 K. x. 1). She came 
 with hard questions to test that wisdom, 
 and the words just quoted may throw light 
 upon their nature. The historians of Israel 
 delighted to dwell on her confession that 
 the reality surpassed the fame, " the one 
 half of the greatness of thy wisdom was not 
 told me" (2 Chr. ix. 6). IV. Internal 
 History. 1. The first prominent scene 
 in Solomon's reign is one which presents 
 his character in its noblest aspect. There 
 were two holy places which divided the 
 reverence of the people, the ark and its 
 provisional tabernacle at Jerusalem, and 
 the original Tabernacle of the congrega- 
 tion, which, after many wanderings, was 
 now pitched at Gibeon. It was thought 
 right that the new king should offer solemn 
 sacrifices at both. After those at Gibeon, 
 there came that vision of the night, in 
 which Solomon prayed, not for riches, or 
 long life, or victory over enemies, but for 
 
 a " wise and understanding heart," that he 
 might judge the people. The " speech 
 pleased the Lord." The wisdom asked 
 for was given in large measure, and took 
 a varied range. The wide world of nature, 
 animate and inanimate, the lives and char- 
 acters of men, lay before him, and he took 
 cognizance of all. But the highest wisdom 
 was that wanted for the highest work, for 
 governing and guiding, and the historian 
 hastens to give an illustration of it. The 
 pattern-instance is, in all its circumstances, 
 thoroughly Oriental (1 K. iii. 16-28). 2. 
 In reference to the king's finances, the first 
 impression of the facts given us is that of 
 abounding plenty. Large quantities of the 
 precious metals were imported from Ophir 
 and Tarshish (1 K. ix. 28). All the kings 
 and princes of the subject provinces paid 
 tribute in the form of gifts, in money and 
 in kind, "at a fixed rate year by year" (1 
 K. x. 25). Monopolies of trade contributed 
 to the king's treasury (1 K. x. 28, 29). 
 The king's domain-lands were apparently 
 let out, at a fixed annual rental (Cant, 
 viii. 11). All the provinces of his own 
 kingdom were bound each in turn to sup- 
 ply the king's enormous household with 
 provisions (1 K. iv. 21-23). The total 
 amount thus brought into the treasury in 
 gold, exclusive of all payments in kind, 
 amounted to 666 talents (1 K. x. 14). 3. 
 It was hardly possible, however, that any 
 financial system could bear the strain of 
 the king's passion for magnificence. The 
 cost of the Temple was, it is true, provided 
 for by David's savings and the offerings of 
 the people ; but even while that was build- 
 ing, yet more when it was finished, one 
 structure followed on another with ruinous 
 rapidity. All the equipment of his court, 
 the " apparel " of his servants, was on the 
 same scale. A bodyguard attended him, 
 " threescore valiant men," tallest and hand- 
 somest of the sons of Israel. Forty thou- 
 sand stalls of horses for his chariots, and 
 twelve thousand horsemen, made up the 
 measure of his magnificence (1 K. iv. 26). 
 As the treasury became empty, taxes mul- 
 tiplied and monopolies became more irk- 
 some. The people complained, not of the 
 king's idolatry, but of their burdens, of his 
 "grievous yoke" (1 K. xii. 4). Their 
 hatred fell heaviest on Adoniram, who was 
 over the tribute. 4. A description of the 
 TEMPLE erected by Solomon is given else- 
 where. After seven years and a half the 
 work was completed, and the day came to 
 which all Israelites looked back as the cul- 
 minating glory of their nation. The ark 
 from Zion, the tabernacle from Gibeon, 
 were both removed (2 Chr. v. 5), and 
 brought to the new Temple. In the sol- 
 emn dedication of the building the person 
 of the king is the one central object, com- 
 pared with whom even priests and prophets
 
 SOLOMON 
 
 663 
 
 SOLOMON'S SERVANTS 
 
 are for the time subordinate. From him 
 came the lofty prayer, the noblest utter- 
 ance of the creed of Israel, setting forth 
 tlie distance and the nearness of the Eter- 
 nal God, One, Incomprehensible, dwelling 
 not in temples made with hands, yet ruling 
 men, hearing their prayers, giving them 
 all good things, wisdom, peace, righteous- 
 ness. 5. We cannot ignore the fact that 
 even now there were some darker shades in 
 the picture. He reduced the " strangers " 
 in the land, the remnant of the Canaanite 
 races, to the state of helots, and made their 
 life " bitter with all hard bondage." One 
 hundred and fifty-three thousand, with wives 
 and children in proportion, were torn from 
 their homes and sent off to the quarries and 
 the forests of Lebanon (1 K. v. 15 ; 2 Chr. 
 ii. 17, 18). And the king soon fell from the 
 loftiest height of his religious life to the 
 lowest depth. Before long the priests and 
 prophets had to grieve over rival temples to 
 Moloch, Chemosh, Ashtaroth, forms of ritual 
 not idolatrous only, but cruel, dark, impure. 
 This evil came as the penalty of another 
 (1 K. xi. 1-8). He gave himself to " strange 
 women." He found himself involved in a 
 fascination M hich led to the worship of 
 strange gods. Something there was per- 
 haps in his very " largeness of heart," so 
 far in advance of the traditional knowledge 
 of his age, rising to higher and wider 
 thoughts of God, which predisposed him to 
 it. In recognizing what was true in other 
 forms of faith, he might lose his horror at 
 what was false. With this there may have 
 mingled political motives. He may have 
 hoped, by a policy of toleration, to concili- 
 ate neighboring princes, to attract a larger 
 traffic. But probably also there was another 
 influence less commonly taken into account. 
 The wide-spread belief of the East in the 
 magic arts of Solomon is not, it is believed, 
 without its foundation of truth. Disasters 
 followed before long as the natural conse- 
 quence of what was politically a blunder as 
 well as religiously a sin. The strength of 
 the nation rested on its unity, and its unity 
 depended on its faith. Whatever attrac- 
 tions the sensuous ritual which he intro- 
 duced may have had for the great body of 
 the people, the priests and Levites must 
 have looked on the rival worship with en- 
 tire disfavor. The zeal of the prophetic or- 
 der was now kindled into active opposition 
 (1 K. xi. 28-39). The king in vain tried 
 to check the current that was setting strong 
 against him. The old tribal jealousies 
 gave signs of renewed vitality. Ephraim 
 was prepared once more to dispute the 
 supremacy of Judah, needing special con- 
 trol (1 K. xi. 28). And with this weakness 
 within there came attacks from without. 
 The king, prematurely old, must have fore- 
 seen the rapid breaking up of the great 
 monarchy to which he had succeeded. Of 
 
 the inner changes of mind and heart wliich 
 ran parallel with this history Scripture ic 
 comparatively silent. Something may be 
 learnt from the books that bear his name ; 
 something also from the fact that so little 
 remains out of so much, out of the songs, 
 proverbs, treatises of which the historian 
 speaks (1 K. iv. 32, 33). Excerpta only are 
 given from the 3000 Proverbs. Of the 
 thousand and five Songs we know absolute- 
 ly nothing. They represent the three stages 
 of his life. The Song of Songs brings be- 
 fore us the brightness of his youth. Then 
 comes in the Book of Proverbs, the stage 
 of practical, prudential thought. The poet 
 has become the philosopher, the mystic has 
 passed into the moralist. But the man 
 passed through both stages without being per- 
 manently the better for either. They were 
 to him but phases of his life which he had 
 known and exhausted (Eccl. i., ii.). And 
 therefore there came, as in the Confessions 
 of the Preacher, the great retribution. V. 
 Legends. Round the facts of the history, 
 as a nucleus, there gathers a whole world 
 of fantastic fables, Jewish, Christian, and 
 Mohammedan. Even in the Targum of 
 Ecclesiastes we find strange stories of his 
 character. He left behind him spells and 
 charms to cure diseases and cast out evil 
 spirits. His wisdom enabled him to inter- 
 pret the speech of beasts and birds. He 
 knew the secret virtues of gems and herbs. 
 Arabic imagination took a yet wilder flight. 
 After a strong struggle with the rebellious 
 Afreets and Jinns, Solomon conquered them 
 and cast them into the sea. To him be- 
 longed the magic ring which revealed to 
 him the past, the present, and the future. 
 The visit of the queen of Sheba furnished 
 some three or four romances. We pass 
 from this wild farrago of Jewish and other 
 fables, to that which presents the most en- 
 tire contrast to them. The teaching of the 
 N. T. adds nothing to the materials for a 
 life of Solomon. It enables us to take the 
 truest measure of it. The teaching of the 
 Son of Man passes sentence on all that 
 kingly pomp (Matt. vi. 29). It was re- 
 served for the true, the later Son of David 
 to fulfil the prophetic yearnings which had 
 gathered round the birth of the earlier. He 
 was the true Shfilomoh, the Prince of Peace, 
 the true Jedid-jah, the well-beloved of the 
 Father. 
 
 Solomon's Porch. [PALACE; TEM- 
 PLE.] 
 
 Solomon's Servants (CHILDR&W OF). 
 (Ezr. ii. 56, 68; Neh. vii. 57, 60). The 
 persons thus named appear in the lists of 
 the exiles who returned from the Captivity. 
 They were the descendants of the Canaan- 
 ites, who wero reduced by Solomon to the 
 helot state, and compelled to labor in the 
 king's stone-quarries, and in building hia 
 palaces and cities (1 K. v. 13, 14, ix. 20,
 
 SOLOMON'S SONG 
 
 6G4 
 
 SPARROW 
 
 21 ; 2 Chr. viii. 7, 8). They appear to have 
 formed a distinct order, inheriting probably 
 the same functions and the same skill as 
 their ancestors. 
 
 Solomon's Song. [CANTICLES.] 
 
 Solomon, Wisdom of. [WISDOM, 
 BOOK OF.] 
 
 Son. The term " son " is used in Scrip- 
 ture language to imply almost any kind of 
 descent or succession, as ben shdndh, " son 
 of a year," t. e. a year old, ben keshelh, 
 " son of a bow," t. e. an arrow. The word 
 bar is often found in the N. T. in composi- 
 tion, as Bar-timaeus. 
 
 Soothsayer. [DIVINATION.] 
 
 Sop'ater, son of Pyrrhus of Beroea, was 
 one of the companions of St. Paul on his re- 
 turn from Greece into Asia (Acts xx. 4). 
 
 Soph'ereth. " The children of Soph- 
 ereth " were a family who returned from 
 Babylon with Zerubbabel among the de- 
 scendants of Solomon's servants (Ezr. ii. 
 55; Neh. vii. 57). 
 
 Sorcerer. [DIVINATION.] 
 
 So'rek, The Valley of, a wady in 
 which lay the residence of Delilah (Judg. 
 xvi. 4). It was possibly nearer Gaza than 
 any other of the chief Philistine cities, since 
 thither Samson was taken after his capture 
 at Delilah's house. 
 
 Sosip'ater, kinsman or fellow-tribes- 
 man of St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 21), is proba- 
 bly the same person as SOPATER of Beroea. 
 
 Sos'thenes was a Jew at Corinth, who 
 was seized and beaten in the presence of 
 Gallio (see Acts xviii. 12-17). Paul wrote 
 th? First Epistle to the Corinthians jointly 
 in his own name and that of a certain Sos- 
 thenes whom he terms " the brother" (1 Cor. 
 i. 1). Some have held that he was identi- 
 cal with the Sosthenes mentioned in the 
 Acts. If this be so, he must have been 
 converted at a later period, and have been 
 at Ephesus, and not at Corinth, when Paul 
 wrote to the Corinthians. The name was 
 a common one, and but little stress can be 
 laid on that coincidence. 
 
 Sp'tai. The children of Sotal were a 
 family of the descendants of Solomon's 
 servants who returned with Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr. ii, 55 ; Neh. vii. 57). 
 
 South Ra'moth. [RAMATH OF THE 
 SOUTH,] 
 
 Sow. [SWINE.] 
 
 Sower, Sowing. The operation of 
 sowing with the hand is one of BO simple a 
 character as to need little description. The 
 Egyptian paintings furnish many illustra- 
 tions of the mode in which it was conduct- 
 ed. The sower held the vessel or basket 
 containing the seed, in his left hand, while 
 with his right he scattered the seed broad- 
 cast. The "drawing out" of the seed is 
 noticed, as the most characteristic action of 
 the sower, in Ps. cxxvi. 6 (A. V. " precious ") 
 and Am. ix, 13 In wet soils the seed was 
 
 trodden in by the feet of animals (Is. xxxii 
 20). The sowing season commenced in Oc- 
 tober and continued to the end of February, 
 wheat being put in before, and barley after, 
 the beginning of January. The Mosaic law 
 prohibited the sowing of mixed seed (Lev. 
 xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 9). 
 
 Spain (1 Mace. viii. 3; Rom. xv. 2-t, 
 28). The local designation, Tarshish, rep- 
 resenting the Tartessus of the Greeks, 
 probably prevailed until the fame of the 
 Roman wars in that country reached the 
 East, when it was superseded by its classi- 
 cal name. The mere intention of St. Paul 
 to visit Spain implies two interesting facts, 
 viz. the establishment of a Christian com- 
 munity in that country, and this by means 
 of Hellenistic Jews resident there. The 
 early introduction of Christianity into that 
 country is attested by Irenaeus and Tcr- 
 tullian. 
 
 Sparrow. (Heb. tzippdr). This Heb. 
 word occurs upwards of forty times in the 
 O. T. In all passages excepting two it is 
 rendered by A. V. indifferently " bird " or 
 " fowl." In Ps. Ixxxiv. 3, and Ps. cii. 7, it 
 is rendered " sparrow." The Greek Srnov- 
 6iuv (" sparrow," A. V.) occurs twice in 
 N. T., Matt. x. 29, Luke xii. 6, 7. Tzip- 
 por, from a root signifying to " chirp" or 
 " twitter," appears to be a phonetic repre- 
 sentation of the call-note of any passerine 
 bird. Although the common sparrow of 
 England {Passer domesticus, L.) does not 
 occur in the Holy Land, its place is abun- 
 dantly supplied by two very closely allied 
 Southern species (Passer salicicola, Vieill., 
 and Passer cisalpina, Tern.). Our Eng- 
 lish tree sparrow (Passer nwntanus, L.) is 
 also very common, and may be seen in 
 numbers on Mount Olivet, and also about 
 the sacred enclosure of the mosque of 
 Omar. This is perhaps the exact species 
 referred to in Ps. Ixxxiv. 3. Most of our 
 commoner small birds are found in Pales- 
 tine. The starling, chaffinch, greenfinch, 
 linnet, goldfinch, corn-bunting, pipits, 
 blackbird, song-thrush, and the various 
 species of wagtail abound. The rock spar- 
 row (Petronia stulta, Strickl.) is a common 
 bird in the barer portions of Palestine, es- 
 chewing woods, and generally to be seen 
 perched alone on the top of a rock or on 
 any large stone. From this habit it has 
 been conjectured to be the bird alluded to 
 in Ps. cii. 7, as "the sparrow that sitteth 
 alone upon the house-top ; " but as the rock 
 sparrow, though found among ruins, never 
 resorts to inhabited buildings, it seems 
 more probable that the bird to which the 
 psalmist alludes is the blue thrush (Pefro- 
 cossyphus cyaneus). It is a solitary bird, 
 eschewing the society of its own species, 
 and rarely more than a pair are seen to- 
 gether. There are but two allusions to the 
 singing of birds in the Scriptures, Ecrles.
 
 SPARTA 
 
 665 
 
 SPIKENARD 
 
 xii. 4 and Ps. civ. 12. As the psalmist is 
 here speaking of the sides of streams and 
 rivers, he probably had in his mind the 
 bulbul of the country, or Palestine nightin- 
 gale (Ixos xanthopygius, Hempr.), a bird 
 not very far removed from the thrush tribe, 
 and a closely allied species of which is the 
 true bulbul of Persia and India. Small 
 birds were probably as ordinary an article 
 of consumption among the Israelites as 
 they still are in the markets both of the 
 Continent and of the East (Luke xii. 6; 
 Matt. x. 29). There are four or five sim- 
 ple methods of fowling practised at this 
 day in Palestine which are probably iden- 
 tical with those alluded to in the O. T. 
 The simplest, but by no means the least 
 successful, among the dexterous Bedouins, 
 is fowling with the throw-stick. The only 
 weapon used is a short stick, about 18 
 inches long and half an inch in diameter. 
 When the game has been discovered, the 
 stick is hurled with a revolving motion so 
 as to strike the legs of the bird as it runs, 
 or sometimes at a rather higher elevation, 
 so that when the victim, alarmed by the 
 approach of the weapon, begins to rise, its 
 wings are struck, and it is slightly disabled. 
 The fleet pursuers soon come up. and, using 
 their burnouses, as a sort of net, catch and 
 at once cut the throat of the game. A 
 more scientific method of fowling is that 
 alluded to in Ecclus. xi. 30, by the use of 
 decoy-birds. Whether falconry was ever 
 employed as a mode of fowling or not is by 
 no means so clear. At the present day it 
 is practised with much care and skill by the 
 Arab inhabitants of Syria, though not in 
 Judaea proper. 
 
 Spar'ta (1 Mace. xiv. 16 ; 2 Mace. T. 9 : 
 A. V. "Lacedaemonians "). In the history 
 of the Maccabees mention is made of a re- 
 markable correspondence between the Jews 
 and the Spartans, which has been the sub- 
 ject of much discussion. The alleged facts 
 are briefly these : When Jonathan endeav- 
 ored to strengthen his government by for- 
 eign alliances (B. c. 144), he sent to Sparta 
 to renew a friendly intercourse which had 
 been begun at an earlier time between Are- 
 us and Onias, on the ground of their com- 
 mon descent from Abraham (1 Mace. xii. 
 6-23). The embassy was favorably re- 
 ceived, and after the death of Jonathan 
 " the friendship and league " was renewed 
 with Simon (1 Mace. xiv. 16-23). Several 
 questions arise out of these statements. 1. 
 The whole context of the passage, as well as 
 the independent reference to the connection 
 of the "Lacedaemonians" and Jews in 2 
 Mace. v. 9, seems to prove clearly that the 
 reference is to the Spartans, properly so 
 called. 2. The actual relationship of the 
 Jews and Spartans (2 Mace. v. 9) is an eth- 
 nological error, which it is difficult to trace 
 to its origin. It is certain, from an inde- 
 
 pendent paisage, that a Jewish colony ex- 
 isted at Sparta at an early time (1 Mace, 
 xv. 23). 3. The difficulty of fixing tho 
 date of the first correspondence is increas*. <i 
 by the recurrence of the names involved. 
 Two kings bore the name Areus, one of 
 whom reigned B. c. 309-265, and the other, 
 his grandson, died B. c. 257, being only 
 eight years old. The same name was also 
 borne by an adventurer, who occupied a 
 prominent position at Sparta, B. c. 184. In 
 Judaea, again, three high-priests bore the 
 name Onias, the first of whom held office 
 B. c. 330-309 (or 300) ; the second B. c. 240- 
 226; and the third B. c. 198-171. Jose- 
 phus is probably correct in fixing the event 
 in the time of Onias III. 
 
 Spear. [ARMS.] 
 
 Spearmen. The word thus rendered in 
 the A. V. of Acts xxiii. 23 is of very rare 
 occurrence, and its meaning is extremely 
 obscure. They were probably troops so 
 lightly armed as to be able to keep pace on 
 the march with mounted soldiers. 
 
 Spice, Spices. 1. Hebrew E&sam, 
 besem, or bdsem. In Cant. v. 1, "I have 
 gathered my myrrh with my spice," the 
 word points apparently to some definite 
 substance. In the other places, with the 
 exception perhaps of Cant. i. 13, vi. 2, the 
 words refer more generally to sweet aro- 
 matic odors, the principal of which was 
 that of the balsam or balm of Gilead ; the 
 tree which yields this substance is now 
 generally admitted to be the Balsamoden- 
 dron opobalsamum. The balm of Gilead 
 tree grows in some parts of Arabia and 
 Africa, and is seldom more than fifteen feet 
 high, with straggling branches and scanty 
 foliage. The balsam is chiefly obtained 
 from incisions in the bark, but the sub- 
 stance is procured also from the green and 
 ripe berries. 2. NVcdth (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 
 xliii. 11). The most probable explanation 
 is that which refers the word to the Arabic 
 naka'at, i. e. "the gum obtained from the 
 tragacanth" (Astragalus). 3. Sammim. 
 A general term to denote those aromatic 
 substances which were used in the prepara- 
 tion of the anointing oil, the incense offer- 
 ings, &c. The spices mentioned as being 
 used by Nicodemus for the preparation of 
 our Lord's body (John xix. 39, 40) are 
 " myrrh and aloes," by 'which latter word 
 must be understood not 1 le aloes of medi- 
 cine (Aloe), but the hignly-scented wood 
 of the Aquilaria agallochum. 
 
 Spider. The Hebrew word 'accdbtah 
 in Job viii. 14, Is. lix. 5, is correctly ren- 
 dered " spider." But Simdmith is wrongly 
 translated "spider" in Prov. xxx. 28; it 
 refers probably to some kind of lizard. 
 
 Spikenard (Heb. ndrd) is mentioned 
 twice in the O. T., viz. in Cant. i. 12, iv. 
 13, 14. The ointment with which our Lord 
 was anointed as He sat at meat in Simon's
 
 SPINNING 
 
 666 
 
 STEPHEN 
 
 house at Bethany consisted of this precious 
 substance, the costliness of which may be 
 inferred from the indignant surprise mani- 
 fested by some of the witnesses of the 
 transaction (see Mark xiv. 3-5 ; John xii. 3, 
 5). There is no doubt that sunbul is by 
 Arabian authors used as the representative 
 of the Greek nardos. Dr. Koyle, having 
 ascertained that the jatamansee, one of the 
 Hindu synonymes for the sunbul, was annu- 
 ally brought from the mountains overhang- 
 ing the Ganges and Jumna rivers down to 
 the plains, purchased some of these fresh 
 roots, and planted them in the botanic gar- 
 dens at Saharunpore. This plant has been 
 called Nardostachys jatamansi by De Can- 
 dolle. 
 
 Spikenard. 
 
 Spinning. The notices of spinning in 
 the Bible are confined to Ex. xxxv. 25, 26 ; 
 Matt. vi. 28; and Prov. xxxi. 19. The 
 latter passage implies (according to the A. 
 V.) the use of the same instruments which 
 have been in vogue for hand-spinning down 
 to the present day, viz. the distaff and 
 spindle. The distaff, however, appears to 
 have been dispensed with, and the term so 
 rendered means the spindle itself, while that 
 rendered " spindle " represents the whirl 
 of the spindle, a button of circular rim 
 which was affixed to it, and gave steadiness 
 to its circular motion. The " whirl " of the 
 Syrian women was made of amber in the 
 time of Pliny. The spindle was held per- 
 pendicularly in the one hand, while the 
 other was employed in drawing out the 
 thread. 
 
 Sponge is mentioned only in the N. T. 
 (Matt, xxvii. 48 ; Mark xv. 36 ; John xix. 
 29). The commercial value of the sponge 
 was known from very early times ; and al- 
 though there appears to be no notice of it 
 
 in the O. f i , yet it is probable that it was 
 used by the ancient Hebrews, who could 
 readily have obtained it good from the Med- 
 iterranean. 
 
 Sta'chyS, a Christian at Rome, saluted 
 by St. Paul in the Epistle to the Romans 
 (xvi. 9). 
 
 Spouse. [MARRIAGE.] 
 
 Stacte (Heb. ndtdf), the name of one 
 of the sweet spices which composed the 
 holy incense (see Ex. xxx. 34). The He- 
 brew word occurs once again (Job xxxvi. 
 27). Some identify the ndtdfvrith the gum 
 of the storax tree (Styrax qfficinale'), but 
 all that is positively known is that it signi- 
 fies an odorous distillation from some plant. 
 
 Standards. [ENSIGNS.] 
 
 Star of the Wise Men. [MAGI.] 
 
 Stater. [MONEY, p. 424.] 
 
 Steel. In all cases where the word 
 " steel " occurs in the A. V. the true ren- 
 dering of the Hebrew is " copper." Whether 
 the ancient Hebrews were acquainted with 
 steel is not perfectly certain. It has been 
 inferred from a passage in Jeremiah (xv. 
 12), that the "iron from the north" there 
 spoken of denoted a superior kind of metal, 
 hardened in an unusual manner, like the 
 steel obtained from the Chalybes of the 
 Pontus, the ironsmiths of the ancient 
 world. The hardening of iron for cutting- 
 instruments was practised in Pontus, Lydia, 
 and Laconia. There is, however, a word 
 in Hebrew, palddh, which occurs only in 
 Nah. ii. 3 [4], and is there rendered 
 " torches," but which most probably de- 
 notes steel or hardened iron, and refers to 
 the flashing scythes of the Assyrian chari- 
 ots. Steel appears to have been known to 
 the Egyptians. The steel weapons in the 
 tomb of Rameses III., says Wilkinson, are 
 painted blue, the bronze red. 
 
 Steph'anas, a Christian convert of 
 Corinth whose household Paul baptized aj 
 the "first fruits of Achaia" (1 Cor. i. 16, 
 xvi. 15). 
 
 Ste'phen, the First Christian Martyr, 
 was the chief of the Seven (commonly 
 called DEACONS) appointed to rectify the 
 complaints in the early Church of Jerusa- 
 lem, made by the Hellenistic against the 
 Hebrew Christians. His Greek name in- 
 dicates his own Hellenistic origin. His 
 importance is stamped on the narrative by 
 a reiteration of emphatic almost superla- 
 tive phrases : " full of faith and of the 
 Holy Ghost " (Acts vi. 5) ; " full of grace 
 and power" (ib. 8) ; irresistible " spirit and 
 wisdom" (ib. 10); "full of the Holy 
 Ghost" (vii. 55). He shot far ahead of 
 his six companions, and far above his par- 
 ticular office. First, he arrests attention 
 by the " great wonders and miracles that 
 he did." Then begins a series of disputa- 
 tions with the Hellenistic Jews of North 
 Africa, Alexandria, and Asia Minor, hia
 
 STEPHEN 
 
 667 
 
 STOICS 
 
 companions in race and birtl^ Jace. The 
 subject of these disputations is not ex- 
 pressly mentioned ; but from what follows, 
 it is obvious that he struck into a new vein 
 of teaching, which evidently caused liis mar- 
 tyrdom. Down to this time the Apostles and 
 the early Christian community had clung in 
 their worship, not merely to the Holy Land 
 and the Holy City, but to the Holy Place 
 of the Temple. This local worship, with 
 the Jewish customs belonging to it, he 
 now denounced. So we must infer from 
 the accusations brought against him, con- 
 firmed as they are by the tenor of his 
 defence. He was arrested at the instigation 
 of the Hellenistic Jews, and brought before 
 the Sanhedrin. His speech in his defence, 
 and his execution by stoning outside the 
 gates of Jerusalem, are related at length in 
 the Acts (vii.). The framework in which 
 his defence is cast is a summary of the his- 
 tory of the Jewish Church. In the facts 
 which he selects from this history, he is 
 guided by two principles. The first is the 
 endeavor to prove that, even in the pre- 
 vious Jewish history, the presence and favor 
 of God had not been confined to the Holy 
 Land or the Temple of Jerusalem. This 
 he illustrates with a copiousness of detail 
 which makes his speech a summary almost 
 as much of sacred geography as of sacred 
 history. The second principle of selection 
 is based on the attempt to show that there 
 was a tendency from the earliest times to- 
 wards the same ungrateful and narrow spirit 
 that had appeared in this last stage of their 
 political existence. It would seem that, 
 just at the close of his argument, Stephen 
 saw a change in the aspect of his judges, as 
 if for the first time they had caught the drift 
 of his meaning. He broke off from his calm 
 address, and turned suddenly upon them in 
 an impassioned attack, which shows that he 
 saw what was in store for him. As he spoke 
 they showed by their faces that their hearts 
 "were being sawn asunder," and they kept 
 gnashing their set teeth against him; but 
 still, though with difficulty, restraining 
 themselves. He, in this last crisis of his 
 fate, turned his face upwards to the open 
 sky, and as he gazed the vault of heaven 
 seemed to him to part asunder; and the 
 Divine Glory appeared through the rending 
 of the earthly veil the Divine Presence, 
 seated on a throne, and on the right hand 
 the human form of " Jesus." Stephen spoke 
 as if to himself, describing the glorious 
 vision ; and, in so doing, alone of all the 
 speakers and writers in the N. T., except 
 only Christ Himself, uses the expressive 
 phrase, " the Son of Man." As his judges 
 heard the words, they could hear no longer. 
 They broke into a loud yell ; they clapped 
 their hands to their ears ; they flew as with 
 one impulse upon him, and dragged him 
 out of the city to the place of execution. 
 
 Those who took the lead in the execution 
 were the persons who had taken upon them- 
 selves the responsibility of denouncing him 
 (Deut. xvii. 1 ; comp. John viii. 7). In this 
 instance, they were the witnesses who had 
 reported, or mis-reported, the words of Ste- 
 phen. They, according to the custom, 
 stripped themselves ; and one of the prom- 
 inent leaders in the transaction was deputed 
 by custom to signify his assent to the act 
 by taking the clothes into his custody, and 
 standing over them whilst the bloody work 
 went on. The person who officiated on this 
 occasion was a young man from Tarsus 
 the future Apostle of the Gentiles. [PAUL.] 
 As the first volley of stones burst upon him, 
 Stephen called upon the Master whose hu- 
 man form he had just seen in the heavens, 
 and repeated almost the words with which He 
 himself had given up His life on the cross, 
 " O Lord Jesus, receive my spirit." An- 
 other crash of stones brought him on his 
 knees. One loud, piercing cry, answering 
 to the loud shriek or yell with which his 
 enemies had flown upon him, escaped his 
 dying lips. Again clinging to the spirit of 
 his Master's words, he cried, " Lord, lay 
 not this sin to their charge," and instantly 
 sank upon the ground, and, in the touching 
 language of the narrator, who then uses for 
 the first time the word, afterwards applied 
 to the departure of all Christians, but here 
 the more remarkable from the bloody scenes 
 in the midst of which the death took place 
 "fell asleep." His mangled body was 
 buried by the class of Hellenists and prose- 
 lytes to which he belonged. The impor- 
 tance of Stephen's career may be briefly 
 summed up under three heads : I. He was 
 the first great Christian ecclesiastic, " the 
 Archdeacon," as he is called in the Eastern 
 Church. II. He is- the first martyr the 
 proto-martyr. To him the name " martyr " 
 is first applied (Acts xxii. 20). III. He 
 is the forerunner of St. Paul. He was the 
 anticipator, as, had he lived, he would have 
 been the propagator, of the new phase of 
 Christianity, of which St. Paul became the 
 main support. 
 
 Stocks. The term " stocks " is applied 
 in the A. V. to two different articles, one 
 of which answers rather to our pillory ; 
 while the other answers to our " stocks," 
 the feet alone being confined in it. The 
 prophet Jeremiah was confined in the first 
 sort (Jer. xx. 2), which appears to have 
 been a common mode of punishment in his 
 day (Jer. xxix. 26), as the prisons contained 
 a chamber for the special purpose, termed 
 " the house of the pillory " (2 Chr. xvi. 10; 
 A. V. "prison-house"). The stocks, prop- 
 erly so called, are noticed in Job xiii. 27, 
 xxxiii. 11, and Acts xvi. 24. The term used 
 in Prov. vii. 22 (A. V. "stocks") more 
 properly means a fetter. 
 
 Stoics. The Stoics and Epicureans,
 
 STOMACHER 
 
 who are mentioned together in Acts xvii. 
 18, represent the two opposite schools of 
 practical philosophy which survived the fall 
 of higher speculation in Greece. The Stoic 
 school was founded by Zeno of Citiura (cir. 
 B. c. 280), and derived its name from the 
 painted " portico " (<TTOU) in which lie taught. 
 Zeno was followed by Cleanthes (cir. B. c. 
 260), Cleanthes by Chrysippus (cir. B. c. 
 240), who was regarded as the intellectual 
 founder of the Stoic system. The ethical 
 system of the Stoics has been commonly 
 supposed to have a close connection with 
 Christian morality. But the morality of 
 stoicism is essentially based on pride, that 
 of Christianity on humility; the one up- 
 holds individual independence, the other 
 absolute faith in another ; the one looks for 
 consolation in the issue of fate, the other in 
 Providence ; the one is limited by periods 
 of cosmical ruin, the other is consummated 
 in a personal resurrection (Acts xvii. 18). 
 But in spite of the fundamental error of 
 stoicism, which lies in a supreme egotism, 
 the teaching of this school gave a wide 
 currency to the noble doctrines of the 
 Fatherhood of God, the common bonds of 
 mankind, the sovereignty of the soul. 
 
 Stomacher. The Hebrew word, so 
 translated, describes some article of female 
 attire (Is. iii. 24), the character of which is 
 a mere matter of conjecture. 
 
 Stones. Besides the ordinary uses to 
 which stones were applied, we may mention 
 that large stones were set up to commemo- 
 rate any remarkable events (Gen. xxviii. 18, 
 xxxv. 14, xxxi. 45 ; Josh. iv. 9 ; 1 Sam. vii. 
 12). Such stones were occasionally conse- 
 crated by anointing (Gen. xxviii. 18). A 
 similar practice existed in heathen coun- 
 tries, and by a singular coincidence these 
 stones were described in Phoenicia by a 
 name very similar to Bethel, viz. baetylia. 
 The only point of resemblance between the 
 two consists in the custom of anointing. 
 That the worship of stones prevailed among 
 the heathen nations surrounding Palestine, 
 and was borrowed from them by apostate 
 Israelites, appears from Is. Ivii. 6, accord- 
 ing to the ordinary rendering of the pas- 
 sage. Heaps of stones were piled up on 
 various occasions, as in token of a treaty 
 (Gen. xxxi. 46) ; or over the grave of some 
 notorious offender (Josh. vii. 26, viii. 29 ; 
 2 Sam. xviii. 17). The "white stone" 
 noticed in Rev. ii. 17 has been variously 
 regarded as referring to the pebble of ac- 
 quittal used in the Greek courts ; to the lot 
 cast in elections in Greece ; to both these 
 combined ; to the stones in the high-priest's 
 breastplate ; to the tickets presented to the 
 victors at the public games ; or, lastly, to 
 the custom of writing on stones. The no- 
 tice in Zech. xii. 3 of the " burdensome 
 stone " is referred by Jerome to the custom 
 of lifting stones as an exercise of strength 
 
 STORK 
 
 (comp. Ecclus. vi. 21) ; but it may equally 
 well be explained of a large corner-stone as 
 a symbol of strength (Is. xxviii. 16). Stones 
 are used metaphorically to denote hardness 
 or insensibility (1 Sam. xxv. 37; Ez. xi. 19, 
 xxxvi. 26), as well as firmness or strength 
 (Gen. xlix. 24). The members of the 
 Church are called " living stones," as con- 
 tributing to rear that living temple in which 
 Christ, himself "a living stone" is the chief 
 or head of the corner (Eph. ii. 20-22 ; 1 
 Pet. ii. 4-8). 
 
 Stones, Precious. Precious stones 
 are frequently alluded to in the Holy Scrip- 
 tures ; they were known and very highly 
 valued in the earliest times. The Tyrians 
 traded in precious stones supplied by Syria 
 (Ez. xxvii. 16). The merchants of Sheba 
 and Raamah in South Arabia, and doubtless 
 India and Ceylon, supplied the markets of 
 Tyre with various precious stones. The art 
 of engraving on precious stones was known 
 from the very earliest times (Gen. xxxviii. 
 18). The twelve stones of the breastplate 
 were engraved each one with the name of 
 one of the tribes (Ex. xxviii. 17-21). It is 
 an undecided question whether the diamond 
 was known to the early nations of antiquity. 
 The^A. V. gives it as the rendering of the 
 Heb. Yahaldm, but it is probable that the 
 jasper is intended. Precious stones are 
 used in Scripture in a figurative sense, to 
 signify value, beauty, durability, &c., in 
 those objects with which they are compared 
 (see Cant. v. 14; Is. liv. 11, 12; Lam. iv. 
 7; Rev. iv. 3, xxi. 10, 21). 
 
 Stoning. [PUNISHMENTS.] 
 
 Stork (Heb. chasid&h). The White 
 Stork (Ciconia alba, L.) is one of the largest 
 and most conspicuous of land birds, standing 
 nearly four feet high, the jet black of its 
 wings and its bright red beak and legs con- 
 trasting finely with the pure white of its 
 plumage (Zech. v. 9). In the neighborhood 
 of man it devours readily all kinds of offal 
 and garbage. For this reason, doubtless, it 
 is placed in the list of unclean birds by the 
 Mosaic Law (Lev. xi. 19; Deut. xiv. 18). 
 The range of the white stork extends over 
 the whole of Europe, except the British 
 Isles, where it is now only a rare visitant, 
 and over Northern Africa and Asia as far at 
 least as Birmah. The Black Stork (Cico- 
 nia nigra, L.), though less abundant in 
 places, is scarcely less widely distributed, 
 but has a more easterly range than its con- 
 gener. Both species are very numerous in 
 Palestine. While the black stork is never 
 found about buildings, but prefers marshy 
 places in forests, and breeds on the tops of 
 the loftiest trees, the white stork attaches 
 itself to man, and for the service which it 
 renders in the destruction of reptiles and 
 the removal of offal has been repaid from 
 the earliest times by protection and rever- 
 ence. The derivation of chasiddh (frori
 
 STEAIN 
 
 669 
 
 SIR AW 
 
 chesed, " kindness ") points to the paternal 
 and filial attachment of which the stork 
 seems to have been a type among the He- 
 brews no less than the Greeks and Romans. 
 It was believed that the young repaid the 
 care of their parents by attaching them- 
 selves to them for life, and tending them in 
 old age. That the parental attachment of 
 the stork is very strong, has been proved 
 on many occasions. Pew migratory birds 
 arc more punctual to the time of their 
 reappearance than the white stork. The 
 stork has no note, and the only sound it 
 emits is that caused by the sudden snapping 
 of its long mandibles. 
 
 Strain at. The A. V. of 1611 renders 
 Matt, xxiii. 24, " Ye blind guides ! which 
 strain at a gnat, and swallow a camel." 
 There can be little doubt that this obscure 
 phrase is due to a printer's error, and that 
 the true reading is "strain out." Arch- 
 bishop Trench gives an interesting illus- 
 tration of the passage from the letter of a 
 traveller in North Africa, who says, "In 
 a ride from Tangier to Tetuan, I observed 
 that a Moorish soldier who accompanied 
 me, when he drank, always unfolded the 
 end of his turban and placed it over the 
 mouth of his bota, drinking through the 
 muslin, to strain out the gnats, whose larvae 
 swarm in the water of that country." 
 
 Stranger. A " stranger " in the tech- 
 nical sense of the term may be defined to 
 be a person of foreign, i. e. non-Israelitish, 
 extraction resident within the limits of the 
 promised land. He was distinct from the 
 proper " foreigner," inasmuch as the latter 
 still belonged to another country, and 
 would only visit Palestine as a traveller : he 
 was still more distinct from the " nations," 
 or non-Israelite peoples. The term may 
 be compared with our expression " natural- 
 ized foreigner." The terms applied to the 
 " stranger " have special reference to the 
 fact of his residing in the land. The ex- 
 istence of such a class of persons among 
 the Israelites is easily accounted for : the 
 
 " mixed multitude " that accompanied them 
 out of Egypt (Ex. xii. 38) formed one ele- 
 ment; the Canaanitish population, which 
 was never wholly extirpated from their 
 native soil, formed another and a still more 
 important one; captives taken in war 
 formed a third ; fugitives, hired servants, 
 merchants, &c., formed a fourth. The en- 
 actments of the Mosaic Law, which regu- 
 lated the political and social position of 
 resident strangers, were conceived in a 
 spirit of great liberality. With the excep- 
 tion of the Moabites and Ammonites (Deut. 
 xxiii. 3), all nations were admissible to the 
 rights of citizenship under certain condi- 
 tions. The stranger appears to have been, 
 eligible to all civil offices, that of king 
 excepted (Deut. xvii. 15). In regard to 
 religion, it was absolutely necessary that 
 the stranger should not infringe' any of the 
 fundamental laws of the Israelitish state. 
 If he was a bondsman, he was obliged to 
 submit to circumcision (Ex. xii. 44) ; if he 
 was independent, it was optional with him ; 
 but if he remained uncircumcised, be was 
 prohibited from partaking of the Passover 
 (Ex. xii. 48), and could not be regarded as 
 a full citizen. Liberty was also given in 
 regard to the use of prohibited food to an 
 uncircumcised stranger. Assuming, how- 
 ever, that the stranger was circumcised, no 
 distinction existed in regard to legal rights 
 between the stranger and the Israelites. 
 The Israelite is enjoined to treat him as a 
 brother (Lev. xix. 34 ; Deut. x. 19). It also 
 appears that the "stranger" formed the 
 class whence the hirelings were drawn ; the 
 terms being coupled together in Ex. xii. 
 45 ; Lev. xxii. 10, xxv. 6, 40. The liberal 
 spirit of the Mosaic regulations respecting 
 strangers presents a strong contrast to the 
 rigid exclusiveness of the Jews at the com- 
 mencement of the Christian era. The 
 growth of this spirit dates from the time of 
 the Babylonish captivity. 
 
 Straw. Both wheat and barley straw- 
 were used by the ancient Hebrews cliiefly 
 
 Foreign Captive* emplojed in making Bricki at Thebei. (Wilkinon.)
 
 STREAM OF EGYPT 
 
 670 
 
 SUN 
 
 as fodder for the horses, cattle, and camels 
 (Gen. xxiv. 25 ; 1 K. iv. 28 ; Is. xi. 7, Lxv. 
 25). There is no intimation that straw was 
 used for litter. It was employed by the 
 Egyptians for making bricks (Ex. v. 7, 16), 
 being chopped up and mixed with the clay 
 to make them more compact, and to prevent 
 their cracking. [See BRICK, p. 92.] The 
 ancient Egyptians reaped their corn close 
 to the ear, and afterwards cut the straw 
 close to the ground, and laid it by. This 
 was the straw that Pharaoh refused to give 
 to the Israeliets, who were therefore com- 
 pelled to gather " stubble " instead a mat- 
 ter of considerable difficulty, seeing that 
 the straw itself had been cut off near to the 
 ground. [BRICK.] 
 
 Stream of Egypt occurs once in the 
 N. T. (Is. xxvii. 12). [RIVER OF EGYPT.] 
 
 Street. The streets of a modern Orien- 
 tal town presented a great contrast to those 
 with which we are familiar, being generally 
 narrow, tortuous, and gloomy, even in the 
 best towns. Their character is mainly fixed 
 by the> climate and the style of architec- 
 ture, the narrowness being due to the ex- 
 treme heat, and the gloominess to the cir- 
 cumstance of the windows looking for the 
 most part into the inner court. The street 
 called " Straight," in Damascus (Acts ix. 
 11), was an exception to the rule of nar- 
 rowness : it was a noble thoroughfare, 100 
 feet wide, divided in the Roman age by col- 
 onnades into three avenues, the central one 
 for foot passengers, the side passages for 
 Tehicles and horsemen going in different 
 directions. The shops and warehouses were 
 probably collected together into bazaars in 
 ancient as in modern times (Jer. xxxvii. 
 21), and perhaps the agreement between 
 Benhadad and Ahab that the latter should 
 "make streets in Damascus" (1 K. xx. 
 84), was in reference rather to bazaars, 
 and thus amounted to the establishment of 
 a, jus commercii. That streets occasionally 
 had names appears from Jer. xxxvii. 21; 
 Acts ix. 11. That they were generally un- 
 paved may be inferred from the notices of 
 the pavement laid by Herod the Great at 
 Antioch, and by Herod Agrippa II. at Jeru- 
 salem. Hence pavement forms one of the 
 peculiar features of the ideal Jerusalem 
 (Tob. xiii. 17; Rev. xxi. 21). Each street 
 and bazaar in a modern town is locked up 
 at night ; the same custom appears to have 
 prevailed in ancient times (Cant. iii. 3). 
 
 Stripes. [PUNISHMENTS.] 
 
 Su'ah, son of Zophah, an Asherite (1 
 Chr. vii. 36). 
 
 Suc'coth.. 1. An ancient town, first 
 heard of in the account of the homeward 
 journey of Jacob from Padan-aram (Gen. 
 xxxiii. 17). The name is derived from 
 the fact of Jacob's having there put up 
 "booths" (Succdth) for his cattle, as well 
 as a house for himself. From the itinerary 
 
 of Jacob's return it seems that Succoth lay 
 between PENIEL, near the ford of the tor- 
 rent Jabbok, and Shechem (comp. xxxii. 
 30, and xxxiii. 18). In accordance with this 
 is the mention of Succoth in the narrative 
 of Gideon's pursuit of Zebah and Zalinun- 
 na (Judg. viii. 5-17). It would appear 
 from this passage that it lay east of the 
 Jordan, which is corroborated by the fact 
 that it was allotted to the tribe of Gad 
 (Josh. xiii. 27). Succoth is named once 
 again after this in 1 K. vii. 46 ; 2 Chr. 
 iv. 17 as marking the spot at which the 
 brass founderies were placed for casting 
 the metal work of the Temple. It appears 
 to have been known in the time of Jerome, 
 who says that there was then a town named 
 Sochoth beyond the Jordan, in the district 
 of Scythopolis. 2. The first camping 
 place of the Israelites when they left Egypt 
 (Ex. xii. 37, xiii. 20 ; Num. xxxiii. 5, 6). 
 This place was apparently reached at the 
 close of the first day's march. Rameses, 
 the starting-place, was probably near the 
 western end of the Wadi-t-Tumeylat. The 
 distance traversed in each day's journey 
 was about fifteen miles. 
 
 Suc'COth-be'notll occurs only in 2 K. 
 xvii. 30. It has generally been supposed 
 that this term is pure Hebrew, and signifies 
 the " tents of daughters; " which some ex- 
 plain as " the booths in which the daughters 
 of the Babylonians prostituted themselves 
 in honor of their idol," others as "small 
 tabernacles in which were contained im- 
 ages of female deities." Sir H. Rawlinsou 
 thinks that Succoth-benoth represents the 
 Chaldaean goddess Zerbanit, the wife, of 
 Merodach, who was especially worshipped 
 at Babylon. 
 
 Su'chathites, one of the families of 
 scribes at Jabez (1 Chr. ii. 55). 
 
 Suk'kiims, a nation mentioned (2 Chr. 
 xii. 3) with the Lubim and Cushim as sup- 
 plying part of the army which came with 
 Shishak out of Egypt when he invaded Judah. 
 The Sukkiims may correspond to some 
 one of the shepherd or wandering races 
 mentioned on the Egyptian monuments. 
 
 Sun. In the history of the creation the 
 sun is described as the "greater light," in 
 contradistinction to the moon, or " lesser 
 light," in conjunction with which it was to 
 serve " for signs, and for seasons, and for 
 days, and for years," while its special 
 office was " to rule the day " (Gen. i. 14- 
 16). The " signs " referred to were prob- 
 ably such extraordinary phenomena as 
 eclipses, which were regarded as conveying 
 premonitions of coming events (Jer. x. 2 ; 
 Matt. xxiv. 29, with Luke xxi. 25). The 
 joint influence assigned to the sun and 
 moon in deciding the " seasons," both for 
 agricultural operations and for religious 
 festivals, and also hi regulating the length 
 and subdivisions of the "years," correctly
 
 SUN 
 
 671 
 
 SWEAT, BLOODY 
 
 describes the combination of the lunar and 
 solar year, which prevailed at all events 
 aubsequently to the Mosaic period. Sun- 
 rise and sunset are the only defined points 
 of time in the- absence of artificial con- 
 trivances for telling the hour of the day. 
 Between these two points the Jews rec- 
 ognized three periods, viz. when the sun 
 became hot, about 9 A. M. (1 Sam. xi. 
 9; Neh. vii. 3) ; the double light, or noon 
 (Gen. xliii. 16; 2 Sam^iv. 5); and "the 
 cool of the day," shortly before sunset 
 (Gen. iii. 8). The sun also served to 
 fix the quarters of the hemisphere, east, 
 west, north, and south, which were repre- 
 sented respectively by the rising sun, the 
 setting sun (Is. xlv. 6; Ps. 1. 1), the dark 
 quarter (Gen. xiii. 14; Joel ii. 20), and the 
 brilliant quarter (Deut. xxxiii. 23 ; Job 
 xxxvii. 17 ; Ez. xl. 24) ; or otherwise by 
 their position relative to a person facing 
 the rising sun before, behind, on the left 
 hand, and on the right hand (Job xxiii. 8, 
 9). The apparent motion of the sun is 
 frequently referred to (Josh. x. 13; 2 K. 
 xx. 11; Ps. xix. 6; Eccl. i. 5; Hab. iii. 11). 
 The worship of the sun, as the most 
 prominent and powerful agent in the king- 
 dom of nature, was widely diffused through- 
 out the countries adjacent to Pafestine. 
 The Arabians appear to have paid direct 
 worship to it without the intervention of 
 any statue or symbol (Job xxxi. 26, 27), 
 and this simple style of worship was prob- 
 ably familiar to the ancestors of the Jews 
 in Chaldaea and Mesopotamia. The He- 
 brews must have been well acquainted with 
 the idolatrous worship of the sun during 
 the captivity in Egypt, both from the con- 
 tiguity of On, the chief seat of the worship 
 of the sun as implied in the name itself 
 (On = the Hebrew Bethshemesh, "house 
 of the sun," Jer. xliii. 13), and also from 
 the connection between Joseph and Poti- 
 pherah (" he who belongs to Ea"), the priest 
 of On (Gen. xli. 45). After their removal 
 to Canaan, the Hebrews came in contact 
 with various forms of idolatry, which origi- 
 nated in the worship of the sun ; such as 
 the Baal of the Phoenicians, the Molech 
 or Milcom of the Ammonites, and the 
 Haiad of the Syrians. The importance 
 attached to the worship of the sun by the 
 Jewish kings may be inferred from the 
 fact that the horses sacred to the sun were 
 stalled within the precincts of the Temple 
 (2 K. xxiii. 11). In the metaphorical 
 language of Scripture the sun is emblem- 
 atic of the law of God (Ps. xix. 7), of the 
 cheering presence of God (Ps. Ixxxiv. 11), 
 of the person of the Saviour (John i. 9 ; 
 Mai. iv. 2), and of the glory and purity of 
 heavenly beings (Rev. i. 16, x. 1, xii. 1). 
 
 Suretyship. In the entire absence of 
 commerce the law laid down no rules on 
 the subject of suretyship ; but it is evident 
 
 that in the time of Solomon commercial 
 dealings had become so multiplied that 
 suretyship in the commercial sense was 
 common (Prov. vi. 1, xi. 15, xvii. 18, xx. 
 16, xxii. 26, xxvii. 13). But in older times 
 the notion of one man becoming a surety 
 for a service to be discharged by another 
 was in full force (see Gen. xliv. 32). The 
 surety of course became liable for his 
 client's debts in case of his failure. 
 
 Su'sa (Esth. xi. 3, xvi. 18). [SHUSHAN.] 
 
 Su'sanchites is found once only in 
 Ezr. iv. 9. There can be no doubt that it 
 designates either the inhabitants of the city 
 Susa, or those of the country Susis or 
 Susiana. Perhaps the former explanation 
 is preferable. 
 
 Susan'na. 1. The heroine of the story 
 of the Judgment of Daniel (see p. 132). 2. 
 One of the women who ministered to the 
 Lord (Luke viii. 3). 
 
 Su'si, the father of Gaddi the Manas- 
 site spy (Num. xiii. 11). 
 
 Swallow (Heb. dlr6r, in Ps. Ixxxiv. 
 3 ; Prov. xxvi. 2 ; Heb. '&g&r, in Is. 
 xxxviii. 14; Jer. viii. 7, but " crane " is 
 more probably the true signification of 
 'dgiir [CRANE]). The rendering of A. V. 
 for dZrdr seems correct. The characters 
 ascribed in the passages where the names 
 occur, are strictly applicable to the swal- 
 low, viz. its swiftness of flight, its nesting 
 in the buildings of the Temple, its mourn- 
 ful, garrulous note, and its regular migra- 
 tion, shared indeed in common with several 
 others. Many species of swallow occur in 
 Palestine. All those common in England 
 are found. 
 
 Swan (Heb. tinshemeth'), thus rendered 
 by A. V. in Lev. xi. 18; Deut. xiv. 16, 
 where it occurs in the list of unclean birds. 
 But the renderings of the LXX., "por- 
 phyrio " (purple water-hen) and "ibis, "are 
 either of them more probable. Neither of 
 these birds occurs elsewhere in the cata- 
 logue ; both would be familiar to residents 
 in Egypt, and the original seems to point to 
 some water-fowl. The purple water-hen 
 is allied to our corn-crake and water-hen 
 and is the largest and most beautiful of the 
 family Rallidae. It frequents marshes and 
 the sedge by the banks of rivers in all the 
 countries bordering on the Mediterranean, 
 and is abundant in Lower Egypt. 
 
 Swearing. [OATH.] 
 
 Sweat, Bloody. One of the physical 
 phenomena attending our Lord's agony in 
 the Garden of Gethsemane is described by 
 St. Luke (xxii. 44) : " His sweat was as it 
 were great drops (lit. clots') of blood falling 
 down to the ground." Of this malady, 
 known in medical science by the term 
 diapedesis, there have been examples re- 
 corded both in ancient and modern times. 
 The cause assigned is generally violent 
 mental emotion. Dt. Millingen (Curiosi-
 
 bWINE 
 
 672 
 
 SYCHAR 
 
 ties of Medical Experience, p. 489, 2d ed.) 
 gives the following explanation of the phe- 
 nomenon : " It is probable that this strange 
 disorder arises from a violent commotion 
 of the nervous system, turning the streams 
 of blood out of their natural course, and 
 forcing the red particles into the cutaneous 
 excretories. A mere relaxation of the 
 fibres could not produce so powerful a re- 
 vulsion. It may also arise in cases of ex- 
 treme debility, in connection with a thin- 
 ner condition of the blood." 
 
 Swine (Heb. chazir). (1.) The flesh 
 of swine was forbidden as food by the 
 Levitical law (Lev. xi. 7 ; Deut. xiv. 8) ; 
 the abhorrence which the Jews as a nation 
 had of it may be inferred from Is. Ixv. 4, 
 and 2 Mace. vi. 18, 19. No other reason 
 for the command to abstain from swine's 
 flesh is given in the law of Moses beyond 
 the general one which forbade any of the 
 mammalia as food which did not literally 
 fulfil the terms of the definition of a " clean 
 animal," viz. that it was to be a cloven- 
 footed ruminant. It is, however, probable 
 that dietetical considerations may have in- 
 fluenced Moses in his prohibition of swine's 
 flesh ; it is generally believed that its use 
 in hot countries is liable to induce cu- 
 taneous disorders ; hence in a people lia- 
 ble to leprosy the necessity for the ob- 
 servance of a strict rule. Although the 
 Jews did not breed swine, during the great- 
 er period of their existence as a nation, 
 there can be little doubt that the heathen 
 nations of Palestine used the flesh as food. 
 At the time of our Lord's ministry it would 
 appear that the Jews occasionally violated 
 the law of Moses with regard to swine's 
 flesh. Whether " the herd of swine " into 
 which the devils were allowed to enter 
 (Matt. viii. 32; Mark v. 13) were the 
 property of the Jewish or Gentile inhabit- 
 ants of Gadara does not appear from the 
 sacred narrative. (2.) The wild boar of 
 the wood (Ps. Ixxx. 13) is the common 
 Sus scrofa, which is frequently met with in 
 the woody parts of Palestine, especially in 
 Mount Tabor. 
 
 Sword. [ARMS.] 
 
 Sycamine-tree is mentioned only in 
 Luke xvii. 6. There is no reason to doubt 
 that the sycamine is distinct from the syca- 
 more of the same evangelist (xix. 4). The 
 sycamine is the mulberry-tree (Mono). 
 Both black and white mulberry-trees are 
 common in Syria and Palestine. 
 
 Sycamore (He.b. shikm&h). The He- 
 brew word occurs in the O. T. only in the 
 plural form masc. and once fern., Is. 
 Ixxviii. 47. The two Greek words occur 
 only once each in the N. T. (Luke xvii. 6, 
 xix. 4). Although it may be admitted that 
 the Sycamine is properly, and in Luke 
 xvii. 6, the Mulberry, and the Sycamore the 
 Fig-mulberry, or Sycamore-fig (Ficus Syc- 
 
 omorus), yet the latter is the tree gen- 
 erally referred to in the O. T., ar.d called 
 by the Sept. sycamine, as 1 K. x. 27; 1 
 Chr. xxvii. 28 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 47 ; Am. vii. 
 14. The Sycamore, or Fig-mulberry, is 
 in Egypt and Palestine a tree of great im- 
 portance and very extensive use. It attains 
 the size of a walnut-tree, has wide-spread- 
 ing branches, and affords a delightful shade. 
 On this account it is frequently planted by 
 the waysides. Its leaves are heart-shaped, 
 downy on the under side, and fragrant. 
 The fruit grows directly from the trunk 
 itself on little sprigs, and in clusters like 
 the grape. To make it eatable, each fruit, 
 three or four days before gathering, must, 
 it is said, be punctured with a sharp instru- 
 ment or the finger-nail. Tin's was the 
 original employment of the prophet Amos, 
 as he says, vii. 14. So great was the value 
 of these trees, that David appointed for 
 them in his kingdom a special overseer, aa 
 he did for the olives (1 Chr. xxvii. 28) ; 
 and it is mentioned as one of the heaviest 
 of Egypt's calamities, that her sycamores 
 were destroyed by hailstones (Ps. Ixxviii. 
 47). 
 
 Ficut Sycomanu. 
 
 Sy'cliar, a place named only in John 
 iv. 5. Sycliar was either a name applied 
 to the town of Shechem, or it was an in-
 
 SYCHEM 
 
 673 
 
 SYNAGOGUE 
 
 dependent place. The first of these alter- 
 natives is now almost universally accept- 
 ed. [SHECHEM.] 
 
 Sy'chem, the Greek form of the word 
 Shechem. It occurs in Acts vii. 16 only. 
 [SHF.CHEM.] 
 
 Sye'ne, properly SEVENEH, a town of 
 Egypt, on the frontier of Cush or Ethiopia. 
 The prophet Ezekiel speaks of the desola- 
 tion of Egypt " from Migdol to Seveneh, 
 even unto the border of Cush" (xxix. 10), 
 and of its people being slain " from Mig- 
 dol to Seveneh " (xxx. 6). Migdol was on 
 the eastern border, and Seveneh is thus 
 rightly identified with the town of Syene, 
 which was always the last town of Egypt 
 on the south, though at one time included 
 in the nome Nubia. 
 
 Synagogue. I. History. The word 
 Synagogue (0t/ra/0/i/), which means a 
 " congregation," is used in the New Testa- 
 ment to signify a recognized place of wor- 
 ship. A knowledge of the history and wor- 
 ship of the synagogues is of great importance, 
 since they are the characteristic institution 
 of the later phase of Judaism. We cannot 
 separate them from the most intimate con- 
 nection with our Lord's life and ministry. In 
 them he worshipped in His youth and in His 
 manhood. They were the scenes, too, of 
 no small portion of His work. We know 
 too little of the life of Israel, both before 
 and under the monarchy, to be able to say 
 with certainty whether there was anything 
 at all corresponding to the synagogues of 
 later date. They appear to have arisen 
 during the exile, in the abeyance of the 
 Temple-worship, and to have received their 
 full development on the return of the Jews 
 from Captivity. The whole history of Ezra 
 presupposes the habit of solemn, probably 
 of periodic meetings (Ezr. viii. 15 ; Neh. 
 viii. 2, ix. 1 ; Zech. vii. 5). The " ancient 
 days " of which St. James speaks (Acts 
 xv. 21) may, at least, go back so far. After 
 the Maccabaean struggle for independence, 
 we find almost every town or village had 
 its one or more synagogues. Where the 
 Jews were not in sufficient numbers to be 
 able to erect and fill a building, there was the 
 Proseucha (.Toooer/i/), or place of prayer, 
 sometimes opened, sometimes covered in, 
 commonly by a running stream or on the 
 sea-shore, in which devout Jews and pros- 
 elytes met to worship, and, perhaps, to 
 read (Acts xvi. 13; Juven. Sat. iii. 296). 
 It is hardly possible to overestimate the in- 
 fluence of the system thus developed. To 
 it we may ascribe the tenacity with which, 
 after the Maccabaean struggle, the Jews 
 adhered to the religion of their fathers, and 
 never again relapsed into idolatry. The 
 people were now in no danger of forgetting 
 the Law, and the external ordinances that 
 hedged it round. Here, as in the cognate 
 order of the Scribes, there was an influence 
 43 
 
 ' tending to diminish, and ultimately almost 
 to destroy, the authority of the hereditary 
 priesthood. The way was silently pre- 
 pared for a new and higher order, which 
 should rise in " the fulness of time " out 
 of the decay and abolition of both the 
 priesthood and the Temple. II. Structure. 
 
 The size of a synagogue varied with the 
 population. Its position was, however, de- 
 terminate. It stood, if possible, on the 
 highest ground, in or near the city to which 
 it belonged. And its direction too was 
 fixed. Jerusalem was the Kibleh of Jew- 
 ish devotion. The synagogue was so con- 
 structed, that the worshippers as they en 
 tered, and as they prayed, looked towards it. 
 The building was commonly erected at the 
 cost of the district. Sometimes it was built 
 by a rich Jew, or even, as in Luke vii. 5, by 
 a friendly proselyte. In the internal ar- 
 rangement of the synagogue we trace an 
 obvious analogy to the type of the Taber- 
 nacle. At the upper or Jerusalem end 
 stood the Ark, the chest which,, like the 
 older and more sacred Ark, contained 
 the Book of the Law. It gave to that end 
 the name and character of a sanctuary. 
 This part of the synagogue was natu- 
 rally the place of honor. Here were the 
 " chief seats," after which Pharisees and 
 Scribes strove so eagerly (Matt, xxiii. 6), 
 to which the wealthy and honored worship- 
 per was invited (James ii. 2, 3). Here 
 too, in front of the Ark, still reprodu- 
 cing the type of the Tabernacle, was the 
 eight-branched lamp, lighted only on the 
 greater festivals. Besides this, there was 
 one lamp kept burning perpetually. A 
 little farther towards the middle of the 
 building was a raised platform, on which 
 several persons could stand at once, and in 
 the middle of this rose a pulpit, in which 
 the Reader stood to read the lesson or sat, 
 down to teach. The congregation were- 
 divided, men on one side, women on the- 
 other, a low partition, five or six feet high, 
 running between them. The arrangements- 
 of modern synagogues, for many centuries,, 
 have made the separation more complete- 
 by placing the women in low side-galleries,, 
 screened off by lattice-work. III. Officers^ 
 
 In smaller towns there was often but 
 one Rabbi. Where a fuller organization 
 was possible, there was a college of Elders 
 (Luke vii. 3), presided over by one who was 
 " the chief of the synagogue " (Luke viii. 
 41, 49, xiii. 14; Acts xviii. 8, 17). The 
 most prominent functionary in a large syn- 
 agogue was known as the Shfliach (= le- 
 gatus), the officiating minister who acted 
 as the delegate of the congregation, and 
 was therefore the chief reader of prayers, 
 &c., in their name. The Chazz&n or 
 "minister" of the synagogue (Luke iv. 
 20) had duties of a lower kind, resem- 
 bling those of the Christian deacon or sub-
 
 SYNAGOGUE 
 
 674 
 
 SYRACUSE 
 
 deacon. He was to open the doors, to 
 get the building ready for service. Besides 
 these there were ten men attached to every 
 synagogue, known as the Batlanim (== Oti- 
 <m). They were supposed to be men 
 of leisure, not obliged to labor for their 
 livelihood, able therefore to attend the 
 week-day as well as the Sabbath services. 
 It will be seen at once how closely the 
 organization of the synagogue was repro- 
 duced in that of the Ecclesia. Here also 
 there was the single presbyter-bishop in 
 small towns, a council of presbyters under 
 one head in large cities. The legatus of 
 the synagogues appears in the Angel (Rev. 
 i. 20, ii. 1), perhaps also in the Apostle of 
 the Christian Church. IV. Worship. It 
 will be enough, in this place, to notice in 
 what way the ritual, no less than the organi- 
 zation, was connected with the facts of the 
 N. T. history, and with the life and order 
 of the Christian Church. From the syna- 
 gogue came the use of fixed forms of prayer. 
 To that the first disciples had been accus- 
 tomed from their youth. They had asked 
 their Master to give them a distinctive one, 
 and he had complied with their request 
 (Luke xi. 1), as the Baptist had done be- 
 fore for his disciples, as every Rabbi did 
 for his. The forms might be, and were, 
 abused. The large admixture of a didactic 
 element in Christian worship, that by which 
 it was distinguished from all Gentile forms 
 of adoration, was derived from the older 
 order. " Moses " was " read in the syna- 
 gogues every Sabbath-day" (Acts xv. 21), 
 the whole Law being read consecutively, so 
 as to be completed, according to one cycle, 
 in three years. The writings of the Proph- 
 ets were read as second lessons in a cor- 
 responding order. They were followed by 
 the Derash (Acts xiii. 15), the exposition, 
 the sermon of the synagogue. The con- 
 formity extends also to the times of prayer. 
 In the hours of service this was obviously 
 the case. The third, sixth, and ninth hours 
 were in the times of the N. T. (Acts iii. 1, 
 x. 3, 9), and had been probably for some 
 time before (Ps. Iv. 17 ; Dan. vi. 10), the 
 fixed times of devotion. The same hours, 
 it is well known, were recognized in the 
 Church of the second, probably in that of 
 the first century also. The solemn days of 
 the synagogue were the second, the fifth, 
 and the seventh, the last or Sabbath being 
 the conclusion of the whole. The transfer 
 of the sanctity of the Sabbath to the Lord's 
 Day involved a corresponding change in 
 the order of the week, and the first, the 
 fourth, and the sixth became to the Chris- 
 tian society what the other days had been 
 to the Jewish. From the synagogue, lastly, 
 come many less conspicuous practices, 
 which meet us in the liturgical life of the 
 first three centuries : Ablution, entire or 
 partial, before entering the place of meeting 
 
 (Hcb. x. 22; John xiii. 1-15); standing, 
 and not kneeling, as the attitude of prayer 
 (Luke xviii. 11); the arms stretched out; 
 the face turned towards the Kibleh of the 
 East ; the responsive Amen of the congre- 
 gation to the prayers and benedictions of the 
 elders (1 Cor. xiv. 16). V. Judicial Func- 
 tions. The language of the N. T. shows 
 that the officers of the synagogue exercised 
 in certain cases a judicial power. It is not 
 quite so easy, however, to define the nature 
 of the tribunal, and the precise limits of 
 its jurisdiction. In two of the passages 
 referred to (Matt. x. 17 ; Mark xiii. 9) they 
 are carefully distinguished from the coun- 
 cils. It seems probable that the council 
 was the larger tribunal of 23, which sat 
 in every city, and that under the term 
 synagogue we are to understand a smaller 
 court, probably that of the Ten judges 
 mentioned in the Talmud. Here also we 
 trace the outline of a Christian institution. 
 The Church, either by itself or by appointed 
 delegates, was to act as a Court of Arbi- 
 tration in all disputes among its members. 
 The elders of the church were not, how- 
 ever, to descend to the trivial disputes of 
 daily life. For the elders, as for those of 
 the synagogue, were reserved the graver 
 offences against religion and morals. 
 
 Synagogue, The Great. On the re 
 turn of the Jews from Babylon, a groat 
 council was appointed, according to Rab- 
 binic tradition, to re-organize the religious 
 life of the people. It consisted of 120 
 members, and these were known as the 
 men of the Great Synagogue, the suc- 
 cessors of the prophets, themselves, in 
 their turn, succeeded by scribes promi- 
 nent, individually, as teachers. Ezra was 
 recognized as president. Their aim was 
 to restore again the crown, or glory, of 
 Israel. To this end they collected all the 
 sacred writings of former ages and their 
 own, and so completed the canon of the 
 O. T. They instituted the feast of Purim, 
 organized the ritual of the synagogue, and 
 gave their sanction to the Shemdneh Esreh, 
 the eighteen solemn benedictions in it. 
 Much of this is evidently uncertain. The 
 absence of any historical mention of such a 
 body, not only in the O. T. and the Apocry- 
 pha, but in Josephus, Philo, &c., have led 
 some critics to reject the whole statement 
 as a Rabbinic invention. The narrative of 
 Neh. viii. 13 clearly implies the existence 
 of a body of men acting as councillors un- 
 der the presidency of Ezra ; and these Kiay 
 have been an assembly of delegates from 
 all provincial synagogues a synod of the 
 National Church. 
 
 Syn'tyche, a female member of the 
 Church of Philippi (Phil. iv. 2, 3). 
 
 Syr'acuse, the celebrated city on the 
 eastern coast" of Sicily. St. Paul arrived 
 thither in an Alexandrian ship from Melita,
 
 STRIA 
 
 675 
 
 SYRIA 
 
 on his voyage to Rome (Acts xxviii. 12). 
 The site of Syracuse rendered it a con- 
 venient place for the African corn-ships to 
 touch at, for the harbor was an excellent 
 one, and the fountain Arethusa in the 
 island furnished an unfailing supply of 
 excellent water. 
 
 Syr'ia is the term used throughout our 
 version for the Hebrew Aram, as well as 
 for the Greek 2vgia. Most probably Syria 
 is for Tsyria, the country about Tsur, or 
 Tyre, which was the first of the Syrian 
 towns known to the Greeks. It is diffi- 
 cult to fix the limits of Syria. The limits 
 of the Hebrew Aram and its subdivis- 
 ions are spoken of under ARAM. Syria 
 Proper was bounded by Amanus and 
 Taurus on the N., by the Euphrates and 
 the Arabian desert on the E., by Palestine 
 on the S., by the Mediterranean near the 
 mouth of the Orontes, and then by Phoeni- 
 cia upon the W. This tract is about 300 
 miles long from north to south, and from 
 60 to 150 miles broad. It contains an area 
 of about 30,000 square miles. The gen- 
 eral character of the tract is moutainous, 
 as the Hebrew name Aram (from a root 
 signifying " height ") sufficiently implies. 
 The most fertile and valuable tract of 
 Syria is the long valley intervening be- 
 tween Libanus and Anti-Libanus. Of the 
 various mountain-ranges of Syria, Lebanon 
 possesses the greatest interest. It extends 
 from the mouth of the Litany to Arka, a 
 distance of nearly 100 miles. Anti-Libanus, 
 as the name implies, stands over against 
 Lebanon, running in the same direction, 
 i. e. nearly north and south, and extending 
 the same length. [LEBANON.] The prin- 
 cipal rivers of Syria are the Litany and the 
 Orontes. The Litany springs from a small 
 lake situated in the middle of the Coele- 
 syrian valley, about six miles to the south- 
 west of Baalbek. It enters the sea about 5 
 miles north of Tyre. The source of the 
 Orontes is but about 15 miles from that of 
 the Litany. Its modern name is the Nahr- 
 el-Asi, or " Rebel Stream," an appellation 
 given to it on account of its violence and 
 impetuosity in many parts of its course. 
 The chief towns of Syria may be thus ar- 
 ranged, as nearly as possible in the order 
 of their importance: 1. Antioch; 2. Da- 
 mascus; 3. Apamea; 4. Seleucia; 5. Tad- 
 mor or Palmyra; G. Laodicea; 7. Epipha- 
 nia (Hamath) ; 8. Samosata ; 9. Hierap- 
 olis (Mabug) ; 10. Chalybon; 11. Emesa; 
 12. Heliopolis; 13. Laodicea ad Libanum ; 
 14. Cyrrhus; 15. Chalcis; 16. Poseideum; 
 17. Heraclea; 18. Gindarus; 19. Zeugma; 
 20. Thapsacus. Of these, Samosata, Zeug- 
 ma, Thapsacus, are on the Euphrates ; 
 Seleucia, Laodicea, Poseideum, and Her- 
 aclea, on the sea-shore ; Antioch, Apa- 
 mea, Epiphania, and Emesa (Ifema) on the 
 
 Orontes ; Heliopolis and Laodicea ad Liba- 
 num, in Coele-syria ; Hierapolis, Chalybon, 
 Cyrrhus, Chalcis, and Gindarus, in the 
 northern highlands; Damascus on the 
 skirts, and Palmyra in the centre, of the 
 eastern desert. History The first oc- 
 cupants of Syria appear to have been of 
 Hamitic descent. The Canaanitish races, 
 the Hittites, Jebusites, Amorites, &c., are 
 connected in Scripture with Egypt and 
 Ethiopia, Cush and Mizraim (Gen. x. 6 
 and 15-18). These tribes occupied not 
 Palestine only, but also Lower Syria, in 
 very early times, as we may gather from 
 the fact that Hamath is assigned to them 
 in Genesis (x. 18). Afterwards they seem 
 to have become possessed of Upper Syria 
 also. After a while the first comers, who 
 were still to a great extent nomads, re- 
 ceived a Semitic infusion, which most prob- 
 ably came to them from the south-east. 
 The only Syrian town whose existence we 
 find distinctly marked at this time is Da- 
 mascus (Gen. xiv. 15; xv. 2), which ap- 
 pears to have been already a place of some 
 importance. Next to Damascus must be 
 placed Hamath (Num. xiii. 21, xxxiv. 8). 
 Syria at this time, and for many centuries 
 afterwards, seems to have been broken up 
 among a number of petty kingdoms. The 
 Jews first come into hostile contact with the 
 Syrians, under that name, in the time of Da- 
 vid. Claiming the frontier of the Euphrates, 
 which God had promised to Abraham (Gen. 
 xv. 18), David made war on Hadadezer, 
 king of Zobah (2 Sam. viii. 3, 4, 13). The 
 Damascene Syrians were likewise defeated 
 with great loss (ib. ver. 5). Zobah, however, 
 was far from being subdued as yet. When, 
 a few years later, the Ammonites deter- 
 mined on engaging in a war with David, 
 and applied to the Syrians for aid, Zobah, 
 together with Beth-Rehob, sent them 20,000 
 footmen, and two other Syrian kingdoms 
 furnished 13,000 (2 Sam. x. 6). This army 
 being completely defeated by Joab, Hada- 
 dezer obtained aid from Mesopotamia (ib. 
 ver. 16), and tried the chance of a third 
 battle, which likewise went against him, 
 and produced the general submission of 
 Syria to the Jewish monarch. The sub- 
 mission thus begun continued under the 
 reign of Solomon (1 K. iv. 21). The only 
 part of Syria which Solomon lost seems to 
 have been Damascus, where an independent 
 kingdom was set up by Rezon, a native of 
 Zobah (IK. xi. 23-25). On the separation 
 of the two kingdoms, soon after the acces- 
 sion of Rehoboam, the remainder of Syria 
 no doubt shook off the yoke. Damascus 
 now became decidedly the leading state, 
 Hamath beirig second to it, and the north- 
 ern Hittites, whose capital was Carchemish 
 near jBambuk, third. [DAMASCUS.] Syria 
 became attached to the great Assyrian em
 
 SYRO-PHOENICIAN 
 
 676 
 
 TABERNACLE 
 
 pire, from which it passed to the Babylo- 
 nians, and from them to the Persians. In 
 B. c. 333 it submitted to Alexander without 
 a struggle. Upon the death of Alexander 
 Syria became, for the first time, the head 
 of a great kingdom. On the division of 
 the provinces among his generals (B. c. 
 321), Seleucus Nicator received Mesopo- 
 tamia and Syria. Antioch was begun in 
 B. c. 300, and, being finished in a few years, 
 was made the capital of Seleucus' kingdom. 
 The country grew rich with the wealth 
 which now flowed into it on all sides. The 
 history of Syria under the Seleucid princes 
 has been already given in the articles treat- 
 ing of each monarch [ANTIOCHUS, DEME- 
 TRIUS, SELEUCUS, &c.]. Syria holds an 
 important place, not only in the Old Testa- 
 ment, but in the New. While the country 
 generally was formed into a Roman prov- 
 ince, under governors who were at first 
 propraetors or quaestors, then proconsuls, 
 and finally legates, there were exempted 
 from the direct rule of the governor, in the 
 first place, a number of " free cities," which 
 retained the administration of their own 
 affairs, subject to a tribute levied according 
 to the Roman principles of taxation ; and 
 2dly, a number of tracts, which were as- 
 signed to petty princes, commonly natives, 
 to be ruled at their pleasure, subject to the 
 same obligations with the free cities as to 
 taxation. After the formal division of the 
 provinces between Augustus and the Sen- 
 ate, Syria, being from its exposed situation 
 among the provinciae principis, was ruled 
 by legates, who were of consular rank (con- 
 sulares) and bore severally the full title of 
 " Legatus August! pro praetore." Judaea 
 occupied a peculiar position. A special 
 procurator was therefore appointed to rule 
 it, who was subordinate to the governor of 
 Syria, but within his own province had the 
 power of a legatus. Syria continued with- 
 out serious disturbance from the expulsion 
 of the Parthians (B. c. 38) to the breaking 
 out of the Jewish war (A. D. 66). In A. D. 
 44-47 it was the scene of a severe famine. 
 A little earlier Christianity had begun to 
 spread into it, partly by means of those who 
 " were scattered" at the time of Stephen's 
 persecution (Acts xi. 19), partly by the ex- 
 ertions of St. Paul (Gal. i. 21). The Syrian 
 Church soon grew to be one of the most 
 flourishing (Acts xiii. 1, xv. 23, 35, 41, &c.). 
 Sy'ro-phoeni'cian, occurs only in 
 Mark vii. 26. The word denoted perhaps 
 a mixed race, half-Phoenicians and half- 
 Syrians. Matthew (xv. 22) speaks of "a 
 woman of Canaan " in place of St. Mark's 
 " Syro-phoenician," on the same ground 
 that the Septuagint translate' Canaan by 
 Phoenicia. The names Canaan and Phoe- 
 nicia had succeeded one another as geo- 
 graphical names in the same country. 
 
 T. 
 
 Ta'anach, an ancient Cannanitish city, 
 whose king is enumerated amongst the 
 thirty-one conquered by Joshua (Josh. xii. 
 21). It came into the half tribe of Manas- 
 seh (Josh. xvii. 11, xxi. 25; 1 Chr. vii. 29), 
 and was bestowed on the Kohathite Levites 
 (Josh. xxi. 25). Taanach is almost always 
 named in company with Megiddo, and they 
 were evidently the chief towns of that fine 
 rich district which forms the western por- 
 tion of the great plain of Esdraelon (1 K. 
 iv. 12). It is still called Taannuk, and 
 stands about 4 miles S. E. of Lejjun. 
 
 Ta'anath-slxiloh, a place named once 
 only (Josh. xvi. 6) as one of the landmarks 
 of the boundary of Ephraim. Perhaps Taa- 
 nath was the ancient Canaanite name of 
 the place, and Shiloh the Hebrew name. 
 
 Tab'baoth. The children of Tabbaoth 
 were a family of Nethinim who returned 
 with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 43; Neh. vii. 46). 
 
 Tab'bath, a place mentioned only in 
 Judg. vii. 22, "in describing the flight of the 
 Midianite host after Gideon's night attack. 
 
 Tabe'al. The son of Tabeal was ap- 
 parently an Ephraimite in the army of 
 Pekah the son of Remaliah, or a Syrian in 
 the army of Rezin, when they went up to 
 besiege Jerusalem in the reign of Ahaz (Is. 
 vii. 6). The Aramaic form of the name 
 favors the latter supposition. 
 
 Ta'beel, an officer of the Persian gov- 
 ernment in Samaria in the reign of Arta- 
 xerxes (Ezr. iv. 7). His name appears to 
 indicate that he was a Syrian. 
 
 Tab'erah, the name of a place in the 
 wilderness of Paran (Nam. xi. 3 ; Deut. 
 ix. 22). It has not been identified. 
 
 Tabering, an obsolete English word 
 used in the A. V. of Nahum ii. 7. The 
 Hebrew word connects itself with tdph, " a 
 timbrel." The A. V. reproduces the origi- 
 nal idea. The " tabour " or " tabor "was 
 a musical instrument of the drum-type, 
 which with the pipe formed the band of a 
 country village. To "tabour," accordingly, 
 is to beat with loud strokes as men beat 
 upon such an instrument. 
 
 Tabernacle. The Tabernacle was the 
 tent of Jehovah, called by the same name as 
 the tents of the people, in the midst of 
 which it stood. It was also called the 
 sanctuary, and the tabernacle of the con- 
 gregation. The first ordinances given to 
 Moses, after the proclamation of the out- 
 line of the law from Sinai, related to the 
 ordering of the Tabernacle, its furniture, 
 and its service, as the type which was to be 
 followed when the people came to their 
 own home, and "found a place" for the 
 abode of God. During the forty days of
 
 TABERNACLE 
 
 677 
 
 TABERNACLE 
 
 Moses' first retirement with God in Sinai, 
 an exact pattern of the whole was shown 
 him, and all was made according to it (Ex. 
 xxv. 9, 40, xxvi. 30, xxxix. 32, 42, 43; 
 Num. viii. 4; Acts vii. 44; Heb. viii. 5). 
 The description of this plan is preceded by 
 an account of the freewill-offerings which 
 the children of Israel were to be asked to 
 make for its execution. The materials 
 were : (a) Metals : gold, silver, and 
 brass. (6) Textile fabrics : blue, purple, 
 scarlet, and fine (white} linen, for the pro- 
 duction of which Egypt was celebrated; 
 also a fabric of goats' hair, the produce of 
 their own flocks, (c) Skins : of the ram, 
 dyed red, and of the badger, (d) Wood : 
 the shittim wood, the timber of the wild 
 acacia of the desert itself, the tree of the 
 ' burning bush." (e) Oil, spices, and in- 
 cense, for anointing the priests, and burn- 
 ing in the tabernacle. (/) Gems : onyx 
 stones, and the precious stones for the 
 breastplate of the High- Priest. The peo- 
 ple gave jewels, and plates of gold, and sil- 
 ver, and brass ; wood, skins, hair, and linen : 
 the women wove; the rulers offered pre- 
 cious stones, oil, spices, and incense ; and 
 the artists soon had more than they needed 
 (Ex. xxv. 1-8; xxxv. 4-29; xxxvi. 5-7). 
 The superintendence of the work was in- 
 trusted to Bezaleel, of the tribe of Judah, 
 and to Aholiab, of the tribe of Dan, who 
 were skilled in " all manner of workman- 
 ship " (Ex. xxxi. 2, 6, xxxv. 30, 34). The 
 tabernacle was a portable building, designed 
 to contain the sacred ark, the special sym- 
 bol of God's presence, and was surrounded 
 by an outer court, (i.) The Court of the 
 Tabernacle, in which the Tabernacle itself 
 stood, was an oblong space, 100 cubits by 
 60 (i. e. 150 feet by 75), having its longer 
 axis east and west, with its front to the east. 
 It was surrounded by canvas screens in 
 the East called Kannauts 5 cubits in 
 height, and supported by pillars of brass 5 
 cubits apart, to which the curtains were at- 
 tached by hooks and fillets of silver (Ex. 
 xxvii. 9, &c.). This enclosure was only 
 broken on the eastern side by the entrance, 
 which was 20 cubits wide, and closed by 
 curtains of fine twined linen wrought with 
 needlework, and of the most gorgeous 
 colors. In the outer or eastern half of 
 the court was placed the altar of burnt-of- 
 fering, and between it and the Tabernacle 
 itself, the laver at which the priests washed 
 their hands and feet on entering the Tem- 
 ple, (ii.) The Tabernacle itself was placed 
 towards the western end of this enclosure. 
 It was an oblong rectangular structure, 30 
 cubits in length by 10 in width (45 feet by 
 15), and 10 in height; the interior being 
 divided into two chambers, the first or outer 
 of 20 cubits in length, the inner of 10 
 cubits, and consequently an exact cube. 
 The former was tlie Holy Place, or First 
 
 Tabernacle (Heb. ix. 2), containing the 
 golden candlestick on one side, the table 
 of shew-bread opposite, and between them 
 in the centre the altar of incense. The lat- 
 ter was the Most Holy Place, or the Holy 
 of Holies, containing the ark, surmounted 
 by the cherubim, with the Two Tables in- 
 side. The two sides, and the farther or 
 western end, were enclosed by boards of 
 shittim wood overlaid with gold, twenty on 
 the north and south side, six on the western 
 side, and the corner-boards doubled. They 
 stood upright, edge to edge, their lower 
 ends being made with tenons, which dropped 
 into sockets of silver, and the corner-boards 
 being coupled at the top with rings. They 
 were furnished with golden rings, through 
 which passed bars of shittim wood, overlaid 
 with gold, five to each side, and the middle 
 bar passing from end to end, so as to brace 
 the whole together. Four successive cover- 
 ings of curtains looped together were placed 
 over the open top, and fell down over the 
 sides. The first, or inmost, was a splendid 
 fabric of linen, embroidered with figures of 
 cherubim, in blue, purple, and scarlet, and 
 looped together by golden fastenings. It 
 seems probable that the ends of this set of 
 curtains hung down within the Tabernacle, 
 forming a sumptuous tapestry. The next 
 was a woollen covering of goats' hair ; the 
 third, of rams' skins dyed red; and the 
 outermost, of badgers' skins (so called in 
 our version ; but the Hebrew word probably 
 signifies seal-skins). [BADGER-SKINS.] It 
 has been usually supposed that these cover- 
 ings were thrown over the wall, as a pall 
 is thrown over a coffin ; but this would have 
 allowed every drop of rain that fell on the 
 Tabernacle to fall through ; for, however 
 tightly the curtains might be stretched, the 
 water could never run over the edge, and 
 the sheep-skins would only make the mat- 
 ter worse, as when wetted their weight 
 would depress the centre, and probably tear 
 any curtain that could be made. There 
 can be no reasonable doubt that the tent had 
 a ridge, as all tents have had from the days 
 of Moses down to the present day. The 
 front of the Sanctuary was closed by a hang- 
 ingof fine linen, embroidered in blue, purple, 
 and scarlet, and supported by golden hooks, 
 on five pillars of shittim wood overlaid with 
 gold, and standing in brass sockets; and 
 the covering of goats' hair was so made as 
 to fall down over this when required. A 
 more sumptuous curtain of the same kind, 
 embroidered with cherubim, hung on four 
 such pillars, with silver sockets, divided the 
 Holy from the Most Holy Place. It was 
 called the VEIL,* as it hid from the eyes 
 of all but the High Priest the inmost sanc- 
 tuary, where Jehovah dwelt on his mercy 
 
 * Sometimes the trcond reil. either in reference to the flrtt 
 at the entrance of the Holy Place, or as being the vil of th 
 second lauctuory (Ueb. ix 1).
 
 TABERNACLE 
 
 678 
 
 TABERNACLE 
 
 Beat, between the cherubim above the ark. 
 Hence " to enter within the veil " is to 
 have the closest access to God. It was 
 only passed by the High-Priest once a year, 
 on the Day of Atonement, in token of the 
 mediation of Christ, who, with his own 
 blood, hath entered for us within the veil 
 which separates God's own abode from earth 
 (Heb. vi. 19). In the temple, the solemn 
 barrier was at length profaned by a Roman 
 conqueror, to warn the Jews that the privi- 
 leges they had forfeited were " ready to 
 vanish away ; " and the veil was at last rent 
 by the hand of God himself, at the same 
 moment that the body of Christ was rent 
 upon the cross, to indicate that the entrance 
 into the holiest of all is now laid open to 
 all believers " by the blood of Jesus, by a 
 new and living way which He hath conse- 
 crated for us, through the veil, that is to 
 say, His flesh" (Heb. x. 19, 20). The 
 Holy Place was only entered by the priests 
 daily, to offer incense at the time of morn- 
 ing and evening prayer, and to renew the 
 lights on the golden candlestick; and on 
 the Sabbath, to remove the old shew-bread, 
 and to place the new upon the table. (Hi.) 
 The Sacred Furniture and Instruments of 
 the Tabernacle. These are described in 
 separate articles, and therefore it is only 
 necessary to give a list of them here. 1. 
 In the Outer Court. The Altar of Burnt- 
 Offering, and the Brazen Laver. [AL- 
 TAR; LAVER.] 2. In the Holy Place. 
 The furniture of the court was connected 
 with sacrifice, that of the sanctuary itself 
 with the deeper mysteries of mediation and 
 access to God. The First Sanctuary con- 
 tained three objects : the altar of incense 
 in the centre, so as to be directly in front 
 of the ark of the covenant (IK. vi. 22), 
 the table of shew-bread on its right or north 
 side, and the golden candlestick on the left 
 or south side. These objects were all con- 
 sidered as being placed before the presence 
 of Jehovah, who dwelt in the holiest of all, 
 though with the veil between. [ALTAR; 
 SHEW-BREAD; CANDLESTICK.] 3. In the 
 Holy of Holies, within the veil, and shroud- 
 ed in darkness, there was but one object, 
 the Ark of the Covenant, containing the 
 two tables of stone, inscribed with the Ten 
 Commandments. [ARK.] History of the 
 Tabernacle. As long as Canaan remained 
 unconquered, and the people were still 
 therefore an army, the Tabernacle was 
 probably moved from place to place, wher- 
 ever the host of Israel was for the time en- 
 camped. It rested finally at " the place 
 which the Lord had chosen," at SHILOH 
 (Josh. ix. 27, xviii. 1). The reasons of 
 the choice are not given. Partly, perhaps, 
 its central position, partly its belonging to 
 the powerful tribe of Ephraim, the tribe of 
 the great captain of the host, may have 
 determined the preference. There it con- 
 
 ! tinued during the whole period of the 
 Judges (Josh. xix. 61, xxii. 12; Judg. xxi. 
 12). It was far, however, from being what 
 it was intended to be, the one national sanc- 
 tuary, the witness against a localized and 
 divided worship. The old religion of the 
 higli places kept its ground. Altars wore 
 erected, at first with reserve, as being not 
 for sacrifice (Josh. xxii. 2G), afterwards 
 freely and without scruple (Judg. vi. 24, 
 xiii. 19). Of the names by which the one 
 special sanctuary was known at this period, 
 those of the "House," or the "Temple." 
 of Jehovah (1 Sam. i. 9, 24, iii. 3, 15) are 
 most prominent. A state of things which 
 was rapidly assimilating the worship of Je- 
 hovah to that of Ashtaroth, or Mylitta, need- 
 ed to be broken up. The Ark of God was 
 taken, and the sanctuary lost its glory ; and 
 the Tabernacle, though it did not perish, 
 never again recovered it (1 Sam. iv. 22). 
 Samuel treats it as an abandoned shrine, 
 and sacrifices elsewhere ; at Mizpeh (1 
 Sam. vii. 9), at Ramah (ix. 12, x. 3), at Gil- 
 gal (x. 8, xi. 15). It probably became once 
 again a movable sanctuary. For a time 
 it seems, under Saul, to have been settled 
 at NOB (1 Sam. xxi. 1-6). The massacre 
 of the priests and the flight of Abiathar 
 must, however, have robbed it yet further 
 of its glory. It had before lost the Ark : it 
 now lost the presence of the High-Priest 
 (1 Sam. xxii. 20, xxiii. 6). What change 
 of fortune then followed we do not know. 
 In some way or other, it found its way 
 to Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39). The anoma- 
 lous separation of the two things which, in 
 the original order, had been joined, brought 
 about yet greater anomalies ; and, while 
 the Ark remained at Kirjath-jearim, the 
 Tabernacle at Gibeon connected itself with 
 the worship of the high places (1 K. iii. 4). 
 The capture of Jerusalem and the erection 
 there of a new Tabernacle, with the Ark, 
 of which the old had been deprived (2 Sam. 
 vi. 17; 1 Chr. xv. 1), left it little more 
 than a traditional, historical sanctity. It 
 retained only the old altar of burnt-offer- 
 ings (1 Chr. xxi. 9). Such as it was, 
 however, neither king* nor people could 
 bring themselves to sweep it away. The 
 double service went on; Zadok, as high- 
 priest, officiated at Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39) ; 
 the more recent, more prophetic service 
 of psalms and hymns and music, under 
 Asaph, gathered round the Tabernacle at 
 Jerusalem (1 Chr. xvi. 4, 37). The di- 
 vided worship continued all the days of 
 David. The sanctity of both places was 
 recognized by Solomon on his accession 
 (1 K. iii. 15; 2 Chr. i. 3). But it was time 
 that the anomaly should cease. The pur- 
 pose of David, fulfilled by Solomon, was 
 that the claims of both should merge in the 
 higher glory of the Temple, The final 
 day at last came, and the Tabernacle waa
 
 .ABL^NACLES, FEAST OF 679 TABERNACLES, FEAST OF 
 
 either taken down, or loft to perish and be 
 forgotten. So the disaster of Shiloh led to 
 its natural consummation. [TEMPLE.] 
 
 Tabernacles, The Feast of (Ex. 
 xxiii. 16, " the feast of in-gathering"), the 
 third of the three great festivals of the He- 
 brews, which laste J from the loth till the 
 22d of Tisri. I. The following are the 
 principal passages in the Pentateuch which 
 refer to ;t: Exod. xxiii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 34 
 -36, 39-43; Num. xxix. 12-38; Deut. xvi. 
 13-15, xxxi. 10-13. In Neh. viii. there is 
 nn account of the observance of the feast 
 by Ezra. II. The time of the festival 
 fell in the cutumn, when the whole of the 
 chief fruits of the ground, the corn, the 
 wine, and the til, were gathered in (Ex. xxiii. 
 16; Lev. xxiii. 39; Deut. xv. 13-15). Its 
 duration was stnctly only seven days (Deut. 
 xvi. 13 ; Ez. xlv. 25). But it was followed 
 by a day of holy convocation, distinguished 
 by sacrifices of iia own, which was some- 
 times spoken of as an eighth day (Lev. 
 xxiii. 36; Neh. viii. 18). During the seven 
 days the Israelites were commanded to. 
 dwell in booths or huts formed of the 
 boughs of trees. . The boughs were of the 
 olive, palm, pine, myrtle, and other trees 
 with thick foliage (Neh. viii. 15, 16). Ac- 
 cording to Rabbinical tradition, each Is- 
 raelite used to tie the branches into a 
 bunch, to be carried in his hand, to which 
 the name luldb was given. The burnt-of- 
 forings of the Feast of Tabernacles were 
 by far more numerous than those of any 
 other festival. There were offered on each 
 day two rams, fourteen lambs, and a kid 
 for a sin-offering. But what was most 
 peculiar was the arrangement of the 
 sacrifices of bullocks, in all amounting to 
 seventy (Num. xxix. 12-38). The eighth 
 day was a day of holy convocation of pe- 
 culiar solemnity. On the morning of this 
 day the Hebrews left their huts and dis- 
 mantled them, and took up their abode 
 again in their houses. The special offer- 
 ings of the day were a bullock, a ram, 
 seven lambs, and a goat for a sin-offering 
 (Num. xxix. 36, 38). When the Feast of 
 Tabernacles fell on a Sabbatical year, por- 
 tions of the Law were read each day in pub- 
 lic, to men, women, children, and stran- 
 gers (Deut. xxxi. 10-13). We find Ezra 
 reading the Law during the festival " day 
 by day, from the first day to the last day " 
 (Neh. viii. 18). III. There are two par- 
 ticulars in the observance of the Feast of 
 Tabernacles which appear to be referred to 
 in the New Testament, but are not noticed 
 in the Old. These were, the ceremony of 
 pouring out some water of the pool of Sil- 
 oam, and the display of some great lights 
 in the court of the women. We are told 
 that each Israelite, in holiday attire, having 
 made up his luldb, before he broke his fast, 
 repaired to the Temple with the lul&b in 
 
 one hand and the citron in the other, at the 
 time of the ordinary morning sacrifice. The 
 parts of the victim were laid upon the altar. 
 | One of the priests fetched some water in a 
 golden ewer from the pool of Siloam, which 
 he brought into the court through the water- 
 gate. As he entered the trumpets sounded, 
 and he ascended the slope of the altar. At 
 the top of this were fixed two silver basins 
 with small openings at the bottom. Wine 
 was poured into that on the eastern side, 
 and the water into that on the western side, 
 whence it was conducted by pipes into the 
 Cedron. In the evening, both men and 
 women assembled in the court of the wo 
 men, expressly to hold a rejoicing for the 
 drawing of the water of Siloam. At the 
 same time there were set up in the court 
 two lofty stands, each supporting four great 
 lamps. These were lighted on each night 
 of the festival. It appears to be generally 
 admitted that the words of our Saviour 
 (John vii. 37, 38) "If any man thirst, let 
 him come unto me and drink. He that be- 
 lieveth on me, as the Scripture hath said, 
 out of his belly shall flow rivers of living 
 water " were suggested by the pouring 
 out of the water of Siloam. But it is very 
 doubtful what is meant by " the last day, 
 that great day of the feast." It would seem 
 that either the last day of the feast itself, 
 that is, the seventh, or the last day of the 
 religious observances of the series of an- 
 nual festivals, the eighth, must be intended. 
 The eighth day may be meant, and then the 
 reference of our Lord would be to an ordi- 
 nary and well-known observance of the 
 feast, though it was not, at the very time, 
 going on. We must resort to some such 
 explanation, if we adopt the notion that our 
 Lord's words (John viii. 12) "I am the 
 light of the world " refer to the great 
 lamps of the festival. IV. There are many 
 directions given in the Mishna for the 
 dimensions and construction of the huts. 
 They were not to be lower than ten palms, 
 nor higher than twenty cubits. They were 
 to stand by themselves, and not to rest on 
 any external support, nor to be under the 
 shelter of a larger building, or of a tree. 
 They were not to be covered with skins or 
 cloth of any kind, but only with boughs, or, 
 in part, with reed mats or laths. The fur- 
 niture of the huts was to be, according to 
 most authorities, of the plainest description. 
 It is said that the altar was adorned through- 
 out the seven days with sprigs of willows, 
 one of which each Israelite who came into 
 the court brought with him. The great num- 
 ber of the sacrifices has been already no- 
 ticed. But besides these : the Chagigalis, or 
 private peace-offerings, were more abun- 
 dant than at any other time. V. Though 
 all the Hebrew annual festivals were sea- 
 sons of rejoicing, the Feast of Tabernacles 
 was, in this respect, distinguished above
 
 TABITHA 
 
 680 
 
 TABOR 
 
 them all. The huts and the UWls must 
 have made a gay and striking spectacle 
 over the city by day, and the lamps, the 
 flambeaux, the music, and the joyous gath- 
 erings in the court of the Temple must have 
 given a still more festive character to the 
 night. VI. The main purposes of the 
 Feast of Tabernacles are plainly set forth 
 (Ex. xxiii. 16 and Lev. xxiii. 43). It was 
 to be at once a thanksgiving for the har- 
 vest, and a commemoration of the time 
 when the Israelites dwelt in tents during 
 their passage through the wilderness. In 
 one of its meanings it stands in connection 
 with the Passover, as the Feast of Abib ; 
 and with Pentecost, as the feast of harvest ; 
 in its other meaning, it is related to the 
 Passover as the great yearly memorial of 
 the deliverance from the destroyer, and 
 from the tyranny of Egypt. But naturally 
 connected with this exultation in -their re- 
 gained freedom was the rejoicing in the 
 more perfect fulfilment of God's promise, 
 in the settlement of His people in the Holy 
 Land. But the culminating point of this 
 blessing was the establishment of the cen- 
 tral spot of the national worship in the 
 Temple at Jerusalem. Hence it was evi- 
 dently fitting that the Feast of Tabernacles 
 should be kept with an unwonted degree 
 of observance at the dedication of Solo- 
 mon's Temple (1 K. viii. 2, 65 ; Joseph. Ant. 
 viii. 4, 5) ; again, after the rebuilding of 
 the Temple by Ezra (Neh. viii. 13-18), and 
 a third time by Judas Maccabaeus when he 
 had driven out the Syrians and restored the 
 Temple to the worship of Jehovah (2 Mace. 
 x. 5-8). 
 
 Tab'itha, also called Dorcas by St. 
 Luke; a female disciple of Joppa, "full of 
 good works," among which that of making 
 clothes for the poor is specifically men- 
 tioned. While St. Peter was at the neigh- 
 boring town of Lydda, Tabitha died ; upon 
 which the disciples at Joppa sent an urgent 
 message to the Apostle, begging him to 
 come to them without delay. Upon his 
 arrival Peter found the deceased already 
 prepared for burial, and laid out in an up- 
 per chamber, where she was surrounded by 
 the recipients and the tokens of her char- 
 ity. After the example of our Saviour in 
 the house of Jairus (Matt. ix. 25 ; Mark v. 
 40), " Peter put them all forth," prayed for 
 the Divine assistance, and then commanded 
 Tabitha to arise (comp. Mark v. 41 ; Luke 
 viii. 54). She opened her eyes and sat up, 
 and then, assisted by the Apostle, rose from 
 her couch. This great miracle, as we are 
 further told, produced an extraordinary 
 effect in Joppa, and was the occasion of 
 many conversions there (Acts ix. 36-42). 
 The name "Tabitha" is an Aramaic word, 
 signifying a " female gazelle." St. Luke 
 gives " Dorcas " as the Greek equivalent 
 of the name. 
 
 ! Ta'bor and Mount Ta'bor, one of the 
 ] most interesting and remarkable of the sin- 
 i gle mountains in Palestine. It rises ab- 
 ruptly from the north-eastern arm of the 
 Plain of/ Esdraelon, and stands entirely in- 
 sulated, except on the west, where a narrow 
 ridge connects it with the hills of Naza- 
 reth. It presents to the eye, as seen from a 
 distance, a beautiful appearance, being so 
 symmetrical in its proportions, and rounded 
 off like a hemisphere or the segment of a 
 circle, yet varying somewhat as viewed from 
 different directions. The body of the moun- 
 tain consists of the peculiar limestone of the 
 country. It is now called Jebel-et-Tiir. It 
 lies about 6 or 8 miles alrnost due east from 
 Nazareth. The ascent is usually made on the 
 west side, near the little village of Deburich, 
 probably the ancient Daberath (Josh. xix. 
 12), though it can be made with entire ease 
 in other places. It requires three quarters 
 of an hour or an hour to reach the top. 
 The top of Tabor consists of an irregular 
 platform, embracing a circuit of half an 
 hour's walk, and commanding wide views 
 of the subjacent plain from end to end. 
 Tabor does not occur in the New Testa- 
 ment, but makes a prominent figure in the 
 Old. The Book of Joshua (xix. 22) men- 
 tions it as the boundary between Issachar 
 and Zebulun (see ver. 12). Barak, at the 
 command of Deborah, assembled his forces 
 on Tabor, and descended thence, with " ten 
 thousand men after him," into the plain, 
 and conquered Sisera on the banks of the 
 Kishon (Judg. iv. 6-15). The brothers of 
 Gideon, each of whom " resembled the 
 children of a king," were murdered here 
 by Zebah and Zalmunna (Judg. viii. 18, 
 19). There are at present ruins of a for- 
 tress round all the top of the summit of 
 Tabor. The Latin Christians have now an 
 altar here, at which their priests from 
 Nazareth perform an annual mass. The 
 Greeks also have a chapel, where, on cer- 
 tain festivals, they assemble for the celebra- 
 tion of religious rites. The idea that our 
 Saviour was transfigured on Tabor pre- 
 vailed extensively among the early Chris- 
 tians, and reappears often still in popular 
 religious works. It is impossible, however, 
 to acquiesce in the correctness of this opin- 
 ion. It can be proved from the Old Testa- 
 ment, and from later history, that a fortress 
 or town existed on Tabor from very early 
 times down to B. c. 53 or 50 ; and, as Jo- 
 sephus says that he strengthened the fortifi- 
 cations there, about A. i>. 60, it is morally 
 certain that Tabor musf have been inhabit- 
 ed during the intervening period, that is, 
 in the days of Christ. Tabor, therefore, 
 could not have been the Mount of Transfig- 
 uration ; for when it is said that Jesus took 
 his disciples " up into a high mountain 
 apart, and was transfigured before them " 
 (Matt. xvii. 1, 2), we must understand that
 
 TABOR 
 
 681 
 
 TAHPANHES. 
 
 He brought them to the summit of the 
 mountain, where they were alone by them- 
 selves. 
 
 Ta'bor is mentioned in the lists of 1 Chr. 
 vi. as a city of the Merarite Levites, in the 
 tribe of Zebulun (ver. 77). The list of the 
 towns of Zebulun (Josh, xix.) contains the 
 nime of CHISLOTH-TABOR (ver. 12). It is, 
 therefore, possible, either that Chisloth- 
 tabor is abbreviated into Tabor by the 
 chronicler, or that by the time these later 
 lists were compiled, the Merarites had es- 
 tablished themselves on the sacred moun- 
 tain, and that Tabor is Mount Tabor. 
 
 Ta'bor, The Plain of. This is an 
 incorrect translation, and should be THE 
 OAK of TABOR. It is mentioned in 1 Sam. 
 x. 3 only, as one of the points in the home- 
 ward journey of Saul after his anointing by 
 Samuel. 
 
 Tabret. [TIMBREL.] 
 
 Tab'rimon, properly TABRIMMON, i. e. 
 " good is Rimmon," the Syrian god. The 
 father of Benhadad I., king of Syria in the 
 reign of Asa (1 K. xv. 18). 
 
 Tache. The word thus rendered occurs 
 only in the description of the structure of 
 the tabernacle and its fittings (Ex. xxvi. 6, 
 11, 33, xxxv. 11, xxxvi. 13, xxxix. 33), and 
 appears to indicate the small hooks by 
 which a curtain is suspended to the rings 
 from which it hangs, or connected vertical- 
 ly, as in the case of the veil of the Holy 
 of Holies, with the loops of another curtain. 
 
 Tach'monite, The. " The Tachmo- 
 nite that sat in the seat," chief among David's 
 captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 8), is in 1 Chr. xi. 
 11 called " Jashobeam an Hachmonite," or, 
 as the margin gives it, " son of Hachmoni." 
 Kennicott has shown that the words trans- 
 lated " he that sat in the seat " are a cor- 
 ruption of Jashobeam, and that " the Tach- 
 monite" is a corruption of the " son of 
 Hachmoni," which was the family or local 
 name of Jashobeam. Therefore he con- 
 cludes "Jashobeam the Hachmonite" to 
 have been the true reading. 
 
 Tad'mor, called " Tadmor in the wil- 
 derness," is the same as the city known to 
 the Greeks and Romans under the name of 
 Palmyra. The identification of the two cities 
 results from the following circumstances . 
 1st. The same city is specially mentioned 
 by Josephus {Ant. viii. 6, 1) as bearing 
 in his time the name of Tadmor among the 
 Syrians, and Palmyra among the Greeks ; 
 and in his Latin translation of the Old Tes- 
 tament, Jerome translates Tadmor by Pal- 
 myra(2 Chr. viii. 4). The word Tadmor has 
 nearly the same meaning as Palmyra, signi- 
 fying probably the "City of Palms," from 
 Tamar, " a Palm." It was built by Sol- 
 omon after his conquest of Hamath Zobah 
 (2 Chr. viii. 4; IK. ix. 18). As the city is 
 nowhere else mentioned in the Bible, it 
 would be out of place to enter into a de- 
 
 tailed history of it on the present occasion. 
 In the second century A. . it seems to have 
 been beautified by the Emperor Hadrian. 
 In the beginning of the third century A. D. 
 it became a Roman colony under Caracalla 
 (211-217 A. D.). Subsequently, in the reign 
 of Gallienus, the Roman Senate invested 
 Odenathus, a senator of Palmyra, with the 
 regal dignity, on account of his services in 
 defeating Sapor king of Persia. On the 
 assassination of Odenathus, his celebrate*! 
 wife Zenobia seems to have conceived the 
 design of erecting Palmyra into an inde- 
 pendent monarchy ; and in prosecution of 
 this object, she, for a while, successfully 
 resisted the Roman arms. She was at 
 length defeated and taken captive by the 
 Emperor Aurelian (A. D. 273), who left a 
 Roman garrison in Palmyra. This garrison 
 was massacred in a revolt; and Aurelian 
 punished the city by the execution not only 
 of those who were taken in arms, but like- 
 wise of common peasants, of old men, 
 women, and children, from this blow 
 Palmyra never recovered, though there are 
 proofs of its having continued to be inhab- 
 ited until the downfall of the Roman Em- 
 pire. 
 
 Ta'han, a descendant of Ephraim 
 (Num. xxvi. 35). In 1 Chr. vii. 25 ha 
 appears as the son of Telah. 
 
 Ta'hanites, The (Num. xxvi. 35). 
 [TAIIAN.] 
 
 Ta'hath. 1. A Kohathite Levite, an- 
 cestor of Samuel and Heman (1 Chr. vi. 
 24, 37 [9, 22J). 2. According to the pres- 
 ent text, son of Bered, and great-grandson 
 of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 20). Burrington, 
 however, identifies Tahath with Tahan, the 
 son of Ephraim. 3. Grandson of the pre- 
 ceding, as the text now stands (1 Chr. vii. 
 20.) But Burrington considers him as a 
 son of Ephraim. 
 
 Ta'hath, the name of a desert station 
 of the Israelites between Makheloth and 
 Tarah (Num. xxxiii. 26). The site has not 
 been identified. 
 
 Tah'panhes, Tehaph'nehes, Ta- 
 hap'anes, a city of Egypt, mentioned in 
 the time of the prophets Jeremiah and 
 Ezekiel. The name is evidently Egyptian, 
 and closely resembles that of the Egyptian 
 queen TAHPENES. It was evidently a town 
 of Lower Egypt, near or on the eastern bor- 
 der. 'When Johanan and the other captains 
 went into Egypt "they came to Tahpan- 
 hes " (Jer. xliii. 7). The Jews in Jeremi- 
 ah's time remained here (Jer. xliv. 1). It 
 was an important town, being twice men- 
 tioned by the latter prophet with Noph or 
 Memphis (ii. 16, xlvi. 14). Here stood a 
 house of Pharaoh-hophra before which Jere- 
 miah hid great stones (xliii. 8-10). Herod- 
 otus calls this place Daphnae of Pelusium. 
 In t/ie Itinerary of Antoninus this town, 
 called Dafno, is placed 16 Roman miles to
 
 TAHPENES 
 
 682 
 
 TALMUD 
 
 the south-west of Pelusium. This position 
 seems to agree with that of Tel-Defenneh, 
 which marks the site of Daphnae. Cau the 
 name be of Greek origin ? 
 
 Tah'penes, an Egyptian queen, was 
 wife of the Pharaoh who received Hadad 
 the Edomite, and who gave him her sister 
 in marriage (1 K. xi. 18-20). In the ad- 
 dition to ch. xii. Shishak (Susakim) is said 
 to have given Ano, the elder sister of The- 
 kemina his wife, to Jeroboam. It is obvi- 
 ous that this and the earlier statement are 
 irreconcilable. There is therefore but one 
 Tahpenes or Thekemina. No name that 
 has any near resemblance to either Tah- 
 penes or Thekemina has yet been found 
 among those of the period. 
 
 Tah'rea, son of Micah, and grandson 
 of Mephiboshcth (1 Chr. ix. 41). 
 
 Tah'tim Hod'shi, The Land of, 
 one of the places visited by Joab during 
 his census of the land of Israel. It occurs 
 between Gilead and Dan-jaan (2 Sam. 
 xxiv. G). The name has puzzled all the 
 interpreters. The old versions throw no 
 light upon it. 
 
 Talent. [WEIGHTS.] 
 
 Tal'itha Cu'mi, two Syriac words 
 (Mark v. 41), signifying, " Damsel, arise." 
 
 Tal'mai- 1. One of the three sons of 
 " the Anak," who were slain by the men 
 of Judah (Num. xiii. 22 ; Josh. xv. 14 ; 
 Judg. i. 10). 2. Son of Ammihud, king 
 of Geshur (2 Sam. iii. 3, xiii. 37 ; 1 Chr. 
 iii. 2) . He was probably a petty chieftain, 
 dependent on David. 
 
 Tal'mon, the head of a family of door- 
 keepers in the Temple, "the porters for 
 the camps of the sons of Levi " (1 Chr. ix. 
 17; Neh. xi. 19). Some of his descend- 
 ants returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 42 ; 
 Neh. vii. 45), and were employed in their 
 hereditary office in the days of Nehemiah 
 and Ezra (Neh. xii. 25). 
 
 Talmud (i. e. doctrine, from the He- 
 brew word " to learn ") is a large collec- 
 tion of writings, containing a full account 
 of the civil and religious laws of the Jews. 
 It was a fundamental principle of the Phar- 
 isees, common to them with all orthodox 
 modern Jews, that by the side of the writ- 
 ten law, regarded as a summary of the 
 principles and general laws of the Hebrew 
 people, there was an oral law, to complete 
 and to explain the written law. It was an 
 article of faith that in the Pentateuch there 
 was no precept, and no regulation, cere- 
 monial, doctrinal, or legal, of which God 
 had not given to Moses all explanations 
 necessary for their application, with the 
 order to transmit them by word of mouth. 
 The classical passage in the Mishna on this 
 subject is the following : "Moses received 
 the (oral) law from Sinai, and delivered it 
 to Joshua, and Joshua to the elders, and 
 the elders to the prophets, and the prophets 
 
 to the men of the Great Synagogue." This 
 oral law, with the numerous commentaries 
 upon it, forms the Talmud. It consists of 
 two parts, the Mishna and Geinara. 1. The 
 MISHNA, or "second law," which contains 
 a compendium of the whole ritual law, was 
 reduced to writing in its present form by 
 Rabbi Jehudah the Holy, a Jew of great 
 wealth and influence, who flourished in the 
 2d century of the Christian era. He suc- 
 ceeded his father Simeon as patriarch of 
 Tiberias, and held that office at lea.st thirty 
 years. The precise date of his death is 
 disputed"; some placing it in a year some- 
 what antecedent to 194 A. D., while others 
 place it as late as 220 A. D., when he would 
 have been about 81 years old. Viewed as 
 a whole, the precepts in the Mishna treated 
 men like children, formalizing and denn- 
 ing the minutest particulars of ritual obser- 
 vances. The expressions of "bondage," 
 of " weak and beggarly elements," and of 
 " burdens too heavy for men to bear," 
 faithfully represent the impression pro- 
 duced by their multiplicity. The Mishna 
 is very concisely written, and requires 
 notes. 2. This circumstance led to the Com- 
 mentaries called GEMARA (t. e. Supplement, 
 Completion), which form the second part of 
 the Talmud, and which are very commonly 
 meant when the word " Talmud " is used 
 by itself. There are two Gemaras : one of 
 Jerusalem, in which there is said to be no 
 passage which can be proved to be later 
 than the first half of the 4th century ; and 
 the other of Babylon, completed about 500 
 A. D. The latter is the most important, and 
 by far the longest. It is estimated to be 
 fifteen times as long as the Mishna. The 
 language of the Mishna is that of the la- 
 ter Hebrew, purely written on the whole, 
 though with a few grammatical Aramaisms, 
 and interspersed with Greek, Latin, and 
 Aramaic words which had become natu- 
 ralized. The work is distributed into six 
 great divisions or orders. The 1st (Ztraim*) 
 relates to " seeds," or productions of the 
 land, and it embraces all matters connected 
 with the cultivation of the soil, and the 
 disposal of its produce in offerings or tithes. 
 It is preceded by a treatise on " Blessings " 
 (JSeracoth). The 2d (Moed} relates to 
 festivals and their observances. The 3d 
 (Nashim) to women, and includes regula- 
 tions respecting betrothals, marriages, and 
 divorces. The 4th (Nezikin) relates to 
 damages sustained by means of men, beasts, 
 or things ; with decisions on points at issue 
 between man and man in commercial deal- 
 ings and compacts. The 5th (Kodashini) 
 treats of holy things, of offerings, and of 
 the Temple-service. The 6th (Tohardth) 
 treats of what is clean and unclean. These 
 6 Orders are subdivided into Gl Treatises. 
 The Mishna was published by Surenhusius 
 ill 6 vols. folio, Amsterdam, 1698, 1703,
 
 TAMAH 
 
 683 
 
 TAPPUAH 
 
 with a Latin translation of the text. An 
 English reader may obtain an excellent 
 idea of the whole work from an English 
 translation of 18 of its Treatises by De 
 Sola and Raphall, London, 1843. There is 
 no reasonable doubt that although it may 
 include a few passages of a later date, the 
 Mishna was composed, as a whole, in the 
 2d century, and represents the traditions 
 which were current amongst the Pharisees 
 at the time of Christ. 
 
 Ta'mah. The children of Tamah, or 
 Thamah (Ezr. ii. 53), were among the 
 Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel 
 (Neh. vii. 55). 
 
 Ta'mar (palm-tree). 1. The wife suc- 
 cessively of the two sons of Judah, Er and 
 Onan (Gen. xxxviii. 6-30). Her impor- 
 tance in the sacred narrative depends on 
 the great anxiety to keep up the lineage of 
 Judah. It seemed as if the family were on 
 the point of extinction. Er and Onan had 
 successively perished suddenly. Judah's 
 wife Bathshuah died ; and there only re- 
 mained a child Shelah, whom Judah was 
 unwilling to trust to the dangerous union, 
 as it appeared, with Tamar, lest he should 
 meet with the same fate as his brothers. 
 Accordingly she resorted to the desperate 
 expedient of intrapping the father himself 
 into the union which he feared for his son. 
 He took her for one of the unfortunate 
 women who were consecrated to the impure 
 rites of the Canaanite worship. He prom- 
 ised her, as the price of his intercourse, a 
 kid from the flocks to which he was going, 
 and left as his pledge his ornaments and 
 his staff. The kid he sent back by his 
 shepherd, but the woman could nowhere 
 be found. Months afterwards she was dis- 
 covered to be his own daughter-in-law 
 Tarnar. She was sentenced to be burnt 
 alive, and was only saved by the discovery, 
 through the pledges which Judah had left, 
 that her seducer was no less than the chief- 
 tain of the tribe. The fruits of this inter- 
 course were twins, PHAREZ and ZARAH, 
 and through Pharez the sacred line was 
 continued. 2. Daughter of David and 
 Maachah the Geshurite princess, and thus 
 sister of Absalom (2 Sam. xiii. 1-32; 1 
 Chr. iii. 9). She and her brother wer* 
 alike remarkable for their extraordinary 
 beauty. This fatal beauty inspired a frantic 
 passion in her half-brother Amnon, the 
 eldest son of David by Ahinoam. Morning 
 by morning, as he received the visits of his 
 friend Jonadab, he is paler and thinner. 
 Jonadab discovers the cause, and suggests 
 to him the means of accomplishing his 
 wicked purpose. He was to feign sickness. 
 The king came to visit him ; and Aranon 
 entreated the presence of Tamar, on the 
 pretext that she alone could give him food 
 that he would eat. She came to his house, 
 took the dough and kneaded it into the form 
 
 of cakes. She then took the pan, in which 
 they had been baked, and poured them all 
 out in a heap before the prince. He caused 
 his attendants to retire, called her to the 
 inner room, and there accomplished his 
 design. In her touching remonstrance two 
 points are remarkable. First, the expres- 
 sion of the infamy of such a crime "in 
 Israel" implying the loftier standard of 
 morals that prevailed, as compared with 
 other countries at that time ; and, secondly, 
 the belief that even this standard might be 
 overborne lawfully by royal authority 
 " Speak to the king, for he will not withhold 
 me from thee." The brutal hatred of Amnon 
 succeeding to his brutal passion, and the in- 
 dignation of Tamar at his barbarous insult 
 even surpassing her indignation at his 
 shameful outrage, are pathetically and 
 graphically told* 3. Daughter of Absalom 
 (2 Sam. xiv. 7), became, by her marriage 
 with Uriah of Gibeah, the mother of Maa- 
 chah, the future queen of Judah, or wife 
 of Abijah (1 K. xv. 2). 4. A spot on the 
 south-eastern frontier of Judah, named in 
 Ezek. xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28, only, evidently 
 called from a palm-tree. If not Hazazon 
 Tamar, the old name of Engedi, it may be 
 a place called Thamar in the Onomasticon 
 (" Hazazon Tamar"), a day's journey south 
 of Hebron. 
 
 Tarn'muz, properly " the Tsmmuz," 
 the article indicating that at some time or 
 other the word had been regarded as an 
 appellative (Ez. viii. 14), Jerome identifies 
 Tammuz with Adonis, and in so doing has 
 been followed by most subsequent com- 
 mentators. Luther and others regarded 
 Tammuz as a name of Bacchus. That 
 Tammuz was the Egyptian Osiris, and that 
 his worship was introduced to Jerusalem 
 from Egypt, was held by Calvin, Piscator, 
 Junius, Leusden, and Pfeiffer. The slight 
 hint given by the prophet of the nature of 
 the worship and worshippers of Tammuz 
 has been sufficient to connect them with the 
 yearly mourning for Adonis by the Syrian 
 damsels. But beyoi\d this we can attach 
 no especial weight to the explanation of 
 Jerome. 
 
 Ta'nach, a slight variation of the name 
 TAANACH (Josh. xxi. 25). 
 
 Tan'humeth, the father of Seraiah in 
 the time of Gedaliah (2 K. xxv. 23 ; Jer. 
 xl. 8). 
 
 Ta'phath, the daughter of Solomon, 
 who was married to Ben-Abinadab (1 K. 
 iv. 11). 
 
 Ta'phon, one of the cities in Judaea, 
 fortified by Bacchides (1 Mace. ix. 50). It 
 is probably the BETH-TAPPUAH of the Old 
 Testament. 
 
 Tap'puah (the apple-city'). 1. A city 
 of Judah, in the district of the ShefeJah, 
 or lowland (Josh. xv. 34). 2. A place on 
 the boundary of the " children of Joseph"
 
 TAPPUAH, LAND OF 
 
 684 
 
 TARSHISH 
 
 (Josh. xvi. 8, xvii. 8). Its full name was 
 probably En-tappuah (xvii. 7). 3. One of 
 the sons of Hebron, of the tribe of Judah 
 (1 Chr. ii. 43). It is doubtless the same as 
 BETH-TAPPCAH. 
 
 Tap'puah, The Land of, a district 
 named in the specification of the bounda- 
 ry between Ephrairn and Manasseh (Josh, 
 xvii. 8). The name has not yet been met 
 with at all in the central district of Pales- 
 tine. 
 
 Ta'rah, a desert-station of the Israel- 
 ites between Tahath and Mithcah (Num. 
 xxxiii. 27). 
 
 Tar'alah, one of the towns in the allot- 
 ment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 27). 
 
 Tare'a, the same as Tahrea, the son of 
 Micah (1 Chr. viii. 35). 
 
 Tares. There can be little doubt that 
 the zizania of the parable (Matt. xiii. 25) 
 denote the weed called " darnel " (Lolium 
 temulentutii). The darnel before it comes 
 into ear is very similar in appearance to 
 wheat ; hence the command that the zizania 
 should be left to the harvest, lest while men 
 plucked up the tares "they should root up 
 also the wheat with them." Dr. Stanley, 
 however, speaks of women and children 
 picking up from the wheat in the cornfields 
 of Samaria the tall green stalks, still called 
 by the Arabs zuwdn. " These stalks," he 
 continues, " if sown designedly throughout 
 the fields, would be inseparable from the 
 wheat, from which, even when growing 
 naturally and by chance, they are at first 
 sight hardly distinguishable." See also 
 Thomson (" The Land and the Book," p. 
 420)- "The grain is in just the proper 
 btagc- to illustrate the parable. In those 
 parts where the grain has headed out, the 
 tares have done the same, and then a child 
 cannot mistake them for wheat or barley ; 
 but where both are less developed, the 
 closest scrutiny will often fail to detect 
 them. Even the farmers who in this coun- 
 try generally weed their fields, do not at- 
 tempt to separate the one from the other." 
 The grain-growers in Palestine believe that 
 the zuw&n is merely a degenerate wheat; 
 that in wet seasons the wheat turns to tares. 
 Dr. Thomson asserts that this is their fixed 
 opinion. It is curious to observe the re- 
 tention of the fallacy through many ages. 
 " Wheat and zunin" says Lightfoot (on 
 Matt. xiii. 25), quoting from the Talmud, 
 " are not seeds of different kinds." The Ro- 
 man writers appear to have entertained a 
 similar opinion with regard to some of the 
 cereals ; thus Pliny, borrowing probably 
 from Theophrastus, asserts that " barley 
 will degenerate into the oat." The notion 
 that the zizania of the parable are merely 
 diseased or degenerate wheat lias been de- 
 fended by P. Brederod, and strangely adopt- 
 ed by Trench, who (Notes on the Parables, 
 p. 91, 4th ed ) regards the distinction of 
 
 these two plants to be " a falsely assumed 
 fact." If the zizania of the parable de- 
 note the Lolium temulentum, and there 
 cannot be any reasonable doubt about it, 
 the plants are certainly distinct. The grains 
 of the L. temulentum, if eaten, produce con- 
 vulsions, and even death. 
 
 Targum. [See VERSIONS, p. 729.] 
 Tar'pelites, The, a race of colonists 
 who were planted in the cities of Samaria 
 after the captivity of the northern kingdom 
 of Israel (Ezr. iv. 9). They have not been 
 identified with any certainty. 
 
 Tar'shish. 1. Probably Tartessus, a 
 city and emporium of the Phoenicians in 
 the south of Spain, represented as one 
 of the sons of Javan (Gen. x. 4; Jon. i. 3, 
 iv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 7; Is. ii. 16, xxiii. i. 6, 10, 
 14, Ix. 9, Ixvi. 19; Jer. x. 9; Ez. xxvii. 12, 
 25, xxxviii. 13 ; 1 K. x. 22, xxii. 48 [49] ; 
 Ps. xlviii. 8, Ixvii. 10). The identity of the 
 two places is rendered highly probable by 
 the following circumstances : 1st. There is 
 a very close similarity of name between 
 them, Tartessus being merely Tarshish in 
 the Aramaic form. 2dly. There seems to 
 have been a special relation between Tar- 
 shish and Tyre, as there was at one time 
 between Tartessus and the Phoenicians. 
 3dly. The articles which Tarshish is stated 
 by the prophet Ezekiel (xxvii. 12) to have 
 supplied to Tyre, are precisely such as we 
 know, through classical writers, to have 
 been productions of the Spanish Peninsula. 
 In regard to tin, the trade of Tarshish in 
 this metal is peculiarly significant, and ta- 
 ken in conjunction with similarity of name 
 and other circumstances already mentioned, 
 is reasonably conclusive as to its identity 
 with Tartessus. For even now the coun- 
 tries in Europe, or on the shores of the 
 Mediterranean Sea where tin is found, are 
 very few ; and in reference to ancient times, 
 it would be difficult to name any such coun- 
 tries except Iberia or Spain, Lusitania, 
 which was somewhat less in extent than 
 Portugal, and Cornwall in Great Britain. 
 In the absence of positive proof, we may 
 acquiesce in the statement of Strabo, that 
 the river Baetis (now the Guadalquivir) 
 was formerly called Tartessus, that the 
 feity Tartessus was situated between the 
 two arms by which the river flowed inU> 
 the sea, and that the adjoining country was 
 called Tartessis. 2. From the Book of 
 Chronicles therp would seem to have been 
 a Tarshish accessible from the Keel Sea, 
 in addition to the Tarshish of the south 
 of Spain. Thus, with regard to the ships 
 of Tarshish, which Jehoshaphat caused to 
 be constructed at Ezion-Geber on the Aela- 
 nitic Gulf of the Red Sea (1 K. xxii. 48), 
 it is said in the Chronicles (2 Chr. xx. 
 36) that they were made to go to Tarshish ; 
 and in like manner the navy of ships, which 
 Solomon had previously made in Ezion-
 
 TARSUS 
 
 685 
 
 TAXES 
 
 Geber (1 K. ix. 26), is said in the Chroni- 
 cles (2 Chr. ix. 21) to have gone to Tar- 
 shish with the servants of Hiram. It is not 
 to be supposed that the author of these 
 passages in the Chronicles contemplated a 
 voyage to Tarshish in the south of Spain 
 by going round what has since been called 
 the Cape of Good Hope. The expression 
 " ships of Tarshish " originally meant ships 
 destined to go to Tarshish ; and then prob- 
 ably came to signify large Phoenician ships, 
 of a particular size and description, destined 
 for long voyages, just as in English " East 
 Indiaman" was a general name given to 
 vessels, some of which were not intended 
 to go to India at all. Hence we may infer 
 that the word Tarshish was also used to 
 signify any distant place, and in this case 
 would be applied to one in the Indian 
 Ocean. This is shown by the nature of 
 the imports with which the fleet returned, 
 which are specified as "gold, silver, ivory, 
 apes, and peacocks " (1 K. x. 22). The gold 
 might possibly have been obtained from 
 Africa, or from Ophir in Arabia, and the 
 ivory and the apes might likewise have 
 been imported from Africa; but the pea- 
 cocks point conclusively, not to Africa, but 
 to India. There are only two species known ; 
 both inhabit the continent and islands of 
 India : so that the mention of the peacock 
 seems to exclude the possibility of the voy- 
 age having been to Africa. The inference 
 to be drawn from the importation of pea- 
 cocks is confirmed by the Hebrew name for 
 the ape and the peacock. Neither of these 
 names is of Hebrew, or even Semitic, ori- 
 gin ; and each points to India. Thus the 
 Hebrew word for ape is koph, while the 
 Sanscrit word is kapi. Again, the Hebrew 
 word for peacock is tukki, which cannot be 
 explained in Hebrew, but is akin to i6ka in 
 the Tamil language. There are not, how- 
 ever, sufficient data for determining what 
 were the ports in India or the Indian Is- 
 lands which were reached by the fleet of 
 Hiram and Solomon, though the suggestion 
 of Sir Emerson Tennent that they went to 
 Point de Galle, in Ceylon, is very prob- 
 able. 
 
 Tar'sus, the chief town of CILICIA, " no 
 mean city " in other respects, but illustri- 
 ous to all time as the birthplace and early 
 residence of the Apostle Paul (Acts ix. 11, 
 xxi. 39, xxii. 3). Even in the flourishing 
 period of Greek history it was a city of 
 some considerable consequence. In the 
 civil wars of Home it took Caesar's side, 
 and on the occasion of a visit from him bad 
 its name changed to Juliopolis. Augustus 
 made it a "free city." It was renowned 
 as a place of education under the early 
 .Roman emperors. Strabo compares it in 
 this respect to Athens and Alexandria. 
 Tarsus also was a place of much commerce. 
 It WP3 situated in a wild and fertile plain 
 
 on the banks of the Cydnus. No ruins of 
 any importance remain. 
 
 Tar'tak, one of the gods of the Avite, 
 or Avvite, colonists of Samaria (2 K. xvii. 
 31). According to Rabbinical tradition, 
 Tartak is said to have been worshipped un- 
 der the form of an ass. 
 
 Tar'tan, which occurs only in 2 K. xviii. 
 17, and Is. xx. 1, has been generally re- 
 garded as a proper name ; but like Rabsaris 
 and Rabshakeh, it is more probably an of- 
 ficial designation, and indicates the As- 
 syrian commander-in-chief. 
 
 Tat'nai, satrap of the province west of 
 the Euphrates in the time of Darius Hys- 
 taspis (Ezr. v. 3, 6, vi. 6, 13). The name 
 is thought to be Persian. 
 
 Taverns, The Three. [THREE TAV- 
 ERNS.] 
 
 Taxes. I. Under the Judges, accord- 
 ing to the theocratic government contem- 
 plated by the law, the only payments in- 
 cumbent upon the people as of permanent 
 obligation were the TITHES, the FIRST 
 FRUITS, the REDEMPTION-MONEY of the 
 first-born, and other offerings as belonging 
 to special occasions. The payment by each 
 Israelite of the half-shekel as "atonement- 
 money," for the service of the tabernacle, 
 on taking the census of the people (Ex. 
 xxx. 13), does not appear to have had the 
 character of a recurring tax, but to have 
 been supplementary to the freewill-offer- 
 ings of Ex. xxv. 1-7, levied for the one 
 purpose of the construction of the sacred 
 tent. In later times, indeed, after the re- 
 turn from Babylon, there was an annual 
 payment for maintaining the fabric and ser- 
 vices of the Temple ; but the fact that this 
 begins by the voluntary compact to pay 
 one third of a shekel (Neh. x. 32) shows 
 that till then there was no such payment 
 recognized as necessary. A little later the 
 third became a half, and under the name 
 of the didrachma (Matt. xvii. 24) was paid 
 by every Jew, in whatever part of the world 
 he might be living. II. The kingdom, with 
 its centralized government and greater mag- 
 nificence, involved, of couwe, a larger ex- 
 penditure, and therefore a heavier taxation. 
 The chief burdens appear to have been, 
 (1) A tithe of the produce both of the soil 
 and of live stock (1 Sam. viii. 15, 17). (2) 
 Forced military service for a month every 
 year (1 Sam. viii. 12; 1 K. ix. 22; 1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 1). (3) Gifts to the king (1 Sam. x. 
 27, xvi. 20, xvii. 18). (4) Import duties (1 
 K. x. 15). (5) The monopoly of certain 
 branches of commerce (1 K. ix. 28, xxii. 
 48, x. 28, 29). (6) The appropriation to 
 the king's use of the early crop of hay (Am. 
 vii. 1). At times, too, in the history of 
 both the kingdoms there were special bur- 
 dens. A tribute of 50 shekels a head had 
 to be paid by Menahem to the Assyrian 
 king (2 K. xv. 20), and under his successor
 
 TAXING 
 
 686 
 
 TEL-ABIB 
 
 Hoshea this assumed the form of an annual 
 tribute (2 K. xvii. 4). III. Under the Per- 
 sian empire, the taxes paid by the Jews 
 were, in their broad outlines, the same in 
 kind as those of other subject races. The 
 financial system which gained for Darius 
 Hystaspis the name of the " shopkeeper 
 king " involved the payment by each satrap 
 of a fixed sum as the tribute due from his 
 province. In Judaea, as in other prov- 
 inces, the inhabitants had to provide in kind 
 for the maintenance of the governor's house- 
 hold, besides a money-payment of 40 shek- 
 els a day (Neh. v. 14, 15). In Ezr. iv. 13, 
 20, vii. 24, we get a formal enumeration of 
 the three great branches of the revenue. 
 The influence of Ezra secured for the whole 
 ecclesiastical order, from the priests down 
 to the Nethinim, an immunity from all 
 three (Ezr. vii. 24) ; but the burden pressed 
 heavily on the great body of the people. 
 IV. Under the Egyptian and Syrian kings 
 the taxes paid by the Jews became yet 
 heavier. The " farming " system of finance 
 was adopted in its worst form. The taxes 
 were put up to auction. The contract sum 
 for those of Phoenicia, Judaea, Samaria, 
 had been estimated at about 8000 talents. 
 An unscrupulous adventurer would bid 
 double that sum, and would then go down 
 to the province, and by violence and cruel- 
 ty, like that of Turkish or Hindoo collect- 
 ors, squeeze out a large margin of profit 
 for himself. V. The pressure of Roman 
 taxation, if not absolutely heavier, was 
 probably more galling, as being more 
 thorough and systematic, more distinctively 
 a mark of bondage. The capture of Jeru- 
 salem by Pompey was followed immediate- 
 ly by the imposition of a tribute, and within 
 a short time the sum thus taken from the 
 resources of the country amounted to 10,000 
 talents. When Judaea became formally a 
 Roman province, the whole financial system 
 of the empire came as a natural conse- 
 quence. The taxes were systematically 
 farmed, and the publicans appeared as a 
 new curse to the country. The Portoria 
 were levied at Wlrbors, piers, and the gates 
 of cities (Matt. xvii. 24; Rom. xiii. 7). In 
 addition to this there was the poll-tax paid 
 by every Jew, and looked upon, for that 
 reason, as the special badge of servitude. 
 United with this, as part of the same sys- 
 tem, there was also, in all probability, a 
 property-tax of some kind. In addition to 
 these general taxes, the inhabitants of Jeru- 
 salem were subject to a special house-duty 
 about this period. 
 
 Taxing. The English word now con- 
 veys to us more distinctly the notion of a 
 tax or tribute actually levied ; but it appears 
 to have been used in the IGth century for 
 the simple assessment of a subsidy upon the 
 property of a given 'county, or the registra- 
 tion of the people for the purpose of a poll- 
 
 | tax. Two distinct registrations, or taxings, 
 are mentioned in the N. T., both of them 
 by St. Luke. The first is said to have beeu 
 the result of an edict of the Emperor Au- 
 gustus, that " all the world (i. e. the Roman 
 empire) should be taxed " (Luke ii. 1), and 
 is connected by the Evangelist with the 
 name of Cyrenius, or Quirinus. [CYRE- 
 NIUS.] The second, and more important 
 (Acts v. 37), is distinctly associated, in 
 point of time, with the revolt of Judas of 
 Galilee. 
 
 Te'bah, eldest of the sons of Nahor, 
 by his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). 
 
 " Tebali'ah, third son of Hosah of the 
 children of Merari (1 Chr. xxvi. 11). 
 
 Te'beth. [MONTH.] 
 
 Tehin'nah, the father or founder of 
 Ir-Nahash, the city of Nahash, and son of 
 Eshton (1 Chr. iv. 12). 
 
 Teil-tree. [OAK.] 
 
 Teko'a and Tek</ah. 1. A town in the 
 tribe of Judah (2 Chr. xi. 6), on the range 
 of hills which rise near Hebron, and stretch 
 eastward towards the Dead Sea. Jerome 
 says that Tekoa was six Roman miles from 
 Bethlehem, and that as lie wrote he had 
 that village daily before his eyes. The 
 " wise woman " whom Joab employed to 
 effect a reconciliation between David and 
 Absalom was obtained from this place (2 
 Sam. xiv. 2). Here, also, Ira, the son of 
 Ikkesh, one of David's thirty, " the mighty 
 men," was born, and was called on that ac- 
 count "the Tekoite" (2 Sam. xxiii. 26). 
 It was one of the places which Rehoboam 
 fortified, at the beginning of his reign, as a 
 defence against invasion from the south (2 
 Chr. xi. 6). Some of the people from 
 Tekoa took part in building the walls of 
 Jerusalem, after the return from the Cap- 
 tivity (Neh. Hi. 5, 27. In Jer. vi. 1, the 
 prophet exclaims, " Blow the trumpet in 
 Tekoa, and set up a sign of fire in Beth- 
 Haecerem." But Tekoa is chiefly memo- 
 rable as the birthplace of the prophet Amos 
 (Amos vii. 14). Tekoa is known still as 
 Teku'a. It lies on an elevated hill, which 
 spreads itself out into an irregular plain of 
 moderate extent. Various ruins exist, such 
 as the walls of huuses, cisterns, broken 
 columns, and heaps of building-stones. 2. 
 A name occurring in the genealogies of 
 Judah (1 Chr. ii. 24, iv. 5), as the son of 
 Ashur. There is little doubt that the town 
 of Tekoa is meant. 
 
 Teko'ite, The. IRA ben-Ikkesh, one 
 of David's warriors, is thus designated (2 
 Sam. xxiii. 26; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 9). 
 The common people among THE TEKOITES 
 displayed great activity in the repairs of 
 the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah 
 (Neh. iii. 5, 27). 
 
 Tel'-a'bib was probably a city of Chal- 
 daea or Babylonia, not of Upper Mesopota- 
 mia, as generally imagined (Ez. iii. 15).
 
 TELAH 
 
 687 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 The whole scene of Ezekiel's preaching and 
 visions seems to have been Chaldaea Prop- 
 er; and the river Chebar, as already ob- 
 served, was not the Khabour, but a branch 
 of the Euphrates. 
 
 Te'lah, a descendant of Ephraira, and 
 ancestor of Joshua (1 Chr. vii. 25). 
 
 Tel'aim, the place at which Saul col- 
 lected and numbered his forces before his 
 attack on Amalek (1 Sam. xv. 4), may be 
 identical with TELEM. On the other hand, 
 the reading of the LXX. in 1 Sam. xv. 4 
 viz. Gilgal is remarkable, and is al- 
 most sufficient to induce the belief that in 
 this case the LXX. and Josephus have pre- 
 served the right name, and that instead of 
 Telaim we should, with them, read Gilgal. 
 
 Telas'sar is mentioned in 2 K. xix. 12, 
 and in Is. xxxvii. 12 as a city inhabited by 
 "the children of Eden," which had been 
 conquered, and was held in the time of 
 Sennacherib, by the Assyrians. It must 
 have been in Western Mesopotamia, in the 
 neighborhood of llarran and Orfa. 
 
 Te'lem. 1. One of the cities in the 
 extreme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 24), 
 probably the same as TELAIM. The name 
 Dhullam is found in Van de Velde's map, 
 attached to a district immediately to the 
 north of the Kulbet el-Baul, south of el 
 Milh and Ar'arah a position very suitable. 
 2. A porter or doorkeeper of the Temple 
 in the time of Ezra (Ezra x. 24). He is prob- 
 ably the same as TALMON in Neb. xii. 25. 
 
 Tel-har'sa, or Tel-hare' sha, one of 
 the Babylonian towns, or villages, men- 
 tioned in Ezr. ii. 59 ; Neh. vii. 61, along 
 with Tel-Melah and Cherub, probably in 
 the low country near the sea. 
 
 Tel-me'lah. [TEL-HARSA.] 
 
 Te'ma, the ninth son of Ishmael (Gen. 
 xxv. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 30) ; whence the tribe 
 called al'ter him, mentioned in Job vi. 19, 
 Jer. xxv. 23, and also the land occupied by 
 this tribe (Is. xxi. 13, 14). The name is 
 identified with Teymd, a small town on the 
 confines of Syria. 
 
 Te'man. 1. A son of Eliphaz, son of 
 Esau by Adah (Gen. xxxvi. 11, 15, 42; 1 
 Chr. i. 3G, 53). 2. A country, and prob- 
 ably a city, named after the Edomite phy- 
 larch, or from which the phylarch took his 
 name. The Hebrew signifies "south," 
 &c. (see Job ix. 9 ; Is. xliii. G) ; and it is 
 probable that the land of Teman was a 
 southern portion of the land of Edom, or, 
 in a wider sense, that of the sons of the 
 east. Teman is mentioned in five places 
 by the prophets, in four of which it is con- 
 nected with Edom, and in two with IK-dan 
 (Jer. xlix. 7, 8 ; Ez. xxv. 13). In common 
 with most Edomite names, Teman appears 
 to have been lost. Eusebius and Jerome 
 mention Teman as a town in their day dis- 
 tant 15 miles from Petra, and a Roman 
 post. The identification of the existing 
 
 Maan with this Teman may be geography 
 cally correct, but it cannot rest on etymo- 
 logical grounds. The gentilic noun of Te- 
 man is ttmtini (Job ii. 11, xxii. 1), and 
 Eliphaz the Temanite was one of the wise 
 men of Edom. The gen. n. occurs also in 
 Gen. xxxvi. 34, where the land of Temani 
 is mentioned. 
 
 Tem'ani. [TEMAN.] 
 
 Te'manite. [TEMAN.] 
 
 Tem'eni, son of Ashur, the father of 
 Tekoa, by his wife Naarah (1 Chr. iv. 6). 
 
 Temple. There is perhaps no building 
 of the ancient world which has excited so 
 much attention since the time of its de- 
 struction as the Temple which Solomon 
 built at Jerusalem, and its successor as 
 rebuilt by Herod. Its spoils were consid- 
 ered worthy of forming the principal illus- 
 tration of one of the most beautiful of lio- 
 man triumphal arches, and Justinian's high- 
 est architectural ambition was that he might 
 surpass it. Throughout the middle ages 
 it influenced to a considerable degree the 
 forms of Christian churches, and its pecu- 
 liarities were the watchwords and rallying- 
 points of all associations of builders. When 
 the French expedition to Egypt, in the first 
 years of this century, had made the world 
 familiar with the wonderful architectural 
 remains of that country, every one jumped 
 to the conclusion that Solomon's Temple 
 must have been designed after an Egyptian 
 model. The Assyrian discoveries of Botta 
 and Layard have within the last twenty 
 years given an entirely new direction to the 
 researches of the restorers. Unfortunate- 
 ly, however, no Assyrian temple has yet 
 been exhumed of a nature to throw much 
 light on this subject, and we are still forced 
 to have recourse to the later buildings at 
 Persepolis, or to general deductions from 
 the style of the nearly contemporary secu- 
 lar buildings at Nineveh and elsewhere, for 
 such illustrations as are available. 
 
 THE TEMPLE OF SOLOMON. It was 
 David who first proposed to replace the 
 Tabernacle by a more permanent building, 
 but was forbidden for the reasons assigned 
 by the prophet Nathan (2 Sam. vii. o, &c.), 
 and though he collected materials and made 
 arrangements, the execution of the ta.>-k 
 was left for his son Solomon. He, with 
 the assistance of Hiram king of Tyre, com- 
 menced this great undertaking in the fourth 
 year of his reign (u. c. 1012), and com- 
 pleted it in seven years (u. c. 1005). It 
 occupied the site prepared for it by David, 
 which had formerly been the threshing- 
 floor of the Jebusite Oman or Araunah, on 
 MOUNT MORIAH. The whole area enclosed 
 by the outer walls formed a square of 
 about 600 feet; but the sanctuary itself 
 was comparatively small, inasmuch as it 
 was intended only for the ministrations of 
 the priests, the congregation of the people
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 688 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 assembling in the courts. In this and all 
 other essential points, the Temple followed 
 the model of the Tabernacle, from which 
 it differed chiefly by having chambers built 
 about the sanctuary for the abode of the 
 priests and attendants, and the keeping of 
 treasures and stores. In all its dimen- 
 sions, length, breadth, and height, the 
 sanctuary itself was exactly double of the 
 Tabernacle, the ground-plan measuring 80 
 cubits by 40, whilst that of the Tabernacle 
 was 40 by 20, and the height of the Temple 
 being 30 cubits, while that of the Tabernacle 
 was 15. (The reader should compare the 
 following account with the article TABER- 
 NACLE.) As in the Tabernacle, the Tem- 
 ple consisted of three parts, the Porch, the 
 Holy Place, and the Holy of Holies. The 
 Porch of the Temple was 10 cubits deep (in 
 the Tabernacle 5 cubits), the width in both 
 instances being the width of the house. 
 The front of the porcli was supported, after 
 the manner of some Egyptian temples, by 
 the two great brazen pillars, Jachin and 
 Boaz, 18 cubits high, with capitals of 5 cubits 
 more, adorned with lily-work and pome- 
 granates (1 K. vii. 15-22). Some have 
 supposed that Jachin and Boaz were not 
 pillars in the ordinary sense of the term, 
 but obelisks. But for this there is no 
 authority; and as the porch was fifteen 
 cubits (thirty feet) in width, a roof of that 
 extent, even if composed of a wooden 
 beam, would not only look painfully weak 
 without some support, but, in fact, almost 
 impossible to construct with the imperfect 
 science of those days. " The chapiter of 
 
 Cornice of Lily-work at Fersepolii. 
 
 lily-work " on these columns may have 
 borne some resemblance to the cornice of 
 lily-work figured above. The Holy Place, 
 or outer hall, was 40 cubits long by 20 
 
 wide, being in the Tabernacle 20 by 10. 
 The Holy of Holies was a cube of 20 cu- 
 bits, being in the Tabernacle 10. The 
 places of the two " veils " of the Taber- 
 nacle were occupied by partitions, in which 
 were folding-doors. The whole interior 
 was lined with woodwork richly carved 
 and overlaid with gold. Indeed, both 
 within and without, the building vras con- 
 spicuous chiefly by the lavish use of the 
 gold of Ophir and Parvaim. It glittered 
 in the morning sun (it has been well said) 
 like the sanctuary of an El Dorado. Above 
 the sacred ark. which was placed, as of old, 
 in the Most Holy Place, were made new 
 
 Flan of Solomon's Temple, showing the disposition of the 
 chamber! in two stones. 
 
 cherubim, one pair of whose wings met 
 above the ark. and another pair reached to 
 the walls behind them. In the Holy Place, 
 besides the Altar of Incense, which was 
 made of cedar, overlaid with gold, there 
 were seven golden candlesticks instead of 
 one, and the table of shew-bread was re- 
 placed by ten golden tables, bearing, besides 
 the shew-bread, the innumerable golden 
 vessels for the service of the sanctuary. 
 The Outer Court was no doubt double the 
 size of that of the Tabernacle ; and we may 
 therefore safely assume that it was 10 cubits 
 in height, 100 cubits north and south, and 
 200 east and west. It contained an inner 
 court, called the " court of the priests ; " 
 but the arrangement of the courts and of 
 the porticos and gateways of the enclosure, 
 though described by Josephus, belong ap- 
 parently to the Temple of Herod. There 
 was an eastern porch to Herod's Temple, 
 which was called Solomon's Porch, and 
 Josephus tells us that it was built by that 
 monarch ; but of this there is absolutely no
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 689 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 proof, and as neither in the account of 
 Solomon's building nor in any subsequent 
 repairs or incidents is any mention made 
 of such buildings, we may safely conclude 
 that they did not exist before the time of 
 the great rebuilding immediately preceding 
 the Christian era. In the outer court there 
 was a new altar of burnt-offering much 
 larger than the old one. [ALTAR.] Instead 
 of the brazen laver there was "a molten 
 sea " of brass, a masterpiece of Hiram's 
 skill, for the ablution of the priests. It 
 was called a "sea" from its great size. 
 [SEA, MOLTEN.] The chambers for the 
 priests were arranged in successive stories 
 against the sides of the sanctuary; not, 
 however, reaching to the top, so as to leave 
 space for the windows to light the Holy and 
 Most Holy Places. We are told by Jose- 
 phus and the Talmud that there was a 
 superstructure on the Temple equal in 
 height to the lower part ; and this is con- 
 firmed by the statement in the Books of 
 Chronicles that Solomon " overlaid the 
 upper chambers with gold " (2 Chr. iii. 
 9). Moreover, "the altars on the top of 
 the upper chamber," mentioned in the 
 Books of the Kings (2 K. xxiii. 12), were 
 apparently upon the Temple. It is proba- 
 ble that these upper chambers bore some 
 analogy to the platform or Talar that ex- 
 isted on the roofs of the Palace-Temples at 
 Persepolis, as they are exhibited in the 
 drawings which represent the Tomb of 
 Darius. It is true this was erected five 
 centuries after the building of Solomon's 
 temple ; but it is avowedly a copy in stone 
 of older Assyrian forms, and as such may 
 represent, with more or less exactness, con- 
 temporary buildings. Nothing in fact could 
 represent more correctly " the altars on 
 the top of the upper chamber," which Jo- 
 siah beat down, than this, nor could any- 
 thing more fully meet all the architectural 
 or devotional exigencies of the case. The 
 dedication of the Temple, which was the 
 grandest ceremeny ever performed under 
 the Mosaic dispensation, is described under 
 SOLOMON. This Temple was destroyed on 
 the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnez- 
 zar, B. c. 586. 
 
 TEMPLE OF ZKRUBBABEL. We have 
 very few particulars regarding the Temple 
 which the Jews erected after their return 
 from the Captivity (about B. c. 520), and 
 no description that would enable us to real- 
 ize its appearance. But there are some 
 dimensions given in the Bible and else- 
 where which are extremely interesting, as 
 affording points of comparison between it 
 and the Temple which preceded it, and the 
 one erected after it. The first and most 
 authentic are those given in the Book of 
 Ezra (vi. 3), when quoting the decree of 
 Cyrus, wherein it is said, " Let the house 
 I be builded, the place where they offered 
 
 sacrifices, and let the foundations thereof 
 be strongly laid; the height thereof three- 
 score cubits, and the breadth thereof three- 
 score cubits, with three rows of great stones 
 and a row of new timber." Josephus quotes 
 this passage almost literally, but in doing 
 so enables us with certainty to translate the 
 word here called Row as " Story " as 
 indeed the sense would lead us to infer. 
 The other dimension of CO cubits in breadth, 
 is 20 cubits in excess of that of Solomon's 
 Temple, but there is no reason to doubt its 
 correctness, for we find both from Josephus 
 and the Talmud that it was the dimension 
 adopted for the Temple when rebuilt, or 
 rather repaired, by Herod. We are left, 
 therefore, with the alternative of assuming 
 that the porch and the chambers all round 
 were 20 cubits in width, including the thick- 
 ness of the walls, instead of 10 cubits, 
 as in the earlier building. This altera- 
 tion in the width of the Pteromata made 
 the Temple 100 cubits in length by 60 in 
 breadth, with a height, it is said, of 60 
 cubits, including the upper room or Talar, 
 though we cannot help suspecting that 
 this last dimension is somewhat in excess 
 of the truth. From these dimensions we 
 gather, that if the Priests and Levites and 
 Elders of families were disconsolate at 
 seeing how much more sumptuous the old 
 Temple was than the one which on account 
 of their poverty they had just been able to 
 erect (Ezr. iii. 12), it certainly was not 
 because it was smaller, as almost every 
 dimension had been increased one third ; 
 but it may have been that the carving and 
 the gold and other ornaments of Solomon's 
 Temple far surpassed this, and the pillars 
 of the portico and the veils may all have been 
 far more splendid; so also probably were 
 the vessels ; and all this is what a Jew would 
 mourn over far more than mere architec- 
 tural splendor. In speaking of these Tem- 
 ples we must always bear in mind that their 
 dimensions were practically very far in- 
 ferior to those of the heathen. Even that 
 of Ezra is not larger than an average par- 
 ish church of the last century Solomon's 
 was smaller. It was the lavish display of 
 the precious metals, the elaboration of 
 carved ornament, and the beauty of the 
 textile fabrics, which made up their splen- 
 dor and rendered them so precious in the 
 eyes of the people. 
 
 TEMPLE OF EZEKIEL. The vision of a 
 Temple which the prophet Ezekiel saw 
 while residing on the banks of the Chebar 
 in Babylonia in the 25th year of the Captiv- 
 ity, does not add much to our knowledge 
 of the subject. It is not a description of a 
 Temple that ever was built or ever could 
 be erected at Jerusalem, and can conse- 
 quently only be considered as the beau 
 ideal of what a Shemitic Temple ought to 
 be. Notwithstanding its ideal character,
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 690 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 the whole is extremely curious, as showing 
 what were the aspirations of the Jews in 
 this direction, and how different they were 
 from those of other nations ; and it is inter- 
 esting here, inasmuch as there can be little 
 doubt but that the arrangements of Herod's 
 Temple were in a great measure influenced 
 by the description here given. 
 
 TEMPLE OF HEROD. Herod announced 
 to the people assembled at the Passover 
 (B. c. 20 or 19) his intention of restoring 
 the Temple. If we may believe Joscphus, 
 he pulled down the whole edifice to its foun- 
 dations, and laid them anew on an enlarged 
 scale ; but the ruins still exhibit, in some 
 parts, what seem to be the foundations laid 
 by Zerubbabel, and beneath them the more 
 massive substructions of Solomon. The 
 new edifice was a stately pile of Graeco- 
 
 Eoman architecture, built in white marble 
 with gilded acroteria. It is minutely de- 
 scribed by Josephus, and the New Testa- 
 ment has made us familiar with the pride 
 of the Jews in its magnificence. A differ- 
 ent feeling, however, marked the coitfi 
 mencement of the work, which met with 
 some opposition from the fear that what 
 Herod had begun he would not be able to 
 finish. lie overcame all jealousy by en- 
 gaging not to pull down any part of the 
 existing buildings till all the materials for 
 the new edifice were collected on its site. 
 Two years appear to have been occupied in 
 these preparations,' among which Josephus 
 mentions the teaching of some of the priests 
 and Levites to work as masons and carpen- 
 ters and then the work began. The holy 
 " house," including the Porch, Sanctuary, 
 
 Temple of Herod restored. Scale of 200 feet to 1 inch. 
 
 and Holy of Holies, was finished in a year 
 and a half (B. c. 16). Its completion, on 
 the anniversary of Herod's inauguration, 
 was celebrated by lavish sacrifices and a 
 great feast. About B. c. 9 eight years 
 from the commencement the court and 
 cloisters of the Temple were finished, and 
 the bridge between the south cloister and 
 the upper city (demolished by Pompey) 
 was doubtless now rebuilt with that massive 
 masonry of which some remains still sur- 
 vive. The Temple or holy " house" itself 
 was in dimensions and arrangement very 
 similar to that of Solomon, or rather that 
 of Zerubbabel more like the latter; but 
 
 this was surrounded by an inner enclosure 
 of great strength and magnificence, meas- 
 uring as nearly as can be made out 180 
 cubits by 240, and adorned by porches and 
 ten gateways of great magnificence; and 
 beyond this again was an outer enclosure 
 measuring externally 400 cubits each way, 
 which was adorned with porticos of great- 
 er splendor than any we know of as attached 
 to any temple of the ancient world. The 
 Temple was certainly situated in the S. W. 
 angle of the area now known as the Haram 
 area at Jerusalem, and its dimensions were 
 what Josephus states them to be 400 
 cubits, or one stadium, each way. At the
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 691 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 time when Herod rebuilt it, he enclosed a 
 space ''twice as large" as that before 
 occupied by the Temple and its courts an 
 expression that probably must not be taken 
 too literally, at least if we are to depend on 
 the measurements of Hecataeus. Accord- 
 ing to them, the whole area of Herod's 
 Temple was between four and five times 
 greater than that which preceded it. What 
 JTerod did, apparently, was to take in the 
 *rhole space between the Temple and the 
 city wall on its eastern side, and to add a 
 considerable space on the north and south, 
 to support the porticos which he added 
 there. As the Temple terrace thus became 
 the principal defence of the city on the east 
 side, there were no gates or openings in that 
 direction, and being situated on a sort of 
 rocky brow as evidenced from its appear- 
 ance in the vaults that bound it on this side 
 it was at all later times considered tin- 
 attackable from the eastward. The north 
 side, too, where not covered by the fortress 
 Antonia, became part of the defences of 
 the city, and was likewise without external 
 gates. On the south side, which was en- 
 closed by the wall of Ophel, there were 
 double gates nearly in the centre. These 
 gates still exist at a distance of about 365 
 feet from the south-western angle, and are 
 perhaps the only architectural features of 
 the Temple of Herod which remain in situ. 
 This entrance consists of a double archway 
 of Cyclopean architecture on the level of 
 the ground, opening into a square vestibule 
 measuring 40 feet each way. From this a 
 double tunnel, nearly 200 feet in length, 
 leads to a flight of steps which rise to the 
 surface in the court of the Temple, exactly 
 at that gateway of the inner Temple which 
 led to the altar, and is the one of the four 
 gateways on this side by which any one 
 arriving from Ophel would naturally wish 
 to enter the inner enclosure. We learn 
 from the Talmud that the gate of the inner 
 Temple to which this passage led was called 
 the "Water Gate;" and it is interesting 
 to be able to identify a spot so prominent 
 in the description of Nehemiah (xii. 37). 
 Towards the west there were four gateways 
 to the external enclosure of the Temple. 
 Cloisters. The most magnificent part of 
 the Temple, in an architectural point of 
 view, seems certainly to have been the 
 cloisters which were added to the outer 
 court when it was enlarged by Herod. The 
 cloisters in the west, north, and east sides 
 were composed of double rows of Corin- 
 thian columns, 25 cubits or 37 feet 6 inches 
 in height, with flat roofs, and resting against 
 the outer wall of the Temple. These, how- 
 ever, were immeasurably surpassed in mag- 
 nificence by the royal porch or Stoa Basil- 
 ica, which overhung the southern wall. It 
 consisted of a nave and two aisles, that 
 towards the Temjjle- being open, that to- 
 
 wards the country closed by a wall. The 
 breadth of the centre aisle was 45 feet ; of 
 the side aisles, 30 from centre to centre of 
 the pillars ; their height 50 feet, and that 
 of the centre aisle 100 feet. Its section was 
 thus something in excess of that of York 
 Cathedral, while its total length was one 
 stadium or 600 Greek feet, or 100 feet in 
 excess of York, or our largest Gothic ca- 
 thedrals. This magnificent structure was 
 supported by 1G2 Corinthian columns. The 
 court of the Temple was very nearly a 
 square. It may have been exactly so, for 
 we have not all the details to enable us to 
 feel quite certain about it. To the eastward 
 of tliis was the court of the women. The 
 great ornament of these inner courts seems 
 to have been their gateways, the three 
 especially on the north and south leading 
 to the Temple court. These, according to 
 Josephus, were of great height, strongly 
 fortified, and ornamented with great elab- 
 oration. But the wonder of all was the 
 great eastern gate leading from the court 
 of the women to the upper court. It was 
 in all probability the one called the " Beau- 
 tiful Gate " in the New Testament. Imme- 
 diately within this gateway stood the altar 
 of burnt-offerings. Both the Altar and the 
 Temple were enclosed by a low parapet, 
 one cubit in height, placed so as to keep 
 the people separate from the priests while 
 the latter were performing their functions. 
 Within this last enclosure, towards the 
 westward, stood the TEMPLE itself. As 
 before mentioned, its internal dimensions 
 were the same as those of the Temple of 
 Solomon. Although the internal dimen- 
 sions remained the same, there seems no 
 reason to doubt but that the whole plan was 
 augmented by the Pteromata, or surround- 
 ing parts, being increased from 10 to 20 
 cubits, so that the third temple, like the 
 second, measured 60 cubits across and 100 
 cubits east and west. The width of the 
 facade was also augmented by wings or 
 shoulders projecting 20 cubits each way, 
 making the whole breadth 100 cubits, or 
 equal to the length. So far all seems cer- 
 tain ; but when we come to the height, every 
 measurement appears doubtful. Both Jo- 
 sephus and the Talmud seem delighted with 
 the truly Jewish idea of a building wbich, 
 without being a cube, was 100 cubits long, 
 100 broad, and 100 high. We cannot help 
 suspecting that in this instance Josephus 
 was guilty of systematically doubling the 
 altitude of the building he was describing, 
 as it can be proved he did in some other 
 instances. But when we turn from actual 
 measurement, and try to realize its appear- 
 ance, or the detail of its architecture, we 
 launch into a sea of conjecture with very 
 little indeed to guide us, at least in regard 
 to the appeararce of the Temple itself. 
 Whatever may have been the case with tho
 
 TEN COMMANDMENTS 
 
 692 
 
 TEN COMMANDMENTS 
 
 Temple of Solomon, it is nearly certain that 
 the style of the second Temple must have 
 been identical with this of the buildings we 
 are so familiar with at Persepolis and Susa. 
 The Jews were too closely connected with 
 the Persians and Babylonians at this period 
 to know of any other style, and in facttheir 
 Temple was built under the superintendence 
 of the very parties who were erecting the 
 contemporary edifices at Persepolis and 
 Susa. There is no reason for doubting that 
 the Sanctuary always stood on the identi- 
 cally same spot in which it had been placed 
 by Solomon a thousand years before it was 
 rebuilt by Herod. 
 
 Ten Commandments. The popular 
 name in this, as in so many instances, is 
 not that of Scripture. There we have the 
 " TEN WORDS " (Ex. xxxiv. 28 ; Deut. iv. 
 13, x. 4), the "COVENANT" (Ex., Deut., 
 II. cc. ; 1 K. viii. 21 ; 2 Chr. vi. 11, &c.), 
 or, very often, as the solemn attestation of 
 the divine will, the TESTIMONY (Ex. xxv. 
 16, 21; xxxi. 18, &c.). The circumstances 
 in which the Ten great Words were first 
 given to the people surrounded them with 
 an awe which attached to no other precept. 
 In the midst of the cloud, and the dark- 
 ness, and the flashing lightning, and the 
 fiery smoke, and the thunder like the voice 
 of a trumpet, Moses was called to receive 
 the Law without which the people would 
 cease to be a holy nation. Here, as else- 
 where, Scripture unites two facts which 
 men separate. God, and not man, was 
 speaking to the Israelites in those terrors, 
 and yet, in the language of later inspired 
 teachers, other instrumentality was not ex- 
 cluded. No other words were proclaimed 
 in like manner. And the record was as 
 exceptional as the original revelation. Of 
 no other words could it be said that they 
 were written as these were written, en- 
 graved on the Tables of Stone, not as ori- 
 ginating in man's contrivance or sagacity, 
 but by the power of the Eternal Spirit, by 
 the "finger of God" (Ex. xxxi. 18, xxxii. 
 16). The number Ten was, we can hardly 
 doubt, itself significant to Moses and the 
 Israelites. The received symbol, then and 
 at all times, of completeness, it taught the 
 people that the Law of Jehovah was perfect 
 (Ps. xix. 7). The term " Commandments " 
 had come into use in the time of Christ 
 (Luke xviii. 20). Their division into Two 
 Tables is not only expressly mentioned, but 
 the stress laid upon the two leaves no doubt 
 that the distinction was important, and that 
 it answered to that summary of the law 
 which was made both by Moses and by 
 Christ into two precepts ; so that the First 
 Table contained Duties to God, and the 
 Second, Duties to our Neighbor., But 
 here arises a difficulty, not only as to the 
 arrangement of the commandments be- 
 tween the " Two Tables," but as to the 
 
 division of the ' Ten Words " themselves. 
 The division is not clearly made in the 
 Scripture itself; and that arrangement, 
 with which we are familiar from child- 
 hood, is only one of three modes, handed 
 down from the ancient Jewish and Chris- 
 tian churches, to say nothing of modern 
 theories ; and others are used at this day 
 by Jews and Roman Catholics. (1) The 
 modern Jews, following the Talnmd, take 
 the words which are often called the Pref- 
 ace, as the First Commandment (Ex. xx. 
 2; Deut. v. 6: " I am Jehovah thy God, 
 which brought thee out of the land of 
 Egypt, from the house of bondage ") ; and 
 the prohibitions both against having other 
 gods, and against idolatry, as the second 
 (Ex. xx. 3-6 ; Deut. v. 7-10) ; the rest be- 
 ing arranged as with us. (2) The Roman 
 Catholic and Lutheran churches, following 
 St. Augustine, regard the First Command- 
 ment as embracing all the above words, in 
 one comprehensive law against false wor- 
 ship and idolatry. Thus our Third Com- 
 mandment is their Second, and so on to our 
 Ninth, which is their Eighth. They then 
 make our Tenth against coveting their Ninth 
 and Tenth. In the arrangement of the Two 
 Tables, the First contains three command- 
 ments, closing with the Sabbath law, and 
 the Second the remaining seven. (3) 
 The arrangement adopted by the Greek 
 and English churches, following Philo, Jo- 
 sephus, and Origen, and all the Latin fa- 
 thers, makes the law against having other 
 gods besides Jehovah the First Command- 
 ment, and that against idolatry the Second, 
 though a slight difference of opinion re- 
 mains, whether the first words belong to 
 the First Commandment, or form a Preface 
 to the whole. There are then three prin- 
 cipal divisions of the Two Tables : (i.) 
 That of the Roman Catholic Church men- 
 tioned above, making the First Table con- 
 tain three commandments, and the Second 
 the other seven, (ii.) The familiar divis- 
 ion, referring the first four to our duty to- 
 wards God, and the six remaining to our 
 duty towards man. (iii.) The division 
 recognized by the old Jewish writers, Jo- 
 sephus and Philo, which places five com- 
 mandments in each Table ; and thus pre- 
 serves the pentade and decade grouping 
 which pervades the whole code. It has 
 been maintained that the law of filial duty, 
 being a close consequence of God's fatherly 
 relation to us, may be referred to the First 
 Table. But this is to place human parents 
 on a level with God, and, by parity of rea- 
 soning, the Sixth Commandment might be 
 added to the First Table, as murder is the 
 destruction of God's image in man. Far 
 more reasonable is the view which regards 
 the authority of parents as heading the 
 Second Table, as the earthly reflex of that 
 authority of the Father of His people and
 
 TENT 
 
 693 
 
 TERTULLUS 
 
 of all men which heads the First and as the 
 first principle of the whole law of love to 
 our neighbors, because we are all brethren ; 
 and the family is, for good and ill, the model 
 of the state. To these Ten Command- 
 ments we find in the Samaritan Pentateuch 
 an eleventh added : " But when the Lord 
 thy God shall have brought thee into the 
 land of Canaan, whither thou goest to pos- 
 sess it, thou shalt set thee up two great 
 stones, and shalt plaister them with plais- 
 ter, and shalt write upon these stones all 
 the words of this Law. Moreover, after 
 thou shalt have passed over Jordan, thou 
 shalt set up those stones which I command 
 thee this day, on Mount Gerizim, and thou 
 shalt build there an altar to the Lord thy 
 God, an altar of stones : thou shalt not lift 
 up any iron thereon. Of unhewn stones 
 shalt thou build that altar to the Lord thy 
 God. and thou shalt offer on it burnt-offer- 
 ings to the Lord thy God, and thou shalt 
 sacrifice peace-offerings, and shalt eat them 
 there, and thou shalt rejoice before the Lord 
 thy God in that mountain beyond Jordan, 
 by the way where the sun goeth down, in 
 the land of the Canaanite that dwelleth in 
 the plain country over against Gilgal, by 
 the oak of Moreh, towards Sichem." The 
 interpolation has every mark of being a 
 bold attempt to claim for the schismatic 
 worship on Gerizim the solemn sanction of 
 the voice on Sinai, to place it on the same 
 footing as the Ten great Words of God. 
 The absence of any distinct reference to 
 the Ten Commandments as such in the 
 Pirke Aboth (= Maxims of the Fathers) 
 is both strange and significant. With all 
 their ostentation of profound reverence for 
 the Law, the teaching of the Rabbis turned 
 on other points than the great laws of 
 duty. 
 
 Tent. Among the leading characteris- 
 tics of the nomade races, those two have 
 always been numbered whose origin has 
 been ascribed to Jabal the son of Lamech 
 (Gen. iv. 20), viz. to be tent-dwellers and 
 keepers of cattle. The same may be said 
 of the forefathers of the Hebrew race ; nor 
 was it until the return into Canaan from 
 Egypt that the Hebrews became inhabitants 
 of cities. An Arab tent is called beit, 
 " house ; " its covering consists of stuff, 
 about three quarters of a yard broad, made 
 of black goats'-hair (Cant. i. 5), laid par- 
 allel with the tent's length. This is suffi- 
 cient to resist the heaviest rain. The tent- 
 poles, or columns, are usually nine in num- 
 ber, placed in three groups, but many tents 
 have only one pole, others two or three. 
 The ropes which hold the tent in its place 
 are fastened, not to the tent-cover itself, 
 but to loops consisting of a leathern thong 
 tied to the ends of a stick, round which is 
 twisted a piece of old cloth, which is itself 
 eewedtotbe tent-cover. The ends of the 
 
 tent-ropes are fastened to short sticks or 
 pins, which are driven into the ground with 
 a mallet (Judg. iv. 21). Round the back 
 and sides of the tent runs a piece of stuff re- 
 movable at pleasure to admit air. The tent 
 is divided into two apartments, separated by 
 a carpet partition drawn across the middle 
 of the tent and fastened to the three middle 
 posts. When the pasture near an encamp- 
 ment is exhausted, the tents are taken down, 
 packed on camels, and removed (Is. xxxviii. 
 12; Gen. xxvi. 17, 22, 25). In choosing 
 places for encampment, Arabs prefer the 
 neighborhood of trees, for the sake of the 
 sJiade and coolness which they afford (Gen 
 xviii. 4, 8). 
 
 Te'rah, the father of Abram, Nahor, 
 and Haran, and through them the ancestor 
 of the great families of the Israelites, Ish- 
 maelites, Midianites, Moabites, and Am- 
 monites (Gen. xi. 24-32). The account 
 given of him in the O. T. narrative is very 
 brief. We learn from it simply that he was 
 an idolater (Josh. xxiv. 2), that he dwelt 
 beyond the Euphrates in Ur of the Chal- 
 dees (Gen. xi. 28), and that in the south- 
 westerly migration, which from some un- 
 explained cause he undertook in his old 
 age, he went with his son Abram, his 
 daughter-in-law Sarai, and his grandson 
 Lot, " to go into the land of Canaan, and 
 they came unto Haran, and dwelt there " 
 (Gen. xi. 31). And finally, "the days of 
 Terah were two hundred and five years ; 
 and Terah died in Haran" (Gen. xi. 32). 
 
 Ter'aphim, only in plural, images con- 
 nected with magical rites. The derivation 
 of the name is obscure. In one case a 
 single statue seems to be intended by the 
 plural (1 Sam. xix. 13, 16. The teraphim, 
 translated " images " in A. V., carried 
 away from Laban by Rachel, were regarded 
 by Laban as gods, and it would therefore 
 appear that they were used by those who 
 added corrupt practices to the patriarchal 
 religion. Teraphim again are included 
 among Micah's images (Judg. xvii. 3-5, 
 xviii. 17, 18, 20). Teraphim were con- 
 sulted for oracular answers by the Israel- 
 ites (Zech. x. 2; comp. Judg. xviii. 5, 6; 
 
 1 Sam. xv. 22, 23, xix. 13, Ifi, LXX. ; and 
 
 2 K. xxiii. 24), and by the Babylonians, in 
 the case of Nebuchadnezzar (Ez. xxi. 1!>- 
 22). 
 
 Te'resh, one of the two ennuchs whose 
 plot to assassinate Ahasuerus was discov- 
 ered by Mordecai (Esth. ii. 21, vi. 2). He 
 was hanged. 
 
 Ter'tius, probably a Roman, was the 
 amanuensis of Paul in writing the Epistle 
 to the Romans (Rom. xvi. 22). 
 
 Tertul'lus, "a certain orator" (Acts 
 xxiv. 1) who was retained by the High- 
 Priest and Sanhedrim to accuse the Apostle 
 Paul at Caesarea before the Roman Procu- 
 rator Antonius Felix. He evidently be*
 
 TESTAMENT 
 
 694 
 
 THEBES 
 
 longevi to the class of professional orators. 
 We may infer that Tertullus was of Roman, 
 or at all events of Italian origin. The ex- 
 ordium of his speech is designed to concil- 
 iate the good will of the Procurator, and 
 is accordingly overcharged with flattery. 
 There is a strange contrast between the 
 opening clause and the brief summary of 
 the Procurator's administration given by 
 Tacitus {Hist. \. 9). But the commenda- 
 tions of Tertullus were not altogether un- 
 founded, as Felix had really succeeded in 
 putting down several seditious movements. 
 It is not very easy to determine whether 
 St. Luke has preserved the oration of Ter- 
 tullus entire. On the whole it seems most 
 natural to conclude that the historian, who 
 was almost certainly an ear-witness, merely 
 gives an abstract of the speech, giving, 
 however, in full the most salient points 
 (ver. 5). 
 
 Testament, New. [New TESTAMENT ; 
 BIBLE.] 
 
 Testament, Old. [OLD TESTAMENT ; 
 BIBLE.] 
 
 Tetrarch, properly the sovereign or 
 governor of the fourth part of a country. 
 (1.) Herod Antipas (Matt. xiv. 1 ; Luke 
 iii. 1, 19, ix. 7; Acts xiii. 1), who is com- 
 monly distinguished as "Herod the te- 
 trarch," although the title of "king" is 
 also assigned to him both by Matthew 
 (xiv. 9) and by Mark (vi. 14, 22, sqq.). 
 (2.) Herod Philip, who is said by Luke 
 (iii. 1) to have been " tetrarch of Ituraea, 
 and of the region of Trachonitis." (3.) 
 Lysanias, who is said (Luke iii. 1) to have 
 been " tetrarch of Abilene." The title of 
 tetrarch was at this time probably applied 
 to petty tributary princes without any such 
 determinate meaning. But it appears from 
 Josephus that the tetrarchies of Antipas 
 and Philip were regarded as consti- 
 tuting each a fourth part of their father's 
 kingdom. We conclude that in these two 
 cases, at least, the title was used in its 
 strict and literal sense. 
 
 Thaddae'us, a name in Mark's cata- 
 logue of the twelve Apostles (Mark iii. 
 18) in the great majority of MSS. In 
 Matthew's catalogue (Matt. x. 3) Lebbaeus 
 is probably the original reading. From a 
 comparison with the catalogue of St. Luke 
 (Luke vi. 15 ; Acts i. 13) it seems scarcely 
 possible to doubt that the three names of 
 Judas, Lebbaeus, and Thaddaeus were 
 borne by one and the same person. 
 
 Tha'hash, son of Nahor by his concu- 
 bine Iveumah (Gen. xxii. 24). 
 
 Tha'mah. "The children of Tha- 
 mah " were a family of Nethinim who re- 
 turned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 53). 
 
 Tha'mar. TAMAR 1 (Matt. i. 3). 
 
 Thank-offering, or Peace-offering, 
 the properly eucharistic offering among the 
 Jews, in its theory resembling the MEAT- 
 
 OFFERING, and therefore indicating that 
 the offerer was already reconciled to, and 
 in covenant with. God. Its ceremonial is 
 described in Lev. iii. The peace-offerings, 
 unlike other sacrifices, were not ordained 
 to be offered in fixed and regular course. 
 The only constantly recurring peace-offer- 
 ing appears to have been that of the two 
 firstling lambs at Pentecost (Lev. xxiii. 19). 
 The general principle of the peace-offer- 
 ing seems to have been that it should be 
 entirely spontaneous, offered as occasion 
 should arise, from the feeling of the sacri- 
 ficer himself (Lev. xix. 5). On the first 
 institution (Lev. vii. 11-17), peace-offer- 
 ings are divided into " offerings of thanks- 
 giving," and " vows or freewill-offerings ; " 
 of which latter class the offering by a 
 Nazarite, on the completion of his vow, is 
 the most remarkable (Num. vi. 14). We 
 find accordingly peace-offerings offered for 
 the people on a great scale at periods of 
 unusual solemnity or rejoicing. In two 
 cases only (Judg. xx. 26 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 25) 
 peace-offerings are mentioned as offered 
 with burnt-offerings at a time of national 
 sorrow and fasting. 
 
 Thalra, TERAH the father of Abraham 
 (Luke iii. 34). 
 
 Thar'ra, Esth. xii. 1. A corrupt form 
 of TERESH. 
 
 Thar'shish. 1. In this more accurate 
 form the translators of the A. V. have 
 given in two passages (1 K. x. 22, xxii. 48) 
 the name elsewhere presented as TAESHISH. 
 2. A Benjamite, one of the family of Bil- 
 han and the house of Jediael (1 Chr. vii. 
 10 only). 
 
 Theatre. For the explanation of the 
 Biblical allusions, two or three points only 
 require notice. The Greek term, like the 
 corresponding English term, denotes the 
 place where dramatic performances are 
 exhibited, and also the scene itself or spec- 
 tacle which is witnessed there. It occurs 
 in the first or local sense in Acts xix. 29. 
 It was in the theatre at Caesarea that Herod 
 Agrippa I. gave audience to the Tyrian 
 deputies, and was himself struck with death, 
 because he heard so gladly the impious ac- 
 clamations of the people (Acts xii. 21-23). 
 The other sense of the term " theatre " oc- 
 curs in 1 Cor. iv. 9, where the A. V. ren- 
 ders, " God hath set forth us the apostles 
 last, as it were appointed to death ; for we 
 are made a spectacle unto the world, and to 
 angels, and to men." Instead of " specta- 
 cle," some might prefer the more energetic 
 Saxon, " gazing-stock," as in Tyndale, 
 Cranmer, and the Geneva version. 
 
 Thebes (A. V. No, the multitude of 
 No, populous No), a chief city of ancient 
 Egypt, long the capital of the upper coun- 
 try, and the seat of the Diospolitan dynas- 
 ties, that ruled over all Egypt at the era of 
 its highest splendor. The sacred name of
 
 THEBES 
 
 695 
 
 TIIEOPHILUS 
 
 Thebes was P-amen, " the abode of Amon," 
 which the Greeks reproduced in their Dios- 
 polis, especially with the addition the Great. 
 No-Amon is the name of Thebes in the 
 Hebrew Scriptures (Jer. xlvi. 25 ; Nah. iii. 
 8). Ezekiel uses No simply to designate 
 the Egyptian seat of Ammon (Ez. xxx. 14, 
 16). [No- AM ON.] The origin of the city 
 is lost in antiquity. Niebuhr is of opinion 
 that Thebes was much older than Memphis, 
 and that, " after the ceitire of Egyptian 
 life was transferred to Lower Egypt, Mem- 
 phis acquired its greatness through the ruin 
 of Thebes." But both cities date from our 
 earliest authentic knowledge of Egyptian 
 history. The first allusion to Thebes in 
 classical literature is the familiar passage 
 of the Iliad (ix. 381-385): "Egyptian 
 Thebes, where are vast treasures laid up in 
 the houses ; where are a hundred gates, and 
 from each two hundred men go forth with 
 horses and chariots." In the 1st century 
 before Christ, Diodorus visited Thebes, and 
 he devotes several sections of his gen- 
 eral work to its history and appearance. 
 Though he saw the city when it had sunk 
 to quite secondary importance, he pre- 
 serves the tradition of its early grandeur 
 its circuit of 140 stadia, the size of its pub- 
 lic edifices, the magnificence of its tem- 
 ples, the number of its monuments, the 
 dimensions of its private houses, some of 
 them four or five stories high all giving 
 it an .air of grandeur and beauty surpassing feet 
 not only all other cities of Egypt, but of 
 the world. But the monuments of Thebes 
 are the most reliable witnesses for the 
 ancient grandeur of the city. These are 
 found in almost equal proportions upon 
 both sides of the river. The plan of the 
 city, as indicated by the principal monu- 
 ments, was nearly quadrangular, measuring 
 two miles from north to south, and four 
 from east to west. Its four great landmarks 
 were, Karnak and Luxor upon the eastern 
 or Arabian side, and Qoornah and Medee- 
 net Haboo upon the western or Libyan 
 side. There are indications that each of 
 these temples may have been connected 
 with those facing it upon two sides by grand 
 dromoi, lined with sphinxes and other 
 colossal figures. Upon the western bank 
 there was almost a continuous line of tem- 
 ples and public edifices for a distance of 
 two miles, from Qoornah to Medeenet 
 Haboo; and Wilkinson conjectures that 
 from a point near the latter, perhaps in the 
 line of the colossi, the " Royal street" ran 
 down to the river, which was crossed by a 
 ferry terminating at Luxor on the eastern 
 side. Beginning at the northern extremity 
 on the western bank, the first conspicuous 
 ruins are those of the Mencphtheion, a pal- 
 ace-temple of the nineteenth dynasty, and 
 therefore belonging to the middle style of 
 Egyptian architecture. Nearly a mile south- 
 
 ward from the Menephtheion are the re- 
 mains of the combined palace and temple 
 known since the days of Strabo as the Mem- 
 nonium. Proceeding again towards the 
 south for about the same distance, we find 
 at Medeenet Haboo ruins upon a more 
 stupendous scale than at any other point 
 upon the western bank of Thebes. These 
 consist of a temple founded by Thothmes 
 I., which presents some of the grandest 
 effects of the old Egyptian architecture, 
 and its battle-scenes are a valuable contri- 
 bution to the history of Rameses III. Be- 
 hind this long range of temples and palaces 
 are the Libyan hills, which, for a distance 
 of five miles, are excavated to the depth of 
 several hundred feet for sepulchral cham- 
 bers. Some of these, in the number and 
 variety of their chambers, the finish of 
 their sculptures, and the beauty and fresh- 
 ness of their frescoes, are among the most 
 remarkable monuments of Egyptian gran- 
 deur and skill. The eastern side of the 
 river is distinguished by the remains of 
 Luxor and Karnak, the latter being of it- 
 self a city of temples. The approach to 
 Karnak from the south is marked by a se- 
 ries of majestic gateways and towers, which 
 were the appendages of later times to the 
 original structure. The temple properly 
 faces the river, i. e. towards the north-west. 
 The courts and propylaea connected with 
 this structure occupy a space nearly 1800 
 square, and the buildings represent 
 almost every dynasty of Egypt, from Sesor- 
 tasen I. to Ptolemy Euergetes I. Courts, 
 pylons, obelisks, statues, pillars, everything 
 pertaining to Karnak, are on the grandest 
 scale. The grandeur of Egypt is here in 
 its architecture, and almost every pillar, 
 obelisk, and stone tells its historic legend 
 of her greatest monarchs. Ezekiel pro- 
 claims the destruction of Thebes by the 
 arm of Babylon (Ez. xxx. 14-1(5). The 
 Persian invader completed the destruction 
 that the Babylonian had begun. 
 
 TheTbez, a place memorable for the 
 death of the bravo Abimelech (Judg. ix. 
 50), was known to Eusebius and Jerome, in 
 whose time it was situated "in the district 
 of Neapolis," 13 Roman miles therefrom, 
 on the road to Scythopolis. There it still 
 is, its name TubAs hardly changed. 
 
 Thel'asar. [TEL-ASSAR.] 
 
 Theoph'ilus, the person to whom St. 
 Luke inscribes his Gospel and the Acts of 
 the Apostles (Luke i. 3; Actsi. 1). From 
 the honorable epithet applied to him in 
 Luke i. 3, it has been argued witli much 
 probability that he was a person in high 
 official position. Thus Theopliylact con- 
 jectures that he was a Roman governor, or 
 a person of senatorial rank. Oecumonius 
 tells us that he was a governor. Jacob 
 Hase conjectured that he was no other than 
 the celebrated Philo. Grotius also conjee-
 
 THESSALONIANS 
 
 696 
 
 THESSALONIANS 
 
 tures that he was a magistrate of Achaia 
 baptized by St. Luke. All that can be con- 
 jectured with any degree of safety con- 
 cerning him, conies to this, that he was a 
 Gentile of rank and consideration, who 
 came under the influence of St. Luke, or 
 under that of St. Paul, at Rome, and was 
 converted to the Christian faith. 
 
 Thessalo'nians, First Epistle to 
 the, was written by the Apostle Paul at 
 Corinth, a few months after he had founded 
 the Church at Thessalonica, at the close of 
 the year 52 or the beginning of 53. The 
 Epistles to the Thessalonians then (for the 
 second followed the first after no long inter- 
 val) are the earliest of St. Paul's writings 
 perhaps the earliest written records of 
 Christianity. It is interesting therefore to 
 compare the Thessalonian Epistles with 
 the later letters, and to note the points of 
 difference. These differences are mainly 
 threefold. (1.) In the general style of 
 these earlier letters there is greater simpli- 
 city and less exuberance of language. The 
 brevity of the opening salutation is an in- 
 stance of this. The closing benediction is 
 correspondingly brief. And throughout the 
 Epistles there is much more evenness of 
 style. (2.) The antagonism to St. Paul is 
 not the same. Here the opposition comes 
 from Jeu-s. A period of five years changes 
 the aspect of the controversy. The oppo- 
 nents of St. Paul are then no longer Jews, 
 so much as Judaizing Christians. It wa* 
 now urged that tliough the Gentiles may be 
 admitted to the Church of Christ, the only 
 door of admission is the Mosaic covenant- 
 rite of circumcision. The language of St. 
 Paul, speaking of the Jewish Christians in 
 this Epistle, shows that the opposition to 
 his teaching had not at this time assumed 
 this second phase. (3.) Many of the dis- 
 tinctive doctrines of Christianity were yet 
 not evolved and distinctly enunciated till 
 the needs of the Church drew them out 
 into prominence at a later date. It has 
 often been observed, for instance, that there 
 is in the Epistles to the Thessalonians no 
 mention of the characteristic contrast of 
 " faith and works ; " that the word "justifi- 
 cation " does not once occur ; that the idea 
 of dying with Christ and living with Christ, 
 so frequent in St. Paul's later writings, is 
 absent in these. In the Epistles to the 
 Thessalonians, the Gospel preached is that 
 of the coming of Christ, rather than of the 
 cross of Christ. There are many reasons 
 why the subject of the second advent should 
 occupy a larger space in the earliest stage 
 of the Apostolical teaching than afterwards. 
 The occasion of this Epistle was as follows : 
 St. Paul had twice attempted to revisit 
 Thessalonica, and both times had been dis- 
 appointed. Thus prevented from seeing 
 them in person, he had sent Timothy to in- 
 (juire and report to him as to their condition 
 
 (iii. 1-5). Timothy returned with most 
 favorable tidings, reporting not only their 
 progress in Christian faith and practice, 
 but also their strong attachment to their old 
 teacher (iii. 6-10). The First Epistle to 
 the Thessalonians is the outpouring of the 
 Apostle's gratitude on receiving this wel- 
 come news. At the same time the report 
 of Timothy was not unmixed with alloy. 
 There were certain features in the condi- 
 tion of the Thessalonian Church which 
 called for St. Haul's interference, and to 
 which he addresses himself in his letter. 
 (1.) The very intensity of their Christian 
 faith, dwelling too exclusively on the day of 
 the Lord's coming, had been attended with 
 evil consequences. On the other hand, a 
 theoretical difficulty had been felt. Certain 
 members of the Church had died, and there 
 was great anxiety lest they should be ex- 
 cluded from any share in the glories of the 
 Lord's advent (iv. 13-18). (2.) The Thes- 
 salonians needed consolation and encour- 
 agement under persecution (ii. 14, iii. 2-4). 
 (3.) An unhealthy state of feeling with re- 
 gard to spiritual gifts was manifesting itself 
 (v. 19, 20). (4.) There was the danger 
 of relapsing into their old heathen prof- 
 ligacy (iv. 4-8). Yet notwithstanding all 
 these drawbacks, the condition of the 
 Thessalonian Church" was highly satisfac- 
 tory, and the most cordial relations existed 
 between St. Paul and his converts there. 
 This honorable distinction it shares witli 
 the other great Cimrch of Macedonia, that 
 of Philippi. The Epistle is rather prac- 
 tical than doctrinal. It was suggested 
 rather by personal feeling, than by any 
 urgent need, which might have formed a 
 centre of unity, and impressed a distinct 
 character on the whole. Under these cir- 
 cumstances we need not expect to trace 
 unity of purpose, or a continuous argument, 
 and any analysis must be more or less artifi- 
 cial. The body of the Epistle, however, may 
 conveniently be divided into two parts, the 
 former of which, extending over the first 
 three chapters, is chiefly taken up with a 
 retrospect of the Apostle's relation to his 
 Thessalonian converts, and an explanation 
 of his present circumstances and feelings, 
 while the latter, comprising the 4th and 5th 
 chapters, contains some seasonable exhor- 
 tations. At the close of each of these di- 
 visions is a prayer, commencing with the 
 same words, " May God Himself," &c., and 
 expressed in somewhat similar language. 
 The Epistle closes with personal injunc- 
 tions and a benediction (v. 25-28). Tho 
 external evidence in favor of the genuine- 
 ness of the First Epistle to the Thessalo- 
 nians is chiefly negative, but this is impor- 
 tant enough. There is no trace that it was 
 ever disputed at any age or in any section 
 of the Church, or even by any individual, 
 till the present century. On the other
 
 THESSALONIANS 
 
 697 
 
 THESSALONIANS 
 
 hand, the allusions to it in writers before 
 the close of the 2d century are confessedly 
 faiat and uncertain. It is more important 
 to observe that the Epistle was included iu 
 the old Latin and Syriac Versions, that it 
 is found in the Canon of the Muratorian 
 fragment, and that it was also contained in 
 that of Marcion. Towards the close of the 
 2d century from Irenaeus downwards, we 
 find this Epistle directly quoted and as- 
 cribed to St. Paul. The evidence derived 
 from the character of the Epistle itself is 
 so strong that it may fairly be called irre- 
 sistible. It would be impossible to enter 
 into the question of style here, but the 
 reader may be referred to the Introduction 
 of Jowett, who has handled this subject 
 very fully and satisfactorily. An equally 
 strong argument may be drawn also from 
 the matter contained in the Epistle. In the 
 first place, the fineness and delicacy of 
 touch with which the Apostle's relations to- 
 wards his Thessalonian converts are drawn, 
 are quite beyond the reach of the clumsy 
 forgeries of the early Church. In the sec- 
 ond place, the writer uses language which, 
 however it may be explained, is certainly 
 colored by the anticipation of the speedy 
 advent of the Lord. Such a position would 
 be an anachronism in a writer of the 2d 
 century. 
 
 Thessalo'nians, Second Epistle 
 to th.6, appears to have been written from 
 Corinth not very long after the First, for 
 Silvanus and Timothcus were still with St. 
 Paul (i. 1). In the former letter we saw 
 chiefly the outpouring of strong personal 
 affection, occasioned by the renewal of the 
 Apostle's intercourse with the Thessalo- 
 nians, and the doctrinal and hortatory por- 
 tions are there subordinate. In the Second 
 Epistle, on the other hand, his leading mo- 
 tive seems to have been the desire of cor- 
 recting errors in the Church of Thessalo- 
 nica. We notice two points especially 
 which call for his rebuke. First, it seems 
 that the anxious expectation of the Lord's 
 advent, instead of subsiding, had gained 
 ground since the writing of the" First Epis- 
 tle. Secondly, the Apostle had also a per- 
 sonal ground of complaint. His authority 
 was not denied by any, but it was tampered 
 with, and an unauthorized use was made 
 of his name. Designing men might mis- 
 represent his teaching in two ways, either 
 by suppressing what he actually had writ- 
 ten or said, or by forging letters and in 
 other ways representing him as teaching 
 what he had not taught. There are two 
 passages which allude to these misrepre- 
 sentations of his teaching. In the first of 
 these he tells them, in vague language, 
 " not to be troubled either by spirit or by 
 word or by letter, as coming from us, as if 
 the day of the Lord were at hand " (ii. 2, 
 8). In the second passage at the close of 
 
 the Epistle he says, " The salutation of 
 Paul with mine own hand, which is a token 
 in every Epistle : so I write " (iii. 17) 
 evidently a precaution against forgery. It 
 will be seen, then, that the teaching of the 
 Second Epistle is corrective of, or rather 
 supplemental to, that of the First, and 
 therefore presupposes it. This Epistle, in 
 the range of subject as well as in style and 
 general character, closely resembles the 
 First ; and the remarks made on that Epis 
 tie apply for the most part equally well to 
 this. The structure also is somewhat sim- 
 ilar, the main body of the Epistle being 
 divided into two parts in the same way, and 
 each part closing with a prayer (ii. 16, 17, 
 iii. 16). The Epistle ends with a special 
 direction and benediction (iii. 17, 18). The 
 external evidence in favor of the Second 
 Epistle is somewhat more definite than that 
 which can be brought in favor of the First. 
 It seems to be referred to in one or two 
 passages of Polycarp ; and the language in 
 which Justin Martyr speaks of the Man of 
 Sin is so similar that it can scarcely be in- 
 dependent of this Epistle. The Second 
 Epistle, like the First, is found in the 
 canons of the Syriac and Old Latin Ver- 
 sions, and in those of the Muratorian frag- 
 ment and of the heretic Marcion ; is quoted 
 expressly and by name by Irenaeus and 
 others at the close of the second century, 
 and was universally received by the 
 Church. The internal character of the 
 Epistle too, as in the former case, bears the 
 strongest testimony to its Pauline origin. 
 Its genuineness, in fact, was never ques- 
 tioned until the beginning of the present 
 century. The apocalyptic passage (ii. 1- 
 12) is the great stumbling-block. It has 
 been objected to, either as alluding to 
 events subsequent to St. Paul's death, the 
 Neronian persecution far instance; or as 
 betraying religious views derived from the 
 Montanism of the second century ; or last- 
 ly, as contradicting St. Paul's anticipations 
 expressed elsewhere, especially in the First 
 Epistle, of the near approach of the Lord's 
 advent. The most striking feature iu the 
 Epistle is this apocalyptic passage, an- 
 nouncing the revelation of the " Man of 
 Sin" (ii. 1-12), and it will not be irrele- 
 vant to investigate its meaning. (I.) The 
 passage speaks of a great apostasy which 
 is to usher in the advent of Christ, the 
 great judgment. There are three promi- 
 nent figures in the picture, Christ, Anti- 
 christ, and the Restrainer. The " mystery 
 of lawlessness " is already at work. At 
 present it is checked by the Restrainer; 
 but the check will be removed, and then it 
 will break out in all its violence. Then 
 Christ will appear. (II.) Many differ- 
 ent explanations have been offered of 
 this passage. By one class of interpreters 
 it has been referred to circumstances which
 
 THESSALONIANS 
 
 698 
 
 THESSALOXICA 
 
 passed within the circle of the Apostle's 
 own experience. Others, again, have seen 
 in it the prediction of a crisis yet to be re- 
 alized, the end of all things. The former 
 of these, the Praeterists, have identified 
 the ' ' Man of Sin " with divers historical 
 characters with Caligula, Nero, Titus, 
 Simon Magus, Simon son of Giora, the 
 high-priest Ananias, &c., and have sought 
 for an historical counterpart to the Re- 
 strainer in like manner. The latter, the 
 Futurists, have also given various accounts 
 of the Antichrist, the mysterious power of 
 evil which is already working. To Protes- 
 tants, for instance, it is the Papacy; to the 
 Greek Church, Mohammedanism. (III.) 
 Now in arbitrating between the Praeterists 
 and the Futurists, we are led by the analo- 
 gy of other prophetic announcements, as 
 well as by the language of the passage it- 
 self, to take a middle course. Neither is 
 wholly right, and yet both are to a certain 
 extent right. It is the special characteris- 
 tic of prophecy to speak of the distant fu- 
 ture through the present and immediate. 
 Following the analogy of the older proph- 
 ets and of our Lord himself, we may agree 
 with the Praeterists that St. Paul is refer- 
 ring to events which fell under his own 
 cognizance; for indeed the Restrainer is 
 said to be restraining now, and the mystery 
 of iniquity to be already working ; while at 
 the same time we may accept the Futurist 
 view, that the Apostle is describing the end 
 of all things, and that therefore the proph- 
 ecy has not yet received its most striking 
 and complete fulfilment. (IV.) If this 
 view be correct, it remains to inquire what 
 particular adversary of the Gospel, and 
 what particular restraining influence, St. 
 Paul may have had in view. But, before 
 attempting to approximate to an explana- 
 tion, we may clear the way by laying down 
 two rules. First. The imagery of the 
 passage must be interpreted mainly by it- 
 self, and by the circumstances of the time. 
 The great adversary in the Revelation 
 seems to be the Roman power ; but it may 
 be widely different here. There were even 
 in the Apostolic age "many Antichrists;" 
 and we cannot be sure that the Antichrist 
 present to the mind of St. Paul was the 
 same with the Antichrist contemplated by 
 St. John. Secondly. In all figurative pas- 
 sages it is arbitrary to assume that a person 
 is denoted where we find a personification. 
 Thus the "Man of Sin" here need not 
 be an individual man ; it may be a body 
 of men, or a power, a spiritual influence. 
 (V.) Now we find that the chief opposi- 
 tion to the Gospel, and especially to St. 
 Paul's preaching at this time, arose from 
 the Jews. It seems on the whole probable 
 that the Antichrist is represented especial- 
 ly by Judaism. Corresponding to this 
 
 view of the Antichrist, we shall probably 
 be correct in regarding the Roman Empire 
 as the restraining power. It was to Ro- 
 man justice and Roman magistrates that 
 the Apostle had recourse at this time to 
 shield him from the enmity of the Jews, 
 and to check their violence. It was only 
 at a later date, under Nero, that Rome be- 
 came the antagonist of Christendom, and 
 then she also in turn was fitly portrayed by 
 St. John as the type of Antichrist. 
 
 Thessaloni'ca. The original name 
 of this 6ity was Thernia ; and that part of 
 the Macedonian shore on which it was sit- 
 uated retained through the Roman period 
 the designation of the Thermaic Gulf. 
 Cassander the son of Antipater rebuilt and 
 enlarged Therma, and named it after his 
 wife Thessalonica, the sister of Alexander 
 the Great. The name ever since, under 
 various slight modifications, has been con- 
 tinuous, and the city itself has never ceased 
 to be eminent. Salontki is still the most 
 important town of European Turkey, next 
 after Constantinople. Strabo in the first 
 century speaks of Thessalonica as the 
 most populous city in Macedonia. Thus 
 we are brought to St. Paul's' visit (with 
 Silas and Timothy) during his second mis- 
 sionary journey, and to the introduction of 
 Christianity into Thessalonica. Three cir- 
 cumstances must here be mentioned, which 
 illustrate in an important manner this visit 
 and this journey as well as the two Epistles 
 to the Thessalonians. (1.) This was the 
 chief station on the great Roman Road 
 called the Via Egnatia, which connected 
 Rome with the whole region to the north 
 of the Aegean Sea. (2.) Placed as it was 
 on this great Road, and in connection with 
 other important Roman ways, Thessalonica 
 was an invaluable centre for the spread of 
 the Gospel. In fact it was nearly, if not 
 quite, on a level with Corinth and Ephesus 
 in its share of the commerce of the Le- 
 vant. (3.) The circumstance noted in Acts 
 xvii. 1, that here was the synagogue of the 
 Jews in this.j)art of Macedonia, had evident- 
 ly much to do with the Apostle's plans, 
 and also doubtless with his success. Trade 
 would inevitably bring Jews to Thessaloni- 
 ca : sftid it is remarkable that, ever since, 
 they have had a prominent place in the an- 
 nals of the city. The first scene of the 
 Apostle's work at Thessalonica was the 
 synagogue (Acts xvii. 2, 3). It is stated 
 that the ministrations among the Jews con- 
 tinued for three weeks (ver. 2). Not that 
 we are obliged to limit to this time the 
 whole stay of the Apostle at Thessalonica. 
 A flourishing Church was certainly formed 
 there ; and the Epistles show that its elements 
 were much more Gentile than Jewish. The 
 narrative in the Acts affords a singularly 
 accurate illustration of the political consti-
 
 699 
 
 THOMAS 
 
 tution of Thessalonica. Not only is the 
 demus mentioned (Acts xvii. 5) in harmo- 
 ny with what has been above said of its be- 
 ing a " free city," but the peculiar title pol- 
 itarchs (ib. G), of the chief magistrates. 
 This term occurs in no other writing ; but 
 it may be read to this day conspicuously on 
 an arch of the early Imperial times, which 
 spans the main street of the city. The 
 arch just mentioned (called the Vardar 
 gate) is at the western extremity of the 
 town. At its eastern extremity is another 
 Roman arch of later date, and probably 
 commemorating some victory of Constan- 
 tine. The main street, which both these 
 arches cross, and which intersects the city 
 from east to west, is undoubtedly the line 
 of the Via Egnatia. A word must be said, 
 in conclusion, on the later ecclesiastical 
 history of Thessalonica. For during sev- 
 eral centuries this city was the bulwark, 
 not simply of the later Greek Empire, but 
 of Oriental Christendom, and was largely 
 instrumental in the conversion of the Sla- 
 vonians and Bulgarians. Thus it received 
 the designation of "the Orthodox City;" 
 and its struggles are very prominent in the 
 writings of the Byzantine historians. 
 
 Theu'das. the name of an insurgent 
 mentioned in Gamaliel's speech before the 
 Jewish council (Acts v. 35-39) at the time 
 of the arraignment of the Apostles. He ap- 
 peared, according to Luke's account, at the 
 head of about four hundred men. Josephus 
 speaks of a Theudas who played a similar 
 part in the time of Claudius, about A. D. 44, 
 t. e. some ten or twelve years at least later 
 than the delivery of Gamaliel's speech ; and 
 since Luke places his Theudas, in the or- 
 der of time, before Judas the Galilean, who 
 made his appearance soon after the de- 
 thronement of Archelaus, *. e. A. D. 6 or 7, 
 the Theudas mentioned by St. Luke must 
 be a different person from the one spoken 
 of by Josephus. The former was probably 
 one of the insurrectionary chiefs or fanatics 
 by whom the land was overrun in the last 
 year of Herod's reign. 
 
 Thieves, The two. The men who 
 under this name appear in the history of 
 the crucifixion were robbers rather than 
 thieves, belonging to the lawless bands by 
 which Palestine was at that time and after- 
 wards infested. Against these brigands 
 every Roman procurator had to wage con- 
 tinual war. It was necessary to use an 
 armed police to encounter them (Luke 
 xxii. 52). Of the previous history of the 
 two who suffered on Golgotha we know 
 nothing. They had been tried and con- 
 demned, and were waiting their execution 
 before our Lord was accused. It is prob- 
 able enough, as the death of Barabbas was 
 clearly expected at the same time, that they 
 had taken part in his insurrection. They 
 had expected to die with Jesus Barabbas. 
 
 They find themselves with one who bore 
 the same name^but who was described in 
 the superscription on his cross as Jesus of 
 Nazareth. They could hardly fail to have 
 heard something of his fame as a prophet, 
 of his triumphal entry as a king. They 
 catch at first the prevailing tone of scorn. 
 But over one of them there came a change. 
 He looked back upon his past life, and saw 
 an infinite evil. He looked to the man 
 dying on the cross beside him, and saw 
 an infinite compassion. There indeed was 
 one unlike all other "kings of the Jews " 
 whom the robber had ever known. Such 
 a one must be all that He had claimed 
 to be. To be forgotten by that king seems 
 to him now the most terrible of all pun- 
 ishments ; to take part in the triumph of 
 His return, the most blessed of all hopes. 
 The yearning prayer was answered, not 
 in the letter, but in the spirit. We can- 
 not wonder that a history of such marvel- 
 lous interest should at all times have fixed 
 itself on men's minds, and led them to 
 speculate and ask questions which we 
 have no data to answer. The simplest and 
 truest way of looking at it has been that of 
 those who have seen in the " dying thief" 
 the first great typical instance that " a man 
 is justified by faith without the deeds of the 
 law." Other conjectures turn more on the 
 circumstances of the history. Bengel finds 
 in the Lord's words to him an indication 
 that the penitent thief was a Gentile, the 
 impenitent a Jew, and that thus the scene 
 on Calvary was typical of the position of 
 the two Churches. Stier reads in the words 
 of reproof the language of one who had all 
 along listened with grief and horror to the 
 revilings of the multitude, the burst of an 
 indignation previously suppressed. The 
 Apocryphal Gospels, as usual, do their 
 best to lower the divine history to the level 
 of a legend. 
 
 Thim'nathah, a town in the allotment 
 of Dan (Josh. xix. 43 only). It is named 
 between Elon and Ekron. The name is 
 the same as that of the residence of Sam- 
 son's wife. 
 
 Thistle. [THORNS AND THISTLES.] 
 Thom'as, one of the Apostles. Ac- 
 cording to Eusebius, his real name was 
 Judas. This may have been a mere con- 
 fusion with Thaddeus, who is mentioned in 
 the extract. But it may also be that Thomas 
 was a surname. The word means "a twin;" 
 and so it is translated in John xi. 10, xxi. 2 
 (Didymus). Out of this name has grown 
 the tradition that he had a twin-sister, 
 Lydia, or that he was a twin-brother of our 
 Lord; which last, again, would confirm his 
 identification with Judas (comp. Matt. xiii. 
 55). He is said to have been born at Antioch. 
 In the catalogue of the Apostles he is coupled 
 with Matthew in Matt. x. 3 ; Mark iii. 18 ; 
 Luke vi. 15 ; and with Philip in Acts L 13*
 
 THOMAS 
 
 700 
 
 THRESHOLDS 
 
 All that we know of him is derived from the 
 Gospel of St. John ; and^his amounts to 
 three traits, which, however, so exactly 
 agree together, that, slight as they are, they 
 place his character before us with a precis- 
 ion which belongs to no other of the twelve 
 Apostles, except Peter, John, and Judas 
 Iscariot. This character is that of a man 
 slow to believe, seeing all the difficulties of 
 a case, subject to despondency, viewing 
 things on the darker side, and yet full of 
 ardent love of his Master. The first trait 
 is his speech when our Lord determined to 
 face the dangers that awaited Him in Judaea 
 on his journey to Bethany. Thomas said 
 to his fellow-disciples, " Let us also go, 
 that we may die with him" (John xi. 16). 
 The second was his speech during the Last 
 Supper, " Thomas saith unto Him, Lord, 
 we know not whither thou goest, and how 
 can we know the way?" (xiv. 5). It was 
 the prosaic, incredulous doubt as to moving 
 a step in the unseen future, and yet an 
 eager inquiry to know how this step was to 
 be taken. The third was after the Resur- 
 rection. He was absent possibly by ac- 
 cident, perhaps characteristically from 
 the first assembly when Jesus had appeared. 
 The others told him what they had seen. 
 He broke forth into an exclamation, the 
 terms of which convey to us at once the 
 vehemence of his doubt, and at the same 
 time the vivid picture that his mind re- 
 tained of his Master's form as he had last 
 seen Him lifeless on the cross (John xx. 
 25). On the eighth day he was with them 
 at theii gathering, perhaps in expectation 
 of a recurrence of the visit of the previous 
 week; and Jesus stood amongst them. He 
 uttered the same salutation, " Peace be unto 
 you ; " and then turning to Thomas, as if 
 this had been the special object of His ap- 
 pearance, uttered the words which convey 
 as strongly the sense of condemnation and 
 tender reproof as those of Thomas had 
 shown the sense of hesitation and doubt. 
 The effect on Thomas is immediate. The 
 conviction produced by the removal of his 
 doubt became deeper and stronger than that 
 of any of the other Apostles. The words 
 in which he expressed his belief contain a 
 far higher assertion of his Master's divine 
 nature than is contained in any other ex- 
 pression used by Apostolic lips, "My Lord, 
 and my God." The answer of our Lord 
 eums up the moral of the whole narrative : 
 " Because thou hast seen me, thou hast be- 
 lieved : blessed are they that have not seen 
 me, and yet have believed" (xx. 29). In 
 the N. T. we hear of Thomas only twice 
 again, once on the Sea of Galilee with the 
 seven disciples, where he is ranked next 
 after Peter (John xxi. 2), and again in thfr 
 assemblage of the Apostles after the Ascen- 
 eion (Acts i. 13). The earlier traditions, 
 
 him as preaching in Parthia or Persia, and 
 as finally buried at Edessa. The later tra- 
 ditions carry him farther east. His mar- 
 tyrdom (whether in Persia or India) is said 
 to have been occasioned by a lance, and is 
 commemorated by the Latin Church on 
 Dec. 21, by the Greek Church on Oct. 6, 
 and by the Indians on July 1. 
 
 Thorns and Thistles. There appear to 
 be eighteen or twenty Hebrew words which 
 point to different kinds of prickly or thorny 
 shrubs. These words are variously ren- 
 dered in the A. V. by " thorns," ' briers," 
 " thistles," &c. It were a hopeless task to 
 enter into a discussion of these numerous 
 Hebrew terms ; but it is necessary to make 
 a few remarks upon the " crown of thorns " 
 (oityaros tj axui-dniv, Matt, xxvii. 29), which 
 was put in derision upon our Lord's head 
 before his crucifixion. The Rhamnus, or 
 Spina Christi, although abundant in the 
 neighborhood of Jerusalem, cannot be the 
 plant intended, because its thorns are so 
 strong and large that it could not have been 
 woven into a wreath. The large-leaved 
 acanthus (bear's-foot) is totally unsuited for 
 the purpose. Had the acacia been intended, 
 as some suppose, the phrase would have 
 been <| ax^tv&t;?. Obviously some small, 
 flexile, thorny shrub is meant ; perhaps cap- 
 
 pares spinosae. 
 260) says that 
 Arabian NabTc. 
 
 Hasselquist (Travels, p. 
 the thorn used was the 
 : It was very suitable for 
 
 their purpose, as it has many sharp thorns, 
 which inflict painful wounds ; and its flexi- 
 ble, pliant, and round branches might easily 
 be plaited in the form of a crown." It also 
 resembles the rich dark green of the tri- 
 umphal ivy-wreath, which would give addi- 
 tional pungency to its ironical purpose. 
 
 Three Taverns, a station on the Ap- 
 pian Road, along which St. Paul travelled 
 from Puteoli to Rome (Acts xxviii. 15). 
 The distances, reckoning southwards from 
 Rome, are given as follows in the Anlonine 
 Itinerary, " to Aricia, 16 miles ; to Three 
 Taverns, 17 miles ; to Appii Forum, 10 
 miles ; " and, comparing this with what is 
 observed still along the line of road, we 
 have no difficulty in coming to the conclu- 
 sion that " Three Taverns " was near the 
 modern Cisterna. Just at this point a road 
 came in from Antium on the coast. There 
 is no doubt that " Three Taverns " was a 
 frequent meeting-place of travellers. 
 
 Threshing. [AGRICULTURE.] 
 
 Threshold. Of the two words so ren- 
 dered in A. V., one, miphthdn, seems to 
 mean sometimes a projecting beam or cor- 
 bel (Ez. ix. 3, x. 4, 18). 
 
 Thresholds, The. This word, Asup- 
 p&, appears to be inaccurately rendered in 
 Neh. xft. 25, though its real force has per- 
 haps not yet been discovered. The " house 
 of the Asuppim," or simply " the Asuppim," 
 
 as believed in the 4th century, represent i is mentioned in 1 Chr. xxvi. 15, 1 7, as a
 
 THRONE 
 
 701 
 
 TIBERIAS 
 
 part, proLably a gate, of the enclosure of 
 the " house of Jehovah," apparently at its 
 S. W. corner. The allusion in Neh. xii. 25 
 is undoubtedly to the same place. [GATE.] 
 Throne. The Hebrew word, so trans- 
 lated, applies to any elevated seat occupied 
 by a person in authority, whether a high- 
 priest (1 Sam. i. 9), a judge (Ps. cxxii. 5), 
 or a military chief (Jer. i. 15). The use of 
 a chair in a country where the usual pos- 
 tures were squatting and reclining, was at 
 all times regarded as a symbol of dignity 
 (2 K. iv. 10; Prov. ix. 14). In order to 
 specify a throne in our sense of the term, 
 it was necessary to add to the word the 
 notion of royalty; hence the frequent oc- 
 currence of such expressions as " throne 
 of the kingdom" (Deut. xvii. 18; IK. i. 
 46; 2 Chr. vii. 18). The characteristic 
 feature in the royal throne was its eleva- 
 tion : Solomon's throne was approached by 
 six steps (1 K. x. 19 ; 2 Chr. ix. 18) ; and 
 Jehovah's throne is described as " high and 
 lifted up " (Is. vi. 1). The materials and 
 workmanship were costly. It was furnished 
 
 Asy rian Throne, or Chair of State. (Lay ard.) 
 
 with arms or " stays." The steps were also 
 lined with pairs of lions. As to the form of 
 chair, we are only informed in 1 K. x. 19 
 that " the top was round behind." The 
 king sat on his throne on state occasions. 
 At such times he appeared in his royal 
 robes. The throne was the symbol of su- 
 preme power and dignity (Gen. xli. 40). 
 Similarly, " to sit upon the throne," im- 
 plied the exercise of regal power (Deut. 
 xvii. 18; IK. xvi. 11). 
 
 Thum'mim. [URIM AND THUMMIM.] 
 Thunder is hardly ever heard in Pales- 
 tine from the middle of April to the middle 
 of September. Hence it was selected by 
 Samuel as a striking expression of the Di- 
 Tine displeasure towards the Israelites (1 
 
 Sam. xii. 17). Rain in harvest was deemed 
 as extraordinary as snow in summer (Prov. 
 xxvi. 1), and Jerome asserts that he had 
 never witnessed it in the latter part of June, 
 or in July (Comm. on Am. iv. 7). In the 
 imaginative philosophy of the Hebrews, 
 thunder was regarded as the voice of Jeho- 
 vah (Job xxxvii. 2, 4, 5, xl. 9 ; Ps. xviii. 
 13, xxix. 3-9; Is. xxx. 30, 31), who dwelt 
 behind the thunder-cloud (Ps. Ixxxi. 7). 
 Thunder was, to the mind of the Jew, 
 the symbol of Divine power (Ps. xxix. 3, 
 &c.), and vengeance (1 Sam. ii. 10; 2 Sam. 
 xxii. 14). 
 
 Thyati'ra, a city on the Lycus, founded 
 by Seleucus Nicator, lay to the left of the 
 road from Pergamus to Sardis, on the very 
 confines of Mysia and Ionia, so as to be 
 sometimes reckoned within the one, and 
 sometimes within the other. Dyeing ap- 
 parently formed an important part of the 
 industrial activity of Thyatira, as it did of 
 that of Colossae and Laodicea (Acts xvi. 
 14). The principal deity of the city was 
 Apollo ; but there was another superstition, 
 of an extremely curious nature, which seems 
 to have been brought thither by some of 
 the corrupted Jews of the dispersed tribes. 
 A fane stood outside the walls, dedicated to 
 Sambatha the name of the sibyl who is 
 sometimes called Chaldaean, sometimes 
 Jewish, sometimes Persian in the midst 
 of an enclosure designated " the Chaldae- 
 an's court." This seems to lend an illus- 
 tration to the obscure passage in Rev. ii. 
 20, 21, which some interpret of the wife of 
 the bishop. Now there is evidence to show 
 that in Thyatira there was a great amalga- 
 mation of races. If the sibyl Sambatha 
 was really a Jewess, lending her aid to the 
 amalgamation of different religions, and 
 not discountenanced by the authorities of 
 the Judaeo-Christian Church at Thyatira, 
 both the censure and its qualification be- 
 come easy of explanation. 
 
 Thyine Wood occurs in Rev. XTiii. 12, 
 where the margin has "sweet" (wood). 
 There can be little doubt that the wood here 
 spoken of is that of the Thuya articulata, 
 Desfont., the Callitris quadriralvis of pres- 
 ent botanists. This tree was much prized by 
 the ancient Greeks and Romans, on account 
 of the beauty of its wood for various orna- 
 mental purposes. By the Romans the tree 
 was called citrus, the wood ciirum. It is 
 a native of Barbary, and grows to the 
 height of 15 to 25 feet. 
 
 Tibe'rias, a city in the time of Christ, 
 on the Sea of Galilee ; first mentioned in 
 the New Testament (John vi. 1,23, xxi. 1), 
 and then by Josephus,who states that it was 
 built by Herod Antipas, and was named by 
 him in honor of the emperor Tiberius. It 
 was probably a new town, and not a re- 
 stored or enlarged one merely ; for " Rak- 
 kath " (Josh. xix. 35), which is said in the
 
 TIBERIAS 
 
 702 
 
 TIGLATH-PILESER 
 
 Talmud to have occupied the same position, 
 lay in the tribe of Naphtali, whereas Tibe- 
 rias appears to have been within the limits 
 of Zebulun (Matt. iv. 13). Tiberias was 
 the capital of Galilee from the time of its 
 origin until the reign of Herod Agrippa II., 
 who changed the seat of power back again 
 to Sepphoris, where it had been before the 
 founding of the new city. Many of the 
 inhabitants were Greeks and Romans, and 
 foreign customs prevailed there to such an 
 extent as to give offence to the stricter 
 Jews. The ancient name has survived in 
 that of the modern Tubarteh, which occu- 
 pies the original site. Near T&barieh, 
 about a mile farther south along the shore, 
 are the celebrated warm baths, which the 
 Roman naturalists reckoned among the 
 greatest known curiosities of the world. It 
 is remarkable that the Gospels give us no 
 information, that the Saviour, who spent 
 so much of his public life in Galilee, ever 
 visited Tiberias. Tiberias has an interest- 
 ing history, apart from its strictly Biblical 
 associations. It bore a conspicuous part 
 in the wars between the Jews and the 
 Romans. The Sanhedrim, subsequently to 
 the fall of Jerusalem, after a temporary so- 
 journ at Jamnia and Sepphoris, became 
 fixed there about the middle of the second 
 century. Celebrated schools of Jewish 
 learning flourished there through a succes- 
 sion of several centuries. The Mishna was 
 compiled at this place by the great Rabbi 
 Judah Hakkodesh (A. D. 190). It has been 
 possessed successively by Romans, Per- 
 sians, Arabs, and Turks ;.and contains now, 
 under the Turkish rule, a mixed population 
 of Mohammedans, Jews, and Christians, 
 variously estimated at from two to four 
 thousand. 
 
 Tibe'rias, The Sea of (John xxi. 1). 
 [GENNESARET, SEA OF.] 
 
 Tibe'rius (in full, Tiberius Claudius 
 Nero), the 2d Roman emperor, successor of 
 Augustus, who began to reign A. D. 14, and 
 reigned until A. D. 37. He was the son of Ti- 
 berius Claudius Nero and Livia, and hence 
 a step-son of Augustus. He was born at 
 Rome on the 16th of November, B. c. 45. He 
 became emperor in his 55th year, after hav- 
 ing distinguished himself as a commander in 
 various wars, and having evinced talents 
 of a high order as an orator, and an admin- 
 istrator of civil affairs. He even gained 
 the reputation of possessing the sterner 
 virtues of the Roman character, and was 
 regarded as entirely worthy of the imperial 
 honors to which his birth and supposed 
 personal merits at length opened the way. 
 Yet, on being raised to the supreme power, 
 he suddenly became, or showed himself to 
 be, a very different man. His subsequent 
 life was one of inactivity, sloth, and self- 
 indulgence. He was despotic in his gov- 
 ernment, cruel and vindictive in his dispo- 
 
 sition. Tiberius died, A. D. 37, at the age 
 of 78, after a reign of 23 years. Our 
 Saviour was put to death in the reign of 
 Tiberius. 
 
 Tib'hath, a city of Hadadezer, king 
 of Zobah (1 Chr. xviii. 8), which in 2 Sam. 
 viii. 8 is called Betah. Its exact position is 
 unknown. 
 
 Tib'ni. After Zimri had burnt himself 
 in his palace, there was a division in the 
 northern kingdom, half of the people fol- 
 lowing Tibni the son of Ginath, and half 
 following Omri (1 K. xvi. 21, 22). Omri 
 was the choice of the army. Tibni was 
 probably put forward by the people of Tir- 
 zah, which was then besieged by Omri and 
 his host. The struggle between the con- 
 tending factions lasted four years (comp. 1 
 K. xvi. 15, 23). 
 
 Ti'dal is mentioned only in Gen. xiv. 1, 
 9. He is called " king of nations," from 
 which we may conclude that he was a chief 
 over various nomadic tribes. 
 
 Tig'lath-pile'ser. In 1 Chr. v. 26, 
 and again in 2 Chr. xx'viii. 20, the name of 
 this king is written " Tilgath-pilneser ; " 
 but in this form there is a double corrup- 
 tion. The native word reads as Tigulti- 
 pal-tsira, for which the Tiglath-Pil-esor of 
 2 Kings is a fair equivalent. Tiglath-Pileser 
 is the second Assyrian king mentioned in 
 Scripture as having come into contact with 
 the Israelites. He attacked Samaria in the 
 j-eign of Pekah, probably because Pekah 
 withheld his tribute, and, having entered his 
 territories, he " took Ijon, and Abel-beth- 
 maachah, and Janoah, and Kedesh, and 
 Hazor, and Gilead. and Galilee, and all the 
 land of Naphtali, and carried them captive 
 to Assyria" (2 K. xv. 29). The date of 
 this invasion cannot be fixed. After his 
 first expedition, a close league was formed 
 between Rezin, king of Syria, and Pekah, 
 having for its special object the humiliation 
 of Judah. At first great successes were 
 gained by Pekah and his confederate (2 K. 
 xv. 37 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 6-8) ; but, on their 
 proceeding to attack Jerusalem itself, Ahaz 
 applied to Assyria for assistance, and Tig- 
 lath-Pileser, consenting to aid him, again 
 appeared at the head of an army in these 
 regions. He first marched, naturally, 
 against Damascus, which he took (2 K. 
 xvi. 9), razing it to the ground, and killing 
 Rezin, the Damascene monarch. After 
 this, probably, he proceeded to chastise 
 Pekah, whose country he entered on the 
 north-east, where it bordered upon " Syria 
 of Damascus." Here he overran the whole 
 district to the east of Jordan, carrying into 
 captivity " the Reubenites, the Gadites, 
 and the half tribe of Manasseh " (1 Chr. v. 
 26). Before returning into his own land, 
 Tiglath-Pileser had an interview with Ahaz 
 at Damascus (2 K. xvi. 10). This is all 
 that Scripture tells us of Tiglath-Pileser.
 
 TIGRIS 
 
 703 
 
 TIMBREL 
 
 He appears to have succeeded Pul, and to 
 have been succeeded by Shalmaneser; to 
 have been contemporary with Rezin, Pekah, 
 and Ahaz ; and therefore to have ruled 
 Assyria during the latter half of the eighth 
 century before our era. From his own 
 inscriptions we learn that his reign lasted 
 at least seventeen years ; that, besides war- 
 ring in Syria and Samaria, he attacked 
 Babylonia, Media, Armenia, and the inde- 
 pendent tribes in the upper regions of 
 Mesopotamia; thus, like the other great 
 Assyrian monarchs, warring along the 
 whole frontier of the empire ; and finally, 
 that he was (probably) not a legitimate 
 prince, but a usurper and the founder of 
 a dynasty. The authority of Berosus and 
 Herodotus, combined with the monumental 
 indications, justifies us in concluding that 
 the founder of the Lower Dynasty or Em- 
 pire, the first monarch of the New King- 
 dom, was the Tiglath-Pileser of Scripture. 
 He reigned certainly from B. c. 747 to B. c. 
 730, and possibly a few years longer, being 
 succeeded by Shalmaneser at least as early 
 as B. c. 725. Tiglath-Pileser 's wars do not, 
 generally, appear to have been of much 
 importance. No palace or great building 
 can be ascribed to this king. His slabs, 
 which are tolerably numerous, show that 
 he must have built or adorned a residence 
 at Calah (Mmrud), where they were 
 found. 
 
 Uglath-pileier. 
 
 Ti'gris is used by the LXX. as the Greek 
 equivalent of the Hebrew Hiddekel ; and 
 occurs also in several of the apocryphal 
 books, as in Tobit (vi. 1), Judith (i. 6), 
 and Ecclesiasticus (xxiv. 25). The Tigris, 
 like the Euphrates, rises from two princi- 
 pal sources in the Armenian mountains, 
 and flows into the Euphrates. Its length, 
 
 exclusive of meanders, is reckoned at 1146 
 miles. It receives, along its middle and 
 lower course, no fewer than five important 
 tributaries. These are the river of Zdkko 
 or Eastern Khabour, the Great Zab (Zab 
 Ala), the Lesser Zab (Zab Asfal), the Ad- 
 hem, and the Diyaleh or ancient Gyndes. 
 All these rivers flow from the high range 
 of Zagros. We find but little mention of 
 the Tigris in Scripture. It appears indeed 
 under the name of Hiddekel, among the 
 rivers of Eden (Gen. ii. 14), and is there 
 correctly described as " running eastward 
 to Assyria." But after this we hear no 
 more of it, if we except one doubtful allu- 
 sion in Nahum (ii. 6), until the Captivity, 
 when it becomes well known to the prophet 
 Daniel. With him it is " the Great River." 
 The Tigris, in its upper course, anciently 
 ran through Armenia and Assyria. Lower 
 down, from about the point where it enters 
 on the alluvial plain, it separated Babylonia 
 from Susiana. In the wars between the 
 Romans and the Parthians, we find it con- 
 stituting, for a short time (from A. D. 114 
 to A. D. 117), the boundary line betweeft 
 these two empires. 
 
 Tik'vah. 1. The father of Shallum the 
 husband of the prophetess Huldah (2 K. 
 xxii. 14). 2. The father of Jahaziah (Ezr. 
 x. 15). 
 
 Tik'vath (properly Tdkihath or Tok- 
 hath), TIKVAH the father of Shallum (2 
 Chr. xxxiv. 22). 
 
 Tile. For general information on the 
 subject, see the articles BRICK, POTTEBY, 
 SEAL. The expression in the A. V. ren- 
 dering of Luke v. 19, " through the tiling" 
 has given much trouble to expositors. 1. 
 Terrace-roofs, if constructed improperly, 
 or at the wrong season of the year, are apt 
 to crack, and to become so saturated with 
 rain as to be easily penetrable. May not 
 the roof of the house in which our Lord 
 performed his miracle, have been in this 
 condition ? 2. Or did not St. Luke, a na- 
 tive, probably, of Greek Antioch, use the 
 expression " tiles," as the form of roof 
 which was most familiar to himself and to 
 his Greek readers, without reference to the 
 particular material of the roof in question ? 
 
 Til'gath.-pillie'ser, a variation, and 
 probably a corruption, of the name TIG- 
 LATH-PILESER (1 Chr. v. 6, 26; 2 Chr. 
 xxviii. 20). 
 
 Ti'lon, one of the four sons of Shimon, 
 whose family is reckoned in the genealogies 
 of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 
 
 Timae'us, the father of the blind man, 
 Bartimaeus (Mark x. 46). 
 
 Timbrel, Tabret (Heb. tdph~). In 
 old English tabor was used for any drum. 
 Tabouret and tabourine are diminutives 
 of tabor, and denote the instrument now 
 known as the tambourine. Tabret is a 
 contraction of tabouret. The Heb. tdph is
 
 TIMNA 
 
 704 
 
 TIMOTHY 
 
 undoubtedly the instrument described by 
 travellers as the duff or dAff of the Arabs. 
 It was used in very early times by the 
 Syrians of Padan-aram at their merry- 
 makings (Gen. xxxi. 27). It was played 
 principally by women (Ex. xv. 20; Judg. 
 xi. 34 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6 ; Ps. Ixviii. 25) as 
 an accompaniment to the song and dance 
 (comp. Jud. iii. 7), and appears to have 
 been worn by them as an ornament (Jer. 
 xxxi. 4). The diff of the Arabs is described 
 by Russell as " a hoop (sometimes with 
 pieces of brass fixed in it to make a jin- 
 gling) over which a piece of parchment is 
 distended. It is beaten with the fingers, 
 and is the true tympanum of the ancients." 
 Jn Barbary it is called tar. 
 
 Tim'na, Tim'nali. 1. A concubine 
 of Eliphnz son of Esau, and mother of 
 Amalek (Gen. xxxvi. 12) : it may be pre- 
 sumed that she was the same as Timna, 
 sister of Lotan (ver. 22, and 1 Chr. i. 39). 
 2. A duke, or phylarch, of Edom in the 
 last list in Gen. xxxvi. 40-43 (1 Chr. i. 51- 
 64). Timnah was probably the name of 
 a place or a district. (See the following 
 article.) 
 
 Tim'nah.. 1. A place which formed 
 one of the landmarks on the north boun- 
 dary of the allotment of Judah (Josh. xv. 
 10). It is probably identical with the 
 THIMNATHAH of Josh. xix. 43, and that 
 again with the Timnath, or, more accu- 
 rately, Timnathah, of Samson (Judg. xiv. 
 1, 2, 5), and the Thamnatha of the Macca- 
 bees. The modern representative of all 
 these various forms of the same name is 
 probably Tibneh, a village about two miles 
 west of Ain Shems (Beth-shemesh). In 
 the later history of the Jews, Timnah must 
 have been a conspicuous place. It was 
 fortified by Bacchides as one of the most 
 important military posts of Judaea (1 Mace. 
 ix. 50). 2. A town in the mountain dis- 
 trict of Judah (Josh. xv. 57). A distinct 
 place from that just examined. 3. Inac- 
 curately written TIMNATH in the A. V., the 
 scene of the adventure of Judah with his 
 daughter-in-law Tamar (Gen. xxxviii. 12, 
 13, 14). There is nothing here to indicate 
 its position. It may be identified either 
 with the Timnah in the mountains of Judah 
 [No. 2], or with the Timnathah of Samson. 
 [No. 1.] 
 
 Tim'nath. [TIMNAH.] 
 
 Tim'nathah, the residence of Samson's 
 wife (Judg. xiv. 1, 2, 5). 
 
 Tim'nath-he'res, the name under 
 which the city and burial-place of Joshua, 
 previously called TIMNATH- SERAH, is men- 
 tioned in Judg. ii. 9. [TIMNATH-SERAH.] 
 
 Tim'natll-se'rah., the name of the city 
 which was presented to Joshua after the 
 partition of the country (Josh. xix. 50), 
 and in "the border" of which he was 
 buried (xxiv. 30). It is specified as "in 
 
 Mount Ephraim on the north side of Mount 
 Gaash." In Judg. ii. 9, the name is altered 
 to TIMNATH-HERES. The latter form is 
 that adopted by the Jewish writers. Ac- 
 cordingly, they identify the place with 
 Kefar cheres, which is said by Jewish 
 travellers to be about 5 miles S. of She- 
 chem (Nablus). No place with that name 
 appears on the maps. Another identifica- 
 tion has, however, been suggested by Dr. 
 Eli Smith. In his journey from Jifna to 
 Me/del - Yaba, about 6 miles from the for- 
 mer, he discovered the ruins of a consider- 
 able town. Opposite the town was a much 
 higher hill, in the north side of which are 
 several excavated sepulchres. The whole 
 bears the name of Tibneh. 
 
 Tim'nite, The, Samson's father-in-law, 
 a native of Timnathah (Judg. xv. 6). 
 
 Ti'mon, one of the seven, commonly 
 called " deacons" (Acts vi. 1-6). He was 
 probably a Hellenist. 
 
 Timb'theus. 1. A "captain of the 
 Ammonites " (1 Mace. v. 6), who was de- 
 feated on several occasions by Judas Mac- 
 cabaeus, B. c. 164 (1 Mace. v. G, 11, 34- 
 44). He was probably a Greek adventurer. 
 2. In 2 Mace, a leader named Timotheus 
 is mentioned as having taken part in the 
 invasion of Nicanor (B. c. 166 : 2 Mace, 
 viii. 30, ix. 3). At a later time he was 
 driven to a stronghold, Gazara, which was 
 stormed by Judas, and there Timotheus 
 was taken and slain (2 Mace. x. 24-37). It 
 has been supposed that the events recorded 
 in this latter narrative are identical with 
 those in 1 Mace. v. 6-8. But the name 
 Timotheus was very common, and it is evi- 
 dent that Timotheus the Ammonite leader 
 was not slain at Jazer (1 Mace. v. 34). 3. 
 The Greek name of TIMOTHY (Acts xvi. 1, 
 xvii. 14, &c.). 
 
 Tim'othy. The disciple thus named 
 was the son of one of those mixed mar- 
 riages which, though condemned by stricter 
 Jewish opinion, were yet not uncommon in 
 the later periods of Jewish history. The 
 father's name is unknown : he was a Greek, 
 i. e. a Gentile by descent (Acts xvi. 1, 3). 
 The absence of any personal allusion to 
 the father in the Acts or Epistles suggests 
 the inference that he must have died or 
 disappeared during his son's infancy. The 
 care of the boy thus devolved upon his 
 mother Eunice and her mother Lois (2 
 Tim. i. 5). Under their training his edu- 
 cation was emphatically Jewish. " From 
 a child" he learnt to "know the Holy 
 Scriptures" daily. The language of the 
 Acts leaves it uncertain whether Lystra or 
 Derbe were the residence of the devout 
 family. The arrival of Paul and Barnabas 
 in Lycaonia (Acts xiv. 6) brought the mes- 
 sage of glad tidings to Timothy and his 
 mother, and they received it with "un- 
 feigned faith " (2 Tim. i. 5). If at Lystra,
 
 TIMOTHY 
 
 705 
 
 TIMOTHY 
 
 AS seems probable from 2 Tim. iii. 11, he 
 may have witnessed the half-completed 
 sacrifice, the half-finished martyrdom, of 
 Acts xiv. 19. The preaching of the Apos- 
 tle on his return from his short circuit pre- 
 pared him for a life of suffering (Acts xiv. 
 22). From that time his life and education 
 must have been under the direct superin- 
 tendence of the body of elders (ib. 23). 
 During the interval of seven years between 
 the Apostle's first and second journeys, the 
 boy grew up to manhood. His zeal, prob- 
 ably his asceticism, became known both at 
 Lystra and Iconium. Those who had the 
 deepest insight into character, and spoke 
 with a prophetic utterance, pointed to 
 him (1 Tim. i. 18, iv. 14), as others had 
 pointed before to Paul and Barnabas (Acts 
 xiii. 2), as specially fit for the missionary 
 work in which the Apostle was engaged. 
 Personal feeling led St. Paul to the same 
 conclusion (Acts xvi. 3), and he was 
 solemnly set apart to do the work and 
 possibly to bear the title of Evangelist (1 
 Tim. iv. 14; 2 Tim. i. 6, iv. 5). A great 
 obstacle, however, presented itself. Tim- 
 othy, though reckoned as one of the seed 
 of Abraham, had been allowed to grow up 
 to the age of manhood without the sign of 
 circumcision. His condition was that of a 
 negligent, almost of an apostate Israelite. 
 The Jews might tolerate a heathen, as 
 such, in the synagogue or the church, but 
 an uncircumcised Israelite would be to 
 them a horror and a portent. With a 
 special view to their feelings, making no 
 sacrifice of principle, the Apostle, who had 
 refused to permit the circumcision of Titus, 
 "took and circumcised" Timothy (Acts 
 xvi. 3). Henceforth Timothy was one of 
 his most constant companions. They and 
 Silvanus, and probably Luke also, jour- 
 neyed to Pliilippi (Acts xvi. 12), and there 
 already the young Evangelist was con- 
 spicuous at once for his filial devotion and 
 his zeal (Phil. ii. 22). His name does not 
 appear in the account of St. Paul's work 
 at Thessalonica, and it is possible that he 
 remained some time at Philippi. He ap- 
 pears, however, at Beroea, and remains 
 there when Paul and Silas are obliged to 
 leave (Acts xvii. 14), going on afterwards 
 to join his master at Athens (1 Thess. iii. 
 2). From Athens he is sent back to Thes- 
 salonica (ib.)., as having special gifts for 
 comforting and teaching. He returns from 
 Thessalonica, not to Athens, but to Corinth, 
 and his name appears united with St. Paul's 
 in the opening words of both the letters 
 written from that city to the Thessalonians 
 (1 Thess. i. 1 ; 2 Thess. i. 1). Of the next 
 five years of his life we have no record. 
 When we next meet with him, it is as being 
 sent on in advance when the Apostle was 
 contemplating the long journey which was 
 to include Macedonia, Achaia, Jerusalem, 
 45 
 
 and Rome (Acts xix. 22). It is probable 
 that he returned by the same route and met 
 St. Paul according to a previous arrange- 
 ment (1 Cor. xvi. 11). and was thus with 
 him when the Second Epistle was written 
 to the Church of Corinth (2 Cor. i. 1). He 
 returns with the Apostle to that city, 
 and joins in messages of greeting to the 
 disciples whom he had known personally 
 at Corinth, and who had since found their 
 way to Rome (Rom. xvi. 21). He forms 
 one of the company of friends who go with 
 St. Paul to Philippi, and then sail by them- 
 selves, waiting for his arrival by a different 
 ship (Acts. xx. 3-6). The absence of his 
 name from Acts xxvii. leads to the conclu- 
 sion that he did not share in the perilous 
 voyage to Italy. He must have joined the 
 Apostle, however, apparently soon after 
 ' his arrival at Rome, and was with him 
 j when the Epistles to the Philippians, to the 
 Colossians, and to Philemon were written 
 (Phil. i. 1, ii. 19; Col. i. 1; Philem. 1). 
 All the indications of this period point to in- 
 cessant missionary activity. From the two 
 Epistles addressed to him, we are able to put 
 together a few notices as to his later life. 
 It follows from 1 Tim. i. 3 that he and his 
 master, after the release of the latter from 
 his imprisonment, revisited the proconsular 
 Asia, that the Apostle then continued his 
 journey to Macedonia, whilst the disciple 
 remained, half reluctantly, even weeping at 
 the separation (2 Tim. i. 4), at Ephesus, to 
 check, if possible, the outgrowth of heresy 
 and licentiousness which had sprung up 
 there. The position in which he found 
 himself might well make him anxious. He 
 had to rule presbyters, most of whom were 
 older than himself (1 Tim. iv. 12). Leader* 
 of rival sects were there. The name of 
 his beloved teacher was no longer honored 
 as it had been. We cannot wonder that the 
 Apostle, knowing these trials, should be fuB 
 of anxiety and fear for his disciple's steads- 
 fastness. In the Second Epistle to him this, 
 deep personal feeling utters itself yet more- 
 fully. The last recorded words of the Apoe- 
 tie express the earnest hope, repeated yet 
 more earnestly, that he might see him once 
 again (ib. iv. 9, 21). We may hazard the 
 conjecture that he reached him in time, and* 
 that the last hours of the teacher were 
 soothed by the presence of the disciple- 
 whom he loved so truly. Some writer* 
 have even seen in Hcb. xiii. 23 an indica- 
 tion that he shared St. Paul's imprisonment, 
 and was released from it by the death et 
 Nero. Beyond this all is apocryphal and 
 uncertain. He continues, according to the 
 old traditions, to act as bishop of Ephesus, 
 and dies a martyr's death under Domitian 
 or Nerva. A somewhat startling theory as 
 to the intervening period of his life has 
 found favor with some. If he continued, 
 according to the received tradition, to- bf
 
 TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO 706 
 
 TIRATHITF.S 
 
 bishop of Ephesus, then he, and no other, 
 must have been the "angel " of that church 
 to whom the message of Rev. ii. 1-7 was 
 addressed. 
 
 Timothy, Epistles of Paul to. The 
 First Epistle was probably written in the 
 interval between St. Paul's first and second 
 imprisonments at Rome. The absence of 
 any local reference but that in i. 3, suggests 
 Macedonia or some neighboring district. 
 In some MSS. and versions, Laodicea is 
 named in the inscription as the place from 
 which it was sent. The Second Epistle 
 appears to have been written soon after- 
 wards and in all probability at Rome. The 
 following are the characteristic features of 
 these Epistles: (1) The ever-deepening 
 sense in St. Paul's heart of the Divine 
 Mercy, of which he was the object, as 
 shown in the insertion of the word " mercy " 
 in the salutations of both Epistles, and in 
 the " obtained mercy " of 1 Tim. i. 13. 
 (2) The greater abruptness of the Second 
 Epistle. From first to last there is no plan, 
 no treatment of subjects carefully thought 
 out. All speaks of strong overflowing emo- 
 tion, memories of the past, anxieties about 
 the future. (3) The absence, as com- 
 pared with St. Paul's other Epistles, of Old 
 Testament references. This may connect 
 itself with the fact just noticed, that these 
 Epistles are not argumentative, possibly 
 also with the request for the " books and 
 parchments " which had been left behind 
 (2 Tim. iv. 13). (4) The conspicuous 
 position of the " faithful sayings " as taking 
 the place occupied in other Epistles by the 
 O. T. Scriptures. The way in which these 
 are cited as authoritative, the variety of 
 subjects which they cover, suggest the 
 thought that in them we have specimens 
 of the prophecies of the Apostolic Church 
 which had most impressed themselves on 
 the mind of the Apostle, and of the disci- 
 ples generally. 1 Cor. xiv. shows how 
 deep a reverence he was likely to feel for 
 such spiritual utterances. In 1 Tim. iv. 1, 
 we have a distinct reference to them. (5) 
 The tendency of the Apostle's mind to dwell 
 more on the universality of the redemptive 
 work of Christ (1 Tim. ii. 3-6, iv. 10), and 
 his strong desire that all the teaching of his 
 disciples should be " sound." (6) The 
 importance attached by him to the practical 
 details of administration. The gathered ex- 
 perience of a long life had taught him that 
 the life and well-being of the Church re- 
 quired these for its safeguards. (7) The 
 recurrence of doxologies (1 Tim. i. 17, vi. 
 15, 16 ; 2 Tim. iv. 18) as from one living 
 perpetually in the presence of God, to 
 whom the language of adoration was as his 
 natural speech. 
 
 Tin. Among the various metals found 
 among the spoils of the Midianites, tin is 
 enumerated (Num. xxxi. 22) . It was known 
 
 to the Hebrew metal-workers as an alloy 
 of other metals (Is. i. 25; Ez. xxii. 18, 20). 
 The markets of Tyre were supplied with it 
 by the ships of Tarshish (Ez. xxvii. 12). 
 It was used for plummets (Zech. iv. 10), 
 and was so plentiful as to furnish the writer 
 of Ecclesiasticus (xlvii. 18) with a figure 
 by which to express the wealth of Solomon. 
 As to the country from which the Hebrews 
 obtained tin, see TARSHTSH. In the Ho- 
 meric times the Greeks were familiar with 
 it. Twenty layers of tin were in Agamem- 
 non's cuirass. Copper, tin, and gold were 
 used by Hephaestus in welding the famous 
 shield of Achilles. No allusion to it is 
 found in the Odyssey. Tin is not found in 
 Palestine. Whence, then, did the ancient 
 Hebrews obtain their supply ? " Only three 
 countries are known to contain any consid- 
 erable quantity of it : Spain and Portugal, 
 Cornwall and the adjacent parts of Devon- 
 shire, and the islands of Junk, Ceylon, and 
 Banca, in the Straits of Malacca " (Ken- 
 rick, Phoenicia, p. 212). There can be 
 little doubt that the mines of Britain were 
 the chief source of supply to the ancient 
 world. With regard to the tin obtained 
 from Spain, although the metal was found 
 there, it does not appear to have been pro- 
 duced in sufficient quantities to supply the 
 Phoenician markets. We are therefore 
 driven to conclude that it was from the 
 Cassiterides, or tin districts of Britain, that 
 the Phoenicians obtained the great bulk of 
 this commodity, and that this was done by 
 the direct voyage from Gades. 
 
 Tiph'sah is mentioned in 1 K. iv. 24 as 
 the limit of Solomon's empire towards the 
 Euphrates, and in 2 K. xv. 16 it is said to 
 have been attacked by Menahem. It was 
 known to the Greeks and Romans under 
 the name of Thapsacus, and was the point 
 where it was usual to cross the Euphrates. 
 Thapsacus has been generallj 7 placed at the 
 modern Delr ; but the Euphrates expedi- 
 tion proved that there is no ford at Delr, 
 and that the only ford in this part of the 
 course of the Euphrates is at Suriyeh, 45 
 miles below Balis, and 165 above Delr. 
 This, then, must have been the position of 
 Thapsacus. 
 
 Ti'ras, the youngest son of Japheth 
 (Gen. x. 2), usually identified with the 
 Thracians, as presenting the closest verbal 
 approximation to the name. The corre- 
 spondence between Thrace and Tiras is not 
 so complete as to be convincing. Granted, , 
 however, the verbal identity, no objection 
 would arise on ethnological grounds to 
 placing the Thracians Among the Japhetic 
 races. 
 
 Ti'rathites, The, one of the three 
 families of Scribes residing at Jabez (1 
 Chr. ii. 55), the others beirgthe Shimeath- 
 ites and Suchathites. The passage is hope- 
 lessly obscure.
 
 TIRE 
 
 707 
 
 TITHE 
 
 Tire, an ornamental headdress worn on 
 festive occasions (Ez. xxiv. 17, 23). 
 
 Tir'hakah, king of Ethiopia (Cush), 
 the opponent of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 9 ; 
 Is. xxxvii. 9). He ma}- be identified with 
 Tarkos or Tarakos, who was the third and 
 last king of the xxvth dynasty, which was 
 of Ethiopians. His accession was probably 
 about B. c. 695. Possibly Tirhakah ruled 
 over Ethiopia before becoming king of 
 Egypt, 
 
 Tir'hanah, son of Caleb ben-Hezron 
 by his concubine Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 48). 
 
 Tir ia, son of Jehaleleel, of the tribe 
 of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16). 
 
 Tir'shatha (always written with the 
 article), the title of the governor of Judaea 
 under the Persians, perhaps derived from a 
 Persian root signifying " stern," " severe," 
 is added as a title after the name of Nehe- 
 miah (Neh. viii. 9, x. 1), and occurs also 
 in three other places. In the margin of the 
 A. V. (Ezr. ii. 63 ; Neh. vii. 65, x. 1) it is 
 rendered " governor." 
 
 Tir'zah, youngest of the five daughters 
 of Zelophehad (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, 
 xxxvi. 11; Josh. xvii. 3). 
 
 Tir'zah, an ancient Canaanite city, 
 whose king is enumerated amongst those 
 overthrown in the conquest of the country 
 (Josh. xii. 24). It reappears as a royal 
 city the residence of Jeroboam and of his 
 successors (1 K. xiv. 17, 18). Tirzah re- 
 appears as the seat of the conspiracy of 
 Menahem ben-Gaddi against the wretched 
 Shallum (2 K. xv. 14, 16). Its reputation 
 for beauty throughout the country must 
 have been wide-spread. It is in this sense 
 that it is mentioned in the Song of Solo- 
 mon. Eusebius mentions it in connection 
 with Menahem, and identifies it with a 
 " village of Samaritans in Batanaea." Its 
 site is Telluzah, a place in the mountains 
 north of Nablus. 
 
 Tish'bite, The, the well-known desig- 
 nation of Elijah (1 K. xvii. 1, xxi. 17, 28; 
 2 K. i. 3, 8, ix. 36). The name naturally 
 points to a place called Tishbeh, Tishbi, or 
 rather perhaps Tesheb, as the residence of 
 the prophet. Assuming that a town is al- 
 luded to, as Elijah's native place, it is not 
 necessary to infer that it was itself in Gil- 
 ead, as many have imagined. The com- 
 mentators and lexicographers, with few 
 exceptions, adopt the name " Tishbite " 
 as referring to the place THISBE in Naph- 
 tali, which is found in the LXX. text of 
 Tobit i. 2. 
 
 Ti'tans. These children of Uranus 
 (Heaven) and Gaia (Earth) were, accord- 
 ing to the earliest Greek legends, the van- 
 quished predecessors of the Olympian gods, 
 condemned by Zeus to dwell in Tartarus, 
 yet not without retaining many relics of 
 their ancient dignity. By later (Latin) 
 poets they were confounded with the kin- 
 
 dred Gigantes. In 2 Sam. v. 18, 22, "the 
 valley of Kephaim " is represented by 
 I, xutlis TWV TiTuvwv instead of i t xmiu: TW 
 yiyurxon-, 1 Chr. xi. 15, xiv. 9, 13. Sev- 
 eral Christian fathers inclined to the belief 
 that Ttiruv was the mystic name of " the 
 beast " indicated in Rev. xiii. 18. 
 
 Tithe. Instances of the use of tithes 
 are found prior to the appointment of the 
 Levitical tithes under the Law. In Biblical 
 history the two prominent instances are 
 1. Abram presenting the tenth of all his 
 property, or rather of the spoils of his vic- 
 tory, to Melchizedek (Gen. xiv. 20; Heb. 
 vii. 2, 6). 2. Jacob, after his vision at Luz, 
 devoting a tenth of all his property to God 
 in case he should return home in safety 
 (Gen. xxviii. 22). The first enactment of 
 the Law in respect of tithe is the declaration 
 that the tenth of all produce, as well as of 
 flocks and cattle, belongs to Jehovah, and 
 must be offered to Him ; that the tithe was 
 to be paid in kind, or, if redeemed, with an 
 addition of one fifth to its value (Lev. xxvii. 
 30-33). This tenth is ordered to be as- 
 signed to the Levites, as the reward of their 
 service, and it is ordered further, that they 
 are themselves to dedicate to the Lord a 
 tenth of these receipts, which is to be de- 
 voted to the maintenance of the high-priest 
 (Num. xviii. 21-28). This legislation is 
 modified or extended in the Book of Deu- 
 teronomy, i. e. from thirty-eight to forty 
 years later. Commands are given to the 
 people, 1. To bring their tithes, together 
 with their votive and other offerings and 
 first-fruits, to the chosen centre of worship, 
 the metropolis, there to be eaten in festive 
 celebration in company with their children, 
 their servants, and the Levites (Deut. xii. 
 5-18). 2. All the produce of the soil was 
 to be tithed every year, and these tithes, 
 with the firstlings of the flock and herd, 
 were to be eaten in the metropolis. 3. But 
 in case of distance, permission is given to 
 convert the produce into money, which is 
 to be taken to the appointed place, and 
 there laid out in the purchase of food for a 
 festal celebration, in which the Levite is, 
 by special command, to be included (Deut. 
 xiv. 22-27). 4. Then follows the direction, 
 that at the end of three years all the tithe 
 of that year is to be gathered and laid up 
 " within the gates," and that a festival is to 
 be held, in which the stranger, the father- 
 less, and the widow, together with the Le- 
 vite, are to partake (ib. vers. 28, 29). 5. 
 Lastly, it is ordered that after taking the 
 tithe in each third year, "which is the year 
 of tithing," an exculpatory declaration is to 
 be made by every Israelite, that he has 
 done his best to fulfil the divine command 
 (Deut. xxvi. 12-14). From all this we 
 gather, 1. That one tenth of the whole 
 produce of the soil was to be assigned for 
 the maintenance of the Levites. 2. That
 
 TITUS 
 
 708 
 
 TITUS 
 
 out of this the Levites were to dedicate a 
 tenth to God, for the use of the high-priest. 
 
 3. That a tithe, in all probability a second 
 tithe, was to be applied to festival purposes. 
 
 4. That in every third year, either this fes- 
 tival tithe or a third tenth was to be eaten 
 in company with the poor and the Levites. 
 The question arises, were there three tithes 
 taken in this third year; or is the third 
 tithe only the second under a different de- 
 scription? It must be allowed that the 
 third tithe is not without support. Josephus 
 distinctly says that one tenth was to be giv- 
 en to the priests and Levites, one tenth was 
 to be applied to feasts in the metropolis, 
 and that a tenth besides these was every 
 third year to be given to the poor (comp. 
 Tob. i. 7, 8). On the other hand, Maimon- 
 ides says the third and sixth years' second 
 tithe was shared between the poor and the 
 Levites, i. e. that there was no third tithe. 
 Of these opinions, that which maintains 
 three separate and complete tithings seems 
 improbable. It is plain that under the kings 
 the tithe-system partook of the general neg- 
 lect into which the observance of the Law 
 declined, and that Hezekiah, among his 
 other reforms, took effectual means to re- 
 vive its use (2 Chr. xxxi. 5, 12, 19). Sim- 
 ilar measures were taken after the Captivity 
 by Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 44), and in both 
 these cases special officers were appointed 
 to take charge of the stores and storehouses 
 for the purpose. Yet, notveitlistanding par- 
 tial evasion or omission, the system itself 
 was continued to a late period in Jewish 
 history (Heb. vii. 5-8 ; Matt, xxiii. 23 ; Luke 
 xviii. 12). 
 
 Ti'tus. Our materials for the biography 
 of this companion of St. Paul must be 
 drawn entirely from the notices of him in 
 the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, the 
 Galatians, and to Titus himself, combined 
 with the Second Epistle to Timothy. He 
 is not mentioned in the Acts at all. Taking 
 the passages in the Epistles in the chrono- 
 logical order of the events referred to, we 
 turn first to Gal. ii. 1, 3. We conceive the 
 journey mentioned here to be identical with 
 that (recorded in Acts xv.) in which Paul 
 and Barnabas went from Antioch to Jeru- 
 salem to the conference which was to de- 
 cide the question of the necessity of cir- 
 cumcision to the Gentiles. Here we see 
 Titus in close association with Paul and 
 Barnabas at Antioch. He goes with them 
 to Jerusalem, His circumcision was either 
 not insisted on at Jerusalem, or, if demand- 
 ed, was firmly resisted. He is very em- 
 phatjcally spoken of as a Gentile, by which 
 is most probably meant that both his parents 
 were Gentiles. Titus would seem, on the 
 occasion of the council, to have been spe- 
 cially a representative of the church of the 
 uncircumcision. It is to our purpose to 
 remark that, in the passage cited above, 
 
 Titus is so mentioned as apparently to im- 
 ply that he had become personally known 
 to the Galatian Christians. After leaving 
 Galatia (Acts xviii. 23), and spending a 
 long time at Ephesus (Acts xix. 1-xx. 1), 
 the Apostle proceeded to Macedonia by 
 way of Troas. Here he expected to meet 
 Titus (2 Cor. ii. 13), who had been sent on 
 a mission to Corinth. In this hope he was 
 disappointed, but in Macedonia Titus joined 
 him (2 Cor. vii. 6, 7, 13-15). The mission 
 to Corinth had reference to the immorali 
 ties rebuked in the First Epistle, and to 
 the effect of that First Epistle on the of- 
 fending church. We learn further that the 
 mission was so far successful and satisfac- 
 tory. But if we proceed further, we discern 
 another part of the mission with which he 
 was intrusted. This had reference to the 
 collection, at that time in progress, for the 
 poor Christians of Judaea (viii. 6). Thus 
 we are prepared for what the Apostle now 
 proceeds to do after his encouraging con- 
 versations with Titus regarding the Co- 
 rinthian Church. He sends him back from 
 Macedonia to Corinth, in company with 
 two other trustworthy Christians, bearing 
 the Second Epistle, and with an earnest 
 request (viii. 6, 17) that he would see to 
 the completion of the collection (viii. 6). 
 It has generally been considered doubtful 
 who the tt<5t/U/>ot were (1 Cor. xvi. 11, 12) 
 that took the First Epistle to Corinth. 
 Most probably they were Titus and his 
 companion, whoever that might be, who ia 
 mentioned with him in the second letter (3 
 Cor. xii. 18). A considerable interval now 
 elapses before we come upon the next no- 
 tices of this disciple. St. Paul's first im- 
 prisonment is concluded, and his last trial 
 is impending. In the interval between the 
 two, he and Titus were together in Crete 
 (Tit. i. 5). We see Titus remaining in the 
 island when St. Paul left it, and receiving 
 there a letter written to him by the Apos- 
 tle. From this letter we gather the fol- 
 lowing biographical details : In the first 
 place we learn that he was originally con- 
 verted through St. Paul's instrumentality 
 (i. 4.). Next we learn the various partic- 
 ulars of the responsible duties which he 
 had to discharge in Crete. He is to com- 
 plete what St. Paul had been obliged to 
 leave unfinished (i. 5), and he is to organ- 
 ize the Church throughout the island by 
 appointing presbyters in every city. Next 
 he is to control and bridle (ver. 11) the 
 restless and mischievous Judaizers, and he 
 is to be peremptory in so doing (ver. 13). 
 He is to urge the duties of a decorous and 
 Christian life upon the women (ii. 3-5), 
 some of whom (ii. 3) possibly had some- 
 thing of an official character (ver. 3, 4). 
 The notices which remain are more strictly 
 personal. Titus is to look for the arrival 
 in Crete of Artemas and Tychicus (iii. 12),
 
 TITUS, EPISTLE TO 
 
 709 
 
 TOBIAH 
 
 and then l.e is to hasten to join St. Paul at 
 Nicopolis, where the Apostle is proposing 
 to pass the winter. Zenas and Apollos are 
 in Crete, or expected there ; for Titus is to 
 send them on their journey, and supply 
 them with whatever they need for it (iii. 
 13). Whether Titus did join the Apostle 
 at Nicopolis we cannot tell. But we natu- 
 rally connect the mention of this place with 
 what St. Paul wrote, at no great interval of 
 time afterwards, in the last of the Pastoral 
 Epistles (2 Tim. iv. 10) ; for Dalmatia lay 
 to the north of Nicopolis, at no great dis- 
 tance from it. From the form of the whole 
 sentence, it seems probable that this dis- 
 ciple had been with St. Paul in Rome dur- 
 ing his final imprisonment ; but this cannot 
 be asserted confidently. The traditional 
 connection of Titus with Crete is much 
 more specific and constant, though here 
 again we cannot be certain of the facts. 
 He is said to have been permanent bishop 
 in the island, and to have died there at an 
 advanced age. The modern capital, Can- 
 dia, appears to claim the honor of being 
 his burial-place. In the fragment by the 
 lawyer Zenas, Titus is called Bishop of 
 Gortyna. Lastly, the name of Titus was 
 the watchword of the Cretans when they 
 were invaded by the Venetians. 
 
 Titus, Epistle to. There are no spe- 
 cialties in this Epistle which require any 
 very elaborate treatment distinct from the 
 other Pastoral Letters of St. Paul. If those 
 two were not genuine, it would be difficult 
 confidently to maintain the genuineness of 
 this. On the other hand, if the Epistles to 
 Timothy are received as St. Paul's, there is 
 not the slightest reason for doubting the au- 
 thorship of that to Titus. Nothing can well 
 be more explicit than the quotations in Ire- 
 naeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Tertullian, 
 to say nothing of earlier allusions in Justin 
 Martyr, Theophilus, and Clemens Romanus. 
 As to internal features, we may notice, in 
 the first place, that the Epistle to Titus has 
 all the characteristics of the other Pastoral 
 Epistles. This tends to show tfcat this Let- 
 ter was written about the same time and 
 under similar circumstances with the other 
 two. [TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO.] But, on 
 the other hand, this Epistle lias marks in 
 its phraseology and style which assimilate 
 it to the general body of the Epistles of St. 
 Paul. As to any difficulty arising from 
 supposed indications of advanced hierarchi- 
 cal arrangements, it is to be observed that 
 in this Epistle notn^urtoof and intaxonos 
 are used as synonymous (i. 5, 7), just as 
 they are in the address at Miletus, about 
 the year 58 A. D. (Acts xx. 17, 28). At 
 the same time this Epistle has features of 
 its own, especially a certain tone of abrupt- 
 ness and severity, which probably arises 
 partly out of the circumstances of the 
 Cretan population, partly out of the char- 
 
 acter of Titus himself. Concerning the 
 contents of this Epistle, enough has al- 
 ready been said in the preceding article. 
 I No very exact subdivision is either neces- 
 sary or possible. As to the time and place 
 and other circumstances of the writing of 
 this Epistle, the following scheme of filling 
 : up St. Paul's movements after his first im- 
 i prisonment will satisfy all the conditions 
 I of the case/ We may suppose him (possi- 
 j bly after accomplishing his long -projected 
 j visit to Spain) to have gone to Ephesus, 
 and taken voyages from thence, first to 
 Macedonia and then to Crete, during the 
 former to have written the First Epistle to 
 Timothy, and after returning from the lat- 
 ter to have written the Epistle to Titus, 
 being at the time of despatching it on the 
 point of starting for Nicopolis, to which 
 place he went, taking Miletus and Corinth 
 on the way. At Nicopolis we may con- 
 ceive him to have been finally apprehended 
 and taken to Rome, whence he wrote the 
 Second Epistle to Timothy. 
 
 Ti'zite, The, the designation of John, 
 one of the heroes of David's army (1 Chr. 
 xi. 45). It occurs nowhere else, and 
 nothing is known of the place or family 
 which it denotes. 
 
 To'ah, a Kohathite Levite, ancestor of 
 Samuel and Heman (1 Chr. vi. 34 [19]). 
 
 Tob-adoni'jah, one of the Levites sent 
 by Jehoshaphat through the cities of Ju- 
 dah to teach the Law to the people (2 Chr. 
 xvii. 8). 
 
 Tob, The Land of, a place in which 
 Jephthah took refuge when expelled from 
 home by his half-brother (Judg. xi. 3), and 
 where he remained, at the head of a band of 
 freebooters, till he was brought back by the _ 
 sheikhs of Gilead (ver. 5). The narrative 
 implies that the land of Tob was not far 
 distant from Gilead; at the same time, 
 from the nature of the case, it must have 
 lain out towards the eastern deserts. It is 
 undoubtedly mentioned again in 2 Sam. x. 
 6, 8, as Ishtob, t. e. Man of Tob, meaning, 
 according to a common Hebrew idiom, the 
 " men of Tob." After a long interval it 
 appears again, in the Maccabaean history 
 (1 Mace. v. 13), in the names Tobie and 
 Tubieni (2 Mace. xii. 17). No identifi- 
 cation of this ancient district with any 
 modern one has yet been attempted. 
 
 Tobi'ah. 1. "The children of To- 
 biah" were a family who returned with 
 Zerubbabel, but were unable to prove th.-ir 
 connection with Israel (Ezr. ii. 60; Neh. 
 vii. C2). 2. "Tobiah the slave, the Am- 
 monite," played a conspicuous part in the 
 rancorous opposition made by Sanballat the 
 Moabite and his adherents to the rebuilding 
 of Jerusalem. The two races of Moab and 
 Ammon found in these men fit representa- 
 tives of that hereditary hatred to the Israel- 
 ites which began before the entrance into
 
 TOBIJAH 
 
 710 
 
 TOMB 
 
 Canaan, and was not extinct when the He- 
 brews had ceased to exist as a nation. But 
 Tobiah, though a slave (Neh. ii. 10, 19), 
 unless this is a title of opprobrium, and an 
 Ammonite, found means to ally himself 
 with a priestly family, and his son Johanan 
 married the daughter of Meshullain the son 
 of Berechiah (Neh. vi. 18). He himself 
 was the son-in-law of Shechaniah the son 
 of Arab (Neh. vi. 17), and these family re- 
 lations created for him a strong faction 
 among the Jews. 
 
 Tobi jah. 1. One of the Levites sent 
 by Jehoshaphat to teach the Law in the 
 cities of Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 2. One 
 of the Captivity in the time of Zechariah, 
 in whose presence the prophet was com- 
 manded to take crowns of silver and gold 
 and put them on the head of Joshua the 
 high-priest (Zech. vi. 10, 14). Rosen- 
 miiller conjectures that he was one of a 
 deputation who came up to Jerusalem, 
 from the Jews who still remained in Baby- 
 lon, with contributions of gold and silver 
 for the Temple. 
 
 To'bit, Book of, a book of the Apoc- 
 rypha, which exists at present in Greek, 
 Latin, Syriac, and Hebrew texts, but it was 
 probably written originally in Greek. The 
 set-lie of the book is placed in Assyria,' 
 whither Tobit, a Jew, had been carried as a 
 captive by Shalmaneser. It is represented 
 as completed shortly after the fall of Nine- 
 veh (B. c. 606; Tob. xiv. 15), and written, 
 in the main, some time before (Tob. xii. 
 20). But the whole tone of the narrative 
 bespeaks a later age ; and above all, the 
 doctrine of good and evil spirits is elabo- 
 rated in a form which belongs to a period 
 considerably posterior to the Babylonian 
 Captivity (Asmodeus, iii. 8, vi. 14, viii. 3; 
 Raphael, xii. 15). It cannot be regarded 
 as a true history. It is a didactic narra- 
 tive ; and its point lies in the moral lessons 
 which it conveys, and not in the incidents. 
 In modern times the moral excellence of 
 the book has been rated highly, except in 
 the heat of controversy. Nowhere else is 
 there preserved so complete and beautiful 
 a picture of the domestic life of the Jews 
 after the Return. Almost every family re- 
 lation is touched upon with natural grace 
 and affection. A doctrinal feature of the 
 book is the firm belief in a glorious resto- 
 ration of the -Jewish people (xiv. 5, xiii. 
 9-18). But the restoration contemplated 
 is national, and not the work of a universal 
 Saviour. In all there is not the slightest 
 trace of the belief in a personal Messiah. 
 
 To'chen, a place mentioned (1 Chr. iv. 
 32 only) amongst the towns of Simeon. 
 
 Togar'mah, a son of Gomer, and brother 
 of Ashkenaz andRiphath (Gen. x. 3). To- 
 garmah, as a geographical term, is connected 
 with Armenia, and the subsequent notices 
 of the name (Ez. xxvii. 14, xxxviii. 6) 
 
 accord with this view. The Armenian 
 language presents many peculiarities which 
 distinguish it from other branches of the 
 Indo-European family; but in spite of this, 
 however, no hesitation is felt by philolo- 
 gists in placing it among the Indo-European 
 languages. 
 
 To'hu, an ancestor of Samuel th 
 prophet, perhaps the same as TOAH (1 
 Sam. i. 1 ; cornp. 1 Chr. vi. 34). 
 
 To'i, king of Hamath on the Orontes, 
 who, after the defeat of his powerful enemy 
 the Syrian king Hadadezer by the army of 
 David, sent his son Jorara, or Hadoram, 
 to congratulate the victor and do him hom- 
 age with presents of gold and silver and 
 brass (2 Sam. viii. 9, 10). 
 
 Tola. 1. The first-born of Issachar, 
 and ancestor of the Tolaites (Gen. xlvi. 
 13; Num. xxvi. 23; 1 Chr. vii. 1, 2). 2. 
 Judge of Israel after Abimelech (Judg. x. 
 1, 2). He is described as " the son of 
 Puah, the son of Dodo, a man of Issa- 
 char." Tola judged Israel for 23 years at 
 Shamir in Mount Ephraim, where he died 
 and was buried. 
 
 To'lad, one of the towns of Simeon 
 (1 Chr. iv. 29), elsewhere called EL- 
 TOLAD. 
 
 Tolaites, The, the descendants of 
 Tola the son of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 26). 
 
 Tomb. It has been hitherto too much 
 the fashion to look to Egypt for the proto- 
 type of every form of Jewish art ; but if 
 there is one thing in the Old Testament 
 more clear than another, it is the absolute 
 antagonism between the two peoples, and 
 the abhorrence of everything Egyptian that 
 prevailed from first to last among the Jew- 
 ish people. From the burial of Sarah in 
 the cave of Machpelah (Gen. xxiii. 19) to 
 the funeral rites prepared for Dorcas (Acts 
 ix. 37), there is no mention of any sar- 
 cophagus, or even coffin, in any Jewish 
 burial. Still less were the rites of the 
 Jews like those of the Pelasgi or Etrus- 
 cans. They were marked with the same 
 simplicity that characterized all their re- 
 ligious observances. This simplicity of 
 rite led to what may be called the. distin- 
 guishing characteristic of Jewish sepulchres 
 the deep loculus which, so far as is 
 now known, is universal in all purely 
 Jewish rock-cut tombs, but hardly known 
 elsewhere. Its form will be understood by 
 referring to the following diagram, repre- 
 senting the forms of Jewish sepulture. In 
 the apartment marked A, there are twelve 
 such loculi, about two feet in width by three 
 feet high. On the ground floor these gen- 
 erally open on the level of the floor ; when 
 in the upper story, as at C, on a ledge or 
 platform, on which the body might be laid 
 to be anointed, and on which the stones 
 might rest which closed the outer end of 
 each loculus. The shallow loculus is shown
 
 TOMB 
 
 711 
 
 TOMB 
 
 Diagram of Jewith Sepulchre. 
 
 in chamber B, but was apparently only 
 used when sarcophagi were employed, and, 
 therefore, so far as we know, only during 
 the Graeco-Roman period, when foreign 
 customs came to be adopted. The shallow 
 loculus would have been singularly inap- 
 propriate and inconvenient, where an un- 
 embalmed body was laid out to decay as 
 there would evidently be no means of 
 shutting it off from the rest of the cata- 
 comb. The deep loculus, on the other 
 hand, was as strictly conformable with Jew- 
 ish customs, and could easily be closed by 
 a stone fitted to the end and luted into the 
 groove which usually exists there. This 
 fact is especially interesting as it affords a 
 key to much that is otherwise hard to be 
 understood in certain passages in the New 
 Testament. Thus in John xi. 39, Jesus 
 says, " Take away the stone," and (ver. 40), 
 " they took away the stone," without difficul- 
 ty, apparently. And chap. xx. 1, the same ex- 
 pression is used, " the stone is taken away." 
 There is one catacomb that known as the 
 " Tombs of the Kings " which is closed 
 by a stone rolling across its entrance ; but it 
 is the only one, and the immense amount of 
 contrivance and fitting which it has re- 
 quired is sufficient proof that such an ar- 
 rangement was not applied to any other of 
 the numerous rock tombs around Jerusa- 
 lem, nor could the traces of it have been 
 obliterated had it anywhere existed. Al- 
 though, therefore, the Jews were singularly 
 free from the pomps and vanities of fune- 
 real magnificence, they were at all stages 
 of their independent existence an eminently 
 burying people. Tombs of the Patriarchs. 
 Turning from these considerations to the 
 more strictly historical part of the subject, 
 we find that one of the most striking events 
 in the life of Abraham is the purchase of 
 the field of Ephron the Hittite at Hebron, 
 in which was the cave of Machpelah, in or- 
 jier that he might therein bury Sarah his 
 wife, and that it might be a sepulchre for 
 himself and his children. There he and his 
 immediate descendants were laid 3700 years 
 ago, and there they are believed to rest 
 now ; but no one in modem times has seen 
 
 their remains, or been allowed to enter into 
 the cave where they rest. Unfortunately 
 none of those who have visited Hebron have 
 had sufficient architectural knowledge to 
 be able to say when the church or mosque 
 which now stands above the cave was erect- 
 ed. Though much more easy of access, it 
 is almost as difficult to ascertain the age of 
 the wall that encloses the sacred precincts 
 of these tombs. There is, in fact, nothing 
 known with sufficient exactness to decide 
 the question, but the probabilities certainly 
 tend towards a Christian or Saracenic origin 
 for the whole structure, both internally and 
 externally. From the time when Abraham 
 established the burying-place of his family 
 at Hebron till the time when David fixed 
 that of his family in the city which bore his 
 name, the Jewish rulers had no fixed or 
 favorite place of sepulture. Each was 
 buried on his own property, or where he 
 died, without much caring cither for the 
 sanctity or convenience of the place chosen. 
 Tomb of the Kings. Of the twenty-two 
 kings of Judah who reigned at Jerusalem 
 from 1048 to 590 B. c., eleven, or exactly 
 one half, were buried in one hypogeum in 
 the " city of David." Of all these it is 
 merely said that they were buried in " the 
 sepulchres of their fathers " or " of the 
 kings " in the city of David, except of two 
 Asa and Hezekiah. Two more of these 
 kings (Jehoram and Joash) were buried 
 also in the city of David, " but not in the 
 sepulchres of the kings." The passage in 
 Nehemiah iii. 1G, and in Ezekiel xliii. 7, 9, 
 together with the reiterated assertion of the 
 Books of Kings and Chronicles that these 
 sepulchres were situated in the city of 
 David, leave no doubt but that they were 
 on Zion, or the Eastern Hill, and in the im- 
 mediate proximity of the Temple. Up to 
 the present time we have not been able to 
 identify one single sepulchral excavation 
 about Jerusalem which can be said with 
 certainty to belong to a period anterior to 
 that of the Maccabees, or, more correctly, 
 to have been used for burial before the time 
 of the Romans. The only important hypo- 
 geum which is wholly Jewish in its arrange- 
 ments, and may consequently belong to an 
 earlier or to any epoch, is that known as 
 the Tombs of the Prophets in the wc-stern 
 flank of the Mount of Olives. It has every 
 appearance of having originally been a 
 natural cavern improved by art. and with 
 an external gallery some 140 feet in extent, 
 into which twenty-seven deep or Jewish 
 loculi open. Graeco-Roman Tombs. Be- 
 sides the tombs above enumerated, /here 
 are around Jerusalem, in the Valleys of 
 Hinnom and Jehoshaphat, and on the pla- 
 teau to the north, a number of remarkable 
 rock-cut sepulchres, with more or less 
 architectural decoration, sufficient to enable 
 us to ascertain that they are all of uearljr
 
 TOMB 
 
 712 
 
 TOMB 
 
 the same age, and to assert with very toler- 
 able confidence that the epoch to which they 
 belong must be between the introduction 
 of Roman influence and the destruction of 
 the city by Titus. In the village of Siloam 
 there is a monolithic cell of singularly 
 Egyptian aspect, which De Saulcy assumes 
 to be a chapel of Solomon's Egyptian wife. 
 It is probably of very much more modern 
 date, and is more Assyrian than Egyptian 
 in character. The principal remaining 
 architectural sepulchres may be divided 
 into three groups. First, those existing in 
 the Valley of Jehoshaphat, and known 
 popularly as the Tombs of Zechariah, of 
 St. James, and of Absalom. Second, those 
 known as the Tombs of the Judges, and 
 the so-called Jewish tomb about a mile 
 north of the city. Third, that known as 
 the Tombs of the Kings, about half a mile 
 north of the Damascus Gate. Of the three 
 first-named tombs the most southern is 
 known as that of Zechariah, a popular 
 name which there is not even a shadow of 
 
 So-called " Tomb of Zechariah." 
 
 tradition to justify. It consists of a square 
 solid basement, measuring 18 feet 6 inches 
 each way, and 20 feet high to the top of the 
 cornice. On each face are four engaged 
 Ionic columns between antic, and these 
 re surmounted, not by an Egyptian cor- 
 nice, as is usually asserted, but by one 
 of purely Assyrian type, such as is found 
 at Khorsabad. In all its details it is so dis- 
 tinctly Roman that it is impossible to as- 
 sume that it belongs to an earlier age than 
 that of their influence. Above the cornice 
 is a pyramid rising at rather a sharp angle, 
 and hewn like all the rest out of the solid 
 
 rock. To call this building a tomb is evi 
 dently a misnomer, as it is absolutely solid 
 hewn out of the living rock by cutting 
 a passage round it. It has no internal 
 chambers, not even the semblance of a 
 doorway. The hypogeum known as the 
 Tombs of the Judges is one of the most re- 
 markable of the catacombs around Jeru- 
 salem, containing about sixty deep loculi, 
 arranged in three stories ; the upper stories 
 with ledges in front, to give convenient ac- 
 cess, and to support the stones that closed 
 them ; the lower flush with the ground ; the 
 whole, consequently, so essentially Jewish 
 that it might be of any age if it were not 
 for its distance from the town, and its ar- 
 chitectural character. Tombs of Herod. 
 The last of the great groups enumerated 
 above is that known as the Tombs of the 
 Kings Kebiir es Sultan or the Royal 
 Caverns, so called because of their mag- 
 nificence, and also because that name is ap- 
 plied to them by Josephus. They are twice 
 again mentioned under the title of the 
 " Monuments of Herod." The entrance 
 doorway of this tomb is below the level of 
 the ground. It is closed by a very curious 
 and elaborate contrivance of a rolling stone, 
 often described, but very clumsily answer- 
 ing its purpose. Within, the tomb consists 
 of a vestibule or entrance-hall about 20 
 feet square, from which three other square 
 apartments open, each surrounded by deep 
 loculi. But perhaps the most remarka- 
 ble peculiarity of the hypogeum is the sar- 
 cophagus chamber, in which two sarcophagi 
 were found, one of which was brought 
 home by De Saulcy, and is now in the 
 Louvre. There seems no reason for doubt- 
 ing but that all the architectural tombs of 
 Jerusalem belong to the age of the Romans, 
 like everything that has yet been found 
 
 Facade of Herod't Tombs. From a Photograph. 
 
 either at Petra, Baalbec, Palmyra, or 
 Damascus, or even among the stone cities 
 of the Hauran. Tomb of Helena of Adia- 
 bene. There was one other very famous
 
 TONGUES, CONTUSION OF 713 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 
 
 tomb at Jerusalem, which cannot be passed 
 over in silence, though not one vestige of 
 it exists. We are told that " she with her 
 brother were buried in the pyramids which 
 she had ordered to be constructed at a dis- 
 tance of three stadia from Jerusalem " 
 (Joseph. Ant. xx. 4, 3). This is confirmed 
 by Pausanias (viii. 16). It was situated 
 outside the third wall, near a gate between 
 the Tower Psephinus and the Royal Cav- 
 erns (B. J. v. 22, and v. 4, 2). They re- 
 mained sufficiently entire in the 4th century 
 to form a conspicuous object in the land- 
 scape. Since the destruction of the city by 
 Titus, none of the native inhabitants of 
 Jerusalem have been in a position to in- 
 dulge in much sepulchral magnificence, or 
 perhaps had any taste for this class of dis- 
 play ; and we in consequence find no rock- 
 cut hypogea, and no structural monuments, 
 that arrest attention in modern times. The 
 people, however, still cling to their ancient 
 cemeteries in the Valley of Jehoshaphat 
 with a tenacity singularly characteristic of 
 the East. [BURIAL.] 
 
 Tongues, Confusion of. The unity 
 of the human race is most clearly implied, 
 if not positively asserted, in the Mosaic 
 writings. The general declaration, " So 
 God created man in His own image . . . 
 male anil female created He them" (Gen. 
 i. 27), is limited, as to the mode in which 
 the act was carried out, by the subsequent 
 narrative of the creation of Adam (Gen. ii. 
 22). Unity of language is assumed by the 
 sacred historian apparently as a corollary 
 of the unity of race. No explanation is 
 given of the origin of speech, but its exer- 
 cise is evidently regarded as coeval with 
 the creation of man. The original unity of 
 speech was restored in Noah. Disturbing 
 causes were, however, early at work to dis- 
 solve this twofold union of community and 
 speech. The human family endeavored to 
 check the tendency to separation by the 
 establishment of a great central edifice, 
 and a city winch should serve as the me- 
 tropolis of the whole world. The project 
 was defeated by the interposition of Jeho- 
 vah, who determined to " confound their 
 language, so that they might not understand 
 one another's .speech." Contemporaneous- 
 ly with, and perhaps as the result of, this 
 confusion of tongues, the people were scat- 
 tered abroad from thence upon the face 
 of all the earth, and the memory of the 
 great event was preserved in the name Ba- 
 bel. [BABKL, TOWER OF.] In the Bor- 
 sippa inscription of Nebuchadnezzar there 
 is an allusion to the Confusion of Tongues. 
 " We say for the other, that is, this edifice, 
 the house of the Seven Lights of the Earth, 
 the most ancient monument of Borsippa : 
 a former king built it (they reckon 42 ages), 
 but he did not complete its head. Since a 
 remote tiin.e people had abandoned it, with- 
 
 out order expressing their words. Since 
 that time, the earthquake and the thunder 
 had dispersed its sun-dried clay ; the bricks 
 of the casing had been split, and the earth 
 of the interior had been scattered in heaps." 
 It is unnecessary to assume that the judg- 
 ment inflicted on the builders of Babel 
 amounted to a loss, or even" a suspension, 
 of articulate speech. The desired object 
 would be equally attained by a miraculous 
 forestalment of those dialectical differences 
 of language which are constantly in pro- 
 cess of production. The elements of the 
 one original language may have remained, 
 but so disguised by variations of pronun- 
 ciation, and by the introduction of new 
 combinations, as to be practically obliter- 
 ated. The confusion of tongues and the 
 dispersion of nations are spoken of in the 
 Bible as contemporaneous events. The 
 divergence of the various families into dis- 
 tinct tribes and nations ran parallel with 
 the divergence of speech into dialects and 
 languages, and thus the 10th chapter of 
 Genesis is posterior in historical sequence 
 to the events recorded in the llth chapter. 
 The Mosaic table does not profess to de- 
 scribe the process of the dispersion ; but, as- 
 suming that dispersion as having taken place, 
 it records the ethnic relations existing be- 
 tween the various nations affected by it. 
 These relations are expressed under the 
 guise of a genealogy ; the ethnological char- 
 acter of the document is, however, clear. 
 The general arrangement of the table is as 
 follows : The whole human race is referred 
 back to Noah's three sons, Shem, Ham, and 
 Japheth. The Shemites are described last, 
 apparently that the continuity of the nar- 
 rative may not be further disturbed ; and 
 the Karaites stand next to the Shemites, in 
 order to show tliat these were more closely 
 related to each other than to the Japhet- 
 ites. 1. The Japhetite list contains fourteen 
 names, of which seven represent indepen- 
 dent, and the remainder affiliated nations, as 
 follows : (i.) Gomer, connected ethnically 
 with the Cimmerii, Cimbri ( ?), and Cymry ; 
 and geographically with Crimea. Associ- 
 ated with Gomer are the three following : 
 (a) Ashkenaz. (6) Riphath. (c) Togar- 
 mah. (ii.) Magog, the Scythians, (iii.) 
 Madai, Media, (iv.) Javan, the lonians, 
 as a general appellation for the Hellenic 
 race, with whom are associated the four 
 following : (a) Elishah. (6) Tarshish. (c) 
 Kittim. (d) Dodanirn. (v.) Tubal. (vi.) 
 Meshech. (vii.) Tiras. 2. The Hamitic 
 list contains thirty names, of which four 
 represent independent, and the remainder 
 affiliated nations, as follows : (i.) Cusb, 
 in two branches, the western or African 
 representing Aethiopia, the Keesh of the 
 old Egyptian, and the eastern or Asiatic 
 being connected with the names of the tribe 
 Cossaei, the district Cissia, and the pror-
 
 TONGTOS, GIFT OF 
 
 714 
 
 TONGUES, GIFT OF 
 
 ince Susiana or Khuzistan. With Cush 
 are associated (a) Seba. (6) Havilah. 
 (e) Sabtah. (d) liaamah, with whom are 
 associated (a 2 ) Sheba. (i 2 ) Dedan. (e) 
 Sabtechah. (/) Nimrod. (ii.) Mizraim, 
 the two Misrs, i. e. Upper and Lower Egypt, 
 with whom the following seven are con- 
 nected : (a) Ludim. (6) Ananrim. (c) 
 Naphtuhim. (d) Pathrusini. (e) Caslu- 
 him. (/) Caphtorim. (g) Phut, (iii.) Ca- 
 naan, the geographical position of which 
 calls for no remark in this place. To 
 Canaan belong the following eleven : (a) 
 Zidon, the well-known town of that name 
 in Phoenicia. (6) Heth, or the Hittites of 
 Biblical history, (c) The Jebusite, of Jebus 
 or Jerusalem, (d) The Amorite. (e) The 
 Girgasite. (/) The Hivite. (#) The Ark- 
 ite. (fe) The Sinite. (t) The Arvadite. 
 (/) The Zemarite. (fc) The Hamathite. 
 3. The Shemitic list contains twenty-five 
 names, of which five refer to independent, 
 and the remainder to affiliated tribes, as 
 follows : (J.) Elam. (ii.) Asshur. (iii.) Ar- 
 phaxad, with whom are associated (a) 
 Sahib.; Salah's son (a 2 ) Eber; and Eber's 
 two sons (a a ) Peleg and (6 a ) Joktan, with 
 the following thirteen sons of Joktan, 
 viz.: (a 4 ) Almodad. (6 4 ) Sheleph. (c 4 ) 
 Hazarmaveth. (d 4 ) Jerah. (e 4 ) Hadoram. 
 (/ 4 ) Uzal. (5- 4 ) Diklah. (A 4 ) Obal. () 
 Abimael. (y 4 ) Sheba. (fc 4 ) Ophir. (I 4 ) 
 Havilah. (m 4 ) Jobab. (iv.) Lud. (v.) 
 Aram, with whom the following are as- 
 sociated : (a) Uz. (6) Hul. (c) Gether. 
 (rf) Mash. There is yet one name noticed 
 in the tallo, viz. Philistim, which occurs in 
 the Hamitic division, but without any direct 
 assertion of Hamitic descent. The total 
 number of names noticed in the table, in- 
 cluding Philistim, would thus amount to 
 70, which was raised by patristic writers to 
 72. For an account of the identification 
 of these names, see the separate articles. 
 
 Tongues, Gift of. I. /V-WTT-*, or 
 y^oiocTtf, the word employed throughout the 
 N. T. for the gift now under consideration, 
 is used (1.) for the bodily organ of speech; 
 (2.) for a foreign word, imported and half- 
 naturalized in Greek; (3.) in Hellenistic 
 Greek, for " speech" or " language." The 
 received traditional view, which starts from 
 the third meaning, and sees in the gift of 
 tongues a distinctly linguistic power, is the 
 more correct one. II. The chief passages 
 from which we have to draw our conclusion 
 as to the nature and purpose of the gift in 
 question are (1.) Mark xvi. 17; (2.) Acts 
 ii. 1-13, x. 46, xix. 6; (3.) 1 Cor. xii., xiv. 
 III. The promise of a new power coming 
 from the Divine Spirit, giving not only 
 comfort and insight into truth, but fresh 
 powers of utterance of some kind, appears 
 once and again in our Lord's teaching. 
 The disciples are to take no thought what 
 they shall speak, for the Spirit of their 
 
 Father shall speak in them (Matt. x. 19, 
 20; Mark xiii. 11). The lips of Galilean 
 peasants are to speak freely and boldly 
 before kings. The promise of our Lord to 
 his disciples, " They shall speak with new 
 tongues " (Mark xvi. 17), was fulfilled on 
 the day of Pentecost, when cloven tongues 
 like fire sat upon the disciples, and " every 
 man heard them speak in his own language" 
 (Acts ii. 1-12). IV. The wonder of the 
 day of Pentecost is, in its broad features, 
 familiar enough to us. What views have 
 men actually taken of a phenomenon so 
 marvellous and exceptional? (1.) The 
 prevalent belief of the Church has been, 
 that in the Pentecostal gift the disciples 
 received a supernatural knowledge of all 
 such languages as they needed for their 
 work as Evangelists. The knowledge was 
 permanent. Widely diffused as this belief 
 has been, it must be remembered that it 
 goes beyond the data with which the N. T. 
 supplies us. Each instance of the gift 
 recorded in the Acts connects it, not with 
 the work of teaching, but with that of 
 praise and adoration ; not with the nor- 
 mal order of men's lives, but with excep- 
 tional epochs in them. The speech of 
 St. Peter which follows, like most other 
 speeches addressed to a Jerusalem audi- 
 ence, was spoken apparently in Aramaic. 
 When St. Paul, who " spake with tongues 
 more than all," was at Lystra, there is no 
 mention made of his using the language of 
 Lycaonia. It is almost implied that he did 
 not understand it (Acts xiv. 11). Not one 
 word in the discussion of spiritual gifts in 
 1 Cor. xii.-xiv. implies that the gift was of 
 this nature, or given for this purpose. Nor, 
 it may be added, within the limits assigned 
 by the providence of God to the working 
 of the Apostolic Church, was such a gift 
 necessary. Aramaic, Greek, Latin, the three 
 languages of tlie inscription on the cross, 
 were media of intercourse throughout the 
 empire. Some interpreters have seen their 
 way to another solution of the difficulty by 
 changing the character of the miracle. It 
 lay not in any new power bestowed on the 
 speakers, but in the impression produced 
 on the hearers. Words which the Galilean 
 disciples uttered in their own tongue were 
 heard by those who listened as in their na- 
 tive speech. There are, it is believed, 
 weighty reasons against both the earlier 
 and later forms of this hypothesis. (1.) It 
 is at variance with the distinct statement of 
 Acts ii. 4, " They began to speak with 
 other tongues." (2.) It at once multiplies 
 the miracle, and degrades its character. 
 Not the 120 disciples, but the whole multi- 
 tude of many thousands, are in this case 
 the subjects of it. (3.) It involves an ele- 
 ment of falsehood. The miracle, on this 
 view, was wrought to make men believe 
 what was not actually the fact. (4.) It is
 
 TONGUES, GiFT OF 
 
 715 
 
 TOXGUES, GIFT OF 
 
 altogether inapplicable to the phenomena 
 of 1 Cor. xiv. Critics of a negative school 
 have, as might be expected, adopted the 
 easier course of rejecting the narrative 
 either altogether or in part. What, then, 
 are the facts actually brought before us ? 
 What inferences may be legitimately drawn 
 from them? (1.) The utterance of words 
 by the disciples, in other languages than 
 their own Galilean Aramaic, is distinctly 
 asserted. (2.) The words spoken appear 
 to have been determined, not by the will of 
 the speakers, but by the Spirit which " gave 
 them utterance." (3.) The word used, 
 ioty6lyyn6ai, has in the LXX. a special as- 
 sociation with the oracular speech of true 
 or false prophets, and appears to imply 
 some peculiar, perhaps musical, solemn in- 
 tonation (comp. 1 Chr. xxv. 1 ; Ez. xiii. 
 9). (4.) The " tongues " were used as an 
 instrument, not of teaching, but of praise. 
 (5.) Those who spoke them seemed to others 
 to be under the influence of some strong ex- 
 citement, " full of new wine." (6.) Ques- 
 tions as to the mode of operation of a power 
 above the common laws of bodily or mental 
 life lead us to a region where our words 
 should be " wary and few." It must be re- 
 membered, then, that in all likelihood such 
 words as they then uttered had been heard 
 by the disciples before. The difference 
 was, that before, the Galilean peasants had 
 stood in that crowd, neither heeding, nor 
 understanding, nor remembering what they 
 heard, still less able to reproduce it ; now 
 they had the power of speaking it clearly 
 and freely. The Divine work would in this 
 case take the form of a supernatural exalta- 
 tion of the memory, not of imparting a 
 miraculous knowledge of words never heard 
 before. (7.) The gift of tongues, the 
 ecstatic burst of praise, is definitely assert- 
 ed to be a fulfilment of the prediction of 
 Joel ii. 28. We are led, therefore, to look 
 for that which answers to the Gift of 
 Tongues in the other element of prophecy 
 which is included in the O. T. use of the 
 word ; and this is found in the ecstatic 
 praise, the burst of song (1 Sam. x. 5-13, 
 xix. 20-24 ; 1 Chr. xxv. 3). (8.) The other 
 instances in the Acts offer essentially the 
 same phenomena. By implication in xiv. 
 15-19, by express statement in x. 47, xi. 
 15, 17, xix. 6, it belongs to special critical 
 epochs. VI. The First Epistle to the Co- 
 rinthians supplies fuller data. The spiritual 
 gifts are classified and compared, arranged, 
 apparently, according to their worth. The 
 facts which may be gathered are briefly 
 these : (1.) The phenomena of the Gift 
 of Tongues were not confined to one Church 
 or section of a Church. (2.) The compari- 
 son of gifts, in both the lists given by St. 
 Paul (1 Cor. xii. 8-10, 28-30), places that 
 of tongues, and the interpretation of 
 tongues, lowest in the scale. (3.) The 
 
 mam characteristic of the " tongue " is that 
 it is unintelligible. The man "speaks mys- 
 teries," prays, blesses, gives thanks, in the 
 tongue (1 Cor. xiv. 15, 16), but no one un- 
 derstands him. (4.) The peculiar nature 
 of the gift leads the Apostle into what ap- 
 pears, at first, a contradiction. ' Tongues 
 are for a sign," not to believers, but to 
 those who do not believe ; yet the effect on 
 unbelievers is not that of attracting, but 
 repelling. They involve of necessity a dis- 
 turbance of the equilibrium between the un- 
 derstanding and the feelings. Therefore it is 
 that, for those who believe already, proph- 
 ecy is the greater gift. (5.) The " tongues," 
 however, must be regarded as real lan- 
 guages. The " divers kinds of tongues " (1 
 Cor. xii. 28), the " tongues of men " (1 Cor. 
 xiii. 1), pointto differences of some kind, and 
 it is easier to conceive of these as differences 
 of language than as belonging to utterances 
 all equally wild and inarticulate. (6.) 
 Connected with the " tongues," there was 
 the corresponding power of interpretation. 
 VII. (1.) Traces of the gift are found, as 
 has been said, in the Epistles to the Ro- 
 mans, the Galatians, the Ephesians. From 
 the Pastoral Epistles, from those of St. 
 Peter and St. John, they are altogether 
 absent, and this is in itself significant. (2.) 
 It is probable, however, that the disappear- 
 ance of the " tongues " was gradual. There 
 must have been a time when "tongues" 
 were still heard, though less frequently, and 
 with less striking results. For the most 
 part, however, the place which they had 
 filled in the worship of the Church was 
 supplied by the " hymns and spiritual 
 songs " of the succeeding age. After this, 
 within the Church we lose nearly all traces 
 of them. VIII. (i.) A wider question of 
 deep interest presents itself. Can we find 
 in the religious history of mankind any 
 facts analogous to the manifestation of 
 the "tongues"? The three characteristic 
 phenomena are, as has been seen, (1) an 
 ecstatic state of partial or entire uncon- 
 sciousness ; (2) the utterance of words in 
 tones startling and impressive, but often 
 conveying no distinct meaning; (3) the 
 use of languages which the speaker at 
 other times was unable to converse in. (ii.) 
 The history of the O. T. presents us with 
 some instances in which the gift of proph- 
 ecy has accompaniments of this nature 
 (1 Sam. xix. 24). (iii.) We cannot ex- 
 clude the false prophets and diviners of 
 Israel from the range of our inquiry. We 
 have distinct records of strange, mysteri- 
 ous intonations. The ventriloquist wizards 
 "peep and mutter" (Is. viii. 19). The 
 " voice of one who has a familiar spirit," 
 comes low out of the ground (Is. xxix. 4). 
 (iv.) The quotation by St. Paul (1 Cor. 
 xiv. 21) from Is. xxviii. 11. With the 
 phenomena of the "tongues" present to
 
 TONGUES, GIFT OF 
 
 716 
 
 TORTOISE 
 
 his mind, he saw in them the fulfilment of 
 the Prophet's words. A remarkable par- 
 allel to the text thus interpreted is found in 
 Hos. ix. 7. (v.) The history of heathen 
 oracles presents, it need hardly be said, 
 examples of the orgiastic state, in which 
 the wisest of Greek thinkers recognized the 
 lower type of inspiration, (vi.) More dis- 
 tinct parallels are found in the accounts of 
 the wilder, more excited sects which have, 
 frcm time to time, appeared in the history 
 of Christendom, (vii.) The history of the 
 French prophets at the commencement of 
 the 18th century presents some facts of 
 special interest. What is specially notice- 
 able is, that the gift of tongues was claimed 
 by them. It is remarkable that a strange 
 Revivalist movement was spreading, nearly 
 at the same time, through Silesia, the chief 
 feature of which was that boys and girls of 
 tender age were almost the only subjects of 
 it, and that they too spoke and prayed with 
 a wonderful power, (viii.) The so-called 
 Unknown Tongues, which manifested them- 
 selves first in the west of Scotland, and 
 afterwards in the Caledonian Church in 
 Regent Square, present a more striking 
 phenomenon, and the data for judging of 
 its nature are more copious. Here, more 
 than in most other cases, there were the 
 conditions of long, eager expectation, fixed 
 brooding over one central thought, the mind 
 strained to a preternatural tension. Sud- 
 denly, now from one, now from another, 
 chiefly from women, devout but illiterate, 
 mysterious sounds were heard. The man 
 over whom they exercised so strange a 
 power, has left on record his testimony, 
 that to him they seemed to embody a more 
 than earthly music, leading to the belief 
 that the " tongues " of the Apostolic age 
 had been as the archetypal melody of which 
 all the Church's chants and hymns were 
 but faint, poor echoes. To those who were 
 without, on the other hand, they seemed 
 but an unintelligible gibberish, the yells and 
 groans of madmen. The speaker was com- 
 monly unable to interpret what he uttered, 
 (ix.) In certain exceptional states of mind 
 and body the powers of memory are known 
 to receive a wonderful and -abnormal 
 strength. In the delirium of fever, in the 
 ecstasy of a trance, men speak in their old 
 age languages which they have never heard 
 or spoken since their earliest youth. In all 
 such cases the marvellous power is the ac- 
 companiment of disease. IX. These phe- 
 nomena have been brought together in 
 order that we may see how far they resem- 
 ble, how far they differ from, those which 
 we have seen reason to believe constituted 
 the outward signs of the Gift of Tongues. 
 Whatever resemblances there may be, the 
 points of difference are yet greater. The 
 phenomena which have been described are, 
 with hardly an exception, morbid ; the pre- 
 
 cursors or the consequences of clearly rec- 
 ognizable disease. The Gift of Tongues 
 was bestowed on men in full vigor and 
 activity, preceded by no frenzy, followed 
 by no exhaustion. The gift of the day of 
 Pentecost was the starting-point of the long 
 history of the Church of Christ, the witness, 
 in its very form, of a universal family 
 gathered out of all nations. It belonged, 
 however, to a critical epoch, not to the con- 
 tinuous life of the Church. It implied a 
 disturbance of the equilibrium of man's 
 normal state. But it was not the instru- 
 ment for building up the Church. 
 
 Topaz (Heb. pitddh : Ex. xxviii. 17, 
 xxxix. 10; Ez. xxviii. 13; Job xxviii. 19; 
 Rev. xxi. 20). The topaz of the ancient 
 Greeks and Romans is generally allowed to 
 be our chrysolite, while their chrysolite is 
 our topaz. Chrysolite is a silicate of mag- 
 nesia and iron ; it is so soft as to lose its 
 polish unless worn with care. 
 
 To'phel (Deut. i. 1) has been identified 
 with Tufileh on a wady of the. same name 
 running north of Bozra towards the S. E. 
 corner of the Dead Sea. 
 
 To'pheth, and once To'phet, was in 
 the S. E. extremity of the " Valley of the 
 Son of Hinnom " (Jer. vii. 31), which is 
 "by the entry of the east gate" (xix. 2). 
 The locality of Hinnom is explained else- 
 where. [HINNOM.] It seems also to have 
 been part of the king's gardens, and watered 
 by Siloam, perhaps a little to the south of 
 the present Birket el-Hamra. The name 
 Tophet occurs only in the Old Testament 
 (2 K. xxiii. 10; Is. xxx. 33; Jer. vii. 31, 
 32, xix. 6, 11, 12, 13, 14). The New does 
 not refer to it, nor the Apocrypha. Tophet 
 has been variously translated. The most 
 natural meaning seems that suggested by 
 the occurrence of the word in two consec- 
 utive verses, in the one of which it is a 
 tabrct, and in the other Tophet (Is. xxx. 
 32, 33). The Hebrew words are nearly 
 identical; and Tophet was probably the 
 king's " music-grove " or garden, denoting 
 originally nothing evil or hateful. Cer- 
 tainly there is no proof that it took its 
 name from the drums beaten to drown the 
 cries of the burning victims that passed 
 through the fire to Molech. Afterwards 
 it was defiled by idols, and polluted by the 
 sacrifices of Baal and the fires of Molech. 
 Then it became the place of abomination, 
 the very gate or pit of hell. The pious 
 kings defiled it, and threw down its altars 
 and high places, pouring into it all the filth 
 of the city, ti',1 it became the " abhorrence" 
 of Jerusalem. 
 
 Tor'mah. occurs only in the margin of 
 Judg. ix. 31. By a few commentators it 
 has been conjectured that the word was ori- 
 ginally the same with ARUMAH in ver. 41. 
 
 Tortoise (Heb. tsdb). The tsdb occurs 
 only in Lev. xi. 29, as the name of some
 
 TOU 
 
 717 
 
 TRIAL 
 
 unclean animal. The Hebrew word may 
 be identified with the kindred Arabic dhab, 
 "a largo kind of lizard," which appears to 
 be the Psammosaurus Scincus of Cuvier. 
 
 To'u, Toi, king of Hatnath (1 Chr. xviii. 
 9, 10). 
 
 Tower. Watch-towers or fortified posts 
 in frontier or exposed situations are men- 
 ti >ned in Scripture, as the tower of Edar, 
 &c. (Gen. xxxv. 21; Mic. iv. 8; Is. xxi. 5, 
 8, 11, &c.), the tower of Lebanon (2 Sam. 
 viii. 6). Besides these military structures, 
 we read in Scripture of towers built in vine- 
 yards as an almost necessary appendage to 
 them (Is. v. 2; Matt. xxi. 33; Mark xii. 
 1). Such towers are still in use in Pales- 
 tine in vineyards, especially near Hebron, 
 and are used as lodges for the keepers of 
 the vineyards. 
 
 Town Clerk, the title ascribed in our 
 Version to the magistrate at Ephesus who 
 appeased the mob in the theatre at the time 
 of the tumult excited by Demetrius and his 
 fellow-craftsmen (Acts xix. 35). The ori- 
 ginal service of this class of men was to 
 record the laws and decrees of the state, 
 and to read them in public. 
 
 Trachoni'tis (Luke iii. 1) is in all 
 probability the Greek equivalent for the 
 Aramaic Argob. [ARGOB.] 
 
 Trance. (1.) In the only passage 
 (Num. xxiv. 4, 16) in which this word 
 occurs in the English of the O. T. there is, 
 as the Italics show, no corresponding word 
 in Hebrew. In the N. T. we meet with the 
 word three times (Acts x. 10, xi. 5, xxii. 
 17), the Vulgate giving " excessus" in the 
 two former, " stupor mentis " in the latter. 
 The meaning of the Greek and Latin words 
 is obvious enough. The txnraai/; is the 
 state in which a man has passed out of the 
 usual order of his life, beyond the usual 
 limits of consciousness and volition. "Ex- 
 cessus" in like manner, became, in ecclesi- 
 astical writers, a synonyme for the condition 
 of seeming death to the outer world, which 
 we speak of as a trance. The history of 
 the English word presents an interesting 
 parallel. (2.) Used as the word is by Luke, 
 " the physician," and, in this special sense, 
 by him only, in the N. T., it would be in- 
 teresting to inquire what precise meaning 
 it had in the medical terminology of the 
 time. From the time of Hippocrates, who 
 uses it to describe the loss of conscious 
 perception, it had probably borne the con- 
 notation which it has had, with shades of 
 meaning for good or evil, ever since. (3.) 
 We may compare with these statements the 
 more precise definitions of modern medical 
 science. There the ecstatic state appears 
 as one form of catalepsy. In ca'talepsy 
 pare and simple, there is " a sudden sus- 
 pension of thought, of sensibility, of vol- 
 untary motion." In the ecstatic form of 
 catalepsy, on the other hand, " the patient 
 
 is lost to all external impressions, but rapt 
 and absorbed in some object of the im- 
 agination." There is, for the most part, a 
 high degree of mental excitement. The 
 patient utters the most enthusiastic and 
 fervid expressions, or the most earnest 
 warnings. The character of the whole 
 frame is that of intense contemplative ex- 
 citement. The causes of this state are to 
 be traced commonly to strong religious im- 
 pressions. (4.) Whatever explanation may 
 be given of it, it is true of many, if not of 
 most, of those who have left the stamp of 
 their own character on the religious history 
 of mankind, that they have been liable to 
 pass at times into this abnormal state. The 
 union of intense feeling, strong volition, 
 long-continued thought (the conditions of 
 all wide and lasting influence), aided in 
 many cases by the withdrawal from the 
 lower life of the support which is needed 
 to maintain a healthy equilibrium, appears 
 to have been more than the " earthen ves- 
 sel " will bear. The words which speak 
 of "an ecstasy of adoration " are often lit- 
 erally true. (5.) We are now able to take 
 a true estimate of the trances of Biblical 
 history. As in other things, so also here, 
 the phenomena are common to higher and 
 lower, to true and false systems. We may 
 not point to trances and ecstasies as proofs 
 of a true Revelation, but still less may we 
 think of them as at all inconsistent with it. 
 Thus, though we have not the word, we have 
 the thing in the "deep sleep," the "horror 
 of great darkness," that fell on Abraham 
 (Gen. xv. 12). Balaam, as if overcome by 
 the constraining power of a Spirit mightier 
 than his own, " sees the vision of God, 
 falling, but with opened eyes " (Num. 
 xxiv. 4). Saul, in like manner, when the 
 wild chant of the prophets stirred the old 
 depths of feeling, himself also " prophesied" 
 and " fell down " (most, if not all, of his 
 kingly clothing being thrown off in the 
 ecstasy of the moment) "all that day and 
 all that night " (1 Sam. xix. 24). Some- 
 thing there was in Jeremiah that made men 
 say of him that he was as one that " is mad 
 and maketh himself a prophet " (Jer. xxix. 
 26). In Ezekicl the phenomena appear in 
 more wonderful and awful forms (Ez. iii. 
 15). (6.) As other elements and forms 
 of the prophetic work were revived in "the 
 Apostles and Prophets " of the N. T., so 
 also was this. Though different in form, 
 it belongs to the same class of phenomena 
 as the GIFT OF TONGUES, and is connected 
 with "visions and revelations of the Lord." 
 In some cases, indeed, it is the chosen chan- 
 nel for such revelations (Acts x., xi., xxii. 
 17-21). Wisely for the most part did the 
 Apostle draw a veil over these more mys- 
 terious experiences (2 Cor. xii. 1-4). 
 Trespass-offering. [SIN-OFFERING.] 
 Trial. A few remarks may here be
 
 TRIBUTE 
 
 718 
 
 TROOP 
 
 added on judicial proceedings mentioned in 
 Scripture. (1.) The trial of our Lord be- 
 fore Pilate was, in a legal sense, a trial for 
 the offence laesae majestatis ; one which 
 would be punishable with death (Luke 
 xxiii. 2, 38; John xix. 12, 15). (2.) The 
 trials of the Apostles, of St. Stephen, and 
 of St. Paul, before the high-priest, were 
 conducted according to Jewish rules (Acts 
 iv., v. 27, vi. 12, xxii. 30, xxiii. 1). (3.) 
 The trial, if it may be so called, of St. Paul 
 and Silas at Philippi, was held before the 
 duumviri, on the charge of innovation in 
 religion a crime punishable with banish- 
 ment or death (Acts xvi. 19, 22). (4.) 
 The interrupted trial of St. Paul before the 
 proconsul Gallio was an attempt made by 
 the Jews to establish a charge of the same 
 kind (Acts xviii. 12-17). (5.) The trials 
 of St. Paul at Caesarea (Acts xxiv., xxv., 
 xxvi.) were conducted according to Roman 
 rules of judicature, (a.) In the first of 
 these, before Felix, we observe the employ- 
 ment, by the plaintiffs, of a Roman advocate 
 to plead in Latin. (6.) The postponement 
 of the trial after St. Paul's reply, (c.) The 
 free custody in which the accused was kept, 
 pending the decision of the judge (Acts 
 xxiv. 23-26). The second formal trial 
 (Acts xxv. 7, 8) presents two new features : 
 (a.) The appeal, appellatio orprovocatio, to 
 Caesar, by St. Paul as a Roman citizen. 
 The effect of the appeal was to remove the 
 case at once to the jurisdiction of the em- 
 peror. (6.) The conference of the procu- 
 rator with "the council" (Acts xxv. 12), 
 the assessors, who sat on the bench with 
 the praetor as consiliarii. But the expres- 
 sion may denote the deputies from the 
 Sanhedrim. (6.) We have, lastly, the 
 mention (Acts xix. 38) of a judicial assem- 
 bly which held its session at Ephesus. 
 
 Tribute. The chief Biblical facts con- 
 nected with the payment of tribute have 
 been already given under TAXES. The 
 tribute (money) mentioned in Matt. xvii. 
 24, 25, was the half shekel (= half stater 
 = two drachmae), applied to defray the 
 general expenses of the Temple. After the 
 destruction of the Temple it was seques- 
 trated by Vespasian and his successors, and 
 transferred to the Temple of the Capitoline 
 Jupiter. This " tribute " of Matt. xvii. 
 24 must not be confounded with the tribute 
 paid to the Roman emperor (Matt. xxii. 
 17). The Temple-rate, though resting on 
 an ancient precedent (Ex. xxx. 13) was, as 
 above, a fixed annual tribute of compara- 
 tively late origin. The question whether 
 the cost of the morning and evening sacri- 
 fice ought to be defrayed by such a fixed 
 compulsory payment, or left to the freewill- 
 offerings of the people, had been a contest- 
 ed point between the Pharisees and Sad- 
 ducees, and the former had carried the day 
 after a long struggle and debate. We have 
 
 to remember this when we come to the 
 narrative of St. Matthew. In a hundred 
 different ways, the teaching of our Lord 
 had been in direct antagonism to that of 
 the Pharisees. The Sanhedrim, by making 
 the Temple-offering a fixed annual tax, 
 collecting it as men collected tribute to 
 Caesar, were lowering, not raising, the re- 
 ligious condition and character of the peo- 
 ple. They were placing every Israelite on 
 the footing of a " stranger," not on that of 
 a " son." In proportion to the degree in 
 which any man could claim the title of a 
 Son of God, in that proportion was he 
 " free " from this forced exaction. Hence 
 we see, in these words, a precept as wide 
 and far-reaching as the yet more memora- 
 ble one, " Render unto Caesar the things 
 that be Caesar's, and unto God the things 
 that be God's." 
 
 Tribute-money. [TAXES ; TRIBUTE.] 
 
 Trip'olis, the Greek name of a Phoeni- 
 cian city of great commercial importance, 
 which served at one time as a point of fed- 
 eral union for Aradus, Sidon, and Tyre. 
 What its Phoenician name was is unknown 
 (2 Mace. xiv. 1). The ancient Tripolis 
 was finally destroyed by the Sultan El 
 Mansour in the year 1289 A. D. ; and the 
 modern TuraUous is situated a couple of 
 miles distant to the east, and is no longer 
 a port. El Myna, which is perhaps on the 
 site of the ancient Tripolis, is a small fish- 
 ing village. 
 
 Tro'as, the city from which St. Paul 
 first sailed, in consequence of a divine in- 
 timation, to carry the Gospel from Asia to 
 Europe (Acts xvi. 8, 11). It is mentioned 
 on other occasions (Acts xx. 5, 6 ; 2 Cor. 
 ii. 12, 13; 2 Tim. iv. 13). Its full name 
 was Alexandria Troas (Liv. xxxv. 42), and 
 sometimes it was called simply Alexandria, 
 sometimes simply Troas. It was first built 
 by Antigonus, under the name of Antigonea 
 Troas, and peopled with the inhabitants of 
 some neighboring cities. Afterwards it was 
 embellished by Lysimachus, and named 
 Alexandria Troas. Its situation was on 
 the coast of MYSIA, opposite the S. E. ex- 
 tremity of the island of Tenedos. Under 
 the Romans it was one of the most impor- 
 tant towns of the province of ASIA. In the 
 time of St. Paul it was a colonia with the 
 Jus Italicum. The modern name is Eski- 
 Stamboul, with considerable ruins. We can 
 still trace the harbor in a basin about 400 
 feet long and 200 broad. 
 
 Trogyl'lium is the rocky extremity of 
 the ridge of Mycale, exactly opposite Sa- 
 mos (Acts xx. 15). A little to the east of 
 the extreme point there is an anchorage, 
 which is still called St. Paul's Port. [SA- 
 
 MOS.] 
 
 Troop, Band. These words are em- 
 ployed to represent the Hebrew word 
 gedild, which has invariably the sense of an
 
 TROPHIMTJS 
 
 719 
 
 TUBAL-CAIN 
 
 Irregular force, gathered with the object of 
 marauding and plunder. 
 
 Troph'imus. Both he and Tychicus 
 accompanied St. Paul from Macedonia as 
 far as Asia, but Tychicus seems to have re- 
 mained there, while Trophimus proceeded 
 with the Apostle to Jerusalem. There he 
 was the innocent cause of the tumult in 
 which St. Paul was apprehended (Acts xxi. 
 27-29). From this passage we learn two 
 new facts, viz. that Trophimus was a Gen- 
 tile, and that he was a native of EPHESCS. 
 Trophimus was probably one of the two 
 brethren who, with TITUS, conveyed the 2d 
 Epistle to the Corinthians (2 Cor. viii. 1G- 
 24). [TYCHICCS.] 
 
 Trumpet. [CORNET.] 
 
 Trumpets, Feast of (Num. xxix. 1 ; 
 Lev. xxiii. 24), the feast of the new moon, 
 which fell on the first of Tizri. It differed 
 from the ordinary festivals of the new moon 
 in several important particulars. It was 
 one of the seven days of Holy Convocation. 
 Instead of the mere blowing of the trum- 
 pets of the Temple at the time of the offer- 
 ing of the sacrifices, it was " a day of blow- 
 ing of trumpets." In addition to the daily 
 sacrifices and the eleven victims offered on 
 the first of every month, there were offered 
 a young bullock, a ram, and seven lambs 
 of the first year, with the accustomed meat- 
 offerings, and a kid for a sin-offering (Num. 
 xxix. 1-6). The regular monthly offering 
 was thus repeated, with the exception of 
 the young bullock. It has been conjec- 
 tured that Ps. Ixxxi., one of the songs of 
 Asaph, was composed expressly for the 
 Feast of Trumpets. The Psalm is used 
 in the service for the day by the modern 
 Jews. Various meanings have been as- 
 signed to the Feast of Trumpets. But 
 there seems to be no sufficient reason to 
 call in question the common opinion of 
 Jews and Christians, that it was the festival 
 of the New Year's Day of the civil year, 
 the first of Tizri, the month which com- 
 menced the Sabbatical year and the year 
 of Jubilee. 
 
 Tryphe'na and Trypho'sa, two Chris- 
 tian women at Rome, enumerated in the 
 conclusion of St. Paul's letter (Rom. xvi. 
 12). They may have been sisters, but it is 
 more likely that they were fellow-deacon- 
 esses. We know nothing more of these 
 two sister-workers of the Apostolic time. 
 It is an interesting fact that the columbaria 
 of " Caesar's household," in the Vigna 
 Codini, near Forta S. Sebastiano, contain 
 the name Tryphena. 
 
 Try'ph.on, a usurper of the Syrian 
 throne. His proper name was Diodotus, 
 and the surname Tryphon was given to 
 him, or adopted by him, after his accession 
 to power. . He was a native of Cariana. 
 In the time of Alexander Balas he was 
 attached to the court ; but towards the close 
 
 of his reign he seems to have joined in the 
 conspiracy which was set on foot to transfer 
 the crown of Syria to Ptolemy Philometor 
 (1 Mace. xi. 13). After the death of Alex- 
 ander Balas he took advantage of the un- 
 popularity of Demetrius II. to put forward 
 the claims of Antiochus VI., the young 
 son of Alexander (1 Mace. xi. 39; u. c. 
 145). After a time he obtained the sup- 
 port of Jonathan, and the young king was 
 crowned (B. c. 144). Tryphon, however, 
 soon revealed his real designs on the king- 
 dom, and, fearing the opposition of Jona- 
 than, he gained possession of his person by 
 treachery (1 Mace. xii. 39-50), and after a 
 short time put him to death (1 Mace. xiii. 
 23). As the way seemed now clear, he 
 murdered Antiochus and seized the su- 
 preme power (1 Mace. xiii. 31, 32). De- 
 metrius was preparing an expedition against 
 him (B. c. 141), when he was taken prisoner 
 (1 Mace. xiv. 1-3), and Tryphon retained 
 the throne till Antiochus VII., the brother 
 of Demetrius, drove him to Dora, from 
 which he escaped to Orthosia (1 Mace. xv. 
 10-14, 37-39; B. c. 139). Not long after- 
 wards, being hard pressed by Antiochus, 
 he committed suicide, or, according to other 
 accounts, was put to death by Antiochus, 
 
 Trypho'sa. [TRYPHENA.] 
 
 Tu'bal is reckoned with Javan and Me- 
 shech among the sons of Japheth (Gen. x. 
 2; 1 Chr. i. 5). The three are again asso- 
 ciated in the enumeration of the sources 
 of the wealth of Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 13). 
 Tubal and Javan (Is. Ixvi. 19), Meshech 
 and Tubal (Ez. xxxii. 26, xxxviii. 2, 3, 
 xxxix. 1), are nations of the north (Ez. 
 xxxviii. 15, xxxix. 2). Josephus identifies 
 the descendants of Tubal with the Iberians, 
 that is, the inhabitants of a tract of coun- 
 try between the Caspian and Euxinc Seas, 
 which nearly corresponded to the modern 
 Georgia. The Moschi and Tibareni are 
 constantly associated under the names of 
 Muskaiand Tuplai in the Assyrian inscrip- 
 tions. In former times the Tibareni were 
 probably more important, and the Moschi 
 and Tibareni, Meshech and Tubal, may 
 have been names by which powerful hordes 
 of Scythians were known tc the Hebrews. 
 But in history we only hear of them as 
 pushed to the farthest limits of their an- 
 cient settlements, and occupying merely a 
 strip of coast along the Euxine. In the 
 time of Xenophon the Tibareni were an 
 independent tribe. Long before this they 
 were subject to a number of petty chiefs, 
 which was a principal element of their 
 weakness, and rendered their subjugation 
 by AssyYia more easy. The Arabic Ver- 
 sion of Gen. x. 2 gives Chorasan and China 
 for Meshech and Tubal ; in Eusebius (see 
 Bochart) they are Illyria and Thessaly. 
 
 Tu'bal-ca'in, the son of Laraech th 
 Cainite by his wife Zillah (Gen. iv. 22)
 
 TURPENTINE-TREE 
 
 720 
 
 TYRE 
 
 He is called " a furbisher of every cutting 
 instrument of copper and iron." 
 
 Turpentine-tree occurs only once. 
 viz. in the Apocrypha (Ecclus. xxiv. 16). 
 It is the Pistacia terelinthus, terebinth- 
 tree, common in Palestine and the East. 
 The terebinth occasionally grows to a large 
 size. It belongs to the Nat. Order Anacar- 
 diaceae, the plants of which order generally 
 contain resinous secretions. 
 
 Turtle, Turtle-dove (Heb. t6r). 
 The turtle-dove occurs first in Scripture 
 in Gen. xv. 9. During the early period of 
 Jewish history, there is no evidence of any 
 other bird except the pigeon having been 
 domesticated, and up to the time of Solo- 
 mon, who may, with the peacock, have 
 introduced other gallinaceous birds from 
 India, it was probably the only poultry 
 known to the Israelites. It is not improb- 
 able that the palm-dove (Turtur aegyptia- 
 cus, Temm.) may in some measure have 
 supplied the sacrifices in the wilderness, 
 for it is found, in amazing numbers wher- 
 ever the palm-tree occurs, whether wild or 
 cultivated. From its habit of pairing for 
 life, and its fidelity for its mate, it was a 
 symbol of purity and an appropriate offer- 
 ing. The regular migration of the turtle- 
 dove and its return in spring are alluded 
 to in Jer. viii. 7, and Cant. ii. 11, 12. It is 
 from its plaintive note doubtless that David, 
 in Ps. Ixxiv. 19, pouring forth his lament 
 to God, compares himself to a turtle-dove. 
 The turtle-dove (Turtur auritus, L.) is 
 most abundant, and in the valley of the 
 Jordan, an allied species, the palm-dove, 
 or Egyptian turtle {Turtur aegyptiacus, 
 Temm.), is by no means uncommon. 
 
 Tycn'icus and Troph'imus, com- 
 panions of St. Paul on some of his journeys, 
 are mentioned as natives of Asia. (1.) In 
 Acts xx. 4, Tychicus and Trophimus are 
 expressly said to be " of Asia; " but while 
 Trophimus went with St. Paul to Jerusa- 
 lem (Acts xxi. 29), Tychicus was left be- 
 hind in Asia, probably at Miletus (Acts xx. 
 15, 38). (2.) How Tychicus was employed 
 in the interval before St. Paul's first im- 
 prisonment we cannot tell ; but in that im- 
 prisonment he was with the Apostle again, 
 as we see from Col. iv. 7, 8. Together 
 with Onesimus, he was doubtless the bearer 
 both of this letter and the following as well 
 to Philemon. (3.) The language concern- 
 ing Tychicus in Eph. vi. 21, 22, is very 
 similar, though not exactly in the same 
 words. (4.) The next references are in 
 the Pastoral Epistles, the first in chrono- 
 logical order being Tit. iii. 12. Here St. 
 Paul (writing possibly from Ephesus) says 
 that it is probable he may send Tychicus to 
 Crete, about the time when he himself goes 
 to Nicopolis. (5.) In 2 Tim. iv. 12 (writ- 
 ten at Rome during the second imprison- 
 ment) he says, " I am herewith sending 
 
 Tychicus to Ephesus." Probably this mis- 
 sion may have been connected with the 
 carrying of the first Epistle. From the 
 same Epistle (2 Tim. iv. 20) we learn that 
 Trophimus had been left by the Apostle a 
 little time previously, in inlirm health, at 
 Miletus. There is much probability in the 
 conjecture that Tychicus and Trophimus 
 were the two brethren who were associated 
 with Titus (2 Cor. viii. 16-24) in conduct- 
 ing the business of the collection for the 
 poor Christians in Judaea. 
 
 Tyran'nus, the name of a man in whose 
 school or place of audience Paul taught the 
 Gospel for two years, during his sojourn 
 at Ephesus (see Acts xix. 9). The pre- 
 sumption is, that Tyrannus himself was a 
 Greek, and a public teacher of philosophy 
 or rhetoric. 
 
 Tyre, a celebrated commercial city of 
 Phoenicia, on the coast of the Mediterra- 
 nean Sea. Its Hebrew name "Tzor" sig- 
 nifies a rock ; which well agrees with the 
 site of Sur, the modern town, on a rocky 
 peninsula, formerly an island. There is 
 no doubt that, previous to the siege of the 
 city by Alexander the Great, Tyre was sit- 
 uated on an island*; but, according to the 
 tradition of the inhabitants, there was a city 
 on the mainland before there was a city on 
 the island ; and the tradition receives some 
 color from the name of Palaetyrus, or Old 
 Tyre, which was borne in Greek times by 
 a city on the continent, 30 stadia to the 
 south. But a difficulty arises in supposing 
 that Palaetyrus was built before Tyre, as the 
 word Tyre evidently means a " a rock," and 
 few persons who have visited the site of 
 Palaetyrus can seriously suppose that any 
 rock on the surface there can have given rise 
 to the name. It is important, however, to 
 bear in mind that this question regarding 
 Palaetyrus is merely archaeological, and 
 that nothing in Biblical history is affected by 
 it. Nebuchadnezzar necessarily besieged 
 the portion of the city on the mainland, as 
 he had no vessels with which to attack the 
 island ; but it is reasonably certain that, in 
 the time of Isaiah and Ezckiel. the heart 
 or core of the city was on the island. 
 Whether built before or later than Palae- 
 tyrus, the renowned city of Tyre, though 
 it laid claims to a very high antiquity (Is. 
 xxiii. 7), is not mentioned either in the 
 Iliad or in the Odyssey. The tribe of Ca- 
 naanites which inhabited the small tract 
 of country which may be called Phoenicia 
 Proper was known by the generic name of 
 Sidonians (Judg. xviii. 7; Is. xxiii. 2, 4, 
 12; Josh. xiii. 6; Ez. xxxii. 30) ; and this 
 name undoubtedly included Tyrians, the 
 inhabitants being of the same race, and the 
 two cities being less than 20 English miles 
 distant from each other. In the Bible, 
 Tyre is named for the first time in the Book 
 of Joshua (xix. 29), where it is adverted to
 
 TYRE 
 
 721 
 
 TYRE 
 
 as a fortified city (in the A. V. " the strong 
 city "), in reference to the boundaries of 
 the tribe of Asher. The Israelites dwelt 
 among the Sidonians or Phoenicians, who 
 were inhabitants of the land (Judg. i. 31, 
 32), and never seem to have had any war 
 with that intelligent race. Subsequently, 
 in a passage of Samuel (2 Sam. xxiv. 7), 
 it is stated that the enumerators of the cen- 
 sus in the reign of David went in pursu- 
 ance of their mission to Tyre, amongst 
 other cities, which must be understood as 
 implying, not that Tyre was subject to Da- 
 vid's authority, but merely that a census 
 was thus taken, of the Jews resident there. 
 But the first passages in the Hebrew his- 
 torical writings, or in ancient history gen- 
 erally, which afford glimpses of the actual 
 condition of Tyre, are in the Book of Sam- 
 uel (2 Sam. v. 11), in connection witli Hi- 
 ram king of Tyre sending cedar-wood and 
 workmen to David, for building him a pal- 
 ace ; and subsequently in the Book of 
 Kings, in connection with the building of 
 Solomon's temple. It is evident that under 
 Solomon there was a close alliance between 
 the Hebrews and the Tyrians. Hiram sup- 
 plied Solomon with cedar-wood, precious 
 metals, and workmen, and gave him sailors 
 for the voyage to Ophir and India, while on 
 the other hand Solomon gave Hiram sup- 
 plies of corn and oil, ceded to him some 
 cities, and permitted him to make use of 
 some havens on the Red Sea (1 K. ix. 11- 
 14, 26-28, x. 22). These friendly relations 
 survived for a time the disastrous secession 
 of the Ten Tribes, and a century later 
 Ahab married a daughter of Ethbaal, king 
 of the Sidonians (1 K. xvi. 31), who, ac- 
 cording to Menander, was daughter of Ith- 
 obal, king of Tyre. When mercantile cu- 
 pidity induced the Tyrians and the neigh- 
 boring Phoenicians to buy Hebrew captives 
 from their enemies, and to sell them as 
 slaves to the Greeks and Edomites. there 
 commenced denunciations, and, at first, 
 threats of retaliation (Joel iii. 4-8 ; Amos 
 i. 9, 10). When Shalmaneser, king of As- 
 syria, had taken the city of Samaria, had 
 conquered the kingdom of Israel, and car- 
 ried its inhabitants into captivity, he laid 
 siege to Tyre, which, however, successful- 
 ly resisted his arms. It is in reference to 
 this siege that the prophecy against Tyre 
 in Isaiah, chap, xxiii., was uttered. After 
 the siege of Tyre by Shalmaneser (which 
 must have taken place not long after 721 
 u. c.), Tyre remained a powerful state with 
 its own kings (Jer. xxv. 22, xxvii. 3; Ez. 
 xxviii. 2-12), remarkable for its wealth, 
 with territory on the mainland, and pro- 
 tected by strong fortifications (Ez. xxviii. 
 5, xxvi. 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, xxvii. 11 ; Zech. ix. 
 3). Our knowledge of its condition thence- 
 forward until the siege by Nebuchadnezzar 
 depends entirely on various notices of it 
 M 
 
 by the Hebrew prophets ; but some of these 
 notices are singularly full, and especially 
 the twenty-seventh chapter of Ezekiel fur- 
 nishes us, on some points, with details such 
 as have scarcely come down to us respecting 
 any one city of antiquity, excepting Rome 
 and Athens. One point especially arrests 
 the attention that Tyre, like its splendid 
 daughter Carthage, employed mercenary 
 soldiers (Ez. xxvh'^10, 11). Independently, 
 however, of this fact respecting Tyrian mer- 
 cenary soldiers, Ezekiel gives interesting 
 I details concerning the trade of Tyre. It ap- 
 pears that its gold came from Arabia by the 
 j Persian Gulf (v. 22), just as in the time of 
 ; Solomon it came from Arabiaby the Red Sea. 
 j On the other hand, the silver, iron, lead, 
 and tin of Tyre came from a very different 
 I quarter of the world, viz. from the south 
 i of Spain, where the Phoenicians had es- 
 tablished their settlement of Tarshish, or 
 Tartessus. As to copper, we should have 
 presumed that it was obtained from the val- 
 uable mines in Cyprus ; but it is mentioned 
 here in conjunction with Javan, Tubal, and 
 Meshech, which points to the districts on 
 the south of the Black Sea, in the neigh- 
 borhood of Armenia, in the southern line 
 of the Caucasus, between the Black Sea 
 and the Caspian. The country whence Tyre 
 was supplied with wheat was Palestine. 
 Tyre likewise obtained from Palestine oil, 
 honey, and balm, but not wine apparently, 
 notwithstanding the abundance of grapes 
 and wine in Judah (Gen. xlix. 11). The 
 wine was imported from Damascus, and 
 was called wine of Helbon. The Bedouin 
 Arabs supplied Tyre with lambs and rams 
 and goats. Egypt furnished linen for sails, 
 and the dyes from shell-fish were imported 
 from the Peloponnesus. Lastly, from De- 
 dan in the Persian Gulf, horns of ivory 
 and ebony were imported, which must 
 originally have been obtained from India. 
 (Ez. xxvii. 10, 11, 22, 12, 13, 17, 18, 21, 7,. 
 15). In the midst of great prosperity andi 
 wealth, which was the natural result of' 
 such an extensive trade (Ez. xxviii. 4),. 
 Nebuchadnezzar, at the head of an army 
 of the Chaldees, invaded Judaea, and cap- 
 tured Jerusalem. As Tyre was so near to< 
 Jerusalem, and as the conquerors were- a 
 fierce and formidable nice (Hab. i. 6), it 
 would naturally be supposed that this, 
 event would have excited alann and terror- 
 amongst the Tyrians. Instead of this, we- 
 may infer from Ezekiel's statement (xxvi. 
 2) that their predominant feeling was ona 
 of exultation. At first sight this appears 
 strange and almost inconceivable; but it 
 is rendered intelligible by some previous 
 events in Jewish history. Only 34 years 
 before the destruction of Jerusalem com- 
 menced the celebrated Reformation of 
 Josiah, B. c. 622. This momentous reli- 
 gious revolution (2 K. xxii., xxiii.) fully
 
 TYRE 
 
 722 
 
 explains the exultation and malevolence 
 of the Tyrians. In that Reformation, 
 Josiah had heaped insults on the gods who 
 were the objects of Tynan veneration and 
 love. Indeed, lie seemed to have en- 
 deavored to exterminate their religion (2 
 K. xxiii. 20). These acts must have been 
 regarded by the Tyrians as a series of 
 sacrilegious and abominable outrages ; and 
 we can scarcely doubt.that the death in 
 battle of Josiah at Megiddo, and the subse- 
 quent destruction of the city and Temple 
 of Jerusalem, were hailed by them with 
 triumphant joy as instances of divine ret- 
 ribution in human affairs. This joy, how- 
 ever, must soon have given way to other 
 feelings, when Nebuchadnezzar invaded 
 Phoenicia, and laid siege to Tyre. That 
 siege lasted thirteen years, and it is still a 
 disputed point whether Tyre was actually 
 taken by Nebuchadnezzar on this occasion. 
 However this may be, it is probable that, 
 on some terms or other, Tyre submitted to 
 the Chaldees. The rule of Nebuchadnez- 
 zar over Tyre, though real, may have been 
 light, and in the nature of an alliance. 
 During the Persian domination the Tyrians 
 were subject in name to the Persian king, 
 and may have given him tribute. With 
 the rest of Phoenicia, they had submitted 
 to the Persians without striking a blow. 
 Towards the close of the following cen- 
 tury, B. c. 332, Tyre was assailed for the 
 third time by a great conqueror. At that 
 time Tyre was situated on an island nearly 
 half a mile from the mainland ; it was com- 
 pletely surrounded by prodigious walls, the 
 loftiest portion of which on the side front- 
 ing the mainland reached a height of not 
 less than 150 feet; and notwithstanding the 
 persevering efforts of Alexander, he could 
 not have succeeded in his attempt, if the 
 harbor of Tyre to the north had not been 
 blockaded by the Cyprians, and that to the 
 south by the Phoenicians, thus affording 
 an opportunity to Alexander for uniting 
 the island to the mainland by an enormous 
 artificial mole. The immediate results of 
 the capture by Alexander were most dis- 
 astrous to it, as its brave defenders were 
 put to death ; and in accordance with the 
 barbarous policy of ancient times, 30,000 
 of its inhabitants, including slaves, free 
 females and free children, were sold as 
 slaves. It gradually, however, recovered 
 its prosperity through the immigration of 
 fresh settlers, though its trade is said to 
 have suffered by the vicinity and rivalry of 
 Alexandria. Under the Macedonian suc- 
 cessors of Alexander it shared the fortunes 
 of the Seleucidae. Under the Romans, at 
 first it continued to enjoy a kind of freedom, 
 wiiwoctjuently, however, on the arrival of 
 Augustus in the East, he is said to have 
 deprived both Tyre and Sidon of their liber- 
 ties for seditious conduct. Still the pros- 
 
 perity of Tyre in the time of Augustus was 
 undeniably great. Strabo gives an account 
 of it at that period, and speaks of the 
 great wealth which it derived from the 
 dyes of the celebrated Tyrian purple, 
 which, as is well known, were extracted 
 from shell-fish found on the coast, belong- 
 ing to a species of the genus Murex. The 
 accounts of Strabo and Pliny have a pecu- 
 liar interest in this respect, that they tend 
 to convey an idea of what the city must 
 have been, when visited by Christ (Matt. 
 xv. 21; Mark vii. 24). It was perhaps 
 more populous than Jerusalem, and if so, 
 it was undoubtedly the largest city which 
 he is known to have visited. At the time 
 of the crusades Tyre was still a flourish- 
 ing city, when it surrendered to the Chris- 
 tians on the 27th of June, 1144. It con- 
 tinued more than a century and a half in 
 the hands of Christians, but was deserted 
 by its inhabitants in A. D. 1291, upon the 
 conquest of Acre (Ptolemais) by the Sul- 
 tan of Egypt and Damascus. This was 
 the turning-point in the history of Tyre, 
 which has not yet recovered from the blow. 
 Since the beginning of the present century 
 there has been a partial revival of pros- 
 perity. 
 
 Ty'rus. This form is employed in the 
 A. V. of the Books of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, 
 Hosea (Joel has "Tyre"), Amos, Zech- 
 ariah, as follows : Jer. xxv. 22, xxvii. 3, 
 xlvii. 4 ; Ezek. xxvi. 2, 3, 4, 7, 15, xxvii. 
 2, 3, 8, 32, xxviii. 2, 12, xxix. 18 ; Hos. ix. 
 13; Am. i. 9, 10; Zech. ix. 2, 3. 
 
 U. 
 
 U'cal. According to the received text 
 of Prov. xxx. 1, Ithiel and Ucal must be 
 regarded as proper names ; and if so, they 
 must be the names of disciples or sons of 
 Agur the son of Jakeh, an unknown sage 
 among the Hebrews. But there is great 
 obscurity about the passage. Ewald con- 
 siders both Ithiel and Ucal as symbolical 
 names, employed by the poet to designate 
 two classes of thinkers to whom he ad- 
 dresses himself. 
 
 U'el, one of the family of Bani, who 
 during the Captivity had married a foreign 
 wife (Ezr. x. 34). 
 
 TTk'naz. In the margin of 1 Chr. iv. 
 15 the words "even Kenaz" in the text 
 are rendered " Uknaz," as the proper name. 
 
 U'lai is mentioned by Daniel (viii. 2, 
 16) as a river near to Susa, where he saw 
 his vision of the ram and the he-goat. It 
 has been generally identified with the Eu- 
 laeus of the Greek and Roman geographers, 
 a large stream in the immediate neighbor- 
 hood of that city. The Eulaeus has been 
 by many identified with the Choaspes,
 
 ULAM 
 
 723 
 
 UNCLEANNESS 
 
 which is undoubtedly- the modern Kerkhah, 
 an affluent of the Tigris, flowing into it a 
 little below Kurnah. 
 
 U lam. 1. A descendant of Gilead, the 
 grandson of Manasseh, and father of Bedan 
 (1 Chr. vii. 17). 2. The first-born of 
 Eshek, a descendant of the house of Saul 
 (1 Chr. viii. 39, 40). 
 
 Ul'la, an Asherite, head of a family in 
 his tribe (1 Chr. vii. 39). 
 
 Um'mah, one of the cities of the allot- 
 ment of Asher (Josh. xix. 30 only). Prob- 
 ably 'Alma in the highlands on the coast, 
 about five miles E. N. E. of Ras en-Nak- 
 Titira. 
 
 Unclean Meats. These were things 
 strangled, or dead of themselves, or through 
 beasts or birds of prey ; whatever beast did 
 not both part the hoof and chew the cud ; 
 and certain other smaller animals rated as 
 " creeping things ; " certain classes of birds 
 mentioned in Lev. xi. and Deut. xiv., twenty 
 or twenty-one in all ; whatever in the waters 
 had not both fins and scales ; whatever 
 winged insect had not besides four legs the 
 two hind-legs for leaping; besides things 
 offered in sacrifice to idols ; and all blood 
 or whatever contained it (save perhaps the 
 blood of fish, as would appear from that 
 only of beast and bird being forbidden, 
 Lev. vii. 26), and therefore flesh cut from 
 the live animal ; as also all fat, at any rate 
 that disposed in masses among the intes- 
 tines, and probably wherever discernible 
 and separable among the flesh (Lev. iii. 
 14-17, vii. 23). The eating of blood was 
 prohibited even to " the stranger that so- 
 journeth among you" (Lev. xvii. 10, 12, 13, 
 14). As regards blood, the prohibition in- 
 deed dates from the declaration to Noah 
 against " flesh with the life thereof, which 
 is the blood thereof," in Gen. ix. 4, which 
 was perhaps regarded by Moses as still 
 binding upon all Noah's descendants. It 
 is noteworthy that the practical effect of 
 the rule laid down is to exclude all the 
 carnivora among quadrupeds, and, so far 
 as we can interpret the nomenclature, the 
 raptores among birds. They were proba- 
 bly excluded as being not averse to human 
 carcasses, and in most Eastern countries 
 acting as the servitors of the battle-field 
 anS the gibbet. Even swine have been 
 known so to feed; and further, by their 
 constant runcation among whatever lies on 
 the ground, suggest impurity, even if they 
 were not generally foul feeders. Amongst 
 fish those which were allowed contain un- 
 questionably the most wholesome varieties, 
 save that they exclude the oyster. Practi- 
 cally the law left among the allowed meats 
 an ample variety, and no inconvenience 
 was likely to arise from a prohibition to 
 eat camels, horses, and asses. As Orien- 
 tals have minds sensitive to teaching by 
 types, there can be little doubt that such 
 
 ceremonial distinctions not only tended to 
 keep Jew and Gentile apart, but were a 
 perpetual reminder to the former that he 
 and the latter were not on one level before 
 God. Hence, when that ceremony was 
 changed, we find that this was the very 
 symbol selected to instruct St. Peter in the 
 truth that God was not a "respecter of 
 persons." It was no mere question of 
 which among several means of supporting 
 life a man chose to adopt, when the perse- 
 cutor dictated the alternative of swine's 
 flesh or the loss of life itself, but whether 
 he should surrender the badge and type of 
 that privilege by which Israel stood as the 
 favored nation before God (1 Mace. i. 63, 
 64; 2 Mace. vi. 18, Tii. 1). The same 
 feeling led to the exaggeration of the Mo- 
 saic regulations, until it was " unlawful for 
 a man that was a Jew to keep company 
 with or come unto one of another nation " 
 (Acts x. 28) ; and with such intensity were 
 badges of distinction cherished, that the 
 wine, bread, oil, cheese, or anything cooked 
 by a heathen, were declared unlawful for a 
 Jew to eat. It remains to mention the san- 
 itary aspect of the case. Swine are said to 
 be peculiarly liable to disease in their own 
 bodies. This probably means that they are 
 more easily led than other creatures to the 
 foul feeding which produces it. As regards 
 the animals allowed for food, comparing 
 them with those forbidden, there can be no 
 doubt on which side the balance of whole- 
 someness lies. 
 
 Uncleanness. The distinctive idea 
 attached to ceremonial uncleanness among 
 the Hebrews was, that it cut a person off 
 for the time from social privileges, and left 
 his citizenship among God's people for the 
 while in abeyance. There is an intense 
 reality in the fact of the Divine Law tak- 
 ing hold of a man by the ordinary infirmi- 
 ties of flesh, and setting its stamp, as it 
 were, in the lowest clay of which he is 
 moulded. The sacredness attached to the 
 human body is parallel to that which in- 
 vested the Ark of the Covenant itself. It 
 is as though Jehovah thereby would teach 
 them that the "very hairs of their head 
 were all numbered" before him, and that 
 "in his book were all their members writ- 
 ten." Thus was inculcated, so to speak, a 
 bodily holiness. Nor were the Israelites to 
 be only " separated from other people," but 
 they were to be " holy unto God " (Lev. xx. 
 24, 26), " a kingdom of priests, and a holy 
 nation." The importance to physical well- 
 being of the injunctions which required 
 frequent ablution, under whatever special 
 pretexts, can be but feebly appreciated in 
 our cooler and damper climate. Unclean- 
 ness, as referred to man, may be arranged 
 in three degrees; (1) that which defiled 
 merely " until even," and was removed by 
 bathing and washing the clothes at the end
 
 UNDERGIRDING 
 
 724 
 
 UR 
 
 of it such were all contacts with dead 
 animals ; (2) that graver sort which defiled 
 for seven days, and was removed by the 
 use of the "water of separation" such 
 were all defilements connected with the 
 human corpse ; (3) uncleanness from the 
 morbid, puerperal, or menstrual state, last- 
 ing as long as that morbid state lasted ; and 
 in the case of leprosy lasting often for life. 
 As the human person was itself the seat of 
 a covenant-token, so male and female had 
 each their ceremonial obligations in pro- 
 portion to their sexual differences. There 
 is an emphatic reminder of human weak- 
 ness in the fact of birth and death man's 
 passage alike into and out of his mortal 
 state being marked with a stated pollu- 
 tion. The corpse bequeathed a defilement 
 of seven days to all who handled it, to the 
 "tent" or chamber of death, and to sundry 
 things within it. Nay, contact with one 
 slain in the field of battle, or with even a 
 human bone or grave, was no less effectual 
 to pollute, than that with a corpse dead by 
 the course of nature (Num. xix. 11-18). 
 This shows that the source of pollution lay 
 in the mere fact of death. The duration 
 of defilement caused by the birth of a 
 female infant, being double that due to a 
 male, extending respectively to eighty and 
 forty days in all (Lev. xii. 2-5), may per- 
 haps represent the woman's heavier share 
 in the first sin and first curse (Gen. iii. 16; 
 1 Tim. ii. 14). Amongst causes of defile- 
 ment should be noticed the fact that the 
 ashes of the red heifer, burnt whole, which 
 were mixed with water, and became the 
 standing resource for purifying unclean- 
 ness in the second degree, themselves be- 
 came a source of defilement to all who 
 were dean, even as of purification to the 
 unclean, and so the water. Somewhat sim- 
 ilarly the scape-goat, who bore away the 
 sins of the people, defiled him who led him 
 into the wilderness, and the bringing forth 
 and burning the sacrifice on the Great Day 
 of Atonement had a similar power. This 
 lightest form of uncleanness was expiated 
 by bathing the body and washing the 
 clothes. Besides the water of purification 
 made as aforesaid, men and women, in their 
 " issues," were, after seven days, reckoned 
 from the cessation of the disorder, to bring 
 two turtle-doves or young pigeons to be 
 killed by the priests. All these kinds of 
 uncleanness disqualified for holy func- 
 tions : as the layman so affected might 
 not approach the congregation and the 
 sanctuary, so any priest who incurred de- 
 filement must abstain from holy things 
 (Lev. xxii. 2-8). [LEPROSY.] The re- 
 ligion of the Persians shows a singularly 
 close correspondence with the Levitical 
 code. 
 
 TTndergirding, Acts xxvii. 17. [SHIP.] 
 Unicorn, the rendering of the A. V. of 
 
 the Hebrew Reem, a word which occurs 
 seven times in the O. T. as the name of 
 some large wild animal. The Recm of the 
 Hebrew Bible, however, has nothing at all 
 to do with the one-horned animal of the 
 Greek and Roman writers, as is evident 
 from Deut. xxxiii. 17, where, in the bless- 
 ing of Joseph, it is said, " His glory is like 
 the firstling of his bullock, and his horns 
 are like the horns of a unicorn " nut, as the 
 text of the A. V. renders it, " the horns of 
 unicorns." The two horns of the Rtim 
 are " the ten thousands of Ephraim and 
 the thousands of Manasseh." This text 
 puts a one-horned animal entirely out of 
 the question. Considering that the Rem 
 is spoken of as a two-horned animal of 
 great strength and ferocity, that it was 
 evidently well known and often seen by 
 the Jews, that it is mentioned as an ani- 
 mal fit for sacrificial purposes, and that it 
 is frequently associated with bulls and oxen, 
 we think there can be no doubt that some 
 species of wild-ox is intended. The allu- 
 sion in Ps. xcii. 10, " But thou shalt lift 
 up, as a Ritym, my horn," seems to point 
 to the mode in which the Bovidae use their 
 horns, lowering the head and then tossing 
 it up. But it is impossible to determine 
 what particular species of wild-ox is signi- 
 fied. Probably some gigantic Urus is in- 
 tended. 
 
 Un'ni. 1. One of the Levite doorkeep- 
 ers in the time of David (1 Chr. xv. 18, 
 20). 2. A second Levite (unless the fam- 
 ily of the foregoing be intended), concerned 
 in the sacred office after the Return from 
 Babylon (Neh. xii. 9). 
 
 U'phaz, Jer. x. 9; Dan. x. 5. [OPHIR.] 
 Ur was the land of Haran's nativity 
 (Gen. xi. 28), the place from which Terah 
 and Abraham started " to go into the land 
 of Canaan" (Gen. xi. 31). It is called in 
 Genesis " Ur of the Chaldaeans," while in 
 the Acts St. Stephen places it, by implica- 
 tion, in Mesopotamia (vii. 2, 4). These 
 are all the indications which Scripture 
 furnishes as to its locality. It has been 
 identified by the most ancient traditions 
 with the city of Or-fah in the highlands of 
 Mesopotamia, which unite the table-land 
 of Armenia to the valley of the Euphrates. 
 In later ages it was called Edessa, and was 
 celebrated as the capital of Abgarus or Ac- 
 barus, who was said to have received the 
 letter and portrait of our Saviour. "Two 
 physical features must have secured Orfah, 
 from the earliest times, as a nucleus for the 
 civilization of those regions. One is a high- 
 crested crag, the natural fortifications of 
 the crested citadel. . . . The . other is an 
 abundant spring, issuing in a pool of 
 transparent clearness, and embosomed in 
 a mass of luxuriant verdure, which, amidst 
 the dull brown desert all around, makes, 
 | and must always have made, this spot an
 
 URBANE 
 
 725 
 
 URIJAH 
 
 oasis, a paradise, in the Chaldaean wilder- 
 ness. Round this sacred pool, ' The Beau- 
 tiful Spring Callirrhoe,' as it was called by 
 the Greek writers, gather the modern tra- 
 ditions of the Patriarch." (Stanley, Jewish 
 Church, part i., p. 7.) But in opposition to 
 the most ancient traditions, many modern 
 writers have fixed the site of Ur at a very 
 different position, in the extreme south of 
 Chaldaea, at Mugheir, not very far above 
 and probably in the time of Abraham actu- ! 
 ally upon the head of the Persian Gulf, j 
 Among the ruins which are now seen at the I 
 spot, are the remains of one of the great 
 temples, of a model similar to that of Ba- 
 bel, dedicated to the Moon, to whom the 
 city was sacred. 
 
 Ur'bane would have been better written 
 UKBAN in the A. V. ; since unlearned readers 
 sometimes mistake the sex of this Christian 
 disciple, who is in the long list of those 
 whom St. Paul salutes in writing to Rome 
 (Rom. xvi. 9). 
 
 U'ri. 1. The father of Bezaleel, one 
 of the architects of the tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 
 2, xxxv. 30, xxxviii. 22; 1 Chr. ii. 20; 2 
 Chr. i. 5). He was of the tribe of Judah, 
 and grandson of Caleb ben-Hezron. 2. 
 The father of Geber, Solomon's commissa- 
 riat officer in Gilead (IK. iv. 19). 3. One 
 of the gatekeepers of the temple in the 
 time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 24). 
 
 Uri'ah.. 1. One of the thirty command- 
 ers of the thirty bands into which the Is- 
 raelite army of David was divided (1 Chr. 
 xi. 41 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 39). Like others of 
 David's officers he was a foreigner aHit- 
 tite. His name, however, and his manner 
 of speech (2 Sam. xi. 11) indicate that he 
 had adopted the Jewish religion. He mar- 
 ried Bathsheba, a woman of extraordinary 
 beauty, the daughter of Eliam possibly 
 the same as the son of Ahithophel, and one 
 of his brother officers (2 Sam. xxiii. 34), 
 and hence, perhaps, Uriah's first acquaint- 
 ance with Bathsheba. It may be inferred 
 from Nathan's parable (2 Sam. xii. 3) that 
 he was passionately devoted to his wife, and 
 that their union was celebrated in Jerusalem 
 as one of peculiar tenderness. In the first 
 war with Ammon he followed Joab to the 
 siege, and with him remained encamped in 
 the open field (ib. 11). He returned to 
 Jerusalem, at an order from the king, on 
 the pretext of asking news of the war, 
 really in the hope that his return to his 
 wife might cover the shame of his own 
 crime. The king met with an unexpected 
 obstacle in the austere, soldier-like spirit 
 which guided all Uriah's conduct, and 
 which gives us a high notion of the char- 
 acter and discipline of David's officers. 
 On the morning of the third day, David 
 eeut him back to the camp with a letter 
 containing the command to Joab to cause 
 his destruction in the battle. The device 
 
 of Joab was, to observe the part of the 
 wall of Rabbuth-Ammon, where the greatest 
 force of the besieged was congregated, and 
 thither, as a kind of forlorn hope, to send 
 Uriah. A sally took place. Uriah and the 
 officers with him advanced as far as the 
 gate of the city, and were there shot down 
 by the archers on the wall. Just as Joab 
 had forewarned the messenger, the king 
 broke into a furious passion on hearing of 
 the loss. The messenger, as instructed 
 by Joab, calmly continued, and ended the 
 story with the words, " Thy servant also. 
 Uriah the Hittite, is dead." In a moment 
 David's anger is appeased. It is one of the 
 touching parts of the story that Uriah falls 
 unconscious of his wife's dishonor. 2. 
 High-priest in the reign of Ahaz (Is. viii. 
 2 ; 2 K. xvi. 10-16). We first hear of him 
 as a witness to Isaiah's prophecy concern- 
 ing Maher-shalal-hash-baz, with Zechariah, 
 the son of Jeberechiah. He is probably the 
 same as Urijah the priest, who built the 
 altar for Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 10). If this be 
 so, the prophet may have summoned him 
 as a witness on account of his position as 
 high-priest, not on account of his personal 
 qualities ; though, as the incident occurred 
 at the beginning of the reign of Ahaz, 
 Uriah's irreligious subserviency may not 
 yet have manifested itself. Of the parent- 
 age of Uriah we know nothing. He prob- 
 ably succeeded Azariah,who was high-priest 
 in the reign of Uzziah, and was succeeded 
 by that Azariah who was high-priest in the 
 reign of Hezekiah. Hence it is probable 
 that he was son of the former and father 
 of the latter. 3. A priest of the family of 
 Hakkoz, the head of the seventh course of 
 priests (Ezr. viii. 33; Neh. iii. 4, 21). 
 
 TTri'as. 1. URIAH, the husband of Bath- 
 sheba (Matt. i. 6). 2. URIJAH 3 (1 Esdr. 
 ix. 43). 
 
 U'riel, " the fire of God," an angel 
 named only in 2 Esdr. iv. 1, 36, v. 20, x. 28. 
 
 U'riel. 1. A Kohathite Levite, son of 
 Tahath (1 Chr. vi. 24). 2. Chief of the 
 Kohathites in the reign of David (1 Chr. 
 xv. 5, 11). 3. Uriel of Gibeah was the 
 father of Maachah, or Michaiah, the fa- 
 vorite wife of Rehoboam, and mother of 
 Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 2). In 2 Chr. xi. 20 
 she is called " Masic^ah the daughter of 
 Absalom." Rashi gives a long note to the 
 effect that her father's name was Uriel 
 Abishalom. 
 
 Uri'jah. 1. Urijah the priest in the 
 reign of Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 10), probably the 
 same as URIAH 2. 2. A priest of the fam- 
 ily of Koz, or hak-Koz, the same as URIAH 
 3. 3. One of the priests who stood at Ez- 
 ra's right hand when he read the law to the 
 people (Neh. viii. 4). 4. The son of Shem- 
 aiah of Kirjath-jearim. He prophesied 
 in the days of Jehoiakim, and the king 
 sought to put him to death ; but ho escaped,
 
 URIM AND THUMMIM 
 
 726 
 
 UZ 
 
 and fled into Egypt. His retreat was soon 
 discovered : Elnathan and his men brought 
 him up out of Egypt, and Jehoiakim slew 
 him with the sword, and cast his body forth 
 among the graves of the common people 
 (Jer. xxvi. 20-23). 
 
 TT'rim and Thum'mim. When the 
 Jewish exiles were met on their return from 
 Babylon by a question which they had no 
 data for answering, they agreed to post- 
 pone the settlement of the difficulty till 
 there should rise up "a Priest with Urim 
 and Thummim " (Ezr. ii. 63; Neh. vii. 65). 
 The inquiry, what those Urim and Thum- 
 mim themselves were, seems likely to wait 
 as long for a final and satisfying answer. 
 On every side we meet with confessions 
 of ignorance. Urim means "light," and 
 Thummim " perfection." Scriptural State- 
 ments. The mysterious words meet us 
 for the first time, as if they needed no ex- 
 planation, in the description of the high- 
 priest's apparel. Over the EPHOD there is 
 to be a " breastplate of judgment " of gold, 
 scarlet, purple, and fine linen, folded square 
 and doubled, a " span " in length and width. 
 In it are to be set four rows of precious 
 stones, each stone with the name of a tribe 
 of Israel engraved on it, that Aaron may 
 " bear them on his heart." Then comes a 
 further order. Inside the breastplate, as 
 the Tables of the Covenant were placed 
 inside the Ark (Ex. xxv. 16, xxviii. 30), 
 are to be placed " the Urim and the Thuiry 
 mim," the Light and the Perfection ; and 
 they, too, are to be on Aaron's heart when 
 he goes in before the Lord (Ex. xxviii. 
 15-30). Not a word describes them. They 
 are mentioned as things already familiar 
 both to Moses and the people, connected 
 naturally with the functions of the high- 
 priest, as mediating between Jehovah and 
 His people. The command is fulfilled 
 (Lev. viii. 8). They pass from Aaron to 
 Eleazar with the sacred ephod and other 
 pontificalia (Num. xx. 28). When Joshua 
 is solemnly appointed to succeed the great 
 hero-lawgiver, he is bidden to stand before 
 Eleazar, the priest, " who shall ask counsel 
 for him after the judgment of Urim," and 
 this counsel is to determine the movements 
 of the host of Israel (Num. xxvii. 21). In 
 the blessings of Mos they appear as the 
 crowning glory of the tribe of Levi : " Thy 
 Thummim and thy Urim are with thy Holy 
 One" (Deut. xxxiii. 8,9). In what way 
 the Urim and Thummim were consulted is 
 quite uncertain. Josephus and the Rabbins 
 supposed that the stones gave out the orac- 
 ular answer by preternatural illumination. 
 But it seems to be far simplest and most in 
 agreement with the different accounts of 
 inquiries made by Urim and Thummim 
 (1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18, 19, xxiii. 2, 4, 9, 11, 12, 
 xxviii. 6; Judg. xx. 28; 2 Sam. v. 23, &c.) 
 to suppose that the answer was given sim- 
 
 ply by the Word of the Lord to the high- 
 priest (comp. John xi. 51), when he had 
 inquired of the Lord clothed with the 
 ephod and breastplate. Such a view agrees 
 with the true notion of the breastplate, of 
 which it was not the leading characteristic 
 to be oracular, but only an incidental priv- 
 ilege connected with its fundamental mean- 
 ing. What that meaning was we learn from 
 Ex. xxviii. 30, where we read, " Aaron shall 
 bear the judgment of the children of Israel 
 upon his heart before the Lord continually." 
 Now the judicial sentence is one by which 
 any one is either justified or condemned. 
 In prophetic vision, as in actual Oriental 
 life, the sentence of justification was often 
 expressed by the nature of the robe worn. 
 " He hath clothed me with the garments of 
 salvation, He hath covered me with the robe 
 of righteousness, as a bridegroom decketh 
 himself with ornaments, and as a bride 
 adorneth herself with her jewels " (Is. Ixi. 
 10) is a good illustration of this ; cf. Ixii. 3. 
 In like manner, in Rev. iii. 5, vii. 9, xix. 
 14, &c., the white linen robe expresses the 
 righteousness or justification of saints. 
 
 Usury. It need only be remarked here 
 that the practice of mortgaging land, some- 
 times at exorbitant interest, grew up among 
 the Jews during the Captivity, in direct 
 violation of the law (Lev. xxv. 36, 37 ; Ez. 
 xviii. 8, 13, 17). We find the rate reach- 
 ing 1 in 100 per month, corresponding to 
 the Roman centesimae usurae, or 12 per 
 cent, per annum. The law of the Kuran, 
 like the Jewish, forbids all usury. The laws 
 of Menu allow 18 and even 24 per cent, as 
 an interest rate ; but, as was the law in 
 Egypt, accumulated interest was not to 
 exceed twice the original sum lent. This 
 Jewish practice was annulled by Nehemiah. 
 [LOAN.] 
 
 U'ta, 1 Esdr. v. 30. It appears to be a 
 corruption of AKKUB (Ezr. ii. 45). 
 
 U'thai. 1. The son of Ammihud, of 
 the children of Pharez, the son of Judah 
 (1 Chr. ix. 4).* 2. One of the son? of Big- 
 vai, who returned in the second caravan 
 with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 14). 
 
 TT'thii. 1 Esdr. viii. 40. [UTHAI 2.] 
 
 TJz. 1. A son of Aram (Gen. x. 23 ; 1 
 Chr. i. 17), and consequently a grandson 
 of Shem. 2. A son of Nahor by Milcah 
 (Gen. xxii. 21 ; A. V. Huz). 3. A son of 
 Dishan, and grandson of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 
 28). 4. The country in which Job lived 
 (Job i. 1). As far as we can gather, " the 
 land of Uz " lay either E. or S. E. of Pales- 
 tine (Job i. 3) ; adjacent to the Sabaeans 
 and the Chaldaeans (Job i. 15, 17), conse- 
 quently N. of the southern Arabians, and 
 W. of the Euphrates; and, lastly, adjacent 
 to the Edomites of Mount Seir, who at one 
 period occupied Uz, probably as conquer- 
 ors (Lam. iv. 21), and whose troglodyte 
 habits are probably described in Job xxx
 
 UZAI 
 
 727 
 
 UZZIAH 
 
 b, 7. From the above data we infer that 
 the land of Uz corresponds to the Arabia 
 Descrta of classical geography, at all events 
 to so much of it as lies north of the 30th 
 parallel of latitude. Whether the name of 
 Uz survived to classical times is uncertain ; 
 a tribe named Aesiiae is mentioned by Ptol- 
 emy, who perhaps may be identified with 
 the Uz of Scripture. 
 
 TJ'zai, the father of Palal, who assisted 
 Nehemiah in rebuilding the city wall (Neh. 
 iii. 25). 
 
 TJ'zai. the sixth son of Joktan (Gen. x. 
 27; 1 Chr. i. 21), whose settlements are 
 clearly traced in the ancient name of San'h, 
 the capital city of the Yemen, which was 
 originally Awzdl. It has disputed the right 
 to be the chief city of the kingdom of Sheba 
 from the earliest ages of which any tradi- 
 tions have come down to us. From its 
 position in the centre of the best portion of 
 that kingdom, it must always have been an 
 important city, though probably of less im- 
 portance than Seba itself. Uzal, or Awzal, 
 is most probably the same as the Auzara, 
 or Ausara of the classics. It is perhaps 
 referred to by Ezek. (xxvii. 19), translated 
 in the A. V. " Javan, going to and fro." 
 
 Uz'za. 1. A Benjamite of the sons of 
 Ehud (1 Chr. viii. 7). 2. Elsewhere called 
 UZZAH (1 Chr. xiii. 7, 9, 10, 11). [UzzAH.] 
 8. The children of Uzza were a family 
 of Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr. ii. 49; Neh. vii. 51). 4. Properly 
 " Uzzah." As the text now stands, Uzzah 
 is a descendant of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 29 
 [14]); but there appears to be a gap in the 
 verse. Perhaps he is the same as Zina, or 
 Zizah, the son of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 10, 
 11) ; for these names evidently denote the 
 same person, and, in Hebrew character, are 
 not unlike Uzzah. 
 
 TJz'za, The Garden of, the spot in 
 which Manasseh king of Judah, and his son 
 Amon, were both buried (2 K. xxi. 18, 2(5). 
 It was the garden attached to Manasseh's 
 palace (ver. 18). The fact of its mention 
 shows that it was not where the usual sepul- 
 chres of the kings were. No clew, however, 
 is afforded to its position. It has been 
 suggested that the garden was so called 
 from being on the spot at which Uzza died 
 during the removal of the ark from Kirjath- 
 jearim to Jerusalem. 
 
 Uz'zah, or Uz'za, one of the sons of 
 Abinadab, in whose house atKirjath-jearim 
 the ark rested for 20 years. Uzzah prob- 
 ably was the second, and Ahio the third. 
 They both accompanied its removal, when 
 David first undertook to carry it to Jerusa- 
 lem. Ahio apparently went before the new 
 cart (1 Chr. xiii. 7) on which it was placed, 
 and Uzzah walked by the side. " At the 
 threshing-floor of Nachon" (2 Sam. vi. 6), 
 or Chidon (1 Chr. xiii. 9), perhaps slipping 
 over the smooth rock, the oxen stumbled. 
 
 Uzzah caught the ark to prevent its falling. 
 The profanation was punished by his in- 
 stant death, to the great grief of David, 
 who named the place Perez-Uzzah (the 
 breaking-forth on Uzzah). But Uzzah's 
 j fate was not merely the penalty of his own 
 i rashness. The improper mode of trans- 
 porting the ark, which ought to have been 
 borne on the shoulders of the Levites, was 
 the primary cause of his unholy deed ; and 
 David distinctly recognized it as a punish- 
 ment on the people in general, " because 
 we sought him not after the due order." 
 
 TJz'zen-she'rall, a town founded or 
 rebuilt by Sherah, an Ephraimite woman, 
 the daughter either of Ephrairn himself or 
 of Beriah. It is named only in 1 Chr. vii. 
 24, in connection with the two Bethhorons. 
 Uz'zi. 1. Son of Bukki, and father of 
 Zerahiah, in the line of the high-priests 
 (1 Chr. vi. 5,51; Ezr. vii. 4). Though 
 Uzzi was the lineal ancestor of Zadok, it 
 does not appear that he was ever high- 
 priest. He must have been contemporary 
 with, but rather earlier than, Eli. 2. Son 
 of Tola the son of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 2, 
 3). 3. Son of Bela, of the tribe of Ben- 
 jamin (1 Chr. vii. 7). 4. Another, or the 
 same, from whom descended some Benja- 
 mite houses, which were settled at Jerusa- 
 lem after the return from captivity (1 Chr. 
 ix. 8). 5. A Levite, son of Bani, and 
 overseer of the Levites dwelling at Jerusa- 
 lem, in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 22). 
 6. A priest, chief of the father's house of 
 Jedaiah, in the time of Joiakim the high- 
 priest (Neh. xii. 19). 7. One of the priests 
 who assisted Ezra in the dedication of the 
 wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 42). Perhaps 
 the same as the preceding. 
 
 Uzzi'a, one of David's guard, and 
 apparently a native of Ashtaroth beyond 
 Jordan (1 Chr. xi. 44). 
 
 Uzzi'ah. 1. King of Judah (B. c. 808- 
 9 756-7). In some passages his name 
 appears in the lengthened form Azariah, 
 which some attribute to an error of the 
 copyists. This is possible, but there are 
 other instances of the princes of Judah 
 changing their names on succeeding to the 
 throne. After the murder of Amaziuh, his 
 son Uzziah was chosen by the people to 
 occupy the vacant thrcne at the age of 16 ; 
 and for the greater part of his long reign 
 of 52 years he lived in the fear of God, 
 and showed himself a wise, active, and 
 pious ruler. He began his reign by a suc- 
 cessful expedition against his father's ene- 
 mies the Edomites, who had revolted from 
 Judah in Jehoram's time, 80 years before, 
 and penetrated as far as the head of the 
 Gulf of 'Akaba, where he took the impor- 
 tant place of Elath (2 K. xiv. 22 ; 2 Chr. 
 xxvi. 1, &c.). Uzziah waged other victori- 
 ous wars in the south, especially against 
 the Mehunirn, or people of Main, and the
 
 728 
 
 VASHTI 
 
 Arabs of Gurbaal. Towards the west, 
 Uzziah fought with equal success against 
 the Philistines, levelled to the ground the 
 walls of Gath, Jahneh, and Ashdod, and 
 founded new fortified cities in the Philis- 
 tine territory. He strengthened the walls 
 of Jerusalem. He was also a great patron 
 of agriculture. He never deserted the wor- 
 ship of the true God, and was much in- 
 fluenced by Zechariah, a prophet who is 
 only mentioned in connection with him (2 
 Chr. xxvi. 5). So the southern kingdom 
 was raised to a condition of prosperity 
 which it had not known since the death of 
 Solomon. The end of Uzziah was less 
 prosperous than his beginning. Elated with 
 his splendid career, he determined to burn 
 incense on the altar of God, but was op- 
 posed by the high-priest Azariah and eighty 
 others. (See Ex. xxx. 7, 8 ; Num. xvi. 
 40, xviii. 7). The king was enraged at 
 their resistance, and, as he pressed forward 
 with his censer, was suddenly smitten with 
 leprosy. Uzziah was buried " with his 
 fathers," yet apparently not actually in the 
 royal sepulchres (2 Chr. xxvi. 23). Dur- 
 ing his reign an earthquake occurred, 
 which, though not mentioned in the histori- 
 cal books, was apparently very serious in 
 its consequences, for it is alluded to as a 
 chronological epoch by Amos (i. 1), and 
 mentioned in Zech. xiv. 5, as a convulsion 
 from which the people " fled." It is to be 
 observed, with reference to the general 
 character of Uzziah's reign, that the writer 
 of the Second Book of Chronicles distinctly 
 states that his lawless attempt to burn in- 
 cense was the only exception to the excel- 
 lence of his administration (2 Chr. xxvii. 
 2). 2. A Kohathite Levite, and ancestor 
 of Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 24 [9] ). 3. A priest 
 of the sons of Harim, who had taken a 
 foreign wife in the days of Ezra (Ezr. x. 
 21). 4. Father of Athaiah, or Uthai (Neh. 
 xi. 4). 5. Father of Jehonathan, one of 
 David's overseers (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 
 
 TTzzi'el. 1. Fourth son of Kohath, 
 father of Mishael, Elzaphan or Elizaphan, 
 and Zithri, and uncle to Aaron (Ex. vi. 18, 
 22 ; Lev. x. 4). 2. A ,Simeonite captain, 
 son of Ishi, in the days of Hezekiah (1 Chr. 
 iv. 42). 3. Head of a Benjamite house, of 
 the sons of Bela (1 Chr. vii. 7). 4. A 
 musician, of the sons of Heman, in David's 
 reign (1 Chr. xxv. 4). 5. A Levite, of 
 the sons of Jeduthun, in the days of Heze- 
 kiah (2 Chr. xxix. 14, 19). 6. Son of 
 Harhaiah, probably a priest, in the days of 
 Nehemiah, who took part in repairing the 
 wall (Neh. iii. 8). He is described as " of 
 the goldsmiths," i. e. of those priests whose 
 hereditary office it was to repair or make 
 the sacred vessels. 
 
 Uzzi'elites, The, the descendants of 
 Uzziel, and one of the four great families of 
 theKohathites (Num. iii. 27 ; IChr. xx;vi. 23). 
 
 Vajez'atha, one of the tun sons of Ha- 
 inan whom the Jews slew in Shushan (Eth. 
 ix. 9). 
 
 Vale, Valley. It is hardly necessary 
 to state that these words signify a hollow 
 sweep of ground between two more or lo.<s 
 parallel ridges of high land. The structure 
 of the greater part of the Holy Land does 
 not lend itself to the formation of valleys in 
 our sense of the word. The abrupt transi- 
 tions of its crowded rocky hills preclude 
 the existence of any extended sweep of 
 valley. Valley is employed in the A. V. to 
 render five distinct Hebrew words. 1. 
 'Emek. This appears to approach more 
 nearly to the general sense of the English 
 word than any other. It is connected with 
 several places. 2. Gal or Gc. Of this 
 there is fortunately one example which can 
 be identified with certainty the deep hol- 
 low which compasses the S. W. and S. of 
 Jerusalem. This identification establishes 
 the Ge as a deep and abrupt ravine, with 
 steep sides and narrow bottom. 3. Nachal. 
 This word answers to the Arabic wady, 
 and expresses, as no single English word 
 can, the bed of a stream (often wide and 
 shelving, and like a " valley " in character, 
 which in the rainy season may be nearly 
 filled by a foaming torrent, though for thy 
 greater part of the year dry). 4. Hik'dh. 
 This term appears to mean rather a plain 
 than a valley, though so far resembling it 
 as to be enclosed by mountains. It is ren- 
 dered by " valley " in Deut. xxxiv. 3 ; Josh. 
 xi. 8, 17, xii. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 22 ; Zech. xii. 
 11. 5. has-SheftUh. The district to which 
 the name has-ShifSldh is applied in the 
 Bible has no resemblance whatever to a 
 valley, but is a broad, swelling tract of many 
 hundred miles in area, which sweeps gently 
 down from the mountains of Judah to the 
 Mediterranean. It is rendered " the vale " 
 in Deut. i. 7 ; Josh. x. 40 ; 1 K. x. 27 ; 2 
 Chr. i. 15; Jer. xxxiii. 13; and "the val- 
 ley " or " valleys " in Josh. ix. 1, xi. 2, 1C, 
 xii. 8, xv. 33 ; Judg. i. 9 ; Jer. xxxii. 44. 
 
 Vani'all, one of the sons of Bani (Ezr. 
 x. 36). 
 
 Vash'ni, the firstborn of Samuel as the 
 text now stands (1 Chr. vi. 28 [13]). But 
 in 1 Sam. viii. 2 the name of his firstborn 
 is Joel. Most probably in the Chronicles 
 the name of Joel has dropped out, and 
 " Vashni" is a corruption ofveshlni, " and 
 (the) second." 
 
 Vash ti, the "queen" of 'Ahasuerus, 
 who, for refusing to show herself to the 
 king's guests at the royal banquet, when 
 sent for by the king, was repudiated and 
 deposed (Esth. i.). Many attempts have 
 been made, to identify her with historical
 
 VEIL 
 
 729 
 
 VERSIONS, ANCIENT 
 
 personages ; but it is far more probable 
 that she was only one of the inferior wives, 
 dignified with the title of queen, whose 
 name has utterly disappeared from history. 
 
 Veil. With regard to the use of the 
 veil, it is important to observe that it was 
 by no means so general in ancient as in 
 modern times. Much of the scrupulousness 
 in respect of the use of the veil dates from 
 the promulgation of the Koran, which for- 
 bade women appearing unveiled except in 
 the presence of their nearest relatives. In 
 ancient times, the veil was adopted only in 
 exceptional cases, either as an article of 
 ornamental dress (Cant. iv. 1, 3, vi. 7), or 
 by betrothed maidens in the presence of 
 their future husbands, especially at the time 
 of the wedding (Gen. xxiv. 65, xxix. 25), 
 or, lastly, by women of loose character for 
 purposes of concealment (Gen. xxxviii. 14). 
 Among the Jews of the New Testament age 
 it appears to have been customary for the 
 women to cover their heads (not necessarily 
 their faces) when engaged in public worship. 
 
 Veil of the Tabernacle and Tem- 
 ple. [TABERNACLE ; TEMPLE.] 
 
 Versions, Ancient, of the Old and 
 New Testaments. In treating of the 
 ancient versions that have come down to 
 us, in whole or in part, they will be de- 
 scribed in the alphabetical order of the lan- 
 guages. 
 
 AETHIOPIC VERSION. Christianity was 
 introduced into Aethiopia in the 4th cen- 
 tury, through the labors of Frumentius and 
 Aedesius of Tyre, who had been made 
 slaves and sent to the king. The Aethiopic 
 version which we possess is in the ancient 
 dialect of Axum ; hence some have ascribed 
 it to the age of the earliest missionaries ; 
 but from the general character of the ver- 
 sion itself, this is improbable ; and the 
 Abyssinians themselves attribute it to a 
 later period. The Old Testament, as well 
 as the New, was executed from the Greek. 
 In 1513 Potken published the Aethiopic 
 Psalter at Home. In 1548-9 the Aethiopic 
 New Test, was also printed at Rome, edited 
 by three Abyssinians. A complete edition 
 of the Aethiopic Old Test, has been com- 
 menced by Dillmann, the first portion of 
 which appeared in 1853. 
 
 ARABIC VERSIONS. (I.) Arabic Ver- 
 sions of the Old Test. (A.) Made from the 
 Hebrew text. Rabbi Saadiah Haggaon, the 
 Hebrew commentator of the 10th century, 
 translated portions (some think the whole) 
 of the O. T. into Arabic. His version of 
 the Pentateuch was printed at Constantino- 
 ple in 154G. (B.) Made from the Peshito 
 Syriac. This is the base of the Arabic text 
 contained in the Polyglots of the books of 
 Judges, Ruth, Samuel, Kings, and Nehe- 
 miah. (C.) Made from the LXX. The 
 version in the Polyglots of the books not 
 specified above. (II.) Arabic Versions of 
 
 the New Test. 1. The Roman editio prin- 
 ceps of the four Gospels, 1590-91. 2. The 
 Erpenian Arabic. The whole New Test, 
 edited by Erpenius, 1616, atLcyden, from a 
 MS. of the 13th or 14th century. 3. The 
 Arabic of the Paris Polyglot, 1G45. 4. 
 The Carshuni Arabic text (i. e. in Syriac 
 letters), the Syriac and Arabic New Test., 
 published at Rome, in 1703. 
 
 ARMENIAN VERSION. Before the 5th 
 century the Armenians are said to have 
 used the Syriac alphabet ; but at that time 
 Miesrob is stated to have invented the 
 Armenian letters. Soon after this it is 
 said that translations into the Armenian 
 language commenced, at first from the 
 Syriac. Miesrob, with his companions, 
 Joseph and Eznak, began a version of the 
 Scriptures with the Book of Proverbs, and 
 completed all the Old Test. ; and in the 
 New, they used the Syriac as their basis, 
 from their inability to obtain any Greek 
 books. But when, in the year 431, Joseph 
 and Eznak returned from the council of 
 Ephesus, bringing with them a Greek copy 
 of the Scriptures, Isaac, the Armenian 
 Patriarch, and Miesrob, threw aside what 
 they had already done, in order that they 
 might execute a version from the Greek. 
 The first printed edition of the Old and 
 New Testaments in Armenian appeared at 
 Amsterdam in 16G6, under the care of a 
 person commonly termed Oscan, or Uscan, 
 and described as being an Armenian bishop. 
 
 CHALDEE VERSIONS. Targum, a Chal- 
 dee word of uncertain origin, is the general 
 term for the Chaldee, or, more accurately, 
 Aramaic Versions of the Old Testament. 
 The injunction to " read the Book of the 
 Law before all Israel . . . the men and 
 women, and children, and the strangers," 
 on the Feast of Tabernacles of every Sab- 
 batical year, as a means of solemn instruc- 
 tion and edification, is first found in Deut. 
 xxxi. 10-13. Among the first acts under- 
 taken by Ezra towards the restoration of 
 the primitive religion and public worship is 
 reported his reading " before the congre- 
 gation, both of men and women," of the 
 returned exiles, " in the Book in the Law 
 of God " (Neh. viii. 2, 8). Aided by those 
 men of learning and eminence with whom, 
 according to tradition, he founded that most 
 important religious and political body called 
 the Great Synagogue, or Men of the Great 
 Assembly, he appears to have succeeded in 
 so firmly establishing regular and frequent 
 public readings in the Sacred Records, that 
 later authorities almost unanimously trace 
 this hallowed custom to times immemorial 
 nay, to the times of Moses himself. To 
 these ancient readings in the Pentateuch 
 were added, in the course of time, read- 
 ings in the Prophets (in some Babylonian 
 cities even in the Hagiographa), which 
 were, called Haftaroth. If, however, the
 
 VERSIONS, ANCIENT 
 
 780 
 
 VERSIONS, ANCIENT 
 
 primitive religion was re-established, to- 
 gether with the second Temple, in more 
 than its former vigor, thus enabling the 
 small number of the returned exiles and 
 these, according to tradition, the lowest of 
 the low, the poor in wealth, in knowledge, 
 and in ancestry, the very outcasts and ref- 
 use of the nation as it were to found 
 upon the ruins of Zion one of the most 
 important and lasting spiritual common- 
 wealths that has ever been known, there 
 was yet one thing which neither authority 
 nor piety, neither academy nor synagogue, 
 could restore to its original power and 
 glory the Hebrew language. The Jews, 
 on the return from captivity, no longer 
 spoke the Hebrew language ; and as the 
 common people had lost all knowledge of 
 the tongue in which the sacred books were 
 written, it naturally followed that recourse 
 must be had to a translation into the idiom 
 with which they were familiar the Chal- 
 dee or Aramaic. Moreover, since a bare 
 translation could not in all cases suffice, it 
 was necessary to add to the translation an 
 explanation, more particularly of the more 
 difficult and obscure passages. Both trans- 
 lation and explanation were designated by 
 the term Targum. In the course of time 
 there sprang up a guild, whose special 
 office it was to act as interpreters in both 
 senses (Meturgeman), while formerly the 
 learned alone volunteered their services. 
 These interpreters were subjected to cer- 
 tain bonds and regulations as to the form 
 and substance of their renderings. Al- 
 together these Meturgemanim do not seem 
 to have been held generally in very high 
 respect ; one of the reasons being probably 
 that they were paid, and thus made the To- 
 rah " a spade to dig with it." The same 
 causes which, in the course of time, led to 
 the writing down after many centuries 
 of oral transmission of the whole body 
 of the Traditional Law, engendered also, and 
 about the same period, as it would appear, 
 written Targums; for certain portions of 
 the Bible, at least. The fear of the adul- 
 terations and mutilations which the Divine 
 Word must undergo at the hands of incom- 
 petent or impious exponents, broke through 
 the rule, that the Targum should only be 
 oral, lest it might acquire undue authority. 
 Before, however, entering into a more de- 
 tailed account, we must first dwell for a 
 short time on the Midrash itself, of which 
 the Targum forms part. The centre of 
 all mental activity and religious action 
 among the Jewish community, after the 
 return from Babylon, was the Scriptural 
 Canon collected by the Soferim, or Men of 
 the Great Synagogue. These formed the 
 chief authority on the civil and religious 
 law, and their authority was the Penta- 
 teuch. They had, first, to explain the exact 
 meaning of such prohibitions and ordi- 
 
 nances contained in the Mosaic Books as 
 seemed not explicit enough for the multi- 
 tude, and the precise application of which 
 in former days had been forgotten dur- 
 ing the Captivity. Secondly, laws neither 
 specially contained nor even indicated in 
 the Pentateuch were inaugurated by them 
 according to the new wants of the times 
 and the ever-shifting necessities of the 
 growing Commonwealth. This juridical 
 and homiletical expounding and interpret- 
 ing of Scripture is called darash, and the 
 avalanche of Jewish literature which began 
 silently to gather from the time of the re- 
 turn from the exile and went on rolling un- 
 interruptedly, until about a thousand years 
 after the destruction of the second Temple, 
 may be comprised under the general name 
 Midrash "expounding." The two chief 
 branches indicated are, Halachah, the rule 
 by which to go, = binding, authoritative 
 law ; and Haggadah = saying, legend, 
 flights of fancy, darting up from the Divine 
 Word. The Haggadah did not pretend to 
 possess the slightest authority. The first 
 collections of the Halachah embracing 
 the whole field of juridico-political, reli- 
 gious, and practical life, both of the indi- 
 vidual and of the nation ; the human and 
 Divine law to its most minute and insignifi- 
 cant details were instituted by Hillel, 
 Akiba, and Simon B. Gamaliel ; but the 
 final redaction of the general code, Mishna, 
 is due to Jehudah Hannasi. [See TAL- 
 MUD.] I. The Targums were originally 
 oral, and the earliest Targum, which is that 
 of Onkelos on the Pentateuch, began to be 
 committed to writing about the 2d century 
 of the Christian era ; though it did not as- 
 sume its present shape till the end of the 
 3d or the beginning of the 4th century. 
 So far, however, from its superseding the 
 oral Targum at once, it was, on the contra- 
 ry, strictly forbidden to read it in public. 
 Its language is Chaldee, closely approach- 
 ing in purity of idiom to that of Ezra and 
 Daniel. It follows a sober and clear, 
 though not a slavish exegesis, and keeps as 
 closely and minutely to the text as is at all 
 consistent with its purpose, viz. to be 
 chiefly, and above all, a version for th 
 people. Its explanations of difficult and 
 obscure passages bear ample witness to the 
 competence of those who gave it its final 
 shape. It avoids the legendary character 
 with which all the later Targums entwine 
 the Biblical word, as far as ever circum- 
 stances would allow. As to the Bible Text 
 from which the Targum was prepared, we 
 have no certainty whatever on this head, 
 owing to the extraordinarily corrupt state 
 of our Targum texts. II. Targum on the 
 Prophets, viz. Joshua, Judges, Samuel, 
 Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the 
 twelve Minor Prophets, called TARGCM 
 OF JONATHAN BEN UZZIEL. We shall prob-
 
 VERSIONS, ANCIENT 
 
 731 
 
 VERSIONS, ANCIENT 
 
 ably not be far wrong in placing this Tar- 
 gum some time, although not long, after 
 Onkelos, or about the middle of the 4th 
 century. This Targum may fairly be de- 
 scribed as holding, in point of interpreta- 
 tion and enlargement of the text, the mid- 
 dle place between Onkelos, who only in ex- 
 treme cases deviates into paraphrase, and 
 the subsequent Targums, whose connection 
 with their texts is frequently of the most 
 flighty character. III. and IV. Targum of 
 Jonathan- Ben- UzzielandJerushalmi- Tar- 
 gum on the Pentateuch. Onkelos and Jon- 
 athan on the Pentateuch and Prophets, 
 whatever be their exact date, place, author- 
 ship and editorship, are the oldest of exist- 
 ing Targums, and belong, in their present 
 shape, to Babylon and the Babylonian 
 academies flourishing between the 3d and 
 4th centuries A. D. But precisely as two 
 parallel and independent developments of 
 the Oral Law have sprung up in the Pales- 
 tinian and Babylonian Talmuds respective- 
 ly, so also recent investigation has proved 
 to demonstration the existence of two dis- 
 tinct cycles of Targums on the Written 
 Law i. e. the entire body of the Old Tes- 
 tament. The one first collected, revised, 
 and edited in Babylon, called more es- 
 pecially that part of it which embraced the 
 Pentateuch (Onkelos) the Babylonian. 
 The other, continuing its oral life, so to 
 say, down to a much later period, was 
 written and edited less carefully, or rath- 
 er with a much more faithful retention of 
 the oldest and . youngest fancies of Metur- 
 gemanim and Darshanim on the soil of 
 Judaea itself. Of this entire cycle, how- 
 ever, the Pentateuch and a few other books 
 and fragmentary pieces only have survived 
 entire, while of most of the other books of 
 the Bible a few detached fragments are all 
 that is known, and this chiefly from quota- 
 tions. V. Targums of " Joseph the Blind " 
 on the Hagiographa. Those Targums on 
 the Hagiographa which we now possess 
 have been attributed vaguely to different 
 authors. Popular belief fastened upon Jo- 
 seph the Blind. Yet, if ever he did trans- 
 late the Hagiographa, certain it is that 
 those which we possess are not by his or his 
 disciples' hands that is, of the time of 
 the 4th century. We do not even venture 
 to assign to them more than an approxi- 
 mate round date, about 1000 A. D. 
 
 EGYPTIAN VERSIONS. I. The Memphitic 
 Version. The version thus designated 
 was for a considerable time the only Egyp- 
 tian translation known to scholars : Coptic 
 was then regarded as a sufficiently accurate 
 and definite appellation. But when the 
 fact was established that there were at least 
 two Egyptian versions, the name Coptic j 
 was found to be indefinite, and even unsuit- j 
 able for the translation then so termed ; for i 
 iu the dialect of Upper Egypt there was i 
 
 another ; and it is from the ancient Coptot 
 in Upper Egypt that the term Coptic is 
 taken. Thus Copto-Memphitic, or more 
 simply Memphitic, is the better name for 
 the version in the dialect of Lower Egypt. 
 When Egyptian translations were made we 
 do not know : probably before the middle 
 of the 4th century. While the native 
 Christians of modern Egypt use only Ara- 
 bic vernacularly, yet in their services and 
 in their public reading of the Scriptures 
 they employ a dialect of the Coptic. The 
 Old Testament of this version was made 
 from the LXX. II. THE THEBAIC VER- 
 SION. The examination of Egyptian MSS. 
 in the last century showed that besides the 
 Memphitic there is also another version in 
 a cognate Egyptian dialect. To this the 
 name Sahidic was applied by some, but 
 Thebaic is far preferable. III. A THIRD 
 EGYPTIAN VERSION. Some Egyptian frag- 
 ments were noticed amongst the Borgian 
 MSS., which in dialect differ both from the 
 Memphitic and Thebaic. These fragments 
 of a third Egyptian translation were edited 
 in the same year (1789). Giorgi and Mfln- 
 ter called the version the Ammonian. The 
 Character and Critical Use of the Egyptian 
 Versions. It appears that the Thebaic 
 version may reasonably claim a higher 
 antiquity than the Memphitic. The two 
 translations are independent of each other, 
 and both spring from Greek copies. The 
 probable conclusions seem to be these 
 that the Thebaic version was made in the 
 early part of the third century, for the use 
 of the common people among the Chris- 
 tians in Upper Egypt ; that afterwards the 
 Memphitic version was executed in what 
 was the more polished dialect, from the 
 Greek copies of Alexandria ; and that thus 
 in process of time the Memphitic remained 
 alone in ecclesiastical use. 
 
 GOTHIC VERSION. In the year 318 the 
 Gothic bishop and translator of Scripture, 
 Ulphilas, was born. He succeeded The- 
 ophilus as bishop of the Goths in 348 ; 
 through him it is said th.it the Goths in 
 general adopted Arianism. The great work 
 of Ulphilas was his version of the Scrip- 
 tures. In 388 he visited Constantinople to 
 defend his heterodox creed, and while there 
 he died. In the latter part of the 16th cen- 
 tury the existence of a MS. of this version 
 was known through Morillon having men- 
 tioned that he had observed one in the 
 library of the monastery of Werden on the 
 Ruhr in Westphalia. In 1648, almost at 
 the conclusion of the Thirty Years' War, 
 amongst the spoils from Prague was sent to 
 Stockholm a copy of the Gothic Gospels, 
 known as the Codex Argenteus. On the 
 abdication of Queen Christina of Sweden, 
 a few years later, it disappeared. In 1655 
 it was in the possession of Isaac Vossius in 
 Holland. In 1662 it was repurchased for
 
 VERSIONS, ANCIENT 
 
 732 
 
 VERSIONS, ANCIENT 
 
 Sweden by Count Magnus Gabriel de la 
 Gardie, who placed it in the library of the 
 University of Upsal. While the book was 
 in the hands of Vossius a transcript was 
 made of its text, from which Junius, his 
 uncle, edited the first edition of the Gothic 
 Gospels at Dort in 1665. The MS. is writ- 
 ten on vellum that was once purple, in 
 silver letters, except those at the beginning 
 of sections, which are golden. The Gos- 
 pels have many lacunae : it is calculated 
 that when entire it consisted of 320 folios ; 
 there are now but 188. It is pretty certain 
 that this beautiful and elaborate MS. must 
 have been written in the 6th century, prob- 
 ably in Upper Italy when under the Gothic 
 sovereignty. New light dawned on Ulphilas 
 and his version in 1817. While the late 
 Cardinal Mai was engaged in the examina- 
 tion of palimpsests in the Ambrosian Li- 
 brary at Milan, of which he was at that 
 time a librarian, he noticed traces of some 
 Gothic writing under that of one of the 
 codices. This was found to be part of the 
 Books of Ezra and Nehemiah. In making 
 further examination, four other palimpsests 
 were f r >und, which contained portions of 
 the Gothic Version. Mai deciphered these 
 MSS. in conjunction with Count Carlo 
 Uttavio Castiglione, and their labors result- 
 ed in the recovery, besides a few portions 
 of the Old Test., of almost the whole of the 
 thirteen Epistles of St. Paul and some parts 
 of the Gospels. The edition of Gabelentz 
 and Loebe (1836-45) contains all that has 
 been discovered of the Gothic Version, with 
 a Latin translation, notes, and a Gothic Dic- 
 tionary and Grammar. In 1855-6 Mass- 
 mann issued an excellent small edition of 
 all the Gothic portions of the Scriptures 
 known to be extant. This edition is said 
 to be more- correct than that of Gabelentz 
 and Loebe. As an ancient monument of 
 the Gothic language the version of Ulphilas 
 possesses great interest ; as a version the 
 use of which was once extended widely 
 through Europe, it is a monument of the 
 Christianization of the Goths ; and as a 
 version known to have been made in the 4th 
 century, and transmitted to us in ancient 
 MSS., it has its value in textual criticism. 
 In certain passages it has been thought that 
 there is some proof of the influence of the 
 Latin ; but its Greek origin is not to be 
 mistaken. The Greek from which the 
 version was made must in many respects 
 have been what has been termed the tran- 
 sition text of the 4th century. 
 
 GREEK VERSIONS OF THE OLD TESTA- 
 MENT. 1. Septuagint. [See SEPTUAGINT.] 
 2. Aquila. It is a remarkable fact that in 
 the second century there were three ver- 
 sions executed of the Old Testament Scrip- 
 tures into Greek. The first of these was 
 made by Aquila, a native of Sinope in 
 Pontvs, who had become a proselyte to 
 
 Judaism. The Jerusalem Talmud de- 
 scribes him as a disciple of Rabbi Akiba ; 
 and this would place him in some part of 
 the reign of the Emperor Hadrian (A. D. 
 117-138). It is supposed that his object 
 was to aid the Jews in their controversies 
 with the Christians. This is a probable 
 account of the origin of his version. Ex- 
 treme literality and an occasional polemical 
 bias appear to be its chief characteristics. 
 
 3. Theodotion. The second version, of 
 which we have information as executed in 
 the second century, is that of Tlieodotion. 
 He is stated to have been an Ephcsian, and 
 he seems to be most generally described as 
 an Ebionite : if this is correct, his work 
 was probably intended for those semi-Chris- 
 tians who may have desired to use a version 
 of their own, instead of employing the LXX. 
 with the Christians, or that of Aquila with 
 the Jews. But it may be doubted if the 
 name of translation can be rightly applied 
 to the work of Theodotion : it is> rather a 
 revision of the LXX. with the Hebrew text, 
 so as to bring some of the copies then in 
 use into more conformity with the original. 
 The statement of Epiphanius that he made 
 his translation in the reign of Commodus 
 accords well with its having been quoted by 
 Irenaeus ; but it cannot be correct if it is 
 one of the translations referred to by Justin 
 Martyr as giving interpretations contrary 
 to the Christian doctrine of the New Test. 
 
 4. Symmachus is stated by Eusebius and 
 Jerome to have been an Ebionite : Epi- 
 phanius, however, and others style him a 
 Samaritan. It may be that as a Samaritan 
 he made this version for some of that people 
 who employed Greek, and who had learned 
 to receive more than the Pentateuch. Epi- 
 phanius says that he lived under the Em- 
 peror Severus. The translation which he 
 produced was probably better than the oth- 
 ers as to sense and general phraseology. 
 
 5. The Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Versions. 
 Besides the translations of Aquila, Sym- 
 machus, and Theodotion, the great critical 
 work of Origen comprised, as to portions 
 of the Old Test., three other versions, 
 placed for comparison with the LXX. ; 
 which, from their being anonymous, are 
 only known as the fifth, sixth, and seventh; 
 designations taken from the places which 
 they respectively occupied in Origen's co- 
 lumnar arrangement. Eusebius says that 
 two of these versions were found, the oiie 
 at Jericho, and the other at Nicopolis on 
 the gulf of Actium. Epiphanius says that 
 the fifth was found at Jericho, and the 
 sixth at Nicopolis, w'a'le Jerome speaks 
 of the fifth as having been found at tht, 
 latter place. The contents of the fifth ver- 
 sion appear to have been the Pentateuch, 
 Psalms, Canticles, and the Minor Prophets. 
 The sixth version seems to ha ve been just 
 the same in its contents as the fifth (except
 
 VERSIONS, ANCIENT 
 
 733 
 
 VERSIONS, ANCIENT 
 
 2 Kings). Jerome calls the authors of the 
 fifth and sixth " Judaicos translators ; " 
 but the translator of this must have been a 
 Christian when he executed his work, or 
 else the hand of a Christian reviser must 
 have meddled with it before it was em- 
 ployed by Origen. Of the seventh version 
 very few fragments remain. It seems to 
 have contained the Psalms and Minor Proph- 
 ets ; and the translator was probably a 
 Jew. The existing fragments of these varied 
 versions are mostly to be found in the edi- 
 tions of the relics of Origen's Hexapla, by 
 Montfaucon and by Bardht. 6. The Vcneto- 
 Greek Version. A MS. of the 14th cen- 
 tury, in the Library of St. Mark at Venice, 
 contains a peculiar version of the Penta- 
 teuch, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, 
 Ruth, Lamentations, and Daniel. All of 
 these books, except the Pentateuch, were 
 published by Villoison at Strasburg in 1784 ; 
 the Pentateuch was edited by Ammon at 
 Erlangen in 1790-91. 
 
 LATIN VERSIONS. [VULGATE.] 
 
 SAMARITAN VERSIONS. [SAMARITAN 
 PENTATEUCH.] 
 
 SLAVONIC VERSION. In the year 862 
 there was a desire expressed, or an inquiry 
 made, for Christian teachers in Moravia, 
 and in the following year the labors of 
 missionaries began amongst them. These 
 missionaries were Cyrillus and Methodius, 
 two brothers from Thessalonica : to Cyril- 
 lus is ascribed the invention of the Slavo- 
 nian alphabet, and the commencement of 
 the translation of the Scriptures. He ap- 
 pears to have died at Rome in 868, while 
 Methodius continued for many years to be 
 the bishop of the Slavonians. He is stated 
 to have continued his brother's translation, 
 although how much they themselves actu- 
 ally executed is quite uncertain. The Old 
 Testament is, as might be supposed, a ver- 
 sion from the LXX. As the oldest known 
 MS. of the whole Bible is of the year 1499, 
 it may reasonably be questioned whether 
 this version may not in large portions be 
 comparatively modern. The oldest MS. 
 of any part of this version is an Evangeli- 
 arium, in Cyrillic characters, of the year 
 1056. The first printed portion was an 
 edition of the Gospels in Wallachia, in 
 1512 ; in 1575 the same portion was printed 
 at Wilna; and in 1581 the whole Bible was 
 printed at Ostrog in Volhynia. The gen- 
 eral text is such as would have been ex- 
 pected in the ninth century : some readings 
 from the Latin have, it appears, been intro- 
 duced in places. 
 
 SYRIAC VERSIONS. I. Of the Old Tes- 
 tament. A. From the Hebrew. In the 
 early times of Syrian Christianity there 
 was executed a version of the Old Testa- 
 ment from the original Hebrew, the use of 
 which must have been as widely extended 
 as was the Christian profession amongst 
 
 that people. Ephracm the Syrian, in the 
 j latter half of the 4th century, gives abuii- 
 ! dant proof of its use in general by his coun- 
 j trymen. When he calls it OUR VERSION, it 
 does not appear to be in opposition to any 
 other Syriac translation, but in contrast 
 to the original Hebrew text, or to those in 
 other languages. At a later period this 
 Syriac translation was designated Peshito 
 {Simple). It is probable that this name 
 was applied to the version after another 
 had been formed from the Hexaplar Greek 
 text. This translation from the Hebrew- 
 has always been the ecclesiastical version 
 of the Syrians. Its existence and use 
 prior to the divisions of the Syrian Churches 
 are sufficiently proved by Ephraem alone. 
 It is highly improbable that any part of the 
 Syriac version is older than the advent 
 of our Lord. All that the account shows 
 clearly is, that it was believed to belong to 
 the earliest period of the Christian faith 
 among them. Ephraem, in the 4th century, 
 not only shows that it was then current, 
 but also gives the impression that this had 
 even then been long the case. Probably 
 the origin of the Old Syriac version is to 
 be compared with that of the Old Latin ; 
 and that it differed as much from the pol- 
 ished language of Edessa as did the Old 
 Latin, made in the African Province, from 
 the contemporary writers of Rome. The 
 Old Syriac has the peculiar value of being 
 the first version from the Hebrew original 
 made for Christian use. The proof that 
 this version was made from the Hebrew is 
 twofold : we have the direct statements of 
 Ephraem, and we find the same thing as 
 evident from the internal examination of 
 the version itself. The first printed edition 
 of this version was that which appeared in 
 the Paris Polyglot of Le Jay in 1645. In 
 Walton's Polyglot, 1657, the Paris text is 
 reprinted, but with the addition of the 
 Apocryphal books. In the punctuation 
 given in the Polyglots, a system was intro- 
 duced which was in part a peculiarity of 
 Gabriel Sionita himself. Dr. Lee collated 
 for the text which he edited for the Bible 
 Society six Syriac MSS. of the Old Test, 
 in general, and a very ancient copy of the 
 Pentateuch : he also used in part the com- 
 mentaries of Ephraem and of Bar-Hebraeus. 
 From these various sources he constructed 
 his text, with the aid of that found already 
 in the Polyglots. But there are now in 
 England, in the MS. treasures brought from 
 the Nitrian valleys, the moans of far more 
 accurately editing this version. It has 
 been much discussed whether this transla- 
 tion were a Jewish or a Christian work. 
 There need be no reasonable objection 
 made to the opinion that it is a Christian 
 work. B. The Syriac Version from the 
 Hexaplar Greek Text. The only Syriac 
 version of the O. T. up to the Gth century
 
 VERSIONS, ANCIENT 
 
 734 
 
 VERSIONS, ANCIENT 
 
 was apparently the Pcshito. Moses Aghe- 
 laeus, who lived in the middle of the 6th 
 century, speaks of the versions of the N. 
 T. and the Psalter, "which Poly carp (rest 
 his soul!), the Chorepiscopus, made in 
 Syriac for the faithful Xenaias, the teacher 
 of Mabug, worthy of the memory of the 
 good." The version by Paul of Tela, a 
 Monophysite, was made in the beginning 
 of the 7th century ; for its basis he used 
 the Hexaplar Greek text that is, the 
 LXX., with the corrections of Origen, the 
 asterisks, obeli, c., and with the references 
 to the other Greek versions. The Syro- 
 Hexaplar version was made on the princi- 
 ple of following the Greek, word for word, 
 as exactly as possible. It contains the 
 marks introduced by Origen, and the ref- 
 erences to the versions of Aquila, Symma- 
 chus, Theodotion, &c. In fact, it is from 
 this Syriac version that we obtain our most 
 accurate acquaintance with the results of 
 the critical labors of Origen. It is from a 
 MS. in the Ambrosian Library at Milan 
 that we possess accurate means of know- 
 ing this Syriac version. The MS. in 
 question contains the Psalms, Job, Prov- 
 erbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom, Ec- 
 clesiasticus, Minor Prophets, Jeremiah, Ba- 
 ruch, Daniel, Ezekiel, and Isaiah. Be- 
 sides these portions of this Syriac version, 
 the MSS. from the Nitrian monasteries now 
 in the British Museum would add a good deal 
 ni-re ; amongst these there are six, from 
 which much might be drawn, so that part 
 of the Pentateuch and other books may be 
 re'Jovered. II. The Syriac New Testament 
 Versions, A. The Peshito Syriac N. T. 
 It may stand as an admitted fact that a ver- 
 sion of the N. T. in Syriac existed in the 
 2d century ; and to this wa may refer the 
 statement of Eusebius respecting Hegesip- 
 pus, that he " made quotations from the 
 Gospel according to the Hebrews and the 
 Syriac." It seems equally certain that in 
 the 4th century such a version was as well 
 known of the N. T. as of the O. T. To the 
 translation in common use amongst the 
 Syrians, orthodox, Monophysite, or Nes- 
 torian, from the 5th century and onward, 
 the name of Peshito has been as commonly 
 applied in the N. T. as the O. T. There 
 seem to be but few notices of the old Syri- 
 ac Version in early writers. Cosmas In- 
 dicopleustes, in the former half of the 6th 
 century, incidentally informs us that the 
 Syriac translation does not contain the 
 Second Epistle of Peter, 2 and 8 John, 
 and Jude. In 1552 Moses of Mardin came 
 to Rome to Pope Julius III., commissioned 
 by Ignatius the Jacobite (Monophysite) 
 patriarch, to state his religious opinions, 
 to effect (it is said) a union with the Ro- 
 mish Church, and to get the Syriac JV. T. 
 printed. In this last object he failed both 
 at Rome and Venice. At Vienna he was, 
 
 however, successful, and an edition ap- 
 peared in 1555. In 1828 the edition of 
 Mr. William Greenfield was published by 
 Messrs. Bagster. This Syriac Version 
 has been variously estimated; some have 
 thought that in it they had a genuine and 
 unaltered monument of the second, or per- 
 haps even of the first century. Others, 
 finding in it indubitable marks of a later 
 age, were inclined to deny that it had any 
 claim to a very remote antiquity. The 
 fact is, that this version, as transmitted to 
 us, contains marks of antiquity, and also 
 traces of a later age. The two things are 
 so blended, that if either class of phe- 
 nomena alone were regarded, the most 
 opposite opinions might be formed. It 
 appears probable that the N. T. of the 
 Peshito is not from the same hand as the 
 O. T. Not only may Michaelis be right in 
 supposing a peculiar translator of the Epis- 
 tle to the Hebrews, but also other parts may 
 be from different hands ; this opinion will 
 become more general the more the version 
 is studied. The Curetonian Syriac Gos- 
 pels. Among the MSS. brought from the 
 Nitrian monasteries in 1842, Dr. Cureton 
 noticed a copy of the Gospels, differing 
 greatly from the common text; and this is 
 the form of text to which the name of 
 Curetonian Syriac has been rightly ap- 
 plied. Every criterion which proves the 
 common Peshito not to exhibit a text of 
 extreme antiquity, equally proves the early 
 origin of this. The Curetonian Syriac 
 presents such a text as we might have 
 concluded would be current in the second 
 century : the Peshito has many features 
 which could not belong to that age ; un- 
 less, indeed, we are ready to reject estab- 
 lished facts, and those of a very numerous 
 kind; probably, at least, two thousand. 
 B. The Philoxcnian Syriac Version, and 
 its revision by Thomas of Harkel. Phi- 
 loxenus, or Xenaias, a Monophysite, Bishop 
 of Hierapolis or Mabug at the beginning of 
 the 6th century, caused Polycarp, his Cho- 
 repiscopus, to make a new translation of 
 the N. T. into Syriac. This was executed 
 in A. D. 508, and it is generally termed 
 Philoxenian, from its promoter. This ver- 
 sion has not been transmitted to us in the 
 form in which it was first made ; we only 
 possess a revision of it, executed by Thomas 
 of Harkel in the following century (The 
 Gospels, A. . 616). C. Syriac Versions 
 of Portions wanting in the Peshito. I. 
 The Second Epistle of Peter, the Second 
 and Third of John, and that of Jude. They 
 were published by Pococke in 1630, from a 
 MS. in the Bodleian. II. The Apocalypse. 
 In 1627 De Dieu edited a Syriac version 
 of the Apocalypse, from a MS. in the Ley- 
 den Library, written by one " Caspar, from 
 the land of the Indians," who lived in the 
 latter part of the 16th century. III. Tht
 
 VERSION, AUTHORIZED 735 VERSION, AUTHORIZED 
 
 Syriac Version of John viii. 1-11. From 
 the MS. sent by Archbishop Ussher to 
 De Dieu, the latter published this section 
 in 1631. From De Dieu it was inserted in 
 the London Polyglot, with a reference to 
 Ussher's MS., and hence it has passed with 
 the other editions of the Peshito, where it 
 is a mere interpolation. Probably the ver- 
 sion edited is that of Paul of Tela, the 
 translator of the Hexaplar Greek text into 
 Syriac. D. The Jerusalem Syriac Lection- 
 ary. The MS. in the Vatican containing 
 this version was written in A. D. 1031, in 
 peculiar Syriac writing; the portions are 
 of course those for the different festivals, 
 some parts of the Gospels not being there 
 at all. The dialect is not common Syriac ; 
 it was termed the Jerusalem Syriac, from 
 its being supposed to resemble the Jerusa- 
 lem Talmud in language and other points. 
 For critical purposes this Lectionary has a 
 far higher value than it has for any other : 
 its readings often coincide with the oldest 
 and best authorities. In Adler's opinion its 
 date as a version would be from the 4th to 
 the 6th century ; but it can hardly be sup- 
 posed that it is of so early an age, or that 
 any Syrians then could have used so cor- 
 rupt a dialect. 
 
 Version, Authorized. I. WYCLIFFE 
 (b. 1324; d. 1384). The N. T. was trans- 
 lated by Wycliffe himself. The O. T. was 
 undertaken by Nicholas de Hereford, but 
 was interrupted, and ends abruptly (follow- 
 ing so far the order of the Vulgate) in the 
 middle of Baruch. Many of the MSS. of 
 this version now extant present a different 
 recension of the text, and it is probable 
 that the work of Wycliffe and Hereford 
 was revised by Richard Purvey, circ. A. D. 
 1388- The version was based entirely upon 
 the Vulgate. The following characteristics 
 may be noticed as distinguishing this ver- 
 sion: (1) The general homeliness of its 
 style. (2) The substitution, in many cases, 
 of English equivalents for quasi-technical 
 words. (8) The extreme literalness with 
 which, in some instances, even at the cost 
 of being unintelligible, the Vulgate text is 
 followed, as in 2 Cor. i. 17-19. II. TYN- 
 DAL. The work of Wycliffe stands by 
 itself. Whatever power it exercised in 
 preparing the way for the Reformation of 
 the 16th century, it had no perceptible in- 
 fluence on later translations. With Tyndal 
 we enter on a continuous succession. He 
 is the patriarch, in no remote ancestry, of 
 the Authorized Version. More than Cran- 
 mer or Ridley he is the true hero of the 
 English Reformation. "Ere many years," 
 he said at the age of thirty-six (A. D. 1520), 
 he would cause " a boy that driveth the 
 plough " to know more of Scripture than 
 the great body of the clergy then knew. 
 He prepared himself for the work by long 
 years of labor in Greek and Hebrew. First 
 
 the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark 
 were published tentatively. In 1525 the 
 whole of the N. T. was printed in 4to. at 
 Cologne, and in small 8vo. at Worms. In 
 England it was received with denunciations. 
 Tonstal, Bishop of London, preaching at 
 Paul's Cross, asserted that there were at 
 least 2000 errors in it, and ordered all 
 copies of it to be bought up and burnt. An 
 Act of Parliament (35 Henry VIII. cap. 1) 
 forbade the use of all copies of TyndaPs 
 " false translation." The treatment which 
 it received from professed friends was 
 hardly less annoying. In the mean time 
 the work went on. Editions were printed 
 one after another. The last appeared in 
 1535, just before his death. His heroic life 
 was brought to a close in 1536. We may 
 cast one look on its sad end the treach- 
 erous betrayal, the Judas-kiss of the false 
 friend, the imprisonment at Vilvorden, the 
 last prayer, " Lord, open the King of Eng- 
 land's eyes." The work to which a life 
 was thus nobly devoted was as nobly done. 
 To Tyndal belongs the honor of having 
 given the first example of a translation 
 based on true principles, and the excellence 
 of later versions has been almost in exact 
 proportion as they followed his. Believing 
 that every part of Scripture had one sense, 
 and one only, the sense in the mind of the 
 writer (Obedience, p. 304), he made it his 
 work, using all philological helps that were 
 accessible, to attain that sense. Believing 
 that the duty of a translator was to place 
 his readers as nearly as possible on a level 
 with those for whom the books were origi- 
 nally written, he looked on all the later 
 theological associations that had gathered 
 round the words of the N. T. as hinderances 
 rather than helps, and sought, as far as 
 possible, to get rid of them. All the ex- 
 quisite grace and simplicity which have 
 endeared the A. V. to men of the most 
 opposite tempers and contrasted opinions, 
 is due mainly to his clear-sighted truthful- 
 ness. The desire to make the Bible a 
 people's book led him in one edition to 
 something like a provincial, rather than a 
 national translation, but on the whole it 
 kept him free from the besetting danger of 
 the time, that of writing for scholars, not 
 for the people. III. COVERDALE. A com- 
 plete translation of the Bible, different from 
 Tyndal's, bearing the name of Miles Cover- 
 dale, printed probably at Zurich, appeared 
 in 1535. The undertaking itself, and the 
 choice of Coverdale as the translator, were 
 probably due to Cromwell. Tyndal's con- 
 troversial treatises, and the polemical char- 
 acter of his prefaces and notes, had irritated 
 the leading ecclesiastics and embittered 
 the mind of the king himself against him. 
 There was no hope of obtaining the king's 
 sanction for anything that bore his name. 
 But the idea of an English translation
 
 VERSION, AUTHORIZED 
 
 736 
 
 VERSION, AUTHORIZED 
 
 began to find favor. Cromwell, it is prob- 
 able, thought it better to lose no further 
 time, and to strike while the iron was hot. 
 A divine whom he had patronized, thoug) 
 not, like Tyndal, feeling himself called to 
 that special work, was willing to undertake 
 it. To him accordingly it was intrusted. 
 The work which was thus executed was 
 done, as might be expected, in a very dif- 
 ferent fashion from Tyndal's. Of the two 
 men one had made this the great object of 
 his life; the other, in his own language, 
 " sought it not, neither desired it," but 
 accepted it as a task assigned to him. He 
 was content to make the translation at sec- 
 ond hand " out of the Douche (Luther's 
 German Version) and the Latine." It is 
 not improbable, however, that as time went 
 on he added to his knowledge. He, at any 
 rate, continued his work as a painstaking 
 editor. Fresh editions of his Bible were 
 published, keeping their ground in spite of 
 rivals in 1537, 1539, 1550, 1553. He was 
 called in at a still later period to assist in 
 the Geneva version. IV. MATTHEW. In 
 the year 1537, a large folio Bible appeared 
 as edited and dedicated to the king, by 
 Thomas Matthew. No one of that name 
 appears at all prominently in the religious 
 history of Henry VIII., and this suggests 
 the inference that the name was adopted to 
 conceal the real translator. The tradition 
 which connects this Matthew with John 
 Rogers, the proto-martyr of the Marian 
 persecution, is all but undisputed. Mat- 
 thew's Bible reproduces Tyndal's work, in 
 the N. T. entirely, in the O. T. as far as 
 2 Chr., the rest being taken with occasional 
 modifications from Coverdale. The print- 
 ing of the book was begun apparently 
 abroad, and was carried on as far as the 
 end of Isaiah. At that point a new pagi- 
 nation begins, and the names of the Lon- 
 don printers appear. A copy was ordered, 
 by royal proclamation, to be set up in every 
 church, the cost being divided between the 
 clergy and the parishioners. This was, 
 therefore, the first Authorized Version. 
 What has been said of Tyndal's Version 
 applies, of course, to this. There are, 
 however, signs of a more advanced knowl- 
 edge of Hebrew. More noticeable even 
 than in Tyndal are the boldness and fulness 
 of the exegetical notes scattered throughout 
 the book. Strong and earnest in asserting 
 what he looked on as the central truths of 
 the Gospel, there was in Rogers a Luther- 
 like freedom in other things which has not 
 appeared again in any authorized translation 
 or popular commentary. V. TAVERNER 
 (153!)). The boldness of the pseudo- 
 Matthew had frightened the ecclesiastical 
 world from its propriety. Coverdale's 
 Version was, however, too inaccurate 
 to keep its ground. It was necessary 
 to find another editor, and the print- 
 
 ers applied to Richard Taverner. But 
 little is known of his life. The fact that, 
 though a layman, he had been chosen as 
 one of the canons of the Cardinal's Col- 
 lege at Oxford indicates a reputation for 
 scholarship, and this is confirmed by the 
 character of his translation. In most re- 
 spects this may be described as an expur- 
 gated edition of Matthew's. VI. CRAN- 
 MER. In the same year as Taverner's, 
 and coining from the same press, appeared 
 an English Bible, in a more stately folio, 
 with a preface containing the initials T. C. f 
 which imply the archbishop's sanction. 
 Cranmer's Version presents, as might be 
 expected, many points of interest. The 
 prologue gives a more complete ideal of 
 what a translation ought to be than we have 
 as yet seen. Words not in the original are 
 to be printed in a different type. It was 
 reprinted again and again, and was the 
 Authorized Version of the English Church 
 till 15G8 the interval of Mary's reign ex- 
 cepted. From it, accordingly, were taken 
 most, if not all, the portions of Scripture 
 in the Prayer-books of 1549 and 1552. 
 The Psalms, as a whole, the quotations 
 from Scripture in the Homilies, the sen- 
 tences in the Communion Services, and 
 some phrases elsewhere, still preserve the 
 remembrance of it. VII. GENEVA. The 
 exiles who fled to Geneva in the reign of 
 Mary entered on the work of translation 
 with more vigor than ever. The Gene- 
 van refugees among them Whittingham, 
 Goodman, Pullain, Sampson, and Cover- 
 dale himself labored "for two years or 
 more, day and night." Their translation 
 of the N. T. was "diligently revised by 
 the most approved Greek examples." The 
 N. T., translated by Whittinghani, was 
 printed in 1557, and the whole Bible in 
 15GO. Whatever may have been its faults, 
 the Geneva Bible, commonly called the 
 Breeches Bible, from its rendering of Gen. 
 iii. 7, was unquestionably, for sixty years, 
 the most popular of all versions. Not less 
 than eighty editions, some of the whole 
 Bible, were printed between 1558 and 1011. 
 It kept its ground for some time even 
 against the A. V., and gave way, as it 
 were, slowly and under protest. It was 
 the version specially adopted by the great 
 Puritan party through the whole reign of 
 Elizabeth, and far into that of James. As 
 might be expected, it was based on Tyn- 
 dal's Version. Some peculiarities are 
 worthy of special notice: (1) It professes 
 a desire to restore the " true writing " of 
 many Hebrew names, and we meet accord- 
 ngly with such forms as Izhak (Isaac), Jaa- 
 cob, and the like. (2) It omits the name of 
 St. Paul from the title of tbe Epistle to the 
 Hebrews, and, in a short Preface, leaves 
 the authorship an open question. (3) It 
 avows the principle of putting all words
 
 VERSION, AUTHORIZED 737 VERSION, AUTHORIZED 
 
 not in the original in Italics. (4) It pre- 
 sents, in a Calendar prefixed to the Bible, 
 something like a declaration of war against 
 the established order of the church's les- 
 sons commemorating Scripture facts, and 
 the deaths of the great Reformers, but ig- 
 noring saints' days altogether. (5) It was 
 the first English Bible which entirely omit- 
 ted the Apocrypha. The notes were char- 
 acteristically Swiss, not only in their 
 theology, hut in their politics. VIII. THE 
 BISHOPS' BIBLE. The facts just stated 
 will account for the wish of Archhishop 
 Parker to bring out another version, which 
 might establish its claims against that of 
 Geneva. Great preparations were made. 
 Eight bishops, together with some deans 
 and professors, brought out the fruit of their 
 labors in a magnificent folio (1568 and 
 1572). It was avowedly based on Cran- 
 mer's ; but of all the English versions it 
 had probably the least success. It did not 
 command the respect of scholars, and its 
 size and cost were far from meeting the 
 wants of the people. IX. RHEIMS AND 
 DOUAY. The successive changes in the 
 Protestant versions of the Scriptures 
 were, as might be expected, matter of tri- 
 umph to the controversialists of the Latin 
 Church. Some saw in it an argument 
 against any translation of Scripture into 
 the spoken language of the people. Others 
 pointed derisively to the want of unity 
 which these changes displayed. There 
 were some, however, who took the line 
 which Sir T. More and Gardiner had taken 
 under Henry VIII. They did not object 
 to the principle of an English translation. 
 They only charged all the versions hitherto 
 made with being false, corrupt, heretical. 
 To this there was the ready retort, that 
 they had done nothing; that their bishops 
 in the reign of Henry had promised, but 
 had not performed. It was felt to be ne- 
 cessary that they should take some steps 
 which might enable them to turn the edge 
 of this reproach. The English Catholic 
 refugees who were settled at Rheims un- 
 dertook a new English version. The N. T. 
 was published at Rheims in 1582, and pro- 
 fessed to be based on " the authentic text of 
 the Vulgate." Notes were added, as strong- 
 ly dogmatic as those of the Geneva Bible, 
 and often keenly controversial. The work 
 of translation was completed somewhat 
 later by the publication of the O. T. at 
 Douay in 1609. X. AUTHORIZED VER- 
 SION. The position of the English Church 
 in relation to the versions in use at the 
 commencement of the reign of James was 
 hardly satisfactory. The Bishops' Bible 
 was sanctioned by authority. That of Ge- 
 neva had the strongest hold on the affec- 
 tions of the people. Scholars, Hebrew 
 scholars in particular, found grave fault 
 47 
 
 with both. Among the demands of the 
 Puritan representatives at the Hampton 
 Court Conference in 1604, was one for a 
 new, or at least a revised translation. The 
 work of organizing and superintending the 
 arrangements for a new translation was 
 one specially congenial to James, and in 
 1606 the task was accordingly commenced. 
 It was intrusted to 54 scholars. The fol- 
 lowing were the instructions given to the 
 translators: (1) The Bishops' Bible was 
 to be followed, and as little altered as the 
 original will permit. (2) The names of 
 prophets and others were to be retained, as 
 nearly as may be, as they are vulgarly used. 
 
 (3) The old ecclesiastical words to be kept. 
 
 (4) When any word hath divers significa- 
 tions, that to be kept which hath been 
 mpst commonly used by the most eminent 
 fathers, being agreeable to the propriety 
 of the place and the analogy of faith. (5) 
 The division of the chapters to be altered 
 either not at all or as little as possible. (6) 
 No marginal notes to be affixed but only 
 for the explanation of Hebrew and Greek 
 words. (7) Such quotations of places to 
 be marginally set down as may serve for 
 fit reference of one Scripture to another. 
 (8 and 9) State plan of translation. Each 
 company of translators is to take its own 
 books ; each person to bring his own cor- 
 rections. The company to discuss them, 
 and having finished their work, to send it 
 on to another company, and so on. (10) 
 Provides for differences of opinion between 
 two companies by referring them to a gen- 
 eral meeting. (11) Gives power, in cases 
 of difficulty, to consult any scholars. (12) 
 Invites suggestions from any quarter. (13) 
 Names the directors of the work : Andrews, 
 Dean of Westminster; Barlow, Dean of 
 Chester; and the Regius Professors of 
 Hebrew and Greek at both Universities.. 
 (14) Names translations to be followed! 
 when they agree more with the original than 
 the Bishops' Bible, sc. Tyndal's, Coverdale's,. 
 Matthew's, Whitchurch's (Cranmer's), andi 
 Geneva. (15) Authorizes Universities to- 
 appoint three or four overseers of the work, 
 [t is not known that any of the corre- 
 spondence connected with this work, or 
 any minute of the meetings for conference, 
 is still extant. Nothing is more striking 
 than the silence with which the version/ 
 ;hat was to be the inheritance of the Eng- 
 lish people for at least two centuries and 
 a half was ushered into the world. For 
 three years the work went on, the separate 
 companies comparing notes, as directed. 
 When the work drew towards its comple- 
 tion, it was necessary to place it under the 
 care of a select few. Two from each of 
 the three groups were accordingly selected, 
 and the six met in London, to superintend 
 ;he publication. The final correction, and
 
 VILLAGE 
 
 738 
 
 VINE OF SODOM 
 
 the task of writing the arguments of the 
 several books, were given to Bilson, Bishop 
 of Winchester, and Dr. Miles Smith, the 
 latter of whom also wrote the Dedication 
 and Preface. The version thus published 
 did not all at once supersede those already 
 in possession. The fact that five editions 
 were published in three years, shows that 
 there was a good demand. But the Bishops' 
 Bible probably remained in many Churches, 
 and the popularity of the Geneva Version is 
 shown by not less than thirteen reprints, in 
 whole or in part, between 1611 and 1617. 
 It is not easy to ascertain the impression 
 which the A. V. made at the time of its ap- 
 pearance. Selden says it is "the best of 
 all translations, as giving the true sense of 
 the original." It would be easy to put to- 
 gether a long catena of praises stretching 
 from that time to the present. 
 
 Village. This word, in addition to its 
 ordinary sense, is often used, especially in 
 the enumeration of towns in Josh, xiii., xv., 
 xix., to imply unwalled suburbs outside the 
 walled towns. Arab villages, as found in 
 Arabia, are often mere collections of stone 
 huts, " long, low, rude hovels, roofed only 
 with the stalks of palm-leaves," or covered 
 for a time with tent-cloths, which are re- 
 moved when the tribe change their quar- 
 ters. Others are more solidly built, as are 
 most of the modern villages of Palestine, 
 though in some the dwellings are mere 
 mud-huts. There is little in the O. T. to 
 enable us more precisely to define a vil- 
 lage of Palestine, beyond the fact that it 
 was destitute of walls or external defences. 
 Persian villages are spoken of in similar 
 terms (Ez. xxxviii. 11; Esth. ix. 19). By 
 the Talmudists a village was defined as a 
 place destitute of a synagogue. 
 
 Vine, the well-known valuable plant 
 (vitis vinifera) very frequently referred 
 to in the Old and New Testaments, and 
 cultivated from the earliest times. The 
 first mention of this plant occurs in Gen. 
 ix. 20, 21. That it was abundantly culti- 
 vated in Egypt is evident from the frequent 
 representations on the monuments, as well 
 as from the -Scriptural allusions (Gen. xl. 
 9-11; Ps. Ixxviii. 47). The vines of Pales- 
 tine were celebrated both for luxuriant 
 growth and for the immense clusters of 
 grapes which they produced. When the 
 spies were sent forth to view the promised 
 land, we are told that on their arrival at 
 the valley of Eshcol they cut down a branch 
 with one cluster of grapes, and bare it 
 between two on a staff (Num. xiii. 23). 
 Travellers have frequently testified to the 
 large size of the grape-clusters of Pales- 
 tine. Especial mention is made in the 
 Bible of the vines of Eshcol (Num. xiii. 
 .24, xxxii. 9), of Sibmah, Heshbon, and 
 JElealeh (Is. xvi. 8, 9, 10; Jer. xlviii. 32), 
 
 and Engedi (Cant. i. 14). From the abun- 
 dance and excellence of the vines, it may 
 readily be understood how frequently this 
 plant is the subject of metaphor in the 
 Holy Scriptures. To dwell under the vine 
 and fig-tree is an emblem of domestic hap- 
 piness and peace (1 K. iv. 25 ; Mic. iv. 4 ; 
 Ps. cxxviii. 3) ; the rebellious people of 
 Israel are compared to "wild grapes," "an 
 empty vine," " the degenerate plant of a 
 strange vine," &c. (Is. v. 2, 4 ; llos. x. 1 ; 
 Jer. ii. 21). It is a vine which our Lord 
 selects to show the spiritual union which 
 subsists between Himself and his members 
 (John xv. 1-6). The ancient Hebrews 
 probably allowed the vine to grow trailing 
 on the ground, or upon supports. This 
 latter mode of cultivation appears to be 
 alluded to by Ezekiel (xix. 11, 12). The 
 vintage, which formerly was a season of 
 general festivity, commenced in Septem- 
 ber. The towns are deserted, and the 
 people live among the vineyards in the 
 lodges and tents (comp. Judg. ix. 27 ; Jer. 
 xxv. 30; Is. xvi. 10). The grapes were 
 gathered with shouts of joy by the " grape- 
 gatherers " (Jer. xxv. 30), and put into 
 baskets (see Jer. vi. 9). They were then 
 carried on the head and shoulders, or slung 
 upon a yoke, to the " wine-press." Those 
 intended for eating were perhaps put into 
 flat open baskets of wickerwork, as was 
 the custom in Egypt. In Palestine, at pres- 
 ent, the finest grapes, says Dr. Robinson, 
 are dried as raisins, and the juice of the 
 remainder, after having been trodden and 
 pressed, "is boiled down to a sirup, which, 
 under the name of rft'is, is much used by 
 all classes, wherever vineyards arc found, 
 as a condiment with their food." The vine- 
 yard, which was generally on a hill (Is. v. 
 1; Jer. xxxi. 5; Amos ix. 13), was sur- 
 rounded by a wall or hedge in order to 
 keep out the wild boars (Ps. Ixxx. 13), 
 jackals, and foxes (Num. xxii. 24; Cant, 
 ii. 15; Neh. iv. 3; Ez. xiii. 4, 5; Matt. xxi. 
 33). Within the vineyard was one or more 
 towers of stone in which the vine-dressers 
 lived (Is. i. 8, v. 2; Matt. xxi. 33). The 
 press and vat, which was dug (Matt. xxi. 
 33) or hewn out of the rocky soil, were 
 part of the vineyard furniture (Is. v. 2). 
 
 Vine of Sodom occurs only in Deut. 
 xxxii. 32. It is generally supposed that 
 this passage alludes to the celebrated ap- 
 | pies of Sodom, of which Josephus speaks, 
 " which indeed resemble edible fruit in col- 
 or, but, on being plucked by the hand, are 
 dissolved into smoke and ashes." It has 
 i been variously identified. Dr. Robinson 
 ; pronounced in favor of the 'Osher fruit, the 
 i Asclepias (Calotropis} procera of botanists. 
 ! He says, " The fruit greatly resembles ex- 
 I ternally a large smooth apple or orange, 
 I hanging in clusters of three or four to-
 
 VINEGAR 
 
 739 
 
 VULGATE 
 
 gether, and when ripe is of a yellow color. 
 It was now fair and delicious to the eye, 
 and soft to the touch ; but, on being pressed 
 or struck, it explodes with a puff, like a 
 bladder or puff-ball, leaving in the hand 
 only the shreds of the thin rind and a few 
 fibres. It is indeed filled chiefly with air, 
 which gives it the round form." Dr. Hook- 
 er writes, " The Vine of Sodom I always 
 thought might refer to Cucumis colocynthis, 
 which is bitter and powdery inside; the 
 term vine would scarcely be given to any 
 but a trailing or other plant of the habit of 
 a vine." His remark that the term vine 
 must refer to some plant of the habit of a 
 vine, is conclusive against the claims of all 
 the plants hitherto identified with the Vine 
 of Sodom. 
 
 Vinegar. The Hebrew word translated 
 " vinegar" was applied to a beverage con- 
 sisting generally of wine or strong drink 
 turned sour, but sometimes artificially 
 made by an admixture of barley and wine, 
 and thus liable to fermentation. It was 
 acid even to a proverb (Prov. x. 26), and 
 by itself formed a nauseous draught (Ps. 
 Ixix. 21), but was used by laborers (Ruth 
 ii. 14). Similar was the acetum of the 
 Romans a thin, sour wine, consumed by 
 soldiers. This was the beverage of which 
 the Saviour partook in His dying moments 
 (Matt, xxvii. 48 ; Mark xv. 36 ; John xix. 
 29, 30). 
 
 Vineyards, Plain of the. This 
 place, mentioned only in Judg xi. 33, has 
 been already noticed under ABEL (5). 
 
 Viol. [PSALTERY.] 
 
 Viper. [SERPENT.] 
 
 Voph'si, father of Nahbi, the Naphta- 
 lite spy (Num. xiii. 14). 
 
 Vows. The earliest mention of a vow 
 is that of Jacob (Gen. xxviii. 18-22, xxxi. 
 13). Vows in general are also mentioned 
 in the Book of Job (xxii. 27). The Law 
 therefore did not introduce, but regulated 
 the practice of vows. Three sorts are men- 
 tioned : I. Vows of devotion ; II. Vows 
 of abstinence; III. Vows of destruction. 
 I. As to vows of devotion, the following 
 rules are laid down : A man might devote 
 to sacred uses possessions or persons, but 
 not the firstborn either of man or beast, 
 whicli was devoted already (Lev. xxvii. 26). 
 a. If he vowed land, he might either re- 
 deem it or not (Lev. xxv., xxvii.). b. 
 Animals fit for sacrifice, if devoted, were 
 not to be redeemed or changed (Lev. 
 xxvii. 9, 10, 33). c. The case of persons 
 devoted stood thus : A man might devote 
 either himself, his child (not the firstborn), 
 or his slave. If no redemption took place, 
 the devoted person became a slave of the 
 sanctuary : see the case of Absalom (2 Sam. 
 xv. 8). Otherwise he might be redeemed 
 at a valuation according to age and sex, on 
 the scale given in Lev. xxvii. 1-7. Among 
 
 general regulations affecting vows, the fol- 
 lowing may be mentioned : 1. Vows were 
 entirely voluntary, but once made were re- 
 garded as compulsory (Num. xxx. 2 ; Deut. 
 xxiii. 21 ; Eccl. v. 4). 2. If persons in a 
 dependent condition made vows, as (a) an 
 unmarried daughter living in her father's 
 house, or (6) a wife, even if she afterwards 
 became a widow, the vow, if (a) in the first 
 case her father, or (6) in the second, her 
 husband, heard and disallowed it, was void ; 
 but if they heard without disallowance, it 
 was to remain good (Num. xxx. 3-16). 3. 
 Votive offerings arising from the produce 
 of any impure traffic were wholly forbidden 
 (Deut. xxiii. 18). II., III. For vows of 
 abstinence, see CORBAN ; and for vows of 
 extermination, ANATHEMA, and Ezr. x. 8 ; 
 Mic. iv. 13. It seems that the practice of 
 shaving the head at the expiration of a vo- 
 tive period was not limited to the Nazaritic 
 vow (Acts xviii. 18, xxi. 24). 
 
 Vulgate, The, the Latin version of 
 the Bible. The influence which it exercised 
 upon Western Christianity is scarcely less 
 than that of the LXX. upon the Greek 
 Churches. But both the Greek and the 
 Latin Vulgates have been long neglected. 
 Yet the Vulgate should have a very deep 
 interest for all the Western Churches. For 
 many centuries it was the only Bible gen- 
 erally used ; and, directly or indirectly, it 
 is the real parent of all the vernacular 
 versions of Western Europe. The Gothic 
 Version of Ulphilas alone is independent 
 of it. In the age of the Reformation the 
 Vulgate was rather the guide than the 
 source of the popular versions. That of 
 Luther (N. T. in 1523) was the most im- 
 portant, and in this the Vulgate had great 
 weight. From Luther the influence of the 
 Latin passed to our own Authorized Ver- 
 sion. But the claims of the Vulgate to the 
 attention of scholars rest on wider grounds. 
 It is not only the source of our current 
 theological terminology, but it is, in one 
 shape or other, the most important early 
 witness to the text and interpretation of the 
 whole Bible. The name is equivalent to 
 Vulgata editio (the current text of Holy 
 Scripture). I. THE OLD LATIN VERSIONS. 
 The history of the earliest Latin Version of 
 the Bible is lost in obscurity. All that can 
 be affirmed with certainty is, that it was 
 made in Africa in the 2d century. During 
 the first two centuries the Churches of 
 Rome and Gaul were essentially Greek; 
 but the Church of N. Africa seems to have 
 been Latin-speaking from the first. This 
 version was known by the name of the Old 
 Latin ( Vetus Latino), and the language 
 was rude and provincial. It appears to 
 iiave arisen from individual and successive 
 fforts ; but it does not follow by any means 
 that numerous versions were simultaneously 
 circulated, or that the several parts of the
 
 VULGATE 
 
 740 
 
 VULGATE 
 
 version were made independently. Even 
 if it had been so, the exigencies of the pub- 
 lic service must soon have given definite- 
 ness and substantial unity to the fragmen- 
 tary labors of individuals. The work of 
 private hands would necessarily be subject 
 to revision for ecclesiastical use. The 
 separate books would be united in a vol- 
 ume, and thus a standard text of the whole 
 collection would be established. With re- 
 gard to the O. T. the case is less clear. It 
 is probable that the Jews who were settled 
 in N. Africa were confined to the Greek 
 towns ; otherwise it might be supposed that 
 the Latin Version of the O. T. is in part 
 anterior to the Christian era, and that (as 
 in the case of Greek) a preparation for a 
 Christian Latin dialect was already made 
 when the Gospel was introduced into Africa. 
 However this may have been, the substan- 
 tial similarity of the different parts of the 
 Old and New Testaments establishes a real 
 connection between them, and justifies the 
 belief that there was one popular Latin 
 Version of the Bible current in Africa in 
 the last quarter of the second century. 
 From considerations of style and language 
 it seems certain that the Epistle to the He- 
 brews, James, and 2 Peter, did not form 
 part of the original African Version. In 
 the O. T., on the other hand, the Old Latin 
 erred by excess, and not by defect. After 
 the translation once received a definite 
 shape in Africa, which could not have been 
 long after the middle of the second century, 
 it was not publicly revised. It continued 
 to be used in Africa in its original form; 
 but in the 4th century an ecclesiastical 
 recension appears to have been made in 
 Northern Italy, which was distinguished by 
 the name of Itala. At the close of the 4th 
 century the Latin texts of the Bible current 
 in the Western Church had fallen into the 
 greatest corruption. The evil was yet 
 greater in prospect than at the time ; for 
 the separation of the East and West was 
 growing imminent. II. THE LABORS OF 
 JEROME. In the crisis of danger the great 
 scholar was raised up who probably alone 
 for 1500 years possessed the qualifications 
 necessary for producing an original version 
 of the Scriptures for the use of the Latin 
 Churches, viz. Jerome Eusebius Hierony- 
 mus who was born in 329 A. D. at Stridon 
 in Dalmatia, and died at Bethlehem in 420 
 A. D. After long and self-denying studies 
 in the East and West, Jerome went to 
 Rome A. D. 382, probably at the request of 
 Damasus the Pope, to assist in an important 
 synod. His active biblical labors date from 
 this epoch, and in examining them it will 
 be convenient to follow the order of time, 
 noticing (1) the Revision of the Old Latin 
 Version of the N. T. ; (2) the Revision of 
 the Old Latin Version (from the Greek) of 
 
 the O. T. ; (3) the New Version of the O. 
 T. from the Hebrew. (1.) The Revision 
 of the Old Latin Version of the N. T. 
 Jerome had not been long at Rome (A. D. 
 383) when Damasus consulted him on 
 points of Scriptural criticism. Apparently 
 in the same year Jerome, at the request of 
 Damasus the Pope, undertook a revision 
 of the current Latin version of the N. T. 
 by the help of the Greek original. Jerome 
 was fully sensible of the prejudices which 
 such a work would excite among those 
 " who thought that ignorance was holiness ; " 
 but the need of it was urgent. " There 
 were," he says, "almost as many forms 
 of text as copies." The Gospels had natu- 
 rally suffered most. Jerome therefore ap- 
 plied himself to these first. But his aim 
 was to revise the Old Latin, and not to 
 make a new version. Yet although he pro- 
 posed to himself this limited object, the 
 various forms of corruption which had been 
 introduced were, as he describes, so numer- 
 ous that the difference of the Old and Re- 
 vised (Hieronymian) text is throughout clear 
 and striking. The preface to Damasus 
 speaks only of a revision of the Gospels, 
 and a question has been raised whether 
 Jerome really revised the remaining books 
 of the N. T. But the omission is probably 
 due to the comparatively pure state in 
 which the text of the rest of the N. T. was 
 preserved. An examination of the Vulgate 
 text, with the quotations of ante-Hieronym- 
 ian fathers and the imperfect evidence of 
 MSS., is itself sufficient to establish the 
 reality and character of the revision. (2.) 
 The Revision of the O. T. from the LXX. 
 He next proceeded to revise the O. T. from 
 the Septuagint. He commenced his task by 
 a revision of the Psalter. This revision, 
 which was not very complete or careful, ob- 
 tained the name of the Roman Psalter, prob- 
 ably because it was made for the use of the 
 Roman Church at the request of Damasus. 
 Shortly afterwards, at the urgent request of 
 Paula and Eustochium, Jerome commenced 
 a new and more thorough revision. The 
 exact date at which this was made is not 
 known, but it may be fixed with great 
 probability very shortly after A. D. 387, 
 when he retired to Bethlehem, and cer- 
 tainly before 391, when he had begun his 
 new translations from the Hebrew. In the 
 new revision Jerome attempted to rep- 
 resent as far as possible, by the help of 
 the Greek versions, the real reading of 
 the Hebrew. This new edition soon ob- 
 tained a wide popularity. Gregory of 
 Tours is said to have introduced it from 
 Rome into the public services in France, 
 and from this it obtained the name of the 
 Gdllican Psalter. From the second (Gal- 
 lican) revision of the Psalms Jerome ap- 
 pears to have proceeded to a revision of
 
 VULGATE 
 
 741 
 
 VULGATE 
 
 the other books of the 0. T., restoring 
 all, by the help of the Greek, to a gen- 
 eral conformity with the Hebrew. The 
 revised texts of the Psalter and Job have 
 alone been preserved ; but there is no rea- 
 son to doubt that Jerome carried out his 
 design of revising all the " Canonical Scrip- 
 tures." Subsequently Jerome undertook a 
 still more important work, namely, the trans- 
 lation of the O.T. from the Hebrew. (3.) The 
 Translation of the 0. T. from the Hebrew. 
 He commenced the study of Hebrew when 
 he was already advanced in middle life 
 (about A. D. 374). His first teacher had 
 been a Jewish convert ; but afterwards he 
 did not scruple to seek the instruction of 
 Jews, whose services he secured with great 
 difficulty and expense. After retiring to 
 Bethlehem, he appears to have devoted 
 himself with renewed ardor to the study 
 of Hebrew, and he published several works 
 on the subject (about A. D. 389). These 
 essays served as a prelude to his New Ver- 
 sion, which he now commenced. This ver- 
 sion was not undertaken with any eccle- 
 siastical sanction, as the revision of the 
 Gospels was, but at the urgent request of 
 private friends, or from his own sense of 
 the imperious necessity of the work. Its 
 history is told in the main in the Prefaces 
 to the several instalments which were suc- 
 cessively published. The Books of Samuel 
 and Kings were issued first, and to these 
 he prefixed the famous Prologus galeatus, 
 addressed to Paula and Eustochium, in 
 which he gives an account of the Hebrew 
 Canon (about A. D. 391, 392). The other 
 books followed in succession, and the whole 
 work was completed in A. D. 404. III. THE 
 HISTORY OF JEROME'S TRANSLATION TO 
 THE INVENTION OF PRINTING. The critical 
 labors of Jerome were received with a loud 
 outcry of reproach. He was accused of 
 disturbing the repose of the Church, and 
 shaking the foundations of faith. But 
 clamor based upon ignorance soon dies 
 away ; and the New translation gradually 
 came into use equally with the Old, and at 
 length supplanted it. In the 6th century 
 the use of Jerome's Version was universal 
 among scholars except in Africa, where the 
 other still lingered. In the 7th century the 
 traces of the Old Version grow rare. In 
 the 8th century Bede speaks of Jerome's 
 Version as " our edition ; " and from this 
 time it is needless to trace its history, 
 though the Old Latin was not wholly for- 
 gotten. Yet throughout, the New Version 
 made its way without any direct eccle- 
 siastical authority. It was adopted in the 
 different Churches gradually, or at least 
 without any formal command. But the 
 Latin Bible which thus passed gradually 
 into use under the name of Jerome was a 
 strangely composite work. The books of 
 
 the O. T., with one exception, were cer- 
 tainly taken from his Version from the 
 Hebrew ; but this had not only been vari- 
 ously corrupted, but was itself in many 
 particulars (especially in the Pentateuch) 
 at variance with his later judgment. Long 
 use, however, made it impossible to substi- 
 tute his Psalter from the Hebrew for the 
 Galilean Psalter; and thus this book was 
 retained from the Old Version, as Jerome 
 had corrected it from the LXX. Of the 
 Apocryphal books Jerome hastily revised 
 or translated two only, Judith and Tobit. 
 The remainder were retained from the Old 
 Version against his judgment; and the 
 Apocryphal additions to Daniel and Esther, 
 which he had carefully marked as apocry- 
 phal in his own Version, were treated as 
 integral parts of the books. In the N. T. 
 the text of the Gospels was in the main 
 Jerome's revised edition; that of the re- 
 maining books his very incomplete revision 
 of the Old Latin. Meanwhile the text of 
 the different parts of the Latin Bible was 
 rapidly deteriorating. The simultaneous 
 use of the Old and New Versions necessa- 
 rily led to great corruptions of both texts. 
 Mixed texts were formed according to the 
 taste or judgment of scribes, and the con- 
 fusion was further increased by the changes 
 which were sometimes introduced by those 
 who had some knowledge of Greek. la 
 the 8th century the corruption had arrived 
 at such a height, that Charlemagne in- 
 trusted to Alcuin (circ. A. D. 802) the task 
 of revising the Latin text for public use. 
 Alcuin's revision probably contributed much 
 towards preserving a good Vulgate text. It 
 was subsequently revised by many eminent 
 scholars, both before and. after the inven- 
 tion of printing. IV. THE HISTORY OF THE 
 PRINTED TEXT. It was a noble omen for 
 the future progress of printing that the first 
 book which issued from the press was the 
 Bible ; and the splendid pages of the Maz- 
 arin Vulgate (Mainz, Gutenburg, and Fust) 
 stand yet unsurpassed by the latest efforts 
 of typography. This work is referred to 
 about the year 1455, and presents the com- 
 mon text of the 15th century. Other edi- 
 tions followed in rapid succession. The 
 first collection of various readings appears 
 in a Paris edition of 1504, and others fol- 
 lowed at Venice and Lyons in 1511, 1513; 
 but Cardinal Ximenes (1502-1517) was the 
 first who seriously revised the Latin text, 
 to which he assigned the middle place of 
 honor in his Polyglot between the Hebrew 
 and Greek texts. This was followed by 
 others. When the Council of Trent de- 
 clared the Vulgate to be the authoritative 
 text of Scripture, the want of a standard 
 text became more urgent than ever. At 
 length an edition was published in 1590, 
 under the superintendence of the Pope
 
 VULTURE 
 
 742 WAR 
 
 Sixtus V., with the famous constitution 
 prefixed, in which Sixtus affirmed the plen- 
 ary authority of the edition for all future 
 time. It was, however, soon found that 
 this edition also was defective ; and accord- 
 ingly another edition was prepared under 
 papal authority. It appeared in 1592 in the 
 Pontificate of Clement VIII., with a Pref- 
 ace, written by Bellarmin. More than a 
 century elapsed before anything more of 
 importance was done for the text of the 
 Latin version of the O. T., when at length 
 the fortunate discovery of the original 
 revision of the Sixtine correctors again 
 directed the attention of Roman scholars 
 to their authorized text. The first fruits 
 of their labors are given in the volume of 
 Vercellone, which has thrown more light 
 upon the history and criticism of the Vul- 
 gate than any previous work. The neglect 
 of the Latin text of the O. T. is but a con- 
 sequence of the general neglect of the 
 criticism of the Hebrew text. In the N. T. 
 far more has been done for the correc- 
 tion of the Vulgate, though even here no 
 critical edition has yet been published. 
 V. THE INFLUENCE AND VALUE OF THE 
 LATIN VERSION. The vast power which 
 the Vulgate has had in determining the 
 theological terms of Western Christendom 
 can hardly be overrated. By far the great- 
 er part of the current doctrinal terminology 
 is based on the Vulgate. Predestination, 
 justification, supererogation (supcrerogo~), 
 sanctification, salvation, mediation, regen- 
 eration, revelation, visitation (met.), pro- 
 pitiation, first appear in the Old Vulgate. 
 Grace, redemption, election, reconciliation, 
 satisfaction, inspiration, scripture, were 
 devoted there to a new and holy use. Sac- 
 rament and communion are from the same 
 source ; and though baptism is Greek, it 
 comes to us from the Latin. It would be 
 easy to extend the list by the addition of 
 orders, penance, congregation, priest. But 
 it can be seen from the forms already 
 brought forward that the Vulgate has left 
 its mark both upon our language and upon 
 our thoughts. It was the Version which 
 alone they knew who handed downrto the 
 Reformers the rich stores of mediaeval 
 wisdom ; the Version with which the great- 
 est of the Reformers were most familiar, 
 and from which they had drawn their ear- 
 liest knowledge of Divine truth. 
 
 Vulture. The rendering in the A. V. 
 of the Heb. da&h, dayydh, and also in Job 
 xxviii. 7, of ayydh. There seems no doubt 
 but that the A. V. translation is incorrect, 
 and that the original words refer to some of 
 the smaller species of raptorial birds, as 
 kites or buzzards. [KITE.] But the He- 
 brew word nesher, invariably rendered 
 " eagle " in the A. V., is probably the vul- 
 ture. [EAGLE.] 
 
 W. 
 
 Wages. The earliest mention of wages 
 is of a recompense, not in money, but in 
 kind, to Jacob from Laban (Gen. xxix. 15, 
 20, xxx. 28, xxxi. 7, 8, 41). In Egypt, 
 money payments by way of wages were in 
 use, but the terms cannot now be ascer- 
 tained (Ex. ii. 9). The only mention of 
 the rate of wages in Scripture is found in 
 the parable of the householder and the 
 vineyard (Matt. xx. 2), where the laborer's 
 wages are set at one denarius per day, 
 probably = 7|d., a sum which mny be fair- 
 ly taken as equivalent to the denarius, 
 and to the usual pay of a soldier (ten asses 
 per diem) in the later days of the Roman 
 republic (Tac. Ann. i. 17; Polyb. vi. 39). 
 In earlier times it is probable that the rate 
 was lower. But it is likely that laborers, 
 and also soldiers, were supplied with pro- 
 visions. The law was very strict in re- 
 quiring daily payment of wages (Lev. xix. 
 13; Deut. xxiv. 14, 15). The employer 
 who refused to give his laborers sufficient 
 victuals is censured (Job xxiv. 11), and 
 the iniquity of withholding wages is de- 
 nounced ( Jer. xxii. 13 ; Mai. iii. 5 ; James 
 v. 4). 
 
 Wagon. The Oriental wagon, or 
 arabah, is a vehicle composed of two or 
 three planks fixed on two solid circular 
 blocks of wood, from two to five feet in 
 diameter^ which serve as wheels. For the 
 conveyance of passengers, mattresses or 
 clothes are laid in the bottom, and the 
 vehicle is drawn by buffaloes or oxen. 
 [CART and CHARIOT.] 
 
 Walls. Only a few points need be no- 
 ticed. 1. The practice common in Palestine 
 of carrying foundations down to the solid 
 rock, as in the case of the Temple, with 
 structures intended to be permanent (Luke 
 vi. 48). 2. A feature of some parts of Solo- 
 mon's buildings, as described by Josephus, 
 corresponds remarkably to the method 
 adopted at Nineveh of incrusting or veneer- 
 ing a wall of brick or stone with slabs of a 
 more costly material, as marble or alabas- 
 ter. 8. Another use of walls in Palestine 
 is to support mountain-roads or terraces 
 formed on the sides of hills for purposes of 
 cultivation. 4. The " path of the vineyards " 
 (Num. xxii. 24) is a pathway through vine- 
 yards, with walls on each side. 
 
 Wandering in the Wilderness. 
 [WILDERNESS OF WANDERING.] 
 
 War. The most important topic in con- 
 nection with war is the formation of the 
 army which is destined to carry it on. 
 [ARMY.] In 1 K. ix. 22, at a period (Solo- 
 mon's reign) when the organization of the 
 army was complete, we have apparently a
 
 WAR 
 
 743 WASHING HANDS AND FEET 
 
 list of the various gradations of rank in the 
 service, as follow: (1.) "Men of war " = 
 privates; (2.) " servants," the lowest rank 
 of officers = lieutenants ; (3.) "princes" 
 = captains; (4.) " captains," perhaps = 
 staff officers ; (5.) "rulers of his chariots and 
 his horsemen " = cavalry officers. Before 
 
 Awyrian War Chariot. ' 
 
 entering on a war of aggression the He- 
 brews sought for the Divine sanction by 
 consulting either the Urim and Thummim 
 (Judg. i. 1, xx. 2, 27, 28; 1 Sam. xiv. 37, 
 xxiii. 2, xxviii. 6, xxx. 8), or some acknowl- 
 edged prophet (1 K. xxii. 6; 2 Chr. xviii. 
 5). Divine aid was further sought in actual 
 warfare by bringing into the field the Ark 
 of the Covenant, which was the symbol of 
 Jehovah Himself (1 Sam.iv. 4-18, xiv. 18). 
 Formal proclamations of war were not 
 interchanged between the belligerents. Be- 
 fore entering the enemy's district spies 
 were sent to ascertain the character of the 
 country and the preparations of its inhab- 
 itants for resistance (Num. xiii. 17 ; Josh, 
 ii. 1 ; Judg. vii. 10 ; 1 Sam. xxvi. 4). When 
 an engagement was imminent a sacrifice 
 was offered (1 Sam. vii. 9, xiii. 9), and an 
 inspiriting address delivered either by the 
 commander (2 Chr. xx. 20) or by a priest 
 (Deut. xx. 2). Then followed the battle- 
 signal (1 Sam. xvii. 52 ; Is. xiii. 13 ; Jer. 1. 
 42; Ez. xxi. 22; Am. i. 14). The combat 
 assumed the form of a number of hand-to- 
 hand contests. Hence the high value at- 
 tached to fleetness of foot and strength of 
 arm (2 Sam. i. 23, ii. 18; 1 Chr. xii. 8). 
 At the same time various strategic devices 
 were practised, such as the ambuscade 
 (Josh. viii. 2, ]J2; Judg. xx. 36), surprise 
 (Judg. vii. 16), or circumvention (2 Sam. 
 v. 23). Another mode of settling the dis- 
 pute was by the selection of champions 
 (1 Sam. xvii. ; 2 Sam. ii. 14), who were 
 spurred on to exertion by the offer of high 
 reward (1 Sam. xvii. 25, xviii. 25; 2 Sam. 
 xviii. 11; 1 Chr. xi. 6). The contest hav- 
 ing been decided, the conquerors were 
 recalled from the pursuit by the sound of 
 a trumpet (2 Sam. ii. 28, xviii. 16, xx. 22). 
 The siege of a town or fortress was con- 
 ducted in the following manner : A line 
 
 ! of circumvallation was drawn round the 
 ; place (Ez. iv. 2; Mic. v. 1), constructed 
 out of the trees found in the neighbor- 
 hood (Deut. xx. 20), together with earth 
 and any other materials at hand. This 
 line not .only cut off the besieged from 
 the surrounding country, but also served as 
 a base of operations for the besiegers. The 
 next step was to throw out from this line 
 one or more mounds or " banks " in the di- 
 rection of the city (2 Sam. xx. 15 ; 2 K. xix. 
 32 ; Is. xxxvii. 33), which were gradually 
 increased in height until they were about 
 half as high as the city wall. On this mound 
 or bank towers were erected (2 K. xxv. 1 ; 
 Jer. Hi. 4; Ez. iv. 2, xvii. 17, xxi. 22, xxvi. 
 8), whence the slingers and archers might 
 attack with effect. Battering-rams (Ez. iv. 
 2, xxi. 22) were brought up to the walls by 
 means of the bank, and scaling-ladders 
 might also be placed on it. The treatment 
 of the conquered was extremely severe in 
 ancient times. The bodies of the soldiers 
 killed in action were plundered (1 Sam. 
 xxxi. 8 ; 2 Mace. viii. 27) : the survivors 
 were either killed in some savage manner 
 (Judg. ix. 45; 2 Sam. xii. 31; 2 Chr. xxv. 
 12), mutilated (Judg. i. 6; 1 Sam. xi. 2), 
 or carried into captivity (Num. xxxi. 26 ; 
 Deut. xx. 14). Sometimes the bulk of the 
 population of the conquered country was 
 removed to a distant locality. The Mosaic 
 law mitigated to -a certain extent the sever- 
 ity of the ancient usages towards the con- 
 quered. The conquerors celebrated their 
 success by the erection of monumental 
 stones (1 Sam. vii. 12; 2 Sam. viii. 13), 
 by hanging up trophies in their public 
 buildings (1 Sam. xxi. 9, xxxi. 10; 2 K. 
 xi. 10), and by triumphal songs and dances 
 in which the whole population took part 
 (Ex. xv. 1-21 ; Judg. v. ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6-8 ; 
 2 Sam. xxii. ; Jud. xvi. 2-17 ; 1 Mace. ir. 
 24V 
 
 Washing the Hands and Feet. 
 A s knives and forks were dispensed with in 
 eating, it was absolutely necessary that the 
 hand, which was thrust into the common 
 dish, should be scrupulously clean ; and 
 again, as sandals were ineffectual against 
 the dust and heat of an Eastern climate, 
 washing the feet on entering a house was 
 an act both of respect to the company and 
 of refreshment to the traveller. The for- 
 mer of these usages was trr ^asformed by 
 the Pharisees of the New Testament age 
 into a matter of ritual observance (Mark 
 vii. 3), and special rules were laid down as 
 to the times and manner of its performance. 
 Washing the feet did not rise to the dignity 
 of a ritual observance except in connection 
 with the services of the sanctuary (Ex. xxx. 
 19, 21). It held a high place, however, 
 among the rites of hospitality. Immedi- 
 ately that a guest presented himself at the
 
 WATCHES OF NIGHT 
 
 744 
 
 WEAVING 
 
 tent-door, it was usual to offer the neces- 
 sary materials for washing the feet (Gen. 
 xviii. 4, xix. 2, xxiv. 32, xliii. 24 ; Judg. 
 six. 21). It was a yet more complimentary 
 act, betokening equally humility and affec- 
 tion, if the host actually performed the office 
 for his guest (1 Sam. xxv. 41 ; Luke vii. 38, 
 44; John xiii. 5-14; 1 Tim. v. 10.) Such 
 a token of hospitality is still occasionally 
 exhibited in the East. 
 
 Watches of Night. The Jews, like 
 the Greeks and Romans, divided the night 
 into military watches instead of hours, each 
 watch representing the period for which 
 sentinels or pickets remained on duty. The 
 proper Jewish reckoning recognized only 
 three such watches, entitled the first or 
 " beginning of the watches " (Lam. ii. 19), 
 the middle watch (Judg. vii. 19), and the 
 morning watch (Ex. xiv. 24 ; 1 Sam. xi. 11). 
 These would last respectively from sunset 
 to 10 P. M. ; from 10 P. M. to 2 A. M. ; and 
 from 2 A. M. to sunrise. Subsequently to 
 the establishment of the Roman supremacy, 
 the number of watches was increased to 
 four, which were described either accord- 
 ing to their numerical order, as in the 
 case of the " fourth watch " (Matt. xiv. 25), 
 or by the terms "even, midnight, cock- 
 crowing, and morning" (Mark xiii. 35). 
 These terminated respectively at 9 p. M., 
 midnight, 3 A. M., and 6 A. M. 
 
 Water of Jealousy, (Num. v. 11- 
 31). The ritual prescribed consisted in the 
 husband's bringing the woman before the 
 priest, and the essential part of it is unques- 
 tionably the oath, to which the " water " 
 was subsidiary, symbolical, and ministerial. 
 With her he was to bring the tenth part of 
 an cphah of barley-meal as an offering. In 
 the first instance, the priest " set her before 
 the Lord," with the offering in her hand. 
 As she stood holding the offering, so the 
 priest stood holding an earthen vessel of 
 holy water mixed with the dust from the 
 floor of the sanctuary, and declaring her 
 free from all evil consequences if innocent, 
 solemnly devoted her in the name of Jeho- 
 vah to be "a curse and an oath among her 
 people " if guilty, further describing the 
 exact consequences ascribed to the opera- 
 tion of the water in the " members " which 
 she had " yielded as servants to unclean- 
 ness" (vers. 21, 22, 27; comp. Rom. vi. 
 19). He then " wrote these curses in a 
 book, and blotted them out with the bitter 
 water," and having thrown the handful of 
 meal on the altar, " caused the woman to 
 drink" the potion thus drugged, she more- 
 over answering to the words of his impreca- 
 tion, " Amen, Amen." Josephus adds, if 
 the suspicion was unfounded, she obtained 
 conception, if true, she died infamously. 
 
 Water of Separation. [PURIFICA- 
 TION; UKCLEANNESS.] 
 
 Wave-offering. This rite, together 
 with that of " heaving" or " raising" the 
 offering, was an inseparable accompaniment 
 of peace-offerings. In such the right shoul- 
 der, considered the choicest part of the 
 victim, was to be " heaved," and viewed 
 as holy to the Lord, only eaten therefore 
 by the priest ; the breast was to be " waved," 
 and eaten by the worshipper. On the sec- 
 ond day of the Passover a sheaf of corn, in 
 the green ear, was to be waved, accom- 
 panied by the sacrifice of an unblemished 
 lamb of the first year, from the perform- 
 ance of which ceremony the days till Pente- 
 cost were to be counted. When that feast 
 arrived, two loaves, the first-fruits of the 
 ripe corn, were to be offered with a burnt- 
 offering, a sin-offering, and two lambs of 
 the first year for a peace-offering. These 
 likewise were to be waved. The Scriptural 
 notices of these rites are to be found in Ex. 
 xxix. 24, 28 ; Lev. vii. 30, 34, viii. 27, ix. 
 21, x. 14, 15, xxiii. 10, 15, 20; Nnm. vi. 20, 
 xviii. 11, 18, 26-29, &c. In conjecturing 
 the meaning of this rite, regard must be had, 
 in the first instance, to the kind of sacrifice 
 to which it belonged. It was the accom- 
 paniment of peace-offerings. These not 
 only, like the other sacrifices, acknowledged 
 God's greatness and His right over the 
 creature, but they witnessed to a ratified 
 covenant an established communion be- 
 tween God and man. 
 
 Way. This word has now, in ordinary 
 parlance, so entirely forsaken its original 
 sense, and is so uniformly employed in the 
 secondary or metaphorical sense of a " cus- 
 tom " or " manner," that it is difficult to 
 rememberthat in the Bible it most frequent- 
 ly signifies an actual road or track. Our 
 translators have employed it as the equiva- 
 lent of no less than eighteen distinct He- 
 brew terms. It may be truly said that 
 there is hardly a single passage in whicli 
 this word occurs which would not be made 
 clearer and more real if " road to " were 
 substituted for " way of." There is one 
 use which must not be passed over, viz. in 
 the sense of a religious course. In the Old 
 Test, this occurs but rarely, perhaps twice : 
 namely, in Amos viii. 14, and Ps. cxxxix. 
 24. But in the Acts of the Apostles wlut, 
 "the way," "the road," is the received, 
 almost technical, term for the new religion 
 which Paul first resisted and afterwards 
 supported. 
 
 Weapons. [ARMS.] 
 
 Weasel (chdlcd) occurs only in Lev. xi. 
 29, in the list of unclean animals ; but the 
 Hebrew word ought more probably to be 
 translated " mole." Moles are common in 
 Palestine. 
 
 Weaving. The art of weaving appears 
 to be coeval with the first dawning of civil- 
 ization. We find it practised with great
 
 WEDDING 
 
 745 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 
 
 skill by the Egyptians at a very early 
 period. The " vestures of fine linen " 
 such as Joseph wore (Gen. xli. 42) were the 
 product of Egyptian looms. The Israelites 
 were probably acquainted with the process 
 before their sojourn in Egypt; but it was 
 undoubtedly there that they attained the 
 proficiency which enabled them to execute 
 the hangings of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 
 35; 1 Chr. iv. 21), and other artistic tex- 
 tures. At a later period the Egyptians 
 were still famed for their manufactures of 
 " fine " (i. c. hackled) flax, and of chdrt , 
 rendered in the A. V. "networks," but 
 more probably a white material either of 
 linen or cotton (Is. xix. 9; Ez. xxvii. 7). 
 The character of the loom and the process 
 of weaving can only be inferred from inci- 
 dental notices. The Egyptian loom was 
 usually upright, and the weaver stood at 
 his work. The cloth was fixed sometimes 
 at the top, sometimes at the bottom. The 
 modern Arabs use a procumbent loom, 
 raised above the ground by short legs. 
 The Bible does not notice the loom itself, 
 but speaks of the beam to which the warp 
 was attached (1 Sam. xvii. 7 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 
 19) ; and of the pin to which the cloth was 
 fixed, and on which it was rolled (Judg. 
 xvi. 14). We have also notice of the shut- 
 tle, which is described by a term significant 
 of the act of weaving (Job vii. 6) ; the 
 thrum or threads which attached the web 
 to the beam (Is. xxxviii. 12, margin; and 
 the web itself (Judg. xvi. 14 ; A. V. 
 "beam"). Whether the two terms in 
 Lev. xiii. 43, rendered " warp " and " woof," 
 really mean these, admits of doubt. The 
 textures produced by the Jewish weavers 
 were very various. The coarser kinds, such 
 as tent-cloth, sack-cloth, and the " hairy 
 garments " of the poor were made of goat's 
 or camel's hair (Ex. xxvi. 7; Matt. hi. 4). 
 Wool was extensively used for ordinary 
 clothing (Lev. xiii. 47 ; Prov. xxvii. 26, 
 xxxi. 13; Ez. xxvii. 18), while for finer 
 work flax was used, varying in quality, 
 and producing the different textures de- 
 scribed in the Bible as " linen " and " fine 
 linen." The mixture of wool and flax in 
 cloth intended for a garment was inter- 
 dicted (Lev. xix. 19; Dcut. xxii. 11). 
 
 Wedding. [MARRIAGE.] 
 
 Week. There can be no doubt about 
 the great antiquity of measuring time by a 
 period of seven days (Gen. viii. 10, xxix. 
 27). The origin of this division of time is 
 a matter which has given birth to much 
 speculation. Its antiquity is so great, its 
 observance so wide-spread, and it occupies 
 so important a place in sacred things, that 
 it must probably be thrown back as far as 
 the creation of man. The week and the 
 Sabbath are thus as old as man himself. A 
 purely theological ground is thus estab- 
 
 lished for the week. They who embrace 
 this view support it by a reference to the 
 six days' creation and the Divine rest on 
 the seventh. 1st. That the week rests on 
 a theological ground may be cheerfully 
 acknowledged by both sides; but nothing 
 is determined by such acknowledgment as 
 to the original cause of adopting this divis- 
 ion of time. Whether the week gave its 
 sacredness to the number seven, or whether 
 the ascendency of that number helped to 
 determine the dimensions of the week, it 
 is impossible to say. 2dly. The weekly 
 division was adopted by all the Shemitic 
 races, and, in the later period of their his- 
 tory at least, by the Egyptians. On the 
 other hand, there is no reason for thinking 
 the week known till a late period either to 
 Greeks or Romans. 3dly. So far from the 
 week being a division of time without ground 
 in nature, there was much to recommend 
 its adoption. And, further, the week is a 
 most natural and nearly an exact quadri- 
 partition of the month, so that the quarters 
 of the moon may easily have suggested it. 
 In Exodus the week conies into very dis- 
 tinct manifestation. Two of the great feasts 
 the Passover and the Feast of Taber- 
 nacles are prolonged for seven days after 
 that of their initiation (Exod. xii. 15-20, 
 &c.). The division by seven was expanded 
 so as to make the seventh month and the 
 seventh year Sabbatical. In the N. T. we 
 of course find such clear recognition of and 
 familiarity with the week as needs scarcely 
 be dwelt on. The Christian Church, from 
 the very first, was familiar with the week. 
 St. Paul's language (1 Cor. xvi. 2) shows 
 this. We cannot conclude from it that such 
 a division of time was observed by the in- 
 habitants of Corinth generally ; for they to 
 whom he was writing, though doubtless the 
 majority of them were Gentiles, yet knew 
 the Lord's Day, and most probably the 
 Jewish Sabbath. But though we can infer 
 no more than this from the place in ques- 
 tion, it is clear that if not by this time, yet 
 very soon after, the whole Roman world had 
 adopted the hebdomadal division. 
 
 Weeks, Feast Of. [PENTECOST.] 
 Weights and Measures. A. 
 WEIGHTS. The general principle of the 
 present inquiry is to give the evidence of 
 the monuments the preference on all doubt- 
 ful points. All ancient Greek systems of 
 weight were derived, either directly or in- 
 directly, from an Eastern source. The 
 older systems of ancient Greece and Persia 
 were the Aeginetan, the Attic, the Babylo- 
 nian, and the Embolc. 1. The Aeginetan 
 talent is stated to have contained GO minae, 
 and 6000 drachms. 2. The Attic talent is 
 the standard weight introduced by Solon. 
 3. The Babylonian talent may be deter- 
 mined from existing weights found by Mr.
 
 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 746 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 
 
 Layard at Nineveh. Pollux makes it equal 
 to 7000 Attic drachms. 4. The Eubolc 
 talent, though bearing a Greek name, is 
 rightly held to have been originally an 
 Eastern system. The proportion of the 
 Eubolc talent to the Babylonian was prob- 
 ably as GO to 72, or 5 to 6. Taking the 
 Babylonian maneh at 7992 grs. we obtain 
 399,600 for the EuboTc talent. The prin- 
 cipal, if not the only, Persian gold coin is 
 the DAtic, weighing about 129 grs. 5. The 
 Hebrew talent or talents and divisions. A 
 talent of silver is mentioned in Exodus, 
 which contained 3000 shekels, distinguished 
 as " the holy shekel," or " shekel of the 
 sanctuary." The gold talent contained 100 
 manehs, and 10,000 shekels. The silver 
 talent contained 3000 shekels, 6000 bekas, 
 and 60,000 gerahs. The significations of 
 
 the names of the Hebrew weights must 
 be here stated. The chief Unit was the 
 SHEKEL (i. e. weight}, called also the Holy 
 Shekel or Shekel of the Sanctuary ; subdi- 
 vided into the Beka (i. e. half) or half- 
 shekel, and the Gerah (i. e. a grain or 
 bean). The chief multiple, or higher unit, 
 was the Kikkar (i. e. circle or globe, prob- 
 ably for an aggregate sum), translated in 
 our Version, after the LXX., TALENT ; sub- 
 divided into the Maneh (i. e. part, portion, 
 or number), a word used in Babylonian and 
 in the Greek ijiaor Mina. 1. The relations 
 of the^e weights, as usually employed for 
 the standard of weighing Silver, and their 
 absolute values, determined from the extant 
 silver coins, and confirmed from other 
 sources, were as follows, in grains exactly, 
 and in Avoirdupois weight approximately : 
 
 SILVER WEIGHTS. 
 
 Grains. 
 
 Lbs. 
 
 Oz. 
 
 Correction. 
 
 Gerah 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 110 
 220 
 
 13,200 
 660,000 
 
 2 
 100 
 
 * 
 
 +06 gr. nearly. 
 -|-6gr. 
 +1-75 gr. 
 2 oz. nearly. 
 6 Ib. nearly. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 Shekel 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 Maneh 
 
 
 1200 
 
 120 
 
 60 
 
 Talent (Kikkar) 
 
 60,000 
 
 6000 
 
 3000 
 
 60 
 
 2. For Gold, a different SHEKEL was used, 
 probably of foreign introduction. Its value 
 has been calculated at from 129 to 132 
 grains. The former value assimilates it to 
 the Persian Daric of the Babylonian stan- 
 
 dard. The Talent of this system was just 
 double that of the silver standard ; it was 
 divided into 100 manehs ; and each maneh 
 into 100 shekels, as follows : 
 
 GOLD WEIGHTS. 
 
 Grains. 
 
 Lbs. 
 
 Oz. 
 
 Correction. 
 
 
 
 132 
 
 13,200 
 1,320,000 
 
 2 
 200 
 
 3 
 
 + '75 gr. 
 2 oz. nearly. 
 12 Ib. nearly. 
 
 130 
 
 
 10,000 
 
 100 
 
 Talent (Eikkar) .... 
 
 3. There appears to have been a third stan- 
 dard for Copper, namely, a shekel four times 
 as heavy as the Gold Shekel (or 528 grains), 
 1500 of which made up the Copper Talent 
 of 792.000 grains. ' It seems to have been 
 subdivided, in the coinage, into Halves (of 
 2G4 grains). Quarters (of 132 grains), and 
 Sixths (of 88 grains). 
 
 B. MEASURES. I. MEASURES OF LENGTH. 
 In the Hebrew, as in every other system, 
 these measures are of two classes ; length, 
 in the ordinary sense, for objects whose size 
 we wish to determine, and distance, or 
 itinerary measures ; and the two are con- 
 nected by some definite relation, more or 
 less simple, between their units. 1. The 
 measures of the former class have been 
 universally derived, in the first instance, 
 from the parts of the human body ; but it is 
 remarkable that, in the Hebrew system, the 
 
 only part used for this purpose is the hand 
 and fore-arm, to the exclusion of the foot, 
 which was the chief unit of the Western 
 nations. Hence arises the difficulty of de- 
 termining the ratio of the foot to the CUBIT,* 
 which appears as the chief Oriental unit 
 from the very building of Noah's ark (Gen. 
 vi. 15, 16, vii. 20). The Hebrew lesser 
 measures were the finger's brea-dth (Jer. 
 lii. 21, only) ; the palm or handbreadth 
 (Ex. xxv. 25 ; IK. vii. 26 ; 2 Chr. iv. 5, 
 used metaphorically in Ps. xxxix. 5) ; the 
 span, i. e. the full stretch between the tips 
 of the thumb and the little finger (Ex. 
 xxviii. 16 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 4 ; Ez. xliii. 13, and 
 figuratively Is. xl. 12). The data for de- 
 termining the actual length of the Mosaic 
 
 * The Hebrew word for the cubit (ammah) appear* to 
 have been of Egyptian origin, as some of the meuurei of 
 capacity (the A in aud cphah) were certainly.
 
 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 747 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 
 
 cubit involve peculiar difficulties, and ab- 
 solute certainty seems unattainable. The 
 following, however, seem the most probable 
 conclusions : first, that three cubits were 
 used in the times of the Hebrew monarchy ; 
 namely : (1.) The cubit of a man (Deut. 
 iii. 11), or the common cubit of Canaan (in 
 contradistinction to the Mosaic cubit) of 
 the Chaldaean standard ; (2.) The old Mo- 
 saic or legal cubit, a handbreadth larger 
 than the first, and agreeing with the small- 
 er Egyptian cubit; (3.) The new cubit, 
 
 which was still larger, and agreed with the 
 larger Egyptian cubit, of about 20'6 inches, 
 used in the Nilometer : and, secondly, that 
 the ordinary cubit of the Bible did not come 
 up to the full length of the cubit of other 
 countries. The reed (Jc&neh) for measur- 
 ing buildings (like the Roman decempeda} 
 was equal to 6 cubits. It only occurs in 
 Ezekiel (xl. 5-8, xli. 8, xlii. 16-19). The 
 values given in the following table are to 
 be accepted with reservation, for want of 
 greater certainty : 
 
 HEBREW MEASURES OF LENGTH. 
 
 Inches. 
 
 Approximate. 
 
 Feet. 
 
 Inches. 
 
 Digit 
 
 
 7938 
 3-1752 
 5-5257 
 19-0515 
 114-3090 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 8 or ft 
 
 A 
 
 i 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 
 24 
 
 6 
 3d 
 
 2 
 
 
 144 
 
 12 
 
 6 1 Reed ....... 
 
 
 2. Of Measures of Distance the smallest is 
 the pace, and the largest the day's journey. 
 (a) The Pace (2 Sam. vi. 13), whether it 
 be single, like our^ace, or double, like the 
 Latin passus, is defined by nature within 
 certain limits, its usual length being about 
 30 inches for the former, and 5 feet for the 
 latter. There is some reason to suppose 
 that even before the Roman measurement 
 of the roads of Palestine, the Jews had a 
 Mile of 1000 paces, alluded to in Matt. v. 
 41. It is said to have been single or double, 
 according to the length of the pace ; and 
 hence the peculiar force of our Lord's say- 
 ing: "Whosoever shall compel thee [as a 
 courier] to go a mile, go with him twain " 
 put the most liberal construction on the 
 demand, (i) The Day's Journey was the 
 most usual method of calculating distances 
 in travelling (Gen. xxx. 36, xxxi. 23 ; Ex. 
 iii. 18, v. 3; Num. x. 33, xi. 31, xxxiii. 8; 
 Deut. i. 2 ; 1 K. xix. 4 ; 2 K. iii. 9 ; Jon. iii. 
 3; 1 Mace. v. 24, 28, vii. 45; Tob. vi. 1), 
 though but one instance of it occurs in the 
 New Testament (Luke ii. 44). The ordi- 
 .nary day's journey among the Jews was 30 
 miles ; but when they travelled in compa- 
 nies, only 10 miles ; Neapolis formed the 
 first stage out of Jerusalem, according to 
 the former, and Beeroth according to the 
 latter computation, (c) The Sabbath-day's 
 Journey of 2000 cubits (Acts i. 12) is pecu- 
 liar to the N. T., and arose from a Rabbin- 
 ical restriction. It was founded on a uni- 
 versal application of the prohibition given 
 by Moses for a special occasion : "Let no 
 man go out of his place on the seventh 
 
 I day" (Ex. xvi. 29). An exception was 
 allowed for the purpose of worshipping at 
 the Tabernacle ; and, as 2000 cubits was the 
 prescribed space to be kept latween the 
 Ark and the people, as xrell tfs the extent 
 of the suburbs of the Levitical cities on every 
 side (Num. xxxv. 5), this was taken for the 
 length of a Sabbath-day's journey, measured 
 from the wall of the city in which the trav- 
 eller lived. Computed from the value given 
 above for the cubit, the Sabbath-day's jour- 
 ney would be just six tenths of a mile, (d) 
 After the Captivity, the relations of the 
 Jews to the Persians, Greeks, and Romans, 
 caused the use, probably, of the Parasang, 
 and certainly of the Stadium and the Mile. 
 Though the first is not mentioned in the 
 Bible, it is well to exhibit the ratios of the 
 three. The universal Greek standard, the 
 stadium of 600 Greek feet, which was the 
 length of the race-course atOlynipia, occurs 
 first in the Maccabees, and is common in 
 the N. T. Our version renders it furlong ; 
 it being, in fact, the 8th part of the Roman 
 mile, as the furlong is of ours (2 Mace. xi. 
 5, xii. 9, 17, 29 ; Luke xxiv. 13 ; John vi. 
 19, xi. 18; Rev. xiv. 20, xxi. 16). One 
 measure remains to be mentioned. The 
 fathom, used in sounding by the Alexan- 
 drian mariners in St. Paul's voyage, is the 
 Greek oftyvia, i. e. thofull stretch of the two 
 arms from tip to tip of the middle finger, 
 which is about equal to the height, and in 
 a man of full stature is six feet. For the 
 sake of completeness, the values of the 
 Greek and Roman foot are shown in the 
 following table:
 
 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 748 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 
 
 
 Miles. 
 
 Feet. 
 
 laches. 
 
 Roman 
 
 HE 
 
 Foot = 
 Greek ] 
 
 96 of Greek F< 
 
 )0t 
 
 
 
 0193 
 3^ nearly 
 
 1 
 i 
 
 6 
 606 
 = 4854 
 
 11-6496 
 0-135 
 10-248 
 0-81 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 Roman Pace (pass 
 
 MS) , 
 
 
 5 
 
 *f 
 
 bom 
 long 
 Roi 
 
 (ipyvia) .... 
 (araStov) . . . 
 nan Mile .... 
 Persian Parasang 
 
 $ 
 
 6 
 
 >i 
 
 Greek Fal 
 
 625 
 
 600 
 
 125 
 
 100 
 800 
 
 Fui 
 
 8 
 
 5,000 
 
 4,800 
 
 1,000 
 
 18,750 
 
 18,000 
 
 3,750 
 
 3,000 
 
 30 
 
 1 
 
 For estimating Area, and especially Land, 
 there is no evidence that the Jews used any 
 special system of Square Measures, but 
 they were content to express the length and 
 breadth of the surface to be measured, by 
 the cubit (Num. xxxv. 4, 5 ; Ez. xl. 27) or 
 by the reed (Ez. xlii. 20, xliii. 17, xlv. 2, 
 xlviii. 20; Rev. xxi. 16). 
 
 II. MEASURES OF CAPACITY. 1. The 
 measures of capacity for Liquids were : 
 (a) The log (Lev. xiv. 10, &c.), the name 
 originally signifying a " basin." (4) The 
 hin, a name of Egyptian origin, frequently 
 noticed in the Bible (Ex. xxix. 40, xxx. 
 24; Num. xv. 4, 7, 9; Ez. iv. 11, &c.). 
 (c) The bath, the name meaning " meas- 
 ured," the largest of the liquid measures 
 (1 K. vii. 26, 38; 2 Chr. ii. 10; Ezr. vii. 
 22 ; Is. v. 10). The relative values of these 
 measures stand thus : 
 
 Log. 
 ~~l7~ 
 
 Hin. 
 
 72 
 
 6 Bath. 
 
 2. The Dry measure contained the follow- 
 ing denominations : (a) The cab, men- 
 tioned only in 2 K. vi. 25, the name mean- 
 ing literally hollow or concave, (i) The 
 omer, mentioned only in Ex. xvi. 16-36. 
 The word implies a heap, and secondarily, 
 a sheaf, (e) The stah, or " measure," 
 this being the etymological meaning of the 
 term, and appropriately applied to it, in- 
 asmuch as it was the ordinary measure for 
 household purposes (Gen. xviii. 6 ; 1 Sam. 
 xxv. 18; 2 K. vii. 1, 16). The Greek 
 equivalent occurs in Matt. xiii. 33 ; Luke 
 xiii. 21. (rf) The ephah, a word of Egyp- 
 tian origin, and of frequent recurrence in 
 the Bible (Ex. xvi. 36; Lev. v. 11, vi. 20; 
 Num. v. 15, xxviii. 5 ; Judg. vi. 19 ; Ruth 
 ii. 17; 1 Sara. i. 24, xvii. 17; Ez. xlv. 11, 
 13, 14, xlvi. 5, 7, 11, 14). (e) The lethec, 
 or " half homer," literally meaning what 
 is poured out : it occurs only in Hos. iii. 2. 
 (/) The homer, meaning heap (Lev. xxvii. 
 16; Num. xi. 32; Is. v. 10; Ez. xlv. 13). 
 It is elsewhere termed cor, from the circu- 
 lar vessel in which it was measured (1 E. 
 
 iv. 22, v. 11; 2 Chr. ii. 10, xxvii. 6; Ezr. 
 vii. 22; Ez. xlv. 14). The Greek equiva- 
 lent occurs in Luke xvi. 7. The following 
 scale gives the relative values of these 
 measures : 
 
 Cab. 
 
 Omer. 
 
 Seah. 
 
 Epbah. 
 
 * 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 180 
 
 100 
 
 30 
 
 10 Homer. 
 
 The absolute values of the liquid and dry 
 measures are stated differently by Josephus 
 and the Rabbinists, and as we are unable 
 to decide between them, we give a double 
 estimate of the various denominations. 
 
 (Josephus.) (Rabbinisti.) 
 Gallon*. Gallons. Bushels. 
 
 Homer or Cor 86-096 or 44.286 ioJJ or 5! 
 
 Ephah or Bath 8-6696 or 4-4286 ^ ? 
 
 Seah .... 2-8898 or 1-4762 
 
 Hin 1-4449 or -7381 
 
 Omer .... -8669 or -4428 
 
 Cab .... -4816 or -246 
 
 Log -1204 or -0615 
 
 In the N. T. we have notices of the follow- 
 ing foreign measures : (a) The metritt* 
 (John ii. 6; A. V. " firkin "), for liquids. 
 (6) The choenix (Rev. vi. 6; A. V. " meas- 
 ure"), for dry goods, (c) The xestic, ap- 
 plied, however, not to the peculiar measure 
 so named by the Greeks, but to any small 
 vessel, such as a cup (Mark vii. 4, 8 ; A. 
 V. "pot"), (rf) The modius, similarly 
 applied to describe any vessel of moderate 
 dimensions (Matt. v. 15 ; Mark iv. 21 ; 
 Luke xi. 33; A. V. ' bushel "), though 
 properly meaning & Roman measure, 
 amounting to about a peck. The value of 
 the Attic metrttts was 8-6696 gallons, and 
 consequently the amount of liquid in six 
 stone jars, containing on the average 2i 
 metrttae each", would exceed 110 gallons 
 (John ii. 6). Very possibly, however, the 
 Greek term represents the Hebrew bath ; 
 and, if the bath be taken at the lowest esti- 
 mate assigned to it, the amount would be 
 reduced to about 60 gallons. The choenix 
 was l-48th of an Attic medimnus, and
 
 WELL 
 
 749 
 
 WHALE 
 
 contained nearly a quart. It represented 
 the amount of corn for a day's food ; and 
 hence a choenix for a penny (or denarius), 
 which usually purchased a bushel (Cic. 
 Verr. iii. 81), indicated a great scarcity 
 (Rev. vi. 6). 
 
 Well. The special necessity of a sup- 
 ply of water (Judg. i. 15) in a hot climate 
 has always involved among Eastern nations 
 questions of property of the highest impor- 
 tance, and sometimes given rise to serious 
 contention. Thus the well Beersheba was 
 opened, and its possession attested with 
 special formality by Abraham (Gen. xxi. 
 30, 31). To acquire wells which they had 
 not themselves dug, was one of the marks 
 of favor foretold to the Hebrews on their 
 entrance into Canaan (Deut. vi. 11). To 
 possess one is noticed as a mark of inde- 
 pendence (Prov. v. 15), and to abstain from 
 
 Ancient Egyptian Mnchine fbr raising Water, identical with 
 the Shadoof of the present day. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 the use of wells belonging to others, a dis- 
 claimer of interference with their property 
 (Num. xx. 17, 19, xxi. 22). Similar rights 
 of possession, actual and hereditary, exist 
 among the Arabs of the present day. It is 
 thus easy to understand how wells have be- 
 come in many cases links in the history 
 and landmarks in the topography both of 
 Palestine and of the Arabian Peninsula. 
 Wells in Palestine are usually excavated 
 from the solid limestone rock, sometimes 
 with steps to descend into them (Gen. xxiv. 
 10). The brims are furnished with a curb 
 or low wall of stono, bearing marks of high 
 antiquity in the furrows worn by the ropes 
 used in drawing water. It was on a curb 
 of this sort that our Lord sat when He con- 
 versed with the woman of Samaria (John 
 iv. 6), and it was this, the usual stone cover, 
 which the woman placed on the mouth of 
 the well at Bahurim (2 Sam. xviS. 19), where 
 the A. V. weakens the sense by omitting the 
 article. The usual methods for raising 
 
 water are the following: 1. The rope 
 and bucket, or water-skin (Gen. xxiv. 14- 
 20; John iv. 11). 2. The sakiyeh, or Per- 
 sian wheel. This consists of a vertical 
 wheel furnished with a set of buckets or 
 earthen jars, attached to a cord passing 
 over the wheel, which descend empty and 
 return full as the wheel revolves. 3. A 
 modification of the last method, by which a 
 man, sitting opposite to a wheel furnished 
 with buckets, turns it by drawing with his 
 hands one set of spokes prolonged beyond 
 its circumference, and pushing another set 
 from him with his feet. 4. A method very 
 common, both in ancient and modern Egypt, 
 is the shadoof, a simple contrivance con- 
 sisting of a lever moving on a pivot, which 
 is loaded at one end with a lump of clay or 
 some other weight, and has at the other 
 a bowl or bucket. Wells are usually fur- 
 nished with troughs of wood or stone, into 
 which the water is emptied for the use of 
 persons or animals coming to the wells. 
 Unless machinery is used, which is com- 
 monly worked by men, women are usually 
 the water-carriers. 
 
 Whale. As to the signification of the 
 Hebrew terms tan and tannin, variously 
 rendered in the A. V. by " dragon," 
 " whale," " serpent," " sea-monster," see 
 DRAGON. It remains for us in this article 
 to consider the transaction recorded in the 
 Book of Jonah, of that prophet having been 
 swallowed up by some " great fish " which 
 in Matt. xii. 40 is called cetos (xyio), 
 rendered in our version by " whale." In 
 the first place, it is necessary to ob- 
 serve that the Greek word cetos, used by 
 St. Matthew, is not restricted in its mean- 
 ing to " a whale," or any Cetacean ; like 
 the Latin cete or cetus, it may denote any 
 sea-monster, either "a whale," or "a 
 shark," or " a seal," or " a tunny of enor- 
 mous size." Although two or three species 
 of whale are found in the Mediterranean 
 Sea, yet the " great fish " that swallowed 
 the prophet cannot properly be identified 
 with any Cetacean, for, although the Spernt 
 whale has a gullet sufficiently large to ad- 
 mit the body of a man, yet it can hardly be 
 the fish intended ; as the natural food of 
 Cetaceans consists of small animals, such 
 as medusae and Crustacea. The only fish, 
 then, capable of swallowing a man would 
 be a large specimen of the White Shark 
 (Carcharias vulgaris), that dreaded enemy 
 of sailors, and the most voracious of the 
 family of Sqitalidae. This shark, which 
 sometimes attains the length of thirty feet, 
 is quite able to swallow a man whole. The 
 whole body of a man in armor has been 
 found in the stomach of a white shark ; and 
 Captain King, in his Survey of Australia, 
 says he had caught one which could have 
 swallowed a man with the greatest ease. 
 Blumenbach mentions that a whole horse
 
 WHEAT 
 
 750 
 
 WILDERNESS 
 
 has been found in a shark, and Captain 
 Basil Hall reports the taking of one in 
 which, besides other things, he found the 
 whole skin of a buffalo which a short time 
 before had been thrown overboard from his 
 ship (i. p. 27). The white shark is not 
 uncommon in the Mediterranean. 
 
 Wheat, the well-known valuable cereal, 
 cultivated from the earliest times, is first 
 mentioned in Gen. xxx. 14, in the account 
 of Jacob's sojourn with Laban in Mesopo- 
 tamia. Egypt in ancient times was cele- 
 brated for the growth of its wheat ; the best 
 quality was all bearded; and the same 
 varieties existed in ancient as in modern 
 times, among which may be mentioned the 
 seven-eared quality described in Pharaoh's 
 dream (Gen. xli. 22). Babylonia was also 
 noted for the excellence of its wheat and 
 other cereals. Syria and Palestine pro- 
 duced wheat of fine quality and in large 
 quantities (Ps. cxlvii. 14, Ixxxi. 16, &c.). 
 There appear to be two or three kinds of 
 wheat at present grown in Palestine, the 
 Triticum vulgare, the T. spelta, and an- 
 other variety of bearded wheat which ap- 
 pears to be the same as the Egyptian kind, 
 the T. compositum. In the parable of the 
 eower our Lord alludes to grains of wheat 
 which in good ground produce a hundred- 
 fold (Matt. xiii. 8). The common Triticum 
 vulgare will sometimes produce one hun- 
 dred grains in the ear. Wheat is reaped 
 towards the end of April, in May, and in 
 June, according to the differences of soil 
 and position ; it was sown either broadcast, 
 and then ploughed in or trampled in by 
 cattle (Is. xxxii. 20), or in rows, if we 
 rightly understand Is. xxviii. 25, which 
 eeems to imply that the seeds were planted 
 apart in order to insure larger and fuller 
 ears. The wheat was put into the ground 
 in the winter," and some time after the bar- 
 ley ; in the Egyptian plague of hail, conse- 
 quently, the barley suffered, but the wheat 
 had not appeared, and so escaped injury. 
 
 Whirlwind. The Hebrew terms su- 
 phdh and se'drdh convey the notion of a 
 violent wind or hurricane, the former be- 
 cause such a wind sweeps away every object 
 it encounters, the latter because the objects 
 so swept away are tossed and agitated. It 
 does not appear that the above terms ex- 
 press the specific notion of a whirl-wind. 
 The whirlwind is frequently used as a 
 metaphor of violent and sweeping detruc- 
 tion. 
 
 Widow. Under the Mosaic dispensa- 
 tion no legal provision was made for the 
 maintenance of widows. They were left 
 dependent partly on the affection of rela- 
 tions, more especially of the eldest son, 
 whose birthright, or extra share of the 
 property, imposed such a duty upon him, 
 and partly on the privileges accorded to 
 other distressed classes, such as a partici- 
 
 pation in the triennial third tithe (Dcut. 
 xiv. 29, xxvi. 12), in leasing (Dcut. xxiv. 
 19-21), and in religious feasts (Dcut. xvi. 
 11, 14). With regard to the remarriage of 
 widows, the only restriction imposed by the 
 Mosaic law had reference to the contingen- 
 cy of one being left childless, in which case 
 the brother of the deceased husband had a 
 right to marry the widow (Deut. xxv. 5, 6 ; 
 Matt. xxii. 23-30). In the Apostolic Church 
 the widows were sustained at the public 
 expense, the relief being daily administered 
 in kind, under the superintendence of offi- 
 cers appointed for this special purpose 
 (Acts vi. 1-6). Particular directions are 
 given by St. Paul as to the class of persons 
 entitled to such public maintenance (1 Tim. 
 v. 3-16). Out of the body of such widows 
 a certain number were to be enrolled, the 
 qualifications for such enrolment being that 
 they were not under sixty years of age; 
 that they had been " the wife of one man," 
 probably meaning but once married ; and 
 that they had led useful and charitable lives 
 (vers. 9, 10). We are not disposed to 
 identify the widows of the Bible either with 
 the deaconesses or with the TIQIO p units of 
 the early Church. The order of widows 
 existed as a separate institution, contem- 
 poraneously with these offices, apparently 
 for the same eleemosynary purpose for 
 which it was originally instituted. 
 
 Wife. [MARRIAGE.] 
 
 Wild Beasts. 1. Beh&m&h, which is 
 the general name for " domestic cattle " of 
 any kind, is used also to denote " any large 
 quadruped," as opposed to fowls and creep- 
 ing things ; or for " beasts of burden," 
 horses, mules, &c., as in 1 K. xviii. 5, 
 Neh. ii. 12, 14, &c. ; or the word may de- 
 note "wild beasts," as in Deut. xxxii. 24, 
 Hab. ii. 17, 1. Sam. xvii.44. 2. ChayyAh 
 is used to denote any animal. It is, how- 
 ever, very frequently used specially of 
 " wild beast," when the meaning is often 
 more fully expressed by the addition of the 
 word kassddeh, (wild beast) " of the field " 
 (Ex. xxiii. 11; Lev. xxvi. 22; Deut. vii. 
 22; Hos. ii. 12 [14], xiii. 8; Jer. xii. 
 9, &c.). 
 
 Wilderness of the Wandering. 
 With all the material for fixing the locali- 
 ties of the Exodus, the evidence for many 
 of them is so slight that the whole question 
 is involved in much obscurity. The uncer- 
 tainties commence from the very starting- 
 point of the route of the Wandering. It is 
 impossible to fix the point at which in " the 
 wilderness of Etham " (Num. xxxiii. 6, 7) 
 Israel, now a nation of freemen, emerged 
 from that sea into which they had passed 
 as a nation of slaves. The fact that from 
 " Etham in the edge of the wilderness," 
 their path struck across the sea (Ex. xiii. 
 20), and from the sea into the same wilder- 
 ness of Etham, seems to indicate the upper
 
 WILDERNESS 
 
 751 
 
 WILDERNESS 
 
 end of the farthest tongue of the Gulf of 
 Suez as the point of crossing. There seems 
 reason also to think that this gulf had then, 
 as also at Ezion-Geber, a farther extension 
 northward than at present, owing to the 
 land having upheaved its level. [RED SEA, 
 PASSAGE OF.] Their route now lay south- 
 wards down the east side of the Gulf of 
 Suez, and at first along the shore. The 
 station of Ayun Mousa (the Wells of Moses), 
 with its tamarisks and seventeen wells, 
 may have served for their gathering after 
 the passage. They marched for three days 
 through the wilderness of SHUR or ETHAM, 
 on the south -west margin of the great desert 
 of Paran (et-Tih), where they found no 
 water (Ex. xv. 22; Num. xxxiii. 8). It is 
 a part of the belt of gravel which surrounds 
 the mountains of the Peninsula, and is 
 crossed by several wadys, whose sides are 
 fringed with tamarisks, acacias, and a few 
 palm-trees. Near one of these, the Wady- 
 el 'Amarah, is a spring called Ain Awdrah, 
 not only in the position of MARAH, but with 
 the bitter taste which gave it the name. 
 The people, tormented with thirst, mur- 
 mured against Moses, who, at the command 
 of God, cast a certain tree into the waters 
 which made them sweet (Ex. xv. 26). They 
 must have been cheered at reaching the 
 oasis of ELIM, whose twelve wells and 
 threescore palm-trees mark it as one of the 
 wadys that break the desert; either the 
 Wady Ghurundel or the Wady Useit. After 
 passing the Wady Taiyibeh, the route de- 
 scends through a defile on to a beautiful 
 pebbly beach, where Dean Stanley places 
 the ENCAMPMENT BY THE RED SEA, which 
 is mentioned in Numbers (Num. xxxiii. 10) 
 next to Elim, but is omitted in Exodus. 
 Here the Israelites had their last view of 
 the Red Sea and the shores of Egypt. 
 Striking inland from this point, they en- 
 tered the WILDERNESS OF SIN (probably 
 the plain of Murkhah), which leads up 
 from the shore to the entrance to the moun- 
 tains of Sinai (Ex. xvi. 1). Here occurred 
 their second great trial since leaving Egypt. 
 Their unleavened bread was exhausted ; and 
 they began to murmur that they had better 
 have died by the flesh-pots of Egypt than 
 have been led out to be killed with hunger 
 in the wilderness. But God was teaching 
 them to look to him for their " daily bread," 
 which He now rained down from heaven in 
 the form of manna, and continued the sup- 
 ply till they reached Canaan (Ex. xvi. 4, 
 35). [MANNA.] From this valley others 
 lead up, by a series of steep ascents, into 
 the recesses of Sinai; resembling the beds 
 of rivers, but without water, and separated 
 by defiles which sometimes become stair- 
 cases of rock. Such were, no doubt, the 
 stations of DOFIIKAH and ALUSH (Num. 
 xxxiii. 12, 13), and such are the Wadys 
 Shettal and Jlfukatteb. From the latter the 
 
 route passes into the long and winding 
 Wady Feiran, with its groves of tamarisks 
 and palms, overhung by the granite rocks 
 of Mount Serbal, perhaps the Horeb of 
 Scripture. This valley answers in every 
 respect to REPHIDIM (the resting-places}, 
 the very name of which implies a long halt 
 (Ex. xvii. 1). Here the cry for water burst 
 forth into an angry rebellion against Moses ; 
 and God vouchsafed a miracle for a per- 
 manent supply during their abode in the 
 wilderness of Sinai. Moses was command- 
 ed to go before the people, with the elders 
 of Israel, and to smite the rock in Horeb, 
 and water flowed forth out of it. The place 
 was called MASSAH (temptation), and MER- 
 IBAH {chiding or strife), in memory of the 
 rebellion by which the people tempted Je- 
 hovah and doubted His presence among 
 them (Ex. xvii. 2-7). The spring thus 
 opened seems to have formed a brook, 
 which the Israelites used during their whole 
 sojourn near Sinai (Deut. ix. 21 ; comp. Ps. 
 Ixxviii. 15, 16, cv. 41). Hence the rock is 
 said to have "followed them " by St. Paul, 
 who makes it a type of Christ, the source 
 of the spiritual water of life (1 Cor. x. 4 ; 
 comp. John iv. 14, vii. 35; Isa. Iv. 1 ; Ez. 
 xlvii. 1 ; Zech. xivrS ; Rev. xxii. 1, 17 : the 
 waters flowing out of the temple, which also 
 stood on a bare rock, complete the type, 
 linking together Sinai, Sion, and the spir- 
 itual sense of both) . The next stage brought 
 the Israelites to the WILDERNESS OF SINAI, 
 on the first day of the third month (Sivan, 
 June), and here they encamped before the 
 Mount (Ex. xix. 1, 2). The site of their 
 camp has been identified, to a high degree 
 of probability, with the Wady er-Rahah 
 (the enclosed plain} in front of the magnifi- 
 cent cliffs of Ras Snfsdfeh. On the iden- 
 tification of Sinai itself, see SINAI. The 
 sojourn of the Israelites for a year in the 
 neighborhood of Mount Sinai was an event- 
 ful one. The statements of the Scriptural 
 narrative which relate to the receiving of 
 the two Tables, the Golden Calf, Moses' 
 vision of God, and the visit of Jethro, are 
 too well known to need special mention 
 here. They now quitted the Sinaitic region 
 for that of Paran, in which they went three 
 days without finding a permanent encamp- 
 ment (Num. i., ix. 15-23, x. 12, 33, xi. 35, xii. 
 16). In following the route of the Israel- 
 ites from Sinai, we must try to determine 
 two or three chief positions. The general 
 direction is northwards from Sinai "to the 
 mount of the Amorites," the highlands 
 of southern Palestine. The two extremes 
 are the camp before Sinai on the south, 
 and the "city" of KADESH, or Kndesh- 
 Barnea, on the north (Num. xiii. 26, 
 xx. 6, xxxii. 8). The distance between 
 these points was eleven days' journey 
 (about 165 miles), "by the way of Mount 
 Seir" (Deut. i. 2). This is evidently
 
 WILDERNESS 
 
 752 
 
 WILDERNESS 
 
 mentioned as the ordinary route, and it 
 seems to be implied (though this must not 
 be assumed as certain) that it was followed 
 by the Israelites. Between "the mount of 
 the Amorites " and the group of Sinai, lies 
 the great table-land now called the desert 
 of Et-Tih {the wandering}. There can be 
 no doubt of its general correspondence to 
 the wilderness of Paran. It took them 
 some time to get clear of the wadys about 
 Sinai; and although Paran is mentioned 
 from the first as the region into which they 
 passed, the three important stations of TAB- 
 ERAH, KIBROTH-HATTAAVAH, and HAZE- 
 KOTH (Num. xi. 3, 34, 35, xxxiii. 17) can 
 hardly be reckoned to Paran, as they are 
 said to have encamped in the wilderness of 
 Paran after leaving Hazeroth (Num. xii. 
 16). Unfortunately these three names fur- 
 nish little, if any, clew to the route they 
 took from Sinai. TABEKAH (a burning) 
 records the awful judgment that befell the 
 people, who now began again to murmur 
 against Jehovah (Num. xi. 23). The name 
 of the next station, KIBROTH-HATTAAVAH 
 (the graves of lust), is of similar origin. 
 They loathed the manna, and asked for 
 flesh. God sent them quails, on which 
 they surfeited themselves for a whole 
 month; and while the flesh was yet be- 
 tween their teeth, they were smitten with a 
 great plague, which gave the place its name. 
 For the next halting-place, HAZEROTH (the 
 enclosures), a site has been found at the 
 Wady Huderah, on the main route from 
 Sinai to the shores of the Gulf of Akabah 
 (Num. xi. 35). At Hazeroth Moses was 
 troubled by a seditious opposition from 
 Miriam and Aaron. Miriam was smitten 
 with leprosy ; and, though she was healed 
 at the prayer of Moses, Aaron, as the high 
 priest, was obliged to shut her out from the 
 camp for seven days ; after which " the 
 people removed from Hazeroth, and pitched 
 in the wilderness of Paran." Here is the 
 Gordian knot of the topography. We are 
 not told at what point they passed into the 
 wilderness of Paran, nor how many stages 
 they made in it. We find them next at 
 KADESU, whence the spies were sent out 
 (Num. xiii. 26; Deut. i. 19) ; but to deter- 
 mine the position of Kadesh itself is the 
 great problem of the whole route. We ob- 
 tain no help from the list of stations (Num. 
 xxxiii.), in which Kadesh is not mentioned, 
 and the name of Hazeroth is followed by 
 several unknown places, of which it is even 
 uncertain whether they belong to this jour- 
 ney or to the years of wandering in the 
 wilderness. The latter seems the more 
 probable alternative, since the mention of 
 Mount Hor (Num. xiii. 37-41) clearly re- 
 fers to the fortieth year, and at least the 
 eight preceding stations (Num. xiii. 31-37) 
 are closely connected with it (comp. Deut. 
 
 x. 6, 7) ; while the halt at Kadesh (Num. 
 xiii. 37) must be understood of a return to 
 that place after the long wanderings (comp. 
 Num. xx. 1). The only escape from these 
 difficulties is by the hypothesis that Kadesh 
 served as a sort of head-quarters during the 
 thirty-eight years of wandering. The Isra- 
 elites arrived at Kadesh forty days before 
 the vintage, or about the latter part of Au- 
 gust; and they made there a longer halt 
 than at any other place, except before Si- 
 nai. At Kadesh, Jehovah declared to the 
 people that they had readied the mountain 
 of the Amorites, into which they were to 
 ascend, to possess the land He had given 
 them (Deut. i. 20, 21). But first the coun- 
 try was explored by twelve spies, who were 
 heads of their respective tribes (Num. xiii. 
 1-16 ; Deut. i. 22, 23). The people, alarmed 
 by the report which the spies brought back 
 of the strength of the Canaanite cities, broke 
 out into open rebellion, and proposed to 
 elect a captain and to return to Egypt. 
 God punished them by declaring that they 
 should not see the promised hind. The 
 execution of the sentence was to begin on 
 the morrow, by their turning into the wil- 
 derness by the way of the Red Sea. There 
 they were to wander for forty years a year 
 for each day that the spies had searched 
 the land till all the men of twenty years 
 old and upwards had left their carcasses in 
 the desert; and then at length their chil- 
 dren, having shared their wanderings, should 
 enter on their inheritance (Num. xiv.). Now 
 that it was too late, the people changed their 
 mind; and, having lost the opportunity 
 given them by God, they tried to seize 
 it against His will. In the morning they 
 marched up the mountain-pass (Es-Sufa), 
 in spite of the warning of Moses that it 
 should not prosper; and the Amalekites 
 and Canaanites, coming down upon them 
 with- the Amorites of the mountain, defeat- 
 ed them with great slaughter, and chased 
 them as far as Hormah, and even to Mount 
 Seir (Num. xiv. 40-45; Deut. i. 41-44). 
 The entrance to the promised land on this 
 side was now hopelessly barred; and their 
 forlorn state is thus described by Moses : 
 " And ye returned and wept before Jeho- 
 vah; but Jehovah would not hearken to 
 your voice nor give ear unto you " (Deut. 
 i. 45, 46) . The thirty-eight years (or rather 
 exactly thirty-seven years and a half) oc- 
 cupied in the execution of God's judgment 
 form almost a blank in the sacred history. 
 Their close may be fixed at the period of 
 the final march from Kadesh to Mount 
 Hor, and thence down through the Arabah, 
 and up the eastern side of Mount Seir, to 
 the plains of Moab (Num. xx. 1. xxxiii. 37; 
 Deut. ii. 23). But the intervening portions 
 of the narrative are most difficult to assign 
 to their proper place whether to the first
 
 WILLOWS 
 
 753 
 
 WINDS 
 
 or final stay at Kadesh, or to the years be- } 
 tween. The mystery which hangs over this ! 
 period seems like an awful silence into ! 
 which the rebels sink away. After the rout j 
 in Hormah, the people " abode in Kadesh | 
 many days " (Deut. i. 46). This phrase 
 may possibly cover the whole period of the 
 wandering; and Kadesh may very well be 
 taken for a general name of the wilderness 
 (see Ps. xxix. 8). The direction in which 
 the people started on their wanderings is 
 defined, " by the way of the Red Sea" (Num. 
 xiv. 25; Deut. i. 40), which seems clearly 
 to mean down the Arabah to the head of 
 the Elanitic Gulf. Now it seems that the 
 passage in Deut. ii. 1 must be referred to 
 this same "turning into the wilderness by 
 way of the Red Sea," and not to the final 
 march, the signal for which is recorded at 
 v. 3 ; and this is confirmed by the computa- 
 tion of the thirty-eight years of wandering 
 from the time they left Kadesh-barnea 
 (Num. xiv. 14). If this be so, we have a 
 clew to the direction of the wandering in 
 the words, " and we compassed Mount Seir 
 many days ; " words which point to the 
 Arabah. With this agrees the notice of 
 their last march back to Kadesh, being from 
 Ezion-gaber at the head of the Gulf of 
 Akabah (Num. xxxiii. 36). 
 
 Willows are mentioned in Lev. xxiii. 
 40; Job xl. 22; Is. xliv. 4; Ps. cxxxvii. 2. 
 With respect to the tree upon which the 
 captive Israelites hung their harps, there 
 can be no doubt that the weeping willow 
 (Salix Babylonica) is intended. This tree 
 grows abundantly on the banks of the Eu- 
 phrates, in other parts of Asia as in Pales- 
 tine. The Hebrew word translated willows 
 is generic, and includes several species of 
 the large family of Salices, which is well 
 represented in Palestine and the Bible lands, 
 such as the Salix alba, S. viminalis (osier), 
 S. Aegyptiaca. 
 
 Willows, The Brook of the, awady 
 mentioned by Isaiah (xv. 7) in his dirge 
 over Moab. His language implies that it 
 was one of the boundaries of the country, 
 and is possibly identical with a wady men- 
 tioned by Amos (vi. 14) as the then rec- 
 ognized southern limit of the northern 
 kingdom. This latter appears in the A. V. 
 as " the river of the wilderness." Widely 
 as they differ in the A. V., the names are 
 all but identical in the original. 
 
 Wills. Under a system of close inher- 
 itance like that of the Jews, the scope for be- 
 quest in respect of land was limited by the 
 right of redemption and general re-entry in 
 the Jubilee year. But the law does not for- 
 bid bequests by will of such limited interest 
 in land as was consistent with those rights. 
 The case of houses in walled towns was 
 different, and there can be no doubt that 
 they must, in fact, have frequently been 
 bequeathed by will (Lev. xxv. 30). Two 
 48 
 
 instances are recorded in the O. T. under 
 the Law, of testamentary disposition, (1) 
 effected in the case of Ahithophel (2 Sam. 
 xvii. 23), (2) recommended in the case 
 of Hezekiah (2 K. xx. 1 ; Is. xxxviii. 1). 
 [HEIR.] 
 
 Wimple, an old English word for hood 
 or veil, used in the A. V. of Is. iii. 22. The 
 same Hebrew word is translated " veil " in 
 Ruth iii. 15, but it signifies rather a kind 
 of shawl or mantle. 
 
 Window. The window of an Oriental 
 house consists generally of an aperture 
 closed in with lattice-work (Eccl. xii. 3, 
 A. V. " window ; " Hos. xiii. 3, A. V. 
 "chimney;" Cant. ii. 9; Judg. v. 28; 
 Prov. vii. 6, A. V. "casement"). Glass 
 has been introduced into Egypt in modern 
 times as a protection against the cold of 
 winter, but lattice-work is still the usual, 
 and with the poor the only, contrivance for 
 closing the window. The windows gener- 
 ally look into the inner court of the house, 
 but in every house one or more look into the 
 street. In Egypt these outer windows gen- 
 erally project over the doorway. [HOUSE.] 
 
 Winds. That the Hebrews recognized 
 the existence of four prevailing winds as 
 issuing, broadly speaking, from the four 
 cardinal points, north, south, east, and west, 
 may be inferred from their custom of using 
 the expression " four winds " as equivalent 
 to the " four quarters " of the hemisphere 
 (Ez. xxxvii. 9 ; Dan. viii. 8 ; Zech. ii. 6 ; 
 Matt. xxiv. 31). The North wind, or, as it 
 was usually called, " the north," was natu- 
 rally the coldest of the four (Ecclus. xliii. 
 20), and its presence is hence invoked as 
 favorable to vegetation in Cant. iv. 16. It 
 is described in Prov. xxv. 23, as bringing 
 rain ; in this case we must understand 
 the north -west wind. The north-west wind 
 prevails from the autumnal equinox to the 
 beginning of November, and the north wind 
 from June to the equinox. The East wind 
 crosses the sandy wastes of Arabia Deserta 
 before reaching Palestine, and was hence 
 termed " the wind of the wilderness " (Job 
 i. 19 ; Jer. xiii. 24). It blows with violence, 
 and is hence supposed to be used generally 
 for any violent wind (Job xxvii. 21, xxxviii. 
 24 ; Ps. xlviii. 7 ; Is. xxvii. 8 ; Ez. xxvii. 
 26). In Palestine the east wind prevails 
 from February to June. The South wind, 
 which traverses the Arabian peninsula be- 
 fore reaching Palestine, must necessarily 
 be extremely hot (Job xxxvii. 17; Luke 
 xii. 55). The West and south-west winds 
 reach Palestine loaded with moisture gath- 
 ered from the Mediterranean, and are hence 
 expressively termed by the Arabs " the 
 fathers of the rain." Westerly winds pre- 
 vail in Palestine from November to Febru- 
 ary. In addition to the four regular winds, 
 we have notice in the Bible of the local 
 squalls (Mark iv. 37 ; Luke viii. 23), to which
 
 WINE 
 
 754 
 
 WINE 
 
 the Sea of Gennesareth was liable. In the 
 narrative of St. Paul's voyage we meet with 
 the Greek term Lips to describe the south- 
 west wind ; the Latin Cams or Caurus the 
 north-west wind (Acts xxvii. 12), and 
 Euroclydon, a wind of a very violent 
 character coming from E. N. E. (Acts 
 xxvii. 14). 
 
 Wine. The manufacture of wine is 
 carried back in the Bible to the age of 
 Noah (Gen. ix. 20, 21), to whom the dis- 
 covery of the process is apparently, though 
 not explicitly, attributed. The natural his- 
 tory and culture of the vine are described 
 under a separate head. [VINE.] The only 
 other plant whose fruit is noticed as having 
 been converted into wine, was the pome- 
 granate (Cant. viii. 2). In Palestine the 
 vintage takes place in September, and is 
 celebrated with great rejoicings. The ripe 
 fruit was gathered in baskets (Jer. vi. 9), 
 as represented in Egyptian paintings, and 
 was carried to the wine-press. It was then 
 placed in the upper one of the two vats or 
 receptacles of which the wine-press was 
 formed, and was subjected to the process 
 of " treading," which has prevailed in all 
 ages in Oriental and South-European coun- 
 tries (Neh. xiii. 15; Job xxiv. 11; Is. xvi. 
 10 ; Jer. xxv. 30, xlviii. 33 ; Am. ix. 13 ; 
 Kev. xix. 15). A certain amount of juice 
 exuded from the ripe fruit from its own 
 pressure before the treading commenced. 
 This appears to have been kept separate 
 from the rest of the juice, and to have 
 formed the " sweet wine " noticed in Acts 
 ii. 13. (See below.) The " treading " was 
 effected by one or more men according to 
 the size of the vat. They encouraged one 
 another by shouts (Is. xvi. 9, 10 ; Jer. xxv. 
 80, xlviii. 33). Their legs and garments 
 were dyed red with the juice (Gen. xlix. 
 
 Egyptian Wine-pren. (Wilkinson.) 
 
 11; Is. Ixiii. 2,3). The expressed juice 
 escaped by an aperture into the lower vat, 
 or was at once collected in vessels. A hand- 
 
 press was occasionally used in Egypt, but 
 we have no notice of such an instrument in 
 the Bible. As to the subsequent treatment 
 of the wine, we have but little information. 
 Sometimes it was preserved in its unfer- 
 mented state, and drunk as must, but more 
 generally it was bottled off after fermenta- 
 tion, and, if it were designed to be kept for 
 some time, a certain amount of lees was 
 added to give it body (Is. xxv. 6). The 
 wine consequently required to be " refined " 
 or strained previously to being brought to 
 table (Is. xxv. 6). To wine is attributed 
 the "darkly flashing eye " (Gen. xlix. 12; 
 A. V. " red "), the unbridled tongue (Prov. 
 xx. 1 ; Is. xxviii. 7), the excitement of the 
 spirit (Prov. xxxi. 6; Is. v. 11; Zech. ix. 
 15, x. 7), the enchained affections of its 
 votaries (Hos. iv. 11), the perverted judg- 
 ment (Prov. xxxi. 5 ; Is. xxviii. 7), the inde- 
 cent exposure (Hab. ii. 15, 16), and the sick- 
 ness resulting from the heat (chemdh, A. V. 
 " bottles") of wine (Hos. vii. 5). The al- 
 lusions to the effects ofttrdsh are confined 
 to a single passage, but this a most decisive 
 one, viz. Hos. iv. 11, "Whoredom and 
 wine (yayin), and new wine (tirdsh) take 
 away the heart," where tirftsh appears as 
 the climax of engrossing influences, in im- 
 mediate connection with yayin. It has 
 been disputed whether the Hebrew wine 
 was fermented ; but the impression pro- 
 duced on the mind by a general review of 
 the above notices is, that the Hebrew words 
 indicating wine refer to fermented, intoxi- 
 cating wine. The notices of fermentation 
 are not very decisive. A certain amount 
 of fermentation is implied in the distention 
 of the leather bottles when new wine was 
 placed in them, and which was liable to 
 burst old bottles. It is very likely that new 
 wine was preserved in the state of must by 
 placing it in jars or bottles, and then bury- 
 ing it in the earth. The mingling that we 
 read of in conjunction with wine may have 
 been designed either to increase or to 
 diminish the strength of the wine, according 
 as spices or water formed the ingredient 
 that was added. The notices chiefly favor 
 the former view ; for mingled liquor was 
 prepared for high festivals (Prov. ix. 2, 5), 
 and occasions of excess (Prov. xxiii. 30 ; 
 Is. v. 22). At the same time strength was 
 not the sole object sought; the wine " min- 
 gled with myrrh," given to Jesus, was de- 
 signed to deaden pain (Mark xv. 23), and 
 the spiced pomegranate wine prepared by 
 the bride (Cant. viii. 2) may well have been 
 of a mild character. In the New Testament 
 the character of the " sweet wine," noticed 
 in Acts ii. 13, calls for some little remark. 
 It could not be new wine in the proper 
 sense of the term, inasmuch as about eight 
 months must have elapsed between the 
 vintage and the feast of Pentecost. The 
 explanations of the ancient lexicographers
 
 WINE-PRESS 
 
 755 
 
 WISDOM OF SOLOMON 
 
 rather lead us to infer that its luscious I presented in a tabular form in the follow 
 
 qualities were due, not to its being recently 
 made, but to its being produced from the 
 very purest juice of the grape. There can 
 be little doubt that the wines of Palestine 
 varied in quality, and were named after the 
 localities in which they were made. The 
 only wines of which we have special notice, 
 belonged to Syria ; these were the wine of 
 Helbon (Ez. xxvii. 18), and the wine of 
 Lebanon, famed for its aroma (Hos. xiv. 7). 
 With regard to the uses of wine in private 
 life there is little to remark. It was pro- 
 duced on occasions of ordinary hospitality 
 (Gen. xiv. 18), and at festivals, such as mar- 
 riages (John ii. 3). Under the Mosaic law 
 wine formed the usual drink-offering that 
 accompanied the daily sacrifice (Ex. xxix. 
 40), the presentation of the first fruits (Lev. 
 xxiii. 13, and other offerings (Num. xv. 5). 
 Tithe was to be paid of wine, as of other 
 products. The priest was also to receive 
 first-fruits of wine, as of other articles (Deut. 
 xviii. 4; comp. Ex. xxii. 29). The use of 
 wine at the paschal feast was not enjomed 
 by the Law, but had become an established 
 custom, at all events, in the post-Babylonian 
 period. The wine was mixed with warm 
 water on these occasions. Hence in the 
 early Christian Church it was usual to mix 
 the sacramental wine with water. [DRINK.] 
 Wine-press. From the scanty notices 
 contained in the Bible we gather that the 
 wine-presses of the Jews consisted of two 
 receptacles or vats placed at different eleva- 
 tions, in the upper one of which the grapes 
 were trodden, while the lower one received 
 the expressed juice. The two vats are 
 mentioned together only in Joel iii. 13 : 
 " The press is full: the fats overflow" 
 the upper vat being full of fruit, the lower 
 one overflowing with the must. [WINE.] 
 The two vats were usually hewn out of the 
 solid rock (Is. v. 2, margin ; Matt. xxi. 33). 
 Ancient wine-presses, so constructed, are 
 still to be seen in Palestine. 
 Winnowing. [AGRICULTURE.] 
 Wisdom of Jesus, Son of Sirach. 
 
 [ECT LESIA8TICU8.] 
 
 Wisdom, The, of Solomon, a book 
 of the Apocrypha, may be divided into two 
 parts, the first (ch. i.-ix.) containing the 
 doctrine of Wisdom in its moral and intel- 
 lectual aspects ; the second, the doctrine of 
 Wisdom as shown in history (ch. x.-xix.). 
 The first part contains the praise of Wisdom 
 as the source of immortality, in contrast with 
 the teaching of sensualists ; and next the 
 praise of Wisdom as the guide of practical 
 and intellectual life, the stay of princes, and 
 the interpreter of the universe. The second 
 part, again, follows the action of Wisdom 
 summarily, as preserving God's servants, 
 from Adam to Moses, and more particular- 
 ly in the punishment of the Egyptians and 
 Canaanites. The whole argument may be 
 
 ing shape : I. Ch. i.-ix. The doctrine of 
 Wisdom in its spiritual, intellectual, and 
 moral aspects. (a). i.-v. Wisdom the 
 giver of happiness and immortality : The 
 conditions of wisdom (i. 1-11) Upright- 
 ness of thought (1-5) Uprightness of 
 word (6-11). The origin of death (i. 12- 
 ii. 24) : Sin (in fact) by man's free will (i. 
 12-16) The reasoning of the sensualist 
 (ii. 1-20) Sin (in source) by the envy of 
 the devil (21-24). The godly and wicked 
 in life (as mortal) (iii. 1-iv.) : In chastise- 
 ments (iii. 1-10) In the results of life 
 (iii. 11-iv. 6) In length of life (7-20). - 
 The godly and wicked after death (v.) 
 The judgment of conscience (1-14) The 
 judgment of God On the godly (15-16) 
 On the wicked (17-23). (?). vi.-ix. 
 Wisdom the guide of life : Wisdom the 
 guide of princes (vi. 1-21) The respon- 
 sibility of power (1-11) Wisdom soon 
 found (12-16) Wisdom the source of true 
 sovereignty (17-21). The character and 
 realm of wisdom: Open to ^11 (vi. 22-vii. 
 
 7) Pervading all creation (vii. 8-viii. 1) 
 Swaying all life (viii. 2-17) Wisdom 
 the gift of God (viii. 17-ix.) : Prayer for 
 wisdom (ix.). II. Ch. x.-xix. The doc- 
 trine of Wisdom in its historical aspects : 
 (a). Wisdom a power to save and chastise : 
 Wisdom seen in the guidance of God's peo- 
 ple from Adam to Moses (x.-xi. 4). 
 Wisdom seen in the punishment of God's 
 enemies (xi. 5-xii.) : The Egyptians (xi. 5-: 
 xii. 1) The Canaanites (xii. 2-18) 
 The lesson of mercy and judgment (19-27). 
 (/*). The growth of idolatry the opposite 
 to wisdom : The worship of nature (xiii. 1- 
 9) The worship of images (xiii. 10-xiv. 
 13) The worship of deified men (xiv. 
 14-21) The moral effects of idolatry (xiv. 
 22-31). (y). The contrast between true 
 worshippers and idolaters (xv.-xix.) : The 
 general contrast (xv. 1-17) The special 
 contrast at the Exodus : The action of beasts 
 (xv. 18-xvi. 13) The action of the forces 
 of nature water, fire (xvi. 14-29) The 
 symbolic darkness (xvii.-xviii. 4) The 
 action of death (xviii. 5-25) The powers 
 of nature changed in their working to save 
 and destroy (xix. 1-21) Conclusion (xix. 
 21). Style and Language. The literary 
 character of the book is most remarkable 
 and interesting. In the richness and free- 
 dom of its vocabulary it most closely re- 
 sembles the Fourth Book of Maccabees, but 
 it is superior to that fine declamation, both 
 in power and variety of diction. The mag- 
 nificent description of Wisdom (vii. 22- 
 viii. 1) must rank among the noblest pas- 
 sages of human eloquence, and it would be 
 perhaps impossible to point out any piece 
 of equal length in the remains of classical 
 antiquity more pregnant with noble thought, 
 or more rich in expressive phraseology.
 
 WISE MEN 
 
 756 
 
 WOLF 
 
 Doctrinal Character. The theological 
 teaching of the book offers, in many re- 
 spects, the nearest approach to the language 
 and doctrines of Greek philosophy which is 
 found in any Jewish writing up to the time 
 of Philo. There is much in the views which 
 it gives of the world, of man, and of the 
 Divine Nature, which springs rather from 
 the combination or conflict of Hebrew and 
 Greek thought than from the independent 
 development of Hebrew thought alone. 
 Thus, in speaking of the almighty power 
 of God, the writer describes him as " having 
 created the universe out of matter without 
 form," adopting the very phrase of the 
 Platonists, which is found also in Philo. 
 Scarcely less distinctly heathen is the con- 
 ception which is presented of the body as a 
 mere weight and clog to the soul (ix. 15 ; 
 contrast 2 Cor. v. 1-4). It is more in ac- 
 cordance with the language of the O. T. 
 that the writer represents the Spirit of God 
 as filling (i. 7) and inspiring all things (xii. 
 1), but even here the idea of " a soul of the 
 world" seems to influence his thoughts. 
 There is, on tRe other hand, no trace of the 
 characteristic Christian doctrine of a resur- 
 rection of the body. The identification of 
 the tempter (Gen. iii.), directly or indirect- 
 ly, with the devil, as the bringer " of death 
 into the world " (ii. 23, 24), is the most re- 
 markable development of Biblical doctrine 
 which the book contains. Generally, too, 
 it may be observed that, as in the cognate 
 books, Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, there are 
 few traces of the recognition of the sinful- 
 ness even of the wise man in his wisdom, 
 which forms, in the Psalms and the Proph- 
 ets, the basis of the Christian doctrine of 
 the atonement (yet comp. xv. 2). In con- 
 nection with the -O. T. Scriptures, the 
 book, as a whole, may be regarded as car- 
 rying on one step farther the great problem 
 of life contained in Ecclesiastes and Job. 
 From internal evidence it seems most 
 reasonable to believe that the book was 
 composed in Greek at Alexandria some 
 time before the time of Philo (about 120- 
 80 B. c.). St. Paul, if not other of the 
 Apostolic writers, was familiar with its 
 language, though he makes no definite quo- 
 tation from it. Thus we have striking 
 parallels in Rom. ix. 21 to Wisd. xv. 7 ; in 
 Rom. ix. 22 to Wisd. xii. 20 ; in Eph. vi. 
 13-17 to Wisd. T. 17-19 (the heavenly 
 armor), &c. It seems, indeed, impossible 
 to study the book dispassionately, and not 
 feel that it forms one of the last Unks in the 
 chain of providential connection between 
 the Old and New Covenants. It would not 
 be easy to find elsewhere any pre-Christian 
 view of religion equally wide, sustained, 
 and definite. 
 
 Wise Men. [MAGI.] 
 
 Witch, Witchcrafts. [DITINATION; 
 MAGIC.} 
 
 Witness. Among people with whom 
 writing is not common, the evidence of a 
 transaction is given by some tangible memo- 
 rial or significant ceremony. Abraham 
 gave seven ewe-lambs to Abimelech as an 
 evidence of his property in the well of Beer- 
 sheba. Jacob raised a heap of stones, " the 
 heap of witness," as a boundary-mark be- 
 tween himself and Laban (Gen. xxi. 30, xxxi. 
 47, 52). The tribes of Reuben and Gad raised 
 an " altar " as a witness to the covenant 
 between themselves and the rest of the na- 
 tion ; Joshua set up a stone as an evidence 
 of the allegiance promised by Israel to 
 God (Josh. xxii. 10, 26, 34, xxiv. 26, 27). 
 Thus also symbolical usages, in ratification 
 of contracts or completed arrangements, as 
 the ceremony of shoe-loosing (Deut. xxv. 
 9, 10; Ruth iv. 7, 8), the ordeal prescribed 
 in the case of a suspected wife, with which 
 may be compared the ordeal of the Styx 
 (Num. T. 17-31). But written evidence 
 was by no means unknown to the Jews. 
 Divorce was to be proved by a written doc- 
 ument (Deut. xxiv. 1, 3). In civil con- 
 tracts, at least in later times, documentary 
 evidence was required and carefully pre- 
 served (Is. viii. 16; Jer. xxxii. 10-16). 
 On the whole the Law was very careful to 
 provide and enforce evidence for all its in- 
 fractions and all transactions bearing on 
 them. Among special provisions with re- 
 spect to evidence are the following : 1. 
 Two witnesses at least are required to es- 
 tablish any charge (Num. xxxv. 30; Deut. 
 xvii. 6 ; John viii. 17 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 1 ; comp. 
 1 Tim. v. 19). 2. In the case of the sus- 
 pected wife, evidence besides the husband's 
 was desired (Num. v. 13). 3. The witness 
 who withheld the truth was censured (Lev. 
 v. 1). 4. False witness was punished with 
 the punishment due to the offence which it 
 sought to establish. 5. Slanderous reports 
 and officious witness are discouraged (Ex. 
 xx. 16, xxiii. 1; Lev. xix. 16, 18, &c.). 6. 
 The witnesses were the first executioners 
 (Deut. xiii. 9, xvi. 7; Acts vii. 58). 7. In 
 case of an animal left in charge and torn 
 by wild beasts, the keeper was to bring the 
 carcass in proof of the fact and disproof of 
 his own criminality (Ex. xxii. 13). 8. Ac- 
 cording to Josephus, women and slaves 
 were not admitted to bear testimony. In 
 the N. T. the original notion of a witness is 
 exhibited in the special form of one who at- 
 tests his belief in the Gospel by personal 
 suffering. Hence it is that the use of the 
 ecclesiastical term " martyr," the Greek 
 word for "witness," has arisen. 
 Wizard. [DIVINATION; MAGIC.] 
 Wolf. There can be little doubt that 
 the wolf of Palestine is the common Canis 
 lupus, and that this is the animal so fre- 
 quently mentioned in the Bible. Wolves 
 were doubtless far more common in Bibli- 
 cal times than they are now, though they
 
 WOMEN 
 
 757 
 
 WORSHIPPER 
 
 are occasionally seen by modern travellers. 
 The following are the Scriptural allusions 
 to the wolf: Its ferocity is mentioned in 
 Gen. xlix. 27; Ez. xxii. 27; Hab. i. 8; 
 Matt. vii. 15 ; its nocturnal habits, in Jer. 
 v. 6 ; Zeph. iii. 3 ; Hab. i. 8 ; its attacking 
 sheep and lambs, John x. 12; Matt. x. 16; 
 Luke x. 8. Isaiah (xi. 6, Ixv. 25) foretells 
 the peaceful reign of the Messiah under the 
 metaphor of a wolf dwelling with a lamb ; 
 cruel persecutors are compared with wolves 
 (Matt. x. 16; Acts xx. 29). 
 
 Women. The position of women in the 
 Hebrew commonwealth contrasts favorably 
 with that which in the present day is assigned 
 to them generally in Eastern countries. The 
 most salient point of contrast in the usages 
 of ancient as compared with modern Oriental 
 society was the large amount of liberty en- 
 joyed by women. Instead of being im- 
 mured in a harem, or appearing in public 
 with the face covered, the wivts and maid- 
 ens of ancient times mingled freely and 
 openly with the other sex in the duties and 
 amenities of ordinary life. Rebekah trav- 
 elled on a camel with her face unveiled, 
 until she came into the presence of her 
 affianced (Gen. xxiv. 64, 65). Jacob saluted 
 Rachel with a kiss in the presence of the 
 shepherds (Gen. xxix. 11). Women played 
 no inconsiderable part in public celebrations 
 (Ex. xv. 20, 21; Judg. xi. 34). The odes 
 of Deborah (Judg. v.) and of Hannah (1 
 Sam. ii. l/&c.) exhibit a degree of intel- 
 lectual cultivation which is in itself a proof 
 of the position of the sex in that period. 
 Women also occasionally held public of- 
 fices, particularly that of prophetess or 
 inspired teacher (Ex. xv. 20 ; 2 K. xxii. 14 ; 
 Neh. vi. 14; Luke ii. 36; Judg. iv. 4). 
 The management of household affairs de- 
 volved mainly on the women. The value 
 of a virtuous and active housewife forms a 
 frequent topic in the Book of Proverbs (xi. 
 16, xii. 4, xiv. 1, xxxi. 10, &c.). Her in- 
 fluence was of course proportionably great. 
 The effect of polygamy was to transfer 
 female influence from the wives to the 
 mother. Polygamy also necessitated a 
 separate establishment for the wives col- 
 lectively, or for each individually. Further 
 information on the subject of this article 
 is given under the heads DEACONESS, 
 DRESS, HAIR, MARRIAGE, SLAVE, VEIL, 
 and WIDOW. 
 
 Wood. [FOREST.] 
 
 Wool was an article of the highest value 
 among the Jews, as the staple material for 
 the manufacture of clothing (Lev. xiii. 47 ; 
 Deut. xxii. 11; Job xxxi. 20; Prov. xxxi. 
 13; Ez. xxxiv. 3; Hos. ii. 5). The impor- 
 tance of wool is incidentally shown by the 
 notice that Mesha's tribute was paid in a cer- 
 tain number of rams " with the wool " (2 K. 
 iii. 4). The wool of Damascus was highly 
 prized in the mart of Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 18). 
 
 Woollen, Linen and. The Israel- 
 ites were forbidden to wear a garment min- 
 gled of woollen and linen. " A garment of 
 mixtures [shaatnlz~\ shall not come upon 
 thee " (Lev. xix. 19) ; or, as it is expressed 
 in Deut. xxii. 11, " Thou shalt not wear 
 shaatnSz, wool and flax together." Our 
 version, by the help of the latter passage, 
 has rendered the strange word shaatnz, in 
 the former, " of linen and woollen," while 
 in Deut. it is translated " a garment of 
 divers sorts." The reason given by Jo- 
 sephus for the law which prohibited the 
 wearing a garment woven of linen and 
 woollen is, that such were worn by the 
 priests alone. 
 
 Worm, the representative in the A. V. 
 of several Hebrew words. Sds, which oc- 
 curs in Is. Ii. 8, probably denotes some 
 particular species of moth, whose larva is 
 injurious to wool. Rimmdh (Ex. xvi. 20) 
 points evidently to various kinds of mag- 
 gots, and the larvae of insects which feed 
 on putrefying animal matter, rather than 
 to earthworms. T6l&61i is applied in Deut. 
 xxviii. 39 to some kinds of larvae destruc- 
 tive to the vines. Various kinds of insects 
 attack the vine, amongst which one of the 
 most destructive is the Tortrix ritisana, 
 the little caterpillar of which eats off the 
 inner parts of the blossoms, the clusters of 
 which it binds together by spinning a web 
 around them. In Job xix. 26, xxi. 26, 
 xxiv. 20, there is an allusion to worms 
 (insect larvae) feeding on the dead bodies 
 of the buried. There is the same allusion 
 in Is. Ixvi. 24, which words are applied by 
 our Lord (Mark ix. 44, 46, 48) metaphor- 
 ically to the torments of the guilty in the 
 world of departed spirits. The death of 
 Herod Agrippa I. was caused by worms 
 (Acts xii. 23); according to Josephus (Ant. 
 xix. 8), his death took place five days after 
 his departure from the theatre. Whether 
 the worms were the cause or the result of 
 the disease is an immaterial question. 
 
 Wormwood occurs frequently in the 
 Bible, and generally in a metaphorical 
 sense, as in Deut. xxix. 18, where of the 
 idolatrous Israelites it is said, " Lest there 
 be among you a root that beareth worm- 
 wood " (see also Prov. v. 4). In Jer. ix. 
 15, xxiii. 13 ; Lam. iii. 15, 19, wormwood 
 is symbolical of bitter calamity and sorrow ; 
 unrighteous judges are said to " turn judg- 
 ment to wormwood " (Am. v. 7). The Ori- 
 entals typified sorrows, cruelties, and ca- 
 lamities of any kind by plants of a poisonous 
 or bitter nature. The name of the star which, 
 at the sound of the third angel's trumpet, 
 fell upon the rivers, was called Wormwood 
 (Rev. viii. 11). Four kinds of wormwood 
 are found in Palestine Artemisia nilotica, 
 A. Judaica, A.fruticosa, and A. cinerca. 
 
 Worshipper, a translation of the 
 Greek word neocoros, used once only, Act*
 
 WRESTLING 
 
 758 
 
 WRITING 
 
 six. 35; in the margin, " Temple-keeper." 
 The neocoros was originally an attendant in 
 a temple, probably intrusted with its charge. 
 The divine honors paid in later Greek times 
 to eminent persons even in their lifetime, 
 were imitated and exaggerated by the Ro- 
 mans under the empire, especially in Asia. 
 The terra neocoros became thus applied to 
 cities or communities which undertook the 
 worship of particular emperors even during 
 their lives. The first occurrence of the 
 term in connection with Ephesus is on 
 coins of the age of Nero (A. D. 64-68). 
 
 Wrestling. [GAMES.] 
 
 Writing. There is no account in the 
 Bible of the origin of writing. Throughout 
 the Book of Genesis there is not a single 
 allusion, direct or indirect, either to its 
 practice or existence. That the Egyptians 
 in the time of Joseph were acquainted with 
 writing of a certain kind there is evidence 
 to prove, but there is nothing to show that 
 up to this period the knowledge extended 
 to the Hebrew family. At the same time 
 there is no evidence against it. Writing is 
 first distinctly mentioned in Ex. xvii. 14, 
 and the connection clearly implies that it was 
 not then employed for the first time, but was 
 so familiar as to be used for historic records. 
 Moses is commanded to preserve the mem- 
 ory of Amalek's onslaught in the desert by 
 committing it to writing. The tables of the 
 testimony are said to be " written by the 
 finger of God" (Ex. xxxi. 18), on both 
 sides, and " the writing was the writing of 
 God, graven upon the tables " (Ex. xxxii. 
 15). The engraving of the gems of the 
 high-priest's breastplate with the names of 
 the children of Israel (Ex. xxviii. 11), and 
 the inscription upon the mitre (Ex. xxxix. 
 30) have to do more with the art of the 
 engraver than of the writer, but both imply 
 the existence of alphabetic characters. The 
 curses against the adulteress were written 
 by the priest " in the book; " and blotted 
 out with water (Num. v. 23). Hitherto, 
 however, nothing has been said of the 
 application of writing to the purposes of 
 ordinary life, or of the knowledge of the 
 art among the common people. Up to this 
 point such knowledge is only attributed to 
 Moses and the priests. Prom Deut. xxiv. 
 1, 3, however, it would appear that it was 
 extended to others. It is not absolutely 
 necessary to infer frpm this that the art of 
 writing was an accomplishment possessed 
 by every Hebrew citizen, though there is 
 no mention of a third party ; and it is more 
 than probable that these " bills of divorce- 
 ment," though apparently so informal, were 
 the work of professional scribes. It was 
 enjoined as one of the duties of the king 
 (Deut. xvii. 18), that he should transcribe 
 the book of the law for his own private 
 study. If we examine the instances in 
 which writing is mentioned in connection 
 
 with individuals, we shall find that in all 
 cases the writers were men of superior 
 position. In Is. xxix. 11, 12, there is clear- 
 ly a distinction drawn between the man 
 who was able to read and the man who was 
 not, and it seems a natural inference that 
 the accomplishments of reading and writing 
 were not widely spread among the people, 
 when we find that they are universally at- 
 tributed to those of high rank or education 
 kings, priests, prophets, and profession- 
 al scribes. In the name Kirjath-Sepher 
 (Book-town, Josh. xv. 15) there is an indi- 
 cation of a knowledge of writing among the 
 Phoenicians. The Hebrews, then, a branch 
 of the great Semitic family, being in pos- 
 session of the art of writing, according *o 
 their own historical records, at averyeai^y 
 period, the further questions arise, what 
 character they made use of, and whence 
 they obtained it? Recent investigations 
 have shown that the square Hebrew char- 
 acter is of comparatively modern date, and 
 has been formed from a more ancient type 
 by a gradual process of development. What 
 then was this ancient type ? Most probably 
 the Phoenician. Pliny was of opinion that 
 letters were of Assyrian origin. Diodorus 
 Siculus (v. 74) says that the Syrians in- 
 vented letters, and from them the Phoeni- 
 cians, having learnt them, transferred them 
 to the Greeks. According to Tacitus (Ann. 
 xi. 14), Egypt was believed to be the source 
 whence the Phoenicians got their knowl- 
 edge. Be this as it may, to the Phoeni- 
 cians, the daring seamen and adventurous 
 colonizers of the ancient world, the voice 
 of tradition has assigned the honor of the 
 invention of letters. Whether it came to 
 them from an Aramaean or Egyptian source 
 can at best be but the subject of conjecture. 
 It may, however, be reasonably inferred 
 that the ancient Hebrews derived from, or 
 shared with, the Phoenicians the knowledge 
 of writing and the use of letters. The names 
 of the Hebrew letters indicate that they 
 must have been the invention of a Shemitic 
 people, and that they were moreover a pas- 
 toral people may be inferred from the same 
 evidence. Gesenius argues for a Phoeni- 
 cian origin of the alphabet, in opposition to 
 a Babylonian or Aramaean, on the follow- 
 ing grounds : 1. That the names of the 
 letters are Phoenician, and not Syrian. 2. 
 If the Phoenician letters are pictorial, as 
 there seems reason to believe, there is no 
 model, among the old Babylonian discover- 
 ers of writing, after which they could have 
 been formed. But whether or not the 
 Phoenicians were the inventors of the She- 
 mitic alphabet, there can be no doubt of 
 their just claim to being its chief dissem- 
 inators ; and with this understanding we 
 may accept the genealogy of alphabets as 
 given by Gesenius, and exhibited in the 
 accompanying table.
 
 
 WRITING 
 
 759 
 
 Phoenician. 
 1 
 
 WRITING 
 
 
 Anc. Greek. Anc. Per 
 
 iian. 
 
 Numidian. Anc. Hebrew. 
 Samaritan. 
 
 Anc. Aramaean. 
 1 
 
 Etruscan. 
 tjmbrian. 
 Oscan. 
 
 Saumite. 
 
 Celti- 
 
 Roman. Later Greek. 
 Ruuic? . 
 
 Palmyrene. 
 
 Heb. square 
 character. 
 1 
 
 Coptic. Gothic. Slavonian. 
 
 
 Saseamd writing. 
 
 Estraugelo 
 and Nestorian. 
 1 
 
 Sabian. 
 
 end. 
 Ivi. 
 
 
 Pet 
 Armenian i 
 
 Cuflc. 
 Nuchi. 
 
 Peihito. 
 
 TJiguric, or 
 OldTurkuh. 
 
 The old Semitic alphabets may be divided 
 into two principal classes : 1. The Phoeni- 
 cian, as it exists in the inscriptions in Cy- 
 prus, Malta, Carpentras, and the coins of 
 Phoenicia and her colonies. From it are 
 derived the Samaritan character, and the 
 Greek. 2. The Hebrew-Chaldee character ; 
 to which belong the Hebrew square char- 
 acter; the Palmyrene, which has some 
 traces of a cursive hand; the Estrangelo, 
 or ancient Syriac ; and the ancient Arabic 
 or Cufic. It was probably about the first 
 or second century after Christ that the 
 square character assumed its present form ; 
 though in a question involved in so much 
 uncertainty it is impossible to pronounce 
 with great positiveness. The Alphabet. 
 The oldest evidence on the subject of the 
 Hebrew alphabet is derived from the alpha- 
 betical Psalms and poems : Pss. xxv., xxxiv., 
 xxxvii., cxi., cxii., cxix., cxlv. ; Prov. xxxi. 
 10-31 ; Lam. i.-iv. From these we ascer- 
 tain that the number of the letters was 
 twenty-two, as at present. The Arabic 
 alphabet originally consisted of the same 
 number. It lias been argued by many that 
 the alphabet of the Phoenicians at first 
 consisted only of sixteen letters. The 
 legend, as told by Pliny (vii. 56), is as 
 follows : Cadmus brought with him into 
 Greece sixteen letters; -at the time of the 
 Trojan war Palamedes added four others, 
 6, =, *, X, and Simonides of Melos four 
 more, Z, H, *, a. Divisions of Words. 
 Hebrew was originally written, like most 
 ancient languages, without any divisions 
 between the words. The same is the case 
 with the Phoenician inscriptions. The va- 
 rious readings in the LXX. show that, at 
 the time this version was made, in the He- 
 brew MSS. which the translators used, the 
 words were written in a continuous series. 
 The modern synagogue rolls and the MSS. 
 of the Samaritan Pentateuch have no vowel- 
 points, but the words are divided, and the 
 Samaritan in this respect differs but little 
 from the Hebrew. Writing Materials, $c. 
 The oldest documents which contain the 
 writing of a Semitic race are probably the 
 bricks of Nineveh and Babylon, on which 
 are impressed the cuneiform Assyrian in- 
 icriptions. There is, however, no evidence 
 
 that they were ever employed by the He- 
 brews. Wood was used upon some occasions 
 (Num. xvii. 3), and writing tablets of box- 
 wood are mentioned in 2 Esdr. xiv. 24. The 
 " lead," to which allusion is made in Job xix. 
 24, is supposed to have been poured, when 
 melted, into the cavities of the stone made 
 by the letters of an inscription, in order to 
 render it durable. It is most probable that 
 the ancient as well as the most common 
 material which .the Hebrews used for writ- 
 ing was dressed skin in some form or other. 
 We know that the dressing of skins was 
 practised by the Hebrews (Ex. xxv. 6; 
 Lev. xiii. 48), and they may have acquired 
 the knowledge of the art from the Egyp- 
 tians, among whom it had attained great 
 perfection, the leather-cutters constitut- 
 ing one of the principal subdivisions of 
 the third caste. Perhaps the Hebrews 
 may have borrowed, among their other 
 acquirements, the use of papyrus from 
 the Egyptians, but of this we have no posi- 
 tive evidence. In the Bible the only allu- 
 sions to the use of papyrus are in 2 John 
 
 12, where chartes (A. V. " paper ") occurs, 
 which refers especially to papyrus paper, 
 and 3 Mace. iv. 20, where charteria is found 
 in the same sense. Herodotus^ after telling 
 us that the lonians learnt the art of writing 
 from the Phoenicians, adds that they called 
 their books skins, because they made use 
 of sheep-skins and goat-skins when short 
 of paper. Parchment was used for the 
 MSS. of the Pentateuch in the time of Jo- 
 sephus, and the membranae of 2 Tim. IT. 
 
 13, were skins of parchment. It was one 
 of the provisions in the Talmud that the 
 Law should be written on the skins of clean 
 animals, tame or wild, or even of clean 
 birds. The skins when written upon were 
 formed into rolls (mlgilUth ; Ps. xl. 8; 
 comp. Is. xxxiv. 4; Jer. xxxvi. 14; Ez. ii. 
 9; Zech. v. 1). They were rolled upon 
 one or two sticks and fastened with a 
 thread, the ends of which w >re sealed (Is. 
 xxix. 11 ; Dan. xii. 4; Kev. v. 1, &c.) The 
 rolls were generally written on one side 
 only, except in Ez. ii. 9 ; Rev. v. 1. They 
 were divided into columns (A. V. " leaves," 
 Jer. xxxvi. 23) ; the upper margin was to 
 be not less than three fingers broad, the
 
 XANTHICUS 
 
 lower not less than four; and a space of 
 two fingers' breadth was to be left between 
 every two columns. But besides skins, 
 which were used for the more permanent 
 kinds of writing, tablets of wood covered 
 with wax (Luke i. 63) served for the ordi- 
 nary purposes of life. Several of these 
 were fastened together and forme'd volumes. 
 They were written upon with a pointed 
 style (Job xix. 24), sometimes of iron (Ps. 
 xlv. 2; Jer, viii. 8, xvii. 1). For harder 
 materials a graver (Ex. xxxii. 4 ; Is. viii. 
 1) was employed. For parchment or skins 
 a reed was used (3 John 13 ; 3 Mace. v. 20). 
 The ink (Jer. xxxvi. 18), literally "black," 
 like the Greek ^Kav (2 Cor. iii. 3; 2 
 John 12; 3 John 13), was of lampblack 
 dissolved in gall-juice. It was carried in 
 an inkstand, which was suspended at the 
 girdle (Ez. ix. 2, 3), as is done at the pres- 
 ent day in the East. To professional scribes 
 there are allusions in Ps. xlv. 1 ; Ezr. vii. 
 6; 2Esdr. xiv. 24. 
 
 X. 
 
 Xan'thicus. [MONTH.] 
 Xerx'es. [AHASUEKUS.] 
 
 Y. 
 
 Tarn. The notice of yarn is contained 
 In an extremely obscure passage in 1 K. x. 
 28 (2 Chr. i. 16). The Hebrew Received 
 Text is questionable. Gesenius gives the 
 sense of " number " as applying equally to 
 the merchants and the horses: "A band 
 of the king's merchants bought a drove (of 
 horses) at a price." 
 
 Year, the highest ordinary division of 
 time. Two years were known to, and ap- 
 parently used by, the Hebrews. 1. A year 
 of 360 days appears to have been in use in 
 Noah's time, or at least in the time of the 
 writer of the narrative of the Flood, for in 
 that narrative the interval from the 17th 
 day of the 2d month to the 17th day of the 
 7th of the same year appears to be stated 
 to be a period of 150 days (Gen. vii. 11, 24, 
 viii. 3,-4, comp. 13), and, as the 1st, 2d, 
 7th, and 10th months of one year are men- 
 tioned (viii. 13, 14, vii. 11, viii. 4, 5), the 
 1st day of the 10th month of this year 
 being separated from the 1st day of the 
 1st month of the next year by an interval 
 of at least 54 days (viii. 5, 6, 10, 12, 13), 
 we can only infer a year of 12 months. A 
 year of 360 days is the rudest known. It 
 is formed of 12 spurious lunar months, and 
 was probably the. parent of the lunar year 
 of 354 days, and the Vague year of 365. 
 The Hebrew year, from the time of the 
 
 YEAR 
 
 Exodus, was evidently lunar, though in 
 some manner rendered virtually solar, and 
 we may therefore infer that the lunar year 
 is as old as the date of the Exodus. As 
 the Hebrew year was not an Egyptian year, 
 and as nothing is said of its being new, 
 save in its time o'f commencement, it was 
 perhaps earlier in use among the Israelites, 
 and either brought into Egypt by them, or 
 borrowed from Shemitic settlers. 2. The 
 year used by the Hebrews from the time of 
 the Exodus may be said to have been then 
 instituted, since a current month, Abib, on 
 the 14th day of which the first Passover was 
 kept, was then made the first month of the 
 year. The essential characteristics of this 
 year can be clearly determined, though we 
 cannot fix those of any single year. It was 
 essentially solar, for the offering of produc- 
 tions of the earth, first-fruits, harvest-prod- 
 uce, and ingathered fruits, was fixed to cer- 
 tain days of the year, two of which were in the 
 periods of great feasts, the third itself a feast 
 reckoned from one of the former days. But it 
 is certain that the months were lunar, each 
 commencing with a new moon. There must 
 therefore have been some method of adjust- 
 ment. The first point to be decided is how 
 the commencement of each year was fixed. 
 Probably the Hebrews determined their new 
 year's day by the observation of heliacal or 
 other star- risings or settings known to mark 
 the right time of the solar year. It follows, 
 from the determination of the proper new 
 moon of the first month, whether by obser- 
 vation of a stellar phenomenon, or of the 
 forwardness of the crops, that the method 
 of intercalation can only have been that in 
 use after the Captivity, the addition of a thir- 
 teenth mouth whenever the twelfth ended 
 too long before the equinox for the offering 
 of the first-fruits to be made at the time 
 fixed. The later Jews had two commence- 
 ments of the year, whence it is commonly 
 but inaccurately suid that they had two 
 years, the sacred year and the civil. We 
 prefer to speak of the sacred and civil reck- 
 onings. The sacred reckoning was that 
 instituted at the Exodus, according to which 
 the first month was Abib; by the civil reck- 
 oning the first month was the seventh. The 
 interval between the two commencements 
 was thus exactly half a year. It has been 
 supposed that the institution at the time of 
 the Exodus was a change of commence- 
 ment, not the introduction of a new year, 
 and that thenceforward the year had two 
 beginnings, respectively at about the vernal 
 and the autumnal equinoxes. The year 
 was divided into 1. Seasons. Two sea- 
 sons are mentioned in the Bible, " sum- 
 mer" and " winter." The former properly 
 means the time of cutting fruits, the latter, 
 that of gathering fruits ; they are therefore 
 originally rather summer and autumn than 
 summer and winter. But that they signify
 
 YEAR, SABBATICAL 
 
 761 
 
 ZACCHAEUS 
 
 ordinarily the two grand divisions of the 
 year, the warm and cold seasons, is evident 
 from their use for the whole year in the ex- 
 pression " summer and winter " (Ps. Ixxiv. 
 17; Zech. xiv.8). 2. Months. [MONTHS.] 
 3. Weeks. [WEEKS.] 
 
 Year, Sabbatical. [SABBATICAL 
 YEAR.] 
 
 Year of Jubilee. [JUBILEE, YEAR 
 
 OF.] 
 
 Yoke. 1. A well-known implement of 
 husbandry, is frequently used metaphori- 
 cally for subjection (e. g. 1 K. xii. 4, 9-11 ; 
 Is. ix. 4 ; Jer. v. 5) ; hence an " iron yoke " 
 represents an unusually galling bondage 
 (Deut. xxviii. 48 ; Jer. xxviii. 13). 2. A 
 pair of oxen, so termed as being yoked to- 
 gether (1 Sam. xi. 7 ; 1 K. xix. 19, 21). The 
 Hebrew term is also applied to asses (Judg. 
 xix. 10) and mules (2 K. v. 17), and even 
 to a couple of riders (Is. xxi. 7). 3. The 
 term is also applied to a certain amount of 
 land (1 Sam. xiv. 14), equivalent to that 
 which a couple of oxen could plough in a 
 day (Is. v. 10; A. V. " acre"), correspond- 
 ing to the Latin jugum. 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zaana im, The Plain of, or, more 
 accurately, " the oak by Zaanaim," a tree 
 probably a sacred tree mentioned as 
 marking the spot near which Heber the 
 Kenite was encamped when Sisera took 
 refuge in his tent (Judg. iv. 11). Its situ- 
 ation is defined as " near Kedesh," t. e. 
 Kedesh-Naphtali, the name of which still 
 lingers on the high ground, north of Safed, 
 and west of the lake of el Huleh. The Ken, 
 or correction, of Judg. iv. 11, substitutes 
 Zaanannim for Zaanaim, and the same form 
 is found in Josh. xix. 33. 
 
 Za'anan. [ZENAN.] 
 
 Za'avan, or Za'van, a Horite chief, 
 son of Ezer the son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 
 27; 1 Chr. i. 42). 
 
 Za'bad. 1. Son of Nathan, son of At- 
 tai, son of Ahlai, Sheshan's daughter (1 
 Chr. ii. 31-37), and hence called son of i 
 Ahlai (1 Chr. xi. 41). He was one of Da- j 
 vid's mighty men, but none of his deeds 
 have been recorded. The chief interest | 
 connected with him is in his genealogy, 
 which is of considerable importance in a 
 chronological point of view. 2. An Ephra- 
 imite if the text of 1 Chr. vii. 21 is cor- 
 rect. 3. Son of Shimeath, an Ammonitess ; 
 an assassin who, with Jehozabad, slew king 
 Joash, according to 2 Chr. xxiv. 26; but, i 
 in 2 K. xii. 21, his name is written, prob- 
 ably more correctly, Jozachar. 4. A lay- 
 man of Israel, of the sons of Zattu, who 
 put away his foreign wife at Ezra's com- | 
 rnand (Ezr. x. 27). 6. One of the de- , 
 
 scendants of Hashum, who had married a 
 foreign wife after the Captivity (Ezr. x. 
 33). 6- One of the sons of Nebo, whose 
 name is mentioned under the same circum- 
 stances as the two preceding (Ezr. x. 43). 
 
 Zabade'ans, an Arab tribe who were 
 attacked and spoiled by Jonathan, on his 
 way back to Damascus from his fruitless 
 pursuit of the army of Demetrius (1 Mace, 
 xii. 31). Their name probably survives in 
 the village Zebddny, about 26 miles from 
 Damascus, standing at the upper end of a 
 plain of the same name, which is the very 
 centre of Antilibanus. 
 
 Zab'bai. 1. One of the descendants 
 of Bebai, who had married a foreign wife 
 in the days of Ezra (Ezr. x. 28). 2. Father 
 of Baruch, who assisted Nehemiah in re- 
 building the city wall (Neh. iii. 20). 
 
 Zab'bud. One of the sons of Bigvai, 
 who returned in the second caravan with 
 Ezra (Ezr. viii. 14). 
 
 Zab'di. 1. Son of Zerah, the son of 
 Judah, and ancestor of Achan (Josh. vii. 
 
 1, 17, 18). 2. A Benjamite, of the sons 
 of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 19). 3. David's 
 officer over the produce of the vineyards 
 for the wine-cellars (1 Chr. xxvii. 27). 4. 
 Son of Asaph the minstrel (Neh. xi. 17) ; 
 called elsewhere ZACCUR (Neh. xii. 35) 
 and ZICBRI (1 Chr. ix. 15). 
 
 Zab'diel. 1. Father of Jashobeam, the 
 chief of David's guard (1 Chr. xxvii. 2). 
 
 2. A priest, son of the great men, or, as 
 the margin gives it, " Haggedolim " (Neh. 
 xi. 14). 
 
 Za'bud, son of Nathan (1 K. iv. 5), is 
 described as a priest (A. V. " principal 
 oificer "), and as holding at the court of 
 Solomon the confidential post of " king's 
 friend," which had been occupied by llu.shai 
 the Archite during the reign of David (2 
 Sam. xv. 37, xvi. 16; 1 Chr. xxvii. 33). 
 
 Zab'ulon, the Greek form of the name 
 ZEBULON (Matt. iv. 13, 15; Rev. vii. 8). 
 
 Zac'cai. The sons of Zaccai, to the 
 number of 760, returned with Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr. ii. 9; Neh. vii. 14). 
 
 Zacchae'us, a tax-collector near Jeri- 
 cho, who, being short in stature, climbed up 
 into a sycamore-tree, in order to obtain a 
 sight of Jesus as He passed through that 
 place (Luke xix. 1-10). Zacchaeus was a 
 Jew, as may be inferred from his name and 
 from the fact that the Saviour speaks of 
 him expressly as " a son of Abraham." 
 The term which designates his office " the 
 chief among the publicans" is unusual, 
 but describes him, no doubt, as the superin- 
 tendent of customs or tribute in the district 
 of Jericho, where he lived. The office must 
 have been a lucrative one in such a region, 
 and it is not strange that Zacchaeus is men- 
 tioned by the Evangelists as a rich man. 
 The Saviour spent the night probably in 
 the house of Zacchaeus, and the next da/
 
 ZACCIIUR 
 
 762 
 
 ZAIR 
 
 pursued his journey to Jerusalem. He was 
 in the caravan from Galilee, which was 
 going up thither to keep the Passover. 
 
 Zac'chur. a Sirneonite, of the family 
 of Mishma (1 Chr. iv. 26). 
 
 Zac'cur. 1. Father of Shammua, the 
 Reubenite spy (Num. xiii. 4). 2. A Mer- 
 arite Levite, son of Jaaziah (1 Chr. xxiv. 
 27). 3. Son of Asaph, the singer (1 Chr. 
 xxv. 2, 10; Neh. xii. 35). 4. The son of 
 Iinri, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding 
 the city wall (Neh. iii. 2). 6. A Levite, 
 or family of Levites, who signed the cov- 
 enant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 12). 6. A 
 Levite, whose son or descendant Hanan was 
 one of the treasurers over the treasuries 
 appointed by Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 13). 
 
 Zachari ah. 1. Or properly ZECHA- 
 RIAII, was son of Jeroboam II., 14th king 
 of Israel, and the last of the house of Jehu. 
 There is a difficulty about the date of his 
 reign. Most chronologers assume an inter- 
 regnum of 11 years between Jeroboam's 
 death and Zachariah's accession ; during 
 which the kingdom was suffering from the 
 anarchy of a disputed succession, but this 
 seems unlikely after the reign of a resolute 
 ruler like Jeroboam, and does not explain 
 the difference between 2 K. xiv. 17, and xv.l. 
 We are reduced to suppose that our present 
 MSS. have here incorrect numbers, to sub- 
 stitute 15 for 27 in 2K. xv. 1, and to believe 
 that Jeroboam II. reigned 52 or 53 years. 
 But whether we assume an interregnum, 
 or an error in the MSS., we must place 
 Zachariah's accession B. c. 771-2. His 
 reign lasted only six months. He was 
 killed in a conspiracy, of which Shallum 
 was the head, and by which the prophecy 
 in 2 K. x. 30 was accomplished. 2. The 
 father of Abi, or Abijah, Hezekiah's mother 
 (2 K. xviii. 2). 
 
 Zachari'as. 1. Father of John the 
 Baptist (Luke i. 5, &c.). [JOHN THE BAP- 
 TIST.] 2. Son of Barachias, who, our 
 Lord says, was slain by the Jews between 
 the altar and the temple (Matt, xxiii. 35 ; 
 Luke xi. 51). There has been much dis- 
 pute who this Zacharias was. Many of the 
 Greek Fathers have maintained that the 
 father of John the Baptist is the person to 
 whom our Lord alludes ; but there can be 
 little or no doubt that the allusion is to 
 Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada (2 Chr. 
 xxiv. 20, 21). The name of the father of 
 Zacharias is not mentioned by St. Luke; 
 and we may suppose that the name of 
 Barachias crept into the text of St. Matthew 
 from a marginal gloss, a confusion having 
 been made between Zechariah, the son of 
 Jehoiada, and Zacharias, the son of Bara- 
 chias (Berechiah) the prophet. 
 
 Za'cher, one of the sons of Jehiel, 
 the father or founder of Gibeon, by his wife 
 Maachah (1 Chr. viii. 31). 
 
 Za'dok (just). 1. Son of Ahitub, and 
 
 one of the two chief priests in the time of 
 David, Abiathar being the other. Zadok 
 was of the house of Eleaz<ir, the son of 
 Aaron (1 Chr. xxiv. 3), and eleventh in 
 descent from Aaron (1 Chr. xii. 28). He 
 joined David at Hebron after Saul's death 
 (1 Chr. xii. 28), and henceforth. his fidelity 
 to David .was inviolable. When Absalom 
 revolted, and David fled from Jerusalem, 
 Zadok and all the Levites bearing the Ark 
 accompanied him, and it was only at the 
 king's express command that they returned 
 to Jerusalem, and became the medium of 
 communication between the king and 
 Hushai the Archite (2 Sam. xv., xvii.). 
 When Absalom was dead, Zadok and Abia- 
 thar were the persons who persuaded the 
 elders of Judah to invite David to return 
 (2 Sam. xix. 11). When Adonijah, in 
 David's old age, set up for king, and had 
 persuaded Joab, and Abiathar, the priest, 
 to join his party, Zadok was unmoved, and 
 was employed by David to anoint Solomon 
 to be king in his room (1 K. i.). And for 
 this fidelity he was rewarded by Solomon, 
 who "thrust out Abiathar from being priest 
 unto the Lord," and " put in Zadok the 
 priest" in his room (1 K. ii. 27, 35). From 
 this time, however, we hear little of him. 
 It is said in general terms, in the enumera- 
 tion of Solomon's officers of state, that 
 Zadok was the priest (1 K. iv. 4; 1 Chr. 
 xxix. 22), but no single act of his is men- 
 tioned. Zadok and Abiathar were of nearly 
 equal dignity (2 Sam. xv. 35, 30, xix. 11). 
 The duties of the office were divided. 
 Zadok ministered before the Tabernacle at 
 Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39). Abiathar had the 
 care of the Ark at Jerusalem. Not, how- 
 ever, exclusively, as appears from 1 Chr. 
 xv. 11; 2 Sam. xv. 24,25,29. 2. Accord- 
 ing to the genealogy of the high-priests in 
 
 1 Chr. vi. 12, there was a second Zadok, 
 son of a second Ahitub, son of Amariah, 
 about the time of king Aha/.mh. It is 
 probable that no such person as this second 
 Zadok ever existed, but that the insertion 
 of the two names is a copyist's error. 3. 
 Father of Jerushah, the wife of king Uzziah, 
 and mother of king Jotliam (2 K. xv. 33 ; 
 
 2 Chr. xxvii. 1). 4. Son of Baana, who 
 repaired a portion of the wall in the time 
 of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 4), and who sealed 
 the covenant (Neh. x. 21). 5. Son of 
 Immer, a priest who repaired a portion of 
 the wall over against his own house (Neh. 
 iii. 29). 6. In Neh. xi. 11, and 1 Chr. ix. 
 11, mention is made, in a genealogy, of 
 Zadok, the son of Meraioth, the son of 
 Ahitub. But it can hardly be doubtful that 
 Meraioth is inserted by the error of a copy-. 
 1st, and that Zadok the son of Ahitub ia 
 meant. 
 
 Za'ham, son of Rehoboam by Abihail, 
 the daughter of Eliab (2 Chr. xi. 19). 
 Za'lr, a place named, in 2 K. viii. 21
 
 ZALAPH 
 
 763 
 
 ZEBAH 
 
 only, in the account of Joram's expedition 
 against the Edomites. The parallel ac- 
 count in Chronicles (2 Chr. xxi. 9) agrees 
 with this, except that the words " to Zair " 
 are omitted. It has been conjectured that 
 Zair is identical with Zoar. 
 
 Za'laph, father of Hanun, who assisted 
 in rebuilding the city wall (Neh. iii. 30). 
 
 Zal'mon, an Ahohite, one of David's 
 guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 28). 
 
 Zal'mon. Mount, a wooded eminence 
 in the immediate neighborhood of Shechem 
 (Judg. ix. 48). The name of Dalmanutha 
 has been supposed to be a corruption of 
 that of Zalmon. 
 
 Zalmo'nah, a desert-station of the 
 Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 41), lies on the east 
 side of Edom. 
 
 Zalmun'na. [ZEBAH.] 
 
 Zamzurn'mims, the Ammonite name 
 lor the people who by others were called 
 REPHAIM (Dout. ii. 20 only). They are 
 described as having originally been a power- 
 ful and numerous nation of giants. From 
 a slight similarity between the two names, 
 and from the mention of the Emim in con- 
 nection with each, it is conjectured that the 
 Zamzummim are identical with the Zuzim. 
 
 Zano'ah. 1. A town of Judah in the 
 Shefelah or plain (Josh. xv. 34 ; Neh. iii. 
 13, xi. 30), possibly identical with ZAnik'a. 
 
 2. A town of Judah in the highland district 
 (Josh. xv. 56), not improbably identical 
 with Satiute, about 10 miles S. of Hebron. 
 
 3. In the genealogical lists of the tribe of 
 Judah in 1 Chron., Jekuthiel is said to 
 have been the father of Zanoah (iv. 18). 
 As Zanoah is the name of a town of Judah, 
 this mention of Bithiah probably points to 
 some colonization of the place by Egyptians 
 or by Israelites directly from Egypt. 
 
 Zaph'nath-paane'ah, a name given 
 by Pharaoh to Joseph (Gen. xli. 45). 
 The Rabbins interpreted Zaphnath-paaneah 
 as Hebrew, in the sense " revealer of a 
 secret." As the name must have been 
 Egyptian, it has been explained from the 
 Coptic as meaning " the preserver of the 
 age." 
 
 Za'phon, a place mentioned in the enu- 
 meration of the allotment of the tribe of 
 Gad (Josh. xiii. 27). 
 
 Za'ra, ZAKAH the son of Judah (Matt, 
 i. 3). 
 
 Za rah, ZEKAH, the son of Judah (Gen. 
 xxxviii. 30, xlvi. 12). 
 
 Za'reah, the same as ZORAH and 
 ZOREAH (Neh. xi. 29). 
 
 Za'reathites, The, the inhabitants of 
 ZAREAH or ZORAH (1 Chr. ii. 53). 
 
 Za red. The Valley of. [ZEHED.] 
 
 Zar'ephath, the residence of the proph- 
 et Elijah during the latter part of the 
 drought (1 K. xvii. 9, 10). Beyond stating 
 that it was near to, or dependent on, Zidon, 
 the Bible gives no clew to its position. It 
 
 is mentioned by Obadiah (ver. 20), but 
 merely as a Canaanite (that is, Phoenician) 
 city. It is represented by the modern 
 village of Sura-fend. Of the old town 
 considerable indications remain. One group 
 of foundations is on a headland called Ain 
 el-Kantarah ; but the chief remains are 
 south of this, and extend for a mile or 
 more, with many fragments of columns, 
 slabs, and other architectural features. In 
 the N. T. Zarephath appears under the 
 Greek form of SAREPTA. (Luke iv. 26). 
 
 Zar'etan, ZARTHAN (Josh. iii. 16). 
 
 Za reth sha'har, a place mentioned 
 only in Josh. xiii. 19, in the catalogue of 
 the towns allotted to Reuben. 
 
 Zar'hites, The, a branch of the tribe of 
 Judah, descended from Zerah the son of 
 Judah (Num. xxvi. 13, 20; Josh. vii. 17; 1 
 Chr. xxvii. 11, 13). 
 
 Zar'tanah (1 K. iv. 12). [ZARTHAN.] 
 
 Zar'than. 1. A place in the circle of 
 Jordan, mentioned in connection with Suc- 
 coth (1 K. vii. 46). 2. It is also named in 
 the account of the passage of the Jordan by 
 the Israelites (Josh. iii. 16), where the A. 
 V. has Zaretan. 3. A place with the simi- 
 lar name of Zartanah (1 K. iv. 12). 4. 
 Further, Zeredathah, named (in 2 Chr. iv. 
 17 only) in specifying the situation of the 
 founderies for the brass-work of Solomon's 
 Temple, is substituted for Zarthan ; and this 
 again is not impossibly identical with the 
 Zererath of the story of Gideon (Judg. vii. 
 22). All these spots agree in proximity to 
 the Jordan, but beyond this we are abso- 
 lutely at fault as to their position. 
 
 Zat'tu. The sons of Zattu were a fami- 
 ly of laymen of Israel who returned with 
 Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 8; Neh. vii. 13). 
 
 Za'van (1 Chr. i. 42). [ZAAVAN.] 
 
 Za'za, one of the sons of Jonathan, a 
 descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 33). 
 
 Zebadi'ah- 1. A Benjamite of the sons 
 of Beriah (1 Chr. viii. 15). 2. A Benja- 
 mite of the sons of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 17). 
 3. One of the sons of Jeroham of Gedor (1 
 Chr. xii. 7). 4. Son of Asahel, the brother 
 of Joab (1 Chr. xxvii. 7). 5. Son of 
 Michael, of the sons of Shephatiah (Ezr. 
 viii. 8). 6. A priest of the sons of Immer, 
 who had married a foreign wife after the 
 return from Babylon (Ezr. x. 20). 7. 
 Third son of Meshelemiah the Korhite (1 
 Chr. xxvi. 2). 8. A Levite in the reign of 
 Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 9. The son 
 of Ishmael and prince of the house of Judah 
 in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xix. 11). 
 
 Ze'bah and Zalmun'na, the two 
 " kings " of Midian who commanded the 
 great invasion of Palestine, and who finally 
 fell by the hand of Gideon himself (Judg. 
 viii. 5-21; Ps. Ixxxiii. 11). While Oreb 
 and Zeeb, two of the inferior leaders of the 
 incursion, had been slain, with a vast num- 
 ber of thek people, by the Ephraimites, at
 
 ZEBAIM 
 
 764 
 
 ZEBULUN 
 
 the central fords of the Jordan, the two j 
 kings had succeeded in making their escape 
 by a passage farther to the north (probably 
 the ford near Bethshean), and thence by 
 the Wady Fabis, through Gilead, to Karkor, 
 a place which is not fixed, but which lay, 
 doubtless, high up on the Hauran. Here 
 they were reposing with 15,000 men, a mere 
 remnant of their huge horde, when Gideon 
 overtook them. The name of Gideon was 
 still full of terror, and the Bedouins were 
 entirely unprepared for his attack they 
 fled in dismay, and the two kings were 
 taken. Such was the third act of the great 
 tragedy. Two more remain. First the re- 
 turn down the long defiles leading to the Jor- 
 dan. Gideon probably strode on foot by the 
 side of his captives. They passed Penuel, 
 where Jacob had seen the vision of the 
 face of God; they passed Succoth; they 
 crossed the rapid stream of the Jordan ; 
 they ascended the highlands west of the 
 river, and at length reached Ophrah, the 
 native village of their captor. Then at 
 last the question which must have been 
 on Gideon's tongue during the whole of 
 the return found a vent : " What man- 
 ner of men were they which ye slew at 
 Tabor ? " Up to this time the sheikhs may 
 have believed that they were reserved for 
 ransom ; but these words once spoken, there 
 can have been no doubt what their fate was 
 to be. They met it like noble children of 
 the desert, without fear or weakness. One 
 request alone they make that they may 
 die by the sure blow of the hero himself : 
 " and Gideon arose and slew them." 
 
 Zeba'im, mentioned in the catalogue 
 of the families of " Solomon's slaves." who 
 returned from the Captivity with Zerubba- 
 bel (Ezr. ii. 57; Neh. vii. 59). 
 
 Zeb'edee, a fisherman of Galilee, the 
 father of the Apostles James the Great and 
 John (Matt. iv. 21), and the husband of 
 Salome (Matt, xxvii. 56 ; Mark xv. 40). He 
 probably lived either at Bethsaida or in its 
 immediate neighborhood. It has been in- 
 ferred from the mention of his " hired ser- 
 vants " (Mark i. 20), and from the acquaint- 
 ance between the Apostle John and Annas 
 the high-priest (John xviii. 15), that the 
 family of Zebedee were in easy circum- 
 stances (comp. xix. 27), although not above 
 manual labor (Matt. iv. 21). He appears 
 only once in the Gospel narrative, namely, 
 in Matt. iv. 21, 22; Mark i. 19, 20, where 
 he is seen hi his boat with his two sons 
 mending their nets. 
 
 Zebi'na, one of the sons of Nebo, who 
 had taken foreign wives after the return 
 from Babylon (Ezr. x. 43). 
 
 Zebo'im. 1. One of the five cities of 
 the " plain " or circle of Jordan. It is 
 mentioned in Gen. x. 19, xiv. 2, 8 ; Deut. 
 xxix. 23 ; and Hos. xi. 8, in each of which 
 passages it is either coupled with Admah, 
 
 or placed next it in the lists perhaps 
 represented by Tal&a Sebdan, a name at- 
 tached to extensive ruins on the high 
 ground between the Dead Sea and Kerak. 
 In Gen. xiv. 2, 8, the name is given more 
 correctly in the A. V. ZEBOHM. 2. THE 
 VALLEY of ZEBOIM, a ravine or gorge, ap- 
 parently east of Michmash, mentioned only 
 in 1 Sam. xiii. 18. The road running from 
 Michmash to the east is specified as "the 
 road of the border that looketh to the ravine 
 of Zeboim towards the wilderness." The 
 wilderness is no doubt the district of un- 
 cultivated mountain tops and sides which 
 lies between the central district of Benjamin 
 and the Jordan Valley. In that very dis- 
 trict there is a wild gorge, bearing the name 
 of Shuk ed-J)ubba\ " ravine of the hyena," 
 the exact equivalent of Ge hat-tsebo'im. 
 
 Zebu'dah, wife of Josiah and mother 
 of king Jehoiakim (2 K. xxiii. 36). 
 
 Ze'bul, chief man (A. V. "ruler") of 
 the city of Shechem at the time of the con- 
 test between Abimelech and the native 
 Canaanites (Judg. ix. 28, 30, 36, 38, 41). 
 
 Zeb'ulonite, a member of the tribe of 
 Zebulun (Judg. xii. 11, 12). Applied only 
 to ELON, the one judge produced by the 
 tribe (Judg. xii. 11, 12). 
 
 Zeb'ulun (a habitation), the tenth of 
 the sons of Jacob, according to the order in 
 which their births are enumerated ; the 
 sixth and last of Leah (Gen. xxx. 20, xxxv. 
 23, xlvi. 14; 1 Chr. ii. 1). His birth is re- 
 corded in Gen. xxx. 19, 20. Of the indi- 
 vidual Zebulun nothing is recorded. The 
 list of Gen. xlvi. ascribes to him three sons, 
 founders of the chief families of the tribe 
 (comp. Num. xxvi. 26) at the time of the 
 migration to Egypt. The head of the tribe 
 at Sinai was Eliab son of Helon (Num. vii. 
 24) ; at Shiloh, Elizaphan son of Parnach 
 (ib. xxxiv. 25). Its representative amongst 
 the spies was Gaddiel son of Sodi (xiii. 10). 
 The tribe is not recorded to have taken 
 part, for evil or good, in any of the events 
 of the wandering or the conquest. Judah, 
 Joseph, Benjamin, had acquired the south 
 and the centre of the country. To Zebulun 
 fell one of the fairest of the remaining por- 
 tions. It is perhaps impossible, in the 
 present state of our knowledge, exactly to 
 define its limits ; but the statement of Jose- 
 phus is probably in the main correct, that 
 it reached on the 'one side to the lake of 
 Gennesareth, and on the other to Carmel 
 and the Mediterranean. On the south it 
 was bounded by Issachar, who lay in the 
 great plain or valley of the Kishon ; on the 
 north it had Naphtali and Asher. The fact 
 recognized by Josephus that Zebulun ex- 
 tended to the Mediterranean, though not 
 mentioned or implied, as far as we can dis- 
 cern, in the lists of Joshua and Judges, is 
 alluded to in the Blessing of Jacob (Gen. 
 xlix. 13). Situated so far from the centra
 
 ZEBULUNITES 
 
 765 
 
 ZECHARIAH 
 
 of government, Zebulun remains through- 
 out the history, with one exception, in the 
 obscurity which envelops the whole of the 
 northern tribes. That exception, however, 
 is a remarkable one. The conduct of the 
 tribe during the struggle with Sisera, when 
 they fought with desperate valor side by 
 side with their brethren of Naphtali, was 
 such as to draw down the especial praise 
 of Deborah, who singles them out from 
 all the other tribes (Judg. v. 18). A simi- 
 lar reputation is alluded to in the mention 
 pf the tribe among those who attended the 
 inauguration of David's reign at Hebron 
 (1 Chr. xii. 33). The same passage, how- 
 ever, shows that they did not neglect the 
 arts of peace (ver. 40). We are nowhere 
 directly told that the people of Zebulun 
 were carried off to Assyria. 
 
 Zeb'ulunites, The, the members of 
 the tribe of Zebulun (Num. xxvi. 27 only). 
 
 Zechari'ah. 1. The eleventh in order 
 of the twelve minor prophets. He is called 
 in his prophecy the son of Berechiah, and 
 the grandson of Iddo, whereas in the Book 
 of Ezra (v. 1, vi. 14) he is said to have 
 been the son of Iddo. It is natural to sup- 
 pose, as the prophet himself mentions his 
 father's name, whereas the Book of Ezra 
 mentions only Iddo, that Berechiah had 
 died early, and that there was now no inter- 
 vening link between the grandfather and 
 the grandson. Zechariah, like Jeremiah 
 and Ezekiel before him, was priest as well 
 as prophet. He seems to have entered upon 
 his office while yet young (Zech. ii. 4), and 
 must have been born in Babylon, whence 
 he returned with the first caravan of exiles 
 under Zerubbabel and Jeshua. It was in 
 the eighth month, in the second year of 
 Darius, that he first publicly discharged his 
 office. In this he acted in concert with 
 Haggai. Both prophets had the same great 
 object before them ; both directed all their 
 energies to the building of the Second 
 Temple. To their influence we find the 
 rebuilding of the Temple in a great meas- 
 ure ascribed. It is impossible not to see 
 of how great moment, under such circum- 
 stances, and for the discharge of the special 
 duty with which he was intrusted, would be 
 the priestly origin of Zechariah. The foun- 
 dations of the Temple had indeed been laid, 
 but that was all (Ezr. v. 16). Discouraged 
 by the opposition which they had encoun- 
 tered at first, the Jewish colony had begun 
 to build, and were not able to finish ; and 
 even when the letter came from Darius 
 sanctioning the work, and promising his 
 protection, they showed no hearty disposi- 
 tion to engage in it. At such a time, no 
 more fitting instrument could be found to 
 rouse the people, whose heart had grown 
 cold, than one who united to the authority 
 of the Prophet the zeal and the traditions 
 of a sacerdotal family. "And the elders 
 
 of the Jews builded," it is said, " and they 
 prospered through the prophesying of Hag- 
 gai the prophet, and Zechariah the son of 
 Iddo " (Ezr. vi. 14). If the later Jewish 
 accounts may be trusted, Zechariah, as well 
 as Haggai, was a member of the Great 
 Synagogue. The genuine writings of Zech- 
 ariah help us but little in our estimation of 
 his character. Some faint traces, however, 
 we may observe in them of his education 
 in Babylon. He leans avowedly on the 
 authority of the older prophets, and copies 
 their expressions. Jeremiah especially 
 seems to have been his favorite ; and hence 
 the Jewish saying, that " the spirit of Jere- 
 miah dwelt in Zechariah." But in what 
 may be called the peculiarities of his proph- 
 ecy, he approaches more nearly to Ezekiel 
 and Daniel. Like them he delights in vis- 
 ions ; like them he uses symbols and alle- 
 gories, rather than the bold figures and 
 metaphors which lend so much force and 
 beauty to the writings of the earlier proph- 
 ets ; like them he beholds angels minister- 
 ing before Jehovah, and fulfilling his be- 
 hests on the earth. He is the only one of 
 the prophets who speaks of Satan. That 
 some of these peculiarities are owing to hia 
 Chaldaean education can hardly be doubted. 
 Even in the form of the visions a careful 
 criticism might perhaps discover some traces 
 of the Prophet's early training. Generally 
 speaking, Zechariah's style is pure, and 
 remarkably free from Chaldaisms. The 
 Book of Zechariah, in its existing form, 
 consists of three principal parts, cos. i.- 
 viii., chs. ix.-xi., chs. xii.-xiv. I. The 
 first of these divisions is allowed by all 
 critics to be the genuine work of Zechariah 
 the son of Iddo. It consists, first, of a 
 short introduction or preface, in which the 
 prophet announces his commission; then 
 of a series of visions, descriptive of all 
 those hopes and anticipations of which the 
 building of the Temple was the pledge and 
 sure foundation; and finally of a discourse, 
 delivered two years later, in reply to ques- 
 tions respecting the observance of certain 
 established fasts. 1. The short introduc- 
 tory oracle (ch. i. 1-6) is a warning voice 
 from the past, and manifestly rests upon 
 the former warnings of Haggai. 2. In a 
 dream of the night there passed before the 
 eyes of the prophet a series of visions (ch. 
 i. 7-vi. 15). These visions are obscure, 
 and accordingly the prophet asks their 
 meaning. The interpretation is given by 
 an angel who knows the mind and will of 
 Jehovah. (1.) In the first vision (ch. i. 
 7-15) the prophet sees, in a valley of myr- 
 tles, a rider upon a roan horse, accompa- 
 nied by others who, having been sent forth 
 to the four quarters of the earth, had re- 
 turned with the tidings that the whole earth 
 was at rest (with reference to Hag. ii. 20). 
 Hereupon the angel asks how long thi
 
 ZECHARIAH 
 
 ZECHARIAH 
 
 state of things shall last, and is assured 
 that the indifference of the heathen shall 
 cease, and that the Temple shall be built 
 in Jerusalem. (2.) The second vision (ch. 
 ii. 1-17, A. V. i. 18-ii. 13) explains how 
 the promise of the first is to be fulfilled. 
 The old prophets, in foretelling the happi- 
 ness and glory of the times which should 
 succeed the Captivity in Babylon, had made 
 a great part of that happiness and glory to 
 consist in the gathering together again of 
 the whole dispersed nation in the land 
 given to their lathers. This vision was de- 
 signed *o teach that the expectation thus 
 raised the return of the dispersed of Is- 
 rael should be fulfilled. (3.) The next 
 two visions (iii., iv.) are occupied with the 
 Temple, and with the two principal persons 
 on whom the hopes of the returned exiles 
 rested. The permission granted for the 
 rebuilding of the Temple had no doubt 
 stirred afresh the malice and the animosity 
 of the enemies of the Jews. Joshua the 
 high-priest had been singled out, it would 
 seem, as the especial object of attack, and 
 perhaps formal accusations had already 
 been laid against him before the Persian 
 court. The prophet, in vision, sees him 
 summoned before a higher tribunal, and 
 solemnly acquitted, despite the 'charges of 
 the Satan or Adversary. This is done with 
 the forms still usual in an Eastern court. 
 (4.) The last vision (iv.) supposes that all 
 opposition to the building of the Temple 
 shall be removed. This sees the comple- 
 tion of the work. The two next visions 
 (v. 1-11) signify that the land, in which the 
 sanctuary has just been erected, shall be 
 purged of all its pollutions. (5.) First, the 
 curse is recorded against wickedness in the 
 whole land. v. 3. (6.) Next, the unclean 
 tiling, whether in the form of idolatry or 
 any other abomination, shall be utterly re- 
 moved. (7.) And now the night is waning 
 fast, and the morning is about to dawn. 
 Chariots and horses appear, issuing from 
 between two brazen mountains, the horses 
 like those in the first vision ; and these re- 
 ceive their several commands and are sent 
 forth to execute the will of Jehovah in the 
 four quarters of the earth. Thus, then, the 
 cycle of visions is completed. Scene after 
 scene is unrolled till the whole glowing pic- 
 ture is presented to the eye. All enemies 
 crushed ; the land repeopled and Jerusalem 
 girt as with a wall of fire ; the Temple re- 
 built, more truly splendid than of old, be- 
 cause more abundantly filled with a Divine 
 Presence ; the leaders of the people assured 
 in the most signal manner of the Divine 
 protection ; all wickedness solemnly sen- 
 tenced, and the land forever purged of it ; 
 such is the magnificent panorama of 
 hope which the Prophet displays to lus 
 countrymen. Immediately on these visions 
 there follows a symbolical act. Three Is- 
 
 raelites had just returned from Babylon, 
 bringing with them rich gifts to Jerusalem, 
 apparently as contributions to the Temple, 
 and had been received in the house of Jo- 
 siah the son of Zephaniah. Thither the 
 Prophet is commanded to go whether 
 still in a dream or not, is not very clear 
 and to employ the silver and gold of their 
 offerings for the service of Jehovah. He 
 is to make of them two crowns, and to place 
 these on the head of Joshua the high-priest 
 a sign that in the Messiah who should 
 build the Temple, the kingly and priestly 
 offices should be united. 3. From this time, 
 for a space of nearly two years, the Proph- 
 et's voice was silent, or his words have not 
 been recorded. But in the fourth year of 
 king Darius, in the fourth day of the ninth 
 month, there came a deputation of Jews to 
 his Temple, anxious to know whether the 
 fast-days which had been instituted during 
 the seventy years' Captivity were still to be 
 observed. It is remarkable that this ques- 
 tion should have been addressed to priests 
 and prophets conjointly in the Temple. 
 This close alliance between two classes 
 hitherto so separate, and often so antago- 
 nistic, was one of the most hopeful circum- 
 stances of the times. Still Zechariah, as 
 chief of the prophets, has the decision of 
 this question. In language worthy of his 
 position and his office, language which re- 
 minds us of one of the most striking pas- 
 sages of his great predecessor (Is. Iviii. 
 5-7), he lays down the same principle, that 
 God loves mercy rather than fasting, and 
 truth and righteousness rather than sack- 
 cloth and a sad' countenance. Again he 
 foretells, but not now in vision, the glori- 
 ous times that are near at hand when Jeho- 
 vah shall dwell in the midst of them, and 
 Jerusalem be called a city of truth (viii. 
 1-15). Again he declares that " truth and 
 peace " (vers. 16, 19) are the bulwarks of 
 national prosperity. And he announces, in 
 obedience to the command of Jehovah, not 
 only that the fasts are abolished, but that 
 the days of mourning shall henceforth be 
 days of joy, the fasts be counted for festi- 
 vals. His prophecy concludes with a pre- 
 diction that Jerusalem shall be the centre 
 of religious worship to all nations of the 
 earth (viii. 16-23). II. The remainder of 
 the Book consists of two sections of about 
 equal length, ix.-xi. and xii.-xiv., each of 
 which has an inscription. 1. In the first 
 section he threatens Damascus and the sea- 
 coast' of Palestine with misfortune, but de- 
 clares that Jerusalem shall be protected. 
 The Jews who are still in captivity shall 
 return to their land. The Teraphim and 
 the false prophets may indeed have spoken 
 lies, but upon these will the Lord execute 
 judgment, and then He will look with favor 
 upon His people, and bring back both Judah 
 and Ephraim from their captivity. The
 
 ZECHARIAH 
 
 767 
 
 ZEDAD 
 
 possession of Gilead and Lebanon is again 
 promised, as the special portion of Ephraim ; 
 and both Egypt and Assyria shall be broken 
 and humbled. 2. The Second Section, xii. 
 -xiv., is entitled "the burden of the word 
 of Jehovah for Israel." But Israel is here 
 used of the nation at large, not of Israel as 
 distinct from Judah. Indeed, the prophecy 
 which follows concerns Judah and Jerusa- 
 lem. In this the prophet beholds the near 
 approach of troublous times, when Jeru- 
 salem should be hard pressed by enemies. 
 But in that day Jehovah shall come to save 
 them, and all the nations which gather them- 
 selves against Jerusalem shall be destroyed. 
 Many modern critics maintain that the later 
 chapters, from the 9th to the 14th, were 
 written by some other prophet, who lived 
 before the exile. The prophecy closes with 
 a grand and stirring picture. All nations 
 are gathered together against Jerusalem, 
 and seem already sure of their prey. Half 
 of their cruel work has been accomplished, 
 when Jehovah Himself appears on behalf 
 of His people. He goes forth to war against 
 the adversaries of His people. He estab- 
 lishes His kingdom over all the earth. All 
 nations that are still left shall come up to 
 Jerusalem, as the great centre of religious 
 worship, and the city from that day forward 
 shall be a holy city. Such is, briefly, an 
 outline of the second portion of that book, 
 which is commonly known as the Prophe- 
 cy of Zechariah. Integrity. Mede was 
 the first to call this in question. The prob- 
 ability that the later chapters, from the 9th 
 to the 14th, were by some other prophet, 
 seems first to have been suggested to him 
 by the citation in St. Matthew. He rests 
 his opinion partly on the authority of St. 
 Matthew, and partly on the contents of the 
 later chapters, which he considers require 
 a date earlier than the exile. Archbishop 
 Newcombe went further. He insisted on 
 the great dissimilarity of style as well as 
 subject between the earlier and later chap- 
 ters. And he was the first who advocated 
 the theory, that the last six chapters of 
 Zechariah are the work of two distinct 
 prophets. 2. Son of Meshelemiah, or 
 Shelemiah, a Korhite, and keeper of the 
 north gate of the tabernacle of the congre- 
 gation (1 Chr. ix. 21). 3. One of the sons 
 of Jehiel (1 Chr. ix. 37). 4. A Levite of 
 the second order in the Temple band as ar- 
 ranged by David, appointed to play " with 
 gsalteries on Alamoth" (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20). 
 . One of the princes of Judah in the reign 
 of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 7). 6. Son 
 of the high-priest Jehoiada, in the reign of 
 Joash king of Judah (2 Chr. xxiv. 20), and 
 therefore the king's cousin. After the death 
 of Jehoiada, Zechariah probably succeeded 
 to his office, and in attempting to check the 
 reaction in favor of idolatry which imme- 
 diately followed, he fell a victim to a con- 
 
 spiracy formed against him by the king, 
 and was stoned in the court of the Temple. 
 He is probably the same as the " Zachariaa 
 son of Barachias," who was slain between 
 the Temple and the altar (Matt, xxiii. 35), 
 [ZACHARIAS, No. 2.] 7. A Kohathite Le- 
 vite in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 
 12). 8. The leader of the sons of Pharosh 
 who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 3). 0. 
 Son of Bebai (Ezr. viii. 11). 10. One of 
 the chiefs of the people whom Ezra sum- 
 moned in council at the river Ahava (Ezr. 
 viii. 16). He stood at Ezra's left hand 
 when he expounded the Law to the people 
 (Neh. viii. 4). 11. One of the family of 
 Elam, who had married a foreign wife after 
 the Captivity (Ezr. x. 26). 12. Ancestor 
 of Athaiah, or Uthai (Neh. xi. 4). 13. A 
 Shilonite, descendant of Perez (Neh. xi. 
 5). 14. A priest, son of Pashur (Neh. xi. 
 12). 15. The representative of the priestly 
 family of Iddo in the days of Joiakim the 
 son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 16). Possibly the 
 same as Zechariah the prophet the son of 
 Iddo. 16. One of the priests, son of Jona- 
 than, who blew with the trumpets at the 
 dedication of the city wall by Ezra and Ne- 
 hemiah (Neh. xii. 35, 41). 17. A chief 
 of the Reubenites at the time of the captiv- 
 ity by Tiglath-Pileser (1 Chr. v. 7). 18. 
 One of the priests who accompanied the 
 ark from the house of Obed-edom (1 Chr. 
 xv. 24). 19. Son of Isshiah, or Jesiah, a 
 Kohathite Levite descended from Uzziel (1 
 Chr. xxiv. 25). 20. Fourth son of Hosah 
 of the children of Merari (1 Chr. xxvi. 11). 
 21. A Manassite (1 Chr. xxvii. 21). 22. 
 The father of Jahaziel (2 Chr. xx. 14). 23. 
 One of the sons of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xxi. 
 2). 24. A prophet in the reign of Uzziah, 
 who appears to have acted as the king's 
 counsellor, but of whom nothing is known 
 (2 Chr. xxvi. 5). 25. The father of Abi- 
 jah, or Abi, Hezekiah's mother (2 Chr. 
 xxix. 1). 26. One of the family of Asaph 
 in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 13). 
 27. One of the rulers of the Temple in the 
 reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 8). 28. The 
 son of Jeberechiah, who was taken by the 
 prophet Isaiah as one of the " faithful wit- 
 nesses to record," when he wrote concern- 
 ing Maher-shalal-hash-baz (Is. viii. 2). He 
 may have been the Levite of the same 
 name, who in the reign of Hezekiah assisted 
 in the purification of the Temple (2 Chr. 
 xxix. 13). Another conjecture is, that he 
 is the same as Zechariah the father of 
 Abijah, the queen of Ahaz. 
 
 Ze'dad, one of the landmarks on the 
 north border of the land of Israel, as prom- 
 ised by Moses (Num. xxxiv. 8), and as 
 restored by Ezekiel (xlvii. 15). A place 
 named S&dud exists to the east of the north- 
 ern extremity of the chain of Antilibanus, 
 about 50 miles E. N. E. of Bacdbcc. Thia 
 may be identical with Zedad.
 
 ZEDEKIAH 
 
 768 
 
 ZEDEKIAH 
 
 Zedeki'ah. 1. The last king of Judah 
 and Jerusalem. He was the son of Josiah 
 by his wife Hamutal, and therefore own 
 brother to Jehoahaz (2 K. xxiv. 18 ; comp. 
 xxiii. 31). His original name had been 
 MATTANIAH, which was changed to Zed- 
 ekiah by Nebuchadnezzar, when he carried 
 off liis nephew Jehoiachim to Babylon, and 
 left him on the throne of Jerusalem. Zed- 
 ekiah was but 21 years old when he was 
 thus placed in charge of an impoverished 
 kingdom (B. c. 697). His history is con- 
 tained in a short sketch of the events of his 
 reign given in 2 K. xxiv. 17-xxv. 7, and, 
 with some trifling variations, in Jer. xxxix. 
 1-7, lii. 1-11, together with the still shorter 
 summary in 2 Chr. xxxvi. 10, &c. ; and 
 also in Jer., xxi., xxiv., xxvii., xxviii., xxix., 
 xxxii., xxxiii., xxxiv., xxxvii., xxxviii., and 
 Ez. xvi. 11-21. From these it is evident 
 that Zedekiah was a man not so much bad at 
 heart as weak in will. * It is evident from 
 Jer. xxvii. and xxviii. that the earlier por- 
 tion of Zedekiah's reign was marked by an 
 agitation throughout the whole of Syria 
 against the Babylonian yoke. Jerusalem 
 seems to have taken the lead, since in the 
 fourth year of Zedekiah's reign we find am- 
 bassadors from all the neighboring king- 
 doms Tyre, Sidon, Edom, and Moab 
 at his court, to consult as to the steps to be 
 taken. This happened either during the 
 king's absence or immediately after his re- 
 turn from Babylon, whither he went on 
 some errand, the nature of which is not 
 named, but which may have been an at- 
 tempt to blind the eyes of Nebuchadnezzar 
 to his contemplated revolt (Jer. li. 59). 
 The first act of overt rebellion of which 
 any record survives was the formation of 
 an alliance with Egypt, of itself equivalent 
 to a declaration of enmity with Babylon. 
 As a natural consequence it brought on 
 Jerusalem an immediate invasion of the 
 Chaldeans. The mention of this event in 
 the Bible, though sure, is extremely slight, 
 and occurs only in Jer. xxxvii. 5-11, xxxiv. 
 21, and Ez. xvii. 15-20 ; but Josephus (x. 
 7, 3) relates it more fully, and gives the 
 date of its occurrence, namely, the eighth 
 year of Zedekiah. It appears that Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, being made aware of Zede- 
 kiah's defection, either by the non-payment 
 of the tribute or by other means, at once 
 sent an army to ravage Judaea. This was 
 done, and the whole country reduced, ex- 
 cept Jerusalem and two strong places in 
 the western plain, Lachish and Azekah, 
 which still held out (Jer. xxxiv. 7). In 
 the mean time Pharaoh had moved to the 
 assistance of his ally. On hearing of his 
 approach the Chaldeans at once raised the 
 siege and advanced to meet him. The 
 nobles seized the moment of respite to re- 
 assert their power over the king. How 
 long the Babylonians were absent from 
 
 Jerusalem we are not told. All we cer- 
 tainly know is, that on the tenth day of the 
 tenth month of Zedekiah's ninth year the 
 Chaldeans were again before the walls (Jer. 
 lii. 4). From this time forward the siege 
 progressed slowly, but surely, to its con- 
 summation. Zedekiah again interfered to 
 preserve the life of Jeremiah from the ven- 
 geance of the princes (xxxviii. 7-13), and 
 then occurred the interview between the 
 king and the prophet, which affords so 
 good a clew to the condition of abject de- 
 pendence into which a long course of oppo- 
 sition had brought the weak-minded mon- 
 arch. While the king was hesitating the 
 end was rapidly coming nearer. The city 
 was indeed reduced to the last extremity. 
 The bread had for long been consumed 
 (Jer. xxxviii. 9), and all the terrible expe- 
 dients had been tried to which the wretch- 
 ed inhabitants of a besieged town are forced 
 to resort in such cases. At last, after six- 
 teen dreadful months, the catastrophe ar- 
 rived. It was on the ninth day of the 
 fourth month, about the middle of July, at 
 midnight, as Josephus with careful minute- 
 ness informs us, that the breach in those 
 stout and venerable walls was effected. 
 The moon, nine days old, had gone down 
 below the hills which form the western 
 edge of the basin of Jerusalem, or was at 
 any rate too low to illuminate the utter 
 darkness which reigns in the narrow lanes 
 of an Eastern town, where the inhabitants 
 retire early to' rest, and where there are 
 but few windows to emit light from the in- 
 terior of the houses. The wretched rem- 
 nants of the army quitted the city in the 
 dead of night; and as the Chaldean army 
 entered the city at one end, the king and 
 his wives fled from it by the opposite gate. 
 They took the road towards the Jordan. 
 On the way they were met and recognized 
 by some of the Jews who had formerly de- 
 serted to the Chaldeans. By them the in- 
 telligence was communicated, and, as soon 
 as the dawn of day permitted it, swift pur- 
 suit was made. The king's party were 
 overtaken near Jericho, and carried to 
 Nebuchadnezzar, who was then at liiblah, 
 at the upper end of the valley of Lebanon. 
 Nebuchadnezzar, with a refinement of cru- 
 elty characteristic of those cruel times, or- 
 dered the sons of Zedekiah to be killed 
 before him, and lastly his own eyes to be 
 thrust out (B. c. 586). He was then loaded 
 with brazen fetters, and at a later period 
 taken to Babylon, where he died. 2. Son 
 of Chenaanah, a prophet at the court of 
 Ahab, head, or, if not head, virtual leader 
 of the college. He appears but once, viz. 
 as spokesman when the prophets are con- 
 sulted by Ahab on the result of his proposed 
 expedition to Ramoth-Gilead (IK. xxii. ; 
 2 Chr. xviii.). Zedekiah had prepared him- 
 self for the interview with a pair of iron
 
 ZEEB 
 
 769 
 
 ZEPHANIAH 
 
 horns, after the symbolic custom of the 
 prophets (comp. Jer. xiii., xix.), the horns 
 of the reem, or buffalo, which was the 
 recognized emblem of the tribe of Ephraim 
 (Deut. xxxiii. 17). With these, in the in- 
 terval before Micaiah's arrival, he illus- 
 trated the manner in which Ahab should 
 drive the Syrians before him. When Mi- 
 caiah appeared and had delivered his proph- 
 ecy, Zedekiah sprang forward and struck 
 him a blow on the face, accompanying it by 
 a taunting sneer. For this he is threatened 
 by Micaiah in terms which are hardly in- 
 telligible to us, but which evidently allude 
 to some personal danger to Zedekiah. Jose- 
 phus relates that after Micaiah had spoken, 
 Zedekiah again came forward, and de- 
 nounced him as false, on the ground that 
 his prophecy contradicted the prediction 
 of Elijah, that Ahab's blood should be 
 licked up by dogs in the field of Naboth of 
 Jezreel ; and as a further proof that he was 
 an impostor, he struck him, daring him to 
 do what Iddo, in somewhat similar cir- 
 cumstances, had done to Jeroboam viz., 
 wither his hand. As to the question of 
 what Zedekiah and his followers were, 
 whether prophets of Jehovah or of some 
 false deity, it seems hardly possible to en- 
 tertain any doubt. 3. The son of Maasei- 
 ah, a false prophet in Babylon (Jer. xxix. 
 21, 22). He was denounced in the letter 
 of Jeremiah for having, with Ahab the son 
 of Kolaiah, buoyed up the people with false 
 hopes, and for profane and flagitious con- 
 duct. Their names were to become a by- 
 word, and their terrible fate a warning. 4. 
 The son of Hananiah, "one of the princes 
 of Judah in the time of Jeremiah (Jer. 
 xxxvi. 12). 
 
 Zeeb, one of the two "princes" of 
 Midian in the great invasion of Israel. He 
 is always named with ORES (Judg. vii. 25, 
 viii. 3; Ps. Ixxxiii. 11). Zeeb and Oreb 
 were not slain at the first rout of the Arabs, 
 but at a later stage of the struggle, proba- 
 bly in crossing the Jordan at a ford farther 
 down the river. Zeeb, the wolf, was brought 
 to bay in a winepress which in later times 
 bore his name the "winepress of Zeeb." 
 [OREB.] 
 
 Ze'lah, a city in the allotment of Ben- 
 jamin (Josh, xviii. 28), contained the fam- 
 ily tomb of Kish, the father of Saul (2 Sam. 
 xxi. 14). 
 
 Ze lek. an Ammonite, one of David's 
 guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 37; 1 Chr. xi. 39). 
 
 Zelo'phehad, son of Hepher, son of 
 Gilead, son of Machir, son of Manasseh 
 (Josh. xvii. 3). He was apparently the 
 second son of his father Hepher (1 Chr. 
 vii. 15). Zelophehad came out of Egypt 
 with Moses, but died in the wilderness, as 
 did the whole of that generation (Num. xiv. 
 35, xxvii. 3). On his death without male 
 heirs, his five daughters, just after the 
 
 second numbering in the wilderness, came 
 before Moses and Eleazar to claim the in- 
 heritance of their father in the tribe of 
 Manasseh. The claim was admitted by di- 
 vine direction (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1-11). 
 
 Zelo'tes, the epithet given to the Apos- 
 tle Simon to distinguish him from Simon 
 Peter (Luke vi. 15). [CANAANITE; SI- 
 MON 5.] 
 
 Zel'zah, a place named once only (1 
 Sam. x. 2), as on the boundary of Benja- 
 min, close to Rachel's sepulchre. 
 
 Zemara'im, a town in the allotment of 
 Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 22), perhaps identi- 
 cal with MOUNT ZEMARAIM (mentioned in 
 2 Chr. xiii. 4 only), which was " in Mount 
 Ephraim," that is to say, within the general 
 district of the highlands of that great tribe 
 (2 Chr. xiii. 4). 
 
 Zem'arite, The, one of the Hamite 
 tribes who, in the genealogical table of Gen. 
 x. (ver. 18) and 1 Chron. i. (ver. 16), are 
 represented as " sons of Canaan." Noth- 
 ing is certainly known of this ancient tribe. 
 The old interpreters place them at Emessa, 
 the modern Hums. 
 
 Zemi'ra, one of the sons of Becher the 
 son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). 
 
 Ze'nan, a town in the allotment of Ju- 
 dah, situated in the district of the Shefelah 
 (Josh. xv. 37). It is probably identical 
 with ZAANAN (Mic. i. 11). 
 
 Ze'nas, a believer, and, as may be in- 
 ferred from the context, a preacher of the 
 Gospel, who is mentioned in Tit. iii. 13 in 
 connection with Apollos. He is further 
 described as " the lawyer." It is impos- 
 sible to determine whether Zenas was a 
 Roman jurisconsult or a Jewish doctor. 
 
 Zeptiani'ah. 1. The ninth in order 
 of the twelve minor prophets. His pedigree 
 is traced to his fourth ancestor, Hezekiah, 
 (i. 1), supposed to be the celebrated king 
 of that name. In chap. i. the utter desola- 
 tion of Judaea is predicted as a judgment 
 for idolatry, and neglect of the Lord, the 
 luxury of the princes, and the violence and 
 deceit of their dependants (3-9). The 
 prosperity, security, and insolence of the 
 people are contrasted with the horrors of 
 the day of wrath (10-18). Ch. ii. contains a 
 call to repentance (1-3), with prediction of 
 the ruin of the cities of the Philistines, and 
 the restoration of the house of Judah after 
 the visitation (4-7). Other enemies of 
 Judah, Moab, Ammon, are threatened with 
 perpetual destruction (8-15). In chap. iii. 
 the prophet addresses Jerusalem, which he 
 reproves sharply for vice and disobedience 
 (1-7). He then concludes with a series of 
 promises (8-20). The chief characteristics 
 of this book are the unity and harmony of 
 the composition, the grace, energy, and 
 dignity of its style, and the rapid and ef- 
 ; fectivc alternations of throats and promises. 
 [ The general tone of the last portion is
 
 ZEPHATH 
 
 770 
 
 ZERETH 
 
 fiianic, but without any specific reference to 
 the person of our Lord. The date of the 
 book is given in the inscription ; viz. the 
 reign of Josiah, from 642 to 611 B. c. It is 
 most probable, moreover, that the prophecy 
 was delivered before the 18th year of Jo- 
 siah. 2. The son of Maaseiah (Jer. xxi. 
 1), and sagan or second priest in the reign 
 of Zedekiah. He succeeded Jehoiada (Jer. 
 xxix. 25, 26), and was probably a ruler of 
 the Temple, whose office it was, among 
 others, to punish pretenders to the gift of 
 prophecy. In this capacity he was appealed 
 to by Shemaiah the Nehelamite to punish 
 Jeremiah (Jer. xxix. 29). Twice was he 
 sent from Zedekiah to inquire of Jeremiah 
 the issue of the siege of the city by the 
 Chaldeans (Jer. xxi. 1), and to implore him 
 to intercede for the people (Jer. xxxvii. 3) . 
 On the capture of Jerusalem he was taken 
 and slain at Riblah (Jer. lii. 24, 27 ; 2 K. 
 xxv. 18, 21). 3. Father of Josiah 2 (Zech. 
 vi. 10), and of Hen, according to the read- 
 ing of the received text of Zech. vi. 14. 
 
 Ze'phath., the earlier name (Judg. i. 
 17) of a Canaanite town, which after its 
 capture and destruction was called by the 
 Israelites Hormah. [HORMAH.] 
 
 Zeph'athah, The Valley of, the 
 spot in which Asa joined battle with Zerah 
 the Ethiopian (2 Chr. xiv. 10 only). 
 
 Ze'phi (1 Chr. i. 36). [ZEPHO.] 
 
 Ze'pho, son of Eliphaz, son of Esau 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 11), and one of the "dukes," 
 or phylarchs, of the Edomites (ver. 15). 
 In 1 Chr. i. 36 he is called ZEPHI. 
 
 Ze'phon, ZIPHION, the son of Gad 
 (Num. xxvi. 15), and ancestor of the family 
 of the ZEPHOXITES. 
 
 Zer, a fortified town in the allotment of 
 Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35 only), probably in 
 the neighborhood of the S. W. side of the 
 lake of Gennesareth. 
 
 Ze'rah. 1. A son of Reuel, son of Esau 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 13; 1 Chr. i. 37), and one of 
 the " dukes," or phylarchs, of the Edomites 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 17). 2. Less properly, ZA- 
 KAH, twin son, with his elder brother Pha- 
 rez, of Judah and Tamar (Gen. xxxviii. 30 ; 
 1 Chr. ii. 6; Matt. i. 3). His descendants 
 were called Zarhites, Ezrahites, and Izra- 
 Mtes (Num. xxvi. 20; IK. iv. 31; 1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 8, 11). 3. Son of Simeon (1 Chr. 
 iv. 24), called ZOIIAR in Gen. xlvi. 10). 4. 
 A Gershonite Levite, son of Iddo or Adaiah 
 (1 Chr. vi. 21, 41 [Heb. vi. 26]). 5. The 
 Ethiopian or Cushite, an invader of Judah, 
 defeated by Asa about B. c. 941. [AsA.] 
 Zerah is probably the Hebrew name of 
 Usarken I., second king of the Egyptian 
 xxiid dynasty ; or perhaps more probably 
 Usarken II., his second successor. In the 
 14th year of Asa, Zerah, the Ethiopian, 
 with a mighty army of a million, invaded 
 his kingdom, and advanced unopposed in 
 UiC field as far as Mareshah. The invading 
 
 army had swarmed across the border and 
 devoured the Philistine fields before Asa 
 could march to meet it. " In the Valley 
 of Zephathah at Mareshah," the two armies 
 met. We cannot perfectly determine the 
 site of the battle. From the prayer of Asa 
 we may judge that, when he came upon the 
 invading army, he saw its hugeness, and so 
 that, as he descended through a valley, it 
 lay spread out beneath him. The Egyptian 
 monuments enable us to picture the general 
 disposition of Zerah's army. The chariots 
 formed the first corps in a single or double 
 line; behind them, massed in phalanxes, 
 were heavy-armed troops ; probably on the 
 flanks stood archers and horsemen in light- 
 er formations. No doubt the Ethiopian, 
 confident in his numbers, disdained to at- 
 tack the Hebrews or clear the heights, but 
 waited in the broad valley, or the plain. 
 Asa's prayer before the battle is full of the 
 noble faith of the age of the Judges. The 
 chariots, broken by the charge and with 
 horses made unmanageable by flights of 
 arrows, must have been forced back upon 
 the cumbrous host behind. " So the LORD 
 smote the Ethiopians before Asa, and be- 
 fore Judah ; and the Ethiopians fled. And 
 Asa and the people that [were] with him 
 pursued them unto Gerar ; and [or ' for '] 
 the Ethiopians were overthrown, that they 
 could not recover themselves." So com- 
 plete was the overthrow, that the Hebrews 
 could capture and spoil the cities around 
 Gerah, which must have been in alliance 
 with Zerah. The defeat of the Egyptian 
 army is without parallel in the history of 
 the Jews. On no other occasion did an 
 Israelite army meet an army of one of the 
 great powers and defeat it. 
 
 Zer ahi'ah. 1. A priest, son of Uzzi, and 
 ancestor of Ezra the Scribe (1 Chr. vi. 6, 
 51 [Heb. v. 32, vi. 36]; Ezr. vii. 4). 2. 
 Father of Elihoenai of the sons of Pahath 
 Moab (Ezr. viii. 4). 
 
 Ze'red (Deut. ii. 13, 14), or Za'red 
 (Num. xxi. 12), a brook or valley running 
 into the Dead Sea near its S. E. corner, 
 which Dr. Robinson with some probability 
 suggests as identical with the Wady el-Ahsy. 
 It lay between Moab and Edom, and is the 
 limit of the proper term of the Israelites' 
 wandering (Deut. ii. 14). 
 
 Zer'eda, the native place of Jeroboam 
 (IK. xi. 26). Zereda or Zere'dah has been 
 supposed to be identical with ZERKDATHAH 
 and ZARTHAN or ZARTANAH. But the two 
 last were in the valley of the Jordan, while 
 Zeredah was, according to the repeated 
 statement of the LXX., on Mount Ephraim, 
 
 Zered'athah. [ZARTUAN.J 
 
 Zer'erath. [ZAHTHAN.] 
 
 Ze'resh, the wife of Haman the Agagite 
 (Esth. v. 10, 14, vi. 13). 
 
 Ze'reth, son of Ashur the founder of 
 Tekoa, by his wife Helah (1 Chr. iv. 7).
 
 ZERI 
 
 771 
 
 ZIBA 
 
 Ze'ri, one of the sons of Jeduthun in the 
 reign of David (1 Chr. xxv. 3). 
 
 Ze'ror, a Benjamite, ancestor of Kish the 
 father of Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1). 
 
 Zeru'ah, the mother of Jeroboam the 
 son of Xebat (IK. xi. 2G). 
 
 Zerub'babel (born at Babel, i. e. Bab- 
 ylon), the head of the tribe of Judah at 
 the time of the return from the Babylonish 
 Captivity in the first year of Cyrus. The 
 history of Zerubbabel in the Scriptures is as 
 follows ; In the first year of Cyrus he was 
 living at Babylon, and was the recognized 
 prince of Judah in the Captivity, what in 
 later times was called " the Prince of the 
 Captivity," or " the Prince." OH the is- 
 suing of Cyrus's decree he immediately 
 availed himself of it, and placed himself 
 at the head of those of his countrymen 
 *' whose spirit God had raised to go up to 
 build the house of the Lord which is in 
 Jerusalem." It is probable that he was in 
 the king of Babylon's service, both from 
 his having, like Daniel and the three chil- 
 dren, received a Chaldee name [SHESH- 
 BAZZAK], and from the fact that he was ap- 
 pointed by the Persian king to the office of 
 governor of Judaea. On arriving at Jeru- 
 salem, Zerubbabel's great work, which he 
 set about immediately, was the rebuilding 
 of the Temple. In the second month of 
 the second year of their return, the foun- 
 dation was laid with all the pomp which 
 they could command. The Samaritans or 
 Cutheans put in a claim to join with the 
 Jews in rebuilding the Temple ; and when 
 Zerubbabel and his companions refused to 
 admit them into partnership they tried to 
 hinder them from building, and hired coun- 
 sellors to frustrate their purpose. They 
 were successful in putting a stop to the 
 work during the seven remaining years of 
 the reign of Cyrus, and through the eight 
 years of Cambyses and Smerdis. Nor does 
 Zerubbabel appear quite blameless for this 
 long delay. The difficulties in the way of 
 building the Temple were not such as need 
 have stopped the work; and during this 
 long suspension of sixteen years Zerubba- 
 bel and the rest of the people had been busy 
 in building costly houses for themselves. 
 But in the second year of Darius light 
 dawned upon the darkness of the colony 
 from Babylon. In that year it was the 
 most memor.able event in Zerubbabel's life 
 the spirit of prophecy suddenly blazed 
 up with a most brilliant light amongst the 
 returned captives. Their words fell like 
 sparks upon tinder. In a moment Zerub- 
 babel, roused from his apathy, threw his 
 whole strength into the work, zealously 
 seconded by Jeshua and all the people. 
 Undeterred by a fresh attempt of their ene- 
 mies to hinder the progress of the building, 
 they went on with the work even while a 
 reference was being miu.li! to Darius ; and 
 
 when, after the original decree of Cyrus had" 
 been found at Ecbatana, a most gracious 
 and favorable decree was issued by Darius, 
 enjoining Tatnai and Shethar-boznai to as- 
 sist the Jews with whatsoever they had need 
 of at the king's expense. After much op- 
 position [see NEHEMIAH] and many hin- 
 derances and delays, the Temple was at 
 length finished, in the sixth year of Darius, 
 and was dedicated with much pomp and 
 rejoicing. [TEMPLE.] The only other 
 works of Zerubbabel which we learn from 
 Scripture are the restoration of the courses 
 of priests and Levites, and of the provision 
 for their maintenance, according to the in- 
 stitution of David (Ezr. vi. 18 ; Neh. xii. 
 47) ; the registering the returned captives 
 according to their genealogies (Neh. vii. 
 5) ; and the keeping of a Passover in the 
 seventh year of Darius, with which last 
 event ends all that we know of the life of 
 Zerubbabel. His apocryphal history is told 
 in 1 Esdr. iii.-vii. The exact parentage 
 of Zerubbabel is a little obscure, from hia 
 being always called the son of Shealtiel 
 (Ezr. iii. 2, 8, v. 2, &c. ; Hag. i. 1, 12, 14, 
 &c.), and appearing as such in the geneal- 
 ogies of Christ (Matt. i. 12; Luke iii. 27), 
 whereas in 1 Chr. iii. 19, he is represented 
 as the son of Pedaiah, Shealtiel or Sala- 
 thiel's brother, and consequently as Sala- 
 thiel's nephew. It is of more moment to 
 remark that, while St. Matthew deduces 
 his line from Jechonias and Solomon, St. 
 Luke deduces it through Neri and Nathan. 
 Zerubbabel was the legal successor and 
 heir of Jeconiah's royal estate, the grand- 
 son of Neri, and the lineal descendant of 
 Nathan the son of David. In the N. T. 
 the name appears in the Greek form of 
 
 ZOROBABEL. 
 
 Zerui'ah, the mother of the three lead- 
 ing heroes of David's army Abishai, Joab, 
 and Asahel known as the " sons of Zer- 
 uiah." She and Abigail are specified in 1 
 Chr. ii. 13-17 as "sisters of the sons of 
 Jesse" (v. 16). The expression is in itself 
 enough to raise a suspicion that she was 
 not a daughter of Jesse, a suspicion which 
 is corroborated by the statement of 2 Sam. 
 xvii. 25, that Abigail was the daughter of 
 Nahash. [NAHASH.] Of Zeruiah's hus- 
 band there is no mention in the Bible. 
 
 Ze'tham, the son of Laadan, a Ger- 
 shonite Levite (1 Chr. xxiii. 8). 
 
 Ze'than, a Benjamite of the sons of 
 Bilhan (1 Chr. vii. 10). 
 
 Ze'thar, one of the seven eunuchs of 
 Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). 
 
 Zi'a, one of the Gadites who dwelt in 
 Bashan (1 Chr. v. 13). 
 
 Zi'ba, a person who plays a prominent 
 part, though with no credit to himself, in 
 ?ne of the episodes of David's history (2 
 Sam. ix. 2-12, xvi. 1-4, six. 17, 29). [ME-
 
 ZTBEOJT 
 
 772 
 
 ZIDON 
 
 Zib'eon, father of Anah, whose daughter ' 
 Aholibamah was Esau's wife (Gen. xxxvi. 
 2). Although called a Hivite, he is prob- I 
 ably the same as Zibeon the son of Seir the j 
 Horite (vers. 20, 24, 29; 1 Chr. i. 38, 40). j 
 
 Zib'ia, a Benjamite apparently the son of 
 Shaharaim, by his wife Hodesh (1 Chr. 
 vii. 9). 
 
 Zib'iah, a native of Beersheba, and 
 mother of king Joash (2 K. xii. 1 ; 2 Chr. 
 xiv. 1). 
 
 Zich'ri. 1. Son of Ishar the son of 
 Kohath (Ex. vi. 21). 2. A Benjamite of 
 the sons of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 19). 3. 
 A Benjamite of the sons of Shashak (1 Chr. 
 viii. 23). 4. A Benjamite of the sons of 
 Jeroham (1 Chr. viii. 27). 5. Son of 
 Asaph, elsewhere called ZABDI and ZAC- 
 CUR (1 Chr. ix. 15). 6. A descendant of 
 Eliezej the son of Moses (1 Chr. xxvi. 25). 
 7. The father of Eliezer, the chief of the 
 Keubenites in the reign of David (1 Chr. 
 xxvii. 10). 8. One of the tribe of Judah, 
 father of Amasiah (2 Chr. xvii. 16). 9. 
 Father of Elishaphat, one of the conspira- 
 tors with Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 1O. 
 An Ephraimite hero in the invading army 
 of Pekah, the son of Remaliah (2 Chr. 
 xxviii. 7). 11. Father or ancestor of JOEL 
 14 (Neh. xi. 9). 12. A priest of the fam- 
 ily of Abijah, in the days of Joiakiiu the 
 eon of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 17). 
 
 Zid'dim, a fortified town in the allot- 
 ment of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35). 
 
 Zidki'jah, a priest, or family of priests, 
 who signed the covenant with Nehemiah 
 (Neh. x. 1). 
 
 Zi'don, or Si'don (Gen. x. 15, 19; 
 Josh. xi. 8, xix. 28 ; Judg. i. 31, xviii. 28 ; 
 Joel iii. 4 (iv. 4); Is. xxiii. 2, 4, 12; Jer. 
 xxv. 22, xxvii. 3; Ez. xxviii. 21, 22; Zech. 
 ix. 2; Matt. xi. 21, 22, xv. 21; Luke vi. 
 17, x. 13, 14 ; Mark iii. 8, vii. 24, 31). An 
 ancient and wealthy city of Phoenicia, on 
 the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea, 
 less than 20 English miles to the north of 
 Tyre. Its Hebrew name, Tsidtin, signifies 
 " Fishing," or " Fishery." Its modern name 
 is Saida. It is situate in the narrow plain 
 between the Lebanon and the sea. From 
 a Biblical point of view, this city is inferior 
 in interest to its neighbor Tyre ; though in 
 early times Sidon was the more influential 
 of the two cities. This is shadowed forth in 
 the Book of Genesis by the statement that 
 Zidon was the first-born of Canaan (Gen. 
 x. 15), and is implied in the name of 
 " Great Zidon," or " the Metropolis Zidon," 
 which is twice given to it in Joshua (xi. 8, 
 xix. 28). It is confirmed, likewise, by 
 Zidonians being used as the generic name 
 of the Phoenicans, or Canaanites (Josh, 
 xiii. 6 ; Judg. xviii. 7) ; and by the reason 
 assigned for there being no deliverer to 
 Laish when its peaceable inhabitants were 
 massacred, that " it was far from Zidon ; " 
 
 whereas, if Tyre had been then of equal 
 importance it would have been more natural 
 to mention Tyre, which professed substan- 
 tially the same religion, and was almost 
 twenty miles nearer (Judg. xviii. 28). 
 From the time pf Solomon to the invasion 
 of Nebuchadnezzar Zidon is not often di- 
 rectly mentioned in the Bible, and it ap- 
 pears to have been subordinate to Tyre. 
 When the people called " Zidonians " is 
 mentioned, it sometimes seems that the 
 Phoenicians of the plain of Zidon are 
 meant (1 K. v. 6, xvi. 31, xi. 1, 5, 33; 2 
 K. xxiii. 13). There is no doubt, however, 
 that Zidon itself, the city properly so called, 
 was threatened by Joel (iii. 4) and Jere- 
 miah (xxvii. 3). Still, all that is known 
 respecting it during the epoch is very 
 scanty, amounting to scarcely more than 
 that one of its sources of gain was trade 
 in slaves, in which the inhabitants did 
 not shrink from selling inhabitants of 
 Palestine; that the city was governed by 
 kings (Jer. xxvii. 3 and xxv. 22) ; that, 
 previous to the invasion of Nebuchadnezzar, 
 it had furnished mariners to Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 
 8) ; that at one period it was subject, in 
 some sense or other, to Tyre ; and that, 
 when Shalmaneser king of Assyria invaded 
 Phoenicia, Zidon seized the opportunity to 
 revolt. During the Persian domination, 
 Zidon seems to have attained its highest 
 point of prosperity ; and it is recorded that, 
 towards the close of that period, it far ex- 
 celled all other Phoenician cities in wealth 
 and importance. It is very probable that 
 the long siege of Tyre by Nebuchadnezzar 
 had tended not only to weaken and impov- 
 erish Tyre, but likewise to enrich Zidon at 
 the expense of Tyre. Its prosperity was 
 suddenly cut short by an unsuccessful re- 
 volt against Persia, which ended in the de- 
 struction of the town (B. c. 351). The 
 principal circumstances were these : While 
 the Persians were making preparations in 
 Phoenicia to put down the revolt in Egypt, 
 some Persian satraps and generals behaved 
 oppressively and insolently to Sidonians in 
 the Sidonian division of the city of Tripolis. 
 On this the Sidonian people projected a 
 revolt ; and having first concerted arrange- 
 ments with other Phoenician cities, and 
 made a treaty with Nectanebus, they put 
 their designs into execution. But their 
 king Tennes proved a traitor to their cause 
 and in performance of a compact witli 
 Ochus, he betrayed into the king's power 
 one hundred of the most distinguished 
 citizens of Sidon, who were all shot to 
 death with javelins. Five hundred other 
 citizens, who went out to the king with 
 ensigns of supplication, shared the same 
 fate ; and by concert between Tennes and 
 Mentor, the Persian troops were admitted 
 within the gates, and occupied the city 
 walls. The Sidonians, before the arrival
 
 ZIDONIANS 
 
 773 
 
 ZIOU 
 
 of Ochus, had burnt their vessels to pre- 
 vent any one's leaving the town ; and when 
 they saw themselves surrounded by the 
 Persian troops, they adopted the desperate 
 resolution of shutting themselves up with 
 their families, and setting fire each man to 
 his own house (B. c. 351). Forty thousand 
 persons are said to have perished in the 
 flames. Sidon, however, gradually recov- 
 ered from the blow, and became again 
 a flourishing town. It is about fifty miles 
 distant from Nazareth, and is the most 
 northern city which is mentioned in con- 
 nection with Christ's journeys. 
 
 Zido'nians, the inhabitants of Zidon. 
 They were among the nations of Canaan 
 left to practise the Israelites in the art of 
 war (Judg. Hi. 3), and colonies of them 
 appear to have spread up into the hill 
 country from Lebanon to Misrephoth-maim 
 (Josh. xiii. 4, 6), whence in later times they 
 hewed cedar-trees for David and Solomon 
 (1 Chr. xxii. 4). They oppressed the Isra- 
 elites on their first entrance into the coun- 
 try (Judg. x. 12), and appear to have lived 
 n luxurious, reckless life (Judg. xviii. 7) ; 
 they were skilful in hewing timber (1 K. v. 
 6), and were employed for this purpose by 
 Solomon. They were idolaters, and wor- 
 shipped Ashtoreth as their tutelary goddess 
 (1 K. xi. 5, 33; 2 K. xxiii. 13), as well as 
 the sun-god Baal, from whom their king 
 was named (1 K. xvi. 31). 
 
 Zif (1 K. vi. 37). [MONTH.] 
 Zi'ha. 1. The children of Ziha were a 
 family of Nethinim who returned with 
 Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 43; Neh. vii. 46). 2. 
 Chief of the Nethinim in Ophel (Neh. xi. 
 21). The name is probably identical with 
 
 the preceding. 
 Zik'lag, a 
 
 place which possesses a 
 
 special interest from its having been the 
 residence and the private property of Da- 
 vid. It is first mentioned in the catalogue 
 of the towns of Judah in Josh, xv., and 
 occurs, in the same connection, amongst 
 the places which were allotted out of the 
 territory of Judah to Simeon (xix. 5). We 
 next encounter it in the possession of the 
 Philistines (1 Sam. xxvii. 6), when it was, 
 at David's request, bestowed upon him by 
 Achish king of Gath. He resided there 
 for a year and four months (ib. 7 ; 1 Sam. 
 xxxi. 14, 26; 1 Chr. xii. 1,20). It was 
 there he received the news of Saul's death 
 (2 Sam. i. 1, iv. 10). He then relinquished 
 it for Hebron (ii. 1). Ziklag is finally 
 mentioned as being reinhabited by the peo- 
 ple of Judah after their return from the 
 Captivity (Neh. xi. 28). The situation of 
 the town is difficult to determine, and we 
 only know for certain that it was in the 
 gouth country. 
 
 Zillah. [LAMECH.] 
 
 Zil'pah, a Syrian given by Laban to his 
 daughter Leah as an attendant (Gen. xxix. 
 
 24), and by Leah to Jacob as a concubine. 
 She was the mother of Gad and Ashcr 
 (Gen. xxx. 9-13, xxxv. 26, xxxvii. 2, xlvi. 
 18). 
 
 Zil'thai. 1. A Benjamite, of the sons 
 of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 20). 2. One of this 
 captains of thousands of Manasseh who 
 deserted to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 20). 
 
 Zim'mah. 1. A Gershonite Levite, 
 son of Jahath (1 Chr. vi. 20). 2. Another 
 Gershonite, son of Shimei (1 Chr. vi. 42) ; 
 possibly the same as the preceding. 3. 
 Father or ancestor of Joah, a Gerslionite 
 in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 
 At a much earlier period we find the same 
 collocation of names, Zimmah and Joah as 
 father and son (1 Chr. vi. 20). 
 
 Zim'ran, the eldest son of Keturah 
 (Gen. xxv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32). His descend- 
 ants are not mentioned, nor is any hint 
 given that he was the founder of a tribe. 
 
 Zim'ri. 1. The son of Salu, a Simeon- 
 ite chieftain, slain by Phinchas with the 
 Midianitish princess Cozbi (Num. xxv. 14). 
 2. Fifth sovereign of the separate kingdom 
 of Israel, of which he occupied the throne 
 for the brief period of seven days in the 
 year B. c. 930 or 929. Originally in com- 
 mand of half the chariots in the royal army, 
 he gained the crown by the murder of king 
 Elah son of Baasha. But the army which 
 at that time was besieging the Philistine 
 town of Gibbethon, when they heard of 
 Elah's murder, proclaimed their general. 
 Omri, king. He immediately marched 
 against Tirzah, and took the city. Zimri 
 retreated into the innermost part of the 
 late king's palace, set it on fire, and perished 
 in the ruins (1 K. xvi. 9-20). 3- One of 
 the five sons of Zerah the son of Judah (1 
 Chr. ii. 6). 4. Son of Jehoadah and de- 
 scendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 36. ix. 42). 
 5. An obscure name, mentioned (Jer. xxv. 
 25) in probable connection with Dedan, 
 Tema, Buz, Arabia, the "mingled people." 
 Nothing further is known respecting Zimri, 
 but it may possibly be the same as, or 
 derived from, ZIMRAK, which see. 
 
 Zin, the name given to a portion of the 
 desert tract between the Dead Sea, Gh6r, 
 and Arabah on the E., and the general 
 plateau of the Tih which stretches west- 
 ward. The country in question consists 
 of two or three successive terraces of 
 mountain converging to an acute anglr at 
 the Dead Sea's southern verge, towards 
 which also they slope. Kadesh lay in it, 
 and here also Idumea was conterminous 
 with Judah ; since Kadesh was a city in the 
 border of Edom (see KADESH ; Num. xiii. 
 21, xx. 1, xxvii. 14, xxxiii. 36, xxxir. 8; 
 Josh. xv. 1). 
 
 Zi'na, ZIZAH, the second son of Shimei 
 (1 Ohr. xxiii. 10, comp. 11) the Gershonite. 
 
 Zi'on. [JERUSALEM.] 
 
 Zi'or, a town in the mountain district of
 
 ZIPH 
 
 774 
 
 ZOBA 
 
 Judah (Josh. xv. 54). It belongs to the 
 same group with Hebron. 
 
 Ziph, the name of two towns in Judah. 
 1. In the south; named between Ithnan 
 and Telem (Josh. xv. 24). It does not ap- 
 pear again in the history, nor has any trace 
 of it been met with. 2. In the highland 
 district; named between Carmel and Juttah 
 (Josh. xv. 55). The place is immortalized 
 by its connection with David (1 Sam. xxiii. 
 14, 15, 24, xxvi. 2). These passages show, 
 that at that time it had near it a wilderness 
 (t. e. a waste pasture-ground) and a wood. 
 The latter has disappeared, but the former 
 remains. The name of Zif is found about 
 three miles S. of Hebron, attached to a 
 rounded hill of some 100 feet in height, 
 which is called Tell Zif. 3. Son of Jeha- 
 leleel (1 Chr. iv. 1C). 
 
 Zi'phah, another son of Jehaleleel (1 
 Chr. iv. 16). 
 
 Zi'phims, The, the inhabitants of 
 ZIPH '2. In this form the name is found 
 in the A. V. only in the title of Ps. liv. In 
 the narrative it occurs in the more usual 
 form of 
 
 Zi'phites, The, 1 Sam. xxiii. 19; 
 xxvi. 1. 
 
 Ziph'ion, son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16) ; 
 elsewhere called ZEPHON. 
 
 Ziph'ron, a point in the north boundary 
 of the Promised Land as specified by Moses 
 (Num. xxxiv. 9). 
 
 Zip'por, father of Balak king of Moab 
 (Num. xxii. 2, 4, 10, 16, xxiii. 18 ; Josh, 
 xxiv. 9; Judg. xi. 25). Whether he was 
 the " former king of Moab " alluded to in 
 Num. xxi. 26, we are not told. 
 
 Zippo'rah, daughter of Reuel or Je- 
 thro, the priest of Midian, wife of Moses, 
 and mother of his two sons Gershom and 
 Eliezer (Ex. ii. 21, iv. 25, xviii. 2; comp. 
 6). The only incident recorded in her life 
 is that of the circumcision of Gershom (iv. 
 .24-26). 
 
 Zith'ri, properly "Sithri;" one of the 
 eons of Uzziel, the son of Kohath (Ex. vi. 
 22). In Ex. vi. 21, "Zithri" should be 
 "Zichri," as in A. V. of 1611. 
 
 Ziz, The Cliff Of, the pass by which 
 the horde of Moabites, Ammonites, and 
 Mehunim, made their way up from the 
 shores of the Dead Sea to the wilderness 
 of Judah near Tekoa (2 Chr. xx. 16 only ; 
 comp. 20). It was the pass of Ain Jidy 
 the very same route which is taken by 
 the Arabs in their marauding expeditions 
 at the present day. 
 
 Zi'za. 1. Son of Shiphi, a chief of the 
 Simeonites in the reign of Hezekiah (1 
 Chr. iv. 37). 2. Son of Rehoboam by 
 Maachah, the granddaughter of Absalom 
 (2 Chr. xi. 20). 
 
 Zi'zah, a Gershonite Levite, second son 
 of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 11) ; called ZUJA 
 in ver. 10. 
 
 Zo'an, an ancient city of Lower Kj^vjif, 
 called Tanis by the Greeks. It stood on 
 the eastern bank of the Tanitic branch of 
 the Nile. Its name indicates a place of 
 departure from a country, and hence it has 
 been identified with Avaris, the capital of 
 the Shepherd dynasty in Egypt. We read 
 in the book of Numbers that "Hebron was 
 built seven years before Zoan in Egypt" 
 (xiii. 22), which tends to establish the 
 identity of Avaris and Zoan, since we know 
 that Hebron was already built in Abra- 
 ham's time, and the Shepherd-invasion nfay 
 be dated about the same period. Sup- 
 posing that the Pharaoh who oppressed the 
 Israelites belonged to the Shepherds, it 
 would be natural for him to reside at Zoan ; 
 and this city is mentioned in connection 
 with the Plagues in such a manner as to 
 leave no doubt that it is the city spoken of in. 
 the narrative in Exodus as that where Pha- 
 raoh dwelt (Ps. Ixxviii. 42, 43). Tanis 
 gave its name to the xxist and xxiiid dy- 
 nasties, and hence its mention in Isaiah 
 (xix. 18, xxx. 4), " I will set fire in Zoan " 
 (xxx. 14), where it occurs among the cities 
 to be taken by Nebuchadnezzar. 
 
 Zo'ar, one of the most ancient cities of 
 the land of Canaan. Its original name was 
 BELA (Gen. xiv. 2, 8). It was in intimate 
 connection with the cities of the " plain of 
 Jordan" Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, and 
 Zeboiim (see also xiii. 10; but not x. 19). 
 In the general destruction of the cities of 
 the plain, Zoar was spared to afford shelter 
 to Lot (xix. 22, 23, 30). It is mentioned 
 in the account of the death of Moses as one 
 of the landmarks which bounded his view 
 from Pisgah (Deut. xxxiv. 3), and it ap- 
 pears to have been known in the time both 
 of Isaiah (xv. 5) and Jeremiah (xlviii. 34). 
 These are all the notices of Zoar contained 
 in the Bible. It was situated in the same 
 district with th% four cities already men- 
 tioned, viz. in the " plain " or " circle " " of 
 the Jordan," and the narrative of Gen. xix. 
 evidently implies that it was very near to 
 Sodom (ver. 15, 23, 27). The definite po- 
 sition of Sodom is, and probably will al- 
 ways be, a mystery ; but there can be little 
 doubt that the plain of the Jordan was at 
 the north side of the Dead Sea, and that 
 the cities of the plain must therefore have 
 been situated there instead of at the south- 
 ern end of the lake, as it is generally taken 
 for granted they were. [SODOM.] 
 
 Zo'ba, or Zo'bah, the name of a por- 
 tion of Syria, which formed a separate king- 
 dom in the time of the Jewish monarchs, 
 Saul, David, and Solomon. It probably 
 was eastward of Coele-Syria, and extended 
 thence north-east and east, towards, if not 
 even to, the Euphrates. We first hear of 
 Zobah in the time of Saul, when we find it 
 mentioned as a separate country, governed 
 apparently by a number of kings who owned
 
 ZOBEBAH 
 
 775 
 
 ZUZIMS 
 
 no common head or chief (1 Sam. xlv. 47). 
 Some forty years later than this, we find 
 Zobah under a single ruler, Hadadezer, son 
 of Rehob, He had wars with Toi, king of 
 Hamath (2 Sam. viii. 10), and held various 
 petty Syrian princes as vassals under his 
 yoke (2 Sam. x. 19). David (2 Sam. viii. 
 3) attacked Hadadezer in the early part of 
 his reign, defeated his army, and took from 
 him a thousand chariots, seven hundred 
 (seven thousand, 1 Chr. xviii. 4) horsemen, 
 and 20.000 footmen. Hadadezer's allies, 
 the Syrians of Damascus, were defeated in a 
 great battle. The wealth of Zobah is very 
 apparent in the narrative of this campaign. 
 It is not clear whether the Syrians of Zobah 
 submitted and became tributary on this oc- 
 casion, or whether, although defeated, they 
 were able to maintain their independence. 
 At any rate, a few years later they were 
 again in arms against David. The war was 
 provoked by the Ammonites, who hired the 
 services of the Syrians of Zobah. The al- 
 lies were defeated in a great battle by Joab, 
 who engaged the Syrians in person (2 Sam. 
 x. 9). Hadadezer, upon this, made a last 
 effort (1 Chr. xix. 16). A battle was fought 
 near Helam, where the Syrians of Zobah 
 and their new allies were defeated with 
 great slaughter. Zobah, however, though 
 subdued, continued to cause trouble to the 
 Jewish kings. A man of Zobah, Rezon, 
 son of Eliadah, made himself master of 
 Damascus, where he proved a fierce ad- 
 versary to Israel all through the reign of 
 Solomon (1 K. xi. 23-25). Solomon also 
 was, it would seem, engaged in a war with 
 Zobah itself (2 Chr. viii. 3). This is the 
 last that we hear of Zobah in Scripture. 
 The name, however, is found at a later date 
 in the Inscriptions of Assyria, where the 
 kingdom of Zobah seems to intervene be- 
 tween Hamath and Damascus. 
 
 Zobe'bah, son of Coz, of the tribe of 
 Judah (1 Chr. iv. 8). 
 
 Zo'har. 1. Father of Ephron the Hit- 
 tite (Gen. xxiii. 8, xxv. 9). 2. One of the 
 sons of Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10 ; Bx. vi. 15) ; 
 called ZERAII in 1 Chr. iv. 24. 
 
 Zo'heleth, The Stone. This was " by 
 En Rogel" (1 K. i. 9); and therefore, if 
 En Rogel be the modern Um-ed-Deraj, this 
 stone, " where Adonijah slew sheep and 
 oxen," was in all likelihood not far from 
 the well of the Virgin. 
 
 Zo'heth, son of Ishi of the tribe of Ju- 
 dah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 
 
 Zo'phah, son of Helem, or Hotham, 
 the son of Heber, an Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 
 35, 3G). 
 
 Zo'phai, a Kohathite Levite, son of El- 
 kanah and ancestor of Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 
 26 [11]). In ver. 35 he is called ZCTPH. 
 
 Zo'phar, one of the three friends of Job 
 (Job ii. 11, xi. 1, xx. 1, xlii. 9). 
 
 Zo'phim, The Field of, a spot on or 
 near the top of Pisgah, from which Balaam 
 had his second view of the encampment of 
 Israel (Num. xxiii. 14). The position of 
 the field of Zophim is not defined. May it 
 not be the same place which later in tho 
 history is mentioned as MI/PAH-MOAB? 
 
 Zo rah, a town in the allotment of the 
 tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 41). It is previ- 
 ously mentioned (xv. 33) in the catalogue 
 of Judah, among the places in the district 
 of the Slujfelah (A. V. Zoreali)- It was 
 the residence of Manoah and the native 
 place of Samson. It is mentioned amongst 
 the places fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chr. 
 xi. 10). It is perhaps identical with tho 
 modern village of Sur'ah. 
 
 Zo'rathites, The, i. e. the people of 
 ZORAH, mentioned in 1 Chr. iv. 2 as de- 
 scended from Shobal. 
 
 Zo'reah. [ZORAH.] 
 
 Zo'rites, The, .are named in the gene- 
 alogies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 54) apparently 
 amongst the descendants of Salma and near 
 connections of Joab. 
 
 Zorob'abel (Matt. i. 12, 13 ; Luke iii. 
 27). [ZERUBBABEL.] 
 
 Zu|ar, father of Ncthanecl the chief of 
 the tribe of Issachar at the time of the Ex- 
 odus (Num. i. 8, ii. 5, vii. 18, 23, x. 15). 
 
 Zuph, The Land of, a district at 
 which Saul and his servant arrived after 
 passing through those of Shalisha, of Sha- 
 lim, and of the Benjamites (1 Sam. ix. 5 
 only). It evidently contained the city in 
 which they encountered Samuel (ver. G), 
 and that again was certainly not far from 
 the " tomb of Rachel." It may perhaps bo 
 identified with Soba, a well-known placo 
 about 7 miles due west of Jerusalem. 
 
 Zuph, a Kohathite Levite, ancestor of 
 Elkanah and Samuel (1 Sam. i. 1 ; 1 Chr. vi. 
 35). In 1 Chr. vi. 26 he is called ZOPIIAI. 
 
 Zur. 1. Father of Cozbi (Num. xxv. 
 15), and one of the five princes of Miclian 
 who were slain by the Israelites when Ba- 
 laam fell (Num. xxxi. 8.) 2. Son of Jehicl 
 the founder of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 
 36). 
 
 Zu'riel, son of Abihail, and chief of the 
 Merarite Lcvites at the time of the Exodus 
 (Num. iii. 35). 
 
 Zurishad'dai, father of Shelumicl, tl 
 chief of the tribe of Simeon at the time of 
 the Exodus (Num. i. 6, ii. 12, vii. 36, 41, x. 
 19). 
 
 Zu'zims, The, an ancient people, who, 
 lying in the path of Chedorlaomcr and his 
 allies, were attacked and overthrown by 
 them (Gen. xiv. 5). The Zuzims perhaps 
 inhabited the country of the Ammonites, 
 and were identical with the Zamzummim, 
 who are known to have been exterminated 
 and succeeded in their land by the Am- 
 monites. [ZAMZUMMIM.]
 
 776 
 THE JEWISH CALENDAR. 
 
 CORRESPONDING DATES FOR THREE YEARS. 
 
 JEWISH CALENDAR 
 (In the Sacred Order of the Months). 
 
 A.M. 5623. 
 A.D. 1863. 
 
 A. M. 5024. 
 A.D. 1804. 
 
 A. M. 5025. 
 A.D. 1805. 
 
 Mar. 21 ... 
 Apr. 4, 5, 10, 11 
 
 Apr. 7 .... 
 Apr. 21, 22, 27, 28 
 
 M.ir. 28 .... 
 Apr. 11, 12,17,18 
 
 I. ABIB OR NISAN. April. 
 1. New Moon. 
 15, 16, 21, 2. PASSOVER Days, 1, 2, 7, last. 
 30. New Moon. 
 
 IT. JYAR (Yiah). May. 
 1. New Moon. 
 10. Death of Elijah (Lag B' Omer). Fast. 
 12. 
 28. Death of Samuel. Font. 
 30. New Moon. 
 
 III. SIVAN. June. 
 1. New Moon. 
 6, 7. PENTICCOST or Sebuoth. 
 30. New Moon. 
 
 IV. THAMMUZ. July. 
 1. New Moon. 
 . 17. Taking of Jerusalem by Titus. Fast. 
 
 V. AB. August. 
 1. New Moon. 
 9. Destruction of Temple. Fast. 
 15. Tubeah. Little Festival. 
 30. New Moon. 
 
 VI. ELUL. September. 
 1. New Moon. 
 7. Dedication of Walls by Nehemiah. Feast. 
 17. Expulsion of the Greeks. 
 
 r> 
 
 Apr. 20 ... 
 Apr. 29 ... 
 M.-iy 1 ... 
 
 May 7 .... 
 
 May 24 .... 
 
 Apr. 27 .... 
 May 14 .... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 May 19 ... 
 May 24, 25 . 
 
 June 5 .... 
 Juue 10, 11 . . 
 
 May 26. .. . 
 May 31, June 1 
 
 June 18 ... 
 July 5 ... 
 
 July 17 ... 
 July 20 ... 
 
 July 5 .... 
 July 21 .... 
 
 An ff . 3 .... 
 Aug. 11 . . . . 
 
 June 25 .... 
 July 11 .... 
 
 July 24 .... 
 Aug. 1 .... 
 
 Aug. 15 ... 
 
 
 
 Aug. 16 ... 
 Aug. 22 ... 
 
 Sept. 2 .... 
 
 Aug. 23 .... 
 
 Sept. 1 ... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 A. M. 5024. 
 A.D. 1803-4. 
 
 A. M. 5025. 
 A.D. 1804-5. 
 
 A.M. 5026. 
 A. D. 1805-0. 
 
 BEGINNING OF CIVIL YEAR. 
 
 Sept. 14, 15 . 
 Sept. 16 ... 
 Sept. 23 . . . 
 Sept. 28, 29 . 
 Oct. 1 ... 
 
 Oct. 1,2 . . . 
 Oct. 3 .... 
 Oct. 10 .... 
 Oct. 15, 16 . . 
 
 Sept. 21,22 . . 
 Sept. 24 .... 
 Sopt. 30 .... 
 Oct. 5, 6 ... 
 
 VII. TISRI. October. 
 1, 2. NEW YEAR and New Moon. 
 3. Death of Gedaliah. Fast. 
 10. Kipur. DAY OF ATONKMENT. Fast. 
 15, 16. FEAST OF TABERNACLES. 
 18. Hosanna Kabba. 
 21. Feast of Branches or of Palms. 
 22. End of Feast of Tabernacles. 
 23. Feast of the Law. 
 
 VIII. CHESVAN (Marchesvan). November. 
 1. New Moon. 
 
 IX. CHISLEU. December. 
 1. New Moon. 
 25. Hanuca. Dedication of Temple. 
 
 X. THEBET. January. 
 1. New Moon. 
 
 10. Siege of Jerusalem. Fast. 
 
 XI. SEBAT. February. 
 1. New Moon. 
 XII. ADAR. March. 
 1. New Moon. 
 14. Little Purim. 
 
 XII.* VE ADAR (Intercalary). Latter part 
 of March and beginning of April. 
 1. New Moon. 
 13. Feast of Esther. 
 14, 15. Feast of Purim and Shushnm Purim. 
 Last Day of the Year. 
 
 Oct. 4 ... 
 Oct. 6 ... 
 Oct. 6 ... 
 
 Oct. 14 ... 
 
 Nov. 12 ... 
 Dec. 6 ... 
 
 Dec. 11 ... 
 Dec. 20 ... 
 
 1804. 
 Jan. 9 ... 
 
 Feb. 8 ... 
 
 Oct. 21 .... 
 Oct. 22 .... 
 Oct. 23 .... 
 
 Oct. 31 .... 
 
 Nov. 30 .... 
 Dec. 24 .... 
 
 Dec. 30 .... 
 1865. 
 Jan. 8 .... 
 
 Jan. 28 .... 
 Feb. 27 .... 
 
 Oct. 11 .... 
 Oct. 12 .... 
 Oct. 13 .... 
 
 Oct. 21 .... 
 
 Nov. 19 .... 
 Dec. 13 .... 
 
 Dec. 19 .... 
 Dec. 28 .... 
 
 1866. 
 Jan. 17 .... 
 
 Mar. 9 ... 
 
 
 
 Mar. 21 ... 
 Mar. 22, 23 . 
 
 Mar. 9 .... 
 Mar. 12, 13 . . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * MEM. The Jewish year contains 354 days, or 12 lunations of the moon ; but in a cycle of 19 years an Intercalary 
 month ( Veailar) is seven times introduced to render the average length of the year nearly correct
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 
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 Series 9482
 
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