THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 LIFE AND VOYAGES 
 
 OF 
 
 BY 
 
 WASHINGTON IRVING. 
 
 " Venlent annls 
 Saecula seris, quibus Oceanus 
 Vincula reruna laxet, et iugens 
 Pateat teilus, Tethysque novo 
 Detegat Orbes nee sit terria 
 Ultima Thule." 
 
 SENECA, MEDKA. 
 
 NEW YORK : 
 THOMAS Y. CROWELL & CO.,
 
 III 
 
 X7Z/ 
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 PREFACE ... ........ 9 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. Birth, Parentage, and Early Life of Columbus ........... 17 
 
 II. Early Voyages of Columbus 20 
 
 III. Progress of Discovery under Prince Henry of Portugal 24 
 
 IV. Residence of Columbus at Lisbon Ideas concerning Islands in the Ocean. 29 
 V. Grounds on which Columbus founded his Belief of the Existence of Undis- 
 covered Lands in the West 33 
 
 VI. Correspondence of Columbus with Paulo Toscanelli Events in Portugal 
 relative to Discoveries Proposition of Columbus to the Portuguese 
 Court Departure from Portugal 39 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 I. Proceedings of Columbus after leaving Portugal His Applications in Spain 
 
 Characters of Ferdinand and Isabella 49 
 
 II. Columbus at the Court of Spain 54 
 
 III. Columbus before the Council at Salamanca 57 
 
 IV. Further Applications at the Court of Castile Columbus follows the Court 
 
 in its Campaigns 63 
 
 V. Columbus at the Convent of La Rabida 69 
 
 VI. Application to the Court at the time of the Surrender of Granada .... 72 
 VII. Arrangement with the Spanish Sovereigns Preparations for the Expedi- 
 tion at the Port of Palos 76 
 
 VIII. Columbus at the Port of Palos Preparations for the Voyage of Discovery. 80 
 
 BOOK HI. 
 
 I. Departure of Columbus on his First Voyage 84 
 
 II. Continuation of the Voyage First Notice of the Variation in the Needle. 88 
 
 III. Continuation of the Voyage Various Terrors of the Seamen ..... 90 
 
 IV. Continuation of the Voyage Discovery of Land 96 
 
 3
 
 CONTEXTS. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. KirM Tending of Columbus in the New World 103 
 
 II. ('mine among the Bahama Hands 109 
 
 III. Dlmiovery and Coasting of Cuba 114 
 
 IV. Further Coiutling of Cuba 120 
 
 V. Search after the Supposed Island of Babeque Desertion of the Pi nta . . 125 
 
 VI. Discovery of Hinpaniola l-'8 
 
 VII. Coiixtiiig of Ilixpuniola 133 
 
 Mil. Shipwreck 136 
 
 LX. TranKactioim with the Natives 139 
 
 X. Building of the Fortress of La Navidad 143 
 
 XJ. llcgulatiou of the Fortress of La Navidad Departure of Columbus for 
 
 Spaiu 147 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 * 
 I. Coasting toward the Eastern End of Ilispaniola Meeting with Finzon 
 
 Affair will) the Natives at the Uulf of rsimana 1">0 
 
 II. Return Voyage Violent Storms Arrival at the Azores 156 
 
 III. Transactions at the Inland of St. Mary's 161 
 
 IV. Arrival at Portugal Visit to the Court 163 
 
 V. Keceplion of Columbus at Palo* 170 
 
 VI. Reception of Columbus by the Spanish Court at Barcelona 173 
 
 VII. Sojourn of Columbus at Barcelona Attentions paid him by the Sovereigns 
 
 and Courtiers 177 
 
 VIII. Papal Bull of Partition Preparations for a Second Voyage of Columbus . 181 
 IX. Diplomatic Negotiations between the Courts of Spain and Portugal with 
 
 respect to the New Discoveries 187 
 
 X. Further Preparations for the Second Voyage Character of Alonso de 
 
 Ojeda Difference of Columbus with tsoria aud Fonseca 191 
 
 BOOK VL 
 
 I. Departure of Columbus on his Second Voyage Discovery of the Carlbboe 
 
 Islands 197 
 
 II. Transactions at the Island of Qnadaloupe 200 
 
 III. Cruise among the Caribbee Islands 205 
 
 IV. Arrival at the Harbor of La Navidad Disaster of the Fortress 209 
 
 V. Transactions with the Natives Suspicious Conduct of Uuacanagari . . . 216 
 
 VI. Founding of the City of Isabella Maladies of the Spaniards 221 
 
 VII. Expedition of Alonso de Ojeda to explore the Interior of the Island 
 
 Despatch of the Ships to Spain --1 
 
 VIII. Discontent!) at Isabella Mutiny of Bernal Diaz de Pisa 229 
 
 IX. Expedition of Columbus to the Mountains of Cibao -:',-.: 
 
 X. Excursion of Juan de Luxan among the Mountains Customs and Charac- 
 teristic* of the N:iti\ en Columbus returns to Isabella 239 
 
 XI. Arrival of Columbus at Ixnbella Sickness of the Colony . 24? 
 
 XII. Distribution of the Spanish Forces in the Interior Preparations for a 
 
 Voyage to Cuba 253
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. Voyage to the East End of Cuba 257 
 
 II. Discovery of Jamaica 261 
 
 III. Return to Cuba Navigation among the Islands called the Queen's Gardens 264 
 
 IV. Coasting off the Southern Side of Cuba 268 
 
 V. Return of Columbus along the Southern Coast of Cuba 275 
 
 VI. Coasting Voyage along the South Side of Jamaica 280 
 
 VII. Voyage along the South Side of Hispaniola, and Return to Isabella . . . 283 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 I. Arrival of the Admiral at Isabella Character of Bartholomew Columbus. 287 
 
 II. Misconduct of Don Pedro Margarite, and his Departure from the Island . . 291 
 
 III. Troubles with the Natives Alonso de Ojeda besieged by Ciouabo 295 
 
 IV. Measures of Columbus to restore the Quiet of the Island Expedition of 
 
 Ojeda to surprise Caonabo 299 
 
 V. Arrival of Antonio de Torres with Foar Ships from Spain His Return with 
 
 Indian Slaves 305 
 
 VT. Expedition of Columbus against the Indians of the Vega Battle .... 308 
 
 VII. Subjugation of the Natives Imposition of Tribute 312 
 
 VIII. Intrigues against Columbus in the Court of Spain Aguado sent to investi- 
 gate the Affairs of Hispaniola 317 
 
 IX. Arrival of Aguado at Isabella His Arrogant Conduct Tempest in the 
 
 Harbor 322 
 
 X. Discovery of the Mines of Hayua 327 
 
 BOOK IX. 
 
 I. Return of Columbus to Spain with Aguado 331 
 
 II. Decline of the Popularity of Columbus in Spain His Reception by the 
 
 Sovereigns at Burgos He proposes a Third Voyage 336 
 
 HI. Preparations for a Third Voyage Disappointments and Delays .... 341 
 
 BOOK X. 
 
 I. Departure of Columbus from Spain on his Third Voyage Discovery of 
 
 Trinidad 349 
 
 II. Voyage through the Gulf of Paria 354 
 
 III. Continuation of the Voyage through the Gulf of Paria Return to His- 
 
 paniola 361 
 
 IV. Speculations of Columbus concerning the Coast of Paria 367 
 
 BOOK XI. 
 
 I. Administration of the Adelantado Expedition to the Province of Xaragiia. 373 
 II. Establishment of a Chain of Military Posts Insurrection of Guarionex, 
 
 the Cacique of the Vega 379 
 
 III. The Adelantado repairs to Xaragua to receive Tribute 385 
 
 IV. Conspiracy of lioldau 388
 
 6 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 V. The Adelantado repair* to the Vega in Relief of Fort Conception Ills 
 
 Interview with Holdan 393 
 
 VI. Second Insurrection of Guarionex, aud his Flight to the Mountain* of 
 
 Ciguay 397 
 
 VII. Campaign of the AdeUntado In the Mountains of Ciguay 400 
 
 BOOK XII. 
 
 I. ConfuKion in the Island Proceeding* of the Rebels at Xarasma .... 406 
 
 II. Negotiation of the Admiral with the Rebels Departure of Ship* for Spain 410 
 
 III. Negotiations and Arrangement* with the Rebels 415 
 
 IV. Grant* made to Holdan and hU Follower* Departure of several of the 
 
 Rebel* for Spain 423 
 
 V. Arrival of Ojeda with a Squadron at the Western Part of the Island 
 
 Roldan sent to meet him 427 
 
 VI. Manoeuvres of Koldan and Ojeda 4-1 
 
 VII. Conspiracy of Guevara and Moxica 434 
 
 BOOK xm. 
 
 I. Representations at Court against Columbus Bobadllla empowered to 
 
 examine into bis Conduct 441 
 
 II. Arrival of Bobodilla at San Domingo His Violent Assumption of the 
 
 Command 447 
 
 III. Columbus summoned to appear before Bobadilla 452 
 
 IV. Columbus and hi* Brothers arrested and sent to Spain in Chains 464 
 
 BOOK XIV. 
 
 I. Sensation in Spain on the Arrival of Columbus in Irons His Appearance 
 
 at Court 461 
 
 II. Contemporary Voyages of Discovery 465 
 
 III. Nicholas de Ovando appointed to supersede Bobadilla 468 
 
 IV. Proportion of Columbus relative to the Recovery of the Holy Sepulchre . 476 
 V. Preparations of Columbus for a Fourth Voyage of Discovery 480 
 
 BOOK XV. 
 
 I. Departure of Columbus on his Fourth Voyage Refused Admission to the 
 
 Harbor of San Domingo Exposed to a Violent Tempest 485 
 
 II. Voyage along the Coast of Honduras 490 
 
 FIT. Voyage along the Mosquito Coast, and Transactions at Carlari 495 
 
 IV. Voyage along Coota Rica Speculations concerning the Mlimux at Verajria. 500 
 V. Discovery of Puerto Bello and El Retrete Columbus abandons the Search 
 
 after the Strait 504 
 
 VI. Return to Vcraipia The Adelnntndo explores the Country 507 
 
 VII. Commencement of a Settlement on the River Belen Conspiracy of the 
 
 Native* Expedition of the Adelantado to surprise Quibian 513 
 
 VIII. Disasters of the Settlement 519
 
 CONTENTS. 7 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 IX. Distress of the Admiral on board of his Ship Ultimate Relief of the 
 
 Settlement 523 
 
 X. Departure from the Coast of Veragua Arrival at Jamaica Stranding of 
 
 the Ships 528 
 
 BOOK XVI. 
 
 L Arrangement of Diego Mendez with the Caciques for Supp'ies of Provis- 
 ions Sent to San Domingo by Columbus in Quest of Relief 532 
 
 II. Mutiuy of Porras 538 
 
 III. Scarcity of Provisions Stratagem of Columbus to obtain Supplies from 
 
 the Natives 544 
 
 IV. Mission of Diego de Escobar to the Admiral 547 
 
 V. Voyage of Diego Mendez and Bartholomew Fiesco in a Canoe to Hispauiola. 551 
 
 VI. Overtures of Columbus to the Mutineers Battle of the Adelantado with 
 
 Porras and his Followers 555 
 
 BOOK XVTI. 
 
 I. Administration of Ovando in Hispaniola Oppression of the Natives . . 561 
 
 II. Massacre at Xaragua Fate of Anacaoua 565 
 
 III. War with the Natives of Higuey 571 
 
 IV. Close of the War with Higuey Fate of Cotabanama ........ 575 
 
 BOOK XVin. 
 
 I. Departure of Columbus for San Domingo His return to Spain 581 
 
 II. Illness of Columbus at Seville Application to the Crown fora Restitution 
 
 of his Honors Death of Isabella - . . 586 
 
 III. Columbus arrives at Court Fruitless Application to the King for Redress. 591 
 
 IV. Death of Columbus 597 
 
 V. Observations on the Character of Columbus 602 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 NUMBBB 
 
 I. Transportation of the Remains of Columbus from St. Domingo to the 
 
 Havana 609 
 
 II. Notice of the Descendants of Columbus 612 
 
 III. Fernando Columbus 622 
 
 IV. Age of Columbus 624 
 
 V. Lineage of Columbus 625 
 
 VI. Birthplace of Columbus 626 
 
 VII. The Colombos 631 
 
 VIII. Expedition of John of Anjou 632 
 
 IX. Capture of the Venetian Galleys by Colombo the Younger ..... 634 
 
 X. Amerigo Vespucci 635 
 
 XI. Martin Alouzo Pinzon 646
 
 8 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 NUMBER PAOB 
 
 Ml. Rumor of the Pilot Mid to have died In the House of Columbus ... 648 
 
 Mil. Miirtin Hrh.-iu r,:,o 
 
 MV. Vuyagfit of the Scandinavians 653 
 
 -\\'. Circumnavigation of Africa by the Ancleuls 666 
 
 XVI. Of the Ships of Columbus 658 
 
 XVII. Route of Columbus In bin First Voyage 660 
 
 X\ 111. Priiu-ipU-H upon which the Suras mentioned in this Work have been 
 
 reduced into Moderu Curreucy 669 
 
 XIX. rrtwtcrJohn 670 
 
 XX. Marco Polo 672 
 
 XXI. The Work of Marco Polo 678 
 
 XXII. Sir-John Mandeville 681 
 
 II 111. The Zones 682 
 
 XXIV. Of the Atalantls of Plato 684 
 
 XXV. The Imaginary Island of St. Brandno 685 
 
 XXVI. The Island of the Seven Cities 689 
 
 XXVII. Discovery of the Island of Madeira 690 
 
 XX VII I. LasCasas 693 
 
 XXIX. Peter Martyr 698 
 
 XXX. Oviedo 702 
 
 XI. CuradeLosPalacios -702 
 
 XXXII. " Xavigatione del Re de Castlglla delle Isole e Paeae Nuovamente Ri- 
 
 trovate." "Navigatio Christophori Colombi" 704 
 
 XXXIII. Antonio de Herrera 704 
 
 XXXIV. Bishop Fonseca 708 
 
 XXXV. Of the Situation of the Terrestrial Paradise 708 
 
 XXXVI. Will of Columbus 712 
 
 XXXVII. Signature of Columbus 718
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 BEIXG at Bordeaux in the winter of 1825-6, I received a 
 letter from Mr. Alexander Everett, Minister Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States at Madrid, informing me of a work then 
 in the press, edited by Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, 
 Secretary of the Royal Academy of History, etc. etc., contain- 
 ing a collection of documents relative to the voyages of Colum- 
 bus, among which were many of a highly important nature, 
 recently discovered. Mr. Everett, at the same time, expressed 
 an opinion that a version of the work into English, by one of 
 our own country, would be peculiarly desirable. I concurred 
 with him in the opinion ; and, having for some time intended 
 a visit to Madrid, I shortly afterward set off for that capital, 
 with an idea of undertaking, while there, the translation of 
 the work. 
 
 Soon after my arrival, the publication of M. Navarrete 
 made its appearance. I found it to contain many documents, 
 hitherto unknown, which threw additional lights on the dis- 
 covery of the New World, and which reflected the greatest 
 credit on the industry and activity of the learned editor. Still 
 the whole presented rather a mass of rich materials for history, 
 than a history itself. And invaluable as such stores may be to 
 the laborious inquirer, the sight of disconnected papers and 
 official documents is apt to be repulsive to the general reader, 
 who seeks for clear and continued narrative. These circum- 
 stances made me hesitate in my proposed undertaking ; yet 
 the subject was of so interesting and national a kind, that I 
 could not willingly abandon it. 
 
 On considering the matter more maturely, I perceived that, 
 athough there were many books, in various languages, relative 
 to Columbus, they all contained limited and incomplete accounts 
 of his life and voyages ; while numerous valuable tracts on the 
 subject existed only in manuscript or in the form of letters, 
 journals, and public muniments. It appeared to me that a 
 
 9
 
 10 PREFACE. 
 
 history, faithfully digested from these various materials, was a 
 desideratum in literature, ami would IK- a more satisfactory 
 occupation to myself. :in<l a more acceptable work to my coun- 
 try, than thr translation I had contemplated. 
 
 I was encouraged to undertake such a work, by the great 
 facilities which I found within my reach at Madrid. I was 
 resident under the roof of the American Consul, O. Rich, KSIJ., 
 one of the most indefatigable bibliographers in Kurope. who. 
 for several years, had made particular researches alter every 
 document relative to the early history of America. In his ex- 
 tensive ami curious library. I found one of the best collections 
 extant of Spanish colonial history, containing many documents 
 for which I might search elsewhere in vain. This he put at 
 my absolute command, with a frankness and unreserve seldom 
 to be met with among the possessors of such rare and valuable 
 works ; and his library has been my main resource throughout 
 the whole of my labors. 
 
 1 found also the Royal Library of Madrid, and the library of 
 the Jesuits' College of San Isidro, two noble and extensive 
 collections, open to access, and conducted with great order and 
 liberality. From Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete. who 
 communicated various valuable and curious pieces of informa- 
 tion, discovered in the course of his researches, I received the 
 most obliging assistance ; nor can I refrain from testifying my 
 admiration of the self-sustained zeal of that estimable man. 
 one of the last veterans of Spanish literature, who is almost 
 alone, yet indefatigable in his labors, in a country where, at 
 present, literary exertion meets with but little excitement or 
 reward. 
 
 I must acknowledge, also, the liberality of the Duke of Ve- 
 ragua, the descendant and representative of Columbus, who 
 submitted the archives of his family to my inspection, and took 
 a personal interest in exhibiting the treasures they contained. 
 Nor. lastly, must I omit my deep obligations to my excellent 
 friend Don Antonio de Uguina, treasurer of the Prince Fran- 
 cisco, a gentleman of talents and erudition, and particularly 
 versed in the history of his country and its dependencies. To 
 his unwearied investigations, and silent and unavowed con- 
 tributions, the world is indebted for much of the accurate 
 information, recently imparted, on points of early colonial his- 
 tory. In the possession of this gentleman are most of the 
 papers of his deceased friend, the late historian Munos. who 
 was cut off in the midst of his valuable lalors. These, and 
 various other documents, have been imparted to me by Don
 
 PREFACE. 11 
 
 Antonio, with a kindness and urbanity which greatly increased, 
 yet lightened, the obligation. 
 
 With these, and other aids incidently afforded me by my 
 local situation, I have endeavored, to the best of my abilities 
 and making the most of the time which I could allow myself 
 during a sojourn in a foreign country, to construct this history. 
 I have diligently collated all the works that I could find relative 
 to my subject, in print and manuscript ; comparing them, as 
 far as in my power, with original documents, those sure lights 
 of historic research ; endeavoring to ascertain the truth amid 
 those contradictions which will inevitably occur, where several 
 persons have recorded the same facts, viewing them from 
 different points, and under the influence of different interests 
 and feelings. 
 
 In the execution of this work I have avoided indulging in 
 mere speculations or general reflections, excepting such as rose 
 naturally out of the subject, preferring to give a minute and 
 circumstantial narrative, omitting no particular that appeared 
 characteristic of the persons, the events, or the times ; and en- 
 deavoring to place every fact in such a point of view, that the 
 reader might perceive its merits, and draw his own maxims 
 and conclusions. 
 
 As many points of the history required explanations, drawn 
 from contemporary events and the literature of the times, I 
 have preferred, instead of incumbering the narrative, to give 
 detached illustrations at the end of the work. This also enabled 
 me to indulge in greater latitude of detail, where the subject 
 was of a curious or interesting nature, and the sources of in- 
 formation such as not to be within the common course of 
 reading. 
 
 After all, the work is presented to the public with extreme 
 diffidence. All that I can safely claim is, an earnest desire to 
 state the truth, an absence from prejudices 1'especting the 
 nations mentioned in my history, a strong interest in my sub- 
 ject, and a zeal to make up by assiduity for many deficiencies 
 of which I am conscious. 
 
 WASHINGTON IRVING. 
 
 Madrid, 1827. 
 
 P.S. I have been surprised at finding myself accused by 
 some American writer of not giving sufficient credit to Don 
 Martin Fernandez de Navarrete for the aid I had derived from 
 his collection of documents. I had thought I had sufficiently 
 shown, in the preceding preface, which appeared with my first
 
 12 I'liKl'ACS. 
 
 edition, that his collection first prompted my work and subse- 
 quently furnished its pi -iueipal matei ials ; and that I liad illus- 
 trati-d this by citations at the foot of almost every page. In 
 preparing this revise. 1 edition. I have carefully and conscien- 
 tiously examined into tin- matter, but find nothing to add to the 
 
 wledgmcnts already made. 
 
 'I'.- ftbow tlie feelings and opinions of M. Navarrete himself 
 with respect to my work and myself, I subjoin an extract from 
 a letter received from that excellent man, and a passage from 
 the introduction to the third volume of his collection. Nothing 
 but the desire to vindicate myself on this head would iuduce 
 me to publish extracts so laudatory. 
 
 From a letter dated Madrid, April 1st, 1831. 
 
 I congratulate myself that the documents and notices which 
 I published in my collection about the first occurrences in the 
 history of America, have fallen into hands so able to appreciate 
 their authenticity, to examine them critically, and to circulate 
 them in all directions; establishing fundamental truths which 
 hitherto have been adulterated by partial or systematic writers. 
 
 Yo me complazeo en que los documentos y noticias que 
 publicoen mi coleccion sobre los primeros acontecimientos de la 
 historia de America, hayan recaido en manos tan habiles para 
 aprcciar su autenticidad, para examinar las con critica y propa- 
 garlas por todos partes, echando los fundamentos de la verdad 
 que hast a ahora hd sido tau adulterada par los escritores par- 
 ciales 6 sistematicos. 
 
 In the introduction to the third volume of his Collection of 
 Spanish Voyages. M. Navarrete cites various testimonials he 
 has received since the publication of his two first volumes of the 
 utility of his work to the republic of letters. 
 
 A signal proof of this," he continues, " is just given us by 
 Mr. Washington Irving in the History of the Life and Voyages 
 of Christopher Columbus, which lie has published with a suc- 
 cess as general as it is well merited. We said in our introduc- 
 tion that we did not propose to write the history of the admiral, 
 but to publish, notes and materials that it might l>e written 
 with veracity ; and it is fortunate that the first person to profit 
 by them should be a literary man. judicious and erudite, 
 already known in his own country and in Kurope by other
 
 PREFACE. 13 
 
 works of merit. Resident in Madrid, exempt from the rivalries 
 which have influenced some European natives with respect to 
 Columbus and his discoveries ; having a*n opportunity to exam- 
 ine excellent books and precious manuscripts ; to converse with 
 persons instructed in these matters, and having always at hand 
 the authentic documents which we had just published, he has 
 been enabled to give to his history that fulness, impartiality, 
 and exactness, which make it much superior to those of the 
 writers who preceded him. To this he adds his regular method, 
 and convenient distribution ; his style animated, pure and 
 elegant ; the notice of various personages who mingled in the 
 concerns of Columbus ; and the examination of various ques- 
 tions, in which always shine sound criticism, erudition, and 
 good taste." 
 
 Insigne prueba de esto mismo acaba de darnos el Senor Wash- 
 ington Irving en la Historia de la Vida y de los Viages de 
 Cristobal Colon que ha publicado con una aceptacion tan 
 general como bieu merecida. Diginos en nuestra introduccion 
 ( 1 56 pag. Ixxxii.) que no nos proponiamos escribir la historia 
 de aqual almiraute, sino publicar noticias y materiales para que 
 se escribiesce con veracidad, y es uua fortuna que el primero 
 que se haya aprovechado de ellas sea un literato juicioso y 
 erudito. conocido ya en su patria y en Europa por otras obras 
 apreciables. Colocado en Madrid, exento de las rivalidades que 
 ban dominado entre algunas naciones Europeas sobre Colon y 
 sus descubrimientos ; con la proporcion de examinar excelentes 
 libros y preciosos manuscritos, de tratar a personas instruidas 
 en estas materias, y teniendo siempre a la mano los autenticos 
 documentos que acabamos de publicar, ha logrado dar a su his- 
 toria aquella extension imparcialidad y exactitud que la hacen 
 muy superior a las de los escritores que la precedieron. Agre'- 
 gase a esto su metodico arreglo y conveniente distribucion ; su 
 estilo animado, puro y elegante ; la uoticia de varies personages 
 que intervenieron en los sucesos de Colon, y el exameh de 
 varias cuestiones en que luce siempre la mas sana critica, la 
 erudition y buen gusto. Prologo al tomo 3.
 
 THE LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHRISTOPHER 
 COLUMBUS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 WHETHER in old times, beyond the reach of history or tradi- 
 tion, and in some remote period of civilization, when, as some 
 imagine, the arts may have flourished to a degree unknown to 
 those whom we term the Ancients, there existed an intercourse 
 between the opposite shores of the Atlantic ; whether the 
 Egyptian legend, narrated by Plato, respecting the island of 
 Atalantis was indeed no fable, but the obscure tradition of some 
 vast country, ingulfed by one of those mighty convulsions of 
 our globe, which have left traces of the ocean on the summits 
 of lofty mountains, must ever remain matters of vague and vis- 
 ionary speculation. As far as authenticated history extends, 
 nothing was known of terra firma, and the islands of the west- 
 ern hemisphere, until their discovery toward the close of the fif- 
 teenth century. A wandering bark may occasionally have lost 
 sight of the landmarks of the old continents, and been driven 
 by tempests across the wilderness of waters long before the 
 invention of the compass, but never returned to reveal the 
 secrets of the ocean. And though, from time to time, some 
 document has floated to the shores of the old world, giving to 
 its wondering inhabitants evidences of land far beyond their 
 watery horizon ; yet no one ventured to spread a sail, and seek 
 that land enveloped in mystery and peril. Or if the legends of 
 the Scandinavian voyagers be correct, and their mysterious Viu- 
 land was the coast of Labrador, or the shore of Newfoundland, 
 they had but transient glimpses of the New World, leading to no 
 certain or permanent knowledge, and in a little time lost agaiu 
 
 15
 
 16 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 to mankind. 1 Certain it is that at the beginning of the fifteenth 
 century, when tin- most intelligent minds were seeking in every 
 direction for the scattered lights of geographical knowledge, 
 a profound ignorance prevailed among the learned as to 
 the western regions of the Atlantic'; its vast waters were 
 regarded with awe and wonder, seeming to bound the world 
 as with a chaos, into which conjecture could not penetrate, and 
 enterprise feared to adventure. We need no greater proofs of 
 this than the description given of the Atlantic by Xerif al Kdrisi, 
 surnamed the Nultian. an eminent Arabian writer, whose coun- 
 trymen were the boldest navigators of the Middle Ages, and 
 possessed all that was then known of geography. 
 
 The ocean," he observes, "encircles the ultimate bounds 
 of the inhabited earth, and all beyond it is unknown. No one 
 has In-en able to verify any thing concerning it, on account 
 of its diflictilt and perilous navigation, its great obscurity, its 
 profound depth, and frequent tempests ; through fear of its 
 mighty fishes, und its haughty winds ; yet there are many islands 
 in it, some peopled, others uninhabited. There is no mariner 
 who dares to enter into its deep waters ; or if any have done so, 
 they have merely kept along its coasts, fearful of departing from 
 them. The waves of this ocean, altl.-ough they roll as high as 
 mountains, yet maintain themselves without breaking; for if 
 they broke, it would be im}>ossible for slap to plough them." 2 
 
 It is the object of the following work, .0 relate the deeds and 
 fortunes of the mariner who first had tlu judgment to divine, 
 and the intrepidity to brave the mysteries of this perilous deep: 
 and who, by his hardy genius, his inflexible constancy, and his 
 heroic courage, brought the ends of the eat 'i into communica- 
 tion with each other. The narrative of his troubled life is the 
 link which connects the history of the Old W< -Id with that of 
 the New. 
 
 1 See illustration* in Appendix at the end of this work, article " Scandinavian Dis- 
 
 ' LteacripUoD of Spain by Xerif al Edrisi: Coude'a Spauiah translation. Madrid, 
 RW,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 17 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY LIFE OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, or Colombo, as the name is written 
 in Italian, 1 was born in the city of Genoa, about the year 1435. 
 He was the son of Dominico Colombo, a wool-comber, and Su- 
 sannah Fonatanarossa, his wife, and it would seem that his 
 ancestors had followed the same handicraft for several genera- 
 tions in Genoa. Attempts have been made to prove him of 
 illustrious descent, and several noble houses have laid claim to 
 him since his name has become so renowned as to confer rather 
 than receive distinction. It is possible some of them may be in 
 the right, for the feuds in Italy in those ages had broken down 
 and scattered many of the noblest families, and while some 
 branches remained in the lordly heritage of castles and do- 
 mains, others were confounded with the humblest population 
 of the cities. The fact, however, is not material to his fame ; 
 and it is a higher proof of merit to be the object of contention 
 among various noble families, than to be able to substantiate 
 the most illustrious lineage. His son Fernando had a true 
 feeling on the subject. "I am of opinion," says he, " that I 
 should derive less dignity from any nobility of ancestry, than 
 from being the son of such a father." 2 
 
 Columbus was the oldest of four children ; having two 
 brothers, Bartholomew and Giacomo, or James (written Diego 
 in Spanish), and one sister, of whom nothing is known but that 
 she was married to a person in obscure life called Giacorno 
 Bavarello. At a very early age Columbus evinced a decided 
 inclination for the sea ; his education, therefore, was mainly 
 directed to fit him for maritime life, but was as general as the 
 narrow means of his father would permit. Besides the ordi- 
 nary branches of reading, writing, grammar, and arithmetic, he 
 was instructed in the Latin tongue, and made some proficiency 
 in drawing and design. For a short time, also, he was sent to 
 the university of Pavia, where he studied geometry, geography, 
 
 1 Columbus Latinized his name in his letters according to the usage of the time, when 
 Latin was the language of learned correspondence. In subsequent life when in Spain he 
 recurred to what was supposed to he the original Roman name of the family, Colonus, 
 which he abbreviated to Colon, to adapt it to the Castilian tongue. Hence he is known in 
 Spanish history as Christoval Colon. In the present work the name will be written 
 Columbus, being the one by which he is most known throughout the world. 
 
 2 The reader will find the vexed questions about the age, birthplace, and lineage of 
 Columbus severally discussed in the Appendix.
 
 18 LIFE OF CIiniSTOPIIEK 
 
 astronomy, and navigation. He thru returned to ( lenoa, where, 
 according to a contemporary historian, lie assisted his father in 
 his trade of wool-combing.' 'I'liis assei timi is indignantly < - oii- 
 tradi.-ted liv his son I-Yrnando. though there is nothing in it 
 improbable, ami he uives us no information of his father's occu- 
 pation to supply its place. He could not, however, have re- 
 mained long in this employment, as, according to his own 
 account, lie filtered upon a nautical life when but fourteen years 
 of age.- 
 
 In tracing the early history of a man like Columbus, whose 
 actions have had a vast effect on human affairs, it is inter- 
 esting to notice how much has been owing to external intlu- 
 enees. how much to an inl>orn propensity of the genius. In the 
 latter part of his life, when, impressed with the sublime events 
 brought akmt through his agency, Columbus looked back upon 
 his career with a solemn and superstitious feeling, he attributed 
 his early and irresistible inclination for the sea, and his passion 
 for geographical studies, to an impulse from the Deity prepar- 
 ing him for the high decrees he was chosen to accomplish. 8 
 
 The nautical propensity, however, evinced by Columbus in 
 early life, is common to boys of enterprising spirit and lively 
 imagination brought up in maritime cities ; to whom the sea is 
 the highroad to adventure and the region of romance. Genoa, 
 too, walled in and straitened on the land side by rugged moun- 
 tains, yielded but little scope for enterprise on shore, while an 
 opulent and widely extended commerce, visiting every country, 
 and a roving marine, battling in every sea. naturally led forth 
 her children upon the waves, as their propitious element. Many, 
 too, were induced to emigrate by the violent factions which 
 rajvd within the bosom of the city, and often dyed its streets 
 with blood. A historian of Genoa laments this proneness of its 
 youth to wander. They go, said he, with the intention of re- 
 turning when they shall have acquired the means of living com- 
 fortably and honorably in their native place; but we know from 
 long experience, that of twenty who thus depart scarce two 
 return : either dying abroad, or taking to themselves foreign 
 wives, or being loath to expose themselves to the tempest of 
 civil discords which distract the republic. 4 
 
 The strong passion for geographical knowledge, also, felt by 
 
 - Gliifttlnlanl, Ann.de Oenora. Ufa assertion has been echoed by other 
 hlatoria i, viz., Anlon Oallo de Navltratione Colombi, etc., Muralori, xxiil.; Darla 
 Setmntua, <!< relm* QmiMMtbO*, Muratori, lorn. 24. 
 
 1 Ili-i. del Almlraiite. cap. 4. 
 
 letter lo tin- i 'ii-iHan S iMTciiftm, 1501. 
 
 4 KogiK-U, leturitt de Uenova, lib. ii.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 19 
 
 Columbus in early life, and which inspired his after career, was 
 incident to the age in which he lived. Geographical discovery 
 was the brilliant path of light which was forever to distinguish 
 the fifteenth century. During a long night of monkish bigotry 
 and false learning, geography, with the other sciences, had been 
 lost to the European nations. Fortunately it had not been lost 
 to mankind : it had taken refuge in the bosom of Africa. 
 While the pedantic schoolmen of the cloisters were wasting 
 time and talent, and confounding erudition by idle reveries and 
 sophistical dialectics, the Arabian sages, assembled at Seuaar, 
 were taking the measurement of a degree of latitude, and 
 calculating the circumference of the earth, on the vast plains of 
 Mesopotamia. 
 
 True knowledge, thus happily preserved, was now making 
 its way back to Europe. The revival of science accompanied 
 the revival of letters. Among the various authors which the 
 awakening zeal for ancient literature had once more brought 
 into notice, were Pliny, Pomponius Mela, and Strabo. From 
 these was regained a fund of geographical knowledge, which 
 had long faded from the public mind. Curiosity was aroused 
 to pursue this forgotten path, thus suddenly reopened. A 
 translation of the work of Ptolemy had been made into Latin, 
 at the commencement of the century, by Emauuel Chrysoleras, 
 a noble and learned Greek, and had thus been rendered more 
 familiar to the Italian students. Another translation had fol- 
 lowed, by James Angel de Scarpiaria, of which fair and beau- 
 ful copies became common in the Italian libraries. 1 The 
 writings also began to be sought after of Averroes, Alfraganus, 
 and other Arabian sages, who had kept the sacred fire of science 
 alive, during the interval of European darkness. 
 
 The knowledge thus reviving was limited and imperfect ; yet, 
 like the return of morning light, it seemed to call a new crea- 
 tion into existence, and broke, with all the charm of wonder, 
 upon imaginative minds. They were surprised at their own 
 ignorance of the world around them. Every step was dis- 
 covery, for every region beyond their native country was in a 
 manner terra incognita. 
 
 Such was the state of information and feeling with respect to 
 this interesting science, in the early part of the fifteenth cen- 
 tury. An interest still more intense was awakened by the dis- 
 coveries which began to be made along the Atlantic coasts of 
 Africa ; and must have been particularly felt among a maritime 
 
 1 Andres, Hist. B. Let., lib. iii. cap. 2.
 
 20 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 and commercial people like the Genoese. To tlirse circum- 
 stances may we ascribe MIC enthusiastic devotion which Columbus 
 imbibed in his childhood Tor cosmographical studies, and which 
 influenced all his after fortunes. 
 
 Tlic short time passed by him at the university of 1'avia w.-is 
 barely sufficient to give him the rudiments of the necessary 
 sciences; the familiar acquaintance with them, which he evinced 
 ill afterlife, must have been the result of diligent self-schooling, 
 in casual hours of study amid the cares and vicissitudes of a 
 rushed and wandering life. He was one of those men of strong 
 natural genius, who, from having to contend at their very out- 
 set with privations and impediments, acquire an intrepidity, in 
 encountering and a facility in vanquishing difliculties, through- 
 out their career. Such men learn to effect great purposes with 
 small means, supplying this deficiency by the resources of their 
 own energy and invention. This, from the earliest commence- 
 ment, throughout the whole of his life, was one of the remarkable 
 features in the history of Columbus. In every undertaking, the 
 scantiness and apparent insufficiency of his means enhance, 
 the grandeur of his achievememeuts. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 EARLY VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 COLUMBUS, as has been observed, commenced his nautical 
 career when about fourteen years of age. His first voyages were 
 made with a distant relative named Colombo, a hardy veteran of 
 the seas, who had risen to some distinction by his bravery, and 
 is occasionally mentioned in old chronicles ; sometimes as com- 
 manding a squadron of his own, sometimes as an admiral in the 
 (icnoese service. He appears to have lx?en bold and adven- 
 turous ; ready to fight in any cause, and to seek quarrel where- 
 ever it might lawfully be found. 
 
 The seafaring life of the Mediterranean in those days was 
 hazardous mid daring. A commercial expedition resembled a 
 warlike cruise, and the maritime merchant had often to fight his 
 way from port to port. Piracy \\:is almost legalized. The fre- 
 quent feuds between the Italian states; the cruisings of the 
 Catalonians ; the armadas fitted out by private noblemen, who 
 exercised a kind of sovereignty in their own domains, and kept 
 petty armies and navies in their pay ; the roving ships and
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 21 
 
 squadrons of private adventurers, a kind of naval Condottieri, 
 sometimes employed by the hostile governments, sometimes 
 scouring the seas in search of lawless booty ; these, with the 
 holy wars waged against the Mahometan powers, rendered the 
 narrow seas to which navigation was principally confined, scenes 
 of hardy encounters and trying reverses. 
 
 Such was the rugged school in which Columbus was reared, 
 and it would have been deeply interesting to have marked the 
 early development of his genius amid its stern adversities. All 
 this instructive era of his history, however, is covered with 
 darkness. His son Fernando, who could have best elucidated 
 it, has left it in obscurity, or has now and then perplexed us with 
 cross lights ; perhaps unwilling, from a principle of mistaken 
 pride, to reveal the indigence and obscurity from which his 
 father so gloriously emerged. 
 
 The first voyage in which we have any account of his being 
 engaged was a naval expedition, fitted out in Genoa in 1459 by 
 John of Anjou, Duke of Calabria, to make a descent upon 
 Naples, in the hope of recovering that kingdom for his father, 
 King Reinier, or Renato, otherwise called Rene, Count of Pro- 
 vence. The republic of Genoa aided him with ships and money. 
 The brilliant nature of the enterprise attracted the attention of 
 daring and restless spirits. The chivalrous nobleman, the sol- 
 dier of fortune, the hardy corsair, the desperate adventurer, the 
 mercenary partisan, all hastened to enlist under the banner of 
 Anjou. The veteran Colombo took a part in this expedition, 
 either with galleys of his own, or as a commander of the 
 Genoese squadron, and with him embarked his youthful relative, 
 the future discoverer. 
 
 The struggle of John of Anjou for the crown of Naples lasted 
 about four years, with varied fortune, but was finally unsuc- 
 cessful. The naval part of the expedition, in which Columbus 
 was engaged, signalized itself by acts of intrepidity ; and at one 
 time, when the duke was reduced to take refuge in the island 
 of Ischia, a handful of galleys scoured and controlled the bay of 
 Naples. 1 
 
 In the course of this gallant but ill-fated enterprise, Columbus 
 was detached on a perilous cruise, to cut out a galley from the 
 harbor of Tunis. This is incidentally mentioned by himself in 
 a letter written many years afterwards. It happened to me, he 
 says, that King Reinier (whom God has taken to himself) sent 
 me to Tunis, to capture the galley Fernandiua, and when I 
 
 1 Colcnuccio, Istoria de Nap., lib. vii. cap. 17.
 
 22 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 arrived off the island of St. Pedro, in Sardinia, I was informed 
 that there were two ships :md a carrack with the galley; by 
 which intelligence my crew were so troubled that they deter- 
 mined to proceed no farther, but to return to Marseilles for 
 another vessel and more people ; as I could not by any means 
 compel them, I assented apparently to their wishes, altering the 
 point of the compass and spreading all sail. It was then even- 
 ing, and next morning we were within the Cape of Carthagena, 
 while all were firmly of opinion that they were sailing toward 
 Marseilles. 1 
 
 We have no further record of this bold cruise into the harbor 
 of Tunis ; but in the foregoing particulars we behold early indi- 
 cations of that resolute and persevering spirit which insured 
 him success in his more important undertakings. His expedient 
 to beguile a discontented crew into a continuation of the enter- 
 prise, by deceiving them with respect to the ship's course, will 
 be found in unison with a stratagem of altering the reckoning, 
 to which he had recourse in his first voyage of discovery. 
 
 During an interval of many years we have but one or two 
 shadowy traces of Columbus. He is supposed to have been 
 principally engaged on the Mediterranean and up the Levant ; 
 sometimes in commercial voyages ; sometimes in the warlike 
 contests between the Italian states ; sometimes in pious and pre- 
 datory expeditions against the Infidels. Historians have made 
 him in 1474 captain of several Genoese ships, in the service of 
 Louis XI. of France, and endangering the peace between that 
 country and Spain by running down and capturing Spanish 
 vessels at sea, on his own responsibility, as a reprisal for an 
 irruption of the Spaniards into Koussillon. 3 Again, in 147"). he 
 is represented as brushing with his Genoese squadron in ruffling 
 bravado by a Venetian fleet stationed off the island of Cyprus, 
 shouting ' Viva San Georgio ! " the old war-cry of Genoa, thus 
 endeavoring to pique the jealous pride of the Venetians and pro- 
 voke a combat, though the rival republics were at peace at the 
 time. 
 
 These transactions, however, have been erroneously attrib- 
 uted to Columbus. They were the deeds, or misdeeds, either 
 of his relative the old Genoese admiral, or of a nephew of the 
 same, of kindred spirit, called Colombo the Younger, to distin- 
 guish him from his uncle. They both appear to have l>een fond 
 of rough encounters, and not very scrupulous as to the mode of 
 bringing them about. Fernando Columbus describes this Co- 
 
 1 Letter of Columbus to the Catholic sorereims Mile Ili-t. del Aliniraute, cup. 4. 
 ' Chaufepie Suppl to LSayic, vol u. , aiiic.c- i olumbus."
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 23 
 
 lombo the Younger as a famous corsair, so terrible for his deeds 
 against the Infidels, that the Moorish mothers used to frighten 
 their unruly children with his name. Columbus sailed with him 
 occasionally, as he had done with his uncle, and, according to 
 Fernando's account, commanded a vessel in his squadron on an 
 eventful occasion. 
 
 Columbo the Younger, having heard that four Venetian gal- 
 leys richly laden were on their return voyage from Flanders, 
 lay in wait for them on the Portuguese coast, between Lisbon 
 and Cape St. Vincent. A desperate engagement took place ; 
 the vessels grappled each other, and the crews fought hand to 
 hand, and from ship to ship. The battle lasted from morning 
 until evening, with great carnage on both sides. The vessel 
 commanded by Columbus was engaged with a huge Venetian 
 galley. They threw hand-grenades and other fiery missiles, and 
 the galley was wrapped in flames. The vessels were fastened 
 together by chains and grappling irons, and could not be separ- 
 ated ; both were involved in one conflagration, and soon became 
 a mere blazing mass. The crews threw themselves into the 
 sea ; Columbus seized an oar, which was floating within reach, 
 and being an expert swimmer, attained the shore, though full 
 two leagues distant. It pleased God, says his son Fernando, 
 to give him strength, that he might preserve him for greater 
 things. After recovering from his exhaustion he repaired to 
 Lisbon, where he found many of his Genoese countrymen, and 
 was induced to take up his residence. 1 
 
 Such is the account given by Fernando of his father's first 
 arrival in Portugal ; and it has been currently adopted by mod- 
 ern historians ; but on examining various histories of the times, 
 the battle here described appears to have happened several years 
 after the date of the arrival of Columbus in that country. That 
 he was engaged in the contest is not improbable ; but he had 
 previously resided for some time in Portugal. In fact, on re- 
 ferring to the history of that kingdom, we shall find, in the 
 great maritime enterprises in which it was at that time engaged, 
 ample attractions for a person of his inclinations and pursuits ; 
 and we shall be led to conclude, that his first visit to Lisbon 
 was not the fortuitous result of a desperate adventure, but was 
 undertaken in a spirit cf liberal curiosity, and in the pursuit 
 of honorable fortune. 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 5. See illustrations at the eud of this work, article 
 " Capture of the Venetian Galleys."
 
 24 LIFE OF CUniSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY UNDER PRINCE HENRY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 TIIK career of modern discovery had commenced shortly be- 
 fore the time of Columbus, and at the period of which we are 
 treating was prosecuted with great activity by Portugal. Some 
 have attributed its origin to a romantic incident in the four- 
 teenth century. An Englishman of the name of Mucham, flying 
 to France with a lady of whom he was enamoured, was driven 
 far out of sight of land by stress of weather, and after wander- 
 ing al>out the high seas, arrived at an unknown and uninhabited 
 island, covered with beautiful forests, which was afterward 
 called Madeira. 1 Others have treated this account as a fable, 
 and have pronounced the Canaries to be the first fruits of mod- 
 ern discovery. This famous group, the Fortunate Islands of 
 the ancients, in which they placed their Garden of the Hesperi- 
 des, and whence Ptolemy commenced to count the longitude, had 
 been long lost to the world. There are vague accounts, it is 
 true, of their having received casual visits, at wide intervals, 
 during the obscure ages, from the wandering bark of some Ara- 
 bian, Norman, or Genoese adventurer; but all this was involved 
 in uncertainty, and led to no beneficial result. It was not until 
 the fourteenth century that they were effectually rediscovered, 
 and restored to mankind. From that time they were occasion- 
 ally visited by the hardy navigators of various countries. The 
 greatest benefit produced by their discovery was, that the fre- 
 quent expeditions made to them emboldened mariners to venture 
 far upon the Atlantic, and familiarized them, in some degree, 
 to its dangers. 
 
 The grand impulse to discovery was not given by chance, but 
 was the deeply meditated effort of one master mind. This was 
 Prince Henry of Portugal, son of John the First, surnamed the 
 Avenger, and Philippa, of Lancaster, sister of Henry the Fourth 
 of England. The character of this illustrious man, from whose 
 enterprises the genius of Columbus took excitement, deserves 
 particular mention. 
 
 Having accompanied his father into Africa, in an expedition 
 against the Moors at Ceuta he received much information con- 
 cerning the coast of Guinea, and other regions in the interior, 
 
 See Illustrations, arUcle " Discovery of Madeira."
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 25 
 
 hitherto unknown to Europeans, and conceived an idea that 
 important discoveries were to be made by navigating along the 
 western coast of Africa. Ou returning to Portugal, this idea 
 became his ruling thought. Withdrawing from the tumult of 
 a court to a country retreat in the Algarves, near Sagres, in the 
 neighborhood of Cape St. Vincent, and in full view of the ocean, 
 he drew around him men eminent in science, and prosecuted the 
 study of those branches of knowledge connected with the mari- 
 time arts. He was an able mathematician, and made himself 
 master of a)' the astronomy known to the Arabians of Spain. 
 
 On studying the works of the ancients, he found what he 
 considered abundant proofs that Africa was circumnavigable. 
 Eudoxus of Cyzicus was said to have sailed from the Red Sea 
 into the ocean, and to have continued on to Gibraltar; and 
 Hanno, the Carthaginian, sailing from Gibraltar with a fleet 
 of sixty ships, and following the African coast, was said to 
 have reached the shores of Arabia. 1 It is true these voyages 
 had been discredited by several ancient writers, and the possi- 
 bility of circumnavigating Africa, after being for a long time 
 admitted by geographers, was denied by Hipparchus, who con- 
 sidered each sea shut up and land-bound in its peculiar basin ; 
 and that Africa was a continent continuing onward to the south 
 pole, and surrounding the Indian Sea, so as to join Asia beyond 
 the Ganges. This opinion had been adopted by Ptolemy, whose 
 works, in the time of Prince Henry, were the highest authority 
 in geography. The prince, however, clung to the ancient belief, 
 that Africa was circumnavigable, and found his opinion sanc- 
 tioned by various learned men of more modern date. To settle 
 this question, and achieve the circumnavigation of Africa, was 
 an object worthy the ambition of a prince, and his mind was 
 fired with the idea of the vast benefits that would arise to his 
 country should it be accomplished by Portuguese enterprise. 
 
 The Italians, or Lombards as they were called in the north of 
 Europe, had long monopolized the trade of Asia. They had 
 formed commercial establishments at Constantinople and in the 
 Black Sea, where they received the rich produce of the Spice 
 Islands, lying near the equator ; and the silks, the gums, the 
 perfumes, the precious stones, and other luxurious commodities 
 of Egypt and southern Asia, and distributed them over the 
 whole of Europe. The republics of Venice and Genoa rose to 
 opulence and power in consequence of this trade. They had 
 factories in the most remote parts, even in the frozen regions of 
 
 1 See illustrations, article " Circumnavigation of Africa by the Ancients."
 
 26 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Moscow and Norway. Their merchants emulated the magnifi- 
 cence of princes. All Europe was tributary to their commerce. 
 Yet this trade had to pass through various Intermediate hands, 
 subjeet to the delays and charges of internal navigation, and 
 the tedious and uncertain journeys of the earavan. For a long 
 time the merchandise of India was conveyed by the Gulf of 
 1'ersia. the Euphrates, the Indus, and the Oxus, to the Caspian 
 ami the .Mediterranean seas ; thence to take a new destination 
 for the various marts of Europe. After the Soldan of Egypt 
 had conquered the Arabs, and restored trade to its ancient 
 channel, it was still attended with great cost and delay. Its 
 precious commodities had to be conveyed by the Ke<l Sea ; thence 
 on the backs of camels to the banks of the Nile, whence they 
 were transported to Egypt to meet the Italian merchants. Thus, 
 while the opulent traffic of the East was engrossed by these 
 adventurous monopolists, the price of every article was enhanced 
 by the great expense of transportation. 
 
 It was the grand idea of Prince Henry, by circumnavigating 
 Africa to open a direct and easy route to the source of this 
 commerce, to turn it in a golden tide upon his country. He 
 was, however, before the age in thought, and had to counteract 
 ignorance and prejudice, and to endure the delays to which 
 vivid and penetrating minds are subjected, from the tardy 
 co-operations of the dull and the doubtful. The navigation of 
 the Atlantic was yet in its infancy. Mariners looked with distrust 
 upon a boisterous expanse, which appeared to have no opposite 
 shore, and feared to venture out of sight of the landmarks. 
 Every bold headland and far-stretching promontory was a wall 
 to bar their progress. They crept timorously along the Barbary 
 shores, and thought they had accomplished a wonderful expedi- 
 tion when they had ventured a few degrees beyond the Straits 
 of Gibraltar. Cape Non was long the limit of their daring ; 
 they hesitated to double its rocky point, beaten by winds and 
 waves, and threatening to thrust them forth upon the raging 
 deep. 
 
 Independent of these vague fears, they had others, sanctioned 
 by philosophy itself. They still thought that the earth, at the 
 equator, was girdled by a torrid zone, over which the sun held 
 his vertical and fiery course, separating the hemispheres by a 
 region of impassive heat. They fancied Cape Bojador the 
 utmost Ixmndary of secure enterprise, and had a superstitious 
 belief that whoever doubled it would never return. 1 They 
 
 Mariana, Hint. Esp., lib. ii. cap. 22.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 27 
 
 locked with dismay upon the rapid currents of its neighborhood, 
 and the furious surf which beats upon its arid coast. They 
 imagined that beyond it lay the frightful region of the torrid 
 zone, scorched by a blazing sun ; a region of fire, where the 
 very waves, which beat upon the shores, boiled under the intol- 
 erable fervor of the heavens. 
 
 To dispel these errors, and to give a scope to navigation equal 
 to the grandeur of his designs, Prince Henry established a naval 
 college, and erected an observatory at Sagres, and he invited 
 thither the most eminent professors of 'the nautical faculties ; 
 appointing as president James of Mallorca, a man learned in 
 navigation, and skilful in making charts and instruments. 
 
 The effects of this establishment were soon apparent. All 
 that was known relative to geography and navigation was 
 gathered together and reduced to system. A vast improve- 
 ment took place in maps. The compass was also brought into 
 more general use, especially among the Portuguese, rendering 
 the mariner more bold and venturous, by enabling him to navi- 
 gate in the most gloomy day and in the darkest night. Encour- 
 aged by these advantages, and stimulated by the munificence of 
 Prince Henry, the Portuguese marine became signalized for the 
 hardihood of its enterprises and the extent of its discoveries. 
 Cape Bojador was doubled ; the region of the tropics penetrated, 
 and divested of its fancied terrors ; the greater part of the 
 African coast, from Cape Blanco to Cape de Verde, explored ; 
 and the Cape de Verde and Azore islands, which lay three 
 hundred leagues distant from the continent, were rescued from 
 the oblivious empire of the ocean. 
 
 To secure the quiet prosecution and full enjoyment of his 
 discoveries, Henry obtained the protection of a papal bull, 
 granting to the crown of Portugal sovereign authority over all the 
 lands it might discover in the Atlantic, to India inclusive, with 
 plenary indulgence to all who should die in these expeditious ; 
 at the same time menacing, with the terrors of the church, all 
 who should interfere in these Christian conquests. 1 
 
 Henry died on the 13th of November, 1473, without accom- 
 plishing the great object of his ambition. It was not until 
 many years afterward that Vasco de Gama, pursuing with a 
 Portuguese fleet the track he had pointed out, realized his 
 anticipations by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, sailing along 
 the southern coast of India, and thus opening a highway for 
 commerce to the opulent regions of the East. Henry, however, 
 
 1 Vasconcelos, Hist. de. Juau II.
 
 28 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 lived long enough to reap some of the richest rewards of a 
 great and good mind. He beheld, through his means, his native 
 country in a grand and active career of prosperity. The dis- 
 coveries of the Portuguese were the wonder and admiration of 
 the fifteenth century, and Portugal, from being one of the least 
 among nations, suddenly rose to be one of the most imi>ortaiit. 
 
 All this was effected, not by arms, but by arts; not l>y the 
 stratagems of a cabinet, but by the wisdom of a college. It 
 was the great achievement of a prince, who has well been 
 described " full of thoughts of lofty enterprise, and acts of 
 generous spirit;" one who bore for his device the magnani- 
 mous motto, "The talent to do good," the only talent worthy 
 the ambition of princes. 1 
 
 Henry, at his death, left it in charge to his country to prose- 
 cute the route to India. He had formed companies and associa- 
 tions, by which commercial zeal was enlisted in the cause, and it 
 was made a matter of interest and competition to enterprising 
 individuals. 2 From time to time Lisl>on was thrown igto a 
 tumult of excitement by the launching forth of some new expe- 
 dition, or the return of a squadron with accounts of new tracts 
 explored and new kingdoms visited. Every thing was confident 
 promise and sanguine anticipation. The miserable hordes of 
 the African coast were magnified into powerful nations, and the 
 voyagers continually heard of opulent countries farther on. It 
 was as yet the twilight of geographic knowledge ; imagination 
 went hand in hand with discovery, and as the latter groped its 
 slow and cautious way, the former peopled all beyond with 
 wonders. The fame of the Portuguese discoveries, and of the 
 expeditions continually setting out, drew the attention of the 
 world. Strangers from all parts, the learned, the curious, and 
 the adventurous, resorted to Lisbon to inquire into the particulars 
 or to participate in the advantages of these enterprises. Among 
 these was Christopher Columbus, whether thrown there, as has 
 been asserted, by the fortuitous result of a desperate adventure, 
 or drawn thither by liberal curiosity and the pursuit of honor- 
 able fortune. 8 
 
 1 .loam de narrow, Ala, decad. I. J Latitau, Conquetca dee 1'ortugate, torn. i. lib. i. 
 * Herrera, decad. i. lib. i.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 29 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 RESIDENCE OF COLUMBUS AT LISBON IDEAS CONCERNING ISLANDS 
 
 IN THE OCEAN. 
 
 COLUMBUS arrived at Lisbon about the year 1470. He was at 
 that time in the full vigor of manhood, and of an engaging 
 presence. Minute descriptions are given of his person by his 
 son Fernando, by LasCasas, and others of his contemporaries. 1 
 According to these accounts, he was tall, well-formed, muscular, 
 and of an elevated and dignified demeanor. His visage was 
 long, and neither full nor meagre ; his complexion fair and 
 freckled, and inclined to ruddy ; his nose aquiline ; his cheek- 
 bones were rather high, his eyes light gray, and apt to enkindle ; 
 his whole countenance had an air of authority. His hair, in 
 his youthful days, was of a light color ; but care and trouble, 
 according to Las Casas, soon turned it gray, and at thirty years 
 of age it was quite white. He was moderate and simple in diet 
 and apparel, eloquent in discourse, engaging and affable with 
 strangers, and his amiableness and suavity in domestic life 
 strongly attached his household to his person. His temper was 
 naturally irritable ; 2 but he subdued it by the magnanimity of 
 his spirit, comporting himself with a courteous and gentle 
 gravity, and never indulging in an} 1 intemperance of language. 
 Throughout his life he was noted for strict attention to the 
 offices of religion, observing rigorously the fasts and ceremonies 
 of the churcfo ; nor did his piety consist in mere forms, but par- 
 took of that lofty and solemn enthusiasm with which his whole 
 character was strongly tinctured. 
 
 While at Lisbon, he was accustomed to attend religious ser- 
 vice at the chapel of the convent of All Saints. In this convent 
 were certain ladies of rank, either resident as boarders, or in 
 some religious capacity. With one of these Columbus became 
 acquainted. She was Dona Felipa, daughter of Bartolomeo 
 Moiiis de Perestrello, an Italian cavalier, lately deceased, who 
 had been one of the most distinguished navigators under Prince 
 Henry, and had colonized and governed the Island of Porto 
 Santo. The acquaintance soon ripened into attachment, and 
 ended in marriage. It appears to have been a match of mere 
 affection, as the lady was destitute of fortune. 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 3. Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 2, 
 
 2 lllt-Bcas, Uist. Poiitilical, lib. vi. 
 
 MS.
 
 30 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBIA 
 
 The newly married couple resided with the mother of the 
 bride. The latter, perceiving the interest which Columbus took 
 in all matters concerning the sea, related to him all she knew 
 of the voyages and exi>fditions of her lute huslt:iinl, and brought 
 him all his pa|H-rs. charts, journals, and memorandums. 1 In this 
 way he became acquainted with the routes of the 1'ortuirues.-. 
 their plans and conceptions ; and having, by his marriage and 
 residence, become naturalized in 1'ortu^al, he sailed occasion- 
 ally in the expeditions to the coast of Guinea. When on shore, 
 he supported his family by making maps and charts. His narrow 
 circumstances obliged him to observe a strict economy ; yet we 
 are told that he appropriated a part of his scanty means to the- 
 succor of his aged father at Genoa, 2 and to the education of his 
 younger brothers.* 
 
 The construction of a correct map or chart, in those days, 
 required a degree of knowledge and experience sufficient to 
 entitle the possessor to distinction. Geography was but just 
 emerging from the darkness which had enveloped it for n 
 Ptolemy was still a standard authority. The maps of the fif- 
 teenth century display a mixture of truth and error, in which 
 facts handed down from antiquity, and others revealed by recent 
 discoveries, are confused with popular fables and extravagant 
 conjectures. At such a period, when the passion for maritime 
 discovery was seeking every aid to facilitate its enterprises, the 
 knowledge and skill of an able cosmographer like Columbus 
 would be properly appreciated, and the superior correctness of 
 his maps and charts would give him notoriety among men of 
 science. 4 We accordingly find him, at an earl}' period of his 
 residence in Lisbon, in correspondence with Paulo Toscanelli. 
 of Florence, one of the most scientific men of the day, whose 
 communications had great influence in inspiriting him to his 
 subsequent undertakings. 
 
 While his geographical labors thus elevated him to a commu- 
 
 i Oviodo, Cronica de las India*, lib. ii. cap. 2. 
 
 > Ibid. 
 
 Munnz Hit. Xuevo Mundo, lib. Ii. 
 
 4 Th-- importance which began to be attached to coxmographlcal knowledge io evident 
 from the distinction which Mauro, an Italian friar, obtained from having projected an 
 universal map, esteemed the mot accurate of the time. A fao-imile of thU map, upon 
 the same scale a* the original, in now deponited in the Briti-h Mu -turn, and it ha* U-.-n 
 published, with a geographical commentary, l>y tin- learned /.urla. The Venetians struck 
 a medal In honor of him, on which they denominated him Coxmographugincomparabllis 
 (Colllne del Busaol. Naut. p. 2, c. 5). Yet Katnunio, who bad een ihi- map in the 
 monastery of San Micholedc Mu ratio, considers it merely an improved copy of a map 
 brought from Cathay by Marco Polo (Ramusln, t. ii. p. 17, Kd. Venet. lt>0ri). We are 
 told thitt Amerieiis Vepucius paid one hundred and thirty ducal* (equivalent to five 
 hundred and fifty I'm- dollars in our time) for a map of sea and land, made at Mailorca, 
 in 143U, by Uabriel de Valaeca (Barros, D. 1. 1. c. lo. Ix-rroto por Tolinu, lutrod. p. i".).
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 31 
 
 nion with the learned, they were peculiarly calculated to foster 
 a train of thoughts favorable to nautical enterprise. From con- 
 stantly comparing maps and charts, and noting the progress 
 and direction of discovery, he was led to perceive how much 
 of the world remained unknown, and to meditate on the means 
 of exploring it. His domestic concerns, and the connections 
 he had formed by marriage, were all in unison with this vein 
 of speculation. He resided for some time at the recently dis- 
 covered island of Porto Santo, where his wife 'had inherited 
 some property, and during his residence there she bore him a 
 son, whom he named Diego. This residence brought him, as it 
 were, on the very frontier of discovery. His wife's sister was 
 married to Pedro Correo, a navigator of note, who had at one 
 time been governor of Porto Santo. Being frequently together 
 in the familiar intercourse of domestic life, their conversation 
 naturally turned upon the discoveries prosecuting in their vicinity 
 along the African coasts ; upon the long sought for route to 
 India ; and upon the possibility of some unknown lands existing 
 in the west. 
 
 In their island residence, too, they must have been frequently 
 visited by the voyagers going to and from Guinea. Living 
 thus, surrounded by the stir and bustle of discovery, commun- 
 ing with persons who had risen by it to fortune and honor, and 
 voyaging in the very tracks of its recent triumphs, the ardent 
 mind of Columbus kindled up to enthusiasm in the cause. It 
 was a period of general excitement to all who were connected 
 w : ''i maritime life, or who resided in the vicinity of the ocean. 
 Tl>e recent discoveries had inflamed their imaginations, and had 
 filled them with visions of other islands, of greater wealth and 
 beauty, yet to be discovered in the boundless wastes of the 
 Atlantic. The opinions and fancies of the ancients on the sub- 
 ject were again put in circulation. The story of Autilla, a 
 great island in the ocean, discovered by the Carthaginians, was 
 frequently cited, and Plato's imaginary Atalantis once more 
 found firm believers. Many thought that the Canaries and 
 Azores were but wrecks which had survived its submersion, 
 and that other and larger fragments of that drowned land might 
 yet exist, in remoter parts of the Atlantic. 
 
 One of the strongest symptoms of the excited state of the 
 popular mind at this eventful era, was the prevalence of rumors 
 respecting unknown islands casually seen in the ocean. Many 
 of these were mere fables, fabricated to feed the predominant 
 humor of the public ; many had their origin in the heated imagi- 
 nations of voyagers, beholding islands in those summer clouds
 
 32 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 which lie along the horizon, and often beguile the suilor witli the 
 idea of (list:int lands. 
 
 ( )n such airy basis, most probably, was founded the story 
 told to Columbus by one Antonio Leone, an inhabitant of Ma- 
 deira, who allirmed that sailing thence westward one hundred 
 leagues, lie had seen three islands at a distance. Hut the tales 
 of the kind most i>ositivcly advanced and zealously maintained, 
 u.-if those related by the people of the Canaries, who were long 
 under a singular optical delusion. They imagined that, from 
 time to time, they beheld a vast island to the westward, with 
 lofty mountains and deep valleys. Nor was it seen in cloudy 
 and dubious weather, but in those clear days common to tropical 
 climates, and with all the distinctness with which distant objects 
 may be discerned in their pure, transparent atmosphere. The 
 island, it is true, was only seen at intervals ; while at other times, 
 and in the clearest weather, not a vestige of it was to be descried. 
 "When it did appear, however, it was always in the same T ' 
 and under the same form. So persuaded were the inhal 
 of the Canaries of its reality, that application was made 
 King of IV-tugal for permission to discover and take possession 
 of it; and it actually became the object of several expeditions. 
 The island, however, was never to be found, though it still con- 
 tinued occasionally to cheat the eye. There were all kinds of 
 wild and fantastic notions concerning this imaginary land. ' 
 supposed it to be the Antilla mentioned by Aristotle ; other 
 Island of S'\eii Cities, so called from an ancient legend of s ^' 
 bishops, who, with a multitude of followers, fled from Spa.\ 
 the time of its conquest by the Moors, and. guided by H 
 to some unknown island in the ocean, founded on it seven s 
 did cities. While some considered it another legendary island, 
 on which, it was said, a Scottish priest of the name of St. 
 Hrandan, had landed in the sixth century. This last legend 
 
 d into current belief. The fancied island was called by 
 the name of St. Hrandan, or St. Horondon, and long continued 
 to lie actually laid down in maps far to the west of the Canaries. 1 
 The same was done with the fabulous island of Antilla; and 
 the<e erroneous maps and phantom islands have given rise at 
 various times to assertions that the New World had been known 
 prior to the period of its generally reputed discovery. 
 
 'umbus. however, considers all these appearances of land 
 as mere illusions. He supposes that they may have been caused 
 by rocks lying in the ocean, which, seen at a distance, under 
 
 1 See illustration*, article " Inland of St. Brandau."
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 88 
 
 certain atmospherical influences may have assumed the appear- 
 ance of islands ; or that they may have been floating islands, 
 such as are mentioned by Pliny and Seneca and others, formed 
 by twisted roots, or of a light and porous stone, and covered 
 with trees, and which may have been driven about the ocean by 
 the winds. 
 
 The islands of St. Brandan, of Antilla, and of the Seven 
 Cities, have long since proved to be fabulous tales or atmos- 
 pherical delusions. Yet the rumors concerning them derive 
 interest, from showing the state of public thought with respect 
 to the Atlantic, while its western regions were yet unknown. 
 They were all noted down with curious care by Columbus, and 
 may have have had some influence over his imagination. Still, 
 though of a visionary spirit, his penetrating genius sought in 
 deeper sources for the aliment of its meditations. Aroused by 
 the impulse of passing events, he turned anew, says his son 
 Fi-nuindo, to study the geographical authors which he had read 
 j n( i <e, and to consider the astronomical reasons which might 
 j r >orate the theory gradually forming in his mind. He 
 made himself acquainted with all that had been written by the 
 ancients, or discovered by the moderns, relative to geography. 
 His own voyages enabled him to correct many of their errors, 
 and appreciate many of their theories. His genius having thus 
 t'lk-'a its decided bent, it is interesting to notice from what a 
 mi* . of acknowledged facts, rational hypotheses, fanciful nar- 
 W; -ns, and popular rumors, his grand project of discovery was 
 w ;- ight out by the stroug workings of a vigorous mind. 
 Tl- 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 GROUNDS ON WHICH COLUMBUS FOUNDED HIS BELIEF OF TH 
 EXISTENCE OF UNDISCOVERED LANDS IN THE WEST. 
 
 IT has been attempted, in the preceding chapters, to show 
 how Columbus was gradually kindled up to his grand design by 
 the spirit and events of the times in which he lived. His sou 
 Fernando, however, undertakes to furnish the precise data on 
 which his father's plan of discovery was founded. 1 " He does 
 this," he observes, " to show from what slender argument so 
 great a scheme was fabricated and brought to light ; and for 
 
 i Hist, del Almiiaute, cap. 6, 7, 8.
 
 34 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER 
 
 the purpose of satisfying those who may desire to know dis- 
 tinctly tin- circumstances and motives which led his father to 
 undertake this enterprise. 
 
 As this statement was formed from notes and documents 
 found amoiii: his father's papers, it is too curious and intnv-t- 
 ing n<>t to deserve particular mention. In this memorandum lie 
 arranged the foundation of his father's theory under three heads : 
 1. The nature of things. 2. The authority of learned writers. 
 3. The reports of navigators. 
 
 I "nder the first head he set down as a fundamental principle 
 that the earth was a terraqueous sphere or globe, which mid it 
 be travelled round from east to west, and that men stood foot 
 to foot when on opposite points. The circumference from east 
 to west, at the equator, Columbus divided, according to Ptole- 
 my, into twenty-fours hours of fifteen degrees each, making 
 three hundred and sixty degrees. Of these he imagined, com- 
 paring the globe of Ptolemy with the earlier map of Marinus of 
 Tyre, that fifteen hours had been known to the ancients, 
 extending from the Straits of Gibraltar, or rather from the 
 Canary Islands, to the city of Thinse in Asia, a place set down 
 as at the eastern limits of the known world. The Portuguese 
 had advanced the western frontier one hour more by the dis- 
 covery of the Azores and Cape de Verde Islands. There 
 remained, then, according to the estimation of Columbus, eight 
 hours, or one third of the circumference of the earth, unknown 
 and unexplored. This space might, in a great measure, be 
 filled up by the eastern regions of Asia, which might extend so 
 far as nearly to surround the globe, and to approach the western 
 shores of Europe and Africa. The tract of ocean intervening 
 between these countries, he observes, would be less than might 
 at first l>e supposed, if the opinion of Alfraganus, the Arabian, 
 were admitted, who, by diminishing the size of the degrees, gave 
 to the earth a smaller circumference than did other cosmograph- 
 ers ; a theory to which Columbus seems at times to have given 
 faith. Granting these premises, it was manifest that, by pur- 
 suing a direct course from east to west, a navigator would arrive 
 at the extremity of Asia, and discover any intervening land. 
 
 I "nder the second head are named the authors whose writings 
 had weight in convincing him that the intervening ocean could 
 be but of moderate expanse, and easy to be traversed. Among 
 these., he cites the opinion of Aristotle. Seneca, and Pliny, that 
 one might pass from Cadiz to the Indies in a few days; of 
 Strain), also, who observes, that the ocean surrounds the earth, 
 bathing on the east the shores of India ; on the west, the coa.-ts
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 35 
 
 of Spain and Mauritania ; so that it is easy to navigate from 
 one to the other on the same parallel. 1 
 
 In corroboration of the idea that Asia, or, as he always terms 
 it, India, stretched far to the east, so as to occupy the greater 
 part of the unexplored space, the narratives are cited of Marco 
 Polo and John Mandeville. These travellers had visited, in the 
 thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the remote parts of Asia, far 
 beyond the regions laid down by Ptolemy ; and their accounts 
 of the extent of that continent to the eastward had a great effect 
 in convincing Columbus that a voyage to the west, of no long 
 duration, would bring him to its shores, or to the extensive and 
 wealthy islands which lie adjacent. The information concern- 
 ing Marco Polo is probably derived from Paolo Toscanelli, a 
 celebrated doctor of Florence already mentioned, with whom 
 Columbus corresponded in 1474, and who transmitted to him 
 a copy of a letter which he had previously written to Fer- 
 nando Martinez, a learned canon of Lisbon. This letter main- 
 tains the facility of arriving at India by a western course, 
 asserting the distance to be but four thousand miles, in a direct 
 line from Lisbon to the province of Mangi, near Cathay, since 
 determined to be the northern coast of China. Of this country 
 he gives a magnificent description, drawn from the work of 
 Marco Polo. He adds, that in the route lay the islands of An- 
 tilla and Cipango, distant from each other only two hundred and 
 twenty-five leagues, abounding in riches, and offering conven- 
 ient places for ships to touch at, and obtain supplies on the 
 voyage. 
 
 Under the third head are enumerated various indications of 
 land in the west, which had floated to the shores of the known 
 world. It is curious to observe, how, when once the mind of 
 Columbus had become heated in the inquiry, it attracted to it 
 every corroborating circumstance, however vague and trivial. 
 He appears to have been particularly attentive to the gleams of 
 information derived from veteran mariners, who had been em- 
 ployed in the recent voyages to the African coasts; and also 
 from the inhabitants of lately discovered islands, placed, in a 
 manner, on the frontier posts of geographical knowledge. All 
 these are carefully noted down among his memorandums, to be 
 collocated with the facts and opinions already stored up in his 
 mind. 
 
 Such, for instance, is the circumstance related to him by Mar- 
 tin Vicenti, a pilot in the service of the King of Portugal ; that, 
 
 1 Strab. Cos., lib. i. ii.
 
 36 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 after sailing four hundred :ind fifty leagues to the west of Cape 
 St. Vincent, lie had taken from the water a piece of carved 
 wood, which evidently had not been labored with an iron instru- 
 ment. As the winds had drifted it from the west, it might have 
 come from some unknown land in that direction. 
 
 IVdro Correo, brother-in-law of C'olumbus, is likewise cited 
 as having seen, on the island of Porto Santo, a similar piece o 
 wood, which had drifted from the same quarter. He had hear 
 also from the King of Portugal, that reeds of an immense siz 
 had floated to some of those islands from the west, in the de- 
 scription of which. C'olumbus thought he recognized the im- 
 mense reeds said by Ptolemy to grow in India. 
 
 Information is likewise noted, given him by the inhabitants of 
 the A /.ores, of trunks of huge pine trees, of a kind that did not 
 grow upon any of the islands, wafted to their shores by the 
 westerly winds; but especially of the bodies of two dead men, 
 upon the island of Flores, whose features differed from 
 those of any known race of people. 
 
 To these is added the report of a mariner of the port of St. 
 Mary, who asserted that, in the course of a voyage to Ireland, 
 he had seen land to the west, which the ship's company took 
 for some extreme part of Tartary. Other stories, of a similar 
 kind, are noted, as well as rumors concerning the fancied islands 
 of St. Brandan, and of the Seven Cities, to which, as has al- 
 ready been observed, Columbus gave but little faith. 
 
 Such is an abstract of the grounds, on which, according to 
 Fernando, his father proceeded from one position to another 
 until he came to the conclusion that there was undiscovered 
 land in the western part of the ocean; that it was attainable; 
 that it was fertile ; and finally, that it was inhabited. 
 
 It is evident that several of the facts herein enumerated must 
 have become known to C'olumbus after he had formed his opin- 
 ion, and merely served to strengthen it; still, every thing thai 
 throws any light upon the process of thought, which led to s< 
 great an event, is of the highest interest; and the chain ot 
 deductions here furnished, though not perhaps the most logical 
 in its concatenation, yet. being i-xtracted from the papers of 
 Columbus himself, remains one of the most interesting docu- 
 ments in the history of the human mind. 
 
 On considering the statement attentively, it is apparent that 
 the grand argument which induced Columbus to his enterprise 
 was that placed under the lirst head, namely, that the most 
 ea-tern part of Asia known to the ancients could not be separ- 
 ated from the Azores by more than a third of the circumference
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 37 
 
 of the globe ; that the intervening space must, in a great meas- 
 ure, be tilled up by the unknown residue of Asia ; and that, if 
 the circumference of the world was, as he believed, less than 
 was generally supposed, the Asiatic shores could easily be at- 
 tained by a moderate voyage to the west. 
 
 It is singular how much the success of this great undertaking 
 depended upon two happy errors, the imaginary extent of Asia 
 to the east, and the supposed smalluess of the earth ; both 
 errors of the most learned and profound philosophers, but with- 
 out which Columbus would hardly have ventured upon his en- 
 terprise. As to the idea of finding land by sailing directly to 
 the west, it is at present so familiar to our minds, as in some 
 measure to diminish the merits of the first conception, and the 
 hardihood of the first attempt ; but in those days, as has been 
 observed, the circumference of the earth was yet unknown ; no 
 one could tell whether the ocean were not of immense extent, 
 impossible to be traversed ; nor were the laws of specific gravity 
 and of central gravitation ascertained, by which, granting the 
 rotundity of the earth, the possibility of making the tour of it 
 would be manifest. 1 The practicability, therefore, of finding 
 land by sailing to the west, was one of those mysteries of nature 
 which are considered incredible while matters of mere specula- 
 tion, but the simplest things imaginable when they have once 
 been ascertained. 
 
 When Columbus had formed his theory, it became fixed in 
 his mind with singular firmness, and influenced his entire char- 
 acter and conduct. He never spoke in doubt or hesitation, but 
 with as much certainty as if his eyes had beheld the promised 
 land. No trial nor disappointment could divert him from the 
 steady pursuit of his object. A deep religious sentiment 
 mingled with his meditations, and gave them at times a tinge 
 of superstition, but it was of a sublime and lofty kind ; he looked 
 upon himself as standing in the hand of Heaven, chosen from 
 among men for the accomplishment of its high purpose ; he read, 
 as he supposed, his contemplated discovery foretold in Holy 
 Writ, and shadowed forth darkly in the mystic revelations of 
 the prophets. The ends of the earth were to be brought to- 
 gether, and all nations and tongues and languages united under 
 the banners of the Redeemer. This was to be the triumphant 
 consummation of his enterprise, bringing the remote and un-j 
 known regions of the earth into communion with Christian 
 Europe ; carrying the light of the true faith into benighted and 
 
 1 Malte-Brun, Geographic Uiiiverselle, torn. iiv. Note sur le Deeouvwrte de 
 I'Ameilque.
 
 38 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 pa nan lands, ami gathering their countless nations under the 
 Imly dominion of the church. 
 
 The enthusiastic nature of his conceptions gave an elevation 
 to Ins spirit, and a dignity and loftiness to his whole demeanor. 
 lie conferred with sovereigns almost with a feeling of equality. 
 His views were princely and nnl>oimdcd ; his proposed discovery 
 was of empires ; his conditions were proportionally magnificent : 
 nor would he ever, even after long delays, repeated disappoint- 
 ments, and under the pressure of actual penury, abate what 
 appeared to be extravagant demands for a mere possible 
 discovery. 
 
 Those who could not conceive how an ardent and comprehen- 
 sive genius could arrive, by presumptive evidence, at so firm 
 a conviction, sought for other modes of accounting for it. When 
 the glorious result had established the correctness of the opinion 
 of ( olumbus, attempts were made to prove that he had obtained 
 previous information of the lands which he pretended to dis- 
 cover. Among these was an idle tale of a tern pest- tossed pilot, 
 said to have died in his house, bequeathing him written accounts 
 of an unknown land in the west, upon which he had been driven 
 by adverse winds. This story, according to Fernando Colum- 
 bus, had no other foundation than one of the popular tales 
 about the shadowy island of St. Brandan, which a Portuguese 
 captain, returning from Guinea, fancied he had beheld beyond 
 Madeira. It circulated for a time in idle rumor, altered and 
 shaped to suit their purposes, by such as sought to tarnish the 
 glory of Columbus. At length it found its way into print, and 
 has been echoed by various historians, varying with every nar- 
 ration, and full of contradictions and Improbabilities. 1 
 
 An assertion has also been made, that Columbus was pre- 
 ceded in his discoveries by Martin Behem, a contemporary cos- 
 inognipher, who, it was said, had landed accidentally on the 
 coast of South America, in the course of an African expedition ; 
 and that it was with the assistance of a map or glol>e, projected 
 by Behem, on which was laid down the newly-discovered coun- 
 try that Columbus made his voyage. This rumor originated 
 in an absurd misconstruction of a Latin manuscript, and was 
 unsupported by any documents ; yet it has had its circulation, 
 and has even been revived not many years since, with more /eal 
 than discretion : but is now completely refuted and put to rest. 
 The land visited by Behcm was the coast of Africa beyond the 
 equator; the globe he- projected was finished in 1 1!'2, while Col- 
 
 ' illuHlruliuuB, article " Uuwor coucerniiig the Pilot who died in the liouo of 
 Columbus."
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 39 
 
 umbus was absent on his first voyage : it contains no trace of 
 the New World, and thus furnishes conclusive proof that its 
 existence was yet unknown to Behera. 1 
 
 There is a certain meddlesome spirit, which, in the garb of 
 learned research, goes prying about the traces of history, cast- 
 ing down its monuments, and marring and mutilating its fairest 
 trophies. Care should be taken to vindicate great names from 
 such pernicious erudition. It defeats one of the most sal- 
 utary purposes of history, that of furnishing examples of what 
 human genius and lauable enterprise may accomplish. For this 
 purpose some pains have been taken in the preceding chapters 
 to trace the rise and progress of this grand idea in the mind of 
 Columbus ; to show that it was the conception of his genius, 
 quickened by the impulse of the age, and aided by those scat- 
 tered gleams of knowledge which fell ineffectually upon ordinary 
 minds. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE OF COLUMBUS WITH PAULO TOSCANELLI 
 
 EVENTS IN PORTUGAL RELATIVE TO DISCOVERIES PROPOSITION 
 
 OF COLUMBUS TO THE PORTUGUESE COURT DEPARTURE FROM 
 
 PORTUGAL. 
 
 IT is impossible to determine the precise time when Columbus 
 first conceived the design of seeking a western route to India. 
 It is certain, however, that he meditated it as early as the year 
 1474, though as yet it lay crude and unmatured in his mind. 
 This fact, which is of some importance, is sufficiently established 
 by the correspondence already mentioned with the learned Tos- 
 canelli of Florence, which took place in the summer of that 
 year. The letter of Toscanelli is in reply to one from Colum- 
 bus, and applauds the design which he had expressed of making 
 a voyage to the west. To demonstrate more clearly the facility 
 of arriving at India in that direction, he sent him a map pro- 
 jected partly according to Ptolemy, and partly according to the 
 description of Marco Polo, the Venetian. The eastern coast of 
 Asia was depicted in front of the western coasts of Africa and 
 Europe, with a moderate space of ocean between them, in which 
 were placed at convenient distances Cipango, Antilla, and the 
 
 1 See illustrations, article " Behem."
 
 40 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 other islan.ls. 1 Columbus was greatly animated by tlio letter 
 and chart of Toscanelli, who was considered one of tin- al-lr-t 
 cosmographers of the day. He appears to have procured the 
 work of Marco Polo, which had been translated into various 
 laminates, and existed in manuscript in most libraries. The 
 author uivcs marvellous accounts of the riches of the realms of 
 Cathay and Mangi, or Mangu, since ascertained to he Northern 
 and Southern China, on the coast of which, according to the 
 map of Toscanelli, a voyager sailing directly west would be sure 
 to arrive. He describes in unmeasured terms the power and 
 grandeur of the sovereign of these countries, the Great Khan of 
 Tartary. and the splendor and magnitude of his capitals of Cam- 
 baln and (Juinsai. and the wonders of the island of Cipango or 
 Zipangi, supposed to be Japan. This island he places opposite 
 Cathav, live hundred leagues in the ocean. He represents it as 
 abounding in gold, precious stones, and other choice objects of 
 commerce, with a monarch whose palace was roofed with plates 
 of gold instead of lead. The narrations of this traveller were 
 by many considered fabulous; but though full of what appear 
 to be splendid exaggerations, they have since been found sub- 
 stantially correct. They are thus particularly noted, from the 
 influence they had over the imagination of Columbus. The 
 work of Marco Polo is a key to many parts of his history. In 
 his applications to the various courts, he represented the coun- 
 tries he expected to discover as those regions of inexhaustible 
 wealth which the Venetian had described. The territories of 
 the (ire.it Khan were the objects of inquiry in all his voyages; 
 and in his cruisings among the Antilles he was continually flat- 
 tering himself with the hopes of arriving at the opulent island 
 of Cipango, and the coasts of Mangi and Cathay. 2 
 
 While the design of attempting the discovery in the west 
 was maturing in the mind of Columbus, he made a voyage to 
 the north of Europe. Of this we have no other memorial than 
 the following passage, extracted by his son from one of his let- 
 ters: "In the year 1477, in February, I navigated one hundred 
 leagues beyond Thule, the southern part of which is seventy- 
 three degrees distant from the equator, and not sixty-three, as 
 some pretend ; neither is it situated within the line which in- 
 
 1 This map, by which Columbus nailed on hi* first voyage of discovery, Las Caftan, 
 
 (1lt>. i. cap 12) nay* hr had in hi* pouwm-ion at the time of writing his hi-tory. It i-t 
 Krt'iitly t'> IK- n-tftvttfil that MI i'llcn-nting a document ohould be lout. It may yi-t i-xi*t 
 i '.In- rhimtir lumber of th- Sjiani-h archivi-w. Few documents of mure curiosity 
 won i.l IM- more prrcinus. 
 
 1 A more particular account of Marco Polo and bin writings l given among the 
 illu-lrulion*.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 41 
 
 eludes the west of Ptolemy, but is much more westerly. The 
 English, principally those of Bristol, go with their merchandise 
 to this island, which is as large as England. When I was there 
 the sea was not frozen, and the tides were so great as to rise 
 and fall twenty-six fathom." * 
 
 The island thus mentioned is generally supposed to have been 
 Iceland, which is far to the west of the Ultima Thule of the 
 .mcients, as laid down in the map of Ptolemy. 
 
 Several more years elapsed, without any decided efforts on 
 the part of Columbus to carry his design into execution. He 
 was too poor to fit out the armament necessary for so important 
 an expedition. Indeed it was an enterprise only to be under- 
 taken in the employ of some sovereign state, which could 
 assume dominion over the territories he might discover, and 
 reward him with dignities and privileges commensurate to his 
 services. It is asserted that he at one time endeavored to en- 
 gage his native country, Genoa, in the undertaking, but with- 
 out success. No record remains of such an attempt, though it 
 is generally believed, and has strong probability in its favor. 
 His residence in Portugal placed him at hand to solicit the 
 patronage of that power, but Alphonso, who was then on the 
 throne, was too much engrossed in the latter part of his reign 
 with a war with Spain, for the succession of the Princess Juana 
 to the crown of Castile, to engage in peaceful enterprises of an 
 expensive nature. The public mind, also, was not prepared for 
 so perilous an undertaking. Notwithstanding the many recent 
 voyages to the coast of Africa and the adjacent islands, and the 
 introduction of the compass into more general use, navigation 
 was still shackled with impediments, and the mariner rarely 
 ventured far out of sight of land. 
 
 Discovery advanced slowly along the coasts of Africa, and 
 the mariners feared to cruise far into the southern hemisphere, 
 with the stars of which they were totally unacquainted. To 
 such men, the project of a voyage directly westward, into the 
 midst of that boundless waste, to seek some visionary land, 
 appeared as extravagant as it would be at the present day to 
 launch forth in a balloon into the regions of space in quest of 
 some distant star. 
 
 The time, however, was at hand, that was to extend the 
 sphere of navigation. The era was propitious to the quick ad- 
 vancement of knowledge. The recent invention of the art of 
 printing enabled men to communicate rapidly and extensively 
 
 1 lli.st. del Almirante, cap. 4.
 
 42 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 their ideas find discoveries. It drew forth learning from libra- 
 ries and convents, ami brought it familiarly to the reading-desk 
 of the student. Volumes of information, which before had 
 existed only in costly manuscripts, carefully treasured up, and 
 kept out of the reach of the indigent scholar and obscure ar- 
 tist, were now in every hand. There was henceforth to be no 
 retrogression in knowledge, nor any pause in its career. Every 
 step in advance was immediately, and simultaneously, and 
 widely promulgated, recorded in a thousand forms, and fixed 
 forever. There could never again l>e a dark age; nations 
 iiii^lit shut their eyes to the light, and sit in wilful darkness, 
 but they could not trample it out; it would still shine on, dis- 
 pensed to happier parts of the world, by the diffusive powers 
 of the press. 
 
 At this juncture, in 1481, a monarch ascended the throne of 
 Portugal, of different ambition from Alphonso. John II., then 
 in the twenty-fifth year of his age, had imbibed the passion for 
 discovery from his grand-uncle, Prince Henry, and with his 
 reign all its activity revived. His first care was to build a fort 
 at St. George de la Mina, on the coast of Guinea, to protect 
 trade carried on in that neighborhood for gold dust, ivory, and 
 slaves. 
 
 The African discoveries had conferred great glory upon 
 Portugal, but as yet they had been expensive rather than prof- 
 itable. The accomplishment of the route to India, however, 
 it was expected would repay all cost and toil, and open a source 
 of incalculable wealth to the nation. The project of Prince 
 Henry, which had now been tardily prosecuted for half a cen- 
 tury, had excited a curiosity about the remote parts of Asia, 
 and revived all the accounts, true and fabulous, of travellers. 
 
 ' Besides the work of Marco Polo, already mentioned, there 
 was the narrative of Rabbi Benjamin ben Jonah, of Tudela, a 
 Spanish Jew, who set out from Saragossa in 1173, to visit the 
 scattered remnants of the Hebrew tribes. Wandering with 
 unwearied zeal on this pious errand, over most parts of the 
 known world, he penetrated China, and passed thence to the 
 southern islands of Asia. 1 There were also the narratives of 
 Carpini and Ascelin, two friars, despatched, the one in 124(>, the 
 other in 1247, by Pope Innocent IV., as apostolic ambassadors, 
 for the purpose of converting the Grand Khan of Tartary ; and 
 the journal of William Kubruquis (or Kuysbroek), a celebrated 
 
 1 licritiTnn, Voyages en Asie, torn. I. The work of Benjamin of Ttidela, originally 
 written in llrlnvw, wan HO much in n-putr, thai the traimlatioii weut through sixteen 
 editiuuH. Amliv.-, Hint. H. Let., 11. cap. 0.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 43 
 
 Cordelier, sent on a similar errand in 1253, by Louis IX., of 
 France, then on his unfortunate crusade into Palestine. These 
 pious but chimerical missions had proved abortive; but the 
 narratives of them being revived in the fifteenth century, 
 served to inflame the public curiosity respecting the remote 
 parts of Asia. 
 
 In these narratives we first find mention made of the re- 
 nowned Prester John, a Christian king, said to hold sway in a 
 remote part of the East, who was long an object of curiosity 
 and research, but whose kingdom seemed to shift its situation 
 in the tale of every traveller, and to vanish from the search as 
 effectually as the unsubstantial island of St. Brandan. All the 
 speculations concerning this potentate and his Oriental realm 
 were again put in circulation. It was fancied that traces of 
 his empire were discovered in the interior of Africa, to the 
 east of Benin, where there was a powerful prince, who used a 
 cross among the insignia of royalty. John II. partook largely 
 of the popular excitement produced by these narrations. In 
 the early part of his reign he actually sent missions in quest of 
 Prester John, to visit whose dominions became the romantic 
 desire of many a religious enthusiast. 1 The magnificent idea 
 he had formed of the remote parts of the East made him ex- 
 tremely anxious that the splendid project of Prince Henry 
 should be realized, and the Portuguese flag penetrate to the 
 Indian seas. Impatient of the slowness with which his dis- 
 coveries advanced along the coast of Africa, and of the impedi- 
 ments which every cape and promontory presented to nautical 
 enterprise, he called in the aid of science to devise some means 
 by which greater scope and certainty might be given to navi- 
 gation. His two physicians, Roderigo and Joseph, the latter a 
 Jew, the most able astronomers and cosmographers of his king- 
 dom, together with the celebrated Martin Beheru, entered into 
 a learned consultation on the subject. The result of their 
 conferences and labors was the application of the astrolabe to 
 navigation, enabling the seaman, by the altitude of the sun, to 
 ascertain his distance from the equator. 2 This instrument has 
 since been improved and modified into the modern quadrant, 
 of which, even at its first introduction, it possessed all the es- 
 sential advantages. 
 
 It is impossible to describe the effect produced upon naviga- 
 tion by this invention. It cast it loose at once from its long 
 bondage to the land, and set it free to rove the deep. The 
 
 1 Soe illustrations, article " Prester John." 
 
 1 Ban-on, ducad. 1, lib. iv. cap. '2. Jlaffei, lib. vi. p. 6 and 7.
 
 44 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIWS. 
 
 in:irim-r now, instead of coasting the shores like the ancient 
 navigators. :ui(|. if driven from the hind, groping his way hack 
 in doubt and apprehension by the uncertain guidance of the 
 stars, might adventure boldly into unknown seas, contident of 
 being able t<> trace his course by means of the compass and the 
 astrolabe. 
 
 It was shortly after this event, which had prepared guides 
 for discovery across the trackless ocean, that Columbus made 
 the tirst attempt, of which we have any clear and indisputable 
 record, to procure royal patronage for his enterprise. The 
 court of Portugal had shown extraordinary liberality in reward- 
 ing nautical discovery. Most of those who had succeeded in 
 her service had been appointed to the government of the islands 
 and countries they had discovered, although many of them were 
 foreigners by birth. Encouraged by this liberality, and by the 
 anxiety evinced by King John II. to accomplish a passage by 
 sea to India, Columbus obtained an audience of that monarch, 
 and proposed, in case the king would furnish him with ships and 
 men, to undertake a shorter and more direct route than that 
 along the coast of Africa. His plan was to strike directly to 
 the west, across the Atlantic. He then unfolded his hypothesis 
 with respect to the extent of Asia, describing also the immense 
 riches of the island of Cipan^o, the first land at which he ex- 
 pected to arrive. Of this audience we have two accounts, 
 written in somewhat of an opposite spirit ; one by his oon Fer- 
 nando, the other by Joam de Barros. the Portuguese histori- 
 ographer. It is curious to notice the different views taken of the 
 same transaction by the enthusiastic son, and by the cool, per- 
 haps prejudiced, historian. 
 
 The king, according to Fernando, listened to his father with 
 great attention, but was discouraged from engaging in any new 
 scheme of the kind, by the cost and trouble already sustained 
 in exploring the route by the African coast, which as yet re- 
 mained unaccomplished. His father, however, supported his 
 proposition by such excellent reasons, that the king was induced 
 to give his consent. The only difficulty that remained was the 
 terms; for Columbus, being a man of lofty and noble sentiments, 
 demanded high and honorable titles and rewards, to the end, 
 says Fernando, that he might leave behind him a name and 
 family worthy of his deeds and merits. 1 
 
 Barros, on the other hand, attributes the seeming acquiescence 
 of the king, merely to the importunities of Columbus. He con- 
 
 1 Hist, del Ahnirautu, cup. 10.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 45 
 
 sidered him, says the historian, a vainglorious man, fond of 
 displaying his abilities, and given to fantastic fancies, such as 
 that respecting the island of Cipango. 1 But in fact, this idea 
 of Columbus being vain, was taken up by the Portuguese writers 
 in after years ; and as to the island of Cipango, it was far from 
 being considered chimerical by the king, who, as has been shown 
 by his mission in search of Prester John, was a ready believer 
 in these travellers' tales concerning the East. The reasoning 
 of Columbus must have produced an effect on the mind of the 
 monarch, since it is certain that he referred the proposition to a 
 learned junto, charged with all matters relating to maritime 
 discovery. 
 
 This junto was composed of two able cosmographers, mas- 
 ters Roderigo and Joseph, and the king's confessor, Diego Ortiz 
 de Cazadilla, bishop of Ceuta, a man greatly reputed for his 
 learning, a Castilian by birth, and generally called Cazadilla, 
 from the name of his native place. This scientitic body treated 
 the project as extravagant and visionary. 
 
 Still the king does not appear to have been satisfied. Accord- 
 ing to his historian Vasconcelos, 2 he convoked his council, 
 composed of prelates and persons of the greatest learning in 
 the kingdom, and asked their advice, whether to adopt this new 
 route of discovery, or to pursue that which they had already 
 opened. 
 
 It may not be deemed superfluous to notice briefly the dis- 
 cussion of the council on this great question. Vasconcelos 
 reports a speech of the Bishop of Ceuta, in which he not only 
 objected to the proposed enterprise, as destitute of reason, but 
 even discountenanced any further prosecution of the African 
 discoveries. " They tended," he said, " to distract the atten- 
 tion, drain the resources, and divide the power of the nation, 
 already too much weakened by recent war and pestilence. 
 While their forces were thus scattered abroad on remote and 
 unprofitable expeditions, they exposed themselves to attack from 
 their active enemy the King of Castile. The greatness of mon- 
 archs," he continued, "did not arise so much from the extent 
 of their dominions, as from the wisdom and ability with which 
 they governed. In the Portuguese nation it would be madness 
 to launch into enterprises without first considering them in con- 
 nection with its means. The king had already sufficient under- 
 takings in hand of certain advantage, without engaging in others 
 of a wild, chimerical nature. If he wished employment for the 
 
 1 TJarroH, Asia, decad. 1, lib. iii. cap. 2. 
 
 2 VascouctioH, Villa del Hey L)ou jua.i II., lib. iv.
 
 46 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 active valor of the nation, the war in which he was engaged 
 against tin- Moors of larb:ir\ was sulliciciit. wherein his triumphs 
 were of solid advantage, tending to cripple and enfeeble those 
 neighlKH'ing foes, who had proved themselves so dangerous 
 when ixjssessed of power." 
 
 This cool and cautious speech of the Bishop of Ceuta, directed 
 against enterprises which were the glory of the Portuguese, 
 touched the national pride of Don Pedro de Meneses, Count of 
 Villa Heal, and drew from him a lofty and patriotic reply. It 
 has been said by an historian that this reply was in support of 
 the proposition of Columbus ; but that does not clearly appear. 
 He may have treated the proposal with respect, but his eloquence 
 was employed for those enterprises in which the Portuguese 
 were already engaged. 
 
 " Portugal," he ol>served, " was not in its infancy, nor were 
 its princes so poor as to lack means to engage in discoveries. 
 Even granting that those proposed by Columbus were conjec- 
 tural, why should they abandon those commenced by their late 
 Prince Henry, on such solid foundations, and prosecuted with 
 such happy prospects ? Crowns," heobserved, " enriched them- 
 selves by commerce, fortified themselves by alliance, and 
 acquired empires by conquest. The views of a nation could 
 not always be the same; they extended with its opulence and 
 prosi>erity. Portugal was at peace with all the princes of 
 Europe. It had nothing to fear from engaging in an extensive 
 enterprise. It would be the greatest glory for Portuguese valor 
 to penetrate into the secrets and horrors of the ocean sea. so 
 formidable to the other nations of the world. Thus occupied, it 
 would escape the idleness engendered in a long interval of peace 
 idleness, that source of vice, that silent file, which, little by 
 little, wore away the strength and valor of a nation. It was 
 an affront," he added, "to the Portuguese name to menace it 
 with imaginary perils, when it had proved itself so intrepid in 
 encountering those which were most certain and tremendous. 
 Great souls were formed for great enterprises. He wondered 
 much that a prelate, so religious as the Bishop of Centa. should 
 oppose this undertaking; the ultimate object of which was to 
 augment the Catholic faith, and spread it from )x>le to pole ; 
 i ell. -ding glory on the Portuguese nation, and yielding empire 
 and lasting fame to its princes." He concluded by declaring 
 that, "although a soldier, he dared to prognosticate, with a 
 \oi.-c and spirit as if from heaven, to whatever prince should 
 achieve this enterprise, more happy success and durable renown 
 than had ever been obtained by sovereign the most valorous and
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 47 
 
 fortunate." 1 The warm and generous eloquence of the count 
 overpowered the cold-spirited reasonings of the bishop as far as 
 the project of circumnavigating Africa was concerned, which 
 was prosecuted with new ardor and triumphant success : the 
 proposition of Columbus, however, was generally condemned by 
 the council. 
 
 Seeing that King John still manifested an inclination for the 
 enterprise, it was suggested to him by the Bishop of Ceuta that 
 Columbus might be kept in suspense while a vessel secretly 
 despatched in the direction he should point out might ascertain 
 whether there were any foundation for his theory. By this 
 means all its advantages might be secured, without committing 
 the dignity of the crown by formal negotiations about what 
 might prove a mere chimera. King John, in an evil hour, had 
 the weakness to permit a stratagem so inconsistent with his 
 usual justice and magnanimity. Columbus was required to 
 furnish for the consideration of the council a detailed plan of 
 his proposed voyage, with the charts and documents according 
 to which he intended to shape his course. These being pro- 
 cured, a caravel was despatched with the ostensible design of 
 carrying provisions to the Cape de Verde islands, but with pri- 
 vate instructions to pursue the designated route. Departing 
 from those islands the caravel stood westward for several days, 
 until the weather became stormy ; when the pilots, seeing noth- 
 ing but an immeasurable waste of wild, tumbling waves still 
 extending before them, lost all courage and put back, ridiculing 
 the project of Columbus as extravagant and irrational. 2 
 
 This unworthy attempt to defraud him of his enterprise 
 roused the indignation of Columbus, and he declined all offers 
 of King John to renew the negotiation. The death of his wife, 
 which had occurred some time previously, had dissolved the 
 domestic tie which bound him to Portugal ; he determined, there- 
 fore, to abandon a country where he had been treated with so 
 little faith, and to look elsewhere for patronage. Before his 
 departure, he engaged his brother Bartholomew to carry pro- 
 posals to the King of England, though he does not appear to 
 have entertained great hope from that quarter ; England by no 
 means possessing at the time the spirit of nauticul enterprise 
 which has since distinguished her. The great reliance of Co- 
 lumbus was on his own personal exertions. 
 
 It was toward the end of 1484 that he left Lisbon, taking with 
 him his son Diego. His departure had to be conducted with 
 
 1 Vasconcelow, lib. iv. La Clede, Hint. Portugal, lib. xiii. torn. iii. 
 
 2 Hist, del Aliuiraute, cap. 8. ilerrera, decad. 1, lib. i. cap. 7.
 
 48 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 secrecy, lest, as some assert, it should be prevented by King 
 John : but lest, as others surmise, it should be prevented by his 
 creditors. 1 Like many other great projectors, while enured 
 upon schemes of vast benefit to mankind, he had suffered his 
 own affairs to go to ruin, and was reduced to struggle hard 
 with poverty ; nor is it one of the least interesting cijrcuntttancea 
 in his eventful life, that he had, in a manner, to beg his w:iy 
 from court to court, to offer to princes the discovery of a world. 
 
 1 Thin Rurmixe is founded on a letter from King John to Columbus, written some 
 iflerwiird, inviting him to return lo Portugal, and iiiMiiini: him aiMinxt arrest on 
 account of any procesit, civil or ciimiual, which might be peudhig ugaiubt him. bee 
 KavarreU-, Collec. torn. ii. due. 3.
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF COLUMBUS AFTER LEAVING PORTUGAL HIS 
 
 APPLICATIONS IN SPAIN CHARACTERS OF FERDINAND AND 
 
 ISABELLA. 
 
 [1485.] 
 
 THE immediate movements of Columbus on leaving Portugal 
 are involved in uncertainty. Jt is said that about this time 
 he made a proposition of his enterprise, in person, as he had 
 formerly done by letter, to the government of Genoa. The 
 republic, however, was in a languishing decline, and embar- 
 rassed by a foreign war. Caffa, her great deposit in the Cri- 
 mea, had fallen into the hands of the Turks, and her flag was on 
 the point of being driven from the Archipelago. Her spirit 
 was broken with her fortunes ; for with nations, as with individ- 
 uals, enterprise is the child of prosperity, and is apt to languish 
 in evil days when there is most need of its exertion. Thus 
 Genoa, disheartened by her reverses, shut her ears to the prop- 
 osition of Columbus, which might have elevated her to tenfold 
 splendor, and perpetuated within her grasp the golden wand of 
 commerce. While at Genoa, Columbus is said to have made 
 arrangements out of his scanty means for the comfort of his 
 aged father. Tt is also affirmed that about this time he carried 
 his proposal to Venice, where it was declined on account of the 
 critical state of national affairs. This, however, is merely 
 traditional, and unsupported by documentary evidence. The 
 first firm and indisputable trace we have of Columbus after leav- 
 ing Portugal is in the south of Spain, in 1485, where we find 
 him seeking his fortune among the Spanish nobles, several of 
 whom had vast possessions, and exercised almost independent 
 sovereignty in their domains. 
 
 Foremost among these were the dukes of Medina Sidonia 
 and Medina Cell, who had estates like principalities lying along 
 
 49
 
 50 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 the seacoast, with ports and shipping and hosts of retainers at 
 tlirir command. They served the crown in its Moorish wars 
 more us allied princes than as vassals, bringing armies into the 
 Held led by themselves, or by captains of their own appoint- 
 ment. Their domestic establishments were on almost a regal 
 scale; their palaces were lilled with persons of merit, and young 
 cavaliers of noble birth, to be reared under their auspices, in 
 the exercise of arts and arms. 
 
 Columbus had many interviews with the Duke of Medina 
 Sidonia, who was tempted for a time by the splendid prospects 
 held out ; but their very splendor threw a coloring of improba- 
 bility over the enterprise, and he finally rejected it as the dream 
 of an Italian visionary. 
 
 The Duke of Medina Celi was likewise favorable at the outset. 
 He entertained Columbus for some time in his house, and was 
 actually on the point of granting him three or four caravels 
 which lay ready for sea in his harbor of Port St. Mary, oppo- 
 site Cadiz, when he suddenly changed his mind, deterred by the 
 consideration that the enterprise, if successful, would involve 
 discoveries too important to be grasped by any but a sovereign 
 power, and that the Spanish government might be displeased at 
 his undertaking it on his own account. Finding, however, that 
 Columbus intended to make his next application to the King of 
 France, and loath that an enterprise of such importance should 
 be lost to Spain, the duke wrote to Queen Isabella recommend- 
 ing it strongly to her attention. The queen made a favorable 
 reply, and requested that Columbus might be sent to her. He 
 accordingly set out for the Spanish court, then at Cordova, 
 bearing a letter to the queen from the duke, soliciting that, in 
 case the expedition should be carried into effect, he might have 
 a share in it, and the fitting out of the armament from his port 
 of St. Mary, as a recompense for having waived the enterprise 
 in favor of the crown." l 
 
 The time when Columbus thus sought his fortunes at the 
 court of Spain coincided with one of the most brilliant periods 
 of the Spanish monarchy. The union of the kingdoms of Arra- 
 gon and Castile, by the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, had 
 consolidated the Christian power in the Peninsula, and put an 
 
 1 Letter of the Duke of Medina Celi to the grand cardinal. Navarrete, Collect, vol. 
 
 u. ].. 'JO. 
 
 N.H. In the previous editions of this work, the first trace we have of Columbus in 
 Spain in at the ijate of the convent of La Itahida, in Amlaluxia. Subsequent inve-tiiM- 
 ticiiiH have induced me to conform to the opinion of the Indefatigable and accurate 
 Navarrete, uiven in hi third volume of documents, that lh<; tir-t trace of ('nlumUis in 
 Spain was his applicali.in lo tin- Mukes of Medina Sido'iia and Mediua Celi, and that hi* 
 iuit to the convent of La Ituuidu wan some few yearn subsequent.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 51 
 
 end to those internal feuds which had so long distracted the 
 country, and insured the domination of the Moslems. The 
 whole force of united Spain was now exerted in the chivalrous 
 enterprise of the Moorish conquest. The Moors, who had once 
 spread over the whole country like an inundation, were now pent 
 up within the mountain boundaries of the kingdom of Granada. 
 The victorious armies of Ferdinand and Isabella were continu- 
 ally advancing, and pressing this fierce 1 people within narrower 
 limits. Under these sovereigns, the various petty kingdoms of 
 Spain began to feel and act as one nation, and to rise to eminence 
 in arts as well as arms. Ferdinand and Isabella, it has been re 
 marked, lived together not like man and wife, whose estates ar* 
 common, under the orders of the husband, but like two monaicha 
 strictly allied. l They had separate claims to sovereignty in vir- 
 tue of their respective kingdoms ; they had separate councils, and 
 were often distant from each other in different parts of their em- 
 pire, each exercising the royal authority. Yet they were so hap- 
 pily united by common views, common interests, and a great 
 deference for each other, that this double administration never 
 prevented a unity of purpose and of action. All acts of sover- 
 eignty were executed in both their names ; all public writings 
 were subscribed with both their signatures ; their likenesses were 
 stamped together on the public coin ; and the royal seal dis- 
 played the united arms of Castile and Arragon. 
 
 Ferdinand was of the middle stature, well proportioned, and 
 hardy and active from athletic exercise. His carriage was free, 
 erect, and majestic: He had a clear^ serene forehead, which 
 appeared more lofty from his head being partly bald. His eye- 
 brows were large and parted, and, like his hair, of a bright 
 chestnut ; his eyes were clear and animated ; his complexion 
 was somewhat ruddy, and scorched by the toils of war ; his 
 mouth moderate, well formed, and gracious in its expression ; 
 his teeth white, though small and irregular ; his voice sharp ; 
 his speech quick and fluent. His genius was clear and compre- 
 hensive ; his judgment grave and certain. He was simple in 
 dress and diet, equable in his temper, devout in his re- 
 ligion, and so indefatigable in business, that it was said he 
 seemed to repose himself by working. He was a great observer 
 and judge of men, and unparalleled in the science of the cabi- 
 net. Such is the picture given of him by the Spanish historians 
 of his time. It has been added, however, that he had more of 
 bigotry than religion ; that his ambition was craving rather than 
 
 1 Voltaire, Essai sur les Moeurs, etc.
 
 52 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 magnanimous ; that he made war less like a paladin than a 
 prince, less for glory than for mere dominion ; and that his 
 policy was cold, selfish, and artful. He was called the wise 
 and prudent in Spain; in Italy, the pious; in France and K up- 
 land, the ambitious and perfidious. 1 He certainly was one of 
 the most subtle statesmen, but one of the most thorough egotists 
 that ever sat upon a throne. 
 
 While giving his picture, it may not l>e deemed impertinent 
 to sketch the fortunes of a monarch whose policy had such 
 an effect upon the history of Columbus and the destinies of 
 the New World. Success attended all his measures. Though 
 a younger son, he had ascended the throne of Arragon by in- 
 heritance ; Castile he obtained by marriage ; Granada and 
 Naples by conquest; and he seized upon Navarre as appertain- 
 ing to any one who could take possession of it, when Tope Ju- 
 lius II. excommunicated its sovereigns, Juan and Catalina. and 
 gave their throne to the first occupant. 2 He sent his forces 
 into Africa, and subjugated or reduced to vassalage Tunis, 
 Tripoli, Algiers, and most of the Barbary powers. A new 
 world was also given to him, without cost, by the discoveries 
 of Columbus, for the expense of the enterprise was borne exclu- 
 sively by his consort Isabella. He had three objects at heart 
 from the commencement of his reign, which he pursued with 
 bigoted and persecuting zeal : the conquest of the Moors, the 
 expulsion of the Jews, and the establishment of the Inquisition 
 in his dominions. He accomplished them all. and was re- 
 warded by Pope Innocent VIII. with the appellation of Most 
 Catholic Majesty a title which his successors have tenaciously 
 retained. 
 
 Contemporary writers have been enthusiastic in their descrip- 
 tions of Isabella, but time has sanctioned their eulogies. She is 
 one of the purest and most beautiful characters in the pages of 
 history. She was well formed, of the middle size, with great 
 dignity and gracefulness of deportment, and a mingled gravity 
 and sweetnessof demeanor. Her complexion was fair; her hair 
 auburn, inclining to red ; her eyes were of a clear blue, with a 
 benign expression, and there was a singular modesty in her 
 countenance, gracing, as it did, a wonderful firmness of purpose 
 and earnestness of spirit. Though strongly attached to her hus- 
 band and studious of his fame, yet she always maintained her 
 distinct rights as an allied prince. She exceeded him in beauty, 
 
 1 Voltaire, Eai ir les Mceurs, etc., ch.14. 
 
 * I'edro Salazar di Mendoza, Monarq. de Ep. lib. iti. cap, S. (Madrid, 17*0, torn 
 i. p. 40-J.) Uonzulo do llleacaa, IIUi. IVif if., lib. vi. cap. 23, 3.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 53 
 
 in personal dignity, in acuteness of genius, and in grandeur of 
 soul. 1 Combining the active and resolute qualities of man with 
 the softer charities of woman, she mingled in the warlike coun- 
 cils of her husband, engaged personally in his enterprises, 2 and 
 in some instances surpassed him in the firmness and intrepidity 
 of her measures ; while, being inspired with a truer idea of 
 glory, she infused a more lofty and generous temper into his 
 3tibtle and calculating policy. 
 
 It is in the civil history of their reign, however, that the char- 
 acter of Isabella shines most illustrious. Her fostering and 
 maternal care was continually directed to reform the laws, and 
 heal the ills engendered by a long course of internal wars. !She 
 loved her people, and while diligently seeking their good, she 
 mitigated, as much as possible, the harsh measures of her hus- 
 band, directed to the same end, but inflamed by a mistaken 
 zeal. Thus,. though almost bigoted in her piety, and perhaps 
 too much under the influence of ghostly advisers, still she was 
 hostile to every measure calculated to advance religion at the 
 expense of humanity. She strenuously opposed the expulsion of 
 the Jews and the establishment of the Inquisition, though, unfor- 
 tunately for Spain, her repugnance was slowly vanquished by 
 her confessors. She was always an advocate for clemency to the 
 Moors, although she was the soul of the war against Granada. 
 She considered that war essential to protect the Christian faith, 
 and to relieve her subjects from fierce and formidable enemies. 
 While all her public thoughts and acts were princely and august, 
 her private habits were simple, frugal, and unostentatious. In 
 the intervals of state business, she assembled round her the 
 ablest men in literature and science, and directed herself by 
 their counsels, in promoting letters and arts. Through her pat- 
 ronage, Salamanca rose to that height which it assumed among 
 the learned institutions of the age. She promoted the distribu- 
 tion of honors and rewards for the promulgation of knowledge ; 
 she fostered the art of printing recently invented, and encour- 
 aged the establishment of presses in every part of the kingdom ; 
 books were admitted free of all duty, and more, we are told, 
 were printed in Spain, at that early period of the art, than in 
 the present literary age. 8 
 
 It is wonderful how much the destinies of countries depend 
 at times upon the virtues of individuals, and how it is given to 
 
 1 Garibay, Hist, de Espana, torn. ii. lib. xviii. cap. I. 
 
 * Several suits of armor ciip-a-pie, worn by Isabella, and still preserved in thi 
 royal arsenal at Madrid, show that she was exposed to personal danger iu her cam- 
 paigns. 
 
 3 Elo;;io de la ReiuaCatholica, por Diego C'leiueueiu. Madrid, 1821.
 
 64 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 great spirits by combining, exciting, and directing the latent 
 powers of :i nation, to stamp it, as it were, with their own great- 
 IK--.S. Such brings realize the idea of guardian angels, appointed 
 liy Heaven to watch over the destinies of empires. Sueli had 
 been Prince Henry for the kingdom of Portugal ; and such was 
 now for Spain the illustrious Isabella. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 COLUMBUS AT THE COURT OF SPAIN. 
 
 Columbus arrived at Cordova he was given in charge 
 to Alonzo de (^uintanilla, comptroller of the treasury of Cas- 
 tile, but was disappointed in his expectation of receiving im- 
 mediate audience from the queen. He found the'city in all the 
 bustle of military preparation. It was a critical juncture of 
 the war. The rival kings of Granada, Muley, Boalxlil the 
 uncle, and Mohammed Boalxlil the nephew, had just formed a 
 coalition, and their league called for prompt and vigorous 
 measures. 
 
 All the chivalry of Spain had been summoned to the field ; 
 the streets of Cordova echoed to the tramp of steed and sound 
 of trumpet, as day by day the nobles arrived with their re- 
 tainers, vying with each other in the number of their troops 
 and the splendor of their appointments. The court was like a 
 military camp ; the king and queen were surrounded by the 
 flower of Spanish chivalry; by those veteran cavaliers who had 
 distinguished themselves in so many hardy conflicts with the 
 Moors, and by the prelates and friars who mingled in martial 
 council, and took deep interest and agency in this war of the 
 Faith. 
 
 This was an unpropitious moment to urge a suit like that of 
 Columbus. In fact the sovereigns had not a moment of leisure 
 throughout this eventful year. Early in the spring, the king 
 marched off to lay siege to the Moorish city of Loxa ; and 
 though the queen remained at Cordova, she was continually 
 employed in forwarding troops and supplies to the army, and, 
 at the same time, attending to the multiplied exigencies of 
 civil government. On the 12th of June she repaired to the 
 camp, then engaged in the siege of Moclin, and l>oth sovereigns 
 remained for some time in the Vega of Granada, prosecuting 
 the war with unremitting vigor. They had barely returned t3
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 55 
 
 Cordova to celebrate their victories by public rejoicings, when 
 they were obliged to set out for Gallicia, to suppress a rebel- 
 lion of the Count of Lemos. Thence they repaired to Sala- 
 manca for the winter. 
 
 During the summer and autumn of this year Columbus re- 
 mained at Cordova, a guest in the house of Alonzo de Quinta- 
 nilla, who proved a warm advocate of his theory. Through 
 his means he became acquainted with Antonio Geraldini, the 
 pope's nuncio, and his brother Alexander Geraldini, precep- 
 tor to the younger children of Ferdinand and Isabella ; both 
 valuable friends about court. Wherever he obtained a candid 
 hearing from intelligent auditors, the dignity of his manners, 
 his earnest sincerity, the elevation of his views, and the practi- 
 cal shrewdness of his demonstrations, commanded respect even 
 where they failed to produce conviction. 
 
 While thus lingering in idle suspense in Cordova, he became 
 attached to a lady of the city, Beatrix Euriquez by name, of 
 a noble family, though in reduced circumstances. Their con- 
 nection was not sanctioned by marriage ; yet he cherished 
 sentiments of respect and tenderness for her to his dying day. 
 She was the mother of his second son, Fernando, born in the 
 following year (1487), whom he always treated on terms of per- 
 fect equality with his legitimate son Diego, and who, after his 
 death, became his historian. 
 
 In the winter Columbus followed the court to Salamanca. 
 Here his zealous friend, Alonzo de Quintanilla, exerted his in- 
 fluence to obtain for him the countenance of the celebrated 
 Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, Archbishop of Toledo, and Grand 
 Cardinal of Spain. This was the most important personage 
 about the court ; and was facetiously called by Peter Martyr, 
 the " third king of Spain." The king and queen had him al- 
 ways v by their side in peace and war. He accompanied them 
 in their campaigns, and they never took any measure of con- 
 sequence without consulting him. He was a man of sound 
 judgment and quick intellect, eloquent in conversation, and 
 able in the despatch of business. His appearance was lofty and 
 venerable ; he was simple yet curiously nice in his apparel, and 
 of gracious and gentle deportment. Though an elegant scholar, 
 yet, like many learned men of his day, he was but little skilled 
 in cosmography. When the theory of Columbus was first 
 mentioned to him, it struck him as involving heterodox opin- 
 ions, incompatible with the form of the earth as described in 
 the Sacred Scriptures. Further explanations had their force 
 with a man of his quick apprehension and sound sense. He
 
 56 LIFE OF CllIUSTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 
 
 perceived Hint :it any rate there could be nothing irreligious in 
 attempting to extend the hounds of human knowledge, and to 
 a-.vrtain tin' works of creation : his scruples once removed. In' 
 permitted Columbus to be introduced to him, and gave him a 
 courteous reception. The latter knew the importance of his 
 auditor, and that a conference with the grand cardinal was al- 
 most equivalent to a communication with the throne ; he 
 exerted himself to the utmost, therefore, to explain and demon- 
 strate his proposition. The clear-headed cardinal listened with 
 profound attention. He was pleased with the noble and earnest 
 mnuner of Columbus, which showed him to be no common 
 schemer ; he felt the grandeur, and, at the same time, the sim- 
 plicity of his theory, and the force of many of the arguments 
 by which it was supported. He determined that it was a mat- 
 ter highly worthy of the consideration of the sovereigns, and 
 through his representations Columbus at length obtained ad- 
 mission to the royal presence. 1 
 
 We have but scanty particulars of this audience, nor can we 
 ascertain whether (Juecn Isabella was present on the occasion; 
 the contrary seems to be most probably the case. Columbus 
 appeared in the royal presence with modesty, yet self-possession, 
 neither dazzled nor daunted by the splendor of the court or the aw- 
 ful majesty of the throne. He unfolded his plan with eloquence 
 and zeal, for he felt himself, as he afterward declared, kindled 
 as with a fire from on high, and considered himself the agent 
 chosen by Heaven to accomplish its grand designs. 2 
 
 Ferdinand was too keen a judge of men not to appreciate the 
 character of Columbus. He perceived that, however soaring 
 miidit be his imagination, and vast and visionary his views, his 
 scheme had scientific and practh-al foundation. His ambition 
 was excited by the possibility of discoveries far more important 
 than those which had shed such glory upon Portugal ; and per- 
 haps it was not the least recommendation of the entcrprisv to 
 this subtle and grasping monarch, that, if successful, it would 
 enable him to forestall that rival nation in the fruits of their 
 long and arduous struggle, and by opening a direct course to 
 India across the ocean, to bear off from them the monopoly Of 
 Oriental commerce. 
 
 Still as usual. Ferdinand was cool and wary, and would not 
 trust his own judgment in a matter that involved so many 
 principles of science. He determined to take the opinion of the 
 most learned men in the kingdom, and to be guided by their 
 
 Ovit-clo, lili. il. cap. 4. Salaznr, Cron. O. Cardinal, lib. 1. cap. O'J. 
 * Letter to the Sovereigns iu 1501.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 57 
 
 decision. Fernando de Talavera, prior of the monastery of 
 Prado and confessor of the queen, one of the most erudite men 
 of Spain, and high in the royal confidence, was commanded to 
 assemble the most learned astronomers and cosmographers for 
 the purpose of holding a conference with Columbus, and examin- 
 ing him as to the grounds on which he founded his proposition. 
 After they had informed themselves fully on the subject, they 
 rvere to consult together and make a report to the sovereign of 
 iheir collective opinion. 1 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 COLUMBUS BEFORE THE COUNCIL AT SALAMANCA. 
 
 [1480.] 
 
 THE interesting conference relative to the proposition of 
 Columbus took place in Salamanca, the great seat of learning in 
 Spain. Jt was held in the Dominican convent of St. Stephen, 
 in which he was lodged and entertained with great hospitality 
 during the course of the examination. 2 
 
 Religion and science were at that time, and more especially in 
 that country, closely associated. The treasures of learning were 
 immured in monasteries, and the professors' chairs were exclu- 
 sively filled from the cloister. The domination of the clergy 
 extended over the state as well as the church, and posts of honor 
 and influence at court, with the exception of hereditary nobles, 
 were almost entirely confined to ecclesiastics. It was even com- 
 mon to find cardinals and bishops in helm and corselet at the 
 head of armies ; for the crosier had been occasionally thrown by 
 for the lance, during the holy war against the Moors. The era 
 was distinguished for the revival of learning, but still more for 
 the prevalence of religious zeal, and Spain surpassed all other 
 countries in Christendom in the fervor of her devotion. The 
 Inquisition had just been established in that kingdom, and every 
 opinion that savored of heresy made its owner obnoxious to 
 odium and persecution. 
 
 Such was the period when a council of clerical sages was 
 convened in the collegiate convent of St. Stephen, to investigate 
 the new theory of Columbus. It was composed of professors 
 
 1 Hist, del Almiraute, cap. xi. 2 Hist, de Chiapa por Remesaf, lib. 5. cap, 27.
 
 58 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 of astronomy, geography, mathematics, and other branches of 
 seiemv, together with various dignitaries of the church, and 
 learned friars. Before this erudite assembly. Columbus pre- 
 sented himself to propound and defend his conclusions. He 
 Had been scoffed at as a visionary by the vulgar and the ignorant ; 
 but he was convinced that he only required a body of enlightened 
 men to listen dispassionately to his reasonings, to insure tri- 
 umphant conviction. 
 
 The greater part of this learned junto, it is very probable, 
 came prepossessed against him, as men in place and dignity are 
 apt to be against poor applicants. There is always a proneness 
 to consider a man under examination as a kind of delinquent, or 
 impostor, whose faults and errors are to be detected and ex- 
 posed. Columbus, too, appeared in a most unfavorable light 
 before a scholastic body : an obscure navigator, a member of no 
 learned institution, destitute of all the trappings and circum- 
 stances which sometimes give oracular authority to dulness, and 
 depending upon the mere force of natural genius. Some of the 
 junto entertained the popular notion that he was an adventurer, 
 or at best a visionary ; and others had that morbid impatience of 
 any innovation upon established doctrine, which is apt to grow 
 upon dull and pedantic men in cloistered life. 
 
 What a striking spectacle must the hall of the old convent 
 have presented at this memorable conference ! A simple mari- 
 ner, standing forth in the midst of an imposing array of pro- 
 fessors, friars, and dignitaries of the church ; maintaining his 
 theory with natural eloquence, and, as it were, pleading the 
 cause of the New World. We are told that when he began to state 
 the grounds of his belief, the friars of St. Stephen alone paid at- 
 tention to him ; J that convent being more learned in the sciences 
 than the rest of the university. The others appear to have 
 intrenched themselves behind one dogged position: thai, after 
 so many profound philosophers and cosmographers had been 
 studying the form of the world, and so many able navigators 
 had been sailing about it for several thousand years, it was great 
 presumption in an ordinary man to suppose that there remained 
 such a vast discovery for him to make/] 
 
 Several of the objections proposed t5y this learned body have 
 been handed down to us, and have provoked many a sneer at the 
 expense of the univensity of Salamanca ; but they are proofs, not 
 BO much of the peculiar deficiency of that institution, as of the 
 imperfect state of science at the time, and the manner in which 
 
 1 Ilemesal, Hist, de Chiapa, lib. \i. cap. 7.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 59 
 
 knowledge, though rapidly extending, was still impeded in its 
 progress by monastic bigotry. All subjects were still contem- 
 plated through the obscure medium of those ages when the lights 
 of antiquity were trampled out and faith was left to fill the place 
 of inquiry. Bewildered in a maze of religious controversy, man- 
 kind had retraced their steps, and receded from the boundary 
 line of ancient knowledge. Thus, at the very threshold of the 
 discussion, instead of geographical objections, Columbus was 
 assailed with citations from the Bible and the Testament : the 
 book of Genesis, the psalms of David, the prophets, the 
 epistles, and the gospels. To these were added the expositions 
 of various saints and reverend commentators : St. Chrysostom 
 and St. Augustine, St. Jerome and St. Gregory, St. Basil and St. 
 Ambrose, and Lactantius Firmianus, a redoubted champion of 
 the faith. Doctrinal points were mixed up with philosophical 
 discussions, and a mathematical demonstration was allowed no 
 weight, if it appeared to clash with_a text of Scripture or a com- 
 mentary of one of the fathers. Thus the possibility of antip- 
 odes, in the southern hemisphere, an opinion so generally 
 maintained by the wisest of the ancients as to be pronounced by 
 Pliny the great contest between the learned and the ignorant, 
 became a stumbling-block with some of the sages of Salamanca. 
 Several of them stoutly contradicted this fundamental position 
 of Columbus, supporting themselves by quotations from Lactan- 
 tius and St. Augustine, who were considered in those days as 
 almost evangelical authority.^ But, though these writers were 
 men of consummate erudition, and two of the greatest luminaries 
 of what has been called, the golden age of ecclesiastical learning, 
 yet their writings were calculated to perpetuate darkness in 
 respect to the sciences. 
 
 The passage cited from Lactantius to confute Columbus is in 
 a strain of gross ridicule, unworthy of so grave a theologian. 
 " Is there any one so foolish," he asks, " as to believe that there 
 are antipodes with their feet opposite to ours : people who walk 
 with their heels upward, and their heads hanging down ? That 
 there is a part of the world in which all things are topsy-turvy ; 
 where the trees grow with their branches downward, and where it 
 rains, hails, and snows upward ? The idea of the roundness 
 of the earth," he adds, " was the cause of inventing this fable 
 of the antipodes, with their heels in the air ; for these philoso- 
 phers, having once erred, go on in their absurdities, defending 
 one with another." 
 
 Objections of a graver nature were advanced on the authority 
 of St. Augustine. He pronounces the doctrine of antipodes
 
 CO LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 to he incompatible with the historical foundations of onr faith ; 
 since, to assert that there were inhabited lands on the opposite 
 side of the globe would be to maintain that then- were nations 
 not descended from Adam, it being impossible for them to have 
 passed the intervening ocean. This would be, therefore, to 
 discredit the Bible, which expressly declares that all men are 
 descended from one common parent. 
 
 Such were the unlocked for prejudices which Columbus had 
 to encounter at the very outset of his conference, and whk-h 
 certainly relish more of the convent then the university. To 
 his- simplest proposition, the spherical form of the earth, were 
 opposed figurative texts of Scripture. They observed that in 
 the Psalms the heavens are said to be extended like a hide, 1 
 that is, according to commentators, the curtain or covering of 
 a tent, which, among the ancient pastoral nations, was formed 
 of the hides of animals ; and that St. Paul, in his Epistle to 
 the Hebrews, compares the heavens to a tabernacle, or tent, ex- 
 tended over the earth, which they thence inferred must be flat. 
 
 Columbus, who was a devoutly religious man, found that he 
 was in danger of being convicted not merely of error, but of 
 heterodox}'. Others more versed in science admitted the glob- 
 ular form of the earth, and the possibility of an opposite and 
 habitable hemisphere ; but they brought up the chimera of the 
 ancients, and maintained that it would be impossible to arrive 
 there, in consequence of the insupportable heat of the torrid 
 zone. Even granting this could be passed, they ol>serve that 
 the circumference of the earth must l so great as to require 
 at least three years to the voyage, and those who should under- 
 take it must perish of hunger and thirst, from the impossibility 
 of carrying provisions for so long a period. He was told, on 
 the authority of Epicurus, that, admitting the earth to be 
 spherical, it was only inhabitable in the northern hemisphere, 
 and in that section only was canopied by the heavens ; that the 
 opposite half was a chaos, a gulf, or a mere waste of water. 
 Not the least absurd objection advanced was, that should a ship 
 even succeed in reaching, in this way, the extremity of India, 
 she could never get back again ; for the rotundity of the glolxj 
 would present a kind of mountain, up which it would l>e im- 
 possible for her to sail with the most favorable winds. - 
 
 Such are specimens of the errors and prejudices, the mingled 
 ignorance and erudition, and the pedantic bigotry, with which 
 
 1 Ex tendons ccelum sicut pellem. Psalm 103. In the English tranaUUou it is Psalm 
 104. ver. 3. 
 
 ' iliBt. del Almirante. cap. 11.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 61 
 
 Columbus had to contend throughout the examination of his 
 theory. Can we wonder at the difficulties and delays which he 
 experienced at courts, when such vague and crude notions were 
 entertained by the learned men of a university ? We must not 
 suppose, however, because the objections here cited are all 
 which remain on record, that they are all which were advanced ; 
 these only have been perpetuated on account of their superior 
 absurdity. They were probably advanced by but few, and those 
 persons immersed in theological studies, in cloistered retirement, 
 wliere the erroneous opinions derived from books had little 
 opportunity of being corrected by the experience of the day. 
 
 There were no doubt objections advanced more cogent in 
 their nature, and more worthy of that distinguished university. 
 It is but justice to add, also, that the replies of Columbus had 
 great weight with many of his learned examiners. In answer 
 to the scriptural objections, he submitted that the inspired 
 writers were not speaking technically as cosmographers, but 
 figuratively, in language addressed to all comprehensions. The 
 commentaries of the fathers he treated with deference as pious 
 homilies, but not as philosophical propositions which it? was 
 necessary either to admit or refute. The objections drawn 
 from ancient philosophers he met boldly and ably upon equal 
 terms ; for he was deeply studied on all points of cosmography. 
 He showed that the most illustrious of those sages believed 
 both hemispheres to be inhabitable, though they imagined that 
 the torrid zone precluded communications ; and he obviated con- 
 clusively that difficult} 7 , for he had voyaged to St. George la 
 Mina in Guinea, almost under the equinoctial line, and had 
 found that region not merely traversable, but abounding in 
 populatiop, in fruits and pasUirage. 
 
 When Columbus took his stand before this learned body, he 
 had appeared the plain and simple navigator ; somewhat daunted, 
 perhaps, by the greatness of his task and the august nature of 
 his auditory. But he had a degree of religious feeling which 
 gave him a confidence in the execution of what he conceived 
 his great errand, and he was of an ardent temperament that 
 became heated in action by its own generous fires. Las Casas, 
 and others of his contemporaries, have spoken of his command- 
 ing person, his elevated demeanor, his air of authority, his 
 kindling eye, and the persuasive intonations of his voice. How 
 must they have given majesty and force to his words, as, 
 casting aside his maps and charts, and discarding for a time his 
 practical and scientific lore, his visionary spirit took fire at the 
 doctrinal objections of his opponents, and he met them upon
 
 62 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 their own ground, pouring forth those magnificent texts of 
 Seripture, ami those- mysterious predictions of the prophets, 
 which, in his enthusiastic moments, he considered as types and 
 annunciations of the sublime discovery which he pressed ! 
 
 Among the numl>er who were convinced by the reasoning, 
 and wanned by the eloquence of Columbus, was Diego de 
 De/.a, a worthy and learned friar of the order of St. DominSek, 
 at that time professor of theology at the convent of St. Stephen, 
 but who became afterward Archbishop of Seville, the second 
 ecclesiastical dignitary of Spain. This able and erudite divine 
 was a man whose mind was above the narrow bigotry of lxx>k- 
 ish lore ; one who could appreciate the value of wisdom even 
 when uttered by unlearned lips. He was not a mere passive 
 auditor : he took a generous interest in the cause, and by sec- 
 onding Columbus with all his powers, calmed the blind zeal of 
 his more bigoted brethren so as to obtain for him a dispassion- 
 ate, if not an unprejudiced, hearing. By their united efforts, it 
 is said, they brought over the most learned men of the schools. 1 
 One great difficulty was to reconcile the plan of Columbus with 
 the cosmography of Ptolemy, to which all scholars yielded im- 
 plicit faith. How would the most enlightened of those I 
 have been astonished, had any one apprised them that the man, 
 Copernicus, was then in existence, whose solar system should 
 reverse the grand theory of Ptolemy, which stationed the earth 
 in the centre of the universe ! 
 
 Notwithstanding every exertion, however, there was a pre- 
 ponderating mass of inert bigotry and learned pride in this 
 erudite body, which refused to yield to the demonstrations of 
 an obscure foreigner, without fortune or connections, or any 
 academic honors. " It was requisite," says Las Casas. ' before 
 Columbus could make his solutions and reasonings understood, 
 that he should remove from his auditors those erroneous prin- 
 ciples on which their objections were founded; a task always 
 more difficult than that of teaching the doctrine." Occasional 
 conferences took place, but without producing any decision. 
 The ignorant, or what is worse, the prejudiced, remained obsti- 
 nate in their opjmsition, with the dogged perseverance of dull 
 men; the more liberal and intelligent felt little interest in dis- 
 cussions wearisome in themselves, and foreign to their ordinary 
 pursuits; even those who listened with approbation to the plan, 
 regarded it only as a delightful vision, full of probability and 
 promise, but one which never could be realized. Fernando de 
 
 Remeeal, Hist, de Chiapa, lib. xi. cap. 7.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 63 
 
 Talavera, to whom the matter was especially intrusted, had too 
 little esteem for it, and was too much occupied with the stir 
 and bustle of public concerns, to press it to a conclusion ; and 
 thus the inquiry experienced continual procrastination and 
 
 neglect. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FURTHER APPLICATIONS AT THE COURT OF CASTILE COLUMBUS 
 
 FOLLOWS THE COURT IN ITS CAMPAIGNS. 
 
 THE Castilian court departed from Salamanca early in the 
 spring of 1487 and repaired to Cordova, to prepare for the 
 memorable campaign against Malaga. Fernando de Talavera, 
 now Bishop of Avila, accompanied the queen as her confessor, 
 and as one of her spiritual counsellors in the concerns of the 
 war. The consultations of the board at Salamanca were inter- 
 rupted by this event, before that learned body could come to a 
 decision, and for a long time Columbus was kept in suspense, 
 vainly awaiting the report that was to decide the fate of his 
 application. 
 
 It has generally been supposed that the several years which 
 he wasted in irksome solicitation were spent in the drowsy and 
 monotonous attendance of ante-chambers ; but it appears, on the 
 contrary, that they were often passed amid scenes of peril and 
 adventure, and that, in. following up his suit, he was led into 
 some of the most striking situations of this wild, rugged, and 
 mountainous war. Several times he was summoned to attend 
 conferences in the vicinity of the sovereigns, when besieging 
 cities in the very heart of the Moorish dominions ; but the tern- 
 pest of warlike affairs which hurried the court from place to 
 place and gave it all the bustle and confusion of a camp, pre- 
 vented those conferences from taking place, and swept away 
 all concerns that were not immediately connected with the 
 war. Whenever the court had an interval of leisure and 
 repose, there would again be manifested a disposition to con- 
 sider his proposal, but the hurry and tempest would again 
 return and the question be again swept away. 
 
 The spring campaign of 1487, which took place shortly after 
 the conference at Salamanca, was full of incident and peril. 
 King Ferdinand had nearly been surprised and cut off by the 
 old Moorish monarch before Velez Malaga, and the queen and
 
 64 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 all the court at Cordova were for a time in an agony of terror 
 and suspense until assured of his safety. 
 
 When the sovereigns were subsequently encamped before the 
 city of Malaga, pressing its memorable siege, Columluis was 
 summoned to the court. He found it drawn up in it.s .silken 
 pavilions on a rising ground, commanding the fertile valley of 
 Malaga; the encampments of the warlike nobility of Spain 
 extended in a semicircle on each side, to the shores of the >t a. 
 strongly fortilied, glittering with the martial pomp of that 
 chivalrous age and nation, and closely investing that important 
 city. 
 
 The siege was protracted for several months, but the vigorous 
 defence of the Moors, their numerous stratagems, and tierce 
 and frequent sallies, allowed but little leisure in the camp. Jn 
 the course of this siege, the application of Columbus to the 
 sovereigns was nearly brought to a violent close ; a fanatic 
 Moor having attempted to assassinate Ferdinand and Isalx-lla. 
 Mistaking one of the gorgeous pavilions of the nobility for the 
 royal tent, he attacked Don Alvaro de Portugal, and Dona 
 Beatrix de Bobadilla, Marchioness of Moya, instead of the king 
 and queen. After wounding Don Alvaro dangerously, he was 
 foiled in a blow aimed at the marchioness, and immediately cut 
 to pieces by the attendants. 1 The lady here mentioned was of 
 extraordinary merit and force of character. She eventually 
 took a great interest in the suit of Columbus, ami had much 
 influence in recommending it to the queen, with whom she was 
 a particular favorite. 2 
 
 Malaga surrendered on the 18th of August, 1487. There ap- 
 pears to have been no time during its stormy siege to attend to 
 the question of Columbus, though Fernando de Talavera, the 
 Bishop of Avila, was present, as appears by his entering the 
 captured city in solemn and religious triumph. The campaign 
 being ended, the court returned to Cordova, but was almost 
 immediately driven from that city by the pestilence. 
 
 For upward of a year the court was in a state of continual 
 migration ; part of the time in Saragossa, part of the time in- 
 vading the Moorish territories by the way of Murcia, and part 
 of the time in Valladolid and Medina del Campo. Columbus 
 attended it in some of its movements, but it was vain to seek a 
 quiet and attentive hearing from a court surrounded by the din 
 of arms and continually on the march. Wearied and discour- 
 aged by these delays, he began to think of applying elsewhere 
 
 1 Pulgar, Croiiica, cap. 87. P. Martyr. * Kciralo del Buen Vaoaallo, lib. II. cap. 16.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 65 
 
 foi patronage, and appears to have commenced negotiations 
 with King John II. for a return to Portugal. He wrote to that 
 monarch on the subject, and received a letter in reply dated 
 20th of March, 1488, inviting him to return to his court, and 
 assuring him of protection from any suits of either a civil or 
 criminal nature, that might be pending against him. He 
 received also a letter from Henry VII. of England, inviting 
 him to that country, and holding out promises of encourage- 
 ment. 
 
 There must have been strong hopes, authorized about this 
 time by the conduct of the Spanish sovereigns, to induce Colum- 
 bus to neglect these invitations ; and we find ground for such a 
 supposition in a memorandum of a sum of money paid to him 
 by the treasurer Gonzalez, to enable him to comply with a 
 summons to attend the Castilian court. By the date of this 
 memorandum, the payment must have been made immediately 
 after Columbus had received the letter of the King of Portugal. 
 It would seem to have been the aim of King Ferdinand to pre- 
 vent his carrying his proposition to another and a rival mon- 
 arch, and to keep the matter in suspense, until he should have 
 leisure to examine it, and, if advisable, to carry it into opera- 
 tion. 
 
 In the spring of 1489 the long-adjourned investigation ap- 
 peared to be on the eve of taking place. Columbus was sum- 
 moned to attend a conference of learned men, to be held in the 
 city of Seville ; a royal order was issued for lodgings to be pro- 
 vided for him there ; and the magistrates of all cities and towns 
 through which he might pass, on his way, were commanded to 
 furnish accommodations gratis for himself and his attendants. 
 A provision of the kind was necessary in those days, when even 
 the present wretched establishments, called Posadas, for the 
 reception of travellers, were scarcely known. 
 
 The city of Seville complied with the royal command, but as 
 usual the appointed conference was postponed, being interrupted 
 by the opening of a campaign, " in which.," says an old chron- 
 icler of the place, " the same Columbus was found fighting, 
 giving proofs of the distinguished valor which accompanied his 
 wisdom and his lofty desires." 1 
 
 The campaign in which Columbus is here said to have borne 
 so honorable a part was one of the most glorious of the war of 
 Granada. Queen Isabella attended with all her court, including 
 as usual a stately train of prelates and friars, among whom is 
 
 1 Diego Ortiz do Zuuiga. Ann. de Sevilla, lib. xii., auno 1489, p. 404.
 
 <;; Lire OF cuiiisrni'HKit COUM/ /;rs. 
 
 particularly mentioned tin- procrastinatin'.: arbiter of the preten- 
 sions Of Colombo*, Fernando dc Talavera. Much of tin- BOOC6M 
 of tin- campaiirii is aserilted to the presence ami counsel of 
 ;la. Tin- city of I'.a/a, which was closely besieged and 
 ha<l resided valiantly for upward of six months, surrendered 
 soon after her arrival; ami on the 22d of December, Columbus 
 In-held Muley Hoabdil, the elder of the two rival kings of (Jni- 
 na.la. siinvnd'.'r in j>erson all his remaining possessions, and his 
 right to tin- TO\VIK to the Spanish sovereigns. 
 
 Diii-ini: this siege a circumstance took place which api>ears to 
 have made a deep impression on the devout and enthusiastic 
 spirit of Columbus. Two reverend friars arrived one day at 
 the Spanish camp, and requested admission to the sovereigns 
 on business of ureat moment. They were two of the brethren 
 of the convent established at the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem. 
 They brought a message from the Grand Soldan of Egypt, 
 threatening to put to death all the Christians in his dominion, 
 to lay w:uste their (-(invents and churches, and to destroy the 
 sepulchre, if the sovereigns did not desist from the war against 
 (iranada. The- menace had no effect in altering the purpose of 
 tin- sovereigns, but Isabella granted a yearly and perpetual sum 
 of one thousand ducats in gold. 1 for the support of the monks 
 who had charge of the sepulchre ; and sent a veil embroidered 
 with her own hands to be hung up at its shrine. 2 
 
 The representations of these f rial's of the sufferings and in- 
 diirnities to which Christians were subjected in the Holy Land, 
 her with the arrogant threat of the Soldan, roused the 
 pious indignation of the Spanish cavaliers, and many burned 
 with ardent /eai once more to revive the contests of the faith 
 on the sacred plains of 1'alestine. It was probably from con- 
 versation with these friars, and from the pious and chivalrous 
 /<-al thus awakened in the warrior throng around him, that Col- 
 umbus tirst conceived an enthusiastic idea, or rather made a 
 kind of mental vow. which remained more or less present to his 
 mind until the very day of his death. He determined that, 
 should his projected enterprise U- successful, he would devote 
 the profits arising from his anticipated discoveries to a crusade 
 for the i the- holv sepulchre from the power of the 
 
 in I'M 
 
 If the bustle and turmoil of this campaign prevented the 
 intended conference, the concerns of Columbus fared no better 
 during the sul'-quciit rejoicings. Ferdinand and Isabella 
 
 1 Or 1,12'. ilollnrx. ci|iiiv.i1piit in l.-v, i ,lnl|jir in our time. 
 iii. cup. M.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 67 
 
 entered Seville in February, 1490, with great pomp and tri- 
 umph. There were then preparations made for the marriage 
 of their eldest daughter, the princess Isabella, with the Prince\ 
 Don Alonzo, heir apparent of Portugal. The nuptials were 
 celebrated in the month of April, with extraordinary splendor. 
 Throughout the whole winter and spring the court was in a con- 
 tinual tumult of parade and pleasure, and nothing was to be 
 seen at Seville but feasts, tournaments, and torchlight proces- 
 sions. What chance had Columbus of being heard amid these 
 alternate uproars of war and festivity? 
 
 During this long course of solicitation he supported himself, 
 in part, by making maps and charts, and was occasionally 
 assisted by the purse of the worthy friar Diego de Deza. It is 
 due to the sovereigns to say, also, that whenever he was sum- 
 moned to follow the movements of the court, or to attend any 
 appointed consultation, he was attached to the royal suite, and 
 lodgings were provided for him and sums issued to defray his 
 expenses. Memorandums of several of these sums still exist 
 in the book of accounts of the royal treasurer, Francisco Gon- 
 zalez, of Seville, which has lately been found in the archives of 
 Simancas ; and it is from these minutes that we have been 
 enabled, in some degree, to follow the movements of Columbus 
 during his attendance upon this rambling and warlike court. 
 
 During all this time he was exposed to continual scoffs and 
 indignities, being ridiculed by the light and ignorant as a mere 
 dreamer, and stigmatized by the illiberal as an adventurer. The 
 very children, it is said, pointed to their foreheads as he passed, 
 being taught to regard him as a kind of madman. 
 
 The summer of 1490 passed away, but still Columbus was 
 kept in tantalizing and tormenting suspense. The subsequent 
 winter was not more propitious. He was lingering at Cordova 
 in a state of irritating anxiety, when he learnt that the sover- 
 eigns were preparing to depart on a campaign in the Vega of 
 Granada, with a determination never to raise their camp from 
 before that city until their victorious banners should float upon 
 its towers. 
 
 Columbus was aware that when once the campaign was 
 opened and the sovereigns were in the field, it would be in vain 
 to expect any attention to his suit. He was wearied, if not 
 incensed, at the repeated postponements he had experienced, by 
 which several years had been consumed. He now pressed for 
 a decisive reply with an earnestness that would -not admit of 
 evasion. Fernando de Talavera, therefore, was called upon by 
 the sovereigns to hold a definitive conference with the scientific
 
 t'.-i /./FA' OF rillUSTOrilKl! COLl'MBUS. 
 
 men to whom the project had been referred, and to make a 
 t of their decision. Tin- bishop tardily complied, and at 
 Icn-th rc|x>rted to tht'ir majesties, as the general opinion of the 
 Junto, that the proposed scheme was vain and impOwiUe, and 
 th:it it did not In-come such great princes to engage in an enter- 
 
 of the kind on such weak grounds as had been advanced. 1 
 Notwithstanding this unfavorable report, the sovereigns were 
 unwilling t.. <!< the door upon a project which might be pro- 
 ductive of stu-h iin|x>rlant advantages. Many of the learned 
 memU-rs of the Junto also were in its favor, particularly Fray 
 
 . <lc I)e/a. tutor to Prince Juan, who from his situation 
 ami clerical character had access to the royal ear, and exerted 
 himself strenuously in counteracting the decision of the board. 
 A !<_'!. e of consideration, also, had gradually grown up at 
 court for the enterprise, and many men, distinguished for rank 
 and merit, had In-come its advocates. Fernando de Talavera. 
 then-fore, was commanded to inform Columbus, who was still 
 at Cordova, that the great cares and expenses of the wars ren- 
 dered it im|Ksille for the sovereigns to engage in any new 
 enterprise : luit that when the war was concluded they would 
 have Initli time and inclination to treat with him about what he 
 
 ed. f 
 
 Tins was but a starved reply to receive after so many days 
 of weary attendance, anxious expectations, and deferred hope; 
 Columbus was unwilling to receive it at second hand, and re- 
 paired to the court at Seville to learn his fate from the lips of 
 the sovereigns. Their reply was virtually the same, declining 
 to cn_M'_ r e in the enterprise for the present, but holding out 
 hopes of patronage when relieved from the cares and expenses 
 of the war. 
 
 i luinhus looked upon this indefinite postponement as a mere 
 courtly mode of evading his im|ortunity, and sup[>osed that the 
 f -mil-able dispositions of the sovereigns had been counteracted 
 by the objections of the ignorant and bigoted. Renouncing all 
 further confidence, therefore, in vague promises, which had so 
 often led to disappointment, and giving up all ho|x.s of coun- 
 tenance from the throne, he turned his back upon .Seville, in- 
 dignant at the thoughts of having been beguiled out of so many 
 pie.-ious years of waning existence. 
 
 Ilit. del. Almlrmnlc, cap. ? * IH,U del Ahnirauie, cap. 2
 
 LIFE OF CUEISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 69 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 COLUMBUS AT THE CONVENT OF LA RABIDA. 
 
 ABOUT half a league from the little seaport of Palos deMoguer 
 in Andalusia there stood, and continues to stand at the present 
 day, an ancient convent of Franciscan friars, dedicated to Santa 
 Maria de Kabida. One day a stranger on foot, in humble guise 
 but of a distinguished air, accompanied by a small boy, stopped 
 at the gate of the convent, and asked of the porter a little bread 
 and water for his child. While receiving this humble refresh- 
 ment, the prior of the convent, Juan Perez de Marchena, hap- 
 pening to pass by, was struck with the appearance of the 
 stranger, and observing from his air and accent that he was a 
 foreigner, entered into conversation with him, and soon learned 
 the particulars of his story. That stranger was Columbus. 1 
 He was on his way to the neighboring town of Huelva, to seek 
 his brother-in-law, who had married a sister of his deceased 
 wife. 2 
 
 The prior was a man of extensive information. His attention 
 had been turned in some measure to geographical and nautical 
 science, probably from his vicinity to Palos, the inhabitants of 
 which were among the most enterprising navigators of .Spain, 
 and made frequent voyages to the recently discovered islands 
 and countries on the African coast. He was greatly interested 
 by the conversation of Columbus, and struck with the grandeur 
 of his views. It was a remarkable occurrence in the monoto- 
 nous life of the cloister, to have a man of such singular 
 character, intent on so extraordinary an enterprise, applying 
 for bread and water at the gate of his convent. 
 
 When he found, however, that the voyager was on the point 
 of abandoning Spain to seek patronage in the court of France, 
 and that so important an enterprise was about to be lost forever 
 to the country, the patriotism of the good friar took the alarm. 
 He detained Columbus as his guest, and, diffident of his own 
 judgment, sent for a scientific friend to converse with him. 
 
 1 " Lo dicho Almirante Colon veniendo a la Rabida, que es un monast6rio de frailes 
 en esta villa, el qual demandu a la porteria que le diesen para aquel nifiico, que era nino, 
 pan i agua que bebieoe." The testimony of Garcia Fernandez exists in manuscript 
 among the rnullifariou* writings of the 1'leito or lawsuit, which are preserved at Seville. 
 1 have made use of an authenticated extract, copied for the late historian, Juan I.aut. 
 Muiioz. 
 
 1 Probably Pedro Correo, already mentioned, from whom he had received information 
 of signs of laud in the weal, observed near Puerto Sauto.
 
 70 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIil'S. 
 
 That friend was Garcia Fernandez, a physician resident in 
 Palos. the same who furnishes this interesting testimony. Fer- 
 nandez was equally struck with the appearance and conversation 
 of the stranger; several conferences took place at the convent, 
 at which several of the veteran mariners of Palos were present. 
 Among these was Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the head of a family 
 of wealthy and experienced navigators of the place, celebrated 
 for their adventurous expeditions. Facts were related by some 
 of these navigators in support of the theory of Columbus. In 
 a word, his project was treated with a deference in the quiet 
 cloisters of La Rabida, and among the seafaring men of Palos, 
 which had been sought in vain among the sages and philosophers 
 of the court. Martin Alonzo Pinzon especially was so con- 
 vinced of its feasibility that he offered to engage in it with purse 
 and person, and to bear the expenses of Columbus in a renewed 
 application to the court. 
 
 Friar Juan Perez was confirmed in his faith by the concur- 
 rence of those learned and practical councillors. He had once 
 been confessor to the queen, and knew that she was always 
 accessible to persons of his sacred calling. He proposed to 
 write to her immediately on the subject, and entreated Columbus 
 to delay his journey until an answer could be received. The 
 latter was easily persuaded, for he felt as if, in leaving Spain, 
 he was again abandoning his home. He was also reluctant to 
 renew, in another court, the vexatious and disappointments 
 experienced in Spain and Portugal. 
 
 The little council at the convent of La Rabida now cast round 
 their eyes for an ambassador to depart upon this momentous 
 mission. They chose one Sebastian Rodriguez, a pilot of Lepe, 
 one of the most shrewd and important personages in this mari- 
 time neighborhood. The queen was at this time at Santa Fe, 
 the military city which had been built in the Vega before 
 Granada, after the conflagration of the royal camp. The honest 
 pilot acquitted himself faithfully, expeditiously, and success- 
 fully, in his embassy. He found access to the benignant 
 princess, and delivered the epistle of the friar. Isabella had 
 always been favorably disposed to the proposition of Columbus. 
 She wrote in reply to Juan Perez, thanking him for his timely 
 services, and requesting that he would repair immediately to the 
 court, leaving Christopher Columbus in confident hope until he 
 should hear further from her. This royal letter was brought 
 back by the pilot at the end of fourteen flays, and spread great 
 joy in the little junto at the convent. No sooner did the warm- 
 hearted friar receive it, th?iu he saddled his mule, aud departed
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 71 
 
 privately, before midnight, for the court. He journeyed through 
 the conquered countries of the Moors, and rode into the newly- 
 erected city of Santa Fe, where the sovereigns were superin- 
 tending the close investment of the capital of Granada. 
 
 The sacred office of Juan Perez gained him a ready entrance 
 in a court distinguished for religious zeal ; and, once admitted 
 to the presence of the queen, his former relation, as father 
 confessor, gave him great freedom of counsel. He pleaded the 
 cause of Columbus with characteristic enthusiasm, speaking 
 from actual knowledge of his honorable motives, his professional 
 knowledge and experience, and his perfect capacity to fulfil the 
 undertaking ; he represented the solid principles upon which the 
 enterprise was founded, the advantage that must attend its 
 success, and the glory it must shed upon the Spanish crown. 
 It is probable that Isabella had never heard the proposition 
 urged with such honest zeal and impressive eloquence. Being 
 naturally more sanguine and susceptible than the king, and 
 more open to warm and generous impulses, she was moved by 
 the representations of Juan Perez, which were warmly seconded 
 by her favorite, the Marchioness of Moya, who entered into the 
 affair with a woman's disinterested enthusiasm. 1 The queen 
 requested that Columbus might be again sent to her, and, with 
 the kind considerateness which characterized her, bethinking 
 herself of his poverty, and his humble plight, ordered that 
 twenty thousand maravedies 2 in florins should be forwarded to 
 him, to bear his travelling expenses, to provide him with a mule 
 for his journey, and to furnish him with decent raiment, that he 
 might make a respectable appearance at the court. 
 
 The worthy friar lost no time in communicating the result of 
 his mission ; he transmitted the money, and a letter, by the 
 hands of an inhabitant of Palos, to the physician Garcia Fer- 
 nandez, who delivered them to Columbus. The latter complied 
 with the instructions conveyed in the epistle. He exchanged 
 his threadbare garb for one more suited to the sphere of a court, 
 and, purchasing a mule, set out once more, reanimated by 
 hopes, for the camp before Granada. 8 
 
 1 Rctrato del Buen Vassal lo, lib. ii. cap. 16. 
 
 1 Or 72 dollars, and equivalent to 216 dollars of the present day. 
 
 3 Most of the particulars of this visit of Columbus to the convent of La Rabida are 
 from the testimony rendered by Garcia Keruaudez ill the lawsuit between. Diego, the son 
 of Columbus, and the crown.
 
 72 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 APPLICATION TO THE COURT AT THE TIME OF THE SURRENDER 
 OF GRANADA. 
 
 11492.] 
 
 WHEN Columbus arrived at the court, he experienced a 
 favorable reception, and was given in hospitable charge to his 
 steady friend Alouzo de Quintauilla, the accountant-general. 
 The moment, however, was too eventful for his business to 
 receive immediate attention. He arrived in time to witness the 
 memorable surrender of Granada to the Spanish arms. He 
 beheld Boabdil, the last of the Moorish kings, sally forth from 
 the Alhambra, and yield up the keys of that favorite seat of 
 Moorish power; while the king and queen, with all the chivalry 
 and rank ami magnificence of Spain, moved forward in proud 
 and solemn procession, to receive this token of submission. It 
 was one of the most brilliant triumphs in Spanish history. 
 After near eight hundred years of painful struggle, the crescent 
 was completely cast down, the cross exalted in its place, and 
 the standard of Spain was seen floating on the highest tower of 
 the Alhainhra. The whole court and army were abandoned to 
 jubilee. The air resounded with shouts of joy, with songs of 
 triumph, and hymns of thanksgiving. On every side were 
 beheld military rejoicings and religious oblations ; for it was 
 considered a triumph, not merely of arms, but of Christianity. 
 The king and queen moved in the midst, in more than common 
 magnificence, while every eye regarded them as more than 
 mortal ; as if sent by Heaven for the salvation and building up 
 of Spain. 1 The court was thronged by the most illustrious of 
 that warlike country, and stirring era ; by the flower of its 
 nobility, by the most dignified of its prelacy, by bards and 
 minstrels, and all the retinue of a romantic and picturesque 
 age. There was nothing but the glittering of arms, the rustling 
 of robes, the sound of music and festivity. 
 
 Do we want a picture of our navigator during this brilliant 
 and triumphant scene? It is furnished by a Spanish writer. 
 "A man obscure and but little known followed at this time the 
 court. Confounded in the crowd of importunate applicants, 
 
 > Mariana, Hint, de Espafia, lib. xxv. oap. 18.
 
 LIFE OF CnitlS'fOPnER COLUMBUS. 73 
 
 feeding his imagination in the corners of ante-chambers with the 
 pompous project of discovering a world, melancholy and dejected 
 in the midst of the general rejoicing, he beheld with indifference, 
 and almost with contempt, the conclusion of a conquest which 
 swelled nil bosoms with jubilee, and seemed to have reached 
 the utmost bounds of desire. That man was Christopher 
 Columbus." * 
 
 The moment had now arrived, however, when the monarchs 
 stood pledged to attend to his proposals. The war with the 
 Moors was at an end, Spain was delivered from its intruders, 
 and its sovereigns might securely turn their views to foreign 
 enterprise. They kept their word with Columbus. Persons of 
 confidence were appointed to negotiate with him, among whom 
 was Fernando de Talavera, who, by the recent conquest, had 
 list n to be Archbishop of Granada. At the very outset of 
 their negotiation, however, unexpected difficulties arose. So 
 fully imbued was Columbus with the grandeur of his enterprise, 
 that he would listen to none but princely conditions. His piin- 
 cipal stipulation was, that he should be invested with the titles 
 and privileges of admiral and viceroy over the countries he 
 should discover, with one tenth of all gains, either by trade or 
 conquest. The courtiers who treated with him were indignant 
 nt such a demand. Their pride was shocked to see one, whom 
 they had considered as a needy adventurer, aspiring to rank and 
 dignities superior to their own. One observed with a sneer 
 that it was a shrewd arrangement which he proposed, whereby 
 he was secure, at all events, of the honor of a command, and 
 had nothing to lose in case of failure.. To this Columbus 
 promptly replied, by offering to furnish one eighth of the cost, 
 on condition of enjoying an eighth of the profits. To do this, 
 he no doubt calculated on the proffered assistance of Martin 
 Alonzo Piuzon, the wealthy navigator of Palos. 
 
 His terms, however, were pronounced inadmissible. Fer- 
 nando de Talavera had always considered Columbus a dream- 
 ing speculator, or a needy applicant for bread ; but to see this 
 man, who had for years been an indigent and threadbare solici- 
 tor in his ante-chamber, assuming so lofty a tone, and claiming 
 an office that approached to the awful dignity of the throne, 
 excited the astonishment as well as the indignation, of the pre- 
 late. He represented to Isabella that it would l>e degrading to 
 the dignity of so illustrious a crown to lavish such distinguished 
 honors upon a nameless stranger. Such terms, he observed. 
 
 1 Clement-ill, Elogio de la Heina Catolica, p. 20.
 
 74 . LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 even in case of success, would be exorbitant ; but in case of 
 failure, would be cited with ridicule, as evidence of the gross 
 credulity of the Spanish monarchs. 
 
 Isabella was always attentive to the opinions of her ghostly 
 advisers, and the archbishop being her confessor, had peculiar 
 influence. His suggestions checked her dawning favor. She 
 thought the proposed advantages might be purchased at too 
 great a price. More moderate conditions were offered to Colum- 
 bus, and such as appeared highly honorable and advantageous. 
 It was all in vain : he would not cede one point of his demands, 
 and the negotiation was broken off. 
 
 It is impossible not to admire the great constancy of purpose 
 and loftiness of spirit displayed by Columbus, ever since he 
 had conceived the sublime idea of his discovery. More than 
 eighteen years had elapsed since his correspondence with Paulo 
 Toscanelli of Florence, wherein he had announced his design. 
 The greatest part of that time had been consumed in applica- 
 tions at various courts. During that period, what poverty, 
 neglect, ridicule, contumely, and disappointment had he not 
 suffered ! Nothing, however, could shake his perseverance, nor 
 make him descend to terms which he considered beneath the dig- 
 nity of his enterprise. In all his negotiations he forgot his 
 present obscurity ; he forgot his present indigence ; his ardent 
 imagination realized the magnitude of his contemplated discov- 
 eries, and he felt himself negotiating about empire. 
 
 Though so large a portion of his life had worn away in fruit- 
 less solicitings ; though there was no certainty that the same 
 weary career was not* to be entered upon at any other court ; yet 
 so indignant was he at the repented disappointments he had 
 experienced in Spain, that he determined to abandon it forever, 
 rather than compromise his demands. Taking leave of his 
 friends, therefore, he mounted his mule, and sallied forth from 
 Santa F6 in the beginning of February, 1492, on his way to 
 Cordova, whence he intended to depart immediately for France. 
 
 When the few friends who were zealous believers in the theory 
 of Columbus saw him really on the point of abandoning the 
 country, they were filled with distress, considering his departure 
 an irreparable loss to the nation. Among the number was Luis 
 de St. Angel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues in Arragon. 
 Determined if possible to avert the evil, he obtained an imme- 
 diate audience of the queen, accompanied by Alonzo de Quin- 
 tanilla. The exigency of the moment gave him courage and 
 eloquence. He did not confine himself to entreaties, but almost 
 mingled reproaches, expressing astonishment that a queen who
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 75 
 
 had evin-ced the spirit to undertake so many great and perilous 
 enterprises, should hesitate at one where the loss could be so 
 trilling, while the gain might be incaleulable. He reminded her 
 how much might be done for the glory of God, the exaltation of 
 the church, and the extension of her own power and dominion. 
 What cause of regret to herself, of triumph to her enemies, of 
 sorrow to her friends, should this enterprise, thus rejected by 
 her, be accomplished by some other power! He reminded her 
 what fame and dominion other princes had acquired by their 
 discoveries ; here was an opportunity to surpass them all. 
 
 He entreated her majesty not to be misled by the assertions 
 of learned men, that the project was the dream of a visionary. 
 He vindicated the judgment of Columbus, and the soundness 
 and practicability of his plans. Neither would even his failure 
 reflect disgrace upon the crown. It was worth the trouble and 
 expense to clear up even a doubt upon a matter of such im- 
 portance, for it belonged, to enlightened and magnanimous 
 princes to investigate questions of the kind, and to explore the 
 wonders and secrets of the universe. He stated the liberal 
 offer of Columbus to bear an eighth of the expense, and in- 
 formed her that all the requisites for this great enterprise con- 
 sisted but of two vessels and about three thousand crowns. 
 
 These and many more arguments were urged with that per- 
 suasive power which honest zeal imparts, and it is said the 
 Marchioness of Moya, who was present, exerted her eloquence 
 to persuade the queen. The generous spirit of Isabella was 
 enkindled. It seemed as if, for the first time, the subject broke 
 upon her mind in its real grandeur, and she declared her reso- 
 lution to undertake the enterprise. 
 
 There was still a moment's hesitation. The king looked 
 coldly on the affair, and the royal finances were absolutely 
 drained by the war. Some time must be given to replenish 
 them. How could she draw on an exhausted treasury for a 
 measure to which the king was adverse ! St. Angel watched 
 this suspense with trembling anxiety. The next moment reas- 
 sured him. With an enthusiasm worthy of herself and of the 
 cause, Isabella exclaimed, " I undertake the enterprise for my 
 own crown of Castile, and will pledge my jewels to raise the 
 necessary funds." This was the proudest moment in the life of 
 Isabella ; it stamped her renown forever as the patroness of the 
 discovery of the New World. 
 
 St. Angel, eager to secure this noble impulse, assured her 
 majesty that there would be no need of pledging her jewels, as 
 he was ready to advance the necessary funds. His offer was
 
 76 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 gladly accepted ; the funds really came from the coffers of 
 A ri:ioon ; seventeen thousand florins were advanced by the 
 accountant of St. Angel out of the treasury of King Ferdinand. 
 That prudent monarch, however, took care to have his kingdom 
 indemnified some few years afterward ; for in remuneration of 
 this loan, a part of the first gold brought by Columbus from the 
 New World, was employed in gilding the vaults and ceilings of 
 the royal saloon in the grand palace of Saragoza, in Arragou, 
 anciently the Aljaferia, or abode of the Moorish kings. 1 
 
 Columbus had pursued his lonely journey across the Vega 
 and reached the bridge of Finos, about two leagues from Gra- 
 nada, at the foot of the mountain of Elvira, a pass famous in 
 the Moorish wars for many a desperate encounter between the 
 Christians and infidels. Here he was overtaken by a courier 
 from the queen, spurring in all speed, who summoned him to 
 return to Santa Fe. He hesitated for a moment, being loath 
 to subject himself again to the delays and equivocations of 
 the court ; when informed, however, of the sudden zeal for the 
 enterprise excited in the mind of the queen, and the positive 
 promise she had given to undertake it, he no longer felt a doubt, 
 but, turning the reins of his mule, hastened back with joyful 
 alacrity to Santa Fe", confiding in the noble probity of that 
 princess. 
 
 CHAPTER VIT. 
 
 ARRANGEMENT WITH THE SPANISH SOVEREIGNS PREPARATIONS 
 
 FOR THE EXPEDITION AT THE POKT OK PAJLOS. 
 
 [1492.] 
 
 Ox arriving at Santa F, Columbus had an immediate audi- 
 ence of the queen, and the benignity with which she received 
 him atoned for all past neglect. Through deference to the zeal 
 she thus suddenly displayed, the king yielded his tardy con- 
 currence, but Isabella was the soul of this grand enterprise. 
 She was prompted by lofty and generous enthusiasm, while the 
 king proved cold and calculating in this as in all his other 
 undertakings. 
 
 A perfect understanding being thus effected with the sover- 
 
 1 Argensola Analet) de Arragon, lib. i. cap. 10.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 11 
 
 eigns, articles of agreement were ordered to be drawn out by 
 Juan de Coloma, the royal secretary. They were to the follow- 
 ing effect : 
 
 1. That Columbus should have, for himself during his life, 
 and his heirs and successors forever, the office of admiral in all 
 the lands and continents which he might discover or acquire in 
 the ocean, with similar honors and prerogatives to those enjoyed 
 by the high admiral of Castile in his district. 
 
 2. That he should be viceroy and governor-general over all 
 the said lands and continents, with the privilege of nominating 
 three candidates for the government of each island or province, 
 one of whom should be selected by the sovereigns. 
 
 3. That he should be entitled to reserve for himself one tenth 
 of all pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other 
 articles and merchandises, in whatever manner found, bought, 
 bartered, or gained within his admiralty, the costs being first 
 deducted. 
 
 4. That he, or his lieutenant, should be the sole judge in all 
 causes and disputes arising out of traffic between those coun- 
 tries and Spain, provided the high admiral of Castile had simi- 
 lar jurisdiction in his district. 
 
 a. That he might then, and at all after times, contribute an 
 eighth part of the expense in fitting out vessels to sail on this 
 enterprise, and receive an eighth part of the profits. 
 
 The last stipulation, which admits Columbus to bear an eighth 
 of the enterprise, was made in consequence of his indignant 
 proffer, on being reproached with demanding ample emoluments 
 while incurring no portion of the charge. He fulfilled this en- 
 gagement, through the assistance of the Pinzons of Palos, and 
 added a third vessel to the armament.- Thus one eighth of the 
 expense attendant on this grand expedition, undertaken by a 
 powerful nation, was actually borne by the individual who con- 
 ceived it, and who likewise risked his life on its success. 
 
 The capitulations were signed by Ferdinand and Isabella, at 
 the city of Santa F, in the Vega or plain of Granada, on the 
 17th of April, 1492. A letter of privilege, or commission to 
 Columbus, of similar purport, was drawn out in form, and 
 issued by the sovereigns in the city of Granada, on the thirtieth 
 of the same month. In this, the dignities and prerogatives of 
 viceroy an 1 governor were made hereditary in his family ; and 
 he and his heirs were authorized to prefix the title of Don to 
 their names ; a distinction accorded in those days only to per-
 
 78 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 sons of rank and estate, though it has since lost all value, from 
 being universally used in Spain. 
 
 All the royal documents issued on this occasion bore equally 
 the signatures of Ferdinand and Isabella, but her separate 
 crown of Castile defrayed all the expense ; and, during her life, 
 few persons, except Castilians, were permitted to establish 
 themselves in the new territories. 1 
 
 The port of Palos de Moguer was fixed upon as the place 
 where the armament was to be fitted out, Columbus calculating, 
 no doubt, on the co-operation of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, resident 
 there, and on the assistance of his zealous friend the prior of 
 the 'convent of La Rabida. Before going into the business 
 details of this great enterprise, it is due to the character of the 
 illustrious man who conceived and conducted it, most especially 
 to notice the elevated, even though visionary, spirit by which 
 he was actuated. One of his principal objects was undoubtedly 
 the propagation of the Christian faith. He expected to arrive 
 at the extremity of Asia, and to open a direct and easy com- 
 munication with the vast and magnificent empire of the Grand 
 Khan. The conversion of that heathen potentate had, in 
 former times, been a favorite aim of various pontiffs and pious 
 sovereigns, and various missions had been sent to the remote 
 regions of the East for that purpose. F Columbus now consid- 
 ered himself about to effect this great work : to spread the light 
 of revelation to the very ends of the earth, and thus to be the 
 instrument of accomplishing one of the sublime predictions of 
 Holy Writ. Ferdinand listened with complacency to these 
 enthusiastic anticipations. With him, however, religion was 
 subservient to interest ; and he had found, in the recent con- 
 quest of Granada, that extending the sway of the church might 
 be made a laudable means of extending his own dominions. 
 According to the doctrines of the day, every nation that refused 
 to acknowledge the truths of Christianity, was fair spoil for a 
 Christian invader ; and it is probable that Ferdinand was more 
 stimulated by the accounts given of the wealth of Mangi, Cathay, 
 and other provinces belonging to the Grand Khan, than by any 
 anxiety for the conversion of him and his semi-barbarous sub- 
 jects. 
 
 Isabella had nobler inducements : she was filled with a pious 
 zeal at tne idea of effecting such a great work of salvation. 
 From different motives, therefore, both of the sovereigns 
 accorded with the views of Columbus in this particular, and 
 
 Charluvoix, Hist. S. Domingo, lib. i. p. 79.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 79 
 
 when he afterward departed on his voyage, letters were actually 
 given him for the Grand Khan of Tartary. 
 
 The ardent enthusiasm of Columbus did not stop here. An- 
 ticipating boundless wealth from his disco veries7~hF suggested 
 that the treasures thus acquired should be consecrated to the 
 pious purpose of rescuing the holy sepulchre of Jerusalem from 
 the power of the infidels. The sovereigns smiled at this sally 
 of the imagination, but expressed themselves well pleased with 
 it, and assured him that even without the funds he anticipated, 
 they should be well disposed to that holy undertaking. 1 What 
 the king and queen, however, may have considered a mere 
 sally of momentary excitement, was a deep and cherished 
 design of Columbus. It is a curious and characteristic fact, 
 which has never been particularly noticed, that the recovery of 
 the holy sepulchre was one of the great objects of his ambition, 
 meditated throughout the remainder of his life, and solemnly 
 provided for in his will. In fact, he subsequently considered it 
 the main work for which he was chosen by heaven as an agent, 
 and that his great discovery was but a preparatory dispensation 
 of Providence to furnish means for its accomplishment. 
 
 A home-felt mark of favor, characteristic of the kind and con- 
 siderate heart of Isabella, was accorded to Columbus before his 
 departure from the court. An albala, or letter- patent, was is- 
 sued by the queen on the 8th of May, appointing his son Diego 
 page to Prince Juan, the heir apparent, with an allowance for 
 his support ; an honor granted only to the sons of persons of 
 distinguished rank.' 2 
 
 Thus gratified in his dearest wishes, after a course of delays 
 and disappointments sufficient to have reduced any ordinary 
 man to despair, Columbus took leave of the court on the 12th of 
 May, and set out joyfully for Palos. Let those who are disposed 
 to faint under difficulties, in the prosecution of any great and 
 worthy undertaking, remember that eighteen years elapsed af- 
 ter the time that Columbus conceived his enterprise, before he 
 was enabled to carry it into effect ; that the greater part of that 
 time was passed in almost hopeless solicitation, amid poverty, 
 neglect, and taunting ridicule ; that the prime of his life had 
 wasted away in the struggle, and that when his perseverance 
 was finally crowned with success, he was about in his fifty-sixth 
 year. His example should encourage the enterprising never to 
 despair. 
 
 1 Protest^ a vuestras Altezas que toda la ganancia dcsta mi einprea se gastase 
 en la conqnista <!(. Jerusalem, y vuestras Altezas tte nitron, y dijeroii quc leu placia, 
 y q\u- in octc tenian a quella garaa. I'riiner Viage de Colou, Navarretu, torn. i. p. 117. 
 
 * Xavurrutc, C'olcc. de Viages, torn. ii. doc. 11.
 
 80 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 COLUMBUS AT THE PORT OF PALOS PREPARATIONS FOR THE 
 VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY. 
 
 ON arriving at Palos, Columbus repaired immediately to the 
 neighboring convent of La Rabida, where he was received with 
 open arms by the worthy prior, Fray Juan Perez, and again be- 
 came his guest. 1 The port of Palos, for some misdemeanor, hud 
 been condemned by the royal council to serve the crown for one 
 year with two armed caravels ; and these were destined to form 
 part of the armament of Columbus, who was furnished with the 
 necessary papers and vouchers to enforce obedience in all mat- 
 ters necessary for his expedition. 
 
 On the following morning, the 23d of May, Columbus, accom- 
 panied by Fray Juan Perez, whose character and station gave 
 him great importance in the neighborhood, proceeded to the 
 church of St. George in Palos, where the alcalde, the regidors, 
 and many of the inhabitants of the place had "been notified to 
 attend. Here, in presence of them all, in the porch of the church, 
 a royal order was read by a notary public, commanding the 
 authorities of Palos to have two caravels ready for sea within 
 ten days after this notice, and to place them and their crews at 
 the disposal of Columbus. The latter was likewise empowered 
 to procure and fit out a third vessel. The crews of all three 
 were to receive the ordinary wages of seamen employed in armed 
 vessels, and to be paid four months in advance. They were to 
 sail in such direction as Columbus, under the royal authority, 
 should command, and were to obey him in all things, with merely 
 one stipulation, that neither he nor they were to go to St. George 
 la Mina, on the coast of Guinea, nor any other of the lately 
 discovered possessions of Portugal. A certificate of their goo. I 
 conduct, signed by Columbus, was to be the discharge of their 
 obligation to the crown. 2 
 
 Orders were likewise read, addressed to the public authorities, 
 and the people of all ranks and conditions, in the maritime bor- 
 ders of Andalusia, commanding them to send supplies and as- 
 sistance of all kinds, at reasonable prices, for the fitting out of 
 the vessels ; and penalties were denounced on such as should 
 cause any impediment. No duties were to be exacted for any 
 
 1 Oviedo, Cronica do la* India, lib. ii. rap. .">. 
 1 iSavaiTulu, Culuc. do ViugwB, toui. ii. doc. 6.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 81 
 
 articles furnished to the vessels ; and all criminal processes 
 :i;_r:iinst the person or property of any individual engaged in the 
 expedition was to be suspended during his absence, and for two 
 months after his return. 1 
 
 With these orders the authorities promised implicit compli- 
 ance ; but when the nature of the intended expedition came to 
 be known, astonishment and dismay fell upon the little com- 
 munity. The ships and crews demanded for such a desperate 
 service were regarded in the light of sacrifices. The owners of 
 vessels refused to furnish them ; the boldest seamen shrank from 
 such a wild and chimerical cruise into the wilderness of the 
 ocean. All kinds of frightful tales and fables were conjured up 
 concerning the unknown regions of the deep ; and nothing can 
 be a stronger evidence of the boldness of this undertaking than 
 the extreme dread of it in a community composed of some 
 of the most adventurous navigators of the age. 
 
 Weeks elapsed without a vessel being procured, or any thing 
 else being done in fulfilment of the royal orders. Further man- 
 datrs were therefore issued by the sovereigns, ordering the 
 magistrates of the coast of Andalusia to press into the service 
 any vessels they might think proper, belonging to Spanish sub- 
 jects, and to oblige the masters and crews to sail with Colum- 
 bus in whatever direction he should be sent by royal command. 
 Juan de IVnalosa, an officer of the royal household, was sent to 
 see that this order was properly complied with, receiving two 
 hundred maravedis a day as long as he was occupied in the busi- 
 ness, which sum, together with other penalties expressed in the 
 mandate, was to be exacted from such as should be disobedient 
 and delinquent. This letter was acted upon by Columbus in 
 Palos and the neighboring town of Moguer, but apparently with 
 as little success as the preceding. The communities of those 
 places were thrown into complete confusion ; tumults took place : 
 but nothing of consequence was effected. At length Martin 
 Alonzo Pinzon stepped forward, with his brother Vicente Zaiiez 
 Piuzon, both navigators of great courage and ability, owners of 
 vessels, and having seamen in their employ. They were related, 
 also, to many of the seafaring inhabitants of Palos and Moguer, 
 and had great influence throughout the neighborhood. They 
 engaged to sail on the expedition, and furnished one of the 
 vessels required. Others, with their owners and crews, were 
 pressed into the service by the magistrates under the arbitrary 
 mandate of the sovereigns ; and it is a striking instance of the 
 
 i Ibid., doc. 8. 9.
 
 82 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 despotic authority exercised over commerce in those times, that 
 respectable individuals should thus be compelled to engage, with 
 persons and ships, in what appeared to them to be a mad and 
 desperate enterprise. During the equipment of the vessels, 
 troubles and difficulties arose among the seamen who had been 
 compelled to embark. These were fomented and kept up by 
 Gomez Rascon and Christoval Quintero, owners of the Pinta, 
 one of the ships pressed into the servive. All kinds of obsta- 
 cles were thrown in the way, by these people and their friends, 
 to retard or defeat the voyage. The calkers employed upon the 
 vessels did their work in a careless and imperfect manner, and 
 on being commanded to do it over again absconded. 1 Some of 
 the seamen who had enlisted willingly repented of their hardi- 
 hood, or were dissuaded by their relatives, and sought to retract ; 
 others deserted and concealed themselves. Every thing had to 
 be effected by the most harsh and arbitrary measures, and in 
 defiance of popular prejudice and opposition. 
 
 The influence and example of the Pinzons had a great effect 
 in allaying this opposition, and inducing many of their friends 
 and relatives to embark. It is supposed that they had furnished 
 Columbus with funds to pay the eighth part of the expense which 
 he was bound to advance. It is also said that Martin Alonzo 
 Pinzon was to divide with him his share of the profits. As 
 no immediate profit, however, resulted from this expedition, no 
 claim of the kind was ever brought forward. It is certain, 
 however, that the assistance of the Pinzons was all-important, 
 if not indispensable, in fitting out and launching the expedition. 2 
 
 After the great difficulties made by various courts in patron- 
 izing this enterprise, it is surprising how inconsiderable an ar- 
 mament was required. It is evident that Columbus had reduced 
 his requisitions to the narrowest limits, lest any great expense 
 should cause impediment. Three small vessels were apparently 
 all that he had requested. Two of them were light barks, called 
 caravels, not superior to river and coasting craft of more mod- 
 ern days. Representations of this class of vessels exist in old 
 prints and paintings. 3 They are delineated as open, and with- 
 out deck in the centre, but built up high at the prow and stern, 
 with forcastles and cabins for the accommodation of the crew. 
 Peter Martyr, the learned contemporary of Columbus, says that 
 only one of the three vessels was decked. The smallness of the 
 
 i Las Cases, TTist. Ind., lib. I. cap. 77, MS. 
 
 - Thi-si- 1,-ids concerning the I'lnzon* an- mostly taken from the testimony given, many 
 years afterward, in a Mill between Don Diego, the sou of Columbus, aud tlie crof/u. 
 3 sec il.uslialioua, uniuie ' Ships of ColuuUius."
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 83 
 
 vessels was considered an advantage by Columbus, in a voyage 
 of discovery, enabling him to run close to the shores, and to 
 enter shallow rivers and harbors. In his third voyage, when 
 coasting the Gulf of Paria, he complained of the size of his 
 ship, being nearly a hundred tons burden. But that such long 
 and perilous expeditions, into unknown seas, should be under- 
 taken in vessels without decks, and that they should live through 
 the violent tempests, by which they were frequently assailed, re- 
 main among the singular circumstances of these daring voyages. 
 
 At length, by the beginning of August, every difficulty was 
 vanquished, and the vessels were ready for sea. The largest, 
 which had been prepared expressly for the voyage, and was. 
 decked, was called the Santa Maria ; on board of this ship Co- 
 lumbus hoisted his flag. The second, called the Pinta, was com- 
 manded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, accompanied by his brother 
 Francisco Martin, as pilot. The third, called the Nina, had 
 latine sails, and was commanded by the third of the brothers, 
 Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon. There were three other pilots, Sancho 
 Ruiz, Pedro Alonzo Nino, and Bartolomeo Roldan. Roderigo 
 Sanchez of Segovia was inspector-general of the armament, and 
 Diego de Arana, a native of Cordova, chief alguazil. Roderigo 
 de Escobar went as a royal notary, an officer always sent in the 
 armaments of the crown, to take official notes of all transac- 
 tions. There were also a physician and a surgeon, together 
 with various private adventurers, several servants, and ninety 
 mariners ; making in all one hundred and twenty persons. 1 
 
 The squadron being ready to put to sea, Columbus, impressed 
 with the solemnity of his undertaking, confessed himself to the 
 Friar Juan Perez, and partook of the sacrament of the com- 
 munion. His example was followed by his officers and crew, 
 and they entered upon their enterprise full of awe, and with the 
 most devout and affecting ceremonials, committing themselves 
 to the especial guidance and protection of Heaven. A deep 
 gloom was spread over the whole community of Palos at their 
 departure, for almost every one had some relative or friend on 
 board of the squadron. The spirits of the seamen, already de- 
 pressed by their own fears, were still more cast down at the 
 affliction of those they left behind, who took leave of them with 
 tears and lamentations and dismal forebodings, as of men they 
 were never to behold again. , 
 
 1 Cbarlevoix, Hist. St. Domiugo, lib. i. Munoz, Uist. Nuevo Mundo, lib. ii.
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS ON HIS FIRST VOYAGE. 
 [1492.] 
 
 WHEN Columbus set sail on this memorable voyage, he com- 
 menced a regular journal, intended for the inspection of the 
 Spanish sovereigns. Like all his other transactions, it evinces 
 how deeply he was impressed with the grandeur and solemnity 
 of his enterprise. He proposed to keep it, as he afterward ob- 
 served, in the manner of the Commentaries of Caesar. It opened 
 with a stately prologue, wherein, in the following words, were 
 set forth the motives and views which led to his expedition. 
 
 "In nomine D. N. Jesu Christi. Whereas most Christian, 
 most high, most excellent and most powerful princes, king and 
 queen of the Spains, and of the islands of the sea, our sover- 
 eigns, in the present year of 1492, after your highnesses had put 
 an end to the war with the Moors who ruled in Europe, and had 
 concluded that warfare in the great city of Granada, where, on 
 the second of January, of this present year, I saw the royal ban- 
 ners of your highnesses placed by force of arms on the towers 
 of the Alhambra, which is the fortress of that city, and beheld 
 the Moorish king sally forth from the gates of the city, and kiss 
 the royal hand of your highnesses and of my lord the prince ; 
 and immediately in that same month, in consequence of the 
 information which I had given to your highnesses of the lands 
 of India, and of a prince who is called the Grand Khan, which 
 is to say in our language, king of kings ; how that many times 
 he and his predecessors had sent to Rome to entreat for doctors 
 of our holy faith, to instruct him in the same ; and that the holy 
 father had never provided him with them, and thus so many 
 people were lost, believing in idolatries, and imbibing doctrines 
 of perdition ; therefore your highnesses, as Catholic Christians
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 85 
 
 and princes, lovers and promoters of the holy Christian faith, 
 and enemies of the sect of Mahomet, and of all idolatries and 
 heresies, determined to send me, Christopher Columbus, to the 
 said parts of India, to see the said princes, and the people and 
 lands, and discover the nature and disposition of them all, and 
 the means to be taken for the conversion of them to our holy 
 faith ; and ordered that I should not go by land to the east, by 
 which it is the custom to go, but by a voyage to the west, by 
 which course, unto the present time, we do not know for certain 
 that any one hath passed. Your highnesses, therefore, after hav- 
 ing expelled all the Jews from your kingdoms and territories, 
 commanded me, in the same month of January, to proceed with 
 a sufficient armament to the said parts of India ; and for this 
 purpose bestowed great favors upon me, ennobling me, that 
 thenceforward I might style myself Don, appointing me high 
 admiral of the Ocean sea, and perpetual viceroy and governor 
 of all the islands and continents I should discover and gain, 
 and which henceforward may be discovered and gained in the 
 Ocean sea ; and that my eldest son should succeed me, and so on 
 from generation to generation and forever. I departed, there- 
 fore, from the city of Granada, on Saturday, the 12th of May, of 
 the same year 1492, to Palos, a seaport, where I armed three 
 ships, well calculated for such service, and sailed from that port 
 well furnished with provisions and with many seamen, on Friday, 
 the third of August, of the same year, half an hour before sun- 
 rise, and took the route for the Canary Islands of your high- 
 nesses to steer my course thence, and navigate until I should 
 arrive at the Indies, and deliver the embassy of your highnesses 
 to those princes, and accomplish that which you had commanded. 
 For this purpose I intend to write during this voyage, very 
 punctually from day to day, all that I may do, and see, and 
 experience, as will hereafter be seen. Also, my sovereign 
 princes, besides describing each night all that has occurred in 
 the day, and in the day the navigation of the night, I propose 
 to make a chart in which I will set down the waters and lands 
 of the Ocean sea in their proper situations under their bearings ; 
 and further, to compose a book, and illustrate the whole in pic- 
 ture by latitude from the equinoctial, and longitude from the 
 west ; and upon the whole it will be essential that I should forget 
 sleep and attend closely to the navigation to accomplish these 
 things, which will be a great labor." 1 
 
 Thus are formally and expressly stated by Columbus the ol> 
 
 1 Navarretc, Colec. Viag., torn. i. p. 1.
 
 86 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 jects of this extraordinary voyage. The material facts still 
 extant of his journal will be found in the present work. 1 
 
 Jt was on Friday, the 3d of August, 14'J2, early in the morn- 
 ing, that Columbus set sail from the bar of Saltes, a small island 
 formed by the arms of the Odiel, in front of the town of Huelva, 
 steering in a south-westerly direction for the Canary Islands, 
 whence it was his intention to strike due west. As a guide by 
 which to sail, he had prepared a map or chart, improved upon 
 that sent him by Paulo Toscanelli. Neither of these now exists, 
 but the globe or planisphere finished by Martin Behen in this 
 year of the admiral's first voyage is still extant, and furnishes 
 an idea of what the chart of Columbus must have been. It 
 exhibits the coasts of Europe and Africa from the south of 
 Ireland to the end of Guinea, and opposite to them, on the other 
 side of the Atlantic, the extremity of Asia, or, as it was termed, 
 India. Between them is placed the island of Cipango, or Japan, 
 which, according to Marco Polo, lay fifteen hundred miles dis- 
 tant from the Asiatic coast/ In his computations Columbus 
 advanced this island about a thousand leagues too much to the 
 east, supposing it to lye about the situation of Florida ; 2 and at 
 this island he hoped first to arrive. 
 
 The exultation of Columbus at finding himself, after so many 
 years of baffled hope, fairly launched on his grand enterprise, 
 was checked by his want of confidence in the resolution and 
 peiseverance of his crews. As long as he remained within 
 reach of Europe, there was no security that, in a moment of 
 repentance and alarm, they might not renounce the prosecution 
 of the voyage, and insist on a return. Symptoms soon appeared 
 to warrant his apprehensions. On the third day the Pinta made 
 signal of distress ; her rudder was discovered to be broken and 
 unhung. This Columbus surmised to be done through the 
 contrivance of the owners of the caravel, Gomez Rascon and 
 Christoval Quintero, to disable their vessel, and cause her to be 
 left behind. As has already been observed, they had been 
 pressed into the service greatly against their will, and their 
 
 1 An abstract of this journal, made by Las Casas, has recently been discovered, and 
 IB published in the first volume of the collection of Senor Navawete. Many passages of 
 thi.< abstract hud lieen previously inserted by Las Casas in his History of the Indies, and 
 the same journal had been copiously used by Fernando Columbus in the history of his 
 father. In the present account of this voyage, the author has made use of the journal 
 contained in the work of Senor Navarrete, the manuscript history of Las Casas, the History 
 of the Indies by Herrera, the Life of the Adnrira. by his son, the Chronicle of the Indies by 
 
 iiltc- lirun, Ueograph. L'uiverselle, torn. ii. p.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 87 
 
 caravel seized' upon for the expedition, in conformity to the 
 royal ordeix. 
 
 Columbus was much disturbed at this occurrence. It gave 
 him a foretaste of further difficulties to be apprehended from 
 crews partly enlisted on compulsion, and all full of doubt and 
 foreboding. Trivial obstacles might, in the present critical 
 state of his voyage, spread panic and mutiny through his ships, 
 and entirely defeat the expedition. The wind was blowing 
 strongly at the time, so that he could not render assistance 
 without endangering his own vessel. Fortunately, Martin Al- 
 onzo Pinzon commanded the Pinta, and being an adroit and able 
 seaman, succeeded in securing the rudd erwith cords, so as to 
 bring the vessel into management. This, however, was but a 
 temporary and inadequate expedient ; the fastenings gave way 
 again on the following day, and the other ships were obliged to 
 shorten sail until the rudder could be secured. 
 
 This damaged state of the Pinta, as well as her being in a 
 leaky condition, determined the admiral to touch at the Canary 
 Islands, and seek a vessel to replace her. He considered him- 
 self not far from those islands, though a different opinion was 
 entertained by the pilots of the squadron. The event proved 
 his superiority in taking observations and keeping reckonings, 
 for they came in sight of the Canaries on the morning of the 
 9th. 
 
 They were detained upward of three weeks among these 
 islands, seeking in vain another vessel. They were obliged, 
 therefore, to make a new rudder for the Pinta, and repair her 
 for the voyage. The latine sails of the Nina were also altered 
 into square sails, that she might work more steadily and securely, 
 and be able to keep company with the other vessels. 
 
 While sailing among these islands, the crew were terrified 
 at beholding the loft} r peak of Teneriffe sending forth volumes 
 of flame and smoke, being ready to take alarm at any extraor- 
 dinary phenomenon, and to construe it into a disastrous portent. 
 Columbus took great pains to dispel their apprehensions, ex- 
 plaining the natural causes of those volcanic fires, and verifying 
 his explanations by citing Mount Etna and other well-known 
 volcanoes. 
 
 While taking in wood and water and provisions in the island 
 of Gomera, a vessel arrived from Ferro, which reported that 
 three Portuguese caravels had been seen hovering off that 
 island, with the intention, it was said, of capturing Columbus. 
 The admiral suspected some hostile stratagem on the part of 
 the King of Portugal, in revenge for his having embarked in the
 
 88 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 service of Spain ; he therefore lost no time in 'putting to sea, 
 anxious to get far from tliose islands, and out of the track of 
 navigation, trembling lest something might occur to defeat his 
 expedition, commenced under such inauspicious circumstances. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGE FIRST NOTICE OF THE VARIATION 
 IN THE NEEDLE. 
 
 [1492.] 
 
 EARLY in the morning of the Gth of September, Columbus set 
 sail from the island of Gomera, and now might be said first to 
 strike into the region of discovery ; taking leave of these fron- 
 tier islands of the Old World, and steering westward for the 
 unknown parts of the Atlantic. For three days, however, a 
 profound calm kept the vessels loitering with flagging sails, 
 within a short distance of the land. This was a tantalizing 
 delay to Columbus, who was impatient to find himself far out 
 of sight of either land or sail ; which, in the pure atmospheres 
 of these latitudes, may be descried at an immense distance. On 
 the following Sunday, the 9th of September, at daybreak, he 
 beheld Ferro, the last of the Canary Islands, about nine leagues 
 distant. This was the island whence the Portuguese caravels 
 had been seen ; he was therefore in the very neighborhood of 
 danger. Fortunately, a breeze sprang up with the sun, their 
 sails were once more filled, and in the course of the day the 
 heights of Ferro gradually faded from the horizon. 
 
 On losing sight of this last trace of land, the hearts of the 
 crews failed them. They seemed literally to have taken leave 
 of the world. Behind them was every thing dear to the heart of 
 man ; country, family, friends, life itself ; before them every 
 thing was chaos, mystery, and peril. In the perturbation of the 
 moment, they despaired of ever more seeing their homes. Many 
 of the rugged seamen shed tears, and some "broke into loud 
 lamentations. The admiral tried in every way to soothe their 
 distress, and to inspire them with his own glorious anticipations. 
 He described to them the magnificent countries to which he was 
 about to conduct them : the islands of the Indian seas teeming 
 with gold and precious stones ; the regions of Mangi and Cathay, 
 with their cities of unrivalled wealth and splendor. He prom-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 89 
 
 isocl them land and riches, and every thing that could arouse 
 their cupidity or inflame their imaginations, nor were these 
 promises made for purposes of mere deception ; he certainly 
 believed that he should realize them all. 
 
 He now issued orders to the commanders of the other vessels, 
 that, in the event of separation by any accident, they should 
 continue directly westward ; but that after sailing seven hundred 
 leagues, they should lay by from midnight until daylight, as at 
 about that distance he confidently expected to find land. In the 
 mean time, as he thought it possible he might not discover land 
 within the distance thus assigned, and as he foresaw that the 
 vague terrors already awakened among the seamen would in- 
 crease with the space which intervened between them and their 
 homes, he commenced a stratagem which he continued through- 
 out the voyage. He kept two reckonings ; one correct, in which 
 the true way of the ship was noted, and which was retained in 
 secret for his own government ; in the other, which was open to 
 general inspection, a number of leagues was daily subtracted 
 from the sailing of the ship, so that the crews were kept in 
 ignorance of the real distance they had advanced. 1 
 
 On the llth of September, when al>out one hundred and fifty 
 leagues west of Ferro, they fell in with part of a mast, which 
 from its size appeared to have belonged to a vessel of alxnit a 
 hundred and twenty tons burden, and which had evidently l>een 
 a long time in the water. The crews, tremblingly alive to every 
 thing that could excite their hopes or fears, looked witli rueful 
 eye upon this wreck of some unfortunate voyager, drifting omi- 
 nously at the entrance of those unknown seas. 
 
 On the 13th of September, in the evening, being about two 
 hundred leagues from the island of Ferro, Columbus for the 
 first time noticed the variation of the needle, a phenomenon 
 which had never before been remarked. He perceived about 
 nightfall that the needle, instead of pointing to the north star, 
 varied about half a point, or between five and six degrees, to 
 the north-west, and still more on the following morning. Struck 
 with this circumstance, he observed it attentively for three days, 
 and found that the variation increased as he advanced. He at 
 first made no mention of this phenomenon, knowing how ready 
 his people were to take alarm, but it soon attracted the attention 
 of the pilots, and filled them with consternation. It seemed as 
 
 1 It has been erroneously elated that Columbus kept two journals. It was merely in 
 the reckoning, or log-book lhat he deceived the crew. His journal was entirely private, 
 and intended for his own use and the perusal of the sovereigns. In a letter written from 
 <;.;i :uia. in l.'>0:',,t<> 1'opc A Icxander VII., he says that he kept an account of his voyat*" 
 ill the style of Ihe Commentaries of C'u-'sar, which he iuleuded to rsubmil to his hoiiuetm-
 
 90 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 if the very laws of nature were changing, as they advanced, and 
 that they were entering another world, subject to unknown in- 
 fluences. 1 They apprehended that the compass was about to 
 lose its mysterious virtues, and, without this guide, what was 
 to become of them in a vast and trackless ocean ? 
 
 Columbus tasked his science and ingenuity for reasons with 
 which to allay their terror. He observed that the direction of 
 the needle was not to the polar star, but to some fixed and 
 invisible point. The variation, therefore, was not caused by any 
 fallacy in the compass, but by the movement of the north sta^r 
 itself, which, like the other heavenly bodies, had its changes and 
 revolutions, and every day described a circle round the pole. 
 The high opinion which the pilots entertained of Columbus as a 
 profound astronomer, gave weight to this theory, and their alarm 
 subsided. As yet the solar system of Copernicus was unknown ; 
 the explanation of Columbus, therefore, was highly plausible 
 and ingenious, and it shows the vivacity of his mind, ever ready 
 to meet the emergency of the moment. The theory may at first 
 bave been advanced merely to satisfy the minds of others, but 
 Columbus appears subsequently to have remained satisfied with 
 it himself. The phenomenon has now become familiar to us, 
 but we still continue ignorant of its cause. It is one of those 
 mysteries of nature, open to daily observation and experiment, 
 and apparently simple from their familiarity, but which on in- 
 vestigation make the human mind conscious of its limits ; baf- 
 fling the experience of the practical, and humbling the pride of 
 science. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGE VARIOUS TERRORS OF THE 
 
 SEAMEN. 
 
 [1492.] 
 
 ON the 14th of September the voyagers were rejoiced by the 
 sight of what they considered harbingers of land. A heron, and 
 a tropical bird called the Rabo de Junco, 2 neither of which is 
 supposed to venture far to sea, hovered about the ships. On 
 the following night they were struck with awe at beholding a 
 meteor, or, as Columbus calls it in his journal, a great flame of 
 
 1 Las Ciiiian, IIi.-a. Ind., lib. i. cap. 6. * The water- wagtail.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 91 
 
 fire, which seemed to fall from the sky into the sea, about four 
 or five leagues distant. These meteors, common in warm cli- 
 mates, and especially under the tropics, are always seen in the 
 serene azure sky of those latitudes, falling as it were from the 
 heavens, but never beneath a cloud. In the transparent atmos- 
 phere of one of those beautiful nights, where every star shines 
 with the purest lustre, they often leave a luminous train behind 
 them which lasts for twelve or fifteen seconds, and may well be 
 compared to a flame. 
 
 The wind had hitherto been favorable, with occasional though 
 transient clouds and showers. They had made great progress 
 each day, though Columbus, according to his secret plan, con- 
 trived to suppress several leagues in the daily reckoning left 
 to the crew. 
 
 They had now arrived within the influence of the trade wind, 
 which, following the sun, blows steadily from east to west be- 
 tween the tropics, and sweeps over a few adjoining degrees of 
 ocean. With this propitious breeze directly aft, they were 
 wafted gently but speedily over a tranquil sea, so that for many 
 days they did not shift a sail. Columbus perpetually recurs to 
 the bland and temperate serenity of the weather, which in this 
 tract of the ocean is soft and refreshing without being cool. In 
 his artless and expressive language he compares the pure and 
 balmy mornings to those of April in Andalusia, and observes 
 that they wanted but the song of the nightingale to complete 
 the illusion. ' k He had reason to say so," observes the ven- 
 erable Las Casas ; " for it is marvellous the suavity which we 
 experience when half way toward these Indies ; and the more 
 the ships approach the lands so much more do they perceive the 
 temperance and softness of the air, the clearness of the sky, 
 and the amenity and fragrance sent forth from the groves and 
 forests ; much more certainly than in April in Andalusia." l 
 
 They now began to see large patches of herbs and weeds 
 drifting from the west, and increasing in quantity as they ad- 
 vanced. Some of these weeds were such as grow about rocks, 
 others such as are produced in rivers ; some were yellow and 
 withered, others so green as to have apparently been recently 
 washed from land. On one of these patches was a live crab, 
 which Columbus carefully preserved. They saw also a white 
 tropical bird, of a kind which never sleeps upon the sea. Tunny 
 fish also played about the ships, one of which was killed by the 
 crew of the Nina. Columbus now called to mind the account 
 
 1 Las Casas, Hist, lad., lib. i. cap. 36, MS.
 
 92 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 given by Aristotle of certain ships of Cadiz, which, coasting the 
 shores outside of the Straits of Gibraltar, were driven westward 
 by an impetuous east wind, until they reached a part of the 
 ocean covered with vast fields of weeds, resembling sunken 
 islands, among which they beheld many tunny fish. He sup- 
 posed himself arrived in this weedy sea, as it had been called, 
 from which the ancient mariners had turned back in dismay, 
 but which he regarded with animated hope, as indicating the 
 vicinity of land. Not that he had yet any idea of reaching the 
 object of his search, the eastern end of Asia ; for, according to 
 his computation, he had come but three hundred and sixty 
 leagues 1 since leaving the Canary Islands, and he placed the 
 main land of India much farther on. 
 
 On the 18th of September the same weather continued ; a soft 
 steady breeze from the east filled every sail, while, to use the 
 words of Columbus, the sea was as calm as the Guadalquivir at 
 Seville. He fancied that the water of the sea grew fresher as 
 he advanced, and noticed this as a proof of the superior sweet- 
 ness and purity of the air. 2 
 
 The crews were all in high spirits ; each ship strove to get in 
 the advance, and every seaman was eagerly on the look-out ; 
 for the sovereigns had promised a pension of ten thousand ma- 
 ravedis to him who should first discover land. Martin Alonzo 
 Piuzon crowded all canvas, and, as the Pinta was a fast sailer, 
 he generally kept the lead. In the afternoon he hailed the ad- 
 minil and informed him that, from the flight of a great number 
 of birds and from the appearance of the northern horizon, he 
 thought there was land in that direction. 
 
 There was in fact a cloudiness in the north, such as often 
 hangs over land ; and at sunset it assumed such shapes and 
 masses that many fancied they beheld islands. There was a 
 universal wish, therefore, to steer for that quarter. Columbus, 
 however, was persuaded that they were mere illusions. Every 
 one who has made a sea voyage must have witnessed the de- 
 ceptions caused by clouds resting upon the horizon, especially 
 about sunset and sunrise ; which the eye, assisted by the imagin- 
 ation and desire, easily converts into the wished-for land. 
 This is particulary the case within the tropics, where the clouds 
 at sunset assume the most singular appearances. 
 
 On the following day there were drizzling showers, unaccom- 
 panied by wind, which Columbus considered favorable signs ; 
 
 1 Of twenty to the degree of latitude, the unity of distance used throughout thw 
 work. 
 
 2 Lad Casas, Iliit- hid., lib. I. cap. 36.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 93 
 
 two boobies also flew on board the ships, birds which, he ob- 
 served, seldom fly twenty leagues from land. He sounded, 
 therefore, with a line of two hundred fathoms, but found no 
 bottom. He supposed he might be passing between islands, 
 lying to the north and south, but was unwilling to waste the 
 present favoring breeze by going in search of them ; besides, he 
 had confidently affirmed that land was to be found by keeping 
 steadfastly to the west : his whole expedition had been founded 
 on such a presumption ; he should, therefore, risk all credit and 
 authority with his people were he to appear to doubt and waver, 
 and to go groping blindly from point to point of the compass. 
 He resolved, therefore, to keep one bold course always west- 
 ward, until he should reach the coast of India; and afterward, 
 if advisable, to seek these islands on his return. 1 
 
 Notwithstanding his precaution to keep the people ignorant 
 of the distance they had sailed, they were now growing ex- 
 tremely uneasy at the length of the voyage. They had advanced 
 much farther west than ever man had sailed before, and though 
 already beyond the reach of succor, still they continued daily 
 leaving vast tracts of ocean behind them, and pressing onward 
 and onward into that apparently boundless abyss. It is true 
 they had been flattered by various indications of land, and still 
 others were occurring ; but all mocked them with vain hopes : 
 after being hailed with a transient joy, they passed away, one 
 after another, and the same interminable expanse of sea and 
 sky continued to extend before them. Even the bland and gen- 
 tle breeze, uniformly aft, was now conjured by their ingenious 
 fears into a cause of alarm ; for they began to imagine that the 
 wind, in these seas, might always prevail from the east, and if 
 so, would never permit their return to .Spain. 
 
 Columbus endeavored to dispel these gloomy presages, some- 
 times by argument and expostulation, sometimes by awakening 
 fresh hopes, and pointing out new signs of land. On the 2Utli 
 of September the wind veered, with light breezes from the 
 south-west. These, though adverse to their progress, had a 
 cheering effect upon the people, as they proved that the wind 
 did not always prevail from the east. 2 Several birds also visited 
 the ships ; three, of a small kind which keep about groves and 
 orchards, came singing in the morning, and flew away again in 
 the evening. Their song cheered the hearts of the dismayed 
 
 1 Flist. del Almirate, cap. 20. Extracts from Journal of Columb. Navarrete, t. i. 
 p. 16. - 
 
 - Nfucho me fue necesario este viento contrario, porque mi gente andaban muy 
 Mtimulado*, <|iic ptMsaban 'I 11 ' 1 i><> voiit:il>aii extos mares vieutou para volver a Espaua. 
 1'iiiiKT Vkigu Ue (Jolou. Xavurrclu, lou. i. p. 12.
 
 94 LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 mariners, who hailed it as the voice of land. The larger fowl, 
 they observed, were strong of wing, and might venture far to 
 sea ; but such small birds were too feeble to fly far, and their 
 singing showed that they were not exhausted by their flight. 
 
 On the following day there was either a profound calm or 
 light winds from the south-west. The sea, as far as the eye 
 could reach, was covered with weeds ; a phenomenon, often 
 observed in this part of the ocean, which has sometimes the 
 appearance of a vast inundated meadow. This has been attrib- 
 uted to immense quantities of submarine plants, which grow tit 
 the bottom of the sea until ripe, when they are detached by the 
 motion of the waves and currents, and rise to the surface. 1 
 These fields of weeds were at first regarded with great satis- 
 faction, but at length they became, in many places, so dense 
 and matted as in some degree to impede the sailing of the ships, 
 which must have been under very little headway. The crews 
 now called to mind some tale about the frozen ocean, where 
 ships were said to be sometimes fixed immovable. They en- 
 deavored, therefore, to avoid as much as possible those floating 
 masses, lest some disaster of the kind might happen to them- 
 selves. 2 Others considered these weeds as proof that the sea 
 was growing shallower, and began to talk of lurking rocks, and 
 shoals, and treacherous quicksands ; and of the danger of run- 
 ning aground, -as it were, in the midst of the ocean, where their 
 vessels might rot and fall to pieces, far out of the track of hu- 
 man aid, and without any shore where the crews might take 
 refuge. They had evidently some confused notion of the ancient 
 story of the sunken island of Atalautis, and feared that they 
 were arriving at that part of the ocean where navigation was 
 said to be obstructed by drowned lauds, and the ruins of an 
 ingulfed country. 
 
 To dispel these fears, the admiral had frequent recourse to 
 the lead ; but though he sounded with a deep-sea line, he still 
 found no bottom. The minds of the crews, however, had grad- 
 ually become diseased. They were full of vague terrors and 
 superstitious fancies: they construed everything into a cause of 
 alarm, and harassed their commander by incessant murmurs. 
 
 For three days there was a continuance of Alight summer airs 
 from the southward and westward, and the sea was as smooth 
 as a mirror. A whale was seen heaving up its huge form at a 
 distance, which Columbus immediately pointed out as a favorable 
 indication, affirming that these fish were generally in the neigh- 
 
 1 lluinbolUt, Personal Narrative, book i. cap. 1. * Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 18.
 
 LIFE OF CUElSTOPnER COLUMBUS. 95 
 
 borhood of land. The crews, however, became uneasy at the 
 calmness of the weather. They observed that the contrary 
 winds which they experienced were transient and unsteady, and 
 so light as not to ruffle the surface of the sea, which maintained 
 a sluggish calm like a lake of dead water. Every thing dif- 
 fered, they said, in these strange regions from the world to 
 which they had been, accustomed. The only winds which pre- 
 vailed with any constancy and force, were from the east, and 
 they had not power to disturb the torpid stillness of the ocean ; 
 there was a risk, therefore, either of perishing amid stagnant 
 and shoreless waters, or of being prevented, by contrary winds, 
 from ever returning to their native country. 
 
 Columbus continued with admirable patience to reason with 
 these fancies ; observing that the calmness of the sea must un- 
 doubtedly be caused by the vicinity of land in the quarter whence 
 the wind blew, which, therefore, had not space sufficient to act 
 upon the surface and heave up large waves. Terror, however, 
 multiplies and varies the forms of ideal danger a thousand times 
 faster than the most active wisdom can dispel them. The more 
 Columbus argued, the more boisterous became the murmurs of 
 his crew, until, on Sunday, the 25th of September, there came 
 on' a heavy swell of the sea, unaccompanied by wind. This 
 phenomenon often occurs on the broad ocean ; being either the 
 expiring undulations of some past gale, or the movement given 
 to the sea, by some distant current of wind ; it was, nevertheless, 
 regarded with astonishment by the mariners, and dispelled the 
 imaginary terrors occasioned by the calm. 
 
 Columbus, who as usual considered himself under the imme- 
 diate eye and guardianship of Heaven in this solemn enterprise, 
 intimates in his journal that this swelling of the sea seemed 
 providentially ordered to allay the rising clamors of his crew ; 
 comparing it to that which so miraculously aided Moses when 
 conducting the children of Israel out of the captivity of Egypt. 1 
 
 1 " Cotno la mar estnviese manna y liana murmuraba la gente diciendo que, pues 
 por alii no habia mar grandc que nunea ventaria para volver a Espaiia; )>ero denpues 
 al/one inucho la mar y xin vicnlo, que los asumbrabu; por lo cual dice aqui el Almirante; 
 *< que nitty itei.raurio me fite In mar alta, qae noparecio, xalvo el tiemj/o de lot Judios 
 ciinndu xttlii >'/ ill- Egifit.it cuntrn Aloy&en que los stucubu de captiverio." Journal of 
 Colomb. JS'uvarrete, lota. i. p. 12.
 
 96 LIFE OF CIIRISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 t 
 
 CHAPTER TV. 
 
 CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGE DISCOVERT OF LAND. 
 1 1492. | 
 
 THE situation of Columbus was daily becoming more and 
 more critical. In proportion as he approached the regions 
 where he expected to find land, the impatience of his crews aug- 
 mented. The favorable signs which increased his confidence, 
 were derided by them as delusive ; and there was danger of 
 their rebelling, and obliging him to turn back, when on the 
 point of realizing the object of all his labors. They beheld 
 themselves with dismay still wafted onward, over the boundless 
 wastes of what appeared to them a mere watery desert, sur- 
 rounding the habitable world. What was to become of them 
 should their provisions fail? Their ships were too weak and 
 defective even for the great voyage they had already made, but 
 if they were still to press forward, adding at every moment to 
 the immense expanse behind them, how should they ever be able 
 to return, having no intervening port where they might victual 
 and refit? 
 
 In this way they fed each other's discontents, gathering to- 
 gether in little knots, and fomenting a spirit of mutinous oppo- 
 sition ; and when we consider the natural fire of the .Spanish 
 temperament and its impatience of control ; and that a great 
 part of these men were sailing on compulsion, we cannot won- 
 der that there was imminent danger of their breaking forth into 
 open rebellion and compelling Columbus to turn back. In their 
 secret conferences they exclaimed against him as a desperado, 
 bent, in a mad phantasy, upon doing something extravagant to 
 render himself notorious. What were their sufferings and dan- 
 gel's to one evidently content to sacrifice his own life for the 
 chance of distinction? What obligations bound them to con- 
 tinue on with him ; or when were the terms of their agreement 
 to be considered as fulfilled? They had already penetrated 
 unknown seas, un traversed by a sail, far beyond where man 
 had ever before ventured. They had done enough to gain them- 
 selves a character for courage and hardihood in undertaking 
 such an enterprise and persisting in it so far. How much 
 farther were they to go in quest of a merely conjectured land? 
 Were they to sail on until they perished, or until all return be-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 97 
 
 came impossible? In such case they would be the authors of 
 their own destruction. 
 
 On the other hand, should they consult their safety, and turn 
 back before too late, who would blame them ? Any complaints 
 made by Columbus would be of no weight; he was a foreigner, 
 without friends or influence ; his schemes had been condemned 
 by the learned, and discountenanced by people of all ranks. He 
 hud no party to uphold him, and a host of opponents whose 
 pride of opinion would be gratified by his failure. Or, as an 
 effectual means of preventing his complaints, they might throw 
 him into the sea, and give out that he had fallen overboard 
 while busy with his instruments contemplating the stars ; a re- 
 port which no one would have either the inclination or the means 
 to controvert. 1 
 
 Columbus was not ignorant of the mutinous disposition of his 
 crew, but he still maintained a serene and steady countenance ; 
 toothing some with gentle words ; endeavoring to stimulate the 
 pride or avarice of others, and openly menacing the refractory 
 with signal punishment, should they do any thing to impede the 
 voyage. 
 
 On the 25th of September the wind again became favorable, 
 and they were able to resume their course directly to the west. 
 The airs being light and the sea calm, the vessels sailed near to 
 each other, and Columbus had much conversation with Martin 
 Alonzo Piuzon on the subject of a chart which the former had 
 sent three days before on board of the Pinta. Pinzon thought 
 tnat, according to the indications of the map, they ought to be 
 in the neighlxjrhood of Cipango, and the other islands which 
 the admiral had therein delineated. Columbus partly entertained 
 the same idea, but thought it possible that the ships might have 
 l>eeii borne out of their track by the prevalent currents, or that 
 they had not come so far as the pilots had reckoned. He de- 
 sired that the chart might be returned, and Pinzon, tying it to 
 the end of a cord, flung it on Iward to him. While Columbus, 
 his pilot, and several of his experienced mariners were studying 
 the imp, and endeavoring to make out from it their actual 
 position, they heard a shout from the Pinta, and looking up, 
 beheld Martin Alouzo Pinzon mounted on the stern of his vesse 
 crying " Land ! land ! Senor, I claim my reward ! " He pointed 
 at the same time to the south-west, where there was indeed an 
 appearance of laud at about twenty-five leagues' distance. Upon 
 this Columbus threw himself on his knees and returned thanks 
 
 t. del Alum-ante, cap. 19. lU-i rcia, Ili.-i. lud., decad. i. lib. i cap. 10.
 
 98 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 to God ; and Martin Alonzo repeated the Gloria in excelsis, in 
 which he was joined by his own crew and that of the admiral. 1 
 
 The seamen now mounted to the masthead or climbed about 
 the rigging, straining their eyes in the direction pointed out. 
 The conviction became so general of land in that quarter, and 
 the joy of the people so ungovernable, that Columbus found it 
 necessary to vary from his usual course, and stand all night to 
 the south-west. The morning light, however, put an end to all 
 their hopes, as to a dream. The fancied land proved to be 
 nothing but an evening cloud, and had vanished in the night. 
 With dejected hearts they once more resumed their western 
 course, from which Columbus would never have varied, but in 
 compliance with their clamorous wishes. 
 
 For several days they continued on with the same propitious 
 breeze, tranquil sea, and mild, delightful weather. The water 
 was so calm that the sailors amused themselves with swimming 
 about the vessel. Dolphins began to abound, and flying-fish, 
 darting into the air, fell upon the decks. The continued signs 
 of laud diverted the attention of the crews, and insensibly be- 
 guiled them onward. 
 
 On the 1st of October, according to the reckoning of the pilot 
 of the admiral's ship, they had come five hundred and eighty 
 leagues west since leaving the Canary Islands. The reckoning 
 which Columbus showed the crew was five hundred and eighty- 
 four, but the reckoning which he kept privately was seven hun- 
 dred and seven. 2 On the following day the weeds floated from 
 east to west ; and on the third day no birds were to be seen. 
 
 The crews now began to fear that they had passed between 
 islands, from one to the other of which the birds had been fly- 
 ing. Columbus had also some doubts of the kind, but refused 
 to alter his westward course. The people again uttered mur- 
 murs and menaces ; but on the following day they were visited 
 by such flights of birds, and the various indications of land be- 
 came so numerous, that from a state of despondency they 
 passed to one of confident expectation. 
 
 Eager to obtain the promised pension, the seamen were con- 
 tinually giving the cry of land, on the least appearance of the 
 kind. To put a stop to these false alarms, which produced con- 
 tinual disappointments, Columbus declared that should any one 
 give such notice, and land not be discovered within three days 
 afterward, he should thenceforth forfeit all claim to the reward. 
 
 On the evening of the 6th of October, Martin Alonzo Piuzon 
 
 i Journal of Columfo , Primer Viage, Navarrete. torn. i. 
 1 Navtirit'U', loin. i. p. 16.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 99 
 
 began to lose confidence in their present course, and proposed 
 that they should stand more to the southward. Columbus, 
 however, still persisted in steering directly west. 1 
 
 Observing this difference of opinion in a person so important 
 in his squadron as Pinzon, and fearing that chance or design 
 might scatter the ships, he ordered that, should either of the 
 caravels be separated from him, it should stand to the west, and 
 endeavor as soon as possible to join company again ; he directed, 
 also, that the vessels should keep near to him at sunrise and 
 sunset, as at these times the state of the atmosphere is most 
 favorable to the discovery of distant land. 
 
 On the morning of the 7th of October, at sunrise, several of 
 the admiral's crew thought they beheld land in the west, but so 
 indistinctly that no one ventured to proclaim it, lest he should 
 be mistaken, and forfeit all chance of the reward ; the Nina, 
 however, being a good sailor, pressed forward to ascertain the 
 fact. In a little while a flag was hoisted at her masthead, and 
 a gun discharged, being the preconcerted signals for land. New 
 joy was awakened throughout the little squadron, and every eye 
 was turned to the west. As they advanced, however, their 
 cloud-built hopes faded away, and before evening the fancied 
 laud had again melted into air. 2 
 
 The crews now sank into a degree of dejection proportioned 
 to their recent excitement; but new circumstances occurred to 
 arouse them. Columbus, having observed great flights of small 
 field-birds going toward the south-west, concluded they must be 
 secure of some neighboring land, where they would find food 
 and a resting-place. He knew the importance which the Portu- 
 guese voyagers attached to the flight of birds, by following 
 which they had discovered most of their islands. He had now 
 come seven hundred and Gfty leagues, the distance at which he 
 had computed to find the island of Cipango ; as there was no 
 appearance of it, he might have missed it through some mistake 
 in the latitude. He determined, therefore, on the evening of 
 the 7th of October, to alter his course to the west-south-west, 
 the direction in which the birds generally flew, and continue 
 that direction for at least two days. After all, it was no great 
 deviation from his main course, and would meet the wishes of 
 the Pinzous, as well as be inspiriting to his followers generally. 
 
 For three days they stood in this direction, and the farther 
 they went the more frequent and encouraging were the signs of 
 land. Flights of small birds of various colors, some of them 
 
 i Journ. of Columbus, Navai-rete. torn. I. p. 17. 
 
 1 llidt. del A huiraii IL', cap. ^u. Juuru. of Columbus, Navarrete, torn. i.
 
 100 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 such as sing in the fields, came flying about the ships, and then 
 continued toward the south-west, and others were heard also 
 flying by in the night. Tunny fish played about the smooth sea, 
 and a heron, a pelican, and a duck were seen, all bound in the 
 same direction. The herbage which floated by was fresh and 
 given, us if recently from land, and the air, Columbus observes, 
 was sweet and fragrant as April breezes in Seville. 
 
 All these, however, were regarded by the crews as so many 
 delusions beguiling them on to destruction ; and when on the 
 evening of the third day they beheld the sun go down upon a 
 shoreless ocean, they broke forth into turbulent clamor. They 
 exclaimed against this obstinacy in tempting fate by continuing 
 on into a boundless sea. They insisted upon turning homeward, 
 and abandoning the voyage as hopeless. Columbus endeavored 
 to pacify them by gentle words and promises of large rewards ; 
 but finding that they only increased in clamor, he assumed a 
 decided tone. He told them it was useless to murmur, the 
 expedition had been sent by the sovereigns to seek the Indies, 
 and, happen what might, he was determined to persevere, until, 
 by the blessing of God, he should accomplish the enterprise.* 
 
 Columbus was now at open defiance with his crew, and his 
 situation became desperate. Fortunately the manifestations of 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 20. Las Casas, lib. i. Journal of Colurub., Navarrete, 
 Colec. toin. i. p. la. 
 
 It has been asserted by various historians, that Columbus, a day or two previous to 
 coming in sight of the Xew World, capitulated with his mutinous crew, promising, if 
 he did not discover land within three days, to abandon the voyage. There is no authority 
 for such an assertion, either in the history of his son Fernando or that of the Bishop Las 
 r.i-as, each of whom had the admiral's papers before him. There is no mention of such 
 a circumstance in the extracts made from the journal by Las Casas, which have recently 
 been brought to light; nor is it asserted by either Peter Martyr or the Curate of Los 
 1'alacios, both contemporaries and acquaintances of Columbus, and who could scarcely 
 have failed to mention so striking a fact, if true. It rests merely upon the authority of 
 Ok'iedo, who is of inferior credit to either of the authors above cited, and was grossly 
 misled as to many of the particulars of this voyage by a pilot of the name of Ilernan 
 Perez Matheo, who was hostile to Columbus. In the manuscript process of the memor- 
 able lawsuit between Don Diego, son of the admiral, and the fiscal of the crown, is the 
 evidence of one Pedro de Bilbao, who testifies that he heard many times that some of 
 the pilots and mariners wished to turn back, but that the admiral promised them presents, 
 and entreated them to wait two or three days, before which time he should discover land. 
 ( ' Pedro de Bilbao, oyo muchas veces que algunos pilotos y marineros querian volverse 
 sino fuera por el Almirante que les prometio donos, IPS rogo esperasen dos o tres dia- i 
 que antes, del tennlno descubricra tierra." ) This, if true, implies no capitululiou to 
 relinquish the enterprise. 
 
 On the other hand, it was asserted by some of the witnesses in the above-mentioned 
 ouit, that Columbus, after luuing proceeded some few hundred league-* without finding 
 land, lost confidence and wished to turn "back; but was persuaded and even piqued to 
 continue by the Piuzons. This assertion carries falsehood on its very face. It is in total 
 contradiction to that persevering constancy and undaunted resolution displayed by 
 Columbus, not merely in the present voyage, but from first to last of his difficult and 
 dangerous career. This testimony was g'iveii by some of the mutinous men, anxious to 
 exaggerate the merits of the I'inzons, and to depreciate that of Columbus. Fortunately, 
 the extracts from the journal of the latter, written from day to day, with guileless sirri' 
 plicity, and all the air of truth, disprove these fables, and show that on the very day 
 previous to his discovery, In- expressed a peremptory dulurmiuatiou. to persevere, in 
 di-liuucc of all dangers aud diiliculties.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 101 
 
 the vicinit\" of land were such on the following day as no longer 
 to admit a doubt. Besides a quantity of fresh weeds, such as 
 grow in rivers, they saw a green fish of a kind which keeps 
 about rocks; then a branch of thorn with berries on it, and 
 recently separated from the tree, floated by them ; then they 
 picked up a reed, a small board, and, above all, a staff arti- 
 ficially carved. All gloom and mutiny now gave way to san- 
 guine expectation ; and throughout the day each one was 
 eagerly on the watch, in hopes of being the first to discover 
 the long-sought-for land. 
 
 In the evening, when, according to invariable custom on 
 board of the admiral's ship, the mariners had sung the " Salve 
 Kegina," or vesper hymn to the Virgin, he made an impressive 
 address to his crew. He pointed out the goodness of God in 
 thus conducting them by soft and favoring breezes across a 
 tranquil ocean, cheering their hopes continually with fresh signs, 
 increasing as their fears augmented, and thus leading and guid- 
 ing them to a promised land. He now reminded them of the 
 orders he had given on leaving the Canaries, that, after sailing 
 westward seven hundred leagues, they should not make sail 
 after midnight. Present appearances authorized such a precau- 
 tion. He thought it probable they would make land that very 
 night ; he ordered, therefore, a vigilant look-out to be kept from 
 the forecastle, promising to whomsoever should make the dis- 
 covery, a doublet of velvet, in addition to the pension to be 
 given by the sovereigns. 1 
 
 The breeze had been fresh all day, with more sea than usual, 
 and they had made great progress. At sunset they had stood 
 again to the west, and were ploughing the waves at a rapid rate, 
 the Pinta keeping the lead, from her superior sailing. The 
 greatest animation prevailed throughout the ships ; not an eye 
 was closed that night. As the evening darkened, Columbus 
 took his station on the top of the castle or cabin on the high 
 poop of his vessel, ranging his eye along the dusky horizon, 
 and maintaining an intense and unremitting watch. About ten, 
 o'clock he thought he beheld a light glimmering at a great dis- 
 tance. Fearing his eager hopes might deceive him, he called to 
 Pedro Gutierrez, gentleman of the king's bedchamber, and 
 inquired whether he saw such a light ; the latter replied in the 
 affirmative. Doubtful whether it might not yet be some delu- 
 sion of the fancy, Columbus called Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, 
 and made the same inquiry. By the time the latter had ascended 
 
 1 Hist, del A hull-ante, cap. 21.
 
 102 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 the round-house the light had disappeared. They saw it once 
 or twice afterward in sudden and passing gleams ; as if it were 
 a torch in the bark of a fisherman, rising and sinking with the 
 waves ; or in the hand of some person on shore, borne up and 
 iloxvn as he walked from house to house. So transient and 
 uncertain were these gleams that few attached any importance 
 to them ; Columbus, however, considered them as certain signs 
 of land, and, moreover, that the land was inhabited. 
 
 They continued their course until two in the morning, when a 
 gun from the Pinta gave the joyful signal of land. It was first 
 descried by a mariner named Rodrigo de Triana ; but the reward 
 was afterward adjudged to the admiral, for having previously 
 perceived the light. The land was now clearly seen about two 
 leagues distant, whereupon they took in sail and lay to, waiting 
 impatiently for the dawn. 
 
 The thoughts and feelings of Columbus in this little space of 
 time must have been tumultuous and intense. At length, in 
 spite of every difficulty and danger, he had accomplished his 
 object. The great mystery of the ocean was revealed ; his 
 theory, which had been the scoff of sages, was triumphantly 
 established ; he had secured to himself a glory durable as the 
 world itself. 
 
 It is difficult to conceive the feelings of such a man, at such 
 a moment ; or the conjectures which must have thronged upon, 
 his mind, as to the land before him, covered with darkness. 
 That it was fruitful, was evident from the vegetables which 
 floated from its shores. He thought, too, that he perceived the 
 fragrance of aromatic groves. The moving light he had beheld 
 proved it the residence of man. But what were its inhabitants? 
 Were they like those of the other parts of the globe ; or were 
 they some strange and monstrous race, such as the imagination 
 was prone in those times to give to all remote and unknown 
 regions? Had he come upon some wild island far in the Indian 
 sea ; or was this the famed Cipaugo itself, the object of his 
 golden fancies? A thousand speculations of the kind must 
 have swarmed upon him, as, with his anxious crews, he waited 
 for the night to pass away, wondering whether the morning light 
 would reveal a savage wilderness, or dawn upon spicy groves, 
 and glittering fanes, and gilded cities, and all the splendor of 
 Oriental civilization.
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 FIRST LANDING OF COLUMBUS IN THE NEW WORLD. 
 
 IT was on Friday morning, the 12th of October, that Colum- 
 bus first iK'held the New World. As the day dawned he saw 
 before him a level island, several leagues in extent, and covered 
 with trees like a continual orchard. Though apparently un- 
 cultivated, it was populous, for the inhabitants were seen 
 issuing from all parts of the woods and running to the shore. 
 They were perfectly naked, and, as they stood gazing at the 
 ships, appeared by their attitudes and gestures to be lost in 
 astonishment. Columbus made signal for the ships to cast 
 anchor, and the boats to be manned and armed. He entered 
 his own boat, richly attired in scarlet, and holding the royal 
 standard ; while Martin Alonzo Pinzon and Vincent Janez his 
 brother, put off in company in their boats, each with a banner 
 of the enterprise emblazoned with a green cross, having on 
 either side the letters F. and Y., the initials of the Castiliaii 
 monarchs Fernando and Ysal>el, surmounted by crowns. 
 
 As he approached the shore, Columbus, who was disposed for 
 all kinds of agreeable impressions, was delighted with the 
 purity and suavity of the atmosphere, the crystal transparency 
 of the sea, and the extraordinary l>eauty of the vegetation. 
 He beheld, also, fruits of an unknown kind upon the trees 
 which overhung the shores. On landing he threw himself on 
 his knees, kissed the earth, and returned thanks to God with 
 tears of joy. His example was followed by the rest, whose 
 hearts indeed overflowed with the same feelings of gratitude. 
 Columbus then rising drew his sword, displayed the royal 
 standard, and assembling round him the two captains, with 
 Kodrigo de Escobedo, notary of the armament, Kodrigo San- 
 chez, and the rest who had landed, he took solemn possession 
 in the name of the Castilian sovereigns, giving the island the 
 name of San Salvador. Having complied with the requisite
 
 104 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 forms and ceremonies, he called upon all present to take the 
 oath of obedience to him, as admiral and viceroy, representing 
 the persons of the sovereigns. 1 
 
 The feelings of the crew now burst forth in the most extrava- 
 gant transports. They had recently considered themselves 
 devoted men, hurrying forward to destruction ; they now looked 
 upon themselves as favorites of fortune, and gave themselves 
 up to the most unbounded joy. They thronged around the 
 admiral with overflowing zeal, some embracing him, others 
 kissing his hands. Those who had been most mutinous and 
 turbulent during the voyage, were now most devoted and en- 
 thusiastic. Some begged favors of him, as if he had already 
 wealth and honors in his gift. Many abject spirits, who had 
 outraged him by their insolence, now crouched at his feet, beg- 
 ging pardon for all the trouble they had caused him, and 
 promising the blindest obedience for the future. 2 
 
 The natives of the island, when, at the dawn of day, they 
 had beheld the ships hovering on their coast, had supposed them 
 monsters which had issued from the deep during the night. 
 They had crowded to the beach and watched their movements 
 with awful anxiety. Their veering about, apparently without 
 effort, and the shifting and furling of their sails, resembling 
 huge wings, filled them with astonishment. When they beheld 
 their boats approach the shore, and a number of strange beings, 
 clad in glittering steel, or raiment of various colors, landing 
 upon the beach, they fled in affright to the woods. Finding, 
 however, that there was no attempt to pursue nor molest them, 
 they gradually recovered from their terror, and approached the 
 Spaniards with great awe; frequently prostrating themselves 
 on the earth, and making signs of adoration. During the cere- 
 monies of taking possession, they remained gazing in timid 
 admiration at the complexion, the beards, the shining armor, 
 and splendid dress of the Spaniards. The admiral particularly 
 attracted their attention, from his commanding height, his air 
 of authority, his dress of scarlet, and the deference which was 
 paid him by his companions ; all which pointed him out to be 
 the commander. 3 When they had still further recovered from 
 
 1 In the Tablas Chronologicas of Padre Claudio Clemente, is conserved a form of 
 prayer, said to have been used by Columbus on this occasion, and which, by order 
 of the CaHtilian sovereigns, was afterward used by Balboa, Cortez, and Pizarro in 
 their discoveries. " Domine ]>en seterne et omnipotent), eacro ttio verbo coelum, 
 et terrara, et mare creasti ; benedicatur el gloriticelur nomen luiim, laudetur tua 
 majestaa, quae dignita cut per humilem nervutn tnuin, ut ejus sacrum nomen agnuii- 
 catur, et prsedicetur in hac a I tern niundi parte." Tab. Cbron. de loe Descub., decad. i. 
 Valencia, 1689. 
 
 * OvUdo, lib. i. cap. 6. Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 40. 
 
 s Lag C'asas, ubi bup.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 105 
 
 their fears, they approached the Spaniards, touched their 
 beards, and examined their hands and faces, admiring their 
 whiteness. Columbus was pleased with their gentleness and 
 con tiding simplicity, and suffered their scrutiny with perfect 
 Acquiescence, winning them by his benignity. They now 
 supposed that the ships had sailed out of the crystal firmaments 
 which bounded their horizon, or had descended from above on 
 their ample wings, and that these marvellous beings were in- 
 luiliitauts of the skies. 1 
 
 The natives of the island were no less objects of curiosity to 
 the Spaniards, differing, as they did, from any race of men they 
 had ever seen. Their appearance gave no promise of either 
 wealth or civilization, for they were entirely naked, and 
 painted with a variety of colors. With some it was confined 
 merely to a part of the face, the nose, or around the eyes ; with 
 others it extended to the whole body, and gave them a wild 
 and fantastic appearance. Their complexion was of a tawny 
 or copper hue, and they were entirely destitute of beards. 
 Their hair was not crisped, like the recently-discovered tribes 
 of the African coast, under the same latitude, but straight and 
 coarse, partly cut short above the ears, but some locks were 
 left long behind and falling upon their shoulders. Their fea- 
 tures, though obscured and disfigured by paint, were agree- 
 able ; they had lofty foreheads and remarkably fine eyes. 
 They were of moderate stature and well-shaped ; most of them 
 appeared to be under thirty years of age ; there was but one 
 female with them, quite young, naked like her companions, 
 and beautifully formed. 
 
 As Columbus supposed himself to have landed on an island 
 at the extremity of India, he called the natives by the general 
 appellation of Indians, which was universally adopted before 
 the true nature of his discovery was known, and has since been 
 extended to all the aboriginals of the New World. 
 
 The islanders were friendly and gentle. Their only arms 
 were lances, hardened at the end by fire, or pointed with a 
 flint, or the teeth or bone of a fish. There was no iron to be 
 seen, nor did they appear acquainted with its properties ; for, 
 when a drawn sword was presented to them, they unguardedly 
 took it by the edge. 
 
 Columbus distributed among them colored caps, glass beads, 
 
 1 The idea that the white men came from heaven was universally entertained !>y 
 the inhabitants of the New World. When in the course of subsequent voyages the 
 S[>a'iKirdx conversed with the cacique Nicaragua, he inquired how they came down 
 fruin the r-kies, whether flying or whether they deisceuded ou clouds, liurreia, decud. 
 iii. lib. iv. cap 17.
 
 106 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 hawks' bells, and other trifles, such as the Portuguese were 
 accustomed to trade with among the nations of the gold coast 
 of Africa. They received them eagerly, hung the beads round 
 their necks, and were wonderfully pleased with their finery, 
 and with the sound of the bells. The Spaniards remained all 
 day on shore refreshing themselves after their anxious voyage 
 amid the beautiful groves of the island, and returned on board 
 late in the evening, delighted with all they had seen. 
 
 On the following morning at break of day, the shore was 
 thronged with the natives ; some swam off to the ships, others 
 came in light barks which they called canoes, formed of a 
 single tree, hollowed, and capable of holding from one man to 
 the number of forty or fifty. These they managed dexterously 
 with paddles, and, if overturned, swam about in the water with 
 perfect unconcern, as if in their natural element, righting their 
 canoes with great facility, and bailing them with calabashes. 1 
 
 They were eager to procure more toys and trinkets, not, 
 apparently, from any idea of their intrinsic value, but because 
 every thing from the hands of the strangers possessed a super- 
 natural virtue in their eyes, as having been brought from 
 heaven ; they even picked up fragments of glass and earthen- 
 ware as valuable prizes. They had but few objects to offer in 
 return, except parrots, of which great numbers were domesti- 
 cated among them, and cotton yarn, of which they had abun- 
 dance, and would exchange large balls of five and twenty 
 pounds' weight for the merest trif e. They brought also cakes 
 of a kind of bread called cassava, which constituted a principal 
 part of their food, and was afterward an important article of 
 provisions with the Spaniards. It was formed from a great 
 root called yuca, which they cultivated in fields. This they cut 
 into small morsels, which they grated or scraped, and strained 
 in a press, making a broad thin cake, which was afterward 
 dried hard, and would keep for a long time, being steeped in 
 water when eaten. It was insipid, but nourishing, though the 
 water strained from it in the preparation was a deadly poison. 
 There was another kind of yuca destitute of this poisonous 
 quality which was eaten in the root, either boiled or roasted. 2 
 
 The avarice of the discoverers was quickly excited by the 
 sight of small ornaments of gold, worn by some of the natives 
 in their noses. These the latter gladly exchanged for glass 
 beads and hawks' bells; and both parties exulted in the bar- 
 
 1 The calnltaahefl of the Indiana, which served the purposes of glass and earthen- 
 ware, up|>lyini< them with all sorts of domi-wlic uteiisiln, were produced ou stately 
 trees of the size of elms. * .Acosta, Hist. lud., lib. iv. cap. 17.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 107 
 
 gain, no doubt admiring each other's simplicity. As gold, 
 however, was an object of royal monopoly in all enterprises of 
 discovery, Columbus forbade any traffic in it without his ex- 
 press sanction ; and he put the same prohibition on the traffic 
 for cotton, reserving to the crown all trade for it, wherever it 
 should be found in any quantity. 
 
 He inquired of the natives where this gold was procured. 
 They answered him by signs, pointing to the south, where, he 
 understood them, dwelt a king of such wealth that he was 
 served in vessels of wrought gold. He understood, also, that 
 there was land to the south, the south-west, and the north- 
 west, and that the people from the last mentioned quarter 
 frequently proceeded to the south-west in quest of gold and 
 precious stones, making in their way descents upon the islands, 
 and carrying off the inhabitants. Several of the natives showed 
 him scars of wounds received in battles with these invaders. 
 It is evident that a great part of this fancied intelligence was 
 self-delusion on the part of Columbus ; for he was under a spell 
 of the imagination, which gave its own shapes and colors to 
 every object. He was persuaded that he had arrived among 
 the islands described by Marco Polo as lying opposite to Cathay. 
 in the Chinese sea, and he construed every thing to accord with 
 the account given of those opulent regions. Thus the enemies 
 which the natives spoke of as coming from the north-west, he 
 concluded to be the people of the main-land of Asia, the sub- 
 jects of the great Khan of Tartary, who were represented by 
 the Venetian traveller as accustomed to make war upon the 
 islands, and to enslave their inhabitants. The country to the 
 south, abounding in gold, could be no other than the famous 
 island of Cipango ; and the king who was served out of vessels 
 of gold must be the monarch whose magnificent city and 
 gorgeous palace, covered with plates of gold, had been extolled 
 in such splendid terms by Marco Polo. 
 
 The island where Columbus had thus, for the first time, set 
 his foot upon the New World, was called by the natives 
 Guanahan6. It still retains the name of San Salvador, which 
 he gave to it, though called by the English Cat Island. 1 The 
 light which he had seen the evening previous to his making 
 laud, may have been on Watling's Island, which lies a few 
 leagues to the east. San Salvador is one of the great cluster of 
 the Lucayos, or Bahama Islands, which stretch south-east and 
 
 1 Some di*pnte bavins; recently arisen as to the island on which Coliimbux tirt 
 landed, the reader i* referred for :i di-en<sion of this question to the illustrations of ibis 
 work, article "First Lauding of Columbus."
 
 108 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 north-west, from the const of Florida to Hispaniola, covering 
 tlic northern coast of Cuba. 
 
 On the morning of the 14th of October the admiral set off at 
 daybreak with the lx>ats of the ships to reconnoitre the island, 
 directing his course to the north-east. The coast was sur- 
 rounded by a reef of rocks, within which there was depth of 
 water and sufficient harbor to receive all the ships in Christen- 
 dom. The entrance was very narrow ; within there were 
 several sand-banks, but the water was as still as in a pool. 1 
 
 The island appeared throughout to be well wooded, with 
 streams of water, and a large lake in the centre. As the boats 
 proceeded, they passed two or three villages, the inhabitants of 
 which, men as well as women, ran to the shores, throwing 
 themselves on the ground, lifting up their hands and eyes, 
 either giving thanks to heaven, or worshipping the Spaniards 
 as supernatural beings. They ran along parallel to the boats, 
 calling after the Spaniards, and inviting them by signs to land, 
 offering them various fruits and vessels of water. Finding, 
 however, that the boats continued on their course, many threw 
 themselves into the sea and swam after them, and others fol- 
 lowed in canoes. The admiral received them all with kind- 
 ness, giving them glass beads and other trifles, which were 
 received with transport as celestial presents, for the invariable 
 idea of the savages was, that the white men had come from the 
 skies. 
 
 In this way they pursued their course, until they came to a 
 small peninsula, which with two or three days' labor might be 
 separated from the main-laud and surrounded with water, and 
 was therefore specified by Columbus as an excellent situation 
 for a fortress. On this were six Indian cabins, surrounded by 
 groves and gardens as beautiful as those of Castile. The sailors 
 being wearied with rowing, and the island not appearing to the 
 admiral of sufficient importance to induce colonization, he 
 returned to the ships, taking seven of the natives with him, 
 that they might acquire the Spanish language and serve as 
 interpreters. 
 
 Having taken in a supply of wood and water, they left the 
 island of San Salvador the same evening, the admiral being 
 impatient to arrive at the wealthy country to the south, which 
 he flattered himself would prove the famous island of Cipango. 
 
 1 Primer Viage cie Colon. Xavarrete, loin. i.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 109 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 CRUISE AMONG THE BAHAMA ISLANDS. 
 11492.J 
 
 Ox leaving San Salvador Columbus was at a loss which wuy 
 to direct his course. A great number of islands, green and 
 level and fertile, invited him in different directions. The 
 Indians on board of his vessel intimated by signs that they 
 were innumerable, well peopled, and at war with one another. 
 They mentioned the names of above a hundred. Columbus 
 now had no longer a doubt that he was among the islands 
 described by Marco Polo as studding the vast sea of Chin, or 
 China, and lying at a great distance from the main-land. 
 These, according to the Venetian, amounted to between seven 
 and eight thousand, and abounded with drugs and spices and 
 odoriferous trees, together with gold and silver and many other 
 precious objects of commerce. 1 
 
 Animated by the idea of exploring this opulent archipelago, 
 he selected the largest island in sight for his next visit ; it ap- 
 peared to be about five leagues' distance, and he understood 
 from his Indians that the natives were richer than those of San 
 Salvador, wearing bracelets and anklets and other ornaments of 
 massive gold. 
 
 The night coming on, Columbus ordered that the ships should 
 lie to, as the navigation was difficult and dangerous among 
 these unknown islands, and he feared to venture ujx>n a strange 
 coast in the dark. In the morning they again made sail, but 
 meeting with counter-currents it was not until sunset that they 
 anchored at the island. The next morning (16th) they went on 
 shore, and Columbus took solemn possession, giving the island 
 the name of Santa Maria de la Conception. The same scene 
 occurred with the inhabitants as with those of San Salvador. 
 They manifested the same astonishment and awe, the same 
 gentleness and simplicity, and the same nakedness and absence 
 of all wealth. Columbus looked in vain for bracelets and 
 anklets of gold, or for any other precious articles : they had 
 l>een either fictions of his Indian guides, or his own misinter- 
 pretations. 
 
 i Marco I'olo, book iii. chap. 4; E;ig. translation by \V. Marsden.
 
 110 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Returning on board, he prepared to make sail, when one of 
 the Indians of San Salvador, who was on board of the Nina, 
 plunged into the sea, and swam to a large canoe filled with 
 natives. The boat of the caravel put off in pursuit, but the 
 Indians managed their light bark with too much velocity to 
 1x3 overtaken, and, reaching the land, fled to the woods. The 
 sailors took the canoe as a prize, and returned on board the 
 caravel. Shortly afterward a small canoe approached one of 
 the ships from a different part of the island, with a single Indian 
 on lx>ard, who came to offer a ball of cotton in exchange for 
 hawks' bells. As he paused when close to the vessel, and feared 
 to enter, several sailors threw themselves into the sea and took 
 him prisoner. 
 
 Columbus having seen all that passed from his station on the 
 high poop of the vessel, ordered the captive to be brought to 
 him ; he came trembling with fear, and humbly offered his ball 
 of cotton as a gift. The admiral received him with the utmost 
 benignity, and declining his offering, put a colored cap upon 
 his head, strings of green beads around his arms, and hawks' 
 bells in his ears, then ordering him and his ball of cotton to be 
 replaced in the canoe, dismissed him, astonished and overjoyed. 
 He ordered that the canoe, also, which had been seized and was 
 fastened to the Nina, should be cast loose, to be regained by its 
 proprietors. When the Indian reached the shore, his country- 
 men thronged round him, examining and admiring his finery, 
 and listening to his account of the kind treatment he expe- 
 rienced. 
 
 Such were the gentle and sage precautions continually taken 
 by Columbus to impress the natives favorably. Another in- 
 stance of the kind occurred after leaving the island of Concep- 
 tion, when the caravels stood for the larger island, several 
 leagues to the west. Midway between the two islands they 
 overtook a single Indian in a canoe. He had a mere morsel of 
 cassava bread and a calabash of water for sea-stores, and a 
 little red paint, like dragons' blood, for personal decoration 
 when he should land. A string of glass beads, such as had been 
 given to the natives of San Salvador, showed that he had come 
 thence, and was probably passing from islaud^to island, to give 
 notice of the ships. Columbus admired the hardihood of this 
 simple navigator, making such an extensive voyage in so frail 
 a bark. As the island was still distant, he ordered that loth 
 the Indian and his canoe should be taken on board, where he 
 treated him with the greatest kindness, giving him bread and 
 honey to eat, and wine to drink. The weather being very calm,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. Ill 
 
 they did not reach the island until too dark to anchor, through 
 fear of cutting their cables with rocks. The sea about these 
 islands was so transparent that in the daytime they could see 
 the l)ottoin and choose their ground ; and so deep, that at two 
 gunshot distance there was no anchorage. Hoisting out the 
 canoe of their Indian voyager, therefore, and restoring to him 
 all his effects, they sent him joyfully ashore, to prepare the 
 natives for their arrival, while the ships lay to until morning. 
 
 This kindness had the desired effect. The natives surrounded 
 the ships in their canoes during the night, bringing fruits and 
 roots, and the pure water of their springs. Columbus dis- 
 tributed trifling presents among them, and to those who came 
 on board he gave sugar and honey. 
 
 Landing the next morning, he gave to this island the name 
 of Fernandina, in honor of the king ; it is the same at present 
 called Exuma. The inhabitants were similar in every respect 
 to those of the preceding islands, excepting that they appeared 
 more ingenious and intelligent. Some of the women wore 
 mantles and aprons of cotton, but for the most part they were 
 entirely naked. Their habitations were constructed in the form 
 of a pavilion or high circular tent, of branches of trees, of 
 reeds, and palm leaves. They were kept very clean and neat, 
 and sheltered under spreading trees. For beds they had nets 
 of cotton extended from two posts, which they called hamacs, 
 a name since in universal use among seamen. 
 
 In endeavoring to circumnavigate the island, Columbus found, 
 within two leagues of the northwest cape, a noble harbor, suf- 
 ficient to hold a hundred ships, with two entrances formed by 
 an island which lay in the mouth of it. Here, while the men 
 landed with the casks in search of water, he reposed under the 
 shade of the groves, which he says were more beautiful than 
 any he had ever beheld ; "the country was as fresh and green 
 as in the month of May in Andalusia ; the trees, the fruits, the 
 herbs, the flowers, the very stones for the most part, as differ- 
 ent from those of Spain as night from day." 1 The inhabitants 
 gave t!ie same proofs as the other islanders, of being totally un- 
 accustomed to the sight of ^civilized man. They regarded the 
 Spaniards with awe and admiration, approached them with 
 propitiatory offerings of whatever their poverty, or rather their 
 simple and natural mode of life, afforded ; the fruits of their 
 fields and groves, the cotton, which was their article of greatest 
 value, and their domesticated parrots. They took those who 
 
 ' '.'rimer Viage de Colon. Navarrete, lib. i.
 
 112 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 were in search of water to the coolest springs, the sweetest and 
 freshest runs, filling their casks, and rolling them to the boats ; 
 thus seeking in every way to gratify their celestial visitors. 
 
 However pleasing this state of primeval poverty might he to 
 the imagination of a poet, it was a source of continual disap- 
 pointment to the Spaniards, whose avarice had been whetted to 
 the quick by scanty specimens of gold, and by the information 
 of golden islands continually given by the Indians. 
 
 Leaving Fernandina, on the 19th of October, they steered to 
 the south-east in quest of an island called Saometo, where 
 Columbus understood, from the signs of the guides, there was 
 a mine of gold, and a king, the sovereign of all the surrounding 
 islands, who dwelt in a large city and possessed great treasures, 
 wearing rich clothing and jewels of gold. They found the 
 island, but neither the monarch nor the mine ; either Columbus 
 had misunderstood the natives, or they, measuring things by 
 their own poverty, had exaggerated the paltry state and trivial 
 ornaments of some savage chieftain. Delightful as the other 
 islands had appeared, Columbus declared that this surpassed 
 them all. Like those it was covered with trees and shrubs and 
 herbs of an unknown kind. The climate had the same soft tem- 
 perature ; the air was delicate and balmy ; the land was higher, 
 with a fine verdant hill ; the coast of a fine sand, gently laved 
 by transparent billows. 
 
 At the south-west end of the island he found fine lakes of 
 fresh water, overhung with groves, and surrounded by banks 
 covered with herbage. Here he ordered all the casks of the 
 ships to be filled. " Here are large lakes," says he, in his jour- 
 nal, "and the groves about them are marvellous, and here and 
 in all the island every thing is green, as in April in Andalusia. 
 The singing of the birds is such, that it seems as if one would 
 never desire to depart hence. There are flocks of parrots whieli 
 obscure the sun, and other birds, large and small, of so mau\ 
 kinds all different from ours, that it is wonderful ; and besideb 
 there are trees of a thousand species, each having its particular 
 fruit and all of marvellous flavor, so that 1 am in the greatest 
 trouble in the world not to know them, for I am very certain 
 that they are each of great value. 'I shall bring home some of 
 them as specimens, and also some of the herbs." To this beau- 
 tiful island he gave the name of his royal patroness, Isabella ; it 
 is the same at present called Isla Larga and Exumeta. Colum- 
 bus was intent on discovering the drugs and spices of the East, 
 and on approaching this island, had fancied he perceived in the 
 air the spicy odors said to be wafted from the islands of the In-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 113 
 
 dian seas. " As I arrived at this cape," says he, " there came 
 thence a fragrance so good and soft of the flowers or trees of 
 the land, that it was the sweetest thing in the world. I believe 
 there are here many herbs and trees which would be of great 
 price in Spain for tinctures, medicines, and spices, but I 
 know nothing of them, which gives me great concern." 1 
 
 The iish, which abounded in these seas, partook of the novel- 
 ty which characterized most of the objects in this new world. 
 They rivalled the birds in tropical brilliancy of color, the scales 
 of some of them glancing back the rays of light like precious 
 stones ; as they sported alx>ut the ships, they flashed gleams of 
 gold and silver through the clear waves ; and the dolphins, taken 
 out of their element, delighted the eye with the changes of colors 
 ascribed in fable to the chameleon. 
 
 No animals were seen in these islands, excepting a species of 
 dog which never barked, a kind of coney or rabbit called " utia" 
 by the natives, together with numerous lizards and guanas. 
 The last were regarded with disgust and horror by the Span- 
 iards, supposing them to be fierce and noxious serpents; but 
 they were found afterward to be perfectly harmless, and their 
 flesh to be esteemed a great delicacy by the Indians. 
 
 For several days Columbus hovered about this island, seek- 
 ing in vain to find its imaginary monarch, or to establish a 
 communication with him, until, at length, he reluctantly be- 
 came convinced of his error. No sooner, however, did one 
 delusion fade away, than another succeeded. In reply to the 
 continual inquiries made by the Spaniards, after the source 
 whence they procured their gold, the natives uniformly pointed 
 to the south. Columbus now began to hear of an island in that 
 direction, called Cuba, but all that he could collect concerning 
 it from the signs of the natives was colored by his imagination. 
 He understood it to be of great extent, abounding in gold, and 
 pearls, and spices, and carrying on an extensive commerce in 
 those precious articles ; and that large merchant ships came to 
 trade with its inhabitants. 
 
 Comparing these misinterpreted accounts with the coast of 
 Asia, as laid down on his map. after the descriptions of Marco 
 Polo, he concluded that this island must be Cipango, and the 
 merchant ships mentioned must be those of the Grand Khan, 
 who maintained an extensive commerce in these seas. He 
 formed his plan accordingly, determining to sail immediately 
 for this island, and make himself acquainted with its ports, 
 
 Primer Viage de Colon. Xavarretc, cap. L
 
 114 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 cities, and productions, for the purpose of establishing relations 
 of traffic. He would then seek another great island calli-d 
 Bohio, of which the natives gave likewise marvellous accounts. 
 His sojourn in those islands would depend upon the quantities 
 of gold, spices, precious stones, and other objects of Oriental 
 trade which he should find there. After this he would proceed 
 to the mainland of India, which must be within ten days' sail, 
 seek the city Quiusai, which, according to Marco Polo, was one 
 of the most magnificent capitals in the world ; he would there 
 deliver in person the letters of the Castilian sovereigns to the 
 Grand Khan, and, when he received his reply, return trium- 
 phantly to Spain with this document, to prove that he had 
 accomplished the great object of his voyage. 1 Such was the 
 splendid scheme with which Columbus fed his imagination, when 
 about to leave the Bahamas in quest of the island of Cuba. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 DISCOVERY AND COASTING OF CUBA. 
 
 [1492.] 
 
 FOR several days the departure of Columbus was delayed by 
 contrary winds and calms, attended by heavy showers, which 
 last had prevailed, more or less, since his arrival among the 
 islands. It was the season of the autumnal rains, which in 
 those torrid climates succeed the parching heats of summer, 
 commencing about the decrease of the August moon, and last- 
 ing until the month of November. 
 
 At length, at midnight, October 24th, he set sail from the 
 island of Isabella, but was nearly becalmed until midday ; a 
 gentle wind then sprang up, and, as he observes, began to blow 
 most amorously. Every sail was spread, and he stood toward 
 the west-south-west, the direction in which he was told the land 
 of Cuba lay from Isabella. After three days' navigation, in the 
 course of which he touched at a group of seven or eight small 
 islands, which he called Islas de Arena, supposed to be the 
 present Mucaras islands, and having crossed the Bahama bank 
 and channel, he arrived, on the morning of the 28th of October, 
 
 1 Journal of Columbus. Xavarrete, torn. i.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 115 
 
 in sight of Cuba. The part which he first discovered is supposed 
 to be the coast to the west of Nuevitas del Principe. 
 
 As he approached this noble island, he was struck with its 
 magnitude, and the grandeur of its features ; its high and airy 
 mountains, which reminded him of those of Sicily ; its fertile 
 valleys, and long sweeping plains watered by noble rivers ; its 
 stately forests ; its bold promontories and stretching headlands, 
 which melted away into the remotest distance. He anchored 
 in a beautiful river, of transparent clearness, free from rocks 
 and shoals, its banks overhung with trees. Here, landing, and 
 taking possession of the island, he gave it the name of Juanu, 
 in honor of Prince Juan, and to the river the name of San Sal- 
 vador. 
 
 On the arrival of the ships, two canoes put off from the shore, 
 but fled on seeing the boat approach to sound the river for an- 
 chorage. The admiral visited two cabins abandoned by their 
 inhabitants. They contained but a few nets made of the fibres 
 of the palm-tree, hooks and harpoons of bone, and some other 
 fishing implements, and one of the kind of dogs he had met 
 with on the smaller islands, which never bark. He ordered that 
 nothing should be taken away or deranged. 
 
 Keturning to his boat, he proceeded for some distance up the 
 river, more and more enchanted with the beauty of the coun- 
 try. The banks were covered with high and wide-spreading 
 trees ; some bearing fruits, others flowers, while in some both 
 fruit and flowers were mingled, bespeaking a perpetual round of 
 fertility ; among them were many palms, but different from 
 those of Spain and Africa ; with the great leaves of these the 
 natives thatched their cabins. 
 
 The continual eulogies made by Columbus on the beauty of 
 the country were warranted by the kind of scenery he was be- 
 holding. There was a wonderful splendor, variety, and luxuri- 
 ance in the vegetation of those quick and ardent climates. The 
 verdure of the groves and the colors of the flowers and blos- 
 soms derive a vividness from the transparent purity of the air 
 and the deep serenity of the azure heavens. The forests, too, 
 are full of life, swarming with birds of brilliant plumage. 
 Painted varieties of parrots and woodpeckers create a glitter 
 amid the verdure of the grove, and humming-birds rove from 
 flower to flower, resembling, as has well been said, animated 
 particles of a rainbow. The scarlet flamingoes, too, seen some- 
 times through an opening of a forest in a distant savanna, have 
 the appearance of soldiers drawn up in battalion, with an ad- 
 vanced scout on the alert, to give notice of approaching danger.
 
 116 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Nor is the least beautiful part of animated nature the various 
 tribes of insects peopling every plant, and displaying brilliant 
 coats of mail, which sparkle like precious gems. 1 
 
 Such is the splendor of animal and vegetable creation in 
 these tropical climates, where an ardent sun imparts its own 
 lustre to every object, and quickens nature into exuberant 
 fecundity. The birds, in general, are not remarkable for their 
 notes, for it has been observed that in the feathered race 
 sweetness of song rarely accompanies brilliancy of plumage. 
 Columbus remarks, however, that there were various kinds 
 which sang sweetly among the trees, and he frequently de- 
 ceived himself in fancying that he heard the voice of the 
 nightingale, a bird unknown in these countries. He was, in 
 fact, in a mood to see every thing through a favoring medium. 
 His heart was full to overflowing, for he was enjoying the ful- 
 filment of his hopes, and the hard-earned but glorious reward 
 of his toils and perils. Every thing around him was beheld 
 with the enamoured and exulting eye of a discoverer, where 
 triumph mingles with admiration ; and it is difficult to conceive 
 the rapturous state of his feelings, while thus exploring the 
 charms of a virgin world, won by his enterprise and valor. 
 
 From his continual remarks on the beauty of scenery, and 
 from his evident delight in rural sounds and objects, he ap- 
 pears to have been extremely open to those happy influences, 
 exercised over some spirits, by the graces and wonders of 
 nature. He gives utterance to these feelings with character- 
 istic enthusiasm, and at the same time with the artlessness 
 and simplicity of diction of a child. When speaking of some 
 lovely scene among the groves, or along the flowery shores of 
 these favored islands, he says, "One could live there forever." 
 Cuba broke upon him like an elysium. "It is the most beau- 
 tiful island," he says, " that eyes ever beheld, full Of excellent 
 ports and profound rivers." The climate was more temperate 
 here than in the other islands, the nights being neither hot nor 
 cold, while the birds and crickets sang all night long. Indeed 
 there is a l>eauty in a tropical night, in the depth of the dark 
 blue sky, the lambent purity of the stars, and the resplendent 
 clearness of the moon, that spreads over the rich landscape and 
 the balmy groves a charm more captivating than the splendor 
 of the day. 
 
 In the sweet smell of the woods and the odor of the flowers 
 
 1 The ladle* of FTnvana, on jrala occasions, wear in their hair numbers of those in- 
 cu, which have u brilliancy equal to rubies, sapphires, or diamonds.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 117 
 
 Columbus fancied he perceived the fragrance of Oriental spices ; 
 and along the shores he found shells of the kind of oyster 
 which produces pearls. From the grass growing to the very 
 edge of the water, he inferred the peacefulness of the ocean 
 which bathes these islands, never lashing the shores with 
 angry surges. Ever since his arrival among these Antilles 
 he had experienced nothing but soft and gentle weatlic-r, and 
 he concluded that a perpetual serenity reigned over these happy 
 seas. He was little suspicious of the occasional bursts of 
 fury to which they are liable. Charlevoix, speaking from 
 actual observation, remarks, " The sea of those islands is com- 
 monly more tranquil than ours ; but, like certain people who 
 are excited with difficulty, and whose transports of passion are 
 as violent as they are rare, so when the sea becomes irritated, 
 it is terrible. It breaks all bounds, overflows the country, 
 sweeps away all things that oppose it, and leaves frightful 
 ravages behind, to mark the extent of its inundations. It is 
 after these tempests, known by the name of hurricanes, that 
 the shores are covered with marine shells, which greatly sur- 
 pass in lustre and beauty those of the P^uropean seas." 1 It is a 
 singular fact, however, that the hurricanes, which almost an- 
 nually devastate the Bahamas, and other islands in the immedi- 
 ate vicinity of Cuba, have been seldom known to extend their 
 influence to this favored land. It would seem as if the very 
 elements were charmed into gentleness as they approached it. 
 
 In a kind of riot of the imagination, Columbus finds at every 
 step something to corroborate the information be had received, 
 or fancied he had received, from the natives. He had conclu- 
 sive proofs, as he thought, that Cuba possessed mines of gold, 
 and groves of spices, and that its shores abounded with pearls. 
 He no longer doubted that it was the island of Cipango, and 
 weighing anchor, coasted along westward, in which direction, 
 according to the signs of his interpreters, the magnificent city 
 of its king was situated. In the course of his voyage he lauded 
 occasionally, and visited several villages ; particularly one on 
 the banks of a large river, to which he gave the name of Rio de 
 los Mares. 2 The houses were neatly built of branches of palm- 
 trees in the shape of pavilions ; not laid out in regular streets, 
 but scattered here and there, among the groves, and under the 
 shade of broad spreading trees, like tents in a camp ; as is still 
 the case in many of the Spanish settlements, and in the vik 
 
 i Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. i. p. 20. Paris, 1730. 
 1 Now called Savauuah la Mer.
 
 118 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 lages in the interior of Cuba. The inhabitants fled to the 
 mountains, or hid themselves in the woods. Columbus care- 
 fully noted the architecture and furniture of their dwellings. 
 The houses were better built than those he had hitherto seen, 
 and were kept extremely clean. He found in them rude 
 statues, and wooden masks, carved with considerable inge- 
 nuity. All these were indications of more art and civilization 
 than he had observed in the smaller islands, and he supposed 
 they would go on increasing as he approached terra n'nna. 
 Finding in all the cabins implements for fishing, he concluded 
 that these coasts were inhabited merely by fishermen, who car- 
 ried their fish to the cities in the interior. He thought also he 
 had found the skulls of cows, which proved that there were 
 cattle in the island ; though these are supposed to have been 
 skulls of the manati or sea-calf found on this coast. 
 
 After standing to the north-west for some distance, Colum- 
 bus came in sight of a great headland, to which, from the 
 groves with which it was covered, he gave the name of the 
 Cape of Palms, and which forms the eastern entrance to what 
 is now known as Laguna de Moron. Here three Indians, na- 
 tives of the Island of Guanahane, who were on board of the 
 Pinta, informed the commander, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, that 
 behind the cape there was a river, whence it was but four days' 
 journey to Cubanacan, a place abounding in gold. By this 
 they designated a province situated in the centre of Cuba; 
 wacom, in their language, signifying the midst. Piuzon, how- 
 ever, had studied intently the map of Toscauelli, and had im- 
 bibed from Columbus all his ideas respecting the coast of Asia. 
 He concluded, therefore, that the Indians were talking of 
 Cublai Khan, the Tartar sovereign, and of certain parts of his 
 dominions described by Marco Polo. 1 He understood from 
 them that Cuba was not an island, but terra firma, extending 
 a vast distance to the north, and that the king who reigned m 
 this vicinity was at war with the Great Khan. 
 
 This tissue of errors and misconceptions he immediately 
 communicated to Columbus. It put an end to the delusion 
 in which the admiral had hitherto indulged, that this was the 
 island of Cipango ; but it substituted another no less agreeable. 
 He concluded that he must have reached the mainland of 
 Asia, or as he termed it, India, and if so, he could not be at any 
 great distance from Mangi and Cathay, the ultimate destina- 
 tion for his voyage. The prince in question^ who reigned over 
 
 1 Las Casas, lib. I. cap. 44. MS.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 119 
 
 this neighboring country, must be some Oriental potentate of 
 consequence ; lie resolved, therefore, to seek the river beyond 
 the Cape of Palms, and despatch a present to the monarch, with 
 one of the letters of recommendation from the Castilian sov- 
 ereigns ; and after visiting his dominions he would proceed to 
 the capital of Cathay, the residence of the Grand Khan. 
 
 Every attempt to reach the river in question, however, 
 proved ineffectual. Cape stretched beyond cape ; there was no 
 good anchorage ; the wind became contrary, and the appear- 
 ance of the heavens threatening rough weather, he put back 
 to the Rio de los Mares. 
 
 On the 1st of November, at sunrise, he sent the boats on 
 shore to visit several houses, but the inhabitants fled to the 
 woods. He supposed that they must mistake his armament 
 for one of the scouring expeditious sent by the Grand Khan to 
 make prisoners and slaves. He sent the boat on shore again in 
 the afternoon, with an Indian interpreter, who was instructed 
 to assure the people of the peaceable and beneficent intentions 
 of the Spaniards, and that they had no connection with the 
 Grand Khan. After the Indian had proclaimed this from the 
 boat to the savages upon the beach, part of it, no doubt, to 
 their great perplexity, he threw himself into the water and 
 swam to shore. He was well received by the natives, and suc- 
 ceeded so effectually in calming their fears, that before evening 
 there were more than sixteen canoes about the ships, bringing 
 cotton yarn and other simple articles of traffic. Columbus for- 
 bade all trading for any thing but gold, that the natives might 
 be tempted to produce the real riches of their country. They 
 had none to offer ; all were destitute of ornaments of the pre- 
 cious metals, excepting one, who wore in his nose a piece of 
 wrought silver. Columbus understood this man to say that 
 the king lived about the distance of four days' journey in the 
 interior ; that many messengers had been despatched to give 
 him tidings of the arrival of the strangers upon the coast ; and 
 that in less than three days' time messengers might be expected 
 from him in return, and many merchants from the interior, to 
 trade with the ships. It is curious to observe bow ingeniously 
 the imagination of Columbus deceived him at every step, and 
 how he wove every thing into a uniform web of false conclu- 
 sions. Poring over the map of Toscauelli, referring to the 
 reckonings of his voyage, and musing on the misinterpreted 
 words of the Indians, he imagined that he must be on the bor- 
 ders of Cathay, and about one hundred leagues from the capi- 
 tal of the Grand Khan. Anxious to arrive there, and to delay
 
 120 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 as little as possible in the territories of an inferior prince, he 
 determined not to await the arrival of the messengers and 
 merchants, but to despatch two envoys to seek the neighboring 
 monarch at his residence. 
 
 For this mission he chose two Spaniards, Rodrigo de Jerez 
 and Luis de Torres ; the latter a converted Jew, who knew 
 Hebrew and Chaldaic, and even something of Arabic, one or 
 other of which Columbus supposed might be known to this 
 Oriental prince. Two Indians were sent with them as guides, 
 one a native of Guanahane, and the other an inhabitant of the 
 hamlet on the bank of the river. The ambassadors were fur- 
 nished with strings of beads and other trinkets for travelling 
 expenses. Instructions were given them to inform the king 
 that Columbus had been sent by the Castilian sovereigns, a 
 bearer of letters and a present, which he was to djeliver per- 
 sonally, for the purpose of establishing an amicable intercourse 
 between the powers. They were likewise to inform themselves 
 accurately about the situation and distances of certain pro- 
 vinces, ports, and rivers, which the admiral specified by name 
 from the descriptions which he had of the coast of Asia. They 
 were moreover provided with specimens of spices and drugs, 
 for the purpose of ascertaining whether any articles of the 
 kind abounded in the country. With these provisions and in- 
 structions the ambassadors departed, six days being allowed 
 them to go and return. Many, at the present day, will smile 
 at this embassy to a naked savage chieftain in the interior of 
 Cuba, in mistake for an Asiatic monarch ; but such was the 
 singular nature of this voyage, a continual series of golden 
 dreams, and all interpreted by the deluding volume of Marco 
 Polo. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FURTHER COASTING OF CUBA. 
 
 WITTLE awaiting the return of his ambassadors, the admiral 
 ordered the ships to be careened and repaired, and employed 
 himself in collecting information concerning the country. On 
 the day after their departure, he ascended the river in boats 
 for the distance of two leagues, until he came to fresh water. 
 Here landing, he climbed a hill to obtain a view of the interior. 
 His view, however, was shut in by thick and lofty forests, of
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 121 
 
 wild but beautiful luxuriance. Among the trees were some 
 which he considered linaloes ; many were odoriferous, and he 
 doubted not possessed valuable aromatic qualities. There was 
 a general eagerness among the voyagers to find the precious 
 articles of commerce which grow in the favored climes of the 
 East, and their imaginations were continually deceived by their 
 rapes. 
 
 For two or three days the admiral was excited by reports of 
 cinnamon-trees, and nutmegs, and rhubarb ; but on examination 
 they all proved fallacious. He showed the natives specimens 
 of those and various other spices and drugs, and understood 
 from them that those articles alxninded to the south-east. He 
 showed them gold and pearls also, and several old Indians 
 spoke of a country where the natives wore ornameuts of them 
 round their necks, arms, and ankles. They repeatedly men- 
 tioned the word Bohio, which Columbus supposed to be the 
 name of the place in question, and that it was some rich dis- 
 trict or island. They mingled, however, great extravagances 
 with their imperfect accounts, describing nations at a distance 
 who had but one eye ; others who had the heads of dogs, and 
 who were cannibals cutting the throats of their prisoners and 
 sucking their blood. 1 
 
 All these reports of gold, and pearls, and spices, many of which 
 were probably fabrications to please the admiral, tended to keep 
 up the persuasion that he was among the valuable coasts and 
 islands of the East. On making a fire to heat the tar for ca- 
 reening the ships, the seamen found that the wood they burnt 
 sent forth a powerful odor, and, on examining it, declared that 
 it was mastic. The wood abounded in the neighboring forests, 
 insomuch that Columbus flattered himself a thousand quintals 
 of this precious gum might be collected every year, and a more 
 abundant supply procured than that furnished by Scios and 
 other islands of the Archipelago. In the course of their re- 
 searches in the vegetable kingdom, in quest of the luxuries of 
 commerce, they met with the potato, a humble root, little 
 valued at the time, but a more precious acquisition to man than 
 all the spices of the East. 
 
 On the 6th of November, the two ambassadors returned, and 
 every one crowded to hear tidings of the interior of the country, 
 and of the prince to whose capital they had been sent. After 
 penetrating twelve leagues, they had come to a village of fifty 
 houses, built similarly to those of the coast, but larger ; the 
 
 1 Primer Viaga de Colou. Navarrete, Ixxi. p. 48.
 
 122 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 whole village containing at least a thousand inhabitants. The 
 natives received them with great solemnity, conducted them to 
 the best house, and placed them in what appeared to be intend- 
 ed for chairs of state, being wrought out of single pieces of wood, 
 into the forms of quadrupeds. They then offered them fruits 
 and vegetables. Having complied with the laws of savage cour- 
 tesy and hospitality, they seated themselves on the ground 
 around their visitors, and waited to hear what they had to com- 
 municate. 
 
 The Israelite, Luis de Torres, found his Hebrew, Chaldaic, and 
 Arabic of no avail, and the Lucayen interpreter had to be the 
 orator. He made a regular speech, after the Indian manner, in 
 which he extolled the power, the wealth, the munificence of the 
 white men. When he had finished the Indians crowded round 
 these wonderful beings, whom, as usual, they considered more 
 than human. Some touched them, examining their skin and 
 raiment, others kissed their hands and feet, in token of submis- 
 sion or adoration. In a little while the men withdrew, and were 
 succeeded by the women, and the same ceremonies were re- 
 peated. Some of the women had a slight covering of netted 
 cotton round the middle, but in general both sexes were entirely 
 naked. There seemed to be ranks and orders of society among 
 them, and a chieftain of some authority ; whereas among all the 
 natives they had previously met with a complete equality seemed 
 to prevail. 
 
 There was no appearance of gold or other precious articles, 
 and when they showed specimens of cinnamon, pepper and other 
 spices, the inhabitants told them they were not to be found in 
 that neighborhood, but far off to the south-west. 
 
 The envoys determined, therefore, to return to the ships. 
 The natives would fain have induced them to remain for several 
 days ; but seeing them bent on departing, a great number were 
 anxious to accompany them, imagining they were about to re- 
 turn to the skies. They took with them, however, only one 
 of the principal men, with his son, who were attended by a 
 domestic. 
 
 On their way back, they for the first time witnessed the use 
 of a weed, which the ingenious caprice of man has since con- 
 verted into an universal luxury, in defiance of the opposition of 
 the senses. They beheld several of the natives going about 
 with firebrands in their hands, and certain dried herbs which 
 they rolled up in a leaf, and lighting one end, put the other in 
 their mouths, and continued exhaling and puffing out the smoke. 
 A roll of this kind they called a tobacco, a name since trans-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 123 
 
 ferred to the plant of which the rolls were made. The Span- 
 iards, although prepared to meet with wonders, were struck with 
 astonishment at this singular and apparently nauseous indul- 
 gence. 1 
 
 On their return to the ships they gave favorable accounts of 
 the beauty and fertility of the country. They had met with 
 many hamlets of four or five houses, well peopled, embowered 
 among trees, laden with unknown fruits of tempting hue and 
 delightful flavor. Around them were fields, cultivated with the 
 agi or sweet pepper, potatoes, maize or Indian corn, a species 
 of lupin or pulse, and yuca, whereof they made their cassava 
 bread. These, with the fruits of the groves, formed their prin- 
 cipal food. There were vast quantities of cotton, some just 
 sown, some in full growth. There was great store of it also in 
 their houses, some wrought into yarn, or into nets, of which they 
 made 1 their hammocks. They had seen many birds of rare 
 plumage, but unknown species ; many ducks ; several small 
 partridges ; add they heard the song of a bird which they had 
 mistaken for the nightingale. All they had seen, however, 
 betokened a primitive and simple state of society. The wonder 
 with which they had been regarded showed clearly that the 
 people were strangers to civilized man, nor could they hear of 
 any inland city superior to the one they had visited. 
 
 The report of the envoys put an end to many splendid fancies 
 of Columbus, about the barbaric prince and his capital. He 
 was cruising, however, in a region of enchantment, in which 
 pleasing chimeras started up at every step, exercising by turns 
 a power over his imagination. During the absence of the emis- 
 saries, the Indians had informed him, by signs, of a place to the 
 eastward, where the people collected gold along the river banks 
 by torchlight, and afterward wrought it into bare with hammers. 
 In speaking of this place they again used the words Babeque 
 and Bohio, which he, as usual, supposed to be the proper names 
 of islands or countries. The true meaning of these words has 
 been variously explained. It is said that they were applied by 
 the Indians to the coast of terra firma, called also by them 
 caritaba. 4 It is also said that Bohio means a house, and was 
 
 1 Primer Viage de Xavarrete, torn. i. p. 51. 
 
 " Hallaron por el caroino nine ha gente que atravesaban a BUS pueblos rouge res y 
 bomlireo : i*iempre Io hombres con un tison en la manos y ciertos yerbas para tomar BUS 
 nbumerloc, que son una* yerbas secus metidas en una cierta hoja ec-a larnbien amanera 
 de ir.usquete hecho de papel de los que bacon log muchachos la I'ascua del Bepiritu 
 Santo, y enoondido por una parte de el, por la otra chupan 6 sorbant 6 recilien con el 
 rer-uello por adentru aquel luiruo: con el qual se adormecen las carries y c-imsi einbor- 
 rarlm, y ;i-j diz que no sicnicn el caasancio. ErUox mosquetos, 6 como los llainaremaa, 
 llamen ellos tahacos." \&& C'asas, Hist. Gen. lud. lib. i. cap. 46. 
 
 * Muuoz, Hist. N. Muudo, cap. 3.
 
 124 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 often used by the Indians to signify the populonsness of an 
 island. Hence it was frequently applied to Hispaniola, as well 
 as the more general name of Hayti, which means high hind, and 
 occasionally Quisqueya (i.e. the whole), on account of its 
 extent. 
 
 The misapprehension of these, and other words, was a source 
 of perpetual error to Columbus. Sometimes he supposed 
 Babeque and Bohio to signify the same islands ; sometimes to be 
 different places or islands ; and Quisqueya he supposed to mean 
 Quisai or Kuinsai (i.e. the celestial city) mentioned by Marco 
 Polo. 
 
 His great object was to arrive at some opulent and civilized 
 country of the East, with which he might establish commercial 
 relations, and whence he might carry home a quantity of Orien- 
 tal merchandise as a rich trophy of his discovery. The season 
 was advancing ; the cool nights gave hints of approaching win- 
 ter ; he resolved, therefore, not to proceed farther to the north, 
 nor to linger about uncivilized places, which, at present, he had 
 not the means of colonizing, but to return to the east-south-east, 
 in quest of Babeque, which he trusted might prove some rich 
 and civilized island on the coast of Asia. 
 
 Before leaving the river, to which he had given the name of 
 Rio de Mares, he took several of the natives to carry with him 
 to Spain, for the purpose of teaching them the language, that, 
 in future voyages, they might serve as interpreters. He took 
 them of both sexes, having learned from the Portuguese dis- 
 coverers that the men were always more contented on the voy- 
 age, and serviceable on their return, when accompanied by 
 females. With the religious feeling of the day, he anticipated 
 <riv;it triumphs to the faith and glory to the crown, from the 
 conversion of these savage nations, through the means of the 
 natives thus instructed. He imagined that the Indians had no 
 system of religion, but a disposition to receive its impressions ; 
 as they regarded with great reverence and attention the religious 
 ceremonies of the Spaniards, soon repeating by rote any prayer 
 taught them, and making the sign of the cross with the most 
 edifying devotion. They had an idea of a future state, but lim- 
 ited and confused. "They confess the soul to be immortal," 
 says Peter Martyr, "and having put off the bodily clothing, 
 they imagine it goes forth to the woods and the mountains, and 
 that It liveth there perpetually in caves; nor do they exempt it 
 from eating and drinking, but that it should be fed there. The 
 answering voices heard from caves and hollows, which the
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 125 
 
 Latines call echoes, they suppose to be the souls of the departed, 
 wandering through those places. 1 
 
 From the natural tendency to devotion which Columbus 
 thought he discovered among them, from their gentle natures, 
 and their ignorance of all warlike arts, he pronounces it an easy 
 matter to make them devout members of the church and loyal 
 subjects of the crown. He concludes his speculations upon the 
 advantages to be derived from the colonization of these parts by 
 anticipating a great trade for gold, which must abound in the 
 interior ; for pearls and precious stones, of which, though he had 
 seen none, he had received frequent accounts ; for gums and 
 spices, of which he thought he had found indubitable traces ; 
 and for the cotton, which grew wild in vast quantities. Many 
 of these articles, he observes, would probably find a nearer 
 market than Spain, in the ports and cities of the Great Khan, 
 at which he had no doubt of soon arriving. 2 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SEARCH AFTER THE SUPPOSED ISLAND OF BABEQUE DESERTION 
 OF THE PINTA. 
 
 [1492.] 
 
 ON the 12th of November, Columbus turned his course to the 
 east-south-east, to follow back the direction of the coast. This 
 may be considered another critical change in his voyage, which 
 had a great effect upon his subsequent discoveries. He had pro- 
 ceeded far within what is called the old channel, between Cuba 
 and the Bahamas. In two or three days more he would have 
 discovered his mistake in supposing Cuba a part of terra firma ; 
 an error in which he continued to the day of his death. He 
 might have had intimation also of the vicinity of the continent, 
 and have stood for the coast of Florida, or have been carried 
 thither by the gulf stream, or, continuing along Cuba where it 
 bends to the south-west, might have struck over to the opposite 
 coast of Yucatan, and have realized his most sanguine anticipa- 
 tions in becoming the discoverer of Mexico. It was sufficient 
 glory for Columbus, however, to have discovered a new world. 
 
 * P. Martyr, dcc-ad. viii. cap. 9; M. Lock's translation, 1612. 
 1 Primer Yiagc de Colon. Navarrete, torn. i.
 
 126 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Its more golden regions were reserved to give splendor to suc- 
 ceeding enterprises. 
 
 He now ran along the coast for two or three days without 
 stopping to explore it, as no populous towns or cities were to he 
 seen. Passing hy a great cape, to which he gave the name of 
 Cape Cuba, he struck eastward in search of Babeque, but on the 
 14th a head wind and boisterous sea obliged him to put back and 
 anchor in a deep and secure harbor, to which he gave the name 
 of Puerto del Principe. Here he erected a cross on a neighbor- 
 ing height, in token of possession. A few days were passed in 
 exploring with his boats an archipelago of small but beautiful 
 islands in the vicinity, since known as El jardin del Rey, or the 
 king's garden. The gulf, studded with these islands, he named 
 the sea of Nuestra Senora ; in modern days it has been a lurk- 
 ing-place for pirates, who have found secure shelter and con- 
 cealment among the channels and solitary harbors of this 
 archipelago. These islands were covered with noble trees, 
 among which the Spaniards thought they discovered mastic and 
 aloes. 
 
 On the 19th Columbus again put to sea, and for two days made 
 ineffectual attempts, against head winds, to reach an island di- 
 rectly east, about sixty miles distant, which he supposed to be 
 Babeque. The wind continuing obstinately adverse and the sea 
 rough, he put his ship about toward evening of the 20th, mak- 
 ing signals for the other vessels to follow him. His signals were 
 unattended to by the Pinta, which was considerably to the east- 
 ward. Columbus repeated the signals, but they were still un- 
 attended to. Night coming on, he shortened sail and hoisted 
 signal lights to the masthead, thinking Pinzon would yet join 
 him, which he could easily do, having the wind astern ; but when 
 the morning dawned the Pinta was no longer to be seen. 1 
 
 Columbus was disquieted by this circumstance. Pinzon was 
 a veteran navigator, accustomed to hold a high rank among his 
 nautical associates. The squadron had in a great measure been 
 manned and fitted out through his influence and exertions ; he 
 could ill brook subordination therefore to Columbus, whom he 
 perhaps did not consider his superior in skill and knowledge, 
 and who had been benefited by his purse. Several misunder- 
 standings and disputes had accordingly occurred between them 
 in the course of the voyage, and when Columbus saw Pinzon 
 thus parting company, without any appointed rendezvous, he 
 suspected either that he intended to take upon himself a sepa- 
 
 ' Laa C'asa*. Hist. Ind., torn. i. cap. 27. llist. del AlmirauU;, cap. 29. Journal of 
 Columbus. >iiiv;inx-U', torn. i.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 127 
 
 rate command and prosecute the enterprise in his own name, or 
 hasten hack to Spain and hear off the glory of the discovery. 
 To attempt to seek him, however, was fruitless ; he was far out 
 of sight; his vessel was a superior sailer, and it was impossihle 
 to say what course he had steered. Columbus stood hack, 
 therefore, for Cuba, to finish the exploring of its coast ; but he 
 no longer possessed his usual serenity of mind and unity of pur- 
 pose, and was embarrassed in the prosecution of his discoveries 
 by doubts of the designs of Pinzon. 
 
 On the 24th of November he regained Point Cuba, and 
 anchored in a fine harl>or formed by the mouth of a river, to 
 which he gave the name of St. Catherine. It was bordered by 
 rich meadows ; the neighboring mountains were well wooded, 
 having pines tall enough to make masts for the finest ships, and 
 noble oaks. In the bed of the river were found stones veined 
 with gold. 
 
 Columbus continued for several days coasting the residue of 
 Cuba, extolling the magnificence, freshness, and verdure of the 
 scenery, the purity of the rivers, and the number and commo- 
 diousness of the harbors. Speaking in his letters to the sover- 
 eigns of one place, to which he gave the name of Puerto Santo, 
 he says, in his artless but enthusiastic language, "The amenity 
 of this river, and the clearness of the water, through which the 
 sand at the bottom may be seen ; the multitude of palm-trees of 
 various forms, the highest and most beautiful that I have met 
 with, and an infinity of other great and green trees ; the birds in 
 rich plumage and the verdure of the fields, render this country, 
 most serene princes, of such marvellous beauty, that it sur- 
 passes all others in charms and graces, as the day doth the night 
 in lustre. For which reason I often say to my people, that, 
 much as I endeavor to give a complete account of it to your 
 majesties, my tongue cannot express the whole truth, nor my 
 pen describe it ; and I have been so overwhelmed at the sight of 
 so much beauty, that I have not known how to relate it." 
 
 The transparency of the water, which Columbus attributed to 
 the purity of the rivers, is the property of the ocean in these 
 latitudes. So clear is the sea in the neighborhood of some of 
 these islands, that in still weather the bottom may be seen, as 
 in a crystal fountain ; and the inhabitants dive down four or 
 five fathoms in search of conchs, and other shell-fish, which are 
 visible from the surface. The delicate air and pure waters of 
 these islands are among their greatest charms. 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 29.
 
 128 LIFE OF CUEISTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 
 
 As a proof of the gigantic vegetation, Columbus mentions the 
 enormous size of the canoes formed from single trunks of trees. 
 One that he saw was capable of containing one hundred and 
 fifty persons. Among other articles found in the Indian dwell- 
 ings was a cake of wax, which he took to present to the Cast.il- 
 ian sovereigns, " for where there is wax," said he, " there must 
 be a thousand other good things." 1 It is since supposed to 
 have been brought from Yucatan, as the inhabitants of Cuba 
 were not accustomed to gather wax. 2 
 
 On the 5th of December he reached the eastern end of Cuba, 
 which he supposed to be the eastern extremity of Asia ; he gave 
 it, therefore, the name of Alpha and Omega, the beginning and 
 the end. He was now greatly perplexed what course to take. 
 If he kept along the coast as it bent to the south-west, it might 
 bring him to the more civilized and opulent parts of India ; but 
 if he took this course, he must abandon all hope of finding the 
 island of Babeque, which the Indians now said lay to the north- 
 east, and of which they still continued to give the most marvel- 
 lous accounts. It was a state of embarrassment characteristic 
 of this extraordinary voyage, to have a new and unknown 
 world thus spread out to the choice of the explorer, where won- 
 ders and beauties invited him on every side ; but where, which- 
 ever way he turned, he might leave the true region of profit and 
 delight behind. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 DISCOVERY OF HISPANIOLA. 
 [1492.] 
 
 WHILE Columbus was steering at large beyond the eastern ex- 
 tremity of Cuba, undetermined what course to take, he descried 
 land to the south-east, gradually increasing upon the view ; its 
 high mountains towering above the clear horizon, and giving 
 evidence of an island of great extent. The Indians, on behold- 
 ing it, exclaimed Bohio, the name by which Columbus under- 
 stood them to designate some country which abounded in gold. 
 When they saw him standing in that direction, they showed 
 great signs of terror, imploring him not to visit it, assuring him, 
 by signs, that the. inhabitants were fierce and cruel, that they 
 
 1 Journal of Columbus. Navarrete, toiu. i. > Herrera, Hist. Ind., decatl. i.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 129 
 
 had but one eye, and were cannibals. The wind being unfavor- 
 able, and the nights long, during which they did not dare to 
 make sail in these unknown seas, they were a great part of two 
 days working up to the island. 
 
 In the transparent atmosphere of the tropics, objects are de- 
 scried at a great distance, and the purity of the air and seren- 
 ity of the deep blue sky give a magical effect to the scenery. 
 I'nder these advantages, the beautiful island of Hayti revealed 
 itself to the eye as they approached. Its mountains were higher 
 and more rocky than those of the other islands ; but the rocks 
 rose from among rich forests. The mountains swept down into 
 luxuriant plains and green savannas ; while the appearance 
 of cultivated fields, of numerous fires at night, and columns of 
 smoke by day, showed it to be populous. It rose before them 
 in all the splendor of tropical vegetation, one of the most 
 beautiful islands in the world, and doomed to be one of the 
 most unfortunate. 
 
 In the evening of the Gth of December, Columbus entered a 
 harbor at the western end of the island, to which he gave the 
 name of St. Nicholas, by which it is called at the present day. 
 The harbor was spacious and deep, surrounded with large trees, 
 many of them loaded with fruit ; while a beautiful plain ex- 
 tended in front of the port, traversed by a fine stream of water. 
 From the number of canoes seen in various parts, there were 
 evidently large villages in the neighborhood, but the natives had 
 fled with terror at sight of the ships. 
 
 Leaving the harbor of .St. Nicholas on the 7th, they coasted 
 along the northern side of the island. It was lofty and moun- 
 tainous, but with green savannas and long sweeping plains. At 
 one place they caught a view up a rich and smiling valley that 
 ran far into the interior, between two mountains, and appeared 
 to be in a high state of cultivation. 
 
 For several days they were detained in a harbor which they 
 called Port Conception, 1 a small river emptied into it, after 
 winding through a delightful country. The coast abounded 
 with fish, some of which even leaped into their boats. They 
 cast their nets, therefore, and caught great quantities, and 
 among them several kinds similar to those of Spain the first 
 fish they had met with resembling those of their own country. 
 The notes of the bird which they mistook for the nightingale, 
 
 1 Now known !>y the name of the Bay of Moustique. 
 
 NOTE. The author has received very oblitfint; and interesting letters, dated in 
 1817. from T. S. llelieken, Ksq., many years a resident of St. DoiniML">. i-'ivi'ii: names, 
 localities. a>id other particulars connected with the transactions of < 'nlimiljus in that 
 island. Theso will be thankfully made use of aud duly cited i.i the course of the work.
 
 130 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 and of several others to which they were accustomed, reminded 
 them strongly of the groves of their distant Andalusia. They 
 fancied the features of the surrounding country resembled those 
 of the more beautiful provinces of Spain, and, in consequence, 
 the admiral named the island Hispauiola. 
 
 Desirous of establishing some intercourse with the natives, 
 who had abandoned the coast on his arrival, he despatched six 
 men, well armed, into the interior. They found several culti- 
 vated fields, and traces of roads, and places where fires had 
 been made, but the inhabitants had fled with terror to the 
 mountains. 
 
 Though the whole country was solitary and deserted, Colum- 
 bus consoled himself with the idea that there must be populous 
 towns in the interior, where the people had taken refuge, and 
 that the fires he had beheld had been signal fires, like those 
 lighted up on the mountains of Spain, in the times of Moorish 
 war, to give the alarm when there was any invasion of the sea- 
 board. 
 
 On the 12th of December, Columbus with great solemnity 
 erected a cross on a commanding eminence, at the entrance of 
 the harbor, in sign of having taken possession. As three sailors 
 were rambling about the vicinity they beheld a large number 
 of the natives, who immediately took flight ; but the sailors 
 pursued them, and captured a young female, whom they 
 brought to the ships. She was perfectly naked, a bad omen as 
 to the civilization of the island, but an ornament of gold in the 
 nose gave hope of the precious metal. The admiral soon soothed 
 her terror by his kindness, and by presents of beads, brass 
 rings, hawks' bells, and other trinkets, and, having had her 
 clothed, sent her on shore accompanied by several of the crew 
 and three of the Indian interpreters. So well pleased was she 
 with her finery, and with the kind treatment she had experi- 
 enced, that she would gladly have remained with the Indian 
 women whom she found on board. The party sent with her 
 returned on Ixrnrd late in the night, without venturing to her 
 village, which was far inland. Confident of the favorable im- 
 pression which the report given by the woman must produce, 
 the admiral on the following day despatched nine stout-hearted, 
 well-armed men, to seek the village, accompanied by a native 
 of Cuba as an interpreter. They found it about four and a half 
 leagues to the south-east, in a fine valley, on the banks of a 
 beautiful river. 1 It contained one thousand houses, but the iu- 
 
 1 Thin vilhiirc- was fortm-rlv known by Ihc name of Gro* Morne, cituati-d on tin- banks 
 of ihe liver of " Troia tttvfore*," which cinptii-D itself naif a mile west of 1'orl de 1'uil. 
 Kavurn-ie, luiu. i.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 131 
 
 habitants fled as they approached. The interpreter overtook 
 them, and assured them of the goodness of these strangers, who 
 had descended from the skies, and went about the world mak- 
 ing precious and beautiful presents. Thus assured, the natives 
 ventured back to the number of two thousand. They ap- 
 proached the Spaniards with slow and trembling steps, often 
 pausing and putting their hands upon their heads, in token of 
 profound reverence and submission. They were a well-formed 
 race, fairer and handsomer than the natives of the other 
 islands. 1 While the Spaniards were conversing with them 
 by means of their interpreter, another multitude approached, 
 headed by the husband of the female captive. They brought 
 her in triumph on their shoulders, and the husband was profuse 
 in his gratitude for the kindness with which she had been 
 treated, and the magnificent presents which had been bestowed 
 upon her. 
 
 The Indians now conducted the Spaniards to their houses, 
 and set before them cassava bread, fish, roots, and fruits of 
 various kinds. They brought also great numbers of domesti- 
 cated parrots, and indeed offered freely whatever they possessed. 
 The great river flowing through this valley was bordered with 
 noble forests, among which were palms, bananas, and many 
 trees covered with fruit and flowers. The air was mild as in 
 April ; the birds sang all day long, and some were even heard 
 in the night. The Spaniards had not learned as yet to account 
 for the difference of seasons in this opposite part of the globe ; 
 they were astonished to hear the voice of this supposed night- 
 ingale singing in the midst of Deceml>er, and considered it a 
 proof that there was no winter in this happy climate. They 
 returned to the ships enraptured with the beauty of the country, 
 surpassing, as they said, even the luxuriant plains of Cordova. 
 All that they complained of was that they saw no signs of riches 
 among the natives. And here it is impossible to refrain from 
 dwelling on the picture given by the first discoverers, of the 
 state of manners in this eventful island l>efore the arrival of 
 the white men. According to their accounts, the people of 
 Hayti existed in that state of primitive and savage simplicity 
 which some philosophers have fondly pictured as the most envi- 
 able on earth ; surrounded by natural blessings, without even a 
 knowledge of artificial wants. The fertile earth produced the 
 chief part of their food almost without culture : their rivers and 
 seacoast abounded with fish, and they caught the utia, the 
 
 s, lib. i. cap. 5a, MS.
 
 132 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 guana, and a variety of birds. This, to beings of their frugal 
 :iii' I temperate habits, was great abundance, and what nature 
 furnished thus spontaneously they willingly shared with all the 
 world. Hospitality, we are told, was with them a law of nature 
 universally observed ; there was no need of being known to 
 to receive its succors ; every house was as open to the stranger 
 as his own. 1 Columbus, too, in a letter to Luis de St. Angel, 
 observes, "True it is that after they felt confidence, and lost 
 their fear of us, they were so liberal with what they possessed, 
 that it would not be believed by those who had not seen it. Jf 
 any tiling was asked of them, they never said no, but rather 
 gave it cheerfully, and showed as much amity as if they gave 
 their very hearts ; and whether the thing were of value, or of 
 little price, they were content with whatever was given in re- 
 turn. ... In all these islands it appears to me that the men 
 are all content with one wife, but they give twenty to their 
 chieftain or king. The women seem to work more than the 
 men ; and I have not been able to understand whether they pos- 
 sess individual property ; but rather think that whatever one 
 has all the rest share, especially in all articles of provisions." 2 
 
 One of the most pleasing descriptions of the inhabitants of 
 this island is given by old Peter Martyr, who gathered it. as he 
 says, from the conversations of the admiral himself. ' k It is 
 certain," says he, "that the land among these people is as 
 common as the sun and water; and that ' mine and thine,' the 
 seeds of all mischief, have no place with them. They are con- 
 tent with so little, that in so large a country they have rather 
 superfluity than scarceness ; so that they seem to live in the 
 golden world, without toil, living in open gardens ; not intrenched 
 with dykes, divided with hedges, or defended with walls. They 
 deal truly one with another, without laws, without books, and 
 without judges. They take him for an evil and mischievous 
 man, who taketh pleasure in doing hurt to another ; and albeit 
 they delight not in superfluities, yet they make provision for the 
 increase of such roots whereof they make their bread, contented 
 with such simple diet, whereby health is preserved and disease 
 avoided." 3 
 
 Much of this picture may be overcolored by the imagination, 
 but it is generally confirmed by contemporary historians. They 
 all concur in representing the life of these islanders as approach- 
 ing to the golden state of poetical felicity ; living under the 
 
 Cbarlevoiz. Hirt. St. Domingo, lib. 1. 
 
 * Letter of Columbut* to Luis de St. Angel. Navarrete, torn. i. p. 167. 
 
 1'. Martyr, detail, i. lib. iii. Trails!, of Hichard Kdeii, looo.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 133 
 
 absolute but patriarchal and easy rule of their caciques, free 
 from pride, with few wants, an abundant country. :i happily- 
 tampered climate, and a natural disposition to careless and 
 indolent eujoymeiit. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 COASTING OF IIISPANIOLA. 
 [1492.] 
 
 the weather became favorable, Columbus made another 
 attempt, on the 14th of December, to find the island of Babeque, 
 but was again baffled by adverse winds. In the course of this 
 attempt he visited an island lying opposite to the harbor of 
 Conception, to which, from its abounding in turtle, he gave the 
 name of Tortugas. 1 The natives had fled to the rocks and 
 forests, and alarm fires blazed along the heights. The country 
 was so beautiful that he gave to one of the valleys the name of 
 Valle de Paraiso, or the Vale of Paradise, and called a fine 
 stream the Guadalquivir, after that renowned river which flows 
 through some of the fairest provinces of Spain. 2 
 
 Setting sail on the IGth of December at midnight, Columbus 
 steered again for Hispaniola. When half way across the gulf 
 which separates the islands, he perceived a canoe navigated by 
 a single Indian, and, as on a former occasion, was astonished at 
 his hardihood in venturing so far from land in so frail a bark, 
 and at his adroitness in keeping it above water, as the wind was 
 fresh, and there was some sea running. He ordered both him 
 and his canoe to be taken on board ; and having anchored near a 
 village on the coast of Hispaniola, at present known as Puerto 
 de Paz, he sent him on shore well regaled and enriched with 
 various presents. 
 
 In the early intercourse with these people, kindness never 
 seems to have failed in its effect. The favorable accounts given 
 by this Indian, and by those with whom the Spaniards had com- 
 municated in their previous landings, dispelled the fears of the 
 islanders. A friendly intercourse soon took place, and the 
 ships were visited by a cacique of the neighborhood. From 
 this chieftain and his counsellors, Columbus had further infor- 
 
 1 This island in after time* became the headquarters of the famous Buccaneers. 
 1 Journal of Columburt. Navancte, Colec., loin. i. p. Ul.
 
 134 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 mation of the island of Babeque, which was descrilx?d as lying at 
 no great distance. No mention is afterward made of this island, 
 nor does it appear that he made any further attempt to seek it. 
 No such island exists in the ancient charts, and it is probable 
 that this was one of the numerous misinterpretations of Indian 
 words, which led the first discoverers into so many fruitless 
 researches. The people of Hispauiola appeared handsomer to 
 Columbus than any he had yet met with, and of a gentle and 
 peaceable disposition. Some of them had ornaments of gold, 
 which they readily gave away or exchanged for any trifle. The 
 country was finely diversified with lofty mountains and green 
 valleys, which stretched away inland as far as the eye could 
 reach. The mountains were of such easy ascent that the highest 
 of them might l>e ploughed with oxen, and the luxuriant growth 
 of the forests manifested the fertility of the soil. The valleys 
 were watered by numerous clear and beautiful streams ; they 
 appeared to be cultivated in many places, and to be fitted for 
 grain, for orchards, and pasturage. 
 
 While detained at this harbor by contrary winds, Columbus 
 was visited by a young cacique, who came borne by four men 
 on a sort of litter, and attended by two hundred of his subjects. 
 The admiral being at dinner when he arrived, the young chief- 
 tain ordered his followers to remain without, and entering the 
 cabin, took his seat beside Columbus, not permitting him to rise 
 or use any ceremony. Only two old men entered with him, who 
 appeared to be his counsellors, and who seated themselves at his 
 feet. If any thing were given him to eat or drink, he merely 
 tasted it, and sent it to his followers, maintaining an air of great 
 gravity and dignity. He spoke but little, his two counsellors 
 watching his lips, and catching and communicating his ideas. 
 After dinner he presented the admiral with a belt curiously 
 wrought, and two pieces of gold. Columbus gave him a piece 
 of cloth, several amber beads, colored shoes, and a flask of 
 orange-flower water ; he showed him a Spanish coin, on which 
 were the likenesses of the king and queen, and endeavored to 
 explain to him the power and grandeur of those sovereigns ; 
 he displaj'ed also the royal banners and the standard of the 
 cross ; but it was all in vain to attempt to convey any clear idea 
 hy these symlwls ; the cacique could not be made to believe that 
 there was a region on the earth which produced these wonderful 
 people and wonderful things ; he joined in the common idea 
 that the Spaniards were more than mortal, and that the country 
 and sovereigns they talked of must exist somewhere in the 
 skies.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 135 
 
 In the evening the cacique was sent on shore in the boat with 
 great ceremony, and a salute fired in honor of him. He departed 
 in the state in which he had come, carried on a litter, accompa- 
 nied by a great concourse of his subjects ; not far behind him 
 was his son, borne and escorted in like manner, and his brother 
 on foot, supported by two attendants. The presents which he 
 had received from the admiral were carried triumphantly before 
 him. 
 
 They procured but little gold in this place, though whatever 
 ornaments the natives possessed they readily gave away. The 
 region of promise lay still farther on, and one of the old coun- 
 sellors of the cacique told Columbus that he would soon arrive 
 at islands rich in the precious ore. Before leaving this place, 
 the admiral caused a large cross to Ixj erected in the centre of 
 the village, and from the readiness with which the Indians 
 assisted, and their implicit imitation of the Spaniards in their 
 acts of devotion, he inferred that it would be au easy matter to 
 convert them all to Christianity. 
 
 On the 19th of December they made sail before daylight, but 
 with an unfavorable wind, and on the evening of the 20th they 
 anchored in a fine harbor, to which Columbus gave the name of 
 St. Thomas, supposed to l>e what at present is called the bay 
 of Acul. It was surrounded by a beautiful and well-peopled 
 country. The inhabitants came off, some in canoes, some swim- 
 ming, bringing fruits of various unknown kinds, of great fra- 
 grance and flavor. These they gave freely with whatever else 
 they possessed, especially their golden ornaments, which they 
 saw were particularly coveted by the strangers. There was a 
 remarkable frankness and generosity about these people ; they 
 had no idea of traffic, but gave away every thing with sponta- 
 neous liberality. Columbus would not permit his people, how- 
 ever, to take advantage of this free disposition, but ordered that 
 something should always be given in exchange. Several of the 
 neighboring caciques visited the ships, bringing presents, and 
 inviting the Spaniards to their villages, where, on going to land, 
 they were most hospitably entertained. 
 
 On the 22d of December a large canoe filled with natives 
 came on a mission from a grand cacique named Guacanagari, 
 who commanded all that part of the island. A principal ser- 
 vant of the chieftain came in the canoe, bringing the admiral a 
 present of a broad belt, wrought ingeniously with colored beads 
 and bones, and a wooden mask, the eyes, nose, and tongue of 
 which were of gold. He delivered also a message from the ca- 
 cique, begging that the ships might come opposite to his resi-
 
 136 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 dence, which was on a part of the coast a little farther to the 
 eastward. The wind preventing an immediate compliance with 
 this invitation, the admiral sent the notary of the squadron, with 
 several of the crew, to visit the cacique. He resided in a town 
 situated on a river, at what they called Punta Santa, at present 
 Grande Riviere. It was the largest and best built town they had 
 yet seen. The cacique received them in a kind of public square, 
 which had lx?en swept and prepared for the occasion, and 
 treated them with great honor, giving to each a dress of cotton. 
 The inhabitants crowded round them, bringing provisions and 
 refreshments of various kinds. The seamen were received into 
 their houses as distinguished guests ; they gave them garments 
 of cotton, and whatever else appeared to have value in their 
 eyes, asking nothing in return, but if any thing were given ap- 
 pearing to treasure it up as a sacred relic. 
 
 The cacique would have detained them all night, but their 
 orders obliged them to return. On parting with them he gave 
 them presents of parrots and pieces of gold for the admiral, and 
 they were attended to their boats by a crowd of the natives, 
 carrying the presents for them, and vying with each other in 
 rendering them service. 
 
 During their absence the admiral had been visited by a great 
 number of canoes and several inferior caciques : all assured him 
 that the island abounded with w.ealth ; the} 7 talked, especially, 
 of Cibao, a region in the interior, farther to the east, the cacique 
 of which, as far as they could be understood, had banners of 
 wrought gold. Columbus, deceiving himself as usual, fancied 
 that this name Cibao must be a corruption of Cipango, and that 
 this chieftain with golden banners must be identical with the 
 magnificent prince of that island, mentioned by Marco Polo. 1 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 SHIPWRECK. 
 [1492.] 
 
 Ox the morning of the 24th of December, Columbus set sail 
 from Port St. Thomas l>efore sunrise, and steered to the eastward, 
 
 1 Journal of folumb. Navarrete; Colec., toin. i. Hisl. del Almirante, cap. 32. Her- 
 rcra, ik-catl. i. lib. i. cap. 15, 10.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 137 
 
 with an intention of anchoring at the harlx>r of the cacique Gu- 
 acanagari. The wind was from the land, but so light as scarcely 
 to lili the sails, and the ships made but little progress. At 
 eleven o'clock at night, l>eing Christmas eve, they were within 
 a league or a league and a half of the residence of the cacique ; 
 and Columbus, who had hitherto kept watch, finding the sea 
 calm and smooth, and the ship almost motionless, retired to rest, 
 not having slept the preceding night. He was, in general, ex- 
 tremely wakeful on his coasting voyages, passing whole nights 
 upon deck in all weathers ; never trusting to the watchfulness 
 of others, where there was any difficulty or danger to IK; pro- 
 vided against. In the present instance he felt i>erfectly secure ; 
 not merely on account of the profound calm, but localise the 
 boats on the preceding day, in their visit to the cacique, had re- 
 connoitred the coast, and had reported that there were neither 
 rocks nor shoals in their course. 
 
 No sooner had he retired than the steersman gave the helm 
 in charge to one of the ship-l>oys, and went to sleep. This was 
 in direct violation of an invariable order of the admiral, that 
 the helm should never le intrusted to the boys. The rest of the 
 mariners who had the watch took like advantage of the absence 
 of Columbus, and in a little while the whole crew was buried in 
 sleep. In the mean time the treacherous currents which run 
 swiftly along this coast carried the vessel quietly, but with force, 
 upon a sand-bank. The heedless boy had not noticed the 
 breakers, although they made a roaring that might have l>een 
 heard a league. No sooner, however, did he feel the rudder 
 strike, and hear the tumult of the rushing sea, than he began to 
 cry for aid. Columbus, whose careful thoughts never permitted 
 him to sleep profoundly, was the first on deck. The master of 
 the ship, whose duty it was to have been on watch, next made 
 his appearance, followed by others of the crew, half awake. The 
 admiral ordered them to take the boat and carry out an anchor 
 astern, to warp the vessel off. The master and the sailors sprang 
 into the boat ; but confused, as men are apt to lx? when sud- 
 denly awakened by an alarm, instead of obeying the commands 
 of Columbus, they rowed off to the other caravel, about half a 
 league to windward. 
 
 In the mean time the master had reached the caravel, and 
 made known the perilous state in which he had left the vessel. 
 He was reproached with his pusillanimous desertion : the com- 
 mander of the caravel manned his boat and hastened to the 
 relief of the admiral, followed by the recreant master, covered 
 with shame and confusion.
 
 138 LIFE OF CIiniSTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 It was too late to save the ship, the current having set her 
 more upon the bank. The admiral, seeing that his l>oat had 
 deserted him, that the ship had swung across the stream, and 
 that the water was continually gaining upon her, ordered the 
 mast to be cut away, in the hope of lightening her sufficiently 
 to float her off. Every effort was in vain. The keel was firmly 
 bedded in the sand ; the shock had opened several seams ; while 
 the swell of the breakers, striking her broadside, left her each 
 moment more and more aground, until she fell over on one side. 
 Fortunately the weather continued calm, otherwise the ship must 
 have gone to pieces, and the whole crew might have perished 
 amid the currents and breakers. 
 
 The admiral and his men took refuge on board the caravel. 
 Diego de Arana, chief judge of the armament, and Pedro Gu- 
 tierrez, the king's butler, were immediately sent on shore as 
 envoys to the cacique Guacanagari, to inform him of the in- 
 tended visit of the admiral, and of his disastrous shipwreck. In 
 the mean time, as a light wind had sprung up from shore, 
 and the admiral was ignorant of his situation, and of the rocks 
 and banks that might be lurking around him, he lay to until 
 daylight. 
 
 The habitation of the cacique was about a league and a half 
 from the wreck. When he heard of the misfortune of his guest, 
 he manifested the utmost affliction, and even shed tears. He 
 immediately sent all his people, with all the canoes, large and 
 small, that could be mustered ; and so active were they in their 
 assistance, that in a little while the vessel was unloaded. The 
 cacique himself, and his brothers and relatives, rendered all the 
 aid in their power, both on sea and land, keeping vigilant guard 
 that every tiling should be conducted with order, and the prop- 
 erty secured from injury or theft. From time to time he sent 
 some one of his family, or some principal person of his attend- 
 ants, to console and cheer the admiral, assuring him that every 
 thing he possessed should lie at his disposal. 
 
 Never, in a civilized country, were the vaunted rights of hos- 
 pitality more scrupulously observed than by this uncultivated 
 savage. All the effects landed from the ships were deposited 
 near his dwelling, and an armed guard surrounded them all 
 night, until houses could be prepared in which to store them. 
 There seemed, however, even among the common people, no 
 disposition to take advantage of the misfortune of the stranger. 
 Although they beheld what must in their eyes have been inesti- 
 m.-ilile treasures, cast, as it were, upon their shores, and open to 
 depredation, yet there was not the least attempt to pilfer, nor,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 139 
 
 In transporting the effects from the ships, had they appropriated 
 the most trifling article. On the contrary, a general sympathy 
 was visible in their countenances and actions ; and to have wit- 
 nessed their concern, one would have supposed the misfortune 
 to have happened to themselves. 1 
 
 " So loving, so tractable, so peaceable are these people," 
 says Columbus in his journal, 4k that I swear to your majesties, 
 there is not in the world a better nation, nor a better land. 
 They love their neighl>ors as themselves ; and their discourse is 
 ever sweet and gentle, and accompanied with a smile ; and 
 though it is true that they are naked, yet their manners are 
 decorous aud praiseworthy." 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES. 
 [1402.] 
 
 Ox the 20th of Deeom1>er, Ouaoanagari came on Ixxird of the 
 caravel Nina to visit the admiral, and observing him to be very 
 much dejected was moved to tears. He repeated the message 
 which he had sent, entreating Columbus not to be cast down by 
 his misfortune, and offering every thing that he possessed, that 
 might render him aid or consolation. He had already given 
 three houses to shelter the Spaniards, and to receive the effects 
 landed from the wreck, and he offered to furuish more if 
 necessary. 
 
 While they were conversing, a canoe arrived from another 
 part of the island, bringing pieces of gold to IHJ exchanged for 
 hawks' bells. There was nothing upon which the natives set 
 so much value as upon these toys. The Indians were extrava- 
 gantly fond of the dance, which they performed to the cadence 
 of certain songs, accompanied by the sound of a kind of drum, 
 made from the trunk of a tree, and the rattling of hollow bits 
 of wood ; but when they hung the hawks' lx?lls alxnit their i>er- 
 sons, and heard the clear musical sound responding to the move- 
 ments of the dance, nothing could exceed their wild delight. 
 
 The sailors who came from the shore informed the adminal 
 that considerable quantities of gold had lx?cn brought to barter, 
 
 > Him. del Alnrirantc, cap. 32. Las Casae, lib. i. cap. 9.
 
 140 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 and large pieces were eagerly given for the merest trifle. This 
 information had a cheering effect upon Columbus. The atten- 
 tive cacique, perceiving the lighting up of his countenance, 
 asked what the sailors had communicated. When he learned its 
 ptirixjrt, and found that the admiral was extremely desirous of 
 procuring gold, he assured him by signs, that there was a place 
 not far off, among the mountains, where it abounded to such a 
 degree as to IK; held in little value, and promised to procure him 
 thence as much as he desired. The place to which he alluded, 
 and which he called Cibao, was in fact a mountainous region 
 afterward found to contain valuable mines ; but Columbus still 
 confounded the name with that of Cipango. 1 
 
 Guacanagari dined on board of the caravel with the admiral, 
 after which he invited him to visit his residence. Here he had 
 prepared a collation, as choice and abundant as his simple means 
 afforded, consisting of utias, or coneys, fish, roots, and various 
 fruits. He did every thing in his power to honor his guest, and 
 cheer him under his misfortune, showing a warmth of sympathy 
 yet delicacy of attention, which could not have been expected 
 from his savage state. Indeed there was a degree of innate 
 dignity and refinement displayed in his manners, that often sur- 
 prised the Spaniards. He was remarkably nice and decorous in 
 his mode of eating, which was slow and with moderation, wash- 
 ing his hands when he had finished, and rubbing them with 
 sweet and odoriferous herbs, which Columbus supposed was 
 done to preserve their delicacy and softness. He was served 
 with great deference by his subjects, and conducted himself 
 toward them with a gracious and prince-like majesty. His 
 whole deportment, in the enthusiastic eyes of Columbus, be- 
 tokened the iulx>rn grace and dignity of lofty lineage. - 
 
 In fact, the sovereignty among the people of this island was 
 hereditary, and they had a simple but sagacious mode of main- 
 taining, in some degree, the verity of descent. On the death of 
 a cacique without children, his authority passed to those of his 
 sisters, in preference to those of his brothers, being considered 
 most likely to be of his blood ; for they observed, that a 
 brother's reputed children may by accident have no consanguin- 
 ity with their uncle ; but those of his sister must certainly be the 
 children of their mother. The form of government was com- 
 pletely despotic ; the caciques had entire control over the lives, 
 the property, and even the religion of their subjects. They had 
 few laws, and ruled according to their judgment and their will ; 
 
 1 Primer Viatic de Colon, Navarretc, torn. i. p. 114. 
 * Las CaiiUb, lib. i. cup. 70, Ms. I'liiiit-i Viagu dc C< 
 
 'olon, Xavarrete, torn. i. p. 114.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 141 
 
 but they ruled mildly, and were implicitly and cheerfully obeyed. 
 Throughout the course of the disastrous history of these island- 
 el's, after their discovery by the Europeans, there lire continual 
 proofs of their affectionate and devoted fidelity to their caciques. 
 
 After the collation, Guacanagari conducted Columbus to the 
 beautiful groves which surrounded his residence. They wen- 
 attended by upward of a thousand of the natives, all perfectly 
 naked, who performed several national games and dances, 
 which Guacanagari had ordered, to amuse the melancholy of his 
 guest. 
 
 When the Indians had finished their games, Columbus gave 
 them an entertainment in return, calculated at the same time to 
 impress them with a formidable idea of the military power of 
 the Spaniards. He sent on board the caravel fora Moorish bow 
 and a quiver of arrows, and a Castilian who had served in the 
 ware of Granada, and was skilful in the use of them. When 
 the cacique beheld the accuracy with which this man used his 
 weapons, he was greatly surprised, being himself of an nn war- 
 like character, and little accustomed to the use of arms. He 
 told the admiral that the Caribs, who often made descents upon 
 his territory, and carried off his subjects, were likewise armed 
 witli IKJWS and arrows. Columbus assured him of the protection 
 of the Castilian monarchs, who would destroy the Caril>s, for he 
 let him know that he had weapons far more tremendous, against 
 which there was no defence. In proof of this, he ordered a 
 Lombard or heavy cannon, and an arquebus, to lie discharged. 
 
 On hearing the report the Indians fell to the ground, as 
 though they had been struck by a thunderlx>lt ; and when they 
 saw the effect of the ball, rending and shivering the trees like 
 a stroke of lightning, they were tilled with dismay. Being told, 
 however, that the Spaniards would defend them with these arms 
 against their dreaded enemies the Caribs, their alarm was 
 changed into exaltation, considering themselves under the pro- 
 tection of the sons of heaven, who had come from the skies 
 armed with thunder and lightning. 
 
 The cacique now presented Columbus with a mask carved of 
 wood, with the eyes, ears, and various other parts of gold ; he 
 hung plates of the same metal round his neck, and placed a 
 kind of golden coronet upon his head. He dispensed presents 
 also among the followers of the admiral ; acquitting himself in 
 all things with a munificence that would have done honor to an 
 accomplished prince in civilized life. 
 
 Whatever trifles Columbus gave in return were regarded with 
 reverence as celestial gifts. The Indians, in admiring the
 
 142 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 articles of European manufacture, continually repeated the 
 word turey, which in their language signifies heaven. They pre- 
 tended to distinguish the different qualities of gold by the smell ; 
 in the same way, when any article of tin, of silver, or other 
 white metal was given them, to which they were unaccustomed, 
 they smelt it and declared it ' turey," of excellent quality; 
 giving in exchange pieces of the finest gold. Every thing, in 
 fact, from the hands of the Spaniards, even a rusty piece of 
 iron, an end of a strap, or a head of a nail, had an occult and 
 supernatural value, and smelt of turey. Hawks' bells, how- 
 ever, were sought by them with a mania only equalled by that 
 of the Spaniards for gold. They could not contain their ecsta- 
 sies at the sound, dancing and playing a thousand antics. On 
 one occasion an Indian gave half a handful of gold dust in ex- 
 change for one of these toys, and no sooner was he in posses- 
 sion of it than he bounded away to the woods, looking often 
 behind him, fearing the Spaniards might repent of having 
 parted so cheaply with such an inestimable jewel. 1 
 
 The extreme kindness of the cacique, the gentleness of his 
 people, the quantities of gold which were daily brought to l>e 
 exchanged for the veriest trifles, and the information continually 
 received of sources of wealth in the interior of this island, all 
 contributed to console the admiral for his misfortune. 
 
 The shipwrecked crew, also, became fascinated with. their 
 easy and idle mode of life. Exempted by their simplicity from 
 the cares and toils which civilized man inflicts upon himself 
 by his many artificial wants, the existence of these islanders 
 seemed to the Spaniards like a pleasant dream. They disquieted 
 themselves about nothing. A few fields, cultivated almost with- 
 out labor, furnished the roots and vegetables which formed a 
 great part of their diet. Their rivers and coasts abounded with 
 fish ; their trees were laden with fruits of golden or blushing 
 hue, and heightened by a tropical sun to delicious flavor and 
 fragrance. Softened by the indulgence of nature, and by a 
 voluptuous climate, a great part of their day was passed in 
 indolent rei>ose, and in the evenings they danced in their fra- 
 grant groves, to their national songs, or the sound of their 
 sylvan drums. 
 
 Such was the indolent and holiday life of these simple people ; 
 which, if it had not the great scope of enjoyment, nor the high- 
 seasoned poignancy of pleasure which attend civilization, was 
 certainly destitute of most of its artificial miseries. The ven- 
 
 La* Casas, lib. i. cap. 70, MS.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 14B 
 
 erable Las Casas, speaking of their perfect nakedness, observes, 
 it seemed almost as if they were existing in the state of prime- 
 val innocence of our first parents, before their fall brought sin 
 into the world. He might have added, that they seemed ex- 
 empt likewise from the penalty inflicted on the children of Adam, 
 that they should eat their bread by the sweat of their brow. 
 
 When the Spanish mariners looked back upon their own 
 toilsome and painful life, and reflected on the cares and hard- 
 ships that must still be their lot if they returned to Europe, it 
 is no wonder that they regarded with a wistful eye the easy and 
 idle existence of these Indians. Wherever they went they met 
 with caressing hospitality. The men were simple, frank, and 
 cordial ; the women loving and compliant, and prompt to form 
 those connections which anchor the most wandering heart. They 
 saw gold glittering around them, to be had without labor, and 
 every enjoyment to be procured without cost. Captivated by 
 these advantages, many of the seamen represented to the ad- 
 miral the dilliculties and sufferings they must encounter on a 
 return voyage, where so many would be crowded in a small 
 caravel, and entreated permission to remain in the island. 1 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 BUILDING OF THE FORTRESS OF LA NAVIDAD. 
 
 [1492.] 
 
 THE solicitude expressed by many of his people to be left be- 
 hind, added to the friendly and pacific character of the natives, 
 now suggested to Columbus the idea of forming the germ of a 
 future colony. The wreck of the caravel would afford mate- 
 rials to construct a fortress, which might be defended by her 
 guns and supplied with her ammunition ; and he could spare 
 provisions enough to maintain a small garrison for a year. The 
 people who thus remained on the island could explore it, and 
 make themselves acquainted with its mines, and other sources of 
 wealth ; they might, at the same time, procure by traffic a large 
 quantity of gold from the natives ; they could learn their lan- 
 guage, and accustom themselves to their habits and manners, 
 so as to be of great use in future intercourse. In the mean 
 
 1 I'rimer V'iage de Colon. Navarrele, torn. i. j>. 11(3.
 
 144 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 time the admiral could return to Spain, report the success of his 
 enterprise, and bring out re-enforcements. 
 
 No sooner did this idea break upon the mind of Columbus 
 than he set about accomplishing it with his accustomed prompt- 
 ness and celerity. The wreck was broken up and brought 
 piecemeal to shore ; and a site chosen, and preparations made 
 for the erection of a tower. When Guacanagari was informed 
 of the intention of the admiral to leave a part of his men for 
 the defence of the island from the Caribs, while he returned to 
 his country for more, he was greatly overjoyed. His subjects 
 manifested equal delight at the idea of retaining these wonder- 
 ful people among them, and at the prospect of the future arri- 
 val of the admiral, with ships freighted with hawks' bells and 
 other precious articles. They eagerly lent their assistance in 
 building the fortress, little dreaming that they were assisting to 
 place on their necks the galling yoke of perpetual and toilsome 
 slavery. 
 
 The preparations for the fortress were scarcely commenced 
 when certain Indians, arriving at the harbor, brought a report 
 that a great vessel, like those of the admiral, had anchored in a 
 river at the eastern end of the island. These tidings, for a 
 time, dispelled a thousand uneasy conjectures which had har- 
 assed the mind of Columbus, for of course this vessel could be 
 DO other than the Piuta. He immediately procured a canoe 
 from Guacanagari, with several Indians to navigate it, and de- 
 spatched a Spaniard with a letter to Pinzon, couched in amicable 
 terms, making no complaints of his desertion, but urging him to 
 join company immediately. 
 
 After three days' absence the canoe returned. The Spaniard 
 reported that he had pursued the coast for twenty leagues, but 
 had neither seen nor heard any thing of the Pinta ; he consid- 
 ered the report, therefore, as incorrect. Other rumors, how- 
 ever, were immediately afterward circulated at the harbor of 
 this large vessel to the eastward ; but, on investigation, they 
 appeared to Columbus to be equally undeserving of credit. He 
 relapsed, therefore, into his doubts and anxieties in respect to 
 Pinzon. Since the shipwreck of his vessel, the desertion of 
 that commander had become a matter of still more serious mo- 
 ment, and had obliged him to alter all his plans. Should the 
 Piuta be lost, as was very possible in a voyage of such extent 
 and exposed to so many uncommon perils, there would then be 
 but one ship surviving of the three which had set sail from 
 Palos, and that one an indifferent sailer. On the precarious 
 return of that crazy bark, across an immense expanse of ocean,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 145 
 
 would depend the ultimate success of the expedition. Should 
 that one likewise perish, every record of this great discovery 
 would be swallowed up with it ; the name of Columbus would 
 only be remembered as that of a mad adventurer, who, despis- 
 ing the opinions of the learned and the counsels of the wise, 
 had departed into the wilds of the ocean never to return ; the 
 obscurity of his fate, and its imagined horrors, might deter all 
 future enterprise, and thus the New World might remain, as 
 heretofore, unknown to civilized man. These considerations 
 determined Columbus to abandon all further prosecution of his 
 voyage ; to leave unexplored the magnificent regions which were 
 inviting him on every hand ; to give up all hope for the present 
 of finding his way to the dominions of the Grand Khan, and to 
 lose no time in returning to Spain and reporting his discovery. 
 
 While the fortress was building, he continued to receive every 
 day new proofs of the amity and kindness of Guacanagari. 
 Whenever he went on shore to superintend the works, he was 
 entertained in the most hospitable manner by that chieftain. 
 He had the largest house in the place prepared for his reception, 
 strewed or carpeted with palm-leaves, and furnished with low 
 stools of a black and shining wood that looked like jet. When 
 he received the admiral, it was always in a style of princely 
 generosity, hanging around his neck some jewel of gold, or 
 making him some present of similar value. 
 
 On one occasion, he came to meet him on his landing, attend- 
 ed by five tributary caciques, each carrying a coronet of gold ; 
 they conducted him with great deference to the house already 
 mentioned, where, seating him in one of the chairs, Guacana- 
 gari took off his own coronet of gold and placed it upon his 
 head : Columbus in return took from his neck a collar of fine- 
 colored beads, which he put round that of the cacique ; he in- 
 vested him with his own mantle of fine cloth, gave him a pair 
 of colored boots, and put on his finger a large silver ring, upon 
 which metal the Indians set a great value, it not being found in 
 their island. 
 
 The cacique exerted himself to the utmost to procure a great 
 quantity of gold for the admiral before his departure for Spain. 
 The supplies thus furnished, and the vague accounts collected 
 through the medium of signs and imperfect interpretations, 
 gave Columbus magnificent ideas of the wealth in the interior of 
 this island. The names of caciques, mountains, and provinces, 
 were confused together in his imagination, and supposed to 
 mean various places where great treasure was to be found ; 
 above all, the name of Cibao continually occurred, the golden
 
 146 LIFE OF CniilSTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 
 
 region among the mountains, whence the natives procured most 
 of the ore for their ornaments. In the pimento or red pepper 
 which abounded in the island, he fancied he found a trace of 
 Oriental spices, and he thought he had met with specimens of 
 rhubarb. 
 
 Passing, with his usual excitability, from a state of doubt and 
 anxiety to one of sanguine anticipation, he now considered his 
 shipwreck as a providential event mysteriously ordained by 
 Heaven to work out the success of his enterprise. Without 
 this seeming disaster, he should never have remained to find 
 out the secret wealth of the island, but should merely have 
 touched at various parts of the coast, and passed on. As a 
 proof that the particular hand of Providence was exerted in it, 
 he cites the circumstance of his having been wrecked in a per- 
 fect calm, without wind or wave, and the desertion of the pilot 
 and mariners, when sent to carry out an anchor astern, for, had 
 they performed his orders, the vessel would have been hauled 
 off, they would have pursued their voyage, and the treasures of 
 the island would have remained a secret. But now he looked 
 forward to glorious fruits to be reaped from this seeming evil ; 
 " For he hoped," he said, " that when he returned from Spain, 
 he should flud a ton of gold collected in traffic by those whom 
 he had left behind, and mines and spices discovered in such 
 quantities that the sovereigns, before three years, would be able 
 to undertake a crusade for the deliverance of the holy sepul- 
 chre ; ' ' the grand object to which he had proposed that they 
 should dedicate the fruits of this enterprise. 
 
 Such was the visionary, yet generous, enthusiasm of Colum- 
 bus, the moment that prospects of vast wealth broke upon his 
 mind. What in some spirits would have awakened a grasping 
 and sordid avidity to accumulate, immediately filled his imagin- 
 ation with plans of magnificent expenditure. But how vain are 
 attempts to interpret the inscrutable decrees of Providence ! 
 The shipwreck, which Columbus considered an act of divine 
 favor, to reveal to him the secrets of the laud, shackled and 
 limited all his after discoveries. It linked his fortunes, for the 
 remainder of his life, to this island, which was doomed to be to 
 him a source of cares and troubles, to involve him in a thousand 
 perplexities, and to becloud his declining years with humiliation 
 and disappointment.
 
 LIFE OF CUEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 147 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 REGULATION OF THE FORTRESS OF LA NAVIDAD DEPARTURE OP 
 
 COLUMBUS FOR SPAIN. 
 
 So great was the activity of the Spaniards in the construction 
 of their fortress, and so ample the assistance rendered by the 
 natives, that in ten days it was sufficiently complete for service. 
 A large vault had been made, over which was erected a strong 
 wooden tower, and the whole was surrounded by a wide ditch. 
 It was stored with all the ammunition saved from the wreck, or 
 that could be spared from the caravel ; and the guns being 
 mounted, the whole had a formidable aspect, sufficient to over- 
 awe and repulse this naked and unwarlike people. Indeed 
 Columbus was of opinion that but little force was necessary to 
 subjugate the whole island. He considered a fortress, and the 
 restrictions of a garrison, more requisite to keep the Spaniards 
 themselves in order, and prevent their wandering about, and 
 committing acts of licentiousness among the natives. 
 
 The fortress being finished, he gave it, as well as the adjacent 
 village and the harbor, the name of La Navidad, or the Nativ- 
 ity, in memorial of their having escaped from the shipwreck 
 on Christmas Day. Many volunteered to remain on the island, 
 from whom he selected thirty-nine of the most able and exem- 
 plary, and among them a physician, ship-carpenter, calker, 
 cooper, tailor, and gunner, all expert at their several callings. 
 The command was given to Diego de Arana, a native of Cor- 
 dova, and notary and alguazil to the armament, who was to re- 
 tain all the powers vested in him by the Catholic sovereigns. 
 In case of his death, Pedro Gutierrez was to command, and, he 
 dying, Kodrigo de Escobedo. The boat of the wreck was left 
 with them, to be used in fishing ; a variety of seeds to sow, and 
 a large quantity of articles for traffic, that they might procure 
 as much gold as possible against the admiral's return. 1 
 
 As the time drew nigh for his departure, Columbus assem- 
 bled those who were to remain in the island, and made them 
 an earnest address, charging them, in the name of the sove- 
 reigns, to be obedient to the officer left in command ; to maintain 
 the utmost respect and reverence for the cacique Guacanagari 
 and his chieftains, recollecting how deeply they were indebted 
 
 1 I'ninur Viugu Uu C'oloa. .Xavarrete, tom. i. Ilist. del Almirante, cap. 03.
 
 148 LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 to his goodness, and how important a continuance of it was to 
 their welfare. To be circumspect in their intercourse with the 
 natives, avoiding disputes, and treating them always with gen- 
 tleness and justice ; and, above all, being discreet in their 
 conduct toward the Indian women, misconduct in this respect 
 being the frequent source of troubles and disasters in the inter- 
 course with savage nations. He warned them, moreover, not to 
 scatter themselves asunder, but to keep together, for mutual 
 safety; and not to stray beyond the friendly territory of Gua- 
 canagari. He enjoined it upon Arana, and the others in com- 
 mand, to acquire a knowledge of the productions and mines of 
 the island, to procure gold and spices, and to seek along the 
 coast a better situation for a settlement, the present harbor 
 being inconvenient and dangerous, from the rocks and shoals 
 which beset its entrance. 
 
 On the 2d of January, 1493, Columbus landed to take a fare- 
 well of the generous cacique and his chieftains, intending the 
 next day to set sail. He gave them a parting feast at the house 
 devoted to his use, and commended to their kindness the men, 
 who were to remain, especially Diego de Arana, Pedro Gutier- 
 rez, and Rodrigo de Escobedo, his lieutenants, assuring the 
 cacique that when he returned from Castile he would bring 
 abundance of jewels more precious than any he or his people 
 had yet seen. The worthy Guacanagari showed great concern 
 at the idea of his departure, and assured him that, as to those 
 who remained, he would furnish them with provisions, and 
 render them every service in his power. 
 
 Once more to impress the Indians with an idea of the warlike 
 prowess of the white men, Columbus caused the crews to per- 
 form skirmishes and mock-fights, with swords, bucklers, lances, 
 cross-bows, arquebuses, and cannon. The Indians were aston- 
 ished at the keenness of the swords, and at the deadly power of 
 the cross-bows and arquebuses ; but they were struck with awe 
 when the heavy Lombards were discharged from the fortress, 
 wrapping it in wreaths of smoke, shaking the forests with their 
 report, and shivering the trees with the balls of stone used in 
 artillery in those times. As these tremendous powers, how- 
 ever, were all to be employed for their protection, they rejoiced 
 while they trembled, since no Carib would now dare to invade 
 their island. 1 
 
 The festivities of the day being over, Columbus embraced the 
 cacique and his principal chieftains, and took a final leave of 
 
 1 Primer Viage de Colon. Xavarrete, torn. i. p. 121.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 149 
 
 them. Gnacanagari shed tears ; for while he had been awed by 
 the dignified demeanor of the admiral, and the idea of his super- 
 human nature, he had been completely won by the benignity of 
 his manners. Indeed, the parting scene was sorrowful on all 
 sides. The arrival of the ships had been an event of wonder 
 and excitement to the islanders, who had as yet known nothing 
 but the good qualities of their guests, and had been enriched by 
 their celestial gjfts ; while the rude seamen had been flattered 
 by the blind deference paid them, and captivated by the kind- 
 ness and unlimited indulgence with which they had been treated. 
 The sorest parting was between the Spaniards who embarked 
 and those who remained behind, from the strong sympathy caused 
 by companionship in perils and adventures. The little garrison, 
 however, evinced a stout heart, looking forward to the return of 
 the admiral from Spain with large re-enforcements, when they 
 promised to give him a good account of all things in the island. 
 The caravel was detained a day longer by the absence of some of 
 the Indians whom they were to take to Spain. At length the sig- 
 nal-gun was fired ; the crew gave a parting cheer to the handful 
 of comrades thus left in the wilderness of an unknown world, 
 who echoed their cheering as they gazed wistfully after them from 
 the beach, but who were destined never to welcome their return. 
 
 NOTE about the localities in the preceding chapter, extracted from the letter of 
 T. S. Ueneken, Esq. 
 
 Giiacanasari's capital town was called Guarico. From the best Information I can 
 gather, it was situated a short distance from the beach, where the village of Petit Anse 
 now stands; which is about two miles south-east of Cape Haytien. 
 
 Oviedo says that Columbus took in water for his homeward voyage from a small 
 stream to the north-west of the anchorage; and presuming him to have beeo at anchor 
 off Petit Anse, this stream presents itself falling from the Picolet mountain, crossing 
 the present town of Cape Ilaytien, and emptying into the bay near the Arsenal. 
 
 The stream which supplied Columbus with water was dammed up at the foot of the 
 mountain by the French when in possession of the country, and its water now feeds a 
 number of public fountains. 
 
 Punta Santa could be no other than the present Point Picolet. 
 
 Beating up from St. Nicholas Moln along an almost precipitous and iron-bound coast, 
 a prospect of unrivalled splendor breaks upon the view on turning this point; the spa- 
 cious bay, the extensive plains, and the distant Cordilleras of the Cibao mountains, 
 impose upon the mind an impression of vastness, fertility, and beauty. 
 
 The fort of La Navidad must have been erected near Haul du Cap, as it could be 
 approached in boats by rowing up the river, and there is no other river iu the vicinity 
 that admits a passage for boats. 
 
 The locality of the town of Guacanagari has always been known by the name of 
 Guarico. The French first settled at Petit Ause; subsequently they removed to the op- 
 posite side of the bay and founded the town of Cape Francais, now Cape Haytien ; but 
 th-? old Indian i.arae Guarico continues i:i use among a!l the Spanish inhabitants of the 
 vicinity.
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 COASTING TOWARD THE EASTERN END OF IIISPANIOLA MEETING 
 
 WITH PINZON AFFAIR WITH THE NATIVES AT THE GULF OF 
 
 SAMANA. 
 
 [1493.] 
 
 IT was on the 4th of January that Columbus set sail from La 
 Navidad on his return to Spain. The wind being light, it was 
 necessary to tow the caravel out of the harbor, and clear of the 
 reefs. They then stood eastward, toward a lofty promontory 
 destitute of trees, but covered with grass, and shaped like a tent, 
 having at a distance the appearance of a towering island, being 
 connected with Hispaniola by a low neck of land. To this pro- 
 montory Columbus gave the name of Monte Christi, by which 
 it is still known. The country in the immediate neighborhood 
 was level, but farther inland rose a high range of mountains, 
 well wooded, with broad, fruitful valleys between them, watered 
 by abundant streams. The wind being contrary, they were de- 
 tained for two days in a large bay to the west of the promontory. 
 On the Gth they again made sail with a land breeze, and weath- 
 ering the cape, advanced ten leagues, when the wind again 
 turned to blow freshly from the east. At this time a sailor sta- 
 tioned at the masthead to look out for rocks, cried out that he 
 beheld the Pinta at a distance. The certainty of the fact glad- 
 dened the heart of the admiral, and had an animating effect 
 throughout the ship ; for it was a joyful event to the mariners 
 once more to meet with their comrades, and to have a compan- 
 ion bark in their voyage through these lonely seas. 
 
 The Pinta came sweeping toward them, directly before the 
 wind. The admiral was desirous of having a conversation with 
 Martin Alonzo Piuzon, and seeing that all attempt was fruitless 
 from the obstinacy of the adverse wind, and that there was no 
 safe anchorage in the neighborhood, he put back to the bay a 
 150
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 151 
 
 little west of Monte Christi, whither he was followed by the 
 Pinta. On their first interview, Piuzou endeavored to excuse 
 his desertion, alleging that he had been compelled, to part com- 
 pany by stress of weather, and had ever since been seeking to 
 rejoin the admiral. Columbus listened passively but dubiously 
 to his apologies ; and the suspicions lie had conceived appeared 
 to be warranted by subsequent information. He was told that 
 Pinzon had been excited by accounts given him by one of the 
 Indians on board of his vessel of a region to the eastward, 
 abounding in gold. Taking advantage, therefore, of the supe- 
 rior sailing of his vessel, he had worked to windward, when the 
 other ships had been obliged to put back, and had sought to be 
 the first to discover and enjoy this golden region. After separ- 
 ating from his companions he had been entangled for several 
 days among a cluster of small islands, supposed to have been 
 the Caicos, but had at length been guided by the Indians to His- 
 paniola. Here he remained three weeks, trading with the natives 
 iu the river already mentioned, and collected a considerable 
 quantity of gold, one half of which he retained as captain, the 
 rest he divided among his men to secure their fidelity and se- 
 crecy. 
 
 Such were the particulars privately related to Columbus ; who, 
 however suppressed his indignation at this flagrant breach of 
 duty, being unwilling to disturb the remainder of his voyage 
 with any altercations with Pinzon, who had a powerful party of 
 relatives and townsmen in the armament. To such a degree, 
 however, was his confidence in his confederates impaired, that 
 he determined to return forthwith to Spain, though, under other 
 circumstances, he would have been tempted to explore the coast 
 in hopes of freighting his ships with treasure. 1 
 
 The boats were accordingly despatched to a large river in 
 the neighborhood, to procure a supply of wood and water for the 
 voyage. This river, called by the natives the Yaqui, flows 
 from the mountains of the interior and throws itself into the 
 bay, receiving in its course the contributions of various minor 
 streams. Many particles of gold were perceived among the sands 
 at its mouth, and others were found adhering to the hoops of 
 the water-casks. 2 Columbus gave it, therefore, the name of Rio 
 del Oro, or the golden river ; it is at present called the Santiago. 
 
 In this neighborhood were turtles of great size. Columbus 
 
 1 Iliwt. del Almirante, cap. 34. 
 
 1 Las ( 'iiKUK BiiiiireKtn that these may been particles of marcasite, which abounds in this 
 river. :i M i . the other streams which lull from the luouiuuins of Ciliuu. Las Casae, Hist. 
 Ind., lib. i. cup 70.
 
 152 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 also mentions in his journal that he saw three mermaids, which 
 elevated themselves above the surface of the sea, and he ob- 
 serves that he had before seen such on the coast of Africa. He 
 adds that they were by no means the beautiful beings they had 
 been represented, although they possessed some traces of the 
 human countenance. It is supposed that these must have been 
 inanati or sea-calves, seen indistinctly at a distance ; and that 
 the imagination of Columbus, disposed to give a wonderful 
 character to every thing in this new world, had identified these 
 misshapen animals with the Sirens of ancient story. 
 
 On the evening of the 9th of January they again made sail, 
 and on the following day arrived at the river where Pinzon had 
 been trading, to which Columbus gave the name of Rio de 
 Gracia ; but it took the appellation of its original discoverer, 
 and long continued to be known as the river of Martin Alonzo. 1 
 The natives of this place complained that Pinzon, on his pre- 
 vious visit, had violently carried off four men and two girls. 
 The admiral, finding they were retained on board of the Pinta 
 to be carried to Spain and sold as slaves, ordered them to be im- 
 mediately restored to their homes, with many presents, and well 
 clothed, to atone for the wrong they had experienced. This 
 restitution was made with great unwillingness and many high 
 words on the part of Pinzon. 
 
 The wind being favorable, for in these regions the trade wind 
 is often alternated during autumn and winter by north-westerly 
 breezes, they continued coasting the island until they came to 
 a high and l>eautiful headland, to which they gave the name of 
 Capo del Enamorado, or the Lover's Cape, but which at present 
 is known as Cape Cabron. A little beyond this they anchored 
 in a bay, or rather gulf, three leagues in breadth, and extending 
 so far inland that Columbus at first supposed it an arm of the 
 sea, separating Ilispaniola from some other land. On landing 
 they found the natives quite different from the gentle and paciiic 
 people hitherto met with on this island. They were of a fero- 
 cious aspect, and hideously painted. Their hair was long, tied 
 behind, and decorated with the feathers of parrots and other 
 birds of gaudy plumage. Some were armed with war-clubs ; 
 others had bows of the length of those used by the English arch- 
 ers, with arrows of slender reeds, pointed with hard wood, or 
 tipped with bone or the tooth of a fish. Their swords were of 
 palm-wood, as hard and heavy as iron ; not sharp, but broad, 
 nearly of the thickness of two fingers, and capable, with one 
 
 1 It is now called Porto Oaballo, but the surrounding plain is calkd thi- Savanna of 
 Mantu Alo.jzo. T. fc>.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 153 
 
 blow, of cleaving through a helmet to the very brains. 1 Though 
 thus prepared for combat, they made no attempt to molest the 
 Spaniards ; on the contrary, they sold them two of their bows 
 and several of their arrows, and one of them was prevailed upon 
 to go on board of the admiral's ship. 
 
 Columbus was persuaded, from the ferocious looks and hardy, 
 undaunted manner of this wild warrior, that he and his com- 
 panions were of the nation of Caribs, so much dreaded through- 
 out these seas, and that the gulf in which he was anchored must 
 be a strait separating their island from Hispaniola. On in- 
 quiring of the Indian, however, he still pointed to the east as 
 the quarter where lay the Caribbean Islands. He spoke also of 
 an island, called Mantinino, which Columbus fancied him to say 
 was peopled merely by women, who received the Caribs among 
 them once a year, for the sake of continuing the population of 
 their island. All the male progeny resulting from such visits 
 were delivered to the fathers ; the female remained with the 
 mothers. 
 
 This Amazonian island is repeatedly mentioned in the course 
 of the voyages of Columbus, and is another of his self-delusions, 
 to be explained by the work of Marco Polo. That traveller de- 
 scribed two islands near the coast of Asia, one inhabited solely 
 by women, the other by men, between which a similar intercourse 
 subsisted ; ' 2 and Columbus, supposing himself in that vicinity, 
 easily interpreted the signs of the Indians to coincide with the 
 descriptions of the Venetian. 
 
 Having regaled the warrior, and made him various presents, 
 the admiral sent him on shore, in hopes, through his mediation, 
 of opening a trade for gold with his companions. As the boat 
 approached the land, upward of fifty savages, armed with l>ows 
 and arrows, war-clubs, and javelins, were seen lurking among 
 the trees. On a word from the Indian who was in the boat, 
 they laid by their arms and came forth to meet the Spaniards. 
 The latter, according to directions from the admiral, endeavored 
 to purchase several of their weapons, to take as curiosities to 
 Spain. They parted with two of their bows ; but, suddenly 
 conceiving some distrust, or thinking to overpower this handful 
 of strangers, they rushed to the place where they had left their 
 weapons, snatched them up, and returned with cords, as if to 
 bind the Spaniards. The latter immediately attacked them, 
 wounded two, put the rest to flight, and would have pursued 
 them, but were restrained by the pilot who commanded the boat. 
 
 1 l.as C'asas, Hint Ind., lil>. i. cap. 77, MS. 
 
 * Marco I'olo, book iii. cay. 31; Eag. edit, of Marsden.
 
 154 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 This was the first contest with the Indians, and the first time 
 that native blood was shed by the white men in the New World. 
 Columbus was grieved to see all his exertions to maintain an 
 amicable intercourse vain ; he consoled himself with the idea, 
 however, that if these were Caribs, or frontier Indians of war- 
 like character, they would be inspired with a dread of the force 
 and weapons of the white men, and be deterred from molesting 
 the little garrison of Fort Nativity. The fact was, that these 
 were of a bold and hardy race, inhabiting a mountainous dis- 
 trict called Ciguay, extending five and twenty leagues along the 
 coast, and several leagues into the interior. They differed in 
 language, look, and manners from the other natives of the is- 
 land, and had the rude but independent and vigorous character 
 of mountaineers. 
 
 Their frank and bold spirit was evinced on the day after the 
 skirmish, when a multitude appearing on the beach, the admiral 
 sent a large party, well armed, on shore in the boat. The na- 
 tives approached as freely and confidently as if nothing had 
 happened ; neither did they betray, throughout their subsequent 
 intercourse, any signs of lurking fear or enmity. The cacique 
 who ruled over the neighboring country was on the ghore. He 
 sent to the boat a string of beads formed of small stones, or 
 rather of the hard part of shells, which the Spaniards understood 
 to be a token and assurance of amity ; but they were not yet 
 aware of the full meaning of this symbol, the wampum belt, the 
 pledge of peace, held sacred among the Indians. The chieftain 
 followed shortly after, and entering the boat with only three 
 attendants, was conveyed on board of the caravel. 
 
 The frank and confiding conduct, so indicative of a brave 
 and generous nature, was properly appreciated by Columbus ; 
 he received the cacique cordially, set before him a collation such 
 as the caraval afforded, particularly biscuits and honey, which 
 were great dainties with the Indians, and after showing him the 
 wonders of the vessel, and making him and his attendants many 
 presents, sent them to land highly gratified. The residence of 
 the cacique was at such a distance that he could not repeat his 
 visit ; but, as a token of high regard, he sent to the admiral his 
 coronet of gold. In speaking of these incidents, the historians 
 of Columbus have made no mention of the name of this moun- 
 tain chief ; he was doubtless the same who, a few years after- 
 ward, appears in the history of the island under the name of 
 Mayonabex, cacique of the Ciguayans, and will be found ac- 
 quitting himself with valor, frankness, and magnanimity, under 
 the most trying circumstances.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 155 
 
 Columbus remained a day or two longer in the bay, during 
 which time the most friendly intercourse prevailed with the 
 natives, who brought cotton, and various fruits and vegetables, 
 but still maintained their warrior character, being always armed 
 with bows and arrows. Four young Indians gave such interest- 
 ing accounts of the islands situated to the east that Columbus 
 determined to touch there on his way to Spain, and prevailed on 
 them to accompany him as guides. Taking advantage of a 
 favorable wind, therefore, he sailed before daylight on the 16th 
 of January from this bay, to which, in consequence of the skir- 
 mish with the natives, he gave the name of Golfo de las Flechas, 
 or the Gulf of Arrows, but which is now known by the name of 
 the Gulf of Samana. 
 
 On leaving the bay, Columbus at first steered to the north- 
 east, in which direction the young Indians assured him he would 
 find the island of the Caribs, and that of Mantinino, the abode 
 of the Amazons ; it being his desire to take several of the na- 
 tives of each, to present to the Spanish sovereigns. After sail- 
 intr alK>ut sixteen leagues, however, his Indian guides changed 
 their opinion, and pointed to the south-east. This would have 
 brought him to Porto Rico, which, in fact, was known among 
 the Indians as the island of Carib. The admiral immediately 
 shifted sail, and stood in this direction. He had not proceeded 
 two leagues, however, when a most favorable breeze sprang up 
 for the voyage to Spain. He observed a gloom gathering on 
 the countenances of the sailors, as they diverged from the home- 
 ward route. Reflecting upon the little hold he had upon the 
 feelings and affections of these men, the insubordinate spirit 
 they had repeatedly evinced, the uncertainty of the good faitli 
 of Pinzon, and the leaky condition of his ships, he was suddenly 
 brought to a pause. As long as he protracted his return, the 
 whole fate of his discovery was at the mercy of a thousand con- 
 tingencies, and an adverse accident might bury himself, his 
 crazy barks, and all the records of his voyage forever in the 
 ocean. Repressing, therefore, the strong inclination to seek 
 further discoveries, and determined to place what he had already 
 made beyond the reach of accident, he once more shifted sail, 
 to the great joy of his crews, and resumed his course for Spain. 1 
 
 1 .Journal of Colunib. Nuvunx-tu, turn. i. Las Csu&a, liist. Lud., lib. i. cap. 77. liisU 
 del. AlmiiunU', cap. 34, 35.
 
 156 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 RETURN VOYAGE VIOLENT STORMS ARRIVAL AT THE AZORES. 
 
 [1493.] 
 
 THE trade-winds which had been so propitious to Columbus 
 on his outward voyage, were equally adverse to him on his re- 
 turn. The favorable breeze soon died away, and throughout 
 the remainder of January there was a prevalence of light winds 
 from the eastward, which prevented any great progress. He 
 was frequently detained also by the bad sailing of the Piuta, the 
 foremast of which was so defective that it could carry but little 
 sail. The weather continued mild and pleasant, and the sea so 
 calm, that the Indians whom they were taking to Spain would 
 frequently plunge into the water and swim about the ships. 
 They saw many tunny fish, one of which they killed, as likewise 
 a large shark ; these gave them a temporal 1 }' supply of provisions, 
 of which they soon began to stand in need, their sea-stock being 
 reduced to bread and wine and Agi peppers, which last they 
 had learnt from the Indians to use as an important article of 
 food. 
 
 In the early part of February, having run to about the thirty- 
 eighth degvee of north latitude, and got out of the track swept 
 by the trade-winds, they had more favorable breezes, and were 
 enabled to steer direct for Spain. From the frequent changes 
 of their course, the pilots became perplexed in their reckonings, 
 differing widely among themselves, and still more widely from 
 the truth. Columbus, besides keeping a careful reckoning, was 
 a vigilant observer of those indications furnished by the sea, the 
 air, and the sky ; the fate of himself and his ships in the un- 
 known regions which he traversed often depended upon these 
 observations ; and the sagacity at which he arrived, in decipher- 
 ing the signs of the elements, was looked upon by the common 
 seamen as something almost supernatural. In the present in- 
 stance, he noticed where the great bands of floating weeds com- 
 menced, and where they finished ; and in emerging from among 
 them, concluded himself to be in the same degree of longitude 
 as when he encountered them on his outward voyage ; that is to 
 say, about 2GO leagues west of Ferro. On the 10th of Febru- 
 ary, Vicente Vanes Pinzon, and the pilots Ruiz and Bartolomeo 
 Roldau, who were on board of the admiral's ship, examined
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 157 
 
 the charts and compared their reckonings to determine their 
 situation, but could not come to any agreement. They all sup- 
 posed themselves at least one hundred and fifty leagues nearer 
 Spain than what Columbus believed to be the true reckoning, 
 and in the latitude of Madeira, whereas he knew them to be 
 nearly in a direction for the Azores. He suffered them, how- 
 ever, to remain in their error, and even added to their perplexity, 
 that they might retain but a confused idea of the voyage, and 
 he alone possess a clear knowledge of the route of the newly- 
 discovered countries. 1 
 
 On the 1.2th of February, as they were flattering themselves 
 with soon coming in sight of land, the wind came on to blow 
 violently, with a heavy sea ; they still kept their course to the 
 east, but with great labor and peril. On the following day, after 
 sunset, the wind and swell increased ; there were three flashes 
 of lightning in the north-north-east, considered by Columbus as 
 signals of an approaching tempest. It soon burst ui>on them 
 with frightful violence ; their small and crazy vessels, open 
 and without decks, were little fitted for the wild storms of the 
 Atlantic ; all night they were obliged to scud under bare poles. 
 As the morning dawned of the 14th, there was a transient 
 pause, and they made a little sail ; but the wind rose again 
 from the south with redoubled vehemence, raging throughout 
 the day, and increasing in fury in the night ; while the vessels 
 labored terribly in a cross sea, the broken waves of which 
 threatened at each moment to overwhelm them or dash them 
 to pieces. For three days they lay to, with just sail enough 
 to keep them above the waves ; but the tempest still augment- 
 ing, they were obliged again to scud before the wind. The 
 Pinta was soon lost sight of in the darkness of the night. The 
 admiral kept as much as possible to the north-east, to approach 
 the coast of Spain, and made signal lights at the masthead for 
 the Pinta to do the same, and to keep in company. The latter, 
 however, from the weakness of her foremast, could not hold 
 the wind, and was obliged to scud before it directly north. 
 For some time she replied to the signals of the admiral, but 
 her lights gleamed more and more distant, until they ceased 
 entirely, and nothing more was seen of her. 
 
 Columbus continued to scud all night, full of forebodings of 
 the fate of his own vessel, and of fears for the safety of that 
 of Pinzon. As the day dawned, the sea presented a frightful 
 waste of wild broken waves, lashed into fury by the gale ; he 
 
 1 Las Casas, Ih.-t. 1ml., lib. i. cap. TO.
 
 158 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 looked round anxiously for the Pinta, but she was nowhere to 
 be seen. He now made a little sail, to keep his vessel ahead of 
 the sea, lest its huge waves should break over her. As the 
 sun rose, the wind and the waves rose with it, and throughout 
 a dreary day the helpless bark was driven along by the fury of 
 the tempest. 
 
 Seeing all human skill baffled and confounded, Columbus 
 endeavored to propitiate heaven by solemn vows and acts of 
 penance. By his orders, a number of beans, equal to the num- 
 ber of persons on board, were put into a cap, on one of which 
 was cut the sign of the cross. Each of the crew made a vow 
 that should he draw forth the marked bean he would make a 
 pilgrimage to the shrine of Santa Maria de Gaudalupe, bearing 
 a wax taper of five pounds' weight. The admiral was the first 
 to put in his hand, and the lot fell upon him. From that mo- 
 ment he considered himself a pilgrim, bound to perform the 
 vow. Another lot was cast in the same way, for a pilgrimage 
 to the chapel of our Lady of Loretto, which fell upon a seaman 
 named Pedro de Villa, and the admiral engaged to bear the 
 expenses of his journey. A third lot was also cast for a pil- 
 grimage to Santa Clara de Moguer, to perform a solemn mass, 
 and to watch all night in the chapel, and this likewise fell 
 upon Columbus. 
 
 The tempest still raging with unabated violence, the admiral 
 and all the mariners made a vow, that, if spared, wherever 
 they first landed, they would go in procession barefooted and in 
 their shirts, to offer up prayers and thanksgivings in some 
 church dedicated to the Holy Virgin. Besides these general acts 
 of propitiation, each one made his private vow, binding him- 
 self to some pilgrimage, or vigil, or other rite of penitence and 
 thanksgiving at his favorite shrine. The heavens however, 
 seemed deaf to their vows; the storm grew still more wild and 
 frightful, and each man gave himself up for lost. The danger 
 of the ship was augmented by the want of ballast, the consump- 
 tion of the water and provisions having lightened her so much 
 that she rolled and tossed about at the mercy of the waves. 
 To remedy this, and to render her more steady, the admiral 
 ordered that all the empty casks should be filled with sea-water, 
 which in some measure gave relief. 
 
 During this long and awful conflict of the elements, the mind 
 of Columbus was a prey to the most distressing anxiety. He 
 feared that the Pinta had foundered in the storm. In such case 
 the whole history of his discovery, the secret of the New World, 
 depended upon his own feeble bark, and one surge of the ocean
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 159 
 
 might bury it forever in oblivion. The tumult of his thoughts 
 may be judged from his own letter to the sovereigns. " I could 
 have supported this evil fortune with less grief," said he, " had 
 my person alone been in jeopardy, since I am debtor for my 
 life to the supreme Creator, and have at other times been within 
 a step of death. But it was a cause of infinite sorrow and 
 trouble to think that, after having been illuminated from on 
 high with faith and certainty to undertake this enterprise, after 
 having victoriously achieved it, and when on the point of con- 
 vincing my opponents, and securing to your highnesses great 
 glory and vast increase of dominions, it should please the divine 
 Majesty to defeat all by my death. It would have been more 
 supportable also, had 1 not been accompanied by others who 
 had been drawn on by my persuasions, and who, in their dis- 
 tress, cursed not only the hour of their coming, but the fear 
 inspired by my words which prevented their turning back, as 
 they had at various times determined. Above all, my grief 
 was doubled when I thought of my two sons, whom I had left 
 at school in Cordova, destitute, in a strange land, without any 
 testimony of the services rendered by their father, which, if 
 known, might have inclined your highnesses to befriend them. 
 And although, on the one hand, I was comforted by faith that 
 the Deity would not permit a work of such great exaltation to 
 his church, wrought through so many troubles and contradic- 
 tions, to remain imperfect ; yet, on the other hand, I reflected 
 on my sins, as a punishment for which he might intend that I 
 should be deprived of the glory which would redound to me in 
 this world." 
 
 In the midst of these gloomy apprehensions, an expedient 
 suggested itself, by which, though he and his ship should perish, 
 the glory of his achievement might survive to his name, and its 
 advantages be secured to his sovereigns. He wrote on parch- 
 ment a brief account of his voyage and discovery, and of his 
 having taken possession of the newly-found lands in the name 
 of their Catholic majesties. This he seale'd and directed to the 
 king and queen ; superscribing a promise of a thousand ducats 
 to whomsoever should deliver the packet unopened. He then 
 wrapped it in a waxed cloth, which he placed in the centre of 
 a cake of wax, and inclosing the whole in a large barrel, threw it 
 into the sea, giving his men to suppose he was performing some 
 religious vow. Lest this memorial should never reach the land, 
 he enclosed a copy in a similar manner, and placed it upon the 
 
 * Ilist. del Aluiirautc, cap. 30.
 
 160 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 poop, so that, should the caravel l)e swallowed up by the waves, 
 the barrel might float off and survive. 
 
 These precautions in some measure mitigated his anxiety, and 
 he was still more relieved when, after heavy showers, there ap- 
 peared at sunset a streak of clear sky in the west, giving hopes 
 that the wind was about to shift to that quarter. These hopes 
 were confirmed ; a favorable breeze succeeded, but the sea still 
 ran so high and tuniultuously that little sail could be carried 
 during the night. 
 
 On the morning of the loth, at daybreak, the cry of land was 
 given by Rui Garcia, a mariner in the maintop. The trans- 
 ports of the crew, at once more gaining sight of the Old World, 
 were almost equal to those experienced on first beholding the 
 New. The laud bore east-north-east, directly over the prow of 
 the caravel ; and the usual diversity of opinion concerning it 
 arose among the pilots. One thought it the island of Madeira; 
 another the rock of Cintra near Lisbon ; the most part, deceived 
 by their ardent wishes, placed it near Spain. Columbus, how- 
 ever, from his private reckonings and observations, concluded 
 it to be one of the Azores. A nearer approach proved it to be 
 an island ; it was but five leagues distant, and the voyagers 
 were congratulating themselves upon the assurance of speedily 
 being in port, when the wind veered again to the east-north- 
 east, blowing directly from the land, while a heavy sea kept 
 rolling from the west. 
 
 For two days they hovered in sight of the island, vainly striv- 
 ing to reach it, or to arrive at another island of which they 
 caught glimpses occasionally through the mist and rack of the 
 tempest. On the evening of the 17th they approached so near 
 the first island as to cast anchor, but parting their cable, had to 
 put to sea again, where they remained beating about until the 
 following morning, when they anchored under shelter of its 
 northern side. For several days Columbus had been in such a 
 state of agitation and anxiety as scarcely to take food or repose. 
 Although suffering greatly from a gouty affection to which he 
 was subject, yet he had maintained his watchful post on deck, 
 exposed to wintry cold, to the pelting of the storm, and the 
 drenching surges of the sea. It was not until the night of 
 the 17th that he got a little sleep, more from the exhaustion of 
 nature than from any tranquillity of mind. Such were the difti- 
 culties and perils which attended his return to Europe ; had one 
 tenth part of them l>eset his outward voyage, his timid and 
 factious crew would have risen in arms against the enterprise, 
 and he never would have discovered the New World.
 
 LIFE OF CUUISTOPLLELI COLUMBUS. 161 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 TRANSACTIONS AT THE ISLAND OF ST. MARY'S. 
 [1493.] 
 
 Ox sending the boat to land, Columbus ascertained the island 
 to be St. Mary's, the most southern of the Azores, and a pos- 
 session of the crown of Portugal. The inhabitants, when they 
 beheld the light caravel riding at anchor, were astonished that 
 it had been able to live through the gale, which had raged for 
 fifteen days with unexampled fury ; but when they heard from 
 the boat's crew that this tempest- tossed vessel brought tidings 
 of a strange country beyond the ocean, they were filled with 
 wonder and curiosity. To the inquiries about a place where the 
 caravel might anchor securely, they replied by pointing out a 
 harbor in the vicinity, but prevailed on three of the mariners to 
 remain on shore, and gratify them with further particulars of 
 this unparalleled voyage. 
 
 In the evening three men of the island hailed the caravel, and 
 a loat being sent for them, they brought on board fowls, bread, 
 and various refreshments, from Juan de Castaneda, governor 
 of the island, who claimed an acquaintance with Columbus, and 
 sent him many compliments and congratulations. He apolo- 
 gized for not coming in person, owing to the lateness of the hour 
 and the distance of his residence, but promised to visit the car- 
 avel the next morning, bringing further refreshments, and the 
 three men, whom he still kept with him to satisfy his extreme 
 curiosity respecting the voyage. As there were no houses on 
 the neighboring shore, the messengers remained on board all 
 night. 
 
 On the following morning Columbus reminded his people of 
 their vow to perform a pious procession at the first place where 
 they should land. On the neighboring shore, at no great dis- 
 tance from the sea, was a small hermitage or chapel dedicated 
 to the Virgin, and he made immediate arrangements for the 
 performance of the rite. The three messengers, on returning 
 to the village, sent a priest to perform mass, and one half of the 
 crew landing, walked in procession, barefooted, and in their 
 shirts, to the chapel ; while the admiral awaited their return, to 
 i*Tfonn the same ceremony with the remainder. 
 
 An ungenerous reception, however, awaited the poor tempest-
 
 1G2 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 tossed mariners on their first return to the alxxle of civilized 
 men, far different from the sympathy and hospitality they hud 
 experienced among the savages of the New World. Scarcely 
 had they begun their prayers and thanksgivings, when the 
 rabble of the village, horse and foot, headed by the governor, 
 surrounded the hermitage and took them all prisoners. 
 
 As an intervening point of land hid the hermitage from the 
 view of the caravel, the admiral remained in ignorance of this 
 transaction. When eleven o'clock arrived without the return 
 of the pilgrims, he began to fear that they were detained by the 
 Portuguese, or that the boat had been shattered upon the surf- 
 beaten rocks which bordered the island. Weighing anchor, 
 therefore, he stood in a direction to command a view of the 
 chapel and the adjacent shore ; whence he beheld a number of 
 armed horsemen, who, dismounting, entered the boat and made 
 for the caravel. The admiral's ancient suspicions of Portuguese 
 hostility toward himself and his enterprises were immediately 
 revived, and he ordered his men to arm themselves, but to keep 
 out of sight, ready either to defend the vessel or surprise the 
 boat. The latter, however, approached in a pacific manner ; 
 the governor of the island was on board, and, coming within 
 hail, demanded assurance of personal safety in case he should 
 enter the caravel. This the admiral readily gave, but the Por- 
 tuguese still continued at a wary distance. The indignation of 
 Columbus now broke forth ; he reproached the governor with 
 his perfidy, and with the wrong he did, not merely to the 
 Spanish monarchs, but to his own sovereign, by such a dishon- 
 orable outrage. He informed him of his own rank and dignity ; 
 displayed his letters patent, sealed with the royal seal of Castile 
 and threatened him with the vengeance of his government. 
 Castaiieda replied in a vein of contempt and defiance, declaring 
 that all he had done was in conformity to the commands of the 
 king his sovereign. 
 
 After an unprofitable altercation, the boat returned to shore, 
 leaving Columbus much perplexed by this unexpected hostility, 
 and fearful that a war might have broken out between Spain 
 and Portugal during his absence. The next day the weather 
 became so tempestuous that they were driven from their an- 
 chorage and obliged to stand to sea toward the island of St. 
 Michael. For two days the ship continued beating about in 
 great peril, half of her crew being detained on shore, and the 
 greater part of those on board being landsmen and Indians, 
 almost equally useless in diilicult navigation. Fortunately, 
 although the waves ran high, there were none of those cross
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 163 
 
 seas which had recently prevailed, otherwise, being so feebly 
 manned, the caravel could scarcely have lived through the 
 storm. 
 
 On the evening of the 22d, the weather having moderated, 
 Columbus returned to his anchorage at St. Mary's. Shortly 
 after his arrival, a boat came off, bringing two priests and a 
 notary. After a cautious parley and an assurance of safety, 
 they came on board, and requested a sight of the papers of Co- 
 lumbus, on the part of Castaneda, assuring him that it was the 
 disposition of the governor to render him every service in his 
 power, provided he really sailed in service of the Spanish sover- 
 eigns. Columbus supposed it a manoeuvre of Castaneda to 
 cover a retreat from the hostile position he had assumed ; re- 
 straining his indignation, however, and expressing his thanks 
 for the friendly disposition of the governor, he showed his let- 
 ters of commission, which satisfied the priests and the notary. 
 On the following morning the boat and mariners were lilxrated. 
 The latter, during their detention, had collected information 
 from the inhabitants which elucidated the conduct of Castaneda. 
 
 The King of Portugal, jealous lest the expedition of Colum- 
 bus might interfere with his own discoveries, had sent orders to 
 his commanders of islands and distant ports to seize and detain 
 him whenever he should be met with. 1 In compliance with 
 these orders, Castaneda had, in the first instance, hoped to 
 surprise Columbus in the chapel, and, failing in that attempt, 
 had intended to get him in his power by stratagem, but was 
 deterred by finding him on his guard. Such was the first re- 
 ception of the admiral on his return to the Old World, an earn- 
 est of the crosses and troubles with which he was to be requited 
 throughout life, for one of the greatest benefits that ever mau 
 conferred upon his fellow-beings. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ARRIVAL AT PORTUGAL VISIT TO THE COURT. 
 [1493.] 
 
 COLUMBUS remained two days longer at the island of St. 
 Mary's, endeavoring to take in wood and ballast, but was pre- 
 vented by the heavy surf which broke upon the shore. The 
 
 1 Hist, del Almiraute, cup. 39. Las Car-us, Hist. Incl., lib. i. cap. 7J.
 
 164 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 wind veering to the south, and being dangerous for vessels at 
 anchor off the island, but favorable for the voyage to Spain, he 
 set sail on the 24th of February, and had pleasant weather until 
 the 27th, when, being within one hundred and twenty-five 
 leagues of Cape St. Vincent, he again encountered contrary 
 gales and a boisterous sea. His fortitude was scarcely proof 
 against these perils and delays, which appeared to increase, the 
 nearer he approached his home ; and he could not help uttering 
 a complaint at thus being repulsed, as it were, " from the very 
 door of the house." He contrasted the rude storms which raged 
 about the coasts of the Old World, with the genial airs, the tran- 
 quil seas, and balmy weather which he supposed perpetually to 
 prevail about the countries he had discovered. " Well," says 
 he, '-may the sacred theologians and sage philosophers declare 
 that the terrestrial paradise is in the uttermost extremity of the 
 East, for it is the most temperate of regions." 
 
 After experiencing several days of stormy and adverse 
 weather, about midnight on Saturday, the 2d of March, the 
 caravel was struck by a squall of wind which rent all her sails, 
 and, continuing to blow with resistless violence, obliged her 
 to scud under bare poles, threatening her each moment with 
 destruction. In this hour of darkness and peril, the crew again 
 called upon the aid of Heaven. A lot was cast for the perform- 
 ance of a barefooted pilgrimage to the shrine of Santa Maria de 
 la Cueva in Huelva, and, as usual, the lot fell upon Columbus. 
 There was something singular in the recurrence of this circum- 
 stance. Las Casas devoutly considers it as an intimation from 
 the Deity to the admiral that these storms were all on his ac- 
 count, to humble his pride, and prevent his arrogating to him- 
 self the glory of a discovery which was the work of God, and 
 for which he had merely been chosen as an instrument. 1 
 
 Various signs appeared of the vicinity of land, which they 
 supposed must be the coast of Portugal ; the tempest, however, 
 increased to such a degree that they doubted whether any of 
 them would survive to reach a port. The whole crew made a 
 vow, in case their lives were spared, to fast upon bread and 
 water the following Saturday. The turbulence of the elements 
 was still greater in the course of the following night. The 
 sea was broken, wild, and mountainous ; at one moment the 
 light caravel was tossed high in the air, and the next mo- 
 ment seemed sinking in a yawning abyss. The rain at times 
 fell in torrents, and the lightning flashed and thunder pealed 
 from various parts of the heavens. 
 
 1 La* (.,\i.si.-, Ilist. lud., lib. i. cap. 73.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 165 
 
 In the first watcli of this fearful night the seamen gave the 
 usually welcome cry of land, but it now only increased the gen' 
 eral alarm. They knew not where they were, nor where to 
 look for a harbor; they dreaded lx-ing driven on shore, or 
 dashed upon rocks; and thus the very land they had so ear- 
 nestly desired was a terror to them. Taking in sail, therefore, 
 they kept to sea as much as possible, and waited anxiously for 
 the morning light. 
 
 At daybreak on the 4th of March they found themselves off 
 the rock of Cintra, at the mouth of the Tagus. Though enter- 
 taining a strong distrust of the good-will of Portugal, the still 
 prevailing tempest left Columbus no alternative but to run in 
 for shelter ; he accordingly anchored, attout three o'clock, oppo- 
 site to the Rastello, to the great joy of the crew, who returned 
 thanks to God for their escape from so many perils. 
 
 The inhabitants came off from various parts of the shore, 
 congratulating them upon what they considered a miraculous 
 preservation. They had been watching the vessel the whole 
 morning with great anxiety, and putting up prayers for her 
 safety. The oldest mariners of the place assured Columbus 
 they had never known so tempestuous a winter ; many vessels 
 had remained for months in port, weather-bound, and there had 
 been numerous shipwrecks. 
 
 Immediately on his arrival Columbus despatched a courier to 
 the King and (Jueen of Spain, with tidings of his discovery. 
 He wrote also to the King of Portugal, then at Valparaiso, re- 
 questing permission to go with his vessel to Lisbon ; for a report 
 had gone abroad that his caravel was laden with gold, and he 
 felt insecure in the mouth of the Tagus, in the neighborhood of 
 a place like Rastello, scantily peopled by needy and adven- 
 turous inhabitants. To prevent any misunderstanding as to 
 the nature of his voyage, he assured the king that he had not 
 been on the coast of Guinea, nor to any other of the Portuguese 
 colonies, but had come from Cipango, and the extremity of 
 India, which he had discovered by sailing to the west. 
 
 On the following day, Don Alonzo de Acufia, the captain of a 
 large Portuguese man-of-war stationed at Rastello, summoned 
 Columbus on board his ship, to give an account of himself and 
 his vessel. The latter asserted his rights and dignities as 
 admiral of the Castilian sovereigns, and refused to leave his 
 vessel, or to send any one in his place. No sooner, however, 
 did the commander learn his rank, and the extraordinary 
 nature of his voyage, than he came to the caravel with great 
 sound of drums, fifes, and trumpets, manifesting the courtesy
 
 166 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 of a brave and generous spirit, and making the fullest offer of 
 his services. 
 
 When the tidings reached Lisbon of this wonderful bark, 
 anchored in the Tagus, freighted with the people and produc- 
 tions of a newly-discovered world, the effect may be more 
 easily conceived than described. Lisbon, for nearly a century, 
 had derived its chief glory from its maritime discoveries, but 
 here was an achievement that eclipsed them all. Curiosity 
 could scarcely have been more excited had the vessel come 
 freighted with the wonders of another planet. For several 
 days the Tagus presented a gay and moving picture, covered 
 with barges and boats of every kind, swarming round the 
 caravel. From morning till night the vessel was thronged with 
 visitors, among whom were cavaliers of high distinction, and 
 various officers of the crown. All hung with rapt attention upon 
 the accounts given by Columbus and his crew, of the events of 
 their voyage, and of the New World they had discovered ; and 
 gazed with insatiable curiosity upon the specimens of unknown 
 plants and animals, but above all upon the Indians, so different 
 from any race of men hitherto known. Some were filled with 
 generous enthusiasm at the idea of a discovery, so sublime and 
 so beneficial to mankind ; the avarice of others was inflamed 
 by the description of wild, unappropriated regions teeming with 
 gold, with pearls and spices ; while others repined at the incre- 
 dulity of the king and his councillors, by which so immense an 
 acquisition had been forever lost to Portugal. 
 
 On the 8th of March a cavalier, called Don Martin de Noro- 
 na, came with a letter from King John, congratulating Colum- 
 bus on his arrival, and inviting him to the court, which was 
 then at Valparaiso, about nine leagues from Lisbon. The king, 
 with his usual magnificence, issued orders at the same time 
 that every thing which the admiral required for himself, his 
 crew, or his vessel, should be furnished promptly and abun- 
 dantly, without cost. 
 
 Columbus would gladly have declined the royal invitation, 
 feeling distrust of the good faith of the king ; but tempestuous 
 weather had placed him in his power, and he thought it pru- 
 dent to avoid all appearance of suspicion. He set forth, there- 
 fore, that very evening for Valparaiso accompanied by his pilot. 
 The first night he slept at Sacambeu, where preparations had 
 been made for his honorable entertainment. The weather being 
 rainy, he did not reach Valparaiso until the following night. 
 On approaching the royal residence, the principal cavaliers of 
 the king's household came forth to meet him, and attended him
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 167 
 
 with great ceremony to the palace. His reception by the mon- 
 arch was worthy of an enlightened prince. He ordered him 
 to seat himself in his presence, an honor only granted to persons 
 of royal dignity ; and after many congratulations on the result 
 of his enterprise, assured him that every thing in his kingdom 
 that could be of service to his sovereigns or himself was at his 
 command. 
 
 A long conversation ensued, in which Columbus gave an 
 account of his voyage, and of the countries he had discovered. 
 The king listened with much seeming pleasure, but with secret 
 grief and mortification ; reflecting that this splendid enterprise 
 had once been offered to himself, and had been rejected. A 
 casual observation showed what was passing in his thoughts. 
 He expressed a doubt whether the discovery did not really 
 appertain to the crown of Portugal, according to the capitula- 
 tions of the treaty of 1479 with the Castilian sovereigns. Colum- 
 bus replied that he had never seen those capitulations, nor 
 knew any thing of their nature ; his orders had been not to 
 go to La Mina, nor the coast of Guinea, which orders he had 
 carefully observed. The king made a gracious reply, express- 
 ing himself satisfied that he had acted correctly, and persuaded 
 that these mutters would be readily adjusted between the two 
 powers, without the need of umpires. On dismissing Columbus 
 for the night, he gave him in charge as guest to the prior of 
 Crato, the principal personage present, by whom he was honor- 
 ably and hospitably entertained. 
 
 On the following day the king made many nfinute inquiries 
 as to the soil, productions, and people of the newly-discovered 
 countries, and the route taken in the voyage ; to all which 
 Columbus gave the fullest replies, endeavoring to show in the 
 clearest manner that these were regions heretofore undiscov- 
 ered and unappropriated by any Christian power. Still the 
 king was uneasy lest this vast and undefined discovery should 
 in some way interfere with his own newly-acquired territories. 
 He doubted whether Columbus had not found a short way to 
 those very countries which were the object of his own expedi- 
 tions, and which were comprehended in the papal bull, grant- 
 ing to the crown of Portugal all the lands which it should dis- 
 cover from Cape Non to the Indies. 
 
 On suggesting these doubts to his councillors, they eagerly 
 confirmed them. Some of these were the very persons who had 
 once derided this enterprise, and scoffed at Columbus as a 
 dreamer. To them its success was a source of confusion ; and 
 the return of Columbus, covered with glory, a deep humiliation.
 
 108 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Incapable of conceiving the high and generous thoughts which 
 elevated him at that moment above all mean considerations, 
 they attributed to all his actions the most petty and ignoble 
 motives. His rational exultation was construed into an insult- 
 ing triumph, and they accused him of assuming a boastful and 
 vainglorious tone, when talking with the king of his discovery ; 
 as if he would revenge himself upon the monarch for having 
 rejected his propositions. 1 With the greatest eagerness, there- 
 fore, they sought to foster the doubts which had sprung up in 
 the royal mind. Some who had seen the natives brought in 
 the caravel, declared that their color, hair, and manners agreed 
 with the descriptions of the people of that part of India which 
 lay within the route of the Portuguese discoveries, and which 
 had been included in the papal bull. Others observed that there 
 was but little distance between the Tercera Islands and those 
 which Columbus had discovered, and that the latter, therefore, 
 clearly appertained to Portugal. Seeing the king much per- 
 turbed in spirit, some even went so far as to propose, as a 
 means of impeding the prosecution of these enterprises, that 
 Columbus should be assassinated ; declaring that he deserved 
 death for attempting to deceive and embroil the two nations by 
 his pretended discoveries. It was suggested that his assas- 
 sination might easily be accomplished without incurring any 
 odium ; advantage might be taken of his lofty deportment to 
 pique his pride, provoke him into an altercation, and then 
 despatch him as if in casual and honorable encounter. 
 
 It is difficult? to believe that such wicked and dastardly counsel 
 could have been proposed to a monarch so upright as John JI., 
 but the fact is asserted by various historians, Portuguese as 
 well as Spanish, 2 and it accords with the perfidious advice for- 
 merly given to the monarch in respect to Columbus. There is a 
 spurious loyalty about courts, which is often prone to prove its 
 zeal by its baseness ; and it is the weakness of kings to tolerate the 
 grossest faults when they appear to arise from personal devotion. 
 
 Happily, the king had too much magnanimity to adopt the 
 iniquitous measure proposed. He did justice to the great merit 
 of Columbus, and honored him as a distinguished benefactor of 
 
 1 Vasconcelos, Vida de D. Juan II., lib. vi. The Portuguese historians in general 
 charge Oilmnbus with having conducted himself loftily, and talked in vaunting 
 terms of his discoveries, in his conversations with the king. It in evident their infor- 
 mation must have been derived from prejudiced courtiers. Faria y Souza, in his 
 " Kuropa Poi-tiiaue.-'a " (I'arte iii. cup. 4), goes so far as to s;iy that Columbus entered 
 into the port of liastello merely to make Portugal sensible, by the sight of the trophies 
 of bis discovery, how much she bad lost by not accepting his propositions. 
 
 * Vasconcelos, Vida de! Uei. Don Juan II., lib. vi. Garcia de lleseude, vida do Dom 
 Joam 11. Las Casus, Hist, lud., lib. i. cap. 74, MS.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 169 
 
 mankind ; and he felt it his duty, as a generous prince, to pro- 
 tect till strangers driven by ad verse fortune to his ports. Others 
 of his council suggested a more bold and martial line of policy. 
 They advised that Columbus should be permitted to return to 
 Spain ; but that, before he could tit out a second expedition, a 
 powerful armament should be despatched, under the guidance of 
 two Portuguese mariners who had sailed with the admiral, to 
 take possession of the newly-discovered country ; possession 
 being after all the best title, and an appeal to arms the clearest 
 modi 1 of settling so doubtful a question. 
 
 This council, in which there was a mixture of courage and 
 craft, was more relished by the king, and he resolved privately, 
 but promptly, to put it in execution, fixing upon Don Francisco 
 dc Almeida, one of the most distinguished captains of the age, 
 to command the expedition. 1 
 
 In the mean time Columbus, after being treated with distin- 
 guished attention, was escorted back to his ship by Don Martin 
 de Noroiia. and a numerous train of cavaliers of the court, a 
 mule being provided for himself, and another for his pilot, to 
 whom the king made a present of twenty espadinas, or ducats 
 of gold. 2 On his way Columbus stopped at the monastery of 
 San Antonio, at Villa Franca, to visit the queen, who had 
 expressed an earnest wish to see this extraordinary and enter- 
 prising man, whose achievement was the theme of every tongue. 
 He found her attended by a few of her favorite ladies, and 
 experienced the most flattering reception. Her majesty made 
 him relate the principal events of his voyage, and descril>e the 
 countries he had found ; and she and her ladies hung with eager 
 curiosity upon his narration. That night he slept at Llandra, 
 and being on the point of departing in the morning a servant of 
 the king arrived, to attend him to the frontier, if he preferred 
 to return to Spain by land, and to provide horses, lodgings, and 
 every thing he might stand in need of, at the royal expense. 
 The weather, however, having moderated, he preferred return- 
 ing in his caravel. Putting to sea, therefore, on the 13th of 
 31 arch, he arrived safely at the bar of Saltes on sunrise of the 
 fifteenth, and at mid-day entered the harbor of Palos ; whence 
 he had sailed on the 3d of August in the preceding year, having 
 taken not quite seven months and a half to accomplish this 
 most momentous of all maritime enterprises. 8 
 
 1 VasconceloR, lib. vi. 
 
 * Twenty-eight dollars in ^old of the present day, and equivalent to seventy-four 
 dollars, considering the depreciation of the precious metals. 
 
 3 Works generally consulted in this chapter: I>iis Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 17; 
 Ilist. del AUuiraute, cup. 39, 4J, 41; Journal of Columb. Navarrete, torn. i.
 
 170 LIFE OF C1IRISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS AT PALOS. 
 [1493.] 
 
 THE triumphant return of Columbus was a prodigious event 
 in the history of the little port of Palos, where everybody was 
 more or less interested in the fate of his expedition. The most 
 important and wealthy sea-captains of the place had engaged in 
 it, and scarcely a family but had some relative or friend among 
 the navigators. The departure of the ships upon what appeared 
 a chimerical and desperate cruise, had spread gloom and dismay 
 over the place ; and the storms which had raged throughout the 
 winter had heightened the public despondency. Many lamented 
 their friends as lost, while imagination lent mysterious horrors 
 to their fate, picturing them as driven about over wild and 
 desert wastes of water without a shore, or as perishing amid 
 rocks and quicksands and whirlpools ; or a prey to those mon- 
 sters of the deep, with which credulity peopled every distant 
 and unfrequented sea. There was something more awful in 
 such a mysterious fate than in death itself, under any defined 
 and ordinary form. 1 
 
 Great was the agitation of the inhabitants, therefore, when 
 they beheld one of the ships standing up the river ; but when 
 they learned that she returned in triumph from the discovery of 
 a world, the whole community broke forth into transports of joy. 
 The bells were rung, the shops shut, all business was suspended : 
 for a time there was nothing but hurry and tumult. Some were 
 anxious to know the fate of a relative, others of a friend, and 
 all to learn the particulars of so wonderful a voyage. When 
 Columbus landed, the multitude thronged to see and welcome 
 him, and a grand procession was formed to the principal church, 
 to return thanks to God for so signal a discovery made by the 
 people of that place forgetting, in their exultation, the thou- 
 sand difficulties they had thrown in the way of the enterprise. 
 Wherever Columbus passed, he was hailed with shouts and 
 
 1 In the maps and charts of those times, and even in those of a much later date, the 
 variety of formidable and hideous monsters depicted in all remote parts of the ocean 
 evince the terrors and dangers with which the imagination clothed it. The same may 
 also be said of distant and unknown lands; the remote parts of Asia and Africa have 
 monsters depicted iu them which it would be difficult to trace to auy originals iu natural 
 history.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 171 
 
 acclamations. What a contrast to his departure a few months 
 before, followed by murmurs and execrations ; or, rather, what 
 a contrast to his first arrival at Palos, a poor pedestrian, craving 
 bread and water for his child at the gate of a convent ! 
 
 Understanding that the court was at Barcelona, lie felt dis- 
 posed to proceed thither immediately in his caravel : reflecting, 
 however, on the dangers and disasters he had already experi- 
 enced on the seas, lie resolved to proceed by land. He despatched 
 a letter to the king and queen, informing them of his arrival, 
 and soon afterward departed for Seville to await their orders, 
 taking with him six of the natives whom he had brought from 
 the New World. One had died at sea, and three were left ill 
 at Palos. 
 
 Jt is a singular coincidence, which appears to be well authen- 
 ticated, that on the very evening of the arrival of Columbus at 
 Palos, and while the peals of triumph were still ringing from its 
 towers, the Pinta, commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, like- 
 wise entered the river. After her separation from the admiral 
 in the storm, she had been driven before the gale into the Bay 
 of Biscay, and had made the port of Bayoune. Doubting 
 whether Columbus hud survived the tempest, Pinzon had imme- 
 diately written to the sovereigns giving information of the 
 discovery he had made, and had requested permission to come 
 to court and communicate the particulars in person. As soon 
 as the weather permitted, he had again set sail, anticipating a 
 triumphant reception in his native port of Palos. When, on 
 entering the harbor, he lx?held the vessel of the admiral riding 
 at anchor, and learnt the enthusiasm with which he had been 
 received, the heart of Pinzon died within him. It is said that 
 he feared to meet Columbus in this hour of his triumph, lest he 
 should put him under arrest for his desertion on the coast of 
 Cuba ; but he was a man of too much resolution to indulge in 
 such a fear. It is more probable that a consciousness of his 
 misconduct made him unwilling to appear before the public in 
 the midst of their enthusiasm for Columbus, and perhaps he 
 sickened at the honors heaped upon a man whose superiority he 
 had been so unwilling to acknowledge. Getting into his boat, 
 therefore, he landed privately and kept out of sight until he 
 heard of the admiral's departure. He then returned to his 
 home, broken in health and deeply dejected, considering all the 
 honors and eulogiums heaped upon Columbus as so many 
 reproaches on himself. The reply of the sovereigns to his 
 letter at length arrived. It was of a reproachful tenor, and 
 forbade his appearance at court. This letter completed his
 
 172 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 humiliation ; the anguish of his feelings gave virulence to his 
 bodily malady, and in a few days he died, a victim to deep 
 chagrin. 1 
 
 Let no one, however, indulge in harsh censures over the 
 grave of Pinzon ! His merits and services are entitled to the 
 highest praise ; his errors should be regarded with indulgence, 
 lie was one of the foremost in Spain to appreciate the project 
 of Columbus, animating him by his concurrence and aiding him 
 with his purse, when poor and unknown at Palos. He after 
 ward enabled him to procure and fit out ships, when even the 
 mandates of the sovereigns were ineffectual ; and finally em- 
 barked in the expedition with his brothers and his friends, stak- 
 ing life, property, every thing upon the event. He thus entitled 
 himself to participate largely in the glory of this immortal 
 enterprise ; but unfortunately, forgetting for a moment the 
 grandeur of the cause, and the implicit obedience due to his 
 commander, he yielded to the incitements of self-interest, and 
 committed that act of insubordination which has cast a shade 
 upon his name. In extenuation of his fault, however, may be 
 alleged his habits of command, which rendered him impatient 
 of control ; his consciousness of having rendered great services 
 to the expedition, and of possessing property in the ships. 
 That he was a man of great professional merit is admitted by 
 all his contemporaries ; that he naturally possessed generous 
 sentiments and an honorable ambition, is evident, from the 
 poignancy with which he felt the disgrace drawn on him by 
 his misconduct. A mean man would not have fallen a victim 
 to self-upbraiding for having been convicted of a mean action. 
 His story shows how one lapse from duty may counterbalance 
 the merits of a thousand services ; how one moment of weak- 
 ness may mar the beauty of a whole life of virtue ; and how 
 important it is for a man, under all circumstances, to be true 
 not merely to others, but to himself. 2 
 
 Munoz, Hist. N. Mundo, lib. iv. 14. Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doinin., lib. ii. 
 
 * After a lapse of years, the descendants of the Pinzons made strenuous representa- 
 tions to the crown of the merits and services of their family, endeavoring to prove, 
 among other things, that but for the aid and encouragement of Martin Alonzo and his 
 brothers, Columbus would never have made his discovery. Some of the testimony 
 rendered on this and another occasioi. was rather extravagant and absurd, as will be 
 shown in another part of this work.* The Emperor Charles V., however, taking into 
 consideration the real services of the brothers in the first voyage, and the subsequent 
 expeditions and discoveries of that able and intrepid navigator, Vincente Yanez I'inzon, 
 granted to the family the well-merited rank and privileges of Hiilnlgiiiit, & degree of 
 nobility which constituted them noble hidalgos, with the right of prefixing the title 
 of Don to their names. A coat of arras was also given them, emblematical of their ser- 
 vices its discoverers. These privileges and arms are carefully preserved by the family at 
 the present day. 
 
 The I'in/.ons at present reside principally in the little city of Moguer, about a league 
 
 * Vide illustrations, article " Martin Alouzo IMnzou."
 
 LIFE OF cnmsroruER COLUMBUS. 173 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS BY THE SPANISH COURT AT BARCELONA. 
 
 THE letter of Columbus to the Spanish monarchs had pro- 
 duced the greatest sensation at court. The event be announced 
 was considered the. most extraordinary of their prosperous reign, 
 and following so close upon the conquest of Granada, was 
 pronounced a signal mark of divine favor for that triumph 
 achieved in the cause of the true faith. The sovereigns them- 
 selves were for a time dazzled by this sudden and easy ac- 
 quisition of a new empire, of indefinite extent, and apparently 
 boundless wealth ; and their first idea was to secure it beyond 
 the reach of dispute. Shortly after his arrival in Seville, Colum- 
 bus received a letter from them expressing their great delight, 
 and requesting him to repair immediately to court, to concert 
 plans for a second and more extensive expedition. As the 
 summer, the time favorable for a voyage, was approaching, 
 they desired him to make any arrangements at Seville or else- 
 where that might hasten the expedition, and to inform them, by 
 the return of the courier, what was to be done on their part. 
 This letter was addressed to him by the title of " Don Chris- 
 topher Columbus, our admiral of the ocean sea, and viceroy and 
 governor of the islands discovered in the Indies ; " at the same 
 time he was promised still further rewards. Columbus lost no 
 time in complying with the commands of the sovereigns. He 
 sent a memorandum of the ships, men, and munitions requisite, 
 and having made such dispositions at Seville as circumstances 
 permitted, set out for Barcelona, taking with him the six In- 
 dians, and the various curiosities and productions brought from 
 the New World. 
 
 The fame of his discovery had resounded throughout the na- 
 tion, and as his route lay through several of the finest and most 
 
 from Palos, and possess vineyard* and estates about the neighborhood. They are in 
 easy, if not affluent circumstances, and inhabit the best house* in Moguer. Here they 
 have continued, from veneration to gem-ration, since the time of the discovery, filling 
 place* of public trust and dignity, enjoying the good opinion and good will of their 
 fellow-citizens, and flourishing in nearly the name state in which they were found by 
 Columbus, on his first visit lo i'alos. It is rare indeed to find a family, in thi* fluctu- 
 ating world, no little changed by the revolution* of nearly three centime* and a half. 
 
 Whatever I'alos may have been in the time of Columbus, it i* now a paltry village <>f 
 about four hundred inhabitants, who subsist chiefly by laboring in the fields and vine- 
 yards. The convent of La Uabida still exists, but is inhabited merely by two friars, with 
 a novitiate and a lay brother. It is situated on a hill, surrounded by a scattered forest 
 of pine trees, and overlooks the low sandy country of the seacoajsl. and the windings of 
 the river by which Coluinbud tallied forth upou the ocean.
 
 174 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 populous provinces of Spain, his journey appeared liloe the pro- 
 gress of a sovereign. Wherever he passed the country poured 
 forth its inhabitants, who lined the road and thronged the vil- 
 lages. The streets, windows, and balconies of the towns were 
 filled with eager spectators, who rent the air with acclamations. 
 His journey was continually impeded by the multitude pressing 
 to gain a sight of him and of the Indians, who were regarded 
 with as much astonishment as if they had been natives of another 
 planet. It was impossible to satisfy the craving curiosity which 
 assailed him and his attendants at every stage with innumerable 
 questions ; popular rumor, as usual, had exaggerated the truth, 
 and had filled the newly-found country with all kinds of wonders. 
 About the middle of April, Columbus arrived at Barcelona, 
 where every preparation had been made to give him a solemn 
 and magnificent reception. The beauty and serenity of the 
 weather in that genial season and favored climate contributed 
 to give splendor to this memorable ceremony. As he drew near 
 the place, many of the youthful courtiers and hidalgos, together 
 with a vast concourse of the populace, came forth to meet and 
 welcome him. His entrance into this noble city has been com- 
 pared to one of those triumphs which the Romans were accus- 
 tomed to decree to conquerors. First were paraded the Indians, 
 painted according to their savage fashion, and decorated with 
 their national ornaments of gold. After these were borne 
 various kinds of live parrots, together with stuffed birds and 
 animals of unknown species, and rare plants supposed to be of 
 precious qualities ; while great care was taken to make a con- 
 spicuous display of Indian coronets, bracelets, and other decora- 
 tions of gold, which might give an idea of the wealth of the 
 newly-discovered regions. After this, followed Columbus on 
 horseback, surrounded by a brilliant cavalcade of Spanish chiv- 
 alry. The streets were almost impassible from the countless 
 multitude ; the windows and balconies were crowded with the 
 fair : the very roofs were covered with spectators. It seemed 
 as if the public eye could not be sated with gazing on these 
 trophies of an unknown world, or on the remarkable man by 
 whom it had been discovered. There was a sublimity in this 
 event that mingled a solemn feeling with the public joy. It 
 was looked upon as a vast and signal dispensation of Providence, 
 in reward for the piety of the monarchs ; and the majestic and 
 venerable appearance of the discoverer, so different from the 
 youth and buoyancy generally expected from roving enterprise, 
 seemed in harmony with the grandeur and dignity of his 
 achievement.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 175 
 
 To receive him with suitable pomp and distinction, the sov- 
 ereigns had ordered their throne to be placed in public under a 
 rich canopy of brocade of gold, in a vast and splendid saloon. 
 Here the king and queen awaited his arrival, seated in state, 
 with the prince Juan beside them, and attended by the digni- 
 taries of their court, and the principal nobility of Castile, Va- 
 lentia, Catalonia, and Arragon, all impatient to behold the man 
 who had conferred so incalculable a benefit upon the nation. 
 At length Columbus entered the hall, surrounded by a brilliant 
 crowd of cavaliers, among whom, says Las Casas, he was con- 
 spicuous for his stately and commanding person, which with 
 his countenance, rendered venerable by his gray hairs, gave 
 him the august appearance of a senator of Home ; a modest 
 smile lighted up his features, showing that he enjoyed the state 
 and glory in which he came ; 1 and certainly nothing could be 
 more deeply moving to a mind inflamed by noble ambition, and 
 conscious of having greatly deserved, than these testimonials 
 of the admiration and gratitude of a nation, or rather of a world. 
 As Columbus approached the sovereigns rose, as if receiving a 
 person of the highest rank. Bending his knees, he offered to 
 kiss their hands ; but there was some hesitation on their part 
 to permit this act of homage. Raising him in the most gracious 
 manner, they ordered him to seat himself in their presence ; a 
 rare honor in this proud and punctilious court.' 2 
 
 At their request, he now gave an account of the most striking 
 events of his voyage, and a description of the islands discovered. 
 He displayed specimens of unknown birds and other animals ; 
 of rare plants of medicinal and aromatic virtues ; of native gold 
 in dust, in crude masses, or labored into barbaric ornaments ; 
 and, above all, the natives of these countries, who were objects 
 of intense and inexhaustible interest. All these he pronounced 
 mere harbingers of greater discoveries yet to be made, which 
 would add realms of incalculable wealth to the dominions of 
 their majesties, and whole nations of proselytes to the true faith. 
 
 When he had finished, the sovereigns sank on their knees, 
 and raising their clasped hands to heaven, their eyes tilled with 
 tears of joy and gratitude, poured forth thanks and praises to 
 God for so great a providence ; all present followed their exam- 
 ple ; a deep and solemn enthusiasm pervaded that splendid as- 
 sembly, and prevented all common acclamations of triumph. 
 The anthem Te Deum laudamus, chanted by the choir of the 
 royal chapel, with the accompaniment of instruments, rose in 
 
 1 Las Casas, Hist. Inil., lib. i. cap. 7S. MS. 
 
 2 L*t Ca.u.-, Hist, lud., lib. i. cap. 78. llist. del Almiraute, cap. 81.
 
 176 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 full body of sacred harmony ; bearing up, as it were, the feel- 
 ings and thoughts of the auditors to heaven, "so that," says 
 the venerable Las Casas, " it seemed as if in that hour they 
 communicated with celestial delights." Such was the solemn 
 and pious manner in which the brilliant court of Spain cele- 
 brated this sublime event ; offering up a grateful tribute of 
 melody and praise, and giving glory to God for the discovery 
 of another world. 
 
 When Columbus retired from the royal presence, he was at- 
 tended to his residence by all the court, and followed by the 
 shouting populace. For many days he was the object of uni- 
 versal curiosity, and wherever he appeared was surrounded by 
 an admiring multitude. 
 
 While his mind was teeming with glorious anticipations, his 
 pious scheme for the deliverance of the holy sepulchre was not 
 forgotten. It has been shown that he suggested it to the Span- 
 ish sovereigns at the time of first making his propositions, hold- 
 ing it forth as the great object to be effected by the profits of 
 his discoveries. Flushed with the idea of the vast wealth now 
 to accrue to himself, he made a vow to furnish within seven 
 years an army, consisting of four thousand horse and lit' 13" 
 thousand foot, for the rescue of the holy sepulchre, and a simi- 
 lar force within the five following years. This vow was re- 
 corded in one of his letters to the sovereigns, to which he re fere, 
 but which is no longer extant ; nor is it certain whether it was 
 made at the end of his first voyage or at a subsequent date, 
 when the magnitude and wealthy result of his discoveries became 
 more fully manifest. He often alludes to it vaguely in his 
 writings, and he refers to it expressly in a letter to Pope 
 Alexander VI., written in 1502, in which he accounts also for 
 its non-fulfilment. It is essential to a full comprehension of 
 the character and motives of Columbus, that this visionary 
 project should be borne in recollection. It will be found to 
 have intwined itself in his mind with his enterprise of discov- 
 ery, and that a holy crusade was to be the consummation of 
 those divine purposes, for which he considered himself selected 
 by Heaven as an agent. It shows how much his mind was ele- 
 vated al)ove selfish and mercenary views how it was filled 
 with those devout and heroic schemes, which in the time of the 
 Crusades had inflamed the thoughts and directed the enterprises 
 of the bravest warriors and most illustrious princes.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 177 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 SOJOURN OF COLUMBUS AT BARCELONA ATTENTIONS PAID HIM 
 
 BY THE SOVEREIGNS AND COURTIERS. 
 
 THE joy occasioned by the great discovery of Columbus was 
 not confined to Spain ; the tidings were spread far and wide l>y 
 the communications of ambassadors, the correspondence of the 
 learned, the negotiations of merchants, and the reports of trav- 
 ellers, and the whole civilized world was filled with wonder and 
 drlight. How gratifying would it have been, had the press at 
 that time, as at present, poured forth its daily tide of specula- 
 tion on every passing occurrence ! With what eagerness should 
 we seek to know the first ideas and emotions of the public, on 
 an event so unlocked for and sublime ! Even the first an- 
 nouncements of it by contemporary writers, though brief and 
 incidental, derive interest from being written at the time ; and 
 from showing the casual way in which such great tidings were 
 conveyed alx>ut the world. Allegretto Allegretti, in his annals 
 of Sienna for 1493, mentions it as just made known there by 
 the letters of their merchants who were in Spain, and by the 
 mouths of various travellers. 1 The news was brought to Genoa 
 by the return of her ambassadors Francisco Marches! and Gio- 
 vanni Antonio Grimaldi, and was recorded among the trium- 
 phant events of the year ; 2 for the republic, though she may 
 have slighted the opportunity of making herself mistress of the 
 discovery, has ever since been tenacious of the glory of having 
 given birth to the discoverer. The tidings were soon carried to 
 England, which as yet was but a maritime power of inferior 
 importance. They caused, however, much wonder in London, 
 and great talk and admiration in the court of Henry VII., where, 
 the discovery was pronounced "a thing more divine than hu- 
 man." We have this on the authority of Sebastian Calx>t him- 
 self, the future discoverer of the northern continent of America, 
 who was in London at the time, and was inspired by the event 
 with a generous spirit of emulation. 8 
 
 Every member of civilized society, in fact, rejoiced in the oc- 
 currence, as one in which he was more or less interested. To 
 
 DmrJ Senwi <le Alleg. Alloennti. Muratori, Ital. Senpt., torn, xxiii. 
 
 - Koglieta, Istoriade OcDOVa, lil>. h. 
 
 * llackluyt, Collect Voyageu, vol. iii p. 1.
 
 178 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 some it opened a new and unbounded field of inquiry ; to others, 
 of enterprise ; and every one awaited with intense eagerness 
 the further development of this unknown world, still covered 
 with mystery, the partial glimpses of which were so full of 
 wonder. AVe have a brief testimony of the emotions of the 
 learned in a letter, written at the time by Peter Martyr to his 
 friend Pomponius Laetus. " You tell me, my amiable Pom- 
 ponius," he writes, "that you leaped for joy, and that your 
 delight was mingled with tears, when you read my epistle, certi- 
 fying to you the hitherto hidden world of the antipodes. You 
 have felt and acted as became a man eminent for learning, for 
 I can conceive no aliment more delicious than such tidings to a 
 cultivated and ingenuous mind. I feel a wonderful exultation 
 of spirits when I converse with intelligent men who have re- 
 turned from these regions. It is like an accession of wealth to 
 a miser. Our minds, soiled and debased by the common con- 
 cerns of life and the vices of society, become elevated and 
 ameliorated by contemplating such glorious events." 1 
 
 Notwithstanding this universal enthusiasm, however, no one 
 was aware of the real importance of the discovery. No one 
 had an idea that this was a totally distinct portion of the globe, 
 separated by oceans from the ancient world. The opinion of 
 Columbus was universally adopted, that Cuba was the end of 
 the Asiatic continent, and that the adjacent islands were in the 
 Indian seas. This agreed with the opinions of the ancients, 
 heretofore cited, about the moderate distance from Spain to the 
 extremity of India, sailing westwardly. The parrots were also 
 thought to resemble those described by Pliny, as abounding in 
 the remote parts of Asia. The lands, therefore, which Colum- 
 bus had visited were called the AA r est Indies ; and as he seemed 
 to have entered upon a vast region of unexplored countries, 
 existing in a state of nature, the whole received the compre- 
 hensive appellation of "The New AA'orld." 
 
 During the whole of his sojourn at Barcelona, the sovereigns 
 took every occasion to bestow on Columbus personal marks of 
 their high consideration. He was admitted at all times to the 
 royal presence, and the queen delighted to converse with him 
 on the subject of his enterprises. The king, too, appeared oc- 
 casionally on horseback, with Prince Juan on one side, and 
 Columbus on the other. To perpetuate in his family the glory 
 of his achievement, a coat of arms was assigned him, in which 
 the royal arms, the castle and lion, were quartered with his 
 
 > Letters of T. Martyr, let. 153.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 179 
 
 proper bearings, which were a group of islands surrounded by 
 waves. To these arms was afterward aimexed the motto : 
 
 A CaMilla y a Leon, 
 Kuero rnuudo dlo Colon. 
 
 (To Castile and Leon 
 Columbus gave a new world.) 
 
 The pension which had been decreed by the sovereigns to him 
 who in the first voyage should discover land, was adjudged to 
 Columbus, for having first seen the light on the shore. It is 
 said that the seaman who first descried the land was so incensed 
 at being disappointed at what he conceived his merited reward, 
 that he renounced his country and his faith, and going into 
 Africa turned Mussulman ; an anecdote which rests merely on 
 the authority of Oviedo, 1 who is extremely incorrect in his nar- 
 ration of this voyage, and inserts many falsehoods told him 
 by the enemies of the admiral. 
 
 It may at first sight appear but little accordant with the 
 acknowledged magnanimity of Columbus, to have borne away 
 the prize from this poor sailor, but this was a subject in which 
 his whole ambition was involved, and he was doubtless proud 
 of the honor of being personally the discoverer of the laud as 
 well as projector of the enterprise. 
 
 Next to the countenance shown him by the king and queen 
 may be mentioned that of Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, the 
 Grand Cardinal of Spain, and first subject of the realm ; a man 
 whose elevated character for piety, learning, and high prince- 
 like qualities, gave signal value to his favors. He invited 
 Columbus to the banquet, where he assigned him the most hon- 
 orable place at table, and had him served with the ceremonials 
 which in those punctilious times were observed toward sover- 
 eigns. At this repast is said to have occurred the well-known 
 anecdote of the egg. A shallow courtier present, impatient of 
 the honors paid to Columbus, and meanly jealous of him as a 
 foreigner, abruptly asked him whether he thought that, in case 
 he had not discovered the Indies, there were not other men in 
 Spain who would have been capable of the enterprise ? To this 
 Columbus made no immediate reply, but, taking an egg, invited 
 the company to make it stand on one end. Every one at- 
 tempted it, but in vain ; whereupon he struck it upon the table 
 so as to break the end, and left it standing on the broken 
 
 1 Oviedo, Crouico du las India*, lib. ii. cap. 2.
 
 180 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 part ; illustrating in this simple manner that when he had once 
 shown the way to the New World nothing was easier than to 
 follow it. 1 
 
 The favor shown Columbus by the sovereigns insured him for 
 a time the caresses of the nobility ; for in a court everyone vies 
 with his neighbor in lavishing attentions upon the man tl whom 
 the king delighteth to honor." Columbus bore all these caresses 
 and distinctions with becoming modesty, though he must have 
 felt a proud satisfaction in the idea that they had been wrested, 
 as it were, from the nation by his courage and perseverance. 
 One can hardly recognize in the individual thus made the com- 
 panion of princes, and the theme of general wonder and admira- 
 tion, the same obscure stranger who but a short time before had 
 been a common scoff and jest in this very court, derided by 
 some as an adventurer, and pointed at by others as a madman. 
 Those who had treated him with contumely during his long 
 course of solicitation, now sought to efface the remembrance of 
 it by adulations. Every one wha had given him a little cold 
 countenance, or a few courtly smiles, now arrogated to himself 
 the credit of having been a patron and of having promoted the 
 discovery of the New World. Scarce a great man about the 
 court but has been enrolled by his historian or biographer among 
 the benefactors of Columbus ; though, had one-tenth part of this 
 boasted patronage been really exerted, he would never have had 
 to linger seven 3 - ears soliciting for an armament of three cara- 
 vels. Columbus knew well the weakness of the patronage that 
 had been given him. The only friends mentioned by him with 
 gratitude, in his after letters, as having been really zealous and 
 effective, were those two worthy friars, Diego de Deza, after- 
 ward Bishop of Palencia and Seville, and Juan Perez, the prior 
 of the convent of La Rabida. 
 
 Thus honored by the sovereigns, courted by the great, idol- 
 ized by the people, Columbus, for a time, drank the honeyed 
 draught of popularity, before enmity and detraction had time to 
 drug it with bitterness. His discovery burst with such sudden 
 splendor upon the world as to dazzle envy itself, and to call 
 forth the general acclamations of mankind. Well would it be 
 for the honor of human nature, could history, like romance, 
 close with the consummation of the hero's wishes ; we should 
 then leave Columbus in the full fruition of great and well-merited 
 
 1 This anecdote rests on the authority of the Italian historian Benzoni (lib. i. p. 12, 
 cd. Yenetia, 167:2). It has been condemned as trivial, but the simplicity of the reproof 
 constitutes its severity, and was characteristic of the practical sagacity of Columbus. 
 The universal popularity of the anecdote is a proof of iU merit.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 181 
 
 prosperity. But his history is destined to furnish another proof, 
 if proof be wanting, of the inconstancy of public favor, cvrn 
 when won by distinguished services. No greatness was ever 
 acquired by more incontestable, unalloyed, and exalted benefits 
 rendered to mankind, yet none ever drew on its possessor more 
 unremitting jealousy and defamation ; or involved him in more 
 unmerited distress and difficulty. Thus it is with illustrious 
 merit : its very effulgence draws forth the rancorous passions of 
 low and grovelling minds, which too often have a temporary 
 influence in obscuring it to the world ; as the sun emerging with 
 full splendor into the heavens, calls up, by the very fervor of 
 its rays, the rank and noxious vapors, which, for a time, becloud 
 its glory. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 PAPAL BULL OF PARTITION PREPARATIONS FOR A SECOND 
 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 [1493.] 
 
 IN the midst of their rejoicings the Spanish sovereigns lost no 
 time in taking every measure necessary to secure their new 
 acquisitions. Although it was supposed that the countries just 
 discovered were part of the territories of the Grand Khan, and 
 of other Oriental princes considerably advanced in civilization, 
 yet there does not appear to have been the least doubt of the 
 right of their Catholic majesties to take possession of them. 
 During the Crusades a doctrine had been established among 
 Christian princes extremely favorable to their ambitious designs. 
 According to this, they had the right to invade, ravage, and 
 seize upon the territories of all infidel nations, under the plea of 
 defeating the enemies of Christ, and extending the sway of his 
 church on earth. In conformity to the same doctrine, the pope, 
 from his supreme authority over all temporal things, was con- 
 sidered as empowered to dispose of all heathen lands to such 
 potentates as would engage to reduce them to the dominion of 
 the church, and to propagate the true faith among their benighted 
 inhabitants. It was in virtue of this power that Pope Martin 
 V. and his successors had conceded to the crown of Portugal all 
 the lands it might discover from Cape Bojador to the Indies ; 
 and the Catholic sovereigns, in a treaty concluded in 14D7 witii 
 the Portuguese monarch, had engaged themselves to respect the
 
 182 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 territorial rights thus acquired. It was to this treaty that John 
 II. alluded, in his conversation with Columbus, wherein he sug- 
 gested his title to the newly discovered countries. 
 
 On the first intelligence received from the admiral of his suc- 
 cess, therefore, the Spanish sovereigns took the immediate pre- 
 caution to secure the sanction of the pope. Alexander VI. had 
 recently been elevated to the holy chair ; a pontiff whom some 
 historians have stigmatized with every vice and crime that could 
 disgrace humanity, but whom all have represented as eminently 
 able and politic. He was a native of Valencia, and being born 
 a subject of the crown of Arragon, it might be inferred, was 
 favorably disposed to Ferdinand ; but in certain questions which 
 had come before him, he had already shown a disposition not 
 the most cordial toward the Catholic monarch. At all events, 
 Ferdinand was well aware of his worldly and perfidious char- 
 acter, and endeavored to manage him accordingly. He de- 
 spatched ambassadors, therefore, to the court of Rome, 
 announcing the new discovery as an extraordinary triumph of 
 the faith ; and setting forth the great glory and gain which must 
 redound to the church from the dissemination of Christianity 
 throughout these vast and heathen lands. Care was also taken 
 to state that the present discovery did not in the least interfere 
 with "the possessions ceded by the holy chair to Portugal, all 
 which had been sedulously avoided. Ferdinand, who was at 
 least as politic as he was pious, insinuated a hint at the same 
 time by which the pope might perceive that he was determined, 
 at all events, to maintain his important acquisitions. His am- 
 bassadors were instructed to state that, in the opinion of many 
 learned men, these newly-discovered lands having been taken 
 possession of by the Catholic sovereigns, their title to the same 
 did not require the papal sanction ; still, as pious princes, obe- 
 dient to the holy chair, they supplicated his holiness to issue a 
 bull, making a concession of them, and of such others as might 
 be discovered, to the crown of Castile. 
 
 The tidings of the discovery were received, in fact, with great 
 astonishment and no less exultation by the court of Kome. The 
 Spanish sovereigns had already elevated themselves to high 
 consequence in the eyes of the church, by their war against the 
 Moors of Spain, which had been considered in the light of a 
 pious crusade ; and though richly repaid by the acquisition of 
 the kingdom of Granada, it was thought to entitle them to the 
 gratitude of all Christendom. The present discovery was a still 
 greater achievement ; it was the fulfilment of one of the sublime 
 promises to the church ; it was giving to it " the heathen for an
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 183 
 
 inheritance, nnrl the uttermost parts of the earth for a posses- 
 sion." No difficulty, therefore, was made in granting what was 
 considered but a modest request for so important a service; 
 though it is probable that the acquiescence of the worldly- 
 minded pontiff was quickened by the insinuations of the politic 
 monarch. 
 
 A bull was accordingly issued, dated May 2d, 1493, ceding to 
 the Spanish sovereigns the same rights, privileges, and indul- 
 gences, in respect to the newly-discovered regions, as had been 
 accorded to the Portuguese with regard to their African discov- 
 eries, under the same condition of planting and propagating the 
 Catholic faith. To prevent any conflicting claims, however, 
 between the two powers in the wide range of their discoveries, 
 another bull was issued on the following day, containing the fa- 
 mous line of demarcation, by which their territories were thought 
 to be clearly and permanently defined. This was an ideal line 
 drawn from the north to the south pole, a hundred leagues to 
 the west of the Azores, and the Cape de Verde Islands. All 
 land discovered by the Spanish navigators to the west of this 
 line, and which had not been taken possession of by any Chris- 
 tian power before the preceding Christmas, was to belong to the 
 Spanish crown ; all land discovered in the contrary direction 
 was to belong to Portugal. It seems never to have occurred to 
 the pontiff, that, by pushing their opposite careers of discovery, 
 they might some day or other come again in collision, and renew 
 the question of territorial right at the antipodes. 
 
 In the mean time, without waiting for the sanction of the 
 court of Rome, the utmost exertions were made by the sover- 
 eigns to fit out a second expedition. To insure regularity and 
 despatch in the affairs relative to the New World, they were 
 placed under the superintendence of Juan Rodriguez de Fon- 
 seca, archdeacon of Seville, who was successively promoted to 
 the sees of Bajadoz, Palencia, and Burgos, and finally appointed 
 patriarch of the Indies. He was a man of family and influence ; 
 his brothers Alonzo and Antonio were seniors, or lords, of Coca 
 and Alaejos, and the latter was comptroller-general of Castile. 
 Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca is represented by Las Casas as a 
 worldly man, more calculated for temporal than spiritual con- 
 cerns, and well adapted to the bustling occupation of fitting out 
 and manning armadas. Notwithstanding the high ecclesiastical 
 dignities to which he rose, his worldly employments seem never 
 to have been considered incompatible with his sacred functions. 
 Enjoying the perpetual, though unmerited, favor of the sover- 
 eigns, he maintained the control of Indian affairs for about
 
 184 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 thirty years. He must undoubtedly have possessed talents for 
 business, to insure him such a perpetuity of office ; but he was 
 malignant and vindictive ; and in the gratification of his private 
 resentments not only heaped wrongs and sorrows upon the most 
 illustrious of the early discoverers, but frequently impeded 
 the progress of their enterprises, to the great detriment of the 
 crown. This he was enabled to do privately and securely by 
 his official situation. His perfidious conduct is repeatedly 
 alluded to, but in guarded terms, by contemporary writers of 
 weight and credit, such as the curate of Los Palacios, and the 
 bishop Las Casas ; but they evidently were fearful of expressing 
 the fulness of their feelings. Subsequent Spanish historians, 
 always more or less controlled by ecclesiastical supervision, have 
 likewise dealt too favorably with this base-minded man. He 
 deserves to be held up as a warning example of those per- 
 fidious beings in office, who too often lie like worms at the 
 root of honorable enterprise, blighting, by their unseen influ- 
 ence, the fruit of glorious action, and disappointing the hopes 
 of nations. 
 
 To assist Fonseca in his duties, Francisco Pinelo was associ- 
 ated with him as treasurer, and Juan de Soria as contador, or 
 comptroller. Their office, for the transaction of Indian affairs, 
 was fixed at Seville ; extending its vigilance at the same time to 
 the port of Cadiz, where a custom-house was established for 
 this new branch of navigation. Such was the gferm of the 
 Royal India House, which afterward rose to such great power 
 and importance. A correspondent office was ordered to be insti- 
 tuted in Hispaniola, under the direction of the admiral. These 
 officers were to interchange registers of the cargoes, crews, and 
 munitions of each ship, by accountants who sailed with it. All 
 persons thus employed were dependants upon the two comp- 
 trollers-general, superior ministers of the royal revenue ; since 
 the crown was to be at all the expenses of the colony, and to 
 receive all the emoluments. 
 
 The most minute and rigorous account was to be exacted of 
 all expenses and proceeds, and the most vigilant caution ob- 
 served as to the persons employed in the concerns of the newly- 
 discovered lands. No one was permitted to go there, either to 
 trade or io form an establishment, without express license from 
 the sovereigns, from Columbus, or from Fonseca, under the 
 heaviest penalties. The ignorance of the age as to enlarged 
 prfnciples of commerce, and the example of the Portuguese in 
 respect to their African possessions, have been cited in excuse 
 of the narrow and jealous spirit here manifested ; but it always
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 185 
 
 more or less influenced the policy of Spain in her colonial regu- 
 lations. 
 
 Another instance of the despotic sway maintained by the 
 crown over commerce, is manifested in a royal order, that all 
 ships in the ports of Andalusia, with their captains, pilots, and 
 crews, should be held in readiness to serve in this expedition; 
 Columbus and Fonseca were authorized to freight or purchase 
 any of those vessels they might think proper, and to take them 
 by force, if refused, even though they had been freighted by 
 other persons, paying what they should conceive a reasonable 
 price. They were furthermore authorized to take the requisite 
 provisions, arms, and ammunition, from any place or vessel in 
 which they might be found, paying a fair price to the owners ; 
 and they might compel, not merely mariners, but any officer 
 holding any rank or station whatever, whom they should deem 
 necessary to the service, to embark on the fleet on a reasonable 
 pay and salary. The civil authorities, and all persons of rank 
 and standing, were called upon to render all requisite aid in 
 expediting the armament, and warned against creating any im- 
 pediment, under penalty of privation of office and confiscation 
 of estate. 
 
 To provide for the expenses of the expedition the royal 
 revenue arising from two thirds of the church-tithes was placed 
 at the disposition of Pinelo ; and other funds were drawn from a 
 disgraceful source from the jewels and other valuables, the 
 sequestrated property of the unfortunate Jews, banished from 
 the kingdom, according to a bigoted edict of the preceding year. 
 As these resources were still inadequate, Pinelo was authorized 
 to supply the deficiency by a loan. Requisitions were likewise 
 made for provisions of all kinds, as well as for artillery, powder, 
 muskets, lances, corselets, and cross-bows. This latter weapon, 
 notwithstanding the introduction of fire-arms, was still preferred 
 by many to the arquebus, and considered more formidable and 
 destructive, the other having to be used with a match-lock, and 
 being so heavy as to require an iron rest. The military stores 
 which had accumulated during the war with the Moore of Gra- 
 nada furnished a great part of these supplies. Almost all the 
 preceding orders were issued by the 23d of May, while Columbus 
 was yet at Barcelona. Rarely has there been witnessed such a 
 scene of activity in the dilatory offices of Spain. 
 
 As the conversion of the heathens was professed to be the 
 grand object of these discoveries, twelve zealous and able 
 ecclesiastics were chosen for the purpose, to accompany the 
 expedition. Among these was Bernardo Buyl or Boyle, a Beue-
 
 186 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 dictine monk, of talent and reputed sanctity, but one of those 
 subtle politicians of the cloister, who in those days glided into 
 all temporal concerns. He had acquitted himself with success in 
 recent negotiations with France, relative to the restitution of 
 Kousillou. Before the sailing of the fleet, he was appointed by 
 the pope his apostolical vicar for the New World, and placed 
 jis superior over his ecclesiastical brethren. This pious mission 
 was provided with all things necessary for the dignified per- 
 formance of its functions ; the queen supplying from her own 
 chapel the ornaments and vestments to be used in all solemn 
 ceremonies. Isabella, from the first, took the most warm and 
 compassionate interest in the welfare of the Indians. Won by 
 the accounts given by Columbus of their gentleness and sim- 
 plicity, and looking upon them as committed by Heaven to her 
 especial care, her heart was filled with concern at their desti- 
 tute and ignorant condition. She ordered that great care should 
 be taken of their religious instruction ; that they should be 
 treated with the utmost kindness ; and enjoined Columbus to 
 inflict signal punishment on all Spaniards who should be guilty 
 of outrage or injustice toward them. 
 
 By way, it was said, of offering to Heaven the first-fruits of 
 these pagan nations, the six Indians whom Columbus had 
 brought to Barcelona were baptized with great state and cere- 
 mony ; the king, the queen, and Prince Juan officiating as 
 SIXMJSOI-S. Great hopes were entertained that, on their return 
 to their native country, they would facilitate the introduction of 
 Christianity among their countrymen. One of them, at the 
 request of Prince Juan, remained in his household, but died not 
 long afterward ; a Spanish historian remarked that, according 
 to what ought to be our pious belief, he was the first of his na- 
 tion that entered heaven. 1 
 
 Before the departure of Columbus from Barcelona, the pro- 
 visional agreement made at Santa Fe was confirmed, granting 
 him the titles, emoluments, and prerogatives of admiral, viceroy, 
 and governor of all the countries he had discovered, or might 
 discover. He was intrusted also with the royal seal, with au- 
 thority to use the name of their majesties in granting letters 
 patent and commissions within the bounds of his jurisdiction ; 
 with the right also, in case of absence, to appoint a person in 
 his place, and to invest him, for the time, with the same powers. 
 
 It had been premised in the agreement that for all vacant of- 
 fices in the government of the islands and main-land, he should 
 
 Hen-era, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 5.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 187 
 
 nominate three candidates, out of which number the sovereign 
 should make a choice ; but now, to save time, and to show their 
 conlidence in Columbus, they empowered him to appoint at 
 once such persons as he thought proper, who were to hold their 
 offices during the royal pleasure. He had likewise the title and 
 command of captain-general of the armament about to sail, with 
 unqualified powers as to the government of the crews, the es- 
 tablishments to be formed in the New World, and the ulterior 
 discoveries to be undertaken. 
 
 This was the honeymoon of royal favor, during which Colum- 
 bus enjoyed the unbounded and well-merited confidence of his 
 sovereigns, before envious minds had dared to insinuate a doubt 
 of his integrity. After receiving every mark of public honor 
 and private regard, he took leave of the sovereigns on the 2Mth 
 of May. The whole court accompanied him from the palace to 
 his dwelling, and attended, also, to pay him farewell honors 
 on his departure from Barcelona for Seville. 
 
 CHATTER IX. 
 
 DIPLOMATIC NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE COURTS OF SPAIN AJ*D 
 PORTUGAL WITH RESPECT TO THE NEW DISCOVERIES. 
 
 [1493.] 
 
 THE anxiety of the Spanish monarchy for the speedy depart- 
 ure of the expedition was heightened by the proceedings of the 
 court of Portugal. John II. had unfortunately among his coun- 
 cillors certain politicians of that short-sighted class, who mis- 
 take craft for wisdom. By adopting their perfidious policy he 
 had lost the New World when it was an object of honorable 
 enterprise ; in compliance with their advice, he now sought to 
 retrieve it by stratagem. He had accordingly prepared a large 
 armament, the avowed object of which was an expedition to 
 Africa, but its real destination to seize upon the newly-dis- 
 covered countries. To lull suspicion, Don Ruy de Sande was 
 sent ambassador to the Spanish court, requesting permission to 
 procure certain prohibited articles from Spain for this African 
 voyage. He required also that the Spanish sovereigns should 
 forbid their subjects to fish l>eyond Cape Bojador, until the 
 possessions of the two nations should be properly defined. The 
 discovery of Columbus, the real object of solicitude, was treated
 
 188 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 as an incidental affair. The manner of his arrival and recep- 
 tion in Portugal was mentioned ; the congratulations of King 
 John on the happy result of his voyage ; his satisfaction at find- 
 ing that the admiral had been instructed to steer westward 
 from the Canary Islands, and his hope that the Castilian sover- 
 eigns would continue to enjoin a similar track on their naviga- 
 tors all to the south of those islands being granted by papal 
 bull to the crown of Portugal. He concluded by intimating the 
 entire confidence of King John, that should any of the newly- 
 discovered islands appertain by right to Portugal, the matter 
 would be adjusted in that spirit of amity which existed between 
 the two crowns. 
 
 Ferdinand was too wary a politician to be easily deceived. 
 He had received early intelligence of the real designs of King 
 John, and before the arrival of his ambassador had himself de- 
 patched Don Lope de Herrera to the Portuguese court, furnished 
 with double instructions, and with two letters of widely opposite 
 tenor. The first was couched in affectionate terms, acknowl- 
 edging the hospitality and kindness shown to Columbus, and 
 communicating the nature of his discoveries ; requesting at the 
 same time that the Portuguese navigators might lie prohibited 
 from visiting those newly-discovered lands, in the same manner 
 that the Spanish sovereigns had prohibited their subjects from 
 interfering with the African possessions of Portugal. 
 
 In case, however, the ambassador should find that King John 
 had either sent, or was about to send, vessels to the New World, 
 he was to withhold the amicable letter, and present the other, 
 couched in stern and peremptory terms, and forbidding any en- 
 terprise of the kind. 1 A keen diplomatic game ensued between 
 the two sovereigns perplexing to any spectator not acquainted 
 with the secret of their play. Resende, in his history of King 
 John II., informs us that the Portuguese monarch, by large 
 presents, or rather bribes, held certain of the confidential mem- 
 ben of the Castilian cabinet in his interest, who informed him 
 of the most secret councils of their court. The roads were 
 thronged with couriers ; scarce was an intention expressed by 
 Ferdinand to his ministers, but it was conveyed to his rival 
 monarch. The result was that the Spanish sovereigns seemed 
 as if under the influence of some enchantment. King John an- 
 ticipated all their movements, and appeared to dive into their 
 very thoughts. Their ambassadors were crossed on the road 
 by Portuguese ambassadors, empowered to settle the very 
 
 1 Herrera, Hist. Ind. decad. i. lib. ii. Zurita, Auales de Aragon, lib. i. cap. 25.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 189 
 
 points about which they were going to make remonstrances. 
 Frequently, when Ferdinand proposed a sudden and perplexing 
 question to the envoys at his court, which apparently would 
 require fresh instructions from the sovereigns, he would be as- 
 tonished by a prompt and positive reply ; most of the questions 
 which were likely to occur having, through secret information, 
 been foreseen and provided for. As a surmise of treachery in 
 the cabinet might naturally arise. King John, while he rewarded 
 his agents in secret, endeavored to divert suspicions from them 
 upon others, making rich presents of jewels to the Duke de 
 Infantado and other Spanish grandees of incorruptible integ- 
 rity. 1 
 
 Such is the intriguing diplomatic craft which too often passes 
 for refined policy, and is extolled as the wisdom of the cabinet ; 
 but all corrupt and disingenuous measures are unworthy of an 
 enlightened politician and a magnanimous prince. The grand 
 principles of right and wrong operate in the same way between 
 nations as between individuals ; fair and open conduct, and 
 inviolable faith, however they may appear adverse to present 
 purposes, are the only kind of policy that will insure ultimate 
 and honorable success. 
 
 King John, having received intelligence in the furtive manner 
 that has been mentioned, of the double instructions furnished 
 to Don Lope de Herrera, received him in such a manner as to 
 prevent any resort to his peremptory letter. He had already 
 despatched an extra envoy to the Spanish court to keep it in 
 good humor, and he now appointed Doctor Pero Diaz and Don 
 Kuy de Pena ambassadors to the Spanish sovereigns, to adjust 
 all questions relative to the new discoveries, and promised that 
 no vessel should be permitted to sail on a voyage of discovery 
 within sixty days after their arrival at Barcelona. 
 
 These ambassadors were instructed to propose, as a mode of 
 effectually settling all claims, that a line should be drawn from 
 the Canaries due west ; all lands and seas north of it to apper- 
 tain to the Castiliau court ; all south to the crown of Portugal, 
 excepting any islands already in possession of either powers. 2 
 
 Ferdinand had now the vantage-ground ; his object was to 
 gain time for the preparation and departure of Columbus, by 
 entangling King John in long diplomatic negotiations. 8 In 
 reply to his proposals, he despatched Don Pedro de Ayala and 
 
 1 Resende, Vida del Rpy Dom Joan IT., cap. 155. Faria y Souza, Europa Portu, 
 giioa. ton), ii. cap. 4. p. 3. 
 
 2 Xuritu, lib. i. cap. 2."i. Herrera, decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 5. 
 Vascoucelos, Dou Juau 11., lib. vi.
 
 190 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Don Garcia Lopez de Caravajal on a solemn embassy to Portu- 
 gal, in which there was great outward pomp and parade, and 
 many professions of amity, but the whole purport of which was 
 to propose to submit the territorial questions which had risen 
 between them to arbitration or to the court of Rome. This 
 stately embassy moved with becoming slowness, but a special 
 envoy was sent in advance to apprise the king of Portugal of 
 its approach, in order to keep him waiting for its communica- 
 tions. 
 
 King John understood the whole nature and object of the em- 
 bassy, and felt that Ferdinand was foiling him. The ambassa- 
 dors at length arrived, and delivered their credentials with 
 great form and ceremony. As they retired from his presence, 
 he looked after them contemptuously : " This embassy from 
 our cousin," said he, " wants both head and feet." He alluded 
 to the character both of the mission and the envoys. Don 
 Garcia de Caravajal was vain and frivolous, and Don Pedro de 
 Ayala was lame of one leg. 1 
 
 In the height of his vexation, King John is even said to have 
 held out some vague show of hostile intentions, taking occasion 
 to let the ambassadors discover him reviewing his cavalry and 
 dropping ambiguous words in their hearing, which might be 
 construed into something of menacing import. 2 The embassy 
 returned to Castile, leaving him in a state of perplexity and 
 irritation ; but whatever might be his chagrin, his discretion 
 prevented him from coming to an open rupture. He had some 
 hopes of interference on the part of the pope, to whom he had 
 sent an embassy, complaining of the pretended discoveries of 
 the Spaniards, as infringing the territories granted to Portu- 
 gal by papal bull, and earnestly imploring redress. Here, as 
 has been shown, his wary antagonist had been beforehand with 
 him, and he was doomed again to be foiled. The only reply 
 his ambassador received, was a reference to the line of partition 
 from pole to pole, so sagely devised by his holiness. 3 Such was 
 this royal game of diplomacy, where the parties were playing 
 for a newly-discovered world. John II. was able and intelli- 
 gent, and had crafty councillors to advise him in all his moves ; 
 but whenever deep and subtle policy was required, Ferdinand 
 was master of the game. 
 
 > VaseonceloK, lib. vi. Barros, Asia, d. i. lib. iii. cap. 2. 
 
 1 Vaxconcelos, lib. vi. 
 
 3 Herrera, decud. i., lib. ii. cap. 5.
 
 LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 191 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 FURTHER PREPARATIONS FOR THE SECOND VOYAGE CHARACTER 
 
 OF ALONSO DE OJEDA DIFFERENCE OF COLUMBUS WITH SORIA 
 
 AND FONSECA. 
 
 [1493.] 
 
 DISTRUSTFUL of some attempt on the part of Portugal to in 
 terfere with their discoveries, the Spanish sovereigns, in the 
 course of their negotiations, wrote repeatedly to Columbus 
 urging him to hasten his departure. His zeal, however, needed 
 no incitement ; immediately on arriving at Seville, in the 
 beginning of June, he proceeded with all diligence to fit out 
 the armament, making use of the powers given him to put in 
 requisition the ships and crews which were in the harbors of 
 Andalusia. He was joined soon after by Fonseca and Soria, 
 who had remained for a time at Barcelona ; and with their 
 united exertions, a fleet of seventeen vessels, large and small, 
 was soon in a state of preparation. The best pilots were 
 chosen for the service, and the crews were mustered in pres- 
 ence of 'Soria the comptroller. A number of skilful husband- 
 men, miners, carpenters, and other mechanics were engaged 
 for the projected colony. Horses, both for military purposes 
 and for stocking the country, cattle, and domestic animals of 
 all kinds, were likewise provided. Grain, seeds of various 
 plants, vines, sugar-canes, grafts, and saplings, were embarked, 
 together with a great quantity of merchandise, consisting of 
 trinkets, beads, hawks' bells, looking-glasses, and other showy 
 trifles, calculated for trafficking with the natives. Nor was 
 there wanting an abundant supply of provisions of all soils, 
 munitions of war, and medicines and refreshments for the sick. 
 
 An extraordinary degree of excitement prevailed respecting 
 this expedition. The most extravagant fancies were enter- 
 tained with respect to the New World. The accounts given by 
 the voyagers who had visited it were full of exaggeration ; for 
 in fact they had nothing but vague and confused notions con- 
 cerning it, like the recollection of a dream, and it has been 
 shown that Columbus himself had beheld every thing through 
 the most delusive medium. The vivacity of his descriptions, 
 and the sanguine anticipations of his ardent spirit, while they 
 roused the public to a wonderful degree of enthusiasm, pre- 
 pared the way for bitter disappointment. The cupidity of the
 
 192 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 avaricious was inflamed with the idea of regions of unappro- 
 priated wealth, where the rivers rolled over golden sands, 
 and the mountains teemed with gems and precious metals ; 
 where the groves produced spices and perfumes, and the shores 
 of the ocean were sown with pearl. Others had conceived vis- 
 ions of a loftier kind. It was a romantic and stirring age, and 
 the wars with the Moors being over, and hostilities with the 
 French suspended, the bold and restless spirits of the nation, 
 impatient of the monotony of peaceful life, were eager for em- 
 ployment. To these the New World presented a vast field for 
 wild enterprise and extraordinary adventure, so congenial to 
 the Spanish character in that period of its meridian fervor and 
 brilliancy. Many hidalgos of high rank, officers of the royal 
 household, and Andalusian cavaliers, schooled in arms, and 
 inspired with a passion for hardy achievements by the romantic 
 wars of Granada, pressed into the expedition, some in the royal 
 service, others at their own cost. To them it was the com- 
 mencement of a new series of crusades, surpassing in ex- 
 tent and splendor the chivalrous enterprises of the Holy Land. 
 They pictured to themselves vast and beautiful islands of the 
 ocean to be overrun and subdued ; their internal wonders to be 
 explored, and the banner of the cross to be planted on the 
 walls of the cities they were supposed to contain. Thence they 
 were to make their way to the shores of India, or rather Asia, 
 penetrate into Mang, and Cathay, convert, or what was the 
 same thing, conquer the Grand Khan, and thus open a glorious 
 career of arms among the splendid countries and semi-barbar- 
 ous nations of the East. Thus, no one had any definite idea of 
 the object or nature of the service on which he was embarking, 
 or the situation and character of the region to which he was 
 bound. Indeed, during this fever of the imagination, had 
 sober facts and cold realities been presented, they would have 
 been rejected with disdain ; for there is nothing of which the 
 public is more impatient than of being disturbed in the indul- 
 gence of any of its golden dreams. 
 
 Among the noted personages who engaged in the expedition 
 was a young cavalier of the name of Don Alonso de Ojeda, 
 celebrated for his extraordinary personal endowments and his 
 daring spirit ; and who distinguished himself among .the early 
 discoverers by many perilous expeditions and singular exploits. 
 He was of a good family, cousin-german to the venerable 
 Father Alonso de Ojeda, Inquisitor of Spain ; had been brought 
 up under the patronage of the Duke of Medina Celi, and had 
 served iu the wars against the Moors. He was of small stature,
 
 LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 193 
 
 hut vigorous make, well proportioned, dark complexioned, of 
 handsome, animated countenance, and incredible strength and 
 agility. Expert at all kinds of weapons, accomplished in all 
 manly and warlike exercises, an admirable horseman, and a 
 partisan soldier of the highest order ; bold of heart, free of 
 spirit, open of hand ; tierce in fight, quick in brawl, but ready to 
 forgive and prone to forget an injury ; he was for a long time 
 the idol of the nish and roving youth who engaged in the early 
 expeditions to the New World, and has been made the hero 
 of many wonderful tales. On introducing him to historical 
 notice, Las Casas gives an anecdote of one of his exploits, 
 which would be unworthy of record, but that it exhibits the 
 singular character of the man. 
 
 CJueen Isal>ella being in the tower of the cathedral of Seville, 
 better known as the Giralda, Ojeda, to entertain her majesty, 
 and to give proofs of his courage and agility, mounted on a 
 great beam which projected in the air, twenty feet from the 
 tower, at such an immense height from the ground, that the 
 people below looked like dwarfs, and it was enough to make 
 Ojeda himself shudder to look down. Along this beam he 
 walked briskly, and with as much confidence as though he had 
 been pacing his chamber. When he arrived at the end, he stood 
 on one leg, lifting the other in the air; then turning nimbly 
 round, he returned in the same way to the tower, unaffected 
 by the giddy height, whence the least false step would have 
 precipitated him and dashed him to pieces. He afterward 
 stood with one foot on the beam, and placing the other against 
 the wall of the building, threw an orange-to the summit of the 
 tower, a proof, says Las Casas, of immense muscular strength. 
 Such was Alonso de Ojeda, who soon became conspicuous 
 among the followers of Columbus, and was always foremost in 
 every enterprise of an adventurous nature ; who courted peril 
 as if for the very love of danger, and seemed to fight more for 
 the pleasure of fighting than for the sake of distinction. 1 
 
 The number of persons permitted to embark in the expe- 
 dition had been limited to one thousand; but such was the 
 urgent application of volunteers to be allowed to enlist without 
 pay, that the number had increased to twelve hundred. Many 
 more were refused for want of room in the ships for their 
 accommodation, but some contrived to get admitted by stealth, 
 so that eventually about fifteen hundred set sail in the fleet. 
 As Columbus, in his laudable zeal for the welfare of the euter- 
 
 1 Las Casas, lib. i., Mri. 1'izurro, Varoues Illusirus. Ilerrera, tlisl. lud., decad. L. 
 lib. ii. cap. 5.
 
 194 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 prise, provided every thing that might be necessary in various 
 ]K>ssible emergencies, the expenses of the outfit exceeded what 
 had been anticipated. This gave rise to occasional demurs on 
 the part of the comptroller, Juan de Soria, who sometimes re- 
 fused to sign the accounts of the admiral, and in the course of 
 their transactions seemed to have forgotten the deference due 
 both to his character and station. For this he received re- 
 peated and severe reprimands from the sovereigns, who em- 
 phatically commanded that Columbus should be treated with 
 the greatest respect, and every thing done to facilitate his plans 
 and yield him satisfaction. From similiar injunctions inserted 
 iii the royal letters to Fonseca, the archdeacon of Seville, it is 
 probable that he also had occasionally indulged in the captious 
 exercise of his official powers. He appears to have demurred 
 to various requisitions of Columbus, particularly one for foot- 
 men and other domestics for his immediate service, to form his 
 household and retinue as admiral and viceroy ; a demand 
 which was considered superfluous by the prelate, as all who em- 
 barked in the expedition were at his command. In reply, the 
 sovereigns ordered that he should be allowed ten escuderos de ft, 
 pie^ or footmen, and twenty persons in other domestic capacities, 
 and reminded Fonseca of their charge that, both in the nature 
 and mode of his transactions with the admiral, he should study 
 to give him content; observing that, as the whole armament 
 was intrusted to his command, it was but reasonable that his 
 wishes should be consulted, and no one embarrass him with 
 punctilios and difficulties. 1 
 
 These trivial differences are worthy of particular notice, 
 from the effect they appear to have had on the mind of 
 Fonseca, for from them we must date the rise of that singular 
 hostility which he ever afterward manifested toward Colum- 
 bus ; which every year increased in rancor, and which he grat- 
 ified in the most invidious manner, by secretly multiplying 
 impediments and vexations in his path. 
 
 While the expedition was yet lingering in port, intelligence 
 was received that a Portuguese caravel had set sail from 
 Madeira and steered for the west. Suspicions were imme- 
 diately awakened that she was bound for the lately-discovered 
 fands. Columbus wrote an account of it to the sovereigns, and 
 proposed to despatch a part of his fleet in pursuit of her. His 
 proposition was approved, but not carried into effect. On re- 
 monstrances being made to the court of Lisbon, King John 
 
 - - . ._. _ -.-.--- _ ,- ..--I,-- ^ 
 
 1 Navarrete, Colec., torn. ii. Docuuieutos, No,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 195 
 
 declared that the vessel had sailed without his permission, and 
 that he would send three caravels to bring her back. This 
 only served to increase the jealousy of the Spanish monarchs, 
 who considered the whole a deep-laid stratagem, and that it 
 was intended the vessels should join their forces, and pursue 
 their course together to the New World. Columbus was 
 urged, therefore, to depart without an hour's delay, and in- 
 structed to steer wide of Cape St. Vincent, and entirely avoid 
 the Portuguese coasts and islands, for fear of molestation. If 
 he met with any vessels in the seas he had explored, he was to 
 seize them, and inflict rigorous punishment on the crews. 
 Fonseca was also ordered to be on the alert, and in cas.e any 
 expedition sailed from Portugal to send double the force after it. 
 These precautions, however, proved unnecessary. Whether 
 such caravels actually did sail, and whether they were sent 
 with sinister motives by Portugal, does not appear ; nothing 
 was either seen or heard of them by Columbus in the course of 
 his voyage. 
 
 It may be as well, for the sake of distinctness, to anticipate, 
 in this place, the regular course of history, and mention the 
 manner in which this territorial question was finally settled 
 between the rival sovereigns. It was impossible for King 
 John to repress his disquiet at the indefinite enterprises of the 
 Spanish monarchs ; he did not know how far they might extend, 
 and whether they might not forestall him in all his anticipated 
 discoveries in India. Finding, however, all attempts fruitless 
 to gain by stratagem an advantage over his wary and skilful an- 
 tagonist, and despairing of any further assistance from the court 
 of Home, he had recourse, at last, to fair and amicable negotia- 
 tions, and found, as is generally the case with those who turn 
 aside into the inviting but crooked paths of craft, that had he 
 kept to the line of frank and open policy, he would have saved 
 himself a world of perplexity, and have arrived sooner at his 
 object. He offered to leave to the Spanish sovereigns the free 
 prosecution of their western discovery, and to conform to the 
 plan of partition by a meridian line ; but he represented that 
 this line had not been drawn far enough to the west ; that while 
 it left the wide ocean free to the range of Spanish enter- 
 prise, his navigators could not venture more than a hundred 
 leagues west of his possessions, and had no scope or sea-room 
 for their southern voyages. 
 
 After much difficulty and discussion, this momentous dispute 
 was adjusted by deputies from the two crowns, who met at Toi- 
 desiillas m Old Castile, in the following year, and on the 7th of
 
 J.96 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 June, 1494, signed a treaty by which the papal line of partition 
 was moved to three hundred and seventy leagues west of the 
 Cape do Verde Islands. It was agreed that within six months 
 an equal number of caravels and mariners, on the part of the two 
 nations, should rendezvous at the island of the Grand Canary, 
 provided with men learned in astronomy and navigation. They 
 were to proceed thence to the Cape de Verde Islands, and thence 
 westward three hundred and seventy leagues, and determine the 
 proposed line from pole to pole, dividing the ocean between 
 the two nations. 1 Each of the two powers engaged solemnly to 
 observe the bounds thus prescribed, and to prosecute no enter- 
 prise beyond its proper limits ; though it was agreed that the 
 Spanish navigators might traverse freely the eastern parts of 
 the ocean in prosecuting their rightful voyages. Various circum- 
 stances impeded the proposed expedition to determine the line, 
 but the treaty remained in force, and prevented all further dis- 
 cussions. 
 
 Thus, says Vasconcelos, this great question, the greatest ever 
 agitated between the two crowns, for it was the partition of a new 
 world, was amicably settled by the prudence and address of two 
 of the most politic monarchs that ever swayed the sceptre. It 
 was arranged to the satisfaction of both parties, each holding 
 himself entitled to the vast countries that might be discovered 
 within his Iwundary, without any regard to the rights of the 
 native inhabitants. 
 
 1 Zuriia, Uist. del Bey Fernaud., lib. i. cap. 29. Vasconcelos, lib. vi.
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS ON HIS SECOND VOYAGE DISCOVERT 
 Ok' THE CAUIBBEE ISLANDS. 
 
 [1493.] 
 
 THE departure of Columbus on his second voyage of dis- 
 covery presented a brilliant contrast to his gloomy embarkation 
 at Palos. On the 25th of September, at the dawn of day, the 
 Bay of Cadiz was whitened by his fleet. There were three large 
 ships of heavy burden, 1 and fourteen caravels, loitering with 
 flapping sails, and awaiting the signal to get under way. The 
 harbor resounded with the well-known note of the sailor, hoisting 
 sail or weighing anchor ; a motley crowd were hurrying on board, 
 and taking leave of their friends in the confidence of a prosper- 
 ous voyage and triumphant return. There was the high-spirited 
 cavalier, bound on romantic enterprise ; the hardy navigator, 
 ambitious of acquiring laurels in these unknown seas ; the rov- 
 ing adventurer, seeking novelty and excitement ; the keen, 
 calculating speculator, eager to profit by the ignorance of 
 savage tribes ; and the pale missionary from the cloister, anx- 
 ious to extend the dominion of the church, or devoutly zealous 
 for the propagation of the faith. All were full of animation 
 and lively hope. Instead of being regarded by the populace as 
 devoted men. bound upon a dark and desperate enterprise, they 
 were contemplated with envy, as favored mortals, bound to 
 golden regions and happy climes, where nothing but wealth and 
 wonder and delights awaited them. Columbus, conspicuous for 
 his height and his commanding appearance, was attended by his 
 two sons, Diego and Fernando, the eldest but a stripling, who 
 
 1 Peter Martyr iyi they were carrackn (a large species of merchant vessel, princi- 
 pally used in counting trade), of one hundred tons burden, and that two of the caravels 
 were much larger than the rest, and more capable of bearing decks from the size of their 
 musts. Ducad. i. lib. i. 
 
 197
 
 198 LIFE OF CniUSTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 
 
 had come to witness his departure, 1 both proud of the glory of 
 their father. Wherever he passed, every eye followed him with 
 admiration, and every tongue praised aud blessed him. Before 
 sunrise the whole fleet was under way ; the weather was serene 
 and propitious, and as the populace watched their parting sails 
 brightening in the morning beams, they looked forward to their 
 joyful return laden with the treasures of the New World. 
 
 According to the instructions of the sovereigns, Columbus 
 steered wide of the coasts of Portugal and its islands, standing 
 to the south-west of the Canaries, where he arrived on the 1st 
 of October. After touching at the Grand Canary, he anchored 
 on the 5th at Gomera, to take in a supply of wood and water. 
 Here also he purchased calves, goats, and sheep, to stock the 
 island of Hispaniola ; and eight hogs, from which, according to 
 Las Casas, the infinite number of swine was propagated, with 
 which the Spanish settlements in the New World abounded. A 
 number of domestic fowls were likewise purchased, which were 
 the origin of the species in the New World ; and the same might 
 be said of the seeds of oranges, lemons, bergamots, melons, and 
 various orchard fruits, 2 which were thus first introduced into the 
 islands of the west, from the Hesperides or Fortunate Islands 
 of the Old World. 8 
 
 On the 7th, when about to sail, Columbus gave to the com- 
 mander of each vessel a sealed letter of instructions, in which 
 was specified his route to the harbor of Nativity, the residence 
 of the cacique Guacanagari. This was only to be opened in 
 case of being separated by accident, as he wished to make a 
 mystery, as long as possible, of the exact route to the newly- 
 discovered country, lest adventurers of other nations, and par- 
 ticularly the Portuguese, should follow in his track, and inter- 
 fere with his enterprises. 4 
 
 After making sail from Gomera, they were becalmed for a 
 few days among the Canaries, until, on the 13th of October, 
 a fair breeze sprang up from the east, which soon carried them 
 out of sight of the island of Ferro. Columbus held his course 
 to the south-west, intending to keep considerably more to the 
 southward than in his first voyage, in hopes of falling in with 
 the islands of the Caribs, of which he had received such vague 
 and wonderful accounts from the Indians. 8 Being in the region 
 
 1 Hist, del Almlrnntc. cap. 44. s Las Casas, Hist. Ind.. lib. i. cap. 83. 
 
 s Humboldt is of opinion lhat there were wild oranges, small and bitter, as well as 
 wild lemons, In the New World, prior to the discovery. CaldcleiiKh also mentions that 
 the Brazilians consider the small bitler wild orange of native origin. IluuioolUt, 
 Kssai 1'olitiqne snr I'Isle de Cuba, torn. i. p. 08. 
 
 Las Casas, M. Sup. c Letter of Dr. Chanca.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUM1WS. 1D9 
 
 of the trade-winds, the breeze continued fair and steady, with a 
 quiet sea and pleasant weather, and by the 24th they had made 
 four hundred and fifty leagues west of Gomera, without seeing 
 any of those fields of sea-weeds, encountered within a much less 
 distance on their first voyage. At that time their appearance 
 was important, and almost providential, inspiring continual hope, 
 and enticing them forward in their dubious enterprise. Now 
 they needed no such signals, being full of confidence and lively 
 anticipation, and on seeing a swallow circling about the ships, 
 and being visited occasionally by sudden showers, they began to 
 look out cheerily for land. 
 
 Toward the latter part of October they had in the night a 
 gust of heavy rain, accompanied by the severe thunder and 
 lightning of the tropics. It lasted for four hours, and they 
 considered themselves in much peril, until they beheld several 
 of those lambent flames playing about the tops of the masts, 
 and gliding along the rigging, which have always been objects 
 of superstitious fancies among sailors. Fernando Columbus 
 makes remarks on them strongly characteristic of the age in 
 which he lived. kt On the same Saturday, in the night, was 
 seen St. Elmo, with seven lighted tapers at the topmast : there 
 was much rain and great thunder ; I mean to say, that those 
 lights were seen, which manners affirm to be the body of St. 
 Elmo, on beholding which they chant litanies and orisons, hold- 
 ing it for certain, that in the tempest in which he appears, no 
 one is in danger. Be that as it may, I leave the matter to them ; 
 but if we may believe Pliny, similar lights have sometimes ap- 
 peared to the Roman mariners during tempests at sea, which 
 they said were Castor and Pollux, of which likewise Seneca 
 makes mention." * 
 
 On the evening of Saturday, the 2d of November, Columbus 
 was convinced, from the color of the sea, the nature of the 
 waves, and the variable winds and frequent showers, that they 
 must be near to land ; he gave orders, therefore, to take in sail, 
 and to maintain a vigilant watch throughout the night. He had 
 judged with his usual sagacity. In the morning a lofty island 
 was descried to the west, at the sight of which there were shouts 
 of joy throughout the fleet. Columbus gave to the island the 
 
 1 TTist.del Almirante, cap. 45. A similar mention is made of this nautical superstition 
 in the voyatre of Magellan. "During these great storm*, they said that Ht. Klmo ap- 
 peared at the topmast with a lighted candle, and sometimes with two, upon which the 
 people shed tears of joy, r^ceivini; nival consolation, and saluted him according to the 
 custom of mariners. He remained visible for a quarter of an hour, and then disappeared, 
 with a irieat llash of lightning, which blinded the people." Ucrrura, decad. ii. lib. iv- 
 cap. 10.
 
 200 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 name of Dominica, from having: discovered it on Sunday. As 
 the ships moved gently onward, other islands rose to sight. 
 covered with forests, while flights of parrots and other tropical 
 birds passed from one to the other. 
 
 The crews were now assembled on the decks of the several 
 ships, to return thanks to God for their prosperous voyage, 
 and their happy discovery of land, chanting the Sulce Rc<jiii 
 and other anthems. Such was the solemn manner in which 
 Columbus celebrated all his discoveries, and which, in fact, was 
 generally observed by the Spanish and Portuguese voyagers. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 TRANSACTIONS AT THE ISLAND OF GUADALOUPE. 
 
 [1493.] 
 
 THE islands among which Columbus had arrived were a part 
 of that beautiful cluster called by some the Antilles, which 
 sweep almost in a semicircle from the eastern end of Porto Rico 
 to the coast of Paria on the southern continent, forming a kind 
 of barrier between the main ocean and the Caribbean Sea. 
 
 During the first day that he entered this archipelago, Colum- 
 bus saw no less than six islands of different magnitude. They 
 were clothed in tropical vegetation, and the breezes from them 
 were sweetened by the fragrance of their forests. 
 
 After seeking in vain for good anchorage at Dominica, he 
 stood for another of the group, to which he gave the name of 
 his ship, Marigalaute. Here he landed, displayed the royal 
 banner, and took possession of the archipelago in the name of 
 his sovereigns. The island appeared to be uninhabited ; a rich 
 and dense forest overspread it ; some of the trees were in blos- 
 som, others laden with unknown fruits, others possessing spicy 
 odors among which was one with the leaf of the laurel and 
 the fragrance of the clove. 
 
 Hence they made sail for an island of larger size, with a re- 
 markable mountain ; one peak, which proved afterward to be 
 the crater of a volcano, rose to a great height, with streams of 
 water gushing from it. As they approached within three leagues 
 they beheld a cataract of such height that, to use the words of 
 the narrator, it seemed to be falling from the sky. As it broke 
 into foam in its descent, many at lirst believed it to be merely a
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 201 
 
 stratum of white rock. 1 To this island, which was called by the 
 Indians Turuqueira, 2 the admiral gave the name of Guade- 
 loupe, having promised the monks of our Lady of Guadeloupe 
 in Kstremadure to call some newly-discovered [dace after their 
 convent. 
 
 Landing; here on the 4th, they visited a village near the shore, 
 the inhabitants of which fled, some even leaving their children 
 behind in their terror and confusion. These the Spaniards 
 soothed with caresses, binding hawks' Vx'lls and other trinkets 
 round their arms. This village, like most of those of the island, 
 consisted of twenty or thirty houses, built round a public place 
 or square. The houses were constructed of trunks and trees 
 interwoven with reeds and 1 (ranches, and thatched with palm- 
 leaves. They were square, not circular like those of the other 
 islands, 3 and each had its portico or shelter from the sun. One 
 of the porticos was decorated with images of serpents tolerably 
 carved in wood. For furniture they had hammocks of cotton 
 net. and utensils formed of calabashes or earthenware, equal to 
 the l>est of those of Hispaniola. There were large quantities of 
 cotton ; some in the wool, some in yarn, and some wrought into 
 cloth of very tolerable texture ; and many bows and arrows, 
 the latter tipped with sharp bones. Provisions seemed to abound. 
 There were many domesticated geese like those of Europe, and 
 parrots as large as household fowls, with blue, green, white, and 
 scarlet plumage, Ix'ing the splendid species called guacamayos. 
 Here also the Spaniards first met with the anana, or pineapple, 
 the flavor and fragrance of which astonished and delighted them. 
 In one of the houses they were surprised to find a pan or other 
 utensil of iron, not having ever met with that metal in the New 
 World. Fernando Colon supposes that it was formed of a 
 certain kind of heavy stone found among those islands, which, 
 when burnt, has the appearance of shining iron ; or it might 
 have been some utensil brought by the Indians from Hispaniola. 
 Certain it is, that no native iron was ever found among the 
 people of these islands. 
 
 In another house was the stern-post of a vessel. How had it 
 reached these shores, which appeared never to have been visited 
 by the ships of civilized man ? Was it the wreck of some 
 vessel from the more enlightened countries of Asia, which they 
 supposed to lie somewhere in this direction ? Or a part of the 
 
 1 Letter of Dr. Chanca. 
 
 * Letter of Dr. Chanca. Peter Martyr calls it Carucuuira or Queraquiera, deead, i. lib. 
 
 3 Uiat. del Almirante, cap. 62.
 
 202 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER 
 
 caravel which Columbus had lost at the island of Hispaniola 
 during his (irst voyage? Or a fragment of some European ship 
 Which had drifted across the Atlantic? The latter was most 
 probably the case. The constant current which sets over from 
 the coast of Africa, produced by the stately prevalence of the 
 trade-winds, must occasionally bring wrecks from the Old 
 World to the New ; and long before the discovery of Columbus 
 the savages of the islands and the coasts may have gazed with 
 wonder at fragments of European barks which have floated to 
 their shores. 
 
 What struck the Spaniards with horror was the sight of hu- 
 man bones, vestiges, as they supposed, of unnatural repasts ; 
 and skulls, apparently used as vases and other household uten- 
 sils. These dismal objects convinced them that they were now 
 in the abodes of the Cannibals, or Caribs, whose predatory ex- 
 peditions and ruthless character rendered them the terror of 
 these seas. 
 
 The boats having returned on board, Columbus proceeded up- 
 ward of two leagues, until he anchored, late in the evening, in 
 a convenient port. The island on this side extended for the 
 distance of five and twenty leagues, diversified with lofty moun- 
 tains and broad plains. Along the coast were small villages 
 and hamlets, the inhabitants of which fled in affright. On the 
 following day the boats landed, and succeeded in taking and 
 bringing off a boy and several women. The informations 
 gathered from them confirmed Columbus in his idea that this 
 was one of the islands of the Caribs. He learnt that the inhab- 
 itants were in league with two neighboring islands, but made 
 war upon all the rest. They even went on predatory enter- 
 prises, in canoes made from the hollowed trunks of trees, to 
 the distance of one hundred and fifty leagues. Their arms were 
 bows and arrows pointed with the bones of fishes or shells of 
 tortoises, and poisoned with the juice of a certain herb. They 
 made descents upon the islands, ravaged the villages, carried 
 off the youngest and handsomest of the women, whom they re- 
 retained as servants or companions, and made prisoners of the 
 men, to be killed and eaten. 
 
 After hearing such accounts of the natives of this island, Co- 
 lumbus was extremely uneasy at finding, in the evening, that 
 Diego Marque, a captain of one of the caravels, and eight men 
 were missing. They had landed early in the morning without 
 leave, and straying into the woods, had not since been seen or 
 heard of. The night passed awpy without their return. Ou 
 the following day parties were sent iu various directions iu
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 203 
 
 qnost of them, each with a trumpeter to sound calls and signals. 
 Guns were fired from the ships, and arquebuses on shore, but 
 all to no purpose, and the parties returned in the evening, 
 wearied with a fruitless search. In several hamlets they had 
 met with proofs of the cannibal propensities of the natives. 
 Human limbs were suspended to the beams of the houses, as if 
 curing for provisions ; the head of a young man recently killed 
 was yet bleeding : some parts of his Ixxly were roasting before 
 the lire, others boiling with the flesh of geese and parrots. 1 
 
 Several of the natives, in the course of the day, had Iwen seen 
 on the shore, gazing with wonder at the ships, but when the 
 boats approached, they fled to the woods and mountains. 
 Several women came off to the Spaniards for refuge, being cap- 
 tured from other islands. Columbus ordered that they should 
 be decorated with hawks' bells and strings of beads and bugles, 
 and sent on shore, in hopes of enticing off some of the men. 
 They soon returned to the boats striped of their ornaments, 
 and imploring to be taken on lx>ard the ships. The admiral 
 learnt from them that most of the men of the island were alt- 
 sent, the king having sailed some time before with ten canoes 
 and three hundred warriors, on a cruise in quest of prisoners 
 and booty. When the men went forth on these expeditions, 
 the women remained to defend their shores from invasion. 
 They were expert archers, partaking of the warrior spirit of 
 their husbands, and almost equalling them in force and intre- 
 pidity. 2 
 
 The continued absence of the wanderers perplexed Columbus 
 extremely. He was impatient to arrive at Hispaniola, but un- 
 willing to sail while there was a possibility of their l>eing alive 
 and being recovered. In this emergency Alonso de Ojeda, the 
 same young cavalier whose exploit on the tower of the cathedral 
 at Seville has been mentioned, volunteered to scour the island 
 with forty men in quest of them. He departed accordingly, 
 and during his absence the ship, took in wood and water, and 
 part of the crews were permitted to land, wash their clothes, 
 and recreate themselves. 
 
 Ojeda and his followers pushed far into the interior, firing 
 off arquebuses and sounding trumpets in the vmlleys and from 
 the summits of cliffs and precipices, but were only answered by 
 their own echoes. The tropical luxuriance and density of the 
 forests rendered them almost impenetrable ; and it was neces- 
 sary to wade a great many rivers, or probably the windings 
 
 1 1'. Martyr, Li-lter 147 to 1'oiupouio Laeto. Idem, (lecad i. lib. ii. 
 - iVtci Murlyr, dvcad. iii. lib. ix.
 
 204 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 and doublings of the same stream. The island appeared to be 
 naturally fertile in the extreme. The forests abounded with 
 aromatic trees and shrubs, among which Ojeda fancied he per- 
 ceived the odor of precious gums and spices. There was honey 
 in hollow trees and in the clefts of rocks : abundance of fruit 
 also; for, according to Peter Martyr, the Caribs, in their pivda- 
 tory cruisings, were accustomed to bring home the seeds and 
 roots of all kinds of plants from the distant islands and coun- 
 tries which they overran. 
 
 Ojeda returned without any tidings of the stragglers. Several 
 days had now elapsed since their disappearance. They were 
 given up for lost, and the fleet was about sailing when, to the 
 universal joy, a signal was made by them from the shore. 
 When they came on board their haggard and exhausted looks 
 bespoke what they had suffered. For several days they had 
 been perplexed in trackless forests, so dense as almost to ex- 
 clude the light of day. They had claml>ered rocks, waded rivers, 
 and struggled through briers and thickets. Some, who were 
 experienced seamen, climl>ed the trees to get a sight of the 
 stars, by which to govern their course ; but the spreading 
 branches and thick foliage shut out all view of the heavens. 
 They were harassed with the fear, that the admiral, thinking 
 them dead, might set sail and leave them in this wilderness, 
 cut off forever from their homes and the abodes of civilized 
 man. At length, when almost reduced to despair, they had 
 arrived at the sea-shore, and following it for some time, beheld, 
 to their great joy, the fleet riding quietly at anchor. They 
 brought with them several Indian women and boys ; but in all 
 their wanderings they had not met with any man ; the greater 
 part of the warriors, as has been said, being fortunately absent 
 on an expedition. 
 
 Notwithstanding the hardships they had endured, and his 
 joy at their return, Columbus put the captain under arrest, and 
 stopped part of the rations of the men, for having strayed away 
 without permission, for in a service of such a critical nature, 
 it was necessary to punish every breach of discipline. 1 
 
 1 Dr. Chanca's Letter, Hist, del Ahnirante, cap. 40.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 205 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 CRUISE AMONG THE CARIBBEE ISLANDS. 
 11493.] 
 
 "WEIGHING anchor on the 10th of November, Columhns 
 steered to the north-west, along this beautiful archipelago ; 
 giving names to the islands as they rose to view ; such as 
 Montserrat, Santa Maria la Redonda, Santa Maria la Antigua, 
 and San Martin. Various other islands, lofty and well-wooded, 
 appeared to the north, south-west, and south-east ; but he for- 
 bore to visit them. The weather proving boisterous, he an- 
 chored on the 14th at an island called Ayay by the Indians, 
 but to which he gave the name of Santa Cruz. A boat well- 
 manned was sent on shore to get water and procure informa- 
 tion. They found a village deserted by the men, but secured a 
 few women and boys, most of them captives from other islands. 
 They soon had an instance of Carib courage and ferocity. 
 A\ r hile at the village they beheld a canoe from a distant part of 
 the island come round a point of land and arrive in view of the 
 ships. The Indians in the canoe, two of whom were females, 
 remained gazing in mute amazement at the ships, and were so 
 entranced that the boat stole close upon them before they per- 
 ceived it. Seizing their paddles they attempted to escape, but 
 the boat being between them and the land, cut off their retreat. 
 They now caught up their bows and arrows and plied them 
 with amazing vigor and rapidity. The Spaniards covered them- 
 selves with their bucklers, but two of them were quickly wounded. 
 The women fought as fiercely as the men, and one of them sent 
 an arrow with such force that it passed through and through a 
 buckler. 
 
 The Spaniards now ran their boat against the canoe and over- 
 turned it ; some of the savages got upon sunken rocks, others 
 discharged their arrows while swimming, as dexterously as 
 though they had been upon firm land. It was witli the utmost 
 difficulty they could be overcome and taken. One of them, 
 who had been transfixed with a lance, died soon after being 
 brought aboard the ships. One of the women, from the obe- 
 dience and deference paid to her, appeared to be their queen. 
 She was accompanied by her sou, a young man strongly made, 
 with a frowning brow and lion's face. He had been wounded
 
 06 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMKUS. 
 
 in the conflict. The hair of these savages was long and coarse. 
 Their eyes were encircled with paint, so as to give them a 
 hideous expression ; and bands of cotton were bound firmly 
 above and below the muscular parts of the arms and legs, so as 
 to cause them to swell to a disproportioned size ; a custom prev- 
 alent among various tribes of the New World. Though cap- 
 tives in chains, and in the power of their enemies, they still 
 retained a frowning brow and an air of defiance. Peter Martyr, 
 who often went to see them in Spain, declares, from his own 
 experience, and that of others who accompanied him, that it 
 was impossible to look at them without a sensation of horror, 
 so menacing and terrible was their aspect. The sensation was 
 doubtless caused in a great measure by the idea of their being 
 cannibals. In this skirmish, according to the same writer, the 
 Indians used poisoned arrows ; and one of the Spaniards died 
 within a few days, of a wound received from one of the 
 females. 1 
 
 Pursuing his voyage, Columbus soon came in sight of a 
 great cluster of islands, some verdant and covered with forests, 
 but the greater part naked and sterile, rising into craggy moun- 
 tains ; with rocks of a bright azure color, and some of a glis- 
 tering white. These, with his usual vivacity of imagination, he 
 supposed to contain mines of rich metals and precious stones, 
 The islands lying close together, with the sea beating roughly 
 in the narrow channels which divided them, rendered it danger- 
 ous to enter among them with the large ships. Columbus sent 
 in a small caravel with latine sails, to reconnoitre, which re- 
 turned with the report that there were upward of fifty islands, 
 apparent!}' inhabited. To the largest of this group he gave the 
 name of Santa Ursula, and called the others the Eleven Thou- 
 sand Virgins. 2 
 
 Continuing his course, he arrived one evening in sight of a 
 great island covered with beautiful forests, and indented with 
 fine havens. It was called by the natives Boriquem, but he 
 gave it the name of San Juan Bautista ; it is the same since 
 known by the name of Porto Rico. This was the native island 
 of most of the captives who had fled to the ships for refuge 
 from the Caribs. According to their accounts it was fertile 
 and populous, and under the dominion of a single cacique. Its 
 inhabitants were not given to rove, and possessed but few 
 canoes. They were subject to frequent invasions from the 
 
 1 P. Marytr, dccad. i. lib. ii. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 4T. Las Caean, Hist. Ind., 
 cap. Sf>, MS. Letter of Dr. Clianca. 
 
 1 V. Marylr dovud. i. iib. ii. Letter of Dr. Chanca.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 207 
 
 Caribs, \vho were their implacable enemies. They had become 
 warriors, therefore, iu their own defence, using the bojtv and 
 arrow and the war-club; and in their contests with their canni- 
 bal foes they retorted upon them their own atrocities, devour- 
 ing their prisoners in revenge. 
 
 After running for a whole day along the beautiful coast of 
 this island, they anchored iu a bay at the west end, abounding 
 in fish. On landing, they found an Indian village, constructed 
 as usual round a common square, like a market-place, with one 
 large and well-built house. A spacious road led thence to the 
 seaside, having fences on each side, of interwoven reeds, enclos- 
 ing fruitful gardens. At the end of the road was a kind of 
 terrace, or look-out, constructed of reeds and overhanging the 
 water. The whole place had an air of neatness and ingenuity, 
 superior to the ordinary residences of the natives, and api>eared 
 to be the abode of some important chieftain. All, however, 
 was silent and deserted. Not a human l>eing was to be seen 
 during the time they remained at the place. The natives had 
 concealed themselves at the sight of the squadron. After re- 
 maining here two days, Columbus made sail, and stood for the 
 island of Hispaniola. Thus ended his cruise among the Carib- 
 bee Islands, the account of whose fierce and savage peopte was 
 received with eager curiosity by the learned of Europe, and 
 considered as settling one dark and doubtful question to the 
 disadvantage of human nature. Peter Marytr, in his letter to 
 Pompon ius Laetus, announces the fact with fearful solemnity. 
 " The stories of the Lestrigonians and of Polyphemus, who fed 
 on human flesh, are no longer doubtful ! Attend, but beware, 
 lest thy hair bristle with horror! " 
 
 That many of the pictures given us of this extraordinary race 
 of people have been colored by the fears of the Indians and the 
 prejudices of the Spaniards, is highly probable. They were 
 constantly the terror of the former, and the brave and obsti- 
 nate opponents of the latter. The evidences adduced of their 
 cannibal propensities must be received with large allowances 
 for the careless and inaccurate observations of seafaring men, 
 and the preconceived belief of the fact, which existed in the 
 minds of the Spaniards. It was a custom among the natives 
 of many of the islands, and of other parts of the New World, 
 to preserve the remains of their deceased relatives and friends ; 
 sometimes the entire body ; sometimes only the head, or some 
 of the limbs, dried at the fire ; sometimes the mere bones. 
 These, when found in the dwellings of the natives of Hispaniola, 
 against whom no prejudice of the kind existed, were correctly
 
 208 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 regarded as relics of the deceased, preserved through affection 
 or reverence ; but any remains of the kind found among the 
 Carihs were looked upon with horror as proofs of cannibalism. 
 
 The warlike and unyielding character of these people, so dif- 
 ferent from that of the pusillanimous nations around them, and 
 the wide scope of their enterprises and wanderings, like those 
 of the nomad tribes of the Old World, entitle them to distin- 
 guished attention. They were trained to war from their in- 
 fancy. As soon as they could walk, their intrepid mothers put 
 in their hands the bow and arrow, and prepared them to take 
 an earl} 7 part in the hardy enterprises of their fathers. Their 
 distant roam ings by sea made them observant and intelligent. 
 The natives of the other islands only knew how to divide time 
 by day and night, by the sun and moon ; whereas these had ac- 
 quired some knowledge of the stars, by which to calculate the 
 times and seasons. 1 
 
 The traditional accounts of their origin, though of course ex- 
 tremely vague, are yet capable of being verified to a great de- 
 gree by geographical facts, and open one of the rich veins of 
 curious inquiry and speculation which abound in the New 
 World. They are said to have migrated from the remote val- 
 leys tembosomed in the Apalachian mountains. The earliest 
 accounts we have of them represent them with weapons in their 
 hands, continually engaged in wars, winning their way and 
 shifting their abode, until in the course of time they found 
 themselves at the extremity of Florida. Here, abandoning the 
 northern continent, they passed over to the Lucayos, and thence 
 gradually, in the process of years, from island to island of that 
 vast and verdant chain, which links, as it were, the end of 
 Florida to the coast of Paria, on the southern continent. The 
 archii>elago extending from Porto Rico to Tobago was their 
 stronghold, and the island of Guadaloupe in a manner their 
 citadel. Hence they made their expeditions, and spread the 
 terror of their name through all the surrounding countries. 
 Swarms of them landed upon the southern continent, and over- 
 ran some parts of terra firma. Traces of them have been dis- 
 covered far in the interior of that vast country through which 
 llous the Oroonoko. The Dutch found colonies of them on the 
 banks of the Ikouteka. which empties into the Surinam ; along 
 the Fsqtiibi, the Maroni, and other rivers of Guayana ; and in 
 the country watered by the windings of the Cayenne ; and 
 it would appear that they extended their wanderings to the 
 
 1 Hist, del Alinirautc, cap. 02.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 209 
 
 shores of the southern ocean, where, among the aboriginals of 
 Brazil, were some who called themselves Caribs, distinguished 
 from the surrounding Indians by their superior hardihood, sub- 
 tlety, and enterprise. 1 
 
 To trace the footsteps of this roving tribe throughout its wide 
 migrations from the Apalachian mountains of the northern 
 continent, along the clusters of islands which stud the Gulf of 
 Mexico and the Caribbean Sea to the shores of Paria, and so 
 across the vast regions of Guayana and Amazonia to the remote 
 coast of Brazil, would be one of the most curious researches in 
 aboriginal history, and throw much light upon the mysterious 
 question of the population of the New World. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ARRIVAL AT THE HARBOR OF LA NAVIDAD DISASTER OV THE 
 
 FORTRESS. 
 
 [1493.] 
 
 ON the 22d of November the fleet arrived off what was soon 
 ascertained to be the eastern extremity of Hayti, or, as the 
 admiral had named it, Hispaniola. The greatest excitement 
 prevailed throughout the armada, at the thoughts of soon ar- 
 riving at the end of their voyage. Those who had been here in 
 the preceding voyage remembered the pleasant days they had 
 passed among the groves of Hayti ; and the rest looked for- 
 ward with eagerness to scenes painted to them with the capti- 
 vating illusions of the golden age. 
 
 As the fleet swept with easy sail along the green shore, a 
 boat was sent to land to bury a Biscayan sailor, who had died 
 of the wound of an arrow received in the late skirmish. Two 
 light caravels hovered near the shore to guard the boat's crew, 
 while the funeral ceremony was performed on the l>each, under 
 the trees. Several natives came off to the ship, with a mes- 
 sage to the admiral from the cacique of the neighborhood, in- 
 viting him to land, and promising great quantities of gold ; 
 anxious, however, to arrive at La Navidad, Columbus dis- 
 missed them with presents and continued his course. Arriv- 
 
 Rochefort, Hist. Nat. des Islea Antilles; Rotterdam, 1665.
 
 210 LIFE OF CIiniSTOPIlER COLUMBUS. 
 
 ing at the gulf of Las Flechas, or, as it is now caller!, the gulf 
 of Semana, the place where, in his preceding voyage, a skir- 
 mish had occurred with the natives, he set on shore one of 
 the Indians of the place, who had accompanied him to 
 Spain, and had been converted to Christianity. He dismissed 
 him finely apparelled and loaded with trinkets, anticipating 
 favorably effects from his accounts to his countrymen of the 
 wonders he had seen, and the kind treatment he had expe- 
 rienced. The young Indian made many fair promises, but 
 either forgot them all, on regaining his liberty and his native 
 mountains, or fell a victim to envy caused by his wealth and 
 finery. Nothing was seen or heard of him more. 1 Only one 
 Indian of those who had been to Spain now remained in the 
 fleet; a young Lucayan, native of the island of Guanahani, 
 who had been baptized at Barcelona, and had been named after 
 the admiral's brother, Diego Colon. He continued always 
 faithful and devoted to the Spaniards. 
 
 On the 25th Columbus anchored in the harbor of Monte 
 Christi ; anxious to fix upon a place for a settlement in the 
 neighborhood of the stream to which, in his first voyage, he 
 had given the name of the Rio del Oro, or the Golden River. 
 As several of the mariners were ranging the coast, they found, 
 on the green and moist banks of a rivulet, the bodies of a man 
 and boy ; the former with a cord of Spanish grass about his 
 neck, and his arms extended and tied by the wrists to a stake 
 in the form of a cross. The bodies were in such a state of 
 decay that it was impossible to ascertain whether they were 
 Indians or Europeans. Sinister doubts, however, were enter- 
 tained, which were confirmed on the following day ; for on re- 
 visiting the shore, they found, at some distance from the former, 
 two other bodies, one of which, having a beard, was evidently 
 the corpse of a white man. 
 
 The pleasant anticipations of Columbus on his approach to 
 La Navidad were now overcast with gloomy forebodings. 
 The experience recently had of the ferocity of some of the 
 inhabitants of these islands, made him doubtful of the amity 
 of others, and he began to fear that some misfortune might 
 have befallen Arana and his garrison. 
 
 The frank and fearless manner, however, in which a number 
 of the natives came off to the ships, and their unembarrassed 
 demeanor, in some measure allayed his suspicions ; for it did 
 not appear probable that they would venture thus confidently 
 
 1 Herrara, Ilidt. lud., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 9.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 211 
 
 among the white men, with the consciousness of having recent- 
 ly shed the blood of their companions. 
 
 On the evening of the 27th, he arrived opposite the harbor of 
 La Navidad, and cast anchor about a league from the laud, not 
 daring to enter in the dark on account of the dangerous reefs. 
 It \v:is too lute to distinguish objects. Impatient to satisfy his 
 doubts, therefore, he ordered two cannon to be fired. The re- 
 port echoed along the shore, but there was no reply from the 
 fort. Every eye was now directed to catch the gleam of some 
 signal light ; every ear listened to hear some friendly shout ; 
 but there was neither light nor shout, nor any other sign of 
 life ; all was darkness and deathlike silence. 1 
 
 Several hours were passed in dismal suspense, and every one 
 longed for the morning light, to put an end to his uncertainty. 
 About midnight a canoe approached the fleet ; when within a 
 certain distance, it paused, and the Indians who were in it, 
 hailing one of the vessels, asked for the admiral. When direct- 
 ed to his ship they drew near, but would not venture on board 
 until they saw Columbus. He showed himself at the side of 
 his vessel, and a light being held up, his countenance and com- 
 manding person were not to be mistaken. They now entered 
 the ship without hesitation. One of them was a cousin of the 
 cacique Guacanagari, and brought a present from him of two 
 masks ornamented with gold. Columbus inquired about the 
 Spaniards who had remained on the island. The information 
 which the native gave was somewhat confused, or perhaps was 
 imperfectly understood, as the only Indian interpreter on board 
 was the young Lucayan, Diego Colon, whose native language 
 was different from that of Hayti. He told Columbus that sev- 
 eral of the Spaniards had died of sickness ; others had fallen in 
 a quarrel among themselves, and others had removed to a dif- 
 ferent part of the island, where they had taken to themselves 
 Indian wives. That Guacanagari had been assailed by Caona- 
 bo, the fierce cacique of the golden mountains of Cibao, who 
 had wounded him in battle, and burnt his village ; and that he 
 remained ill of his wound in a neighboring hamlet, or he would 
 have hastened in person to welcome the admiral. 2 
 
 Melancholy as were these tidings, they relieved Columbus 
 from a dark and dismal surmise. Whatever disasters had 
 overwhelmed his garrison, it had not fallen a sacrifice to the 
 perfidy of the natives ; his good opinion of the gentleness and 
 
 1 Letter of Dr. Chanca. Xavarrete, Colec. dc Viaite, torn. i. 
 
 * Dr. Chauca's Letter. liiol. del Aluiiraute, cap. 48. llerrera, Eist. Ind., dec-ad, 
 lib. i. cap. y.
 
 212 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 kindness of these people had not been misplaced ; nor had their 
 cacique forfeited the admiration inspired by his benevolent 
 hospitality. Thus the most corroding care was dismissed from 
 his mind ; for, to a generous spirit, there is nothing so dis- 
 heartening as to discover treachery where it has reposed con- 
 fidence and friendship. It would seem also that some of the 
 garrison were yet alive, though scattered about the island ; 
 the}' would doubtless soon hear of his arrival, and would hasten 
 to rejoin him, well qualified to give information of the interior. 
 
 Satisfied of the friendly disposition of the natives, the cheer- 
 fulness of the crews was in a great measure restored. The 
 Indians who had come on board were well entertained, and 
 departed in the night gratified with various presents, promising 
 to return in the morning with the cacique Guacanagari. The 
 mariners now awaited the dawn of day with reassured spirits, 
 expecting that the cordial intercourse and pleasant scenes of 
 the first voyage would be renewed. 
 
 The morning dawned and passed away, and the day advanced 
 and began to decline, without the promised visit from the 
 cacique. Some apprehensions were now entertained that the 
 Indians who had visited them the preceding night might be 
 drowned, as they had partaken freely of wine, and their small 
 canoe was eas}* to be overset. There was a silence and an air 
 of desertion about the whole neighborhood extremely suspicious. 
 On their preceding visit the harbor had been a scene of contin- 
 ual animation ; canoes gliding over the clear waters, Indians in 
 groups on the shores, or under the trees, or swimming off to the 
 caravel. Now, not a canoe was to be seen, not an Indian 
 hailed them from the land ; nor was there any smoke rising from 
 among the groves to give a sign of habitation. 
 
 After waiting a long time in vain, Columbus sent a boat 
 to the shore to reconnoitre. On landing, the crew hastened 
 and sought the forti-ess. It was a ruin ; the palisadoes were 
 beaten down, and the whole presented the appearance of having 
 been sacked, burnt, and destroyed. Here and there were 
 broken chests, spoiled provisions, and the ragged remains of 
 European garments. Not an Indian approached them. They 
 caught sight of two or three lurking at a distance among the 
 trees, and apparently watching them ; but they vanished into 
 the woods on finding themselves observed. Meeting no one 
 to explain the melancholy scene before them, they returned with 
 dejected hearts to the ships, and related to the admiral what 
 they had seen. 
 
 Columbus was greatly troubled in mind at this intelligence,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 213 
 
 nnd the fleet having now anchored in the harbor, he went him- 
 self to shore on the following morning. Repairing to the ruins 
 of the fortress, he found every thing as had been described, and 
 searched in vain for the remains of dead bodies. No traces of 
 the garrison were to be seen, but broken utensils and torn 
 vestments, scattered here and there among the grass. There 
 were many surmises and conjectures. If the fortress had been 
 sacked, some of the garrison might yet survive, and might 
 either have fled from the neighborhood, or been carried into 
 captivity. Cannon and arquebuses were discharged, in hopes, 
 if any of the survivors were hid among rocks and thickets, 
 they might hear them and come forth ; but no one made his 
 appearance. A mournful and lifeless silence reigned over the 
 place. The suspicion of treachery on the part of Guacanagari 
 was again revived, but Columbus was unwilling to indulge it. 
 On looking farther the village of that cacique was found a 
 mere heap of burnt ruins, which showed that he had been 
 involved in the disaster of the garrison. 
 
 Columbus had left orders with Arana and the other officers 
 to bury all the treasure they might procure, or, in case of sud- 
 den danger, to throw it into the well of the fortress. He 
 ordered excavations to be made, therefore, among the ruins, 
 and the well to be cleared out. While this search was making, 
 lie proceeded with the boats to explore the neighborhood, partly 
 in hopes of gaining intelligence of any scattered survivors of 
 the garrison, and partly to look out for a better situation for a 
 fortress. After proceeding about a league he came to a hamlet, 
 the inhabitants of which had fled, taking whatever they could 
 with them and hiding the rest in the grass. In the houses were 
 European articles, which evidently had not been procured by 
 barter, such as stockings, pieces of cloth, an anchor of the 
 caravel which had been wrecked, and a beautiful Moorish robe, 
 folded in the form in which it had been brought from Spain.' 
 
 Having passed some time in contemplating these scattered 
 documents of a disastrous story, Columbus returned to the 
 ruins of the fortress. The excavations and search in the well 
 had proved fruitless ; no treasure was to be found. Not far 
 from the fort, however, they had discovered the bodies of 
 eleven men, buried in different places, and which were known 
 by their clothing to be Europeans. They had evidently been 
 for some time in the ground, the grass having grown upon their 
 graves. 
 
 1 Letter of Dr. Chauca. (Jura de loa falaciua, cap. 120.
 
 214 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 In the course of the clay a number of the Indians made their 
 appearance, hovering timidly at a distance. Their apprehen- 
 sions were gradually dispelled until they became perfectly com- 
 municative. Some of them could speak a few words of Spanish, 
 and knew the names of all the men who had remained with 
 Arana. By this means, and by the aid of the interpreter, the 
 story of the garrison was in some measure ascertained. 
 
 It is curious to note this first footprint of civilization in the 
 New World. Those whom Columbus had left behind, says 
 Oviedo, with the exception of the commander, Don Diego 
 Arana, and one or two others, were but little calculated to 
 follow the precepts of so prudent a person, or to discharge the 
 critical duties enjoined upon them. The}" were principally meu 
 of the lowest order, or mariners who knew not how to conduct 
 themselves with restraint or sobriety on shore. 1 No sooner 
 had the admiral departed, than all his counsels and commands 
 died away from their minds. Though a mere handful of men, 
 surrounded by savage tribes and dependent upon their own 
 prudence and good conduct, and upon the good-will of the 
 natives, for their very existence, yet they soon began to indulge 
 in the most wanton abuses. Some were prompted by rapacious 
 avarice, and sought to possess themselves, by all kinds of 
 wrongful means, of the golden ornaments and other valuable 
 property of the natives. Others were grossly sensual, and not' 
 content with two or three wives allowed to each by Guacanagari, 
 seduced the wives and daughters of the Indians. 
 
 Fierce brawls ensued among them about their ill-gotten spoils 
 and the favors of the Indian women ; and the natives beheld 
 with astonishment the beings whom they had worshipped, as 
 descended from the skies, abandoned to the grossest of earthly 
 passions, and raging against each other with worse than brutal 
 ferocity. 
 
 Still these dissensions might not have been very dangerous 
 had they observed one of the injunctions of Columbus, and 
 kept together in the fortress, maintaining military vigilance ; 
 but all precaution of the kind was soon forgotten. In vain did 
 Don Diego de Arana interpose his authority ; in vain did every 
 inducement present itself which could bind man and man 
 together in a foreign land. All order, all subordination, all 
 unanimity was at an end. Many abandoned the fortress, and 
 lived carelessly and at random about the neighborhood ; every 
 one was for himself, or associated with some little knot of con- 
 
 Oviedo, Ilist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 12.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 215 
 
 federates to injure and despoil the rest. Thus factions broke 
 out among them, until ambition arose to complete the destruc- 
 tion of their mimic empire. Pedro Gutierrez and Rodrigo de 
 Escobedo, whom Columbus had left as lieutenants to the com- 
 mander, to succeed to him in case of accident, took advantage 
 of these disorders and aspired to an equal share in the authority, 
 if not to the supreme control. 1 Violent affrays succeeded, in 
 which a Spaniard named Jaeomo was killed. Having failed in 
 their object, Gutierrez and Escobedo withdrew from the fortress 
 with nine of their adherents and a number of their women, and 
 turned their thoughts on distant enterprise. Having heard 
 marvellous accounts of the mines of Cibao, and the golden 
 sands of its mountain rivers, they set off for that district, flushed 
 with the thoughts of amassing immense treasure. Thus they 
 disregarded another strong injunction of Columbus, which was 
 to keep within the friendly territories of Guacanagari. The 
 region to which they repaired was in the interior of the island, 
 within the province of Maguana, ruled by the famous Caonabo, 
 called by the Spaniards the Lord of the Golden House. This 
 renowned chieftain was a Carib by birth, and possessed the 
 fierceness and enterprise of his nation. He had come an ad- 
 venturer to Hispaniola, and by his courage and address, and 
 his warlike exploits, had made himself the most potent of its 
 caciques. The inhabitants universally stood in awe of him 
 from his Carib origin, and he was the hero of the island, when 
 the ships of the white men suddenly appeared upon its shores. 
 The wonderful accounts of their power and prowess had reached 
 him among his mountains, and he had the shrewdness to per- 
 ceive that his consequence must decline before such formidable 
 intruders. The departure of Columbus gave him hopes that 
 their intrusion would be but temporary. The discords and 
 excesses of those who remained, while they moved his detesta- 
 tion, inspired him with increasing confidence. No sooner did 
 Gutierrez and Escobedo, with their companions, take refuge in 
 his dominions, than he put them to death. He then formed a 
 league with the cacique of Marien, whose territories adjoined 
 those of Guacanagari on the west, and concerted a sudden 
 attack upon the fortress. Emerging with his warriors from 
 among the mountains, and traversing great tracts of forests 
 with profound secrecy, he arrived in the vicinity of the village 
 without being discovered. The Spaniards, confiding in the 
 gentle and pacific nature of the Indians, had neglected all mili- 
 
 Oviedo, Ilist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 12.
 
 216 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 tary precautions. But ten men remained in the fortress with 
 Arana, and these do not appear to have maintained any guard. 
 The rest were quartered in houses in the neighborhood* In the 
 dead of the night, when all were wrapped in sleep, Caonabo 
 and his warriors burst upon the place with frightful yells, got 
 possession of the fortress before the inmates could put them- 
 selves upon their defence, and surrounded and set fire to the 
 houses in which the rest of the white men were sleeping. Eight 
 of the Spaniards fled to the seaside pursued by the savages, 
 and. rushing into the waves, were drowned ; the rest were massa- 
 cred. Guacanagari and his subjects fought faithfully in de- 
 fence of their guests, but not being of a warlike character, were 
 easily routed ; the cacique was wounded by the hand of Caonabo, 
 and his village was burnt to the ground. 1 
 
 Such was the history of the first European establishment in 
 the New World. It presents in a diminutive compass an epit- 
 ome of the gross vices which degrade civilization, and the 
 grand political errors which sometimes subvert the mightiest 
 empires. All law and order being relaxed by corruption and 
 licentiousness, public good was sacrificed to private interest 
 and passion, the community was convulsed by divers factions 
 and dissensions, until the whole was shaken asunder by two 
 aspiring demagogues, ambitious of the command of a petty 
 fortress in a wilderness, and the supreme control of eight-and- 
 thirty men. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES SUSPICIOUS CONDUCT OF 
 GUACANAGARI. 
 
 [1493.] 
 
 
 
 THE tragical story of the fortress, as' gathered from the In- 
 dians at the harbor, received confirmation from another quar- 
 ter. One of the captains, Melchor JMaldonado, coasting to the 
 east with his caravel in search of some more favorable situation 
 for a settlement, was boarded by a canoe in which were two 
 Indians. One of them was the brother of Guacanagari, and 
 entreated him, in the name of the cacique, to visit him at the 
 
 1 Hen-era, Hist. Ind., decad, i. lib. ii. cap. 9. Letter of Dr. Ohanca. Peter Martyr, 
 decad. i. lib. ii. Hint, del Ahuiratiie, cap. 49. Cura de los Palacios, cap. 13), \JS. 
 Mafias, Uist. N. M undo, lib. iv.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 217 
 
 village where he lay ill of his wound. Maldonado immediately 
 went to shore with two or three of his companions. They 
 found Guacanagari confined by lameness to his hammock, sur- 
 rounded by seven of his wives. The cacique expressed great 
 regret at not being able to visit the admiral. He related various 
 particulars concerning the disasters of the garrison, and the 
 part which he and his subjects had taken in its defence, showing 
 his wounded leg bound up. His story agreed with that already 
 related. After treating the .Spaniards with his accustomed 
 hospitality, he presented to each of them at parting a golden 
 ornament. 
 
 On the following morning Columbus repaired in person to 
 visit the cacique. To impress Jiim with an idea of his present 
 power and importance, he appeared with a numerous train of 
 officers, all richly dressed or in glittering armor. They found 
 Guacanagari reclining in a hammock of cotton net. He exhibit- 
 ed great emotion on beholding tiie admiral, and immediately 
 adverted to the death of the Spaniards. As he related the dis- 
 asters of the garrison he shed many tears, but dwelt particu- 
 larly on the part he had taken in the defence of his guests, 
 pointing out several of his subjects present who had received 
 wounds in the battle. It was evident from the scars that the 
 wounds had been received from Indian weapons. 
 
 Columbus was readily satisfied of the good faith of Guacana- 
 gari. When he reflected on the many proofs of an open and 
 generous nature, which he had given at the time of his ship- 
 wreck, he could not believe him capable of so dark an act of 
 perfidy. An exchange of presents now took place. The cacique 
 gave him eight hundred beads of a certain stone called ciba, 
 which they considered highly precious, and one hundred of gold, 
 a golden coronet, and three small calabashes filled with gold 
 dust, and thought himself outdone in munificence when pre- 
 sented with a number of glass beads, hawks' bells, knives, pins, 
 needles, small mirrors, and ornaments of copper, which metal 
 he seemed to prefer to gold. 1 
 
 Guacanagari's leg had been violently bruised by a stone. At 
 the request of Columbus, he permitted it to be examined by a 
 surgeon who was present. On removing the bandage no signs 
 of a wound were to be seen, although he shrunk with pain 
 whenever the limb was handled 2 As some time had elapsed 
 since the battle, the external bruise might have disappeared, 
 while a tenderness remained in the part. Several present, how- 
 
 1 Lc-tter of Dr. Chanca. Navarrete, Colec.. torn. i. 
 
 J Letter of Dr. Chauca. (Jura Ue los i'alacios, cap. 120.
 
 218 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 ever, who had not been in the first voyage, and had witnessed 
 nothing of the generous conduct of the cacique, looked upon his 
 lameness as feigned, and the whole story of the battle a fabrica- 
 tion, to conceal his real perfidy. Father Boyle especially, who 
 was of a vindictive spirit, advised the admiral to make an im- 
 mediate example of the chieftain. Columbus, however, viewed 
 the matter in a different light. Whatever prepossessions he 
 might have were in favor of the cacique ; his heart refused to 
 believe in his criminality. Though conscious of innocence, 
 Guacanagari might have feared the suspicions of the white 
 men, and have exaggerated the effects of his wound ; but the 
 wounds of his subjects made by Indian weapons, and the de- 
 struction of his village, were strong proofs to Columbus of the 
 truth of his story. To satisfy his more suspicious followers, 
 and to pacify the friar, without gratifying his love for persecu- 
 tion, he observed that true policy dictated amicable conduct to- 
 ward Guacanagari, at least until his guilt was full}' ascertained. 
 They had too great a force at present to apprehend any thing 
 from his hostility, but violent measures in this early stage of 
 their intercourse with the natives might spread a general panic, 
 and impede all their operations on the island. Most of his offi- 
 cers concurred in this opinion ; so it was determined, notwith- 
 standing the inquisitorial suggestions of the friar, to take the 
 story of the Indians for current truth, and to continue to treat 
 them with friendship. 
 
 At the invitation of Columbus, the cacique, though still ap- 
 parently in pain from his wound, 1 accompanied him to the ships 
 that very evening. He had wondered at the power and gran- 
 deur of the white men when they first visited his shores with 
 two small caravels ; his wonder was infinitely increased on be- 
 holding a fleet riding at anchor in the harbor, and on going on 
 board of the admiral's ship, which was a vessel of heavy burden. 
 Here be beheld the Carib prisoners. So great was the dread of 
 them among the timid inhabitants of Hayti, that the}' contem- 
 plated them with fear and shuddering, even though in chains. 8 
 That the admiral had dared to invade these terrible beings in 
 their very island, and had dragged them as it were from their 
 strongholds, was, perhaps, one of the greatest proofs to the In- 
 dians of the irresistible prowess of the white men. 
 
 Columbus took the cacique through the ship. The various 
 works of art ; the plants and fruits of the Old World ; domestic 
 fowls of different kinds, cattle, sheep, swine, and other animals, 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 89. 
 
 1 Peter Martyr, Letter 163 to PomponiusLaelus.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 219 
 
 brought to stock the island, all were wonders to him ; hut what 
 most struck him with amazement was the horses. He had never 
 seen any but the most diminutive quadrupeds, and was aston- 
 ished at their size, their great strength, terrific appearance, yet 
 perfect docility. 1 He looked upon all these extraordinary ob- 
 jects as so many wonders brought from heaven, which he still 
 believed to be the native home of the white men. 
 
 On board of the ship were ten of the women delivered from 
 Carib captivity. They were chiefly natives of the island of 
 Boriquen, or Porto Rico. These soon attracted the notice of the 
 cacique, who is represented to have been of an amorous com- 
 plexion. He entered into conversation with them ; for though 
 the islanders spoke different languages, or rather, as is more 
 probable, different dialects of the same language, they were 
 able, in general, to understand each other. Among these wo- 
 men was one distinguished above her companions by a certain 
 loftiness of air and manner; she had been much noticed and ad- 
 mired by the Spaniards, who had given her the name of Cata- 
 lina. The cacique spoke to her repeatedly with great gentleness 
 of tone and manner, pity in all probability being mingled with 
 his admiration ; for though rescued from the hands of the 
 Caribs, she and her companions were in a manner captives on 
 board of the ship. 
 
 A collation was now spread before the chieftain, and Colum- 
 bus endeavored in every way to revive their former cordial in- 
 tercourse. He treated his guest with every manifestation of 
 perfect confidence, and talked of coming to live with him in his 
 present residence, and of building houses in the vicinity. The 
 cacique expressed much satisfaction at the idea, but observed 
 that the situation of the place was unhealthy, which was indeed 
 the case. Notwithstanding every demonstration of friendship, 
 however, the cacique was evidently ill at ease. The charm of 
 mutual confidence was broken. It was evident that the gross 
 licentiousness of the garrison had greatly impaired the venera- 
 tion of the Indians for their heaven-born visitors. Even the 
 reverence for the symbols of the Christian faith, which Columbus 
 endeavored to inculcate, was frustrated by the profligacy of its 
 votaries. Though fond of ornaments, it was with the greatest 
 difficulty the cacique could be prevailed upon by the admiral to 
 suspend an image of the Virgin about his neck, when he under- 
 stood it to be an object of Christian adoration. 2 
 
 The suspicions of the chieftain's guilt gained ground with 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, uhi sup. Letter of Dr. Chanca. 
 J liist. del Almhaute, cap. 4a.
 
 220 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 many of the Spaniards. Father Boyle, in particular, regarded 
 him with an evil eye, and privately advised the admiral, now 
 that he had him on board, to detain him prisoner ; but Colum- 
 bus rejected the counsel of the crafty friar, as contrary to sound 
 policy and honorable faith. It is difficult, however, to conceal 
 lurking ill-will. The cacique, accustomed, in his former inter- 
 course with the Spaniards, to meet with faces beaming with 
 gratitude and friendship, could not but perceive their altered 
 looks. Notwithstanding the frank and cordial hospitality of the 
 admiral therefore, he soon begged permission to return to laud. 1 
 
 The next morning there was a mysterious movement among 
 the natives on shore. A messenger from the cacique inquired 
 of the admiral how long he intended to remain at the harbor, 
 and was informed that he should sail on the following day. In 
 the evening the brother of Guacanagari came on board, under 
 pretext of bartering a quantity of gold ; he was observed to 
 converse in private with the Indian women, and particularly 
 with Catalina, the one whose distinguished appearance had at- 
 tracted the attention of Guacanagari. After remaining some 
 time on board, he returned to the shore. It would seem, from 
 subsequent events, that the cacique had been touched by the 
 situation of this Indian beaut} 7 , or captivated by her charms, 
 and had undertaken to deliver her from bondage. 
 
 At midnight, when the crew were buried in their first sleep, 
 Catalina awakened her companions. The ship was anchored 
 full three miles from the shore, and the sea was rough ; but they 
 let themselves down from the side of the vessel, and swam 
 bravel}- for the shore. With all their precautions they were 
 overheard by the watch, and the alarm was given. The boats 
 were hastily manned, and gave chase in the direction of a light 
 blazing on the shore, an evident beacon for the fugitives. Such 
 was the vigor of these sea-n3-mphs that they reached the land 
 in safety ; four were retaken on the beach, but the heroic Cata- 
 liua with the rest of her companions made good their escape 
 into the forest. 
 
 When the day dawned, Columbus sent to Guacanagari to de- 
 mand the fugitives; or if they were not in his possession, that 
 he would have search made for them. The residence of the 
 cacique, however, was silent and deserted ; not an Indian was 
 to be seen. Either conscious of the suspicions of the Spaniards, 
 and apprehensive of their hostility, or desirous to enjoy his 
 prize unmolested, the cacique had removed with all his effects, 
 
 1 Peter Martyr, decad i. lib. ii.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 221 
 
 his household, and his followers, and had taken refuge with his 
 island beauty in the interior. This sudden and mysterious de- 
 sertion gave redoubled force to the doubts heretofore enter- 
 tained, and Guacanagari was generally stigmatized as a traitor 
 to the white men, and the perfidious destroyer of the garrison. 1 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 FOUNDING OF THE CITY OF ISABELLA MALADIES OF THE 
 SPANIARDS. 
 
 [1493.] 
 
 THE misfortunes of the Spaniards both by sea and land, in 
 the vicinity of this harbor, threw a gloom round the neighbor- 
 hood. The ruins of the fortress, and the graves of their mur- 
 dered countrymen, were continually before their eyes, and the 
 forests no longer looked beautiful while there was an idea that 
 treachery might be lurking in their shades. The silence and 
 dreariness, also, caused by the desertion of the natives, gave a 
 sinister appearance to the place. It began to be considered by 
 the credulous mariners as under some baneful influence or ma- 
 lignant star. These were sufficient objections to discourage 
 the founding of a settlement, but there were others of a more 
 solid nature. The land in the vicinity was low, moist, and un- 
 healthy, and there was no stone for building ; Columbus deter- 
 mined, therefore, to abandon the place altogether, and found 
 his projected colony in some more favorable situation. No 
 time was to be lost ; the animals on board the ships were suf- 
 fering from long confinement ; and the multitude of persons, 
 unaccustomed to the sea, and pent up in the fleet, languished 
 for the refreshment of the land. The lighter caravels, there- 
 fore, scoured the coast in each direction, entering the rivers 
 and harbors, in search of an advantageous site. They were in- 
 structed also to make inquiries after Guacanagari, of whom Co- 
 lumbus, notwithstanding every suspicious appearance, still re- 
 tained a favorable opinion. The expeditions returned after 
 ranging a considerable extent of coast without success. There 
 were fine rivers and secure ports, but the coast was low and 
 marshy, and deficient in stone. The country was generally de- 
 
 1 Peter M-irtyr, decad. i. lib. li. Letter of Dr. Cbauca. Cura de los Palacios, cap. 
 
 120, M.S.
 
 222 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 serted, or if any natives were seen, they fled immediately to the 
 woods. Melchor Maldonado had proceeded to the eastward, 
 until he came to the dominions of a cacique, who at first issued 
 forth at the head of his warriors, with menacing aspect, but was 
 readily conciliated. From him he learned that Guacauagari had 
 retired to the mountains. Another party discovered an Indian 
 concealed near a hamlet, having been disabled by a wound re- 
 ceived from a lance when fighting against Caouabo. His 
 account of the destruction of the fortress agreed with that of 
 the Indians at the harbor, and concurred to vindicate the 
 cacique from the charge of treachery. Thus the Spaniards con- 
 tinued uncertain as to the real perpetrators of this dark and 
 dismal tragedy. 
 
 Being convinced that there was no place in this part of the 
 island favorable for a settlement, Columbus weighed anchor on 
 the 7th of December, with the intention of seeking the port of 
 La Plata. In consequence of adverse weather, however, he 
 was obliged to put into a harbor about ten leagues east of 
 Monte Christi ; and on considering the place, was struck with 
 its advantages. 
 
 The harbor was spacious, and commanded by a point of land 
 protected on one side by a natural rampart of rocks, and on 
 another b} - an impervious forest, presenting a strong position 
 for a fortress. There were two rivers, one large and the other 
 small, watering a green and beautiful plain, and offering ad- 
 vantageous situations for mills. About a bow-shot from the sea, 
 on the banks of one of the rivers, was an Indian village. The 
 soil appeared to be fertile, the waters to abound in excellent 
 fish, and the climate to be temperate and genial ; for the trees 
 were in leaf, the shrubs in flower, and the birds in song, though 
 it was the middle of December. They had not yet become fa- 
 miliarized with the temperature of this favored island, where 
 the rigors of winter are unknown, where there is a perpetual 
 succession, and even intermixture of fruit and flower, and where 
 smiling verdure reigns throughout the year. 
 
 Another grand inducement to form their settlement in this 
 place was the information received from the Indians of the ad- 
 jacent village, that the mountains of Cibao, where the gold 
 mines were situated, lay at no great distance, and almost par- 
 allel to the harbor. It was determined, therefore, that there 
 could not be a situation more favorable for their colony. 
 
 An animated scene now commenced. The troops and various 
 persons belonging to the land service, and the various laborers 
 and artificers to be employed in building, were disembarked.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 228 
 
 The provisions, articles of traffic, guns and ammunition for 
 defence, and implements of every kind, were brought to shore, 
 as were also the cattle and live stock, which had suffered exces- 
 sively from long restraint, especially the horses. There was a 
 general joy at escaping from the irksome confinement of the 
 ships, and once more treading the firm earth, and breathing 
 tin- sweetness of the fields. Au encampment was formed on the 
 nuirgin of the plain, around a basin or sheet of water, and in a 
 little while the whole place was in activity. Thus was founded 
 the first Christian city of the New World, to which Columbus 
 gave the name of Isabella, in honor of his royal patroness. 
 
 A plan was formed, and streets and squares projected. The 
 greatest diligence was then exerted in erecting a church, a pub- 
 lic storehouse, and a residence for the admiral. These were 
 built of stone, the private houses were constructed of wood, 
 plaster, reeds, or such materials as the exigency of the case 
 permitted, and for a short time every one exerted himself with 
 the utmost zeal. 
 
 Maladies, however, soon broke out. Many, unaccustomed to 
 the sea, had suffered greatly from confinement and sea-sickness, 
 and from subsisting for a length of time on salt provisions 
 much damaged, and mouldy biscuit. They suffered great ex- 
 posure on the land, also, before houses could be built for their 
 reception ; for the exhalations of a hot and moist climate, and 
 a new, rank soil, the humid vapors from rivers, and the stag- 
 nant air of close forests, rendered the wilderness a place of 
 severe trial to constitutions accustomed to old and highly-culti- 
 vated countries. The labor also of building houses, clearing 
 fields, setting out orchards, and planting gardens, having all to 
 be done with great haste, bore hard upon men who, after toss- 
 ing so long upon the ocean, stood in need of relaxation and 
 repose. 
 
 The maladies of the mind mingled with those of the body. 
 Many, as has been shown, had embarked in the expedition with 
 visionary and romantic expectations. Some had anticipated 
 the golden regions of Cipango and Cathay, where they were to 
 amass Wealth without toil or trouble ; others a region of Asiatic 
 luxury, abounding with delights; and others a splendid and 
 open career for gallant adventures and chivalrous enterprises. 
 AVliat then was their disappointment to find themselves confined 
 to the margin of an island ; surrounded by impracticable for- 
 ests ; doomed to struggle with the rudeness of a wilderness ; to 
 toil painfully for mere subsistence, and to attain every comfort 
 by the severest exertion. As to gold, it was brought to them
 
 224 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIiDS. 
 
 from various quarters, but in small quantities, and it was evi- 
 dently to be procured only by patient and persevering labor. 
 All these disappointments sank deep into their hearts ; their 
 spirits flagged as their golden dreams melted away, and the 
 gloom of despondency aided the ravages of disease. 
 
 Columbus himself did not escape the prevalent maladies. 
 The arduous nature of his enterprise, the responsibility under 
 which he found himself, not merely to his followers and his 
 sovereigns, but to the world at large, had kept Ins mind in con- 
 tinual agitation. The cares of so large a squadron ; the inces- 
 sant vigilance required, not only against the lurking dangers 
 of these unknown seas, but against the passions and follies of 
 his followers ; the distress he had suffered from the fate of his 
 murdered garrison, and his uncertainty as to the conduct of 
 the barbarous tribes by which he was surrounded ; all these 
 had harassed his mind and broken his rest while on board the 
 ship : since landing new cares and toils had crowded upon him, 
 which, added to the exposures incident to his situation in this 
 new climate, completely overpowered his strength. Still, 
 though confined for several weeks to his bed by severe illness, 
 his energetic mind rose superior to the sufferings of the body, 
 and he continued to give directions about the building of the 
 city, and to superintend the general concerns of the expedi- 
 tion. 1 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 EXPEDITION OF ALONSO DE OJEDA TO EXPLORE THE INTERIOR OF 
 THE ISLAND DESPATCH OF THE SHIPS TO SPAIN. 
 
 [1493.] 
 
 THE ships having discharged their cargoes, it was necessary 
 to send the greater part of them back to Spain. Here new 
 anxieties pressed upon the mind of Columbus. He had hoped 
 to find treasures of gold and precious merchandise accumu- 
 lated by the men left behind on the first voyage ; or at least 
 the sources of wealthy traffic ascertained, by which speedily 
 to freight his vessels. The destruction of the garrison had de- 
 feated all those hopes. He was aware of the extravagant ex- 
 pectations entertained by the sovereigns and the nation. What 
 
 1 Ilift. del Alniirante, cap. 50. lion-era, IHnt. Ind., deead. i. lib. ii. cay. 10. Peter 
 M.i: KS r, dccad. i. lib. ii. Li-llci of Di. C'hauca, tie.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 225 
 
 would be their disappointment when the returning ships brought 
 nothing but a tale of disaster ! Something must be done, 
 before the vessels sailed, to keep up the fame of his discoveries, 
 and justify his own magnificent representations. 
 
 As yet he knew nothing of the interior of the island. If it 
 were really the island of Cipango, it must contain populous 
 cities, existing probably in some more cultivated region, beyond 
 the lofty mountains with which it was intersected. All the 
 Indians concurred in mentioning Cibao as the tract of country 
 whence they derived their gold. The very name of its cacique, 
 Caonabo, signifying u The Lord of the Golden House," seemed 
 to indicate the wealth of his dominions. The tract where the 
 mines were said to abound lay at a distance of but three or 
 four days' journey, directly in the interior ; Columbus deter- 
 mined, therefore, to send an expedition to explore it previous 
 to the sailing of the ships. If the result should confirm his 
 hopes, he would then be able to send home the fleet with confi- 
 dence, bearing tidings of the discovery of the golden mountains 
 of Cibao. 1 
 
 The person he chose for this enterprise was Alonso de Ojeda, 
 the same cavalier who has been already noticed for his daring 
 spirit and great bodily force and agility. Delighting in all ser- 
 vice of a hazardous and adventurous nature, Ojeda was the 
 more stimulated to this expedition from the formidable charac- 
 ter of the mountain cacique, Caonabo, whose dominions he was 
 to penetrate. He set out from the harbor, early in January, 
 141)4, accompanied by a small force of well-armed and deter- 
 mined men, several of them young and spirited cavaliers like 
 himself. He struck directly southward into the interior. For 
 the two first day3 the march was toilsome and diflicult, through 
 a country abandoned by its inhabitants ; for terror of the 
 Spaniards extended along the seacoast. On the second even- 
 ing they came to a loft} 7 range of mountains, which they as- 
 cended by an Indian path, winding up a steep and narrow 
 detile, and they slept for the night at the summit. Hence, the 
 next morning, they beheld the sun rise with great glory over 
 a vast and delicious plain covered with noble forests, studded 
 with villages and hamlets, and enlivened by the shining waters 
 of the Yagui. 
 
 Descending into this plain, Ojeda and his companions boldly 
 entered the Indian villages. The inhabitants, far from being 
 hostile, overwhelmed them with hospitality, and, in fact, im- 
 
 Tcra, Hist. Iiid., dec. i. lib. ii. cap. 10.
 
 226 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 peeled their journey by their kindness. They had also to ford 
 many rivers in traversing this plain, so that they were five or 
 six days in reaching the chain of mountains which locked up, as 
 it were, the golden region of Cibao. They penetrated into this 
 district, without meeting with any other obstacles than those 
 presented by the rude nature of the country. Caonabo, so re- 
 doubtable for his courage and ferocity, must have been in some 
 distant part of his dominions, for he never appeared to dispute 
 their progress. The natives received them with kindness ; 
 they were naked and uncivilized, like the other inhabitants of 
 the island, nor were there any traces of the important cities 
 which their imaginations had once pictured forth. They saw, 
 however, ample signs of natural wealth. The sands of the 
 mountain streams glittered with particles of gold ; these the 
 natives would skilfully separate, and give to the Spaniards with- 
 out expecting a recompense. In some places they picked up 
 large specimens of virgin ore from the beds of the torrents, and 
 stones streaked and richly impregnated with it. Peter Martyr 
 affirms that he saw a mass of rude gold weighing nine ounces, 
 which Ojeda himself had found in one of the brooks. 1 
 
 All these were considered as mere superficial washings of 
 the soil, betraying the hidden treasures lurking in the deep 
 veins and rocky bosoms of the mountains, and only requiring 
 the hand of labor to bring them to light. As the object of his 
 expedition was merely to ascertain the nature of the country, 
 Ojeda led back his little band to the harbor, full of enthusiastic 
 accounts of the golden promise of these mountains. A young 
 cavalier of the name of Gorvalan, who had been despatched at 
 the same time on a similar expedition, and who had explored a 
 different tract of country, returned with similar reports. 
 These flattering accounts served for a time to reanimate the 
 drooping and desponding colonists, and induced Columbus to 
 believe that it was only necessary to explore the mines of 
 Cibao, to open inexhaustible sources of riches. He determined, 
 as soon as his health would permit, to repair in person to the 
 mountains, and seek a favorable site for a mining establish- 
 ment. 2 
 
 The season was now propitious for the return of the fleet, 
 and Columbus lost no time in despatching twelve of the ships 
 under the command of Antouio de Torres, retaining only five 
 for the service of the colony. 
 
 By this opportunity he sent home specimens of the gold found 
 
 Peler Martyr, decad. i. lib. ii. Uifl. del Almiiauie, cap. 50.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 227 
 
 among the mountains and rivers of Cibao, and all such fruits 
 and plants as were curious, or appeared to be valuable. He 
 wrote in the most sanguine terms of the expeditions of Ojeda 
 and Gorvalan, the last of whom returned to Spain in the fleet. 
 He repeated his confident anticipations of soon being able to 
 make abundant shipments of gold, of precious drugs and 
 spices ; the search for them being delayed for the present by 
 the sickness of himself and people, and the cares and labors re- 
 quired in building the infant cit}'. He described the beauty 
 and fertility of the island ; its range of noble mountains ; its 
 wide, abundant plains, watered by beautiful rivers; the quick 
 fecundity of the soil, evinced in the luxuriant growth of the 
 sugar-cane, and of various grains and vegetables brought from 
 Europe. 
 
 As it would take some time, however, to obtain provisions 
 from their fields and gardens, and the produce of their live 
 stock, adequate to the subsistence of the colony, which consisted 
 of about a thousand souls ; and as they could uot accustom 
 themselves to the food of the natives, Columbus requested 
 present supplies from Spain. Their provisions were already 
 growing scanty. Much of their wine had been lost from the 
 badness of the casks; and the colonists, in their in linn state of 
 health, suffered greatly from the want of their accustomed diet. 
 There was an immediate necessity of medicines, clothing, and 
 arms. Horses were required likewise for the public works, 
 and for military service ; being found of great effect in awing 
 the natives, who had the utmost dread of those animals. lie 
 requested also an additional number of workmen and mechan- 
 ics, and men skilled in mining and in smelting and purifying 
 ore. He recommended various persons to the notice and favor 
 of the sovereigns, among whom was Pedro Margerite, tin Aira- 
 gonian cavalier of the order of St. Jago, who had a wife and 
 children to be provided for, and who, for his good services, 
 Columbus begged might be appointed to a command in the 
 order to which he belonged. In like manner he entreated pat- 
 ronage for Juan Aguado, who was about to return in the fleet, 
 making particular mention of his merits. From "both of these 
 men he was destined to experience the most signal ingratitude. 
 
 In these ships he sent also the men, women, and children 
 taken in the Caribbee islands, recommending that they should 
 be carefully instructed in the Spanish language and the Chris- 
 tian faith. From the roving and adventurous nature of these 
 people, and tlu'ir general acquaintance with the various lan- 
 guages of this great archipelago, he thought that, wheii the
 
 228 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 precepts of religion and the usages of civilization had reformed 
 their savage manners and cannibal propensities, they might be 
 rendered eminently serviceable as interpreters, and as means 
 of propagating the doctrines of Christianity'. 
 
 Among the many sound and salutary suggestions in his 
 letter, there is one of a most pernicious tendency, written in 
 that mistaken view of natural rights prevalent at the day, but 
 fruitful of much wrong and misery in the world. Considering 
 that the greater the number of these cannibal pagans transferred 
 to the Catholic soil of Spain, the greater would be the number 
 of souls put in the way of salvation, he proposed to establish 
 an exchange of them as slaves, against live stock, to be fur- 
 nished by merchants to the colony. The ships to bring such 
 stock were to land nowhere but at the Island of Isabella, where 
 the Carib captives would be ready for delivery. A dutj- was to 
 be levied on each slave for the benefit of the royal revenue. 
 In this way the colony would be furnished with all kinds of 
 live stock free of expense ; the peaceful islanders would be 
 freed from warlike and inhuman neighbors ; the royal treasury 
 would be greatly enriched ; and a vast number of souls would 
 be snatched from perdition, and carried, as it were, by main 
 force to heaven. Such is the strange sophistry by which 
 upright men may sometimes deceive themselves. Columbus 
 feared the disappointment of the sovereigns in respect to the 
 product of his enterprises, and was anxious to devise some 
 mode of lightening their expenses until he could open some 
 ample source of profit. The conversion of iuiidels, by fair 
 means or foul, by persuasion or force, was one of the popular 
 tenets of the day ; and in recommending the enslaving of the 
 Caribs, Columbus thought that he was obeying the dictates of 
 his conscience, when he was in reality listening to the incite- 
 ments of his interest. It is but just to add that the sovereigns 
 did not accord with his ideas, but ordered that the Caribs should 
 be converted like the rest of the islanders ; a command which 
 emanated from the merciful heart of Isabella, who ever showed 
 herself the benign protectress of the Indians. 
 
 The fleet put to sea on the 2d of February, 1494. Though 
 it brought back no wealth to Spain, yet expectation was kept 
 alive by the sanguine letter of Columbus, and the specimens of 
 gold which he transmitted ; his favorable accounts were corrob- 
 orated by letters from Friar Boyle, Doctor Chauca, and other 
 persons of credibility, and by the personal reports of Gorvalan. 
 The sordid calculations of petty spirits were as yet overruled 
 by the enthusiasm of generous minds, captivated by the lofty
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 229 
 
 nature of those enterprises. There was something wonderfully 
 grand in the idea of thus introducing new races of animals and 
 plants, of building cities, extending colonies, and sowing the 
 seeds of civilixation and of enlightened empire in this beautiful 
 but savage world. It struck the minds of learned and classical 
 men with admiration, filling them with pleasant dreams and 
 reveries, and seeming to realize the poetical pictures of the 
 olden time. "Columbus," says old Peter Martyr, "has begun 
 to build a city, as he has lately written to me, and to sow our 
 seeds and propagate our animals ! Who of us shall now speak 
 w : th wonder of Saturn, Ceres, and Triptolemus, travelling about 
 the earth to spread new inventions among mankind? Or of the 
 riiu'iiicians who built Tyre or Sidon? Or of the Tyrians them- 
 selves, whose roving desires led them to migrate into foreign 
 lands, to build new cities, and establish new communities? " 1 
 
 .Such were the comments of enlightened and benevolent men, 
 who hailed with enthusiasm the discovery of the New World, 
 not for the wealth it would bring to Europe, but for the field it 
 would open for glorious and benevolent enterprises, and the 
 blessings and improvements of civilized life, which it would 
 widely dispense through barbarous and uncultivated regions. 
 
 NOTE. Isabella at the present day is quite overgrown with forest, in the midst of 
 which are still to be seen, partly standing, the pillars of the church, some remains of the 
 kind's storehouses, and part of the residence of Columbus, all built of hewn stone. 
 The small fortress ig also a prominent ruin; and a little north of it in a circular pillar 
 about ten feet high and as much in diameter, of solid masonry, nearly entire; which 
 appears to have bad a wooden gallery or battlement round the lop for the convenience 
 of room, and in the centre of which was planted the flagstaff. Having discovered the 
 remains of an iron clamp imbedded in the stone, which served to secure the flagstaff 
 itself, I tore it out, and now consign to you this curious relic of the first foothold of 
 civili/ation in the New World, after it has been exposed to the elements nearly three 
 Luudred aud fifty years. From the Letter oj T. S. Iltntker. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 DISCONTENTS AT ISABELLA MUTINY OF BERNAL DIAZ DE PISA. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 THE embryo city of Isabella was rapidly assuming a form. 
 A dry stone wall surrounded it, to protect it from any sudden 
 attack of the natives, although the most friendly disposition 
 
 1 Letter loo to Pompouius La_>lus.
 
 200 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 was evinced by the Indians of the vicinity, who brought supplies 
 of their simple articles of food, and gave them in exchange for 
 European trifles. On the day of the Epiphany, the Gth of 
 February, the church being sufficiently completed, high mass 
 was celebrated with great pomp and ceremony, by Friar Boyle 
 and the twelve ecclesiastics. The affairs of the settlement 
 being thus apparently in a regular train, Columbus, though still 
 confined by indisposition, began to make arrangements for his 
 contemplated expedition to the mountains of C'ibao, when an 
 unexpected disturbance in his little community for a time 
 engrossed his attention. 
 
 The sailing of the fleet to Spain had been a melancholy sight 
 to many whose terms of enlistment compelled them to remain 
 on the island. Disappointed in their expectations of immediate 
 wealth, disgusted with the labors imposed on them, and appalled 
 by the maladies prevalent throughout the community, they began 
 to look with horror upon the surrounding wilderness, as des- 
 tined to be the grave of their hopes and of themselves. When 
 the last sail disappeared, they felt as if completely severed from 
 their country ; and the tender recollections of home, which had 
 been checked for a time by the novelty and bustle around them, 
 rushed with sudden force upon their minds. To return to Spain 
 became their ruling idea, and the same want of reflection which 
 had hurried them into the enterprise, without inquiring into its 
 real nature, iiow prompted them to extricate themselves from it, 
 by any means however desperate. 
 
 Where popular discontents prevail there is seldom wanting 
 some daring spirit to give them a dangerous direction. One 
 Bernal Diaz de Pisa, a man of some importance, who had 
 held a civil office about the court, had come out with the expe- 
 dition as comptroller ; he seems to have presumed upon his 
 official powers, and to have had early differences with the 
 admiral. Disgusted with his employment in the colon}-, he 
 soon made a faction among the discontented, and proposed 
 that they should take advantage of the indisposition of Colum- 
 bus, to seize upon some or all of the five ships in the harbor, 
 and return in them to Spain. It would be easy to justify their 
 clandestine return, by preferring a complaint against the admiral, 
 representing the fallacy of his enterprises, and accusing him 
 of gross deceptions and exaggerations in his accounts of the 
 countries he had discovered. It is probable that some of these 
 people really considered him culpable of the charges thus fabri- 
 cated against him ; for in the disappointment of their avaricious 
 hopes, they overlooked the real value of those fertile islands,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 231 
 
 which were to enrich nations by the produce of their soil. 
 Ever}' country was sterile and unprofitable in their eyes that 
 did not immediately teem with gold. Though they had con- 
 tinual proofs in the specimens brought by the natives to the 
 settlement, or furnished to Ojeda and Gorvalan, that the rivers 
 and mountains in the interior abounded with ore, yet even these 
 daily proofs were falsified in their eyes. One Fermin Cedo, a 
 wrong-headed and obstinate man, who had come out as assayer 
 and purifier of metals, had imbibed the same prejudice against 
 the expedition with Bernal Diaz. He pertinaciously insisted 
 that there was no gold in the island ; or at least that it was 
 found in such inconsiderable quantities as not to repay the 
 search. He declared that the large grains of virgin ore brought 
 by the natives had been melted ; that they had been the slow 
 accumulation of many years, having remained a long time in 
 the families of the Indians, and handed down from generation 
 to generation ; which in many instances was probably the case. 
 Other specimens of a large size he pronounced of a very inferior 
 quality, and debased with brass by the natives. The words of 
 this man outweighed the evidence of facts, and many joined 
 him in the belief that the island was really destitute of gold. 
 It was not until some time afterward that the real character of 
 Fermin Cedo was ascertained, and the discovery made that his 
 ignorance was at least equal to his obstinacy and presumption ; 
 qualities apt to enter largely into the compound of a meddle- 
 some and mischievous man. 1 
 
 Encouraged by such substantial co operation, a number of 
 turbulent spirits concerted to take immediate possession of the 
 ships and make sail for Europe. The influence of Bernal Diaz 
 de Pisa at court would obtain for them a favorable hearing, and 
 they trusted to their unanimous representations, to prejudice Co- 
 lumbus in the opinion of the public, ever fickle in its smiles, 
 and most ready to turn suddenly and capriciously from the 
 favorites it has most idolized. 
 
 Fortunately this mutiny was discovered before it proceeded 
 to action. Columbus immediately ordered the ringleaders to 
 be arrested. On making investigations, a memorial or infor- 
 mation against himself, full of slanders and misrepresentations, 
 was found concealed in the buoy of one of the ships. It was in 
 the handwriting of Bernal Diaz. The admiral conducted him- 
 self with great moderation. Out of respect to the rank and 
 station of Diaz, he forbore to inflict any punishment ; but con- 
 
 1 Cura de los I'alacios, cap. 120, 122, M.S.
 
 232 LIFE OF CHIil STOP 'TIER COLUMBUS. 
 
 fined him on hoard one of the ships, to be sent to Spain for 
 trial, together with the process or investigation of his offence, 
 and the seditious memorial which had been discovered. Sev- 
 eral of the inferior mutineers were punished according to the 
 degree of their culpability, but not with the severity which 
 their offence deserved. To guard against any recurrence of a 
 similar attempt. Columbus ordered that all the guns and naval 
 munitions should be taken out of four of the vessels, and put 
 into the principal ship, which was given in charge to persons in 
 whom he could place implicit confidence. 1 
 
 This was the first time Columbus exercised the right of pun- 
 ishing delinquents in his new government, and it immediately 
 awakened the most violent animadversions. His measures, 
 though necessary for the general safety, and characterized by 
 the greatest lenity, were censured as arbitrary and vindictive. 
 Already the disadvantage of being a foreigner among the people 
 he was to govern was clearly manifested. He had national 
 prejudices to encounter, of all others the most general and il- 
 liberal. He had no natural friends to rally round him ; where- 
 as the mutineers had connections in Spain, friends in the colon} 7 , 
 and met with sympathy in every discontented mind. An early 
 hostility was thus engendered against Columbus, which con- 
 tinued to increase throughout his life, and the seeds were sown 
 of a series of factions and mutinies which afterward distracted 
 the island. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 EXPEDITION OF COLUMBUS TO THE MOUNTAINS OF CIBAO. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 HAVING at length recovered from his long illness, and the 
 mutiny at the settlement being effectually checked, Columbus 
 prepared for his immediate departure for Cibao. He intrusted 
 the command of the city and ships, during his absence, to his 
 brother Don Diego, appointing able persons to counsel and 
 assist him. Don Diego is represented by Las Casas. who knew 
 him personally, as a man of great merit and discretion, of a 
 gentle and pacific disposition, and more characterized by sira- 
 
 1 Herrer*, llist. lud., decad. i. lib. 11. cap. 11. Ilist. del Alruirante, cap. 50.
 
 LIFE OF cnniSTornER COLUMBUS. 233 
 
 plicity than shrewdness. He was sober in his attire, wearing 
 almost the dress of an ecclesiastic, and Las Casns thinks he 
 had seeret hopes of preferment in the church; 1 indeed Colum- 
 bus intimates as much when he mentions him in his will. 
 
 As the admiral intended to build a fortress in the mountains, 
 and to form an establishment for working the mines, he took 
 with him the necessary artificers, workmen, miners, munitions, 
 and implements. He was also about to enter the territories of 
 the redoubtable Caonabo ; it was important, therefore, to take 
 with him a force that should not only secure him against any 
 warlike opposition, but should spread through the country a 
 formidable idea of the power of the white men, and deter the 
 Indians from any future violence, either toward communities 
 or wandering individuals. Every healthy person, therefore, 
 who could be spared from the settlement, was put in requisi- 
 tion, together with all the cavalry that could be mustered ; and 
 every arrangement was made to strike the savages with the 
 display of military splendor. 
 
 On the 12th of March, Columbus set out at the head of about 
 four hundred men well armed and equipped, with shining hel- 
 mets and corselets ; with arquebuses, lances, swords, and cross- 
 bows, and followed by a multitude of the neighboring Indians. 
 They sallied from the city in martial array, with banners flying, 
 and sound of drum and trumpet. Their march for the first day 
 was across the plain between the sea and the mountains.' ford- 
 ing two rivers, and passing through a fair and verdant country. 
 They encamped in the evening, in the midst of pleasant fields, 
 at the foot of a wild and rocky pass of the mountains. 
 
 The ascent of this rugged defile presented formidable diffi- 
 culties to the little army, encumbered as it was with various 
 implements and munitions. There was nothing but an Indian 
 footpath, winding among rocks and precipices, or through 
 brakes and thickets, entangled by the rich vegetation of a 
 tropical forest. A number of high-spirited young cavaliers 
 volunteered to open a route for the army. They had probably 
 learnt this kind of service in the Moorish wars, where it was 
 often necessary on a sudden to open roads for the march of 
 troops, and the conveyance of artillery across the mountains 
 of Granada. Throwing themselves m advance with laborers 
 and pioneers, whom they stimulated by their example, as well 
 as by promises of liberal reward, the}' soon constructed the 
 first road formed in the New World, and which was called El 
 
 1 Las < 'a.-a.-, Ih.-t. Ind., lib. l. cap. 82, MS.
 
 234 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Puerto de los Hidalgos, or The Gentlemen's Pass, in honor of 
 the gallant cavaliers who effected it. 1 
 
 On the following day the army toiled up this steep defile, and 
 arrived where the gorge of the mountain opened into the interior. 
 Here a land of promise suddenly burst upon their view. It 
 was the same glorious prospect which had delighted Ojeda and 
 his companions. Below lay a vast and delicious plain, painted 
 and enamelled, as it were, with all the rich variet}' of tropical 
 vegetation. The magnificent forests preseuted that mingled 
 beauty and majesty of vegetable forms known only to these 
 generous climates. Palms of prodigious height, and spreading 
 mahogany trees, towered from amid a wilderness of variegated 
 foliage. Freshness and verdure were maintained by numerous 
 streams, which meandered gleaming through the deep bosom 
 of the woodland ; while various villages and hamlets, peeping 
 from among the trees, and the smoke of others rising out of 
 the midst of the forests, gave signs of a numerous population. 
 The luxuriant landscape extended as far as the eye could reach, 
 until it appeared to melt away and mingle with the horizon. 
 The Spaniards gazed with rapture upon this soft, voluptuous 
 country, which seemed to realize their ideas of a terrestrial 
 paradise ; and Columbus, struck with its vast extent, gave it 
 the name of the Vega Real, or Royal Plain. ' J 
 
 Having descended the rugged pass, the army issued upon the 
 plain, iu martial style, with great clangor of warlike instruments. 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 50. Hidalgo, i. t., Hijo, de Algo, literally, " a son of 
 somebody," in contradistinction to an obscure and low-born man, a sou of uobody. 
 * Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. t. cap. 90, MS. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from T. S. ffrntken, E*q., dated Santiago (St. Domingo), 20A 
 September, 1*47. 
 
 The route over which Columbus traced his course from Isabella to the mountains of 
 Cibao exists in all its primitive rudeness. The Puerto de los Hidalgos is still the narrow 
 rugged footpath winding among rocks and precipices, leading through the only prac- 
 tieahli' defile which traverses the Monte Christi range of mountains in this vicinity, at 
 present called the Pass of Marney and it is somewhat surprising that, of this tirst and 
 remarkable footprint of the white man in the New World, there does not at the present 
 day exist the least tradition of its former name or importance. 
 
 The spring of cool and delightful water met with in the gorge, in a deep dark glen 
 overshadowed by palm and mahogany trees, near the outlet where the magnificent Vega 
 breaks, upon the view, still continues to quench the thirst of the weary traveller. When 
 1 drank from this lonely little fountain, I could hardly realize the fact that Columbus 
 must likewise have partaken of iu sparkling waters, when at the height of his glory, 
 surrounded by cavaliers attired iu the gorgeous costumes of the age, and warriors recently 
 from the Moorish wars. 
 
 Judging by the distance stated to have been travelled over the plain, Columbus must 
 have crossed the Vaqui near or at Ponton ; which very likely received its name from thu 
 rafts or |K>ntoons employed to cross the river. Abundance of reeds grow along iu 
 banks, and the remains of an Indian village are still very distinctly to be traced in the 
 vicinity . lly this route he avoided two large rivers, the Aiimie and the Mar, which dis- 
 charge their waters into the Yui|in opposite Kspcranza. 
 
 The road (roru 1'outou to the Itiver Hauique passes through the defiles of La Cuesta 
 aud Nicaragua.
 
 LIFE OF C'niilSTOPnER COLUMBUS. 235 
 
 "When the Indians bohekl this shining band of warriors, glitter- 
 ing iu steel, emerging from the mountains with prancing steeds 
 and Haunting banners, and heard for the first time their rocks 
 am! forests echoing to the din of drum and trumpet, they might 
 well have taken such a wonderful pageant for a supernatural 
 vision. 
 
 lu this wny Columbus disposed of his forces whenever he 
 approached a populous village, placing the cavalry in front, for 
 the horses inspired a mingled terror and admiration among 
 the natives. Las C'asas observes that at first they supposed the 
 rider and his horse to l>c one animal, and nothing could exceed 
 their astonishment at seeing the horsemen dismount, a circum- 
 stance which shows that the alleged origin of the ancient fal>le 
 of the centaurs is at least founded in nature. On the approach 
 of the army the Indians generally fled with terror, and took 
 refuge in their houses. Such was their simplicity, that they 
 merely put up a slight barrier of reeds at the portal, and seemed 
 to consider themselves perfectly secure. Columbus, pleased to 
 meet with such artlessness, ordered that these frail barriers 
 should be scrupulously respected, and the inhabitants allowed 
 to remain in their fancied security. 1 By degrees their fears 
 were allayed through the mediation of interpreters and the dis- 
 tribution of trilling presents. Their kindness and gratitude 
 could not then be exceeded, and the march of the army was 
 continually retarded by the hospitality of the numerous villages 
 through which it passed. Such was the frank communion 
 among these people that the Indians who accompanied the army 
 entered without ceremony into the houses, helping themselves 
 to any thing of which they stood in need, without exciting sur- 
 prise or anger in the inhabitants ; the latter ottered to do the 
 same with respect to the Spaniards, and seemed astonished 
 when they met a repulse. This, it is probable, was the case 
 merely with respect to articles of food; for we are told that 
 the Indians were not careless in their notions of property, and 
 the crime of theft was one of the few which were punished 
 among them with great severity. Food, however, is generally 
 open to free participation in savage life, and is rarely made an 
 object of barter, until habits of trade have been introduced by 
 the white men. The untutored savage in almost every part 
 of the world scorns to make a traffic of hospitality. 
 
 After a march of five leagues across the plain, they arrived 
 at the banks of a large and beautiful stream, called by the 
 
 1 Las (,'usus, lib. sup. li. cap. 90.
 
 236 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 natives Yagui, but to which the admiral gave the name of the 
 River of Reeds. He was not aware that it was the same stream, 
 which, after winding through the Vega, falls into the sea near 
 Monte Christi, and which, in his first voyage, he had named the 
 River of Gold. On its green banks the army encamped for the 
 night, animated and delighted with the beautiful scenes through 
 which they had passed. They bathed and sported in tliL- waters 
 of the Yagui, enjoying the amenity of the surrounding land- 
 scape, and the delightful breezes which prevail in that genial 
 season. " For though there is but little difference," o'>s .-rves 
 Las Casas, " from one month to another in all the year in this 
 island, and in most parts of these Indias. yet in the period from 
 September to May, it is like living in paradise." * 
 
 On the following morning they crossed this stream by the aid. 
 of canoes and rafts, swimming the horses over. For two days 
 they continued their march through the same kind of rich level 
 country, diversified by noble forests and watered by abundant 
 streams, several of which descended from the mountains of 
 Cibao, and were said to bring down gold dust mingled with 
 their sands. To one of these, the limpid waters of which ran 
 over a bed of smooth round pebbles, Columbus gave the name 
 of Rio Verde, or Green River, from the verdure and freshness 
 of its banks. Its Indian name was Nicaragua, which it still 
 retains.' 2 In the course of this march they passed through nu- 
 merous villages, where they experienced generally the same 
 reception. The inhabitants fled at their approach, putting up 
 their slight barricadoes of reeds, but, as before, they were easily 
 won to familiarity, and tasked their limited means to entertain 
 the strangers. 
 
 Thus penetrating into the midst of this great island, where 
 every scene presented the wild luxuriance of beautiful but un- 
 civilized nature, they arrived on the evening of the second day 
 at a chain of lofty and rugged mountains, forming a kind of 
 barrier to the Vega. These Columbus was told were the golden 
 mountains of Cibao, whose region commenced at the rocky sum- 
 mits. The country now beginning to grow rough and difficult, 
 and the people being wayworn, they encamped for the night at 
 the foot of a steep defile, which led up into the mountains, 
 and pioneers were sent in advance to open a road for the army. 
 From this place they sent back mules for a supply of bread and 
 wine, their provisions beginning to grow scanty, for they had 
 
 1 La* ( 'a*as. rii^t. Tiul.. lib. i. cap. 90, MS. 
 
 - The name of Kio Verdi- was afterward given to a small stream which crosses the 
 road from Santiago to La Vega, a branch of the Hiver Vuna.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 237 
 
 not as yet accustomed themselves to the food of the natives, 
 
 which was afterward fouud to be of tluit light digestible kind 
 suitable to the climate. 
 
 On the next morning they resumed their march up a narrow 
 and steep gh>n. winding among craggy rocks, where they were 
 obliged to lead the horses. Arrived at the summit, they once 
 more enjoyed a prospect of the delicious Vega, which here pre- 
 sented a still grainier appearance, stretching far and wide on 
 either hand, like a vast verdant lake. This noble plain, accord- 
 ing to Las ( a.^.is. is eighty leagues in length, and from tweuty 
 to thirty in breadth, and of incomparable beatity. 
 
 They now entered C ibao, the famous region of gold, which, 
 as if nature delighted in contrarieties, displayed a miser-like 
 poverty of exterior, in proportion to its hidden treasures. In- 
 stead of the soft luxuriant landscape of the Vega, they beheld 
 chains of rocky and sterile mountains, scantily clothed with 
 lofty pines. The trees in the valleys also, instead of jmssessing 
 the rich tufted foliage common to other parts of the island, were 
 meagre and dwarfish, excepting such as grew on the banks of 
 streams. The very name of the country bespoke the nature 
 of the soil Cibao, in the language of the natives, signifying a 
 stone. Still, however, there were deep glens and shady ravines 
 among the mountains, watered by limpid rivulets, where th'3 
 green herbage and strips of woodland were the more delightful 
 to the eye from the neighboring sterility. But what consoled 
 the Spaniards for the asperity of the soil, was to observe among 
 the sands of those crystal streams glittering particles of gold, 
 which, though scanty in quantity, were regarded as earnests of 
 the wealth locked up within the mountains. 
 
 The natives having been previously visited by the exploring 
 party under Ojeda. came forth to meet them with great alaciiiy, 
 bringing food, and, above all. grains and particles of gold col- 
 lected in the brooks and torrents. From the quantities of gold 
 dust in every stream, Columbus was convinced there must be 
 several mines in the vicinity. He had met with specimens of 
 amber and lapis lazuli, though in very small quantities, and 
 thought that lie had discovered a mine of copper. He was now 
 about eighteen leagues from the settlement; the rugged nature 
 of the mountains made communication, even from this distance, 
 laborious. He gave up the idea, therefore, of penetrating 
 farther into the country, and determined to establish a fortified 
 post in this neighborhood, with a large number of men, as well 
 to work the mines as to explore the rest of the province. He 
 accordingly selected a pleasant situation on an eminence almost
 
 238 LIFE OF CnEISTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 
 
 entirely surrounded by a small river called the Yauique, the 
 waters of which were as pure as if distilled, and the sound of 
 its current musical to the ear. In its bed were found curious 
 stoues of various colors, large masses of beautiful marble, and 
 pieces of pure jasper. From the foot of the height extended 
 one of those graceful and verdant plains, called savannas, which 
 was freshened and fertilized by the river. 1 
 
 On this eminence Columbus ordered a strong fortress of wood 
 to be erected, capable of defence against any attack of the 
 natives, and protected by a deep ditch on the side which the 
 river did not secure. To this fortress he gave the name of St. 
 Thomas, intended as a pleasant, though pious, reproof of the 
 incredulity of Firmiu Cedo and his doubting adherents, who 
 obstinately refused to believe that the island produced gold, 
 until they beheld it with their eyes and touched it with their 
 hands. 2 
 
 The natives, having heard of the arrival of the Spaniards in 
 their vicinity, came flocking from various parts, anxious to 
 obtain European trinkets. The admiral signified to them that 
 any thing would be given in exchange for gold ; upon hearing 
 this some of them ran to a neighboring river, and gathering and 
 sifting its sands, returned in a little while with considerable 
 
 > Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 90, MS. 
 * Ibid. 
 
 From the Letter of T. S. Urneken, Esq., 1847. 
 
 Traces of the old fortress of St. Thomas still exist, though, as has happened to the 
 Pnerta <le los Hidalgos, nil tradition concerning it has long been lost. 
 
 Having visited u smal I Spanish village known by the name of IIanir|iie, situated on 
 the hanks of that stream, I heard by accident the name of a farm at no great distance, 
 ca.led \M. Fortaleza. Thin excited my curiosity, and I proceeded to the spot, a slimt 
 distance up the river; yet nothing could be learned from the inhabitants; it was only iiy 
 ra.iging the river's banks, through a dense and luxuriant forest, that 1 by accident 
 tumbled upon the site of the fortress. 
 
 The remarkable turn in the river: the ditch, still very perfect; the entrance and the 
 covert ways on each side for descending to the river, with a Hue esplanade of beautiful 
 short grass in front, complete the picture described by Las Casas. 
 
 The square occupied by the fort is now completely covered with forest trees, undis- 
 tinguishable from those of the surrounding country; which corresponds to this day 
 exactU with the description given above, three centuries since, by Columbus, Ojeda, and 
 Juan de l.uxan. 
 
 The only change to notice is, that the neat little Indian villages, swarming with nn 
 innocent and happy population, have totally disappeared : there being at present only a 
 few scattered huts of indigent Spaniards to be met with, buried in the gloom of the 
 mountains. 
 
 The traces of those villages are rarely to be discovered at the present day. The situa- 
 tion of one near 1'onlon was well chosen for defence, being built on a high bank between 
 dee]) and precipitous ravines. A large square occupied the centre; in the rear of each 
 dwelling were thrown the sweepings of the apartments and the ashes from the tires, 
 which form a line of mounds, mixed up with broken Indian utensils. As it lies in the 
 direct road from Isabella, l.'ibao, and La Vega, and command.- the best fordinir place in 
 the neighborhood for crossing the liiver Vai|iii in dry seasons, it must, no doubt, have 
 been a place of considerable re.-ort at the time of the discovery most likely a pontoon 
 or large canoe was stationed here for the facility of communication between "at. Tiiouia* 
 aud Isabella, whence it derived ila name.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 239 
 
 quantities of gold dust. One old man brought two pieces of 
 virgin ore, weighing an ounce, and thought himself richly repaid 
 when he received a hawk's bell. On remarking that the admiral 
 was struck with the size of these specimens, lie affected to 
 treat them with contempt, as insignificant, intimating by signs 
 that in his country, which lay within half a day's journey, they 
 found pieces of gold as big as an orange. Other Indians 
 brought grains of gold weighing ten and twelve drachms, and 
 declared that in the country whence they got them, there were 
 masses of ore as large as the head of a child. 1 As usual, how- 
 ever, these golden tracts were always in some demote valley, or 
 along some rugged and sequestered stream ; and the wealthiest 
 spot was sure to be at the greatest distance for the laud of 
 promise is very far beyond the mountain. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 EXCURSION OF JUAN* DE LUXAN AMONG THE MOUNTAINS CUSTOMS 
 
 AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NATIVES COLUMBUS RETURNS 
 
 TO ISABELLA. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 WHILE the admiral remained among the mountains, superin- 
 tending the building of the fortress, he despatched a young 
 cavalier of Madrid, named Juan de Luxan, with a small band 
 of armed men, to range about the country, and explore the 
 whole of the province, which, from the reports of the Indians, 
 appeared to be equal in extent to the kingdom of Portugal. 
 Luxan returned, after a few days' absence, with the most satis- 
 factory accounts. He had traversed a great part of Cibao, 
 which he found more capable of cultivation than had at first 
 been imagined. It was generally mountainous, and the soil 
 covered with large round pebbles' of a blue color, yet there was 
 good pasturage in many of the valleys. The mountains, also, 
 being watered by frequent showers, produced grass of surpris- 
 ingly quick and luxuriant growth, often reaching to the saddles 
 of the horses. The forests seemed to Luxan to be full of valu- 
 able spices ; he being deceived by the odors emitted by those 
 aromatic plants and herbs which abound in the woodlands of 
 the tropics. There were great vines also, climbing to. the very 
 
 Peter Martyr, dccad. i. lib. Hi.
 
 240 LIFE OF CHEJSTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 
 
 summits of the trees, and bearing clusters of grapes entirely 
 ripe, full of juice, and of a pleasant flavor. Every valley in id 
 glen possessed its streams, large or small, according to the si/.e 
 of the neighboring mountain, and all yielding more or less 
 gold, in small particles. Luxan was supposed, likewise, to 
 have learned from the Indians many of the secrets of their 
 mountains ; to have been shown the parts where the greatest 
 quantity of ore was found, and to have been taken to the rich- 
 est streams. On all these points, however, he observed a dis- 
 creet mystery, communicating the particulars to no one but the 
 admiral. s 
 
 The fortress of St. Thomas being nearly completed, Columbus 
 gave it iu command to Pedro Margarita, the same cavalier 
 whom he had recommended to the favor of the sovereigns ; and 
 he left him with a garrison of fifty-six men. He then set out 
 on his return to Isabella. On arriving at the banks of the Rio 
 Verde, or Nicayagua, in the Royal Vega, he found a number 
 of Spaniards on their way to the fortress with supplies. He 
 remained, therefore, a few days in the neighborhood, searching 
 for the best fording place of the river, and establishing a route 
 between the fortress and the harbor. During this time he 
 resided in the Indian villages, endeavoring to accustom his 
 people to the food of the natives, as well as to inspire the latter 
 with a mingled feeling of good will and reverence for the white 
 men. 
 
 From the report of Lnxan, Columbus had derived some in- 
 formation concerning the character and customs of the natives, 
 and he acquired still more from his own observations, in the 
 course of his sojourn among the tribes of the mountains and 
 the plains. And here a brief notice of a few of the charac- 
 teristics and customs of these people may be interesting. They 
 are given, not merely as observed by the admiral and iiis <>!li 
 eel's during this expedition, but as recorded some time after- 
 ward, in a crude dissertation, by a friar of the name of Roman . 
 a poor hermit, as he styled himself, of the order of the leroni- 
 mites, who was one of the colleagues of Father Boyle, and 
 resided for some time in the vega as a missionary. 
 
 Columbus had already discovered the error of one of Ins 
 opinions concerning these islanders, formed during his first 
 voyage. They were not so entirely pacific, nor so ignorant of 
 warlike arts, as he had imagined. He had been deceived by ihe 
 enthusiasm of his own feelings, and by the gentleness of Gua- 
 
 1 Peler Martyr, decad i lib. lii.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 241 
 
 canagari and his subjects. The casual descents of the Caribs 
 had compelled the inhabitants of the sea-shore to acquaint 
 themselves with the use of arms. Some of the mountain tribes 
 near the coast, particularly those on the side which looked 
 toward the Caribbee Islands, were of a more hardy and war- 
 like character than those of the plains. Caonabo, also, the 
 Carib chieftain, had introduced something of his own warrior 
 spirit into the centre of the island. Yet, generally speaking, 
 the habits of the people were- mild and gentle. If wars some- 
 times occurred among them, they were of short duration, and 
 unaccompanied by any great effusion of blood ; and, in general, 
 thry mingled amicably and hospitably with each other. 
 
 Columbus had also at first indulged in the error that the 
 natives of Hayti were destitute of all notions of religion, and 
 he had consequently flattered himself that it would be the 
 easier to introduce into their minds the doctrines of Christi- 
 anity ; not aware that it is more difficult to light up the lire of 
 devotion in the cold heart of an atheist, than to direct the 
 flame to a new object, when it is already enkindled. There are 
 few beings, however, so destitute of reflection as not to be im- 
 pressed with the conviction of an overruling deity. A nation 
 of atheists never existed. It was soon discovered that these 
 islanders had their creed, though of a vague and simple nature. 
 They believed in one supreme being, inhabiting the sky, who 
 was immortal, omnipotent, and invisible ; to whom they as- 
 cribed an origin, who had a mother, but no father. 1 They 
 never addressed their worship directly to him, but employed 
 inferior deities, called Zemes, as messengers and mediators. 
 Each cacique had his tutelar deity of this order, whom he in- 
 voked and pretended to consult in all his public undertakings 
 and who was reverenced by his i)eople. He had a house apart, 
 as a temple to this deity, in which was an image of his Zemi. 
 carved of wood or stone, or shaped of clay or cotton, and gen- 
 erally of some monstrous and hideous form. Each family and 
 each individual had likewise a particular Zemi, or protecting 
 genius, like the Lares and Penates of the ancients. They were 
 placed in every part of their houses, or carved on their furni- 
 ture ; some had them of a small size, and bound them about 
 their foreheads when they went to battle. They believed their 
 Zemes to be transferable, with all their powers, and often stole 
 them from each other. When the Spaniards came among 
 them, they often hid their idols, lest they should be taken 
 
 1 Escrilura de Fr. liomau. Hist, del AUniraute.
 
 242 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 away. They believed that these Zcraes presided over every 
 object in nature, eaeli having a particular charge or govern- 
 ment. They influenced the seasons and the elements, causing 
 sterile or abundant years ; exciting hurricanes and whirlwinds, 
 and tempests of rain and thunder, or sending sweet and tem- 
 perate breezes and fruitful showers. They governed the seas 
 and forests, the springs and fountains ; like the Nereids, the 
 Dryads, and Satyrs of antiquity. They gave success in hunt- 
 ing and fishing ; they guided the waters of the mountains into 
 safe channels, and led them down to wander through the 
 plains, in gentle brooks and peaceful rivers ; or, if incensed, 
 they caused them to burst forth into rushing torrents and over- 
 whelming floods, inundating and laying waste the valleys. 
 
 The natives had their Butios, or priests, who pretended to 
 hold communion with these Zemes. They practised rigorous 
 fasts and ablutions, and inhaled the powder, or drank the 
 infusion, of a certain herb, which produced a temporary intoxi- 
 cation or delirium. In the course of this process, they pro- 
 fessed to have trances and visions, and that the Zemes revealed 
 to them future events, or instructed them in the treatment of 
 maladies. They were, in general, great herbalists, and well ac- 
 quainted with the medicinal properties of trees and vegetables. 
 They <!nred diseases through their knowledge of simples, but 
 always with many mysterious rites and ceremonies, and sup- 
 posed charms ; chanting and burning a light in the chamber of 
 the patient, and pretending to exorcise the malady, to expel it 
 from the mansion, and to send it to the sea or to the moun- 
 tain. 1 
 
 Their bodies were painted or tattooed with figures of the 
 Zemes, which were regarded with horror by the Spaniards, as 
 so many representations of the devil ; and the Butios, esteemed 
 as saints by the natives, were abhorred by the former as necro- 
 mancers. These Butios often assisted the caciques in prac- 
 tising deceptions upon their subjects, speaking oracularly through 
 the Zemes, by means of hollow tubes ; inspiriting the Indians to 
 battle by predicting success, or dealing forth such promises or 
 menaces as might suit the purposes of the chieftain. 
 
 There is but one of their solemn religious ceremonies of which 
 any record exists. The cacique proclaimed a day when a kind 
 of festival was to be held in honor of his Zemes. His subjects 
 assembled from all parts, and formed a solemn procession ; the 
 married men and women decorated with their most precious 
 
 1 Oviedo, Cronic., lib. v. cap. 1.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 243 
 
 ornaments, the young females entirely naked. The cacique, 
 or the principal personage, marched at their head, heating a 
 kind of drum. In this way they proceeded to the const-crated 
 house or temple, in which were set up the images of the Zemes. 
 Arrived at the door, the cacique seated himself on the outside, 
 continuing to beat his drum while the procession entered, the 
 females carrying baskets of cakes ornamented with flowers, 
 and singing as they advanced. These offerings were received 
 by the liutios with loud cries, or rather howlings. They broke 
 the cakes, after they had been offered to the Zemes, and distrib- 
 uted the portions to the heads of families, who preserved 
 them carefully throughout the year, as preventive of all ad- 
 verse accidents. This done, the females danced, at a given 
 signal, singing songs in honor of the Zemes, or in praise of the 
 heroic actions of their ancient caciques. The whole ceremony 
 finished by invoking the Zemes to watch over and protect the 
 nation. 1 
 
 Besides the Zemes, each cacique had three idols or talismans, 
 which were mere stones, but which were held in great rever- 
 ence by themselves and their subjects. One they supposed 
 had the power to produce abundant harvests, another to re- 
 move all pain from women in travail, and the third to call forth 
 rain or sunshine. Three of these were sent home by Columbus 
 to the sovereigns. 2 
 
 The ideas of the natives with respect to the creation were 
 vague and undefined. They gave their own island of Ilayti 
 priority of existence over all others, and believed that the sun 
 and moon originally issued out of a cavern in the island to give 
 light to the world. This cavern still exists, about seven or eigiit 
 leagues from Cape Francois, now Cape Haytien, and is known 
 by the name of La Vonte a Minguet. It is about one hundred 
 and fifty feet in depth, and nearly the same in height, but very 
 narrow. It receives no light but from the entrance, and from 
 a round hole in the roof, whence it was said the sun and moon 
 issued forth to take their places in the sky. The vault was so 
 fair and regular, that it appeared a work of art rather than of 
 nature. In the time of Charlevoix the figures of various Zemes 
 were still to be seen cut in the rocks, and there were the re- 
 mains of niches, as if to receive statues. Tin's cavern was held 
 in great veneration. It was painted, and adorned with green 
 branches, and other simple decorations. There were in it two 
 images or Zemes. When there was a want of rain, the natives 
 
 1 Charli-voix, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. i. p. 56. * llist. del Aluiiruniv, tup. ol.
 
 244 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 made pilgrimage and processions to it, with songs and dances, 
 bearing offerings of fruits and flowers. 1 
 
 They believed that mankind issued from another cavern, the 
 large men from a great aperture, the small men from a little 
 cranny. They were for a long time destitute of women, but 
 wandering on one occasion near a small lake, they saw certain 
 animals among the branches of the trees, which proved to be 
 women. On attempting to catch them, however, they were 
 found to be as slippery as eels, so that it was impossible to hold 
 them. At length they employed certain men, whose hands 
 were rendered rough by a kind of leprosy. These succeeded in 
 securing four of these slippery females, from whom the world 
 was peopled. 
 
 While the men inhabited this cavern, they dared only to ven- 
 ture forth at night, for the sight of the sun was fatal to them, 
 turning them into trees and stones. A cacique, named Vago 
 niona, sent one of his men forth from the cave to fish, who 
 lingering at his sport until the sun had risen, was turned into 
 a bird of melodious note, the same which Columbus mistook: 
 for the nightingale. They added, that yearly about the time he 
 had suffered this transformation, he came in the night with a 
 mournful song, bewailing his misfortune ; which was the cause 
 why that bird always sang in the night season.' 2 
 
 Like most savage nations, they had a tradition concerning 
 the universal deluge, equally fanciful with most of the preced- 
 ing ; for it is singular how the human mind, in its natural state, 
 is apt to account, by trivial and familiar causes, for great 
 events. They said that there once lived in the island a mighty 
 cacique, who slew his only son for conspiring against him. He 
 afterward collected and picked his bones, and preserved them 
 in a gourd, as was the custom of the natives with the relics of 
 their friends. On a subsequent day, the cacique and his wife 
 opened the gourd to contemplate the bones of their son, when, 
 to their astonishment, several fish, great and small, leaped out. 
 Upon this the cacique closed the gourd, and placed it on the top 
 of his house, boasting that he had the sea shut up within it, and 
 could have fish whenever he pleased. Four brothers, however, 
 who had been born at the same birth, and were curious inter- 
 meddlers, hearing of this gourd, came during the absence of 
 the cacique to peep into it. In their carelessness they suffered 
 it to fall upon the ground, where it was dashed to pieces; when, 
 lo ! to their astonishment and disma}*, there issued forth a 
 
 > f'harlevoix, Fllst. St. Domingo, lib. i. n. 60. 
 
 1 Flay Roman. Ilisi. del Aluiiranlc. 1'. Muityr, dc-cad. i. lib. ix.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 245 
 
 might}* flood, with dolphins, and sharks, and tumbling por- 
 poises, and great spouting whales ; and the water spread, until 
 it overflowed the earth, and formed the ocean, leaving only the 
 tops of the mountains uncovered, which are the present 
 islands. 1 
 
 The} 7 had singular modes of treating the dying and the dead. 
 When the life of a cacique was despaired of, they strangled 
 him out of a principle of respect, rather than suffer him to die 
 like the vulgar. Common people were extended in their ham- 
 mocks, bread and water placed at their head, and they were 
 then abandoned to die in solitude. Sometimes they were car- 
 ried to the cacique, and if he permitted them the distinction, 
 they were strangled. After death the body of a cacique was 
 opened, dried at a fire, and preserved ; of others the head only 
 was treasured up as a memorial, or occasionally a limb. Some- 
 times the whole body was interred in a cave, with a calal>:ish 
 of water and a loaf of bread ; sometimes it was consumed with 
 fire in the house of the deceased. 
 
 They had confused and uncertain notions of the existence of 
 the soul when separated from the body. They believed in the 
 apparitions of the departed at night, or by daylight in solitary 
 places, to lonely individuals ; sometimes advancing as if to at- 
 tack them, but upon the traveller's striking at them they van- 
 ished, and he struck merely against trees or rocks. Sometimes 
 they mingled among the living, and were only to be known by 
 having no navels. The Indians, fearful of meeting with these 
 apparitions, disliked to go about alone, and in the dark. 
 
 They had an idea of a place of reward, to which the spirits of 
 good men repaired after death, where they were reunited to the 
 spirits of those they had most loved during life, and to all their 
 ancestors. Here they enjoyed uninterruptedly, and in perfec- 
 tion, those pleasures which constituted their felicity on earth. 
 They lived in shady and blooming bowers, with beautiful wo- 
 men, and banqueted on delicious fruits. The paradise of these 
 happy spirits was variously placed, almost every tribe assign- 
 ing some favorite spot in their native province. JNIanv, how- 
 ever, concurred in describing this region as being neal* a lake 
 in the western part of the island, in the beautiful province of 
 Xaragua. Here there were delightful valleys, covered with a 
 delicate fruit called the mamey, about the size of an apricot. 
 They imagined that the souls of the deceased remained con- 
 cealed among the airy and inaccessible cliffs of the mountains 
 
 1 Escritura de Fray Roman, pobre Hereunto.
 
 246 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 during the day, but descended at night into these happy valleys, 
 to regale on this consecrated fruit. The living were sparing, 
 therefore, in eating it, lest the souls of their friends should suf- 
 fer from want of their favorite nourishment. 1 
 
 The dances to which the natives seemed so immoderately 
 addicted, and which had been at first considered by the .Span- 
 iards mere idle pastimes, were fouud to be often ceremonials 
 of a serious and mystic character. They form indeed a singu- 
 lar and important feature throughout the customs of the abori- 
 ginals of the New World. In these are typified, by signs well 
 understood by the initiated, and, as it were, by hieroglyphic 
 action, their historical events, their projected enterprises, their 
 hunting, their ambuscades, and their battles, resembling in 
 some respects the Pyrrhic dances of the ancients. Speaking of 
 the prevalence of these dances among the natives of Hayti, 
 Peter Martyr observes that they performed them to the chant 
 of certain metres and ballads, handed down from generation to 
 generation, in which were rehearsed the deeds of their ances- 
 tors. " These rhymes or ballads," he adds, " they call areytos ; 
 and as our minstrels are accustomed to sing to the harp and 
 lute, so do they in like manner sing these songs, and dance to 
 the same, playing on timbrels made of shells of certain fishes. 
 These timbrels they call maguey. They have also songs and 
 ballads of love, and others of lamentation or mourning ; some 
 also to encourage them to the wars, all sung to tunes agreeable 
 to the matter." It was for these dances, as has been already 
 observed, that they were so eager to procure hawks' bells, sus- 
 pending them about their persons, and keeping time with their 
 sound to the cadence of the singers. This mode of dancing to 
 a ballad has been compared to the dances of the peasants in 
 Flanders during the summer, and to those prevalent through- 
 out Spain to the sound of the castanets, and the wild popular 
 chants said to be derived from the Moors ; but which, in fact, 
 existed before their invasion among the Goths who overran the 
 peninsula. 2 
 
 The earliest history of almost all nations has generally been 
 preser^jd by rude heroic rhymes and ballads, and by the lays 
 of the minstrels ; and such was the case with the areytos of 
 the Indians. "When a cacique died," says Oviedo, "they 
 sang in dirges his life and actions, and all the good that he had 
 done was recollected. Thus they formed the ballads or areytos 
 
 1 Tlist. del Alrairante, cap. 61. Peter Martyr, dccad. i. lib. ix. Charlevoix, Hist. St. 
 Domingo, lib. i. 
 
 1 Mariana, Hist. Esp., lib. v. cap. 1.
 
 LIFE OF CI1RISTOPUEB COLUMBUS. 247 
 
 which constituted their history." l Some of these ballads were 
 of a sacred character, containing their traditional notions of 
 theology, and the superstitions and fables which comprised 
 their religious creeds. None were permitted to sing these but 
 the sons of caciques, who were instructed in them by their 
 Butios. They were chanted before the people on solemn festi- 
 vals, like those already described, accompanied by the sound 
 of a kind of drum, made from a hollow tree. 2 
 
 Such are a few of the characteristics remaining on record of 
 these simple people, who perished from the face of the earth 
 before their customs and creeds were thought of sufficient im- 
 portance to be investigated. The present work does not profess 
 to enter into detailed accounts of the countries and people dis- 
 covered by Columbus, otherwise than as they may be useful for 
 the illustration of his history ; and perhaps the foregoing are 
 carried to an unuecessaiy length, but they may serve to give 
 greater interest to the subsequent transactions of the island. 
 
 Many of these particulars, as has been observed, were col- 
 lected by the admiral and his officers, during their excursion 
 among {he mountains and their sojourn in the plain. The 
 natives appeared to them a singularly idle and improvident 
 race, indifferent to most of the objects of human anxiety and 
 toil. They were impatient of all kinds of labor, scarcely giving 
 themselves the trouble to cultivate the yuca root, the maize, 
 and the potato, which formed the main articles of subsistence. 
 For the rest, their streams abounded with fish ; they caught the 
 utia or coney, the guana, and various birds ; and they had a per- 
 petual banquet from the fruits spontaneously produced by their 
 groves. Though the air was sometimes cold among the moun- 
 tains, }'et they preferred submitting to a little temporary suffer- 
 ing rather than take the trouble to weave garments from the 
 gossampiue cotton which abounded in their forests. Thus they 
 loitered away existence in vacant inactivity, under the shade of 
 their trees, or amusing themselves occasionally with various 
 games and dances. 
 
 In fact, they were destitute of powerful motive to toil, being 
 free from most of those wants which doom mankind in civilized 
 life, or in less genial climes, to incessant labor. They had no 
 sterile winter to provide against, particularly in the valleys and 
 the plains, where, according to Peter Martyr, " the island en- 
 joyed perpetual spring-time, and was blessed with continual 
 
 1 Oviedo. Cron. dp las India*, lib. v. cap. 3. 
 
 1 Fiay Roman. IIi*t. del Alrairante, cap. 61. P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. ix. Herrera, 
 Ili.-t. luj., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 4. Oviedo, lib. v. cap. 1.
 
 248 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 summer and harvest. The trees preserved their leaves through- 
 out the year, and the meadows continued always green." 
 "There is no province, nor an} 7 region," he again observes, 
 " which is not remarkable for the majesty of its mountains, the 
 fruitfulness of its vales, the pleasantness of its hills, and de- 
 lightful plains, with abundance of fair rivers running through 
 them. There never was any noisome animal found in it, nor 
 yet any ravening four-footed beast ; no lion, nor bear ; no fierce 
 tigers, nor crafty foxes, nor devouring wolves, but all things 
 blessed and fortunate. 1 
 
 In the soft region of the Vega, the circling seasons brought 
 each its store of fruits ; and while some were gathered in full 
 maturity, others were ripening on the boughs, and buds and 
 blossoms gave promise of still future abundance. What need 
 was there of garnering up and anxiously providing for coming 
 days, to men who lived in a perpetual harvest? What need, 
 too, of toilfully spinning or laboring at the loom, when a genial 
 temperature prevailed throughout the year, and neither nature 
 nor custom prescribed the necessity of clothing. 
 
 The hospitality that characterizes men in such a simple and 
 easy mode of existence, was evinced toward Columbus and his 
 followers during their sojourn in the Vega. Wherever they 
 went it was a continual scene of festivity and rejoicing. The 
 natives hastened from all parts, bearing presents, and laying 
 the treasures of their groves, and streams, and mountains, at 
 the feet of beings whom the} 7 still considered as descended from 
 the skies to bring blessings to their island. 
 
 Having accomplished the purposes of his residence in the 
 Vega, Columbus, at the end of a few days, took leave of its 
 hospitable inhabitants, and resumed his inarch for the harbor, 
 returning with his little army through the lofty and rugged 
 gorge of the mountains called the Pass of the Hidalgos. As 
 we accompany him in imagination over the rocky height, whence 
 the Vega first broke upon the eye of the Europeans, we cannot 
 help pausing to cast back a look of mingled pity and admira- 
 tion over this beautiful but devoted region. The dream of 
 natural liberty, of ignorant content, and loitering idleness, was 
 as yet unbroken, but the fiat had gone forth ; the white man 
 had penetrated into the land : avarice, and pride, and ambition, 
 and pining care, and sordid labor, and withering poverty, were 
 soon to follow, and the indolent paradise of the Indian was 
 about to disappear forever. 
 
 1 Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. is., translated by R. Edeu. London, K55.
 
 LIFE OF CnillSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 249 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 ARRIVAL OF COLUMBUS AT ISABELLA SICKNESS OF THE COLONY. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 ON the 29th of March, Columbus arrived at Isabella, highly 
 satisfied with his expedition into the interior. The appearance 
 of every thing in the vicinity of the harbor was calculated to 
 increase his anticipations of prosperity. The plants and fruits 
 of the Old World, which he was endeavoring to introduce into 
 the island, gave promise of rapid increase. The orchards, fields, 
 and gardens were in a great state of forwardness. The seeds 
 of various fruits had produced young plants ; the sugar-cane 
 had prospered exceedingly ; a native vine, trimmed and dressed 
 with care, had yielded grapes of tolerable flavor, and cuttings 
 from European vines already began to form their clusters. On 
 the 30th of March a husbandman brought to Columbus ears of 
 wheat which had been sown in the latter part of January. The 
 smaller kind of garden herbs came to maturity in sixteen days, 
 and the larger kind, such as melons, gourds, pompions, and 
 cucumbers, were fit for the table within a month after the seed 
 had been put into the ground. The soil, moistened by brooks 
 and rivers and frequent showers, and stimulated by an ardent 
 sun, possessed those principles of quick and prodigal fecundity 
 which surprise the stranger, accustomed to less vigorous 
 climates. 
 
 The admiral had scarcely returned to Isabella when a mes- 
 senger arrived from Pedro Margarite, the commander at fort 
 St. Thomas, informing him that the Indians of the vicinity had 
 manifested unfriendly feelings, abandoning their villages and 
 shunning all intercourse with the white men ; and that Caonabo 
 was assembling his warriors, and preparing to attack the fort- 
 ress. The fact was, that the moment the admiral had departed, 
 the Spaniards, no longer awed by his presence, had, as usual, 
 listened only to their passions, and exasperated the natives by 
 wresting from them their gold, and wronging them with respect 
 to their women. Caonaba also had seen with impatience these 
 detested intruders, planting their standard in the very midst of 
 his mountains, and he knew that he had nothing to expect from 
 them but vengeance. 
 
 The tidings of Margarite, however, caused but little solici-
 
 250 LIFE OF CIIRISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 
 
 tude in the mind of Columbus. From what he had seen of the 
 Indians in the interior, he had no apprehensions from their hos- 
 tility. He knew their weakness and their awe of white men, 
 and above all, he confided in their terror of the horses, which 
 the\- regarded as ferocious beasts of prey, obedient to the 
 Spaniards, but ready to devour their enemies. He contented 
 himself, therefore, with sending Margarite a re-enforcement of 
 twenty men, with a supply of provisions and ammunition, and 
 detaching thirty men to open a road between the fortress and 
 the port. 
 
 What gave Columbus real and deep anxiety was the sickness, 
 the discontent, and dejection which continued to increase in the 
 settlement. The same principles of heat and humidity which 
 gave such fecundity to the fields were fatal to the people. The 
 exhalations from undraiued marshes, and a vast continuity of 
 forest, and the action of a burning sun upon a reeking vege- 
 table soil, produced intermittent fevers, and various other of 
 the maladies so trying to European constitutions in the uncul- 
 tivated countries of the tropics. Many of the Spaniards suf- 
 fered also under the torments of a disease hitherto unknown to 
 them, the scourge, as was supposed, of their licentious inter- 
 course with the Indian females ; but the origin of which, 
 whether American or European, has been a subject of great 
 dispute. Thus the greater part of the colonists were either 
 confined by positive illness or reduced to great debility. The 
 stock of medicines was soon exhausted ; there was a lack of 
 medical aid, and of the watchful attendance which is even more 
 important than medicine to the sick. Every one who was well, 
 was either engrossed by the public labors, or by his own wants 
 or cares ; having to perform all menial offices for himself, even 
 to the cooking of his provisions. The public works, therefore, 
 languished, and it was impossible to cultivate the soil in a suf- 
 ficient degree to produce a supply of the fruits of the earth. 
 Provisions began to fail, much of the stores brought from 
 Europe had been wasted on board ship, or suffered to spoil 
 through carelessness, and much had perished on shore from the 
 warmth and humidity of the climate. It seemed impossible for 
 the colonists to accommodate themselves to the food of the 
 natives ; and their infirm condition required the aliments to 
 which they had been accustomed. To avert an absolute famine, 
 therefore, it was necessary to put the people on a short allow- 
 ance, even of the damaged and unhealthy provisions which re- 
 mained. This immediately caused loud and fractious murmurs, 
 in which many of those in office, who ought to have supported
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 251 
 
 Columbus in his measures for the common safety, took a leading 
 part ; among those was Father Boyle, a priest as turbulent as 
 be \v:is crafty. He had been irritated, it is said, by the rigid 
 impartiality of Columbus, who, in enforcing his salutary meas- 
 ures, made no distinction of rank or persons, and put the friar 
 and his household on a short allowance as well as the rest of the 
 community. 
 
 In the midst of this general discontent, the bread began to 
 grow scarce. The stock of flour was exhausted, and there was 
 no mode of grinding corn but by the tedious and toilsome pro- 
 cess of the hand-mill. It became necessary, therefore, to erect 
 a mill immediately, and other works were required equally 
 important to the welfare of the settlement. Many of the work- 
 men, however, were ill, some feigning greater sickness than 
 they really suffered ; for there was a general disinclination to 
 all kinds of labor which was not to produce immediate wealth. 
 In this emergency, Columbus put every health}' person in requisi- 
 tion ; and as the cavaliers and gentlemen of rank required food 
 as well as the lower orders, they were called upon to take their 
 share in the common labor. This was considered a cruel deg- 
 radation b}- many youthful hidalgos of high blood and haughty 
 spirit, and they refused to obey the summons. Columbus, how- 
 ever, was a strict disciplinarian, and felt the importance of 
 making his authority respected. He resorted, therefore, to 
 strong and compulsory measures, and enforced their obedience. 
 This was another cause of the deep and lasting hostilities that 
 sprang up against him. It aroused the immediate indignation 
 of every person of birth and rank in the colony, and drew upon 
 him the resentment of several of the proud families of Spain. 
 He was inveighed against as an arrogant and upstart foreigner, 
 who. inflated with a sudden acquisition of power, and consulting 
 only his own ^vealth and aggrandizement, was trampling upon 
 the rights and dignities of Spanish gentlemen, and insulting 
 the honor of the nation. 
 
 Columbus may have been too strict and indiscriminate in his 
 regulations. There are cases in which even justice may become 
 oppressive, and where the severity of the law should be tem- 
 pered with indulgence. What was mere toilsome labor to a 
 common man, became humiliation and disgrace when forced 
 upon a Spanish cavalier. Many of these young men had come 
 out, not iu the pursuit of wealth, but with romantic dreams in- 
 spired by his own representations ; hoping, no doubt, to dis- 
 tinguish themselves by heroic achievements and chivalrous 
 adventure, and to continue in the Indies the career of arms
 
 252 LIFE OF CnRISTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 
 
 which they had commenced in the recent wars of Granada. 
 Others had been brought up in soft, luxurious indulgence, in 
 the midst of opulent families, and were little calculated for the 
 rude perils of the seas, the fatigues of the land, and the hard- 
 ships, the exposures, and deprivations which attend a new 
 settlement in the wilderness. When they fell ill, their case 
 soon became incurable. The ailments of the body were in- 
 creased by sickness of the heart. They suffered under the 
 irritation of wounded pride, and the morbid melancholy of dis- 
 appointed hope ; their sick-bed was destitute of all the tender 
 care and soothing attention to which they had been accustomed ; 
 and they sank into the grave in all the sullenness of despair, 
 cursing the day of their departure from their country. 
 
 The venerable Las Casas, and Herrera after him, record, with 
 much solemnity, a popular belief current in the island at the 
 time of his residence there, and connected with the untimely 
 fate of these cavaliers. 
 
 In after years, when the seat of the colony was removed from 
 Isabella on account of its unhealthy situation, the city fell to 
 ruin, and was abandoned. Like all decayed and deserted 
 places, it soon became an object of awe and superstition to the 
 common people, and no one ventured to enter its gates. Those 
 who passed near it, or hunted the wild swine which abounded 
 in the neighborhood, declared they heard appalling voices issue 
 from within its walls by night and day. The laborers became 
 fearful, therefore, of cultivating the adjacent fields. The story 
 went, adds Las Casas, that two Spaniards happened one day to 
 wander among the ruined edifices of the place. On entering 
 one of the solitary streets, they beheld two rows of men, evi- 
 dently, from their stately demeanor, hidalgos of noble blood, 
 and cavaliers of the court. They were richly attired in the old 
 Castilian mode, with rapiers by their sides, and lyoad travelling 
 hats, such as were worn at the time. The two men were aston- 
 ished to behold persons of their rank and appearance ap- 
 parently inhabiting that desolate place, unknown to the people 
 of the island. They saluted them, and inquired whence they 
 came and when they had arrived. The cavaliers maintained a 
 gloomy silence, but courteously returned the salutation by raising 
 their hands to their sombreros or hats, in taking off which their 
 heads came off also, and their bodies stood decapitated. The 
 whole phantom assemblage then vanished. So great w r as the 
 astonishment and horror of the beholders, that they had nearly 
 fallen dead, and remained stupefied for several days. 1 
 
 1 Lau Casas, Hist. Iiid., lib. i. cap. 92, MS. Herrera, Hist, lad., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 12.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 253 
 
 The foregoing legend is curious, as illustrating the supersti- 
 tious character of the age, and especially of the people with 
 whom Columbus had to act. It shows, also, the deep and 
 gloomy impression made upon the minds of the common people 
 by the death of these cavaliers, which operated materially to 
 increase the unpopularity of Columbus; as it was mischievously 
 represented, that they had been seduced from their homes by 
 his delusive promises, and sacrificed to his private interests. 
 
 CHAPTER XII.' 
 
 DISTRIBUTION OF THE SPANISH FORCES IN THE INTERIOR PREP- 
 ARATIONS FOR A VOYAGE TO CUBA. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 THE increasing discontents of the motley population of Isa- 
 bella and the rapid consumption of the scanty stores which 
 remained, were causes of great anxiety to Columbus. He was 
 desirous of proceeding on another voyage of discovery, but it 
 was indispensable, before sailing, to place the affairs of the 
 island in such a state as to secure tranquillity. He determined, 
 therefore, to send all the men that could be spared from Isa- 
 bella, into the interior; with orders to visit the territories of 
 the different caciques, and explore the island. By this means 
 they would be roused and animated ; they would become ac-' 
 customed to the climate and to the diet of the natives, and such 
 a force would be displayed as to overawe the machinations of 
 Caouabo or any other hostile cacique. In pursuance of this 
 plan, every healthy person, not absolutely necessary to the 
 concerns of the city or the care of the sick, was put under ann>, 
 and a little army mustered, consisting of two hundred and fifty 
 cross-bow men, one hundred and ten arquebusiers, sixteen 
 horsemen, and twenty officers. The general command of the 
 forces was intrusted to Pedro Margarita, in whom Columbus 
 had great confidence as a noble Catalonian. and a knight of the 
 order of Santiago. Alonso do Ojeda was to conduct the army 
 to the fortress of St. Thomas, where he was to succeed Mar- 
 garit'e in the command ; and the latter was to proceed with the 
 main body of the troops on a military tour, in which he was 
 purtieularly to explore the province of Cibao, and subsequently 
 the other parts of the islaiid.
 
 254 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Columbus wrote a long and earnest letter of instructions to 
 Margaritc, by which to govern himself in a service requiring 
 such great circumspection. He charged him above all things 
 to observe the greatest justice and discretion in respect to the 
 Indians, protecting them from all wrong and insult, and treat- 
 ing them in such a manner as to secure their confidence and 
 friendship. At the same time they were to be made to respect 
 the property of the white men, and all thefts were to be severely 
 punished. Whatever provisions were required from them for 
 the subsistence of the army, were to be fairly purchased by 
 persons whom the admiral appointed for that purpose ; the 
 purchases were to be made in the presence of the agent of the 
 comptroller. If the Indians refused to sell the necessary pro- 
 visions, then Margarite was to interfere and compel them to do 
 so, acting, however, with all possible gentleness, and soothing 
 them by kindness and caresses. No traffic was to be allowed 
 between individuals and the natives, it being displeasing to 
 the sovereigns and injurious to the service ; and it was always 
 to be kept in mind that their majesties were more desirous of 
 the conversion of the natives than of any riches to be derived 
 from them. 
 
 A strict discipline was to be maintained in the army, all 
 breach of orders to lie severely punished, the men to be kept 
 together and not suffered to wander from the main body, either 
 singly or in small parties, lest they should be cut off by the 
 natives ; for though these people were pusillanimous, there 
 were no people so apt to be perfidious and cruel as cowards. 1 
 
 These judicious instructions, which, if followed, might have 
 preserved an amicable intercourse with the natives, are more 
 especially deserving of notice, because Margarite disregarded 
 them all, and by his disobedience brought trouble on the colony, 
 obloquy on the nation, destruction oil the Indians, and un- 
 merited censure on Columbus. 
 
 In addition to the foregoing orders, there were particular 
 directions for the surprising and securing of the persons of 
 Caonabo and his brothers. The warlike character of that 
 chieftain, his artful polic}', extensive power, and implacable 
 hostility, rendered him a dangerous enemy. The measures 
 proposed were not the most open and chivalrous, but Columbus 
 thought himself justified in opposing stratagem to stratagem 
 with a subtle and sanguinary foe. 
 
 The Oth of April, Alouso de Ojeda sallied forth from Isabella 
 
 1 Letter of Columbus. Navarrete, Colec., torn. ii. Documeut No. 72.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 255 
 
 at the head of the forces, amounting to nearly four hundred 
 men. On arriving at the Rio del Oro in the Koyal Vega, he 
 learnt that three Spaniards coming from the fortress of St. 
 Thomas had been robbed of their effects by five Indians, whom 
 a neighboring cacique had sent to assist them in fording the 
 river ; and that the cacique, instead of punishing the thieves, 
 had countenanced them and shared their booty. Ojeda was a 
 quick, impetuous soldier, whose ideas of legislation were all of 
 a military kind. Having caught one of the thieves, he caused 
 his ears to be cutoff in the public square of the village ; he then 
 seized the cacique, his son, and nephew, and sent them in Chains 
 to the admiral, after which he pursued his march to the fortress. 
 
 In the mean time the prisoners arrived at Isabella in deep 
 dejection. They were accompanied by a neighboring cacique, 
 who, reiving upon the merit of various acts of kindness which 
 he had shown to the Spaniards, came to plead for their for- 
 giveness. His intercessions appeared to be of no avail. Co- 
 lumbus felt the importance of striking awe into the minds of 
 the natives with respect to the property of the white men. He 
 ordered, therefore, that the prisoners should be taken to the 
 public square with their hands tied behind them, their crime 
 and punishment proclaimed by the crier, and their heads struck 
 off. Nor was this a punishment disproportioued to their own 
 ideas of justice, for we are told that the crime of theft was held 
 in such abhorrence among them, that, though not otherwise 
 sanguinary in their laws, they punished it with impalement. 1 
 It is not probable, however, that Columbus really meant to 
 carry the sentence into effect. At the place of execution the 
 prayers and tears of the friendly cacique were redoubled, 
 pledging himself that there should be no repetition of the 
 offence. The admiral at length made a merit of yielding to his 
 entreaties, and released the prisoners. Just at this juncture a 
 horseman arrived from the fortress, who, in passing by the 
 village of the captive cacique, had found five Spaniards in the 
 power of the Indians. The sight of his horse had put the mul- 
 titude to flight, though upward of four hundred in number. 
 He had pursued the fugitives, wounding several with his lance, 
 and had brought off his countrymen in triumph. 
 
 Convinced by this circumstance that nothing was to be appre- 
 hended from the hostilities of these timid people as long as his 
 orders were obeyed, and confiding in the distribution he had 
 made of his forces, both for the tranquillity of the colony and 
 
 1 Oviedo, Ilist. lud., lib. v. cap. 3.
 
 256 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 the island, Columbus prepared to depart on the prosecution of 
 his discoveries. To direct the affairs of the island during his 
 absence, he formed a junta, of which his brother Don Diego was 
 president, and Father Boyle, Pedro Feruandes Coronel, Alonzo 
 Sanchez Caravajal, and Juan de Luxan, were councillors. He 
 left his two largest ships in the harbor, being of too great a size 
 and draught of water to explore unknown coasts and rivers, 
 and took with him three caravels, the 2s T iiia or Santa Clara, 
 the Sail Juan, aiid the Cordera.
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 VOYAGE TO THE EAST END OF CUBA. 
 [1494.] 
 
 THE expedition of Columbus, which we are now about to 
 record, may appear of minor importance at the present day, 
 leading as it did to no grand discovery, and merely extending 
 along the coasts of islands with which the reader is sufficiently 
 familiar. Some may feel impatient at the development of 
 opinions and conjectures which have long since been proved to 
 be fallacious, and the detail of exploring enterprises, undertaken 
 in error, and which they know must end in disappointment. 
 But to feel these voyages properly, we must, in a manner, 
 divest ourselves occasionally of the information we possess, 
 relative to the countries visited ; we must transport ourselves 
 to the time, and identify ourselves with Columbus, thus fear- 
 lessly launching into seas where as yet a civilized sail had 
 never been unfurled. We must accompany him, step by step, 
 in his cautious but bold advances along the bays and channels 
 of an unknown coast, ignorant of the dangers which might lurk 
 around or which might await him in the interminable region of 
 mystery that still kept breaking upon his view. We must, as 
 it were, consult with him as to each new reach of shadowy 
 land, and long line of promontory, that we see faintly emer- 
 ging from the ocean and stretching along the distant horizon. 
 We must watch with him each light canoe that comes skim- 
 ming the billows, to gather from the looks, the ornaments, and 
 the imperfect communications of its wandering crew, whether 
 those unknown lands are also savage and uncultivated, whether 
 they are islands in the ocean, untrodden as yet by civilized 
 man, or tracts of the old continent of Asia, and wild frontiers 
 of its populous and splendid empires. We must enter into his 
 
 257
 
 268 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 very thoughts and fancies, find out the data that assisted his 
 judgment, and the hints that excited his conjectures, and for a 
 time clothe the regions through which we are accompanying 
 him with the gorgeous coloring of his own imagination. In 
 this way we may delude ourselves into participation of the 
 delight of exploring unknown and magnificent lands, where 
 new wonders and beauties break upon us at every step, and we 
 may ultimately be able, as it were, from our own familiar 
 acquaintance, to form an opinion of the character of this ex- 
 traordinary man, and of the nature of his enterprises. 
 
 The plan of the present expedition of Columbus was to revisit 
 the coast of Cuba at the point where he had abandoned it on 
 his first voyage, and thence to explore it on the southern side. 
 As has already 7 been observed, he supposed it to be a continent, 
 and the extreme end of Asia, and if so, by following its shores 
 in the proposed direction he must eventually arrive at Cathay 
 and those other rich and commercial though semi-barbarous 
 countries described by Mandeville and Marco Polo. 1 
 
 He set sail with his little squadron from the harbor of Isa- 
 bella on the 24th of April, and steered to the westward. After 
 touching at Monte Christi, he anchored on the same day at the 
 disastrous harbor of La Navidad. His object in revisiting this 
 melancholy scene was to obtain an interview with Guacanagari, 
 who, he understood, had returned to his former residence. He 
 could not be persuaded of the perfidy of that cacique, so deep 
 was the impression made upon his heart by past kindness ; he 
 trusted, therefore, that a frank explanation would remove all 
 painful doubts, and restore a friendly intercourse, which would 
 be highly advantageous to the Spaniards, in their present time 
 of scarcity and suffering. Guacanagari, however, still main- 
 tained his equivocal conduct, absconding at the sight of the 
 ships ; and though several of his subjects assured Columbus 
 that the cacique would soon make him a visit, he did not think 
 it advisable to delay his vo3*age on such an uncertainty. 
 
 Pursuing his course, impeded occasionally by contrary 
 winds, he arrived on the 2'Jth at the port of St. Nicholas, 
 whence he beheld the extreme point of Cuba, to which in his 
 preceding voyage he had given the name of Alpha and Omega, 
 but which was called by the natives Bayatiquiri, and is now 
 known as Point Maysi. Having crossed the channel, which is 
 about eighteen leagues wide, he sailed along the southern coast 
 of Cuba, for the distance of twenty leagues, when he anchored 
 
 1 Cura de los TalacioB, cap. 123, MS.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 259 
 
 in a harbor, to which, from its size, he gave the name of Puerto 
 Grande, at present called Guantanaino. The entrance was nar- 
 row and winding, though deep; the harbor expanded within 
 like a beautiful lake, in the bosom of a wild and mountainous 
 country, covered with trees, some of them in blossom, others 
 bearing fruit. Not far from the shore were two cottages built 
 of reeds, and several tires blazing in various parts of the beach 
 gave signs of inhabitants. Columbus landed, therefore, attend- 
 ed by several men well armed, and by the young Indian inter- 
 preter Diego Colon, the native of the island of Guanahani who 
 had been baptized in Spain. On arriving at the cottages, he 
 found them deserted ; the fires also were abandoned, and there 
 was not a human being to be seen. The Indians had all fled to 
 the woods and mountains. The sudden arrival of the ships had 
 spread a panic throughout the neighborhood, and apparently 
 interrupted the preparations for a rude but plentiful banquet. 
 There were great quantities of fish, utias, and guanas ; some 
 suspended to the branches of the trees, others roasting on 
 wooden spits before the fires. 
 
 The Spaniards, accustomed of late to slender fare, fell with- 
 out ceremony on this bounteous feast, thus spread for them, as 
 it were, in the wilderness. They abstained, however, from the 
 guanas, which they still regarded with disgust as a species of 
 serpent, though they were considered so delicate a food by the 
 savages, that, according to Peter Martyr, it was no more law- 
 ful for the common people to eat them, than of peacocks and 
 pheasants in Spain. 1 
 
 After their repast, as the Spaniards were roving about the 
 vicinity, they beheld about seventy of the natives collected on 
 the top of a lofty rock, and looking down upon them with 
 great awe and amazement. On attempting to approach them 
 they instantly disappeared among the woods and clefts of the 
 mountain. One, however, more bold or more curious than the 
 rest, lingered on the brow of the precipice, gazing with timid 
 wonder at the Spaniards, partly encouraged b}' their friendly 
 signs, but ready in an instant to bound away after his com- 
 panions. 
 
 By order of Columbus the young Lucayan interpreter ad- 
 vanced and accosted him. The expressions of friendship, in 
 his own language, soon dispelled his apprehensions. He came 
 to meet the interpreter, and being informed by him of the good 
 intentions of the Spaniards, hastened to communicate the in- 
 
 i P. Martyr, dt-cad. i. lib. iii.
 
 260 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 telligence to his comrades. In a little while they were seen 
 descending from the rocks, and issuing from their forests, ap- 
 proaching the strangers with great gentleness and veneration. 
 Through the means of the interpreter, Columbus learnt that 
 they had been sent to the coast by their cacique, to procure fish 
 for a solemn banquet, which he was about to give to a neighbor- 
 ing chieftain, and that they roasted the fish to prevent it from 
 spoiling in the transportation. They seemed to be of the same 
 gentle and pacific character with the natives of Ilayti. The 
 ravages that had been made among their provisions by the hun- 
 gry Spaniards gave them no concern, for they observed that 
 one night's fishing would replace all the loss. Columbus, how- 
 ever, in his usual spirit of justice, ordered that ample compen- 
 sation should be made them, and, shaking hands, they parted 
 mutually well-pleased. 1 
 
 Leaving this harbor on the 1st of May, the admiral continued 
 to the westward, along a mountainous coast, adorned by beau- 
 tiful rivers, and indented by those commodious harbors for 
 which this island is so remarkable. As he advanced, the coun- 
 try grew more fertile and populous. The natives crowded to 
 the shores, man, woman, and child, gazing with astonishment 
 at the ships, which glided gently along at no great distance. 
 They held up fruits and provisions, inviting the Spaniards to 
 land ; others came off in canoes, bringing cassava bread, fish, 
 and calabashes of water, not for sale, but as offerings to the 
 strangers, whom, as usual, they considered celestial beings de- 
 scended from the skies. Columbus distributed the customary 
 presents among them, which were received with transports 
 of joy and gratitude. After continuing some distance along 
 the coast, he came to another gulf or deep bay, narrow at the 
 entrance and expanding within, surrounded by a rich and 
 beautiful country. There were lofty mountains sweeping up 
 from the sea, but the shores were enlivened by numerous vil- 
 lages, and cultivated to such a degree as to resemble gardens 
 and orchards. In this harbor, which it is probable was the 
 same at present called St. Jago de Cuba, Columbus anchored 
 and passed a night, overwhelmed, as usual, with the simple hos- 
 pitality of the natives.' 2 
 
 On inquiring of the people of this coast after gold, they uni- 
 formry pointed to the south, and, as far as they could be 
 understood, intimated that it abounded in a great island which 
 lay in that direction. The admiral, in the course of his first 
 
 1 Peter Martyr, ubi sup. Cura de los Paladoe, cap 124, 1S.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 261 
 
 voyage, had received information of such an island, which 
 some of his followers had thought might be Habeque, the ob- 
 ject of so much anxious search and chimerical expectation. 
 He had felt a strong inclination to diverge from his course 
 and go in quest of it, and this desire increased with every 
 new report. On the following day, therefore (the 3d of May), 
 after standing westward to a high cape, he turned his prow 
 directly south, and abandoning for a time the coast of Cuba, 
 steered off into the broad sea, in quest of this reported island. 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 DISCOVERY OF JAMAICA. 
 [1494.] 
 
 COLUMBUS had not sailed many leagues before the blue sum- 
 mits of a vast and lofty island at a great distance, began to 
 rise like clouds above the horizon. It was two days and nights, 
 however, before he reached its shores, filled with admiration, 
 as he gradually drew near, at the beauty of its mountains, the 
 majesty of its forests, the fertility of its valleys, and the great 
 number of villages with which the whole face of the country 
 was animated. 
 
 On approaching the land, at least seventy canoes, filled with 
 savages gayly painted and decorated with feathers, sallied 
 forth more than a league from the shore. They advanced in 
 warlike array, uttering loud yells, and brandishing lances of 
 pointed wood. The mediation of the interpreter, and a few 
 presents to the crew of one of the canoes, which ventured 
 nearer than the rest, soothed this angry armada, and the squad- 
 ron pursued its course unmolested. Columbus anchored in a 
 harbor about the centre of the island, to which, from the great 
 beauty of the surrounding country, he gave the name of Santa 
 Gloria. 1 
 
 On the following morning he weighed anchor at daybreak, 
 and coasted westward in search of a sheltered harbor, where 
 his ship could be careened and calked, as it leaked considerably. 
 After proceeding a few leagues, he found one apparently suit- 
 able for the purpose. On sending a boat to sound the entrance, 
 two large canoes, filled with Indians, issued forth, hurling their 
 
 1 Cura tie los Palacioa, cap. 125.
 
 C 2 2 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 lances, but from such distance as to fall short of the Spaniards. 
 AVishing to avoid any act of hostility that might prevent fntuie 
 intercourse, Columbus ordered the boat to return on board, and 
 finding there was sufficient depth of water for his ship, entered 
 and anchored in the harbor. Immediately the whole beach was 
 covered with Indians painted with a variety of colors, but 
 chiefly black, some partly clothed with palm-leaves, and all 
 wearing tufts and coronets of feathers. Unlike the hospitable 
 islanders of Cuba and Ilayti, they appeared to partake of the 
 warlike character of the Caribs, hurling their javelins at the 
 ships, and making the shores resound with their yells and war- 
 whoops. 
 
 The admiral reflected that further forbearance might be mis- 
 taken for cowardice. Jt was necessary to careen his ship, and 
 to send men on shore for a supply of water, but previously it 
 was advisable to strike an awe into the savages, that might pre- 
 vent any molestation from them. As the caravels could not 
 approach sufficiently near to the beach where the Indians were 
 collected, he despatched the boats well manned and armed. 
 These, rowing close to the shore, let fly a volley of arrows 
 from their cross-bows, by which several Indians were wounded, 
 and the rest thrown into confusion. The Spaniards then sprang 
 on shore, and put the whole multitude to flight, giving another 
 discharge with their cross-bows, and letting loose upon them a 
 dog, who pursued them with sanguinary fury. 1 This is the 
 first instance of the use of dogs against the natives, which were 
 afterward employed with such cruel effect by the Spaniards in 
 their Indian wars. Columbus now landed and took formal pos- 
 session of the island, to which he gave the name of Santiago; 
 but it has retained its original Indian name of Jamaica. The 
 harbor, from its commodiousuess, he called Puerto Bueno ; it 
 was in the form of a horseshoe, and a river entered the sea in 
 its vicinity. 2 
 
 During the rest of the day the neighborhood remained silent 
 and deserted. On the following morning, however, before sun- 
 rise, six Indians were seen on the shore, making signs of amity. 
 They proved to be envo3's sent by the caciques with proffers of 
 peace and friendship. These were cordially returned by the 
 admiral ; presents of trinkets were sent to the chieftains ; and 
 in a little while the harbor again swarmed with the naked and 
 painted multitude, bringing abundance of provisions, similar in 
 kind, but superior in quality, to those of the other islands. 
 
 1 Cura de los Palacios, cap. 125. Hist, del Almirante, ubi ano.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 263 
 
 During three days that the ships remained in this harbor, 
 the most amicable intercourse was kept up with the natives. 
 They appeared to be more ingenious, as well as more warlike, 
 than their neighbors of Cuba and Hayti. Their cauoes were 
 better constructed, being ornamented with carving and paint- 
 ing at the bow and stern. Many were of great size, though 
 formed of the trunks of single trees, often from a species of the 
 mahogany. Columbus measured one, which was ninety-six feet 
 long, and eight broad, 1 hollowed out of one of those magnificent 
 trees which rise like verdant towers amidst the rich forests of 
 the tropics. Every cacique prided himself on possessing a large 
 canoe of the kind, which he seemed to regard as his ship of 
 state. It is curious to remark the apparently innate difference 
 between these island tribes. The natives of Poito Rico, though 
 surrounded by adjacent islands, and subject to frequent incur- 
 sions of the Caribs, were of a pacific character, and possessed 
 very few canoes ; while Jamaica, separated by distance from 
 intercourse with other islands, protected in the same way from 
 the dangers of invasion, and embosomed, as it were, in a peace- 
 ful mediterranean sea, was inhabited by a warlike race, and 
 surpassed all the other islands in its maritime armaments. 
 
 His ship being repaired, and a supply of water taken in, 
 Columbus made sail, and continued along the coast to the west- 
 ward, so close to the shore that the little squadron was contin- 
 ually surrounded by the cauoes of the natives, who came off 
 from every bay, and river, and headland, no longer manifest- 
 ing hostility, but anxious to exchange any thing they possessed 
 for European trifles. After proceeding about twenty-four 
 leagues, they approached the western extremity of the island, 
 where the coast bending to the south, the wind became unfavor- 
 able for their farther progress along the shore. Being disap- 
 pointed in his hopes of finding gold in Jamaica, and the breeze 
 being fair for Cuba, Columbus determined to return thither, 
 and not to leave it until he had explored its coast to a sufficient 
 distance to determine the question whether it was terra firma or 
 an island. 2 To the last place at which he touched in Jamaica, 
 he gave the name of the Gulf of Buentiempo (or Fair Weather), 
 on account of the propitious wind which blew for Cuba. Just 
 as he was about to sail, a young Indian came off to the ship, 
 and begged the Spaniards would take him to their country. He 
 was followed by his relatives and friends, who endeavored by 
 the most affecting supplications to dissuade him from his pur- 
 
 1 (Jura de los I'alacios, cap. 124. ! Ilist. del Aluiirau'.e, cap. 54.
 
 264 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 pose. For some time he was distracted between concern for the 
 distress of his family, and an ardent desire to see the home of 
 these wonderful strangers. Curiosity, and the youthful pro- 
 pensity to rove, prevailed ; he tore himself from the embrace's 
 of his friends, and, that he might not behold the tears of his 
 sisters, hid himself in a secret part of the ship. Touched by 
 this scene of natural affection, and pleased with the enterprising 
 and confiding spirit of the youth, Columbus gave orders that he 
 should be treated with especial kindness. 1 
 
 Jt would have been interesting to have known something 
 more of the fortunes of this curious savage, and of the impres- 
 sions made upon so lively a mind by a first sight of the wonders 
 of civilization whether the land of the white men equalled his 
 hopes ; whether, as is usual with savages, he pined amid the 
 splendors of cities for his native forests, and whether he ever 
 returned to the arms of his family. The early Spanish histo- 
 rians seem never to have interested themselves in the feelings or 
 fortunes of these first visitors from the New to the Old World. 
 No further mention is made of this youthful adventurer. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 RETURN TO CUBA NAVIGATION AMONG THE ISLANDS CALLED THE 
 
 QUEEN'S GARDENS. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 SETTING sail from the Gulf of Buentiempo, the squadron once 
 more steered for the island of Cuba, and on the 18th of May 
 arrived at a great cape, to which Columbus gave the name of 
 Cabo de la Cruz, which it still retains. Here, landing at a 
 large village, he was well received and entertained by the 
 cacique and his subjects, who had long since heard of him and 
 his ships. In fact, Columbus found, from the report of this 
 chieftain, that the numerous Indians who had visited his ships 
 during his cruise along the nothern coast in his first voj'age, 
 had spread the story far and near of these wonderful visitors 
 who had descended from the sky, and had filled the whole 
 island with rumors and astonishment. 2 The admiral endeav- 
 ored to ascertain from this cacique and his people, whether 
 
 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 54. * Curacle los Palacios, cap. 126.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 265 
 
 Cuba wns an island or a continent. They all replied that it 
 wa- :in island, but of infinite extent; for they declared that 110 
 one had ever seen the end of it. This reply, while'it manifested 
 their ignorance of the nature of a continent, left the question 
 still in doubt and obscurity. The Indian name of this province 
 of Cuba was Macaca. 
 
 Resuming his course to the west on the following day, 
 Columbus came to where the coast suddenly swept away to 
 the north-ea>t for many leagues, and then curved around again 
 to the west, forming an immense hay. or rather gulf. Here he 
 was assailed by a violent storm, accompanied by awful thun- 
 der and lightning, which in these latitudes seem to rend the very 
 heavens. Fortunately the storm was not of long duration, or 
 his situation would have been perilous in the extreme; for he 
 found the navigation rendered difficult by numerous keys 1 and 
 sand-banks. These increased as he advanced, until the mari- 
 ner stationed at the masthead beheld the sea, as far as the eye 
 could reach, completely studded with small islands; some were 
 low, naked, ami sandy, others covered with verdure, and 
 others tufted with loft}' and beautiful forests. They were of 
 various sizes, from one to four leagues, and were generally the 
 more fertile and elevated, the nearer they were to Cuba. 
 Finding them to increase in numl)er, so as to render it impossi- 
 ble to give names to each, the admiral gave the whole labyrinth 
 of islands, which in a manner enamelled the face of the ocean 
 with variegated verdure, the name of the Queen's Gardens. 
 He thought at first of leaving this archipelago on his right, and 
 standing farther out to sea ; but he called to mind that Sir John 
 Mandeville and Marco Polo had mentioned that the coast of 
 Asia was fringed with islands to the amount of several thousand. 
 He persuaded himself that he was among that cluster, and re- 
 solved not to lose sight of the mainland, by following which, 
 if it were really Asia, he must soon arrive at the dominions of 
 the Grand Khan. 
 
 Entering among these islands, therefore, Columbus soon 
 became entangled in the most perplexed navigation, in which 
 he was exposed to continual perils and difficulties from sand- 
 banks, counter currents, and sunken rocks. The ships were 
 compelled, in a manner, to grope their way, with men stationed 
 at the masthead, and the lead continually going. Sometimes 
 they were obliged to shift their course, within the hour, to all 
 points of the compass ; sometimes they were straitened in a 
 
 1 Keys, from Cayos, rocks which occasionally form email inlands on the coast of 
 America.
 
 266 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 narrow channel, where it was necessary to lower all sail, and 
 tow the vessels out, lest they should run aground ; notwith- 
 standing all 'which precautions they frequently touched upon 
 sand-banks, and were extricated with great difficulty. The 
 variableness of the weather added to the embarrassment of the 
 navigation ; though after a little while it began to assume some 
 method in its very caprices. In the morning the wind rose in 
 the east with the sun, and following his course through the day, 
 died away at sunset in the west. Heavy clouds gathered with 
 the approach of evening, sending forth sheets of lightning, and 
 distant peals of thunder, and menacing a furious tempest ; but 
 as the moon rose, the whole mass broke away, part melting in a 
 shower, and part dispersing by a breeze which sprang up from 
 the land. 
 
 There was much in the character of the surrounding scenery 
 to favor the idea of Columbus, that he was in the Asiatic archi- 
 pelago. As the ships glided along the smooth and glassy canals 
 which separated these verdant islands, the magnificence of 
 their vegetation, the soft odors wafted from flowers, and blos- 
 soms, and aromatic shrubs, and the splendid plumage of the 
 scarlet cranes, or rather flamingoes, which abounded in the 
 meadows, and of other tropical birds which fluttered among 
 the groves, resembled what is described of Oriental climes. 
 These islands were generally uninhabited. They found a con- 
 siderable village, however, on one of the largest, where they 
 lauded on the - 22d of May. The houses were abandoned by their 
 inhabitants, who appeared to depend principally on the sea for 
 their subsistence. Large quantities of fish were found in their 
 dwellings, and the adjacent shore was covered with the shells 
 of tortoises. There were also domesticated parrots, and scarlet 
 cranes, and a number of dumb dogs, which it was afterward 
 found they fattened as an article of food. To this island the 
 admiral gave the name of Santa Marta. 
 
 In the course of his voyage among these islands, Columbus 
 beheld one day a number of the natives in a canoe on the still 
 surface of one of the channels, occupied in fishing, and was 
 struck with the singular means they employed. The}' had a 
 small fish, the flat head of which was furnished with numerous 
 suckers, by which it attached itself so firmly to any object, as 
 to be torn in pieces rather than abandon its hold. Tying a line 
 of great length to the tail of this fish, the Indians permitted it 
 to swim at large ; it generally kept near the surface of the 
 water until it perceived its prey, when, darting down swiftly, 
 it attached itself by the suckers to the throat of a fish or to the
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 267 
 
 under shell of a tortoise, nor did it relinquish its prey until 
 both were drawn up by the fisherman and taken out of the 
 water. In this way the Spaniards witnessed the taking of a 
 tortoise of immense size, and Fernando Columbus afh'rms that 
 he himself saw a shark caught in the same manner on the coast 
 of Veragua. The fact has been corroborated by the accounts 
 of various navigators ; and the same mode of fishing is said to 
 be employed on the eastern coast of Africa, at Mozambique, 
 and at Madagascar. " Thus," it has been observed, ' savage 
 people, who probably have never held communication with each 
 other, offer the most striking analogies in their modes of exer- 
 cising empire over animals." 1 These fishermen came on board 
 of the ships in a fearless manner. They furnished the Span- 
 iards with a supply of fish, and would cheerfully have given 
 them every thing they possessed. To the admiral's inquiries 
 concerning those parts, they said that the sea was full of islands 
 to the south and to the west, but as to Cuba, it continued run- 
 ning to the westward without any termination. 
 
 Having extricated himself from this archipelago, Columbus 
 steered for a mountainous part of the island of Cuba about 
 fourteen leagues distant, where he landed at a large village on 
 the .'Ul of June. Here he was received with that kindness and 
 amity which distinguished the inhabitants of Cuba, whom he 
 extolled above all the other islanders for their mild and pacific 
 character. Their veiy animals, he said, were tamer, as well as 
 larger and better, than those of the other islands. Among the 
 various articles of food which the natives brought with joyful 
 alacrity from all parts, were stock-doves of uncommon size and 
 flavor ; perceiving something peculiar in their taste, Columbus 
 ordered the crops of several newly killed to be opened, in which 
 were found sweet spices. 
 
 While the crews of the boats were procuring water and pro- 
 visions, Columbus sought to gather information from the ven- 
 erable cacique, and several of the old men of the village. They 
 told him that the name of their province was Ornofay ; that 
 farther to the westward the sea was again covered with innu- 
 merable islands, and had but little depth. As to Cuba, none 
 of them had ever heard that it had an end to the westward ; 
 fort}* moons would not suffice to reach to its extremity ; in fact, 
 they considered it interminable. They observed, however, that 
 the admiral would receive more ample information from the 
 inhabitants of Mangon, an adjacent province, which lay toward 
 
 1 Humboldt, Essai Polilique sur I'll de Cuba, torn. i. p. 364.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 the west. The quick apprehension of Columbus was struck 
 with the sound of this name ; it resembled that of Mangi, the 
 richest province of the Grand Khan, bordering on the ocean. 
 He made further inquiries concerning the region of Mungon, 
 and understood the Indians to say that it was inhabited by 
 people who had tails like animals, and wore garments to con- 
 ceal them. He recollected that Sir John Mandeville, in his 
 account of the remote parts of the East, had recorded a story 
 of the same kind as current among certain naked tribes of 
 Asia, and told by them in ridicule of the garments of their 
 civilized neighbors, which they could only conceive useful as 
 concealing some bodily defect. 1 He became, therefore, more 
 confident than ever that, by keeping along the coast to the 
 westward, he should eventually arrive at the civilized realms of 
 Asia. He flattered himself with the hopes of linding this re- 
 gion of Mangon to be the rich province of Mangi, and its peo- 
 ple with tails and garments, the long-robed inhabitants of the 
 empire of Tartary. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 COASTING OFF THE SOUTHERN SIDE OF CUBA. 
 [1449.] 
 
 ANIMATED by one of the pleasing illusions of his ardent im- 
 agination, Columbus pursued his voyage, with a prosperous 
 breeze, along the supposed continent of Asia. He was now 
 opposite that part of the southern side of Cuba, where, for 
 nearly thirty-five leagues, the navigation is unembarrassed by 
 banks and islands. To his left was the broad and open sea, 
 the dark blue color of which gave token of ample depth ; to his 
 right extended the richly-wooded province of Ornofay, gradu- 
 ally sweeping up into a range of interior mountains ; the ver- 
 dant coast watered by innumerable streams, and studded with 
 Indian villages. The appearance of the ships spread wonder 
 and joy along the seacoast. The natives hailed with acclama- 
 tions the arrival of these wonderful beings whose fame had cir- 
 culated more or less throughout the island, and who brought 
 with them the blessings of heaven. They came off swimming, 
 or in their canoes, to offer the fruits and productions of the 
 
 1 Cura de los Palacioa, cap. 127.
 
 LIFE OF CERISTOPIIEU COLUMBUS. 269 
 
 land, and regarded the white men almost with adoration. 
 After the usual evening shower, when the breeze blew from 
 the shore ami brought off the sweetness of the land, it bore 
 with it also the distant songs of the natives and the sound of 
 their rude music, as they were probably celebrating, with their 
 national chants and dances, the arrival of the white men. 80 
 delightful were these spicy odors and cheerful sounds to Co- 
 lumbus, who was at present open to all pleasurable influences, 
 that he declared the night passed away as a single hour. 1 
 
 It was impossible to resist noticing the striking contrasts 
 which are sometimes presented by the lapse of time. The coast 
 here described, so populous and animated, rejoicing in the visit 
 of the discoverers, is the same that extends westward of the 
 city of Trinidad, along the Gulf of Xagua. All is now silent 
 and deserted : civilization, which has covered some parts of 
 Cuba with glittering cities, has rendered this a solitude. The 
 whole race of Indians has long since passed away, pining and per- 
 ishing beneath the domination of the strangers whom they wel- 
 comed so joyfully to their shores. Before me lies the account 
 of a night recently passed on this very coast, by a celebrated 
 traveller ; but with what different feelings from those of 
 Columbus! ' I passed," said he, "a great part of the 
 night upon the deck. What deserted coasts ! not a light to 
 announce the cabin of a fisherman. From Batabano to Trinidad, 
 a distance of fifty leagues, there does not exist a village. Yet 
 in the time of Columbus this land was inhabited even along the 
 margin of the sea. When pits are digged in the soil, or the 
 torrents plough open the surface of the earth, there are often 
 found hatchets of stone and vessels of copper, relics of the an- 
 cient inhabitants of the island." 2 
 
 For the greater part of two days the ships swept along this 
 open part of the coast, traversing the wide Gulf of Xagua. At 
 length they came to where the sea became suddenly as white 
 as milk, and perfectly turbid, as though flour had been mingled 
 with it. This is caused by fine sand, or calcareous particles, 
 raised from the bottom at certain depths by the agitation of the 
 waves and currents. It spread great alarm through the ships, 
 which was heightened by their soon finding themselves sur- 
 rounded by banks and keys, and in shallow water. The far- 
 ther they proceeded, the more perilous became their situation. 
 They were in a narrow channel, where they had no room to 
 turn, and to beat out ; where there was no hold for their an- 
 
 1 Cura de los Palacios. z Ilumboidt, Esaai Pol. sur Cuba ; lorn. ii. p. 25.
 
 270 LIFE OF CnEISTOPHEE COLUMBUS. 
 
 chors, and where they were violently tossed about by the 
 winds, and in danger of being stranded. At length they came 
 to a small island, where they found tolerable anchorage. Here 
 they remained for the night in great anxiety ; many were for 
 abandoning all further prosecution of the enterprise, thinking 
 that they might esteem themselves fortunate should they be 
 able to return from whence they came. Columbus, however, 
 could not consent to relinquish his voyage, now that he thought 
 himself in the route for a brilliant discovery. The next morn- 
 ing he despatched the smallest caravel to explore this new laby- 
 rinth of islands, and to penetrate to the mainland in quest 
 of fresh water, of which the ships were in great need. The 
 caravel returned with the report that the canals and keys of 
 this group were as numerous and intricate as those of the Gar- 
 dens of the Queen ; that the mainland was bordered by deep 
 marshes and a muddy coast, where the mangrove trees grew 
 within, the water, and so close together that they formed, as it 
 were, an impenetrable wall ; that within, the laud appeared 
 fertile and mountainous ; and columns of smoke, rising from 
 various parts, gave signs of numerous inhabitants. 1 Under 
 the guidance of this caravel, Columbus now ventured to pene- 
 trate this little archipelago ; working his way with great cau- 
 tion, toil, and peril, among the narrow channels which separated 
 the sandbanks and islands, and frequently- getting aground. 
 At length he reached a low point of Cuba, to which he gave 
 the name of Point Serafin ; within which the coast swept off to 
 the east, forming so deep a bay that he could not see the land 
 at the bottom. To the north, however, there were mountains 
 afar off, and the intermediate space was clear and open ; the 
 islands in sight lying to the south and west; a description 
 which agrees with that of the great Bay of Batabano. Colum- 
 bus now steered for these mountains, with a fail- wind and 
 three fathoms of water, and on the following day anchored on 
 the coast near a beautiful grove of palm-trees. 
 
 Here a party was sent on shore for wood and water ; and they 
 found two living springs in the midst of the grove. While they 
 were employed in cutting wood and filling their water-casks, 
 an archer strayed into the forest with his cross-bow in search 
 of game, but soon returned, flying with great terror, and 
 calling loudly upon his companions for aid. He declared that 
 lie had not proceeded far, when he suddenly espied, through an 
 open glade, a man in a long white dress, so like a friar of the 
 
 1 Cura dc loe Talacioe, cap. 128.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 271 
 
 order of St. Mary of Mercy, that at first sight he took him for 
 the chaplain of the admiral. Two others followed in white 
 tunics reaching to their knees, and the three were of as fair 
 complexions as Europeans. Behind these appeared many more, 
 to the number of thirty, armed with clubs and lances. They 
 made no signs of hostility, but remained quiet, the man in the 
 long white dress alone advancing to accost him ; but he was so 
 alarmed at their number that he had fled instantly to seek the 
 aid of his companions. The latter, however, were so daunted 
 by the reported number of armed natives, that the}' had not 
 courage to seek them nor to wait their coming, but hurried with 
 all speed to the ships. 
 
 AVhen Columbus heard this story he was greatly rejoiced, for 
 he concluded that these must be the clothed inhabitants of 
 Mangon, of whom he had recently heard, and that he had at 
 length arrived at the confines of a civilized country, if not within 
 the very borders of the rich province of Mangi. On the follow- 
 ing day he despatched a party of armed men in quest of these 
 people clad in white, with orders to penetrate, if necessary, 
 forty miles into the interior, until the}- met with some of the 
 inhabitants; for he thought the populous and cultivated parts 
 might be distant from the sea, and that there might be towns 
 and cities beyond the woods and mountains of the coast. The 
 party penetrated through a belt of thick forests which girdled 
 the shore, and then entered u[>on a great plain or savanna, cov- 
 ered with rank grass and herbage as tall as ripe corn, and 
 destitute of any road or footpath. Here they were so entangled 
 and fettered, as it were, by matted grass and creeping vegeta- 
 tion, that it was with the utmost difficulty they could penetrate 
 the distance of a mile, when they had to abandon the attempt, 
 and return weary and exhausted to the ships. 
 
 Another party was sent on the succeeding day to penetrate 
 in a different direction. They had not proceeded far from the 
 coast, when they beheld the foot-prints of some large animal 
 with claws, which some supposed the tracks of a lion, others of 
 a griffon, 1 but which were probably made by the alligators 
 which abound in that vicinity. Dismayed at the sight, they 
 hastened back toward the seaside. In their way they passed 
 through a forest, with lawns and meadows opening in various 
 
 1 Cardinal Pierre de Aliaco, a favorite author with Columbus, upeaks repeatedly, in 
 his Imago Mundi.of the existence of griffons in India; and (rlanville, whose work, De 
 Propi ielatilius Rerum, was familiar to Columbus, describes them as having the body 
 and claws nf a lion, and the head and wings of an eagle, and an infecting the mountains 
 which .if ion 1 1' 1 rd with gold and precious stones, so as to render the access to them 
 extremely perilous. De Pivprietat. Rerum, lib. xviii. cap. 150.
 
 272 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 parts of it, in which were flocks of cranes, twice the size of 
 those of Europe. Many of the trees and shrubs sent forth 
 those aromatic odors which were continually deceiving them 
 with the hope of finding Oriental spices. They saw also abun- 
 dance of grape-vines, that beautiful feature in the vegetation 
 of the New World. Many of these crept to the summits of 
 the highest trees, overwhelming them with foliage, twisting 
 themselves from branch to branch, and bearing ponderous 
 clusters of juicy grapes. The part}' returned to the ships 
 equally unsuccessful with their predecessors, and pronounced 
 the country wild and impenetrable, though exceedingly fertile. 
 As a proof of its abundance, they brought great clusters of 
 the wild grapes, which Columbus afterward transmitted to the 
 sovereigns, together with a specimen of the water of the White 
 Sea through which he had passed. 
 
 As no tribe of Indians was ever discovered in Cuba wearing 
 clothing, it is probable that the story of the men in white origi- 
 nated in some error of the archer, who, full of the idea of the 
 mysterious inhabitants of Mangon, may have been startled in 
 the course of his lonely wanderings in the forest, by one of 
 those flocks of cranes which it seems abounded in the neighbor- 
 hood. These birds, like the flamingoes, feed in company, with 
 one stationed at a distance as sentinel. When seen through 
 the openings of the woodlands, standing in rows along a smooth 
 savanna, or in a glassy pool of water, their height and erect- 
 ness give them, at the first glance, the semblance of human 
 figures. Whether the story originated in error or in falsehood, 
 it made a deep impression on the mind of Columbus, who was 
 predisposed to be deceived, and to believe every thing that 
 favored the illusion of his being in the vicinity of a civilized 
 country. 
 
 After he had explored the deep bay to the east, and ascer- 
 tained that it was not an arm of the sea, he continued westward, 
 and proceeding about nine leagues, came to an inhabited shore, 
 where he had communications with several of the natives. They 
 wt-iv naked as usual ; but that ho attributed to their being mere 
 fishermen inhabiting a savage coast; he presumed the civilized 
 regions to lie in the interior. As his Lucayan interpreter did 
 not understand the language, or rather dialect, of this part of 
 Cuba, all the information which he could obtain from the natives 
 was necessarily received through the erroneous medium of signs 
 and gesticulations. Deluded by his own favorite hypothesis, 
 he understood from them that, among certain mountains, which 
 he saw far off to the west, there was a powerful king, who
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 273 
 
 reigned in great state over many populous provinces ; that he 
 MOIC a white garment which swept the ground; that he was 
 called a saint; 1 that he never spoke, but communicated his 
 orders to his subjects by signs, which were implicitly obeyed. 2 
 In all this we see the busy imagination of the admiral interpret- 
 ing every thing into unison with his preconceived ideas. Las 
 C:isas assures us that there was no cacique ever known in the 
 island who wore garments, or answered in other respects to this 
 description. This king, with the saintly title, was probably 
 nothing more than a reflected image haunting the mind of 
 Columbus, of that mysterious potentate, Prester John, who 
 had long figured in the narrations of all eastern travellers, 
 sometimes as a monarch, sometimes as a priest, the situation 
 of whose empire and court was always a matter of doubt 'and 
 contradiction, and had recently become again an object of 
 curious inquiry. 
 
 The information derived from these people concerning the 
 coast to the westward was entirely vague. They said that 
 it continued for at least twenty days' journey, but whether it 
 terminated there they did not know. They appeared but little 
 informed of any thing out of their immediate neighborhood. 
 Taking an Indian from this place as a guide, Columbus steered 
 for the distant mountains said to be inhabited by this cacique 
 in white raiment, hoping they might prove the confines of a 
 more civilized country. He had not gone far before he was 
 involved in the usual perplexities of keys, shelves, and sand- 
 banks. The vessels frequently stirred up the sand and slime 
 from the bottom of the sea ; at other times they were almost 
 imbedded in narrow channels, where there was no room to tack, 
 and it was necessary to haul them forward by means of the 
 capstan, to their great injury. At one time they came to where 
 the sea was almost covered with tortoises ; at another time 
 flights of cormorants and wood-pigeons darkened the sun, and 
 one day the whole air was filled with clouds of gaud} 7 butter- 
 flies, until dispelled by the evening shower. 
 
 When they approached the mountainous regions, they found 
 the coast bordered by drowned lands or morasses, and beset by 
 such thick forests that it was impossible to penetrate to the 
 interior. The}' were several days seeking fresh water, of which 
 they were in great want. At length they found a spring in a 
 grove of palm-trees, and near it shells of the pearl-oyster, from 
 
 1 Que le llaiiKiban panto e que traia tunica blauca quo le araslra por el suelo. Cura 
 de lux 1'nlin ion, i-ap. 1-S. 
 
 1 Herrcru, Uist. lud., dec. i. lib. ii. cap. 14.
 
 274 LIFE OF CIIItlSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 which Columbus thought there might be a valuable pearl-fishery 
 in the neighborhood. 
 
 While thus cut off from all intercourse with the interior by a 
 belt of swamp and forest, the country appeared to be well 
 peopled. Columns of smoke ascended from various parts, 
 which grew more frequent as the vessels advanced, until they 
 rose from every rock and woody height. The Spaniards were 
 at a loss to determine whether these arose from villages and 
 towns, or whether from signal fires, to give notice of the 
 approach of the ships, and to alarm the country, such as were 
 usual on European sea-shores, when an enemy was descried 
 hovering in the vicinity. 
 
 For several days Columbus continued exploring this per- 
 plexed and lonely coast, whose intricate channels are seldom 
 visited, even at the present day, excepting by the solitary and 
 lurking bark of the smuggler. As he proceeded, however, he 
 found that the coast took a general bend to the south-west. 
 This accorded precisely with the descriptions given by Marco 
 Polo of the remote coast of Asia. He now became fully as- 
 sured that he was on that part of the Asiatic continent which 
 is be3'ond the boundaries of the Old World as laid down by 
 Ptolemy. Let him but continue this course, he thought, and he 
 must surely arrive to the point where this range of coast ter- 
 minated in the Aurea Chersonesus of the ancients. 1 
 
 The ardent imagination of Columbus was always sallying in 
 the advance, and suggesting some splendid track of enterprise. 
 Combining his present conjectures as to his situation with the 
 imperfect lights of geography, he conceived a triumphant route 
 for his return to Spain. Doubling the Aurea Chersonesus, he 
 should emerge into the seas frequented by the ancients, and 
 bordered by the luxurious nations of the Plast. Stretching 
 across the Gulf of the Ganges, he might pass by Taprobana, 
 and continuing on to the straits of Babelmandel, arrive on the 
 shores of the Red Sea. Thence he might make his way by laud 
 to Jerusalem, taking shipping at Joppa, and traverse the Medi- 
 terranean to Spain. Or should the route from Ethiopia to Jeru- 
 salem be deemed too perilous from savage and warlike tribes, 
 or should he not choose to separate from his vessels, he might 
 sail round the'whole coast of Africa, pass triumphantly by the 
 Portuguese, in their midway groping along the shores of Guinea, 
 and after having thus circumnavigated the globe, furl his adven- 
 turous sails at the Pillars of Hercules, the ne plus ultra of the 
 
 1 The present peninsula of Malacca.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 275 
 
 ancient world ! Such was the soaring meditation of Columbus, 
 as recorded by one of his intimate associates ; l nor is there any 
 thing surprising in his ignorance of the real magnitude of our 
 globe. The mechanical admeasurement of a known part of its 
 circle has rendered its circumference a familiar fact in our day ; 
 but in his time it still remained a problem with the most pro- 
 found philosophers. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 RETURN OF COLUMBUS ALONG THE SOUTHERN COAST OF CUBA. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 THE opinion of Columbus, that he was coasting the continent 
 of Asia, and approaching the confines of eastern civilization, 
 was shared by all his fellow-voyagers, among whom were several 
 able and experienced navigators. They were far, however, 
 from sharing his enthusiasm. They were to derive no glory 
 from the success of the enterprise, and they shrunk from its 
 increasing difficulties and perils. The ships were strained and 
 crazed by the various injuries they had received, in running 
 frequently aground. Their cables and rigging were worn, their 
 provisions were growing scanty, a great part of the biscuit was 
 spoiled by the sea-water, which oozed in through innumerable 
 leaks. The crews were worn out by incessant labor, and dis- 
 heartened at the appearance of the sea before them, which 
 continued to exhibit a mere wilderness of islands. They remon- 
 strated, therefore, against persisting any longer in this voyage. 
 They had already followed the coast far enough to satisfy their 
 minds that it was a continent, and though they doubted not 
 that civilized regions lay in the route they were pursuing, yet 
 their provisions might be exhausted, and their vessels disabled, 
 before they could arrive at them. 
 
 Columbus, as his imagination cooled, was himself aware of 
 the inadequacy of his vessels to the contemplated voyage ; but 
 felt it of importance to his fame and to the popularity of his 
 enterprises, to furnish satisfactory proofs that the land he had 
 discovered was a continent. He therefore persisted four days 
 longer in exploring the coast, as it bent to the south-west, until 
 
 1 Cura de Ion Palacios, cap. 123, MS.
 
 276 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 every one declared there could no longer be a doubt on the sub- 
 ject, for it was impossible so vast a continuity of land should 
 belong to a mere island. The admiral was determined, how- 
 ever, that the fact should not rest on his own assertion merely, 
 having had recent proofs of a disposition to gainsay his state- 
 ments, and depreciate his discoveries. He sent round, there- 
 fore, a public notary, Fernand Perez de Luna, to eacli of the 
 vessels, accompanied by four witnesses, who demanded formally 
 of every person on board, from the captain to the ship-boy, 
 whether he had any doubt that the land before him was a con- 
 tinent, the beginning and end of the Indies, by which any one 
 might return overland to Spain, and by pursuing the coast of 
 which, they could soon arrive among civilized people. If any 
 one entertained a doubt, he was called upon to express it, that it 
 might be removed. On board of the vessels, as has been 
 observed, were several experienced navigators and men well 
 versed in the geographical knowledge of the times. They ex- 
 amined their maps and charts, and the reckonings and journals 
 of the voyage, and after deliberating maturely, declared, under 
 oath, that the} 7 had no doubt upon the subject. They grounded 
 their belief principally upon their having coasted for three hun- 
 dred and thirty-five leagues, 1 an extent unheard of as appertain- 
 ing to an island, while the land continued to stretch forward 
 interminably, bending toward the south, conformably to the 
 description of the remote coasts of India. 
 
 Lest they should subsequently, out of malice or caprice, con- 
 tradict the opinion thus solemnly avowed, it was proclaimed by 
 the notary, that whoever should offend in such manner, if an 
 officer, should pay a penalty of ten thousand inaravedies ; if a 
 ship-boy or person of like rank, he should receive a hundred 
 lashes, and have his tongue cut out. A formal statement was 
 afterward drawn up by the notary, including the depositions 
 and names of every individual ; which document still exists. 2 
 This singular process took place near that deep bay called by 
 some the Bay of Philipina, by others of Cortes. At this very 
 time, as has been remarked, a ship-boy from the masthead might 
 have overlooked the group of islands to the south, and beheld 
 the open sea beyond. 8 Two or three days' farther sail would 
 have carried Columbus round the extremity of Cuba ; would 
 
 1 This calculation evidently includes all the courses of the ships in their various tacks 
 along the coast. Columbus could hardly have made such an error an to have trivuu this 
 extent to the southern side of the island, even including the inflections of the coast. 
 
 - Xavarrete, ('ollec., torn. ii. 
 
 s Mufioz, llist. X. Mundo, lib. v. p. 217.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 277 
 
 have dispelled his illusion, and might have given an entirely 
 different course to his subsequent discoveries. In his present 
 conviction he lived and died; believing, to his last hour, that 
 Cuba was the extremity of the Asiatic continent. 
 
 Relinquishing all further investigation of the coast, he stood 
 to the south-east on the 13th of June, and soon came in sight 
 of a large island with mountains rising majestically among this 
 labyrinth of little keys. To this he gave the name of Evauuvl- 
 ista. It is at present known as the Island of Pines, and is 
 celebrated for its excellent mahogany. 
 
 Here he anchored, and took in a supply of wood and water. 
 He then stood to the south, along the shores of the island, 
 hoping by turning its southern extremity to find an open route 
 eastward for Hispaniola, and intending, on his way, to run 
 along the southern side of Jamaica. He had not proceeded far 
 before he came to what he supposed to be a channel, opening 
 to the south-east between Evangelista and some opposite island. 
 After entering for some distance, however, he found himself 
 enclosed in a deep bay, being the Lagoon of Siguanca, which 
 penetrates far into the island. 
 
 Observing dismay painted on the faces of his crew at finding 
 themselves thus land-locked and almost destitute of provisions, 
 Columbus cheered them with encouraging words, and resolved 
 to extricate himself from this perplexing maze by retracing his 
 course along Cuba. Leaving the lagoon, therefore, he returned 
 to his last anchoring place, and set sail thence on the *2oth of 
 June, navigating back through the groups of islands between 
 Evangelista and Cuba, and across a tract of the White Sea, 
 which had so much appalled his people. Here he experienced 
 a repetition of the anxieties, perils, and toils which had beset 
 him in his advance along the coast. The crews were alarmed by 
 the frequent changes in the color of the water, sometimes green, 
 sometimes almost black, at other times as white as milk ; at one 
 time they fancied themselves surrounded by rocks, at another 
 the sea appeared to be a vast sand-bank. On the 30th of June 
 the admiral's ship ran aground with such violence as to sustain 
 great injury. Every effort to extricate her by sending out 
 anchors astern was ineffectual, and it was necessary to drag 
 her over the shoal by the prow. At length they emerged from 
 the clusters of islands called the Jardins and Jardinelles, and 
 came to the open part of the coast of Cuba. Here they once 
 more sailed along the beautiful and fertile province of Ornofay, 
 and were again delighted with fragrant and honeyed airs, wafted 
 from the land. Among the mingled odors, the admiral fancied
 
 278 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 he could perceive that of storax proceeding from the smoke of 
 fires blazing on the shores. 1 
 
 Here Columbus sought some convenient harbor where he 
 might procure wood and water, and allow his crews to enjoy 
 repose and the recreations of the land ; for they were exceed- 
 ingly enfeebled and emaciated by the toils and privations of 
 the voyage. For nearly two months they had been struggling 
 with perpetual difficulties and dangers, and suffering from a 
 scarcity of provisions. Among these uninhabited keys and 
 drowned shores, their supplies from the natives had been pre- 
 carious and at wide intervals ; nor could the fresh provisions 
 thus furnished last above a day, from the heat and humidity 
 of the climate. It was the same case with any fish they might 
 'chance to catch, so that they had to depend almost entirely 
 upon their daily allowance of ships' provisions, which was 
 reduced to a pound of mouldy bread and a small portion of 
 wine. With joy, therefore, they anchored on the 7th of July iu 
 the mouth of a fine river, in this genial and abundant region. 
 The cacique of the neighborhood, who reigned over an exten- 
 sive territory, received the admiral with demonstrations of 
 mingled joy and reverence, and his subjects came laden with 
 whatever their country afforded utias, birds of various kinds, 
 particularly large pigeons, cassava bread, and fruits of a rich 
 and aromatic flavor. 
 
 It was a custom with Columbus, in all remarkable places 
 which he visited, to erect crosses in conspicuous situations, to 
 denote the discovery of the country, and its subjugation to the 
 true faith. He ordered a large cross of wood, therefore, to be 
 elevated on the bank of this river. This was done on a Sunday 
 morning with great ceremony, and the celebration of a solemn 
 mass. When he disembarked for this purpose, he was met 
 upon the shore by the cacique and his principal favorite, a 
 venerable Indian, fourscore years of age, of grave and dignified 
 deportment. The old man brought a string of beads, of a kind 
 to which the Indians attached a mystic value, and a calabash 
 of a delicate kind of fruit ; these he presented to the admiral in 
 token of amity. He and the cacique then each took him by 
 the hand and proceeded with him to the grove, where prepara- 
 tions had been made for the celebration of the mass ; a multi- 
 tude of the natives followed. While mass was performing in 
 this natural temple, the Indians looked on with awe and rev- 
 
 i Hnnboldt (in his Essai Polit., torn. ii. p. 24) speaks of the fragrance of flowers 
 and houey which exhales from this same coast, and which is perceptible to a considerable 
 distance at sea.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 279 
 
 erence, perceiving from the tones and gesticulations of the 
 priest, the lighted tapers, the smoking incense, and the devo- 
 tion of the Spaniards, that it must be a ceremony of a sacred 
 and mysterious nature. When the service was ended, the old 
 man of fourscore, who had contemplated it with profound 
 attention, approached Columbus, and made him an oration in 
 the Indian manner. 
 
 44 This which tliou hast been doing," said he, "is well, for it 
 appears to be thy manner of giving thanks to God. I am told 
 that thou hast lately come to these lands with a mighty force, 
 and subdued many countries, spreading great fear among the 
 people ; but be not, therefore, vainglorious. Know that, 
 according to our belief, the souls of men have two journeys to 
 perform after they have departed from the body. One to a 
 place, dismal, and foul, and covered with darkness, prepared 
 for those who have been unjust and cruel to their fellow-men ; 
 the other pleasant and full of delight, for such as have promoted 
 peace on earth. If, then, thou art mortal and dost expect to 
 die, and dost believe that each one shall be rewarded accord- 
 ing to his deeds, beware that thou wrongfully hurt no man, 
 nor do harm to those who have done no harm to thee." 1 The 
 admiral, to whom this speech was explained by his Lucayan 
 interpreter, Diego Colon, was greatly moved by the simple 
 eloquence of this untutored savage. He told him in reply that 
 he rejoiced to hear his doctrine respecting the future state of 
 the soul, having supposed that no belief of the kind existed 
 among the inhabitants of these countries. That he had been 
 sent among them by his sovereigns, to teach them the true 
 religion ; to protect them from harm and injury ; and especially 
 to subdue and punish their enemies and persecutors, the canni- 
 bals. That, therefore, all innocent and peaceable men might 
 look up to him with confidence, as an assured friend and pro- 
 tector. 
 
 The old man was overjoyed at these words, but was equally 
 astonished to learn that the admiral, whom he considered so 
 great and powerful, was yet but a subject. His wonder in- 
 creased when the interpreter told him of the riches, and splen- 
 dor, and power of the Spanish mouarchs, and of the wonderful 
 things he had beheld on his visit to Spain. Finding himself 
 listened to with eager curiosity by the multitude, the interpre- 
 ter went on to describe the objects which had most struck his 
 mind in the country of the white men. The splendid cities, the 
 
 1 Herrera, dec*d. i. lib. xi. cap. 14. Hit. del Almirante, cap. 57. Peter Martyr, 
 decad. :. lib. iii. Curade los Pulacios, cap. 130.
 
 280 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 vast churches, the troops of horsemen, the great animals of 
 various kinds, the pompous festivals and tournaments of the 
 court, the glittering armies, and, above all, the bull-fights. 
 The Indians all listened in mute amazement, bukthe old man 
 was particularly excited. He was of a curious and wandering 
 disposition, and had been a great voyager, having according to 
 his account, visited Jamaica, and Hispariiola, and the remote 
 parts of Cuba. 1 A sudden desire now seized him to behold the 
 glorious country thus described, and, old as he was, he offered 
 to embark with the admiral. His wife and children, however, 
 beset him with such lamentations and remonstrances, that he 
 was obliged to abandon the intention, though he did it with 
 great reluctance, asking repeatedly if the land they spoke of 
 were not heaven, for it seemed to him impossible that earth 
 could produce such wonderful beings.' 2 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 COASTING VOYAGE ALONG THE SOUTH SIDE OF JAMAICA. 
 [1494.] 
 
 COLUMBUS remained for several days at anchor in the river, 
 to which, from the mass performed on its banks, he gave tke 
 name of Rio de la Misa. At length, on tire 16th of July, he 
 took leave of the friendly cacique and his ancient counsellor, 
 who beheld his departure with sorrowful countenances. He 
 took a young Indian with him from this place, whom lie after- 
 ward sent to the Spanish sovereigns. Leaving to the left the 
 Queen's Gardens, he steered south for the broad open sea and 
 deep blue water, until having a free navigation he could stand 
 eastward for Hispaniola. He had scarcely got clear of the 
 islands, however, when he was assailed by furious gusts of 
 wind and rain, which for two claj's pelted his crazy vessels, and 
 harassed his enfeebled crews. At length, as he approached 
 Cape Cruz, a violent squall struck the ships, and nearly threw 
 them on their beam-ends. Fortunately they were able to take 
 in sail immediately, and, letting go their largest anchors, rode 
 out the transient gale. The admiral's ship was so strained by 
 the injuries received among the islands, that she leaked at 
 every seam, and the utmost exertions of the weary crew could 
 
 Hist, del Aluriraute, cp. 57. Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iii.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 281 
 
 not prevent the water from gaining on her. At length they 
 were enabled to reach Cape Cruz, where the\" anchored on the 
 18th of July, and remained three days, receiving the same hos- 
 pitable succor from the natives that they had experienced on 
 their former visit. The wind continuing contrary for the re- 
 turn to Hispauiola, Columbus, on the 23d of July, stood across 
 for Jamaica, to complete the circumnavigation of that island. 
 For nearly a month he continued beating to the eastward along 
 its southern coast, experiencing just such variable winds and 
 evening showers as had prevailed along the shores of Cuba. 
 Every evening he was obliged to anchor under the land, often 
 at nearly the same place whence he had sailed in the morning. 
 The natives no longer manifested hostility, but followed the 
 ships in their canoes, bringing supplies of provisions. Colum- 
 bus was so much delighted with the verdure, freshness, and 
 fertility of this noble island, that, had the state of his vessels 
 and crews permitted, he would gladly have remained to explore 
 the interior. He spoke with admiration of its frequent and ex- 
 cellent harbors, but was partic.ilarly pleased with a great bay, 
 containing seven islands, and surrounded by numerous vil- 
 lages. 1 Anchoring here one evening, he was visited by a 
 cacique who resided in a large village, situated on an eminence 
 of the loftiest and most fertile of the islands. lie came attend- 
 ed by a numerous train, bearing refreshments, and manifested 
 great curiosity in his inquiries concerning the Spaniards, their 
 ships, and the region whence they came. The admiral made 
 his customary reply, setting forth the great power and the be- 
 nign intentions of the Spanish sovereigns. The Lucayan in- 
 terpreter again enlarged upon the wonders he had beheld in 
 Spain, the prowess of the Spaniards, the countries they had 
 visited and subjugated, and, above all, their having made de- 
 scents on the islands of the Caribs, routed their formidable 
 inhabitants, and carried several of them into captivity. To 
 these accounts the cacique and his followers remained listening 
 in profound attention until the night was advanced. 
 
 The next morning the ships were under way and standing 
 along the coast with a light wind and easy sail, when they be- 
 held three canoes issuing from among the islands of the bay. 
 They approached in regular order ; one, which was very large 
 and handsomely carved and painted, was in the centre, a little 
 in advance of the other two, which appeared to attend and 
 guard it. 
 
 1 From the description, this must be the great bay east of Portland Point, at the 
 bottom of which id Old Harbor.
 
 282 LIFE Of CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 In this was seated the cacique and his family, consisting of 
 his wife, two daughters, two sons, and five brothers. One of 
 the daughters was eighteen years of age, beautiful in form and 
 countenance ; her sister was somewhat younger ; both were 
 naked, according to the custom of these islands, but were of 
 modest demeanor. In the prow of the canoe stood the standard- 
 bearer of the cacique, clad in a mantle of variegated feathers, 
 with a tuft of gay plumes on his head, and bearing in his hand 
 a fluttering white banner. Two Indians with caps or helmets 
 of feathers of uniform shape and color, and their faces painted 
 in a similar manner, beat upon tabors ; two others, with hats 
 curiously wrought of green feathers, held trumpets of a fine 
 black wood, ingeniously carved ; there were six others, in large 
 hats of white feathers, who appeared to be guards to the 
 cacique. 
 
 Having arrived alongside of the admiral's ship, the cacique 
 entered on board with all his train. He appeared in full regalia. 
 Around his head was a band of small stones of various colors, 
 but principally green, symmetrically arranged, with large white 
 stones at intervals, and connected in front by a large jewel of 
 gold. Two plates of gold were suspended to his ears by rings 
 of very small green stones. To a necklace of white beads, of 
 a kind deemed precious b}- them, was suspended a large plate, in 
 the form of a fleur-de-lis, of guanin, an inferior species of gold ; 
 and a girdle of variegated stones similar to those round his 
 head, completed his regal decorations. His wife was adorned 
 in a similar manner, having also a very small apron of cotton, 
 and bauds of the same round her arms and legs. The daugh- 
 ters were without ornaments, excepting the eldest and hand- 
 somest, who had a girdle of small stones, from which was sus- 
 pended a tablet, the size of an ivy leaf, composed of various 
 colored stones, embroidered on network of cotton. 
 
 When the cacique entered on board the ship, he distributed 
 presents of the productions of his island among the officers and 
 men. The admiral was at this time in his cabin, engaged in 
 his morning devotions. When he appeared on deck, the chief- 
 tain hastened to meet him with an animated countenance. 
 ' My friend," said he, " I have determined to leave my coun- 
 try, and to accompany thee. I have heard from these Indians 
 who are with thee of the irresistible power of thy sovereigns, 
 and of the many nations thou hast subdued in their name. 
 Whoever refuses obedience to thee is sure to suffer. Thou hast 
 destroyed the canoes and dwellings of the Caribs, slaying their 
 warriors, and carrying into captivity their wives and children.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 283 
 
 All these islands are in dread of thce ; for who can withstand 
 thec now that thoti knowest the secrets of the land, and the 
 weakness of the people. Rather, therefore, than thou shouldst 
 take away my dominions I will embark with all my household 
 in thy ships, and will go to do homage to thy king and queen, 
 and to behold their country, of which thy Indians relate such 
 wonders." When this speech was explained to Columbus, and 
 he beheld the wife, the sons and daughters of the cacique, and 
 thought upon the snares to which their ignorance and simplicity 
 would be exposed, he was touched with compassion and deter- 
 mined not to take them from their native land. He replied to 
 the cacique, therefore, that he received him under his protection 
 as a vassal of his sovereigns, but having man}' lands yet to 
 visit before he returned to his country, he would at some future 
 time fulfil his desire. Then taking leave with many expressions 
 of amity, the cacique, with his wife and daughters, and all his 
 retinue, re-embarked in the canoes, returning reluctantly to their 
 island, and the ships continued ou their course. 1 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 VOYAGE ALONG THE SOUTH SIDE OF HISPANIOLA, AND RETURN 
 TO ISABELLA. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 ON the 10th of August, Columbus lost sight of the eastern 
 extremity of Jamaica, to which he gave the name of Cape 
 Farol. at present called Point Morant. Steering eastward, he 
 beheld, ou the following day, that long peninsula of Hispau- 
 iola. known by the name of Cape Tiburon, but to which he gave 
 the name of Cape San Miguel. He was not aware that it was 
 a part of the island of Hayti, until, coasting along its southern 
 side, a cacique came off on the 23d of August, and called him 
 
 1 Hitherto, in narrating the voyage of Columbus along the coast of Cuba, I have been 
 guided principally by the manuscript history of the curate de los I'alacios. His account 
 is the most clear and satisfactory us to name*, dates, and routes, and contains many 
 characteristic particulars not inserted in any other history. His sources of information 
 were of the highest kind. Columbus wa his guest after his return to Spain in 149ti, and 
 left with him hi manuscripts, journals, and memorandums; from these he made ex- 
 tracts, collating them with the letters of Doctor Chauca, and other persons of note who 
 bad accompanied the admiral. 
 
 I have examined two copies of the NfS. of the curate d? los Falacios, both in the pos- 
 session of O. Rich, Ksq. One written in an ancient handwriting, in the early part of the 
 sixteenth century, varies from the other, but only iu a few trivial particulars.
 
 284 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 by his title, addressing him with several words of Castilian. 
 The sound of these words spread joy through the ship, and the 
 weary seamen heard with delight that the}- were on the southern 
 coast of Hispaniola. They had still, however, many toilsome 
 days before them. The weather was boisterous, the wind con- 
 trary and capricious, and the ships were separated from each 
 other. About the end of August, Columbus anchored at a small 
 island, or rather rock, which rises singly out of the sea opposite 
 to a long cape, stretching southward from the centre of the 
 island, to which he gave the name of Cape Beata. The rock at 
 which he anchored had the appearance, at a distance, of a tall 
 ship under sail, from which circumstance the admiral called it 
 * Alto Velo." Several seamen were ordered to climb to the top 
 of the island, which commanded a great extent of ocean, and 
 to look out for the other ships. Nothing of them was to be seen. 
 On their return the sailors killed eight sea-wolves, which were 
 sleeping on the sands ; they also knocked down many pigeons 
 and other birds with sticks, and took others with the hand ; for 
 in this unfrequented island, the animals seemed to have none 
 of that wildness and timidity produced by the hostility of man. 
 
 Being rejoined by the two caravels, he continued along the 
 coast, passing the beautiful country watered by the branches of 
 the Neyva, where a fertile plain, covered with villages and 
 groves, extended into the interior. After proceeding some dis- 
 tance farther to the east, the admiral learnt from the natives 
 who came off to the ships, that several Spaniards from the set- 
 tlement had penetrated to their province. From all that he 
 could learn from these people, every thing appeared to be going 
 on well in the island. Encouraged by the tranquillity of the 
 interior, he landed nine men here, with orders to traverse the 
 island, and give tidings of his safe arrival on the coast. 
 
 Continuing to the eastward, he sent a boat on shore forwatet 
 near a large village on a plain. The inhabitants issued forth 
 with bows and arrows to give battle, while others were provided 
 with cords to bind prisoners. These were the natives of Higuey, 
 the eastern province of Hispaniola. They were the most war- 
 like people of the island, having been inured to arms from the 
 frequent descents of the Caribs. They were said also to make 
 use of poisoned arrows. In the present instance, their hostility 
 was but in appearance. When the crew landed, they threw by 
 their weapons, and brought various articles of food, and asked 
 for the admiral, whose fame had spread throughout the island, 
 and in whose justice and magnanimit}- all appeared to repose con- 
 fidence. After leaving this place, the weather, which had been
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 285 
 
 so long variable and adverse, assumed a threatening appearance. 
 A huge fish, as large as a moderate-sized whale, raised itself out 
 of the water one day, having a shell on its neck like that of a 
 tortoise, two great tins like wings, and a tail like that of a tunny 
 fish. At sight of this fish and at the indications of the clouds 
 and sky, Columbus anticipated an approaching storm, and 
 sought for some secure harbor. 1 He found a channel opening 
 between Hispaniola, and a small island, called by the Indians 
 Adamaney, but to which he gave the name of Saona ; here he 
 took refuge, anchoring beside a key or islet in the middle of the 
 channel. On the night of his arrival, there was an eclipse of 
 the moon, and taking an observation, he found the difference 
 of longitude between Saona and Cadiz to be five hours and 
 twenty-three minutes. 2 This is upward of eighteen degrees 
 more than the true longitude ; an error which must have re- 
 sulted from the incorrectness of his table of eclipses. 8 
 
 For eight days the admiral's ship remained weather-bound in 
 this channel, during which time he suffered great anxiety for 
 the fate of the other vessels, which remained at sea, exposed to 
 the violence of the storm. They escaped, however, uninjured, 
 and once more rejoined him when the weather had moderated. 
 
 Leaving the channel of ISaona, they reached, on the 24th of 
 September, the eastern extremity of Hispaniola, to which Co- 
 lumbus gave the name of Cape San Rafael, at present known as 
 Cape Engaiio. Hence they stood to the south-east, touching at 
 the island of Mona, or, as the Indians called it, Amona, situated 
 between Porto Rico and Hispaniola. It was the intention of 
 Columbus, notwithstanding the condition of the ships, to con- 
 tinue farther eastward, and to complete the discovery of the 
 Caribbee Islands, but his physical strength did not correspond 
 to the efforts of his lofty spirit. 4 The extraordinary fatigues, 
 both of mind and body, during an anxious and harassing voy- 
 age of five months, had preyed upon his frame. He hud shared 
 in all the hardships and privations of the commonest seaman. 
 He had put himself upon the same scanty allowance, and ex- 
 posed himself to the same buffetings of wind and weather. 
 But he had other cares and trials from which his people were 
 exempt. When the sailor, worn out with the labors of his 
 watch, slept soundly amid the howling of the storm, the anx- 
 ious commander maintained his painful vigil, through long 
 
 1 Herrera, flUt. Ind., decad. i. lib. H. cap. 15. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 59. 
 
 2 Herrera, ubi sup. Hi*l Almirante, ubi uup. 
 
 3 Five hours twenty-five ininuiuit are equal to 80 35'; whereas the true longitude of 
 Suonu is t'rj* -JU' west of Cadiz. 
 
 Aluiioz, liist. N. Muiido, lib. v. see. 22.
 
 286 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 sleepless nights, amid the pelting of the tempest and the drench- 
 ing surges of the sea. The safety of his ships depended upon 
 his watchfulness ; but above all, he felt that a jealous nation 
 and an expecting world were anxiously awaiting the result of 
 his enterprise. During a great part of the present voyage he 
 had been excited by the constant hope of soon arriving at the 
 known parts of India, and by the anticipation of a triumphant 
 return to Spain, through the regions of the East, after circum- 
 navigating the globe. When disappointed in these expecta- 
 tions he was yet stimulated by a conflict with incessant hard- 
 ships and perils, as he made his way.back against contrary 
 winds and storms. The moment he was relieved from all soli- 
 citude, and beheld himself in a known and tranquil sea, tho 
 excitement suddenly ceased, and mind and body sank exhausted 
 by almost superhuman exertions. The very day on which he 
 sailed from Mona he was struck with a sudden malady, which 
 deprived him of memory, of sight, and all his faculties. He 
 fell into a deep lethargy, resembling death itself. His crew, 
 alarmed at this profound torpor, feared that death was really 
 at hand. They abandoned, therefore, all further prosecution of 
 the voyage, and spreading their sails to the east wind so preva- 
 lent in those seas, bore Columbus back, in a state of complete 
 insensibility, to the harbor of Isabella.
 
 BOOK YIIL 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF THE ADMIRAL AT ISABELLA CHARACTER OF 
 BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. 
 
 [1494. Sept. 4.] 
 
 THE sight of the little squadron of Columbus standing once 
 more into the harbor was hailed with joy by such of the inhab- 
 itants of Isabella as remained faithful to him. The long time 
 that had elapsed since his departure on this adventurous voy- 
 age, without any tidings arriving from him, had given rise to 
 the most serious apprehensions for his safety ; and it began 
 to be feared that he had fallen a victim to his enterprising spirit 
 in some remote part of these unknown seas. 
 
 A joyful and heartfelt surprise awaited the admiral on his 
 arrival, in finding at his bedside his brother Bartholomew, the 
 companion of his youth, his confidential coadjutor, and in a 
 manner his second self, from whom he had been separated for 
 several years. It will be recollected that, about the time of 
 the admiral's departure from Portugal, he had commissioned 
 Bartholomew to repair to England, and propose his project of 
 discovery to King Henry VII. Of this application to the Eng- 
 lish court no precise particulars are known. Fernando Co- 
 lumbus states that his uncle, in the course of his voyage, was 
 captured and plundered by a corsair, and reduced to such pov- 
 erty, that he had for a long time to struggle for a mere subsist- 
 ence by making sea-charts ; so that some years elapsed before 
 he made his application to the English monarch. Las Casas 
 thinks that he did not immediately proceed to P^ngland, having 
 found a memorandum in his handwriting, 113* which it would 
 appear that he accompanied Bartholomew Diaz in 1486, in his 
 voyage along the coast of Africa, in the service of the King of 
 
 287
 
 288 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Portugal, in the course of which voyage was discovered the 
 Cape of Good Hope. 1 
 
 It is but justice to the memory of Henry VII. to say that 
 when the proposition was eventually made to him it met with 
 a more ready attention than from any other sovereign. An 
 agreement was actually made with Bartholomew for the prose- 
 cution of the enterprise, and the latter departed for Spain in 
 search of his brother. On reaching Paris, he first received the 
 joyful intelligence that the discovery was already made ; that 
 his brother had returned to Spain in triumph, and was actually 
 at the Spanish court, honored by the sovereigns, caressed by 
 the nobility, and idolized by the people. The glory of Colum- 
 bus already shed its rays upon his family, and Bartholomew 
 found himself immediately a person of importance. He was 
 noticed by the French monarch Charles VIII., who, under- 
 standing that he was low in purse, furnished him with one 
 hundred crowns to defray the expenses of his journey to Spain. 
 He reached Seville just as his brother had departed on his 
 second voyage. Bartholomew immediately repaired to the 
 court, then at Valladolid, taking with him his two nephews, 
 Diego and Fernando, who were to serve in quality of pages to 
 
 1 The memorandum cited by Las Casas (Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 7) is curious, though 
 not conclusive. He says that he found it iu an old book belonging to Christopher Co- 
 lumbus, containing the works of Pedro de Aliaco. It was written in the margin of a 
 treatise on the form of the globe, in the handwriting of Bartholomew Columbus, which 
 was well-known to Las Ca.sas, as lie had many of his letters in his possession. The 
 memorandum was in a barbarous mixture of Latin and Spanish, and to the following 
 effect : 
 
 Iu the year 1488, in December, arrived at Lisbon Bartholomew Diaz, captain of three 
 caravels, which the King of Portugal sent to discover (juinea, and brought accounts that 
 he had discovered six hundred leagues of territory, four hundred and fifty to the south 
 and one hundred and fifty north, to a cape, named by him the Cape of Good Hope; ;i:>d 
 that by the astrolabe he found the cape 45 degrees beyond the equinoctial line. The 
 cape was 3100 leagues distant from Lisbon; the which the said captain says he set down, 
 league by league, in a chart of navigation presented by him to the King of Portugal; in 
 all which, adds the writer, 1 was present (in quibus omnibus interfui). 
 
 Las Casas expresses a doubt whether Bartholomew wrote this note for himself or on 
 the part of his brother, but infers that one, or both, were in this expedition. The infer- 
 ence may be correct with respect to Bartholomew, but Christopher, at ihe time specified, 
 was at the Spanish court. 
 
 Las Casas accounts for a difference in date between the foregoing memorandum 
 and the chronicles of the voyage; the former making the return of Uiaz in the year 
 '88, the latter '.ST. This, he observes, might be because some begin to count the year 
 after Christmas, others at the first of January; and the expedition sailed about the 
 end of August, '66, and returned iu December, '87, after an absence of seventeen 
 months. 
 
 NOTE. Since publishing the first edition of this work, the author being in Seville, 
 and making researches in the Bibliotheca Columbina, the library given by Fernando 
 Columbus to the cathedral of that city, he came accidentally upon the above-mentioned 
 copy of the work of Pedro Aliaco. He ascertained it to be the same by finding the 
 above-cited memorandum written on the margin, at the eighth chapter of the tract called 
 " Imago Mundi." It is an old volume in folio, bound in parchment, published soon after 
 the invention of printing, containing a collection in Latin of astronomical mid cosmo- 
 graphical tracts of Pedro (or Peter) de Aliaco. Archbishop of Cam bray and Cardinal, 
 and of his disciple, John (ierson. Pedro de Aliaco was born in 1U4K, aiid died, accord- 
 lug m some, iu 1416, according to others iu 14ii. lie was the author of many works,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 289 
 
 Prince Juan. 1 He was received with distinguished favor by 
 the sovereigns ; who, finding him to be an able and accom- 
 plished navigator, gave him the command of three ships 
 freighted with supplies for the colony, and sent him to aid his 
 brother in his enterprises. He had again arrived too late ; 
 reaching Isabella just after the departure of the admiral for 
 the coast of Cuba. 
 
 The sight of this brother was an inexpressible relief to Co- 
 lumbus, overwhelmed as he was by cares, and surrounded by 
 strangers. His chief dependence for sympathy and assistance 
 had hitherto been on his brother Don Diego ; but his mild and 
 peaceable disposition rendered him little capable of managing 
 the concerns of a factious colony. Bartholomew was of a 
 different and more efficient character. He was prompt, active, 
 decided, and of a fearless spirit ; whatever he determined, he 
 carried into instant execution, without regard to difficulty or 
 danger. His person corresponded to his mind ; it was tall, 
 muscular, vigorous, and commanding. He had an air of great 
 authority, but somewhat stern, wanting that sweetness and 
 benignity which tempered the authoritative demeanor of the 
 admiral. Indeed, there was a certain asperity in his temper, 
 and a dryness and abruptness in his manners, which made him 
 many enemies ; yet notwithstanding these external defects, he 
 was of a generous disposition, free from all arrogance or ma- 
 levolence, and as placable as he was brave. 
 
 He was a thorough seaman, understanding both the theory 
 and practice of his profession ; having been formed, in a great 
 measure, under the eye of the admiral, and being but little 
 
 and one of the most learned and scientific men of bis day. LasC'asas is of opinion that 
 his writings had more effect in stimulating Columbus to his enterprise than those of any 
 other author. "Hi* work was so familiar to Columbus, that he had filled its whole 
 ninriiin with Latin note* in his handwriting; citing many things which he hud read and 
 gathered elsewhere. This book, which was very old," continues Las Casas, " I bad 
 many times in my hands; and I drew some things from it, written in Latin by the said 
 admiral, Christopher Columbus, to verify certain points appertaining to his history, of 
 which I before was in doubt." (Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 11.) 
 
 It was a great satisfaction to the author, therefore, to discover this identical volume, 
 this 1'nde M inn of Columbus, in a state of good presei-vation. [It is in the cathedral 
 
 library, E G, Tab. 178, No. 21. | The notes and citations mentioned by Las Casas, 
 
 are in Latin, with many abbreviations, written in a very small, but neat and distinct 
 hand, and run throughout the volume; calling attention to the most striking passages, 
 or to those which bear most upon the theories of Columbus; occasionally containing 
 brief comments or citing the opinions of other authors, ancient and modem, either in 
 support or contradiction of the text. The memorandum particularly cited by Ijw Casas, 
 mentioning the voyage of Bartholomew Diaz to the Cape of Good Hope, is to disprove 
 an opinion in the text, that the tori id zone wan uninhabitable. This volume is a most 
 curious and interesting document, the only one that remains of Columbus prior to his 
 discovery. It illustrates his researches and in a manner the current of his thoughts, 
 while as yet his great enterprise existed but in idea, and while he was seeking means to 
 convince the world of its practicability. It will be found also to contain the grounds of: 
 many of his opinions and speculations ou a variety of subjecU. 
 
 1 ili.-t. del Adiniraute, cap. 60.
 
 290 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 inferior to him in science. He was superior to him in the 
 exercise of the pen, according to Las Casas, who had letters 
 and manuscripts of both in his possession. He was acquainted 
 with Latin, but does not appear to have been highly educated ; 
 his knowledge, like that of his brother, being chiefly derived 
 from a long course of varied experience and attentive observa- 
 tion. Equally vigorous and penetrating in intellect with the 
 admiral, but less enthusiastic in spirit and soaring in imagina- 
 tion, and with less simplicity of heart, he surpassed him in the 
 subtle and adroit management of business, was more attentive 
 to his interests, and had more of that worldly wisdom which is 
 so important in the ordinary concerns of life. His genius 
 might never have enkindled him to the sublime speculation 
 which ended in the discovery of a world, but his practical 
 sagacity was calculated to turn that discovery to advantage. 
 Such is the description of Bartholomew Columbus, as furnished 
 by the venerable Las Casas from personal observation ; l and it 
 will be found to accord with his actions throughout the remain- 
 ing history of the admiral, in the events of which he takes a 
 conspicuous part. 
 
 Anxious to relieve himself from the pressure of public busi- 
 ness, which weighed heavily upon him during his present mal- 
 ady, Columbus immediately invested his brother Bartholomew 
 with the title and authority of Adelantado, an oflice equivalent 
 to that of lieutenant-governor. He considered himself entitled 
 to do so from the articles of his arrangement with the sover- 
 eigns, but it was looked upon by King Ferdinand as an undue 
 assumption of power, and gave great offence to that jealous 
 monarch, who was exceedingly tenacious of the prerogatives 
 of the crown, and considered dignities of this rank and impor- 
 tance as only to be conferred by royal mandate. 2 Columbus, 
 however, was not actuated in this appointment by a mere de- 
 sire to aggrandize his family. He felt the imj>ortance of his 
 brother's assistance in the present critical state of the colony, 
 but that this co-operation would be inefficient unless it bore the 
 stamp of high official authority. In fact, during the few 
 months that he had been absent, the whole island had become 
 a scene of discord and violence, in consequence of the neglect, 
 or rather the flagrant violation, of those rules which he had 
 prescribed for the maintenance of its tranquillity. A brief re- 
 trospect of the recent affairs of the colony is here necessary to 
 
 ' Law CaKa*, Hint. Ind., lib. i. cap. 29. 
 La Cutu*. Hist. Ind., liU i. cap. 101.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 291 
 
 explain their present confusion. It will exhibit one of the 
 many instances in which Columbus was doomed to reap the 
 fruits of the evil seed sown by his adversaries. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 MISCONDUCT OF DON PEDRO MARGARITE, AND HIS DEPARTURE 
 FKO.M THE ISLAND. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 IT will be recollected, that before departing on his vo^vage, 
 Columbus had given the command of the army to Don Pedro 
 JMargarite, with orders to make a military tour of the island, 
 awing the natives by a display of military force, but conciliat- 
 ing their good-will by cquitabfe and amicable treatment. 
 
 The island was at this time divided into live domains, each 
 governed by a cacique of absolute and hereditary power, to 
 whom a great number of inferior caciques yielded tributary al- 
 legiance. The first or most important domain comprised the 
 middle part of the royal Vega. It was a rich, lovely country, 
 partly cultivated after the imperfect manner of the natives, 
 partly covered with noble forests, studded with Indian towns, 
 and watered by numerous rivers, many of which, rolling down 
 from the mountains of Cibao, on its southern frontier, had 
 gold-dust mingled with their sands. The name of the cacique 
 was Guarionex, whose ancestors had long ruled over the 
 province. 
 
 The second, called Marien, was under the sway of Guacana- 
 gari, on whose coast Columbus had l>een wrecked in his first 
 voyage. It was a large and fertile territory, extending along 
 the northern coast from Cape St. Nicholas at the western ex- 
 tremity of the island, to the great river Yagui, afterward called 
 Monte Christi, and including the northern part of .the royal 
 Vega, since called the plain of Cape Francois, now Cape Hay- 
 tie n . 
 
 The third bore the name of Maguana. It extended along the 
 southern coast from the river Ozema to the lakes, and com- 
 prised the chief part of the centre of the island lying along the 
 southern face of the mountains of Cibao, the mineral district 
 of Hayti. It was under the dominion of the Carib cacique
 
 292 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Caonabo, the most fierce and puissant of the savage chieftains, 
 and the inveterate enemy of the white men. 
 
 The fourth took its name from Xaragua, a large lake, and 
 was the most populous and extensive of all. It comprised the 
 whole western coast, including the long promontory of Cape 
 Tiburon, and extended for a considerable distance along the 
 southern side of the island. The inhabitants were finely 
 formed, had a noble air, a more agreeable elocution, and more 
 soft and graceful manners than the natives of the other parts 
 of the island. The sovereign was named Behechio : his sister, 
 Anacaona, celebrated throughout the island for her beauty, was 
 the favorite wife of the neighboring cacique Caonabo. 
 
 The fifth domain was Higuey, and occupied the whole east- 
 ern part of the island, being bounded on the north by the Bay 
 of Samana and part of the river Yuna, and on the west by the 
 Ozema. The inhabitants were the most active and warlike 
 people of the island, having learned the use of the bow and ar- 
 row from the Caribs. who made frequent descents upon their 
 coasts ; the}' were said also to make use of poisoned weapons. 
 Their bravery, however, was but comparative, and was found 
 eventually of little avail against the terror of European arms. 
 They were governed by a cacique named Cotubanama. 1 
 
 Such were the five territorial divisions of the island at the 
 time of its discovery. The amount of its population has never 
 been clearly ascertained ; some have stated it at a million of 
 souls, though this is considered an exaggeration. It must, 
 however, have been very numerous, and sufficient, in case of 
 any general hostility, to endanger the safety of a handful of 
 Europeans. Columbus trusted for safety partly to the awe in- 
 spired by the weapons and horses of the Spaniards, and the 
 idea of their superhuman nature, but chiefly to the measures 
 he had taken to conciliate the good-will of the Indians by 
 gentle and beneficent treatment. 
 
 Margarite set forth on his expedition with the greater part 
 of the forces, leaving Alonzo de Ojeda in command of the for- 
 tress of St. Thomas. Instead, however, of commencing by 
 exploring the rough mountains of Cibao, as he had been com- 
 manded, he descended into the fertile region of the Vega. 
 Here he lingered among the populous and hospitable Indian 
 villages, forgetful of the object of his command, and of the in- 
 structions left him by the admiral. A commander who lapses 
 from duty himself is little calculated to enforce discipline. 
 
 1 Charlevoii, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. i. p. 69.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 293 
 
 The sensual indulgences of Margarite were imitated by his fol- 
 lowers, and his army soon became little better than a crew of 
 riotous marauders. The Indians, for a time, supplied them 
 with provisions with their wonted hospitality, but the scanty- 
 stores of those abstemious yet improvident people were soon 
 exhausted by the Spaniards; one of whom they declared would 
 consume more in a day than would support an Indian for a 
 month. If provisions were withheld, or scantily furnished, 
 they were taken with violence ; nor was any compensation 
 given to the natives, nor means taken to soothe their irritation. 
 The avidity for gold also led to a thousand acts of injustice and 
 oppression ; but above all the Spaniards outraged the dearest 
 feelings of the natives, by their licentious conduct with respect 
 to the women. In fact, instead of guests, they soon assumed 
 the tone of imperious masters ; instead of enlightened benefac- 
 tors, the\- became sordid and sensual oppressors. 
 
 Tidings of these excesses, and of the disgust and impatience 
 they were awakening among the natives, soon reached Don 
 Diego Columbus. With the concurrence of the council, he 
 wrote to Margarite, reprehending his conduct, and requesting 
 him to proceed on the military tour, according to the com- 
 mands of the admiral. The pride of Margarite took fire at 
 this reproof ; he considered, or rather pretended to consider, 
 himself independent in his command, and above all responsi- 
 bility to the council for his conduct. Being of an ancient 
 family, also, and a favorite of the king, he affected to look 
 down with contempt upon the newly-coined nobility of Diego 
 Columbus. His letters in reply to the orders of the president 
 and council were couched in a tone either of haughty contume- 
 ly or of military defiance. He continued with his followers 
 quartered in the Vega, persisting in a course of outrages and 
 oppressions fatal to the tranquillity of the island. 
 
 He was supported in his arrogant defiance of authority by 
 the cavaliers and adventurers of noble birth who were in the 
 colony, and who had been deeply wounded in the proud punc- 
 tilio so jealously guarded by a Spaniard. They could not for- 
 get nor forgive the stern equity exercised by the admiral in a 
 time of emergency, in making them submit to the privations 
 and share the labors of the vulgar. Still less could' they brook 
 the authority of his brother Diego, destitute of his high per- 
 sonal claims to distinction. They formed, therefore, a kind of 
 aristocratical faction in the colony ; affecting to consider Colum- 
 bus and his family as mere mercenary and upstart foreigners, 
 building up their own fortunes at the expense of the toils and
 
 294 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 sufferings of the community, and the degradation of Spanish 
 hidalgos and cavaliers. 
 
 In addition to these partisans, Margarite had a powerful ally 
 in his fellow-countryman, Friar Boyle, the head of the religious 
 fraternity, one of the members of the council, and apostolical 
 vicar of the New World. It is not easy to ascertain the original 
 cause of the hostility of this holy friar to the admiral, who was 
 never wanting in respect to the clergy. Various altercations, 
 however, had taken place between them. Some say that the 
 friar interfered in respect to the strict measures deemed neces- 
 sary by the admiral for the security of the colony : others that 
 he resented the fancied indignity offered to himself and his 
 household, in putting them on the same short allowance with 
 the common people. He appears, however, to have been gener- 
 ally disappointed and disgusted with the sphere of action af- 
 forded by the colony., and to have looked back with regret to the 
 Old World. He had none of that enthusiastic zeal and perse- 
 vering self-devotion, which induced so many of the Spanish 
 missionaries to brave all the hardships and privations of the 
 New World, in the hope of converting its pagan inhabitants. 
 
 Encouraged and fortified by such powerful partisans, Mar- 
 garite really began to consider himself above the temporary 
 authorities of the island. Whenever he came to Isabella, he 
 took no notice of Don Diego Columbus, nor paid any respect to 
 the council, but acted as if he had paramount command. He 
 formed a cabal of most of those who were disaffected to Colum- 
 bus, and discontented with their abode in the colony. Among 
 these the leading agitator was Friar Boyle. It was concerted 
 among them to take possession of the ships which had brought 
 out Don Bartholomew Columbus, and to return in them to Spain. 
 Both Margarite and Boyle possessed the favor of the king, and 
 they deemed it would be an easy matter to justify their abandon- 
 ment of their military and religious commands by a pretended 
 zeal for the public good ; hurrying home to represent the dis- 
 astrous state of the country, through the tyranny and oppression 
 of its rulers. Some have ascribed the abrupt departure of 
 Margarite to his fear of a severe military investigation of his 
 conduct on the return of the admiral ; others, to his having, in 
 the course of his licentious amours, contracted a malady at that 
 time new and unknown, and which he attributed to the climate, 
 and hoped to cure by medical assistance in Spain. Whatever 
 may have been the cause, his measures were taken with great 
 preciptiancy, without any consultation of the proper authorities, 
 or any regard to the consequences of his departure. Accorn-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 295 
 
 panied by a band of malcontents, he and Friar Boyle took 
 possession of some ships in the harbor, and set sail for Spain ; 
 the first general and apostle of the New World thus setting the 
 flagrant example of unauthorized abandonment of their posts. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 TROUBLES WITH THE NATIVES ALONZO DE OJEDA BESIEGED BT 
 
 C AON A BO. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 THE departure of Pedro Margarite left the army without a 
 head, and put an end to what little restraint or discipline re- 
 mained. There is no rabble so licentious as soldiery left to 
 their own direction in a defenceless country. The}- now roved 
 about in hands or singly, according to their caprice, scattering 
 themselves among the Indian villages, and indulging in all 
 kinds of excesses either as prompted by avarice or sensuality. 
 The natives, indignant at having their hospitality thus requited, 
 refused any longer to furnish them with food. In a little while 
 the Spaniards began to experience the pressure of hunger, and 
 seized upon provisions wherever they could be found, accom- 
 panying these seizures with acts of wanton violence. At 
 length, by a series of flagant outrages, the gentle and pacific 
 nature of this people was aroused to resentment, and from con- 
 fiding and hospitable hosts they were converted into vindictive 
 enemies. All the precautions enjoined by Columbus having 
 been neglected, the evils he had apprehended came to pass. 
 Though the Indians, naturally timid, dared not contend with 
 the Spaniards while they kept up any combined and disciplined 
 force, yet they took sanguinary vengeance on them whenever 
 they met with small parties or scattered individuals, roving about 
 in quest of food. Encouraged by these petty triumphs, and 
 the impunity which seemed to attend them, their hostilities grew 
 more and more alarming. Guatiguana, cacique of a large town 
 on the banks of the Grand River, in the dominions of Guarionex, 
 sovereign of the Vega, put to death ten Spaniards, who had 
 quartered themselves in his town and outraged the inhabitants 
 by their licentiousness. He followed up this massacre by set- 
 ting fire to a house in which forty-six Spaniards were lodged. 1 
 
 Herrera, Hist. lud., deeud. i. lib. ii. cap. 1(5.
 
 296 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Flushed by his success, he threatened to attack a small fortress 
 called Magdalena, which had recently been built in his neigh- 
 borhood in the Vega ; so that the commander, Luis de Arriaga, 
 having but a feeble garrison, was obliged to remain shut up 
 within its walls until relief should arrive from Isabella. 
 
 The most formidable enemy of the Spaniards, however, was 
 Caonabo, the Carib cacique of Maguana. With natural talents 
 for war, and intelligence superior to the ordinary range of 
 savage intellect, he had a proud and daring spirit to urge him 
 on, three valiant brothers to assist him, and a numerous tribe 
 at his command. 1 He had always felt jealous of the intrusion 
 of the white men into the island ; but particularly exasperated 
 by the establishment of the fortress of St. Thomas, erected in 
 the very centre of his dominions. As long as the army lay 
 within call in the Vega he was deterred from any attack : but 
 when, on the departure of Margarite, it became dismembered 
 and dispersed, the time for striking a signal blow seemed 
 arrived. The fortress remained isolated, with a garrison of 
 only fifty men. By a sudden and secret movement, he might 
 overwhelm it with his forces, and repeat the horrors which he 
 had wreaked upon La Navidad. 
 
 The wily cacique, however, had a different kind of enemy to 
 deal with in the commander of St. Thomas. Alonzo de Ojeda 
 had been schooled in Moorish warfare. He was versed in all 
 kinds of feints, stratagems, lurking ambuscades, and wild assaults. 
 No man was more fitted, therefore, to cope with Indian war- 
 riors. He had a headlong courage, arising partly from the 
 natural heat and violence of his disposition, and, in a great 
 measure, from religious superstition. He had been engaged in 
 wars with Moors and Indians, in public battles and private 
 combats, in fights, feuds, and encounters of all kinds, to which 
 he had been prompted by a rash and fiery spirit, and a love 
 of adventure ; yet he had never been wounded, nor lost a drop of 
 blood. He began to doubt whether any weapon had power to 
 harm him, and to consider himself under the special protection 
 of the Holy Virgin. As a kind of religious talisman, he had a 
 small Flemish painting of the Virgin, given him by his patron, 
 Fonseca, Bishop of Badajos. This he constantly carried with 
 him in city, camp, or field, making it the object of his frequent 
 orisons and invocations. In garrison or encampment, it was 
 suspended in his chamber or his tent ; in his rough expeditions 
 in the wilderness he carried it in his knapsack, and whenever 
 
 > Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 16.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 297 
 
 leisure permitted, would take it out, fix it against a tree, and 
 addivss his prayers to this military patroness. 1 In a word, he 
 swore by the Virgin, he invoked the Virgin whether in brawl or 
 battle, and under the favor of the Virgin he was ready for any 
 enterprise or adventure. Such was this Alonzo de Ojeda ; 
 bigoted in his devotion, reckless in his life, fearless in his spirit, 
 like many of the roving Spanish cavaliers of those days. 
 Though small in size, he was a prodigy of strength and prowess ; 
 and the chroniclers of the early discoveries relate marvels of his 
 valor and exploits. 
 
 Having reconnoitred the fortress, Caonabo assembled ten 
 thousand warriors, armed with war clubs, bows and arrows, 
 and lances hardened in the fire ; and making his way secretly 
 through the forests, came suddenly in the neighborhood, ex- 
 pecting to surprise the garrison in a state of careless security. 
 lie found Ojeda' s forces, however, drawn up warily within his 
 tower, which, being built upon an almost insulated height, with 
 a river nearly surrounding it, and the remaining space traversed 
 by a deep ditch, set at defiance an attack by naked warriors. 
 
 Foiled in his attempt, Caonabo now hoped to reduce it by 
 famine. For this purpose, he distributed his warriors through 
 the adjacent forests, and waylaid every pass, so as to intercept 
 any supplies brought by the natives, and to cut off any foraging 
 party from the fortress. This siege or investment lasted for 
 thirty days, 2 and reduced the garrison to great distress. There 
 is a traditional anecdote, which Oviedo relates of Pedro Mar- 
 garite, the former commander of this fortress, but which may 
 with more probability be ascribed to Alonzo de Ojeda, as 
 having occurred during this siege. At a time when the garri- 
 son was sore pressed by famine, an Indian gained access to 
 the fort, bringing a couple of wood-pigeons for the table of the 
 commander. The latter was in an apartment of the tower sur- 
 rounded by several of his officers. Seeing them regard the 
 birds with the wistful eyes of famishing men, "It is a pity," 
 said he, " that here is not enough to give us all a meal ; I can- 
 not consent to feast while the rest of you are starving : " so say- 
 ing, he turned loose the pigeons from a window of the tower. 
 
 During the siege, Ojeda displa^ved the greatest activity of 
 spirit and fertility of resource. He baffled all the arts of the 
 Carib chieftain, concerting stratagems of various kinds to re- 
 lieve the garrison and annoy the foe. He sallied forth when- 
 ever the enemy appeared in any force, leading the van with 
 
 1 Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. t. lib. viii. cap. 4. Pizarro Varoueue II lustres, cap. 8. 
 1 1'. Martyr, decad. i. lib. Iv.
 
 298 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 that headlong valor for which he was noted ; making great 
 slaughter with his single arm, and, as usual, escaping unhurt 
 from am ids showers of darts and arrows. 
 
 Caonabo saw many of his bravest warriors slain. His forces 
 were diminishing, for the Indians, unused to any protracted 
 operations of war, grew weary of this siege, and returned daily 
 in numbers to their homes. He gave up all further attempt, 
 therefore, on the fortress, and retired, filled with admiration of 
 the prowess and achievements of Ojeda. 1 
 
 The restless chieftain was not discouraged by the failure of 
 this enterprise, but meditated schemes of a bolder and more 
 extensive nature. Prowling in secret in the vicinity of Isabella, 
 he noted the enfeebled state of the settlement. 2 Many of the 
 inhabitants were suffering under various maladies, and most of 
 the men capable of bearing arms were distributed about the 
 country. He now conceived the project of a general league 
 among the caciques, to surprise and overwhelm the settlement, 
 and massacre the Spaniards wherever they could be found. 
 This handful of intruders once exterminated, he trusted the 
 island would be delivered from all further molestation of the 
 kind ; little dreaming of the hopeless nature of the contest, and 
 that where the civilized man once plants his foot, the power of 
 the savage is gone forever. 
 
 Reports of the profligate conduct of the Spaniards had spread 
 throughout the island, and inspired hatred and hostility even 
 among tribes who had never beheld them, nor suffered from 
 their misdeeds. Caonabo found three of the sovereign caciques 
 inclined to co-operate with him, though impressed with deep 
 awe of the supernatural power of the Spaniards, and of their 
 terrific arms and animals. The league, however, met with un- 
 expected opposition in the fifth cacique, Guacanagari, the sov- 
 ereign of Marien. His conduct in this time of danger complete- 
 ly manifested the injustice of the suspicions which had been 
 entertained of him by the Spaniards. He refused to join the 
 other caciques with his forces, or to violate those laws of hos- 
 pitality by which he had considered himself bound to protect 
 and aid the white men, ever since they had been shipwrecked 
 on his coast. He remained quietly in his dominions, entertain- 
 ing at his own expense a hundred of the suffering soldiery, and 
 supplying all their wants with his accustomed generosity. 
 This conduct drew upon him the odium and hostility of his 
 fellow caciques, particularly of the fierce Carib, Caonabo, and 
 
 1 Oyiedo. Chronica do las Inclias, lib. iii. cap. i. 
 1 Hist, del Altniraute, cap. 60.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 299 
 
 and his brother-in-law, Behechio. They made irruptions into 
 his territories, and inflicted on him various injuries and indig- 
 nities. Behechio killed one of his wives, and Caonabo carried 
 another away captive: 1 Nothing, however, could shake the 
 devotion of Gaacanagari to the Spaniards ; and as his dominions 
 lay immediately adjacent to the settlement, and those of some 
 of the other caciques were very remote, the want of his co- 
 operation impeded tor some time the hostile designs of his coil- 
 federates. 2 
 
 Such was the critical state to which the affairs of the colony 
 had been reduced, and such the bitter hostility engendered 
 among the people of the island, during the absence of Colum- 
 bus, and merely in consequence of violating all his regulations. 
 ^lai'irarite and Friar Boyle had hastened to Spain to make false 
 representations of the miseries of the island. Had they re- 
 mained faithfully at their posts, and discharged zealously the 
 tru-4 confided to them, those miseries might have beeu easily 
 remedied, if not entirely prevented. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 MEASURES OF COLUMBUS TO RESTORE THE QUIET OF THE ISLAND 
 EXPEDITION OF OJEUA TO SURPRISE CAONABO. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 IMMEDIATELY after the return of Columbus from Cuba, while 
 he was yet confined to his bed by indisposition, he was gratified 
 by a voluntary visit from Guacanagari, who manifested the 
 greatest concern at his illness, for he appears to have always 
 entertained an affectionate reverence for the admiral. He 
 again spoke with tears of the massacre of Fort Nativity, dwell- 
 ing on the exertions he had made in defence of the Spaniards. 
 He now informed Columbus of the secret league forming among 
 the caciques ; of his opposition to it, and the consequent perse- 
 cution he had suffered : of the murder of one of his wives and 
 the capture of another. He urged the admiral to be on his 
 guard against the designs of Caonabo, and offered to lead his 
 subjects to the lield, to fight by the side of the Spaniards, as 
 
 1 HiM. do Altnirante, cap. 60. 
 
 1 Herrcra, Ilist. lud., decad. i. lib. ii. 
 
 cap. 16.
 
 300 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 well out of friendship for them as in revenge of his own in- 
 juries. 1 
 
 Columbus had always retained a deep sense of the ancient 
 kindness of Guacanagari, and was rejoiced to have all suspicion 
 of his good faith thus effectually dispelled. Their former ami- 
 cable intercourse was renewed, with this difference, that the 
 man whom Guacanagari had once relieved and succored as a 
 shipwrecked stranger, had suddenly become the arbiter of the 
 fate of himself and all his countrymen. 
 
 The manner in which this peaceful island had been exasperated 
 and embroiled by the licentious conduct of the Europeans, was 
 a matter of deep concern to Columbus. He saw all his plans 
 of deriving an immediate revenue to the sovereigns completely 
 impeded. To restore the island to tranquillity required skilful 
 management. His forces were but small, and the awe in which 
 the natives had stood of the white men, as supernatural beings, 
 had been in some degree dispelled. He was too ill to take a 
 personal share in any warlike enterprise ; his brother Diego 
 was not a military character, and Bartholomew was j - et a 
 stranger among the Spaniards, and regarded by the leading 
 men with jealous}'. Still Columbus considered the threatened 
 combination of the caciques as but imperfectly formed ; he 
 trusted to their want of skill and experience in warfare, and 
 conceived that by prompt measures, by proceeding in detail, 
 punishing some, conciliating others, and uniting force, gentle- 
 ness, and stratagem, he might succeed in dispelling the threat- 
 ened storm. 
 
 His first care was to send a body of armed men to the relief 
 of Fort Magdalena, menaced with destruction by Guatiguana, 
 the cacique of the Grand River, who had massacred the Span- 
 iards quartered in this town. Having relieved the fortress, the 
 troops overran the territory of Guatiguana, killing many of his 
 warriors, and carrying others off captives : the chieftain him- 
 self made his escape. 2 He was tributary to Guarionex, sover- 
 eign cacique of the Royal Vega. As this Indian prince reigned 
 over a great and populous extent of country, his friendship was 
 highly important for the prosperity of the colony, while there 
 was imminent risk of his hostility, from the unbridled excesses 
 of the Spaniards who bad been quartered in his dominions. 
 Columbus sent for him, therefore, and explained to him that 
 these excesses had been in violation of his orders, and contrary 
 to his good intentions toward the natives, whom it was his wish 
 
 > Horerra, Hint. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 16. 
 1 Hereira, Hint, lud., tit-cud, i. lib. ii. cap. 1.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 301 
 
 in every way to please and benefit. He explained, likewise, 
 that the expedition against Guatiguana was an act of mere in- 
 dividual punishment, not of hostility against the territories of 
 Guarionex. The cacique was of a quiet and placable disposi- 
 tion, and whatever anger he might have felt was easily soothed. 
 To link him in some degree to the Spanish interest, Columbus 
 prevailed on him to give his daughter in marriage to the Indian 
 interpreter, Diego Colon. 1 As a stronger precaution against 
 any hostility on the part of the cacique, and to insure tranquil- 
 lity in the important region of the Vega, he ordered a fortress 
 to be erected in the midst of his territories, which he named 
 Fort Conception. The easy cacique agreed without hesitation 
 to a measure fraught with ruin to himself, and future slavery 
 to his subjects. 
 
 The most formidable enemy remained to be disposed of 
 Caouabo. His territories lay in the central and mountainous 
 parts of the island, rendered difficult of access by rugged rocks, 
 entangled forests, and frequent rivers. To make war upon 
 this subtle and ferocious chieftain, in the depths of his wild 
 woodland territory, and among the fastnesses of his mountains, 
 where at every step there would be danger of ambush, would be 
 a work of time, peril, and uncertain issue. In the mean while 
 the settlements would never be secure from his secret and daring 
 enterprises, and the working of the mines would be subject to 
 frequent interruption. While perplexed on this subject, Colum- 
 bus was relieved by an offer of Alonzo de Ojeda, to take the 
 Carib chieftain by stratagem, and deliver him alive into his 
 hands. The project was wild, hazardous, and romantic, charac- 
 teristic of Ojeda, who was fond of distinguishing himself by 
 extravagant exploits and feats of desperate bravery. 
 
 Choosing ten bold and hardy followers, well armed and well 
 mounted, and invoking the protection of his patroness the Vir- 
 gin, whose image as usual he bore with him as a safeguard, 
 Ojeda plunged into the forest, and made his way above sixty 
 leagues into the wild territories of Caonabo, whom he found in 
 one of his most populous towns, the same now called Maguana, 
 near the town of San Juan. Approaching the cacique with 
 great deference as a sovereign prince, he professed to come on a 
 friendly embassy from the admiral who was Guamiquina, or chief 
 of the Spaniards, and who had sent him an invaluable present. 
 
 1 P. Martyr, decad. 1. lib. iv. Oio. Battiata Spotorno, in bin Memoir of Columbus, has 
 been led Into an error by the name of this Indian, and observes that Colurobiii had a 
 brother named Diego, of whom he seemed to be ashamed, and whom he married to the 
 daughter ot an Indian chief.
 
 302 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Caonabo had tried Ojeda in battle ; he had witnessed his 
 fiery prowess, and had conceived a warrior's admiration of him. 
 He received him with a degree of chivalrous courtesy, if such a 
 phiase may apply to the savage state and rude hospitality of 
 a wild warrior of the forest. The free, fearless deportment, the 
 great personal strength, and the surprising agility and adroit- 
 ness of Ojeda in all manly exercises, and in the use of all kinds 
 of weapons, were calculated to delight a savage, and he soon be- 
 came a great favorite with Caonabo. 
 
 Ojeda now used all his influence to prevail upon the cacique 
 to repair to Isabella, for the purpose of making a treaty with 
 Columbus, and becoming the ally and friend of the Spaniards. 
 It is said that he offered him, as a lure, the bell of the chapel of 
 Isabella. This bell was the wonder of the island. When the 
 Indians heard it ringing for mass, and beheld the Spaniards 
 hastening toward the chapel, they imagined that it talked, and 
 that the white men obeyed it. Regarding with superstition all 
 things connected with the Spaniards, they looked upon this bell 
 as something supernatural, and in their usual phrase said it had 
 come from " Turey," or the skies. Caonabo had heard the bell 
 at a distance, in his prowlings about the settlement, and had 
 longed to see it ; but when it was proffered to him as a present 
 of peace, he found it impossible to resist the temptation. He 
 agreed, therefore, to set out for Isabella ; but when the time 
 came to depart Ojeda beheld with surprise a powerful force of 
 warriors assembled and ready to march. He asked the mean- 
 ing of taking such an army on a mere friendly visit ; the cacique 
 proudly replied that it did not befit a great prince like himself 
 to go forth scantily attended. Ojeda was little satisfied with 
 this reply ; he knew the warlike character of Caonabo, and his 
 deep subtlety ; he feared some sinister design a surprise of 
 the fortress of Isabella, or an attempt upon the person of the 
 admiral. He knew also that it was the wish of Columbus either 
 to make peace with the cacique, or to get possession of his person 
 without the alternative of open warfare. He had recourse to a 
 stratagem, therefore, which has an air of fable and romance, 
 but which is recorded by all the contemporary historians with 
 trivial variations, and which, Las Casas assures ns, was in cur- 
 rent circulation in the island when he arrived there, about six 
 years after the event. It accords too with the adventurous and 
 extravagant character of the man, and with the wild stratagems 
 and vaunting exploits incident to Indian warfare. 
 
 In the course of their march, having halted near the Little 
 Yagui, a considerable branch of the Neyba, Ojedu one day pro-
 
 LIFE OF CUIHSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 303 
 
 ducecl a set of manacles of polished steel, so highly burnished 
 that they looked like silver. These he assured ( a< mat >o were 
 royal ornaments which had come from heaven, or the Turey of 
 Biscay ; l that they were worn by the monarchs of Castile on 
 solemn dances and other high festivities, and were intended a.s 
 presents to the cacique. He proposed that Caonabo should go 
 to the river and bathe, after which he should be decorated with 
 these ornaments, mounted on the horse of Ojeda. and .should 
 return in the state of a Spanish monarch, to astonish his sub- 
 jects. The cacique was dazzled with the glitter of the manacles, 
 and flattered with the idea of bestriding one of those tremendous 
 animals .so dreaded by his countrymen. He repaired to the 
 river, and having bathed, was assisted to mount behind Ojeda, 
 and the shackles were adjusted. Ojeda made several circuits to 
 gain space, followed by his little band of horsrnirn. the Indians 
 shrinking back from the prancing steeds. At length lie made 
 a wide sweep into the forest, until the trees concealed him from 
 the sight of the army. His followers then closed round him, 
 and drawing their swords, threatened Caonabo with instant 
 death if he made the least noise or resistance. Binding him 
 witli cords to Ojeda to prevent his falling or effecting an escape, 
 they put spurs to their horses, dashed across the river, and 
 made off through the woods with their prize. - 
 
 They had now fifty or sixty leagues of wilderness to traverse 
 on their way homeward, with here and there large Indian towns. 
 They had borne off their captive far beyond the pursuit of his 
 subjects ; but the utmost vigilance was requisite to prevent his 
 escape during this long and toilsome journey, and to avoid ex- 
 citing the hostilities of any confederate cacique. They had to 
 shun the populous parts of the country therefore, and to pass 
 through the Indian towns at full gallop. They suffered greatly 
 from fatigue, hunger, and watchfulness ; encountering many 
 perils, fording and swimming the numerous rivers of the plains, 
 toiling through the deep tangled forests, and clambering over 
 the high and rocky mountains. They accomplished all in safety, 
 and Ojeda entered Isabella in triumph from this most daring and 
 characteristic enterprise, with his wild Indian bound behind. 
 
 Columbus could not refrain from expressing his great satis- 
 faction when this dangerous foe was delivered into his hands. 
 
 1 The principal iron manufactories of Spain are established in Biscay, where the ore la 
 found in abundance. 
 
 - This romantic exploit of Ojeda Is recorded at largo by Las Casas; by his copyist 
 Ilerrerii 'di-rad. i. lib. ii. cap. 16); by Fernando I'izarro, in his Varones Illustres del 
 Nuevo Muiulo ; and by Charlevoix in his History of St. Domingo. Peter Martyr aud 
 other* have given it more concisely, alluding to, but not inserting its roiuuiitic details.
 
 304 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 The haughty Carib met him with a lofty and unsubdued air, 
 disdaining to conciliate him by submission, or to deprecate his 
 vengeance for the blood of white men which he had shed. He 
 never bowed his spirit to captivity ; on the contrary, though 
 completely at the mercy of the Spaniards, he displayed that 
 boasting defiance which is a part of Indian heroism, and which 
 the savage maintains toward his tormentors, even amid the 
 agonies of the fagot and the stake. He vaunted his achieve- 
 ment in surprising and burning the fortress of Nativity, and 
 slaughtering its garrison, and declared that he had secretly 
 reconnoitred Isabella, with an intention of wreaking upon it 
 the same desolation. 
 
 Columbus, though struck with the heroism of the chieftain, 
 considered him a dangerous enemy, whom, for the peace of the 
 Island, it was advisable to send to Spain ; in the mean time he 
 ordered that he should be treated with kindness and respect, 
 and lodged him in a part of his own dwelling, where, however, 
 be kept him a prisoner in chains. This precaution must have 
 been necessary, from the insecurity of his prison ; for Las Casas 
 observes that the admiral's house not being spacious, nor hav- 
 ing many chambers, the passers by in the street could see the 
 captive chieftain from the portal. 1 
 
 Caonabo always maintained a haught}* deportment toward 
 Columbus, while he never evinced the least animosity against 
 Oieda. He rather admired the latter as a consummate warrior, 
 for having pounced upon him and borne him off in this hawk- 
 like manner from the very inidst of his fighting-men. 
 
 \Vhen Columbus entered the apartment where Caonabo was 
 confined, all present rose, according to custom, and paid him 
 reverence ; the cacique alone neither moved nor took any notice 
 ot him. On the contrary, when Ojeda entered, though small in 
 person and without external state, Caouabo rose and saluted 
 him with profound respect. On being asked the reason of this, 
 Columbus being Guamiquiua, or great chief over all, and Ojeda 
 but one of his subjects, the proud Carib replied that the admiral 
 had never dared to come personally to his house, and seize 
 him ; it was only through the valor of Ojeda he was his prisoner ; 
 to Oje'da, therefore, he owed reverence, not to the admiral. 2 
 
 The captivity of Caouabo was deeply felt by his subjects, for 
 the natives of this island seem generally to have been extremely 
 loyal, and strongly attached to their caciques. One of the 
 brc :hers of Caouabo, a warrior of great courage and address, 
 
 Las Casan, Hiet. lud., lib. i. cap. 102. > Ibid., cap. 102.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 305 
 
 and very popular among the Indians, assembled an arm}' of 
 more than seven thousand men and led them secretly to the 
 neighborhood of St. Thomas, where Ojeda was again in com- 
 mand. His intention was to surprise a number of .Spaniards, 
 in hopes of obtaining his brother in exchange for them. Ojeda, 
 as usual, had notice of the design, but was not to be again shut 
 up in his fortress. Having been re-enforced by a detachment 
 sent by the Adelantado, he left a sufficient force in garrison, 
 and with the remainder, and his little troop of horse, set off 
 boldly to meet the savages. The brother of Caonabo, when he 
 saw the Spaniards approaching, showed some military skill, 
 disposing his army in five battalions. The impetuous attack of 
 Ojeda, however, with his handful of horsemen, threw the Indian 
 warriors into sudden panic. At the furious onset of these steel- 
 clad beings, wielding their flashing weapons, and bestriding 
 what appeared to be ferocious beasts of prey, the} 7 threw down 
 their weapons and took to flight ; many were slain, more were 
 taken prisoners, and among the latter was the brother of 
 Caouabo, bravely lighting in a righteous yet desperate cause. 1 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF ANTONIO DE TORRES WITH FOUR SHIPS FROM SPAIN 
 IIIS RETURN WITH INDIAN SLAVES. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 THE colony was still suffering greatly from want of provis- 
 ions ; the European stock was nearly exhausted, and such was 
 the idleness and improvidence of the colonists, or the confusiou 
 into which they had been thrown by the hostilities of the natives, 
 or such was their exclusive eagerness after the precious metals, 
 that they seem to have neglected the true wealth of the island, 
 its quick and productive soil, and to have been in constant 
 danger of famine, though in the midst of fertility. 
 
 At length they were relieved by the arrival of four ships 
 commanded by Antonio Torres, which brought an ample supply 
 of provisions. There were also a physician and an apothecary, 
 whose aid was greatly needed in the sickly state of the colony ; 
 but above all, there were mechanics, millers, fishermen, gar- 
 
 1 Oviedo, Crouica de los Indian, lib. iii. cap. 1. Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doiniugo, lib. il. 
 p. 131.
 
 306 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 deners, and husbandmen the true kind of population for a 
 colony. 
 
 Torres brought letters from the sovereigns (dated August 10th, 
 14U4) of the most gratifying kind, expressing the highest satis- 
 faction at the accounts sent home by the admiral, and acknowl- 
 edging that every thing in the course of his discoveries had 
 turned out as he had predicted. They evinced the liveliest 
 interest in the affairs of the colony, and a desire of receiving 
 frequent intelligence as to his situation, proposing that a caravel 
 should sail each month from Isabella and Spain. They informed 
 him that all differences with Portugal were amicably adjusted, 
 and acquainted him with the conventional agreement with that 
 power relative to a ideographical line, separating their newly- 
 discovered possessions ; requesting him to respect this agree- 
 ment iu the course of his discoveries. As in adjusting the 
 arrangement with Portugal, and in drawing the proposed line, 
 it was important to have the best advice, the sovereigns re- 
 quested Columbus to return and be present at the convention ; 
 or, in case that should be inconvenient, to send his brother 
 Bartholomew, or any other person whom he should consider 
 full)- competent, furnished with such maps, charts, and designs 
 as might- be of service in the negotiation. 1 
 
 There was another letter, addressed generally to the inhabit- 
 ants of the colony, and to all who should proceed on voyages 
 of discovery, commanding them to obey Columbus as implicitly 
 as they would the sovereigns themselves, under pain of their 
 high displeasure and a fine of ten thousand maravedies for each 
 offence. 
 
 Such was the well-merited confidence reposed at this moment 
 by the sovereigns in Columbus, but which was soon to be 
 blighted by the insidious reports of worthless men. He was al- 
 ready aware of the complaints and misrepresentations which 
 had been sent home from the colony, and which would be en- 
 forced by Margarite and Friar Boyle. He was aware that his 
 standing in Spain was of that uncertain kind which a stranger 
 always possesses in the service of a foreign country, where he 
 has no friends nor connections to support him, and where even 
 his very merits increase the eagerness of envy to cast him 
 down. His efforts to promote the working of the mines, and to 
 explore the resources of the island, had been impeded by the 
 misconduct of Margarite and the disorderly life of the Span- 
 iards in general, yet he apprehended that the very evils which 
 
 1 Ilerrera, dccad. i. lib. ii. cap. 17.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 307 
 
 they had produced would be alleged against him, and the want 
 of profitable returns be cited to discredit and embarrass his 
 expeditions. 
 
 To counteract any misrepresentations of the kind, Columbus 
 hastened the return of the ships, and would have returned with 
 them, not merely to coin pi j* with the wishes of the sovereigns 
 in being present at the settlement of the geographical line, but 
 to vindicate himself and his enterprises from the aspersions of 
 his enemies. The malady, however, which confined him to his 
 bi-d prevented his departure ; and his brother Bartholomew was 
 required to aid, with his practical good sense and his resolute 
 spirit, in regulating the disordered affairs of the island. It was 
 determined, therefore, to send home his brother Diego, to attend 
 to the wishes of the sovereigns, and to take care of his interests 
 at court. At the same time he exerted himself to the utmost 
 to send by the ships satisfactory proofs of the value of his dis- 
 coveries. He remitted by them all the gold that he could 
 collect, with specimens of other metals, and of various fruits 
 and valuable plants, which he had collected either in Hispaniola 
 or in the course of his voyage. In his eagerness to produce 
 immediate profit, and to indemnify the sovereigns for those 
 expenses which bore hard upon the royal treasury, he sent, 
 likewise, above five hundred Indian prisoners, who, he sug- 
 gested, might be sold as slaves at Seville. 
 
 It is painful to find the brilliant renown of Columbus sullied 
 by so foul a stain. The customs of the times, however, must 
 be pleaded in his apology. The precedent had been given long 
 before, by both Spaniards and Portuguese, in their African dis- 
 coveries, wherein the traffic in slaves had formed one of the 
 greatest sources of profit. In fact, the practice had been sanc- 
 tioned by the church itself, and the most learned theologians 
 had pronounced all barbarous and infidel nations, who shut 
 their ears to the truths of Christianity, fair objects of war and 
 rapine, of captivity and slavery. If Columbus needed any 
 practical illustration of this doctrine, he had it in the conduct 
 of Ferdinand himself, in his late wars with the Moors of Gra- 
 nada, in which he had always been surrounded by a crowd of 
 ghostly advisers, and had professed to do every thing for the 
 glory and advancement of the faith. In this holy war, as it 
 was termed, it was a common practice to make inroads into the 
 Moorish territories and carry off cavQlgados, not merely of 
 flocks and herds, but of human beings, and those not warriors 
 taken with weapons in their hands, but quiet villagers, laboring 
 peasantry, and helpless women and children. These were
 
 308 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 carried to the mart at Seville, or to other populous towns, and 
 sold into slavery. The capture of Malaga was a memorable 
 instauce, where, as a punishment for an obstinate and brave 
 defence, which should have excited admiration rather than 
 revenge, eleven thousand people of both sexes, and of all ranks 
 and ages, many of them highly cultivated and delicately reared, 
 were suddenly torn from their homes, severed from each other, 
 and swept into menial slavery, even though half of their ran- 
 soms had been paid. These circumstances are not advanced to 
 vindicate, but to palliate the conduct of Columbus. He acted 
 but in conformity to the customs of the times, and was sanc- 
 tioned by the example of the sovereign under whom he served. 
 Las Casas, the zealous and enthusiastic advocate of the Indians, 
 who suffers no opportunity to escape him of exclaiming in ve- 
 hement terms against their slavery, speaks with indulgence of 
 Columbus on this head. If those pious and learned men, he 
 observes, whom the sovereigns took for guides and instructors, 
 were so ignorant of the injustice of this practice, it is no won- 
 der that the unlettered admiral should not be conscious of its 
 impropriety. 1 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 EXPEDITION OF COLUMBUS AGAINST THE INDIANS OF THE VEGA 
 
 BATTLE. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING the defeat of the Indians by Ojeda, they 
 still retained hostile intentions against the Spaniards. The 
 idea of their cacique being a prisoner and in chains enraged the 
 natives of Maguana ; and the general sympathy manifested by 
 other tribes of the island shows how widely that intelligent 
 savage had extended his influence, and how greatly he was ad- 
 mired. He had still active and powerful relatives remaining, 
 to attempt his rescue, or revenge his fall. One of his brothers, 
 Mauicaotex by name, a Carib, bold and warlike as himself, 
 succeeded to the sway over his subjects. His favorite wife 
 also, Anacaona, so famous for her charms, had great influence 
 over her brother Behechio, cacique of the populous province of 
 Xaragua. Through these means a violent and general hostility 
 
 Las Casas, Hist. Ind., torn. i. cap. 122, MS.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 309 
 
 to the Spaniards was excited throughout the island, and the 
 formidable league of the caciques, which Caonabo had in vain 
 attempted to accomplish when at large, was produced by his 
 captivity. Guacauagari, the cacique of Marien, alone remained 
 friendly to the Spaniards, giving them timely information of 
 the gathering storm and offering to take the field with them as 
 a faithful ally. 
 
 The protracted illness of Columbus, the scantiness of his 
 military force, and the wretched state of the colonists in gene- 
 ral, reduced by sickness and scarcity to great bodily weakness, 
 had hitherto induced him to try every means of conciliation 
 and stratagem to avert and dissolve the confederacy. He had 
 at length recovered his health, and his followers were in some 
 degree refreshed and invigorated by the supplies brought by 
 the ships. At this time he received intelligence that the allied 
 caciques were actually assembled in great force in the Vega, 
 within two days' march of Isabella, with an intention of mak- 
 ing a general assault upon the settlement, and overwhelming 
 it 1)}* numbers. Columbus resolved to take the field at once, 
 and to carry the war into the territories of the enemy, rather 
 than suffer it to be brought to his own door. 
 
 The whole sound and effective force that he could muster, in 
 the present infirm state of the colony, did not exceed two hun- 
 dred infantry and twenty horse. They were armed with cross- 
 bows, swords, lances, and espingardas, or heavy arquebuses, 
 which in those days were used with rests, aud sometimes 
 mounted on wheels. With these formidable weapons, a hand- 
 ful of European warriors, cased in steel and covered with 
 bucklers, were able to cope with thousands of naked savages. 
 They had aid of another kind, however, consisting of twenty 
 blood-hounds, animals scr.rcely less terrible to the Indians than 
 the horses, and infinitely more fatal. They were fearless and 
 ferocious ; nothing daunted them, nor when they had once 
 seized upon their prey could any thing compel them to relin- 
 quish their hold. The naked bodies of the Indians offered no 
 defence against their attacks. They sprang on them. Dragged 
 them to the earth, and tore them to pieces. 
 
 The admiral was accompanied in the expedition by his 
 brother Bartholomew, whose counsel and aid he sought on all 
 occasions, and who had not merely great personal force and 
 undaunted courage, but also a decidedly military turn of mind. 
 Guacanagari also brought his people into the field ; neither he 
 nor his subjects, however, were of a warlike character, nor cal- 
 culated to render much assistance. The chief advantage of
 
 310 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 his co-operation was. that it completely severed him from the 
 other caciques, and insured the dependence of himself and his 
 subjects upon the Spaniards. In the present infant state of 
 the colony its chief security depended upon jealousies and dis- 
 sensions sown among the native powers of the island. 
 
 On the 27th of March, 1495, Columbus issued forth from Isa- 
 bella with his little army, and advanced by marches of ten 
 leagues a day, in quest of the enemy. He ascended again to 
 the mountain-pass of the Cavaliers, whence he had first looked 
 down upon the Vega. With what different feelings did he now 
 contemplate it. The vile passions of the white men had already 
 converted this smiling, beautiful, and once peaceful and hospi- 
 table region, into a land of wrath and hostility. Wherever the 
 smoke of an Indian town rose from among the trees, it marked 
 a horde of exasperated enemies, and the deep rich forests 
 below him swarmed with lurking warriors. In the picture which 
 his imagination had drawn of the peaceful and inoffensive na- 
 ture of this people, he had flattered himself with the idea of 
 ruling over them as a patron and benefactor, but now he found 
 himself compelled to assume the odious character of a conqueror. 
 
 The Indians had notice by their scouts of his approach, but 
 though they had already had some slight experience of the 
 warfare of the white men, they were confident from the vast 
 superiority of their numbers, which, it is said, amounted to one 
 hundred thousand men. 1 This is probably an exaggeration ; 
 as Indians never draw out into the open field in order of battle, 
 but lurk among the forests, it is difficult to ascertain their 
 force, and their rapid movements and sudden sallies and re- 
 treats from various parts, together with the wild shouts and 
 yells from opposite quarters of the woodlands, are calculated 
 to give an exaggerated idea of their number. The army must, 
 however, have been great, as it consisted of the combined 
 forces of several caciques of this populous island. It was com- 
 manded by Mauicaotex, the brother of Caonabo. The Indians, 
 who were little skilled in numeration and incapable of reckon- 
 ing beyond ten, had a simple mode of ascertaining and describ- 
 ing the force of an enemy, by counting out a grain of maize or 
 Indian corn for every warrior. When, therefore, the spies, 
 who had watched from rocks and thickets the march of Colum- 
 bus, came back with a mere handful of corn as the amount of 
 his army, the caciques scoffed at the idea of so scanty a num- 
 ber making head against their countless multitude.' 2 
 
 i Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 104, MS. ! Las Casas, ubi sup.
 
 LIFE OF CURISTOFIIER COLUMBUS. 311 
 
 Columbus drew near to the enemy about the place where the 
 town of St. Jago has since been built. The Indian army, 
 under Manicaotex, was posted on a plain interspersed with 
 clusters of forest trees, now known as the Savanna of Matanza. 
 Having ascertained the great force of the enemy, Don Barthol- 
 omew advised that their little army should be divided into de- 
 tachments, and should attack the Indians at the same moment 
 from several quarters ; this plan was adopted. The infantry, 
 separating into different bodies, advanced suddenly from vari- 
 ous directions with great din of drums and trumpets, and a 
 destructive discharge of fire-arms from the covert of the trees. 
 The Indians were thrown into complete confusion. An army 
 seemed pressing upon them from every quarter, their fellow- 
 warriors to be laid low with thunder and lightning from the 
 forests. While driven together and confounded by these at- 
 tacks, Alonzo de Ojeda charged their main body impetuously 
 with his troop of cavalry, cutting his way with lance and sabre. 
 The horses bore down the terrified Indians, while their riders 
 dealt their blows on all sides unopposed. The blood-hounds at 
 the same time rushed upon the naked savages, seizing them by 
 the throat, dragging them to the earth, and tearing out their 
 bowels. The Indians, unaccustomed to large and fierce quad- 
 rupeds of any kind, were struck with horror when assailed by 
 these ferocious animals. They thought the horses equally 
 fierce and devouring. The contest, if such it might be called, 
 was of short duration. 
 
 The Indians fled in every direction with yells and howlings ; 
 some clambered to the tops of rocks and precipices, whence 
 they made piteous supplications, and offers of complete sub- 
 mission ; many were killed, many made prisoners, and the con- 
 federacy was for the time completely broken up and dispersed. 
 
 Guacanagari had accompanied the Spaniards into the field 
 according to his promise, but he was little more than spectator 
 of this battle or rather rout. He was not of a martial spirit, and 
 both he and his subjects must have shrunk with awe at this un- 
 usual and terrific burst of war, even though on the part of their 
 allies. His participation in the hostilities of the white men 
 was never forgiven by the other caciques, and he returned 
 to his dominions, followed by the hatred and execrations of all 
 the islanders.
 
 312 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 SUBJUGATION OF THE NATIVES IMPOSITION OF TRIBUTE. 
 
 [1494.] 
 
 COLUMBUS followed up his victory by making a military tour 
 through various parts of the island, and reducing them to obe- 
 dience. The natives made occasional attempts at opposition, 
 but were easily checked. Ojeda's troop of cavalry was of 
 great efficacy from the rapidit}' of its movements, the active 
 intrepidity of its commander, and the terror inspired by the 
 horses. There was . no service too wild and hazardous for 
 Ojeda. If any appearance of war arose in a distant part of 
 the country, he would penetrate with his little squadron of cav- 
 alry through the depths of the forests, and fall like a thunder- 
 bolt upon the enemy, disconcerting all their combinations and 
 enforcing implicit submission. 
 
 The Royal Vega was soon brought into subjection. Being 
 an immense plain, perfectly level, it was easily overrun by the 
 horsemen, whose appearance overawed the most populous vil- 
 lages. Guarionex, its sovereign cacique, was of a mild and 
 placable character, and though he had been roused to war by 
 the instigation of the neighboring chieftains, he readily sub- 
 mitted to the domination of the Spaniards. Mariicaotex, the 
 brother of Caonabo, was also obliged to sue for peace ; and 
 being the prime mover of the confederacy, the other caciques 
 followed his example. Behechio alone, the cacique of Xaragua, 
 and brother-in-law of Caonabo, made no overtures of submis- 
 sion. His territories lay remote from Isabella, at the western 
 extremity of the island, around the deep bay called the Bight 
 of Leogan, and the long peninsula called Cape Tiburon. They 
 were difficult of access, and had not as yet been visited by the 
 white men. He retired into his domains, taking with him his 
 sister, the beautiful Anacaona, wife of Caonabo, whom he 
 cherished with fraternal affection under her misfortunes, who 
 soon acquired almost equal sway over his subjects with him- 
 self, and was destined subsequently to make some figure in the 
 events of the island. 
 
 Having been forced to take the field by the confederacy of 
 the caciques, Columbus now asserted the right of a conqueror, 
 and considered how he might turn his conquest to most profit.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 313 
 
 His constant anxiety was to make wealth} 7 returns to Spain, 
 for the purpose of indemnifying the sovereigns for their great 
 expenses ; of meeting the public expectations, so extravagantly 
 excited ; and above all of silencing the calumnies of those who 
 had gone home determined to make the most discouraging rep- 
 resentations of his discoveries. He endeavored, therefore, to 
 raise a large and immediate revenue by imposing heav}' tributes 
 on the subjected provinces. In those of the Vega, Cibao, and 
 all the region of the mines, each individual above the age of 
 fourteen years was required to pay, every three months, the 
 measure of a Flemish hawk's-bell of gold dust. 1 The caciques 
 had to pay a much larger amount for their personal tribute. 
 Manicaotex, the brother of Caouabo, was obliged individually 
 to render in, every three months, half a calabash of gold, 
 amounting to one hundred and fifty pesos. In those districts 
 which were distant from the mines, and produced no gold, 
 each individual was required to furnish an arroba (twenty-five 
 pounds) of cotton every three months. Each Indian, on ren- 
 dering this tribute, received a copper medal as a certificate of 
 payment, which he was to wear suspended round his neck ; 
 those who were found without such documents were liable to 
 arrest and punishment. 
 
 The taxes and tributes thus imposed bore hard upon the spirit 
 of the natives, accustomed to be but lightly tasked by their 
 caciques ; and the caciques themselves found the exactions 
 intolerably grievous. Guariouex, the sovereign of the Royal 
 Vega, represented to Columbus the difficulty he had in comply- 
 ing with the terms of his tribute. His richly fertile plain 
 yielded no gold ; and though the mountains on his borders 
 contained mines, and their brooks and torrents washed down 
 gold dust into the sands of the rivers, yet his subjects were not 
 skilled in the art of collecting it. He proffered, therefore, 
 instead of the tribute required, to cultivate with grain a band 
 of country stretching across the island from sea to sea, enough, 
 says Las Casas, to have furnished all Castile with bread for ten 
 years. 2 
 
 His offer was rejected. Columbus knew that gold alone 
 would satisfy the avaricious dreams excited in Spain, and 
 insure the popularity and success of his enterprises. Seeing, 
 
 1 A hawk's-bell, according to Las Casas (Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 105), contains abont 
 three castellanos' worth of gold dust, equal to five dollar*, and in estimating the auperior 
 value of gold in those days, equivalent to fifteen dollars of our time. A quantity of gold 
 worth one hundred and fifty castellanos was equivalent to seven buudred aud niuety- 
 eight dollars of the present day. 
 
 2 Lad Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 105.
 
 314 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 however, the difficulty that many of the Indians had in furnish- 
 ing the amount of gold dust required, he lowered the demand 
 to the measure of one half of a hawk's-bell. 
 
 To enforce the payment of these tributes, and to maintain 
 the subjection of the island, Columbus put the fortress already 
 built in a strong state of defence, and erected others. Besides 
 those of Isabella, and of St. Thomas, in the mountains of 
 Cibao, there were now the fortress of Magdalena, in the Royal 
 Vega, near the site of the old town of Santiago, on the river 
 Jalaqtia, two leagues from the place where the new town was 
 afterward built ; another called Santa Catalina, the site of 
 which is near the Esteucia Yaqui ; another called Esperanza, 
 on the banks of the river Yaqui, facing the outlet of the 
 mountain-pass La Puerta de los Hidalgos, now the pass of 
 Marney ; but the most important of those recently erected was 
 Fort Conception, in one of the most fruitful and beautiful parts 
 of the Vega, about fifteen leagues to the east of Esperanza, 
 controlling the extensive and populous domains of Guarionex. 1 
 
 In this way was the } T oke of servitude fixed upon the island, 
 and its thraldom effectually insured. Deep despair now fell 
 upon the natives when they found a perpetual task inflicted 
 upon them, enforced at stated and frequently recurring periods. 
 Weak and indolent by nature, unused to labor of any kind, and 
 brought up in the untasked idleness of their soft climate 
 and their fruitful groves, death itself seemed preferable to a life 
 of toil and anxiety. They saw no end to this harassing evil, 
 which had so suddenly fallen upon them ; no escape from its 
 all-pervading influence ; no prospect of return to that roving 
 independence and ample leisure, so dear to the wild inhabitants 
 of the forest. The pleasant life of the island was at an end : 
 the dream in the shade In" day ; the slumber during the sultry 
 noontide heat by the fountain or the stream, or under the 
 spreading palm-tree ; and the song, the dance, and the game in 
 the mellow evening, when summoned to their simple amusements 
 by the rude Indian drum. They were now obliged to grope 
 day by day, with bending body and anxious eye, along the 
 borders of their rivers, sifting the sands for the grains of gold 
 which every day grew more scant}- ; or to labor in their fields 
 beneath the fervor of a tropical sun, to raise food for their 
 task-masters, or to produce the vegetable tribute imposed upon 
 them. They sank to sleep weary and exhausted at night, with 
 the certainty that the next day was but to be a repetition of the 
 
 Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 110.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 315 
 
 same toil and suffering. Or if the}' occasionally indulged in 
 their national dances, the ballads to which they kept time were 
 of a melancholy and plaintive character. They spoke of the 
 times that were past before the white men had introduced 
 sorrow, and slavery, and weary labor among them : and they 
 rehearsed pretended prophesies, handed down from their ances- 
 tors, foretelling the invasion of the Spaniards : that strangers 
 should corne into their island, clothed in apparel, with swords 
 capable of cleaving a man asunder at a blow, under whose yoke 
 their posterity should be subdued. These ballads, or areytos, 
 they sansr with mournful tunes and doleful voices, bewailing 
 the loss of their liberty, and their painful servitude. 1 
 
 They had Haltered themselves, for a time, that the visit of 
 the strangers would be but temporary, and that, spreading their 
 ample sails, their ships would once more bear them back to 
 their home in the sky. In their simplicity, they had repeatedly 
 inquired when the}' intended to return to Turey, or the heavens. 
 They now beheld them taking root, as it were, in the island. 
 They beheld their vessels lying idle "and rotting in the harbor, 
 while the crews, scattered about the country, were building 
 habitations and fortresses, the solid construction of which, 
 unlike their own slight cabins, gave evidence of permanent 
 Rhode. 1 
 
 Finding how vain was all attempt to deliver themselves by 
 warlike means from these invincible intruders, the} 7 now con- 
 ceited a forlorn and desperate mode of annoyance. They per- 
 ceived tlrat the settlement suffered greatly from shortness of 
 provisions, and depended, in a considerable degree, upon the 
 supplies furnished b}- the natives. The fortresses in the inte- 
 rior, also, and the Spaniards quartered in the villages, looked 
 almost entirely to them for subsistence. They agreed among 
 themselves, therefore, not to cultivate the fruits, the roots, and 
 nuiize, their chief articles of food, and to destroy those already 
 growing; hoping, by producing a famine, to starve the stran- 
 gers from the island. They little knew, observes Las Casas, 
 one of the characteristics of the Spaniards, who the more 
 hungry they are, the more inflexible they become, and the 
 more hardened to endure suffering. 3 They carried their plan 
 generally into effect, abandoning their habitations, laying waste 
 their fields and groves, and retiring to the mountains, where 
 
 1 Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. ix. * La* Casas, Hist. Ind., Hb. i. cap. 106. 
 
 3 No conociendo la propriedud de los Espanoles, los cuales cuanto ma* hamhrientos, 
 tantii mayor tesou ticuuti y mas duros sou dc sufrir y para sufrir. Las Cabas, Hist. lud., 
 lib. i. cap. 1 '.Hi.
 
 316 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 there were roots and herbs and abundance of utias for their 
 subsistence. 
 
 This measure did indeed produce much distress among the 
 Spaniards, but the}" had foreign resources, and were enabled to 
 endure it b}' husbanding the partial supplies brought by their 
 ships ; the most disastrous effects fell upon the natives them- 
 selves. The Spaniards stationed in the various fortresses, 
 finding that there was not only no hope of tribute, but a danger 
 of famine from this wanton waste and sudden desertion, pur- 
 sued the natives to their retreats, to compel them to return to 
 labor. The Indians took refuge in the most sterile and dreary 
 heights ; flying from one wild retreat to another, the women 
 with their children in their arms or at their backs, and all worn 
 out with fatigue and hunger, and harassed by perpetual alarms. 
 In every noise of the forest or the mountain they fancied they 
 heard the sound of their pursuers ; they hid themselves in damp 
 and dismal caverns, or in the rocky banks and margins of the 
 torrents, and not daring to hunt, or fish, or even to venture 
 forth in quest of nourishing roots and vegetables, they had to 
 satisfy their raging hunger with unwholesome food. In this 
 wa}" many thousands of them perished miserably, through 
 famine, fatigue, terror, and various contagious maladies engen- 
 dered by their sufferings. All spirit of opposition was at length 
 completely quelled. The surviving Indians returned in despair 
 to their habitations, and submitted humbly to the yoke. So 
 deep an awe did they conceive of their conquerors, that it is 
 said a Spaniard might go singl}" apd securely all over the island, 
 and the natives would even transport hirn from place to place 
 on their shoulders. 1 
 
 Before passing on to other events, it may be proper here to 
 notice the fate of Guacanagari, as he makes no further appear- 
 ance in the course of this history. His friendship for the Span- 
 iards had severed him from his countrymen, but did not exon- 
 erate him from the general woes of the island. His territories, 
 like those of the other caciques, were subjected to a tribute, 
 which his people, with the common repugnance to labor, found 
 it difficult to pay. Columbus, who knew his worth, and could 
 have protected him, was long absent either in the interior of 
 the island, or detained in Europe by his own wrongs. In the 
 interval, the Spaniards forgot the hospitality and services of 
 Guacanagari, and his tribute was harshly exacted. He found 
 himself overwhelmed with opprobrium from his countrymen 
 
 1 Las Casaa, Hist. lud., lib. 1. c. 106. Hist, del Alruirante, cap. 60.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 817 
 
 at large, and assailed by the clamors and lamentations of his 
 suffering subjects. The strangers whom he had succored in dis- 
 tress, and taken as it were to the bosom of his native island, 
 had become its tyrants and oppressors. Care, and toil, and 
 poverty, and strong handed violence, had spread their curses 
 over the land, and he felt as if he had invoked them on his 
 race. Unable to bear the hostilities of his fellow caciques, the 
 \vo( j s of his subjects, and the extortions of his ungrateful 
 allies, he took refuge at last iu the mountains, where he died 
 obscurely and in misery. 1 
 
 An attempt has been made by Oviedo to defame the char- 
 acter of this Indian prince : it is not for .Spaniards, however, to 
 excuse their own ingratitude by casting a stigma on his name. 
 He appears to have always manifested toward them that true 
 friendship which shines brightest in the dark days of adversity. 
 He might have played a nobler part, in making a stand, with 
 his brother caciques, to drive these intruders from his native 
 soil ; but he appears to have been fascinated by his admiration 
 of the strangers, and his personal attachment to Columbus. 
 He was bountiful, hospitable, affectionate, and kind-hearted ; 
 competent to rule a gentle and unwarlike people in the happier 
 days of the island, but unfitted, through the softness of his 
 nature, for the stern turmoil which followed the arrival of the 
 white men. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 INTRIGUES AGAINST COLUMBUS IN THE COURT OF SPAIN AGU- 
 ADO SENT TO INVESTIGATE THE AFFAIRS OF UISPANIOLA. 
 
 [1495.] 
 
 WHILE Columbus was endeavoring to remed}* the evils pro- 
 duced by the misconduct of Margarite, that recreant com- 
 mander and his political coadjutor, Friar Boyle, were busily 
 undermining his reputation in the court of Castile. They 
 accused him of deceiving the sovereigns and the public by 
 extravagant descriptions of the countries he had discovered ; 
 they pronounced the island of Hispaniola a source of expense 
 rather than profit, and they drew a dismal picture of the suffer- 
 ings of the colony, occasioned, as they said, by the oppressions 
 
 i Charlevoix, Hist, de St. Domingo, lib. 11.
 
 318 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 of Columbus and his brothers. They charged them with task- 
 ing the community with excessive labor during a time of gen- 
 eral sickness and debility ; with stopping the rations of indi- 
 viduals on the most trifling pretext, to the great detriment of 
 their health ; with wantonly inflicting severe corporal punish- 
 ments oil the common people, and with heaping indignities on 
 Spanish gentlemen of rank. They said nothing, however, of 
 the exigencies which had called for unusual labor; nor of the 
 idleness and profligacy which required coercion and chastise- 
 ment ; nor of the seditious cabals of the Spanish cavaliers, who 
 had been treated with indulgence rather than severity. In 
 addition to these complaints, they represented the slate of 
 confusion of the island, in consequence of the absence of the 
 admiral, and the uncertainty which prevailed concerning his 
 fate, intimating the probability of his having perished in his 
 foolhardy attempts to explore unknown seas and discover un- 
 profitable lauds. 
 
 These prejudiced and exaggerated representations derived 
 much weight from the official situations of Margarite and 
 Friar Boyle. They were supported by the testimony of many 
 discontented and factious idlers, who had returned with them 
 to Spain. Some of these persons had connections of rank, who 
 were ready to resent, with Spanish haughtiness, what they 
 considered the arrogant assumptions of an ignoble foreigner. 
 Thus the popularity of Columbus received a vital blow, and 
 immediately began to decline. The confidence of the sover- 
 eigns also was impaired, and precautions were adopted which 
 savor strongly of the cautious and suspicious policy of Ferdi- 
 nand. 
 
 It was determined to send some person of trust and confi- 
 dence, who should take upon himself the government of the 
 island in case of the continued absence of the admiral, and who, 
 even in the event of his return, should inquire into the alleged 
 evils and abuses, and remedy such as should appear really in 
 existence. The person proposed for this difficult office was 
 Diego Carillo, a commander of a militaiy order ; but as he was 
 not immediately prepared to sail with a fleet of caravels 
 about to depart with supplies, the sovereigns wrote to Fonseca, 
 the superintendent of Indian affairs, to send some trusty person 
 with the vessels, to take charge of the provisions with which 
 they were freighted. These he was to distribute among the 
 colonists, under the supervision of the admiral, or. in case of 
 his absence, in presence of those in authority. He was also to 
 collect information concerning the manner in which the island
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 319 
 
 had been governed, the conduct of persons in office, the causes 
 and authors of existing grievances, and the measures by which 
 they were to be remedied. Having collected such information, 
 he was to return and make report to the sovereigns ; but iu 
 case he should find the admiral at the island, every thing was 
 to remain subject to his control. 
 
 There was another measure adopted by the sovereigns about 
 this time, which likewise shows the declining favor of Colum- 
 bus. On the 10th of April, 149o, a proclamation was issued, 
 giving general permission to native-born subjects to settle in the 
 island of Hispaniola, and to go on private vo3 - ages of discovery 
 and traffic to the New World. This was granted, subject to 
 certain conditions. 
 
 All vessels were to sail exclusively from the port of Cadiz, 
 and under the inspection of officers appointed by the crown. 
 Those who embarked for Hispaniola without pay and at their 
 own expense, were to have lands assigned to them, and to be 
 provisioned for one year, with a right to retain such lands, and 
 all houses they might erect upon them. Of all gold which they 
 might collect, they were to retain one third for themselves, and 
 pay two-thirds to the crown. Of all other articles of merchan- 
 dise, the produce of the island, they were to pay merely one- 
 tenth to tlie crown. Their purchases were to be made in the 
 presence of officers appointed by the sovereigns, and the royal 
 duties paid into the hands of the king's receiver. 
 
 Each ship sailing on private enterprise was to take one or two 
 persons named by the royal officers at Cadiz. One-tenth of the 
 tonnage of the ship was to be at the service of the crown, free 
 of charge. One-tenth of whatever such ships should procure 
 in the newly-discovered countries was to be paid to the crown 
 on their return. These regulations included private ships 
 trading to Hispaniola with provisions. 
 
 For every vessel thus fitted out on private adventure, Co- 
 lumbus, in consideration of his privilege of an eighth of ton- 
 nage, was to have the right to freight one on his own account. 
 
 This general license for voyages of discovery was made in 
 consequence of the earnest application of Vincent Yanes Pin- 
 zon, and other able and intrepid navigators, most of whom had 
 sailed with Columbus. They offered to make voyages at their 
 own cost and hazard. The offer was tempting and well-timed. 
 The government was poor, the expeditions of Columbus were 
 expensive, yet their object was too important to be neglected. 
 Here was an opportunity of attaining all the ends proposed, 
 not merely without expense, but with a certainty of gain. The
 
 320 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 permission, therefore, was granted, without consulting the 
 opinion or the wishes of the admiral. It was loudly com- 
 plained of by him, as an infringement of his privileges, and as 
 disturbing the career of regular and well-organized discovery, 
 by the licentious aud sometimes predatory enterprises of reck- 
 less adventurers. Doubtless, much of the odium that has at- 
 tached itself to the Spanish discoveries in the New World has 
 arisen from the grasping avidity of private individuals. 
 
 Just at this juncture, in the early part of April, while the 
 interests of Columbus were in such a critical situation, the 
 ships commanded by Torres arrived in Spain. They brought 
 intelligence of the safe return of the admiral to Hispaniola, 
 from his voyage along the southern coast of Cuba, with the 
 evidence which he had collected to prove that it was the ex- 
 tremity of the Asiatic continent, and that he had penetrated to 
 the borders of the wealthiest countries of the East. Specimens 
 were likewise brought of the gold, and the various animal 
 and vegetable curiosities, which he had procured in the course 
 of his voyage. No arrival could have been more timely. It at 
 once removed all doubts respecting his safety, and obviated 
 the necessity of part of the precautionary measures then on the 
 point of being taken. The supposed discovery of the rich coast 
 of Asia also threw a temporary splendor about his expedition, 
 and again awakened the gratitude of the sovereigns. The 
 effect was immediately apparent in their measures. Instead 
 of leaving it to the discretion of Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca to 
 appoint whom he pleased to the commission of inquiry about 
 to be sent out, they retracted that power, and nominated Juan 
 Aguado. 
 
 He was chosen, because, on returning from Hispaniola, he 
 had been strongly recommended to royal favor by Columbus. 
 It was intended, therefore, as a mark of consideration to the 
 latter, to appoint as commissioner a person of whom he had 
 expressed so high an opinion, and who, it was to be presumed, 
 entertained for him a grateful regard. 
 
 Fonseca, in virtue of his official station as superintendent of 
 the affairs of the Indies, and probably to gratify his growing 
 animosity for Columbus, had detained a quantity of gold 
 which Don Diego, brother to the admiral, had brought on his 
 own private account. The sovereigns wrote to him repeat- 
 edly, ordering him not to demand the gold, or if he had seized 
 it, to return it immediately, with satisfactory explanations, 
 and to write to Columbus in terms calculated to soothe any 
 angry feelings which he might have excited. He was ordered,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 321 
 
 also, to consult the persons recently arrived from Hispaniola, 
 in what manner he could yield satisfaction to the admiral, and 
 to act accordingly. Fouseca thus suffered one of the severest 
 humiliations of an arrogant spirit, that of being obliged to 
 make atonement for his arrogance. It quickened, however, 
 the malice which he had conceived against the admiral and his 
 family. Unfortunately his official situation, and the royal 
 confidence which he enjoyed, gave him opportunities of grati- 
 fying it subsequently in a thousand insidious ways. 
 
 While the sovereigns thus endeavored to avoid any act 
 which might give umbrage to Columbus, they took certain 
 measures to provide for the tranquillity of the colony. In a 
 letter to the admiral they directed that the number of persons 
 in the settlement should be limited to five hundred, a greater 
 number being considered unnecessary for the service of the 
 island, and a burdensome expense to the crown. To prevent 
 further discontents about provisions, they ordered that the 
 rations of individuals should be dealt out in portions every fif- 
 teen days, and that all punishment by short allowance, or the 
 stoppage of rations, should be discontinued, as tending to in- 
 jure the health of the colonists, who required every assistance 
 of nourishing diet to fortify them against the maladies incident 
 to a strange climate. 
 
 An able and experienced metallurgist, named Pablo Belvis, 
 was sent out in place of the wrong-headed Firmin Cedo. He 
 was furnished with all the necessary engines and implements 
 for mining, assaying, and purifying the precious metals, and 
 with liberal pay and privileges. Ecclesiastics were also sent 
 to supply the pface of Friar Boyle, and of certain of his breth- 
 ren who desired to leave the island. The instruction and con- 
 venston of the natives awakened more and more the solicitude 
 of the queen. Ju the ships of Torres a large number of Indians 
 arrived, who had been captured in the recent wars with the 
 caciques. Royal orders had l>een issued, that they should be 
 sold as slaves in the markets of Andalusia, as had been the 
 custom with respect to negroes taken on the coast of Africa, 
 and to Moorish prisoners captured in the war with Granada. 
 Isabella, however, had been deeply interested by the accounts 
 given of the gentle and hospitable character of these islanders, 
 and of their great docility. The discovery had been made un- 
 der her immediate auspices ; she looked upon these people as 
 under her peculiar care, and she anticipated with pious enthu- 
 siasm the glory of leading them from darkness into the paths 
 of light. Her compassionate spirit revolted at the idea of
 
 322 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 treating them as slaves, even though sanctioned by the cus- 
 toms of the time. Within five days after the royal order for 
 the sale, a letter was written by the sovereigns to Bishop 
 Fonseca, suspending that order, until they could inquire into 
 the cause for which the Indians had been made prisoners, and 
 consult learned and pious theologians, whether their sale 
 would be justifiable in the eyes of God. 1 Much difference of 
 opinion took place among divines on this important question ; 
 the queen eventually decided it according to the dictates of 
 her own pure conscience and charitable heart. She ordered 
 that the Indians should be sent back to their native country, 
 and enjoined that the islanders should be conciliated by the 
 gentlest means, instead of being treated with severity. Un- 
 fortunately her orders came too late to Hispaniola to have the 
 desired effect. The scenes of warfare and violence, produced 
 by the bad passions of the colonists and the vengeance of the 
 natives, were not to be forgotten, and mutual distrust and 
 rankling animosity had grown up between them, which no 
 after exertions could eradicate. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF AGUADO AT ISABELLA HIS ARROGANT CONDUCT 
 TEMPEST IN THE HARBOR. 
 
 [1495.] 
 
 JUAN AGUADO set sail from Spain toward the end of August, 
 with four caravels, well freighted with supplies of all kinds. 
 Don Diego Columbus returned in this squadron to Hispaniola, 
 and arrived at Isabella in the month of October, while the ad- 
 miral was absent, occupied in re-establishing the tranquillity of 
 the interior. Aguado, as has already been shown, was under 
 obligations to Columbus, who had distinguished him from 
 among his companions, and had recommended him to the favor 
 of the sovereigns. He was, however, one of tlrseweak men 
 whose heads are turned by the least elevation. Puffed up by a 
 little temporal y power, he lost sight, not merely of the respect 
 and gratitude due to Columbus, but of the nature and extent of 
 his own commission. Instead of acting as an agent employed 
 
 1 Letter of the tiovereigus to Fouseca. Xavarrete, Colleccion de los Viages, i. 11, 
 Doc. 92.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 323 
 
 to collect information, he assumed a tone of authority, as though 
 the reins of government had been transferred into his hands. 
 He interfered in public affairs ; ordered various persons to be 
 arrested ; called to account the officers employed by the admi- 
 ral ; and paid no respect to Don Bartholomew Columbus, who 
 remained in command during the absence of his brother. The 
 Adelantado, astonished at this presumption, demanded a sight 
 of the commission under which he acted ; but Aguado treated 
 him with great haughtiness, replying that he would show it 
 only to the admiral. On second thought, however, lest there 
 should be doubts in the public mind of his right to interfere in 
 the affairs of the colony, he ordered his letter of credence from 
 the sovereigns to be pompously proclaimed by sound of trum- 
 pet. It was brief but comprehensive, to the "following purport : 
 " Cavaliers, esquires, and other persons, who by our orders are 
 in the Indies, we send to you Juan Aguado, our groom of the 
 chambers, who will speak to you on our part. We command 
 you to give him faith and credit." 
 
 The report now circulated that the downfall of Columbus and 
 his family was at hand, and that an auditor had arrived, em- 
 powered to hear and to redress the grievances of the public. 
 This rumor originated with Aguado himself, who threw out 
 menaces of rigid investigations and signs! punishments. It was 
 a time of jubilee for offenders. Every culprit started up into an 
 accuser ; every one who by negligence or crime had incurred the 
 wholesome penalties of the laws, was loud in his clamors against 
 the oppression of Columbus. There were ills enough in the col- 
 ony, s^me incident to its situation, others produced by the mis- 
 deeds of the colonists, but all were ascribed to the maladminis- 
 tration of the admiral. He was made responsible alike for the 
 evils produced by others and for his own stern remedies. All 
 the old complaints were reiterated against him and his brothers, 
 and the usual and illiberal cause given for their oppressions, 
 that they were foreigners, who sought merely their own inter- 
 ests and aggrandizement, at the expense of the sufferings and 
 the indignities of Spaniards. 
 
 Destitute of discrimination to perceive what was true and 
 what false in these complaints, and anxious only to condemn, 
 Aguado saw in every thing conclusive testimony of the culpa- 
 bility of Columbus. He intimated, and perhaps thought, that 
 the admiral was keeping at a distance from Isabella, through 
 fear of encountering his investigations. In the fulness of his 
 presumption, he even set out with a body of horse to go in 
 quest of him. A vain and weak man in power is prone to em-
 
 324 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 ploy satellites of his own description. The arrogant and boast- 
 ing followers of Aguado, wherever they went, spread rumors 
 among the natives of the might and importance of their chief, 
 and of the punishment he intended to inflict upon Columbus. 
 In a little while the report circulated through the island that a 
 new admiral had arrived to administer the government, and 
 that the former one was to be put to death. 
 
 The news of the arrival and of the insolent conduct of Aguado 
 reached Columbus in the interior of the island ; he immediately 
 hastened to Isabella to give him a meeting. Aguado, hearing 
 of his approach, also returned there. As every one knew the 
 lofty spirit of Columbus, his high sense of his services, and his 
 jealous maintenance of his official dignity, a violent explosion 
 was anticipated at the impending interview. Aguado also ex- 
 pected something of the kind, but, secure in his royal letter of 
 credence, he looked forward with the ignorant audacity of a 
 little mind to the result. The sequel showed how difficult it is 
 for petty spirits to anticipate the conduct of a man like Colum- 
 bus in an extraordinary situation. His natural heat and im- 
 petuosity had been subdued by a life of trials ; he had learned 
 to bring his passions into subjection to his judgment ; he had 
 too true an estimate of his own dignity to enter into a contest 
 with a shallow boaster like Aguado ; above all, he had a pro- 
 found respect for the authority of his sovereigns ; for in his en- 
 thusiastic spirit, prone to deep feelings of reverence, his loyalty 
 was inferior only to his religion. He received Aguado, there- 
 fore, with grave and punctilious courtesy ; and retorted upon 
 him his own ostentatious ceremonial, ordering that the letter 
 of credence should be again proclaimed by sound of trumpet in 
 presence of the populace. He listened to it with solemn defer- 
 ence, and assured Aguado of his readiness to acquiesce in what- 
 ever might be the pleasure of his sovereigns. 
 
 This unexpected moderation, while it astonished the beholders, 
 foiled and disappointed Aguado. He had come prepared for a 
 scene of altercation, and had hoped that Columbus, in the heat 
 and impatience of the moment, would have said or done some- 
 thing that might be construed into disrespect for the authority 
 of the sovereigns. He endeavored, in fact, some months after- 
 ward, to procure from the public notaries present, a prejudicial 
 statement of the interview ; but the deference of the admiral 
 for the royal letter of credence had been too marked to be dis- 
 puted ; and all the testimonials were highly in his favor. 1 
 
 i Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 18.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 325 
 
 Aguado continued to intermeddle in public affairs, and the 
 respect and forbearance with which he was uniformly treated 
 by Columbus, and the mildness of the latter in all his measures 
 to appease the discontents of the colony, were regarded as 
 proofs of his loss of moral courage. He was looked upon as a 
 declining man, and Aguado hailed as the lord of the ascendant. 
 Every dastard spirit who had any lurking ill-will, any real or 
 imaginary cause of complaint, now hastened to give it utter- 
 ance ; perceiving that, in gratifying his malice, he was promot- 
 ing his interest, and that in vilifying the admiral he was gain- 
 ing the friendship of Aguado. 
 
 The poor Indians, too, harassed by the domination of the 
 white men, rejoiced in the prospect of a change of rulers, vainly 
 hoping that i^ might produce a mitigation of their sufferings. 
 Many of the caciques who had promised allegiance to the admi- 
 ral after their defeat in the Vega, now assembled at the house 
 of Manicaotex, the brother of Caonabo, near the river Yagui, 
 where they joined in a formal complaint against Columbus, 
 whom they considered the cause of all the evils which had 
 sprung from the disobedience and the vices of his followers. 
 
 Aguado now considered the great object of his mission ful- 
 filled. He had collected information sufficient, as he thought, 
 to insure the ruin of the admiral and his brothers, and he pre- 
 pared to return to Spain. Columbus resolved to do the same. 
 He felt that it was time to appear at court, and dispel the cloud 
 of calumny gathering against him. He had active enemies, of 
 standing and influence, who were seeking every occasion to 
 throw discredit upon himself and his enterprises ; and, stranger 
 and foreigner as he was, he had no active friends at court to 
 oppose their machinations. He feared that they might eventu- 
 ally produce an effect upon the royal mind fatal to the progress 
 of discovery ; he was anxious to return, therefore, and explain 
 the real causes of the repeated disappointments with respect to 
 profits anticipated from his enterprises. It is not one of the 
 least singular traits in this history that, after having been so 
 many years in persuading mankind that there was a new 
 world to be discovered, he had almost equal trouble in proving 
 to them the advantage of its discovery. 
 
 When the ships were ready to depart, a terrible storm swept 
 the island. It was one of those awful whirlwinds which occa- 
 sionally rage within the tropics, and were called by the Indians 
 " furricanes," or " uricans," a name they still retain with 
 trifling variation. About mid-day a furious wind sprang up 
 from the east, driving before it dense volumes of cloud and
 
 326 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 vapor. Encountering another tempest of wind from the west, 
 it appeared as if a violent conflict ensued. The clouds were 
 rent by incessant flashes, or rather streams of lightning. At 
 one time they were piled up high in the sky, at another they 
 swept to the earth, filling the air with a baleful darkness more 
 dismal than the obscurity of midnight. Wherever the whirl- 
 wind passed, whole tracts of forests were shivered and stripped 
 of their leaves and branches ; those of gigantic size, which re- 
 sisted the blast, were torn up by the roots, and hurled to a 
 great distance. Groves were rent from the mountain preci- 
 pices, with vast masses of earth and rock, tumbling into the 
 valleys with terrific noise, and choking the course of rivers. 
 The fearful sounds in the air and on the earth, the pealing 
 thunder, the vivid lightning, the howling of the wind, the crash 
 of falling trees and rocks, filled every one with affright ; and 
 many thought that the end of the world was at hand. Some 
 fled to caverns for safety, for their frail houses were blown 
 down, and the air was filled with the trunks and branches of 
 trees, and even with fragments of rocks, carried along by the 
 fury of the tempest. When the hurricane reached the harbor, 
 it whirled the ships round as they lay at anchor, snapped their 
 cables, and sank three of them, with all who were on board. 
 Others were driven about, dashed against each other, and 
 tossed mere wrecks upon the shore by the swelling surges of 
 the sea, which in some places rolled for three or four miles 
 upon the land. The tempest lasted for three hours. When it 
 had passed away, and the sun again appeared, the Indians 
 regarded each other in mute astonishment and dismay. 
 Never in their memory, nor in the traditions of their ancestors, 
 had their island been visited by such a storm. They believed 
 that the Deity had sent this fearful ruin to punish the cruelties 
 and crimes of the white men, and declared that this people 
 had moved the very air, the water, and the earth, to disturb 
 their tranquil life, and to desolate their island. 1 
 
 * Ramusio, torn. iii. p. 7. Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iv.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 327 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 DISCOVERY OF THE MINES OF HAYNA. 
 [1496.] 
 
 IN the recent hurricane the four caravels of Aguado had been 
 destroyed, together with two others which were in the harbor. 
 The only vessel which survived was the Nina, and that in a very 
 shattered condition. Columbus gave orders to have her im- 
 mediately repaired, and another caravel constructed out of the 
 wreck of tl)9se which had been destroyed. While waiting 
 until they should be ready for sea, he was cheered by tidings of 
 rich mines in the interior of the island, the discovery of which 
 is attributed to an incident of a somewhat romantic nature. 1 
 A young Arragonian, named Miguel Diaz, in the service of the 
 Adelantado. having a quarrel with another Spaniard, fought 
 with him and wounded him dangerously. Fearful of the con- 
 sequences, he fled from the settlement, accompanied by five or 
 six comrades who had either been engaged in the affray, or 
 were personalty attached to him. Wandering atxnit the island, 
 they came to an Indian village on the southern coast, near the 
 mouth of the river Ozema, where the city of San Domingo is 
 at present situated. They were received with kindness by the 
 natives, and resided for some time among them. The village 
 was governed by a female cacique, who soon conceived a strong 
 attachment for the young Arragonian. Diaz was not insensible 
 to her tenderness ; a connection was formed between them, and 
 they lived for some time very happily together. 
 
 The recollection of his country and his f riends began at length 
 to steal upon the thoughts of the young Spaniard. It was a 
 melancholy lot to be exiled from civilized life, and an outcast 
 from among his countrymen. He longed to return to the 
 settlement, but dreaded the punishment that awaited him, 
 from the austere justice of the Adelantado. His Indian bride, 
 observing him frequently melancholy and lost in thought, pene- 
 trated the cause, with the quick intelligence of female affection. 
 Fearful that he would abandon her, and return to his country- 
 men, she endeavored to devise some means of drawing the 
 Spaniards to that part of the island. Knowing that gold was 
 
 1 Oviedo, Crouica de los India:-, lib. ii. cap. 13.
 
 328 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 their sovereign attraction, she informed Diaz of certain rich 
 mines in the neighborhood, and urged him to persuade his 
 countrymen to abandon the comparatively sterile and un- 
 healthy vicinit}- of Isabella, and settle upon the fertile banks 
 of the Ozema, promising they should be received with the 
 utmost kindness and hospitality by her nation. 
 
 Struck with the suggestion, Diaz made particular inquiries 
 about the mines, and was convinced that they abounded in gold. 
 He noticed the superior fruitfuluess and beauty of the country, 
 the excellence of the river, and the security of the harbor at its 
 entrance. He flattered himself that the communication of such 
 valuable intelligence would make his peace at Isabella, and 
 obtain his pardon from the Adelantado. Full of these hopes, 
 he procured guides from among the natives, and taking a tem- 
 porary leave of his Indian bride, set out with his comrades 
 through the wilderness for the settlement, which was about 
 fifty leagues distant. Arriving there secretly, he learnt to his 
 great joy that the man whom he had wounded had recovered. 
 He now presented himself boldly before the Adelautado, relying 
 that his tidings would earn his forgiveness. He was not mis- 
 taken. No news could have come more opportunely. The 
 admiral had been anxious to remove the settlement to a more 
 healthy and advantageous situation. He was desirous also of 
 carrying home some conclusive proof of the riches of the island, 
 as the most effectual means of silencing the cavils of his enemies. 
 If the representations of Miguel Diaz were correct, here was a 
 means of effecting both these purposes. Measures were imme- 
 diately taken to ascertain the truth. The Adelantado set forth 
 in person to visit the river Ozeraa, accompanied by Miguel Diaz, 
 Francisco de Garay, and the Indian guides, and attended by a 
 number of men well armed. They proceeded from Isabella to 
 Magdalena, and thence across the Royal Vega to the fortress of 
 Conception. Continuing on to the south, they came to a range 
 of mountains, which they traversed by a defile two leagues in 
 length, and descended into another beautiful plain, which was 
 called Bonao. Proceeding hence for some distance, they came 
 to a great river called Hayna, running through a fertile country, 
 all the streams of which abounded in gold. On the western 
 bank of this river, and about eight leagues from its mouth, they 
 found gold in greater quantities and in larger particles than had 
 yet been met with in any part of the island, not even excepting 
 the province of Cibao. They made experiments in various places 
 within the compass of six miles, and always with success The 
 soil seemed to be generally impregnated with that metal, so
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 329 
 
 that a common laborer, with little trouble, might find the 
 amount of three drachms in the course of a day. 1 In several 
 places they observed deep excavations in the form of pits, 
 which looked as if the mines had been worked in ancient times, 
 a circumstance which caused much speculation among the 
 Spaniards, the natives having no idea of mining, but contenting 
 themselves with the particles found on the surface of the soil, 
 or in the beds of the rivers. 
 
 The Indians of the neighborhood received the white men 
 with their promised friendship, and in every respect the repre- 
 sentations of Miguel Diaz were fully justitied. He was not 
 only pardoned, but received into great favor, and was subse- 
 quentty employed in various capacities in the island, in all 
 which he acquitted himself with great fidelity. He kept his 
 faith with his Indian bride, by whom, according to Oviedo, he 
 had two children. Chaiievoix supposes that they were regu- 
 larly married, as the female cacique appears to have been 
 baptized, being always mentioned by the Christian name of 
 Catnlina. 2 
 
 When the Adelantado returned with this favorable report, 
 ami with specimens of ore, the anxious heart of the admiral 
 was greatly elated. He gave orders that a fortress should be 
 immediately erected on the banks of the Hayna, in the vicinity 
 of the mines, and that they should be diligently worked. The 
 fancied traces of ancient excavations gave rise to one of his 
 usual veins of golden conjectures. He had already surmised 
 that Ilispaniola might be the ancient Ophir. He now flattered 
 himself that he had discovered the identical mines whence 
 King Solomon had procured his gold for the building of the 
 Temple of Jerusalem. He supposed that his ships must have 
 sailed by the Gulf of Persia, and around Trapoban to this 
 island, 8 which, according to his idea, lay opposite to the ex- 
 treme end of Asia, for such he firmly believed the island of 
 Cuba. 
 
 It is probable that Columbus gave free license to his imagina- 
 tion in these conjectures, which tended to throw a splendor 
 about his enterprises, and to revive the languishing interest of 
 the public. Granting, however, the correctness of his opinion, 
 that he was in the vicinity of Asia, an error by no means sur- 
 prising in the imperfect state of geographical knowledge, all his 
 
 1 Hen-era, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap 18. Peter Martyr, decad^. i. lib. iv. 
 
 2 Oviedo, Crunicu de log Indies, lib. ii. cup. 13. Churlevoix, llisi. St. Dumiiigo, lib. 
 li. p. 146. 
 
 3 Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iv.
 
 330 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 consequent suppositions were far from extravagant. The 
 ancient Oplrir was believed to lie somewhere in the East, but 
 its situation was a matter of controversy among the learned, 
 and remains one of those conjectural questions about which too 
 much has been written for it ever to be satisfactorily decided.
 
 BOOK IX. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN WITH AGUADO. 
 
 [1496.] 
 
 Tire new caravel, the Santa Cruz, being finished, and the 
 Nina repaired, Columbus made every arrangement for imme- 
 diate departure, anxious to be freed from the growing arrogance 
 of Aguado, and to relieve the colony from a crew of factious 
 and discontented men. He appointed his brother, Don Bar- 
 tholomew, to the command of the island, with the title, which 
 he had already given him, of Adelantado ; in case of his death, 
 he was to be succeeded by his brother Don Diego. 
 
 On the 10th of March the two caravels set sail for Spain, in 
 one of which Columbus embarked, and in the other Aguado. 
 In consequence of the orders of the sovereigns, all those who 
 could be spared from the island, and some who had wives and 
 relatives in Spain whom they wished to visit, returned in these 
 caravels, which were crowded with two hundred and twenty-five 
 passengers, the sick, the idle, the profligate, and the factious. 
 Never did a more miserable and disappointed crew return from 
 a land of promise. 
 
 There were thirty Indians also on board of the caravels, 
 among whom were the once redoubtable cacique Caonabo, one 
 of his brothers, and a nephew. The curate of Los Palacios ob- 
 serves that Columbus had promised the cacique and his brother 
 to restore them to their country and their power, after he had 
 taken them to visit the King and Queen of Castile. 1 It is prob- 
 able that by kind treatment and by a display of the wonders 
 of Spain and the grandeur and might of its sovereigns, he 
 hoped to conquer their enmity to the Spaniards, and convert 
 
 1 Cur* de los Palacios, cap. 131. 
 
 331
 
 332 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 them into important instruments towards obtaining a secure 
 and peaceable dominion over the island. Caonabo, however, 
 was of that proud nature, of wild but vigorous growth, which 
 can never be tamed. He remained a moody and dejected cap- 
 tive. He had too much intelligence not to perceive that his 
 power was for ever blasted, but he retained his haughtiness, 
 even in the midst of his despair. 
 
 Being as yet but little experienced in the navigation of these 
 seas, Columbus, instead of working up to the northward, so as 
 to fall in with the track of westerly winds, took an easterly 
 course on leaving the island. The consequence was that almost 
 the whole of his voyage was a toilsome and tedious struggle 
 against the trade-winds and calms which prevail between the 
 tropics. On the 6th of April he found himself still in the 
 vicinity of the Caribbee Islands, with his crews fatigued and 
 sickly, and his provisions rapidly diminishing. He bore away 
 to the southward, therefore, to touch at the most important of 
 those islands, in search of supplies. 
 
 On Saturday, the 9th, he anchored at Marigalante, whence, 
 on the following day, he made sail for Guadeloupe. It was con- 
 trary to the custom of Columbus to weigh anchor on Sunday, 
 when in port, but the people murmured, and observed that when 
 in quest of food it was no time to stand on scruples as to holy 
 days. 1 
 
 Anchoring off the island of Guadaloupe, the boat was sent 
 on shore well armed. Before it could reach the land, a large 
 number of females issued from the woods, armed with bows and 
 arrows, and decorated with tufts of feathers, preparing to oppose 
 any descent upon their shores. As the sea was somewhat rough, 
 and a surf broke upon the beach, the boats remained at a dis- 
 tance, and two of the Indians from Hispaniola swam to shore. 
 Having explained to these Amazons that the Spaniards only 
 sought provisions, in exchange for which they would give arti- 
 cles of great value, the women referred them to their husbands, 
 who were at the northern end of the island. As the boats pro- 
 ceeded thither, numbers of the natives were seen on the beach, 
 who manifested great ferocity, shouting, and yelling, and dis- 
 charging flights of arrows, which, however, fell far short in the 
 water. Seeing the boats approach the land, they hid themselves 
 in the adjacent forest, and rushed forth with hideous cries as the 
 Spaniards were landing. A discharge of fire-arms drove them 
 to the woods and mountains, and the boats met with no further 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 62.
 
 LIFE OF CniiTSTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 333 
 
 opposition. Entering the deserted habitations, the Spaniards 
 began to plunder and destroy, contrary to the invariable injunc- 
 tions of the admiral. Among other articles found in these 
 houses were honey and wax, which Herrera supposes had been 
 brought from Terra Firma, as these roving people collected the 
 productions of distant regions in the course of their expeditions. 
 Fernando Columbus mentions likewise that there were hatchets 
 of iron in their houses ; these, however, must have been made 
 of a species of hard and heavy stone, already mentioned, which 
 resembled iron ; or they must have been procured from places 
 which the Spaniards had previously visited, as it is fully ad- 
 mitted that no iron was in use among the natives prior to the 
 discovery. The sailors also reported that in one of the houses 
 they found the arm of a man roasting on a spit before a h're ; 
 but these facts, so repugnant to humanity, require more solid 
 authority to be credited ; the sailors had committed wanton 
 devastations in these dwellings, and may have sought a pretext 
 with which to justify their maraudings to the admiral. 
 
 While some of the people were getting wood and water, and 
 making cassava bread, Columbus despatched forty men, well 
 armed . to explore the interior of the island. They returned on 
 the following day with ten women and three boys. The women 
 were of large and powerful form, yet of great agility. They 
 were naked, and wore their long hair flowing loose upon their 
 shoulders ; some decorated their heads with plumes of various 
 colors. Among them was the wife of a cacique, a woman of 
 great strength and proud spirit. On the approach of the Span- 
 iards, she had fled with an agility which soon left all her pur- 
 suers far behind, excepting a native of the Canary Islands, 
 remarkable for swiftness of foot. She would have escaped even 
 from him, but perceiving that he was alone, and far from his 
 companions, she turned suddenly upon him. seized him with 
 astonishing force, and would have strangled him, had not the 
 Spaniards arrived and taken her entangled like a hawk with her 
 prey. The warlike spirit of these Carib women, and the cir- 
 cumstance of finding them in armed bands defending their 
 shores, during the absence of their husbands, led Columbus 
 repeatedly into the erroneous idea, that certain of these islands 
 were inhabited entirely by women ; for which error, as has 
 already been observed, he was prepared by the stories of 
 Marco Polo concerning an island of Amazons near the coast 
 of Asia. 
 
 Having remained several days at the island, and prepared 
 three weeks' supply of bread, Columbus prepared to make sail.
 
 334 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 As Guadaloupe was the most important of the Caribbee Islands, 
 and in a manner the portal or entrance to all the rest, he 
 wished to secure the friendship of the inhabitants. He dis- 
 missed, therefore, all the prisoners, with many presents, to 
 compensate for the spoil and injury which had been done. The 
 female cacique, however, declined going on shore, preferring to 
 remain and accompany the natives of Hispaniola who were on 
 board, keeping with her also a young daughter. She had con- 
 ceived a passion for Caonabo, having found out that he was a 
 native of the Caribbee Islands. His character and story, 
 gathered from the other Indians, had won the sympathy and ad- 
 miration of this intrepid woman. 1 
 
 Leaving Guadaloupe on the 20th of April, and keeping in 
 about the twenty-second degree of latitude, the caravels again 
 worked their way against the whole current of the trade-winds, 
 insomuch that, on the 20th of May, after a month of great 
 fatigue and toil, they had yet a great part of their voyage to 
 make. The provisions were already so reduced that Columbus 
 had to put every one on a daily allowance of six ounces of bread 
 and a pint and a half of water ; as they advanced, the scarcity 
 grew more and more severe, and was rendered more appalling 
 from the uncertainty which prevailed on board the vessels as to 
 their situation. There were several pilots in the caravels ; but 
 being chiefly accustomed to the navigation of the Mediterranean, 
 or the Atlantic coasts, they were utterly confounded, and lost 
 all reckoning when traversing the broad ocean. Every one had 
 a separate opinion, and none heeded that of the admiral. By 
 the beginning of June there was an absolute famine on board of 
 the ships. In the extremity of their sufferings, while death 
 stared them in the face, it was proposed by some of the Span- 
 iards, as a desperate alternative, that the}" should kill and eat 
 their Indian prisoners ; others suggested that they should throw 
 them into the sea, as so many expensive and useless mouths. 
 Nothing but the absolute authority of Columbus prevented this 
 last counsel from being adopted. He represented that the In- 
 dians were their fellow-beings, some of them Christians like 
 themselves, and all entitled to similar treatment. He exhorted 
 them to a little patience, assuring them that they would soon 
 make land, for that, according to his reckoning, they were not 
 far from Cape St. Vincent. At this all scoffed, for they be- 
 lieved themselves yet far from their desired haven ; some 
 affirming that they were in the English Channel, others that they 
 
 Hist, del Almirunte,- cap. 63.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 335 
 
 were approaching Gallicia ; when Columbus, therefore, confi- 
 dent in his opinion, ordered that sail should be taken in at night, 
 lest they should come upon the land in the dark, there was a 
 general murmur ; the men exclaiming that it was better to be 
 cast on shore than to starve at sea. The next morning, how- 
 ever, to their great joy, they came in sight of the very laud 
 which Columbus had predicted. From this time he was re- 
 garded by the seamen as deeply versed in the mysteries of the 
 ocean, and almost oracular in matters of navigation. 1 
 
 On the llth of June the vessels anchored in the Bay of Cadiz, 
 after a weary voyage of about three months. In the course of 
 this voyage the unfortunate Caonabo expired. It is by the 
 mere casual mention of contemporary writers that we have any 
 notice of this circumstance, which appears to have been passed 
 over as a matter of but little moment. He maintained his 
 haughty nature to the last, for his death is principally ascribed 
 to the morbid melancholy of a proud but broken spirit.- He 
 was an extraordinary character in savage life. From being a 
 simple Carib warrior he had risen, by his enterprise and cour- 
 age, to be the most powerful cacique, and the dominant spirit 
 of the populous island of Hayti. He was the only chieftain 
 that appeared to have had sagacity sufficient to foresee the fatal 
 effects of Spanish ascendency, or military talent to combine any 
 resistance to its inroads. Had his warriors been of his own 
 intrepid nature, the war which he raised would have been for- 
 midable in the extreme. His fate furnishes, on a narrow scale, 
 a lesson to human greatness. When the Spaniards first arrived 
 on the coast of Hayti, their imaginations were inflamed with 
 rumors of a magnificent prince in the interior, the lord of the 
 Golden House, the sovereign of the mines of Cibao, who reigned 
 in splendid state among the mountains ; but a short time had 
 elapsed, and this fancied potentate of the East, stripped of every 
 illusion, was a naked and dejected prisoner on the deck of one 
 of their caravels, with none but one of his own wild native 
 heroines to sympathize in his misfortunes. All his importance 
 vanished with his freedom ; scarce any mention is made of him 
 during his captivity, and with innate qualities of a high and 
 heroic nature, he perished with the obscurity of one of the 
 vulgar.
 
 336 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 PECLIXE OF THE POPULARITY OF COLUMBUS IX SPAIX HIS 
 
 RECEPTIOX BY THE SOVEREIGNS AT BURGOS HE PROPOSES A 
 THIRD VOYAGE. 
 
 EXVY and malice had been but too successful in undermining 
 the popularity of Columbus. It is impossible to keep up a state 
 of excitement for any length of time, even by miracles. The 
 world, at first, is prompt and lavish in its admiration, but soon 
 grows cool, distrusts its late enthusiasm, and fancies it has been 
 defrauded of what it bestowed with such prodigality. It is 
 then that the cavalier who had been silenced by the general ap- 
 plause, puts in his insidious suggestion, detracts from the merit 
 of the declining favorite, and succeeds in rendering him an ob- 
 ject of doubt and censure, if not of absolute aversion. In three 
 short years the public had become familiar with the stupen- 
 dous wonder of a newly-discovered world, and was now open to 
 every insinuation derogatory to the fame of the discoverer and 
 the importance of his enterprises. 
 
 The circumstances which attended the present arrival of 
 Columbus were little calculated to diminish the growing preju- 
 dices of the populace. When the motley crowd of mariners 
 and adventurers who had embarked with such sanguine ex- 
 pectations lauded from the vessels in the port of Cadiz, instead 
 of a joyous crew, bounding on shore, flushed with success, and 
 laden with the spoils of the golden Indies, a feeble train of 
 wretched men crawled forth, emaciated by the diseases of the 
 colony and the hardships of the voyage, who carried in their 
 yellow countenances, says an old writer, a mockery of that gold 
 which had been the object of their search, and who had nothing 
 to relate of the New World but tales of sickness, poverty, and 
 disappointment. 
 
 Columbus endeavored, as much as possible, to counteract 
 these unfavorable appearances, and to revive the languishing 
 enthusiasm of the public. He dwelt upon the importance of 
 his recent discoveries along the coast of Cuba, where, as he 
 supposed, he had arrived nearly to the Aurea Chersonesus of 
 the ancients, bordering on some of the richest provinces of 
 Asia. Above all, he boasted of his discover}- of the abundant 
 mines on the south side of Hispaniola, which he persuaded 
 himself were those of the ancient Ophir. The public listened
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 337 
 
 to these accounts with sneering incredulity ; cr if for a moment 
 a little excitement was occasioned, it was quickly destroyed by 
 gloomy pictures drawn by disappointed adventurers. 
 
 In the harbor of Cadiz Columbus found three caravels, com- 
 manded by Pedro Alonzo Nino, on the point of sailing with 
 supplies for the colony. Nearly a year had elapsed without 
 any relief of the kind ; four caravels which had sailed in the 
 preceding January having been lost on the coast of the Pen- 
 insula. 1 Having read the royal letters and despatches of which 
 Nino was the bearer, and being informed of the wishes of the 
 sovereigns, as well as of the state of the public mind, Columbus 
 wrote by this opportunity, urging the Adelantado to endeavor, 
 by every means, to bring the island into a peaceable and pro- 
 ductive state, appeasing all discontents and commotions, and 
 seizing and sending to Spain all caciques, or their subjects, 
 who should be concerned in the deaths of any of the colonists. 
 He recommended the most unremitting diligence in exploring 
 and working the mines recently discovered on the river Hayna, 
 and that a place should be chosen in the neighborhood, and a 
 seaport founded. Pedro Alouzo Nino set sail with the three 
 caravels on the 17th of June. 
 
 Tidings of the arrival of Columbus having reached the sov- 
 ereigns, he received a gracious letter from them, dated at 
 Almazen, 12th July, 14% ; congratulating him on his safe 
 return, and inviting him to court when he should have recov- 
 ered from the fatigues of his voyage. The kind terms in which 
 this letter was couched were calculated to re-assure the heart of 
 Columbus, who, ever since the mission of the arrogant Aguado, 
 had considered himself out of favor with the sovereigns, and 
 fallen into disgrace. As a proof of the dejection of his spirits, 
 we are told that when he made his appearance this time in 
 Spain, he was clad in a humble garb, resembling in form and 
 color the habit of a Franciscan monk, simply girded with a 
 cord, and that he had suffered his beard to grow like the breth- 
 ren of that order. 2 This was probably in fulfilment of some 
 penitential vow made in a moment of danger or despondency 
 a custom prevalent in those days, and frequentty observed by 
 Columbus. It betokened, however, much humility and depres 
 sion of spirit, and afforded a striking contrast to his appear 
 auce on his former triumphant return. He was doomed, in 
 
 1 Mnnoz, Hist. N. Mundo, lib. vi. 
 
 1 Equivalent to Ibe value of three thousand oue hundred and ninety-five dollars of 
 the present time.
 
 338 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 fact, to yield repeated examples of the reverses to which those 
 are subject who have once launched from the safe shores of 
 obscurity on the fluctuating waves of popular opinion. 
 
 However indifferent Columbus might be to his own personal 
 appearance, he was anxious to keep alive the interest in his 
 discoveries, fearing continually that the indifference awaken- 
 ing toward him might impede their accomplishment. On his 
 way to Burgos, therefore, where the sovereigns were expected, 
 he made a studious display of the curiosities and treasures 
 which he had brought from the New World. Among these 
 were collars, bracelets, anklets, and coronets of gold, the spoils 
 of various caciques, and which were considered as trophies 
 won from barbaric princes of the rich coasts of Asia, or the 
 islands of the Indian seas. It is a proof of the petty standard 
 by which the sublime discovery of Columbus was already esti- 
 mated, that he had to resort to this management to dazzle the 
 gross perceptions of the multitude by the mere glare of gold. 
 
 He carried with him several Indians also, decorated after 
 their savage fashion, and glittering with golden ornaments ; 
 among whom were the brother and nephew of Caonabo. the 
 former about thirty years of age, the latter only ten. They 
 were brought merely to visit the king and queen, that they 
 might be impressed with an idea of the grandeur and power of 
 the Spanish sovereigns, after which they were to be restored 
 in safety to their country. Whenever they passed through 
 any principal place, Columbus put a massive collar and chain 
 of gold upon the brother of Caonabo, as being cacique of the 
 golden country of Cibao. The curate of Los Pahvcios, who 
 entertained the discoverer and his Indian captives for several 
 days in his house, says that he had this chain of gold in his 
 hands, and that it weighed six hundred castellanos.' The 
 worthy curate likewise makes mention of various Indian masks 
 and images of wood or cotton, wrought with fantastic faces of 
 animals, all of which he supposed were representations of the 
 devil, who he concludes must be the object of adoration of 
 these islanders. 2 
 
 The reception of Columbus by the sovereigns was different 
 from what he had anticipated ; for he was treated with dis- 
 tinguished favor, nor was any mention made either of the 
 . complaints of Margarite and Boyle, or the judicial inquiries 
 conducted by Aguado. However these may have had a tran- 
 sient effect on the minds of the sovereigns, they were too con- 
 
 1 Cum de los Palaoios, cap. 131. Oviedo, lib. ii. cap. 13. 
 
 2 (Jura do- los 1'uluciori, cap. 131.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 339 
 
 scions of the great deserts of Columbus, and the extraordinary 
 difficulties of his situation, not to tolerate what they may have 
 considered errors on his part. 
 
 Encouraged by the favorable countenance he experienced, 
 and by the interest with which the sovereigns listened to his 
 account of his recent voyage along the coast of Cuba, and the 
 discovery of the mines of Hayna, which he failed not to repre- 
 sent as the Ophir of the ancients, Columbus now proposed a 
 further enterprise, by which he promised to make yet more 
 extensive discoveries, and to annex Terra Firma to their 
 dominions. For this purpose he asked eight ships : two to be 
 despatched to the island of Hispaniola with supplies, the 
 remaining six to be put under his command for a voyage of 
 discovery. The sovereigns readily promised to comply with 
 his request, and were probably sincere in their intentions to do 
 so, but in the performance of their promise Columbus was 
 doomed to meet with intolerable delay ; partly in consequence 
 of the operation of public events, partly in consequence of the 
 iutriques of men in office, the two great influences which are 
 continually diverting and defeating the designs of princes. 
 
 The resources of Spain were, at this moment, tasked to the 
 utmost by the ambition of Ferdinand, who lavished all his 
 revenues in warlike expenses and in subsidies. While main- 
 taining a contest of deep and artful policy with France, with 
 tlie ultimate aim of grasping the sceptre of Naples, he was 
 laying the foundation of a wide and powerful connection by 
 the marriages of the royal children, who were now maturing 
 in years. At this time arose that family alliance, which 
 afterward consolidated such an immense empire under his 
 grandson and successor, Charles V. 
 
 While a large army was maintained in Italy, under Gonsalve 
 of Cordova, to assist the King of Naples in recovering his 
 throne, of which he had been suddenly dispossessed by Charles 
 VIII. of France, other armies were required on the frontiers of 
 Spain, which were menaced with a French invasion. Squadrons 
 also had to be emploj-ed for the safeguard of the Mediterra- 
 nean and Atlantic coasts of the Peninsula, while a magnificent 
 armada of upward of a hundred ships, having on board twenty 
 thousand persons, many of them of the first nobility, was de- 
 spatched to convoy the Princess Juana to Flanders, to be mar- 
 ried to Philip, Archduke of Austria, and to bring back his sister 
 Margarita, the destined bride of Prince Juan. 
 
 These widely-extended operations, both of war and amity, 
 put all the laud and naval forces into requisition. They drained
 
 340 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 the royal treasury, and engrossed the thoughts of the sov- 
 ereigns, obliging them also to journey from place to place in 
 their dominions. With such cares of an immediate and home- 
 felt nature pressing upon their minds, the distant enterprises 
 of Columbus were easily neglected or postponed. They had 
 hitherto been sources of expense instead of profit ; and there 
 were artful counsellors ever ready to whisper in the royal ear 
 that they were likely to continue so. What, in the ambitious 
 eyes of Ferdinand, was the acquisition of a number of wild, 
 uncultivated, and distant islands, to that of the brilliant domain 
 of Naples ; or the intercourse with naked and barbarous princes, 
 to that of an alliance with the most potent sovereigns of 
 Christendom? Columbus had the mortification, therefore, to 
 see armies levied and squadrons employed in idle contests 
 about a little point of territory in Europe, and a vast armada 
 of upward of a hundred sail destined to the ostentatious service 
 of convoying a royal bride ; while he vainly solicited a few 
 caravels to prosecute his discovery of a world. 
 
 At length, in the autumn, six millions of maravedies were 
 ordered to be advanced to Columbus for the equipment of his 
 promised squadron. 1 Just as the sum was about to be de- 
 livered, a letter was received from Pedro Alouzo Nino, who 
 had arrived at Cadiz with his three caravels, on his return from 
 the islanrl of Hispauiola. Instead of proceeding to court in 
 person, or forwarding the despatches of the Adelantado, he had 
 gone to visit his family at Huelva, taking the despatches with 
 him, and merely writing, in a vaunting style, that he had a 
 great amount of gold on board his ships. 2 
 
 This was triumphant intelligence to Columbus, who immedi- 
 ately concluded that the new mines were in operation, and the 
 treasures of Ophir about to be realized. The letter of Nino, 
 however, was fated to have a most injurious effect on his 
 concerns. 
 
 The king at that moment was in immediate want of money, 
 to repair the fortress of Salza, in Roussillon, which had been 
 sacked by the French ; the six millions of maravedies about to 
 be advanced to Columbus were forthwith appropriated to patch 
 up the shattered castle, and an order was given for the amount 
 to be paid out of the gold brought by Nino. It was not until 
 the end of December, when Nino arrived at court, and delivered 
 the despatches of the Adelautado, that his boast of gold was 
 discovered to be a mere figure of speech, and that his caravels 
 
 1 Equivalent to 86,9.">6 dollars of the present day. 
 * Lais Ciusuri, Hist, lud., lib. i. cap. 123, MS.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 341 
 
 were, in fact, freighted with Indian prisoners, from the sale of 
 whom the vaunted gold was to arise. 
 
 It is difficult to describe the vexatious effects of this absurd 
 hyperbole. The hopes of Columbus, of great and immediate 
 profit from the mines, were suddenly cast down ; the zeal of 
 liis few advocates was cooled ; an air of empty exaggeration 
 was given to his enterprises ; and his enemies pointed with 
 scorn and ridicule to .the wretched cargoes of the caravels, as 
 the boasted treasures of the New World. The report brought 
 by Nino and his crew represented the colony as in a disastrous 
 condition, and the despatches of the Adelantado pointed out 
 the importance of immediate supplies ; but in proportion as the 
 necessity of the case was urgent, the measure of relief was 
 tardy. All the unfavorable representations hitherto made 
 seemed corroborated, and the invidious cry of " great cost and 
 little gain" was revived by those politicians of petty sagacity 
 and microscopic eye, who, in all great undertakings, can dis- 
 cern the immediate expense, without having scope of vision to 
 embrace the future profit. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 PREPARATIONS FOR A THIRD VOYAGE DISAPPOINTMENTS AND 
 
 DELAYS. 
 
 [1497.] 
 
 IT was not until the following spring of 1497 that the con- 
 cerns of Columbus and of the New World began to receive 
 serious attention from the sovereigns. The fleet had returned 
 from Flanders with the Princess Margarita of Austria. Her 
 nuptials with Prince Juan, the heir-apparent, had been cele- 
 brated at Burgos, the capital of Old Castile, with extraordinary 
 splendor. All the grandees, the dignitaries, and chivalry of 
 Spain, together with ambassadors from the principal potentates 
 of Christendom, were assembled on the occasion. Burgos was 
 for some time a scene of chivalrous pageant and courtly revel, 
 and the whole kingdom celebrated with great rejoicings this 
 powerful alliance, which seemed to insure to the Spanish sov- 
 ereigns a continuance of their extraordinary prosperity. 
 
 In the midst of these festivities, Isabella, whose maternnl 
 heart had recently been engrossed by the marriages of her
 
 342 LIFE OF CnmSTOPUEB COLUMBUS. 
 
 children, now that she was relieved from these concerns of a 
 tender and domestic nature, entered into the affairs of the New 
 World with a spirit that showed she was determined to place 
 them upon a substantial foundation, as well as clearly to define 
 the powers and reward the services of Columbus. To her pro- 
 tecting zeal all the provisions in favor of Columbus must be 
 attributed ; for the king began to look coldly on him, and the 
 royal counsellors, who had most influence in the affairs of 
 the Indies, were his enemies. 
 
 Various royal ordinances dated about this time manifest the 
 generous and considerate disposition of the queen. The rights, 
 privileges, and dignities granted to Columbus at Santa F6, 
 were again confirmed ; a tract of land in Hispaniola, fifty 
 leagues in length and twenty-five in breadth, was offered to 
 him with the title of duke or marquess. This, however, 
 Columbus had the forbearance to decline ; he observed that it 
 would only increase the envy which was already so virulent 
 against him, and would cause new misrepresentations ; as he 
 should be accused of paying more attention to the settlement 
 and improvement of his own possessions than of any other part 
 of the island. 1 
 
 As the expenses of the expeditions had hitherto far exceeded 
 the returns, Columbus had incurred debt rather than reaped 
 profit from the share he had been permitted to take in them ; 
 he was relieved, therefore, from his obligation to bear an eighth 
 part of the cost of the past enterprises, excepting the sum 
 which he had advanced toward the first voyage ; at the same 
 time, however, he was not to claim any share of what had 
 hitherto been brought from the island. For three ensuing 
 years he was to be allowed an eighth of the gross proceeds of 
 every voyage, and an additional tenth after the costs had been 
 deducted. After the expiration of the three years, the original 
 terms of agreement were to be resumed. 
 
 To gratify his honorable ambition also, and to perpetuate in 
 his family the distinction gained by his illustrious deeds, he 
 was allowed the right of establishing a ma}'orazgo, or per- 
 petual entail of his estates, so that they might always descend 
 with his titles of nobility. This he shortly after exercised in a 
 solemn testament executed at Seville in the early part of 1498, 
 by which he devised his estate to his own male descendants, 
 and on their failure to the male descendants of his brothers, 
 and in default of male heirs to the females of his lineage. 
 
 i Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 123.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 343 
 
 The heir was always to bear the arms of the admiral, to seal 
 with them, to sign with his signature, and in signing, never to 
 use any other title than simply "The Admiral," whatever 
 other titles might be given him by the king, and used by him 
 on other occasions. Such was the noble pride with which he 
 valued this title of his real greatness. 
 
 In this testament he made ample provision for his brother, 
 the Adelantado, his son Fernando, and his brother Don Diego, 
 the last of whom, he intimates, had a desire to enter into eccle- 
 siastical life. He ordered that a tenth part of the revenues 
 arising from the mayorazgo should be devoted to pious and 
 charitable purposes, and in relieving all poor persons of his 
 lineage. He made provisions for the giving of marriage-por- 
 tions to the poor females of his family. He ordered that a 
 married person of his kindred, who had been born in his 
 native city of Genoa, should be maintained there in com- 
 petence and respectability, by way of keeping a domicile for 
 the family there ; and he commanded whoever should inherit 
 the mayorazgo, always to do every thing in his power for the 
 honor, prosperity, and increase of the city of Genoa, provided 
 it should not be contrary to the service of the church and the 
 interests of the Spanish crown. Among various other provis- 
 ions in this will, he solemnly provides for his favorite scheme, 
 the recovery of the holy sepulchre. He orders his son Diego, 
 or whoever else may inherit bis estate, to invest from time to 
 time as much money as he can spare, in stock in the bank of 
 St. George at Genoa, to form a permanent fund, with which he 
 is to stand read}- at any time to follow and serve the king in 
 the conquest of Jerusalem. Or should the king not undertake 
 such enterprise, then, when the funds have accumulated to suf- 
 ficient amount, to set on foot a crusade at his own charge and 
 risk, in hopes that, seeing his determination, the sovereigns 
 may be induced either to adopt the undertaking or to author- 
 ize him to pursue it in their name. 
 
 Besides this special undertaking for the Catholic faith, he 
 charges his heir in case there should arise any schism in the 
 church, or any violence menacing its prosperity, to throw him- 
 self at the feet of the i>ope, and devote his person and property 
 to defend the church from all insult and spoliation. Next to 
 the service of God, he enjoins loyalty to the throne ; command- 
 ing him at all times to serve the sovereigns and their heirs, 
 faithfully and zealously, even to the loss of life and estate. To 
 insure the constant remembrance of this testament, he orders 
 his heir that, before he confesses, he shall give it to his father
 
 344 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 confessor to read, who is to examine him upon his faithful ful- 
 filment of its conditions. 1 
 
 As Columbus had felt aggrieved by the general license 
 granted in April, 14U5, to make discoveries in the New World, 
 considering it as interfering with his prerogatives, a royal edict 
 was issued on the 2d of June, 1497, retracting whatever might 
 be prejudicial to his interests, or to the previous grants made 
 him by the crown. " It never was our intention," said the 
 sovereigns in their edict, " in any way to affect the rights of 
 the said Don Christopher Columbus, nor to allow the conven- 
 tions, privileges, and favors which we have granted him to be 
 encroached upon or violated ; but on the contrary, in conse- 
 quence of the services which he has rendered us, we intend to 
 confer still further favors on him." Such, there is every rea- 
 son to believe, was the sincere intention of the magnanimous 
 Isabella ; but the stream of her royal bounty was poisoned or 
 diverted by the base channels through which it flowed. 
 
 The favor shown to Columbus was extended likewise to his 
 family. The titles and prerogatives of Adelantado, with which 
 he had invested his brother Don Bartholomew, had at first 
 awakened the displeasure of the king, who jealously reserved 
 all high dignities of the kind to be granted exclusively by the 
 crown. By a royal letter the office was now conferred upon 
 Don Bartholomew, as if through spontaneous favor of the 
 sovereigns, no allusion being made to his having previously 
 enjoyed it. 
 
 While all these measures were taken for the immediate 
 gratification of Columbus, others were adopted for the inter- 
 ests of the colony. Permission was granted him to take out 
 three hundred and thirty persons in royal pay, of whom forty 
 were to be escuderos, or servants, one hundred foot-soldiers, 
 thirty sailors, thirty ship-boys, twenty miners, fifty husband- 
 men, ten gardeners, twenty mechanics of various kinds, and 
 thirty females. He was subsequently permitted to increase 
 the number, if he thought proper, to five hundred ; but the ad- 
 ditional individuals were to be paid out of the produce and 
 merchandise of the colony. He was likewise authorized to 
 grant lands to all such as were disposed to cultivate vineyards, 
 orchards, sugar plantations, or to form any other rural estab- 
 lishments, on condition that they should reside as householders 
 on the island for four years after such grant, and that all the 
 brazil-wood and precious metals found on their lauds should be 
 reserved to the crown. 
 
 1 This testament is iuserled at large iu the Appendix.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 345 
 
 Nor were the interests of the unhappy natives forgotten by 
 the compassionate heart of Isabella. Notwithstanding the 
 sophisms by which their subjection and servitude were made 
 matters of civil and divine right, and sanctioned by political 
 prelates of the da}-, Isabella always consented with the great- 
 est reluctance to the slavery even of those who were taken in 
 open warfare ; while her utmost solicitude was exerted to pro- 
 tect the unoffending part of this helpless and devoted race. 
 She ordered that the greatest care should be taken of their 
 religious instruction, and the greatest leniency shown in col- 
 lecting the tributes imposed upon them, with all possible in- 
 dulgence to defalcators. In fact, the injunctions given with 
 respect to the treatment both of Indians and Spaniards, are 
 the only indications in the royal edicts of any impression 
 having been made b}* the complaints against Columbus of 
 severity in his government. It was generally recommended 
 by the sovereigns that, whenever the public safety did not 
 require stern measures, there should be manifested a disposition 
 to lenity and easy rule. 
 
 When every intention was thus shown on the part of the 
 crown to despatch the expedition to the colony, unexpected 
 difficulties arose on the part of the public. The charm was dis- 
 pelled which in the preceding voyage had made every adven- 
 turer crowd into the service of Columbus. An odium had been 
 industriously thrown upon his enterprises ; and his new-found 
 world, instead of a region of wealth and delight, was considered 
 a land of poverty and disaster. There was a difficulty in pro- 
 curing either ships or men for the voyage. To remedy the first 
 of these deficiencies, one of those arbitrary orders was issued, 
 so opposite to our present ideas of commercial policy, empower- 
 ing the officers of the crown to press into the service whatever 
 ships they might judge suitable for the purposed expedition, 
 together with their masters and pilots ; and to fix such price 
 for their remuneration as the officers should deem just and rea- 
 sonable. To suppl}' the want of voluntary recruits, a measure 
 was adopted at the suggestion of Columbus, 1 which shows the 
 desperate alternatives to which he was reduced by the great re- 
 action of public sentiment. This was to commute the sentences 
 of criminals condemned to banishment, to the galleys, or to the 
 mines, into transportation to the new settlements, where they 
 were to labor in the public service without pay. Those whose 
 sentence was banishment for life, to be transported for ten 
 years ; those banished for a specific term, to be transported
 
 346 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 for half that time. A general pardon was published for all 
 malefactors at large, who within a certain time should surren- 
 der themselves to the admiral and embark for the colonies ; 
 those who had committed offences meriting death, to serve for 
 two years, those whose misdeeds were of a lighter nature, to 
 serve for one year. 1 Those only were excepted from this in- 
 dulgence who had committed heresy, treason, coining, murder, 
 and certain other specific crimes. This pernicious measure, cal- 
 culated to poison the population of an infant community at its 
 very source, was a fruitful cause of trouble to Columbus, and 
 of misery and detriment to the colony. It has been frequently 
 adopted by various nations, whose superior experience should 
 have taught them better, and has proved the bane of many a 
 rising settlement. It is assuredly as unnatural for a metropolis 
 to cast forth its crimes and vices upon its colonies, as it would 
 be for a parent wilfully to ingraft disease upon his children. 
 In both instances the obligation of nature is vitiated ; nor should 
 it be matter of surprise, if the seeds of evil thus sown should 
 bring forth bitter retribution. 
 
 Notwithstanding all these violent expedients, there was still 
 a ruinous delay in fitting out the expedition. This is partly ac- 
 counted for by changes which took place in the persons ap- 
 pointed to superintend the affairs of the Indies. These con- 
 cerns had for a time been consigned to Antonio de Torres, in 
 whose name, conjointly with that of Columbus, man}- of the 
 official documents had been made out. In consequence of high 
 and unreasonable demands on the part of Torres, he was re- 
 moved from office, and Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, Bishop of 
 Badajos, reinstated. The papers had. therefore, to be made out 
 anew, and fresh contracts formed. While these concerns were 
 tardily attended to, the queen was suddenly overwhelmed with 
 affliction by the death of her only son. Prince Juan, whoso 
 nuptials had been celebrated with such splendor in the spring. 
 It was the first of a series of domestic calamities which assailed 
 her affectionate heart, and overwhelmed her with affliction for 
 the remainder of her days. In the midst of her distress, how- 
 ever, she still thought of Columbus. In consequence of his 
 urgent representations of the misery to which the colony mast 
 be reduced, two ships were despatched in the beginning of 1498, 
 under the command of Pedro Fernandez Coronel, freighted 
 with supplies. The necessary funds were advanced by the 
 queen herself, out of the moneys intended to form the eudow- 
 
 Muuoz, lib. vi. 19.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 347 
 
 ment of her daughter Isabella, then betrothed to Emanuel, King 
 of Portugal. An instance of her kind feeling toward Columbus 
 was also evinced in the time of her affliction ; his two sous, 
 Diego and Fernando, had been pages to the deceased prince ; the 
 queen now took them, in the same capacity, into her own service. 
 
 With all this zealous disposition on the part of the queen, 
 Columbus still met with the most injurious and discouraging 
 delays in preparing the six remaining vessels for his voyage. 
 His cold-blooded enemy Fonseca, having the superintendence 
 of Indian affairs, was enabled to impede and retard all his 
 plans. The various petty officei-s and agents employed in 
 the concerns of the armament were many of them minions of the 
 bishop, and knew that they were gratifying him in annoying 
 Columbus. They looked upon the latter as a man declining in 
 popularity, who might be offended with impunity ; they scrupled 
 not, therefore, to throw all kinds of difficulties in his path, and 
 to treat him occasionally with that arrogance which petty and 
 ignoble men in place are prone to exercise. 
 
 It seems almost incredible at the present day that such im- 
 portant and glorious enterprises should have been subject to 
 such despicable molestations. Columbus bore them all with 
 silent indignation. He was a stranger in the land he was bene- 
 fiting ; he felt that the popular tide was setting against him, 
 and that it was necessary to tolerate many present grievances 
 for the sake of effecting his great purposes. So wearied and 
 disheartened, however, did he become by the impediments art- 
 fully thrown in his way, and so disgusted by the prejudices of 
 the tickle public, that he at one time thought of abandoning his 
 discoveries altogether. He was chiefly induced to persevere by 
 his grateful attachment to the queen, and his desire to achieve 
 something that might cheer and animate her under her afflictions. 1 
 
 At length, after all kinds of irritating delays, the six vessels 
 were fitted for sea, though it was impossible to conquer the 
 popular repugnance to the service sufficiently to enlist the al- 
 lotted number of men. In addition to the persons in employ 
 already enumerated, a physician, surgeon, and apothecary 
 were sent out for the relief of the colony, and several priests to 
 replace Friar Boyle and certain of his discontented brethren ; 
 while a number of musicians were embarked by the admiral to 
 cheer and enliven the colonists. 
 
 The insolence which Columbus had suffered from the minions 
 of Fonseca throughout this long protracted time of preparation 
 
 1 Letter of Columbus to the nui-se of Prince Juan.
 
 348 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 harassed him to the last moment of his sojourn in Spain, and 
 followed him to the very water's edge. Among the worthless 
 hirelings who had annoyed him, the most noisy and presuming 
 was one Ximeno Breviesca, treasurer or accountant of Fouseca. 
 He was not an old Christian, observes the venerable Las Casas ; 
 by which it is to be understood that he was either a Jew or a 
 Moor converted to the Catholic faith. He had an impudent 
 front and an unbridled tongue, and, echoing the sentiments of 
 his patron the bishop, had been loud in his abuse of tne ad- 
 miral and his enterprises. The very day when the squadron 
 was on the point of weighing anchor, Columbus was assailed 
 by the insolence of this Ximeno, either on the shore when about 
 to embark, or on board of his ship where he had just entered. 
 In the hurry of the moment he forgot his usual self-command ; 
 his indignation, hitherto repressed, suddenly burst forth ; he 
 struck the despicable minion to the ground, and kicked him 
 repeatedly, venting in this unguarded paroxysm the accumu- 
 lated griefs and vexations which had long rankled in his mind. 1 
 Nothing could demonstrate more strongly what Columbus had 
 previously suffered, from the machinations of unworthy men, 
 than this transport of passion, so unusual in his well-governed 
 temper. He deeply regretted it, and in a letter written some 
 time afterward to the sovereigns, he endeavored to obviate the 
 injury it might do him in their opinion, through the exaggera- 
 tion and false coloring of his enemies. His apprehensions were 
 not ill-founded, for Las Casas attributes the humiliating meas- 
 ures shortly after adopted by the sovereigns toward Columbus, 
 to the unfavorable impression produced by this affair. It had 
 happened near at home, as it were, under the very eye of the 
 sovereigns ; it spoke, therefore, more quickly to their feelings 
 than more important allegations from a distance. The personal 
 castigation of a public officer was represented as a flagrant 
 instance of the vindictive temper of Columbus, and a corrobora- 
 tion of the charges of cruelty and oppression sent from the 
 colony. As Ximeno was a creature of the invidious Fonseca, 
 the affair was represented to the sovereigns in the most odious 
 point of view. Thus the generous intentions of princes, and 
 the exalted services of their subjects, are apt to be defeated by 
 the intervention of cold and crafty men in place. By his im- 
 placable hostility to Columbus, and the secret obstructions which 
 he threw in the way of the most illustrious of human enterprises, 
 Fonseca has insured perpetuity to his name, coupled with the 
 contempt of every generous mind. 
 
 1 Las Casaa, Hut. lud., lib. i. cap. hiG, MS.
 
 BOOK X. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS FROM SPAIN ON HIS THIRD VOYAGE 
 
 DISCOVERY OF TRINIDAD. 
 
 [1498.] 
 
 ON the 30th of Ma}', 1498, Columbus set sail from the port 
 of San Lucar de Barrameda, with his squadron of six vessels, 
 ou his third voyage of discovery. The routs he proposed to 
 take was different from that pursued in his former voyages. He 
 intended to depart from the Cape de Verde Islands, sailing to 
 the south-west, until he should come under the equinoctial line, 
 then to steer directly westward, with the favor of the trade- 
 winds, until he should arrive at land, or find himself in the 
 longitude of Hispauiola. Various considerations induced him 
 to adopt this course. In his preceding voyage, when he coasted 
 the southern side of Cuba, under the belief that it was the con- 
 tinent of Asia, he had observed that it swept off toward the 
 south. From this circumstance, and from information gath- 
 ered among the natives of the Caribbee Islands, he was induced 
 to believe that a great tract of the main-land la}' to the south 
 of the countries he had already discovered. King John II. of 
 Portugal appears to have entertained a similar idea ; as Hen-era 
 records an opinion expressed by that monarch, that there was 
 a continent in the southern ocean. 2 If this were the case, it 
 was supposed by Columbus that, in proportion as he approached 
 the equator, and extended his discoveries to climates more and 
 more under the torrid influence of the sun, he should find the 
 productions of nature sublimated by its rays to more perfect 
 and precious qualities. He was strengthened in this belief by 
 a letter written to him at the command of the queen, by one 
 Jayne Ferrer, an eminent and learned lapidary, who, in the 
 
 1 Ilerrera, llist. 1ml., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 9. 
 
 349
 
 350 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 course of his trading for precious stones and metals, had been 
 in the Levant and in various parts of the East ; had converged 
 with the merchants of the remote parts of Asia and Africa, and 
 the natives of India, Arabia, and Ethiopia, and was considered 
 deeply versed in geography generally, but especially in the 
 natural histories of those countries whence the valuable mer- 
 chandise in which he dealt was procured. In this letter Ferrer 
 assured Columbus that, according to his experience, the rarest 
 objects of commerce, such as gold, precious stones, drugs, and 
 spices, were chiefly to be found in the regions about the equi- 
 noctial line, where the inhabitants were black, or darkly col- 
 ored ; and that until the admiral should arrive among people 
 of such complexions he did not think he would find those ar- 
 ticles in great abundance. 1 
 
 Columbus expected to find such people more to the south. 
 He recollected that the natives of Hispaniola had spoken of 
 black men who had ouce come to their island from the south and 
 south-east, the heads of whose javelins were of a sort of metal 
 which they called Guanin. They had given the admiral speci- 
 mens of this metal, which, on being assayed in Spain, proved 
 to be a mixture of eighteen parts gold, six silver, and eight 
 copper, a proof of valuable mines in the country whence they 
 came. Charlevoix conjectures that these black people may 
 have come from the Canaries, or the western coast of Africa, 
 and been driven by tempest to the shores of Hispauiola. 2 It 
 is probable, however, that Columbus had been misinformed as 
 to their color, or had misunderstood his informants. It is dif- 
 ficult to believe that the natives of Africa, or the Canaries, 
 could have performed a voyage of such magnitude, in the frail 
 and scantily provided barks they were accustomed to use. 
 
 It was to ascertain the truth of all these suppositions, and if 
 correct, to arrive at the favored and opulent countries about 
 the equator, inhabited by people of simular complexions with 
 those of the Africans under the line, that Columbus in his 
 present voyage to the New World took a course much farther 
 to the south than that which he had hitherto pursued. 
 
 Having heard that a French squadron was cruising off Cape 
 St. Vincent, he stood to the south-west after leaving St. Lucnr, 
 touching at the islands of Porto Santo and Madeira, where he 
 remained a few days taking in wood and water and other sup- 
 plies, and then continued his course to the Canary Islands. On 
 the 19th of June he arrived at Gomara, where there lay at anchor 
 
 1 Navarretc, Colec., torn. ii. doc. 68. 
 
 Charlevoix, liist. &'.. Domiugo, lib. Ui. p. 162.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 351 
 
 a French cruiser with two Spanish prizes. On seeing the squad- 
 ron of Columbus standing into the harbor, the captain of the 
 privateer put to sea in all haste, followed by his prizes ; one of 
 which, in the hurry of the moment, left part of her crew on 
 shore, making sail with only four of her armament and six 
 Spanish prisoners. The admiral at first mistook them for mer- 
 chant ships alarmed by his warlike appearance ; when informed 
 of the truth, however, he sent three of his vessels in pursuit, 
 but they were too distant to be overtaken. The six Spaniards, 
 however, on board of one of the prizes, seeing assistance at 
 hand, rose on their captors, and the admiral's vessel coming up, 
 the prize was retaken, and brought back in triumph to the port. 
 The admiral relinquished the ship to the captain, and gave np 
 the prisoners to the governor of the island, to be exchanged for 
 six Spaniards carried off by the cruiser. 1 
 
 Leaving Gomara on the 21st of June, Columbus divided his 
 squadron off the island of Ferro : three of the ships he de- 
 spatched direct for Hispaniola, to carry supplies to the colony. 
 One of these ships was commanded by Alonzo Sanchez de Ca- 
 ravajal, a native of Baeza, a man of much worth and integrity ; 
 the second by Pedro de Arana of Cordova, brother of Dona 
 Beatrix Heuriquez, the mother of the admiral's second son, 
 Fernando. He was cousin also of the unfortunate officer who 
 commanded the fortress of La Xavidad at the time of the mas- 
 sacre. The third was commanded by Juan Antonio Columbus 
 (or Colombo), a Genoese, related to the admiral, a man of 
 much judgment and capacity. These captains were alternately 
 to have the command, and bear the signal light a week at a 
 time. The admiral carefully pointed out their course. When 
 they came in sight of Hispaniola they were to steer for the 
 south side, for the new port and town, which he supposed to be 
 by this time established in the mouth of the Ozema, according 
 to royal orders sent out by Coronel. With the three remaining 
 vessels the admiral prosecuted his voyage toward the Cape de 
 Verde Islands. The ship in which he sailed was decked, the 
 other two were merchant caravels. 2 As he advanced within 
 the tropics the change of climate and the close and sultry 
 weather brought on a severe attack of the gout, followed by a 
 violent fever. Notwithstanding his painful illness, he enjoyed 
 the full possession of his faculties, and continued to keep his 
 reckoning and make his observations with his usual vigilance 
 and minuteness. 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirautc, cap. 65. = P. Maityr, decad. i. lib. vi.
 
 352 LIFE OF CnKISTOPTlER COLUMBUS. 
 
 On the 27th of June he arrived among the Cape de Verde 
 Islands, which, instead of the freshness and verdure which their 
 name would betoken, presented an aspect of the most cheerless 
 sterility. He remained among these islands but a very few 
 days, being disappointed in his expectation of obtaining goats' 
 flesh for ships' provisions, and cattle for stock for the island of 
 Hispaniola. To procure them would require some delay ; i) 
 the mean time the health of himself and of his people suffered 
 under the influence of the weather. The atmosphere was 
 loaded with clouds and vapors ; neither sun nor star was to be 
 seen ; a sultry, depressing temperature prevailed ; and the livid 
 looks of the inhabitants bore witness to the insalubrity of the 
 climate. 1 
 
 Leaving the island of Buena Vista on the 5th of July, Colum- 
 bus stood to the south-west, intending to continue on until he 
 found himself under the equinoctial line. The currents, how- 
 ever, which ran to the north and north-west among these islands 
 impeded his progress, and kept him for two days in sight of 
 the Island del Fuego. The volcanic summit of this island, 
 which, seen at a distance, resembled a church with a lofty 
 steeple, and which was said at times to emit smoke and flames, 
 was the last point discerned of the Old World. 
 
 Continuing to the south-west about one hundred and twenty 
 leagues, he found himself, on the 13th of Jury, accoi'ding to his 
 observations, in the fifth degree of north latitude. He had 
 entered that region which extends for eight or ten degrees on 
 each side of the line, and is known among seamen by the name 
 of the calm latitudes. The trade-winds from the south-east 
 and north-east, meeting in the neighborhood of the equator, 
 neutralize each other, and a steady calmness of the elements is 
 produced. The whole sea is like a mirror, and vessels remain 
 almost motionless, with flapping sails ; the crews panting under 
 the heat of a vertical sun, unmitigated by any refreshing breeze. 
 Weeks are sometimes employed in crossing this torpid tract of 
 the ocean. 
 
 The weather for some time past had been cloudy and oppress- 
 ive ; but on the 13th there was a bright and burning sun. The 
 wind suddenly fell, and a dead sultry calm commenced, which 
 lasted for eight days. The air was like a furnace ; the tar 
 melted, the seams of the ships yawned ; the salt meat became 
 putrid ; the wheat was parched as if with fire ; the hoops shrank 
 from the wine and water casks, some of which leaked, and 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 65.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 353 
 
 othors burst ; while the heat in the holds of the vessels was so 
 suffocating that no one could remain below a sufficient time to 
 prevent tin- damage that was taking place. The mariners lost 
 all strength and spirits, and sank under the oppressive heat. 
 It seemed as if the old fable of the torrid zone was about to be 
 realized ; and that they were approaching a fiery region, where 
 it would be impossible to exist. It is true the heavens were, 
 for a great part of the time, overcast, and there were drizzling 
 showers ; but the atmosphere was close and stifling, and there 
 was that combination of heat and moisture which relaxes all 
 the energies of the human frame. 
 
 During this time the admiral suffered extremely from the 
 gout, but, as usual, the activity of his mind, heightened by his 
 anxiety, allowed him no indulgence nor repose. He was in an 
 unknown part of the ocean, where every thing depended upon 
 his vigilance and sagacity ; and was continually watching the 
 phenomena of the elements, and looking out for signs of land. 
 Finding the heat so intolerable, he altered his course, and steered 
 to the south-west, hoping to find a milder temperature farther 
 on, even under the same parallel. He had observed, in his 
 previous voyages, that after sailing westward a hundred leagues 
 from the Azores, a wonderful change took place in the sea and 
 sky. both becoming serene and bland, and the air temperate and 
 refreshing. He imagined that a peculiar mildness and suavity 
 prevailed over a great tract of ocean extending from north to 
 south, into which the navigator, sailing from east to west, would 
 suddenly enter, as if crossing a line. The event seemed to 
 justify his theory, for after making their way slowly for some 
 time to the westward, through an ordeal of heats and calms, 
 with a murky, stifling atmosphere, the ships all at once emerged 
 into a genial region, a pleasant, cooling breeze played over the 
 surface of the sea, and gently filled their sails, the close and 
 drizzling clouds broke away, the sky became serene and clear, 
 and the sun shone forth with all its splendor, but no longer with 
 a burning heat. 
 
 Columbus had intended on reaching this temperate tract, to 
 have stood once more to the south and then westward ; but the 
 late parching weather had opened the seams of his ships, and 
 caused them to leak excessively, so that it was necessary to 
 seek a harbor as soon as possible, where they might be refitted. 
 Much of the provisions also was spoiled, and the water nearly 
 exhausted. He kept on therefore directly to the west, trust- 
 ing, from the flights of birds and other favorable indications, 
 he should soon arrive at land. Day after day passed away
 
 354 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 without his expectations being realized. The distresses of his 
 men became continually more urgent; wherefore, supposing 
 himself in the longitude of the Caribbee Islands, he bore away 
 toward the northward in search of them. 1 
 
 On the 31st of July there was not above one cask of water 
 remaining in each ship, when, about midday, a mariner at the 
 masthead beheld the summits of three mountains rising above 
 the horizon, and gave the joyful cry of land. As the ships 
 drew nearer it was seen that these mountains were united at 
 the base. Columbus had determined to give the first laud he 
 should behold the name of the Trinity. The appearance of 
 these three mountains united into one struck him as a singular 
 coincidence ; and, with a solemn feeling of devotion, he gave 
 the island the name of La Trinidad, which it bears at the 
 present day. 2 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 VOYAGE THROUGH THE GULF OF PARIA. 
 
 [1498.] 
 
 SHAPIXG his course for the island, Columbus approached its 
 eastern extremity, to which he gave the name of Punta de la 
 Galera, from a rock in the sea, which resembled a galley under 
 sail. He was obliged to coast for five leagues along the southern 
 shore before he could find safe anchorage. On the following 
 day (August 1), he continued coasting westward, in search of 
 water and a convenient harl>or where the vessels might be 
 careened. He was surprised at the verdure and fertility of the 
 country, having expected to find it more parched and sterile 
 as he approached the equator; whereas he beheld groves of 
 palm-trees and luxuriant forests, sweeping down to the seaside, 
 with fountains and running streams. The shores were low and 
 uninhabited, but the country rose in the interior, was cultivated 
 in many places, and enlivened by hamlets and scattered habita- 
 tions. In a word, the softness and purity of the climate, and 
 the verdure, freshness, and sweetness of the country, appeared 
 to him to equal the delights of earl}' spring in the beautiful 
 province of Valencia. 8 
 
 Anchoring at a point to which he gave the name of Punta de 
 
 1 Hist, del Alniiranle, eaj>. ii7. s Ihid.. nhi mi|>. 
 
 8 Letter of Columbus to the Sovereigus from HUpauiula, Nuvurrute, Colec. torn. i.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 355 
 
 la Playn, he sent the boats on shore for water. They found an 
 abundant and limpid brook, at which they filled their casks, but 
 there was no safe harbor for the vessels, nor could they meet 
 with any of the islanders, though they found prints of footsteps, 
 and various fishing implements, left behind in the hurry of the 
 flight. There were tracks also of animals, which they supposed 
 to be goats, but which must have been deer, with which, as it 
 was afterward ascertained, the island abounded. 
 
 While coasting the island Columbus beheld land to the south, 
 stretching to the distance of more than twenty leagues. It 
 was that low tract of coast intersected by the numerous branches 
 of the Oronoco, but the admiral, supposing it to be an island, 
 gave it the name of La Isla Santa ; little imagining that he now 
 for the first time beheld that continent, that Terra Firma, which 
 had been the object of his earnest search. 
 
 On the 2d of August he continued on to the south-west point 
 of Trinidad, which he called Point Arenal. It stretched toward 
 a corresponding point of Terra Firma. making a narrow pass, 
 with a high rock in the centre, to which he gave the name of 
 El Gallo. Near this pass the ships cast anchor. As they were 
 approaching this place, a large canoe with five and twenty 
 Indians put off from the shore, but paused on coining within 
 bow->hot. and hailed the ships in a language which no one ou 
 board understood. Columbus tried to allure the savages on 
 board, by friendly signs, by the display of looking-glasses, 
 basins of polished metal, and various glittering trinkets, but all 
 in vain. They remained gazing in mute wonder for above two 
 hours, with their paddles in their hands, ready to take to flight 
 on the least attempt to approach them. They were all young 
 men, well formed, and naked, excepting bands and fillets of 
 cotton about their heads, and colored cloths of the same about 
 their loins. They were armed with bows and arrows, the hitter 
 feathered and tipped with bone, and they had bucklers, au 
 article of armor seen for the first time among the inhabitants 
 of the New World. 
 
 Finding all other means to attract them ineffectual. Colum- 
 bus now tried the power of music. He knew the fondness of 
 the Indians for dances performed to the sound of their rude 
 drums and the chant of their traditional ballads. He ordered 
 something similar to be executed on the deck of his ship, where, 
 while one man sang to the beat of the tabor, and the sound of 
 other musical instruments, the ship-boys danced, after the 
 popular Spanish fashion. No sooner, however, did this sym- 
 phony strike up, than the Indians, mistaking it for a signal of
 
 856 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 hostilities, put their bucklers on their arms, seized their hows, 
 and let fly a shower of arrows. This rude salutation was im- 
 mediately answered hy the discharge of a couple of cross-bows, 
 which put the auditors to flight, and concluded this singular 
 entertainment. 
 
 Though thus shy of the admiral's vessel, they approached 
 one of the caravels without hesitation, and, running under the 
 stern, had a parley with the pilot, who gave a cap and a mantle 
 to the one who appeared to be the chieftain. He received the 
 presents with great delight, inviting the pilot by signs to come 
 to land, where he should be well entertained, and receive great 
 presents in return. On his appearing to consent, they went to 
 shore to wait for him. The pilot put off in the boat of the 
 caravel to ask permission of the admiral ; but the Indians, 
 seeing him go on board of the hostile ship, suspected some 
 treachery, and springing into their canoe, darted away, aor 
 was any thing more seen of them. 1 
 
 The complexion and other physical characteristics of these 
 savages caused much surprise and speculation in the mind of 
 Columbus. Supposing himself in the seventh degree of latitude, 
 though actually in the tenth, he expected to find the inhabitants 
 similar to the natives of Africa under the same parallel, who 
 were black and ill-shaped, with crisped hair, or rather wool ; 
 whereas these were well formed, had long hair, and were even 
 fairer than those more distant from the equator. The climate, 
 also, instead of being hotter as he approached the equinoctial, 
 appeared more temperate. He was now in the dog-days, yet 
 the nights and mornings were so cool that it was necessary to 
 use covering as in winter. This is the case in many parts of 
 the torrid zone, especially in calm weather, when there is no 
 wind, for nature, by heavy dews, in the long nights of those 
 latitudes, cools and refreshes the earth after the great heat of 
 the day. Columbus was at first greatly perplexed by these 
 contradictions to the course of nature, as observed in the Old 
 World ; they were in opposition also to the expectations he had 
 founded on the theory of Ferrer the lapidary, but they gradu- 
 ally contributed to the formation of a theory which was spring- 
 ing up in his active imagination, and which will be presently 
 shown. 
 
 After anchoring at Point Arenal, the crews were permitted 
 to land and refresh themselves. There were no runs of water, 
 but by sinking pits in the sand they soon obtained sufficient to 
 
 1 Hist. del. Almirante, cap. 88. P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. vi. Las Casas, Hist. Ind.. lib. 
 i. cap. l-o. MS. Lellcr of Columbus to the CueUliuu Sovereigns. X.ivurretu (Juice., torn. i.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 357 
 
 fill the casks. The anchorage, at this place, however, was ex- 
 tremely insecure. A rapid current set from the eastward 
 through the strait formed hy the main-land and the island of 
 Trinidad. Hewing, as Columbus observed, night and day. with 
 as much fury as the Guadalquiver when swollen by floods. In 
 the pass between Point A renal and its corresponding point, 
 the confined current boiled and raged to such a degree that he 
 thought it was crossed by a reef of rocks and shoals, preventing 
 all entrance, with others extending beyond, over which the 
 waters roared like breakers on a rocky shore. To this pass, 
 from its angry and dangerous appearance, he gave the name 
 of Boca del Sierpe (the Mouth of the Serpent). He thus found 
 himself placed between two difficulties. The continual current 
 from the east seemed to prevent all return, while the rocks 
 which appeared w) beset the pass threatened destruction if he 
 should proceed. Being on board of his ship, late at night, kept 
 awake by painful illness and an anxious and watchful spirit, 
 he heard a terrible roaring from the south, and beheld the sea 
 heaped up, as it were, into a great ridge or hill, the height of 
 the ship, covered with foam, and rolling toward him with a 
 tremendous uproar. As this furious surge approached, rendered 
 more terrible in appearance by the obscurity of night, he trem- 
 bled for the safety of his vessels. His own ship was suddenly 
 lifted up to such a height that he dreaded lest it should be over- 
 turned or cast upon the rocks, while another of the ships was 
 torn violently from her anchorage. The crews were for a time 
 in great consternation, fearing they should l>e swallowed up ; 
 but the mountainous surge passed on, and gradually subsided, 
 after a violent contest with the counter-current of the strait. 1 
 This sudden rush of water, it is supposed, was caused by the 
 swelling of one of the rivers which flow into the Gulf of Paria, 
 and which were as yet unknown to Columbus. 
 
 Anxious to extricate himself from this dangerous neighbor- 
 hood, he sent the boats on the following morning to sound the 
 depth of water at the Boca del Sierpe, and to ascertain whether 
 it was possible for ships to pass through to the northward. To 
 his great joy, they returned with a report that there were sev- 
 eral fathoms of water, and currents and eddies setting both 
 ways, either to enter or return. A favorable breeze prevailing, 
 he immediately made sail, and passing through the formidable 
 strnit in safety, found himself in a tranquil expanse beyond. 
 
 He was now on the inner side of Trinidad. To his left 
 
 1 Letter of Columbus to the Cast.'linn Sovereign*, Xavarrete, Colec., torn. i. Ilerrera 
 Ui.-t. lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 10. Hist, del. Aliuirante, cap. 69.
 
 358 LIFE OF CmilSTOPIlER COLUMBUS. 
 
 spread the broad gulf since known by the name of Paria, which 
 he supposed to be the open sea, but was surprised, on tasting 
 it, to find the water fresh. He continued northward, toward a 
 mountain at the north-west point of the island, about fourteen 
 leagues from Point Arenal. Here he beheld two lofty capes 
 opposite each other, one on the island of Trinidad, the other 
 to the west, on the long promontory of Paria. which stretches 
 from the main-land and forms the northern side of the gulf, 
 but which Columbus mistook for an island, and named Isla de 
 Gracia. 
 
 Between these capes there was another pass, which appeared 
 even more dangerous than the Boca del Sierpe, being beset with 
 rocks, among which the current forced its way with roaring 
 turbulence. To this pass Columbus gave the name of Boca del 
 Dragon. Not choosing to encounter its apparent dangers, he 
 turned northward, on Sunday, the 5th of August, and steered 
 along the inner side of the supposed island of Gracia, intending 
 to keep on until he came to the end of it, and then to strike 
 northward into the free and open ocean, and shape his course 
 for Hispaniola. 
 
 It was a fair and beautiful coast, indented with fine harbors 
 lying close to each other ; the country cultivated in many 
 places, in others covered with fruit-trees and stately forests, 
 and watered by frequent streams. "What greatly astonished 
 Columbus was still to find the water fresh, and that it grew 
 more and more so the farther he proceeded ; it being that sea- 
 son of the year when the various rivers which empty themselves 
 into this gulf are swollen by rains, and pour forth such quan- 
 tities of fresh water as to conquer the saltness of the ocean. 
 He was also surprised at the placidity of the sea, which ap- 
 peared as tranquil and safe as one vast harbor, so that there 
 was no need of seeking a port to anchor in. 
 
 As yet he had not been able to hold any communication with 
 the people of this part of the New World. The shores which 
 he had visited, though occasionally cultivated, were silent and 
 deserted, and, excepting the fugitive party in the canoe at 
 Point Arenal, he had seen nothing of the natives. After sail- 
 ing several leagues along the coast, he anchored, on Monday, 
 the 6th of August, at a place where there appeared signs of 
 cultivation, and sent the boats on shore. They found recent 
 traces of people, but not an individual was to be seen. The 
 coast was hilly, covered with beautiful and fruitful groves, and 
 abounding with monkeys. Continuing farther westward, to where 
 the country was more level, Columbus anchored in a river.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 359 
 
 Immediately a canoe, with three or four Indians, came off to 
 the caravel nearest to the shore, the captain of which, pretend- 
 ing a desire to accompany them to land, sprang into their 
 canoe, overturned it, and, with the assistance of his seamen, 
 secured the Indians as they were swimming. When brought 
 to the admiral, he gave them beads, hawks' bells, and sugar, 
 and sent them highly gratified ou shore, where many of their 
 countrymen were assembled. This kind treatment had the usual 
 effect. Such of the natives as had canoes came off to the ships 
 with the fullest confidence. They were tall of stature, finely 
 formed, and free and graceful in their movements. Their hair 
 was long and straight ; some wore it cut short, but none of 
 them braided it, as was the custom among the natives of His- 
 paniola. They were armed with bows, arrows, and targets ; 
 the men wore cotton cloths about their heads and loins, beau- 
 tifully wrought with various colors, so as at a distance to look 
 like silk ; but the women were entirely naked. They brought 
 bread, maize, and other eatables, with different kinds of bev- 
 erage, some white, made from maize, and resembling beer, and 
 others green, of a vinous flavor, and expressed from various 
 fruits. They appeared to judge of every thing by the sense of 
 smell, as others examine objects b}' the sight or touch. When 
 they approached a boat, they smelt to it, and then to the 
 people. In like manner every thing that was given them was 
 tried. They set but little value upon beads, but were extrava- 
 gantly delighted with hawks' bells. Brass was also held in 
 high estimation ; they appeared to find something extremely 
 grateful in the smell of it, and called it Turey, signifying that 
 it was from the skies. 1 
 
 From these Indians, Columbus understood that the name of 
 their country was Paria, and that farther to the west he would 
 find it more populous. Taking several of them to serve as 
 guides and mediators, he proceeded eight leagues westward to 
 a point which he called Aguja or the Needle. Here he arrived 
 at three o'clock in the morning. When the day dawned he 
 was delighted with the beauty of the country. It was culti- 
 vated in many places, highly populous, and adorned with 
 magnificent vegetation ; habitations were interspersed among 
 groves laden with fruits and flowers ; grape-vines intwined 
 themselves among the trees, and birds of brilliant plumage 
 fluttered from branch to branch. The air was temperate and 
 bland, and sweetened by the fragrance of flowers and blossoms ; 
 
 Herrera, Hist. Ind., dccad. i. lib. iii. cap. 11.
 
 360 LIFE OF CIIEISTOPIIEE COLUMBUS. 
 
 and numerous fountains and limpid streams kept up a uni- 
 versal verdure and freshness. Columbus was so much charmed 
 with the beauty and amenity of this part of the coast that he 
 gave it the name of The Gardens. 
 
 The natives came off in great numbers, in canoes, of superior 
 construction to those hitherto seen, being very large and light, 
 with a cabin in the centre for the accommodation of the owner 
 and his family. The}* invited Columbus, in the name of their 
 king, to come to land. Many of them had collars and bur- 
 nished plates about their necks, of that inferior kind of gold 
 called by the Indians Guanin. They said that it came from a 
 high land, which they pointed out, at no great distance, to the 
 west, but intimated that it was dangerous to go there, either 
 because the inhabitants were cannibals, or the place infested 
 by venomous animals. 1 But what aroused the attention and 
 awakened the cupidity of the Spaniards, was the sight of 
 strings of pearls round the arms of some of the natives. 
 These, they informed Columbus, were procured on the sea- 
 coast, on the northern side of Paria, which he still supposed to 
 be an island ; and they showed the mother-of-pearl shells 
 whence they had been taken. Anxious for further informa- 
 tion, and to procure specimens of these pearls to send to Spain, 
 he despatched the boats to shore. A multitude of the natives 
 came to the beach to receive them, headed by the chief cacique 
 and his son. They treated the Spaniards with profound rever- 
 ence, as beings descended from heaven, and conducted them to 
 a spacious house, the residence of the cacique, where they were 
 regaled with bread and various fruits of excellent flavor, and 
 the different kinds of beverage already mentioned. While 
 they were in the house, the men remained together at one end 
 of it, and the women at the other. After they had finished 
 their collation at the house of the cacique, they were taken to 
 that of his son, where a like repast was set before them. These 
 people were remarkably affable, though, at the same time, they 
 possessed a more intrepid and martial air and spirit than the 
 natives of Cuba and Hispaniola. They were fairer, Columbus 
 observes, than any he had yet seen, though so near to the 
 equinoctial line, where he had expected to find them of the 
 color of Ethiopians. Many ornaments of gold were seen among 
 them, but all of an inferior quality : one Indian had a piece of 
 the size of an apple. They had various kinds of domesticated 
 parrots, one of a light green color, with a yellow neck, and the 
 
 1 Letter of Columbus to the Castiliau Sovereigns, Navarrete, Colec., torn. i. p. 252.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 361 
 
 tips of the wings of a bright red ; others of the size of domestic 
 fowls, and of a vivid scarlet, excepting some azure feathers in 
 the wings. These they readily gave to the Spaniards ; but 
 what the latter most coveted were the pearls, of which they 
 saw many necklaces and bracelets among the Indian women. 
 The latter gladl}' gave them in exchange for hawks' bells or 
 any article of brass, and several specimens of fine pearls were 
 procured for the admiral to send to the sovereign. 1 
 
 The kindness and amity of this people were heightened by 
 an intelligent demeanor and a martial frankness. They seemed 
 worthy of the beautiful country they inhabited. It was a cause 
 of great concern both to them and the Spaniards, that they 
 could not understand each other's language. They conversed, 
 however, by signs ; mutual good-will made their intercourse 
 easy and pleasant ; and at the hour of vespers the Spaniards 
 returned on board of their ships, highly gratified with their 
 entertainment. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGE THROUGH THE GULF OF PARIA 
 
 RETURN TO IIISPANIOLA. 
 
 [1498.] 
 
 THE quantity of fine pearls found among the natives of 
 Paria was sufficient to arouse the sanguine anticipations of 
 Columbus. It appeared to corroborate the theory of Ferrer, 
 the learned jeweller, that as he approached the equator he 
 would find the most rare and precious productions of nature. 
 His active imagination, with its intuitive rapidity, seized 
 upon every circumstance in unison with his wishes, and, 
 coin! lining them, drew thence the most brilliant inferences. 
 He had read in Pliny that pearls are generated from drops 
 of dew which fall into the mouths of oysters ; if so, what 
 place could be more propitious to their growth and multipli- 
 cation than the coast of Paria? The dew in those parts was 
 heavy and abundant, and the oysters were so plentiful that 
 they clustered about the roots and pendent branches of the 
 mangrove trees, which grew within the margin of the tran- 
 quil sea. When a branch which had drooped for a time in the 
 
 1 [.otter of Columbus. Herrera, Hist. lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 11. Hist, del 
 Almiraute, cap. 70.
 
 362 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 water was drawn forth, it was found covered with oj-sters. 
 Las Casas, noticing this sanguine conclusion of Columbus, ob- 
 serves, that the shell-fish here spoken of are not of the kind 
 which produce pearl, for that those by a natural instinct, as if 
 conscious of their precious charge, hide themselves in the 
 deepest water. 1 
 
 Still imagining the coast of Paria to be an island, and 
 anxious to circumnavigate it, and arrive at the place where 
 these pearls were said by the Indians to abound, Columbus 
 left the Gardens on the 10th of August, and continued coast- 
 ing westward within the gulf, in search of an outlet to the 
 north. He observed portions of Terra Firma appearing to- 
 ward the bottom of the gulf, which he supposed to be islands, 
 and called them Isabella and Tramontana, and fancied that 
 the desired outlet to the sea must lie between them. As he 
 advanced, however, he found the water continually growing 
 shallower and fresher, until he did not dare to venture any 
 further with his ship, which, he observed, was of too great a 
 size for expeditions of this kind, being of an hundred tons 
 burden, and requiring three fathoms of water. He came to 
 anchor, therefore, and sent a light caravel called the Correo, 
 to ascertain whether there was an outlet to the ocean be- 
 tween the supposed islands. The caraval returned on the 
 following da}', reporting that at the western end of the gulf 
 there was an opening of two leagues, which led into an inner 
 and circular gulf, surrounded by four openings, apparently 
 smaller gulfs, or rather mouths of rivers, from which flowed 
 the great quantity of fresh water that sweetened the neigh- 
 boring sea. In fact, from one of these mouths issued the 
 great river the Cuparipari, or, as it is now called, the Paria. 
 To this inner and circular gulf Columbus gave the name of 
 the Gulf of Pearls, through a mistaken idea that they abounded 
 in its waters, though none, in fact, are found there. He still 
 imagined that the four openings of which the mariners spoke 
 might be intervals between islands, though they affirmed that 
 all the land he saw was connected. 2 As it was impossible to 
 proceed farther westward with his ships, he had no alterna- 
 tive but to retrace his course, and seek an exit to the north 
 by the Boca del Dragon. He would gladly have continued for 
 some time to explore this coast, for he considered himself in 
 one of those opulent regions described as the most favored 
 upon earth, and which increase in riches toward the equator. 
 
 1 Laa Casas, Hist. Ind., cap. 136. * Hist, del Alruiraute, cap. 78.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 363 
 
 Imperious considerations, however, compelled him to shorten 
 his voyage, and hasten to San Domingo. The sea-stores of his 
 ships were almost exhausted, and the various supplies for the 
 colony, with which they were freighted, were in danger of 
 spoiling. He was suffering, also, extremely in his health. 
 Brndes the gout, which had rendered him a cripple for the 
 greater part of the voyage, he was afflicted by a complaint 
 in his eyes, caused by fatigue and over-watching, which al- 
 most deprived him of sight. Even the voyage along the 
 coast of Cuba, he observes, in which he was three and thirty 
 days almost without sleep, had not so injured his eyes and 
 disordered his frame, or caused him so much painful suffering 
 as the present. 1 
 
 On the llth of August, therefore, he set sail eastward for 
 the Boca del Dragon, and was borne along with great velocity 
 by the currents, which, however, prevented him from landing 
 again at his favorite spot, the Gardens. On Sunday, the 13th, 
 he anchored near to the Boca, in a fine harbor, to which he 
 gave the name of Puerto de Gatos, from a species of monkey 
 called gato paulo, with which the neighborhood abounded. Ou 
 the margin of the sea he perceived main' trees which, as he 
 thought, produced the mirabolane, a fruit only found in the 
 countries of the East. There were great numbers also of man- 
 groves growing within the water, wiih oysters clinging to 
 their branches, their mouths open, as he supposed, to receive 
 the dew, which was afterward to be transformed to pearls. 2 
 
 On the following morning, the 14th of August, toward noon 
 the ships approached the Boca del Dragon, and prepared to 
 venture through that formidable pass. The distance from 
 Cape Boto at the end of Paria, and Cape Lapa the extremity of 
 Trinidad, is about five leagues ; but in the interval there were 
 two islands, which Columbus named Caracol and Delphiu. The 
 impetuous body of fresh water which flows through the gulf, 
 particularly in the rainy months of July and August, is confined 
 at narrow outlets between these islands, where it causes a tur- 
 bulent sea, foaming and roaring as if breaking over rocks, and 
 rendering the entrance and exit of the gulf extremely danger- 
 ous. The horrors and perils of such places are always tenfold 
 to discoverers, who have no chart, nor pilot, nor advice of 
 previous voyager, to guide them. Columbus, at first, appre- 
 hended sunken rocks and shoals ; but on attentively considering 
 the commotion of the strait, he attributed it to the conflict be- 
 
 1 Letter of Columbus to the Sovereigns, Navarrete, toui. i. p. 252. 
 * llerrera, Hist, lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 10.
 
 304 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 tween the prodigious body of fresh water setting; through the 
 gulf and struggling for an outlet, and the tide of salt water 
 struggling to enter. The ships had scarcely ventured into the 
 fearful channel when the wind died away, and they were in 
 danger every moment of being thrown upon the rocks or sands. 
 The current of fresh water, however, gained the victory, and 
 carried them safely through. The admiral, when once more 
 safe in the open sea, congratulated himself upon his escape 
 from this perilous strait, which he observes, might well be 
 called the mouth of the Dragon. 1 
 
 He now stood to the westward, running along the outer 
 coast of Paria, still supposing it an island, and intending to 
 visit the Gulf of Pearls, which he imagined to be at the end 
 of it, opening to the sea. He wished to ascertain whether 
 this great body of fresh water proceeded from rivers, as the 
 crew of the caravel Correo had affirmed ; for it appeared to him 
 impossible that the streams of mere islands, as he supposed the 
 surrounding lauds, could furnish such a prodigious volume of 
 water. 
 
 On leaving the Boca del Dragon, he saw to the north-east, 
 many leagues distant, two islands, which he called Assumption 
 and Conception ; probably those now known as Tobago and 
 Granada. In his course along the northern coast of Paria he 
 saw several other small islands and many fine harbors, to some 
 of which he gave names, but they have ceased to be known by 
 them. On the 15th he discovered the islands of Margarita and 
 Cubagua, afterward famous for their pearl fisheries. The 
 Island of Margarita, about fifteen leagues in length and six in 
 breadth, was well peopled. The little island of Cubagua, lying 
 between it and the mainland, and only about four leagues from 
 the latter, was dry and sterile, without either wood or fresh 
 water, but possessing a good harbor. On approaching this 
 island the admiral beheld a number of Indians fishing for 
 pearls, who made for the land. A boat being sent to communi- 
 cate with them, one of the sailors noticed many strings of pearls 
 round the neck of a female. Having a plate of Valencia ware, 
 a kind of porcelain painted and varnished with gaudy colors, he 
 broke it, and presented the pieces to the Indian woman, who 
 gave him in exchange a considerable number of her pearls. 
 These he carried to the admiral, who immediately sent persons 
 on shore, well provided with Valencian plates and hawk's bells, 
 for which in a little time he procured about three pounds' weight 
 
 1 Hen-era, Hist. Iixl., clecud. i. lib. iii. cap. 11.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIiUS. 365 
 
 of pearls, some of which were of a very large size, and were 
 sent by him afterward to the sovereigns as specimens. 1 
 
 There was great temptation to visit other spots, which the 
 Indians mentioned as abounding in pearls. The coast of Paria 
 also continued extending to the westward as far as the eye could 
 reach, rising into a range of mountains, and provoking examin- 
 ation to ascertain whether, as he began to think, it was a part 
 of the Asiatic continent. Columbus was compelled, however, 
 though with the greatest reluctance, to forego this most inter- 
 esting investigation. 
 
 The malady of his eyes had now grown so virulent that he 
 could no longer take observations or keep a lookout, but had to 
 trust to the reports of the pilots and mariners. He bore away, 
 therefore, for Ilispauiola, intending to repose there from the 
 toils of his voyage, and to recruit his health, while he should 
 send his brother, the Adelantado, to complete the discovery of 
 this important country. After sailing for five days to the north- 
 wt'st, he made the island of Ilispaniola on the liHh of August, 
 fifty leagues to the westward of the river Ozema, the place of 
 his destination ; and anchored on the following morning under 
 the little island of Beata. 
 
 He was astonished to find himself so mistaken in his calcula- 
 tions, and so far below his destined port ; but he attributed it 
 correctly to the force of the current setting out of the Boca del 
 Dragon, which, while lie had lain to at nights, to avoid running 
 on rocks and shoals, had borne his ship insensibly to the west. 
 This current which sets across the Caribbean Sea, and the con- 
 tinuation of which now bears the name of the Gulf Stream, was 
 so rapid, that on the lHh, though the wind was but moderate, 
 the ships had made seventy-five leagues in four and twenty 
 hours. Columbus attributed to the violence of this current the 
 formation of that pass called the Boca del Dragon, where he 
 supposed it had forced its way through a narrow isthmus that 
 formerly connected Trinidad with the extremity of Paria. He 
 imagined, also, that its constant operation had worn away and 
 inundated the borders of the mainland, gradually producing 
 that fringe of islands which stretches from Trinidad to the 
 Lucayos or Bahamas, and which, according to his idea, had 
 originall}' been part of the solid continent. In corroboration of 
 this opinion, he notices the form of those islands : narrow from 
 north to south, and extending in length from east to west, in 
 the direction of the current. 2 
 
 i Charlcvoix. Ui-t. St. 1>omitigo, lib. iii. p. 163. 
 
 1 Letter to thj Ki.iy uuj C^uec.i, JsavaiTfte Culec., loin. i.
 
 366 LITE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 The island of Beatn, where he had anchored, is about thirty 
 lr :)!iues to the west of the river Ozema, where he expected to 
 find the new seaport which his brother had been instructed to 
 establish. The strong and stead}- current from the east, how- 
 ever, and the prevalence of the winds from that quarter, might 
 detain him for a long time at the island, and render the re- 
 mainder of his voyage slow and precarious. He sent a boat on 
 shore, therefore, to procure an Indian messenger to take a letter 
 to his brother, the Adelantado. Six of the natives came off to 
 the ships, one of whom was armed with a Spanish cross-bow. 
 The admiral was alarmed at seeing a weapon of the kind in the 
 possession of an Indian. It was not an article of traffic, and 
 he feared could only have fallen into his hands by the death of 
 some Spaniard. 1 He apprehended that further evils had be- 
 fallen the settlement, during his long absence, and that there 
 had again been troubles with the natives. 
 
 Having despatched his messenger, he made sail, and arrived 
 off the mouth of the river on the 30th of August. He was met 
 on the way by a caravel, on board of which was the Adelantado, 
 who, having received his letter, had hastened forth with affec- 
 tionate ardor to welcome his arrival. The meeting of the 
 brothers was a cause of mutual joy ; the} 7 were strongly 
 attached to each other, each had had his trials and sufferings 
 during their long separation, and each looked with confidence 
 to the other for comfort and relief. Don Bartholomew appears 
 to have always had great deference for the brilliant genius, the 
 enlarged mind, and the commanding reputation of his brother ; 
 while the latter placed great reliance in times of difficulty, on 
 the worldly knowledge, the indefatigable activity, and the lion- 
 hearted courage of the Adelantado. 
 
 Columbus arrived almost the wreck of himself. His voyages 
 were always of a nature to wear out the human frame, having 
 to navigate amid unknown dangers, and to keep anxious watch, 
 at all hours, and in all weathers. As age and infirmity increased 
 upon him, these trials became the more severe. His constitu- 
 tion must originally have been wonderfully vigorous : but con- 
 stitutions of this powerful kind, if exposed to severe hardships 
 at an advanced period of life, when the frame has become some- 
 what rigid and unaccommodating, are apt to be suddenly broken 
 up, and to be a prey to violent aches and maladies. In this hist 
 voyage Columbus had been parched and consumed by fever, 
 racked by gout, and his whole system disordered by incessant 
 
 > Las Ca.<as, Ilia, lud., lib. i. cap. 148.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 367 
 
 watchfulness ; became into port haggard, emaciated, and almost 
 blind. His spirit, however, was, as usual, superior to all bodily 
 atlliction or decay, and he looked forward with magnificent an- 
 ticipations to the result of his recent discoveries, which he 
 intended should be immediately prosecuted by his hardy aud 
 enterprising brother. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 SPECULATIONS OP COLUMBUS CONCERNING THE COAST OF PARIA. 
 
 [1498.] 
 
 THE natural phenomena of a great and striking nature pre- 
 sented to the ardent mind of Columbus in the course of this 
 voyage, led to certain sound deductions aud imaginative specu- 
 lations. The immense body of fresh water flowing into the 
 Gulf of Paria, and thence rushing into the ocean, was too 
 vast to be produced by an island or by islands. It must be the 
 congregated streams of a great extent of couutiT pouring forth 
 in one might m y river, and the land necessary to furnish such a 
 river must be a continent. He now supposed that most of the 
 tracts of land which he had seen about the Gulf were connected ; 
 that the coast of Paria extended westward far beyond a chain 
 of mountains which he had beheld afar off from Margarita ; 
 and that the land opposite to Trinidad, instead of being an 
 island, continued to the south, far beyond the equator, into that 
 hemisphere hitherto unknown to civilized man. He considered 
 all this an extension of the Asiatic continent ; thus presuming 
 that the greater part of the surface of the globe was firm land. 
 In this last opinion he found himself supported by authors of 
 the highest name both ancient and modern ; among whom he 
 cites Aristotle and Seneca, St. Augustine and Cardinal Pedro 
 de Alliaco. He lays particular stress also on the assertion of 
 the apocryphal Ksdras, that of seven parts of the world, six are 
 dry land, and one part only is covered with water. 
 
 The land, therefore, surrounding the Gulf of Paria, was but 
 the border of an almost boundless continent, stretching far to 
 the west and to the south, including the most precious regions 
 of the earth, lying under the most auspicious stars and benig- 
 nant skies, but as yet unknown and uncivilized, free to be dis- 
 covered and appropriated by any Christian nation. " May it 
 please our Lord," lie exclaims in his letter to the sovereigns,
 
 368 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 "to give long life and health to your highnesses, that you may 
 prosecute this noble enterprise, in which, methinks, God will 
 receive great service, Spain vast increase of grandeur, and all 
 Christians much consolation and delight, since the name of our 
 Saviour will be divulged throughout these lauds." 
 
 Thus far the deductions of Columbus, though sanguine, 
 admit of little cavil ; but he carried them still farther, until they 
 ended in what may appear to some mere chimerical reveries. In 
 his letter to the sovereigns he stated that on his former voyages, 
 when he steered westward from the Azores, he had observed, 
 after sailing about a hundred leagues, a sudden and great change 
 in the sky and the stars, the temperature of the air, and the 
 calmness of the ocean. It seemed as if a line ran from north to 
 south, beyond which ever}* thing became different. The needle 
 which had previously inclined toward the north-east, now varied 
 a whole point to the north-west. The sea, hitherto clear, was 
 covered with weeds so dense that in his first voyage he had 
 expected to run aground upon shoals. A universal tranquillity 
 reigned throughout the elements, and the climate was mild and 
 genial whether in summer or winter. On taking his astronomi- 
 cal observations at night, after crossing that imaginary line, 
 the north star appeared to him to describe a diurnal circle iu 
 the heavens, of five degrees in diameter. 
 
 On his present voyage he had varied his route, and had run 
 southward from the Cape de Verde Islands for the equinoctial 
 line. Before reaching it, however, the heat had become insup- 
 portable, and a wind springing up from the east, he had been 
 induced to strike westward, when in the parallel of Sierra Leone 
 in Guinea. For several days he had been almost consumed by 
 scorching and stifling heat under a sultry yet clouded sky, and 
 in a drizzling atmosphere, until he arrived at the ideal line 
 already mentioned, extending from north to south. Here sud- 
 denly, to his great relief, he had emerged into serene weather, 
 with a clear blue sky and a sweet and temperate atmosphere. 
 The farther he had proceeded west, the more pure and genial he 
 had found the climate ; the sea tranquil, the breezes soft and 
 balmy. All these phenomena coincided with those he had re- 
 marked at the same line, though farther north, in his former 
 voyages ; excepting that here there was no herbage in the sea, 
 and the movements of stars were different. The polar star ap- 
 peared to him here to describe a diurnal circle of ten degrees 
 instead of five ; an augmentation which struck him with aston- 
 ishment, but which, he says, he ascertained by observations 
 taken in different nights, with his quadrant. Its greatest alti-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 369 
 
 tude at the former place, in the parallel of the Azores, he had 
 found to he ten degrees, and in the present place fifteen. 
 
 From these and other circumstances, he was inclined to doubt 
 the received theory with respect to the form of the earth. Philos- 
 ophers had described it as spherical ; but they knew nothing 
 of the part of the world which he had discovered. The ancient 
 part, known to them, he had no doubt was spherical, but he 
 now supposed the real form of the earth to be that of a pear, 
 one part much more elevated than the rest, and tapering upward 
 toward the skies. This part he supposed to be in the interior 
 of this newly found continent, and immediately under the 
 equator. All the phenomena which he had previously noticed, 
 appeared to corroborate this theory. The variations which he 
 hail observed in passing the imaginary line running from north 
 to south, he concluded to be caused by the ships having arrived 
 at this Supposed swelling of the earth, where they began gently 
 to mount toward the skies into a purer and more celestial atmo- 
 sphere. 1 The variation of the needle he ascribed to the same 
 cause, being affected by the coolness and mildness of the climate ; 
 varying to the north-west in proportion as the ships continued 
 onward in their ascent. 2 So also the altitude of the north star, 
 and the circle it described in the heavens, appeared to be 
 greater, in consequence of being regarded from a greater ele- 
 vation, less obliquely, and through a purer medium of atmos- 
 phere ; and these phenomena would be found to increase the 
 more the navigator approached the equator, from the still increas- 
 ing eminence of this part of the earth. 
 
 He noticed also the difference of climate, vegetation, and 
 people of this part of the New World from those under the 
 same paralled in Africa. There the heat was insupportable, 
 the land parched and sterile, the inhabitants were black, with 
 crisped wool, ill-shapen in their forms, and dull and brutal in 
 their natures. Here, on the contrary, although the sun was in 
 Leo, he found the noontide heat moderate, the mornings and 
 evenings fresh and cool, the country green and fruitful, and 
 covered with beautiful forests, the people fairer even than those 
 in the lands he had discovered farther north, having long hair, 
 
 1 Peter Martyr mentions that the admiral told him, that, from the climate of ereat 
 heat and unwholesome air, he had ascended the back of the sea, as it were ascending a 
 hiith mountain toward heaven. Decad. i. lilt. vi. 
 
 2 Columbus, in his attempts to account for the variation of the needle, supposed that 
 the north star possessed the quality of the four cardinal points, as did likewise the load- 
 stone. That if the needle were touched with one part of the loadstone, it would poi:it 
 east, with another west, and no on. Wherefore, he add?, those who prepare or magnetize 
 the needles, cover the loadstone with a cloth, so that the north part only remains out; 
 that is to say, the part which possesses the virtue of causing the needle to point to the 
 north. Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 66.
 
 370 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 with well-proportioned and graceful forms, lively minds, and 
 courageous dispositions. All this in a latitude so near to the 
 equator, he attributed to the superior altitude of this part of 
 the world, by which it was raised into a more celestial region 
 of the air. On turning northward, through the Gulf of Paria, 
 he had found the circle described by the north star again to 
 diminish. The current of the sea also increased in velocity, 
 wearing away, as has already been remarked, the borders of 
 the continent, and producing by its incessant operation the 
 adjacent islands. This was a further confirmation of the idea 
 that he ascended in going southward, and descended in return- 
 ing northward. 
 
 Aristotle had imagined that the highest part of the earth, and 
 the nearest to the skies, was under the antarctic pole. Other 
 sages had maintained that it was under the arctic. Hence it 
 was apparent that both conceived one part of the earth to 
 be more elevated and noble, and nearer to the heavens than 
 the rest. They did not think of this eminence being under the 
 equinoctial line, observed Columbus, because they had no certain 
 knowledge of this hemisphere, but only spoke of it theoretically 
 and from conjecture. 
 
 As usual, he assisted his theory by Holy Writ. "The sun, 
 when God created it," he observes, " was in the first point of 
 the Orient, or the first light was there." That place, according 
 to his idea, must be here, in the remotest part of the East, 
 where the ocean and the extreme part of India meet under the 
 equinoctial line, and where the highest point of the earth is 
 situated. , 
 
 He supposed this apex of the world, though of immense 
 height, to be neither rugged nor precipitous, but that the land 
 rose to it by gentle and imperceptible degrees. The beautiful 
 and fertile shores of Paria were situated on its remote borders, 
 abounding of course with those precious articles which are con- 
 genial with the most favored and excellent climates. As one 
 penetrated the interior and gradually ascended, the land would 
 be found to increase in beauty and luxuriance, and in the 
 exquisite nature of its productions, until one arrived at the 
 summit under the equator. This he imagined to be the noblest 
 and most perfect place on earth, enjoying from its position an 
 equality of nights and days and a uniformity of seasons ; and 
 being elevated into a serene and heavenly temperature, above 
 the heats and colds, the clouds and vapors, the storms and 
 tempests which deform and disturb the lower regions. In a 
 word, here he supposed to be situated the original abode of our
 
 LIFS OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 371 
 
 first parents, the primitive seat of human innocence and bliss, 
 the Garden of Eden, or terrestrial paradise ! 
 
 He imagined this place, according to the opinion of the most 
 eminent fathers of the church, to be still flourishing, possessed 
 of all its blissful delights, but inaccessible to mortal feet, 
 excepting by divine permission. From this height he presumed, 
 though of course from a great distance, proceeded the mighty 
 stream of fresh water which filled the Gulf of Paria, mid 
 sweetened the salt ocean in its vicinity, being supplied by the 
 fountain mentioned in Genesis as springing from the tree of 
 life in the Garden of Eden. 
 
 .Such was the singular speculation of Columbus, which he 
 d*-t:iils at full length in a letter to the Castilian sovereigns. 1 
 citing various authorities for his opinions, among which were St. 
 Augustine, St. Isidor, and St. Ambrosius, and fortifying his 
 theory with much of that curious and speculative erudition in 
 which he was deeply versed. 2 It shows how his ardent mind 
 was heated by the magnificence of his discoveries. Shrewd 
 men, in the coolness and quietude of ordinary life, and in these 
 modern cUys of cautious and sober fact, may smile at such a 
 reverie,, but it was countenanced by the speculations of the 
 most sage and learned of those times ; and if this had not been 
 the case, could we wonder at any sally of the imagination in a 
 man placed in the situation of Columbus? He beheld a vast 
 world, rising, as it were, into existence before him, its nature 
 and extent unknown and undefined, as yet a mere region for 
 conjecture. Every day displa}'ed some new feature of beauty 
 and sublimity; island aftej island, where the rocks, he was' 
 told, were veined with gold, the groves teemed with spices, or 
 the shores abounded with pearls. Interminable ranges of 
 coast, promontory beyond promontory, stretching as far as the 
 eye could reach ; luxuriant valleys sweeping away into a vnst 
 interior, whose distant mountains, he was told, concealed still 
 happier lauds, and realms of greater opulence. When he 
 looked upon all this region of golden promise, it was with the 
 glorious conviction that his genius had called it into existence ; 
 he regarded it with the triumphant eye of a discoverer. Had 
 
 1 Xavarrete, Colec. de Viasres, torn. 1. p. 242. 
 
 1 See Illustrations, article " Situation of the Terrestrial Paradise." 
 NOTE. A great part of these speculations appear to have been founded on the treatise 
 of the Cardinal Pedro de Aliaro, in which Columbus found a compendium of the opin- 
 ions of various eminent authors on the subject; though it is very probable he consulted 
 many ot their works likewise. In the volume of Pedro de Aliaco, existing in the library 
 of the Cathedral at Seville, 1 have traced the germs of these ideas in various pasa;i-i of 
 the text, opposite to which uiargiual notes have been made iu the handwriting of Colum- 
 bus.
 
 372 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 not Columbus been capable of these enthusiastic soarings of 
 the imagination, he might, with other sages, have reasoned 
 calmly and coldly in his closet about the probability of a conti- 
 nent existing in the west ; but he would never have had the 
 daring enterprise to adventure in search of it into the unknown 
 realms of ocean. 
 
 Still, in the midst of his fanciful speculations, we find that 
 sagacity which formed the basis of his character. The conclu- 
 sion which he drew from the great flow of the Oronoco, that it 
 must be the outpouring of a continent, was acute and striking. 
 A learned Spanish historian has also ingeniously excused other 
 parts of his theory. " He suspected," observes he, kt a certain 
 elevation of the globe at one part of the equator ; philosophers 
 have since determined the world to be a spheroid, slightly 
 elevated in its equatorial circumference. He suspected that 
 the diversity of temperatures influenced the needle, not being 
 able to penetrate the cause of its inconstant variations ; the 
 successive series of voyages and experiments have made this 
 inconstancy more manifest, and have shown that extreme 
 cold sometimes divests the needle of all its virtue. Perhaps 
 new observations may justify the surmise of Columbus. P^ven 
 his error concerning the circle described by the polar star, which 
 he thought augmented by an optical illusion in proportion as 
 the observer approached the equinox, manifests him a philoso- 
 pher superior to the time in which he lived." * 
 
 * Mufioz, Hist. X. Muudu, lib. vi. 32.
 
 BOOK XL 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF THE ADELANTADO EXPEDITION TO THE 
 PROVINCE OF XARAGUA. 
 
 [1498.] 
 
 COLUMBUS had anticipated repose from his toils on arriving 
 at Hispauiola, but a new scene of trouble and anxiet}' opened 
 upon him, destined to impede the prosecution of his enterprises, 
 and to affect all his future fortunes. To explain this, it is 
 necessary to relate the occurrences of the island during his 
 long detention in Spain. 
 
 "When he sailed for Europe in March, 1496, his brother, Don 
 Bartholomew, who remained as Adelantado, took the earliest 
 measures to execute his directions v/ith respect to the mines 
 recently discovered by Miguel Diaz on the south side of the 
 island. Leaving Don Diego Columbus in command at Isabella, 
 he repaired with a large force to the neighborhood of the mines, 
 and, choosing a favorable situation in a place most abounding 
 in ore, built a fortress, to which he gave the name of San 
 Christoval. The workmen, however, finding grains of gold 
 among the earth and stone employed in its construction, gave 
 it the name of the Golden Tower. 1 
 
 The Adelantado remained here three months, superintending 
 the building of the fortress, and making the necessary prepara- 
 tions for working the mines and purifying the ore. The pro- 
 gress of the work, however, was greatly impeded Irv scarcity of 
 provisions, having frequently to detach a part of the men alxmt 
 the country in quest of supplies. The former hospitality of 
 the island was at an end. The Indians no longer gave their 
 
 i Peter JIartyr, decad. i. lib. Iv. 
 
 373
 
 374 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 provisions freely ; they had learned from the white men to 
 profit by the necessities of the stranger, and to exact a price 
 for bread. Their scanty stores, also, were soon exhausted, for 
 their frugal habits, and natural indolence and improvidence, 
 seldom permitted them to have more provisions on hand than 
 was requisite for present support. 1 The Adelantado found it 
 difficult, therefore, to maintain so large a force in the neighbor- 
 hood, until they should have time to cultivate the earth, and 
 raise live-stock, or should receive supplies from .Spain. Leaving 
 ten men to guard the fortress, with a dog to assist them in 
 catching utias, he marched with the rest of his men, about four 
 hundred in number, to Fort Conception, in the abundant 
 country of the Vega. He passed the whole month of June 
 collecting the quarterly tribute, being supplied with food by 
 Guarionex and his subordinate caciques. In the following 
 month (July, 1496), the three caravels commanded by Nino 
 arrived from Spain, bringing a re-enforcement of men, and, 
 what was still more needed, a supply of provisions. The latter 
 was quickly distributed among the hungry colonists, but unfor- 
 tunately a great part had been injured during the voyage. 
 This was a serious misfortune in a community where the least 
 scarcity produced murmur and sedition. 
 
 By these ships the Adelantado received letters from his 
 brother directing him to found a town and seaport at the mouth 
 of the Ozema, near to the new mines. He requested him, also, 
 to send prisoners to Spain such of the caciques and their sub- 
 jects as had been concerned in the death of any of the 
 colonists ; that being considered as sufficient ground, by many 
 of the ablest jurists and theologians of Spain, for selling them 
 as slaves. On the return of the caravels, the Adelantado de- 
 spatched three hundred Indian prisoners, and three caciques. 
 These formed the ill-starred cargoes about which Nino had 
 made such absurd vaunting, as though the ships were laden with 
 treasure, and which had caused such mortification, disappoint- 
 ment, and delay to Columbus. 
 
 Having obtained by this arrival a supply of provisions, the 
 Adelantado returned to the fortress of San Christoval, and 
 thence proceeded to the Ozema, to choose a site for the pro- 
 posed seaport. After a careful examination, he chose the 
 eastern bank of a natural haven at the mouth of the river. It 
 was easy of access, of sufficient depth, and good anchorage. 
 The river ran through a beautiful and fertile country ; its 
 
 Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. v.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 375 
 
 waters were pure and salubrious, and well stocked with fish ; 
 its banks were covered with trees bearing the fine fruits of the 
 island, so that in sailing along, the fruits and flowers might be 
 plucked with the hand from the branches which overhung the 
 stream. 1 This delightful vicinit} r was the dwelling-place of the 
 female cacique who had conceived an affection for the young 
 Spaniard Miguel Diaz, and had induced him to entice his coun- 
 trymen to that part of the island. The promise she had given 
 of a friendly reception oil the part of her tribe was faithfully 
 performed. 
 
 On a commanding bank of the harbor Don Bartholomew 
 erected a fortress, which at first was called Isabella, but after- 
 ward San Domingo, and was the origin of the city which still 
 bears that name. The Adelantado was of an active and inde- 
 fatigable spirit. No sooner was the fortress completed than 
 he left in it a garrison of twenty men, and with the rest of his 
 forces set out to visit the dominions of Behechio, one of the 
 principal chieftains of the island. This cacique, as has already 
 been mentioned, reigned over Xaragna, a province comprising 
 almost the whole coast at the west end of the island, including 
 Cape Tiburon, and extending along the south side as far as 
 Point Aguida, or the small island of Boata. It was one of the 
 most populous and fertile districts, with a delightful climate ; 
 and its inhabitants were softer and more graceful in their 
 manners than the rest of the islanders. Being so remote 
 from all the fortresses, the cacique, although he had taken 
 a part in the combination of the chieftains, had hitherto re- 
 mained free from the incursions and exactions of the white 
 men. 
 
 With this cacique resided Anacaona, widow of the late for- 
 midable Caonabo. She was sister to Behechio, and had taken 
 refuge with her brother after the capture of her husband. She 
 was one of the most beautiful females of the island ; her name 
 in the Indian language signified '"The Golden Flower." She 
 possessed a genius superior to the generality of her race, and 
 was said to excel in composing those little legendary ballads, or 
 areytos, which the natives chanted as they performed their 
 national dances. All the Spanish writers agree in describing 
 her as possessing a natural dignity and grace hardly to be 
 credited in her ignorant and savage condition. Notwithstand- 
 ing the ruin with which her husband had been overwhelmed by 
 the hostility of the white men, she appears to have entertained 
 
 Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. v.
 
 376 LIFE OF CUIUSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 no vindictive feeling toward them, knowing that he had pro- 
 voked their vengeance by his own voluntary warfare. She re- 
 garded the Spaniards with admiration as almost superhuman 
 beings, and her intelligent mind perceived the futility and im- 
 policy of any attempt to resist their superiority in arts and 
 arms. Having great influence over her brother Behechio, she 
 counselled him to take warning by the fate of her husband, and 
 to conciliate the friendship of the Spaniards ; and it is supposed 
 that a knowledge of the friendly sentiments and powerful in- 
 fluence of this princess, in a great measure prompted the Ade- 
 lantado to his present expedition. 1 
 
 In passing through those parts of the island which had hither- 
 to been unvisited by the Europeans, the Adelantado adopted 
 the same imposing measures which the admiral had used on a 
 former occasion ; he put his cavalry in the advance, and entered 
 all the Indian towns in martial array, with standards displayed, 
 and the sound of drum and trumpet. 
 
 After proceeding about thirty leagues, he came to the river 
 Neyva, which, issuing from the mountains of Cibao, divides the 
 southern side of the island,, Crossing this stream, he despatched 
 two parties of ten men each along the seacoast in search of 
 brazil-wood. They found great quantities, and felled many 
 trees, which the}' stored in the Indian cabins, until they could 
 be taken away by sea. 
 
 Inclining with his main force to the right, the Adelantado 
 met, not far from the river, the cacique Behechio, with a great 
 army of his subjects, armed with bows and arrows and lances. 
 If he had come forth with the intention of opposing the inroad 
 into his forest domains, he was probably daunted by the formid- 
 able appearance of the Spaniards. Laying aside his weapons, 
 he advanced and accosted the Adelantado very amicably, pro- 
 fessing that he was thus in arms for the purpose of subjecting 
 certain villages along the river, and inquiring, at the same time, 
 the object of this incursion of the Spaniards. The Adelantado 
 assured him that he came on a peaceful visit, to pase a little 
 time in friendly intercourse at Xaragua. He succeeded so well 
 in allaying the apprehensions of the cacique, that the latter dis- 
 missed his army, and sent swift messengers to order prepara- 
 tions for the suitable reception of so distinguished a guest. As 
 the Spaniards advanced into the territories of the chieftain, and 
 passed through the districts of his inferior caciques, the latter 
 brought forth cassava bread, hemp, cotton, and various other 
 
 1 Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. ii. p. 147. Mufioz, llist. X. Muuclo, lib. vi. 5 vi.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 377 
 
 productions of the land. At length they drew near to the resi- 
 dence of Behechio, which was a large town situated in a beau- 
 tiful part of the country near the coast, at the bottom of that 
 deep bay, called at present the Bight of Leogan. 
 
 The .Spaniards had heard many accounts of the soft and de- 
 lightful region of Xaragua, in one part of which Indian tradi- 
 tions placed their Elysian fields. They had heard much, also, 
 of the beauty and urbanity of the inhabitants : the mode of 
 their reception was calculated to confirm their favorable pre- 
 possessions. As they approached the place, thirty females of 
 the cacique's household came forth to meet them, singing their 
 areytos, or traditionary ballads, and dancing and waving palm 
 branches. The married females wore aprons of embroidered 
 cotton, reaching half way to the kuee ; the young women were 
 entirely naked, with merely a fillet round the forehead, their hair 
 falling upon their shoulders. They were beautifully propor- 
 tioned, their skin smooth and delicate, and their complexion of 
 a clear, agreeable brown. According to old Peter Martyr, the 
 Spaniards when they beheld them issuing forth from their green 
 woods, almost imagined they beheld the fabled Dryads, or na- 
 tive nymphs and fairies of the fountains, sung by the ancient 
 poets. 1 When they came before Don Bartholomew, they knelt 
 and gracefully presented him the green branches. After these 
 came the female cacique Auacaona, reclining on a kind of light 
 litter borne by six Indians. Like the other females, she had no 
 other covering than an apron of various-colored cotton. She 
 wore round her head a fragrant garland of red and white flow- 
 ers, and wreaths of the same round her neck and arms. She 
 received the Adelantado and his followers with that natural 
 grace and courtesy for which she was celebrated ; manifesting 
 no hostility toward them for the fate her husband had expe- 
 rienced at their hands. 
 
 The Adelantado and his officers were conducted to the house 
 of Behechio, where a banquet was served up of utias, a great 
 variety of sea and river fish, witli roots and fruits of excellent 
 quality. Here first the Spaniards conquered their repugnance 
 to the guana, the favorite delicacy of the Indians, but which 
 the former had regarded with disgust, as a species of serpent. 
 The Adelantado, willing to accustom himself to the usages of 
 the country, was the first to taste this animal, being kindly 
 pressed thereto byAnacaoua. His followers imitated his ex- 
 ample ; they found it to be highly palatable and delicate ; and 
 
 1 Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. v.
 
 378 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 from that time forward the guana was held in repute among 
 Spanish epicures. 1 
 
 The banquet being over, Don Bartholomew with six of his 
 principal cavaliers were lodged in the dwelling of Behechio ; 
 the rest were distributed in the houses of the inferior caciques, 
 where they slept in hammocks of matted cotton, the usual beds 
 of the natives. 
 
 For two days they remained with the hospitable Behechio, 
 entertained with various Indian games and festivities, among 
 which the most remarkable was the representation of a battle. 
 Two squadrons of naked Indians, armed with bows and arrows, 
 sallied suddenly into the public square and began to skirmish 
 in a manner similar to the Moorish play of canes, or tilting 
 reeds. By degrees they became excited, and fought with such 
 earnestness, that four were slain, and many wounded, which 
 seemed to increase the interest and pleasure of the spectators. 
 The contest would have continued longer, and might have been 
 still more bloody, had not the Adelantado and the other cava- 
 liers interfered and begged that the game might cease. 2 
 
 When the festivities were over, and familiar intercourse had 
 promoted mutual confidence, the Adelantado addressed the 
 cacique and Anacaona on the real object of his visit. He in- 
 formed him that his brother, the admiral, had been sent to this 
 island by the sovereigns of Castile, who were great and mighty 
 potentates, with many kingdoms under their sway. That the 
 admiral had returned to apprise his sovereigns how many trib- 
 utary caciques there were in the island, leaving him in command, 
 and that he had come to receive Behechio under the protection 
 of these mighty sovereigns, and to arrange a tribute to be paid 
 by him, in such manner as should be most convenient and sat- 
 isfactory to himself. 3 
 
 The cacique was greatly embarrassed by this demand, know- 
 ing the sufferings inflicted on the other parts of the island by 
 the avidity of the Spaniards for gold. He replied that he had 
 been apprised that gold was the great object for which the 
 white men had come to their island, and that a tribute was 
 
 1 "These serpentes are lybe unto crocodiles, wiving in bygness; they call them 
 guanas. Unto that day none of owre men durste adventure to taste of them, by reason 
 of theyre horrible deformitie and lothsomnes. Vet the Adelantado being entysed by 
 the pleasantnes of the king's sister, Anacaona, determined to taste the serpentes. But 
 when he felte the flesh thereof to be so delycate to his tongue, he fel to amayne without 
 al feare. The which thyng his companions perceiving, were not behynde hym in greed- 
 ynesse: insomuche that they had now none other talke than of the sweetnesse of these 
 Berpentes, which they affirm to be of more pleasant laste than eyther our phesaules 
 or partriches." Peter Martyr, decad. i. book v. Kdeu's Eng. Traus. 
 
 Las Casas, Hist. Iiid , lib. i. cap. 113. 
 
 Ibid., cap. 114.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 379 
 
 paid in it by some of his fellow-caciques ; but that in no part of 
 his territories was gold to be found ; and his subjects hardly 
 knew what it was. To this the Adelantado replied with great 
 adroitness, that nothing was further from the intention or wish 
 of his sovereigns than to require a tribute in things not pro- 
 duced in his dominions, but that it might be paid in cotton, 
 hemp, and cassava bread, with which the surrounding country 
 appeared to abound. The countenance of the cacique bright- 
 ened at this intimation ; he promised cheerful compliance, and 
 instantly sent orders to all his subordinate caciques to sow 
 abundance of cotton for the first payment of the stipulated 
 tribute. Having made all the requisite arrangements, the 
 Adelantado took a most friendly leave of Behechio and his 
 sister, and set out for Isabella. 
 
 Thus by amicable #ud sagacious management, one of the 
 most extensive provinces of the island was brought into cheer- 
 ful subjection, and had not the wise policy of the Adelantado 
 been defeated by the excesses of worthless and turbulent men, 
 a large revenue might have been collected, without any re- 
 course to violence or oppression. In all instances these simple 
 people appear to have been extremely tractable, and meekly 
 and even cheerfully to have resigned their rights to the white 
 men, when treated with gentleness and humanity. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 ESTABLISHMENT OF A CHAIN OF MILITARY POSTS INSURRECTION 
 OF GUAK1ONEX, THE CACIQUE OF THE VEGA. 
 
 [1496.] 
 
 ON arriving at Isabella, Don Bartholomew found it, as usual, 
 a scene of misery and repining. Many had died during his 
 absence ; most were ill. Those who were healthy complained 
 of the scarcity of food, and those who were ill, of the want of 
 medicines. The provisions distributed among them, from the 
 supply brought out a few months before by Pedro Alonzo 
 Nino, had been consumed. Partly from sickness, and partly 
 from a repugnance to labor, they had neglected to cultivate 
 the surrounding country, and the Indians, on whom they 
 chiefly depended, outraged by their oppressions, had aban- 
 doned the vicinity, and fled to the mountains ; choosing rather
 
 380 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 to subsist on roots and herbs, in their rugged retreats, than re- 
 main in the luxuriant plains, subject to the wrongs and cruel- 
 ties of the white men. The history of this island presents 
 continual pictures of the miseries, the actual want and poverty 
 produced by the grasping avidity of gold. It had rendered the 
 (Spaniards heedless of all the less obvious, but more certain and 
 salubrious sources of wealth. All labor seemed lost that was 
 to produce profit by a circuitous process. Instead of cultivat- 
 ing the luxuriant soil around them, and deriving real treasures 
 from its surface, they wasted their time in seeking for mines 
 and golden streams, and were starving in the midst of fertility. 
 
 No sooner were the provisions exhausted which had been 
 brought out by Nino than the colonists began to break forth in 
 their accustomed murmurs. They represented themselves as 
 neglected by Columbus, who, amid the blandishments and de- 
 lights of a court, thought little of their sufferings. They con- 
 sidered themselves equally forgotten by government ; while, 
 having no vessel in the harbor, they were destitute of all 
 moans of sending home intelligence of their disastrous situation, 
 and imploring relief. 
 
 To remove this last cause of discontent, and furnish some 
 object for their hopes and thoughts to rally round, the Adelan- 
 tado ordered that two caravels should be built at Isabella, for 
 the use of the island. To relieve the settlement, also, from all 
 useless and repining individuals, during this time of scarcity, 
 he distributed such as were too ill to labor, or to bear arms, 
 into the interior, where they would have the benefit of a better 
 climate, and more abundant supply of Indian provisions. He 
 at the same time completed and garrisoned the chain of mili- 
 tary posts established by his brother in the preceding year, con- 
 sisting of five fortified houses, each surrounded by its depend- 
 ent hamlet. The first of these was about nine leagues from Isa- 
 bella, and was called la Esperanza. Six leagues beyond was 
 Santa Catalina. Four leagues and a half farther was Magda- 
 lena, where the first town of Santiago was afterward founded ; 
 and live leagues farther Port Conception which was fortified 
 with great care, being in the vast and populous Vega, and 
 within half a league from the residence of its cacique, (Juario- 
 nex. 1 Having thus relieved Isabella of all its useless population, 
 and left none but such as were too ill to be removed, or were 
 required for the service and protection of the place, and the 
 construction of the caravels, the Adelantado returned, with a 
 
 1 P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. v. Of the residence of Guarionex, which must have beeu a 
 considerable town, not the least vestige cau be discovered at prese.it.
 
 LIFE OF CIIRISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 381 
 
 large body of the most effective men, to the fortress of San 
 Domingo. 
 
 The military posts thus established, succeeded for a time in 
 overawing the natives ; but fresh hostilities were soon mani- 
 fested, excited by a different cause from the preceding. Among 
 the missionaries who had accompanied Friar Boyle to the 
 island, were two of far greater zeal than their superior. When 
 he returned to Spain, they remained, earnestly bent upon the 
 fullilment of their mission. One was called Roman Pane, a 
 poor hermit, as he styled himself, of the order of St. Geronimo : 
 the other was Juan Borgofion, a Franciscan. They resided for 
 some time among the Indians of the Vega, strenuously endea- 
 voring to make converts, and had succeeded with one family 
 of sixteen persons, the chief of which, on being baptized, took 
 the name of Juan Mateo. The conversion of the cacique Gua- 
 rionex, however, was their main object. The extent of his JK>S- 
 sessions made his conversion of great importance to the inter- 
 ests of the colony, and was considered by the zealous fathers a 
 means of bringing his numerous subjects under the dominion 
 of the church. For some time he lent a willing ear; he learnt 
 the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, and the Creed, and made his 
 whole family repeat them daily. The other caciques of the 
 Vega and of the provinces of Cibao, however, scoffed at him 
 for meanly conforming to the laws and customs of strangers, 
 usurpers of his domains and oppressors of his nation. The 
 friars complained that, in consequence of these evil communi- 
 cations, their convert suddenly relapsed into infidelity; but 
 another and more grievous cause is assigned for his recantation. 
 His favorite wife was seduced or treated with outrage by a 
 Spaniard of authority ; and the cacique renounced all faith in 
 a religion, which, as he supposed, admitted of such atrocities. 
 Losing all hope of effecting his conversion, the mission re- 
 moving to the territories of another cacique, taking with them 
 Juan Mateo, their Indian convert. Before their departure they 
 erected a small chapel, and furnished it with an altar, crucifix, 
 and images, for the use of the family of Mateo. 
 
 Scarcely had they departed, when several Indians entered 
 the chapel, broke the images in pieces, trampled them under 
 foot, and buried them in a neighboring field. This, it is said, 
 was done by order of Guarionex, in contempt of the religion 
 from which he had apostatized. A complaint of this enormity 
 was carried to the Adelantado, who ordered a suit to be imme- 
 diately instituted, and those who were found culpable, to be 
 punished according to law. It was a period of great rigor in
 
 332 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 ecclesiastical law, especially among the Spaniards. In Spain 
 all heresies in religion, all recantations from the faith, and all 
 acts of sacrilege, either by Moor or Jew, were punished with 
 fire and fagot. Such was the fate of the poor ignorant Indians, 
 convicted of this outrage on the church. It is questionable 
 whether Guarionex had any hand in this offence, and it is 
 probable that the whole affair was exaggerated. A proof of 
 the credit due to the evidence brought forward, may be judged 
 by one of the facts recorded by Roman Pane, " the poor her- 
 mit." The field in which the holy images were buried was 
 planted, he says, with certain roots shaped like a turnip, or 
 radish, several of which, coming up in the neighborhood of the 
 images, were found to have grown most miraculously in the 
 form of a cross. 1 
 
 The cruel punishment inflicted on these Indians, instead of 
 daunting their countrymen, filled them with horror and indig- 
 nation. Unaccustomed to such stern rule and vindictive jus- 
 tice, and having no clear ideas nor powerful sentiments with 
 respect to religion of any kind, they could not comprehend the 
 nature nor extent of the crime committed. Even Guarionex, a 
 man naturally moderate and pacific, was highly incensed with 
 the assumption of power within his territories, and the inhu- 
 man death inflicted on his subjects. The other caciques per- 
 ceived his irritation, and endeavored to induce him to unite in 
 a sudden insurrection, that by one vigorous and general effort, 
 they might break the yoke of their oppressors. Guarionex 
 wavered for some time. He kifew the martial skill and 
 prowess of the Spaniards ; he stood in awe of their cavalry ; 
 and he had before him the disastrous fate of Caonabo ; but he 
 was rendered bold by despair, and he beheld in the domination of 
 these strangers the assured ruin of his race. The early writers 
 speak of a tradition current among the inhabitants of the 
 island, respecting this Guarionex. He was of an ancient line of 
 hereditary caciques. His father, in times long preceding the 
 discovery, having fasted for five days, according to their su- 
 perstitious observances, applied to his zemi, or household deit}*, 
 for information of things to come. He received for answer that 
 within a few years there should come to the island a nation 
 covered with clothing, which should destroy all their customs 
 and ceremonies, and slay their children or reduce them to 
 painful servitude. 2 The tradition was probably invented by 
 the Butios, or priests, aftei the Spaniards had begun to exercise 
 
 1 Eacritura de Fi Roman Hist del Aimirante. * Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iz.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 383 
 
 their severities. Whether their prediction had an effect in dis- 
 posing the mind of Guarionex to hostilities is uncertain. 
 Some have asserted that he was compelled to take up arms by 
 his subjects, who threatened, in case of his refusal, to choose 
 some other chieftain ; others have alleged the outrage commit- 
 ted upon lus favorite wife, as the principal cause of his irrita- 
 tion. 1 It w:is probably these things combined, which at length 
 induced him to enter into the conspiracy. A secret consulta- 
 tion was held among the caciques, wherein it was concerted that 
 on the day of payment of their quarterly tribute, when a great 
 number could assemble without causing suspicion, they should 
 suddenly rise upon the .Spaniards and massacre them. 2 
 
 By some means the garrison at Fort Conception received 
 intimation of this conspiracy. Being but a handful of men, 
 and surrounded by hostile tribes, they wrote a letter to the 
 Adelantado, at San Domingo, imploring immediate aid. As 
 this letter might be taken from their Indian messenger, the 
 natives having discovered that these letters had a wonderful 
 power of communicating intelligence, and fancying they could 
 talk, it was enclosed in a reed, to be used as a staff. The mes- 
 senger was, in fact, intercepted ; but, affecting to be dumb and 
 lame, and intimating by signs that he was returning home, was 
 permitted to limp forward on his journey. When out of sight 
 he resumed his speed, and bore the letter safely and expedi- 
 tiously to San Domingo. 3 
 
 The Adelantado, with his characteristic promptness and 
 activity, set out immediately with a body of troops for the 
 fortress ; and though his men were much enfeebled by scanty 
 fare, hard service, and long marches, hurried them rapidly for- 
 ward. Never did aid arrive more opportunely. The Indians 
 were assembled on the plain, to the amount of many thousands, 
 armed after their manner, and waiting for the appointed time 
 to strike the blow. After consulting with the commander of 
 the fortress and his officers, the Adelautado concerted a mode 
 of proceeding. Ascertaining the places in which the various 
 caciques had distributed their forces, he appointed an officer 
 with a body of men to each cacique, with orders, at an ap- 
 pointed hour of the night, to rush into the villages, surprise 
 them asleep and unarmed, bind the caciques, and bring them 
 off prisoners. As Guarionex was the most important person- 
 age, and his capture would probably be attended with most 
 
 i I,a8 Casas, Hil. Ind., lib. i. cap. 121. 
 
 J Herrera, decad. i. lib. lii. cap. 65. Peter Martyr, decad. vi. lib. v. 
 
 4 Uerrera, Hist, luu., decad. i. lib. lii. cap. 7.
 
 884 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 difficulty and danger, the Adelantado took the charge of it 
 upon himself, at the head of one hundred men. 
 
 This stratagem, founded upon a knowledge of the attachment 
 of the Indians to their chieftains, and calculated to spare a great 
 effusion of blood, was completely successful. The villages hav- 
 ing no walls nor other defences, were quieth" entered at mid- 
 night, and the Spaniards, rushing suddenly into the houses 
 where the caciques were quartered, seized and bound them, to 
 the number of fourteen, and hurried them off to the fortress, 
 before any effort could be made for their defence or rescue. 
 The Indians, struck with terror, made no resistance, nor any 
 show of hostility ; surrounding the fortress in great multitudes, 
 but without weapons, they filled the air with doleful howlings 
 and lamentations, imploring the release of their chieftains. 
 The Adelantado completed his enterprise with the spirit, saga- 
 city, and moderation with which he had hitherto conducted it. 
 He obtained information of the causes of this conspiracy, and 
 the individuals most culpable. Two caciques, the principal 
 movers of the insurrection, aud who had most wrought upon 
 the easy nature of Guarionex, were put to death. As to that 
 unfortunate cacique, the Adelantado, considering the deep 
 wrongs he had suffered, and the slowness with which he had 
 been provoked to revenge, magnanimously pardoned him ; nay, 
 according to Las Casas, he proceeded with stern justice against 
 the Spaniard whose outrage on his wife had sunk so deeply in 
 his heart. He extended his lenity also to the remaining chief- 
 tains of the conspiracy ; promising great favors and rewards, 
 if they should continue firm in their loyalty ; but terrible pun- 
 ishments should they again be found in rebellion. The heart 
 of Guariouex was subdued by this unexpected clemency. He 
 made a speech to his people setting forth the irresistible might 
 aud valor of the Spaniards ; their great lenity to offenders, and 
 their generosity to such as were faithful ; and he earnestly ex- 
 horted them henceforth to cultivate their friendship. The In- 
 dians listened to him with attention ; his praises of the white 
 men were confirmed by their treatment of himself ; when he 
 had concluded, they took him upon their shoulders, bore him 
 to his habitation with songs and shouts of joy, aud for some 
 time the tranquillity of the \ A ega was restored. 1 
 
 Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. v. Herrera, Hist. lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 9.
 
 LIFE OF CURISTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 385 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE ADELANTADO REPAIRS TO XARAGUA TO RECEIVE TRIBUTE. 
 
 [1497.] 
 
 "\VITH all his energy and discretion, the Adelantado found it 
 difficult to manage the proud and turbulent spirit of the colo- 
 nists. They could ill brook the sway of a foreigner, who, when 
 they were restive, curbed them with an iron hand. Don Bar- 
 tholomew had not the same legitimate authority in their eyes 
 as his brother. The admiral was the discoverer of the country, 
 and the authorized representative of the sovereigns ; yet even 
 him they with difficulty brought themselves to obey. The 
 Adelantado, on the contrary, was regarded by many as a mere 
 intruder, assuming high command without authority from the 
 crown, and shouldering himself into power on the merits and 
 services of his brother. They spoke with impatience and in- 
 dignation, also, of the long absence of the admiral, and his 
 fancied inattention to their wants ; little aware of the incessant 
 anxieties he was suffering on their account, during his deten- 
 tion in Spain. The sagacious measure of the Adelantado in 
 building the caravels, for some time diverted their attention. 
 They watched their progress with solicitude, looking upon them 
 as a means either of obtaining relief or of abandoning the island. 
 Aware that repining and discontented men should never be 
 left in idleness, Don Bartholomew kept them continually in 
 movement ; and indeed a state of constant activity was con- 
 genial to his own vigorous spirit. About this time messengers 
 arrived from Behechio, cacique of Xaragua, informing him 
 that lie ha.l large quantities of cotton, and other articles, in 
 which his tribute was to be paid, ready for delivery. The 
 Adelantado immediately set forth with a numerous train, to 
 revisit this fruitful and happy region. He was again received 
 with songs and dances, and all the national demonstrations of 
 respect and amity by Behechio and his sister Anacaona. The 
 latter appeared to be highly popular among the natives, and to 
 have almost as much sway in Xaragua as her brother. Her 
 natural ease, and the graceful dignity of her manners, more 
 and more won the admiration of the Spaniards. 
 
 The Adelantado found thirty-two inferior caciques assembled 
 in the house of Behechio, awaiting his arrival with their respec-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 tive tributes. The cotton the}' had brought was enough to fill 
 one of tlieir houses. " Having delivered this, they gratuitously 
 offered the Adelantado as much cassava bread as he desired. 
 The offer was most acceptable in the present necessitous state 
 of the colony ; and Don Bartholomew sent to Isabella for one of 
 the caravels, which was nearly finished, to be despatched as soon 
 as possible to Xaragua, to be freighted with bread and cotton. 
 
 In the mean time the natives brought from all quarters large 
 supplies of provisions, and entertained their guests witli con- 
 tinual festivity and banqueting. The early Spanish writers, 
 whose imaginations, heated by the accounts of the voyagers, 
 could not form an idea of the simplicity of savage life, espe- 
 cially in these newly discovered countries which were sup- 
 posed to border upon Asia, often speak in terms of Oriental 
 magnificence of the entertainments of the natives, the palaces 
 of the caciques, and the lords and ladies of their courts, as if 
 they were describing the abodes of Asiatic potentates. The ac- 
 counts given of Xaragua, however, have a different character ; 
 and give a picture of savage life, in its perfection of idle and 
 ignorant enjoyment. The troubles which distracted the other 
 parts of devoted Hayti had not reached the inhabitants of this 
 pleasant region. Living among beautiful and fruitful groves, 
 on the borders of a sea. apparently forever tranquil and un- 
 vexed by storms ; having few wants, and those readily supplied, 
 they appeared emancipated from the common lot of labor, 
 and to pass their lives in one uninterrupted holiday. When 
 the Spaniards regarded the fertility and sweetness of this 
 country, the gentleness of its people, and the beauty of its 
 women, they pronounced it a perfect paradise. 
 
 At length the caravel arrived which was to be freighted with 
 the articles of tribute. It anchored about six miles from the 
 residence of Behechio, and Anacaona proposed to her brother 
 that they should go together to behold what she called the great 
 canoe of the white man. On their way to the coast, the Ade- 
 lantado was lodged one night in a village, in a house where 
 Anacaona treasured up those articles which she esteemed most 
 rare and precious. They consisted of various manufactures of 
 cotton, ingeniously wrought ; of vessels of clay, moulded into 
 different forms ; of chairs, tables, and like articles of furniture 
 formed of ebony and other kinds of wood, and carved with 
 various devices all evincing great skill and ingenuity in a 
 people who had no iron tools to work with. Such were the 
 simple treasures of this Indian princess, of which she made 
 numerous presents to her guest.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 387 
 
 Nothing could exceed the wonder and delight of this intelli- 
 gent woman when she first beheld the ship. Her In-other, who 
 treated her with a fraternal fondness and respectful attention, 
 worthy of civilized life, had prepared two canoes, gayly painted 
 and decorated, one to convey her and her attendants, and the 
 other for himself and his chieftains. Anacaona, however, pre- 
 ferred to embark with her attendants in the ship's boat with 
 the Adelantado. As they approached the caravel, a salute was 
 fired. At the report of the cannon, and the sight of the smoke, 
 Anacaona, overcome with dismay, fell into the arms of the 
 Adelantado, and her attendants would have leaped overboard, 
 but the laughter and the cheerful words of Don Bartholomew 
 speedily reassured them. As they drew nearer to the vessel, 
 several instruments of martial music struck up, with which 
 they were greatly delighted. Their admiration increased on 
 entering on board. Accustomed only to their simple and slight 
 canoes, every thing here appeared wonderfully vast and compli- 
 cated. But when the anchor was weighed, the sails were spread, 
 and, aided by a gentle breeze, they beheld this vast mass, mov- 
 ing apparently by its own volition, veering from side to side, 
 and playing like a huge monster in the deep, the brother and 
 sister remained gazing at each other in mute astonishment. 1 
 Nothing seems to have filled the miud of the most stoical 
 savage with more wonder than that sublime and beautiful 
 triumph of genius, a ship under sail. 
 
 Having freighted and despatched the caravel, the Adelan- 
 tado made many presents to Behechio, his sister, and their 
 attendants, and took leave of them, to return by land with his 
 troops to Isabella. Anacaona showed great affliction at their 
 parting, entreating him to remain some time longer with them, 
 and appearing fearful that they had failed in their humble 
 attempt to please him. She even offered to follow him to the 
 settlement, nor would she be consoled until he had promised to 
 return again to Xaragua. 2 
 
 We cannot but remark the ability shown by the Adelantado 
 in the course of his transient government of the island. Won- 
 derfully alert and active, he made repeated marches of great 
 extent, from one remote province to another, and was always 
 at the post of danger at the critical moment. By skilful man- 
 agement, with a handful of men he defeated a formidable insur- 
 rection without any effusion of blood. He conciliated the most 
 inveterate enemies among the natives by great moderation, 
 
 > I'eter Martyr, decad. i. lib. v. Ilerrera, decud. i. lib. iii. cap. 0. 
 1 UuuiiicJo, vol. '.ii. p. 9.
 
 388 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 while he deterred all wanton hostilities by the infliction of 
 signal punishments. He had made firm friends of the most 
 important chieftains, brought their dominions under cheerful 
 tribute, opened new sources of supplies for the colony, and pro- 
 cured relief from its immediate wants. Had his judicious meas- 
 ures been seconded by those under his command, the whole 
 country would have been a scene of tranquil prosperity, and 
 would have produced great revenues to the crowu, without 
 cruelty to the natives ; but, like his brother the admiral, his 
 good intentions and judicious arrangements were constantly 
 thwarted by the vile passions and perverse conduct of others. 
 While he was absent from Isabella, new mischiefs had been 
 fomented there, which were soon to throw the whole island into 
 confusion. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 CONSPIRACY OF ROLDAN. 
 
 [1497.] 
 
 THE prime mover of the present mischief was one Francisco 
 Roldan, a man under the deepest obligations to the admiral. 
 Raised by him from poverty and obscurity, he had been em- 
 ployed at first in menial capacities ; but, showing strong natural 
 talents and great assiduity, he had beeu made ordinary alcalde, 
 equivalent to justice of the peace. The able manner in which 
 he acquitted himself in this situation, and the persuasion of his 
 great fidelity and gratitude, induced Columbus, on departing 
 for Spain, to appoint him alcalde mayor, or chief judge of the 
 island. It is true he was an uneducated man, but, as there were 
 as yet no intricacies of law in the colony, the office required 
 little else than shrewd good sense and upright principles for its 
 discharge. 1 
 
 Roldan was one of those base spirits which grow venomous 
 in the sunshine of prosperity. His benefactor had returned to 
 Spain apparently under a cloud of disgrace ; a long interval had 
 elapsed without tidings from him ; he considered him a fallen 
 man, and began to devise how he might profit by his downfall. 
 He was intrusted with an office inferior only to that of the Ade- 
 lantado ; the brothers of Columbus were highly unpopular ; he 
 
 1 Hcrrera, decad. i. lib. ill. cap. 1.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 389 
 
 
 
 imagined it possible to ruin them, both with the colonists and 
 with the government at home, and by dexterous cunning and 
 bustling activity, to work his way into the command of the 
 colony. The vigorous and somewhat austere character of the 
 Adelantado for some time kept him in awe ; but when he was 
 absent from the settlement, Roldan was able to carry on his 
 machinations with confidence. Don Diego, who then com- 
 manded at Isabella, was an upright and worthy man, but defi- 
 cient in energy. Roldan felt himself his superior in talent and 
 spirit, and his self-conceit was wounded at being inferior to him 
 in authority. He soon made a party among the daring and dis- 
 solute of the community, and secretly loosened the ties of order 
 and good government by listening to and encouraging the discon- 
 tents of the common people, and directing them against the 
 character and conduct of Columbus and his brothers. He had 
 hiTctofore been employed as superintendent of various public 
 works ; this brought him into familiar communication with work- 
 men, sailors, and others of the lower order. His originally vulgar 
 character enabled him to adapt himself to their intellects and 
 manners, while his present station gave him consequence in 
 their eyes. Finding them full of murmurs about hard treat- 
 ment, severe toil, and the long absence of the admiral, lie 
 affected to be moved by their distresses. He threw out sugges- 
 tions that the admiral might never return, being disgraced and 
 ruined in consequence of the representations of Aguado. He 
 sympathized with the hard treatment they experienced from the 
 Adelantado and his brother Don Diego, who, being foreigners, 
 could take no interest in their welfare, nor feel a proper respect 
 for the pride of a Spaniard ; but who used them merely as slaves, 
 to build houses and fortresses for them, or to swell their state 
 and secure their power, as they marched about the island 
 enriching themselves with the spoils of the caciques. By these 
 suggestions he exasperated their feelings to such a height, that 
 they had at one time formed a conspiracy to take away the life 
 of the Adelantado, as the only means of delivering themselves 
 from an odious tyrant. The time and place for the perpetration 
 of the act were concerted. The Adelantado had condemned to 
 death a Spaniard of the name of Berahona, a friend of Roldan, 
 and of several of the conspirators. What was his offence is 
 not positively stated, but from a passage in Las Casas, 1 there is 
 reason to believe that he was the very Spaniard who had vio- 
 lated the favorite wife of Guarionex, the cacique of the Vega. 
 
 1 Las Casas, Ili.-t. Ind., lib. i. cap. 118.
 
 390 LIFE OF CUEISTOP1IER COLUMBUS. 
 
 The Adelruitado would be present at the execution. It was 
 ananged. therefore, that when the populace had assembled, a 
 tumult should be made as if by accident, and in the confusion 
 of the moment Don Bartholomew should be despatched with a 
 poniard. Fortunately for the Adelantado. he pardoned the 
 criminal, the assemblage did not take place, and the plan of 
 the conspirators was disconcerted. 1 
 
 When Don Bartholomew was absent collecting the tribute in 
 Xaragua, Holdan thought it was a favorable time to bring 
 affairs to a crisis. He had sounded the feelings of the colonists, 
 and ascertained that there was a large party disposed for open 
 sedition. His plan was to create a popular tumult, to interpose 
 in his official character of alcalde mayor, to throw the blame 
 upon the oppression and injustice of Don Diego and his brother, 
 and. while he usurped the reins of authority, to appear as if 
 actuated only by zeal for the peace and prosperity of the island, 
 and the interests of the sovereigns. 
 
 A pretext soon presented itself for the proposed tumult. 
 When the caravel returned from Xaragua laden with the Indian 
 tributes, and the cargo was discharged, Don Diego had the 
 vessel drawn up on the land, to protect it from accidents, or 
 from any sinister designs of the disaffected colonists. Koldan 
 immediately pointed this circumstance out to his partisans. 
 He secretly inveighed against the hardship of having this vessel 
 drawn on shore instead of being left afloat for the benefit of 
 the colony, or sent to Spain to make known their distresses. 
 He hinted that the true reason was the fear of the Adelantado 
 and his brother, lest accounts should be carried to Spain of 
 their misconduct, and he affirmed that they wished to remain 
 undisturbed masters of the island, and keep the Spaniards there 
 as subjects, or rather as slaves. The people took fire at these 
 suggestions. They had long looked forward to the completion 
 of the caravels as their only chance for relief ; they now insisted 
 that the vessel should be launched and sent to Spain for sup- 
 plies. Don Diego endeavored to convince them of the folly of 
 their demand, the vessel not being rigged and equipped for 
 such a voyage ; but the more he attempted to pacify them, the 
 more unreasonable and turbulent they became. Roldan, also, 
 became more bold and explicit in his instigations. He advised 
 them to launch and take possession of the caravel, as the only 
 mode of regaining their independence. They might then throw 
 off the tyranny of these upstart strangers, enemies in their 
 
 1 Hist. del. Aliuiiu'.ite, cap. 73.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 391 
 
 hearts to Spaniards, aud might lead a life of ease and pleasure ; 
 sharing equally all that they might gain by barter in the island, 
 employing the Indians as slaves to work for them, aud enjoying 
 unrestrained indulgence with respect to the Indian women. 1 
 
 Don Diego received information of what was fermenting 
 among the people, yet feared to come to an open rupture with 
 Roldan in the present mutinous state of the colony. He sud- 
 denly detached him, therefore, with forty men, to the Vega, 
 under pretext of overawing certain of the natives who had 
 refused to pay their tribute, and had shown a disposition to 
 revolt. Roldan made use of this opportunity to strengthen his 
 faction. He made friends and partisans among the discontented 
 caciques, secretl}' justifying them in their resistance to the 
 imposition of tribute, and promising them redress. He secured 
 the devotion of his own soldiers by great acts of indulgence, 
 disarming and dismissing such as refused full participation in 
 his plans, and returned with his little band to Isabella, where 
 he felt secure of a strong party among the common people. 
 
 The Adelantado had by this time returned from Xaragua ; 
 but Koldan, feeling himself at the head of a strong faction, and 
 arrogating to himself great authority from his official station, 
 now openly demanded that the caravel should be launched, or 
 permission given to himself and his followers to launch it. 
 The Adelantado peremptorily refused, observing that neither 
 he nor his companions were mariners, nor was the caravel 
 furnished and equipped for sea, and that neither the safety of 
 the vessel nor of the people should be endangered by their 
 attempt to navigate her. 
 
 Roldan perceived that his motives were suspected, and felt 
 that the Adelantado was too formidable an adversary to contend 
 with in any open sedition at Isabella. He determined, there- 
 fore, to carry his plans into operation in some more favorable 
 part of the island, always trusting to excuse any open rebellion 
 against the authority of Don Bartholomew, by representing it 
 as a patriotic opposition to his tyranny over Spaniards. He 
 had seventy well-armed aud determined men under his com- 
 mand, and he trusted, on erecting his standard, to be joined by 
 all the disaffected throughout the island. He set off suddenl}-, 
 therefore, for the Vega, intending to surprise the fortress of 
 Conception, and b}- getting command of that post and the rich 
 country adjacent, to set the Adelantado at defiance. 
 
 He stopped on his way at various Indian villages in which 
 
 1 Hist, del Aluiiraute, cap. 73.
 
 392 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 the Spaniards were distributed, endeavoring to enlist the latter 
 in his party, by holding out promises of great gain and free 
 living. He attempted also to seduce the natives from their 
 allegiance, by promising them freedom from all tribute. Those 
 caciques with whom lie had maintained a previous understand- 
 ing, received him with open arms ; particularly one who had 
 taken the name of Diego Marque, whose village he made his 
 headquarters, being about two leagues from Fort Conception. 
 He was disappointed in his hopes of surprising the fortress. 
 Its commander, Miguel Ballester, was an old and staunch 
 soldier, both resolute and wary. He drew himself into his 
 stronghold on the approach of Roldan, and closed his gates. 
 His garrison was small, but the fortification, situated on the 
 side of a hill, with a river running at its foot, was proof against 
 any assault. Roldan had still some hopes that Ballester might 
 be disaffected to government, and might be gradually brought 
 into his plans, or that the garrison would be disposed to desert, 
 tempted by the licentious life which he permitted among his 
 followers. In the neighborhood was the town inhabited by 
 Guarionex. Here were quartered thirty soldiers, under the 
 command of Captain Garcia de Barrantes. Roldan repaired 
 thither with his armed force, hoping to enlist Barrantes and his 
 party ; but the captain shut himself up with his men in a forti- 
 fied house, refusing to permit them to hold any communication 
 with Roldan. The latter threatened to set fire to the house ; 
 but after a little consideration, contented himself with seizing 
 their store of provisions, and then marched toward Fort Con- 
 ception, which was not quite half a league distant. 1 
 
 1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 7. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 74. 
 
 Ertract of a letter from T. S. fffnekeii, EM/., 1847. 
 
 .Fort Conception is situated at the foot of a hill now called Santo Cerro. It is con- 
 Btructed of bricks, and is almost as entire at the present day as when just finished. It 
 stands in the gloom of an exuberant forest which has invaded the scene of former bustle 
 and activity; a spot ouce considered of great importance, and surrounded by swarms of 
 intelligent beings. 
 
 What has become of the countless multitudes this fortress was intended to awe? Xot 
 a trace of them remains excepting in the records of history. The silence of the tomb 
 
 Erevails where their habitations responded to their songs and dances. A few indigent 
 paniards, living in miserable hovels, scattered widely apart in the bosom of the forest, 
 are now the sole occupants of this once fruitful and beautiful region. 
 
 A Spanish town gradually grew up round the fortress, the ruins of which extend to a 
 considerable distance. It was destroyed by an earthquake, at nine o'clock of the morning 
 of Saturday, 20th April, 1564, during the celebration of mass. Part of the massive walls 
 of a handsome church still remain, as well as those of a very large convent or hospital, 
 supposed to have been constructed in pursuance of the testamentary dispositions of 
 Columbus. The inhabitants who survived the catastrophe retired to a small chapel, ou 
 the banks of a river, about a league distant, where the tiew towu of La Vega was after, 
 ward built.
 
 LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 393 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE APELANTADO REPAIRS TO THE VEGA IN RELIEF OF FORT 
 CONCEPTION HIS INTERVIEW WITH ROLDAN. 
 
 [1497.] 
 
 THE Aclelantado had received intelligence of the flagitious 
 proceedings of Roldan, yet hesitated for a time to set out in 
 pursuit of him. He had lost all confidence in the loyalty of 
 the people around him, and knew not how far the conspiracy 
 extended, nor on whom he could rely. Diego de Escobar, 
 alcayde of the fortress of La Madelena, together with Adrian 
 de Moxica and Pedro de Valdivieso, all principal men, were in 
 league with Roldan. He feared that the commander of Fort 
 Conception might likewise be in the plot, and the whole island 
 in arms against him. He was re-assured, however, by tidings 
 from Miguel Ballester. That loyal veteran wrote to him press- 
 ing letters for succor, representing the weakness of his garrison, 
 and the increasing forces of the rebels. 
 
 Don Bartholomew hastened to his assistance with his accus- 
 tomed promptness, and threw himself with a re-enforcement into 
 the fortress. Being ignorant of the force of the rebels, and 
 doubtful of the loyalty of his own followers, he determined to 
 adopt mild measures. Understanding that Roldan was quar- 
 tered at a village but half a league distant, he sent a message to 
 him, remonstrating on the flagrant irregularity of his conduct, 
 and the injury it was calculated to produce in the island, and the 
 certain ruin it must bring upon himself, and summoning him to 
 appear at the fortress, pledging his word for his personal safety. 
 Roldan repaired accordingly to Fort Conception, where the 
 Adelantado held a parley with him from a window, demanding 
 the reason of his appearing in arms, in opposition to royal 
 authority. Roldan replied boldly, that he was in the service of 
 his sovereigns, defending their subjects from the oppression 
 of men who sought their destruction. The Adelantado ordered 
 him to surrender his staff of office, as alcalde mayor, and to 
 submit peaceably to superior authority. Roldan refused to 
 resign his office, or to put himself in the power of Don Barthol- 
 omew, whom he charged with seeking his life. He refused also 
 to submit to any trial, unless commanded by the king. Pre- 
 tending, however, to make no resistance to the peaceable exercise
 
 394 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 of authority, he offered to go with his followers, and reside at 
 any place the Adelantado might appoint. The latter immedi- 
 ately designated the village of the cacique Diego Colon, the 
 same native of the Lucayos Islands who had been baptized in 
 Spain, and had since married a daughter of Guarionex. Roldau 
 objected, pretending there were not sufficient provisions to be 
 had there for the subsistence of his men, and departed, declar- 
 ing that he would seek a more eligible residence elsewhere. 1 
 
 He now proposed to his followers to take possession of the 
 remote province of Xaragua. The Spaniards who had returned 
 thence gave enticing accounts of the life they had led there ; of 
 the fertility of the soil, the sweetness of the climate, the hos- 
 pitality and gentleness of the people, their feasts, dances, and 
 various amusements, and, above all, the beauty of the women ; 
 for they had been captivated by the naked charms of the dan- 
 cing nymphs of Xaragua. In this delightful region, emancipated 
 from the iron rule of the Adelantado, and relieved from the 
 necessity of irksome labor, they might lead a life of perfect 
 freedom and indulgence, and have a world of beauty at their 
 command. In short, Roldan drew a picture of loose sensual 
 enjoyment such as he knew to be irresistible with men of idle 
 and dissolute habits. His followers acceded with joy to his 
 proposition. Some preparations, however, were necessary to 
 carry it into effect. Taking advantage of the absence of the 
 Adelautado, he suddenly marched with his band to Isabella, 
 and entering it in a manner by surprise, endeavored to launch 
 the caravel, with which they might sail to Xaragua. Don 
 Diego Columbus, hearing the tumult, issued forth with several 
 cavaliers ; but such was the force of the mutineers and their 
 menacing conduct, that he was obliged to withdraw, with his 
 adherents, into the fortress. Roldan held several parleys with 
 him, and offered to submit to his command, provided he would 
 set himself up in opposition to his brother the Adelantado. 
 His proposition was treated with scorn. The fortress was too 
 strong to be assailed with success ; he found it impossible to 
 launch the caravel, and feared the Adelantado might return, 
 and he be enclosed between two forces. He proceeded, there- 
 fore, in all haste to make provisions for the proposed expedition 
 to Xaragua. Still pretending to act in his official capacity, and 
 to do eveiy thing from loyal motives, for the protection and 
 support of the oppressed subjects of the crown, he broke open 
 the royal warehouse, with shouts of " Long live the king!" 
 
 1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 7. Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 74.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 395 
 
 supplied his followers with arms, ammunition, clothing, and 
 what 'ver they desired from the public stores ; proceeded to the 
 enclosure where the cattle and other European animals were 
 kept to breed, took such as he thought necessary for his in- 
 tended establishment, and permitted In's followers to kill such 
 of the remainder as they might want for present supply. Hav- 
 ing committed this wasteful ravage, he inarched in triumph out 
 of Isabella. 1 Reflecting, however, on the prompt and vigorous 
 character of the Adelantado, he felt that his situation would 
 be but little secure with such an active enemy behind him ; 
 who. on extricating himself from present perplexities, would 
 not fail to pursue him to his proposed paradise of Xaragua. 
 He determined, therefore, to march again to the Vega, and 
 endeavor either to get possession of the person of the Adelan- 
 tado. or to strike some blow, in his present crippled state, that 
 should disable him from offering further molestation. Return- 
 ing, therefore, to the vicinity of Fort Conception, he endeavored 
 in every way, by the means of subtle emissaries, to seduce the 
 garrison to desertion, or to excite it to revolt. 
 
 The Adelantado dared not take the field with his forces, hav- 
 ing no confidence in their fidelity. He knew that they listened 
 wistfully to the emissaries of Roldan, and contrasted the 
 meagre fare and stern discipline of the garrison, with the abun- 
 dant cheer and easy misrule that prevailed among the rebels. 
 To counteract these seductions, he relaxed from his usual strict- 
 ness, treating his men with great indulgence, and promising 
 them large rewards. By these means he was enabled to main- 
 tain some degree of loyalty amongst his forces, his service 
 having the advantage over that of Roldau, of being on the side 
 of the government and law. 
 
 Finding his attempts to corrupt the garrison unsuccessful, 
 and fearing some sudden sally from the vigorous Adelantado, 
 Roldau drew off to a distance, and sought by insidious means 
 to strengthen his own power and weaken that of the govern- 
 ment. He asserted equal right to manage the affairs of the 
 island with the Adelantado, and pretended to have separated 
 from him on account of his being passionate and vindictive in 
 the exercise of his authority. He represented him as the 
 tyrant of the Spaniards, the oppressor of the Indians. For 
 himself, he assumed the character of a redresser of grievances 
 and champion of the injured. He pretended to feel a patriotic 
 indignation at the affronts heaped upon Spaniards by a family 
 
 1 Hist, del Alrairante, cap. 74. Ilerrcra, ducud. i. lib. iii. cap. 7.
 
 306 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 of obscure and arrogant foreigners ; and professed to free the 
 natives from tributes wrung from them by these rapacious men 
 for their own enrichment, and contrary to the beneficent 
 intentions of the Spanish monarchs. He connected himself 
 closely with the Carib cacique Mauicaotex, brother of the late 
 Caonabo, whose son and nephew were in his possession as 
 hostages for payment of tributes. This warlike chieftain he 
 conciliated by presents and caresses, bestowing on him the 
 appellation of brother. 1 The unhappy natives, deceived by his 
 professions, and overjoyed at the idea of having a protector in 
 arms for their defence, submitted cheerfully to a thousand 
 impositions, supplying his followers with provisions in abun- 
 dance, and bringing to Roldan all the gold they could collect; 
 voluntarily yielding him heavier tributes than those from which 
 he pretended to free them. 
 
 The affairs of the island were now in a lamentable situation. 
 The Indians, perceiving the dissensions among the white men, 
 and encouraged by the protection of Roldan, began to throw 
 off all allegiance to the government. The caciques at a dis- 
 tance ceased to send in their tributes, and those who were in 
 the vicinity were excused by the Adelantado, that by indul- 
 gence he might retain their friendship in this time of danger. 
 Roldan's faction daily gained strength ; they ranged insolently 
 and at large in the open country, and were supported by the 
 misguided natives ; while the Spaniards who remained loyal, 
 fearing conspiracies among the natives, had to keep under 
 shelter of the fort, or in the strong houses which they had 
 erected in the villages. The commanders were obliged to palli- 
 ate all kinds of slights and indignities, both from their soldiers 
 and from the Indians, fearful of driving them to sedition by 
 any severity. The clothing and munitions of all kinds, either 
 for maintenance or defence, were rapidly wasting away, and 
 the want of all supplies or tidings from Spain was sinking the 
 spirits of the well-affected into despondency. The Adelantado 
 was shut up in Fort Conception, in daily expectation of being 
 openly besieged by Roldan, and was secretly informed that 
 means were taken to destroy him, should he issue from the 
 walls of the fortress. 2 
 
 Such was the desperate state to which the colony was reduced, 
 in consequence of the long detention of Columbus in Spain, 
 and the impediments thrown in the way of all his measures for 
 the benefit of the island by the delays of cabinets and the chi- 
 
 1 Las ( ';i-:ts, Hist. I ml., lib. i. cap. 118. - Las Casas, Hist. I ml., lib. i. cap. 119.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 397 
 
 canery of Fonscca and his satellites. At this critical juncture, 
 when faction reigned triumphant, and the colony was on the 
 brink of ruin, tidings were brought to the Vega that Pedro 
 Fernandez Coronal had arrived at the port of San Domingo, 
 with two ships, bringing supplies of all kinds, and a strong 
 re-enforceineut. 1 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 SECOND INSURRECTION OF GUARIONEX, AND HIS FLIGHT TO THE 
 MOUNTAINS OF CIGUAY. 
 
 [1498.] 
 
 THE arrival of Coronal, which took place on the third of 
 February, was the salvation of the colony. The re-enforce- 
 ments of troops, and of supplies of all kinds, strengthened the 
 hands of Don Bartholomew. The royal confirmation of his 
 title and authority as Adelantado at once dispelled all doubts 
 as to the legitimacy of his power; and the tidings that the 
 admiral was in high favor at court, and would soon arrive with 
 a powerful squadron, struck consternation into those who 
 had entered into the rebellion on the presumption of his having 
 fallen into disgrace. 
 
 The Adelantado no longer remained mewed up in his fortress, 
 but set out immediately for San Domingo with a part of his 
 troops, although a much superior rebel force was at the village 
 of the cacique Guarionex, at a very short distance. Roldan 
 followed slowly and gloomily with his party, anxious to ascer- 
 tain the truth of these tidings, to make partisans, if possible, 
 among those who had newly arrived, and to take advantage of 
 every circumstance that might befriend his rash and hazardous 
 projects. The Adelantado left strong guards on the passes of 
 the roads to prevent his near approach to San Domingo, but 
 Roldan paused within a few leagues of the place. 
 
 When the Adelantado found himself secure in San Domingo 
 with this augmentation of force, and the prospect of a still 
 greater re-enforcement at hand, his magnanimity prevailed over 
 his indignation, and he sought by gentle means to allay the 
 popular seditions that the island might be restored to tranquil- 
 lity before his brother's arrival. He considered that the colo- 
 
 1 Las Casa. lien-era, Iliet. del Almirante.
 
 398 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 nists had suffered greatly from the want of supplies ; that their 
 discontents had been heightened by the severities he had been 
 compelled to inflict ; and that many had been led to rebellion 
 by doubts of the legitimacy of his authority. While therefore 
 he proclaimed the royal act sanctioning his title and powers, 
 he promised amnest}' for all past offences, on condition of im- 
 mediate return to allegiance. Hearing that Roldan was within 
 five leagues of San Domingo with his band, he sent Pedro Fer- 
 nandez Coronal, who had been appointed by the sovereigns 
 alguazil mayor of the island, to exhort him to obedience, prom- 
 ising him oblivion of the past. He trusted that the representa- 
 tions of a discreet and honorable man like Coronal, who had 
 been witness of the favor in which his brother stood in Spain, 
 would convince the rebels of the hopelessness of their course. 
 
 Roldan, however, conscious of his guilt, and doubtful of the 
 clemency of Don Bartholomew, feared to venture within his 
 power ; he determined also to prevent his followers from com- 
 municating with Coronal, lest they should be seduced from him 
 by the promise of pardon. When that emissary, therefore, ap- 
 proached the encampment of the rebels, he was opposed in a 
 narrow pass by a body of archers, with their cross-bows lev- 
 elled. 4 ' Halt there ! traitor ! " cried Roldan ; " had \ - ou arrived 
 eight days later, we should all have been united as cne man." 1 
 
 In vain Coronal endeavored by fair reasoning and earnest 
 entreaty to win this perverse and turbulent man from his 
 career. Roldan answered with hardihood and defiance, pro- 
 fessing to oppose only the tyranny and misrule of the Adelan- 
 tado. but to be ready to submit to the admiral on his arrival. 
 He and several of his principal confederates wrote letters to 
 the same effect to their friends in San Domingo, urging them 
 to plead their cause with the admiral when he should arrive, 
 and to assure him of their disposition to acknowledge his 
 authority. 
 
 When Coronal returned with accounts of Roldan 's contu- 
 macy, the Adelantado proclaimed him and his followers trai- 
 tors. That shrewd rebel, however, did not suffer his men to 
 remain within either the seduction of promise or the terror of 
 menace ; he immediately set out on his march for his promised 
 land of Xaragua, trusting to impair every honest principle and 
 virtuous tie of his misguided followers by a life of indolence 
 and lihertinage. 
 
 In the mean time the mischievous effects of his intriues 
 
 1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 8.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 399 
 
 N 
 
 among the caciques became more and more apparent. No 
 sooner had the Adelantado left Fort Conception than a conspir- 
 acy was formed among the natives to surprise it. Guarionex 
 was at the head of this conspiracy, moved by the instigations 
 of Roldan, who had promised him protection and assistance, 
 and led on by the forlorn hope, in this distracted state of the 
 Spanish forces, of relieving his paternal domains from the in- 
 tolerable domination of usurping strangers. Holding secret 
 communications with his tributary caciques, it was concerted 
 that they should all rise simultaneously and massacre the sol- 
 diery quartered in small parties in their villages ; while he, with 
 a chosen force, should surprise the fortress of Conception. 
 The night of the full moon was fixed upon for the insurrection. 
 
 One of the principal caciques, however, not being a correct 
 observer of the heavenly bodies, took up arms before the ap- 
 pointed night, and was repulsed by the soldiers quartered in 
 his village. The alarm was given, and the Spaniards were all 
 put on the alert. The cacique fled to Guarionex for protection, 
 but the chieftain, enraged at his fatal blunder, put him to death 
 upon the spot. 
 
 No sooner did the Adelantado hear of this fresh conspiracy 
 than he put himself on the march for the Vega with a strong 
 body of men. Guariouex did not await his coming. He saw 
 that every attempt was fruitless to shake off these strangers, 
 who had settled like a curse upon his territories. He had found 
 their very friendship withering and destructive, and he now 
 dreaded their vengeance. Abandoning, therefore, his rightful 
 domain, the once happy Vega, he fled with his family and a 
 small band of faithful followers to the mountains of Ciguay. 
 This is a lofty chain, extending along the north side of the 
 island, between the Vega and the sea. The inhabitants were 
 the most robust and hardy tribe of the island, and far more 
 formidable than the mild inhabitants of the plains. It was a 
 part of this tribe which displayed hostility to the Spaniards in 
 the course of the first voyage of Columbus, and in a skirmish 
 with them in the Gulf of Samana the first drop of native blood 
 had been shed in the New World. The reader may remember 
 the frank and confiding conduct of these people the day after 
 the skirmish, and the intrepid faith with which their cacique 
 trusted himself on board of the caravel of the admiral, and in 
 the power of the Spaniards. It was to this same cacique, 
 named Mayobanex, that the fugitive chieftain of the Vega now 
 applied for refuge. He came to his residence at an Indian 
 town near Cape Cabrou, about forty leagues east of Isabella,
 
 400 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 and implored shelter for his wife and children, and his handful 
 of loyal followers. The noble-minded cacique of the mountains 
 received him with open arms. He not only gave an asylum 
 to his family, but engaged to stand by him in his distress, to 
 defend his cause, and share his desperate fortunes. 1 Men in 
 civilized life learn magnanimity from precept, but their most 
 generous actions are often rivalled by the deeds of untutored 
 savages, who act only from natural impulse. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 CAMPAIGN OF THE ADELANTADO IN THE MOUNTAINS OF CIGUAT. 
 
 [1498.] 
 
 AIDED by his mountain ally, and by bands of hardy Cigu- 
 ayans, Guarionex made several descents into the plain, cutting 
 off straggling parties of the Spaniards, laying waste the villages 
 of the natives which continued in allegiance to them, and 
 destroying the fruits of the earth. The Adelantado put a 
 speedy stop to these molestations ; but he determined to root 
 out so formidable an adversary from the neighborhood. Shrink- 
 ing from no danger nor fatigue, and leaving nothing to be done 
 by others which he could do himself, he set forth in the spring 
 with a band of ninety men, a few cavalry, and a body of In- 
 dians, to penetrate the Ciguay mountains. 
 
 After passing a steep defile, rendered almost impracticable 
 for troops by rugged rocks and exuberant vegetation, he de- 
 scended into a beautiful valley or plain, extending along the 
 coast, and embraced by arms of the mountains which ap- 
 proached the sea. His advance into the country was watched 
 by the keen eyes of Indian scouts, who lurked among rocks 
 and thickets. As th,e Spaniards were seeking the ford of a 
 river at the entrance of the plain, two of these spies darted 
 from among the bushes on its bank. One flung himself head- 
 long into the water, and swimming across the mouth of the 
 river escaped ; the other being taken, gave information that six 
 thousand Indians lay in ambush on the opposite shore, waiting 
 to attack them as they crossed. 
 
 The Adelantado advanced with caution, and finding a shallow 
 
 1 Las Casas, Hist. lud , cap. 121, MS. Peter Martyr, decad. i. cap. 5.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 401 
 
 place, entered the river with his troops. They were scarcely 
 midway in the stream when the savages, hideously painted, 
 and looking more like fiends than men, burst from their con- 
 cealment. The forests rang with their yells and bowlings. 
 They discharged a shower of arrows and lances, by which, not- 
 withstanding the protection of their targets, many of the Span- 
 iards were wounded. The Adelantado, however, forced his way 
 across the river, and the Indians took to flight. Some were 
 killed, but their swiftness of foot, their knowledge of the forest, 
 and their dexterity in winding through the most tangled thick- 
 ets, enabled the greater number to elude the pursuit of the 
 Spaniards, who were encumbered with armor, targets, cross- 
 bows, and lances. 
 
 By the advice of one of his Indian guides, the Adelantado 
 pressed forward along the valley to reach the residence of 
 Mayobanex, at Cabron. In the way he had several skirmishes 
 with the natives, who would suddenly rush forth with furious 
 war-cries from ambuscades among the bushes, discharge their 
 weapons, and take refuge again in the fastness of their rocks 
 and forests, inaccessible to the Spaniards. 
 
 Having taken several prisoners, the Adelantado sent one 
 accompanied by an Indian of a friendly tribe, as a messenger 
 to Mayobanex, demanding the surrender of Guarionex ; prom- 
 ising friendship and protection in case of compliance, but 
 threatening, in case of refusal, to lay waste his territory with 
 fire and sword. The cacique listened attentively to the mes- 
 senger : ' Tell the Spaniards," said he in reply, " that they 
 are bad men, cruel and tyrannical ; usurpers of the territories 
 of others, and shedders of innocent blood. I desire not the 
 friendship of such men ; Guarionex is a good man, be is my 
 friend, he is my guest, be has fled to me for refuge, I have 
 promised to protect him, and I will keep my word." 
 
 This magnanimous reply, or rather defiance, convinced the 
 Adelantado that nothing was to be gained by friendly over- 
 tures. When severity was required, he could be a stern sol- 
 dier. He immediately ordered the village in which he had been 
 quartered, and several others in the neighborhood, to be set on 
 fire. He then sent further messengers to Mayobanex warning 
 him that, unless he delivered up the fugitive cacique, his whole 
 dominions should be laid waste in like manner; and he would 
 see nothing in every direction but the smoke and flames of 
 burning villages. Alarmed at this impending destruction, the 
 Ciguayans surrounded their chieftain with clamorous lamenta- 
 tions, cursing the day that Guariouex had taken refuge among
 
 402 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 them, and urging that he should be given up for the salvation 
 of the country. The generous cacique was inflexible. He 
 reminded them of the many virtues of Guarionex and the sacred 
 claims he had on their hospitality, and declared he would abide 
 all evils rather than it should ever be said Mayobauex had 
 betrayed his guest. 
 
 The people retired with sorrowful hearts, and the chieftain, 
 summoning Guariouex into his presence, again pledged his 
 woid to protect him, though it should cost him his dominions, 
 lie sent no reply to the Adelantado, and lest further messages 
 might tempt the fidelity of his subjects, he placed men in am- 
 bush, with orders to slay any messenger who might approach. 
 They had not lain in wait long before they beheld two men 
 advancing through the forest, one of whom was a captive 
 Ciguayan, and the other an Indian ally of the Spaniards. 
 They were both instantly slain. The Adelantado was following 
 at no great distance, with only ten foot soldiers and four horse- 
 men. When he found his messengers lying dead in the forest 
 path, transfixed with arrows, he was greatly exasperated, and 
 resolved to deal rigorously with this obstinate tribe. He 
 advanced, therefore, with all his force to Cabron, where Mayo- 
 banex and his army were quartered. At his approach the 
 inferior caciques and their adherents fled, overcome by terror of 
 the Spaniards. Finding himself thus deserted, Mayobanex 
 took refuge with his family in a secret part of the mountains. 
 Several of the Ciguayans sought for Guarionex, to kill him or 
 deliver him up as a propitiatory offering, but he fled to the 
 heights, where he wandered about alone, in the most savage 
 and desolate places. 
 
 The density of the forests and the ruggedness of the moun- 
 tains rendered this expedition excessively painful and laborious, 
 and protracted it far beyond the time that the Adelantado had 
 contemplated. His men suffered, not merely from fatigue, 
 but hunger. The natives had all fled to the mountains ; their 
 villages remained empty and desolate ; all the provisions of the 
 Spaniards consisted of cassava bread, and such roots and herbs 
 as their Indian allies could gather tor them, with now and then 
 a few utias, taken with the assistance of their dogs. They slept 
 almost always on the ground, in the open air, under the trees, 
 exposed to the heavy dew which falls in this climate. For three 
 months they were thus ranging the mountains ; until almost 
 worn out with toil and hard fare. Many of them had farms in 
 the neighborhood of Fort Conception, which required their 
 attention; they, therefore, entreated permission, since the
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 403 
 
 Indians were terrified and dispersed, to return to their abodes 
 in the Vega. 
 
 The Adelantado granted many of them passports, and an 
 allowance out of the scanty stock of bread which remained. 
 Retaining only thirty men, he resolved with these to search 
 every den and cavern of the mountains until he should find the 
 two caciques. It was difficult, however, to trace them in such 
 a wilderness. There was no one to give a clew to their retreat, 
 for the whole country was abandoned. There were the habita- 
 tions of men, but not a human being to be seen ; or if, by 
 chance, they caught some wretched Indian stealing forth from 
 the mountains in quest of food, he always professed utter ignor- 
 ance of the hiding-place of the caciques. 
 
 It happened, one day, however, that several Spaniards, while 
 hunting utias, captured two of the followers of Mayobanex who 
 were on their way to a distant village in search of bread. They 
 were taken to the Adelantado, who compelled them to betray 
 the place of concealment of their chieftain, and to act as guides. 
 Twelve Spaniards volunteered to go in quest of him. Stripping 
 themselves naked< staining and painting their bodies so as to 
 look like Indians, and covering their swords with palm-leaves, 
 they were conducted by the guides to the retreat of the unfortu- 
 nate Mayobanex. They came secretly upon him, and found 
 him surrounded by his wife and children and a few of his house- 
 hold, totally unsuspicious of danger. Drawing their swords, 
 the Spaniards rushed upon them and made them all prisoners. 
 When they were brought to the Adelautado, he gave up all 
 further search after Guarionex, and returned to Fort Conception. 
 
 Among the prisoners thus taken was the sister of Mayobanex. 
 She was the wife of another cacique of the mountains, whose 
 territories had never yet been visited by the Spaniards ; and 
 she was reputed to be one of the most beautiful women of the 
 island. Tenderly attached to her brother, she had abandoned 
 the security of her own dominions, and had followed him among 
 rocks and precipices, participating in all his hardships, and 
 comforting him with a woman's sympathy and kindness. When 
 her husband heard of her captivity, he hastened to the Adelan- 
 tado and offered to submit himself and all his possessions to 
 his sway, if his wife might be restored to him. The Adelantado 
 accepted his offer of allegiance, and released his wife and 
 several of his subjects who had been captured. The cacique, 
 faithful to his word, became a firm and valuable ally of the 
 Spaniards, cultivating large tracts of land, and supplying them 
 with great quantities of bread and other provisions.
 
 404 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Kindness appeal's never to have been lost upon the people of 
 this island. When this act of clemency reached the Ciguayans, 
 they canie in multitudes to the fortress, bringing presents of 
 various kinds, promising allegiance, and imploring the release 
 of Mayobauex and his family. The Adelautado granted their 
 prayers in part, releasing the wife and household of the cacique, 
 but still detaining him prisoner to insure the fidelity of his 
 subjects. 
 
 In the mean time, the unfortunate Guarionex, who had been 
 hiding in the wildest parts of the mountains, was driven by 
 hunger to venture down occasionally into the plain in quest of 
 food. The Ciguayaus looking upon him as the cause of their 
 misfortunes, and perhaps hoping by his sacrifice to procure the 
 release of their chieftain, betrayed his haunts to the Adelan- 
 tado. A party was despatched to secure him. They lay in 
 wait in the path by which he usually returned to the mountains. 
 As the unhappy cacique, after one of his famished excursions, 
 was returning to his den among the cliffs, he was surprised by 
 the lurking Spaniards, and brought in chains to Fort Concep- 
 tion. After his repeated insurrections, and. the extraordinary 
 zeal and perseverance displayed in his pursuit, Guarionex 
 expected nothing less than death from the vengeance of the 
 Adelantado. Don Bartholomew, however, though stern in his 
 policy, was neither vindictive nor cruel in his nature. He con- 
 sidered the tranquillity of the Vega sufficiently secured by the 
 captivity of the cacique ; and ordered him to be detained as a 
 prisoner and hostage in the fortress. The Indian hostilities in 
 this important part of the island being thus brought to a con- 
 clusion, and precautions taken to prevent their recurrence, Don 
 Bartholomew returned to the city of San Domingo, where, 
 shortly after his arrival, he had the happiness of receiving his 
 brother, the admiral, after nearly two years and six mouths' 
 absence. 1 
 
 Such was the active, intrepid, and sagacious, but turbulent 
 and disastrous administration of the Adelantado, in which we 
 find evidences of the great capacity, the mental and bodily 
 vigor of this self-formed and almost self-taught man. He 
 united, in a singular degree, the sailor, the soldier, and the 
 legislator. Like his brother, the admiral, his mind and man- 
 ners rose immediately to the level of his situation, showing no 
 arrogance nor ostentation, and exercising the sway of sudden 
 
 1 The particulars of this chapter are chit-fly from 1 J . Martyr, decad. i. lib. vi.: the 
 manuscript history of Lad C'asaa, lib. i. cap. 121; and Ilerrera, Ili.-t. lud., decad. i. 
 lib. ili. cap. 8, 9.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 405 
 
 and extraordinary power, with the sobriety and moderation of 
 one who had been born to rule. He has been accused of 
 severity in his government, but no instance appears of a cruel 
 or wanton abuse of authority. If he was stern toward the 
 factious Spaniards, he was just ; the disasters of his adminis- 
 tration were not produced by his own rigor, but by the perverse 
 passions of others, which called for its exercise ; and the ad- 
 miral, who had more suavity of manner and benevolence of 
 heart, was not more fortunate in conciliating the good-will and 
 insuring the obedience of the colonists. The merits of Don 
 Bartholomew do not appear to have been sufficiently appreci- 
 ated by the world. His portrait has been suffered to remain 
 too much in the shade ; it is worthy of being brought into the 
 light, as a companion to that of his illustrious brother. Less 
 amiable and engaging, perhaps, in its lineaments, and less 
 characterized by magnanimity, its traits are nevertheless bold, 
 geuerous, and heroic, aud stamped with iron firmness.
 
 BOOK XII. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 CONFUSION IN THE ISLAND PROCEEDINGS OF THE REBELS AT 
 XARAGUA. 
 
 [August 30, 1498.] 
 
 COLUMBUS arrived at San Domingo, wearied by a long and 
 arduous vo3 - age, and worn down by infirmities ; both mind 
 and body craved repose, but from the time he first entered into 
 public life he had been doomed never again to taste the sweets 
 of tranquillity. The island of Hispaniola, the favorite child, 
 as it were, of his hopes, was destined to involve him in per- 
 petual troubles, to fetter his fortunes, impede his enterprises, 
 and imbitter the conclusion of his life. What a scene of 
 poverty and suffering had this opulent and lovely island been 
 rendered by the bad passions of a few despicable men ! The 
 wars with the natives and the seditions among the colonists 
 had put a stop to the labors of the mines, and all hopes of 
 wealth were at an end. The horrors of famine had succeeded 
 to those of war. The cultivation of the earth had been gen- 
 erally neglected ; several of the provinces had been desolated 
 during the late troubles ; a great part of the Indians had fled 
 to the mountains, and those who remained had lost all heart to 
 labor, seeing the produce of their toils liable to be wrested 
 from them by ruthless strangers. It is true, the Vega was 
 once more tranquil, but it was a desolate tranquillity. That 
 beautiful region, which the Spaniards but four years before 
 had found so populous and happy, seeming to enclose in its 
 luxuriant bosom all the sweets of nature, and to exclude all 
 the cares and sorrows of the world, was now a scene of wretch- 
 edness and repining. Many of those Indian towns, where the 
 Spaniards had been detained by genial hospitality, and almost 
 worshipped as beneficent deities, were now silent and deserted. 
 406
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 407 
 
 Some of their late inhabitants were lurking among rocks and 
 caverns ; some were reduced to slavery ; many had perished 
 with hunger, and many had fallen by the sword. It seems 
 almost incredible, that so small a number of men, restrained 
 too by well-meaning governors, could in so short a space of 
 time have produced such wide-spreading miseries. But the 
 principles of evil have a fatal activity. With every exertion, 
 the best of men can do but a moderate amount of good ; but it 
 seems in the power of the most contemptible individual to do 
 incalculable mischief. 
 
 The evil passions of the white men which had inflicted such 
 calamities upon this innocent people, had insured likewise a 
 merited return of suffering to themselves. In no part was this 
 more truly exemplified than among the inhabitants of Isabella, 
 the most idle, factious, and dissolute of the island. The public 
 works were unfinished ; the gardens and fields they had begun 
 to cultivate lay neglected ; they had driven the natives from 
 their vicinity by extortion and cruelty, and had rendered the 
 country around them a solitary wilderness. Too idle to labor, 
 and destitute of any resources with which to occupy their 
 indolence, they quarrelled among themselves, mutinied against 
 their rulers, and wasted their time in alternate riot and des- 
 pondency. Many of the soldiery quartered about the island 
 had suffered from ill health during the late troubles, being 
 shut up in Indian villages where they could take no exercise, 
 and obliged to subsist on food to which the}' could not accustom 
 themselves. Those actively employed had been worn down by 
 hard service, long marches, and scanty food. Many of them 
 were broken in constitution, and many had perished by disease. 
 There was a universal desire to leave the island, and escape from 
 miseries created by themselves. Yet this was the favored and 
 fruitful land to which the eyes of philosophers and poets in 
 Europe were fondly turned, as realizing the pictures of the 
 golden age. So true it is that the fairest Elysium fancy ever 
 devised would be turned into a purgatory by the passions of 
 bad men ! 
 
 One of the first measures of Columbus on his arrival was to 
 Issue a proclamation approving of all the measures of the 
 Adelantado, and denouncing Roldan and his associates. That 
 turbulent man had taken possession of Xaragua, and been 
 kindly received by the natives. He had permitted his fol- 
 lowers to lead an idle and licentious life among its beautiful 
 scenes, making the surrounding country and its inhabitants 
 subservient to their pleasures and their passiotis. An event
 
 408 LIFE OF CHRISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 happened previous to their knowledge of the arrival of Colum- 
 bus, which threw supplies into their hands and strengthened 
 thc'ir power. As they were one day loitering on the sea-shore, 
 they beheld three caravels at a distance, the sight of which, in 
 this unfrequented part of the ocean, filled them with wonder 
 and alarm. The ships approached the laud and came to anchor. 
 The rebels apprehended at first they were vessels despatched in 
 pursuit of them. Roldan, however, who was sagacious as he 
 was bold, surmised them to be ships which had wandered 
 from their course, and been borne to the westward by the 
 currents, and that they must be ignorant of the recent occur- 
 rences of the island. Enjoining secrecy on his men he went on 
 board, pretending to be stationed in that neighborhood for the 
 purpose of keeping the natives in obedience, and collecting 
 tribute. His conjectures as to the vessels were correct. They 
 were, in fact, the three caravels detached by Columbus from 
 his squadron at the Canary Islands, to bring supplies to the 
 colonies. The captains, ignorant of the strength of the cur- 
 rents, which set through the Caribbean Sea, had been carried 
 west far beyond their reckoning until they had wandered to the 
 coast of Xaragua. 
 
 Roldan kept his secret closely for three days. Being consid- 
 ered a man in important trust and authority, the captains did 
 not hesitate to grant all his requests for supplies. He procured 
 swords, lances, cross-bows, and various military stores ; while 
 his men dispersed through the three vessels, were busy among 
 the crews, secretly making partisans, representing the hard 
 life of the colonists at San Domingo, and the ease and revelry 
 in which they passed their time at Xaragua. Many of the 
 crews had been shipped in compliance with the admiral's ill- 
 judged proposition, to commute criminal punishments into 
 transportation to the colony. They were vagabonds, the refuse 
 of Spanish towns, and culprits from Spanish dungeons ; the 
 very men, therefore, to be wrought upon by such representa- 
 tions, and they promised to desert on the first opportunity and 
 join the rebels. 
 
 It was not until the third day that Alonzo Sanchez de Carva- 
 jal, the most intelligent of the three captains, discovered the 
 real character of the guests he had admitted so freely on board 
 of his vessels. It was then too late ; the mischief was effected. 
 He and his fellow-captains had man}- earnest conversations 
 with Roldan. endeavoring to persuade him from his dangerous 
 opposition to the regular authority. The certainty that Colum- 
 bus was actually on his way to the island, with additional forces
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 409 
 
 and augmented authority, had operated strongl}- on his mind; 
 He had, as has already been intimated, prepared his friends at 
 San Domingo to plead his cause with the admiral, assuring him 
 that he only acted in opposition to the injustice and oppression 
 of the Adelantado, but was ready to submit to Columbus on his 
 arrival. Carvajal perceived that the resolution of Roldan and 
 uf several of his principal confederates was shaken, and flattered 
 uimself that, if he were to remain some little time among the 
 rebels, he might succeed in drawing them back to their duty. 
 Contrary winds rendered it impossible for the ships to work 
 up against the currents to San Domingo. It was arranged 
 among the captains, therefore, that a large number of the 
 people on board, artificers and others most important to the 
 service of the colony, should proceed to the settlement by land. 
 They were to be conducted by Juan Antonio Colombo, captain 
 of one of the caravels, a relative of the admiral, and zealously 
 devoted to his interests. Arana was to proceed with the ships, 
 when the wind would permit, and Carvajal volunteered to 
 remain on shore to endeavor to bring the rebels to their alle- 
 giance. 
 
 On the following morning Juan Antonio Colombo landed with 
 forty men well armed with cross-bows, swords, and lances, but 
 was astonished to find himself suddenly deserted by all his party 
 excepting eight. The deserters went off to the rebels, who re- 
 ceived with exultation this important re-enforcement of kindred 
 spirits. Juan Antonio endeavored in vain by remonstrances and 
 threats to bring them back to their duty. They were most of 
 them convicted culprits, accustomed to detest order, and to set 
 law at defiance. It was equally in vain that he appealed to Kol- 
 dan, and reminded him of his professions of loyalty to the govern- 
 ment. The latter replied that he had no means of enforcing 
 obedience : his was a mere " Monastery of Observation," where 
 every one was at liberty to adopt the habit of the order. Such 
 was the first of a long train of evils, which sprang from this 
 most ill-judged expedient of peopling a colony with criminals, 
 and thus mingling vice and villauy with the fouutaiu-head of its 
 population. 
 
 Juan Antonio, grieved and disconcerted, returned on l>oard 
 with the few who remained faithful. Fearing further deser- 
 tions, the two captains immediately put to sea, leaving Carva- 
 jal on shore to prosecute his attempt at reforming the rebels. 
 It was not without great difficulty and delay that the vessels 
 reached San Domingo ; the ship of Carvajal having struck on 
 a sand-bank, and sustained great injury. By the time of their
 
 410 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 arrival, the greater part of the provisions with which they had 
 been freighted was either exhausted or damaged. Alonzo San- 
 chez de Carvajal arrived shortly afterward by land, having 
 been escorted to within six leagues of the place by several of 
 the insurgents, to protect him from the Indians. He failed in 
 his attempt to persuade the band to immediate submission ; 
 but Roldan had promised that the moment he heard of the 
 arrival of Columbus he would repair to the neighborhood of San 
 Domingo, to be at hand to state his grievances, and the reasons 
 of his past conduct, and to enter into a negotiation for the 
 adjustment of all differences. Carvajal brought a letter from 
 him to the admiral to the same purport, and expressed a confi- 
 dent opinion, from all that he observed of the rebels, that they 
 might easily be brought back to their allegiance by an assurance 
 of amnesty. 1 
 
 CHAPTER IT. 
 
 NEGOTIATION OF THE ADMIRAL WITH THE REBELS DEPARTURE 
 OF SHIPS FOR SPAIN. 
 
 [1498 ] 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING the favorable representations of Carvajal, 
 Columbus was greatly troubled by the late event at Xaragua. 
 He saw that the insolence of the rebels and their confidence in 
 their strength must be greatly increased by the accession of 
 such a large number of well-armed and desperate confederates. 
 The proposition of Roldan to approach to the neighborhood of 
 San Domingo startled him. He doubted the sincerity of his 
 professions, and apprehended great evils and dangers from so 
 artful, daring, and turbulent a leader, with a rash and devoted 
 crew at his command. The example of this lawless horde, 
 roving at larga about the island, and living in loose revel and 
 open profligacy, could not but have a dangerous effect upon 
 the colonists newly arrived ; and when they were close at hand, 
 to carry on secret intrigues, and to hold out a camp of refuge 
 to all malcontents, the loyalty of the whole colony might be 
 sapped and undermined. 
 
 Some measures were immediately necessary to fortify the 
 fidelity of the people against such seductions. He was aware 
 
 1 Las Casas, lib. i. cap. 149, 150. Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 12. Hist, del Almi 
 rmnte, cap. 77.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 411 
 
 of a vehement desire among man}- to return to Spain ; and of 
 an assertion industriously propagated by the seditious, that he 
 aud his brothel's wished to detain the colonists on the island 
 through motives of self-interest. On the 12th of September, 
 therefore, he issued a proclamation, offering free passage and 
 provisions for the voyage to all who wished to return to Spain, 
 in five vessels nearly ready to put to sea. He hoped by this 
 means to relieve the colony from the idle and disaffected ; to 
 weaken the party of Roldau, and to retain none about him but 
 such as were sound-hearted aud well-disi>osed. 
 
 He wrote at the same time to Miguel Ballester, the stanch 
 and well-tried veteran who commanded the fortress of Concep- 
 tion, advising him to be upon his guard, as the rebels were 
 coming into his neighborhood. He empowered him also to have 
 an interview with Roldau ; to offer him pardon and oblivion of 
 the past, on condition of his immediate return to duty ; and to 
 invite him to repair to San Domingo to have an interview with 
 the admiral under a solemn, and, if required, a written as- 
 surance from the latter, of personal safety. Columbus was 
 sincere in his intentions. He was of a benevolent and placable 
 disposition, and singularly free from all vindictive feeling toward 
 the many worthless aud wicked men who heaped sorrow on his 
 head. 
 
 Ballester had scarcely received this letter when the rebels 
 began to arrive at the village of Bonao. This was situated in a 
 beautiful valley, or Vega, bearing the same name, about ten 
 leagues from Fort Conception, and about twenty from San 
 Domingo, in a well-peopled and abundant country. Here Pedro 
 Requelme, one of the ringleaders of the sedition, had large pos- 
 sessions, and his residence became the headquarters of the 
 rebels. Adrian de Moxica,a man of turbulent and mischievous 
 character, brought his detachment of dissolute ruffians to this 
 place of rendezvous. Roldan and others of the conspirators 
 drew together there by different routes. 
 
 No sooner did the veteran Miguel Ballester hear of the arri- 
 val of Roldan than he set forth to meet him. Ballester was a 
 venerable man, gray-headed, and of a soldier-like demeanor. 
 Loyal, frank, and virtuous, of a serious disposition, and great 
 simplicity of heart, he was well chosen as a mediator with rash 
 and profligate men ; being calculated to calm their passions by 
 his sobriety ; to disarm their petulance by his age ; to win their 
 confidence \>y his artless probity ; and to awe their licentiousness 
 by his spotless virtue. 1 
 
 i Lan Caaas, Hut. lud., lib. i. cap. 153.
 
 412 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Ballester found Roldan in company with Pedro Requelme, 
 Pedro de Gamez, and Adrian de Moxica, three of his principal 
 confederates. Flushed with a confidence of his present strength, 
 Roldan treated the proffered pardon with contempt, declaring 
 that he did not come there to treat of peace, but to demand the 
 release of certain Indians captured unjustifiably, and about to 
 be shipped to Spain as slaves, notwithstanding that he, in his 
 capacity of alcalde mayor, had pledged his word for their pro- 
 tection. He declared that, until these Indians were given up, 
 he would listen to no terms of compact ; throwing out an inso- 
 lent intimation at the same time, that he held the admiral and 
 his fortunes in his hand, to make and mar them as he pleased. 
 
 The Indians here alluded to were certain subjects of Guario- 
 nex, who had been incited by Roldan to resist the exaction of 
 tribute, and who, under the sanction of his supposed authority, 
 had engaged in the insurrections of the Vega. Roldan knew 
 that the enslavement of the Indians was an unpopular feature 
 in the government of the island, especially with the queen ; and 
 the artful character of this man is evinced in his giving his op- 
 position to Columbus the appearance of a vindication of the 
 rights of the suffering islanders. Other demands were made of 
 a highly insolent nature, and the rebels declared that, in all fur- 
 ther negotiations, they would treat with no other intermediate 
 agent than Carvajal, having had proofs of his fairness and im- 
 partiality in the course of their late communications with him 
 at Xaragua. 
 
 This arrogant reply to his proffer of pardon was totally dif- 
 ferent from what the admiral had been led to expect, and 
 placed him in an embarrassing situation. He seemed sur- 
 rounded by treachery and falsehood. He knew that Roldan had 
 friends and secret partisans even among those who professed 
 'to remain faithful ; and he knew not how far the ramifications 
 of the conspiracy might extend. A circumstance soon oc- 
 curred to show the justice of his apprehensions. He ordered 
 the men of San Domingo to appear under arms, that he might 
 ascertain the force with which he could take the field in case of 
 necessity. A report was immediately circulated that they were 
 to be led to Bonao against the rebels. Not above seventy men 
 appeared under arms, and of these not forty were to be relied 
 upon. One affected to be lame, another ill ; some had relations, 
 and others had friends among the followers of lioldau ; almost 
 all were disaffected to the service. 1 
 
 1 Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 78.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 413 
 
 Columbus saw that a resort to arms would betray his own 
 weakness and the power of the rebels, and completely prostrate 
 the dignity and authority of government. It was necessary to 
 temporize, therefore, however humiliating such conduct might 
 be deemed. He detained the live ships for eighteen days in port, 
 hoping in some way to have put an end to this rebellion, so as 
 to send home favorable accounts of the island to the sovereigns. 
 The provisions of the ships, however, were wasting. The In- 
 dian prisoners on board were suffering and perishing ; several 
 of them threw themselves overboard, or were suffocated with 
 heat in the holds of the vessels. He was anxious also that as 
 many of the discontented colonists as possible should make sail 
 for Spain before any commotion should take place. 
 
 On the 18th of October, therefore, the ships put to sea. 1 
 Columbus wryte to the sovereigns an account of the rebellion, 
 and of his proffered pardon being refused. As Roldan pre- 
 tended that it was a mere quarrel between him and the Adelan- 
 tado, of which the admiral was not an impartial judge, the latter 
 entreated that Roldan might be summoned to Spain, where the 
 sovereigns might be his judges ; or that an investigation might 
 take place in presence of Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal, who \\ as 
 friendly to Roldan, and of Miguel Ballester, as witness on the 
 part of the Adelantado. He attributed, in a great measure, the 
 troubles of this island to his own long detention in Spain, and 
 the delays thrown in his way by those appointed to assist him, 
 who had retarded the departure of the ships with supplies, until 
 the colony had been reduced to the greatest scarcity. Hence 
 had arisen discontent, murmuring, and finally rebellion. He 
 entreated the sovereigns, in the most pressing manner, that the 
 affairs of the colony might not be neglected, and those at 
 Seville, who had charge of its concerns, might be instructed at 
 least not to devise impediments instead of assistance. He al- 
 luded to his chastisement of the contemptible Ximeno Breviesca, 
 the insolent minion of Fonseca, and entreated that neither that 
 nor an\' other circumstance might be allowed to prejudice him 
 in the royal favor, through the misrepresentations of designing 
 men. He assured them that the natural resources of the island 
 required nothing but good management to supply all the wants 
 of the colonists ; but that the latter were indolent and profli- 
 gate. He proposed to send home by every ship, as in the pres- 
 ent instance, a number of the discontented and worthless, to be 
 replaced by sober and industrious men. He begged also that 
 
 1 In one of thece ship* sailed the father of the venerable historian, Las Casas, from 
 whom he derived uiauy of llie facts of his history. Lao Cu.-us, lib. i. cap. 153.
 
 414 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 ecclesiastics might be sent out for the instruction and conver- 
 sion of the Indians ; and, what was equally necessary, for the 
 reformation of the dissolute Spaniards. He required also a man 
 learned in the law to officiate as judge over the island, together 
 with several officers of the royal revenue. Nothing could sur- 
 pass the soundness and policy of these suggestions ; but unfor- 
 tunately one clause marred the moral beauty of this excellent 
 letter. Me requested that for two years longer the Spaniards 
 might be permitted to employ the Indians as slaves ; only mak- 
 ing use of such, however, as were captured in wars and insur- 
 rections. Columbus had the usage of the age in excuse for his 
 suggestion ; but it is at variance with his usual benignity of 
 feeling, and his paternal conduct toward these unfortunate 
 people. 
 
 At the same time he wrote another letter, giving an account 
 of his recent voyage, accompanied by a chart, and by speci- 
 mens of the gold, and particularly of the pearls found in the 
 Gulf of Paria. He called especial attention to the latter as 
 being the first specimens of pearls found in the New World. It 
 was in this letter that he described the newly discovered conti- 
 nent in such enthusiastic terms as the most favored part of the 
 East, the source of inexhaustible treasures, the supposed seat 
 of the terrestrial paradise ; and he promised to prosecute the 
 discovery of its glorious realms with the three remaining ships 
 as soon as the affairs of the island should permit. 
 
 By this opportunity Rolclan and his friends likewise sent let- 
 ters to Spain, endeavoring to justify their rebellion by charging 
 Columbus and his brothers with oppression and injustice, and 
 painting their whole conduct in the blackest colors. It would 
 naturally be supposed that the representations of such men 
 would have little weight in the balance against the tried merits 
 and exalted services of Columbus ; but they had numerous 
 friends and relatives in Spain ; they had the popular prejudice 
 on their side, and there were designing persons in the confidence 
 of the sovereigns ready to advocate their cause. Columbus, to 
 use his own simple but effecting words, was " absent, envied, 
 and a stranger." 1 
 
 1 Las Casae, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 157.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 415 
 
 CHAPTER IIT. 
 
 NEGOTIATIONS AND ARRANGEMENTS WITH THE REBELS. 
 [ 1498.] 
 
 THE ships being despatched, Columbus resumed his negotia- 
 tion with the rebels, determined at any sacrifice to put an end 
 to a sedition which distracted the island and interrupted all his 
 plans of discovery. His three remaining ships lay idle in the 
 harbor, though a region of apparently boundless wealth was to 
 be explored. He had intended to send his brother on the dis- 
 covery, but the active and military spirit of the Adelantado 
 rendered his presence indispensable, in case the rebels should 
 come to violence. Such were the difficulties encountered at 
 every step of his generous and magnanimous enterprises ; im- 
 peded at one time by the insidious intrigues of crafty men in 
 place, and checked at another by the insolent turbulence of a 
 handful of ruffians. 
 
 In his consultations with the most important persons about 
 him, Columbus found that much of the popular discontent was 
 attributed to the strict rule of his brother, who was accused of 
 dealing out justice with a rigorous hand. Las Casas, however, 
 who saw the whole of the testimony collected from various 
 sources with respect to the conduct of the Adelantado, acquits 
 him of all charges of the kind, and affirms that, with respect 
 to Roldan in particular, he had exerted great forbearance. Be 
 this as it may, Columbus now, by the advice of his counsellors, 
 resolved to try the alternative of extreme lenity He wrote a 
 letter to Roldan, dated the 20th of October, couched in the 
 most conciliating terms, calling to mind past kindnesses, and 
 expressing deep concern for the feud existing between him and 
 the Adelantado. He entreated him, for the common good, 
 and for the sake of his own reputation, which stood well with 
 the sovereigns, not to persist in his present insubordination, and 
 repeated the assurance that he and his companions might come 
 to him, under the faith of his word for the inviolability of their 
 persons. 
 
 There was a difficulty as to who should be the bearer of this 
 letter. The rebels had declared that they would receive no one 
 as mediator but Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal. Strong doubts, 
 however, existed in the minds of those about Columbus as to
 
 416 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 the integrity of that officer. They observed that he had suf- 
 fered Roldan to remain two days on hoard of his caravel at 
 Xaragua ; had furnished him with weapons and stores ; had 
 neglected to detain him on board, when he knew him to be a 
 rebel ; had not exerted himself to retake the deserters ; had 
 been escorted on his way to San Domingo by the rebels, and 
 had sent refreshments to them at Bouao. It was alleged, more- 
 over, that he had given himself out as a colleague of Columbus, 
 appointed by government to have a watch and control over his 
 conduct. It was suggested, that, in advising the rebels to 
 approach San Domingo, he had intended, in case the admiral did 
 not arrive, to unite his pretended authority as colleague, to 
 that of Roldan, as chief judge, and to seize upon the reins of 
 government. Finally, the desire of the rebels to have him sent 
 to them as an agent, was cited as proof that he was to join 
 them as a leader, and that the standard of rebellion was to be 
 hoisted at Bonao. 1 These circumstances, for some time, per- 
 plexed Columbus; but he reflected that Carvajal, as far as he 
 had observed his conduct, had behaved like a man of integrity ; 
 most of the circumstances alleged against him admitted of a 
 construction in his favor ; the rest were mera rumors, and he 
 had unfortunately expei'ienced in his own case, how easily the 
 fairest actions and the fairest characters may be falsified by 
 rumor. He discarded, therefore, all suspicion, and determined 
 to confide implicitly in Carvajal ; nor had he ever any reason to 
 repent of his confidence. 
 
 The admiral had scarcely despatched this letter, when he 
 received one from the leaders of the rebels, written several days 
 previously. In this they not merely vindicated themselves 
 from the charge of rebellion, but claimed great merit, as having 
 dissuaded their followers from a resolution to kill the Adelan- 
 tado, in revenge of his oppressions, prevailing upon them to 
 wait patiently for redress from the admiral. A month hail 
 elapsed since his arrival, during which they had awaited anx- 
 iously for his orders, but he had manifested nothing but irri- 
 tation against them. Considerations of honor and safety, 
 therefore, obliged them to withdraw from his service, and they 
 accordingly demanded their discharge. This letter was dated 
 from Bouao, the 17th of October, and signed by Francisco 
 Roldan, Adrian de Moxica, Pedro de Gamex, and Diego de 
 Escobar. 2 
 
 1 Ili-t. del Almirantc, cap. 78. 
 
 * Hint, del Almiraule, cap. TJ. Uerrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 13.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 417 
 
 In the mean time Carvajal arrived at Bonao, accompanied 
 by Miguel Ballester. They found the rebels full of arrogance 
 and presuncption. The conciliating letter of the admiral how- 
 ever, enforced by the earnest persuasions of Carvajal and the 
 admonitions of the veteran Ballester, had a favorable effect on 
 several of the leaders, who had more intellect than their brutal 
 followers. Roldan, Gamez, Escobar, and two or three others, 
 actually mounted their horses to repair to the admiral, but 
 were detained by the clamorous opposition of their men ; too 
 infatuated with their idle, licentious mode of life, to relish the 
 idea of a return to labor and discipline. These insisted that it 
 \\:is a matter which concerned them all ; whatever arrangement 
 was to be made, therefore, should he made in public, in writing, 
 and subject to their approbation or dissent. A day or two 
 elapsed before this clamor could be appeased. Roldan then 
 wrote to the admiral, that his followers objected to his coming, 
 unless a written assurance, or passport, was sent, protecting 
 the persons of himself and such as should accompany him. 
 Miguel Ballester wrote, at the same time, to the admiral, urging 
 him to agree to whatever terms the rebels might demand. He 
 represented their forces as continually augmenting, the soldiers 
 of his garrison daily deserting to them ; unless, therefore, some 
 compromise were speedily effected, and the rebels shipped off 
 to Spain, he feared that, not merely the authorit m y, but even the 
 person of the admiral would be in danger ; for though the 
 Hidalgos and the officers and servants immediately about him 
 would, doubtless, die in his service, the common people were 
 but little to be depended upon. 1 
 
 Columbus felt the increasing urgency of the case, and sent 
 the required passport. Roldan came to San Domingo ; but, 
 from his conduct, it appeared as if his object was to make par- 
 tisans, and gain deserters, rather than to effect a reconciliation. 
 He had several conversations with the admiral, and several 
 letters passed between them. He made many complaints, and 
 numerous demands ; Columbus made large concessions, but 
 some of the pretensions were too arrogant to be admitted. 2 
 Nothing definite was arranged. Roldan departed under the 
 pretext of conferring with his people, promising to send l}is 
 terms in writing. The admiral sent his mayordotuo, Diego de 
 Salamanca, to treat in his behalf. 8 
 
 On the Gth of November Roldan wrote a letter from Bonao, 
 
 i Lac. Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 153. Ibid., cap. 158. 
 
 3 Hist, del Alrairanu:, cup. ~.i.
 
 418 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 containing his terms, and requesting that a reply might be sent 
 to him to Conception, as scarcity of provisions obliged him to 
 leave Bonao. He added that he should wait for a reply until 
 the following Monday (the llth). There was an insolent 
 menace implied in this note, accompanied as it was by insolent 
 demands. The admiral found it impossible to comply with the 
 latter ; but to manifest his lenient disposition, and to take from 
 the rebels all plea of rigor, he had a proclamation affixed for 
 thirty days at the gate of the fortress, promising full indul- 
 gence and complete oblivion of the past to Roldan and his fol- 
 lowers, on condition of their presenting themselves before him 
 and returning to their allegiance to the crown within a month ; 
 together with free conveyance for all such as wished to return 
 to Spain ; but threatening to execute rigorous justice upon those 
 who should not appear within the limited time. A copy of 
 this paper he sent to Roldan by Carvajal, with a letter, stating 
 the impossibility of compliance with his terms, but offering to 
 agree to any compact drawn up with the approbation of 
 Carvajal and Salamanca. 
 
 When Carvajal arrived, he found the veteran Ballester actu- 
 ally besieged in his fortress of Conception by Roldan, under 
 pretext of claiming, in his official character of alcalde mayor, a 
 culprit who had taken refuge there from justice. He had cut 
 off' the supply of water from the fort, by way of distressing it 
 into a surrender. When Carvajal posted up the proclamation 
 of the admiral on the gate of the fortress, the rebels scoffed 
 at the proffered amnesty, saying that, in a little while, they 
 would oblige the admiral to ask the same at their hands. The 
 earnest intercessions of Carvajal, however, brought the leaders 
 at length to reflection, and through his mediation articles of 
 capitulation were drawn up. By these it was agreed that Rol- 
 dan and his followers should embark for Spain from the port of 
 Xaragua in two ships, to be fitted out and victualled within 
 lifty days. That they should each receive from the admiral a 
 certificate of good conduct, and an order for the amount of 
 their pay, up to the actual date. That slaves should be given 
 to them, as had been given to others, in consideration of ser- 
 vices performed ; and as several of their company had wives, 
 natives of the island, who were pregnant, or had lately been 
 delivered, the}' might take them with them, if willing to go, in 
 place of the slaves. That satisfaction should be made for pro- 
 perty of some of the company which had been sequestrated, and 
 for live stock which had belonged to Francisco Roldan. Ther^ 
 were no other conditions, providing for the security of their per-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 419 
 
 sons ; and it was stipulated that, if no reply were received to 
 those terms within eight days, the whole should be void. 1 
 
 This agreement was signed by Roldan and his companions at 
 Fort Conception on the 16th of November, and by the admiral 
 at San Domingo on the 21st. At the same time, he proclaimed 
 a further act of grace, permitting such as chose to remain in 
 the island either to come to San Domingo, and enter into the 
 royal service, or to hold lands in any part of the island. They 
 preferred, however, to follow the fortunes of Roldan, who 
 departed with his band for Xaragua, to await the arrival of the 
 ships, accompanied by Miguel Ballester, sent by the admiral to 
 superintend the preparations for their embarkation. 
 
 Columbus was deeply grieved to have his projected enter- 
 prise to Terra Firma impeded by such contemptible obstacles, 
 and the ships which should have borne his brother to explore 
 that newly-found continent devoted to the use of this turbulent 
 and worthless rabble. He consoled himself, however, with the 
 reflection, that all the mischief which had so long been lurking 
 in the island, would thus be at once shipped off, and thenceforth 
 every thing restored to order and tranquillity. He ordered 
 every exertion to be made, therefore, to get the ships in readi- 
 ness to be sent round to Xaragua ; but the scarcity of sea-stores, 
 and the difficulty of completing the anangements for such a 
 voyage in the disordered state of the colony, delayed their 
 departure far beyond the stipulated time. Feeling that he had 
 been compelled to a kind of deception toward the sovereigns, 
 in the certificate of good -conduct given to Roldan and his 
 followers, he wrote a letter to them, stating the circumstances 
 under which that certificate had been in a manner wrung from 
 him to save the island from utter confusion and ruin. He rep- 
 resented the real character and conduct of those men ; how they 
 had rebelled against his authority ; prevented the Indians from 
 paying tribute ; pillaged the island ; possessed themselves of 
 large quantities of gold, and carried off the daughters of several 
 of the caciques. He advised, therefore, that they should be 
 seized, and their slaves and treasure taken from them, until 
 their conduct could be properly investigated. This letter he 
 intrusted to a confidential person, who was to go in one of the 
 ships. 2 
 
 The rebels having left the neighborhood, and the affairs of 
 San Domingo being in a state of security, Columbus put his 
 brother Don Diego in temporary command, and departed with 
 
 1 Hist, (lei A lam-ante, cap. 80. * Uerrera, HUt. lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16.
 
 420 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 the Adelantaclo on a tour of several months to visit the various 
 stations, and restore the island to order. 
 
 The two caravels destined for the use of the rebels sailed from 
 San Domingo for Xaragua about the end of February ; but, 
 encountering a violent storm, were obliged to put into one of the 
 harbors of the island, where they were detained until the end 
 of March. One was so disabled as to be compelled to return to 
 .San Domingo. Another vessel was despatched to supply its 
 place, in which the indefatigable Carvajal set sail, to expedite 
 the embarkation of the rebels. He was eleven days in making 
 the voyage, and found the other caravel at Xaragua. 
 
 The followers of Roldan had in the mean time changed their 
 minds, and now refused to embark ; as usual, they threw all 
 the blame on Columbus, affirming that he had purposely 
 delayed the ships far beyond the stipulated time ; that he had 
 sent them in a state not seaworthy, and short of provisions, with 
 many other charges, artfully founded on circumstances over 
 which they knew he could have no control. Carvajal made a 
 formal protest before a notary who had accompanied him, and 
 finding that the ships were suffering great injury from the 
 teredo or worm, and their provisions failing, he sent them back 
 to San Domingo, and set out on his return by land. Roldan 
 accompanied him a little distance on horseback, evidently dis- 
 turbed in mind. He feared to return to Spain, yet was shrewd 
 enough to know the insecurity of his present situation at the 
 head of a band of dissolute men, acting in defiance of authority. 
 What tie had he upon their fidelity stronger than tiie sacred 
 obligations which they had violated? After riding thoughtfully 
 for some distance, he paused, and requested some private con- 
 versation with Carvajal, before they parted. The.y alighted 
 under the shade of a tree. Here Roldan made further profes- 
 sions of the loyalty of his intentions, and finally declared, that 
 if the admiral would once more send him a written security for 
 his person, with the guaranty also of the principal persons 
 about him, he would come to treat with him, and trusted that 
 the whole matter would be arranged on terms satisfactory to 
 both parties. This offer, however, he added, must be kept 
 secret from his followers. 
 
 Carvajal, overjoyed at this prospect of a final arrangement, 
 lost no time in conveying the proposition of Roldan to the 
 admiral. The latter immediately forwarded the required pass- 
 port or security, sealed with the royal seal, accompanied by a 
 letter written in amicable terms, exhorting his quiet obedience 
 to the authority of the sovereigns. Several of the principal
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 421 
 
 persons also, who were with the admiral, wrote, at his request, 
 a letter of security to Roldan, pledging themselves for the safety 
 of himself and his followers during the negotiation, provided 
 they did nothing hostile to the royal authority or its represen- 
 tative. 
 
 While Columbus was thus, with unwearied assiduity and 
 loyal zeal, endeavoring to bring the island back to its obedience, 
 he received a reply from Spain, to the earnest representations 
 made by him, in the preceding autumn, of the distracted state 
 of the colony and the outrages of these lawless men, and his 
 prayers for royal countenance and support. The letter was 
 written by his invidious enenry, the Bishop Fonseca, superin- 
 tendent of Indian affairs. It acknowledged the receipt of his 
 statement of the alleged insurrection of Roldan, but observed 
 that this matter must be suffered to remain in suspense, as the 
 sovereigns would investigate and remedy it presently. 1 
 
 This cold reply had a disheartening effect upon Columbus. 
 He saw that his complaints had little weight with the govern- 
 ment ; he feared that his enemies were prejudicing him with 
 the sovereigns ; and he anticipated redoubled insolence on the 
 part of the rebels, when they should discover how little influ- 
 ence he possessed in Spain. Full of zeal, however, for the suc- 
 cess of his undertaking, and of fidelity to the interests of the 
 sovereigns, he resolved to spare no personal sacrifice of comfort 
 or dignity in appeasing the troubles of the island. Eager to 
 expedite the negotiation with Roldan, therefore, he sailed in 
 the latter part of August with two caravels to the port of Azua, 
 west of San Domingo, and much nearer to Xaragua. He was 
 accompanied by several of the most important personages of 
 the colony. Roldan repaired thither likewise, with the turbu- 
 lent Adrian de Moxica, and a number of his band. The conces- 
 sions already obtained had increased his presumption ; and he 
 had, doubtless, received intelligence of the cold manner in 
 which the complaints of the admiral had been received in Spain. 
 He conducted himself more like a conqueror, exacting trium- 
 phant terms, than a delinquent seeking to procure pardon by 
 atonement. He came on board of the caravel, and with his 
 usual effrontery, propounded the preliminaries upon which he 
 and his companions were disposed to negotiate. 
 
 First, that he should be permitted to send several of his com- 
 pany, to the number of fifteen, to Spain, in the vessels which 
 were at San Domingo. Secondly, that those who remained 
 
 1 Herrara, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16.
 
 422 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 should have lauds granted them, in place of royal pay. Thirdly, 
 that it should be proclaimed that every thing charged against 
 him and his party had been grounded upon false testimony, 
 and the machinations of persons disaffected to the royal service. 
 Fourthly, that he should be reinstated iu his office of alcalde 
 mayor, or chief judge. 1 
 
 These were hard and insolent conditions to commence with, 
 but they were granted. Koldan then went on shore, and com- 
 municated them to his companions. At the end of two days 
 the insurgents sent their capitulations, drawn up in form, and 
 couched in arrogant language, including all the stipulations 
 granted at Fort Conception, with those recently demanded by 
 Koldan, and concluding with one, more insolent than all the 
 rest, namely, that if the admiral should fail in the fulfilment of 
 any of these articles, they should have a right to assemble 
 together, and compel his performance of them by force, or by 
 any other means they might think proper. 2 The conspirators 
 thus sought not merely exculpation of the past, but a pretext 
 for future rebellion. 
 
 The mind grows wearied and impatient with recording, and 
 the heart of the generous reader must burn with indignation 
 at perusing, this protracted and ineffectual struggle of a man of 
 the exalted merits and matchless services of Columbus, in the 
 toils of such miscreants. Surrounded by doubt and danger : a 
 foreigner among a jealous people ; an unpopular commander 
 in a mutinous island ; distrusted and slighted by the govern- 
 ment he was seeking to serve ; and creating suspicion by 
 his very services ; he knew not where to look for faithful 
 advice, efficient aid, or candid judgment. The very ground on 
 which lie stood seemed giving way under him, for he was told 
 of seditious symptoms among his own people. Seeing the 
 impunity with which the rebels rioted in the possession of one 
 of the finest parts of the island, they began to talk among them- 
 selves of following their example, of abandoning the standard 
 of the admiral, and seizing upon the province of Higuey, at the 
 eastern extremity of the bland, which was said to contain 
 valuable mines, of gold. 
 
 Thus critically situated, disregarding every consideration of 
 personal pride and dignity, and determined, at an}- individual 
 sacrifice, to secure the interests of an ungrateful sovereign, 
 Columbus forced himself to sign this most humiliating capitula- 
 tion. He trusted that afterward, when he could gain quiet 
 
 1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. * Ibid. Hist, del Aluiiraute, cap. OS.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 423 
 
 access to the royal ear, he should be able to convince the king 
 and queen that it had been compulsory, and forced from him by 
 the extraordinary difficulties in which he had been placed, anu 
 the imminent perils of the colony. Before signing it, however, 
 he inserted a stipulation, that the commands of the sovereigns, 
 of himself, and of the justices appointed by him, should be 
 punctually obeyed. 1 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 GRANTS MADE TO ROLDAN AND HIS FOLLOWERS DEPARTURE 
 OF SEVERAL OF THE REBELS FOR SPAIN. 
 
 [1J99.] 
 
 WHEN Roldan resumed his office of alcalde mayor, or chief 
 judge, he displayed all the arrogance to be expected from one 
 who had intruded himself into power by profligate means. At 
 the city of San Domingo he was always surrounded by his 
 faction ; communed only with the dissolute and disaffected ; 
 and, having all the turbulent and desperate men of the com- 
 munity at his beck, was enabled to intimidate the quiet and 
 loyal by his frowns. He bore an impudent front against the 
 authority even of Columbus himself, discharging from office 
 one Rodrigo Perez, a lieutenant of the admiral, declaring that 
 none but such as he appointed should bear a staff of office in the 
 island. 1 Columbus had a difficult and painful task in bearing 
 with the insolence of this man, and of the shameless rabble 
 which had returned, under his auspices, to the settlements. 
 He tacitly permitted many abuses ; endeavoring by mildness 
 and indulgence to allay the jealousies and prejudices awakened 
 against him, and by various concessions to lure the factious to 
 the performance of their duty. To such of the colonists gener- 
 ally as preferred to remain in the island, he offered a choice of 
 either royal pay or portions of lands, with a number of Indians, 
 some free, others as slaves, to assist in the cultivation. The 
 latter was generally preferred ; and grants were made out, in 
 which he endeavored as much as possible to combine the 
 benefit of the individual with the interests of the colony. 
 
 Roldan presented a memorial signed by upward of one hun- 
 dred of his late followers, demanding grants of lands and 
 
 i Herrera, Ili.st. lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cp. 16. * Ibid.
 
 424 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 licenses to settle, and choosing Xaragua for their place of 
 abode. The admiral feared to trust such a numerous body of 
 factious partisans in so remote a province ; he contrived, there- 
 fore, to distribute them in various parts of the island, some at 
 Bonao, where their settlement gave origin to the town of that 
 name ; others on the bank of the Rio Verde, or Green River, in 
 the Vega ; others about six leagues thence, at St. Jago. He 
 assigned to them liberal portions of land, and numerous Indian 
 slaves, taken in the wars. He made an arrangement, also, by 
 which the caciques in their vicinity, instead of paying tribute, 
 should furnish parties of their subjects, free Indians, to assist 
 the colonists in the cultivation of their lands ; a kind of feudal 
 service, which was the origin of the repartimientos, or distribu- 
 tions of free Indians among the colonists, afterward generally 
 adopted, and shamefully abused, throughout the Spanish 
 colonies ; a source of intolerable hardships and oppressions to 
 the unhappy natives, and which greatly contributed to exter- 
 minate them from the island of Hispaniola. 1 Columbus 
 considered the island in the light of a conquered country, and 
 arrogated to himself all the rights of a conqueror, in the name 
 of the sovereigns for whom he fought. Of course all his com- 
 panions in the enterprise were entitled to take part in the 
 acquired territory, and to establish themselves there as feudal 
 lords reducing the natives to the condition of villains or 
 vassals. 2 This was an arrangement widely different from his 
 original intention of treating the natives with kindness, as 
 peaceful subjects of the crown. But all his plans had been 
 subverted, and his present measures forced upon him by the 
 exigency of the times and the violence of lawless men. He ap- 
 pointed a captain with an armed baud, as a kind of police, with 
 orders to range the provinces ; oblige the Indians to pay their 
 tributes ; watch over the conduct of the colonists ; and check 
 the least appearance of mutiny or insurrection. 3 
 
 Having sought and obtained such ample provisions for his 
 followers, Roldan was not more modest in making demands for 
 himself. He claimed certain lands in the vicinity of Isabella, 
 as having belonged to him before his rebellion ; also a royal 
 farm, called La Esperanza, situated on the Vega, and devoted 
 to the rearing of poultry. These the admiral granted him 
 with permission to employ, in the cultivation of the farm, the 
 subjects of the cacique whose ears had been cut off by Alonzo 
 de Ojeda in his first military expedition into the Vega. Roldan 
 
 i Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. * Muuoz, Hist. X. Muudo, lib. vi. 50. 
 
 * Hist, del Almiraute, cap. i>4.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 425 
 
 received also grants of land in Xaragua, and a variety of live- 
 stock from the cattle and other animals belonging to the crown. 
 These grants were made to him provisionally, until the pleasure 
 of the sovereigns should be known ; l for Columbus yet trusted 
 that when they should understand the manner in which these 
 concessions had been extorted from him, the ringleaders of the 
 rebels would not merely be stripped of their ill-gotten posses- 
 sions, but receive well-merited punishment. 
 
 Koldan having now enriched himself beyond his hopes, 
 requested permission of Columbus to visit his lands. This was 
 granted with great reluctance. He immediately departed for 
 the Vega, and stopping at Bonao, his late headquarters, made 
 Pedro Requelme one of his most active confederates, alcalde, 
 or judge of the place, with the power of arresting all delin- 
 quents, and sending them prisoners to the fortress of Concep- 
 tion, where he reserved to himself the right of sentencing them. 
 This was an assumption of powers not vested in his oth'ce, and 
 gave great offence to Columbus. Other circumstances created 
 apprehensions of further troubles from the late insurgents. 
 Pedro Requelme, under pretext of erecting farming buildings 
 for his cattle, began to construct a strong edifice on a hill, 
 capable of being converted into a formidable fortress. This, 
 it was whispered, was done in concert with Roldan, by way of 
 securing a stronghold in case of need. Being in the neighbor- 
 hood of the Vega, where so man}- of their late partisans were 
 settled, it would form a dangerous rallying place for any new 
 sedition. The designs of Requelme were suspected and his 
 proceedings opposed by Pedro de Arana, a loyal and honorable 
 man, who was on the spot. Representations were made by both 
 parties to the admiral, who prohibited Requelme from proceeding 
 with the construction of his edifice.* 
 
 Columbus had prepared to return, with his brother, Don 
 Bartholomew, to Spain, where he felt that his presence was of 
 the utmost importance to place the late events of the island in a 
 proper light ; having found that his letters of explanation were 
 liable to be counteracted by the misrepresentations of malevo- 
 lent enemies. The island, however, was still in a feverish state. 
 He was not well assured of the fidelity of the late rebels, though 
 so dearly purchased ; there was a rumor of a threatened descent 
 into the Vega, by the mountain tribes of Ciguay. to attempt the 
 rescue of their cacique Mayobanex, still detained a prisoner in 
 the fortress of Conception. Tidings were brought about the 
 
 1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. > Ibid. Hist, del Almirautc, cap. S3, 84.
 
 426 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 same time from the western parts of the island, that four strange 
 ships had arrived at the coast, under suspicious appearances. 
 These circumstances obliged him to postpone his departure, 
 and held him involved in the affairs of this favorite but fatal 
 island. 
 
 The two caravels were despatched for Spain in' the beginning 
 of October, taking such of the colonists as chose to return, and 
 among them a number of Roldan's partisans. Some of these 
 took with them slaves, others carried away the daughters of 
 caciques, whom they had beguiled from their families and homes. 
 At these iniquities, no less than at many others which equally 
 grieved his spirit, the admiral was obliged to connive. He was 
 conscious, at the same time, that he was sending home a re- 
 enforcement of enemies and false witnesses, to defame his 
 character and traduce his conduct, but he had no alternative. 
 To counteract, as much as possible, their misrepresentations, he 
 sent by the same caravel the loyal and upright veteran Miguel 
 Ballester, together with Garcia de Barrantes, empowered to 
 attend to his affairs at court, and furnished with the depositions 
 taken relative to the conduct of Roldan and his accomplices. 
 
 In his letters to the sovereigns he entreated them to inquire 
 into the truth of the late transactions. He stated his opinion 
 that his capitulations with the rebels were null and void, for 
 various reasons viz., they had been extorted from him by 
 violence, and at sea, where he did not exercise the office of 
 viceroy; there had been two trials relative to the insurrection 
 and the insurgents having been condemned as traitors, it was 
 not in the power of the admiral to absolve them from their 
 criminality ; the capitulations treated of matters touching the 
 royal revenue, over which he had no control, without the 
 intervention of the proper officers ; lastly, Francisco Roldau and 
 his companions, on leaving Spain, had taken an oath to be 
 faithful to the sovereigns, and to the admiral in their name, 
 which oath they had violated. For these and similar reasons, 
 some just, others rather sophistical, he urged the sovereigns 
 not to consider themselves bound to ratify the compulsory 
 terms ceded to these profligate men, but to inquire into their 
 offences, and treat them accordingly. 1 
 
 He repeated the request made in the former letter, that a 
 learned judge might be sent out to administer the laws in the 
 island, since he himself had been charged with rigor, although 
 conscious of having always observed a guarded clemency. He 
 
 i Uerrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 427 
 
 requested also that discreet persons should be sent out to form 
 a council, and others for certain fiscal employments, entreat- 
 ing, however, that their powers should be so limited and 
 defined, as not to interfere with his dignity and privileges. 
 He bore strongly on this point ; as his prerogatives on former 
 occasions had been grievously invaded. It appeared to him, he 
 said, that princes ought to show much confidence in their gov- 
 ernors ; for without the royal favor to give them strength and 
 consequence, every thing went to ruin under their command ; 
 a sound maxim, forced from the admiral by his recent experi- 
 ence, in which much of his own perplexities, and the triumph 
 of the rebels, had been caused by the distrust of the crown, 
 and its inattention to his remonstrances. 
 
 Finding age and infirmity creeping upon him, and his health 
 much impaired by his last voyage, he began to think of his sou 
 Diego, as an active coadjutor ; who, being destined as his suc- 
 cessor, might gain experience under his eye, for the future 
 discharge of his high duties. Diego, though still serving as a 
 page at the court, was grown to man's estate, and capable of 
 entering into the important concerns of life. Columbus en- 
 treated, therefore, that he might be sent out to assist him, as 
 he felt himself infirm in health and broken in constitution, 
 and less capable of exertion than formerly. 1 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF OJEDA WITH A SQUADRON AT THE WESTERN PART 
 OF THE ISLAND ROLDAN SENT TO MEET HIM. 
 
 [1499.] 
 
 AMONG the causes which induced Columbus to postpone his 
 departure for Spain, has been mentioned the arrival of four 
 ships at the western part of the island. These had anchored 
 on the 5th of September in a harbor a little below Jacquemel, 
 apparently with tne design of cutting dyewoods, which abound 
 in that neighborhood, and of carrying off the natives for slaves. 
 Further reports informed him that they were commanded by 
 Alonso de Ojeda, the same hot-heated and bold -hearted cava- 
 lier who had distinguished himself on various occasions in the 
 
 1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16.
 
 428 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 previous voyages of discovery, and particularly in the capture 
 of the cacique Caouabo.' Knowing the daring and adventur- 
 ous spirit of this man, Columbus felt much disturbed at his 
 visiting the island in this clandestine manner, on what appeared 
 to be little better than a freebooting expedition. To call him to 
 account, and oppose his aggressions, required an agent of spirit 
 and address. No one seemed better fitted for the purpose than 
 Koldan. He was as daring as Ojeda, and of a more crafty 
 character. An expedition of the kind would occupy the atten- 
 tion of himself and his partisans, and divert them from any 
 schemes of mischief. The large concessions recently made to 
 them would, he trusted, secure their present fidelity, rendering 
 it more profitable for them to be loyal than rebellious. 
 
 Roldan readily undertook the enterprise. He had nothing 
 further to gain by sedition, and was anxious to secure his ill- 
 gotten possessions and atone for past offences by public services. 
 He was vain as well as active, and took a pride in acquitting 
 himself well in an expedition which called for both courage 
 and shrewdness. Departing from San Domingo with two cara- 
 vels, he arrived on the 29th of September within two leagues of 
 the harbor where the ships of Ojeda were anchored. Here he 
 landed with five and twenty resolute followers, well armed, 
 and accustomed to range the forests. He sent five scouts to 
 reconnoitre. They brought word that Ojeda was several leagues 
 distant from his ships, with only fifteen men, employed in mak- 
 ing cassava bread in an Indian village. Roldan threw himself 
 between them and the ships, thinking to take them by surprise. 
 They were apprised, however, of his approach by the Indians, 
 with whom the very name of Roldan inspired terror, from his 
 late excesses in Xaragua. Ojeda saw his danger ; he supposed 
 Roldan had been sent in pursuit of him, and he found himself 
 cut off from his ships. With his usual intrepidity he immedi- 
 ately presented himself before Roldan, attended merely by half 
 a dozen followers. The latter craftily began by conversing on 
 general topics. He then inquired into his motives for landing 
 on the island, particularly on that remote and lonely part, with- 
 out first reporting his arrival to the admiral. Ojeda replied that 
 he had been on a voyage of discovery, and had put in there in 
 distress, to repair his ships and procure provisions. Roldan 
 then demanded, in the name of the government, a sight of the 
 license under which he sailed. Ojeda, who knew the resolute 
 character of the man he had to deal with, restrained his natural 
 impetuosity, and replied that his papers were on board of his 
 ship. He declared his intention, on departing thence, to go to
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 429 
 
 San Domingo, and pay his homage to the admiral, having many 
 things to tell him which were for his private ear alone. He 
 intimated to Roldan that the admiral was in complete disgrace 
 at court ; that there was a talk of taking from him his command, 
 and that the queen, his patroness, was ill beyond all hopes of 
 recovery. This intimation, it is presumed, was referred to b}' 
 Roldan in his despatches to the admiral, wherein he mentioned 
 that certain things had been communicated to him by Ojeda, 
 which he did not think it safe to confide to a letter. 
 
 Roldan now repaired to the ships. He found several persons 
 on board with whom he was acquainted, and who had already 
 been in Hispaniola. They confirmed the truth of what Ojeda 
 had said, and showed a license signed by the Bishop of Fonseca, 
 as superintendent of the affairs of the Indias, authorizing him 
 to sail on a voyage of discovery. 1 
 
 It appeared, from the report of Ojeda and his followers, that 
 the glowing accounts sent home by Columbus of his late dis- 
 coveries on the coast of Paria, his magnificent speculations with 
 respect to the riches of the newly-found country, and the speci- 
 men of pearls transmitted to the sovereigns, had inflamed the 
 cupidity of various adventurers. Ojeda happened to be at that 
 time in Spain. He was a favorite of the Bishop of Fonseca, 
 and obtained a sight of the letter written by the admiral to the 
 sovereigns, and the charts and maps of his route by which it 
 was accompanied. Ojeda knew Columbus to be embarrassed 
 by the seditions of Hispaniola : he found, by his conversations 
 with Fonseca and other of the admiral's enemies, that strong 
 doubts and jealousies existed in the mind of the king with 
 respect to his conduct, and that his approaching downfall was 
 confidently predicted. The idea of taking advantage of these 
 circumstances struck Ojeda, and, by a private enterprise, he 
 hoped to be the first in gathering the wealth of these newly- 
 discovered regions. He communicated his project to his patron. 
 Fonseca. The latter was but too ready for any thing that might 
 defeat the plans and obscure the glory of Columbus ; and it 
 may be added that he always showed himself more disposed to 
 patronize mercenary adventurers than upright and high-minded 
 men. He granted Ojeda every facility; furnishing him with 
 copies of the papers and charts of Columbus, by which to direct 
 himself in his course, and a letter of license signed with his 
 own name, though not with that of the sovereigns. In this, it 
 was stipulated that he should not touch at any land belonging 
 
 1 Hen-era, cL-cad. i. lib. iv. cap. 3.
 
 430 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 to the King of Portugal, nor any that had been discovered by 
 Columbus prior to 14U5. The last provision shows the perfid- 
 ious artifice of Fouseca, as it left Paria and the Pearl Islands 
 free to the visits of Ojeda, they having been discovered by 
 Columbus subsequent to the designated year. The ships were 
 to be fitted out at the charges of the adventurers, and a certain 
 proportion of the products of the voyage were to be rendered 
 to the crown. 
 
 Under this license Ojeda fitted out four ships at Seville, 
 assisted by many eager and wealthy speculators. Among the 
 number was the celebrated Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine 
 merchant, well acquainted with geography and navigation. 
 The principal pilot of the expedition was Juan de la Cosa, a 
 mariner of great repute, a disciple of the admiral, whom he 
 had accompanied in his first voyage of discovery, and in that 
 along the southern coast of Cuba, and round the island of 
 Jamaica. There were several also of the mariners, and Bar- 
 tholomew Roldan, a distinguished pilot, who had been with 
 Columbus in his voyage to Paria. 1 Such was the expedition 
 which, by a singular train of circumstances, eventually gave 
 the name of this Florentine merchant Amerigo Vespucci, to 
 the whole of the New World. 
 
 This expedition had sailed in May, 1499. The adventurers 
 had arrived on the southern continent, and ranged along its 
 coast, from two hundred leagues east of the Oronoco, to the 
 Gulf of Paria. Guided by the charts of Columbus, they had 
 passed through this gulf, and through the Boca del Dragon, 
 and had kept along westward to Cape de la Vela, visiting the 
 island of Margarita and the adjacent continent, and discover- 
 ing the gulf of Venezuela. They had subsequently touched at 
 the Caribbee Islands, where they had fought with the fierce 
 natives, and made many captives, with the intention of selling 
 them in the slave-markets of Spain. Thence, being in need 
 of supplies, they had sailed to Hispaniola, having performed 
 the most extensive voyage hitherto made along the shores of the 
 New World. 2 
 
 Having collected all the information that he could obtain 
 concerning these voyagers, their adventures and designs, and 
 trusting to the declaration of Ojeda, that he should proceed 
 forthwith to present himself to the admiral, Roldan returned 
 to San Domingo to render a report of his mission. 
 
 1 ! C'aa. 
 
 1 Herrera, Hist. lud., clccacl. i. lib. iv. cap. 4. Muuuz, Hist. X. Muudo, partiu MS 
 unpublished.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPUEB COLUMBUS. 431 
 
 CHAPTER Vi. 
 
 MANOEUVRES OF ROLDAN AND OJEDA. 
 [1500.] 
 
 WHEN intelligence was brought to Columbus of the nature of 
 the expedition of Ojecla, and the license under which he sailed, 
 he considered himself deeply aggrieved, it being a direct in- 
 fraction of his most important prerogatives, and sanctioned by 
 authority which ought to have held them sacred. He awaited 
 patiently, however, the promised visit of Alonso de Ojeda to 
 obtain further explanations. Nothing was farther from the in- 
 tention of that roving commander than to keep such promise : 
 he had made it merely to elude the vigilance of Roldan. As 
 soon as he had refitted his vessels and obtained a supply of 
 provisions, he sailed round to the coast of Xaragua, where he 
 arrived in February. Here he was well received by the Span- 
 iards resident in that province, who supplied all his wants. 
 Among them were many of the late comrades of Roldan ; loose, 
 random characters, impatient of order and restraint, and burn- 
 ing with animosity against the admiral, for having again 
 brought them under the wholesome authority of the laws. 
 
 Knowing the rash and fearless character of Ojeda, and find- 
 ing that there were jealousies between him and the admiral, 
 the}' hailed him as a new leader, come to redress their fancied 
 grievances, in place of Roldan, whom they considered as hav- 
 ing deserted them. They made clamorous complaints to Ojeda 
 of the injustice of the admiral, whom they charged with with- 
 holding from them the arrears of their pay. 
 
 Ojeda was a hot-headed man, with somewhat of a vaunting 
 spirit, and immediately set himself up for a redresser of griev- 
 ances. It is said also that he gave himself out as authorized 
 by government, in conjunction with Carvajal, to act as counsel- 
 lors, or rather supervisors of the admiral ; and that one of the 
 first measures they were to take, was to enforce the payment 
 of all salaries due to the servants of the crown. 1 It is question- 
 able, however, whether Ojeda made any pretension of the kind, 
 which could so readily be disproved, and would have tended to 
 disgrace him with the government. It is probable that he was 
 
 1 Hist, del Almiraate, cap. 84.
 
 432 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 encouraged in his intermeddling, chiefly by his knowledge of 
 the tottering state of the admiral's favor at court, and of his 
 own security in the powerful protection of Fouseca. He may 
 have imbibed also the opinion diligently fostered by those with 
 whom he had chiefly communicated in Spain, just before his 
 departure, that these people had been driven to extremities by 
 the oppression of the admiral and his brothers. .Some feeling 
 of generosity, therefore, may have mingled with his usual love 
 of action and enterprise, when he proposed to redress all their 
 wrongs, put himself at their head, march at once to San 
 Domingo, and oblige the admiral to pay them on the spot, 
 or expel him from the island. 
 
 The proposition of Ojeda was received with acclamations of 
 transport by some of the rebels ; others made objections. 
 Quarrels arose ; a ruffianly scene of violence and brawl ensued, 
 iu which several were killed and wounded on both sides ; but 
 the party for the expedition to San Domingo remained trium- 
 phant. 
 
 Fortunately for the peace and safety of the admiral, Roldan 
 arrived in the neighborhood just at this critical juncture, at- 
 tended by a crew of resolute fellows. He had been despatched 
 by Columbus to watch the movements of Ojeda, on hearing of 
 his arrival on the coast of Xaragua. Apprised of the violent 
 scenes which were taking place, Roldan, when on the way, sent 
 to his old confederate, Diego de Escobar, to follow him with all 
 the trusty force he could collect. They reached Xaragua within 
 a day of each other. An instance of the bad faith usual between 
 bad men was now evinced. The former partisans of Roldan, 
 finding him earnest iu his intention of serving the government, 
 and that there was no hope of engaging him in their new sedi- 
 tion, sought to waylay and destroy him on his march, but his 
 vigilance and celerity prevented them. 1 
 
 Ojeda, when he heard of the approach of Roldan and Escobar, 
 retired on board of his ships. Though of a daring spirit, he 
 had no inclination, in the present instance, to come to blows, 
 where there was a certainty of desperate fighting, and no gain ; 
 and where he must raise his arm against government. Roldan 
 now issued such remonstrances as had often been ineffectually 
 addressed to himself. He wrote to Ojeda, reasoning with him 
 on his conduct, and the confusion he was producing in the 
 island, and inviting him on shore to an amicable arrangement 
 of all alleged grievances. Ojeda, knowing the crafty, vio- 
 
 1 Hist, del Almiraute, ubi sup.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 433 
 
 lent character of Roldan, disregarded his repeated messages, 
 and refused to venture within his power. He even seized one 
 of his messengers, Diego de Truxillo, and landing suddenly at 
 Xaragua, carried off another of his followers, named Toribio de 
 Lenares, both of whom he retained in irons, on board of his 
 vessel, as hostages for a certain Juan Piutor, a one-armed sailor, 
 who hud deserted, threatening to hang them if the deserter was 
 not given up. 1 
 
 Various manoeuvres took place between these two well- 
 matched opponents ; each wary of the address and prowess of 
 the other. Ojeda made sail, and stood twelve leagues to the 
 northward, to the province of Cahay, one of the most beautiful 
 and fertile parts of the country, and inhabited by a kind and 
 gentle people. Here he landed with forty men, seizing upon 
 whatever he could find of the provisions of the natives. Rol- 
 dan and Escobar followed along shore, and were soon at his 
 heels. Roldan then despatched Escobar in a light canoe, pad- 
 dled swiftly by Indians, who approaching within hail of the 
 ship, informed Ojeda that, since he would not trust himself on 
 shore, Roldan would come and confer with him on board, if he 
 would send a boat for him. 
 
 Ojeda now thought himself secure of his enemy ; he immedi- 
 ately despatched a boat within a short distance of the shore, 
 where the crew lay on their oars, requiring Roldan to come to 
 them. "How many may accompany me?" demanded the 
 latter. " Only five or six," was the reply. Upon this Diego 
 de Escobar and four others waded to the boat. The crew refused 
 to admit more. Roldan then ordered one man to carry him to 
 the barge, and another to walk by his side and assist him. By 
 this stratagem, his party was eight strong. The instant he 
 entered the boat he ordered the oarsmen to row to shore. On 
 their refusing, he and his companions attacked them sword in 
 hand, wounded several, and made all prisoners, excepting an 
 Indian archer, who, plunging under the water, escaped by 
 swimming. 
 
 This was an important triumph for Roldan. Ojeda, anxious 
 for the recover^' of his boat, which was indispensable for the 
 service of the ship, now made overtures of peace. He ap- 
 proached the shore in his remaining boat of small size, taking 
 with him his principal pilot, an arquebusier, and four oarsmen. 
 Roldan entered the boat he had just captured, with seven row- 
 ers and fifteen fighting men, causing fifteen others to be ready 
 
 i Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 169, MS.
 
 434 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 on shore to embark in a large canoe, in case of need. A char- 
 acteristic interview took place between these do light}' antago- 
 nists, each keeping warily on his guard. Their conference was 
 carried on at a distance. Ojeda justified his hostile movements 
 by alleging that Koldan had come with an armed force to seize 
 him. This the latter positively denied, promising him the most 
 amicable reception from the admiral, in case he would repair 
 to San Domingo. An arrangement was at length effected ; the 
 boat was restored, and mutual restitution of the men took 
 place, with the exception of Juan Pintor, the one-armed deserter, 
 who had absconded ; and on the following day Ojeda, accord- 
 ing to agreement, set sail to leave the island, threatening how- 
 ever, to return at a future time with more ships and men. 1 
 
 Roldan waited in the neighborhood, doubting the truth of 
 his departure. In the course of a few days word was brought 
 that Ojeda had landed on a distant part of the coast. He im- 
 mediately pursued him with eighty men, in canoes, sending 
 scouts by land. Before he arrived at the place Ojeda had again 
 made sail, and Roldan saw and heard no more of him. Las 
 Casas asserts, however, that Ojeda departed either to some re- 
 mote district of Hispaniola, or to the island of Porto Rico, 
 where he made up what he called his c<u:uly<ula, or drove of 
 slaves, carrying off numbers of the unhappy natives, whom he 
 sold in the slave-market of Cadiz. 2 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 CONSPIRACY OF GUEVARA AND MOXICA. 
 [1500.] 
 
 WHEN men have been accustomed to act falsely, they take 
 great merit to themselves for an exertion of common honesty. 
 The followers of Roldan were loud in trumpeting forth their 
 unwonted loyalty, and the great service they had rendered to 
 government in driving Ojeda from the island. Like all re- 
 formed knaves, they expected that their good conduct would 
 be amply rewarded. Looking upon their leader as having 
 every thing in his gift, and being well pleased with the delight- 
 ful province of Cahay, they requested him to share the land 
 
 1 Letter of Columbus to thu Nurse of Prince Juau. * Las Casas, lib. i. cap. 169.
 
 LIFE OF CHPISTOPnER COLUMBUS. 435 
 
 among them, that they might settle there. Rolclan would have 
 had no hesitation in granting their request had it been made 
 during his freebooting career; but he was now anxious to 
 establish a character for adherence to the laws. He declined, 
 therefore, acceding to their wishes, until sanctioned by the ad- 
 miral. Knowing, however, that he had fostered a spirit among 
 these men which it was dangerous to contradict, and that their 
 rapacity, by long indulgence, did not admit of delay, he shared 
 among them certain lands of his own, in the territory of his 
 ancient host Behechio, cacique of Xaragua. He then wrote to 
 the admiral for permission to return to San Domingo, and 
 received a letter in reply, giving him many thanks and commen- 
 dations for the diligence and address which he had manifested, 
 but requesting him to remain for a time in Xaragua, lest Ojeda 
 should be yet hovering about the coast, and disposed to make 
 another descent in that province. 
 
 The troubles of the island were not }"et at an end, but were 
 destined again to break forth, and from somewhat of a roman- 
 tic cause. There arrived about this time, at Xaragua, a young 
 cavalier of noble family, named Don Hernando de Guevara. 
 He possessed an agreeable person and winning manners, but 
 was headstrong in his passions and dissolute in his principles. 
 He was cousin to Adrian de Moxica, one of the most active 
 ringleaders in the late rebellion of Roldan, and had conducted 
 himself with such licentiousness at San Domingo that Colum- 
 bus had banished him from the island. There being no other 
 opportunity of embarking, he had been sent to Xaragua, to 
 return to Spain in one of the ships of Ojeda, but arrived after 
 their departure. Roldan received him favorably, on account 
 of his old comrade, Adrian de Moxica, and permitted him to 
 choose some place of residence until further orders concerning 
 him should arrive from the admiral. He chose the province 
 of Cahay, at the place where Roldan had captured the boat of 
 Ojeda. It was a delightful part of that beautiful coast ; but the 
 reason why Guevara chose it, was its vicinity to Xaragua. 
 While at the latter place, in consequence of the indulgence of 
 Roldan, he was favorably received at the house of Anacaona, 
 the widow of Caonabo, and sister of the cacique Behechio. 
 That remarkable woman still retained her partiality to the 
 Spaniards, notwithstanding the disgraceful scenes which had 
 passed before her 63-68 ; and the native dignity of her character 
 had commanded the respect even of the dissolute rabble which 
 infested her province. By her late husband, the cacique Cao- 
 nobo, she had a daughter named Higueuamota, just grown up,
 
 436 LIFE OF CnRISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 and greatly admired for her beauty. Guevara, being often in 
 company with her, a mutual attachment ensued. Jt was to be 
 near her that he chose Cahay as a residence, at a place where 
 his cousin Adrian de Moxica kept a number of dogs and hawks, 
 to be employed in the chase. Guevara delayed his departure. 
 Roldan discovered the reason, and warued him to desist from 
 his pretensions and leave the province. Las Casas intimates 
 that Roldan was himself attached to the young Indian beauty, 
 and jealous of her preference of his rival. Anacaona, the 
 mother, pleased with the gallant appearance and ingratiating 
 manners of the youthful cavalier, favored his attachment, 
 especially as he sought her daughter in marriage. Notwith- 
 standing the orders of Roldan, Guevara still lingered in Xaragua, 
 in the house of Anacaoua ; and sending for a priest, desired 
 him to baptize his intended bride. 
 
 Hearing of this, Roldan sent for Guevara, and rebuked him 
 sharply for remaining at Xaragua, and attempting to deceive 
 a person of the importance of Anacaona, by iusnariug the 
 affections of her daughter. Guevara avowed the strength of 
 his passion, and his correct intentions, and entreated permission 
 to remain. Roldan was inflexible. He alleged that some evil 
 construction might be put on his conduct by the admiral ; but 
 it is probable his true motive was a desire to send awa}- a rival, 
 who interfered with his own amorous designs. Guevara 
 obeyed ; but had scarce been three days at Cahay, when unable 
 to remain longer absent from the object of his passion, he 
 returned to Xaragua, accompanied by four or five friends, and 
 concealed himself in the dwelling of Anacaona. Roldau, who 
 was at that time confined by a malady in his e3~es, being 
 apprised of his return, sent orders for him to depart instantly to 
 Cahay. The young cavalier assumed a tone of defiance. He 
 warned Roldan not to make foes when he had such great need 
 of friends ; for to his certain knowledge, the admiral intended 
 to behead him. Upon this, Roldan commanded him to quit 
 that part of the island, and repair to San Domingo, to present 
 himself before the admiral. The thoughts of being banished 
 entirely from the vicinity of his Indian beauty checked the 
 vehemence of the youth. He changed his tone of haughty 
 defiance into one of humble supplication ; and Roldan, appeased 
 b}- this submission, permitted him to remain for the present in 
 the neighborhood. 
 
 Roldan had instilled wilfulness and violence into the hearts 
 of his late followers, and now was doomed to experience the 
 effects. Guevara, incensed at his opposition to his passion,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 437 
 
 meditated revenge. He soon made a party among the old com- 
 rades of Roldan, who detested, as a magistrate, the man they 
 had idolized as a leader. It was concerted to rise suddenly 
 upon him, and either to kill him or put out his eyes. Roldan 
 was apprised of the plot, and proceeded with his usual prompt- 
 ness. Guevara was seized in the dwelling of Anacaona, in the 
 presence of his intended bride ; seven of his accomplices were 
 likewise arrested. Roldan immediately sent an account of the 
 affair to the admiral, professing, at present, to do nothing 
 without his authority, and declaring himself not competent to 
 judge impartially in the case. Columbus, who was at that 
 time at Fort Conception, in the Vega, ordered the prisoner to 
 be conducted to the fortress of San Domingo. 
 
 The vigorous measures of Roldan against his old comrades 
 produced commotions in the island. When Adrian de Moxica 
 heard that his cousin Guevara was a prisoner, and that, too, 
 by command of his former confederate, he was highly exas- 
 perated, and resolved on vengeance. Hastening to Bonao, the 
 old haunt of rebellion, he obtained the co-operation of Pedro 
 Requelme, the recently appointed alcalde. They went round 
 among their late companions in rebellion, who had received 
 lauds and settled in various parts of the Vega, working upon 
 their ready passions, and enlisting their feelings in the cause 
 of an old comrade. These men seemed to have had an irresist- 
 ible propensity to sedition. Guevara was a favorite with them 
 all ; the charms of the Indian beauty had probably their 
 influence ; and the conduct of Roldan was pronounced a tyran- 
 nical interference, to prevent a marriage agreeable to all par- 
 ties, and beneficial to the colony. There is no being so odious 
 to his former associates as a reformed robber, or a rebel, 
 enlisted in the service of justice. The old scenes of faction were 
 renewed ; the weapons which had scarce been hung up from 
 the recent rebellions, were again snatched down from the 
 walls, and rash preparations were made for action. Moxica 
 soon saw a body of daring and reckless men ready, with horse 
 and weapon, to follow him on any desperate enterprise. Blinded 
 by the impunity which had attended their former outrages, he 
 now threatened acts of greater atrocity, meditating, not merely 
 the rescue of his cousin, but the death of Roldau and the 
 admiral. 
 
 Columbus was at Fort Conception, with an inconsiderable 
 force, when this dangerous plot was concerted in his very 
 neighborhood. Not dreaming of any further hostilities from 
 men on whom he had lavished favors, he would doubtless have
 
 438 LIFE OF CHRISTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 
 
 fallen into their power, had not intelligence been brought him 
 of the plot by a deserter from the conspirators. He saw at a 
 glance the perils by which he was surrounded, and the storm 
 about to burst upon the island. It was no longer a time for 
 lenient measures ; he determined to strike a blow which should 
 crush the very head of the rebellion. 
 
 Taking with him but six or seven trusty servants, and three 
 esquires, all well-armed, he set out in the night for the place 
 where the ringleaders were quartered. Confiding probably in the 
 secrecy of their plot, and the late passiveness of the admiral, 
 they appeared to have been perfectly unguarded. Columbus 
 came upon them by surprise, seized Moxica and several of his 
 principal confederates, and bore them off to Fort Conception. 
 The moment was critical ; the Vega was ripe for a revolt ; he 
 had the fomenter of the conspiracy in his power, and an exam- 
 ple was called for, that should strike terror into the factious. 
 He ordered Moxica to be hanged on the top of the fortress. 
 The latter entreated to be allowed to confess himself previous 
 to execution. A priest was summoned. The miserable Moxica, 
 who had been so arrogant in rebellion, lost all courage at the 
 near approach of death. He delayed to confess, beginning and 
 pausing, and recommencing, and again hesitating, as if he 
 hoped, by whiling away time, to give a chance for rescue. 
 Instead of confessing his own sins, he accused others of crimi- 
 nality, who were known to be innocent ; until Columbus, 
 incensed at this falsehood and treachery, and losing all 
 paiieuce, in his mingled indignation and scorn, ordered the das- 
 tard wretch to be swung off from the battlements. 1 
 
 This sudden act of severity was promptly followed up. 
 Several of the accomplices of Moxica were condemned to death 
 and thrown in irons to await their fate. Before the conspira- 
 tors had time to recover from their astonishment, Pedro 
 Requelme was taken, with several of his compeers, in his ruffian 
 den at Bonao, and conveyed to the fortress of San Domingo ; 
 where was also confined the original mover of this second 
 rebellion, Hernando de Guevara, the lover of the young Indian 
 princess. These unexpected acts of rigor, proceeding from a 
 quarter which had been long so lenient, had the desired effect. 
 The conspirators fled for the most part to Xaragua, their old 
 and favorite retreat. They were not suffered to congregate 
 there again, and concert new seditions. The Adelantado, 
 seconded by Roldau, pursued them with his characteristic 
 
 1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 5.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 439 
 
 rapidity of movement and vigor of arm. It has l>een said that 
 he carried a priest with him, in order that, as lie arrested 
 delinquents, they might be confessed and hanged upon' the 
 spot; but the more probable account is that he transmitted 
 them prisoners to San Domingo. He had seventeen of them at 
 one time confined in one common dungeon, awaiting their trial, 
 while he continued in indefatigable pursuit of the remainder. 1 
 
 These were prompt and severe measures ; but when we con- 
 sider how long Columbus had lx>rne with these men ; how 
 much he had ceded and sacrificed to them : how he had been 
 interrupted in all his great undertakings, and the welfare of the 
 colony destroyed b}* their contemptible and seditious brawls : 
 how they had abused his lenity, defied his authority, and at 
 length attempted his life we cannot wonder that he should 
 at last let fall the sword of justice, which he had hitherto held 
 suspended. 
 
 The power of faction was now completely subdued, and the 
 good effects of the various measures taken by Columbus, since 
 his last arrival, for the benefit of the island, began to appear. 
 The Indians, seeing the inetficacy of resistance, submitted to 
 the yoke. Man}- gave signs of civilization, having, in some 
 instances, adopted clothing and embraced Christianity. Assisted 
 by their labors the Spaniards now cultivated their lands dili- 
 gently, and there was every appearance of settled and regular 
 prosperity. 
 
 Columbus considered all this happy change as brought alx>ut 
 by the especial intervention of Heaven. In a letter to Dona 
 Juana de la Torre, a lady of distinction, aya or nurse of Prince 
 Juan, he gives an instance of those visionary fancies to which 
 he wa-s subject in times of illness and anxiety. In the preced 
 ing winter, he says, about the festival of Christmas, when 
 menaced by Indian war and domestic rebellion, when distrust- 
 ful of those around him and apprehensive of disgrace at court, 
 he sank for a time into complete despondency. In this hour of 
 gloom, when abandoned to despair, he heard in the night a 
 voice addressing him in words of comfort, ' Oh man of little 
 faith ! why art thou cast .lown ? Fear nothing, I will provide 
 forthee. The seven years of the term of gold are not expired ; 
 in that, and in all other things, I will take care of thee." 
 
 The seven years term of gold here mentioned alludes to a 
 vow made by Columbus on discovering the New World, and 
 recorded by him in a letter to the sovereigns, that within seven 
 
 1 LasCasas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 170, MS. Derrera, tlecad. i. lib. Iv. cap. 7.
 
 440 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 years he would furnish, from the profits of his discoveries, fifty 
 thousand foot and five thousand horse, for the deliverance of 
 the' holy sepulchre, and an additional force of like amount, 
 within five years afterward. 
 
 The comforting assurance given him by the voice was cor- 
 roborated, he says, that very day, by intelligence received of 
 the discovery of a large tract of country rich in mines. 1 This 
 imaginary promise of divine aid thus mysteriously given, 
 appeared to him at present in still greater progress of fulfil- 
 ment. The troubles and dangers of the island had been suc- 
 ceeded by tranquillity. He now anticipated the prosperous 
 prosecution of his favorite enterprise, so long interrupted the 
 exploring of the regions of Paria, and the establishment of a 
 fishery in the Gulf of Pearls. How illusive were his hopes ! 
 At this moment events were maturing which were to over- 
 whelm him with distress, strip him of his honors, and render 
 him comparatively a wreck for the remainder of his days ! 
 
 * Letter of Columbus to the Xurse of Prince Juan. Hist, del Almirariie, cap. S4.
 
 BOOK XIII. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 REPRESENTATIONS AT COURT AGAINST COLUMBUS BOBADILLA 
 
 EMPOWERED TO EXAMINE INTO HIS CONDUCT. 
 
 [1500.] 
 
 WHILE Columbus was involved in a series of difficulties in 
 the factious island of Hispaniola, his enemies were but too suc- 
 cessful in undermining his reputation in the court of Spain. 
 The report brought by Ojeda of his anticipated disgrace was not 
 entirely unfounded ; the event was considered near at hand, 
 and every perfidious exertion was made to accelerate it. Every 
 vessel from the New World came freighted with complaints, 
 representing Columbus and his brothers as new men, unaccus- 
 tomed to command, inflated by their sudden rise from obscurity ; 
 arrogant and insulting toward men of birth and lofty spirit ; 
 oppressive of the common people, and cruel in their treatment 
 of the natives. The insidious and illiberal insinuation was con- 
 tinually urged, that they were foreigners, who could have no 
 interest in the glory of Spain, or the prosperity of Spaniards ; 
 and contemptible as this plea may seem, it had a powerful 
 effect. Columbus was even accused of a design to cast off all 
 allegiance to Spain, and either make himself sovereign of the 
 countries he had discovered, or yield them into the hands of 
 some other power ; a slander, which, however extravagant, was 
 calculated to startle the jealous mind of Ferdinand. 
 
 It is true that by every ship Columbus likewise sent home 
 statements, written with the frankness and energy of truth, 
 setting forth the real cause and nature of the distractions of 
 the island, and pointing out and imploring remedies, which, if 
 properly applied, might have been efficacious. His letters, 
 however, arriving at distant intervals, made but single and 
 transient impressions on the royal mind, which were speedily 
 
 441
 
 442 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 effaced by the influence of daily and active misrepresentation. 
 His enemies at court, having continual access to the sovereigns, 
 were enabled to place every thing urged against him in the 
 strongest point of view, while they secretly neutralized the force 
 of his vindications. They used a plausible logic to prove either 
 bad management or bad faith on his part. There was an in- 
 cessant drain upon the mother country for the support of the 
 colony. Was this compatible with the extravagant pictures he 
 had drawn of the wealth of the island, and its golden mountains, 
 in which he had pretended to find the Ophirof ancient days, the 
 source of all the riches of Solomon? They inferred that he had 
 either deceived the sovereigns by designing exaggerations, or 
 grossly wronged them by malpractices, or was totally incapable 
 of the duties of government. 
 
 The disappointment of Ferdinand, in finding his newly- 
 discovered possessions a source of expense instead of profit, 
 was known to press sorely on his mind. The wars, dictated by 
 his ambition, had straitened his resources, and involved him in 
 perplexities. He had looked with confidence to the New World 
 for relief, and for ample means to pursue his triumphs ; and 
 grew impatient at the repeated demands which it occasioned on 
 his scanty treasury. For the purpose of irritating his feelings 
 and heightening his resentment, every disappointed and repin- 
 ing man who returned from the colony was encouraged by the 
 hostile faction, to put in claims for pay withheld by Columbus, 
 or losses sustained in his service. This was especially the case 
 with the disorderly ruffians shipped off to free the island from 
 sedition. Finding their way to the court at Granada, they fol- 
 lowed the king when he rode out, filling the air with their com- 
 plaints, and clamoring for their pay. At one time about fifty 
 of these vagabonds found their way into the inner court of the 
 Alhambra, under the royal apartments ; holding up bunches of 
 grapes as the meagre diet left them by their poverty, and rail- 
 ing aloud at the deceits of Columbus and the cruel neglect of 
 government. The two sons of Columbus, who were pages to 
 the queen, happening to pass by, they followed them with im- 
 precations, exclaiming, " There go the sons of the admiral, the 
 whelps of him who discovered the laud of vanity and delusion, 
 the grave of Spanish hidalgos." l 
 
 The incessant repetition of falsehood will gradually wear its 
 way into the most candid mind. Isabella herself began to enter- 
 tain doubts respecting the conduct of Columbus. Where there 
 
 1 Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 85.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 443 
 
 was such universal and incessant complaint, it seemed reason- 
 able to conclude that there must exist some fault. If Colum- 
 bus and his brothers were upright, they might be injudicious ; 
 and, in government, mischief is oftener produced through error 
 of judgment than iniquity of design. The letters written by 
 Columbus himself presented a lamentable picture of the con- 
 fusion of the island. Might not this arise from the weakness 
 and incapacity of the rulers? Even granting that the prevalent 
 abuses arose in a great measure from the enmity of the people 
 to the admiral and his brothers, and their prejudices against 
 them as foreigners, was it safe to intrust so important and dis- 
 tant a command to persons so unpopular with the community? 
 
 These considerations had much weight in the candid mind of 
 Isabella, but they were all-powerful with the cautious and jeal- 
 ous Ferdinand. He had never regarded Columbus with real 
 cordiality ; and ever since he had ascertained the importance of 
 his discoveries, had regretted the extensive powers vested in 
 his hands. The excessive clamors which had arisen during the 
 brief administration of the Adelantado and the breaking out of 
 the faction of Roldan at length determined the king to send out 
 some person of consequence and ability to investigate the affairs 
 of the colony, and if necessary for its safety, to take upon him- 
 self the command. This important and critical measure it 
 appears had been decided upon, and the papers and powers 
 actually drawn out, in the spring of 1499. It was not carried 
 into effect, however, until the following year. Various reasons 
 have been assigned for this delay. The important services 
 rendered by Columbus in the discovery of Paria and the Pearl 
 Islands may have had some effect on the royal mind. The 
 necessity of fitting out an armament just at that moment, to 
 co-operate with the Venetians against the Turks ; the menacing 
 movements of the new king of France, Louis XII. ; the rebellion 
 of the Moors of the Alpuxarra mountains, in the lately con- 
 quered kingdom of Granada all these have been alleged as 
 reasons for postponing a measure which called for much con- 
 sideration, and might have important effects upon the newly 
 discovered possessions. 1 The most probable reason, however, 
 was strong disinclination of Isabella to take so harsh a step 
 against a man for whom she entertained such ardent gratitude 
 and high admiration. 
 
 At length the arrival of the ships with the late followers of 
 Roldan, according to their capitulation, brought matters to a 
 
 1 lluoCi;, llit-t. X. Muuilo, part unpublished.
 
 444 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 crisis. It is true that Ballester and Ban-antes came in these 
 ships, to place the affairs of the island in a proper light ; but 
 they brought out a host of witnesses in favor of Roldan, and 
 letters written by himself and his confederates, attributing all 
 their late conduct to the tyranny of Columbus and his brothers. 
 Unfortunately the testimou}- of the rebels had the greatest 
 weight with Ferdinand ; and there was a circumstance in the 
 case which suspended for a time the friendship of Isabella, 
 hitherto the greatest dependence of Columbus. 
 
 Having a maternal interest in the welfare of the natives, the 
 queen had been repeatedly offended by what appeared to her 
 pertinacity on the part of Columbus, in continuing to make 
 slaves of those taken in warfare, in contradiction to her known 
 wishes. The same ships which brought home the companions 
 of Roldan, brought likewise a great number of slaves. Some, 
 Columbus had been obliged to grant to these men by the articles 
 of capitulation ; others they had brought away clandestinely. 
 Among them were several daughters of caciques, seduced away 
 from their families and their native island by these profligates. 
 Some of these were in a state of pregnancy, others had new- 
 born infants. The gifts and transfers of these unhappy beings 
 were all ascribed to the will of Columbus, and represented to 
 Isabella in the darkest colors. Her sensibility as a woman, 
 and her dignity as a queen, were instantly in arms. "What 
 power," exclaimed she indignantly, " has the admiral to give 
 away my vassals? " ' Determined, by one decided and peremp- 
 tory act, to show her abhorrence of these outrages upon human- 
 ity, she ordered all the Indians to be restored to their country 
 and friends. Nay, more ; her measure was retrospective. She 
 commanded that those formerly sent to Spain by the admiral 
 should be sought out and sent back to Hispaniola. Unfortu- 
 nately for Columbus, at this very juncture, in one of his letters 
 he advised the continuance of Indian slavery for some time 
 longer, as a measure important for the welfare of the colony. 
 This contributed to heighten the indignation of Isabella, and 
 induced her no longer to oppose the sending out of a commis- 
 sion to investigate his conduct, and, it necessary, to supersede 
 him in command. 
 
 Ferdinand was exceedingly embarrassed in appointing this 
 commission, between his sense of what was due to the charac- 
 ter and services oi Columbus, and his anxiety to retract with 
 delicacy the powers vested in him. A pretext at length was 
 
 Las Caeas. lib. 1.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 445 
 
 furnished by the recent request of the admiral that a person of 
 talents and probity, learned in the law, might be sent out to 
 act as chief judge ; and that an impartial umpire might be 
 appointed, to decide in the affair between himself and Roldan. 
 Ferdinand proposed to consult his wishes, but to unite those 
 two offices in one ; and as the person he appointed would have 
 to decide in matters touching the highest functions of the 
 admiral and his brothers, he was empowered, should he find 
 them culpable, to supersede them in the government; a singu- 
 lar mode of insuring partiality. 
 
 The person chosen for this momentous and delicate office was 
 Don Francisco de Bobadilla, an officer of the royal household, 
 and a commander of the military and religious order of C'ala- 
 trava. Ovieda pronounces him a very honest and religious 
 man ; 1 but he is represented by others, and his actions corrobo- 
 rate the description, as needy, passionate, and ambitious 
 three powerful objections to his exercising the rights of judica- 
 ture in a case requiring the utmost patience, candor, and cir- 
 cumspection, and where the judge was to derive wealth and 
 power from the conviction of one of the parties. 
 
 The authority vested in Bobadilla is defined in letters from 
 the sovereigns still extant, and which deserve to be noticed 
 chronologically ; for the royal intentions appear to have varied 
 with times and circumstances. The first was dated on the 21st 
 of March, 1499, and mentions the complaint of the admiral that 
 an alcalde, and certain other persons had risen in rebellion 
 against him. " Wherefore," adds the letter, " we order yon to 
 inform yourself of the truth of the foregoing ; to ascertain who 
 and what persons they were who rose against the said admiral 
 and our magistracy, and for what cause ; and what robberies 
 and other injuries they have committed ; and furthermore, to 
 extend your inquiries to all other matters relating to the prem- 
 ises : and the information obtained, and the truth known, 
 whomsoever you find culpable, arrest their persons, and 
 sequestrate their effects ; and thus taken, proceed against them 
 and the absent, both civilly and criminally, and impose and 
 inflict such fines and punishments as you may think fit." To 
 carry this into effect, Bobadilla was authorized, in case of 
 necessity, to call in the assistance of the admiral, and of all 
 other persons in authority. 
 
 The powers here given are manifestly directed merely 
 against the rebels, and in consequence of the complaints of Co- 
 
 1 Oriedo. Cronicu. lib. ttl. cap. 6.
 
 446 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 lumbus. Another letter, dated on the 21st of May, two months 
 subsequently, is of quite different purport. It makes no men- 
 tion of Columbus, but is addressed to the various function-ivies 
 and men of property of the islands and Terra Firma, informing 
 them of the appointment of Bobadilla to the government, with 
 full civil and criminal jurisdiction. Among; the powers speci- 
 fied, is the following : k% It is our will, that if the said command- 
 er, Francisco de Bobadilla, should think it necessary for our 
 service, and the purposes of justice, that any cavaliers, or 
 other persons who are at present in those islands, or may 
 arrive there, should leave them, and not return and reside in 
 them, and that they should come and present themselves before 
 us, he may command it in our name, and oblige them to depart ; 
 and whomsoever he thus commands, we hereby order, that 
 immediately, without waiting to inquire or consult us, or to 
 receive from us any other letter or command, and without 
 interposing appeal or supplication, they obey whatever he shall 
 say and order, under the penalties which he shall impose on 
 our part," etc., etc. 
 
 Another letter, dated likewise on the 21st of Ma}', in which 
 Columbus is styled simply "admiral of the ocean sea," orders 
 him and his brothers to surrender the fortress, ships, houses, 
 arms, ammunition, cattle, and all other royal property, into the 
 hands of Bobadilla, as governor, under penalty of incurring 
 the punishments to which those subject themselves who refuse 
 to surrender fortresses and other trusts, when commanded by 
 their sovereigns. 
 
 A fourth letter, dated on the 26th of May, and addressed to 
 Columbus, simply by the title of admiral, is a mere letter of 
 credence, ordering him to give faith and obedience to whatever 
 Bobadilla should impart. 
 
 The second and third of these letters were evidently provision- 
 al, and only to be produced, if, on examination, there should 
 appear such delinquency on the part of Columbus and his 
 brothers as to warrant their being divested of command. 
 
 This heavy blow, as lias been shown, remained suspended for 
 a year ; yet, that it was whispered about, and triumphantly 
 anticipated by the enemies of Columbus, is evident from the 
 assertions of Ojeda, who sailed from Spain about the time of 
 the signature of these letters, and had intimate communica- 
 tions with Bishop Fonseca, who was considered instrumental 
 in producing this measure. The very license grantid by the 
 bishop to Ojeda to sail on a voyage of discovery in contraven- 
 tion of the prerogatives of the admiral, has the air of being
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 447 
 
 given on a presumption of his speedy downfall ; and the same 
 presumption, as has already been observed, must have encour- 
 aged Ojeda in his turbulent conduct at Xaragua. 
 
 At length the long projected measure was carried into effect. 
 Bobadilla set sail for San Domingo about the middle of July, 
 ir>00, with two caravels, in which were twenty-five men, en- 
 listed for a year, to serve as a kind of guard. There were six 
 friars likewise, who had charge of a number of Indians sent 
 back to their country. Besides the letters patent, Bobadilla 
 was authorized, by royal order, to ascertain and discharge all 
 arrears of pay due to persons in the service of the crown, and 
 to oblige the admiral to pay what was due on his part, " so 
 that those people might receive what was owing to them, and 
 there might be no more complaints." In addition to all these 
 powers, Bobadilla was furnished with many blank letters signed 
 by the sovereigns, to be tilled up by him in such manner, and 
 directed to such persons, as he might think advisable, in rela- 
 tion to the mission with which he was intrusted. 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF BOBADILLA AT SAN DOMINGO HIS VIOLENT ASSUMP- 
 TION OF THE COMMAND. 
 
 [1500.] 
 
 COLUMBUS was still at Fort Conception, regulating the affairs 
 of the Vega, after the catastrophe of the sedition of Moxica ; his 
 brother, the Adelautado, accompanied by Roldan, was pursuing 
 and arresting the fugitive rebels in Xaragua ; and Don Diego 
 Columbus remained in temporary command at San Domingo. 
 Faction had worn itself out ; the insurgents had brought down 
 ruin upon themselves ; and the island appeared delivered from 
 the domination of violent and lawless men. 
 
 Such was the state of public affairs, when, on the morning of 
 the 23d of August, two caravels were descried off the harbor 
 of San Domingo, about a league at sea. They were standing 
 off and on, waiting until the sea breeze, which generally pre- 
 vails about ten o'clock, should cany them into port. Don 
 Diego Columbus supposed them to be ships sent from Spain 
 
 * Kerrera, decad. i. lib. v. cap. 7.
 
 448 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 with supplies, and hoped to find on board his nephew Diego, 
 whom the admiral had requested might be sent out to assist 
 him in his various concerns. A canoe was immediately de- 
 spatched to obtain information ; which, approaching the cara- 
 vels, inquired what news they brought, and whether Diego, 
 the sou of the admiral, was on board. Bobadilla himself re- 
 plied from the principal vessel, announcing himself as a commis- 
 sioner sent out to investigate the late rebellion. The master of 
 the caravel then inquired about the news of the island, and was 
 informed of the recent transactions. Seven of the rebels, he 
 was told, had been hanged that week, and five more were in the 
 fortress of San Domingo, condemned to suffer the same fate. 
 Among these were Pedro Requelrae and Fernando de Guevara, 
 the young cavalier whose passion for the daughter of Anacauna 
 had been the original cause of the rebellion. Further conversa- 
 tion passed, in the course of which Bobadilla ascertained that 
 the admiral and the Adelantado were absent, and Don Diego 
 Columbus in command. 
 
 When the canoe returned to the city with the news that a 
 commissioner had arrived to make inquisition into the late 
 troubles, there was a great stir and agitation throughout the 
 community. Knots of whisperers gathered at every corner ; 
 those who were conscious of malpractices were filled witli con- 
 sternation ; while those who had grievances, real or imaginary, 
 to complain of, especially those whose pay was in arrear, 
 appeared with joyful countenances. 1 
 
 As the vessels entered the river, Bobadilla beheld on either 
 bank a gibbet with a body of a Spaniard hanging on it, ap- 
 parently but lately executed. He considered these as conclusive 
 proofs of the alleged cruelty of Columbus. Many boats came 
 off to the ship, every one being anxious to pay early court to 
 this public censor. Bobadilla remained on board all day, in 
 the course of which he collected much of the rumors of the 
 place ; and as those who sought to secure his favor were those 
 who had most to fear from his investigations, it is evident that 
 the nature of the rumors must generally have been unfavor- 
 able to Columbus. In fact, before Bobadilla landed, if not be- 
 fore he arrived, the culpability of the admiral was decided in 
 his mind. 
 
 The next morning he landed, with all his followers, and went 
 to the church to attend mass, where he found Don Diego 
 Columbus, Rodrigo Perez, the lieutenant of the admiral, and 
 
 1 Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 169. Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 8.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 449 
 
 other persons of note. Mass being ended, and those persons, 
 with a multitude of the populace, being assembled at the door 
 of the church, Bobadilla ordered his letters patent to be read, 
 authorizing him to investigate the rebellion, seize the persons 
 and sequestrate the property of delinquents, and proceed 
 against them with the utmost rigor of the law ; commanding 
 also the admiral, and all others in authority, to assist him in 
 the discharge of his duties. The letter being read, he demanded 
 of Don Diego and the alcaldes to surrender to him the persons 
 of Fernando Guevara, Pedro Requelrae, and the other prison- 
 ers, with the depositions taken concerning them ; and ordered 
 that the parties by whom they were accused, and those by 
 whose command they had been taken, should appear before 
 him. 
 
 Don Diego replied, that the proceedings had emanated from 
 the orders of the admiral, who held superior powers to any 
 Bobadilla could possess, and without whose authority he could 
 do nothing. He requested, at the same time, a copy of the 
 letter patent, that he might send it to his brother, to whom 
 alone the matter appertained. This Bobadilla refused, observ- 
 ing that, if Don Diego had power to do nothing, it was useless 
 to give him a copy. He added, that since the office and au- 
 thority he had proclaimed appeared to have no weight, he 
 would try what power and consequence there was in the name 
 of governor, and would show them that he had command, not 
 merely over them, but over the admiral himself. 
 
 The little community remained in breathless suspense, wait- 
 ing the portentous movements of Bobadilla. The next morn- 
 ing he appeared at mass, resolved on assuming those powers 
 which were only to have been produced after full investigation, 
 and ample proof of the mal-conduct of Columbus. When mass 
 was over, and the eager populace had gathered round the door 
 of the clMirch, Bobadilla, in presence of Don Diego and Rod- 
 rigo Perez, ordered his other royal patent to be read, investing 
 him with the government of the islands, and of Terra Firma. 
 
 The patent being read, Bobadilla took the customary oath, 
 and then claimed the obedience of Don Diego, Rodrigo Perez, 
 and all present, to this royal instrument ; on the authority of 
 which he again demanded the prisoners confined in the for- 
 tress. In reply, they professed the utmost deference to the 
 letter of the sovereigns, but again observed that they held the 
 prisoners in obedience to the admiral, to whom the sovereigns 
 had granted letters of a higher nature. 
 
 The self-importance of Bobadilhi was incensed at this non-
 
 450 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 compliance, especially as he saw it had some effect upon the 
 populace, who appeared to doubt his authority. He now pro- 
 duced the third mandate of the crown, ordering Columbus and 
 his brothel's to deliver up all fortresses, ships, and other royal 
 property. To win the public completely to his side, he read 
 also the additional mandate, issued on the 30th of May, of the 
 same year, ordering him to pay the arrears of wages due to all 
 persons in the royal service, and to compel the admiral to 
 pay the arrears of those to whom he was accountable. 
 
 This last document was received with shouts by the multi- 
 tude, many having long arrears due to them in consequence of 
 the poverty of the treasury. Flushed with his growing impor- 
 tance. Bobadilla again demanded the prisoners ; threatening, if 
 refused, to*take them by force. Meeting with the same reply, 
 he repaired to the fortress to execute his threats. This post 
 was commanded by Miguel Diaz, the same Arragonian cavalier 
 who had once taken refuge among the Indians on the banks of 
 the Ozema, won the affections of the female cacique Catalina, 
 receiving from her information of the neighboring gold mines, 
 and induced his countrymen to remove to those parts. 
 
 When Bobadilla came before the fortress, he found the 
 gates closed and the alcayde, Miguel Diaz, upon the battle- 
 ments. He ordered his letters patent to be read with a loud 
 voice, the signatures and seals to be held up to view, and then 
 demanded the surrender of the prisoners. Diaz requested a 
 copy of the letters ; but this Bobadilla refused, alleging that 
 there was no time for dela}-, the prisoners being under sentence 
 of death, and liable at any moment to be executed. He threat- 
 ened at the same time, that if they were not given up, he would 
 proceed to extremities, and Diaz should be answerable for the 
 consequences. The wary alcayde again required time to reply, 
 and a copy of the letters, saying that he held the fortress for 
 the king by the command of the admiral, his lord, ,who had 
 gained these territories and islands, and that when the latter 
 arrived he should obey his orders. 1 
 
 The whole spirit of Bobadilla was roused within him, at the 
 refusal of the alcayde. Assembling all the people he had 
 brought from Spain, together with the sailors of the ships and 
 the rabble of the place, he exhorted them to aid him in getting 
 possession of the prisoners, but to harm no one unless in case 
 of resistance. The mob shouted assent, for Bobadilla was 
 already the idol of the multitude. About the hour of vesi>ers 
 
 1 Las C'axuM, !li-i. Intl., lib. i. cap. 179.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 451 
 
 he set out at the head of this motley army, to storm a fortress 
 destitute of a garrison, and formidable only in name, being cal- 
 culated to withstand only a naked and slightly-armed people. 
 The accounts of this transaction have something in them bor- 
 dering on the ludicrous, and give it the air of absurd rhodo- 
 montade. Bobadilla assailed the portal with great impetuosity, 
 the frail bolts and locks of which gave way at the first shock, 
 and allowed him easy admission. In the mean time, however, 
 his zealous myrmidons applied ladders to the walls, as if about 
 to carry the place by assault, and to experience a desperate 
 defence. The alcayde, Miguel Diaz, and Don Diego de Alva- 
 rado, alone appeared on the battlements ; they had drawn 
 swords, but offered no resistance. Bobadilla entered the for- 
 tress in triumph, and without molestation. The prisoners were 
 found in a chamber in irons. He ordered that they should be 
 brought up to him to the top of the fortress, where, having put 
 a few questions to them, as a matter of form, he gave them in 
 charge to an alguazil named Juan de Espinosa. 1 
 
 Such was the arrogant and precipitate entrance into office of 
 Francisco de Bobadilla. He had reversed the order of his 
 written instructions, having seized upon the government before 
 he had investigated the conduct of Columbus. He continued 
 his career in the same spirit, acting as if the case had been pre- 
 judged in Spain, and he had been sent out merely to degrade 
 the admiral from his employments, not to ascertain the manner 
 in which he had fulfilled them. He took up his residence in the 
 house of Columbus, seized upon his arms, gold, plate, jewels, 
 horses, together with his letters, and various manuscripts, 
 both public and private, even to his most secret papers. He 
 gave no account of the property thus seized, and which he no 
 doubt considered already confiscated to the crown, excepting 
 that he paid out of it the wages of those to whom the admiral 
 was in arrears.* To increase his favor with the people, he 
 proclaimed, on the second day of his assumption of power, a 
 general license for the term of twenty years, to seek for gold, 
 paying merely one-eleventh to government, instead of a third 
 as heretofore. At the same time he spoke in the most disre- 
 spectful and unqualified terms of Columbus, saying that he was 
 empowered to send him home in chains, and that neither he 
 nor any of his lineage would ever again be permitted to govern 
 in the inland. 3 
 
 1 Las Oasas, nbi. sup. Ilerrera, ubi sup. 
 
 1 Hi*!, ilel Alminuile, cap. 8~>. Las ( ';is;is. Herrera, ubi sup. 
 
 * Letters of Columbus to the Xurse of i'riuce Juau.
 
 452 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 COLUMBUS SUMMONED TO APPEAR BEFORE BOBADILLA. 
 
 [1500.] 
 
 WHEN the tidings reached Columbus at Fort Conception of 
 the high-handed proceedings of Bobadilla, he considered them 
 the unauthorized acts of some rash adventurer like Ojeda. 
 Since government had apparently thrown open the door to pri- 
 vate enterprise, he might expect to have his path continually 
 crossed, and his jurisdiction infringed by bold intermeddlers, 
 feigning or fancying themselves authorized to interfere in the 
 affairs of the colony. Since the departure of Ojeda another 
 squadron had touched upon the coast, and produced a transient 
 alarm, being an expedition under one of the Pinzons, licensed 
 by the sovereigns to make discoveries. There had also been 
 a rumor of another squadron hovering about the island, which 
 proved, however, to be unfounded. 1 
 
 The conduct of Bobadilla bore all the appearance of a law- 
 less usurpation of some intruder of the kind. He had possessed 
 himself forcibly of the fortress, and consequently of the town. 
 He had issued extravagant licenses injurious to the govern- 
 ment, and apparently intended only to make partisans among 
 the people, and had threatened to throw Columbus himself in 
 irons. That this man could really be sanctioned by govern- 
 ment in such intemperate measures was repugnant to belief. 
 The admiral's consciousness of his own services, the repeated 
 assurances lie had received of high consideration on the part of 
 the sovereigns, and the perpetual prerogatives granted to him 
 under their hand and seal, with all the solemnity that a compact 
 could possess, all forbade him to consider the transactions at 
 San Domingo otherwise than as outrages on his authority by 
 some daring or misguided individuol. 
 
 To be nearer to San Domingo, and obtain more correct infor- 
 mation, he proceeded to Bonao, which was now beginning to 
 assume the appearance of a settlement, several Spaniards having 
 erected houses there, and cultivated the adjacent country. He 
 had scarcely reached the place when an alcalde, bearing a staff 
 of oflice, arrived there from San Domingo, proclaiming the ap- 
 
 1 Letters of Columbus to the Nunse of Prince Juan.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 453 
 
 pointment of Bobaclilla to the government, and bearing copies 
 of his letters-patent. There was no especial letter or message 
 sent to the admiral, nor were any of the common forms of 
 courtesy and ceremony observed in superseding him in the com- 
 mand ; all the proceedings of Bobadilla toward him were abrupt 
 and insulting. 
 
 Columbus was exceedingly embarrassed how to act. It was 
 evident that Bobadilla was intrusted with extensive powers by 
 the sovereigns, but that they could have exercised such a sud- 
 den, unmerited, and apparently capricious act of severity, as 
 that of divesting him of all his commands, he could not believe. 
 He endeavored to persuade himself that Bobadilla was some 
 person sent out to exercise the functions of chief judge, accord- 
 ing to the request he had written home to the sovereigns, and 
 that they had intrusted him likewise with provisional powers 
 to make an inquest into the late troubles of the island. All 
 beyond these powers he tried to believe were mere assumptions 
 and exaggerations of authority, as in the case of Aguado. At 
 all events, he was determined to act upon such presumption, 
 and to endeavor to gain time. If the monarchs had really 
 taken any harsh measures with respect to him, it must have 
 been in consequence of misrepresentations. The least delay 
 might give them an opportunity of ascertaining their error, and 
 making the necessary amends. 
 
 He wrote to Bobadilla, therefore, in guarded terms, welcom- 
 ing him to the island ; cautioning him against precipitate meas- 
 ures, especially in granting licenses to collect gold ; informing 
 him that he was on the point of going to Spain, and in a little 
 time would leave him in command, with every thing fully and 
 clearly explained. He wrote at the same time to the like pur- 
 port to certain monks who had come out with Bobadilla, though 
 he observes that these letters were only written to gain time. 1 
 He received no replies ; but while an insulting silence was ob- 
 served toward him, Bobadilla filled up several of the blank let- 
 ters, of which he had a number signed by the sovereigns, and 
 sent them to Roldan, and other of the admiral's enemies, the 
 very men whom he had been sent out to judge. These letters 
 were full of civilities and promises of favor. 2 
 
 To prevent any mischief which might arise from the licenses 
 and indulgences so prodigally granted by Bobadilla, Columbus 
 published by word and letter that the powers assumed by him 
 could not be valid, nor his licenses availing, as he himself held 
 
 1 Letter of Columbus to the Nurse of Prince Juau. > Ibid. Ilerrera, decacl. i. lib.
 
 454 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 superior powers granted to him in perpetuity by the crown, 
 which could no more be superseded iu this instance than they 
 had been in that of Aguado. 
 
 For some time Columbus remained in this anxious and per- 
 plexed state of mind, uncertain what line of conduct to pursue 
 in so singular and unlooked-for a conjuncture. He was soon 
 brought to a decision. Francisco Velasquez, deputy treasurer, 
 and Juan de Trasierra, a Franciscan friar, arrived at Bonao, 
 and delivered to him the royal letter of credence, signed by the 
 sovereigns on the 26th of May, 1499, commanding him to give 
 implicit faith and obedience to Bobadilla ; and they delivered, 
 at the same time, a summons from the latter to appear immedi- 
 ately before him. 
 
 This laconic letter from the sovereigns struck at once at the 
 root of all his dignity and power. He no longer made hesi- 
 tation or demur, but complying with the peremptory summons 
 of Bobadilla, departed, almost alone aiid unattended, for San 
 Domingo. 1 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 COLUMBUS AND HIS BROTHERS ARRESTED AND SENT TO SPAIN IN 
 
 CHAINS. 
 
 [1500.] 
 
 THE tidings that a new governor had arrived, and that Co- 
 lumbus was in disgrace, and to be sent home in chains, circu- 
 lated rapidly through the Vega, and the colonists hastened 
 from all parts to San Domingo to make interest with Bobadilla. 
 It was soon perceived that there was no surer wa}' than that of 
 vilifying his predecessor. Bobadilla felt that he had taken a 
 rash step in seizing upon the government, and thai his own 
 safety required the conviction of Columbus. He listened eager- 
 ly, therefore, to all accusations, public or private : and welcome 
 was he who could bring am" charge, however extravagant, 
 against the admiral and his brothers. 
 
 Hearing that the admiral was on his way to the city, he made 
 a bustle of preparation, and armed the troops, affecting to be- 
 lieve a rumor that Columbus had called upon the caciques of 
 the Vega to aid him with their subjects in a resistance to the 
 
 1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 9. Letter to the Nurse of Prince Juan.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 455 
 
 commands of government. No grounds appear for this absurd 
 report, which was probably invented to give a coloring of pre- 
 caution to subsequent measures of violence and insult. The 
 admiral's brother, Don Diego, was seized, thrown in irons, and 
 confined on board of a caravel, without any reason being as- 
 signed for his imprisonment. 
 
 In the mean time Columbus pursued his journey to San Do- 
 mingo, travelling in a lonely manner, without guards or retinue. 
 Most of his people were with the Adelantado, and he had de- 
 clined being attended by the remainder. He had heard of the 
 rumors of the hostile intentions of Bobadilla; and although he 
 knew that violence was threatened to his person, he came in 
 this unpretending manner to manifest his pacific feelings, and 
 to remove all suspicion. 1 
 
 No sooner did Bobadilla hear of his arrival than he gave 
 orders to put him in irons, and confine him in the fortress. 
 This outrage to a person of such dignified and venerable ap- 
 pearance and such eminent merit, seemed for the time to shock 
 even his enemies. When the irons were brought, every one 
 present shrank from the task of putting them on him, either 
 from a sentiment of compassion at so great a reverse of fortune, 
 or out of habitual reverence for his person. To fill the measure 
 of ingratitude meted out to him, it was one of his own domes- 
 tics, " a graceless and shameless cook," says Las Casas, " who, 
 with unwashed front, riveted the fetters with as much readi- 
 ness and alacrity as though he were serving him with choice 
 and savory viands. I knew the fellow," adds the venerable 
 historian, " and I think his name was Espinosa." 2 
 
 Columbus conducted himself with characteristic magnanim- 
 ity under the injuries heaped upon him. There is a noble scorn 
 which swells and supports the heart, and silences the tongue of 
 the truly great, when enduring the insults of the unworthy. 
 Columbus could not stoop to deprecate the arrogance of a weak 
 and violent man like Bobadilla. He looked beyond this shal- 
 low agent and all his petty tyranny to the sovereigns who had 
 employed him. Their injustice or ingratitude alone could wound 
 his spirit ; and he felt assured that when the truth came to be 
 known, they would blush to find how greatly they had wronged 
 him. With this proud assurance he bore all present indignities 
 in silence. 
 
 Bobadilla, although he had the admiral and Don Diego in his 
 power, and had secured the venal populace, felt anxious and ill 
 
 i Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 180. 2 Ibid.
 
 456 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 at ease. The Adelantado, with an armed force under his com- 
 mand, was still in the distant province of Xaragua, in pursuit 
 of the rebels. Knowing his soldier-like and determined spirit, 
 he feared he might take some violent measure when he should 
 hear of the ignominious treatment and imprisonment of his 
 brothel's. He doubted whether any order from himself would 
 have any effect, except to exasperate the stern Don Bartholo- 
 mew. He sent a demand, therefore, to Columbus, to write to 
 his brothei 1 , requesting him to repair peaceably to San Domingo, 
 and forbidding him to execute the persons he held in confine- 
 ment; Columbus readily complied. He exhorted his brother to 
 submit quietly to the authority of his sovereigns, and to endure 
 all present wrongs and indignities, under the confidence that 
 when they arrived at Castile, every thing would be explained 
 and redressed. 1 
 
 On receiving this letter, Don Bartholomew immediately com- 
 plied. Relinquishing Ins command, he hastened peacefully to 
 San Domingo, and on arriving experienced the same treatment 
 with his brothers, being put in irons and confined on board of 
 a caravel. They were kept separate from each other, and no 
 communication permitted between them. Bobadilla did not see 
 them himself, nor did he allow others to visit them, but kept 
 them in ignorance of the cause of their imprisonment, the 
 crimes with which they were charged, and the process that was 
 going on against them. 2 
 
 It has been questioned whether Bobadilla really had authority 
 for the arrest and imprisonment of the admiral and his brothers, 3 
 and whether such violence and indignity was in any case con- 
 templated by the sovereigns. He may have fancied himself 
 empowered by the clause in the letter of instructions, dated 
 
 1 Peter Martyr mentions a vulgar rumor of the day, that the admiral, not knowing 
 what might happen, wrote a letter in cipher to the Adelantado, urging him to come with 
 arms in his hands to prevent any violence that might be contrived against him ; that the 
 Adelantado advanced, in effect, with his armed force, but having the imprudence to 
 proceed some distance ahead of it, was surprised by the governor, before his men could 
 come to his succor, and that the letter in cipher had been sent to Spain. This must have 
 been one of the groundless rumors of the day, circulated to prejudice the public mind. 
 Nothing of the kind appears among the charges in the inquest made by Bobadilla, and 
 which was seen, and extracts made from it, by Las Casas, for his history. It is, in fact, 
 in total contradiction to the statements of Las Casas, Ilerrera, and Fernando Columbus. 
 
 2 Charlevoix, in his History of San Domingo (lib. ill. p. 199), states, that the suit 
 against Columbus was conducted in writing; that written charges were sent to him, to 
 which he replied in the same way. This is contrary to the statements of Las Casas, 
 Ilerrera, and Fernando Columbus. The admiral himself, in his letter to the Nurse of 
 I'rince Juan, after relating the manner in which he and his brothers had been thrown 
 Into irons, and confined separately, without being visited by Bobadilla, or permitted to 
 see any other persons, expressly adds, " I make oath that I do not know for what 1 am 
 imprisoned." Again, in a letter written some time afterward from Jamaica, he says, 
 " I was t;iketi and thrown with two of my brothers in a ship, loaded with irons, with 
 little clothing and much ill-treatment, without being summoned or convicted by justice." 
 
 3 ELerrara, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 10. Oviedo, Cronica, lib. iii. cap. 6.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 457 
 
 March 21st, 1499, in which, speaking of the rebellion of Roldan, 
 " lie is authorized to seize the persons and sequestrate the prop- 
 erty of those who appeared to be culpable, and then to proceed 
 against them and against the absent, with the highest civil and 
 criminal penalties." This evidently had reference to the per- 
 sons of Roldan and his followers, who were then in arms, and 
 against whom Columbus had sent home complaints ; and this, 
 by a violent construction, Bobadilla seems to have wrested into 
 an authority for seizing the person of the admiral himself. In 
 fact, in the whole course of his proceedings, he reversed and 
 confounded the order of his instructions. His first step should 
 have- been to proceed against the rebels ; this he made the last. 
 His last step should have been, in case of ample evidence 
 against the admiral, to have superseded him in office ; and this 
 he made the first, without waiting for evidence. Having pre- 
 determined, from the very outset, that Columbus was in the 
 wrong, by the same rule he had to presume that all the oppo- 
 site parties were in the right. It became indispensable to his 
 own justification to inculpate the admiral and his brothers ; and 
 the rebels he had been sent to judge became, by this singular 
 perversion of rule, necessaiy and cherished evidences, to crim- 
 inate those against whom they had rebelled. 
 
 The intentions of the crown, however, are not to be vindi- 
 cated at the expense of its miserable agent. If proper respect 
 had been felt for the rights and dignities of Columbus, Boba- 
 dilla would never have been intrusted with powers so extensive, 
 undefined, and discretionary ; nor would he have dared to pro- 
 ceed to such lengths, with such rudeness and precipitation, had 
 he not felt assured that it would not be displeasing to the 
 jealous-minded Ferdinand. 
 
 The old scenes of the time of Aguado were now renewed with 
 tenfold virulence, and the old charges revived, with others still 
 more extravagant. From the early and never-to-be-forgotten 
 outrage upon Castilian pride, of compelling hidalgos, in time 
 of emergency, to labor in the construction of works necessary 
 to the public safet\% down to the recent charge of levying war 
 against the government, there was not a hardship, abuse, nor 
 sedition in the island, that was not imputed to the misdeeds of 
 Columbus and his brothers. Besides the usual accusations of 
 inflicting oppressive labor, unnecessary tasks, painful restric- 
 tions, short allowances of food, and cruel punishments upon 
 the Spaniards, and waging unjust wars against the natives, they 
 were now charged with preventing the conversion of the latter, 
 that they might send them slaves to Spain, and profit by their
 
 458 LIFE OF CIJRISTOPIIEIt COLUMBUS. 
 
 sale. This last charge, so contrary to the pious feelings of the 
 admiral, was founded on his having objected to the baptism of 
 certain Indians of mature age, until they could be instructed in 
 the doctrines of Christianity : justly considering it an abuse of 
 that holy sacrament to administer it thus blindly. 1 
 
 Columbus was charged, also, with having secreted pearls, and 
 other precious articles, collected in his voyage along the coast 
 of Paria, and with keeping the sovereigns in ignorance of the 
 nature of his discoveries there, in order to exact new privileges 
 from them ; yet it was notorious that he had sent home speci- 
 mens of the pearls and journals and charts of his voyage, by 
 which others had been enabled to pursue his track. 
 
 Even the late tumults, now that the rebels were admitted as 
 evidence, were all turned into matters of accusation. They 
 were represented as spirited and loyal resistances to tyranny 
 exercised upon the colonists and the natives. The well-merited 
 punishments inflicted upon certain of the ringleaders were cited 
 as proofs of a cruel and revengeful disposition, and a secret 
 hatred of Spaniards. Bobadilla believed, or affected to believe, 
 all these charges. He had, in a manner, made the rebels his 
 confederates in the ruin of Columbus. It was become a com- 
 mon cause with them. He could no longer, therefore, conduct 
 himself toward them as a judge. Guevara, Requelme, and 
 their fellow-convicts, were discharged almost without the form 
 of a trial, and it is even said were received into favor and 
 countenance. Roldan, from the very first, had been treated 
 with confidence by Bobadilla, and honored with his correspond- 
 ence. All the others, whose conduct had rendered them liable 
 to justice, received either a special acquittal or a general par- 
 don. It was enough to have been opposed in any way to Co- 
 lumbus, to obtain full justification in the eyes of Bobadilla. 
 
 The latter had now collected a weight of testimony, and pro- 
 duced a crowd of witnesses, sufficient, as he conceived, to in- 
 sure the condemnation of the prisoners, and his own continuance 
 in command. He determined, therefore, to send the admiral 
 and his brothers home in chains, in the vessels ready for sea, 
 transmitting at the same time the inquest taken in their case, 
 and writing private letters, enforcing the charges made against 
 them, and advising that Columbus should on no account be 
 restored to the command, which he had so shamefully abused. 
 
 San Domingo now swarmed with miscreants just delivered 
 from the dungeon and the gibbet. It was a perfect jubilee of 
 
 1 Munoz, Ilist. N. MunJo, part unpublished.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 459 
 
 triumphant villany and dastard malice. Every base spirit, 
 which had been awed into obsequiousness by Columbus and his 
 brothers when in power, now started up to revenge itself upon 
 them when in chains. The most injurious slanders were loudly 
 proclaimed in the streets ; insulting pasquinades and inflamma- 
 tory libels were posted up at every corner ; and horns were 
 blown in the neighborhood of their prisons, to taunt them with 
 the exultings of the rabble. 1 When these rejoicings of his ene- 
 mies reached him in his dungeon, and Columbus reflected on 
 the inconsiderate violence already exhibited by Bobadilla, he 
 knew not how far his rashness and confidence might carry him, 
 and began to entertain apprehensions for his life. 
 
 The vessels being ready to make sail, Alonzo de Yillejo was 
 appointed to take charge of the prisoners, and cany them to 
 Spain. This officer had been brought up by an uncle of Fon- 
 secu, was in the employ of that bishop, and had come out with 
 Bobadilla. The latter instructed him, on arriving at Cadiz, to 
 deliver his prisoners into the hands of Fonseca, or of his uncle, 
 thinking thereby to give the malignant prelate a triumphant 
 gratification. This circumstance gave weight with many to a 
 report that Bobadilla was secretly instigated and encouraged in 
 his violent measures by Fonseca, and was promised his protec- 
 tion and influence at court, in case of any complaints of his 
 conduct. 2 
 
 Villejo undertook the office assigned him, but he discharged 
 it in a more generous manner than was intended. " This 
 Alonzo de Villejo," says the worthy Las Casas, " was a hidalgo 
 of honorable character, and my particular friend." He cer- 
 tainly showed himself superior to the low malignity of his 
 patrons. When he arrived with a guard to conduct the admiral 
 from the prison to the ship, he found him in chains in a state 
 of silent despondency. 80 violently had he been treated, and 
 so savage were the passions let loose against him, that he 
 feared he should be sacrificed without an opportunity of being 
 heard, and his name go down sullied and dishonored to pos- 
 terity. When he beheld the officer enter with the guard, he 
 thought it was to conduct him to the scaffold. " Villejo," said 
 he, mournfully, "whither are you taking me?" " To the 
 ship, your Excellency, to embark," replied the other. "To 
 embark !" repeated the admiral, earnestly ; " Villejo, do you 
 speak the truth? " ' By the life of your Excellency," replied 
 the honest officer, " it is true ! " With these words the admiral 
 
 > Hist, del Almirante, cap. 86. * Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 180, MS.
 
 460 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 was comforted, and felt as one restored from death to life. 
 Nothing can be more touching and expressive than this little 
 colloquy, recorded by the venerable Las Casas, who doubtless 
 had it from the lips of his friend Villejo. 
 
 The caravels set sail early in October, bearing off Columbus 
 shackled like the vilest of culprits, amid the scoffs and shouts of 
 a miscreant rabble, who took a brutal joy in heaping insults on 
 his venerable head, and sent curses after him from the shores 
 of the island he had so recently added to the civilized world. 
 Fortunately the voyage was favorable, and of but moderate 
 duration, and was rendered less disagreeable by the conduct of 
 those to whom he was given in custody. The worthy Villejo, 
 though in the service of Fonseca, felt deeply moved at the 
 treatment of Columbus. The master of the caravel, Andreas 
 Martin, was equally grieved : they both treated the admiral 
 with profound respect and assiduous attention. They would 
 have taken off his irons, but to this he would not consent. 
 ''No," said he proudly, "their majesties commanded me by 
 letter to submit to whatever Bobadilla should order in their 
 name ; by their authority he has put upon me these chains ; I 
 will wear them until they shall order them to be taken off, and 
 I will preserve them afterward as relics and memorials of the 
 reward of my services." 1 
 
 " He did so," adds his son Fernando ; " I saw them always 
 hanging in his cabinet, and he requested that when he died 
 they might be buried with him ! " 2 
 
 i Las Casas, Hist. Iiid., lib. i. cap. 180, MS. * Hist, del Altniraute, cap. 86.
 
 BOOK XIY. 
 
 CHAPTER T. 
 
 SENSATION IN SPAIN ON THE ARRIVAL OF COLUMBUS IN IRONS 
 HIS APPEARANCE AT COURT. 
 
 [1500.] 
 
 THE arrival of Columbus at Cadiz, a prisoner and in chains, 
 produced almost as great a sensation as his triumphant return 
 from his first vo}'age. It was one of those striking and obvious 
 facts which speak to the feelings of the multitude, and preclude 
 the necessity of reflection. No one stopped to inquire into the 
 case. It was sufficient to be told that Columbus was brought 
 home in irons from the world he had discovered. There was a 
 general burst of indignation in Cadiz, and in the powerful and 
 opulent Seville, which was echoed throughout all .Spain. If the 
 ruin of Columbus had been the intention of his enemies, they 
 had defeated their object by their own violence. One of those 
 re-actions took place, so frequent in the public mind, when 
 persecution is pushed to an unguarded length. Those of the 
 populace who had recently been loud in their clamor against 
 Columbus were now as loud in their reprobation of his treat- 
 ment, and a strong sympathy was expressed, against which it 
 would have been odious for the government to contend. 
 
 The tidings of his arrival, and of the ignominious manner in 
 which he had been brought, reached the court at Granada, and 
 filled the halls of the Alhambra with murmurs of astonishment. 
 Columbus, full of his wrongs, but ignorant how far they had 
 been authorized by the sovereigns, had forborne to write to 
 them. In the course of his voyage, however, he had penned a 
 long letter to Doiia Juana de la Torre, the aya of Prince Juan, 
 a lady high in favor with Queen Isabella. This letter, on his 
 arrival at Cadiz, Andreas Martin, the captain of the caravel, 
 permitted him to send off privately by express. It arrived, there- 
 
 461
 
 462 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 fore, before the protocol of the proceedings instituted by Boba- 
 dilla. and from this document the sovereigns derived their first 
 intimation of his treatment. 1 It contained a statement of the 
 late transactions of the island, and of the wrongs he had 
 suffered, written with his usual artlessness and energy. To 
 specify the contents would be but to recapitulate circum- 
 stances already recorded. Some expressions, however, which 
 burst from him in the warmth of his feelings, are worthy of 
 being noted. " The slanders of worthless men/' says he, 
 4t have done me more injury than all my services have profited 
 me." Speaking of the misrepresentations to which he was 
 subjected, he observes: ''Such is the evil name which I have 
 acquired, that if I were to build hospitals and churches, 
 they would be called dens of robbers." After relating in 
 indignant terms the conduct of Bobadilla, in seeking testimony 
 respecting his administration from the very men who had 
 rebelled against him, and throwing himself and his brothers 
 in irons, without letting them know the offences with which 
 they were charged, " I have been much aggrieved," he adds, 
 ** in that a person should be sent out to investigate my con- 
 duct, who knew that if the evidence which he could send 
 home should appear to be of a serious nature, he would 
 remain in the government." He complains that, in forming 
 an opinion of his administration, allowances had not been 
 made for the extraordinary difficulties with which he had 
 to contend, and the wild state of the country over which he 
 had to rule. ' I was judged," he observes, "as a governor who 
 bad been sent to take charge of a well-regulated city, under the 
 dominion of well-established laws, where there was no danger 
 of every thing running to disorder and ruin ; but I ought to be 
 judged as a captain, sent to subdue a numerous and hostile 
 people, of manners and religion opposite to ours, living not in 
 regular towns, but in forests and mountains. It ought to be 
 considered that I have brought all these under subjection to 
 their majesties, giving them dominion over another world, by 
 which Spain, heretofore poor, has suddenly become rich. 
 Whatever errors I ma}' have fallen into, they were not with an 
 evil intention ; and I believe their majesties will credit what I 
 say. I have known them to be merciful to those who have wil- 
 fully done them disservice ; I am convinced that they will 
 have still more indulgence for me who have erred innocently, 
 or by compulsion, as they will hereafter be more fully in- 
 
 i Lae Casas, Hist, lud., lib. i. cap. 1S2.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 463 
 
 formed ; and I trust they will consider my great services, the 
 advantages of which are every day more and more apparent." 
 
 When this letter was read to the noble-minded Isabella, and 
 she found how grossly Columbus had been wronged and the 
 royal authority abused, her heart was filled with mingled sym- 
 pathy and indignation. The tidings were confirmed by a letter 
 from the alcalde or corregidor of Cadiz, into whose hands 
 Columbus and his brothers had been delivered, until the pleas- 
 ure of the sovereigns should be known ;' and by another letter 
 from Alonzo de Villejo, expressed in terms accordant with his 
 humane and honorable conduct toward his illustrious prisoner. 
 
 However Ferdinand might have secretly felt disposed against 
 Columbus, the momentary tide of public feeling was not to be 
 resisted. He joined with his generous queen in her reprobation 
 of the treatment of the admiral, and both sovereigns hastened 
 to give evidence to the world that his imprisonment had been 
 without their authority, and contrary to their wishes. With- 
 out waiting to receive any documents that might arrive from 
 Bobadilla, they sent orders to Cadiz that the prisoners should 
 be instantly set at liberty, and treated with all distinction. 
 They wrote a letter to Columbus, couched in terms of grati- 
 tude and affection, expressing their grief at all that he had 
 suffered, and inviting him to court. Thej* ordered, at the same 
 time, that two thousand ducats should be advanced to defray 
 his expenses. 2 
 
 The loyal heart of Columbus was again cheered by this dec- 
 laration of his sovereigns. He felt conscious of his integrity, 
 and anticipated an immediate restitution of all his rights and 
 dignities. He appeared at court in Granada on the 17th of 
 December, not as a man ruined and disgraced, but richly 
 dressed, and attended by an honorable retinue. He was re- 
 ceived by the sovereigns with unqualified favor and distinction. 
 When the queen beheld this venerable man approach, and 
 thought on all he had deserved and all he had suffered, she was 
 moved to tears. Columbus had borne up firmly against the 
 rude conflicts of the world he had endured with lofty scorn 
 the injuries and insults of ignoble men ; but he possessed strong 
 and quick sensibility. \Vhen he found himself thus kindly 
 received by his sovereigns, and beheld tears in the benign eyes 
 of Isabella, his long-suppressed feelings burst forth : he threw 
 
 1 Oviedo, Cronica, lib. iii. cap. 6. 
 
 2 I.an Gawiw, lib. i. cap. 182. Two thousand ducats, or two thousand eight hundred 
 and forty -fix dollars, equivalent to eight thousand live hundred uud thirty -fight dollars 
 ol the i>ieneal day.
 
 464 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 himself on his knees, and for some time could not utter a word 
 for the violence of his tears and sobbings. 1 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella raised him from the ground, and en- 
 deavored to encourage him by the most gracious expressions. 
 As soon as he regained self-possession he entered into an elo- 
 quent and high-minded vindication of his loyalty, and the zeal 
 he had ever felt for the glory and advantage of the Spanish 
 crown, declaring that if at any time he had erred, it had been 
 through inexperience in government, and the extraordinary 
 difficulties by which he had been surrounded. 
 
 There needed no vindication on his part. The intemperance 
 of his enemies had been his best advocate. He stood in the 
 presence of his sovereigns a deeply-injured man, and it remained 
 for them to vindicate themselves to the world from the charge 
 of ingratitude toward their most deserving subject. They 
 expressed their indignation at the proceedings of Bobadilla, 
 which the}' disavowed, as contrary to their instructions, and 
 declared that he should be immediately dismissed from his 
 command. 
 
 In fact, no public notice was taken of the charges sent home 
 by Bobadilla, nor of the letters written in support of them. 
 The sovereigns took every occasion to treat Columbus with 
 favor and distinction, assuring him that his grievances should 
 be redressed, his property restored, and he reinstated in all his 
 privileges and dignities. 
 
 It was on the latter point that Columbus was chiefly solici- 
 tous. Mercenary considerations had scarcely any weight in his 
 mind. Glory had been the great object of his ambition, and 
 he felt that, as long as he remained suspended from his em- 
 ployments, a tacit censure rested on his name. He expected, 
 therefore, that the moment the sovereigns should be satisfied of 
 the rectitude of his conduct, they would be eager to make him 
 amends ; that a restitution of his viceroyalty would immediately 
 take place, and he should return in triumph to San Domingo. 
 Here, however, he was doomed to experience a disappointment 
 which threw a gloom over the remainder of his days. To 
 account for this flagrant want of justice and gratitude in the 
 crown, it is expedient to notice a variety of events which had 
 materially affected the interests of Columbus in the eyes of the 
 politic Ferdinand. 
 
 1 Uerrera, decad- i. lib. iv. cap, 10.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 465 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 CONTEMPORARY VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY. 
 
 THE general license granted by the Spanish sovereigns in 
 1495, to undertake voyages of discovery, had given rise to 
 various expeditions by enterprising individuals, chiefly persons 
 who had sailed with Columbus in his first voyages. The gov- 
 ernment, unable to fit out many armaments itself, was pleased 
 to have its territories thus extended, free of cost, and its treas- 
 ury at the same time benefited by the share of the proceeds of 
 these voyages, reserved as a kind of duty to the crown. These 
 expeditions had chiefly taken place while Columbus was in par- 
 tial disgrace with the sovereigns. His own charts and journal 
 served as guides to the adventurers ; and his magnificent 
 accounts of Paria and the adjacent coasts had chiefly excited 
 their cupidity. 
 
 Besides the expedition of Ojeda, already noticed, in the course 
 of which he touched at Xaragua, one had been undertaken at 
 the same time by Pedro Alonzo Nino, native of Moguer, an 
 able pilot, who had been with Columbus in the voyages to Cuba 
 and Paria. Having obtained a license, he interested a rich 
 merchant of Seville in the undertaking, who fitted out a cara- 
 vel of fifty tons burden, under condition that his brother Chris- 
 toval Guevra should have the command. They sailed from the 
 bar of Saltes, a few days after Ojeda had sailed from Cadiz, in 
 the spring of 1490, and arriving on the coast of Terra Firma, 
 to the south of Paria, ran along it for some distance, passed 
 through the Gulf, and thence went one hundred and thirty 
 leagues along the shore of the present republic of Colombia, 
 visiting what was afterward called the Pearl Coast. They 
 landed in various places ; disposed of their European trifles to 
 immense profit, and returned with a large store of gold and 
 pearls ; having made, in their diminutive bark, one of the most 
 extensive and lucrative voyages yet accomplished. 
 
 About the same time the Pinzons, that family of bold and 
 opulent navigators, fitted out an armament of four caravels at 
 Palos, manned in a great measure by their own relations and 
 friends. Several experienced pilots embarked in it who had 
 been with Columbus to Paria, and it was commanded b} 7 Vicente 
 Yafiez Pinzon, who had been captain of a caravel in the squad- 
 ron of the admiral on his first voyage.
 
 466 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Pinzon was a hardy and experienced seaman, and did not, like 
 the others, follow closely in the track of Columbus. Sailing in 
 December, 1499, he passed the Canary and Cape de Verde 
 Islands, standing south-west until he lost sight of the polar star. 
 Here he encountered a terrible storm, and was exceedingly per- 
 plexed and confounded by the new aspect of the heavens. Noth- 
 ing was yet known of the southern hemisphere, nor of the 
 beautiful constellation of the cross, which in those regions has 
 since supplied to mariners the place of the north star. The 
 voyagers had expected to find at' the south pole a star corre- 
 sponding to that of the north. They were dismayed at behold- 
 ing no guide of the kind, and thought there must be some 
 prominent swelling of the earth, which hid the pole from their 
 view. 1 
 
 Piuzon continued on, however, with great intrepidity. On 
 the 26th of January, 1500, he saw, at a distance, a great head- 
 land, which he called Cape Santa Maria de la Consolacion, but 
 which has since been named Cape St. Augustine. He landed 
 and took possession of the countr} 7 in the name of their Catho- 
 lic majesties ; being a part of the territories since called the 
 Brazils. Standing thence westward, he discovered the Marag- 
 non, since called the River of the Amazons ; traversed the Gulf of 
 Paria, and continued across the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf 
 of Mexico, until he found himself among the Bahamas, where lie 
 lost two of his vessels on the rocks, near the island of Jumeto. 
 He returned to Palos in September, having added to his former 
 glory that of being the first European who had crossed the 
 equinoctial line in the western ocean, and of having discovered 
 the famous kingdom of Brazil, from its commencement at the 
 River Maraguon to its most eastern point. As a reward for his 
 achievements, power was granted to him to colonize and govern 
 the lands which he had discovered, and which extended south- 
 ward from a little beyond the River of Maraguon to Cape St. 
 Augustine. 2 
 
 The little port of Palos, which had been so slow in furnishing 
 the first squadron for Columbus, was now continually agitated 
 by the passion for discovery. Shortly after the sailing of Pin- 
 zon, another expedition was fitted out there, by Diego Lepe, a 
 native of the place, and manned by his adventurous townsmen. 
 He sailed in the same direction with Pinzon, but discovered 
 more of the southern continent than any other voyager of the 
 day, or for twelve years afterward. He doubled Cape St. Au- 
 
 1 Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. 1x. 
 
 * Herrera, decu j. i. lib. iv. cap. 12. Munoz, Hist. X. Mundo, part unpublished.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 407 
 
 gnstine, and ascertained that the coast beyond ran to the 
 south-west. He landed and performed the usual ceremonies of 
 taking possession in the name of the Spanish sovereigns, and 
 in one place carved their names on a magnificent tree, of such 
 enormous magnitude that seventeen men with their hands joined 
 could not embrace the trunk. What enhanced the merit of his 
 discoveries was, that he had never sailed with Columbus. He 
 had with him, however, several skilful pilots who had accom- 
 panied the admiral in his voyage. 1 
 
 Another expedition of two vessels sailed from Cadiz, in 
 October, 1500, under the command of Rodrigo Bastides of 
 Seville. He explored the coast of Terra Firma, passing Cape 
 de la Vela, the western limits of the previous discoveries on 
 the main-land, continuing on to a port since called The Retreat, 
 where afterward was founded the seaport of Nombre de Dios. 
 His vessels being nearly destroyed by the teredo, or worm which 
 abounds in those seas, he had great difficulty in reaching 
 Xaragna in Ilispaniola, where he lost his two caravels, and 
 proceeded with his crew by land to San Domingo. Here he was 
 seized and imprisoned by Bobadilla, under pretext that he had 
 treated for gold with the natives of Xaragua. 2 
 
 Such was the swarm of Spanish expeditions immediately 
 resulting from the enterprises of Columbus ; but others v;ere 
 also undertaken by foreign nations. In the year 14!7. Sebastian 
 Cabot, son of a Venetian merchant resident in Bristol, sailing 
 in the service of Henry VII. of England, navigated to the 
 northern seas of the New World. Adopting the idea of Colum- 
 bus, he sailed in quest of the shores of Cathay, and hoped to 
 find a north-west passage to India. In this voyage he discov- 
 ered Newfoundland, coasted Labrador to the fifty-sixth degree 
 of north latitude, and then returning, ran down south-west to 
 the Floridas. when, his provisions beginning to fail, he returned 
 to England. 8 But vague and scanty accounts of this voyage 
 exist, which was important, as including the first discovery of 
 the northern continent of the New World. 
 
 The discoveries of rival nations, however, which most excited 
 the attention and jealousy of the Spanish crown, were those of 
 the Portuguese. Vasco de Gama, a man of rank and consum- 
 mate talent and intrepidit}*, had, at length, accomplished the 
 great design of the late Prince Henry of Portugal, and by 
 doubling the Cape of Good Hope in the year 1497, had opened 
 the long-sought- for route to India. 
 
 1 !.!- Casas, l!i-t. Iml , lib. ii. cap. 2. Munoz, part unpublished. * Ibid. 
 * Hakluyt'a Collection of Voyages, vol. iii. p. 7.
 
 468 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Immediately after Gama's return a fleet of thirteen sail was 
 fitted out to visit the magnificent countries of which he brought 
 accounts. This expedition sailed on the 9th of March, loOO, 
 for Calicut, under the command of Pedro Alvarez de Cabral. 
 Having passed the Cape de Verde Islands, he sought to avoid 
 the calms prevalent on the coast of Guinea, by stretching far 
 to the west. Suddenly, on the 2oth of April, he came in sight 
 of land unknown to any one in his squadron ; for, as yet, they 
 had not heard of the discoveries of Pinzon_ and Lepe. He at 
 first supposed it to be some great island ; but after coasting it 
 for some time he became persuaded that it must be part of a 
 continent. Having ranged along it somewhat beyond the fif- 
 teenth degree of southern latitude, he landed at a harbor which 
 he called Porto Secnro, and taking possession of the country 
 for the crown of Portugal, despatched a ship to Lisbon with 
 the important tidings. 1 In this way did the Brazils come into 
 the possession of Portugal, being to the eastward of the con- 
 ventional line settled with Spain as the boundaries of their 
 respective territories. Dr. Robertson, in recording this voyage 
 of Cabral, concludes with one of his just and elegant remarks : 
 
 " Columbus's discovery of the New World was," he observes, 
 "the effect of an active genius, guided by experience, and 
 acting upon a regular plan, executed with no less courage than 
 perseverance. But from this adventure of the Portuguese, it 
 appears that chance might have accomplished that great design, 
 which it is now the pride of human reason to have formed and 
 perfected. If the sagacity of Columbus had not conducted 
 mankind to America, Cabral, by a fortunate accident, might 
 have led them, a few years later, to the knowledge of that 
 extensive continent." 2 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 NICHOLAS DE OVANDO APPOINTED TO SUPERSEDE BOBADILLA. 
 
 [1501.] 
 
 THE numerous discoveries briefly noticed in the preceding 
 chapter had produced a powerful effect upon the mind of Ferdi- 
 nand. His ambition, his avarice, and his jealousy were equally 
 
 1 Lafiteau, Conquetes des Portugais, lib. ii. 
 
 2 Kobertsou, Ili.-t. America, book ii.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 469 
 
 inflamed. He beheld boundless regions, teeming with all kinds 
 of riches, daily opening before the enterprises of his subjects ; 
 but he beheld at the same time other nations launching forth into 
 competition, emulous for a share of the golden world which he 
 was eager to monopolize. The expeditions of the English and 
 the accidental discovery of the Brazils by the Portuguese 
 caused him much uneasiness. To secure his possession of the 
 continent, he determined" to establish local governments or 
 commands in the most important places, all to be subject to a 
 general government, established at San Domingo, which was to 
 be the metropolis. 
 
 With these considerations, the government, heretofore granted 
 to Columbus, had risen vastly in importance ; and while the 
 restitution of it was the more desirable in his eyes, it became 
 more and more a matter of repugnance to the selfish and jealous 
 monarch. He had long repented having vested such great 
 powers and prerogatives in any subject, particularly in a for- 
 eigner. At the time of granting them he had no anticipation 
 of such boundless countries to be placed under his command. 
 He appeared almost to consider himself outwitted by Columbus 
 in the arrangement ; and every succeeding discovery, instead of 
 increasing his grateful sense of the obligation, only made him 
 repine the more at the growing magnitude of the reward. At 
 length, however, the affair of Bobadilla had effected a tempo- 
 rary exclusion of Columbus from his high office, and that with- 
 out any odium to the crown, and the wary monarch secretly 
 determined that the door thus closed between him and his 
 dignities should never again be opened. 
 
 Perhaps Ferdinand may really have entertained doubts as to 
 the innocence of Columbus with respect to the various charges 
 made against him. He may have doubted also the sincerity of 
 his loyalty, being a stranger, when he should find himself strong 
 in his command, at a great distance from the parent country, 
 with immense and opulent regions under his control. Colum- 
 bus himself, in his letters, alludes to reports circulated by his 
 enemies, that he intended either to set up an independent 
 sovereignty, or to deliver his discoveries into the hands of 
 other potentates ; and he appears to fear that these slanders 
 might have made some impression on the mind of Ferdinand, 
 lint there was one other consideration which had no less force 
 witli the monarch in withholding this great act of justice 
 Columbus was no longer indispensable to him. He had made 
 his great discovery ; he had struck out the route to the New 
 World, and now any one could follow it. A number of able
 
 470 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 navigators had sprung up under his auspices, and acquired 
 experience in his vc^'ages. They were daily besieging the 
 throne with offers to fit out expeditions at their own cost, and 
 to yield a share of the profits to the crown. Why should he, 
 therefore, confer princely dignities and prerogatives for that 
 which men were daily offering to perform gratuitously? 
 
 .Such, from his after conduct, appears to have been the 
 jealous and selfish policy which actuated Ferdinand in for- 
 bearing to reinstate Columbus in those dignities and privileges 
 so solemnly granted to him by treaty, and which it was ac- 
 knowledged he had never forfeited by misconduct. 
 
 This deprivation, however, was declared to be but temporary ; 
 and plausible reasons were given for the dela}' in his re-appoint- 
 ment. It was observed that the elements of those violent 
 factions, recently in arms against him, yet existed in the 
 island ; his immediate return might produce fresh exasperation ; 
 his personal safety might be endangered, and the island again 
 thrown into confusion. Though Bobadilla, therefore, was to 
 be immediately dismissed from command, it was deemed advis- 
 able to send out some officer of talent and discretion to super- 
 sede him, who might dispassionately investigate the recent 
 disorders, remedy the abuses which had arisen, and expel all 
 dissolute and factious persons from the colony. He should hold 
 the government for two years, by which time it was trusted that 
 all angry passions would be allayed, and turbulent individuals 
 removed ; Columbus might then resume the command with 
 comfort to himself and advantage to the crown. With these 
 reasons, and the promise which accompanied them, Columbus 
 was obliged to content himself. There can be no doubt that 
 they were sincere on the part of Isabella, and that it was her 
 intention to reinstate him in the full enjoyment of his rights 
 and dignities, after his apparently necessary suspension. Fer- 
 dinand, however, by his subsequent conduct, has forfeited all 
 claim to any favorable opinion of the kind. 
 
 The person chosen to supersede Bobadilla was Don Nicholas 
 de Ovando, commander of Lares, of the order of Alcantara. 
 He is described as of the middle size, fair complexion, with a 
 red beard, and a modest look, yet a tone of authority. He was 
 fluent in speech, and gracious and courteous in his manners. 
 A man of great prudence, says Las Casas, and capable of 
 governing many people, but not of governing the Indians, on 
 whom he inflicted incalculable injuries. He possessed great 
 veneration for justice, was an enemy to avarice, sober in his 
 mode of living, and of such humility that when he rose after-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 471 
 
 ward to bo grand commander of the order of Alcantara, he 
 would never allow himself to be addressed by the title of 
 respect attached to it. 1 Such is the picture drawn of him by 
 historians ; but his conduct in several important instances is in 
 direct contradiction to it. He appears to have been plausible 
 and subtle, as well as fluent and courteous ; his humility con- 
 cealed a great love of command, and in his transactions with 
 Columbus he was both ungenerous and unjust. 
 
 The various arrangements to be made, according to the new 
 plan of colonial government, delayed for some time the depart- 
 ure of Ovando. In the mean time every arrival brought 
 intelligence of the disastrous state of the island under the mal- 
 administration of Bobadilla. He had commenced his career by 
 an opposite policy to that of Columbus. Imagining that rigor- 
 ous rule had been the rock on which his predecessors had split, 
 he sought to conciliate the public by all kinds of indulgence. 
 Having at the very outset relaxed the reins of justice and 
 morality, he lost all command over the community ; and such 
 disorder and licentiousness ensued that many, even of the 
 opponents of Columbus, looked back with regret upon the 
 strict but wholesome rule of himself and the Adelantado. 
 
 Bobadilla was not so much a bad as an imprudent and a weak 
 man. He had not considered the dangerous excesses to which 
 his policy would lead. Hash in grasping authority, he was 
 feeble and temporizing in the exercise of it ; he could not 
 look beyond the present exigency. One dangerous indulgence 
 granted to the colonists called for another; each was ceded in 
 its turn, and thus he went on from error to error showing 
 that in government there is as much danger to be apprehended 
 from a weak as from a bad man. 
 
 He had sold the farms and estates of the crown at low prices, 
 observing that it was not the wish of the monarchs to enrich 
 themselves by them, but that they should redound to the profit 
 of their subjects. He granted universal permission to work the 
 mines, exacting only an eleventh of the produce for the crown. 
 To prevent any diminution in the revenue, it became necessary, 
 of course, to increase the quantity of gold collected. He obliged 
 the caciques, therefore, to furnish each Spaniard with Indians, 
 to assist him both in the labors of the field and of the mine. 
 To carry this into more complete effect, he made an enumera- 
 tion of the natives of the island, reduced them into classes, and 
 distributed them, according to his favor or caprice, among the 
 
 1 Las Ca*as, Hist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 3.
 
 472 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 colonists. The latter, at his suggestion, associated themselves 
 in partnerships of two persons each, who were to assist one 
 another with their respective capitals and Indians, one superin- 
 tending the labors of the field, and the other the search for 
 gold. The only injunction of Bobadilla was to produce large 
 quantities of ore. He had one saying continually in his mouth, 
 which shows the pernicious and temporizing principle upon 
 which he acted : " Make the most of your time," he would say ; 
 "there is no knowing how long it will last," alluding to the 
 possibility of his being speedily recalled. The colonists acted 
 up to his advice, and so hard did they drive the poor natives 
 that the eleventh yielded more revenue to the crown than had 
 ever been produced by the third under the government of Co- 
 lumbus. In the mean time the unhappy natives suffered under 
 nil kinds of cruelties from their inhuman taskmasters. Little 
 used to labor, feeble of constitution, and accustomed in their 
 beautiful and luxurious island to a life of ease and freedom, 
 they sank under the toils imposed upon them, and the severities 
 by which they were enforced. Las Casas gives an indignant 
 picture of the capricious tyranny exercised over the Indians by 
 worthless Spaniards, many of whom had been transported con- 
 victs from the dungeons of Castile. These wretches, who in 
 their own countries had been the vilest among the vile, here 
 assumed the tone of grand cavaliers. They insisted upon being 
 attended by trains of servants. They took the daughters and 
 female relations of caciques for their domestics, or rather for 
 their concubines, nor did they limit themselves in number. 
 "When they travelled, instead of using horses and mules with 
 which they were provided, they obliged the natives to transport 
 them upon their shoulders in litters, or hammocks, with others 
 attending to hold umbrellas of palm-leaves over their heads to 
 keep off the sun, and fans of feathers to cool them ; and Las 
 Casas affirms that he has seen the backs and shoulders of the 
 unfortunate Indians who bore these litters, raw and bleeding 
 from the task. When these arrogant upstarts arrived at an 
 Indian village the}* consumed and lavished away the provisions 
 of the inhabitants, seizing upon whatever pleased their caprice, 
 and obliging the cacique and his subjects to dance before them 
 for their amusement. Their very pleasures were attended with 
 cruelty. They never addressed the natives but in the most de- 
 grading terms, and on the least offence, or the least freak of 
 ill-humor, indicted blows and lashes, and even death itself. 1 
 
 Las Casas, liist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 1, MS.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 473 
 
 Such is but a faint picture of the evils which sprang up under 
 the feeble rule of Bobadilla, and are sorrowfully described by 
 Las Casas, from actual observation, as he visited the island just 
 at the close of his administration. Bobadilla had trusted to 
 the immense amount of gold, wrung from the miseries of the 
 natives, to atone for all errors, and secure favor with the sove- 
 reigns ; but he had totally mistaken his course. The abuses of 
 his government soon reached the royal ear, and alx>ve all, the 
 wrongs of the natives reached the benevolent heart of Isabella. 
 Nothing was more calculated to arouse her indignation, and she 
 urged the speedy departure of Ovaudo, to put a stop to these 
 enormities. 
 
 In conformity to the plan already mentioned, the government 
 of Ovando extended over the islands and Terra Firma, of which 
 Hispaniohi was to be the metropolis. He was to enter upon 
 the exercise of his powers immediately upon his arrival, by 
 procuration, sending home Bobadilla by the return of the fleet, 
 lie was instructed to inquire diligently into the late abuses, 
 punishing the delinquents without favor or partiality, and re- 
 moving all worthless persons from the island. He was to 
 revoke immediately the license granted by Bobadilla for the 
 general search after gold, it having been given without royal 
 authority. He was to require, for the crown, a third of what 
 was already collected, and one-half of all that should be col- 
 lected in future. He was empowered to build towns, granting 
 them the privileges enjoyed by municipal corporations of Spain, 
 and obliging the Spaniards, and particularly the soldiers, to re- 
 side in them, instead of scattering themselves over the island. 
 Among many sage provisions there were others injurious and 
 illiberal, characteristic of an age when the principles of com- 
 merce were but little understood, but which were continued by 
 Spain long after the rest of the world had discarded them as the 
 errors of dark and unenlightened times. The crown monoi>- 
 olizcd the trade of the colonies. No one could carry merchan- 
 dise there on his own account. A royal factor was appointed, 
 through whom alone were to be obtained supplies of European 
 articles. The crown reserved to itself not only exclusive prop- 
 erty in the mines, but in precious stones, and like objects of 
 extraordinary value, and also in dyewoods. No strangers, and 
 above all no Moors nor Jews, were permitted to establish them- 
 selves in the island, nor to go upon voyages of discover}-. Such 
 were some of the restrictions upon trade which Spain imposed 
 upon her colonies, and which were followed up by others equally 
 illiberal. Her commercial policy has beeu the scoff of modern
 
 474 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 times ; but may not the present restrictions on trade, imposed 
 by the most intelligent nations, be equally the wonder and the 
 jest of future ages ? 
 
 Isabella was particularly careful in providing for the kind 
 treatment of the Indians. Ovando was ordered to assemble the 
 caciques, and declare to them that the sovereigns took them and 
 their people under their special protection. They were merely 
 to pay tribute like other subjects of the crown, and it was to be 
 collected with the utmost mildness and gentleness. Great pains 
 were to be taken in their religious instruction ; for which pur- 
 pose twelve Franciscan friars were sent out, with a prelate 
 named Antonio de Espinal, a venerable and pious man. This 
 was the first formal introduction of the Franciscan order into 
 the New World. 1 
 
 All these precautions with respect to the natives were de- 
 feated by one unwary provision. It was permitted that the 
 Indians might be compelled to work in the mines, and iu other 
 employments ; but this was limited to the royal service. They 
 were to be engaged as hired laborers, and punctually paid. 
 This provision led to great abuses and oppressions, and was 
 ultimately as fatal to the natives as could have been the most 
 absolute slavery. 
 
 But, with that inconsistency frequent in human conduct, while 
 the sovereigns were making regulations for the relief of the In- 
 dians, they encouraged a gross invasion of the rights and welfare 
 of another race of human beings. Among their various decrees 
 on this occasion, we find the first trace of negro slavery in the 
 New World. It was permitted to carry to the colony negro 
 slaves born among Christians ; 2 that is to say, slaves born in 
 Seville and other pails of Spain, the children and descendants 
 of natives brought from the Atlantic coast of Africa, where 
 such traffic had for some time been carried on b}' the Spaniards 
 and Portuguese. There are signal events iu the course of his- 
 tory, which sometimes bear the appearance of temporal judg- 
 ments. It is a fact worthy of observation that Hispauiola, the 
 place where this flagrant sin against nature and humanity was 
 first introduced into the New World, has been the first to ex- 
 hibit an awful retribution. 
 
 Amid the various concerns which claimed the attention of 
 the sovereigns, the interests of Columbus were not forgotten. 
 Ovando was ordered to examine into all his accounts, without 
 undertaking to pay them off. He was to ascertain the damages 
 
 ' T.as Caw, Hist. Tnd., lib. ii. cap. 3, MS. 
 
 * Hun-era, Hist, luil., ilecud. i. lib. iv. cap. 12.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 475 
 
 he had sustained by his imprisonment, the interruption of his 
 privileges, and the confiscation of his effects. All the property 
 confiscated by Bobadilla was to be restored; or if it had been 
 sold, to be made good. If it had been employed in the royal 
 service, Columbus was to be indemnified out of the treasury ; if 
 Bobadilla had appropriated it to his own use, he was to account 
 for it out of his private puree. Equal care was to be taken to 
 indemnify the brothers of the admiral for the losses they had 
 wrongfully suffered by their arrest. 
 
 Columbus was likewise to receive the arrears of his revenues, 
 and the same were to be punctually paid to him in future. He 
 was permitted to have a factor resident in the island, to be 
 present at the melting and marking of the gold, to collect his 
 dues, and in short to attend to all his affairs. To this office he 
 appointed Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal ; and the sovereigns com- 
 manded that his agent should be treated with great respect. 
 
 The fleet appointed to convey Ovando to his government was 
 the largest that had yet sailed to the New World. It consisted 
 of thirty sail, five of them from ninety to one hundred and fifty 
 tons burden, twenty-four caravels from thirty to ninety, and 
 one bark of twenty-five tons. 1 The number of souls embarked 
 in this fleet was about twenty-five hundred ; many of them 
 persons of rank and distinction, with their families. 
 
 That Ovando might appear with dignity in his new office, he 
 was allowed to use silks, brocades, precious stones, and other 
 articles of sumptuous attire, prohibited at that time in Spain, 
 in consequence of the ruinous ostentation of the nobility. He 
 was permitted to have seventy-two esquires as his body-guard, 
 ten of whom were horsemen. With this expedition sailed Don. 
 Alonzo Maldoundo, appointed as alguazil mayor, or chief 
 justice, in place of Roldan. who was to be sent to Spain. There 
 were artisans of various kinds : to these were added a physi- 
 cian, surgeon, and apothecary ; and seventy-three married men 2 
 with their families, all of respectable character, destined to be 
 distributed in four towns, and to enjoy peculiar privileges, that 
 they might form the basis of a sound and useful population. 
 They were to displace an equal number of the idle and dissolute 
 who were to be sent from the island : this excellent measure had 
 been especially urged and entreated by Columbus. There was 
 also live stock, artillery, arms, munitions of all kinds ; every 
 thing, in short, that was required forthe supply of the island. 
 
 1 Muiioz, part inodit. La* Casas says the Meet consisted of thirty-two sail, lie states 
 from memory, however: Mufi >x from documents. 
 
 2 Mu;iu/;,'ll. >i. Muudo, jjait iiietlit.
 
 476 LIFE OF cnitisTornER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Such was the style in which Ovando, a favorite of Ferdinand, 
 and a native subject of rank, was fitted out to enter upon the 
 government withheld from Columbus. The fleet put to sea 
 on the thirteenth of February, 1502. In the early part of 
 the voyage it was encountered by a terrible storm ; one of the 
 ships foundered, with one hundred and twenty passengers; the 
 others were obliged to throw overboard every thing on deck, 
 and were completely scattered. The shores of Spain were 
 strewn with articles from the fleet, and a rumor spread that all 
 the ships had perished. When this reached the sovereigns, 
 they were so overcome with grief that they shut themselves up 
 for eight days, and admitted no one to their presence. The 
 rumor proved to be incorrect ; but one ship was lost. The 
 others assembled again at the island of Gomera in the Canaries, 
 and pursuing their voyage, arrived at San Domingo on the 15th 
 of April. 1 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 PROPOSITION OF COLUMBUS RELATIVE TO THE RECOVERY OF THE 
 HOLY SEPULCHRE. 
 
 [1500-1501.] 
 
 COLUMBUS remained in the city of Granada upward of nine 
 months, endeavoring to extricate his affairs from the confusion 
 into which they had been thrown by the rash conduct of Boba- 
 dilla, and soliciting the restoration of his offices and dignities. 
 During this time he constantly experienced the smiles and at- 
 tentions of the sovereigns, and promises were repeatedly made 
 him that he should ultimately be reinstated in all his honors 
 He had long since, however, ascertained the great interval that 
 may exist between promise and performance in a court. Had 
 he been of a morbid and repining spirit, he had ample food for 
 misanthropy. He beheld the career of glory which he had 
 opened, thronged by favored adventurers ; he witnessed prepa- 
 rations making to convey with unusual pomp a successor to 
 that government from which he had been so wrongfully and 
 rudely ejected ; in the mean while his own career was inter- 
 rupted, and as far as public employ is a gauge of royal favor, 
 he remained apparently i disgrace. 
 
 His sanguine temperament was not long to be depressed ; if 
 checked in one direction it broke forth in another. His vision- 
 
 Las Casas, Ilist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 3, MS.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 477 
 
 ary imagination was an internal light, which, in the darkest 
 times, repelled all outward gloom, and filled his mind with 
 splendid images and glorious speculations. In this time of evil, 
 his vow to furnish, within seven years from the time of his dis- 
 cover} 7 , fifty thousand foot soldiers, .and five thousand horse, 
 for the recovery of the holy sepulchre, recurred to his memory 
 with peculiar force. The time had elapsed, but the vow re- 
 mained unfulfilled, and the means to perform it had failed him. 
 The New World, with all its treasures, had as 3'et produced ex- 
 pense instead of profit ; and so far from being in a situation to 
 set armies on foot by his own contributions, he found himself 
 without property, without power, and without employ. 
 
 Destitute of the means of accomplishing his pious intentions, 
 he considered it his duty to incite the sovereigns to the enter- 
 prise ; and he felt emlx>ldened to do so, from having originally 
 proposed it as the great object to which the profits of his dis- 
 coveries should be dedicated. He set to work, therefore, with 
 his accustomed zeal, to prepare arguments for the purpose. 
 During the intervals of business, he sought into the prophecies 
 of the holy Scriptures, the writings of the fathers, and all kinds 
 of sacred and speculative sources, for mystic portents and reve- 
 lations which might be construed to bear upon the discovery of 
 the New World, the conversion of the Gentiles, and the recov- 
 ery of the holy sepulchre : three great events which he supposed 
 to be predestined to succeed each other. These passages, with 
 the assistance of a Carthusian friar, he arranged in order, illus- 
 trated by poetry, and collected into a manuscript volume, to be 
 delivered to the sovereigns. He prepared, at the same time, a 
 long letter, written with his usual fervor of spirit and sim- 
 plicity of heart. It is one of those singular comix>sitions which 
 lay open the visionary pait of his character, and show the 
 mystic and speculative reading with which he was accustomed 
 to nurture his solemn and soaring imagination. 
 
 In this letter he urged the sovereigns to set on foot a crusade 
 for the deliverance of Jerusalem from the power of the unbe- 
 lievers. He entreated them not to reject his present advice as 
 extravagant and impracticable, nor to heed the discredit that 
 might be cast upon it by others ; reminding them that his great 
 scheme of discovery had originally been treated with similar 
 contempt. He avowed in the fullest manner his persuasion, 
 that, from his earliest infancy, he had been chosen by Heaven 
 for the accomplishment of those two great designs, the discov- 
 ery of the New World, and the rescue of the holy sepulchre. 
 For this purpose, in his tender years, he had been guided by a
 
 478 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 divine impulse to embrace the profession of the sea, a mode of 
 life, he observes, which produces an inclination to inquire into 
 the mysteries of nature ; and he had been gifted with a curious 
 spirit, to read all kinds of chronicles, geographical treatises, 
 and works of philosoph\". In meditating upon these, his un- 
 derstanding had been opened by the Deity, " as with a palpable 
 hand," so as to discover the navigation to the Indies, and he 
 had been inflamed with ardor to undertake the enterprise. 
 ''Animated as by a heavenly fire," he adds, " I came to your 
 highnesses : all who heard of my enterprise mocked at it ; all 
 the sciences I had acquired profited me nothing ; seven years 
 did I pass in your royal court, disputing the case with persons 
 of great authority and learned in all the arts, and in the end 
 they decided that all was vain. In your highnesses alone re- 
 mained faith and constancy. Who will doubt that this light 
 was from the holy Scriptures, illumining you as well as myself 
 with rays of marvellous brightness?" 
 
 These ideas, so repeatedly, and solemnly, and artlessly ex- 
 pressed, by a man of the fervent piet\' of Columbus, show how 
 truly his discovery arose from the working of his own mind, 
 and not from information furnished by others. lie considered 
 it a divine intimation, a light from Heaven, and the fulfilment 
 of what had been foretold by our Saviour and the prophets. 
 Still he regarded it but as a minor event, preparatory to the 
 great enterprise, the recover}' of the holy sepulchre. He pro- 
 nounced it a miracle effected by Heaven to animate himself 
 and others to that holy undertaking ; and he assured the sov- 
 ereigns that, if they had faith in his present as in his former 
 proposition, they would assuredly be rewarded with equally 
 triumphant success. He conjured them not to heed the sneers 
 of such as might scoff at him as one unlearned, as an ignorant 
 mariner, a worldly man ; reminding them that the Holy Spirit 
 works not merely in the learned, but also in the ignorant ; nay, 
 that it reveals things to come, not merely by rational beings, 
 but by prodigies in animals, and by mystic signs in the air and 
 in the heavens. 
 
 The enterprise here suggested by Columbus, however idle and 
 extravagant it may appear in the present day, was in unison 
 with the temper of the times, and of the court to which it was 
 proposed. The vein of mystic erudition by which it was en- 
 forced, likewise, was suited to an age when the reveries of 
 the cloister still controlled the operations of the cabinet and the 
 camp. The spirit of the crusades had not yet passed away. 
 In the cause of the church, and at the instigation of its digui-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 479 
 
 taries, every cavalier was ready to draw his sword ; and religion 
 mingled a glowing and devoted enthusiasm with the ordinary 
 excitement of warfare. Ferdinand was a religious bigot ; and 
 the devotion of Isabella went as near to bigotry as her liberal 
 mind and magnanimous spirit would permit. Both the sover- 
 eigns were under the influence of ecclesiastical politicians con- 
 stantly guiding their enterprises in a direction to redound to 
 the temporal power and glory of the church. The recent con- 
 quest of Granada had been considered a European crusade, and 
 had gained to the sovereigns the epithet of Catholic. It was 
 natural to think of extending their sacred victories still farther, 
 and retaliating upon the infidels their domination of Spain, 
 and their long triumphs over the cross. In fact, the Duke of 
 Medina Sidouia had made a recent inroad into Harbary, in the 
 course of which he had taken the city of Melilla, and his expe- 
 dition had been pronounced a renewal of the holy wars against 
 the infidels in Africa. 1 
 
 There was nothing, therefore, in the proposition of Columbus 
 that could be regarded as preposterous, considering the period 
 and circumstances in which it was made, though it strongly 
 illustrates his own enthusiastic and visionary character. It 
 must be recollected that it was meditated in the courts of the 
 Alhambra, among the splendid remains of Moorish grandeur, 
 where, but a few years before, he had beheld the standard of 
 the faith elevated in triumph above the symbols of infidelity. 
 It appears to have been the offspring of one of those moods of 
 high excitement, when, as has been observed, his soul was 
 elevated by the contemplation of his great and glorious office ; 
 when he considered himself under divine inspiration, imparting 
 the will of Heaven, and fulfilling the high and holy purposes 
 for which he had been predestined. 2 
 
 1 Garibay, Hist. Espana, lib. xix. cap. 6. Among the collections existing in the 
 library of the late Prince Sebastian, there is a folio which, among other t hi new, con- 
 tain* a paper or letter, in which is a calculation of the probable expenses of an army 
 of twenty thousand men, for the conquest of the Holy Land. It is dated 1509 or 
 1510, and the handwriting appears to be of the same time. 
 
 * CohiiniJiis wad not singular in this belief; it was entertained by many of his 
 zealous and learned admirers. The erudite lapidary, Jayme Ferrer, in the letter 
 written to Columbus in 1495, at the command of the sovereigns, observer : "I fee in 
 this a great mystery- the divine and infallible Providence sent the great St. Thomas 
 from the west into the east, to manifest in India our holy and Catholic faith; and 
 you, Senor, he sent in an opposite direction, from the east into the west, until you 
 have arrived in the Orient, into the extreme part of Upper India, that the people 
 may hear that which their ancestors neglected of the preaching of St. Thomas. 
 Thus shall be accomplished what was written, in onuifti trrrani triUt aonim eo~ 
 rniii." . . . And again, "The office which you hold, Senor, places you in the 
 light of an apostle and ambassador of God, sent by his divine judgment, to make 
 known his holy name in unknown lands." Lelra de Mossen Jayme Ferrer, Navar- 
 rete Coleccion, torn. ii. decad. 68. See also the opiuiou expressed by Agostiuo 
 Oiuustiuiaui, his contemporary, in hia Polyglot Psalter.
 
 480 LIFE OF CnHISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 PREPARATIONS OF COLUMBUS FOR A FOURTH VOYAGE OF 
 DISCOVERY. 
 
 [1501-1502.] 
 
 THE speculation relative to the recovery of the holy sepulchre 
 held but a temporary sway over the miud of Columbus. His 
 thoughts soon returned, with renewed ardor, to their wonted 
 channel. He became impatient of inaction, and soon conceived 
 a leading object for another enterprise of discovery. The 
 achievement of Vasco de Gama, of the long-attempted naviga- 
 tion to India by the Cape of Good Hope, was one of the signal 
 events of the da} T . Pedro Alvarez Cabral, following in his 
 track, had made a most successful voyage, and returned with 
 his vessels laden witli the precious commodities of the East. 
 The riches of Calicut were now the theme of every tongue, and 
 the splendid trade now opened in diamonds and precious stones 
 from the mines of Hindostan ; in pearls, gold, silver, amber, 
 ivory, and porcelain ; in silken stuffs, costly woods, gums, aro- 
 matics, and spices of all kinds. The discoveries of the savage 
 regions of the New World, as yet, brought little revenue to 
 .Spain ; but this route, suddenly opened to the luxurious 
 countries of the East, was pouring immediate wealth into 
 Portugal. 
 
 Columbus was roused to emulation by these accounts. He 
 now conceived the idea of a voyage, in which, with his usual 
 enthusiasm, he hoped to surpass not merely the discovery of 
 Vasco de Gama, but even those of his own previous expedi- 
 tions. According to his own observations in his voyage to 
 Paria, and the reports of other navigators, who had pursued 
 the same route to a greater distance, it appeared that the coast 
 of Terra Firma stretched far to the west. The southern coast 
 of Cuba, which he considered a part of the Asiatic continent, 
 stretched onward toward the same point. The currents of the 
 Caribbean Sea must pass between those lands. He was per- 
 suaded, therefore, that there must be a strait existing some- 
 where thereabout, opening into the Indian sea. The situation 
 in which he placed his conjectural strait was somewhere about 
 what at present is called the Isthmus of Darien. 1 Could he 
 
 1 Las < 'asa.-, lib. ii. cap. 4. Las Casas specifies the viciuity of Nooibre Ue IMos aa 
 the place.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 481 
 
 but discover such a passage, and thus link the New iVorld lie 
 had discovered, with the opulent Oriental regions of the Old, 
 he felt that he should make a magnificent close to his labors, 
 and consummate this great object of his existence. 
 
 When he unfolded his plan to the sovereigns, it was listened 
 to with great attention. Certain of the royal council, it is said, 
 endeavored to throw difficulties in the way, observing that the 
 various exigencies of the times, and the low state of the royal 
 treasury, rendered any new expedition highly inexpedient. 
 They intimated also that Columbus ought not to be employed 
 until his good conduct in Hispaniola was satisfactorily estab- 
 lished by letters from Ovando. These narrow-minded sugges- 
 tions failed in their aim ; Isabella had implicit confidence in the 
 integrity of Columbus. As to the expense, she felt that while 
 furnishing so powerful a fleet and splendid retinue to Ovando, 
 to take possession of his government, it would be ungenerous 
 and ungrateful to refuse a few ships to the discoverer of the 
 New World, to enable him to prosecute his illustrious enter- 
 prises. As to Ferdinand, his cupidity was roused at the idea 
 of being soon put in possession of a more direct and safe route 
 to those countries with which the crown of Portugal was open- 
 ing so lucrative a trade. The project also would occupy the 
 admiral for a considerable time, and, while it diverted him 
 from claims of an inconvenient nature, would employ his 
 talents in a way most beneficial to the crown. However the 
 king might doubt his abilities as a legislator, he had the high- 
 est opinion of his skill and judgment as a navigator. If such, 
 a strait as the one supposed were really in existence, Columbus 
 was, of all men in the world, the one to discover it. His prop- 
 osition, therefore, was promptly acceded to ; he was author- 
 ized to fit out an armament immediately ; and repaired to 
 Seville in the autumn of 1001, to make the necessary prepara- 
 tions. 
 
 Though this substantial enterprise diverted his attention from 
 his romantic expedition for the recover} 7 of the holy sepulchre, 
 it still continued to haunt his mind. He left his manuscript 
 collection of researches among the prophecies, in the hands of 
 a devout friar of the name of Gasper Gorricio, who assisted 
 to complete it. In February, also, he wrote a letter to Pope 
 Alexander VII., in which he apologizes on account of indispen- 
 sable occupations, for not having repaired to Rome, according 
 to his original intention, to give an account of his grand discov- 
 eries. After briefly relating them, he adds that his enterprises 
 had been undertakeu with intent of dedicating the sains to the
 
 482 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 recovery of the holy sepulchre. He mentions his vow to fur- 
 nish, within seven years, fifty thousand foot and five thousand 
 horse for the purpose, and another of like force within five suc- 
 ceeding years. This pious intention, he laments, had been im- 
 peded by the arts of the devil, and he feared, without divine 
 aid, would be entirely frustrated, as the government which 
 had been granted to him in perpetuity had been taken from him. 
 He informs his Holiness of his being about to embark on an- 
 other voyage, and promises solemnly, on his return, to repair 
 to Rome without delay, to relate every thing by word of mouth, 
 as well as to present him with an account of his voyages, which 
 he had kept from the commencement to the present time, in the 
 style of the Commentaries of Caesar. 1 
 
 It was about this time, also, that he sent his letter on the 
 subject of the sepulchre to the sovereigns, together with the 
 collection of prophecies. 2 We have no account of the manner 
 in which the proposition was received. Ferdinand, with all his 
 .bigotry, was a shrewd and worldly prince. Instead of a chival- 
 rous crusade against Jerusalem, he preferred making a pacific 
 arrangement with the Grand JSoldan of Egypt, who had men- 
 aced the destruction of the sacred edifice. He despatched, 
 therefore, the learned Peter Martyr, so distinguished for his 
 historical writings, as ambassador to the Soldan, by whom all 
 ancient grievances between the two powers were satisfactorily 
 adjusted, and arrangements made for the conservation of the 
 holy sepulchre, and the protection of all Christian pilgrims re- 
 sorting to it. 
 
 In the mean time Columbus went on with the preparations for 
 his contemplated voyage, though but slowly, owing, as Charle- 
 voix intimates, to the artifices and delays of Fouseca and his 
 
 1 Navarrete, Colec. Viag., torn. ii. p. 145. 
 
 z A manuscript volume containing a copy of this letter and of the collection of 
 prophecies, is in the Columbian Library, in the Cathedral of Seville, where the author 
 of this work had seen and examined it, since publishing the first edition. The 
 title and some of the early pages of the work are in the handwriting of Fernando 
 Columbus, the main body or the work is by a strange hand, probably by the Friar 
 Gaspar Gorricio, or some brother of his Convent. There are trifling marginal notes 
 or corrections, and one or two trivial additions in the handwriting of Columbus, 
 especially a passage added after his return from his fourth voyage and shortly before 
 his death, alluding to an eclipse of the moon which took place during his sojourn in 
 the island of Jamaica. The handwriting of this last passage, like most of the manu- 
 script of Columbus which the author has seen, is small and delicate, bnt wants the lirm- 
 11 ess and distinctness of his earlier writing, his hand having doubtless become unsteady 
 by age and infirmity. 
 
 This document is extremely curious as containing all the passages of Scripture and 
 of the works of the fathers which had so powerful an influence on the ciiihu^iai-iic 
 mind of Columbus, and were construed by him into mysterious prophecies ai.d reve- 
 lations. The volume is in good preservation, excepting that a few pages have bee'i cut 
 out. The writing, though of the beginning of the filtccnlh century, is very distinct 
 mid legible. Tbu library mark of the Unik i* KsUulu Z, Tub. 1&>, No. '25.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 483 
 
 agents. He craved permission to touch at the island of Ilis- 
 paniola for supplies on his outward voyage. This, however, 
 the sovereigns forbade, knowing that lie had many enemies 
 in the island, and that the place would be in great agitation from 
 the arrival of Ovando and the removal of Bobadilla. They 
 consented, however, that he should touch there briefly on his 
 return, by which time they hoped the island would be restored 
 to tranquillity. He was permitted to take with him in this expe- 
 dition his brother the Atlelantado, and his son Fernando, then 
 in his fourteenth year ; also two or three persons learned in 
 Arabic, to serve as interpreters, in case he should arrive at the 
 dominions of the Grand Khan, or of any other eastern prince 
 where that language might be spoken, or partially known. In 
 reply to letters relative to the ultimate restoration of his rights, 
 and to matters concerning his family, the sovereigns wrote him 
 a letter, dated March 14th, 1502, from Valencia de Torre, in 
 which they again solemnly assured him that their capitulations 
 with him should be fulfilled to the letter, and the dignities 
 therein ceded enjoyed by him, and his children after him ; and 
 if it should be necessary to confirm them anew, they would do 
 so. and secure them to his son. Besides which, they expressed 
 their disposition to bestow further honors and rewards upon 
 himself, his brothers, and his children. They entreated him, 
 therefore, to depart in peace and confidence, and to leave all 
 his concerns in Spain to the management of his son Diego. 1 
 
 This was the last letter that Columbus received from the 
 sovereigns, and the assurances it contained were as ample and 
 absolute as he could desire. Recent circumstances, however, 
 had apparently rendered him dubious of the future. During 
 the time that he passed in Seville, previous to his departure, 
 he took measures to secure his fame, and preserve the claims 
 of his family, by placing them under the guardianship of his 
 native country. He had copies of all the letters, grants, and 
 privileges from the sovereigns, appointing him admiral, vice- 
 roy, and governor of the Indies, copied and authenticated be- 
 fore the alcaldes of Seville. Two sets of these were transcribed, 
 together with his letter to the nurse of Prince Juan, contain- 
 ing a circumstantial and eloquent vindication of his rights ; and 
 two letters to the Bank of St. George, at Genoa, assigning to it 
 the tenth of his revenues, to be employed in diminishing the 
 duties on corn and other provisions a truly benevolent and 
 patriotic donation, intended for the relief of the poor of his 
 
 1 Laa Casas, Ilist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 4.
 
 484 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 native city. These two sets of documents he sent by different 
 individuals to his friend. Doctor Nicola Oderigo, formerly am- 
 bassador from Genoa to the court of Spain, requesting him to 
 preserve them in some safe deposit, and to apprise his sou 
 Diego of the same. His dissatisfaction at the conduct of the 
 Spanish court may have been the cause of this precautionary 
 measure, that an appeal to the world, or to posterity, might be 
 in the power of his descendants, in case he should perish in the 
 course of his voyage. 1 
 
 1 These documents lay unknown in the Oderigo family until 1670, when Lorenzo 
 Oderigo presented them to the government of Genoa, and they were deposited in the 
 archives. In the disturbances and revolutions of after times, one of these copies was 
 taken to Paris, and the other disappeared. In 1816 the latter was discovered in the 
 library of the deceased Count Michel Angelo Cambiaso, a senator of Genoa. It was 
 procured by the King of Sardinia, then sovereign of Genoa, and given up by him to the 
 city of Genoa in 1821. A custodia, or monument, was erected in that city for its pres- 
 ervation, consisting of a marble column supporting an urn, surmounted by a bust of 
 Columbus. The documents were deposited in the urn. These papers have beeu pub- 
 lished, together with an historical memoir of Columbus, by D. Gio. BattitU Spotorno, 
 Professor of Eloquence, etc., iu the University of Geuoa.
 
 BOOK XV. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS ON HIS FOURTH VOYAGE REFUSED 
 ADMISSION TO THE HARBOR OF SAN DOMINGO EXPOSED TO A 
 VIOLENT TEMPEST. 
 
 [1502.] 
 
 AGE was rapidly making its advances upon Columbus when 
 he undertook his fourth and last voyage of discovery. He had 
 already numbered sixty-six yeai-s, and they were years tilled 
 with care and trouble, in which age outstrips the march of 
 time. His constitution, originally vigorous in the extreme, had 
 been impaired by hardships and exposures in every clime, and 
 silently preyed upon by the sufferings of the mind. His frame, 
 once powerful and commanding, and retaining a semblance of 
 strength and majesty even in its decay, was yet crazed by in- 
 firmities and subject to paroxysms of excruciating pain. His 
 intellectual forces alone retained their wonted health and en- 
 ergy, prompting him, at a period in life when most men seek 
 repose, to sally forth with youthful ardor, on the most toilsome 
 and adventurous of expeditions. 
 
 His squadron for the present voyage consisted of four cara- 
 vels, the smallest of fifty tons burden, the largest not exceed- 
 ing seventy, and the crews amounting in all to one hundred 
 and fifty men. With this little armament and these slender 
 barks did the venerable discoverer undertake the search after 
 a strait, which, if found, must conduct him into the most 
 remote seas, and lead to a complete circumnavigation of the 
 globe. 
 
 In this arduous voyage, however, he had a faithful counsel- 
 lor, and an intrepid and vigorous coadjutor, in his brother Don 
 Bartholomew, while his younger son Fernando cheered him 
 with his affectionate sympathy. He had learned to appreciate 
 such comforts, from being too often an isolated stranger, sur- 
 rounded by false friends and perfidious enemies. 
 
 485
 
 486 LIFE OF CIIRI STOP HER COLUMBUS. 
 
 The squadron sailed from Cadiz on the 9th of May, and 
 passed over to Ercilla, on the coast of Morocco, where it an- 
 chored on the 13th. Understanding that the Portuguese garri- 
 son was closely besieged in the fortress by the Moore, and ex- 
 ]>osed to great peril, Columbus was ordered to touch there, and 
 render all the assistance in his power. Before his arrival the 
 siege had been raised, but the governor lay ill, having been 
 wounded in an assault. Columbus sent his brother, the Ade- 
 lantado, his son Fernando, and the captains of the caravels on 
 shore, to wait upon the governor, with expressions of friend- 
 ship and civility, and offers of the services of his squadron. 
 Their visit and message gave high satisfaction, and several 
 cavaliers were sent to wait upon the admiral in return, some of 
 whom were relatives of his deceased wife, Dona Felippa Munoz. 
 After this exchange of civilities, the admiral made sail on the 
 same day, and continued his voyage. 1 On the 2oth of May, 
 he arrived at the Grand Canary, and remained at that and the 
 adjacent islands for a few days, taking in wood and water. 
 On the evening of the 25th he took his departure for the New 
 World. The trade-winds were so favorable that the little 
 squadron swept gently on its course, without shifting a sail, 
 and arrived on the 15th of June at one of the Caribbee Islands, 
 called by the natives Mantinino. 2 After stopping here for three 
 days, to take in wood and water, and allow the seamen time to 
 wash their clothes, the squadron passed to the west of the 
 island, and sailed to Dominica, about ten leagues distant. 3 
 Columbus continued hence along the inside of the Antilles, to 
 Santa Cruz, then along the south side of Porto Rico, and 
 steered for San Domingo. This was contrary to the original 
 plan of the admiral, who had intended to steer to Jamaica, 4 
 and thence to take a departure for the continent, and explore 
 its coasts in search of the supposed strait. It was contrary to 
 the orders of the sovereigns also, prohibiting him on his outward 
 voyage to touch at Hispaniola. His excuse was that his prin- 
 cipal vessel sailed extremely ill, could not carry any canvas, 
 and continually embarrassed and delayed the rest of the 
 squadron. 5 He wished, therefore, to exchange it for one of the 
 fleet which had recently conveyed Ovando to his government, 
 
 > Hi*t. del. Alrairante, cap. 88. 
 
 1 fSeiior Xavarrele supposes this island to be the came at present called Santa Lucia. 
 From the distance between it and Dominica, as slated by Fernando Columbus, it was 
 more probably the present Martinlca. 
 
 Hist del. Almirame, cap. 88. 
 
 4 Ix-tter of Columbus from Jamaica. Journal of Porras, Xavarrete, torn. i. 
 
 * Hist. del. Aluiirauu, cap. 8S. La* Ctutas, lib. ii. cap. 5.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 487 
 
 or to purchase some other vessel at San Domingo ; and he was 
 persuaded that he would not be blamed for departing from his 
 orders, in a case of such importance to the safety and success 
 of his expedition. 
 
 It is necessary to state the situation of the island at this 
 moment. Ovando had reached San Domingo on the 15th of 
 April. He had been received with the accustomed ceremony on 
 the shore, by Bobadilla, accompanied by the principal inhabit- 
 ants of the town. He was escorted to the fortress, where his 
 commission was read in form, in presence of all the authorities. 
 The usual oaths were taken, and ceremonials observed ; and the 
 new governor was hailed with great demonstrations of obedi- 
 ence and satisfaction. Ovando entered upon the duties of his 
 office with coolness and prudence, and treated Bobadilla with 
 a courtesy totally opposite to the rudeness with which the latter 
 had superseded Columbus. The emptiness of mere official 
 rank, when unstistained by merit, was shown in the case of 
 Bohadilla. The moment his authority was at an end all his im- 
 portance vanished. He found himself a solitary and neglected 
 man, deserted by those whom he had most favored, and he 
 experienced the worthlessness of the popularity gained by 
 courting the prejudices and passions of the multitude. Still 
 there is no record of any suit having been instituted against 
 him ; and Las Casas, who was on the spot, declares that he 
 never heard any harsh thing spoken of him by the colonists. 1 
 
 The conduct of Koldan and his accomplices, however, under- 
 went a strict investigation, and many were arrested to be sent 
 to Spain for trial. They appeared undismayed, trusting to the 
 influence of their friends in Spain to protect them, and many 
 relying on the well-known disposition of the Bishop of Fouseca 
 to favor all who had been opposed to Columbus. 
 
 The fleet which had brought out Ovando was now read}' for 
 sea ; and was to take out a number of the principal delinquents, 
 and many of the idlers and profligates of the island. Bobadilla 
 was to embark on the principal ship, on board of which he put 
 an immense amount of gold, the revenue collected for the 
 crown during his government, and which he confidently ex- 
 pected would atone for all his faults. There was one solid mass 
 of virgin gold on board of this ship, which is famous in the old 
 Spanish chronicles. It had been found by a female Indian in a 
 brook, on the estate of Francisco de Garay and Miguel Diaz, 
 and had been taken by Bobadilla to send to the king, making 
 
 * Las Ca-sas, Hist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 3.
 
 488 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 the owners a suitable compensation. It was said to weigh 
 three thousand six hundred eastellauos. 1 
 
 Large quantities of gold were likewise shipped in the fleet, 
 by the followers of Roldan, and other adventurers, the wealth 
 gained by the sufferings of the unhappy natives. Among the 
 various persons who were to sail in the principal ship was the 
 unfortunate Guarionex, the once powerful cacique of the Vega. 
 He had been confined in Fort Conception ever since his capture 
 after the war of Higuey, and was now to be sent a captive in 
 chains to Spain. In one of the ships, Alonzo Sanchez de Car- 
 vajal, the agent of Columbus, had put four thousand pieces of 
 gold, to be remitted to him, being part of his property, either 
 recently collected or recovered from the hands of Bobadilla. 2 
 
 The preparations were all made, and the fleet was ready to 
 put to sea, when, on the 29th of June, the squadron of Colum- 
 bus arrived at the mouth of the river. He immediately sent 
 Pedro de Terreros, captain of one of the caravels, on shore to 
 wait on Ovando, and explain to him that the purpose of his 
 coming was to procure a vessel in exchange for one of his cara- 
 vels, which was extremely defective. He requested permission 
 also to shelter his squadron in the harbor ; as he apprehended, 
 from various indications, an approaching storm. This request 
 was refused by Ovando. Las Casas thinks it probable that he 
 had instructions from the sovereigns not to admit Columbus, 
 and that he was further swayed by prudent considerations, as 
 San Domingo was at that moment crowded with the most 
 virulent enemies of the admiral, many of them in a high state 
 of exasperation, from recent proceedings which had taken place 
 against them. 3 
 
 When the ungracious refusal of Ovando was brought to Col- 
 umbus, and he found all shelter denied him, he sought at least 
 to avert the danger of the fleet, which was about to sail. He 
 sent back the officer, therefore, to the governor, entreating him 
 not to permit the fleet to put to sea for several days, assuring 
 him that there were indubitable signs of an impending tempest. 
 This second request was equally fruitless with the first. The 
 weather, to an inexperienced eye, was fair and tranquil ; the 
 pilots and seamen were impatient to depart. They scoffed at 
 the prediction of the admiral, ridiculing him as a false prophet, 
 and they persuaded Ovando not to detain the fleet on so unsub- 
 stantial a pretext. 
 
 It was hard treatment of Columbus, thus to be denied the 
 
 1 Las C'a.sas, Hist Intl., lib. ii. cap. 5. * Ibid. 
 
 * Las Casas, ubi blip.
 
 LIFE OF CIiniSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 489 
 
 relief which the state of his ships required, and to be excluded 
 in time of distress from the very harbor lie had discovered. 
 He retired from the river full of grief and indignation. His 
 crew murmured loudly at being shut out from a port of their 
 own nation, where even strangers, under similar circumstances, 
 would be admitted. They repined at having embarked with a 
 commander liable to such treatment, and anticipated nothing 
 but evil from a voyage, in which they were exposed to the 
 dangers of the sea, and repulsed from the protection of the 
 land. 
 
 Being confident, from his observations of those natural phe- 
 nomena in which he was deeply skilled, that the anticipated 
 storm could not be distant, and expecting it from the land side, 
 Columbus kept his feeble squadron close to the shore, and 
 sought for secure anchorage iu some wild bay or river of the 
 island. 
 
 In the mean time the fleet of Bobadilla set sail from San Do- 
 mingo, and stood out confidently to sea. Within two days the 
 predictions of Columbus were verified. One of those tremen- 
 dous hurricanes, which sometimes sweep those latitudes, had 
 gradually gathered up. The baleful appearance of the heavens, 
 the wild look of the ocean, the rising murmur of the winds, all 
 gave notice of its approach. The fleet had scarcely reached the 
 eastern point of Hispaniola when the tempest burst over it 
 with awful fury, involving every thing in wreck and ruin. The 
 ship on board of which were Bobadilla, Roldan, and a number 
 of the most inveterate enemies of Columbus, was swallowed up 
 with all its crew, and with the celebrated mass of gold, and the 
 principal part of the ill-gotten treasure, gained by the miseries 
 of the Indians. Many of the ships were entirely lost, some re- 
 turned to San Domingo, in shattered condition, and only one 
 was enabled to continue her voyage to Spain. That one, ac- 
 cording to Fernando Columbus, was the weakest of the fleet, 
 and had on board the four thousand pieces of gold, the property 
 of the admiral. 
 
 During the early part of this storm the little squadron of 
 Columbus remained tolerably well sheltered by the land. On 
 the second day the tempest increased in violence, and the night 
 coming on with unusual darkness, the ships lost sight of each 
 other and w r ere separated. The admiral still kept close to the 
 shore, and sustained no damage. The others, fearful of the 
 land in such a dark and boisterous night, ran out for sea-room, 
 and encountered the whole fury of the elements. For several 
 days they were driven about at the mercy of the wind and
 
 490 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 wave, fearful each moment of shipwreck, and giving up each 
 other as lost. The Adelantodo, who commanded the ship 
 already mentioned as being scarcely seaworthy, ran the most 
 imminent hazard, and nothing but his consummate seamanship 
 enabled him to keep her afloat. At length, after various vicis- 
 situdes, they all arrived safe at Port Hermoso, to the west of 
 San Domingo. The Adelantado had lost his long-boat ; and 
 all the vessels, with the exception of that of the admiral, had 
 sustained more or less injury. 
 
 When Columbus learnt the signal destruction that had over- 
 whelmed his enemies, almost before his eyes, he was deeply 
 impressed with awe, and considered his own preservation as 
 little less than miraculous. Both his son Fernnndo and the 
 venerable historian Las Casas looked upon the event as one of 
 those awful judgments which seem at times to deal forth tem- 
 poral retribution. They notice the circumstance, that while 
 the enemies of the admiral were swallowed up by the raging 
 sea, the only ship of the fleet which was enabled to pursue her 
 voyage, and reach her port of destination, was the frail bark 
 freighted with the property of Columbus. The evil, however, 
 in this, as in most circumstances, overwhelmed the innocent as 
 well as the guilty. In the ship with Bobadilla and Koldan, 
 perished the captive Guariouex, the unfortunate cacique of 
 the Vega. 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 VOTAGE ALON 7 G THE COAST OF HONDURAS. 
 (1502.] 
 
 FOR several days Columbus remained in Port Hermoso, to 
 repair his vessels and permit his crews to repose and refresh 
 themselves after the late tempest. He had scarcely left this 
 harbor when he was obliged to take shelter from another storm 
 in Jacquemel, or as it was called by the Spaniards, Port Brazil. 
 Hence he sailed on the 14th of July, steering for Terra Firma. 
 The weather falling perfectly calm, he was borne away by the 
 currents until he found himself iu the vicinity of some little 
 islands near Jamaica, 2 destitute of springs, but where the sea- 
 
 1 L.-. Casas, TTist. Tnd., lib. ii. cap, 5. Ilist. del Almiranie, cap. 88. 
 * Supposed to bo the Moraut Keys.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 491 
 
 men obtained a supply of water by digging holes in the sand 
 on the beach. 
 
 The calm continuing, he was swept away to the group of 
 small islands, or keys, on the southern coast of Cuba, to which, 
 in 14U4, he has given the name of The Gardens. He had 
 scarcely touched there, however, when the wind sprang up 
 from a favorable quarter, and he was enabled to make sail on 
 his destined course. He now stood to the south-west, and after 
 a few days discovered, on the 30th of July, a small but elevated 
 island, agreeable to the eye from the variety of trees with which 
 it was covered. Among these was a great number of lofty 
 pines, from which circumstance Columbus named it Isla de 
 Finos. It has always, however, retained its Indian name of 
 Guanaja, 1 which lias been extended to a number of smaller 
 islands surrounding it. This group is within a few leagues of 
 the coast of Honduras, to the east of the great bay or gulf 
 of that name. 
 
 The Adelantado. with two launches full of people, landed on 
 the principal island, which was extremely verdant and fertile. 
 The inhabitants resembled those of other islands, excepting 
 that their foreheads were narrower. While the Adelantado 
 was on shore, he beheld a great canoe arriving, as from a dis- 
 tant and important voyage. He was struck with its magnitude 
 and contents. It was eight feet wide, and as long as a galley, 
 though formed of the trunk of a single tree. In the centre 
 was a kind of awning or cabin of palm-leaves, after the man- 
 ner of those in the gondolas of Venice, and sufficiently close to 
 exclude both sun and rain. Under this sat a cacique with his 
 wives and children. Twenty-five Indians rowed ihe canoe, 
 and it was filled with all kinds of articles of the manufacture and 
 natural production of the adjacent countries. It is supposed 
 that this bark had come from the province of Yucatan, which 
 is about forty leagues distant from this island. 
 
 The Indians in the canoe apj)eared to have no fear of the 
 Spaniards, and readily went alongside of the admiral's caravel. 
 Columbus was overjoyed at thus having brought to him at 
 once, without trouble or danger, a collection of specimens of 
 all the important articles of this part of the New World. He 
 examined with great curiosity and interest the contents of the 
 canoe. Among various utensils and weapons similar to those 
 already found among the natives, he perceived others of a 
 much superior kind. There were hatchets for cutting wood, 
 
 * Called in ttoiue of the English maps Uonaccu.
 
 492 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 formed not of stone but copper; wooden swords, with channels 
 on each side of the blade, in which sharp flints were linnly 
 fixed by cords made of the intestines of fishes ; being the same 
 kind of weapon afterward found among the Mexicans. There 
 were copper bells, and other articles of the same metal, together 
 with a rude kind of crucible in which to melt it ; various vessels 
 and utensils neatly formed of clay, of marble, and of hard 
 wood ; sheets and mantles of cotton, worked and dyed with 
 various colors ; great quantities of cacao, a fruit as yet unknown 
 to the Spaniards, but which, as they soon found, the natives 
 held in great estimation, using it both as food and money. 
 There was a beverage also extracted from maize or Indian corn, 
 resembling beer. Their provisions consisted of bread made of 
 maize, and roots of various kinds, similar to those of Hispaniola. 
 From among these articles Columbus collected such as were 
 important to send as specimens to Spain, giving the natives 
 European trinkets in exchange, with which they were highly 
 satisfied. They appeared to manifest neither astonishment nor 
 alarm when on board of the vessels, and surrounded by people 
 who must have been so strange and wonderful to them. The 
 women wore mantles, with which they wrapped themselves, 
 like the female Moors of Granada, and the men had cloths of 
 cotton round their loins. Both sexes appeared more particular 
 about these coverings, and to have a quicker sense of personal 
 modesty than any Indians Columbus had yet discovered. 
 
 These circumstances, together with the superiority of their 
 implements and manufactures, were held by the admiral as 
 indications that he was approaching more civilized nations. 
 He endeavored to gain particular information from these Indians 
 about the surrounding countries ; but as they spoke a different 
 language from that of his interpreters, he could understand 
 them but imperfectly. They informed him that they had 
 just arrived from a country, rich, cultivated, and industrious, 
 situated to the west. They endeavored to impress him with an 
 idea of the wealth and magnificence of the regions, and the 
 people of that quarter, and urged him to steer in that direction. 
 Well would it have been for Columbus had he followed their 
 advice. Within a day or two he would have arrived at Yuca- 
 tan ; the discovery of Mexico and the other opulent countries 
 of New Spain would have necessarily followed ; the Southern 
 Ocean would have been disclosed to him, and a succession of 
 splendid discoveries would have shed fresh glory on his declin- 
 ing age, instead of its sinking amidst gloom, neglect, and 
 disappointment.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 493 
 
 The admiral's whole mind, however, was at present intent 
 upon discovering the strait. As the countries described by 
 the Indians lay to the west, he supposed that he could easily 
 visit them at some future time, by running with the trade- 
 winds along the coast of Cuba, which he imagined must con- 
 tinue on, so as to join them. At present he was determined to 
 seek the mainland, the mountains of which were visible to the 
 south, and apparently not man} 1 leagues distant; 1 by keeping 
 along it steadfastly to the east, he must at length arrive to 
 where he supposed it to be severed from the coast of Paria by 
 an intervening strait; and passing through this, he should soon 
 make his way to the Spice Islands and the richest part of 
 India. 2 
 
 He was encouraged the more to persist in his eastern course 
 by information from the Indians, that there were many places 
 in that direction which abounded with gold. Much of the infor- 
 mation which he gathered among these people was derived 
 from an old man more intelligent than the rest, who appeared 
 to be an ancient navigator of these seas. Columbus retained 
 him to serve as a guide along the coast, and dismissed his com- 
 panions with many presents. 
 
 Leaving the island of Guanaja, he stood southwardly for the 
 mainland, and after sailing a few leagues discovered a cape, 
 to which he gave the name of Caxinas, from its being covered 
 with fruit trees, so called by the natives. It is at, present 
 known as Cape Honduras. Here, on Sunday the 14th of August, 
 the Adelantado landed with the captains of the caravels and 
 many of the seamen, to attend mass, which was performed 
 under the trees ou the sea-shore, according to the pious custom 
 of the admiral, whenever circumstances would permit. On 
 the 17th the Adelantado again landed at a river about fifteen 
 miles from the point, on the bank of which he disphiyed the 
 banners of Castile, taking possession of the country in the name 
 of their Catholic Majesties ; from which circumstance he named 
 this the River of Possession. 8 
 
 At this place they found upward of a hundred Indians as- 
 sembled, laden with bread and maize, fish and fowl, vegetables, 
 and fruits of various kinds. These they laid down as presents 
 before the Adelantado and his party, and drew back to a dis- 
 tance without speaking a word. The Adelautado distributed 
 among them various trinkets, with which they were well pleased 
 
 i Journal of Porras, Navarrele, torn. 1. 
 
 * I.as < ';i-;i-i, lib. ii. cap. - 20. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica. 
 
 8 Juurual of I'orroB, Navurrele, Coluc., tow.
 
 494 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 and appeared the next day in the same place, in greater num- 
 bers, with still more abundant supplies of provisions. 
 
 The natives of this neighborhood, and fora considerable dis- 
 tance eastward, had higher foreheads than those of the islands. 
 They were of different languages, and varied from each other 
 in their decorations. Some were entirely naked ; and their 
 bodies were marked by means of fire with the figures of various 
 auimals. Some wore coverings about the loins ; others short 
 cotton jerkins without sleeves ; some wore tresses of hair in 
 front. The chieftains had caps of white or colored cotton. 
 When arrayed for any festival, they painted their faces black, 
 or with stripes of various colors, or with circles round the 
 eyes. The old Indian guide assured the admiral that many of 
 them were cannibals. In one part of the coast the natives had 
 their ears bored, and hideously distended ; which caused the 
 Spaniards to call that region la Costa de la Ore/a, or "The 
 Coast of the Ear." x 
 
 From the River of Possession, Columbus proceeded along 
 what is at present called the coast of Honduras, beating against 
 contrary winds, and struggling with currents, which swept 
 from the east like the constant stream of a river. He ofteu 
 lost in one tack what he had laboriously gained in two, fre- 
 quently making but two leagues in a day, and never more than 
 five. At night he anchored under the land, through fear of 
 proceeding along an unknown coast in the dark, but was often 
 forced out to sea by the violence of the currents. 2 In all this 
 time he experienced the same kind of weather that had pre- 
 vailed on the coast of Hispauiola, and had attended him more 
 or less for upward of sixty days. There was, lie says, almost 
 an incessant tempest of the heavens, with heavy rains, and 
 such thunder and lightning that it seemed as if the end of the 
 world was at hand. Those who know any thing of the drench- 
 ing rains and rending thunder of the tropics will not think 
 his description of the storms exaggerated. His vessels were 
 strained so that their seams opened ; the sails and rigging were 
 rent, and the provisions were damaged by the rain and by the 
 leakage. The sailors were exhausted with lal>or and harassed 
 with terror. They many times confessed their sins to each 
 other, and prepared for death. " I have seen many tempests," 
 says Columbus, "but none so violent or of such long dura- 
 tion." He alludes to the whole series of storms for upward 
 of two months, since he had been refused shelter at Sau 
 
 1 LimCaoas, lib. ii. cap. 21. Hist del Almirante, cap. 90. 
 * IlUl. del Aiiuiiu.iU-, cup. 5J.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 495 
 
 Domingo. During a great part of this time he had suffered 
 extremely from the gout, aggravated by his watchfulness and 
 anxiety. His illness did not prevent him attending to his 
 duties ; he had a small cabin or chamber constructed on the 
 stern, whence, even when confined to his bed, he could keep a 
 look-out and regulate the sailing of the ships. Many times he 
 was so ill that he thought his end approaching. His anxious 
 mind was distressed about his brother the Adelantado, whom 
 he had persuaded against his will to come on this expedition, 
 and who was in the worst vessel of the squadron. He lamented 
 also having brought with him his son Fernando, ex]X>sing him 
 at so tender an age to such perils and hardships, although the 
 youth bore them with the courage and fortitude of a veteran. 
 Often, too, his thoughts reverted to his son Diego, and the cares 
 and perplexities into which his death might plunge him. 1 At 
 length, after struggling for upward of forty days since leaving 
 the Cape of Honduras, to make a distance of about seventy 
 leagues, the} 7 arrived on the 14th of September at a ca|>e where 
 the coast, making an angle, turned directly south, so as to give 
 them an easy wind and free navigation. Doubling the point, 
 they swept off with flowing sails and hearts tilled with joy ; 
 and the admiral, to commemorate this sudden relief from toil 
 and peril, gave to the Cape the name of Gnicias a Dios, or 
 Thanks to God. 2 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 VOYAGE ALONG THE MOSQUITO COAST, AND TRANSACTIONS AT 
 
 CARIARI. 
 
 [1503.] 
 
 AFTER doubling Cape Gracias a Dios, Columbus sailed di- 
 rectly south, along what is at present called the Mosquito shore. 
 The land was of varied character, sometimes rugged, with 
 craggy promontories and points stretching into the sea, at 
 other places verdant and fertile, and watered by abundant 
 streams. In the rivers grew immense reeds, sometimes of the 
 thickness of a man's thigh : they abounded with fish and tor- 
 toises, and alligators basked on the banks. At one place Co- 
 lumbus passed a cluster of twelve small islands, on which grew 
 
 1 Letter from Jamaica. Navarrete Colec., torn. i. 
 * Laa Ca.-a.-s lib. ii. cup. 21. Hist, del Aluiiruutc, 
 
 cap. 91.
 
 49G LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 a fruit resembling the lemon, on which account he called them 
 the Limonares. 1 
 
 After sailing about sixty-two leagues along this coast, being 
 greatly in want of wood and water, the squadron anchored on 
 the IGtli of September, near a copious river, up which the boats 
 were sent to procure the requisite supplies. As they were re- 
 turning to their ships, a sudden swelling of the sea, rushing in 
 and encountering the rapid current of the river, caused a violent 
 commotion, in which one of the boats was swallowed up, 
 and all on board perished. This melancholy event had a 
 gloomy effect upon the crews, already dispirited and careworn 
 from the hardships they had endured, and Columbus, sharing 
 their dejection, gave the stream the sinister name of El Rio dd 
 Desastre, or the River of Disaster. 2 
 
 Leaving this unlucky neighborhood, they continued for sev- 
 eral days along the coast, until finding both his ships and his 
 people nearly disabled by the buffetings of the tempests, Colum- 
 bus, on the 2f)th of September, cast anchor between a small 
 island and the main-land, in what appeared a commodious and 
 delightful situation. The island was covered with groves of 
 palm-trees, cocoanut -trees, bananas, and a delicate and fragrant 
 fruit, which the admiral continually mistook for the mirabo- 
 lane of the East Indies. The fruits and flowers and odoriferous 
 shrubs of the island sent forth grateful perfumes, so that 
 Columbus gave it the name of La Huerta, or The Garden. It was 
 called by the natives, Quiribiri. Immediately opposite, at a 
 short league's distance, was an Indian village, named C'ariari, 
 situated on the bank of a beautiful river. The country around 
 was fresh and verdant, finely diversified by noble hills and 
 forests, with trees of such height that Las Casas says they 
 appeared to reach the skies. 
 
 When the inhabitants beheld the ships, they gathered to- 
 gether on the coast, armed with bows and arrows, war-clubs, 
 and lances, and prepared to defend their shores. The Spaniards, 
 however, made no attempt to land during that or the suc- 
 ceeding day, but remained quietly on board repairing the ships, 
 airing and drying the damaged provisions, or reposing from 
 the fatigues of the voyage. When the savages perceived that 
 these wonderful beings, who had arrived in this strange man- 
 lier on their coast, were perfectly pacific, and made no move- 
 ment to molest them, their hostility ceased, and curiosity pre- 
 
 1 I*. Martyr, decad. iii. lib. iv. These may have been the lime, a small and extremely 
 acid spi'cit'rt of the lemon. 
 
 a Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 21. Hist, del Almira:ite, cap. 01. Journal of Porras.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 497 
 
 dominated. They made various pacific signals, waving their 
 mantles like banners, and inviting the Spaniards to land. Grow- 
 ing still more bold, they swam to the ships, bringing off man- 
 tles and tunics of cotton, and ornaments of the inferior sort of 
 gold called gnanin, which they wore about their necks. These 
 they offered to the .Spaniards. The admiral, however, forbade 
 all traffic, making them presents, but taking nothing in ex- 
 change, wishing to impress them with a favorable idea of the 
 liberality and disinterestedness of the white men. The pride 
 of the. savages was touched at the refusal of their proffered 
 gifts, and this supposed contempt for their manufactures and 
 productions. They endeavored to retaliate, by pretending like 
 indifference. On returning to shore, they tied together all the 
 European articles which had been given them, without retain- 
 ing the least trifle, and left them lying on the strand, where the 
 Spaniards found them on a subsequent day. 
 
 Finding the strangers still declined to come on shore, the 
 natives tried in every way to gain their confidence, and dispel 
 the distrust which their hostile demonstrations might have 
 caused. A boat approaching the shore cautiously one day, in 
 quest of some safe place to procure water, an ancient Indian, 
 of venerable demeanor, issued from among the trees, bearing a 
 white banner on the end of a staff, and leading two girls, one 
 about fourteen years of age, the other about eight, having 
 jewels of gnanin about their necks. These he brought to the 
 boat and delivered to the Spaniards, making signs that they 
 were to be detained as hostages while the strangers should be 
 on shore. Upon this the Spaniards sallied forth with confidence 
 and filled their water-casks, the Indians remaining at a distance, 
 and observing the strictest care, neither by word nor move- 
 ment to cause any new distrust. When the boats were about 
 to return to the ships, the old Indian made signs that the young 
 girls should be taken on board, nor would he admit of any de- 
 nial. On entering the ships the girls showed no signs of grief 
 nor alarm, though surrounded by what to them must have been 
 uncouth and formidable beings. Columbus was careful that 
 the confidence thus placed in him should not be abused. After 
 feasting the young females, and ordering them to be clothed 
 and adorned with various ornaments, he sent them on shore. 
 The night, however, had fallen, and the coast was deserted. 
 They had to return to the ship, where they remained all night 
 under the careful protection of the admiral. The next morning 
 he restored them to their friends. The old Indian received 
 them with joy, aud manifested a grateful sense of the kind
 
 498 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 treatment they had experienced. In the evening, however, 
 when the boats went on shore, the young girls appeared, ac- 
 companied by a multitude of their friends, and returned all the 
 presents they had received, nor could they be prevailed upon 
 to retain any of them, although they must have been precious 
 in their eyes ; so greatly was the pride of these savages piqued 
 at having their gifts refused. 
 
 On the following day, as the Adelantado approached the 
 shore, two of the principal inhabitants, entering the water, 
 took him out of the boat in their arms, and carrying him to 
 land, seated him with great ceremony on a grassy bank. Don 
 Bartholomew endeavored to collect information from them 
 respecting the country, and ordered the notary of the squadron 
 to write down their replies. The latter immediately prepared 
 pen, ink, and paper, and proceeded to write ; but no sooner did 
 the Indians behold this strange and mysterious process, than 
 mistaking it for some necromantic spell, intended to be 
 wrought upon them, they fled with terror. After some time 
 they returned, cautiously scattering a fragrant powder in the 
 air, and burning some of it in such a direction that the smoke 
 should be borne toward the Spaniards by the wind. This was 
 apparently intended to counteract any baleful spell, for they 
 regarded the strangers as beings of a mysterious and super- 
 natural order. 
 
 The sailors looked upon these counter-charms of the Indians 
 with equal distrust, and apprehended something of magic ; nay, 
 Fernando Columbus, who was present, and records the scene, 
 appears to doubt whether these Indians were not versed in sor- 
 cery, and thus led to suspect it in others. 1 
 
 Indeed, not to conceal a foible, which was more characteristic 
 of the superstition of the age than of the man, Columbus him- 
 self entertained an idea of the kind, and assures the sovereigns, 
 in his letter from Jamaica, that the people of Cariari and its 
 vicinity are great enchanters, and he intimates that the two 
 Indian girls who had visited his ship had magic powder con- 
 cealed about their persons. He adds, that the sailors attributed 
 all the delays and hardships experienced on that coast to their 
 being under the influence of some evil spell, worked by the witch- 
 craft of the natives, and that they still remained in that belief. 2 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 91. 
 
 1 Letter from .Jamaica. 
 
 JSOTE. We find instances of the same kind of piiperstition in the work of Marco 
 Polo, and as Columbus considered him-clf in the vicinity of the countries described 
 by that traveller, he may have been influenced in this respect by his narrations. 
 Speaking of the it-laud of eSoccotera, ;Socotraj, Marco 1'ulo observes.: "The inhabit-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 499 
 
 For several days the squadron remained at this place, during 
 which time the ships were examined and repaired, and the 
 civws enjoyed repose and the recreation of the land. The 
 Adelantado, with a band of armed men, made excursions on 
 shore to collect information. There was no pure gold to be 
 met with here, all their ornaments were of guanin ; but the 
 natives assured the Adelantado, that, in proceeding along the 
 coast, the ships would soon arrive at a country where gold was 
 in great abundance. 
 
 In examining one of the villages, the Adelantado found, in a 
 large house, several sepulchres. One contained a human body 
 embalmed : in another, there were two bodies wrapped in 
 cotton, and so preserved as to be free from any disagreeable 
 odor. They were adorned with the ornaments most precious 
 to them when living ; and the sepulchres were decorated with 
 rude carvings and paintings representing various animals, and 
 sometimes what appeared to be intended for portraits of the 
 deceased. 1 Throughout most of the savage tribes there appears 
 to have been great veneration for the dead, and an anxiety to 
 preserve their remains undisturbed. 
 
 When about to sail, Columbus seized seven of the people, 
 two of whom, apparently the most intelligent, he selected to 
 serve as guides ; the rest he suffered to depart. His late guide 
 he had dismissed with presents at Cape Gracias a Dios. The 
 inhabitants of Cariari manifested unusual sensibility at this 
 seizure of their countrymen. They thronged the shore, and 
 sent off four of their principal men with presents to the ships, 
 imploring the release of the prisoners. 
 
 The admiral assured them that he only took their compan- 
 ions as guides, for a short distance along the coast, and would 
 restore them soon in safetj' to their homes. He ordered 
 various presents to be given to the ambassadors ; but neither 
 his promises nor gifts could soothe the grief and apprehension 
 of the natives at beholding their friends carried away by beings 
 of whom they had such mysterious apprehensions. 2 
 
 cruioc uiiui uc uoa Kama iMiMUMZuuu iui ure uiuiiBgv i iiuu mrtsa iiimuugu nu Buuura nu\e 
 a fair and leading wind, they have the power of causing it to change, and thereby obli- 
 ging him, in spite of himself, to return to the island. They cau in like manner, cause 
 tin- >ra to become calm, and at their will can raise tempests, occasion shipwrecks, and 
 produce many other extraordinary effects that need not be particularized. Marco 1'ulu, 
 book iii. cap. 35, Eng. translation by W. Marsdeu. 
 
 1 I .a- (.'as:iM, lib. ii. cap. 21. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 91. 
 
 1 Ibid. ilit. del Alum-ante, cap. 91. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
 
 500 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 VOYAGE ALONG COSTA RICA SPKCULATIONS CONCERNING THE 
 ISTHMUS AT VEKAtiL'A. 
 
 [1502.] 
 
 ON the 5th of October the squadron departed from Cnriari, 
 and sailed along what is at present called Costa Rica (or the 
 Rich Coast), from the gold and silver mines found in after 
 years among its mountains. After sailing about twenty-two 
 leagues the ships anchored in a great bay, about six leagues in 
 length and three in breadth, full of islands, with channels 
 opening between them, so as to present three or four entrances. 
 It was called by the natives Caribaro, 1 and had been pointed 
 out by the natives of Cariari as plentiful in gold. 
 
 The islands were beautifully verdant, covered with groves, 
 and sent forth the fragrance of fruits and flowers. The chan- 
 nels between them were so deep and free from rocks that the 
 ships sailed along them, as if in canals in the streets of a city, 
 the spars and rigging brushing the overhanging branches of the 
 trees. After anchoring, the boats landed on one of the islands, 
 where they found twenty canoes. The people were on shore 
 among the trees. Being encouraged by the Indians of Cariari, 
 who accompanied the Spaniards, they soon advanced with con- 
 fidence. Here, for the first time on this coast, the Spaniards 
 met with specimens of pure gold ; the natives wearing large 
 plates of it suspended round their necks by cotton cords ; they 
 had ornaments likewise of guanin, rudely shaped like eagles. 
 One of them exchanged a plate of gold, equal in value to ten 
 ducats, for three hawk's bells. 2 
 
 On the following day the boats proceeded to the main-land 
 at the bottom of the bay. The country around was high and 
 rough, and the villages were generally perched on the heights. 
 They met with ten canoes of Indians, their heads decorated with 
 garlands of flowers, and coronets formed of the claws of beasts 
 and the quills of birds ; 8 most of them had plates of gold about 
 their necks, but refused to part with them. The Spaniards 
 
 1 In gome English maps thi bay is called Almirante, or Caniabaco Ray. The 
 channel by which Columbus entered is still called Uoca del Ahuirante, or the Mouth of 
 the Admiral. 
 
 * Journal of Porras, Navarrete, torn. i. * P. Martyr, decad. iii. lib. v.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIiUS. 501 
 
 brought two of them to the admiral to servo as guides. One 
 had a plate of pure gold worth fourteen ducats, another an eagle 
 worth twenty-two ducats. Seeing the great value which the 
 strangers set upon this metal, they assured them it was to be 
 had in abundance within the distance of two days' journey ; 
 and mentioned various places along the coast whence it was 
 procured, particularly Veragua, which was about twenty-five 
 leagues distant. 1 
 
 The cupidity of the Spaniards was greatly excited, and they 
 would gladly have remained to barter, but the admiral discour- 
 aged all disposition of the kind. He barely sought to collect 
 specimens and information of the riches of the country, and 
 then pressed forward in quest of the great object of his enter- 
 prise, the imaginary strait. 
 
 Sailing on the 17th of October, from this bay, or rather gulf, 
 he began to coast this region of reputed wealth, since called the 
 coast of Veragua; and after sailing about twelve leagues ar- 
 rived at a large river, which his sou Fernando calls the Guaig. 
 Here, on the boats being sent to land, about two hundred In- 
 dians appeared on the shore, armed with clubs, lances, and 
 swords of palm-wood. The forests echoed with the sound of 
 wooden drums, and the blasts of conch-shells, their usual war 
 signals. They rushed into the sea up to their waists, brandish- 
 ing their weapons, and splashing the water at the Spaniards in 
 token of defiance ; but were soon pacified by gentle signs and 
 the intervention of the interpreters, and willingly bartered 
 away their ornaments, giving seventeen plates of gold, worth 
 one hundred and fifty ducats, for a few toys and trifles. 
 
 When the Spaniards returned the next day to renew their 
 traffic, they found the Indians relapsed into hostility, sounding 
 their drums and shells, and rushing forward to attack the boats. 
 An arrow from a cross-bow, which wounded one of them in the 
 arm, checked their fury, and on the discharge of a cannon they 
 fled with terror. Four of the Spaniards sprang on shore, pur- 
 suing and calling after them. They threw down their weapons 
 and came, awe-struck, and gentle as lambs, bringing three 
 plates of gold, and meekly and thankfully receiving whatever 
 was given in exchange. 
 
 Continuing along the coast, the admiral anchored in the 
 mouth of another river, called the Catiba. Here likewise the 
 sound of drums and conchs from among the forests gave notice 
 that the warriors were assembling. A canoe soon came off with 
 
 i Columbua's Letter from Jamaica.
 
 502 LIFE OF CIIIIISTOPI1EK COLUMBUS. 
 
 two Indians, who, after exchanging a few words with the in- 
 terpreters, entered the admiral's ship with fearless confidence ; 
 and being satisfied of the friendly intentions of the strangers, 
 returned to their cacique with a favorable report. The boats 
 landed, and the Spaniards were kindly received by the cacique. 
 He was naked like his subjects, nor distinguished in any way 
 from them, except by the great deference with which he was 
 treated, and by a trifling attention paid to his personal comfort, 
 being protected from a shower of rain by an immense leaf of 
 a tree. He had a large plate of gold, which he readily gave 
 in exchange, and permitted his people to do the same. Nine- 
 teen plates of pure gold were procured at this place. Here, 
 for the first time in the New World, the Spaniards met with signs 
 of solid architecture ; finding a great mass of stucco, formed 
 of stone and lime, a piece of which was retained by the admiral 
 as a specimen, 1 considering it an indication of his approach to 
 countries where the arts were in a higher state of cultivation. 
 
 He had intended to visit other rivers along this coast, but the 
 wind coming on to blow freshly, he ran before it, passing in 
 sight of five towns, where his interpreters assured him he might 
 procure great quantities of gold. One they pointed out as 
 Veragua, which has since given its name to the whole province. 
 Here, they said, were the richest mines, and here most of the 
 plates of gold were fabricated. On the following da}- they ar- 
 rived opposite a village called Cubiga, and here Columbus was 
 informed that the country of gold terminated.- He resolved 
 not to return to explore it, considering it as discovered, and its 
 mines secured to the crown, and being anxious to arrive at the 
 supposed strait, which he flattered himself could be at no great 
 distance. 
 
 In fact, during his whole voyage along the coast, he had been 
 under the influence of one of his frequent delusions. From the 
 Indians met with at the Island of Guanaja, just arrived from 
 Yucatan, he had received accounts of some great, and, as far 
 as he could understand, civilized nation in the interior. This 
 intimation had been corroborated, as he imagined, by the 
 various tribes with which he had since communicated. In a 
 subsequent letter to the sovereigns he informs them that all the 
 Indians of this coast concurred in extolling the magnificence of 
 the country of Ciguare, situated at ten days' journey, by land, 
 to the west. The people of that region wore crowns, and brace- 
 lets, and anklets of gold, and garments embroidered with it. 
 
 i HUt. del Almirante, cap. 92. * Ibid.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 503 
 
 They used it for all their domestic purposes, even to the orna- 
 menting and embossing of their seats and tables. On being 
 shown coral, the Indians declared that the women of Ciguare 
 wore bands of it about their heads and necks. Pepper and 
 other spices being shown them, were equally said to abound 
 there. They described it as a country of commerce, with great 
 fairs and seaports, in which ships arrived armed with cannon. 
 The people were warlike, also, armed like the Spaniards 
 with swords, bucklers, cuirasses, and cross-bows, and they 
 were mounted on horses. Above all, Columbus understood 
 from them that the sea continued round to Ciguare, and that 
 ten days beyond it was the Ganges. 
 
 These may have been vague and wandering rumors concern- 
 ing the distant kingdoms of Mexico and Peru, and many of the 
 details may have been filled up by the imagination of Columbus. 
 The}- made, however, a strong impression on his mind. He 
 supposed that Ciguare must be some province belonging to the 
 Grand Khan, or some other eastern potentate, and as the sea 
 reached it, he concluded it was on the opi>osite side of a penin- 
 sula, bearing the same position with respect to Veragua that 
 Fontarabia does with Tortosa in Spain, or Pisa with Venice in 
 Italy. By proceeding farther eastward, therefore, he must soon 
 arrive at a strait, like that of Gibraltar, through which he 
 could pass into another sea, and visit this country of Ciguare, 
 and, of course, arrive at the banks of the Ganges. He accounted 
 for the circumstance of his having arrived so near to that river, 
 by the idea which he had long entertained, that geographers 
 were mistaken as to the circumference of the glol>e ; that it 
 was smaller than was generally imagined, and that a degree of 
 the equinoctial line was but fifty-six miles and two-thirds. 1 
 
 With these ideas Columbus determined to press forward, 
 leaving the rich country of Veragua unexplored. Nothing 
 could evince more clearly his generous ambition, than hurry- 
 ing in this brief manner along a coast where wealth was to be 
 gathered at every step, for the purpose of seeking a strait 
 which, however it might produce vast benefit to mankind, 
 could yield little else to himself than the glory of the discovery. 
 
 1 Letter of Columbus from Jamaica. Xavarrete Uolec., torn. i.
 
 504 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 DISCOVERT OF PUERTO BF.LI.O AND EL RETRETE COLUMBUS 
 ABANDONS THE SEARCH AFTER THE STRAIT. 
 
 Ox the 2d of November the squadron anchored in a spacious 
 and commodious harbor, where the vessels could approach 
 close to the shore without danger. It was surrounded by an 
 elevated country ; open and cultivated, with houses within bow- 
 shot of each other, surrounded by fruit-trees, groves of palms, 
 and fields producing maize, vegetables, and the delicious pine- 
 apple, so that the whole neighborhood had the mingled appear- 
 ance of orchard and garden. Columbus was so pleased with 
 the excellence of the harbor and the sweetness of the surround- 
 ing country that he gave it the name of Puerto Bello. 1 It is 
 one of the few places along this coast which retain the appella- 
 tion given by the illustrious discoverer. It is to be regretted 
 that they have so generally been discontinued, as they were so 
 often records of his feelings, and of circumstances attending 
 the discovery. 
 
 For seven days they were detained in this port by heavy 
 rain and stormy weather. The natives repaired from all 
 quarters in canoes, bringing fruits and vegetables and balls of 
 cotton, but there was no longer gold offered in traffic. The 
 cacique and seven of his principal chieftains had small plates 
 of gold hanging in their noses, but the rest of the natives 
 appear to have been destitute of all ornaments of the kind. 
 They were generally naked and painted red ; the cacique alone 
 was painted black.' 2 
 
 Sailing hence, on the 9th of November, they proceeded eight 
 leagues to the eastward, to the point since known as Nombre 
 cle Dios ; but being driven back for some distance, they anchored 
 in a harbor in the vicinity of three small islands. These, with 
 the adjacent country of the main-land, were cultivated with 
 fields of Indian corn, and various fruits and vegetables, whence 
 Columbus called the harbor Puerto de Bastimentos, or Port of 
 Provisions. Here they remained until the 23d, endeavoring to 
 repair their vessels, which leaked excessive!}'. They were 
 
 Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 33. Hist, del Almirante. 
 - Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. iv.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 505 
 
 pierced in all parts by the teredo or worm which abounds in 
 the tropical seas. It is of the size of a man's finger, and bores 
 through the stoutest planks and timbers, so as soon to destroy 
 any vessel that is not well coppered. After leaving this port 
 they touched at another called Guiga, where above three hun- 
 dred of the natives appeared on the shore, some with provisions, 
 nnd some with golden ornaments, which they offered in barter. 
 \Vithout making any stay, however, the admiral urged his 
 way forward ; but rough and adverse winds again obliged him 
 to take shelter in a small port, with a narrow entrance, not 
 above twenty paces wide, beset on each side with reefs of rocks, 
 the sharp points of which rose above the surface. Within, 
 there was not room for more than five or six ships ; yet the 
 port was so deep that they had no good anchorage, unless they 
 approached near enough to the land for a man to leap on 
 shore. 
 
 From' the. smallncss of the harlxir, Columbus gave it the 
 name of El Itetrete, or The Cabinet. He had been betrayed 
 into this inconvenient and dangerous port by the misrepresen- 
 tations of the seamen sent to examine it, who were always 
 eager to come to anchor and have communication with the 
 shore- 1 
 
 The adjacent country was level and verdant, covered with 
 herbage, but with few trees. The port was infested with 
 alligators, which basked in the sunshine on the beach, filling 
 the air with a powerful and musk}- odor. They were timorous, 
 and fled on being attacked, but the Indians affirmed that if 
 they found a man sleeping on the shore they would seize and 
 drag him into the water. These alligators Columbus pro- 
 nounced to be the same as the crocodiles of the Nile. For nine 
 days the squadron was detained in this port by tempestuous 
 weather. The natives of this place were tall, well propor- 
 tioned, and graceful ; of gentle and friendly manners, and 
 brought whatever they possessed to exchange for European 
 trinkets. 
 
 As long as the admiral had control over the actions of his 
 people, the Indians were treated with justice and kindness, and 
 every thing went on amicably. The vicinity of the ships to 
 land, however, enabled the seamen to get on shore in the night 
 without license. The natives received them in their dwellings 
 with their accustomed hospitality ; but the rough adventurers, 
 instigated by avarice and lust, soon committed excesses that 
 
 Las Caeas, lib. ii. cap. 23. Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 92.
 
 506 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 roused their generous hosts to revenge. Every night there 
 were brawls and fights on shore, and blood was shed on both 
 sides. The number of the Indians daily augmented by arrivals 
 from the interior. They became more powerful and daring as 
 they became more exasperated ; and seeing that the vessels lay 
 close to the shore, approached in a great multitude to attack 
 them. 
 
 The admiral thought at first to disperse them by discharging 
 cannon without ball, but they were not intimidated by the 
 sound, regarding it as a kind of harmless thunder. They re- 
 plied to it by yells and howlings, beating their lances and clubs 
 against the trees and bushes m furious menace. The situation 
 of the ships so close to the shore exposed them to assaults, and 
 made the hostility of the natives unusually formidable. Colum- 
 bus ordered a shot or two, therefore, to be discharged among 
 them. When they saw the havoc made, they fled iu terror, and 
 offered no further hostility. 1 
 
 The continuance of stormy winds from the east and the 
 north-east iu addition to the constant opposition of the currents, 
 disheartened the companions of Columbus, and they began to 
 murmur against any further prosecution of the voyage.. The 
 seamen thought that some hostile spell was operating, and the 
 commanders remonstrated against attempting to force their 
 way iu spite of the elements, with ships crazed and worm-eaten, 
 and continually in need of repair. Few of his companions 
 could sympathize with Columbus in his zeal for mere discovery. 
 They were actuated by more gainful motives, and looked back 
 with regret on the rich coast they had left behind, to go in 
 search of an imaginary strait. It is probable that Columbus 
 himself began to doubt the object of his enterprise. If lie knew 
 the details of the recent voyage of Bastides he must have been 
 aware that he had arrived from an opposite quarter to about 
 the place where that navigator's exploring voyage from the 
 east had terminated ; consequently that there was but little 
 probability of the existence of the strait he had imagined.' 2 
 
 1 Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 23. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 92,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMHUS. 507 
 
 At fill events, he determined to relinquish the further prose- 
 cution of his voyage eastward for the present, and to return to 
 the coast of Veragua, to search for those mines of which he 
 had heard so much and seen so many indications. Should they 
 prove equal to his hopes, he would have wherewithal to return 
 to Spain in triumph, and silence the reproaches of his enemies, 
 even though he should fail in the leading object of his expedi- 
 tion . 
 
 Here, then, ended the lofty anticipations which had elevated 
 Columbus above all mercenary interests ; which had made him 
 regardless of hardships and perils, and given an heroic char- 
 acter to the early part of this voyage. It is true, he had been 
 in pursuit of a mere chimera, but it was the chimera of a splen- 
 did imagination and a penetrating judgment. If he was disa[>- 
 poinled in his expectations of finding a strait through the 
 Isthmus of Darien, it was because nature herself had been 
 disappointed, for she appears to have attempted to make one, 
 but to have attempted it m vain. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 RETURN TO VERAGUA TIIE ADELANTADO EXPLORES TUB COUNTRY. 
 
 [1502.] 
 
 ON the 5th of December, Columbus sailed from El Retrete, 
 and relinquishing his course to the east, returned westward, in 
 search of the gold mines of Veragua. On the same evening he 
 anchored in Puerto Bello, about ten leagues distant ; whence 
 departing on the succeeding day, the wind suddenly veered to 
 the west, and began to blow directly adverse to the new course 
 he had adopted. For three months he had been longing in 
 vain for such a wind, and now it came merely to contradict 
 him. Here was a temptation to resume his route to the east, 
 but he did not dare trust to the continuance of the wind, which, 
 in these parts, appeared but seldom to blow from that quarter. 
 He resolved, therefore, to keep on in the present direction, 
 trusting that the breeze would soou change again to the east- 
 ward. 
 
 In a little while the wind began to blow with dreadful 
 violence, and to shift about in such manner as to baffle all sea- 
 manship. Unable to reach Veragua, the ships were obliged to
 
 508 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 put back to Puerto Bello, and when they would have entered 
 that harbor, a sudden veering of the gale drove them from the 
 laud. For nine days they were blown and tossed about, at 
 the mercy of a furious tempest, in an unknown sea, and often 
 exposed to the awful perils of a lee-shore. It is wonderful that 
 such open vessels, so crazed and decayed, could outlive such a 
 commotion of the elements. Nowhere is a storm so awful as 
 between the tropics. The sea, according to the description of 
 Columbus, boiled at times like a caldron ; at other times it ran 
 in mountain waves, covered with foam. At night the raging 
 billows resembled great surges of flame, owing to those lumi- 
 nous particles which cover the surface of the waters in these 
 seas, and throughout the whole course of the Gulf Stream. 
 For a day and night the heavens glowed as a furnace with the 
 incessant flashes of lightning; while the loud claps of thunder 
 were often mistaken by the affrighted mariners for signal-guns 
 of distress from their foundering companions. During the 
 whole time, says Columbus, it poured down from the skies, 
 not rain, but as it were a second deluge. The seamen were 
 almost drowned in their .open vessels. Haggard with toil and 
 affright, some gave themselves over for lost ; they confessed 
 their sins to each other, according to the rites of the Catholic 
 religion, and prepared themselves for death ; many in their 
 desperation, called upon death as a welcome relief from such 
 overwhelming horrors. In the midst of this wild tumult of the 
 elements, they beheld a new object of alarm. The ocean in one 
 place became strangely agitated. The water was whirled up 
 into a kind of pyramid or cone, while a livid cloud, tapering to 
 a point, bent down to meet it. Joining together, they formed 
 a vast column, which rapidly approached the ships, spinning 
 along the surface of the deep, and drawing up the waters with 
 a rushing sound. The affrighted mariners, when they beheld 
 this water-spout advancing toward them, despaired of all 
 human means to avert it, and began to repeat passages from 
 St. John the Evangelist. The water-spout passed close by the 
 ships without injuring them, and the trembling mariners 
 attributed their escape to the miraculous efficacy of their quo- 
 tations from the Scriptures. 1 
 
 In this same night they lost sight of one of the caravels, and 
 for three dark and stormy days gave it up for lost. At length, 
 to their great relief, it rejoined the squadron, having lost its 
 boat, and been obliged to cut its cable, in an attempt to anchor 
 
 Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 24. Uist. del Alton-ante, cap. 90.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 509 
 
 on a boisterous coast, and having since been driven to and fro 
 by the storm. For one or two days there was an interval of 
 calm, and the tempest-tossed mariners had time to breathe. 
 They looked upon this tranquillity, however, as deceitful, and 
 in their gloomy mood beheld every thing with a doubtful 
 and foreboding eye. Great numbers of sharks, so abundant 
 and ravenous in these latitudes, were seen about the ships. 
 This was construed into an evil omen ; for among the super- 
 stitions of the seas it is believed that these voracious fish can 
 smell dead bodies at a distance ; that they have a kind of pre- 
 sentiment of their prey, and keep about vessels which have sick 
 persons on board, or which are in danger of being wrecked. 
 Several of these fish they caught, using large hooks fastened 
 to chains, and sometimes baited merely with a piece of colored 
 cloth. From the maw of one they took out a living tortoise, 
 from that of another the head of a shark, recently thrown 
 from one of the ships ; such is the indiscriminate voracity of 
 these terrors of the ocean. Notwithstanding their supersti- 
 tious fancies, the seamen were glad to use a part of these 
 sharks for food, being very short of provisions. The length of 
 the voyage had consumed the greater part of their sea-stores ; 
 the heat ,and humidity of the climate and the leakage of the 
 ships had damaged the remainder, and their biscuit was so 
 filled with worms that, notwithstanding their hunger, they 
 were obliged to eat it in the dark, lest their stomachs should 
 revolt at its appearance. 1 
 
 At length, on the 17th, they were enabled to enter a port 
 resembling a great canal, where they enjoyed three days of 
 repose. The natives of this vicinity built their cabins in trees, 
 on stakes or poles laid from one branch to another. The 
 Spaniards supposed this to be through the fear of wild beasts, 
 or of surprisals from neighboring tribes; the different nations 
 of these coasts being extremely hostile to one another. It may 
 have been a precaution against inundations caused by floods 
 from the mountains. After leaving this port they were driven 
 backward and forward by the changeable and tempestuous 
 winds until the day after Christmas, when they sheltered them- 
 selves in another port, where they remained until the 3d of 
 January, 1503, repairing one of the caravels, and procuring 
 wood, water, and a supply of maize or Indian corn. These 
 measures being completed, they again put to sea, and on the 
 day of Epiphany, to their great joy, anchored at the mouth of 
 
 mat. del Almirante, cap. 94. ,.
 
 510 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 a river called by the natives Yebra, within a league or two of 
 the river Veragua, and in the country said to be so rich in 
 mines. To this river, from arriving at it on the day of Epiph- 
 any, Columbus gave the name of Belen, or Bethlehem. 
 
 For nearly a month he had endeavored to accomplish the 
 vo}*age from Puerto Bello to Veragua, a distance of about thirty 
 leagues, and had encountered so many troubles and adversities, 
 from changeable winds and currents, and boisterous tempests, 
 that he gave this intermediate line of seaboard the name of 
 La Coxta de los Contrasts.*, or the Coast of Contradictions. 1 
 
 Columbus immediately ordered the mouths of the Belen, and 
 of its neighboring river of Veragua, to be sounded. The latter 
 proved too shallow to admit his vessels, but the Belen was 
 somewhat deeper, and it was thought they might enter it with 
 safety. Seeing a village on the banks of the Belen. the admiral 
 sent the boats on shore -to procure information. On their ap- 
 proach the inhabitants issued forth with weapons in hand to 
 oppose their landing, but were readily pacified. They seemed 
 unwilling to give any intelligence about the gold-mines ; but, 
 on being importuned, declared that the} 7 lay in the vicinity of 
 the river of Veragua. To that river the boats were despatched 
 on the following day. They met with the reception so fre- 
 quent along this coast, where many of the tribes were fierce 
 and warlike, and are supposed to have been of Carib origin. 
 As the boats entered the river, the natives sallied forth in their 
 canoes, and others assembled in menacing style on the shores. 
 The Spaniards, however, had brought with them an Indian of 
 that coast, who put an end to this show of hostility by assuring 
 his countrymen that the strangers came only to traffic with them. 
 
 The various accounts of the riches of these parts appeared 
 to be confirmed by what the Spaniards saw and heard among 
 these people. They procured in exchange for the veriest trifles 
 twenty plates of gold, with several pipes of the same metal, 
 and crude masses of ore. The Indians informed them that the 
 mines lay among distant mountains ; and that when they went 
 in quest of it they were obliged to practise rigorous fasting and 
 continence. 3 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 94. 
 
 * A superstitious notion with respect to gold appears to have been very prevalent 
 among the natives. The Indians of Hispaniola observed the same privations when 
 they sought for it, abstaining from food and from sexual intercourse. Columbus, who 
 seemed to look upon gold as one of the sacred and mvstic treasures of the earih, wished 
 to encourage similar observances among the Spaniards; exhorting them to purify them- 
 selves for the research of the mines by fasting, prayer, and chastity. It is scarcely 
 necessary to add, that his advice was but little- attended to by his rapacious and sensual 
 followers.
 
 LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 511 
 
 The favorable report brought by the boats determined the 
 admiral to remain in the neighborhood. The river Belen hav- 
 ing the greatest depth, two of the caravels entered it on the Dth 
 of January, and the two others ou the following day at high 
 tide, which on that coast does not rise alx>ve half a fathom. 1 
 The natives came to them in the most friendly manner, bring- 
 ing great quantities of fish, with which that river abounded. 
 They brought also golden ornaments to traffic, but continued 
 to affirm that Veragua was the place whence the ore was pro- 
 cured. 
 
 The Adelantado, with his usual activit}- and enterprise, set 
 off on the third day, with the boats well armed, to ascend the 
 Yeragua about a league and a half, to the residence of Quibian, 
 the principal cacique. The chieftain, hearing of his intention, 
 met him near the entrance of the river, attended by his subjects 
 in several canoes. He was tall, of powerful frame, and war- 
 like demeanor ; the interview was extremely amicable. The 
 cacique presented the Adelantado with the golden ornaments 
 which he wore, and received as magnificent presents a few 
 European trinkets. They parted mutually well pleased. On 
 the following day Quibian visited the ships, where he was hos- 
 pitably entertained by the admiral. They could only com- 
 municate by signs, and as the chieftain was of a taciturn and 
 cautious character, the interview was not of long duration. 
 Columbus made him several presents ; the followers of the 
 cacique exchanged many jewels of gold for the usual trifles, 
 and Quibiau returned, without much ceremony, to his home. 
 
 On the 24th of January there was a sudden swelling of the 
 river. The waters came rushing from the interior like a vast 
 torrent ; the ships were forced from their anchors, tossed from 
 side to side, and driven against each other ; the foremast of the 
 admiral's vessel was carried away, and the whole squadron was 
 in imminent danger of shipwreck. While exposed to this 
 peril in the river, they were prevented from running out to 
 sea by a violent storm, and by the breakers which beat upon 
 the bar. This sudden rising of the river, Columbus attributed 
 to some heavy fall of rain among the range of distant moun- 
 tains, to which he had given the name of the mountains of San 
 Christoval. The highest of these rose to a peak far above the 
 clouds. 2 
 
 The weather continued extremely boisterous for several days. 
 At length, on the 6th of February, the sea being tolerably 
 
 1 Hist, del. Almirante, cap 95. 
 
 * Las Caa vs, lib. ii. cap. >. Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 95.
 
 512 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 calm the Adelantado, attended by sixty-eight men, well 
 armed, proceeded in the boats to explore the Veragua, and seek 
 its reputed mines. When he ascended the river and drew nc'ur 
 to the village of Quibian, situated on the side of a hill, the 
 cacique came down to the bank to meet him, with a great train 
 of his subjects, unarmed, and making signs of peace. Quil>ian 
 was naked, and painted after the fashion of the couutiy. One 
 of his attendants drew a great stone out of the river, and washed 
 and rubbed it carefully, upon which the chieftain seated him- 
 self as upon a throne. 1 He received the Adelautado witli great 
 courtesy ; for the lofty, vigorous, and iron form of the latter, 
 and his look of resolution and command, were calculated to in- 
 spire awe and respect in an Indian warrior. The cacique, how- 
 ever, was wary and politic. His jealousy was awakened by 
 the intrusion of these strangers into his territories ; but he saw 
 the futility of any open attempt to resist them. He acceded to 
 the wishes of the Adelantado, therefore, to visit the interior of 
 his dominions, and furnished him with three guides to conduct 
 him to the mines. 
 
 Leaving a number of his men to guard the boats, the Adelan- 
 tado departed on foot with the remainder. After penetrating 
 into the interior about four leagues and a half, they slept for 
 the first night on the banks of a river, which seemed to water 
 the whole country with its windings, as they had crossed it 
 upward of forty times. On the second day they proceeded a 
 league and a half farther, and arrived among thick forests, 
 where their guides informed them the mines were situated. In 
 fact, the whole soil appeared to be impregnated with gold. 
 They gathered it from among the roots of the trees, which were 
 of an immense height and magnificent foliage. In the space of 
 two hours each man had collected a little quantity of gold, 
 gathered from the surface of the earth. Hence the guides took 
 the Adelantado to the summit of a high hill, and showing him 
 an extent of country as far as the e}'e could reach, assured him 
 that the whole of it, to the distance of twenty days' journey 
 westward, abounded in gold, naming to him several of the 
 principal places. 2 The Adelantado gazed with enraptured eye 
 over a vast wilderness of continued forest, where only here and 
 there a bright column of smoke from amid the trees gave sign 
 of some savage hamlet, or solitary wigwam, and the wild, un- 
 appropriated aspect of this golden country delighted him more 
 than if he had beheld it covered with towns and cities, and 
 
 1 Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. iv. * Letter of the Admiral from Jamaica.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 513 
 
 adorned with all the graces of cultivation. He returned with 
 his party, in high spirits, to the ships, and rejoiced the admiral 
 with the favorable report of his expedition. It was soon 
 discovered, however, that the politic Quibiau had deceived 
 them. His guides, by his instructions, had taken the Spaniards 
 to the mines of a neighboring cacique, with whom he was at 
 war, hoping to divert them into the territories of his enemy. 
 The real mines of Veragua, it was said, were nearer and much 
 more wealthy. 
 
 The indefatigable Adelantado set forth again on tta 16th of 
 February, with an armed baud of fifty-nine men, marching 
 along the coast westward, a boat with fourteen men keeping 
 pace with him. In this excursion he explored an extensive 
 tract of country, and visited the dominions of various caciques, 
 by whom he was hospitably entertained. He met continually 
 with proofs of abundance of gold ; the natives generally wear- 
 ing great plates of it suspended round their necks by cotton 
 cords. There were tracts of land, also, cultivated with Indian 
 corn one of which continued for the extent of six leagues, and 
 the country abounded with excellent fruits. He again heard of 
 a nation in the interior, advanced in arts and arms, wearing 
 clothing, and being armed like the Spaniards. Either these 
 were vague and exaggerated rumors concerning the great 
 empire of Peru, or the Adelantado had misunderstood the 
 signs of his informants. He returned, after an absence of 
 several days, with a great quantity of gold, and with animat- 
 ing accounts of the country. He had found no port, however, 
 equal to the river of Belen, and was convinced that gold was 
 nowhere to be met with in such abundance as in the district of 
 Veragua. 1 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF A SETTLEMENT ON THE RIVER BELEN CON- 
 SPIRACY OF THE NATIVES EXPEDITION OF THE ADELANTADO 
 
 TO SURPRISE QUIBIAN. 
 
 [1503.1 
 
 THE reports brought to Columbus, from every side, of the 
 wealth of the neighborhood ; the golden tract of twenty days' 
 journey in extent, shown to his brother from the mountain ; the 
 
 i Lao Cacao, lib. ii. cap. 23. Hist, del AlmiraiHe, cap. 95.
 
 514 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 rumors of a rich and civilized country at no great distance, all 
 convinced him that he had reached one of the most favored 
 parts of the Asiatic continent. Again his ardent mind kindled 
 up with glowing anticipations. He fancied himself arrived at 
 a fountain-head of riches, at one of the sources of the un- 
 bounded wealth of King Solomon. Josephus in his work on the 
 antiquities of the Jews, had expressed an opinion that the gold 
 for the building of the temple of Jerusalem had been procured 
 from the mines of the Aurea Chersonesus. Columbus supposed 
 the mines of Veragua to be the same. They lay, as he observed, 
 " within the same distance from the pole, and from the line ; " 
 and if the information which he fancied he had received from 
 the Indians was to be depended on, they were situated about 
 the same distance from the Ganges. 1 
 
 Here, then, it appeared to him, was a place at which to found 
 a colony, and establish a mart that should become the emporium 
 of a vast tract of mines. Within the two first days after his 
 arrival in the country, as he wrote to the sovereigns, he had 
 seen more signs of gold than in Hispaniola during four years. 
 That island, so long the object of his pride and hopes, had been 
 taken from him, and was a scene of confusion ; the pearl coast 
 of Paria was ravaged by mere adventurers ; all his plans con- 
 cerning both had been defeated ; but here was a far more 
 wealthy region than either, and one calculated to console him 
 for all his wrongs and deprivations. 
 
 On consulting with his brother, therefore, he resolved imme- 
 diately to commence an establishment here, for the purpose of 
 securing the possession of the country, and exploring and work- 
 ing the mines. The Adelantado agreed to remain with the 
 greater part of the people while the admiral should return to 
 Spain for re-enforcements and supplies. The greatest despatch 
 was employed in carrying this plan into immediate operation. 
 Eighty men were selected to remain. The} 7 were separated into 
 parties of about ten each, and commenced building houses on a 
 small eminence, situated on the bank of a creek, about a bow- 
 shot within the mouth of the river Belen. The houses were of 
 wood, thatched with the leaves of palm-trees. One larger 
 than the rest was to serve as a magazine, to receive their am- 
 munition, artillery, and a part of their provisions. The principal 
 part was stored, for greater security, on board of one of the 
 caravels, which was to be left for the use of the colony. It was 
 true they had but a scanty supply of European stores renuiin- 
 
 1 Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 515 
 
 ing. consisting; chiefly of biscuit, cheese, pulse, wine, oil and 
 vinegar; but the country produced bananas, plantains, pine- 
 apples, cocoanuts, and other fruit. There was also maize in 
 abundance, together with various roots, such as were found in 
 Ilispaniola. The rivers and seacoast al>ouuded with fish. The 
 natives, too, made beverages of various kinds. One from the 
 juice of the pineapple, having a vinous flavor ; another from 
 maize, resembling beer ; and another from the fruit of a species 
 of palm-tree. 1 There appeared to be no danger, therefore, of 
 suffering from famine. Columbus took pains to conciliate the 
 good-will of the Indians, that they might supply the wants of 
 the colony during his absence, and he made many presents to 
 Quibian, by way of reconciling him to this intrusion into his 
 territories. 2 
 
 The necessary arrangements being made for the colony, and 
 a number of the houses being roofed, and sufficiently finished 
 for occupation, the admiral prepared for his departure, when 
 an unlooked-for obstacle presented itself. The heavy rains 
 whjch had so long distressed him during this expedition had 
 recently ceased. The torrents from the mountains were over, 
 and the river, which had once put him to such peril by its 
 sudden swelling, had now become so shallow that there was not 
 al>ove half a fathom water on the bar. Though his vessels were 
 small, it was impossible to draw them over the sands, which 
 choked the mouth of the river, for there was a swell rolling and 
 tumbling upon them, enough to dash his worm-eaten barks to 
 pieces. He was obliged, therefore, to wait with patience, and 
 pray for the return of those rains which he had lately deplored. 
 
 In the mean time Quibian beheld with secret jealousy and 
 indignation, these strangers erecting habitations and manifest- 
 ing an intention of establishing themselves in his territories. 
 He was of a bold and warlike spirit, and had a great force of 
 warriors at his command ; and being ignorant of the vast 
 superiority of the Europeans in the art of war, thought it easy, 
 by a well-concerted artifice, to overwhelm and destroy them. 
 He sent messengers round, and ordered all his fighting men to 
 assemble at his residence on the river Yeragua. under pretext 
 of making war upon a neighboring province. Numbers of the 
 warriors, in repairing to his headquarters, passed by the har- 
 bor. No suspicions of their real design were entertained by 
 Columbus or his officers ; but their movements attracted the 
 attention of the chief notary, Diego Mendez, a man of a shrewd 
 
 1 Ilist. del Almirante, cap. 96. * Letter from Jamaica.
 
 516 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 and prying character, and zealously devoted to the admiral. 
 Doubting some treachery, he communicated his surmises to 
 Columbus, and offered to coast along in an armed boat to the 
 river Veragua, and reconnoitre the Indian camp. His offer was 
 accepted, and he sallied from the river accordingly, but had 
 scarcely advanced a league when he descried a large force of 
 Indians on the shore. Landing alone, and ordering that the 
 boat should be kept afloat, he entered among them. There 
 were about a thousand, armed and supplied with provisions, 
 as if for an expedition. He offered to accompany them with his 
 armed boat ; his offer was declined, with evident signs of im- 
 patience. Returning to his boat, he kept watch upon them all 
 night, until seeing they were vigilantly observed, they returned 
 to Veragua. 
 
 Mendez hastened back to the admiral, and gave it as his 
 opinion that the Indians had been on their way to surprise the 
 Spaniards. The admiral was very loath to believe in such 
 treachery, and was desirous of obtaining clearer information, 
 before he took any step that might interrupt the apparently good 
 understanding that existed with the natives. Mendez now under- 
 took, with a single companion, to penetrate by laud to the head- 
 quarters of Quibian, and endeavor to ascertain his intentions. 
 Accompanied by one Rodrigo de Escobar, he proceeded on foot 
 along the seaboard, to avoid the tangled forests, and arriving 
 at the mouth of the Veragua, found two canoes with Indians, 
 whom he prevailed on, by presents, to convey him and his 
 companion to the village of the cacique. It was on the bank 
 of the river ; the houses were detached and interspersed among 
 trees. There was a bustle of warlike preparation in the place, 
 and the arrival of the two Spaniards evidently excited surprise 
 and uneasiness. The residence of the cacique was larger than 
 the others, and situated on a hill which rose from the water's 
 edge. Quibian was confined to the house by indisposition, 
 having been wounded in the leg by an arrow. Mendez gave 
 himself out as a surgeon come to cure the wound : with great 
 difficulty and by force of presents he obtained permission to 
 proceed. On the crest of the hill and in front of the cacique's 
 dwelling was a broad, level, open place, round which, on posts, 
 were the heads of three hundred enemies slain in battle. Un- 
 dismayed by this dismal array, Mendez and his companion 
 crossed the place toward the den of this grim warrior. A num- 
 ber of women and children about the door fled into the house 
 with piercing cries. A young and powerful Indian, son of the 
 cacique, sallied forth in a violent rage, and struck Meudez a blow
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 517 
 
 which made him recoil several paces. The latter pacified him 
 by presents and assurances that he came to cure his father's 
 wound, in proof of which he produced a box of ointment. It 
 was impossible, however, to gain access to the cacique, and 
 Mendez returned with all haste to the harbor to report to the 
 admiral what he had seen and learned. It was evident there 
 \\:is a dangerous plot impending over the Spaniards, and as far 
 as Mendez could learn from the Indians who had taken him up 
 the river in their canoe, the body of a thousand warriors which 
 he had seen on his previous reconnoitring expedition had 
 actually been on a hostile enterprise against the harbor, but 
 had given it up on finding themselves observed. 
 
 This information was confirmed by an Indian of the neigh- 
 borhood, who had become attached to the Spaniards and acted 
 as interpreter. He revealed to the admiral the designs of his 
 countrymen, which he had overheard. Quibian intended to 
 surprise the harbor at night witli a great force, burn the ships 
 and houses, and make a general massacre. Thus forewarned, 
 Columbus immediately set a double watch upon the harbor. 
 The military spirit of the Adelantado suggested a bolder expe- 
 dient. The hostile plan of Quibian was doubtless delayed by 
 his wound, and in the mean time he would maintain the sem- 
 blance of friendship. The Adelantado determined to march at 
 once to his residence, capture him, his family, and principal 
 warriors, send them prisoners to Spain, and take possession of 
 his village. 
 
 With the Adelantado, to conceive a plan was to carry it into 
 immediate execution, and, in fact, the impending danger ad- 
 mitted of no delay. Taking with him seventy-four men, well 
 armed, among whom was Diego Mendez, and being accompa- 
 nied by the Indian interpreter who had revealed the plot, he 
 set off on the 30th of March, in boats, to the mouth of the Ve- 
 ragua, ascended it rapidly, and before the Indians could have 
 notice of his movements, landed at the foot of the hill on which 
 tiie house of Quibian was situated. 
 
 Lest the cacique should take alarm and fly at the sight of a 
 large force, he ascended the hill, accompanied by only five men, 
 among whom was Diego Meudez ; ordering the rest to come on, 
 with great caution and secrecy, two at a time, and at a distance 
 from each other. On the discharge of an arquebuse, they were 
 to surround the dwelling and suffer no one to escape. 
 
 As the Adelantado drew near to the house, Quibian came 
 forth, and seating himself in the portal, desired the Adelantado 
 to approach singly. Don Bartholomew now ordered Diego
 
 518 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Mendez and his four companions to remain at a little distance, 
 and when they should see him take the cacique by the arm, to 
 rush immediately to his assistance. He then advanced with his 
 Indian interpreter, through whom a short conversation took 
 place, relative to the surrounding country. The Adelantado 
 then adverted to the wound of the cacique, and pretending to 
 examine it, took him by the arm. At the concerted signal four 
 of the Spaniards rushed forward, the fifth discharged the arque- 
 buse. The cacique attempted to get loose, but was firmly held 
 in the iron grasp of the Adelantado. Being both men of great 
 muscular power, a violent struggle ensued. Don Bartholomew, 
 however, maintained the mastery, and Diego Mendez and his 
 companions coming to his assistance, Quibian was bound hand 
 and foot. At the report of the arquebuse, the main body of 
 the Spaniards surrounded the house, and seized the most of 
 those who were within, consisting of fifty persons, old and 
 young. Among these were the wives and children of Quibian, 
 and severaj of his principal subjects. No one was wounded, 
 for there was no resistance, and the Adelantado never permitted 
 wanton bloodshed. When the poor savages saw their prince a 
 captive, they filled the air with lamentations, imploring his re- 
 lease, and offering for his ransom a great treasure, which they 
 said lay concealed in a neighboring forest. 
 
 The Adelantado was deaf to their supplications and their 
 offers. Quibian was too dangerous a foe to be set at liberty ; 
 as a prisoner he would be a hostage for the security of the set- 
 tlement. Anxious to secure his prize, he determined to send 
 the cacique and other prisoners on board of the boats, while he 
 remained on shore with a part of his men to pursue the Indians 
 who had escaped. Juan Sanchez, the principal pilot of the 
 squadron, a powerful and spirited man, volunteered to take 
 charge of the captives. On committing the chieftain to his 
 care, the Adelantado warned him to be on his guard against 
 any attempt at rescue or escape. The sturdy pilot replied that 
 if the cacique got out of his hands, he would give them leave 
 to pluck out his beard, hair by hair ; with this vaunt he de- 
 parted, bearing off Quibian bound hand and foot. On arriving 
 at the boat, he secured him by a strong cord to one of the 
 beaches. It was a dark night. As the boat proceeded down 
 the river, the cacique complained piteously of the pain fulness 
 of his bonds. The rough heart of the pilot was touched with 
 compassion, and he loosened the cord by which Quibian was 
 tied to the bench, keeping the end of it in his hand. The wily 
 Indian watched his opportunity, and when Sanchez was look-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 519 
 
 ing another way plunged into the water and disappeared. So 
 sudden and violent was his plunge that the pilot had to let go 
 the cord lest he should be drawn in after him. The darkness 
 of the night and the bustle which took place in preventing the 
 escape of the other prisoners rendered it impossible to pursue 
 the cacique, or even to ascertain his fate. Juan Sanchez hast- 
 ened to the ships with the residue of the captives, deeply mor- 
 tified at being thus outwitted by a savage. 
 
 The Adelantado remained all night on shore. The following 
 morning, when he beheld the wild, broken, and mountainous 
 nature of the country, and the scattered situation of the habi- 
 tations perched on different heights, he gave up the search 
 after the Indians, and returned to the ships with the spoils of 
 the cacique's mansion. These consisted of bracelets, anklets, 
 and massive plates of gold, such as were worn round the neck, 
 together with two golden coronets. The whole amounted to 
 the value.of three hundred ducats. 1 One fifth of the booty was 
 set apart for the crown. The residue was shared among those 
 concerned in the enterprise. To the Adelantado one of the 
 coronets was assigned, as a trophy of his exploit. 2 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 DISASTERS OF THE SETTLEMENT. 
 [1503.] 
 
 IT was hoped by Columbus that the vigorous measure of the 
 Adelantado would strike terror into the Indians of the neigh- 
 borhood, and prevent any further designs upon the settlement. 
 Quibian had probably perished. If he survived, he must be 
 disheartened by the captivity of his family, and several of his 
 principal subjects, and fearful of their being made responsible 
 for any act of violence on his part. The heavy rains, therefore, 
 which fall so frequently among the mountains of this isthmus, 
 having again swelled the river, Columbus made his final arrange- 
 
 1 Equivalent to one thousand two hundred and eighty -one dollars at the present day. 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 9S. Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 27. Many of the particulars of 
 this chapter are from a short narrative given by Diego Mendez, and inserted in his last 
 will and testament. It is written in a strain of simple egotism, as he represents himself 
 an the principal and almost the sole actor in every affair. The fact*, however, have all 
 tiic air of veracity, a'ld hc-inv given on such a solemn occasion, the document is entitled 
 to high cvi-dit. lie will lie found lo distinguish himself on another ha/.ardous and im- 
 portant occasion iu the courso of this history. Vide .Navarrele, Colec., toui. i.
 
 520 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMHU8. 
 
 ments for the management of the colony, and having given 
 much wholesome counsel to the Spaniards who were to remain, 
 and taken an affectionate leave of his brother, got under weigh 
 with three of the caravels, leaving the fourth for the use of the 
 settlement. As the water was still shallow at the bar, the ships 
 were lightened of a great part of their cargoes, and towed out 
 by the boats in calm weather, grounding repeatedly. When 
 fairly released from the river, and their cargoes reshipped, they 
 anchored within a league of the shore, to await a favorable 
 wind. It was the intention of the admiral to touch at His- 
 paniola, on his way to Spain, and send thence supplies and 
 re-enforcements. The wind continuing adverse, he sent a boat 
 on shore on the Gth of April, under the command of Diego 
 Tristan, captain of one of the caravels, to procure wood and 
 water, and make some communications to the Adelantado. The 
 expedition of this boat proved fatal to its crew, but was provi- 
 dential to the settlement. 
 
 The cacique Quibian had not perished as some had supposed. 
 Though both hands and feet were bound, yet in the water he 
 was as in his natural element. Plunging to the bottom, he 
 swam below the surface until sufficiently distant to be out of 
 view in the darkness of the night, and then emerging made his 
 way to shore. The desolation of his home, and the capture of 
 his wives and children, filled him with anguish ; but when he 
 saw the vessels in which they were confined leaving the river, 
 and bearing them off, he was transported with fury and despair. 
 Determined on a signal vengeance, he assembled a great num- 
 ber of his warriors, and came secretly upon the settlement. The 
 thick woods by which it was surrounded enabled the Indians to 
 approach unseen within ten paces. The Spaniards, thinking 
 the enemy completely discomfited and dispersed, were perfectly 
 off their guard. Some had strayed to the sea-shore to take a 
 farewell look at the ships ; some were on board of the caravel 
 in the river ; others were scattered about the houses ; on a sud- 
 den the Indians rushed from their concealment with yells and 
 bowlings, launched their javelins through the roofs of palm- 
 leaves, hurled them in at the windows, or thrust them through 
 the crevices of the logs which composed the walls. As the 
 houses were small several of the inhabitants were wounded. 
 On the first alarm the Adelantado seized a lance and sallied 
 forth with seven or eight of his men. He was joined by Diego 
 Mendez and several of his companions, and the} 7 drove the 
 enemy into the forest, killing and wounding several of them. 
 The Indians kept up a brisk fire of darts and arrows from
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 521 
 
 among the trees, and made furious sallies with their war-clubs ; 
 but there was no withstanding the keen edge of the Spanish 
 weapons, and a fierce blood-hound being let loose upon them 
 completed their terror. They fled howling through the forest, 
 leaving a number dead on the field, having killed one Spaniard 
 and wounded eight. Among the latter was the AdelauUulo, 
 who received a slight thrust of a javelin in the breast. 
 
 Diego Tristan arrived in his boat during the contest, but 
 feared to approach the land, lest the Spaniards should rush on 
 board in such numbers as to sink him. When the Indians had 
 been put to flight he proceeded up the river in quest of fresh 
 water, disregarding the warnings of those on shore, that he 
 might be cut off by the enemy in their canoes. 
 
 The river was deep and narrow, shut in by high banks and 
 overhanging trees. The forests on each side were thick and 
 impenetrable, so that there was no landing-place excepting here 
 and there whore a footpath wound down to some fishing-ground, 
 or some place where the natives kept their canoes. 
 
 The boat had ascended about a league above the village, to a 
 part of the river where it was completely overshadowed by lofty 
 banks and spreading trees. Suddenly yells and war-whoops 
 and blasts of conch-shells rose on every side. Light canoes 
 darted forth in every direction from dark hollows and over- 
 hanging thickets each dexterously managed by a single savage, 
 while others stood up brandishing and hurling their lances. 
 Missiles were launched also from the banks of the river and the 
 brunches of the trees. There were eight sailors in the Ixmt, 
 and three soldiers. Galled and wounded by darts and arrows, 
 confounded by the yells and blasts of conchs and the assaults 
 which thickened from every side, they lost all presence of mind, 
 neglected to use either oars or fire-arms, and only sought to 
 shelter themselves with their bucklers. Diego Tristan had re- 
 ceived several wounds, but still displayed great intrepidity, and 
 was endeavoring to animate his men when a javelin pierced his 
 riiiht eye and struck him dead. The canoes now closed upon 
 the boat, and a general massacre ensued. But one Spaniard 
 escaped, Juan de Noya, a cooper of Seville. Having fallen 
 overboard in the midst of the action, he dived to the bottom, 
 swam under water, gained the bank of the river unperceived, 
 and made his way down to the settlement, bringing tidings of 
 the massacre of his captain and comrades. 
 
 The Spaniards were completely dismayed, were few in num- 
 ber, several of them were wounded, and they were in the midst 
 of tribes of exasperated savages, far more fierce and warlike
 
 522 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 than those to whom they had been accustomed. The admiral, 
 being ignorant of their misfortunes, would sail away without 
 yielding them assistance, and they would be left to sink beneath 
 the overwhelming force of barbarous foes, or to perish with 
 hunger on this inhospitable coast. In their despair they deter- 
 mined to take the caravel which had been left with them, and 
 abandon the place altogether. The Adelantado remonstrated 
 with them in vain ; nothing would content them but to put to 
 sea immediately. Here a new alarm awaited them. The tor- 
 rents having subsided, the river was again shallow, and it was 
 impossible for the caravel to pass over the bar. They now 
 took the boat of the caravel to bear tidings of their danger to 
 the admiral, and implore him not to abandon them ; but the 
 wind was boisterous, a high sea was rolling, and a heavy surf, 
 tumbling and breaking at the mouth of the river, prevented the 
 boat from getting out. Horrors increased upon them. The 
 mangled bodies of Diego Tristan and his men came floating 
 down the stream, and drifting about the harbor, with flights of 
 crows, and other carrion birds feeding on them, and hovering, 
 and screaming, and fighting about their prey. The forlorn 
 Spaniards contemplated this scene with shuddering ; it appeared 
 ominous of their own fate. 
 
 In the mean time the Indians, elated by their triumph over 
 the crew of the boat, renewed their hostilities. Whoops and 
 yells answered each other from various parts of the neighbor- 
 hood. The dismal sound of couchs and war-drums in the deep 
 bosom of the woods showed that the number of the enetrry was 
 continually augmenting. They would rush forth occasionally 
 upon straggling parties of Spaniards, and make partial attacks 
 upon the houses. It was considered no longer safe to remain 
 in the settlement, the close forest which surrounded it being a 
 covert for the approaches of the enemy. The Adelantado 
 chose, therefore, an open place on the shore, at some distance 
 from the wood. Here he caused a kind of bulwark to be made 
 of the boat of the caravel, and of chests, casks, and similar 
 articles. Two places were left open as embrasures, in which 
 were placed a couple of falconets, or small pieces of artillery, 
 in such a manner as to command the neighborhood. In this 
 little fortress the Spaniards shut themselves up ; its walls were 
 sufficient to screen them from the darts and arrows of the In- 
 dians, but mostly they depended upon their fire-arms, the sound 
 of which struck dismay into the savages, especially when they 
 saw the effect of the balls, splintering and rending the trees 
 around them, and carrying havoc to such a distance. The
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 523 
 
 Indians were thus kept in check for the present, and deterred 
 from venturing from the forest; but the Spaniards, exhausted 
 by constant watching and incessant alarms, anticipated all kinds 
 of evil when their ammunition should be exhausted, or they 
 should be driven forth by hunger to seek for food. 1 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 DISTRESS OF THE ADMIRAL ON BOARD OF IIIS SHIP ULTIMATE 
 RELIEF OF THE SETTLEMENT. 
 
 [1503.] 
 
 "\VIIILE the Adelantado and his men were exposed to such 
 imminent peril OP shore, great anxiety prevailed on board of 
 the ships. Day after day elapsed without the return of Diego 
 Tristan and his party, and it was feared some disaster had 
 befallen them. Columbus would have sent on shore to make 
 inquiries, but there was only one boat remaining for the service 
 of the squadron, and he dared not risk it in the rough sea and 
 heavy surf. A dismal circumstance occurred to increase the 
 gloom and uneasiness of the crews. On board of one of the 
 caravels were confined the family and household of the cacique 
 Quibian. It was the intention of Columbus to carry them to 
 Spain, trusting that as long as they remained in the power of 
 the Spaniards their tribe would be deterred from further hostil- 
 ities. They were shut up at night in the forecastle of the cara- 
 vel, the hatchway of which was secured by a strong chain and 
 padlock. As several of the crew slept upon the hatch, and it 
 was so high as to be considered out of reach of the prisoners, 
 they neglected to fasten the chain. The Indians discovered 
 their negligence. Collecting a quantity of stones from the bal- 
 last of the vessel, they made a great heap directly under the 
 hatchway. Several of the most powerful warriors mounted 
 upon the top, and bending their backs, by a sudden and simul- 
 taneous effort, forced up the hatch, flinging the seamen who 
 slept upon it to the opposite side of the ship. In an instant the 
 greater part of the Indians sprang forth, plunged into the sea, 
 and swam for shore. Several, however, were prevented from 
 sallying forth ; others were seized on the deck and forced back 
 
 1 Hi.->t. del Almi-a-ite, cap. 9S. Las raoas, lib. ii. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica. 
 Relation of Diego Muudez, Navarrele, torn. i. Journal of i'orrus, Xavarrete, touj. i.
 
 524 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 into the forecastle ; the hatchway was carefully chained down, 
 and a guard was set for the rest of the night. In the morning, 
 when the Spaniards went to examine the captives, they were all 
 found dead. Some had hanged themselves with the ends of 
 ropes, their knees touching the floor, others had strangled them- 
 selves by straining the cords tight with their feet. Such was 
 the fierce unconquerable spirit of these people, and their horror 
 of the white men. 1 
 
 The escape of the prisoners occasioned great anxiety to the 
 admiral, fearing they would stimulate their countrymen to some 
 violent act of vengeance, and he trembled for the safety of his 
 brother. Still this painful mystery reigned over the land. The 
 boat of Diego Tristan did not return, and the raging surf pre- 
 vented all communication. At length, one Pedro Ledesma, a 
 pilot of Seville, a man of about forty-five years of age, and of 
 great strength of body and mind, offered, if the boat would 
 take him to the edge of the surf, to swim to shore, and bring 
 off news. He had been piqued by the achievement of the 
 Indian captives, in swimming to land at a league's distance, in 
 defiance of sea and surf. "Surely," he said, "if they dare 
 venture so much to procure their individual liberties, I ought to 
 brave at least a part of the danger, to save the lives of so many 
 companions." His offer was gladly accepted by the admiral, 
 and was boldly accomplished. The boat approached with him 
 as near to the surf as safety would permit, where it was to 
 await his return. Here, stripping himself, he plunged into the 
 sea, and after buffeting for some time with the breakers, some- 
 times rising upon their surges, sometimes buried beneath them 
 and dashed upon the sand, he succeeded in reaching the shore. 
 
 He found his countiymeu shut up in their forlorn fortress, 
 beleaguered by savage foes, and learnt the tragical fate of 
 Diego Tristan and his companions. Many of the Spaniards, in 
 their horror and despair, had thrown off all subordination, 
 refused to assist in any measure that had in view a continuance 
 in this place, and thought of nothing but escape. When they 
 beheld Ledesma, a messenger from the ships, they surrounded 
 him with frantic eagerness, urging him to implore the admiral 
 to take them on board, and not abandon them on a coast where 
 their destruction was inevitable. Thej' were preparing canoes 
 to take them to the ships, when the weather should moderate, 
 the boat of the caravel being too small, and swore that, if the 
 admiral refused to take them on board, they would embark in 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 99.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 525 
 
 the caravel, as soon as it could be extricated from the river, 
 and abandon themselves to the mercy of the seas, rather than 
 remain upon that fatal coast. 
 
 Having heard all that his forlorn countrymen had to say, and 
 communicated with the Adelantado and his officers, Ledesma 
 set out on his perilous return. He again braved the surf and 
 the breakers, reached the boat which was waiting for him, and 
 was conveyed back to the ships. The disastrous tidings from 
 the laud filled the heart of the admiral with grief and alarm. 
 To leave his brother on shore would be to expose him to the 
 mutiny of his own men and the ferocity of the savages. He 
 could spare no re-enforcement from his ships, the crews being 
 so much weakened by the loss of Tristan and his companions. 
 Rather than the settlement should be broken up. he would 
 gladly have joined the Adelantado with all his -people; but in 
 such case how could intelligence be conveyed to the sovereigns 
 of this important discovery, and how could supplies be obtained 
 from Spain? There appeared no alternative, therefore, but to 
 embark all the people, abandon the settlement for the present, 
 and return at some future day, with a force competent to take 
 secure possession of the country. 1 The state of the weather 
 rendered the practicability even of this plan doubtful. The 
 wind continued high, the sea rough, and no boat could pass 
 between the squadron and the land. The situation of the ships 
 was itself a matter of extreme solicitude. Feebly manned, 
 crazed by storms, and ready to fall to pieces from the ravages 
 of the teredo, they were anchored on a lee-shore, with a bois- 
 terous wind and sea, in a climate subject to tempests, and 
 where the least augmentation of the weather might drive them 
 among the breakers. Every hour increased the anxiety of 
 Columbus for his brother, his people, and his ships, and each 
 hour appeared to render the impending dangers more imminent. 
 Days of constant perturbation and nights of sleepless anxiety 
 pivved upon a constitution broken by age, by maladies, and 
 hardships, and produced a fever of the mind, in which he was 
 visited by one of those mental hallucinations deemed by him 
 mysterious and supernatural. In a letter to the sovereigns he 
 gives a solemn account of a kind of vision by which he was 
 comforted in a dismal night, when full of despondency and 
 tossing on a couch of pain : 
 
 "Wearied and sighing," says he, "I fell into a slumber, 
 when I heard a piteous voice saying to me, 4 O fool, and slow 
 
 1 Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
 
 526 LIFE OF CI1RISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 to believe aud serve thy God, who is the God of all ! What did 
 he more for Moses, or for his servant David, than he has done 
 for thee ? From the time of thy birth he has ever had thee 
 under his peculiar care. When he saw thee of a fitting age he 
 made thy name to resound marvellously throughout the earth, 
 and thou wert obeyed in many lands, aud didst acquire honor- 
 able fame among Christians. Of the gates of the Ocean Sea, 
 shut up with such mighty chains, he delivered thee the ke\ - s ; 
 the Indies, those wealthy regions of the world, he gave thee 
 for thine own, and empowered thee to dispose of them to 
 others, according to thy pleasure. What did he more for the 
 great people of Israel when he led them forth from Egypt? Or 
 for David, whom, from being a shepherd, he made a king in 
 Judea? Turn to him, then, and acknowledge thine error; his 
 mercy is infinite. He has many and vast inheritances yet in 
 reserve. Fear not to seek them. Thine age shall be no imped- 
 iment to any great undertaking. Abraham was above an 
 hundred years when he begat Isaac; and was Sarah youthful? 
 Thou urgest despondingly for succor. Answer ! who hath 
 afflicted thee so much, and so many times? God, or the world ? 
 The privileges aud promises which God hath made thee he hath 
 never broken ; neither hath he said, after having received thy 
 services, that his meaning was different, and to be understood 
 in a different sense. He performs to the very letter. He fulfils 
 all that he promises, and with increase. Such is his custom. 
 1 have shown thee what thy Creator hath done for thee, and 
 what he doeth for all. The present is the reward of the toils 
 and perils thou hast endured in serving others.' I hoard all 
 this," adds Columbus, " as one almost dead, aud had no power 
 to reply to words so true, excepting to weep for my errors. 
 Whoever it was that spake to me, finished by saying, ' Fear 
 not! Confide! All these tribulations are written in marble, and 
 not without cause.' ' 
 
 Such is the singular statement which Columbus gave to the 
 sovereigns of his supposed vision. It has been suggested that 
 this was a mere ingenious fiction, adroitly devised by him to 
 convey a lesson to his prince ; but such an idea is inconsistent 
 with his character. He was too deeply imbued with awe of the 
 Deity, and with reverence for his sovereign, to make use of 
 such an artifice. The words here spoken to him by the sup- 
 posed voice are truths which dwelt upon his mind aud grieved 
 his spirit during his waking hours. It is natural that they 
 should recur vividly and coherently in his feverish dreams; and 
 in recalling and relating a dream one is unconsciously apt to
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIWS. 527 
 
 give it a little coherency. Besides, Columbus had a solemn 
 belief that he was a peculiar instrument in the hands of Provi- 
 dence, which, together with a deep tinge of superstition com- 
 mon to the age, made him prone to mistake every striking 
 dream for a revelation. He is not to be measured by the same 
 standard with ordinary men in ordinary circumstances. It is 
 difficult for the mind to realize his situation, and to conceive 
 the exaltations of spirit to which he must have been subjected. 
 The artless manner in which, in his letter to the sovereigns, he 
 mingles up the rhapsodies and dreams of his imagination, with 
 simple facts, and sound practical observations, pouring them 
 forth with a kind of scriptural solemnity and poetry of lan- 
 guage, is one of the most striking illustrations of a character 
 richly compounded of extraordinary and apparently contra- 
 dictory elements. 
 
 Immediately after this supposed vision, and after a duration 
 of nine days, the boisterous weather subsided, the sea became 
 calm, and the communication with the land was restored. , It 
 was found impossible to extricate the remaining caravel from 
 the river; but every exertion was made to bring off the people 
 and the property before there should be a return of bad weather. 
 In this, the exertions of the zealous Diego Mendez were emi- 
 nently efficient. He had been for some days preparing for such 
 an emergency. Cutting up the sails of the caravel, he made 
 great sacks to receive the biscuit. He lashed two Indian 
 canoes together with spars, so that they could not be over- 
 turned by the waves, and made a platform on them capable of 
 sustaining a great burden. This kind of raft was laden re- 
 peatedly with the stores, arms, and ammunition, which had 
 been left on shore, and with the fu.-niture of the caravel, which 
 was entirely dismantled. When well freighted, it was towed 
 by the boat to the ships. In this way, by constant and sleep- 
 less exertions, in the space of two da}*s, almost every thing of 
 value was transi>orted on board the squadron, and liltle else 
 left than the hull of the caravel, stranded, decayed, and rotting 
 in the river. Diego Meudez superintended the whole embarka- 
 tion with unwearied watchfulness and activity. He and live 
 companions, were the last to leave the shore, remaining all 
 night at their perilous post, and embarking in the morning 
 with the last cargo of effects. 
 
 Nothing could equal the transports of the Spaniards, when 
 they found themselves once more on board of the ships, and 
 saw a space of ocean between them and those forests which had 
 lately seemed destined to be their graves. The joy of their
 
 528 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 comrades seemed little inferior to their own, and the perils and 
 hardships which yet surrounded them were forgotten for a 
 time in mutual congratulations. The admiral was so much 
 impressed with a sense of the high services rendered by Diego 
 Mendez, throughout the late time of danger and disaster, that 
 he gave him the command of the caravel, vacant by the death 
 of the unfortunate Diego Tristan. 1 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 DEPARTURE FROM THE COAST OF VERAGUA ARRIVAL AT JAMAICA 
 STRANDING OF THE SHIPS. 
 
 [1503.] 
 
 THE wind at length becoming favorable, Columbus set sail, 
 toward the end of April, from the disastrous coast of Veragua. 
 The wretched condition of the ships, the enfeebled state of the 
 crews, and the scarcity of provisions determined him to make 
 the best of his way to Hispaniola, where he might refit his 
 vessels and procure the necessary supplies for the voyage to 
 Europe. To the surprise of his pilot and crews, however, on 
 making sail, he stood again along the coast to the eastward, 
 instead of steering north, which they considered the direct 
 route to Hispaniola. They fancied that he intended to proceed 
 immediately for Spain, and murmured loudly at the madness 
 of attempting so long a voyage, with ships destitute of stores 
 and consumed by the worms. Columbus and his brother, 
 however, had studied the navigation of those seas with a more 
 observant and experienced eye. They considered it advisable 
 to gain a considerable distance to the east, before standing 
 across for Hispaniola, to avoid being swept away, far below 
 their destined port, by the strong currents setting constantly 
 to the west. 2 The admiral, however, did not impart his rea- 
 sons to the pilots, being anxious to keep the knowledge of his 
 routes as much to himself as possible, seeing that there were so 
 many adventurers crowding into the field, and ready to follow 
 on his track. He even took from the mariners their charts, 8 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 99, 100. Las Casaa, lib. ii. cap. 29. Relacion por Diego 
 Mciiclcz. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica. Journal of Porras, .Navarrete Colec., 
 torn. i. 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante. Letter from Jamaica. 
 
 * Journal of Porras, Navarrete, Coiec., torn. i.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 529 
 
 and boasts, in a letter to the sovereigns, that none of his pilots 
 would be able to retrace the route to and from Veragua, nor to 
 describe where it was situated. 
 
 Disregarding the murmurs of his men, therefore, he con- 
 tinued along the roa>t eastward as far as Puerto Bello. Here 
 In- was obliged to leave one of the caravels, being so pierced by 
 worms that it was impossible to keep her afloat. All the crews 
 were now crowded into two caravels, and these were little bet- 
 ter than mere wrecks. The utmost exertions were necessary 
 to keep them free from water ; while the incessant labor of the 
 pumps bore hard on men enfeebled by scanty diet and dejected 
 by various hardships. Continuing onward, they passed Port 
 Ketrete. and a number of islands to which the admiral gave the 
 name of Las Barbas, now termed the Mulatas, a little beyond 
 Point Bias. Here he supposed that he had arrived at the pro- 
 vince of Mangi in the territories of the Grand Khan, described 
 by Marco Polo as adjoining to Calhay. 1 He continued on 
 about ten leagues further, until he approached the entrance of 
 what is at present called the Gulf of Darien. Here he had a 
 consultation with his captains and pilots, who remonstrated at 
 his persisting in this struggle against contrary winds and cur- 
 rents, representing the lamentable plight of the ships and the 
 infirm state of the crews. 2 Bidding farewell, therefore, to the 
 main-land, he stood northward on the 1st of May, in quest of 
 Hispaniola. As the wind was easterly, with a strong current 
 setting to the west, he kept as near the wind as possible. So 
 little did his pilots know of their situation, that they supposed 
 themselves to the east of the Caribbce Islands, whereas the 
 admiral feared that, with all his exertions, he should fall to the 
 westward of Hispaniola. 3 His apprehensions proved to be well 
 founded ; for, on the 10th of the month, he came in sight of 
 two small low islands to the north-west of Hispaniola, to which, 
 from the great quantities of tortoises seen about them, he gave 
 the name of the Tortugas ; they are now known as the Cay- 
 mans. Passing wide of these, and continuing directly north, 
 he found himself, on tiie 30th of May, among the cluster of 
 islands on the south side of Cuba, to which he had formerly 
 given the name of the Queen's Gardens; having been carried 
 between eight and nine degrees west of his destined port. 
 Here he cast anchor near one of the keys, about ten leagues 
 from the main island. His crews were suffering excessively 
 
 1 Letter from Jamaica. 
 
 * Testimony of IVdro de Ledesma. Pleito de los Colonea. 
 
 8 Letter from Jamaica.
 
 530 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 through scanty provisions and great fatigue ; nothing was left 
 of the sea-stores but a little biscuit, oil, and vinegar ; and they 
 were obliged to labor incessantly at the pumps to keep the ves- 
 sels afloat. The}' had scarcely anchored at these islands when 
 there came on, at midnight, a sudden tempest, of such violence 
 that, according to the strong expression of Columbus, it seemed 
 as if the world would dissolve. 1 They lost three of their an- 
 chors almost immediately, and the caravel Bermuda was driven 
 with such violence upon the ship of the admiral that the bow 
 of the one and the stern of the other were greatly shattered. 
 The sea running high, and the wind being boisterous, the ves- 
 sels chafed and injured each other dreadfully, and it was with 
 great difficulty that they were separated. One anchor only 
 remained to the admiral's ship, and this saved him from being 
 driven upon the rocks ; but at daylight the cable was found 
 nearly worn asunder. Had the darkness continued an hour 
 longer, he could scarcely have escaped shipwreck. 2 
 
 At the end of six days, the weather having moderated, he 
 resumed his course, standing eastward for Hispauiola ; "his 
 people," as he says, " dismayed and down-hearted ; almost all 
 la's anchors lost, and his vessels bored as full of holes as a 
 honey-comb." After struggling against contrary winds and the 
 usual currents from the east, he reached Cape Cruz, and an- 
 chored at a village in the province of Macaca, 8 where he had 
 touched in 1494, in his voyage along the southern coast of Cuba. 
 Here he was detained by head winds for several days, during 
 which he was supplied with cassava bread by the natives. 
 Making sail again, he endeavored to beat up to Hispaniola ; but 
 every effort was in vain. The winds and currents continued 
 adverse ; the leaks continually gained upon his vessels, though 
 the pumps were kept incessantly going, and the seamen even 
 bailed the water out with buckets and kettles. The admiral 
 now stood, in despair, for the island of Jamaica, to seek some 
 secure port ; for there was imminent danger of foundering at 
 sea. On the eve of St. John, the 23d of June, they put into 
 Puerto Hueuo, now called Dry Harbor, but met with none of 
 the natives from whom they could obtain provisions, nor was 
 there any fresh water to be had in the neighborhood. Suffer- 
 ing from hunger and thirst, they sailed eastward, on the follow- 
 ing day, to another harbor, to which the admiral on his first 
 visit to the island had given the name of Port Santa Gloria. 
 
 1 Letter from .Tnmaica. 
 
 * Ilis-t. del Alinirauti-, cap. 100. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica. 
 
 * llist. del Aliuirante. Jourual of i'orras.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 531 
 
 Here, at last, Columbus had to give up his long and arduous 
 struggle against the unremitting persecution of the elements. 
 His ships, reduced to mere wrecks, could no longer keep the 
 sea. and were ready to sink even in port. He ordered them, 
 therefore, to be run aground, within a bow-shot of the shore, 
 and fastened together, side by side. They soon tilled with water 
 to the decks. Thatched cabins were then erected at the prow 
 and stern for the accommodation of the crews, and the wreck 
 was placed in the best possible state of defence. Thus castU-d 
 in the sea, he trusted to be able to repel any sudden attack of 
 the natives, and at the same time to keep his men from roving 
 about -the neighborhood and indulging in their usual excesses. 
 No one was allowed to go on shore without especial license, 
 and the utmost precaution was taken to prevent any offence 
 being given to the Indians. Any exasperation of them might 
 be fatal to the Spaniards in their present forlorn situation. A 
 firebrand thrown into their wooden fortress might wrap it in 
 flames, and leave them defenceless amid hostile thousands. '
 
 BOOK XYI. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 ARRANGEMENT OF DIEGO MENDEZ WITH THE CACIQUES FOR SUP- 
 PLIES OF PROVISIONS SENT TO SAN DOMINGO BY COLUMBUS 
 IN QUEST OF RELIEF. 
 
 [1503.] 
 
 THE island of Jamaica was extremely populous and fertile, 
 and the harbor soon swarmed with Indians, who brought pro- 
 visions to barter with the Spaniards. To prevent an}' disputes 
 in purchasing or sharing these supplies, two persons were 
 appointed to superintend all bargains, and the provisions thus 
 obtained weie divided every evening among the people. This 
 arrangement had a happy effect in promoting a peaceful inter- 
 course. The stores thus furnished, however, coming from a 
 limited neighborhood of improvident beings, were not sufficient 
 for the necessities of the .Spaniards, and were so irregular as 
 often to leave them in pinching want. They feared, too, that 
 the neighborhood might soon be exhausted, in which case they 
 would be reduced to famine. In this emergency Diego Mendrz 
 stepped forward with his accustomed zeal, and volunteered to 
 set off, with three men, on a foraging expedition about the 
 island. His offer being gladly accepted by the admiral, he 
 departed with his comrades well armed. He was everywhere 
 treated with the utmost kindness by the natives. They took 
 him to their houses, set meat and drink before him and his 
 companions, and performed all the rites of savage hospitality. 
 Mendez made an arrangement with the cacique of a numerous 
 tribe, that his subjects should hunt and fish, and make cassava 
 bread, and bring a quantity of provisions every day to the 
 harbor. They were to receive in exchange knives, combs, 
 beads, fish-hooks, hawk's bells, and other articles, from a 
 Spaniard, who was to reside among them for that purpose. 
 The agreement being made, Meudez despatched one of his corn- 
 532
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 533 
 
 fades to apprise the admiral. He then pursued his journey 
 three leagues farther, when he made a similar arrangement, 
 and despatched another of his companions to the admiral. 
 Proceeding onward, about thirteen leagues from the ships, he 
 arrived at the residence of another cacique, called lluarco, 
 where he was generously entertained. The cacique ordered 
 his subjects to bring a large quantity of provisions, for which 
 Mendez paid him on the spot, and made arrangements for a 
 like supply at stated intervals. He despatched his third com- 
 panion with this supply to the admiral, requesting, as usual, 
 that an agent might be sent to receive and pay for the regular 
 deliveries of provisions. 
 
 Mendez was now left alone, but he was fond of any enter- 
 prise that gave individual distinction. He requested of the 
 cacique two Indians to accompany him to the end of the island ; 
 one to cany his provisions and the other to bear the hammock, 
 or cotton net in which he slept. These being granted, he pushed 
 resolutely forward along the coast until he reached the eastern 
 extremity of Jamaica. Here he found a powerful cacique of 
 the name of Ameyro. Mendez had buoyant spirits, great ad- 
 dress, and an ingratiating manner with the savages. He and 
 the cacique became great friends, exchanged names, which is 
 a kind of token of brotherhood, and Mendez engaged him to 
 furnish provisions to the sh'ips. He then bought an excellent 
 canoe of the cacique, for which he gave a splendid brass basin, 
 a short frock or cassock, and one of the two shirts which formed 
 his stock of linen. The cacique furnished him with six Indians 
 to navigate his bark, and they parted mutually well pleased. 
 Diego Mendez coasted his way back, touching at the various 
 places where he had made his arrangements. He found the 
 Spanish agents already arrived at them, loaded his canoe with 
 provisions, and returned in triumph to the harbor, where he 
 was received with acclamations by his comrades, and with open 
 arms by the admiral. The provisions he brought were a most 
 seasonable supply, for the Spaniards were absolutely fasting ; 
 and thenceforward Indians arrived daily, well laden, from the 
 marts which he had established. 1 The immediate wants of 
 his people being thus provided for, Columbus revolved, in his 
 anxious mind, the means of getting from this island. His ships 
 were beyond the possibility of repair, and there was no hope of 
 any chance sail arriving to his relief, on the shores of a savage 
 island, in an unfrequented sea. The most likely measure ap- 
 
 1 lielacion por Diego Mendez. Xavarrele, torn. i.
 
 534 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 peared to be to send notice of his situation to Ovando, the gov- 
 ernor at ISan Domingo, entreating him to despatch a vessel to 
 his relief. But how was this message to be conveyed? The 
 distance between Jamaica and Hispaniola was forty leagues, 
 across a gulf swept by contrary currents ; there were no means 
 of transporting a messenger, except in the light canoes of the 
 savages ; and who would undertake so hazardous a voyage in 
 a frail bark of the kind? Suddenly the idea of Diego Mendez, 
 and the canoe he had recently purchased, presented itself to 
 the mind of Columbus. He knew the ardor and intrepidity of 
 Mendez, and his love of distinction by any hazardous exploit. 
 Taking him aside, therefore, he addressed him in a manner 
 calculated both to stimulate his zeal and flatter his self-love. 
 Mendez himself gives an artless account of this interesting 
 conversation, which is full of character. 
 
 " Diego Mendez, m}' son," said the venerable admiral, " none 
 of those whom I have here understand the great peril in which 
 we are placed, excepting you and myself. We are few in 
 number, and these savage Indians are many, and of fickle and 
 irritable natures. On the least provocation they may throw 
 firebrands from the shore, and consume us in our straw-thatched 
 cabins. The arrangement which you have made with them for 
 provisions, and which at present they fulfil so cheerfully, to- 
 morrow they may break in their caprice, and may refuse to 
 bring us any thing ; nor have we the means to compel them by 
 force, but are entirely at their pleasure. I have thought of a 
 reined}', if it meets with your views. In this canoe, which you 
 have purchased, some one may pass over to Hispaniola, and 
 procure a ship, by which we may all be delivered from this 
 great peril into which we have fallen. Tell me your opinion 
 on the matter." 
 
 "To this," says Diego Mendez, "I replied: ' Seiior, the 
 danger in which we are placed, I well know, is far greater 
 than is easily conceived. As to passing from this island to 
 Hispaniola, in so small a vessel as a canoe, I hold it not merely 
 difficult, but impossible ; since it is necessary to traverse a gulf 
 of fort}- leagues, and between islands where the sea is extremely 
 impetuous and seldom in repose. I know not who there is 
 would adventure upon so extreme a peril.' ' 
 
 Columbus made no reply, but from his looks and the nature 
 of his silence, Mendez plainly perceived himself to be the 
 person whom the admiral had in view; "Whereupon," con- 
 tinues he, "I added: 'Senor, I have many times put m}- life 
 in peril of death to save you and all those who are here,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 535 
 
 and God has hitherto preserved me in a miraculous manner. 
 Tin-re are, nevertheless, iniirniurcrs, who say that your Excel- 
 lency intrusts to me all affairs wherein honor is to be gained, 
 while there are others in your company who would execute 
 them as well as I do. Therefore I beg that you would summon 
 all the people, and propose this enterprise to them, to see if 
 among them there is any one who will undertake it, which I 
 doubt. If all decline it, I will then come forward and risk my 
 life in your service, as I many times have done.' " 1 
 
 The admiral gladly humored the wishes of the worthy 
 Mendez, for never was simple egotism accompanied by more 
 generous and devoted loyalty. On the following morning the 
 crew was assembled, and the proposition publicly made. Every 
 one drew back at the thoughts of it, pronouncing it the height 
 of rashness. Upon this, Diego Mendez stepped forward. 
 " Senor," said he, " I have but one life to lose, yet I am will- 
 ing to venture it for your service and for the good of all here 
 present, and I trust in the protection of God, which I have 
 experienced on so many other occasions." 
 
 Columbus embraced his zealous follower, who immediately 
 set about preparing for his expedition. Drawing his canoe on 
 shore, he put on a false keel, nailed weather-boards along the 
 bow and stern, to prevent the sea from breaking over it ; payed 
 it with a coat of tar ; furnished it with a mast and sail ; and 
 put in provisions for himself, a Spanish comrade, and six 
 Indians. 
 
 In the mean time Columbus wrote letters to Ovando, request- 
 ing that a ship might be immediately sent to bring him and his 
 men to Hispaniola. He wrote a letter likewise to the sovereigns ; 
 for, after fulfilling his mission at San Domingo, Diego Mendez 
 was to proceed to Spain on the admiral's affairs. In the letter 
 to the sovereigns Columbus depicted his deplorable situation, 
 and entreated that a vessel might be despatched to Hispaniola, 
 to convey himself and his crew to Spain. He gave a compre- 
 hensive account of his voyage, most particulars of which have 
 already been incorporated in this history, and he insisted 
 greatly on the importance of the discovery of Veragua. He 
 gave it as his opinion, that here were the mines of the Aurea 
 Chersouesus, whence Solomon had derived such wealth for the 
 building of the Temple. He entreated that this golden coast 
 might not, like other places which he had discovered, be aban- 
 doned to adventurers, or placed under the government of men 
 
 1 Relacion por Diego Mendez. Xavarrete, Colec., torn. i.
 
 5C6 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 who felt no interest in the cause. "This is not a child," he 
 adds, " to be abandoned to a step-Bother. I never think of 
 Hispaniola and Paria without weeping. Their case is desperate 
 and past cure ; I hope their example may cause this region to 
 be treated in a different manner." His imagination becomes 
 heated. He magnifies the supposed importance of Veragua, as 
 transcending all his former discoveries ; and he alludes to his 
 favorite project for the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre : 
 '' Jerusalem," he says, " and Mount Sion are to be rebuilt by 
 the hand of a Christian. Who is he to be? God, by the mouth 
 of the Prophet, in the fourteenth Psalm, declares it. The abbot 
 Joachim 1 says that he is to come out of Spain." His thoughts 
 then revert to the ancient story of the Grand Khan, who had 
 requested that sages might be sent to instruct him in the Chris- 
 tian faith. Columbus, thinking that he had been in the very 
 vicinity of Cathay, exclaims, with sudden zeal, " Who will 
 offer himself for this task? If our Lord permit me to return to 
 Spain, I engage to take him there, God helping, in safety." 
 
 Nothing is more characteristic of Columbus than his earnest, 
 artless, at times eloquent, and at times almost incoherent let- 
 ters. What an instance of soaring enthusiasm and irrepressi- 
 ble enterprise is here exhibited ! At the time that he was 
 indulging in these visions, and proposing new and romantic 
 enterprises, he was broken down by age and infirmities, racked 
 by pain, confined to his bed, and shut up in a wreck on the 
 coast of a remote and savage island. No stronger picture can 
 be given of his situation, than that which shortly follows this 
 transient glow of excitement ; when with one of his sudden 
 transitions of thought, he awakens, as it were, to his actual 
 condition. 
 
 "Hitherto," says he, "I have wept for others; but now, 
 have pity upon me, heaven, and weep for me, O earth ! In my 
 temporal concerns, without a farthing to oft'er for a mass ; cast 
 away here in the Indies ; surrounded by cruel and hostile sav- 
 ages ; isolated, infirm, expecting each day will be my last; in 
 spiritual concerns, separated from the holy sacraments of the 
 
 1 Joachim, native of the burgh of Celico, near Cozenza, travelled in the Holy Land. 
 Returning to Calabria, he took the habit of the Cistercians in the monastery of Corazzo, 
 of which he became prior and abbot, and afterward rose to higher monastic importance. 
 lie died in 1202, having attained seventy-two years of age, leaving a great number of 
 works; among the most known are commentaries on Isaiah, Jeremiah, and the Apoca- 
 lypse. There are also prophecies by him, "which" (says the Dictionnairc Historique), 
 " during his lifetime, made him to be admired by fools and despised by men of sense; at 
 present the latter sentiment prevails. He was either very weak or very presumptuous, 
 to flatter himself that he had the keys of things of which God reserves the knowledge to 
 himself." Diet. Hist. toin. 5, Caen, 1785.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 537 
 
 church, so that my soul, if parted here from my body, must he 
 forever lost! Weep for me, whoever has chanty, truth, and 
 justice ! I came not on this voyage to gain honor or estate, 
 that is most certain, for all hope of the kind was already dead 
 within me. I came to serve your majesties with a sound inten- 
 tion and an honest zeal, and I speak no falsehood. If it should 
 olease God to deliver me hence, I humbly supplicate your 
 .najesties to permit me to repair to Rome, and perform other 
 pilgrimages." 
 
 The despatches being ready, and the preparations of the 
 canoe completed, Diego Mendez embarked, with his Spanish 
 comrade and his six Indians, and departed along the coast to 
 the eastward. The voyage was toilsome and perilous. They 
 had to make their way against strong currents. Once they 
 were taken by roving canoes of Indians, but made their escape, 
 and at length arrived at the end of the island, a distance of 
 thirty-four leagues from the harbor. Here they remained wait- 
 ing for calm weather to venture upon the broad gulf, when 
 they were suddenly surrounded and taken prisoners b)- a num- 
 ber of hostile Indians, who carried them off a distance of three 
 leagues, where they determined to kill them. Some dispute 
 arose about the division of the spoils taken from the Spaniards, 
 whereupon the savages agreed to settle it by a game of chance. 
 While they were thus engaged Diego Meudez escaped, found 
 his way to his canoe, embarked in it, and returned alone to the 
 harbor after fifteen days' absence. What became of his com- 
 panions he does not mention, being seldom apt to speak of any 
 person but himself. This account is taken from the narrative 
 inserted in his last will and testament. 
 
 Columbus, though grieved at the failure of his message, was 
 rejoiced at the escape of the faithful Mendez. The latter, noth- 
 ing daunted by the perils and hardships he had undergone, 
 offered to depart immediately on a second attempt, provided he 
 could have persons to accompaii)- him to the end of the island, 
 and protect him from the natives. This the Adelantado offered 
 to undertake, with a large part)' well armed. Bartholomew 
 Fiesco, a Genoese, who had been captain of one of the caravels, 
 was associated with Mendez in this second expedition. He was 
 a man of great worth, strongly attached to the admiral, and 
 much esteemed by him. Each had a large canoe under his 
 command, in which were six Spaniards and ten Indians the 
 latter were to serve as oarsmen. The canoes were to keep in 
 company. On reaching Hispaniola, Fiesco was to return im- 
 mediately to Jamaica, to relieve the anxiety of the admiral and
 
 538 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 his crew, by tidings of the safe arrival of their messenger. In 
 the mean time Diego Mendez was to proceed to San Domingo, 
 deliver his letter to Ovando, procure and despatch a ship, and 
 then depart for Spain with a letter to the sovereigns. 
 
 All arrangements being made, the Indians placed in the 
 canoes their frugal provision of cassava bread, and each his 
 calabash of water. The Spaniards, besides their bread, had a 
 supply of the flesh of utias, and each his sword and target. In 
 this way they launched forth upon their long and perilous voy- 
 age, followed by the prayers of their countrymen. 
 
 The Adelantado, with his armed band, kept pace with them 
 along the coast. There was no attempt of the natives to molest 
 them, and they arrived in safety at the end of the island. Here 
 they remained three days before the sea was sufficiently calm 
 for them to venture forth in their feeble barks. At length, the 
 weather being quite serene, they bade farewell to their com- 
 rades, and committed themselves to the broad sea. The Ade- 
 lantado remained watching them, until they became mere 
 specks on the ocean, and the evening hid them from his view. 
 The next day he set out on his return to the harbor, stopping 
 at various villages on the way, and endeavoring to confirm the 
 good-will of the natives. 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 MUTINY OF PORRAS. 
 
 [1503.] 
 
 IT might have been thought that the adverse fortune which 
 had so long persecuted Columbus was now exhausted. The 
 envy which had once sickened at his glory and prosperity could 
 scarcely have devised for him a more forlorn heritage in the 
 world he had discovered. The tenant of a wreck on a savage 
 coast, in an untraversed ocean, at the mercy of barbarous 
 hordes, who, in a moment, from precarious friends, might be 
 transformed into ferocious enemies ; afflicted, too, by excruciat- 
 ing maladies which confined him to his bed, and by the pains 
 and infirmities which hardship and anxiety had leaped upon his 
 
 1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 101.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 539 
 
 advancing age. But he had not yet exhausted his cup of bitter- 
 ness. He had yet to experience an evil worse than storm, or 
 shipwreck, or bodily anguish, or the violence of savage hordes 
 the perfidy of those in whom he confided. 
 
 Mendez and Fiesco had not long departed when the Span- 
 iards in the wreck began to grow sickly, partly from the toils 
 and exposures of the recent voyage, parti}' from being crowded 
 in narrow quarters in a moist and sultry climate, and partly 
 from want of their accustomed food, for they could not habit- 
 uate themselves to the vegetable diet of the Indians. Their 
 maladies were rendered more insupportable by mental suffer- 
 ing, by that suspense which frets the spirit, and that hope 
 deferred which corrodes the heart. Accustomed to a life of 
 bustle and variety, they had now nothing to do but loiter about 
 the dreary hulk, look out upon the sea, watch for the canoe of 
 Fiesco, wonder at his protracted absence, and doubt its return. 
 A long time elapsed, much more than sufficient for the voyage, 
 but nothing was seen or heard of the canoe. Fears were enter- 
 tained that their messenger had perished. If so, how long were 
 they to remain here, vainly looking for relief which was never 
 to arrive? Some sank into deep despondency, others became 
 peevish and impatient. Murmurs broke forth, and, as usual 
 witli men in distress, murmurs of the most unreasonable kind. 
 Instead of sympathizing with their aged and infirm comman- 
 der, who was involved in the same calamity, who in suffering 
 transcended them all, and yet who was incessantly studious 
 of their welfare, they began to rail against him as the cause of 
 all their misfortunes. 
 
 The factious feeling of an unreasonable multitude would be 
 of little importance if left to itself, and might end in idle 
 clamor ; it is the industry of one or two evil spirits which 
 generally directs it to an object, and makes it mischievous. 
 Among the officers of Columbus were two brothers, Francisco 
 and Diego de Porras. They were related to the royal treasurer 
 Morales, who had married their sister, and had made interest 
 with the admiral to give them some employment in the expedi- 
 tion. 1 To gratify the treasurer, he had appointed Francisco de 
 Porras captain of one of the caravels, and had obtained for his 
 brother Diego the situation of notary and accountant-general 
 of the squadron. He had treated them, as he declares, with the 
 kindness of relatives, though both proved incompetent to their 
 situations. They were vain and insolent men, and, like many 
 
 i Hist. del. Almiraute, cap. 102.
 
 540 LIFE OF cnnisTornER COLUMBUS. 
 
 others whom Columbus had benefited, requited his kindness 
 with black ingratitude. 1 
 
 These men, finding the common people in a highly impatient 
 and discontented state, wrought upon them with seditious insin- 
 uations, assuring them that all hope of relief through the agency 
 of Mendez was idle ; it being a mere delusion of the admiral to 
 keep them quiet, and render them subservient to his purposes. 
 He had no desire nor intention to return to Spain ; and in fact 
 was banished thence. Hispaniola was equally closed to him, as 
 had been proved by the exclusion of his ships from its harbor in 
 a time of peril. To him, at present, all places were alike, and he 
 was content to remain in Jamaica until his friends could make 
 interest at court, and procure his recall from banishment. As 
 to Mendez and Fiesco, they had been sent to Spain by Columbus 
 on his own private affairs, not to procure a ship for the relief of 
 his followers. If this were not the case, why did not the ships 
 arrive, or why did not Fiesco return, as had been promised? 
 Or if the canoes had really been sent for succor, the long time 
 that had elapsed without tidings of them gave reason to believe 
 they had perished by the way. In such case, their only alter- 
 native would be to take the canoes of the Indians and endeavor 
 to reach Hispaniola. There was no hope, however, of persuad- 
 ing the admiral to such an undertaking ; he was too old, and 
 too helpless from the gout, to expose himself to the hardships 
 of such a voyage. What then? were they to be sacrificed to 
 his interests or his infirmities? to give up their only chance for 
 escape, and linger and perish with him in this desolate wreck? 
 If they succeeded in reaching Hispaniola, they would be the 
 better received for having left the admiral behind. Ovando 
 was secretly hostile to him, fearing that he would regain the 
 government of the island ; on their arrival in Spain, the Bishop 
 Fonseca, from his enmity to Columbus, would be sure to take 
 their part ; the brothers Porras had powerful friends and rela- 
 tives at court, to counteract any representations that might be 
 made by the admiral; and they cited the case of Roldan's 
 rebellion, to show that the prejudices of the public and of men 
 in power would always be against him. Nay, the}' insinuated 
 that the sovereigns, who, on that occasion, had deprived him 
 of part of his dignities and privileges, would rejoice at a pre- 
 text for stripping him of the remainder. 2 
 
 Columbus was aware that the minds of his people were 
 imbittered against him. He had repeatedly been treated with 
 
 1 letter of Columbus to his son Diego. Navarrete Colec. 
 * Hist, del Aliniraute, cap. 102.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 541 
 
 insolent impatience, and reproached with being the cause of 
 their disasters. Accustomed, however, to the unreasonable- 
 ness of men in adversity, and exercised, by many trials, in the 
 mastery of his passions, he bore with their petulance, soothed 
 their irritation, and endeavored to cheer their spirits by the 
 hopes of speedy succor. A little while longer, and he trusted 
 that Fiesco would arrive with good tidings, when the certainty 
 of relief would put an end to all these clamors. The mischief, 
 however, was deeper than he apprehended : a complete mutiny 
 had been organized. 
 
 On the 2d of January, 1504, he was in his small cabin, on 
 the stern of his vessel, being confined to his bed by the gout, 
 which had now rendered him a complete cripple. While rumi- 
 nating on his disastrous situation, Francisco de Porras suddenly 
 entered. His abrupt and agitated manner betrayed the evil 
 nature of his visit. He had the flurried impudence of a man 
 about to perpetrate an open crime. Breaking forth into bitter 
 complaints, at their being kept, week after week, and month 
 after mouth, to perish piecemeal in that desolate place, he ac- 
 cused the admiral of having no intention to return to Spain. 
 Columbus suspected something sinister from his unusual arro- 
 gance ; he maintained, however, his calmness, and, raising 
 himself in his bed, endeavored to reason with Porras. He 
 pointed out the impossibility of departing until those who 
 had gone to Hispauiola should send them vessels. He repre- 
 sented how much more urgent must be his desire to depart,, 
 since he had not merely his own safety to provide for, but was 
 accountable to God and his sovereigns for the welfare of all 
 who had been committed to his charge. He reminded Porras 
 that he had always consulted with them all, as to the measures 
 to be taken for the common safety, and that what he had done 
 had been with the general approbation : still, if any other 
 measure appeared advisable, he recommended that they should 
 assemble together, and consult upon it, and adopt whatever 
 course appeared most judicious. 
 
 The measures of Porras and his comrades, however, were 
 already concerted, and when men are determined on mutiny 
 they are deaf to reason. He bluntly replied that there was no 
 time for further consultations. ' Embark immediately or re- 
 main in God's name, were the only alternatives." ' For my 
 part." said he, turning his back upon the admiral, and elevat- 
 ing his voice so that it resounded all over the vessel, " I am 
 for Castile ! those who choose may follow me ! " Shouts arose 
 immediately from all sides, ' I will follow you ! and 1 ! and I ! "
 
 542 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Numbers of the crew sprang upon the most conspicuous parts 
 of the ship, brandishing weapons, and uttering mingled thivuts 
 and cries of rebellion. Some called upon Porras for orders 
 what to do; others shouted " To Castile ! to Castile !" while, 
 amid the general uproar, the voices of some desperadoes were 
 heard menacing the life of the admiral. 
 
 Columbus, hearing the tumult, leaped from his bed, ill and 
 infirm as he was, and tottered out of the cabin, stumbling and 
 falling in the exertion, hoping by his presence to pacify the 
 mutineers. Three or four of his faithful adherents, however, 
 fearing some violence might be offered him, threw themselves 
 between him and the throng, and taking him in their arms com- 
 pelled him to return to his cabin. 
 
 The Adelantado likewise sallied forth, but in a different mood. 
 He planted himself, with lance in hand, in a situation to take 
 the whole brunt of the assault. It was with the greatest diffi- 
 culty that several of the loyal part of the crew could appease 
 his fury, and prevail upon him to relinquish his weapon, and 
 retire to the cabin of his brother. They now entreated Forms 
 and his companions to depart peaceably, since no one sought 
 to oppose them. No advantage could be gained by violence ; 
 but should they cause the death of the admiral, they would 
 draw upon themselves the severest punishment from the 
 sovereigns. ! l 
 
 These representations moderated the turbulence of the mu- 
 tineers, and they now proceeded to carry their plans into 
 execution. Taking ten canoes, which the admiral had pur- 
 chased of the Indians, they embarked in them with as much 
 exultation as if certain of immediately landing on the shores of 
 Spain. Others, who had not been concerned in the mutiny, 
 seeing so large a force departing, and fearing to remain behind, 
 when so reduced in number, hastily collected their effects and 
 entered likewise into the canoes. In this way forty-eight 
 abandoned the admiral. Many of those who remained were 
 only detained by sickness, for had they been well, most of them 
 would have accompanied the deserters. 2 The few who re- 
 mained faithful to the admiral, and the sick, who crawled 
 forth from their cabins, saw the departure of the mutineers 
 with tears and lamentations, giving themselves up for lost. 
 Notwithstanding his malady, Columbus left his bed, mingling 
 among those who were loyal, and visiting those who were ill, 
 endeavoring in every way to cheer and comfort them. He 
 
 i T..-M Casas, Hi*t. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 32. Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 102. 
 * Hist, del Almirante, cap. 102.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 543 
 
 entreated them to put their trust in God, who would yet re- 
 lieve them ; and he promised, on his return to Spain, to throw 
 himself at the feet of the queen, represent their loyalty and 
 constancy, and obtain for them rewards that should compen- 
 sate for all their sufferings. 1 
 
 In the mean time Francisco de Porras and his followers, in 
 their squadron of canoes, coasted the island to the eastward, 
 following the route taken by Meudez and Fiesco. Wherever 
 they landed they committed outrages upon the Indians, robbing 
 them of tlu-ir provisions, and of whatever they coveted of their 
 effects. They endeavored to make their own crimes redound 
 to the prejudice of Columbus, pretending to act under his 
 authority, and affirming that he would pay for every thing they 
 took. If he refused, they told the natives to kill him. TlK-}' 
 represented him as an implacable foe to the Indians ; as one 
 who had tyrannized over other islands, causing the misery and 
 death of the natives, and who only sought to gain a sway here 
 for the purpose of inflicting like calamities. 
 
 Having reached the eastern extremity of the island, they 
 waited until the weather should be perfectly calm before they 
 ventured to cross the gulf. Being unskilled in the management 
 of canoes, they procured several Indians to accompany them. 
 The sea being at length quite smooth, they set forth upon their 
 voyage. Scarcely had they proceeded four leagues from land 
 when a contrary wind arose, and the waves began to swell. 
 The}' turned immediately for shore. The canoes, from their 
 light structure, and being nearly round and without keels, were 
 easily overturned, and required to be carefully balanced. They 
 were now deeply freighted by men unaccustomed to them, and 
 as the sea rose they frequently let in the water. The Spaniards 
 were alarmed, and endeavored to lighten them by throwing 
 overboard every thing that could be spared ; retaining only 
 their arms and a part of their provisions. The danger aug- 
 mented with the wind. They now compelled the Indians to 
 leap into the sea, excepting such as were absolutely necessary 
 to navigate the canoes. If they hesitated, they drove them 
 overboard with the edge of the sword. The Indians were skil- 
 ful swimmers, but the distance to land was too great for their 
 strength. They kept about the canoes, therefore, taking hold 
 of them occasionally to rest themselves and recover breath. 
 As their weight disturbed the balance of the canoes, and en- 
 dangered their overturning, the Spaniards cut off their hands 
 
 i Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 32.
 
 544 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 and stabbed them with their swords. Some died by the weap- 
 ons of these cruel men, others were exhausted and sank be- 
 neath the waves ; thus eighteen perished miserably, and none 
 survived but such as had been retained to manage the canoes. 
 
 When the Spaniards got back to land, different opinions arose 
 as to what course the}" should next pursue. Some were for 
 crossing to Cuba, for which island the wind was favorable. It 
 was thought they might easily cross thence to the end of His- 
 paniola. Others advised that they should return and make 
 their peace with the admiral, or take from him what remained 
 of arms and stores, having thrown almost every thing overboard 
 during their late danger. Others counselled another attempt 
 to cross over to Hispaniola, as soon as the sea should become 
 tranquil. 
 
 This last advice was adopted. They remained for a month at 
 an Indian village near the eastern point of the island, living on 
 the substance of the natives, and treating them in the most 
 arbitrary and capricious manner. When at length the weather 
 became serene, they made a second attempt, but were again 
 driven back by adverse winds. Losing all patience, therefore, 
 and despairing of the enterprise, they abandoned their canoes, 
 and returned westward, wandering from village to village, a 
 dissolute and lawless gang, supporting themselves by fair means 
 or foul, according as they met with kindness or hostility, and 
 passing like a pestilence through the island. 1 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS STRATAGEM OF COLUMBUS TO OBTAIN 
 
 SUPPLIES FROM THE NATIVES. 
 
 [1504.] 
 
 WHILE Porras and his crew were raging alxnit with that des- 
 perate and joyless licentiousness which attends the abandon- 
 ment of principle, Columbus presented the opposite picture of 
 a man true to others and to himself, and supported, amid hard- 
 ships and difficulties, by conscious rectitude. Deserted by the 
 healthful and vigorous portion of his garrison, he exerted him- 
 self to soothe and encourage the infirm and desponding remnant 
 
 1 Ili.-t. del Almirante, cap. 102. Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 32.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 545 
 
 which remained. Regardless of his own painful maladies, he 
 was only attentive to Believe their sufferings. The few who 
 were fit for service were required to mount guard on the wreck 
 or attend upon the sick ; there were none to forage for provis- 
 ions. The scrupulous good faith and amicable conduct main- 
 tained by Columbus toward the natives had now their effect. 
 Considerable supplies of provisions were brought by them from 
 time to time, which he purchased at a reasonable rate. The most 
 palatable and nourishing of these, together with the small stock 
 of European biscuit that remained, he ordered to be appropri- 
 ated to the sustenance of the infirm. Knowing how much the 
 body is affected by the operations of the mind, he endeavored 
 to rouse the spirits and animate the hopes of the drooping suf- 
 ferers. Concealing his own anxiety, he maintained a serene 
 and even cheerful countenance, encouraging his men by kind 
 words, and holding forth confident anticipations of speedy re- 
 lief. By his friendly and careful treatment, he soon recruited 
 both the health and spirits of his people, and brought them 
 into a condition to contribute to the common safety. Judicious 
 regulations, calmly but firmly enforced, maintained every thing 
 in order. The men became sensible of the advantages of whole- 
 some discipline, and perceived that the restraints imposed upon 
 them by their commander were for their own good, and ulti- 
 mately productive of their own comfort. 
 
 Columbus had thus succeeded in guarding against internal 
 ills, when alarming evils began to menace from without. The 
 Indians, unused to lay up any stock of provisions, and unwilling 
 to subject themselves to extra labor, found it difficult to furnish 
 the quantity of Cood daily required for so many hungry men. 
 The European trinkets, once so precious, lost their value in pro- 
 portion as they became more common. The importance of the 
 admiral had been greatly diminished b} T the desertion of so 
 many of his followers, and the malignant instigations of the 
 rebels had awakened jealousy and enmity in several of the vil- 
 lages, which had been accustomed to furnish provisions. 
 
 By degrees, therefore, the supplies fell off. The arrange- 
 ments for the daily delivery of certain quantities, made by Diego 
 Mendez, were irregularly attended u>. and at length ceased 
 entirely. The Indians no longer thronged to the harbor with 
 provisions, and often refused them when applied for. The 
 Spaniards were obliged to forage about the neighborhood for 
 their daily food, but found more and more difficulty in procur- 
 ing it ; thus, in addition to their other causes for despondency, 
 they began to entertain horrible apprehensions of famine.
 
 546 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 The admiral heard their melancholy forebodings, ajid behold 
 the growing evil, but was at a loss for a remedy. To resort to 
 force was an alternative full of danger, and of but temporary 
 efficacy. It would require all those who were well enough to 
 bear arms to sally forth, while he and the rest of the infirm 
 would be left defenceless on board of the wreck, exposed to the 
 vengeance of the natives. 
 
 la the mean time the scarcity daily increased. The Indians 
 perceived the wants of the white men, and had learnt from 
 them the art of making bargains. They asked ten times the 
 former quantit\' of European articles for any amount of provis- 
 ions, and brought their supplies in scanty quantities, to en- 
 hance the eagerness of the hungry Spaniards. At length even 
 this relief ceased, and there was an absolute distress for food. 
 The jealousy of the natives had been universally roused by 
 Porras and his followers, and they withheld all provisions, in 
 hopes either of starving the admiral and his people, or of driv- 
 ing them from the island. 
 
 In this extremity a fortunate idea presented itself to Colum- 
 bus. From his knowledge of astronomy, he ascertained that, 
 within three days, there would be a total eclipse of the moon in 
 the early part of the night. He sent, therefore, an Indian of 
 Hispauiola, who served as his interpreter, to summon the prin- 
 cipal caciques to a grand conference, appointing for it the day 
 of the eclipse. When all were assembled he told them by his 
 interpreter, that he and his followers were worshippers of a 
 Deity who dwelt in the skies ; who favored such as did well, 
 but punished all transgressors. That, as they must all have 
 noticed, he had protected Diego Meudez and his companions in 
 their voj'age, because they went in obedience to the orders of 
 their commander, but had visited Porras and his companions 
 with all kinds of afflictions, in consequence of their rebellion. 
 This great Deity, he added, was incensed against the Indians 
 who refused to furnish his faithful worshippers with provisions, 
 and intended to chastise them with famine and pestilence. 
 Lest they should disbelieve this warning, a signal would be 
 given that night. They would behold the moon change its 
 color and gradually loose tts light ; a token of the fearful pun- 
 ishment which awaited them. 
 
 Many of the Indians were alarmed at the prediction, others 
 treated it with derision all, however, awaited with solicitude 
 the coining of the night. When they beheld a dark shadow 
 stealing over the moon they began to tremble ; with the prog- 
 ress of the eclipse their fears increased, and when they saw a
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 547 
 
 mysterious darkness covering the whole face of nature, there 
 were no bounds to their terror. Seizing upon whatever provis- 
 ions were at hand, they hurried to the ships, threw themselves 
 at the feet of Columbus, and implored him to intercede with 
 his God to withhold the threatened calamities, assuring him 
 they would henceforth bring him whatever he required. Co- 
 lumbus shut himself up iu his cabin, as if to commune with the 
 Deity, and remained there during the increase of the eclipse, 
 the forests and shores all the while resounding with the howl- 
 ings and supplications of the savages. When the eclipse was 
 about to diminish he came forth and informed the natives that 
 his God had deigned to pardon them, on condition of their ful- 
 filling their promises ; iu sign of which he would withdraw the 
 darkness from the moon. 
 
 When the Indians saw that planet restored to its brightness, 
 and rolling in all its beauty through the firmament, they over- 
 whelmed the admiral with thanks for his intercession, and re- 
 paired to their homes, joyful at having escaped such great 
 disasters. Regarding Columbus with awe and reverence, as a 
 man in the peculiar favor and confidence of the Deity, since he 
 knew upon earth what was passing in the heavens, they has- 
 tened to propitiate him with gifts ; supplies again arrived daily 
 at the harbor, and from that time forwaid there was no want of 
 provisions. 1 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 MISSION OF DIEGO DE ESCOBAR TO THE ADMIRAL. 
 
 [1504.] 
 
 EIGHT months had now elapsed since the departure of Men- 
 dez and Fiesco, without any tidings of their fate. For a long 
 time the Spaniards had kept a wistful look-out upon the ocean, 
 flattering themselves that every Indian canoe, gliding at a dis- 
 tance, might be the harbinger of deliverance. The hopes of 
 the most sanguine were now fast sinking into despondency. 
 What thousand perils awaited such frail barks, and so weak a 
 party, on an expedition of the kind ! Either the canoes had 
 been swallowed up by boisterous waves and adverse currents, 
 or their crews had perished among the rugged mountains and 
 
 Hint, del Almiraute, cap. 103. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap, 33.
 
 548 LIFE OF CTIRISTOPIIEE COLUMBUS. 
 
 savage tribes of Hispaniola. To increase their despondency, 
 they were informed that a vessel had been seen, bottom upward, 
 drifting with the currents along the coasts of Jamaica. This 
 might be the vessel sent to their relief ; and if so, all their hopes 
 were shipwrecked with it. This rumor, it is affirmed, was in- 
 vented and circulated in the island by the rebels, that it might 
 reach the ears of those who remained faithful to the admiral, 
 and reduce them to despair. 1 It no doubt had its effect. 
 Losing all hope of aid from a distance, and considering them- 
 selves abandoned and forgotten by the world, many grew wild 
 and desperate in their plans. Another conspiracy was formed 
 by one Bernardo, an apothecary of Valencia, with two confed- 
 erates, .Alonzo de Zamora and Pedro de Villatoro. They de- 
 signed to seize upon the remaining canoes, and seek their way 
 to Hispaniola. 2 
 
 The mutiny was on the very point of breaking out, when one 
 evening, toward dusk, a sail was seen standing toward the 
 harbor. The transports of the poor Spaniards may be more 
 easily conceived than described. The vessel was of sma-11 size ; 
 it kept out to sea, but sent its boat to visit the ships. Every 
 eye was eagerly bent to hail the countenances of Christians 
 and deliverers. As the boat approached, they descried in it 
 Diego de Escobar, a man who had been one of the most active 
 confederates of Roldan in his rebellion, who had been con- 
 demned to death under the administration of Columbus, and 
 pardoned by his successor Bobadilla. There was bad omen in 
 such a messenger. 
 
 Coming alongside of the ships, Escobar put a letter on board 
 from Ovando, governor of Hispaniola, together with a barrel of 
 wine and a side of bacon, sent as presents to the admiral. He 
 then drew off, and talked with Columbus from a distance. He 
 told him that he was sent by the governor to express his great 
 concern at his misfortunes, and his regret at not having in port 
 a vessel of sufficient size to bring off himself and his people, 
 but that he would send one as soon as possible. Escobar gave 
 the admiral assurances likewise that his concerns in Hispaniola 
 had been faithfully attended to. He requested him, if he had 
 any letter to write to the governor in reply, to give it to him as 
 soon as possible, as he wished to return immediately. 
 
 There was something extremely singular in this mission, but 
 there was no time for comments, Escobar was urgent to depart. 
 Columbus hastened, therefore, to write a reply to Ovando, d3- 
 
 1 UUl. del Almiiaute, cap. 1W. 2 Las Cabas, Hist. Ijcl., lib. ii, cap. a3.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 549 
 
 picting the dangers and distresses of his situation, increased as 
 they were by the rebellion of Porras, but expressing his reli- 
 ance on his piomise to send him relief, confiding in which he 
 should ivmuin patiently on board of his wreck. He recom- 
 mended Diego Meodez and Bartholomew Fiesco to his favor, 
 assuring him that they were not sent to San Domingo with any 
 artful design, but simply to represent his perilous situation, 
 and to apply for succor. 1 When Escobar received this letter, 
 he returned immediately on board of his vessel, which made 
 all sail, aud soon disappeared in the gathering gloom of the 
 night. 
 
 If the Spaniards had hailed the arrival of this vessel with 
 transport, its sudden departure and the mysterious conduct of 
 Escobar inspired no less wonder and consternation. He had 
 kept aloof from all communication with them, as if he felt no 
 interest in their welfare, or sympathy in their misfortunes. 
 Columbus saw the gloom that had gathered in their counte- 
 nances, and feared the consequences. He eagerly sought, 
 therefore, to dispel their suspicions, professing himself satis- 
 fied with the communications received from Ovando, and assur- 
 ing them that vessels would soon arrive to take them all away. 
 In confidence of this, he said, he had declined to depart with 
 Escobar, because his vessel was too small to take the whole, 
 preferring to remain with them and share their lot, and had 
 despatched the caravel in such haste that no time might be lost 
 in expediting the necessary ships. These assurances, arid the 
 certainty that their situation was known in San Domingo, 
 cheered the hearts of the people. Their hopes again revived, 
 and the conspiracy, which had been on the point of breaking 
 forth, was completely disconcerted. 
 
 In secret, however. Columbus was exceedingly indignant at 
 the conduct of Ovaudo. He had left him for many months in 
 a state of the utmost danger, and most distressing uncertainty, 
 exposed to the hostilities of the natives, the seditions of his 
 men, and the suggestions of his own despair. He had, at 
 length, sent a mere tantalizing message, by a man known to be 
 one of his bitterest enewiies, with a present of food, which, 
 from its scantiness, seemed intended to mock their necessities. 
 
 Columbus believed that Ovando had purposely neglected 
 him, hoping that he might perish on the island, being ap- 
 prehensive that, should he return in safety, he would be 
 reinstated in the government of Hispaniola; and he considered 
 
 > Las Casas, Hist, lad., lib. ii. cap. 34.
 
 550 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Escobar merely as a spy sent to ascertain the state of himself 
 and his crew, and whether they were yet in existence. Las 
 Casas, who was then at San Domingo, expresses similar suspi- 
 cions. He says that Escobar was chosen because Ovando was 
 certain that, from ancient enmity, he would have no sympathy 
 for the admiral. That he was ordered not to go on board of 
 the vessels, nor to land, neither was he to hold conversation 
 with any of the crew, nor to receive any letters, except those 
 of the admiral. In a word, that he was a mere scout to collect 
 information. 1 
 
 Others have ascribed the long neglect of Ovando to extreme 
 caution. There was a rumor prevalent that Columbus, irri- 
 tated at the suspension of his dignities by the court of Spain, 
 intended to transfer his newly-discovered countries into the 
 hands of his native republic Genoa, or of some other power. 
 Such rumors had long been current, and to their recent cir- 
 culation Columbus himself alludes in his letter sent to the 
 sovereigns by Diego Mendez. The most plausible apology 
 given is, that Ovaudo was absent for several months in the 
 interior, occupied in wars with the natives, and that there 
 were no ships at San Domingo of sufficient burden to take 
 Columbus and his crew to Spain. He may have feared that, 
 should the} 1 come to reside for any length of time on the island, 
 either the admiral would interfere in public affairs, or en- 
 deavor to make a party in his favor ; or that, in consequence 
 of the number of his old enemies still resident there, former 
 scenes of faction and turbulence might be revived.' 2 In the 
 mean time the situation of Columbus in Jamaica, while it dis- 
 posed of him quietly until vessels should arrive from Spam, 
 could not, he may have thought, be hazardous. He had suffi- 
 cient force and arms for defence, and he had made amicable 
 arrangements with the natives for the supply of provisions, as 
 Diego Mendez, who had made those arrangements, had no 
 doubt informed him. Such may have been the reasonmg by 
 which Ovando, under the real influence of his interest, may 
 have reconciled his conscience to a measure which excited the 
 strong reprobation of his contemporaries, and has continued to 
 draw upon him the suspicious of mankind. 
 
 1 Las ('asas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 33. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 103. 
 1 Las Cuso-s, ubi sup. Hist, del Ahniraule, ubi bup.
 
 LIFE OF CUmSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 551 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 VOYAGE OF DIEGO MENDEZ AND BARTHOLOMEW FIESCO IN A. 
 CANOE TO HISPAN10LA. 
 
 [1504.] 
 
 'Ir is proper to give here some account of the mission of Diego 
 Mendez and Bartholomew Fiesco, and of the circumstances 
 which prevented the latter from returning to Jamaica. Hav- 
 ing taken leave of the Adelantado at the east end of the island, 
 they continued all day in a direct course, animating the Indians 
 who navigated their canoes, and who frequently paused at their 
 labor. There was no wind, the sky was without a cloud, and 
 the sea perfectly calm ; the heat was intolerable, and the rays 
 of the sun reflected from the surface of the ocean seemed to 
 scorch their very eyes. The Indians, exhausted by heat and 
 toil, would often leap into the water to cool and refresh them- 
 selves, and, after remaining there a short time, would return 
 with new vigor to their labors. At the going down of the sun 
 they lost sight of land. During the night the Indians took 
 turns, one-half to row while the others slept. The Spaniards, 
 in like manner, divided their forces : while one-half took repose 
 the others kept guard with their weapons in hand, ready to 
 defend themselves in case of any perfidy on the part of their 
 savage companions. 
 
 Watching and toiling in this way through the night, they 
 were exceedingly fatigued at the return of day. Nothing was 
 to be seen but sea and sky. Their frail canoes, heaving up 
 and down with the swelling and sinking of the ocean, seemed 
 scarcely capable of sustaining the broad undulations of a calm ; 
 how would the)' be able to live amid waves and surges, should 
 the wind arise? The commanders did all they could to keep 
 up the flagging spirits of the men. Sometimes they permitted 
 them a respite ; at other times they took the paddles and 
 shared their toils. But labor and fatigue were soon forgotten 
 in a new source of suffering. During the preceding sultry day 
 and night, the Indians, parched and fatigued, had drunk up 
 all the water. They now began to experience the torments of 
 thirst. In proportion as the day advanced, their thirst in- 
 creased ; the calm, which favored the navigation of the canoes, 
 rendered this misery the more intense. There was not a 
 breeze to fan the air, nor counteract the ardent luys of a
 
 552 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 tropical snn. Their sufferings were irritated by the prospect 
 around them nothing but water, while they were perishing 
 witli thirst. At mid-day their strength failed them, and they 
 could work no longer. Fortunately, at this time the com- 
 manders of the canoes found, or pretended to find, two small 
 kegs of water, which they had perhaps secretly reserved for 
 such an extremity. Administering the precious contents from 
 time to time, in sparing mouthfuls to their companions, and 
 particularly to the laboring Indians, they enabled them to 
 resume their toils. They cheered them with the hopes of soon 
 arriving at a small island called Navasa, which lay directly in 
 their way, and was only eight leagues from Hispaniola. Here 
 they would be able to procure water, and might take repose. 
 
 For the rest of the day they continued faintly and wearily 
 laboring forward, and keeping an anxious look-out for the 
 island. The day passed awa}*, the sun went down, yet there 
 was no sign of land, not even a cloud on the horizon that might 
 deceive them into a hope. According to their calculations, 
 the}' had certainly come the distance from Jamaica at which 
 Navasa lay. They began to fear that they had deviated from 
 their course. If so, they should miss the island entirely, and 
 perish with thirst before they could reach Hispaniola. 
 
 The night closed upon them without any sight of the island. 
 They now despaired of touching at it, for it was so small and 
 low that, even if they were to pass near, they would scarcely 
 be able to perceive it in the dark. One of the Indians sank and 
 died, under the accumulated sufferings of labor, heat, and raging 
 thirst. His body was thrown into the sea. Others lay panting 
 and gasping at the bottom of the canoes. Their companions, 
 troubled in spirit, and exhausted in strength, feebly continued 
 their toils. Sometimes they endeavored to cool their parched 
 palates by taking sea-water in their mouths, but its briny acri- 
 mony rather increased their thirst. Now and then, but very 
 sparingly, they were allowed a drop of water from the kegs ; 
 but this was only in cases of the utmost extremity, and princi- 
 pally to those who were employed in rowing. The night had 
 far advanced, but those whose turn it was to take repose were 
 unable to sleep, from the intensity of their thirst ; or if they 
 slept, it was but to be tantalized by dreams of cool fountains 
 and running brooks, and to awaken in redoubled torment. The 
 last drop of water had been dealt out to the Indian rowers, but 
 it only served to irritate their sufferings. They scarce could 
 move their paddles ; one after another gave up, and it seemed 
 impossible they should live to reach llispauiola.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 553 
 
 The commanders, by admirable management, had hitherto 
 kept up this weary struggle with suffering and despair : they 
 now, too, began to despond. Diego Mendez sat watching the 
 horizon, which was gradually lighting up with those faint rays 
 which precede the rising of the moon. As that planet rose, he 
 perceived it to emerge from behind some dark mass elevated 
 above the level of the ocean. He immediately gave the ani- 
 mating cry of " land ! " His almost expiring companions were 
 roused by it to new life. It proved to be the island of Navasa, 
 but so small, and low, and distant, that had it not been thus 
 revealed by the rising of the moon, they would never have dis- 
 covered it. The crrqr in their reckoning with respect to the 
 island had arisen from miscalculating the rate of sailing of 
 the canoes, and from not making sufficient allowance for the 
 fatigue of the rowers and the opposition of the current. 
 
 New vigor was now diffused throughout the crews. They 
 exerted themselves with feverish impatience ; by the dawn of 
 day they reached the land, and, springing on shore, returned 
 thanks to God for such signal deliverance. The island was a 
 mere mass of rocks half a league in circuit. There was neither 
 tree, nor shrub, nor herbage, nor stream, nor fountain. Hurry- 
 ing about, however, with anxious search, they found to their 
 joy abundance of rain-water in the hollows of the rocks. 
 Eagerly scooping it up, with their calabashes, they quenched 
 their burning thirst by immoderate draughts. In vain the 
 more prudent warned the others of their danger. The Span- 
 iards were in some degree restrained \ but the poor Indians, 
 whose toils had increased the fever of their thirst, gave way to 
 a kind of frantic indulgence. Several died upon the spot, and 
 others fell dangerously ill. 1 
 
 Having allayed their thirst, they now looked about in search 
 of food. A few shell-fish were found along the shore, and Diego 
 Mendez, striking a light, and gathering drift-wood, they were 
 enabled to boil them, and to make a delicious banquet. All day 
 they remained reposing in the shade of the rocks, refreshing 
 themselves after their intolerable sufferings, and gazing upon 
 Hispaniola, whose mountains rose above the horizon, at eight 
 leagues' distance. 
 
 In the cool of the evening they once more embarked, invig- 
 orated by repose, and arrived safely at Cape Tiburou on the 
 following day, the fourth since their departure from Jamaica. 
 
 1 Not far from the island of Xavasa there gushes up in the sea a pure fountain of freeh 
 water that sweetens the surface 1 for some di.-tance; thi-i circumstance \vus of course uu- 
 knuwu to the Spaniards at the time. (Oviedo, Cronica, lib. vi. c;ip. 12.)
 
 554 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Here they landed on the banks of a beautiful river, where they 
 were kindly received and treated by the natives. Such are the 
 particulars, collected from different sources, of this adventurous 
 and interesting voyage, on the precarious success of which 
 depended the deliverance of Columbus and his crews. 1 The 
 voyagers remained for two days among the hospitable natives 
 on the banks of the river to refresh themselves. Fiesco would 
 have returned to Jamaica, according to promise, to give assur- 
 ance to the admiral and his companions of the safe arrival of 
 their messenger; but both Spaniards and Indians had suffered 
 so much during the voyage, that nothing could induce them to 
 encounter the perils of a return in the canoes. 
 
 Parting with his companions, Diego Mendez took six Indians 
 of the island, and .set off resolutely to coast in his canoe one 
 hundred and thirty leagues to San Domingo. After proceed- 
 ing for eighty leagues, with infinite toil, always against the 
 currents, and subject to perils from the native tribes, he was 
 informed that the governor had departed for Xaragua, fifty 
 leagues distant. Still undaunted by fatigues and difficulties, 
 he abandoned his canoe, and proceeded alone and on foot 
 through forests and over mountains, until he arrived at Xara- 
 gua, achieving one of the most perilous expeditions ever under- 
 taken by a devoted follower for the safety of his commander. 
 
 Ovando received him with great kindness, expressing the 
 utmost concern at the unfortunate situation of Columbus. He 
 made many promises of sending immediate relief, but suffered 
 day after day, week after w ek, month after month to elapse, 
 without carrying his promises into effect. He was at that time 
 completely engrossed by wars with the natives, and had a ready 
 plea that there were no ships of sufficient burden at San Do- 
 mingo. Had he felt a proper zeal, however, for the safety of a 
 man like Columbus, it would have been easy, within eight 
 months, to have devised some means, if not of delivering him 
 from his situation, at least of conveying to him ample re-en- 
 forcements and supplies. 
 
 The faithful Mendez remained for seven months in Xaragua, 
 detained there under various pretexts by Ovando, who was un- 
 willing that he should proceed to San Domingo ; partly, as is 
 intimated, from his having some jealousy of his being employed 
 in secret agency for the admiral, and partly from a desire to 
 throw impediments in the way of his obtaining the required re- 
 lief. At length, by daily importunity, he obtained permission 
 
 ' Hist, del Alum-ante, cap. 105. Las C'ttuas, lib. ii. cap. 31. Testament of Diego 
 Muudt-z. JS'avarrete, torn. i.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 555 
 
 to go to San Domingo and await the arrival of certain ships 
 which were expected, of which he proposed to purchase one on 
 the account of the admiral. He immediately set out on foot a 
 distance of seventy leagues, part of his toilsome journey lying 
 through forests and among mountains infested by hostile and 
 exasperated Indians. It was after his departure that O van do 
 despatched the caravel commanded by the pardoned rebel Es- 
 cobar, on that singular and equivocal visit, which, in the eyes 
 of Columbus, had the air of a mere scouting expedition to spy 
 into the camp of an enemy. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 OVERTURES OF COLUMBUS TO THE MUTINEERS BATTLE OF THE 
 
 ADELANTADO WITH PORRAS AND HIS FOLLOWERS, 
 
 [1503.] 
 
 WHEN Columbus had soothed the disappointment of his men 
 at the brief and unsatisfactory visit and sudden departure of 
 Escobar, he endeavored to turn the event to some advantage 
 with the rebels. He knew them to be disheartened by the 
 inevitable miseries attending a lawless and dissolute life ; that 
 many longed to return to the safe and quiet path of duty ; and 
 that the most malignant, seeing how he had foiled all their 
 intrigues among the natives to produce a famine, began to fear 
 his ultimate triumph and consequent vengeance. A favorable 
 opportunity, he thought, now presented to take advantage of 
 these feelings, and by gentle means to bring them back to their 
 allegiance. He sent two of his people, therefore, who were 
 most intimate with the rebels, to inform them of the recent 
 arrival of Escobar with letters from the Governor of Hispaniola, 
 promising him a speedy deliverance from the island. He now 
 offered a free pardon, kind treatment, and a passage with him 
 in the expected ships, on condition of their immediate return to 
 obedience. To convince them of the arrival of the vessel, he 
 sent them a part of the bacon which had been brought by 
 Escobar. 
 
 On the approach of these ambassadors, Francisco de Porras 
 came forth to meet them, accompanied solely by a few of the 
 riiigli'julers of his party. He imagined that there might be 
 some propositions from the admiral, aud he was fearful of their
 
 656 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMI1US. 
 
 being heard by the mass of his people, who, in their dissatisfied 
 and repentant mood, would he likely to desert him on the least 
 prospect of pardon. Having listened to the tidings and over- 
 tures brought by the messengers, he and his confidential con- 
 federates consulted for some time together. Perfidious in their 
 own nature, they suspected the sincerity of the admiral ; and 
 conscious of the extent of their offences, doubted his having 
 the magnanimity to pardon them. Determined, therefore, not 
 to confide in his proffered amnesty, they replied to the messen- 
 gers that they had no wish to return to the ships, but preferred 
 living at large about the island. They offered to engage, how- 
 ever, to conduct themselves peaceably and amicably, on re- 
 ceiving a solemn promise from the admiral, that should two 
 vessels arrive, they should have one to depart in ; should but 
 one arrive, that half of it should be granted to them ; and that, 
 moreover, the admiral should share with them the stores and 
 articles of Indian traffic remaining in the ships ; having lost all 
 that they had, in the sea. These demands were pronounced 
 extravagant and inadmissible, upon which they replied inso- 
 lently that, if they were not peaceably conceded, they would 
 take them by force ; arid with this menace they dismissed the 
 ambassadors. 1 
 
 This conference was not conducted so privately but that the 
 rest of the rebels learnt the purport of the mission ; and the 
 offer of pardon and deliverance occasioned great tumult and 
 agitation. Porras, fearful of their desertion, assured them that 
 these offers of the admiral were all deceitful ; that he was nat- 
 urally cruel and vindictive, and onh- sought to get them into 
 his power to wreak on them his vengeance. He exhorted them 
 to persist in their opposition to his tyranny ; reminding them 
 that those who had formerly done so in Hispaniola had eventu- 
 ally triumphed, and sent him home in irons ; he assured them 
 that they might do the same, and again made vaunting promises 
 of protection in Spain, through the influence of his relatives. 
 But the boldest of his assertions was with respect to the caravel 
 of Escobar. It shows the ignorance of the age, and the super- 
 stitious awe which the common people entertained with respect 
 to Columbus and his astronomical knowledge. Porras assured 
 them that no real caravel had arrived, but a mere phantasm 
 conjured up by the admiral, who was deeply versed in necro- 
 mancy. In proof of this he adverted to its arriving in the dusk 
 of the evening ; its holding communication with no one but the 
 
 
 
 1 Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 30. Hist, del Alrairantu, cap. 106.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 557 
 
 admiral, and its sudden disappearance in the night. Had it 
 been a real caravel, the crew would have sought to talk with 
 their countrymen ; the admiral, his son, and brother, would 
 have eagerly embarked on board, and it would at an} 7 rate have 
 remained a little while in port, and not have vanished so sud- 
 denly and mysteriously. 1 
 
 By these and similar delusions Porras succeeded in working 
 upon the feelings and credulity of his followers. Fearful, how- 
 ever, that they might yield to after reflection, and to further 
 offers from the admiral, he determined to involve them in some 
 act of violence which would commit them beyond all hopes of 
 forgiveness. He marched them, therefore, to an Indian village 
 called Maima, 2 about a quarter of a league from the ships, in- 
 tending to plunder the stores remaining on boavd the wreck, 
 and to take the admiral prisoner. 8 
 
 Columbus had notice of the designs of the rebels, and of their 
 approach. Being confined by his infirmities, he sent his brother 
 to endeavor with mild words to persuade them from their pur- 
 pose, and win them to obedience ; but with sufficient force to 
 resist any violence. The Adelautado, who was a man rather 
 of deeds than of words, took with him fifty followers, men of 
 tried resolution, and ready to fight in any cause. They were 
 well armed and full of courage, though many were pale and 
 debilitated from recent sickness, and from long confinement to 
 the ships. Arriving on the side of a hill, within a bow-shot of 
 the village, the Adelantado discovered the rebels, and despatched 
 the same two messengers to treat with them, who had already 
 carried them the offer of pardon. Porras and his fellow-leaders, 
 however, would not permit them to approach. They confided 
 in the superiority of their numbers, and in their men being, for 
 the most part, hardy sailors, rendered robust and vigorous by 
 the roving life they had been leading in the forests and the 
 open air. They knew that many of those who were with the 
 Adelantado were men brought up in a softer mode of life. They 
 pointed to their pale countenances, and persuaded their follow- 
 ers that they were mere household men, fair-weather troops, 
 who could nevir stand before them. The}' did not reflect that, 
 with such men, pride and lofty spirit often more than supply the 
 place of bodily force, and they forgot that their adversaries had 
 the incalculable advantage of justice alid law upon their side. 
 Deluded by their words, their followers were excited to a tran- 
 
 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 106. IMS Casa, lib. ii. cap. 35. 
 
 At pre.ii.' nl .Uainiiiee I3ay. > Hist, del Aliuirunte, nbi sup.
 
 558 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 sient glow of courage, and brandishing their weapons, refused 
 to listen to the messengers. 
 
 Six of the stoutest rebels made a league to stand by one an- 
 other and attack the Adelautado ; for, he being killed, the rest 
 would be easily defeated. The main body formed themselves 
 into a squadron, drawing their swords and shaking their lances. 
 They did not wait to be assailed, but, uttering shouts and men- 
 aces, rushed upon the enemy. They were so well received, 
 however, that at the first shock four or five were killed, most 
 of *hem the confederates who had leagued to attack the Ade- 
 lautado. The latter, with his own hand killed Juan Sanchez, 
 the same powerful mariner who had carried off the cacique 
 Quibian ; and Juan Barber also, who had first drawn a sword 
 against the admiral in this rebellion. The Adelantado with his 
 usual vigor and courage was dealing his blows about him in the 
 thickest of the affray, where several lay killed and wounded, 
 when he was assailed by Francisco de Porras. The rebel with 
 a blow of his sword cleft the buckler of Don Bartholomew, and 
 wounded the hand which grasped it. The sword remained 
 wedged in the shield, and before Porras could withdraw it the 
 Adelautado closed upon him, grappled him, and, being assisted 
 by others, after a severe struggle took him prisoner. 1 
 
 When the rebels beheld their leader a captive, their transient 
 courage was at an end, and they fled in confusion. The Ade- 
 lantado would have pursued them, but was persuaded to let 
 them escape with the punishment they had received; especially 
 as it was necessary to guard against the possibility of an attack 
 from the Indians. 
 
 The latter had taken arms and drawn up in battle array, 
 gazing with astonishment at this fight between white men, but 
 without taking part on either side. When the battle was over, 
 they approached the field, gazing upon the dead bodies of the 
 beings they had once fancied immortal. They were curious in 
 examining the wounds made by the Christian weapons. Among 
 tha wounded insurgents was Pedro Ledesma, the same pilot 
 who so bravely swam ashore at Veragua, to procure tidings of 
 the colony. He was a man of prodigious muscular force and a 
 hoarse, deep voice. As the Indians, who thought him dead, 
 were inspecting the wounds with which he was literally cov- 
 ered, he suddenly uttered an ejaculation in his tremendous 
 voice, at the sound of which the savages fled in dismay. This 
 man, having fallen into a cleft or ravine, was not discovered by 
 
 1 Hist, del Aliuiraute, cap. 107. Las Casao, Iliot. Intl., lib. ii. cap. 35.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 559 
 
 the white men until the dawning of the following day, having 
 remained all that time without a drop of water. The number 
 and severity of the wounds he is said to have received would 
 seem incredible, but they are mentioned by Fernando Columbus, 
 who was an eye-witness, and by Las Casas, who had the account 
 from Ledesma himself. For want of proper remedies his wounds 
 were treated in the roughest manner, yet, through the aid of a 
 vigorous constitution, he completely recovered. Las Casas con- 
 versed with him several years afterward at Seville, when he 
 obtained from him various particulars concerning this voyage 
 of Columbus. Some few days after this conversation, how- 
 ever, he heard that Ledesma had fallen under the knife of an 
 assassin. 1 
 
 The Adelantado returned in triumph to the ships, where he 
 was received by the admiral in the most affectionate manner; 
 thanking him as his deliverer. He brought Porras and several 
 of his followers prisoners. Of his own party only two had been 
 wounded ; himself in the hand, and the admiral's steward, who 
 had received an apparently slight wound with a lance, equal to 
 one of the most insignificant of those with which Ledesma was 
 covered ; yet, in spite of careful treatment, he died. 
 
 On the next day, the 20th of May, the fugitives sent a petition 
 to the admiral, signed with all their names, in which, says Las 
 Casas, they confessed all their misdeeds and cruelties, and evil 
 intentions, supplicating the admiral to have pity on them and 
 pardon them for their rebellion, for which God had already 
 punished them. They offered to return to their obedience, and 
 to serve him faithfully in future, making an oath to that effect 
 upon a cross and a missal, accompanied by an imprecation 
 worthy of being recorded : " They hoped, should they break 
 their oath, that no priest nor other Christian might ever con- 
 fess them ; that repentance might be of no avail ; that they 
 might be deprived of the hoi}* sacraments of the church ; that 
 at their death they might receive no benefit from bulls nor 
 indulgences ; that their bodies might be cast out into the fields, 
 like those of heretics and reuegadoes, instead of being buried 
 in holy ground ; and that they might not receive absolution from 
 the pope, nor from cardinals, nor archbishops, nor bishops, nor 
 any other Christian priests.'' 2 Such were the awful impreca- 
 tions by which these men endeavored to add validity to an oath. 
 The worthlessness of a man's word may always be known by 
 the extravagant means he uses to enforce it. 
 
 1 Las Casas, llist. lud., lib. ii. cap. So. * Ibid., cap. 02.
 
 560 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 The admiral saw, by the abject nature of this petition, how 
 completely the spirit of these misguided men was broken ; with 
 his wonted magnanimity, he readily granted their prayer, and 
 pardoned their offences ; but on one condition, that their ring- 
 leader, Francisco Porras, should remain a prisoner. 
 
 As it was difficult to maintain so many persons on board of 
 the ships, and as quarrels might take place between persons 
 who had so recently been at blows, Columbus put the late fol- 
 lowers of Porras under the command of a discreet and faithful 
 man ; and giving in his charge a quantity of European articles 
 for the purpose of purchasing food of the natives, directed him 
 to forage about the island until the expected vessels should 
 arrive. 
 
 At length, after a long year of alternate hope and despon- 
 dency, the doubts of the Spaniards were joyfully dispelled by 
 the sight of two vessels standing into the harbor. One proved 
 to be a ship hired and well victualled, at the expense of the 
 admiral, by the faithful and indefatigable Diego Mendez ; the 
 other had been subsequently fitted out by Ovando, and put 
 under the command of Diego de Salcedo, the admiral's agent 
 employed to collect his rents in San Domingo. 
 
 The long neglect of Ovando to attend to the relief of Colum- 
 bus had, it seems, roused the public indignation, insomuch that 
 animadversions had been made upon his conduct even in the 
 pulpits. This is affirmed by Las Casas, who was at San Do- 
 mingo at the time. If the governor had really entertained 
 hopes that, during the delay of relief, Columbus might perish 
 in the island, the report brought back by Escobar must have 
 completely disappointed him. No time was to be lost if he 
 wished to claim any merit in his deliverance, or to avoid the 
 disgrace of having totally neglected him. He exerted himself, 
 therefore, at the eleventh hour, and despatched a caravel at 
 the same time with the ship sent by Diego Mendez. The latter 
 having faithfully discharged this part of his mission, and seen 
 the ships depart, proceeded to Spain on the further concerns of 
 the admiral. 1 
 
 th 
 
 1 Rome brief notice of the further fortunes of Diego Mendez may be interesting to 
 
 FMull*!* \VliiMi k'inir li'i r<] i IITI nit lii. 'it'll /if ) ( i^ t'-i i t li l'i i 1 -iiTv),',.^ w.\'< I H ii.il.i In- li.i 
 
 iiiiny uiiiieiiooK 10 periorm. ;\ rew years aitcrward. wnen inc laud Bucowueu 10 
 the office of his father, Mendez reminded him of the promise, but Don Diesjo infoniied 
 him that he had given the ollice to his unele, Don Bartholomew; he assured him, how-
 
 BOOK XVII. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF OVANDO IN HISPANIOLA OPPRESSION OF THE 
 
 NATIVES. 
 
 [1503.] 
 
 BEFORE relating the return of Columbus to Hispaniola, it is 
 proper to notice some of the principal occurrences which took 
 place in that island under the government of Ovando. A great 
 crowd of adventurers of various ranks had thronged his fleet 
 eager speculators, credulous dreamers, and broken-down gentle- 
 men of desperate fortunes ; all expecting to enrich themselves 
 suddenly in an island where gold was to be picked up from the 
 
 ever, that he should receive something equivalent. M"endez shrewdly replied, that the 
 equivalent had belter be given to Don Bartholomew, and the office to himself, according 
 to agreement. The promise, however, remained unperformed, and Diego Mendez unre- 
 warded, lie was afterward engaged on voyages of discovery in vessels of his own but 
 met with many vicissitudes, and appears to have died in impoverished circumstances. 
 His last will, from which these particulars are principally gathered, was dated in Val- 
 ladolid. the 19th of June, 1536, by which it is evident he must have been in the prime of 
 
 with under the successors of Don Diego. 
 
 In another clause of his will he desired that a large stone should be placed upon his 
 sepulchre, on which should be engraved, " Here lies the honorable Cavalier Diego Mendez, 
 who served greatly the royal crown of Spain, in the conquest of the Indies, with the 
 admiral Don Christopher Columbus of glorious memory, who made the discovery ; and 
 afterward by himself, with ships at his own cost. He died, etc., etc. Bestow in charity 
 a Paternoster, and an Ave Maria." 
 
 queathed his library, consisting of a few volumes, which accom- 
 inderings viz. : " The Art of Holy Dying, by Erasmus; A Sermon 
 
 \Jt I II*J 1 'I cull Ul . I t;<lllll. lulU-Mf , CIIIU PC VC1 rtl UMIVI PIJVJI I II Cill Jd*n. I Ul?v l; 1 1 
 
 acteristic testament is iu the archives of the Duke of Veragua in Madrid.
 
 562 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 surface of the soil or gathered from the mountain brooks. 
 They had scarcely landed, says Las Casas, who accompanied 
 the expedition, when the} 7 all hurried off to the mines, about 
 eight leagues' distance. The roads swarmed like ant-hills, with 
 adventurers of all classes. Every one had his knapsack stored 
 with biscuit or flour, and his mining implements on his shoul- 
 ders. Those hidalgos, or gentlemen, who had no servants to 
 carry their burdens, bore them on their own backs, and lucky 
 was he who had a horse for the journey ; he would be able to 
 bring back the greater load of treasure. They all set out in 
 high spirits, eager who should first reach the golden land ; think- 
 ing they had but to arrive at the mines and collect riches ; " for 
 the} 7 fancied," says Las Casas, "that gold was to be gathered 
 as easily and readily as fruit from the trees." When they 
 arrived, however, they discovered, to their dismay, that it was 
 necessary to dig painfully into the bowels of the earth a labor 
 to which most of them had never been accustomed ; that it re- 
 quired experience and sagacity to detect the veins of ore ; that, 
 in fact, the whole process of mining was exceedingly toilsome, 
 demanded vast patience and much experience, and, after all, 
 was full of uncertainty. They digged eagerly for a time, but 
 found no ore. ' They grew hungry, threw by their implements, 
 sat down to eat, and then returned to work. It was all in vain. 
 "Their labor," says Las Casas, "gave them a keen appetite 
 and quick digestion, but no gold." They soon consumed their 
 provisions, exhausted their patience, cursed their infatuation, 
 and in eight days set off drearily on their return along the roads 
 they had lately trod so exultingly. They arrived at San Do- 
 mingo without an ounce of gold, half-famished, downcast, and 
 despairing. 1 Such is too often the case of those who ignorantly 
 engage in mining of all speculations the most brilliant, prom- 
 ising, and fallacious. 
 
 Poverty soon fell upon these misguided men. They ex- 
 hausted the little property brought from Spain. Many suffered 
 extremely from hunger, and were obliged to exchange even 
 their apparel for bread. Some formed connections with the 
 old settlers of the island ; but the greater part were like men 
 lost and bewildered, and just awakened from a dream. The 
 miseries of the mind, as usual, heightened the sufferings of the 
 body. Some wasted away and died broken-hearted ; others 
 were hurried off by raging fevers, so that there soon perished 
 upward of a thousand men. 
 
 * Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 6.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 668 
 
 Ovando was reputed a man of great prudence and sagacity, 
 and he certainly took several judicious measures for the regula- 
 tion of the island and the relief of the colonists. He made ar- 
 rangements for distributing the married persons and the families 
 which had come out in his fleet, iu four towns in the interior, 
 granting them important privileges. He revived the drooping 
 zeal for mining, by reducing the royal share of the product 
 from one-half to a third, and shortly after to a fifth ; but he 
 empowered the Spaniards to avail themselves, in the most 
 oppressive manner, of the labor of the unhappy natives in 
 working the mines. The charge of treating the natives with 
 severity had been one of those chiefly urged against Columbus. 
 It is proper, therefore, to notice in this respect the conduct of 
 his successor, a man chosen for his prudence and his supposed 
 capacity to govern. 
 
 It will be recollected that when Columbus was in a manner 
 compelled to assign lands to the rebellious followers of Fran- 
 cisco Roldan, in 1499, he had made an arrangement that the 
 caciques in their vicinity should, iu lieu of tribute, furnish a 
 number of their subjects to assist them in cultivating their 
 estates. This, as has been observed, was the commencement 
 of the disastrous system of repartimientos, or distributions of 
 Indians. When Bobadilla administered the government, he 
 constrained the caciques to furnish a certain number of Indians 
 to each Spaniard, for the purpose of working the mines, where 
 they were employed like beasts of burden. He made an enu- 
 meration of the natives, to prevent evasion ; reduced them 
 into classes, and distributed them among the Spanish inhabit- 
 ants. The enormous oppressions which ensued have been 
 noticed. They roused the indignation of Isabella ; and when 
 Ovando was sent out to supersede Bobadilla, in 1502, the natives 
 were pronounced free ; they immediately refused to labor in the 
 mines. 
 
 Ovando represented to the Spanish sovereigns, in 1503, that 
 ruinous consequences resulted to the colony from this entire 
 liberty granted to the Indians. He stated that the tribute could 
 not be collected, for the Indians were lazy and improvident ; 
 that they could only be kept from vices and irregularities by 
 occupation : that they now kept aloof from the Spaniards, and 
 from all instruction in the Christian faith. 
 
 The last representation had an influence with Isabella, and 
 drew a letter from the sovereigns to Ovando, in 1503, in which 
 he was ordered to spare no pains to attach the natives to the 
 Spanish nation and the Catholic religion. To make them labor
 
 564 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 moderately, if absolutely essential to their own good ; but to 
 temper authority with persuasion and kindness. To pay them 
 regularly and fairly for their labor, and to have them instructed 
 iu religion on certain days. 
 
 Ovando availed himself of the powers given him by this let- 
 ter to their fullest extent. He assigned to each Castilian a 
 certain number of Indians, according to the quality of the ap- 
 plicant, the nature of the application, or his own pleasure. It 
 was arranged in the form of an order on a cacique for a certain 
 number of Indians, who were to be paid by their employer, 
 and instructed in the Catholic faith. The pay was so small as 
 to be little better than nominal ; the instruction was little more 
 than the mere ceremoin' of baptism ; and the term of labor was 
 at first six months, and then eight months iu the year. Under 
 cover of this hired labor, intended for the good both of their 
 bodies and their souls, more intolerable toil was exacted from 
 them, and more horrible cruelties were inflicted, than in the 
 worst days of Bobadilla. They were separated often the dis- 
 tance of several days' journey from their wives and children, 
 and doomed to intolerable labor of all kinds, extorted by the 
 cruel infliction of the lash. For food they had the cassava 
 bread, an unsubstantial support for men obliged to labor ; some- 
 times a scanty portion of pork was distributed among a great 
 number of them, scarce a mouthful to each. When the Span- 
 iards who superintended the mines were at their repast, says 
 Las Casas, the famished Indians scrambled under the table, like 
 dogs, for any bone thrown to them. After they had gnawed 
 and sucked it, they pounded it between stones and mixed it 
 with their cassava bread, that nothing of so precious a morsel 
 might be lost. As to those who labored in the fields, they never 
 tasted either flesh or fish ; a little cassava bread and a few roots 
 were their support. While the Spaniards thus withheld the 
 nourishment necessary to sustain their health and strength, they 
 exacted a degree of lal>or sufficient to break down the most 
 vigorous man. If the Indians fled from this incessant toil and 
 barbarous coercion, and took refuge in the mountains, they 
 were hunted out like wild beasts, scourged in the most inhuman 
 manner, and laden with chains to prevent a second escape. 
 Many perished long before their term of labor had expired. 
 Those who survived their term of six or eight months were 
 permitted to return to their homes until the next term com- 
 menced. But their homes were often forty, sixty, and eighty 
 leagues distant. They had nothing to sustain them through 
 the journey but a few roots or agi peppers, or a little cassava
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 565 
 
 bread. Worn clown by long toil and cruel hardships, which 
 their feeble constitutions were incapable of sustaining, many 
 had not strength to perform the journey, but sank down and 
 died b}- the way ; some by the side of a brook, others under 
 the shade of a tree, where they had crawled for shelter from 
 the sun. " I have found many dead in the road," says Las 
 Casas, " others gasping under the trees, and others in the pangs 
 of death, faintly crying Hunger! hunger!" 1 Those who 
 reached their homes most commonly found them desolate. 
 During the eight months they had been absent, their wives and 
 children had either perished or wandered away ; the fields on 
 which they depended for food were overrun with weeds, and 
 nothing was left them but to lie down, exhausted and despair- 
 ing, and die at the threshold of their habitations. 4 
 
 It is impossible to pursue an\- farther the picture drawn by 
 the venerable Las Casas, not of what he had heard, but of 
 what he had seen ; nature and humanity revolt at the details. 
 Suffice it to sa}-, that, so intolerable were the toils and suffer- 
 ings inflicted upon this weak and unoffending race, that they 
 sank under them, dissolving, as it were, from the face of the 
 earth. Many killed themselves in despair, and even mothers 
 overcame the powerful instinct of nature, and destroyed tha 
 infants at their breasts, to spare them a life of wretchedness. 
 Twelve years had not elapsed since the discovery of the island, 
 and several hundred thousand of its native inhabitants had 
 perished, miserable victims to the grasping avarice of the white 
 men. 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 MASSACRE AT XARAGUA FATE OF ANACAONA. 
 [1503.] 
 
 THE sufferings of the natives under the civil policy of Ovando 
 have been briefly shown ; it remains to give a concise view of 
 the military operations of this commander, so lauded by cer- 
 tain of the early historians for his prudence. By this notice a 
 portion of the eventful history of this island will be recounted 
 which is connected with the fortunes of Columbus, and which 
 comprises the thorough subjugation, and, it may almost be 
 said, extermination of the native inhabitants. And first, we 
 
 i Las Casaa, Ilist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 14, MS. * Ibid., ubi sup.
 
 566 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 must treat of the disasters of the beautiful province of Xara- 
 gua, the seat of hospitality, the refuge of the suffering Span- 
 iards ; and of the fate of the female cacique, Auacaoua, once 
 the pride of the island, and the generous friend of white men. 
 
 Behechio, the ancient cacique of this province, being dead, 
 Anacaoua, his sister, had succeeded to the government. The 
 marked partiality which she once manifested for the Spaniards 
 had been greatly weakened by the general misery they had 
 produced in her country, and by the brutal profligacy exhibited 
 in her immediate dominions by the followers of Roldan. The 
 unhappy story of the loves of her beautiful daughter Higuena- 
 mota, with the young Spaniard Heruando de Guevara, had also 
 caused her great affliction ; and, finally, the various and endur- 
 ing hardships inflicted on her once happy subjects by the 
 grinding systems of labor enforced by Bobadilla and Ovando, 
 had at length, it is said, converted her friendship into absolute 
 detestation. 
 
 This disgust was kept alive and aggravated by the Spaniards 
 who lived in her immediate neighborhood, and had obtained 
 grants of laud there ; a remnant of the rebel faction of Roldan, 
 who retained the gross licentiousness and open profligacy in 
 which they had been indulged under the loose misrule of that 
 commander, and who made themselves odious to the inferior 
 caciques, by exacting services tyrannically and capriciously 
 under the baneful system of repartimientos. 
 
 The Indians of this province were uniformly represented as a 
 more intelligent, polite, and generous-spirited race than any 
 others of the islands. They were the more prone to feel and 
 resent the overbearing treatment to which they were subjected. 
 Quarrels sometimes took place between the caciques and their 
 oppressors. These were immediately reported to the governor 
 as dangerous mutinies, and a resistance to any capricious and 
 extortionate exaction was magnified into a rebellious resistance 
 to the authority of government. Complaints of this kind were 
 continually pouring in upon Ovando, until he was persuaded 
 by some alarmists, or some designing mischief-maker, that there 
 was a deep-laid conspiracy among the Indians of this province 
 to rise upon the Spaniards. 
 
 Ovando immediately set out for Xaragua at the head of three 
 hundred foot-soldiers, armed with swords, arquebuses, and 
 cross-bows, and seventy horsemen, with cuirasses, bucklers, 
 and lances. He pretended that he was going on a mere visit 
 of friendship to Anacaoua, and to make arrangements about 
 the payment of tribute.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 567 
 
 When Anacaona heard of the intended visit, she summoned 
 all her tributary caciques and principal subjects, to assemble 
 at her chief town, that they might receive the commander of 
 the .Spaniards with becoming homage and distinction. As 
 Ovando, at the head of his little army, approached, she went 
 forth to meet him, according to the custom of her nation, 
 attended by a great train of her most distinguished subjects, 
 male and female ; who, as has been before observed, were 
 noted for superior grace and beauty. The} 1 received the Span- 
 iards with their popular areytos, their national songs ; the 
 young women waving palm branches and dancing before them, 
 in the way that had so much charmed the followers of the 
 Adelautado, on his first visit to the province. 
 
 Auacaona treated the governor with that natural gracious- 
 ness and dignity for which she was celebrated. She gave him 
 the largest house in the place for his residence, and his people 
 were quartered in the houses adjoining. For several days the 
 Spaniards were entertained with all the natural luxuries that 
 the province afforded. National songs and dances and games 
 were performed for their amusement, and there was every out- 
 ward demonstration of the same hospitality, the same amity, 
 that Anacaona had uniformly shown to white men. 
 
 Notwithstanding all this kindness, and notwithstanding her 
 uniform integrity of conduct and open generosity of character, 
 Ovando was persuaded that Anacaona was secretly meditating 
 a massacre of himself and his followers. Historians tell us 
 nothing of the grounds for such a belief. It was too probably 
 produced by the misrepresentations of the unprincipled adven- 
 turers who infested the province. Ovando should have paused 
 and reflected before he acted upon it. He should have consid- 
 ered the improbability of such an attempt by naked Indians 
 against so large a force of steel-clad troops, armed with 
 European weapons ; and he should have reflected upon the 
 general character and conduct of Anacaoua. At any rate, the 
 example set repeatedly by Columbus and his brother the Ade- 
 lantado should have convinced him that it was a sufficient safe- 
 guard against the machinations of the natives, to seize upon 
 their caciques and detain them as hostages. The policy of 
 Ovando, however, was of a more rash and sanguinary nature ; 
 he acted upon suspicion as upon conviction. He determined to 
 anticipate the alleged plot by a counter artifice, and to over- 
 whelm this defenceless people in an indiscriminate and bloody 
 vengeance. 
 
 As the Indians had entertained their guests with various
 
 508 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 national games, Ovando invited them in return to witness 
 certain games of his country. Among these was a tilting 
 match or joust with reeds ; a chivalrous game which the Span- 
 iards had learnt from the Moors of Granada. The Spanish 
 cavalry, in those days, were as remarkable for the skilful 
 management as for the ostentatious caparison of their horses. 
 Among the troops brought out from Spain by Ovando, one 
 horseman had disciplined his horse to prance and curvet in 
 time to the music of a viol. 1 The joust was appointed to take 
 place of a Sunday after dinner, in the public square, before the 
 house where Ovando was quartered. The cavalry and foot- 
 soldiers had their secret instructions. The former were to 
 parade, not merely with reeds or blunted tilting-lauces, but with 
 weapons of a more deadly character. The foot-soldiers were 
 to come apparently as mere spectators, but likewise armed and 
 ready for action at a concerted signal. 
 
 At the appointed time the square was crowded with the 
 Indians, waiting to see this military spectacle. The caciques 
 were assembled in the house of Ovando, which looked upon 
 the square. None were armed ; an unreserved confidence 
 prevailed among them, totally incompatible with the dark 
 treachery of which they were accused. To prevent all sus- 
 picion, and take off all appearance of sinister design, Ovando, 
 after dinner, was playing at quoits with some of his principal 
 officers, when the cavalry having arrived in the square, the 
 caciques begged the governor to order the joust to commence. 2 
 Anacaona, and her beautiful daughter Higuenamota, with sev- 
 eral of her female attendants, were present and joined in the 
 request. 
 
 Ovando left his game and came forward to a conspicuous 
 place. When he saw that every thing was disposed according 
 to his orders, he gave the fatal signal. Some say it was by 
 taking hold of a piece of gold which was suspended about his 
 neck ; 3 others by laying his hand on the cross of Alcantara, 
 which was embroidered on his habit. 4 A trumpet was imme- 
 diately sounded. The house in which Anacaona, and all the 
 principal caciques were assembled was surrounded by soldiery, 
 commanded by Diego Valasquez and Rodrigo Mexiatrillo, and 
 no one was permitted to escape. They entered, and seizing 
 upon the caciques, bound them to the posts which supported 
 
 i Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 9. 
 
 1 Oviedo, Cronica de las Indias, lib. iii. cap. 12. 
 
 & Las C'asas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. qap. 9. 
 
 * Charlevoix, Hist. Sau Domingo, lib. xxiv. p. 235.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 569 
 
 the roof. Anacaona was led forth a prisoner. The unhappy 
 caciques were then put to horrible tortures, until some of them, 
 in the extremity of anguish, were made to accuse their queen 
 and themselves of the plot with which they were charged. 
 When this cruel mockery of judicial form had been executed, 
 instead of preserving them for after-examination, fire was set 
 to tlie house, and all the caciques perished miserably in the 
 flames. 
 
 While these barbarities were practised upon the chieftains, 
 a horrible massacre took place among the populace. At the 
 signal of Ovando, the horsemen rushed into the midst of the 
 naked and defenceless throng, trampling them under the hoofs 
 of their steeds, cutting them down witli their swords, and 
 transfixing them with their spears. No mercy was shown to 
 age or sex ; it was a savage and indiscriminate butchery. Now 
 and then a Spanish horseman, either through an emotion of 
 pity or an impulse of avarice, caught up a child, to bear it off 
 in safety, but it was barbarously pierced by the lances of his 
 companions. Humanity turns with horror from such atroci- 
 ties, and would fain discredit them ; but they are circumstan- 
 tially and still more minutely recorded by the venerable 
 bishop Las Casas, who was resident in the island at the time, 
 and conversant with the principal actors in this tragedy. He 
 may have colored the picture strongly, in his usual indignation 
 when the wrongs of the Indians are in question ; yet, from all 
 concurring accounts, and from many precise facts which speak 
 for themselves, the scene must have been most sanguinary 
 and atrocious. Oviedo, who is loud in extolling the justice, and 
 devotion, and charity, and meekness of Ovando, and his kind 
 treatment of the Indians, and who visited the province of 
 Xaragna a few years afterward, records several of the preced- 
 ing circumstances ; especially the cold-blooded game of quoits 
 played by the governor on the verge of such a horrible scene, 
 and the burning of the caciques, to the number, he says, of 
 more than forty. Diego Mendez, who was at Xaragua at the 
 time, and doubtless present on such an important occasion, 
 says incidentally, in his last will and testament, that there were 
 eighty-four caciques either burnt or hanged. 1 Las Casas says 
 that there were eighty who entered the house with Anacaona. 
 The slaughter of the multitude must have been great ; and this 
 was inflicted on an unarmed and unresisting throng. Several 
 who escaped from the massacre fled in their canoes to an island 
 
 1 Relacioij becba por Don Diego Mendez. Xavarrtte Col., torn. i. p. 314.
 
 570 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 about eight leagues distant, called Guanabo. They were pur- 
 sued and taken, and condemned to slavery. 
 
 As to the princess Anacaona, she was carried in chains to 
 San Domingo. The mockery of a trial was given her, in which 
 she was found guilty on the confessions wrung by tortures from 
 her subjects, and on the testimony of their butchers ; and she 
 was ignominionsly hanged in the presence of the people whom 
 she had so long and so signally befriended. 1 Oviedo has sought 
 to throw a stigma on the character of this unfortunate princess, 
 accusing her of great licentiousness ; but he was prone to crimi- 
 nate the character of the native princes, who fell victims to the 
 ingratitude and injustice of his countrymen. Contemporary 
 writers of great authority have concurred in representing Ana- 
 caona as remarkable for her native propriety and dignity. She 
 was adored by her subjects, so as to hold a kind of dominion 
 over them even during the lifetime of her brother ; she is said 
 to have been skilled in composing the areytos, or legendary 
 ballads of her nation, and may have conduced much toward 
 producing that superior degree of refinement remarked among 
 her people. Her grace and beauty had made her renowned 
 throughout the island, and had excited the admiration both of 
 the savage and the Spaniard. Her magnanimous spirit was 
 evinced in her amicable treatment of the white men, although 
 her husband, the brave Caonabo, had perished a prisoner in 
 their hands ; and defenceless parties of them had been repeat- 
 edly in her power, and lived at large in her dominions. After 
 having for several years neglected all safe opportunities of ven- 
 geance, she fell a victim to the absurd charge of having con- 
 spired against an armed body of nearly four hundred men, 
 seventy of them horsemen ; a force sufficient to have subjugated 
 large armies of naked Indians. 
 
 After the massacre of Xaragna the destruction of its inhab- 
 itants still continued. The favorite nephew of Anacaona, the 
 cacique Guaora, who had fled to the mountains, was hunted 
 like a wild beast, until he was taken, and likewise hanged. For 
 six months the Spaniards continued ravaging the country with 
 horse and foot, under pretext of quelling insurrections ; for, 
 wherever the affrighted natives took refuge in their despair, 
 herding in dismal caverns and in the fastnesses of the moun- 
 tains, they were represented as assembling in arms to make a 
 head of rebellion. Having at length hunted them out of their 
 retreats, destroyed many, and reduced the survivors to the most 
 
 1 Oviedo, Cronica de las Indias, lib. Hi. cap 12. Las Caeas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 9.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 571 
 
 deplorable misery and abject submission, the whole of that part 
 of the island was considered as restored to good order ; and in 
 commemoration of this great triumph Ovando founded a town 
 near to the lake, which he called Santa Maria de la Verdadera 
 Paz (St. Mary of the True Peace). 1 
 
 Such is the tragical history of the delightful region of Xara- 
 gua, and of its amiable and hospitable people. A place which 
 the Europeans, by their own account, found a perfect paradise, 
 but which, by their vile passions, they filled with horror aud 
 desolation. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 WAR WITH THE NATIVES OF HIGUEY. 
 [1504.] 
 
 THE subjugation of four of the Indian sovereignties of His- 
 pauiola, and the disastrous fate of their caciques, have been 
 already related. Under the administration of Ovando was also 
 accomplished the downfall of Higuey, the last of those inde- 
 pendent districts ; a fertile province which comprised the east- 
 ern extremity of the island. 
 
 The people of Higuey were of a more warlike spirit than 
 those of the other provinces, having learned the effectual use 
 of their weapons, from frequent contests with their Carib in- 
 vaders. They were governed by a cacique named Cotabana- 
 m a. Las Casas describes this chieftain from actual observa- 
 tion, and draws the picture of a native hero. He was, he says, 
 the strongest of his tribe, and more perfectly formed than one 
 man in a thousand, of any nation whatever. He was taller in 
 stature than the tallest of his countrymen, a yard in breadth 
 from shoulder to shoulder, and the rest of -his body in admira- 
 ble proportion. His aspect was not handsome, but grave and 
 courageous. His bow was not easily bent by a common man ; 
 his arrows were three pronged, tipped with the bones of fishes, 
 and his weapons appeared to be intended for a giant. In a 
 word, he was so nobly proportioned as to be the admiration 
 even of the Spaniards. 
 
 While Columbus was engaged in his fourth voyage, and 
 shortly after the accession of Ovaudo to office, there was au 
 
 1 Oviedo, Crouica de laa Indian, lib. iii. cap. 12.
 
 572 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 insurrection of this cacique and his people. A shallop, with 
 eight Spaniards, was surprised at the small island of Saoua, 
 adjacent to Higuey, and all the crew slaughtered. This was 
 iu revenge for the death of a cacique, torn to pieces by a dog 
 wantonly set upon him by a Spaniard, and for which the natives 
 had in vain sued for redress. 
 
 Ovando immediately despatched Juan de Esquibel, a cour- 
 ageous officer, at the head of four hundred men, to quell the 
 insurrection and punish the massacre. Cotabanama assembled 
 his warriors, and prepared for vigorous resistance, Distrustful 
 of the mercy of the Spaniards, the chieftain rejected all over- 
 tures- of peace, and the war was prosecuted with some advan- 
 tage to the natives. The Indians had now overcome their 
 superstitious awe of the white men as supernatural beings, and 
 though they could ill withstand the superiority of European 
 arms, the}' manifested a courage and dexterity that rendered 
 them enemies not to be despised. Las Casas and other his- 
 torians relate a bold and romantic encounter between a single 
 Indian and two mounted cavaliers named Valteuebro and Porte- 
 vedra, in which the Indian, though pierced through the body by 
 the lances and swords of both his assailants, retained his lierce- 
 ness, and continued the combat until he fell dead in the possess- 
 ion of all their weapons. 1 This gallant action, says Las Casas, 
 was public and notorious. 
 
 The Indians were soon defeated and driven to their mountain 
 retreats. The Spaniards pursued them into their recesses, dis- 
 covered their wives and children, wreaked on them the most 
 indiscriminate slaughter, and committed their chieftains to the 
 flames. An aged female cacique of great distinction, named 
 Higuanama, being taken prisoner, was hanged. 
 
 A detachment was sent in a caravel to the island of Saona, 
 to take particular vengeance for the destruction of the shallop 
 and its crew. The natives made a desperate defence and fled. 
 The island was mountainous and full of caverns, in which the 
 Indians vainly sought for refuge. Six or seven hundred were 
 imprisoned in a dwelling, and all put to the sword or poniarded. 
 Those of the inhabitants who were spared were earned off as 
 slaves, and the island was left desolate and deserted. 
 
 The natives of Higuey were driven to despair, seeing that 
 there was no escape for them even in the bowels of the earth ; 2 
 they sued for peace, which was granted them, and protection 
 promised on condition of their cultivating a large tract of land, 
 
 Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 9. * Ibid., ubi sup.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 573 
 
 and paying a great quantity of bread in tribute. The peace 
 being concluded, Cotabanaraa visited the Spanish camp, where 
 bis gigantic proportions and martial demeanor made him an 
 object of curiosity and admiration. He was received with 
 groat distinction by Esquibel, and they exchanged names, an 
 Indian league of fraternity and perpetual friendship. The 
 natives thenceforward called the cacique Juan de Esquibel, and 
 the Spanish commander Cotabanama. Esquibel then built a 
 wooden fortress in an Indian village near the sea, and left in it 
 nine men, with a captain, named Martin de Villaman. After 
 this the troops dispersed, every man returning home, with his 
 proportion of slaves gained in this expedition. 
 
 The pacification was not of long continuance. About the time 
 that succors were sent to Columbus, to rescue him from the 
 wrecks of his vessels at Jamaica, a new revolt broke out in 
 lliguey, in consequence of the oppressions of the Spaniards, and 
 a violation of the treaty made by Esquibel. Martin dc Villa- 
 man demanded that the natives should not only raise the 
 grain stipulated for by the treaty, but convey it to San Do- 
 mingo, and he treated them with the greatest severity on 
 their refusal. He connived also at the licentious conduct of 
 his men toward the Indian women ; the Spaniards often taking 
 from the natives their daughters and sisters, and even their 
 wives. 1 The Indians, roused at last to fury, rose on their 
 tyrants, slaughtered them, and burnt their wooden fortress to 
 the ground. Only one of the Spaniards escaped, and bore the 
 tidings of this catastrophe to the city of San Domingo. 
 
 Ovando gave immediate orders to carry fire and sword 
 into the province of Higuey. The Spanish troops mustered 
 from various quarters on the confines of that province, when 
 Juan de Esquibel took the command, and had a great number 
 of Indians with him as allies. The towns of Higuey were 
 generally built among the mountains. Those mountains rose 
 in terraces from ten to fifteen leagues in length and breadth ; 
 rough and rocky, interspersed with glens of a red soil, remark- 
 ably fertile, where they raised their cassava bread. The ascent 
 from terrace to terrace was about fifty feet ; steep and precipi- 
 tous, formed of the living rock, and resembling a wall wrought 
 with tools into rough diamond points. Each village had four 
 wide streets, a stone's throw in length, forming a cross, the 
 trees being cleared away from them, and from a public square 
 in the centre. 
 
 1 Las Casas, ubi sup.
 
 574 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIiUS. 
 
 When the Spanish troops arrived on the frontiers, alarm fires 
 along the mountains and columns of smoke spread the intelli- 
 gence by night and day. The old men, the women, and children, 
 were sent off to the forests and caverns, and the warriors pre- 
 pared for battle. The Castilians paused in one of the plains 
 clear of forests, where their horses could be of use. They 
 made prisoners of several of the natives, and tried to learn 
 from them the plans and forces of the enemy. They applied 
 tortures for the purpose, but in vain, so devoted was the 
 loyalty of these people to their caciques. The Spaniards pene- 
 trated into the interior. They found the warriors of several 
 towns assembled in one, and drawn up in the streets with their 
 bows and arrows, but perfectly naked, and without defensive 
 armor. They uttered tremendous yells, and discharged a 
 shower of arrows ; but from such a distance that they fell short 
 of their foe. The Spaniards replied with their cross-bows, and 
 with two or three arquebuses, for at this time they had but 
 few fire-arms. When the Indians saw several of their com- 
 rades fall dead, they took to flight, rarely waiting for the 
 attack with swords ; some of the wounded, in whose bodies 
 the arrows from the cross-bows had penetrated to the very 
 feather, drew them out with their hands, broke them with their 
 teeth, and hurling them at the Spaniards with impotent fury, 
 fell dead uix>n the sjXDt. 
 
 The whole force of the Indians was routed and dispersed ; 
 each family, or baud of neighbors, fled in its own direction, 
 and concealed itself in the fastness of the mountains. The 
 Spaniards pursued them, but found the chase difficult amid 
 the close forests, and the broken and stony heights. They 
 took several prisoners as guides, and inflicted incredible tor- 
 ments on them, to compel them to betray their countrymen. 
 They drove them before them, secured by cords fastened 
 round their necks ; and some of them, as they passed along 
 the brinks of precipices, suddenly threw themselves headlong 
 down, iu hopes of dragging after them the Spaniards. When 
 at length the pursuers came upon the unhappy Indians in their 
 concealments, they spared neither age nor sex ; even pregnant 
 women, and mothers with infants in their arms, fell beneath 
 their merciless swords. The cold-blooded acts of cruelty which 
 followed this first slaughter would be shocking to relate. 
 
 Hence Ksquibel inarched to attack the town where Cota- 
 banama resided, and where that cacique had collected a great 
 force to resist him. He proceeded direct for the place along 
 the seacoast, and came to where two roads led up the mountain
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 575 
 
 to the town. One of the roads was open and inviting ; the 
 branches of the trees being lopped, and all the underwood 
 cleared away. Here the Indians had stationed an ambuscade 
 to take the Spaniards in the rear. The other road was almost 
 closed up by trees and bushes cut down and thrown across 
 each other. Ksquibel was wary and distrustful ; he suspected 
 the stratagem, and chose the encumbered road. The town was 
 about a league and a half from the sea. The Spaniards made 
 tlu-ir way with great difficulty for the first half league. The 
 rest of the road was free from all embarrassment, which con- 
 firmed their suspicion of a stratagem. They now advanced 
 with great rapidity, and, having arrived near the village, sud-. 
 dcnly turned into the other road, took the party in arnbush by 
 surprise, and made great havoc among them with their cross- 
 bows. 
 
 The warriors now sallied from their concealment, others 
 rushed out of the houses into the streets, and discharged 
 h"ights of arrows, but from such a distance as generally to fall 
 harmless. They then approached nearer, and hurled stones 
 with their hands, being unacquainted with the use of slings. 
 Instead of being dismayed at seeing their companions fall, it 
 rather increased their fury. An irregular battle, probably 
 little else than wild skirmishing and bush-fighting, was kept 
 up from two o'clock in the afternoon until night. Las Casas 
 was present on the occasion, and, from his account, the Indians 
 must have shown instances of great personal bravery, though 
 the inferiority of their weapons, and the want of all defensive 
 armor, rendered their valor totally ineffectual. As the even- 
 ing shut in, their hostilities gradually ceased, and they dis- 
 appeared in the profound gloom and closed thickets of the 
 surrounding forest. A deep silence succeeded to their yells 
 and war-whoops, and throughout the night the Spaniards re- 
 mained in undisturbed possession of the village. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 CLOSE OF THE WAR WITH IIIGUEY FATE OF COTABANAMA. 
 
 (1504.] 
 
 ON T the morning after the battle not an Indian was to be seen. 
 Finding that even their great chief, Cotabanama, was incapable 
 of vying with the prowess of the white men, they had given up
 
 576 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 the contest in despair, and fled to the mountains, The Span- 
 iards, separating into small parties, hunted them with the utmost 
 diligence ; their object was to seize the caciques, and, above all, 
 Cotabanama. They explored all the glens and concealed paths 
 leading into the wild recesses where the fugitives had taken 
 refuge. The Indians were cautions and stealthy in their mod;; 
 of retreating, treading in each other's footprints, so that twenty 
 would make no more track than one, and stepping so lightly as 
 scarce to disturb the herbage ; yet there were Spaniards so 
 skilled in hunting Indians that they could trace them even by 
 the turn of a withered leaf, aud among the confused tracks of a 
 thousand animals. 
 
 They could scent afar off also the smoke of the fires which 
 the Indians made whenever they halted, aud thus they would 
 come upon them in their most secret haunts. Sometimes they 
 would hunt down a straggling Indian, and compel him, by tor- 
 ments, to betray the hiding-place of his companions, binding 
 him, and driving him before them as a guide. Wherever they 
 discovered one of these places of refuge, filled with the aged 
 and the infirm, with feeble women and helpless children, they 
 massacred them without mere} 7 . They wished to inspire terror 
 throughout the land, and to frighten the whole tribe into sub- 
 mission. They cut off the hands of those whom they took 
 roving at large, and sent them, as they said, to deliver them as 
 letters to their friends, demanding their surrender. Number- 
 less were those, says Las Casas, whose hands were amputated 
 in this manner, and many of them sank down and died by the 
 way, through anguish and loss of blood. 
 
 The conquerors delighted in exercising strange and ingenious 
 cruelties. They mingled horrible levity with their blood-thirsti- 
 ness. They erected gibbets long and low, so that the feet of 
 the sufferers might reach the ground, and their death be linger- 
 ing. They hanged thirteen together, in reverence, says the 
 indignant Las Casas, of our blessed Saviour aud the twelve 
 apostles. While their victims were suspended, and still living, 
 they hacked them with their swords, to prove the strength of 
 their arms and the edge of their weapons. They wrapped 
 them in dry straw, and setting fire to it terminated their exist- 
 ence by the fiercest agony. 
 
 These are horrible details, yet a veil is drawn over others still 
 more detestable. They are related circumstantially by Las 
 Casas, who was an eye-witness. He was young at the time, 
 but records them in his advanced years. " All these things," 
 said the venerable bishop, 4i and others revolting to human
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUM Ill's. 577 
 
 nature, did my own eyes behold ; and now I almost fear to 
 repeat them, scarce believing myself, or whether I have not 
 dreamt them." 1 
 
 These details would have been withheld from the present 
 work as disgraceful to human nature, and from an unwilling- 
 ness (o advance any thing which might conve} r a stigma upon a 
 brave and generous nation. But it would be a departure from 
 historical veracity, having the documents before my eyes, to 
 pass silently over transactions so atrocious, and vouched for 
 by witnesses beyond all suspicion of falsehood. Such occur- 
 rences show the extremity to which human cruelty may extend, 
 when stimulated by avidity of gain, by a thirst of vengeance, or 
 even by a perveted zeal in the holy cause of religion. Every 
 nation has in turn furnished proofs of this disgraceful truth. 
 As in the present instance, they are commonly the crimes of 
 individuals rather than of the nation. Yet it behooves govern- 
 ments to keep a vigilant eye upon those to whom they delegate 
 power in remote and helpless colonies. It is the imperious 
 duty of the historian to place these matters upon record, that 
 they may serve as warning beacons to future generations. 
 
 Juan de Ksquibel found that, with all his severities, it would 
 be impossible to subjugate the tribe of Higuey as long as the 
 cacique Cotabanama was at large. That chieftain had retired 
 to the little island of Saona, about two leagues from Hie coast 
 of Higuey, in the centre of which, amid a labyrinth of rocks 
 and forests, he had taken shelter, with his wife and children, 
 in a vast cavern. 
 
 A caravel, recently arrived from the city of San Domingo 
 with supplies for the camp, was employed by Ksquibel to entrap 
 the cacique. He knew that the latter kept a vigilant look-out, 
 tattooing scouts upon the lofty rocks of his island to watch 
 the movements of the caravel. Esquibel departed by night, 
 therefore, in the vessel, with fifty followers, and keeping under 
 the deep shadows cast by the land, ai rived at Saona unper- 
 ceived, at the dawn of morning. Here he anchored close in 
 with the shore, hid by its cliffs and forests, and landed forty 
 men, before the spies of Cotabanama had taken their station. 
 Two of these were surprised and brought to Esquibel, who, 
 having learnt from them that the cacique was at hand, poniarded 
 one of the spies, and bound the other, making him serve as 
 guide. 
 
 A number of Spaniards ran in advance, each anxious to sig- 
 
 1 Las Curias, lib. ii. cap. 17, MS.
 
 578 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 nalize himself by the capture of the cacique. They came to 
 two roads, and the whole party pursued that to the right, 
 excepting one Juan Lopez, a powerful man, skilful in Indian 
 warfare. He proceeded in a foot-path to the left, winding 
 among little hills, so thickly wooded that it was impossible to 
 see any one at a distance of half a how-shot. Suddenly, in a 
 narrow pass, overshadowed by rocks and trees, he encountered 
 twelve Indian warriors, armed with bows and arrows, and fol- 
 lowing each other in single file according to their custom. 
 The Indians were confounded at the sight of Lopez, imagining 
 that there must be a party of soldiers behind him. They 
 might readily have transfixed him with their arrows, but they 
 had lost all presence of mind. He demanded their chieftain. 
 The}' replied that he was behind, and opening to let him pass, 
 Lopez beheld the cacique in the rear. At sight of the Spaniard 
 Cotabanama bent his gigantic bow, and was on the point of 
 launching one of his three-pronged arrows, but Lopez rushed 
 upon him and wounded him with his sword. The other 
 Indians, struck with panic, had already fled. Cotabanama, 
 dismayed at the keenness of the sword, cried out that he was 
 Juan de Esquibel, claiming respect as having exchanged names 
 with the Spanish commander. Lopez' seized him with one hand 
 by the hair, and with the other aimed a thrust at his body ; but 
 the cacique struck down the sword with his hand, and, grap- 
 pling with his antagonist, threw him with his back upon the 
 rocks. As they were both men of great power, the struggle 
 was long and violent. The sword was beneath them, but 
 Cotabanama, seizing the Spaniard by the throat with his mighty 
 hand, attempted to strangle him. The sound of the contest 
 brought the other Spaniards to the spot. They found their 
 companion writhing and gasping, and almost dead, in the gripe 
 of the gigantic Indian. They seized the cacique, bound him, 
 and carried him captive to a deserted Indian village in the 
 vicinity. They found the way to his secret cave, but his wife 
 and children having received notice of his capture by the 
 fugitive Indians, had taken refuge in another part of the 
 island. In the cavern was found the chain with which a num- 
 ber of Indian captives had been bound, who had risen upon 
 and slain three Spaniards who had them in charge, and had 
 made their escape to this island. There were also the swords 
 of the same Spaniards, which they had brought off as trophies 
 to their cacique. The chain was now employed to manacle 
 Cotabanama. 
 
 The Spaniards prepared to execute the chieftain on the spot,
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 579 
 
 in the centre of the deserted village. For this purpose a pyre 
 was built of logs of wood laid crossvvays, in form of a gridiron, 
 on which he was to be slowly broiled to death. On further 
 consultation, however, they were induced to forego the pleasure 
 of this horrible sacrifice. Perhaps they thought the cacique 
 too important a personage to be executed thus obscurely. 
 Granting him, therefore, a transient reprieve, they conveyed 
 him to the caravel and sent him, bound with heavy chains, to 
 San Domingo. Ovando saw him in his power, and incapable of 
 doing further harm ; but he had not the magnanimity to forgive 
 a fallen enem}-, whose only crime was the defence of his native 
 soil and lawful territory. He ordered him to be publicly hanged 
 like a common culprit. 1 In this ignominious manner was the 
 cacique Cotabanama executed, the last of the five sovereign 
 princes of Hayti. His death was followed by the complete 
 subjugation of his people, and sealed the last struggle of the 
 natives against their oppressoi-s. The island was almost un- 
 peopled of its original inhabitants, and meek and mournful 
 submission and mute despair settled upou the scanty remnant 
 that survived. 
 
 Such was the ruthless system which had been pursued, dur- 
 ing the absence of the admiral, by the commander Ovando ; this 
 man of boasted prudence and moderation, who was sent to re- 
 form the abuses of the island, and above all, to redress the 
 wrongs of the natives. The system of Columbus may have 
 borne hard upon the Indians, born and brought up in untaskod 
 freedom, but it was never cruel or sanguinary. He inflicted 
 no wanton massacres nor vindictive punishments ; his desire 
 was to cherish and civilize the Indians, and to render them use- 
 ful subjects ; not to oppress, and persecute, and destroy them. 
 When he beheld the desolation that had swept them from the 
 laud during his suspension from authority, he could not restrain 
 the strong expression of his feelings. In a letter written to 
 the king after his return to Spain, he thus expresses himself on 
 the subject: '"The Indians of Hispaniola were and are the 
 riches of the island ; for it is they who cultivate and make the 
 bread and the provisions for the Christians ; who dig the gold 
 from the mines, and perform all the offices and labors both of 
 men and beasts. I am informed that, since I left this island, 
 six parts out of seven of the natives are dead ; all through ill 
 treatment and inhumanity ; some b}' the sword, others by blows 
 and cruel usage, others through hunger. The greater part have 
 
 1 Lai Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 18.
 
 580 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 perished in the mountains and glens, whither they have fled, 
 from not being able to support the labor imposed upon them." 
 For his own part, he added, although he had sent many Indians 
 to Spain to be sold, it was always with a view to their being 
 instructed in the Christian faith, and in civilized arts and usages, 
 and afterward sent back to their island to assist in civilizing 
 their countrymen I 1 
 
 The brief view that has been given of the policy of Ovando on 
 certain points on which Columbus was censured, may enable 
 the reader to judge more correctly of the conduct of the latter. 
 It is not to be measured by the standard of right and wrong 
 established iu the present more enlightened age. We must con- 
 sider him in connection with the era in which he lived. By com- 
 paring his measures with those of men of his own times praised 
 for their virtues and abilities, placed in precisely his own situa- 
 tion, and placed there expressly to correct his faults, we shall 
 be the better able to judge how virtuously and wisely, under the 
 peculiar circumstances of the case, he may be considered to 
 have governed. 
 
 i Las Casas, Hist, lad., lib. ii. cap 36.
 
 BOOK XVIII. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS FOR SAN DOMINGO HIS RETURN TO 
 
 SPAIN. 
 
 THE arrival at Jamaica of the two vessels under the command 
 of Salcedo had caused a joyful reverse in the situation of Co- 
 lumbus. He hastened to leave the wreck in which he had been 
 so* long immured, and hoisting his flag on board of one of the 
 ships, felt as if the career of enterprise and glory were once 
 more open to him. The late partisans of Porras, when they 
 heard of the arrival of the ships, came wistful and abject to the 
 harbor, doubting how far the}' might trust to the magnanimity 
 of a man whom they had so greatly injured, and who had now 
 an opportunity of vengeance. The generous mind, however, 
 lu-vi-r harbors revenge in the hour of returning prosperity; but 
 feels noble satisfaction in sharing its happiness even with its 
 enemies. Columbus forgot, in his present felicity, all that he 
 had suffered from these men ; he ceased to consider them ene- 
 mies, now that they had lost the power to injure ; and he not 
 only fulfilled all that he had promised them, by taking them on 
 board the ships, but relieved their necessities from his own 
 purse, until their return to Spain ; and afterward took unwearied 
 pains to recommend them to the bounty of the sovereigns. 
 Francisco Porras alone continued a prisoner, to be tried by the 
 tribunals of his country. 
 
 Oviedo assures us that the Indians wept when they beheld 
 the departure of the Spaniards ; still considering them as beings 
 from the skies. From the admiral, it is true, they had experi- 
 enced nothing but just and gentle treatment, and continual 
 benefits ; and the idea of his immediate influence with the 
 Deity, manifested on the memorable occasion of the eclipse, 
 may have made them consider him as more than human, and 
 his presence as propitious to their island ; but it is not easy to 
 
 581
 
 582 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 believe mat a lawless gang like that of Porras could have been 
 ranging for months among their villages, without giving cause 
 for the greatest joy at their departure. 
 
 On the 28th of June the vessels set sail for San Domingo. 
 The adverse winds and currents which had opposed Columbus 
 throughout this ill-starred expedition still continued to harass 
 him. After a weary struggle of several weeks he reached, on 
 the 3d of August, the little island of Beata, on the coast of 
 Hispauiola. Between this place and San Domingo the currents 
 are so violent that vessels are often detained months, waiting 
 for sufficient wind to enable them to stem the stream. Hence 
 Columbus despatched a letter by land to Ovando, to inform him 
 of his approach, and to remove certain absurd suspicions of his 
 views, which he had learnt from Salcedo were still entertained 
 by the governor; who'feared his arrival in the island might pro- 
 duce factions and disturbances. In this letter he expresses, 
 with his usual warmth and simplicity, the joy he felt at his de- 
 liverance, which was so great, he says, that, since the arrival 
 of Diego de Salcedo with succor, he had scarcely been able to 
 sleep. The letter had barely time to precede the writer, for, a 
 favorable wind springing up, the vessels again made sail, and, 
 on the loth of August, anchored in the harbor of San Domingo. 
 
 If it is the lot of prosperity to awaken envy and excite de- 
 traction, it is certainly the lot of misfortune to atone for a mul- 
 titude of faults. San Domingo had been the veiy hot-bed of 
 sedition against Columbus in the day of his power; he had been 
 hurried from it in ignominious chains, amid the shouts and 
 taunts of the triumphant rabble; he had l)een excluded from its 
 harbor when, as commander of a squadron, he craved shelter 
 from an impending tempest ; but now that he arrived in its 
 waters, a broken down and shipwrecked man, all past hostility 
 was overpowered by the popular sense of his late disasters. 
 There was a momentary burst of enthusiasm in his favor ; what 
 had been denied to his merits was granted to his misfortunes ; 
 and even the envious, appeased by his present reverses, seemed 
 to forgive him for having once been so triumphant. 
 
 The governor and principal inhabitants came forth to meet 
 him, and received him with signal distinction. He was lodged 
 as a guest in the house of Ovaudo, who treated him with the 
 utmost courtesy and attention. The governor was a shrewd 
 and discreet man and much of a courtier ; but there were 
 causes of jealousy and distrust between him and Columbus too 
 deep to permit of cordial intercourse. The admiral and his son 
 Fernando always pronounced the civility of Ovando over-strained
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 583 
 
 and hypocritical ; intended to obliterate the remembrance of 
 past neglect, and to conceal lurking enmity. While he pro- 
 fessed the utmost friendship and sympathy for the admiral, he 
 set at lilKM'ty the traitor Porras, who was still a prisoner, to be 
 taken to Spain for trial. He also talked of punishing those of 
 the admiral's people who had taken arms in his defence, and in 
 the affray at Jamaica had killed several of the mutineers. These 
 circumstances were loudly complained of by Columbus ; but, 
 in fact, they rose out of a question of jurisdiction between him 
 and the governor. Their powers were so undefined as to clash 
 with each other, and they were both disposed to be extremely 
 punctilious. Ovaudo assumed a right to take cognizance of all 
 transactions at Jamaica ; as happening within the limits of his 
 government, which included all the islands and Terra Firma. 
 Columbus, on the other hand, asserted the absolute command, 
 and the jurisdiction both civil and criminal given to him by the 
 sovereigns, over all persons who sailed in his expedition, from 
 the time of departure until they returned to Spain. To prove 
 this he produced his letter of instructions. The governor heard 
 him with great courtesy and a smiling countenance ; but ob- 
 served that the letter of instructions gave him no authority 
 within the bounds of his government. 1 He relinquished the 
 idea, however, of investigating the conduct of the followers of 
 Columlms, and sent Porras to Spain, to be examined by the 
 board which had charge of the affairs of the Indies. 
 
 The sojourn of Columbus at San Domingo was but little cal- 
 culated to yield him satisfaction. He was grieved at the deso- 
 lation of the island by the oppressive treatment of the natives, 
 and the horrible massacre which had been perpetrated by 
 Ovando and his agents. He had fondly hoped, at one time, to 
 render the natives civilized, industrious, and tributary subjects 
 to the crown, and to derive from their well-regulated labor a 
 great and steady revenue. How different had been the event ! 
 The five great tribes which peopled the mountains and the 
 valleys at the time of the discovery, and rendered, by their 
 mingled towns and villages and tracts of cultivation, the rich 
 levels of the Vega so man)* " painted gardens," had almost all 
 passed away, and the native princes had perished chiefly by 
 violent or ignominious deaths. Columbus regarded the affairs 
 of the island with a different eye from Ovando. He had a 
 paternal feeling for its prosperity, and his fortunes were impli- 
 cated in its judicious management. He. complained, in subse- 
 
 1 I x-tter of Columbus to bis sou l>iego, Seville, Xov. :il, lOJi. Navarrete, Colec., 
 torn i.
 
 584 LIFE OF cnnisTornER COLUMBUS. 
 
 qucnt letters to the sovereigns, that all the public affairs were 
 ill conducted ; that the ore collected lay unguarded in large 
 quantities in houses slightly built and thatched, inviting depre- 
 dation ; that Ovando was unpopular, the people were dissolute, 
 and the property of the crown and the security of the island in 
 continual risk from mutiny and sedition. 1 While he saw all 
 this, he had no power to interfere, and any observation or 
 remonstrance on his part was ill received by the governor. 
 
 He found his own immediate concerns in great confusion. 
 His rents and dues were either uncollected, or he could not 
 obtain a clear account and a full liquidation of them. What- 
 ever he could collect was appropriated to the fitting out of the 
 vessels which were to convey himself and his crews to Spain. 
 He accuses Ovando, in his subsequent letters, of having 
 neglected, if not sacrificed, his interests during his long ab- 
 sence, and of having impeded those who were appointed to 
 attend to his concerns. That he had some grounds for these 
 complaints would appear from two letters still extant,- written 
 by Queen Isabella to Ovaudo, on the '27th of November, 1503, 
 in which she informs him of the complaint of Alonzo .Sanchez 
 de Carvajal, that he was impeded in collecting the rents of 
 the admiral ; and expressly commands Ovando to observe the 
 capitulations granted to Columbus ; to respect his agents, and 
 to facilitate, instead of obstructing his concerns. These letters, 
 while they imply ungenerous conduct on the part of the gov- 
 ernor toward his illustrious predecessor, evince likewise the 
 personal interest taken by Isabella in the affairs of Columbus, 
 during his absence. She had, in fact, signified her displeasure 
 at his being excluded from the port of San Domingo, when he 
 applied there for succor for his squadron, and for shelter from 
 a storm, and had censured Ovanda for not taking his advice 
 and detaining the fleet of Bobadilla, by which it would have 
 escaped its disastrous fate. 3 And here it may be observed that 
 the sanguinary acts of Ovando toward the natives, in particular 
 the massacre at Xaragua and the execution of the unfortunate 
 Anacaona, awakened equal horror and indignation in Isabella ; 
 she was languishing on her death-bed when she received the 
 intelligence, and with her dying breath she exacted a promise 
 from King Ferdinand that Ovando should immediately be re- 
 called from his government. The promise was tardily and 
 
 1 F.etUT of C'ohmilm* to liis *on Diego, dated Seville, 3d Dec., 1504. Xavarrcle, torn, 
 i. p. .'HI. 
 
 * Xavurrctf. f'olcc., toin. ii.. diT:id. 1">1, 1-V2. 
 s llcrrcra, Ili.-l. liul., dccud. i. lib. v. cap. 12.
 
 LIFE OF CURISTOPHER COLUM11US. 585 
 
 reluctantly fulfilled, after an interval of about four years, and 
 not until induced by other circumstances; forOvando contrived 
 to propitiate the monarch, by forcing a revenue from the island. 
 
 The continual misunderstandings between the admiral and 
 the governor, though always qualified on the part of the latter 
 with great complaisance, induced Columbus to hasten as much 
 as possible his departure from the island. The ship in which 
 he had returned from Jamaica was repaired and fitted out, and 
 put under the command of the Adehintado ; another vessel was 
 freighted, in which Columbus embarked with his sou and his 
 domestics. The greater part of his late crews remained at San 
 Domingo ; as they were in great poverty, he relieved their 
 necessities from his own purse, and advanced the funds neces- 
 sary for the voyage home of those who chose to return. Many 
 thus relieved by his generosity had been among the most violent 
 of the rebels. 
 
 On the 12th of September he set sail; but had scarcely left 
 the harbor when, in a sudden squall, the mast of his ship was 
 carried away. He immediately went with his family on board 
 of the vessel commanded by the Adelautado, and, sending back 
 the damaged ship to port, continued on 'iis course. Through- 
 out the voyage he experienced the most tempestuous weather. 
 In one storm the main-mast was sprung in four places. He was 
 confined to his bed at the time by the gout; by his advice, 
 however, and the activity of the Adelautado, the damage was 
 skilfully repaired ; the mast was shortened ; the weak parts 
 were fortified by wood taken from the castles or cabins, which 
 the vessels in those days carried on the prow and stern ; and 
 the whole was well secured by cords. They were still more 
 damaged in a succeeding tempest, in which the ship sprung her 
 fore-mast. In this crippled state they had to traverse seven 
 hundred leagues of a stormy ocean. Fortune continued to per- 
 secute Columbus to the end of this, his last and most disastrous 
 expedition. For several weeks he was tern pest- tossed suf- 
 fering at the same time the most excruciating pains from his 
 malady until, on the seventh da}' of November, his crazy and 
 shattered bark anchored in the harbor of San Lucar. Hence 
 he had himself conveyed to Seville, where he hoped to enjoy 
 repose of mind and body, and to recruit his health after such a 
 long series of fatigues, anxieties, and hardships. 1 
 
 1 llist. del Almirauic, cup. 103. Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 36.
 
 586 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 ILLNESS OF COLUMBUS AT SEVILLE APPLICATION TO THE CROWN 
 
 FOR A RESTITUTION OF HIS HONORS DEATH OF ISABELLA. 
 
 [1504.J 
 
 BROKEN by age and infirmities, and worn down by the toils 
 and hardships of his recent expedition, Columbus had looked 
 forward to Seville as to a haven of rest, where he might repose 
 a while from his troubles. Care and sorrow, however, followed 
 him by sea and land. In varying the scene he but varied the 
 nature of his distress. ''Wearisome days and nights" were 
 appointed to him for the remainder of his life ; and the very 
 margin of his grave was destined to be strewed with thorns. 
 
 On arriving at Seville, he found all his affairs in confusion. 
 Ever since he had been sent home in chains from San Domingo, 
 when his house and effects had been taken possession of by 
 Bobadilla, his rents and dues had never been properly collected ; 
 and such as had been gathered had been retained in the hands 
 of the governor Ovando. "I have much vexation from the 
 governor," says he in a letter to his sou Diego 2 " All tell me 
 that I have there eleven or twelve thousand castellanos ; and I 
 have not received a quarto. * * * I know well that, since 
 my departure he must have received upward of five thousand 
 castellauos." He entreated that a letter might be written by 
 the king, commanding the payment of these arrears without 
 delay ; for his agents would not venture even to speak to 
 Ovaudo on the subject, unless empowered by a letter from the 
 sovereign. 
 
 Columbus was not of a mercenary spirit ; but his rank and 
 situation required large expenditure. The world thought him 
 in the possession of sources of inexhaustible wealth ; but as 
 yet those sources had furnished him but precarious and scanty 
 streams. His last voyage had exhausted his finances, and in- 
 volved him in perplexities. All that he had been able to collect 
 of the money due to him in Hispaniola, to the amount of twelve 
 hundred castellauos, had been expended in bringing home 
 many of his late crew, who were in distress ; and for the 
 greater part of the sum the crown remained his debtor. 
 
 * Let. Seville, 13 Dec., 1504. Navarrute, v. i. p. 343.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 587 
 
 While struggling to obtain his mere pecuniary duos, he was 
 absolutely suffering a degree of penury. He repeatedly urges 
 the necessity of economy to his son Diego, until he can obtain 
 a restitution of his property, and the payment of his arrears. 
 ' I receive nothing of the revenue due to me," says he, in one 
 letter; "'I live by Ixmxwing." "-Little have I profited," lie 
 adds, in another, " by twenty years of service, with such toils 
 and perils ; since, at present, I do not own a roof in Spain. If 
 I desire to eat or sleep, I have no resort but an inn ; and, for 
 the most times, have not wherewithal to pay my bill." 
 
 Yet in the midst of these personal distresses he was more 
 solicitous for the payment of his seamen than of himself. He 
 wrote strongly and repeatedly to the sovereigns, entreating 
 the discharge of their arrears, and urged his sou Diego, who 
 was at court, to exert himself in their behalf. u They are 
 poor." said he, *' and it is now nearly three years since they 
 left their homes. They have endured infinite toils and perils, 
 and they bring invaluable tidings, for which their majesties 
 ought to give thanks to God and rejoice." Notwithstanding 
 his generous solicitude for these men, he knew several of them 
 to have been his enemies ; nay, that some of them were at this 
 very time disj)osed to do him harm rather than good ; such was 
 the magnanimity of his spirit and his forgiving disposition. 
 
 The same zeal, also, for the interests of his sovereigns, which 
 had ever actuated his loyal mind, mingled with his other causes 
 of solicitude. He represented, in his letter to the king, the 
 mismanagement of the royal rents in Hispaniola, under the 
 administration of Ovando. Immense quantities of ore lay un- 
 protected in slightly built houses, and liable to depredations. 
 It required a person of vigor, and one who had an individual 
 interest in the property of the island, to restore its affairs to 
 order, and draw from it the immense revenues which it was 
 capable of yielding ; and Columbus plainly intimated that he 
 was the proper person. 
 
 In fact, as to himself, it was not so much pecuniary indemni- 
 fication that he sought, as the restoration of his offices and 
 dignities. He regarded them as the trophies of his illustrious 
 achievements ; he had received the royal promise that he 
 should be reinstated in them ; and he felt that as long as they 
 were withheld, a tacit censure rested upon his name. Had he 
 not been proudly impatient on this subject he would have 
 belied the loftiest part of his character ; for he who can be in- 
 dii'ivrent to the wreath of triumph is deficient in the noble ambi- 
 tion which incites to glorious deeds.
 
 588 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 The unsatisfactory replies received to his letters disquieted 
 his mind. He knew that Jie had active enemies at court ready 
 to turn all things to his disadvantage, and felt the importance 
 of being there in person to defeat their machinations ; but his 
 infirmities detained him at Seville. He made an attempt to 
 set forth on the journey, but the severity of the winter and the 
 virulence of his malady obliged him to relinquish it in despair. 
 All that he could do was to reiterate his letters to the sover- 
 eigns, and to entreat the intervention of his few but faithful 
 friends. He feared the disastrous occurrences of the last 
 voyage might be represented to his prejudice. The great ob- 
 ject of the expedition, the discovery of a strait opening from 
 the Caribbean to a southern sea, had failed. The secondary 
 object, the acquisition of gold, had not been completed. He 
 had discovered the gold mines of Veragua, it is true; but he 
 had brought home no treasure ; because, as he said, in one of 
 his letters, " I would not rob nor outrage the country ; since 
 reason requires that it should be settled, and then the gold may 
 be procured without violence." 
 
 He was especially apprehensive that the violent scenes in 
 the island of Jamaica might, by the perversity of his enemies 
 and the effrontery of the delinquents, be wrested into matters 
 of accusation against him, as had been the case with the re- 
 bellion of Roldan. Porras, the ringleader of the late faction, 
 had been sent home by Ovaudo, to appear before the board of 
 the Indies, but without any written process, setting forth the 
 offences charged against him. While at Jamaica Columbus 
 had ordered an inquest of the affair to be taken ; but the notary 
 of the squadron who took it, and the papers which he drew up, 
 were on board of the ship in which the admiral had sailed from 
 Hispaniola, but which had put back dismasted. No cognizance 
 of the case, therefore, was taken by the Council of the Indies ; 
 and Porras went at large, armed with the power and the dis- 
 position to do mischief. Being related to Morales, the royal 
 treasurer, he had access to people in place, and an opportunity 
 of enlisting their opinions and prejudices on his side. Colum- 
 bus wrote to Morales, enclosing a copy of the petition which 
 the rebels had sent to him when in Jamaica, in which they 
 acknowledged their culpability, and implored his forgiveness ; 
 and he entreated the treasurer not to be swayed by the repre- 
 sentations of his relative, nor to pronounce an opinion unfav- 
 orable to him, until he had an opportunity of being heard. 
 
 T!ie faithful and indefatigable Diego Mcndi-x was at this time 
 at the court, as well as Alouzo Sanchez de Carvajal, and uu
 
 LIFE OF CIIEISTOPI1ER COLUMBUS. 589 
 
 active friend of Columbus named Geronimo. They could bear 
 the most important testimony as to his conduct, and he wrote 
 to his son Diego to call upon them for their good offices. " I 
 trust," said he, " that the truth and diligence of Diego Mendez 
 will be of as much avail as the lies of Porras." Nothing can 
 surpass the affecting earnestness and simplicity of the general 
 declaration of loyalty, contained in one of his letters. " 1 have 
 served their majesties," says he, " with as much zeal and dili- 
 gence as if it had been to gain Paradise ; and if I have failed in 
 any thing, it has been because my knowledge and powers went 
 no further." 
 
 While reading these touching appeals we can scarcely realize 
 the fact that the dejected individual thus wearily and vainly 
 applying for unquestionable rights, and pleading almost like a 
 culprit, iu cases wherein he had been flagrantl}* injured, was 
 the same who but a few years previously had been received at 
 this very court with almost regal honors, and idolized as a na- 
 tional benefactor ; that this, in a word, was Columbus, the 
 discoverer of the New World ; broken in health, and impover- 
 ished in his old da}'S by his very discoveries. 
 
 At length the caravel bringing the official proceedings relative 
 to the brothers Porras arrived at the Algarves, iu Portugal, 
 and Columbus looked forward with hope that all matters would 
 soon be placed in a proper light. His anxiety to get to court 
 became every day more intense. A litter was provided to con- 
 vey him thither, and was actually at the door, but the inclem- 
 ency of the weather and his increasing infirmities obliged him 
 again to abandon the journey. His resource of letter-writing 
 began to fail him : he could only write at night, for in the day- 
 time the severity of his malady deprived him of the use of his 
 hands. The tidings from the court were every day more and 
 more adverse to his hopes ; the intrigues of his enemies were 
 prevailing : the cold-hearted Ferdinand treated all his appli- 
 cations with indifference ; the generous Isabella lay dangerously 
 ill. On her justice and magnanimity he still relied for the full 
 restoration of his rights, and the redress of all his grievances. 
 "May it please the Holy Trinity," says he, "to restore our 
 sovereign queen to health ; for by her will ever}' thing be ad- 
 justed which is now in confusion." Alas! while writing that 
 letter, his noble benefactress was a corpse ! 
 
 The health of Isabella had long been undermined by the 
 shocks of repeated domestic calamities. The death of her only 
 son, the Prince Juan ; of her beloved daughter and bosom 
 friend, the Princess Isabella; and of her grandson and prospec-
 
 590 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 tive heir, the Prince Miguel, had been three cruel wounds to a 
 heart full of the tenderest sensibility. To these was added the 
 constant grief caused by the evident infirmity of intellect of 
 her daughter Juana, and the domestic unhappiness of that 
 princess with her husband, the archduke Philip. The desola- 
 tion which walks through palaces admits not the familiar sympa- 
 thies and sweet consolations which alleviate the sorrows of 
 common life. Isabella pined in state, amidst the obsequious 
 homages of a court, surrounded by the trophies of a glorious 
 and successful reign, and placed at the summit of earthy gran- 
 deur. A deep and incurable melancholy settled upon her, 
 which undermined her constitution, and gave a fatal acuteness 
 to her bodily maladies. After four months of illness she died, 
 on the 26th of November, 1504, at Medina del Campo, in the 
 fifty-fourth year of her age ; but long before her eyes closed 
 upon the world, her heart had closed on all its pomps and 
 vanities. " Let my body," said she in her will, " be interred in 
 the monastery of San Francisco, which is in the Alhambra of 
 the city of Granada, in a low sepulchre, without any iflouument 
 except a plain stone, with the inscription cut on it. But I 
 desire and command, that if the king, nn- lord, should choose 
 a sepulchre in any church or monastery in any other part or 
 place of these my kingdoms, my body be transported thither, 
 and buried beside the body of his highness ; so that the union 
 we have enjoyed while living, and which, through the mercy 
 of God, we hope our souls will experience in heaven, may be 
 represented by our bodies in the earth." 1 
 
 Such was one of several passages in the will of this admirable 
 woman, which bespoke the chastened humility of her heart ; and 
 in which, as has been well observed, the affections of conjugal 
 love were delicately intwiued with piety, and with the most 
 tender melancholy. 2 She was one of the purest spirits that 
 ever ruled over the destinies of a nation. Had she been spared, 
 her benignant vigilance would have prevented many a scene of 
 horror in the colonization of the New World, and might have 
 softened the lot of its native inhabitants. As it is, her fair 
 name will ever shine with celestial radiance in the dawning of 
 its history. 
 
 The news of the death of Isabella reached Columbus when he 
 
 1 The dying command of Isabella has been ol>eyed. The author of this work haa 
 Been her loiub in the royal chapel of the Cathedral of Granada, in which her remain* 
 are interred with those of Ferdinand. Their edifies. sculptured i:i white marMe, lie 
 Bide by fide on a magnificent sepulchre. The altar of the chapel is adorned with baa- 
 reliefs representing the conquest and surrender of <ira;iada. 
 
 1 Elogio de la licina Calulica per D. Diegu Cleiueiicid. Illustration 19.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 591 
 
 was writing a letter to his son Diego. He notices it in a post- 
 script or memorandum, written in the haste and brevity of the 
 moment, but in beautifully touching and mournful terms. " A 
 memorial," he writes, " for thee, my dear son Diego, of what 
 is at present to be done. The principal thing is to commend 
 affectionately, and with great devotion, the soul of the queen 
 our sovereign to God. Her life was always catholic and holy, 
 and prompt to all things in his holy service ; for this reason we 
 may rest assured that she is received into his glory, and beyond 
 the cares of this rough and weary world. The next thing is to 
 watch and labor in all matters for the service of our sovereign 
 the king, and to endeavor to alleviate his grief. His majesty 
 is the head of Christendom. Remember the proverb which 
 says, when the head suffers all the members suffer. Therefore, 
 all good Christians should pray for his health and long life ; 
 and we who are in his employ ought more than others to do this 
 with all study and diligence." * 
 
 It is impossible to read this mournful letter without being 
 moved by the simply eloquent }'et artless language in which 
 Columbus expresses his tenderness for the memory of his bene- 
 factress, his weariness under the gathering cares and ills of life, 
 and his persevering and enduring loyalty toward the sovereign 
 who was so ungratefully neglecting him. It is in these unstudied 
 and conlideutial letters that we read the heart of Columbus. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 COLUMBUS ARRIVES AT COURT FRUITLESS APPLICATION TO THE 
 KING FOR REDRESS. 
 
 [1505.] 
 
 THE death of Isabella was a fatal blow to the fortunes of 
 Columbus. While she lived he had every thing to anticipate 
 from her high sense of justice, her regard for her royal word, 
 her gratitude for his services, and her admiration of his char- 
 acter. With her illness, however, his interests had languished, 
 and when she died he was left to the justice and generosity of 
 Ferdinand ! 
 
 During the remainder of the winter and a part of the spring he 
 
 . i Letter to bis sou Diego, Dec. 3, 1504.
 
 592 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 continued at Seville, detained by painful illness, and endeavor- 
 ing to obtain redress from the government by ineffectual letters. 
 His brother the Adelantado, who supported him with his accus- 
 tomed fondness and devotion through all his trials, proceeded 
 to court to attend to his interests, taking with him the admiral's 
 younger son Fernando, then aged about seventeen. The latter, 
 the affectionate father repeatedly represents to his son Diego as 
 a man in understanding and conduct, though but a stripling in 
 years ; and inculcates the strongest fraternal attachment, allud- 
 ing to his own brethren with one of those simply eloquent and 
 affecting expressions which stamp his heart upon his letters. 
 " To thy brother conduct thyself as the elder brother should 
 unto the younger. Thou hast no other, and I praise God that 
 this is such a one as thou dost need. Ten brothers would not 
 be too many for thee. Never have I found a better friend to 
 right or left, than my brothers." 
 
 Among the persons whom Columbus employed at this time 
 in his missions to the court was Amerigo Vespucci. He de- 
 scribes him as a worthy but unfortunate man, who had not 
 profited as much as he deserved by his undertakings, and who 
 had always been disposed to render him service. His object in 
 employing him appears to have been to prove the value of his 
 last voyage, and that he had been in the most opulent parts of 
 the New World ; Vespucci having since touched upon the same 
 coast, in a voyage with Alonzo de Ojeda. 
 
 One circumstance occurred at this time which shed a gleam 
 of hope and consolation over his gloomy prospects Diego de 
 Deza, who had been for some time Bishop of Palencia, was 
 expected at court. This was the same worthy friar who had 
 aided him to advocate his theory before the board of learned 
 men at Salamanca, and had assisted him with his purse when 
 making his proposals to the Spanish court. He had just been 
 promoted and made Archbishop of Seville, but had not yet been 
 installed in office. Columbus directs his son Diego to intrust 
 his interests to this worthy prelate. " Two things," says he, 
 "require particular attention. Ascertain whether the queen, 
 who is now with God, has said any thing concerning me in her 
 testament, and stimulate the Bishop of Palencia, he who was 
 the cause that their highnesses obtained possession of the Indies, 
 who induced me to remain in Castile when I \vas on the road 
 to leave it." 1 In another letter he says: "If the Bishop of 
 Palencia has arrived, or should arrive, tell him how much I 
 
 1 Letter of December 21, 1501. Kavarrete, torn. i. p. 346.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 593 
 
 have been gratified by his prosperity, and that if I come, I shall 
 lodge with his grace, even though he should not invite me, for 
 we must return to our ancient fraternal affection." 
 
 The incessant applications of Columbus, both by letter and 
 by the intervention of friends, appear to have been listened to 
 with cool indifference. No compliance was yielded to his re- 
 quests, and no deference was paid to his opinions, on various 
 points, concerning which he interested himself. New instruc- 
 tions were sent out to Ovando, but not a word of their purport 
 was mentioned to the admiral. It was proposed to send out 
 three bishops, and he entreated in vain to be heard previous to 
 their election. In short, he was not in any way consulted in 
 the affairs of the New World. He felt deeply this neglect, and 
 became every day more impatient of his absence from court. 
 To enable himself to perform the journey with more ease, he 
 applied for permission to use a mule, a royal ordinance having 
 prohibited the employment of those animals under the saddle, 
 in consequence of their universal use having occasioned a de- 
 cline in the breed of horses. A royal permission was accord- 
 ingly granted to Columbus, in consideration that his age and 
 infirmities incapacitated him from riding on horseback ; but it 
 was a considerable time before the state of his health would 
 permit him to avail himself of that privilege. 
 
 The foregoing particulars, gleaned from letters of Columbus 
 recently discovered, show the real state of his affairs, and the 
 mental and bodily affliction sustained by him during his winter's 
 residence at Seville, on his return from his last disastrous voy- 
 age. He has generally been represented as reposing there from 
 his toils and troubles Never was honorable repose more 
 merited, more desired, and less enjoyed. 
 
 It was not until the month of May that he was able, in com- 
 pany with his brother the Adelantado, to accomplish his journey 
 to court, at that time held at Segovia. He who but a few years 
 before had entered the city of Barcelona in triumph, attended 
 by the nobility and chivalry of Spain, and hailed with rapture 
 by the multitude, now arrived within the gates of Segovia, a 
 way-worn, melancholy, and neglected man ; oppressed more 
 by sorrow than even by his years and infirmities. When he 
 presented himself at court he met with none of that distin- 
 guished attention, that cordial kindness, that cherishing sym- 
 pathy, which his unparalleled services and his recent sufferings 
 had merited. 1 
 
 1 Las Casas, Hist. lad., lib. ii. cap. 37. Jlerrera, Hist, lud., decad. i. lib. vi. cap. 13.
 
 594 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 The selfish Ferdinand had lost sight of his past services, in 
 what appeared to him the inconvenience of his present demands. 
 He received him with many professions of kindness ; but with 
 those cold, ineffectual smiles which pass like wintry sunshine 
 over the countenance, and convey no warmth to the heart. 
 
 The admiral now gave a particular account of his late voy- 
 age, describing the great tract of Terra Firma, which he had 
 explored, and the riches of the province of Veragua. He re- 
 lated also the disaster sustained in the island of Jamaica ; the 
 insurrection of the Porras and their l)and ; and all the other 
 griefs and troubles of this unfortunate expedition. He had but 
 a cold-hearted auditor in the king ; and the benignant Isabella 
 was no more at hand to soothe him with a smile of kindness or 
 a tear of sympathy. " I know not," says the venerable Las 
 Casas, '" what could cause this dislike and this want of princely 
 countenance in the king toward one who had rendered him such 
 pre-eminent benefits ; unless it was that his mind was swayed 
 by the false testimonies which had been brought against the 
 admiral ; of which I have been enabled to learn something from 
 persons much in favor with the sovereigns." J 
 
 After a few days had elapsed Columbus urged his suit in 
 form, reminding the king of all that he had done, and all that 
 had been promised him under the royal word and seal, and 
 supplicating that the restitutions and indemnifications which 
 had been so frequently solicited, might be awarded to him : 
 offering in return to serve his majesty devotedly for the short 
 time he had yet to live ; and trusting, from what he felt within 
 him, and from what he thought he knew with certainty, to 
 render services which should surpass all that he had yet per- 
 formed a hundred-fold. The king, in reply, acknowledged the 
 greatness of his merits, and the importance of his services, but 
 observed that, for the more satisfactory adjustment of his 
 claims, it would be advisable to refer all points in dispute to 
 the decision of some discreet and able person. The admiral 
 immediately proposed as arbiter his friend the archbishop of 
 .Seville, Don Diego de Deza, one of the most able and upright 
 men about the court, devotedly loyal, high in the confidence of 
 the king, and one who had always taken great interest in the 
 affairs of the New World. The king consented to the arbitra- 
 tion, but artfully extended it to questions which he knew would 
 never be put at issue by Columbus ; among these was his 
 claim to the restoration of his office of viceroy. To this Colum- 
 
 1 Las Casas, [list. lud., lib. ii. cap. 37, MS.
 
 LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 595 
 
 bus objected with becoming spirit, as compromising a right 
 which was too clearly defined and solemnly established, to be 
 put for a moment in dispute. It was the question of rents and 
 revenues alone, he observed, which he was willing to submit to 
 the decision of a learned man, not that of the government of 
 the Indies. As the monarch persisted, however, in embracing 
 both questions in the arbitration, the proposed measure was 
 never carried into effect. 
 
 It was, in fact, on the subject of his dignities alone that 
 Columbus was tenacious ; all other matters he considered of 
 minor imix)rtance. In a conversation with the king, he 
 absolutely disavowed all wish of entering into any suit or 
 pleading as to his pecuniary dues ; on the contrary, he offered 
 to put all his privileges and writings into the hands of his sov- 
 ereign, and to receive out of the dues arising from them, what- 
 ever his majesty might think proper to award. All that he 
 claimed without qualification or reserve, were his official 
 dignities, assilred to him under the royal seal with all the 
 solemnity of a treaty. He entreated, at all events, that these 
 matters might speedily be decided, so that he might be released 
 from a state of miserable suspense, and enabled to retire to 
 some quiet corner, in search of that tranquillity and repose 
 Eecessary to his fatigues and his infirmities. 
 
 To this frank appeal to his justice and generosity, Ferdinand 
 replied with many courteous expressions, and with those gen- 
 eral evasive promises, which beguile the ear of the court appli- 
 cant, but convey no comfort to his heart. "As far as actions 
 went," observes Las Casas, "the king not merely showed him 
 no signs of favor, but, on the contrary, discountenanced him as 
 much as possible ; yet he was never wanting in complimentary 
 expressions." 
 
 Many months were passed by Columbus in unavailing solici- 
 tation, during which he continued to receive outward demon- 
 strations of respect from the king, and due attention from 
 Cardinal Ximenes, Archbishop of Toledo, and other principal 
 personages ; but he had learned to appreciate and distrust the 
 hollow civilities of a court. His claims were referred to a 
 tribunal, called, "The council of the discharges of the con- 
 science of the deceased queen, and of the king." This is a kind 
 of tribunal commonly known by the name of the Junta de 
 Descargos, composed of persons nominated by the sovereign, 
 to superintend the accomplishment of the last will of his prede- 
 cessor, and the discharge of his debts. Two consultations were 
 held by this body, but nothing was determined. The wishes of
 
 596 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUM1WS. 
 
 the king were too well known to be thwarted. "It was 
 believed," says Las Casas, " that if the king could have done 
 so with a safe conscience, and without detriment to his fame, 
 he would have respected few or none of the privileges which he 
 and the queen had conceded to the admiral, and which hud been 
 so justly merited." 1 
 
 Columbus still flattered himself that, his claims being of such 
 importance, and touching a question of sovereignty, the adjust- 
 ment of them might be only postponed by the king until he 
 could consult with his daughter Juana, who had succeeded to 
 her mother as Queen of Castile, and who was dairy expected 
 from Flanders with her husband, King Philip. He endeavored, 
 therefore, to bear his delays with patience ; but he had no 
 longer the physical strength and glorious anticipations which 
 once sustained him through his long application at this court. 
 Life itself was drawing to a close. 
 
 He was once more confined to his bed by a tormenting attack 
 of the gout, aggravated by the sorrows and disappointments 
 which preyed upon his heart. From this couch of anguish he 
 addressed one more appeal to the justice of the king. He no 
 longer petitioned for himself ; it was for his sou Diego. Nor 
 did he dwell upon his pecuniary dues ; it was the honorable 
 trophies of his services which he wished to secure and perpetu- 
 ate in his family. He entreated that his son Diego might be 
 appointed, in his place, to the government of which he had been 
 so wrongfully deprived. C1 This," he said, " is a matter which 
 concerns my honor ; as to all the rest, do as your majesty may 
 think proper ; give or withhold, as may be most for your 
 interest, and I shall be content. I believe the anxiety caused 
 by the delay of this affair is the principal cause of my ill 
 health." A petition to the same purpose was presented at the 
 same time by his son Diego, offering to take with him such 
 persons for counsellors as the king should appoint, and to be 
 guided by their advice. 
 
 These petitions were treated by Ferdinand with his usual 
 professions and evasions. "The more applications were made 
 to him," observes Las Casas, " the more favorably did he reply ; 
 but still he delayed, hoping, by exhausting their patience, to 
 induce them to waive their privileges, and accept in place 
 thereof titles and estates in Castile." Columbus rejected all 
 propositions of the kind with indignation, as calculated to com- 
 promise those titles which were the trophies of his achievements. 
 
 1 Ls Casas, ILst. Iiul., lib. ii. cap. SI.
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMUUS. 597 
 
 Ho saw, however, that all further hope of redress from Fer- 
 dinand was vain. From the bed to which he was confined he 
 addressed a letter to his constant friend Diego de Deza, expres- 
 sive of his despair. " It appears that his majesty does not 
 think fit to fulfil that which he, with the queen, who is now in 
 glory, promised me by word and seal. For me to contend for 
 the contrary would be to contend with the wind. I have done 
 all that I could do. I .leave the rest to God, whom I have ever 
 found propitious to me in my necessities." 1 
 
 The cold and calculating Ferdinand beheld this illustrious 
 man sinking under infirmity of body, heightened by that 
 deferred hope which " maketh the heart sick." A little more 
 delay, a little more disappointment, and a little longer infliction 
 of ingratitude, and this loyal and generous heart would cease to 
 beat : he should then be delivered from the just claims of a well- 
 tried servant, who, in ceasing to be useful, was considered by 
 him to have become importunate. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 DEATH OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 IN the midst of illness and despondency, when both life and 
 hope were expiring in the bosom of Columbus, a new gleam 
 was awakened and blazed up for the moment with characteris- 
 tic fervor. He heard with joy of the landing of King Philip 
 and Queen Juana, who had just arrived from Flanders to take 
 possession of their throne of Castile. In the daughter of Isa- 
 bella he trusted once more to find a patroness and a friend. 
 King Ferdinand and all the court repaired to Laredo to receive i 
 the youthful sovereigns. Columbus would gladly have done 
 the same, but he was confined to his bed by a severe return of 
 his malady ; neither in his painful and helpless situation could 
 he dispense with the aid and ministry of his son Diego. His 
 brother, the Adelantado, therefore, his main dependence in all 
 emergencies, was sent to represent him, and to present his 
 homage and congratulations. Columbus wrote by him to the 
 new king and queen expressing his grief at being prevented by 
 illness from coming in person to manifest his devotion, but 
 begging to be considered among the most faithful of their 
 
 1 Navarrete, Colec., torn. i. ,
 
 598 LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 
 
 subjects. He expressed a hope that he should receive at their 
 hands the restitution of his houors and estates, and assured 
 them that, though cruelly tortured at present by disease, he 
 would yet be able to render them services, the like of which 
 had never been witnessed. 
 
 Such was the last sally of his sanguine and unconquerable 
 spirit; which, disregarding age and infirmities, and all past 
 sorrows and disappointments, spoke from his dying bed with 
 all the confidence of youthful hope , and talked of still greater 
 enterprises, as if he had a long and vigorous life before him. 
 The Adelantado took leave of his brother, whom he was never 
 to behold again, and set out on his mission to the new sover- 
 eigns. He experienced the most gracious reception. The claims 
 of the admiral were treated with great attention by the young 
 king and queen, and flattering hopes were given of a speedy 
 and prosperous termination to his suit 
 
 In the mean time the cares and troubles of Columbus were 
 drawing to a close The momentary fire which had reanimated 
 him was soon quenched by accumulating infirmities. Immedi- 
 ately after the departure of the Adelantado, his illness increased 
 in violence. His last voyage had shattered beyond repair a 
 frame already worn and wasted by a life of hardship ; and con- 
 tinual anxieties robbed him of that sweet repose so necessary 
 to recruit the weariness and debility of age. The cold ingrati- 
 tude of his sovereign chilled his heart. The continue I suspen- 
 sion of his honors, and the enmity and defamation experienced 
 at every turn, seemed to throw a shadow over that glory which 
 had been the great object of his ambition. This shadow, it is 
 true, could be but of transient duration ; but it is difficult for 
 the most illustrious man to look beyond the present cloud 
 which may obscure his fame, and anticipate its permanent 
 lustre in the admiration of posterity. 
 
 Being admonished by failing strength and increasing suffer- 
 ings that his end was approaching, he prepared to leave his 
 affairs in order for the benefit of his successors. 
 
 Jt is said that on the 4th of May he wrote an informal testa- 
 mentary codicil on the blank page of a little breviary, given 
 him by Pope Alexander VI. In this he bequeathed that book 
 to the Republic of Genoa, which he also appointed successor to 
 his privileges and dignities, on the extinction of his male line. 
 He directed likewise the erection of an hospital in that city 
 with the produce of his possessions in Italy. The authenticity 
 of this document is questioned, and has become a point of 
 warm contest among commentators. It is not, however, of
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 599 
 
 much importance. The paper is such as might readily have 
 been written by a person like Columbus in the paroxysm of 
 disease, when he imagined his end suddenly approaching, and 
 shows the affection with which his thoughts were bent on his 
 native city. It is termed among commentators a military 
 codicil, because testamentary dispositions of this kind are 
 executed by the soldier at the point of death, without the usual 
 formalities required by the civil law. About two weeks after- 
 ward, on the eve of his death, he executed a final and regularly 
 authenticated codicil, in which he bequeathed his dignities and 
 estates with better judgment. 
 
 In these last and awful moments, when the soul has but a 
 brief space in which to make up its accounts between heaven 
 and earth, all dissimulation is at an end, and we read un- 
 equivocal evidences of character. The last codicil of Columbus, 
 made at the very verge of the grave, is stamped with his rul- 
 ing" passion and his benignant virtues. He repeats and en- 
 forces several clauses of his original testament, constituting his 
 son Diego his universal heir The entailed inheritance, or 
 mayorazgo, in case he died without male issue, was to go to 
 his brother Don Fernando, and from him, in like case, to pass 
 to his uncle Don Bartholomew, descending always to the near- 
 est male heir ; in failure of which it was to pass to the female 
 nearest in lineage to the admiral. He enjoined upon whoever 
 should inherit his estate never to alienate or diminish it, but to 
 endeavor by all means to augment its prosperity and impor- 
 tance. He likewise enjoined upon his heirs to be prompt and 
 devoted at all times, with person and estate, to serve their 
 sovereign and promote the Christian faith. He ordered that 
 Don Diego should devote one tenth of the revenues which 
 might arise from his estate, when it came to be productive, to 
 the relief of indigent relatives, and of other persons in ne- 
 cessity ; that, out of the remainder he should yield certain 
 yearly proportions to his brother Don Fernando, and his uncles 
 Don Bartholomew and Don Diego ; and that the part allotted 
 to Don Fernando should be settled upon him and his male 
 heirs in an entailed and uualienable inheritance. Having thus 
 provided for the maintenance and perpetuity of his family and 
 dignities, he ordered that Don Diego, when his estates should 
 be snHieiently productive, should erect a chapel in the island 
 of Hispaniola, which God had given to him so marvellously, at 
 the town of Conception, in the Vega, where masses should be 
 daily performed for the repose of the souls of himself, his 
 father, his mother, his wife, and of all who died in the faith.
 
 600 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 Another clause recommends to the care of Don Diego, Beatrix 
 Enriquez, the mother of his natural son Fernando. His con- 
 nection with her had never been sanctioned by matrimony, 
 and either this circumstance, or some neglect of her, seems to 
 have awakened deep compunction in his dying moments. He 
 orders Don Diego to provide for her respectable maintenance ; 
 " and let this be done," he adds, " for the discharge of my con- 
 science, for it weighs heavy on my soul." 1 Finally he noted 
 with his own hand several minute sums, to be paid to persons 
 at different and distant places, without their being told whence 
 they received them. These appear to have been trivial debts 
 of conscience, or rewards for petty services received in times 
 long past. Among them is one of half a mark of silver to a 
 poor Jew, who lived at the gate of the Jewry, in the city of Lis- 
 bon. These minute provisions evince the scrupulous attention 
 to justice in all his dealings, and that love of punctuality in the 
 fulfilment of duties, for which he was remarked. In the same 
 spirit he gave much advice to his sou Diego, as to the conduct 
 of his affairs, enjoining upon him to take every mouth an 
 account with his own hand of the expenses of his household, 
 and to sign it with his name ; for a want of regularity in this, 
 he observed, lost both property and servants, and turned the 
 last into enemies. 2 His dying bequests were made in presence 
 of a few faithful followers and servants, and among them we 
 find the name of Bartholomeo Fiesco, who had accompanied 
 Diego Mendez in the perilous voyage in a canoe from Jamaica 
 to Hispaniola. 
 
 Having thus scrupulously attended to all the claims of affec- 
 tion, loyalty, and justice upon earth, Columbus turned his 
 thoughts to heaven ; and having received the holy sacrament, 
 and performed all the pious offices of a devout Christian, he 
 expired with great resignation on the day of Ascension, the 
 20th of May, 1506, being about seventy years of age. 3 His last 
 words were, " In manus tuas Domine, commando spirituin, 
 meum: " Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit. 4 
 
 His body was deposited in the convent of St. Francisco, and 
 his obsequies were celebrated with funeral pomp at Vallado- 
 
 1 Diego, the eon of the admiral, notes in his own testament this bequest of his father, 
 and ays, that he was charged by him to pay Beatrix Enriquez 10,000 maravedis a year, 
 which for some time he had faithfully performed; but as he believes that for three or 
 four years previous to her death he had neglected to do *o, he orders that the deficiency 
 shall be ascertained and paid to her heirs. Memorial ajustado eobre la propriedad del 
 mayorazgo que fondo D. Christ. Colon. 245. 
 
 1 Memorial ajustado, 248. 
 
 ' Cura de los Palacios, cap. 121. 
 
 * Las Casa*, Hut. lud., lib. ii. cap. 38. Ilist. del Almirante, cap. 108.
 
 LIFE OF CniilSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 601 
 
 lid, in the parochial church of Santa Maria do la Antigua. His 
 remains were transported afterward, in 1513, to the Carthusian 
 monastery of Las Cuevas of Seville, to the chapel of St. Ann or 
 of Santo Christo, in which chapel were likewise deposited those 
 of his son Don Diego, who died in the village of Montalban, on 
 the 23d of February, 1520. In the year 1536 the bodies of Co- 
 lumbus and his son Diego were removed to Hispaniola, and 
 interred in the principal chapel of the cathedral of the city of 
 Sun Domingo ; but even here they did not rest in quiet, having 
 since been again disinterred and conveyed to the Havana, in 
 the island of Cuba. 
 
 We are told that Ferdinand, after the death of Columbus, 
 showed a sense of his merits by ordering a monument to be 
 erected to his memory, on wfiich was inscribed the motto 
 already cited, which had formerly been granted to him by the 
 sovereigns : A CASTILLA Y A LEON NUEVO MUNUO DIO COLON ( To 
 Castile and Leon Columbus gave a new world). However 
 great an honor a monument may be for a subject to receive, it 
 is certainly but a cheap reward for a sovereign to bestow. As 
 to the motto inscribed upon it, it remaines engraved in the 
 memory of mankind, more indelibly than in brass or marble ; 
 a record of the great debt of gratitude due to the discoverer, 
 which the monarch had so faithlessly neglected to discharge. 
 
 Attempts have been made in recent days, by loyal Spanish 
 writers, to vindicate the conduct of Ferdinand toward Colum- 
 bus. They were doubtless well intended, but they have been 
 futile, nor is their failure to be regretted. To screen such in- 
 justice in so eminent a character from the reprobation of man- 
 kind is to deprive history of one of its most important uses. 
 Let the ingratitude of Ferdinand stand recorded in its full 
 extent, and endure throughout all time. The dark shadow 
 which* it casts upon his brilliant renown will be a lesson to all 
 rulers, teaching them what is important to their own fame in 
 their treatment of illustrious meu.
 
 602 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS ON THE CHARACTER OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 TN narrating the story of Columbus, it has been the endeavor 
 of the author to place him iu a clear and familiar point of view ; 
 for this purpose he has rejected no circumstance, however 
 trivial, which appeared to evolve some point of character ; and 
 he has sought all kinds of collateral facts which might throw 
 light upon his views and motives. With this view also he has 
 detailed many facts hitherto passed over in silence, or vaguely 
 noticed by historians, probably ^because they might be deemed 
 instances of error or misconduct on the part of Columbus ; but 
 he who paints a great man merely in great and heroic traits, 
 though he may produce a fine picture, will never present a faith- 
 ful portrait. Great men are compounds of great and little 
 qualities. Indeed, much of their greatness arises from their 
 mastery over the imperfections of their nature, and their 
 noblest actions are sometimes struck forth by the collision of 
 their merits and their defects. 
 
 In Columbus were singularly combined the practical and the 
 poetical. His mind had grasped all kinds of knowledge, whether 
 procured by study or observation, which bore upon his theories ; 
 impatient of the scanty aliment of the day, *' his impetuous 
 ardor," as has well been observed, ' threw him into the study 
 of the fathers of the church, the Arabian Jews, and the ancient 
 geographers ;' while his daring but irregular genius, bursting 
 from the limits of imperfect science, bore him to conclusions 
 far beyond the intellectual vision of his contemporaries. If 
 some of his conclusions were erroneous, they were at lea'st in- 
 genious and splendid ; and their error resulted from the clouds 
 which still hung over his peculiar path of enterprise. His own 
 discoveries enlightened the ignorance of the age ; guided con- 
 jecture to certainty, and dispelled that very darkness with which 
 he had been obliged to struggle. 
 
 In the progress of his discoveries he has been remarked for 
 the extreme sagacity and the admirable justness with which 
 he seized upon the phenomena of the exterior world. The 
 variations, for instance, of terrestrial magnetism, the direction 
 of currents, the groupings of marine plants, fixing one of the 
 grand climacteric divisions of the ocean, the temperatures 
 changing not solely with the distance to the equator, but also
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 603 
 
 with the difference ot meridians : these and similar phenomena, 
 as they broke upon him were discerned with wonderful quick- 
 ness of perception, and made to contribute important principles 
 to the stock of general knowledge. This lucidity of spirit, this 
 quick convertibility of facts to principles, distinguish him from 
 the dawn to the close of his sublime enterprise, insomuch that, 
 with all the sallying ardor of his imagination, his ultimate suc- 
 cess has been admirably characterized as a " conquest of reflec- 
 tion." 1 
 
 It has been said that mercenary views mingled with the am- 
 bition of Columbus, and that his stipulations with the Spanish 
 court were selfish and avaricious. The charge is inconsiderate 
 mid unjust. He aimed at dignity and wealth in the same lofty 
 spirit in which he sought renown ; they were to be part and 
 parcel of his achievement, and palpable evidence of his success ; 
 they were to arise from the territories he should discover, and 
 be commensurate in importance. No condition could be more 
 just. He asked nothing of the sovereigns but a command of 
 the countries he hoped to give them, and a share of the profits 
 to support the dignity of his command. If there should be no 
 country discovered, his stipulated viceroyalty would be of 
 no avail ; and if no revenues should be produced, his labor and 
 peril would produce no gam. If his command and revenues 
 ultimately proved magnificent, it was from the magnificence of 
 the regions he had attached to the Castilian crown. What 
 monarch would not rejoice to gain empire on such conditions? 
 But he did not risk merely a loss of labor, and a disappointment 
 of ambition, in the enterprise ; on his motives being ques- 
 tioned, he voluntarily undertook, and, with the assistance of 
 his coadjutors, actually defrayed one-eighth of the whole charge 
 of the first expedition. 
 
 It was, in fact, this rare union already noticed, of the practi- 
 cal man of business with the poetical projector, which enabled 
 him to carry his grand enterprises into effect through so many 
 difficulties ; but the pecuniary calculations and cares, which 
 gave feasibility to his schemes, were never suffered to chill the 
 glowing aspirations of his soul. The gains that promised to 
 arise from his discoveries he intended to appropriate in the 
 same princely and pious spirit in which they were demanded. 
 He contemplated works and achievements of benevolence and 
 religion ; vast contributions for the relief of the poor of Ins 
 native city ; the foundation of churches, where masses should 
 
 D. Humboldt. Exameu Critique.
 
 604 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 be said for the souls of the departed ; and armies for the recov- 
 ery of the holy sepulchre in Palestine. Thus his ambition was 
 truly noble and lofty ; instinct with high thought and prone to 
 generous deed. 
 
 In the discharge of his office he maintained the state and 
 ceremonial of a viceroy, and was tenacious of his rank and 
 privileges ; not from a mere vulgar love of titles, but because 
 he prized them as testimonals and trophies of his achievements : 
 these he jealously cherished as his great rewards. In hw 
 repeated applications to the king, he insisted merely on the 
 restitution of his dignities. As to his pecuniary dues and all 
 questions relative to mere revenue, he offered to leave them to 
 arbitration or even to the absolute disposition of the monarch ; 
 but not so his official dignities : " these things," said he nobly, 
 " affect my honor." In his testament, he enjoined on his son 
 Diego, and whoever after him should inherit his estates, what- 
 ever dignities and titles might afterward be granted by the 
 king, always to sign himself simply " the admiral," by way of 
 perpetuating in the family its real source of greatness. 
 
 His conduct was characterized by the grandeur of his views 
 and the magnanimity of his spirit. Instead of scouring the 
 newly-found countries, like a grasping adventurer eager only 
 for immediate gain, as was too generally the case with contem- 
 porary discoverers, he sought to ascertain their soil and produc- 
 'Cions, their rivers and barbel's ; he was desirous of colonizing 
 and cultivating them ; of conciliating and civilizing the natives ; 
 of building cities ; introducing the useful arts ; subjecting every 
 thing to the control of law, order, and religion ; and thus of 
 founding regular "and prosperous empires. In this glorious 
 plan he was constantly defeated by the dissolute rabble which 
 it was his misfortune to command ; with whom all law was 
 tyranny, and all order restraint. They interrupted all useful 
 works by their seditious ; provoked the peaceful Indians to hos- 
 tility ; and after they had thus drawn down misery and warfare 
 Upon their own heads, and overwhelmed Columbus with the 
 ruins of the edifice he was building, they charged him with be- 
 ing the cause of the confusion. 
 
 Well would it have been for Spain had those who followed in 
 the track of Columbus possessed his sound policy and liberal 
 views. The New World, in such cases, would have been settled 
 by pacific colonists, and civilized by enlightened legislators ; 
 instead of being overrun by desperate adventurers, and deso- 
 lated by avaricious conquerors. 
 
 Columbus was a man of quick sensibility, liable to great ex-
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 605 
 
 citement, to sudden'and strong impressions, and powerful im- 
 pulses. He was naturally irritable and impetuous, and keenly 
 sensible to injury and injustice ; yet the quickness of his temper 
 wa$ counteracted by the benevolence and generosity of his 
 heart. The magnanimity of his nature shone forth through all 
 the troubles of his stormy career. Though continually outraged 
 in his dignity, and braved in the exercise of his command ; 
 though foiled in his plans, and endangered in his person by the 
 seditions of turbulent and worthless men, and that too at times 
 when suffering under anxiety of mind and anguish of body 
 sufficient to exasperate the most patient, yet he restrained his 
 valiant and indignant spirit, by the strong powers of his mind, 
 and brought himself to forbear, and reason, and even to suppli- 
 cate ; nor should we fail to notice how free he was from all 
 feeling of revenge, how ready to forgive and forget, on the 
 least sign of repentance and atonement. He has been extolled 
 for his skill in controlling others ; but far greater praise is due 
 to him for his firmness in governing himself. 
 
 His natural benignity made him accessible to all kinds of 
 pleasurable sensations from external objects. In his letters 
 and journals, instead of detailing circumstances with the tech- 
 nical precision of a mere navigator, he notices the beauties of 
 nature with the enthusiasm of a poet cr a painter. As he 
 coasts the shores of the New World, the reader participates in 
 the enjoyment with which he describes in his imperfect but 
 picturesque Spanish, the varied objects around him ; the bland- 
 ness of the temperature, the purity of the atmosphere, the 
 fragrance of the air, 4k full of dew and sweetness," the verdure 
 of the forests, the magnificence of the trees, the grandeur of 
 the mountains, and the limpidity and freshness of the running 
 streams. New delight springs up for him in every scene. He 
 extols each new discovery as more beautiful than the last, and 
 each as the most beautiful in the world ; until, with his simple 
 earnestness, he tells the sovereigns that, having spoken so 
 highly of the preceding islands, he fears that they will not 
 credit him, when he declares that the one he is actually describ- 
 ing surpasses them all in excellence. 
 
 In the same ardent and unstudied way he expresses his emo- 
 tions on various occasions, readily affected by impulses of joy 
 or grief, of pleasure or indignation. When surrounded and 
 overwhelmed by the ingratitude and violence of worthless men, 
 he often, in the retirement of his cabin, gave way to bursts of 
 sorrow, and relieved his overladen heart by sighs and groans. 
 When he returned in chains to Spam, and came into the pres-
 
 606 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 ence of Isabella, instead of continuing the lofty pride with 
 which he had hitherto sustained his injuries, he was touchecl 
 with grief and tenderness at her sympathy, and burst forth into 
 sobs and tears. 4 
 
 He was devoutly pious : religion mingled with the whole 
 course of his thoughts and actions, and shone forth in his most 
 private and unstudied writings. Whenever he made any great 
 discovery, he celebrated it by solemn thanks to God. The 
 voice of prayer and melody of praise rose from his ships when 
 they first beheld the New World, and his first action on landing 
 was to prostrate himself upon the earth and return thanksgiv- 
 ings. Every evening the Salve Regina and other vesper hymns 
 were chanted by his crew, and masses were performed in the 
 beautiful groves bordering the wild shores of this heathen laud. 
 All his great enterprises were undertaken in the name of the 
 Holy Trinity, and he partook of the communion previous to 
 embarkation. He was a firm believer in the efficacy of vows 
 and penances and pilgrimages, and resorted to them in times of 
 difficulty and danger. The religion thus deeply seated in his 
 soul diffused a sober dignity and benign composure over his 
 whole demeanor. His language was pure and guarded, and free 
 from all imprecations, oaths and other irreverent expressions. 
 
 It cannot be denied, however, that his piety was mingled 
 with superstition, and darkened by the bigotry of the age. 
 He evidently concurred in the opinion, that all nations which 
 did not acknowledge the Christian faith were destitute of 
 natural rights ; that the sternest measures might be used for 
 their conversion, and the severest punishments inflicted upon 
 their obstinacy in unbelief. In this spirit of bigotry he consid- 
 ered himself justified in making captives of the Indians, and 
 transporting them to Spain to have them taught the doctrines of 
 Christianity, and in selling them for slaves if they pretended to 
 resist his invasions. In so doing he sinned against the natural 
 goodness of his character, and against the feelings which he 
 had originally entertained and expressed toward this gentle 
 and hospitable people ; but he was goaded on by the mercenary 
 impatience of the crown, and by the sneers of his enemies at 
 the unprofitable result of his enterprises. It is but justice to 
 his character to observe, that the enslavement of the Indians 
 thus taken in battle was at first openly countenanced by the 
 crown, and that, when the question of right came to be dis- 
 cussed at the entreat}' of the queen, several of the most distin- 
 guished jurists and theologians advocated the practice ; so that 
 the question was finally settled in favor of the Indians solely
 
 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 607 
 
 by the humanity of Isabella. As the venerable Bishop Las 
 Casas observes, where the most learned men have doubted, it is 
 not surprising that an unlearned mariner should err. 
 
 These remarks, in palliation of the conduct of Columbus, are 
 required by candor. It is proper to show him in connection 
 witli the age in which he lived, lest the errors of the times should 
 be considered as his individual faults. It is not the intention 
 of the author, however, to justify Columbus on a point where 
 it is inexcusable to err. Let it remain a blot on his illustrious 
 name, and let others derive a lesson from it. 
 
 We have already hinted at a peculiar trait in his rich and 
 varied character ; that ardent and enthusiastic imagination 
 which threw a magnificence over his whole course of thought, 
 lien-era intimates that he had a talent for poetry, and some 
 slight traces of it are on record in the book of prophecies 
 which he presented to the Catholic sovereigns. But his poetical 
 temperament is discernible throughout all his writings and in 
 all his actions. It spread a goldeii and glorious world around 
 him, and tinged every thing with its own gorgeous colors. It 
 betrayed him into visionary speculations, which subjected him 
 to the sneers and cavillings of men of cooler and safer, but more 
 grovelling minds. Such were the conjectures formed on the 
 coast of Paria about the form of the earth, and the situation of 
 the terrestrial paradise ; about the mines of Ophir in Hispaniola, 
 and the Aurea Chersonesus in Veragua ; and such was tlie 
 heroic scheme of a crusade for the recovery of the holy sepul- 
 chre. It mingled with his religion, and filled his mind with 
 solemn and visionary meditations on mystic passages of the 
 Scriptures, and the shadowy portents of the prophecies. It 
 exalted his office in his e}"es, and made him conceive himself 
 an agent sent forth upon a sublime and awful mission, subject 
 to impulses and supernatural intimations from the Deity ; such 
 ns the voice which he imagined spoke to him in comfort amidst 
 the troubles of Hispaniola and in the silence of the night on the 
 diastrous coast of Vcragua. 
 
 He was decidedly a visionary, but a visionary of an uncom- 
 mon and successful kind. The manner in which his ardent, 
 imaginative, and mercurial nature was controlled by a power- 
 ful judgment, and directed by an acute sagacity, is the most 
 extraordinary feature in his character. Thus governed, his 
 imagination, instead of exhausting itself in idle flights, lent aid 
 to his judgment, and enabled him to form conclusions at which 
 common minds could never have arrived, nay, which they could 
 not perceive when pointed out.
 
 608 LIFE OF CUIilSTOPnER COLUMBUS. 
 
 To his intellectual vision it was given to read the signs of the 
 times, and to trace, in the conjectures and reveries of past 
 ages, the indications of an unknown world ; as soothsayers 
 were said to read predictions in the stars, and to foretell events 
 from the visions of the night. " His soul," observes a Spanish 
 writer, kk was superior to the age in which he lived. For him 
 was reserved the great enterprise of traversing that sea which 
 had given rise to so many fables, and of deciphering the mys- 
 tery of his time. 1 
 
 With all the visionary fervor of his imagination, its fondest 
 dreams fell short of the reality. He died in ignorance of the 
 real grandeur of his discover}'. Until his last breath he enter- 
 tained the idea that he had merely opened a new way to the 
 old resorts of opulent commerce, and had discovered some of 
 the wild regions of the East. He supposed Hispaniola to be the 
 ancient Ophir which had been visited by the. ships of Solomon, 
 and that Cuba and Terra Firma were but remote parts of A>i:i. 
 What visions of glory would have broken upon his mind 
 could he have known that he had indeed discovered a new 
 continent, equal to the whole of the Old World in magnitude, 
 and separated by two vast oceans from all the earth hitherto 
 known by civilized man ! And how would his magnanimous 
 spirit have been consoled, amidst the afflictions of age and the 
 cares of penury, the neglect of a fickle public and the injustice 
 of an ungrateful king, could he have anticipated the splendid 
 empires which were to spread over the beautiful world he had 
 discovered ; and the nations, and tongues, and languages which 
 were to fill its lands with his renown, and revere and bless his 
 name to the latest posterity ! 
 
 * Cladera. luvestigacioues historias, p. 43.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 TRANSPORTATION OF THE REMAIN'S OF COLUMBUS FROM ST. DOMIIf- 
 OO TO THE HAVANA. 
 
 AT the termination of a war between France and Spain, in 1705, all the 
 Spanish possessions in the island of Hispaniola were ceded to France, by 
 tin- Uth article of the treaty of peace. To assist in the accomplishment of 
 this cession, a Spanish squadron was despatched to the island at the ap- 
 pointed time, commanded by Don Gabriel de Aristizabal, lieutenant-gen- 
 eral of the royal armada. On the 1 1th of December, 171)5, that commander 
 wrote to the field-marshal and governor, Don Joaquin Garcia, resident 
 at St. Domingo, that, being informed that the remains of the celebrated 
 admiral Don Christopher Columbus lay in the cathedral of that city, he 
 felt it incumbent on him as a Spaniard, and as Commander-in-chief of his 
 majesty's squadron of operations, to solicit the translation of the ashes 
 of that hero to the island of Cuba, which had likewise been discovered by 
 him, and where he had first planted the standard of the cross. He ex- 
 pressed a desire that this should be done officially, and with great care 
 and formality, that it might not remain in the power of any one, by a 
 careless transportation of these honored remains, to lose a relic connected 
 with an event which formed the most glorious epoch of Spanish history, 
 and that it might be manifested to all nations that Spaniards, notwith- 
 standing the laps.-* of ages, never ceased to pay all honors to the remains 
 of that " worthy and adventurous general of the seas;" nor abandoned 
 them, when the various public bodies, representing the Spanish dominion, 
 emigrated from the island. As be had not time, without great inconven- 
 ience, to consult the sovereign on this subject, he had recourse to the gov- 
 ernor, as -oyal vice-patron of the island, hoping that his solicitation might 
 be granted, and the remains of the admiral exhumed and conveyed to the 
 island of Cuba, in the ship San Lorenzo. 
 
 The generous wishes of this high-minded Spaniard met with warm con- 
 currence on the part of the governor. He informed him, in reply, that 
 the Duke of Veraguas, lineal successor of Columbus, had manifested the 
 same solicitude, and had sent directions that the necessary measures 
 should be taken at his expense; and had at the same time expressed a 
 wish that the bones of the Adelantado, Don Bartholomew Columbus, 
 should likewise be exhumed; transmitting inscriptions to be put upon the 
 sepulchres of both. He added, that although the king had given no 
 orders on the subject, yet the proposition being so accordant with the 
 grateful feelings oif the Spanish nation, and meeting with the concurrence 
 
 (KW
 
 610 APPENDIX. 
 
 of all the authorities of the island, he was ready on his part to carry it 
 into execution. 
 
 The commandant-general Aristizabal then made a similar communica- 
 tion to the archbishop of Cuba, Don Fernando Portillo y Torres, whose 
 metropolis was then the city of St. Domingo, hoping to receive his coun- 
 tenance and aid in this pious undertaking. 
 
 The reply of the archbishop was couched in terms of high courtesy 
 toward the gallant commander, and deep reverence for the memory of 
 Columbus, and expressed a zeal in rendering this tribute of gratitude and 
 respect to the remains of one who had done so much for the glory of the 
 nation. 
 
 The persons empowered to act for the Duke of Veraguas, the venerable 
 dean and chapter of the cathedral, and all the other persons ami author- 
 ities to whom Don Gabriel de Aristizabal made similar communications, 
 manifested the same eagerness to assist in the performance of this solemn 
 and affecting rite. 
 
 The worthy commander Aristizabal, having taken all these preparatory 
 steps with great form and punctilio, so that the ceremony should be per- 
 formed in a public and striking manner, suitable to the fame of Columbus, 
 the whole was carried into effect with becoming pomp and solemnity. 
 
 On the 20th of December, 1795, the most distinguished persons of the 
 place, the dignitaries of the church, and civil and military officers, assem- 
 bled in the metropolitan cathedral. In the presence of this august 
 assemblage, a small vault was opened above the chancel, in the principal 
 wall on the right side of the high altar. Within were found the fragments 
 of a leaden coffin, a number of bones, and a quantity of mould, evidently 
 the remains of a human body. These were carefully collected and put 
 into a case of gilded lead, about half an ell in length and breadth, and a 
 third in height, secured by an iron lock, the key of which was delivered 
 to the archbishop. The case was enclosed in a coffin covered with black 
 velvet, and ornamented with lace and fringe of gold. The whole was 
 then placed in a temporary tomb or mausoleum. 
 
 On the following day there was another grand convocation at the cathe- 
 dral, when the vigils and masses for the dead were solemnly chanted by 
 the archbishop, accompanied by the commandant-general of the armada, 
 the Dominican and Franciscan friars, and the friars of the Order of Mercy, 
 together with the rest of the distinguished assemblage. After this a fun- 
 eral sermon was preached by the archbishop. 
 
 On the same day, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the coffin was trans- 
 ported to the ship with the utmost state and ceremony, with a civil, re- 
 ligious, and military procession, banners wrapped in mourning, chants 
 and responses and discharges of artillery. The most distinguished per- 
 sons of the several order took turn to support the coffin. The key was 
 taken with great formality from the hands of the archbishop by the gov- 
 ernor, and given into the hands of the commander of the armada, to be 
 delivered by him to the governor of the Havana, to be held in deposit 
 until the pleasure of the king should be known. The coffin was received 
 on board of a brigantine called the Discoverer, which, with all the other 
 shipping, displayed mourning signals, and saluted the remains with the 
 honors paid to an admiral. 
 
 From the port of St. Domingo the coffin was conveyed to the bay of 
 Ocoa and there transferred to the ship San Lorenzo. It was accompanied 
 by a portrait of Columbus, sent from Spain by the Duke of Veraguas, to 
 be suspended close by the place where the remains of his illustrious an- 
 cestor should be deposited. 
 
 The ship immediately made sail, and arrived at Havana, in Cuba, on
 
 APPENDIX. 611 
 
 the loth of January, 1796. Here the same deep feeling of reverence to 
 the memory of the discoverer was evinced. The principal authorities 
 repaired on board of the ship, accompanied by the superior naval and 
 military officers. Every thing was conducted with the same circum- 
 stantial and solemn ceremonial. The remains were removed with great 
 reverence, and placed in a felucca, in which they were conveyed to land 
 in the midst of a procession of three columns of feluccas and boats iu 
 the royal service, all properly decorated, containing distinguished military 
 and ministerial officers. Two feluccas followed, in one of which was a 
 marine guard of honor, with mourning banners and muffled drums; and 
 in the other were the commandant-general, the principal minister of 
 marine, and the military staff. In passing the vessels of war in the 
 harbor, they all paid the honors due to an admiral and captain-general 
 of the navy. On arriving at the mole the remains were met by the 
 governor of the island, accompanied by the generals and the military 
 staff. The coffin was then conveyed, between files of soldiery which 
 lined the streets, to the obelisk, in the place of arms, where it was re- 
 ceived in a hearse prepared for the purpose. Here the remains were for- 
 mally delivered to the governor and captain-general of the island, the key 
 given up to him, the coffin opened and examined, and the safe transporta- 
 tion of its contents authenticated. This ceremony being concluded, it 
 was conveyed in grand procession and with the utmost pomp to the cathe- 
 dral. Masses and the solemn ceremonies of the dead were performed by 
 the bishop, and the mortal remains of Columbus deposited with great 
 reverence in the wall on the right side of the grand altar. " All these 
 honors and ceremonies." says the document, from whence this notice is 
 digested, 1 " were attended by the ecclesiastical and seculai dignitaries, the 
 
 Eublic bodies and all the nobility and gentry of Havana, in proof of the 
 igh estimation and respectful remembrance in which they held the hero 
 who had discovered the Xew World, and had been the first to plant the 
 standard of the cross on that island." 
 
 This is the last occasion that the Spanish nation has had to testify its 
 feelings toward the memory of Columbus, and it is with deep satisfaction 
 that the author of this work has been able to cite at large a ceremonial 
 so solemn, affecting, and noble in its details, and so honorable to the 
 national character. 
 
 When we read of the remains of Columbus, thus conveyed from the 
 port of St. Domingo, after an interval of nearly three hundred years, as 
 sacred national relics, with civic and military pomp, and high religious 
 ceremonial; the most dignified and illustrious men striving who most 
 should pay them reverence, we cannot but reflect that it was from this 
 very port he was carried off loaded with ignominious chains, blasted 
 apparently in fame and fortune, and followed by the revilings of the 
 nibble. Such honors, it is true, are nothing to the dead, nor can they 
 atone to the heart, now dust and ashes, for all the wrongs and sorrows 
 it may have suffered ; but they speak volumes of comfort to the illustrious, 
 yet slandered an 1 persecuted living, encouraging them bravely to bear 
 with present injuries, by showing them how true merit outlives all 
 calumny, and receives its glorious reward in the admiration of after 
 ages. 
 
 1 Navarrete, Colec., torn. ii. p. 3*55.
 
 612 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 NOTICE OF THE DESCENDANTS OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 Ox the death of Columbus his son Diego succeeded to his rights, as 
 viceroy and governor of the New World, according to the express capitu- 
 lations between the sovereigns and his father. He appears by the 
 general consent of historians to have been a man of great integrity, of 
 respectable talents, and of a frank and generous nature. Herrera speaks 
 repeatedly of the gentleness and urbanity of his manners, and pronounces 
 him of a noble disposition, and without deceit. This absence of all 
 guile frequently laid him open to the stratagems of crafty men, grown old 
 in deception, who rendered his life a continued series of embarrassments; 
 but the probity of his character, with the irresistible power of truth, bore 
 him through difficulties in which more politic and subtle men would 
 have been entangled and completely lost. 
 
 Immediately after the death of the admiral, Don Diego came forward 
 as lineal successor, and urged the restitution of the family offices and 
 privileges, which had been suspended during the latter years of h;s 
 father's life. If the cold and wary Ferdinand, however, could forget his 
 obligations of gratitude and justice to Columbus, he had less difficulty in 
 turning a deaf ear to the solicitations of his son. For two years Don 
 Diego pressed his suit with fruitless diligence. He felt the apparent 
 distrust of the monarch the more sensibly, from having been brought up 
 under his eye, as a page in the royal household, where his character 
 ought to be well known and appreciated. At length, on the return of 
 Ferdinand from Naples in 150S, he put to him a direct question, with the 
 frankness attributed to his character He demanded " why his majesty 
 would not grant to him as a favor, that which was his right, and why he 
 hesitated to confide in the fidelity of one who had been reared in his 
 house." Ferdinand replied that he could fully confide in him, but could 
 not repose so great a trust at a venture in his children and successors 
 To this Don Diego rejoined, that it was contrary to all justice and reason 
 to make him suffer for the sins of his children, who might never be 
 born. 1 
 
 .Still, though he had reason and justice on his side, the young admiral 
 found it impossible to bring the wary monarch to a compliance. Finding 
 all appeal to all his ideas of equity or sentiments of generosity in vain, 
 he solicited permission to pursue his claim in the ordinary course of 
 law. The king could not refuse so reasonable a request, and Don Diego 
 commenced a process against King Ferdinand before the council of the 
 Indies, founded on the repeated capitulations between the crown and his 
 father, and embracing all the dignities and immunities ceded by them. 
 
 One ground of opposition to these claims was, that if the capitulation, 
 made by the sovereigns in 1492, had granted a perpetual viceroyally to 
 the admiral and his heirs, such grant could not stand ; being contrary 
 to the interests of the state, and to an express law promulgated in Toledo 
 in 1480 ; wherein it was ordained that no office, involving the adminis- 
 tration of justice, should be given in perpetuity; that therefore, the vice- 
 royalty granted to the admiral could only have been for his life; and 
 that even, during that term, it had justly been taken from him for his 
 misconduct. That such concessions were contrary to the inherent pre- 
 
 1 Herrera, Hist. Intl., de-cad, ii. lib. vii. cap. 4.
 
 APPENDIX. 613 
 
 rogatives of the crown, of which the government could not divest itself. 
 To tliis Don Diego replied, that as to the validity of the capitulation, it 
 was a binding contract, and none of its privileges ought to be restricted. 
 That as by royal schedules dated in Villa Franca, June 2d, 1506, and Alma- 
 zan, August. 28th, 1507, it had been ordered that he, Don Diego, should 
 receive the tenths, so equally ought the other privileges to he accorded to 
 him. As to the allegation that his father had been deprived of his vice- 
 royalty for his demerits, it was contrary to all truth. It had been auda- 
 city on [he part of Bobadilla to send him a prisoner to Spain in 1500, and 
 contrary to the will and command of the sovereigns, as was proved by 
 their letter, dated from Valencia de la Torre in 1502, in which they 
 expressed grief at his arrest, and assured him that it should be redressed, 
 and his privileges guarded entire to himself and his children. 1 
 
 This memorable suit was commenced in 1508, and continued for several 
 years. In the course of it the claims of Don Diego were disputed, like- 
 wise, on the plea that his father was not the original discoverer of Terra 
 Firma, but only subsequently of certain portions of it. This, however, 
 was completely controverted by overwhelming testimony. The claims of 
 Don Diego were minutely discussed and rigidly examined, and the 
 unanimous decision of the Council of the Indies in his favor, while it 
 reflected honor on the justice and independence of that body, silenced 
 many petty cavilers at the fair fame of Columbus. 2 Notwithstanding 
 this decision, the wily monarch wanted neither means nor pretexts to 
 delay the ceding of such vast powers, so repugnant to his cautious 
 policy The young admiral was finally indebted for his success in this 
 suit to previous success attained in a suit of a different nature. He had 
 become enamoured of Dofia Maria de Toledo, daughter of Fernando de 
 Toledo, grand commander of Leon, and niece to Don Fadrique Toledo, 
 the celebrated Duke of Alva, chief favorite of the king. This was aspir- 
 ing to a high connection The father and uncle of the lady were the 
 most powerful grandees of the proud kingdom of Spain, and cousins 
 German to Ferdinand. The glory, however, which Columbus had left 
 behind, rested upon his children, and the claims of Don Diego, recently 
 confirmed by the council, involved dignities and wealth sufficient to 
 raise him to a level with the loftiest alliance. He found no difficulty in 
 obtaining the hand of the lady, and thus was the foreign family of 
 Columbus ingrafted on one of the proudest races of Spain. The 
 natural consequences followed. Diego had secured that magical power 
 called "connections;" and the favor of Ferdinand, which had been so 
 long withheld from him, as the son of Columbus, shone upon him, 
 though coldly, as the nephew of the Duke of Alva. The father and 
 uncle of his bride succeeded, though with great difficulty, in conquering 
 the repugnance of the monarch, and after all he but granted in part the 
 justice they required. He ceded to Don Diego merely the dignities and 
 powers enjoyed by Nicholas de Ovando, who was recalled, and he 
 cautiously withheld the title of viceroy. 
 
 The recall of Ovando was not merely a measure to make room for Don 
 Diego; it was the tardy performance of a promise made to Isabella on her 
 death-bed. The expiring queen had demanded it as a punishment for 
 the massacre of her poor Indian subjects at Xaragua, and the cruel and 
 ignominious execution of the female cacique Anacaona. Thus retribu- 
 tion was continually going its rounds in the checkered destinies of this 
 
 i Extracts from the minutes of the process taken by the historian Munoz, MS. 
 s Kiinher meutiou will be fouud of this lawsuit iu the article relative to Amerigo 
 Vespucci.
 
 614 APPENDIX. 
 
 island, which has ever presented a little epitome of human history, its 
 errors and crimes, and consequent disasters. 
 
 In complying with the request of the queen, however, Ferdinand was 
 favorable toward Ovando. He did not feel the same generous sympathies 
 with his late consort, and, however Ovando had sinned against humanity 
 in his treatment of the Indians, he had been a vigilant officer, and his 
 very oppressions had in general proved profitable to the crown. Ferdi- 
 nand directed that the fleet which took out the new governor should 
 return under the command of Ovando, and that he should retain undis- 
 turbed enjoyment of any property or Indian slaves that might be found 
 in his possession. Some have represented Ovando as a man far from 
 mercenary; that the wealth wrung from the miseries of the natives was 
 for his sovereign, not for himself; and it is intimated that one secret cause 
 of his disgrace was his having made an enemy of the all-powerful and 
 unforgiving Fonseca. 1 
 
 The new admiral embarked at St. Lucar, June Oth, 1509, with his wife, 
 his brother L)on Fernando, who was now grown to man's estate, and had 
 been well educated, and his two uncles, Don Bartholomew and Don Diego. 
 They were accompanied by a numerous retinue of cavaliers, with their 
 wives, and of young ladies of rank and family, more distinguished, it is 
 hinted, for high blood than large fortune, and who were sent out to find 
 wealthy husbands in the New World.' 2 
 
 Though the king had not granted Don Diego the dignity of viceroy, the 
 title was generally given to him by courtesy, and his wife was universally 
 addressed by that of vice-queen. 
 
 Don Diego commenced his rule with a degree of splendor hitherto un- 
 known in the colony. The vice-queen, who was a lady of great desert, 
 surrounded by the noble cavaliers and the young ladies of family who had 
 come in her retinue, established a sort of court, which threw a degree of 
 lustre over the half-savage island. The young ladies were soon married 
 to the wealthiest colonists, and contributed greatly to soften those rude 
 manners which had grown up in a state of society hitherto destitute of 
 the salutary restraint and pleasing decorum produced by female influence. 
 
 Don Diego had considered his appointment in the light of a viceroyalty, 
 but the king soon took measures which showed that he admitted of no 
 such pretension. Without any reference to Don Diego, he divided the 
 coast of Darien into two great provinces, separated by an imaginary line 
 running through the Gulf of Uraba, appointing Alonso de Ojeda govern- 
 or of the eastern province, which he called New Andalusia, and Diego de 
 Nicuessa, governor of the western province, which included the rich coast 
 of Veragua. and which he called Castilla del Oro, or Golden Castile. Had 
 the monarch been swayed by principles of justice and gratitude, the settle- 
 ment of this coast would have been given to the Adelantado, Don Bar- 
 tholomew Columbus, who had assisted in the discovery of the country, 
 and, together with his brother the admiral, had suffered so greatly in the 
 enterprise. Even his superior abilities for the task should have pointed 
 him out to the policy of the monarch; but the cautious and calculating 
 Ferdinand knew the lofty spirit of the AdelantaJo, and that he would be 
 disposed to demand high and dignified terms. He passed him by, there- 
 fore, and preferred more eager and accommodating adventurers. 
 
 Don Diego was greatly aggrieved at this measure, thus adopted without 
 his participation or knowledge. He justly considered it an infringement 
 of the capitulations granted and repeatedly confirmed to his father and 
 
 ' Charlevoix, ut supra, v. i. p. 271, id. 274. 
 2 L,UI> t.'it.-aft, lib. ii. cup. 49, MS.
 
 APPENDIX. 615 
 
 his heirs. He had farther vexations and difficulties with respect to the 
 government of the island of St. Juan, or Porto Rico, which was con- 
 quered and settled about this time; but after a variety of cross purposes, 
 the officers whom he appointed were ultimately recognized by the crown. 
 
 Like his father, he had to contend with malignant factions in his gov- 
 ernment; for the enemies of the father transferred their enmity to the 
 son. There was one Miguel Pasamonte, the king's treasurer, who be- 
 came his avowed enemy, under the support and chiefly at the instigation 
 of the Bishop Fonseca, who continued to the son the implacable hostility 
 which he hail manifested to the father. A variety of trivial circumstances 
 contributed to embroil him with some of the petty officers of the colony, 
 and there was a remnant of -the followers of Roldan who arrayed them- 
 selves against him. 1 
 
 Two factions soon arose in the island; one of the admiral, the other of 
 the treasurer Pasamonte. The latter affected to call themselves the party 
 of the king. They gave all possible molestation to Don Diego, and sent 
 home the most virulent and absurd misrepresentations of his conduct. 
 Among others, they represented a large house with many windows which 
 he was building, as intended for a fortress, and asserted that he had a 
 design to make himself sovereign of the island. King Ferdinand, who 
 was now advancing in years, had devolved the affairs of the Indies in a 
 great measure on Fonseca,' 2 who had superintended them from the first, 
 and he was greatly guided by the advice of that prelate, which was not 
 likely to be favorable to the descendants of Columbus. The complaints 
 from the colonies were so artfully enforced, therefore, that he established 
 in 1")10 a sovereign court at St. Domingo, called the royal audience, to 
 which an appeal might be made from all sentences of the admiral, even 
 in cases reserved hitherto exclusively for the crown. Don Diego con- 
 sidered this a suspicious and injurious measure intended to demolish his 
 authority. 
 
 Frank, open, and unsuspicious, the young admiral was not formed for 
 a contest with the crafty politicians arrayed against him, who were ready 
 and adroit in seizing upon his slightest errors, and magnifying them into 
 crimes. Difficulties were multiplied in his path which it was out of his 
 power to overcome. He had entered upon office full of magnanimous 
 intentions, determined to put an end to oppression, and correct all abuses; 
 all good men therefore had rejoiced at his appointment; but he soon found 
 that he had overrated his strength, and undervalued the difficulties await- 
 ing him. He calculated from his own good heart, but he had no idea of 
 the wicked hearts of others. He was opposed to the repartimientos of 
 Indians, that source of all kinds of inhumanity; but he found all the men 
 of wealth in the colony, and most of the important persons of the court, 
 interested in maintaining them. He perceived that the attempt to abolish 
 them would be dangerous, and the result questionable; at the same time 
 this abuse was the source of immense profit to himself. Self-interest, 
 therefore, combined with other considerations, and what at first appeared 
 difficult, seemed presently impracticable. The reparlimientos continued 
 in the state in which he found them, excepting that he removed such of 
 the superintendents as had been cruel and oppressive, and substituted 
 men of his own appointment, who probably proved equally worthless. 
 His friends were disappointed, his enemies encouraged; a hue and cry 
 was raised against him by the friends of those he had displaced; and it 
 was even said that if Ovando had not died about this time, he would have 
 been sent out to supplant Don Diego. 
 
 > Hen-era, decad. i. lib. vii. cap. 12. 2 Ibid.
 
 616 APPENDIX. 
 
 The subjugation and settlement of the Island of Cuba, in 1510, was a 
 fortunate event in the administration of the present admiral. He con- 
 gratulated King Ferdinand on having acquired the largest and most beau- 
 tiful island in the world without losing a single man. The intelligence 
 was highly acceptable to the king; but it was accompanied by a "great 
 number of complaints against the admiral. Little affection as Ferdinand 
 felt for Don Diego, he was still aware that most of these representations 
 were false, and had their origin in the jealousy and envy of his enemies. 
 He judged it expedient, however, in 1512, to send out Don Bartholomew 
 Columbus with minute instructions to his nephew the admiral. 
 
 Don Bartholomew still retained the office of Adelantado of the Indies-, 
 although Ferdinand, through selfish motiv.es, detained him in Spain, 
 while he employed inferior men in voyages of discovery. He now added 
 to his appointments the property and government of the little island of 
 Mona during life, and assigned him a repartimiento of two hundred In- 
 dians, with the superintendence of the mines which might be discovered 
 in Cuba; an office which proved very lucrative. 1 
 
 Among the instructions given by the king to Don Diego, he directed 
 that, in consequence of the representations of the Dominican friars, the 
 labor of the natives should be reduced to one-third; that negro slaves 
 should be procured from Guinea as a relief to the Indians,- and that 
 Carib slaves should be branded on the leg, to prevent other Indians from 
 being confounded with them and subjected to harsh treatment. 3 
 
 The two governors, Ojeda and Nicuessa, whom the king had appointed 
 to colonize and command at the Isthmus of Darien, in Terra Firma, hav- 
 ing failed in their undertaking, the sovereign, in 1514, wrote to Hispaniola, 
 permitting the Adelantado, "Don Bartholomew, if so inclined, to take 
 charge of settling the coast of Veragua, and to govern that country under 
 the admiral Don Diego conformably to his privileges. Had the king con- 
 sulted his own interest, and the deference due to the talents and services 
 of the Adelantado, this measure would have been taken at an earlier date. 
 It was now too late: illness prevented Don Bartholomew from executing 
 the enterprise, and his active and toilsome life was drawing to a close. 
 
 Many calumnies having been sent home to Spain by Pasamonte and 
 other enemies of Don Diego, and various measures being taken by gov- 
 ernment, which he conceived derogatory to his dignity, and injurious to 
 his privileges, he requested and obtained permission to repair to court, 
 that he might explain and vindicate his conduct. He departed, accord- 
 ingly, on April 9th, 1515, leaving the Adelantado with the vice-queen 
 Doiia Maria. He was received with great honor by the king, and he merited 
 such a reception. He had succeeded in every enterprise he had under- 
 taken or directed. The pearl fishery had been successfully established on 
 the coast of Cubagua; the islands of Cuba and of Jamaica had been sub- 
 jected and brought under cultivation without bloodshed; his conduct as 
 governor had been upright; and he had only excited the representations 
 made against him, by endeavoring to lessen the oppression of the natives. 
 The king ordered that all processes against him in the court of appeal 
 and elsewhere, for damages done to individuals in regulating the reparti- 
 mientos, should be discontinued, and the cases sent to himself for con- 
 sideration. But with all these favors, as the admiral claimed a share of 
 the profits of the provinces of Castilladel Oro, saying that it was discovered 
 by his father, as the names of its places, such as Nombre de Dios, Porto 
 Bello, and el Hetrete. plainly proved, the king ordered that interrogato- 
 
 1 Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, p. :5'21. 
 
 1 Herreru, Ili.-t. lud., dec-ad, i. lib. ix. cap. 5. 3 Ibid.
 
 APPENDIX. 617 
 
 rios should be made among the mariners who had sailed witli Christopher 
 Columbus, in the hope of proving that he had not discovered the coast of 
 Darien nor the Gulf of Uraba. "Thus," adds Herrera, " Don Diego was 
 always involved in litigations with the fiscal, so that he might truly say 
 that he was heir to the troubles of his father." 1 
 
 Not long after the departure of Don Diego from St Domingo, his uncle, 
 Don Bartholomew, ended his active and laborious life. No particulars 
 are given of his death, nor is there mention made of his age, which must 
 have been advanced. King Ferdinand is said to have expressed great con- 
 cern at the event, for he had a high opinion of the character and talents 
 of the Adelantado: "a man," says Herrera, "of not less worth than his 
 brother the admiral, and who if he had been employed, would have given 
 great proofs of it; for he was an excellent seaman, valiant and of great 
 heart."' 2 Charlevoix attributes the inaction in which Don Bartholomew 
 had been suffered to remain for several years, to the jealousy and parsi- 
 mony of the king. He found the house already too powerful; and the 
 Adelantado, had he discovered Mexico, was a man to make as good con- 
 ditions as had been made by the admiral his brother. 8 It was said, ob- 
 served Herrera, that the king rather preferred to employ him in his 
 European affairs, though it could only have been to divert him from other 
 objects. On his death the king resumed to himself the island of Mona, 
 which he had given to him for life, and transferred his repartiniienlo of 
 two hundred Indians to the vice-queen Dofia Maria. 
 
 While the admiral Don Diego was pressing for an audience in his vindi- 
 cation at court, King Ferdinand died, on the 23d of January, 1516. His 
 grandson and successor, Prince Charles, afterward the Emperor Charles 
 V., was in Flanders. The government rested for a time with Cardinal 
 Ximcnes, who would not undertake to decide on the representations and 
 claims of the admiral. It was not until 1520 that he obtained from the 
 Emperor Charles V. a recognition of his innocence of all the charges 
 against him. The emperor finding that what Pasamonte and his party 
 had written were notorious calumnies, ordered Don Diego to resume his 
 charge, although the process with the fiscal was still pending, and that 
 Pasamonte should be written to, requesting him to forget all past passions 
 and differences, and to enter into amicable relations with Don Diego. 
 Among other acts of indemnification he acknowledged his right to exer- 
 cise his office of viceroy and governor in the island of Hispaniola. and in 
 all parts discovered by his father. 4 His authority was, however, much 
 diminished by new regulations, and a supervisor appointed over him with 
 the right to give information to the council against him, but with no 
 other powers. Don Diego sailed in the beginning of September, 15^0, 
 and on his arrival at St. Domingo, finding that several of the governors, 
 presuming on his long absence, had arrogated to themselves independ- 
 ence, and had abused their powers, he immediately sent persons to super- 
 sede them, and demanded an account of their administration. This 
 made him a host of active and powerful enemies both in the colonies and 
 in Spain. 
 
 Considerable changes had taken place in the island of Hispaniola dur- 
 ing the absence of the admiral. The mines had fallen into neglect, the 
 cultivation of the sugar-cane having been found a more certain source of 
 wealth. It became a by-word in Spain that the magnificent palaces 
 
 1 TTerrera, TIM. Tnd.,decad ii. lib. ii. cap. 7. 
 
 * Ibid., decad. i lib. x. cap. 16. 
 
 3 Charlevoix, Hint. St Dumingo, lib. 5. 
 
 lien-era, Hist. IuU., decad. ii. lib. ix. cap. 7.
 
 618 APPENDIX. 
 
 erected by Charles V. at Madrid and Toledo were built of the sugar of 
 Hispaniola. Slaves had been imported in great numbers from Africa, 
 being found more serviceable in the culture of the cane than the feeble 
 Indians. The treatment of the poor negroes was cruel in the extreme; 
 and they seem to have had no advocates even among the humane. The 
 slavery of the Indians had been founded on the right of the strong: but 
 it was thought that the negroes, from their color, were born to slavery; 
 and that from being bought and sold in their own country, it was their 
 natural condition. Though a patient and enduring race, the barbarities 
 inflicted on them at length roused them to revenge, and on the 27th of 
 December, 1522, there was the first African revolt in Hispaniola. It be- 
 gan in a sugar plantation of the Admiral Don Diego, where about twenty 
 slaves, joined by an equal number from a neighboring plantation, got 
 possession of arms, rose on their superintendents, massacred them, and 
 sallied forth upon the country. It was their intention to pillage certain 
 plantations, to kill the whites, re enforce themselves by freeing their coun- 
 trymen, and either to possess themselves 'of the town of Agua, or to 
 escape to the mountains. 
 
 Don Diego set out from St. Domingo in search of the rebels, followed 
 by several of the principal inhabitants. On the second day he stopped 
 on the banks of the River Nizao to rest his party and suffer re-enforce- 
 ments to overtake him. Here one Melcher de Castro, who accompanied 
 the admiral, learned that the negroes had ravaged his plantation, sacked 
 his house, killed one of his men. and carried off his Indian slaves. With- 
 out asking leave of the admiral, he departed in the night with two com- 
 panions, visited his plantation, found all in confusion, and pursuing the 
 negroes, sent to the admiral for aid Eight horsemen were hastily des- 
 patched to his assistance, armed with bucklers and lances, and having 
 six of the infantry mounted behind them. De Castro had three horsemen 
 beside this re-enforcement, and at the head of this little band overtook 
 the negroes at break of day. The insurgents put themselves in battle 
 array, armed with stones and Indian spears, and uttering loud shouts and 
 outcries. The Spanish horsemen braced their bucklers, couched their 
 lances, and charged them at full speed. The negroes were soon routed, 
 and fled to the rocks, leaving six dead and several wounded. De Castro 
 also was wounded in the arm. The admiral coming up, assisted in the 
 pursuit of the fugitives. As fast as they were taken they were handed 
 on the nearest trees, and remained suspended as spectacles of terror to 
 their countrymen. This prompt severity checked all further attempts 
 at revolt among the African slaves. 1 
 
 In the mean time the various enemies whom Don Diego had created, 
 both in the colonies and in Spam, were actively and successfully em- 
 ployed. His old antagonist, the treasurer Pasamonte, had charged him 
 with usurping almost all the powers of the royal audience, and with 
 having given to the royal declaration, re-establishing him in his office of 
 viceroy, an extent never intended by the sovereign. These representa- 
 tions had weight at court, and in l.">2:3 Don Diego received a most severe 
 letter from the Council of the Indies, charging him with the various 
 abuses and excesses alleged against him, and commanding him, on pain 
 of forfeiting all his privileges and titles, to revoke the innovations he had 
 made, and restore things to their former state. To prevent any plea of 
 ignorance of this mandate, the royal audience was enjoined to promulgate 
 it and to call upon all persons to conform to it, and to see that it was 
 properly obeyed. The admiral received also a letter from the council, 
 
 1 llerrcra, HUt. lud., tlecuU. In. lib. iv. cup. 9.
 
 APPENDIX. 619 
 
 Informing him that his presence was necessary in Spain, to give informa- 
 tion of the foregoing matters, and advice relative to the reformation of 
 various abuses, and to the treatment and preservation of the Indians; he 
 was requested, therefore, to repair to court without waiting for further 
 orders.' 
 
 Don Diego understood this to he a peremptory recall, and oheyed ac- 
 cordingly. On his arrival in Spain, he immediately presented himself 
 before the court at Victoria, with the frank and fearless spirit of an up- 
 right man. and pleaded his cause so well that the sovereign and council 
 acknowledged his innocence on all the points of accusation. He con- 
 vinced them, moreover, of the exactitude with which he had discharged 
 his duties: of his zeal for the public good, and the glory of the crown; 
 and that all the representations against him rose from the jealousy and 
 enmity of ^asamonte and other royal officers in the colonies, who were 
 impatient of any superior authority in the island to restrain them. 
 
 Having completely established his innocence, and exposed the calum- 
 nies of his enemies, Don Diego trusted that he wotild soon obtain justice 
 as to all his claims. As these however, involved a participation in the 
 profits of vast and richly productive provinces, he experienced the delays 
 and difficulties usual with such demands, for it is only when justice costs 
 nothing that it is readily rendered. His earnest solicitations at length ob 
 tamed an order from the emperor, that a commission should be formed, 
 composed of the grand chancellor, the Friar Loyasa, confessor to the 
 emperor, and president of the royal Council of the Indies, and a number 
 of other distinguished personages. They were to inquire into the various 
 points in dispute between the admiral and the fiscal, and into the pro- 
 ceedings which had taken place in the Council of the Indies, with the 
 power of determining what justice required in the case. 
 
 The affair, however, was protracted to such a length, and accompanied 
 by so many toils, vexations, and disappointments, that .the unfortunate 
 D:ego, like his father, died in the pursuit. For two years he had followed 
 the court from city to city, during its migrations from Victoria to Burgos, 
 Valladolid, Madrid and Toledo. In the winter of Io25, the emperor set 
 out from Toledo for Seville. The admiral undertook to follow him, 
 though his constitution was broken by fatigue and vexation, and he was 
 wasting un.ler the attack of a slow fever. Oviedo, the historian, saw him 
 at Toledo two days before his departure, and joined with his friends in 
 endeavoring to dissuade him from a journey in such a state of health, 
 and at such a season. Their persuasions were in vain. Don Diego was 
 not aware of the extent of his malady: he told them that he should repair 
 to Seville by the Church of our Lady of Guadaloupe, to offer up his 
 devotions at that shrine; and he trusted, through the intercession of the 
 mother of God, soon to be restored to health. 2 He accordingly left Toledo 
 in a litter on the 21st of February, 152<>, having previously confessed and 
 taken the communion, and arrived the same day at Montalvan, distant 
 abou', six leagues. There his illness increased to such a degree that he 
 saw his end approaching. He employed the following day in arranging 
 the affairs of his conscience, and expired on February 23d. being little 
 more than fifty years of age, his premature death having been hastened 
 by the grii-fs and troubles "he had experienced. " lie was worn out," says 
 Herrera, "by following up his claims, and defending himself from the 
 calumnies of his competitors, who, with many stratagems and devices, 
 sought to obscure the glory of the father and the virtue of the son." 3 
 
 1 rifn-oni, Hist IIK)., di-ond. lib. v. cap. 4. 
 
 * Churicvuix, Lliot sit Uoiuiugo, lib. vi. 3 Ilcrreru, decau. iii. lib. via. cap. 15.
 
 620 APPENDIX. 
 
 We havo seen how the discovery of the New World rendered the residue 
 of the life of Columbus a tissue of wrongs, hardships and alllictions, and 
 how the jealousy and enmity he had awakened were inherited by his son. 
 It remains to show briefly in what degree the anticipations of perpetuity, 
 wealth, and honor to his family were fulfilled. 
 
 When Don Diego Columbus died, his wife and family were at St. 
 Domingo. lie left two sons, Luis and Christopher, and three daughters 
 Maria, who afterwards married Don Sancho de Cardono; .Juana, who 
 married Don Luis de Cueva; and Isabella, who married Don George of 
 Portugal, Count of Gelves. He had also a natural son named Christo- 
 pher. 1 
 
 Charlevoix mentions another son called Diego, and calls one of the 
 daughters Phillipine. Spotorno says that the daughter Maria took (he 
 veil; confounding her with a niece. These are trivial errors, merely 
 noticed to avoid the imputation of inaccuracy. The account of the de- 
 scendants of Columbus here given, accords with a genealogical tree of 
 the family, produced before the Council of the Indies in a great lawsuit 
 for the estates. 
 
 After the death of Don Diego, his nohle-spirited vice-queen, left with 
 a number of young children, endeavored to assert and maintain the rights 
 of the family. Understanding that, according to the privileges accorded 
 to Christopher Columbus, they had a just claim to the viceroyalty of the 
 province of Veragua, as having been discovered by him, she demanded a 
 license from the royal audience of Ilispaniola, to recruit men and tit out 
 an armada to colonize that country. This the audience refused, and sent 
 information of the demand to the emperor. He replied that the vice- 
 queen should be kept in suspense until the justice of her claim could be 
 ascertained; as, although he had at various times given commis.sions to 
 different persons to examine the doubts and objections which had been 
 opposed by the fiscal, no decision had ever been made. 2 The enterprise 
 thus contemplated by the vice-queen was never carried into effect. 
 
 Shortly afterwards she sailed for Spain, to protect the claim of her eld- 
 est son, Don Luis, then six years of age. Charles V. was absent, but she 
 was most graciously received by the empress. The title of admiral of the 
 Indies was immediately conferred on her son, Don Luis, and the emperor 
 augmented his revenues, and conferred other favors on the family. 
 Charles V., however, could never be prevailed on to give Don Luis the 
 title of viceroy, although that dignity had been decreed to his father, a 
 few years previous to his death, as an hereditary right. 3 
 
 In 15:>8 the young admiral, Don Luis, then about eighteen years of age, 
 was at court, having instituted proceedings before the proper tribunals 
 for the recovery of the viceroyalty. Two years afterward the suit was 
 settled by arbitration, his uncle Don Fernando and Cardinal Loyasa, 
 president of the Council of the Indies, being umpires. By a compromise 
 Don Luis was declared captain-general of Ilispaniola, but with such 
 limitations that it was little better than a bare title. Don Luis sailed for 
 Ilispaniola, but did not remain there long. He found his dignities and 
 privileges mere sources of vexation, and finally entered into a compro- 
 mise, which relieved himself and gratified the emperor. He gave up all 
 pretensions to the viceroyalty of the New World, receiving in its stead the 
 titles of Duke of Veragua and Marquis of Jamaica. 4 He commuted also 
 
 1 Memorial adjustado eobre ol eetado de Veragua. 
 
 2 Horrent, decad. iv. lib. ii. cap. 6. 
 
 Cliarlevoix, Ili-'t. !St. Domingo, lib. vi. p. 443. 
 * Ibid., loiii. I. lib. vi. p. 440.
 
 A PPENDIX. 621 
 
 the claim to the tenth of the produce of the Indies for a pension of one 
 thousand doubloons of gold. 1 
 
 Don Luis did not long enjoy the substitution of a certain, though 
 moderate, revenue for a magnificent but unproductive claim. He died 
 shortly afterward, leaving no other male issue than an illegitimate son, 
 named Christopher. He left two daughters by his wife, Dofia Maria de 
 Mosquera, one named Phillippa, and the other Maria, which last became 
 a nun in the convent of St. Quirce, at Valladolid. 
 
 Don Luis having no legitimate son, was succeeded by his nephew 
 Diego, son to his brother Christopher. A litigation took place between 
 this young heir and his cousin Phillippa, daughter of the late Don Luis. 
 The convent of bt. Quirce also put in a claim, on behalf of its inmate, 
 Dona Maria, who ha.l taken the veil. Christopher, natural son to Don 
 Luis, likewise became a prosecutor in the suit, but was set aside on 
 account of his illegitimacy. Don Diego and his cousin Phillippa soon 
 thought it better to join claims and persons in wedlock, than to pursue a 
 tedious contest. They were married, and their union was happy, though 
 not fruitful. Diego died without issue in 1578, and with him the legiti- 
 mate male line of Columbus became extinct. 
 
 One of the most important lawsuits that the world has ever witnessed 
 now arose for the estates and dignities descended from the great discov- 
 erer. Don Diego had two sisters, Francisca and Maria, the former of 
 whom, and the children of the latter, advanced their several claims. To 
 these parties was added Bernard Colombo of Cogoleto, who claimed as 
 lineal descendant from Bartholomew Columbus, the Adelantado, brother 
 to th*; discoverer. He was, however, pronounced ineligible, as the Ade- 
 lantado hail no acknowledged, and certainly no legitimate offspring. 
 
 Baldassa, or Balthazar Colombo, of the house of Cuccaro and Conzano, 
 in the dukedom of Montferrat, in Piedmont, was an active and persever- 
 ing claimant. He came from Italy into -Spain, where he devoted himself 
 for many years to the prosecution of this suit. He produced a genealogical 
 tree of his family, in which was contained one Domenico Colombo, Lord 
 of Cuccaro, whom he maintained to be the identical father of Christopher 
 Columbus, the admiral. He proved that this Domenico was living at the 
 requisite era, and produced many witnesses who hail heard that the navi- 
 gator was born in the castle of Cuccaro; whence, it was added, he and his 
 two brothers had eloped at an early age, and had never returned.' 2 A 
 monk is also mentioned among the witnesses, who made oath that 
 Christopher and his brothers were born in that castle of Cuccaro. This 
 testimony was afterward withdrawn by the prosecutor; as it was found 
 that the monk's recollection must have extended back considerably up- 
 ward of a century. 3 The claim of Balthazar was negatived. His proofs 
 that Christopher Columbus was a native of Cuccaro were rejected, as 
 only hearsay, or traditionary evidence. His ancestor Domenico, it ap- 
 peared from his own showing, died in 1456; whereas it was established 
 that Domenico, the father of the admiral, was living upward of thirty 
 years after that date. 
 
 The cause was finally decided by the Council of the Indies, on the 
 second of Deceinl>pr, 1(M)8. The male line was declared to be extinct. 
 Don Xufio or Nuguo Gelves de Portugallo was put in possession, and 
 became Duke of Veragua. He was grandson to Isabella, third daughter 
 of Don Diego (son of the discoverer) by his vice-queen, Dona Maria de 
 
 i Ppotorno, Hi*t. Colom., p. V23. 
 
 * Bot<i. flist. Colomb. Di*nert., p. 67. 
 
 * Ibid., Divert, on the Country of Columbus, p. 63.
 
 622 APPENDIX. 
 
 Toledo. The descendants of the two elder sisters of Isabella bad a prior 
 claim, but their lines became extinct previous to tins decision of the suit. 
 
 The Isabella just named bad married Don George of 1'ortugal, Count 
 of Gelves. "Thus," says Charlevoix, ** the dignities and wealth of 
 Columbus passed into a branch of the 1'ortugiiese house of Braganza, es- 
 tablished in Spain, of which the heirs are entitled De Portu'/atlo, Colon, 
 Duke de I'eruyun, Marques de la Jamaica, y Almirante de Ian India*. 1 
 
 The suit of Balthazar Colombo of Cuccaro was rejected under three 
 different forms, by the Council of the Indies: and his application for an 
 allowance of support, under the legacy of Columbus, in favor of poor 
 relations, was also refused: although the other parties had assented to 
 the demand.' 2 He died in Spain, where he had resided many years in 
 prosecution of this suit. His son returned to Italy persisting in the 
 validity of his claim: he said that it was in vain to seek justice in Spain; 
 they were too much interested to keep those dignities and estates among 
 themselves; but he gave out that he had received twelve thousand doub- 
 loons in gold in compromise from the other parties. Spotorno, under 
 sanction of Ignazio de Giovanni, a learned canon, treats this assertion as 
 a bravado, to cover his defeat, being contradicted by his evident poverty. i 
 The family of Cuccaro, however, still maintain their right, and express 
 great veneration for the memory of their illustrious ancestor, the admiral; 
 and travellers occasionally visit their old castle in Piedmont with great 
 reverence, as the birthplace of the discoverer of the New World. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 FERNANDO COLUMBUS. 
 
 FERNAXDO COLUMBUS (or Colon, as he is called in Spain), the natural 
 son and historian of the admiral, was born in Cordova. There is an 
 uncertainty about the exact time of his birth. According to his epitaph, 
 it must have been on the 28th September, 1488; but according to bis 
 original papers preserved in the library of the cathedral of Seville, and 
 which were examined by Don Diego Ortiz de Zuiiiga, historian of that 
 city, it would appear to have been on the 20th of August, 1487. His 
 mother, Dona Beatrix Enriquez, was of a respectable family, but was 
 never married to the admiral, as has been stated by some of his biogra- 
 phers. 
 
 Early in 1494 Fernando was carried to court, together with his elder 
 brother Diego, by his uncle Don Bartholomew, to enter the royal house- 
 hold in quality of page to the Prince Don Juan, son and heir to Ferdinand 
 and Isabella. He and his brother remained in this situation until the 
 death of the prince, when they were taken by Queen Isabella as pages 
 into her own service. Their education, of course, was well attended to, 
 and Fernando in after-life gave proofs of being a learned man. 
 
 In the year 1502, at the tender age of thirteen or fourteen years, Fer- 
 nando accompanied his father in his fourth voyage of discovery, and en- 
 countered all its singular and varied hardships with a fortitude that is 
 mentioned with praise and admiration by the admiral. 
 
 After the death of his father it would appear that Fernando made two 
 voyages to the New World. He accompanied the Emperor Charles V. 
 
 i Charlevoix, TTist. St. Domingo, torn. i. lib. vi. p. 447. 
 1 BOSM. I >itf*ertatiou oil the Country of Culuiubun. 
 * Spotorno, j>. 127.
 
 APPENDIX. 623 
 
 also to Italy, Flanders, and Germany; and according to Zufiiga (Anales 
 de Seville de 1531), No. 3) traveHed overall Europe and a part of Africa 
 and Asia. Possessing talents, judgment, and industry, these opportu- 
 nities were not lost upon him, and he acquired much information in 
 geography, navigation, and natural history. Being of a studious habit, 
 and fond of hooks, he formed a select, yet copious library, of more than 
 twenty thousand volumes, in print and in manuscript. With the sanc- 
 tion of the Emperor Charles V. he undertook to establish an academy 
 and college of mathematics at Seville; and for this purpose commenced 
 the construction of a sumptuous edifice, without the walls of the city, 
 facing the (Uiadalquiver, in the place where the monastery of San Lau- 
 reano is now situated. His constitution, however, had been broken by 
 the sufferings he had experienced Ln his travels and voyages, and a pre- 
 mature death prevented the completion of his plan of the academy, and 
 broke off other useful labors. lie died in Seville on the 12th of July, 
 1 .":{'.), at the age, according to his epitaph, of fifty years, nine months and 
 fourteen days. lie left no issue, and was never married. His body was 
 interred according to his request, in the cathedral of Seville. He be- 
 queathed his valuable library to the same establishment. 
 
 Don Fernando devoted himself much to letters. According to the 
 inscription on his tomb, he composed a work in four books, or volumes, 
 the title of which is defaced on the monument, and the work itself is 
 lost. This is much to be regretted, as, according to Zufiiga, the frag- 
 ments of the inscription specify it to have contained, among a variety of 
 matter, historical, moral, and geographical notices of the countries he had 
 visited, but especially of the New World, and of the voyages and discov- 
 eries of his father. 
 
 His most important and permanent work, however, was a history of 
 the admiral, composed in Spanish. It was translated into Italian by 
 Alonzo de Ulloa, and from this Italian translation have proceeded the 
 editions which have since appeared in various languages. It is singular 
 that the work only exists in Spanish, in the form of a re-translation from 
 that of Ulloa, and full of errors in the orthography of proper names, and 
 in dates and distances. 
 
 Don Fernando was an eye-witness of some of the facts which he re- 
 lates, particularly of the fourth voyage wherein he accompanied his 
 father, lie had also the papers and charts of his father, and recent doc- 
 uments of all kinds to extract from, as well as familiar acquaintance with 
 the principal personages who were concerned in the events which he re- 
 cords. He was a man of probity and discernment, and writes more dis- 
 passionately than could be expected, when treating of the matters which 
 affected the honor, the interests, and happiness of his father. It is to be 
 regretted, however, that he should have suffered the whole of his fathers 
 life, previous to his discoveries (a period of about fifty-six years), to re- 
 main in obscurity. He appears to have wished to cast a cloud over it, 
 and only to have presented his father to the reader after he had rendered 
 himself illustrious by his actions, and his history had become in a man- 
 ner identified with the history of the world. His work, however, is an 
 invaluable document, entitled to great faith, and is the corner-stone of 
 the history of the American Continent.
 
 624 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 AGE OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 As the date I have assigned for the birth of Columbus makes him about 
 ten years older than he is generally represented, at the time of his dis- 
 coveries, it is proper to state precisely my authority. In the valuable 
 manuscript chronicle of the reign of the Catholic sovereigns, written by 
 Andres Bernaldes. the curate of Los Palacios, there is a long tract on 
 the subject of the discoveries of Columbus; it concludes with these 
 words: tfuri 6 en Valladolid, el ano de 1500, en el mes de Ma>/f>. in senec- 
 lute bona, de edad 70 anos, poco mas 6 mtnos. (He died in Valladolid 
 in the year 1506, in the month of May, in a good old age, being seventy 
 years old, a little more or less.) The curate of Los Palacios was a con- 
 temporary, and an intimate friend of Columbus, who was occasionally 
 a guest in his house; no one was more competent, therefore, to form a 
 correct idea of his age. It is singular that, while the biographers of 
 Columbus have been seeking to establish the epoch of his birth by various 
 calculations and conjectures, this direct testimony of honest Andre Ber- 
 naldes has entirely escaped their notice, though some of them had his 
 manuscript in their hands. It was first observed by my accurate friend 
 Don Antonio Uguina in the course of his exact investigations, and 
 has been pointed out and ably supported by Don Martin Fernandez de 
 Navarrete, in the introduction to his valuable collection of voyages. 
 
 Various circumstances in the life of Columbus will be found to cor- 
 roborate the statement of the curate; such, for example, as the increasing 
 infirmities with which he struggled during his voyages, and which at last 
 rendered him a cripple and confined him to his bed. The allusion to 
 his advanced age in one of his letters to the sovereigns, wherein he relates 
 the consolation he had received from a secret voice in the night season: 
 Tu cejez no impedira a toda cosa yrande. Abraham pasaba cien aiios 
 cuando en;/endro a Isaac, etc. (Thy old age shall be no impediment to 
 any great undertaking. Abraham was above a hundred years old when 
 he begat Isaac, etc.) The permission granted him by the king the year 
 previous to his death to travel on a mule, instead of a horse, on account 
 of his aye and infirmities; and the assertion of Oviedo, that at the time 
 of his death he was quite old (era ya tieyo). 
 
 This fact of the advanced age of Columbus throws quite a new color 
 ing over his character and history. How much more extraordinary is the 
 ardent enthusiasm which sustained him through his long career of solici- 
 tation, and the noble pride with which he refused to descend from his 
 dignified demands, and to bargain about his proposition, though life was 
 rapidly wasting in delays. How much more extraordinary is the hardi- 
 hood with which he undertook repeated voyages into unknown seas, amid 
 all kinds of perils and hardships; the fortitude with which he bore up 
 against an accumulation of mental and bodily afflictions, enough to have 
 disheartened and destroyed the most youthful and robust, and the irre- 
 pressible buoyancy of spirit with which to the last he still rose from under 
 the ruined concerns and disappointed hopes and blasted projects of one 
 enterprise, to launch into another, still more difficult and perilous. 
 
 We have been accustomed to admire all these things in Columbus when 
 we considered him in the full vigor of his life; how much more are 
 they entitled to our wonder as the achievements of a man whom the 
 weight, of years and infirmities was pressing into ihe grave.
 
 APPENDIX. 625 
 
 No. V. 
 
 LINEAGE F COLUMBUS. 
 
 TFIE ancestry of Christopher Columbus has formed a point of zealous 
 controversy which is not yet satisfactorily settled. Several honorable fam- 
 ilies, possessing domains in Placentia, Montferrat, and the different parts 
 of the Genoese territories, claim him as belonging to their houses; and to 
 these has recently been added the noble family of Colombo in Modena. 1 
 The natural desire to prove consanguinity with a man of distinguished 
 renown has excited this rivalry; but it has been heightened, in particular 
 instances, by the hope of succeeding to titles and situations of wealth and 
 honor, when his male line of descendants became extinct. The investi- 
 gation is involved in particular obscurity, as even his immediate relatives 
 appear to have been in ignorance on the subject. 
 
 Fernando Columbus in his biography of the admiral, after a pompous 
 prelude, in which he attempts to throw a vague and cloudy magnificence 
 about the origin of his father, notices slightly the attempts of some to 
 obscure his fame, by making him a native of various small and insignifi- 
 cant villages; and dwells with more complacency upon others who make 
 him a native of places in which there were persons of much honor of 
 the name, and many sepulchral monuments with arms and epitaphs of the 
 Colombos. He relates his having himself gone to the castle of Cucureo, 
 to visit his two brothers of the family of Colombo, who were rich and 
 noble, the youngest of whom was above one hundred years of age, and 
 who he had heard were relatives of his father; but they could give him 
 no information upon the subject; whereupon he breaks forth into his 
 professed contempt for these adventitious claims, declaring, that he thinks 
 it better to content himself with dating from the glory of the admiral, than 
 to go about inquiring whether his father "were a merchant, or one who 
 kept his hawks;" 2 since, adds he, of persons of similar pursuits, there 
 are thousands who die every day, whose memory, even among their own 
 neighbors and relatives, perishes immediately, without its being possible 
 afterward to ascertain even whether they existed. 
 
 After this, and a few more expressions of similar disdain for these 
 empty distinctions, he indulges in vehement abuse of Agostino Guis- 
 timani, whom he calls a false historian, an inconsiderate, partial, or ma- 
 lignant compatriot, for having, in his psalter, traduced his father, by 
 saying, that in his youth he had been employed in mechanical occupations. 
 
 As, after all this discussion, Fernando leaves the question of Irs 
 father's parentage in all its original obscurity, yet appears irritably sens - 
 live to any derogatory suggestions of others, his whole evidence ten, Is 
 to the conviction that he really knew nothing to boast of in his ancestry. 
 
 Of the nobility and antiquity of the Colombo family, of which the ad- 
 miral probably was a remote descendant, we have some account in Her- 
 rera. "We learn," he says, " that the Emperor Otto the Second, in J)40, 
 confirmed to the counts Pietro, Giovanni, and Alexandro Colombo, 
 brothers, the feudatory possessions which they held within the jurisdiction 
 of the cities of Ayqui, Savona, Aste, Montferrato, Turin, Viceli, Parma, 
 Cremona, and Bergamo, and all others which they held in Italy. It 
 
 1 Spotorno, Hist. Mem., p. 5. 
 
 1 Literally, in the original, Cazador (If Volaterla, a falconer. Hawking was in those 
 das- an ani'u.-cnietit of the highest classes; and to keep hawks was uiuiobl asigu of 
 uoliilily.
 
 626 APPENDIX. 
 
 appears that the Colombos of Cuccaro, Cncureo, and Placentia were the 
 same, and that the Emperor in the same year, 1>40, made donation to the 
 said three brothers of the castles of Ciiccaro, Conzano, Kosignano, and 
 others, and of the fourth part of Btetanio, which appertained to the 
 empire. 1 
 
 One of the boldest attempts of those biographers bent on ennobling 
 Columbus, has been to make him son of the Lord of Cuccaro, a burgh 
 of Montferrat, in Piedmont, and to prove that he was born in his father's 
 castle at that place; whence he and his brothers eloped at an early age, 
 and never returned. This was asserted in the course of a process brought 
 by a certain Baldasser or Balthazar Colombo, resident in Genoa, but 
 originally of Cuccaro, claiming the title and estates, on the death of Diego 
 Colon, L)uke of Veragua, in 1578, the great-grandson and last legitimate 
 male descendant of the admiral. The council of the Indies decided 
 against this claim to relationship. Some account of the lawsuit will be 
 found in another part of the work. 
 
 This romantic story, like all others of the nobility of his parentage, is 
 at utter variance with the subsequent events of his life, his long struggles 
 with indigence and obscurity, and the difficulties he endured from the 
 want of family connections. How can it be believed, says Bossi, that 
 this same man, who, in his most cruel adversities, was incessantly taunted 
 by his enemies with the obscurity of his birth, should not reply to tins 
 reproach, by declaring his origin, if he were really descended from the 
 Lords of Cuccaro, Conzano, and Rosignano ? a circumstance which would 
 have obtained him the highest credit with the Spanish nobility. 2 
 
 The different families of Colombo which lay claim to the great navi- 
 gator seem to be various branches of one tree, and there is little doubt of 
 his appertaining remotely to the same respectable stock. 
 
 It appears evident, however, that Columbus sprang immediately from 
 a line of humble but industrious citizens, which had existed in Genoa, 
 even from the time of Giacomo Colombo, the wool-carder, in 1311, men- 
 tioned by Spotorno; nor is this in any wise incompatible with the inti- 
 mation of Fernando Columbus, that the family had been reduced from 
 high estate to great poverty, by the wars of Lombardy. The feuds of 
 Italy, in those ages, had broken down and scattered many of the noblest 
 families; and while some branches remained in the lordly heritage of 
 castles and domains, others were confounded with the humblest popula- 
 tion of the cities. 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 i 
 
 BIRTHPLACE OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 THERE has been much controversy about the birthplace of Colum- 
 bus. The greatness of his renown has induced various places to lay claim 
 to him as a native, and from motives of laudable pride, for nothing re- 
 flects greater lustre upon a city than to have given birth to distinguished 
 men. The original and long-established opinion was in favor of Genoa; 
 but such strenuous claims were asserted by the states of Placentia, and 
 in particular of Piedmont, that the Academy of Sciences and Letters of 
 Genoa was induced, in 1812, to nominate three of its members, Signers 
 Serra, Carrega, and Piaggio, commissioners to examine into these pre- 
 tensions. 
 
 The claims of Placentia had been first advanced in 1062, by Pietro Maria 
 
 1 Hen-era, dccutl. i. lib, i. cap. 7. * Dissertation, etc.
 
 APPENDIX. 627 
 
 Campi, in the ecclesiastical history of that place, who maintained that 
 Columbus was a native of the village of Pradello, in that vicinity. It 
 appeared probable, on investigation, that Bertolino Colombo, great-grand- 
 father to the admiral, had owned a small property in Pradello, the rent 
 of which had been received by Domenico Colombo of Genoa, and after 
 his death by his sons Christopher and Bartholomew. Admitting this 
 assertion to be correct, there was no proof that either the admiral, his 
 father, or grandfather had ever resided on that estate. The very circum- 
 stances of the case indicated, on the contrary, that their home was in 
 Genoa. 
 
 The claim of Piedmont was maintained with more plausibility. It was 
 shown that a Domenico Colombo was lord of the castle of Cuccaro in 
 Montferrat, at the time of the birth of Christopher Columbus, who, it 
 was asserted, was his son, and born in his castle. Balthazar Colombo, a 
 descendant of this person, instituted a lawsuit before the Council of the 
 Indies for the inheritance of the admiral, when his male line became ex- 
 tinct. The Council of the Indies decided against him, as is shown in an 
 account of that process given among the illustrations of this history. It 
 was proved that Domenico Colombo, father of the admiral, was resident 
 in Genoa both before and many years after the death of this lord of Cuc- 
 caro, who bore the same name. 
 
 The three commissioners appointed by the Academy of Science and 
 Letters of Genoa to examine into these pretensions, after a long and 
 diligent investigation, gave a voluminous and circumstantial report in 
 favor of Genoa. An ample digest of their inquest may be found in the 
 History of Columbus by Signor Bossi, who, in an able dissertation on the 
 question, confirms their opinion. It may be added, in further corrobora- 
 tion, that Peter Martyr and Bartholomew Las Casas, who were contem- 
 poraries and acquaintances of Columbus, and Juan de Barros, the 
 Portuguese historian, all make Columbus a native of the Genoese terri- 
 tories. 
 
 There has been a question fruitful of discussion among the Genoese 
 themselves, whether Columbus was born in the city of Genoa, or in some 
 other part of the territory. Finale, and Oneglia, and Savona, towns on 
 the Ligurian coast to the west, Boggiasco, Cogoleto, and several other 
 towns and villages, claim him as theirown. His family possessed a small 
 property at a village or hamlet between Quinto and Nervi, called Terra 
 Rossa; in Latin, Terra Rubra; which has induced some writers to assign his 
 birth to one of those places. Bossi says that there is still a tower bet ween 
 Quinto and Xervi which bears the title of Torre del Colombi. 1 Barthol- 
 omew Columbus, brother to the admiral, styled himself of Terra Rubra, 
 in a Latin inscription on a map which he presented to Henry VII. of 
 England, and Fernando Columbus states, in his history of the admiral, 
 that he was accustomed to subscribe himself in the same manner before 
 he attained to his dignities. 
 
 Cogoleto at one time bore away the palm. The families there claim the 
 discoverer, and preserve a portrait of him. One or both of the admirals 
 named Colombo, with whom he sailed, are stated to have come from that 
 place, and to have been confounded with him so as to have given support 
 to this idea. 2 
 
 Savona, a city in the Genoese territories, has claimed the same honor, 
 and this claim has recently been very strongly brought forward, Signer 
 Giovanni Battista Belloro, an advocate of Savona, has strenuously main- 
 tained this claim in an ingenious disputation, dated May 12th, 182H, in 
 
 Freuch Trauslaticm, Paris, 1824, p. 69. Ibid.
 
 628 APPENDIX. 
 
 form of a letter to the Baron du Zach, editor of a valuable astronomical 
 and geographical journal, published monthly at Genoa. 1 
 
 Signor Belloro claims it as an admitted i'act, that Domenico Colombo 
 was for many years a resident and citizen of Savona, in which place one 
 Christopher Columbus is shown to have signed a document in 1472. 
 
 He states that a public square in that city bore the name of Platea Co- 
 lunibi, toward the end of the 14th century; that the Ligurian government 
 gave the name of Jurisdizione di Colombi to that district of the repub- 
 lic, under the persuasion that the great navigator was a native of Savona, 
 and that Columbus gave the name of Saona to a little island adjacent to 
 Hispaniola, among his earliest discoveries. 
 
 He quotes many Savonese writers, principally poets, and various histo- 
 rians and poets of other countries, and thus establishes the point that 
 Columbus was held to be a native of Savona by persons of respectable 
 authority. He lays particular stress on the testimony of the JMagnifico 
 Francisco Spinola, as related by the learned prelate Felippo Alberto Pol- 
 lero, stating that he had seen the sepulchre of Christopher Columbus in 
 the cathedral at Seville, and that the epitaph states him expressly to be a 
 native of Savona: " Hie jacet Christophorus Columbus Savonensis." 2 
 
 The proofs advanced by Signor Belloro show his zeal for the honor 
 of his native city, but do not authenticate the fact he undertakes to 
 establish. He shows clearly that many respectable writers believed Co- 
 lumbus to be a native of Savona; but a far greater number can be ad- 
 duced, and many of them contemporary with the admiral, some of them 
 his intimate friends, others his fellow-citizens, who state him to have been 
 born in the city of Genoa. Among the Savonese writers, Giulio Salino- 
 rio, who investigated the subject, comes expressly to the same conclusion: 
 " Genoca, cittd nobilitmima, era lapatriade Colombo." 
 
 Signor Belloro appears to be correct in stating that Domenico, the father 
 of the admiral, was several years resident in Savona. But it appears 
 from his own dissertation, that the Christopher who witnessed the testa- 
 ment in 1472, styled himself of Genoa: " Chrwtophorus Columbus laneri- 
 us de Janua."" This incident is stated by other writers, who presume 
 this Christopher to have been the navigator on a visit to his father, in the 
 interval of his early voyages. In as far as the circumstance bears on 
 the point, it supports the idea that he was born at Genoa. 
 
 The epitaph, on which Signor Belloro places his principal reliance, 
 entirely fails. Christopher Columbus was not interred in the cathedral 
 of Seville, nor was any monument erected to him in that edifice. The 
 tomb to which the learned prelate Felippo Alberto Pollero alludes may 
 have been that of Fernando Columbus, son to the admiral, who, as has 
 been already observed, was buried in the cathedral of Seville, to which he 
 bequeathed his noble library. The place of his sepulture is designated 
 by a broad slab of white marble, inserted in the pavement, with an in- 
 scription, partly in Spanish, partly in Latin, recording the merits of Fer- 
 nando and the achievements of his father. On either side of the epitaph 
 is engraved an ancient Spanish Galley. The inscription quoted by Si-nor 
 Belloro may have been erroneously written from memory by the Magnifico 
 Francisco Spinola, under the mistaken idea that he had beheld the sepul- 
 chre of tbe great discoverer. As Fernando was born at Cordova, the term 
 
 1 Correspondence Astronom. Geograph. etc., de Baron du Zach, vol. 14, cahicr 6, 
 lettera 29. 18-26. 
 
 '* Kelippo Alberto Pollero, Kpicherema, doe 1 breve dtseorso per difesa di wia per- 
 sona e carrallere. Toriuo, per Gio Battisla Zappata. MCDXCVl. (read 16v)ti) iu 4. 
 pag. 47.
 
 APPENDIX. 629 
 
 Savononsis must have been another error of memory in the Magnifico; 
 no such word is to he found in the inscription. 
 
 This question of birthplace has also been investigated with consider- 
 able minuteness, and a decision given in favor of Genoa, by D. Gio 
 Battista Spotorno, of the royal university in that city, in his historical 
 memoir of Columbus. He shows that the family of the Columbi had 
 long been resident in Genoa. By an extract from the notarial register, 
 it appeared that one Giacomo Colombo, a wool-carder, resided without 
 the gate of St. Andria, in the year 1311. An agreement, also, published 
 by the academy of Genoa, proved, that in 148!), Domenico Colombo pos- 
 sessed a house and shop, and a garden with a well, in the street of St. 
 Andrew's gate, anciently without the walls, presumed to have been the 
 same residence with that of Giacomo Colombo. He rented also another 
 house from the monks of St. Stephen, in the Via Mulcento, leading from 
 the street of St. Andrew to the Strada Gitilia. 1 
 
 Signor Bossi states, that documents lately found in the archives of the 
 monastery of St. Stephen, present the name of Domenico Colombo sev- 
 eral times, from 1456 to 145U, and designate him as son of Giovanni Co- 
 lombo, husband of Susanna Fontanarossa, and father of Christopher, 
 Bartholomew, and Giacomo, 2 (or Diego). He states also that the receipts 
 of the canons show that the last payment of rent was made by Domenico 
 Colombo for his dwelling in 148U. He surmises that the admiral was 
 born in the before-mentioned house belonging to those monks, in Via 
 Mulcento, and that he was baptized in the church of St. Stephen. He 
 adds that an ancient manuscript was submitted to the commissioners of 
 the Genoese academy, in the margin of which the notary had stilted that 
 the name of Christopher was on the register of the parish as having been 
 baptized in that church. 3 
 
 Andres Bernaldez, the curate of los Palacios, who was an intimate 
 friend of Columbus, says that he was of Genoa. 4 Agostino Giustiniani, 
 a contemporary of Columbus, likewise asserts it in his Polyglot Psalter, 
 published in Genoa, in 1510. Antonio de Hi-rrera, an author of great 
 accuracy, who, though not a contemporary, had access to the best docu- 
 ment s, A asserts decidedly that he was born in the city of Genoa. 
 
 To these names may be added that of Alexander Geraldini, brother to 
 the nuncio, and instructor to the children of Ferdinand and Isabella, a 
 most intimate friend of Columbus. 6 Also Antonio Gallo, B Bartolomeo 
 Senarega, 7 and Uberto Foglieta, 8 all contemporaries with the admiral, 
 and natives of Genoa, together with an anonymous writer, who published 
 an account of his voyage of discovery at Venice in 1569. 9 It is unneces- 
 sary to mention historians of later date agreeing in the same fact, as 
 thev must have derived their information from some of these authorities. 
 
 The question in regard to the birthplace of Col^imbus has been treated 
 :hus minutely, because it has been, and still continues to be, a point of 
 warm controversy. It may be considered, however, as conclusively de- 
 cided by the highest authority, the evidence of Columbus himself. In a 
 testament executed in 1498, which has been admitted in evidence before 
 the Spanish tribunals in certain lawsuits among his descendants, he twice 
 declares that he was a native of the city of Genoa : " Siendo yo navido 
 en Genova." " I being born in Genoa." And again, he repeats the asser- 
 tion, as a reason for enjoining certain conditions on his heirs, which 
 
 1 Spotorno, Eng. trans, p. si. xit. * Bosei, French trans, p. 76. 3 Ibid., p. 88. 
 
 4 Cura de los Palacios, MS. cap. 118. B Alex. Geraldini, Itiu. ad. Reg. Bub. Aquinor. 
 
 Antonio Gallo, Anale* of Geuoa, Muratori, torn. - J3. 
 
 1 Senaregi, Muratori, torn. 24. * Foglieta, Elog. Clar. Ligur. 
 
 Griueus, Xov. Orb.
 
 630 APPENDIX. 
 
 manifest the interest he takes in his native place. " T command the said 
 Diego, my son, or the person who inherits the said mayorazgo (or entailed 
 estate), that he maintain always in the city of Genoa a person of our 
 lineage, who shall have a house and a wife there, and to furnish him with 
 an income on which he can live decently, as a person connected with our 
 family, and hold footing and root in that city as a native of it, so that he 
 may have aid and favor in that city in case of need, /or /row thence I 
 cdine and there wasborn.' 1 1 
 
 In another part of his testament he expresses himself with a filial fond- 
 ness in respect to Genoa. " I command the said Don Diego, or whoever 
 shall possess the said mayorazgo, that he labor and strive always for the 
 honor, and welfare, and increase of the city of Genoa, and employ all his 
 abilities and means in defending and augmenting the welfare and honor 
 of her republic, in all matters which are not contrary to the service of the 
 church of God, and the state of the king and queen our sovereigns, and 
 their successors." 
 
 An informal codicil, executed by Columbus at Valladolid, May 4th, 
 15()6, sixteen days befoie his death, was discovered about 1785, in the 
 Corsini library at Koine. It is termed a military codicil, from being made 
 in the manner which the civil law allows to the soldier who executes such 
 an instrument on the eve of battle, or in expectation of death. It was 
 written on the blank page of a little breviary presented to Columbus by 
 Pope Alexander VII. Columbus leaves the book " to his beloved coun- 
 try, the Republic of Genoa.'' 
 
 He directs the erection of a hospital in that city for the poor, with pro- 
 vision for its support; and he declares that republic his successor in the 
 admiralty of the Indies, in the event of his male line becoming extinct. 
 
 The authenticity of this paper has been questioned. It has been said, 
 that there was no probability of Columbus having resort to a usage with 
 which he was most likely unacquainted. The objections are not cogent. 
 Columbus was accustomed to the peculiarities of a military life, and he 
 repeatedly wrote letters in critical moments as a precaution against some 
 fatal occurrence that seemed to impend. The present codicil, from its 
 date, must have been written a few days previous to his death, perhaps 
 at a moment when he imagined himself at extremity. This may account 
 for any difference in the handwriting, especially as he was, at times, so 
 affected by the gout in his hands as not to be able to write except at night. 
 Particular stress has been laid on the signature; but it does not appear 
 that he was uniform in regard to that, and it is a point to which any one 
 who attempted a forgery would be attentive. It does not appear, like- 
 wise, .that any advantage could have been obtained by forging the paper, 
 or that any such was attempted. 
 
 In 1502, when Columbus was about to depart on his fourth and last 
 voyage, he wrote to his' friend, Doctor Nicolo Oderigo, formerly ambassa- 
 dor from Genoa to Spain, and forwarded to him copies of all his grants 
 and commissions from the Spanish sovereigns, authenticated before the 
 alcaldes of Seville. He, at the same time, wrote to the bank of San 
 Giorgio, at Genoa, assigning a tenth of his revenues to be paid to that 
 city, in diminution of the duties on corn, wine, and other provisions. 
 
 Why should Columbus feel this strong interest in Genoa, had he been 
 
 1 " Item. Mando e'. dicho Don Diego mi hijo, A la persona que heredare el dicho 
 mayorazgo, que tenf;a y sostengu siempre en la cindad de Genova una persona de 
 nuestro linage que lenga alii casa 6 le ordene renta eon que ptieda vivir honesta- 
 niente, como persona tan Ik-gada a miestro linage, y haga pie y raiz en la dicha 
 cindad como uatuval della, porque podra haber de la dicha ciudad ayuda e favor eu 
 las cosas del meue.ter suyo,/;ei que dtllu -ntli y en tlla uaci."
 
 APPENDIX. 631 
 
 born in any of the other Italian states which have laid claim to him ? He 
 was under no obligation to Genoa. He had resided there but a brief por- 
 tion of his early life: and his proposition for discovery, according to some 
 writers, had been scornfully rejected by that republic. There is nothing 
 to warrant so strong an interest in Genoa but the filial tie which links the 
 heart of man to his native place, however he may be separated from it by 
 time or distance, and however little lie may be indebted to it for favors. 
 
 Again, had Columbus been born in any of the towns and villages of the 
 Genoese coast which have claimed him for a native, why should he have 
 made these bequests in favor of the city of Genoa, and not of his native 
 town or village ? 
 
 These bequests were evidently dictated by a mingled sentiment of pride 
 and affection, which would be without all object if not directed to his 
 native place. He was at this time elevated above all petty pride on the 
 subject. His renown was so brilliant, that it would have shed a lustre on 
 any hamlet, however obscure; and the strong love of country here mani- 
 fested would never have felt satisfied, until it had singled out the spot, 
 and nestled down in the very cradle of his infancy. These appear to be 
 powerful reasons, drawn from natural feelmg, for deciding in favor of 
 Genoa. 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 THE COLOMBOS. 
 
 DURING the early part of the life of Columbus there were two other 
 navigators, bearing the same name, of some rank and celebrity, with 
 whom he occasionally sailed, their names occurring vaguely from time 
 to time, during the obscure part of his career, have caused much perplex- 
 ity to some of his biographers, who have supposed that they designated 
 the discoverer. Fernando Columbus affirms them to have been family 
 connections, 1 and his father says, in one of his letters, " 1 am not the first 
 admiral of our family." 
 
 These two were uncle and nephew: the latter being termed by historians 
 Colombo the younger (by the Spanish historians Colombo el mozo). They 
 were in the Genoese service, but are mentioned, occasionally, in old 
 chronicles as French commanders, because Genoa, during a great part of 
 their time, was under the protection, or rather the sovereignty of France, 
 and her ships and captains, being engaged in the expeditions of that 
 power, were mdentified with the French marine. 
 
 Mention is made of the elder Colombo in /urita's Annals of Aragon 
 (L. xix. p. 2(>1), in the war between Spain and Portugal, on the subject 
 of the claim of the Princess Juana to the crown of Castile. In 1476, the 
 King of Portugal determined to go to the Mediterranean coast of France, 
 to incite his ally, Louis XI., to prosecute the war in the province of 
 Guipuzcoa. 
 
 The king left Toro, says Zurita, on the 13th of June, and went by the 
 river to the city of Porto, in order to await the armada of the king of 
 France, the captain of which was Colon (Colombo), who was to navigate 
 by the Straits of Gibraltar to pass to Marseilles. 
 
 After some delays Colombo arrived in the latter part of July with the 
 French armada at Bermeo, on the coast of Biscay, where he encountered 
 a violent storm, lost his principal ship, and ran to the coast of Galicia, 
 with an intention of attacking Ribaldo, and lost a great many of his men. 
 
 1 IlisL del Alniiruntu, cap. 1.
 
 632 APPENDIX. 
 
 Thence he went to Lisbon to receive the King of Portugal, who embarked 
 in the fleet in August, with a number of his noblemen, and took two 
 thousand two hundred foot soldiers, and four hundred and seventy horse, 
 to strengthen the Portuguese garrisons along the Barbary coast. There 
 were in the squadron twelve ships and five caravels. After touching at 
 Ceuta the fleet proceeded to Colibre, where the king disembarked in the 
 middle of .September, the weather not permitting them to proceed to Mar- 
 seilles. (Zurita, L. xix. Ch. 51.) 
 
 This Colombo is evidently the naval commander of whom the following 
 mention is made by Jacques George de (Jhaufepie, in his supplement to 
 Bayle (vol. 2, p. 12<i of letter C). 
 
 " I do not know what dependence,'' says Chaufepie, "is to be placed 
 on a fact reported in the JDucatiana (Part 1, p 143), that Columbus was 
 in 1474 captain of several ships for Louis XI , and that, as the Spaniards 
 had made at that time an irruption into Roussillon, he thought that, for 
 reprisal, and without contravening the peace between the two crowns, he 
 could run down Spanish vessels. He attacked, therefore, and took two 
 galleys of that nation, freighted on the account of various individuals. 
 On complaints of this action being made to King Ferdinand, he wrote on 
 the subject to Louis XI. ; his letter is dated the 9th of December, 1474. 
 Ferdinand terms Christopher Columbus a subject of Louis; it was be- 
 cause, as is known, Columbus was a Genoese, and Louis was sovereign of 
 Genoa: although that city and Savoua were held of him in fief by the 
 Duke of Milan." 
 
 It is highly probable that it was the squadron of thjs same Colombo of 
 whom the circumstance is related by Bossi, and after him by Spotorno on 
 the authority of a letter found in the archives of Milan, and written in 
 1470 by two illustrious Milanese gentlemen, on their return from Jerusa- 
 lem. The letter states that in the previous year, 1475, as the Venetian 
 fleet was stationed off Cyprus to guard the island, a Genoese squadron, 
 commanded by one Colombo, sailed by them with an air of defiance, 
 shouting '' Viva San Giorgia! " As the republics were then at peace they 
 were permitted to pass unmolested. 
 
 Bossi supposes that the Colombo here mentioned was Christopher Co- 
 lumbus the discoverer; but it appears rather to have been the old Genoese 
 admiral of that name, who according to Zurita was about that time cruis- 
 ing in the Mediterranean, and who, m all probability, was the hero of 
 both the preceding occurrences. 
 
 The nephew of this Colombo, called by the Spanish Colombo el mozo, 
 commanded a few years afterward a squadron in the French service, as 
 will appear in a subsequent illustration, and Columbus may at various 
 times have held an inferior command under both uucle and nephew, aud 
 been present on the above cited occasions. 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 EXPEDITION OF JOHN OF ANJOU. 
 
 AHOUT the time that Columbus attained his twenty-fourth year, his 
 native city was in a state of great alarm and peril from the threatened in- 
 vasion of Alphonso V. of Aragon, King of Xaples. Finding itself too 
 weak to contend singly with such a foe, and having looked in vain for 
 assistance from Italy, it placed itself under the protection of Charles the 
 Vllth of France, That monarch sent to its assistance John of Anjou, sou 
 of lieue or lleuato, King of Naples, who had been dispossessed of his crown
 
 APPENDIX. G33 
 
 by Alphonso. John of Anjon, otherwise called the Duke of Calabria, 1 im- 
 mediately took upon himself the command of the place, repaired its for- 
 tifications, and defended the entrance of the harlx>r with strong chains. 
 In the mean time, Alphonso had prepared a large land force, aiid assem- 
 bled an armament of twenty ships and ten galleys at Ancona, on the 
 frontiers of Genoa. The situation of the latter was considered eminently 
 perilous, when Alphonso suddenly fell ill of a calenture and died, leaving 
 the kingdoms of Anjou and Sicily to his brother John, and the kingdom 
 >f Naples to his son Ferdinand. 
 
 The death of Alphonso, and the subsequent division of his dominions, 
 while they relieved the fears of the Genoese, gave rise to new hopes on 
 the part of the house of Anjou; and the Duke "John, encouraged by emis- 
 saries from various powerful partisans among the Neapolitan nobility, 
 determined to make a bold attempt upon Naples for the recovery of the 
 crown. The Genoese entered into his cause with spirit, furnishing him 
 with ships, galleys, ami money. His father Rene, or Renato, fitted out 
 twelve galleys for the expedition in the harbor of Marseilles, and sent him 
 assurance of an abundant supply of money, and of the assistance of the 
 King of France. The brilliant nature of the enterprise attracted the atten- 
 tion of the daring and restless spirits of the times. The chivalrous noble- 
 man, tho soldier of fortune, the hardy corsair, the bold adventurer or the 
 military partisan, enlisted under the banners of the Duke of Calabria. It 
 is stated by historians that Columbus served in the armament from Genoa, 
 in a squadron commanded by one of the Colombos, his relations. 
 
 The expedition sailed in Octol>er, 1459, and arrived at Sessa between 
 the mouths of the Garigliano and the Volturuo. The news of its arrival 
 was the signal of universal revolt; the factious barons, and their vassals, 
 hastened to join the standard of Anjou, and the duke soon saw the finest 
 provinces of the Neapolitan dominions at his command, and with his army 
 and sqnadion menaced the city of Naples itself. 
 
 In the history of this expedition we meet with one hazardous action of 
 the tli't't in which Columbus had embarked. 
 
 The army of John of Anjou being closely invested by a superior force, 
 was in a perilous predicament at the mouth of the Sarno. In this con- 
 juncture, the captain of the armada landed with his men, and scoured 
 the neighlx>rhoo:l, hoping to awaken in the populace their former enthu- 
 siasm for the banner of Anjou, and perhaps to take Naples by surprise. 
 A chosen company of Neapolitan infantry was sent against them. The 
 troops from the fleet having little of the discipline of regular soldiery, 
 and much of the freebooting disposition of maritime rovers, had scat- 
 tered themselves about the country, intent chiefly upon spoil. They 
 were attacked by the infantry and put to rout, with the loss of many 
 killed and wounded. Endeavoring to make their way back to the ships, 
 they found the passes seized and blocked up by the people of Sorento, 
 who assailed them with dreadful havoc. Their flight now became despe- 
 rate and headlong, many threw themselves from rocks and precipices into 
 the sea, and but a small portion regained the ships. 
 
 The contest of John of Anjou for the crown of Naples lasted four 
 years. For a time fortune favored him, and the prize seemed almost 
 within his grasp, but reverses succeeded; he was defeated at various 
 points ; the factious nobles, one by one, deserted him, and returned to 
 their allegiance to Alphonso, and the duke was finally compelled to 
 retire to the island of Ischia. Here he remained for some time, 
 
 1 Duke of Calabria was a title of the heir apparent to the crown of Naples.
 
 634 APPENDIX. 
 
 guarded by eight galleys, which likewise harassed the bay of Xaples. l 
 In this squadron, which loyally adhered to him, until he ultimately 
 abandoned this unfortunate enterprise, Columbus is stated to have 
 served. 
 
 No. IX. 
 
 CAPTURE OF THE VENETIAN GALLEYS BY COLOMBO THE YOUXGER. 
 
 As the account of the sea-fight by which Fernando Columbus asserts 
 that his father was first thrown upon the shores of Portugal has been 
 adopted by various respectable historians, it is proper to give particular 
 reasons for discrediting it. 
 
 Fernando expressly says that it was in an action mentioned by Marco 
 Antonio Sabelico, in the eighth book of his tenth Decade; that the 
 squadron in which Columbus served was commanded by a famous corsair, 
 called Columbus the younger (Colombo el mozo), and that an embassy 
 was sent from Venice to thank the King of Portugal for the succor he 
 afforded to the Venetian captains and crews. All this is certainly re- 
 corded in Sabellicus, but the battle took place in 1485, after Columbus had 
 left Portugal. Zunta in his annals of Aragon, under the date of 1085, 
 mentions this same action. He says, " At this time four Venetian gal- 
 leys sailed from the island of Cadiz, and took the route for Flanders; 
 they were laden with merchandise from the Levant, especially from the 
 island of Sicily, and passing by Cape St. Vincent, they were attacked by 
 a French corsair, son of captain Colon (Colombo), who had seven vessels 
 in his armada ; and the galleys were captured the twenty-first of 
 August." ' 2 
 
 A much fuller account is given in the life of King John II. of Portu- 
 
 fal, by Garcia de Resende, who likewise records it as happening in 1485. 
 le says the Venetian galleys were taken and robbed by the French and 
 the captains and crews, wounded, plundered, and maltreated, were turned 
 on shore at Cascoes. Here they were succored by Dofia Maria de Mene- 
 ses. Countess of Monsanto. 
 
 When King John II. heard of the circumstance, being nuich grieved 
 that such an event should have happened on his coast, and being dis- 
 posed to show his friendship for the Republic of Venice, he ordered that 
 the Venetian captains should be furnished with rich raiment of silks and 
 costly cloths, and provided with horses and mules, that they might make 
 their appearance before him in a style befitting themselves and their 
 country. He received them with great kindness and distinction, express- 
 ing himself with princely courtesy, both as to themselves and the Repub- 
 lic of Venice; and having heard their account of the battle, and of their 
 destitute situation, he assisted them with a large sum of money to ran- 
 som their galleys from the French cruisers. The latter took all the 
 merchandise on board of their ships, but King John prohibited any of the 
 spoil from being purchased within his dominions. Having thus gener- 
 ously relieved and assisted the captains, and administered to the necessi- 
 ties of their crews, he enabled them all to return in their own galleys to 
 Venice. 
 
 The dignitaries of the republic were so highly sensible of this munifi- 
 cence on the part of King John, that they sent a stately embassy to that 
 monarch, with rich presents and warm expressions of gratitude. Gero- 
 
 1 (ir.lcnuccio. Hist. Xap., lib. viii. cap. 17. 
 * Zuiita, Aualud Ue Aragou, lib. xx. cap. 64.
 
 APPENDIX. 635 
 
 nimo Donate was charged with this mission, a man eminent for learning 
 ami eloquence; he was honorably received and entertained by King John 
 and dismissed with royal presents, among which were genets, and mules 
 with sumptuous trappings and caparisons, and many negro slaves richly 
 clad. 1 
 
 The following is the account of this action as given by Sabellicus, in 
 his history of Venice. 2 
 
 Erano andate quattro Galee delle quali Dartolommeo Minio era capi- 
 tano. Queste navigando per 1'lberico mare, Colombo il plii giovane, 
 nipote di quel Colombo famoso corsale, fecesi incontro a' Veniziani di 
 nolle, appresso il sacro Promontorio, che chiamasi oracapodi san Vin- 
 cenzo, con selle navi guernitedacombattere. Egli quantnnque nel primo 
 incontro avesse seco disposto d' opprimere le navi Veniziane, si ritenne 
 pero dal combattere sm al giorno: tuttavia per esser alia battaglia piu 
 acconclo cosi le seguia, che le prode del corsale loccavano le poppe de 
 Veniziam. Venuto il giorno incontanente i Darbari diedero 1' assalto. 
 Sostennero i Veniziam allora 1' empito del nemico, per nuiuero di navi e 
 di combattenti superiore, e duro il conflitto atroce per molte ore. Ilare 
 h'ate fu cumbatluto contro simili nemici con tanta uccisioue, perche a 
 pena si costuma d' attaccarsi contro di loro, se non per occasione. Affer- 
 mano alcuni, che vi furono present!, esser morte delle ciurinc Veniziane 
 da trecento uomini. Altri dicono che fu meno: mori in quella zutTa Lo- 
 renzo Michele capitano d' una galerae Giovanni Delfino, d' altro capitano 
 fratello. Era durala lat zuffa dal fare del giorno fin' ad ore venti, e era- 
 no le genti Veneziane inal trattate. Era gia la nave Delfina in potere 
 do' nemici qnando le altre ad una ad una si renderono. Xarrano alcuni, 
 che furono di quel aspro conflitto partecipi, aver numerato nelle loro navi 
 da prode a poppe ottanta valorosi uomini estinti, i quali d.U nemico ve- 
 duti lo mossero a gemere e dire con sdegno, che cosi avevano voluto, i 
 Veniziam. I oorpi morti furono gettati nel mare, e i feritj post! nel lido. 
 Quei che rimasero vivi seguirono con e navi il capitano vittorioso sin' a 
 Lisbona e ivi furono tutu licenziati. . . . Quivi furono i Yeneziani be- 
 nignamente ricevuti dal Re, gli infernii furouo medicati, gli altri ebbero 
 abiti e denari secondo la loro condizionc. . . . Oltre ciq vieto in tutto il 
 llegno, che alcuno non comprasse della preda Veniziana, portata dai corsali. 
 I/a nuova dell' avula rovina non poco anlisse lacitta, erano perduti in quella 
 meroatanzia da ducento mila ducati ; ma il dauno particolare degli 
 uomini uccisi diede maggior aillizioue. Marc. Aiit. ^aluclico, Hint. 
 Veuct,, decad. iv. lib. iii. 
 
 No. X. 
 
 AMERIGO VESPUCCI. 
 
 AMOXO the earliest and most intelligent of th,e voyagers who followed 
 the track of Columbus, was Amerigo Vespucci. He has been considered 
 by many as the first discoverer of the southern continent, and by a sin- 
 gular caprice of fortune, his name has been given to the whole of Ihe 
 
 1 Obras do Garcia de Renende, cap. 58, Avora, 15o4. 
 
 1 Murco Antonio C'occio, bettor known under the name of Saliel liens, a cognomen 
 which he adopted on being crowned poet in the pedantic academy of i'omponiua 
 1. set us. lie was a contemporary of Columbus, and makes brief mention of hit* tlis- 
 coveriex in the eighth book of the tenth Ennead of bi imivei>al history. By KUIUC 
 wiilers he is called the I, ivy of his time; others accuse him of beinij full of misrep- 
 resentations in favor of Venice. The older bvaligur charges, hiui wilh venality, and 
 wHb. being swayed by Venetian gold.
 
 636 APPENDIX. 
 
 New World, It has been strenuously insisted, however, that he had no 
 claim to the title of a discoverer; that he merely sailed in a subordinate 
 capacity in a srjuadron commanded by others; that the account of his 
 first voyage is a fabrication; and that he did not visit the mainland until 
 after it had been discovered and coasted by Columbus. As this question 
 has been made a matter of warm and voluminous controversy, it is 
 proper to take a summary view of it in the present work. 
 
 Amerigo Vespucci was born in Florence. March 9th, 1451, of a noble, 
 but not at that time wealthy family; his father's name was Anastatio; 
 his mother's was Elizabetta Mini, lie was the third of their sons, and 
 received an excellent education under his uncle, (ieorgio Antonio Ves- 
 pucci, a learned friar of the fraternity of San Marco, who was instructor 
 to several illustrious personages of that period. 
 
 Amerigo Vespucci visited Spain, ami took up his residence in Seville, 
 to attend to some commercial transactions on account of the family of 
 the Medici of Florence, and to repair, by his ingenuity, the losses and 
 misfortunes of an unskilful brother. 1 
 
 The date of his arrival in Spain is uncertain, but from comparing dates 
 an 1 circumstances mentioned in his letters, he must have been at Seville 
 when Columbus returned from his first voyage. 
 
 Padre Stanislaus Canovai, Professor of "Mathematics at Florence, who 
 has published the life and voyages of Amerigo Vespucci, says that he 
 was commissioned by King FerdmanJ, anl sent with Columbus in his 
 second voyage in 1433. He states this on the authority of a passage in 
 the Cosmography of Sebastian Minister, published at Basle in 15oJ;' J 
 but Minister mentions Vespucci as having accompanied Columbus m Ins 
 first voyage; the reference of Canovai is therefore incorrect; and the sug- 
 gestion of Munster is disproved by the letters of Vespucci, m which he 
 states his having been stimulated by the accounts brought of the newly 
 discovered regions. He never mentions such a voyage in any of his 
 letters; which he most probably would have djne, or rather woulJ have 
 made it the subject of a copious letter, had he actually performed it. 
 
 The first notice of a positive form which we have of Vespucci, as 
 resident in Spain, is early in 1490. He appears, from documents in the 
 royal archives at Seville, to have acted as agent or factor for the bouse of 
 Juanoto Berardi, a rich Florentine merchant, resident in Seville, who had 
 contracted to furnish the Spanish sovereigns with three several arma- 
 ments, of four vessels each, for the service of the newly discovered 
 countries. He may have been one of the principals in this affair, which 
 w.is transacted in the name of this established house. Berardi died in 
 December, 141)5, and in the following January we find Amerigo Vespucci 
 attending to the concerns of the expeditions and settling with the masters 
 of tbe ships for their pay and maintenance, according to the agreements 
 nude between them and the late Juanoto Berardi. On the 12th Janu- 
 ary, 1496, he received on this account 10,000 maravedies from Bernardo 
 Pinelo the royal treasurer. He went on preparing all things for the de- 
 spatch of four caravels to sail uuder the same contract between the sover- 
 eigns and the house of Berardi and sent them to sea on the .'Jd February, 
 149(5: but on the 8th they met with a storm and were wrecked; the crews 
 were saved with the loss of only three men. 3 While thus employed, 
 Amerigo Vespucci, of course, had occasional opportunity of conversing 
 with Columbus, with whom, according to the expression of the admiral 
 
 1 BancKni vita d'Araeri^o Vespucci. * Cosra. Munst, p. 1108. 
 
 * These particu.arx are from maiiiiicript memoranda, extracted from the royal ar 
 chives, by the late accurate hisluiiau Muuoz.
 
 APPENDIX. 637 
 
 himself, in one of his letters to his son Diego, he appears to have been 
 always on friendly terms. From these conversations, and from his 
 agency in these expeditions, he soon became excited to visit the newly 
 discovered countries, and to participate in enterprises which were the 
 th -me of every tongue. Having made himself well acquainted with geo- 
 graphical and nautical science, he prepared to launch into the career of 
 discovery. It was not very long before he carried this design into execu- 
 tion. 
 
 In 1498 Columbus, in his third voyage, discovered the coast of Paria 
 on Terra Firma; which he at that tune imagined to be a great island, but 
 that a vast continent lay immediately adjacent. lie sent to Spain speci- 
 mens of pearls found on this coast, and gave the most sanguine accounts 
 of the supposed riches of the country. 
 
 In 14U9 an expedition of four vessels, under command of Alonzo de 
 Ojeda, was fitted out from Spain, and sailed for Paria, guided by charts 
 and letters sent to the government by Columbus. These were commu- 
 nicated to Ojeda, by his patron, the Bishop Fonseca, who had the super- 
 intendence of India affairs, and who furnished him also with a warrant 
 to undertake the voyage. 
 
 It is presumed that Vespucci aided in fitting out the armament, and 
 sailed in a vessel belonging to the house of Berardi, and in this way was 
 enabled to take a share in the gams and losses of the expedition; for 
 Isabella, as Queen of Castile, had rigorously forbidden all strangers to 
 trade with her transatlantic possessions, not even excepting the natives 
 of the kingdom of Aragon. 
 
 This squadron visited Paria and several hundred miles of the coast, 
 which they ascertained to be Terra Firma. They returned in June, 1500; 
 and on the 18th of July, in that year, Amerigo Vespucci wrote an ac- 
 count of his voyage to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Medici of Florence, 
 which remained concealed in manuscript until brought to light and pub- 
 lished by Bandini in 1145. 
 
 In his account of this voyage, and in every other narrative of his 
 different expeditions, Vespucci never mentions any other person con- 
 cerned in the enterprise. He gives the time of his sailing, and states 
 that he went with two caravels, which were probably his share of the 
 expedition, or rather vessels sent by the house of Berardi. He gives a:i 
 interesting narrative of the voyage, and of the various transactions witli 
 the iia'.ives, which corresponds, in many substantial points, with the ac- 
 counts furnished by Ojeda and his mariners of their voyage, in a lawsuit 
 hereafter mentioned. 
 
 In May, 1">01, Vespucci, having suddenly left Spain, sailed in the ser- 
 vice of Emanuel, King of Portugal; in the course of which expedition 
 he visited the coast of Brazil. He gives an account of this voyage in 
 a second letter to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Medici, which also re- 
 mained in manuscript until published by Bartolozzi in 1789. 1 
 
 No record nor notice of any such voyage undertaken by Amerigo Ves- 
 pucci, at the command of Emanuel, is to be found in the archives of the 
 Torre do Tombo, the general archives of Portugal, which have been re- 
 peatedly and diligently searched for the purpose. It is singular also that 
 his name is not to be found in any of the Portuguese historians, who in 
 general were very particular in naming all navigators who held any 
 important station among them, or rendered any distinguished services. 
 That Vespucci did sail along the coasts, however, Is not questioned. His 
 nephew, after his death, in the course of evidence on some points in dis- 
 
 i Dartolozzi, Uechorche Ilisiorico. Firenze, 1789.
 
 688 APPENDIX. 
 
 pute, gave the correct latitude of Cape St. Augustine, which he said he 
 had extracted from his uncle's journal. 
 
 In 1504 Vespucci wrote a third letter to the same Lorenzo de Medici, 
 containing a more extended account of the voyage just alluded to in the 
 service of Portugal. This was the first of his narratives that appeared 
 in print. It appears to have been published in Latin, at Strasburgh, as 
 early as 1505, under the title " Americiis Vesputius de Orbe Antarctica 
 per Kegem Portugallke pridem inveuta." 1 
 
 An edition of this letter was printed in Vicenza in 1507, in an anony- 
 mous collection of voyages edited by Franeauzio di Monte Alboddo, an 
 inhabitant of Vicenza. It was reprinted in Italian in 1508, at Milan, 
 and also in Latin, in a book entitled " Itinerarium Portugalensium." 
 In making the present illustration, the Milan edition in Italian- has been 
 consulted, and also a Latin translation of it by Simon Grimeus, in his 
 "Novus Orbis," published at Basle in 15:32. It relates entirely the first 
 voyage of Vespucci from Lisbon to the Brazils in 1501. 
 
 It is from this voyage to the Brazils that Amerigo Vespucci was first 
 considered the discoverer of Terra Firma; and his name was at first ap- 
 plied to these southern regions, though afterward extended to the whole 
 continent. The merits of his voyage were, however, greatly exaggerated. 
 The Brazils had been previously discovered, and formally taken posses- 
 sion of for Spain in 1500, by Vinceute Vafiez Pinzon; and also in the 
 same year, by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, on the part of Portugal; circum- 
 stances unknown, however, to Vespucci and his associates. The country 
 remained in possession of Portugal, in conformity to the line of demar- 
 cation agreed on between the two nations. 
 
 Vespucci made a second voyage in the service of Portugal. He says 
 that he commanded a caravel in a squadron of six vessels destined for 
 the discovery of Malacca, which they had heard to be the great depot 
 and magazine of all the trade between the Ganges and the Indian sea. 
 Such an expedition did sail about this time, under the command of Gon- 
 zalo Coelho The squadron sailed, according to Vespucci, on the 10th 
 of May, 1503. It stopped at the Cape de Verd islands for refreshments, 
 and afterward sailed by the coast of Sierra Leone, but was prevented 
 from landing by contrary winds and a turbulent sea. Standing to the 
 south-west, they ran three hundred leagues until they were three degrees 
 to the southward of the equinoctial line, where they discovered an unin- 
 habited island about two leagues in length and one in breadth. Here, 
 on the 10th of August, by mismanagement, the commander of the 
 squadron ran his vessel on a rock and lost her. While the other vessels 
 were assisting to save the crew and property from the wreck, Amerigo 
 Vespucci was despatched m his caravel to search for a safe harbor in the 
 island. He departed in his vessel without his long boat, and with less 
 
 1 Panzer, torn. vi. p. A3, apud Esarne t'rilico, p. 8S, Anotazione 1. 
 
 1 Tins rare liook, in the |xwi*csiou of O. Rich, Esq., in believed to l>e the oldest 
 printed collection of voyages extant. It has not the pages mimln-n-cl, the sheete are 
 merely marked with a letter of the alphabet at the fool of each eighth page. It con- 
 tains the cuniest account of the voyages of Columbus, from his first departure until his 
 arrival at Cadiz in ch.ins. The letter of Vespucci to Lorenzo de Medici occupies the 
 fifth liook of this little volume. It is suited to have been originally written in Spanish, 
 and translated into ltaiia:i l>y a person of the name of .Jocondo. An earlier edition ia 
 elated to have been printed in Venice by AU>erto Vercellese, in l"0l. The author ia 
 said to have been Angeio Trivigiani, secretary to the Venetian ambassador in Spain. 
 This Trivitfiani appears to have collected many of the particulars of the voyages of 
 Columbus from the manuscript decades of 1'eter Martyr, who erroneously lays the 
 cnaigc of the plagiarism to Aioyslus Cudumosto, whose voyages are inserted in the 
 came collection. The book was entitled " Libretto di tutla la nuciyuzioitt dtl 1U de 
 t, dtita Isole e Urreni naocumtiite trocati."
 
 APPENDIX. 639 
 
 than half of his crew, the rest having gone in the boat to the assistance 
 of the wreck. Vespucci found a harbor, but waited in vain for several 
 days for the arrival of the ships. Standing out to sea he met with a 
 solitary vessel, and learned that the ship of the commander had sunk, 
 and the re.st had proceeded onward. In company with this vessel he 
 stood for the Brazils, according to a command of the king, in case that 
 any vessel should be parted from the fleet. Arriving on the coast he dis- 
 covered the famous bay of All Saints, where he remained upward of two 
 months, in hopes of being joined by the rest of the fleet. He at length 
 ran iwo hundred and sixty leagues farther south, where he remained five 
 months building a fort and taking in a cargo of Brazil wood. Then, 
 leaving in the fortress a garrison of twenty-four men with anns and 
 ammunition, he set sail for Lisbon, where he arrived in June, 1504. 1 
 The commander of the squadron and the other four ships were never 
 heard of afterward. 
 
 Vespucci does not. appear to have received the reward from the King 
 of Portugal that his services merited, for we find him at Seville early in 
 1505. on his way to the Spanish court, in quest of employment; and he 
 was bearer of a letter from Columbus to his son Diego, dated February 
 5th, which, while it speaks warmly of him as a friend, intimates his 
 having been unfortunate. The following is the letter: 
 
 " MY DKAII SON: Diego Mendez departed hence on Monday, the third 
 of this month. After his departure 1 conversed with Amerigo Vespucci, 
 the bearer of this, who goes there (to court) summoned on affairs of 
 navigation. Fortune has been adverse to him as to many others. Ills 
 labors have not profited him as much as they reasonably should have 
 done. He goes on my account, and with much desire to do something 
 that may result to my advantage, if within his power. I cannot ascer- 
 tain here in what 1 can employ him, that will be serviceable to me, for 
 I do not know what may be there required. He goes with the determi- 
 nation to do all that is possible for me; see in what he may be of advan- 
 tage and co-operate with him, that he may say and do every thing, and 
 put his plans in operation; and let all be done secretly, that he may not 
 be suspected: I have said every thing to him that I can say touching the 
 business, and have informed him of the pay 1 have received, and what 
 is due, etc." ' 2 
 
 About this time Amerigo Vespucci received letters of naturalization 
 from King Ferdinand, and shortly afterward he and Vincente Yailez 
 Pinzon were named captains of an armada about to be sent out in the 
 spice trade and to make discoveries. There is a royal order, dated Toro, 
 llth of April, 1507, for 12,000 maravedies for an outfit for " Americo de 
 Vespuche, resident of Seville." Preparations were made for this voy- 
 age, and vessels procured and fitted out, but it was eventually abandoned. 
 There are memoranda existing concerning it, dated in 1506', 1507, and 
 1508. from which it appears that Amerigo Vespucci remained at Seville, 
 attending to the fluctuating concerns of this squadron, until the desti- 
 nation of the vessels was changed, their equipments were sold, and the 
 accounts settled. During this time he had a salary of 30,000 maravedies. 
 On the 22d of March, 1508, he received the appointment of principal 
 pilot, with a salary of 70,000 maravedies. His chief duties were to pre- 
 pare charts, examine pilots, superintend the fitting out of expeditions, 
 and prescribe the route that vessels were to pursue in their voyages to 
 the New World. He appears to have remained at Seville, and to have 
 
 1 Writer of Vespucci to Poduritii or Keitato Edit, of Canoval. 
 * Kavarrulu, Coluc. Viag., tow. i. i>. i>^l.
 
 640 APPENDIX. 
 
 retained this office until his death, on the 22d of February, 1512. His 
 widow, Maria ( 'orezo, enjoyed a pension of 10,000 maravedies. After his 
 death, his nephew, Juan Vespucci, was nominated pilot with a salary of 
 20,000 maravedies, commencing on the 2'Jd of May, Jo 12. Peter Martyr 
 speaks with high commendation of this young man. " Young Vesputins 
 is one to whom Americas Vespntius his uncle left the exact knowledge 
 of the manner's faculties, as it were by inheritance, after his death: for 
 he was a very expert master in the knowledge of his cardc, his compasse, 
 and the elevation of the pole slarre by the quadrant. . . . Vespulius is 
 iny very familiar friend, and a wittie young man, in whose company 1 
 take great pleasure, and therefore use him ofteutymes for my gue>l. He 
 hath also made many voyages into these coasts, and diligently noted such 
 things as he hath seen." l 
 
 Vespucci, the nephew, continued in this situation during the lifetime 
 of Fonseca, who had been the patron of his uncle and his family. He 
 was divested of his pay and his employ by a letter of the council, dated 
 the 18th of March, 1525, shortly after the death of the bishop. No 
 further notice of Vespucci is to be found in the archives of the Indies. 
 
 Such is a brief view of the career of Amerigo Vespucci; it remains to 
 notice the points of controversy. Shortly after his return from his last 
 expedition to the Brazils, he wrote a letter dated Lisbon, 4th September. 
 1504, containing a summary account of all his voyages. This letter is of 
 special importance to the matters under investigation, as it is the only one 
 known that relates to the disputed voyage, which would establish him as 
 the discoverer of Terra Firma. It is presumed to have been written in 
 Latin, and was addressed to Rene, Duke of Lorraine, who assumed the 
 title of King of Sicily and Jerusalem. 
 
 The earliest known edition of this letter was published in Latin, in 1507, 
 at St. Diez in Lorraine, A copy of it has been found in the library of 
 the Vatican (No. 9GSS) by the Abbe C'ancellieri. In preparing the present 
 illustration, a reprint of this letter in Latin has been consulted, inserted 
 iu the Novus Orb is of Grinams, published at Bath in 15:)2. The letter 
 contains a spirited narrative of four voyages which he asserts to have 
 made to the New World. In the prologue he excuses the liberty of 
 addressing King Rene by calling to his recollection the ancient intimacy 
 of their youth, when studying the rudiments of science together, under 
 the paternal uncle of the voyager; and adds that if the present narrative 
 should not altogether please his majesty, he must plead to him as Pliny 
 said to Ma-cenus, that he used formerly to be amused with his trillings. 
 
 In the prologue to this letter, he informs King Rene that affairs of com- 
 merce had brought him to Spain, where he had experienced the various 
 changes of fortune attendant on such transactions, and was induced to 
 abandon that pursuit and direct his labors to objects of a more elevated 
 and stable nature. He therefore proposed to contemplate various parts 
 of the world, and to behold the marvels which it contains. To this object 
 both time and place were favorable; for King Ferdinand was then prepar- 
 ing four vessels for the discovery of new lands in the west, and appointed 
 him among the number of those who went in the expedition. " We 
 departed," he adds, " from the port of Cadiz, May 20th, 1497, taking our 
 course on the great gulf of ocean; in which voyage we employed eighteen 
 months, discovering many lands and innumerable islands, chiefly inhab- 
 ited, of which our ancestors make no mention." 
 
 A duplicate of this letter appears to have been sent at the same time 
 (written, it is said, in Italian) to Piere Soderini, afterward Gonfalonier 
 
 1 Jfeter Martyr, detail, iii. lib. v. EJeu's English traus.
 
 A PPENDIX. 641 
 
 of Florence, which was some years subsequently published in Italy not 
 earlier than 1510, ami entitled " Lettera de Amerigo Vespucci delle Isole 
 nuovamente trovate in quatro suoi viaggi." We have consulted the 
 edition of this letter in Italian, inserted in the publication of Padre Sta- 
 nislaus Canovai, already referred to. 
 
 It has l*?en suggested by an Italian writer, that this letter was written 
 by Vespucci to Soderini only, and the address altered to King Rene 
 through the flattery or mistake of the Lorraine editor, without perceiving 
 how unsuitable the reference to former intimacy, intended for Soderini, 
 was, when applied to a sovereign. The person making this remark can 
 hardly have read the prologue to the Latin edition, in which the title of 
 " your majesty" is frequently repeated, and the term " illustrious king" 
 employed. It was first published also in Lorraine, the domains of Rene, 
 and the publisher would not probably have presumed to take such a liberty 
 with his sovereign's name. It becomes a ques'ion, whether Vespucci 
 addressed the same letter to King Rene and to Piere Soderini, both of 
 them having been educated with him. or whether he sent a copy of this 
 letter to So.lenni, which subsequently found iis way into print. The 
 address to Soderini may have been substituted, through mistake, by the 
 Italian publisher. Neither of the publications could have been made 
 under the supervision of Vespucci. 
 
 The voyage specified in this letter as having taken place in 1497, is the 
 great point in controversy. It is strenuously asserted that no such voyage 
 took place; and that the first expedition of Vespucci to the coast of Paria 
 was in the enterprise commanded by Ojeda, in 1499. The books of the 
 armadas existing in the archives of the Indies at Seville have been dili- 
 gently examined, but no record of such voyage has been found, nor any 
 official documents relating to it. Those most experienced in Spanish 
 colonial regulations insist that no command like that pretended by Ves- 
 pucci could have been given to a stranger, till he had first received letters 
 of naturalization from the sovereigns for the kingdom of Castile, and he 
 did not obtain such till 1505, when they were granted to him as prepara- 
 tory to giving him the command in conjunction with Pinzon. 
 
 His account of a voyage -made by him in 1497, therefore, is alleged to 
 be a fabrication for the purpose of claiming- the discovery of Paria; or 
 rather it is atlirmed that he has divided the voyage which he actually 
 made with Ojeda, in 1499, into two; taking a number of incidents from 
 his real voyage, altering them a little, and enlarging them with descrip- 
 tions of the corn-tries and people, so as to make a plausible narrative, which 
 lie i^ives as a distinct voyage; and antedating his departure to 1497, so as 
 to make himself appear the first discoverer of Paria. 
 
 In support of this charge various coincidences have been pointed out 
 between his voyage suiil to have taken place in 1497, and that described 
 in his first letter to Lorenzo de Medici in 1499. These coincidences are 
 with respect to places visited, transactions and battles with the natives, 
 and the number of Indians carried to Spain and sold as slaves. 
 
 l>ut the credibility of this voyage has been put to a stronger test. 
 About 1508 a suit was instituted against the crown of Spain by Don Diego, 
 son and heir of Columbus, for the government of certain parts of Terra 
 Firma, and for a share in the revenue arising from them, conformably to 
 the capitulations made between the sovereign and his father. It was the 
 object of the crown to disprove the discovery of the coast of Paria and 
 the pearl islands by Columbus, as it was maintained that unless he had 
 diseoveivd them, the claim of his heir with respect to them would be of 
 no validity. 
 
 In the course of this suit, a particular examination of witnesses took
 
 642 APPENDIX. 
 
 place in 1512-13 in the fiscal court. Alonzo de Ojeda, and nearly a hun- 
 dred other persons, were interrogate 1 on oath; that voyager having ln-t-n 
 the first to visit the coast of Paria after Columbus had left it. ami that 
 within a very few months. The interrogatories of these witnc-scs. an I 
 their replies, are still extant, in the archives of the Indies at Seville, in a 
 packet of papers entitled " Papers belonging to the Admiral Don Luis 
 Colon, about the conservation of his privileges, from ami. 1515 to 15(54." 
 The author of the present work has two several copies of these interroga- 
 tories lying before him. One made by the late historian Munox. and the 
 other ma.le in 1826, and signed by John Jose de la Iligueray Lara, keeper 
 of the general archives of the Indies in Seville. In the course of this 
 testimony, the fact that Amerigo Vespucci accompanied Ojeda in this 
 voyage of 1499, appears manifest, first from the deposition of Ojeda him- 
 self. The following are the words of the record: '' In this voyage which 
 this said witness made, he took with him Juan de la Cosa and Morego 
 Vespuche [Amerigo Vespucci] and other pilots." l Secondly, from the 
 coincidence of many parts of the narrative of Vespucci with events in this 
 voyage of Ojeda. Among these coincidences, one is particularly striking. 
 Vespucci, in his letter to Lorenzo de Medici, and also in that to Rene or 
 Soderini, says that his ships, after leaving the coast of Terra Kinna, 
 stopped at Hispaniola, where they remained about two months and a half, 
 procuring provisions, during which time, he adds, " we had many perils 
 and troubles with the very Christians who were in that island with Colum- 
 bus, and I believe through envy." ' 2 
 
 Now it is well known that OjeJa passed some time on the western end 
 of the island victualling his ships; and that serious dissensions took place 
 between him and the Spaniards in those parts, and the party sent by 
 Columbus under Roldau to keep a watch upon his movements. If then 
 Vespucci, as is stated upon oath, really accompanied Ojeda in this voyage, 
 the inference appears almost irresistible, that he had not made the pre- 
 vious voyage of 1497. for the fact would have been well known to Ojeda; 
 he would have considered Vespucci as the original discoverer and would 
 have had no motive for depriving him of the merit of it, to give it to 
 Columbus, with whom Ojeda was not upon friendly terms. 
 
 Ojeda, however, expressly-declares that the coast had been discovered 
 by Columbus. On being asked how he knew the fact, he replied, because 
 he saw the chart of the country discovered, which Columbus sent at the 
 time to the king and queen, and that he came off immediately on a voy- 
 age of discovery, and found what was therein set down as discovered by 
 the admiral was correct. 3 
 
 Another witness, Bernaldo de Haro, states that he had been with the 
 admiral, and had written (or rather copied) a letter for the admiral to 
 the king and queen designating, in an accompanying sea-chart, the courses 
 and steerings and winds by which he had arrived at Paria: and that this 
 witness had heard that from this chart others had been made, and that 
 
 1 En este viase que este dicho teetigo hizo trujo consigo a Juan de la Cosa, piloto, 
 e Morego Vespuche, e otiw pilotos. 
 
 1 Per la necessita del mantenimento fummo all' Icola d'Antielia (Hispaniola) che 6 
 quecta che descoperse Chrintoval Colombo piu anni fa, dove fucummo raolto mantei i- 
 mento, e stem mo due mesi e 17 giorni; dove passammo moti perieoli e travail con !i 
 medesimi Christian! que in v-)iie-<ta isola stavaiino col Colombo (credo per invidia). Letter 
 of Vespucci Kdit. of Canovai. 
 
 Preguntado como lo salw; dijo qne ! cabe porque vio este testigo la fieura quo 
 el dicho AlmiraiHe al dicho tiempo euilii > a <'utilla al Key e Reyna, nueftruH Seiiores, 
 de lo que babia descubicrto, y porque ete leatigo luego vino a descubrir y hallo que era 
 verdad lo que dicho tiene que el dicho AltuirauU; deacubrio. MS. Process of D. Dieg.> 
 Coloo, preguuta 2.
 
 APPENDIX. 643 
 
 Pedro Alon/.o Xifio and Ojeda, and others, who had since visited th'ese 
 countries, had been guided by the same. 1 
 
 Francisco de Molares, one of the best and most credible of all the pilots, 
 testified that he saw a sea-chart which Columbus had made of the coast of 
 Paria, and lie believed 11ml nil yoverned tlientsilcen l>y it* 
 
 Numerous witnesses in this process testify to the fact that Paria was 
 first discovered by Columbus. Las Casas, who has been at the pains of 
 counting them, says that the fact was established by twenty-five eye- 
 witnesses and sixty ear-witnesses. Many of them testify also that the 
 coast south of Paria, and that extending west of the island of Margarita, 
 away to Vene/.nela, which Vespucci states to have been discovered by 
 himself in 14H7, was now first discovered by Ojeda, and had never before 
 been visited either by the admiral "or any other Christian whatever." 
 
 Alonzo Sanchez de Carvujul says that all the voyages of discovery which 
 were made to the Terra Firma, were made by persons who had sailed 
 with the admiral, or been benefited by his instructions and directions, 
 following the course he had laid down ; a and the same is testified by many 
 other pilots and mariners of reputation and experience. 
 
 It would be a singular circumstance, if none of these witnesses, many 
 of whom must have sailed in the same squadron with Vespucci along this 
 coast in 14U!>. should have known that he had discovered and explored it 
 two years previously. If that had really been the case, what motive could 
 he have for concealing the fact? and why, if they knew it, should they 
 not proclaim it? Vespucci states his voyage in 1407 to have been made 
 with four caravels; that they returned in October, 14l>8, and that he sailed 
 again with two caravels in May. 14'. H) (the date of Ojeda's departure). 
 Many of the mariners would therefore have been present in both vo\ 
 Why, too, should Ojeda and the other pilots guide themselves by the 
 charts of Columbus, when they had a man on board so learned in nautical 
 science, and who, from his own recent observations, was practically 
 acquainted with the coast? Not a word, however, is mentioned of the 
 voyage and discovery of Vespucci by any of the pilots, though every other 
 voyage and discovery is cited; nor does there even a seaman appear who 
 had accompanied him in his asserted voyage. 
 
 Another strong circumstance against the reality of this voyage is, that it 
 was not brought forward in this trial to defeat the claims of the heirs of 
 Columbus. Vespucci states the voyage to have been undertaken with 
 the knowledge and countenance of King Ferdinand; it niu>t. therefore, 
 have been avowed and notorious. Vespucci was living at .Seville in 1-J08, 
 at the time of the commencement of this suit, and for four years after- 
 war 1, a -ularied servant of the crown. Many of the pilots and mariners 
 must have been at hand, who sailed with him in his pretended enterprise. 
 If this voyage had once been proved, it would completely have settled the 
 question, as far as concerned the coast of Paria, in favor of the crown. 
 Yet no testimony appears ever to have been taken from Vespucci while 
 
 1 Este tpptisro oscrivio una cnrta qne el Almirantc eecriviera al Rcy a Reyna X.N'.S S. 
 haciendo Ic* ibrr his |KM las ecosas i(c haltia hallado, y le embiti senaido con la ilic/ha 
 carta, en una i-arui de marear. Ion rmnlxM y vietitow por donde habia llega do a la Paria, 
 e queewte Uwligooyodpcir como pr. aquella carte se habian hecho otras e nor el law habian 
 venido Pedro Alouzo Merino [Niuol Ojeda e olroe quo despueu ban ido <i aquellas pnn*. 
 Idem, preLTiinta 9. 
 
 J Procew* of D. TMeao Colon, pregunta 10. 
 
 s (juevn lodos los viagert qur algiiitow hicioron descubriendo en la dicha tiorra, ihan 
 persona* (jue ovieion navesjado con el dicho Ahnirante, y a ellos mnptri'i mucha* cos:is dj 
 niarcar, y <>llo por iniiUuion rimlnsuia iMdiclio .Mininiiite las apreijdi;i.i y a,)U':idieron, 
 e BCLtiiciiilo ay". (|iic H dit-ho Aliniianle le habia niostrado, hicierou IOB viages que den 
 cubrieruu uu laTierru Kiruia. 1'roc.cs.s, preguula 10.
 
 644 APPENDIX. 
 
 living; and when the interrogatories we're marie in the fiscal court in 
 1512-13, not one of his seamen is brought up to give evidence. A voyage 
 so important in its nature, and so essential to the question in dispute, is 
 not even alluded to, while useless pains are taken to wrest evidence from 
 the voyage of Ojeda, undertaken at a subsequent period. 
 
 It is a circumstance worthy of notice, that Vespucci commences his first 
 letters to Lorenzo de Medici in 1500, within a month after his return from 
 the voyage he had actually made to Paria, and apologizes for his long 
 silence, by saying that nothing had occurred worthy of mention ("e gran 
 tempo che non ho scritto a vostro magnifizensa, e non lo ha causato altra 
 cosa ne nessuna salvo non mi essere occorso cosa degna di memoria"), 
 and proceeds eagerly to tell him the wonders he had witnessed in the 
 expedition from which he had but just returned. It would be a singular 
 forgetfulness to say that nothing had occurred of importance, if he had 
 made a previous voyage of eighteen months in 1407-8 to this newly dis- 
 covered world; and it would be almost equally strange that he should not 
 make the slightest allusion to it in this letter. 
 
 It has been the endeavor of the author to examine this question dis- 
 passionately ; and after considering the statements and arguments advanced 
 on either side, he cannot resist a conviction, that the voyage stated to 
 have been made in 1497 did not take place, and that Vespucci has no title 
 to the first discovery of the coast of Paria. 
 
 The question is extremely perplexing from the difficulty of assigning 
 sufficient motive? for so gross a deception. When Vespucci wrote his 
 letters there was no doubt entertained but that Columbus had discovered 
 the main-land in his first voyage; Cuba being always considered the 
 extremity of Asia, until circumnavigated in 1508. Vespucci may have 
 supposed Brazil, Paria, and the rest of that coast, part of a distinct conti- 
 uent, and have been anxious to arrogate to himself the fame of its dis- 
 covery. It has been asserted that, on his return from his voyage to the 
 Brazils, he prepared a maritime chart, in which he gave his name to that 
 part of the main-land; but this assertion does not appear to be well sub- 
 stantiated. It would rather seem that his name was given to that part of 
 the continent by others, as a tribute paid to his supposed merit, in conse- 
 quence of having read his own account, of his voyages. 1 
 
 It is singular that Fernando, the son of Columbus, in his biography of 
 his father, should bring no charge against Vespucci of endeavoring to 
 supplant the admiral in this discovery. Herrera has been cited as the first 
 to bring the accusation, in his history of the Indies, first published in 
 1001, and has been much criticised in consequence, by the advocates of 
 Vespucci, as making the charge on his mere assertion. But, in fact, 
 Herrera did but copy what he found written by Las Casas, who had the 
 proceedings of the fiscal court lying before him, and was moved to indig- 
 nation against Vespucci, by what he considered proofs of great imposture. 
 
 It has been suggested that Vespucci was instigated to this deception at 
 the time when he was seeking employment in the colonial service of 
 Spain; and that he did it lo conciliate the Bishop Fonseca, who was de- 
 sirous of any thing that might injure the interests of Columbus. In cor- 
 roboration of this opinion, the patronage is cited, which was ever shown 
 by Fonseca to Vespucci and his family. This is not, however, a satisfac- 
 tory' reason, since it does not appear that the bishop ever made any use 
 
 1 The first suggestion of the name appears to have been in the Latin work already 
 cited, published i.i St. Diez, in Lorraiue, in Io07, in which was inserted the letter of 
 Vi'cpueci to king Rone. The author, after speaking of the other three parts of the world, 
 Asia, Africa, and Europe, recommends that the fourth shall be culled Amerigo, or 
 America, after Vespucci, whom he imagined its discoverer.
 
 APPENDIX. 645 
 
 of the fabrication. Perhaps some other means might be found of account- 
 ing for this spurious narration, without implicating the veracity of Ves- 
 pucci. It may have been the blunder of some editor, or the interpolation 
 of some book-maker, eager, as in the case of Trivigiani with tin- manu- 
 scripts of Peter Martyr, to gather together disjointed materials, and 
 fabricate a work to gratify the prevalent passion of the day. 
 
 In the various editions of the letters of Vespucci, the grossest varia- 
 tions and inconsistencies in dates will be found, evidently the errors of 
 hasty and careless publishers. Several of these have been corrected by 
 the modern authors who have inserted these letters in their works. 1 The 
 same disregard to exactness which led to these blunders may have pro- 
 duced the interpolation of this voyage, garbled out of the letters of Ves- 
 pucci and the accounts of other voyagers. This is merely suggested as a 
 possible mode of accounting for what appears so decidedly to be a fabri- 
 cation, yet which we are loath to attribute to a man of the good sense, 
 the character, and the reputed merit of Vespucci. 
 
 After all, this is a question more of curiosity than of real moment, 
 although it is one of those perplexing points about which grave men will 
 continue to write weary volumes, until the subject acquires a factitious 
 importance from the mountain of controversy heaped upon it. It has 
 become a question of local pride with the literati of Florence: and they 
 emulate each other with patriotic zeal, to vindicate the fame of their dis- 
 tinguished countryman. This zeal is laudable when kept within proper 
 limits; but it is to be regretted that some of them have so far been heated 
 by controversy as to become irascible against the very memory of Colum- 
 bus, and to seek to disparage his general fame, as if the ruin of it would 
 add any thing to the reputation of Vespucci. This is discreditable to their 
 discernment and their liberality; it injures their cause, and shocks the 
 feelings of mankind, who will not willingly see a name like that of Co- 
 lumbus, lightly or petulantly assailed in the course of these literary con- 
 tests. It is a name consecrated in history, and is no longer the property 
 of a city, or a state, or a nation, but of the whole world. 
 
 Neither should those who have a proper sense of the merit of Columbus 
 put any part of his great renown at issue upon this minor dispute. 
 Whether or not he was the discoverer of Paria, was a question of interest 
 to his heirs, as a share of the government and revenues of that country 
 depended upon it; but it is of no importance to his fame. In fact, the 
 European who first reached the main-land of the New World was most 
 probably Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, sailing in the employ of 
 England. In 1497 he coasted its shores from Labrador to Florida, yet the 
 English have never set up any pretensions on his account. 
 
 The glory of Columbus does not depend upon the parts of the country 
 he visited or the extent of coast along which he sailed; it embraces the 
 discovery of the whole western world. With respect to him, Vespucci is 
 as Yanez Pinzon, Bastides, Ojeda, Cabot, and the crowd of secondary 
 discoverers who followed in his track, and explored the realms to which 
 he had led the way. When Columbus first touched a shore of the New 
 
 1 An instance of these errors may be cited in the edition of the letter of Amerigo 
 Vespucci to king Rene, inserted by Grinseus in his Xovus Orbis, in 1532. In this Ves- 
 pucci is made to state that he sailed from Cadiz, May 20, MCCCCXOVII. (1497) that he 
 was eighteen months absent, and returned to Cadiz October 15, MCCCCXCIX. (1499), 
 which would constitute an absence of twenty. nine months. He states his departure from 
 Cadi/., on his second voyage, Sunday, Mar II, MCCCCI, XXXIX. (1489), which would 
 have made his second voyage precede his tirst by eight years. If we substitute 1409 tor 
 14s.i. the departure on his second voyage would stili precede his return from his first by 
 five month*. Carnival, in his edilio i, has Altered the date of the first reluru lo 1498, to 
 limit the voyage lo eigbteeu months.
 
 646 APPENDIX. 
 
 World, oven though a frontier island, he had achieved his enterprises; he 
 had accomplished all that was necessary to his fame: the great problem 
 of the ocean was solved, the world which lay beyond its Western waters 
 was discovered. 
 
 A'otf to the Rer.ixed Edition, 184S. Humboldt, in his EXAMEN CRITIQUE, published 
 in I'aris, in 1837, says: " 1 have been so happy as to discover, very recently, the name 
 ami the literary relations of the mysterious personage who (in 1->07) was the tirst to pro- 
 pose the name of America to designate the new continent, and who concealed himself 
 under the Gieciauized name of Hylacomylas." He then, by a long and ingenious inves 
 tigatiun, shows that the real name of this personage was Martin Wuldsefiniiller, of Fri- 
 bourg, an eminent cosmographer, patronized by Rene, Duke of Lorraine; who.no doubt, 
 put in his hands the letter received hy him from Amerigo Vespucci. The geographical 
 works of Waldseemiiller, under the assumed name of Ilylacomylas, had a wide circula- 
 tion, went through repeated editions, and propagated the use of the name America 
 through the world. There is no reason to suppose that this application of the name was 
 in anywise suggested by Amerigo Vespucci. It appears to have been entirely gratui- 
 tous oil the part of WaldseeuiiiUer. 
 
 No. XI 
 
 MARTIN ALONZO PINZON. 
 
 Ix the course of the trial in the fiscal court, between Don Diego and 
 the crown, an attempt was made to depreciate the merit of Columbus, 
 and to ascribe the success of the great enterprise of discovery to the in- 
 telligence and spirit of Martin Alonzo Pinzon. It was the interest of the 
 crown to do so, to justify itself in withholding from the heirs of Colum- 
 bus the extent of his stipulated reward. The examinations of witnesses 
 in this trial were made at various times and places, and upon a set of in- 
 terrogatories formally drawn up by order of the fiscal. They took place 
 upwards of twenty years after the first voyage of Columbus, and the wit- 
 nesses testified from recollection. 
 
 In reply to one of the interrogatories, Arias Perez Pinzon, son of Martin 
 Alonzo, declared, that, being once in Rome with his father on commercial 
 affairs, before the time of the discovery, they had frequent conversations 
 with a person learned in cosmography who was in the service of Pope 
 Innocent VIII., and that being in the library of the pope, this person 
 showed them many manuscripts, from one of which his father gathered 
 intimation of these new lands; for there was a passage by an historian as 
 old as the time of Solomon, which said, " Navigate the Mediterranean 
 Sea to the end of Spain and thence towards the setting sun, in a direction 
 between north and south, until ninety-five degrees of longitude, and you 
 will find the land of Cipango, fertile and abundant, and equal in greatness 
 to Africa and Europe." A copy of this writing, he added, his father 
 brought from Home with an intention of going in search of that land, 
 and frequently expressed such determination; and that, when Columbus 
 came to Palos with his project of discovery, Martin Alonzo Pinzon showed 
 him the manuscript, and ultimately gave it to him just before they sailed. 
 
 It is extremely probable that this manuscript, of which Arias Perez 
 gives so vague an account from recollection, but which he appears to think 
 the main thing that prompted Columbus to his undertaking, was no other 
 than the work of Marco Polo, which, at that time, existed in manuscript 
 in most of the Italian libraries. Martin Alonzo was evidently acquainted 
 with the work of the Venetian, and it would appear, from various circum- 
 stances, that Columbus had a copy of it with him in his voyages, which 
 may have been the manuscript, above mentioned. Columbus had long 
 before, however, had a knowledge of the work, if not by actual inspec- 
 tion, at least through his correspondence with Toscanelli in 1474, and had 
 derived trom it all the light it svas capable of furnishing, before he ever
 
 APPEXTHX. 647 
 
 came to Palos. Tt is questionable, also, whether the visit of Martin 
 Alonzo to Home was not after his mind had been heated by conversations 
 with Columbus in the convent of La Kabida. The testimony of Arias 
 Perez is so worded as to leave it in doubt whether the visit was not in the 
 very year prior to the discovery: " fue el dicho su padre a lioina aquel 
 dicho ano antes que fuese a descubrir." Arias Perez always mentions the 
 manuscript as having l>een imparted to Columbus, after he had couie to 
 Palos with an intention of proceeding on the discovery. 
 
 Certain witnesses who were examined on behalf of the crown, and to 
 whom specific interrogatories were put, asserted, as has already been 
 mentioned in a note to this work, that had it not been for Martin Alonzo 
 Pinzon and his brothers, Columbus would have turned back for Spain, 
 after having run seven or eight hundred leagues; being disheartened at 
 not finding land, and dismayed by the mutiny and menaces of his crew. 
 This is stated by two or three as from personal knowledge, and by others 
 from hearsay. It is said especially to have occurred on the Oth of Octo- 
 ber. On this day, according to the journal of Columbus, he had some 
 conversation with Martin Alonzo, who was anxious that they should 
 stand more to the south-west. The admiral refused to do so, and it is 
 very probable that some angry words may have passed U-tween them. 
 Various disputes appear to have taken place between Columbus and his 
 colleagues respecting their route, previous to the discovery of land; in 
 one or two instances he acceded to their wishes and altered his course, 
 but in general lie was inflexible in standing to the west. The Pinzons 
 aNo. in all probability, exerted their influence in quelling the mill-mill's 
 of their townsmen and encouraging them to proceed, when ready to rel>el 
 against Columbus. These circumstances may have become mixed up in 
 the vague recollections of the seamen who gave the foregoing extravagant 
 testimony, and who were evidently disposed to exalt the merits of the 
 Pinzons at the expense of Columbus. They were in some measure 
 prompted also in their replies by the written interrogatories put by order 
 of the fiscal, which specified the conversation said to have passed bet ween 
 Columbus and the Pinzons, and notwithstanding these guides they dif- 
 fered widely in their statements, and ran into many absurdities. In a, 
 manuscript record in possession of the. Pinzon family, I have even read 
 the assertion of an old seaman, that Columbus, in his eagerness to com- 
 pel 1 the Pinzons to turn back to Spain, fired upon Llielr .s/u/w, but. they 
 continuing on, he was obliged to follow, and within two days afterward 
 discovered the island of Hispaniola. 
 
 It is evident the old sailor, if he really spoke conscientiously, mingled 
 in his cloudy remembrance the disputes in the early part of the voyage, 
 about altering their course to the south-west, and the desertion of Martin 
 Alonzo, subsequent to the discovery of the Lucayos and Cuba, when, 
 after parting company with the admiral, he made the island of Hispaniola. 
 
 The witness most to l>e depended upon as to these points of inquiry, is 
 the physician of Palos, Garcia Fernandez, a man of education, who sailed 
 with Martin Alonzo Pinzon as steward of his ship, and of course was 
 present at all the conversations which passed between the commanders, 
 lie testifies that Martin Alonzo urged Columbus to stand more to the 
 south-west, and that the admiral at length complied, but, finding no land 
 in that direction, they turned again to the west; a statement which com- 
 pletely coincides with the journal of Columbus. He adds that the admiral 
 continually comforted and animated Martin Alonzo, and all others in his 
 company. (Siempre los consolaba el dicho Almirante esforzandolos al 
 dicho Martin Alonzo e ji todos los que en su companla iban.) When the 
 physician was specifically questioned as to the conversations pretended to
 
 648 APPENDIX. 
 
 + 
 
 have passed between the commanders, in which Columbus expressed a 
 desire to turn back to Spain, he referred to the preceding statement as 
 the oidy answer he had to make to these interrogatories. 
 
 The extravagant testimony before mentioned appears never to have 
 had any weight with the fiscal; and the accurate historian Mufioz, who 
 extracted all these points of evidence from the papers of the lawsuit, has 
 not deemed them worthy of mention in his work. As these matters, 
 however, remain on record in the archives of the Indies, ami in the 
 archives of the Pinzon family, in both of which I have had a full oppor- 
 tunity of inspecting them, I have thought it advisable to make these few 
 observations on the subject; lest, in the rage for research, they might 
 hereafter be drawn forth as a new discovery, oil the strength of which to 
 impugn the merits of Columbus. 
 
 No. XII. 
 
 RUMOR OF THE PILOT SAID TO HAVE HIED IX THE HOUSE OF 
 COLUMBUS. 
 
 AMONO the various attempts to injure Columbus by those who were 
 envious of his fame, was one intended to destroy all his merit as an origi- 
 nal discoverer. It was said that he had received information of the exist- 
 ence of land in the western parts of the ocean from a tempest-tossed 
 pilot, who had been driven there by violent easterly winds, and who, 
 on his return to Europe, had died in the house of Columbus, leaving 111 
 his possession the chart and journal of his voyage, by which he was 
 guided to his discovery. 
 
 This story was first noticed by Oviedo, a contemporary of Columbus, 
 in his history of the Indies, published in 15-J5. He mentions it as a 
 rumor circulating among the vulgar, without foundation in truth. 
 
 Fernando Lopez de Gomara first brought it forward against Columbus. 
 In his history of the Indies, published in 1552, he repeats the rumor in 
 the vaguest terms, manifestly from Oviedo, but without the contradiction 
 given to it by that author. He says that the name and country of the 
 pilot were unknown, some terming him an Andalusian, sailing between 
 the Canaries and Madeira; others a Biseavan, trading to England and 
 France; and others a Portuguese, voyaging between Lisbon and Nina, on 
 the coast of Guinea. He expresses equal uncertainty whether the pilot 
 brought the caravel to Portugal, to Madeira, or to one of the Azores. The 
 only point on which the circulators of the rumor are agreed was, that he 
 died in the house of Columbus. Gomara adds that by this event Colum- 
 bus was led to undertake his voyage to the new countries. 1 
 
 The other early historians who mention Columbus and his voyages, ami 
 were his contemporaries, viz.. JSabellicus, Peter Martyr, Gustiniani. 13er- 
 naldez, commonly called the curate of los Palacios, Las Casas, Fernando, 
 the son of the admiral, and the anonymous author of a voyage of Colum- 
 bus, translated from the Italian into Latin by Madrignano,- are all silent in 
 regard to this report. 
 
 Benzoni. whose history of the New World was published in 15fV), re- 
 peats the story from Gomara, with whom he was contemporary: but 
 decidedly expresses his opinion that Gomara had mingled up much false- 
 
 1 Goinaia. Ili>l., I ml. cap. 14. 
 
 ! Naviuati.! ('hristophun Columbi, Madrignano Fntorprete. It i* contained in a col- 
 lection lit \oyases called Xovus Orlns Keuionum, edition of Ki.Vi, bill wu* originally pub- 
 li.-lu'd in Italian as written by Montalltodo Francaii/.ano (or Knincupuiio de Muululdo), 
 in u cutlecliou ot voyages (.-milled N IK-MJ Mundu, lu VKI-II/U, 1607.
 
 APPENDIX. 649 
 
 hoorl with sonic truth, for the purpose of detracting from the fame of 
 < 'nlumhus, through jealousy that any one but a Spaniard should enjoy the 
 honor of the discovery. 1 
 
 Acosia notices the cireumstanee slightly in his Natural and Moral History 
 of the Indies, published in 151H, and Lakes it evidently from Gomara.- 
 
 Mariana, in his history of Spain, published in 1-V.rJ, also mentions it, 
 but expresses a doubt of its truth, and derives his information manifestly 
 from (iomara. 3 
 
 lien era, who published his history of the Indies in 1(501, takes no notice 
 of the story. In not noticing it, he may be considered as rejecting it; for he 
 is distinguished for his minuteness, and was well acquainted with Gomara's 
 history, which he expressly contradicts on a point of considerable inteivst. 4 
 
 Garcilaso de la Vega, a native of Cuseo in Peru, revived the tale with 
 very minute particulars, in his Commentaries of the Incas, published in 
 100'.). lie tells it smoothly and circumstantially; fixes the date of the 
 occurrence 1484, "one. year more or less;' 1 states the name of the unfor- 
 tunate pilot, Alonzo Sanchez de Huelva; the destination of his vessel, 
 from the Canaries to Madeira; and the unknown land to which they w.-re 
 driven, the island of llispaniola. The pilot, he says, landed, took an alti- 
 tude, and wrote an account of all he saw, and all that had occurred in 
 the voyage. He then took in wood and water, and set out to seek his way 
 home. He succeeded in returning, but the voyage was long and tempest- 
 uous, ami twelve lied of hunger and fatigue, out of seventeen, the origi- 
 nal number of the crew. The five survivors arrived at Ten-era, where 
 they were hospitably entertained by Columbus, but all died in his house 
 in consequence of the hardships they had sustained; the pilot was the 
 la^t that died, leaving his host heir to his papers. Columbus kept them 
 profoundly secret, and by pursuing the route therein prescribed, obtained 
 the credit of discovering the New World. 5 
 
 Such are the material points of the circumstantial relation furnished 
 by Garcilaso tie la Vega, one hundred and twenty years after the event. 
 In regard to authority, he recollects to have heard the story when he was 
 a child, as a subject of conversation between his father and the neighbors, 
 and lie refers to the histories of the Indies, by Acosta and Goinara, for 
 confirmation. As the conversations to which he listened must have taken 
 place sixty or seventy years alter the date of the report, there had been sutti- 
 cient time for the vague rumors to become arranged into a regular narrative 
 and thus we have not only the name, country, and destination of the pilot, 
 but also the name of the unknown land to which his vessel was driven. 
 
 This account given by Garcilaso de la Vega, has been adopted by many 
 old historians, who have felt a confidence in the peremptory manner in 
 which he relates it and in the authorities to whom he refers." These 
 
 ' Girolarao Benzoni, Hist. Pel Nuevo Mnndo, lib. i. fo. 12. In Venetia, 1572. 
 ! I 'ad re .Joseph de Aeosta, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 19. 
 s .Juan de Mariana, Hist. Espana, lib. xxvi. cap. 3. 
 4 IJeni-ra, Hist. Ind., decail. ii. lili. iii. cap. I. 
 6 Coninifiitaiios de Ion Incae, lib. i. cap. 3. 
 
 Name* of historian* who either adopted this story in detail or the charge against 
 L'olumlms, drawn from it. 
 
 Bernanlo Aldrele, Amignedad de Espana, lib. iv. cap. 17, p. 567. 
 
 Koderiuo Cam, Atiliuuedad, lib. iii. cap. 76. 
 
 tluan de Solorzano, Ind. Jure, loin. i. lib. i. cap. 5. 
 
 Fernando Pizarro, Varoiie* lllust. del Niu-vo Mundo, cap. 2. 
 
 Agostiuo Torniel, Anual. Sacr., lorn. i. aim. Mund., 1931, No. 48. 
 
 IVl. Damarez or I >t- Maii/., Dial. iv. de V'ar. Hist., cap. 4. 
 
 Gu-tfona (iarcia. OIIL'. <U- los Indion, lib. i. cap. 4, 1. 
 
 Juan de Torqui-manda, Monarch. Ind., lib. xviii. cap. 1. 
 
 John liai.lisU- Uk-cioli. tifosrraf. Uefomi., lib. iii. 
 
 To I Lii 11*1 of old authors may t>e added many others of more recent date.
 
 650 APPENDIX. 
 
 have been echoed by others of more recent date; and thus a weighty 
 charge of fraud and imposture has been accumulated against Columbus, 
 apparently supported by a crowd of respectable accusers. The whole; 
 charge is to be traced to Gomara, who loosely repeated a vairue rumor, 
 without noticing the pointed contradiction given to it seventeen years 
 before, by Oviedo, an ear-witness, from whose book he appears to have 
 actually gathered the report. 
 
 It is to be remarked that Gomara bears the character, among histori- 
 ans, of inaccuracy, and of great credulity in adopting unfounded stories. 1 
 
 It is unnecessary to give further refutation to this charge, especially as 
 it is clear that Columbus communicated his idea of discovery to Paulo 
 Toscanelli of Florence, in 1474, ten years previous to the date assigned by 
 Garcilaso de la Vega for this occurrence. 
 
 No. XIII. 
 
 MARTIN BEIIEM. 
 
 Tins able geographer \vas born in Nuremburg. in Germany, about the 
 commencement of the year 1430. His ancestors were from the circle of 
 Pilsner, in Bohemia, hence he is called by some writers Martin of Bohe- 
 mia, and the resemblance of his own name to that of the country of his 
 ancestors frequently occasions a confusion in the appellation. 
 
 It has been said by some that he studied under Philip Bervalde the 
 elder, and by others under John Muller, otherwise called Hegiomontanus, 
 though De Murr, who has made diligent inquiry into his history, dis- 
 credits both assertions. According to a correspondence between Behem 
 and his uncle, discovered of late years by De Murr, it appears that the 
 early part of his life was devoted to commerce. Some have given him 
 the credit of discovering the island of Fayal, but this is an error, arising 
 probably from the circumstance that Job de lluertar, father-in-law of 
 Behem, colonized that island in 1466. 
 
 He is supposed to have arrived at Portugal in 1481, while Alphonzo 
 V. was still on the throne ; it is certain that shortly afterward he was ill 
 high repute for his science in the court of Lisbon, insomuch, that he was 
 one of the council appointed by King John II. to improve the art of navi- 
 gation, and by some he has received the whole credit of the memorable 
 service rendered to commerce by that council, in the introduction of the 
 astrolabe into nautical use. 
 
 In 1484 King John sent an expedition under Diego Cam, as Barros 
 calls him, Cano according to others, to prosecute discoveries along the 
 coast of Africa. In this expedition Behem sailed as cosmographer. They 
 crossed the equinoctial line, discovered the coast of Congo, advanced to 
 twenty-two degrees forty-five minutes of south latitude, 2 and erected two 
 
 1 " Francisco Lopes dc Gomara, Presbitero, Sevillano, escribio con eleaante estilo 
 ncerca de la coas de las Indies, pero dexandose llevarde falsa* narracionex." Bijou de 
 Sevilla, Xumcro ii. p. 4.', Lei. F. The same is stated iu Bibliotbeca llispufia Xova, lib. 
 i. p. 437. 
 
 " Kl Francisco Lopez de Gomara cscrivio tantos borroncs e cosas que no son verda- 
 dera*, de que ha hecho nuicho dana a mucho* escritories e coronirtas, que despues del 
 Gomara han escrito en la- coas de la Nueva Espaiia . . . e porque le* ha hecho 
 errar el Gomara." licrnal l>iuz del Castillo, Hist, de Iu Conquest de !a Xueva Espaua, 
 Fin. de cap. 18. 
 
 "Tenia Gomara doctrina y e*tilo . . . pero empleosc en ordinar sin discernimi- 
 ento lo quo hallo escrilo por M~IS untcccnoree, y diu credito a pctrana* no eulo lalsas eiuu 
 i.i\cii-'n:ii io." .luan I'.aulisla Muuox, Hist. X. JJundu, 1'roiogo, p. IS. 
 
 2 \ aocoucelus, lib. 4.
 
 A PPENDIX. 651 
 
 columns, on which were engraved the arms of Portugal, in the month of 
 the River Xagra, in Africa, which thence, for some time, took the name 
 of the Uiver of ( olumns. 1 
 
 For the services rendered on this and on previous occasions, it is said 
 that IVhein was knighted by King John in 1485, though no mention is 
 made of such a circumstance in any of the contemporary historians. The 
 principal proof of his having received this mark of distinclion, is his 
 having given himself the title on his own globe of Kttnex Liixilnmix. 
 
 In M8Q he married at Fayal the daughter of Job de llnertar, and is 
 supposed to have remained there for some years, where be had a son 
 named Martin, born in 14JS!>. During his residence at Lisbon and Fayal, 
 it is probable the acquaintance took place between him and Columbus, to 
 which Herrera and others allude : and the admiral may have heard from 
 him some of the rumors circulating in the islands, of indications of west- 
 ern lands floating to their shores. 
 
 In 14 ( .)1 he returned to Nuremburg to see his family, and while there, 
 in 1492, he finished a terrestrial globe, considered a masterpiece in those 
 days, which he had undertaken at the request of the principal magistrates 
 of his native city. 
 
 In 14!):J he returned to Portugal, and from thence proceeded to Fayal. 
 
 In 14U4 King John II., who had a high opinion of him, sent him to 
 Flanders to his natural son Prince George, the intended heir of his crown. 
 In the course of his voyage Uehein was captured and carried to England, 
 where he remained for three months detained by illness. Having re- 
 covered, he again put to sea, but was captured by a corsair and carried to 
 France. Having ransomed himself, he proceeded to Antwerp and Uruges, 
 but returned almost immediately to Portugal. Nothing more is known 
 of him for several years, during which time it is supposed he remained 
 with his family in Fayal, too old to make further voyages. In 1500 he 
 went forth from Fayal to Lisbon, where he die<|. 
 
 The assertion that. Uehein had discovered the western world previous 
 to Columbus, in the course of the voyage with Cam. was founded on a 
 misinterpretation of a passage interpolated in the chronicle of Hart maun 
 Schedel, a contemporary writer. This passage mentions, that when the 
 voyagers were in the Southern Ocean not far from the coast, and had 
 passed the line, tliey came into another hemisphere, where, when they 
 looked toward the east, their shadows fell toward the south, on their 
 right hand; that here they discovered a new world, unknown until then, 
 and which for many years had never been sought except by the Genoese, 
 ami by them unsuccessfully. 
 
 "Ilii duo. bono deorum auspicio, mare meridionale sulcantes. a littore 
 non longe evagantes, superato circulo equinoctial!, in altermn orbem ex- 
 cept! sunt. Ubi ipsis stanlibus orientem versus, umbra ad meridiem et 
 dextram projiciebatur. Aperuere igitur stia industria, alium orbem hac- 
 tenns nobis incognitum et mullis annis, a uullis quaui Januensibus, licet 
 frustra temptatum." 
 
 These lines are part of a passage which it is said is interpolated by a 
 different hand, in the original manuscript of the chronicle of Schedel. 
 De Murr assures us that they are not to be found in the German transla- 
 tion of the book by George Alt, which was finished the oth October, 149:}. 
 But even it they were, they relate merely to the discovery which Diego 
 Cam made of the southern hemisphere, previously unknown, and of the 
 coast of Africa beyond the equator, all which appeared like a new world, 
 ami a^ such was talked of at the time. 
 
 1 Murr, Notice sur M. Behaim.
 
 G52 APPENDIX. 
 
 The fJenocse alluded to, who had made an unsuccessful attempt, were 
 Antonio de Nolle with Bartholomeo his In-other, and Raphael tie Nolle 
 his nephew. Antonio was of a noble family, and, tor some disgust, left 
 his country anil went to Lisbon with his before-mentioned relatives in 
 two caravels; sailing whence iu the employ of Portugal, they discovered 
 the island of St. Jago. 1 
 
 This interpolated passage of Schedel was likewise inserted into the 
 work l)e Etiropa sub Frederico 111. of yEneas Silvius, afterward Pope 
 Pius II., who tiled in 14i>4, long before the voyage in question. The mis- 
 interpretation of the passage tirst gave rise to the incorrect assertion that 
 Uehein had discovered the New world prior to Columbus; as if it were 
 possible such a circumstance could have happened without Behem's lay- 
 ing claim to the glory of the discovery, and without the world immedi- 
 ately resounding with so important an event. This error had been 
 adopted by various authors without due examination; some of whom bad 
 likewise taken from Magellan the credit of having discovered the strait 
 which goes by his name, and had given it to Behem. The error was too 
 p.ilpabie to be generally prevalent, but was suddenly revived in the year 
 ITtSU by a French gentleman of highly respectable character of the name 
 of Otto, then resident in New York, who addressed a letter to Dr. Frank- 
 lin to br submitted to the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, in which 
 he undertook to establish the title of Behem to the discovery of the New 
 World. His memoir was published in the Transactions of the American 
 Philosophical Society, vol. ii., for ITSti, article No. :!.J, and has been copied 
 into the journals of most of the nations of Europe. 
 
 The authorities cited by M. Otto in support of his assertion are gen- 
 erally fallacious, and for the most part given without particular specifica- 
 tion. His assertion has been diligently and satisfactorily refuted by Don 
 Christoval Cladera.- 
 
 The grand proof of M. Otto is a globe which Behem made during his 
 residence in Xuremburg, in 14!)2, the very year that Columbus set out on 
 his first voyage of discovery. This globe, according to M. Otto, is still 
 preserved in the library of Nuremburg, and on it are painted all the dis- 
 coveries of Behem, which are so situated that they can be no other than 
 the coast of Brazil and the straits of Magellan. This authority staggered 
 many, ami if supported, would demolish the claims of Columbus. 
 
 Unluckily for M. Otto, in his description of the globe, he depended on 
 the inspection of a correspondent. The globe iu the library of Nurem- 
 burg was made in l.V>0, by John Schoener, professor of mathematics, 3 
 long after the discoveries and death of Columbus and Behem. The real 
 globe of Behem. made in 1492, does not contain any of the islands or 
 shores of the New World, anil thus proves that he was totally unac- 
 quainted with them. A copy, or planisphere, of Behem's globe is given 
 by Cladera in his Investigations. 
 
 1 Barro*, ilecad. 1. lib. if. cap. 1. Lisbon, 1552. 
 
 2 liivesiigacioiieH Hiitorica. Madrid, 17'J4. 
 * Cludera, luveeiiK- IH-t., p. 115.
 
 APPENDIX. 653 
 
 No. XIV. 
 
 VOYAGES OF THE SCANDINAVIANS. 
 
 MANY elaborate dissertations have been written to prove that discov- 
 eries were made by the Scandinavians on the northern coast of America 
 long before the era of Columbus ; but the subject appears still to be 
 wrapped in much doubt and obscurity. 
 
 It has been asserted that the Norwegians, as early as the ninth cen- 
 tury, discovered a great tract of land to the west of Iceland, which they 
 called Grand Iceland; but this has been pronounced a fabulous tradition. 
 The most plausible account is one given by Snono Sturleson, in his .Saga 
 or Chronicle of King Glaus. According to this writer, one IJioru of Ice- 
 land, sailing to Greenland in search of his father, from whom he hail 
 been separated by a storm, was driven by tempestuous weather tar to the 
 south-west, until he came in sight of* a low country, covered with wood, 
 with an island in its vicinity. The weather becoming favorable, he 
 turned to the north-east without landing, and arrived safe at Greenland. 
 His account of the country he had beheld, it is said, excited the enter- 
 prise of Leif, son of Eric Hauda (or Redhead), the first settler of Green- 
 laud. A vessel was fitted out, and Leif and liioru departed alone in quest 
 of this unknown land. They found a rocky and sterile island, to which 
 they gave the name of Uelleland; also a low sandy country covered with 
 wood, to which they gave the name of Markland; and, two days after- 
 ward, they observed a continuance of the coast, with an island to the 
 north of it. This last they described as fertile, well wooded, producing 
 agreeable fruits, and particularly grapes, a fruit with which they were 'un- 
 acquainted. On being informed by one of their companions, a German, 
 of its qualities and name, they called the country, from it, Vinland. 
 They ascended a river, well stored with fish, particularly salmon, and 
 came to a lake from which the river took its origin, where they passed the 
 winter. The climate appeared to them mild and pleasant; being accus- 
 tomed to the rigorous climates of the north. On the shortest day the sun 
 was eight hours above the horizon. Hence it has been concluded that 
 the country was about the 4'Jth degree of north latitude, and was either 
 Newfoundland, or some part of the coast of North America about the 
 Gulf of St. Lawrence. l It is added that the relatives of Leif made sev- 
 eral voyages to Vinland; that they traded with the natives for furs; an:l 
 that, in liil, a bishop named Eric went from Greenland to Vinland to 
 convert the inhabitants to Christianity. From this time, says Forster, we 
 know nothing of Vinland, and there is every appearance that the tribe 
 which still exists in the interior of Newfoundland, and which is so dif- 
 ferent from the other savages of North America, both in their appearance 
 and mode of living, and always in a state of warfare with the Esquimaux 
 of the northern coast, are descendants of the ancient Normans. 
 
 The author of the present work has not had the means of tracing this 
 story to its original sources. He gives it on the authority of M. Malte- 
 Brun, and Mr. Forster. The latter extracts it from the Saga or Chronicle 
 of bnorro, who was born in 1179, ami wrote in 1215; so that his account 
 was formed long after the event is said to have taken place. Forster 
 s.iys: "The facts which we report have been collected from a great num- 
 ber of Icelandic manuscripts, and transmitted to us by Torfiens in his 
 two works entitled Veteris Groenlandia: Uescriptio, Hafnia, 1TOG, and 
 
 1 Forster'a Northern Voyages, book ii. chap. 2.
 
 654 APPENDIX. 
 
 Historia Winlandire Antiqure, Hafnia, 1705." Forster appears to have, 
 no doubt of the authenticity of the facts. As far as the author of the 
 present work has had experience in tracing these stories of early dis- 
 coveries of portions of the New World, lie has generally found them very 
 confident deductions drawn from very vague and questionable facts. 
 Learned men are too prone to give substance to mere shadows, when 
 they assist some preconceived theory. Most of these accounts, when 
 divested of the erudite comments of their editors, have proved little belter 
 than the traditionary fables, noticed in another part of this work, respect- 
 ing the imaginary islands of St. Borondon, and of the Seven Cities. 
 
 There is no great improbability, however, that such enterprising and 
 roving voyagers as the Scandinavians may have wandered to the northern 
 shores of America, about the coast of Labrador, or the shores of New- 
 foundland; and if the Icelandic manuscripts said to be of the thirteenth 
 century can be relied upon as genuine, free from modern interpolation, 
 and correctly quoted, they would appear to prove the fact. But grant- 
 ing the truth of the alleged discoveries, they led to no more result than 
 would the interchange of communication between the natives of Green- 
 land and the. Esquimaux. The knowledge of them appears not to have 
 extended beyond their own nation, and to have been soon neglected and 
 forgotten by themselves. 
 
 Another pretension to an early discovery of the American continent 
 has been set up, founded on an alleged map and narrativeof two brothers 
 of the name of Zeno, of Venice; but it seems more invalid than those 
 just mentioned. The following is the substance of this claim. 
 
 Xicolo Zeno, a noble Venetian, is said to have made a voyage to the 
 north in 1380, in a vessel fitted out at his own cost, intending to visit 
 England and Flanders; but meeting with a terrible tempest, was driven 
 for many days he knew not whither, until he was cast away upon Frise- 
 land, an island much in dispute among geographers, but supposed to be 
 the archipelago of the Ferroe islands. The shipwrecked voyagers were 
 assailed by the natives; but rescued by Zichmni, a prince of the islands, 
 lying on the south side of Friseland, and duke of another district lying 
 over against Scotland. Zeno entered into the service of this prince, and 
 aided him in conquering Friseland, and other northern islands. He w.is 
 soon joined by his brother Antonio Zeno, who remained fourteen years 
 in those countries. 
 
 During his residence in Friseland, Antonio Zeno wrote to his brother 
 Carlo, in Venice, giving an account of a report brought by a certain fi<h- 
 ernian, about a land to the westward. According to the tale of thi;, 
 mariner, he had been one of a party who sailed from Friseland about 
 twenty-six years before, in four fishing-boats. Being overtaken by a 
 mighty tempest, they were driven about the sea for many days, until the 
 boat containing himself and six companions was cast upon an islan 1 
 called Estotiland, about one thousand miles from Friseland. They were 
 taken by the inhabitants and carried to a fair and populous city, where 
 the king sent for many interpreters to converse with them, but none that 
 they could understand, until a man was found who had likewise been 
 cast away upon the coast, and who spoke Latin. They remained several 
 days upon the island, which was rich and fruitful, abounding with all 
 kinds of metals, ami especially gold. 1 There, was a high mountain in the 
 centre, from which flowed four rivers which watered the whole country. 
 
 ' This account is taketi from Hackluyt, vol. iii. p. VJ3. The passage about ^old a id 
 other metals is not to lie found in the original luiiaii of Katuuoio (loui. ii. p. -oj, a.,d id 
 probably au iuterpoialiou.
 
 APPENDIX. 655 
 
 The inhabitants were intelligent ami acquainted with the mechanical arts 
 of Europe. They cultivated grain, made beer, and lived in hmis-.s built 
 of stone. Then- were Latin books in the king's library, though Hie in- 
 habitants had no knowledge of that language. They had many cities 
 and castles, and carried on a trade with Greenlan 1 for pitch, sulphur, and 
 peltry. Though much given to navigation, they were ignorant of the use 
 of the compass, and Hading the Friselunders acquainted with it. held them 
 in great esteem; and the king sent them with twelve barks to visit, a 
 country to the south, called Drogeo. They had nearly perished in a 
 storm, but were cast away upon the coast of Drogeo. They found the 
 people to be cannibals, and were on the point of being killed and de- 
 voured, but were spared on account of their great skill in (idling. 
 
 The fisherman described this Drogeo as being a country of vast extent, 
 or rather a new world; that the inhabitants were naked and barbarous; 
 but that far to the south-west there was a more civilized region, an 1 
 temperate climate, where the inhabitants had a knowledge of gold and 
 silver, lived in cities, erected splendid temples to idols, and sacrificed 
 human victims to them, which they afterward devoured. 
 
 After the fisherman had resided many years on this continent, during 
 which time he had passed from the service of one chieftain to another, 
 and traversed various parts of it, certain boats of Estotiland arrived on 
 the coast of Drogeo. The fisherman went on board of them, acted as 
 interpreter, and followed the trade between the main-land and Estotiland 
 for some time, until he became very rich: then he fitted out a bark of his 
 own, and with the assistance of some of the people of the island, made 
 his way back, across the thousand intervening miles of ocean, and arrived 
 safe at Friseland. The account he gave of these countries, determined 
 Zichmni, the prince of Friseland, to send an expedition thither, and 
 Antonio Zeno was to command it. Just before sailing, the fisherman, 
 who was to have acted as guide, died: but certain mariners, who had 
 accompanied him from Estotiland, were taken in his place. The expe- 
 dition sailed under command of Zichmni; the Venetian. Zeno, merely 
 accompanied it. It was unsuccessful. After having discovered an island 
 called Icaria, where they met with a rough reception from the inhabitants, 
 and were obliged to withdraw, the ships were driven by a storm to Green- 
 land. No record remains of any further prosecution of the enterprise. 
 
 The countries mentioned in the account of Zeno were laid down on a 
 man originally engraved on wood. The island of Estotiland has been 
 supposed by Malte-Brun to be Newfoundland; its partially civilized in- 
 habitants the descendants of the Scandinavian colonists of Vinland; and 
 the Latin books in the king's library to be the remains of the library of 
 the Greenland bishop, who emigrated thither in 1 121. Drogeo. according 
 to the same conjecture, was Nova Scotia and New England. The civilized 
 people to the south-west, who sacrificed human victims in rich temples, 
 he surmises to have been the Mexicans, or some ancient nation of Florida 
 or Louisiana. 
 
 The premises do not appear to warrant this deduction. The whole 
 story abounds with improbabilities; not the least of which is the civ- 
 ilization prevalent among the inhabitants: their houses of stone, their 
 European arts, the library of their king, no traces of which were to be 
 found on their subsequent discovery. Not to mention the information 
 about Mexico penetrating through the numerous savage tribes of a vast 
 continent. It is proper to observe that this account was not published 
 until looS, long after the discovery of Mexico. It was given to the world 
 by Francisco Marcolini, a descendant of the Zeni, from the fragments of 
 letters said to have been written by Antonio Zeno to Carlo his brother.
 
 f>56 APPENDIX. 
 
 ' It grieves me," says the editor, "that the l>ook, and divers olhor writ- 
 ings concerning these matters, are miserably lost: for being but a child 
 when they came to my hands, and not knowing what they were, i tore 
 them and renl them to pieces, which now 1 cannot call to remembrance 
 but to my exceeding great grief." l 
 
 The garbled statement by Marcolini. derived considerable authority by 
 being introduced by Abraham Ortelius, an able geographer, in his The- 
 atrum Orbis; but the whole story has l>oen condemned by able commen- 
 tators as a gross fabrication. Mr. Forster resents this, as an instance 
 of obstinate incredulity, saying that it is impossible to doubt the exist- 
 ence of the country of which Carlo, Nicolo. and Antonio Xeno talk: as 
 original acts in the archives of Venice prove that the chevalier under- 
 took a voyage to the north; that his brother Antonio, followed him; that 
 Antonio traced a map, which he brought back and hung up in his 
 house where it remained subject to public examination, until the time 
 of Marcolini, as an incontestable proof of the truth of what he advanced. 
 Granting all this, it merely proves that Antonio and his brother were at 
 Friseland and Greenland. Their letters never assert that Zeno made the 
 voyage to Estotiland. The Heel was carried by a tempest to Greenland, 
 after which we hear no more of him; and his account of Estotiland and 
 Drogeo rests simply on the tale of the fisherman, after whose descriptions 
 his map must have been conjecturally projected. The whole story resem- 
 bles much the fables circulated shortly after the discovery of Columbus, to 
 arrogate to other nations and individuals the credit of the achievement. 
 
 M. Malte-IJrun intimates that the alleged discovery of Vinland may 
 have been known to Columbus when he made a voyage in the North Sea 
 in 1477,- and that the map of Xeno, being in the national library at Lou- 
 don, in a Danish work, at the time when Bartholomew Columbus was in 
 that city, employed in making maps, he may have known something 
 of it, and have communicated it to his brother. 3 Had M. Malte-IJrun 
 examined the history of Columbus with his usual accuracy, he would 
 have perceived that, in his correspondence with Paulo Toscanelli in 1474, 
 he had expressed his intention of seeking India by a route directly to the 
 west. His voyage to the north did not take place until three years after- 
 ward. As to the residence of Bartholomew in London, it was not until 
 after Columbus had made his'propositions of discovery to Portugal, if not 
 to the courts of other powers. Granting, therefore, that he had subse- 
 quently heard the dubious stories of Vinland, and of the fisherman's 
 adventures, as related by Zeno. or at least by Marcolini. they evidently 
 could not have influenced him in his great enterprise. His route had no 
 reference to them, but was a direct western course, not toward Vinland, 
 and Estotiland. and Drogeo, but in search of Cipango, and Cathay, and 
 the other countries described by Marco Polo, as lying at the extremity ol 
 India. 
 
 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFiiK'A r.Y THE ANCIENTS. 
 
 THE knowledge of the ancients with respect to the Atlantic coast of 
 Africa is considered by modern investigators much less extensive than 
 had been imagined; and it is doubted whether they had any practical 
 
 i llacklnj-i, Collwt. vol. iii. p. 1'27. 
 
 * MalU'-IJrim, Hist, de (Jeou., loin. i. lit), xvll. 
 
 8 Mem. (Jcug. Uuiversclli 1 , toiii. xiv. Note ur la decourerto de I'Amerique.
 
 APPENDIX. 657 
 
 authority for the belief that Africa was circumnavigable. The alleged 
 voyage of Kudoxus of Cy/.icus, from the I fed Sea to Gibraltar, though 
 recorded by Pliny, Poniponiiis Mela, and others, is given entirely on the 
 asMTtion of Cornelius Nepos, who does not tell from whence he derived 
 his information. Posidonius (cited by Strabo) gives an entirely different 
 account of this voyage, and rejects it with contempt. 1 
 
 The famous voyage of lianno, ihe Carthaginian, is supposed to have 
 taken place about a thousand years In-fore the Christian era. The Periplus 
 llannonis remains, a brief and obscure record of this expedition, and a 
 subject of great comment and controversy. By some it has been pro- 
 nounced a fictitious work, fabricated among the Greeks, but its authen- 
 ticity has been ably vindicated. It appears to be satisfactorily proved, 
 however, that the voyage of this navigator has been greatly exaggerated, 
 and that lie never circumnavigated the extreme end of Africa. Mons. 
 de liougainville - traces his route to a promontory which he named the 
 West Horn, supposed to be Cape Pahnas, about live or six degrees north 
 of the equinoctial line, whence he proceeded to another promontory, 
 under the same parallel, which he called the South Horn, supposed to be 
 Cape de Trcs Puntas. Mons. Gosselin, however, in his Researches into 
 the Geography of the Ancients (tome 1, p. 102, etc.), after a rigid exam- 
 ination of the Periplus of Ilainio, determines that he had not sailed 
 farther south than Cape Non. Pliny, who makes Hanno range the whole 
 coast of Africa, from the straits to the confines of Arabia, had never seen 
 his Periplus, but took his idea from the works of Xenophon of Lampsaco. 
 The Greeks surcharged the narration of the voyager with all kinds of 
 fables, and on their unfaithful copies, Strabo founded many of his asser- 
 tions. According to M. Gosselin, the itineraries of Hanno. of Scylax, 
 Polybius, Statins, Sebosus and .Juba; the recitals of Plato, of Aristotle, 
 of Pliny, of Plutarch, and the tables of Ptolemy, all bring us to the same 
 results, and, notwithstanding their apparent contradictions, fix the limit 
 of southern navigation about the neighborhood of Cape Non, or Cape 
 Bojador. 
 
 The opinion that Africa was a peninsula, which existed among the 
 Persians, the Egyptians, and perhaps the Greeks, several centuries prior 
 to the Christian era, was not, in his opinion, founded upon any known 
 facts; but merely on conjecture, from considering the immensity and 
 unity of the ocean: or perhaps on more ancient traditions; or on ideas 
 produced by the Carthaginian discoveries, beyond the IStrailsof Gibraltar, 
 and those of the Egyptians beyond the Gulf of Arabia. He thinks that 
 there was a very remote period, when geography was much more perfect 
 than in the lime of the Phenicians and the Greeks, whose knowledge was 
 but confused traces of what had previously been better known. 
 
 The opinion that the Indian Sea joined the ocean was admitted among 
 the Greeks, and in the school of Alexandria, until the time of Hipparchus. 
 It seemed authorized by the direction which the coast of Africa took after 
 Cape Aromata, always tending westward, as far as it had been explored 
 by navigators. 
 
 It was supposed that the western coast of Africa rounded off to meet 
 the eastern, and that the whole was bounded by the ocean, much to the 
 northward of the equator. Such was the opinion of Crates, who lived in 
 the time of Alexander; of Aratus, of Cleanthes, of Cleoiiiedes, of Strabo, 
 of Pomponius .Mela, of Macrobius, and many others. 
 
 Hipparchus proposed a different system, and led the world into an 
 
 1 (!o-*soliii, RprhcrclicM wur lit (ii'ogriiphie dps Ancieus, torn. i. p. 162, etc. 
 * Memuin* Ue I'AcuU. Ue liiscript., toiu. xxvi.
 
 658 Ai'i' 
 
 error, which for a long time retarded (he maritime communication of 
 Europe and India. He supposed that the seas were separated into dis- 
 tinct basins, and that the eastern shores of Africa made a circuit round 
 the Indian Sea, so as to join those of Asia beyond the mouth of the 
 Ganges. Subsequent discoveries, instead of refuting this error, only 
 placed the junction of the continents at a greater distance. Marinus of 
 Tyre, and Ptolemy, adopted this opinion in their works, and illustrated 
 it in their maps, which for centuries controlled the general belief of man- 
 kind, and perpetuated the idea that Africa extended onward to the south 
 pole, and that it was impossible to arrive by sea at the coasts of India. 
 Still there were geographers who leaned to the more ancient idea of a 
 communication between the Indian .Sea and the Atlantic Ocean. It had 
 its advocates in Spain, and was maintained by Pomponius Mela, and by 
 Isidore of Seville. It was believed also by some of the learned in Italy, 
 in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries; and thus was kept 
 alive until it was acted upon so vigorously by Prince Henry of Portugal, 
 and at length triumphantly demonstrated by Vasco de Gaina, in his cir- 
 cumnavigation of the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 No. XVI. 
 
 OF THE SHIPS OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 IN remarking on the smallness of the vessels with which Columbus 
 made his first voyage, Dr. Robertson observes that, "in the fifteenth 
 century, the bulk and construction of vessels were accommodated to the 
 short and easy voyages along the coast, which they were accustomed to 
 perform." We have many proofs, however, that even anterior to the 
 fifteenth century, there were large ships employed by the Spaniards, as 
 well as by other nations. In an edict published in Barcelona, in i:J54, by 
 Pedro IV., enforcing various regulations for the security of commerce, 
 mention is made of Catalonian merchant ships of two and three decks 
 and from 80()0 to 12,000 quintals burden. 
 
 In 141i), Alonzo of Aragon hired several merchant ships to transport 
 artillery, horses, etc., from Barcelona to Italy, among which were two, 
 each carrying one hundred and twenty horses, which it is computed 
 would require a vessel of at least 600 tons. 
 
 In 14(58, mention is made of a Venetian ship of 700 tons which arrived 
 at Barcelona from England, laden with wheat. 
 
 In 1497, a Castilian vessel arrived there being of 12.000 quintals burden. 
 These arrivals incidentally mentioned among others of similar size, as 
 happening at one port, show that large ships were in use in those days. 1 
 Indeed, at the time of fitting out the second expedition of Columbus, 
 there were prepared in the port of Bermeo, a Caracca of 1250 tons, and 
 four ships of from 150 to 450 tons burden. Their destination, however, 
 was altered, and they were sent to convoy Muley Boabdil, the last Moor- 
 ish king of Granada, from the coast of his conquered territory to Africa. 2 
 
 It was not for want of large vessels in the Spanish ports, therefore, 
 that those of Columbus were of so small a size. He considered them 
 best adapted to voyages of discovery, as they required but little depth of 
 water, and therefore could more easily and safely coast unknown shores, 
 and explore bays and rivers. He had some purposely constructed of a 
 very small size for this service; such was the caravel, which in his third 
 
 1 Capmany, Questioners Criticas. Quest. C. 2 Archives dt; lud. eu Scvilla.
 
 APPENDIX. 659 
 
 voyage he despatched to look out for an opening to the sea at the upper 
 part of the Gulf of Paria, when the water grew too shallow for his vessel 
 of one hundred tons burden. 
 
 The most singular circumstance with respect to the ships of Columbus 
 is that they should be open vessels: for it seems difficult to believe that 
 a voyage of such extent and peril should be attempted in barks of so 
 frail a construction. This, however, is expressly mentioned by IVter 
 Martyr, in his Decades written at the time; and mention is made occa- 
 sionally, in the memoirs relative to the voyages written by Columbus and 
 his son, of certain of his vessels being without decks. He sometimes 
 speaks of the same vessel as a ship and a caravel. There has been some 
 discussion of late as to the precise meaning of the term caravel. The 
 Chevalier Bossi, in his dissertations on Columbus, observes that in the 
 Mediterranean caravel designates the largest class of ships of war among 
 the Mussulmans, and that in Portugal it means a small vessel of from 
 120 to 140 tons burden; but Columbus sometimes applies it to a vessel of 
 forty tons. 
 
 Du Cange, in his glossary, considers it a word of Italian origin. Bosn 
 thinks it either Turkish or Arabic, and probably introduced into the 
 European languages by the Moors. Mr. Edward Everett, in a note to 
 his Plymouth oration, considers that the true origin of the word is given 
 in "Ferrarii Origines Lingiue Italics*:," as follows: "Caravela, uavigii 
 ininoris genus. Lat. Carabus: Grace Karabron." 
 
 That the word caravel was intended to signify a vessel of a small size 
 is evident from a naval classification made by King Alonzo in the middle 
 of the thirteenth century. In the first class he enumerates Naus. or 
 large ships which go only with sails, some of which have two masts, and 
 others but one. In the second class smaller vessels as Carracas, Fustas, 
 Ballenares, Pinazas, Curabelax, etc. In the third class vessels with sails 
 am! oars, as Galleys, Galeots, Tardantes, and Saetias. 1 
 
 Bossi gives a copy of a letter written by Columbus to Don Raphael 
 Xausis, treasurer of the King of Spain, an edition of which exists in 
 the public library at Milan. With this letter he gives several wood-cuts 
 of sketches made with a pen, which accompanied this letter, and which 
 he supposes to have been from the hand of Columbus. In these are 
 represented vessels which are probably caravels. They have high bows 
 and sterns, with castles on the latter. They have short masts with large 
 square sails. One of them, besides sails, has benches of oars, and is 
 probably intended to represent a galley. They are all evidently vessels 
 of small size, and light construction. 
 
 In a work called " Recherches sur le Commerce," published in Am- 
 sterdam, 1799, is a plate representing a vessel of the latter part of the 
 fifteenth century. It is taken from a picture in the church of St. Gio- 
 vanni e Paolo in Venice. The vessel bears much resemblance to those 
 said to have been sketched by Columbus; it has two masts, one of which 
 is extremely small with a latine sail. The main-mast has a large square 
 sail. The vessel has a high poop and prow, is decked at each end, and 
 is open in the centre. 
 
 It appears to be the fact, therefore, that most of the vessels with which 
 Columbus undertook his long and perilous voyages, were of this light 
 and frail construction, and little superior to the small craft which ply 
 on rivers and along coasts in modern days. 
 
 1 Capmany, Queal. Crit.
 
 600 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. XVII. 
 
 ROUTE OF COLUMBUS IX HIS FIRST VOYAGE. 1 
 
 IT has hitherto been supposed that one of the Bahama Islands, at pre- 
 sent bearing the name of .San Salvador, and which is also known as Cat 
 Island, was the h'rst point where Columbus came in contact with the 
 New World. Navarrete, however, in his introduction to the "Collection 
 of Spanish Voyages and Discoveries," recently published at Madrid, has 
 endeavored to show that it must have been Turk's Island, one of the 
 same group, situated about 100 leagues (of '20 to the degree) S. E. of San 
 Salvador. Great care has been taken to examine candidly the opinion 
 of Navarrete, comparing it with the journal of Columbus, as published 
 in the above-mentioned work, and with the personal observations of the 
 writer of this article, who has been much among these islands. 
 
 Columbus describes Guanahani, on which he landed, and to which he 
 gave the name of San Salvador, as being a beautiful island, and very 
 large; as being level, and covered with forests, many of the trees of 
 which bore fruit; as having abundance of fresh water, and a large lake 
 in the centre; that it was inhabited by a numerous population; That he 
 proceeded for a considerable distance in his boats along the shore, which 
 trended to the ML N.E., and as he passed, was visited by the inhabitants 
 of several villages. Turk's Island does not answer to this description. 
 
 Turk's Island is a low key composed of sand and rocks, and lying north 
 and south, less than two leagues in extent. It is utterly destitute of 
 wood, and has not a single, tree of native growth. It has no fresh water, 
 the inhabitants depending entirely on cisterns and casks in which they 
 preserve the rain; neither has it any lake, but several salt-ponds, which 
 furnish the sole production of the island. Turk's Island cannot be ap- 
 proached on the east or north-east side, in consequence of the reef that 
 surrounds it. It has no harbor, but has an open road on the west side, 
 which vessels at anchor there have to leave and put to sea whenever the 
 wind comes from any other quarter than that of the usual trade breeze 
 of N.E. which blows over the island; for the shore is so bold that there 
 is no anchorage except close to it; and when the wind ceases to blow 
 from the land, vessels remaining at their anchors would be swunu against 
 the rocks, or forced high upon the shore, by the terrible surf that then 
 prevails. The unfrequented road of the Hawk's Nest, at the south end 
 of the island, is even more dangerous. This island, which is not sus- 
 ceptible of the. slightest cultivation, furnishes a scanty subsistence to a 
 few sheep and horses. The inhabitants draw all their consumption from 
 abroad, with the exception of fish and turtle, which are taken in abun- 
 dance, and supply the principal food of the slaves employed in the salt- 
 works. The whole wealth of the island consists in the produce of the. 
 salt-ponds, and in the salvage and plunder of the many wrecks which 
 take place in the neighborhood. Turk's Island, therefore, would never 
 be inhabited in a savage state of society, where commerce does not exist, 
 and where men are obliged to draw their subsistence from the spot which 
 they people. 
 
 Again: when about to leave Guanahani, Columbus was at a loss to 
 
 1 The author of this work is indebted for this able examination of the route of Colum- 
 bus to an officer of the navy of the t'nkeii States, whose name he regrets the not bei:ii; :it 
 liberty to mention. He has been greatly benefited, in various parts of this history, by 
 liaulical lufuriuatiou from the same intelligent source.
 
 APPENDIX. 661 
 
 choose which to visit of a great number of islands in sight. Now there 
 is no land visible from Turk's Island, excepting the two salt keys which 
 lie south of it, and with it form the group known as Turk's Islands. The 
 journal of Columbus does not tell us what course he steered in going 
 from Guanahani to Concepcion, but he states that it was rive leagues 
 distant from the former, and that the current was against him in sailing 
 to it: whereas the distance from Turk's Island to the Gran Caico, sup- 
 posed by Navarrete to be the Concepcion of Columbus, is nearly double, 
 and the current sets constantly to the VV.N.W. among these islands, 
 which would be favorable in going from Turk's Island to the Calcos. 
 
 From Concepcion, Columbus went next to an island which he saw nine 
 leagues off in a westerly direction, to which he gave the name of Fer- 
 nandina. This Navarrete takes to be Little Inagua, distant no less than 
 twenty-two leagues from Gran Caico. Besides, in going to Little Inagua, 
 it would be necessary to pass quite close to three islands, each larger than 
 Turk's Island, none of which are mentioned in the journal. Columbus 
 describes Fernandina as stretching twenty-eight leagues S.E. and N.W. : 
 whereas Little Inagua has its greatest length of four leagues in a S.W. 
 direction. In a word the description of Fernandina has nothing in 
 common with Little Inagua. From Fernandina, Columbus sailed S.E. to 
 Isabella, which Navarrete takes to be Great Inagua; whereas this latter 
 bears S.W. from Little Inagua, a course differing 90 from the one fol- 
 lowed by Columbus. Again: Columbus, on the 20th of November, takes 
 occasion to say that Guanahani was distant eight leagues from Isabella; 
 whereas Turk's Island is thirty-five leagues from Great Inagua. 
 
 Leaving Isabella, Columbus stood W.S.W. for the island of Cuba, and 
 fell in with the Islas Arenas. This course drawn from Great Inagua 
 would meet the coast of Cuba about Port Nipe: whereas Navarrete sup- 
 poses that Columbus next fell in with the keys south of the Jumentos, 
 and which bear W.N.W. from Inagua; a course differing 45 from the 
 one steered by the ships. After sailing for some time in the neighbor- 
 hood of Cuba, Columbus finds himself, on the 14th of November, in the 
 sea of Nuestra Sefiora, surrounded by so many islands that it was im- 
 possible to count them: whereas, on the same day, Navarrete places him 
 off Cape Moa, where there is but one small island, and more than fifty 
 leagues distant from any group that can possibly answer the description. 
 
 Columbus informs us that San Salvador was distant from Port Principe 
 forty-five leagues: whereas Turk's Island is distant from the point, sup- 
 posed by Navarrete to be the same, eighty leagues. 
 
 On taking leave of Cuba, Columbus remarks that he had followed its 
 coast for an extent of 120 leagues. Deducting twenty leagues for his 
 having followed its windings, there still remain 100. Now, Navarrete 
 only supposes him to have coasted this island an extent of seventy 
 leagues. 
 
 Such are the most important difficulties which the theory of Navarrete 
 offers, and which appear insurmountable. Let us now take up the route 
 of Columbus as recorded in his journal, and, with the best charts before 
 us, examine how it agrees with the popular and traditional opinion, that 
 he tirst landed on the island of San Salvador. 
 
 We learn from the journal of Columbus that, on the llth of October, 
 14!>2, he continued steering W.S.W. until sunset, when he returned to 
 his old course of west, the vessels running at the rate of three leagues an 
 hour. At ten o'clock he and several of his crew saw a light, which seemed 
 like a torch carried about on land. He continued running on four hours 
 longer, and had made a distance of twelve leagues farther west, when at 
 two in the morning land was discovered ahead, distant two leagues. The
 
 662 APPENDIX. 
 
 twelve leagues which they ran since ten o'clock, with the two leagues 
 distance from the land, form a total corresponding essentially with Ihe 
 distance and situation of \V r atling's Island from San Salvador; and it is 
 thence presumed that the light seen at that hour was on Walling' s Island, 
 which they were then passing. Had the light been seen on land ahead, 
 and they had kept running on four hours at the rate of three leagues an 
 hour, they must have run high and dry on shore. As the admiral himself 
 received the royal reward for having seen this light, as the first discovery 
 of land, Wat ling's Island is believed to be the point for which this pre- 
 mium was granted. 
 
 On making land, the vessels were hove to until daylight of the same 12th 
 of October; they then anchored off an island of great beauty, covered 
 with forests, and extremely populous. 
 
 It was called Guauahani by the natives, but Columbus gave it the name 
 of San Salvador. Exploring its coast, where it ran to the N.N.E., he 
 found a harbor capable of sheltering any number of ships. This descrip- 
 tion corresponds minutely with the S.E. part of the island known as San 
 Salvador, or Cat Island, which lies east and west, bending at its eastern 
 extremity to the N N.E., and has the same verdant and fertile appearance. 
 The vessels had probably drifted into this bay at the S.E. side of San Sal- 
 vador, on the morning of the 12th, while lying to for daylight; nor did 
 Columbus, while remaining at the island, or when sailing from it, open 
 the land so as to discover that what he had taken for its whole length was 
 but a bend at one end of it. and that the main body of the island lay behind, 
 stretching far to the N.W. From Guanaham, Columbus saw so many 
 other islands that he was at a loss which next to visit. The Indians sig- 
 nified that they were innumerable, and mentioned the names of above a 
 hundred. lie determined to go to the largest in sight, which appeared to 
 be about five leagues distant; some of the others were nearer, and some 
 farther off. The island thus selected, it is presumed, was the present 
 island of Concepcion; and that the others were that singular belt of small 
 islands, known as La Cadena (or the chain), stretching past the island of 
 San Salvador in a S E. and N.W. direction; the nearest of the group being 
 nearer than Concepcion, while the rest are more distant. 
 
 Leaving San Salvador in the afternoon of the 14th for the island thus 
 selected, the ships lay by during the night, and did not reach it until late 
 in the following day, being retarded by ad verse currents. Columbus gave 
 this island the name of Santa Maria de la Concepcion; he does not men- 
 tion either its bearings from San Salvador, or the course which he steered 
 in going to it. We know that in all this neighborhood the current sets 
 strongly and constantly to the W.N.W. ; and since Columbus had the 
 current against him, he must have been sailing in an opposite direction, 
 or to the E.S.E. Besides, when near Concepcion, Columbus sees another 
 island to the westward, the largest he had yet seen; but he tells us that 
 he anchored off Concepcion, and did not stand for this larger island, be- 
 cause he could not have sailed to the west. Hence it is rendered certain 
 that Columbus did not sail westward in going from San Salvador to Con- 
 cepcion; for, from the opposition of the wind, as there could be no other 
 cause, he could not sail toward that quarter. Now, on reference to the 
 chart, we find the island at present known as Concepcion situated E.S.E. 
 from S;tn Salvador, and at a corresponding distance of five leagues. 
 
 Leaving Concepcion on the Kith of October, Columbus steered fora 
 very large island seen to the westward nine leagues off, and which ex- 
 tended itself twenty-eight leagues in a S.E. and X.W. direction. He was 
 becalmed the whole day, and did not reach the island until the following 
 morning, 17th of October. He named it Fernandiua. At noon he made
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 sail again, with a view to run round it, and reach another island called 
 Samoet ; but the wind being at S.E. by S., the course he wished to steer, 
 the natives signified that it would be easier to sail round this island by 
 running to the N.W. with a fair wind. He therefore bore up to the 
 N.\V., and having run two leagues found a marvellous port, with a nar- 
 row entrance, or rather with two entrances, for there was an island 
 which shut it in completely, forming a noble basin within. Sailing out 
 of this harbor by the opposite entrance at the N.W., he discovered that 
 part of the island which runs east and west. The natives signified to 
 him that this island was smaller than Samoet, and that it would be 
 better to return toward the latter. It had now become calm, but shortly 
 after there sprung up a breeze from W.N.W., which was ahead for the 
 course they had been steering; so they bore up and stood to the E.S.E. in 
 order to get an offing; for the weather threatened a storm, which how- 
 ever dissipated itself in rain. The next day, being the 18th of October, 
 they anchored opposite the extremity of Fernandina. 
 
 The whole of this description answers most accurately to the island of 
 Exuma, which lies south from San Salvador, and S.\V. by S. from Con- 
 cepcion. The only inconsistency is that C'olumbus states that Fernandina 
 bore nearly west from Concepcion, and was twenty-eight leagues in ex- 
 tent. This mistake must have proceeded from his having taken the long 
 chain of keys called La Cadena for part of the same Exuma; which con- 
 tinuous appearance they naturally assume when seen from Concepcion, 
 for they run in the same S.E. and N.W. direction. Their bearings, when 
 seen from the same point, are likewise westerly as well as south-westerly. 
 As a proof that such was the case, it may be observed that, after having 
 approached these islands, instead of the extent of Fernandina being in- 
 creased to his eye, he now remarks that it was twenty leagues long, 
 whereas before it was estimated by him at twenty-eight; he now discov- 
 ers that instead of one island there were many, and alters his course 
 southerly to reach the one that was most conspicuous. 
 
 The identity of the island here described with Exuma is irresistibly 
 forced upon the mind. The distance from Concepcion, the remarkable 
 port with an island in front of it, and farther on its coast turning off to 
 the westward, are all so accurately delineated, that it would seem as 
 though the chart had been drawn from the description of Columbus. 
 
 On the 19th of October, the ships left Fernandina, steering S.E. with 
 the wind at north. Sailing three hours on this course, they discovered 
 Samoet to the east, and steered for it, arriving at its north point before 
 noon. Here they found a little island surrounded by rocks, with another 
 reef of rocks lying between it and Samoet. To Samoet, Columbus gave 
 the name of Isabella, and to the point of it opposite the little island, that 
 of Cabo del Isleo; the cape at the S.W. point of Samoet, Columbus 
 culled Cabo de Laguna, and off this last his ships were brought to anchor. 
 The little island lay in the direction from Fernandina to Isabella, east 
 and west. The coast from the small island lay westerly twelve leagues 
 to a cape, which Columbus called Fermosa from its beauty; this he be- 
 lieved to be an island apart from Samoet or Isabella, with another one 
 between them. Leaving Cape Laguna, where he remained until the 20th 
 of October, Columbus steered to the N. E. toward Cabo del Isleo, but 
 meeting with shoals inside the small island, he did not come to anchor 
 until the day following. Near this extremity of Isabella they found a 
 lake, from which the ships were supplied with water. 
 
 This island of Isabella, or Samoet, agrees so accurately in its descrip- 
 tion \\iih Isla Larga, which lies east of Exuma, that it is only necessary 
 to read it with the chart unfolded to be convinced of the identity.
 
 G64 APPENDIX. 
 
 Having resolved to visit the island which the natives called Cuba, and 
 described as bearing W.S.W. from Isabella, Columbus left Cabo del Isleo 
 at midnight, the commencement of the 24th of October, and shaped 
 his course accordingly to the W.S.W. The wind continued light, with 
 rain, until noon, when it freshened up, and in the evening Cape Verde, 
 the S.W. point of Fernandina, bore N.W. distant seven leagues. As the 
 night became tempestuous, he lay to until morning, drifting according to 
 the reckoning two leagues. 
 
 On the morning of the 25th he made sail again to W.S.W. , until nine 
 o'clock, when he had run five leagues; he then steered west until three, 
 when he had run eleven leagues, at which hour land was discovered, 
 consisting of seven or eight keys lying north and south, and distant five 
 leagues from the ships. Here he anchored the next day, south of these 
 islands, which he called Islas de Arena; they were low, and five or six 
 leagues in extent. 
 
 The distances run by Columbus, added to the departure taken from 
 Fernandina and the distance from these islands of Arena at the time of 
 discovering, give a sum of thirty leagues. This sum of thirty leagues is 
 about three less than the distance from the S.W. point of Fernandina or 
 Exuma, whence Columbus took his departure, to the group of Mucaras, 
 which lie east of Cayo Lobo on the grand bank of Bahama, and which 
 correspond to the description of Columbus. If it were necessary to ac- 
 count for the difference of three leagues in a reckoning, where so much 
 is given on conjecture, it would readily occur to a seaman, that an allow- 
 ance of two leagues for drift, during a long night of blowy weather, is but 
 a small one. The course from Exuma to the Mucaras is about S.W. by 
 W. The course followed by Columbus differs a little from this, but as 
 it was his intention, on setting sail from Isabella, to steer W.S.W., and 
 since he afterward altered it to west, we may conclude that he did so in 
 consequence of having been run out of his course to the southward, while 
 lying to the night previous. 
 
 Oct. 27. At sunrise Columbus set sail from the isles Arenas or Mu- 
 earac, for an island called Cuba, steering S.S.W. At dark, having made 
 seventeen leagues on that course, he saw the land, and hove his ships 
 to until morning. On the 28th he made sail again at S.S.W., and entered 
 a beautiful river with a fine harbor, which he named San Salvador. The 
 journal in this part does not describe the localities with the minuteness 
 with which every thing has hitherto been noted; the text also is in several 
 places obscure. 
 
 This port of San Salvador we take to be the one now known as Cara- 
 velas Grandes, situated eight leagues west of Neuvitas del Principe. Its 
 bearings and distance from the Mucaras coincide exactly with those run 
 by Columbus; and its description agrees, as far as can be ascertained by 
 charts, with the port which he visited. 
 
 Oct. 29. Leaving this port, Columbus stood to the west, and having 
 sailed six leagues, he came to a point of the island running N.W., which 
 we take to be the Punta Gorda; and, ten leagues farther, another stretch- 
 ing easterly, which will be Punta Curiana. One league farther he discov- 
 ered a small river, and beyond this another very large one, to which he 
 gave the name of Rio de Mares. This river emptied into a line basin re- 
 sembling a lake, and having a bold entrance: it had for landmarks two 
 round moutains at the S. \V"., and to the W.N.W. a bold promontory, 
 suitable for a fortification, which projected far into the sea. This we 
 take to be the fine harbor and river situated west of Point Curiana; its 
 distance corresponds with that run by Columbus from Caravelas Grandes, 
 which we have supposed identical with Port ban Salvador. Leaving Kio
 
 APPENDIX. 665 
 
 dp Mares the 30th of Octolxr, Columbus stood to the N.W. for fifteen 
 leagues, when he saw a cape, to which he gave the name of t'abo de 
 Palmos. This, we believe, is the one which forms the eastern entrance 
 to Laguna de Moron. Beyond this cape was a river, distant, according 
 to the natives, four days' journey from the town of Cuba; Columbus de- 
 termined therefore to make for it. 
 
 Having lain to all night, he reached the river on the 31st of October, 
 but found that it was too shallow to admit his ships. This is supposed 
 to be what is now known as Laguna de Moron. Beyond this was a cape 
 surrounded by shoals, and another projected still farther out. Between 
 these two capes was a bay capable of receiving small vessels. The iden- 
 tity here of the description with the coast near Laguna de Moron seems 
 very clear. The cape east of Laguna de Moron coincides with. Cape 
 Palmas, the Laguna de Moron with the shoal river described by Colum- 
 bus ; and in the western point of entrance, with the island of Cabriou 
 opposite it, we recognize the two projecting capes he speaks of, with what 
 appeared to be a bay between them. This all is a remarkable combina- 
 tion, difficult to be found anywhere but in the same spot which Colum- 
 bus visited and described. Further, the coast from the port of .San 
 Salvador had run west to Rio de Mares, a distance of seventeen leagues, 
 and from Rio de Mares it had extended N.W. fifteen leagues to C'abo 
 de Palmos ; all of which agrees fully with what has been here supposed. 
 The wind having shifted to north, which was contrary to the course 
 they had been steering, the vessels bore up and returned to Rio de 
 Mares. 
 
 On the 12th of November the ships sailed out of Rio de Mares to go 
 in quest of Babeque, an island believed to abound in gold, and to lie E. 
 by S. from that port. Having sailed eight leagues with a fair wind, they 
 came to a river, in which may be recognized the one which lies just west 
 of Punta Gorda. Four leagues farther they saw another, which they 
 called Rip del Sol. It appeared very large, but they did not stop to 
 examine it, as the wind was fair to advance. This we take to be the 
 river now known as Sabana. Columbus was now retracing his steps, and 
 had made twelve leagues from Rio de Mares, but ingoing west from Port 
 San Salvador to Rio de Mares, he had run seventeen leagues. San Salva- 
 dor, therefore, remains five leagues east of Rio del Sol; 'and, accordingly, 
 on reference, to the chart, we find Caravelas Graiides situated a corre- 
 sponding distance from Sabana. 
 
 Having run six leagues from Rio del Sol, which makes in all eighteen 
 leagues from Rio de Mares, Columbus came to a cape which he called 
 Cabo de Cuba, probably from supposing it to be the extremity of that 
 island. This corresponds precisely in distance from Punta Curiana with 
 the lesser islands of Guajava, situated near Cuba, and between which and 
 the greater Guajava Columbus must have passed in running in for Port 
 San Salvador. Either he did not notice it, from his attention being en- 
 grossed by the magnificent island before him, or, as is also possible, his 
 vessels may have been drifted through the passage, which is two legaues 
 wide, while lying to the night previous to their arrival at Port San Sal- 
 vador. 
 
 On the 13th of November, having hove to all night, in the morning 
 the ships passed a point two leagues in extent, and then entered into a 
 gulf that made into the S.S.W., and which Columbus thought separated 
 Cuba from Bohio. At the bottom of the gulf was a large basin between 
 t\\o mountains. He could not determine whether or not this was an 
 arm of the sea; for not finding shelter from the north wind, he put to 
 sea again. Hence it would appear that Columbus must have partly
 
 666 APPENDIX. 
 
 sailed round the smaller Guajava, which he took to be the extremity of 
 Cul>a, without being aware that a few hours' sail would have taken him, 
 by this channel, to Port San Salvador, his first discovery in Cuba, and 
 so back to the same Rio del Sol which he had passed the day previous. 
 Of the two mountains seen on both sides of this entrance, the principal 
 one corresponds with the peak called Alto de Juan Daune, which lies 
 seven leagues west of Punta de Maternillos. The wind continuing north, 
 he stood east fourteen leagues from Cape Cuba, which we have supposed 
 the lesser island of Guajava. It is here rendered sure that the point of 
 little Guajava was believed by him to be the extremity of Cuba; for he 
 speaks of the land mentioned as lying to leeward of the above-mentioned 
 gulf as being the island of Bohio, and says that he discovered twenty 
 leagues of it running E.S.E. and W.N.W. 
 
 On the 14th November, having lain to all night with a X.E. wind, he 
 determined to seek a port, and if he found none, to return to those which 
 lie had left in the island of C'uba; for it will be remembered that all east 
 of little Guajava he supposed to be Bohio. He steered E. by S. there- 
 fore six leagues, and then stood in for the land. Here he saw many 
 ports and islands; but as it blew fresh, with a heavy sea, he dared not 
 enter, but ran the coast down N.W. by W. for a distance of eighteen 
 leagues, where he saw a clear entrance and a port, in which he stood 
 S.S.W. and afterward S.E., the navigation being all clear and open. 
 Here Columbus beheld so many islands that it was impossible to count 
 them. They were very lofty, and covered with trees. Columbus called 
 the neighboring sea Mar dc Nuestro Sefiora, and to the harbor near the 
 entrance to these islands he gave the name of Puerto del Principe. This 
 harbor he says he did not enter until the Sunday following, which was 
 four days after. This part of the text of Columbus' s journal is confused, 
 and there are also anticipations, as if it had been written subsequently, 
 or mixed together in copying. It appears evident that while lying to the 
 night previous, with the. wind at N.E., the ships had drifted to the X. W., 
 and been carried by the powerful current of the Bahama channel far in 
 the same direction. When they bore up, therefore, to return to the ports 
 which they had left in the island of Cuba, they fell in to leeward of them, 
 and now first discovered the numerous group of islands of which Cayo 
 Koniano is the principal. The current of this channel is of itself suffi- 
 cient to have carried the vessels to the westward a distance of 20 
 leagues, which is what they had run easterly since leaving Cape C'uba, 
 or Guajava, for it had acted upon them during a period of thirty hours. 
 There can be no doubt as to the identity of these keys with those about 
 Cayo Romano; for they are the only ones in the neighborhood of Cuba 
 that are not of a low and swampy nature, but large and lofty. They en- 
 close a free, open navigation, and abundance of fine harbors, in late years 
 the resort of pirates, who found security and concealment for themselves 
 and their prizes in the recesses of these lofty keys. From the descrip- 
 tion of Columbus, the vessels must have entered between the islands of 
 Baril and Pacedon, and sailing along Cayo Romano on a S.E. course', 
 have reached in another day their old cruising ground in the neighbor- 
 hood of lesser Guajava. Not only Columbus does not tell us here of his 
 having changed his anchorage among these keys, but his journal does 
 not even mention his having anchored at all, until the return from the 
 ineffectual search after Babeque. It is clear, from what has been said, 
 that it was not in Port Principe that the vessels anchored on this occa- 
 sion; but it could not have been very distant, since Columbus went from 
 the ships in his boats on the 18th November, to place a cross at its en- 
 Vrauce. He had probably seen the entrance from without, when sailing
 
 APPENDIX. 667 
 
 east from Guajava on the 13th of November. The identity of this port 
 willi the one now known as Nuevitas el Principe seems certain, from 
 the description of its entrance. Columbus, it appears, did iiot visit its 
 interior. 
 
 Ou the 19th November the ships sailed again, in quest of Babeque. 
 At sunset Port Principe bore S.S.VV. distant seven leagues, and having 
 sailed all night at N.E. by N. and until ten o'clock of the next day C_'Oth 
 November), they had run a distance of fifteen leagues on that course. 
 The wind blowing from E.S.E., which was the direction in which Babcque 
 was supposed to lie, and the weather being foul, Columbus determined to 
 rot urn to Port Principe, which was then distant twenty-five leagues. He 
 did not wish to go to Isabella, distant only twenty leagues, lest the Indians 
 whom he had brought from San Salvador, which lay eight leagues from 
 Isabella, should make their escape. Thus, in sailing N.E. by N. from 
 near Port Principe, Columbus had approached within a short distance of 
 Isabella. That island was then, according to his calculations, thirty- 
 seven leagues from Port Principe, and San Salvador was forty-five leagues 
 from the same point. The first differs but eight leagues from the truth, 
 the latter nine; or from the actual distance of Nuevitas el Principe from 
 Isla Larga and San Salvador. Again, let us now call to mind the course 
 made by Columbus in going from Isabella to Cuba; it was first W.S.W., 
 then W., and afterward S.S.W. Having consideration for the different 
 distances run on each, these yield a medium course not materially differ- 
 ent from S.W. Sailing then S.W. from Isabella, Columbus had reached 
 Port San Salvador, on the coast of Cuba. Making afterward a course of 
 N.E. by N. from off Port Principe, he was going in the direction of Isa- 
 bella. Hence we deduce that Port San Salvador, on the coast of Cuba, 
 lay west of Port Principe, and the whole combination is thus bound to- 
 gether and established. The two islands seen by Columbus at ten o'clock 
 of the same 2'Kh November, must have been some of the keys which lie 
 west of the Jumentos. Running back toward Port Principe, Columbus 
 made it at dark, but found that he had been carried to the westward by 
 the currents. This furnishes a sufficient proof of the strength of the 
 current in the Bahama channel; for it will be remembered that he ran 
 over to Cuba with a fair wind. After contending for four days, until 
 the 24th November, with light winds against the force of these cur- 
 rents, he arrived at length opposite the level island whence he had set 
 out the week before when going to Babeque. 
 
 We are thus accidentally informed that the point from which Columbus 
 started in search of Babeque was the same island of Guajava the lesser, 
 which lies west of Nuevitas el Principe. Further: at first he dared not 
 enter into the opening between the two mountains, for it seemed as 
 though the sea broke upon them; but having sent the boat ahead, the 
 vessels followed in at S.W. and then W. into a fine harbor. The level 
 island lay north of it, and with another island formed a secure basin cap- 
 able of sheltering all the navy of Spain. This level island resolves itself 
 then into our late Cape Cuba, which we have supposed to be little Gua- 
 java, and the entrance east of it becomes identical witli the gulf above 
 mentioned which lay between two mountains, one of which we have sup- 
 posed the Alto de Juan Daune, and which gulf appeared to divide Cuba 
 from LJohio. Our course now becomes a plain one. On the 26th of No- 
 vember, Columbus sailed from Santa Catalina (the name given by him to 
 the port last described) at sunrise, and stood for the cape at the S. E. 
 which he called Cabo de Pico. In this it is easy to recognize the high 
 peak already spoken ot as the Alto de Juan Daune. Arrived off this he 
 saw another cape, distant fifteen leagues, and still farther another five
 
 668 APPENDIX. 
 
 leagues beyond it, which he called Cabo de Campana. The first must be 
 that now known as Point Padre, the second Point Mulas: their distances 
 from Alto de Juan Daune are underrated; but it requires no little experi- 
 ence to estimate correctly the distances of the bold headlands of Cuba, as 
 seen through the pure atmosphere that surrounds the island. 
 
 Having passed Point Mulas in the night, on the 27th Columbus looked 
 into the deep bay that lies S.E. of it, and seeing the bold projecting head- 
 land that makes out between Port Nipe and Port Banes, with those deep 
 bays on each side of it, he supposed it to be an arm of the sea dividing 
 one land from another with an island between them. 
 
 Having landed at Taco for a short time, Columbus arrived in the even- 
 ing of the 27th at Baracoa, to which he gave the name of Puerto Santo. 
 From Cabro del Pico to Puerto Santo, a distance of sixty leagues, he had 
 passed no fewer than nine good ports and live rivers to Cape Campana, 
 and thence to Puerto Santo eight more rivers, each with a good port; all 
 of which may be found on the chart between Alto de Juan Daune and 
 Baracoa. By keeping near the coast he had been assisted to the S.E. by 
 the eddy current of the Bahama channel. Sailing from Puerto Santo or 
 Baracoa on the 4th of December, he reached the extremity of Cuba the 
 following day, and striking off upon a wind to the S.E. in search of Ba- 
 beque, which lay to the N.E., he came in sight of Bohio, to which he gave 
 the name of Hispaniola. 
 
 On taking leave of Cuba, Columbus tells us that he had coasted it a 
 distance of 120 leagues. Allowing twenty leagues of this distance for his 
 having followed the undulations of the coast, the remaining 100 measured 
 from 1 J oint Maysi fall exactly upon Cabrion Key, which we have sup- 
 posed the western boundary of his discoveries. 
 
 The astronomical observations of Columbus form no objection to what 
 has been here advanced; for he tells us that the instrument which he 
 made use of to measure the meridian altitudes of the heavenly bodies was 
 out of order and not to be depended upon. He places his first discovery, 
 Guanahani, in the latitude of Ferro, which is about 27 30' north. San 
 Salvador we find in 24 30' and Turk's Island in 21 30': both are very 
 wide of the truth, but it is certainly easier to conceive an error of three 
 than one of six degrees. 
 
 Laying aside geographical demonstration, let us now examine how his- 
 torical records agree with the opinion here supported, that the island of 
 San Salvador was the first point where Columbus came in contact with 
 the Xew World. Herrera, who is considered the most faithful and authen- 
 tic of Spanish historians, wrote his History of the Indies toward the 
 year 1600. In describing the voyage of Juan Ponce de Leon, made to 
 Florida in 1512, he makes the following remarks: 1 " Leaving Aguada in 
 Porto Rico, they steered to the N. W. by N., and in five days arrived at an 
 island called El Viejo, in latitude 22 30' north. The next day they ar- 
 rived at a small island of the Lucayos, called Caycos. On the eighth 
 day they anchored at another island called Yaguna in 24, on the eighth day 
 out from Porto Rico. Thence they passed to the island of Manuega, in 
 24 30', and on the eleventh day they reached Guanahani, which is in 25 
 40' north. This island of Guanabani was the first discovered by Colum- 
 bus on his first voyage, and which he called San Salvador." This is the 
 substance of the remarks of Herrera, and is entirely conclusive as to the 
 location of San Salvador. The latitudes, it is true, are all placed higher 
 than we now know them to be; that of San Salvador being such as to 
 correspond with no other land than that now known as the Berry Islands, 
 
 Herrera, Hist. lud., decad. i. lib. is., cap. 10.
 
 APPENDIX. 669 
 
 which are seventy leagues distant from the nearest coast of Cuba: where- 
 as Columbus tells us that San Salvador was only forty-five leagues from 
 Port Principe. But in those infant days of navigation, the instruments 
 for measuring the altitudes of the heavenly bodies, and the tables of 
 declinations for deducing the latitude, must have been so imperfect as to 
 place the most scientific navigator of the time below the most mechanical 
 one of the present. 
 
 The second island arrived at by Ponce de Leon, in his north-western 
 course, was one of the Caycos; the first one, then called El Viejo, must 
 have been Turk's Island, which lies S.E. of the Caycos. The third island 
 they came to was probably Mariguana; the fourth, Crooked Island; and 
 the fifth, Isla Larga. Lastly they came to Guanahani, the San Salvador 
 of Columbus. If this be supposed identical with Turk's Island, where do 
 we find the. succession of islands touched at by Ponce de Leon on his way 
 from Porto liico to San Salvador? 1 No stress has been laid, in these 
 remarks, on the identity of name which has been preserved to San Salva- 
 dor, Concepcion, and Port Principe, with those given by Columbus, 
 though traditional usage is of vast weight in such matters. Geographical 
 proof, of a conclusive kind it is thought, has been advanced, to enable 
 the world to remain in its old hereditary belief that the present island of 
 San Salvador is the spot where Columbus first set foot upon the New 
 World. Established opinions of the kind should not be lightly molested. 
 It is a good old rule, that ought to be kept in mind in curious research as 
 well as territorial dealings, "Do not disturb the ancient landmarks." 
 
 Note to the Keriaed Edition of 1848. The Baron de Humboldt, in bis "Examon 
 Critique de rhi-tire de la geographic du nouveau continent," published in 1837, speaks 
 repeatedly in hi^h terms of the ability displayed in the above examination of the route of 
 Coiumbus, and argue* at great length and quite conclusively in support of the opinion 
 contained in it. Above all, he produce* a document hitherto unknown, and the great 
 importance of which had been discovered by M. Valeknaer and himself in is ;j. This IB 
 a map made in ]">00 ly that able mariner Juan de la Cosa, who accompanied Columbus in 
 his second voyage and sailed with other of the dise.iveivis. In this map, of which the 
 Baron de Humboldt gives an engraving, the islands as laid down agree completely with 
 the bearings and distance* given in the journal of Columbus, and establishes the identity 
 of San Salvador, or Cat Island, and Guanahani. 
 
 " I feel happy," says M. de flumboldt, " to be enabled to destroy the incertitudes 
 (which rested on this subject) by a document as ancient as it is unknown; a document 
 which coni'mns irrevocably the arguments which Mr. Washington Irving has given in his 
 work against the hypotheses of the Turk's Island." 
 
 In the present revised edition the author feels at liberty to give the merit of the very 
 masterly paper on the route of Columbus where it is justly due. It was furnished him 
 at Madrid by the late commander Alexander Slidel Mackenzie, of the United States 
 navy, whose modesty shrunk from affixing his name to an article so calculated to do him 
 credit, uud which has since challenged the high eulogiuius of men of nautical science. 
 
 No. XVIII. 
 
 PRINCIPLES UPON WHICH THE SUMS MENTIONED IN THIS WORK HAVE 
 BEEN REDUCED INTO MODERN CURRENCY. 
 
 IN the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the mark of silver, which was 
 equal to 8 ounces or to 50 castillanos was divided into 65 reals, and each 
 real into 34 maravedies; so that there were 2210maravedies in the mark of 
 silver. Among other silver coins there was the real of 8, which, consist- 
 
 1 In the first chapter of Herrera's description of the Indies, appended to his history, 
 \B another scale of the Bahama Islands, which corroborates the above. It begins at the 
 opposite end, at the N.\V., aud iuus down to the S-E. It in thought unnecessary to cite 
 It particularly.
 
 670 APPENDIX. 
 
 ing of 8 reals, was, within a small fraction, the eighth part of a mark of 
 silver, or one ounce. Of the gold-coins then in circulation the castillano 
 or dobla de la cunda was worth 4'JO maravedies, and the ducadooSo mara- 
 veJies. 
 
 If the value of the inaravedi had remained unchanged in Spain down 
 to the present day, it would be easy to reduce a sum of the time of Ferdi- 
 nand and Isabella into a correspondent sum of current money; but by the 
 successive depreciations of the coin of Vellon, or mixed metals, issued 
 since that period, the real and maravedi of Vellon, which had replaced 
 the ancient currency, were reduced toward the year 1700, to about a third 
 of the old real and maravedi, now known as the real and inaravedi of silver. 
 As, however, the ancient piece of 8 reals was equal approximately to the 
 ounce of silver, and the duro, or dollar of the present day, is likewise 
 equal to an ounce, they may be considered identical. Indeed, in Spanish 
 America, the dollar, instead of being divided into 20 reals, as in Spain, is 
 divided into only 8 parts called reals, which evidently represent the real 
 of the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, as the dollar does the real of 8. 
 But the ounce of silver was anciently worth 276 maravedis; the dollar, 
 therefore, is likewise equal to 270 maravedies. By converting then the 
 sums mentioned in this work into maravedies they have been afterward 
 reduced into dollars by dividing by 27(>i. 
 
 There is still, however, another calculation to be made, before we can 
 arrive at the actual value of any sum of gold and silver mentioned in 
 former times. It is necessary to notice the variation which has taken 
 place in the value of the metals themselves. In Europe, previous to the 
 discovery of the Xew World, an ounce of gold commanded an amount of 
 food or labor which would cost three ounces at the present day; hence an 
 ounce of gold was then estimated at three times its present value. At the 
 same time an ounce of silver commanded an amount which at present 
 costs 4 ounces of silver. It appears from this, that the value of gold and 
 silver varied with respect to each other, as well as with respect to all 
 other commodities. This is owing to there having been much more silver 
 brought from the Xew World, with respect to the quantity previously in 
 circulation, than there has been of gold. In the fifteenth century one 
 ounce of gold was equal to about 12 of silver; and now, in the year 1827, 
 it is exchanged against 16. 
 
 Hence giving an idea of the relative value of the sums mentioned in 
 this work, it has been found necessary to multiply them by three when 
 in gold, and by four when expressed in silver. 1 
 
 It is expedient to add that the dollar is reckoned in this work at 100 
 cents of the United States of North America, and four shillings and six- 
 pence of England. 
 
 No. XIX. 
 PRESTER JOHN: 
 
 SAID to be derived from the Persian Prestegani or Pere-stir/ani, which 
 signifies apostolique; or PreKchtak Geham, angel of the world. It is the 
 name of a potent Christian monarch of shadowy renown, whose domin- 
 ions were placed by writers of the middle ages sometimes in the remote 
 parts of Asia and sometimes in Africa, and of whom such contradictory 
 accounts were given by the travellers of those days that the very existence 
 either of him or his kingdom came to be considered doubtful. It now 
 
 1 See Caballero Pesos y Medidau. J. B. cjay, Economic Polilique.
 
 APPENDIX. 671 
 
 appears to be admitted that there really was such a potentate in a remote 
 part, of Asia. He was of the Nestorian Christians, a sect spread through- 
 out Asia, and taking its name and origin from Nestorius, a Christian 
 patriarch of Constantinople. 
 
 The first vague reports of a Christian potentate in the interior of Asia, 
 or as it was then railed, India, were brought to Europe by the Crusaders, 
 who it is supposed gathered them from the Syrian merchants who traded 
 to the very confines of China. 
 
 In subsequent ages, when the Portuguese in their travels and voyages 
 discovered a Christian king among the Abyssinians, called Baleel-Gian, 
 they confounded him with the potentate already spoken of. Nor was the 
 blunder extraordinary, since the original Prester John was said to reign 
 over a remote part of India; and the ancients included in that name 
 Ethiopia and all the regions of Africa and Asia bordering on the Ked Sea 
 and on the commercial route from Egypt to India. 
 
 Of the Prester John of India we have reports furnished by William 
 Kuysbrook, commonly called Uubruquis, a Franciscan friar sent by Louis 
 IX., about the middle of the thirteenth century, to convert the Grand 
 Khan. According to him, Prester John was originally a Nestorian priest, 
 who on the death of the sovereign made himself King of the Naymans, 
 all Nestorian Christians. Carpini, a Franciscan friar, sent by Pope Inno- 
 cent in 1245 to convert the Mongols of Persia, says that Ocoday, one of 
 the sons of Ghengis Khan of Tartary, inarched with an army against the 
 Christians of Grand India. The king of that country, who was calletl 
 Prester John, came to their succor. Having \jad figures of men made of 
 bronze, he had them fastened on the saddles of horses, and put fire with- 
 in, with a man behind with a bellows. When they came to battle these 
 horses were put in the advance, and the men who were seated behind the 
 figures threw something into the fire, and blowing with their bellows, 
 made such a smoke that the Tartars were quite covered with it. 
 
 They then fell on them, despatched many with their arrows, and put 
 the rest to flight. 
 
 Marco Polo (1271) places Prester John near the great wall of China, to 
 the north of Chan-si, in Teudich, a populous region full of cities and 
 castles. 
 
 Mandeville (1332) makes Prester sovereign of Upper India (Asia), with 
 four thousand islands tributary to him. 
 
 When John II. of Portugal, was pushing his discoveries along the 
 African coast, he was informed that 350 leagues to the east of the king- 
 dom of Benin in the profound depths of Africa, there was a puissant 
 monarch, called Ogave, who had spiritual and temporal jurisdiction over 
 all the surrounding kings. 
 
 An African prince assured him, also, that to the east of Timbuctoo 
 there was a sovereign who professed a religion similar to that of the 
 Christians and was king of a Mosaic people. 
 
 King John now supposed he had found traces of the real Prester John, 
 with whom he was eager to form an alliance religious as well as com- 
 mercial. In 1487 he sent envoys by land in quest of him. One was a 
 gentleman of his household, Pedro de Covilham; the other, Alphonso de 
 Paiva. They went by Naples to Rhodes, thence to Cairo, thence to Aden 
 on the Arabian Gulf above the mouth of the Red Sea. 
 
 Here they separated with an agreement to rendezvous at Cairo. Al- 
 phonso de Paiva sailed direct for Ethiopia; Pedro de Covilham for the 
 Indies. The latter passed to Callicut and Goa, where he embarked for 
 Sofala on the eastern coast of Africa, thence returned to Aden, and made 
 his way back to Cairo. Here he learned that his coadjutor, Alphonso de
 
 672 APPENDIX. 
 
 Paiva, had rlied in that city. He found two Portuguese .Tows waiting for 
 him with fresh orders from King John not to give up his researches after 
 Prester John until he found him. One of the Jews he sent back with a 
 journal and verbal accounts of his travels. With the other lie set off 
 again for Aden; thence to Ormuz, at the entrance of the gulf of Per.-ia. 
 where all the rich merchandise of the East was brought to be transported 
 thence by Syria and Egypt into Europe. 
 
 Having taken note of every tiling here, he embarked on the Red Sea, 
 and arrived at the court of an Abyssinian prince named Escander (the 
 Arabic version of Alexander), whom he considered the real Prester .John. 
 The prince received him graciously, and manifested a disposition to favor 
 the object of his embassy, but died suddenly, and his successor Naut re- 
 fused to let Covilham depart, but kept him for many years about his 
 person, as his prime councillor, lavishing on him wealth and honors. 
 After all, this was not the real Prester John, who as has been observed, 
 was an Asiatic potentate. 
 
 No. XX. 
 
 MARCO POLO. 1 
 
 THE travels of Marco Polo, or Paolo, furnish a key to many parts of 
 the voyages and speculations of Columbus, which without it would hardly 
 be comprehensible. 
 
 Marco Polo was a native of Venice, who. in the thirteenth century, 
 made a journey into the remote, and, at that tune, unknown regions of 
 the East, and filled all Christendom with curiosity by his account of 'he 
 countries he had visited. He was preceded in his travels by his father 
 Nicholas and his uncle Maffeo Polo. These two brothers were of an 
 illustrious family in Venice, and embarked about the year 1255 on a 
 commercial voyage to the East. Having traversed the Mediterranean and 
 through the Bosphorus, they stopped for a short time at Constantinople, 
 which city had recently been wrested from the Greeks by the joint arms 
 of France and Venice. Here they disposed of their Italian merchandise, 
 and, having purchased a stock of jewellery, departed on an adventurous 
 expedition to trade with the western Tartars, who, having overrun many 
 parts of Asia and Europe, were settling and forming cities in the vicinity 
 of the Wolga. After traversing the Euxine to Soldaia (at present Sudak), 
 a port in the Crimea, they continued on, by land and water, until they 
 reached the military court, or rather camp, of a Tartar prince, named 
 Barkah, a descendant of Ghengis Khan, into whose hands they confided 
 all their merchandise. The barbaric chieftain, while he was dazzled by 
 their precious commodities, was flattered by the entire confidence in his 
 justice manifested by these strangers. He repaid them with princely 
 munificence, and loaded them with favors during a year that they re- 
 mained at his court. A war breaking out between their patron and his 
 cousin Hulagu, chief of the eastern Tartars, and Barkah being defeated, 
 the Polos were embarrassed how to extricate themselves from the country 
 and return home in safety. The road to Constantinople being cut off by 
 
 1 Tn preparing the first edition of this work for he press the author had not the 
 benefit of the English translation of Marco Polo, published a few years since, with 
 admirable commentaries, by William Marsden, F.U.8. He availed himself, principally, 
 of an Italian version in the Venetian edition of liamusio li.ii.;,, the French tiu-i>i;iti"ii 
 by Bergeron, and an old and very incorrect Spanish translation. Having since procured 
 the work of Mr. Marnden he Las made considerable alterations iu them; uotices of 
 Marco 1'ulo.
 
 APPENDIX. 673 
 
 the enemy, they took a circuitous route, round the head of the Caspian 
 Sea, and through the deserts of Transoxiana, until they arrived in the. 
 city of Bokhara, where they resided for three years. 
 
 While here there arrived a Tartar nobleman who was on an embassy 
 from the victorious Hulagu to his brother the Grand Khan. The ambas- 
 sador became acquainted with the Venetians, and finding them to be 
 versed in the Tartar tongue, and possessed of curious and valuable knowl- 
 edge, he prevailed upon them to accompany him to the court of the 
 emperor, situated, as they supposed, at the very extremity of the East. 
 
 After a inarch of several months, being delayed by snow-storms and 
 inundations, they arrived at the court of Cublai, otherwise called the 
 Great Khan, which signifies King of Kings, being the sovereign potentate 
 of the Tartars. This magnificent prince received them with great dis- 
 tinction; he made inquiries about the countries and princes of the West, 
 their civil and military government, and the manners and customs of the 
 Latin nation. Above all, he was curious on the subject of the Christian 
 religion. He was so much struck by their replies, that, after holding a 
 council with the chief persons of his kingdom, he entreated the two 
 brothers to go on his part as ambassadors to the pope, to entreat him to 
 srnd a hundred learned men well instructed in the Christian faith, to 
 impart a knowledge of it to the sages of his empire. He also entreated 
 them to bring him a little oil from the lamp of our Saviour, in Jerusalem, 
 which he concluded must have marvellous virtues. It has been supposed, 
 and with great reason, that under this covert of religion, the shrewd 
 Tartar sovereign veiled motives of a political nature. The influence of 
 the pope in promoting the crusades had caused his power to l>e known 
 and respected throughout the East; it was of some moment, therefore, to 
 conciliate his good-will. Cublai Khan had no bigotry nor devotion to any 
 particular faith, and probably hoped, by adopting Christianity, to make 
 it a common cause between himself and the warlike princes of Christen- 
 dom, against his and their inveterate enemies, the soldan of Egypt and 
 tin- Saracens. 
 
 Having written letters to the pope in the Tartar language, he delivered 
 tli-'in to the Polos, and appointed one of the principal noblemen of his 
 court to accompany them in their mission. On their taking leave he 
 furnished them with a tablet of gold on which was engraved the royal 
 arms; this was to serve as a passport, at sight of which the governors 
 of the various provinces were to entertain them, to furnish them with 
 escorts through dangerous places, and render them all other necessary 
 services at the expense of the Great Khan. 
 
 They had sc.rce proceeded twenty miles, when the nobleman who 
 accompanied their: fell ill, and they were obliged to leave him, and con- 
 tinue on their route. Their golden passport procured them every atten- 
 tion and facility throughout the dominions of the Great Khan. They 
 arrived safely at Acre, in April, 12(59. Here they received news of the 
 recent death of Pope Clement IV., at which they were much grieved, 
 fearing it would cause delay in their mission. There was at that time in 
 Acre a legate of the holy chair, Tebaldo di Vesconti, of Placentia, to 
 whom they gave an account of their embassy % He heard them with great 
 attention and interest, and advised them to await the election of a new 
 pope, which must soon take place, before they proceeded to Rome on 
 their mission. They determined in the interim to make a visit to their 
 families, and accordingly departed for Negropont, and thence to Venice, 
 where great changes had taken place in their domestic concerns, during 
 their long absence. The wife of Nicholas, whom be had left pregnant, 
 ha.l died, in giving birth to a son, who had been named Marco.
 
 674 APPENDIX. 
 
 As the contested election for the new pontiff remained pending for two 
 years, they were uneasy, lest the Emperor of Tartary should grow im- 
 patient at so long a postponement of the conversion of himself and his 
 people; they determined, therefore, not to wait the election of a pope, 
 but to proceed to Acre, and get such despatches and such ghostly minis- 
 try for the Grand Khan as the legate could furnish. On the second 
 journey, Nicholas Polo took with him his son Marco, who afterward 
 wrote an account of these travels. 
 
 They were again received with great favor hy the legate Tehaldo, who, 
 anxious for the success of their mission, furnished them with letters to 
 the Grand Khan, in which the doctrines of the Christian faith were fully 
 expounded. With these, and with a supply of the holy oil from the 
 sepulchre, they once more set out, in September, 1271, for the remote 
 parts of Tartary. They had not long departed, when missives arrived 
 from Rome, informing the legate of his own election to the holy chair. 
 lie took the name of Gregory X., and decreed that in future, on the death 
 of a pope, the cardinals should he shut up in conclave until they elected 
 a successor; a wise regulation, which has since continued, enforcing a 
 prompt decision, and preventing intrigue. 
 
 Immediately on receiving intelligence of his election, he despatched a 
 courier to the King of Armenia, requesting that the two Venetians might 
 be sent hack to him, if they had not departed. They joyfully returned, 
 and were furnished with new letters to the Khan. Two elegant friars, 
 also, Nicholas Vincent and Gilbert de Tripoli, were sent with them, with 
 powers to ordain priests and bishops and to grant absolution. They had 
 presents of crystal vases, and other costly articles to deliver to the Grand 
 Khan; and thus well provided, they once more set forth on their journey. 1 
 
 Arriving in Armenia, they ran great risk of their lives from the war 
 which was raging, the soldan of Babylon having invaded the country. 
 They took refuge for some time with the superior of a monastery. Here 
 the two reverend fathers, losing all courage to prosecute so perilous an 
 enterprise, determined to remain, and the Venetians continued their 
 journey. They were a long time on the way, and exposed to great hard- 
 ships and sufferings from floods and snow-storms, it being the winter 
 season. At length they reached a town in the dominions of the Khan. 
 That potentate sent officers to meet them at forty days' distance from the 
 court, and to provide quarters for them during their journey. 2 He re- 
 ceived them with great kindness, was highly gratified with the result of 
 their mission and with the letters of the pope, and having received from 
 them some oil from the lamp of the holy sepulchre, he had it locked up, 
 and guarded it as a precious treasure. 
 
 The three Venetians, father, brother, and son, were treated with such 
 distinction ,by the Khan, that the courtiers were filled with jealousy. 
 Marco soon, however, made himself popular, and was particularly es- 
 teemed by the emperor. He acquired the four principal languages of the 
 country, and was of such remarkable capacity that, notwithstanding his 
 youth, the Khan employed him in missions and services of importance, 
 in various parts of his dominions, some to the distance of even six 
 months' journey. On these expeditions he was industrious in gathering 
 all kinds of information respecting that vast empire; and from notes and 
 minutes made for the satisfaction of the Grand Khan, he afterward com- 
 posed the history of his travels. 
 
 1 Kainii-io, loin. lii. 
 
 . 2 Bergeron, by blunder in the translation from the original Latin, has utaleil that tho 
 Khan oi-ni -W.tHiu nn-n to excort thi-in. This hax drawn I IK- ire of the critics upou Marco 
 Polo, who lui\c cilcd it ao oue of bib inouetrouB exaggcaalious.
 
 APPENDIX. 675 
 
 After ahont seventeen years residence in the Tartar court the Venetians 
 felt a longing to return to their native country. Their patron was 
 advanced in age and could not survive much longer, and after his death, 
 their return might be difficult if not impossible. They applied to the 
 Grand Khan for permission to depart, but for a time met with a refusal, 
 accompanied by friendly upbraidings. At length a singular train of 
 events operated in their favor; an embassy arrived from a Mogul Tartai 
 prince, who ruled in Persia; and who was grand-nephew 10 the emperor. 
 The object was to entreat, as a spouse, a princess of the imperial lineage. 
 A grand-daughter of Cublai Khan, seventeen years of age, and of great 
 beauty and accomplishments, was granted to the prayer of the prince, 
 and departed for Persia with the ambassadors, and with a splendid 
 retinue, but after travelling for some months, was obliged to return on 
 account of the distracted state of the country. 
 
 The ambassadors despaired of conveying the beautiful bride to the 
 arms of her expecting bridegroom, when Marco Polo returned from a 
 voyage to certain of the Indian islands. His representations of the safety 
 of a voyage in those seas, and his private instigations, induced the am- 
 bassadors to urge the Grand Khan for permission to convey the princess 
 by sea to the Gulf of Persia, and that the Christians might accompany 
 them, as being best experienced in maritime affairs. Cublai Khan con- 
 sented with great reluctance, and a splendid fleet was fitted out and 
 victualled for two years, consisting of fourteen ships of four masts, some 
 of which had crews of two hundred and fifty men. 
 
 On parting with the Venetians the munificent Khan gave them rich 
 presents of jewels, and made them promise to return to him after they 
 had visited their families. He authorized them to act as his ambassadors 
 to the principal courts of Europe, and, as on a former occasion, furnished 
 them with tablets of gold, to serve, not merely as passports, but as orders 
 upon all commanders in his territories for accommodations and supplies. 
 
 They set sail therefore in the fleet with the Oriental princess and her 
 attendants and the Persian ambassadors. The ships swept along the 
 coast of Cochin China, stopped for three months at a port of the island 
 of .Sumatra near the western entrance of the Straits of Malacca, waiting 
 for the change of the monsoon to pass the Bay of Bengal. Traversing this 
 vast expanse they touched at the island of Ceylon and then crossed the 
 strait to the southern part of the great peninsula of India. Thence sail- 
 ing up the Pirate coast, as it is called, the fleet entered the Persian Gulf 
 and arrived at the famous port of Olmuz. where it is presumed the 
 voyage terminated, after eighteen months spent in traversing the Indian 
 seas. 
 
 Unfortunately for the royal bride who was the object of this splendid 
 naval expedition, her bridegroom, the Mogul king, had died some time 
 before her arrival, leaving a son named Ghazan, during whose minority 
 the government was administered by his uncle, Kai-Khatu. According 
 to the directions of the regent, the princess was delivered to the youthful 
 prince, son of her intended spouse. He was at that time at the head of 
 an army on the borders of Persia. He was of a diminutive stature but 
 of a great soul, and, on afterwards ascending the throne, acquired renown 
 for his talents and virtues. What became of the Eastern bride, who had 
 travelled so far in quest of a husband, is not known; but every thing 
 favorable is to be inferred from the character of Ghazan. 
 
 The Polos remained some time in the court of the regent, and then 
 departed, with fresh tablets of gold given by that prince, to carry them 
 in safety and honor through his dominions. As they had to traverse 
 many countries where the traveller is exposed to extreme peril, they
 
 676 APPENDIX. 
 
 appeared on their journeys as Tartars of low condition, having converted 
 all their wealth into precious stones and sewn them up in the folds and 
 linings of their coarse garments. They had a long, difficult, and peril- 
 ous journey to Trebizoud, whence they proceeded to Constantinople, 
 thence to Negropont, and, finally to Venice, where they arrived in 1295, 
 in good health, and literally laden with riches. Having heard during 
 their journey of the death of their old benefactor, Cublai Khan, they 
 considered their diplomatic functions at an end, and also that they were 
 absolved from their promise to return to his dominions. 
 
 Kamusio, in his preface to the narrative of Marco Polo, gives a variety 
 of particulars concerning their arrival, which he compares to that of 
 Ulysses. When they arrived at Venice, they were known by nobody, 
 feo many years had elapsed since their departure without any tidings of 
 them, that they were either forgotten or considered dead. Besides, their 
 foreign garb, the influence of southern suns, and the similitude which 
 men acquire to those among whom they reside for any length of time, 
 had given them the look of Tartars rather than Italians. 
 
 They repaired to their own house, which was a noble palace, situated 
 In the street of !St. Giovanne Chrisostomo, and was afterward known by 
 the name of la Corte de la Milione. They found several of their relatives 
 still inhabiting it; but they were slow in recollecting the travellers, not 
 knowing of their wealth, and probably considering them, from their 
 coarse and foreign attire, poor adventurers returned to be a charge upon 
 their families. The Polos, however, took an effectual mode of quicken- 
 ing the memories of their friends, and insuring themselves a loving recep- 
 tion. They invited them all to a grand banquet. When their guests 
 arrived, they received them richly dressed in garments of crimson satin of 
 Oriental fashion. When water had been served for the washing of hands, 
 and the company were summoned to table, the travellers, who had retired, 
 appeared again in still richer robes of crimson damask. The first dresses 
 were cut up and distributed among the servants, being of such length 
 that they swept the ground, which, says Kamusio, was the mode in those 
 days with dresses worn within doors. After the first course, they again 
 retired and came in dressed in crimson velvet; the damask dresses being 
 likewise given to the domestics, and the same was done at the end of the 
 feast with their velvet robes, when they appeared in the Venetian dress 
 of the day. The guests were lost in astonishment, and could not com- 
 prehend the meaning of this masquerade. Having dismissed all the at- 
 ten lants, Marco Polo brought forth the coarse Tartar dresses in which 
 they had arrived. Slashing them in several places with a knife, and rip- 
 ping open the seams and lining, there tumbled forth rubies, sapphires, 
 emeralds, diamonds, and other precious stones, until the whole table glit- 
 tered with inestimable wealth, acquired from the munificence of the 
 Grand Khan, and conveyed in this portable form through the perils of 
 their long journey. 
 
 The company, observes Ramusio, were out of their wits with amaze- 
 ment, and now clearly perceived what they had at first doubted, that these 
 in very truth were those honored and valiant gentlemen the Polos, and, 
 accordingly, paid them great respect and reverence. 
 
 The account of this curious feast is given by Kamusio, on traditional 
 authority, having heard it many times related by the illustrious Gasparo 
 Malipiero, a very ancient gentleman, and a senator, of unquestionable 
 veracity, who had it from his father, who had it from his grandfather, 
 and so on up to the fountain-head. 
 
 When the fame of this banquet and of the wealth of the travellers 
 came to be divulged throughout Venice, all the city, uoble and simple,
 
 APPENDIX. 677 
 
 crowded to do honor to the extraordinary merit of the Polos. Maffeo, 
 who was the eldest, was admitted to the dignity of the magistracy. The 
 youth of the city came every day to visit and converse with Marco Polo, 
 who was extremely amiable and communicative. They were insatiable 
 in their inquiries about Cathay and the Grand Khan, which he answered 
 with great courtesy, giving details with which they were vastly delighted, 
 and, as he always spoke of the wealth of the Grand Khan in round num- 
 bers, they gave him the name of Messer Marco Milioni. 
 
 Some months after their return, Lampa Doria, commander of the 
 Genoese navy, appeared in the vicinity of the island of Curzola with 
 seventy galleys. Andrea Dandolo, the Venetian admiral, was sent against 
 him. Marco Polo commanded a galley of the fleet. His usual good 
 fortune deserted him. Advancing the first in the line with his galley, 
 and not being properly seconded, he was taken prisoner, thrown in irons, 
 and carried to Genoa. Here he was detained fora longtime in prison, ani 
 all offers of ransom rejected. His imprisonment gave great uneasi- 
 ness to his father and uncle, fearing that he might never return. Seeing 
 themselves in this unhappy state, with so much treasure and no heirs, 
 they consulted together. They were both very old men; but Nicola, 
 observes Kamusio, was of a galliard complexion: it was determined he 
 should take a wife. He did so; and to the wonder of his friends, in four 
 years had three children. 
 
 Jn the mean while the fame of Marco Polo's travels had circulated in 
 Genoa. His prison was daily crowded with nobility, and he was supplied 
 with every thing that could cheer him in his confinement. A Genoese 
 gentleman, who visited him every day, at length prevailed upon him to 
 write an account of what he had seen. He had his papers and journals 
 sent to him from Venice, and with the assistance of his friend, or. as 
 some will have it, his fellow-prisoner, produced the work which after- 
 ward made such noise throughout the world. 
 
 The merit of Marco Polo at length procured him his liberty. He re- 
 turned to Venice, where he found his father with a house full of children. 
 He took it in good part, followed the old man's example, married, and 
 had two daughters, Moivtta and Fantina. The date of the death of 
 Marco Polo is unknown; he is supposed to have been, at the time, about 
 seventy years of age. On his death-bed he is said to have been exhorted 
 by his friends to retract what he had published, or, at least, to disavow 
 those parts commonly regarded as fictions. He replied indignantly that 
 so far from having exaggerated, he had not told one half of the extraor- 
 dinary things of which he had been an eye-witness. 
 
 Marco Polo died without male issue. Of the three sons of his father 
 hy the second marriage, one only had children viz., five sons and one 
 daughter. The sons died without leaving issue; the daughter inherited 
 all her father's wealth and married into the noble and distinguished house 
 of Trevesino. Thus the male line of the Polos ceased in 1417, and the 
 family name was extinguished. 
 
 Such are the principal particulars known of Marco Polo, a man whose 
 travels for a long time made a great noise in Europe, and will be found 
 to have had a great effect on mo !ern discovery. His splendid account of 
 the extent, wealth, and population of the Tartar territories filled every 
 one with admiration. The possibility of bringing all those regions under 
 the dominion of the Church, and rendering the Grand Khan an obedient 
 va<s:il to the holy chair, was for a long time a favorite topic among the 
 enthusiastic missionaries of Christendom, and there were many saints- 
 errant who undertook to effect the conversion of this magnificent infi.lcl. 
 
 Even at, the distance of two centuries, when the enterprises for the dis-
 
 673 APPENDIX. 
 
 covery of the new route to India had set all the warm heads of Europe 
 madding about these remote regions of the East, the conversion of the 
 Grand Khan became again a popular theme; and it was too speculative 
 and romantic an enterprise not to catch the vivid imagination of 
 Columbus. In all his voyages, he will be found continually to be seeking 
 after the territories of the Grand Khan, and even after his last expe- 
 dition, when nearly worn out by age, hardships, and infirmities, he 
 offered, in a letter to the Spanish monarchs, written from a bed of sick- 
 ness, to conduct any missionary to the territories of the Tartar emperor, 
 who would undertake his conversion. 
 
 No. XXI. 
 
 THE WORK OF MAKCO POLO. 
 
 THE work of Marco Polo is stated by some to have been originally writ- 
 ten in Latin, 1 though the most probable opinion is that it was written in 
 the Venetian dialect of the Italian. Copies of it in manuscript were 
 multiplied and rapidly circulated; translations were made into various 
 languages, until the invention of printing enabled it to be widely diffused 
 throughout Europe. In the course of these translations and successive 
 editions, the original text, according to Purchas, has been much vitiated, 
 and it is probable many extravagances in numbers and measurements 
 with which Marco Polo is charged may be the errors of translators and 
 printers. 
 
 When the work first appeared, it was considered by some as made up 
 of fictions and extravagances, and Vossius assures us that even after the 
 death of Marco Polo he continued to be a subject of ridicule among 
 the light and unthinking, insomuch that he was frequently personated at 
 masquerades by some wit or droll, who, in his feigned character, related 
 all kinds of extravagant fables and adventures. His work, however, ex- 
 cited great attention among thinking men, containing evidently a fund 
 of information concerning vast and splendid countries, before unknown 
 to the European world. Vossius assures us that it was at one time highly 
 esteemed by the learned. Francis Pepin, author of the Brandenburgh 
 version, styles Polo a man commendable for his piety, prudence, and 
 fidelity. Athanasius Kircher, in his account of China, says that none of 
 the ancients have described the kingdoms of the remote East with more 
 exactness. Various other learned men of past times have borne tes- 
 timony to his character, and most of the substantial parts of his work 
 have been authenticated by subsequent travellers. The most able and 
 ample vindication of Marco Polo, however, is to be found in the English 
 translation of his work, with copious notes and commentaries, by William 
 Marsden, F.R.S. He has diligently discriminated between what Marco 
 Polo relates from his own observation, and what he relates as gathered 
 from others; he points out the errors that have arisen from misinterpre- 
 tations, omissions, or interpretations of translators, and he claims all 
 proper allowance for the superstitious coloring of parts of the narrative 
 frt>m the belief, prevalent among the most wise and learned of his day, in 
 miracles and magic. After perusing the work of Mr. Marsden, the char- 
 acter of Marco Polo rises in the estimation of the reader. It is evident 
 that his narration, as far as related from his own observations, is correct, 
 and that he had re.illy traversed a great part of Tartary and China, and 
 
 1 Hist, des Voyages, torn, xxvii. lib. iv. cap. 3. Paris, 1549.
 
 APPENDIX. 679 
 
 navigated in the Indian seas. Some of the countries and many of the 
 islands, however, are evidently described from accounts given by others, 
 and in these accounts are generally found the fables which have excited 
 incredulity and ridicule. As he composed his work after his return 
 home, partly from memory and partly from memorandums, he was liable 
 to confuse what he had heard with what he had seen, and thus to give 
 undue weight to many fables and exaggerations which he had received 
 from others. 
 
 Much has been said of a map brought from Cathay by Marco Polo, 
 which was conserved in the convent of San Michale de Murano in the 
 vicinity of Venice, and in which the Cape of Good Hope and the island 
 of Madagascar were indicated, countries which the Portuguese claim the 
 merit of having discovered two centuries afterward. It has been sug- 
 gested also that Columbus had visited the convent and examined this map, 
 whence he derived some of his ideas concerning the coast of India. Ac- 
 cording to Kamusio, however, who had been at the convent, and was well 
 acquainted with the prior, the map preserved there was one copied by a 
 friar from the original one of Marco Polo, and many alterations and ad- 
 ditions had since been made by other hands, so that for a longtime it lost 
 all credit with judicious people, until on comparing it with the work of 
 Marco Polo it was found in the main to agree with his descriptions. 1 
 The Cape of Goo.l Hope was doubtless among the additions made sub- 
 sequent to the discoveries of the Portuguese. 2 Columbus makes no 
 mention of this map, which he most probably would have done had he 
 seen it. He seems to have been entirely guided by the one furnished by 
 Paulo Toscanelli, and which was apparently projected after the original 
 niii]), or after the descriptions of Marco Polo and the maps of Ptolemy. 
 
 When the attention of the world was turned toward the remote parts 
 of Asia in the fifteenth century, and the Portuguese were making their 
 attempts to circumnavigate Africa, the narration of Marco Polo agian 
 rose to notice. This, with the travels of Nicolo de Comte, the Venetian, 
 and of Hieronimo da San Stefano, a Genoese, are said to have been the 
 principal lights by which the Portuguese guided themselves in their 
 voyages. 3 
 
 Above all, the influence which the work of Marco Polo had over the 
 mind of Columbus gives it particular interest and importance. It was 
 evidently an oracular work with him. He frequently quotes it, and on 
 his voyages, supposing himself to be on the Asiatic coast, he is continually 
 endeavoring to discover the islands and main-lands described in it, and to 
 find the famous Cipango. 
 
 It is proper, therefore, to specify some of those places, and the manner 
 in which they are described by a Venetian traveller, that the reader may 
 more fully understand the anticipations which were haunting the mind 
 of Columbus in his voyages among the West Indian islands, and along 
 the coast of Terra Firma. 
 
 The winter residence of the Great Khan, according to Marco Polo, was 
 in the city of Cambalu, or Kanbalu (since ascertained to be Pekin), in 
 the province of Cathay. This city, he says, was twenty-four miles square, 
 and admirably built. It was impossible, according to Marco Polo, to de- 
 
 1 Kamusio, vol. ii. p. 17. 
 
 J Mr. Marsden, who has inspected a splendid foe-simile of this map preserved in the 
 British Museum, object* even to the fundamental part of it: "where," he observes, 
 " situations are given to places that seem quite inconsistent with the descriptions in the 
 travels, and cannot be attributed to their author, although inserted uu the buppoaed 
 authority of his writings." Marsden's M. Polo, lutrod. p. xlii. 
 
 3 Hist, des Voyages, torn. xl. lib. xi. chap. 4.
 
 680 APPENDIX. 
 
 scribe the vast amount and variety of merchandise and manufactures 
 brought there; it would seem they were enough to furnish the universe. 
 " Here are to be seen in wonderful abundance the precious stones, the 
 pearls, the silks, and the diverse perfumes of the East; scarce a day 
 passes that there does not arrive nearly a thousand cars laden with silk, 
 of which they make admirable stuffs in this city." 
 
 The palace of the Great Khan is magnificently built, and four miles in 
 circuit. It is rather a group of palaces. In the interior it is resplendent 
 with gold and silver; and in it are guarded the precious vases and jewels 
 of the sovereign. All the appointments of the Khan for war, for the 
 chase, for various festivities, are described in gorgeous terms. But though 
 Marco Polo is magnificent in his description of the provinces of Cathay, 
 and its imperial city of Cambalu, he outdoes himself when he conies to 
 describe the province of Mangi. This province is supposed to be the 
 southern part of China. It contains, he says, twelve hundred cities. 
 The capital Quinsai (supposed to be the city of Hang-cheu) was twenty- 
 five miles from the sea, but communicated by a river with a port situated 
 oil the seacoast, and had great trade with India. 
 
 The name Quinsai, according to Marco Polo, signifies the city of heaven; 
 he says he has been m it and examined it diligently, and affirms it to be 
 the largest in the world; and so undoubtedly it is if the measurement of 
 the traveller is to be taken literally, for he declares that it is one hundred 
 miles in circuit. This seeming exaggeration has been explained by sup- 
 posing him to mean Chinese miles or li, which are to the Italian miles in 
 the proportion of three to eight; and Mr. Marsden observes that the walls 
 even of the modern city, the limits of which have been considerably con- 
 tracted, are estimated by travellers at sixty li. The ancient city has evi- 
 dently been of immense extent, and as Marco Polo could not be supposed 
 lo have measured the walls himself, he has probably taken the loose and 
 incorrect estimates of the inhabitants. He describes it also as built upon 
 little islands like Venice, and has twelve thousand stone bridges, 1 the 
 arches of which are so high that the largest vessels can pass under them 
 without lowering their masts. It has, he affirms, three thousand baths, 
 and six hundred thousand families, including domestics. It abounds 
 with magnificent houses, and has a lake thirty miles in circuit within its 
 walls, on the banks of which are superb palaces of people of rank.- The 
 inhabitants of Quinsai are very voluptuous, and indulge in all kinds of 
 luxuries and delights, particularly the women, who are extremely beau- 
 tiful. There are many merchants and artisans, but the masters do not 
 work, they employ servants to do all their labor. The province of Mangi 
 was conquered by the Great Khan, who divided it into nine kingdoms, 
 appointing to each a tributary king. He drew from it an immense rev- 
 enue, for the country abounded in gold, silver, silks, sugar, spices, and 
 perfumes. 
 
 1 Another blunder in translation has drawn upon Marco Polo the indignation of 
 George Hornius, who (in his Origin of America, iv. 3) exclaim*, " Who can Believe all 
 that he says of the city of Quinsai? as for example, that it has stone bridges twelve 
 thousand miles high! "etc. It is probable that many of the exaggerations in tin- ac- 
 counts of Marco Polo are in fact the errors of bis translators. 
 
 Mandeville, speaking of the same city, which he calls Causai, says it is built on the 
 w?a like Venice, and has twelve hundred bridges. 
 
 1 Sir George Stautiton mentions this lake as being a beautiful sheet of water, about 
 three or four miles in diameter; it* margin ornamented with houses and gardens of 
 mandarius, together with temples, monasteries for the priests of Fo, and au imperial 
 palace.
 
 APPENDIX. 681 
 
 ZIPAXGU, ZIPANGRI, OR CIPANGO. 
 
 Fifteen hundred miles from the shores of Mangi, according to Marco 
 Polo, lay the great island of Zipangu, by some written Zipangri, and by 
 Columbus Cipango. 1 Marco Polo describes it as abounding in gold, 
 which, however, the king seldom permits to be transported out of the 
 island. The king has a magnificent palace covered with plates of gold, 
 as in other countries the palaces are covered with sheets of lead or cop- 
 per. The halls and chambers are likewise covered with gold, the windows 
 adorned with it, sometimes in plates of the thickness of two fingers. 
 Tin 1 island also produces vast quantities of the largest and finest pearls, 
 together with a variety of precious stones; so that, in fact, it abounds in 
 riches. The Great Khan made several attempts to conquer this island, 
 but in vain ; which is not to be wondered at, if it be true what Marco 
 Polo relates, that the inhabitants had certain stones of a charmed virtue 
 inserted between the skin and the flesh of their right arms, which, 
 through the power of diabolical enchantments, rendered them invulner- 
 able. This island was an object of diligent search to Columbus. 
 
 About the island of Zipangu or Cipango, and between it and the coast 
 of Mangi, the sea, according to Marco Polo, is studded with small islands 
 to the number of seven thousand four hundred and forty, of which the 
 greater part are inhabited. There is not one which does not produce 
 odoriferous trees and perfumes in abundance. Columbus thought himself 
 at onetime in the midst of these islands. 
 
 These are the principal places described by Marco PoJo, which occur in 
 the letters and journals of Columbus. The island of Cipango was the 
 first land he expected to make, and he intended to visit afterward the 
 province of Mangi, and to seek the Great Khan in his city of Cambalu, 
 in the province of Cathay. Unless the reader can bear in mind these 
 sumptuous descriptions of Marco Polo, of countries teeming with wealth, 
 and cities where the very domes and palaces flamed with gold, he will 
 have but a faint idea of the splendid anticipations which filled the imagi- 
 nation of Columbus when he discovered, as he supposed, the extremity 
 of Asia. It was his confident expectation of soon arriving at these coun- 
 tries, and realizing the accounts of the Venetian, that induced him to 
 hold forth those promises of immediate wealth to the sovereigns, which 
 caused so much disappointment, and brought upon him the frequent 
 reproach of exciting false hopes and indulging in wilful exaggeration. 
 
 No. XXII. 
 
 SIR JOHN MANDEVILLE. 
 
 NEXT to Marco Polo the travels of Sir John Mandeville, and his account 
 of the territories of the Great Khan along the coast of Asia, seem to have 
 been treasured up in the mind of Columbus. 
 
 Mandeville was born in the city of St. Albans. He was devoted to 
 
 1 Supposed to be those islands collectively called Japan. They are named by the 
 Chinese, tie-pen, the terminating syllable git added by Marco Polo, is supposed to be 
 the Chinese word kttf , signifying kingdom, which is commonly annexed to the names of 
 foreign countries. As the utetMtee of the nearest part of the southern island from the 
 coasi of China, near Ning-po, is not more than five hundred Italian miles, Mr. Marsdeu 
 suppose* Marco Polo in stati'ig it to be 1500, means Chinese miles, or li, which are iH the 
 proportion of somewhat more lhau one-third of the former.
 
 682 APPENDIX. 
 
 study from his earliest childhood, and after finishing his general educa- 
 tion applied himself to medicine. Having a great desire to see the 
 remotest parts of the earth, then known, that is to say, Asia and Africa, 
 and above all, to visit the Holy Land, he left England in 1332, and pass- 
 ing through France embarked at Marseilles. According to his own 
 account he visited Turkey, Armenia, Egypt, Upper and Lower Lybia, 
 Syria, Persia. Chaldea, Ethiopia, Tartary, Amazonia and the Indies, 
 residing in their principal cities. But most he says he delighted in 
 the Holy Land, where he remained for a long time, examining it with the 
 greatest minuteness, and endeavoring to follow all the traces of our 
 Saviour. After an absence of thirty-four years he returned to England, 
 but found himself forgotten and unknown by the greater part of his 
 countrymen, and a stranger in his native place. He wrote a history of 
 his travels in three languages English, French, and Latin for he was 
 master of many tongues. He addressed his work to Edward III. His 
 wanderings do not seem to have made him either pleased with the world 
 at large or contented with his home. He railed at the age, saying that 
 there was no more virtue extant, that the Church was ruined; error 
 prevalent among the clergy; simony upon the throne; and, in a word, 
 that the devil reigned triumphant. He soon returned to the continent, 
 and died at Liege in 1372. He was buried in the abbey of the Guliemites, 
 in the suburbs of that city, where Ortelius, in his Itinerarium Belgiae, 
 says that he saw his monument, on which was the effigy, in stone, of a 
 man with a forked beard and his hands raised toward his head (probably 
 folded as in prayer, according to the manner of old tombs) and a lion at 
 his feet. There was an inscription stating his name, quality and calling 
 (viz., professor of medicine), that he was very pious, very learned, and 
 very charitable to the poor, and that after having travelled over the whole 
 world he had died at Liege. The people of the convent showed also his 
 spurs, and the housings of the horses which he had ridden in his travels. 
 
 The descriptions given by Mandeville of the Grand Khan, of the prov- 
 ince of Cathay, and the city of Cambalu, are no less splendid than those 
 of Marco Polo. The royal palace was more than two leagues in circum- 
 ference. The grand hall had twenty-four columns of copper and gold. 
 There were more than three hundred thousand men occupied and living 
 in and about the palace, of which more than one hundred thousand were 
 employed in taking care of ten thousand elephants and of a vast variety 
 of other animals, birds of prey, falcons, parrots, and parroquets. On days 
 of festival there were even twice the number of men employed. The 
 title of this potentate in his letters was " Khan, the son of God, exalted 
 possessor of all the earth, master of those who are masters of others." 
 On his seal was engraved, " God reigns in heaven, Khan upon earth." 
 
 Mandeville has become proverbial for indulging in a traveller's exagger- 
 ations : yet his accounts of the countries which he visited have been 
 found far more veracious than had been imagined. His descriptions of 
 Cathay and the wealthy province of Mangi, agreeing with those of Marco 
 Polo, bad great authority with Columbus. 
 
 No. XXIII. 
 
 THE ZONES. 
 
 THE zones were imaginary hands or circles in the heavens producing an 
 efft-ct of climate on corresponding belts on the globe of tlie earth. The 
 polar circles aud the tropics mark these divisions.
 
 A PPEND1X. 683 
 
 The central region, lying beneath the track of the sun, was termed the 
 torrid zone ; (lie two regions between the tropics ami the polar circles 
 were termed the temperate zones, and the remaining parts, between the 
 polar circles and the poles, the frigid zones. 
 
 The frozen regions near the poles were considered uninhabitable and 
 unnavigable on account of the extreme cold. The burning zone, or 
 rather the central part of it, immediately about the equator, was consid- 
 ered uninhabitable, unproductive, and impassable in consequence of the 
 excessive heat. The temperate zones, lying between them, were sup- 
 posed io be fertile and salubrious, and suited to the purposes of life. 
 
 The globe was divided into two hemispheres by the equator, an imagin- 
 ary line encircling it at equal distance from the poles. The whole of the 
 world known to the ancients was contained in the temperate zone of 
 the northern hemisphere. 
 
 It was imagined that if there should be inhabitants in the temperate 
 zone of the southern hemisphere, there could still be no communication 
 with them on account of the burning zone which intervened. 
 
 Parmenides, according to Strabo, was the inventor of this theory of 
 the five zones, but he made the torrid zone extend on each side of the 
 equator beyond the tropics. Aristotle supported this doctrine of the 
 zones. In his time nothing was known of the extreme northern parts 
 of Europe and Asia, nor of interior Ethiopia and the southern part 
 of Africa, extending beyond the tropic of Capricorn to the Cape of 
 Good Hope. Aristotle believed that there was habitable earth in the 
 southern hemisphere, but that it was forever divided from the part of 
 the world already known by the impassable zone of scorching heat at 
 the equator. 1 
 
 Pliny supported the opinion of Aristotle concerning the burning zones. 
 " The temperature of the central region of the earth," he observes, 
 " where the sun runs its course, is burnt up as with fire. The tem- 
 perate zones which lie on either side can have no communication with 
 each other in consequence of the fervent heat of this region." * 
 
 Strabo (lib. xi. ), in mentioning this theory, gives it likewise his sup- 
 port: and others of the ancient philosophers, as well as the poets, might 
 be cited to show the general prevalence of the belief. 
 
 It must be observed that, at the time when Columbus defended his 
 proposition before the learned board at Salamanca, the ancient theory ot 
 the burning zone had not yet been totally disproved by modern discov- 
 ery. The Portuguese, it is true, had penetrated within the tropics; 
 but, though the whole of the space between the tropic of Cancer and 
 that of Capricorn, in common parlance, was termed the torrid zone, the 
 uninhabitable and impassable part, strictly speaking, according to the 
 doctrine of the ancients, only extended a limited number of degrees on 
 each side of the equator, forming about a third, or at most, the half 
 of the zone. The proofs which Columbus endeavored to draw there- 
 fore from the voyages made to St. George la Mina, were not conclusive 
 with those who were bigoted to the ancient theory, and who placed 
 this scorching region farther southward, and immediately about the 
 equator. 
 
 Aristot., 2 Met. cap. 5. Pliny, lib. i. cap. 61.
 
 684 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. XXIV. 
 
 OF THE ATALANTIS OF PLATO. 
 
 THE island Atalantis is mentioned by Plato in liis dialogue of Timseus. 
 Solon the Athenian lawgiver, is supposed to have travelled into Egypt. 
 lie is in an ancient city on the Delta, the fertile island formed by the 
 Nile, and is holding converse with certain learned priests on the antiq- 
 uities of remote ages, when one of them gives him a description of the 
 island of Atalantis, and of its destruction, which he describes as having 
 taken place before the conflagration of the world by Phaeton. 
 
 This island, he was told, had been situated in the Western Ocean, 
 opposite to the Straits of Gibraltar. There was an easy passage from it 
 to other islands, which lay adjacent to a large continent, exceeding in 
 size all Europe and Asia. Neptune settled in this island, from whose son 
 Atlas its name was derived, and he divided it among his ten sons. His 
 descendants reigned here in regular succcession for many ages. They 
 made irruptions into Europe and Africa, subduing all Lybia as far as 
 Egypt, and Europe to Asia Minor. They were resisted, however, by the 
 Athenians, and driven back to their Atlantic territories. Shortly after 
 this there was a tremendous earthquake and an overflowing of the sea. 
 which continued for a day and a night. Jn the course of this the vast 
 island of Atalantis, and all its splendid cities and warlike nations, 
 were swallowed up, and sunk to the bottom of the sea, which, spread- 
 ing its waters over the chasm, formed the Atlantic Ocean. For a long 
 time, however, the sea was not navigable, on account of rocks and 
 shelves, of mud and slime, and of the ruins of that drowned coun- 
 try. 
 
 Many, in modern times, have considered this a mere fable: others 
 suppose that Plato, while in Egypt, had received some vague accounts of 
 the Canary Islands, and, on his return to Greece, finding those islands 
 so entirely unknown to his countrymen, had made them the seat of his 
 political and moral speculations. Some, however, have been disposed 
 to give greater weight to this story of Plato. They imagine that such 
 an island may really have existed, filling up a great part of the-Atlantic, 
 and that the continent beyond it was America, which, in such case, was 
 not unknown to the ancients. Kircher supposes it to have been an 
 island extending from the Canaries to the Azores; that it was really in- 
 gulfed in one of the convulsions of the globe, and that those small 
 islands are mere shattered fragments of it. 
 
 As a further proof that the New World was not unknown to the an- 
 cients, many have cited the singular passage in the Medea of Seneca, 
 which is wonderfully apposite, and shows, at least, how nearly the warm 
 imagination of a poet may approach to prophecy. The predictions of the 
 ancient oracles were rarely so unequivocal. 
 
 Venient annis 
 
 Ssecula seris, quibus Oceanns 
 Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens 
 Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos 
 Detegat orbes, nee sit terris 
 Ultima Thule. 
 
 Gosselin, in his able research into the voyages of the ancients, supposes 
 the Atalantis of Plato to have been nothing more nor less than one of the 
 nearest of the Canaries, viz., Fortaventura or Lancerote.
 
 APPENDIX. 685 
 
 No. XXV. 
 
 THE IMAGINARY ISLAND OF ST. BRANDAN. 
 
 ONE of the most singular geographical illusions on record is that which 
 for a long while haunted the imaginations of the inhabitants of the 
 Canaries. They fancied they beheld a mountainous island, about ninety 
 leagues in length, lying far to the westward. It was only seen at inter- 
 vals, but in perfectly clear and serene weather. To some it seemed one 
 hundred leagues distant, to others forty, to others only fifteen or eigh- 
 teen. 1 On attempting to reach it, however, it somehow or other eluded 
 the search, and was nowhere to be found. Still there were so many eye- 
 witnesses of credibility who concurred in testifying to their having seen 
 it, and the testimony of the inhabitants of different islands agreed so 
 well as to its form and position, that its existence was generally believed, 
 and geographers inserted it in their maps. It is laid down on the globe 
 of Martin Behem, projected in 1492, as delineated by M. de Murr, and it 
 will be found in most of the maps of the time of Columbus, placed com- 
 monly about two hundred leagues west of the Canaries. During the time 
 that Columbus was making his proposition to the court of Portugal, an 
 inhabitant of the Canaries applied to King John II. for a vessel to go in 
 search of this island. In the archives of the Torre do Tombo 2 also, 
 there is a record of a contract made by the crown of Portugal with Fer- 
 nando de Uhno, cavalier of the royal household, and captain of the 
 island of Tercera, wherein he undertakes to go, at his own expense, in 
 quest of an island or islands, or Terra Firma, supposed to be the island 
 of the Seven Cities, on condition of having jurisdiction over the same for 
 himself and his heirs, allowing one-tenth of the revenues to the king. This 
 I* lino, finding the expedition above his capacity, associated one Juan 
 Alfonso del Estreito in the enterprise. They were bound to be ready to 
 sail with two caravels in the month of March, 1487. 8 The fate of their 
 enterprise is unknown. 
 
 The name of St. Brandan, or Borondon, given to this imaginary island 
 from time immemorial, is said to be derived from a Scotch abbot, who 
 flourished in the sixth century, and who is called sometimes by the fore- 
 going appellations, sometimes St. Blandano, or St. Blandanus. In the 
 M.irtyrology of the order of St. Augustine, he is said to have been the 
 patriarch of three thousand monks. About the middle of the sixth cen- 
 tury he accompanied his disciple, St. Maclovio, or St. Malo, in search of 
 certain islands possessing the delights of paradise, which they were told 
 existed in the midst of the ocean, and were inhabited by infidels. These 
 most adventurous saints-errant wandered for a long time upon the ocean, 
 and at length landed upon an island called Ima. Here St. Malo found 
 the body of a giant lying in a sepulchre. He resuscitated him, and had 
 much interesting conversation with him, the giant informing him that the 
 inhabitants of that island had some notions of the Trinity, and, more- 
 over, giving him a gratifying account of the torments which Jews and 
 Pagans suffered in the infernal regions. Finding the giant so docile and 
 reasonable, St. Malo expounded to him the doctrines of the Christian reli- 
 gion, converted him, and baptized him by the name of Mil.lum. The 
 giant, however, either through weariness of life or eagerness to enjoy the 
 
 1 Feyjoo, Theatro Critico, torn. Iv. d. 10, 29. 
 
 - Lib. iv. de la fhancelaria del Key I)n. .Juan II., fol. 101. 
 
 Tone do Tombo. Lib. das Ylhas, f. 119.
 
 686 APPENDIX. 
 
 benefits of his conversion, begged permission, at the end of fifteen days, 
 to die again, which was granted him. 
 
 According to another account, the giant told them he knew of an island 
 in the ocean, defended by walls of burnished gold, so resplendent that 
 they shone like crystal, but to which there was no entrance. At their 
 request he undertook to guide them to it, and taking the cable of their 
 ship, threw himself into the sea. He had not proceeded far, however, 
 when a tempest rose, and obliged them all to return, anil shortly after the 
 giant died. 1 A third legend makes the saint pray to heaven on Easter 
 day, that they may be permitted to find land where they may celebrate the 
 offices of religion with becoming state. An island immediately appears, 
 on which they land, perform a solemn mass and the sacrament of the 
 Eucharist; after which, re-embarking and making sail, they behold to their 
 astonishment the supposed island suddenly plunge to the bottom of the sea, 
 being nothing else than a monstrous whale. 2 When the rumor circulated 
 of an island seen from the Canaries, which always eluded the search, the 
 legends of St. Brandan were revived, and applied to this unapproachable 
 land. We are told, also, that there was an ancient Latin manuscript in 
 the archives of the cathedral church of the Grand Canary, in which the 
 adventures of these saints were recorded. Through carelessness, how- 
 ever, this manuscript has disappeared. 3 Some have maintained that this 
 island was known to the ancients, and was the same mentioned by Ptolemy 
 among the Fortunate or Canary Islands, by the names of Aprositus. 4 or 
 the Inaccessible; and which, according to friar Diego Philipo in his book 
 on the Incarnation of Christ, shows that it possessed the same quality in 
 ancient times of deluding the eye and being unattainable to the feet of 
 mortals. 5 But whatever belief the ancients may have had on this subject, 
 it is certain that it took a strong hold on the faith of the moderns during 
 the prevalent rage for discovery; nor did it lack abundant testimonials. 
 Don Joseph de Viera y Clavijo says, there never was a more difficult 
 paradox nor problem in the science of geography; since to affirm the ex- 
 istence of this island is to trample upon sound criticism, judgment, and 
 reason; and to deny it one must abandon tradition and experience, and 
 suppose that many persons of credit had not the proper use of their senses 6 
 
 The belief in this island has continued long since the time of Colum- 
 bus. It was repeatedly seen, and by various persons at a time, always in 
 the same place and of the same form. In 1526 an expedition set off for 
 the Canaries in quest of it, commanded by Fernando de Troya and Fer- 
 nando Alvarez. They cruised in the wonted direction, but in vain, and 
 their failure ought to have undeceived the public. " The phantasm of 
 the island, however,'' says Viera, " had such a secret enchantment for all 
 who beheld it, that the public preferred doubting the good conduct of the 
 explorers, than their own senses." In 1570 the appearances were so re- 
 peated and clear that there was a universal fever of curiosity awakened 
 among the people of the Canaries, and it was determined to send forth 
 another expedition. 
 
 That they might not appear to act upon light grounds, an exact inves- 
 tigation was previously made of all the persons of talent and credibility 
 who had seen these apparitions of land, or who had other proofs of its 
 existence. 
 
 1 Fr. Gregorio Garcia, Origen de los Indies, lib i. cap. 9. 
 
 2 Si^eberto, Epist. ad Tietmar. Abbat. 
 
 8 Nunez de la Pena. Conquist de la Grau Canada. 
 
 Ptolemy, lib. iv. torn. iv. 
 
 Fr. I). Philipo, lib. viii. fol.25. 
 
 Hist. Il. Cau., lib. i. cap. 28.
 
 APPENDIX. 687 
 
 Alonzo de Espinosa, governor of the island of Ferro, accordingly made 
 a report, in which more than one hundred witnesses, several of them per- 
 sons of the highest respectability, deposed that they had beheld the un- 
 known island about forty leagues to the north-west of Ferro; that they 
 had contemplated it with calmness and certainty, and had seeu the sun 
 set behind one of its points. 
 
 Testimonials of still greater force came from the islands of Palma and 
 Teneriffe. There were certain Portuguese who affirmed that, being driven 
 about by a tempest, they had come upon the island of St. Borondon. 
 PeJro Velio, who was the pilot of the vessel, affirmed that, having 
 anchored in a bay, he landed with several of the crew. They drank fresh 
 water in a brook, and beheld in the sand the print of footsteps, double 
 the size of those of an ordinary man, and the distance between them was 
 in proportion. They found a cross nailed to a neighboring tree; near to 
 which \\<-re three stones placed in form of a triangle, with signs of fire 
 having been made among them, probably to cook shell-fish. Having seen 
 much cattle and sheep grazing in the neighborhood, two of their party 
 armed with lances went into the woods in pursuit of them. The night 
 was aproaehing, the heavens began to lower, and a harsh wind arose. 
 The people on board the ship cried out that she was dragging her anchor, 
 whereupon Velio entered the boat and hurried on board. In an instant 
 they lost sight of land, being as it were swept away in the hurricane. 
 When the storm had passed away, and the sea and sky were again serene, 
 they searched in vain for the island; not a trace of it was to be seen, and 
 they had to pursue their voyage, lamenting the loss of their two compan- 
 ions who had been abandoned in the wood. 1 
 
 A learned licentiate, Pedro Ortiz de Funez, inquisitor of the Grand 
 Canary, while on a visit at Teneriffe, summoned several persons before 
 him, who testified having seen the island. Among them was one Marcos 
 Verde, a man well known in those parts. He stated that in returning 
 from Barbary and arriving in the neighborhood of the Canaries, he beheld 
 land, which, according to his maps and calculations, could not be any of 
 the known islands. He concluded it to be the far-famed St. Borondon. 
 Overjoyed at having discovered this land of mystery, he coasted along 
 its spell-bound shores until he anchored in a beautiful harbor formed by 
 the mouth of a mountain ravine. Here he landed with several of lus 
 crew. It was now, he said, the hour of the Ave Maria, or of vespers. 
 The sun being set, the shadows began to spread over the land. The 
 voyagers having separated, wandered about in different directions, until 
 out of hearing of each other's shouts. Those on board, seeing the night 
 approaching, made signal to summon back the wanderers to the ship. 
 They re-embarked, intending to resume their investigations on the follow- 
 ing day. Scarcely were they on board, however, when a whirlwind came 
 rushing down the ravine with such violence as to drag the vessel from her 
 anchor and hurry her out to sea, and they never saw any thing more of 
 this hidden and inhospitable island. 
 
 Another testimony remains on record in manuscript of one Abreu 
 Galindo; but whether taken at this time does not appear. It was that of 
 a French adventurer, who, many years before, making a voyage among 
 the Canaries, was overtaken by a violent storm which carried away his 
 masts. At length the furious winds drove him to the shores of an un- 
 known island covered with stately trees. Here he landed with part of his 
 crew, and choosing a tree proper fora mast, cut it down, and began to 
 shape it for his purpose. The guardian power of the island, however, 
 
 1 .Nunez de la IVtiu, lib. i. cap. 1. Viera Uisi. iol. Cuj., torn. i. cap. 28.
 
 688 APPENDIX. 
 
 resented as usual this invasion of his forbidden shores. The heavens 
 assumed a dark and threatening aspect; the night, was approaching, and 
 the mariners, fearing some impending evil, abandoned their labor and re- 
 turned on board. They were borne away as usual from the coast, and the 
 next day arrived at the island of Palma. ' 
 
 The mass of testimony collected by official authority in 1750 seemed 
 so satisfactory that another expedition was fitted out in the same year 
 in the island of Palma. It was commanded- by Fernando de Villabo- 
 los, regidor of the island, but was equally fruitless with the preced- 
 ing. St. Borondon seemed disposed only to tantalize the world with 
 distant and serene glimpses of his ideal paradise, or to reveal it amid 
 storms to tempest-tossed mariners, but to hide it completely from the view 
 of all who diligently sought it. Still the people of Palma adhered to 
 their favorite chimera. Thirty-four years afterward, in 1605, they sent 
 another ship on the quest, commanded by Gaspar Perez de Acosta, an 
 accomplished pilot, accompanied by the padre Lorenzo Pinedo, a holy 
 Franciscan friar, skilled in natural science. St. Borondon, however, 
 refused to reveal his island to either monk or mariner. After cruising 
 about in every direction, sounding, observing the skies, the clouds, the 
 winds, every thing that could furnish indications, they returned without 
 having seen any thing to authorize a hope. 
 
 Upward of a century now elapsed without any new attempt to seek 
 this fairy island. Every now and then, it is true, the public mind was 
 agitated by fresh reports of its having been seen. Lemons and other 
 fruits, and the green branches of trees which floated to the shores of 
 Gomera and Ferro, were pronounced to be from the enchanted groves 
 of St. Borondon. At length, in 1721, the public infatuation again rose to 
 such a height that a fourth expedition was sent, commanded by Don 
 Gaspar Doininguez, a man of probity and talent. As this was an expedi- 
 tion of solemn and mysterious import, he had two holy friars as apostolical 
 chaplains. They made sail from the island of Tenenffe toward the end 
 of October, leaving the populace in an indescribable state of anxious 
 curiosity mingled with superstition. The ship, however, returned from 
 its cruise as unsuccessful as all its predecessors. 
 
 We have no account of any expedition being since undertaken, though 
 the island still continued to be a subject of speculation, and occasionally 
 to reveal its shadowy mountains to the eyes of favored individuals. In a 
 letter written from the island of Gomera, 1759, by a Franciscan monk, to 
 one of his friends, he relates having seen it from the village of Alaxero 
 at six in the morning of the third of May. It appeared to consist of two 
 lofty mountains, with a deep valley between; and on contemplating it 
 with a telescope, the valley or ravine appeared to be filled with trees. He 
 summoned the curate Antonio Joseph Manrique, and upwards of forty 
 other persons, all of whom beheld it plainly. 2 
 
 Nor is this island delineated merely in ancient maps of the time of 
 Columbus. It is laid down as one of the Canary Islands, in a French map 
 published in 1704; and Mons. Gautier, in a geographical chart, annexed 
 to his Observations on Natural History, published in 1755, places it five 
 degrees to the west of the island of Ferro, in the 29th deg. of N. lati- 
 tude. 3 
 
 Such are the principal facts existing relative to the island of St. Bran- 
 dan. Its reality was for a long time a matter of firm belief. It was in vain 
 that repeated voyages and investigations proved its non-existence; the 
 
 1 Nunez, Conquinta le Gran Canaria. Viera, Hist., etc. 
 * Vieia, Hist. Isl. Cau. toui. i. cap. 28. Ibid.
 
 APPENDIX. 689 
 
 public, after trying all kinds of sophistry, took refuge in the supernatural, 
 to defend their favorite chimera. They maintained that it was rendered 
 inaccessible to mortals by Divine Providence, or by diabolical magic. 
 Most inclined to the former. All kinds of extravagant fancies were in- 
 dulged concerning it, 1 some confounded it with the fabled island of the. 
 Seven Cities situated somewhere in the bosom of the ocean, where in old 
 times seven bishops and their followers had taken refuge from the Moors, 
 borne of the Portuguese imagined it to be the abode of their lost King 
 Sebastian. The Spaniards pretended that Roderick, the la?t of their 
 Gothic kings, had fled thither from the Moors after the disastrous battle 
 of the Guadalete. Others suggested that it might be the seat of the ter- 
 restrial paradise, the place wtiere Enoch and Elijah remained in a state of 
 blessedness until the final day; and that it was made at times apparent to 
 the eyes, but invisible to the search of mortals. Poetry, it is said, lias 
 owed to this popular belief one of its beautiful fictions, and the garden of 
 Armida, where Kmaldo was detained enchanted, and which Tasso places 
 in one of the Canary Islands, lias been identified with the imaginary St. 
 Borondon.' 2 
 
 The learned father Feyjoo 8 has given a philosophical solution to this 
 geographical problem. He attributes all these appearances, which have 
 been so numerous, and so well authenticated as not to admit of doubt, to 
 certain atmospherical deceptions, like that of the Fata Morgana, seen at 
 times in the Straits of Messina, where the city of Ueggioand its surround- 
 ing country is reflected in the air above the neighboring sea: a phenome- 
 non which has likewise been witnessed in front of the city of Marseilles. 
 As to the tales of the mariners who had landed on these forbidden shores, 
 and been hurried thence in whirlwinds and tempests, he considers them 
 as mere fabrications. 
 
 As the populace, however, reluctantly give up any thing that partakes 
 of the marvellous and mysterious, and as the same atmospherical phe- 
 nomena, which first gave birth to the illusion, may still continue, it is not 
 improbable that a belief in the island of St Brandan may still exist among 
 the ignorant and credulous of the Canaries, and that they at times behold 
 its fairy mountains rising above the distant horizon of the Atlantic. 
 
 No. XXVI. 
 
 THE ISLAND OF THE SEVEN CITIES. 
 
 ONE o ? the popular traditions concerning the ocean, which were cur 
 rent during the time of Columbus, was that of the Island of the Seven 
 Cities It was recorded in an ancient legend, that at the time of the 
 conquest of Spain and Portugal by the Moors, when the inhabitants fled 
 in every direction to escape from slavery, seven bishops, followed by a 
 great number of their people, took shipping and abandoned themselves 
 to their fate, on the high seas. After tossing about for some time they 
 landed on an unknown island in the midst of the ocean. Here the bish- 
 ops burned the ships, to prevent the desertion of their followers, and 
 founded seven cities. Various pilots of Portugal, it was said, had reached 
 that island at different times, but had never returned to give any infor- 
 mation concerning it, having been detained, according to subsequent ac- 
 counts, by the successors of the bishops to prevent pursuit. At length, 
 
 a, Hist. Isl. Can. torn. i. cap. 2S. * Viera, ubi uup. 
 
 3 Theat.ro Critico, loin. iv. d. x.
 
 690 APPENDIX. 
 
 according to common report, at the time that Prince Henry of Portugal 
 was prosecuting his discoveries, several seafaring men presented them- 
 selves one day before him, and stated that they had just returned from a 
 voyage, in the course of which they ha^l landed upon this island. The 
 inhabitants, they said, spoke their language, and carried them immedi- 
 ately to church, to ascertain whether they were Catholics, and were rejoiced 
 at finding them of the true faith. They then made earnest inquiries, to 
 know whether the Moors still retained possession of .Spain and Portugal. 
 While part of the crew were at church, the rest gathered sand on the 
 shore for the use of the kitchen, and found to their surprise that one- 
 third of it was gold. The islanders were anxious that the crew should 
 remain with them a few days, until the return of their governor, who was 
 absent; but the mariners, afraid of being detained, embarked and made 
 sail. Such was the story they told to Prince Henry, hoping to receive 
 reward for their intelligence. The prince expressed displeasure at their 
 hasty departure from the island, and ordered them to return and procure 
 further information; but the men, apprehensive, no doubt, of having the 
 falsehood of their tale discovered, made their escape, aud nothing more 
 was heard of them. 1 
 
 This story had much currency. The Island of the Seven Cities was 
 identified with the island mentioned by Aristotle as having been dis- 
 covered by the Carthaginians, and was put down in the early maps, about 
 the time of Columbus, under the name of Antilla. 
 
 At the time of the discovery of New Spain, repo; ts were brought to 
 Hispaniola of the civilization of the country: that the people wore cloth- 
 ing: that their houses and temples were solid, spacious, and often mag- 
 nificent; and that crosses were occasionally found among them. Juan 
 cle Grivalja, being despatched to explore the coast of Yucatan, reported 
 that in sailing along it he beheld, with great wonder, stately and beau- 
 tiful edifices of lime and stone, and many high towers that shone at a 
 distance. ' l For a time the old tradition of the Seven Cities was revived, 
 and many thought that they were to l>e found in the same part of New 
 Spain. 
 
 No. XXVII. 
 
 DISCOVERY OF THE ISLAND OF MADEIRA. 
 
 THE discovery of Madeira by Macham rests principally upon the au- 
 thority of Francisco Alcaforado, an esquire of Prince Henry of Portugal, 
 who composed an account of it for that prince. It does not appear to 
 have obtained much faith among Portuguese historians. No mention is 
 made of it in Barros; he attributes the first discovery of the island to 
 Juan Gonzales and Tristram Vaz, who he said descried it from Porto 
 Santo, resembling a cloud on the horizon. 3 
 
 The abbe Provost, however, in his general history of voyages, vol. 6, 
 seems inclined to give credit to the account of Alcaforado. " It was 
 composed," he observes, ''at a time when the attention of the public 
 would have exposed the least falsities; and no one was more capable than 
 Alcaforado of giving an exact detail of this event, since he was of the 
 number of those who assisted at the second discovery." The narrative, 
 
 1 Hist, del Alrairante, cap. 10. 
 
 1 Torquemada Monarijuia Indiana, lib. iv. cap. 4. Origeti de log ludios por Fr. 
 Orejtorio Giirrhi, lil>. iv. cap. 2". 
 
 * Ban-on, Asia, decad. i. lib. i. cap. 3.
 
 APPENDIX. 691 
 
 as originally written, was overcharged with ornaments and digressions. 
 It was translated into French and published in Paris in 1671. The French 
 translator had retrenched the ornaments, but scrupulously retained the 
 facts. The story, however, is cherished in the island of Madeira, where 
 a painting in illustration of it is still to be seen. The following is 
 the purport of the French translation: 1 have not been able to pro- 
 cure the original of Alraforado. 
 
 During the reign of Edward the Third of England, a young man of 
 great courage and talent, named Robert Macham, fell in love with a young 
 lady of rare beauty, of the name of Anne Dorset. She was his superior 
 in birth, and of a proud and aristocratic family; but the merit of Maehani 
 gained him the preference over all his rivals. The family of the young 
 lady, to prevent her making an inferior alliance, obtained an order from 
 the king to have Macham arrested and confined, until by arbitrary means 
 they married his mistress to a man of quality. As soon as the nuptials 
 were celebrated, the nobleman conducted his beautiful and aHlicted bride 
 to his seat near Bristol. Macham was now restored to liberty. Indignant 
 at the wrongs he had suffered, and certain of the affections of his mistress, 
 he prevailed upon several friends to assist him in a project for the grati- 
 fication of his love and his revenge. They followed hard on the traces of 
 the new-married couple to Bristol. One of the friends obtained an in- 
 troduction into the family of the nobleman in quality of a groom. He 
 found the young bride full of tender recollections of her lover, and of 
 dislike to the husband thus forced upon her. Through the means of this 
 friend, Macham had several communications with her, and concerted 
 means for their escape to France, where they might enjoy their mutual 
 love unmolested. 
 
 When all things were prepared, the young lady rode out one day, ac- 
 companied only by the fictitious groom, under pretence of taking the air. 
 No sooner were they out of sight of the house than they galloped to an 
 appointed place on the shore of the channel, where a boat awaited them. 
 They were conveyed on board a vessel, which lay with anchor a-trip and 
 sails unfurled, ready to put to sea. Here the lovers were once more united. 
 Fearful of pursuit, the ship immediately weighed anchor; they made their 
 way rapidly along the coast of Cornwall, and Macham anticipated the 
 triumph of soon landing with his beautiful prize on the shores of gay 
 and gallant France. Unfortunately an adverse and stormy wind arose in 
 the night; at daybreak they found themselves out of sight of land. The 
 mariners were ignorant and inexperienced; they knew nothing of the com- 
 pass, and it was a time when men were unaccustomed to traverse the 
 high seas. For thirteen days the lovers were driven about on a tempest- 
 uous ocean, at the mercy of wind and wave. The fugitive bride was 
 filled with terror and remorse, and looked upon this uproar of the elements 
 as the anger of Heaven directed against her. All the efforts of her lover 
 could not remove from her mind a dismal presage of some approaching 
 catastrophe. 
 
 At length the tempest subsided. On the fourteenth day, at dawn, the 
 mariners perceived what appeared to be a tuft of wood rising out of 
 the sea. They joyfully steered for it, supposing it to be an island. They 
 were not mistaken. As they drew near, the rising sun shone upon noble 
 forests, the trees of which were of a kind unknown to them. Flights of 
 birds also came hovering about the ship, and perched upon the yards and 
 rigging, without any signs of fear. The boat was sent on shore to recon- 
 noitre, and soon returned with such accounts of the beauty of the country, 
 that Macham determined to take his drooping companion to the land, in 
 hopes her health and spirits might be restored by refreshment and repose.
 
 692 APPENDIX. 
 
 They were accompanied on shore by the faithful friends who had assisted 
 in their flight. The mariners remained on board to guard the ship. 
 
 The country was indeed delightful. The forests were stately and mag- 
 nificent; there were trees laden with excellent fruits, others with aromatic 
 flowers; the waters were cool and limpid, the sky was serene, ami there 
 was a balmy sweetness in the air. The animals they met with showed 
 no signs of alarm or ferocity, from which they concluded that the island 
 was uninhabited. On penetrating a little distance they found a sheltered 
 meadow, the green bosom of which was bordered by laurels and refreshed 
 by a mountain brook which ran sparkling over pebbles. In the centre 
 was a majestic tree, the wide branches of which afforded shade from the 
 rays of the sun. Here Macham had bowers constructed ami determined 
 to pass a few days, hoping that the sweetness of the country and the 
 serene tranquillity of this delightful solitude would recruit the drooping 
 health and spirits of his companion. Three days, however, had scarcely 
 passed when a violent storm arose from the north-east, and raged all 
 night over the island. On the succeeding morning Macham repaired to 
 the sea-side, but nothing of his ship was to be seen, and he concluded 
 that it had foundered in the tempest. 
 
 Consternation fell upon the little band, thus left in an uninhabited 
 island in the midst of the ocean. The blow fell most severely on the 
 timid and repentant bride. She reproached herself with being the cause 
 of all their misfortunes, and from the first, had been haunted by dismal 
 forebodings. She now considered them about to be accomplished, and 
 her horror was so great as to deprive her of speech; she expired in three 
 days without uttering a word. 
 
 Macham was struck with despair at beholding the tragical end of this 
 tender and beautiful being. He upbraided himself, in the transports of 
 his grief, with tearing her from her home, her country, and her friends, 
 to perish upon a savage coast. All the efforts of his companions to con- 
 sole him were in vain. He died within five days, broken-hearted ; beg- 
 ging, as a last request, that his body might be interred beside that of 
 his mistress, at the foot of a rustic altar which they had erected under 
 the great tree. They set up a large wooden cross on the spot, on 
 which was placed an inscription written by Macham himself, relating in 
 a few words his piteous adventure, and praying any Christians who might 
 arrive there to build a chapel in the place dedicated to Jesus the 
 Saviour. 
 
 After the death of their commander, his followers consulted about 
 means to escape from the island. The ship's boat remained on the shore. 
 They repaired it and put it in a state to bear a voyage, and then made 
 all sail, intending to return to England. Ignorant of their situation, and 
 carried about by the winds, they were cast upon the coast of Morocco, 
 where, their boat being shattered upon the rocks, they were captured by 
 the Moors and thrown into prison. Here they understood that their ship 
 had shared the same fate, having been driven from her anchorage in the 
 tempest, and carried to the same inhospitable coast, where all her crew 
 were made prisoners. 
 
 The prisons of Morocco were in those days filled with captives of all 
 nations, taken by their cruisers. Here the English prisoners met with 
 an experienced pilot, a Spaniard of Seville, named Juan de Morales. 
 He listened to their story with great interest; inquired into the situ- 
 ation and description of the [stand they had discovered ; and, subse- 
 quently, on his redemption from prison, communicated the circumstances, 
 it is said, to Prince Henry of Portugal. 
 
 There is a difficulty in the above narrative of Alcaforado in reconciling
 
 APPENDIX. 693 
 
 dates. The voyage is said to have taken place during the reign of Ed- 
 ward III., which commenced in 1327 and ended in 1878. Morales, to 
 whom the English communicated their voyage, is said to have been in 
 the service of the Portuguese, in the second discovery of Madeira, in 1418 
 and 1420. Even if the voyage and imprisonment had taken place in the 
 last year of King Edward's reign, this leaves a space of forty years. 
 
 Hackluyt gives an account of the same voyage, taken from Antonio 
 Galvano. He varies in certain particulars. It happened, he says, in the 
 year 1344, in the time of Peter IV. of Aragon. Macham cast anchor 
 in a bay since called after him Machio. 
 
 The lady being ill, he took her on shore, accompanied by some of 
 his friends, and the ships sailed without them. After the death of the 
 lady, Macham made a canoe out of a tree, and ventured to sea in it with 
 his companions. They were cast upon the? coast of Africa, where the 
 Moors, considering it a kind of miracle, carried him to the king of their 
 country, who sent him to the King of Castile. In consequence of the 
 traditional accounts remaining of this voyage, Henry IL of Castile sent 
 people, in 1395, to rediscover the island. 
 
 No. XXVIIL 
 
 LAS CASA8. 
 
 BARTHOLOMEW LAS CAS AS, Bishop of Chiapa, so often cited in all 
 histories of the New World, was born at Seville in 1474, and was of 
 French extraction. The family name was Casaus. The first of the 
 name who appeared in Spain served under the standard of Ferdinand 
 HI., surnamed the Saint, in his wars with the Moors of Andalusia. 
 He was at the taking of Seville from the Moors, when he was rewarded 
 by the king, and received permission to establish himself there. His 
 descendants enjoyed the prerogatives of nobility, and suppressed the 
 letter u in their name, to accommodate it to the Spanish tongue. 
 
 Antonio, the father of Bartholomew, went to Hispaniola with Colum- 
 bus in 141)3, and returned rich to Seville in 1498. 1 It has been stated 
 by one of the biographers of Bartholomew Las Casas, that he accompa- 
 nied Columbus in his third voyage in 1498, and returned with him in 
 1500. 2 This, however, is incorrect. He was, during that time, complet- 
 ing his education at Salamanca, where he was instructed in Latin, dialec- 
 tics, logic, metaphysics, ethics, and physics, after the supposed method 
 and system of Aristotle. While at the university, he had, as a servant, 
 an Indian slave, given him by his father, who had received him from 
 Columbus. When Isabella, in her transport of virtuous indignation, 
 ordered the Indian slaves to be sent back to their country, this one 
 was taken from Las Casas. Tbe young man was aroused by the cir- 
 cumstance, and, on considering the nature of the case, became inflamed 
 with a zeal in favor of the unhappy Indians, which never cooled through^ 
 out a long and active life. It was excited to tenfold fervor, when, at 
 about the age of twenty-eight years, he accompanied the commander 
 Ovando to Hispaniola in 1502, and was an eye-witness to many of the 
 cruel scenes which took place under his administration. The whole of 
 his future life, a space exceeding sixty years, was devoted to vindicating 
 the cause, and endeavoring to meliorate the sufferings of the natives. 
 
 1 Navarrete, Colec. Viag., torn. 1. Introd. p. Ixx. 
 
 * T. A. Lloruute, CEuvres de Lau Casaa, p. xi. Paris, 1822.
 
 694 APPENDIX. 
 
 As a missionary, he traversed the wilderness of the Xew World in various 
 directions, seeking to convert and civilize them; a n > a protector and 
 champion, he made several voyages to Spain, vindicated their wrongs 
 before courts and monarchs, wrote volumes in their behalf, and exhibited 
 a zeal and constancy and intrepidity worthy of an apostle. He died at 
 the advanced age of ninety-two years, and was buried at Madrid, in the 
 church of the Dominican convent of Atocha, of which fraternity he was 
 a member. 
 
 Attempts have been made to decry the consistency, and question the 
 real philanthropy of Las Casas, in consequence of one of the expedients 
 to which he resorted to relieve the Indians from the cruel bondage im- 
 posed upon them. This occurred in 1517, when he arrived in .Spain, on 
 one of his missions, to obtain measures in their favor from the govern- 
 ment. On his arrival in Spa4n, he found Cardinal Xnnenes, who had been 
 left regent on the death of King Ferdinand, too ill to attend to his affairs. 
 He repaired, therefore, to Valladolid, where he awaited the coming of the 
 new monarch Charles, Archduke of Austria, afterward the Emperor 
 Charles V. He had strong opponents to encounter in various persons 
 high in authority, who, holding estates and repartimientos in the colo- 
 nies, were interested in the slavery of the Indians. Among these, and 
 not the least animated, was the Bishop Fonseca, President of the Coun- 
 cil of the Indies. 
 
 At length the youthful sovereign arrived, accompanied ty various Flem- 
 ings of his court, particularly his grand chancellor, Doctor Juan de Sel- 
 vagio, a learned and upright man, whom he consulted on all affairs of 
 administration and justice. Las Casas soon became intimate with the 
 chancellor, and stood high in his esteem; but so much opposition arose 
 on every side that he found his various propositions for the relief of the 
 natives but little attended to. In his doubt and anxiety he had now re- 
 course to an expedient which he considered as justified by the circum- 
 stances of the case. 1 The chancellor Selvagio and other Flemings who 
 had accompanied the youthful sovereign, had obtained for him, before 
 quitting Flanders, licenses to import slaves from Africa to the colonies; a 
 measure which had recently in 1510 been prohibited by a decree of Cardinal 
 Xiuienes while acting as regent. The chancellor, who was a humane man, 
 reconciled it to his conscience by a popular opinion that one negro could 
 perform, without detriment to his health, the labor of several Indians, 
 and that therefore it was a great saving of human suffering. So easy is 
 it for interest to wrap itself up in plausible argument! He might, more- 
 over, have thought the welfare of the Africans but little affected by the 
 change. They were accustomed to slavery in their own country, and they 
 were said to thrive in the New World. " The Africans," observes Her- 
 rera, " prospered so much in the island of Hispaniola, that it was the 
 opinion unless a negro should happen to be hanged, he would never die; 
 for as yet none hail been known to perish from infirmity. Like oranges, 
 they found their proper soil in Hispaniola, and it seemed even more 
 natural to them than their native Guinea." 2 
 
 Las Casas finding all other means ineffectual, endeavored to turn 
 these interested views of the grand chancellor to the benefit of the In- 
 dians. He proposed that the Spaniards, resident in the colonies, might 
 
 1 Herrera clearly states this as an expedient adopted when others failed. " Bartolom6 
 de las Casas, viendo que sus conceptos hallabanen todas paries dilicultad, i que las 
 opiniones que tenia, por niurlia familiaridad que havia seguido i gran credito con el gran 
 Cauciller, no podiau naber efecto, se volvio a otros expedientes, <fcc." Decad. ii. lib. ii. 
 cap. 2. 
 
 2 Herrera, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. decad. iii. cap. 4.
 
 APPENDIX. 695 
 
 be permitted to procure negroes for the labor of the farms and the 
 mines, and other severe toils, which were above the strength and destruc- 
 tive of the lives of the natives. 1 He evidently considered Uie poor Afri 
 cans as little better than mere animals; and he acted like others, on au 
 arithmetical calculation of diminishing human misery, by substituting one 
 strong man for three or four of feebler nature. He, moreover, esteemed 
 the Indians as a nobler anil more intellectual race of beings, and their 
 preservation and welfare of higher importance to the general interests of 
 humanity. 
 
 It is this expedient of Las Casas which has drawn down severe censure 
 upon his memory. He has been charged with gross inconsistency, and 
 even with having originated this inhuman traffic in the New World. 
 This last is a grievous charge; but historical facts and dates remove 
 the original sin from his door, and prove that the practice existed in the 
 colonies, and was authorized by royal decree, long before he took a part 
 in the question. 
 
 Las Casas did not go to the New World until 1502. By a royal ordi-. 
 nance passed in 1501, negro slaves were permitted to be taken there, 
 provided they had been born among Christians. * By a letter written by 
 Ovaiulo, dated 150/5, it appears that there were numbers in the island of 
 Hispaniola at that time, and he entreats that none more might be per- 
 mitted to be brought. 
 
 In 1500 the Spanish government forbade the introduction of negro 
 slaves from the Levant, or those brought up with the Moors; and stipu- 
 lated that none should be taken to the colonies but those from Seville, 
 who had been instructed in the Christian faith, that they might contribute 
 to the conversion of the Indians. 3 In 1510 King Ferdinand, being in- 
 formed of the physical weakness of the Indians, ordered h'fly Africans to 
 be sent from Seville to labor in the mines. 4 In 1511 he ordered that a 
 great number should be procured from Guinea, and transported to Ilis- 
 
 faniola, understanding that one negro could perform the work of four 
 ndians. 5 In 1512 and '13 he signed further orders relative to the same 
 subject. In 1516 Charles V. granted licenses to the Flemings to import 
 negroes to the colonies. It was not until the year 1517 that Las Casas 
 gave his sanction of the traffic. It already existed, and he countenanced 
 it solely with a view to having the hardy Africans substituted for the 
 feeble Indians. It was advocated at the same time, and for the same 
 reasons, by the Jeromuiite friars, who were missionaries in the colonies. 
 The motives of Las Casas were purely benevolent, though founded on 
 erroneous notions of justice. He thought to permit evil that good 
 might spring out of it; to choose between two existing abuses, and to 
 eradicate the greater by resorting to the lesser. His reasoning, how- 
 ever fallacious it may be, was considered satisfactory and humane by some 
 of the most learned and benevolent men of the age, among whom was 
 the Cardinal Adrian, afterward elevated to the papal chair, and charac- 
 terized by gentleness and humanity. The traffic was permitted ; inquiries 
 were made as to the number of slaves required, which was limited to four 
 thousand, and the Flemings obtained a monopoly of the trade, which 
 they afterward farmed out to the Genoese. 
 
 Dr. Robertson, in noticing this affair, draws a contrast between the 
 conduct of the Cardinal Ximenes and that of Las Casas, strongly to the 
 disadvantage of the latter. " The cardinal," he observes, " when solicited 
 
 > Herrera, Hi*t. Ind., decad. li. lib. ii. cap. 2Q. Ibid., d. li. lib. lii. cap. 8. 
 
 Ibid., d. i. lib. vi. cap. '20. Ibid., d. i. lib. viii. cap. 9. 
 
 6 Ibid., d. i. lib. ix. cap. 5.
 
 696 APPENDIX. 
 
 to encourage this commerce, peremptorily rejected the proposition, because 
 he perceived the iniquity of reducing one race of men to slavery, when 
 he was consulting about the means of restoring liberty to another; but 
 Las Casas, from the inconsistency natural to men who hurry with head- 
 long impetuosity toward a favorite point, was incapable of making this 
 distinction. In the warmth of his zeal to save the Americans from the 
 yoke, he pronounced it to be lawful and expedient to impose one still 
 heavier on the Africans. 1 
 
 This distribution of praise and censure is not perfectly correct. Las 
 Casas had no idea that he was imposing a heavier, or so heavy, a yoke 
 upon the Africans. The latter were considered more capable of labor, 
 and less impatient of slavery. While the Indians sunk under their tasks, 
 and perished by thousands in Hispaniola, the negroes, on the contrary, 
 thrived there. Ilerrera, to whom Dr. Robertson refers as his authority, 
 assigns a different motive, and one of mere finance, for the measures of 
 Cardinal Ximenes. He says that he ordered that no one should take 
 negroes to the Indies, because, as the natives were decreasing, and it was 
 known that one negro did more work than four of them, there would 
 probably be a great demand for African slaves, and a tribute might be im- 
 posed upon the trade, from which would result proQt to the royal treasury. 2 
 This measure was presently after carried into effect, though subsequent to 
 the death of the cardinal, and licenses were granted by the sovereign for 
 pecuniary considerations. Flechier, in his Life of Ximeues, assigns another 
 but a mere political motive for this prohibition. The cardinal, he says, 
 objected to the importation of negroes into the colonies, as he feared they 
 would corrupt the natives, and by confederacies with them render them 
 formidable to government. De Marsolier, another biographer of Ximenes, 
 gives equally politic reasons for this prohibition. He cites a letter written 
 by the cardinal on the subject, in which he observed that he knew the 
 nature of the negroes; they were a people capable, it was true, of great 
 fatigue, but extremely prolific and enterprising; and that if they had time 
 to multiply in America, they would infallibly revolt, and impose on the 
 Spaniards the same chains which they compelled them to wear. 3 
 
 These facts, while they take from the measure of the cardinal that credit 
 for exclusive philanthropy which has been bestowed upon it. manifest the 
 clear foresight of that able politician; whose predictions with respect, to 
 negro revolt have been so strikingly fulfilled in the island of Hispaniola. 
 
 Cardinal Ximenes, in fact, though a wise and upright statesman, was 
 not troubled with scruples of conscience on these questions of natural 
 rights; nor did he possess more toleration than his contemporaries toward 
 savage and infidel nations. He was grand inquisitor of Spain, and was 
 very efficient during the latter years of Ferdinand in making slaves of 
 the refractory Moors of Granada. He authorized, by express instruc- 
 tions, expeditions to seize and enslave the Indians of the Caribbee islands, 
 whom he termed only suited to labor, enemies of the Christians, and 
 cannibals. Nor will it be considered a proof of gentle or tolerant policy, 
 that he introduced the tribunal of the inquisition into the New World. 
 These circumstances are cited not to cast reproach upon the character of 
 Cardinal Ximenes, but to show how incorrectly he has been extolled at 
 the expense of Las Casas. Both of them must be judged in connection 
 with the customs and opinions of the age in which they lived. 
 
 1 Robertson, Hist. America, p. 3. 
 
 1 Porque corao iban faltando \os Indies i se conocia que un negro trabajaba, mas qua 
 quatro, por lo qual habia grau demanda de ellos, parecia que xe podia poneralgun tribute 
 en la MICH, de que reeultaria provecbo a la Rl. Hacienda Herrera, deead. ii. lib. ii. cap. >. 
 
 De ilarsulier, Hut. du Ministere Cardinal Ximeues, lib. vi. Toulouse, 1094.
 
 APPENDIX. 697 
 
 Las Casas was the author of many works, but few of which have Iwen 
 printed. The most important is a general history of the Indies, from the 
 discovery to the year 1520, in three volumes. It exists only in manu- 
 script, but is the fountain from which Herrera, and most of the other 
 historians of the New World, have drawn large supplies. The work 
 though prolix, is valuable, as the author was an eye-witness of many of 
 the facts, had others from persons who were concerned in the transactions 
 recorded, and possessed copious documents. It displays great erudition, 
 though somewhat crudely and diffusely introduced. His history was com- 
 menced in 1527, at fifty-three years of age, and was finished in 1559, 
 when eighty-five. As many things are set down from memory, there is 
 occasional inaccuracy, but the whole bears the stamp of sincerity and 
 truth. The author of the present work, having had access to this valu- 
 able manuscript, has made great use of it, drawing forth many curious 
 facts hitherto neglected; but he has endeavored to consult it with caution 
 an I discrimination, collating it with other authorities, and omitting what- 
 ever appeared to be dictated by prejudice or over-heated zeal. 
 
 Las Casas has been accused of high coloring anJ extravagant declama- 
 tion in those passages which relate to the barbarities practised on the 
 natives; nor is the charge entirely without foundation. The same zeal 
 in the cause of the Indians is expressed in his writings that shone forth in 
 his actions, always pure, often vehement, and occasionally unseasonable. 
 Still, however, when he errs it is on a generous and righteous side. If 
 one-tenth part of what he says he "witnessed with his own eyes" be 
 true, and his veracity is beyond doubt, he would have been wanting in the 
 natural feelings of humanity had he not expressed himself in terms of 
 indignation and abhorrence. 
 
 In the course of his work, when Las Casas mentions the original papers 
 lying before him, from which he drew many of his facts, it mak'-s one 
 lament that they should be lost to the world. Besides the journals and 
 letters of Columbus, he says he ha 1 numbers of the letters of the Adelan- 
 tado, Don Bartholomew, who wrote better than his brother, and whose 
 writings must have been full of energy. Above all, he had the map, 
 formed from study and conjecture, by which Columbus sailed on his first 
 voyage. What a precious document would this be for the world! These 
 writings may still exist, neglected and forgotten among the rubbish of 
 some convent in Spain. Little hope can be entertained of discovering 
 them in the present state of the degeneracy of the cloister. The monks 
 of Atocha, in a recent conversation with one of the royal princes, be- 
 trayed an ignorance that this illustrious man was buried in their convent, 
 nor can any of the fraternity point out his place of sepulture to the 
 stranger. 1 
 
 The publication of this work of Las Casas has not been permitted in 
 Spain, where every book must have the sanction of a censor before it is 
 committed to the press. The horrible picture it exhibits of the cruelties 
 inflicted on the Indians would, it was imagined, excite an odium against 
 their conquerors. Las Casas himself seems to have doubted the expe- 
 diency of publishing it; for in 1560 he made a note with his own hand, 
 which is preserved in the two first volumes of the original, mentioning 
 that he left them in confidence to the college of the order of Predicators 
 of St. Gregorio, in Valladolid, begging of its prelates that no secular per- 
 son, nor even the collegians, should be permitted to read his history for 
 
 1 In this notice the author has occasionally availed himself of the interesting memoir 
 of MOD. .1. A. Llorente, prefixed to bin collection of the works' of l.an < 'a.-;i*, collating it 
 with the history ul liciiciu, hum which iu fact* are principally derived.
 
 698 APPENDIX. 
 
 the space of forty years; and that after that term it might be printed if 
 consistent with the good of the Indies and of .Spain. 1 
 
 For the foregoing reason this work lias been cautiously used by Span- 
 ish historians, passing over in silence, or with brief notice, many passages 
 of disgraceful import. This feeling is natural, if not commendable; for the 
 world is not prompt to discriminate between individuals and the nation of 
 whom they are but a part. The laws and regulations for the government 
 of the newly-discovered countries, and the decisions of the Council ot 
 the Indies on all contested points, though tinctured in some degree with 
 the bigotry of the age, were distinguished for wisdom, justice, and 
 humanity, and honor to the Spanish nation. It was only in the abuse 
 of them by individuals to whom the execution of the laws was intrusted, 
 that these atrocities were committed. It should be remembered, also, that 
 the sazne nation which gave birth to the sanguinary and rapacious adven- 
 turers who perpetrated these cruelties, gave birth likewise to the early 
 missionaries, like Las Casas, who followed the sanguinary course of dis- 
 covery, binding up the wounds inflicted by their countrymen; men who in 
 a truly evangelical spirit braved all kinds of perils and hardships, and 
 even death itself, not through a prospect of temporal gain or glory, but 
 through a desire to meliorate the condition and save the souls of barbar- 
 ous and suffering nations. The dauntless enterprises and fearful pere- 
 grinations of many of these virtuous men, if properly appreciated, would 
 be found to vie in romantic daring with the heroic achievements of chiv- 
 alry, with motives of a purer and far more exalted nature. 
 
 No. XXIX. 
 
 PETER MARTYR. 
 
 PETER MARTIR, or Martyr, of whose writings much use has been made 
 in this history, was born at Anghierra, in the territory of Milan, in Italy, 
 on the second of February, 1455. He is commonly termed Peter Martyr 
 of Anrjleria, from the Latin name of his native place. He is one of the 
 earliest historians that treat of Columbus, and was his contemporary and 
 intimate acquaintance. Being at Rome in 1487, and having acquired a 
 distinguished reputation for learning, he was invited by the Spanish am- 
 bassador, the Count de Tendilla, to accompany him to Spain. He will- 
 ingly accepted the invitation, and was presented to the sovereigns atSara- 
 gossa Isabella, amid the cares of the war with Granada, was anxious for 
 the intellectual advancement of her kingdom, and wished to employ 
 Martyr to instruct the young nobility of the royal household. With her 
 peculiar delicacy, however, she first made her confessor, Hernando de 
 Talavera, inquire of Martyr m what capacity he desired to serve her. 
 Contrary to her expectation, Martyr replied, "In the profession of arms." 
 The queen complied, and he followed her in her campaigns, as one of her 
 household and military suite, but without distinguishing himself, and per- 
 haps without having any particular employ in a capacity so foreign to his 
 talents. After the surrender of Granada, when the war was ended, the 
 queen, through the medium of the grand cardinal of Spain, prevailed 
 upon him to undertake the instruction of the young nobles of her court. 
 
 Martyr was acquainted with Columbus while making his application to 
 the sovereigns, and was present at his triumphant reception by Ferdi- 
 nand and Isabella in Barcelona, on his return from his first voyage. He 
 was continually in the royal camp during the war with the Moors, of 
 
 1 Navarrete, Colec. de Viag., torn. i. p. Ixxv.
 
 APPENDIX. 699 
 
 which his letters contain many interest ing particulars. He was sent 
 ambassador extraordinary by Ferdinand and Isalx'lla, in 1501, to Venice, 
 and tin-nee to the graml soldan of Egypt. 'I'lie soldan, in 14VH) or 1491, 
 had sent AH embassy to the Spanish sovereigns, threatening that, unless 
 they desisted from war against Granada, he would put all the Christians 
 In Kgypt and Syria to death, overturn all their temples, and destroy the 
 holy sepulchre at Jerusalem. Ferdinand and Isabella pressed the war 
 with tenfold energy, and brought it to a triumphant conclusion in the 
 next campaign, while the soldan was still carrying on a similar negotia- 
 tion with the pope. They afterward sent Peter Martyr ambassador to 
 the soldan to explain and justify their measure. Martyr discharged 
 the duties of his embassy with great ability; obtained permission from the 
 soldan to repair the holy places at Jerusalem, and an aliolit i-m of various 
 extortions to which Christian pilgrims had been subjected. While on 
 this embassy, he wrote his work De Legatione Babylonica, which includes 
 a history of Egypt in those times. 
 
 On his return to Spain he was rewarded with places and pensions, and 
 in 1524 was appointed a minister of the Council of the Indies. His prin- 
 cipal work is an account of the discoveries of the New World, in eight 
 decades, each containing ten chapters. They are styled Decades of the 
 New World, or Decades of the Ocean, and, like all his other works, were 
 originally written in Latin, though since translated into various languages. 
 He had familiar access to letters, papers, journals, and narratives of the 
 early discoverers, and was personally acquainted with many of them, 
 gathering particulars from their conversation. In writing his Decades, 
 he took great pains to obtain information from Columbus himself, and 
 from others, his companions. 
 
 In one of his epistles (No. 153, January, 1404, to Pomponius Laetus), 
 he mentions having just received a letter from Columbus, by which it 
 appears he was in correspondence with him. Las Casas says that great 
 credit is to be given to him in regard to those voyages of Columbus, 
 although his Decades contain some inaccuracies relative to subsequent 
 events in the Indies. Munoz allows him great credit, as an author con- 
 temporary with his subject, grave, well cultivated, instructed in the facts 
 of which he treats, and of entire probity. He observes, however, that 
 his writings being composed on the spur or excitement of the moment, 
 often related circumstances which subsequently proved to l>e erroneous; 
 that they were written without method or care, often confusing dates and 
 events, so that they must be re^ad with some caution. 
 
 Martyr was in the daily habit of writing letters to distinguished persons, 
 relating the passing occurrences of the busy court and age in which he 
 lived. In several of these Columbus is mentioned, and also some of the 
 chief events of his voyages, as promulgated at the very moment of his 
 return. These letters not being generally known or circulated, or fre- 
 quently cited, it may be satisfactory to the reader to have a few of the 
 main passages which relate to Columbus. They have a striking effect in 
 carrying us back to the very time of the discoveries. 
 
 In one of his epistles, dated Barcelona, May 1st, 1493, and addressed to 
 C. Borromeo, he says: "Within these few days a certain Christopher 
 Columbus has arrived from the western antipodes; a man of Liguria, 
 whom my sovereigns reluctantly intrusted with three ships, to seek 
 thai region, for they thought that what he said was fabulous. He has 
 returned and brought specimens of many precious things, but particularly 
 gold, which those countries naturally produce." 1 
 
 i Opus Epist. P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 131.
 
 700 APPENDIX. 
 
 In another letter, dated likewise from Barcelona, in September follow- 
 ing, he gives a more particular account. It is addressed to Count Ten- 
 dilla, Governor of Granada, and also to Hernando Talavera, Archbishop 
 of that diocese, and the same to whom the propositions of Columbus had 
 been referred by the Spanish sovereigns. " Arouse your attention, an- 
 cient sages," says Peter Martyr in his epistle; " listen to a new discovery. 
 You remember Columbus the Ligurian, appointed in the camp by our 
 sovereigns to search for a new hemisphere of land at the western anti- 
 podes. You ought to recollect, for you had some agency in the transac- 
 tion; nor would the enterprise, as I think, have been undertaken, 
 without your counsel. He has returned in safety, and relates the won- 
 ders he has discovered. He exhibits gold as proofs of the mines in those 
 regions; Gossampine cotton, also, and aromatics, and pepper more pun- 
 
 fent than that from Caucasus. All these tilings, together with scarlet 
 ye-woods, the earth produces spontaneously. Pursuing the western sun 
 from Gades five thousand miles, of each a thousand paces, as he relates, 
 he fell in with sundry islands, and took possession of one of them, of 
 greater circuit, he asserts, than the whole of Spain. Here he found a 
 race of men living contented, in a state of nature, subsisting on fruits and 
 vegetables, and bread formed from roots. . . . These people have kings, 
 some greater than others, and they war occasionally among themselves, 
 with bows and arrows, or lances sharpened and hardened in the tire. 
 The desire of command prevails among them, though they are naked. 
 They have wives also. What they worship except the divinity of heaven, 
 is not ascertained." 1 
 
 In another letter, dated likewise in September, 1493, and addressed to 
 the cardinal and vice-chancellor Ascanius Sforza, he says: 
 
 "So great is my desire to give you satisfaction, illustrious prince, that 
 I consider it a gratifying occurrence in the great fluctuations of events, 
 when any thing takes place among us, in which you may take an in- 
 terest. The wonders of this terrestrial globe, round which the sun makes 
 a circuit in the space of four and twenty hours, have, until our time, as 
 you are well aware, been known only in regard to one hemisphere, merely 
 from the golden Chersonesus to our Spanish Gades. The rest has been 
 given up as unknown by cosmographers, and if any mention of it has 
 been made, it has been slight and dubious. But now, O blessed enter- 
 prise! under the auspices of our sovereigns, what has hitherto lain hidden 
 since the first origin of things, has at length begun to be developed. 
 The thing has thus occurred attend, illustrious prince! A certain 
 Christopher Columbus, a Ligurian, despatched to those regions with 
 three vessels by my sovereigns, pursuing the western sun above five 
 thousand miles from Gades, achieved his way to the antipodes. Three 
 and thirty successive days they navigated with nought but sky and water. 
 At length from the mast-head of the largest vessel, in which Columbus 
 himself sailed, those on the look-out proclaimed the sight of land. He 
 coasted along six islands, one of them, as all his followers declare, be- 
 guiled perchance by the novelty of the scene, is larger than Spain." 
 
 Martyr proceeds to give the usual account of the productions of the 
 islands, and the manners and customs of the natives, particularly the wars 
 which occurred among them; " as if nieuin and tuuni had been introduced 
 among them as among us, and expensive luxuries, and the desire of 
 accumulating wealth; for what, you will think, can be the wants of naked 
 men?" " What further may succeed," he adds, "I will hereafter sig- 
 nify. Farewell." 2 
 
 i Opus Epist. P. Martyris Auglerii, Epist. 131. * Ibid., Epist. 135.
 
 APPENDIX. 701 
 
 In another letter, dated Yalladolid, February 1st, 1494, to Hernando 
 de Talavera, Archbishop of Granada, lie observes, " The king and queen, 
 on the return of Columbus to Barcelona, from his honorable enter- 
 prise, appointed him admiral of the ocean sea, and caused him, on 
 account of his illustrious deeds, to be seated in their presence, an honor 
 and a favor, as you know, the highest with our sovereigns. They have 
 despatched him again to those regions, furnished with a fleet of eighteen 
 ships. There is prospect of great discoveries at the western antarctic 
 antipodes. . . . " J 
 
 In a subsequent letter to Pomponius Lsetus, dated from Alcala de 
 Ht'iiares, December 9th, 1494, he gives the first news of the success of 
 this expedition. 
 
 "Spain," says he, "is spreading her wings, augmenting her empire, 
 and extending her name and glory to the antipodes. ... Of eighteen 
 vessels despatched by my sovereigns with the Admiral Columbus in his 
 second voyage to the western hemisphere, twelve have returned and have 
 brought Gossampine cotton, huge trees of dye-wood, and many other 
 articles held with us as precious, the natural productions of that hitherto 
 hidden world; and beside all other things, no small quantity of gold. O 
 wonderful, Pomponius! Upon the surface of that earth are found rude 
 masses of native gold, of a weight that one is afraid to mention. Some 
 weigh two hundred and fifty ounces, and they hope to discover others of 
 a much larger size, from what the naked natives intimate, when they 
 extol their gold to our people. Nor are the Lestrigonians nor Polyphemi, 
 who feed on human flesh, any longer doubtful. Attend but beware! 
 lest they rise in horror before thee ! When he proceeded from the For- 
 tunate Islands, now termed the Canaries, to Hispaniola, the island on 
 which he first set foot, turning his prow a little toward the south, he 
 arrived at innumerable islands of savage men, whom they called canni- 
 bals, or Caribbees; and these, though naked, are courageous warriors. 
 They fight skilfully with bows and clubs, and have boats hollowed from 
 a single tree, yet very capacious, in which they make fierce descents on 
 neighboring islands, inhabited by milder people. They attack their 
 villages, from which they carry off the men and devour them," etc. 2 
 
 Another letter to Pomponius Laetus, on the same subject, has been 
 cited at large in the body of this work. It is true these extracts itive 
 nothing that has not been stated more at large in the Decades of the 
 same author, but they are curious, as the very first announcements of 
 the discoveries of Columbus, and as showing the first stamp of these ex- 
 traordinary events upon the mind of one of the most learned and lib- 
 eral men of the age. 
 
 A collection of the letters of Peter Martyr was published in 1530, under 
 the title of Opus Epistolarum, Petri Martyris Anglerii; it is divided into 
 thirty-eight books, each containing the letters of one year. The same 
 objections have been made to his letters as to his Decades, but they bear 
 the same stamp of candor, probity, and great information. They possess 
 peculiar value from being written at the moment, before the facts they 
 record were distorted or discolored by prejudice or misrepresentation. 
 His works abound in interesting particulars not to be found in any con- 
 temporary historian. They are rich in thought, but still richer in fact, 
 and are full of urbanity, and of the liberal feeling of a scholar who has 
 mingled with the world. He is a fountain from which others draw, and 
 from which, with a little precaution, they may draw securely. He died 
 in Yalladolid, in lo^O. 
 
 Opus Episl. I'. Marty rid, Auglurii, Epit. 141. * Ibid., Epist. 147.
 
 702 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. XXX. 
 
 OVIEDO. 
 
 GONZALO FERNANDEZ T>E OVIEDO Y VALDES, commonly known as 
 Oviedo, was born in Madrid in 1478, and died in Valladolid in 1557. n^>-.\ 
 seventy-nine years. He was of a noble Austrian family, and in his boy- 
 hood (in 141HJ) was appointed one of the pages to Prince Juan, heir appar- 
 ent of Spain, the only son of Ferdinand and Isabella. He was in this 
 situation at the time of the siege and surrender of Granada, was conse- 
 quently at court at the time that Columbus made his agreement with the 
 Catholic sovereigns, and was in the same capacity at Barcelona, and 
 witnessed the triumphant entrance of the discoverer, attended by a 
 number of the natives of the newly-found countries. 
 
 In 1513, he was sent to the New World by Ferdinand, to superintend 
 the gold-foundries. For many years he served there in various offices of 
 trust and dignity, both under Ferdinand, and his grandson and successor 
 Charles V. In 1535, he was made alcayde of the fortress of St. Domingo 
 in Hispaniola, and afterward was appointed historiographer of the 
 Indies. At the time of his death, he had served the crown upward of 
 forty years, thirty-four of which were passed in the colonies, and he had 
 crossed the ocean eight times, as he mentions in various parts of his 
 writings. He wrote several works; the most improtant is the chronicle 
 of the Indies in fifty books, divided into three parts. The first part 
 containing nineteen books was printed at Seville in 1535, and reprinted in 
 1547 at Salamanca, augmented by a twentieth book containing shipwrecks. 
 The remainder of the work exists in manuscript. The printing of it was 
 commenced at Valladolid in 1557, but was discontinued in consequence 
 of his death. It is one of the unpublished treasures of Spanish colonial 
 history. 
 
 He was an indefatigable writer, laborious in collecting and recording 
 facts, and composed a multitude of volumes which are scattered through 
 the Spanish libraries. His writings are full of events which happened 
 under his own eye, or were communicated to him by eye-witnesses, but he 
 was deficient in judgment and discrimination. He took his facts without 
 caution, and often from sources unworthy of credit. In his account 
 of the first voyage of Columbus, he falls into several egregious errors, 
 in consequence of taking the verbaF information of a pilot named Hernan 
 Perez Matteo, who was in the interest of the Pinzons, and adverse to the 
 admiral. His work is not much to be depended upon in matters relative 
 to Columbus. When he treats of a more advanced period of the New 
 World, from his own actual observation, he is much more satisfactory, 
 though he is accused of listening too readily to popular fables and misrepre- 
 sentations. His account of the natural productions of the New World, 
 and of the customs of its inhabitants, is full of curious particulars; and 
 the best narratives of some of the minor voyages which succeeded those 
 of Columbus, are to be found in the unpublished part of his work. 
 
 No. XXXI. 
 
 CUBA DE LOS PALACIO8. 
 
 ANDRES BERNALDES, or Bernal, generally known by the title of the 
 curate of Los Paladoa, from having been curate of the town of Los Pala- 
 cios from about 1488 to 1513, was born in the town of Fueutes, and was
 
 APPENDIX. 703 
 
 for some time chaplain to Diego Deza, Archbishop of Seville, one of the 
 greatest friends to the application of Columbus. Bernaldes was well 
 acquainted with the admiral, who was occasionally his guest, and in 141MJ, 
 left many of his manuscripts and journals with him, which the curate 
 m.ide use of in a history of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, in 
 which he introduced an account of the voyages of Columbus. In the 
 narrative of the admiral's coasting along the southern side of Cuba, the 
 curate is more minute and accurate than any other historian. His work 
 exists only in manuscript, but is well known to historians, who have 
 made frequent use of it. Nothing can be more simple and artless than 
 the account which the honest curate gives of his being first moved to 
 undertake his chronicle. " I who wrote these chapters of memoirs," he 
 says, "being for twelve years in the habit of reading a register of my 
 deceased grandfather, who was notary public of the town of Fuentes, 
 where 1 was born, I found therein several chapters recording certain 
 events and achievements which had taken place in his time; and my 
 grandmother his widow, who was very old, hearing me read them said 
 to me, 'And thou, my son, since thou art not slothful in writing, why 
 dost thou not write, in this manner, the good things which are happen- 
 ing at present in thy own day, that those who come hereafter may know 
 them, and marvelling at what they read may render thanks to God.' 
 
 "From that time," continues he, "1 proposed to' do so, and as I 
 considered the matter, I said often to myself, ' if God gives me life and 
 health I will continue to write until 1 behold the kingdom of Granada 
 gained by the Christians;' and I always entertained a hope of seeing it 
 and did see it: great thanks and praises be given to our Saviour Jesus 
 Christ! And because it was impossible to write a complete and con- 
 nected account of all things that happened in Spain, during the matrimo- 
 nial union of the king Don Ferdinand, and the queen Dofia Isabella, I 
 wrote only about certain of the most striking and remarkable events, of 
 which I had correct information, and of those which 1 saw or which were 
 public and notorious to all men." 1 
 
 The work of the worthy curate, as may be inferred from the foregoing 
 statement, is deficient in regularity of plan ; the style is artless and often 
 inelegant, but it abounds in facts not to be met with elsewhere, often 
 given in a very graphical manner, and strongly characteristic of the 
 times. As he was contemporary with the events and familiar with many 
 of the persons of his history, and as he was a man of probity and void of 
 all pretension, his manuscript is a document of high authenticity. He 
 was much respected in the limited sphere in which he moved, " yet.'' 
 says one of his admirers, who wrote a short preface to his chronicle, "he 
 had no other reward than that of the curacy of Los Palacios, and the 
 place of chaplain to the archbishop Don Diego Deza." 
 
 In the possession of O. Rich, Esq., of Madrid, is a very curious manu- 
 script chronicle of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella already quoted in 
 this work, made up from this history of the curate of Los Palacios, and 
 from various other historians of the times, by some contemporary writer. 
 In his account of the voyage of Columbus, he differs in some trivial par- 
 ticulars from the regular copy of the manuscript of the curate. These 
 variations have been carefully examined by the author of this work, and 
 wherever they appear to be for the better, have been adopted. 
 
 1 Cura de loe Palacios, cap. 7.
 
 704 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. XXXII. 
 
 "NAVIGATIONS DEL RE DE CASTIGLIA DELLE ISOI.E E PAESE NUO- 
 VAMENTE 1UTROVATE." "NAV-1GATIO CHRISTOPHOUI COLOXBI." 
 
 THE above are the titles, in Italian and in Latin, of the earliest narra- 
 tives of the first and second voyages of Columbus that appeared in print. 
 It was anonymous; and there are some curious particulars in regard to 
 it. It was originally written in Italian by Montalbodo Fracanzo, or 
 Fracanzano, or by Francapano de Montabaldo (for writers differ in re- 
 gard to the name), and was published in Vicenza, in 1507, in a collection 
 of voyages, entitled Mondo Novo, e Paese Nuovaiuente Kitrovate. The 
 collection was republished at Milan, in 1508, both in Italian, and in a 
 Latin translation made by Archangelo Madrignano, under the title of 
 Itinerarium Portugallensium; this title being given, because the work 
 related chiefly to the voyages of Luigi Cadamosto, a Venetian in the 
 service of Portugal. 
 
 The collection was afterward augmented by Simon Grinasus with other 
 travels, and printed in Latin at Basle,in 1533, ' by Hervagio, emitled 
 Novus Orbis Regionum, etc. The edition of Basle, 1555, and the Italian 
 edition of Milan, in 1508, have been consulted in the course of this work. 
 
 Peter Martyr (Decad. 2. Cap. 7) alludes to this publication, under the 
 first Latin title of the book, Itinerarium Portugallensium, and accuses 
 the author, whom by mistake he terms Cadamosto, of having stolen the 
 materials of his book from the three first chapters of his first Decade of 
 the Ocean, of which, he says, he granted copies in manuscript to several 
 persons, and in particular to certain Venetian ambassadors. Martyr's 
 Decades were not published until 1516, excepting the first three, which 
 were published in 1511, at Seville. 
 
 This narrative of the voyages of Columbus is referred to by Gio. Batista 
 Spotorno, in his historical memoir of Columbus, as having been written 
 by a companion of Columbus. 
 
 It is manifest, from a perusal of the narrative, that though the author 
 may have helped himself freely from the manuscript of Martyr, he must 
 have had other sources of information. His description of the person of 
 Columbus as a man tall of stature and large of frame, of a ruddy com- 
 plexion and oblong visage, is not copied from Martyr, nor from any 
 other writer. No historian had, indeed, preceded him, except Sabellicus, 
 in 1504; and the portrait agrees with that subsequently given of Colum- 
 bus in the biography written by his son. 
 
 It is probable that this narrative, which appeared only a year after the 
 death of Columbus, was a piece of literary job-work, written for the col- 
 lection of voyages published at Vicenza; and that the materials were 
 taken from oral communication, from the account given by Sabellicus, 
 and particularly from the manuscript copy of Martyr's first decade. 
 
 No. XXXIII. 
 
 ANTONIO DE HERRERA. 
 
 ANTONIO HERRERA DE TORDESILLAS, one of the authors mot fre- 
 quently cited in this work, was born in 1565, of Roderick Tonlesillas, 
 
 1 Biblioiheca Piuello.
 
 APPENDIX. 705 
 
 and Agnes de Herrera, his wife. He received an excellent education, 
 anil entered into the employ of Vespasian Gonzago,, brother to the Duke 
 of Mantua, who was Viceroy of Naples for Philip the Second of Spain. 
 He was for some time secretary to this statesman, and intrusted with all 
 his secrets. He was afterward grand historiographer of the Indies to 
 Philip II., who added to that title a large pension. He wrote various 
 books, but the most celebrated is a General History of the Indies, or 
 American Colonies, in four volumes, containing eight decades. When 
 he undertook this work all the public archives were thrown open to him, 
 and he had access to documents of all kinds. He has been charged with 
 great precipitation in the production of his two first volumes, and with 
 negligence in not making sufficient use of the indisputable sources of in- 
 formation thus placed within his reach. The fact was, that he met with 
 historical tracts lying in manuscript, which embraced a great part of the 
 first discoveries, and he contented himself with stating events as he found 
 them tlicn-in recorded. It is certain that a great part of his work is little 
 more than a transcript of the manuscript history of the Indies by Las 
 Casas, sometimes reducing and improving the language when tumid; 
 omitting the impassioned sallies of the zealous father, when the wrongs 
 of the Indians were in question; and suppressing various circumstances 
 degrading to the character of the Spanish discoverers. The author of the 
 present work, has, therefore, frequently put aside the history of Herrera, 
 and consulted the source of his information, the manuscript history of 
 Las Casas. 
 
 Mufioz observes that "in general Herrera did little more than join 
 together morsels and extracts, taken from various parts, in the way that 
 a writer arranges chronologically the materials from which he intends to 
 compose a history;" he adds, that "had not Herrera been a learned and 
 judicious man. the precipitation with which he put together these mate- 
 rials would have led to innumerable errors." The remark is just; yet 
 it is to be considered, that to select and arrange such materials judi- 
 ciously, and treat them learnedly, was no trifling merit in the his- 
 torian. 
 
 Herrera has been accused also of flattering his nation; exalting the 
 deeds of his countrymen, and softening and concealing their excesses. 
 There is nothing very serious in this accusation. To illustrate the glory 
 of his nation is one of the noblest offices of the historian; and it is dif- 
 ficult to speak too highly of the extraordinary enterprises and splendid 
 actions of the Spaniards in those days. In softening their excesses he 
 fell into an amiable and pardonable error, if it were indeed an error for a 
 Spanish writer to endeavor to sink them in oblivion. 
 
 Vossins passes a high eulogitim on Herrera. " No one," he says, " has 
 described with greater industry and fidelity the magnitude and boundaries 
 of provinces, the tracts of sea, positions of capes and islands, of ports 
 and harbors, the windings of rivers and dimensions of lakes; the situa- 
 tion and peculiarities of regions, with the appearance of the heavens, 
 and the designation of places suitable for the establishment of cities." 
 He has been called among the Spaniards the prince of the histc.Mans 
 of America, and it is added that none have risen since his time capable of 
 disputing with him that title. Much of this praise will appear exagger- 
 ated by such as examine the manuscript histories from which he trans- 
 ferred chapters and entire books, with very little alteration, to his volumes; 
 and a great part of the eulogiuuis passed on him for his work on the 
 Indies, will be found really due to Las Casas, who has too long been 
 eclipsed by his copyist. Still Herrera has left voluminous proofs of in- 
 dustrious research, extensive information, and great literary talent. His
 
 706 APPENDIX. 
 
 works bear the mark of candor, integrity, and a sincere desire to record 
 the truth. 
 
 He died in 1625, at sixty years of age, after having obtained from 
 Philip IV. the promise of the first charge of secretary of state that should 
 become vacant. 
 
 No. XXXIV. 
 
 BISHOP FONSECA. 
 
 THE singular malevolence displayed by Bishop Juan Rodriguez de 
 Fonseca toward Columbus and his family, and which was one of the secret 
 and principal causes of their misfortunes, has been frequently noticed in 
 the course of this work. It originated, as has been shown, in some dis- 
 pute between the admiral and Fonseca at Seville in 1403, on account of 
 the delay in fitting out the armament for the second voyage, and in regard 
 to the number of domestics to form the household of the admiral. 
 Fonseca received a letter from the sovereigns, tacitly reproving him, and 
 ordering him to show all possible attention to the wishes of Columbus, 
 and to see that he was treated with honor and deference. Fonseca never 
 forgot this affront, and, what with him was the saiie thing, never forgave 
 it. His spirit appears to have been of that unhealthy kind which has 
 none of the balm of forgiveness; and in which, a wound once made, 
 forever rankles. The hostility thus produced continued with increasing 
 virulence throughout the life of Columbus, and at his death was trans- 
 ferred to his son and successor. This persevering animosity has been 
 illustrated in the course of this work by facts and observations, cited from 
 authors, some of them contemporary with Fonseca, but who were ap- 
 parently restrained by motives of prudence from giving full vent to the 
 in liguation which they evidently felt. Even at the present day, a Spanish 
 historian would be cautious of expressing his feelings freely on the subject, 
 le>t they should prejudice his work in the eyes of the ecclesiastical censors 
 of the press. In this way Bishop Fonseca has in a great measure escaped 
 the general odium his conduct merited. 
 
 This prelate had the chief superintendence of Spanish colonial affairs, 
 both under Ferdinand and Isabella, and the Emperor Charles V. He 
 was an active and intrepid, but selfish, overbearing, and perfidious man. 
 His administration bears no marks of enlarged and liberal policy; but is 
 full of traits of arrogance and meanness. He opposed the benevolent 
 attempts of Las Casas to ameliorate the condition of the Indians, and to 
 obtain the abolition of repartimientos ; treating him with personal haugh- 
 tiness and asperity. 1 The reason assigned is that Fonseca was enriching 
 himself by those very abuses, retaining large numbers of the miserable 
 Indians in slavery, to work on his possessions in the colonies. 
 
 To show that his character has not been judged with undue severity, it- 
 is expedient to point out his invidious and persecuting conduct toward 
 Hernando Cortez. The bishop, while ready to foster rambling adven- 
 turers who came forward under his patronage, had never the head or the 
 heart to appreciate the merits of illustrious commanders like Columbus 
 or Cortez. 
 
 At a time when disputes arose between Cortez and Diego Velazquez, 
 governor of Cuba, and the latter sought to arrest the conqueror of Mexico 
 in the midst of his brilliant career, Fonseca, with entire disregard of the 
 merits of the case, took a decided part in favor of Velazquez. Personal 
 
 1 Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 3.
 
 APPENDIX. 707 
 
 interest was at the bottom of this favor; for a marriage was negotiating 
 between Velazquez and a sister of the bishop. 1 Complaints and misrep- 
 resentations had been sent to Spain by Velazquez of the conduct of Corte/, 
 who was represented as a lawless and unprineipled adventurer attempting 
 to usurp absolute authority in New Spain. The true services of Cortez 
 had already excited admiration at court, but such was the influence of 
 Fonseca, that, as in the case of Columbus, he succeeded in prejudicing 
 the mind of the sovereign against one of the most meritorious of his sub- 
 jects. One Christoval de Tapia, a man destitute of talent or character, 
 but whose greatest recommendation was his having been in the employ 
 of the bishop,- was invested with powers similar to those once given to 
 Jiobadilla to the prejudice of Columbus. Ue was to inquire into the 
 conduct of Cortez, and in case he thought fit, to seize him, sequestrate 
 his property, and supersede him in command. Not content with the 
 regular official letters furnished to Tapia, the bishop, shortly after his 
 departure, sent out Juan Bono de Quexo with blank letters signed by his 
 own hand, and with others directed to various persons, charging them to 
 admit Tapia for governor, and assuring them that the king considered 
 the conduct of Cortez as disloyal. Nothing but the sagacity and firmness 
 of Cortez prevented this measure from completely interrupting, if not 
 defeating his enterprises; and he afterward declared, that he had expe- 
 rienced more trouble and difficulty from the menaces and affronts of the 
 ministers of the king than it cost him to conquer Mexico. 3 
 
 When the dispute between Cortez and Velazquez came to be decided 
 upon in Spain, in 1522, the father of Cortez, and those that had come 
 from New Spain as his procurators, obtained permission fiom Cardinal 
 Adrian, at that time governor of the realm, to prosecute a public accusa- 
 tion of the bishop. A regular investigation took place before the Council 
 of the Indies of their allegations against its president. They charged 
 him with having publicly declared Cortez a traitor and a rebel; with 
 having intercepted and suppressed his letters addressed to the king, keep- 
 ing his Majesty in ignorance of their contents and of the important ser- 
 vices he had performed, while he diligently forwarded all letters calculated 
 to promote the interest of Velazquez; with having prevented the repre- 
 sentations of Cortez from being heard in the Council of the Indies, 
 declaring that they should never be heard there while he lived ; with having 
 interdicted the forwarding of arms, merchandise, and re-enforcements to 
 New Spain ; and with having issued orders to the office of the India House 
 at Seville to arrest the procurators of Cortez and all persons arriving 
 from him, and to seize and detain all gold that they should bring. These 
 ami various other charges of similar nature were dispassionately inves- 
 tigated. Enough were substantiated to convict Fonseca of the most, 
 partial, oppressive and perfidious conduct, and the cardinal consequently 
 forbade him to interfere in the cause between Cortez and Velazquez, and 
 revoked all the orders which the bishop had issued, in the matter, to the 
 Iinlia House of Seville. Indeed Salazar, a Spanish historian, says that 
 Fmiseea was totally divested of his authority as president of the council, 
 and of all control of the affairs of New Spain, and adds that he was so 
 mortified at the blow, that it brought on a tit of illness, which well-nigh 
 cost him his life. 4 
 
 The suit between Cortez and Velazquez was referred to a special tri- 
 
 i Herrera, Tlist. Ind., decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. 3. 
 
 * Ibid., decad. iii. lib. i. cap. 15. 
 8 Ibid., decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. .1. 
 
 * iSaiuzar, C'ouq. de Mexico, lib. i. cap. 2.
 
 708 APPENDIX. 
 
 bunal, composed of the grand chancellor and other persons of note, and 
 was decided in 1522. The influence and intrigues of Fonseca bein'* no 
 longer of avail, a triumphant verdict was given in favor of Cortez, which 
 was afterward confirmed by the Emperor Charles V., and additional 
 honors awarded him. This was another blow to the malignant Fonseca, 
 who retained his enmity against Cortez until his last moment, rendered 
 still more rancorous by mortification and disappointment. 
 
 A charge against Fonseca, of a still darker nature than any of the pre- 
 ceding, may be found lurking in the pages of Herrera, though so obscure 
 as to have escaped the notice of succeeding historians. He points to the 
 bishop as the instigator of a desperate and perfidious man, who conspired 
 against the life of Hernando Cortez. This was one Antonio de Villat'ufu, 
 who fomented a conspiracy to assassinate Cortez, and elect Francisco 
 Verdujo, brother-in-law of Velazquez, in his place. While the conspira- 
 tors were waiting for an opportunity to poniard Cortez, one of them, 
 relenting, apprised him of his danger. Villafafia was arrested. He at- 
 tempted to swallow a paper containing a list of the conspirators, but being 
 seized by the throat, a part of it was forced from his mouth containing 
 fourteen names of persons of importance. Villafafia confessed his guilt, 
 but tortures could not make him inculpate the persons whose names were 
 on the list, whom he declared were ignorant of the plot. He was hanged 
 by order of Cortez. 1 
 
 In the investigation of the disputes between Cortez and Velazquez, this 
 execution of Villafana was magnified into a cruel and wanton act of 
 power; and in their eagerness to criminate Cortez the witnesses on the 
 part of Alvarez declared that Villafana had been instigated to what he 
 hid done by letters from Bishop Fonseca! (Que se movio a lo que hizo 
 con cartas del obispo de Burgos.' 2 ) It is not probable that Fonseca had 
 recommended assassination, but it shows the character of his agents, and 
 what must have been the malignant nature of his instructions, when 
 these men thought that such an act would accomplish his wishes. Fon- 
 seca died at Burgos on the 4th of November, 1554, and was interred at 
 Coca. 
 
 No. XXXV. 
 
 OF THE SITUATION OF THE TERRESTRIAL PARADISE. 
 
 THE speculations of Columbus on the situation of the terrestrial 
 paradise, extravagant as they may appear, were such as have occupied 
 many grave and learned men. A slight notice of their opinions on this 
 curious subject may be acceptable to the general reader, and may take 
 from the apparent wildness of the ideas expressed by Columbus. 
 
 The abode of our first parents was anciently the subject of anxious in- 
 quiry; and indeed mankind have always been prone to picture some place 
 of perfect felicity, where the imagination, disappointed in the coarse 
 realities of life, might revel in an Elysium of its own creation. It is an 
 idea not confined to our religion, but is found in the rude creeds of the 
 most savage nations, and it prevailed generally among the ancients. The 
 speculations concerning the situation of the gar.len of Eden resemble 
 those of the Greeks concerning the garden of the Hesperides; that region 
 of delight, which they forever placed at the most remote verge of the 
 known world; which their poets embellished with all the charms of fiction; 
 after which they were continually longing, and which they could never 
 
 1 Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. iii. lib. i. cap. 1. * Ibid., decad. iii. _ib. iv. jap. 3.
 
 APPENDIX. 709 
 
 find. At one time it was in the Grand Oasis of Arabia. The exhausted 
 travellers, after traversing the parched and sultry desert, hailed this ver- 
 dant spot with rapture; they refreshed themselves under its shady bowers, 
 and beside its cooling streams, as the crew of a tempest-tossed vessel re- 
 pose on the shores of some green island in the deep; and from its being 
 thus isolated in the midst of an ocean of sand, they gave it the name of 
 the Island of the Blessed. As geographical knowledge increased, the 
 situation of the Hesperian gardens was continually removed to a greater 
 distance. It was transferred to the borders of the great Syrtis, in the 
 neighborhood of Mount Atlas. Here, after traversing the frightful 
 deserts of Barca, the traveller found himself in a fair and fertile country, 
 watere.l by rivulets and gushing fountains. The oranges and citrons 
 transported hence to Greece, where they were as yet unknown, delighted 
 the Athenians by their golden beauty and delicious flavor, and they 
 thought that none but the garden of the Hesperides could produce such 
 glorious fruits. In this way the happy region of the ancients was trans- 
 ported from place to place, still in the remote and obscure extremity of 
 the world, until it was fabled to exist in the Canaries, thence called the 
 Fortunate, or the Hesperian Islands. Here it remained, because discovery 
 advanced no farther, and because these islands were so distant, and so 
 little known, as to allow full latitude to the fictions of the poet. 1 
 
 In like manner the situation of the terrestrial paradise, or garden of 
 Eden, was long a subject of earnest inquiry and curious disputation, and 
 occupied the laborious attention of the most learned theologians. Some 
 placed it in Palestine or the Holy Land; others in Mesopotamia, in that 
 rich and beautiful tract of country embraced by the wanderings of the 
 Tigris and the Euphrates; others in Armenia, in a valley surrounded by 
 precipitous and inaccessible mountains, and imagined that Enoch and 
 Elijah were transported thither, out of the sight of mortals, to live in a 
 state of terrestrial bliss until the second coining of our Saviour. There 
 were others who gave it situations widely remote, such as in the Trapoban 
 of the ancients, at present known as the island of Ceylon; or in the is- 
 land of Sumatra; or in the Fortunate or Canary Islands; or in one of the 
 islands of Sunda; or in some favored spot under the equinoctial line. 
 
 Great difficulty was encountered by these speculators to reconcile the 
 allotted place with the description given in Genesis of the garden of 
 Eden; particularly of the great fountain which watered it, and which 
 afterward divided itself into four rivers, the Pison or Phison, the Gihon, 
 the Euphrates, and the Hiddekel. Those who were in favor of the Holy 
 Land supposed that the Jordan was the great river which afterward di- 
 vided itself into the Phison, Gihon, Tigris, and Euphrates, but that the 
 sands have choked up the ancient beds by which these streams were sup- 
 plied; that originally the Phison traversed Arabia Deserta and Arabia 
 Felix, whence it pursued its course to the Gulf of Persia; that the Gihon 
 bathed Northern or Stony Arabia and fell into the Arabian Gulf of the 
 Red Sea; that the Euphrates and the Tigris passed by Eden to Assyria 
 and Chaldea, whence they discharged themselves into the Persian Gulf. 
 
 By most of the early commentators the River Gihon is supposed to be 
 the Nile. The source of this river was unknown, but was evidently far 
 distant from the spots whence the Tigris and the Euphrates arose. This 
 difficulty, however, was ingeniously overcome, by giving it a subterranean 
 course of some hundreds of leagues from the common fountain, until it 
 issued forth to daylight in Abyssinia. 2 In like manner, subterranean 
 
 1 Gosselin, Recherche* cur la Geog. des Anciens, torn. 1. 
 * Fcyjoo, Theatre Ciitico, lib. vii. 2.
 
 710 APPENDIX. 
 
 courses were given to the Tigris and the Euphrates, passing under the 
 JJfil Sea, until they sprang forth in Armenia, as if just issuing from one 
 common source. So also those who placed the terrestrial paradise in 
 islands, supposed that the rivers which issued from it, and formed those 
 heretofore named, either traversed the surface of the sea, as fresh water, 
 by its greater lightness, may float above the salt; or that they flowed 
 through deep veins anil channels of the earth, as the fountain of Arethusa 
 was said to sink into the ground in Greece, and rise in the island of Sicily, 
 while the River Alpheus pursuing it, but with less perseverance, rose 
 somewhat short of it in the sea. 
 
 Some contended that the deluge had destroyed the garden of Eden, 
 and altered the whole face of the earth; so that the rivers had changed 
 their beds, and had taken different directions from those mentioned in 
 Genesis; others, however, among whom was St. Augustine, in his com- 
 mentary upon the Book of Genesis, maintained that the terrestrial par- 
 a lise still existed, with its original beauty and delights, but that it was 
 inaccessible to mortals, being on the summit of a mountain of stupen- 
 dous height, reaching into the third region of the air, and approaching 
 the moon; being thus protected by its elevation from the ravages of the 
 deluge. 
 
 By some this mountain was placed under the equinoctial line; or un- 
 der that band of the heavens metaphorically called by the ancients " the 
 table of the sun," l comprising the space between the tropics of Cancer 
 and Capricorn, beyond which the sun never passed in his annual course. 
 Here would reign a uniformity of nights and days and seasons, and the 
 elevation of the mountain would raise it above the heats and storms of 
 the lower regions. Others transported the garden beyond the equinoctial 
 line, and placed it in the southern hemisphere; supposing that the torrid 
 zone might be the flaming sword appointed to defend its entrance against 
 mortals. They had a fanciful train of argument to support their theory. 
 They observed that the terrestrial paradise must be in the noblest and 
 happiest part of the globe ; that part must be under the noblest part of 
 the heavens; as the merits of a place do not so much depend upon 
 the virtues of the earth as upon the happy influences of the stars and the 
 favorable and benign aspect of the heavens. Now, according to philoso- 
 phers, the world was divided into two hemispheres. The southern they 
 considered the head, and the northern the feet, or under part; the right 
 hand the east, whence commenced the movement of the primum mobile, 
 and the left the west, toward which it moved. This supposed, they ob- 
 served that it was manifest that the head of all things, natural and arti- 
 ficial, is always the best and noblest part, governing the other parts of the 
 body, so the south, being the head of the earth, ought to be superior and 
 nobler than either east, or west, or north ; and in accordance with 
 this, they cited the opinion of various philosophers among the ancients, 
 and more especially that of Ptolemy, that the stars of the southern hem- 
 isphere were larger, more resplendent, more perfect, and of course of 
 greater virtue and efficacy than those of the northern: an error univer- 
 sally prevalent until disproved by modern discovery. Hence they con- 
 cluded that in this southern hemisphere, in this head of the earth, under 
 this purer and brighter sky, and these more potent and benignant stars, 
 was placed the terrestrial paradise. 
 
 Various ideas were entertained as to the magnitude of this blissful 
 region. As Adam and all his progeny were to have lived there, had 
 he not sinned, and as there would have been no such thing as death to 
 
 Herodot., lib. iii. Virg., Georg. 1. Pomp. Mela., lib. iii. cap. 10.
 
 APPENDIX. 711 
 
 thin the number of mankind, it was inferred that the terrestrial paradise 
 must be of great extent to contain them. Some gave it a size equal to 
 Europe or Africa: others gave it the whole southern hemisphere. St. 
 Augustine supposed that as mankind multiplied, numbers would be 
 translated without death to heaven; the parents, perhaps, when their 
 children had arrived at mature age; or portions of the human race at the 
 end of certain periods, and when the population of the terrestrial para- 
 dise had attained a certain amount. 1 
 
 Others supposed that mankind, remaining in a state of primitive inno- 
 cence, would not have required so much space as at present. Having no 
 need of rearing animals for subsistence, no land would have been re- 
 quired for pasturage; and the earth not being cursed with sterility, there 
 would have been no need of extensive tracts of country to permit of fallow 
 land and the alternation of crops required in husbandry. The spontane- 
 ous and never-failing fruits of the garden would have been abundant for 
 the simple wants of man. Still, that the human race might not be 
 crowded, but might have ample space for recreation and enjoyment, and 
 the charms of variety and change, some allowed at least a hundred leagues 
 of circumference to the garden. 
 
 St. Basilius in his eloquent discourse on paradise 2 expatiates with rap- 
 ture on the joys of this sacred abode, elevated to the third region of the 
 air, and under the happiest skies. There a pure and never-failing pleas- 
 ure is furnished to every sense. The eye delights in the admirable clear- 
 ness of the atmosphere, in the verdure and beauty of the trees, and the 
 never-withering bloom of the flowers. The ear is regaled with the sing- 
 ing of the birds, the smell with the aromatic odors of the land. In like 
 manner the other senses have each their peculiar enjoyments. There the 
 vicissitudes of the season are unknown, and the climate unites the fruit- 
 fulness of summer, the joyful abundance of autumn, and the sweet fresh- 
 ness and quietude of spring. There the earth is always green, the flowers 
 are ever blooming, the waters limpid and delicate, not rushing in rude 
 and turbid torrents, but swelling up in crystal fountains, and winding in 
 peaceful and silver streams. There no harsh and boisterous winds are 
 permitted to shake and disturb the air, and ravage the beauty of the 
 groves, there prevails no melancholy, nor darksome weather, no drown- 
 ing rain, nor pelting hail, no forked lightning, nor rending and resound- 
 ing thunder; no wintry pinching cold, nor withering and panting summer 
 heat; nor any thing else that can give pain or sorrow or annoyance, but 
 all is bland and gentle and serene; a perpetual youth and joy reign 
 throughout all nature, and nothing decays and dies. 
 
 The same idea is given by St. Ambrosius, in his book on Paradise, 3 an 
 author likewise consulted and cited by Columbus. He wrote in the fourth 
 century, and his touching eloquence, and graceful yet vigorous style, in- 
 sured great popularity to his writings. Many of these opinions are cited 
 by Glanville. usually called Barthoiomeus Anglicus, in his work De Pro- 
 prietatibus Benin ; a work with which Columbus was evidently ac- 
 quainted. It was a species of encyclopaedia of the general knowledge 
 current at the time, and was likely to recommend itself to a curious and 
 inquiring voyager. This author cites an assertion as made by St. Basilius 
 and St. Ambrosius, that the water of the fountain which proceeds from 
 the garden of Eden falls into a great lake with such a tremendous noise 
 
 1 8t. August., lib. ix. cap. 6. Sup. Genesis. 
 
 2 St. Basiiius wa.i called the great. His works were read and admired by all the 
 world, even liy Pagans. They are written in an elevated and majestic style, with great 
 plendor of idea, mil vast erudition. 
 
 s St. Ambrosius, Opera. Edit. Coignard. Parwiis. MDCXC.
 
 712 APPENDIX. 
 
 that the inhabitants of the neighborhood are born deaf; and that from 
 this lake proceed the four chief rivers mentioned in Genesis. 1 
 
 This passage, however, is not to be found in the Hexameron of either 
 Basilius or Ambrosius, from which it is quoted; neither is it in the ora- 
 tion on Paradise by the former, nor in the letter on the same subject 
 written by Ambrosius to Ambrosius Savinus. It must be a misquotation 
 by Glanville. Columbus, however, appears to have been struck with it, 
 and Las Casas is of opinion that he derived thence his idea that the vast 
 body of fresh water which filled the Gulf of La Ballena or Paria, flowed 
 from the fountain of Paradise, though from a remote distance; and that in 
 this gulf, which he supposed in the extreme part of Asia, originated the 
 Nile, the Tigris, the Euphrates, and the Ganges, which might be con- 
 ducted under the land and sea by subterranean channels, to the places 
 where they spring forth on the earth and assume their proper names. 
 
 I forbear to enter into various other of the voluminous speculations 
 which have been formed relative to the terrestrial paradise, and per- 
 haps it may be thought that I have already said too much on so fan- 
 ciful a subject; but to illustrate clearly the character of Columbus, it 
 is necessary to elucidate those veins of thought passing through his 
 mind while considering the singular phenomena of the unknown re- 
 gions he was exploring, and which are often but slightly and vaguely 
 developed in his journals and letters. These speculations, likewise, like 
 those concerning fancied islands in the ocean, carry us back to the time, 
 and make us feel the mystery and conjectural charm which reigned over 
 the greatest part of the world, and have since been completely dispelled 
 by modern discovery. Enough has been cited to show that in his obser- 
 vations concerning the terrestrial paradise, Columbus was not indulging 
 in any fanciful and presumptuous chimeras, the offspring of a heated 
 and disordered brain. However visionary his conjectures may seem, 
 they were all grounded on written opinions held little less than oracular 
 in his day; and they will be found on examination to be far exceeded by 
 the speculations and theories of sages held illustrious for their wisdom 
 and erudition in the school and cloister. 
 
 No. XXXVI. 
 
 
 
 WILL OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 IN the name of the Most Holy Trinity, who inspired me with the idea, 
 and afterward made it perfectly clear to me, that I could navigate and go 
 to the Indies from Spain, by traversing the ocean westwardly; which I 
 communicated to the King, Don Ferdinand, and to the queen, Dona 
 Isabella, our sovereigns; and they were pleased to furnish me the neces- 
 sary equipment of men and ships, and to make me their admiral over 
 the said ocean, in all parts lying to the west of an imaginary line, 
 drawn from pole to pole, a hundred leagues west of the Cape de Verde 
 and Azore Islands; also appointing me their viceroy and governor over 
 all continents and islands that I might discover beyond the said line west- 
 
 1 Paradisus autem in Oriente, in altisRimo raonte, de cujns cacumine cadentes aquae, 
 maximum faciunt lacuin, que in suo casu tantum faciunt strepitnm et fragorem, quod 
 omnes incolae, jnxta praedietum lacuin, nascunter surdi, ex i in moderate sonitu seu 
 fragore sensum audilu* in parvulia corrumpente. Ut (licit Bttsilius in I lexa nitron, aiml- 
 liter et Ambro*. Ex illo, lacu, velut ex uno fonte, procednnt ilia flurnina quatuor, 1'hi- 
 son, qui et Ganges, G-yon, qui et Nilus dicitur, et Tigris ac Kuphraies. Bart. Angl. de 
 Propriutatibus rerum, lib. lu, cap. 112. Fraueofurti, 1540.
 
 APPENDIX. 713 
 
 wardly; with the right of being succeeded in the said offices hy my 
 eldest son and his heirs forever; and a grant of a tenth part of all 
 things found in the said jurisdiction; and of all rents and revenues 
 arising from it; and the eighth of all the lands and every thing else, 
 together with the salary corresponding to my rank of admiral, viceroy, 
 and governor, and all other emoluments accruing thereto, as is more fully 
 expressed in the title and agreement sanctioned by their highnesses. 
 
 And it pleased the Lord Almighty, that in the year one thousand four 
 hundred and ninety-two, 1 should discover the continent of the Indies 
 and many islands, among them Hispaniola, which the Indians call Ayte, 
 and the Monicongos, Cipango. I then returned to Castile, to their high- 
 nesses, who approved of my undertaking a second enterprise for further 
 discoveries and settlements; and the Lord gave me victory over the island 
 of Hispaniola, which extends six hundred leagues, and I conquered it 
 and made it tributary; and I discovered many islands inhabited by can- 
 nibals, and seven hundred to the west of Hispaniola, among which is 
 Jamaica, which we call Santiago; and three hundred and thirty-three 
 leagues of continent from south to west, besides a hundred and seven 
 to the north, which I discovered in my first voyage, together with many 
 islands, as may more clearly be seen by my letters, memorials, and mari- 
 time charts. And as we hope in God that before long a good and great 
 revenue will be derived from the above islands and continent, of which, 
 for the reasons aforesaid, belong to me the tenth and the eighth, with the 
 salaries and emoluments specified above; and considering that we are 
 mortal, and that it is proper for every one to settle his affairs, and to 
 leave declared to his heirs and successors the property he possesses or may 
 have a right to: Wherefore I have concluded to create an entailed estate 
 (mayorazgo) out of the said eighth of the lands, places, and revenues, in 
 the manner which I now proceed to state. 
 
 In the first place, I am to be succeeded by Don Diego, my son, who in 
 case of death without children is to be succeeded by my other son Fer- 
 dinand: and should God dispose of him also without leaving children 
 and without my having any other son, then my brother Don Barthol- 
 omew is to succeed; and after him his eldest son; and if God should 
 dispose of him without heirs, he shall be succeeded by his sons from one 
 to another forever; or, in the failure of a son, to be succeeded by Don 
 Ferdinand, after the same manner, from son to son successively; oi>in 
 their place by my brothers Bartholomew and Diego. And should it please 
 the Lord that the estate, after having continued for some time in the line 
 of any of the above successors, should stand in need of an immediate 
 and lawful male heir, the succession shall then devolve to the nearest 
 relation, being a man of legitimate birth, and bearing the name of Co- 
 lumbus derived from his father and his ancestors. This entailed estate 
 shall in nowise be inherited by a woman, except in case that no male 
 heir is to be found, either in this or any other quarter of the world, of 
 my real lineage, whose uame, as well as that of his ancestors, shall have 
 always been Columbus. In such an event (which may God forefend), 
 then the female of legitimate birth, most nearly related to the preceding 
 possessor of the estate, shall succeed to it; and this is to be under the 
 conditions herein stipulated at foot, which must be understood to extend 
 as well to Don Diego, my son, as to the aforesaid and their heirs, every 
 one of them, to be fulfilled by them; and failing to do so they are to be 
 deprived of the succession, for not having complied with what shall 
 herein be expressed: and the estate to pass to the person most nearly 
 related to ihe one who held the right; and the person thus succeeding 
 shall in like manner forfeit the estate, should he alao fail to comply with
 
 714 APPENDIX. 
 
 said conditions; and another person, the nearest of my lineage, shall suc- 
 ceed, provided he abide by them, so that they may be observed forever in 
 the form prescribed. This forfeiture is not to be incurred for trifling 
 matters, originating in lawsuits, but in important cases, when the glory 
 of God, or my own, or that of my family, may be concerned, which sup- 
 poses a perfect fulfilment of all the things hereby ordained; all which I 
 recommend to the courts of justice. And 1 supplicate his Holiness, who 
 now is, and those that may succeed in the Holy Church, that if it should 
 happen that this my will and testament has need of his holy order and 
 command for its fulfilment, that such order be issued in virtue of obedi- 
 ence, and under penalty of excommunication, and that it shall not be in 
 any wise disfigured. And I also pray the king and queen, our sovereigns, 
 and their eldest-born, Prince Don Juan, our lord, and their successors, 
 for the sake of the services I have done them, and because it is just, that 
 it may please them not to permit this ray will and constitution of my en- 
 tailed estate to be any way altered, but to leave it in the form and manner 
 which I have ordained, forever, for the greater glory of the Almighty, 
 and that it may be the root and basis of my lineage, and a memento of 
 the services I have rendered their highnesses; that, being born in Genoa, 
 I came over to serve them in Castile, and discovered to the west of Terra 
 Firma the Indies and islands before mentioned. 1 accordingly pray their 
 highnesses to order that this my privilege and testament be held valid, 
 and be executed summarily and without any opposition or demur, accord- 
 ing to the letter. I also pray the grandees of the realm and the lords of 
 the council, and all others having administration of justice, to be pleased 
 not to suffer this my will and testament to be of no avail, but to cause it 
 to be fulfilled as by me ordained; it being just that a noble, who has 
 served the king and queen, and the kingdom, should be respected in the 
 disposition of his estate by will, testament, institution of entail or 
 inheritance, and that the same be not infringed either in whole or in 
 part. 
 
 In the first place, my son Don Diego, and all my successors and descend- 
 ants, as well as my brothers Bartholomew and Diego, shall bear my arms, 
 such as I shall leave them after my days, without inserting any thing 
 else in them; and they shall be their seal to seal withal. Don Diego my 
 son, or any other who may inherit this estate, on coming into possession 
 ofuhe inheritance, shall sign with the signature which I now make use 
 of, which is an X with an S over it, and an M with a Roman A over it, and 
 over that an S, and then a Greek Y, with an S over it, with its lines and 
 points as is my custom, as may be seen by my signatures, of which there 
 are many, and it will be seen by the present one. 
 
 He shall only write " the Admiral," whatever other titles the king may 
 have conferred on him. This is to be understood as respects his signature, 
 hut not the enumeration of his titles, which he can make at full length if 
 agreeable, only the signature is to be " the Admiral." 
 
 The said Don Diego, or any other inheritor of this estate, shall possess 
 my offices of admiral of the ocean, which is to the west of an imaginary 
 line, which his highness ordered to be drawn, running from pole to pole 
 a hundred leagues beyond the Azores, and as many more beyond the Cape 
 de Verde Islands, over all which I was made by their order, their admiral 
 of the sea, with all the pre-eminences held by Don Henrique in the 
 admiralty of Castile, and they made me their governor and viceroy per- 
 petually and forever, over all the islands and main-land discovered, or to 
 be discovered, for myself and heirs, as is more fully shown by my treaty 
 an 1 privileges as above mentioned. 
 
 Uem: The said Don Diego, or any other inheritor of this estate, shall
 
 APPENDIX, 715 
 
 distribute the revenue which it may please our Lord to grant him, in the 
 following manner, under the above penalty. 
 
 First Of the whole income of this estate, now and at all times, and 
 of whatever may be had or collected from it, he shall give the fourth part 
 annually to my brother Don Bartholomew Columbus, Adelantado of the 
 Indies; and this is to continue till he shall have acquired an income of a 
 million of maravedises, for his support, and for the services he has ren- 
 dered and will continue to render to this entailed estate; which million 
 lie is to receive, as stated, every year, if the said fourth amount to so 
 much, and that he have nothing else; but if he possess a part or the 
 whole of that amount in rents, that henceforth he shall not enjoy the 
 said million, nor any part of it, except that he shall have in the said fourth 
 part unto the said quantity of a million, if it should amount to so much: 
 and as much as he shall have of revenue beside this fourth part, what- 
 ever sum of maravedises of known rent from property or perpetual offi- 
 ces, the said quantity of rent or revenue from property or offices shall be 
 discounted ; and from the aid million shall be reserved whatever marriage 
 portion he may receive with any female he may espouse; so that whatever 
 he may receive in marriage with his wife, no deduction shall be made on 
 that account from said million, but only for whatever he may acquire, or 
 may have, over and above his wife's dowry, and when it shall please God 
 that he or his heirs and descendants shall derive from their property and 
 offices a revenue of a million arising from rents, neither he nor his heirs 
 shall enjoy any longer any thing from the said fourth part of the entailed 
 estate, which shall remain with Don Diego, or whoever may inherit it. 
 
 Item: From the revenues of the said estate, or from any fourth part of 
 it (should its amount be adequate to it), shall be paid every year to my son 
 Ferdinand two millions, till such a time as his revenue shall amount to two 
 millions, in the same form and manner as in the case of Bartholomew, \\ho, 
 as well as his heirs, are to have the million or the part that may be wanting. 
 
 Item: The said Don Diego or Don Bartholomew shall make, out of the 
 said estate, for my brother Diego, such provision as may enable him to live 
 decently, as he is my brother, to whom I assign no particular sum, as he 
 has attached himself to the church, and that will be given him which is 
 right: and this to be given him in a mass, and before any thing shall 
 have been received by Ferdinand my son, or Bartholomew my brother, or 
 their heirs, and also according to the amount of the income of the estate. 
 And in case of discord, the case is to be referred to two of our relations, 
 or other men of honor; and should they disagree among themselves, they 
 will choose a third person as arbitrator, being virtuous and not distrusted 
 by either party. 
 
 Item: All this revenue which I bequeath to Bartholomew, to Ferdi- 
 nand, and to Diego, shall be delivered to and received by them as pre- 
 scribed under the obligation of being faithful and loyal to Diego my son, or 
 his heirs, they as well as their children; and should it appear that they, or 
 any of them, had proceeded against him in any thing touching his honor, 
 or the prosperity of the family, or of the estate, either in word or deed, 
 whereby might come a scandal and debasement to my family, and a detri- 
 ment to my estate; in that case, nothing further shall be given to them or 
 him, from that time forward, inasmuch as they are always to be faithful 
 to Diego and to his successors. 
 
 Item: As it was my intention, when I first instituted this entailed 
 estate, to dispose, or that my son Diego should dispose for me, of the 
 tenth part of the income in favor of necessitous persons, as a tithe, and in 
 commemorati"!! of the Almighty and Eternal God: and persisting still in 
 this opinion, and hoping that his High Majesty will assist me, and those
 
 716 APPENDIX. 
 
 who may inherit it, in this or the New World, I have resolved that the 
 said tithe shall be paid in the manner following: 
 
 First It is to be understood that the fourth part of the revenue of 
 the estate which I have ordained and directed to be given to Don Barthol- 
 omew, till he have an income of one million, includes the tenth of the 
 whole revenue of the estate; and that as in proportion as the income of 
 my brother Don Bartholomew shall increase, as it has to be discounted 
 from the revenue of the fourth part of the entailed estate, that the said 
 revenue shall be calculated, to know how much the tenth part amounts 
 to; and the part which exceeds what is necessary to make up the million 
 for Don Bartholomew shall be received by such of my family as may most 
 stand in need of it, discounting it from said tenth, if their income do not 
 amount to fifty thousand maravedises ; and should any of these come to 
 have an income to this amount, such a part shall be awarded them as two 
 persons, chosen for the purpose, may determine along with Don Diego, or 
 his heirs. Thus, it is to be understood that the million which I leave to 
 Don Bartholomew comprehends the tenth of 4;he whole revenue of the 
 estate; which revenue is to be distributed among my nearest and most 
 needy relations in the manner I have directed ; and when Don Bartholomew 
 have an income of one million, and that nothing more shall be due to him 
 on account of said fourth part, then, Don Diego my son, or the person 
 who may be in possession of the estate, along with the two other persons 
 which I shall herein point out, shall inspect the accounts, and so direct 
 that the tenth of the revenue shall still continue to be paid to the most 
 necessitous members of my family that may be found in this or any other 
 quarter of the world, who shall be diligently sought out; and they are to 
 be paid out of the fourth part from which Don Bartholomew is to derive 
 his million; which sums are to be taken into account, and deducted from 
 the said tenth, which, should it amount to more, the overplus, as it arises 
 from the fourth part, shall be given to the most necessitous persons as 
 aforesaid; and should it not be sufficient that Don Bartholomew shall 
 have it until his own estate goes on increasing, leaving the said million 
 in part or in the whole. 
 
 Item : The said Don Diego my son, or whoever may be the inheritor, 
 shall appoint two persons of conscience and authority, and most nearly 
 related to the family, who are to examine the revenue and its amount 
 carefully, and to cause the said tenth to be paid out of the fourth from 
 which Don Bartholomew is to receive his million, to the most necessitated 
 members of my family that may be found here or elsewhere, whom they 
 shall look for diligently upon their consciences; and as it might happen 
 that said Don Diego, or others after him, for reasons which may concern 
 their own welfare, or the credit and support of the estate, maybe unwill- 
 ing to make known the full amount of the income; nevertheless I charge 
 him on his conscience to pay the sum aforesaid; and I charge them, on 
 their souls and consciences, not to denounce or make it known, except 
 with the consent of Don Diego, or the person that may succeed him; but 
 let the above tithe be paid in the manner I have directed. 
 
 Item: In order to avoid all disputes in the choice of the two nearest 
 relations who are to act with Don Diego or his heirs, I hereby elect Don 
 Bartholomew my brother for one, and Don Fernando my son for the 
 other; and when these two shall enter upon the business, they shall choose 
 two other persons among the most trusty, and most nearly related, and 
 these again shall elect two others when it shall be question of commencing 
 the examination; and thus it shall be managed with diligence from one to 
 the other, as well in this as in the other of government, for the service 
 and glory of God, and the benefit of the said entailed estate.
 
 APPENDIX. Ill 
 
 Item : I also enjoin Diego, or any one that may inherit the estate, to 
 have and maintain in the city of Genoa, one person of our lineage to 
 reside there with his wife, and appoint him a sufficient revenue to enable 
 him to live decently, as a person closely connected with the family, of 
 which he is to be the root and basis in that city; from which great good 
 may accrue to him, inasmuch as I was born there, and came from them -e. 
 
 Item: The said Don Diego, or whoever shall inherit the estate, must 
 remit in bills, or in any other way, all such sums as he may be able to 
 save out of the revenue of the estate, and direct purchases to be made in 
 his name, or that of his heirs, in a stock in the Bank of St. George, which 
 gives an interest of six per cent and in secure money; and this shall be 
 devoted to the purpose I am about to explain. 
 
 Item: As it becomes every man of property to serve God, either per- 
 sonally or by means of his wealth, and as all moneys deposited with St. 
 George are quite safe, and Genoa is a noble city, and powerful by M'H, 
 and as at the time that I undertook to set out upon the discovery of the 
 Jndies. it was with the intention of supplicating the king and queen, 
 our lords, that whatever moneys should be derived from the said Indies, 
 should be invested in the conquest of Jerusalem: and as I did so suppli- 
 cate them; if they do this, it will be well; if not, at all events, the said 
 Diego, or such person as may succeed him in this trust, to collect together 
 all the money he can, and accompany the king our lord, should he go to 
 the conquest of Jerusalem, or else go there himself with all the force he 
 can command; and in pursuing this intention, it would please the Lord 
 to assist toward the accomplishment of the plan; and should he not be 
 able to effect the conquest of the whole, no doubt he will achieve it in 
 part. Let him therefore collect and make a fund of all his wealth in St. 
 George of Genoa, and let it multiply there till such time as it may appear 
 to him tlwt something of consequence may be effected as respects the 
 project on Jerusalem; for I believe that when their highnesses shall see 
 that this is contemplated, they will wish to realize it themselves, or will 
 afford him, as their servant and vassal, the means of doing it for them. 
 
 Item : I charge my son Diego and my descendants, especially whoever 
 may inherit this estate, which consists, as aforesaid, of the tenth of 
 whatsoever may be had or found in the Indies, and the eighth part of the 
 lands and rents, all which, together with my rights and emoluments as 
 admiral, viceroy, and governor, amount to more than twenty-five per 
 cent; I say that I require of him to employ all this revenue, as well as 
 his person and all the means in his power, in well and faithfully serving 
 and supporting their highnesses, or their successors, even to the loss of 
 life and property; since it was their highnesses, next to God, who first 
 gave me the means of getting and achieving this property, although, it 
 is true, I came over to these realms to invite them to the enterprise, and 
 that a long time elapsed before any provision was made for carrying it 
 into execution; which, however, is not surprising, as this was an under- 
 taking of which all the world was ignorant, and no one had any faith in 
 it: wherefore I am by so much the more indebted to them, as well as 
 because they have since also much favored and promoted me. 
 
 Item: I also require of Diego, or whomsoever may be in possession of 
 the estate, that in the case of any schism taking place in the Church of 
 God, or that any person of whatever class or condition should attempt to 
 despoil it of its property and honors, they hasten to offer at the feet of 
 his holiness, that is, if they are not heretics (which Go 1 forbid!) their 
 persons, power, and wealth, for the purpose of suppressing such schism, 
 and preventing any spoliation of the honor and property of the church. 
 
 item: i command the said Diego, or whoever may possess the said
 
 718 APPENDIX. 
 
 estate, to labor and strive for the honor, welfare, and aggrandizement of 
 the city of Genoa, and to make use of all his power and means in de- 
 fending and enhancing the good and credit of that republic, in all things 
 not contrary to the service of the church of God, or the high dignity of 
 our king and queen, our lords, and their successors. 
 
 Item: The said Diego, or whoever may possess or succeed to the estate, 
 out of the fourth part of the whole revenue, from which, as aforesaid, is 
 to be taken the tenth, when Don Bartholomew or his heirs shall h.tve 
 saved the two millions, or part of them, and when the time shall come 
 of making a distribution among our relations, shall apply and invest the 
 said tenth in providing marriages for such daughters of our lineage as 
 may require it, and in doing all the good in their power. 
 
 Item: When a suitable time shall arrive, he shall order a church to 
 be built in the island of Hispaniola, and in the most convenient spot, to be 
 called Santa Maria de la Concepcion; to which is to be annexed an hos- 
 pital, upon the best possible plan, like those of Italy and Castile, and a 
 chapel erected to say mass in for the good of my soul, and those of my 
 ancestors and successors with great devotion, since no doubt it will 
 please the Lord to give us a sufficient revenue for this and the aforemen- 
 tioned purposes. 
 
 Item: I also order Diego my son, or whomsoever may inherit after 
 him, to spare no pains in having and maintaining in the island of His- 
 paniola, four good professors of theology, to the end and aim of their 
 studying and laboring to convert to our holy faith the inhabitants of the 
 Indies; and in proportion as, by God's will, the revenue of the estate 
 shall increase, in the same degree shall the number of teachers and de- 
 vout increase, who are to strive to make Christians of the natives; in 
 attaining which, no expense should be thought too great. And in com- 
 memoration of all that 1 hereby ordain, and of the foregoing, a monu- 
 ment of marble shall be erected in the said church of la Concepcion, in 
 the most conspicuous place, to serve as a record of what I here enjoin on 
 the said Diego, as well as to other persons who may look upon it; which 
 marble shall contain an inscription to the same effect. 
 
 Item: I also require of Diego my son, and whomsoever may succeed 
 him in the estate, that every time, and as often as he confesses, he first 
 show this obligation, or a copy of it, to the confessor, praying him to 
 read it through, that he may be enabled to inquire respecting its fulfil- 
 ment ; from which will redouiid great good and happiness to his soul. 
 
 S. 
 
 S. A. S. 
 X. M. Y. 
 EL ALM1RANTE. 
 
 No. XXXVII. 
 
 SIGNATURE OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 As every thing respecting Columbus is full of interest, his signature 
 has been a matter of some discussion. It partook of the pedantic and 
 bigoted character of the age, and perhaps of the peculiar character of th 
 man, who considering himself mysteriously elected and set apart from 
 among men for certain great purposes, adopted a correspondent formality 
 and solemnity in all his concerns. His signature was as follows: 
 
 S. 
 
 S. A. S. 
 
 X. M. Y. 
 
 XI'O FEKEXS.
 
 APPENDIX. 719 
 
 The first half of the signature, XPO (for CHRISTO), is in Greek let- 
 ters; the second, FERENS, is in Latin. Such was the usage of those 
 days ; and even at present both Greek and Roman letters are used in sig- 
 natures and inscriptions in Spain. 
 
 The ciphers or initials above the signature are supposed to represent a 
 pious ejaculation. To read them one must begin with the lower letters, 
 and connect them with those above. Signor Gio. Batista Spotorno con- 
 jectures them to mean either Xristus (Christus) Sancta Maria Yosephus, 
 or, Salve me, Xristus, Maria, Yosephus. 
 
 The North American Review, for April, 1827, suggests the substitu- 
 tion of Jesus for Josephus, but the suggestion of Spotorno is most 
 probably correct, as a common Spanish ejaculation is " Jesus Maria y 
 JoseV' 
 
 It was an ancient usage in Spain, and it has not entirely gone by, to 
 accompany the signature with some words of religious purport. One 
 object of this practice was to show the writer to be a Christian. This 
 was of some importance in a country in which Jews and Mohammedans 
 were proscribed and persecuted. 
 
 Don Fernando, son to Columbus, says that his father, when he took 
 his pen in hand, usually commenced by writing " Jesus cum Maria sit 
 nobis in via; " and the book which the admiral prepared and sent to the 
 sovereigns, containing the prophecies which he considered as referring to 
 his discoveries, and to the rescue of the holy sepulchre, begins with the 
 same words. This practice is akin to that of placing the initials of pious 
 words above his signature, and gives great probability to the mode in 
 which they have been deciphered.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Acuna, Alonzo de, summons Columbus, 
 165. 
 
 Adelantado captures Porras, 558; captures 
 Quibian, 518 ; bis character, 289 ; in danger 
 of assassination, 390 ; meets Catalina, 377 ; 
 penetrates to C'iguay, 400; put in irons, 
 456 ; received by Queen Juana, 597 ; re- 
 leases wife of a cacique, 403; visits Behe- 
 chio, 377 ; wounded by a javelin, 521. 
 
 Africa, Circumnavigation of, 25, 656. 
 
 Agi peppers introduced as food, 156. 
 
 Agreement of Santa Fe continued, 186. 
 
 Terms of, 77. 
 
 Aguado, Juan, recommended to sovereigns, 
 227; sails for Hayti, 322. 
 
 Alexander VI. issues a bull, 183. 
 
 Alhambra occupied by Spaniards, 72. 
 
 Aliaco, Pedro, Works of, 288. 
 
 Alligator tracks excite alarm, 271. 
 
 Almazen, Letter dated at, 337. 
 
 Almeida, Francisco de, appointed to seize 
 discoveries, 169. 
 
 Alpuxarra Mountains, Rebellion in, 443. 
 
 Alto Velo, Hock of, Hayti, 284. 
 
 Alvaro de Portugal attacked, 64. 
 
 Amazon River discovered, 466. 
 
 Amazonian island of Mantinino, 153. 
 
 Amber found in Hayti, 237. 
 
 Ambuscade in Higuey, 575. 
 
 Ameyro and Mendez make friends, 533. 
 
 Anacaona (wife of Caonabo), 292; admires 
 the Spaniards, 375; amazed at the ships, 
 387 ; her character and talents, 570 ; her 
 influence, 312; hung at San Domingo, 570 ; 
 meaning of the name, 375; receives Ovan- 
 do, 567 ; succeeds her brother, 566. 
 
 Analogies among customs, 267. 
 
 Ancient circumnavigation of Africa, 656. 
 
 Andalusians afraid to embark, 81. 
 
 Anecdotes: of Alonso de Ojeda, 193; of 
 gold discovery, 328; of the egg, 179; of 
 the pigeons, 297. 
 
 Annuity granted for the Holy Sepulchre, 
 66. 
 
 Antigua discovered and named, 205. 
 
 Antilla, Story of, 31. 
 
 Antilles, Columbus arrives among the, 200. 
 
 Apology for relating cruelties, 577. 
 
 Appalachian origin of Caribs, 208. 
 
 Arabian sages, Work of the, 19. 
 
 Arana, Diego de, made commander of La 
 Navidad, 147. 
 
 Arana, Pedro de, made commander of cara- 
 vel, 351. 
 
 Architecture observable at Cariari, 499. 
 
 Areytos, or ballads of Hayti, 246, 567. 
 
 Arriaga shut in by natives, 296. 
 
 Articles of capitulation, 419. 
 
 Asia overrated in its eastern limits, 35. 
 
 Asiatic trade monopolized by Lombards, 25. 
 
 Assassination of Columbus suggested, 168. 
 
 Astrolabe introduced in navigation, 43. 
 
 Atlantic Ocean, Ancient idea of, 16. 
 
 Atlantis, Continent of, 15, 31, 684. 
 
 Atrocities of the Navidad garrison, 214. 
 
 A urea Chersonesus sought for, 274, 607. 
 
 Authors influencing Columbus, 34. 
 
 Ayala, Pedro de, Embassy of, 189. 
 
 Azores discovered, 27; sighted on return 
 voyage, 160. 
 
 Azua, Meeting at, 421. 
 
 Babique and Bohio, The Words, 123. 
 
 Ballester interviews Roldan, 411; opposes 
 Roldan, 392; sails for Spain, 436. 
 
 Banquet tendered by Cardinal Mendoza, 
 179. 
 
 Baptism of the natives at Barcelona, 186. 
 
 Barbarities of criminals as colouisU, 472. 
 
 Barbary, Inroad into, 479. 
 
 Barber, Juan, killed at Jamaica, 558. 
 
 Barcelona, Baptism of natives at, 186; Co- 
 lumbus attends courts at, 173. 
 
 Barrantes, Garcia de, barricades against 
 Roldan, 392; sails for Spain, 426. 
 
 Bartholomew Columbus. Stt Adelantado. 
 
 BuHtides, Rodrigo, seized by Bobadilla, 467. 
 
 Batabano to Trinidad, a deserted coast, 269. 
 
 Battle near St. Jago with natives, 311. 
 
 Bayonne, Pinzon makes port of, 171. 
 
 Baza surrenders to Spain, 66. 
 
 Bean marked with a cross, 159. 
 
 Beasts of prey unknown in Hayti, 248. 
 
 Beata, Cape, Hayti, Ships reach, 284. 
 
 Island reached, in 1498, 366. 
 
 Beatrix de Bobadilla, of Moya, 64, 71. 
 
 Beauty of tropics, described, 115. 
 
 Behechio, cacique of Xaragua, 292; visited 
 by the Adelantado, 376. 
 
 Behem, Martin, and African coast, 38; 
 sketch of, 650. 
 
 Belen River named, 510. 
 
 Bell presented to Caonabo, 302. 
 
 Belvis, Pablo, appointed as*ayit<t, 321. 
 
 721
 
 722 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Benzonl his anecdote of the egg, 180. 
 
 Bequests of Columbus, 599. 
 
 Berahona pardoned, 390. 
 
 Bernaldes, Andres, sketch of, 702. 
 
 Bernardo, Conspiracy of, 548. 
 
 Beverage from pineapples, 515. 
 
 Biblical objections to plans of Columbus, 
 59. 
 
 Birds appear on first voyage, 92. 
 
 Birthplace of Columbue, Controversy of, 
 626. 
 
 Bloodhounds used in battle, 309, 31L 
 
 Boabdil surrenders the Alhambra, 72. 
 
 Boat lost in River of Disaster, 496. 
 
 Bobadilla, Francisco de, arrives at HaytL- 
 448; attacks fortress, 451; ignored by 
 sovereigns, 464; oppresses the natives, 
 471; puts Columbus in irons, 455; sacks 
 residence of Admiral, 451 ; sails for Hayti, 
 447; seizes Bastides, 467; shipwrecked 
 off Hayti, 489; stripped of authority, 487 ; 
 summons Columbus to appear, 454. 
 
 Boca del Dragon safely passed, 363. 
 
 del Sierpe, named, 357. 
 Bodies of man and boy found, 210. 
 Bohio mentioned by natives, 123, 124. 
 Bojador, Cape, doubled by Portuguese, 27. 
 Bonao, Rebels meet at, 411. 
 Borgonon, .Tuaii the Franciscan, 381. 
 Boyle, Father, abandons the Colony, 295; 
 
 opposed to Columbus, 294; suggested 
 
 death for Guacanagari, 218. 
 Branch of berries cheer the crews, 101. 
 Brazil, Discovery of, 466. 
 Brazil-wood found in Hayti, 376. 
 Breviesca, Ximeno, struck by Columbus, 
 
 348. 
 
 Bucklers first met with, 356. 
 Buentiempo, Oulf of, named, 263. 
 Burial of sailor at Samana, 209. 
 Butios, or priests of Hayti, 242. 
 Butterflies in clouds in Cuba, 273. 
 Buy 1, Bernardo, appointed Pope's vicar, 187. 
 
 Cabins in tree and on poles, 509. 
 
 Cabo de la Cruz named, 264; touched at in 
 
 1503, 530. 
 Cabot, Sebastian, discovers Labrador, 467; 
 
 in London, 177. 
 
 Cabral, Pedro Alvarez de, Voyage of, 468. 
 Cacique of Jamaica visits the ships, 282. 
 
 sent in chains to the colony, 255. 
 
 torn in pieces by a dog, 572. 
 
 visits ships at Hayti, 133. 
 Caciques captured and bound, 384. 
 
 perish in flames, in Xaragua, 569. 
 
 Hanging of, 3S4, 570, 572, 579. 
 
 strangled by their subjects, 245. 
 Cadiz Bay, Fleet sails from, 197. 
 Calicut, Riches of, 480. 
 Carabalu and the Great Khan, 679. 
 Canaries, Discovery of the, 24; sighted 
 
 Aug. 1492, 87; touched at in 1498, 350. 
 Cannibal expedition of ten canoes, 203. 
 Cannibalism, Indications of, 202; overrated 
 
 by voyagers, 207. 
 Cannon fired for amusement of natives, 141. 
 
 Balls of stone, 148. 
 
 Canoe captured and returned, 110; of great 
 size encountered, 491. 
 
 Canoea In state from Jamaica, 281 ; made of 
 tree-trunks, 128; measurement of, 263. 
 
 Caonabo, cacique of Maguana, 211; a 
 prisoner at the colony, 303; attacks St. 
 Thomas, 297; carried off on horseback, 
 303; conveyed on shipboard, 331 ; destroys 
 Navidad fortress, 216; dies at sea, .'>>>; 
 his brother captured, 305; his brother 
 parades in Spain, 338; loved by a female 
 cacique, 334; wounds Guacanagari, 211. 
 
 Cape Cruz reached in 1503, 530. 
 
 Xon, an ancient limit, 26. 
 
 of Good Hope doubled, 467. 
 
 of Palms named, 118. 
 
 -r^-St. Augustine discovered, 466. 
 Verd Islands discovered, 27. 
 
 reached in 1498, 352. 
 Capture of cacique's wife, 403. 
 Caravajal, Alonzo, a commander, 351 ; 
 
 reaches Hayti, 410; wins confidence of 
 Columbue, 416. 
 
 Caravajal, Garcia, as an envoy, 190. 
 
 Caravel despatched on the course of Colum- 
 bus, 47. 
 
 Caravels built at Hayti, 380. 
 
 Cariari natives taken as guides, 499; trans- 
 actions at, 496. 
 
 Carib women as warriors, 333. 
 
 Caribbee Islands, Fleet leaves the, 207. 
 
 Caribs finally met with, 205; speculations 
 concerning the, 207. 
 
 Casks filled for ballast, 158. 
 
 Cassava bread offered to colonists, 386, 106. 
 
 Casteneda, Juan de, sends provisions, 161. 
 
 Castile and Aragon uuited, 52. 
 
 Castillanos, Value of, 669. 
 
 Cat Island. S<-f San Salvador. 
 
 Catalina faithful to the colony, 375 ; marries 
 Miguel Diaz, 327; receives the Adclan- 
 tado, 376 ; swims ashore and escapes, 220. 
 
 Cathay, Riches of, 40. 
 
 Catholic chapel erected, 381. 
 
 Catholicism founded in Hayti, 381. 
 
 Catiba River, Columbus anchors in, 501. 
 
 Cavalgada, of Ojeda, 434. 
 
 Cavaliers as miners in Hayti, 562; forced to 
 labor as others, 251. 
 
 Cavern of La Voute a'Minguet, 243. 
 
 Cedo, Fermin, displaced by Belvis, 321; 
 opposes the idea of gold, 231. 
 
 Centaur, Idea of, well-founded, 235. 
 
 Ceuta, Bishop of, h'a speech, 45. 
 
 Chain of military posts, 380. 
 
 Character and customs of Haytians, 240. 
 
 of Bartholomew Columbus, 404; of 
 Christopher Columbus, 602; of Anacaona, 
 570; of Juan R. de Fonseca, 183; of Isa- 
 bella of Castile, 52, 590; of Nicholas de 
 Ovando, 471. 
 
 Charges against Columbus, 457. 
 
 Charles V., Empire of, 339. 
 
 Ciba beans, Eight hundred, 217. 
 
 Cibao, Columbus at summit of, 237; expe- 
 dition to, 232; mistaken for Cipango, 136, 
 140. 
 
 Ciguare described by the natives, 503. 
 
 Ciguay natives wounded by Spaniards, 153; 
 expedition to in 1498, 400. 
 
 Cintra reached March, 149.3, 165. 
 
 Cipaugo mislocated by Columbus, 86; note
 
 INDEX. 
 
 723 
 
 I 
 
 upon Oipango (Appendix), 681 ; supposed 
 to he .Japan, 40. 
 
 Circumnavigation, hopes of, 274; of Africa, 
 656. 
 
 Citations from letter to Dona Juana, 462. 
 
 < \>n<t of Contradictions, 510. 
 
 Coat of arms of Columbus, 178. 
 
 Codicils to the will, 599. 
 
 Coins, Explanation of, 699. 
 
 Colloquy between Mendez and Columbus, 
 534. 
 
 Coloma, Juan de, draws up agreement, 77. 
 
 Colombia coasted liy Nino, 465. 
 
 Colombo, Bartholomew. See Adelantado. 
 
 Colombo, Diego (brother) Death of, 6i)l ; 
 marries a native. .'Jill ; put in irons, 454; 
 remonstrates with Margarite, 293; resists 
 Bo bad ilia, 449. 
 
 Colombo, Fernando (brother), Sketch of, 
 622. 
 
 Colombo, Juan Antonio, made commander 
 of caravel, :>~>1. 
 
 Colombo the Younger, 22; capture of gal- 
 leys, 6:U. 
 
 Colombos, The Family of, 631. 
 
 Colon. See Colombo and Columbus. 
 
 Colonial history in 1498, 373. 
 
 Colonization restricted by regulations, 184. 
 
 Colony founded at llayti, 143; founded on 
 Helen River, 513. 
 
 Columbus, Bartholomew, appointed Adel 
 antado (q.v.), 290, 343. 
 
 Columbus, Christopher, abandons search 
 for strait, 507 ; addresses his crew, 101 ; 
 annoyed by minions of Fonseca, 347; 
 appears before Bobadilla, 454; appoints 
 his brother as Adelantado, 290; arrives at 
 Cordova, 54; arrives in Spain, in irons, 
 461 ; asks for eight ships, 339; at convent 
 in Andalusia, 6t); at surrender of Alham- 
 bra, 72; attacked by gout at sea, 353; be- 
 comes insensible at Mona Island, 286; 
 before archbishop of Toledo, 56; before 
 council of Salamanca, 57; before the 
 Spanish throne, 56; birth of, 17; builds 
 fort of St. Thomas, 238; compels Pinzon 
 to restore captives, 152; consoled for los- 
 ing Hayti, 514 ; conveyed to Spain iu irons, 
 459; correspondence with Toscanelli, 39; 
 crushes the Guevara rebellion, 438; de- 
 clares Cuba to be a continent, 275 ; declines 
 the dukedom, 342; delighted with Trini- 
 dad Island, 360; disciplines the cavaliers, 
 2">1 ; discovers Dominica, 200; discovers 
 Isla de Pinos, 491; discovers Cuba, 114; 
 discovers FernandinaorExuma, 111; His- 
 paniola, 128; Guadaloupe, 201; Jamaica, 
 2'U : Porto Rico, 206 ; San Salvador, 103; 
 Trinidad, 3o4; divides his squadron, 351; 
 draws the marked beans, 158, 164; en- 
 deavors to restore quiet, 299; enters Bar- 
 celona, 174; facts influencing him, 35; 
 fears for his life, 459; first voyage of, in 
 1459, 21: first voyage to America, 83; 
 founds Hay tian colony, 147; fourth voy- 
 age of, 485 ; goes to the queen at Santa Fe, 
 71; has a vision at Belen, 525; his affairs 
 neglected, 584; his age (Appendix), 624; 
 his arrival in Portugal, 23; his anxiety 
 during first storm, 158; his audience with 
 
 John II , 44; his belief in undiscovered 
 lands, 33; his birthplace, 626; his char- 
 acter, 602; his codicils to will, 598; his 
 condition in 1498, 366; his death, 600; his 
 descendants, 612; his enthusiasm, 37; 
 his health impaired, 224; his kindness to 
 natives, 111); his lineage, 625; his mana- 
 cles kept as relics, 460; his monumental 
 inscription, 601; bis papers examined at 
 Azores, 163; his parentage, 17; his per- 
 sonal appearance, 29; his remains con- 
 veyed to Hayti, 609; his ship (Appendix), 
 658; his signature, 718; his supen-titioim, 
 606; his voyage to Northern Europe, 40; 
 his will, 712; in city of Granada, 476; in 
 Franciscan garb, 337; in the calm lati- 
 tudes, 352; instantly released in Spain, 
 461; invited to England, 65; invited to 
 return to Portugal, 65; issues proclama- 
 tion, 407; leaves Lisbon in 14S4, 47; 
 leaves St. Thomas for Hayti, 240; mar- 
 riage to Dona Felipa, 29; names Cuba, 
 "Juana," 115; names Puerto Bueno, 262; 
 names Puerto del Principe, 120; names 
 Kio Verde in Hayti, 236; names Vaqul 
 river twice, 151, 234; notes the variation 
 of compass, 89; on his way to Huclva, 69; 
 overlooks opportunity to discover Yuca- 
 tan, 492; overtaken by a courier, 76; par- 
 dons the mutineers, 559; pledges two 
 armies for Syria, 176; prepares a volume 
 in manuscript, 477; prepares for fourth 
 voyage, 480; propitiates heaven by vows, 
 158; put in irons, 453; reaches Cintra, 
 1493, 165; received by Ovando, 582; re- 
 ceives a coat of arms, 178; refused a laud- 
 ing at Hayti, 488; refuses to thiow over 
 prisoners, 334; requested to appear in 
 Spain, 306; rescued from Jamaica, 560, 
 582; returns from first voyage, 170; re- 
 turns from second voyage, 335; returns 
 from third voyage, 461 ; returns from 
 fourth voyage, 586; returns from expe- 
 dition to La Vega, 248; route of first voy- 
 age, 660; sails for Cuba, 258; sails for 
 Spain, first voyage, 150; second voyage, 
 331; third voyage, 460; fourth voyaire, 
 585; sails from La Xavidad in Hayti, I ">": 
 sails from San Salvador, 108; sails from 
 Canary Islands, 90; sails from Spain on 
 first voyage, 83; second voyage, 197; third 
 voyage, 349; fourth voyage, 485; seizes 
 and hangs Moxica, 438; sends for his son 
 Diego, 427; sends message to mutineers, 
 555; sends re-enforcement to St. Thomas, 
 249; sets out for Barcelona, 173; sets out 
 for Spanish court, 50; starts for Cibao 
 and interior of Hayti, 232; takes posses- 
 sion of San Salvador, 103; takes the sacra- 
 ment, 83; to be indemnified by sovereigns, 
 475; treats with the rebels, 419; troubled 
 with his eyes, 363; two errors favorable, 
 37; undermined in Spain, 317, 441; uses 
 an eclipse in strategy, 546; welcomed at 
 Palos, 170; writes to Bobadilla, 453. 
 
 Columbus, Diego (brother). See Colombo. 
 
 Columbus Diego (son). See Diego. 
 
 Columbus, Fernando. Sketch of, 622. 
 
 Compass, Variation of the, 89, 369, 372. 
 
 Condition of colony at Isabella iu 1494, 291.
 
 724 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Conspiracy of Bernardo, 54$; of Roldan, 
 388; reported in Xaragna, 566. 
 
 Contemporary voyages of discovery, 465. 
 
 Continent first seen by Columbus, 355. 
 
 Copies of papers sent to Genoa, 483. 
 
 Coral seen at Veragua coast, 503. 
 
 Cordova, Pestilence at, 64. 
 
 Coronel, Pedro Fernandez, sails forHayti, 
 346; stopped in a pass, 398. 
 
 "Correo" and the drifted wood, 36; makes 
 a prospect at Trinidad, 363. 
 
 Cortes, or Philipina Bay, 276. 
 
 Cortez, Hernando, and Velasquez, 707. 
 
 Cosa, Juan de la, a pilot, 430. 
 
 Costa Rica, Voyage along, 500. 
 
 Cotabanama, cacique of Higuey, 292, 571 ; 
 hung in San Domingo, 579; visits the 
 colonists, 573. 
 
 Cotton accepted as tribute, 377 ; enough to 
 fill a house in Xaragua, 386; yarn ex- 
 changed for toys, 110. 
 
 Couriers despatched to Spanish sovereigns, 
 165. 
 
 Course altered to west-south-west, 98. 
 
 Creation, native ideas of, 243. 
 
 Criminals desert upon landing, 409; per- 
 mitted to join colony, 346. 
 
 Cross-bow in the hands of a native, 366; 
 still preferred, 185. 
 
 Cruelties in Higuey and Xaragua, 576. 
 
 Crusade to Jerusalem urged, 477. 
 
 Cruz, Cabo de, Cuba, 264, 530. 
 
 Cuba sighted Oct. 28, 114; sworn to as a 
 continent, 276. 
 
 Cubagua Island discovered, 364. 
 
 Cubanacan indicated by natives, 118. 
 
 Cucuyos worn in the hair, 116. 
 
 Cuparipari or Paria River, 362. 
 
 Cura de los Palacios, Sketch of, 702. 
 
 Cyclone at Hayti, 325. 
 
 Dancing as a native custom, 246. 
 
 Darien, Columbus at, 504. 
 
 Death of Diego Colombo, 600; of Christo- 
 pher Columbus, 600; of Henry of Portu- 
 gal, 27; of Isabella of Castile, 590; of 
 Pedro Ledesma, 559; of Martin Alonzo 
 Pinzon, 171; of Prince Juan, 346; of 
 Caciques of Hayti, Anacaona, 568; Be- 
 hechio, 566; Caonabo, 331; Cotabanama, 
 579; Guacanagari, 316; Guariouex, 490. 
 
 Delights of southern Cuba, 268. 
 
 Deliverance of Holy Sepulchre, 79, 176, 
 476. 
 
 Deluge, Haytian tradition of, 244. 
 
 Descendants of Columbus, 612. 
 
 Descriptions of Ilaytian domains, 292. 
 
 Destruction of Navidad fortress, 214. 
 
 Deza, Diego de, expected at court, 592; 
 friendship of for Columbus, 62, 180. 
 
 Diaz, Bartholomew, discovert) Cape of Good 
 Hope, 287. 
 
 Diaz, Bernal, confined on shipboard, 232. 
 
 Diaz, Miguel, discovers gold, 328. 
 
 Diego, Columbus, (brother). See Colombo. 
 
 Diego, his son, appointed page, 79. 
 
 Disaster, River of, named, 496. 
 
 Piscovei ies of Rodrigo Bastides, 467, of 
 Ketiaftian Cabot, 467, of Pedro A. de 
 Cabral, 463; of Vasco da Gama, 468, of 
 
 Diego Lepe, 466; of Pedro Alonzo Nino, 
 465; of Vicente Yaiuv. Pinzou, 466. 
 
 Discovery of America sight of land, 102; 
 of Azores, 27; of Brazil, 466; of Canary 
 Islands, 24; of Cape of Good Hope, 288; 
 of Cape Verd Islands, 27; of Cuba, 114; 
 of Dominica, 200; of Exuma or Feruan- 
 dina, 111 ; of Florida, 46i>; of Guadaloupe, 
 200; of Hayti, 129; of Isla de 1'inos, 4'Jl ; 
 of Jamaica, 261 ; of Labrador, 466 ; of 
 Madeira Islands, 24, 690; of Marigalante, 
 200; of Porto Rico, 206; of San Salvador, 
 103; of Saona Island, 285; of Trinidad 
 Island, 354. 
 
 Distributions of Indians, System of, 564. 
 
 Dogs first used against natives, 262. 
 
 Domains of Hayti, Names of, 292. 
 
 Dominica discovered, 1493, 200. 
 
 Dragons Mouths, named, 357; passed in 
 safety, 363. 
 
 Dream of Columbus at Belen, 525. 
 
 Dreams of wealth betrin to fade, 176. 
 
 Dukedom offered to Columbus, 342. 
 
 Earth supposed to be smaller, 36. 
 
 Ecclesiastics sent to colony, 185. 
 
 Eclipse of moon misleads Columbus, 285; 
 
 used as a strategy, 547. 
 Eden, Location of (Appendix), 708. 
 Egg, Benzoni's anecdote of the, 180. 
 El Ketrete or The Cabinet, 505. 
 Embassies and Counter-embassies, 189. 
 Embassy to interior of Cuba, 120. 
 Engano, Cape, or San Rafael, reached, 285. 
 Euriquez, Beatrix, provided for, 55, 600. 
 Enthusiasm at Barcelona, 171; over the 
 
 second voyage, 171. 
 Envy at work in Spain, 336. 
 Equator crossed by V. Y. Pinzon, 466. 
 Ercilla, Squadron reaches, 486. 
 Escobar, Diego de, Mission of, 548. 
 Escobar, Roderigo de, sails as notary, 83. 
 Esdras cited geographically, 367. 
 Espadinas, Value of, 169. 
 Espinal, Antonio, sent out, 474, 
 Espinosa takes charge of prisoners, 451. 
 Esquibel captures Cotabauama, 579; invades 
 
 Higuey, 571. 
 
 Eudoxus of Cyzicus, 25. 
 Eulogy of Isabella of Castile, 590. 
 Evangelista discovered, June, 1494, 277. 
 Exchange of names a custom, 573. 
 Executions of caciques, 384, 568, 573, 579- 
 Expedition of John of Anjou, 632; to San 
 
 Domingo proposed, 432. 
 Explanation of signature of Columbus, 718- 
 Exploration of Alonso de Ojeda, 225. 
 Exuraa Island discovered, 111. 
 
 False reckonings kept, 89. 
 
 Famine on shipboard, 332. 
 
 Fasting practised in seeking gold, 510. 
 
 Female cacique falls in love with Caonabo, 
 331. 
 
 Ferdinand II. of Aragon, aroused by dis- 
 coveries, 469; description of, 52; jeceives 
 Columbus at Segovia, 593. 
 
 Fernandez, Garcia, meets Columbus, 70. 
 
 Fcrnandina or Exuma Island named, 111. 
 
 Fernando de Talavera, cans a council, txi.
 
 INDEX, 
 
 725 
 
 Ferrer, the lapidary, Letter of, 349. 
 Ferro lost sight of on first voyage, 88. 
 Festivities in Xaragua, 37^. 
 Firsco, Bartholomew, goes with Mendez in 
 
 canoe, 537. 
 
 Fight with natives of Santa Cruz, 205. 
 First blood taken by Spaniards, 154. 
 
 general battle with natives, 309. 
 
 printed records, (Vis, 711.;. 
 
 road in the New World, 233. 
 
 voyage, return from, 104; route of, 660; 
 Bailing from Spain, 86. 
 
 Fish of brilliant colors, 112. 
 Fishing with live fish, 266. 
 Flames at the roast-tops, 199. 
 Fleet of second voyage, 197. 
 
 wrecked off Hay ti, 489. 
 Florida discovered by Cabot, 467. 
 Fonseca, Juan Rodriguez de, appointed, 
 
 183; his character, 183; persecutes Colum- 
 bus, 318, 704; reinstated, 346; sketch (Ap- 
 pendix), 704; writes regarding Roldan, 
 411. 
 
 Fontanarossa, Susannah, his mother, 17. 
 
 Fort Conception attacked by Uoldan, 393; 
 erected, 301. 
 
 Fortress of La Navidad built, 147; de- 
 stroyed, 211. 
 
 Fortresses of Hayti named, 314, 375. 
 
 Fortunate Islands. See Canaries. 
 
 Fourth voyage, Embarks for, 486; return 
 from, 586. 
 
 Franciscan Order founded in Hayti, 474. 
 
 Francois Cape. See Haytien. 
 
 Free trade hinted at, 474. 
 
 Fruits introduced from the Canaries, 198. 
 
 Funeral rites of Haytians, 245. 
 
 Future Slate, Ideas of, 124. 
 
 Oalicia, Rebellion in, 55. 
 
 Gama, Vasco da, doubles Good Hope, 27, 
 468. 
 
 Garden of Eden, Location of, 708. 
 
 Garrison of La Xavidad, 147 ; massacre of, 
 211. 
 
 Galo paulo, a kind of monkey, 363. 
 
 Genoa proud of the Discovery, 177; records 
 filed at, 483. 
 
 " Gentleman's Pass " constructed, 233. 
 
 Geographical errors and views, 503. 
 
 Ghosts among the Haytians, 245. 
 
 " Gloria in Excelsis " at sea, 98. 
 
 Gold captured from Quibian, 511; chain of 
 great weight, 338; collected for return 
 voyage, 146 ; exacted as tribute, 314 ; fast- 
 ing observed in seeking of, 510; found at 
 Costa Rica, 501 ; found on Ozema River, 
 328; immense nugget of, 489; ore in the 
 river beds, 226; plates at Veragua, ">o-j, 
 510; revenue of the colony, 473; trinkets 
 exchanged, 111. 
 
 Golden Tower, Fortress of the, 373. 
 
 Gomera, Canaries, Provisioning at, 88; 
 reached on second voyage, 198; touched 
 at in 1498, 350. 
 
 Gonsalvo of Cordova, in Italy, 339. 
 
 Good Hope, Cape of, discovered, 288; 
 doubled by Vasco da Gama, 28. 
 
 Gorriciu, Gasper, in charge of manuscript, 
 481. 
 
 Gorvalan, reports gold, 226. 
 out annoys Columbus at sea, 351. 
 
 Gracias a Dios, Cape, Honduras, named. 
 
 G496. 
 
 Granada conquered by Spaniards, 72. 
 
 (iiiueaimiyos, or large parrots, 201. 
 
 Guacanagari, cacique of Marien, Hayti, 144; 
 death of, 316; gives a collation to Span- 
 iards, 141; loyal to colony, 298; sends an 
 embassy to ships, 135; unable to welcome 
 the admiral, 194. 
 
 Guacaiiayabo, Gulf of, Storm in, 264. 
 
 Guadaloupc discovered, 201 ; revisited, 332; 
 citadel of Caribs, 208. 
 
 Guaig River, Hostility at, 501. 
 
 Giiauahani, or San Salvador discovered, 
 107, 680. 
 
 Guanaja discovered in 1502, 491. 
 
 Guanin, au inferior grade of gold, 360, 497. 
 
 Guantauamo or Puerto Grande reached, 
 Bfc 
 
 Guaora pursued and hung, 569. 
 
 Guarico, the capital of Guacanagari, 149. 
 
 Guarionex, cacique of La Vega, 292; buries 
 the Catholic images, 376; captured and 
 manacled, 404; drowned at sea, 490; flees 
 to Ciguay, 399 ; insurrections of, 384, 399 ; 
 kills a cacique, 399; pardoned and re- 
 leased, 384; sheltered by Mayobanei, 401. 
 
 Guatiguana executes ten Spaniards, 295. 
 
 Guevara, Heruando de, arrives, 435; dis- 
 charged by Bobadilla, 45S; seized by 
 Roldan, 436; stirs up rebellion, 436. 
 
 Gulf Stream, Power of the, 365. 
 
 Gutierrez starts for Cibao, 215. 
 
 Hammocks used by natives, 111. 
 
 Hanging of Adrian de Moxica, 438; of 
 caciques, 384, 568, 579; of Guaora, 569; 
 of seven rebels, 448; of thirteen natives, 
 576. 
 
 Hawk's bells, a delight to natives, 139; aa 
 measures of gold dust, 313. 
 
 Hayna mines discovered, 327. 
 
 Hayti, Burial rites in, 245; cyclone at, 325; 
 its discovery, 128; its domains described, 
 292; its fortresses named, 314, 381; its 
 subjugation, 572; reached on second voy- 
 age, 209; on third voyage, 366; on fourth 
 voyage, 582. 
 
 Haytian native uses Spanish words, 284; 
 notions of religion, 241; awe of Carib 
 prisoners, 218. 
 
 Heat of the tropical belt, 353. 
 
 Heaven, Idea of, in Hayti, 246. 
 
 Hencken, T. 8., note about places, 149. 
 
 Henry VII. favors exploration, 288. 
 
 Henry of Portugal, Death of, 27; encour- 
 ages discovery, 25. 
 
 Heroic death of natives of Higuey, 574. 
 
 Heron met with at sea, 90. 
 
 Herrera, Antonio de, Sketch of, 704. 
 
 Herrera, Lopez de, Embassy of, 189. 
 
 Higuanama, a cacique, hanged, 572. 
 
 Higuenamola in love with Guevara, 435. 
 
 Higuey, fifth domain of Hayti, 292; natives 
 of, 285; second revolt of, 573; subjuga- 
 tion of, 571. 
 
 Hispaniola. See Hayti. 
 
 Holy Land. See Palestine.
 
 726 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Honduras, Storms off coast of, 494. 
 Honry and wax at (iuadaloupe, 333. 
 Horse aud rider mistaken for one animal, 
 
 235. 
 
 Horses an object of wonder, 219. 
 Hospitality of all savages, 235. 
 Hostility stopped by a cannon ball, 505. 
 Hurricane at Hayti, 325. 
 
 Iguanas and lizards plentiful, 113; first 
 
 tasted by colonists, 377. 
 Image of Virgin rejected by the cacique, 219. 
 Imaginary island of St. Brandan, 685. 
 Impalement, the punishment for theft, 255. 
 Indian prisoners sent to Spain, 307. 
 Indians adopting clothing, 439; swim around 
 
 the ships, 156; the term applied by Co 
 
 lumbus, 105. 
 
 Inscription on monument, 601. 
 Insects, Luminous, or cucuyos, 116. 
 Insurrection of Guevara crushed, 438. 
 Intrigue at both courts, 189. 
 Iron unknown to natives, 201. 
 Isabella, of Castile, Death of, 590; decides 
 
 in favor of Columbus, 75; described, 52, 
 
 590; forbids oppression in Hayli, 563; 
 
 loses confidence, 442; opposes slavery, 
 
 345; pained at miseries of natives, 474; 
 
 protects natives, 185; returns natives to 
 
 Hayti, 444; weeps on seeing Columbus in 
 
 distress, 463. 
 Isabella, city of, Remains of, 229; finally 
 
 abandoned, 252; founded by Spaniards, 
 
 223. 
 
 Isabella Island, named, 112. 
 Isla de Finos discovered, 491 ; native name 
 
 Guanaja, 491; named Evangelisla, 277; 
 
 canoe from Honduras arrives, 491. 
 Island of Seven Cities, 33, 704. 
 Islands inhabited by women only, 332. 
 Islas de Arena visited, 114. 
 Isthmus of Darien coasted, 504. 
 Itinerariurn Portugalensium, 638, 708. 
 
 Jacorao of La Navidad killed, 215. 
 
 Jamaica, Island of, coasted on the south, 
 281; discovered in 1494, 261, mutiny at, 
 557; native joins ships, 264; reached in 
 1503, 530. 
 
 Japan, Cipango supposed to be, 40. 
 
 Jews excluded as colonists, 473; expelled 
 from Spain, 53. 
 
 Joachim, Note concerning, 536. 
 
 John II. of 1'ortugal, Accession of, 42; re- 
 ceives Columbus on his return, 166. 
 
 John of Anjou, duke of Calabria, 21; ex- 
 pedition of, 632. 
 
 Josephus referred to, 514. 
 
 Journal begun by Columbus, 89. 
 
 Juan Antonio reaches Xaragua, 409. 
 
 Juan Perez, a loyal friend, 180; meets Co- 
 lumbus at Palos, 69. 
 
 Juan, Prince, Death of, 346. 
 
 J uana, Dona, Letter to, 461. 
 
 J nana. Queen, arrives from Flanders, 597 ; 
 marriage of, 341. 
 
 Junta formed to govern pro tern, 255. 
 
 Junto reports unfavorably in 1491, 68. 
 
 Khan of Tartary, Grandeur of, 42, 672 
 
 Labrador discovered, 467. 
 
 Lactantius cited against Columbus, 59. 
 
 La Navidad fortress built, 143; destroyed, 
 
 212. 
 
 Land grants to colonists, 423. 
 Lapis lazuli found in Hayli, 237. 
 La Habida, Columbus at convent of, 69. 
 Laredo, Queen Juana received at, 597. 
 I^a Casas, Bartholomew, Sketch of, 693. 
 La Voute a Minguet, Cavern of, 244. 
 Ledesma, Pedro, assassinated in Seville, 559 ; 
 
 exploit of, 524; wounded in the mutiny, 
 
 558. 
 
 Legend of decapitated cavaliers, 252. 
 Lemos, Count, Rebellion of, 55. 
 I^eone, Antonio, his story, 32. 
 Lepe, Diego, Discoveries of, 468. 
 Letter of Ferrer the lapidary, 349; sent in 
 
 a reed, 383; to Dona Juana, 461 ; to Pedro 
 
 Margante, 254; to sovereigns, 1496, 337; 
 
 of Isabella to Ovando, 584; patent read 
 
 to colonists, 449; sent with Bobadilla, 445. 
 Lot u-rs to and from Roldan, the rebel, 416; 
 
 to Spain in 1498, 413. 
 Library of Diego Meudez, 561. 
 Limonares named by Columbus, 496. 
 Line of demarkalion, 183, 195. 
 Lineage of Columbus, 625. 
 Live-slock in exchange for slaves, 228. 
 Llandra, Columbus sleeps al, 1K9. 
 Lopez, Juan, encounlers Colabanama, 578. 
 Lois drawn for pilgrimages, 158, 164. 
 Loxa, Siege of, 54. 
 
 Luis de St. Angel pleads for Columbus, 75. 
 Luxau ranges aboul mlerior, 23'J. 
 
 Macaca, visited by Columbus, 265. 
 Macham, Robert, Story of, 24, 691. 
 Madeiras, Discovery of the, 24, 690; touched 
 
 at, in 1498, 350. 
 
 Magdalena fortress attacked, 296. 
 Maguana, third domain of Hayti, 292. 
 Mahogany Irees in Hayli, 234. 
 Maladies break out among seamen, 223. 
 Malaga, Campaign against, 64. 
 Maldonado, Alonzo, appointed, 475. 
 Maldonado, Melchor, visits Guacanagari, 
 
 216. 
 
 Manacles kept as relics, 460. 
 Manatee or sea-calf, skulls of, 118. 
 Mandeville, Sir John, Ihe Iraveller, 681. 
 Mangi and Calhay described lo Ihe crew, 88. 
 Mangon supposed lo be Mangi, 268. 
 Manicaolex, successor of Caouabo, 308 ; vic- 
 
 limized by Roldan, 395. 
 Manners of a Haylian cacique, 140. 
 Mantinino populated by women, 153; 
 
 reached, June, 1502, 486. 
 Maragnon. See Amazon River. 
 Marchena, Juan Perez de, at Santa Fe, 71. 
 Marco Polo. See Polo. 
 Mares, Rio de Jos, named, 119. 
 Margarita of Austria marries Prince Juan, 
 
 341. 
 
 Margarita Island discovered, 364. 
 Margarite, Pedro, abuses his command, 293; 
 
 lefl in charge of St. Thomas, 240 ; recom 
 
 mended to sovereigns, 227 ; reports trouble 
 
 at St. Thomas, 249; calls for Spain, 294. 
 Marion, second domain of llayli, 2ui
 
 INDEX. 
 
 727 
 
 Marisralante named from the flagship, 200; 
 touched at, April, 1496, 332. 
 
 Marney, Pass of, crossed, 234. 
 
 Marque, Diego, and party are missing, 202. 
 
 Marriage of Catalina, and Diaz, 327 ; of 
 Columbus to Dona Felipa, 29; of Princess 
 Isabella, 1490, 67; of Princess Juana, 339. 
 
 Martin, Andreas, kind to Columbus, 460. 
 
 Martyr, Peter, on the Discovery, 178;. sent 
 to Egypt, 482 ; sketch of, 698. 
 
 Mass celebrated in a grove, 278 ; in town of 
 Isabella, 229. 
 
 Massacre in Xaragna, 568; of La Navidad 
 garrison, 212; of Saona Island, 572; of 
 Villaraan and his garrison, 573; on Belen 
 Hiver, Veragua, 514. 
 
 Mast of wreck discovered, 89. 
 
 Mateo, Juan, the native convert, 375. 
 
 Mayobanex and family captured, 403; his 
 family released, 404; replies to Adelan 
 tad o, 401 ; shelters Guanonex, 400; visit* 
 the caravel, 1:">4. 
 
 Maysi, Cape, or Bayatlquiri, 257. 
 
 Medina Siclonia, D'uke of, declines to aid 
 Columbus, 50. 
 
 Mediterranean sea life, 21. 
 
 Melilla in Barbary taken, 479. 
 
 Mendez, Diego, arranges trade at Jamaica, 
 5:VJ; captured by cannibals, 537; exploit 
 of, 533; his canoe, voyage, 551; in after 
 years, 560 ; leaves for Hayti in canoe, 535 ; 
 made commander of caravel, 528; sails 
 for Spain, 560, struck by a son of Quib- 
 ian, 516; superintends embarkation fiom 
 Veragua, 527 ; suspects Quibian of treach- 
 ery, 516. 
 
 Mendoza, Pedro Gonzales de, Banquet of, 
 179. 
 
 Meneses, Pedro de, his speech, 46. 
 
 Mermaids or manatee observed, 152. 
 
 Meteorite taken for a flame, 90. 
 
 Migratory butterflies of Cuba, 273 
 
 Mining experiences of cavaliers, 562. 
 
 Misa, Rio de la, anchors at, 278. 
 
 Mission of Diego de Escobar, 550. 
 
 Mock-fights and skirmishes, 149. 
 
 Mona Island touched at, 285; assigned to 
 the Adelantado, 617. 
 
 Money ; coins explained, 669. 
 
 Montserrat named, in 1493, 205. 
 
 Monumental inscription of Mendez, 561. 
 
 Moon, Eclipse of, at Jamaica, 547. 
 
 Moorish attempt to assassinate Ferdinand, 
 64. 
 
 Moors, Conquest of the, 54, 65; excluded as 
 colonists, 473; of Malaga sold as slaves, 
 307 ; rebellion of the, 443. 
 
 Morant Point to Tiburon, 283. 
 
 Morocco, Columbus on coast of, 486. 
 
 Mortality of oppressed natives, 565. 
 
 Mosquito Coast, Voyage along, 496. 
 
 Most Catholic Majesty grunted as a title, 
 52. 
 
 Moxica, Adrian de, at Azua, 412; repairs 
 to Bonao, 411 ; seized and hung, 438. 
 
 Muley Boabdil surrenders the Alhambra, 
 66. 
 
 Musical treat at Trinidad, 355. 
 
 Musicians sent to colony, 347. 
 
 Mutineers, Fight with, 558; leave the ships, 
 
 542; pardoned at Jamaica, 560; turn out- 
 laws in Jamaica, 543. 
 
 Mutiny at Jamaica, 540; signs of, appear, 
 96,100. 
 
 Names of Haytian domains, 292; of Haytian 
 fortresses, 314; of pilots, 83. 
 
 Naples, Negotiations for, 339. 
 
 Native mock battle in Hayti, 378; thieves 
 released by Columbus, 255; woman cap- 
 tured in Hayti, 130. 
 
 Natives attempt to starve colonists, 315 ; bap- 
 tized in Spain, 185; call heaven "turey," 
 142, 359 ; captured and released, 110 ; com- 
 mit suicide on shipboard, 524; force a 
 hatch and escape, 524; of Trinidad de- 
 scribed, 359; refuse presents at Cariari, 
 498; sent back by Isabella, 322, 444, 228; 
 swim ashore at Guadaloupe, 332; terri- 
 fied by an eclipse, 546; to be worked in 
 mines, 474; unload the "Santa Maria," 
 139. 
 
 Naval college, founded in Portugal, 27. 
 
 Navarrete, Marti no F. de, his opinions on 
 first laud seen, 660. 
 
 Navasa Island reached by canoe of Mendez, 
 553. 
 
 Navidad fortress at Hayti, 143, 212, 215. 
 
 Negotiations at Azua, 412. 
 
 Negroes sent to the colonies, 696, 616. 
 
 Newfoundland discovered by Cabot, 467; 
 Scandinavian tradition of, 653. 
 
 Nicayaga River, crossed, 236. 
 
 "Nina" commanded by V. Y. Pinzon, 83; 
 survives a cyclone, 32o. 
 
 Nino, Pedro Alonzo, pretends to have gold 
 on board of ships, 340; returns to Spain, 
 339; sails for Hayti, 337; visits Spanish 
 Main, 466. 
 
 Nombre de Dios, Natives of, 504. 
 
 Noya, Juan de, escapes from the massacre, 
 514. 
 
 Number permitted to embark, 193. 
 
 Oderigo, Lorenzo, and the copied papers, 
 483. 
 
 Ojeda, Alonzo de, arrives at Western Hayti, 
 467 ; as a leader, 296 ; carries off Caonabo, 
 303; character of, 192; governorship at 
 Darien, 614; lands at Xaragua, 431 , land 
 in Cahay, 433 ; sends slaves to Cadiz, 434 ; 
 sent to central Hayti, 225; starts with 
 force for St. Thomas, 254. 
 
 Ophir remains a mystery, 329. 
 
 Oiation of Cuban native, 279. 
 
 Ornofay and Mangon, 268, 277. 
 
 Otto, his letter concerning Behem, 652. 
 
 Ovando, Nicholas de, appointed, 470; hangs 
 the native princess Anacaona, 570; his 
 character, 470 ; his instructions from cou it, 
 473; his measures for relief, 563; loses 
 one ship off Spain, 476; recall of, 613; 
 received in Xaragua, 567; receives Colum- 
 bus from Jamaica, 584; refuses Columbus 
 a landing, 488; sails fot Hayti, 476; sends 
 Escobar to Jamaica, 549 ; size of his fleet, 
 475. 
 
 Oviedo y Valdes, Gonzalo Fer. de, Sketch 
 of, 702. 
 
 Ozema River, Gold found at, 329.
 
 728 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Palestine, expense of conquering, estimated, 
 
 479. 
 Palos, Harbor of, re-entered, 1493, 169; 
 
 selected as port of embarkation, 78. 
 Pane, Roman, the hermit, 375. 
 Papal bull sought by Ferdinand, 182. 
 Parentage of Columbus, 17. 
 Paria. See Trinidad. 
 Pasaruonte, Miguel, the enemy of Diego, 
 
 615. 
 
 Pass of the Hidalgos, 233, 248. 
 Pearls exhibited by natives, 360; obtained 
 
 for broken Valencia ware, 364. 
 Penalties for doubting Cuba a continent, 
 
 276. 
 
 Pension granted to Columbus, 179. 
 People with tails like animals, 268. 
 Perez de Luna sent among the ships, 276. 
 Philipina Bay, Deposition at, 276. 
 Pigeons released during siege, 297. 
 Pilgrimages vowed by marked beans, 158. 
 Pilots, Names of the, 83. 
 Pineapples first met with, 201. 
 " Piuta" commanded by M. A. Pinzon, 87; 
 
 disregards the signals, 126; makes signal 
 
 of distress, 86 ; opposition of its owners, 
 
 82; reaches Palos, 171; rejoins the " Nina," 
 
 150; repaired at Canaries, 87. 
 Pintor, Juan, deserts from Ojeda, 433. 
 Pinzon, Martiu Alonzo, agiees to sail, 81; 
 
 compelled to restore captives, 152; death 
 
 of, 171; disregards signals of Columbus, 
 
 126; explains his desertion, 151; meets 
 
 with Columbus at convent, 69; sketch of, 
 
 646; thinks he sees land, 98. 
 Pinzon, Vicente Yanez, commands the 
 
 " Nina," 83 ; names Cape St. Augustine, 
 
 466; voyage of, 1499, 466. 
 Planisphere still extant, 86. 
 Plato, Atlantis of, 15, 31, 684. 
 Poisoned arrows in the Antilles, 202. 
 Pole star lost sight of, 466. 
 Polo, Marco, his work, 678; studied by 
 
 Columbus, 35, 42; travels of, 672; death 
 
 of, 678. 
 
 Porras, Francisco de, answers the messen- 
 gers, 555; captured by Adelantado, 558; 
 
 mutiny of, 541 ; sent to Spain, 586. 
 Port Hermosa, Columbus anchors at, 490. 
 Porto Bello named in 1502, 504. 
 Porto Rico first named San Juan Bautista, 
 
 206. 
 
 Porto Santo, discovered, 31 ; touched at, 350. 
 Portugal declines to aid Columbus, 46; 
 
 secures Brazil, 468. 
 Portuguese affront at Azores, 161; caravel 
 
 slips off to sea, 194; suspected as hostile, 
 
 87 ; possession proposed, 169. 
 Potatoes found by Columbus, 123. 
 Prester John, 45 ; considered authentic, 670 ; 
 
 still an object of search, 273. 
 Prisoners tortured in vain, 572. 
 Proclamation of 1498, 407. 
 Prologue to the journal of Columbus, 84. 
 Provisions from Spain asked for, 227. 
 Ptolemy, Cosmography of, 63. 
 Puerto Bello. See Porto Bello. 
 Puerto Bueno in Jamaica named, 262; 
 
 touched at, 530. 
 Puerto de Uatos, named, 303. 
 
 Puerto de los Hidalgos, built, 233. 
 Puerto del Principe named, 117. 
 Puerto Rico. See Porto Rico. 
 Punta de la Galera named, 354. 
 
 Quadrant, Origin of the, 43. 
 
 Queen Juana receives the Adelantado, 597. 
 
 Queen of Cannibals attacks Spaniards, 205. 
 
 Queen's Gardens named, 265. 
 
 Quibian bound baud and foot, 518; deceives 
 explorers, 512; escapes from Sanchez, 
 519; meets the Adelantado, 511. 
 
 Quiusai, Note upon (Appendix), 680. 
 
 Quintanilla, Alonzo de, friendly to Colum- 
 bus, 55. 
 
 Quintero, Christoval, opposes Columbus, 82. 
 
 Quiribiri or La Huerta, 496. 
 
 Quisqueya and Quinsai, 124. 
 
 Rabbi Benjamin, Expedition of, 42. 
 
 Rabo de Junco, the tropical bird, 90. 
 
 Rascon, Goraez, opposes Columbus, 82. 
 
 Rastello, " Nina," anchors at, 165. 
 
 Rebellion against Roldan, 437. 
 
 Rebels confined in San Domingo, 438; hang- 
 ing of seven, 448. 
 
 Redonda discovered, in 1493, 205. 
 
 Religious ideas of Haytians, 241, 245. 
 
 Remains of Columbus taken to Cuba, 609. 
 
 Repartimientos, System of, 563. 
 
 Requelme, Pedro, attempts to build a fort, 
 425; discharged by Bobadilla, 458; repairs 
 to Bouao, 411 ; seized at Bonao, 438. 
 
 Rescue of Holy Sepulchre, 79, 176, 476. 
 
 Residence of Coiumbus in Hayti sacked, 451. 
 
 Revenue from the gold mines, 473 ; of gold 
 as tribute, 313. 
 
 Revolt of African slaves in 1522, 618. 
 
 Rio del Oro, or Yaqui River, 151, 234. 
 
 Rio Verde, or Green River, 236. 
 
 River of Reeds or Yaqui crossed, 235. 
 
 Robertson, Dr., Comment of, 468. 
 
 Rodriguez, Sebastian, leaves for Santa F6, 
 70. 
 
 Roldan, Bartholomew, a pilot, 83, 430. 
 
 Roldan, Francisco, Conspiracy of, 388 ; bis 
 conduct investigated, 487 ; negotiates at 
 Azua, 421; procures supplies from a 
 squadron, 408; reaches Xaragua to watch 
 Ojeda, 432 ; sails to meet Ojeda, 428 ; sets 
 out for Xaragua, 398; shipwrecked and 
 drowned off Hayti, 489; signs an agree- 
 ment, 419; treats secretly with colony, 
 411. 
 
 Route of First Voyage (Appendix), 660. 
 
 Royal game of diplomacy, 189. 
 
 Royal India House, Germ of the, 184. 
 
 Rubruquis, William, Journal of, 42. 
 
 Rumor of death of Pilot, 648. 
 
 1498, 347 ; fourth voyage' in 1502, 486. 
 Sailor turns Mussulman, 179. 
 Sailors captured at the Azores, 161 ; wishing 
 
 to settle in Hayti, 142. 
 Saint Augustine quoted to Columbus, 59. 
 Saint Braudau, Imaginary island of, 33, 685.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 729 
 
 Paint Elmo at the topmast, 109. 
 
 Saint Mary, Azores, reached, 161. 
 
 Saint, Nicholas haibor named, 129. 
 
 Saint Thomas fortress attacked by Caonabo, 
 
 297; founding of, 238; trouble begins at, 
 
 249. 
 Salamanca, Council of, 57; patronized by 
 
 Isabella, 53. 
 Salcedo, Diego de, reaches Jamaica, 581; 
 
 sent to rescue Columbus, 558. 
 Salve Kegiua or the Vesper Hymn, 101. 
 S.unana or Gulf of Arrows, 154; native of, 
 
 put ashore, 210. 
 
 San Chrisioval fortress built, 373. 
 San Domingo City swarmed with villains, 
 
 45S. 
 San Domingo fortress attacked, 451; built, 
 
 375. 
 
 San Domineo Island. Set Hayti. 
 San Juan Bautista, or I'orlo Kico, named, 
 
 206. 
 
 San Lucarde Barrameda, Sailing from, 349. 
 San Martin discovered and named, 205. 
 San Salvador discovered and named, 104. 
 Sanchez, Alonso, made commander, 350. 
 Sanchez, Juan, killed at Mauna, 558; out 
 
 wilted by (-juihian, 519. 
 Sande, Ruy de, Kmbassy of, 187. 
 Santa Clara caravel. See Nina. 
 Santa Clara de Moguer, Pilgrimage to, 158. 
 Santa Cruz discovered and named, 205. 
 Santa Cruz caravel built from a wreck, 331. 
 Sante Fe, Columbus starts for, 70. 
 Santa Maria Island near Cuba named, 266. 
 "Santa Maria" chosen as flag-ship, 83; 
 
 wreck of the, 138. 
 Santa Ursula named, 206. 
 Santiago River, Ilavti. See Yaqui. 
 Saometo searched for and found, 112. 
 Suona Island. Hayti, named, 285; crew 
 
 slaughtered at, 571; natives massacred, 
 
 572. 
 
 Sargasso grass met with, 91, 94. 
 Scandinavian voyages, 653. 
 Sealed barrel thrown in the sea, 159; letters 
 
 to the commanders, 198. 
 Search of the strait abandoned, 505. 
 Second voyage, Embarks for, 197; return 
 
 from, 331 ; revenues raised for, 184. 
 Segovia, Columbus goes to, 593. 
 Sepulchre, recovery of the, 79, 176, 476. 
 Seratin Point, Cuba, named, 270. 
 Belt ement on Helen River, 513; of Isabella 
 
 abandoned, 2->2. 
 
 Seven Cities, Island of the, 33, 685. 
 Seventeen vessels in readiness, 191. 
 Seville entered in triumph, 67; the seat for 
 
 Indian Affairs, 184. 
 Sharks in the Caribbean Sea, 509. 
 Ships a wonder lo natives, 387; joined and 
 
 fortified at Jamaica, 531 ; of the first voy- 
 age, 658; sail for Spain, 413; sent back 
 
 to Spain, 226; stranded at Jamaica, 531 ; 
 
 visited by royal canoes at Jamaica, 282; 
 
 pressed into service, 82. 
 Ship-worms or teredos injure the vessels, 
 
 420, 4t>7, 505. 
 
 Shipwreck of the " Santa Maria," 136. 
 Sickness of colonists m 14y4, 251. 
 Siege of Malaga, 64. 
 
 Signature of Columbus, 718. 
 
 Siguanea, Lagoon of, in Isle of Pines, 277. 
 
 Slavery abhorred by Isabella, 444 ; of ne- 
 groes introduced in Hayti, 474; as a result 
 of the colony, 307; suggested for the 
 Caribs, 228. 
 
 Slaves branded on the leg, 614. 
 
 Smoke rising on Cuban Coast, 273. 
 
 Soldan of Egypt threatens Holy Sepulchre, 
 66. 
 
 Soria, Juan de, appointed, contador, 184. 
 
 Soul, Haytian notion of the, 245. 
 
 Southern Cross seen by V. Y. Pinzon, 466. 
 
 Sovereigns liberate Columbus, 463; monop- 
 olize all trade, 473 ; pledge rostitulion, 483. 
 
 Spaniard dies from a poisoned arrow, 205. 
 
 Spaniards attack the natives in battle, 311 ; 
 capture a banquet, 259 ; carry off fourteen 
 caciques, 384; decorate native children, 
 201; intrench at Helen River, 522; re- 
 garded as immortal, 105, 134; ungrateful 
 to Ouacanagari, 316. 
 
 Spanish games in Xaragua, 568. 
 
 Spanish Main visited by Nino, 46fl. 
 
 Speculations on ocean currents, 370. 
 
 Spices eagerly watched for, 240. 
 
 Spotorno, B. memoir of Columbus, 483. 
 
 Squadron of six ships divides, 350. 
 
 Stern-post of ship in Uuadaloupe, 201. 
 
 Steward dies of slight wounds, 559. 
 
 Stock-doves, spices in their crops, 268. 
 
 Storax fumes imagined at Cuba, 277. 
 
 Storm ai Hayti, 325 ; in a gulf off Cuba, 265 ; 
 of February, 1493, 157; of March, 1493, 
 164; off Cape Cruz, 280; off Veragua, 
 506. 
 
 Story of I* Navidad fortress, 211 ; of Robert 
 Machara, 24, 691; of the native in while 
 dress, 270; of the pilot, 648. 
 
 Strategy of the eclipse, 546. 
 
 Stucco specimen secured, 502. 
 
 Subjugation of Hayti, 312. 
 
 Suffering at Isabella, in 1496, 374; in a tropi- 
 cal sea, 353. 
 
 Sugar planting begun in Hayti, 617. 
 
 Suit of Don Diego in 1508, 613. 
 
 Superstition as to sharks, 509; of gold seek- 
 ing, 510; of the decapitated cavaliers, 252; 
 writing taken for sorcery, 498. 
 
 Superstitious at Cariari, 498 ; rites and reme- 
 dies, 242. 
 
 Swell of the sea without wiud, 95. 
 
 Table of eclipses in error, 285. 
 
 Taijf , Natives said to have, 268. 
 
 Teredos, or ship-worms, give trouble, 420, 
 
 467, 505. 
 
 Terms of Agreement, 76. 
 Terrestrial paradise, Location (Edent, 707. 
 Territorial divisions of Hayti, 292; question 
 
 its settlement, 193. 
 
 Theft punishable by impalement, 235, 255. 
 Third voyage, Embarks for, 349; return 
 
 from, 462. 
 
 Thirst of canoe voyages, 552. 
 Three ambitious of Ferdinand of Aragon, 
 
 52. 
 Tiburon Cape reached by Mendez, 553; 
 
 sighted in 14'.*4, 2s:5. 
 Tobacco amokiug tirnt noticed, 122.
 
 730 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 TordesillaB, Treaty of, 195. 
 
 Torres, Antonio, arrives in Hayti, 306; 
 arrives in Spain, 320; made commander 
 of fleet, 226; superseded by Fonseca, 346. 
 
 Tortugas named by Columbus, 133; passed 
 in 1503, 529. 
 
 Toscanelli and Columbus correspond, 30. 
 
 Trade winds met with, 90. 
 
 Travels of Marco Polo, 672; of Mandeville, 
 681. 
 
 Treachery in the Spanish cabinet, 189. 
 
 Treaty at Tordesillas, 1494, 195; of 1479 
 cited by John II., 166, 182. 
 
 Triana, Rodrigo de, sights the land, 102. 
 
 Tribute exacted by Spaniards, 313. 
 
 Trinidad, Cuba, Coasting near, 268. 
 
 Trinidad Island discovered, 354. 
 
 Tristan, Diego, killed by a javelin, 514. 
 
 Trivigiani, Angelo, work of, 637. 
 
 Tropical glories of Cuba, 116; heat encoun- 
 tered, 353. 
 
 Truxillo seized by Ojeda, 433. 
 
 Tunny-fish and sargasso grass, 91. 
 
 " Tnrey " meaning heaven, 142, 302,315,359. 
 
 Turk's Island, opinion of Navarrete, 660. 
 
 Turtle-catching off Cuba, 266. 
 
 Utia, a kind of rabbit, 113. 
 
 Valencia ware traded for pearls. 364. 
 
 Valparaiso, Portugal. Columbus goes to, 
 166. 
 
 Valtenebro, the duel in Hayti, 572. 
 
 Variation of the needle, 89, 369, 372. 
 
 Varied character of the Islands, 263. 
 
 Vasco da Gama. See Gama. 
 
 Vega Real, its great beauty, 237; named by 
 Columbus, 234. 
 
 Valasquez, Diego, his dispute with Cor- 
 tez, 707. 
 
 Venetian galleys captured, 633. 
 
 Venezuela, Gulf of, discovered, 430. 
 
 Veragua, Coast of, explored, 501, 510; re- 
 visited, 510; mountains called San Chris- 
 toval, 511. 
 
 Vespucci, Amerigo, as an emissary, 592; 
 sails May, 1499, 430 ; sketch of, 635. 
 
 Vessels. See Caravels and Ships. 
 
 Vicente and a piece of curved wood, 36. 
 
 Villaman and garrison massacred, 573. 
 
 Villejo, Alonzo de, sails for Spain, 459. 
 
 Vision of Columbus at Helen, 025. 
 
 Volcano emitting water, 201. 
 
 Voyage, Columbus sails on first, 86; second, 
 197; third, 349; fourth, 486; of Rodrigo 
 Bastides, 467; of Sebastian Cabot, 467; 
 of Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, 468; of Vacco 
 da Gama, 468; of Hanno, the Carthaginian, 
 657; of Diego Lc-pe, 466; of Pedro Alonzo 
 Nino, 465; of Vicente Yanez Pinzon, 466. 
 
 brothers, 664. 
 
 Wampum belt, the pledge of peace, 154. 
 
 War with Higuey begun, 571. 
 
 Warlike traits of Jamaica natives, 262. 
 
 Water-spout frightens sailois, 508. 
 
 Wheat successful in Hayti, 249. 
 
 While-robed natives in the forest, 270. 
 
 White sea-water excites alarm, 270. 
 
 Will of Columbus, 712. 
 
 Witchcraft suspected at Cariari, 498. 
 
 Women of Quinsai, Beauty of, (iSO; as war 
 riors in Guadalonpe, 332; Haytian idea of 
 creation of, 244 ; left to defend the islands, 
 202. 
 
 Writing thought to be a sorcery, 498. 
 
 Xagua, Gulf of, coast of Cuba, 268. 
 
 Xaragua, fourth domain of Hayti, 292; de- 
 manded by Roldan, 423; misfortunes of, 
 569; paradise of Hayti, 245, 386; ready it 
 pay its tribute, 386; visited by the A-daf 
 antado, 376. 
 
 Xerif el Edrisi, the Nubian, 16. 
 
 Yanique River and Fort St. Thomas, 237. 
 Yaqui River crossed, 236; gold found in, 
 
 151. 
 
 Yebra River, Anchorage in the, 510. 
 Yucatan overlooked by Columbus, 492. 
 
 Zemes, inferior deities of Haytians, 241. 
 Zeno brothers, Voyages of, 6o4. 
 Zipangu. See Cipango. 
 Zones, the (Appendix), 682.
 
 r 
 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 
 '2 
 
 
 KEC'D LD-URl 
 
 Cr , 
 FE.B21 
 
 ' 
 
 *** 
 
 && IE
 
 
 
 STRATFORD <S GREEN 
 
 BOONSELLERS 
 
 64Z-644 SO MAIN ST 
 LOS ANGELES