THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
LIFE AND VOYAGES
OF
BY
WASHINGTON IRVING.
" Venlent annls
Saecula seris, quibus Oceanus
Vincula reruna laxet, et iugens
Pateat teilus, Tethysque novo
Detegat Orbes nee sit terria
Ultima Thule."
SENECA, MEDKA.
NEW YORK :
THOMAS Y. CROWELL & CO.,
III
X7Z/
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
PREFACE ... ........ 9
BOOK I.
CHAPTER
I. Birth, Parentage, and Early Life of Columbus ........... 17
II. Early Voyages of Columbus 20
III. Progress of Discovery under Prince Henry of Portugal 24
IV. Residence of Columbus at Lisbon Ideas concerning Islands in the Ocean. 29
V. Grounds on which Columbus founded his Belief of the Existence of Undis-
covered Lands in the West 33
VI. Correspondence of Columbus with Paulo Toscanelli Events in Portugal
relative to Discoveries Proposition of Columbus to the Portuguese
Court Departure from Portugal 39
BOOK II.
I. Proceedings of Columbus after leaving Portugal His Applications in Spain
Characters of Ferdinand and Isabella 49
II. Columbus at the Court of Spain 54
III. Columbus before the Council at Salamanca 57
IV. Further Applications at the Court of Castile Columbus follows the Court
in its Campaigns 63
V. Columbus at the Convent of La Rabida 69
VI. Application to the Court at the time of the Surrender of Granada .... 72
VII. Arrangement with the Spanish Sovereigns Preparations for the Expedi-
tion at the Port of Palos 76
VIII. Columbus at the Port of Palos Preparations for the Voyage of Discovery. 80
BOOK HI.
I. Departure of Columbus on his First Voyage 84
II. Continuation of the Voyage First Notice of the Variation in the Needle. 88
III. Continuation of the Voyage Various Terrors of the Seamen ..... 90
IV. Continuation of the Voyage Discovery of Land 96
3
CONTEXTS.
BOOK IV.
CHAPTER PAGE
I. KirM Tending of Columbus in the New World 103
II. ('mine among the Bahama Hands 109
III. Dlmiovery and Coasting of Cuba 114
IV. Further Coiutling of Cuba 120
V. Search after the Supposed Island of Babeque Desertion of the Pi nta . . 125
VI. Discovery of Hinpaniola l-'8
VII. Coiixtiiig of Ilixpuniola 133
Mil. Shipwreck 136
LX. TranKactioim with the Natives 139
X. Building of the Fortress of La Navidad 143
XJ. llcgulatiou of the Fortress of La Navidad Departure of Columbus for
Spaiu 147
BOOK V.
*
I. Coasting toward the Eastern End of Ilispaniola Meeting with Finzon
Affair will) the Natives at the Uulf of rsimana 1">0
II. Return Voyage Violent Storms Arrival at the Azores 156
III. Transactions at the Inland of St. Mary's 161
IV. Arrival at Portugal Visit to the Court 163
V. Keceplion of Columbus at Palo* 170
VI. Reception of Columbus by the Spanish Court at Barcelona 173
VII. Sojourn of Columbus at Barcelona Attentions paid him by the Sovereigns
and Courtiers 177
VIII. Papal Bull of Partition Preparations for a Second Voyage of Columbus . 181
IX. Diplomatic Negotiations between the Courts of Spain and Portugal with
respect to the New Discoveries 187
X. Further Preparations for the Second Voyage Character of Alonso de
Ojeda Difference of Columbus with tsoria aud Fonseca 191
BOOK VL
I. Departure of Columbus on his Second Voyage Discovery of the Carlbboe
Islands 197
II. Transactions at the Island of Qnadaloupe 200
III. Cruise among the Caribbee Islands 205
IV. Arrival at the Harbor of La Navidad Disaster of the Fortress 209
V. Transactions with the Natives Suspicious Conduct of Uuacanagari . . . 216
VI. Founding of the City of Isabella Maladies of the Spaniards 221
VII. Expedition of Alonso de Ojeda to explore the Interior of the Island
Despatch of the Ships to Spain --1
VIII. Discontent!) at Isabella Mutiny of Bernal Diaz de Pisa 229
IX. Expedition of Columbus to the Mountains of Cibao -:',-.:
X. Excursion of Juan de Luxan among the Mountains Customs and Charac-
teristic* of the N:iti\ en Columbus returns to Isabella 239
XI. Arrival of Columbus at Ixnbella Sickness of the Colony . 24?
XII. Distribution of the Spanish Forces in the Interior Preparations for a
Voyage to Cuba 253
CONTENTS.
BOOK VII.
CHAPTER PAGE
I. Voyage to the East End of Cuba 257
II. Discovery of Jamaica 261
III. Return to Cuba Navigation among the Islands called the Queen's Gardens 264
IV. Coasting off the Southern Side of Cuba 268
V. Return of Columbus along the Southern Coast of Cuba 275
VI. Coasting Voyage along the South Side of Jamaica 280
VII. Voyage along the South Side of Hispaniola, and Return to Isabella . . . 283
BOOK VIII.
I. Arrival of the Admiral at Isabella Character of Bartholomew Columbus. 287
II. Misconduct of Don Pedro Margarite, and his Departure from the Island . . 291
III. Troubles with the Natives Alonso de Ojeda besieged by Ciouabo 295
IV. Measures of Columbus to restore the Quiet of the Island Expedition of
Ojeda to surprise Caonabo 299
V. Arrival of Antonio de Torres with Foar Ships from Spain His Return with
Indian Slaves 305
VT. Expedition of Columbus against the Indians of the Vega Battle .... 308
VII. Subjugation of the Natives Imposition of Tribute 312
VIII. Intrigues against Columbus in the Court of Spain Aguado sent to investi-
gate the Affairs of Hispaniola 317
IX. Arrival of Aguado at Isabella His Arrogant Conduct Tempest in the
Harbor 322
X. Discovery of the Mines of Hayua 327
BOOK IX.
I. Return of Columbus to Spain with Aguado 331
II. Decline of the Popularity of Columbus in Spain His Reception by the
Sovereigns at Burgos He proposes a Third Voyage 336
HI. Preparations for a Third Voyage Disappointments and Delays .... 341
BOOK X.
I. Departure of Columbus from Spain on his Third Voyage Discovery of
Trinidad 349
II. Voyage through the Gulf of Paria 354
III. Continuation of the Voyage through the Gulf of Paria Return to His-
paniola 361
IV. Speculations of Columbus concerning the Coast of Paria 367
BOOK XI.
I. Administration of the Adelantado Expedition to the Province of Xaragiia. 373
II. Establishment of a Chain of Military Posts Insurrection of Guarionex,
the Cacique of the Vega 379
III. The Adelantado repairs to Xaragua to receive Tribute 385
IV. Conspiracy of lioldau 388
6 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER PAGE
V. The Adelantado repair* to the Vega in Relief of Fort Conception Ills
Interview with Holdan 393
VI. Second Insurrection of Guarionex, aud his Flight to the Mountain* of
Ciguay 397
VII. Campaign of the AdeUntado In the Mountains of Ciguay 400
BOOK XII.
I. ConfuKion in the Island Proceeding* of the Rebels at Xarasma .... 406
II. Negotiation of the Admiral with the Rebels Departure of Ship* for Spain 410
III. Negotiations and Arrangement* with the Rebels 415
IV. Grant* made to Holdan and hU Follower* Departure of several of the
Rebel* for Spain 423
V. Arrival of Ojeda with a Squadron at the Western Part of the Island
Roldan sent to meet him 427
VI. Manoeuvres of Koldan and Ojeda 4-1
VII. Conspiracy of Guevara and Moxica 434
BOOK xm.
I. Representations at Court against Columbus Bobadllla empowered to
examine into bis Conduct 441
II. Arrival of Bobodilla at San Domingo His Violent Assumption of the
Command 447
III. Columbus summoned to appear before Bobadilla 452
IV. Columbus and hi* Brothers arrested and sent to Spain in Chains 464
BOOK XIV.
I. Sensation in Spain on the Arrival of Columbus in Irons His Appearance
at Court 461
II. Contemporary Voyages of Discovery 465
III. Nicholas de Ovando appointed to supersede Bobadilla 468
IV. Proportion of Columbus relative to the Recovery of the Holy Sepulchre . 476
V. Preparations of Columbus for a Fourth Voyage of Discovery 480
BOOK XV.
I. Departure of Columbus on his Fourth Voyage Refused Admission to the
Harbor of San Domingo Exposed to a Violent Tempest 485
II. Voyage along the Coast of Honduras 490
FIT. Voyage along the Mosquito Coast, and Transactions at Carlari 495
IV. Voyage along Coota Rica Speculations concerning the Mlimux at Verajria. 500
V. Discovery of Puerto Bello and El Retrete Columbus abandons the Search
after the Strait 504
VI. Return to Vcraipia The Adelnntndo explores the Country 507
VII. Commencement of a Settlement on the River Belen Conspiracy of the
Native* Expedition of the Adelantado to surprise Quibian 513
VIII. Disasters of the Settlement 519
CONTENTS. 7
CHAPTER PAGE
IX. Distress of the Admiral on board of his Ship Ultimate Relief of the
Settlement 523
X. Departure from the Coast of Veragua Arrival at Jamaica Stranding of
the Ships 528
BOOK XVI.
L Arrangement of Diego Mendez with the Caciques for Supp'ies of Provis-
ions Sent to San Domingo by Columbus in Quest of Relief 532
II. Mutiuy of Porras 538
III. Scarcity of Provisions Stratagem of Columbus to obtain Supplies from
the Natives 544
IV. Mission of Diego de Escobar to the Admiral 547
V. Voyage of Diego Mendez and Bartholomew Fiesco in a Canoe to Hispauiola. 551
VI. Overtures of Columbus to the Mutineers Battle of the Adelantado with
Porras and his Followers 555
BOOK XVTI.
I. Administration of Ovando in Hispaniola Oppression of the Natives . . 561
II. Massacre at Xaragua Fate of Anacaoua 565
III. War with the Natives of Higuey 571
IV. Close of the War with Higuey Fate of Cotabanama ........ 575
BOOK XVin.
I. Departure of Columbus for San Domingo His return to Spain 581
II. Illness of Columbus at Seville Application to the Crown fora Restitution
of his Honors Death of Isabella - . . 586
III. Columbus arrives at Court Fruitless Application to the King for Redress. 591
IV. Death of Columbus 597
V. Observations on the Character of Columbus 602
APPENDIX.
NUMBBB
I. Transportation of the Remains of Columbus from St. Domingo to the
Havana 609
II. Notice of the Descendants of Columbus 612
III. Fernando Columbus 622
IV. Age of Columbus 624
V. Lineage of Columbus 625
VI. Birthplace of Columbus 626
VII. The Colombos 631
VIII. Expedition of John of Anjou 632
IX. Capture of the Venetian Galleys by Colombo the Younger ..... 634
X. Amerigo Vespucci 635
XI. Martin Alouzo Pinzon 646
8
CONTENTS.
NUMBER PAOB
Ml. Rumor of the Pilot Mid to have died In the House of Columbus ... 648
Mil. Miirtin Hrh.-iu r,:,o
MV. Vuyagfit of the Scandinavians 653
-\\'. Circumnavigation of Africa by the Ancleuls 666
XVI. Of the Ships of Columbus 658
XVII. Route of Columbus In bin First Voyage 660
X\ 111. Priiu-ipU-H upon which the Suras mentioned in this Work have been
reduced into Moderu Curreucy 669
XIX. rrtwtcrJohn 670
XX. Marco Polo 672
XXI. The Work of Marco Polo 678
XXII. Sir-John Mandeville 681
II 111. The Zones 682
XXIV. Of the Atalantls of Plato 684
XXV. The Imaginary Island of St. Brandno 685
XXVI. The Island of the Seven Cities 689
XXVII. Discovery of the Island of Madeira 690
XX VII I. LasCasas 693
XXIX. Peter Martyr 698
XXX. Oviedo 702
XI. CuradeLosPalacios -702
XXXII. " Xavigatione del Re de Castlglla delle Isole e Paeae Nuovamente Ri-
trovate." "Navigatio Christophori Colombi" 704
XXXIII. Antonio de Herrera 704
XXXIV. Bishop Fonseca 708
XXXV. Of the Situation of the Terrestrial Paradise 708
XXXVI. Will of Columbus 712
XXXVII. Signature of Columbus 718
PREFACE.
BEIXG at Bordeaux in the winter of 1825-6, I received a
letter from Mr. Alexander Everett, Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States at Madrid, informing me of a work then
in the press, edited by Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete,
Secretary of the Royal Academy of History, etc. etc., contain-
ing a collection of documents relative to the voyages of Colum-
bus, among which were many of a highly important nature,
recently discovered. Mr. Everett, at the same time, expressed
an opinion that a version of the work into English, by one of
our own country, would be peculiarly desirable. I concurred
with him in the opinion ; and, having for some time intended
a visit to Madrid, I shortly afterward set off for that capital,
with an idea of undertaking, while there, the translation of
the work.
Soon after my arrival, the publication of M. Navarrete
made its appearance. I found it to contain many documents,
hitherto unknown, which threw additional lights on the dis-
covery of the New World, and which reflected the greatest
credit on the industry and activity of the learned editor. Still
the whole presented rather a mass of rich materials for history,
than a history itself. And invaluable as such stores may be to
the laborious inquirer, the sight of disconnected papers and
official documents is apt to be repulsive to the general reader,
who seeks for clear and continued narrative. These circum-
stances made me hesitate in my proposed undertaking ; yet
the subject was of so interesting and national a kind, that I
could not willingly abandon it.
On considering the matter more maturely, I perceived that,
athough there were many books, in various languages, relative
to Columbus, they all contained limited and incomplete accounts
of his life and voyages ; while numerous valuable tracts on the
subject existed only in manuscript or in the form of letters,
journals, and public muniments. It appeared to me that a
9
10 PREFACE.
history, faithfully digested from these various materials, was a
desideratum in literature, ami would IK- a more satisfactory
occupation to myself. :in<l a more acceptable work to my coun-
try, than thr translation I had contemplated.
I was encouraged to undertake such a work, by the great
facilities which I found within my reach at Madrid. I was
resident under the roof of the American Consul, O. Rich, KSIJ.,
one of the most indefatigable bibliographers in Kurope. who.
for several years, had made particular researches alter every
document relative to the early history of America. In his ex-
tensive ami curious library. I found one of the best collections
extant of Spanish colonial history, containing many documents
for which I might search elsewhere in vain. This he put at
my absolute command, with a frankness and unreserve seldom
to be met with among the possessors of such rare and valuable
works ; and his library has been my main resource throughout
the whole of my labors.
1 found also the Royal Library of Madrid, and the library of
the Jesuits' College of San Isidro, two noble and extensive
collections, open to access, and conducted with great order and
liberality. From Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete. who
communicated various valuable and curious pieces of informa-
tion, discovered in the course of his researches, I received the
most obliging assistance ; nor can I refrain from testifying my
admiration of the self-sustained zeal of that estimable man.
one of the last veterans of Spanish literature, who is almost
alone, yet indefatigable in his labors, in a country where, at
present, literary exertion meets with but little excitement or
reward.
I must acknowledge, also, the liberality of the Duke of Ve-
ragua, the descendant and representative of Columbus, who
submitted the archives of his family to my inspection, and took
a personal interest in exhibiting the treasures they contained.
Nor. lastly, must I omit my deep obligations to my excellent
friend Don Antonio de Uguina, treasurer of the Prince Fran-
cisco, a gentleman of talents and erudition, and particularly
versed in the history of his country and its dependencies. To
his unwearied investigations, and silent and unavowed con-
tributions, the world is indebted for much of the accurate
information, recently imparted, on points of early colonial his-
tory. In the possession of this gentleman are most of the
papers of his deceased friend, the late historian Munos. who
was cut off in the midst of his valuable lalors. These, and
various other documents, have been imparted to me by Don
PREFACE. 11
Antonio, with a kindness and urbanity which greatly increased,
yet lightened, the obligation.
With these, and other aids incidently afforded me by my
local situation, I have endeavored, to the best of my abilities
and making the most of the time which I could allow myself
during a sojourn in a foreign country, to construct this history.
I have diligently collated all the works that I could find relative
to my subject, in print and manuscript ; comparing them, as
far as in my power, with original documents, those sure lights
of historic research ; endeavoring to ascertain the truth amid
those contradictions which will inevitably occur, where several
persons have recorded the same facts, viewing them from
different points, and under the influence of different interests
and feelings.
In the execution of this work I have avoided indulging in
mere speculations or general reflections, excepting such as rose
naturally out of the subject, preferring to give a minute and
circumstantial narrative, omitting no particular that appeared
characteristic of the persons, the events, or the times ; and en-
deavoring to place every fact in such a point of view, that the
reader might perceive its merits, and draw his own maxims
and conclusions.
As many points of the history required explanations, drawn
from contemporary events and the literature of the times, I
have preferred, instead of incumbering the narrative, to give
detached illustrations at the end of the work. This also enabled
me to indulge in greater latitude of detail, where the subject
was of a curious or interesting nature, and the sources of in-
formation such as not to be within the common course of
reading.
After all, the work is presented to the public with extreme
diffidence. All that I can safely claim is, an earnest desire to
state the truth, an absence from prejudices 1'especting the
nations mentioned in my history, a strong interest in my sub-
ject, and a zeal to make up by assiduity for many deficiencies
of which I am conscious.
WASHINGTON IRVING.
Madrid, 1827.
P.S. I have been surprised at finding myself accused by
some American writer of not giving sufficient credit to Don
Martin Fernandez de Navarrete for the aid I had derived from
his collection of documents. I had thought I had sufficiently
shown, in the preceding preface, which appeared with my first
12 I'liKl'ACS.
edition, that his collection first prompted my work and subse-
quently furnished its pi -iueipal matei ials ; and that I liad illus-
trati-d this by citations at the foot of almost every page. In
preparing this revise. 1 edition. I have carefully and conscien-
tiously examined into tin- matter, but find nothing to add to the
wledgmcnts already made.
'I'.- ftbow tlie feelings and opinions of M. Navarrete himself
with respect to my work and myself, I subjoin an extract from
a letter received from that excellent man, and a passage from
the introduction to the third volume of his collection. Nothing
but the desire to vindicate myself on this head would iuduce
me to publish extracts so laudatory.
From a letter dated Madrid, April 1st, 1831.
I congratulate myself that the documents and notices which
I published in my collection about the first occurrences in the
history of America, have fallen into hands so able to appreciate
their authenticity, to examine them critically, and to circulate
them in all directions; establishing fundamental truths which
hitherto have been adulterated by partial or systematic writers.
Yo me complazeo en que los documentos y noticias que
publicoen mi coleccion sobre los primeros acontecimientos de la
historia de America, hayan recaido en manos tan habiles para
aprcciar su autenticidad, para examinar las con critica y propa-
garlas por todos partes, echando los fundamentos de la verdad
que hast a ahora hd sido tau adulterada par los escritores par-
ciales 6 sistematicos.
In the introduction to the third volume of his Collection of
Spanish Voyages. M. Navarrete cites various testimonials he
has received since the publication of his two first volumes of the
utility of his work to the republic of letters.
A signal proof of this," he continues, " is just given us by
Mr. Washington Irving in the History of the Life and Voyages
of Christopher Columbus, which lie has published with a suc-
cess as general as it is well merited. We said in our introduc-
tion that we did not propose to write the history of the admiral,
but to publish, notes and materials that it might l>e written
with veracity ; and it is fortunate that the first person to profit
by them should be a literary man. judicious and erudite,
already known in his own country and in Kurope by other
PREFACE. 13
works of merit. Resident in Madrid, exempt from the rivalries
which have influenced some European natives with respect to
Columbus and his discoveries ; having a*n opportunity to exam-
ine excellent books and precious manuscripts ; to converse with
persons instructed in these matters, and having always at hand
the authentic documents which we had just published, he has
been enabled to give to his history that fulness, impartiality,
and exactness, which make it much superior to those of the
writers who preceded him. To this he adds his regular method,
and convenient distribution ; his style animated, pure and
elegant ; the notice of various personages who mingled in the
concerns of Columbus ; and the examination of various ques-
tions, in which always shine sound criticism, erudition, and
good taste."
Insigne prueba de esto mismo acaba de darnos el Senor Wash-
ington Irving en la Historia de la Vida y de los Viages de
Cristobal Colon que ha publicado con una aceptacion tan
general como bieu merecida. Diginos en nuestra introduccion
( 1 56 pag. Ixxxii.) que no nos proponiamos escribir la historia
de aqual almiraute, sino publicar noticias y materiales para que
se escribiesce con veracidad, y es uua fortuna que el primero
que se haya aprovechado de ellas sea un literato juicioso y
erudito. conocido ya en su patria y en Europa por otras obras
apreciables. Colocado en Madrid, exento de las rivalidades que
ban dominado entre algunas naciones Europeas sobre Colon y
sus descubrimientos ; con la proporcion de examinar excelentes
libros y preciosos manuscritos, de tratar a personas instruidas
en estas materias, y teniendo siempre a la mano los autenticos
documentos que acabamos de publicar, ha logrado dar a su his-
toria aquella extension imparcialidad y exactitud que la hacen
muy superior a las de los escritores que la precedieron. Agre'-
gase a esto su metodico arreglo y conveniente distribucion ; su
estilo animado, puro y elegante ; la uoticia de varies personages
que intervenieron en los sucesos de Colon, y el exameh de
varias cuestiones en que luce siempre la mas sana critica, la
erudition y buen gusto. Prologo al tomo 3.
THE LIFE AND VOYAGES OF CHRISTOPHER
COLUMBUS.
BOOK I.
WHETHER in old times, beyond the reach of history or tradi-
tion, and in some remote period of civilization, when, as some
imagine, the arts may have flourished to a degree unknown to
those whom we term the Ancients, there existed an intercourse
between the opposite shores of the Atlantic ; whether the
Egyptian legend, narrated by Plato, respecting the island of
Atalantis was indeed no fable, but the obscure tradition of some
vast country, ingulfed by one of those mighty convulsions of
our globe, which have left traces of the ocean on the summits
of lofty mountains, must ever remain matters of vague and vis-
ionary speculation. As far as authenticated history extends,
nothing was known of terra firma, and the islands of the west-
ern hemisphere, until their discovery toward the close of the fif-
teenth century. A wandering bark may occasionally have lost
sight of the landmarks of the old continents, and been driven
by tempests across the wilderness of waters long before the
invention of the compass, but never returned to reveal the
secrets of the ocean. And though, from time to time, some
document has floated to the shores of the old world, giving to
its wondering inhabitants evidences of land far beyond their
watery horizon ; yet no one ventured to spread a sail, and seek
that land enveloped in mystery and peril. Or if the legends of
the Scandinavian voyagers be correct, and their mysterious Viu-
land was the coast of Labrador, or the shore of Newfoundland,
they had but transient glimpses of the New World, leading to no
certain or permanent knowledge, and in a little time lost agaiu
15
16 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
to mankind. 1 Certain it is that at the beginning of the fifteenth
century, when tin- most intelligent minds were seeking in every
direction for the scattered lights of geographical knowledge,
a profound ignorance prevailed among the learned as to
the western regions of the Atlantic'; its vast waters were
regarded with awe and wonder, seeming to bound the world
as with a chaos, into which conjecture could not penetrate, and
enterprise feared to adventure. We need no greater proofs of
this than the description given of the Atlantic by Xerif al Kdrisi,
surnamed the Nultian. an eminent Arabian writer, whose coun-
trymen were the boldest navigators of the Middle Ages, and
possessed all that was then known of geography.
The ocean," he observes, "encircles the ultimate bounds
of the inhabited earth, and all beyond it is unknown. No one
has In-en able to verify any thing concerning it, on account
of its diflictilt and perilous navigation, its great obscurity, its
profound depth, and frequent tempests ; through fear of its
mighty fishes, und its haughty winds ; yet there are many islands
in it, some peopled, others uninhabited. There is no mariner
who dares to enter into its deep waters ; or if any have done so,
they have merely kept along its coasts, fearful of departing from
them. The waves of this ocean, altl.-ough they roll as high as
mountains, yet maintain themselves without breaking; for if
they broke, it would be im}>ossible for slap to plough them." 2
It is the object of the following work, .0 relate the deeds and
fortunes of the mariner who first had tlu judgment to divine,
and the intrepidity to brave the mysteries of this perilous deep:
and who, by his hardy genius, his inflexible constancy, and his
heroic courage, brought the ends of the eat 'i into communica-
tion with each other. The narrative of his troubled life is the
link which connects the history of the Old W< -Id with that of
the New.
1 See illustration* in Appendix at the end of this work, article " Scandinavian Dis-
' LteacripUoD of Spain by Xerif al Edrisi: Coude'a Spauiah translation. Madrid,
RW,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 17
CHAPTER I.
BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY LIFE OF COLUMBUS.
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, or Colombo, as the name is written
in Italian, 1 was born in the city of Genoa, about the year 1435.
He was the son of Dominico Colombo, a wool-comber, and Su-
sannah Fonatanarossa, his wife, and it would seem that his
ancestors had followed the same handicraft for several genera-
tions in Genoa. Attempts have been made to prove him of
illustrious descent, and several noble houses have laid claim to
him since his name has become so renowned as to confer rather
than receive distinction. It is possible some of them may be in
the right, for the feuds in Italy in those ages had broken down
and scattered many of the noblest families, and while some
branches remained in the lordly heritage of castles and do-
mains, others were confounded with the humblest population
of the cities. The fact, however, is not material to his fame ;
and it is a higher proof of merit to be the object of contention
among various noble families, than to be able to substantiate
the most illustrious lineage. His son Fernando had a true
feeling on the subject. "I am of opinion," says he, " that I
should derive less dignity from any nobility of ancestry, than
from being the son of such a father." 2
Columbus was the oldest of four children ; having two
brothers, Bartholomew and Giacomo, or James (written Diego
in Spanish), and one sister, of whom nothing is known but that
she was married to a person in obscure life called Giacorno
Bavarello. At a very early age Columbus evinced a decided
inclination for the sea ; his education, therefore, was mainly
directed to fit him for maritime life, but was as general as the
narrow means of his father would permit. Besides the ordi-
nary branches of reading, writing, grammar, and arithmetic, he
was instructed in the Latin tongue, and made some proficiency
in drawing and design. For a short time, also, he was sent to
the university of Pavia, where he studied geometry, geography,
1 Columbus Latinized his name in his letters according to the usage of the time, when
Latin was the language of learned correspondence. In subsequent life when in Spain he
recurred to what was supposed to he the original Roman name of the family, Colonus,
which he abbreviated to Colon, to adapt it to the Castilian tongue. Hence he is known in
Spanish history as Christoval Colon. In the present work the name will be written
Columbus, being the one by which he is most known throughout the world.
2 The reader will find the vexed questions about the age, birthplace, and lineage of
Columbus severally discussed in the Appendix.
18 LIFE OF CIiniSTOPIIEK
astronomy, and navigation. He thru returned to ( lenoa, where,
according to a contemporary historian, lie assisted his father in
his trade of wool-combing.' 'I'liis assei timi is indignantly < - oii-
tradi.-ted liv his son I-Yrnando. though there is nothing in it
improbable, ami he uives us no information of his father's occu-
pation to supply its place. He could not, however, have re-
mained long in this employment, as, according to his own
account, lie filtered upon a nautical life when but fourteen years
of age.-
In tracing the early history of a man like Columbus, whose
actions have had a vast effect on human affairs, it is inter-
esting to notice how much has been owing to external intlu-
enees. how much to an inl>orn propensity of the genius. In the
latter part of his life, when, impressed with the sublime events
brought akmt through his agency, Columbus looked back upon
his career with a solemn and superstitious feeling, he attributed
his early and irresistible inclination for the sea, and his passion
for geographical studies, to an impulse from the Deity prepar-
ing him for the high decrees he was chosen to accomplish. 8
The nautical propensity, however, evinced by Columbus in
early life, is common to boys of enterprising spirit and lively
imagination brought up in maritime cities ; to whom the sea is
the highroad to adventure and the region of romance. Genoa,
too, walled in and straitened on the land side by rugged moun-
tains, yielded but little scope for enterprise on shore, while an
opulent and widely extended commerce, visiting every country,
and a roving marine, battling in every sea. naturally led forth
her children upon the waves, as their propitious element. Many,
too, were induced to emigrate by the violent factions which
rajvd within the bosom of the city, and often dyed its streets
with blood. A historian of Genoa laments this proneness of its
youth to wander. They go, said he, with the intention of re-
turning when they shall have acquired the means of living com-
fortably and honorably in their native place; but we know from
long experience, that of twenty who thus depart scarce two
return : either dying abroad, or taking to themselves foreign
wives, or being loath to expose themselves to the tempest of
civil discords which distract the republic. 4
The strong passion for geographical knowledge, also, felt by
- Gliifttlnlanl, Ann.de Oenora. Ufa assertion has been echoed by other
hlatoria i, viz., Anlon Oallo de Navltratione Colombi, etc., Muralori, xxiil.; Darla
Setmntua, <!< relm* QmiMMtbO*, Muratori, lorn. 24.
1 Ili-i. del Almlraiite. cap. 4.
letter lo tin- i 'ii-iHan S iMTciiftm, 1501.
4 KogiK-U, leturitt de Uenova, lib. ii.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 19
Columbus in early life, and which inspired his after career, was
incident to the age in which he lived. Geographical discovery
was the brilliant path of light which was forever to distinguish
the fifteenth century. During a long night of monkish bigotry
and false learning, geography, with the other sciences, had been
lost to the European nations. Fortunately it had not been lost
to mankind : it had taken refuge in the bosom of Africa.
While the pedantic schoolmen of the cloisters were wasting
time and talent, and confounding erudition by idle reveries and
sophistical dialectics, the Arabian sages, assembled at Seuaar,
were taking the measurement of a degree of latitude, and
calculating the circumference of the earth, on the vast plains of
Mesopotamia.
True knowledge, thus happily preserved, was now making
its way back to Europe. The revival of science accompanied
the revival of letters. Among the various authors which the
awakening zeal for ancient literature had once more brought
into notice, were Pliny, Pomponius Mela, and Strabo. From
these was regained a fund of geographical knowledge, which
had long faded from the public mind. Curiosity was aroused
to pursue this forgotten path, thus suddenly reopened. A
translation of the work of Ptolemy had been made into Latin,
at the commencement of the century, by Emauuel Chrysoleras,
a noble and learned Greek, and had thus been rendered more
familiar to the Italian students. Another translation had fol-
lowed, by James Angel de Scarpiaria, of which fair and beau-
ful copies became common in the Italian libraries. 1 The
writings also began to be sought after of Averroes, Alfraganus,
and other Arabian sages, who had kept the sacred fire of science
alive, during the interval of European darkness.
The knowledge thus reviving was limited and imperfect ; yet,
like the return of morning light, it seemed to call a new crea-
tion into existence, and broke, with all the charm of wonder,
upon imaginative minds. They were surprised at their own
ignorance of the world around them. Every step was dis-
covery, for every region beyond their native country was in a
manner terra incognita.
Such was the state of information and feeling with respect to
this interesting science, in the early part of the fifteenth cen-
tury. An interest still more intense was awakened by the dis-
coveries which began to be made along the Atlantic coasts of
Africa ; and must have been particularly felt among a maritime
1 Andres, Hist. B. Let., lib. iii. cap. 2.
20 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
and commercial people like the Genoese. To tlirse circum-
stances may we ascribe MIC enthusiastic devotion which Columbus
imbibed in his childhood Tor cosmographical studies, and which
influenced all his after fortunes.
Tlic short time passed by him at the university of 1'avia w.-is
barely sufficient to give him the rudiments of the necessary
sciences; the familiar acquaintance with them, which he evinced
ill afterlife, must have been the result of diligent self-schooling,
in casual hours of study amid the cares and vicissitudes of a
rushed and wandering life. He was one of those men of strong
natural genius, who, from having to contend at their very out-
set with privations and impediments, acquire an intrepidity, in
encountering and a facility in vanquishing difliculties, through-
out their career. Such men learn to effect great purposes with
small means, supplying this deficiency by the resources of their
own energy and invention. This, from the earliest commence-
ment, throughout the whole of his life, was one of the remarkable
features in the history of Columbus. In every undertaking, the
scantiness and apparent insufficiency of his means enhance,
the grandeur of his achievememeuts.
CHAPTER II.
EARLY VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS.
COLUMBUS, as has been observed, commenced his nautical
career when about fourteen years of age. His first voyages were
made with a distant relative named Colombo, a hardy veteran of
the seas, who had risen to some distinction by his bravery, and
is occasionally mentioned in old chronicles ; sometimes as com-
manding a squadron of his own, sometimes as an admiral in the
(icnoese service. He appears to have lx?en bold and adven-
turous ; ready to fight in any cause, and to seek quarrel where-
ever it might lawfully be found.
The seafaring life of the Mediterranean in those days was
hazardous mid daring. A commercial expedition resembled a
warlike cruise, and the maritime merchant had often to fight his
way from port to port. Piracy \\:is almost legalized. The fre-
quent feuds between the Italian states; the cruisings of the
Catalonians ; the armadas fitted out by private noblemen, who
exercised a kind of sovereignty in their own domains, and kept
petty armies and navies in their pay ; the roving ships and
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 21
squadrons of private adventurers, a kind of naval Condottieri,
sometimes employed by the hostile governments, sometimes
scouring the seas in search of lawless booty ; these, with the
holy wars waged against the Mahometan powers, rendered the
narrow seas to which navigation was principally confined, scenes
of hardy encounters and trying reverses.
Such was the rugged school in which Columbus was reared,
and it would have been deeply interesting to have marked the
early development of his genius amid its stern adversities. All
this instructive era of his history, however, is covered with
darkness. His son Fernando, who could have best elucidated
it, has left it in obscurity, or has now and then perplexed us with
cross lights ; perhaps unwilling, from a principle of mistaken
pride, to reveal the indigence and obscurity from which his
father so gloriously emerged.
The first voyage in which we have any account of his being
engaged was a naval expedition, fitted out in Genoa in 1459 by
John of Anjou, Duke of Calabria, to make a descent upon
Naples, in the hope of recovering that kingdom for his father,
King Reinier, or Renato, otherwise called Rene, Count of Pro-
vence. The republic of Genoa aided him with ships and money.
The brilliant nature of the enterprise attracted the attention of
daring and restless spirits. The chivalrous nobleman, the sol-
dier of fortune, the hardy corsair, the desperate adventurer, the
mercenary partisan, all hastened to enlist under the banner of
Anjou. The veteran Colombo took a part in this expedition,
either with galleys of his own, or as a commander of the
Genoese squadron, and with him embarked his youthful relative,
the future discoverer.
The struggle of John of Anjou for the crown of Naples lasted
about four years, with varied fortune, but was finally unsuc-
cessful. The naval part of the expedition, in which Columbus
was engaged, signalized itself by acts of intrepidity ; and at one
time, when the duke was reduced to take refuge in the island
of Ischia, a handful of galleys scoured and controlled the bay of
Naples. 1
In the course of this gallant but ill-fated enterprise, Columbus
was detached on a perilous cruise, to cut out a galley from the
harbor of Tunis. This is incidentally mentioned by himself in
a letter written many years afterwards. It happened to me, he
says, that King Reinier (whom God has taken to himself) sent
me to Tunis, to capture the galley Fernandiua, and when I
1 Colcnuccio, Istoria de Nap., lib. vii. cap. 17.
22 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
arrived off the island of St. Pedro, in Sardinia, I was informed
that there were two ships :md a carrack with the galley; by
which intelligence my crew were so troubled that they deter-
mined to proceed no farther, but to return to Marseilles for
another vessel and more people ; as I could not by any means
compel them, I assented apparently to their wishes, altering the
point of the compass and spreading all sail. It was then even-
ing, and next morning we were within the Cape of Carthagena,
while all were firmly of opinion that they were sailing toward
Marseilles. 1
We have no further record of this bold cruise into the harbor
of Tunis ; but in the foregoing particulars we behold early indi-
cations of that resolute and persevering spirit which insured
him success in his more important undertakings. His expedient
to beguile a discontented crew into a continuation of the enter-
prise, by deceiving them with respect to the ship's course, will
be found in unison with a stratagem of altering the reckoning,
to which he had recourse in his first voyage of discovery.
During an interval of many years we have but one or two
shadowy traces of Columbus. He is supposed to have been
principally engaged on the Mediterranean and up the Levant ;
sometimes in commercial voyages ; sometimes in the warlike
contests between the Italian states ; sometimes in pious and pre-
datory expeditions against the Infidels. Historians have made
him in 1474 captain of several Genoese ships, in the service of
Louis XI. of France, and endangering the peace between that
country and Spain by running down and capturing Spanish
vessels at sea, on his own responsibility, as a reprisal for an
irruption of the Spaniards into Koussillon. 3 Again, in 147"). he
is represented as brushing with his Genoese squadron in ruffling
bravado by a Venetian fleet stationed off the island of Cyprus,
shouting ' Viva San Georgio ! " the old war-cry of Genoa, thus
endeavoring to pique the jealous pride of the Venetians and pro-
voke a combat, though the rival republics were at peace at the
time.
These transactions, however, have been erroneously attrib-
uted to Columbus. They were the deeds, or misdeeds, either
of his relative the old Genoese admiral, or of a nephew of the
same, of kindred spirit, called Colombo the Younger, to distin-
guish him from his uncle. They both appear to have l>een fond
of rough encounters, and not very scrupulous as to the mode of
bringing them about. Fernando Columbus describes this Co-
1 Letter of Columbus to the Catholic sorereims Mile Ili-t. del Aliniraute, cup. 4.
' Chaufepie Suppl to LSayic, vol u. , aiiic.c- i olumbus."
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 23
lombo the Younger as a famous corsair, so terrible for his deeds
against the Infidels, that the Moorish mothers used to frighten
their unruly children with his name. Columbus sailed with him
occasionally, as he had done with his uncle, and, according to
Fernando's account, commanded a vessel in his squadron on an
eventful occasion.
Columbo the Younger, having heard that four Venetian gal-
leys richly laden were on their return voyage from Flanders,
lay in wait for them on the Portuguese coast, between Lisbon
and Cape St. Vincent. A desperate engagement took place ;
the vessels grappled each other, and the crews fought hand to
hand, and from ship to ship. The battle lasted from morning
until evening, with great carnage on both sides. The vessel
commanded by Columbus was engaged with a huge Venetian
galley. They threw hand-grenades and other fiery missiles, and
the galley was wrapped in flames. The vessels were fastened
together by chains and grappling irons, and could not be separ-
ated ; both were involved in one conflagration, and soon became
a mere blazing mass. The crews threw themselves into the
sea ; Columbus seized an oar, which was floating within reach,
and being an expert swimmer, attained the shore, though full
two leagues distant. It pleased God, says his son Fernando,
to give him strength, that he might preserve him for greater
things. After recovering from his exhaustion he repaired to
Lisbon, where he found many of his Genoese countrymen, and
was induced to take up his residence. 1
Such is the account given by Fernando of his father's first
arrival in Portugal ; and it has been currently adopted by mod-
ern historians ; but on examining various histories of the times,
the battle here described appears to have happened several years
after the date of the arrival of Columbus in that country. That
he was engaged in the contest is not improbable ; but he had
previously resided for some time in Portugal. In fact, on re-
ferring to the history of that kingdom, we shall find, in the
great maritime enterprises in which it was at that time engaged,
ample attractions for a person of his inclinations and pursuits ;
and we shall be led to conclude, that his first visit to Lisbon
was not the fortuitous result of a desperate adventure, but was
undertaken in a spirit cf liberal curiosity, and in the pursuit
of honorable fortune.
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 5. See illustrations at the eud of this work, article
" Capture of the Venetian Galleys."
24 LIFE OF CUniSTOPUER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER III.
PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY UNDER PRINCE HENRY OF PORTUGAL.
TIIK career of modern discovery had commenced shortly be-
fore the time of Columbus, and at the period of which we are
treating was prosecuted with great activity by Portugal. Some
have attributed its origin to a romantic incident in the four-
teenth century. An Englishman of the name of Mucham, flying
to France with a lady of whom he was enamoured, was driven
far out of sight of land by stress of weather, and after wander-
ing al>out the high seas, arrived at an unknown and uninhabited
island, covered with beautiful forests, which was afterward
called Madeira. 1 Others have treated this account as a fable,
and have pronounced the Canaries to be the first fruits of mod-
ern discovery. This famous group, the Fortunate Islands of
the ancients, in which they placed their Garden of the Hesperi-
des, and whence Ptolemy commenced to count the longitude, had
been long lost to the world. There are vague accounts, it is
true, of their having received casual visits, at wide intervals,
during the obscure ages, from the wandering bark of some Ara-
bian, Norman, or Genoese adventurer; but all this was involved
in uncertainty, and led to no beneficial result. It was not until
the fourteenth century that they were effectually rediscovered,
and restored to mankind. From that time they were occasion-
ally visited by the hardy navigators of various countries. The
greatest benefit produced by their discovery was, that the fre-
quent expeditions made to them emboldened mariners to venture
far upon the Atlantic, and familiarized them, in some degree,
to its dangers.
The grand impulse to discovery was not given by chance, but
was the deeply meditated effort of one master mind. This was
Prince Henry of Portugal, son of John the First, surnamed the
Avenger, and Philippa, of Lancaster, sister of Henry the Fourth
of England. The character of this illustrious man, from whose
enterprises the genius of Columbus took excitement, deserves
particular mention.
Having accompanied his father into Africa, in an expedition
against the Moors at Ceuta he received much information con-
cerning the coast of Guinea, and other regions in the interior,
See Illustrations, arUcle " Discovery of Madeira."
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 25
hitherto unknown to Europeans, and conceived an idea that
important discoveries were to be made by navigating along the
western coast of Africa. Ou returning to Portugal, this idea
became his ruling thought. Withdrawing from the tumult of
a court to a country retreat in the Algarves, near Sagres, in the
neighborhood of Cape St. Vincent, and in full view of the ocean,
he drew around him men eminent in science, and prosecuted the
study of those branches of knowledge connected with the mari-
time arts. He was an able mathematician, and made himself
master of a)' the astronomy known to the Arabians of Spain.
On studying the works of the ancients, he found what he
considered abundant proofs that Africa was circumnavigable.
Eudoxus of Cyzicus was said to have sailed from the Red Sea
into the ocean, and to have continued on to Gibraltar; and
Hanno, the Carthaginian, sailing from Gibraltar with a fleet
of sixty ships, and following the African coast, was said to
have reached the shores of Arabia. 1 It is true these voyages
had been discredited by several ancient writers, and the possi-
bility of circumnavigating Africa, after being for a long time
admitted by geographers, was denied by Hipparchus, who con-
sidered each sea shut up and land-bound in its peculiar basin ;
and that Africa was a continent continuing onward to the south
pole, and surrounding the Indian Sea, so as to join Asia beyond
the Ganges. This opinion had been adopted by Ptolemy, whose
works, in the time of Prince Henry, were the highest authority
in geography. The prince, however, clung to the ancient belief,
that Africa was circumnavigable, and found his opinion sanc-
tioned by various learned men of more modern date. To settle
this question, and achieve the circumnavigation of Africa, was
an object worthy the ambition of a prince, and his mind was
fired with the idea of the vast benefits that would arise to his
country should it be accomplished by Portuguese enterprise.
The Italians, or Lombards as they were called in the north of
Europe, had long monopolized the trade of Asia. They had
formed commercial establishments at Constantinople and in the
Black Sea, where they received the rich produce of the Spice
Islands, lying near the equator ; and the silks, the gums, the
perfumes, the precious stones, and other luxurious commodities
of Egypt and southern Asia, and distributed them over the
whole of Europe. The republics of Venice and Genoa rose to
opulence and power in consequence of this trade. They had
factories in the most remote parts, even in the frozen regions of
1 See illustrations, article " Circumnavigation of Africa by the Ancients."
26 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Moscow and Norway. Their merchants emulated the magnifi-
cence of princes. All Europe was tributary to their commerce.
Yet this trade had to pass through various Intermediate hands,
subjeet to the delays and charges of internal navigation, and
the tedious and uncertain journeys of the earavan. For a long
time the merchandise of India was conveyed by the Gulf of
1'ersia. the Euphrates, the Indus, and the Oxus, to the Caspian
ami the .Mediterranean seas ; thence to take a new destination
for the various marts of Europe. After the Soldan of Egypt
had conquered the Arabs, and restored trade to its ancient
channel, it was still attended with great cost and delay. Its
precious commodities had to be conveyed by the Ke<l Sea ; thence
on the backs of camels to the banks of the Nile, whence they
were transported to Egypt to meet the Italian merchants. Thus,
while the opulent traffic of the East was engrossed by these
adventurous monopolists, the price of every article was enhanced
by the great expense of transportation.
It was the grand idea of Prince Henry, by circumnavigating
Africa to open a direct and easy route to the source of this
commerce, to turn it in a golden tide upon his country. He
was, however, before the age in thought, and had to counteract
ignorance and prejudice, and to endure the delays to which
vivid and penetrating minds are subjected, from the tardy
co-operations of the dull and the doubtful. The navigation of
the Atlantic was yet in its infancy. Mariners looked with distrust
upon a boisterous expanse, which appeared to have no opposite
shore, and feared to venture out of sight of the landmarks.
Every bold headland and far-stretching promontory was a wall
to bar their progress. They crept timorously along the Barbary
shores, and thought they had accomplished a wonderful expedi-
tion when they had ventured a few degrees beyond the Straits
of Gibraltar. Cape Non was long the limit of their daring ;
they hesitated to double its rocky point, beaten by winds and
waves, and threatening to thrust them forth upon the raging
deep.
Independent of these vague fears, they had others, sanctioned
by philosophy itself. They still thought that the earth, at the
equator, was girdled by a torrid zone, over which the sun held
his vertical and fiery course, separating the hemispheres by a
region of impassive heat. They fancied Cape Bojador the
utmost Ixmndary of secure enterprise, and had a superstitious
belief that whoever doubled it would never return. 1 They
Mariana, Hint. Esp., lib. ii. cap. 22.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 27
locked with dismay upon the rapid currents of its neighborhood,
and the furious surf which beats upon its arid coast. They
imagined that beyond it lay the frightful region of the torrid
zone, scorched by a blazing sun ; a region of fire, where the
very waves, which beat upon the shores, boiled under the intol-
erable fervor of the heavens.
To dispel these errors, and to give a scope to navigation equal
to the grandeur of his designs, Prince Henry established a naval
college, and erected an observatory at Sagres, and he invited
thither the most eminent professors of 'the nautical faculties ;
appointing as president James of Mallorca, a man learned in
navigation, and skilful in making charts and instruments.
The effects of this establishment were soon apparent. All
that was known relative to geography and navigation was
gathered together and reduced to system. A vast improve-
ment took place in maps. The compass was also brought into
more general use, especially among the Portuguese, rendering
the mariner more bold and venturous, by enabling him to navi-
gate in the most gloomy day and in the darkest night. Encour-
aged by these advantages, and stimulated by the munificence of
Prince Henry, the Portuguese marine became signalized for the
hardihood of its enterprises and the extent of its discoveries.
Cape Bojador was doubled ; the region of the tropics penetrated,
and divested of its fancied terrors ; the greater part of the
African coast, from Cape Blanco to Cape de Verde, explored ;
and the Cape de Verde and Azore islands, which lay three
hundred leagues distant from the continent, were rescued from
the oblivious empire of the ocean.
To secure the quiet prosecution and full enjoyment of his
discoveries, Henry obtained the protection of a papal bull,
granting to the crown of Portugal sovereign authority over all the
lands it might discover in the Atlantic, to India inclusive, with
plenary indulgence to all who should die in these expeditious ;
at the same time menacing, with the terrors of the church, all
who should interfere in these Christian conquests. 1
Henry died on the 13th of November, 1473, without accom-
plishing the great object of his ambition. It was not until
many years afterward that Vasco de Gama, pursuing with a
Portuguese fleet the track he had pointed out, realized his
anticipations by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, sailing along
the southern coast of India, and thus opening a highway for
commerce to the opulent regions of the East. Henry, however,
1 Vasconcelos, Hist. de. Juau II.
28 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
lived long enough to reap some of the richest rewards of a
great and good mind. He beheld, through his means, his native
country in a grand and active career of prosperity. The dis-
coveries of the Portuguese were the wonder and admiration of
the fifteenth century, and Portugal, from being one of the least
among nations, suddenly rose to be one of the most imi>ortaiit.
All this was effected, not by arms, but by arts; not l>y the
stratagems of a cabinet, but by the wisdom of a college. It
was the great achievement of a prince, who has well been
described " full of thoughts of lofty enterprise, and acts of
generous spirit;" one who bore for his device the magnani-
mous motto, "The talent to do good," the only talent worthy
the ambition of princes. 1
Henry, at his death, left it in charge to his country to prose-
cute the route to India. He had formed companies and associa-
tions, by which commercial zeal was enlisted in the cause, and it
was made a matter of interest and competition to enterprising
individuals. 2 From time to time Lisl>on was thrown igto a
tumult of excitement by the launching forth of some new expe-
dition, or the return of a squadron with accounts of new tracts
explored and new kingdoms visited. Every thing was confident
promise and sanguine anticipation. The miserable hordes of
the African coast were magnified into powerful nations, and the
voyagers continually heard of opulent countries farther on. It
was as yet the twilight of geographic knowledge ; imagination
went hand in hand with discovery, and as the latter groped its
slow and cautious way, the former peopled all beyond with
wonders. The fame of the Portuguese discoveries, and of the
expeditions continually setting out, drew the attention of the
world. Strangers from all parts, the learned, the curious, and
the adventurous, resorted to Lisbon to inquire into the particulars
or to participate in the advantages of these enterprises. Among
these was Christopher Columbus, whether thrown there, as has
been asserted, by the fortuitous result of a desperate adventure,
or drawn thither by liberal curiosity and the pursuit of honor-
able fortune. 8
1 .loam de narrow, Ala, decad. I. J Latitau, Conquetca dee 1'ortugate, torn. i. lib. i.
* Herrera, decad. i. lib. i.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 29
CHAPTER IV.
RESIDENCE OF COLUMBUS AT LISBON IDEAS CONCERNING ISLANDS
IN THE OCEAN.
COLUMBUS arrived at Lisbon about the year 1470. He was at
that time in the full vigor of manhood, and of an engaging
presence. Minute descriptions are given of his person by his
son Fernando, by LasCasas, and others of his contemporaries. 1
According to these accounts, he was tall, well-formed, muscular,
and of an elevated and dignified demeanor. His visage was
long, and neither full nor meagre ; his complexion fair and
freckled, and inclined to ruddy ; his nose aquiline ; his cheek-
bones were rather high, his eyes light gray, and apt to enkindle ;
his whole countenance had an air of authority. His hair, in
his youthful days, was of a light color ; but care and trouble,
according to Las Casas, soon turned it gray, and at thirty years
of age it was quite white. He was moderate and simple in diet
and apparel, eloquent in discourse, engaging and affable with
strangers, and his amiableness and suavity in domestic life
strongly attached his household to his person. His temper was
naturally irritable ; 2 but he subdued it by the magnanimity of
his spirit, comporting himself with a courteous and gentle
gravity, and never indulging in an} 1 intemperance of language.
Throughout his life he was noted for strict attention to the
offices of religion, observing rigorously the fasts and ceremonies
of the churcfo ; nor did his piety consist in mere forms, but par-
took of that lofty and solemn enthusiasm with which his whole
character was strongly tinctured.
While at Lisbon, he was accustomed to attend religious ser-
vice at the chapel of the convent of All Saints. In this convent
were certain ladies of rank, either resident as boarders, or in
some religious capacity. With one of these Columbus became
acquainted. She was Dona Felipa, daughter of Bartolomeo
Moiiis de Perestrello, an Italian cavalier, lately deceased, who
had been one of the most distinguished navigators under Prince
Henry, and had colonized and governed the Island of Porto
Santo. The acquaintance soon ripened into attachment, and
ended in marriage. It appears to have been a match of mere
affection, as the lady was destitute of fortune.
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 3. Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 2,
2 lllt-Bcas, Uist. Poiitilical, lib. vi.
MS.
30 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBIA
The newly married couple resided with the mother of the
bride. The latter, perceiving the interest which Columbus took
in all matters concerning the sea, related to him all she knew
of the voyages and exi>fditions of her lute huslt:iinl, and brought
him all his pa|H-rs. charts, journals, and memorandums. 1 In this
way he became acquainted with the routes of the 1'ortuirues.-.
their plans and conceptions ; and having, by his marriage and
residence, become naturalized in 1'ortu^al, he sailed occasion-
ally in the expeditions to the coast of Guinea. When on shore,
he supported his family by making maps and charts. His narrow
circumstances obliged him to observe a strict economy ; yet we
are told that he appropriated a part of his scanty means to the-
succor of his aged father at Genoa, 2 and to the education of his
younger brothers.*
The construction of a correct map or chart, in those days,
required a degree of knowledge and experience sufficient to
entitle the possessor to distinction. Geography was but just
emerging from the darkness which had enveloped it for n
Ptolemy was still a standard authority. The maps of the fif-
teenth century display a mixture of truth and error, in which
facts handed down from antiquity, and others revealed by recent
discoveries, are confused with popular fables and extravagant
conjectures. At such a period, when the passion for maritime
discovery was seeking every aid to facilitate its enterprises, the
knowledge and skill of an able cosmographer like Columbus
would be properly appreciated, and the superior correctness of
his maps and charts would give him notoriety among men of
science. 4 We accordingly find him, at an earl}' period of his
residence in Lisbon, in correspondence with Paulo Toscanelli.
of Florence, one of the most scientific men of the day, whose
communications had great influence in inspiriting him to his
subsequent undertakings.
While his geographical labors thus elevated him to a commu-
i Oviodo, Cronica de las India*, lib. ii. cap. 2.
> Ibid.
Munnz Hit. Xuevo Mundo, lib. Ii.
4 Th-- importance which began to be attached to coxmographlcal knowledge io evident
from the distinction which Mauro, an Italian friar, obtained from having projected an
universal map, esteemed the mot accurate of the time. A fao-imile of thU map, upon
the same scale a* the original, in now deponited in the Briti-h Mu -turn, and it ha* U-.-n
published, with a geographical commentary, l>y tin- learned /.urla. The Venetians struck
a medal In honor of him, on which they denominated him Coxmographugincomparabllis
(Colllne del Busaol. Naut. p. 2, c. 5). Yet Katnunio, who bad een ihi- map in the
monastery of San Micholedc Mu ratio, considers it merely an improved copy of a map
brought from Cathay by Marco Polo (Ramusln, t. ii. p. 17, Kd. Venet. lt>0ri). We are
told thitt Amerieiis Vepucius paid one hundred and thirty ducal* (equivalent to five
hundred and fifty I'm- dollars in our time) for a map of sea and land, made at Mailorca,
in 143U, by Uabriel de Valaeca (Barros, D. 1. 1. c. lo. Ix-rroto por Tolinu, lutrod. p. i".).
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 31
nion with the learned, they were peculiarly calculated to foster
a train of thoughts favorable to nautical enterprise. From con-
stantly comparing maps and charts, and noting the progress
and direction of discovery, he was led to perceive how much
of the world remained unknown, and to meditate on the means
of exploring it. His domestic concerns, and the connections
he had formed by marriage, were all in unison with this vein
of speculation. He resided for some time at the recently dis-
covered island of Porto Santo, where his wife 'had inherited
some property, and during his residence there she bore him a
son, whom he named Diego. This residence brought him, as it
were, on the very frontier of discovery. His wife's sister was
married to Pedro Correo, a navigator of note, who had at one
time been governor of Porto Santo. Being frequently together
in the familiar intercourse of domestic life, their conversation
naturally turned upon the discoveries prosecuting in their vicinity
along the African coasts ; upon the long sought for route to
India ; and upon the possibility of some unknown lands existing
in the west.
In their island residence, too, they must have been frequently
visited by the voyagers going to and from Guinea. Living
thus, surrounded by the stir and bustle of discovery, commun-
ing with persons who had risen by it to fortune and honor, and
voyaging in the very tracks of its recent triumphs, the ardent
mind of Columbus kindled up to enthusiasm in the cause. It
was a period of general excitement to all who were connected
w : ''i maritime life, or who resided in the vicinity of the ocean.
Tl>e recent discoveries had inflamed their imaginations, and had
filled them with visions of other islands, of greater wealth and
beauty, yet to be discovered in the boundless wastes of the
Atlantic. The opinions and fancies of the ancients on the sub-
ject were again put in circulation. The story of Autilla, a
great island in the ocean, discovered by the Carthaginians, was
frequently cited, and Plato's imaginary Atalantis once more
found firm believers. Many thought that the Canaries and
Azores were but wrecks which had survived its submersion,
and that other and larger fragments of that drowned land might
yet exist, in remoter parts of the Atlantic.
One of the strongest symptoms of the excited state of the
popular mind at this eventful era, was the prevalence of rumors
respecting unknown islands casually seen in the ocean. Many
of these were mere fables, fabricated to feed the predominant
humor of the public ; many had their origin in the heated imagi-
nations of voyagers, beholding islands in those summer clouds
32 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
which lie along the horizon, and often beguile the suilor witli the
idea of (list:int lands.
( )n such airy basis, most probably, was founded the story
told to Columbus by one Antonio Leone, an inhabitant of Ma-
deira, who allirmed that sailing thence westward one hundred
leagues, lie had seen three islands at a distance. Hut the tales
of the kind most i>ositivcly advanced and zealously maintained,
u.-if those related by the people of the Canaries, who were long
under a singular optical delusion. They imagined that, from
time to time, they beheld a vast island to the westward, with
lofty mountains and deep valleys. Nor was it seen in cloudy
and dubious weather, but in those clear days common to tropical
climates, and with all the distinctness with which distant objects
may be discerned in their pure, transparent atmosphere. The
island, it is true, was only seen at intervals ; while at other times,
and in the clearest weather, not a vestige of it was to be descried.
"When it did appear, however, it was always in the same T '
and under the same form. So persuaded were the inhal
of the Canaries of its reality, that application was made
King of IV-tugal for permission to discover and take possession
of it; and it actually became the object of several expeditions.
The island, however, was never to be found, though it still con-
tinued occasionally to cheat the eye. There were all kinds of
wild and fantastic notions concerning this imaginary land. '
supposed it to be the Antilla mentioned by Aristotle ; other
Island of S'\eii Cities, so called from an ancient legend of s ^'
bishops, who, with a multitude of followers, fled from Spa.\
the time of its conquest by the Moors, and. guided by H
to some unknown island in the ocean, founded on it seven s
did cities. While some considered it another legendary island,
on which, it was said, a Scottish priest of the name of St.
Hrandan, had landed in the sixth century. This last legend
d into current belief. The fancied island was called by
the name of St. Hrandan, or St. Horondon, and long continued
to lie actually laid down in maps far to the west of the Canaries. 1
The same was done with the fabulous island of Antilla; and
the<e erroneous maps and phantom islands have given rise at
various times to assertions that the New World had been known
prior to the period of its generally reputed discovery.
'umbus. however, considers all these appearances of land
as mere illusions. He supposes that they may have been caused
by rocks lying in the ocean, which, seen at a distance, under
1 See illustration*, article " Inland of St. Brandau."
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 88
certain atmospherical influences may have assumed the appear-
ance of islands ; or that they may have been floating islands,
such as are mentioned by Pliny and Seneca and others, formed
by twisted roots, or of a light and porous stone, and covered
with trees, and which may have been driven about the ocean by
the winds.
The islands of St. Brandan, of Antilla, and of the Seven
Cities, have long since proved to be fabulous tales or atmos-
pherical delusions. Yet the rumors concerning them derive
interest, from showing the state of public thought with respect
to the Atlantic, while its western regions were yet unknown.
They were all noted down with curious care by Columbus, and
may have have had some influence over his imagination. Still,
though of a visionary spirit, his penetrating genius sought in
deeper sources for the aliment of its meditations. Aroused by
the impulse of passing events, he turned anew, says his son
Fi-nuindo, to study the geographical authors which he had read
j n( i <e, and to consider the astronomical reasons which might
j r >orate the theory gradually forming in his mind. He
made himself acquainted with all that had been written by the
ancients, or discovered by the moderns, relative to geography.
His own voyages enabled him to correct many of their errors,
and appreciate many of their theories. His genius having thus
t'lk-'a its decided bent, it is interesting to notice from what a
mi* . of acknowledged facts, rational hypotheses, fanciful nar-
W; -ns, and popular rumors, his grand project of discovery was
w ;- ight out by the stroug workings of a vigorous mind.
Tl-
CHAPTER V.
GROUNDS ON WHICH COLUMBUS FOUNDED HIS BELIEF OF TH
EXISTENCE OF UNDISCOVERED LANDS IN THE WEST.
IT has been attempted, in the preceding chapters, to show
how Columbus was gradually kindled up to his grand design by
the spirit and events of the times in which he lived. His sou
Fernando, however, undertakes to furnish the precise data on
which his father's plan of discovery was founded. 1 " He does
this," he observes, " to show from what slender argument so
great a scheme was fabricated and brought to light ; and for
i Hist, del Almiiaute, cap. 6, 7, 8.
34 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER
the purpose of satisfying those who may desire to know dis-
tinctly tin- circumstances and motives which led his father to
undertake this enterprise.
As this statement was formed from notes and documents
found amoiii: his father's papers, it is too curious and intnv-t-
ing n<>t to deserve particular mention. In this memorandum lie
arranged the foundation of his father's theory under three heads :
1. The nature of things. 2. The authority of learned writers.
3. The reports of navigators.
I "nder the first head he set down as a fundamental principle
that the earth was a terraqueous sphere or globe, which mid it
be travelled round from east to west, and that men stood foot
to foot when on opposite points. The circumference from east
to west, at the equator, Columbus divided, according to Ptole-
my, into twenty-fours hours of fifteen degrees each, making
three hundred and sixty degrees. Of these he imagined, com-
paring the globe of Ptolemy with the earlier map of Marinus of
Tyre, that fifteen hours had been known to the ancients,
extending from the Straits of Gibraltar, or rather from the
Canary Islands, to the city of Thinse in Asia, a place set down
as at the eastern limits of the known world. The Portuguese
had advanced the western frontier one hour more by the dis-
covery of the Azores and Cape de Verde Islands. There
remained, then, according to the estimation of Columbus, eight
hours, or one third of the circumference of the earth, unknown
and unexplored. This space might, in a great measure, be
filled up by the eastern regions of Asia, which might extend so
far as nearly to surround the globe, and to approach the western
shores of Europe and Africa. The tract of ocean intervening
between these countries, he observes, would be less than might
at first l>e supposed, if the opinion of Alfraganus, the Arabian,
were admitted, who, by diminishing the size of the degrees, gave
to the earth a smaller circumference than did other cosmograph-
ers ; a theory to which Columbus seems at times to have given
faith. Granting these premises, it was manifest that, by pur-
suing a direct course from east to west, a navigator would arrive
at the extremity of Asia, and discover any intervening land.
I "nder the second head are named the authors whose writings
had weight in convincing him that the intervening ocean could
be but of moderate expanse, and easy to be traversed. Among
these., he cites the opinion of Aristotle. Seneca, and Pliny, that
one might pass from Cadiz to the Indies in a few days; of
Strain), also, who observes, that the ocean surrounds the earth,
bathing on the east the shores of India ; on the west, the coa.-ts
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 35
of Spain and Mauritania ; so that it is easy to navigate from
one to the other on the same parallel. 1
In corroboration of the idea that Asia, or, as he always terms
it, India, stretched far to the east, so as to occupy the greater
part of the unexplored space, the narratives are cited of Marco
Polo and John Mandeville. These travellers had visited, in the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the remote parts of Asia, far
beyond the regions laid down by Ptolemy ; and their accounts
of the extent of that continent to the eastward had a great effect
in convincing Columbus that a voyage to the west, of no long
duration, would bring him to its shores, or to the extensive and
wealthy islands which lie adjacent. The information concern-
ing Marco Polo is probably derived from Paolo Toscanelli, a
celebrated doctor of Florence already mentioned, with whom
Columbus corresponded in 1474, and who transmitted to him
a copy of a letter which he had previously written to Fer-
nando Martinez, a learned canon of Lisbon. This letter main-
tains the facility of arriving at India by a western course,
asserting the distance to be but four thousand miles, in a direct
line from Lisbon to the province of Mangi, near Cathay, since
determined to be the northern coast of China. Of this country
he gives a magnificent description, drawn from the work of
Marco Polo. He adds, that in the route lay the islands of An-
tilla and Cipango, distant from each other only two hundred and
twenty-five leagues, abounding in riches, and offering conven-
ient places for ships to touch at, and obtain supplies on the
voyage.
Under the third head are enumerated various indications of
land in the west, which had floated to the shores of the known
world. It is curious to observe, how, when once the mind of
Columbus had become heated in the inquiry, it attracted to it
every corroborating circumstance, however vague and trivial.
He appears to have been particularly attentive to the gleams of
information derived from veteran mariners, who had been em-
ployed in the recent voyages to the African coasts; and also
from the inhabitants of lately discovered islands, placed, in a
manner, on the frontier posts of geographical knowledge. All
these are carefully noted down among his memorandums, to be
collocated with the facts and opinions already stored up in his
mind.
Such, for instance, is the circumstance related to him by Mar-
tin Vicenti, a pilot in the service of the King of Portugal ; that,
1 Strab. Cos., lib. i. ii.
36 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
after sailing four hundred :ind fifty leagues to the west of Cape
St. Vincent, lie had taken from the water a piece of carved
wood, which evidently had not been labored with an iron instru-
ment. As the winds had drifted it from the west, it might have
come from some unknown land in that direction.
IVdro Correo, brother-in-law of C'olumbus, is likewise cited
as having seen, on the island of Porto Santo, a similar piece o
wood, which had drifted from the same quarter. He had hear
also from the King of Portugal, that reeds of an immense siz
had floated to some of those islands from the west, in the de-
scription of which. C'olumbus thought he recognized the im-
mense reeds said by Ptolemy to grow in India.
Information is likewise noted, given him by the inhabitants of
the A /.ores, of trunks of huge pine trees, of a kind that did not
grow upon any of the islands, wafted to their shores by the
westerly winds; but especially of the bodies of two dead men,
upon the island of Flores, whose features differed from
those of any known race of people.
To these is added the report of a mariner of the port of St.
Mary, who asserted that, in the course of a voyage to Ireland,
he had seen land to the west, which the ship's company took
for some extreme part of Tartary. Other stories, of a similar
kind, are noted, as well as rumors concerning the fancied islands
of St. Brandan, and of the Seven Cities, to which, as has al-
ready been observed, Columbus gave but little faith.
Such is an abstract of the grounds, on which, according to
Fernando, his father proceeded from one position to another
until he came to the conclusion that there was undiscovered
land in the western part of the ocean; that it was attainable;
that it was fertile ; and finally, that it was inhabited.
It is evident that several of the facts herein enumerated must
have become known to C'olumbus after he had formed his opin-
ion, and merely served to strengthen it; still, every thing thai
throws any light upon the process of thought, which led to s<
great an event, is of the highest interest; and the chain ot
deductions here furnished, though not perhaps the most logical
in its concatenation, yet. being i-xtracted from the papers of
Columbus himself, remains one of the most interesting docu-
ments in the history of the human mind.
On considering the statement attentively, it is apparent that
the grand argument which induced Columbus to his enterprise
was that placed under the lirst head, namely, that the most
ea-tern part of Asia known to the ancients could not be separ-
ated from the Azores by more than a third of the circumference
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 37
of the globe ; that the intervening space must, in a great meas-
ure, be tilled up by the unknown residue of Asia ; and that, if
the circumference of the world was, as he believed, less than
was generally supposed, the Asiatic shores could easily be at-
tained by a moderate voyage to the west.
It is singular how much the success of this great undertaking
depended upon two happy errors, the imaginary extent of Asia
to the east, and the supposed smalluess of the earth ; both
errors of the most learned and profound philosophers, but with-
out which Columbus would hardly have ventured upon his en-
terprise. As to the idea of finding land by sailing directly to
the west, it is at present so familiar to our minds, as in some
measure to diminish the merits of the first conception, and the
hardihood of the first attempt ; but in those days, as has been
observed, the circumference of the earth was yet unknown ; no
one could tell whether the ocean were not of immense extent,
impossible to be traversed ; nor were the laws of specific gravity
and of central gravitation ascertained, by which, granting the
rotundity of the earth, the possibility of making the tour of it
would be manifest. 1 The practicability, therefore, of finding
land by sailing to the west, was one of those mysteries of nature
which are considered incredible while matters of mere specula-
tion, but the simplest things imaginable when they have once
been ascertained.
When Columbus had formed his theory, it became fixed in
his mind with singular firmness, and influenced his entire char-
acter and conduct. He never spoke in doubt or hesitation, but
with as much certainty as if his eyes had beheld the promised
land. No trial nor disappointment could divert him from the
steady pursuit of his object. A deep religious sentiment
mingled with his meditations, and gave them at times a tinge
of superstition, but it was of a sublime and lofty kind ; he looked
upon himself as standing in the hand of Heaven, chosen from
among men for the accomplishment of its high purpose ; he read,
as he supposed, his contemplated discovery foretold in Holy
Writ, and shadowed forth darkly in the mystic revelations of
the prophets. The ends of the earth were to be brought to-
gether, and all nations and tongues and languages united under
the banners of the Redeemer. This was to be the triumphant
consummation of his enterprise, bringing the remote and un-j
known regions of the earth into communion with Christian
Europe ; carrying the light of the true faith into benighted and
1 Malte-Brun, Geographic Uiiiverselle, torn. iiv. Note sur le Deeouvwrte de
I'Ameilque.
38 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
pa nan lands, ami gathering their countless nations under the
Imly dominion of the church.
The enthusiastic nature of his conceptions gave an elevation
to Ins spirit, and a dignity and loftiness to his whole demeanor.
lie conferred with sovereigns almost with a feeling of equality.
His views were princely and nnl>oimdcd ; his proposed discovery
was of empires ; his conditions were proportionally magnificent :
nor would he ever, even after long delays, repeated disappoint-
ments, and under the pressure of actual penury, abate what
appeared to be extravagant demands for a mere possible
discovery.
Those who could not conceive how an ardent and comprehen-
sive genius could arrive, by presumptive evidence, at so firm
a conviction, sought for other modes of accounting for it. When
the glorious result had established the correctness of the opinion
of ( olumbus, attempts were made to prove that he had obtained
previous information of the lands which he pretended to dis-
cover. Among these was an idle tale of a tern pest- tossed pilot,
said to have died in his house, bequeathing him written accounts
of an unknown land in the west, upon which he had been driven
by adverse winds. This story, according to Fernando Colum-
bus, had no other foundation than one of the popular tales
about the shadowy island of St. Brandan, which a Portuguese
captain, returning from Guinea, fancied he had beheld beyond
Madeira. It circulated for a time in idle rumor, altered and
shaped to suit their purposes, by such as sought to tarnish the
glory of Columbus. At length it found its way into print, and
has been echoed by various historians, varying with every nar-
ration, and full of contradictions and Improbabilities. 1
An assertion has also been made, that Columbus was pre-
ceded in his discoveries by Martin Behem, a contemporary cos-
inognipher, who, it was said, had landed accidentally on the
coast of South America, in the course of an African expedition ;
and that it was with the assistance of a map or glol>e, projected
by Behem, on which was laid down the newly-discovered coun-
try that Columbus made his voyage. This rumor originated
in an absurd misconstruction of a Latin manuscript, and was
unsupported by any documents ; yet it has had its circulation,
and has even been revived not many years since, with more /eal
than discretion : but is now completely refuted and put to rest.
The land visited by Behcm was the coast of Africa beyond the
equator; the globe he- projected was finished in 1 1!'2, while Col-
' illuHlruliuuB, article " Uuwor coucerniiig the Pilot who died in the liouo of
Columbus."
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 39
umbus was absent on his first voyage : it contains no trace of
the New World, and thus furnishes conclusive proof that its
existence was yet unknown to Behera. 1
There is a certain meddlesome spirit, which, in the garb of
learned research, goes prying about the traces of history, cast-
ing down its monuments, and marring and mutilating its fairest
trophies. Care should be taken to vindicate great names from
such pernicious erudition. It defeats one of the most sal-
utary purposes of history, that of furnishing examples of what
human genius and lauable enterprise may accomplish. For this
purpose some pains have been taken in the preceding chapters
to trace the rise and progress of this grand idea in the mind of
Columbus ; to show that it was the conception of his genius,
quickened by the impulse of the age, and aided by those scat-
tered gleams of knowledge which fell ineffectually upon ordinary
minds.
CHAPTER VI.
CORRESPONDENCE OF COLUMBUS WITH PAULO TOSCANELLI
EVENTS IN PORTUGAL RELATIVE TO DISCOVERIES PROPOSITION
OF COLUMBUS TO THE PORTUGUESE COURT DEPARTURE FROM
PORTUGAL.
IT is impossible to determine the precise time when Columbus
first conceived the design of seeking a western route to India.
It is certain, however, that he meditated it as early as the year
1474, though as yet it lay crude and unmatured in his mind.
This fact, which is of some importance, is sufficiently established
by the correspondence already mentioned with the learned Tos-
canelli of Florence, which took place in the summer of that
year. The letter of Toscanelli is in reply to one from Colum-
bus, and applauds the design which he had expressed of making
a voyage to the west. To demonstrate more clearly the facility
of arriving at India in that direction, he sent him a map pro-
jected partly according to Ptolemy, and partly according to the
description of Marco Polo, the Venetian. The eastern coast of
Asia was depicted in front of the western coasts of Africa and
Europe, with a moderate space of ocean between them, in which
were placed at convenient distances Cipango, Antilla, and the
1 See illustrations, article " Behem."
40 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
other islan.ls. 1 Columbus was greatly animated by tlio letter
and chart of Toscanelli, who was considered one of tin- al-lr-t
cosmographers of the day. He appears to have procured the
work of Marco Polo, which had been translated into various
laminates, and existed in manuscript in most libraries. The
author uivcs marvellous accounts of the riches of the realms of
Cathay and Mangi, or Mangu, since ascertained to he Northern
and Southern China, on the coast of which, according to the
map of Toscanelli, a voyager sailing directly west would be sure
to arrive. He describes in unmeasured terms the power and
grandeur of the sovereign of these countries, the Great Khan of
Tartary. and the splendor and magnitude of his capitals of Cam-
baln and (Juinsai. and the wonders of the island of Cipango or
Zipangi, supposed to be Japan. This island he places opposite
Cathav, live hundred leagues in the ocean. He represents it as
abounding in gold, precious stones, and other choice objects of
commerce, with a monarch whose palace was roofed with plates
of gold instead of lead. The narrations of this traveller were
by many considered fabulous; but though full of what appear
to be splendid exaggerations, they have since been found sub-
stantially correct. They are thus particularly noted, from the
influence they had over the imagination of Columbus. The
work of Marco Polo is a key to many parts of his history. In
his applications to the various courts, he represented the coun-
tries he expected to discover as those regions of inexhaustible
wealth which the Venetian had described. The territories of
the (ire.it Khan were the objects of inquiry in all his voyages;
and in his cruisings among the Antilles he was continually flat-
tering himself with the hopes of arriving at the opulent island
of Cipango, and the coasts of Mangi and Cathay. 2
While the design of attempting the discovery in the west
was maturing in the mind of Columbus, he made a voyage to
the north of Europe. Of this we have no other memorial than
the following passage, extracted by his son from one of his let-
ters: "In the year 1477, in February, I navigated one hundred
leagues beyond Thule, the southern part of which is seventy-
three degrees distant from the equator, and not sixty-three, as
some pretend ; neither is it situated within the line which in-
1 This map, by which Columbus nailed on hi* first voyage of discovery, Las Caftan,
(1lt>. i. cap 12) nay* hr had in hi* pouwm-ion at the time of writing his hi-tory. It i-t
Krt'iitly t'> IK- n-tftvttfil that MI i'llcn-nting a document ohould be lout. It may yi-t i-xi*t
i '.In- rhimtir lumber of th- Sjiani-h archivi-w. Few documents of mure curiosity
won i.l IM- more prrcinus.
1 A more particular account of Marco Polo and bin writings l given among the
illu-lrulion*.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 41
eludes the west of Ptolemy, but is much more westerly. The
English, principally those of Bristol, go with their merchandise
to this island, which is as large as England. When I was there
the sea was not frozen, and the tides were so great as to rise
and fall twenty-six fathom." *
The island thus mentioned is generally supposed to have been
Iceland, which is far to the west of the Ultima Thule of the
.mcients, as laid down in the map of Ptolemy.
Several more years elapsed, without any decided efforts on
the part of Columbus to carry his design into execution. He
was too poor to fit out the armament necessary for so important
an expedition. Indeed it was an enterprise only to be under-
taken in the employ of some sovereign state, which could
assume dominion over the territories he might discover, and
reward him with dignities and privileges commensurate to his
services. It is asserted that he at one time endeavored to en-
gage his native country, Genoa, in the undertaking, but with-
out success. No record remains of such an attempt, though it
is generally believed, and has strong probability in its favor.
His residence in Portugal placed him at hand to solicit the
patronage of that power, but Alphonso, who was then on the
throne, was too much engrossed in the latter part of his reign
with a war with Spain, for the succession of the Princess Juana
to the crown of Castile, to engage in peaceful enterprises of an
expensive nature. The public mind, also, was not prepared for
so perilous an undertaking. Notwithstanding the many recent
voyages to the coast of Africa and the adjacent islands, and the
introduction of the compass into more general use, navigation
was still shackled with impediments, and the mariner rarely
ventured far out of sight of land.
Discovery advanced slowly along the coasts of Africa, and
the mariners feared to cruise far into the southern hemisphere,
with the stars of which they were totally unacquainted. To
such men, the project of a voyage directly westward, into the
midst of that boundless waste, to seek some visionary land,
appeared as extravagant as it would be at the present day to
launch forth in a balloon into the regions of space in quest of
some distant star.
The time, however, was at hand, that was to extend the
sphere of navigation. The era was propitious to the quick ad-
vancement of knowledge. The recent invention of the art of
printing enabled men to communicate rapidly and extensively
1 lli.st. del Almirante, cap. 4.
42 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
their ideas find discoveries. It drew forth learning from libra-
ries and convents, ami brought it familiarly to the reading-desk
of the student. Volumes of information, which before had
existed only in costly manuscripts, carefully treasured up, and
kept out of the reach of the indigent scholar and obscure ar-
tist, were now in every hand. There was henceforth to be no
retrogression in knowledge, nor any pause in its career. Every
step in advance was immediately, and simultaneously, and
widely promulgated, recorded in a thousand forms, and fixed
forever. There could never again l>e a dark age; nations
iiii^lit shut their eyes to the light, and sit in wilful darkness,
but they could not trample it out; it would still shine on, dis-
pensed to happier parts of the world, by the diffusive powers
of the press.
At this juncture, in 1481, a monarch ascended the throne of
Portugal, of different ambition from Alphonso. John II., then
in the twenty-fifth year of his age, had imbibed the passion for
discovery from his grand-uncle, Prince Henry, and with his
reign all its activity revived. His first care was to build a fort
at St. George de la Mina, on the coast of Guinea, to protect
trade carried on in that neighborhood for gold dust, ivory, and
slaves.
The African discoveries had conferred great glory upon
Portugal, but as yet they had been expensive rather than prof-
itable. The accomplishment of the route to India, however,
it was expected would repay all cost and toil, and open a source
of incalculable wealth to the nation. The project of Prince
Henry, which had now been tardily prosecuted for half a cen-
tury, had excited a curiosity about the remote parts of Asia,
and revived all the accounts, true and fabulous, of travellers.
' Besides the work of Marco Polo, already mentioned, there
was the narrative of Rabbi Benjamin ben Jonah, of Tudela, a
Spanish Jew, who set out from Saragossa in 1173, to visit the
scattered remnants of the Hebrew tribes. Wandering with
unwearied zeal on this pious errand, over most parts of the
known world, he penetrated China, and passed thence to the
southern islands of Asia. 1 There were also the narratives of
Carpini and Ascelin, two friars, despatched, the one in 124(>, the
other in 1247, by Pope Innocent IV., as apostolic ambassadors,
for the purpose of converting the Grand Khan of Tartary ; and
the journal of William Kubruquis (or Kuysbroek), a celebrated
1 licritiTnn, Voyages en Asie, torn. I. The work of Benjamin of Ttidela, originally
written in llrlnvw, wan HO much in n-putr, thai the traimlatioii weut through sixteen
editiuuH. Amliv.-, Hint. H. Let., 11. cap. 0.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 43
Cordelier, sent on a similar errand in 1253, by Louis IX., of
France, then on his unfortunate crusade into Palestine. These
pious but chimerical missions had proved abortive; but the
narratives of them being revived in the fifteenth century,
served to inflame the public curiosity respecting the remote
parts of Asia.
In these narratives we first find mention made of the re-
nowned Prester John, a Christian king, said to hold sway in a
remote part of the East, who was long an object of curiosity
and research, but whose kingdom seemed to shift its situation
in the tale of every traveller, and to vanish from the search as
effectually as the unsubstantial island of St. Brandan. All the
speculations concerning this potentate and his Oriental realm
were again put in circulation. It was fancied that traces of
his empire were discovered in the interior of Africa, to the
east of Benin, where there was a powerful prince, who used a
cross among the insignia of royalty. John II. partook largely
of the popular excitement produced by these narrations. In
the early part of his reign he actually sent missions in quest of
Prester John, to visit whose dominions became the romantic
desire of many a religious enthusiast. 1 The magnificent idea
he had formed of the remote parts of the East made him ex-
tremely anxious that the splendid project of Prince Henry
should be realized, and the Portuguese flag penetrate to the
Indian seas. Impatient of the slowness with which his dis-
coveries advanced along the coast of Africa, and of the impedi-
ments which every cape and promontory presented to nautical
enterprise, he called in the aid of science to devise some means
by which greater scope and certainty might be given to navi-
gation. His two physicians, Roderigo and Joseph, the latter a
Jew, the most able astronomers and cosmographers of his king-
dom, together with the celebrated Martin Beheru, entered into
a learned consultation on the subject. The result of their
conferences and labors was the application of the astrolabe to
navigation, enabling the seaman, by the altitude of the sun, to
ascertain his distance from the equator. 2 This instrument has
since been improved and modified into the modern quadrant,
of which, even at its first introduction, it possessed all the es-
sential advantages.
It is impossible to describe the effect produced upon naviga-
tion by this invention. It cast it loose at once from its long
bondage to the land, and set it free to rove the deep. The
1 Soe illustrations, article " Prester John."
1 Ban-on, ducad. 1, lib. iv. cap. '2. Jlaffei, lib. vi. p. 6 and 7.
44 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIWS.
in:irim-r now, instead of coasting the shores like the ancient
navigators. :ui(|. if driven from the hind, groping his way hack
in doubt and apprehension by the uncertain guidance of the
stars, might adventure boldly into unknown seas, contident of
being able t<> trace his course by means of the compass and the
astrolabe.
It was shortly after this event, which had prepared guides
for discovery across the trackless ocean, that Columbus made
the tirst attempt, of which we have any clear and indisputable
record, to procure royal patronage for his enterprise. The
court of Portugal had shown extraordinary liberality in reward-
ing nautical discovery. Most of those who had succeeded in
her service had been appointed to the government of the islands
and countries they had discovered, although many of them were
foreigners by birth. Encouraged by this liberality, and by the
anxiety evinced by King John II. to accomplish a passage by
sea to India, Columbus obtained an audience of that monarch,
and proposed, in case the king would furnish him with ships and
men, to undertake a shorter and more direct route than that
along the coast of Africa. His plan was to strike directly to
the west, across the Atlantic. He then unfolded his hypothesis
with respect to the extent of Asia, describing also the immense
riches of the island of Cipan^o, the first land at which he ex-
pected to arrive. Of this audience we have two accounts,
written in somewhat of an opposite spirit ; one by his oon Fer-
nando, the other by Joam de Barros. the Portuguese histori-
ographer. It is curious to notice the different views taken of the
same transaction by the enthusiastic son, and by the cool, per-
haps prejudiced, historian.
The king, according to Fernando, listened to his father with
great attention, but was discouraged from engaging in any new
scheme of the kind, by the cost and trouble already sustained
in exploring the route by the African coast, which as yet re-
mained unaccomplished. His father, however, supported his
proposition by such excellent reasons, that the king was induced
to give his consent. The only difficulty that remained was the
terms; for Columbus, being a man of lofty and noble sentiments,
demanded high and honorable titles and rewards, to the end,
says Fernando, that he might leave behind him a name and
family worthy of his deeds and merits. 1
Barros, on the other hand, attributes the seeming acquiescence
of the king, merely to the importunities of Columbus. He con-
1 Hist, del Ahnirautu, cup. 10.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 45
sidered him, says the historian, a vainglorious man, fond of
displaying his abilities, and given to fantastic fancies, such as
that respecting the island of Cipango. 1 But in fact, this idea
of Columbus being vain, was taken up by the Portuguese writers
in after years ; and as to the island of Cipango, it was far from
being considered chimerical by the king, who, as has been shown
by his mission in search of Prester John, was a ready believer
in these travellers' tales concerning the East. The reasoning
of Columbus must have produced an effect on the mind of the
monarch, since it is certain that he referred the proposition to a
learned junto, charged with all matters relating to maritime
discovery.
This junto was composed of two able cosmographers, mas-
ters Roderigo and Joseph, and the king's confessor, Diego Ortiz
de Cazadilla, bishop of Ceuta, a man greatly reputed for his
learning, a Castilian by birth, and generally called Cazadilla,
from the name of his native place. This scientitic body treated
the project as extravagant and visionary.
Still the king does not appear to have been satisfied. Accord-
ing to his historian Vasconcelos, 2 he convoked his council,
composed of prelates and persons of the greatest learning in
the kingdom, and asked their advice, whether to adopt this new
route of discovery, or to pursue that which they had already
opened.
It may not be deemed superfluous to notice briefly the dis-
cussion of the council on this great question. Vasconcelos
reports a speech of the Bishop of Ceuta, in which he not only
objected to the proposed enterprise, as destitute of reason, but
even discountenanced any further prosecution of the African
discoveries. " They tended," he said, " to distract the atten-
tion, drain the resources, and divide the power of the nation,
already too much weakened by recent war and pestilence.
While their forces were thus scattered abroad on remote and
unprofitable expeditions, they exposed themselves to attack from
their active enemy the King of Castile. The greatness of mon-
archs," he continued, "did not arise so much from the extent
of their dominions, as from the wisdom and ability with which
they governed. In the Portuguese nation it would be madness
to launch into enterprises without first considering them in con-
nection with its means. The king had already sufficient under-
takings in hand of certain advantage, without engaging in others
of a wild, chimerical nature. If he wished employment for the
1 TJarroH, Asia, decad. 1, lib. iii. cap. 2.
2 VascouctioH, Villa del Hey L)ou jua.i II., lib. iv.
46 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
active valor of the nation, the war in which he was engaged
against tin- Moors of larb:ir\ was sulliciciit. wherein his triumphs
were of solid advantage, tending to cripple and enfeeble those
neighlKH'ing foes, who had proved themselves so dangerous
when ixjssessed of power."
This cool and cautious speech of the Bishop of Ceuta, directed
against enterprises which were the glory of the Portuguese,
touched the national pride of Don Pedro de Meneses, Count of
Villa Heal, and drew from him a lofty and patriotic reply. It
has been said by an historian that this reply was in support of
the proposition of Columbus ; but that does not clearly appear.
He may have treated the proposal with respect, but his eloquence
was employed for those enterprises in which the Portuguese
were already engaged.
" Portugal," he ol>served, " was not in its infancy, nor were
its princes so poor as to lack means to engage in discoveries.
Even granting that those proposed by Columbus were conjec-
tural, why should they abandon those commenced by their late
Prince Henry, on such solid foundations, and prosecuted with
such happy prospects ? Crowns," heobserved, " enriched them-
selves by commerce, fortified themselves by alliance, and
acquired empires by conquest. The views of a nation could
not always be the same; they extended with its opulence and
prosi>erity. Portugal was at peace with all the princes of
Europe. It had nothing to fear from engaging in an extensive
enterprise. It would be the greatest glory for Portuguese valor
to penetrate into the secrets and horrors of the ocean sea. so
formidable to the other nations of the world. Thus occupied, it
would escape the idleness engendered in a long interval of peace
idleness, that source of vice, that silent file, which, little by
little, wore away the strength and valor of a nation. It was
an affront," he added, "to the Portuguese name to menace it
with imaginary perils, when it had proved itself so intrepid in
encountering those which were most certain and tremendous.
Great souls were formed for great enterprises. He wondered
much that a prelate, so religious as the Bishop of Centa. should
oppose this undertaking; the ultimate object of which was to
augment the Catholic faith, and spread it from )x>le to pole ;
i ell. -ding glory on the Portuguese nation, and yielding empire
and lasting fame to its princes." He concluded by declaring
that, "although a soldier, he dared to prognosticate, with a
\oi.-c and spirit as if from heaven, to whatever prince should
achieve this enterprise, more happy success and durable renown
than had ever been obtained by sovereign the most valorous and
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 47
fortunate." 1 The warm and generous eloquence of the count
overpowered the cold-spirited reasonings of the bishop as far as
the project of circumnavigating Africa was concerned, which
was prosecuted with new ardor and triumphant success : the
proposition of Columbus, however, was generally condemned by
the council.
Seeing that King John still manifested an inclination for the
enterprise, it was suggested to him by the Bishop of Ceuta that
Columbus might be kept in suspense while a vessel secretly
despatched in the direction he should point out might ascertain
whether there were any foundation for his theory. By this
means all its advantages might be secured, without committing
the dignity of the crown by formal negotiations about what
might prove a mere chimera. King John, in an evil hour, had
the weakness to permit a stratagem so inconsistent with his
usual justice and magnanimity. Columbus was required to
furnish for the consideration of the council a detailed plan of
his proposed voyage, with the charts and documents according
to which he intended to shape his course. These being pro-
cured, a caravel was despatched with the ostensible design of
carrying provisions to the Cape de Verde islands, but with pri-
vate instructions to pursue the designated route. Departing
from those islands the caravel stood westward for several days,
until the weather became stormy ; when the pilots, seeing noth-
ing but an immeasurable waste of wild, tumbling waves still
extending before them, lost all courage and put back, ridiculing
the project of Columbus as extravagant and irrational. 2
This unworthy attempt to defraud him of his enterprise
roused the indignation of Columbus, and he declined all offers
of King John to renew the negotiation. The death of his wife,
which had occurred some time previously, had dissolved the
domestic tie which bound him to Portugal ; he determined, there-
fore, to abandon a country where he had been treated with so
little faith, and to look elsewhere for patronage. Before his
departure, he engaged his brother Bartholomew to carry pro-
posals to the King of England, though he does not appear to
have entertained great hope from that quarter ; England by no
means possessing at the time the spirit of nauticul enterprise
which has since distinguished her. The great reliance of Co-
lumbus was on his own personal exertions.
It was toward the end of 1484 that he left Lisbon, taking with
him his son Diego. His departure had to be conducted with
1 Vasconcelow, lib. iv. La Clede, Hint. Portugal, lib. xiii. torn. iii.
2 Hist, del Aliuiraute, cap. 8. ilerrera, decad. 1, lib. i. cap. 7.
48 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
secrecy, lest, as some assert, it should be prevented by King
John : but lest, as others surmise, it should be prevented by his
creditors. 1 Like many other great projectors, while enured
upon schemes of vast benefit to mankind, he had suffered his
own affairs to go to ruin, and was reduced to struggle hard
with poverty ; nor is it one of the least interesting cijrcuntttancea
in his eventful life, that he had, in a manner, to beg his w:iy
from court to court, to offer to princes the discovery of a world.
1 Thin Rurmixe is founded on a letter from King John to Columbus, written some
iflerwiird, inviting him to return lo Portugal, and iiiMiiini: him aiMinxt arrest on
account of any procesit, civil or ciimiual, which might be peudhig ugaiubt him. bee
KavarreU-, Collec. torn. ii. due. 3.
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
PROCEEDINGS OF COLUMBUS AFTER LEAVING PORTUGAL HIS
APPLICATIONS IN SPAIN CHARACTERS OF FERDINAND AND
ISABELLA.
[1485.]
THE immediate movements of Columbus on leaving Portugal
are involved in uncertainty. Jt is said that about this time
he made a proposition of his enterprise, in person, as he had
formerly done by letter, to the government of Genoa. The
republic, however, was in a languishing decline, and embar-
rassed by a foreign war. Caffa, her great deposit in the Cri-
mea, had fallen into the hands of the Turks, and her flag was on
the point of being driven from the Archipelago. Her spirit
was broken with her fortunes ; for with nations, as with individ-
uals, enterprise is the child of prosperity, and is apt to languish
in evil days when there is most need of its exertion. Thus
Genoa, disheartened by her reverses, shut her ears to the prop-
osition of Columbus, which might have elevated her to tenfold
splendor, and perpetuated within her grasp the golden wand of
commerce. While at Genoa, Columbus is said to have made
arrangements out of his scanty means for the comfort of his
aged father. Tt is also affirmed that about this time he carried
his proposal to Venice, where it was declined on account of the
critical state of national affairs. This, however, is merely
traditional, and unsupported by documentary evidence. The
first firm and indisputable trace we have of Columbus after leav-
ing Portugal is in the south of Spain, in 1485, where we find
him seeking his fortune among the Spanish nobles, several of
whom had vast possessions, and exercised almost independent
sovereignty in their domains.
Foremost among these were the dukes of Medina Sidonia
and Medina Cell, who had estates like principalities lying along
49
50 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
the seacoast, with ports and shipping and hosts of retainers at
tlirir command. They served the crown in its Moorish wars
more us allied princes than as vassals, bringing armies into the
Held led by themselves, or by captains of their own appoint-
ment. Their domestic establishments were on almost a regal
scale; their palaces were lilled with persons of merit, and young
cavaliers of noble birth, to be reared under their auspices, in
the exercise of arts and arms.
Columbus had many interviews with the Duke of Medina
Sidonia, who was tempted for a time by the splendid prospects
held out ; but their very splendor threw a coloring of improba-
bility over the enterprise, and he finally rejected it as the dream
of an Italian visionary.
The Duke of Medina Celi was likewise favorable at the outset.
He entertained Columbus for some time in his house, and was
actually on the point of granting him three or four caravels
which lay ready for sea in his harbor of Port St. Mary, oppo-
site Cadiz, when he suddenly changed his mind, deterred by the
consideration that the enterprise, if successful, would involve
discoveries too important to be grasped by any but a sovereign
power, and that the Spanish government might be displeased at
his undertaking it on his own account. Finding, however, that
Columbus intended to make his next application to the King of
France, and loath that an enterprise of such importance should
be lost to Spain, the duke wrote to Queen Isabella recommend-
ing it strongly to her attention. The queen made a favorable
reply, and requested that Columbus might be sent to her. He
accordingly set out for the Spanish court, then at Cordova,
bearing a letter to the queen from the duke, soliciting that, in
case the expedition should be carried into effect, he might have
a share in it, and the fitting out of the armament from his port
of St. Mary, as a recompense for having waived the enterprise
in favor of the crown." l
The time when Columbus thus sought his fortunes at the
court of Spain coincided with one of the most brilliant periods
of the Spanish monarchy. The union of the kingdoms of Arra-
gon and Castile, by the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, had
consolidated the Christian power in the Peninsula, and put an
1 Letter of the Duke of Medina Celi to the grand cardinal. Navarrete, Collect, vol.
u. ].. 'JO.
N.H. In the previous editions of this work, the first trace we have of Columbus in
Spain in at the ijate of the convent of La Itahida, in Amlaluxia. Subsequent inve-tiiM-
ticiiiH have induced me to conform to the opinion of the Indefatigable and accurate
Navarrete, uiven in hi third volume of documents, that lh<; tir-t trace of ('nlumUis in
Spain was his applicali.in lo tin- Mukes of Medina Sido'iia and Mediua Celi, and that hi*
iuit to the convent of La Ituuidu wan some few yearn subsequent.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 51
end to those internal feuds which had so long distracted the
country, and insured the domination of the Moslems. The
whole force of united Spain was now exerted in the chivalrous
enterprise of the Moorish conquest. The Moors, who had once
spread over the whole country like an inundation, were now pent
up within the mountain boundaries of the kingdom of Granada.
The victorious armies of Ferdinand and Isabella were continu-
ally advancing, and pressing this fierce 1 people within narrower
limits. Under these sovereigns, the various petty kingdoms of
Spain began to feel and act as one nation, and to rise to eminence
in arts as well as arms. Ferdinand and Isabella, it has been re
marked, lived together not like man and wife, whose estates ar*
common, under the orders of the husband, but like two monaicha
strictly allied. l They had separate claims to sovereignty in vir-
tue of their respective kingdoms ; they had separate councils, and
were often distant from each other in different parts of their em-
pire, each exercising the royal authority. Yet they were so hap-
pily united by common views, common interests, and a great
deference for each other, that this double administration never
prevented a unity of purpose and of action. All acts of sover-
eignty were executed in both their names ; all public writings
were subscribed with both their signatures ; their likenesses were
stamped together on the public coin ; and the royal seal dis-
played the united arms of Castile and Arragon.
Ferdinand was of the middle stature, well proportioned, and
hardy and active from athletic exercise. His carriage was free,
erect, and majestic: He had a clear^ serene forehead, which
appeared more lofty from his head being partly bald. His eye-
brows were large and parted, and, like his hair, of a bright
chestnut ; his eyes were clear and animated ; his complexion
was somewhat ruddy, and scorched by the toils of war ; his
mouth moderate, well formed, and gracious in its expression ;
his teeth white, though small and irregular ; his voice sharp ;
his speech quick and fluent. His genius was clear and compre-
hensive ; his judgment grave and certain. He was simple in
dress and diet, equable in his temper, devout in his re-
ligion, and so indefatigable in business, that it was said he
seemed to repose himself by working. He was a great observer
and judge of men, and unparalleled in the science of the cabi-
net. Such is the picture given of him by the Spanish historians
of his time. It has been added, however, that he had more of
bigotry than religion ; that his ambition was craving rather than
1 Voltaire, Essai sur les Moeurs, etc.
52 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
magnanimous ; that he made war less like a paladin than a
prince, less for glory than for mere dominion ; and that his
policy was cold, selfish, and artful. He was called the wise
and prudent in Spain; in Italy, the pious; in France and K up-
land, the ambitious and perfidious. 1 He certainly was one of
the most subtle statesmen, but one of the most thorough egotists
that ever sat upon a throne.
While giving his picture, it may not l>e deemed impertinent
to sketch the fortunes of a monarch whose policy had such
an effect upon the history of Columbus and the destinies of
the New World. Success attended all his measures. Though
a younger son, he had ascended the throne of Arragon by in-
heritance ; Castile he obtained by marriage ; Granada and
Naples by conquest; and he seized upon Navarre as appertain-
ing to any one who could take possession of it, when Tope Ju-
lius II. excommunicated its sovereigns, Juan and Catalina. and
gave their throne to the first occupant. 2 He sent his forces
into Africa, and subjugated or reduced to vassalage Tunis,
Tripoli, Algiers, and most of the Barbary powers. A new
world was also given to him, without cost, by the discoveries
of Columbus, for the expense of the enterprise was borne exclu-
sively by his consort Isabella. He had three objects at heart
from the commencement of his reign, which he pursued with
bigoted and persecuting zeal : the conquest of the Moors, the
expulsion of the Jews, and the establishment of the Inquisition
in his dominions. He accomplished them all. and was re-
warded by Pope Innocent VIII. with the appellation of Most
Catholic Majesty a title which his successors have tenaciously
retained.
Contemporary writers have been enthusiastic in their descrip-
tions of Isabella, but time has sanctioned their eulogies. She is
one of the purest and most beautiful characters in the pages of
history. She was well formed, of the middle size, with great
dignity and gracefulness of deportment, and a mingled gravity
and sweetnessof demeanor. Her complexion was fair; her hair
auburn, inclining to red ; her eyes were of a clear blue, with a
benign expression, and there was a singular modesty in her
countenance, gracing, as it did, a wonderful firmness of purpose
and earnestness of spirit. Though strongly attached to her hus-
band and studious of his fame, yet she always maintained her
distinct rights as an allied prince. She exceeded him in beauty,
1 Voltaire, Eai ir les Mceurs, etc., ch.14.
* I'edro Salazar di Mendoza, Monarq. de Ep. lib. iti. cap, S. (Madrid, 17*0, torn
i. p. 40-J.) Uonzulo do llleacaa, IIUi. IVif if., lib. vi. cap. 23, 3.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 53
in personal dignity, in acuteness of genius, and in grandeur of
soul. 1 Combining the active and resolute qualities of man with
the softer charities of woman, she mingled in the warlike coun-
cils of her husband, engaged personally in his enterprises, 2 and
in some instances surpassed him in the firmness and intrepidity
of her measures ; while, being inspired with a truer idea of
glory, she infused a more lofty and generous temper into his
3tibtle and calculating policy.
It is in the civil history of their reign, however, that the char-
acter of Isabella shines most illustrious. Her fostering and
maternal care was continually directed to reform the laws, and
heal the ills engendered by a long course of internal wars. !She
loved her people, and while diligently seeking their good, she
mitigated, as much as possible, the harsh measures of her hus-
band, directed to the same end, but inflamed by a mistaken
zeal. Thus,. though almost bigoted in her piety, and perhaps
too much under the influence of ghostly advisers, still she was
hostile to every measure calculated to advance religion at the
expense of humanity. She strenuously opposed the expulsion of
the Jews and the establishment of the Inquisition, though, unfor-
tunately for Spain, her repugnance was slowly vanquished by
her confessors. She was always an advocate for clemency to the
Moors, although she was the soul of the war against Granada.
She considered that war essential to protect the Christian faith,
and to relieve her subjects from fierce and formidable enemies.
While all her public thoughts and acts were princely and august,
her private habits were simple, frugal, and unostentatious. In
the intervals of state business, she assembled round her the
ablest men in literature and science, and directed herself by
their counsels, in promoting letters and arts. Through her pat-
ronage, Salamanca rose to that height which it assumed among
the learned institutions of the age. She promoted the distribu-
tion of honors and rewards for the promulgation of knowledge ;
she fostered the art of printing recently invented, and encour-
aged the establishment of presses in every part of the kingdom ;
books were admitted free of all duty, and more, we are told,
were printed in Spain, at that early period of the art, than in
the present literary age. 8
It is wonderful how much the destinies of countries depend
at times upon the virtues of individuals, and how it is given to
1 Garibay, Hist, de Espana, torn. ii. lib. xviii. cap. I.
* Several suits of armor ciip-a-pie, worn by Isabella, and still preserved in thi
royal arsenal at Madrid, show that she was exposed to personal danger iu her cam-
paigns.
3 Elo;;io de la ReiuaCatholica, por Diego C'leiueueiu. Madrid, 1821.
64 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
great spirits by combining, exciting, and directing the latent
powers of :i nation, to stamp it, as it were, with their own great-
IK--.S. Such brings realize the idea of guardian angels, appointed
liy Heaven to watch over the destinies of empires. Sueli had
been Prince Henry for the kingdom of Portugal ; and such was
now for Spain the illustrious Isabella.
CHAPTER II.
COLUMBUS AT THE COURT OF SPAIN.
Columbus arrived at Cordova he was given in charge
to Alonzo de (^uintanilla, comptroller of the treasury of Cas-
tile, but was disappointed in his expectation of receiving im-
mediate audience from the queen. He found the'city in all the
bustle of military preparation. It was a critical juncture of
the war. The rival kings of Granada, Muley, Boalxlil the
uncle, and Mohammed Boalxlil the nephew, had just formed a
coalition, and their league called for prompt and vigorous
measures.
All the chivalry of Spain had been summoned to the field ;
the streets of Cordova echoed to the tramp of steed and sound
of trumpet, as day by day the nobles arrived with their re-
tainers, vying with each other in the number of their troops
and the splendor of their appointments. The court was like a
military camp ; the king and queen were surrounded by the
flower of Spanish chivalry; by those veteran cavaliers who had
distinguished themselves in so many hardy conflicts with the
Moors, and by the prelates and friars who mingled in martial
council, and took deep interest and agency in this war of the
Faith.
This was an unpropitious moment to urge a suit like that of
Columbus. In fact the sovereigns had not a moment of leisure
throughout this eventful year. Early in the spring, the king
marched off to lay siege to the Moorish city of Loxa ; and
though the queen remained at Cordova, she was continually
employed in forwarding troops and supplies to the army, and,
at the same time, attending to the multiplied exigencies of
civil government. On the 12th of June she repaired to the
camp, then engaged in the siege of Moclin, and l>oth sovereigns
remained for some time in the Vega of Granada, prosecuting
the war with unremitting vigor. They had barely returned t3
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 55
Cordova to celebrate their victories by public rejoicings, when
they were obliged to set out for Gallicia, to suppress a rebel-
lion of the Count of Lemos. Thence they repaired to Sala-
manca for the winter.
During the summer and autumn of this year Columbus re-
mained at Cordova, a guest in the house of Alonzo de Quinta-
nilla, who proved a warm advocate of his theory. Through
his means he became acquainted with Antonio Geraldini, the
pope's nuncio, and his brother Alexander Geraldini, precep-
tor to the younger children of Ferdinand and Isabella ; both
valuable friends about court. Wherever he obtained a candid
hearing from intelligent auditors, the dignity of his manners,
his earnest sincerity, the elevation of his views, and the practi-
cal shrewdness of his demonstrations, commanded respect even
where they failed to produce conviction.
While thus lingering in idle suspense in Cordova, he became
attached to a lady of the city, Beatrix Euriquez by name, of
a noble family, though in reduced circumstances. Their con-
nection was not sanctioned by marriage ; yet he cherished
sentiments of respect and tenderness for her to his dying day.
She was the mother of his second son, Fernando, born in the
following year (1487), whom he always treated on terms of per-
fect equality with his legitimate son Diego, and who, after his
death, became his historian.
In the winter Columbus followed the court to Salamanca.
Here his zealous friend, Alonzo de Quintanilla, exerted his in-
fluence to obtain for him the countenance of the celebrated
Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, Archbishop of Toledo, and Grand
Cardinal of Spain. This was the most important personage
about the court ; and was facetiously called by Peter Martyr,
the " third king of Spain." The king and queen had him al-
ways v by their side in peace and war. He accompanied them
in their campaigns, and they never took any measure of con-
sequence without consulting him. He was a man of sound
judgment and quick intellect, eloquent in conversation, and
able in the despatch of business. His appearance was lofty and
venerable ; he was simple yet curiously nice in his apparel, and
of gracious and gentle deportment. Though an elegant scholar,
yet, like many learned men of his day, he was but little skilled
in cosmography. When the theory of Columbus was first
mentioned to him, it struck him as involving heterodox opin-
ions, incompatible with the form of the earth as described in
the Sacred Scriptures. Further explanations had their force
with a man of his quick apprehension and sound sense. He
56 LIFE OF CllIUSTOPIIER COLUMBUS.
perceived Hint :it any rate there could be nothing irreligious in
attempting to extend the hounds of human knowledge, and to
a-.vrtain tin' works of creation : his scruples once removed. In'
permitted Columbus to be introduced to him, and gave him a
courteous reception. The latter knew the importance of his
auditor, and that a conference with the grand cardinal was al-
most equivalent to a communication with the throne ; he
exerted himself to the utmost, therefore, to explain and demon-
strate his proposition. The clear-headed cardinal listened with
profound attention. He was pleased with the noble and earnest
mnuner of Columbus, which showed him to be no common
schemer ; he felt the grandeur, and, at the same time, the sim-
plicity of his theory, and the force of many of the arguments
by which it was supported. He determined that it was a mat-
ter highly worthy of the consideration of the sovereigns, and
through his representations Columbus at length obtained ad-
mission to the royal presence. 1
We have but scanty particulars of this audience, nor can we
ascertain whether (Juecn Isabella was present on the occasion;
the contrary seems to be most probably the case. Columbus
appeared in the royal presence with modesty, yet self-possession,
neither dazzled nor daunted by the splendor of the court or the aw-
ful majesty of the throne. He unfolded his plan with eloquence
and zeal, for he felt himself, as he afterward declared, kindled
as with a fire from on high, and considered himself the agent
chosen by Heaven to accomplish its grand designs. 2
Ferdinand was too keen a judge of men not to appreciate the
character of Columbus. He perceived that, however soaring
miidit be his imagination, and vast and visionary his views, his
scheme had scientific and practh-al foundation. His ambition
was excited by the possibility of discoveries far more important
than those which had shed such glory upon Portugal ; and per-
haps it was not the least recommendation of the entcrprisv to
this subtle and grasping monarch, that, if successful, it would
enable him to forestall that rival nation in the fruits of their
long and arduous struggle, and by opening a direct course to
India across the ocean, to bear off from them the monopoly Of
Oriental commerce.
Still as usual. Ferdinand was cool and wary, and would not
trust his own judgment in a matter that involved so many
principles of science. He determined to take the opinion of the
most learned men in the kingdom, and to be guided by their
Ovit-clo, lili. il. cap. 4. Salaznr, Cron. O. Cardinal, lib. 1. cap. O'J.
* Letter to the Sovereigns iu 1501.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 57
decision. Fernando de Talavera, prior of the monastery of
Prado and confessor of the queen, one of the most erudite men
of Spain, and high in the royal confidence, was commanded to
assemble the most learned astronomers and cosmographers for
the purpose of holding a conference with Columbus, and examin-
ing him as to the grounds on which he founded his proposition.
After they had informed themselves fully on the subject, they
rvere to consult together and make a report to the sovereign of
iheir collective opinion. 1
CHAPTER III.
COLUMBUS BEFORE THE COUNCIL AT SALAMANCA.
[1480.]
THE interesting conference relative to the proposition of
Columbus took place in Salamanca, the great seat of learning in
Spain. Jt was held in the Dominican convent of St. Stephen,
in which he was lodged and entertained with great hospitality
during the course of the examination. 2
Religion and science were at that time, and more especially in
that country, closely associated. The treasures of learning were
immured in monasteries, and the professors' chairs were exclu-
sively filled from the cloister. The domination of the clergy
extended over the state as well as the church, and posts of honor
and influence at court, with the exception of hereditary nobles,
were almost entirely confined to ecclesiastics. It was even com-
mon to find cardinals and bishops in helm and corselet at the
head of armies ; for the crosier had been occasionally thrown by
for the lance, during the holy war against the Moors. The era
was distinguished for the revival of learning, but still more for
the prevalence of religious zeal, and Spain surpassed all other
countries in Christendom in the fervor of her devotion. The
Inquisition had just been established in that kingdom, and every
opinion that savored of heresy made its owner obnoxious to
odium and persecution.
Such was the period when a council of clerical sages was
convened in the collegiate convent of St. Stephen, to investigate
the new theory of Columbus. It was composed of professors
1 Hist, del Almiraute, cap. xi. 2 Hist, de Chiapa por Remesaf, lib. 5. cap, 27.
58 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
of astronomy, geography, mathematics, and other branches of
seiemv, together with various dignitaries of the church, and
learned friars. Before this erudite assembly. Columbus pre-
sented himself to propound and defend his conclusions. He
Had been scoffed at as a visionary by the vulgar and the ignorant ;
but he was convinced that he only required a body of enlightened
men to listen dispassionately to his reasonings, to insure tri-
umphant conviction.
The greater part of this learned junto, it is very probable,
came prepossessed against him, as men in place and dignity are
apt to be against poor applicants. There is always a proneness
to consider a man under examination as a kind of delinquent, or
impostor, whose faults and errors are to be detected and ex-
posed. Columbus, too, appeared in a most unfavorable light
before a scholastic body : an obscure navigator, a member of no
learned institution, destitute of all the trappings and circum-
stances which sometimes give oracular authority to dulness, and
depending upon the mere force of natural genius. Some of the
junto entertained the popular notion that he was an adventurer,
or at best a visionary ; and others had that morbid impatience of
any innovation upon established doctrine, which is apt to grow
upon dull and pedantic men in cloistered life.
What a striking spectacle must the hall of the old convent
have presented at this memorable conference ! A simple mari-
ner, standing forth in the midst of an imposing array of pro-
fessors, friars, and dignitaries of the church ; maintaining his
theory with natural eloquence, and, as it were, pleading the
cause of the New World. We are told that when he began to state
the grounds of his belief, the friars of St. Stephen alone paid at-
tention to him ; J that convent being more learned in the sciences
than the rest of the university. The others appear to have
intrenched themselves behind one dogged position: thai, after
so many profound philosophers and cosmographers had been
studying the form of the world, and so many able navigators
had been sailing about it for several thousand years, it was great
presumption in an ordinary man to suppose that there remained
such a vast discovery for him to make/]
Several of the objections proposed t5y this learned body have
been handed down to us, and have provoked many a sneer at the
expense of the univensity of Salamanca ; but they are proofs, not
BO much of the peculiar deficiency of that institution, as of the
imperfect state of science at the time, and the manner in which
1 Ilemesal, Hist, de Chiapa, lib. \i. cap. 7.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 59
knowledge, though rapidly extending, was still impeded in its
progress by monastic bigotry. All subjects were still contem-
plated through the obscure medium of those ages when the lights
of antiquity were trampled out and faith was left to fill the place
of inquiry. Bewildered in a maze of religious controversy, man-
kind had retraced their steps, and receded from the boundary
line of ancient knowledge. Thus, at the very threshold of the
discussion, instead of geographical objections, Columbus was
assailed with citations from the Bible and the Testament : the
book of Genesis, the psalms of David, the prophets, the
epistles, and the gospels. To these were added the expositions
of various saints and reverend commentators : St. Chrysostom
and St. Augustine, St. Jerome and St. Gregory, St. Basil and St.
Ambrose, and Lactantius Firmianus, a redoubted champion of
the faith. Doctrinal points were mixed up with philosophical
discussions, and a mathematical demonstration was allowed no
weight, if it appeared to clash with_a text of Scripture or a com-
mentary of one of the fathers. Thus the possibility of antip-
odes, in the southern hemisphere, an opinion so generally
maintained by the wisest of the ancients as to be pronounced by
Pliny the great contest between the learned and the ignorant,
became a stumbling-block with some of the sages of Salamanca.
Several of them stoutly contradicted this fundamental position
of Columbus, supporting themselves by quotations from Lactan-
tius and St. Augustine, who were considered in those days as
almost evangelical authority.^ But, though these writers were
men of consummate erudition, and two of the greatest luminaries
of what has been called, the golden age of ecclesiastical learning,
yet their writings were calculated to perpetuate darkness in
respect to the sciences.
The passage cited from Lactantius to confute Columbus is in
a strain of gross ridicule, unworthy of so grave a theologian.
" Is there any one so foolish," he asks, " as to believe that there
are antipodes with their feet opposite to ours : people who walk
with their heels upward, and their heads hanging down ? That
there is a part of the world in which all things are topsy-turvy ;
where the trees grow with their branches downward, and where it
rains, hails, and snows upward ? The idea of the roundness
of the earth," he adds, " was the cause of inventing this fable
of the antipodes, with their heels in the air ; for these philoso-
phers, having once erred, go on in their absurdities, defending
one with another."
Objections of a graver nature were advanced on the authority
of St. Augustine. He pronounces the doctrine of antipodes
CO LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
to he incompatible with the historical foundations of onr faith ;
since, to assert that there were inhabited lands on the opposite
side of the globe would be to maintain that then- were nations
not descended from Adam, it being impossible for them to have
passed the intervening ocean. This would be, therefore, to
discredit the Bible, which expressly declares that all men are
descended from one common parent.
Such were the unlocked for prejudices which Columbus had
to encounter at the very outset of his conference, and whk-h
certainly relish more of the convent then the university. To
his- simplest proposition, the spherical form of the earth, were
opposed figurative texts of Scripture. They observed that in
the Psalms the heavens are said to be extended like a hide, 1
that is, according to commentators, the curtain or covering of
a tent, which, among the ancient pastoral nations, was formed
of the hides of animals ; and that St. Paul, in his Epistle to
the Hebrews, compares the heavens to a tabernacle, or tent, ex-
tended over the earth, which they thence inferred must be flat.
Columbus, who was a devoutly religious man, found that he
was in danger of being convicted not merely of error, but of
heterodox}'. Others more versed in science admitted the glob-
ular form of the earth, and the possibility of an opposite and
habitable hemisphere ; but they brought up the chimera of the
ancients, and maintained that it would be impossible to arrive
there, in consequence of the insupportable heat of the torrid
zone. Even granting this could be passed, they ol>serve that
the circumference of the earth must l so great as to require
at least three years to the voyage, and those who should under-
take it must perish of hunger and thirst, from the impossibility
of carrying provisions for so long a period. He was told, on
the authority of Epicurus, that, admitting the earth to be
spherical, it was only inhabitable in the northern hemisphere,
and in that section only was canopied by the heavens ; that the
opposite half was a chaos, a gulf, or a mere waste of water.
Not the least absurd objection advanced was, that should a ship
even succeed in reaching, in this way, the extremity of India,
she could never get back again ; for the rotundity of the glolxj
would present a kind of mountain, up which it would l>e im-
possible for her to sail with the most favorable winds. -
Such are specimens of the errors and prejudices, the mingled
ignorance and erudition, and the pedantic bigotry, with which
1 Ex tendons ccelum sicut pellem. Psalm 103. In the English tranaUUou it is Psalm
104. ver. 3.
' iliBt. del Almirante. cap. 11.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 61
Columbus had to contend throughout the examination of his
theory. Can we wonder at the difficulties and delays which he
experienced at courts, when such vague and crude notions were
entertained by the learned men of a university ? We must not
suppose, however, because the objections here cited are all
which remain on record, that they are all which were advanced ;
these only have been perpetuated on account of their superior
absurdity. They were probably advanced by but few, and those
persons immersed in theological studies, in cloistered retirement,
wliere the erroneous opinions derived from books had little
opportunity of being corrected by the experience of the day.
There were no doubt objections advanced more cogent in
their nature, and more worthy of that distinguished university.
It is but justice to add, also, that the replies of Columbus had
great weight with many of his learned examiners. In answer
to the scriptural objections, he submitted that the inspired
writers were not speaking technically as cosmographers, but
figuratively, in language addressed to all comprehensions. The
commentaries of the fathers he treated with deference as pious
homilies, but not as philosophical propositions which it? was
necessary either to admit or refute. The objections drawn
from ancient philosophers he met boldly and ably upon equal
terms ; for he was deeply studied on all points of cosmography.
He showed that the most illustrious of those sages believed
both hemispheres to be inhabitable, though they imagined that
the torrid zone precluded communications ; and he obviated con-
clusively that difficult} 7 , for he had voyaged to St. George la
Mina in Guinea, almost under the equinoctial line, and had
found that region not merely traversable, but abounding in
populatiop, in fruits and pasUirage.
When Columbus took his stand before this learned body, he
had appeared the plain and simple navigator ; somewhat daunted,
perhaps, by the greatness of his task and the august nature of
his auditory. But he had a degree of religious feeling which
gave him a confidence in the execution of what he conceived
his great errand, and he was of an ardent temperament that
became heated in action by its own generous fires. Las Casas,
and others of his contemporaries, have spoken of his command-
ing person, his elevated demeanor, his air of authority, his
kindling eye, and the persuasive intonations of his voice. How
must they have given majesty and force to his words, as,
casting aside his maps and charts, and discarding for a time his
practical and scientific lore, his visionary spirit took fire at the
doctrinal objections of his opponents, and he met them upon
62 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
their own ground, pouring forth those magnificent texts of
Seripture, ami those- mysterious predictions of the prophets,
which, in his enthusiastic moments, he considered as types and
annunciations of the sublime discovery which he pressed !
Among the numl>er who were convinced by the reasoning,
and wanned by the eloquence of Columbus, was Diego de
De/.a, a worthy and learned friar of the order of St. DominSek,
at that time professor of theology at the convent of St. Stephen,
but who became afterward Archbishop of Seville, the second
ecclesiastical dignitary of Spain. This able and erudite divine
was a man whose mind was above the narrow bigotry of lxx>k-
ish lore ; one who could appreciate the value of wisdom even
when uttered by unlearned lips. He was not a mere passive
auditor : he took a generous interest in the cause, and by sec-
onding Columbus with all his powers, calmed the blind zeal of
his more bigoted brethren so as to obtain for him a dispassion-
ate, if not an unprejudiced, hearing. By their united efforts, it
is said, they brought over the most learned men of the schools. 1
One great difficulty was to reconcile the plan of Columbus with
the cosmography of Ptolemy, to which all scholars yielded im-
plicit faith. How would the most enlightened of those I
have been astonished, had any one apprised them that the man,
Copernicus, was then in existence, whose solar system should
reverse the grand theory of Ptolemy, which stationed the earth
in the centre of the universe !
Notwithstanding every exertion, however, there was a pre-
ponderating mass of inert bigotry and learned pride in this
erudite body, which refused to yield to the demonstrations of
an obscure foreigner, without fortune or connections, or any
academic honors. " It was requisite," says Las Casas. ' before
Columbus could make his solutions and reasonings understood,
that he should remove from his auditors those erroneous prin-
ciples on which their objections were founded; a task always
more difficult than that of teaching the doctrine." Occasional
conferences took place, but without producing any decision.
The ignorant, or what is worse, the prejudiced, remained obsti-
nate in their opjmsition, with the dogged perseverance of dull
men; the more liberal and intelligent felt little interest in dis-
cussions wearisome in themselves, and foreign to their ordinary
pursuits; even those who listened with approbation to the plan,
regarded it only as a delightful vision, full of probability and
promise, but one which never could be realized. Fernando de
Remeeal, Hist, de Chiapa, lib. xi. cap. 7.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 63
Talavera, to whom the matter was especially intrusted, had too
little esteem for it, and was too much occupied with the stir
and bustle of public concerns, to press it to a conclusion ; and
thus the inquiry experienced continual procrastination and
neglect.
CHAPTER IV.
FURTHER APPLICATIONS AT THE COURT OF CASTILE COLUMBUS
FOLLOWS THE COURT IN ITS CAMPAIGNS.
THE Castilian court departed from Salamanca early in the
spring of 1487 and repaired to Cordova, to prepare for the
memorable campaign against Malaga. Fernando de Talavera,
now Bishop of Avila, accompanied the queen as her confessor,
and as one of her spiritual counsellors in the concerns of the
war. The consultations of the board at Salamanca were inter-
rupted by this event, before that learned body could come to a
decision, and for a long time Columbus was kept in suspense,
vainly awaiting the report that was to decide the fate of his
application.
It has generally been supposed that the several years which
he wasted in irksome solicitation were spent in the drowsy and
monotonous attendance of ante-chambers ; but it appears, on the
contrary, that they were often passed amid scenes of peril and
adventure, and that, in. following up his suit, he was led into
some of the most striking situations of this wild, rugged, and
mountainous war. Several times he was summoned to attend
conferences in the vicinity of the sovereigns, when besieging
cities in the very heart of the Moorish dominions ; but the tern-
pest of warlike affairs which hurried the court from place to
place and gave it all the bustle and confusion of a camp, pre-
vented those conferences from taking place, and swept away
all concerns that were not immediately connected with the
war. Whenever the court had an interval of leisure and
repose, there would again be manifested a disposition to con-
sider his proposal, but the hurry and tempest would again
return and the question be again swept away.
The spring campaign of 1487, which took place shortly after
the conference at Salamanca, was full of incident and peril.
King Ferdinand had nearly been surprised and cut off by the
old Moorish monarch before Velez Malaga, and the queen and
64 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
all the court at Cordova were for a time in an agony of terror
and suspense until assured of his safety.
When the sovereigns were subsequently encamped before the
city of Malaga, pressing its memorable siege, Columluis was
summoned to the court. He found it drawn up in it.s .silken
pavilions on a rising ground, commanding the fertile valley of
Malaga; the encampments of the warlike nobility of Spain
extended in a semicircle on each side, to the shores of the >t a.
strongly fortilied, glittering with the martial pomp of that
chivalrous age and nation, and closely investing that important
city.
The siege was protracted for several months, but the vigorous
defence of the Moors, their numerous stratagems, and tierce
and frequent sallies, allowed but little leisure in the camp. Jn
the course of this siege, the application of Columbus to the
sovereigns was nearly brought to a violent close ; a fanatic
Moor having attempted to assassinate Ferdinand and Isalx-lla.
Mistaking one of the gorgeous pavilions of the nobility for the
royal tent, he attacked Don Alvaro de Portugal, and Dona
Beatrix de Bobadilla, Marchioness of Moya, instead of the king
and queen. After wounding Don Alvaro dangerously, he was
foiled in a blow aimed at the marchioness, and immediately cut
to pieces by the attendants. 1 The lady here mentioned was of
extraordinary merit and force of character. She eventually
took a great interest in the suit of Columbus, ami had much
influence in recommending it to the queen, with whom she was
a particular favorite. 2
Malaga surrendered on the 18th of August, 1487. There ap-
pears to have been no time during its stormy siege to attend to
the question of Columbus, though Fernando de Talavera, the
Bishop of Avila, was present, as appears by his entering the
captured city in solemn and religious triumph. The campaign
being ended, the court returned to Cordova, but was almost
immediately driven from that city by the pestilence.
For upward of a year the court was in a state of continual
migration ; part of the time in Saragossa, part of the time in-
vading the Moorish territories by the way of Murcia, and part
of the time in Valladolid and Medina del Campo. Columbus
attended it in some of its movements, but it was vain to seek a
quiet and attentive hearing from a court surrounded by the din
of arms and continually on the march. Wearied and discour-
aged by these delays, he began to think of applying elsewhere
1 Pulgar, Croiiica, cap. 87. P. Martyr. * Kciralo del Buen Vaoaallo, lib. II. cap. 16.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 65
foi patronage, and appears to have commenced negotiations
with King John II. for a return to Portugal. He wrote to that
monarch on the subject, and received a letter in reply dated
20th of March, 1488, inviting him to return to his court, and
assuring him of protection from any suits of either a civil or
criminal nature, that might be pending against him. He
received also a letter from Henry VII. of England, inviting
him to that country, and holding out promises of encourage-
ment.
There must have been strong hopes, authorized about this
time by the conduct of the Spanish sovereigns, to induce Colum-
bus to neglect these invitations ; and we find ground for such a
supposition in a memorandum of a sum of money paid to him
by the treasurer Gonzalez, to enable him to comply with a
summons to attend the Castilian court. By the date of this
memorandum, the payment must have been made immediately
after Columbus had received the letter of the King of Portugal.
It would seem to have been the aim of King Ferdinand to pre-
vent his carrying his proposition to another and a rival mon-
arch, and to keep the matter in suspense, until he should have
leisure to examine it, and, if advisable, to carry it into opera-
tion.
In the spring of 1489 the long-adjourned investigation ap-
peared to be on the eve of taking place. Columbus was sum-
moned to attend a conference of learned men, to be held in the
city of Seville ; a royal order was issued for lodgings to be pro-
vided for him there ; and the magistrates of all cities and towns
through which he might pass, on his way, were commanded to
furnish accommodations gratis for himself and his attendants.
A provision of the kind was necessary in those days, when even
the present wretched establishments, called Posadas, for the
reception of travellers, were scarcely known.
The city of Seville complied with the royal command, but as
usual the appointed conference was postponed, being interrupted
by the opening of a campaign, " in which.," says an old chron-
icler of the place, " the same Columbus was found fighting,
giving proofs of the distinguished valor which accompanied his
wisdom and his lofty desires." 1
The campaign in which Columbus is here said to have borne
so honorable a part was one of the most glorious of the war of
Granada. Queen Isabella attended with all her court, including
as usual a stately train of prelates and friars, among whom is
1 Diego Ortiz do Zuuiga. Ann. de Sevilla, lib. xii., auno 1489, p. 404.
<;; Lire OF cuiiisrni'HKit COUM/ /;rs.
particularly mentioned tin- procrastinatin'.: arbiter of the preten-
sions Of Colombo*, Fernando dc Talavera. Much of tin- BOOC6M
of tin- campaiirii is aserilted to the presence ami counsel of
;la. Tin- city of I'.a/a, which was closely besieged and
ha<l resided valiantly for upward of six months, surrendered
soon after her arrival; ami on the 22d of December, Columbus
In-held Muley Hoabdil, the elder of the two rival kings of (Jni-
na.la. siinvnd'.'r in j>erson all his remaining possessions, and his
right to tin- TO\VIK to the Spanish sovereigns.
Diii-ini: this siege a circumstance took place which api>ears to
have made a deep impression on the devout and enthusiastic
spirit of Columbus. Two reverend friars arrived one day at
the Spanish camp, and requested admission to the sovereigns
on business of ureat moment. They were two of the brethren
of the convent established at the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem.
They brought a message from the Grand Soldan of Egypt,
threatening to put to death all the Christians in his dominion,
to lay w:uste their (-(invents and churches, and to destroy the
sepulchre, if the sovereigns did not desist from the war against
(iranada. The- menace had no effect in altering the purpose of
tin- sovereigns, but Isabella granted a yearly and perpetual sum
of one thousand ducats in gold. 1 for the support of the monks
who had charge of the sepulchre ; and sent a veil embroidered
with her own hands to be hung up at its shrine. 2
The representations of these f rial's of the sufferings and in-
diirnities to which Christians were subjected in the Holy Land,
her with the arrogant threat of the Soldan, roused the
pious indignation of the Spanish cavaliers, and many burned
with ardent /eai once more to revive the contests of the faith
on the sacred plains of 1'alestine. It was probably from con-
versation with these friars, and from the pious and chivalrous
/<-al thus awakened in the warrior throng around him, that Col-
umbus tirst conceived an enthusiastic idea, or rather made a
kind of mental vow. which remained more or less present to his
mind until the very day of his death. He determined that,
should his projected enterprise U- successful, he would devote
the profits arising from his anticipated discoveries to a crusade
for the i the- holv sepulchre from the power of the
in I'M
If the bustle and turmoil of this campaign prevented the
intended conference, the concerns of Columbus fared no better
during the sul'-quciit rejoicings. Ferdinand and Isabella
1 Or 1,12'. ilollnrx. ci|iiiv.i1piit in l.-v, i ,lnl|jir in our time.
iii. cup. M.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 67
entered Seville in February, 1490, with great pomp and tri-
umph. There were then preparations made for the marriage
of their eldest daughter, the princess Isabella, with the Prince\
Don Alonzo, heir apparent of Portugal. The nuptials were
celebrated in the month of April, with extraordinary splendor.
Throughout the whole winter and spring the court was in a con-
tinual tumult of parade and pleasure, and nothing was to be
seen at Seville but feasts, tournaments, and torchlight proces-
sions. What chance had Columbus of being heard amid these
alternate uproars of war and festivity?
During this long course of solicitation he supported himself,
in part, by making maps and charts, and was occasionally
assisted by the purse of the worthy friar Diego de Deza. It is
due to the sovereigns to say, also, that whenever he was sum-
moned to follow the movements of the court, or to attend any
appointed consultation, he was attached to the royal suite, and
lodgings were provided for him and sums issued to defray his
expenses. Memorandums of several of these sums still exist
in the book of accounts of the royal treasurer, Francisco Gon-
zalez, of Seville, which has lately been found in the archives of
Simancas ; and it is from these minutes that we have been
enabled, in some degree, to follow the movements of Columbus
during his attendance upon this rambling and warlike court.
During all this time he was exposed to continual scoffs and
indignities, being ridiculed by the light and ignorant as a mere
dreamer, and stigmatized by the illiberal as an adventurer. The
very children, it is said, pointed to their foreheads as he passed,
being taught to regard him as a kind of madman.
The summer of 1490 passed away, but still Columbus was
kept in tantalizing and tormenting suspense. The subsequent
winter was not more propitious. He was lingering at Cordova
in a state of irritating anxiety, when he learnt that the sover-
eigns were preparing to depart on a campaign in the Vega of
Granada, with a determination never to raise their camp from
before that city until their victorious banners should float upon
its towers.
Columbus was aware that when once the campaign was
opened and the sovereigns were in the field, it would be in vain
to expect any attention to his suit. He was wearied, if not
incensed, at the repeated postponements he had experienced, by
which several years had been consumed. He now pressed for
a decisive reply with an earnestness that would -not admit of
evasion. Fernando de Talavera, therefore, was called upon by
the sovereigns to hold a definitive conference with the scientific
t'.-i /./FA' OF rillUSTOrilKl! COLl'MBUS.
men to whom the project had been referred, and to make a
t of their decision. Tin- bishop tardily complied, and at
Icn-th rc|x>rted to tht'ir majesties, as the general opinion of the
Junto, that the proposed scheme was vain and impOwiUe, and
th:it it did not In-come such great princes to engage in an enter-
of the kind on such weak grounds as had been advanced. 1
Notwithstanding this unfavorable report, the sovereigns were
unwilling t.. <!< the door upon a project which might be pro-
ductive of stu-h iin|x>rlant advantages. Many of the learned
memU-rs of the Junto also were in its favor, particularly Fray
. <lc I)e/a. tutor to Prince Juan, who from his situation
ami clerical character had access to the royal ear, and exerted
himself strenuously in counteracting the decision of the board.
A !<_'!. e of consideration, also, had gradually grown up at
court for the enterprise, and many men, distinguished for rank
and merit, had In-come its advocates. Fernando de Talavera.
then-fore, was commanded to inform Columbus, who was still
at Cordova, that the great cares and expenses of the wars ren-
dered it im|Ksille for the sovereigns to engage in any new
enterprise : luit that when the war was concluded they would
have Initli time and inclination to treat with him about what he
ed. f
Tins was but a starved reply to receive after so many days
of weary attendance, anxious expectations, and deferred hope;
Columbus was unwilling to receive it at second hand, and re-
paired to the court at Seville to learn his fate from the lips of
the sovereigns. Their reply was virtually the same, declining
to cn_M'_ r e in the enterprise for the present, but holding out
hopes of patronage when relieved from the cares and expenses
of the war.
i luinhus looked upon this indefinite postponement as a mere
courtly mode of evading his im|ortunity, and sup[>osed that the
f -mil-able dispositions of the sovereigns had been counteracted
by the objections of the ignorant and bigoted. Renouncing all
further confidence, therefore, in vague promises, which had so
often led to disappointment, and giving up all ho|x.s of coun-
tenance from the throne, he turned his back upon .Seville, in-
dignant at the thoughts of having been beguiled out of so many
pie.-ious years of waning existence.
Ilit. del. Almlrmnlc, cap. ? * IH,U del Ahnirauie, cap. 2
LIFE OF CUEISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 69
CHAPTER V.
COLUMBUS AT THE CONVENT OF LA RABIDA.
ABOUT half a league from the little seaport of Palos deMoguer
in Andalusia there stood, and continues to stand at the present
day, an ancient convent of Franciscan friars, dedicated to Santa
Maria de Kabida. One day a stranger on foot, in humble guise
but of a distinguished air, accompanied by a small boy, stopped
at the gate of the convent, and asked of the porter a little bread
and water for his child. While receiving this humble refresh-
ment, the prior of the convent, Juan Perez de Marchena, hap-
pening to pass by, was struck with the appearance of the
stranger, and observing from his air and accent that he was a
foreigner, entered into conversation with him, and soon learned
the particulars of his story. That stranger was Columbus. 1
He was on his way to the neighboring town of Huelva, to seek
his brother-in-law, who had married a sister of his deceased
wife. 2
The prior was a man of extensive information. His attention
had been turned in some measure to geographical and nautical
science, probably from his vicinity to Palos, the inhabitants of
which were among the most enterprising navigators of .Spain,
and made frequent voyages to the recently discovered islands
and countries on the African coast. He was greatly interested
by the conversation of Columbus, and struck with the grandeur
of his views. It was a remarkable occurrence in the monoto-
nous life of the cloister, to have a man of such singular
character, intent on so extraordinary an enterprise, applying
for bread and water at the gate of his convent.
When he found, however, that the voyager was on the point
of abandoning Spain to seek patronage in the court of France,
and that so important an enterprise was about to be lost forever
to the country, the patriotism of the good friar took the alarm.
He detained Columbus as his guest, and, diffident of his own
judgment, sent for a scientific friend to converse with him.
1 " Lo dicho Almirante Colon veniendo a la Rabida, que es un monast6rio de frailes
en esta villa, el qual demandu a la porteria que le diesen para aquel nifiico, que era nino,
pan i agua que bebieoe." The testimony of Garcia Fernandez exists in manuscript
among the rnullifariou* writings of the 1'leito or lawsuit, which are preserved at Seville.
1 have made use of an authenticated extract, copied for the late historian, Juan I.aut.
Muiioz.
1 Probably Pedro Correo, already mentioned, from whom he had received information
of signs of laud in the weal, observed near Puerto Sauto.
70 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIil'S.
That friend was Garcia Fernandez, a physician resident in
Palos. the same who furnishes this interesting testimony. Fer-
nandez was equally struck with the appearance and conversation
of the stranger; several conferences took place at the convent,
at which several of the veteran mariners of Palos were present.
Among these was Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the head of a family
of wealthy and experienced navigators of the place, celebrated
for their adventurous expeditions. Facts were related by some
of these navigators in support of the theory of Columbus. In
a word, his project was treated with a deference in the quiet
cloisters of La Rabida, and among the seafaring men of Palos,
which had been sought in vain among the sages and philosophers
of the court. Martin Alonzo Pinzon especially was so con-
vinced of its feasibility that he offered to engage in it with purse
and person, and to bear the expenses of Columbus in a renewed
application to the court.
Friar Juan Perez was confirmed in his faith by the concur-
rence of those learned and practical councillors. He had once
been confessor to the queen, and knew that she was always
accessible to persons of his sacred calling. He proposed to
write to her immediately on the subject, and entreated Columbus
to delay his journey until an answer could be received. The
latter was easily persuaded, for he felt as if, in leaving Spain,
he was again abandoning his home. He was also reluctant to
renew, in another court, the vexatious and disappointments
experienced in Spain and Portugal.
The little council at the convent of La Rabida now cast round
their eyes for an ambassador to depart upon this momentous
mission. They chose one Sebastian Rodriguez, a pilot of Lepe,
one of the most shrewd and important personages in this mari-
time neighborhood. The queen was at this time at Santa Fe,
the military city which had been built in the Vega before
Granada, after the conflagration of the royal camp. The honest
pilot acquitted himself faithfully, expeditiously, and success-
fully, in his embassy. He found access to the benignant
princess, and delivered the epistle of the friar. Isabella had
always been favorably disposed to the proposition of Columbus.
She wrote in reply to Juan Perez, thanking him for his timely
services, and requesting that he would repair immediately to the
court, leaving Christopher Columbus in confident hope until he
should hear further from her. This royal letter was brought
back by the pilot at the end of fourteen flays, and spread great
joy in the little junto at the convent. No sooner did the warm-
hearted friar receive it, th?iu he saddled his mule, aud departed
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 71
privately, before midnight, for the court. He journeyed through
the conquered countries of the Moors, and rode into the newly-
erected city of Santa Fe, where the sovereigns were superin-
tending the close investment of the capital of Granada.
The sacred office of Juan Perez gained him a ready entrance
in a court distinguished for religious zeal ; and, once admitted
to the presence of the queen, his former relation, as father
confessor, gave him great freedom of counsel. He pleaded the
cause of Columbus with characteristic enthusiasm, speaking
from actual knowledge of his honorable motives, his professional
knowledge and experience, and his perfect capacity to fulfil the
undertaking ; he represented the solid principles upon which the
enterprise was founded, the advantage that must attend its
success, and the glory it must shed upon the Spanish crown.
It is probable that Isabella had never heard the proposition
urged with such honest zeal and impressive eloquence. Being
naturally more sanguine and susceptible than the king, and
more open to warm and generous impulses, she was moved by
the representations of Juan Perez, which were warmly seconded
by her favorite, the Marchioness of Moya, who entered into the
affair with a woman's disinterested enthusiasm. 1 The queen
requested that Columbus might be again sent to her, and, with
the kind considerateness which characterized her, bethinking
herself of his poverty, and his humble plight, ordered that
twenty thousand maravedies 2 in florins should be forwarded to
him, to bear his travelling expenses, to provide him with a mule
for his journey, and to furnish him with decent raiment, that he
might make a respectable appearance at the court.
The worthy friar lost no time in communicating the result of
his mission ; he transmitted the money, and a letter, by the
hands of an inhabitant of Palos, to the physician Garcia Fer-
nandez, who delivered them to Columbus. The latter complied
with the instructions conveyed in the epistle. He exchanged
his threadbare garb for one more suited to the sphere of a court,
and, purchasing a mule, set out once more, reanimated by
hopes, for the camp before Granada. 8
1 Rctrato del Buen Vassal lo, lib. ii. cap. 16.
1 Or 72 dollars, and equivalent to 216 dollars of the present day.
3 Most of the particulars of this visit of Columbus to the convent of La Rabida are
from the testimony rendered by Garcia Keruaudez ill the lawsuit between. Diego, the son
of Columbus, and the crown.
72 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER VI.
APPLICATION TO THE COURT AT THE TIME OF THE SURRENDER
OF GRANADA.
11492.]
WHEN Columbus arrived at the court, he experienced a
favorable reception, and was given in hospitable charge to his
steady friend Alouzo de Quintauilla, the accountant-general.
The moment, however, was too eventful for his business to
receive immediate attention. He arrived in time to witness the
memorable surrender of Granada to the Spanish arms. He
beheld Boabdil, the last of the Moorish kings, sally forth from
the Alhambra, and yield up the keys of that favorite seat of
Moorish power; while the king and queen, with all the chivalry
and rank ami magnificence of Spain, moved forward in proud
and solemn procession, to receive this token of submission. It
was one of the most brilliant triumphs in Spanish history.
After near eight hundred years of painful struggle, the crescent
was completely cast down, the cross exalted in its place, and
the standard of Spain was seen floating on the highest tower of
the Alhainhra. The whole court and army were abandoned to
jubilee. The air resounded with shouts of joy, with songs of
triumph, and hymns of thanksgiving. On every side were
beheld military rejoicings and religious oblations ; for it was
considered a triumph, not merely of arms, but of Christianity.
The king and queen moved in the midst, in more than common
magnificence, while every eye regarded them as more than
mortal ; as if sent by Heaven for the salvation and building up
of Spain. 1 The court was thronged by the most illustrious of
that warlike country, and stirring era ; by the flower of its
nobility, by the most dignified of its prelacy, by bards and
minstrels, and all the retinue of a romantic and picturesque
age. There was nothing but the glittering of arms, the rustling
of robes, the sound of music and festivity.
Do we want a picture of our navigator during this brilliant
and triumphant scene? It is furnished by a Spanish writer.
"A man obscure and but little known followed at this time the
court. Confounded in the crowd of importunate applicants,
> Mariana, Hint, de Espafia, lib. xxv. oap. 18.
LIFE OF CnitlS'fOPnER COLUMBUS. 73
feeding his imagination in the corners of ante-chambers with the
pompous project of discovering a world, melancholy and dejected
in the midst of the general rejoicing, he beheld with indifference,
and almost with contempt, the conclusion of a conquest which
swelled nil bosoms with jubilee, and seemed to have reached
the utmost bounds of desire. That man was Christopher
Columbus." *
The moment had now arrived, however, when the monarchs
stood pledged to attend to his proposals. The war with the
Moors was at an end, Spain was delivered from its intruders,
and its sovereigns might securely turn their views to foreign
enterprise. They kept their word with Columbus. Persons of
confidence were appointed to negotiate with him, among whom
was Fernando de Talavera, who, by the recent conquest, had
list n to be Archbishop of Granada. At the very outset of
their negotiation, however, unexpected difficulties arose. So
fully imbued was Columbus with the grandeur of his enterprise,
that he would listen to none but princely conditions. His piin-
cipal stipulation was, that he should be invested with the titles
and privileges of admiral and viceroy over the countries he
should discover, with one tenth of all gains, either by trade or
conquest. The courtiers who treated with him were indignant
nt such a demand. Their pride was shocked to see one, whom
they had considered as a needy adventurer, aspiring to rank and
dignities superior to their own. One observed with a sneer
that it was a shrewd arrangement which he proposed, whereby
he was secure, at all events, of the honor of a command, and
had nothing to lose in case of failure.. To this Columbus
promptly replied, by offering to furnish one eighth of the cost,
on condition of enjoying an eighth of the profits. To do this,
he no doubt calculated on the proffered assistance of Martin
Alonzo Piuzon, the wealthy navigator of Palos.
His terms, however, were pronounced inadmissible. Fer-
nando de Talavera had always considered Columbus a dream-
ing speculator, or a needy applicant for bread ; but to see this
man, who had for years been an indigent and threadbare solici-
tor in his ante-chamber, assuming so lofty a tone, and claiming
an office that approached to the awful dignity of the throne,
excited the astonishment as well as the indignation, of the pre-
late. He represented to Isabella that it would l>e degrading to
the dignity of so illustrious a crown to lavish such distinguished
honors upon a nameless stranger. Such terms, he observed.
1 Clement-ill, Elogio de la Heina Catolica, p. 20.
74 . LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
even in case of success, would be exorbitant ; but in case of
failure, would be cited with ridicule, as evidence of the gross
credulity of the Spanish monarchs.
Isabella was always attentive to the opinions of her ghostly
advisers, and the archbishop being her confessor, had peculiar
influence. His suggestions checked her dawning favor. She
thought the proposed advantages might be purchased at too
great a price. More moderate conditions were offered to Colum-
bus, and such as appeared highly honorable and advantageous.
It was all in vain : he would not cede one point of his demands,
and the negotiation was broken off.
It is impossible not to admire the great constancy of purpose
and loftiness of spirit displayed by Columbus, ever since he
had conceived the sublime idea of his discovery. More than
eighteen years had elapsed since his correspondence with Paulo
Toscanelli of Florence, wherein he had announced his design.
The greatest part of that time had been consumed in applica-
tions at various courts. During that period, what poverty,
neglect, ridicule, contumely, and disappointment had he not
suffered ! Nothing, however, could shake his perseverance, nor
make him descend to terms which he considered beneath the dig-
nity of his enterprise. In all his negotiations he forgot his
present obscurity ; he forgot his present indigence ; his ardent
imagination realized the magnitude of his contemplated discov-
eries, and he felt himself negotiating about empire.
Though so large a portion of his life had worn away in fruit-
less solicitings ; though there was no certainty that the same
weary career was not* to be entered upon at any other court ; yet
so indignant was he at the repented disappointments he had
experienced in Spain, that he determined to abandon it forever,
rather than compromise his demands. Taking leave of his
friends, therefore, he mounted his mule, and sallied forth from
Santa F6 in the beginning of February, 1492, on his way to
Cordova, whence he intended to depart immediately for France.
When the few friends who were zealous believers in the theory
of Columbus saw him really on the point of abandoning the
country, they were filled with distress, considering his departure
an irreparable loss to the nation. Among the number was Luis
de St. Angel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues in Arragon.
Determined if possible to avert the evil, he obtained an imme-
diate audience of the queen, accompanied by Alonzo de Quin-
tanilla. The exigency of the moment gave him courage and
eloquence. He did not confine himself to entreaties, but almost
mingled reproaches, expressing astonishment that a queen who
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 75
had evin-ced the spirit to undertake so many great and perilous
enterprises, should hesitate at one where the loss could be so
trilling, while the gain might be incaleulable. He reminded her
how much might be done for the glory of God, the exaltation of
the church, and the extension of her own power and dominion.
What cause of regret to herself, of triumph to her enemies, of
sorrow to her friends, should this enterprise, thus rejected by
her, be accomplished by some other power! He reminded her
what fame and dominion other princes had acquired by their
discoveries ; here was an opportunity to surpass them all.
He entreated her majesty not to be misled by the assertions
of learned men, that the project was the dream of a visionary.
He vindicated the judgment of Columbus, and the soundness
and practicability of his plans. Neither would even his failure
reflect disgrace upon the crown. It was worth the trouble and
expense to clear up even a doubt upon a matter of such im-
portance, for it belonged, to enlightened and magnanimous
princes to investigate questions of the kind, and to explore the
wonders and secrets of the universe. He stated the liberal
offer of Columbus to bear an eighth of the expense, and in-
formed her that all the requisites for this great enterprise con-
sisted but of two vessels and about three thousand crowns.
These and many more arguments were urged with that per-
suasive power which honest zeal imparts, and it is said the
Marchioness of Moya, who was present, exerted her eloquence
to persuade the queen. The generous spirit of Isabella was
enkindled. It seemed as if, for the first time, the subject broke
upon her mind in its real grandeur, and she declared her reso-
lution to undertake the enterprise.
There was still a moment's hesitation. The king looked
coldly on the affair, and the royal finances were absolutely
drained by the war. Some time must be given to replenish
them. How could she draw on an exhausted treasury for a
measure to which the king was adverse ! St. Angel watched
this suspense with trembling anxiety. The next moment reas-
sured him. With an enthusiasm worthy of herself and of the
cause, Isabella exclaimed, " I undertake the enterprise for my
own crown of Castile, and will pledge my jewels to raise the
necessary funds." This was the proudest moment in the life of
Isabella ; it stamped her renown forever as the patroness of the
discovery of the New World.
St. Angel, eager to secure this noble impulse, assured her
majesty that there would be no need of pledging her jewels, as
he was ready to advance the necessary funds. His offer was
76 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
gladly accepted ; the funds really came from the coffers of
A ri:ioon ; seventeen thousand florins were advanced by the
accountant of St. Angel out of the treasury of King Ferdinand.
That prudent monarch, however, took care to have his kingdom
indemnified some few years afterward ; for in remuneration of
this loan, a part of the first gold brought by Columbus from the
New World, was employed in gilding the vaults and ceilings of
the royal saloon in the grand palace of Saragoza, in Arragou,
anciently the Aljaferia, or abode of the Moorish kings. 1
Columbus had pursued his lonely journey across the Vega
and reached the bridge of Finos, about two leagues from Gra-
nada, at the foot of the mountain of Elvira, a pass famous in
the Moorish wars for many a desperate encounter between the
Christians and infidels. Here he was overtaken by a courier
from the queen, spurring in all speed, who summoned him to
return to Santa Fe. He hesitated for a moment, being loath
to subject himself again to the delays and equivocations of
the court ; when informed, however, of the sudden zeal for the
enterprise excited in the mind of the queen, and the positive
promise she had given to undertake it, he no longer felt a doubt,
but, turning the reins of his mule, hastened back with joyful
alacrity to Santa Fe", confiding in the noble probity of that
princess.
CHAPTER VIT.
ARRANGEMENT WITH THE SPANISH SOVEREIGNS PREPARATIONS
FOR THE EXPEDITION AT THE POKT OK PAJLOS.
[1492.]
Ox arriving at Santa F, Columbus had an immediate audi-
ence of the queen, and the benignity with which she received
him atoned for all past neglect. Through deference to the zeal
she thus suddenly displayed, the king yielded his tardy con-
currence, but Isabella was the soul of this grand enterprise.
She was prompted by lofty and generous enthusiasm, while the
king proved cold and calculating in this as in all his other
undertakings.
A perfect understanding being thus effected with the sover-
1 Argensola Analet) de Arragon, lib. i. cap. 10.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 11
eigns, articles of agreement were ordered to be drawn out by
Juan de Coloma, the royal secretary. They were to the follow-
ing effect :
1. That Columbus should have, for himself during his life,
and his heirs and successors forever, the office of admiral in all
the lands and continents which he might discover or acquire in
the ocean, with similar honors and prerogatives to those enjoyed
by the high admiral of Castile in his district.
2. That he should be viceroy and governor-general over all
the said lands and continents, with the privilege of nominating
three candidates for the government of each island or province,
one of whom should be selected by the sovereigns.
3. That he should be entitled to reserve for himself one tenth
of all pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other
articles and merchandises, in whatever manner found, bought,
bartered, or gained within his admiralty, the costs being first
deducted.
4. That he, or his lieutenant, should be the sole judge in all
causes and disputes arising out of traffic between those coun-
tries and Spain, provided the high admiral of Castile had simi-
lar jurisdiction in his district.
a. That he might then, and at all after times, contribute an
eighth part of the expense in fitting out vessels to sail on this
enterprise, and receive an eighth part of the profits.
The last stipulation, which admits Columbus to bear an eighth
of the enterprise, was made in consequence of his indignant
proffer, on being reproached with demanding ample emoluments
while incurring no portion of the charge. He fulfilled this en-
gagement, through the assistance of the Pinzons of Palos, and
added a third vessel to the armament.- Thus one eighth of the
expense attendant on this grand expedition, undertaken by a
powerful nation, was actually borne by the individual who con-
ceived it, and who likewise risked his life on its success.
The capitulations were signed by Ferdinand and Isabella, at
the city of Santa F, in the Vega or plain of Granada, on the
17th of April, 1492. A letter of privilege, or commission to
Columbus, of similar purport, was drawn out in form, and
issued by the sovereigns in the city of Granada, on the thirtieth
of the same month. In this, the dignities and prerogatives of
viceroy an 1 governor were made hereditary in his family ; and
he and his heirs were authorized to prefix the title of Don to
their names ; a distinction accorded in those days only to per-
78 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
sons of rank and estate, though it has since lost all value, from
being universally used in Spain.
All the royal documents issued on this occasion bore equally
the signatures of Ferdinand and Isabella, but her separate
crown of Castile defrayed all the expense ; and, during her life,
few persons, except Castilians, were permitted to establish
themselves in the new territories. 1
The port of Palos de Moguer was fixed upon as the place
where the armament was to be fitted out, Columbus calculating,
no doubt, on the co-operation of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, resident
there, and on the assistance of his zealous friend the prior of
the 'convent of La Rabida. Before going into the business
details of this great enterprise, it is due to the character of the
illustrious man who conceived and conducted it, most especially
to notice the elevated, even though visionary, spirit by which
he was actuated. One of his principal objects was undoubtedly
the propagation of the Christian faith. He expected to arrive
at the extremity of Asia, and to open a direct and easy com-
munication with the vast and magnificent empire of the Grand
Khan. The conversion of that heathen potentate had, in
former times, been a favorite aim of various pontiffs and pious
sovereigns, and various missions had been sent to the remote
regions of the East for that purpose. F Columbus now consid-
ered himself about to effect this great work : to spread the light
of revelation to the very ends of the earth, and thus to be the
instrument of accomplishing one of the sublime predictions of
Holy Writ. Ferdinand listened with complacency to these
enthusiastic anticipations. With him, however, religion was
subservient to interest ; and he had found, in the recent con-
quest of Granada, that extending the sway of the church might
be made a laudable means of extending his own dominions.
According to the doctrines of the day, every nation that refused
to acknowledge the truths of Christianity, was fair spoil for a
Christian invader ; and it is probable that Ferdinand was more
stimulated by the accounts given of the wealth of Mangi, Cathay,
and other provinces belonging to the Grand Khan, than by any
anxiety for the conversion of him and his semi-barbarous sub-
jects.
Isabella had nobler inducements : she was filled with a pious
zeal at tne idea of effecting such a great work of salvation.
From different motives, therefore, both of the sovereigns
accorded with the views of Columbus in this particular, and
Charluvoix, Hist. S. Domingo, lib. i. p. 79.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 79
when he afterward departed on his voyage, letters were actually
given him for the Grand Khan of Tartary.
The ardent enthusiasm of Columbus did not stop here. An-
ticipating boundless wealth from his disco veries7~hF suggested
that the treasures thus acquired should be consecrated to the
pious purpose of rescuing the holy sepulchre of Jerusalem from
the power of the infidels. The sovereigns smiled at this sally
of the imagination, but expressed themselves well pleased with
it, and assured him that even without the funds he anticipated,
they should be well disposed to that holy undertaking. 1 What
the king and queen, however, may have considered a mere
sally of momentary excitement, was a deep and cherished
design of Columbus. It is a curious and characteristic fact,
which has never been particularly noticed, that the recovery of
the holy sepulchre was one of the great objects of his ambition,
meditated throughout the remainder of his life, and solemnly
provided for in his will. In fact, he subsequently considered it
the main work for which he was chosen by heaven as an agent,
and that his great discovery was but a preparatory dispensation
of Providence to furnish means for its accomplishment.
A home-felt mark of favor, characteristic of the kind and con-
siderate heart of Isabella, was accorded to Columbus before his
departure from the court. An albala, or letter- patent, was is-
sued by the queen on the 8th of May, appointing his son Diego
page to Prince Juan, the heir apparent, with an allowance for
his support ; an honor granted only to the sons of persons of
distinguished rank.' 2
Thus gratified in his dearest wishes, after a course of delays
and disappointments sufficient to have reduced any ordinary
man to despair, Columbus took leave of the court on the 12th of
May, and set out joyfully for Palos. Let those who are disposed
to faint under difficulties, in the prosecution of any great and
worthy undertaking, remember that eighteen years elapsed af-
ter the time that Columbus conceived his enterprise, before he
was enabled to carry it into effect ; that the greater part of that
time was passed in almost hopeless solicitation, amid poverty,
neglect, and taunting ridicule ; that the prime of his life had
wasted away in the struggle, and that when his perseverance
was finally crowned with success, he was about in his fifty-sixth
year. His example should encourage the enterprising never to
despair.
1 Protest^ a vuestras Altezas que toda la ganancia dcsta mi einprea se gastase
en la conqnista <!(. Jerusalem, y vuestras Altezas tte nitron, y dijeroii quc leu placia,
y q\u- in octc tenian a quella garaa. I'riiner Viage de Colou, Navarretu, torn. i. p. 117.
* Xavurrutc, C'olcc. de Viages, torn. ii. doc. 11.
80 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER VIII.
COLUMBUS AT THE PORT OF PALOS PREPARATIONS FOR THE
VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY.
ON arriving at Palos, Columbus repaired immediately to the
neighboring convent of La Rabida, where he was received with
open arms by the worthy prior, Fray Juan Perez, and again be-
came his guest. 1 The port of Palos, for some misdemeanor, hud
been condemned by the royal council to serve the crown for one
year with two armed caravels ; and these were destined to form
part of the armament of Columbus, who was furnished with the
necessary papers and vouchers to enforce obedience in all mat-
ters necessary for his expedition.
On the following morning, the 23d of May, Columbus, accom-
panied by Fray Juan Perez, whose character and station gave
him great importance in the neighborhood, proceeded to the
church of St. George in Palos, where the alcalde, the regidors,
and many of the inhabitants of the place had "been notified to
attend. Here, in presence of them all, in the porch of the church,
a royal order was read by a notary public, commanding the
authorities of Palos to have two caravels ready for sea within
ten days after this notice, and to place them and their crews at
the disposal of Columbus. The latter was likewise empowered
to procure and fit out a third vessel. The crews of all three
were to receive the ordinary wages of seamen employed in armed
vessels, and to be paid four months in advance. They were to
sail in such direction as Columbus, under the royal authority,
should command, and were to obey him in all things, with merely
one stipulation, that neither he nor they were to go to St. George
la Mina, on the coast of Guinea, nor any other of the lately
discovered possessions of Portugal. A certificate of their goo. I
conduct, signed by Columbus, was to be the discharge of their
obligation to the crown. 2
Orders were likewise read, addressed to the public authorities,
and the people of all ranks and conditions, in the maritime bor-
ders of Andalusia, commanding them to send supplies and as-
sistance of all kinds, at reasonable prices, for the fitting out of
the vessels ; and penalties were denounced on such as should
cause any impediment. No duties were to be exacted for any
1 Oviedo, Cronica do la* India, lib. ii. rap. .">.
1 iSavaiTulu, Culuc. do ViugwB, toui. ii. doc. 6.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 81
articles furnished to the vessels ; and all criminal processes
:i;_r:iinst the person or property of any individual engaged in the
expedition was to be suspended during his absence, and for two
months after his return. 1
With these orders the authorities promised implicit compli-
ance ; but when the nature of the intended expedition came to
be known, astonishment and dismay fell upon the little com-
munity. The ships and crews demanded for such a desperate
service were regarded in the light of sacrifices. The owners of
vessels refused to furnish them ; the boldest seamen shrank from
such a wild and chimerical cruise into the wilderness of the
ocean. All kinds of frightful tales and fables were conjured up
concerning the unknown regions of the deep ; and nothing can
be a stronger evidence of the boldness of this undertaking than
the extreme dread of it in a community composed of some
of the most adventurous navigators of the age.
Weeks elapsed without a vessel being procured, or any thing
else being done in fulfilment of the royal orders. Further man-
datrs were therefore issued by the sovereigns, ordering the
magistrates of the coast of Andalusia to press into the service
any vessels they might think proper, belonging to Spanish sub-
jects, and to oblige the masters and crews to sail with Colum-
bus in whatever direction he should be sent by royal command.
Juan de IVnalosa, an officer of the royal household, was sent to
see that this order was properly complied with, receiving two
hundred maravedis a day as long as he was occupied in the busi-
ness, which sum, together with other penalties expressed in the
mandate, was to be exacted from such as should be disobedient
and delinquent. This letter was acted upon by Columbus in
Palos and the neighboring town of Moguer, but apparently with
as little success as the preceding. The communities of those
places were thrown into complete confusion ; tumults took place :
but nothing of consequence was effected. At length Martin
Alonzo Pinzon stepped forward, with his brother Vicente Zaiiez
Piuzon, both navigators of great courage and ability, owners of
vessels, and having seamen in their employ. They were related,
also, to many of the seafaring inhabitants of Palos and Moguer,
and had great influence throughout the neighborhood. They
engaged to sail on the expedition, and furnished one of the
vessels required. Others, with their owners and crews, were
pressed into the service by the magistrates under the arbitrary
mandate of the sovereigns ; and it is a striking instance of the
i Ibid., doc. 8. 9.
82 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
despotic authority exercised over commerce in those times, that
respectable individuals should thus be compelled to engage, with
persons and ships, in what appeared to them to be a mad and
desperate enterprise. During the equipment of the vessels,
troubles and difficulties arose among the seamen who had been
compelled to embark. These were fomented and kept up by
Gomez Rascon and Christoval Quintero, owners of the Pinta,
one of the ships pressed into the servive. All kinds of obsta-
cles were thrown in the way, by these people and their friends,
to retard or defeat the voyage. The calkers employed upon the
vessels did their work in a careless and imperfect manner, and
on being commanded to do it over again absconded. 1 Some of
the seamen who had enlisted willingly repented of their hardi-
hood, or were dissuaded by their relatives, and sought to retract ;
others deserted and concealed themselves. Every thing had to
be effected by the most harsh and arbitrary measures, and in
defiance of popular prejudice and opposition.
The influence and example of the Pinzons had a great effect
in allaying this opposition, and inducing many of their friends
and relatives to embark. It is supposed that they had furnished
Columbus with funds to pay the eighth part of the expense which
he was bound to advance. It is also said that Martin Alonzo
Pinzon was to divide with him his share of the profits. As
no immediate profit, however, resulted from this expedition, no
claim of the kind was ever brought forward. It is certain,
however, that the assistance of the Pinzons was all-important,
if not indispensable, in fitting out and launching the expedition. 2
After the great difficulties made by various courts in patron-
izing this enterprise, it is surprising how inconsiderable an ar-
mament was required. It is evident that Columbus had reduced
his requisitions to the narrowest limits, lest any great expense
should cause impediment. Three small vessels were apparently
all that he had requested. Two of them were light barks, called
caravels, not superior to river and coasting craft of more mod-
ern days. Representations of this class of vessels exist in old
prints and paintings. 3 They are delineated as open, and with-
out deck in the centre, but built up high at the prow and stern,
with forcastles and cabins for the accommodation of the crew.
Peter Martyr, the learned contemporary of Columbus, says that
only one of the three vessels was decked. The smallness of the
i Las Cases, TTist. Ind., lib. I. cap. 77, MS.
- Thi-si- 1,-ids concerning the I'lnzon* an- mostly taken from the testimony given, many
years afterward, in a Mill between Don Diego, the sou of Columbus, aud tlie crof/u.
3 sec il.uslialioua, uniuie ' Ships of ColuuUius."
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 83
vessels was considered an advantage by Columbus, in a voyage
of discovery, enabling him to run close to the shores, and to
enter shallow rivers and harbors. In his third voyage, when
coasting the Gulf of Paria, he complained of the size of his
ship, being nearly a hundred tons burden. But that such long
and perilous expeditions, into unknown seas, should be under-
taken in vessels without decks, and that they should live through
the violent tempests, by which they were frequently assailed, re-
main among the singular circumstances of these daring voyages.
At length, by the beginning of August, every difficulty was
vanquished, and the vessels were ready for sea. The largest,
which had been prepared expressly for the voyage, and was.
decked, was called the Santa Maria ; on board of this ship Co-
lumbus hoisted his flag. The second, called the Pinta, was com-
manded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, accompanied by his brother
Francisco Martin, as pilot. The third, called the Nina, had
latine sails, and was commanded by the third of the brothers,
Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon. There were three other pilots, Sancho
Ruiz, Pedro Alonzo Nino, and Bartolomeo Roldan. Roderigo
Sanchez of Segovia was inspector-general of the armament, and
Diego de Arana, a native of Cordova, chief alguazil. Roderigo
de Escobar went as a royal notary, an officer always sent in the
armaments of the crown, to take official notes of all transac-
tions. There were also a physician and a surgeon, together
with various private adventurers, several servants, and ninety
mariners ; making in all one hundred and twenty persons. 1
The squadron being ready to put to sea, Columbus, impressed
with the solemnity of his undertaking, confessed himself to the
Friar Juan Perez, and partook of the sacrament of the com-
munion. His example was followed by his officers and crew,
and they entered upon their enterprise full of awe, and with the
most devout and affecting ceremonials, committing themselves
to the especial guidance and protection of Heaven. A deep
gloom was spread over the whole community of Palos at their
departure, for almost every one had some relative or friend on
board of the squadron. The spirits of the seamen, already de-
pressed by their own fears, were still more cast down at the
affliction of those they left behind, who took leave of them with
tears and lamentations and dismal forebodings, as of men they
were never to behold again. ,
1 Cbarlevoix, Hist. St. Domiugo, lib. i. Munoz, Uist. Nuevo Mundo, lib. ii.
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS ON HIS FIRST VOYAGE.
[1492.]
WHEN Columbus set sail on this memorable voyage, he com-
menced a regular journal, intended for the inspection of the
Spanish sovereigns. Like all his other transactions, it evinces
how deeply he was impressed with the grandeur and solemnity
of his enterprise. He proposed to keep it, as he afterward ob-
served, in the manner of the Commentaries of Caesar. It opened
with a stately prologue, wherein, in the following words, were
set forth the motives and views which led to his expedition.
"In nomine D. N. Jesu Christi. Whereas most Christian,
most high, most excellent and most powerful princes, king and
queen of the Spains, and of the islands of the sea, our sover-
eigns, in the present year of 1492, after your highnesses had put
an end to the war with the Moors who ruled in Europe, and had
concluded that warfare in the great city of Granada, where, on
the second of January, of this present year, I saw the royal ban-
ners of your highnesses placed by force of arms on the towers
of the Alhambra, which is the fortress of that city, and beheld
the Moorish king sally forth from the gates of the city, and kiss
the royal hand of your highnesses and of my lord the prince ;
and immediately in that same month, in consequence of the
information which I had given to your highnesses of the lands
of India, and of a prince who is called the Grand Khan, which
is to say in our language, king of kings ; how that many times
he and his predecessors had sent to Rome to entreat for doctors
of our holy faith, to instruct him in the same ; and that the holy
father had never provided him with them, and thus so many
people were lost, believing in idolatries, and imbibing doctrines
of perdition ; therefore your highnesses, as Catholic Christians
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 85
and princes, lovers and promoters of the holy Christian faith,
and enemies of the sect of Mahomet, and of all idolatries and
heresies, determined to send me, Christopher Columbus, to the
said parts of India, to see the said princes, and the people and
lands, and discover the nature and disposition of them all, and
the means to be taken for the conversion of them to our holy
faith ; and ordered that I should not go by land to the east, by
which it is the custom to go, but by a voyage to the west, by
which course, unto the present time, we do not know for certain
that any one hath passed. Your highnesses, therefore, after hav-
ing expelled all the Jews from your kingdoms and territories,
commanded me, in the same month of January, to proceed with
a sufficient armament to the said parts of India ; and for this
purpose bestowed great favors upon me, ennobling me, that
thenceforward I might style myself Don, appointing me high
admiral of the Ocean sea, and perpetual viceroy and governor
of all the islands and continents I should discover and gain,
and which henceforward may be discovered and gained in the
Ocean sea ; and that my eldest son should succeed me, and so on
from generation to generation and forever. I departed, there-
fore, from the city of Granada, on Saturday, the 12th of May, of
the same year 1492, to Palos, a seaport, where I armed three
ships, well calculated for such service, and sailed from that port
well furnished with provisions and with many seamen, on Friday,
the third of August, of the same year, half an hour before sun-
rise, and took the route for the Canary Islands of your high-
nesses to steer my course thence, and navigate until I should
arrive at the Indies, and deliver the embassy of your highnesses
to those princes, and accomplish that which you had commanded.
For this purpose I intend to write during this voyage, very
punctually from day to day, all that I may do, and see, and
experience, as will hereafter be seen. Also, my sovereign
princes, besides describing each night all that has occurred in
the day, and in the day the navigation of the night, I propose
to make a chart in which I will set down the waters and lands
of the Ocean sea in their proper situations under their bearings ;
and further, to compose a book, and illustrate the whole in pic-
ture by latitude from the equinoctial, and longitude from the
west ; and upon the whole it will be essential that I should forget
sleep and attend closely to the navigation to accomplish these
things, which will be a great labor." 1
Thus are formally and expressly stated by Columbus the ol>
1 Navarretc, Colec. Viag., torn. i. p. 1.
86 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
jects of this extraordinary voyage. The material facts still
extant of his journal will be found in the present work. 1
Jt was on Friday, the 3d of August, 14'J2, early in the morn-
ing, that Columbus set sail from the bar of Saltes, a small island
formed by the arms of the Odiel, in front of the town of Huelva,
steering in a south-westerly direction for the Canary Islands,
whence it was his intention to strike due west. As a guide by
which to sail, he had prepared a map or chart, improved upon
that sent him by Paulo Toscanelli. Neither of these now exists,
but the globe or planisphere finished by Martin Behen in this
year of the admiral's first voyage is still extant, and furnishes
an idea of what the chart of Columbus must have been. It
exhibits the coasts of Europe and Africa from the south of
Ireland to the end of Guinea, and opposite to them, on the other
side of the Atlantic, the extremity of Asia, or, as it was termed,
India. Between them is placed the island of Cipango, or Japan,
which, according to Marco Polo, lay fifteen hundred miles dis-
tant from the Asiatic coast/ In his computations Columbus
advanced this island about a thousand leagues too much to the
east, supposing it to lye about the situation of Florida ; 2 and at
this island he hoped first to arrive.
The exultation of Columbus at finding himself, after so many
years of baffled hope, fairly launched on his grand enterprise,
was checked by his want of confidence in the resolution and
peiseverance of his crews. As long as he remained within
reach of Europe, there was no security that, in a moment of
repentance and alarm, they might not renounce the prosecution
of the voyage, and insist on a return. Symptoms soon appeared
to warrant his apprehensions. On the third day the Pinta made
signal of distress ; her rudder was discovered to be broken and
unhung. This Columbus surmised to be done through the
contrivance of the owners of the caravel, Gomez Rascon and
Christoval Quintero, to disable their vessel, and cause her to be
left behind. As has already been observed, they had been
pressed into the service greatly against their will, and their
1 An abstract of this journal, made by Las Casas, has recently been discovered, and
IB published in the first volume of the collection of Senor Navawete. Many passages of
thi.< abstract hud lieen previously inserted by Las Casas in his History of the Indies, and
the same journal had been copiously used by Fernando Columbus in the history of his
father. In the present account of this voyage, the author has made use of the journal
contained in the work of Senor Navarrete, the manuscript history of Las Casas, the History
of the Indies by Herrera, the Life of the Adnrira. by his son, the Chronicle of the Indies by
iiltc- lirun, Ueograph. L'uiverselle, torn. ii. p.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 87
caravel seized' upon for the expedition, in conformity to the
royal ordeix.
Columbus was much disturbed at this occurrence. It gave
him a foretaste of further difficulties to be apprehended from
crews partly enlisted on compulsion, and all full of doubt and
foreboding. Trivial obstacles might, in the present critical
state of his voyage, spread panic and mutiny through his ships,
and entirely defeat the expedition. The wind was blowing
strongly at the time, so that he could not render assistance
without endangering his own vessel. Fortunately, Martin Al-
onzo Pinzon commanded the Pinta, and being an adroit and able
seaman, succeeded in securing the rudd erwith cords, so as to
bring the vessel into management. This, however, was but a
temporary and inadequate expedient ; the fastenings gave way
again on the following day, and the other ships were obliged to
shorten sail until the rudder could be secured.
This damaged state of the Pinta, as well as her being in a
leaky condition, determined the admiral to touch at the Canary
Islands, and seek a vessel to replace her. He considered him-
self not far from those islands, though a different opinion was
entertained by the pilots of the squadron. The event proved
his superiority in taking observations and keeping reckonings,
for they came in sight of the Canaries on the morning of the
9th.
They were detained upward of three weeks among these
islands, seeking in vain another vessel. They were obliged,
therefore, to make a new rudder for the Pinta, and repair her
for the voyage. The latine sails of the Nina were also altered
into square sails, that she might work more steadily and securely,
and be able to keep company with the other vessels.
While sailing among these islands, the crew were terrified
at beholding the loft} r peak of Teneriffe sending forth volumes
of flame and smoke, being ready to take alarm at any extraor-
dinary phenomenon, and to construe it into a disastrous portent.
Columbus took great pains to dispel their apprehensions, ex-
plaining the natural causes of those volcanic fires, and verifying
his explanations by citing Mount Etna and other well-known
volcanoes.
While taking in wood and water and provisions in the island
of Gomera, a vessel arrived from Ferro, which reported that
three Portuguese caravels had been seen hovering off that
island, with the intention, it was said, of capturing Columbus.
The admiral suspected some hostile stratagem on the part of
the King of Portugal, in revenge for his having embarked in the
88 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
service of Spain ; he therefore lost no time in 'putting to sea,
anxious to get far from tliose islands, and out of the track of
navigation, trembling lest something might occur to defeat his
expedition, commenced under such inauspicious circumstances.
CHAPTER II.
CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGE FIRST NOTICE OF THE VARIATION
IN THE NEEDLE.
[1492.]
EARLY in the morning of the Gth of September, Columbus set
sail from the island of Gomera, and now might be said first to
strike into the region of discovery ; taking leave of these fron-
tier islands of the Old World, and steering westward for the
unknown parts of the Atlantic. For three days, however, a
profound calm kept the vessels loitering with flagging sails,
within a short distance of the land. This was a tantalizing
delay to Columbus, who was impatient to find himself far out
of sight of either land or sail ; which, in the pure atmospheres
of these latitudes, may be descried at an immense distance. On
the following Sunday, the 9th of September, at daybreak, he
beheld Ferro, the last of the Canary Islands, about nine leagues
distant. This was the island whence the Portuguese caravels
had been seen ; he was therefore in the very neighborhood of
danger. Fortunately, a breeze sprang up with the sun, their
sails were once more filled, and in the course of the day the
heights of Ferro gradually faded from the horizon.
On losing sight of this last trace of land, the hearts of the
crews failed them. They seemed literally to have taken leave
of the world. Behind them was every thing dear to the heart of
man ; country, family, friends, life itself ; before them every
thing was chaos, mystery, and peril. In the perturbation of the
moment, they despaired of ever more seeing their homes. Many
of the rugged seamen shed tears, and some "broke into loud
lamentations. The admiral tried in every way to soothe their
distress, and to inspire them with his own glorious anticipations.
He described to them the magnificent countries to which he was
about to conduct them : the islands of the Indian seas teeming
with gold and precious stones ; the regions of Mangi and Cathay,
with their cities of unrivalled wealth and splendor. He prom-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 89
isocl them land and riches, and every thing that could arouse
their cupidity or inflame their imaginations, nor were these
promises made for purposes of mere deception ; he certainly
believed that he should realize them all.
He now issued orders to the commanders of the other vessels,
that, in the event of separation by any accident, they should
continue directly westward ; but that after sailing seven hundred
leagues, they should lay by from midnight until daylight, as at
about that distance he confidently expected to find land. In the
mean time, as he thought it possible he might not discover land
within the distance thus assigned, and as he foresaw that the
vague terrors already awakened among the seamen would in-
crease with the space which intervened between them and their
homes, he commenced a stratagem which he continued through-
out the voyage. He kept two reckonings ; one correct, in which
the true way of the ship was noted, and which was retained in
secret for his own government ; in the other, which was open to
general inspection, a number of leagues was daily subtracted
from the sailing of the ship, so that the crews were kept in
ignorance of the real distance they had advanced. 1
On the llth of September, when al>out one hundred and fifty
leagues west of Ferro, they fell in with part of a mast, which
from its size appeared to have belonged to a vessel of alxnit a
hundred and twenty tons burden, and which had evidently l>een
a long time in the water. The crews, tremblingly alive to every
thing that could excite their hopes or fears, looked witli rueful
eye upon this wreck of some unfortunate voyager, drifting omi-
nously at the entrance of those unknown seas.
On the 13th of September, in the evening, being about two
hundred leagues from the island of Ferro, Columbus for the
first time noticed the variation of the needle, a phenomenon
which had never before been remarked. He perceived about
nightfall that the needle, instead of pointing to the north star,
varied about half a point, or between five and six degrees, to
the north-west, and still more on the following morning. Struck
with this circumstance, he observed it attentively for three days,
and found that the variation increased as he advanced. He at
first made no mention of this phenomenon, knowing how ready
his people were to take alarm, but it soon attracted the attention
of the pilots, and filled them with consternation. It seemed as
1 It has been erroneously elated that Columbus kept two journals. It was merely in
the reckoning, or log-book lhat he deceived the crew. His journal was entirely private,
and intended for his own use and the perusal of the sovereigns. In a letter written from
<;.;i :uia. in l.'>0:',,t<> 1'opc A Icxander VII., he says that he kept an account of his voyat*"
ill the style of Ihe Commentaries of C'u-'sar, which he iuleuded to rsubmil to his hoiiuetm-
90 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
if the very laws of nature were changing, as they advanced, and
that they were entering another world, subject to unknown in-
fluences. 1 They apprehended that the compass was about to
lose its mysterious virtues, and, without this guide, what was
to become of them in a vast and trackless ocean ?
Columbus tasked his science and ingenuity for reasons with
which to allay their terror. He observed that the direction of
the needle was not to the polar star, but to some fixed and
invisible point. The variation, therefore, was not caused by any
fallacy in the compass, but by the movement of the north sta^r
itself, which, like the other heavenly bodies, had its changes and
revolutions, and every day described a circle round the pole.
The high opinion which the pilots entertained of Columbus as a
profound astronomer, gave weight to this theory, and their alarm
subsided. As yet the solar system of Copernicus was unknown ;
the explanation of Columbus, therefore, was highly plausible
and ingenious, and it shows the vivacity of his mind, ever ready
to meet the emergency of the moment. The theory may at first
bave been advanced merely to satisfy the minds of others, but
Columbus appears subsequently to have remained satisfied with
it himself. The phenomenon has now become familiar to us,
but we still continue ignorant of its cause. It is one of those
mysteries of nature, open to daily observation and experiment,
and apparently simple from their familiarity, but which on in-
vestigation make the human mind conscious of its limits ; baf-
fling the experience of the practical, and humbling the pride of
science.
CHAPTER III.
CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGE VARIOUS TERRORS OF THE
SEAMEN.
[1492.]
ON the 14th of September the voyagers were rejoiced by the
sight of what they considered harbingers of land. A heron, and
a tropical bird called the Rabo de Junco, 2 neither of which is
supposed to venture far to sea, hovered about the ships. On
the following night they were struck with awe at beholding a
meteor, or, as Columbus calls it in his journal, a great flame of
1 Las Ciiiian, IIi.-a. Ind., lib. i. cap. 6. * The water- wagtail.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 91
fire, which seemed to fall from the sky into the sea, about four
or five leagues distant. These meteors, common in warm cli-
mates, and especially under the tropics, are always seen in the
serene azure sky of those latitudes, falling as it were from the
heavens, but never beneath a cloud. In the transparent atmos-
phere of one of those beautiful nights, where every star shines
with the purest lustre, they often leave a luminous train behind
them which lasts for twelve or fifteen seconds, and may well be
compared to a flame.
The wind had hitherto been favorable, with occasional though
transient clouds and showers. They had made great progress
each day, though Columbus, according to his secret plan, con-
trived to suppress several leagues in the daily reckoning left
to the crew.
They had now arrived within the influence of the trade wind,
which, following the sun, blows steadily from east to west be-
tween the tropics, and sweeps over a few adjoining degrees of
ocean. With this propitious breeze directly aft, they were
wafted gently but speedily over a tranquil sea, so that for many
days they did not shift a sail. Columbus perpetually recurs to
the bland and temperate serenity of the weather, which in this
tract of the ocean is soft and refreshing without being cool. In
his artless and expressive language he compares the pure and
balmy mornings to those of April in Andalusia, and observes
that they wanted but the song of the nightingale to complete
the illusion. ' k He had reason to say so," observes the ven-
erable Las Casas ; " for it is marvellous the suavity which we
experience when half way toward these Indies ; and the more
the ships approach the lands so much more do they perceive the
temperance and softness of the air, the clearness of the sky,
and the amenity and fragrance sent forth from the groves and
forests ; much more certainly than in April in Andalusia." l
They now began to see large patches of herbs and weeds
drifting from the west, and increasing in quantity as they ad-
vanced. Some of these weeds were such as grow about rocks,
others such as are produced in rivers ; some were yellow and
withered, others so green as to have apparently been recently
washed from land. On one of these patches was a live crab,
which Columbus carefully preserved. They saw also a white
tropical bird, of a kind which never sleeps upon the sea. Tunny
fish also played about the ships, one of which was killed by the
crew of the Nina. Columbus now called to mind the account
1 Las Casas, Hist, lad., lib. i. cap. 36, MS.
92 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
given by Aristotle of certain ships of Cadiz, which, coasting the
shores outside of the Straits of Gibraltar, were driven westward
by an impetuous east wind, until they reached a part of the
ocean covered with vast fields of weeds, resembling sunken
islands, among which they beheld many tunny fish. He sup-
posed himself arrived in this weedy sea, as it had been called,
from which the ancient mariners had turned back in dismay,
but which he regarded with animated hope, as indicating the
vicinity of land. Not that he had yet any idea of reaching the
object of his search, the eastern end of Asia ; for, according to
his computation, he had come but three hundred and sixty
leagues 1 since leaving the Canary Islands, and he placed the
main land of India much farther on.
On the 18th of September the same weather continued ; a soft
steady breeze from the east filled every sail, while, to use the
words of Columbus, the sea was as calm as the Guadalquivir at
Seville. He fancied that the water of the sea grew fresher as
he advanced, and noticed this as a proof of the superior sweet-
ness and purity of the air. 2
The crews were all in high spirits ; each ship strove to get in
the advance, and every seaman was eagerly on the look-out ;
for the sovereigns had promised a pension of ten thousand ma-
ravedis to him who should first discover land. Martin Alonzo
Piuzon crowded all canvas, and, as the Pinta was a fast sailer,
he generally kept the lead. In the afternoon he hailed the ad-
minil and informed him that, from the flight of a great number
of birds and from the appearance of the northern horizon, he
thought there was land in that direction.
There was in fact a cloudiness in the north, such as often
hangs over land ; and at sunset it assumed such shapes and
masses that many fancied they beheld islands. There was a
universal wish, therefore, to steer for that quarter. Columbus,
however, was persuaded that they were mere illusions. Every
one who has made a sea voyage must have witnessed the de-
ceptions caused by clouds resting upon the horizon, especially
about sunset and sunrise ; which the eye, assisted by the imagin-
ation and desire, easily converts into the wished-for land.
This is particulary the case within the tropics, where the clouds
at sunset assume the most singular appearances.
On the following day there were drizzling showers, unaccom-
panied by wind, which Columbus considered favorable signs ;
1 Of twenty to the degree of latitude, the unity of distance used throughout thw
work.
2 Lad Casas, Iliit- hid., lib. I. cap. 36.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 93
two boobies also flew on board the ships, birds which, he ob-
served, seldom fly twenty leagues from land. He sounded,
therefore, with a line of two hundred fathoms, but found no
bottom. He supposed he might be passing between islands,
lying to the north and south, but was unwilling to waste the
present favoring breeze by going in search of them ; besides, he
had confidently affirmed that land was to be found by keeping
steadfastly to the west : his whole expedition had been founded
on such a presumption ; he should, therefore, risk all credit and
authority with his people were he to appear to doubt and waver,
and to go groping blindly from point to point of the compass.
He resolved, therefore, to keep one bold course always west-
ward, until he should reach the coast of India; and afterward,
if advisable, to seek these islands on his return. 1
Notwithstanding his precaution to keep the people ignorant
of the distance they had sailed, they were now growing ex-
tremely uneasy at the length of the voyage. They had advanced
much farther west than ever man had sailed before, and though
already beyond the reach of succor, still they continued daily
leaving vast tracts of ocean behind them, and pressing onward
and onward into that apparently boundless abyss. It is true
they had been flattered by various indications of land, and still
others were occurring ; but all mocked them with vain hopes :
after being hailed with a transient joy, they passed away, one
after another, and the same interminable expanse of sea and
sky continued to extend before them. Even the bland and gen-
tle breeze, uniformly aft, was now conjured by their ingenious
fears into a cause of alarm ; for they began to imagine that the
wind, in these seas, might always prevail from the east, and if
so, would never permit their return to .Spain.
Columbus endeavored to dispel these gloomy presages, some-
times by argument and expostulation, sometimes by awakening
fresh hopes, and pointing out new signs of land. On the 2Utli
of September the wind veered, with light breezes from the
south-west. These, though adverse to their progress, had a
cheering effect upon the people, as they proved that the wind
did not always prevail from the east. 2 Several birds also visited
the ships ; three, of a small kind which keep about groves and
orchards, came singing in the morning, and flew away again in
the evening. Their song cheered the hearts of the dismayed
1 Flist. del Almirate, cap. 20. Extracts from Journal of Columb. Navarrete, t. i.
p. 16. -
- Nfucho me fue necesario este viento contrario, porque mi gente andaban muy
Mtimulado*, <|iic ptMsaban 'I 11 ' 1 i><> voiit:il>aii extos mares vieutou para volver a Espaua.
1'iiiiKT Vkigu Ue (Jolou. Xavurrclu, lou. i. p. 12.
94 LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS.
mariners, who hailed it as the voice of land. The larger fowl,
they observed, were strong of wing, and might venture far to
sea ; but such small birds were too feeble to fly far, and their
singing showed that they were not exhausted by their flight.
On the following day there was either a profound calm or
light winds from the south-west. The sea, as far as the eye
could reach, was covered with weeds ; a phenomenon, often
observed in this part of the ocean, which has sometimes the
appearance of a vast inundated meadow. This has been attrib-
uted to immense quantities of submarine plants, which grow tit
the bottom of the sea until ripe, when they are detached by the
motion of the waves and currents, and rise to the surface. 1
These fields of weeds were at first regarded with great satis-
faction, but at length they became, in many places, so dense
and matted as in some degree to impede the sailing of the ships,
which must have been under very little headway. The crews
now called to mind some tale about the frozen ocean, where
ships were said to be sometimes fixed immovable. They en-
deavored, therefore, to avoid as much as possible those floating
masses, lest some disaster of the kind might happen to them-
selves. 2 Others considered these weeds as proof that the sea
was growing shallower, and began to talk of lurking rocks, and
shoals, and treacherous quicksands ; and of the danger of run-
ning aground, -as it were, in the midst of the ocean, where their
vessels might rot and fall to pieces, far out of the track of hu-
man aid, and without any shore where the crews might take
refuge. They had evidently some confused notion of the ancient
story of the sunken island of Atalautis, and feared that they
were arriving at that part of the ocean where navigation was
said to be obstructed by drowned lauds, and the ruins of an
ingulfed country.
To dispel these fears, the admiral had frequent recourse to
the lead ; but though he sounded with a deep-sea line, he still
found no bottom. The minds of the crews, however, had grad-
ually become diseased. They were full of vague terrors and
superstitious fancies: they construed everything into a cause of
alarm, and harassed their commander by incessant murmurs.
For three days there was a continuance of Alight summer airs
from the southward and westward, and the sea was as smooth
as a mirror. A whale was seen heaving up its huge form at a
distance, which Columbus immediately pointed out as a favorable
indication, affirming that these fish were generally in the neigh-
1 lluinbolUt, Personal Narrative, book i. cap. 1. * Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 18.
LIFE OF CUElSTOPnER COLUMBUS. 95
borhood of land. The crews, however, became uneasy at the
calmness of the weather. They observed that the contrary
winds which they experienced were transient and unsteady, and
so light as not to ruffle the surface of the sea, which maintained
a sluggish calm like a lake of dead water. Every thing dif-
fered, they said, in these strange regions from the world to
which they had been, accustomed. The only winds which pre-
vailed with any constancy and force, were from the east, and
they had not power to disturb the torpid stillness of the ocean ;
there was a risk, therefore, either of perishing amid stagnant
and shoreless waters, or of being prevented, by contrary winds,
from ever returning to their native country.
Columbus continued with admirable patience to reason with
these fancies ; observing that the calmness of the sea must un-
doubtedly be caused by the vicinity of land in the quarter whence
the wind blew, which, therefore, had not space sufficient to act
upon the surface and heave up large waves. Terror, however,
multiplies and varies the forms of ideal danger a thousand times
faster than the most active wisdom can dispel them. The more
Columbus argued, the more boisterous became the murmurs of
his crew, until, on Sunday, the 25th of September, there came
on' a heavy swell of the sea, unaccompanied by wind. This
phenomenon often occurs on the broad ocean ; being either the
expiring undulations of some past gale, or the movement given
to the sea, by some distant current of wind ; it was, nevertheless,
regarded with astonishment by the mariners, and dispelled the
imaginary terrors occasioned by the calm.
Columbus, who as usual considered himself under the imme-
diate eye and guardianship of Heaven in this solemn enterprise,
intimates in his journal that this swelling of the sea seemed
providentially ordered to allay the rising clamors of his crew ;
comparing it to that which so miraculously aided Moses when
conducting the children of Israel out of the captivity of Egypt. 1
1 " Cotno la mar estnviese manna y liana murmuraba la gente diciendo que, pues
por alii no habia mar grandc que nunea ventaria para volver a Espaiia; )>ero denpues
al/one inucho la mar y xin vicnlo, que los asumbrabu; por lo cual dice aqui el Almirante;
*< que nitty itei.raurio me fite In mar alta, qae noparecio, xalvo el tiemj/o de lot Judios
ciinndu xttlii >'/ ill- Egifit.it cuntrn Aloy&en que los stucubu de captiverio." Journal of
Colomb. JS'uvarrete, lota. i. p. 12.
96 LIFE OF CIIRISTOPUER COLUMBUS.
t
CHAPTER TV.
CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGE DISCOVERT OF LAND.
1 1492. |
THE situation of Columbus was daily becoming more and
more critical. In proportion as he approached the regions
where he expected to find land, the impatience of his crews aug-
mented. The favorable signs which increased his confidence,
were derided by them as delusive ; and there was danger of
their rebelling, and obliging him to turn back, when on the
point of realizing the object of all his labors. They beheld
themselves with dismay still wafted onward, over the boundless
wastes of what appeared to them a mere watery desert, sur-
rounding the habitable world. What was to become of them
should their provisions fail? Their ships were too weak and
defective even for the great voyage they had already made, but
if they were still to press forward, adding at every moment to
the immense expanse behind them, how should they ever be able
to return, having no intervening port where they might victual
and refit?
In this way they fed each other's discontents, gathering to-
gether in little knots, and fomenting a spirit of mutinous oppo-
sition ; and when we consider the natural fire of the .Spanish
temperament and its impatience of control ; and that a great
part of these men were sailing on compulsion, we cannot won-
der that there was imminent danger of their breaking forth into
open rebellion and compelling Columbus to turn back. In their
secret conferences they exclaimed against him as a desperado,
bent, in a mad phantasy, upon doing something extravagant to
render himself notorious. What were their sufferings and dan-
gel's to one evidently content to sacrifice his own life for the
chance of distinction? What obligations bound them to con-
tinue on with him ; or when were the terms of their agreement
to be considered as fulfilled? They had already penetrated
unknown seas, un traversed by a sail, far beyond where man
had ever before ventured. They had done enough to gain them-
selves a character for courage and hardihood in undertaking
such an enterprise and persisting in it so far. How much
farther were they to go in quest of a merely conjectured land?
Were they to sail on until they perished, or until all return be-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 97
came impossible? In such case they would be the authors of
their own destruction.
On the other hand, should they consult their safety, and turn
back before too late, who would blame them ? Any complaints
made by Columbus would be of no weight; he was a foreigner,
without friends or influence ; his schemes had been condemned
by the learned, and discountenanced by people of all ranks. He
hud no party to uphold him, and a host of opponents whose
pride of opinion would be gratified by his failure. Or, as an
effectual means of preventing his complaints, they might throw
him into the sea, and give out that he had fallen overboard
while busy with his instruments contemplating the stars ; a re-
port which no one would have either the inclination or the means
to controvert. 1
Columbus was not ignorant of the mutinous disposition of his
crew, but he still maintained a serene and steady countenance ;
toothing some with gentle words ; endeavoring to stimulate the
pride or avarice of others, and openly menacing the refractory
with signal punishment, should they do any thing to impede the
voyage.
On the 25th of September the wind again became favorable,
and they were able to resume their course directly to the west.
The airs being light and the sea calm, the vessels sailed near to
each other, and Columbus had much conversation with Martin
Alonzo Piuzon on the subject of a chart which the former had
sent three days before on board of the Pinta. Pinzon thought
tnat, according to the indications of the map, they ought to be
in the neighlxjrhood of Cipango, and the other islands which
the admiral had therein delineated. Columbus partly entertained
the same idea, but thought it possible that the ships might have
l>eeii borne out of their track by the prevalent currents, or that
they had not come so far as the pilots had reckoned. He de-
sired that the chart might be returned, and Pinzon, tying it to
the end of a cord, flung it on Iward to him. While Columbus,
his pilot, and several of his experienced mariners were studying
the imp, and endeavoring to make out from it their actual
position, they heard a shout from the Pinta, and looking up,
beheld Martin Alouzo Pinzon mounted on the stern of his vesse
crying " Land ! land ! Senor, I claim my reward ! " He pointed
at the same time to the south-west, where there was indeed an
appearance of laud at about twenty-five leagues' distance. Upon
this Columbus threw himself on his knees and returned thanks
t. del Alum-ante, cap. 19. lU-i rcia, Ili.-i. lud., decad. i. lib. i cap. 10.
98 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
to God ; and Martin Alonzo repeated the Gloria in excelsis, in
which he was joined by his own crew and that of the admiral. 1
The seamen now mounted to the masthead or climbed about
the rigging, straining their eyes in the direction pointed out.
The conviction became so general of land in that quarter, and
the joy of the people so ungovernable, that Columbus found it
necessary to vary from his usual course, and stand all night to
the south-west. The morning light, however, put an end to all
their hopes, as to a dream. The fancied land proved to be
nothing but an evening cloud, and had vanished in the night.
With dejected hearts they once more resumed their western
course, from which Columbus would never have varied, but in
compliance with their clamorous wishes.
For several days they continued on with the same propitious
breeze, tranquil sea, and mild, delightful weather. The water
was so calm that the sailors amused themselves with swimming
about the vessel. Dolphins began to abound, and flying-fish,
darting into the air, fell upon the decks. The continued signs
of laud diverted the attention of the crews, and insensibly be-
guiled them onward.
On the 1st of October, according to the reckoning of the pilot
of the admiral's ship, they had come five hundred and eighty
leagues west since leaving the Canary Islands. The reckoning
which Columbus showed the crew was five hundred and eighty-
four, but the reckoning which he kept privately was seven hun-
dred and seven. 2 On the following day the weeds floated from
east to west ; and on the third day no birds were to be seen.
The crews now began to fear that they had passed between
islands, from one to the other of which the birds had been fly-
ing. Columbus had also some doubts of the kind, but refused
to alter his westward course. The people again uttered mur-
murs and menaces ; but on the following day they were visited
by such flights of birds, and the various indications of land be-
came so numerous, that from a state of despondency they
passed to one of confident expectation.
Eager to obtain the promised pension, the seamen were con-
tinually giving the cry of land, on the least appearance of the
kind. To put a stop to these false alarms, which produced con-
tinual disappointments, Columbus declared that should any one
give such notice, and land not be discovered within three days
afterward, he should thenceforth forfeit all claim to the reward.
On the evening of the 6th of October, Martin Alonzo Piuzon
i Journal of Columfo , Primer Viage, Navarrete. torn. i.
1 Navtirit'U', loin. i. p. 16.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 99
began to lose confidence in their present course, and proposed
that they should stand more to the southward. Columbus,
however, still persisted in steering directly west. 1
Observing this difference of opinion in a person so important
in his squadron as Pinzon, and fearing that chance or design
might scatter the ships, he ordered that, should either of the
caravels be separated from him, it should stand to the west, and
endeavor as soon as possible to join company again ; he directed,
also, that the vessels should keep near to him at sunrise and
sunset, as at these times the state of the atmosphere is most
favorable to the discovery of distant land.
On the morning of the 7th of October, at sunrise, several of
the admiral's crew thought they beheld land in the west, but so
indistinctly that no one ventured to proclaim it, lest he should
be mistaken, and forfeit all chance of the reward ; the Nina,
however, being a good sailor, pressed forward to ascertain the
fact. In a little while a flag was hoisted at her masthead, and
a gun discharged, being the preconcerted signals for land. New
joy was awakened throughout the little squadron, and every eye
was turned to the west. As they advanced, however, their
cloud-built hopes faded away, and before evening the fancied
laud had again melted into air. 2
The crews now sank into a degree of dejection proportioned
to their recent excitement; but new circumstances occurred to
arouse them. Columbus, having observed great flights of small
field-birds going toward the south-west, concluded they must be
secure of some neighboring land, where they would find food
and a resting-place. He knew the importance which the Portu-
guese voyagers attached to the flight of birds, by following
which they had discovered most of their islands. He had now
come seven hundred and Gfty leagues, the distance at which he
had computed to find the island of Cipango ; as there was no
appearance of it, he might have missed it through some mistake
in the latitude. He determined, therefore, on the evening of
the 7th of October, to alter his course to the west-south-west,
the direction in which the birds generally flew, and continue
that direction for at least two days. After all, it was no great
deviation from his main course, and would meet the wishes of
the Pinzous, as well as be inspiriting to his followers generally.
For three days they stood in this direction, and the farther
they went the more frequent and encouraging were the signs of
land. Flights of small birds of various colors, some of them
i Journ. of Columbus, Navai-rete. torn. I. p. 17.
1 llidt. del A huiraii IL', cap. ^u. Juuru. of Columbus, Navarrete, torn. i.
100 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
such as sing in the fields, came flying about the ships, and then
continued toward the south-west, and others were heard also
flying by in the night. Tunny fish played about the smooth sea,
and a heron, a pelican, and a duck were seen, all bound in the
same direction. The herbage which floated by was fresh and
given, us if recently from land, and the air, Columbus observes,
was sweet and fragrant as April breezes in Seville.
All these, however, were regarded by the crews as so many
delusions beguiling them on to destruction ; and when on the
evening of the third day they beheld the sun go down upon a
shoreless ocean, they broke forth into turbulent clamor. They
exclaimed against this obstinacy in tempting fate by continuing
on into a boundless sea. They insisted upon turning homeward,
and abandoning the voyage as hopeless. Columbus endeavored
to pacify them by gentle words and promises of large rewards ;
but finding that they only increased in clamor, he assumed a
decided tone. He told them it was useless to murmur, the
expedition had been sent by the sovereigns to seek the Indies,
and, happen what might, he was determined to persevere, until,
by the blessing of God, he should accomplish the enterprise.*
Columbus was now at open defiance with his crew, and his
situation became desperate. Fortunately the manifestations of
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 20. Las Casas, lib. i. Journal of Colurub., Navarrete,
Colec. toin. i. p. la.
It has been asserted by various historians, that Columbus, a day or two previous to
coming in sight of the Xew World, capitulated with his mutinous crew, promising, if
he did not discover land within three days, to abandon the voyage. There is no authority
for such an assertion, either in the history of his son Fernando or that of the Bishop Las
r.i-as, each of whom had the admiral's papers before him. There is no mention of such
a circumstance in the extracts made from the journal by Las Casas, which have recently
been brought to light; nor is it asserted by either Peter Martyr or the Curate of Los
1'alacios, both contemporaries and acquaintances of Columbus, and who could scarcely
have failed to mention so striking a fact, if true. It rests merely upon the authority of
Ok'iedo, who is of inferior credit to either of the authors above cited, and was grossly
misled as to many of the particulars of this voyage by a pilot of the name of Ilernan
Perez Matheo, who was hostile to Columbus. In the manuscript process of the memor-
able lawsuit between Don Diego, son of the admiral, and the fiscal of the crown, is the
evidence of one Pedro de Bilbao, who testifies that he heard many times that some of
the pilots and mariners wished to turn back, but that the admiral promised them presents,
and entreated them to wait two or three days, before which time he should discover land.
( ' Pedro de Bilbao, oyo muchas veces que algunos pilotos y marineros querian volverse
sino fuera por el Almirante que les prometio donos, IPS rogo esperasen dos o tres dia- i
que antes, del tennlno descubricra tierra." ) This, if true, implies no capitululiou to
relinquish the enterprise.
On the other hand, it was asserted by some of the witnesses in the above-mentioned
ouit, that Columbus, after luuing proceeded some few hundred league-* without finding
land, lost confidence and wished to turn "back; but was persuaded and even piqued to
continue by the Piuzons. This assertion carries falsehood on its very face. It is in total
contradiction to that persevering constancy and undaunted resolution displayed by
Columbus, not merely in the present voyage, but from first to last of his difficult and
dangerous career. This testimony was g'iveii by some of the mutinous men, anxious to
exaggerate the merits of the I'inzons, and to depreciate that of Columbus. Fortunately,
the extracts from the journal of the latter, written from day to day, with guileless sirri'
plicity, and all the air of truth, disprove these fables, and show that on the very day
previous to his discovery, In- expressed a peremptory dulurmiuatiou. to persevere, in
di-liuucc of all dangers aud diiliculties.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 101
the vicinit\" of land were such on the following day as no longer
to admit a doubt. Besides a quantity of fresh weeds, such as
grow in rivers, they saw a green fish of a kind which keeps
about rocks; then a branch of thorn with berries on it, and
recently separated from the tree, floated by them ; then they
picked up a reed, a small board, and, above all, a staff arti-
ficially carved. All gloom and mutiny now gave way to san-
guine expectation ; and throughout the day each one was
eagerly on the watch, in hopes of being the first to discover
the long-sought-for land.
In the evening, when, according to invariable custom on
board of the admiral's ship, the mariners had sung the " Salve
Kegina," or vesper hymn to the Virgin, he made an impressive
address to his crew. He pointed out the goodness of God in
thus conducting them by soft and favoring breezes across a
tranquil ocean, cheering their hopes continually with fresh signs,
increasing as their fears augmented, and thus leading and guid-
ing them to a promised land. He now reminded them of the
orders he had given on leaving the Canaries, that, after sailing
westward seven hundred leagues, they should not make sail
after midnight. Present appearances authorized such a precau-
tion. He thought it probable they would make land that very
night ; he ordered, therefore, a vigilant look-out to be kept from
the forecastle, promising to whomsoever should make the dis-
covery, a doublet of velvet, in addition to the pension to be
given by the sovereigns. 1
The breeze had been fresh all day, with more sea than usual,
and they had made great progress. At sunset they had stood
again to the west, and were ploughing the waves at a rapid rate,
the Pinta keeping the lead, from her superior sailing. The
greatest animation prevailed throughout the ships ; not an eye
was closed that night. As the evening darkened, Columbus
took his station on the top of the castle or cabin on the high
poop of his vessel, ranging his eye along the dusky horizon,
and maintaining an intense and unremitting watch. About ten,
o'clock he thought he beheld a light glimmering at a great dis-
tance. Fearing his eager hopes might deceive him, he called to
Pedro Gutierrez, gentleman of the king's bedchamber, and
inquired whether he saw such a light ; the latter replied in the
affirmative. Doubtful whether it might not yet be some delu-
sion of the fancy, Columbus called Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia,
and made the same inquiry. By the time the latter had ascended
1 Hist, del A hull-ante, cap. 21.
102 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
the round-house the light had disappeared. They saw it once
or twice afterward in sudden and passing gleams ; as if it were
a torch in the bark of a fisherman, rising and sinking with the
waves ; or in the hand of some person on shore, borne up and
iloxvn as he walked from house to house. So transient and
uncertain were these gleams that few attached any importance
to them ; Columbus, however, considered them as certain signs
of land, and, moreover, that the land was inhabited.
They continued their course until two in the morning, when a
gun from the Pinta gave the joyful signal of land. It was first
descried by a mariner named Rodrigo de Triana ; but the reward
was afterward adjudged to the admiral, for having previously
perceived the light. The land was now clearly seen about two
leagues distant, whereupon they took in sail and lay to, waiting
impatiently for the dawn.
The thoughts and feelings of Columbus in this little space of
time must have been tumultuous and intense. At length, in
spite of every difficulty and danger, he had accomplished his
object. The great mystery of the ocean was revealed ; his
theory, which had been the scoff of sages, was triumphantly
established ; he had secured to himself a glory durable as the
world itself.
It is difficult to conceive the feelings of such a man, at such
a moment ; or the conjectures which must have thronged upon,
his mind, as to the land before him, covered with darkness.
That it was fruitful, was evident from the vegetables which
floated from its shores. He thought, too, that he perceived the
fragrance of aromatic groves. The moving light he had beheld
proved it the residence of man. But what were its inhabitants?
Were they like those of the other parts of the globe ; or were
they some strange and monstrous race, such as the imagination
was prone in those times to give to all remote and unknown
regions? Had he come upon some wild island far in the Indian
sea ; or was this the famed Cipaugo itself, the object of his
golden fancies? A thousand speculations of the kind must
have swarmed upon him, as, with his anxious crews, he waited
for the night to pass away, wondering whether the morning light
would reveal a savage wilderness, or dawn upon spicy groves,
and glittering fanes, and gilded cities, and all the splendor of
Oriental civilization.
BOOK IV.
CHAPTER I.
FIRST LANDING OF COLUMBUS IN THE NEW WORLD.
IT was on Friday morning, the 12th of October, that Colum-
bus first iK'held the New World. As the day dawned he saw
before him a level island, several leagues in extent, and covered
with trees like a continual orchard. Though apparently un-
cultivated, it was populous, for the inhabitants were seen
issuing from all parts of the woods and running to the shore.
They were perfectly naked, and, as they stood gazing at the
ships, appeared by their attitudes and gestures to be lost in
astonishment. Columbus made signal for the ships to cast
anchor, and the boats to be manned and armed. He entered
his own boat, richly attired in scarlet, and holding the royal
standard ; while Martin Alonzo Pinzon and Vincent Janez his
brother, put off in company in their boats, each with a banner
of the enterprise emblazoned with a green cross, having on
either side the letters F. and Y., the initials of the Castiliaii
monarchs Fernando and Ysal>el, surmounted by crowns.
As he approached the shore, Columbus, who was disposed for
all kinds of agreeable impressions, was delighted with the
purity and suavity of the atmosphere, the crystal transparency
of the sea, and the extraordinary l>eauty of the vegetation.
He beheld, also, fruits of an unknown kind upon the trees
which overhung the shores. On landing he threw himself on
his knees, kissed the earth, and returned thanks to God with
tears of joy. His example was followed by the rest, whose
hearts indeed overflowed with the same feelings of gratitude.
Columbus then rising drew his sword, displayed the royal
standard, and assembling round him the two captains, with
Kodrigo de Escobedo, notary of the armament, Kodrigo San-
chez, and the rest who had landed, he took solemn possession
in the name of the Castilian sovereigns, giving the island the
name of San Salvador. Having complied with the requisite
104 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
forms and ceremonies, he called upon all present to take the
oath of obedience to him, as admiral and viceroy, representing
the persons of the sovereigns. 1
The feelings of the crew now burst forth in the most extrava-
gant transports. They had recently considered themselves
devoted men, hurrying forward to destruction ; they now looked
upon themselves as favorites of fortune, and gave themselves
up to the most unbounded joy. They thronged around the
admiral with overflowing zeal, some embracing him, others
kissing his hands. Those who had been most mutinous and
turbulent during the voyage, were now most devoted and en-
thusiastic. Some begged favors of him, as if he had already
wealth and honors in his gift. Many abject spirits, who had
outraged him by their insolence, now crouched at his feet, beg-
ging pardon for all the trouble they had caused him, and
promising the blindest obedience for the future. 2
The natives of the island, when, at the dawn of day, they
had beheld the ships hovering on their coast, had supposed them
monsters which had issued from the deep during the night.
They had crowded to the beach and watched their movements
with awful anxiety. Their veering about, apparently without
effort, and the shifting and furling of their sails, resembling
huge wings, filled them with astonishment. When they beheld
their boats approach the shore, and a number of strange beings,
clad in glittering steel, or raiment of various colors, landing
upon the beach, they fled in affright to the woods. Finding,
however, that there was no attempt to pursue nor molest them,
they gradually recovered from their terror, and approached the
Spaniards with great awe; frequently prostrating themselves
on the earth, and making signs of adoration. During the cere-
monies of taking possession, they remained gazing in timid
admiration at the complexion, the beards, the shining armor,
and splendid dress of the Spaniards. The admiral particularly
attracted their attention, from his commanding height, his air
of authority, his dress of scarlet, and the deference which was
paid him by his companions ; all which pointed him out to be
the commander. 3 When they had still further recovered from
1 In the Tablas Chronologicas of Padre Claudio Clemente, is conserved a form of
prayer, said to have been used by Columbus on this occasion, and which, by order
of the CaHtilian sovereigns, was afterward used by Balboa, Cortez, and Pizarro in
their discoveries. " Domine ]>en seterne et omnipotent), eacro ttio verbo coelum,
et terrara, et mare creasti ; benedicatur el gloriticelur nomen luiim, laudetur tua
majestaa, quae dignita cut per humilem nervutn tnuin, ut ejus sacrum nomen agnuii-
catur, et prsedicetur in hac a I tern niundi parte." Tab. Cbron. de loe Descub., decad. i.
Valencia, 1689.
* OvUdo, lib. i. cap. 6. Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 40.
s Lag C'asas, ubi bup.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 105
their fears, they approached the Spaniards, touched their
beards, and examined their hands and faces, admiring their
whiteness. Columbus was pleased with their gentleness and
con tiding simplicity, and suffered their scrutiny with perfect
Acquiescence, winning them by his benignity. They now
supposed that the ships had sailed out of the crystal firmaments
which bounded their horizon, or had descended from above on
their ample wings, and that these marvellous beings were in-
luiliitauts of the skies. 1
The natives of the island were no less objects of curiosity to
the Spaniards, differing, as they did, from any race of men they
had ever seen. Their appearance gave no promise of either
wealth or civilization, for they were entirely naked, and
painted with a variety of colors. With some it was confined
merely to a part of the face, the nose, or around the eyes ; with
others it extended to the whole body, and gave them a wild
and fantastic appearance. Their complexion was of a tawny
or copper hue, and they were entirely destitute of beards.
Their hair was not crisped, like the recently-discovered tribes
of the African coast, under the same latitude, but straight and
coarse, partly cut short above the ears, but some locks were
left long behind and falling upon their shoulders. Their fea-
tures, though obscured and disfigured by paint, were agree-
able ; they had lofty foreheads and remarkably fine eyes.
They were of moderate stature and well-shaped ; most of them
appeared to be under thirty years of age ; there was but one
female with them, quite young, naked like her companions,
and beautifully formed.
As Columbus supposed himself to have landed on an island
at the extremity of India, he called the natives by the general
appellation of Indians, which was universally adopted before
the true nature of his discovery was known, and has since been
extended to all the aboriginals of the New World.
The islanders were friendly and gentle. Their only arms
were lances, hardened at the end by fire, or pointed with a
flint, or the teeth or bone of a fish. There was no iron to be
seen, nor did they appear acquainted with its properties ; for,
when a drawn sword was presented to them, they unguardedly
took it by the edge.
Columbus distributed among them colored caps, glass beads,
1 The idea that the white men came from heaven was universally entertained !>y
the inhabitants of the New World. When in the course of subsequent voyages the
S[>a'iKirdx conversed with the cacique Nicaragua, he inquired how they came down
fruin the r-kies, whether flying or whether they deisceuded ou clouds, liurreia, decud.
iii. lib. iv. cap 17.
106 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
hawks' bells, and other trifles, such as the Portuguese were
accustomed to trade with among the nations of the gold coast
of Africa. They received them eagerly, hung the beads round
their necks, and were wonderfully pleased with their finery,
and with the sound of the bells. The Spaniards remained all
day on shore refreshing themselves after their anxious voyage
amid the beautiful groves of the island, and returned on board
late in the evening, delighted with all they had seen.
On the following morning at break of day, the shore was
thronged with the natives ; some swam off to the ships, others
came in light barks which they called canoes, formed of a
single tree, hollowed, and capable of holding from one man to
the number of forty or fifty. These they managed dexterously
with paddles, and, if overturned, swam about in the water with
perfect unconcern, as if in their natural element, righting their
canoes with great facility, and bailing them with calabashes. 1
They were eager to procure more toys and trinkets, not,
apparently, from any idea of their intrinsic value, but because
every thing from the hands of the strangers possessed a super-
natural virtue in their eyes, as having been brought from
heaven ; they even picked up fragments of glass and earthen-
ware as valuable prizes. They had but few objects to offer in
return, except parrots, of which great numbers were domesti-
cated among them, and cotton yarn, of which they had abun-
dance, and would exchange large balls of five and twenty
pounds' weight for the merest trif e. They brought also cakes
of a kind of bread called cassava, which constituted a principal
part of their food, and was afterward an important article of
provisions with the Spaniards. It was formed from a great
root called yuca, which they cultivated in fields. This they cut
into small morsels, which they grated or scraped, and strained
in a press, making a broad thin cake, which was afterward
dried hard, and would keep for a long time, being steeped in
water when eaten. It was insipid, but nourishing, though the
water strained from it in the preparation was a deadly poison.
There was another kind of yuca destitute of this poisonous
quality which was eaten in the root, either boiled or roasted. 2
The avarice of the discoverers was quickly excited by the
sight of small ornaments of gold, worn by some of the natives
in their noses. These the latter gladly exchanged for glass
beads and hawks' bells; and both parties exulted in the bar-
1 The calnltaahefl of the Indiana, which served the purposes of glass and earthen-
ware, up|>lyini< them with all sorts of domi-wlic uteiisiln, were produced ou stately
trees of the size of elms. * .Acosta, Hist. lud., lib. iv. cap. 17.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 107
gain, no doubt admiring each other's simplicity. As gold,
however, was an object of royal monopoly in all enterprises of
discovery, Columbus forbade any traffic in it without his ex-
press sanction ; and he put the same prohibition on the traffic
for cotton, reserving to the crown all trade for it, wherever it
should be found in any quantity.
He inquired of the natives where this gold was procured.
They answered him by signs, pointing to the south, where, he
understood them, dwelt a king of such wealth that he was
served in vessels of wrought gold. He understood, also, that
there was land to the south, the south-west, and the north-
west, and that the people from the last mentioned quarter
frequently proceeded to the south-west in quest of gold and
precious stones, making in their way descents upon the islands,
and carrying off the inhabitants. Several of the natives showed
him scars of wounds received in battles with these invaders.
It is evident that a great part of this fancied intelligence was
self-delusion on the part of Columbus ; for he was under a spell
of the imagination, which gave its own shapes and colors to
every object. He was persuaded that he had arrived among
the islands described by Marco Polo as lying opposite to Cathay.
in the Chinese sea, and he construed every thing to accord with
the account given of those opulent regions. Thus the enemies
which the natives spoke of as coming from the north-west, he
concluded to be the people of the main-land of Asia, the sub-
jects of the great Khan of Tartary, who were represented by
the Venetian traveller as accustomed to make war upon the
islands, and to enslave their inhabitants. The country to the
south, abounding in gold, could be no other than the famous
island of Cipango ; and the king who was served out of vessels
of gold must be the monarch whose magnificent city and
gorgeous palace, covered with plates of gold, had been extolled
in such splendid terms by Marco Polo.
The island where Columbus had thus, for the first time, set
his foot upon the New World, was called by the natives
Guanahan6. It still retains the name of San Salvador, which
he gave to it, though called by the English Cat Island. 1 The
light which he had seen the evening previous to his making
laud, may have been on Watling's Island, which lies a few
leagues to the east. San Salvador is one of the great cluster of
the Lucayos, or Bahama Islands, which stretch south-east and
1 Some di*pnte bavins; recently arisen as to the island on which Coliimbux tirt
landed, the reader i* referred for :i di-en<sion of this question to the illustrations of ibis
work, article "First Lauding of Columbus."
108 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
north-west, from the const of Florida to Hispaniola, covering
tlic northern coast of Cuba.
On the morning of the 14th of October the admiral set off at
daybreak with the lx>ats of the ships to reconnoitre the island,
directing his course to the north-east. The coast was sur-
rounded by a reef of rocks, within which there was depth of
water and sufficient harbor to receive all the ships in Christen-
dom. The entrance was very narrow ; within there were
several sand-banks, but the water was as still as in a pool. 1
The island appeared throughout to be well wooded, with
streams of water, and a large lake in the centre. As the boats
proceeded, they passed two or three villages, the inhabitants of
which, men as well as women, ran to the shores, throwing
themselves on the ground, lifting up their hands and eyes,
either giving thanks to heaven, or worshipping the Spaniards
as supernatural beings. They ran along parallel to the boats,
calling after the Spaniards, and inviting them by signs to land,
offering them various fruits and vessels of water. Finding,
however, that the boats continued on their course, many threw
themselves into the sea and swam after them, and others fol-
lowed in canoes. The admiral received them all with kind-
ness, giving them glass beads and other trifles, which were
received with transport as celestial presents, for the invariable
idea of the savages was, that the white men had come from the
skies.
In this way they pursued their course, until they came to a
small peninsula, which with two or three days' labor might be
separated from the main-laud and surrounded with water, and
was therefore specified by Columbus as an excellent situation
for a fortress. On this were six Indian cabins, surrounded by
groves and gardens as beautiful as those of Castile. The sailors
being wearied with rowing, and the island not appearing to the
admiral of sufficient importance to induce colonization, he
returned to the ships, taking seven of the natives with him,
that they might acquire the Spanish language and serve as
interpreters.
Having taken in a supply of wood and water, they left the
island of San Salvador the same evening, the admiral being
impatient to arrive at the wealthy country to the south, which
he flattered himself would prove the famous island of Cipango.
1 Primer Viage cie Colon. Xavarrete, loin. i.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 109
CHAPTER II.
CRUISE AMONG THE BAHAMA ISLANDS.
11492.J
Ox leaving San Salvador Columbus was at a loss which wuy
to direct his course. A great number of islands, green and
level and fertile, invited him in different directions. The
Indians on board of his vessel intimated by signs that they
were innumerable, well peopled, and at war with one another.
They mentioned the names of above a hundred. Columbus
now had no longer a doubt that he was among the islands
described by Marco Polo as studding the vast sea of Chin, or
China, and lying at a great distance from the main-land.
These, according to the Venetian, amounted to between seven
and eight thousand, and abounded with drugs and spices and
odoriferous trees, together with gold and silver and many other
precious objects of commerce. 1
Animated by the idea of exploring this opulent archipelago,
he selected the largest island in sight for his next visit ; it ap-
peared to be about five leagues' distance, and he understood
from his Indians that the natives were richer than those of San
Salvador, wearing bracelets and anklets and other ornaments of
massive gold.
The night coming on, Columbus ordered that the ships should
lie to, as the navigation was difficult and dangerous among
these unknown islands, and he feared to venture ujx>n a strange
coast in the dark. In the morning they again made sail, but
meeting with counter-currents it was not until sunset that they
anchored at the island. The next morning (16th) they went on
shore, and Columbus took solemn possession, giving the island
the name of Santa Maria de la Conception. The same scene
occurred with the inhabitants as with those of San Salvador.
They manifested the same astonishment and awe, the same
gentleness and simplicity, and the same nakedness and absence
of all wealth. Columbus looked in vain for bracelets and
anklets of gold, or for any other precious articles : they had
l>een either fictions of his Indian guides, or his own misinter-
pretations.
i Marco I'olo, book iii. chap. 4; E;ig. translation by \V. Marsden.
110 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Returning on board, he prepared to make sail, when one of
the Indians of San Salvador, who was on board of the Nina,
plunged into the sea, and swam to a large canoe filled with
natives. The boat of the caravel put off in pursuit, but the
Indians managed their light bark with too much velocity to
1x3 overtaken, and, reaching the land, fled to the woods. The
sailors took the canoe as a prize, and returned on board the
caravel. Shortly afterward a small canoe approached one of
the ships from a different part of the island, with a single Indian
on lx>ard, who came to offer a ball of cotton in exchange for
hawks' bells. As he paused when close to the vessel, and feared
to enter, several sailors threw themselves into the sea and took
him prisoner.
Columbus having seen all that passed from his station on the
high poop of the vessel, ordered the captive to be brought to
him ; he came trembling with fear, and humbly offered his ball
of cotton as a gift. The admiral received him with the utmost
benignity, and declining his offering, put a colored cap upon
his head, strings of green beads around his arms, and hawks'
bells in his ears, then ordering him and his ball of cotton to be
replaced in the canoe, dismissed him, astonished and overjoyed.
He ordered that the canoe, also, which had been seized and was
fastened to the Nina, should be cast loose, to be regained by its
proprietors. When the Indian reached the shore, his country-
men thronged round him, examining and admiring his finery,
and listening to his account of the kind treatment he expe-
rienced.
Such were the gentle and sage precautions continually taken
by Columbus to impress the natives favorably. Another in-
stance of the kind occurred after leaving the island of Concep-
tion, when the caravels stood for the larger island, several
leagues to the west. Midway between the two islands they
overtook a single Indian in a canoe. He had a mere morsel of
cassava bread and a calabash of water for sea-stores, and a
little red paint, like dragons' blood, for personal decoration
when he should land. A string of glass beads, such as had been
given to the natives of San Salvador, showed that he had come
thence, and was probably passing from islaud^to island, to give
notice of the ships. Columbus admired the hardihood of this
simple navigator, making such an extensive voyage in so frail
a bark. As the island was still distant, he ordered that loth
the Indian and his canoe should be taken on board, where he
treated him with the greatest kindness, giving him bread and
honey to eat, and wine to drink. The weather being very calm,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. Ill
they did not reach the island until too dark to anchor, through
fear of cutting their cables with rocks. The sea about these
islands was so transparent that in the daytime they could see
the l)ottoin and choose their ground ; and so deep, that at two
gunshot distance there was no anchorage. Hoisting out the
canoe of their Indian voyager, therefore, and restoring to him
all his effects, they sent him joyfully ashore, to prepare the
natives for their arrival, while the ships lay to until morning.
This kindness had the desired effect. The natives surrounded
the ships in their canoes during the night, bringing fruits and
roots, and the pure water of their springs. Columbus dis-
tributed trifling presents among them, and to those who came
on board he gave sugar and honey.
Landing the next morning, he gave to this island the name
of Fernandina, in honor of the king ; it is the same at present
called Exuma. The inhabitants were similar in every respect
to those of the preceding islands, excepting that they appeared
more ingenious and intelligent. Some of the women wore
mantles and aprons of cotton, but for the most part they were
entirely naked. Their habitations were constructed in the form
of a pavilion or high circular tent, of branches of trees, of
reeds, and palm leaves. They were kept very clean and neat,
and sheltered under spreading trees. For beds they had nets
of cotton extended from two posts, which they called hamacs,
a name since in universal use among seamen.
In endeavoring to circumnavigate the island, Columbus found,
within two leagues of the northwest cape, a noble harbor, suf-
ficient to hold a hundred ships, with two entrances formed by
an island which lay in the mouth of it. Here, while the men
landed with the casks in search of water, he reposed under the
shade of the groves, which he says were more beautiful than
any he had ever beheld ; "the country was as fresh and green
as in the month of May in Andalusia ; the trees, the fruits, the
herbs, the flowers, the very stones for the most part, as differ-
ent from those of Spain as night from day." 1 The inhabitants
gave t!ie same proofs as the other islanders, of being totally un-
accustomed to the sight of ^civilized man. They regarded the
Spaniards with awe and admiration, approached them with
propitiatory offerings of whatever their poverty, or rather their
simple and natural mode of life, afforded ; the fruits of their
fields and groves, the cotton, which was their article of greatest
value, and their domesticated parrots. They took those who
' '.'rimer Viage de Colon. Navarrete, lib. i.
112 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
were in search of water to the coolest springs, the sweetest and
freshest runs, filling their casks, and rolling them to the boats ;
thus seeking in every way to gratify their celestial visitors.
However pleasing this state of primeval poverty might he to
the imagination of a poet, it was a source of continual disap-
pointment to the Spaniards, whose avarice had been whetted to
the quick by scanty specimens of gold, and by the information
of golden islands continually given by the Indians.
Leaving Fernandina, on the 19th of October, they steered to
the south-east in quest of an island called Saometo, where
Columbus understood, from the signs of the guides, there was
a mine of gold, and a king, the sovereign of all the surrounding
islands, who dwelt in a large city and possessed great treasures,
wearing rich clothing and jewels of gold. They found the
island, but neither the monarch nor the mine ; either Columbus
had misunderstood the natives, or they, measuring things by
their own poverty, had exaggerated the paltry state and trivial
ornaments of some savage chieftain. Delightful as the other
islands had appeared, Columbus declared that this surpassed
them all. Like those it was covered with trees and shrubs and
herbs of an unknown kind. The climate had the same soft tem-
perature ; the air was delicate and balmy ; the land was higher,
with a fine verdant hill ; the coast of a fine sand, gently laved
by transparent billows.
At the south-west end of the island he found fine lakes of
fresh water, overhung with groves, and surrounded by banks
covered with herbage. Here he ordered all the casks of the
ships to be filled. " Here are large lakes," says he, in his jour-
nal, "and the groves about them are marvellous, and here and
in all the island every thing is green, as in April in Andalusia.
The singing of the birds is such, that it seems as if one would
never desire to depart hence. There are flocks of parrots whieli
obscure the sun, and other birds, large and small, of so mau\
kinds all different from ours, that it is wonderful ; and besideb
there are trees of a thousand species, each having its particular
fruit and all of marvellous flavor, so that 1 am in the greatest
trouble in the world not to know them, for I am very certain
that they are each of great value. 'I shall bring home some of
them as specimens, and also some of the herbs." To this beau-
tiful island he gave the name of his royal patroness, Isabella ; it
is the same at present called Isla Larga and Exumeta. Colum-
bus was intent on discovering the drugs and spices of the East,
and on approaching this island, had fancied he perceived in the
air the spicy odors said to be wafted from the islands of the In-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 113
dian seas. " As I arrived at this cape," says he, " there came
thence a fragrance so good and soft of the flowers or trees of
the land, that it was the sweetest thing in the world. I believe
there are here many herbs and trees which would be of great
price in Spain for tinctures, medicines, and spices, but I
know nothing of them, which gives me great concern." 1
The iish, which abounded in these seas, partook of the novel-
ty which characterized most of the objects in this new world.
They rivalled the birds in tropical brilliancy of color, the scales
of some of them glancing back the rays of light like precious
stones ; as they sported alx>ut the ships, they flashed gleams of
gold and silver through the clear waves ; and the dolphins, taken
out of their element, delighted the eye with the changes of colors
ascribed in fable to the chameleon.
No animals were seen in these islands, excepting a species of
dog which never barked, a kind of coney or rabbit called " utia"
by the natives, together with numerous lizards and guanas.
The last were regarded with disgust and horror by the Span-
iards, supposing them to be fierce and noxious serpents; but
they were found afterward to be perfectly harmless, and their
flesh to be esteemed a great delicacy by the Indians.
For several days Columbus hovered about this island, seek-
ing in vain to find its imaginary monarch, or to establish a
communication with him, until, at length, he reluctantly be-
came convinced of his error. No sooner, however, did one
delusion fade away, than another succeeded. In reply to the
continual inquiries made by the Spaniards, after the source
whence they procured their gold, the natives uniformly pointed
to the south. Columbus now began to hear of an island in that
direction, called Cuba, but all that he could collect concerning
it from the signs of the natives was colored by his imagination.
He understood it to be of great extent, abounding in gold, and
pearls, and spices, and carrying on an extensive commerce in
those precious articles ; and that large merchant ships came to
trade with its inhabitants.
Comparing these misinterpreted accounts with the coast of
Asia, as laid down on his map. after the descriptions of Marco
Polo, he concluded that this island must be Cipango, and the
merchant ships mentioned must be those of the Grand Khan,
who maintained an extensive commerce in these seas. He
formed his plan accordingly, determining to sail immediately
for this island, and make himself acquainted with its ports,
Primer Viage de Colon. Xavarretc, cap. L
114 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
cities, and productions, for the purpose of establishing relations
of traffic. He would then seek another great island calli-d
Bohio, of which the natives gave likewise marvellous accounts.
His sojourn in those islands would depend upon the quantities
of gold, spices, precious stones, and other objects of Oriental
trade which he should find there. After this he would proceed
to the mainland of India, which must be within ten days' sail,
seek the city Quiusai, which, according to Marco Polo, was one
of the most magnificent capitals in the world ; he would there
deliver in person the letters of the Castilian sovereigns to the
Grand Khan, and, when he received his reply, return trium-
phantly to Spain with this document, to prove that he had
accomplished the great object of his voyage. 1 Such was the
splendid scheme with which Columbus fed his imagination, when
about to leave the Bahamas in quest of the island of Cuba.
CHAPTER III.
DISCOVERY AND COASTING OF CUBA.
[1492.]
FOR several days the departure of Columbus was delayed by
contrary winds and calms, attended by heavy showers, which
last had prevailed, more or less, since his arrival among the
islands. It was the season of the autumnal rains, which in
those torrid climates succeed the parching heats of summer,
commencing about the decrease of the August moon, and last-
ing until the month of November.
At length, at midnight, October 24th, he set sail from the
island of Isabella, but was nearly becalmed until midday ; a
gentle wind then sprang up, and, as he observes, began to blow
most amorously. Every sail was spread, and he stood toward
the west-south-west, the direction in which he was told the land
of Cuba lay from Isabella. After three days' navigation, in the
course of which he touched at a group of seven or eight small
islands, which he called Islas de Arena, supposed to be the
present Mucaras islands, and having crossed the Bahama bank
and channel, he arrived, on the morning of the 28th of October,
1 Journal of Columbus. Xavarrete, torn. i.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 115
in sight of Cuba. The part which he first discovered is supposed
to be the coast to the west of Nuevitas del Principe.
As he approached this noble island, he was struck with its
magnitude, and the grandeur of its features ; its high and airy
mountains, which reminded him of those of Sicily ; its fertile
valleys, and long sweeping plains watered by noble rivers ; its
stately forests ; its bold promontories and stretching headlands,
which melted away into the remotest distance. He anchored
in a beautiful river, of transparent clearness, free from rocks
and shoals, its banks overhung with trees. Here, landing, and
taking possession of the island, he gave it the name of Juanu,
in honor of Prince Juan, and to the river the name of San Sal-
vador.
On the arrival of the ships, two canoes put off from the shore,
but fled on seeing the boat approach to sound the river for an-
chorage. The admiral visited two cabins abandoned by their
inhabitants. They contained but a few nets made of the fibres
of the palm-tree, hooks and harpoons of bone, and some other
fishing implements, and one of the kind of dogs he had met
with on the smaller islands, which never bark. He ordered that
nothing should be taken away or deranged.
Keturning to his boat, he proceeded for some distance up the
river, more and more enchanted with the beauty of the coun-
try. The banks were covered with high and wide-spreading
trees ; some bearing fruits, others flowers, while in some both
fruit and flowers were mingled, bespeaking a perpetual round of
fertility ; among them were many palms, but different from
those of Spain and Africa ; with the great leaves of these the
natives thatched their cabins.
The continual eulogies made by Columbus on the beauty of
the country were warranted by the kind of scenery he was be-
holding. There was a wonderful splendor, variety, and luxuri-
ance in the vegetation of those quick and ardent climates. The
verdure of the groves and the colors of the flowers and blos-
soms derive a vividness from the transparent purity of the air
and the deep serenity of the azure heavens. The forests, too,
are full of life, swarming with birds of brilliant plumage.
Painted varieties of parrots and woodpeckers create a glitter
amid the verdure of the grove, and humming-birds rove from
flower to flower, resembling, as has well been said, animated
particles of a rainbow. The scarlet flamingoes, too, seen some-
times through an opening of a forest in a distant savanna, have
the appearance of soldiers drawn up in battalion, with an ad-
vanced scout on the alert, to give notice of approaching danger.
116 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Nor is the least beautiful part of animated nature the various
tribes of insects peopling every plant, and displaying brilliant
coats of mail, which sparkle like precious gems. 1
Such is the splendor of animal and vegetable creation in
these tropical climates, where an ardent sun imparts its own
lustre to every object, and quickens nature into exuberant
fecundity. The birds, in general, are not remarkable for their
notes, for it has been observed that in the feathered race
sweetness of song rarely accompanies brilliancy of plumage.
Columbus remarks, however, that there were various kinds
which sang sweetly among the trees, and he frequently de-
ceived himself in fancying that he heard the voice of the
nightingale, a bird unknown in these countries. He was, in
fact, in a mood to see every thing through a favoring medium.
His heart was full to overflowing, for he was enjoying the ful-
filment of his hopes, and the hard-earned but glorious reward
of his toils and perils. Every thing around him was beheld
with the enamoured and exulting eye of a discoverer, where
triumph mingles with admiration ; and it is difficult to conceive
the rapturous state of his feelings, while thus exploring the
charms of a virgin world, won by his enterprise and valor.
From his continual remarks on the beauty of scenery, and
from his evident delight in rural sounds and objects, he ap-
pears to have been extremely open to those happy influences,
exercised over some spirits, by the graces and wonders of
nature. He gives utterance to these feelings with character-
istic enthusiasm, and at the same time with the artlessness
and simplicity of diction of a child. When speaking of some
lovely scene among the groves, or along the flowery shores of
these favored islands, he says, "One could live there forever."
Cuba broke upon him like an elysium. "It is the most beau-
tiful island," he says, " that eyes ever beheld, full Of excellent
ports and profound rivers." The climate was more temperate
here than in the other islands, the nights being neither hot nor
cold, while the birds and crickets sang all night long. Indeed
there is a l>eauty in a tropical night, in the depth of the dark
blue sky, the lambent purity of the stars, and the resplendent
clearness of the moon, that spreads over the rich landscape and
the balmy groves a charm more captivating than the splendor
of the day.
In the sweet smell of the woods and the odor of the flowers
1 The ladle* of FTnvana, on jrala occasions, wear in their hair numbers of those in-
cu, which have u brilliancy equal to rubies, sapphires, or diamonds.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 117
Columbus fancied he perceived the fragrance of Oriental spices ;
and along the shores he found shells of the kind of oyster
which produces pearls. From the grass growing to the very
edge of the water, he inferred the peacefulness of the ocean
which bathes these islands, never lashing the shores with
angry surges. Ever since his arrival among these Antilles
he had experienced nothing but soft and gentle weatlic-r, and
he concluded that a perpetual serenity reigned over these happy
seas. He was little suspicious of the occasional bursts of
fury to which they are liable. Charlevoix, speaking from
actual observation, remarks, " The sea of those islands is com-
monly more tranquil than ours ; but, like certain people who
are excited with difficulty, and whose transports of passion are
as violent as they are rare, so when the sea becomes irritated,
it is terrible. It breaks all bounds, overflows the country,
sweeps away all things that oppose it, and leaves frightful
ravages behind, to mark the extent of its inundations. It is
after these tempests, known by the name of hurricanes, that
the shores are covered with marine shells, which greatly sur-
pass in lustre and beauty those of the P^uropean seas." 1 It is a
singular fact, however, that the hurricanes, which almost an-
nually devastate the Bahamas, and other islands in the immedi-
ate vicinity of Cuba, have been seldom known to extend their
influence to this favored land. It would seem as if the very
elements were charmed into gentleness as they approached it.
In a kind of riot of the imagination, Columbus finds at every
step something to corroborate the information be had received,
or fancied he had received, from the natives. He had conclu-
sive proofs, as he thought, that Cuba possessed mines of gold,
and groves of spices, and that its shores abounded with pearls.
He no longer doubted that it was the island of Cipango, and
weighing anchor, coasted along westward, in which direction,
according to the signs of his interpreters, the magnificent city
of its king was situated. In the course of his voyage he lauded
occasionally, and visited several villages ; particularly one on
the banks of a large river, to which he gave the name of Rio de
los Mares. 2 The houses were neatly built of branches of palm-
trees in the shape of pavilions ; not laid out in regular streets,
but scattered here and there, among the groves, and under the
shade of broad spreading trees, like tents in a camp ; as is still
the case in many of the Spanish settlements, and in the vik
i Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. i. p. 20. Paris, 1730.
1 Now called Savauuah la Mer.
118 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
lages in the interior of Cuba. The inhabitants fled to the
mountains, or hid themselves in the woods. Columbus care-
fully noted the architecture and furniture of their dwellings.
The houses were better built than those he had hitherto seen,
and were kept extremely clean. He found in them rude
statues, and wooden masks, carved with considerable inge-
nuity. All these were indications of more art and civilization
than he had observed in the smaller islands, and he supposed
they would go on increasing as he approached terra n'nna.
Finding in all the cabins implements for fishing, he concluded
that these coasts were inhabited merely by fishermen, who car-
ried their fish to the cities in the interior. He thought also he
had found the skulls of cows, which proved that there were
cattle in the island ; though these are supposed to have been
skulls of the manati or sea-calf found on this coast.
After standing to the north-west for some distance, Colum-
bus came in sight of a great headland, to which, from the
groves with which it was covered, he gave the name of the
Cape of Palms, and which forms the eastern entrance to what
is now known as Laguna de Moron. Here three Indians, na-
tives of the Island of Guanahane, who were on board of the
Pinta, informed the commander, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, that
behind the cape there was a river, whence it was but four days'
journey to Cubanacan, a place abounding in gold. By this
they designated a province situated in the centre of Cuba;
wacom, in their language, signifying the midst. Piuzon, how-
ever, had studied intently the map of Toscauelli, and had im-
bibed from Columbus all his ideas respecting the coast of Asia.
He concluded, therefore, that the Indians were talking of
Cublai Khan, the Tartar sovereign, and of certain parts of his
dominions described by Marco Polo. 1 He understood from
them that Cuba was not an island, but terra firma, extending
a vast distance to the north, and that the king who reigned m
this vicinity was at war with the Great Khan.
This tissue of errors and misconceptions he immediately
communicated to Columbus. It put an end to the delusion
in which the admiral had hitherto indulged, that this was the
island of Cipango ; but it substituted another no less agreeable.
He concluded that he must have reached the mainland of
Asia, or as he termed it, India, and if so, he could not be at any
great distance from Mangi and Cathay, the ultimate destina-
tion for his voyage. The prince in question^ who reigned over
1 Las Casas, lib. I. cap. 44. MS.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 119
this neighboring country, must be some Oriental potentate of
consequence ; lie resolved, therefore, to seek the river beyond
the Cape of Palms, and despatch a present to the monarch, with
one of the letters of recommendation from the Castilian sov-
ereigns ; and after visiting his dominions he would proceed to
the capital of Cathay, the residence of the Grand Khan.
Every attempt to reach the river in question, however,
proved ineffectual. Cape stretched beyond cape ; there was no
good anchorage ; the wind became contrary, and the appear-
ance of the heavens threatening rough weather, he put back
to the Rio de los Mares.
On the 1st of November, at sunrise, he sent the boats on
shore to visit several houses, but the inhabitants fled to the
woods. He supposed that they must mistake his armament
for one of the scouring expeditious sent by the Grand Khan to
make prisoners and slaves. He sent the boat on shore again in
the afternoon, with an Indian interpreter, who was instructed
to assure the people of the peaceable and beneficent intentions
of the Spaniards, and that they had no connection with the
Grand Khan. After the Indian had proclaimed this from the
boat to the savages upon the beach, part of it, no doubt, to
their great perplexity, he threw himself into the water and
swam to shore. He was well received by the natives, and suc-
ceeded so effectually in calming their fears, that before evening
there were more than sixteen canoes about the ships, bringing
cotton yarn and other simple articles of traffic. Columbus for-
bade all trading for any thing but gold, that the natives might
be tempted to produce the real riches of their country. They
had none to offer ; all were destitute of ornaments of the pre-
cious metals, excepting one, who wore in his nose a piece of
wrought silver. Columbus understood this man to say that
the king lived about the distance of four days' journey in the
interior ; that many messengers had been despatched to give
him tidings of the arrival of the strangers upon the coast ; and
that in less than three days' time messengers might be expected
from him in return, and many merchants from the interior, to
trade with the ships. It is curious to observe bow ingeniously
the imagination of Columbus deceived him at every step, and
how he wove every thing into a uniform web of false conclu-
sions. Poring over the map of Toscauelli, referring to the
reckonings of his voyage, and musing on the misinterpreted
words of the Indians, he imagined that he must be on the bor-
ders of Cathay, and about one hundred leagues from the capi-
tal of the Grand Khan. Anxious to arrive there, and to delay
120 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
as little as possible in the territories of an inferior prince, he
determined not to await the arrival of the messengers and
merchants, but to despatch two envoys to seek the neighboring
monarch at his residence.
For this mission he chose two Spaniards, Rodrigo de Jerez
and Luis de Torres ; the latter a converted Jew, who knew
Hebrew and Chaldaic, and even something of Arabic, one or
other of which Columbus supposed might be known to this
Oriental prince. Two Indians were sent with them as guides,
one a native of Guanahane, and the other an inhabitant of the
hamlet on the bank of the river. The ambassadors were fur-
nished with strings of beads and other trinkets for travelling
expenses. Instructions were given them to inform the king
that Columbus had been sent by the Castilian sovereigns, a
bearer of letters and a present, which he was to djeliver per-
sonally, for the purpose of establishing an amicable intercourse
between the powers. They were likewise to inform themselves
accurately about the situation and distances of certain pro-
vinces, ports, and rivers, which the admiral specified by name
from the descriptions which he had of the coast of Asia. They
were moreover provided with specimens of spices and drugs,
for the purpose of ascertaining whether any articles of the
kind abounded in the country. With these provisions and in-
structions the ambassadors departed, six days being allowed
them to go and return. Many, at the present day, will smile
at this embassy to a naked savage chieftain in the interior of
Cuba, in mistake for an Asiatic monarch ; but such was the
singular nature of this voyage, a continual series of golden
dreams, and all interpreted by the deluding volume of Marco
Polo.
CHAPTER IV.
FURTHER COASTING OF CUBA.
WITTLE awaiting the return of his ambassadors, the admiral
ordered the ships to be careened and repaired, and employed
himself in collecting information concerning the country. On
the day after their departure, he ascended the river in boats
for the distance of two leagues, until he came to fresh water.
Here landing, he climbed a hill to obtain a view of the interior.
His view, however, was shut in by thick and lofty forests, of
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 121
wild but beautiful luxuriance. Among the trees were some
which he considered linaloes ; many were odoriferous, and he
doubted not possessed valuable aromatic qualities. There was
a general eagerness among the voyagers to find the precious
articles of commerce which grow in the favored climes of the
East, and their imaginations were continually deceived by their
rapes.
For two or three days the admiral was excited by reports of
cinnamon-trees, and nutmegs, and rhubarb ; but on examination
they all proved fallacious. He showed the natives specimens
of those and various other spices and drugs, and understood
from them that those articles alxninded to the south-east. He
showed them gold and pearls also, and several old Indians
spoke of a country where the natives wore ornameuts of them
round their necks, arms, and ankles. They repeatedly men-
tioned the word Bohio, which Columbus supposed to be the
name of the place in question, and that it was some rich dis-
trict or island. They mingled, however, great extravagances
with their imperfect accounts, describing nations at a distance
who had but one eye ; others who had the heads of dogs, and
who were cannibals cutting the throats of their prisoners and
sucking their blood. 1
All these reports of gold, and pearls, and spices, many of which
were probably fabrications to please the admiral, tended to keep
up the persuasion that he was among the valuable coasts and
islands of the East. On making a fire to heat the tar for ca-
reening the ships, the seamen found that the wood they burnt
sent forth a powerful odor, and, on examining it, declared that
it was mastic. The wood abounded in the neighboring forests,
insomuch that Columbus flattered himself a thousand quintals
of this precious gum might be collected every year, and a more
abundant supply procured than that furnished by Scios and
other islands of the Archipelago. In the course of their re-
searches in the vegetable kingdom, in quest of the luxuries of
commerce, they met with the potato, a humble root, little
valued at the time, but a more precious acquisition to man than
all the spices of the East.
On the 6th of November, the two ambassadors returned, and
every one crowded to hear tidings of the interior of the country,
and of the prince to whose capital they had been sent. After
penetrating twelve leagues, they had come to a village of fifty
houses, built similarly to those of the coast, but larger ; the
1 Primer Viaga de Colou. Navarrete, Ixxi. p. 48.
122 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
whole village containing at least a thousand inhabitants. The
natives received them with great solemnity, conducted them to
the best house, and placed them in what appeared to be intend-
ed for chairs of state, being wrought out of single pieces of wood,
into the forms of quadrupeds. They then offered them fruits
and vegetables. Having complied with the laws of savage cour-
tesy and hospitality, they seated themselves on the ground
around their visitors, and waited to hear what they had to com-
municate.
The Israelite, Luis de Torres, found his Hebrew, Chaldaic, and
Arabic of no avail, and the Lucayen interpreter had to be the
orator. He made a regular speech, after the Indian manner, in
which he extolled the power, the wealth, the munificence of the
white men. When he had finished the Indians crowded round
these wonderful beings, whom, as usual, they considered more
than human. Some touched them, examining their skin and
raiment, others kissed their hands and feet, in token of submis-
sion or adoration. In a little while the men withdrew, and were
succeeded by the women, and the same ceremonies were re-
peated. Some of the women had a slight covering of netted
cotton round the middle, but in general both sexes were entirely
naked. There seemed to be ranks and orders of society among
them, and a chieftain of some authority ; whereas among all the
natives they had previously met with a complete equality seemed
to prevail.
There was no appearance of gold or other precious articles,
and when they showed specimens of cinnamon, pepper and other
spices, the inhabitants told them they were not to be found in
that neighborhood, but far off to the south-west.
The envoys determined, therefore, to return to the ships.
The natives would fain have induced them to remain for several
days ; but seeing them bent on departing, a great number were
anxious to accompany them, imagining they were about to re-
turn to the skies. They took with them, however, only one
of the principal men, with his son, who were attended by a
domestic.
On their way back, they for the first time witnessed the use
of a weed, which the ingenious caprice of man has since con-
verted into an universal luxury, in defiance of the opposition of
the senses. They beheld several of the natives going about
with firebrands in their hands, and certain dried herbs which
they rolled up in a leaf, and lighting one end, put the other in
their mouths, and continued exhaling and puffing out the smoke.
A roll of this kind they called a tobacco, a name since trans-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 123
ferred to the plant of which the rolls were made. The Span-
iards, although prepared to meet with wonders, were struck with
astonishment at this singular and apparently nauseous indul-
gence. 1
On their return to the ships they gave favorable accounts of
the beauty and fertility of the country. They had met with
many hamlets of four or five houses, well peopled, embowered
among trees, laden with unknown fruits of tempting hue and
delightful flavor. Around them were fields, cultivated with the
agi or sweet pepper, potatoes, maize or Indian corn, a species
of lupin or pulse, and yuca, whereof they made their cassava
bread. These, with the fruits of the groves, formed their prin-
cipal food. There were vast quantities of cotton, some just
sown, some in full growth. There was great store of it also in
their houses, some wrought into yarn, or into nets, of which they
made 1 their hammocks. They had seen many birds of rare
plumage, but unknown species ; many ducks ; several small
partridges ; add they heard the song of a bird which they had
mistaken for the nightingale. All they had seen, however,
betokened a primitive and simple state of society. The wonder
with which they had been regarded showed clearly that the
people were strangers to civilized man, nor could they hear of
any inland city superior to the one they had visited.
The report of the envoys put an end to many splendid fancies
of Columbus, about the barbaric prince and his capital. He
was cruising, however, in a region of enchantment, in which
pleasing chimeras started up at every step, exercising by turns
a power over his imagination. During the absence of the emis-
saries, the Indians had informed him, by signs, of a place to the
eastward, where the people collected gold along the river banks
by torchlight, and afterward wrought it into bare with hammers.
In speaking of this place they again used the words Babeque
and Bohio, which he, as usual, supposed to be the proper names
of islands or countries. The true meaning of these words has
been variously explained. It is said that they were applied by
the Indians to the coast of terra firma, called also by them
caritaba. 4 It is also said that Bohio means a house, and was
1 Primer Viage de Xavarrete, torn. i. p. 51.
" Hallaron por el caroino nine ha gente que atravesaban a BUS pueblos rouge res y
bomlireo : i*iempre Io hombres con un tison en la manos y ciertos yerbas para tomar BUS
nbumerloc, que son una* yerbas secus metidas en una cierta hoja ec-a larnbien amanera
de ir.usquete hecho de papel de los que bacon log muchachos la I'ascua del Bepiritu
Santo, y enoondido por una parte de el, por la otra chupan 6 sorbant 6 recilien con el
rer-uello por adentru aquel luiruo: con el qual se adormecen las carries y c-imsi einbor-
rarlm, y ;i-j diz que no sicnicn el caasancio. ErUox mosquetos, 6 como los llainaremaa,
llamen ellos tahacos." \&& C'asas, Hist. Gen. lud. lib. i. cap. 46.
* Muuoz, Hist. N. Muudo, cap. 3.
124 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
often used by the Indians to signify the populonsness of an
island. Hence it was frequently applied to Hispaniola, as well
as the more general name of Hayti, which means high hind, and
occasionally Quisqueya (i.e. the whole), on account of its
extent.
The misapprehension of these, and other words, was a source
of perpetual error to Columbus. Sometimes he supposed
Babeque and Bohio to signify the same islands ; sometimes to be
different places or islands ; and Quisqueya he supposed to mean
Quisai or Kuinsai (i.e. the celestial city) mentioned by Marco
Polo.
His great object was to arrive at some opulent and civilized
country of the East, with which he might establish commercial
relations, and whence he might carry home a quantity of Orien-
tal merchandise as a rich trophy of his discovery. The season
was advancing ; the cool nights gave hints of approaching win-
ter ; he resolved, therefore, not to proceed farther to the north,
nor to linger about uncivilized places, which, at present, he had
not the means of colonizing, but to return to the east-south-east,
in quest of Babeque, which he trusted might prove some rich
and civilized island on the coast of Asia.
Before leaving the river, to which he had given the name of
Rio de Mares, he took several of the natives to carry with him
to Spain, for the purpose of teaching them the language, that,
in future voyages, they might serve as interpreters. He took
them of both sexes, having learned from the Portuguese dis-
coverers that the men were always more contented on the voy-
age, and serviceable on their return, when accompanied by
females. With the religious feeling of the day, he anticipated
<riv;it triumphs to the faith and glory to the crown, from the
conversion of these savage nations, through the means of the
natives thus instructed. He imagined that the Indians had no
system of religion, but a disposition to receive its impressions ;
as they regarded with great reverence and attention the religious
ceremonies of the Spaniards, soon repeating by rote any prayer
taught them, and making the sign of the cross with the most
edifying devotion. They had an idea of a future state, but lim-
ited and confused. "They confess the soul to be immortal,"
says Peter Martyr, "and having put off the bodily clothing,
they imagine it goes forth to the woods and the mountains, and
that It liveth there perpetually in caves; nor do they exempt it
from eating and drinking, but that it should be fed there. The
answering voices heard from caves and hollows, which the
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 125
Latines call echoes, they suppose to be the souls of the departed,
wandering through those places. 1
From the natural tendency to devotion which Columbus
thought he discovered among them, from their gentle natures,
and their ignorance of all warlike arts, he pronounces it an easy
matter to make them devout members of the church and loyal
subjects of the crown. He concludes his speculations upon the
advantages to be derived from the colonization of these parts by
anticipating a great trade for gold, which must abound in the
interior ; for pearls and precious stones, of which, though he had
seen none, he had received frequent accounts ; for gums and
spices, of which he thought he had found indubitable traces ;
and for the cotton, which grew wild in vast quantities. Many
of these articles, he observes, would probably find a nearer
market than Spain, in the ports and cities of the Great Khan,
at which he had no doubt of soon arriving. 2
CHAPTER V.
SEARCH AFTER THE SUPPOSED ISLAND OF BABEQUE DESERTION
OF THE PINTA.
[1492.]
ON the 12th of November, Columbus turned his course to the
east-south-east, to follow back the direction of the coast. This
may be considered another critical change in his voyage, which
had a great effect upon his subsequent discoveries. He had pro-
ceeded far within what is called the old channel, between Cuba
and the Bahamas. In two or three days more he would have
discovered his mistake in supposing Cuba a part of terra firma ;
an error in which he continued to the day of his death. He
might have had intimation also of the vicinity of the continent,
and have stood for the coast of Florida, or have been carried
thither by the gulf stream, or, continuing along Cuba where it
bends to the south-west, might have struck over to the opposite
coast of Yucatan, and have realized his most sanguine anticipa-
tions in becoming the discoverer of Mexico. It was sufficient
glory for Columbus, however, to have discovered a new world.
* P. Martyr, dcc-ad. viii. cap. 9; M. Lock's translation, 1612.
1 Primer Yiagc de Colon. Navarrete, torn. i.
126 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Its more golden regions were reserved to give splendor to suc-
ceeding enterprises.
He now ran along the coast for two or three days without
stopping to explore it, as no populous towns or cities were to he
seen. Passing hy a great cape, to which he gave the name of
Cape Cuba, he struck eastward in search of Babeque, but on the
14th a head wind and boisterous sea obliged him to put back and
anchor in a deep and secure harbor, to which he gave the name
of Puerto del Principe. Here he erected a cross on a neighbor-
ing height, in token of possession. A few days were passed in
exploring with his boats an archipelago of small but beautiful
islands in the vicinity, since known as El jardin del Rey, or the
king's garden. The gulf, studded with these islands, he named
the sea of Nuestra Senora ; in modern days it has been a lurk-
ing-place for pirates, who have found secure shelter and con-
cealment among the channels and solitary harbors of this
archipelago. These islands were covered with noble trees,
among which the Spaniards thought they discovered mastic and
aloes.
On the 19th Columbus again put to sea, and for two days made
ineffectual attempts, against head winds, to reach an island di-
rectly east, about sixty miles distant, which he supposed to be
Babeque. The wind continuing obstinately adverse and the sea
rough, he put his ship about toward evening of the 20th, mak-
ing signals for the other vessels to follow him. His signals were
unattended to by the Pinta, which was considerably to the east-
ward. Columbus repeated the signals, but they were still un-
attended to. Night coming on, he shortened sail and hoisted
signal lights to the masthead, thinking Pinzon would yet join
him, which he could easily do, having the wind astern ; but when
the morning dawned the Pinta was no longer to be seen. 1
Columbus was disquieted by this circumstance. Pinzon was
a veteran navigator, accustomed to hold a high rank among his
nautical associates. The squadron had in a great measure been
manned and fitted out through his influence and exertions ; he
could ill brook subordination therefore to Columbus, whom he
perhaps did not consider his superior in skill and knowledge,
and who had been benefited by his purse. Several misunder-
standings and disputes had accordingly occurred between them
in the course of the voyage, and when Columbus saw Pinzon
thus parting company, without any appointed rendezvous, he
suspected either that he intended to take upon himself a sepa-
' Laa C'asa*. Hist. Ind., torn. i. cap. 27. llist. del AlmirauU;, cap. 29. Journal of
Columbus. >iiiv;inx-U', torn. i.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 127
rate command and prosecute the enterprise in his own name, or
hasten hack to Spain and hear off the glory of the discovery.
To attempt to seek him, however, was fruitless ; he was far out
of sight; his vessel was a superior sailer, and it was impossihle
to say what course he had steered. Columbus stood hack,
therefore, for Cuba, to finish the exploring of its coast ; but he
no longer possessed his usual serenity of mind and unity of pur-
pose, and was embarrassed in the prosecution of his discoveries
by doubts of the designs of Pinzon.
On the 24th of November he regained Point Cuba, and
anchored in a fine harl>or formed by the mouth of a river, to
which he gave the name of St. Catherine. It was bordered by
rich meadows ; the neighboring mountains were well wooded,
having pines tall enough to make masts for the finest ships, and
noble oaks. In the bed of the river were found stones veined
with gold.
Columbus continued for several days coasting the residue of
Cuba, extolling the magnificence, freshness, and verdure of the
scenery, the purity of the rivers, and the number and commo-
diousness of the harbors. Speaking in his letters to the sover-
eigns of one place, to which he gave the name of Puerto Santo,
he says, in his artless but enthusiastic language, "The amenity
of this river, and the clearness of the water, through which the
sand at the bottom may be seen ; the multitude of palm-trees of
various forms, the highest and most beautiful that I have met
with, and an infinity of other great and green trees ; the birds in
rich plumage and the verdure of the fields, render this country,
most serene princes, of such marvellous beauty, that it sur-
passes all others in charms and graces, as the day doth the night
in lustre. For which reason I often say to my people, that,
much as I endeavor to give a complete account of it to your
majesties, my tongue cannot express the whole truth, nor my
pen describe it ; and I have been so overwhelmed at the sight of
so much beauty, that I have not known how to relate it."
The transparency of the water, which Columbus attributed to
the purity of the rivers, is the property of the ocean in these
latitudes. So clear is the sea in the neighborhood of some of
these islands, that in still weather the bottom may be seen, as
in a crystal fountain ; and the inhabitants dive down four or
five fathoms in search of conchs, and other shell-fish, which are
visible from the surface. The delicate air and pure waters of
these islands are among their greatest charms.
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 29.
128 LIFE OF CUEISTOPIIER COLUMBUS.
As a proof of the gigantic vegetation, Columbus mentions the
enormous size of the canoes formed from single trunks of trees.
One that he saw was capable of containing one hundred and
fifty persons. Among other articles found in the Indian dwell-
ings was a cake of wax, which he took to present to the Cast.il-
ian sovereigns, " for where there is wax," said he, " there must
be a thousand other good things." 1 It is since supposed to
have been brought from Yucatan, as the inhabitants of Cuba
were not accustomed to gather wax. 2
On the 5th of December he reached the eastern end of Cuba,
which he supposed to be the eastern extremity of Asia ; he gave
it, therefore, the name of Alpha and Omega, the beginning and
the end. He was now greatly perplexed what course to take.
If he kept along the coast as it bent to the south-west, it might
bring him to the more civilized and opulent parts of India ; but
if he took this course, he must abandon all hope of finding the
island of Babeque, which the Indians now said lay to the north-
east, and of which they still continued to give the most marvel-
lous accounts. It was a state of embarrassment characteristic
of this extraordinary voyage, to have a new and unknown
world thus spread out to the choice of the explorer, where won-
ders and beauties invited him on every side ; but where, which-
ever way he turned, he might leave the true region of profit and
delight behind.
CHAPTER VI.
DISCOVERY OF HISPANIOLA.
[1492.]
WHILE Columbus was steering at large beyond the eastern ex-
tremity of Cuba, undetermined what course to take, he descried
land to the south-east, gradually increasing upon the view ; its
high mountains towering above the clear horizon, and giving
evidence of an island of great extent. The Indians, on behold-
ing it, exclaimed Bohio, the name by which Columbus under-
stood them to designate some country which abounded in gold.
When they saw him standing in that direction, they showed
great signs of terror, imploring him not to visit it, assuring him,
by signs, that the. inhabitants were fierce and cruel, that they
1 Journal of Columbus. Navarrete, toiu. i. > Herrera, Hist. Ind., decatl. i.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 129
had but one eye, and were cannibals. The wind being unfavor-
able, and the nights long, during which they did not dare to
make sail in these unknown seas, they were a great part of two
days working up to the island.
In the transparent atmosphere of the tropics, objects are de-
scried at a great distance, and the purity of the air and seren-
ity of the deep blue sky give a magical effect to the scenery.
I'nder these advantages, the beautiful island of Hayti revealed
itself to the eye as they approached. Its mountains were higher
and more rocky than those of the other islands ; but the rocks
rose from among rich forests. The mountains swept down into
luxuriant plains and green savannas ; while the appearance
of cultivated fields, of numerous fires at night, and columns of
smoke by day, showed it to be populous. It rose before them
in all the splendor of tropical vegetation, one of the most
beautiful islands in the world, and doomed to be one of the
most unfortunate.
In the evening of the Gth of December, Columbus entered a
harbor at the western end of the island, to which he gave the
name of St. Nicholas, by which it is called at the present day.
The harbor was spacious and deep, surrounded with large trees,
many of them loaded with fruit ; while a beautiful plain ex-
tended in front of the port, traversed by a fine stream of water.
From the number of canoes seen in various parts, there were
evidently large villages in the neighborhood, but the natives had
fled with terror at sight of the ships.
Leaving the harbor of .St. Nicholas on the 7th, they coasted
along the northern side of the island. It was lofty and moun-
tainous, but with green savannas and long sweeping plains. At
one place they caught a view up a rich and smiling valley that
ran far into the interior, between two mountains, and appeared
to be in a high state of cultivation.
For several days they were detained in a harbor which they
called Port Conception, 1 a small river emptied into it, after
winding through a delightful country. The coast abounded
with fish, some of which even leaped into their boats. They
cast their nets, therefore, and caught great quantities, and
among them several kinds similar to those of Spain the first
fish they had met with resembling those of their own country.
The notes of the bird which they mistook for the nightingale,
1 Now known !>y the name of the Bay of Moustique.
NOTE. The author has received very oblitfint; and interesting letters, dated in
1817. from T. S. llelieken, Ksq., many years a resident of St. DoiniML">. i-'ivi'ii: names,
localities. a>id other particulars connected with the transactions of < 'nlimiljus in that
island. Theso will be thankfully made use of aud duly cited i.i the course of the work.
130 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
and of several others to which they were accustomed, reminded
them strongly of the groves of their distant Andalusia. They
fancied the features of the surrounding country resembled those
of the more beautiful provinces of Spain, and, in consequence,
the admiral named the island Hispauiola.
Desirous of establishing some intercourse with the natives,
who had abandoned the coast on his arrival, he despatched six
men, well armed, into the interior. They found several culti-
vated fields, and traces of roads, and places where fires had
been made, but the inhabitants had fled with terror to the
mountains.
Though the whole country was solitary and deserted, Colum-
bus consoled himself with the idea that there must be populous
towns in the interior, where the people had taken refuge, and
that the fires he had beheld had been signal fires, like those
lighted up on the mountains of Spain, in the times of Moorish
war, to give the alarm when there was any invasion of the sea-
board.
On the 12th of December, Columbus with great solemnity
erected a cross on a commanding eminence, at the entrance of
the harbor, in sign of having taken possession. As three sailors
were rambling about the vicinity they beheld a large number
of the natives, who immediately took flight ; but the sailors
pursued them, and captured a young female, whom they
brought to the ships. She was perfectly naked, a bad omen as
to the civilization of the island, but an ornament of gold in the
nose gave hope of the precious metal. The admiral soon soothed
her terror by his kindness, and by presents of beads, brass
rings, hawks' bells, and other trinkets, and, having had her
clothed, sent her on shore accompanied by several of the crew
and three of the Indian interpreters. So well pleased was she
with her finery, and with the kind treatment she had experi-
enced, that she would gladly have remained with the Indian
women whom she found on board. The party sent with her
returned on Ixrnrd late in the night, without venturing to her
village, which was far inland. Confident of the favorable im-
pression which the report given by the woman must produce,
the admiral on the following day despatched nine stout-hearted,
well-armed men, to seek the village, accompanied by a native
of Cuba as an interpreter. They found it about four and a half
leagues to the south-east, in a fine valley, on the banks of a
beautiful river. 1 It contained one thousand houses, but the iu-
1 Thin vilhiirc- was fortm-rlv known by Ihc name of Gro* Morne, cituati-d on tin- banks
of ihe liver of " Troia tttvfore*," which cinptii-D itself naif a mile west of 1'orl de 1'uil.
Kavurn-ie, luiu. i.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 131
habitants fled as they approached. The interpreter overtook
them, and assured them of the goodness of these strangers, who
had descended from the skies, and went about the world mak-
ing precious and beautiful presents. Thus assured, the natives
ventured back to the number of two thousand. They ap-
proached the Spaniards with slow and trembling steps, often
pausing and putting their hands upon their heads, in token of
profound reverence and submission. They were a well-formed
race, fairer and handsomer than the natives of the other
islands. 1 While the Spaniards were conversing with them
by means of their interpreter, another multitude approached,
headed by the husband of the female captive. They brought
her in triumph on their shoulders, and the husband was profuse
in his gratitude for the kindness with which she had been
treated, and the magnificent presents which had been bestowed
upon her.
The Indians now conducted the Spaniards to their houses,
and set before them cassava bread, fish, roots, and fruits of
various kinds. They brought also great numbers of domesti-
cated parrots, and indeed offered freely whatever they possessed.
The great river flowing through this valley was bordered with
noble forests, among which were palms, bananas, and many
trees covered with fruit and flowers. The air was mild as in
April ; the birds sang all day long, and some were even heard
in the night. The Spaniards had not learned as yet to account
for the difference of seasons in this opposite part of the globe ;
they were astonished to hear the voice of this supposed night-
ingale singing in the midst of Deceml>er, and considered it a
proof that there was no winter in this happy climate. They
returned to the ships enraptured with the beauty of the country,
surpassing, as they said, even the luxuriant plains of Cordova.
All that they complained of was that they saw no signs of riches
among the natives. And here it is impossible to refrain from
dwelling on the picture given by the first discoverers, of the
state of manners in this eventful island l>efore the arrival of
the white men. According to their accounts, the people of
Hayti existed in that state of primitive and savage simplicity
which some philosophers have fondly pictured as the most envi-
able on earth ; surrounded by natural blessings, without even a
knowledge of artificial wants. The fertile earth produced the
chief part of their food almost without culture : their rivers and
seacoast abounded with fish, and they caught the utia, the
s, lib. i. cap. 5a, MS.
132 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
guana, and a variety of birds. This, to beings of their frugal
:iii' I temperate habits, was great abundance, and what nature
furnished thus spontaneously they willingly shared with all the
world. Hospitality, we are told, was with them a law of nature
universally observed ; there was no need of being known to
to receive its succors ; every house was as open to the stranger
as his own. 1 Columbus, too, in a letter to Luis de St. Angel,
observes, "True it is that after they felt confidence, and lost
their fear of us, they were so liberal with what they possessed,
that it would not be believed by those who had not seen it. Jf
any tiling was asked of them, they never said no, but rather
gave it cheerfully, and showed as much amity as if they gave
their very hearts ; and whether the thing were of value, or of
little price, they were content with whatever was given in re-
turn. ... In all these islands it appears to me that the men
are all content with one wife, but they give twenty to their
chieftain or king. The women seem to work more than the
men ; and I have not been able to understand whether they pos-
sess individual property ; but rather think that whatever one
has all the rest share, especially in all articles of provisions." 2
One of the most pleasing descriptions of the inhabitants of
this island is given by old Peter Martyr, who gathered it. as he
says, from the conversations of the admiral himself. ' k It is
certain," says he, "that the land among these people is as
common as the sun and water; and that ' mine and thine,' the
seeds of all mischief, have no place with them. They are con-
tent with so little, that in so large a country they have rather
superfluity than scarceness ; so that they seem to live in the
golden world, without toil, living in open gardens ; not intrenched
with dykes, divided with hedges, or defended with walls. They
deal truly one with another, without laws, without books, and
without judges. They take him for an evil and mischievous
man, who taketh pleasure in doing hurt to another ; and albeit
they delight not in superfluities, yet they make provision for the
increase of such roots whereof they make their bread, contented
with such simple diet, whereby health is preserved and disease
avoided." 3
Much of this picture may be overcolored by the imagination,
but it is generally confirmed by contemporary historians. They
all concur in representing the life of these islanders as approach-
ing to the golden state of poetical felicity ; living under the
Cbarlevoiz. Hirt. St. Domingo, lib. 1.
* Letter of Columbut* to Luis de St. Angel. Navarrete, torn. i. p. 167.
1'. Martyr, detail, i. lib. iii. Trails!, of Hichard Kdeii, looo.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 133
absolute but patriarchal and easy rule of their caciques, free
from pride, with few wants, an abundant country. :i happily-
tampered climate, and a natural disposition to careless and
indolent eujoymeiit.
CHAPTER VII.
COASTING OF IIISPANIOLA.
[1492.]
the weather became favorable, Columbus made another
attempt, on the 14th of December, to find the island of Babeque,
but was again baffled by adverse winds. In the course of this
attempt he visited an island lying opposite to the harbor of
Conception, to which, from its abounding in turtle, he gave the
name of Tortugas. 1 The natives had fled to the rocks and
forests, and alarm fires blazed along the heights. The country
was so beautiful that he gave to one of the valleys the name of
Valle de Paraiso, or the Vale of Paradise, and called a fine
stream the Guadalquivir, after that renowned river which flows
through some of the fairest provinces of Spain. 2
Setting sail on the IGth of December at midnight, Columbus
steered again for Hispaniola. When half way across the gulf
which separates the islands, he perceived a canoe navigated by
a single Indian, and, as on a former occasion, was astonished at
his hardihood in venturing so far from land in so frail a bark,
and at his adroitness in keeping it above water, as the wind was
fresh, and there was some sea running. He ordered both him
and his canoe to be taken on board ; and having anchored near a
village on the coast of Hispaniola, at present known as Puerto
de Paz, he sent him on shore well regaled and enriched with
various presents.
In the early intercourse with these people, kindness never
seems to have failed in its effect. The favorable accounts given
by this Indian, and by those with whom the Spaniards had com-
municated in their previous landings, dispelled the fears of the
islanders. A friendly intercourse soon took place, and the
ships were visited by a cacique of the neighborhood. From
this chieftain and his counsellors, Columbus had further infor-
1 This island in after time* became the headquarters of the famous Buccaneers.
1 Journal of Columburt. Navancte, Colec., loin. i. p. Ul.
134 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
mation of the island of Babeque, which was descrilx?d as lying at
no great distance. No mention is afterward made of this island,
nor does it appear that he made any further attempt to seek it.
No such island exists in the ancient charts, and it is probable
that this was one of the numerous misinterpretations of Indian
words, which led the first discoverers into so many fruitless
researches. The people of Hispauiola appeared handsomer to
Columbus than any he had yet met with, and of a gentle and
peaceable disposition. Some of them had ornaments of gold,
which they readily gave away or exchanged for any trifle. The
country was finely diversified with lofty mountains and green
valleys, which stretched away inland as far as the eye could
reach. The mountains were of such easy ascent that the highest
of them might l>e ploughed with oxen, and the luxuriant growth
of the forests manifested the fertility of the soil. The valleys
were watered by numerous clear and beautiful streams ; they
appeared to be cultivated in many places, and to be fitted for
grain, for orchards, and pasturage.
While detained at this harbor by contrary winds, Columbus
was visited by a young cacique, who came borne by four men
on a sort of litter, and attended by two hundred of his subjects.
The admiral being at dinner when he arrived, the young chief-
tain ordered his followers to remain without, and entering the
cabin, took his seat beside Columbus, not permitting him to rise
or use any ceremony. Only two old men entered with him, who
appeared to be his counsellors, and who seated themselves at his
feet. If any thing were given him to eat or drink, he merely
tasted it, and sent it to his followers, maintaining an air of great
gravity and dignity. He spoke but little, his two counsellors
watching his lips, and catching and communicating his ideas.
After dinner he presented the admiral with a belt curiously
wrought, and two pieces of gold. Columbus gave him a piece
of cloth, several amber beads, colored shoes, and a flask of
orange-flower water ; he showed him a Spanish coin, on which
were the likenesses of the king and queen, and endeavored to
explain to him the power and grandeur of those sovereigns ;
he displaj'ed also the royal banners and the standard of the
cross ; but it was all in vain to attempt to convey any clear idea
hy these symlwls ; the cacique could not be made to believe that
there was a region on the earth which produced these wonderful
people and wonderful things ; he joined in the common idea
that the Spaniards were more than mortal, and that the country
and sovereigns they talked of must exist somewhere in the
skies.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 135
In the evening the cacique was sent on shore in the boat with
great ceremony, and a salute fired in honor of him. He departed
in the state in which he had come, carried on a litter, accompa-
nied by a great concourse of his subjects ; not far behind him
was his son, borne and escorted in like manner, and his brother
on foot, supported by two attendants. The presents which he
had received from the admiral were carried triumphantly before
him.
They procured but little gold in this place, though whatever
ornaments the natives possessed they readily gave away. The
region of promise lay still farther on, and one of the old coun-
sellors of the cacique told Columbus that he would soon arrive
at islands rich in the precious ore. Before leaving this place,
the admiral caused a large cross to Ixj erected in the centre of
the village, and from the readiness with which the Indians
assisted, and their implicit imitation of the Spaniards in their
acts of devotion, he inferred that it would be au easy matter to
convert them all to Christianity.
On the 19th of December they made sail before daylight, but
with an unfavorable wind, and on the evening of the 20th they
anchored in a fine harbor, to which Columbus gave the name of
St. Thomas, supposed to l>e what at present is called the bay
of Acul. It was surrounded by a beautiful and well-peopled
country. The inhabitants came off, some in canoes, some swim-
ming, bringing fruits of various unknown kinds, of great fra-
grance and flavor. These they gave freely with whatever else
they possessed, especially their golden ornaments, which they
saw were particularly coveted by the strangers. There was a
remarkable frankness and generosity about these people ; they
had no idea of traffic, but gave away every thing with sponta-
neous liberality. Columbus would not permit his people, how-
ever, to take advantage of this free disposition, but ordered that
something should always be given in exchange. Several of the
neighboring caciques visited the ships, bringing presents, and
inviting the Spaniards to their villages, where, on going to land,
they were most hospitably entertained.
On the 22d of December a large canoe filled with natives
came on a mission from a grand cacique named Guacanagari,
who commanded all that part of the island. A principal ser-
vant of the chieftain came in the canoe, bringing the admiral a
present of a broad belt, wrought ingeniously with colored beads
and bones, and a wooden mask, the eyes, nose, and tongue of
which were of gold. He delivered also a message from the ca-
cique, begging that the ships might come opposite to his resi-
136 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
dence, which was on a part of the coast a little farther to the
eastward. The wind preventing an immediate compliance with
this invitation, the admiral sent the notary of the squadron, with
several of the crew, to visit the cacique. He resided in a town
situated on a river, at what they called Punta Santa, at present
Grande Riviere. It was the largest and best built town they had
yet seen. The cacique received them in a kind of public square,
which had lx?en swept and prepared for the occasion, and
treated them with great honor, giving to each a dress of cotton.
The inhabitants crowded round them, bringing provisions and
refreshments of various kinds. The seamen were received into
their houses as distinguished guests ; they gave them garments
of cotton, and whatever else appeared to have value in their
eyes, asking nothing in return, but if any thing were given ap-
pearing to treasure it up as a sacred relic.
The cacique would have detained them all night, but their
orders obliged them to return. On parting with them he gave
them presents of parrots and pieces of gold for the admiral, and
they were attended to their boats by a crowd of the natives,
carrying the presents for them, and vying with each other in
rendering them service.
During their absence the admiral had been visited by a great
number of canoes and several inferior caciques : all assured him
that the island abounded with w.ealth ; the} 7 talked, especially,
of Cibao, a region in the interior, farther to the east, the cacique
of which, as far as they could be understood, had banners of
wrought gold. Columbus, deceiving himself as usual, fancied
that this name Cibao must be a corruption of Cipango, and that
this chieftain with golden banners must be identical with the
magnificent prince of that island, mentioned by Marco Polo. 1
CHAPTER VIII.
SHIPWRECK.
[1492.]
Ox the morning of the 24th of December, Columbus set sail
from Port St. Thomas l>efore sunrise, and steered to the eastward,
1 Journal of folumb. Navarrete; Colec., toin. i. Hisl. del Almirante, cap. 32. Her-
rcra, ik-catl. i. lib. i. cap. 15, 10.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 137
with an intention of anchoring at the harlx>r of the cacique Gu-
acanagari. The wind was from the land, but so light as scarcely
to lili the sails, and the ships made but little progress. At
eleven o'clock at night, l>eing Christmas eve, they were within
a league or a league and a half of the residence of the cacique ;
and Columbus, who had hitherto kept watch, finding the sea
calm and smooth, and the ship almost motionless, retired to rest,
not having slept the preceding night. He was, in general, ex-
tremely wakeful on his coasting voyages, passing whole nights
upon deck in all weathers ; never trusting to the watchfulness
of others, where there was any difficulty or danger to IK; pro-
vided against. In the present instance he felt i>erfectly secure ;
not merely on account of the profound calm, but localise the
boats on the preceding day, in their visit to the cacique, had re-
connoitred the coast, and had reported that there were neither
rocks nor shoals in their course.
No sooner had he retired than the steersman gave the helm
in charge to one of the ship-l>oys, and went to sleep. This was
in direct violation of an invariable order of the admiral, that
the helm should never le intrusted to the boys. The rest of the
mariners who had the watch took like advantage of the absence
of Columbus, and in a little while the whole crew was buried in
sleep. In the mean time the treacherous currents which run
swiftly along this coast carried the vessel quietly, but with force,
upon a sand-bank. The heedless boy had not noticed the
breakers, although they made a roaring that might have l>een
heard a league. No sooner, however, did he feel the rudder
strike, and hear the tumult of the rushing sea, than he began to
cry for aid. Columbus, whose careful thoughts never permitted
him to sleep profoundly, was the first on deck. The master of
the ship, whose duty it was to have been on watch, next made
his appearance, followed by others of the crew, half awake. The
admiral ordered them to take the boat and carry out an anchor
astern, to warp the vessel off. The master and the sailors sprang
into the boat ; but confused, as men are apt to lx? when sud-
denly awakened by an alarm, instead of obeying the commands
of Columbus, they rowed off to the other caravel, about half a
league to windward.
In the mean time the master had reached the caravel, and
made known the perilous state in which he had left the vessel.
He was reproached with his pusillanimous desertion : the com-
mander of the caravel manned his boat and hastened to the
relief of the admiral, followed by the recreant master, covered
with shame and confusion.
138 LIFE OF CIiniSTOPHER COLUMBUS.
It was too late to save the ship, the current having set her
more upon the bank. The admiral, seeing that his l>oat had
deserted him, that the ship had swung across the stream, and
that the water was continually gaining upon her, ordered the
mast to be cut away, in the hope of lightening her sufficiently
to float her off. Every effort was in vain. The keel was firmly
bedded in the sand ; the shock had opened several seams ; while
the swell of the breakers, striking her broadside, left her each
moment more and more aground, until she fell over on one side.
Fortunately the weather continued calm, otherwise the ship must
have gone to pieces, and the whole crew might have perished
amid the currents and breakers.
The admiral and his men took refuge on board the caravel.
Diego de Arana, chief judge of the armament, and Pedro Gu-
tierrez, the king's butler, were immediately sent on shore as
envoys to the cacique Guacanagari, to inform him of the in-
tended visit of the admiral, and of his disastrous shipwreck. In
the mean time, as a light wind had sprung up from shore,
and the admiral was ignorant of his situation, and of the rocks
and banks that might be lurking around him, he lay to until
daylight.
The habitation of the cacique was about a league and a half
from the wreck. When he heard of the misfortune of his guest,
he manifested the utmost affliction, and even shed tears. He
immediately sent all his people, with all the canoes, large and
small, that could be mustered ; and so active were they in their
assistance, that in a little while the vessel was unloaded. The
cacique himself, and his brothers and relatives, rendered all the
aid in their power, both on sea and land, keeping vigilant guard
that every tiling should be conducted with order, and the prop-
erty secured from injury or theft. From time to time he sent
some one of his family, or some principal person of his attend-
ants, to console and cheer the admiral, assuring him that every
thing he possessed should lie at his disposal.
Never, in a civilized country, were the vaunted rights of hos-
pitality more scrupulously observed than by this uncultivated
savage. All the effects landed from the ships were deposited
near his dwelling, and an armed guard surrounded them all
night, until houses could be prepared in which to store them.
There seemed, however, even among the common people, no
disposition to take advantage of the misfortune of the stranger.
Although they beheld what must in their eyes have been inesti-
m.-ilile treasures, cast, as it were, upon their shores, and open to
depredation, yet there was not the least attempt to pilfer, nor,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 139
In transporting the effects from the ships, had they appropriated
the most trifling article. On the contrary, a general sympathy
was visible in their countenances and actions ; and to have wit-
nessed their concern, one would have supposed the misfortune
to have happened to themselves. 1
" So loving, so tractable, so peaceable are these people,"
says Columbus in his journal, 4k that I swear to your majesties,
there is not in the world a better nation, nor a better land.
They love their neighl>ors as themselves ; and their discourse is
ever sweet and gentle, and accompanied with a smile ; and
though it is true that they are naked, yet their manners are
decorous aud praiseworthy."
CHAPTER IX.
TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES.
[1402.]
Ox the 20th of Deeom1>er, Ouaoanagari came on Ixxird of the
caravel Nina to visit the admiral, and observing him to be very
much dejected was moved to tears. He repeated the message
which he had sent, entreating Columbus not to be cast down by
his misfortune, and offering every thing that he possessed, that
might render him aid or consolation. He had already given
three houses to shelter the Spaniards, and to receive the effects
landed from the wreck, and he offered to furuish more if
necessary.
While they were conversing, a canoe arrived from another
part of the island, bringing pieces of gold to IHJ exchanged for
hawks' bells. There was nothing upon which the natives set
so much value as upon these toys. The Indians were extrava-
gantly fond of the dance, which they performed to the cadence
of certain songs, accompanied by the sound of a kind of drum,
made from the trunk of a tree, and the rattling of hollow bits
of wood ; but when they hung the hawks' lx?lls alxnit their i>er-
sons, and heard the clear musical sound responding to the move-
ments of the dance, nothing could exceed their wild delight.
The sailors who came from the shore informed the adminal
that considerable quantities of gold had lx?cn brought to barter,
> Him. del Alnrirantc, cap. 32. Las Casae, lib. i. cap. 9.
140 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
and large pieces were eagerly given for the merest trifle. This
information had a cheering effect upon Columbus. The atten-
tive cacique, perceiving the lighting up of his countenance,
asked what the sailors had communicated. When he learned its
ptirixjrt, and found that the admiral was extremely desirous of
procuring gold, he assured him by signs, that there was a place
not far off, among the mountains, where it abounded to such a
degree as to IK; held in little value, and promised to procure him
thence as much as he desired. The place to which he alluded,
and which he called Cibao, was in fact a mountainous region
afterward found to contain valuable mines ; but Columbus still
confounded the name with that of Cipango. 1
Guacanagari dined on board of the caravel with the admiral,
after which he invited him to visit his residence. Here he had
prepared a collation, as choice and abundant as his simple means
afforded, consisting of utias, or coneys, fish, roots, and various
fruits. He did every thing in his power to honor his guest, and
cheer him under his misfortune, showing a warmth of sympathy
yet delicacy of attention, which could not have been expected
from his savage state. Indeed there was a degree of innate
dignity and refinement displayed in his manners, that often sur-
prised the Spaniards. He was remarkably nice and decorous in
his mode of eating, which was slow and with moderation, wash-
ing his hands when he had finished, and rubbing them with
sweet and odoriferous herbs, which Columbus supposed was
done to preserve their delicacy and softness. He was served
with great deference by his subjects, and conducted himself
toward them with a gracious and prince-like majesty. His
whole deportment, in the enthusiastic eyes of Columbus, be-
tokened the iulx>rn grace and dignity of lofty lineage. -
In fact, the sovereignty among the people of this island was
hereditary, and they had a simple but sagacious mode of main-
taining, in some degree, the verity of descent. On the death of
a cacique without children, his authority passed to those of his
sisters, in preference to those of his brothers, being considered
most likely to be of his blood ; for they observed, that a
brother's reputed children may by accident have no consanguin-
ity with their uncle ; but those of his sister must certainly be the
children of their mother. The form of government was com-
pletely despotic ; the caciques had entire control over the lives,
the property, and even the religion of their subjects. They had
few laws, and ruled according to their judgment and their will ;
1 Primer Viatic de Colon, Navarretc, torn. i. p. 114.
* Las CaiiUb, lib. i. cup. 70, Ms. I'liiiit-i Viagu dc C<
'olon, Xavarrete, torn. i. p. 114.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 141
but they ruled mildly, and were implicitly and cheerfully obeyed.
Throughout the course of the disastrous history of these island-
el's, after their discovery by the Europeans, there lire continual
proofs of their affectionate and devoted fidelity to their caciques.
After the collation, Guacanagari conducted Columbus to the
beautiful groves which surrounded his residence. They wen-
attended by upward of a thousand of the natives, all perfectly
naked, who performed several national games and dances,
which Guacanagari had ordered, to amuse the melancholy of his
guest.
When the Indians had finished their games, Columbus gave
them an entertainment in return, calculated at the same time to
impress them with a formidable idea of the military power of
the Spaniards. He sent on board the caravel fora Moorish bow
and a quiver of arrows, and a Castilian who had served in the
ware of Granada, and was skilful in the use of them. When
the cacique beheld the accuracy with which this man used his
weapons, he was greatly surprised, being himself of an nn war-
like character, and little accustomed to the use of arms. He
told the admiral that the Caribs, who often made descents upon
his territory, and carried off his subjects, were likewise armed
witli IKJWS and arrows. Columbus assured him of the protection
of the Castilian monarchs, who would destroy the Caril>s, for he
let him know that he had weapons far more tremendous, against
which there was no defence. In proof of this, he ordered a
Lombard or heavy cannon, and an arquebus, to lie discharged.
On hearing the report the Indians fell to the ground, as
though they had been struck by a thunderlx>lt ; and when they
saw the effect of the ball, rending and shivering the trees like
a stroke of lightning, they were tilled with dismay. Being told,
however, that the Spaniards would defend them with these arms
against their dreaded enemies the Caribs, their alarm was
changed into exaltation, considering themselves under the pro-
tection of the sons of heaven, who had come from the skies
armed with thunder and lightning.
The cacique now presented Columbus with a mask carved of
wood, with the eyes, ears, and various other parts of gold ; he
hung plates of the same metal round his neck, and placed a
kind of golden coronet upon his head. He dispensed presents
also among the followers of the admiral ; acquitting himself in
all things with a munificence that would have done honor to an
accomplished prince in civilized life.
Whatever trifles Columbus gave in return were regarded with
reverence as celestial gifts. The Indians, in admiring the
142 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
articles of European manufacture, continually repeated the
word turey, which in their language signifies heaven. They pre-
tended to distinguish the different qualities of gold by the smell ;
in the same way, when any article of tin, of silver, or other
white metal was given them, to which they were unaccustomed,
they smelt it and declared it ' turey," of excellent quality;
giving in exchange pieces of the finest gold. Every thing, in
fact, from the hands of the Spaniards, even a rusty piece of
iron, an end of a strap, or a head of a nail, had an occult and
supernatural value, and smelt of turey. Hawks' bells, how-
ever, were sought by them with a mania only equalled by that
of the Spaniards for gold. They could not contain their ecsta-
sies at the sound, dancing and playing a thousand antics. On
one occasion an Indian gave half a handful of gold dust in ex-
change for one of these toys, and no sooner was he in posses-
sion of it than he bounded away to the woods, looking often
behind him, fearing the Spaniards might repent of having
parted so cheaply with such an inestimable jewel. 1
The extreme kindness of the cacique, the gentleness of his
people, the quantities of gold which were daily brought to l>e
exchanged for the veriest trifles, and the information continually
received of sources of wealth in the interior of this island, all
contributed to console the admiral for his misfortune.
The shipwrecked crew, also, became fascinated with. their
easy and idle mode of life. Exempted by their simplicity from
the cares and toils which civilized man inflicts upon himself
by his many artificial wants, the existence of these islanders
seemed to the Spaniards like a pleasant dream. They disquieted
themselves about nothing. A few fields, cultivated almost with-
out labor, furnished the roots and vegetables which formed a
great part of their diet. Their rivers and coasts abounded with
fish ; their trees were laden with fruits of golden or blushing
hue, and heightened by a tropical sun to delicious flavor and
fragrance. Softened by the indulgence of nature, and by a
voluptuous climate, a great part of their day was passed in
indolent rei>ose, and in the evenings they danced in their fra-
grant groves, to their national songs, or the sound of their
sylvan drums.
Such was the indolent and holiday life of these simple people ;
which, if it had not the great scope of enjoyment, nor the high-
seasoned poignancy of pleasure which attend civilization, was
certainly destitute of most of its artificial miseries. The ven-
La* Casas, lib. i. cap. 70, MS.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 14B
erable Las Casas, speaking of their perfect nakedness, observes,
it seemed almost as if they were existing in the state of prime-
val innocence of our first parents, before their fall brought sin
into the world. He might have added, that they seemed ex-
empt likewise from the penalty inflicted on the children of Adam,
that they should eat their bread by the sweat of their brow.
When the Spanish mariners looked back upon their own
toilsome and painful life, and reflected on the cares and hard-
ships that must still be their lot if they returned to Europe, it
is no wonder that they regarded with a wistful eye the easy and
idle existence of these Indians. Wherever they went they met
with caressing hospitality. The men were simple, frank, and
cordial ; the women loving and compliant, and prompt to form
those connections which anchor the most wandering heart. They
saw gold glittering around them, to be had without labor, and
every enjoyment to be procured without cost. Captivated by
these advantages, many of the seamen represented to the ad-
miral the dilliculties and sufferings they must encounter on a
return voyage, where so many would be crowded in a small
caravel, and entreated permission to remain in the island. 1
CHAPTER X.
BUILDING OF THE FORTRESS OF LA NAVIDAD.
[1492.]
THE solicitude expressed by many of his people to be left be-
hind, added to the friendly and pacific character of the natives,
now suggested to Columbus the idea of forming the germ of a
future colony. The wreck of the caravel would afford mate-
rials to construct a fortress, which might be defended by her
guns and supplied with her ammunition ; and he could spare
provisions enough to maintain a small garrison for a year. The
people who thus remained on the island could explore it, and
make themselves acquainted with its mines, and other sources of
wealth ; they might, at the same time, procure by traffic a large
quantity of gold from the natives ; they could learn their lan-
guage, and accustom themselves to their habits and manners,
so as to be of great use in future intercourse. In the mean
1 I'rimer V'iage de Colon. Navarrele, torn. i. j>. 11(3.
144 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
time the admiral could return to Spain, report the success of his
enterprise, and bring out re-enforcements.
No sooner did this idea break upon the mind of Columbus
than he set about accomplishing it with his accustomed prompt-
ness and celerity. The wreck was broken up and brought
piecemeal to shore ; and a site chosen, and preparations made
for the erection of a tower. When Guacanagari was informed
of the intention of the admiral to leave a part of his men for
the defence of the island from the Caribs, while he returned to
his country for more, he was greatly overjoyed. His subjects
manifested equal delight at the idea of retaining these wonder-
ful people among them, and at the prospect of the future arri-
val of the admiral, with ships freighted with hawks' bells and
other precious articles. They eagerly lent their assistance in
building the fortress, little dreaming that they were assisting to
place on their necks the galling yoke of perpetual and toilsome
slavery.
The preparations for the fortress were scarcely commenced
when certain Indians, arriving at the harbor, brought a report
that a great vessel, like those of the admiral, had anchored in a
river at the eastern end of the island. These tidings, for a
time, dispelled a thousand uneasy conjectures which had har-
assed the mind of Columbus, for of course this vessel could be
DO other than the Piuta. He immediately procured a canoe
from Guacanagari, with several Indians to navigate it, and de-
spatched a Spaniard with a letter to Pinzon, couched in amicable
terms, making no complaints of his desertion, but urging him to
join company immediately.
After three days' absence the canoe returned. The Spaniard
reported that he had pursued the coast for twenty leagues, but
had neither seen nor heard any thing of the Pinta ; he consid-
ered the report, therefore, as incorrect. Other rumors, how-
ever, were immediately afterward circulated at the harbor of
this large vessel to the eastward ; but, on investigation, they
appeared to Columbus to be equally undeserving of credit. He
relapsed, therefore, into his doubts and anxieties in respect to
Pinzon. Since the shipwreck of his vessel, the desertion of
that commander had become a matter of still more serious mo-
ment, and had obliged him to alter all his plans. Should the
Piuta be lost, as was very possible in a voyage of such extent
and exposed to so many uncommon perils, there would then be
but one ship surviving of the three which had set sail from
Palos, and that one an indifferent sailer. On the precarious
return of that crazy bark, across an immense expanse of ocean,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 145
would depend the ultimate success of the expedition. Should
that one likewise perish, every record of this great discovery
would be swallowed up with it ; the name of Columbus would
only be remembered as that of a mad adventurer, who, despis-
ing the opinions of the learned and the counsels of the wise,
had departed into the wilds of the ocean never to return ; the
obscurity of his fate, and its imagined horrors, might deter all
future enterprise, and thus the New World might remain, as
heretofore, unknown to civilized man. These considerations
determined Columbus to abandon all further prosecution of his
voyage ; to leave unexplored the magnificent regions which were
inviting him on every hand ; to give up all hope for the present
of finding his way to the dominions of the Grand Khan, and to
lose no time in returning to Spain and reporting his discovery.
While the fortress was building, he continued to receive every
day new proofs of the amity and kindness of Guacanagari.
Whenever he went on shore to superintend the works, he was
entertained in the most hospitable manner by that chieftain.
He had the largest house in the place prepared for his reception,
strewed or carpeted with palm-leaves, and furnished with low
stools of a black and shining wood that looked like jet. When
he received the admiral, it was always in a style of princely
generosity, hanging around his neck some jewel of gold, or
making him some present of similar value.
On one occasion, he came to meet him on his landing, attend-
ed by five tributary caciques, each carrying a coronet of gold ;
they conducted him with great deference to the house already
mentioned, where, seating him in one of the chairs, Guacana-
gari took off his own coronet of gold and placed it upon his
head : Columbus in return took from his neck a collar of fine-
colored beads, which he put round that of the cacique ; he in-
vested him with his own mantle of fine cloth, gave him a pair
of colored boots, and put on his finger a large silver ring, upon
which metal the Indians set a great value, it not being found in
their island.
The cacique exerted himself to the utmost to procure a great
quantity of gold for the admiral before his departure for Spain.
The supplies thus furnished, and the vague accounts collected
through the medium of signs and imperfect interpretations,
gave Columbus magnificent ideas of the wealth in the interior of
this island. The names of caciques, mountains, and provinces,
were confused together in his imagination, and supposed to
mean various places where great treasure was to be found ;
above all, the name of Cibao continually occurred, the golden
146 LIFE OF CniilSTOPHEE COLUMBUS.
region among the mountains, whence the natives procured most
of the ore for their ornaments. In the pimento or red pepper
which abounded in the island, he fancied he found a trace of
Oriental spices, and he thought he had met with specimens of
rhubarb.
Passing, with his usual excitability, from a state of doubt and
anxiety to one of sanguine anticipation, he now considered his
shipwreck as a providential event mysteriously ordained by
Heaven to work out the success of his enterprise. Without
this seeming disaster, he should never have remained to find
out the secret wealth of the island, but should merely have
touched at various parts of the coast, and passed on. As a
proof that the particular hand of Providence was exerted in it,
he cites the circumstance of his having been wrecked in a per-
fect calm, without wind or wave, and the desertion of the pilot
and mariners, when sent to carry out an anchor astern, for, had
they performed his orders, the vessel would have been hauled
off, they would have pursued their voyage, and the treasures of
the island would have remained a secret. But now he looked
forward to glorious fruits to be reaped from this seeming evil ;
" For he hoped," he said, " that when he returned from Spain,
he should flud a ton of gold collected in traffic by those whom
he had left behind, and mines and spices discovered in such
quantities that the sovereigns, before three years, would be able
to undertake a crusade for the deliverance of the holy sepul-
chre ; ' ' the grand object to which he had proposed that they
should dedicate the fruits of this enterprise.
Such was the visionary, yet generous, enthusiasm of Colum-
bus, the moment that prospects of vast wealth broke upon his
mind. What in some spirits would have awakened a grasping
and sordid avidity to accumulate, immediately filled his imagin-
ation with plans of magnificent expenditure. But how vain are
attempts to interpret the inscrutable decrees of Providence !
The shipwreck, which Columbus considered an act of divine
favor, to reveal to him the secrets of the laud, shackled and
limited all his after discoveries. It linked his fortunes, for the
remainder of his life, to this island, which was doomed to be to
him a source of cares and troubles, to involve him in a thousand
perplexities, and to becloud his declining years with humiliation
and disappointment.
LIFE OF CUEISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 147
CHAPTER XI.
REGULATION OF THE FORTRESS OF LA NAVIDAD DEPARTURE OP
COLUMBUS FOR SPAIN.
So great was the activity of the Spaniards in the construction
of their fortress, and so ample the assistance rendered by the
natives, that in ten days it was sufficiently complete for service.
A large vault had been made, over which was erected a strong
wooden tower, and the whole was surrounded by a wide ditch.
It was stored with all the ammunition saved from the wreck, or
that could be spared from the caravel ; and the guns being
mounted, the whole had a formidable aspect, sufficient to over-
awe and repulse this naked and unwarlike people. Indeed
Columbus was of opinion that but little force was necessary to
subjugate the whole island. He considered a fortress, and the
restrictions of a garrison, more requisite to keep the Spaniards
themselves in order, and prevent their wandering about, and
committing acts of licentiousness among the natives.
The fortress being finished, he gave it, as well as the adjacent
village and the harbor, the name of La Navidad, or the Nativ-
ity, in memorial of their having escaped from the shipwreck
on Christmas Day. Many volunteered to remain on the island,
from whom he selected thirty-nine of the most able and exem-
plary, and among them a physician, ship-carpenter, calker,
cooper, tailor, and gunner, all expert at their several callings.
The command was given to Diego de Arana, a native of Cor-
dova, and notary and alguazil to the armament, who was to re-
tain all the powers vested in him by the Catholic sovereigns.
In case of his death, Pedro Gutierrez was to command, and, he
dying, Kodrigo de Escobedo. The boat of the wreck was left
with them, to be used in fishing ; a variety of seeds to sow, and
a large quantity of articles for traffic, that they might procure
as much gold as possible against the admiral's return. 1
As the time drew nigh for his departure, Columbus assem-
bled those who were to remain in the island, and made them
an earnest address, charging them, in the name of the sove-
reigns, to be obedient to the officer left in command ; to maintain
the utmost respect and reverence for the cacique Guacanagari
and his chieftains, recollecting how deeply they were indebted
1 I'ninur Viugu Uu C'oloa. .Xavarrete, tom. i. Ilist. del Almirante, cap. 03.
148 LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS.
to his goodness, and how important a continuance of it was to
their welfare. To be circumspect in their intercourse with the
natives, avoiding disputes, and treating them always with gen-
tleness and justice ; and, above all, being discreet in their
conduct toward the Indian women, misconduct in this respect
being the frequent source of troubles and disasters in the inter-
course with savage nations. He warned them, moreover, not to
scatter themselves asunder, but to keep together, for mutual
safety; and not to stray beyond the friendly territory of Gua-
canagari. He enjoined it upon Arana, and the others in com-
mand, to acquire a knowledge of the productions and mines of
the island, to procure gold and spices, and to seek along the
coast a better situation for a settlement, the present harbor
being inconvenient and dangerous, from the rocks and shoals
which beset its entrance.
On the 2d of January, 1493, Columbus landed to take a fare-
well of the generous cacique and his chieftains, intending the
next day to set sail. He gave them a parting feast at the house
devoted to his use, and commended to their kindness the men,
who were to remain, especially Diego de Arana, Pedro Gutier-
rez, and Rodrigo de Escobedo, his lieutenants, assuring the
cacique that when he returned from Castile he would bring
abundance of jewels more precious than any he or his people
had yet seen. The worthy Guacanagari showed great concern
at the idea of his departure, and assured him that, as to those
who remained, he would furnish them with provisions, and
render them every service in his power.
Once more to impress the Indians with an idea of the warlike
prowess of the white men, Columbus caused the crews to per-
form skirmishes and mock-fights, with swords, bucklers, lances,
cross-bows, arquebuses, and cannon. The Indians were aston-
ished at the keenness of the swords, and at the deadly power of
the cross-bows and arquebuses ; but they were struck with awe
when the heavy Lombards were discharged from the fortress,
wrapping it in wreaths of smoke, shaking the forests with their
report, and shivering the trees with the balls of stone used in
artillery in those times. As these tremendous powers, how-
ever, were all to be employed for their protection, they rejoiced
while they trembled, since no Carib would now dare to invade
their island. 1
The festivities of the day being over, Columbus embraced the
cacique and his principal chieftains, and took a final leave of
1 Primer Viage de Colon. Xavarrete, torn. i. p. 121.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 149
them. Gnacanagari shed tears ; for while he had been awed by
the dignified demeanor of the admiral, and the idea of his super-
human nature, he had been completely won by the benignity of
his manners. Indeed, the parting scene was sorrowful on all
sides. The arrival of the ships had been an event of wonder
and excitement to the islanders, who had as yet known nothing
but the good qualities of their guests, and had been enriched by
their celestial gjfts ; while the rude seamen had been flattered
by the blind deference paid them, and captivated by the kind-
ness and unlimited indulgence with which they had been treated.
The sorest parting was between the Spaniards who embarked
and those who remained behind, from the strong sympathy caused
by companionship in perils and adventures. The little garrison,
however, evinced a stout heart, looking forward to the return of
the admiral from Spain with large re-enforcements, when they
promised to give him a good account of all things in the island.
The caravel was detained a day longer by the absence of some of
the Indians whom they were to take to Spain. At length the sig-
nal-gun was fired ; the crew gave a parting cheer to the handful
of comrades thus left in the wilderness of an unknown world,
who echoed their cheering as they gazed wistfully after them from
the beach, but who were destined never to welcome their return.
NOTE about the localities in the preceding chapter, extracted from the letter of
T. S. Ueneken, Esq.
Giiacanasari's capital town was called Guarico. From the best Information I can
gather, it was situated a short distance from the beach, where the village of Petit Anse
now stands; which is about two miles south-east of Cape Haytien.
Oviedo says that Columbus took in water for his homeward voyage from a small
stream to the north-west of the anchorage; and presuming him to have beeo at anchor
off Petit Anse, this stream presents itself falling from the Picolet mountain, crossing
the present town of Cape Ilaytien, and emptying into the bay near the Arsenal.
The stream which supplied Columbus with water was dammed up at the foot of the
mountain by the French when in possession of the country, and its water now feeds a
number of public fountains.
Punta Santa could be no other than the present Point Picolet.
Beating up from St. Nicholas Moln along an almost precipitous and iron-bound coast,
a prospect of unrivalled splendor breaks upon the view on turning this point; the spa-
cious bay, the extensive plains, and the distant Cordilleras of the Cibao mountains,
impose upon the mind an impression of vastness, fertility, and beauty.
The fort of La Navidad must have been erected near Haul du Cap, as it could be
approached in boats by rowing up the river, and there is no other river iu the vicinity
that admits a passage for boats.
The locality of the town of Guacanagari has always been known by the name of
Guarico. The French first settled at Petit Ause; subsequently they removed to the op-
posite side of the bay and founded the town of Cape Francais, now Cape Haytien ; but
th-? old Indian i.arae Guarico continues i:i use among a!l the Spanish inhabitants of the
vicinity.
BOOK V.
CHAPTER I.
COASTING TOWARD THE EASTERN END OF IIISPANIOLA MEETING
WITH PINZON AFFAIR WITH THE NATIVES AT THE GULF OF
SAMANA.
[1493.]
IT was on the 4th of January that Columbus set sail from La
Navidad on his return to Spain. The wind being light, it was
necessary to tow the caravel out of the harbor, and clear of the
reefs. They then stood eastward, toward a lofty promontory
destitute of trees, but covered with grass, and shaped like a tent,
having at a distance the appearance of a towering island, being
connected with Hispaniola by a low neck of land. To this pro-
montory Columbus gave the name of Monte Christi, by which
it is still known. The country in the immediate neighborhood
was level, but farther inland rose a high range of mountains,
well wooded, with broad, fruitful valleys between them, watered
by abundant streams. The wind being contrary, they were de-
tained for two days in a large bay to the west of the promontory.
On the Gth they again made sail with a land breeze, and weath-
ering the cape, advanced ten leagues, when the wind again
turned to blow freshly from the east. At this time a sailor sta-
tioned at the masthead to look out for rocks, cried out that he
beheld the Pinta at a distance. The certainty of the fact glad-
dened the heart of the admiral, and had an animating effect
throughout the ship ; for it was a joyful event to the mariners
once more to meet with their comrades, and to have a compan-
ion bark in their voyage through these lonely seas.
The Pinta came sweeping toward them, directly before the
wind. The admiral was desirous of having a conversation with
Martin Alonzo Piuzon, and seeing that all attempt was fruitless
from the obstinacy of the adverse wind, and that there was no
safe anchorage in the neighborhood, he put back to the bay a
150
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 151
little west of Monte Christi, whither he was followed by the
Pinta. On their first interview, Piuzou endeavored to excuse
his desertion, alleging that he had been compelled, to part com-
pany by stress of weather, and had ever since been seeking to
rejoin the admiral. Columbus listened passively but dubiously
to his apologies ; and the suspicions lie had conceived appeared
to be warranted by subsequent information. He was told that
Pinzon had been excited by accounts given him by one of the
Indians on board of his vessel of a region to the eastward,
abounding in gold. Taking advantage, therefore, of the supe-
rior sailing of his vessel, he had worked to windward, when the
other ships had been obliged to put back, and had sought to be
the first to discover and enjoy this golden region. After separ-
ating from his companions he had been entangled for several
days among a cluster of small islands, supposed to have been
the Caicos, but had at length been guided by the Indians to His-
paniola. Here he remained three weeks, trading with the natives
iu the river already mentioned, and collected a considerable
quantity of gold, one half of which he retained as captain, the
rest he divided among his men to secure their fidelity and se-
crecy.
Such were the particulars privately related to Columbus ; who,
however suppressed his indignation at this flagrant breach of
duty, being unwilling to disturb the remainder of his voyage
with any altercations with Pinzon, who had a powerful party of
relatives and townsmen in the armament. To such a degree,
however, was his confidence in his confederates impaired, that
he determined to return forthwith to Spain, though, under other
circumstances, he would have been tempted to explore the coast
in hopes of freighting his ships with treasure. 1
The boats were accordingly despatched to a large river in
the neighborhood, to procure a supply of wood and water for the
voyage. This river, called by the natives the Yaqui, flows
from the mountains of the interior and throws itself into the
bay, receiving in its course the contributions of various minor
streams. Many particles of gold were perceived among the sands
at its mouth, and others were found adhering to the hoops of
the water-casks. 2 Columbus gave it, therefore, the name of Rio
del Oro, or the golden river ; it is at present called the Santiago.
In this neighborhood were turtles of great size. Columbus
1 Iliwt. del Almirante, cap. 34.
1 Las ( 'iiKUK BiiiiireKtn that these may been particles of marcasite, which abounds in this
river. :i M i . the other streams which lull from the luouiuuins of Ciliuu. Las Casae, Hist.
Ind., lib. i. cup 70.
152 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
also mentions in his journal that he saw three mermaids, which
elevated themselves above the surface of the sea, and he ob-
serves that he had before seen such on the coast of Africa. He
adds that they were by no means the beautiful beings they had
been represented, although they possessed some traces of the
human countenance. It is supposed that these must have been
inanati or sea-calves, seen indistinctly at a distance ; and that
the imagination of Columbus, disposed to give a wonderful
character to every thing in this new world, had identified these
misshapen animals with the Sirens of ancient story.
On the evening of the 9th of January they again made sail,
and on the following day arrived at the river where Pinzon had
been trading, to which Columbus gave the name of Rio de
Gracia ; but it took the appellation of its original discoverer,
and long continued to be known as the river of Martin Alonzo. 1
The natives of this place complained that Pinzon, on his pre-
vious visit, had violently carried off four men and two girls.
The admiral, finding they were retained on board of the Pinta
to be carried to Spain and sold as slaves, ordered them to be im-
mediately restored to their homes, with many presents, and well
clothed, to atone for the wrong they had experienced. This
restitution was made with great unwillingness and many high
words on the part of Pinzon.
The wind being favorable, for in these regions the trade wind
is often alternated during autumn and winter by north-westerly
breezes, they continued coasting the island until they came to
a high and l>eautiful headland, to which they gave the name of
Capo del Enamorado, or the Lover's Cape, but which at present
is known as Cape Cabron. A little beyond this they anchored
in a bay, or rather gulf, three leagues in breadth, and extending
so far inland that Columbus at first supposed it an arm of the
sea, separating Ilispaniola from some other land. On landing
they found the natives quite different from the gentle and paciiic
people hitherto met with on this island. They were of a fero-
cious aspect, and hideously painted. Their hair was long, tied
behind, and decorated with the feathers of parrots and other
birds of gaudy plumage. Some were armed with war-clubs ;
others had bows of the length of those used by the English arch-
ers, with arrows of slender reeds, pointed with hard wood, or
tipped with bone or the tooth of a fish. Their swords were of
palm-wood, as hard and heavy as iron ; not sharp, but broad,
nearly of the thickness of two fingers, and capable, with one
1 It is now called Porto Oaballo, but the surrounding plain is calkd thi- Savanna of
Mantu Alo.jzo. T. fc>.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 153
blow, of cleaving through a helmet to the very brains. 1 Though
thus prepared for combat, they made no attempt to molest the
Spaniards ; on the contrary, they sold them two of their bows
and several of their arrows, and one of them was prevailed upon
to go on board of the admiral's ship.
Columbus was persuaded, from the ferocious looks and hardy,
undaunted manner of this wild warrior, that he and his com-
panions were of the nation of Caribs, so much dreaded through-
out these seas, and that the gulf in which he was anchored must
be a strait separating their island from Hispaniola. On in-
quiring of the Indian, however, he still pointed to the east as
the quarter where lay the Caribbean Islands. He spoke also of
an island, called Mantinino, which Columbus fancied him to say
was peopled merely by women, who received the Caribs among
them once a year, for the sake of continuing the population of
their island. All the male progeny resulting from such visits
were delivered to the fathers ; the female remained with the
mothers.
This Amazonian island is repeatedly mentioned in the course
of the voyages of Columbus, and is another of his self-delusions,
to be explained by the work of Marco Polo. That traveller de-
scribed two islands near the coast of Asia, one inhabited solely
by women, the other by men, between which a similar intercourse
subsisted ; ' 2 and Columbus, supposing himself in that vicinity,
easily interpreted the signs of the Indians to coincide with the
descriptions of the Venetian.
Having regaled the warrior, and made him various presents,
the admiral sent him on shore, in hopes, through his mediation,
of opening a trade for gold with his companions. As the boat
approached the land, upward of fifty savages, armed with l>ows
and arrows, war-clubs, and javelins, were seen lurking among
the trees. On a word from the Indian who was in the boat,
they laid by their arms and came forth to meet the Spaniards.
The latter, according to directions from the admiral, endeavored
to purchase several of their weapons, to take as curiosities to
Spain. They parted with two of their bows ; but, suddenly
conceiving some distrust, or thinking to overpower this handful
of strangers, they rushed to the place where they had left their
weapons, snatched them up, and returned with cords, as if to
bind the Spaniards. The latter immediately attacked them,
wounded two, put the rest to flight, and would have pursued
them, but were restrained by the pilot who commanded the boat.
1 l.as C'asas, Hint Ind., lil>. i. cap. 77, MS.
* Marco I'olo, book iii. cay. 31; Eag. edit, of Marsden.
154 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
This was the first contest with the Indians, and the first time
that native blood was shed by the white men in the New World.
Columbus was grieved to see all his exertions to maintain an
amicable intercourse vain ; he consoled himself with the idea,
however, that if these were Caribs, or frontier Indians of war-
like character, they would be inspired with a dread of the force
and weapons of the white men, and be deterred from molesting
the little garrison of Fort Nativity. The fact was, that these
were of a bold and hardy race, inhabiting a mountainous dis-
trict called Ciguay, extending five and twenty leagues along the
coast, and several leagues into the interior. They differed in
language, look, and manners from the other natives of the is-
land, and had the rude but independent and vigorous character
of mountaineers.
Their frank and bold spirit was evinced on the day after the
skirmish, when a multitude appearing on the beach, the admiral
sent a large party, well armed, on shore in the boat. The na-
tives approached as freely and confidently as if nothing had
happened ; neither did they betray, throughout their subsequent
intercourse, any signs of lurking fear or enmity. The cacique
who ruled over the neighboring country was on the ghore. He
sent to the boat a string of beads formed of small stones, or
rather of the hard part of shells, which the Spaniards understood
to be a token and assurance of amity ; but they were not yet
aware of the full meaning of this symbol, the wampum belt, the
pledge of peace, held sacred among the Indians. The chieftain
followed shortly after, and entering the boat with only three
attendants, was conveyed on board of the caravel.
The frank and confiding conduct, so indicative of a brave
and generous nature, was properly appreciated by Columbus ;
he received the cacique cordially, set before him a collation such
as the caraval afforded, particularly biscuits and honey, which
were great dainties with the Indians, and after showing him the
wonders of the vessel, and making him and his attendants many
presents, sent them to land highly gratified. The residence of
the cacique was at such a distance that he could not repeat his
visit ; but, as a token of high regard, he sent to the admiral his
coronet of gold. In speaking of these incidents, the historians
of Columbus have made no mention of the name of this moun-
tain chief ; he was doubtless the same who, a few years after-
ward, appears in the history of the island under the name of
Mayonabex, cacique of the Ciguayans, and will be found ac-
quitting himself with valor, frankness, and magnanimity, under
the most trying circumstances.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 155
Columbus remained a day or two longer in the bay, during
which time the most friendly intercourse prevailed with the
natives, who brought cotton, and various fruits and vegetables,
but still maintained their warrior character, being always armed
with bows and arrows. Four young Indians gave such interest-
ing accounts of the islands situated to the east that Columbus
determined to touch there on his way to Spain, and prevailed on
them to accompany him as guides. Taking advantage of a
favorable wind, therefore, he sailed before daylight on the 16th
of January from this bay, to which, in consequence of the skir-
mish with the natives, he gave the name of Golfo de las Flechas,
or the Gulf of Arrows, but which is now known by the name of
the Gulf of Samana.
On leaving the bay, Columbus at first steered to the north-
east, in which direction the young Indians assured him he would
find the island of the Caribs, and that of Mantinino, the abode
of the Amazons ; it being his desire to take several of the na-
tives of each, to present to the Spanish sovereigns. After sail-
intr alK>ut sixteen leagues, however, his Indian guides changed
their opinion, and pointed to the south-east. This would have
brought him to Porto Rico, which, in fact, was known among
the Indians as the island of Carib. The admiral immediately
shifted sail, and stood in this direction. He had not proceeded
two leagues, however, when a most favorable breeze sprang up
for the voyage to Spain. He observed a gloom gathering on
the countenances of the sailors, as they diverged from the home-
ward route. Reflecting upon the little hold he had upon the
feelings and affections of these men, the insubordinate spirit
they had repeatedly evinced, the uncertainty of the good faitli
of Pinzon, and the leaky condition of his ships, he was suddenly
brought to a pause. As long as he protracted his return, the
whole fate of his discovery was at the mercy of a thousand con-
tingencies, and an adverse accident might bury himself, his
crazy barks, and all the records of his voyage forever in the
ocean. Repressing, therefore, the strong inclination to seek
further discoveries, and determined to place what he had already
made beyond the reach of accident, he once more shifted sail,
to the great joy of his crews, and resumed his course for Spain. 1
1 .Journal of Colunib. Nuvunx-tu, turn. i. Las Csu&a, liist. Lud., lib. i. cap. 77. liisU
del. AlmiiunU', cap. 34, 35.
156 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER II.
RETURN VOYAGE VIOLENT STORMS ARRIVAL AT THE AZORES.
[1493.]
THE trade-winds which had been so propitious to Columbus
on his outward voyage, were equally adverse to him on his re-
turn. The favorable breeze soon died away, and throughout
the remainder of January there was a prevalence of light winds
from the eastward, which prevented any great progress. He
was frequently detained also by the bad sailing of the Piuta, the
foremast of which was so defective that it could carry but little
sail. The weather continued mild and pleasant, and the sea so
calm, that the Indians whom they were taking to Spain would
frequently plunge into the water and swim about the ships.
They saw many tunny fish, one of which they killed, as likewise
a large shark ; these gave them a temporal 1 }' supply of provisions,
of which they soon began to stand in need, their sea-stock being
reduced to bread and wine and Agi peppers, which last they
had learnt from the Indians to use as an important article of
food.
In the early part of February, having run to about the thirty-
eighth degvee of north latitude, and got out of the track swept
by the trade-winds, they had more favorable breezes, and were
enabled to steer direct for Spain. From the frequent changes
of their course, the pilots became perplexed in their reckonings,
differing widely among themselves, and still more widely from
the truth. Columbus, besides keeping a careful reckoning, was
a vigilant observer of those indications furnished by the sea, the
air, and the sky ; the fate of himself and his ships in the un-
known regions which he traversed often depended upon these
observations ; and the sagacity at which he arrived, in decipher-
ing the signs of the elements, was looked upon by the common
seamen as something almost supernatural. In the present in-
stance, he noticed where the great bands of floating weeds com-
menced, and where they finished ; and in emerging from among
them, concluded himself to be in the same degree of longitude
as when he encountered them on his outward voyage ; that is to
say, about 2GO leagues west of Ferro. On the 10th of Febru-
ary, Vicente Vanes Pinzon, and the pilots Ruiz and Bartolomeo
Roldau, who were on board of the admiral's ship, examined
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 157
the charts and compared their reckonings to determine their
situation, but could not come to any agreement. They all sup-
posed themselves at least one hundred and fifty leagues nearer
Spain than what Columbus believed to be the true reckoning,
and in the latitude of Madeira, whereas he knew them to be
nearly in a direction for the Azores. He suffered them, how-
ever, to remain in their error, and even added to their perplexity,
that they might retain but a confused idea of the voyage, and
he alone possess a clear knowledge of the route of the newly-
discovered countries. 1
On the 1.2th of February, as they were flattering themselves
with soon coming in sight of land, the wind came on to blow
violently, with a heavy sea ; they still kept their course to the
east, but with great labor and peril. On the following day, after
sunset, the wind and swell increased ; there were three flashes
of lightning in the north-north-east, considered by Columbus as
signals of an approaching tempest. It soon burst ui>on them
with frightful violence ; their small and crazy vessels, open
and without decks, were little fitted for the wild storms of the
Atlantic ; all night they were obliged to scud under bare poles.
As the morning dawned of the 14th, there was a transient
pause, and they made a little sail ; but the wind rose again
from the south with redoubled vehemence, raging throughout
the day, and increasing in fury in the night ; while the vessels
labored terribly in a cross sea, the broken waves of which
threatened at each moment to overwhelm them or dash them
to pieces. For three days they lay to, with just sail enough
to keep them above the waves ; but the tempest still augment-
ing, they were obliged again to scud before the wind. The
Pinta was soon lost sight of in the darkness of the night. The
admiral kept as much as possible to the north-east, to approach
the coast of Spain, and made signal lights at the masthead for
the Pinta to do the same, and to keep in company. The latter,
however, from the weakness of her foremast, could not hold
the wind, and was obliged to scud before it directly north.
For some time she replied to the signals of the admiral, but
her lights gleamed more and more distant, until they ceased
entirely, and nothing more was seen of her.
Columbus continued to scud all night, full of forebodings of
the fate of his own vessel, and of fears for the safety of that
of Pinzon. As the day dawned, the sea presented a frightful
waste of wild broken waves, lashed into fury by the gale ; he
1 Las Casas, Ih.-t. 1ml., lib. i. cap. TO.
158 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
looked round anxiously for the Pinta, but she was nowhere to
be seen. He now made a little sail, to keep his vessel ahead of
the sea, lest its huge waves should break over her. As the
sun rose, the wind and the waves rose with it, and throughout
a dreary day the helpless bark was driven along by the fury of
the tempest.
Seeing all human skill baffled and confounded, Columbus
endeavored to propitiate heaven by solemn vows and acts of
penance. By his orders, a number of beans, equal to the num-
ber of persons on board, were put into a cap, on one of which
was cut the sign of the cross. Each of the crew made a vow
that should he draw forth the marked bean he would make a
pilgrimage to the shrine of Santa Maria de Gaudalupe, bearing
a wax taper of five pounds' weight. The admiral was the first
to put in his hand, and the lot fell upon him. From that mo-
ment he considered himself a pilgrim, bound to perform the
vow. Another lot was cast in the same way, for a pilgrimage
to the chapel of our Lady of Loretto, which fell upon a seaman
named Pedro de Villa, and the admiral engaged to bear the
expenses of his journey. A third lot was also cast for a pil-
grimage to Santa Clara de Moguer, to perform a solemn mass,
and to watch all night in the chapel, and this likewise fell
upon Columbus.
The tempest still raging with unabated violence, the admiral
and all the mariners made a vow, that, if spared, wherever
they first landed, they would go in procession barefooted and in
their shirts, to offer up prayers and thanksgivings in some
church dedicated to the Holy Virgin. Besides these general acts
of propitiation, each one made his private vow, binding him-
self to some pilgrimage, or vigil, or other rite of penitence and
thanksgiving at his favorite shrine. The heavens however,
seemed deaf to their vows; the storm grew still more wild and
frightful, and each man gave himself up for lost. The danger
of the ship was augmented by the want of ballast, the consump-
tion of the water and provisions having lightened her so much
that she rolled and tossed about at the mercy of the waves.
To remedy this, and to render her more steady, the admiral
ordered that all the empty casks should be filled with sea-water,
which in some measure gave relief.
During this long and awful conflict of the elements, the mind
of Columbus was a prey to the most distressing anxiety. He
feared that the Pinta had foundered in the storm. In such case
the whole history of his discovery, the secret of the New World,
depended upon his own feeble bark, and one surge of the ocean
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 159
might bury it forever in oblivion. The tumult of his thoughts
may be judged from his own letter to the sovereigns. " I could
have supported this evil fortune with less grief," said he, " had
my person alone been in jeopardy, since I am debtor for my
life to the supreme Creator, and have at other times been within
a step of death. But it was a cause of infinite sorrow and
trouble to think that, after having been illuminated from on
high with faith and certainty to undertake this enterprise, after
having victoriously achieved it, and when on the point of con-
vincing my opponents, and securing to your highnesses great
glory and vast increase of dominions, it should please the divine
Majesty to defeat all by my death. It would have been more
supportable also, had 1 not been accompanied by others who
had been drawn on by my persuasions, and who, in their dis-
tress, cursed not only the hour of their coming, but the fear
inspired by my words which prevented their turning back, as
they had at various times determined. Above all, my grief
was doubled when I thought of my two sons, whom I had left
at school in Cordova, destitute, in a strange land, without any
testimony of the services rendered by their father, which, if
known, might have inclined your highnesses to befriend them.
And although, on the one hand, I was comforted by faith that
the Deity would not permit a work of such great exaltation to
his church, wrought through so many troubles and contradic-
tions, to remain imperfect ; yet, on the other hand, I reflected
on my sins, as a punishment for which he might intend that I
should be deprived of the glory which would redound to me in
this world."
In the midst of these gloomy apprehensions, an expedient
suggested itself, by which, though he and his ship should perish,
the glory of his achievement might survive to his name, and its
advantages be secured to his sovereigns. He wrote on parch-
ment a brief account of his voyage and discovery, and of his
having taken possession of the newly-found lands in the name
of their Catholic majesties. This he seale'd and directed to the
king and queen ; superscribing a promise of a thousand ducats
to whomsoever should deliver the packet unopened. He then
wrapped it in a waxed cloth, which he placed in the centre of
a cake of wax, and inclosing the whole in a large barrel, threw it
into the sea, giving his men to suppose he was performing some
religious vow. Lest this memorial should never reach the land,
he enclosed a copy in a similar manner, and placed it upon the
* Ilist. del Aluiirautc, cap. 30.
160 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
poop, so that, should the caravel l)e swallowed up by the waves,
the barrel might float off and survive.
These precautions in some measure mitigated his anxiety, and
he was still more relieved when, after heavy showers, there ap-
peared at sunset a streak of clear sky in the west, giving hopes
that the wind was about to shift to that quarter. These hopes
were confirmed ; a favorable breeze succeeded, but the sea still
ran so high and tuniultuously that little sail could be carried
during the night.
On the morning of the loth, at daybreak, the cry of land was
given by Rui Garcia, a mariner in the maintop. The trans-
ports of the crew, at once more gaining sight of the Old World,
were almost equal to those experienced on first beholding the
New. The laud bore east-north-east, directly over the prow of
the caravel ; and the usual diversity of opinion concerning it
arose among the pilots. One thought it the island of Madeira;
another the rock of Cintra near Lisbon ; the most part, deceived
by their ardent wishes, placed it near Spain. Columbus, how-
ever, from his private reckonings and observations, concluded
it to be one of the Azores. A nearer approach proved it to be
an island ; it was but five leagues distant, and the voyagers
were congratulating themselves upon the assurance of speedily
being in port, when the wind veered again to the east-north-
east, blowing directly from the land, while a heavy sea kept
rolling from the west.
For two days they hovered in sight of the island, vainly striv-
ing to reach it, or to arrive at another island of which they
caught glimpses occasionally through the mist and rack of the
tempest. On the evening of the 17th they approached so near
the first island as to cast anchor, but parting their cable, had to
put to sea again, where they remained beating about until the
following morning, when they anchored under shelter of its
northern side. For several days Columbus had been in such a
state of agitation and anxiety as scarcely to take food or repose.
Although suffering greatly from a gouty affection to which he
was subject, yet he had maintained his watchful post on deck,
exposed to wintry cold, to the pelting of the storm, and the
drenching surges of the sea. It was not until the night of
the 17th that he got a little sleep, more from the exhaustion of
nature than from any tranquillity of mind. Such were the difti-
culties and perils which attended his return to Europe ; had one
tenth part of them l>eset his outward voyage, his timid and
factious crew would have risen in arms against the enterprise,
and he never would have discovered the New World.
LIFE OF CUUISTOPLLELI COLUMBUS. 161
CHAPTER III.
TRANSACTIONS AT THE ISLAND OF ST. MARY'S.
[1493.]
Ox sending the boat to land, Columbus ascertained the island
to be St. Mary's, the most southern of the Azores, and a pos-
session of the crown of Portugal. The inhabitants, when they
beheld the light caravel riding at anchor, were astonished that
it had been able to live through the gale, which had raged for
fifteen days with unexampled fury ; but when they heard from
the boat's crew that this tempest- tossed vessel brought tidings
of a strange country beyond the ocean, they were filled with
wonder and curiosity. To the inquiries about a place where the
caravel might anchor securely, they replied by pointing out a
harbor in the vicinity, but prevailed on three of the mariners to
remain on shore, and gratify them with further particulars of
this unparalleled voyage.
In the evening three men of the island hailed the caravel, and
a loat being sent for them, they brought on board fowls, bread,
and various refreshments, from Juan de Castaneda, governor
of the island, who claimed an acquaintance with Columbus, and
sent him many compliments and congratulations. He apolo-
gized for not coming in person, owing to the lateness of the hour
and the distance of his residence, but promised to visit the car-
avel the next morning, bringing further refreshments, and the
three men, whom he still kept with him to satisfy his extreme
curiosity respecting the voyage. As there were no houses on
the neighboring shore, the messengers remained on board all
night.
On the following morning Columbus reminded his people of
their vow to perform a pious procession at the first place where
they should land. On the neighboring shore, at no great dis-
tance from the sea, was a small hermitage or chapel dedicated
to the Virgin, and he made immediate arrangements for the
performance of the rite. The three messengers, on returning
to the village, sent a priest to perform mass, and one half of the
crew landing, walked in procession, barefooted, and in their
shirts, to the chapel ; while the admiral awaited their return, to
i*Tfonn the same ceremony with the remainder.
An ungenerous reception, however, awaited the poor tempest-
1G2 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
tossed mariners on their first return to the alxxle of civilized
men, far different from the sympathy and hospitality they hud
experienced among the savages of the New World. Scarcely
had they begun their prayers and thanksgivings, when the
rabble of the village, horse and foot, headed by the governor,
surrounded the hermitage and took them all prisoners.
As an intervening point of land hid the hermitage from the
view of the caravel, the admiral remained in ignorance of this
transaction. When eleven o'clock arrived without the return
of the pilgrims, he began to fear that they were detained by the
Portuguese, or that the boat had been shattered upon the surf-
beaten rocks which bordered the island. Weighing anchor,
therefore, he stood in a direction to command a view of the
chapel and the adjacent shore ; whence he beheld a number of
armed horsemen, who, dismounting, entered the boat and made
for the caravel. The admiral's ancient suspicions of Portuguese
hostility toward himself and his enterprises were immediately
revived, and he ordered his men to arm themselves, but to keep
out of sight, ready either to defend the vessel or surprise the
boat. The latter, however, approached in a pacific manner ;
the governor of the island was on board, and, coming within
hail, demanded assurance of personal safety in case he should
enter the caravel. This the admiral readily gave, but the Por-
tuguese still continued at a wary distance. The indignation of
Columbus now broke forth ; he reproached the governor with
his perfidy, and with the wrong he did, not merely to the
Spanish monarchs, but to his own sovereign, by such a dishon-
orable outrage. He informed him of his own rank and dignity ;
displayed his letters patent, sealed with the royal seal of Castile
and threatened him with the vengeance of his government.
Castaiieda replied in a vein of contempt and defiance, declaring
that all he had done was in conformity to the commands of the
king his sovereign.
After an unprofitable altercation, the boat returned to shore,
leaving Columbus much perplexed by this unexpected hostility,
and fearful that a war might have broken out between Spain
and Portugal during his absence. The next day the weather
became so tempestuous that they were driven from their an-
chorage and obliged to stand to sea toward the island of St.
Michael. For two days the ship continued beating about in
great peril, half of her crew being detained on shore, and the
greater part of those on board being landsmen and Indians,
almost equally useless in diilicult navigation. Fortunately,
although the waves ran high, there were none of those cross
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 163
seas which had recently prevailed, otherwise, being so feebly
manned, the caravel could scarcely have lived through the
storm.
On the evening of the 22d, the weather having moderated,
Columbus returned to his anchorage at St. Mary's. Shortly
after his arrival, a boat came off, bringing two priests and a
notary. After a cautious parley and an assurance of safety,
they came on board, and requested a sight of the papers of Co-
lumbus, on the part of Castaneda, assuring him that it was the
disposition of the governor to render him every service in his
power, provided he really sailed in service of the Spanish sover-
eigns. Columbus supposed it a manoeuvre of Castaneda to
cover a retreat from the hostile position he had assumed ; re-
straining his indignation, however, and expressing his thanks
for the friendly disposition of the governor, he showed his let-
ters of commission, which satisfied the priests and the notary.
On the following morning the boat and mariners were lilxrated.
The latter, during their detention, had collected information
from the inhabitants which elucidated the conduct of Castaneda.
The King of Portugal, jealous lest the expedition of Colum-
bus might interfere with his own discoveries, had sent orders to
his commanders of islands and distant ports to seize and detain
him whenever he should be met with. 1 In compliance with
these orders, Castaneda had, in the first instance, hoped to
surprise Columbus in the chapel, and, failing in that attempt,
had intended to get him in his power by stratagem, but was
deterred by finding him on his guard. Such was the first re-
ception of the admiral on his return to the Old World, an earn-
est of the crosses and troubles with which he was to be requited
throughout life, for one of the greatest benefits that ever mau
conferred upon his fellow-beings.
CHAPTER IV.
ARRIVAL AT PORTUGAL VISIT TO THE COURT.
[1493.]
COLUMBUS remained two days longer at the island of St.
Mary's, endeavoring to take in wood and ballast, but was pre-
vented by the heavy surf which broke upon the shore. The
1 Hist, del Almiraute, cup. 39. Las Car-us, Hist. Incl., lib. i. cap. 7J.
164 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
wind veering to the south, and being dangerous for vessels at
anchor off the island, but favorable for the voyage to Spain, he
set sail on the 24th of February, and had pleasant weather until
the 27th, when, being within one hundred and twenty-five
leagues of Cape St. Vincent, he again encountered contrary
gales and a boisterous sea. His fortitude was scarcely proof
against these perils and delays, which appeared to increase, the
nearer he approached his home ; and he could not help uttering
a complaint at thus being repulsed, as it were, " from the very
door of the house." He contrasted the rude storms which raged
about the coasts of the Old World, with the genial airs, the tran-
quil seas, and balmy weather which he supposed perpetually to
prevail about the countries he had discovered. " Well," says
he, '-may the sacred theologians and sage philosophers declare
that the terrestrial paradise is in the uttermost extremity of the
East, for it is the most temperate of regions."
After experiencing several days of stormy and adverse
weather, about midnight on Saturday, the 2d of March, the
caravel was struck by a squall of wind which rent all her sails,
and, continuing to blow with resistless violence, obliged her
to scud under bare poles, threatening her each moment with
destruction. In this hour of darkness and peril, the crew again
called upon the aid of Heaven. A lot was cast for the perform-
ance of a barefooted pilgrimage to the shrine of Santa Maria de
la Cueva in Huelva, and, as usual, the lot fell upon Columbus.
There was something singular in the recurrence of this circum-
stance. Las Casas devoutly considers it as an intimation from
the Deity to the admiral that these storms were all on his ac-
count, to humble his pride, and prevent his arrogating to him-
self the glory of a discovery which was the work of God, and
for which he had merely been chosen as an instrument. 1
Various signs appeared of the vicinity of land, which they
supposed must be the coast of Portugal ; the tempest, however,
increased to such a degree that they doubted whether any of
them would survive to reach a port. The whole crew made a
vow, in case their lives were spared, to fast upon bread and
water the following Saturday. The turbulence of the elements
was still greater in the course of the following night. The
sea was broken, wild, and mountainous ; at one moment the
light caravel was tossed high in the air, and the next mo-
ment seemed sinking in a yawning abyss. The rain at times
fell in torrents, and the lightning flashed and thunder pealed
from various parts of the heavens.
1 La* (.,\i.si.-, Ilist. lud., lib. i. cap. 73.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 165
In the first watcli of this fearful night the seamen gave the
usually welcome cry of land, but it now only increased the gen'
eral alarm. They knew not where they were, nor where to
look for a harbor; they dreaded lx-ing driven on shore, or
dashed upon rocks; and thus the very land they had so ear-
nestly desired was a terror to them. Taking in sail, therefore,
they kept to sea as much as possible, and waited anxiously for
the morning light.
At daybreak on the 4th of March they found themselves off
the rock of Cintra, at the mouth of the Tagus. Though enter-
taining a strong distrust of the good-will of Portugal, the still
prevailing tempest left Columbus no alternative but to run in
for shelter ; he accordingly anchored, attout three o'clock, oppo-
site to the Rastello, to the great joy of the crew, who returned
thanks to God for their escape from so many perils.
The inhabitants came off from various parts of the shore,
congratulating them upon what they considered a miraculous
preservation. They had been watching the vessel the whole
morning with great anxiety, and putting up prayers for her
safety. The oldest mariners of the place assured Columbus
they had never known so tempestuous a winter ; many vessels
had remained for months in port, weather-bound, and there had
been numerous shipwrecks.
Immediately on his arrival Columbus despatched a courier to
the King and (Jueen of Spain, with tidings of his discovery.
He wrote also to the King of Portugal, then at Valparaiso, re-
questing permission to go with his vessel to Lisbon ; for a report
had gone abroad that his caravel was laden with gold, and he
felt insecure in the mouth of the Tagus, in the neighborhood of
a place like Rastello, scantily peopled by needy and adven-
turous inhabitants. To prevent any misunderstanding as to
the nature of his voyage, he assured the king that he had not
been on the coast of Guinea, nor to any other of the Portuguese
colonies, but had come from Cipango, and the extremity of
India, which he had discovered by sailing to the west.
On the following day, Don Alonzo de Acufia, the captain of a
large Portuguese man-of-war stationed at Rastello, summoned
Columbus on board his ship, to give an account of himself and
his vessel. The latter asserted his rights and dignities as
admiral of the Castilian sovereigns, and refused to leave his
vessel, or to send any one in his place. No sooner, however,
did the commander learn his rank, and the extraordinary
nature of his voyage, than he came to the caravel with great
sound of drums, fifes, and trumpets, manifesting the courtesy
166 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
of a brave and generous spirit, and making the fullest offer of
his services.
When the tidings reached Lisbon of this wonderful bark,
anchored in the Tagus, freighted with the people and produc-
tions of a newly-discovered world, the effect may be more
easily conceived than described. Lisbon, for nearly a century,
had derived its chief glory from its maritime discoveries, but
here was an achievement that eclipsed them all. Curiosity
could scarcely have been more excited had the vessel come
freighted with the wonders of another planet. For several
days the Tagus presented a gay and moving picture, covered
with barges and boats of every kind, swarming round the
caravel. From morning till night the vessel was thronged with
visitors, among whom were cavaliers of high distinction, and
various officers of the crown. All hung with rapt attention upon
the accounts given by Columbus and his crew, of the events of
their voyage, and of the New World they had discovered ; and
gazed with insatiable curiosity upon the specimens of unknown
plants and animals, but above all upon the Indians, so different
from any race of men hitherto known. Some were filled with
generous enthusiasm at the idea of a discovery, so sublime and
so beneficial to mankind ; the avarice of others was inflamed
by the description of wild, unappropriated regions teeming with
gold, with pearls and spices ; while others repined at the incre-
dulity of the king and his councillors, by which so immense an
acquisition had been forever lost to Portugal.
On the 8th of March a cavalier, called Don Martin de Noro-
na, came with a letter from King John, congratulating Colum-
bus on his arrival, and inviting him to the court, which was
then at Valparaiso, about nine leagues from Lisbon. The king,
with his usual magnificence, issued orders at the same time
that every thing which the admiral required for himself, his
crew, or his vessel, should be furnished promptly and abun-
dantly, without cost.
Columbus would gladly have declined the royal invitation,
feeling distrust of the good faith of the king ; but tempestuous
weather had placed him in his power, and he thought it pru-
dent to avoid all appearance of suspicion. He set forth, there-
fore, that very evening for Valparaiso accompanied by his pilot.
The first night he slept at Sacambeu, where preparations had
been made for his honorable entertainment. The weather being
rainy, he did not reach Valparaiso until the following night.
On approaching the royal residence, the principal cavaliers of
the king's household came forth to meet him, and attended him
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 167
with great ceremony to the palace. His reception by the mon-
arch was worthy of an enlightened prince. He ordered him
to seat himself in his presence, an honor only granted to persons
of royal dignity ; and after many congratulations on the result
of his enterprise, assured him that every thing in his kingdom
that could be of service to his sovereigns or himself was at his
command.
A long conversation ensued, in which Columbus gave an
account of his voyage, and of the countries he had discovered.
The king listened with much seeming pleasure, but with secret
grief and mortification ; reflecting that this splendid enterprise
had once been offered to himself, and had been rejected. A
casual observation showed what was passing in his thoughts.
He expressed a doubt whether the discovery did not really
appertain to the crown of Portugal, according to the capitula-
tions of the treaty of 1479 with the Castilian sovereigns. Colum-
bus replied that he had never seen those capitulations, nor
knew any thing of their nature ; his orders had been not to
go to La Mina, nor the coast of Guinea, which orders he had
carefully observed. The king made a gracious reply, express-
ing himself satisfied that he had acted correctly, and persuaded
that these mutters would be readily adjusted between the two
powers, without the need of umpires. On dismissing Columbus
for the night, he gave him in charge as guest to the prior of
Crato, the principal personage present, by whom he was honor-
ably and hospitably entertained.
On the following day the king made many nfinute inquiries
as to the soil, productions, and people of the newly-discovered
countries, and the route taken in the voyage ; to all which
Columbus gave the fullest replies, endeavoring to show in the
clearest manner that these were regions heretofore undiscov-
ered and unappropriated by any Christian power. Still the
king was uneasy lest this vast and undefined discovery should
in some way interfere with his own newly-acquired territories.
He doubted whether Columbus had not found a short way to
those very countries which were the object of his own expedi-
tions, and which were comprehended in the papal bull, grant-
ing to the crown of Portugal all the lands which it should dis-
cover from Cape Non to the Indies.
On suggesting these doubts to his councillors, they eagerly
confirmed them. Some of these were the very persons who had
once derided this enterprise, and scoffed at Columbus as a
dreamer. To them its success was a source of confusion ; and
the return of Columbus, covered with glory, a deep humiliation.
108 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Incapable of conceiving the high and generous thoughts which
elevated him at that moment above all mean considerations,
they attributed to all his actions the most petty and ignoble
motives. His rational exultation was construed into an insult-
ing triumph, and they accused him of assuming a boastful and
vainglorious tone, when talking with the king of his discovery ;
as if he would revenge himself upon the monarch for having
rejected his propositions. 1 With the greatest eagerness, there-
fore, they sought to foster the doubts which had sprung up in
the royal mind. Some who had seen the natives brought in
the caravel, declared that their color, hair, and manners agreed
with the descriptions of the people of that part of India which
lay within the route of the Portuguese discoveries, and which
had been included in the papal bull. Others observed that there
was but little distance between the Tercera Islands and those
which Columbus had discovered, and that the latter, therefore,
clearly appertained to Portugal. Seeing the king much per-
turbed in spirit, some even went so far as to propose, as a
means of impeding the prosecution of these enterprises, that
Columbus should be assassinated ; declaring that he deserved
death for attempting to deceive and embroil the two nations by
his pretended discoveries. It was suggested that his assas-
sination might easily be accomplished without incurring any
odium ; advantage might be taken of his lofty deportment to
pique his pride, provoke him into an altercation, and then
despatch him as if in casual and honorable encounter.
It is difficult? to believe that such wicked and dastardly counsel
could have been proposed to a monarch so upright as John JI.,
but the fact is asserted by various historians, Portuguese as
well as Spanish, 2 and it accords with the perfidious advice for-
merly given to the monarch in respect to Columbus. There is a
spurious loyalty about courts, which is often prone to prove its
zeal by its baseness ; and it is the weakness of kings to tolerate the
grossest faults when they appear to arise from personal devotion.
Happily, the king had too much magnanimity to adopt the
iniquitous measure proposed. He did justice to the great merit
of Columbus, and honored him as a distinguished benefactor of
1 Vasconcelos, Vida de D. Juan II., lib. vi. The Portuguese historians in general
charge Oilmnbus with having conducted himself loftily, and talked in vaunting
terms of his discoveries, in his conversations with the king. It in evident their infor-
mation must have been derived from prejudiced courtiers. Faria y Souza, in his
" Kuropa Poi-tiiaue.-'a " (I'arte iii. cup. 4), goes so far as to s;iy that Columbus entered
into the port of liastello merely to make Portugal sensible, by the sight of the trophies
of bis discovery, how much she bad lost by not accepting his propositions.
* Vasconcelos, Vida de! Uei. Don Juan II., lib. vi. Garcia de lleseude, vida do Dom
Joam 11. Las Casus, Hist, lud., lib. i. cap. 74, MS.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 169
mankind ; and he felt it his duty, as a generous prince, to pro-
tect till strangers driven by ad verse fortune to his ports. Others
of his council suggested a more bold and martial line of policy.
They advised that Columbus should be permitted to return to
Spain ; but that, before he could tit out a second expedition, a
powerful armament should be despatched, under the guidance of
two Portuguese mariners who had sailed with the admiral, to
take possession of the newly-discovered country ; possession
being after all the best title, and an appeal to arms the clearest
modi 1 of settling so doubtful a question.
This council, in which there was a mixture of courage and
craft, was more relished by the king, and he resolved privately,
but promptly, to put it in execution, fixing upon Don Francisco
dc Almeida, one of the most distinguished captains of the age,
to command the expedition. 1
In the mean time Columbus, after being treated with distin-
guished attention, was escorted back to his ship by Don Martin
de Noroiia. and a numerous train of cavaliers of the court, a
mule being provided for himself, and another for his pilot, to
whom the king made a present of twenty espadinas, or ducats
of gold. 2 On his way Columbus stopped at the monastery of
San Antonio, at Villa Franca, to visit the queen, who had
expressed an earnest wish to see this extraordinary and enter-
prising man, whose achievement was the theme of every tongue.
He found her attended by a few of her favorite ladies, and
experienced the most flattering reception. Her majesty made
him relate the principal events of his voyage, and descril>e the
countries he had found ; and she and her ladies hung with eager
curiosity upon his narration. That night he slept at Llandra,
and being on the point of departing in the morning a servant of
the king arrived, to attend him to the frontier, if he preferred
to return to Spain by land, and to provide horses, lodgings, and
every thing he might stand in need of, at the royal expense.
The weather, however, having moderated, he preferred return-
ing in his caravel. Putting to sea, therefore, on the 13th of
31 arch, he arrived safely at the bar of Saltes on sunrise of the
fifteenth, and at mid-day entered the harbor of Palos ; whence
he had sailed on the 3d of August in the preceding year, having
taken not quite seven months and a half to accomplish this
most momentous of all maritime enterprises. 8
1 VasconceloR, lib. vi.
* Twenty-eight dollars in ^old of the present day, and equivalent to seventy-four
dollars, considering the depreciation of the precious metals.
3 Works generally consulted in this chapter: I>iis Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 17;
Ilist. del AUuiraute, cup. 39, 4J, 41; Journal of Columb. Navarrete, torn. i.
170 LIFE OF C1IRISTOPUER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER V.
RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS AT PALOS.
[1493.]
THE triumphant return of Columbus was a prodigious event
in the history of the little port of Palos, where everybody was
more or less interested in the fate of his expedition. The most
important and wealthy sea-captains of the place had engaged in
it, and scarcely a family but had some relative or friend among
the navigators. The departure of the ships upon what appeared
a chimerical and desperate cruise, had spread gloom and dismay
over the place ; and the storms which had raged throughout the
winter had heightened the public despondency. Many lamented
their friends as lost, while imagination lent mysterious horrors
to their fate, picturing them as driven about over wild and
desert wastes of water without a shore, or as perishing amid
rocks and quicksands and whirlpools ; or a prey to those mon-
sters of the deep, with which credulity peopled every distant
and unfrequented sea. There was something more awful in
such a mysterious fate than in death itself, under any defined
and ordinary form. 1
Great was the agitation of the inhabitants, therefore, when
they beheld one of the ships standing up the river ; but when
they learned that she returned in triumph from the discovery of
a world, the whole community broke forth into transports of joy.
The bells were rung, the shops shut, all business was suspended :
for a time there was nothing but hurry and tumult. Some were
anxious to know the fate of a relative, others of a friend, and
all to learn the particulars of so wonderful a voyage. When
Columbus landed, the multitude thronged to see and welcome
him, and a grand procession was formed to the principal church,
to return thanks to God for so signal a discovery made by the
people of that place forgetting, in their exultation, the thou-
sand difficulties they had thrown in the way of the enterprise.
Wherever Columbus passed, he was hailed with shouts and
1 In the maps and charts of those times, and even in those of a much later date, the
variety of formidable and hideous monsters depicted in all remote parts of the ocean
evince the terrors and dangers with which the imagination clothed it. The same may
also be said of distant and unknown lands; the remote parts of Asia and Africa have
monsters depicted iu them which it would be difficult to trace to auy originals iu natural
history.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 171
acclamations. What a contrast to his departure a few months
before, followed by murmurs and execrations ; or, rather, what
a contrast to his first arrival at Palos, a poor pedestrian, craving
bread and water for his child at the gate of a convent !
Understanding that the court was at Barcelona, lie felt dis-
posed to proceed thither immediately in his caravel : reflecting,
however, on the dangers and disasters he had already experi-
enced on the seas, lie resolved to proceed by land. He despatched
a letter to the king and queen, informing them of his arrival,
and soon afterward departed for Seville to await their orders,
taking with him six of the natives whom he had brought from
the New World. One had died at sea, and three were left ill
at Palos.
Jt is a singular coincidence, which appears to be well authen-
ticated, that on the very evening of the arrival of Columbus at
Palos, and while the peals of triumph were still ringing from its
towers, the Pinta, commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, like-
wise entered the river. After her separation from the admiral
in the storm, she had been driven before the gale into the Bay
of Biscay, and had made the port of Bayoune. Doubting
whether Columbus hud survived the tempest, Pinzon had imme-
diately written to the sovereigns giving information of the
discovery he had made, and had requested permission to come
to court and communicate the particulars in person. As soon
as the weather permitted, he had again set sail, anticipating a
triumphant reception in his native port of Palos. When, on
entering the harbor, he lx?held the vessel of the admiral riding
at anchor, and learnt the enthusiasm with which he had been
received, the heart of Pinzon died within him. It is said that
he feared to meet Columbus in this hour of his triumph, lest he
should put him under arrest for his desertion on the coast of
Cuba ; but he was a man of too much resolution to indulge in
such a fear. It is more probable that a consciousness of his
misconduct made him unwilling to appear before the public in
the midst of their enthusiasm for Columbus, and perhaps he
sickened at the honors heaped upon a man whose superiority he
had been so unwilling to acknowledge. Getting into his boat,
therefore, he landed privately and kept out of sight until he
heard of the admiral's departure. He then returned to his
home, broken in health and deeply dejected, considering all the
honors and eulogiums heaped upon Columbus as so many
reproaches on himself. The reply of the sovereigns to his
letter at length arrived. It was of a reproachful tenor, and
forbade his appearance at court. This letter completed his
172 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
humiliation ; the anguish of his feelings gave virulence to his
bodily malady, and in a few days he died, a victim to deep
chagrin. 1
Let no one, however, indulge in harsh censures over the
grave of Pinzon ! His merits and services are entitled to the
highest praise ; his errors should be regarded with indulgence,
lie was one of the foremost in Spain to appreciate the project
of Columbus, animating him by his concurrence and aiding him
with his purse, when poor and unknown at Palos. He after
ward enabled him to procure and fit out ships, when even the
mandates of the sovereigns were ineffectual ; and finally em-
barked in the expedition with his brothers and his friends, stak-
ing life, property, every thing upon the event. He thus entitled
himself to participate largely in the glory of this immortal
enterprise ; but unfortunately, forgetting for a moment the
grandeur of the cause, and the implicit obedience due to his
commander, he yielded to the incitements of self-interest, and
committed that act of insubordination which has cast a shade
upon his name. In extenuation of his fault, however, may be
alleged his habits of command, which rendered him impatient
of control ; his consciousness of having rendered great services
to the expedition, and of possessing property in the ships.
That he was a man of great professional merit is admitted by
all his contemporaries ; that he naturally possessed generous
sentiments and an honorable ambition, is evident, from the
poignancy with which he felt the disgrace drawn on him by
his misconduct. A mean man would not have fallen a victim
to self-upbraiding for having been convicted of a mean action.
His story shows how one lapse from duty may counterbalance
the merits of a thousand services ; how one moment of weak-
ness may mar the beauty of a whole life of virtue ; and how
important it is for a man, under all circumstances, to be true
not merely to others, but to himself. 2
Munoz, Hist. N. Mundo, lib. iv. 14. Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doinin., lib. ii.
* After a lapse of years, the descendants of the Pinzons made strenuous representa-
tions to the crown of the merits and services of their family, endeavoring to prove,
among other things, that but for the aid and encouragement of Martin Alonzo and his
brothers, Columbus would never have made his discovery. Some of the testimony
rendered on this and another occasioi. was rather extravagant and absurd, as will be
shown in another part of this work.* The Emperor Charles V., however, taking into
consideration the real services of the brothers in the first voyage, and the subsequent
expeditions and discoveries of that able and intrepid navigator, Vincente Yanez I'inzon,
granted to the family the well-merited rank and privileges of Hiilnlgiiiit, & degree of
nobility which constituted them noble hidalgos, with the right of prefixing the title
of Don to their names. A coat of arras was also given them, emblematical of their ser-
vices its discoverers. These privileges and arms are carefully preserved by the family at
the present day.
The I'in/.ons at present reside principally in the little city of Moguer, about a league
* Vide illustrations, article " Martin Alouzo IMnzou."
LIFE OF cnmsroruER COLUMBUS. 173
CHAPTER VI.
RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS BY THE SPANISH COURT AT BARCELONA.
THE letter of Columbus to the Spanish monarchs had pro-
duced the greatest sensation at court. The event be announced
was considered the. most extraordinary of their prosperous reign,
and following so close upon the conquest of Granada, was
pronounced a signal mark of divine favor for that triumph
achieved in the cause of the true faith. The sovereigns them-
selves were for a time dazzled by this sudden and easy ac-
quisition of a new empire, of indefinite extent, and apparently
boundless wealth ; and their first idea was to secure it beyond
the reach of dispute. Shortly after his arrival in Seville, Colum-
bus received a letter from them expressing their great delight,
and requesting him to repair immediately to court, to concert
plans for a second and more extensive expedition. As the
summer, the time favorable for a voyage, was approaching,
they desired him to make any arrangements at Seville or else-
where that might hasten the expedition, and to inform them, by
the return of the courier, what was to be done on their part.
This letter was addressed to him by the title of " Don Chris-
topher Columbus, our admiral of the ocean sea, and viceroy and
governor of the islands discovered in the Indies ; " at the same
time he was promised still further rewards. Columbus lost no
time in complying with the commands of the sovereigns. He
sent a memorandum of the ships, men, and munitions requisite,
and having made such dispositions at Seville as circumstances
permitted, set out for Barcelona, taking with him the six In-
dians, and the various curiosities and productions brought from
the New World.
The fame of his discovery had resounded throughout the na-
tion, and as his route lay through several of the finest and most
from Palos, and possess vineyard* and estates about the neighborhood. They are in
easy, if not affluent circumstances, and inhabit the best house* in Moguer. Here they
have continued, from veneration to gem-ration, since the time of the discovery, filling
place* of public trust and dignity, enjoying the good opinion and good will of their
fellow-citizens, and flourishing in nearly the name state in which they were found by
Columbus, on his first visit lo i'alos. It is rare indeed to find a family, in thi* fluctu-
ating world, no little changed by the revolution* of nearly three centime* and a half.
Whatever I'alos may have been in the time of Columbus, it i* now a paltry village <>f
about four hundred inhabitants, who subsist chiefly by laboring in the fields and vine-
yards. The convent of La Uabida still exists, but is inhabited merely by two friars, with
a novitiate and a lay brother. It is situated on a hill, surrounded by a scattered forest
of pine trees, and overlooks the low sandy country of the seacoajsl. and the windings of
the river by which Coluinbud tallied forth upou the ocean.
174 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
populous provinces of Spain, his journey appeared liloe the pro-
gress of a sovereign. Wherever he passed the country poured
forth its inhabitants, who lined the road and thronged the vil-
lages. The streets, windows, and balconies of the towns were
filled with eager spectators, who rent the air with acclamations.
His journey was continually impeded by the multitude pressing
to gain a sight of him and of the Indians, who were regarded
with as much astonishment as if they had been natives of another
planet. It was impossible to satisfy the craving curiosity which
assailed him and his attendants at every stage with innumerable
questions ; popular rumor, as usual, had exaggerated the truth,
and had filled the newly-found country with all kinds of wonders.
About the middle of April, Columbus arrived at Barcelona,
where every preparation had been made to give him a solemn
and magnificent reception. The beauty and serenity of the
weather in that genial season and favored climate contributed
to give splendor to this memorable ceremony. As he drew near
the place, many of the youthful courtiers and hidalgos, together
with a vast concourse of the populace, came forth to meet and
welcome him. His entrance into this noble city has been com-
pared to one of those triumphs which the Romans were accus-
tomed to decree to conquerors. First were paraded the Indians,
painted according to their savage fashion, and decorated with
their national ornaments of gold. After these were borne
various kinds of live parrots, together with stuffed birds and
animals of unknown species, and rare plants supposed to be of
precious qualities ; while great care was taken to make a con-
spicuous display of Indian coronets, bracelets, and other decora-
tions of gold, which might give an idea of the wealth of the
newly-discovered regions. After this, followed Columbus on
horseback, surrounded by a brilliant cavalcade of Spanish chiv-
alry. The streets were almost impassible from the countless
multitude ; the windows and balconies were crowded with the
fair : the very roofs were covered with spectators. It seemed
as if the public eye could not be sated with gazing on these
trophies of an unknown world, or on the remarkable man by
whom it had been discovered. There was a sublimity in this
event that mingled a solemn feeling with the public joy. It
was looked upon as a vast and signal dispensation of Providence,
in reward for the piety of the monarchs ; and the majestic and
venerable appearance of the discoverer, so different from the
youth and buoyancy generally expected from roving enterprise,
seemed in harmony with the grandeur and dignity of his
achievement.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 175
To receive him with suitable pomp and distinction, the sov-
ereigns had ordered their throne to be placed in public under a
rich canopy of brocade of gold, in a vast and splendid saloon.
Here the king and queen awaited his arrival, seated in state,
with the prince Juan beside them, and attended by the digni-
taries of their court, and the principal nobility of Castile, Va-
lentia, Catalonia, and Arragon, all impatient to behold the man
who had conferred so incalculable a benefit upon the nation.
At length Columbus entered the hall, surrounded by a brilliant
crowd of cavaliers, among whom, says Las Casas, he was con-
spicuous for his stately and commanding person, which with
his countenance, rendered venerable by his gray hairs, gave
him the august appearance of a senator of Home ; a modest
smile lighted up his features, showing that he enjoyed the state
and glory in which he came ; 1 and certainly nothing could be
more deeply moving to a mind inflamed by noble ambition, and
conscious of having greatly deserved, than these testimonials
of the admiration and gratitude of a nation, or rather of a world.
As Columbus approached the sovereigns rose, as if receiving a
person of the highest rank. Bending his knees, he offered to
kiss their hands ; but there was some hesitation on their part
to permit this act of homage. Raising him in the most gracious
manner, they ordered him to seat himself in their presence ; a
rare honor in this proud and punctilious court.' 2
At their request, he now gave an account of the most striking
events of his voyage, and a description of the islands discovered.
He displayed specimens of unknown birds and other animals ;
of rare plants of medicinal and aromatic virtues ; of native gold
in dust, in crude masses, or labored into barbaric ornaments ;
and, above all, the natives of these countries, who were objects
of intense and inexhaustible interest. All these he pronounced
mere harbingers of greater discoveries yet to be made, which
would add realms of incalculable wealth to the dominions of
their majesties, and whole nations of proselytes to the true faith.
When he had finished, the sovereigns sank on their knees,
and raising their clasped hands to heaven, their eyes tilled with
tears of joy and gratitude, poured forth thanks and praises to
God for so great a providence ; all present followed their exam-
ple ; a deep and solemn enthusiasm pervaded that splendid as-
sembly, and prevented all common acclamations of triumph.
The anthem Te Deum laudamus, chanted by the choir of the
royal chapel, with the accompaniment of instruments, rose in
1 Las Casas, Hist. Inil., lib. i. cap. 7S. MS.
2 L*t Ca.u.-, Hist, lud., lib. i. cap. 78. llist. del Almiraute, cap. 81.
176 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
full body of sacred harmony ; bearing up, as it were, the feel-
ings and thoughts of the auditors to heaven, "so that," says
the venerable Las Casas, " it seemed as if in that hour they
communicated with celestial delights." Such was the solemn
and pious manner in which the brilliant court of Spain cele-
brated this sublime event ; offering up a grateful tribute of
melody and praise, and giving glory to God for the discovery
of another world.
When Columbus retired from the royal presence, he was at-
tended to his residence by all the court, and followed by the
shouting populace. For many days he was the object of uni-
versal curiosity, and wherever he appeared was surrounded by
an admiring multitude.
While his mind was teeming with glorious anticipations, his
pious scheme for the deliverance of the holy sepulchre was not
forgotten. It has been shown that he suggested it to the Span-
ish sovereigns at the time of first making his propositions, hold-
ing it forth as the great object to be effected by the profits of
his discoveries. Flushed with the idea of the vast wealth now
to accrue to himself, he made a vow to furnish within seven
years an army, consisting of four thousand horse and lit' 13"
thousand foot, for the rescue of the holy sepulchre, and a simi-
lar force within the five following years. This vow was re-
corded in one of his letters to the sovereigns, to which he re fere,
but which is no longer extant ; nor is it certain whether it was
made at the end of his first voyage or at a subsequent date,
when the magnitude and wealthy result of his discoveries became
more fully manifest. He often alludes to it vaguely in his
writings, and he refers to it expressly in a letter to Pope
Alexander VI., written in 1502, in which he accounts also for
its non-fulfilment. It is essential to a full comprehension of
the character and motives of Columbus, that this visionary
project should be borne in recollection. It will be found to
have intwined itself in his mind with his enterprise of discov-
ery, and that a holy crusade was to be the consummation of
those divine purposes, for which he considered himself selected
by Heaven as an agent. It shows how much his mind was ele-
vated al)ove selfish and mercenary views how it was filled
with those devout and heroic schemes, which in the time of the
Crusades had inflamed the thoughts and directed the enterprises
of the bravest warriors and most illustrious princes.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 177
CHAPTER VII.
SOJOURN OF COLUMBUS AT BARCELONA ATTENTIONS PAID HIM
BY THE SOVEREIGNS AND COURTIERS.
THE joy occasioned by the great discovery of Columbus was
not confined to Spain ; the tidings were spread far and wide l>y
the communications of ambassadors, the correspondence of the
learned, the negotiations of merchants, and the reports of trav-
ellers, and the whole civilized world was filled with wonder and
drlight. How gratifying would it have been, had the press at
that time, as at present, poured forth its daily tide of specula-
tion on every passing occurrence ! With what eagerness should
we seek to know the first ideas and emotions of the public, on
an event so unlocked for and sublime ! Even the first an-
nouncements of it by contemporary writers, though brief and
incidental, derive interest from being written at the time ; and
from showing the casual way in which such great tidings were
conveyed alx>ut the world. Allegretto Allegretti, in his annals
of Sienna for 1493, mentions it as just made known there by
the letters of their merchants who were in Spain, and by the
mouths of various travellers. 1 The news was brought to Genoa
by the return of her ambassadors Francisco Marches! and Gio-
vanni Antonio Grimaldi, and was recorded among the trium-
phant events of the year ; 2 for the republic, though she may
have slighted the opportunity of making herself mistress of the
discovery, has ever since been tenacious of the glory of having
given birth to the discoverer. The tidings were soon carried to
England, which as yet was but a maritime power of inferior
importance. They caused, however, much wonder in London,
and great talk and admiration in the court of Henry VII., where,
the discovery was pronounced "a thing more divine than hu-
man." We have this on the authority of Sebastian Calx>t him-
self, the future discoverer of the northern continent of America,
who was in London at the time, and was inspired by the event
with a generous spirit of emulation. 8
Every member of civilized society, in fact, rejoiced in the oc-
currence, as one in which he was more or less interested. To
DmrJ Senwi <le Alleg. Alloennti. Muratori, Ital. Senpt., torn, xxiii.
- Koglieta, Istoriade OcDOVa, lil>. h.
* llackluyt, Collect Voyageu, vol. iii p. 1.
178 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
some it opened a new and unbounded field of inquiry ; to others,
of enterprise ; and every one awaited with intense eagerness
the further development of this unknown world, still covered
with mystery, the partial glimpses of which were so full of
wonder. AVe have a brief testimony of the emotions of the
learned in a letter, written at the time by Peter Martyr to his
friend Pomponius Laetus. " You tell me, my amiable Pom-
ponius," he writes, "that you leaped for joy, and that your
delight was mingled with tears, when you read my epistle, certi-
fying to you the hitherto hidden world of the antipodes. You
have felt and acted as became a man eminent for learning, for
I can conceive no aliment more delicious than such tidings to a
cultivated and ingenuous mind. I feel a wonderful exultation
of spirits when I converse with intelligent men who have re-
turned from these regions. It is like an accession of wealth to
a miser. Our minds, soiled and debased by the common con-
cerns of life and the vices of society, become elevated and
ameliorated by contemplating such glorious events." 1
Notwithstanding this universal enthusiasm, however, no one
was aware of the real importance of the discovery. No one
had an idea that this was a totally distinct portion of the globe,
separated by oceans from the ancient world. The opinion of
Columbus was universally adopted, that Cuba was the end of
the Asiatic continent, and that the adjacent islands were in the
Indian seas. This agreed with the opinions of the ancients,
heretofore cited, about the moderate distance from Spain to the
extremity of India, sailing westwardly. The parrots were also
thought to resemble those described by Pliny, as abounding in
the remote parts of Asia. The lands, therefore, which Colum-
bus had visited were called the AA r est Indies ; and as he seemed
to have entered upon a vast region of unexplored countries,
existing in a state of nature, the whole received the compre-
hensive appellation of "The New AA'orld."
During the whole of his sojourn at Barcelona, the sovereigns
took every occasion to bestow on Columbus personal marks of
their high consideration. He was admitted at all times to the
royal presence, and the queen delighted to converse with him
on the subject of his enterprises. The king, too, appeared oc-
casionally on horseback, with Prince Juan on one side, and
Columbus on the other. To perpetuate in his family the glory
of his achievement, a coat of arms was assigned him, in which
the royal arms, the castle and lion, were quartered with his
> Letters of T. Martyr, let. 153.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 179
proper bearings, which were a group of islands surrounded by
waves. To these arms was afterward aimexed the motto :
A CaMilla y a Leon,
Kuero rnuudo dlo Colon.
(To Castile and Leon
Columbus gave a new world.)
The pension which had been decreed by the sovereigns to him
who in the first voyage should discover land, was adjudged to
Columbus, for having first seen the light on the shore. It is
said that the seaman who first descried the land was so incensed
at being disappointed at what he conceived his merited reward,
that he renounced his country and his faith, and going into
Africa turned Mussulman ; an anecdote which rests merely on
the authority of Oviedo, 1 who is extremely incorrect in his nar-
ration of this voyage, and inserts many falsehoods told him
by the enemies of the admiral.
It may at first sight appear but little accordant with the
acknowledged magnanimity of Columbus, to have borne away
the prize from this poor sailor, but this was a subject in which
his whole ambition was involved, and he was doubtless proud
of the honor of being personally the discoverer of the laud as
well as projector of the enterprise.
Next to the countenance shown him by the king and queen
may be mentioned that of Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, the
Grand Cardinal of Spain, and first subject of the realm ; a man
whose elevated character for piety, learning, and high prince-
like qualities, gave signal value to his favors. He invited
Columbus to the banquet, where he assigned him the most hon-
orable place at table, and had him served with the ceremonials
which in those punctilious times were observed toward sover-
eigns. At this repast is said to have occurred the well-known
anecdote of the egg. A shallow courtier present, impatient of
the honors paid to Columbus, and meanly jealous of him as a
foreigner, abruptly asked him whether he thought that, in case
he had not discovered the Indies, there were not other men in
Spain who would have been capable of the enterprise ? To this
Columbus made no immediate reply, but, taking an egg, invited
the company to make it stand on one end. Every one at-
tempted it, but in vain ; whereupon he struck it upon the table
so as to break the end, and left it standing on the broken
1 Oviedo, Crouico du las India*, lib. ii. cap. 2.
180 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
part ; illustrating in this simple manner that when he had once
shown the way to the New World nothing was easier than to
follow it. 1
The favor shown Columbus by the sovereigns insured him for
a time the caresses of the nobility ; for in a court everyone vies
with his neighbor in lavishing attentions upon the man tl whom
the king delighteth to honor." Columbus bore all these caresses
and distinctions with becoming modesty, though he must have
felt a proud satisfaction in the idea that they had been wrested,
as it were, from the nation by his courage and perseverance.
One can hardly recognize in the individual thus made the com-
panion of princes, and the theme of general wonder and admira-
tion, the same obscure stranger who but a short time before had
been a common scoff and jest in this very court, derided by
some as an adventurer, and pointed at by others as a madman.
Those who had treated him with contumely during his long
course of solicitation, now sought to efface the remembrance of
it by adulations. Every one wha had given him a little cold
countenance, or a few courtly smiles, now arrogated to himself
the credit of having been a patron and of having promoted the
discovery of the New World. Scarce a great man about the
court but has been enrolled by his historian or biographer among
the benefactors of Columbus ; though, had one-tenth part of this
boasted patronage been really exerted, he would never have had
to linger seven 3 - ears soliciting for an armament of three cara-
vels. Columbus knew well the weakness of the patronage that
had been given him. The only friends mentioned by him with
gratitude, in his after letters, as having been really zealous and
effective, were those two worthy friars, Diego de Deza, after-
ward Bishop of Palencia and Seville, and Juan Perez, the prior
of the convent of La Rabida.
Thus honored by the sovereigns, courted by the great, idol-
ized by the people, Columbus, for a time, drank the honeyed
draught of popularity, before enmity and detraction had time to
drug it with bitterness. His discovery burst with such sudden
splendor upon the world as to dazzle envy itself, and to call
forth the general acclamations of mankind. Well would it be
for the honor of human nature, could history, like romance,
close with the consummation of the hero's wishes ; we should
then leave Columbus in the full fruition of great and well-merited
1 This anecdote rests on the authority of the Italian historian Benzoni (lib. i. p. 12,
cd. Yenetia, 167:2). It has been condemned as trivial, but the simplicity of the reproof
constitutes its severity, and was characteristic of the practical sagacity of Columbus.
The universal popularity of the anecdote is a proof of iU merit.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 181
prosperity. But his history is destined to furnish another proof,
if proof be wanting, of the inconstancy of public favor, cvrn
when won by distinguished services. No greatness was ever
acquired by more incontestable, unalloyed, and exalted benefits
rendered to mankind, yet none ever drew on its possessor more
unremitting jealousy and defamation ; or involved him in more
unmerited distress and difficulty. Thus it is with illustrious
merit : its very effulgence draws forth the rancorous passions of
low and grovelling minds, which too often have a temporary
influence in obscuring it to the world ; as the sun emerging with
full splendor into the heavens, calls up, by the very fervor of
its rays, the rank and noxious vapors, which, for a time, becloud
its glory.
CHAPTER VIII.
PAPAL BULL OF PARTITION PREPARATIONS FOR A SECOND
VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.
[1493.]
IN the midst of their rejoicings the Spanish sovereigns lost no
time in taking every measure necessary to secure their new
acquisitions. Although it was supposed that the countries just
discovered were part of the territories of the Grand Khan, and
of other Oriental princes considerably advanced in civilization,
yet there does not appear to have been the least doubt of the
right of their Catholic majesties to take possession of them.
During the Crusades a doctrine had been established among
Christian princes extremely favorable to their ambitious designs.
According to this, they had the right to invade, ravage, and
seize upon the territories of all infidel nations, under the plea of
defeating the enemies of Christ, and extending the sway of his
church on earth. In conformity to the same doctrine, the pope,
from his supreme authority over all temporal things, was con-
sidered as empowered to dispose of all heathen lands to such
potentates as would engage to reduce them to the dominion of
the church, and to propagate the true faith among their benighted
inhabitants. It was in virtue of this power that Pope Martin
V. and his successors had conceded to the crown of Portugal all
the lands it might discover from Cape Bojador to the Indies ;
and the Catholic sovereigns, in a treaty concluded in 14D7 witii
the Portuguese monarch, had engaged themselves to respect the
182 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
territorial rights thus acquired. It was to this treaty that John
II. alluded, in his conversation with Columbus, wherein he sug-
gested his title to the newly discovered countries.
On the first intelligence received from the admiral of his suc-
cess, therefore, the Spanish sovereigns took the immediate pre-
caution to secure the sanction of the pope. Alexander VI. had
recently been elevated to the holy chair ; a pontiff whom some
historians have stigmatized with every vice and crime that could
disgrace humanity, but whom all have represented as eminently
able and politic. He was a native of Valencia, and being born
a subject of the crown of Arragon, it might be inferred, was
favorably disposed to Ferdinand ; but in certain questions which
had come before him, he had already shown a disposition not
the most cordial toward the Catholic monarch. At all events,
Ferdinand was well aware of his worldly and perfidious char-
acter, and endeavored to manage him accordingly. He de-
spatched ambassadors, therefore, to the court of Rome,
announcing the new discovery as an extraordinary triumph of
the faith ; and setting forth the great glory and gain which must
redound to the church from the dissemination of Christianity
throughout these vast and heathen lands. Care was also taken
to state that the present discovery did not in the least interfere
with "the possessions ceded by the holy chair to Portugal, all
which had been sedulously avoided. Ferdinand, who was at
least as politic as he was pious, insinuated a hint at the same
time by which the pope might perceive that he was determined,
at all events, to maintain his important acquisitions. His am-
bassadors were instructed to state that, in the opinion of many
learned men, these newly-discovered lands having been taken
possession of by the Catholic sovereigns, their title to the same
did not require the papal sanction ; still, as pious princes, obe-
dient to the holy chair, they supplicated his holiness to issue a
bull, making a concession of them, and of such others as might
be discovered, to the crown of Castile.
The tidings of the discovery were received, in fact, with great
astonishment and no less exultation by the court of Kome. The
Spanish sovereigns had already elevated themselves to high
consequence in the eyes of the church, by their war against the
Moors of Spain, which had been considered in the light of a
pious crusade ; and though richly repaid by the acquisition of
the kingdom of Granada, it was thought to entitle them to the
gratitude of all Christendom. The present discovery was a still
greater achievement ; it was the fulfilment of one of the sublime
promises to the church ; it was giving to it " the heathen for an
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 183
inheritance, nnrl the uttermost parts of the earth for a posses-
sion." No difficulty, therefore, was made in granting what was
considered but a modest request for so important a service;
though it is probable that the acquiescence of the worldly-
minded pontiff was quickened by the insinuations of the politic
monarch.
A bull was accordingly issued, dated May 2d, 1493, ceding to
the Spanish sovereigns the same rights, privileges, and indul-
gences, in respect to the newly-discovered regions, as had been
accorded to the Portuguese with regard to their African discov-
eries, under the same condition of planting and propagating the
Catholic faith. To prevent any conflicting claims, however,
between the two powers in the wide range of their discoveries,
another bull was issued on the following day, containing the fa-
mous line of demarcation, by which their territories were thought
to be clearly and permanently defined. This was an ideal line
drawn from the north to the south pole, a hundred leagues to
the west of the Azores, and the Cape de Verde Islands. All
land discovered by the Spanish navigators to the west of this
line, and which had not been taken possession of by any Chris-
tian power before the preceding Christmas, was to belong to the
Spanish crown ; all land discovered in the contrary direction
was to belong to Portugal. It seems never to have occurred to
the pontiff, that, by pushing their opposite careers of discovery,
they might some day or other come again in collision, and renew
the question of territorial right at the antipodes.
In the mean time, without waiting for the sanction of the
court of Rome, the utmost exertions were made by the sover-
eigns to fit out a second expedition. To insure regularity and
despatch in the affairs relative to the New World, they were
placed under the superintendence of Juan Rodriguez de Fon-
seca, archdeacon of Seville, who was successively promoted to
the sees of Bajadoz, Palencia, and Burgos, and finally appointed
patriarch of the Indies. He was a man of family and influence ;
his brothers Alonzo and Antonio were seniors, or lords, of Coca
and Alaejos, and the latter was comptroller-general of Castile.
Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca is represented by Las Casas as a
worldly man, more calculated for temporal than spiritual con-
cerns, and well adapted to the bustling occupation of fitting out
and manning armadas. Notwithstanding the high ecclesiastical
dignities to which he rose, his worldly employments seem never
to have been considered incompatible with his sacred functions.
Enjoying the perpetual, though unmerited, favor of the sover-
eigns, he maintained the control of Indian affairs for about
184 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
thirty years. He must undoubtedly have possessed talents for
business, to insure him such a perpetuity of office ; but he was
malignant and vindictive ; and in the gratification of his private
resentments not only heaped wrongs and sorrows upon the most
illustrious of the early discoverers, but frequently impeded
the progress of their enterprises, to the great detriment of the
crown. This he was enabled to do privately and securely by
his official situation. His perfidious conduct is repeatedly
alluded to, but in guarded terms, by contemporary writers of
weight and credit, such as the curate of Los Palacios, and the
bishop Las Casas ; but they evidently were fearful of expressing
the fulness of their feelings. Subsequent Spanish historians,
always more or less controlled by ecclesiastical supervision, have
likewise dealt too favorably with this base-minded man. He
deserves to be held up as a warning example of those per-
fidious beings in office, who too often lie like worms at the
root of honorable enterprise, blighting, by their unseen influ-
ence, the fruit of glorious action, and disappointing the hopes
of nations.
To assist Fonseca in his duties, Francisco Pinelo was associ-
ated with him as treasurer, and Juan de Soria as contador, or
comptroller. Their office, for the transaction of Indian affairs,
was fixed at Seville ; extending its vigilance at the same time to
the port of Cadiz, where a custom-house was established for
this new branch of navigation. Such was the gferm of the
Royal India House, which afterward rose to such great power
and importance. A correspondent office was ordered to be insti-
tuted in Hispaniola, under the direction of the admiral. These
officers were to interchange registers of the cargoes, crews, and
munitions of each ship, by accountants who sailed with it. All
persons thus employed were dependants upon the two comp-
trollers-general, superior ministers of the royal revenue ; since
the crown was to be at all the expenses of the colony, and to
receive all the emoluments.
The most minute and rigorous account was to be exacted of
all expenses and proceeds, and the most vigilant caution ob-
served as to the persons employed in the concerns of the newly-
discovered lands. No one was permitted to go there, either to
trade or io form an establishment, without express license from
the sovereigns, from Columbus, or from Fonseca, under the
heaviest penalties. The ignorance of the age as to enlarged
prfnciples of commerce, and the example of the Portuguese in
respect to their African possessions, have been cited in excuse
of the narrow and jealous spirit here manifested ; but it always
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 185
more or less influenced the policy of Spain in her colonial regu-
lations.
Another instance of the despotic sway maintained by the
crown over commerce, is manifested in a royal order, that all
ships in the ports of Andalusia, with their captains, pilots, and
crews, should be held in readiness to serve in this expedition;
Columbus and Fonseca were authorized to freight or purchase
any of those vessels they might think proper, and to take them
by force, if refused, even though they had been freighted by
other persons, paying what they should conceive a reasonable
price. They were furthermore authorized to take the requisite
provisions, arms, and ammunition, from any place or vessel in
which they might be found, paying a fair price to the owners ;
and they might compel, not merely mariners, but any officer
holding any rank or station whatever, whom they should deem
necessary to the service, to embark on the fleet on a reasonable
pay and salary. The civil authorities, and all persons of rank
and standing, were called upon to render all requisite aid in
expediting the armament, and warned against creating any im-
pediment, under penalty of privation of office and confiscation
of estate.
To provide for the expenses of the expedition the royal
revenue arising from two thirds of the church-tithes was placed
at the disposition of Pinelo ; and other funds were drawn from a
disgraceful source from the jewels and other valuables, the
sequestrated property of the unfortunate Jews, banished from
the kingdom, according to a bigoted edict of the preceding year.
As these resources were still inadequate, Pinelo was authorized
to supply the deficiency by a loan. Requisitions were likewise
made for provisions of all kinds, as well as for artillery, powder,
muskets, lances, corselets, and cross-bows. This latter weapon,
notwithstanding the introduction of fire-arms, was still preferred
by many to the arquebus, and considered more formidable and
destructive, the other having to be used with a match-lock, and
being so heavy as to require an iron rest. The military stores
which had accumulated during the war with the Moore of Gra-
nada furnished a great part of these supplies. Almost all the
preceding orders were issued by the 23d of May, while Columbus
was yet at Barcelona. Rarely has there been witnessed such a
scene of activity in the dilatory offices of Spain.
As the conversion of the heathens was professed to be the
grand object of these discoveries, twelve zealous and able
ecclesiastics were chosen for the purpose, to accompany the
expedition. Among these was Bernardo Buyl or Boyle, a Beue-
186 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
dictine monk, of talent and reputed sanctity, but one of those
subtle politicians of the cloister, who in those days glided into
all temporal concerns. He had acquitted himself with success in
recent negotiations with France, relative to the restitution of
Kousillou. Before the sailing of the fleet, he was appointed by
the pope his apostolical vicar for the New World, and placed
jis superior over his ecclesiastical brethren. This pious mission
was provided with all things necessary for the dignified per-
formance of its functions ; the queen supplying from her own
chapel the ornaments and vestments to be used in all solemn
ceremonies. Isabella, from the first, took the most warm and
compassionate interest in the welfare of the Indians. Won by
the accounts given by Columbus of their gentleness and sim-
plicity, and looking upon them as committed by Heaven to her
especial care, her heart was filled with concern at their desti-
tute and ignorant condition. She ordered that great care should
be taken of their religious instruction ; that they should be
treated with the utmost kindness ; and enjoined Columbus to
inflict signal punishment on all Spaniards who should be guilty
of outrage or injustice toward them.
By way, it was said, of offering to Heaven the first-fruits of
these pagan nations, the six Indians whom Columbus had
brought to Barcelona were baptized with great state and cere-
mony ; the king, the queen, and Prince Juan officiating as
SIXMJSOI-S. Great hopes were entertained that, on their return
to their native country, they would facilitate the introduction of
Christianity among their countrymen. One of them, at the
request of Prince Juan, remained in his household, but died not
long afterward ; a Spanish historian remarked that, according
to what ought to be our pious belief, he was the first of his na-
tion that entered heaven. 1
Before the departure of Columbus from Barcelona, the pro-
visional agreement made at Santa Fe was confirmed, granting
him the titles, emoluments, and prerogatives of admiral, viceroy,
and governor of all the countries he had discovered, or might
discover. He was intrusted also with the royal seal, with au-
thority to use the name of their majesties in granting letters
patent and commissions within the bounds of his jurisdiction ;
with the right also, in case of absence, to appoint a person in
his place, and to invest him, for the time, with the same powers.
It had been premised in the agreement that for all vacant of-
fices in the government of the islands and main-land, he should
Hen-era, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 5.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 187
nominate three candidates, out of which number the sovereign
should make a choice ; but now, to save time, and to show their
conlidence in Columbus, they empowered him to appoint at
once such persons as he thought proper, who were to hold their
offices during the royal pleasure. He had likewise the title and
command of captain-general of the armament about to sail, with
unqualified powers as to the government of the crews, the es-
tablishments to be formed in the New World, and the ulterior
discoveries to be undertaken.
This was the honeymoon of royal favor, during which Colum-
bus enjoyed the unbounded and well-merited confidence of his
sovereigns, before envious minds had dared to insinuate a doubt
of his integrity. After receiving every mark of public honor
and private regard, he took leave of the sovereigns on the 2Mth
of May. The whole court accompanied him from the palace to
his dwelling, and attended, also, to pay him farewell honors
on his departure from Barcelona for Seville.
CHATTER IX.
DIPLOMATIC NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE COURTS OF SPAIN AJ*D
PORTUGAL WITH RESPECT TO THE NEW DISCOVERIES.
[1493.]
THE anxiety of the Spanish monarchy for the speedy depart-
ure of the expedition was heightened by the proceedings of the
court of Portugal. John II. had unfortunately among his coun-
cillors certain politicians of that short-sighted class, who mis-
take craft for wisdom. By adopting their perfidious policy he
had lost the New World when it was an object of honorable
enterprise ; in compliance with their advice, he now sought to
retrieve it by stratagem. He had accordingly prepared a large
armament, the avowed object of which was an expedition to
Africa, but its real destination to seize upon the newly-dis-
covered countries. To lull suspicion, Don Ruy de Sande was
sent ambassador to the Spanish court, requesting permission to
procure certain prohibited articles from Spain for this African
voyage. He required also that the Spanish sovereigns should
forbid their subjects to fish l>eyond Cape Bojador, until the
possessions of the two nations should be properly defined. The
discovery of Columbus, the real object of solicitude, was treated
188 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
as an incidental affair. The manner of his arrival and recep-
tion in Portugal was mentioned ; the congratulations of King
John on the happy result of his voyage ; his satisfaction at find-
ing that the admiral had been instructed to steer westward
from the Canary Islands, and his hope that the Castilian sover-
eigns would continue to enjoin a similar track on their naviga-
tors all to the south of those islands being granted by papal
bull to the crown of Portugal. He concluded by intimating the
entire confidence of King John, that should any of the newly-
discovered islands appertain by right to Portugal, the matter
would be adjusted in that spirit of amity which existed between
the two crowns.
Ferdinand was too wary a politician to be easily deceived.
He had received early intelligence of the real designs of King
John, and before the arrival of his ambassador had himself de-
patched Don Lope de Herrera to the Portuguese court, furnished
with double instructions, and with two letters of widely opposite
tenor. The first was couched in affectionate terms, acknowl-
edging the hospitality and kindness shown to Columbus, and
communicating the nature of his discoveries ; requesting at the
same time that the Portuguese navigators might lie prohibited
from visiting those newly-discovered lands, in the same manner
that the Spanish sovereigns had prohibited their subjects from
interfering with the African possessions of Portugal.
In case, however, the ambassador should find that King John
had either sent, or was about to send, vessels to the New World,
he was to withhold the amicable letter, and present the other,
couched in stern and peremptory terms, and forbidding any en-
terprise of the kind. 1 A keen diplomatic game ensued between
the two sovereigns perplexing to any spectator not acquainted
with the secret of their play. Resende, in his history of King
John II., informs us that the Portuguese monarch, by large
presents, or rather bribes, held certain of the confidential mem-
ben of the Castilian cabinet in his interest, who informed him
of the most secret councils of their court. The roads were
thronged with couriers ; scarce was an intention expressed by
Ferdinand to his ministers, but it was conveyed to his rival
monarch. The result was that the Spanish sovereigns seemed
as if under the influence of some enchantment. King John an-
ticipated all their movements, and appeared to dive into their
very thoughts. Their ambassadors were crossed on the road
by Portuguese ambassadors, empowered to settle the very
1 Herrera, Hist. Ind. decad. i. lib. ii. Zurita, Auales de Aragon, lib. i. cap. 25.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 189
points about which they were going to make remonstrances.
Frequently, when Ferdinand proposed a sudden and perplexing
question to the envoys at his court, which apparently would
require fresh instructions from the sovereigns, he would be as-
tonished by a prompt and positive reply ; most of the questions
which were likely to occur having, through secret information,
been foreseen and provided for. As a surmise of treachery in
the cabinet might naturally arise. King John, while he rewarded
his agents in secret, endeavored to divert suspicions from them
upon others, making rich presents of jewels to the Duke de
Infantado and other Spanish grandees of incorruptible integ-
rity. 1
Such is the intriguing diplomatic craft which too often passes
for refined policy, and is extolled as the wisdom of the cabinet ;
but all corrupt and disingenuous measures are unworthy of an
enlightened politician and a magnanimous prince. The grand
principles of right and wrong operate in the same way between
nations as between individuals ; fair and open conduct, and
inviolable faith, however they may appear adverse to present
purposes, are the only kind of policy that will insure ultimate
and honorable success.
King John, having received intelligence in the furtive manner
that has been mentioned, of the double instructions furnished
to Don Lope de Herrera, received him in such a manner as to
prevent any resort to his peremptory letter. He had already
despatched an extra envoy to the Spanish court to keep it in
good humor, and he now appointed Doctor Pero Diaz and Don
Kuy de Pena ambassadors to the Spanish sovereigns, to adjust
all questions relative to the new discoveries, and promised that
no vessel should be permitted to sail on a voyage of discovery
within sixty days after their arrival at Barcelona.
These ambassadors were instructed to propose, as a mode of
effectually settling all claims, that a line should be drawn from
the Canaries due west ; all lands and seas north of it to apper-
tain to the Castiliau court ; all south to the crown of Portugal,
excepting any islands already in possession of either powers. 2
Ferdinand had now the vantage-ground ; his object was to
gain time for the preparation and departure of Columbus, by
entangling King John in long diplomatic negotiations. 8 In
reply to his proposals, he despatched Don Pedro de Ayala and
1 Resende, Vida del Rpy Dom Joan IT., cap. 155. Faria y Souza, Europa Portu,
giioa. ton), ii. cap. 4. p. 3.
2 Xuritu, lib. i. cap. 2."i. Herrera, decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 5.
Vascoucelos, Dou Juau 11., lib. vi.
190 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Don Garcia Lopez de Caravajal on a solemn embassy to Portu-
gal, in which there was great outward pomp and parade, and
many professions of amity, but the whole purport of which was
to propose to submit the territorial questions which had risen
between them to arbitration or to the court of Rome. This
stately embassy moved with becoming slowness, but a special
envoy was sent in advance to apprise the king of Portugal of
its approach, in order to keep him waiting for its communica-
tions.
King John understood the whole nature and object of the em-
bassy, and felt that Ferdinand was foiling him. The ambassa-
dors at length arrived, and delivered their credentials with
great form and ceremony. As they retired from his presence,
he looked after them contemptuously : " This embassy from
our cousin," said he, " wants both head and feet." He alluded
to the character both of the mission and the envoys. Don
Garcia de Caravajal was vain and frivolous, and Don Pedro de
Ayala was lame of one leg. 1
In the height of his vexation, King John is even said to have
held out some vague show of hostile intentions, taking occasion
to let the ambassadors discover him reviewing his cavalry and
dropping ambiguous words in their hearing, which might be
construed into something of menacing import. 2 The embassy
returned to Castile, leaving him in a state of perplexity and
irritation ; but whatever might be his chagrin, his discretion
prevented him from coming to an open rupture. He had some
hopes of interference on the part of the pope, to whom he had
sent an embassy, complaining of the pretended discoveries of
the Spaniards, as infringing the territories granted to Portu-
gal by papal bull, and earnestly imploring redress. Here, as
has been shown, his wary antagonist had been beforehand with
him, and he was doomed again to be foiled. The only reply
his ambassador received, was a reference to the line of partition
from pole to pole, so sagely devised by his holiness. 3 Such was
this royal game of diplomacy, where the parties were playing
for a newly-discovered world. John II. was able and intelli-
gent, and had crafty councillors to advise him in all his moves ;
but whenever deep and subtle policy was required, Ferdinand
was master of the game.
> VaseonceloK, lib. vi. Barros, Asia, d. i. lib. iii. cap. 2.
1 Vaxconcelos, lib. vi.
3 Herrera, decud. i., lib. ii. cap. 5.
LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 191
CHAPTER X.
FURTHER PREPARATIONS FOR THE SECOND VOYAGE CHARACTER
OF ALONSO DE OJEDA DIFFERENCE OF COLUMBUS WITH SORIA
AND FONSECA.
[1493.]
DISTRUSTFUL of some attempt on the part of Portugal to in
terfere with their discoveries, the Spanish sovereigns, in the
course of their negotiations, wrote repeatedly to Columbus
urging him to hasten his departure. His zeal, however, needed
no incitement ; immediately on arriving at Seville, in the
beginning of June, he proceeded with all diligence to fit out
the armament, making use of the powers given him to put in
requisition the ships and crews which were in the harbors of
Andalusia. He was joined soon after by Fonseca and Soria,
who had remained for a time at Barcelona ; and with their
united exertions, a fleet of seventeen vessels, large and small,
was soon in a state of preparation. The best pilots were
chosen for the service, and the crews were mustered in pres-
ence of 'Soria the comptroller. A number of skilful husband-
men, miners, carpenters, and other mechanics were engaged
for the projected colony. Horses, both for military purposes
and for stocking the country, cattle, and domestic animals of
all kinds, were likewise provided. Grain, seeds of various
plants, vines, sugar-canes, grafts, and saplings, were embarked,
together with a great quantity of merchandise, consisting of
trinkets, beads, hawks' bells, looking-glasses, and other showy
trifles, calculated for trafficking with the natives. Nor was
there wanting an abundant supply of provisions of all soils,
munitions of war, and medicines and refreshments for the sick.
An extraordinary degree of excitement prevailed respecting
this expedition. The most extravagant fancies were enter-
tained with respect to the New World. The accounts given by
the voyagers who had visited it were full of exaggeration ; for
in fact they had nothing but vague and confused notions con-
cerning it, like the recollection of a dream, and it has been
shown that Columbus himself had beheld every thing through
the most delusive medium. The vivacity of his descriptions,
and the sanguine anticipations of his ardent spirit, while they
roused the public to a wonderful degree of enthusiasm, pre-
pared the way for bitter disappointment. The cupidity of the
192 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
avaricious was inflamed with the idea of regions of unappro-
priated wealth, where the rivers rolled over golden sands,
and the mountains teemed with gems and precious metals ;
where the groves produced spices and perfumes, and the shores
of the ocean were sown with pearl. Others had conceived vis-
ions of a loftier kind. It was a romantic and stirring age, and
the wars with the Moors being over, and hostilities with the
French suspended, the bold and restless spirits of the nation,
impatient of the monotony of peaceful life, were eager for em-
ployment. To these the New World presented a vast field for
wild enterprise and extraordinary adventure, so congenial to
the Spanish character in that period of its meridian fervor and
brilliancy. Many hidalgos of high rank, officers of the royal
household, and Andalusian cavaliers, schooled in arms, and
inspired with a passion for hardy achievements by the romantic
wars of Granada, pressed into the expedition, some in the royal
service, others at their own cost. To them it was the com-
mencement of a new series of crusades, surpassing in ex-
tent and splendor the chivalrous enterprises of the Holy Land.
They pictured to themselves vast and beautiful islands of the
ocean to be overrun and subdued ; their internal wonders to be
explored, and the banner of the cross to be planted on the
walls of the cities they were supposed to contain. Thence they
were to make their way to the shores of India, or rather Asia,
penetrate into Mang, and Cathay, convert, or what was the
same thing, conquer the Grand Khan, and thus open a glorious
career of arms among the splendid countries and semi-barbar-
ous nations of the East. Thus, no one had any definite idea of
the object or nature of the service on which he was embarking,
or the situation and character of the region to which he was
bound. Indeed, during this fever of the imagination, had
sober facts and cold realities been presented, they would have
been rejected with disdain ; for there is nothing of which the
public is more impatient than of being disturbed in the indul-
gence of any of its golden dreams.
Among the noted personages who engaged in the expedition
was a young cavalier of the name of Don Alonso de Ojeda,
celebrated for his extraordinary personal endowments and his
daring spirit ; and who distinguished himself among .the early
discoverers by many perilous expeditions and singular exploits.
He was of a good family, cousin-german to the venerable
Father Alonso de Ojeda, Inquisitor of Spain ; had been brought
up under the patronage of the Duke of Medina Celi, and had
served iu the wars against the Moors. He was of small stature,
LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 193
hut vigorous make, well proportioned, dark complexioned, of
handsome, animated countenance, and incredible strength and
agility. Expert at all kinds of weapons, accomplished in all
manly and warlike exercises, an admirable horseman, and a
partisan soldier of the highest order ; bold of heart, free of
spirit, open of hand ; tierce in fight, quick in brawl, but ready to
forgive and prone to forget an injury ; he was for a long time
the idol of the nish and roving youth who engaged in the early
expeditions to the New World, and has been made the hero
of many wonderful tales. On introducing him to historical
notice, Las Casas gives an anecdote of one of his exploits,
which would be unworthy of record, but that it exhibits the
singular character of the man.
CJueen Isal>ella being in the tower of the cathedral of Seville,
better known as the Giralda, Ojeda, to entertain her majesty,
and to give proofs of his courage and agility, mounted on a
great beam which projected in the air, twenty feet from the
tower, at such an immense height from the ground, that the
people below looked like dwarfs, and it was enough to make
Ojeda himself shudder to look down. Along this beam he
walked briskly, and with as much confidence as though he had
been pacing his chamber. When he arrived at the end, he stood
on one leg, lifting the other in the air; then turning nimbly
round, he returned in the same way to the tower, unaffected
by the giddy height, whence the least false step would have
precipitated him and dashed him to pieces. He afterward
stood with one foot on the beam, and placing the other against
the wall of the building, threw an orange-to the summit of the
tower, a proof, says Las Casas, of immense muscular strength.
Such was Alonso de Ojeda, who soon became conspicuous
among the followers of Columbus, and was always foremost in
every enterprise of an adventurous nature ; who courted peril
as if for the very love of danger, and seemed to fight more for
the pleasure of fighting than for the sake of distinction. 1
The number of persons permitted to embark in the expe-
dition had been limited to one thousand; but such was the
urgent application of volunteers to be allowed to enlist without
pay, that the number had increased to twelve hundred. Many
more were refused for want of room in the ships for their
accommodation, but some contrived to get admitted by stealth,
so that eventually about fifteen hundred set sail in the fleet.
As Columbus, in his laudable zeal for the welfare of the euter-
1 Las Casas, lib. i., Mri. 1'izurro, Varoues Illusirus. Ilerrera, tlisl. lud., decad. L.
lib. ii. cap. 5.
194 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
prise, provided every thing that might be necessary in various
]K>ssible emergencies, the expenses of the outfit exceeded what
had been anticipated. This gave rise to occasional demurs on
the part of the comptroller, Juan de Soria, who sometimes re-
fused to sign the accounts of the admiral, and in the course of
their transactions seemed to have forgotten the deference due
both to his character and station. For this he received re-
peated and severe reprimands from the sovereigns, who em-
phatically commanded that Columbus should be treated with
the greatest respect, and every thing done to facilitate his plans
and yield him satisfaction. From similiar injunctions inserted
iii the royal letters to Fonseca, the archdeacon of Seville, it is
probable that he also had occasionally indulged in the captious
exercise of his official powers. He appears to have demurred
to various requisitions of Columbus, particularly one for foot-
men and other domestics for his immediate service, to form his
household and retinue as admiral and viceroy ; a demand
which was considered superfluous by the prelate, as all who em-
barked in the expedition were at his command. In reply, the
sovereigns ordered that he should be allowed ten escuderos de ft,
pie^ or footmen, and twenty persons in other domestic capacities,
and reminded Fonseca of their charge that, both in the nature
and mode of his transactions with the admiral, he should study
to give him content; observing that, as the whole armament
was intrusted to his command, it was but reasonable that his
wishes should be consulted, and no one embarrass him with
punctilios and difficulties. 1
These trivial differences are worthy of particular notice,
from the effect they appear to have had on the mind of
Fonseca, for from them we must date the rise of that singular
hostility which he ever afterward manifested toward Colum-
bus ; which every year increased in rancor, and which he grat-
ified in the most invidious manner, by secretly multiplying
impediments and vexations in his path.
While the expedition was yet lingering in port, intelligence
was received that a Portuguese caravel had set sail from
Madeira and steered for the west. Suspicions were imme-
diately awakened that she was bound for the lately-discovered
fands. Columbus wrote an account of it to the sovereigns, and
proposed to despatch a part of his fleet in pursuit of her. His
proposition was approved, but not carried into effect. On re-
monstrances being made to the court of Lisbon, King John
- - . ._. _ -.-.--- _ ,- ..--I,-- ^
1 Navarrete, Colec., torn. ii. Docuuieutos, No,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 195
declared that the vessel had sailed without his permission, and
that he would send three caravels to bring her back. This
only served to increase the jealousy of the Spanish monarchs,
who considered the whole a deep-laid stratagem, and that it
was intended the vessels should join their forces, and pursue
their course together to the New World. Columbus was
urged, therefore, to depart without an hour's delay, and in-
structed to steer wide of Cape St. Vincent, and entirely avoid
the Portuguese coasts and islands, for fear of molestation. If
he met with any vessels in the seas he had explored, he was to
seize them, and inflict rigorous punishment on the crews.
Fonseca was also ordered to be on the alert, and in cas.e any
expedition sailed from Portugal to send double the force after it.
These precautions, however, proved unnecessary. Whether
such caravels actually did sail, and whether they were sent
with sinister motives by Portugal, does not appear ; nothing
was either seen or heard of them by Columbus in the course of
his voyage.
It may be as well, for the sake of distinctness, to anticipate,
in this place, the regular course of history, and mention the
manner in which this territorial question was finally settled
between the rival sovereigns. It was impossible for King
John to repress his disquiet at the indefinite enterprises of the
Spanish monarchs ; he did not know how far they might extend,
and whether they might not forestall him in all his anticipated
discoveries in India. Finding, however, all attempts fruitless
to gain by stratagem an advantage over his wary and skilful an-
tagonist, and despairing of any further assistance from the court
of Home, he had recourse, at last, to fair and amicable negotia-
tions, and found, as is generally the case with those who turn
aside into the inviting but crooked paths of craft, that had he
kept to the line of frank and open policy, he would have saved
himself a world of perplexity, and have arrived sooner at his
object. He offered to leave to the Spanish sovereigns the free
prosecution of their western discovery, and to conform to the
plan of partition by a meridian line ; but he represented that
this line had not been drawn far enough to the west ; that while
it left the wide ocean free to the range of Spanish enter-
prise, his navigators could not venture more than a hundred
leagues west of his possessions, and had no scope or sea-room
for their southern voyages.
After much difficulty and discussion, this momentous dispute
was adjusted by deputies from the two crowns, who met at Toi-
desiillas m Old Castile, in the following year, and on the 7th of
J.96 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
June, 1494, signed a treaty by which the papal line of partition
was moved to three hundred and seventy leagues west of the
Cape do Verde Islands. It was agreed that within six months
an equal number of caravels and mariners, on the part of the two
nations, should rendezvous at the island of the Grand Canary,
provided with men learned in astronomy and navigation. They
were to proceed thence to the Cape de Verde Islands, and thence
westward three hundred and seventy leagues, and determine the
proposed line from pole to pole, dividing the ocean between
the two nations. 1 Each of the two powers engaged solemnly to
observe the bounds thus prescribed, and to prosecute no enter-
prise beyond its proper limits ; though it was agreed that the
Spanish navigators might traverse freely the eastern parts of
the ocean in prosecuting their rightful voyages. Various circum-
stances impeded the proposed expedition to determine the line,
but the treaty remained in force, and prevented all further dis-
cussions.
Thus, says Vasconcelos, this great question, the greatest ever
agitated between the two crowns, for it was the partition of a new
world, was amicably settled by the prudence and address of two
of the most politic monarchs that ever swayed the sceptre. It
was arranged to the satisfaction of both parties, each holding
himself entitled to the vast countries that might be discovered
within his Iwundary, without any regard to the rights of the
native inhabitants.
1 Zuriia, Uist. del Bey Fernaud., lib. i. cap. 29. Vasconcelos, lib. vi.
BOOK VI.
CHAPTER I.
DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS ON HIS SECOND VOYAGE DISCOVERT
Ok' THE CAUIBBEE ISLANDS.
[1493.]
THE departure of Columbus on his second voyage of dis-
covery presented a brilliant contrast to his gloomy embarkation
at Palos. On the 25th of September, at the dawn of day, the
Bay of Cadiz was whitened by his fleet. There were three large
ships of heavy burden, 1 and fourteen caravels, loitering with
flapping sails, and awaiting the signal to get under way. The
harbor resounded with the well-known note of the sailor, hoisting
sail or weighing anchor ; a motley crowd were hurrying on board,
and taking leave of their friends in the confidence of a prosper-
ous voyage and triumphant return. There was the high-spirited
cavalier, bound on romantic enterprise ; the hardy navigator,
ambitious of acquiring laurels in these unknown seas ; the rov-
ing adventurer, seeking novelty and excitement ; the keen,
calculating speculator, eager to profit by the ignorance of
savage tribes ; and the pale missionary from the cloister, anx-
ious to extend the dominion of the church, or devoutly zealous
for the propagation of the faith. All were full of animation
and lively hope. Instead of being regarded by the populace as
devoted men. bound upon a dark and desperate enterprise, they
were contemplated with envy, as favored mortals, bound to
golden regions and happy climes, where nothing but wealth and
wonder and delights awaited them. Columbus, conspicuous for
his height and his commanding appearance, was attended by his
two sons, Diego and Fernando, the eldest but a stripling, who
1 Peter Martyr iyi they were carrackn (a large species of merchant vessel, princi-
pally used in counting trade), of one hundred tons burden, and that two of the caravels
were much larger than the rest, and more capable of bearing decks from the size of their
musts. Ducad. i. lib. i.
197
198 LIFE OF CniUSTOPIIER COLUMBUS.
had come to witness his departure, 1 both proud of the glory of
their father. Wherever he passed, every eye followed him with
admiration, and every tongue praised aud blessed him. Before
sunrise the whole fleet was under way ; the weather was serene
and propitious, and as the populace watched their parting sails
brightening in the morning beams, they looked forward to their
joyful return laden with the treasures of the New World.
According to the instructions of the sovereigns, Columbus
steered wide of the coasts of Portugal and its islands, standing
to the south-west of the Canaries, where he arrived on the 1st
of October. After touching at the Grand Canary, he anchored
on the 5th at Gomera, to take in a supply of wood and water.
Here also he purchased calves, goats, and sheep, to stock the
island of Hispaniola ; and eight hogs, from which, according to
Las Casas, the infinite number of swine was propagated, with
which the Spanish settlements in the New World abounded. A
number of domestic fowls were likewise purchased, which were
the origin of the species in the New World ; and the same might
be said of the seeds of oranges, lemons, bergamots, melons, and
various orchard fruits, 2 which were thus first introduced into the
islands of the west, from the Hesperides or Fortunate Islands
of the Old World. 8
On the 7th, when about to sail, Columbus gave to the com-
mander of each vessel a sealed letter of instructions, in which
was specified his route to the harbor of Nativity, the residence
of the cacique Guacanagari. This was only to be opened in
case of being separated by accident, as he wished to make a
mystery, as long as possible, of the exact route to the newly-
discovered country, lest adventurers of other nations, and par-
ticularly the Portuguese, should follow in his track, and inter-
fere with his enterprises. 4
After making sail from Gomera, they were becalmed for a
few days among the Canaries, until, on the 13th of October,
a fair breeze sprang up from the east, which soon carried them
out of sight of the island of Ferro. Columbus held his course
to the south-west, intending to keep considerably more to the
southward than in his first voyage, in hopes of falling in with
the islands of the Caribs, of which he had received such vague
and wonderful accounts from the Indians. 8 Being in the region
1 Hist, del Almlrnntc. cap. 44. s Las Casas, Hist. Ind.. lib. i. cap. 83.
s Humboldt is of opinion lhat there were wild oranges, small and bitter, as well as
wild lemons, In the New World, prior to the discovery. CaldcleiiKh also mentions that
the Brazilians consider the small bitler wild orange of native origin. IluuioolUt,
Kssai 1'olitiqne snr I'Isle de Cuba, torn. i. p. 08.
Las Casas, M. Sup. c Letter of Dr. Chanca.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUM1WS. 1D9
of the trade-winds, the breeze continued fair and steady, with a
quiet sea and pleasant weather, and by the 24th they had made
four hundred and fifty leagues west of Gomera, without seeing
any of those fields of sea-weeds, encountered within a much less
distance on their first voyage. At that time their appearance
was important, and almost providential, inspiring continual hope,
and enticing them forward in their dubious enterprise. Now
they needed no such signals, being full of confidence and lively
anticipation, and on seeing a swallow circling about the ships,
and being visited occasionally by sudden showers, they began to
look out cheerily for land.
Toward the latter part of October they had in the night a
gust of heavy rain, accompanied by the severe thunder and
lightning of the tropics. It lasted for four hours, and they
considered themselves in much peril, until they beheld several
of those lambent flames playing about the tops of the masts,
and gliding along the rigging, which have always been objects
of superstitious fancies among sailors. Fernando Columbus
makes remarks on them strongly characteristic of the age in
which he lived. kt On the same Saturday, in the night, was
seen St. Elmo, with seven lighted tapers at the topmast : there
was much rain and great thunder ; I mean to say, that those
lights were seen, which manners affirm to be the body of St.
Elmo, on beholding which they chant litanies and orisons, hold-
ing it for certain, that in the tempest in which he appears, no
one is in danger. Be that as it may, I leave the matter to them ;
but if we may believe Pliny, similar lights have sometimes ap-
peared to the Roman mariners during tempests at sea, which
they said were Castor and Pollux, of which likewise Seneca
makes mention." *
On the evening of Saturday, the 2d of November, Columbus
was convinced, from the color of the sea, the nature of the
waves, and the variable winds and frequent showers, that they
must be near to land ; he gave orders, therefore, to take in sail,
and to maintain a vigilant watch throughout the night. He had
judged with his usual sagacity. In the morning a lofty island
was descried to the west, at the sight of which there were shouts
of joy throughout the fleet. Columbus gave to the island the
1 TTist.del Almirante, cap. 45. A similar mention is made of this nautical superstition
in the voyatre of Magellan. "During these great storm*, they said that Ht. Klmo ap-
peared at the topmast with a lighted candle, and sometimes with two, upon which the
people shed tears of joy, r^ceivini; nival consolation, and saluted him according to the
custom of mariners. He remained visible for a quarter of an hour, and then disappeared,
with a irieat llash of lightning, which blinded the people." Ucrrura, decad. ii. lib. iv-
cap. 10.
200 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
name of Dominica, from having: discovered it on Sunday. As
the ships moved gently onward, other islands rose to sight.
covered with forests, while flights of parrots and other tropical
birds passed from one to the other.
The crews were now assembled on the decks of the several
ships, to return thanks to God for their prosperous voyage,
and their happy discovery of land, chanting the Sulce Rc<jiii
and other anthems. Such was the solemn manner in which
Columbus celebrated all his discoveries, and which, in fact, was
generally observed by the Spanish and Portuguese voyagers.
CHAPTER II.
TRANSACTIONS AT THE ISLAND OF GUADALOUPE.
[1493.]
THE islands among which Columbus had arrived were a part
of that beautiful cluster called by some the Antilles, which
sweep almost in a semicircle from the eastern end of Porto Rico
to the coast of Paria on the southern continent, forming a kind
of barrier between the main ocean and the Caribbean Sea.
During the first day that he entered this archipelago, Colum-
bus saw no less than six islands of different magnitude. They
were clothed in tropical vegetation, and the breezes from them
were sweetened by the fragrance of their forests.
After seeking in vain for good anchorage at Dominica, he
stood for another of the group, to which he gave the name of
his ship, Marigalaute. Here he landed, displayed the royal
banner, and took possession of the archipelago in the name of
his sovereigns. The island appeared to be uninhabited ; a rich
and dense forest overspread it ; some of the trees were in blos-
som, others laden with unknown fruits, others possessing spicy
odors among which was one with the leaf of the laurel and
the fragrance of the clove.
Hence they made sail for an island of larger size, with a re-
markable mountain ; one peak, which proved afterward to be
the crater of a volcano, rose to a great height, with streams of
water gushing from it. As they approached within three leagues
they beheld a cataract of such height that, to use the words of
the narrator, it seemed to be falling from the sky. As it broke
into foam in its descent, many at lirst believed it to be merely a
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 201
stratum of white rock. 1 To this island, which was called by the
Indians Turuqueira, 2 the admiral gave the name of Guade-
loupe, having promised the monks of our Lady of Guadeloupe
in Kstremadure to call some newly-discovered [dace after their
convent.
Landing; here on the 4th, they visited a village near the shore,
the inhabitants of which fled, some even leaving their children
behind in their terror and confusion. These the Spaniards
soothed with caresses, binding hawks' Vx'lls and other trinkets
round their arms. This village, like most of those of the island,
consisted of twenty or thirty houses, built round a public place
or square. The houses were constructed of trunks and trees
interwoven with reeds and 1 (ranches, and thatched with palm-
leaves. They were square, not circular like those of the other
islands, 3 and each had its portico or shelter from the sun. One
of the porticos was decorated with images of serpents tolerably
carved in wood. For furniture they had hammocks of cotton
net. and utensils formed of calabashes or earthenware, equal to
the l>est of those of Hispaniola. There were large quantities of
cotton ; some in the wool, some in yarn, and some wrought into
cloth of very tolerable texture ; and many bows and arrows,
the latter tipped with sharp bones. Provisions seemed to abound.
There were many domesticated geese like those of Europe, and
parrots as large as household fowls, with blue, green, white, and
scarlet plumage, Ix'ing the splendid species called guacamayos.
Here also the Spaniards first met with the anana, or pineapple,
the flavor and fragrance of which astonished and delighted them.
In one of the houses they were surprised to find a pan or other
utensil of iron, not having ever met with that metal in the New
World. Fernando Colon supposes that it was formed of a
certain kind of heavy stone found among those islands, which,
when burnt, has the appearance of shining iron ; or it might
have been some utensil brought by the Indians from Hispaniola.
Certain it is, that no native iron was ever found among the
people of these islands.
In another house was the stern-post of a vessel. How had it
reached these shores, which appeared never to have been visited
by the ships of civilized man ? Was it the wreck of some
vessel from the more enlightened countries of Asia, which they
supposed to lie somewhere in this direction ? Or a part of the
1 Letter of Dr. Chanca.
* Letter of Dr. Chanca. Peter Martyr calls it Carucuuira or Queraquiera, deead, i. lib.
3 Uiat. del Almirante, cap. 62.
202 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER
caravel which Columbus had lost at the island of Hispaniola
during his (irst voyage? Or a fragment of some European ship
Which had drifted across the Atlantic? The latter was most
probably the case. The constant current which sets over from
the coast of Africa, produced by the stately prevalence of the
trade-winds, must occasionally bring wrecks from the Old
World to the New ; and long before the discovery of Columbus
the savages of the islands and the coasts may have gazed with
wonder at fragments of European barks which have floated to
their shores.
What struck the Spaniards with horror was the sight of hu-
man bones, vestiges, as they supposed, of unnatural repasts ;
and skulls, apparently used as vases and other household uten-
sils. These dismal objects convinced them that they were now
in the abodes of the Cannibals, or Caribs, whose predatory ex-
peditions and ruthless character rendered them the terror of
these seas.
The boats having returned on board, Columbus proceeded up-
ward of two leagues, until he anchored, late in the evening, in
a convenient port. The island on this side extended for the
distance of five and twenty leagues, diversified with lofty moun-
tains and broad plains. Along the coast were small villages
and hamlets, the inhabitants of which fled in affright. On the
following day the boats landed, and succeeded in taking and
bringing off a boy and several women. The informations
gathered from them confirmed Columbus in his idea that this
was one of the islands of the Caribs. He learnt that the inhab-
itants were in league with two neighboring islands, but made
war upon all the rest. They even went on predatory enter-
prises, in canoes made from the hollowed trunks of trees, to
the distance of one hundred and fifty leagues. Their arms were
bows and arrows pointed with the bones of fishes or shells of
tortoises, and poisoned with the juice of a certain herb. They
made descents upon the islands, ravaged the villages, carried
off the youngest and handsomest of the women, whom they re-
retained as servants or companions, and made prisoners of the
men, to be killed and eaten.
After hearing such accounts of the natives of this island, Co-
lumbus was extremely uneasy at finding, in the evening, that
Diego Marque, a captain of one of the caravels, and eight men
were missing. They had landed early in the morning without
leave, and straying into the woods, had not since been seen or
heard of. The night passed awpy without their return. Ou
the following day parties were sent iu various directions iu
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 203
qnost of them, each with a trumpeter to sound calls and signals.
Guns were fired from the ships, and arquebuses on shore, but
all to no purpose, and the parties returned in the evening,
wearied with a fruitless search. In several hamlets they had
met with proofs of the cannibal propensities of the natives.
Human limbs were suspended to the beams of the houses, as if
curing for provisions ; the head of a young man recently killed
was yet bleeding : some parts of his Ixxly were roasting before
the lire, others boiling with the flesh of geese and parrots. 1
Several of the natives, in the course of the day, had Iwen seen
on the shore, gazing with wonder at the ships, but when the
boats approached, they fled to the woods and mountains.
Several women came off to the Spaniards for refuge, being cap-
tured from other islands. Columbus ordered that they should
be decorated with hawks' bells and strings of beads and bugles,
and sent on shore, in hopes of enticing off some of the men.
They soon returned to the boats striped of their ornaments,
and imploring to be taken on lx>ard the ships. The admiral
learnt from them that most of the men of the island were alt-
sent, the king having sailed some time before with ten canoes
and three hundred warriors, on a cruise in quest of prisoners
and booty. When the men went forth on these expeditions,
the women remained to defend their shores from invasion.
They were expert archers, partaking of the warrior spirit of
their husbands, and almost equalling them in force and intre-
pidity. 2
The continued absence of the wanderers perplexed Columbus
extremely. He was impatient to arrive at Hispaniola, but un-
willing to sail while there was a possibility of their l>eing alive
and being recovered. In this emergency Alonso de Ojeda, the
same young cavalier whose exploit on the tower of the cathedral
at Seville has been mentioned, volunteered to scour the island
with forty men in quest of them. He departed accordingly,
and during his absence the ship, took in wood and water, and
part of the crews were permitted to land, wash their clothes,
and recreate themselves.
Ojeda and his followers pushed far into the interior, firing
off arquebuses and sounding trumpets in the vmlleys and from
the summits of cliffs and precipices, but were only answered by
their own echoes. The tropical luxuriance and density of the
forests rendered them almost impenetrable ; and it was neces-
sary to wade a great many rivers, or probably the windings
1 1'. Martyr, Li-lter 147 to 1'oiupouio Laeto. Idem, (lecad i. lib. ii.
- iVtci Murlyr, dvcad. iii. lib. ix.
204 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
and doublings of the same stream. The island appeared to be
naturally fertile in the extreme. The forests abounded with
aromatic trees and shrubs, among which Ojeda fancied he per-
ceived the odor of precious gums and spices. There was honey
in hollow trees and in the clefts of rocks : abundance of fruit
also; for, according to Peter Martyr, the Caribs, in their pivda-
tory cruisings, were accustomed to bring home the seeds and
roots of all kinds of plants from the distant islands and coun-
tries which they overran.
Ojeda returned without any tidings of the stragglers. Several
days had now elapsed since their disappearance. They were
given up for lost, and the fleet was about sailing when, to the
universal joy, a signal was made by them from the shore.
When they came on board their haggard and exhausted looks
bespoke what they had suffered. For several days they had
been perplexed in trackless forests, so dense as almost to ex-
clude the light of day. They had claml>ered rocks, waded rivers,
and struggled through briers and thickets. Some, who were
experienced seamen, climl>ed the trees to get a sight of the
stars, by which to govern their course ; but the spreading
branches and thick foliage shut out all view of the heavens.
They were harassed with the fear, that the admiral, thinking
them dead, might set sail and leave them in this wilderness,
cut off forever from their homes and the abodes of civilized
man. At length, when almost reduced to despair, they had
arrived at the sea-shore, and following it for some time, beheld,
to their great joy, the fleet riding quietly at anchor. They
brought with them several Indian women and boys ; but in all
their wanderings they had not met with any man ; the greater
part of the warriors, as has been said, being fortunately absent
on an expedition.
Notwithstanding the hardships they had endured, and his
joy at their return, Columbus put the captain under arrest, and
stopped part of the rations of the men, for having strayed away
without permission, for in a service of such a critical nature,
it was necessary to punish every breach of discipline. 1
1 Dr. Chanca's Letter, Hist, del Ahnirante, cap. 40.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 205
CHAPTER III.
CRUISE AMONG THE CARIBBEE ISLANDS.
11493.]
"WEIGHING anchor on the 10th of November, Columhns
steered to the north-west, along this beautiful archipelago ;
giving names to the islands as they rose to view ; such as
Montserrat, Santa Maria la Redonda, Santa Maria la Antigua,
and San Martin. Various other islands, lofty and well-wooded,
appeared to the north, south-west, and south-east ; but he for-
bore to visit them. The weather proving boisterous, he an-
chored on the 14th at an island called Ayay by the Indians,
but to which he gave the name of Santa Cruz. A boat well-
manned was sent on shore to get water and procure informa-
tion. They found a village deserted by the men, but secured a
few women and boys, most of them captives from other islands.
They soon had an instance of Carib courage and ferocity.
A\ r hile at the village they beheld a canoe from a distant part of
the island come round a point of land and arrive in view of the
ships. The Indians in the canoe, two of whom were females,
remained gazing in mute amazement at the ships, and were so
entranced that the boat stole close upon them before they per-
ceived it. Seizing their paddles they attempted to escape, but
the boat being between them and the land, cut off their retreat.
They now caught up their bows and arrows and plied them
with amazing vigor and rapidity. The Spaniards covered them-
selves with their bucklers, but two of them were quickly wounded.
The women fought as fiercely as the men, and one of them sent
an arrow with such force that it passed through and through a
buckler.
The Spaniards now ran their boat against the canoe and over-
turned it ; some of the savages got upon sunken rocks, others
discharged their arrows while swimming, as dexterously as
though they had been upon firm land. It was witli the utmost
difficulty they could be overcome and taken. One of them,
who had been transfixed with a lance, died soon after being
brought aboard the ships. One of the women, from the obe-
dience and deference paid to her, appeared to be their queen.
She was accompanied by her sou, a young man strongly made,
with a frowning brow and lion's face. He had been wounded
06 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMKUS.
in the conflict. The hair of these savages was long and coarse.
Their eyes were encircled with paint, so as to give them a
hideous expression ; and bands of cotton were bound firmly
above and below the muscular parts of the arms and legs, so as
to cause them to swell to a disproportioned size ; a custom prev-
alent among various tribes of the New World. Though cap-
tives in chains, and in the power of their enemies, they still
retained a frowning brow and an air of defiance. Peter Martyr,
who often went to see them in Spain, declares, from his own
experience, and that of others who accompanied him, that it
was impossible to look at them without a sensation of horror,
so menacing and terrible was their aspect. The sensation was
doubtless caused in a great measure by the idea of their being
cannibals. In this skirmish, according to the same writer, the
Indians used poisoned arrows ; and one of the Spaniards died
within a few days, of a wound received from one of the
females. 1
Pursuing his voyage, Columbus soon came in sight of a
great cluster of islands, some verdant and covered with forests,
but the greater part naked and sterile, rising into craggy moun-
tains ; with rocks of a bright azure color, and some of a glis-
tering white. These, with his usual vivacity of imagination, he
supposed to contain mines of rich metals and precious stones,
The islands lying close together, with the sea beating roughly
in the narrow channels which divided them, rendered it danger-
ous to enter among them with the large ships. Columbus sent
in a small caravel with latine sails, to reconnoitre, which re-
turned with the report that there were upward of fifty islands,
apparent!}' inhabited. To the largest of this group he gave the
name of Santa Ursula, and called the others the Eleven Thou-
sand Virgins. 2
Continuing his course, he arrived one evening in sight of a
great island covered with beautiful forests, and indented with
fine havens. It was called by the natives Boriquem, but he
gave it the name of San Juan Bautista ; it is the same since
known by the name of Porto Rico. This was the native island
of most of the captives who had fled to the ships for refuge
from the Caribs. According to their accounts it was fertile
and populous, and under the dominion of a single cacique. Its
inhabitants were not given to rove, and possessed but few
canoes. They were subject to frequent invasions from the
1 P. Marytr, dccad. i. lib. ii. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 4T. Las Caean, Hist. Ind.,
cap. Sf>, MS. Letter of Dr. Clianca.
1 V. Marylr dovud. i. iib. ii. Letter of Dr. Chanca.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 207
Caribs, \vho were their implacable enemies. They had become
warriors, therefore, iu their own defence, using the bojtv and
arrow and the war-club; and in their contests with their canni-
bal foes they retorted upon them their own atrocities, devour-
ing their prisoners in revenge.
After running for a whole day along the beautiful coast of
this island, they anchored iu a bay at the west end, abounding
in fish. On landing, they found an Indian village, constructed
as usual round a common square, like a market-place, with one
large and well-built house. A spacious road led thence to the
seaside, having fences on each side, of interwoven reeds, enclos-
ing fruitful gardens. At the end of the road was a kind of
terrace, or look-out, constructed of reeds and overhanging the
water. The whole place had an air of neatness and ingenuity,
superior to the ordinary residences of the natives, and api>eared
to be the abode of some important chieftain. All, however,
was silent and deserted. Not a human l>eing was to be seen
during the time they remained at the place. The natives had
concealed themselves at the sight of the squadron. After re-
maining here two days, Columbus made sail, and stood for the
island of Hispaniola. Thus ended his cruise among the Carib-
bee Islands, the account of whose fierce and savage peopte was
received with eager curiosity by the learned of Europe, and
considered as settling one dark and doubtful question to the
disadvantage of human nature. Peter Marytr, in his letter to
Pompon ius Laetus, announces the fact with fearful solemnity.
" The stories of the Lestrigonians and of Polyphemus, who fed
on human flesh, are no longer doubtful ! Attend, but beware,
lest thy hair bristle with horror! "
That many of the pictures given us of this extraordinary race
of people have been colored by the fears of the Indians and the
prejudices of the Spaniards, is highly probable. They were
constantly the terror of the former, and the brave and obsti-
nate opponents of the latter. The evidences adduced of their
cannibal propensities must be received with large allowances
for the careless and inaccurate observations of seafaring men,
and the preconceived belief of the fact, which existed in the
minds of the Spaniards. It was a custom among the natives
of many of the islands, and of other parts of the New World,
to preserve the remains of their deceased relatives and friends ;
sometimes the entire body ; sometimes only the head, or some
of the limbs, dried at the fire ; sometimes the mere bones.
These, when found in the dwellings of the natives of Hispaniola,
against whom no prejudice of the kind existed, were correctly
208 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
regarded as relics of the deceased, preserved through affection
or reverence ; but any remains of the kind found among the
Carihs were looked upon with horror as proofs of cannibalism.
The warlike and unyielding character of these people, so dif-
ferent from that of the pusillanimous nations around them, and
the wide scope of their enterprises and wanderings, like those
of the nomad tribes of the Old World, entitle them to distin-
guished attention. They were trained to war from their in-
fancy. As soon as they could walk, their intrepid mothers put
in their hands the bow and arrow, and prepared them to take
an earl} 7 part in the hardy enterprises of their fathers. Their
distant roam ings by sea made them observant and intelligent.
The natives of the other islands only knew how to divide time
by day and night, by the sun and moon ; whereas these had ac-
quired some knowledge of the stars, by which to calculate the
times and seasons. 1
The traditional accounts of their origin, though of course ex-
tremely vague, are yet capable of being verified to a great de-
gree by geographical facts, and open one of the rich veins of
curious inquiry and speculation which abound in the New
World. They are said to have migrated from the remote val-
leys tembosomed in the Apalachian mountains. The earliest
accounts we have of them represent them with weapons in their
hands, continually engaged in wars, winning their way and
shifting their abode, until in the course of time they found
themselves at the extremity of Florida. Here, abandoning the
northern continent, they passed over to the Lucayos, and thence
gradually, in the process of years, from island to island of that
vast and verdant chain, which links, as it were, the end of
Florida to the coast of Paria, on the southern continent. The
archii>elago extending from Porto Rico to Tobago was their
stronghold, and the island of Guadaloupe in a manner their
citadel. Hence they made their expeditions, and spread the
terror of their name through all the surrounding countries.
Swarms of them landed upon the southern continent, and over-
ran some parts of terra firma. Traces of them have been dis-
covered far in the interior of that vast country through which
llous the Oroonoko. The Dutch found colonies of them on the
banks of the Ikouteka. which empties into the Surinam ; along
the Fsqtiibi, the Maroni, and other rivers of Guayana ; and in
the country watered by the windings of the Cayenne ; and
it would appear that they extended their wanderings to the
1 Hist, del Alinirautc, cap. 02.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 209
shores of the southern ocean, where, among the aboriginals of
Brazil, were some who called themselves Caribs, distinguished
from the surrounding Indians by their superior hardihood, sub-
tlety, and enterprise. 1
To trace the footsteps of this roving tribe throughout its wide
migrations from the Apalachian mountains of the northern
continent, along the clusters of islands which stud the Gulf of
Mexico and the Caribbean Sea to the shores of Paria, and so
across the vast regions of Guayana and Amazonia to the remote
coast of Brazil, would be one of the most curious researches in
aboriginal history, and throw much light upon the mysterious
question of the population of the New World.
CHAPTER IV.
ARRIVAL AT THE HARBOR OF LA NAVIDAD DISASTER OV THE
FORTRESS.
[1493.]
ON the 22d of November the fleet arrived off what was soon
ascertained to be the eastern extremity of Hayti, or, as the
admiral had named it, Hispaniola. The greatest excitement
prevailed throughout the armada, at the thoughts of soon ar-
riving at the end of their voyage. Those who had been here in
the preceding voyage remembered the pleasant days they had
passed among the groves of Hayti ; and the rest looked for-
ward with eagerness to scenes painted to them with the capti-
vating illusions of the golden age.
As the fleet swept with easy sail along the green shore, a
boat was sent to land to bury a Biscayan sailor, who had died
of the wound of an arrow received in the late skirmish. Two
light caravels hovered near the shore to guard the boat's crew,
while the funeral ceremony was performed on the l>each, under
the trees. Several natives came off to the ship, with a mes-
sage to the admiral from the cacique of the neighborhood, in-
viting him to land, and promising great quantities of gold ;
anxious, however, to arrive at La Navidad, Columbus dis-
missed them with presents and continued his course. Arriv-
Rochefort, Hist. Nat. des Islea Antilles; Rotterdam, 1665.
210 LIFE OF CIiniSTOPIlER COLUMBUS.
ing at the gulf of Las Flechas, or, as it is now caller!, the gulf
of Semana, the place where, in his preceding voyage, a skir-
mish had occurred with the natives, he set on shore one of
the Indians of the place, who had accompanied him to
Spain, and had been converted to Christianity. He dismissed
him finely apparelled and loaded with trinkets, anticipating
favorably effects from his accounts to his countrymen of the
wonders he had seen, and the kind treatment he had expe-
rienced. The young Indian made many fair promises, but
either forgot them all, on regaining his liberty and his native
mountains, or fell a victim to envy caused by his wealth and
finery. Nothing was seen or heard of him more. 1 Only one
Indian of those who had been to Spain now remained in the
fleet; a young Lucayan, native of the island of Guanahani,
who had been baptized at Barcelona, and had been named after
the admiral's brother, Diego Colon. He continued always
faithful and devoted to the Spaniards.
On the 25th Columbus anchored in the harbor of Monte
Christi ; anxious to fix upon a place for a settlement in the
neighborhood of the stream to which, in his first voyage, he
had given the name of the Rio del Oro, or the Golden River.
As several of the mariners were ranging the coast, they found,
on the green and moist banks of a rivulet, the bodies of a man
and boy ; the former with a cord of Spanish grass about his
neck, and his arms extended and tied by the wrists to a stake
in the form of a cross. The bodies were in such a state of
decay that it was impossible to ascertain whether they were
Indians or Europeans. Sinister doubts, however, were enter-
tained, which were confirmed on the following day ; for on re-
visiting the shore, they found, at some distance from the former,
two other bodies, one of which, having a beard, was evidently
the corpse of a white man.
The pleasant anticipations of Columbus on his approach to
La Navidad were now overcast with gloomy forebodings.
The experience recently had of the ferocity of some of the
inhabitants of these islands, made him doubtful of the amity
of others, and he began to fear that some misfortune might
have befallen Arana and his garrison.
The frank and fearless manner, however, in which a number
of the natives came off to the ships, and their unembarrassed
demeanor, in some measure allayed his suspicions ; for it did
not appear probable that they would venture thus confidently
1 Herrara, Ilidt. lud., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 9.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 211
among the white men, with the consciousness of having recent-
ly shed the blood of their companions.
On the evening of the 27th, he arrived opposite the harbor of
La Navidad, and cast anchor about a league from the laud, not
daring to enter in the dark on account of the dangerous reefs.
It \v:is too lute to distinguish objects. Impatient to satisfy his
doubts, therefore, he ordered two cannon to be fired. The re-
port echoed along the shore, but there was no reply from the
fort. Every eye was now directed to catch the gleam of some
signal light ; every ear listened to hear some friendly shout ;
but there was neither light nor shout, nor any other sign of
life ; all was darkness and deathlike silence. 1
Several hours were passed in dismal suspense, and every one
longed for the morning light, to put an end to his uncertainty.
About midnight a canoe approached the fleet ; when within a
certain distance, it paused, and the Indians who were in it,
hailing one of the vessels, asked for the admiral. When direct-
ed to his ship they drew near, but would not venture on board
until they saw Columbus. He showed himself at the side of
his vessel, and a light being held up, his countenance and com-
manding person were not to be mistaken. They now entered
the ship without hesitation. One of them was a cousin of the
cacique Guacanagari, and brought a present from him of two
masks ornamented with gold. Columbus inquired about the
Spaniards who had remained on the island. The information
which the native gave was somewhat confused, or perhaps was
imperfectly understood, as the only Indian interpreter on board
was the young Lucayan, Diego Colon, whose native language
was different from that of Hayti. He told Columbus that sev-
eral of the Spaniards had died of sickness ; others had fallen in
a quarrel among themselves, and others had removed to a dif-
ferent part of the island, where they had taken to themselves
Indian wives. That Guacanagari had been assailed by Caona-
bo, the fierce cacique of the golden mountains of Cibao, who
had wounded him in battle, and burnt his village ; and that he
remained ill of his wound in a neighboring hamlet, or he would
have hastened in person to welcome the admiral. 2
Melancholy as were these tidings, they relieved Columbus
from a dark and dismal surmise. Whatever disasters had
overwhelmed his garrison, it had not fallen a sacrifice to the
perfidy of the natives ; his good opinion of the gentleness and
1 Letter of Dr. Chanca. Xavarrete, Colec. dc Viaite, torn. i.
* Dr. Chauca's Letter. liiol. del Aluiiraute, cap. 48. llerrera, Eist. Ind., dec-ad,
lib. i. cap. y.
212 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
kindness of these people had not been misplaced ; nor had their
cacique forfeited the admiration inspired by his benevolent
hospitality. Thus the most corroding care was dismissed from
his mind ; for, to a generous spirit, there is nothing so dis-
heartening as to discover treachery where it has reposed con-
fidence and friendship. It would seem also that some of the
garrison were yet alive, though scattered about the island ;
the}' would doubtless soon hear of his arrival, and would hasten
to rejoin him, well qualified to give information of the interior.
Satisfied of the friendly disposition of the natives, the cheer-
fulness of the crews was in a great measure restored. The
Indians who had come on board were well entertained, and
departed in the night gratified with various presents, promising
to return in the morning with the cacique Guacanagari. The
mariners now awaited the dawn of day with reassured spirits,
expecting that the cordial intercourse and pleasant scenes of
the first voyage would be renewed.
The morning dawned and passed away, and the day advanced
and began to decline, without the promised visit from the
cacique. Some apprehensions were now entertained that the
Indians who had visited them the preceding night might be
drowned, as they had partaken freely of wine, and their small
canoe was eas}* to be overset. There was a silence and an air
of desertion about the whole neighborhood extremely suspicious.
On their preceding visit the harbor had been a scene of contin-
ual animation ; canoes gliding over the clear waters, Indians in
groups on the shores, or under the trees, or swimming off to the
caravel. Now, not a canoe was to be seen, not an Indian
hailed them from the land ; nor was there any smoke rising from
among the groves to give a sign of habitation.
After waiting a long time in vain, Columbus sent a boat
to the shore to reconnoitre. On landing, the crew hastened
and sought the forti-ess. It was a ruin ; the palisadoes were
beaten down, and the whole presented the appearance of having
been sacked, burnt, and destroyed. Here and there were
broken chests, spoiled provisions, and the ragged remains of
European garments. Not an Indian approached them. They
caught sight of two or three lurking at a distance among the
trees, and apparently watching them ; but they vanished into
the woods on finding themselves observed. Meeting no one
to explain the melancholy scene before them, they returned with
dejected hearts to the ships, and related to the admiral what
they had seen.
Columbus was greatly troubled in mind at this intelligence,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 213
nnd the fleet having now anchored in the harbor, he went him-
self to shore on the following morning. Repairing to the ruins
of the fortress, he found every thing as had been described, and
searched in vain for the remains of dead bodies. No traces of
the garrison were to be seen, but broken utensils and torn
vestments, scattered here and there among the grass. There
were many surmises and conjectures. If the fortress had been
sacked, some of the garrison might yet survive, and might
either have fled from the neighborhood, or been carried into
captivity. Cannon and arquebuses were discharged, in hopes,
if any of the survivors were hid among rocks and thickets,
they might hear them and come forth ; but no one made his
appearance. A mournful and lifeless silence reigned over the
place. The suspicion of treachery on the part of Guacanagari
was again revived, but Columbus was unwilling to indulge it.
On looking farther the village of that cacique was found a
mere heap of burnt ruins, which showed that he had been
involved in the disaster of the garrison.
Columbus had left orders with Arana and the other officers
to bury all the treasure they might procure, or, in case of sud-
den danger, to throw it into the well of the fortress. He
ordered excavations to be made, therefore, among the ruins,
and the well to be cleared out. While this search was making,
lie proceeded with the boats to explore the neighborhood, partly
in hopes of gaining intelligence of any scattered survivors of
the garrison, and partly to look out for a better situation for a
fortress. After proceeding about a league he came to a hamlet,
the inhabitants of which had fled, taking whatever they could
with them and hiding the rest in the grass. In the houses were
European articles, which evidently had not been procured by
barter, such as stockings, pieces of cloth, an anchor of the
caravel which had been wrecked, and a beautiful Moorish robe,
folded in the form in which it had been brought from Spain.'
Having passed some time in contemplating these scattered
documents of a disastrous story, Columbus returned to the
ruins of the fortress. The excavations and search in the well
had proved fruitless ; no treasure was to be found. Not far
from the fort, however, they had discovered the bodies of
eleven men, buried in different places, and which were known
by their clothing to be Europeans. They had evidently been
for some time in the ground, the grass having grown upon their
graves.
1 Letter of Dr. Chauca. (Jura de loa falaciua, cap. 120.
214 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
In the course of the clay a number of the Indians made their
appearance, hovering timidly at a distance. Their apprehen-
sions were gradually dispelled until they became perfectly com-
municative. Some of them could speak a few words of Spanish,
and knew the names of all the men who had remained with
Arana. By this means, and by the aid of the interpreter, the
story of the garrison was in some measure ascertained.
It is curious to note this first footprint of civilization in the
New World. Those whom Columbus had left behind, says
Oviedo, with the exception of the commander, Don Diego
Arana, and one or two others, were but little calculated to
follow the precepts of so prudent a person, or to discharge the
critical duties enjoined upon them. The}" were principally meu
of the lowest order, or mariners who knew not how to conduct
themselves with restraint or sobriety on shore. 1 No sooner
had the admiral departed, than all his counsels and commands
died away from their minds. Though a mere handful of men,
surrounded by savage tribes and dependent upon their own
prudence and good conduct, and upon the good-will of the
natives, for their very existence, yet they soon began to indulge
in the most wanton abuses. Some were prompted by rapacious
avarice, and sought to possess themselves, by all kinds of
wrongful means, of the golden ornaments and other valuable
property of the natives. Others were grossly sensual, and not'
content with two or three wives allowed to each by Guacanagari,
seduced the wives and daughters of the Indians.
Fierce brawls ensued among them about their ill-gotten spoils
and the favors of the Indian women ; and the natives beheld
with astonishment the beings whom they had worshipped, as
descended from the skies, abandoned to the grossest of earthly
passions, and raging against each other with worse than brutal
ferocity.
Still these dissensions might not have been very dangerous
had they observed one of the injunctions of Columbus, and
kept together in the fortress, maintaining military vigilance ;
but all precaution of the kind was soon forgotten. In vain did
Don Diego de Arana interpose his authority ; in vain did every
inducement present itself which could bind man and man
together in a foreign land. All order, all subordination, all
unanimity was at an end. Many abandoned the fortress, and
lived carelessly and at random about the neighborhood ; every
one was for himself, or associated with some little knot of con-
Oviedo, Ilist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 12.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 215
federates to injure and despoil the rest. Thus factions broke
out among them, until ambition arose to complete the destruc-
tion of their mimic empire. Pedro Gutierrez and Rodrigo de
Escobedo, whom Columbus had left as lieutenants to the com-
mander, to succeed to him in case of accident, took advantage
of these disorders and aspired to an equal share in the authority,
if not to the supreme control. 1 Violent affrays succeeded, in
which a Spaniard named Jaeomo was killed. Having failed in
their object, Gutierrez and Escobedo withdrew from the fortress
with nine of their adherents and a number of their women, and
turned their thoughts on distant enterprise. Having heard
marvellous accounts of the mines of Cibao, and the golden
sands of its mountain rivers, they set off for that district, flushed
with the thoughts of amassing immense treasure. Thus they
disregarded another strong injunction of Columbus, which was
to keep within the friendly territories of Guacanagari. The
region to which they repaired was in the interior of the island,
within the province of Maguana, ruled by the famous Caonabo,
called by the Spaniards the Lord of the Golden House. This
renowned chieftain was a Carib by birth, and possessed the
fierceness and enterprise of his nation. He had come an ad-
venturer to Hispaniola, and by his courage and address, and
his warlike exploits, had made himself the most potent of its
caciques. The inhabitants universally stood in awe of him
from his Carib origin, and he was the hero of the island, when
the ships of the white men suddenly appeared upon its shores.
The wonderful accounts of their power and prowess had reached
him among his mountains, and he had the shrewdness to per-
ceive that his consequence must decline before such formidable
intruders. The departure of Columbus gave him hopes that
their intrusion would be but temporary. The discords and
excesses of those who remained, while they moved his detesta-
tion, inspired him with increasing confidence. No sooner did
Gutierrez and Escobedo, with their companions, take refuge in
his dominions, than he put them to death. He then formed a
league with the cacique of Marien, whose territories adjoined
those of Guacanagari on the west, and concerted a sudden
attack upon the fortress. Emerging with his warriors from
among the mountains, and traversing great tracts of forests
with profound secrecy, he arrived in the vicinity of the village
without being discovered. The Spaniards, confiding in the
gentle and pacific nature of the Indians, had neglected all mili-
Oviedo, Ilist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 12.
216 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
tary precautions. But ten men remained in the fortress with
Arana, and these do not appear to have maintained any guard.
The rest were quartered in houses in the neighborhood* In the
dead of the night, when all were wrapped in sleep, Caonabo
and his warriors burst upon the place with frightful yells, got
possession of the fortress before the inmates could put them-
selves upon their defence, and surrounded and set fire to the
houses in which the rest of the white men were sleeping. Eight
of the Spaniards fled to the seaside pursued by the savages,
and. rushing into the waves, were drowned ; the rest were massa-
cred. Guacanagari and his subjects fought faithfully in de-
fence of their guests, but not being of a warlike character, were
easily routed ; the cacique was wounded by the hand of Caonabo,
and his village was burnt to the ground. 1
Such was the history of the first European establishment in
the New World. It presents in a diminutive compass an epit-
ome of the gross vices which degrade civilization, and the
grand political errors which sometimes subvert the mightiest
empires. All law and order being relaxed by corruption and
licentiousness, public good was sacrificed to private interest
and passion, the community was convulsed by divers factions
and dissensions, until the whole was shaken asunder by two
aspiring demagogues, ambitious of the command of a petty
fortress in a wilderness, and the supreme control of eight-and-
thirty men.
CHAPTER V.
TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES SUSPICIOUS CONDUCT OF
GUACANAGARI.
[1493.]
THE tragical story of the fortress, as' gathered from the In-
dians at the harbor, received confirmation from another quar-
ter. One of the captains, Melchor JMaldonado, coasting to the
east with his caravel in search of some more favorable situation
for a settlement, was boarded by a canoe in which were two
Indians. One of them was the brother of Guacanagari, and
entreated him, in the name of the cacique, to visit him at the
1 Hen-era, Hist. Ind., decad, i. lib. ii. cap. 9. Letter of Dr. Ohanca. Peter Martyr,
decad. i. lib. ii. Hint, del Ahuiratiie, cap. 49. Cura de los Palacios, cap. 13), \JS.
Mafias, Uist. N. M undo, lib. iv.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 217
village where he lay ill of his wound. Maldonado immediately
went to shore with two or three of his companions. They
found Guacanagari confined by lameness to his hammock, sur-
rounded by seven of his wives. The cacique expressed great
regret at not being able to visit the admiral. He related various
particulars concerning the disasters of the garrison, and the
part which he and his subjects had taken in its defence, showing
his wounded leg bound up. His story agreed with that already
related. After treating the .Spaniards with his accustomed
hospitality, he presented to each of them at parting a golden
ornament.
On the following morning Columbus repaired in person to
visit the cacique. To impress Jiim with an idea of his present
power and importance, he appeared with a numerous train of
officers, all richly dressed or in glittering armor. They found
Guacanagari reclining in a hammock of cotton net. He exhibit-
ed great emotion on beholding tiie admiral, and immediately
adverted to the death of the Spaniards. As he related the dis-
asters of the garrison he shed many tears, but dwelt particu-
larly on the part he had taken in the defence of his guests,
pointing out several of his subjects present who had received
wounds in the battle. It was evident from the scars that the
wounds had been received from Indian weapons.
Columbus was readily satisfied of the good faith of Guacana-
gari. When he reflected on the many proofs of an open and
generous nature, which he had given at the time of his ship-
wreck, he could not believe him capable of so dark an act of
perfidy. An exchange of presents now took place. The cacique
gave him eight hundred beads of a certain stone called ciba,
which they considered highly precious, and one hundred of gold,
a golden coronet, and three small calabashes filled with gold
dust, and thought himself outdone in munificence when pre-
sented with a number of glass beads, hawks' bells, knives, pins,
needles, small mirrors, and ornaments of copper, which metal
he seemed to prefer to gold. 1
Guacanagari's leg had been violently bruised by a stone. At
the request of Columbus, he permitted it to be examined by a
surgeon who was present. On removing the bandage no signs
of a wound were to be seen, although he shrunk with pain
whenever the limb was handled 2 As some time had elapsed
since the battle, the external bruise might have disappeared,
while a tenderness remained in the part. Several present, how-
1 Lc-tter of Dr. Chanca. Navarrete, Colec.. torn. i.
J Letter of Dr. Chauca. (Jura Ue los i'alacios, cap. 120.
218 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
ever, who had not been in the first voyage, and had witnessed
nothing of the generous conduct of the cacique, looked upon his
lameness as feigned, and the whole story of the battle a fabrica-
tion, to conceal his real perfidy. Father Boyle especially, who
was of a vindictive spirit, advised the admiral to make an im-
mediate example of the chieftain. Columbus, however, viewed
the matter in a different light. Whatever prepossessions he
might have were in favor of the cacique ; his heart refused to
believe in his criminality. Though conscious of innocence,
Guacanagari might have feared the suspicions of the white
men, and have exaggerated the effects of his wound ; but the
wounds of his subjects made by Indian weapons, and the de-
struction of his village, were strong proofs to Columbus of the
truth of his story. To satisfy his more suspicious followers,
and to pacify the friar, without gratifying his love for persecu-
tion, he observed that true policy dictated amicable conduct to-
ward Guacanagari, at least until his guilt was full}' ascertained.
They had too great a force at present to apprehend any thing
from his hostility, but violent measures in this early stage of
their intercourse with the natives might spread a general panic,
and impede all their operations on the island. Most of his offi-
cers concurred in this opinion ; so it was determined, notwith-
standing the inquisitorial suggestions of the friar, to take the
story of the Indians for current truth, and to continue to treat
them with friendship.
At the invitation of Columbus, the cacique, though still ap-
parently in pain from his wound, 1 accompanied him to the ships
that very evening. He had wondered at the power and gran-
deur of the white men when they first visited his shores with
two small caravels ; his wonder was infinitely increased on be-
holding a fleet riding at anchor in the harbor, and on going on
board of the admiral's ship, which was a vessel of heavy burden.
Here be beheld the Carib prisoners. So great was the dread of
them among the timid inhabitants of Hayti, that the}' contem-
plated them with fear and shuddering, even though in chains. 8
That the admiral had dared to invade these terrible beings in
their very island, and had dragged them as it were from their
strongholds, was, perhaps, one of the greatest proofs to the In-
dians of the irresistible prowess of the white men.
Columbus took the cacique through the ship. The various
works of art ; the plants and fruits of the Old World ; domestic
fowls of different kinds, cattle, sheep, swine, and other animals,
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 89.
1 Peter Martyr, Letter 163 to PomponiusLaelus.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 219
brought to stock the island, all were wonders to him ; hut what
most struck him with amazement was the horses. He had never
seen any but the most diminutive quadrupeds, and was aston-
ished at their size, their great strength, terrific appearance, yet
perfect docility. 1 He looked upon all these extraordinary ob-
jects as so many wonders brought from heaven, which he still
believed to be the native home of the white men.
On board of the ship were ten of the women delivered from
Carib captivity. They were chiefly natives of the island of
Boriquen, or Porto Rico. These soon attracted the notice of the
cacique, who is represented to have been of an amorous com-
plexion. He entered into conversation with them ; for though
the islanders spoke different languages, or rather, as is more
probable, different dialects of the same language, they were
able, in general, to understand each other. Among these wo-
men was one distinguished above her companions by a certain
loftiness of air and manner; she had been much noticed and ad-
mired by the Spaniards, who had given her the name of Cata-
lina. The cacique spoke to her repeatedly with great gentleness
of tone and manner, pity in all probability being mingled with
his admiration ; for though rescued from the hands of the
Caribs, she and her companions were in a manner captives on
board of the ship.
A collation was now spread before the chieftain, and Colum-
bus endeavored in every way to revive their former cordial in-
tercourse. He treated his guest with every manifestation of
perfect confidence, and talked of coming to live with him in his
present residence, and of building houses in the vicinity. The
cacique expressed much satisfaction at the idea, but observed
that the situation of the place was unhealthy, which was indeed
the case. Notwithstanding every demonstration of friendship,
however, the cacique was evidently ill at ease. The charm of
mutual confidence was broken. It was evident that the gross
licentiousness of the garrison had greatly impaired the venera-
tion of the Indians for their heaven-born visitors. Even the
reverence for the symbols of the Christian faith, which Columbus
endeavored to inculcate, was frustrated by the profligacy of its
votaries. Though fond of ornaments, it was with the greatest
difficulty the cacique could be prevailed upon by the admiral to
suspend an image of the Virgin about his neck, when he under-
stood it to be an object of Christian adoration. 2
The suspicions of the chieftain's guilt gained ground with
1 Hist, del Almirante, uhi sup. Letter of Dr. Chanca.
J liist. del Almhaute, cap. 4a.
220 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
many of the Spaniards. Father Boyle, in particular, regarded
him with an evil eye, and privately advised the admiral, now
that he had him on board, to detain him prisoner ; but Colum-
bus rejected the counsel of the crafty friar, as contrary to sound
policy and honorable faith. It is difficult, however, to conceal
lurking ill-will. The cacique, accustomed, in his former inter-
course with the Spaniards, to meet with faces beaming with
gratitude and friendship, could not but perceive their altered
looks. Notwithstanding the frank and cordial hospitality of the
admiral therefore, he soon begged permission to return to laud. 1
The next morning there was a mysterious movement among
the natives on shore. A messenger from the cacique inquired
of the admiral how long he intended to remain at the harbor,
and was informed that he should sail on the following day. In
the evening the brother of Guacanagari came on board, under
pretext of bartering a quantity of gold ; he was observed to
converse in private with the Indian women, and particularly
with Catalina, the one whose distinguished appearance had at-
tracted the attention of Guacanagari. After remaining some
time on board, he returned to the shore. It would seem, from
subsequent events, that the cacique had been touched by the
situation of this Indian beaut} 7 , or captivated by her charms,
and had undertaken to deliver her from bondage.
At midnight, when the crew were buried in their first sleep,
Catalina awakened her companions. The ship was anchored
full three miles from the shore, and the sea was rough ; but they
let themselves down from the side of the vessel, and swam
bravel}- for the shore. With all their precautions they were
overheard by the watch, and the alarm was given. The boats
were hastily manned, and gave chase in the direction of a light
blazing on the shore, an evident beacon for the fugitives. Such
was the vigor of these sea-n3-mphs that they reached the land
in safety ; four were retaken on the beach, but the heroic Cata-
liua with the rest of her companions made good their escape
into the forest.
When the day dawned, Columbus sent to Guacanagari to de-
mand the fugitives; or if they were not in his possession, that
he would have search made for them. The residence of the
cacique, however, was silent and deserted ; not an Indian was
to be seen. Either conscious of the suspicions of the Spaniards,
and apprehensive of their hostility, or desirous to enjoy his
prize unmolested, the cacique had removed with all his effects,
1 Peter Martyr, decad i. lib. ii.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 221
his household, and his followers, and had taken refuge with his
island beauty in the interior. This sudden and mysterious de-
sertion gave redoubled force to the doubts heretofore enter-
tained, and Guacanagari was generally stigmatized as a traitor
to the white men, and the perfidious destroyer of the garrison. 1
CHAPTER VI.
FOUNDING OF THE CITY OF ISABELLA MALADIES OF THE
SPANIARDS.
[1493.]
THE misfortunes of the Spaniards both by sea and land, in
the vicinity of this harbor, threw a gloom round the neighbor-
hood. The ruins of the fortress, and the graves of their mur-
dered countrymen, were continually before their eyes, and the
forests no longer looked beautiful while there was an idea that
treachery might be lurking in their shades. The silence and
dreariness, also, caused by the desertion of the natives, gave a
sinister appearance to the place. It began to be considered by
the credulous mariners as under some baneful influence or ma-
lignant star. These were sufficient objections to discourage
the founding of a settlement, but there were others of a more
solid nature. The land in the vicinity was low, moist, and un-
healthy, and there was no stone for building ; Columbus deter-
mined, therefore, to abandon the place altogether, and found
his projected colony in some more favorable situation. No
time was to be lost ; the animals on board the ships were suf-
fering from long confinement ; and the multitude of persons,
unaccustomed to the sea, and pent up in the fleet, languished
for the refreshment of the land. The lighter caravels, there-
fore, scoured the coast in each direction, entering the rivers
and harbors, in search of an advantageous site. They were in-
structed also to make inquiries after Guacanagari, of whom Co-
lumbus, notwithstanding every suspicious appearance, still re-
tained a favorable opinion. The expeditions returned after
ranging a considerable extent of coast without success. There
were fine rivers and secure ports, but the coast was low and
marshy, and deficient in stone. The country was generally de-
1 Peter M-irtyr, decad. i. lib. li. Letter of Dr. Cbauca. Cura de los Palacios, cap.
120, M.S.
222 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
serted, or if any natives were seen, they fled immediately to the
woods. Melchor Maldonado had proceeded to the eastward,
until he came to the dominions of a cacique, who at first issued
forth at the head of his warriors, with menacing aspect, but was
readily conciliated. From him he learned that Guacauagari had
retired to the mountains. Another party discovered an Indian
concealed near a hamlet, having been disabled by a wound re-
ceived from a lance when fighting against Caouabo. His
account of the destruction of the fortress agreed with that of
the Indians at the harbor, and concurred to vindicate the
cacique from the charge of treachery. Thus the Spaniards con-
tinued uncertain as to the real perpetrators of this dark and
dismal tragedy.
Being convinced that there was no place in this part of the
island favorable for a settlement, Columbus weighed anchor on
the 7th of December, with the intention of seeking the port of
La Plata. In consequence of adverse weather, however, he
was obliged to put into a harbor about ten leagues east of
Monte Christi ; and on considering the place, was struck with
its advantages.
The harbor was spacious, and commanded by a point of land
protected on one side by a natural rampart of rocks, and on
another b} - an impervious forest, presenting a strong position
for a fortress. There were two rivers, one large and the other
small, watering a green and beautiful plain, and offering ad-
vantageous situations for mills. About a bow-shot from the sea,
on the banks of one of the rivers, was an Indian village. The
soil appeared to be fertile, the waters to abound in excellent
fish, and the climate to be temperate and genial ; for the trees
were in leaf, the shrubs in flower, and the birds in song, though
it was the middle of December. They had not yet become fa-
miliarized with the temperature of this favored island, where
the rigors of winter are unknown, where there is a perpetual
succession, and even intermixture of fruit and flower, and where
smiling verdure reigns throughout the year.
Another grand inducement to form their settlement in this
place was the information received from the Indians of the ad-
jacent village, that the mountains of Cibao, where the gold
mines were situated, lay at no great distance, and almost par-
allel to the harbor. It was determined, therefore, that there
could not be a situation more favorable for their colony.
An animated scene now commenced. The troops and various
persons belonging to the land service, and the various laborers
and artificers to be employed in building, were disembarked.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 228
The provisions, articles of traffic, guns and ammunition for
defence, and implements of every kind, were brought to shore,
as were also the cattle and live stock, which had suffered exces-
sively from long restraint, especially the horses. There was a
general joy at escaping from the irksome confinement of the
ships, and once more treading the firm earth, and breathing
tin- sweetness of the fields. Au encampment was formed on the
nuirgin of the plain, around a basin or sheet of water, and in a
little while the whole place was in activity. Thus was founded
the first Christian city of the New World, to which Columbus
gave the name of Isabella, in honor of his royal patroness.
A plan was formed, and streets and squares projected. The
greatest diligence was then exerted in erecting a church, a pub-
lic storehouse, and a residence for the admiral. These were
built of stone, the private houses were constructed of wood,
plaster, reeds, or such materials as the exigency of the case
permitted, and for a short time every one exerted himself with
the utmost zeal.
Maladies, however, soon broke out. Many, unaccustomed to
the sea, had suffered greatly from confinement and sea-sickness,
and from subsisting for a length of time on salt provisions
much damaged, and mouldy biscuit. They suffered great ex-
posure on the land, also, before houses could be built for their
reception ; for the exhalations of a hot and moist climate, and
a new, rank soil, the humid vapors from rivers, and the stag-
nant air of close forests, rendered the wilderness a place of
severe trial to constitutions accustomed to old and highly-culti-
vated countries. The labor also of building houses, clearing
fields, setting out orchards, and planting gardens, having all to
be done with great haste, bore hard upon men who, after toss-
ing so long upon the ocean, stood in need of relaxation and
repose.
The maladies of the mind mingled with those of the body.
Many, as has been shown, had embarked in the expedition with
visionary and romantic expectations. Some had anticipated
the golden regions of Cipango and Cathay, where they were to
amass Wealth without toil or trouble ; others a region of Asiatic
luxury, abounding with delights; and others a splendid and
open career for gallant adventures and chivalrous enterprises.
AVliat then was their disappointment to find themselves confined
to the margin of an island ; surrounded by impracticable for-
ests ; doomed to struggle with the rudeness of a wilderness ; to
toil painfully for mere subsistence, and to attain every comfort
by the severest exertion. As to gold, it was brought to them
224 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIiDS.
from various quarters, but in small quantities, and it was evi-
dently to be procured only by patient and persevering labor.
All these disappointments sank deep into their hearts ; their
spirits flagged as their golden dreams melted away, and the
gloom of despondency aided the ravages of disease.
Columbus himself did not escape the prevalent maladies.
The arduous nature of his enterprise, the responsibility under
which he found himself, not merely to his followers and his
sovereigns, but to the world at large, had kept Ins mind in con-
tinual agitation. The cares of so large a squadron ; the inces-
sant vigilance required, not only against the lurking dangers
of these unknown seas, but against the passions and follies of
his followers ; the distress he had suffered from the fate of his
murdered garrison, and his uncertainty as to the conduct of
the barbarous tribes by which he was surrounded ; all these
had harassed his mind and broken his rest while on board the
ship : since landing new cares and toils had crowded upon him,
which, added to the exposures incident to his situation in this
new climate, completely overpowered his strength. Still,
though confined for several weeks to his bed by severe illness,
his energetic mind rose superior to the sufferings of the body,
and he continued to give directions about the building of the
city, and to superintend the general concerns of the expedi-
tion. 1
CHAPTER VII.
EXPEDITION OF ALONSO DE OJEDA TO EXPLORE THE INTERIOR OF
THE ISLAND DESPATCH OF THE SHIPS TO SPAIN.
[1493.]
THE ships having discharged their cargoes, it was necessary
to send the greater part of them back to Spain. Here new
anxieties pressed upon the mind of Columbus. He had hoped
to find treasures of gold and precious merchandise accumu-
lated by the men left behind on the first voyage ; or at least
the sources of wealthy traffic ascertained, by which speedily
to freight his vessels. The destruction of the garrison had de-
feated all those hopes. He was aware of the extravagant ex-
pectations entertained by the sovereigns and the nation. What
1 Ilift. del Alniirante, cap. 50. lion-era, IHnt. Ind., deead. i. lib. ii. cay. 10. Peter
M.i: KS r, dccad. i. lib. ii. Li-llci of Di. C'hauca, tie.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 225
would be their disappointment when the returning ships brought
nothing but a tale of disaster ! Something must be done,
before the vessels sailed, to keep up the fame of his discoveries,
and justify his own magnificent representations.
As yet he knew nothing of the interior of the island. If it
were really the island of Cipango, it must contain populous
cities, existing probably in some more cultivated region, beyond
the lofty mountains with which it was intersected. All the
Indians concurred in mentioning Cibao as the tract of country
whence they derived their gold. The very name of its cacique,
Caonabo, signifying u The Lord of the Golden House," seemed
to indicate the wealth of his dominions. The tract where the
mines were said to abound lay at a distance of but three or
four days' journey, directly in the interior ; Columbus deter-
mined, therefore, to send an expedition to explore it previous
to the sailing of the ships. If the result should confirm his
hopes, he would then be able to send home the fleet with confi-
dence, bearing tidings of the discovery of the golden mountains
of Cibao. 1
The person he chose for this enterprise was Alonso de Ojeda,
the same cavalier who has been already noticed for his daring
spirit and great bodily force and agility. Delighting in all ser-
vice of a hazardous and adventurous nature, Ojeda was the
more stimulated to this expedition from the formidable charac-
ter of the mountain cacique, Caonabo, whose dominions he was
to penetrate. He set out from the harbor, early in January,
141)4, accompanied by a small force of well-armed and deter-
mined men, several of them young and spirited cavaliers like
himself. He struck directly southward into the interior. For
the two first day3 the march was toilsome and diflicult, through
a country abandoned by its inhabitants ; for terror of the
Spaniards extended along the seacoast. On the second even-
ing they came to a loft} 7 range of mountains, which they as-
cended by an Indian path, winding up a steep and narrow
detile, and they slept for the night at the summit. Hence, the
next morning, they beheld the sun rise with great glory over
a vast and delicious plain covered with noble forests, studded
with villages and hamlets, and enlivened by the shining waters
of the Yagui.
Descending into this plain, Ojeda and his companions boldly
entered the Indian villages. The inhabitants, far from being
hostile, overwhelmed them with hospitality, and, in fact, im-
Tcra, Hist. Iiid., dec. i. lib. ii. cap. 10.
226 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
peeled their journey by their kindness. They had also to ford
many rivers in traversing this plain, so that they were five or
six days in reaching the chain of mountains which locked up, as
it were, the golden region of Cibao. They penetrated into this
district, without meeting with any other obstacles than those
presented by the rude nature of the country. Caonabo, so re-
doubtable for his courage and ferocity, must have been in some
distant part of his dominions, for he never appeared to dispute
their progress. The natives received them with kindness ;
they were naked and uncivilized, like the other inhabitants of
the island, nor were there any traces of the important cities
which their imaginations had once pictured forth. They saw,
however, ample signs of natural wealth. The sands of the
mountain streams glittered with particles of gold ; these the
natives would skilfully separate, and give to the Spaniards with-
out expecting a recompense. In some places they picked up
large specimens of virgin ore from the beds of the torrents, and
stones streaked and richly impregnated with it. Peter Martyr
affirms that he saw a mass of rude gold weighing nine ounces,
which Ojeda himself had found in one of the brooks. 1
All these were considered as mere superficial washings of
the soil, betraying the hidden treasures lurking in the deep
veins and rocky bosoms of the mountains, and only requiring
the hand of labor to bring them to light. As the object of his
expedition was merely to ascertain the nature of the country,
Ojeda led back his little band to the harbor, full of enthusiastic
accounts of the golden promise of these mountains. A young
cavalier of the name of Gorvalan, who had been despatched at
the same time on a similar expedition, and who had explored a
different tract of country, returned with similar reports.
These flattering accounts served for a time to reanimate the
drooping and desponding colonists, and induced Columbus to
believe that it was only necessary to explore the mines of
Cibao, to open inexhaustible sources of riches. He determined,
as soon as his health would permit, to repair in person to the
mountains, and seek a favorable site for a mining establish-
ment. 2
The season was now propitious for the return of the fleet,
and Columbus lost no time in despatching twelve of the ships
under the command of Antouio de Torres, retaining only five
for the service of the colony.
By this opportunity he sent home specimens of the gold found
Peler Martyr, decad. i. lib. ii. Uifl. del Almiiauie, cap. 50.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 227
among the mountains and rivers of Cibao, and all such fruits
and plants as were curious, or appeared to be valuable. He
wrote in the most sanguine terms of the expeditions of Ojeda
and Gorvalan, the last of whom returned to Spain in the fleet.
He repeated his confident anticipations of soon being able to
make abundant shipments of gold, of precious drugs and
spices ; the search for them being delayed for the present by
the sickness of himself and people, and the cares and labors re-
quired in building the infant cit}'. He described the beauty
and fertility of the island ; its range of noble mountains ; its
wide, abundant plains, watered by beautiful rivers; the quick
fecundity of the soil, evinced in the luxuriant growth of the
sugar-cane, and of various grains and vegetables brought from
Europe.
As it would take some time, however, to obtain provisions
from their fields and gardens, and the produce of their live
stock, adequate to the subsistence of the colony, which consisted
of about a thousand souls ; and as they could uot accustom
themselves to the food of the natives, Columbus requested
present supplies from Spain. Their provisions were already
growing scanty. Much of their wine had been lost from the
badness of the casks; and the colonists, in their in linn state of
health, suffered greatly from the want of their accustomed diet.
There was an immediate necessity of medicines, clothing, and
arms. Horses were required likewise for the public works,
and for military service ; being found of great effect in awing
the natives, who had the utmost dread of those animals. lie
requested also an additional number of workmen and mechan-
ics, and men skilled in mining and in smelting and purifying
ore. He recommended various persons to the notice and favor
of the sovereigns, among whom was Pedro Margerite, tin Aira-
gonian cavalier of the order of St. Jago, who had a wife and
children to be provided for, and who, for his good services,
Columbus begged might be appointed to a command in the
order to which he belonged. In like manner he entreated pat-
ronage for Juan Aguado, who was about to return in the fleet,
making particular mention of his merits. From "both of these
men he was destined to experience the most signal ingratitude.
In these ships he sent also the men, women, and children
taken in the Caribbee islands, recommending that they should
be carefully instructed in the Spanish language and the Chris-
tian faith. From the roving and adventurous nature of these
people, and tlu'ir general acquaintance with the various lan-
guages of this great archipelago, he thought that, wheii the
228 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
precepts of religion and the usages of civilization had reformed
their savage manners and cannibal propensities, they might be
rendered eminently serviceable as interpreters, and as means
of propagating the doctrines of Christianity'.
Among the many sound and salutary suggestions in his
letter, there is one of a most pernicious tendency, written in
that mistaken view of natural rights prevalent at the day, but
fruitful of much wrong and misery in the world. Considering
that the greater the number of these cannibal pagans transferred
to the Catholic soil of Spain, the greater would be the number
of souls put in the way of salvation, he proposed to establish
an exchange of them as slaves, against live stock, to be fur-
nished by merchants to the colony. The ships to bring such
stock were to land nowhere but at the Island of Isabella, where
the Carib captives would be ready for delivery. A dutj- was to
be levied on each slave for the benefit of the royal revenue.
In this way the colony would be furnished with all kinds of
live stock free of expense ; the peaceful islanders would be
freed from warlike and inhuman neighbors ; the royal treasury
would be greatly enriched ; and a vast number of souls would
be snatched from perdition, and carried, as it were, by main
force to heaven. Such is the strange sophistry by which
upright men may sometimes deceive themselves. Columbus
feared the disappointment of the sovereigns in respect to the
product of his enterprises, and was anxious to devise some
mode of lightening their expenses until he could open some
ample source of profit. The conversion of iuiidels, by fair
means or foul, by persuasion or force, was one of the popular
tenets of the day ; and in recommending the enslaving of the
Caribs, Columbus thought that he was obeying the dictates of
his conscience, when he was in reality listening to the incite-
ments of his interest. It is but just to add that the sovereigns
did not accord with his ideas, but ordered that the Caribs should
be converted like the rest of the islanders ; a command which
emanated from the merciful heart of Isabella, who ever showed
herself the benign protectress of the Indians.
The fleet put to sea on the 2d of February, 1494. Though
it brought back no wealth to Spain, yet expectation was kept
alive by the sanguine letter of Columbus, and the specimens of
gold which he transmitted ; his favorable accounts were corrob-
orated by letters from Friar Boyle, Doctor Chauca, and other
persons of credibility, and by the personal reports of Gorvalan.
The sordid calculations of petty spirits were as yet overruled
by the enthusiasm of generous minds, captivated by the lofty
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 229
nature of those enterprises. There was something wonderfully
grand in the idea of thus introducing new races of animals and
plants, of building cities, extending colonies, and sowing the
seeds of civilixation and of enlightened empire in this beautiful
but savage world. It struck the minds of learned and classical
men with admiration, filling them with pleasant dreams and
reveries, and seeming to realize the poetical pictures of the
olden time. "Columbus," says old Peter Martyr, "has begun
to build a city, as he has lately written to me, and to sow our
seeds and propagate our animals ! Who of us shall now speak
w : th wonder of Saturn, Ceres, and Triptolemus, travelling about
the earth to spread new inventions among mankind? Or of the
riiu'iiicians who built Tyre or Sidon? Or of the Tyrians them-
selves, whose roving desires led them to migrate into foreign
lands, to build new cities, and establish new communities? " 1
.Such were the comments of enlightened and benevolent men,
who hailed with enthusiasm the discovery of the New World,
not for the wealth it would bring to Europe, but for the field it
would open for glorious and benevolent enterprises, and the
blessings and improvements of civilized life, which it would
widely dispense through barbarous and uncultivated regions.
NOTE. Isabella at the present day is quite overgrown with forest, in the midst of
which are still to be seen, partly standing, the pillars of the church, some remains of the
kind's storehouses, and part of the residence of Columbus, all built of hewn stone.
The small fortress ig also a prominent ruin; and a little north of it in a circular pillar
about ten feet high and as much in diameter, of solid masonry, nearly entire; which
appears to have bad a wooden gallery or battlement round the lop for the convenience
of room, and in the centre of which was planted the flagstaff. Having discovered the
remains of an iron clamp imbedded in the stone, which served to secure the flagstaff
itself, I tore it out, and now consign to you this curious relic of the first foothold of
civili/ation in the New World, after it has been exposed to the elements nearly three
Luudred aud fifty years. From the Letter oj T. S. Iltntker.
CHAPTER VIII.
DISCONTENTS AT ISABELLA MUTINY OF BERNAL DIAZ DE PISA.
[1494.]
THE embryo city of Isabella was rapidly assuming a form.
A dry stone wall surrounded it, to protect it from any sudden
attack of the natives, although the most friendly disposition
1 Letter loo to Pompouius La_>lus.
200 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
was evinced by the Indians of the vicinity, who brought supplies
of their simple articles of food, and gave them in exchange for
European trifles. On the day of the Epiphany, the Gth of
February, the church being sufficiently completed, high mass
was celebrated with great pomp and ceremony, by Friar Boyle
and the twelve ecclesiastics. The affairs of the settlement
being thus apparently in a regular train, Columbus, though still
confined by indisposition, began to make arrangements for his
contemplated expedition to the mountains of C'ibao, when an
unexpected disturbance in his little community for a time
engrossed his attention.
The sailing of the fleet to Spain had been a melancholy sight
to many whose terms of enlistment compelled them to remain
on the island. Disappointed in their expectations of immediate
wealth, disgusted with the labors imposed on them, and appalled
by the maladies prevalent throughout the community, they began
to look with horror upon the surrounding wilderness, as des-
tined to be the grave of their hopes and of themselves. When
the last sail disappeared, they felt as if completely severed from
their country ; and the tender recollections of home, which had
been checked for a time by the novelty and bustle around them,
rushed with sudden force upon their minds. To return to Spain
became their ruling idea, and the same want of reflection which
had hurried them into the enterprise, without inquiring into its
real nature, iiow prompted them to extricate themselves from it,
by any means however desperate.
Where popular discontents prevail there is seldom wanting
some daring spirit to give them a dangerous direction. One
Bernal Diaz de Pisa, a man of some importance, who had
held a civil office about the court, had come out with the expe-
dition as comptroller ; he seems to have presumed upon his
official powers, and to have had early differences with the
admiral. Disgusted with his employment in the colon}-, he
soon made a faction among the discontented, and proposed
that they should take advantage of the indisposition of Colum-
bus, to seize upon some or all of the five ships in the harbor,
and return in them to Spain. It would be easy to justify their
clandestine return, by preferring a complaint against the admiral,
representing the fallacy of his enterprises, and accusing him
of gross deceptions and exaggerations in his accounts of the
countries he had discovered. It is probable that some of these
people really considered him culpable of the charges thus fabri-
cated against him ; for in the disappointment of their avaricious
hopes, they overlooked the real value of those fertile islands,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 231
which were to enrich nations by the produce of their soil.
Ever}' country was sterile and unprofitable in their eyes that
did not immediately teem with gold. Though they had con-
tinual proofs in the specimens brought by the natives to the
settlement, or furnished to Ojeda and Gorvalan, that the rivers
and mountains in the interior abounded with ore, yet even these
daily proofs were falsified in their eyes. One Fermin Cedo, a
wrong-headed and obstinate man, who had come out as assayer
and purifier of metals, had imbibed the same prejudice against
the expedition with Bernal Diaz. He pertinaciously insisted
that there was no gold in the island ; or at least that it was
found in such inconsiderable quantities as not to repay the
search. He declared that the large grains of virgin ore brought
by the natives had been melted ; that they had been the slow
accumulation of many years, having remained a long time in
the families of the Indians, and handed down from generation
to generation ; which in many instances was probably the case.
Other specimens of a large size he pronounced of a very inferior
quality, and debased with brass by the natives. The words of
this man outweighed the evidence of facts, and many joined
him in the belief that the island was really destitute of gold.
It was not until some time afterward that the real character of
Fermin Cedo was ascertained, and the discovery made that his
ignorance was at least equal to his obstinacy and presumption ;
qualities apt to enter largely into the compound of a meddle-
some and mischievous man. 1
Encouraged by such substantial co operation, a number of
turbulent spirits concerted to take immediate possession of the
ships and make sail for Europe. The influence of Bernal Diaz
de Pisa at court would obtain for them a favorable hearing, and
they trusted to their unanimous representations, to prejudice Co-
lumbus in the opinion of the public, ever fickle in its smiles,
and most ready to turn suddenly and capriciously from the
favorites it has most idolized.
Fortunately this mutiny was discovered before it proceeded
to action. Columbus immediately ordered the ringleaders to
be arrested. On making investigations, a memorial or infor-
mation against himself, full of slanders and misrepresentations,
was found concealed in the buoy of one of the ships. It was in
the handwriting of Bernal Diaz. The admiral conducted him-
self with great moderation. Out of respect to the rank and
station of Diaz, he forbore to inflict any punishment ; but con-
1 Cura de los I'alacios, cap. 120, 122, M.S.
232 LIFE OF CHIil STOP 'TIER COLUMBUS.
fined him on hoard one of the ships, to be sent to Spain for
trial, together with the process or investigation of his offence,
and the seditious memorial which had been discovered. Sev-
eral of the inferior mutineers were punished according to the
degree of their culpability, but not with the severity which
their offence deserved. To guard against any recurrence of a
similar attempt. Columbus ordered that all the guns and naval
munitions should be taken out of four of the vessels, and put
into the principal ship, which was given in charge to persons in
whom he could place implicit confidence. 1
This was the first time Columbus exercised the right of pun-
ishing delinquents in his new government, and it immediately
awakened the most violent animadversions. His measures,
though necessary for the general safety, and characterized by
the greatest lenity, were censured as arbitrary and vindictive.
Already the disadvantage of being a foreigner among the people
he was to govern was clearly manifested. He had national
prejudices to encounter, of all others the most general and il-
liberal. He had no natural friends to rally round him ; where-
as the mutineers had connections in Spain, friends in the colon} 7 ,
and met with sympathy in every discontented mind. An early
hostility was thus engendered against Columbus, which con-
tinued to increase throughout his life, and the seeds were sown
of a series of factions and mutinies which afterward distracted
the island.
CHAPTER IX.
EXPEDITION OF COLUMBUS TO THE MOUNTAINS OF CIBAO.
[1494.]
HAVING at length recovered from his long illness, and the
mutiny at the settlement being effectually checked, Columbus
prepared for his immediate departure for Cibao. He intrusted
the command of the city and ships, during his absence, to his
brother Don Diego, appointing able persons to counsel and
assist him. Don Diego is represented by Las Casas. who knew
him personally, as a man of great merit and discretion, of a
gentle and pacific disposition, and more characterized by sira-
1 Herrer*, llist. lud., decad. i. lib. 11. cap. 11. Ilist. del Alruirante, cap. 50.
LIFE OF cnniSTornER COLUMBUS. 233
plicity than shrewdness. He was sober in his attire, wearing
almost the dress of an ecclesiastic, and Las Casns thinks he
had seeret hopes of preferment in the church; 1 indeed Colum-
bus intimates as much when he mentions him in his will.
As the admiral intended to build a fortress in the mountains,
and to form an establishment for working the mines, he took
with him the necessary artificers, workmen, miners, munitions,
and implements. He was also about to enter the territories of
the redoubtable Caonabo ; it was important, therefore, to take
with him a force that should not only secure him against any
warlike opposition, but should spread through the country a
formidable idea of the power of the white men, and deter the
Indians from any future violence, either toward communities
or wandering individuals. Every healthy person, therefore,
who could be spared from the settlement, was put in requisi-
tion, together with all the cavalry that could be mustered ; and
every arrangement was made to strike the savages with the
display of military splendor.
On the 12th of March, Columbus set out at the head of about
four hundred men well armed and equipped, with shining hel-
mets and corselets ; with arquebuses, lances, swords, and cross-
bows, and followed by a multitude of the neighboring Indians.
They sallied from the city in martial array, with banners flying,
and sound of drum and trumpet. Their march for the first day
was across the plain between the sea and the mountains.' ford-
ing two rivers, and passing through a fair and verdant country.
They encamped in the evening, in the midst of pleasant fields,
at the foot of a wild and rocky pass of the mountains.
The ascent of this rugged defile presented formidable diffi-
culties to the little army, encumbered as it was with various
implements and munitions. There was nothing but an Indian
footpath, winding among rocks and precipices, or through
brakes and thickets, entangled by the rich vegetation of a
tropical forest. A number of high-spirited young cavaliers
volunteered to open a route for the army. They had probably
learnt this kind of service in the Moorish wars, where it was
often necessary on a sudden to open roads for the march of
troops, and the conveyance of artillery across the mountains
of Granada. Throwing themselves m advance with laborers
and pioneers, whom they stimulated by their example, as well
as by promises of liberal reward, the}' soon constructed the
first road formed in the New World, and which was called El
1 Las < 'a.-a.-, Ih.-t. Ind., lib. l. cap. 82, MS.
234 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Puerto de los Hidalgos, or The Gentlemen's Pass, in honor of
the gallant cavaliers who effected it. 1
On the following day the army toiled up this steep defile, and
arrived where the gorge of the mountain opened into the interior.
Here a land of promise suddenly burst upon their view. It
was the same glorious prospect which had delighted Ojeda and
his companions. Below lay a vast and delicious plain, painted
and enamelled, as it were, with all the rich variet}' of tropical
vegetation. The magnificent forests preseuted that mingled
beauty and majesty of vegetable forms known only to these
generous climates. Palms of prodigious height, and spreading
mahogany trees, towered from amid a wilderness of variegated
foliage. Freshness and verdure were maintained by numerous
streams, which meandered gleaming through the deep bosom
of the woodland ; while various villages and hamlets, peeping
from among the trees, and the smoke of others rising out of
the midst of the forests, gave signs of a numerous population.
The luxuriant landscape extended as far as the eye could reach,
until it appeared to melt away and mingle with the horizon.
The Spaniards gazed with rapture upon this soft, voluptuous
country, which seemed to realize their ideas of a terrestrial
paradise ; and Columbus, struck with its vast extent, gave it
the name of the Vega Real, or Royal Plain. ' J
Having descended the rugged pass, the army issued upon the
plain, iu martial style, with great clangor of warlike instruments.
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 50. Hidalgo, i. t., Hijo, de Algo, literally, " a son of
somebody," in contradistinction to an obscure and low-born man, a sou of uobody.
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. t. cap. 90, MS.
Extract of a Letter from T. S. ffrntken, E*q., dated Santiago (St. Domingo), 20A
September, 1*47.
The route over which Columbus traced his course from Isabella to the mountains of
Cibao exists in all its primitive rudeness. The Puerto de los Hidalgos is still the narrow
rugged footpath winding among rocks and precipices, leading through the only prac-
tieahli' defile which traverses the Monte Christi range of mountains in this vicinity, at
present called the Pass of Marney and it is somewhat surprising that, of this tirst and
remarkable footprint of the white man in the New World, there does not at the present
day exist the least tradition of its former name or importance.
The spring of cool and delightful water met with in the gorge, in a deep dark glen
overshadowed by palm and mahogany trees, near the outlet where the magnificent Vega
breaks, upon the view, still continues to quench the thirst of the weary traveller. When
1 drank from this lonely little fountain, I could hardly realize the fact that Columbus
must likewise have partaken of iu sparkling waters, when at the height of his glory,
surrounded by cavaliers attired iu the gorgeous costumes of the age, and warriors recently
from the Moorish wars.
Judging by the distance stated to have been travelled over the plain, Columbus must
have crossed the Vaqui near or at Ponton ; which very likely received its name from thu
rafts or |K>ntoons employed to cross the river. Abundance of reeds grow along iu
banks, and the remains of an Indian village are still very distinctly to be traced in the
vicinity . lly this route he avoided two large rivers, the Aiimie and the Mar, which dis-
charge their waters into the Yui|in opposite Kspcranza.
The road (roru 1'outou to the Itiver Hauique passes through the defiles of La Cuesta
aud Nicaragua.
LIFE OF C'niilSTOPnER COLUMBUS. 235
"When the Indians bohekl this shining band of warriors, glitter-
ing iu steel, emerging from the mountains with prancing steeds
and Haunting banners, and heard for the first time their rocks
am! forests echoing to the din of drum and trumpet, they might
well have taken such a wonderful pageant for a supernatural
vision.
lu this wny Columbus disposed of his forces whenever he
approached a populous village, placing the cavalry in front, for
the horses inspired a mingled terror and admiration among
the natives. Las C'asas observes that at first they supposed the
rider and his horse to l>c one animal, and nothing could exceed
their astonishment at seeing the horsemen dismount, a circum-
stance which shows that the alleged origin of the ancient fal>le
of the centaurs is at least founded in nature. On the approach
of the army the Indians generally fled with terror, and took
refuge in their houses. Such was their simplicity, that they
merely put up a slight barrier of reeds at the portal, and seemed
to consider themselves perfectly secure. Columbus, pleased to
meet with such artlessness, ordered that these frail barriers
should be scrupulously respected, and the inhabitants allowed
to remain in their fancied security. 1 By degrees their fears
were allayed through the mediation of interpreters and the dis-
tribution of trilling presents. Their kindness and gratitude
could not then be exceeded, and the march of the army was
continually retarded by the hospitality of the numerous villages
through which it passed. Such was the frank communion
among these people that the Indians who accompanied the army
entered without ceremony into the houses, helping themselves
to any thing of which they stood in need, without exciting sur-
prise or anger in the inhabitants ; the latter ottered to do the
same with respect to the Spaniards, and seemed astonished
when they met a repulse. This, it is probable, was the case
merely with respect to articles of food; for we are told that
the Indians were not careless in their notions of property, and
the crime of theft was one of the few which were punished
among them with great severity. Food, however, is generally
open to free participation in savage life, and is rarely made an
object of barter, until habits of trade have been introduced by
the white men. The untutored savage in almost every part
of the world scorns to make a traffic of hospitality.
After a march of five leagues across the plain, they arrived
at the banks of a large and beautiful stream, called by the
1 Las (,'usus, lib. sup. li. cap. 90.
236 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
natives Yagui, but to which the admiral gave the name of the
River of Reeds. He was not aware that it was the same stream,
which, after winding through the Vega, falls into the sea near
Monte Christi, and which, in his first voyage, he had named the
River of Gold. On its green banks the army encamped for the
night, animated and delighted with the beautiful scenes through
which they had passed. They bathed and sported in tliL- waters
of the Yagui, enjoying the amenity of the surrounding land-
scape, and the delightful breezes which prevail in that genial
season. " For though there is but little difference," o'>s .-rves
Las Casas, " from one month to another in all the year in this
island, and in most parts of these Indias. yet in the period from
September to May, it is like living in paradise." *
On the following morning they crossed this stream by the aid.
of canoes and rafts, swimming the horses over. For two days
they continued their march through the same kind of rich level
country, diversified by noble forests and watered by abundant
streams, several of which descended from the mountains of
Cibao, and were said to bring down gold dust mingled with
their sands. To one of these, the limpid waters of which ran
over a bed of smooth round pebbles, Columbus gave the name
of Rio Verde, or Green River, from the verdure and freshness
of its banks. Its Indian name was Nicaragua, which it still
retains.' 2 In the course of this march they passed through nu-
merous villages, where they experienced generally the same
reception. The inhabitants fled at their approach, putting up
their slight barricadoes of reeds, but, as before, they were easily
won to familiarity, and tasked their limited means to entertain
the strangers.
Thus penetrating into the midst of this great island, where
every scene presented the wild luxuriance of beautiful but un-
civilized nature, they arrived on the evening of the second day
at a chain of lofty and rugged mountains, forming a kind of
barrier to the Vega. These Columbus was told were the golden
mountains of Cibao, whose region commenced at the rocky sum-
mits. The country now beginning to grow rough and difficult,
and the people being wayworn, they encamped for the night at
the foot of a steep defile, which led up into the mountains,
and pioneers were sent in advance to open a road for the army.
From this place they sent back mules for a supply of bread and
wine, their provisions beginning to grow scanty, for they had
1 La* ( 'a*as. rii^t. Tiul.. lib. i. cap. 90, MS.
- The name of Kio Verdi- was afterward given to a small stream which crosses the
road from Santiago to La Vega, a branch of the Hiver Vuna.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 237
not as yet accustomed themselves to the food of the natives,
which was afterward fouud to be of tluit light digestible kind
suitable to the climate.
On the next morning they resumed their march up a narrow
and steep gh>n. winding among craggy rocks, where they were
obliged to lead the horses. Arrived at the summit, they once
more enjoyed a prospect of the delicious Vega, which here pre-
sented a still grainier appearance, stretching far and wide on
either hand, like a vast verdant lake. This noble plain, accord-
ing to Las ( a.^.is. is eighty leagues in length, and from tweuty
to thirty in breadth, and of incomparable beatity.
They now entered C ibao, the famous region of gold, which,
as if nature delighted in contrarieties, displayed a miser-like
poverty of exterior, in proportion to its hidden treasures. In-
stead of the soft luxuriant landscape of the Vega, they beheld
chains of rocky and sterile mountains, scantily clothed with
lofty pines. The trees in the valleys also, instead of jmssessing
the rich tufted foliage common to other parts of the island, were
meagre and dwarfish, excepting such as grew on the banks of
streams. The very name of the country bespoke the nature
of the soil Cibao, in the language of the natives, signifying a
stone. Still, however, there were deep glens and shady ravines
among the mountains, watered by limpid rivulets, where th'3
green herbage and strips of woodland were the more delightful
to the eye from the neighboring sterility. But what consoled
the Spaniards for the asperity of the soil, was to observe among
the sands of those crystal streams glittering particles of gold,
which, though scanty in quantity, were regarded as earnests of
the wealth locked up within the mountains.
The natives having been previously visited by the exploring
party under Ojeda. came forth to meet them with great alaciiiy,
bringing food, and, above all. grains and particles of gold col-
lected in the brooks and torrents. From the quantities of gold
dust in every stream, Columbus was convinced there must be
several mines in the vicinity. He had met with specimens of
amber and lapis lazuli, though in very small quantities, and
thought that lie had discovered a mine of copper. He was now
about eighteen leagues from the settlement; the rugged nature
of the mountains made communication, even from this distance,
laborious. He gave up the idea, therefore, of penetrating
farther into the country, and determined to establish a fortified
post in this neighborhood, with a large number of men, as well
to work the mines as to explore the rest of the province. He
accordingly selected a pleasant situation on an eminence almost
238 LIFE OF CnEISTOPIIER COLUMBUS.
entirely surrounded by a small river called the Yauique, the
waters of which were as pure as if distilled, and the sound of
its current musical to the ear. In its bed were found curious
stoues of various colors, large masses of beautiful marble, and
pieces of pure jasper. From the foot of the height extended
one of those graceful and verdant plains, called savannas, which
was freshened and fertilized by the river. 1
On this eminence Columbus ordered a strong fortress of wood
to be erected, capable of defence against any attack of the
natives, and protected by a deep ditch on the side which the
river did not secure. To this fortress he gave the name of St.
Thomas, intended as a pleasant, though pious, reproof of the
incredulity of Firmiu Cedo and his doubting adherents, who
obstinately refused to believe that the island produced gold,
until they beheld it with their eyes and touched it with their
hands. 2
The natives, having heard of the arrival of the Spaniards in
their vicinity, came flocking from various parts, anxious to
obtain European trinkets. The admiral signified to them that
any thing would be given in exchange for gold ; upon hearing
this some of them ran to a neighboring river, and gathering and
sifting its sands, returned in a little while with considerable
> Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 90, MS.
* Ibid.
From the Letter of T. S. Urneken, Esq., 1847.
Traces of the old fortress of St. Thomas still exist, though, as has happened to the
Pnerta <le los Hidalgos, nil tradition concerning it has long been lost.
Having visited u smal I Spanish village known by the name of IIanir|iie, situated on
the hanks of that stream, I heard by accident the name of a farm at no great distance,
ca.led \M. Fortaleza. Thin excited my curiosity, and I proceeded to the spot, a slimt
distance up the river; yet nothing could be learned from the inhabitants; it was only iiy
ra.iging the river's banks, through a dense and luxuriant forest, that 1 by accident
tumbled upon the site of the fortress.
The remarkable turn in the river: the ditch, still very perfect; the entrance and the
covert ways on each side for descending to the river, with a Hue esplanade of beautiful
short grass in front, complete the picture described by Las Casas.
The square occupied by the fort is now completely covered with forest trees, undis-
tinguishable from those of the surrounding country; which corresponds to this day
exactU with the description given above, three centuries since, by Columbus, Ojeda, and
Juan de l.uxan.
The only change to notice is, that the neat little Indian villages, swarming with nn
innocent and happy population, have totally disappeared : there being at present only a
few scattered huts of indigent Spaniards to be met with, buried in the gloom of the
mountains.
The traces of those villages are rarely to be discovered at the present day. The situa-
tion of one near 1'onlon was well chosen for defence, being built on a high bank between
dee]) and precipitous ravines. A large square occupied the centre; in the rear of each
dwelling were thrown the sweepings of the apartments and the ashes from the tires,
which form a line of mounds, mixed up with broken Indian utensils. As it lies in the
direct road from Isabella, l.'ibao, and La Vega, and command.- the best fordinir place in
the neighborhood for crossing the liiver Vai|iii in dry seasons, it must, no doubt, have
been a place of considerable re.-ort at the time of the discovery most likely a pontoon
or large canoe was stationed here for the facility of communication between "at. Tiiouia*
aud Isabella, whence it derived ila name.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 239
quantities of gold dust. One old man brought two pieces of
virgin ore, weighing an ounce, and thought himself richly repaid
when he received a hawk's bell. On remarking that the admiral
was struck with the size of these specimens, lie affected to
treat them with contempt, as insignificant, intimating by signs
that in his country, which lay within half a day's journey, they
found pieces of gold as big as an orange. Other Indians
brought grains of gold weighing ten and twelve drachms, and
declared that in the country whence they got them, there were
masses of ore as large as the head of a child. 1 As usual, how-
ever, these golden tracts were always in some demote valley, or
along some rugged and sequestered stream ; and the wealthiest
spot was sure to be at the greatest distance for the laud of
promise is very far beyond the mountain.
CHAPTER X.
EXCURSION OF JUAN* DE LUXAN AMONG THE MOUNTAINS CUSTOMS
AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NATIVES COLUMBUS RETURNS
TO ISABELLA.
[1494.]
WHILE the admiral remained among the mountains, superin-
tending the building of the fortress, he despatched a young
cavalier of Madrid, named Juan de Luxan, with a small band
of armed men, to range about the country, and explore the
whole of the province, which, from the reports of the Indians,
appeared to be equal in extent to the kingdom of Portugal.
Luxan returned, after a few days' absence, with the most satis-
factory accounts. He had traversed a great part of Cibao,
which he found more capable of cultivation than had at first
been imagined. It was generally mountainous, and the soil
covered with large round pebbles' of a blue color, yet there was
good pasturage in many of the valleys. The mountains, also,
being watered by frequent showers, produced grass of surpris-
ingly quick and luxuriant growth, often reaching to the saddles
of the horses. The forests seemed to Luxan to be full of valu-
able spices ; he being deceived by the odors emitted by those
aromatic plants and herbs which abound in the woodlands of
the tropics. There were great vines also, climbing to. the very
Peter Martyr, dccad. i. lib. Hi.
240 LIFE OF CHEJSTOPIIER COLUMBUS.
summits of the trees, and bearing clusters of grapes entirely
ripe, full of juice, and of a pleasant flavor. Every valley in id
glen possessed its streams, large or small, according to the si/.e
of the neighboring mountain, and all yielding more or less
gold, in small particles. Luxan was supposed, likewise, to
have learned from the Indians many of the secrets of their
mountains ; to have been shown the parts where the greatest
quantity of ore was found, and to have been taken to the rich-
est streams. On all these points, however, he observed a dis-
creet mystery, communicating the particulars to no one but the
admiral. s
The fortress of St. Thomas being nearly completed, Columbus
gave it iu command to Pedro Margarita, the same cavalier
whom he had recommended to the favor of the sovereigns ; and
he left him with a garrison of fifty-six men. He then set out
on his return to Isabella. On arriving at the banks of the Rio
Verde, or Nicayagua, in the Royal Vega, he found a number
of Spaniards on their way to the fortress with supplies. He
remained, therefore, a few days in the neighborhood, searching
for the best fording place of the river, and establishing a route
between the fortress and the harbor. During this time he
resided in the Indian villages, endeavoring to accustom his
people to the food of the natives, as well as to inspire the latter
with a mingled feeling of good will and reverence for the white
men.
From the report of Lnxan, Columbus had derived some in-
formation concerning the character and customs of the natives,
and he acquired still more from his own observations, in the
course of his sojourn among the tribes of the mountains and
the plains. And here a brief notice of a few of the charac-
teristics and customs of these people may be interesting. They
are given, not merely as observed by the admiral and iiis <>!li
eel's during this expedition, but as recorded some time after-
ward, in a crude dissertation, by a friar of the name of Roman .
a poor hermit, as he styled himself, of the order of the leroni-
mites, who was one of the colleagues of Father Boyle, and
resided for some time in the vega as a missionary.
Columbus had already discovered the error of one of Ins
opinions concerning these islanders, formed during his first
voyage. They were not so entirely pacific, nor so ignorant of
warlike arts, as he had imagined. He had been deceived by ihe
enthusiasm of his own feelings, and by the gentleness of Gua-
1 Peler Martyr, decad i lib. lii.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 241
canagari and his subjects. The casual descents of the Caribs
had compelled the inhabitants of the sea-shore to acquaint
themselves with the use of arms. Some of the mountain tribes
near the coast, particularly those on the side which looked
toward the Caribbee Islands, were of a more hardy and war-
like character than those of the plains. Caonabo, also, the
Carib chieftain, had introduced something of his own warrior
spirit into the centre of the island. Yet, generally speaking,
the habits of the people were- mild and gentle. If wars some-
times occurred among them, they were of short duration, and
unaccompanied by any great effusion of blood ; and, in general,
thry mingled amicably and hospitably with each other.
Columbus had also at first indulged in the error that the
natives of Hayti were destitute of all notions of religion, and
he had consequently flattered himself that it would be the
easier to introduce into their minds the doctrines of Christi-
anity ; not aware that it is more difficult to light up the lire of
devotion in the cold heart of an atheist, than to direct the
flame to a new object, when it is already enkindled. There are
few beings, however, so destitute of reflection as not to be im-
pressed with the conviction of an overruling deity. A nation
of atheists never existed. It was soon discovered that these
islanders had their creed, though of a vague and simple nature.
They believed in one supreme being, inhabiting the sky, who
was immortal, omnipotent, and invisible ; to whom they as-
cribed an origin, who had a mother, but no father. 1 They
never addressed their worship directly to him, but employed
inferior deities, called Zemes, as messengers and mediators.
Each cacique had his tutelar deity of this order, whom he in-
voked and pretended to consult in all his public undertakings
and who was reverenced by his i)eople. He had a house apart,
as a temple to this deity, in which was an image of his Zemi.
carved of wood or stone, or shaped of clay or cotton, and gen-
erally of some monstrous and hideous form. Each family and
each individual had likewise a particular Zemi, or protecting
genius, like the Lares and Penates of the ancients. They were
placed in every part of their houses, or carved on their furni-
ture ; some had them of a small size, and bound them about
their foreheads when they went to battle. They believed their
Zemes to be transferable, with all their powers, and often stole
them from each other. When the Spaniards came among
them, they often hid their idols, lest they should be taken
1 Escrilura de Fr. liomau. Hist, del AUniraute.
242 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
away. They believed that these Zcraes presided over every
object in nature, eaeli having a particular charge or govern-
ment. They influenced the seasons and the elements, causing
sterile or abundant years ; exciting hurricanes and whirlwinds,
and tempests of rain and thunder, or sending sweet and tem-
perate breezes and fruitful showers. They governed the seas
and forests, the springs and fountains ; like the Nereids, the
Dryads, and Satyrs of antiquity. They gave success in hunt-
ing and fishing ; they guided the waters of the mountains into
safe channels, and led them down to wander through the
plains, in gentle brooks and peaceful rivers ; or, if incensed,
they caused them to burst forth into rushing torrents and over-
whelming floods, inundating and laying waste the valleys.
The natives had their Butios, or priests, who pretended to
hold communion with these Zemes. They practised rigorous
fasts and ablutions, and inhaled the powder, or drank the
infusion, of a certain herb, which produced a temporary intoxi-
cation or delirium. In the course of this process, they pro-
fessed to have trances and visions, and that the Zemes revealed
to them future events, or instructed them in the treatment of
maladies. They were, in general, great herbalists, and well ac-
quainted with the medicinal properties of trees and vegetables.
They <!nred diseases through their knowledge of simples, but
always with many mysterious rites and ceremonies, and sup-
posed charms ; chanting and burning a light in the chamber of
the patient, and pretending to exorcise the malady, to expel it
from the mansion, and to send it to the sea or to the moun-
tain. 1
Their bodies were painted or tattooed with figures of the
Zemes, which were regarded with horror by the Spaniards, as
so many representations of the devil ; and the Butios, esteemed
as saints by the natives, were abhorred by the former as necro-
mancers. These Butios often assisted the caciques in prac-
tising deceptions upon their subjects, speaking oracularly through
the Zemes, by means of hollow tubes ; inspiriting the Indians to
battle by predicting success, or dealing forth such promises or
menaces as might suit the purposes of the chieftain.
There is but one of their solemn religious ceremonies of which
any record exists. The cacique proclaimed a day when a kind
of festival was to be held in honor of his Zemes. His subjects
assembled from all parts, and formed a solemn procession ; the
married men and women decorated with their most precious
1 Oviedo, Cronic., lib. v. cap. 1.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 243
ornaments, the young females entirely naked. The cacique,
or the principal personage, marched at their head, heating a
kind of drum. In this way they proceeded to the const-crated
house or temple, in which were set up the images of the Zemes.
Arrived at the door, the cacique seated himself on the outside,
continuing to beat his drum while the procession entered, the
females carrying baskets of cakes ornamented with flowers,
and singing as they advanced. These offerings were received
by the liutios with loud cries, or rather howlings. They broke
the cakes, after they had been offered to the Zemes, and distrib-
uted the portions to the heads of families, who preserved
them carefully throughout the year, as preventive of all ad-
verse accidents. This done, the females danced, at a given
signal, singing songs in honor of the Zemes, or in praise of the
heroic actions of their ancient caciques. The whole ceremony
finished by invoking the Zemes to watch over and protect the
nation. 1
Besides the Zemes, each cacique had three idols or talismans,
which were mere stones, but which were held in great rever-
ence by themselves and their subjects. One they supposed
had the power to produce abundant harvests, another to re-
move all pain from women in travail, and the third to call forth
rain or sunshine. Three of these were sent home by Columbus
to the sovereigns. 2
The ideas of the natives with respect to the creation were
vague and undefined. They gave their own island of Ilayti
priority of existence over all others, and believed that the sun
and moon originally issued out of a cavern in the island to give
light to the world. This cavern still exists, about seven or eigiit
leagues from Cape Francois, now Cape Haytien, and is known
by the name of La Vonte a Minguet. It is about one hundred
and fifty feet in depth, and nearly the same in height, but very
narrow. It receives no light but from the entrance, and from
a round hole in the roof, whence it was said the sun and moon
issued forth to take their places in the sky. The vault was so
fair and regular, that it appeared a work of art rather than of
nature. In the time of Charlevoix the figures of various Zemes
were still to be seen cut in the rocks, and there were the re-
mains of niches, as if to receive statues. Tin's cavern was held
in great veneration. It was painted, and adorned with green
branches, and other simple decorations. There were in it two
images or Zemes. When there was a want of rain, the natives
1 Charli-voix, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. i. p. 56. * llist. del Aluiiruniv, tup. ol.
244 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
made pilgrimage and processions to it, with songs and dances,
bearing offerings of fruits and flowers. 1
They believed that mankind issued from another cavern, the
large men from a great aperture, the small men from a little
cranny. They were for a long time destitute of women, but
wandering on one occasion near a small lake, they saw certain
animals among the branches of the trees, which proved to be
women. On attempting to catch them, however, they were
found to be as slippery as eels, so that it was impossible to hold
them. At length they employed certain men, whose hands
were rendered rough by a kind of leprosy. These succeeded in
securing four of these slippery females, from whom the world
was peopled.
While the men inhabited this cavern, they dared only to ven-
ture forth at night, for the sight of the sun was fatal to them,
turning them into trees and stones. A cacique, named Vago
niona, sent one of his men forth from the cave to fish, who
lingering at his sport until the sun had risen, was turned into
a bird of melodious note, the same which Columbus mistook:
for the nightingale. They added, that yearly about the time he
had suffered this transformation, he came in the night with a
mournful song, bewailing his misfortune ; which was the cause
why that bird always sang in the night season.' 2
Like most savage nations, they had a tradition concerning
the universal deluge, equally fanciful with most of the preced-
ing ; for it is singular how the human mind, in its natural state,
is apt to account, by trivial and familiar causes, for great
events. They said that there once lived in the island a mighty
cacique, who slew his only son for conspiring against him. He
afterward collected and picked his bones, and preserved them
in a gourd, as was the custom of the natives with the relics of
their friends. On a subsequent day, the cacique and his wife
opened the gourd to contemplate the bones of their son, when,
to their astonishment, several fish, great and small, leaped out.
Upon this the cacique closed the gourd, and placed it on the top
of his house, boasting that he had the sea shut up within it, and
could have fish whenever he pleased. Four brothers, however,
who had been born at the same birth, and were curious inter-
meddlers, hearing of this gourd, came during the absence of
the cacique to peep into it. In their carelessness they suffered
it to fall upon the ground, where it was dashed to pieces; when,
lo ! to their astonishment and disma}*, there issued forth a
> f'harlevoix, Fllst. St. Domingo, lib. i. n. 60.
1 Flay Roman. Ilisi. del Aluiiranlc. 1'. Muityr, dc-cad. i. lib. ix.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 245
might}* flood, with dolphins, and sharks, and tumbling por-
poises, and great spouting whales ; and the water spread, until
it overflowed the earth, and formed the ocean, leaving only the
tops of the mountains uncovered, which are the present
islands. 1
The} 7 had singular modes of treating the dying and the dead.
When the life of a cacique was despaired of, they strangled
him out of a principle of respect, rather than suffer him to die
like the vulgar. Common people were extended in their ham-
mocks, bread and water placed at their head, and they were
then abandoned to die in solitude. Sometimes they were car-
ried to the cacique, and if he permitted them the distinction,
they were strangled. After death the body of a cacique was
opened, dried at a fire, and preserved ; of others the head only
was treasured up as a memorial, or occasionally a limb. Some-
times the whole body was interred in a cave, with a calal>:ish
of water and a loaf of bread ; sometimes it was consumed with
fire in the house of the deceased.
They had confused and uncertain notions of the existence of
the soul when separated from the body. They believed in the
apparitions of the departed at night, or by daylight in solitary
places, to lonely individuals ; sometimes advancing as if to at-
tack them, but upon the traveller's striking at them they van-
ished, and he struck merely against trees or rocks. Sometimes
they mingled among the living, and were only to be known by
having no navels. The Indians, fearful of meeting with these
apparitions, disliked to go about alone, and in the dark.
They had an idea of a place of reward, to which the spirits of
good men repaired after death, where they were reunited to the
spirits of those they had most loved during life, and to all their
ancestors. Here they enjoyed uninterruptedly, and in perfec-
tion, those pleasures which constituted their felicity on earth.
They lived in shady and blooming bowers, with beautiful wo-
men, and banqueted on delicious fruits. The paradise of these
happy spirits was variously placed, almost every tribe assign-
ing some favorite spot in their native province. JNIanv, how-
ever, concurred in describing this region as being neal* a lake
in the western part of the island, in the beautiful province of
Xaragua. Here there were delightful valleys, covered with a
delicate fruit called the mamey, about the size of an apricot.
They imagined that the souls of the deceased remained con-
cealed among the airy and inaccessible cliffs of the mountains
1 Escritura de Fray Roman, pobre Hereunto.
246 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
during the day, but descended at night into these happy valleys,
to regale on this consecrated fruit. The living were sparing,
therefore, in eating it, lest the souls of their friends should suf-
fer from want of their favorite nourishment. 1
The dances to which the natives seemed so immoderately
addicted, and which had been at first considered by the .Span-
iards mere idle pastimes, were fouud to be often ceremonials
of a serious and mystic character. They form indeed a singu-
lar and important feature throughout the customs of the abori-
ginals of the New World. In these are typified, by signs well
understood by the initiated, and, as it were, by hieroglyphic
action, their historical events, their projected enterprises, their
hunting, their ambuscades, and their battles, resembling in
some respects the Pyrrhic dances of the ancients. Speaking of
the prevalence of these dances among the natives of Hayti,
Peter Martyr observes that they performed them to the chant
of certain metres and ballads, handed down from generation to
generation, in which were rehearsed the deeds of their ances-
tors. " These rhymes or ballads," he adds, " they call areytos ;
and as our minstrels are accustomed to sing to the harp and
lute, so do they in like manner sing these songs, and dance to
the same, playing on timbrels made of shells of certain fishes.
These timbrels they call maguey. They have also songs and
ballads of love, and others of lamentation or mourning ; some
also to encourage them to the wars, all sung to tunes agreeable
to the matter." It was for these dances, as has been already
observed, that they were so eager to procure hawks' bells, sus-
pending them about their persons, and keeping time with their
sound to the cadence of the singers. This mode of dancing to
a ballad has been compared to the dances of the peasants in
Flanders during the summer, and to those prevalent through-
out Spain to the sound of the castanets, and the wild popular
chants said to be derived from the Moors ; but which, in fact,
existed before their invasion among the Goths who overran the
peninsula. 2
The earliest history of almost all nations has generally been
preser^jd by rude heroic rhymes and ballads, and by the lays
of the minstrels ; and such was the case with the areytos of
the Indians. "When a cacique died," says Oviedo, "they
sang in dirges his life and actions, and all the good that he had
done was recollected. Thus they formed the ballads or areytos
1 Tlist. del Alrairante, cap. 61. Peter Martyr, dccad. i. lib. ix. Charlevoix, Hist. St.
Domingo, lib. i.
1 Mariana, Hist. Esp., lib. v. cap. 1.
LIFE OF CI1RISTOPUEB COLUMBUS. 247
which constituted their history." l Some of these ballads were
of a sacred character, containing their traditional notions of
theology, and the superstitions and fables which comprised
their religious creeds. None were permitted to sing these but
the sons of caciques, who were instructed in them by their
Butios. They were chanted before the people on solemn festi-
vals, like those already described, accompanied by the sound
of a kind of drum, made from a hollow tree. 2
Such are a few of the characteristics remaining on record of
these simple people, who perished from the face of the earth
before their customs and creeds were thought of sufficient im-
portance to be investigated. The present work does not profess
to enter into detailed accounts of the countries and people dis-
covered by Columbus, otherwise than as they may be useful for
the illustration of his history ; and perhaps the foregoing are
carried to an unuecessaiy length, but they may serve to give
greater interest to the subsequent transactions of the island.
Many of these particulars, as has been observed, were col-
lected by the admiral and his officers, during their excursion
among {he mountains and their sojourn in the plain. The
natives appeared to them a singularly idle and improvident
race, indifferent to most of the objects of human anxiety and
toil. They were impatient of all kinds of labor, scarcely giving
themselves the trouble to cultivate the yuca root, the maize,
and the potato, which formed the main articles of subsistence.
For the rest, their streams abounded with fish ; they caught the
utia or coney, the guana, and various birds ; and they had a per-
petual banquet from the fruits spontaneously produced by their
groves. Though the air was sometimes cold among the moun-
tains, }'et they preferred submitting to a little temporary suffer-
ing rather than take the trouble to weave garments from the
gossampiue cotton which abounded in their forests. Thus they
loitered away existence in vacant inactivity, under the shade of
their trees, or amusing themselves occasionally with various
games and dances.
In fact, they were destitute of powerful motive to toil, being
free from most of those wants which doom mankind in civilized
life, or in less genial climes, to incessant labor. They had no
sterile winter to provide against, particularly in the valleys and
the plains, where, according to Peter Martyr, " the island en-
joyed perpetual spring-time, and was blessed with continual
1 Oviedo. Cron. dp las India*, lib. v. cap. 3.
1 Fiay Roman. IIi*t. del Alrairante, cap. 61. P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. ix. Herrera,
Ili.-t. luj., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 4. Oviedo, lib. v. cap. 1.
248 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
summer and harvest. The trees preserved their leaves through-
out the year, and the meadows continued always green."
"There is no province, nor an} 7 region," he again observes,
" which is not remarkable for the majesty of its mountains, the
fruitfulness of its vales, the pleasantness of its hills, and de-
lightful plains, with abundance of fair rivers running through
them. There never was any noisome animal found in it, nor
yet any ravening four-footed beast ; no lion, nor bear ; no fierce
tigers, nor crafty foxes, nor devouring wolves, but all things
blessed and fortunate. 1
In the soft region of the Vega, the circling seasons brought
each its store of fruits ; and while some were gathered in full
maturity, others were ripening on the boughs, and buds and
blossoms gave promise of still future abundance. What need
was there of garnering up and anxiously providing for coming
days, to men who lived in a perpetual harvest? What need,
too, of toilfully spinning or laboring at the loom, when a genial
temperature prevailed throughout the year, and neither nature
nor custom prescribed the necessity of clothing.
The hospitality that characterizes men in such a simple and
easy mode of existence, was evinced toward Columbus and his
followers during their sojourn in the Vega. Wherever they
went it was a continual scene of festivity and rejoicing. The
natives hastened from all parts, bearing presents, and laying
the treasures of their groves, and streams, and mountains, at
the feet of beings whom the} 7 still considered as descended from
the skies to bring blessings to their island.
Having accomplished the purposes of his residence in the
Vega, Columbus, at the end of a few days, took leave of its
hospitable inhabitants, and resumed his inarch for the harbor,
returning with his little army through the lofty and rugged
gorge of the mountains called the Pass of the Hidalgos. As
we accompany him in imagination over the rocky height, whence
the Vega first broke upon the eye of the Europeans, we cannot
help pausing to cast back a look of mingled pity and admira-
tion over this beautiful but devoted region. The dream of
natural liberty, of ignorant content, and loitering idleness, was
as yet unbroken, but the fiat had gone forth ; the white man
had penetrated into the land : avarice, and pride, and ambition,
and pining care, and sordid labor, and withering poverty, were
soon to follow, and the indolent paradise of the Indian was
about to disappear forever.
1 Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. is., translated by R. Edeu. London, K55.
LIFE OF CnillSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 249
CHAPTER XI
ARRIVAL OF COLUMBUS AT ISABELLA SICKNESS OF THE COLONY.
[1494.]
ON the 29th of March, Columbus arrived at Isabella, highly
satisfied with his expedition into the interior. The appearance
of every thing in the vicinity of the harbor was calculated to
increase his anticipations of prosperity. The plants and fruits
of the Old World, which he was endeavoring to introduce into
the island, gave promise of rapid increase. The orchards, fields,
and gardens were in a great state of forwardness. The seeds
of various fruits had produced young plants ; the sugar-cane
had prospered exceedingly ; a native vine, trimmed and dressed
with care, had yielded grapes of tolerable flavor, and cuttings
from European vines already began to form their clusters. On
the 30th of March a husbandman brought to Columbus ears of
wheat which had been sown in the latter part of January. The
smaller kind of garden herbs came to maturity in sixteen days,
and the larger kind, such as melons, gourds, pompions, and
cucumbers, were fit for the table within a month after the seed
had been put into the ground. The soil, moistened by brooks
and rivers and frequent showers, and stimulated by an ardent
sun, possessed those principles of quick and prodigal fecundity
which surprise the stranger, accustomed to less vigorous
climates.
The admiral had scarcely returned to Isabella when a mes-
senger arrived from Pedro Margarite, the commander at fort
St. Thomas, informing him that the Indians of the vicinity had
manifested unfriendly feelings, abandoning their villages and
shunning all intercourse with the white men ; and that Caonabo
was assembling his warriors, and preparing to attack the fort-
ress. The fact was, that the moment the admiral had departed,
the Spaniards, no longer awed by his presence, had, as usual,
listened only to their passions, and exasperated the natives by
wresting from them their gold, and wronging them with respect
to their women. Caonaba also had seen with impatience these
detested intruders, planting their standard in the very midst of
his mountains, and he knew that he had nothing to expect from
them but vengeance.
The tidings of Margarite, however, caused but little solici-
250 LIFE OF CIIRISTOPHEE COLUMBUS.
tude in the mind of Columbus. From what he had seen of the
Indians in the interior, he had no apprehensions from their hos-
tility. He knew their weakness and their awe of white men,
and above all, he confided in their terror of the horses, which
the\- regarded as ferocious beasts of prey, obedient to the
Spaniards, but ready to devour their enemies. He contented
himself, therefore, with sending Margarite a re-enforcement of
twenty men, with a supply of provisions and ammunition, and
detaching thirty men to open a road between the fortress and
the port.
What gave Columbus real and deep anxiety was the sickness,
the discontent, and dejection which continued to increase in the
settlement. The same principles of heat and humidity which
gave such fecundity to the fields were fatal to the people. The
exhalations from undraiued marshes, and a vast continuity of
forest, and the action of a burning sun upon a reeking vege-
table soil, produced intermittent fevers, and various other of
the maladies so trying to European constitutions in the uncul-
tivated countries of the tropics. Many of the Spaniards suf-
fered also under the torments of a disease hitherto unknown to
them, the scourge, as was supposed, of their licentious inter-
course with the Indian females ; but the origin of which,
whether American or European, has been a subject of great
dispute. Thus the greater part of the colonists were either
confined by positive illness or reduced to great debility. The
stock of medicines was soon exhausted ; there was a lack of
medical aid, and of the watchful attendance which is even more
important than medicine to the sick. Every one who was well,
was either engrossed by the public labors, or by his own wants
or cares ; having to perform all menial offices for himself, even
to the cooking of his provisions. The public works, therefore,
languished, and it was impossible to cultivate the soil in a suf-
ficient degree to produce a supply of the fruits of the earth.
Provisions began to fail, much of the stores brought from
Europe had been wasted on board ship, or suffered to spoil
through carelessness, and much had perished on shore from the
warmth and humidity of the climate. It seemed impossible for
the colonists to accommodate themselves to the food of the
natives ; and their infirm condition required the aliments to
which they had been accustomed. To avert an absolute famine,
therefore, it was necessary to put the people on a short allow-
ance, even of the damaged and unhealthy provisions which re-
mained. This immediately caused loud and fractious murmurs,
in which many of those in office, who ought to have supported
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 251
Columbus in his measures for the common safety, took a leading
part ; among those was Father Boyle, a priest as turbulent as
be \v:is crafty. He had been irritated, it is said, by the rigid
impartiality of Columbus, who, in enforcing his salutary meas-
ures, made no distinction of rank or persons, and put the friar
and his household on a short allowance as well as the rest of the
community.
In the midst of this general discontent, the bread began to
grow scarce. The stock of flour was exhausted, and there was
no mode of grinding corn but by the tedious and toilsome pro-
cess of the hand-mill. It became necessary, therefore, to erect
a mill immediately, and other works were required equally
important to the welfare of the settlement. Many of the work-
men, however, were ill, some feigning greater sickness than
they really suffered ; for there was a general disinclination to
all kinds of labor which was not to produce immediate wealth.
In this emergency, Columbus put every health}' person in requisi-
tion ; and as the cavaliers and gentlemen of rank required food
as well as the lower orders, they were called upon to take their
share in the common labor. This was considered a cruel deg-
radation b}- many youthful hidalgos of high blood and haughty
spirit, and they refused to obey the summons. Columbus, how-
ever, was a strict disciplinarian, and felt the importance of
making his authority respected. He resorted, therefore, to
strong and compulsory measures, and enforced their obedience.
This was another cause of the deep and lasting hostilities that
sprang up against him. It aroused the immediate indignation
of every person of birth and rank in the colony, and drew upon
him the resentment of several of the proud families of Spain.
He was inveighed against as an arrogant and upstart foreigner,
who. inflated with a sudden acquisition of power, and consulting
only his own ^vealth and aggrandizement, was trampling upon
the rights and dignities of Spanish gentlemen, and insulting
the honor of the nation.
Columbus may have been too strict and indiscriminate in his
regulations. There are cases in which even justice may become
oppressive, and where the severity of the law should be tem-
pered with indulgence. What was mere toilsome labor to a
common man, became humiliation and disgrace when forced
upon a Spanish cavalier. Many of these young men had come
out, not iu the pursuit of wealth, but with romantic dreams in-
spired by his own representations ; hoping, no doubt, to dis-
tinguish themselves by heroic achievements and chivalrous
adventure, and to continue in the Indies the career of arms
252 LIFE OF CnRISTOPIIER COLUMBUS.
which they had commenced in the recent wars of Granada.
Others had been brought up in soft, luxurious indulgence, in
the midst of opulent families, and were little calculated for the
rude perils of the seas, the fatigues of the land, and the hard-
ships, the exposures, and deprivations which attend a new
settlement in the wilderness. When they fell ill, their case
soon became incurable. The ailments of the body were in-
creased by sickness of the heart. They suffered under the
irritation of wounded pride, and the morbid melancholy of dis-
appointed hope ; their sick-bed was destitute of all the tender
care and soothing attention to which they had been accustomed ;
and they sank into the grave in all the sullenness of despair,
cursing the day of their departure from their country.
The venerable Las Casas, and Herrera after him, record, with
much solemnity, a popular belief current in the island at the
time of his residence there, and connected with the untimely
fate of these cavaliers.
In after years, when the seat of the colony was removed from
Isabella on account of its unhealthy situation, the city fell to
ruin, and was abandoned. Like all decayed and deserted
places, it soon became an object of awe and superstition to the
common people, and no one ventured to enter its gates. Those
who passed near it, or hunted the wild swine which abounded
in the neighborhood, declared they heard appalling voices issue
from within its walls by night and day. The laborers became
fearful, therefore, of cultivating the adjacent fields. The story
went, adds Las Casas, that two Spaniards happened one day to
wander among the ruined edifices of the place. On entering
one of the solitary streets, they beheld two rows of men, evi-
dently, from their stately demeanor, hidalgos of noble blood,
and cavaliers of the court. They were richly attired in the old
Castilian mode, with rapiers by their sides, and lyoad travelling
hats, such as were worn at the time. The two men were aston-
ished to behold persons of their rank and appearance ap-
parently inhabiting that desolate place, unknown to the people
of the island. They saluted them, and inquired whence they
came and when they had arrived. The cavaliers maintained a
gloomy silence, but courteously returned the salutation by raising
their hands to their sombreros or hats, in taking off which their
heads came off also, and their bodies stood decapitated. The
whole phantom assemblage then vanished. So great w r as the
astonishment and horror of the beholders, that they had nearly
fallen dead, and remained stupefied for several days. 1
1 Lau Casas, Hist. Iiid., lib. i. cap. 92, MS. Herrera, Hist, lad., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 12.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 253
The foregoing legend is curious, as illustrating the supersti-
tious character of the age, and especially of the people with
whom Columbus had to act. It shows, also, the deep and
gloomy impression made upon the minds of the common people
by the death of these cavaliers, which operated materially to
increase the unpopularity of Columbus; as it was mischievously
represented, that they had been seduced from their homes by
his delusive promises, and sacrificed to his private interests.
CHAPTER XII.'
DISTRIBUTION OF THE SPANISH FORCES IN THE INTERIOR PREP-
ARATIONS FOR A VOYAGE TO CUBA.
[1494.]
THE increasing discontents of the motley population of Isa-
bella and the rapid consumption of the scanty stores which
remained, were causes of great anxiety to Columbus. He was
desirous of proceeding on another voyage of discovery, but it
was indispensable, before sailing, to place the affairs of the
island in such a state as to secure tranquillity. He determined,
therefore, to send all the men that could be spared from Isa-
bella, into the interior; with orders to visit the territories of
the different caciques, and explore the island. By this means
they would be roused and animated ; they would become ac-'
customed to the climate and to the diet of the natives, and such
a force would be displayed as to overawe the machinations of
Caouabo or any other hostile cacique. In pursuance of this
plan, every healthy person, not absolutely necessary to the
concerns of the city or the care of the sick, was put under ann>,
and a little army mustered, consisting of two hundred and fifty
cross-bow men, one hundred and ten arquebusiers, sixteen
horsemen, and twenty officers. The general command of the
forces was intrusted to Pedro Margarita, in whom Columbus
had great confidence as a noble Catalonian. and a knight of the
order of Santiago. Alonso do Ojeda was to conduct the army
to the fortress of St. Thomas, where he was to succeed Mar-
garit'e in the command ; and the latter was to proceed with the
main body of the troops on a military tour, in which he was
purtieularly to explore the province of Cibao, and subsequently
the other parts of the islaiid.
254 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Columbus wrote a long and earnest letter of instructions to
Margaritc, by which to govern himself in a service requiring
such great circumspection. He charged him above all things
to observe the greatest justice and discretion in respect to the
Indians, protecting them from all wrong and insult, and treat-
ing them in such a manner as to secure their confidence and
friendship. At the same time they were to be made to respect
the property of the white men, and all thefts were to be severely
punished. Whatever provisions were required from them for
the subsistence of the army, were to be fairly purchased by
persons whom the admiral appointed for that purpose ; the
purchases were to be made in the presence of the agent of the
comptroller. If the Indians refused to sell the necessary pro-
visions, then Margarite was to interfere and compel them to do
so, acting, however, with all possible gentleness, and soothing
them by kindness and caresses. No traffic was to be allowed
between individuals and the natives, it being displeasing to
the sovereigns and injurious to the service ; and it was always
to be kept in mind that their majesties were more desirous of
the conversion of the natives than of any riches to be derived
from them.
A strict discipline was to be maintained in the army, all
breach of orders to lie severely punished, the men to be kept
together and not suffered to wander from the main body, either
singly or in small parties, lest they should be cut off by the
natives ; for though these people were pusillanimous, there
were no people so apt to be perfidious and cruel as cowards. 1
These judicious instructions, which, if followed, might have
preserved an amicable intercourse with the natives, are more
especially deserving of notice, because Margarite disregarded
them all, and by his disobedience brought trouble on the colony,
obloquy on the nation, destruction oil the Indians, and un-
merited censure on Columbus.
In addition to the foregoing orders, there were particular
directions for the surprising and securing of the persons of
Caonabo and his brothers. The warlike character of that
chieftain, his artful polic}', extensive power, and implacable
hostility, rendered him a dangerous enemy. The measures
proposed were not the most open and chivalrous, but Columbus
thought himself justified in opposing stratagem to stratagem
with a subtle and sanguinary foe.
The Oth of April, Alouso de Ojeda sallied forth from Isabella
1 Letter of Columbus. Navarrete, Colec., torn. ii. Documeut No. 72.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 255
at the head of the forces, amounting to nearly four hundred
men. On arriving at the Rio del Oro in the Koyal Vega, he
learnt that three Spaniards coming from the fortress of St.
Thomas had been robbed of their effects by five Indians, whom
a neighboring cacique had sent to assist them in fording the
river ; and that the cacique, instead of punishing the thieves,
had countenanced them and shared their booty. Ojeda was a
quick, impetuous soldier, whose ideas of legislation were all of
a military kind. Having caught one of the thieves, he caused
his ears to be cutoff in the public square of the village ; he then
seized the cacique, his son, and nephew, and sent them in Chains
to the admiral, after which he pursued his march to the fortress.
In the mean time the prisoners arrived at Isabella in deep
dejection. They were accompanied by a neighboring cacique,
who, reiving upon the merit of various acts of kindness which
he had shown to the Spaniards, came to plead for their for-
giveness. His intercessions appeared to be of no avail. Co-
lumbus felt the importance of striking awe into the minds of
the natives with respect to the property of the white men. He
ordered, therefore, that the prisoners should be taken to the
public square with their hands tied behind them, their crime
and punishment proclaimed by the crier, and their heads struck
off. Nor was this a punishment disproportioued to their own
ideas of justice, for we are told that the crime of theft was held
in such abhorrence among them, that, though not otherwise
sanguinary in their laws, they punished it with impalement. 1
It is not probable, however, that Columbus really meant to
carry the sentence into effect. At the place of execution the
prayers and tears of the friendly cacique were redoubled,
pledging himself that there should be no repetition of the
offence. The admiral at length made a merit of yielding to his
entreaties, and released the prisoners. Just at this juncture a
horseman arrived from the fortress, who, in passing by the
village of the captive cacique, had found five Spaniards in the
power of the Indians. The sight of his horse had put the mul-
titude to flight, though upward of four hundred in number.
He had pursued the fugitives, wounding several with his lance,
and had brought off his countrymen in triumph.
Convinced by this circumstance that nothing was to be appre-
hended from the hostilities of these timid people as long as his
orders were obeyed, and confiding in the distribution he had
made of his forces, both for the tranquillity of the colony and
1 Oviedo, Ilist. lud., lib. v. cap. 3.
256 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
the island, Columbus prepared to depart on the prosecution of
his discoveries. To direct the affairs of the island during his
absence, he formed a junta, of which his brother Don Diego was
president, and Father Boyle, Pedro Feruandes Coronel, Alonzo
Sanchez Caravajal, and Juan de Luxan, were councillors. He
left his two largest ships in the harbor, being of too great a size
and draught of water to explore unknown coasts and rivers,
and took with him three caravels, the 2s T iiia or Santa Clara,
the Sail Juan, aiid the Cordera.
BOOK VII.
CHAPTER I.
VOYAGE TO THE EAST END OF CUBA.
[1494.]
THE expedition of Columbus, which we are now about to
record, may appear of minor importance at the present day,
leading as it did to no grand discovery, and merely extending
along the coasts of islands with which the reader is sufficiently
familiar. Some may feel impatient at the development of
opinions and conjectures which have long since been proved to
be fallacious, and the detail of exploring enterprises, undertaken
in error, and which they know must end in disappointment.
But to feel these voyages properly, we must, in a manner,
divest ourselves occasionally of the information we possess,
relative to the countries visited ; we must transport ourselves
to the time, and identify ourselves with Columbus, thus fear-
lessly launching into seas where as yet a civilized sail had
never been unfurled. We must accompany him, step by step,
in his cautious but bold advances along the bays and channels
of an unknown coast, ignorant of the dangers which might lurk
around or which might await him in the interminable region of
mystery that still kept breaking upon his view. We must, as
it were, consult with him as to each new reach of shadowy
land, and long line of promontory, that we see faintly emer-
ging from the ocean and stretching along the distant horizon.
We must watch with him each light canoe that comes skim-
ming the billows, to gather from the looks, the ornaments, and
the imperfect communications of its wandering crew, whether
those unknown lands are also savage and uncultivated, whether
they are islands in the ocean, untrodden as yet by civilized
man, or tracts of the old continent of Asia, and wild frontiers
of its populous and splendid empires. We must enter into his
257
268 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
very thoughts and fancies, find out the data that assisted his
judgment, and the hints that excited his conjectures, and for a
time clothe the regions through which we are accompanying
him with the gorgeous coloring of his own imagination. In
this way we may delude ourselves into participation of the
delight of exploring unknown and magnificent lands, where
new wonders and beauties break upon us at every step, and we
may ultimately be able, as it were, from our own familiar
acquaintance, to form an opinion of the character of this ex-
traordinary man, and of the nature of his enterprises.
The plan of the present expedition of Columbus was to revisit
the coast of Cuba at the point where he had abandoned it on
his first voyage, and thence to explore it on the southern side.
As has already 7 been observed, he supposed it to be a continent,
and the extreme end of Asia, and if so, by following its shores
in the proposed direction he must eventually arrive at Cathay
and those other rich and commercial though semi-barbarous
countries described by Mandeville and Marco Polo. 1
He set sail with his little squadron from the harbor of Isa-
bella on the 24th of April, and steered to the westward. After
touching at Monte Christi, he anchored on the same day at the
disastrous harbor of La Navidad. His object in revisiting this
melancholy scene was to obtain an interview with Guacanagari,
who, he understood, had returned to his former residence. He
could not be persuaded of the perfidy of that cacique, so deep
was the impression made upon his heart by past kindness ; he
trusted, therefore, that a frank explanation would remove all
painful doubts, and restore a friendly intercourse, which would
be highly advantageous to the Spaniards, in their present time
of scarcity and suffering. Guacanagari, however, still main-
tained his equivocal conduct, absconding at the sight of the
ships ; and though several of his subjects assured Columbus
that the cacique would soon make him a visit, he did not think
it advisable to delay his vo3*age on such an uncertainty.
Pursuing his course, impeded occasionally by contrary
winds, he arrived on the 2'Jth at the port of St. Nicholas,
whence he beheld the extreme point of Cuba, to which in his
preceding voyage he had given the name of Alpha and Omega,
but which was called by the natives Bayatiquiri, and is now
known as Point Maysi. Having crossed the channel, which is
about eighteen leagues wide, he sailed along the southern coast
of Cuba, for the distance of twenty leagues, when he anchored
1 Cura de los TalacioB, cap. 123, MS.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 259
in a harbor, to which, from its size, he gave the name of Puerto
Grande, at present called Guantanaino. The entrance was nar-
row and winding, though deep; the harbor expanded within
like a beautiful lake, in the bosom of a wild and mountainous
country, covered with trees, some of them in blossom, others
bearing fruit. Not far from the shore were two cottages built
of reeds, and several tires blazing in various parts of the beach
gave signs of inhabitants. Columbus landed, therefore, attend-
ed by several men well armed, and by the young Indian inter-
preter Diego Colon, the native of the island of Guanahani who
had been baptized in Spain. On arriving at the cottages, he
found them deserted ; the fires also were abandoned, and there
was not a human being to be seen. The Indians had all fled to
the woods and mountains. The sudden arrival of the ships had
spread a panic throughout the neighborhood, and apparently
interrupted the preparations for a rude but plentiful banquet.
There were great quantities of fish, utias, and guanas ; some
suspended to the branches of the trees, others roasting on
wooden spits before the fires.
The Spaniards, accustomed of late to slender fare, fell with-
out ceremony on this bounteous feast, thus spread for them, as
it were, in the wilderness. They abstained, however, from the
guanas, which they still regarded with disgust as a species of
serpent, though they were considered so delicate a food by the
savages, that, according to Peter Martyr, it was no more law-
ful for the common people to eat them, than of peacocks and
pheasants in Spain. 1
After their repast, as the Spaniards were roving about the
vicinity, they beheld about seventy of the natives collected on
the top of a lofty rock, and looking down upon them with
great awe and amazement. On attempting to approach them
they instantly disappeared among the woods and clefts of the
mountain. One, however, more bold or more curious than the
rest, lingered on the brow of the precipice, gazing with timid
wonder at the Spaniards, partly encouraged b}' their friendly
signs, but ready in an instant to bound away after his com-
panions.
By order of Columbus the young Lucayan interpreter ad-
vanced and accosted him. The expressions of friendship, in
his own language, soon dispelled his apprehensions. He came
to meet the interpreter, and being informed by him of the good
intentions of the Spaniards, hastened to communicate the in-
i P. Martyr, dt-cad. i. lib. iii.
260 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
telligence to his comrades. In a little while they were seen
descending from the rocks, and issuing from their forests, ap-
proaching the strangers with great gentleness and veneration.
Through the means of the interpreter, Columbus learnt that
they had been sent to the coast by their cacique, to procure fish
for a solemn banquet, which he was about to give to a neighbor-
ing chieftain, and that they roasted the fish to prevent it from
spoiling in the transportation. They seemed to be of the same
gentle and pacific character with the natives of Ilayti. The
ravages that had been made among their provisions by the hun-
gry Spaniards gave them no concern, for they observed that
one night's fishing would replace all the loss. Columbus, how-
ever, in his usual spirit of justice, ordered that ample compen-
sation should be made them, and, shaking hands, they parted
mutually well-pleased. 1
Leaving this harbor on the 1st of May, the admiral continued
to the westward, along a mountainous coast, adorned by beau-
tiful rivers, and indented by those commodious harbors for
which this island is so remarkable. As he advanced, the coun-
try grew more fertile and populous. The natives crowded to
the shores, man, woman, and child, gazing with astonishment
at the ships, which glided gently along at no great distance.
They held up fruits and provisions, inviting the Spaniards to
land ; others came off in canoes, bringing cassava bread, fish,
and calabashes of water, not for sale, but as offerings to the
strangers, whom, as usual, they considered celestial beings de-
scended from the skies. Columbus distributed the customary
presents among them, which were received with transports
of joy and gratitude. After continuing some distance along
the coast, he came to another gulf or deep bay, narrow at the
entrance and expanding within, surrounded by a rich and
beautiful country. There were lofty mountains sweeping up
from the sea, but the shores were enlivened by numerous vil-
lages, and cultivated to such a degree as to resemble gardens
and orchards. In this harbor, which it is probable was the
same at present called St. Jago de Cuba, Columbus anchored
and passed a night, overwhelmed, as usual, with the simple hos-
pitality of the natives.' 2
On inquiring of the people of this coast after gold, they uni-
formry pointed to the south, and, as far as they could be
understood, intimated that it abounded in a great island which
lay in that direction. The admiral, in the course of his first
1 Peter Martyr, ubi sup. Cura de los Paladoe, cap 124, 1S.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 261
voyage, had received information of such an island, which
some of his followers had thought might be Habeque, the ob-
ject of so much anxious search and chimerical expectation.
He had felt a strong inclination to diverge from his course
and go in quest of it, and this desire increased with every
new report. On the following day, therefore (the 3d of May),
after standing westward to a high cape, he turned his prow
directly south, and abandoning for a time the coast of Cuba,
steered off into the broad sea, in quest of this reported island.
CHAPTER n.
DISCOVERY OF JAMAICA.
[1494.]
COLUMBUS had not sailed many leagues before the blue sum-
mits of a vast and lofty island at a great distance, began to
rise like clouds above the horizon. It was two days and nights,
however, before he reached its shores, filled with admiration,
as he gradually drew near, at the beauty of its mountains, the
majesty of its forests, the fertility of its valleys, and the great
number of villages with which the whole face of the country
was animated.
On approaching the land, at least seventy canoes, filled with
savages gayly painted and decorated with feathers, sallied
forth more than a league from the shore. They advanced in
warlike array, uttering loud yells, and brandishing lances of
pointed wood. The mediation of the interpreter, and a few
presents to the crew of one of the canoes, which ventured
nearer than the rest, soothed this angry armada, and the squad-
ron pursued its course unmolested. Columbus anchored in a
harbor about the centre of the island, to which, from the great
beauty of the surrounding country, he gave the name of Santa
Gloria. 1
On the following morning he weighed anchor at daybreak,
and coasted westward in search of a sheltered harbor, where
his ship could be careened and calked, as it leaked considerably.
After proceeding a few leagues, he found one apparently suit-
able for the purpose. On sending a boat to sound the entrance,
two large canoes, filled with Indians, issued forth, hurling their
1 Cura tie los Palacioa, cap. 125.
C 2 2 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
lances, but from such distance as to fall short of the Spaniards.
AVishing to avoid any act of hostility that might prevent fntuie
intercourse, Columbus ordered the boat to return on board, and
finding there was sufficient depth of water for his ship, entered
and anchored in the harbor. Immediately the whole beach was
covered with Indians painted with a variety of colors, but
chiefly black, some partly clothed with palm-leaves, and all
wearing tufts and coronets of feathers. Unlike the hospitable
islanders of Cuba and Ilayti, they appeared to partake of the
warlike character of the Caribs, hurling their javelins at the
ships, and making the shores resound with their yells and war-
whoops.
The admiral reflected that further forbearance might be mis-
taken for cowardice. Jt was necessary to careen his ship, and
to send men on shore for a supply of water, but previously it
was advisable to strike an awe into the savages, that might pre-
vent any molestation from them. As the caravels could not
approach sufficiently near to the beach where the Indians were
collected, he despatched the boats well manned and armed.
These, rowing close to the shore, let fly a volley of arrows
from their cross-bows, by which several Indians were wounded,
and the rest thrown into confusion. The Spaniards then sprang
on shore, and put the whole multitude to flight, giving another
discharge with their cross-bows, and letting loose upon them a
dog, who pursued them with sanguinary fury. 1 This is the
first instance of the use of dogs against the natives, which were
afterward employed with such cruel effect by the Spaniards in
their Indian wars. Columbus now landed and took formal pos-
session of the island, to which he gave the name of Santiago;
but it has retained its original Indian name of Jamaica. The
harbor, from its commodiousuess, he called Puerto Bueno ; it
was in the form of a horseshoe, and a river entered the sea in
its vicinity. 2
During the rest of the day the neighborhood remained silent
and deserted. On the following morning, however, before sun-
rise, six Indians were seen on the shore, making signs of amity.
They proved to be envo3's sent by the caciques with proffers of
peace and friendship. These were cordially returned by the
admiral ; presents of trinkets were sent to the chieftains ; and
in a little while the harbor again swarmed with the naked and
painted multitude, bringing abundance of provisions, similar in
kind, but superior in quality, to those of the other islands.
1 Cura de los Palacios, cap. 125. Hist, del Almirante, ubi ano.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 263
During three days that the ships remained in this harbor,
the most amicable intercourse was kept up with the natives.
They appeared to be more ingenious, as well as more warlike,
than their neighbors of Cuba and Hayti. Their cauoes were
better constructed, being ornamented with carving and paint-
ing at the bow and stern. Many were of great size, though
formed of the trunks of single trees, often from a species of the
mahogany. Columbus measured one, which was ninety-six feet
long, and eight broad, 1 hollowed out of one of those magnificent
trees which rise like verdant towers amidst the rich forests of
the tropics. Every cacique prided himself on possessing a large
canoe of the kind, which he seemed to regard as his ship of
state. It is curious to remark the apparently innate difference
between these island tribes. The natives of Poito Rico, though
surrounded by adjacent islands, and subject to frequent incur-
sions of the Caribs, were of a pacific character, and possessed
very few canoes ; while Jamaica, separated by distance from
intercourse with other islands, protected in the same way from
the dangers of invasion, and embosomed, as it were, in a peace-
ful mediterranean sea, was inhabited by a warlike race, and
surpassed all the other islands in its maritime armaments.
His ship being repaired, and a supply of water taken in,
Columbus made sail, and continued along the coast to the west-
ward, so close to the shore that the little squadron was contin-
ually surrounded by the cauoes of the natives, who came off
from every bay, and river, and headland, no longer manifest-
ing hostility, but anxious to exchange any thing they possessed
for European trifles. After proceeding about twenty-four
leagues, they approached the western extremity of the island,
where the coast bending to the south, the wind became unfavor-
able for their farther progress along the shore. Being disap-
pointed in his hopes of finding gold in Jamaica, and the breeze
being fair for Cuba, Columbus determined to return thither,
and not to leave it until he had explored its coast to a sufficient
distance to determine the question whether it was terra firma or
an island. 2 To the last place at which he touched in Jamaica,
he gave the name of the Gulf of Buentiempo (or Fair Weather),
on account of the propitious wind which blew for Cuba. Just
as he was about to sail, a young Indian came off to the ship,
and begged the Spaniards would take him to their country. He
was followed by his relatives and friends, who endeavored by
the most affecting supplications to dissuade him from his pur-
1 (Jura de los I'alacios, cap. 124. ! Ilist. del Aluiirau'.e, cap. 54.
264 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
pose. For some time he was distracted between concern for the
distress of his family, and an ardent desire to see the home of
these wonderful strangers. Curiosity, and the youthful pro-
pensity to rove, prevailed ; he tore himself from the embrace's
of his friends, and, that he might not behold the tears of his
sisters, hid himself in a secret part of the ship. Touched by
this scene of natural affection, and pleased with the enterprising
and confiding spirit of the youth, Columbus gave orders that he
should be treated with especial kindness. 1
Jt would have been interesting to have known something
more of the fortunes of this curious savage, and of the impres-
sions made upon so lively a mind by a first sight of the wonders
of civilization whether the land of the white men equalled his
hopes ; whether, as is usual with savages, he pined amid the
splendors of cities for his native forests, and whether he ever
returned to the arms of his family. The early Spanish histo-
rians seem never to have interested themselves in the feelings or
fortunes of these first visitors from the New to the Old World.
No further mention is made of this youthful adventurer.
CHAPTER III.
RETURN TO CUBA NAVIGATION AMONG THE ISLANDS CALLED THE
QUEEN'S GARDENS.
[1494.]
SETTING sail from the Gulf of Buentiempo, the squadron once
more steered for the island of Cuba, and on the 18th of May
arrived at a great cape, to which Columbus gave the name of
Cabo de la Cruz, which it still retains. Here, landing at a
large village, he was well received and entertained by the
cacique and his subjects, who had long since heard of him and
his ships. In fact, Columbus found, from the report of this
chieftain, that the numerous Indians who had visited his ships
during his cruise along the nothern coast in his first voj'age,
had spread the story far and near of these wonderful visitors
who had descended from the sky, and had filled the whole
island with rumors and astonishment. 2 The admiral endeav-
ored to ascertain from this cacique and his people, whether
Hist, del Almirante, cap. 54. * Curacle los Palacios, cap. 126.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 265
Cuba wns an island or a continent. They all replied that it
wa- :in island, but of infinite extent; for they declared that 110
one had ever seen the end of it. This reply, while'it manifested
their ignorance of the nature of a continent, left the question
still in doubt and obscurity. The Indian name of this province
of Cuba was Macaca.
Resuming his course to the west on the following day,
Columbus came to where the coast suddenly swept away to
the north-ea>t for many leagues, and then curved around again
to the west, forming an immense hay. or rather gulf. Here he
was assailed by a violent storm, accompanied by awful thun-
der and lightning, which in these latitudes seem to rend the very
heavens. Fortunately the storm was not of long duration, or
his situation would have been perilous in the extreme; for he
found the navigation rendered difficult by numerous keys 1 and
sand-banks. These increased as he advanced, until the mari-
ner stationed at the masthead beheld the sea, as far as the eye
could reach, completely studded with small islands; some were
low, naked, ami sandy, others covered with verdure, and
others tufted with loft}' and beautiful forests. They were of
various sizes, from one to four leagues, and were generally the
more fertile and elevated, the nearer they were to Cuba.
Finding them to increase in numl)er, so as to render it impossi-
ble to give names to each, the admiral gave the whole labyrinth
of islands, which in a manner enamelled the face of the ocean
with variegated verdure, the name of the Queen's Gardens.
He thought at first of leaving this archipelago on his right, and
standing farther out to sea ; but he called to mind that Sir John
Mandeville and Marco Polo had mentioned that the coast of
Asia was fringed with islands to the amount of several thousand.
He persuaded himself that he was among that cluster, and re-
solved not to lose sight of the mainland, by following which,
if it were really Asia, he must soon arrive at the dominions of
the Grand Khan.
Entering among these islands, therefore, Columbus soon
became entangled in the most perplexed navigation, in which
he was exposed to continual perils and difficulties from sand-
banks, counter currents, and sunken rocks. The ships were
compelled, in a manner, to grope their way, with men stationed
at the masthead, and the lead continually going. Sometimes
they were obliged to shift their course, within the hour, to all
points of the compass ; sometimes they were straitened in a
1 Keys, from Cayos, rocks which occasionally form email inlands on the coast of
America.
266 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
narrow channel, where it was necessary to lower all sail, and
tow the vessels out, lest they should run aground ; notwith-
standing all 'which precautions they frequently touched upon
sand-banks, and were extricated with great difficulty. The
variableness of the weather added to the embarrassment of the
navigation ; though after a little while it began to assume some
method in its very caprices. In the morning the wind rose in
the east with the sun, and following his course through the day,
died away at sunset in the west. Heavy clouds gathered with
the approach of evening, sending forth sheets of lightning, and
distant peals of thunder, and menacing a furious tempest ; but
as the moon rose, the whole mass broke away, part melting in a
shower, and part dispersing by a breeze which sprang up from
the land.
There was much in the character of the surrounding scenery
to favor the idea of Columbus, that he was in the Asiatic archi-
pelago. As the ships glided along the smooth and glassy canals
which separated these verdant islands, the magnificence of
their vegetation, the soft odors wafted from flowers, and blos-
soms, and aromatic shrubs, and the splendid plumage of the
scarlet cranes, or rather flamingoes, which abounded in the
meadows, and of other tropical birds which fluttered among
the groves, resembled what is described of Oriental climes.
These islands were generally uninhabited. They found a con-
siderable village, however, on one of the largest, where they
lauded on the - 22d of May. The houses were abandoned by their
inhabitants, who appeared to depend principally on the sea for
their subsistence. Large quantities of fish were found in their
dwellings, and the adjacent shore was covered with the shells
of tortoises. There were also domesticated parrots, and scarlet
cranes, and a number of dumb dogs, which it was afterward
found they fattened as an article of food. To this island the
admiral gave the name of Santa Marta.
In the course of his voyage among these islands, Columbus
beheld one day a number of the natives in a canoe on the still
surface of one of the channels, occupied in fishing, and was
struck with the singular means they employed. The}' had a
small fish, the flat head of which was furnished with numerous
suckers, by which it attached itself so firmly to any object, as
to be torn in pieces rather than abandon its hold. Tying a line
of great length to the tail of this fish, the Indians permitted it
to swim at large ; it generally kept near the surface of the
water until it perceived its prey, when, darting down swiftly,
it attached itself by the suckers to the throat of a fish or to the
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 267
under shell of a tortoise, nor did it relinquish its prey until
both were drawn up by the fisherman and taken out of the
water. In this way the Spaniards witnessed the taking of a
tortoise of immense size, and Fernando Columbus afh'rms that
he himself saw a shark caught in the same manner on the coast
of Veragua. The fact has been corroborated by the accounts
of various navigators ; and the same mode of fishing is said to
be employed on the eastern coast of Africa, at Mozambique,
and at Madagascar. " Thus," it has been observed, ' savage
people, who probably have never held communication with each
other, offer the most striking analogies in their modes of exer-
cising empire over animals." 1 These fishermen came on board
of the ships in a fearless manner. They furnished the Span-
iards with a supply of fish, and would cheerfully have given
them every thing they possessed. To the admiral's inquiries
concerning those parts, they said that the sea was full of islands
to the south and to the west, but as to Cuba, it continued run-
ning to the westward without any termination.
Having extricated himself from this archipelago, Columbus
steered for a mountainous part of the island of Cuba about
fourteen leagues distant, where he landed at a large village on
the .'Ul of June. Here he was received with that kindness and
amity which distinguished the inhabitants of Cuba, whom he
extolled above all the other islanders for their mild and pacific
character. Their veiy animals, he said, were tamer, as well as
larger and better, than those of the other islands. Among the
various articles of food which the natives brought with joyful
alacrity from all parts, were stock-doves of uncommon size and
flavor ; perceiving something peculiar in their taste, Columbus
ordered the crops of several newly killed to be opened, in which
were found sweet spices.
While the crews of the boats were procuring water and pro-
visions, Columbus sought to gather information from the ven-
erable cacique, and several of the old men of the village. They
told him that the name of their province was Ornofay ; that
farther to the westward the sea was again covered with innu-
merable islands, and had but little depth. As to Cuba, none
of them had ever heard that it had an end to the westward ;
fort}* moons would not suffice to reach to its extremity ; in fact,
they considered it interminable. They observed, however, that
the admiral would receive more ample information from the
inhabitants of Mangon, an adjacent province, which lay toward
1 Humboldt, Essai Polilique sur I'll de Cuba, torn. i. p. 364.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
the west. The quick apprehension of Columbus was struck
with the sound of this name ; it resembled that of Mangi, the
richest province of the Grand Khan, bordering on the ocean.
He made further inquiries concerning the region of Mungon,
and understood the Indians to say that it was inhabited by
people who had tails like animals, and wore garments to con-
ceal them. He recollected that Sir John Mandeville, in his
account of the remote parts of the East, had recorded a story
of the same kind as current among certain naked tribes of
Asia, and told by them in ridicule of the garments of their
civilized neighbors, which they could only conceive useful as
concealing some bodily defect. 1 He became, therefore, more
confident than ever that, by keeping along the coast to the
westward, he should eventually arrive at the civilized realms of
Asia. He flattered himself with the hopes of linding this re-
gion of Mangon to be the rich province of Mangi, and its peo-
ple with tails and garments, the long-robed inhabitants of the
empire of Tartary.
CHAPTER IV.
COASTING OFF THE SOUTHERN SIDE OF CUBA.
[1449.]
ANIMATED by one of the pleasing illusions of his ardent im-
agination, Columbus pursued his voyage, with a prosperous
breeze, along the supposed continent of Asia. He was now
opposite that part of the southern side of Cuba, where, for
nearly thirty-five leagues, the navigation is unembarrassed by
banks and islands. To his left was the broad and open sea,
the dark blue color of which gave token of ample depth ; to his
right extended the richly-wooded province of Ornofay, gradu-
ally sweeping up into a range of interior mountains ; the ver-
dant coast watered by innumerable streams, and studded with
Indian villages. The appearance of the ships spread wonder
and joy along the seacoast. The natives hailed with acclama-
tions the arrival of these wonderful beings whose fame had cir-
culated more or less throughout the island, and who brought
with them the blessings of heaven. They came off swimming,
or in their canoes, to offer the fruits and productions of the
1 Cura de los Palacioa, cap. 127.
LIFE OF CERISTOPIIEU COLUMBUS. 269
land, and regarded the white men almost with adoration.
After the usual evening shower, when the breeze blew from
the shore ami brought off the sweetness of the land, it bore
with it also the distant songs of the natives and the sound of
their rude music, as they were probably celebrating, with their
national chants and dances, the arrival of the white men. 80
delightful were these spicy odors and cheerful sounds to Co-
lumbus, who was at present open to all pleasurable influences,
that he declared the night passed away as a single hour. 1
It was impossible to resist noticing the striking contrasts
which are sometimes presented by the lapse of time. The coast
here described, so populous and animated, rejoicing in the visit
of the discoverers, is the same that extends westward of the
city of Trinidad, along the Gulf of Xagua. All is now silent
and deserted : civilization, which has covered some parts of
Cuba with glittering cities, has rendered this a solitude. The
whole race of Indians has long since passed away, pining and per-
ishing beneath the domination of the strangers whom they wel-
comed so joyfully to their shores. Before me lies the account
of a night recently passed on this very coast, by a celebrated
traveller ; but with what different feelings from those of
Columbus! ' I passed," said he, "a great part of the
night upon the deck. What deserted coasts ! not a light to
announce the cabin of a fisherman. From Batabano to Trinidad,
a distance of fifty leagues, there does not exist a village. Yet
in the time of Columbus this land was inhabited even along the
margin of the sea. When pits are digged in the soil, or the
torrents plough open the surface of the earth, there are often
found hatchets of stone and vessels of copper, relics of the an-
cient inhabitants of the island." 2
For the greater part of two days the ships swept along this
open part of the coast, traversing the wide Gulf of Xagua. At
length they came to where the sea became suddenly as white
as milk, and perfectly turbid, as though flour had been mingled
with it. This is caused by fine sand, or calcareous particles,
raised from the bottom at certain depths by the agitation of the
waves and currents. It spread great alarm through the ships,
which was heightened by their soon finding themselves sur-
rounded by banks and keys, and in shallow water. The far-
ther they proceeded, the more perilous became their situation.
They were in a narrow channel, where they had no room to
turn, and to beat out ; where there was no hold for their an-
1 Cura de los Palacios. z Ilumboidt, Esaai Pol. sur Cuba ; lorn. ii. p. 25.
270 LIFE OF CnEISTOPHEE COLUMBUS.
chors, and where they were violently tossed about by the
winds, and in danger of being stranded. At length they came
to a small island, where they found tolerable anchorage. Here
they remained for the night in great anxiety ; many were for
abandoning all further prosecution of the enterprise, thinking
that they might esteem themselves fortunate should they be
able to return from whence they came. Columbus, however,
could not consent to relinquish his voyage, now that he thought
himself in the route for a brilliant discovery. The next morn-
ing he despatched the smallest caravel to explore this new laby-
rinth of islands, and to penetrate to the mainland in quest
of fresh water, of which the ships were in great need. The
caravel returned with the report that the canals and keys of
this group were as numerous and intricate as those of the Gar-
dens of the Queen ; that the mainland was bordered by deep
marshes and a muddy coast, where the mangrove trees grew
within, the water, and so close together that they formed, as it
were, an impenetrable wall ; that within, the laud appeared
fertile and mountainous ; and columns of smoke, rising from
various parts, gave signs of numerous inhabitants. 1 Under
the guidance of this caravel, Columbus now ventured to pene-
trate this little archipelago ; working his way with great cau-
tion, toil, and peril, among the narrow channels which separated
the sandbanks and islands, and frequently- getting aground.
At length he reached a low point of Cuba, to which he gave
the name of Point Serafin ; within which the coast swept off to
the east, forming so deep a bay that he could not see the land
at the bottom. To the north, however, there were mountains
afar off, and the intermediate space was clear and open ; the
islands in sight lying to the south and west; a description
which agrees with that of the great Bay of Batabano. Colum-
bus now steered for these mountains, with a fail- wind and
three fathoms of water, and on the following day anchored on
the coast near a beautiful grove of palm-trees.
Here a party was sent on shore for wood and water ; and they
found two living springs in the midst of the grove. While they
were employed in cutting wood and filling their water-casks,
an archer strayed into the forest with his cross-bow in search
of game, but soon returned, flying with great terror, and
calling loudly upon his companions for aid. He declared that
lie had not proceeded far, when he suddenly espied, through an
open glade, a man in a long white dress, so like a friar of the
1 Cura dc loe Talacioe, cap. 128.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 271
order of St. Mary of Mercy, that at first sight he took him for
the chaplain of the admiral. Two others followed in white
tunics reaching to their knees, and the three were of as fair
complexions as Europeans. Behind these appeared many more,
to the number of thirty, armed with clubs and lances. They
made no signs of hostility, but remained quiet, the man in the
long white dress alone advancing to accost him ; but he was so
alarmed at their number that he had fled instantly to seek the
aid of his companions. The latter, however, were so daunted
by the reported number of armed natives, that the}' had not
courage to seek them nor to wait their coming, but hurried with
all speed to the ships.
AVhen Columbus heard this story he was greatly rejoiced, for
he concluded that these must be the clothed inhabitants of
Mangon, of whom he had recently heard, and that he had at
length arrived at the confines of a civilized country, if not within
the very borders of the rich province of Mangi. On the follow-
ing day he despatched a party of armed men in quest of these
people clad in white, with orders to penetrate, if necessary,
forty miles into the interior, until the}- met with some of the
inhabitants; for he thought the populous and cultivated parts
might be distant from the sea, and that there might be towns
and cities beyond the woods and mountains of the coast. The
party penetrated through a belt of thick forests which girdled
the shore, and then entered u[>on a great plain or savanna, cov-
ered with rank grass and herbage as tall as ripe corn, and
destitute of any road or footpath. Here they were so entangled
and fettered, as it were, by matted grass and creeping vegeta-
tion, that it was with the utmost difficulty they could penetrate
the distance of a mile, when they had to abandon the attempt,
and return weary and exhausted to the ships.
Another party was sent on the succeeding day to penetrate
in a different direction. They had not proceeded far from the
coast, when they beheld the foot-prints of some large animal
with claws, which some supposed the tracks of a lion, others of
a griffon, 1 but which were probably made by the alligators
which abound in that vicinity. Dismayed at the sight, they
hastened back toward the seaside. In their way they passed
through a forest, with lawns and meadows opening in various
1 Cardinal Pierre de Aliaco, a favorite author with Columbus, upeaks repeatedly, in
his Imago Mundi.of the existence of griffons in India; and (rlanville, whose work, De
Propi ielatilius Rerum, was familiar to Columbus, describes them as having the body
and claws nf a lion, and the head and wings of an eagle, and an infecting the mountains
which .if ion 1 1' 1 rd with gold and precious stones, so as to render the access to them
extremely perilous. De Pivprietat. Rerum, lib. xviii. cap. 150.
272 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
parts of it, in which were flocks of cranes, twice the size of
those of Europe. Many of the trees and shrubs sent forth
those aromatic odors which were continually deceiving them
with the hope of finding Oriental spices. They saw also abun-
dance of grape-vines, that beautiful feature in the vegetation
of the New World. Many of these crept to the summits of
the highest trees, overwhelming them with foliage, twisting
themselves from branch to branch, and bearing ponderous
clusters of juicy grapes. The part}' returned to the ships
equally unsuccessful with their predecessors, and pronounced
the country wild and impenetrable, though exceedingly fertile.
As a proof of its abundance, they brought great clusters of
the wild grapes, which Columbus afterward transmitted to the
sovereigns, together with a specimen of the water of the White
Sea through which he had passed.
As no tribe of Indians was ever discovered in Cuba wearing
clothing, it is probable that the story of the men in white origi-
nated in some error of the archer, who, full of the idea of the
mysterious inhabitants of Mangon, may have been startled in
the course of his lonely wanderings in the forest, by one of
those flocks of cranes which it seems abounded in the neighbor-
hood. These birds, like the flamingoes, feed in company, with
one stationed at a distance as sentinel. When seen through
the openings of the woodlands, standing in rows along a smooth
savanna, or in a glassy pool of water, their height and erect-
ness give them, at the first glance, the semblance of human
figures. Whether the story originated in error or in falsehood,
it made a deep impression on the mind of Columbus, who was
predisposed to be deceived, and to believe every thing that
favored the illusion of his being in the vicinity of a civilized
country.
After he had explored the deep bay to the east, and ascer-
tained that it was not an arm of the sea, he continued westward,
and proceeding about nine leagues, came to an inhabited shore,
where he had communications with several of the natives. They
wt-iv naked as usual ; but that ho attributed to their being mere
fishermen inhabiting a savage coast; he presumed the civilized
regions to lie in the interior. As his Lucayan interpreter did
not understand the language, or rather dialect, of this part of
Cuba, all the information which he could obtain from the natives
was necessarily received through the erroneous medium of signs
and gesticulations. Deluded by his own favorite hypothesis,
he understood from them that, among certain mountains, which
he saw far off to the west, there was a powerful king, who
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 273
reigned in great state over many populous provinces ; that he
MOIC a white garment which swept the ground; that he was
called a saint; 1 that he never spoke, but communicated his
orders to his subjects by signs, which were implicitly obeyed. 2
In all this we see the busy imagination of the admiral interpret-
ing every thing into unison with his preconceived ideas. Las
C:isas assures us that there was no cacique ever known in the
island who wore garments, or answered in other respects to this
description. This king, with the saintly title, was probably
nothing more than a reflected image haunting the mind of
Columbus, of that mysterious potentate, Prester John, who
had long figured in the narrations of all eastern travellers,
sometimes as a monarch, sometimes as a priest, the situation
of whose empire and court was always a matter of doubt 'and
contradiction, and had recently become again an object of
curious inquiry.
The information derived from these people concerning the
coast to the westward was entirely vague. They said that
it continued for at least twenty days' journey, but whether it
terminated there they did not know. They appeared but little
informed of any thing out of their immediate neighborhood.
Taking an Indian from this place as a guide, Columbus steered
for the distant mountains said to be inhabited by this cacique
in white raiment, hoping they might prove the confines of a
more civilized country. He had not gone far before he was
involved in the usual perplexities of keys, shelves, and sand-
banks. The vessels frequently stirred up the sand and slime
from the bottom of the sea ; at other times they were almost
imbedded in narrow channels, where there was no room to tack,
and it was necessary to haul them forward by means of the
capstan, to their great injury. At one time they came to where
the sea was almost covered with tortoises ; at another time
flights of cormorants and wood-pigeons darkened the sun, and
one day the whole air was filled with clouds of gaud} 7 butter-
flies, until dispelled by the evening shower.
When they approached the mountainous regions, they found
the coast bordered by drowned lands or morasses, and beset by
such thick forests that it was impossible to penetrate to the
interior. The}' were several days seeking fresh water, of which
they were in great want. At length they found a spring in a
grove of palm-trees, and near it shells of the pearl-oyster, from
1 Que le llaiiKiban panto e que traia tunica blauca quo le araslra por el suelo. Cura
de lux 1'nlin ion, i-ap. 1-S.
1 Herrcru, Uist. lud., dec. i. lib. ii. cap. 14.
274 LIFE OF CIIItlSTOPUER COLUMBUS.
which Columbus thought there might be a valuable pearl-fishery
in the neighborhood.
While thus cut off from all intercourse with the interior by a
belt of swamp and forest, the country appeared to be well
peopled. Columns of smoke ascended from various parts,
which grew more frequent as the vessels advanced, until they
rose from every rock and woody height. The Spaniards were
at a loss to determine whether these arose from villages and
towns, or whether from signal fires, to give notice of the
approach of the ships, and to alarm the country, such as were
usual on European sea-shores, when an enemy was descried
hovering in the vicinity.
For several days Columbus continued exploring this per-
plexed and lonely coast, whose intricate channels are seldom
visited, even at the present day, excepting by the solitary and
lurking bark of the smuggler. As he proceeded, however, he
found that the coast took a general bend to the south-west.
This accorded precisely with the descriptions given by Marco
Polo of the remote coast of Asia. He now became fully as-
sured that he was on that part of the Asiatic continent which
is be3'ond the boundaries of the Old World as laid down by
Ptolemy. Let him but continue this course, he thought, and he
must surely arrive to the point where this range of coast ter-
minated in the Aurea Chersonesus of the ancients. 1
The ardent imagination of Columbus was always sallying in
the advance, and suggesting some splendid track of enterprise.
Combining his present conjectures as to his situation with the
imperfect lights of geography, he conceived a triumphant route
for his return to Spain. Doubling the Aurea Chersonesus, he
should emerge into the seas frequented by the ancients, and
bordered by the luxurious nations of the Plast. Stretching
across the Gulf of the Ganges, he might pass by Taprobana,
and continuing on to the straits of Babelmandel, arrive on the
shores of the Red Sea. Thence he might make his way by laud
to Jerusalem, taking shipping at Joppa, and traverse the Medi-
terranean to Spain. Or should the route from Ethiopia to Jeru-
salem be deemed too perilous from savage and warlike tribes,
or should he not choose to separate from his vessels, he might
sail round the'whole coast of Africa, pass triumphantly by the
Portuguese, in their midway groping along the shores of Guinea,
and after having thus circumnavigated the globe, furl his adven-
turous sails at the Pillars of Hercules, the ne plus ultra of the
1 The present peninsula of Malacca.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 275
ancient world ! Such was the soaring meditation of Columbus,
as recorded by one of his intimate associates ; l nor is there any
thing surprising in his ignorance of the real magnitude of our
globe. The mechanical admeasurement of a known part of its
circle has rendered its circumference a familiar fact in our day ;
but in his time it still remained a problem with the most pro-
found philosophers.
CHAPTER V.
RETURN OF COLUMBUS ALONG THE SOUTHERN COAST OF CUBA.
[1494.]
THE opinion of Columbus, that he was coasting the continent
of Asia, and approaching the confines of eastern civilization,
was shared by all his fellow-voyagers, among whom were several
able and experienced navigators. They were far, however,
from sharing his enthusiasm. They were to derive no glory
from the success of the enterprise, and they shrunk from its
increasing difficulties and perils. The ships were strained and
crazed by the various injuries they had received, in running
frequently aground. Their cables and rigging were worn, their
provisions were growing scanty, a great part of the biscuit was
spoiled by the sea-water, which oozed in through innumerable
leaks. The crews were worn out by incessant labor, and dis-
heartened at the appearance of the sea before them, which
continued to exhibit a mere wilderness of islands. They remon-
strated, therefore, against persisting any longer in this voyage.
They had already followed the coast far enough to satisfy their
minds that it was a continent, and though they doubted not
that civilized regions lay in the route they were pursuing, yet
their provisions might be exhausted, and their vessels disabled,
before they could arrive at them.
Columbus, as his imagination cooled, was himself aware of
the inadequacy of his vessels to the contemplated voyage ; but
felt it of importance to his fame and to the popularity of his
enterprises, to furnish satisfactory proofs that the land he had
discovered was a continent. He therefore persisted four days
longer in exploring the coast, as it bent to the south-west, until
1 Cura de Ion Palacios, cap. 123, MS.
276 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
every one declared there could no longer be a doubt on the sub-
ject, for it was impossible so vast a continuity of land should
belong to a mere island. The admiral was determined, how-
ever, that the fact should not rest on his own assertion merely,
having had recent proofs of a disposition to gainsay his state-
ments, and depreciate his discoveries. He sent round, there-
fore, a public notary, Fernand Perez de Luna, to eacli of the
vessels, accompanied by four witnesses, who demanded formally
of every person on board, from the captain to the ship-boy,
whether he had any doubt that the land before him was a con-
tinent, the beginning and end of the Indies, by which any one
might return overland to Spain, and by pursuing the coast of
which, they could soon arrive among civilized people. If any
one entertained a doubt, he was called upon to express it, that it
might be removed. On board of the vessels, as has been
observed, were several experienced navigators and men well
versed in the geographical knowledge of the times. They ex-
amined their maps and charts, and the reckonings and journals
of the voyage, and after deliberating maturely, declared, under
oath, that the} 7 had no doubt upon the subject. They grounded
their belief principally upon their having coasted for three hun-
dred and thirty-five leagues, 1 an extent unheard of as appertain-
ing to an island, while the land continued to stretch forward
interminably, bending toward the south, conformably to the
description of the remote coasts of India.
Lest they should subsequently, out of malice or caprice, con-
tradict the opinion thus solemnly avowed, it was proclaimed by
the notary, that whoever should offend in such manner, if an
officer, should pay a penalty of ten thousand inaravedies ; if a
ship-boy or person of like rank, he should receive a hundred
lashes, and have his tongue cut out. A formal statement was
afterward drawn up by the notary, including the depositions
and names of every individual ; which document still exists. 2
This singular process took place near that deep bay called by
some the Bay of Philipina, by others of Cortes. At this very
time, as has been remarked, a ship-boy from the masthead might
have overlooked the group of islands to the south, and beheld
the open sea beyond. 8 Two or three days' farther sail would
have carried Columbus round the extremity of Cuba ; would
1 This calculation evidently includes all the courses of the ships in their various tacks
along the coast. Columbus could hardly have made such an error an to have trivuu this
extent to the southern side of the island, even including the inflections of the coast.
- Xavarrete, ('ollec., torn. ii.
s Mufioz, llist. X. Mundo, lib. v. p. 217.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 277
have dispelled his illusion, and might have given an entirely
different course to his subsequent discoveries. In his present
conviction he lived and died; believing, to his last hour, that
Cuba was the extremity of the Asiatic continent.
Relinquishing all further investigation of the coast, he stood
to the south-east on the 13th of June, and soon came in sight
of a large island with mountains rising majestically among this
labyrinth of little keys. To this he gave the name of Evauuvl-
ista. It is at present known as the Island of Pines, and is
celebrated for its excellent mahogany.
Here he anchored, and took in a supply of wood and water.
He then stood to the south, along the shores of the island,
hoping by turning its southern extremity to find an open route
eastward for Hispaniola, and intending, on his way, to run
along the southern side of Jamaica. He had not proceeded far
before he came to what he supposed to be a channel, opening
to the south-east between Evangelista and some opposite island.
After entering for some distance, however, he found himself
enclosed in a deep bay, being the Lagoon of Siguanca, which
penetrates far into the island.
Observing dismay painted on the faces of his crew at finding
themselves thus land-locked and almost destitute of provisions,
Columbus cheered them with encouraging words, and resolved
to extricate himself from this perplexing maze by retracing his
course along Cuba. Leaving the lagoon, therefore, he returned
to his last anchoring place, and set sail thence on the *2oth of
June, navigating back through the groups of islands between
Evangelista and Cuba, and across a tract of the White Sea,
which had so much appalled his people. Here he experienced
a repetition of the anxieties, perils, and toils which had beset
him in his advance along the coast. The crews were alarmed by
the frequent changes in the color of the water, sometimes green,
sometimes almost black, at other times as white as milk ; at one
time they fancied themselves surrounded by rocks, at another
the sea appeared to be a vast sand-bank. On the 30th of June
the admiral's ship ran aground with such violence as to sustain
great injury. Every effort to extricate her by sending out
anchors astern was ineffectual, and it was necessary to drag
her over the shoal by the prow. At length they emerged from
the clusters of islands called the Jardins and Jardinelles, and
came to the open part of the coast of Cuba. Here they once
more sailed along the beautiful and fertile province of Ornofay,
and were again delighted with fragrant and honeyed airs, wafted
from the land. Among the mingled odors, the admiral fancied
278 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
he could perceive that of storax proceeding from the smoke of
fires blazing on the shores. 1
Here Columbus sought some convenient harbor where he
might procure wood and water, and allow his crews to enjoy
repose and the recreations of the land ; for they were exceed-
ingly enfeebled and emaciated by the toils and privations of
the voyage. For nearly two months they had been struggling
with perpetual difficulties and dangers, and suffering from a
scarcity of provisions. Among these uninhabited keys and
drowned shores, their supplies from the natives had been pre-
carious and at wide intervals ; nor could the fresh provisions
thus furnished last above a day, from the heat and humidity
of the climate. It was the same case with any fish they might
'chance to catch, so that they had to depend almost entirely
upon their daily allowance of ships' provisions, which was
reduced to a pound of mouldy bread and a small portion of
wine. With joy, therefore, they anchored on the 7th of July iu
the mouth of a fine river, in this genial and abundant region.
The cacique of the neighborhood, who reigned over an exten-
sive territory, received the admiral with demonstrations of
mingled joy and reverence, and his subjects came laden with
whatever their country afforded utias, birds of various kinds,
particularly large pigeons, cassava bread, and fruits of a rich
and aromatic flavor.
It was a custom with Columbus, in all remarkable places
which he visited, to erect crosses in conspicuous situations, to
denote the discovery of the country, and its subjugation to the
true faith. He ordered a large cross of wood, therefore, to be
elevated on the bank of this river. This was done on a Sunday
morning with great ceremony, and the celebration of a solemn
mass. When he disembarked for this purpose, he was met
upon the shore by the cacique and his principal favorite, a
venerable Indian, fourscore years of age, of grave and dignified
deportment. The old man brought a string of beads, of a kind
to which the Indians attached a mystic value, and a calabash
of a delicate kind of fruit ; these he presented to the admiral in
token of amity. He and the cacique then each took him by
the hand and proceeded with him to the grove, where prepara-
tions had been made for the celebration of the mass ; a multi-
tude of the natives followed. While mass was performing in
this natural temple, the Indians looked on with awe and rev-
i Hnnboldt (in his Essai Polit., torn. ii. p. 24) speaks of the fragrance of flowers
and houey which exhales from this same coast, and which is perceptible to a considerable
distance at sea.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 279
erence, perceiving from the tones and gesticulations of the
priest, the lighted tapers, the smoking incense, and the devo-
tion of the Spaniards, that it must be a ceremony of a sacred
and mysterious nature. When the service was ended, the old
man of fourscore, who had contemplated it with profound
attention, approached Columbus, and made him an oration in
the Indian manner.
44 This which tliou hast been doing," said he, "is well, for it
appears to be thy manner of giving thanks to God. I am told
that thou hast lately come to these lands with a mighty force,
and subdued many countries, spreading great fear among the
people ; but be not, therefore, vainglorious. Know that,
according to our belief, the souls of men have two journeys to
perform after they have departed from the body. One to a
place, dismal, and foul, and covered with darkness, prepared
for those who have been unjust and cruel to their fellow-men ;
the other pleasant and full of delight, for such as have promoted
peace on earth. If, then, thou art mortal and dost expect to
die, and dost believe that each one shall be rewarded accord-
ing to his deeds, beware that thou wrongfully hurt no man,
nor do harm to those who have done no harm to thee." 1 The
admiral, to whom this speech was explained by his Lucayan
interpreter, Diego Colon, was greatly moved by the simple
eloquence of this untutored savage. He told him in reply that
he rejoiced to hear his doctrine respecting the future state of
the soul, having supposed that no belief of the kind existed
among the inhabitants of these countries. That he had been
sent among them by his sovereigns, to teach them the true
religion ; to protect them from harm and injury ; and especially
to subdue and punish their enemies and persecutors, the canni-
bals. That, therefore, all innocent and peaceable men might
look up to him with confidence, as an assured friend and pro-
tector.
The old man was overjoyed at these words, but was equally
astonished to learn that the admiral, whom he considered so
great and powerful, was yet but a subject. His wonder in-
creased when the interpreter told him of the riches, and splen-
dor, and power of the Spanish mouarchs, and of the wonderful
things he had beheld on his visit to Spain. Finding himself
listened to with eager curiosity by the multitude, the interpre-
ter went on to describe the objects which had most struck his
mind in the country of the white men. The splendid cities, the
1 Herrera, dec*d. i. lib. xi. cap. 14. Hit. del Almirante, cap. 57. Peter Martyr,
decad. :. lib. iii. Curade los Pulacios, cap. 130.
280 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
vast churches, the troops of horsemen, the great animals of
various kinds, the pompous festivals and tournaments of the
court, the glittering armies, and, above all, the bull-fights.
The Indians all listened in mute amazement, bukthe old man
was particularly excited. He was of a curious and wandering
disposition, and had been a great voyager, having according to
his account, visited Jamaica, and Hispariiola, and the remote
parts of Cuba. 1 A sudden desire now seized him to behold the
glorious country thus described, and, old as he was, he offered
to embark with the admiral. His wife and children, however,
beset him with such lamentations and remonstrances, that he
was obliged to abandon the intention, though he did it with
great reluctance, asking repeatedly if the land they spoke of
were not heaven, for it seemed to him impossible that earth
could produce such wonderful beings.' 2
CHAPTER VI.
COASTING VOYAGE ALONG THE SOUTH SIDE OF JAMAICA.
[1494.]
COLUMBUS remained for several days at anchor in the river,
to which, from the mass performed on its banks, he gave tke
name of Rio de la Misa. At length, on tire 16th of July, he
took leave of the friendly cacique and his ancient counsellor,
who beheld his departure with sorrowful countenances. He
took a young Indian with him from this place, whom lie after-
ward sent to the Spanish sovereigns. Leaving to the left the
Queen's Gardens, he steered south for the broad open sea and
deep blue water, until having a free navigation he could stand
eastward for Hispaniola. He had scarcely got clear of the
islands, however, when he was assailed by furious gusts of
wind and rain, which for two claj's pelted his crazy vessels, and
harassed his enfeebled crews. At length, as he approached
Cape Cruz, a violent squall struck the ships, and nearly threw
them on their beam-ends. Fortunately they were able to take
in sail immediately, and, letting go their largest anchors, rode
out the transient gale. The admiral's ship was so strained by
the injuries received among the islands, that she leaked at
every seam, and the utmost exertions of the weary crew could
Hist, del Aluriraute, cp. 57. Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iii.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 281
not prevent the water from gaining on her. At length they
were enabled to reach Cape Cruz, where the\" anchored on the
18th of July, and remained three days, receiving the same hos-
pitable succor from the natives that they had experienced on
their former visit. The wind continuing contrary for the re-
turn to Hispauiola, Columbus, on the 23d of July, stood across
for Jamaica, to complete the circumnavigation of that island.
For nearly a month he continued beating to the eastward along
its southern coast, experiencing just such variable winds and
evening showers as had prevailed along the shores of Cuba.
Every evening he was obliged to anchor under the land, often
at nearly the same place whence he had sailed in the morning.
The natives no longer manifested hostility, but followed the
ships in their canoes, bringing supplies of provisions. Colum-
bus was so much delighted with the verdure, freshness, and
fertility of this noble island, that, had the state of his vessels
and crews permitted, he would gladly have remained to explore
the interior. He spoke with admiration of its frequent and ex-
cellent harbors, but was partic.ilarly pleased with a great bay,
containing seven islands, and surrounded by numerous vil-
lages. 1 Anchoring here one evening, he was visited by a
cacique who resided in a large village, situated on an eminence
of the loftiest and most fertile of the islands. lie came attend-
ed by a numerous train, bearing refreshments, and manifested
great curiosity in his inquiries concerning the Spaniards, their
ships, and the region whence they came. The admiral made
his customary reply, setting forth the great power and the be-
nign intentions of the Spanish sovereigns. The Lucayan in-
terpreter again enlarged upon the wonders he had beheld in
Spain, the prowess of the Spaniards, the countries they had
visited and subjugated, and, above all, their having made de-
scents on the islands of the Caribs, routed their formidable
inhabitants, and carried several of them into captivity. To
these accounts the cacique and his followers remained listening
in profound attention until the night was advanced.
The next morning the ships were under way and standing
along the coast with a light wind and easy sail, when they be-
held three canoes issuing from among the islands of the bay.
They approached in regular order ; one, which was very large
and handsomely carved and painted, was in the centre, a little
in advance of the other two, which appeared to attend and
guard it.
1 From the description, this must be the great bay east of Portland Point, at the
bottom of which id Old Harbor.
282 LIFE Of CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
In this was seated the cacique and his family, consisting of
his wife, two daughters, two sons, and five brothers. One of
the daughters was eighteen years of age, beautiful in form and
countenance ; her sister was somewhat younger ; both were
naked, according to the custom of these islands, but were of
modest demeanor. In the prow of the canoe stood the standard-
bearer of the cacique, clad in a mantle of variegated feathers,
with a tuft of gay plumes on his head, and bearing in his hand
a fluttering white banner. Two Indians with caps or helmets
of feathers of uniform shape and color, and their faces painted
in a similar manner, beat upon tabors ; two others, with hats
curiously wrought of green feathers, held trumpets of a fine
black wood, ingeniously carved ; there were six others, in large
hats of white feathers, who appeared to be guards to the
cacique.
Having arrived alongside of the admiral's ship, the cacique
entered on board with all his train. He appeared in full regalia.
Around his head was a band of small stones of various colors,
but principally green, symmetrically arranged, with large white
stones at intervals, and connected in front by a large jewel of
gold. Two plates of gold were suspended to his ears by rings
of very small green stones. To a necklace of white beads, of
a kind deemed precious b}- them, was suspended a large plate, in
the form of a fleur-de-lis, of guanin, an inferior species of gold ;
and a girdle of variegated stones similar to those round his
head, completed his regal decorations. His wife was adorned
in a similar manner, having also a very small apron of cotton,
and bauds of the same round her arms and legs. The daugh-
ters were without ornaments, excepting the eldest and hand-
somest, who had a girdle of small stones, from which was sus-
pended a tablet, the size of an ivy leaf, composed of various
colored stones, embroidered on network of cotton.
When the cacique entered on board the ship, he distributed
presents of the productions of his island among the officers and
men. The admiral was at this time in his cabin, engaged in
his morning devotions. When he appeared on deck, the chief-
tain hastened to meet him with an animated countenance.
' My friend," said he, " I have determined to leave my coun-
try, and to accompany thee. I have heard from these Indians
who are with thee of the irresistible power of thy sovereigns,
and of the many nations thou hast subdued in their name.
Whoever refuses obedience to thee is sure to suffer. Thou hast
destroyed the canoes and dwellings of the Caribs, slaying their
warriors, and carrying into captivity their wives and children.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 283
All these islands are in dread of thce ; for who can withstand
thec now that thoti knowest the secrets of the land, and the
weakness of the people. Rather, therefore, than thou shouldst
take away my dominions I will embark with all my household
in thy ships, and will go to do homage to thy king and queen,
and to behold their country, of which thy Indians relate such
wonders." When this speech was explained to Columbus, and
he beheld the wife, the sons and daughters of the cacique, and
thought upon the snares to which their ignorance and simplicity
would be exposed, he was touched with compassion and deter-
mined not to take them from their native land. He replied to
the cacique, therefore, that he received him under his protection
as a vassal of his sovereigns, but having man}' lands yet to
visit before he returned to his country, he would at some future
time fulfil his desire. Then taking leave with many expressions
of amity, the cacique, with his wife and daughters, and all his
retinue, re-embarked in the canoes, returning reluctantly to their
island, and the ships continued ou their course. 1
CHAPTER VII.
VOYAGE ALONG THE SOUTH SIDE OF HISPANIOLA, AND RETURN
TO ISABELLA.
[1494.]
ON the 10th of August, Columbus lost sight of the eastern
extremity of Jamaica, to which he gave the name of Cape
Farol. at present called Point Morant. Steering eastward, he
beheld, ou the following day, that long peninsula of Hispau-
iola. known by the name of Cape Tiburon, but to which he gave
the name of Cape San Miguel. He was not aware that it was
a part of the island of Hayti, until, coasting along its southern
side, a cacique came off on the 23d of August, and called him
1 Hitherto, in narrating the voyage of Columbus along the coast of Cuba, I have been
guided principally by the manuscript history of the curate de los I'alacios. His account
is the most clear and satisfactory us to name*, dates, and routes, and contains many
characteristic particulars not inserted in any other history. His sources of information
were of the highest kind. Columbus wa his guest after his return to Spain in 149ti, and
left with him hi manuscripts, journals, and memorandums; from these he made ex-
tracts, collating them with the letters of Doctor Chauca, and other persons of note who
bad accompanied the admiral.
I have examined two copies of the NfS. of the curate d? los Falacios, both in the pos-
session of O. Rich, Ksq. One written in an ancient handwriting, in the early part of the
sixteenth century, varies from the other, but only iu a few trivial particulars.
284 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
by his title, addressing him with several words of Castilian.
The sound of these words spread joy through the ship, and the
weary seamen heard with delight that the}- were on the southern
coast of Hispaniola. They had still, however, many toilsome
days before them. The weather was boisterous, the wind con-
trary and capricious, and the ships were separated from each
other. About the end of August, Columbus anchored at a small
island, or rather rock, which rises singly out of the sea opposite
to a long cape, stretching southward from the centre of the
island, to which he gave the name of Cape Beata. The rock at
which he anchored had the appearance, at a distance, of a tall
ship under sail, from which circumstance the admiral called it
* Alto Velo." Several seamen were ordered to climb to the top
of the island, which commanded a great extent of ocean, and
to look out for the other ships. Nothing of them was to be seen.
On their return the sailors killed eight sea-wolves, which were
sleeping on the sands ; they also knocked down many pigeons
and other birds with sticks, and took others with the hand ; for
in this unfrequented island, the animals seemed to have none
of that wildness and timidity produced by the hostility of man.
Being rejoined by the two caravels, he continued along the
coast, passing the beautiful country watered by the branches of
the Neyva, where a fertile plain, covered with villages and
groves, extended into the interior. After proceeding some dis-
tance farther to the east, the admiral learnt from the natives
who came off to the ships, that several Spaniards from the set-
tlement had penetrated to their province. From all that he
could learn from these people, every thing appeared to be going
on well in the island. Encouraged by the tranquillity of the
interior, he landed nine men here, with orders to traverse the
island, and give tidings of his safe arrival on the coast.
Continuing to the eastward, he sent a boat on shore forwatet
near a large village on a plain. The inhabitants issued forth
with bows and arrows to give battle, while others were provided
with cords to bind prisoners. These were the natives of Higuey,
the eastern province of Hispaniola. They were the most war-
like people of the island, having been inured to arms from the
frequent descents of the Caribs. They were said also to make
use of poisoned arrows. In the present instance, their hostility
was but in appearance. When the crew landed, they threw by
their weapons, and brought various articles of food, and asked
for the admiral, whose fame had spread throughout the island,
and in whose justice and magnanimit}- all appeared to repose con-
fidence. After leaving this place, the weather, which had been
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 285
so long variable and adverse, assumed a threatening appearance.
A huge fish, as large as a moderate-sized whale, raised itself out
of the water one day, having a shell on its neck like that of a
tortoise, two great tins like wings, and a tail like that of a tunny
fish. At sight of this fish and at the indications of the clouds
and sky, Columbus anticipated an approaching storm, and
sought for some secure harbor. 1 He found a channel opening
between Hispaniola, and a small island, called by the Indians
Adamaney, but to which he gave the name of Saona ; here he
took refuge, anchoring beside a key or islet in the middle of the
channel. On the night of his arrival, there was an eclipse of
the moon, and taking an observation, he found the difference
of longitude between Saona and Cadiz to be five hours and
twenty-three minutes. 2 This is upward of eighteen degrees
more than the true longitude ; an error which must have re-
sulted from the incorrectness of his table of eclipses. 8
For eight days the admiral's ship remained weather-bound in
this channel, during which time he suffered great anxiety for
the fate of the other vessels, which remained at sea, exposed to
the violence of the storm. They escaped, however, uninjured,
and once more rejoined him when the weather had moderated.
Leaving the channel of ISaona, they reached, on the 24th of
September, the eastern extremity of Hispaniola, to which Co-
lumbus gave the name of Cape San Rafael, at present known as
Cape Engaiio. Hence they stood to the south-east, touching at
the island of Mona, or, as the Indians called it, Amona, situated
between Porto Rico and Hispaniola. It was the intention of
Columbus, notwithstanding the condition of the ships, to con-
tinue farther eastward, and to complete the discovery of the
Caribbee Islands, but his physical strength did not correspond
to the efforts of his lofty spirit. 4 The extraordinary fatigues,
both of mind and body, during an anxious and harassing voy-
age of five months, had preyed upon his frame. He hud shared
in all the hardships and privations of the commonest seaman.
He had put himself upon the same scanty allowance, and ex-
posed himself to the same buffetings of wind and weather.
But he had other cares and trials from which his people were
exempt. When the sailor, worn out with the labors of his
watch, slept soundly amid the howling of the storm, the anx-
ious commander maintained his painful vigil, through long
1 Herrera, flUt. Ind., decad. i. lib. H. cap. 15. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 59.
2 Herrera, ubi sup. Hi*l Almirante, ubi uup.
3 Five hours twenty-five ininuiuit are equal to 80 35'; whereas the true longitude of
Suonu is t'rj* -JU' west of Cadiz.
Aluiioz, liist. N. Muiido, lib. v. see. 22.
286 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
sleepless nights, amid the pelting of the tempest and the drench-
ing surges of the sea. The safety of his ships depended upon
his watchfulness ; but above all, he felt that a jealous nation
and an expecting world were anxiously awaiting the result of
his enterprise. During a great part of the present voyage he
had been excited by the constant hope of soon arriving at the
known parts of India, and by the anticipation of a triumphant
return to Spain, through the regions of the East, after circum-
navigating the globe. When disappointed in these expecta-
tions he was yet stimulated by a conflict with incessant hard-
ships and perils, as he made his way.back against contrary
winds and storms. The moment he was relieved from all soli-
citude, and beheld himself in a known and tranquil sea, tho
excitement suddenly ceased, and mind and body sank exhausted
by almost superhuman exertions. The very day on which he
sailed from Mona he was struck with a sudden malady, which
deprived him of memory, of sight, and all his faculties. He
fell into a deep lethargy, resembling death itself. His crew,
alarmed at this profound torpor, feared that death was really
at hand. They abandoned, therefore, all further prosecution of
the voyage, and spreading their sails to the east wind so preva-
lent in those seas, bore Columbus back, in a state of complete
insensibility, to the harbor of Isabella.
BOOK YIIL
CHAPTER I.
ARRIVAL OF THE ADMIRAL AT ISABELLA CHARACTER OF
BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS.
[1494. Sept. 4.]
THE sight of the little squadron of Columbus standing once
more into the harbor was hailed with joy by such of the inhab-
itants of Isabella as remained faithful to him. The long time
that had elapsed since his departure on this adventurous voy-
age, without any tidings arriving from him, had given rise to
the most serious apprehensions for his safety ; and it began
to be feared that he had fallen a victim to his enterprising spirit
in some remote part of these unknown seas.
A joyful and heartfelt surprise awaited the admiral on his
arrival, in finding at his bedside his brother Bartholomew, the
companion of his youth, his confidential coadjutor, and in a
manner his second self, from whom he had been separated for
several years. It will be recollected that, about the time of
the admiral's departure from Portugal, he had commissioned
Bartholomew to repair to England, and propose his project of
discovery to King Henry VII. Of this application to the Eng-
lish court no precise particulars are known. Fernando Co-
lumbus states that his uncle, in the course of his voyage, was
captured and plundered by a corsair, and reduced to such pov-
erty, that he had for a long time to struggle for a mere subsist-
ence by making sea-charts ; so that some years elapsed before
he made his application to the English monarch. Las Casas
thinks that he did not immediately proceed to P^ngland, having
found a memorandum in his handwriting, 113* which it would
appear that he accompanied Bartholomew Diaz in 1486, in his
voyage along the coast of Africa, in the service of the King of
287
288 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Portugal, in the course of which voyage was discovered the
Cape of Good Hope. 1
It is but justice to the memory of Henry VII. to say that
when the proposition was eventually made to him it met with
a more ready attention than from any other sovereign. An
agreement was actually made with Bartholomew for the prose-
cution of the enterprise, and the latter departed for Spain in
search of his brother. On reaching Paris, he first received the
joyful intelligence that the discovery was already made ; that
his brother had returned to Spain in triumph, and was actually
at the Spanish court, honored by the sovereigns, caressed by
the nobility, and idolized by the people. The glory of Colum-
bus already shed its rays upon his family, and Bartholomew
found himself immediately a person of importance. He was
noticed by the French monarch Charles VIII., who, under-
standing that he was low in purse, furnished him with one
hundred crowns to defray the expenses of his journey to Spain.
He reached Seville just as his brother had departed on his
second voyage. Bartholomew immediately repaired to the
court, then at Valladolid, taking with him his two nephews,
Diego and Fernando, who were to serve in quality of pages to
1 The memorandum cited by Las Casas (Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 7) is curious, though
not conclusive. He says that he found it iu an old book belonging to Christopher Co-
lumbus, containing the works of Pedro de Aliaco. It was written in the margin of a
treatise on the form of the globe, in the handwriting of Bartholomew Columbus, which
was well-known to Las Ca.sas, as lie had many of his letters in his possession. The
memorandum was in a barbarous mixture of Latin and Spanish, and to the following
effect :
Iu the year 1488, in December, arrived at Lisbon Bartholomew Diaz, captain of three
caravels, which the King of Portugal sent to discover (juinea, and brought accounts that
he had discovered six hundred leagues of territory, four hundred and fifty to the south
and one hundred and fifty north, to a cape, named by him the Cape of Good Hope; ;i:>d
that by the astrolabe he found the cape 45 degrees beyond the equinoctial line. The
cape was 3100 leagues distant from Lisbon; the which the said captain says he set down,
league by league, in a chart of navigation presented by him to the King of Portugal; in
all which, adds the writer, 1 was present (in quibus omnibus interfui).
Las Casas expresses a doubt whether Bartholomew wrote this note for himself or on
the part of his brother, but infers that one, or both, were in this expedition. The infer-
ence may be correct with respect to Bartholomew, but Christopher, at ihe time specified,
was at the Spanish court.
Las Casas accounts for a difference in date between the foregoing memorandum
and the chronicles of the voyage; the former making the return of Uiaz in the year
'88, the latter '.ST. This, he observes, might be because some begin to count the year
after Christmas, others at the first of January; and the expedition sailed about the
end of August, '66, and returned iu December, '87, after an absence of seventeen
months.
NOTE. Since publishing the first edition of this work, the author being in Seville,
and making researches in the Bibliotheca Columbina, the library given by Fernando
Columbus to the cathedral of that city, he came accidentally upon the above-mentioned
copy of the work of Pedro Aliaco. He ascertained it to be the same by finding the
above-cited memorandum written on the margin, at the eighth chapter of the tract called
" Imago Mundi." It is an old volume in folio, bound in parchment, published soon after
the invention of printing, containing a collection in Latin of astronomical mid cosmo-
graphical tracts of Pedro (or Peter) de Aliaco. Archbishop of Cam bray and Cardinal,
and of his disciple, John (ierson. Pedro de Aliaco was born in 1U4K, aiid died, accord-
lug m some, iu 1416, according to others iu 14ii. lie was the author of many works,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 289
Prince Juan. 1 He was received with distinguished favor by
the sovereigns ; who, finding him to be an able and accom-
plished navigator, gave him the command of three ships
freighted with supplies for the colony, and sent him to aid his
brother in his enterprises. He had again arrived too late ;
reaching Isabella just after the departure of the admiral for
the coast of Cuba.
The sight of this brother was an inexpressible relief to Co-
lumbus, overwhelmed as he was by cares, and surrounded by
strangers. His chief dependence for sympathy and assistance
had hitherto been on his brother Don Diego ; but his mild and
peaceable disposition rendered him little capable of managing
the concerns of a factious colony. Bartholomew was of a
different and more efficient character. He was prompt, active,
decided, and of a fearless spirit ; whatever he determined, he
carried into instant execution, without regard to difficulty or
danger. His person corresponded to his mind ; it was tall,
muscular, vigorous, and commanding. He had an air of great
authority, but somewhat stern, wanting that sweetness and
benignity which tempered the authoritative demeanor of the
admiral. Indeed, there was a certain asperity in his temper,
and a dryness and abruptness in his manners, which made him
many enemies ; yet notwithstanding these external defects, he
was of a generous disposition, free from all arrogance or ma-
levolence, and as placable as he was brave.
He was a thorough seaman, understanding both the theory
and practice of his profession ; having been formed, in a great
measure, under the eye of the admiral, and being but little
and one of the most learned and scientific men of bis day. LasC'asas is of opinion that
his writings had more effect in stimulating Columbus to his enterprise than those of any
other author. "Hi* work was so familiar to Columbus, that he had filled its whole
ninriiin with Latin note* in his handwriting; citing many things which he hud read and
gathered elsewhere. This book, which was very old," continues Las Casas, " I bad
many times in my hands; and I drew some things from it, written in Latin by the said
admiral, Christopher Columbus, to verify certain points appertaining to his history, of
which I before was in doubt." (Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 11.)
It was a great satisfaction to the author, therefore, to discover this identical volume,
this 1'nde M inn of Columbus, in a state of good presei-vation. [It is in the cathedral
library, E G, Tab. 178, No. 21. | The notes and citations mentioned by Las Casas,
are in Latin, with many abbreviations, written in a very small, but neat and distinct
hand, and run throughout the volume; calling attention to the most striking passages,
or to those which bear most upon the theories of Columbus; occasionally containing
brief comments or citing the opinions of other authors, ancient and modem, either in
support or contradiction of the text. The memorandum particularly cited by Ijw Casas,
mentioning the voyage of Bartholomew Diaz to the Cape of Good Hope, is to disprove
an opinion in the text, that the tori id zone wan uninhabitable. This volume is a most
curious and interesting document, the only one that remains of Columbus prior to his
discovery. It illustrates his researches and in a manner the current of his thoughts,
while as yet his great enterprise existed but in idea, and while he was seeking means to
convince the world of its practicability. It will be found also to contain the grounds of:
many of his opinions and speculations ou a variety of subjecU.
1 ili.-t. del Adiniraute, cap. 60.
290 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
inferior to him in science. He was superior to him in the
exercise of the pen, according to Las Casas, who had letters
and manuscripts of both in his possession. He was acquainted
with Latin, but does not appear to have been highly educated ;
his knowledge, like that of his brother, being chiefly derived
from a long course of varied experience and attentive observa-
tion. Equally vigorous and penetrating in intellect with the
admiral, but less enthusiastic in spirit and soaring in imagina-
tion, and with less simplicity of heart, he surpassed him in the
subtle and adroit management of business, was more attentive
to his interests, and had more of that worldly wisdom which is
so important in the ordinary concerns of life. His genius
might never have enkindled him to the sublime speculation
which ended in the discovery of a world, but his practical
sagacity was calculated to turn that discovery to advantage.
Such is the description of Bartholomew Columbus, as furnished
by the venerable Las Casas from personal observation ; l and it
will be found to accord with his actions throughout the remain-
ing history of the admiral, in the events of which he takes a
conspicuous part.
Anxious to relieve himself from the pressure of public busi-
ness, which weighed heavily upon him during his present mal-
ady, Columbus immediately invested his brother Bartholomew
with the title and authority of Adelantado, an oflice equivalent
to that of lieutenant-governor. He considered himself entitled
to do so from the articles of his arrangement with the sover-
eigns, but it was looked upon by King Ferdinand as an undue
assumption of power, and gave great offence to that jealous
monarch, who was exceedingly tenacious of the prerogatives
of the crown, and considered dignities of this rank and impor-
tance as only to be conferred by royal mandate. 2 Columbus,
however, was not actuated in this appointment by a mere de-
sire to aggrandize his family. He felt the imj>ortance of his
brother's assistance in the present critical state of the colony,
but that this co-operation would be inefficient unless it bore the
stamp of high official authority. In fact, during the few
months that he had been absent, the whole island had become
a scene of discord and violence, in consequence of the neglect,
or rather the flagrant violation, of those rules which he had
prescribed for the maintenance of its tranquillity. A brief re-
trospect of the recent affairs of the colony is here necessary to
' Law CaKa*, Hint. Ind., lib. i. cap. 29.
La Cutu*. Hist. Ind., liU i. cap. 101.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 291
explain their present confusion. It will exhibit one of the
many instances in which Columbus was doomed to reap the
fruits of the evil seed sown by his adversaries.
CHAPTER II.
MISCONDUCT OF DON PEDRO MARGARITE, AND HIS DEPARTURE
FKO.M THE ISLAND.
[1494.]
IT will be recollected, that before departing on his vo^vage,
Columbus had given the command of the army to Don Pedro
JMargarite, with orders to make a military tour of the island,
awing the natives by a display of military force, but conciliat-
ing their good-will by cquitabfe and amicable treatment.
The island was at this time divided into live domains, each
governed by a cacique of absolute and hereditary power, to
whom a great number of inferior caciques yielded tributary al-
legiance. The first or most important domain comprised the
middle part of the royal Vega. It was a rich, lovely country,
partly cultivated after the imperfect manner of the natives,
partly covered with noble forests, studded with Indian towns,
and watered by numerous rivers, many of which, rolling down
from the mountains of Cibao, on its southern frontier, had
gold-dust mingled with their sands. The name of the cacique
was Guarionex, whose ancestors had long ruled over the
province.
The second, called Marien, was under the sway of Guacana-
gari, on whose coast Columbus had l>een wrecked in his first
voyage. It was a large and fertile territory, extending along
the northern coast from Cape St. Nicholas at the western ex-
tremity of the island, to the great river Yagui, afterward called
Monte Christi, and including the northern part of .the royal
Vega, since called the plain of Cape Francois, now Cape Hay-
tie n .
The third bore the name of Maguana. It extended along the
southern coast from the river Ozema to the lakes, and com-
prised the chief part of the centre of the island lying along the
southern face of the mountains of Cibao, the mineral district
of Hayti. It was under the dominion of the Carib cacique
292 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Caonabo, the most fierce and puissant of the savage chieftains,
and the inveterate enemy of the white men.
The fourth took its name from Xaragua, a large lake, and
was the most populous and extensive of all. It comprised the
whole western coast, including the long promontory of Cape
Tiburon, and extended for a considerable distance along the
southern side of the island. The inhabitants were finely
formed, had a noble air, a more agreeable elocution, and more
soft and graceful manners than the natives of the other parts
of the island. The sovereign was named Behechio : his sister,
Anacaona, celebrated throughout the island for her beauty, was
the favorite wife of the neighboring cacique Caonabo.
The fifth domain was Higuey, and occupied the whole east-
ern part of the island, being bounded on the north by the Bay
of Samana and part of the river Yuna, and on the west by the
Ozema. The inhabitants were the most active and warlike
people of the island, having learned the use of the bow and ar-
row from the Caribs. who made frequent descents upon their
coasts ; the}' were said also to make use of poisoned weapons.
Their bravery, however, was but comparative, and was found
eventually of little avail against the terror of European arms.
They were governed by a cacique named Cotubanama. 1
Such were the five territorial divisions of the island at the
time of its discovery. The amount of its population has never
been clearly ascertained ; some have stated it at a million of
souls, though this is considered an exaggeration. It must,
however, have been very numerous, and sufficient, in case of
any general hostility, to endanger the safety of a handful of
Europeans. Columbus trusted for safety partly to the awe in-
spired by the weapons and horses of the Spaniards, and the
idea of their superhuman nature, but chiefly to the measures
he had taken to conciliate the good-will of the Indians by
gentle and beneficent treatment.
Margarite set forth on his expedition with the greater part
of the forces, leaving Alonzo de Ojeda in command of the for-
tress of St. Thomas. Instead, however, of commencing by
exploring the rough mountains of Cibao, as he had been com-
manded, he descended into the fertile region of the Vega.
Here he lingered among the populous and hospitable Indian
villages, forgetful of the object of his command, and of the in-
structions left him by the admiral. A commander who lapses
from duty himself is little calculated to enforce discipline.
1 Charlevoii, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. i. p. 69.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 293
The sensual indulgences of Margarite were imitated by his fol-
lowers, and his army soon became little better than a crew of
riotous marauders. The Indians, for a time, supplied them
with provisions with their wonted hospitality, but the scanty-
stores of those abstemious yet improvident people were soon
exhausted by the Spaniards; one of whom they declared would
consume more in a day than would support an Indian for a
month. If provisions were withheld, or scantily furnished,
they were taken with violence ; nor was any compensation
given to the natives, nor means taken to soothe their irritation.
The avidity for gold also led to a thousand acts of injustice and
oppression ; but above all the Spaniards outraged the dearest
feelings of the natives, by their licentious conduct with respect
to the women. In fact, instead of guests, they soon assumed
the tone of imperious masters ; instead of enlightened benefac-
tors, the\- became sordid and sensual oppressors.
Tidings of these excesses, and of the disgust and impatience
they were awakening among the natives, soon reached Don
Diego Columbus. With the concurrence of the council, he
wrote to Margarite, reprehending his conduct, and requesting
him to proceed on the military tour, according to the com-
mands of the admiral. The pride of Margarite took fire at
this reproof ; he considered, or rather pretended to consider,
himself independent in his command, and above all responsi-
bility to the council for his conduct. Being of an ancient
family, also, and a favorite of the king, he affected to look
down with contempt upon the newly-coined nobility of Diego
Columbus. His letters in reply to the orders of the president
and council were couched in a tone either of haughty contume-
ly or of military defiance. He continued with his followers
quartered in the Vega, persisting in a course of outrages and
oppressions fatal to the tranquillity of the island.
He was supported in his arrogant defiance of authority by
the cavaliers and adventurers of noble birth who were in the
colony, and who had been deeply wounded in the proud punc-
tilio so jealously guarded by a Spaniard. They could not for-
get nor forgive the stern equity exercised by the admiral in a
time of emergency, in making them submit to the privations
and share the labors of the vulgar. Still less could' they brook
the authority of his brother Diego, destitute of his high per-
sonal claims to distinction. They formed, therefore, a kind of
aristocratical faction in the colony ; affecting to consider Colum-
bus and his family as mere mercenary and upstart foreigners,
building up their own fortunes at the expense of the toils and
294 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
sufferings of the community, and the degradation of Spanish
hidalgos and cavaliers.
In addition to these partisans, Margarite had a powerful ally
in his fellow-countryman, Friar Boyle, the head of the religious
fraternity, one of the members of the council, and apostolical
vicar of the New World. It is not easy to ascertain the original
cause of the hostility of this holy friar to the admiral, who was
never wanting in respect to the clergy. Various altercations,
however, had taken place between them. Some say that the
friar interfered in respect to the strict measures deemed neces-
sary by the admiral for the security of the colony : others that
he resented the fancied indignity offered to himself and his
household, in putting them on the same short allowance with
the common people. He appears, however, to have been gener-
ally disappointed and disgusted with the sphere of action af-
forded by the colony., and to have looked back with regret to the
Old World. He had none of that enthusiastic zeal and perse-
vering self-devotion, which induced so many of the Spanish
missionaries to brave all the hardships and privations of the
New World, in the hope of converting its pagan inhabitants.
Encouraged and fortified by such powerful partisans, Mar-
garite really began to consider himself above the temporary
authorities of the island. Whenever he came to Isabella, he
took no notice of Don Diego Columbus, nor paid any respect to
the council, but acted as if he had paramount command. He
formed a cabal of most of those who were disaffected to Colum-
bus, and discontented with their abode in the colony. Among
these the leading agitator was Friar Boyle. It was concerted
among them to take possession of the ships which had brought
out Don Bartholomew Columbus, and to return in them to Spain.
Both Margarite and Boyle possessed the favor of the king, and
they deemed it would be an easy matter to justify their abandon-
ment of their military and religious commands by a pretended
zeal for the public good ; hurrying home to represent the dis-
astrous state of the country, through the tyranny and oppression
of its rulers. Some have ascribed the abrupt departure of
Margarite to his fear of a severe military investigation of his
conduct on the return of the admiral ; others, to his having, in
the course of his licentious amours, contracted a malady at that
time new and unknown, and which he attributed to the climate,
and hoped to cure by medical assistance in Spain. Whatever
may have been the cause, his measures were taken with great
preciptiancy, without any consultation of the proper authorities,
or any regard to the consequences of his departure. Accorn-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 295
panied by a band of malcontents, he and Friar Boyle took
possession of some ships in the harbor, and set sail for Spain ;
the first general and apostle of the New World thus setting the
flagrant example of unauthorized abandonment of their posts.
CHAPTER III.
TROUBLES WITH THE NATIVES ALONZO DE OJEDA BESIEGED BT
C AON A BO.
[1494.]
THE departure of Pedro Margarite left the army without a
head, and put an end to what little restraint or discipline re-
mained. There is no rabble so licentious as soldiery left to
their own direction in a defenceless country. The}- now roved
about in hands or singly, according to their caprice, scattering
themselves among the Indian villages, and indulging in all
kinds of excesses either as prompted by avarice or sensuality.
The natives, indignant at having their hospitality thus requited,
refused any longer to furnish them with food. In a little while
the Spaniards began to experience the pressure of hunger, and
seized upon provisions wherever they could be found, accom-
panying these seizures with acts of wanton violence. At
length, by a series of flagant outrages, the gentle and pacific
nature of this people was aroused to resentment, and from con-
fiding and hospitable hosts they were converted into vindictive
enemies. All the precautions enjoined by Columbus having
been neglected, the evils he had apprehended came to pass.
Though the Indians, naturally timid, dared not contend with
the Spaniards while they kept up any combined and disciplined
force, yet they took sanguinary vengeance on them whenever
they met with small parties or scattered individuals, roving about
in quest of food. Encouraged by these petty triumphs, and
the impunity which seemed to attend them, their hostilities grew
more and more alarming. Guatiguana, cacique of a large town
on the banks of the Grand River, in the dominions of Guarionex,
sovereign of the Vega, put to death ten Spaniards, who had
quartered themselves in his town and outraged the inhabitants
by their licentiousness. He followed up this massacre by set-
ting fire to a house in which forty-six Spaniards were lodged. 1
Herrera, Hist. lud., deeud. i. lib. ii. cap. 1(5.
296 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Flushed by his success, he threatened to attack a small fortress
called Magdalena, which had recently been built in his neigh-
borhood in the Vega ; so that the commander, Luis de Arriaga,
having but a feeble garrison, was obliged to remain shut up
within its walls until relief should arrive from Isabella.
The most formidable enemy of the Spaniards, however, was
Caonabo, the Carib cacique of Maguana. With natural talents
for war, and intelligence superior to the ordinary range of
savage intellect, he had a proud and daring spirit to urge him
on, three valiant brothers to assist him, and a numerous tribe
at his command. 1 He had always felt jealous of the intrusion
of the white men into the island ; but particularly exasperated
by the establishment of the fortress of St. Thomas, erected in
the very centre of his dominions. As long as the army lay
within call in the Vega he was deterred from any attack : but
when, on the departure of Margarite, it became dismembered
and dispersed, the time for striking a signal blow seemed
arrived. The fortress remained isolated, with a garrison of
only fifty men. By a sudden and secret movement, he might
overwhelm it with his forces, and repeat the horrors which he
had wreaked upon La Navidad.
The wily cacique, however, had a different kind of enemy to
deal with in the commander of St. Thomas. Alonzo de Ojeda
had been schooled in Moorish warfare. He was versed in all
kinds of feints, stratagems, lurking ambuscades, and wild assaults.
No man was more fitted, therefore, to cope with Indian war-
riors. He had a headlong courage, arising partly from the
natural heat and violence of his disposition, and, in a great
measure, from religious superstition. He had been engaged in
wars with Moors and Indians, in public battles and private
combats, in fights, feuds, and encounters of all kinds, to which
he had been prompted by a rash and fiery spirit, and a love
of adventure ; yet he had never been wounded, nor lost a drop of
blood. He began to doubt whether any weapon had power to
harm him, and to consider himself under the special protection
of the Holy Virgin. As a kind of religious talisman, he had a
small Flemish painting of the Virgin, given him by his patron,
Fonseca, Bishop of Badajos. This he constantly carried with
him in city, camp, or field, making it the object of his frequent
orisons and invocations. In garrison or encampment, it was
suspended in his chamber or his tent ; in his rough expeditions
in the wilderness he carried it in his knapsack, and whenever
> Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 16.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 297
leisure permitted, would take it out, fix it against a tree, and
addivss his prayers to this military patroness. 1 In a word, he
swore by the Virgin, he invoked the Virgin whether in brawl or
battle, and under the favor of the Virgin he was ready for any
enterprise or adventure. Such was this Alonzo de Ojeda ;
bigoted in his devotion, reckless in his life, fearless in his spirit,
like many of the roving Spanish cavaliers of those days.
Though small in size, he was a prodigy of strength and prowess ;
and the chroniclers of the early discoveries relate marvels of his
valor and exploits.
Having reconnoitred the fortress, Caonabo assembled ten
thousand warriors, armed with war clubs, bows and arrows,
and lances hardened in the fire ; and making his way secretly
through the forests, came suddenly in the neighborhood, ex-
pecting to surprise the garrison in a state of careless security.
lie found Ojeda' s forces, however, drawn up warily within his
tower, which, being built upon an almost insulated height, with
a river nearly surrounding it, and the remaining space traversed
by a deep ditch, set at defiance an attack by naked warriors.
Foiled in his attempt, Caonabo now hoped to reduce it by
famine. For this purpose, he distributed his warriors through
the adjacent forests, and waylaid every pass, so as to intercept
any supplies brought by the natives, and to cut off any foraging
party from the fortress. This siege or investment lasted for
thirty days, 2 and reduced the garrison to great distress. There
is a traditional anecdote, which Oviedo relates of Pedro Mar-
garite, the former commander of this fortress, but which may
with more probability be ascribed to Alonzo de Ojeda, as
having occurred during this siege. At a time when the garri-
son was sore pressed by famine, an Indian gained access to
the fort, bringing a couple of wood-pigeons for the table of the
commander. The latter was in an apartment of the tower sur-
rounded by several of his officers. Seeing them regard the
birds with the wistful eyes of famishing men, "It is a pity,"
said he, " that here is not enough to give us all a meal ; I can-
not consent to feast while the rest of you are starving : " so say-
ing, he turned loose the pigeons from a window of the tower.
During the siege, Ojeda displa^ved the greatest activity of
spirit and fertility of resource. He baffled all the arts of the
Carib chieftain, concerting stratagems of various kinds to re-
lieve the garrison and annoy the foe. He sallied forth when-
ever the enemy appeared in any force, leading the van with
1 Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. t. lib. viii. cap. 4. Pizarro Varoueue II lustres, cap. 8.
1 1'. Martyr, decad. i. lib. Iv.
298 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
that headlong valor for which he was noted ; making great
slaughter with his single arm, and, as usual, escaping unhurt
from am ids showers of darts and arrows.
Caonabo saw many of his bravest warriors slain. His forces
were diminishing, for the Indians, unused to any protracted
operations of war, grew weary of this siege, and returned daily
in numbers to their homes. He gave up all further attempt,
therefore, on the fortress, and retired, filled with admiration of
the prowess and achievements of Ojeda. 1
The restless chieftain was not discouraged by the failure of
this enterprise, but meditated schemes of a bolder and more
extensive nature. Prowling in secret in the vicinity of Isabella,
he noted the enfeebled state of the settlement. 2 Many of the
inhabitants were suffering under various maladies, and most of
the men capable of bearing arms were distributed about the
country. He now conceived the project of a general league
among the caciques, to surprise and overwhelm the settlement,
and massacre the Spaniards wherever they could be found.
This handful of intruders once exterminated, he trusted the
island would be delivered from all further molestation of the
kind ; little dreaming of the hopeless nature of the contest, and
that where the civilized man once plants his foot, the power of
the savage is gone forever.
Reports of the profligate conduct of the Spaniards had spread
throughout the island, and inspired hatred and hostility even
among tribes who had never beheld them, nor suffered from
their misdeeds. Caonabo found three of the sovereign caciques
inclined to co-operate with him, though impressed with deep
awe of the supernatural power of the Spaniards, and of their
terrific arms and animals. The league, however, met with un-
expected opposition in the fifth cacique, Guacanagari, the sov-
ereign of Marien. His conduct in this time of danger complete-
ly manifested the injustice of the suspicions which had been
entertained of him by the Spaniards. He refused to join the
other caciques with his forces, or to violate those laws of hos-
pitality by which he had considered himself bound to protect
and aid the white men, ever since they had been shipwrecked
on his coast. He remained quietly in his dominions, entertain-
ing at his own expense a hundred of the suffering soldiery, and
supplying all their wants with his accustomed generosity.
This conduct drew upon him the odium and hostility of his
fellow caciques, particularly of the fierce Carib, Caonabo, and
1 Oyiedo. Chronica do las Inclias, lib. iii. cap. i.
1 Hist, del Altniraute, cap. 60.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 299
and his brother-in-law, Behechio. They made irruptions into
his territories, and inflicted on him various injuries and indig-
nities. Behechio killed one of his wives, and Caonabo carried
another away captive: 1 Nothing, however, could shake the
devotion of Gaacanagari to the Spaniards ; and as his dominions
lay immediately adjacent to the settlement, and those of some
of the other caciques were very remote, the want of his co-
operation impeded tor some time the hostile designs of his coil-
federates. 2
Such was the critical state to which the affairs of the colony
had been reduced, and such the bitter hostility engendered
among the people of the island, during the absence of Colum-
bus, and merely in consequence of violating all his regulations.
^lai'irarite and Friar Boyle had hastened to Spain to make false
representations of the miseries of the island. Had they re-
mained faithfully at their posts, and discharged zealously the
tru-4 confided to them, those miseries might have beeu easily
remedied, if not entirely prevented.
CHAPTER IV.
MEASURES OF COLUMBUS TO RESTORE THE QUIET OF THE ISLAND
EXPEDITION OF OJEUA TO SURPRISE CAONABO.
[1494.]
IMMEDIATELY after the return of Columbus from Cuba, while
he was yet confined to his bed by indisposition, he was gratified
by a voluntary visit from Guacanagari, who manifested the
greatest concern at his illness, for he appears to have always
entertained an affectionate reverence for the admiral. He
again spoke with tears of the massacre of Fort Nativity, dwell-
ing on the exertions he had made in defence of the Spaniards.
He now informed Columbus of the secret league forming among
the caciques ; of his opposition to it, and the consequent perse-
cution he had suffered : of the murder of one of his wives and
the capture of another. He urged the admiral to be on his
guard against the designs of Caonabo, and offered to lead his
subjects to the lield, to fight by the side of the Spaniards, as
1 HiM. do Altnirante, cap. 60.
1 Herrcra, Ilist. lud., decad. i. lib. ii.
cap. 16.
300 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
well out of friendship for them as in revenge of his own in-
juries. 1
Columbus had always retained a deep sense of the ancient
kindness of Guacanagari, and was rejoiced to have all suspicion
of his good faith thus effectually dispelled. Their former ami-
cable intercourse was renewed, with this difference, that the
man whom Guacanagari had once relieved and succored as a
shipwrecked stranger, had suddenly become the arbiter of the
fate of himself and all his countrymen.
The manner in which this peaceful island had been exasperated
and embroiled by the licentious conduct of the Europeans, was
a matter of deep concern to Columbus. He saw all his plans
of deriving an immediate revenue to the sovereigns completely
impeded. To restore the island to tranquillity required skilful
management. His forces were but small, and the awe in which
the natives had stood of the white men, as supernatural beings,
had been in some degree dispelled. He was too ill to take a
personal share in any warlike enterprise ; his brother Diego
was not a military character, and Bartholomew was j - et a
stranger among the Spaniards, and regarded by the leading
men with jealous}'. Still Columbus considered the threatened
combination of the caciques as but imperfectly formed ; he
trusted to their want of skill and experience in warfare, and
conceived that by prompt measures, by proceeding in detail,
punishing some, conciliating others, and uniting force, gentle-
ness, and stratagem, he might succeed in dispelling the threat-
ened storm.
His first care was to send a body of armed men to the relief
of Fort Magdalena, menaced with destruction by Guatiguana,
the cacique of the Grand River, who had massacred the Span-
iards quartered in this town. Having relieved the fortress, the
troops overran the territory of Guatiguana, killing many of his
warriors, and carrying others off captives : the chieftain him-
self made his escape. 2 He was tributary to Guarionex, sover-
eign cacique of the Royal Vega. As this Indian prince reigned
over a great and populous extent of country, his friendship was
highly important for the prosperity of the colony, while there
was imminent risk of his hostility, from the unbridled excesses
of the Spaniards who bad been quartered in his dominions.
Columbus sent for him, therefore, and explained to him that
these excesses had been in violation of his orders, and contrary
to his good intentions toward the natives, whom it was his wish
> Horerra, Hint. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 16.
1 Hereira, Hint, lud., tit-cud, i. lib. ii. cap. 1.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 301
in every way to please and benefit. He explained, likewise,
that the expedition against Guatiguana was an act of mere in-
dividual punishment, not of hostility against the territories of
Guarionex. The cacique was of a quiet and placable disposi-
tion, and whatever anger he might have felt was easily soothed.
To link him in some degree to the Spanish interest, Columbus
prevailed on him to give his daughter in marriage to the Indian
interpreter, Diego Colon. 1 As a stronger precaution against
any hostility on the part of the cacique, and to insure tranquil-
lity in the important region of the Vega, he ordered a fortress
to be erected in the midst of his territories, which he named
Fort Conception. The easy cacique agreed without hesitation
to a measure fraught with ruin to himself, and future slavery
to his subjects.
The most formidable enemy remained to be disposed of
Caouabo. His territories lay in the central and mountainous
parts of the island, rendered difficult of access by rugged rocks,
entangled forests, and frequent rivers. To make war upon
this subtle and ferocious chieftain, in the depths of his wild
woodland territory, and among the fastnesses of his mountains,
where at every step there would be danger of ambush, would be
a work of time, peril, and uncertain issue. In the mean while
the settlements would never be secure from his secret and daring
enterprises, and the working of the mines would be subject to
frequent interruption. While perplexed on this subject, Colum-
bus was relieved by an offer of Alonzo de Ojeda, to take the
Carib chieftain by stratagem, and deliver him alive into his
hands. The project was wild, hazardous, and romantic, charac-
teristic of Ojeda, who was fond of distinguishing himself by
extravagant exploits and feats of desperate bravery.
Choosing ten bold and hardy followers, well armed and well
mounted, and invoking the protection of his patroness the Vir-
gin, whose image as usual he bore with him as a safeguard,
Ojeda plunged into the forest, and made his way above sixty
leagues into the wild territories of Caonabo, whom he found in
one of his most populous towns, the same now called Maguana,
near the town of San Juan. Approaching the cacique with
great deference as a sovereign prince, he professed to come on a
friendly embassy from the admiral who was Guamiquina, or chief
of the Spaniards, and who had sent him an invaluable present.
1 P. Martyr, decad. 1. lib. iv. Oio. Battiata Spotorno, in bin Memoir of Columbus, has
been led Into an error by the name of this Indian, and observes that Colurobiii had a
brother named Diego, of whom he seemed to be ashamed, and whom he married to the
daughter ot an Indian chief.
302 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Caonabo had tried Ojeda in battle ; he had witnessed his
fiery prowess, and had conceived a warrior's admiration of him.
He received him with a degree of chivalrous courtesy, if such a
phiase may apply to the savage state and rude hospitality of
a wild warrior of the forest. The free, fearless deportment, the
great personal strength, and the surprising agility and adroit-
ness of Ojeda in all manly exercises, and in the use of all kinds
of weapons, were calculated to delight a savage, and he soon be-
came a great favorite with Caonabo.
Ojeda now used all his influence to prevail upon the cacique
to repair to Isabella, for the purpose of making a treaty with
Columbus, and becoming the ally and friend of the Spaniards.
It is said that he offered him, as a lure, the bell of the chapel of
Isabella. This bell was the wonder of the island. When the
Indians heard it ringing for mass, and beheld the Spaniards
hastening toward the chapel, they imagined that it talked, and
that the white men obeyed it. Regarding with superstition all
things connected with the Spaniards, they looked upon this bell
as something supernatural, and in their usual phrase said it had
come from " Turey," or the skies. Caonabo had heard the bell
at a distance, in his prowlings about the settlement, and had
longed to see it ; but when it was proffered to him as a present
of peace, he found it impossible to resist the temptation. He
agreed, therefore, to set out for Isabella ; but when the time
came to depart Ojeda beheld with surprise a powerful force of
warriors assembled and ready to march. He asked the mean-
ing of taking such an army on a mere friendly visit ; the cacique
proudly replied that it did not befit a great prince like himself
to go forth scantily attended. Ojeda was little satisfied with
this reply ; he knew the warlike character of Caonabo, and his
deep subtlety ; he feared some sinister design a surprise of
the fortress of Isabella, or an attempt upon the person of the
admiral. He knew also that it was the wish of Columbus either
to make peace with the cacique, or to get possession of his person
without the alternative of open warfare. He had recourse to a
stratagem, therefore, which has an air of fable and romance,
but which is recorded by all the contemporary historians with
trivial variations, and which, Las Casas assures ns, was in cur-
rent circulation in the island when he arrived there, about six
years after the event. It accords too with the adventurous and
extravagant character of the man, and with the wild stratagems
and vaunting exploits incident to Indian warfare.
In the course of their march, having halted near the Little
Yagui, a considerable branch of the Neyba, Ojedu one day pro-
LIFE OF CUIHSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 303
ducecl a set of manacles of polished steel, so highly burnished
that they looked like silver. These he assured ( a< mat >o were
royal ornaments which had come from heaven, or the Turey of
Biscay ; l that they were worn by the monarchs of Castile on
solemn dances and other high festivities, and were intended a.s
presents to the cacique. He proposed that Caonabo should go
to the river and bathe, after which he should be decorated with
these ornaments, mounted on the horse of Ojeda. and .should
return in the state of a Spanish monarch, to astonish his sub-
jects. The cacique was dazzled with the glitter of the manacles,
and flattered with the idea of bestriding one of those tremendous
animals .so dreaded by his countrymen. He repaired to the
river, and having bathed, was assisted to mount behind Ojeda,
and the shackles were adjusted. Ojeda made several circuits to
gain space, followed by his little band of horsrnirn. the Indians
shrinking back from the prancing steeds. At length lie made
a wide sweep into the forest, until the trees concealed him from
the sight of the army. His followers then closed round him,
and drawing their swords, threatened Caonabo with instant
death if he made the least noise or resistance. Binding him
witli cords to Ojeda to prevent his falling or effecting an escape,
they put spurs to their horses, dashed across the river, and
made off through the woods with their prize. -
They had now fifty or sixty leagues of wilderness to traverse
on their way homeward, with here and there large Indian towns.
They had borne off their captive far beyond the pursuit of his
subjects ; but the utmost vigilance was requisite to prevent his
escape during this long and toilsome journey, and to avoid ex-
citing the hostilities of any confederate cacique. They had to
shun the populous parts of the country therefore, and to pass
through the Indian towns at full gallop. They suffered greatly
from fatigue, hunger, and watchfulness ; encountering many
perils, fording and swimming the numerous rivers of the plains,
toiling through the deep tangled forests, and clambering over
the high and rocky mountains. They accomplished all in safety,
and Ojeda entered Isabella in triumph from this most daring and
characteristic enterprise, with his wild Indian bound behind.
Columbus could not refrain from expressing his great satis-
faction when this dangerous foe was delivered into his hands.
1 The principal iron manufactories of Spain are established in Biscay, where the ore la
found in abundance.
- This romantic exploit of Ojeda Is recorded at largo by Las Casas; by his copyist
Ilerrerii 'di-rad. i. lib. ii. cap. 16); by Fernando I'izarro, in his Varones Illustres del
Nuevo Muiulo ; and by Charlevoix in his History of St. Domingo. Peter Martyr aud
other* have given it more concisely, alluding to, but not inserting its roiuuiitic details.
304 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
The haughty Carib met him with a lofty and unsubdued air,
disdaining to conciliate him by submission, or to deprecate his
vengeance for the blood of white men which he had shed. He
never bowed his spirit to captivity ; on the contrary, though
completely at the mercy of the Spaniards, he displayed that
boasting defiance which is a part of Indian heroism, and which
the savage maintains toward his tormentors, even amid the
agonies of the fagot and the stake. He vaunted his achieve-
ment in surprising and burning the fortress of Nativity, and
slaughtering its garrison, and declared that he had secretly
reconnoitred Isabella, with an intention of wreaking upon it
the same desolation.
Columbus, though struck with the heroism of the chieftain,
considered him a dangerous enemy, whom, for the peace of the
Island, it was advisable to send to Spain ; in the mean time he
ordered that he should be treated with kindness and respect,
and lodged him in a part of his own dwelling, where, however,
be kept him a prisoner in chains. This precaution must have
been necessary, from the insecurity of his prison ; for Las Casas
observes that the admiral's house not being spacious, nor hav-
ing many chambers, the passers by in the street could see the
captive chieftain from the portal. 1
Caonabo always maintained a haught}* deportment toward
Columbus, while he never evinced the least animosity against
Oieda. He rather admired the latter as a consummate warrior,
for having pounced upon him and borne him off in this hawk-
like manner from the very inidst of his fighting-men.
\Vhen Columbus entered the apartment where Caonabo was
confined, all present rose, according to custom, and paid him
reverence ; the cacique alone neither moved nor took any notice
ot him. On the contrary, when Ojeda entered, though small in
person and without external state, Caouabo rose and saluted
him with profound respect. On being asked the reason of this,
Columbus being Guamiquiua, or great chief over all, and Ojeda
but one of his subjects, the proud Carib replied that the admiral
had never dared to come personally to his house, and seize
him ; it was only through the valor of Ojeda he was his prisoner ;
to Oje'da, therefore, he owed reverence, not to the admiral. 2
The captivity of Caouabo was deeply felt by his subjects, for
the natives of this island seem generally to have been extremely
loyal, and strongly attached to their caciques. One of the
brc :hers of Caouabo, a warrior of great courage and address,
Las Casan, Hiet. lud., lib. i. cap. 102. > Ibid., cap. 102.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 305
and very popular among the Indians, assembled an arm}' of
more than seven thousand men and led them secretly to the
neighborhood of St. Thomas, where Ojeda was again in com-
mand. His intention was to surprise a number of .Spaniards,
in hopes of obtaining his brother in exchange for them. Ojeda,
as usual, had notice of the design, but was not to be again shut
up in his fortress. Having been re-enforced by a detachment
sent by the Adelantado, he left a sufficient force in garrison,
and with the remainder, and his little troop of horse, set off
boldly to meet the savages. The brother of Caonabo, when he
saw the Spaniards approaching, showed some military skill,
disposing his army in five battalions. The impetuous attack of
Ojeda, however, with his handful of horsemen, threw the Indian
warriors into sudden panic. At the furious onset of these steel-
clad beings, wielding their flashing weapons, and bestriding
what appeared to be ferocious beasts of prey, the} 7 threw down
their weapons and took to flight ; many were slain, more were
taken prisoners, and among the latter was the brother of
Caouabo, bravely lighting in a righteous yet desperate cause. 1
CHAPTER V.
ARRIVAL OF ANTONIO DE TORRES WITH FOUR SHIPS FROM SPAIN
IIIS RETURN WITH INDIAN SLAVES.
[1494.]
THE colony was still suffering greatly from want of provis-
ions ; the European stock was nearly exhausted, and such was
the idleness and improvidence of the colonists, or the confusiou
into which they had been thrown by the hostilities of the natives,
or such was their exclusive eagerness after the precious metals,
that they seem to have neglected the true wealth of the island,
its quick and productive soil, and to have been in constant
danger of famine, though in the midst of fertility.
At length they were relieved by the arrival of four ships
commanded by Antonio Torres, which brought an ample supply
of provisions. There were also a physician and an apothecary,
whose aid was greatly needed in the sickly state of the colony ;
but above all, there were mechanics, millers, fishermen, gar-
1 Oviedo, Crouica de los Indian, lib. iii. cap. 1. Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doiniugo, lib. il.
p. 131.
306 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
deners, and husbandmen the true kind of population for a
colony.
Torres brought letters from the sovereigns (dated August 10th,
14U4) of the most gratifying kind, expressing the highest satis-
faction at the accounts sent home by the admiral, and acknowl-
edging that every thing in the course of his discoveries had
turned out as he had predicted. They evinced the liveliest
interest in the affairs of the colony, and a desire of receiving
frequent intelligence as to his situation, proposing that a caravel
should sail each month from Isabella and Spain. They informed
him that all differences with Portugal were amicably adjusted,
and acquainted him with the conventional agreement with that
power relative to a ideographical line, separating their newly-
discovered possessions ; requesting him to respect this agree-
ment iu the course of his discoveries. As in adjusting the
arrangement with Portugal, and in drawing the proposed line,
it was important to have the best advice, the sovereigns re-
quested Columbus to return and be present at the convention ;
or, in case that should be inconvenient, to send his brother
Bartholomew, or any other person whom he should consider
full)- competent, furnished with such maps, charts, and designs
as might- be of service in the negotiation. 1
There was another letter, addressed generally to the inhabit-
ants of the colony, and to all who should proceed on voyages
of discovery, commanding them to obey Columbus as implicitly
as they would the sovereigns themselves, under pain of their
high displeasure and a fine of ten thousand maravedies for each
offence.
Such was the well-merited confidence reposed at this moment
by the sovereigns in Columbus, but which was soon to be
blighted by the insidious reports of worthless men. He was al-
ready aware of the complaints and misrepresentations which
had been sent home from the colony, and which would be en-
forced by Margarite and Friar Boyle. He was aware that his
standing in Spain was of that uncertain kind which a stranger
always possesses in the service of a foreign country, where he
has no friends nor connections to support him, and where even
his very merits increase the eagerness of envy to cast him
down. His efforts to promote the working of the mines, and to
explore the resources of the island, had been impeded by the
misconduct of Margarite and the disorderly life of the Span-
iards in general, yet he apprehended that the very evils which
1 Ilerrera, dccad. i. lib. ii. cap. 17.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 307
they had produced would be alleged against him, and the want
of profitable returns be cited to discredit and embarrass his
expeditions.
To counteract any misrepresentations of the kind, Columbus
hastened the return of the ships, and would have returned with
them, not merely to coin pi j* with the wishes of the sovereigns
in being present at the settlement of the geographical line, but
to vindicate himself and his enterprises from the aspersions of
his enemies. The malady, however, which confined him to his
bi-d prevented his departure ; and his brother Bartholomew was
required to aid, with his practical good sense and his resolute
spirit, in regulating the disordered affairs of the island. It was
determined, therefore, to send home his brother Diego, to attend
to the wishes of the sovereigns, and to take care of his interests
at court. At the same time he exerted himself to the utmost
to send by the ships satisfactory proofs of the value of his dis-
coveries. He remitted by them all the gold that he could
collect, with specimens of other metals, and of various fruits
and valuable plants, which he had collected either in Hispaniola
or in the course of his voyage. In his eagerness to produce
immediate profit, and to indemnify the sovereigns for those
expenses which bore hard upon the royal treasury, he sent,
likewise, above five hundred Indian prisoners, who, he sug-
gested, might be sold as slaves at Seville.
It is painful to find the brilliant renown of Columbus sullied
by so foul a stain. The customs of the times, however, must
be pleaded in his apology. The precedent had been given long
before, by both Spaniards and Portuguese, in their African dis-
coveries, wherein the traffic in slaves had formed one of the
greatest sources of profit. In fact, the practice had been sanc-
tioned by the church itself, and the most learned theologians
had pronounced all barbarous and infidel nations, who shut
their ears to the truths of Christianity, fair objects of war and
rapine, of captivity and slavery. If Columbus needed any
practical illustration of this doctrine, he had it in the conduct
of Ferdinand himself, in his late wars with the Moors of Gra-
nada, in which he had always been surrounded by a crowd of
ghostly advisers, and had professed to do every thing for the
glory and advancement of the faith. In this holy war, as it
was termed, it was a common practice to make inroads into the
Moorish territories and carry off cavQlgados, not merely of
flocks and herds, but of human beings, and those not warriors
taken with weapons in their hands, but quiet villagers, laboring
peasantry, and helpless women and children. These were
308 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
carried to the mart at Seville, or to other populous towns, and
sold into slavery. The capture of Malaga was a memorable
instauce, where, as a punishment for an obstinate and brave
defence, which should have excited admiration rather than
revenge, eleven thousand people of both sexes, and of all ranks
and ages, many of them highly cultivated and delicately reared,
were suddenly torn from their homes, severed from each other,
and swept into menial slavery, even though half of their ran-
soms had been paid. These circumstances are not advanced to
vindicate, but to palliate the conduct of Columbus. He acted
but in conformity to the customs of the times, and was sanc-
tioned by the example of the sovereign under whom he served.
Las Casas, the zealous and enthusiastic advocate of the Indians,
who suffers no opportunity to escape him of exclaiming in ve-
hement terms against their slavery, speaks with indulgence of
Columbus on this head. If those pious and learned men, he
observes, whom the sovereigns took for guides and instructors,
were so ignorant of the injustice of this practice, it is no won-
der that the unlettered admiral should not be conscious of its
impropriety. 1
CHAPTER VI.
EXPEDITION OF COLUMBUS AGAINST THE INDIANS OF THE VEGA
BATTLE.
[1494.]
NOTWITHSTANDING the defeat of the Indians by Ojeda, they
still retained hostile intentions against the Spaniards. The
idea of their cacique being a prisoner and in chains enraged the
natives of Maguana ; and the general sympathy manifested by
other tribes of the island shows how widely that intelligent
savage had extended his influence, and how greatly he was ad-
mired. He had still active and powerful relatives remaining,
to attempt his rescue, or revenge his fall. One of his brothers,
Mauicaotex by name, a Carib, bold and warlike as himself,
succeeded to the sway over his subjects. His favorite wife
also, Anacaona, so famous for her charms, had great influence
over her brother Behechio, cacique of the populous province of
Xaragua. Through these means a violent and general hostility
Las Casas, Hist. Ind., torn. i. cap. 122, MS.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 309
to the Spaniards was excited throughout the island, and the
formidable league of the caciques, which Caonabo had in vain
attempted to accomplish when at large, was produced by his
captivity. Guacauagari, the cacique of Marien, alone remained
friendly to the Spaniards, giving them timely information of
the gathering storm and offering to take the field with them as
a faithful ally.
The protracted illness of Columbus, the scantiness of his
military force, and the wretched state of the colonists in gene-
ral, reduced by sickness and scarcity to great bodily weakness,
had hitherto induced him to try every means of conciliation
and stratagem to avert and dissolve the confederacy. He had
at length recovered his health, and his followers were in some
degree refreshed and invigorated by the supplies brought by
the ships. At this time he received intelligence that the allied
caciques were actually assembled in great force in the Vega,
within two days' march of Isabella, with an intention of mak-
ing a general assault upon the settlement, and overwhelming
it 1)}* numbers. Columbus resolved to take the field at once,
and to carry the war into the territories of the enemy, rather
than suffer it to be brought to his own door.
The whole sound and effective force that he could muster, in
the present infirm state of the colony, did not exceed two hun-
dred infantry and twenty horse. They were armed with cross-
bows, swords, lances, and espingardas, or heavy arquebuses,
which in those days were used with rests, aud sometimes
mounted on wheels. With these formidable weapons, a hand-
ful of European warriors, cased in steel and covered with
bucklers, were able to cope with thousands of naked savages.
They had aid of another kind, however, consisting of twenty
blood-hounds, animals scr.rcely less terrible to the Indians than
the horses, and infinitely more fatal. They were fearless and
ferocious ; nothing daunted them, nor when they had once
seized upon their prey could any thing compel them to relin-
quish their hold. The naked bodies of the Indians offered no
defence against their attacks. They sprang on them. Dragged
them to the earth, and tore them to pieces.
The admiral was accompanied in the expedition by his
brother Bartholomew, whose counsel and aid he sought on all
occasions, and who had not merely great personal force and
undaunted courage, but also a decidedly military turn of mind.
Guacanagari also brought his people into the field ; neither he
nor his subjects, however, were of a warlike character, nor cal-
culated to render much assistance. The chief advantage of
310 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
his co-operation was. that it completely severed him from the
other caciques, and insured the dependence of himself and his
subjects upon the Spaniards. In the present infant state of
the colony its chief security depended upon jealousies and dis-
sensions sown among the native powers of the island.
On the 27th of March, 1495, Columbus issued forth from Isa-
bella with his little army, and advanced by marches of ten
leagues a day, in quest of the enemy. He ascended again to
the mountain-pass of the Cavaliers, whence he had first looked
down upon the Vega. With what different feelings did he now
contemplate it. The vile passions of the white men had already
converted this smiling, beautiful, and once peaceful and hospi-
table region, into a land of wrath and hostility. Wherever the
smoke of an Indian town rose from among the trees, it marked
a horde of exasperated enemies, and the deep rich forests
below him swarmed with lurking warriors. In the picture which
his imagination had drawn of the peaceful and inoffensive na-
ture of this people, he had flattered himself with the idea of
ruling over them as a patron and benefactor, but now he found
himself compelled to assume the odious character of a conqueror.
The Indians had notice by their scouts of his approach, but
though they had already had some slight experience of the
warfare of the white men, they were confident from the vast
superiority of their numbers, which, it is said, amounted to one
hundred thousand men. 1 This is probably an exaggeration ;
as Indians never draw out into the open field in order of battle,
but lurk among the forests, it is difficult to ascertain their
force, and their rapid movements and sudden sallies and re-
treats from various parts, together with the wild shouts and
yells from opposite quarters of the woodlands, are calculated
to give an exaggerated idea of their number. The army must,
however, have been great, as it consisted of the combined
forces of several caciques of this populous island. It was com-
manded by Mauicaotex, the brother of Caonabo. The Indians,
who were little skilled in numeration and incapable of reckon-
ing beyond ten, had a simple mode of ascertaining and describ-
ing the force of an enemy, by counting out a grain of maize or
Indian corn for every warrior. When, therefore, the spies,
who had watched from rocks and thickets the march of Colum-
bus, came back with a mere handful of corn as the amount of
his army, the caciques scoffed at the idea of so scanty a num-
ber making head against their countless multitude.' 2
i Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 104, MS. ! Las Casas, ubi sup.
LIFE OF CURISTOFIIER COLUMBUS. 311
Columbus drew near to the enemy about the place where the
town of St. Jago has since been built. The Indian army,
under Manicaotex, was posted on a plain interspersed with
clusters of forest trees, now known as the Savanna of Matanza.
Having ascertained the great force of the enemy, Don Barthol-
omew advised that their little army should be divided into de-
tachments, and should attack the Indians at the same moment
from several quarters ; this plan was adopted. The infantry,
separating into different bodies, advanced suddenly from vari-
ous directions with great din of drums and trumpets, and a
destructive discharge of fire-arms from the covert of the trees.
The Indians were thrown into complete confusion. An army
seemed pressing upon them from every quarter, their fellow-
warriors to be laid low with thunder and lightning from the
forests. While driven together and confounded by these at-
tacks, Alonzo de Ojeda charged their main body impetuously
with his troop of cavalry, cutting his way with lance and sabre.
The horses bore down the terrified Indians, while their riders
dealt their blows on all sides unopposed. The blood-hounds at
the same time rushed upon the naked savages, seizing them by
the throat, dragging them to the earth, and tearing out their
bowels. The Indians, unaccustomed to large and fierce quad-
rupeds of any kind, were struck with horror when assailed by
these ferocious animals. They thought the horses equally
fierce and devouring. The contest, if such it might be called,
was of short duration.
The Indians fled in every direction with yells and howlings ;
some clambered to the tops of rocks and precipices, whence
they made piteous supplications, and offers of complete sub-
mission ; many were killed, many made prisoners, and the con-
federacy was for the time completely broken up and dispersed.
Guacanagari had accompanied the Spaniards into the field
according to his promise, but he was little more than spectator
of this battle or rather rout. He was not of a martial spirit, and
both he and his subjects must have shrunk with awe at this un-
usual and terrific burst of war, even though on the part of their
allies. His participation in the hostilities of the white men
was never forgiven by the other caciques, and he returned
to his dominions, followed by the hatred and execrations of all
the islanders.
312 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER VII.
SUBJUGATION OF THE NATIVES IMPOSITION OF TRIBUTE.
[1494.]
COLUMBUS followed up his victory by making a military tour
through various parts of the island, and reducing them to obe-
dience. The natives made occasional attempts at opposition,
but were easily checked. Ojeda's troop of cavalry was of
great efficacy from the rapidit}' of its movements, the active
intrepidity of its commander, and the terror inspired by the
horses. There was . no service too wild and hazardous for
Ojeda. If any appearance of war arose in a distant part of
the country, he would penetrate with his little squadron of cav-
alry through the depths of the forests, and fall like a thunder-
bolt upon the enemy, disconcerting all their combinations and
enforcing implicit submission.
The Royal Vega was soon brought into subjection. Being
an immense plain, perfectly level, it was easily overrun by the
horsemen, whose appearance overawed the most populous vil-
lages. Guarionex, its sovereign cacique, was of a mild and
placable character, and though he had been roused to war by
the instigation of the neighboring chieftains, he readily sub-
mitted to the domination of the Spaniards. Mariicaotex, the
brother of Caonabo, was also obliged to sue for peace ; and
being the prime mover of the confederacy, the other caciques
followed his example. Behechio alone, the cacique of Xaragua,
and brother-in-law of Caonabo, made no overtures of submis-
sion. His territories lay remote from Isabella, at the western
extremity of the island, around the deep bay called the Bight
of Leogan, and the long peninsula called Cape Tiburon. They
were difficult of access, and had not as yet been visited by the
white men. He retired into his domains, taking with him his
sister, the beautiful Anacaona, wife of Caonabo, whom he
cherished with fraternal affection under her misfortunes, who
soon acquired almost equal sway over his subjects with him-
self, and was destined subsequently to make some figure in the
events of the island.
Having been forced to take the field by the confederacy of
the caciques, Columbus now asserted the right of a conqueror,
and considered how he might turn his conquest to most profit.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 313
His constant anxiety was to make wealth} 7 returns to Spain,
for the purpose of indemnifying the sovereigns for their great
expenses ; of meeting the public expectations, so extravagantly
excited ; and above all of silencing the calumnies of those who
had gone home determined to make the most discouraging rep-
resentations of his discoveries. He endeavored, therefore, to
raise a large and immediate revenue by imposing heav}' tributes
on the subjected provinces. In those of the Vega, Cibao, and
all the region of the mines, each individual above the age of
fourteen years was required to pay, every three months, the
measure of a Flemish hawk's-bell of gold dust. 1 The caciques
had to pay a much larger amount for their personal tribute.
Manicaotex, the brother of Caouabo, was obliged individually
to render in, every three months, half a calabash of gold,
amounting to one hundred and fifty pesos. In those districts
which were distant from the mines, and produced no gold,
each individual was required to furnish an arroba (twenty-five
pounds) of cotton every three months. Each Indian, on ren-
dering this tribute, received a copper medal as a certificate of
payment, which he was to wear suspended round his neck ;
those who were found without such documents were liable to
arrest and punishment.
The taxes and tributes thus imposed bore hard upon the spirit
of the natives, accustomed to be but lightly tasked by their
caciques ; and the caciques themselves found the exactions
intolerably grievous. Guariouex, the sovereign of the Royal
Vega, represented to Columbus the difficulty he had in comply-
ing with the terms of his tribute. His richly fertile plain
yielded no gold ; and though the mountains on his borders
contained mines, and their brooks and torrents washed down
gold dust into the sands of the rivers, yet his subjects were not
skilled in the art of collecting it. He proffered, therefore,
instead of the tribute required, to cultivate with grain a band
of country stretching across the island from sea to sea, enough,
says Las Casas, to have furnished all Castile with bread for ten
years. 2
His offer was rejected. Columbus knew that gold alone
would satisfy the avaricious dreams excited in Spain, and
insure the popularity and success of his enterprises. Seeing,
1 A hawk's-bell, according to Las Casas (Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 105), contains abont
three castellanos' worth of gold dust, equal to five dollar*, and in estimating the auperior
value of gold in those days, equivalent to fifteen dollars of our time. A quantity of gold
worth one hundred and fifty castellanos was equivalent to seven buudred aud niuety-
eight dollars of the present day.
2 Lad Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 105.
314 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
however, the difficulty that many of the Indians had in furnish-
ing the amount of gold dust required, he lowered the demand
to the measure of one half of a hawk's-bell.
To enforce the payment of these tributes, and to maintain
the subjection of the island, Columbus put the fortress already
built in a strong state of defence, and erected others. Besides
those of Isabella, and of St. Thomas, in the mountains of
Cibao, there were now the fortress of Magdalena, in the Royal
Vega, near the site of the old town of Santiago, on the river
Jalaqtia, two leagues from the place where the new town was
afterward built ; another called Santa Catalina, the site of
which is near the Esteucia Yaqui ; another called Esperanza,
on the banks of the river Yaqui, facing the outlet of the
mountain-pass La Puerta de los Hidalgos, now the pass of
Marney ; but the most important of those recently erected was
Fort Conception, in one of the most fruitful and beautiful parts
of the Vega, about fifteen leagues to the east of Esperanza,
controlling the extensive and populous domains of Guarionex. 1
In this way was the } T oke of servitude fixed upon the island,
and its thraldom effectually insured. Deep despair now fell
upon the natives when they found a perpetual task inflicted
upon them, enforced at stated and frequently recurring periods.
Weak and indolent by nature, unused to labor of any kind, and
brought up in the untasked idleness of their soft climate
and their fruitful groves, death itself seemed preferable to a life
of toil and anxiety. They saw no end to this harassing evil,
which had so suddenly fallen upon them ; no escape from its
all-pervading influence ; no prospect of return to that roving
independence and ample leisure, so dear to the wild inhabitants
of the forest. The pleasant life of the island was at an end :
the dream in the shade In" day ; the slumber during the sultry
noontide heat by the fountain or the stream, or under the
spreading palm-tree ; and the song, the dance, and the game in
the mellow evening, when summoned to their simple amusements
by the rude Indian drum. They were now obliged to grope
day by day, with bending body and anxious eye, along the
borders of their rivers, sifting the sands for the grains of gold
which every day grew more scant}- ; or to labor in their fields
beneath the fervor of a tropical sun, to raise food for their
task-masters, or to produce the vegetable tribute imposed upon
them. They sank to sleep weary and exhausted at night, with
the certainty that the next day was but to be a repetition of the
Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 110.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 315
same toil and suffering. Or if the}' occasionally indulged in
their national dances, the ballads to which they kept time were
of a melancholy and plaintive character. They spoke of the
times that were past before the white men had introduced
sorrow, and slavery, and weary labor among them : and they
rehearsed pretended prophesies, handed down from their ances-
tors, foretelling the invasion of the Spaniards : that strangers
should corne into their island, clothed in apparel, with swords
capable of cleaving a man asunder at a blow, under whose yoke
their posterity should be subdued. These ballads, or areytos,
they sansr with mournful tunes and doleful voices, bewailing
the loss of their liberty, and their painful servitude. 1
They had Haltered themselves, for a time, that the visit of
the strangers would be but temporary, and that, spreading their
ample sails, their ships would once more bear them back to
their home in the sky. In their simplicity, they had repeatedly
inquired when the}' intended to return to Turey, or the heavens.
They now beheld them taking root, as it were, in the island.
They beheld their vessels lying idle "and rotting in the harbor,
while the crews, scattered about the country, were building
habitations and fortresses, the solid construction of which,
unlike their own slight cabins, gave evidence of permanent
Rhode. 1
Finding how vain was all attempt to deliver themselves by
warlike means from these invincible intruders, the} 7 now con-
ceited a forlorn and desperate mode of annoyance. They per-
ceived tlrat the settlement suffered greatly from shortness of
provisions, and depended, in a considerable degree, upon the
supplies furnished b}- the natives. The fortresses in the inte-
rior, also, and the Spaniards quartered in the villages, looked
almost entirely to them for subsistence. They agreed among
themselves, therefore, not to cultivate the fruits, the roots, and
nuiize, their chief articles of food, and to destroy those already
growing; hoping, by producing a famine, to starve the stran-
gers from the island. They little knew, observes Las Casas,
one of the characteristics of the Spaniards, who the more
hungry they are, the more inflexible they become, and the
more hardened to endure suffering. 3 They carried their plan
generally into effect, abandoning their habitations, laying waste
their fields and groves, and retiring to the mountains, where
1 Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. ix. * La* Casas, Hist. Ind., Hb. i. cap. 106.
3 No conociendo la propriedud de los Espanoles, los cuales cuanto ma* hamhrientos,
tantii mayor tesou ticuuti y mas duros sou dc sufrir y para sufrir. Las Cabas, Hist. lud.,
lib. i. cap. 1 '.Hi.
316 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
there were roots and herbs and abundance of utias for their
subsistence.
This measure did indeed produce much distress among the
Spaniards, but the}" had foreign resources, and were enabled to
endure it b}' husbanding the partial supplies brought by their
ships ; the most disastrous effects fell upon the natives them-
selves. The Spaniards stationed in the various fortresses,
finding that there was not only no hope of tribute, but a danger
of famine from this wanton waste and sudden desertion, pur-
sued the natives to their retreats, to compel them to return to
labor. The Indians took refuge in the most sterile and dreary
heights ; flying from one wild retreat to another, the women
with their children in their arms or at their backs, and all worn
out with fatigue and hunger, and harassed by perpetual alarms.
In every noise of the forest or the mountain they fancied they
heard the sound of their pursuers ; they hid themselves in damp
and dismal caverns, or in the rocky banks and margins of the
torrents, and not daring to hunt, or fish, or even to venture
forth in quest of nourishing roots and vegetables, they had to
satisfy their raging hunger with unwholesome food. In this
wa}" many thousands of them perished miserably, through
famine, fatigue, terror, and various contagious maladies engen-
dered by their sufferings. All spirit of opposition was at length
completely quelled. The surviving Indians returned in despair
to their habitations, and submitted humbly to the yoke. So
deep an awe did they conceive of their conquerors, that it is
said a Spaniard might go singl}" apd securely all over the island,
and the natives would even transport hirn from place to place
on their shoulders. 1
Before passing on to other events, it may be proper here to
notice the fate of Guacanagari, as he makes no further appear-
ance in the course of this history. His friendship for the Span-
iards had severed him from his countrymen, but did not exon-
erate him from the general woes of the island. His territories,
like those of the other caciques, were subjected to a tribute,
which his people, with the common repugnance to labor, found
it difficult to pay. Columbus, who knew his worth, and could
have protected him, was long absent either in the interior of
the island, or detained in Europe by his own wrongs. In the
interval, the Spaniards forgot the hospitality and services of
Guacanagari, and his tribute was harshly exacted. He found
himself overwhelmed with opprobrium from his countrymen
1 Las Casaa, Hist. lud., lib. 1. c. 106. Hist, del Alruirante, cap. 60.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 817
at large, and assailed by the clamors and lamentations of his
suffering subjects. The strangers whom he had succored in dis-
tress, and taken as it were to the bosom of his native island,
had become its tyrants and oppressors. Care, and toil, and
poverty, and strong handed violence, had spread their curses
over the land, and he felt as if he had invoked them on his
race. Unable to bear the hostilities of his fellow caciques, the
\vo( j s of his subjects, and the extortions of his ungrateful
allies, he took refuge at last iu the mountains, where he died
obscurely and in misery. 1
An attempt has been made by Oviedo to defame the char-
acter of this Indian prince : it is not for .Spaniards, however, to
excuse their own ingratitude by casting a stigma on his name.
He appears to have always manifested toward them that true
friendship which shines brightest in the dark days of adversity.
He might have played a nobler part, in making a stand, with
his brother caciques, to drive these intruders from his native
soil ; but he appears to have been fascinated by his admiration
of the strangers, and his personal attachment to Columbus.
He was bountiful, hospitable, affectionate, and kind-hearted ;
competent to rule a gentle and unwarlike people in the happier
days of the island, but unfitted, through the softness of his
nature, for the stern turmoil which followed the arrival of the
white men.
CHAPTER VIII.
INTRIGUES AGAINST COLUMBUS IN THE COURT OF SPAIN AGU-
ADO SENT TO INVESTIGATE THE AFFAIRS OF UISPANIOLA.
[1495.]
WHILE Columbus was endeavoring to remed}* the evils pro-
duced by the misconduct of Margarite, that recreant com-
mander and his political coadjutor, Friar Boyle, were busily
undermining his reputation in the court of Castile. They
accused him of deceiving the sovereigns and the public by
extravagant descriptions of the countries he had discovered ;
they pronounced the island of Hispaniola a source of expense
rather than profit, and they drew a dismal picture of the suffer-
ings of the colony, occasioned, as they said, by the oppressions
i Charlevoix, Hist, de St. Domingo, lib. 11.
318 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
of Columbus and his brothers. They charged them with task-
ing the community with excessive labor during a time of gen-
eral sickness and debility ; with stopping the rations of indi-
viduals on the most trifling pretext, to the great detriment of
their health ; with wantonly inflicting severe corporal punish-
ments oil the common people, and with heaping indignities on
Spanish gentlemen of rank. They said nothing, however, of
the exigencies which had called for unusual labor; nor of the
idleness and profligacy which required coercion and chastise-
ment ; nor of the seditious cabals of the Spanish cavaliers, who
had been treated with indulgence rather than severity. In
addition to these complaints, they represented the slate of
confusion of the island, in consequence of the absence of the
admiral, and the uncertainty which prevailed concerning his
fate, intimating the probability of his having perished in his
foolhardy attempts to explore unknown seas and discover un-
profitable lauds.
These prejudiced and exaggerated representations derived
much weight from the official situations of Margarite and
Friar Boyle. They were supported by the testimony of many
discontented and factious idlers, who had returned with them
to Spain. Some of these persons had connections of rank, who
were ready to resent, with Spanish haughtiness, what they
considered the arrogant assumptions of an ignoble foreigner.
Thus the popularity of Columbus received a vital blow, and
immediately began to decline. The confidence of the sover-
eigns also was impaired, and precautions were adopted which
savor strongly of the cautious and suspicious policy of Ferdi-
nand.
It was determined to send some person of trust and confi-
dence, who should take upon himself the government of the
island in case of the continued absence of the admiral, and who,
even in the event of his return, should inquire into the alleged
evils and abuses, and remedy such as should appear really in
existence. The person proposed for this difficult office was
Diego Carillo, a commander of a militaiy order ; but as he was
not immediately prepared to sail with a fleet of caravels
about to depart with supplies, the sovereigns wrote to Fonseca,
the superintendent of Indian affairs, to send some trusty person
with the vessels, to take charge of the provisions with which
they were freighted. These he was to distribute among the
colonists, under the supervision of the admiral, or. in case of
his absence, in presence of those in authority. He was also to
collect information concerning the manner in which the island
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 319
had been governed, the conduct of persons in office, the causes
and authors of existing grievances, and the measures by which
they were to be remedied. Having collected such information,
he was to return and make report to the sovereigns ; but iu
case he should find the admiral at the island, every thing was
to remain subject to his control.
There was another measure adopted by the sovereigns about
this time, which likewise shows the declining favor of Colum-
bus. On the 10th of April, 149o, a proclamation was issued,
giving general permission to native-born subjects to settle in the
island of Hispaniola, and to go on private vo3 - ages of discovery
and traffic to the New World. This was granted, subject to
certain conditions.
All vessels were to sail exclusively from the port of Cadiz,
and under the inspection of officers appointed by the crown.
Those who embarked for Hispaniola without pay and at their
own expense, were to have lands assigned to them, and to be
provisioned for one year, with a right to retain such lands, and
all houses they might erect upon them. Of all gold which they
might collect, they were to retain one third for themselves, and
pay two-thirds to the crown. Of all other articles of merchan-
dise, the produce of the island, they were to pay merely one-
tenth to tlie crown. Their purchases were to be made in the
presence of officers appointed by the sovereigns, and the royal
duties paid into the hands of the king's receiver.
Each ship sailing on private enterprise was to take one or two
persons named by the royal officers at Cadiz. One-tenth of the
tonnage of the ship was to be at the service of the crown, free
of charge. One-tenth of whatever such ships should procure
in the newly-discovered countries was to be paid to the crown
on their return. These regulations included private ships
trading to Hispaniola with provisions.
For every vessel thus fitted out on private adventure, Co-
lumbus, in consideration of his privilege of an eighth of ton-
nage, was to have the right to freight one on his own account.
This general license for voyages of discovery was made in
consequence of the earnest application of Vincent Yanes Pin-
zon, and other able and intrepid navigators, most of whom had
sailed with Columbus. They offered to make voyages at their
own cost and hazard. The offer was tempting and well-timed.
The government was poor, the expeditions of Columbus were
expensive, yet their object was too important to be neglected.
Here was an opportunity of attaining all the ends proposed,
not merely without expense, but with a certainty of gain. The
320 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
permission, therefore, was granted, without consulting the
opinion or the wishes of the admiral. It was loudly com-
plained of by him, as an infringement of his privileges, and as
disturbing the career of regular and well-organized discovery,
by the licentious aud sometimes predatory enterprises of reck-
less adventurers. Doubtless, much of the odium that has at-
tached itself to the Spanish discoveries in the New World has
arisen from the grasping avidity of private individuals.
Just at this juncture, in the early part of April, while the
interests of Columbus were in such a critical situation, the
ships commanded by Torres arrived in Spain. They brought
intelligence of the safe return of the admiral to Hispaniola,
from his voyage along the southern coast of Cuba, with the
evidence which he had collected to prove that it was the ex-
tremity of the Asiatic continent, and that he had penetrated to
the borders of the wealthiest countries of the East. Specimens
were likewise brought of the gold, and the various animal
and vegetable curiosities, which he had procured in the course
of his voyage. No arrival could have been more timely. It at
once removed all doubts respecting his safety, and obviated
the necessity of part of the precautionary measures then on the
point of being taken. The supposed discovery of the rich coast
of Asia also threw a temporary splendor about his expedition,
and again awakened the gratitude of the sovereigns. The
effect was immediately apparent in their measures. Instead
of leaving it to the discretion of Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca to
appoint whom he pleased to the commission of inquiry about
to be sent out, they retracted that power, and nominated Juan
Aguado.
He was chosen, because, on returning from Hispaniola, he
had been strongly recommended to royal favor by Columbus.
It was intended, therefore, as a mark of consideration to the
latter, to appoint as commissioner a person of whom he had
expressed so high an opinion, and who, it was to be presumed,
entertained for him a grateful regard.
Fonseca, in virtue of his official station as superintendent of
the affairs of the Indies, and probably to gratify his growing
animosity for Columbus, had detained a quantity of gold
which Don Diego, brother to the admiral, had brought on his
own private account. The sovereigns wrote to him repeat-
edly, ordering him not to demand the gold, or if he had seized
it, to return it immediately, with satisfactory explanations,
and to write to Columbus in terms calculated to soothe any
angry feelings which he might have excited. He was ordered,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 321
also, to consult the persons recently arrived from Hispaniola,
in what manner he could yield satisfaction to the admiral, and
to act accordingly. Fouseca thus suffered one of the severest
humiliations of an arrogant spirit, that of being obliged to
make atonement for his arrogance. It quickened, however,
the malice which he had conceived against the admiral and his
family. Unfortunately his official situation, and the royal
confidence which he enjoyed, gave him opportunities of grati-
fying it subsequently in a thousand insidious ways.
While the sovereigns thus endeavored to avoid any act
which might give umbrage to Columbus, they took certain
measures to provide for the tranquillity of the colony. In a
letter to the admiral they directed that the number of persons
in the settlement should be limited to five hundred, a greater
number being considered unnecessary for the service of the
island, and a burdensome expense to the crown. To prevent
further discontents about provisions, they ordered that the
rations of individuals should be dealt out in portions every fif-
teen days, and that all punishment by short allowance, or the
stoppage of rations, should be discontinued, as tending to in-
jure the health of the colonists, who required every assistance
of nourishing diet to fortify them against the maladies incident
to a strange climate.
An able and experienced metallurgist, named Pablo Belvis,
was sent out in place of the wrong-headed Firmin Cedo. He
was furnished with all the necessary engines and implements
for mining, assaying, and purifying the precious metals, and
with liberal pay and privileges. Ecclesiastics were also sent
to supply the pface of Friar Boyle, and of certain of his breth-
ren who desired to leave the island. The instruction and con-
venston of the natives awakened more and more the solicitude
of the queen. Ju the ships of Torres a large number of Indians
arrived, who had been captured in the recent wars with the
caciques. Royal orders had l>een issued, that they should be
sold as slaves in the markets of Andalusia, as had been the
custom with respect to negroes taken on the coast of Africa,
and to Moorish prisoners captured in the war with Granada.
Isabella, however, had been deeply interested by the accounts
given of the gentle and hospitable character of these islanders,
and of their great docility. The discovery had been made un-
der her immediate auspices ; she looked upon these people as
under her peculiar care, and she anticipated with pious enthu-
siasm the glory of leading them from darkness into the paths
of light. Her compassionate spirit revolted at the idea of
322 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
treating them as slaves, even though sanctioned by the cus-
toms of the time. Within five days after the royal order for
the sale, a letter was written by the sovereigns to Bishop
Fonseca, suspending that order, until they could inquire into
the cause for which the Indians had been made prisoners, and
consult learned and pious theologians, whether their sale
would be justifiable in the eyes of God. 1 Much difference of
opinion took place among divines on this important question ;
the queen eventually decided it according to the dictates of
her own pure conscience and charitable heart. She ordered
that the Indians should be sent back to their native country,
and enjoined that the islanders should be conciliated by the
gentlest means, instead of being treated with severity. Un-
fortunately her orders came too late to Hispaniola to have the
desired effect. The scenes of warfare and violence, produced
by the bad passions of the colonists and the vengeance of the
natives, were not to be forgotten, and mutual distrust and
rankling animosity had grown up between them, which no
after exertions could eradicate.
CHAPTER IX.
ARRIVAL OF AGUADO AT ISABELLA HIS ARROGANT CONDUCT
TEMPEST IN THE HARBOR.
[1495.]
JUAN AGUADO set sail from Spain toward the end of August,
with four caravels, well freighted with supplies of all kinds.
Don Diego Columbus returned in this squadron to Hispaniola,
and arrived at Isabella in the month of October, while the ad-
miral was absent, occupied in re-establishing the tranquillity of
the interior. Aguado, as has already been shown, was under
obligations to Columbus, who had distinguished him from
among his companions, and had recommended him to the favor
of the sovereigns. He was, however, one of tlrseweak men
whose heads are turned by the least elevation. Puffed up by a
little temporal y power, he lost sight, not merely of the respect
and gratitude due to Columbus, but of the nature and extent of
his own commission. Instead of acting as an agent employed
1 Letter of the tiovereigus to Fouseca. Xavarrete, Colleccion de los Viages, i. 11,
Doc. 92.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 323
to collect information, he assumed a tone of authority, as though
the reins of government had been transferred into his hands.
He interfered in public affairs ; ordered various persons to be
arrested ; called to account the officers employed by the admi-
ral ; and paid no respect to Don Bartholomew Columbus, who
remained in command during the absence of his brother. The
Adelantado, astonished at this presumption, demanded a sight
of the commission under which he acted ; but Aguado treated
him with great haughtiness, replying that he would show it
only to the admiral. On second thought, however, lest there
should be doubts in the public mind of his right to interfere in
the affairs of the colony, he ordered his letter of credence from
the sovereigns to be pompously proclaimed by sound of trum-
pet. It was brief but comprehensive, to the "following purport :
" Cavaliers, esquires, and other persons, who by our orders are
in the Indies, we send to you Juan Aguado, our groom of the
chambers, who will speak to you on our part. We command
you to give him faith and credit."
The report now circulated that the downfall of Columbus and
his family was at hand, and that an auditor had arrived, em-
powered to hear and to redress the grievances of the public.
This rumor originated with Aguado himself, who threw out
menaces of rigid investigations and signs! punishments. It was
a time of jubilee for offenders. Every culprit started up into an
accuser ; every one who by negligence or crime had incurred the
wholesome penalties of the laws, was loud in his clamors against
the oppression of Columbus. There were ills enough in the col-
ony, s^me incident to its situation, others produced by the mis-
deeds of the colonists, but all were ascribed to the maladminis-
tration of the admiral. He was made responsible alike for the
evils produced by others and for his own stern remedies. All
the old complaints were reiterated against him and his brothers,
and the usual and illiberal cause given for their oppressions,
that they were foreigners, who sought merely their own inter-
ests and aggrandizement, at the expense of the sufferings and
the indignities of Spaniards.
Destitute of discrimination to perceive what was true and
what false in these complaints, and anxious only to condemn,
Aguado saw in every thing conclusive testimony of the culpa-
bility of Columbus. He intimated, and perhaps thought, that
the admiral was keeping at a distance from Isabella, through
fear of encountering his investigations. In the fulness of his
presumption, he even set out with a body of horse to go in
quest of him. A vain and weak man in power is prone to em-
324 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
ploy satellites of his own description. The arrogant and boast-
ing followers of Aguado, wherever they went, spread rumors
among the natives of the might and importance of their chief,
and of the punishment he intended to inflict upon Columbus.
In a little while the report circulated through the island that a
new admiral had arrived to administer the government, and
that the former one was to be put to death.
The news of the arrival and of the insolent conduct of Aguado
reached Columbus in the interior of the island ; he immediately
hastened to Isabella to give him a meeting. Aguado, hearing
of his approach, also returned there. As every one knew the
lofty spirit of Columbus, his high sense of his services, and his
jealous maintenance of his official dignity, a violent explosion
was anticipated at the impending interview. Aguado also ex-
pected something of the kind, but, secure in his royal letter of
credence, he looked forward with the ignorant audacity of a
little mind to the result. The sequel showed how difficult it is
for petty spirits to anticipate the conduct of a man like Colum-
bus in an extraordinary situation. His natural heat and im-
petuosity had been subdued by a life of trials ; he had learned
to bring his passions into subjection to his judgment ; he had
too true an estimate of his own dignity to enter into a contest
with a shallow boaster like Aguado ; above all, he had a pro-
found respect for the authority of his sovereigns ; for in his en-
thusiastic spirit, prone to deep feelings of reverence, his loyalty
was inferior only to his religion. He received Aguado, there-
fore, with grave and punctilious courtesy ; and retorted upon
him his own ostentatious ceremonial, ordering that the letter
of credence should be again proclaimed by sound of trumpet in
presence of the populace. He listened to it with solemn defer-
ence, and assured Aguado of his readiness to acquiesce in what-
ever might be the pleasure of his sovereigns.
This unexpected moderation, while it astonished the beholders,
foiled and disappointed Aguado. He had come prepared for a
scene of altercation, and had hoped that Columbus, in the heat
and impatience of the moment, would have said or done some-
thing that might be construed into disrespect for the authority
of the sovereigns. He endeavored, in fact, some months after-
ward, to procure from the public notaries present, a prejudicial
statement of the interview ; but the deference of the admiral
for the royal letter of credence had been too marked to be dis-
puted ; and all the testimonials were highly in his favor. 1
i Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 18.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 325
Aguado continued to intermeddle in public affairs, and the
respect and forbearance with which he was uniformly treated
by Columbus, and the mildness of the latter in all his measures
to appease the discontents of the colony, were regarded as
proofs of his loss of moral courage. He was looked upon as a
declining man, and Aguado hailed as the lord of the ascendant.
Every dastard spirit who had any lurking ill-will, any real or
imaginary cause of complaint, now hastened to give it utter-
ance ; perceiving that, in gratifying his malice, he was promot-
ing his interest, and that in vilifying the admiral he was gain-
ing the friendship of Aguado.
The poor Indians, too, harassed by the domination of the
white men, rejoiced in the prospect of a change of rulers, vainly
hoping that i^ might produce a mitigation of their sufferings.
Many of the caciques who had promised allegiance to the admi-
ral after their defeat in the Vega, now assembled at the house
of Manicaotex, the brother of Caonabo, near the river Yagui,
where they joined in a formal complaint against Columbus,
whom they considered the cause of all the evils which had
sprung from the disobedience and the vices of his followers.
Aguado now considered the great object of his mission ful-
filled. He had collected information sufficient, as he thought,
to insure the ruin of the admiral and his brothers, and he pre-
pared to return to Spain. Columbus resolved to do the same.
He felt that it was time to appear at court, and dispel the cloud
of calumny gathering against him. He had active enemies, of
standing and influence, who were seeking every occasion to
throw discredit upon himself and his enterprises ; and, stranger
and foreigner as he was, he had no active friends at court to
oppose their machinations. He feared that they might eventu-
ally produce an effect upon the royal mind fatal to the progress
of discovery ; he was anxious to return, therefore, and explain
the real causes of the repeated disappointments with respect to
profits anticipated from his enterprises. It is not one of the
least singular traits in this history that, after having been so
many years in persuading mankind that there was a new
world to be discovered, he had almost equal trouble in proving
to them the advantage of its discovery.
When the ships were ready to depart, a terrible storm swept
the island. It was one of those awful whirlwinds which occa-
sionally rage within the tropics, and were called by the Indians
" furricanes," or " uricans," a name they still retain with
trifling variation. About mid-day a furious wind sprang up
from the east, driving before it dense volumes of cloud and
326 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
vapor. Encountering another tempest of wind from the west,
it appeared as if a violent conflict ensued. The clouds were
rent by incessant flashes, or rather streams of lightning. At
one time they were piled up high in the sky, at another they
swept to the earth, filling the air with a baleful darkness more
dismal than the obscurity of midnight. Wherever the whirl-
wind passed, whole tracts of forests were shivered and stripped
of their leaves and branches ; those of gigantic size, which re-
sisted the blast, were torn up by the roots, and hurled to a
great distance. Groves were rent from the mountain preci-
pices, with vast masses of earth and rock, tumbling into the
valleys with terrific noise, and choking the course of rivers.
The fearful sounds in the air and on the earth, the pealing
thunder, the vivid lightning, the howling of the wind, the crash
of falling trees and rocks, filled every one with affright ; and
many thought that the end of the world was at hand. Some
fled to caverns for safety, for their frail houses were blown
down, and the air was filled with the trunks and branches of
trees, and even with fragments of rocks, carried along by the
fury of the tempest. When the hurricane reached the harbor,
it whirled the ships round as they lay at anchor, snapped their
cables, and sank three of them, with all who were on board.
Others were driven about, dashed against each other, and
tossed mere wrecks upon the shore by the swelling surges of
the sea, which in some places rolled for three or four miles
upon the land. The tempest lasted for three hours. When it
had passed away, and the sun again appeared, the Indians
regarded each other in mute astonishment and dismay.
Never in their memory, nor in the traditions of their ancestors,
had their island been visited by such a storm. They believed
that the Deity had sent this fearful ruin to punish the cruelties
and crimes of the white men, and declared that this people
had moved the very air, the water, and the earth, to disturb
their tranquil life, and to desolate their island. 1
* Ramusio, torn. iii. p. 7. Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iv.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 327
CHAPTER X.
DISCOVERY OF THE MINES OF HAYNA.
[1496.]
IN the recent hurricane the four caravels of Aguado had been
destroyed, together with two others which were in the harbor.
The only vessel which survived was the Nina, and that in a very
shattered condition. Columbus gave orders to have her im-
mediately repaired, and another caravel constructed out of the
wreck of tl)9se which had been destroyed. While waiting
until they should be ready for sea, he was cheered by tidings of
rich mines in the interior of the island, the discovery of which
is attributed to an incident of a somewhat romantic nature. 1
A young Arragonian, named Miguel Diaz, in the service of the
Adelantado. having a quarrel with another Spaniard, fought
with him and wounded him dangerously. Fearful of the con-
sequences, he fled from the settlement, accompanied by five or
six comrades who had either been engaged in the affray, or
were personalty attached to him. Wandering atxnit the island,
they came to an Indian village on the southern coast, near the
mouth of the river Ozema, where the city of San Domingo is
at present situated. They were received with kindness by the
natives, and resided for some time among them. The village
was governed by a female cacique, who soon conceived a strong
attachment for the young Arragonian. Diaz was not insensible
to her tenderness ; a connection was formed between them, and
they lived for some time very happily together.
The recollection of his country and his f riends began at length
to steal upon the thoughts of the young Spaniard. It was a
melancholy lot to be exiled from civilized life, and an outcast
from among his countrymen. He longed to return to the
settlement, but dreaded the punishment that awaited him,
from the austere justice of the Adelantado. His Indian bride,
observing him frequently melancholy and lost in thought, pene-
trated the cause, with the quick intelligence of female affection.
Fearful that he would abandon her, and return to his country-
men, she endeavored to devise some means of drawing the
Spaniards to that part of the island. Knowing that gold was
1 Oviedo, Crouica de los India:-, lib. ii. cap. 13.
328 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
their sovereign attraction, she informed Diaz of certain rich
mines in the neighborhood, and urged him to persuade his
countrymen to abandon the comparatively sterile and un-
healthy vicinit}- of Isabella, and settle upon the fertile banks
of the Ozema, promising they should be received with the
utmost kindness and hospitality by her nation.
Struck with the suggestion, Diaz made particular inquiries
about the mines, and was convinced that they abounded in gold.
He noticed the superior fruitfuluess and beauty of the country,
the excellence of the river, and the security of the harbor at its
entrance. He flattered himself that the communication of such
valuable intelligence would make his peace at Isabella, and
obtain his pardon from the Adelantado. Full of these hopes,
he procured guides from among the natives, and taking a tem-
porary leave of his Indian bride, set out with his comrades
through the wilderness for the settlement, which was about
fifty leagues distant. Arriving there secretly, he learnt to his
great joy that the man whom he had wounded had recovered.
He now presented himself boldly before the Adelautado, relying
that his tidings would earn his forgiveness. He was not mis-
taken. No news could have come more opportunely. The
admiral had been anxious to remove the settlement to a more
healthy and advantageous situation. He was desirous also of
carrying home some conclusive proof of the riches of the island,
as the most effectual means of silencing the cavils of his enemies.
If the representations of Miguel Diaz were correct, here was a
means of effecting both these purposes. Measures were imme-
diately taken to ascertain the truth. The Adelantado set forth
in person to visit the river Ozeraa, accompanied by Miguel Diaz,
Francisco de Garay, and the Indian guides, and attended by a
number of men well armed. They proceeded from Isabella to
Magdalena, and thence across the Royal Vega to the fortress of
Conception. Continuing on to the south, they came to a range
of mountains, which they traversed by a defile two leagues in
length, and descended into another beautiful plain, which was
called Bonao. Proceeding hence for some distance, they came
to a great river called Hayna, running through a fertile country,
all the streams of which abounded in gold. On the western
bank of this river, and about eight leagues from its mouth, they
found gold in greater quantities and in larger particles than had
yet been met with in any part of the island, not even excepting
the province of Cibao. They made experiments in various places
within the compass of six miles, and always with success The
soil seemed to be generally impregnated with that metal, so
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 329
that a common laborer, with little trouble, might find the
amount of three drachms in the course of a day. 1 In several
places they observed deep excavations in the form of pits,
which looked as if the mines had been worked in ancient times,
a circumstance which caused much speculation among the
Spaniards, the natives having no idea of mining, but contenting
themselves with the particles found on the surface of the soil,
or in the beds of the rivers.
The Indians of the neighborhood received the white men
with their promised friendship, and in every respect the repre-
sentations of Miguel Diaz were fully justitied. He was not
only pardoned, but received into great favor, and was subse-
quentty employed in various capacities in the island, in all
which he acquitted himself with great fidelity. He kept his
faith with his Indian bride, by whom, according to Oviedo, he
had two children. Chaiievoix supposes that they were regu-
larly married, as the female cacique appears to have been
baptized, being always mentioned by the Christian name of
Catnlina. 2
When the Adelantado returned with this favorable report,
ami with specimens of ore, the anxious heart of the admiral
was greatly elated. He gave orders that a fortress should be
immediately erected on the banks of the Hayna, in the vicinity
of the mines, and that they should be diligently worked. The
fancied traces of ancient excavations gave rise to one of his
usual veins of golden conjectures. He had already surmised
that Ilispaniola might be the ancient Ophir. He now flattered
himself that he had discovered the identical mines whence
King Solomon had procured his gold for the building of the
Temple of Jerusalem. He supposed that his ships must have
sailed by the Gulf of Persia, and around Trapoban to this
island, 8 which, according to his idea, lay opposite to the ex-
treme end of Asia, for such he firmly believed the island of
Cuba.
It is probable that Columbus gave free license to his imagina-
tion in these conjectures, which tended to throw a splendor
about his enterprises, and to revive the languishing interest of
the public. Granting, however, the correctness of his opinion,
that he was in the vicinity of Asia, an error by no means sur-
prising in the imperfect state of geographical knowledge, all his
1 Hen-era, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap 18. Peter Martyr, decad^. i. lib. iv.
2 Oviedo, Crunicu de log Indies, lib. ii. cup. 13. Churlevoix, llisi. St. Dumiiigo, lib.
li. p. 146.
3 Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iv.
330 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
consequent suppositions were far from extravagant. The
ancient Oplrir was believed to lie somewhere in the East, but
its situation was a matter of controversy among the learned,
and remains one of those conjectural questions about which too
much has been written for it ever to be satisfactorily decided.
BOOK IX.
CHAPTER I.
RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN WITH AGUADO.
[1496.]
Tire new caravel, the Santa Cruz, being finished, and the
Nina repaired, Columbus made every arrangement for imme-
diate departure, anxious to be freed from the growing arrogance
of Aguado, and to relieve the colony from a crew of factious
and discontented men. He appointed his brother, Don Bar-
tholomew, to the command of the island, with the title, which
he had already given him, of Adelantado ; in case of his death,
he was to be succeeded by his brother Don Diego.
On the 10th of March the two caravels set sail for Spain, in
one of which Columbus embarked, and in the other Aguado.
In consequence of the orders of the sovereigns, all those who
could be spared from the island, and some who had wives and
relatives in Spain whom they wished to visit, returned in these
caravels, which were crowded with two hundred and twenty-five
passengers, the sick, the idle, the profligate, and the factious.
Never did a more miserable and disappointed crew return from
a land of promise.
There were thirty Indians also on board of the caravels,
among whom were the once redoubtable cacique Caonabo, one
of his brothers, and a nephew. The curate of Los Palacios ob-
serves that Columbus had promised the cacique and his brother
to restore them to their country and their power, after he had
taken them to visit the King and Queen of Castile. 1 It is prob-
able that by kind treatment and by a display of the wonders
of Spain and the grandeur and might of its sovereigns, he
hoped to conquer their enmity to the Spaniards, and convert
1 Cur* de los Palacios, cap. 131.
331
332 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
them into important instruments towards obtaining a secure
and peaceable dominion over the island. Caonabo, however,
was of that proud nature, of wild but vigorous growth, which
can never be tamed. He remained a moody and dejected cap-
tive. He had too much intelligence not to perceive that his
power was for ever blasted, but he retained his haughtiness,
even in the midst of his despair.
Being as yet but little experienced in the navigation of these
seas, Columbus, instead of working up to the northward, so as
to fall in with the track of westerly winds, took an easterly
course on leaving the island. The consequence was that almost
the whole of his voyage was a toilsome and tedious struggle
against the trade-winds and calms which prevail between the
tropics. On the 6th of April he found himself still in the
vicinity of the Caribbee Islands, with his crews fatigued and
sickly, and his provisions rapidly diminishing. He bore away
to the southward, therefore, to touch at the most important of
those islands, in search of supplies.
On Saturday, the 9th, he anchored at Marigalante, whence,
on the following day, he made sail for Guadeloupe. It was con-
trary to the custom of Columbus to weigh anchor on Sunday,
when in port, but the people murmured, and observed that when
in quest of food it was no time to stand on scruples as to holy
days. 1
Anchoring off the island of Guadaloupe, the boat was sent
on shore well armed. Before it could reach the land, a large
number of females issued from the woods, armed with bows and
arrows, and decorated with tufts of feathers, preparing to oppose
any descent upon their shores. As the sea was somewhat rough,
and a surf broke upon the beach, the boats remained at a dis-
tance, and two of the Indians from Hispaniola swam to shore.
Having explained to these Amazons that the Spaniards only
sought provisions, in exchange for which they would give arti-
cles of great value, the women referred them to their husbands,
who were at the northern end of the island. As the boats pro-
ceeded thither, numbers of the natives were seen on the beach,
who manifested great ferocity, shouting, and yelling, and dis-
charging flights of arrows, which, however, fell far short in the
water. Seeing the boats approach the land, they hid themselves
in the adjacent forest, and rushed forth with hideous cries as the
Spaniards were landing. A discharge of fire-arms drove them
to the woods and mountains, and the boats met with no further
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 62.
LIFE OF CniiTSTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 333
opposition. Entering the deserted habitations, the Spaniards
began to plunder and destroy, contrary to the invariable injunc-
tions of the admiral. Among other articles found in these
houses were honey and wax, which Herrera supposes had been
brought from Terra Firma, as these roving people collected the
productions of distant regions in the course of their expeditions.
Fernando Columbus mentions likewise that there were hatchets
of iron in their houses ; these, however, must have been made
of a species of hard and heavy stone, already mentioned, which
resembled iron ; or they must have been procured from places
which the Spaniards had previously visited, as it is fully ad-
mitted that no iron was in use among the natives prior to the
discovery. The sailors also reported that in one of the houses
they found the arm of a man roasting on a spit before a h're ;
but these facts, so repugnant to humanity, require more solid
authority to be credited ; the sailors had committed wanton
devastations in these dwellings, and may have sought a pretext
with which to justify their maraudings to the admiral.
While some of the people were getting wood and water, and
making cassava bread, Columbus despatched forty men, well
armed . to explore the interior of the island. They returned on
the following day with ten women and three boys. The women
were of large and powerful form, yet of great agility. They
were naked, and wore their long hair flowing loose upon their
shoulders ; some decorated their heads with plumes of various
colors. Among them was the wife of a cacique, a woman of
great strength and proud spirit. On the approach of the Span-
iards, she had fled with an agility which soon left all her pur-
suers far behind, excepting a native of the Canary Islands,
remarkable for swiftness of foot. She would have escaped even
from him, but perceiving that he was alone, and far from his
companions, she turned suddenly upon him. seized him with
astonishing force, and would have strangled him, had not the
Spaniards arrived and taken her entangled like a hawk with her
prey. The warlike spirit of these Carib women, and the cir-
cumstance of finding them in armed bands defending their
shores, during the absence of their husbands, led Columbus
repeatedly into the erroneous idea, that certain of these islands
were inhabited entirely by women ; for which error, as has
already been observed, he was prepared by the stories of
Marco Polo concerning an island of Amazons near the coast
of Asia.
Having remained several days at the island, and prepared
three weeks' supply of bread, Columbus prepared to make sail.
334 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
As Guadaloupe was the most important of the Caribbee Islands,
and in a manner the portal or entrance to all the rest, he
wished to secure the friendship of the inhabitants. He dis-
missed, therefore, all the prisoners, with many presents, to
compensate for the spoil and injury which had been done. The
female cacique, however, declined going on shore, preferring to
remain and accompany the natives of Hispaniola who were on
board, keeping with her also a young daughter. She had con-
ceived a passion for Caonabo, having found out that he was a
native of the Caribbee Islands. His character and story,
gathered from the other Indians, had won the sympathy and ad-
miration of this intrepid woman. 1
Leaving Guadaloupe on the 20th of April, and keeping in
about the twenty-second degree of latitude, the caravels again
worked their way against the whole current of the trade-winds,
insomuch that, on the 20th of May, after a month of great
fatigue and toil, they had yet a great part of their voyage to
make. The provisions were already so reduced that Columbus
had to put every one on a daily allowance of six ounces of bread
and a pint and a half of water ; as they advanced, the scarcity
grew more and more severe, and was rendered more appalling
from the uncertainty which prevailed on board the vessels as to
their situation. There were several pilots in the caravels ; but
being chiefly accustomed to the navigation of the Mediterranean,
or the Atlantic coasts, they were utterly confounded, and lost
all reckoning when traversing the broad ocean. Every one had
a separate opinion, and none heeded that of the admiral. By
the beginning of June there was an absolute famine on board of
the ships. In the extremity of their sufferings, while death
stared them in the face, it was proposed by some of the Span-
iards, as a desperate alternative, that the}" should kill and eat
their Indian prisoners ; others suggested that they should throw
them into the sea, as so many expensive and useless mouths.
Nothing but the absolute authority of Columbus prevented this
last counsel from being adopted. He represented that the In-
dians were their fellow-beings, some of them Christians like
themselves, and all entitled to similar treatment. He exhorted
them to a little patience, assuring them that they would soon
make land, for that, according to his reckoning, they were not
far from Cape St. Vincent. At this all scoffed, for they be-
lieved themselves yet far from their desired haven ; some
affirming that they were in the English Channel, others that they
Hist, del Almirunte,- cap. 63.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 335
were approaching Gallicia ; when Columbus, therefore, confi-
dent in his opinion, ordered that sail should be taken in at night,
lest they should come upon the land in the dark, there was a
general murmur ; the men exclaiming that it was better to be
cast on shore than to starve at sea. The next morning, how-
ever, to their great joy, they came in sight of the very laud
which Columbus had predicted. From this time he was re-
garded by the seamen as deeply versed in the mysteries of the
ocean, and almost oracular in matters of navigation. 1
On the llth of June the vessels anchored in the Bay of Cadiz,
after a weary voyage of about three months. In the course of
this voyage the unfortunate Caonabo expired. It is by the
mere casual mention of contemporary writers that we have any
notice of this circumstance, which appears to have been passed
over as a matter of but little moment. He maintained his
haughty nature to the last, for his death is principally ascribed
to the morbid melancholy of a proud but broken spirit.- He
was an extraordinary character in savage life. From being a
simple Carib warrior he had risen, by his enterprise and cour-
age, to be the most powerful cacique, and the dominant spirit
of the populous island of Hayti. He was the only chieftain
that appeared to have had sagacity sufficient to foresee the fatal
effects of Spanish ascendency, or military talent to combine any
resistance to its inroads. Had his warriors been of his own
intrepid nature, the war which he raised would have been for-
midable in the extreme. His fate furnishes, on a narrow scale,
a lesson to human greatness. When the Spaniards first arrived
on the coast of Hayti, their imaginations were inflamed with
rumors of a magnificent prince in the interior, the lord of the
Golden House, the sovereign of the mines of Cibao, who reigned
in splendid state among the mountains ; but a short time had
elapsed, and this fancied potentate of the East, stripped of every
illusion, was a naked and dejected prisoner on the deck of one
of their caravels, with none but one of his own wild native
heroines to sympathize in his misfortunes. All his importance
vanished with his freedom ; scarce any mention is made of him
during his captivity, and with innate qualities of a high and
heroic nature, he perished with the obscurity of one of the
vulgar.
336 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS
CHAPTER II.
PECLIXE OF THE POPULARITY OF COLUMBUS IX SPAIX HIS
RECEPTIOX BY THE SOVEREIGNS AT BURGOS HE PROPOSES A
THIRD VOYAGE.
EXVY and malice had been but too successful in undermining
the popularity of Columbus. It is impossible to keep up a state
of excitement for any length of time, even by miracles. The
world, at first, is prompt and lavish in its admiration, but soon
grows cool, distrusts its late enthusiasm, and fancies it has been
defrauded of what it bestowed with such prodigality. It is
then that the cavalier who had been silenced by the general ap-
plause, puts in his insidious suggestion, detracts from the merit
of the declining favorite, and succeeds in rendering him an ob-
ject of doubt and censure, if not of absolute aversion. In three
short years the public had become familiar with the stupen-
dous wonder of a newly-discovered world, and was now open to
every insinuation derogatory to the fame of the discoverer and
the importance of his enterprises.
The circumstances which attended the present arrival of
Columbus were little calculated to diminish the growing preju-
dices of the populace. When the motley crowd of mariners
and adventurers who had embarked with such sanguine ex-
pectations lauded from the vessels in the port of Cadiz, instead
of a joyous crew, bounding on shore, flushed with success, and
laden with the spoils of the golden Indies, a feeble train of
wretched men crawled forth, emaciated by the diseases of the
colony and the hardships of the voyage, who carried in their
yellow countenances, says an old writer, a mockery of that gold
which had been the object of their search, and who had nothing
to relate of the New World but tales of sickness, poverty, and
disappointment.
Columbus endeavored, as much as possible, to counteract
these unfavorable appearances, and to revive the languishing
enthusiasm of the public. He dwelt upon the importance of
his recent discoveries along the coast of Cuba, where, as he
supposed, he had arrived nearly to the Aurea Chersonesus of
the ancients, bordering on some of the richest provinces of
Asia. Above all, he boasted of his discover}- of the abundant
mines on the south side of Hispaniola, which he persuaded
himself were those of the ancient Ophir. The public listened
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 337
to these accounts with sneering incredulity ; cr if for a moment
a little excitement was occasioned, it was quickly destroyed by
gloomy pictures drawn by disappointed adventurers.
In the harbor of Cadiz Columbus found three caravels, com-
manded by Pedro Alonzo Nino, on the point of sailing with
supplies for the colony. Nearly a year had elapsed without
any relief of the kind ; four caravels which had sailed in the
preceding January having been lost on the coast of the Pen-
insula. 1 Having read the royal letters and despatches of which
Nino was the bearer, and being informed of the wishes of the
sovereigns, as well as of the state of the public mind, Columbus
wrote by this opportunity, urging the Adelantado to endeavor,
by every means, to bring the island into a peaceable and pro-
ductive state, appeasing all discontents and commotions, and
seizing and sending to Spain all caciques, or their subjects,
who should be concerned in the deaths of any of the colonists.
He recommended the most unremitting diligence in exploring
and working the mines recently discovered on the river Hayna,
and that a place should be chosen in the neighborhood, and a
seaport founded. Pedro Alouzo Nino set sail with the three
caravels on the 17th of June.
Tidings of the arrival of Columbus having reached the sov-
ereigns, he received a gracious letter from them, dated at
Almazen, 12th July, 14% ; congratulating him on his safe
return, and inviting him to court when he should have recov-
ered from the fatigues of his voyage. The kind terms in which
this letter was couched were calculated to re-assure the heart of
Columbus, who, ever since the mission of the arrogant Aguado,
had considered himself out of favor with the sovereigns, and
fallen into disgrace. As a proof of the dejection of his spirits,
we are told that when he made his appearance this time in
Spain, he was clad in a humble garb, resembling in form and
color the habit of a Franciscan monk, simply girded with a
cord, and that he had suffered his beard to grow like the breth-
ren of that order. 2 This was probably in fulfilment of some
penitential vow made in a moment of danger or despondency
a custom prevalent in those days, and frequentty observed by
Columbus. It betokened, however, much humility and depres
sion of spirit, and afforded a striking contrast to his appear
auce on his former triumphant return. He was doomed, in
1 Mnnoz, Hist. N. Mundo, lib. vi.
1 Equivalent to Ibe value of three thousand oue hundred and ninety-five dollars of
the present time.
338 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
fact, to yield repeated examples of the reverses to which those
are subject who have once launched from the safe shores of
obscurity on the fluctuating waves of popular opinion.
However indifferent Columbus might be to his own personal
appearance, he was anxious to keep alive the interest in his
discoveries, fearing continually that the indifference awaken-
ing toward him might impede their accomplishment. On his
way to Burgos, therefore, where the sovereigns were expected,
he made a studious display of the curiosities and treasures
which he had brought from the New World. Among these
were collars, bracelets, anklets, and coronets of gold, the spoils
of various caciques, and which were considered as trophies
won from barbaric princes of the rich coasts of Asia, or the
islands of the Indian seas. It is a proof of the petty standard
by which the sublime discovery of Columbus was already esti-
mated, that he had to resort to this management to dazzle the
gross perceptions of the multitude by the mere glare of gold.
He carried with him several Indians also, decorated after
their savage fashion, and glittering with golden ornaments ;
among whom were the brother and nephew of Caonabo. the
former about thirty years of age, the latter only ten. They
were brought merely to visit the king and queen, that they
might be impressed with an idea of the grandeur and power of
the Spanish sovereigns, after which they were to be restored
in safety to their country. Whenever they passed through
any principal place, Columbus put a massive collar and chain
of gold upon the brother of Caonabo, as being cacique of the
golden country of Cibao. The curate of Los Pahvcios, who
entertained the discoverer and his Indian captives for several
days in his house, says that he had this chain of gold in his
hands, and that it weighed six hundred castellanos.' The
worthy curate likewise makes mention of various Indian masks
and images of wood or cotton, wrought with fantastic faces of
animals, all of which he supposed were representations of the
devil, who he concludes must be the object of adoration of
these islanders. 2
The reception of Columbus by the sovereigns was different
from what he had anticipated ; for he was treated with dis-
tinguished favor, nor was any mention made either of the
. complaints of Margarite and Boyle, or the judicial inquiries
conducted by Aguado. However these may have had a tran-
sient effect on the minds of the sovereigns, they were too con-
1 Cum de los Palaoios, cap. 131. Oviedo, lib. ii. cap. 13.
2 (Jura do- los 1'uluciori, cap. 131.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 339
scions of the great deserts of Columbus, and the extraordinary
difficulties of his situation, not to tolerate what they may have
considered errors on his part.
Encouraged by the favorable countenance he experienced,
and by the interest with which the sovereigns listened to his
account of his recent voyage along the coast of Cuba, and the
discovery of the mines of Hayna, which he failed not to repre-
sent as the Ophir of the ancients, Columbus now proposed a
further enterprise, by which he promised to make yet more
extensive discoveries, and to annex Terra Firma to their
dominions. For this purpose he asked eight ships : two to be
despatched to the island of Hispaniola with supplies, the
remaining six to be put under his command for a voyage of
discovery. The sovereigns readily promised to comply with
his request, and were probably sincere in their intentions to do
so, but in the performance of their promise Columbus was
doomed to meet with intolerable delay ; partly in consequence
of the operation of public events, partly in consequence of the
iutriques of men in office, the two great influences which are
continually diverting and defeating the designs of princes.
The resources of Spain were, at this moment, tasked to the
utmost by the ambition of Ferdinand, who lavished all his
revenues in warlike expenses and in subsidies. While main-
taining a contest of deep and artful policy with France, with
tlie ultimate aim of grasping the sceptre of Naples, he was
laying the foundation of a wide and powerful connection by
the marriages of the royal children, who were now maturing
in years. At this time arose that family alliance, which
afterward consolidated such an immense empire under his
grandson and successor, Charles V.
While a large army was maintained in Italy, under Gonsalve
of Cordova, to assist the King of Naples in recovering his
throne, of which he had been suddenly dispossessed by Charles
VIII. of France, other armies were required on the frontiers of
Spain, which were menaced with a French invasion. Squadrons
also had to be emploj-ed for the safeguard of the Mediterra-
nean and Atlantic coasts of the Peninsula, while a magnificent
armada of upward of a hundred ships, having on board twenty
thousand persons, many of them of the first nobility, was de-
spatched to convoy the Princess Juana to Flanders, to be mar-
ried to Philip, Archduke of Austria, and to bring back his sister
Margarita, the destined bride of Prince Juan.
These widely-extended operations, both of war and amity,
put all the laud and naval forces into requisition. They drained
340 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
the royal treasury, and engrossed the thoughts of the sov-
ereigns, obliging them also to journey from place to place in
their dominions. With such cares of an immediate and home-
felt nature pressing upon their minds, the distant enterprises
of Columbus were easily neglected or postponed. They had
hitherto been sources of expense instead of profit ; and there
were artful counsellors ever ready to whisper in the royal ear
that they were likely to continue so. What, in the ambitious
eyes of Ferdinand, was the acquisition of a number of wild,
uncultivated, and distant islands, to that of the brilliant domain
of Naples ; or the intercourse with naked and barbarous princes,
to that of an alliance with the most potent sovereigns of
Christendom? Columbus had the mortification, therefore, to
see armies levied and squadrons employed in idle contests
about a little point of territory in Europe, and a vast armada
of upward of a hundred sail destined to the ostentatious service
of convoying a royal bride ; while he vainly solicited a few
caravels to prosecute his discovery of a world.
At length, in the autumn, six millions of maravedies were
ordered to be advanced to Columbus for the equipment of his
promised squadron. 1 Just as the sum was about to be de-
livered, a letter was received from Pedro Alouzo Nino, who
had arrived at Cadiz with his three caravels, on his return from
the islanrl of Hispauiola. Instead of proceeding to court in
person, or forwarding the despatches of the Adelantado, he had
gone to visit his family at Huelva, taking the despatches with
him, and merely writing, in a vaunting style, that he had a
great amount of gold on board his ships. 2
This was triumphant intelligence to Columbus, who immedi-
ately concluded that the new mines were in operation, and the
treasures of Ophir about to be realized. The letter of Nino,
however, was fated to have a most injurious effect on his
concerns.
The king at that moment was in immediate want of money,
to repair the fortress of Salza, in Roussillon, which had been
sacked by the French ; the six millions of maravedies about to
be advanced to Columbus were forthwith appropriated to patch
up the shattered castle, and an order was given for the amount
to be paid out of the gold brought by Nino. It was not until
the end of December, when Nino arrived at court, and delivered
the despatches of the Adelautado, that his boast of gold was
discovered to be a mere figure of speech, and that his caravels
1 Equivalent to 86,9.">6 dollars of the present day.
* Lais Ciusuri, Hist, lud., lib. i. cap. 123, MS.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 341
were, in fact, freighted with Indian prisoners, from the sale of
whom the vaunted gold was to arise.
It is difficult to describe the vexatious effects of this absurd
hyperbole. The hopes of Columbus, of great and immediate
profit from the mines, were suddenly cast down ; the zeal of
liis few advocates was cooled ; an air of empty exaggeration
was given to his enterprises ; and his enemies pointed with
scorn and ridicule to .the wretched cargoes of the caravels, as
the boasted treasures of the New World. The report brought
by Nino and his crew represented the colony as in a disastrous
condition, and the despatches of the Adelantado pointed out
the importance of immediate supplies ; but in proportion as the
necessity of the case was urgent, the measure of relief was
tardy. All the unfavorable representations hitherto made
seemed corroborated, and the invidious cry of " great cost and
little gain" was revived by those politicians of petty sagacity
and microscopic eye, who, in all great undertakings, can dis-
cern the immediate expense, without having scope of vision to
embrace the future profit.
CHAPTER III.
PREPARATIONS FOR A THIRD VOYAGE DISAPPOINTMENTS AND
DELAYS.
[1497.]
IT was not until the following spring of 1497 that the con-
cerns of Columbus and of the New World began to receive
serious attention from the sovereigns. The fleet had returned
from Flanders with the Princess Margarita of Austria. Her
nuptials with Prince Juan, the heir-apparent, had been cele-
brated at Burgos, the capital of Old Castile, with extraordinary
splendor. All the grandees, the dignitaries, and chivalry of
Spain, together with ambassadors from the principal potentates
of Christendom, were assembled on the occasion. Burgos was
for some time a scene of chivalrous pageant and courtly revel,
and the whole kingdom celebrated with great rejoicings this
powerful alliance, which seemed to insure to the Spanish sov-
ereigns a continuance of their extraordinary prosperity.
In the midst of these festivities, Isabella, whose maternnl
heart had recently been engrossed by the marriages of her
342 LIFE OF CnmSTOPUEB COLUMBUS.
children, now that she was relieved from these concerns of a
tender and domestic nature, entered into the affairs of the New
World with a spirit that showed she was determined to place
them upon a substantial foundation, as well as clearly to define
the powers and reward the services of Columbus. To her pro-
tecting zeal all the provisions in favor of Columbus must be
attributed ; for the king began to look coldly on him, and the
royal counsellors, who had most influence in the affairs of
the Indies, were his enemies.
Various royal ordinances dated about this time manifest the
generous and considerate disposition of the queen. The rights,
privileges, and dignities granted to Columbus at Santa F6,
were again confirmed ; a tract of land in Hispaniola, fifty
leagues in length and twenty-five in breadth, was offered to
him with the title of duke or marquess. This, however,
Columbus had the forbearance to decline ; he observed that it
would only increase the envy which was already so virulent
against him, and would cause new misrepresentations ; as he
should be accused of paying more attention to the settlement
and improvement of his own possessions than of any other part
of the island. 1
As the expenses of the expeditions had hitherto far exceeded
the returns, Columbus had incurred debt rather than reaped
profit from the share he had been permitted to take in them ;
he was relieved, therefore, from his obligation to bear an eighth
part of the cost of the past enterprises, excepting the sum
which he had advanced toward the first voyage ; at the same
time, however, he was not to claim any share of what had
hitherto been brought from the island. For three ensuing
years he was to be allowed an eighth of the gross proceeds of
every voyage, and an additional tenth after the costs had been
deducted. After the expiration of the three years, the original
terms of agreement were to be resumed.
To gratify his honorable ambition also, and to perpetuate in
his family the distinction gained by his illustrious deeds, he
was allowed the right of establishing a ma}'orazgo, or per-
petual entail of his estates, so that they might always descend
with his titles of nobility. This he shortly after exercised in a
solemn testament executed at Seville in the early part of 1498,
by which he devised his estate to his own male descendants,
and on their failure to the male descendants of his brothers,
and in default of male heirs to the females of his lineage.
i Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 123.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 343
The heir was always to bear the arms of the admiral, to seal
with them, to sign with his signature, and in signing, never to
use any other title than simply "The Admiral," whatever
other titles might be given him by the king, and used by him
on other occasions. Such was the noble pride with which he
valued this title of his real greatness.
In this testament he made ample provision for his brother,
the Adelantado, his son Fernando, and his brother Don Diego,
the last of whom, he intimates, had a desire to enter into eccle-
siastical life. He ordered that a tenth part of the revenues
arising from the mayorazgo should be devoted to pious and
charitable purposes, and in relieving all poor persons of his
lineage. He made provisions for the giving of marriage-por-
tions to the poor females of his family. He ordered that a
married person of his kindred, who had been born in his
native city of Genoa, should be maintained there in com-
petence and respectability, by way of keeping a domicile for
the family there ; and he commanded whoever should inherit
the mayorazgo, always to do every thing in his power for the
honor, prosperity, and increase of the city of Genoa, provided
it should not be contrary to the service of the church and the
interests of the Spanish crown. Among various other provis-
ions in this will, he solemnly provides for his favorite scheme,
the recovery of the holy sepulchre. He orders his son Diego,
or whoever else may inherit bis estate, to invest from time to
time as much money as he can spare, in stock in the bank of
St. George at Genoa, to form a permanent fund, with which he
is to stand read}- at any time to follow and serve the king in
the conquest of Jerusalem. Or should the king not undertake
such enterprise, then, when the funds have accumulated to suf-
ficient amount, to set on foot a crusade at his own charge and
risk, in hopes that, seeing his determination, the sovereigns
may be induced either to adopt the undertaking or to author-
ize him to pursue it in their name.
Besides this special undertaking for the Catholic faith, he
charges his heir in case there should arise any schism in the
church, or any violence menacing its prosperity, to throw him-
self at the feet of the i>ope, and devote his person and property
to defend the church from all insult and spoliation. Next to
the service of God, he enjoins loyalty to the throne ; command-
ing him at all times to serve the sovereigns and their heirs,
faithfully and zealously, even to the loss of life and estate. To
insure the constant remembrance of this testament, he orders
his heir that, before he confesses, he shall give it to his father
344 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
confessor to read, who is to examine him upon his faithful ful-
filment of its conditions. 1
As Columbus had felt aggrieved by the general license
granted in April, 14U5, to make discoveries in the New World,
considering it as interfering with his prerogatives, a royal edict
was issued on the 2d of June, 1497, retracting whatever might
be prejudicial to his interests, or to the previous grants made
him by the crown. " It never was our intention," said the
sovereigns in their edict, " in any way to affect the rights of
the said Don Christopher Columbus, nor to allow the conven-
tions, privileges, and favors which we have granted him to be
encroached upon or violated ; but on the contrary, in conse-
quence of the services which he has rendered us, we intend to
confer still further favors on him." Such, there is every rea-
son to believe, was the sincere intention of the magnanimous
Isabella ; but the stream of her royal bounty was poisoned or
diverted by the base channels through which it flowed.
The favor shown to Columbus was extended likewise to his
family. The titles and prerogatives of Adelantado, with which
he had invested his brother Don Bartholomew, had at first
awakened the displeasure of the king, who jealously reserved
all high dignities of the kind to be granted exclusively by the
crown. By a royal letter the office was now conferred upon
Don Bartholomew, as if through spontaneous favor of the
sovereigns, no allusion being made to his having previously
enjoyed it.
While all these measures were taken for the immediate
gratification of Columbus, others were adopted for the inter-
ests of the colony. Permission was granted him to take out
three hundred and thirty persons in royal pay, of whom forty
were to be escuderos, or servants, one hundred foot-soldiers,
thirty sailors, thirty ship-boys, twenty miners, fifty husband-
men, ten gardeners, twenty mechanics of various kinds, and
thirty females. He was subsequently permitted to increase
the number, if he thought proper, to five hundred ; but the ad-
ditional individuals were to be paid out of the produce and
merchandise of the colony. He was likewise authorized to
grant lands to all such as were disposed to cultivate vineyards,
orchards, sugar plantations, or to form any other rural estab-
lishments, on condition that they should reside as householders
on the island for four years after such grant, and that all the
brazil-wood and precious metals found on their lauds should be
reserved to the crown.
1 This testament is iuserled at large iu the Appendix.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 345
Nor were the interests of the unhappy natives forgotten by
the compassionate heart of Isabella. Notwithstanding the
sophisms by which their subjection and servitude were made
matters of civil and divine right, and sanctioned by political
prelates of the da}-, Isabella always consented with the great-
est reluctance to the slavery even of those who were taken in
open warfare ; while her utmost solicitude was exerted to pro-
tect the unoffending part of this helpless and devoted race.
She ordered that the greatest care should be taken of their
religious instruction, and the greatest leniency shown in col-
lecting the tributes imposed upon them, with all possible in-
dulgence to defalcators. In fact, the injunctions given with
respect to the treatment both of Indians and Spaniards, are
the only indications in the royal edicts of any impression
having been made b}* the complaints against Columbus of
severity in his government. It was generally recommended
by the sovereigns that, whenever the public safety did not
require stern measures, there should be manifested a disposition
to lenity and easy rule.
When every intention was thus shown on the part of the
crown to despatch the expedition to the colony, unexpected
difficulties arose on the part of the public. The charm was dis-
pelled which in the preceding voyage had made every adven-
turer crowd into the service of Columbus. An odium had been
industriously thrown upon his enterprises ; and his new-found
world, instead of a region of wealth and delight, was considered
a land of poverty and disaster. There was a difficulty in pro-
curing either ships or men for the voyage. To remedy the first
of these deficiencies, one of those arbitrary orders was issued,
so opposite to our present ideas of commercial policy, empower-
ing the officers of the crown to press into the service whatever
ships they might judge suitable for the purposed expedition,
together with their masters and pilots ; and to fix such price
for their remuneration as the officers should deem just and rea-
sonable. To suppl}' the want of voluntary recruits, a measure
was adopted at the suggestion of Columbus, 1 which shows the
desperate alternatives to which he was reduced by the great re-
action of public sentiment. This was to commute the sentences
of criminals condemned to banishment, to the galleys, or to the
mines, into transportation to the new settlements, where they
were to labor in the public service without pay. Those whose
sentence was banishment for life, to be transported for ten
years ; those banished for a specific term, to be transported
346 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
for half that time. A general pardon was published for all
malefactors at large, who within a certain time should surren-
der themselves to the admiral and embark for the colonies ;
those who had committed offences meriting death, to serve for
two years, those whose misdeeds were of a lighter nature, to
serve for one year. 1 Those only were excepted from this in-
dulgence who had committed heresy, treason, coining, murder,
and certain other specific crimes. This pernicious measure, cal-
culated to poison the population of an infant community at its
very source, was a fruitful cause of trouble to Columbus, and
of misery and detriment to the colony. It has been frequently
adopted by various nations, whose superior experience should
have taught them better, and has proved the bane of many a
rising settlement. It is assuredly as unnatural for a metropolis
to cast forth its crimes and vices upon its colonies, as it would
be for a parent wilfully to ingraft disease upon his children.
In both instances the obligation of nature is vitiated ; nor should
it be matter of surprise, if the seeds of evil thus sown should
bring forth bitter retribution.
Notwithstanding all these violent expedients, there was still
a ruinous delay in fitting out the expedition. This is partly ac-
counted for by changes which took place in the persons ap-
pointed to superintend the affairs of the Indies. These con-
cerns had for a time been consigned to Antonio de Torres, in
whose name, conjointly with that of Columbus, man}- of the
official documents had been made out. In consequence of high
and unreasonable demands on the part of Torres, he was re-
moved from office, and Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, Bishop of
Badajos, reinstated. The papers had. therefore, to be made out
anew, and fresh contracts formed. While these concerns were
tardily attended to, the queen was suddenly overwhelmed with
affliction by the death of her only son. Prince Juan, whoso
nuptials had been celebrated with such splendor in the spring.
It was the first of a series of domestic calamities which assailed
her affectionate heart, and overwhelmed her with affliction for
the remainder of her days. In the midst of her distress, how-
ever, she still thought of Columbus. In consequence of his
urgent representations of the misery to which the colony mast
be reduced, two ships were despatched in the beginning of 1498,
under the command of Pedro Fernandez Coronel, freighted
with supplies. The necessary funds were advanced by the
queen herself, out of the moneys intended to form the eudow-
Muuoz, lib. vi. 19.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 347
ment of her daughter Isabella, then betrothed to Emanuel, King
of Portugal. An instance of her kind feeling toward Columbus
was also evinced in the time of her affliction ; his two sous,
Diego and Fernando, had been pages to the deceased prince ; the
queen now took them, in the same capacity, into her own service.
With all this zealous disposition on the part of the queen,
Columbus still met with the most injurious and discouraging
delays in preparing the six remaining vessels for his voyage.
His cold-blooded enemy Fonseca, having the superintendence
of Indian affairs, was enabled to impede and retard all his
plans. The various petty officei-s and agents employed in
the concerns of the armament were many of them minions of the
bishop, and knew that they were gratifying him in annoying
Columbus. They looked upon the latter as a man declining in
popularity, who might be offended with impunity ; they scrupled
not, therefore, to throw all kinds of difficulties in his path, and
to treat him occasionally with that arrogance which petty and
ignoble men in place are prone to exercise.
It seems almost incredible at the present day that such im-
portant and glorious enterprises should have been subject to
such despicable molestations. Columbus bore them all with
silent indignation. He was a stranger in the land he was bene-
fiting ; he felt that the popular tide was setting against him,
and that it was necessary to tolerate many present grievances
for the sake of effecting his great purposes. So wearied and
disheartened, however, did he become by the impediments art-
fully thrown in his way, and so disgusted by the prejudices of
the tickle public, that he at one time thought of abandoning his
discoveries altogether. He was chiefly induced to persevere by
his grateful attachment to the queen, and his desire to achieve
something that might cheer and animate her under her afflictions. 1
At length, after all kinds of irritating delays, the six vessels
were fitted for sea, though it was impossible to conquer the
popular repugnance to the service sufficiently to enlist the al-
lotted number of men. In addition to the persons in employ
already enumerated, a physician, surgeon, and apothecary
were sent out for the relief of the colony, and several priests to
replace Friar Boyle and certain of his discontented brethren ;
while a number of musicians were embarked by the admiral to
cheer and enliven the colonists.
The insolence which Columbus had suffered from the minions
of Fonseca throughout this long protracted time of preparation
1 Letter of Columbus to the nui-se of Prince Juan.
348 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
harassed him to the last moment of his sojourn in Spain, and
followed him to the very water's edge. Among the worthless
hirelings who had annoyed him, the most noisy and presuming
was one Ximeno Breviesca, treasurer or accountant of Fouseca.
He was not an old Christian, observes the venerable Las Casas ;
by which it is to be understood that he was either a Jew or a
Moor converted to the Catholic faith. He had an impudent
front and an unbridled tongue, and, echoing the sentiments of
his patron the bishop, had been loud in his abuse of tne ad-
miral and his enterprises. The very day when the squadron
was on the point of weighing anchor, Columbus was assailed
by the insolence of this Ximeno, either on the shore when about
to embark, or on board of his ship where he had just entered.
In the hurry of the moment he forgot his usual self-command ;
his indignation, hitherto repressed, suddenly burst forth ; he
struck the despicable minion to the ground, and kicked him
repeatedly, venting in this unguarded paroxysm the accumu-
lated griefs and vexations which had long rankled in his mind. 1
Nothing could demonstrate more strongly what Columbus had
previously suffered, from the machinations of unworthy men,
than this transport of passion, so unusual in his well-governed
temper. He deeply regretted it, and in a letter written some
time afterward to the sovereigns, he endeavored to obviate the
injury it might do him in their opinion, through the exaggera-
tion and false coloring of his enemies. His apprehensions were
not ill-founded, for Las Casas attributes the humiliating meas-
ures shortly after adopted by the sovereigns toward Columbus,
to the unfavorable impression produced by this affair. It had
happened near at home, as it were, under the very eye of the
sovereigns ; it spoke, therefore, more quickly to their feelings
than more important allegations from a distance. The personal
castigation of a public officer was represented as a flagrant
instance of the vindictive temper of Columbus, and a corrobora-
tion of the charges of cruelty and oppression sent from the
colony. As Ximeno was a creature of the invidious Fonseca,
the affair was represented to the sovereigns in the most odious
point of view. Thus the generous intentions of princes, and
the exalted services of their subjects, are apt to be defeated by
the intervention of cold and crafty men in place. By his im-
placable hostility to Columbus, and the secret obstructions which
he threw in the way of the most illustrious of human enterprises,
Fonseca has insured perpetuity to his name, coupled with the
contempt of every generous mind.
1 Las Casaa, Hut. lud., lib. i. cap. hiG, MS.
BOOK X.
CHAPTER I.
DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS FROM SPAIN ON HIS THIRD VOYAGE
DISCOVERY OF TRINIDAD.
[1498.]
ON the 30th of Ma}', 1498, Columbus set sail from the port
of San Lucar de Barrameda, with his squadron of six vessels,
ou his third voyage of discovery. The routs he proposed to
take was different from that pursued in his former voyages. He
intended to depart from the Cape de Verde Islands, sailing to
the south-west, until he should come under the equinoctial line,
then to steer directly westward, with the favor of the trade-
winds, until he should arrive at land, or find himself in the
longitude of Hispauiola. Various considerations induced him
to adopt this course. In his preceding voyage, when he coasted
the southern side of Cuba, under the belief that it was the con-
tinent of Asia, he had observed that it swept off toward the
south. From this circumstance, and from information gath-
ered among the natives of the Caribbee Islands, he was induced
to believe that a great tract of the main-land la}' to the south
of the countries he had already discovered. King John II. of
Portugal appears to have entertained a similar idea ; as Hen-era
records an opinion expressed by that monarch, that there was
a continent in the southern ocean. 2 If this were the case, it
was supposed by Columbus that, in proportion as he approached
the equator, and extended his discoveries to climates more and
more under the torrid influence of the sun, he should find the
productions of nature sublimated by its rays to more perfect
and precious qualities. He was strengthened in this belief by
a letter written to him at the command of the queen, by one
Jayne Ferrer, an eminent and learned lapidary, who, in the
1 Ilerrera, llist. 1ml., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 9.
349
350 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
course of his trading for precious stones and metals, had been
in the Levant and in various parts of the East ; had converged
with the merchants of the remote parts of Asia and Africa, and
the natives of India, Arabia, and Ethiopia, and was considered
deeply versed in geography generally, but especially in the
natural histories of those countries whence the valuable mer-
chandise in which he dealt was procured. In this letter Ferrer
assured Columbus that, according to his experience, the rarest
objects of commerce, such as gold, precious stones, drugs, and
spices, were chiefly to be found in the regions about the equi-
noctial line, where the inhabitants were black, or darkly col-
ored ; and that until the admiral should arrive among people
of such complexions he did not think he would find those ar-
ticles in great abundance. 1
Columbus expected to find such people more to the south.
He recollected that the natives of Hispaniola had spoken of
black men who had ouce come to their island from the south and
south-east, the heads of whose javelins were of a sort of metal
which they called Guanin. They had given the admiral speci-
mens of this metal, which, on being assayed in Spain, proved
to be a mixture of eighteen parts gold, six silver, and eight
copper, a proof of valuable mines in the country whence they
came. Charlevoix conjectures that these black people may
have come from the Canaries, or the western coast of Africa,
and been driven by tempest to the shores of Hispauiola. 2 It
is probable, however, that Columbus had been misinformed as
to their color, or had misunderstood his informants. It is dif-
ficult to believe that the natives of Africa, or the Canaries,
could have performed a voyage of such magnitude, in the frail
and scantily provided barks they were accustomed to use.
It was to ascertain the truth of all these suppositions, and if
correct, to arrive at the favored and opulent countries about
the equator, inhabited by people of simular complexions with
those of the Africans under the line, that Columbus in his
present voyage to the New World took a course much farther
to the south than that which he had hitherto pursued.
Having heard that a French squadron was cruising off Cape
St. Vincent, he stood to the south-west after leaving St. Lucnr,
touching at the islands of Porto Santo and Madeira, where he
remained a few days taking in wood and water and other sup-
plies, and then continued his course to the Canary Islands. On
the 19th of June he arrived at Gomara, where there lay at anchor
1 Navarretc, Colec., torn. ii. doc. 68.
Charlevoix, liist. &'.. Domiugo, lib. Ui. p. 162.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 351
a French cruiser with two Spanish prizes. On seeing the squad-
ron of Columbus standing into the harbor, the captain of the
privateer put to sea in all haste, followed by his prizes ; one of
which, in the hurry of the moment, left part of her crew on
shore, making sail with only four of her armament and six
Spanish prisoners. The admiral at first mistook them for mer-
chant ships alarmed by his warlike appearance ; when informed
of the truth, however, he sent three of his vessels in pursuit,
but they were too distant to be overtaken. The six Spaniards,
however, on board of one of the prizes, seeing assistance at
hand, rose on their captors, and the admiral's vessel coming up,
the prize was retaken, and brought back in triumph to the port.
The admiral relinquished the ship to the captain, and gave np
the prisoners to the governor of the island, to be exchanged for
six Spaniards carried off by the cruiser. 1
Leaving Gomara on the 21st of June, Columbus divided his
squadron off the island of Ferro : three of the ships he de-
spatched direct for Hispaniola, to carry supplies to the colony.
One of these ships was commanded by Alonzo Sanchez de Ca-
ravajal, a native of Baeza, a man of much worth and integrity ;
the second by Pedro de Arana of Cordova, brother of Dona
Beatrix Heuriquez, the mother of the admiral's second son,
Fernando. He was cousin also of the unfortunate officer who
commanded the fortress of La Xavidad at the time of the mas-
sacre. The third was commanded by Juan Antonio Columbus
(or Colombo), a Genoese, related to the admiral, a man of
much judgment and capacity. These captains were alternately
to have the command, and bear the signal light a week at a
time. The admiral carefully pointed out their course. When
they came in sight of Hispaniola they were to steer for the
south side, for the new port and town, which he supposed to be
by this time established in the mouth of the Ozema, according
to royal orders sent out by Coronel. With the three remaining
vessels the admiral prosecuted his voyage toward the Cape de
Verde Islands. The ship in which he sailed was decked, the
other two were merchant caravels. 2 As he advanced within
the tropics the change of climate and the close and sultry
weather brought on a severe attack of the gout, followed by a
violent fever. Notwithstanding his painful illness, he enjoyed
the full possession of his faculties, and continued to keep his
reckoning and make his observations with his usual vigilance
and minuteness.
1 Hist, del Almirautc, cap. 65. = P. Maityr, decad. i. lib. vi.
352 LIFE OF CnKISTOPTlER COLUMBUS.
On the 27th of June he arrived among the Cape de Verde
Islands, which, instead of the freshness and verdure which their
name would betoken, presented an aspect of the most cheerless
sterility. He remained among these islands but a very few
days, being disappointed in his expectation of obtaining goats'
flesh for ships' provisions, and cattle for stock for the island of
Hispaniola. To procure them would require some delay ; i)
the mean time the health of himself and of his people suffered
under the influence of the weather. The atmosphere was
loaded with clouds and vapors ; neither sun nor star was to be
seen ; a sultry, depressing temperature prevailed ; and the livid
looks of the inhabitants bore witness to the insalubrity of the
climate. 1
Leaving the island of Buena Vista on the 5th of July, Colum-
bus stood to the south-west, intending to continue on until he
found himself under the equinoctial line. The currents, how-
ever, which ran to the north and north-west among these islands
impeded his progress, and kept him for two days in sight of
the Island del Fuego. The volcanic summit of this island,
which, seen at a distance, resembled a church with a lofty
steeple, and which was said at times to emit smoke and flames,
was the last point discerned of the Old World.
Continuing to the south-west about one hundred and twenty
leagues, he found himself, on the 13th of Jury, accoi'ding to his
observations, in the fifth degree of north latitude. He had
entered that region which extends for eight or ten degrees on
each side of the line, and is known among seamen by the name
of the calm latitudes. The trade-winds from the south-east
and north-east, meeting in the neighborhood of the equator,
neutralize each other, and a steady calmness of the elements is
produced. The whole sea is like a mirror, and vessels remain
almost motionless, with flapping sails ; the crews panting under
the heat of a vertical sun, unmitigated by any refreshing breeze.
Weeks are sometimes employed in crossing this torpid tract of
the ocean.
The weather for some time past had been cloudy and oppress-
ive ; but on the 13th there was a bright and burning sun. The
wind suddenly fell, and a dead sultry calm commenced, which
lasted for eight days. The air was like a furnace ; the tar
melted, the seams of the ships yawned ; the salt meat became
putrid ; the wheat was parched as if with fire ; the hoops shrank
from the wine and water casks, some of which leaked, and
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 65.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 353
othors burst ; while the heat in the holds of the vessels was so
suffocating that no one could remain below a sufficient time to
prevent tin- damage that was taking place. The mariners lost
all strength and spirits, and sank under the oppressive heat.
It seemed as if the old fable of the torrid zone was about to be
realized ; and that they were approaching a fiery region, where
it would be impossible to exist. It is true the heavens were,
for a great part of the time, overcast, and there were drizzling
showers ; but the atmosphere was close and stifling, and there
was that combination of heat and moisture which relaxes all
the energies of the human frame.
During this time the admiral suffered extremely from the
gout, but, as usual, the activity of his mind, heightened by his
anxiety, allowed him no indulgence nor repose. He was in an
unknown part of the ocean, where every thing depended upon
his vigilance and sagacity ; and was continually watching the
phenomena of the elements, and looking out for signs of land.
Finding the heat so intolerable, he altered his course, and steered
to the south-west, hoping to find a milder temperature farther
on, even under the same parallel. He had observed, in his
previous voyages, that after sailing westward a hundred leagues
from the Azores, a wonderful change took place in the sea and
sky. both becoming serene and bland, and the air temperate and
refreshing. He imagined that a peculiar mildness and suavity
prevailed over a great tract of ocean extending from north to
south, into which the navigator, sailing from east to west, would
suddenly enter, as if crossing a line. The event seemed to
justify his theory, for after making their way slowly for some
time to the westward, through an ordeal of heats and calms,
with a murky, stifling atmosphere, the ships all at once emerged
into a genial region, a pleasant, cooling breeze played over the
surface of the sea, and gently filled their sails, the close and
drizzling clouds broke away, the sky became serene and clear,
and the sun shone forth with all its splendor, but no longer with
a burning heat.
Columbus had intended on reaching this temperate tract, to
have stood once more to the south and then westward ; but the
late parching weather had opened the seams of his ships, and
caused them to leak excessively, so that it was necessary to
seek a harbor as soon as possible, where they might be refitted.
Much of the provisions also was spoiled, and the water nearly
exhausted. He kept on therefore directly to the west, trust-
ing, from the flights of birds and other favorable indications,
he should soon arrive at land. Day after day passed away
354 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
without his expectations being realized. The distresses of his
men became continually more urgent; wherefore, supposing
himself in the longitude of the Caribbee Islands, he bore away
toward the northward in search of them. 1
On the 31st of July there was not above one cask of water
remaining in each ship, when, about midday, a mariner at the
masthead beheld the summits of three mountains rising above
the horizon, and gave the joyful cry of land. As the ships
drew nearer it was seen that these mountains were united at
the base. Columbus had determined to give the first laud he
should behold the name of the Trinity. The appearance of
these three mountains united into one struck him as a singular
coincidence ; and, with a solemn feeling of devotion, he gave
the island the name of La Trinidad, which it bears at the
present day. 2
CHAPTER II.
VOYAGE THROUGH THE GULF OF PARIA.
[1498.]
SHAPIXG his course for the island, Columbus approached its
eastern extremity, to which he gave the name of Punta de la
Galera, from a rock in the sea, which resembled a galley under
sail. He was obliged to coast for five leagues along the southern
shore before he could find safe anchorage. On the following
day (August 1), he continued coasting westward, in search of
water and a convenient harl>or where the vessels might be
careened. He was surprised at the verdure and fertility of the
country, having expected to find it more parched and sterile
as he approached the equator; whereas he beheld groves of
palm-trees and luxuriant forests, sweeping down to the seaside,
with fountains and running streams. The shores were low and
uninhabited, but the country rose in the interior, was cultivated
in many places, and enlivened by hamlets and scattered habita-
tions. In a word, the softness and purity of the climate, and
the verdure, freshness, and sweetness of the country, appeared
to him to equal the delights of earl}' spring in the beautiful
province of Valencia. 8
Anchoring at a point to which he gave the name of Punta de
1 Hist, del Alniiranle, eaj>. ii7. s Ihid.. nhi mi|>.
8 Letter of Columbus to the Sovereigus from HUpauiula, Nuvurrute, Colec. torn. i.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 355
la Playn, he sent the boats on shore for water. They found an
abundant and limpid brook, at which they filled their casks, but
there was no safe harbor for the vessels, nor could they meet
with any of the islanders, though they found prints of footsteps,
and various fishing implements, left behind in the hurry of the
flight. There were tracks also of animals, which they supposed
to be goats, but which must have been deer, with which, as it
was afterward ascertained, the island abounded.
While coasting the island Columbus beheld land to the south,
stretching to the distance of more than twenty leagues. It
was that low tract of coast intersected by the numerous branches
of the Oronoco, but the admiral, supposing it to be an island,
gave it the name of La Isla Santa ; little imagining that he now
for the first time beheld that continent, that Terra Firma, which
had been the object of his earnest search.
On the 2d of August he continued on to the south-west point
of Trinidad, which he called Point Arenal. It stretched toward
a corresponding point of Terra Firma. making a narrow pass,
with a high rock in the centre, to which he gave the name of
El Gallo. Near this pass the ships cast anchor. As they were
approaching this place, a large canoe with five and twenty
Indians put off from the shore, but paused on coining within
bow->hot. and hailed the ships in a language which no one ou
board understood. Columbus tried to allure the savages on
board, by friendly signs, by the display of looking-glasses,
basins of polished metal, and various glittering trinkets, but all
in vain. They remained gazing in mute wonder for above two
hours, with their paddles in their hands, ready to take to flight
on the least attempt to approach them. They were all young
men, well formed, and naked, excepting bands and fillets of
cotton about their heads, and colored cloths of the same about
their loins. They were armed with bows and arrows, the hitter
feathered and tipped with bone, and they had bucklers, au
article of armor seen for the first time among the inhabitants
of the New World.
Finding all other means to attract them ineffectual. Colum-
bus now tried the power of music. He knew the fondness of
the Indians for dances performed to the sound of their rude
drums and the chant of their traditional ballads. He ordered
something similar to be executed on the deck of his ship, where,
while one man sang to the beat of the tabor, and the sound of
other musical instruments, the ship-boys danced, after the
popular Spanish fashion. No sooner, however, did this sym-
phony strike up, than the Indians, mistaking it for a signal of
856 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
hostilities, put their bucklers on their arms, seized their hows,
and let fly a shower of arrows. This rude salutation was im-
mediately answered hy the discharge of a couple of cross-bows,
which put the auditors to flight, and concluded this singular
entertainment.
Though thus shy of the admiral's vessel, they approached
one of the caravels without hesitation, and, running under the
stern, had a parley with the pilot, who gave a cap and a mantle
to the one who appeared to be the chieftain. He received the
presents with great delight, inviting the pilot by signs to come
to land, where he should be well entertained, and receive great
presents in return. On his appearing to consent, they went to
shore to wait for him. The pilot put off in the boat of the
caravel to ask permission of the admiral ; but the Indians,
seeing him go on board of the hostile ship, suspected some
treachery, and springing into their canoe, darted away, aor
was any thing more seen of them. 1
The complexion and other physical characteristics of these
savages caused much surprise and speculation in the mind of
Columbus. Supposing himself in the seventh degree of latitude,
though actually in the tenth, he expected to find the inhabitants
similar to the natives of Africa under the same parallel, who
were black and ill-shaped, with crisped hair, or rather wool ;
whereas these were well formed, had long hair, and were even
fairer than those more distant from the equator. The climate,
also, instead of being hotter as he approached the equinoctial,
appeared more temperate. He was now in the dog-days, yet
the nights and mornings were so cool that it was necessary to
use covering as in winter. This is the case in many parts of
the torrid zone, especially in calm weather, when there is no
wind, for nature, by heavy dews, in the long nights of those
latitudes, cools and refreshes the earth after the great heat of
the day. Columbus was at first greatly perplexed by these
contradictions to the course of nature, as observed in the Old
World ; they were in opposition also to the expectations he had
founded on the theory of Ferrer the lapidary, but they gradu-
ally contributed to the formation of a theory which was spring-
ing up in his active imagination, and which will be presently
shown.
After anchoring at Point Arenal, the crews were permitted
to land and refresh themselves. There were no runs of water,
but by sinking pits in the sand they soon obtained sufficient to
1 Hist. del. Almirante, cap. 88. P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. vi. Las Casas, Hist. Ind.. lib.
i. cap. l-o. MS. Lellcr of Columbus to the CueUliuu Sovereigns. X.ivurretu (Juice., torn. i.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 357
fill the casks. The anchorage, at this place, however, was ex-
tremely insecure. A rapid current set from the eastward
through the strait formed hy the main-land and the island of
Trinidad. Hewing, as Columbus observed, night and day. with
as much fury as the Guadalquiver when swollen by floods. In
the pass between Point A renal and its corresponding point,
the confined current boiled and raged to such a degree that he
thought it was crossed by a reef of rocks and shoals, preventing
all entrance, with others extending beyond, over which the
waters roared like breakers on a rocky shore. To this pass,
from its angry and dangerous appearance, he gave the name
of Boca del Sierpe (the Mouth of the Serpent). He thus found
himself placed between two difficulties. The continual current
from the east seemed to prevent all return, while the rocks
which appeared w) beset the pass threatened destruction if he
should proceed. Being on board of his ship, late at night, kept
awake by painful illness and an anxious and watchful spirit,
he heard a terrible roaring from the south, and beheld the sea
heaped up, as it were, into a great ridge or hill, the height of
the ship, covered with foam, and rolling toward him with a
tremendous uproar. As this furious surge approached, rendered
more terrible in appearance by the obscurity of night, he trem-
bled for the safety of his vessels. His own ship was suddenly
lifted up to such a height that he dreaded lest it should be over-
turned or cast upon the rocks, while another of the ships was
torn violently from her anchorage. The crews were for a time
in great consternation, fearing they should l>e swallowed up ;
but the mountainous surge passed on, and gradually subsided,
after a violent contest with the counter-current of the strait. 1
This sudden rush of water, it is supposed, was caused by the
swelling of one of the rivers which flow into the Gulf of Paria,
and which were as yet unknown to Columbus.
Anxious to extricate himself from this dangerous neighbor-
hood, he sent the boats on the following morning to sound the
depth of water at the Boca del Sierpe, and to ascertain whether
it was possible for ships to pass through to the northward. To
his great joy, they returned with a report that there were sev-
eral fathoms of water, and currents and eddies setting both
ways, either to enter or return. A favorable breeze prevailing,
he immediately made sail, and passing through the formidable
strnit in safety, found himself in a tranquil expanse beyond.
He was now on the inner side of Trinidad. To his left
1 Letter of Columbus to the Cast.'linn Sovereign*, Xavarrete, Colec., torn. i. Ilerrera
Ui.-t. lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 10. Hist, del. Aliuirante, cap. 69.
358 LIFE OF CmilSTOPIlER COLUMBUS.
spread the broad gulf since known by the name of Paria, which
he supposed to be the open sea, but was surprised, on tasting
it, to find the water fresh. He continued northward, toward a
mountain at the north-west point of the island, about fourteen
leagues from Point Arenal. Here he beheld two lofty capes
opposite each other, one on the island of Trinidad, the other
to the west, on the long promontory of Paria. which stretches
from the main-land and forms the northern side of the gulf,
but which Columbus mistook for an island, and named Isla de
Gracia.
Between these capes there was another pass, which appeared
even more dangerous than the Boca del Sierpe, being beset with
rocks, among which the current forced its way with roaring
turbulence. To this pass Columbus gave the name of Boca del
Dragon. Not choosing to encounter its apparent dangers, he
turned northward, on Sunday, the 5th of August, and steered
along the inner side of the supposed island of Gracia, intending
to keep on until he came to the end of it, and then to strike
northward into the free and open ocean, and shape his course
for Hispaniola.
It was a fair and beautiful coast, indented with fine harbors
lying close to each other ; the country cultivated in many
places, in others covered with fruit-trees and stately forests,
and watered by frequent streams. "What greatly astonished
Columbus was still to find the water fresh, and that it grew
more and more so the farther he proceeded ; it being that sea-
son of the year when the various rivers which empty themselves
into this gulf are swollen by rains, and pour forth such quan-
tities of fresh water as to conquer the saltness of the ocean.
He was also surprised at the placidity of the sea, which ap-
peared as tranquil and safe as one vast harbor, so that there
was no need of seeking a port to anchor in.
As yet he had not been able to hold any communication with
the people of this part of the New World. The shores which
he had visited, though occasionally cultivated, were silent and
deserted, and, excepting the fugitive party in the canoe at
Point Arenal, he had seen nothing of the natives. After sail-
ing several leagues along the coast, he anchored, on Monday,
the 6th of August, at a place where there appeared signs of
cultivation, and sent the boats on shore. They found recent
traces of people, but not an individual was to be seen. The
coast was hilly, covered with beautiful and fruitful groves, and
abounding with monkeys. Continuing farther westward, to where
the country was more level, Columbus anchored in a river.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 359
Immediately a canoe, with three or four Indians, came off to
the caravel nearest to the shore, the captain of which, pretend-
ing a desire to accompany them to land, sprang into their
canoe, overturned it, and, with the assistance of his seamen,
secured the Indians as they were swimming. When brought
to the admiral, he gave them beads, hawks' bells, and sugar,
and sent them highly gratified ou shore, where many of their
countrymen were assembled. This kind treatment had the usual
effect. Such of the natives as had canoes came off to the ships
with the fullest confidence. They were tall of stature, finely
formed, and free and graceful in their movements. Their hair
was long and straight ; some wore it cut short, but none of
them braided it, as was the custom among the natives of His-
paniola. They were armed with bows, arrows, and targets ;
the men wore cotton cloths about their heads and loins, beau-
tifully wrought with various colors, so as at a distance to look
like silk ; but the women were entirely naked. They brought
bread, maize, and other eatables, with different kinds of bev-
erage, some white, made from maize, and resembling beer, and
others green, of a vinous flavor, and expressed from various
fruits. They appeared to judge of every thing by the sense of
smell, as others examine objects b}' the sight or touch. When
they approached a boat, they smelt to it, and then to the
people. In like manner every thing that was given them was
tried. They set but little value upon beads, but were extrava-
gantly delighted with hawks' bells. Brass was also held in
high estimation ; they appeared to find something extremely
grateful in the smell of it, and called it Turey, signifying that
it was from the skies. 1
From these Indians, Columbus understood that the name of
their country was Paria, and that farther to the west he would
find it more populous. Taking several of them to serve as
guides and mediators, he proceeded eight leagues westward to
a point which he called Aguja or the Needle. Here he arrived
at three o'clock in the morning. When the day dawned he
was delighted with the beauty of the country. It was culti-
vated in many places, highly populous, and adorned with
magnificent vegetation ; habitations were interspersed among
groves laden with fruits and flowers ; grape-vines intwined
themselves among the trees, and birds of brilliant plumage
fluttered from branch to branch. The air was temperate and
bland, and sweetened by the fragrance of flowers and blossoms ;
Herrera, Hist. Ind., dccad. i. lib. iii. cap. 11.
360 LIFE OF CIIEISTOPIIEE COLUMBUS.
and numerous fountains and limpid streams kept up a uni-
versal verdure and freshness. Columbus was so much charmed
with the beauty and amenity of this part of the coast that he
gave it the name of The Gardens.
The natives came off in great numbers, in canoes, of superior
construction to those hitherto seen, being very large and light,
with a cabin in the centre for the accommodation of the owner
and his family. The}* invited Columbus, in the name of their
king, to come to land. Many of them had collars and bur-
nished plates about their necks, of that inferior kind of gold
called by the Indians Guanin. They said that it came from a
high land, which they pointed out, at no great distance, to the
west, but intimated that it was dangerous to go there, either
because the inhabitants were cannibals, or the place infested
by venomous animals. 1 But what aroused the attention and
awakened the cupidity of the Spaniards, was the sight of
strings of pearls round the arms of some of the natives.
These, they informed Columbus, were procured on the sea-
coast, on the northern side of Paria, which he still supposed to
be an island ; and they showed the mother-of-pearl shells
whence they had been taken. Anxious for further informa-
tion, and to procure specimens of these pearls to send to Spain,
he despatched the boats to shore. A multitude of the natives
came to the beach to receive them, headed by the chief cacique
and his son. They treated the Spaniards with profound rever-
ence, as beings descended from heaven, and conducted them to
a spacious house, the residence of the cacique, where they were
regaled with bread and various fruits of excellent flavor, and
the different kinds of beverage already mentioned. While
they were in the house, the men remained together at one end
of it, and the women at the other. After they had finished
their collation at the house of the cacique, they were taken to
that of his son, where a like repast was set before them. These
people were remarkably affable, though, at the same time, they
possessed a more intrepid and martial air and spirit than the
natives of Cuba and Hispaniola. They were fairer, Columbus
observes, than any he had yet seen, though so near to the
equinoctial line, where he had expected to find them of the
color of Ethiopians. Many ornaments of gold were seen among
them, but all of an inferior quality : one Indian had a piece of
the size of an apple. They had various kinds of domesticated
parrots, one of a light green color, with a yellow neck, and the
1 Letter of Columbus to the Castiliau Sovereigns, Navarrete, Colec., torn. i. p. 252.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 361
tips of the wings of a bright red ; others of the size of domestic
fowls, and of a vivid scarlet, excepting some azure feathers in
the wings. These they readily gave to the Spaniards ; but
what the latter most coveted were the pearls, of which they
saw many necklaces and bracelets among the Indian women.
The latter gladl}' gave them in exchange for hawks' bells or
any article of brass, and several specimens of fine pearls were
procured for the admiral to send to the sovereign. 1
The kindness and amity of this people were heightened by
an intelligent demeanor and a martial frankness. They seemed
worthy of the beautiful country they inhabited. It was a cause
of great concern both to them and the Spaniards, that they
could not understand each other's language. They conversed,
however, by signs ; mutual good-will made their intercourse
easy and pleasant ; and at the hour of vespers the Spaniards
returned on board of their ships, highly gratified with their
entertainment.
CHAPTER III.
CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGE THROUGH THE GULF OF PARIA
RETURN TO IIISPANIOLA.
[1498.]
THE quantity of fine pearls found among the natives of
Paria was sufficient to arouse the sanguine anticipations of
Columbus. It appeared to corroborate the theory of Ferrer,
the learned jeweller, that as he approached the equator he
would find the most rare and precious productions of nature.
His active imagination, with its intuitive rapidity, seized
upon every circumstance in unison with his wishes, and,
coin! lining them, drew thence the most brilliant inferences.
He had read in Pliny that pearls are generated from drops
of dew which fall into the mouths of oysters ; if so, what
place could be more propitious to their growth and multipli-
cation than the coast of Paria? The dew in those parts was
heavy and abundant, and the oysters were so plentiful that
they clustered about the roots and pendent branches of the
mangrove trees, which grew within the margin of the tran-
quil sea. When a branch which had drooped for a time in the
1 [.otter of Columbus. Herrera, Hist. lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 11. Hist, del
Almiraute, cap. 70.
362 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
water was drawn forth, it was found covered with oj-sters.
Las Casas, noticing this sanguine conclusion of Columbus, ob-
serves, that the shell-fish here spoken of are not of the kind
which produce pearl, for that those by a natural instinct, as if
conscious of their precious charge, hide themselves in the
deepest water. 1
Still imagining the coast of Paria to be an island, and
anxious to circumnavigate it, and arrive at the place where
these pearls were said by the Indians to abound, Columbus
left the Gardens on the 10th of August, and continued coast-
ing westward within the gulf, in search of an outlet to the
north. He observed portions of Terra Firma appearing to-
ward the bottom of the gulf, which he supposed to be islands,
and called them Isabella and Tramontana, and fancied that
the desired outlet to the sea must lie between them. As he
advanced, however, he found the water continually growing
shallower and fresher, until he did not dare to venture any
further with his ship, which, he observed, was of too great a
size for expeditions of this kind, being of an hundred tons
burden, and requiring three fathoms of water. He came to
anchor, therefore, and sent a light caravel called the Correo,
to ascertain whether there was an outlet to the ocean be-
tween the supposed islands. The caraval returned on the
following da}', reporting that at the western end of the gulf
there was an opening of two leagues, which led into an inner
and circular gulf, surrounded by four openings, apparently
smaller gulfs, or rather mouths of rivers, from which flowed
the great quantity of fresh water that sweetened the neigh-
boring sea. In fact, from one of these mouths issued the
great river the Cuparipari, or, as it is now called, the Paria.
To this inner and circular gulf Columbus gave the name of
the Gulf of Pearls, through a mistaken idea that they abounded
in its waters, though none, in fact, are found there. He still
imagined that the four openings of which the mariners spoke
might be intervals between islands, though they affirmed that
all the land he saw was connected. 2 As it was impossible to
proceed farther westward with his ships, he had no alterna-
tive but to retrace his course, and seek an exit to the north
by the Boca del Dragon. He would gladly have continued for
some time to explore this coast, for he considered himself in
one of those opulent regions described as the most favored
upon earth, and which increase in riches toward the equator.
1 Laa Casas, Hist. Ind., cap. 136. * Hist, del Alruiraute, cap. 78.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 363
Imperious considerations, however, compelled him to shorten
his voyage, and hasten to San Domingo. The sea-stores of his
ships were almost exhausted, and the various supplies for the
colony, with which they were freighted, were in danger of
spoiling. He was suffering, also, extremely in his health.
Brndes the gout, which had rendered him a cripple for the
greater part of the voyage, he was afflicted by a complaint
in his eyes, caused by fatigue and over-watching, which al-
most deprived him of sight. Even the voyage along the
coast of Cuba, he observes, in which he was three and thirty
days almost without sleep, had not so injured his eyes and
disordered his frame, or caused him so much painful suffering
as the present. 1
On the llth of August, therefore, he set sail eastward for
the Boca del Dragon, and was borne along with great velocity
by the currents, which, however, prevented him from landing
again at his favorite spot, the Gardens. On Sunday, the 13th,
he anchored near to the Boca, in a fine harbor, to which he
gave the name of Puerto de Gatos, from a species of monkey
called gato paulo, with which the neighborhood abounded. Ou
the margin of the sea he perceived main' trees which, as he
thought, produced the mirabolane, a fruit only found in the
countries of the East. There were great numbers also of man-
groves growing within the water, wiih oysters clinging to
their branches, their mouths open, as he supposed, to receive
the dew, which was afterward to be transformed to pearls. 2
On the following morning, the 14th of August, toward noon
the ships approached the Boca del Dragon, and prepared to
venture through that formidable pass. The distance from
Cape Boto at the end of Paria, and Cape Lapa the extremity of
Trinidad, is about five leagues ; but in the interval there were
two islands, which Columbus named Caracol and Delphiu. The
impetuous body of fresh water which flows through the gulf,
particularly in the rainy months of July and August, is confined
at narrow outlets between these islands, where it causes a tur-
bulent sea, foaming and roaring as if breaking over rocks, and
rendering the entrance and exit of the gulf extremely danger-
ous. The horrors and perils of such places are always tenfold
to discoverers, who have no chart, nor pilot, nor advice of
previous voyager, to guide them. Columbus, at first, appre-
hended sunken rocks and shoals ; but on attentively considering
the commotion of the strait, he attributed it to the conflict be-
1 Letter of Columbus to the Sovereigns, Navarrete, toui. i. p. 252.
* llerrera, Hist, lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 10.
304 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
tween the prodigious body of fresh water setting; through the
gulf and struggling for an outlet, and the tide of salt water
struggling to enter. The ships had scarcely ventured into the
fearful channel when the wind died away, and they were in
danger every moment of being thrown upon the rocks or sands.
The current of fresh water, however, gained the victory, and
carried them safely through. The admiral, when once more
safe in the open sea, congratulated himself upon his escape
from this perilous strait, which he observes, might well be
called the mouth of the Dragon. 1
He now stood to the westward, running along the outer
coast of Paria, still supposing it an island, and intending to
visit the Gulf of Pearls, which he imagined to be at the end
of it, opening to the sea. He wished to ascertain whether
this great body of fresh water proceeded from rivers, as the
crew of the caravel Correo had affirmed ; for it appeared to him
impossible that the streams of mere islands, as he supposed the
surrounding lauds, could furnish such a prodigious volume of
water.
On leaving the Boca del Dragon, he saw to the north-east,
many leagues distant, two islands, which he called Assumption
and Conception ; probably those now known as Tobago and
Granada. In his course along the northern coast of Paria he
saw several other small islands and many fine harbors, to some
of which he gave names, but they have ceased to be known by
them. On the 15th he discovered the islands of Margarita and
Cubagua, afterward famous for their pearl fisheries. The
Island of Margarita, about fifteen leagues in length and six in
breadth, was well peopled. The little island of Cubagua, lying
between it and the mainland, and only about four leagues from
the latter, was dry and sterile, without either wood or fresh
water, but possessing a good harbor. On approaching this
island the admiral beheld a number of Indians fishing for
pearls, who made for the land. A boat being sent to communi-
cate with them, one of the sailors noticed many strings of pearls
round the neck of a female. Having a plate of Valencia ware,
a kind of porcelain painted and varnished with gaudy colors, he
broke it, and presented the pieces to the Indian woman, who
gave him in exchange a considerable number of her pearls.
These he carried to the admiral, who immediately sent persons
on shore, well provided with Valencian plates and hawk's bells,
for which in a little time he procured about three pounds' weight
1 Hen-era, Hist. Iixl., clecud. i. lib. iii. cap. 11.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIiUS. 365
of pearls, some of which were of a very large size, and were
sent by him afterward to the sovereigns as specimens. 1
There was great temptation to visit other spots, which the
Indians mentioned as abounding in pearls. The coast of Paria
also continued extending to the westward as far as the eye could
reach, rising into a range of mountains, and provoking examin-
ation to ascertain whether, as he began to think, it was a part
of the Asiatic continent. Columbus was compelled, however,
though with the greatest reluctance, to forego this most inter-
esting investigation.
The malady of his eyes had now grown so virulent that he
could no longer take observations or keep a lookout, but had to
trust to the reports of the pilots and mariners. He bore away,
therefore, for Ilispauiola, intending to repose there from the
toils of his voyage, and to recruit his health, while he should
send his brother, the Adelantado, to complete the discovery of
this important country. After sailing for five days to the north-
wt'st, he made the island of Ilispaniola on the liHh of August,
fifty leagues to the westward of the river Ozema, the place of
his destination ; and anchored on the following morning under
the little island of Beata.
He was astonished to find himself so mistaken in his calcula-
tions, and so far below his destined port ; but he attributed it
correctly to the force of the current setting out of the Boca del
Dragon, which, while lie had lain to at nights, to avoid running
on rocks and shoals, had borne his ship insensibly to the west.
This current which sets across the Caribbean Sea, and the con-
tinuation of which now bears the name of the Gulf Stream, was
so rapid, that on the lHh, though the wind was but moderate,
the ships had made seventy-five leagues in four and twenty
hours. Columbus attributed to the violence of this current the
formation of that pass called the Boca del Dragon, where he
supposed it had forced its way through a narrow isthmus that
formerly connected Trinidad with the extremity of Paria. He
imagined, also, that its constant operation had worn away and
inundated the borders of the mainland, gradually producing
that fringe of islands which stretches from Trinidad to the
Lucayos or Bahamas, and which, according to his idea, had
originall}' been part of the solid continent. In corroboration of
this opinion, he notices the form of those islands : narrow from
north to south, and extending in length from east to west, in
the direction of the current. 2
i Charlcvoix. Ui-t. St. 1>omitigo, lib. iii. p. 163.
1 Letter to thj Ki.iy uuj C^uec.i, JsavaiTfte Culec., loin. i.
366 LITE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
The island of Beatn, where he had anchored, is about thirty
lr :)!iues to the west of the river Ozema, where he expected to
find the new seaport which his brother had been instructed to
establish. The strong and stead}- current from the east, how-
ever, and the prevalence of the winds from that quarter, might
detain him for a long time at the island, and render the re-
mainder of his voyage slow and precarious. He sent a boat on
shore, therefore, to procure an Indian messenger to take a letter
to his brother, the Adelantado. Six of the natives came off to
the ships, one of whom was armed with a Spanish cross-bow.
The admiral was alarmed at seeing a weapon of the kind in the
possession of an Indian. It was not an article of traffic, and
he feared could only have fallen into his hands by the death of
some Spaniard. 1 He apprehended that further evils had be-
fallen the settlement, during his long absence, and that there
had again been troubles with the natives.
Having despatched his messenger, he made sail, and arrived
off the mouth of the river on the 30th of August. He was met
on the way by a caravel, on board of which was the Adelantado,
who, having received his letter, had hastened forth with affec-
tionate ardor to welcome his arrival. The meeting of the
brothers was a cause of mutual joy ; the} 7 were strongly
attached to each other, each had had his trials and sufferings
during their long separation, and each looked with confidence
to the other for comfort and relief. Don Bartholomew appears
to have always had great deference for the brilliant genius, the
enlarged mind, and the commanding reputation of his brother ;
while the latter placed great reliance in times of difficulty, on
the worldly knowledge, the indefatigable activity, and the lion-
hearted courage of the Adelantado.
Columbus arrived almost the wreck of himself. His voyages
were always of a nature to wear out the human frame, having
to navigate amid unknown dangers, and to keep anxious watch,
at all hours, and in all weathers. As age and infirmity increased
upon him, these trials became the more severe. His constitu-
tion must originally have been wonderfully vigorous : but con-
stitutions of this powerful kind, if exposed to severe hardships
at an advanced period of life, when the frame has become some-
what rigid and unaccommodating, are apt to be suddenly broken
up, and to be a prey to violent aches and maladies. In this hist
voyage Columbus had been parched and consumed by fever,
racked by gout, and his whole system disordered by incessant
> Las Ca.<as, Ilia, lud., lib. i. cap. 148.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 367
watchfulness ; became into port haggard, emaciated, and almost
blind. His spirit, however, was, as usual, superior to all bodily
atlliction or decay, and he looked forward with magnificent an-
ticipations to the result of his recent discoveries, which he
intended should be immediately prosecuted by his hardy aud
enterprising brother.
CHAPTER IV.
SPECULATIONS OP COLUMBUS CONCERNING THE COAST OF PARIA.
[1498.]
THE natural phenomena of a great and striking nature pre-
sented to the ardent mind of Columbus in the course of this
voyage, led to certain sound deductions aud imaginative specu-
lations. The immense body of fresh water flowing into the
Gulf of Paria, and thence rushing into the ocean, was too
vast to be produced by an island or by islands. It must be the
congregated streams of a great extent of couutiT pouring forth
in one might m y river, and the land necessary to furnish such a
river must be a continent. He now supposed that most of the
tracts of land which he had seen about the Gulf were connected ;
that the coast of Paria extended westward far beyond a chain
of mountains which he had beheld afar off from Margarita ;
and that the land opposite to Trinidad, instead of being an
island, continued to the south, far beyond the equator, into that
hemisphere hitherto unknown to civilized man. He considered
all this an extension of the Asiatic continent ; thus presuming
that the greater part of the surface of the globe was firm land.
In this last opinion he found himself supported by authors of
the highest name both ancient and modern ; among whom he
cites Aristotle and Seneca, St. Augustine and Cardinal Pedro
de Alliaco. He lays particular stress also on the assertion of
the apocryphal Ksdras, that of seven parts of the world, six are
dry land, and one part only is covered with water.
The land, therefore, surrounding the Gulf of Paria, was but
the border of an almost boundless continent, stretching far to
the west and to the south, including the most precious regions
of the earth, lying under the most auspicious stars and benig-
nant skies, but as yet unknown and uncivilized, free to be dis-
covered and appropriated by any Christian nation. " May it
please our Lord," lie exclaims in his letter to the sovereigns,
368 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
"to give long life and health to your highnesses, that you may
prosecute this noble enterprise, in which, methinks, God will
receive great service, Spain vast increase of grandeur, and all
Christians much consolation and delight, since the name of our
Saviour will be divulged throughout these lauds."
Thus far the deductions of Columbus, though sanguine,
admit of little cavil ; but he carried them still farther, until they
ended in what may appear to some mere chimerical reveries. In
his letter to the sovereigns he stated that on his former voyages,
when he steered westward from the Azores, he had observed,
after sailing about a hundred leagues, a sudden and great change
in the sky and the stars, the temperature of the air, and the
calmness of the ocean. It seemed as if a line ran from north to
south, beyond which ever}* thing became different. The needle
which had previously inclined toward the north-east, now varied
a whole point to the north-west. The sea, hitherto clear, was
covered with weeds so dense that in his first voyage he had
expected to run aground upon shoals. A universal tranquillity
reigned throughout the elements, and the climate was mild and
genial whether in summer or winter. On taking his astronomi-
cal observations at night, after crossing that imaginary line,
the north star appeared to him to describe a diurnal circle iu
the heavens, of five degrees in diameter.
On his present voyage he had varied his route, and had run
southward from the Cape de Verde Islands for the equinoctial
line. Before reaching it, however, the heat had become insup-
portable, and a wind springing up from the east, he had been
induced to strike westward, when in the parallel of Sierra Leone
in Guinea. For several days he had been almost consumed by
scorching and stifling heat under a sultry yet clouded sky, and
in a drizzling atmosphere, until he arrived at the ideal line
already mentioned, extending from north to south. Here sud-
denly, to his great relief, he had emerged into serene weather,
with a clear blue sky and a sweet and temperate atmosphere.
The farther he had proceeded west, the more pure and genial he
had found the climate ; the sea tranquil, the breezes soft and
balmy. All these phenomena coincided with those he had re-
marked at the same line, though farther north, in his former
voyages ; excepting that here there was no herbage in the sea,
and the movements of stars were different. The polar star ap-
peared to him here to describe a diurnal circle of ten degrees
instead of five ; an augmentation which struck him with aston-
ishment, but which, he says, he ascertained by observations
taken in different nights, with his quadrant. Its greatest alti-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 369
tude at the former place, in the parallel of the Azores, he had
found to he ten degrees, and in the present place fifteen.
From these and other circumstances, he was inclined to doubt
the received theory with respect to the form of the earth. Philos-
ophers had described it as spherical ; but they knew nothing
of the part of the world which he had discovered. The ancient
part, known to them, he had no doubt was spherical, but he
now supposed the real form of the earth to be that of a pear,
one part much more elevated than the rest, and tapering upward
toward the skies. This part he supposed to be in the interior
of this newly found continent, and immediately under the
equator. All the phenomena which he had previously noticed,
appeared to corroborate this theory. The variations which he
hail observed in passing the imaginary line running from north
to south, he concluded to be caused by the ships having arrived
at this Supposed swelling of the earth, where they began gently
to mount toward the skies into a purer and more celestial atmo-
sphere. 1 The variation of the needle he ascribed to the same
cause, being affected by the coolness and mildness of the climate ;
varying to the north-west in proportion as the ships continued
onward in their ascent. 2 So also the altitude of the north star,
and the circle it described in the heavens, appeared to be
greater, in consequence of being regarded from a greater ele-
vation, less obliquely, and through a purer medium of atmos-
phere ; and these phenomena would be found to increase the
more the navigator approached the equator, from the still increas-
ing eminence of this part of the earth.
He noticed also the difference of climate, vegetation, and
people of this part of the New World from those under the
same paralled in Africa. There the heat was insupportable,
the land parched and sterile, the inhabitants were black, with
crisped wool, ill-shapen in their forms, and dull and brutal in
their natures. Here, on the contrary, although the sun was in
Leo, he found the noontide heat moderate, the mornings and
evenings fresh and cool, the country green and fruitful, and
covered with beautiful forests, the people fairer even than those
in the lands he had discovered farther north, having long hair,
1 Peter Martyr mentions that the admiral told him, that, from the climate of ereat
heat and unwholesome air, he had ascended the back of the sea, as it were ascending a
hiith mountain toward heaven. Decad. i. lilt. vi.
2 Columbus, in his attempts to account for the variation of the needle, supposed that
the north star possessed the quality of the four cardinal points, as did likewise the load-
stone. That if the needle were touched with one part of the loadstone, it would poi:it
east, with another west, and no on. Wherefore, he add?, those who prepare or magnetize
the needles, cover the loadstone with a cloth, so that the north part only remains out;
that is to say, the part which possesses the virtue of causing the needle to point to the
north. Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 66.
370 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
with well-proportioned and graceful forms, lively minds, and
courageous dispositions. All this in a latitude so near to the
equator, he attributed to the superior altitude of this part of
the world, by which it was raised into a more celestial region
of the air. On turning northward, through the Gulf of Paria,
he had found the circle described by the north star again to
diminish. The current of the sea also increased in velocity,
wearing away, as has already been remarked, the borders of
the continent, and producing by its incessant operation the
adjacent islands. This was a further confirmation of the idea
that he ascended in going southward, and descended in return-
ing northward.
Aristotle had imagined that the highest part of the earth, and
the nearest to the skies, was under the antarctic pole. Other
sages had maintained that it was under the arctic. Hence it
was apparent that both conceived one part of the earth to
be more elevated and noble, and nearer to the heavens than
the rest. They did not think of this eminence being under the
equinoctial line, observed Columbus, because they had no certain
knowledge of this hemisphere, but only spoke of it theoretically
and from conjecture.
As usual, he assisted his theory by Holy Writ. "The sun,
when God created it," he observes, " was in the first point of
the Orient, or the first light was there." That place, according
to his idea, must be here, in the remotest part of the East,
where the ocean and the extreme part of India meet under the
equinoctial line, and where the highest point of the earth is
situated. ,
He supposed this apex of the world, though of immense
height, to be neither rugged nor precipitous, but that the land
rose to it by gentle and imperceptible degrees. The beautiful
and fertile shores of Paria were situated on its remote borders,
abounding of course with those precious articles which are con-
genial with the most favored and excellent climates. As one
penetrated the interior and gradually ascended, the land would
be found to increase in beauty and luxuriance, and in the
exquisite nature of its productions, until one arrived at the
summit under the equator. This he imagined to be the noblest
and most perfect place on earth, enjoying from its position an
equality of nights and days and a uniformity of seasons ; and
being elevated into a serene and heavenly temperature, above
the heats and colds, the clouds and vapors, the storms and
tempests which deform and disturb the lower regions. In a
word, here he supposed to be situated the original abode of our
LIFS OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 371
first parents, the primitive seat of human innocence and bliss,
the Garden of Eden, or terrestrial paradise !
He imagined this place, according to the opinion of the most
eminent fathers of the church, to be still flourishing, possessed
of all its blissful delights, but inaccessible to mortal feet,
excepting by divine permission. From this height he presumed,
though of course from a great distance, proceeded the mighty
stream of fresh water which filled the Gulf of Paria, mid
sweetened the salt ocean in its vicinity, being supplied by the
fountain mentioned in Genesis as springing from the tree of
life in the Garden of Eden.
.Such was the singular speculation of Columbus, which he
d*-t:iils at full length in a letter to the Castilian sovereigns. 1
citing various authorities for his opinions, among which were St.
Augustine, St. Isidor, and St. Ambrosius, and fortifying his
theory with much of that curious and speculative erudition in
which he was deeply versed. 2 It shows how his ardent mind
was heated by the magnificence of his discoveries. Shrewd
men, in the coolness and quietude of ordinary life, and in these
modern cUys of cautious and sober fact, may smile at such a
reverie,, but it was countenanced by the speculations of the
most sage and learned of those times ; and if this had not been
the case, could we wonder at any sally of the imagination in a
man placed in the situation of Columbus? He beheld a vast
world, rising, as it were, into existence before him, its nature
and extent unknown and undefined, as yet a mere region for
conjecture. Every day displa}'ed some new feature of beauty
and sublimity; island aftej island, where the rocks, he was'
told, were veined with gold, the groves teemed with spices, or
the shores abounded with pearls. Interminable ranges of
coast, promontory beyond promontory, stretching as far as the
eye could reach ; luxuriant valleys sweeping away into a vnst
interior, whose distant mountains, he was told, concealed still
happier lauds, and realms of greater opulence. When he
looked upon all this region of golden promise, it was with the
glorious conviction that his genius had called it into existence ;
he regarded it with the triumphant eye of a discoverer. Had
1 Xavarrete, Colec. de Viasres, torn. 1. p. 242.
1 See Illustrations, article " Situation of the Terrestrial Paradise."
NOTE. A great part of these speculations appear to have been founded on the treatise
of the Cardinal Pedro de Aliaro, in which Columbus found a compendium of the opin-
ions of various eminent authors on the subject; though it is very probable he consulted
many ot their works likewise. In the volume of Pedro de Aliaco, existing in the library
of the Cathedral at Seville, 1 have traced the germs of these ideas in various pasa;i-i of
the text, opposite to which uiargiual notes have been made iu the handwriting of Colum-
bus.
372 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
not Columbus been capable of these enthusiastic soarings of
the imagination, he might, with other sages, have reasoned
calmly and coldly in his closet about the probability of a conti-
nent existing in the west ; but he would never have had the
daring enterprise to adventure in search of it into the unknown
realms of ocean.
Still, in the midst of his fanciful speculations, we find that
sagacity which formed the basis of his character. The conclu-
sion which he drew from the great flow of the Oronoco, that it
must be the outpouring of a continent, was acute and striking.
A learned Spanish historian has also ingeniously excused other
parts of his theory. " He suspected," observes he, kt a certain
elevation of the globe at one part of the equator ; philosophers
have since determined the world to be a spheroid, slightly
elevated in its equatorial circumference. He suspected that
the diversity of temperatures influenced the needle, not being
able to penetrate the cause of its inconstant variations ; the
successive series of voyages and experiments have made this
inconstancy more manifest, and have shown that extreme
cold sometimes divests the needle of all its virtue. Perhaps
new observations may justify the surmise of Columbus. P^ven
his error concerning the circle described by the polar star, which
he thought augmented by an optical illusion in proportion as
the observer approached the equinox, manifests him a philoso-
pher superior to the time in which he lived." *
* Mufioz, Hist. X. Muudu, lib. vi. 32.
BOOK XL
CHAPTER I.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE ADELANTADO EXPEDITION TO THE
PROVINCE OF XARAGUA.
[1498.]
COLUMBUS had anticipated repose from his toils on arriving
at Hispauiola, but a new scene of trouble and anxiet}' opened
upon him, destined to impede the prosecution of his enterprises,
and to affect all his future fortunes. To explain this, it is
necessary to relate the occurrences of the island during his
long detention in Spain.
"When he sailed for Europe in March, 1496, his brother, Don
Bartholomew, who remained as Adelantado, took the earliest
measures to execute his directions v/ith respect to the mines
recently discovered by Miguel Diaz on the south side of the
island. Leaving Don Diego Columbus in command at Isabella,
he repaired with a large force to the neighborhood of the mines,
and, choosing a favorable situation in a place most abounding
in ore, built a fortress, to which he gave the name of San
Christoval. The workmen, however, finding grains of gold
among the earth and stone employed in its construction, gave
it the name of the Golden Tower. 1
The Adelantado remained here three months, superintending
the building of the fortress, and making the necessary prepara-
tions for working the mines and purifying the ore. The pro-
gress of the work, however, was greatly impeded Irv scarcity of
provisions, having frequently to detach a part of the men alxmt
the country in quest of supplies. The former hospitality of
the island was at an end. The Indians no longer gave their
i Peter JIartyr, decad. i. lib. Iv.
373
374 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
provisions freely ; they had learned from the white men to
profit by the necessities of the stranger, and to exact a price
for bread. Their scanty stores, also, were soon exhausted, for
their frugal habits, and natural indolence and improvidence,
seldom permitted them to have more provisions on hand than
was requisite for present support. 1 The Adelantado found it
difficult, therefore, to maintain so large a force in the neighbor-
hood, until they should have time to cultivate the earth, and
raise live-stock, or should receive supplies from .Spain. Leaving
ten men to guard the fortress, with a dog to assist them in
catching utias, he marched with the rest of his men, about four
hundred in number, to Fort Conception, in the abundant
country of the Vega. He passed the whole month of June
collecting the quarterly tribute, being supplied with food by
Guarionex and his subordinate caciques. In the following
month (July, 1496), the three caravels commanded by Nino
arrived from Spain, bringing a re-enforcement of men, and,
what was still more needed, a supply of provisions. The latter
was quickly distributed among the hungry colonists, but unfor-
tunately a great part had been injured during the voyage.
This was a serious misfortune in a community where the least
scarcity produced murmur and sedition.
By these ships the Adelantado received letters from his
brother directing him to found a town and seaport at the mouth
of the Ozema, near to the new mines. He requested him, also,
to send prisoners to Spain such of the caciques and their sub-
jects as had been concerned in the death of any of the
colonists ; that being considered as sufficient ground, by many
of the ablest jurists and theologians of Spain, for selling them
as slaves. On the return of the caravels, the Adelantado de-
spatched three hundred Indian prisoners, and three caciques.
These formed the ill-starred cargoes about which Nino had
made such absurd vaunting, as though the ships were laden with
treasure, and which had caused such mortification, disappoint-
ment, and delay to Columbus.
Having obtained by this arrival a supply of provisions, the
Adelantado returned to the fortress of San Christoval, and
thence proceeded to the Ozema, to choose a site for the pro-
posed seaport. After a careful examination, he chose the
eastern bank of a natural haven at the mouth of the river. It
was easy of access, of sufficient depth, and good anchorage.
The river ran through a beautiful and fertile country ; its
Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. v.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 375
waters were pure and salubrious, and well stocked with fish ;
its banks were covered with trees bearing the fine fruits of the
island, so that in sailing along, the fruits and flowers might be
plucked with the hand from the branches which overhung the
stream. 1 This delightful vicinit} r was the dwelling-place of the
female cacique who had conceived an affection for the young
Spaniard Miguel Diaz, and had induced him to entice his coun-
trymen to that part of the island. The promise she had given
of a friendly reception oil the part of her tribe was faithfully
performed.
On a commanding bank of the harbor Don Bartholomew
erected a fortress, which at first was called Isabella, but after-
ward San Domingo, and was the origin of the city which still
bears that name. The Adelantado was of an active and inde-
fatigable spirit. No sooner was the fortress completed than
he left in it a garrison of twenty men, and with the rest of his
forces set out to visit the dominions of Behechio, one of the
principal chieftains of the island. This cacique, as has already
been mentioned, reigned over Xaragna, a province comprising
almost the whole coast at the west end of the island, including
Cape Tiburon, and extending along the south side as far as
Point Aguida, or the small island of Boata. It was one of the
most populous and fertile districts, with a delightful climate ;
and its inhabitants were softer and more graceful in their
manners than the rest of the islanders. Being so remote
from all the fortresses, the cacique, although he had taken
a part in the combination of the chieftains, had hitherto re-
mained free from the incursions and exactions of the white
men.
With this cacique resided Anacaona, widow of the late for-
midable Caonabo. She was sister to Behechio, and had taken
refuge with her brother after the capture of her husband. She
was one of the most beautiful females of the island ; her name
in the Indian language signified '"The Golden Flower." She
possessed a genius superior to the generality of her race, and
was said to excel in composing those little legendary ballads, or
areytos, which the natives chanted as they performed their
national dances. All the Spanish writers agree in describing
her as possessing a natural dignity and grace hardly to be
credited in her ignorant and savage condition. Notwithstand-
ing the ruin with which her husband had been overwhelmed by
the hostility of the white men, she appears to have entertained
Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. v.
376 LIFE OF CUIUSTOPUER COLUMBUS.
no vindictive feeling toward them, knowing that he had pro-
voked their vengeance by his own voluntary warfare. She re-
garded the Spaniards with admiration as almost superhuman
beings, and her intelligent mind perceived the futility and im-
policy of any attempt to resist their superiority in arts and
arms. Having great influence over her brother Behechio, she
counselled him to take warning by the fate of her husband, and
to conciliate the friendship of the Spaniards ; and it is supposed
that a knowledge of the friendly sentiments and powerful in-
fluence of this princess, in a great measure prompted the Ade-
lantado to his present expedition. 1
In passing through those parts of the island which had hither-
to been unvisited by the Europeans, the Adelantado adopted
the same imposing measures which the admiral had used on a
former occasion ; he put his cavalry in the advance, and entered
all the Indian towns in martial array, with standards displayed,
and the sound of drum and trumpet.
After proceeding about thirty leagues, he came to the river
Neyva, which, issuing from the mountains of Cibao, divides the
southern side of the island,, Crossing this stream, he despatched
two parties of ten men each along the seacoast in search of
brazil-wood. They found great quantities, and felled many
trees, which the}' stored in the Indian cabins, until they could
be taken away by sea.
Inclining with his main force to the right, the Adelantado
met, not far from the river, the cacique Behechio, with a great
army of his subjects, armed with bows and arrows and lances.
If he had come forth with the intention of opposing the inroad
into his forest domains, he was probably daunted by the formid-
able appearance of the Spaniards. Laying aside his weapons,
he advanced and accosted the Adelantado very amicably, pro-
fessing that he was thus in arms for the purpose of subjecting
certain villages along the river, and inquiring, at the same time,
the object of this incursion of the Spaniards. The Adelantado
assured him that he came on a peaceful visit, to pase a little
time in friendly intercourse at Xaragua. He succeeded so well
in allaying the apprehensions of the cacique, that the latter dis-
missed his army, and sent swift messengers to order prepara-
tions for the suitable reception of so distinguished a guest. As
the Spaniards advanced into the territories of the chieftain, and
passed through the districts of his inferior caciques, the latter
brought forth cassava bread, hemp, cotton, and various other
1 Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. ii. p. 147. Mufioz, llist. X. Muuclo, lib. vi. 5 vi.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 377
productions of the land. At length they drew near to the resi-
dence of Behechio, which was a large town situated in a beau-
tiful part of the country near the coast, at the bottom of that
deep bay, called at present the Bight of Leogan.
The .Spaniards had heard many accounts of the soft and de-
lightful region of Xaragua, in one part of which Indian tradi-
tions placed their Elysian fields. They had heard much, also,
of the beauty and urbanity of the inhabitants : the mode of
their reception was calculated to confirm their favorable pre-
possessions. As they approached the place, thirty females of
the cacique's household came forth to meet them, singing their
areytos, or traditionary ballads, and dancing and waving palm
branches. The married females wore aprons of embroidered
cotton, reaching half way to the kuee ; the young women were
entirely naked, with merely a fillet round the forehead, their hair
falling upon their shoulders. They were beautifully propor-
tioned, their skin smooth and delicate, and their complexion of
a clear, agreeable brown. According to old Peter Martyr, the
Spaniards when they beheld them issuing forth from their green
woods, almost imagined they beheld the fabled Dryads, or na-
tive nymphs and fairies of the fountains, sung by the ancient
poets. 1 When they came before Don Bartholomew, they knelt
and gracefully presented him the green branches. After these
came the female cacique Auacaona, reclining on a kind of light
litter borne by six Indians. Like the other females, she had no
other covering than an apron of various-colored cotton. She
wore round her head a fragrant garland of red and white flow-
ers, and wreaths of the same round her neck and arms. She
received the Adelantado and his followers with that natural
grace and courtesy for which she was celebrated ; manifesting
no hostility toward them for the fate her husband had expe-
rienced at their hands.
The Adelantado and his officers were conducted to the house
of Behechio, where a banquet was served up of utias, a great
variety of sea and river fish, witli roots and fruits of excellent
quality. Here first the Spaniards conquered their repugnance
to the guana, the favorite delicacy of the Indians, but which
the former had regarded with disgust, as a species of serpent.
The Adelantado, willing to accustom himself to the usages of
the country, was the first to taste this animal, being kindly
pressed thereto byAnacaoua. His followers imitated his ex-
ample ; they found it to be highly palatable and delicate ; and
1 Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. v.
378 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
from that time forward the guana was held in repute among
Spanish epicures. 1
The banquet being over, Don Bartholomew with six of his
principal cavaliers were lodged in the dwelling of Behechio ;
the rest were distributed in the houses of the inferior caciques,
where they slept in hammocks of matted cotton, the usual beds
of the natives.
For two days they remained with the hospitable Behechio,
entertained with various Indian games and festivities, among
which the most remarkable was the representation of a battle.
Two squadrons of naked Indians, armed with bows and arrows,
sallied suddenly into the public square and began to skirmish
in a manner similar to the Moorish play of canes, or tilting
reeds. By degrees they became excited, and fought with such
earnestness, that four were slain, and many wounded, which
seemed to increase the interest and pleasure of the spectators.
The contest would have continued longer, and might have been
still more bloody, had not the Adelantado and the other cava-
liers interfered and begged that the game might cease. 2
When the festivities were over, and familiar intercourse had
promoted mutual confidence, the Adelantado addressed the
cacique and Anacaona on the real object of his visit. He in-
formed him that his brother, the admiral, had been sent to this
island by the sovereigns of Castile, who were great and mighty
potentates, with many kingdoms under their sway. That the
admiral had returned to apprise his sovereigns how many trib-
utary caciques there were in the island, leaving him in command,
and that he had come to receive Behechio under the protection
of these mighty sovereigns, and to arrange a tribute to be paid
by him, in such manner as should be most convenient and sat-
isfactory to himself. 3
The cacique was greatly embarrassed by this demand, know-
ing the sufferings inflicted on the other parts of the island by
the avidity of the Spaniards for gold. He replied that he had
been apprised that gold was the great object for which the
white men had come to their island, and that a tribute was
1 "These serpentes are lybe unto crocodiles, wiving in bygness; they call them
guanas. Unto that day none of owre men durste adventure to taste of them, by reason
of theyre horrible deformitie and lothsomnes. Vet the Adelantado being entysed by
the pleasantnes of the king's sister, Anacaona, determined to taste the serpentes. But
when he felte the flesh thereof to be so delycate to his tongue, he fel to amayne without
al feare. The which thyng his companions perceiving, were not behynde hym in greed-
ynesse: insomuche that they had now none other talke than of the sweetnesse of these
Berpentes, which they affirm to be of more pleasant laste than eyther our phesaules
or partriches." Peter Martyr, decad. i. book v. Kdeu's Eng. Traus.
Las Casas, Hist. Iiid , lib. i. cap. 113.
Ibid., cap. 114.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 379
paid in it by some of his fellow-caciques ; but that in no part of
his territories was gold to be found ; and his subjects hardly
knew what it was. To this the Adelantado replied with great
adroitness, that nothing was further from the intention or wish
of his sovereigns than to require a tribute in things not pro-
duced in his dominions, but that it might be paid in cotton,
hemp, and cassava bread, with which the surrounding country
appeared to abound. The countenance of the cacique bright-
ened at this intimation ; he promised cheerful compliance, and
instantly sent orders to all his subordinate caciques to sow
abundance of cotton for the first payment of the stipulated
tribute. Having made all the requisite arrangements, the
Adelantado took a most friendly leave of Behechio and his
sister, and set out for Isabella.
Thus by amicable #ud sagacious management, one of the
most extensive provinces of the island was brought into cheer-
ful subjection, and had not the wise policy of the Adelantado
been defeated by the excesses of worthless and turbulent men,
a large revenue might have been collected, without any re-
course to violence or oppression. In all instances these simple
people appear to have been extremely tractable, and meekly
and even cheerfully to have resigned their rights to the white
men, when treated with gentleness and humanity.
CHAPTER II.
ESTABLISHMENT OF A CHAIN OF MILITARY POSTS INSURRECTION
OF GUAK1ONEX, THE CACIQUE OF THE VEGA.
[1496.]
ON arriving at Isabella, Don Bartholomew found it, as usual,
a scene of misery and repining. Many had died during his
absence ; most were ill. Those who were healthy complained
of the scarcity of food, and those who were ill, of the want of
medicines. The provisions distributed among them, from the
supply brought out a few months before by Pedro Alonzo
Nino, had been consumed. Partly from sickness, and partly
from a repugnance to labor, they had neglected to cultivate
the surrounding country, and the Indians, on whom they
chiefly depended, outraged by their oppressions, had aban-
doned the vicinity, and fled to the mountains ; choosing rather
380 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
to subsist on roots and herbs, in their rugged retreats, than re-
main in the luxuriant plains, subject to the wrongs and cruel-
ties of the white men. The history of this island presents
continual pictures of the miseries, the actual want and poverty
produced by the grasping avidity of gold. It had rendered the
(Spaniards heedless of all the less obvious, but more certain and
salubrious sources of wealth. All labor seemed lost that was
to produce profit by a circuitous process. Instead of cultivat-
ing the luxuriant soil around them, and deriving real treasures
from its surface, they wasted their time in seeking for mines
and golden streams, and were starving in the midst of fertility.
No sooner were the provisions exhausted which had been
brought out by Nino than the colonists began to break forth in
their accustomed murmurs. They represented themselves as
neglected by Columbus, who, amid the blandishments and de-
lights of a court, thought little of their sufferings. They con-
sidered themselves equally forgotten by government ; while,
having no vessel in the harbor, they were destitute of all
moans of sending home intelligence of their disastrous situation,
and imploring relief.
To remove this last cause of discontent, and furnish some
object for their hopes and thoughts to rally round, the Adelan-
tado ordered that two caravels should be built at Isabella, for
the use of the island. To relieve the settlement, also, from all
useless and repining individuals, during this time of scarcity,
he distributed such as were too ill to labor, or to bear arms,
into the interior, where they would have the benefit of a better
climate, and more abundant supply of Indian provisions. He
at the same time completed and garrisoned the chain of mili-
tary posts established by his brother in the preceding year, con-
sisting of five fortified houses, each surrounded by its depend-
ent hamlet. The first of these was about nine leagues from Isa-
bella, and was called la Esperanza. Six leagues beyond was
Santa Catalina. Four leagues and a half farther was Magda-
lena, where the first town of Santiago was afterward founded ;
and live leagues farther Port Conception which was fortified
with great care, being in the vast and populous Vega, and
within half a league from the residence of its cacique, (Juario-
nex. 1 Having thus relieved Isabella of all its useless population,
and left none but such as were too ill to be removed, or were
required for the service and protection of the place, and the
construction of the caravels, the Adelantado returned, with a
1 P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. v. Of the residence of Guarionex, which must have beeu a
considerable town, not the least vestige cau be discovered at prese.it.
LIFE OF CIIRISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 381
large body of the most effective men, to the fortress of San
Domingo.
The military posts thus established, succeeded for a time in
overawing the natives ; but fresh hostilities were soon mani-
fested, excited by a different cause from the preceding. Among
the missionaries who had accompanied Friar Boyle to the
island, were two of far greater zeal than their superior. When
he returned to Spain, they remained, earnestly bent upon the
fullilment of their mission. One was called Roman Pane, a
poor hermit, as he styled himself, of the order of St. Geronimo :
the other was Juan Borgofion, a Franciscan. They resided for
some time among the Indians of the Vega, strenuously endea-
voring to make converts, and had succeeded with one family
of sixteen persons, the chief of which, on being baptized, took
the name of Juan Mateo. The conversion of the cacique Gua-
rionex, however, was their main object. The extent of his JK>S-
sessions made his conversion of great importance to the inter-
ests of the colony, and was considered by the zealous fathers a
means of bringing his numerous subjects under the dominion
of the church. For some time he lent a willing ear; he learnt
the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, and the Creed, and made his
whole family repeat them daily. The other caciques of the
Vega and of the provinces of Cibao, however, scoffed at him
for meanly conforming to the laws and customs of strangers,
usurpers of his domains and oppressors of his nation. The
friars complained that, in consequence of these evil communi-
cations, their convert suddenly relapsed into infidelity; but
another and more grievous cause is assigned for his recantation.
His favorite wife was seduced or treated with outrage by a
Spaniard of authority ; and the cacique renounced all faith in
a religion, which, as he supposed, admitted of such atrocities.
Losing all hope of effecting his conversion, the mission re-
moving to the territories of another cacique, taking with them
Juan Mateo, their Indian convert. Before their departure they
erected a small chapel, and furnished it with an altar, crucifix,
and images, for the use of the family of Mateo.
Scarcely had they departed, when several Indians entered
the chapel, broke the images in pieces, trampled them under
foot, and buried them in a neighboring field. This, it is said,
was done by order of Guarionex, in contempt of the religion
from which he had apostatized. A complaint of this enormity
was carried to the Adelantado, who ordered a suit to be imme-
diately instituted, and those who were found culpable, to be
punished according to law. It was a period of great rigor in
332 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
ecclesiastical law, especially among the Spaniards. In Spain
all heresies in religion, all recantations from the faith, and all
acts of sacrilege, either by Moor or Jew, were punished with
fire and fagot. Such was the fate of the poor ignorant Indians,
convicted of this outrage on the church. It is questionable
whether Guarionex had any hand in this offence, and it is
probable that the whole affair was exaggerated. A proof of
the credit due to the evidence brought forward, may be judged
by one of the facts recorded by Roman Pane, " the poor her-
mit." The field in which the holy images were buried was
planted, he says, with certain roots shaped like a turnip, or
radish, several of which, coming up in the neighborhood of the
images, were found to have grown most miraculously in the
form of a cross. 1
The cruel punishment inflicted on these Indians, instead of
daunting their countrymen, filled them with horror and indig-
nation. Unaccustomed to such stern rule and vindictive jus-
tice, and having no clear ideas nor powerful sentiments with
respect to religion of any kind, they could not comprehend the
nature nor extent of the crime committed. Even Guarionex, a
man naturally moderate and pacific, was highly incensed with
the assumption of power within his territories, and the inhu-
man death inflicted on his subjects. The other caciques per-
ceived his irritation, and endeavored to induce him to unite in
a sudden insurrection, that by one vigorous and general effort,
they might break the yoke of their oppressors. Guarionex
wavered for some time. He kifew the martial skill and
prowess of the Spaniards ; he stood in awe of their cavalry ;
and he had before him the disastrous fate of Caonabo ; but he
was rendered bold by despair, and he beheld in the domination of
these strangers the assured ruin of his race. The early writers
speak of a tradition current among the inhabitants of the
island, respecting this Guarionex. He was of an ancient line of
hereditary caciques. His father, in times long preceding the
discovery, having fasted for five days, according to their su-
perstitious observances, applied to his zemi, or household deit}*,
for information of things to come. He received for answer that
within a few years there should come to the island a nation
covered with clothing, which should destroy all their customs
and ceremonies, and slay their children or reduce them to
painful servitude. 2 The tradition was probably invented by
the Butios, or priests, aftei the Spaniards had begun to exercise
1 Eacritura de Fi Roman Hist del Aimirante. * Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. iz.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 383
their severities. Whether their prediction had an effect in dis-
posing the mind of Guarionex to hostilities is uncertain.
Some have asserted that he was compelled to take up arms by
his subjects, who threatened, in case of his refusal, to choose
some other chieftain ; others have alleged the outrage commit-
ted upon lus favorite wife, as the principal cause of his irrita-
tion. 1 It w:is probably these things combined, which at length
induced him to enter into the conspiracy. A secret consulta-
tion was held among the caciques, wherein it was concerted that
on the day of payment of their quarterly tribute, when a great
number could assemble without causing suspicion, they should
suddenly rise upon the .Spaniards and massacre them. 2
By some means the garrison at Fort Conception received
intimation of this conspiracy. Being but a handful of men,
and surrounded by hostile tribes, they wrote a letter to the
Adelantado, at San Domingo, imploring immediate aid. As
this letter might be taken from their Indian messenger, the
natives having discovered that these letters had a wonderful
power of communicating intelligence, and fancying they could
talk, it was enclosed in a reed, to be used as a staff. The mes-
senger was, in fact, intercepted ; but, affecting to be dumb and
lame, and intimating by signs that he was returning home, was
permitted to limp forward on his journey. When out of sight
he resumed his speed, and bore the letter safely and expedi-
tiously to San Domingo. 3
The Adelantado, with his characteristic promptness and
activity, set out immediately with a body of troops for the
fortress ; and though his men were much enfeebled by scanty
fare, hard service, and long marches, hurried them rapidly for-
ward. Never did aid arrive more opportunely. The Indians
were assembled on the plain, to the amount of many thousands,
armed after their manner, and waiting for the appointed time
to strike the blow. After consulting with the commander of
the fortress and his officers, the Adelautado concerted a mode
of proceeding. Ascertaining the places in which the various
caciques had distributed their forces, he appointed an officer
with a body of men to each cacique, with orders, at an ap-
pointed hour of the night, to rush into the villages, surprise
them asleep and unarmed, bind the caciques, and bring them
off prisoners. As Guarionex was the most important person-
age, and his capture would probably be attended with most
i I,a8 Casas, Hil. Ind., lib. i. cap. 121.
J Herrera, decad. i. lib. lii. cap. 65. Peter Martyr, decad. vi. lib. v.
4 Uerrera, Hist, luu., decad. i. lib. lii. cap. 7.
884 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
difficulty and danger, the Adelantado took the charge of it
upon himself, at the head of one hundred men.
This stratagem, founded upon a knowledge of the attachment
of the Indians to their chieftains, and calculated to spare a great
effusion of blood, was completely successful. The villages hav-
ing no walls nor other defences, were quieth" entered at mid-
night, and the Spaniards, rushing suddenly into the houses
where the caciques were quartered, seized and bound them, to
the number of fourteen, and hurried them off to the fortress,
before any effort could be made for their defence or rescue.
The Indians, struck with terror, made no resistance, nor any
show of hostility ; surrounding the fortress in great multitudes,
but without weapons, they filled the air with doleful howlings
and lamentations, imploring the release of their chieftains.
The Adelantado completed his enterprise with the spirit, saga-
city, and moderation with which he had hitherto conducted it.
He obtained information of the causes of this conspiracy, and
the individuals most culpable. Two caciques, the principal
movers of the insurrection, aud who had most wrought upon
the easy nature of Guarionex, were put to death. As to that
unfortunate cacique, the Adelantado, considering the deep
wrongs he had suffered, and the slowness with which he had
been provoked to revenge, magnanimously pardoned him ; nay,
according to Las Casas, he proceeded with stern justice against
the Spaniard whose outrage on his wife had sunk so deeply in
his heart. He extended his lenity also to the remaining chief-
tains of the conspiracy ; promising great favors and rewards,
if they should continue firm in their loyalty ; but terrible pun-
ishments should they again be found in rebellion. The heart
of Guariouex was subdued by this unexpected clemency. He
made a speech to his people setting forth the irresistible might
aud valor of the Spaniards ; their great lenity to offenders, and
their generosity to such as were faithful ; and he earnestly ex-
horted them henceforth to cultivate their friendship. The In-
dians listened to him with attention ; his praises of the white
men were confirmed by their treatment of himself ; when he
had concluded, they took him upon their shoulders, bore him
to his habitation with songs and shouts of joy, aud for some
time the tranquillity of the \ A ega was restored. 1
Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. v. Herrera, Hist. lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 9.
LIFE OF CURISTOPIIER COLUMBUS. 385
CHAPTER III.
THE ADELANTADO REPAIRS TO XARAGUA TO RECEIVE TRIBUTE.
[1497.]
"\VITH all his energy and discretion, the Adelantado found it
difficult to manage the proud and turbulent spirit of the colo-
nists. They could ill brook the sway of a foreigner, who, when
they were restive, curbed them with an iron hand. Don Bar-
tholomew had not the same legitimate authority in their eyes
as his brother. The admiral was the discoverer of the country,
and the authorized representative of the sovereigns ; yet even
him they with difficulty brought themselves to obey. The
Adelantado, on the contrary, was regarded by many as a mere
intruder, assuming high command without authority from the
crown, and shouldering himself into power on the merits and
services of his brother. They spoke with impatience and in-
dignation, also, of the long absence of the admiral, and his
fancied inattention to their wants ; little aware of the incessant
anxieties he was suffering on their account, during his deten-
tion in Spain. The sagacious measure of the Adelantado in
building the caravels, for some time diverted their attention.
They watched their progress with solicitude, looking upon them
as a means either of obtaining relief or of abandoning the island.
Aware that repining and discontented men should never be
left in idleness, Don Bartholomew kept them continually in
movement ; and indeed a state of constant activity was con-
genial to his own vigorous spirit. About this time messengers
arrived from Behechio, cacique of Xaragua, informing him
that lie ha.l large quantities of cotton, and other articles, in
which his tribute was to be paid, ready for delivery. The
Adelantado immediately set forth with a numerous train, to
revisit this fruitful and happy region. He was again received
with songs and dances, and all the national demonstrations of
respect and amity by Behechio and his sister Anacaona. The
latter appeared to be highly popular among the natives, and to
have almost as much sway in Xaragua as her brother. Her
natural ease, and the graceful dignity of her manners, more
and more won the admiration of the Spaniards.
The Adelantado found thirty-two inferior caciques assembled
in the house of Behechio, awaiting his arrival with their respec-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
tive tributes. The cotton the}' had brought was enough to fill
one of tlieir houses. " Having delivered this, they gratuitously
offered the Adelantado as much cassava bread as he desired.
The offer was most acceptable in the present necessitous state
of the colony ; and Don Bartholomew sent to Isabella for one of
the caravels, which was nearly finished, to be despatched as soon
as possible to Xaragua, to be freighted with bread and cotton.
In the mean time the natives brought from all quarters large
supplies of provisions, and entertained their guests witli con-
tinual festivity and banqueting. The early Spanish writers,
whose imaginations, heated by the accounts of the voyagers,
could not form an idea of the simplicity of savage life, espe-
cially in these newly discovered countries which were sup-
posed to border upon Asia, often speak in terms of Oriental
magnificence of the entertainments of the natives, the palaces
of the caciques, and the lords and ladies of their courts, as if
they were describing the abodes of Asiatic potentates. The ac-
counts given of Xaragua, however, have a different character ;
and give a picture of savage life, in its perfection of idle and
ignorant enjoyment. The troubles which distracted the other
parts of devoted Hayti had not reached the inhabitants of this
pleasant region. Living among beautiful and fruitful groves,
on the borders of a sea. apparently forever tranquil and un-
vexed by storms ; having few wants, and those readily supplied,
they appeared emancipated from the common lot of labor,
and to pass their lives in one uninterrupted holiday. When
the Spaniards regarded the fertility and sweetness of this
country, the gentleness of its people, and the beauty of its
women, they pronounced it a perfect paradise.
At length the caravel arrived which was to be freighted with
the articles of tribute. It anchored about six miles from the
residence of Behechio, and Anacaona proposed to her brother
that they should go together to behold what she called the great
canoe of the white man. On their way to the coast, the Ade-
lantado was lodged one night in a village, in a house where
Anacaona treasured up those articles which she esteemed most
rare and precious. They consisted of various manufactures of
cotton, ingeniously wrought ; of vessels of clay, moulded into
different forms ; of chairs, tables, and like articles of furniture
formed of ebony and other kinds of wood, and carved with
various devices all evincing great skill and ingenuity in a
people who had no iron tools to work with. Such were the
simple treasures of this Indian princess, of which she made
numerous presents to her guest.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 387
Nothing could exceed the wonder and delight of this intelli-
gent woman when she first beheld the ship. Her In-other, who
treated her with a fraternal fondness and respectful attention,
worthy of civilized life, had prepared two canoes, gayly painted
and decorated, one to convey her and her attendants, and the
other for himself and his chieftains. Anacaona, however, pre-
ferred to embark with her attendants in the ship's boat with
the Adelantado. As they approached the caravel, a salute was
fired. At the report of the cannon, and the sight of the smoke,
Anacaona, overcome with dismay, fell into the arms of the
Adelantado, and her attendants would have leaped overboard,
but the laughter and the cheerful words of Don Bartholomew
speedily reassured them. As they drew nearer to the vessel,
several instruments of martial music struck up, with which
they were greatly delighted. Their admiration increased on
entering on board. Accustomed only to their simple and slight
canoes, every thing here appeared wonderfully vast and compli-
cated. But when the anchor was weighed, the sails were spread,
and, aided by a gentle breeze, they beheld this vast mass, mov-
ing apparently by its own volition, veering from side to side,
and playing like a huge monster in the deep, the brother and
sister remained gazing at each other in mute astonishment. 1
Nothing seems to have filled the miud of the most stoical
savage with more wonder than that sublime and beautiful
triumph of genius, a ship under sail.
Having freighted and despatched the caravel, the Adelan-
tado made many presents to Behechio, his sister, and their
attendants, and took leave of them, to return by land with his
troops to Isabella. Anacaona showed great affliction at their
parting, entreating him to remain some time longer with them,
and appearing fearful that they had failed in their humble
attempt to please him. She even offered to follow him to the
settlement, nor would she be consoled until he had promised to
return again to Xaragua. 2
We cannot but remark the ability shown by the Adelantado
in the course of his transient government of the island. Won-
derfully alert and active, he made repeated marches of great
extent, from one remote province to another, and was always
at the post of danger at the critical moment. By skilful man-
agement, with a handful of men he defeated a formidable insur-
rection without any effusion of blood. He conciliated the most
inveterate enemies among the natives by great moderation,
> I'eter Martyr, decad. i. lib. v. Ilerrera, decud. i. lib. iii. cap. 0.
1 UuuiiicJo, vol. '.ii. p. 9.
388 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
while he deterred all wanton hostilities by the infliction of
signal punishments. He had made firm friends of the most
important chieftains, brought their dominions under cheerful
tribute, opened new sources of supplies for the colony, and pro-
cured relief from its immediate wants. Had his judicious meas-
ures been seconded by those under his command, the whole
country would have been a scene of tranquil prosperity, and
would have produced great revenues to the crowu, without
cruelty to the natives ; but, like his brother the admiral, his
good intentions and judicious arrangements were constantly
thwarted by the vile passions and perverse conduct of others.
While he was absent from Isabella, new mischiefs had been
fomented there, which were soon to throw the whole island into
confusion.
CHAPTER IV.
CONSPIRACY OF ROLDAN.
[1497.]
THE prime mover of the present mischief was one Francisco
Roldan, a man under the deepest obligations to the admiral.
Raised by him from poverty and obscurity, he had been em-
ployed at first in menial capacities ; but, showing strong natural
talents and great assiduity, he had beeu made ordinary alcalde,
equivalent to justice of the peace. The able manner in which
he acquitted himself in this situation, and the persuasion of his
great fidelity and gratitude, induced Columbus, on departing
for Spain, to appoint him alcalde mayor, or chief judge of the
island. It is true he was an uneducated man, but, as there were
as yet no intricacies of law in the colony, the office required
little else than shrewd good sense and upright principles for its
discharge. 1
Roldan was one of those base spirits which grow venomous
in the sunshine of prosperity. His benefactor had returned to
Spain apparently under a cloud of disgrace ; a long interval had
elapsed without tidings from him ; he considered him a fallen
man, and began to devise how he might profit by his downfall.
He was intrusted with an office inferior only to that of the Ade-
lantado ; the brothers of Columbus were highly unpopular ; he
1 Hcrrera, decad. i. lib. ill. cap. 1.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 389
imagined it possible to ruin them, both with the colonists and
with the government at home, and by dexterous cunning and
bustling activity, to work his way into the command of the
colony. The vigorous and somewhat austere character of the
Adelantado for some time kept him in awe ; but when he was
absent from the settlement, Roldan was able to carry on his
machinations with confidence. Don Diego, who then com-
manded at Isabella, was an upright and worthy man, but defi-
cient in energy. Roldan felt himself his superior in talent and
spirit, and his self-conceit was wounded at being inferior to him
in authority. He soon made a party among the daring and dis-
solute of the community, and secretly loosened the ties of order
and good government by listening to and encouraging the discon-
tents of the common people, and directing them against the
character and conduct of Columbus and his brothers. He had
hiTctofore been employed as superintendent of various public
works ; this brought him into familiar communication with work-
men, sailors, and others of the lower order. His originally vulgar
character enabled him to adapt himself to their intellects and
manners, while his present station gave him consequence in
their eyes. Finding them full of murmurs about hard treat-
ment, severe toil, and the long absence of the admiral, lie
affected to be moved by their distresses. He threw out sugges-
tions that the admiral might never return, being disgraced and
ruined in consequence of the representations of Aguado. He
sympathized with the hard treatment they experienced from the
Adelantado and his brother Don Diego, who, being foreigners,
could take no interest in their welfare, nor feel a proper respect
for the pride of a Spaniard ; but who used them merely as slaves,
to build houses and fortresses for them, or to swell their state
and secure their power, as they marched about the island
enriching themselves with the spoils of the caciques. By these
suggestions he exasperated their feelings to such a height, that
they had at one time formed a conspiracy to take away the life
of the Adelantado, as the only means of delivering themselves
from an odious tyrant. The time and place for the perpetration
of the act were concerted. The Adelantado had condemned to
death a Spaniard of the name of Berahona, a friend of Roldan,
and of several of the conspirators. What was his offence is
not positively stated, but from a passage in Las Casas, 1 there is
reason to believe that he was the very Spaniard who had vio-
lated the favorite wife of Guarionex, the cacique of the Vega.
1 Las Casas, Ili.-t. Ind., lib. i. cap. 118.
390 LIFE OF CUEISTOP1IER COLUMBUS.
The Adelruitado would be present at the execution. It was
ananged. therefore, that when the populace had assembled, a
tumult should be made as if by accident, and in the confusion
of the moment Don Bartholomew should be despatched with a
poniard. Fortunately for the Adelantado. he pardoned the
criminal, the assemblage did not take place, and the plan of
the conspirators was disconcerted. 1
When Don Bartholomew was absent collecting the tribute in
Xaragua, Holdan thought it was a favorable time to bring
affairs to a crisis. He had sounded the feelings of the colonists,
and ascertained that there was a large party disposed for open
sedition. His plan was to create a popular tumult, to interpose
in his official character of alcalde mayor, to throw the blame
upon the oppression and injustice of Don Diego and his brother,
and. while he usurped the reins of authority, to appear as if
actuated only by zeal for the peace and prosperity of the island,
and the interests of the sovereigns.
A pretext soon presented itself for the proposed tumult.
When the caravel returned from Xaragua laden with the Indian
tributes, and the cargo was discharged, Don Diego had the
vessel drawn up on the land, to protect it from accidents, or
from any sinister designs of the disaffected colonists. Koldan
immediately pointed this circumstance out to his partisans.
He secretly inveighed against the hardship of having this vessel
drawn on shore instead of being left afloat for the benefit of
the colony, or sent to Spain to make known their distresses.
He hinted that the true reason was the fear of the Adelantado
and his brother, lest accounts should be carried to Spain of
their misconduct, and he affirmed that they wished to remain
undisturbed masters of the island, and keep the Spaniards there
as subjects, or rather as slaves. The people took fire at these
suggestions. They had long looked forward to the completion
of the caravels as their only chance for relief ; they now insisted
that the vessel should be launched and sent to Spain for sup-
plies. Don Diego endeavored to convince them of the folly of
their demand, the vessel not being rigged and equipped for
such a voyage ; but the more he attempted to pacify them, the
more unreasonable and turbulent they became. Roldan, also,
became more bold and explicit in his instigations. He advised
them to launch and take possession of the caravel, as the only
mode of regaining their independence. They might then throw
off the tyranny of these upstart strangers, enemies in their
1 Hist. del. Aliuiiu'.ite, cap. 73.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 391
hearts to Spaniards, aud might lead a life of ease and pleasure ;
sharing equally all that they might gain by barter in the island,
employing the Indians as slaves to work for them, aud enjoying
unrestrained indulgence with respect to the Indian women. 1
Don Diego received information of what was fermenting
among the people, yet feared to come to an open rupture with
Roldan in the present mutinous state of the colony. He sud-
denly detached him, therefore, with forty men, to the Vega,
under pretext of overawing certain of the natives who had
refused to pay their tribute, and had shown a disposition to
revolt. Roldan made use of this opportunity to strengthen his
faction. He made friends and partisans among the discontented
caciques, secretl}' justifying them in their resistance to the
imposition of tribute, and promising them redress. He secured
the devotion of his own soldiers by great acts of indulgence,
disarming and dismissing such as refused full participation in
his plans, and returned with his little band to Isabella, where
he felt secure of a strong party among the common people.
The Adelantado had by this time returned from Xaragua ;
but Koldan, feeling himself at the head of a strong faction, and
arrogating to himself great authority from his official station,
now openly demanded that the caravel should be launched, or
permission given to himself and his followers to launch it.
The Adelantado peremptorily refused, observing that neither
he nor his companions were mariners, nor was the caravel
furnished and equipped for sea, and that neither the safety of
the vessel nor of the people should be endangered by their
attempt to navigate her.
Roldan perceived that his motives were suspected, and felt
that the Adelantado was too formidable an adversary to contend
with in any open sedition at Isabella. He determined, there-
fore, to carry his plans into operation in some more favorable
part of the island, always trusting to excuse any open rebellion
against the authority of Don Bartholomew, by representing it
as a patriotic opposition to his tyranny over Spaniards. He
had seventy well-armed aud determined men under his com-
mand, and he trusted, on erecting his standard, to be joined by
all the disaffected throughout the island. He set off suddenl}-,
therefore, for the Vega, intending to surprise the fortress of
Conception, and b}- getting command of that post and the rich
country adjacent, to set the Adelantado at defiance.
He stopped on his way at various Indian villages in which
1 Hist, del Aluiiraute, cap. 73.
392 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
the Spaniards were distributed, endeavoring to enlist the latter
in his party, by holding out promises of great gain and free
living. He attempted also to seduce the natives from their
allegiance, by promising them freedom from all tribute. Those
caciques with whom lie had maintained a previous understand-
ing, received him with open arms ; particularly one who had
taken the name of Diego Marque, whose village he made his
headquarters, being about two leagues from Fort Conception.
He was disappointed in his hopes of surprising the fortress.
Its commander, Miguel Ballester, was an old and staunch
soldier, both resolute and wary. He drew himself into his
stronghold on the approach of Roldan, and closed his gates.
His garrison was small, but the fortification, situated on the
side of a hill, with a river running at its foot, was proof against
any assault. Roldan had still some hopes that Ballester might
be disaffected to government, and might be gradually brought
into his plans, or that the garrison would be disposed to desert,
tempted by the licentious life which he permitted among his
followers. In the neighborhood was the town inhabited by
Guarionex. Here were quartered thirty soldiers, under the
command of Captain Garcia de Barrantes. Roldan repaired
thither with his armed force, hoping to enlist Barrantes and his
party ; but the captain shut himself up with his men in a forti-
fied house, refusing to permit them to hold any communication
with Roldan. The latter threatened to set fire to the house ;
but after a little consideration, contented himself with seizing
their store of provisions, and then marched toward Fort Con-
ception, which was not quite half a league distant. 1
1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 7. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 74.
Ertract of a letter from T. S. fffnekeii, EM/., 1847.
.Fort Conception is situated at the foot of a hill now called Santo Cerro. It is con-
Btructed of bricks, and is almost as entire at the present day as when just finished. It
stands in the gloom of an exuberant forest which has invaded the scene of former bustle
and activity; a spot ouce considered of great importance, and surrounded by swarms of
intelligent beings.
What has become of the countless multitudes this fortress was intended to awe? Xot
a trace of them remains excepting in the records of history. The silence of the tomb
Erevails where their habitations responded to their songs and dances. A few indigent
paniards, living in miserable hovels, scattered widely apart in the bosom of the forest,
are now the sole occupants of this once fruitful and beautiful region.
A Spanish town gradually grew up round the fortress, the ruins of which extend to a
considerable distance. It was destroyed by an earthquake, at nine o'clock of the morning
of Saturday, 20th April, 1564, during the celebration of mass. Part of the massive walls
of a handsome church still remain, as well as those of a very large convent or hospital,
supposed to have been constructed in pursuance of the testamentary dispositions of
Columbus. The inhabitants who survived the catastrophe retired to a small chapel, ou
the banks of a river, about a league distant, where the tiew towu of La Vega was after,
ward built.
LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 393
CHAPTER V.
THE APELANTADO REPAIRS TO THE VEGA IN RELIEF OF FORT
CONCEPTION HIS INTERVIEW WITH ROLDAN.
[1497.]
THE Aclelantado had received intelligence of the flagitious
proceedings of Roldan, yet hesitated for a time to set out in
pursuit of him. He had lost all confidence in the loyalty of
the people around him, and knew not how far the conspiracy
extended, nor on whom he could rely. Diego de Escobar,
alcayde of the fortress of La Madelena, together with Adrian
de Moxica and Pedro de Valdivieso, all principal men, were in
league with Roldan. He feared that the commander of Fort
Conception might likewise be in the plot, and the whole island
in arms against him. He was re-assured, however, by tidings
from Miguel Ballester. That loyal veteran wrote to him press-
ing letters for succor, representing the weakness of his garrison,
and the increasing forces of the rebels.
Don Bartholomew hastened to his assistance with his accus-
tomed promptness, and threw himself with a re-enforcement into
the fortress. Being ignorant of the force of the rebels, and
doubtful of the loyalty of his own followers, he determined to
adopt mild measures. Understanding that Roldan was quar-
tered at a village but half a league distant, he sent a message to
him, remonstrating on the flagrant irregularity of his conduct,
and the injury it was calculated to produce in the island, and the
certain ruin it must bring upon himself, and summoning him to
appear at the fortress, pledging his word for his personal safety.
Roldan repaired accordingly to Fort Conception, where the
Adelantado held a parley with him from a window, demanding
the reason of his appearing in arms, in opposition to royal
authority. Roldan replied boldly, that he was in the service of
his sovereigns, defending their subjects from the oppression
of men who sought their destruction. The Adelantado ordered
him to surrender his staff of office, as alcalde mayor, and to
submit peaceably to superior authority. Roldan refused to
resign his office, or to put himself in the power of Don Barthol-
omew, whom he charged with seeking his life. He refused also
to submit to any trial, unless commanded by the king. Pre-
tending, however, to make no resistance to the peaceable exercise
394 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
of authority, he offered to go with his followers, and reside at
any place the Adelantado might appoint. The latter immedi-
ately designated the village of the cacique Diego Colon, the
same native of the Lucayos Islands who had been baptized in
Spain, and had since married a daughter of Guarionex. Roldau
objected, pretending there were not sufficient provisions to be
had there for the subsistence of his men, and departed, declar-
ing that he would seek a more eligible residence elsewhere. 1
He now proposed to his followers to take possession of the
remote province of Xaragua. The Spaniards who had returned
thence gave enticing accounts of the life they had led there ; of
the fertility of the soil, the sweetness of the climate, the hos-
pitality and gentleness of the people, their feasts, dances, and
various amusements, and, above all, the beauty of the women ;
for they had been captivated by the naked charms of the dan-
cing nymphs of Xaragua. In this delightful region, emancipated
from the iron rule of the Adelantado, and relieved from the
necessity of irksome labor, they might lead a life of perfect
freedom and indulgence, and have a world of beauty at their
command. In short, Roldan drew a picture of loose sensual
enjoyment such as he knew to be irresistible with men of idle
and dissolute habits. His followers acceded with joy to his
proposition. Some preparations, however, were necessary to
carry it into effect. Taking advantage of the absence of the
Adelautado, he suddenly marched with his band to Isabella,
and entering it in a manner by surprise, endeavored to launch
the caravel, with which they might sail to Xaragua. Don
Diego Columbus, hearing the tumult, issued forth with several
cavaliers ; but such was the force of the mutineers and their
menacing conduct, that he was obliged to withdraw, with his
adherents, into the fortress. Roldan held several parleys with
him, and offered to submit to his command, provided he would
set himself up in opposition to his brother the Adelantado.
His proposition was treated with scorn. The fortress was too
strong to be assailed with success ; he found it impossible to
launch the caravel, and feared the Adelantado might return,
and he be enclosed between two forces. He proceeded, there-
fore, in all haste to make provisions for the proposed expedition
to Xaragua. Still pretending to act in his official capacity, and
to do eveiy thing from loyal motives, for the protection and
support of the oppressed subjects of the crown, he broke open
the royal warehouse, with shouts of " Long live the king!"
1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 7. Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 74.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 395
supplied his followers with arms, ammunition, clothing, and
what 'ver they desired from the public stores ; proceeded to the
enclosure where the cattle and other European animals were
kept to breed, took such as he thought necessary for his in-
tended establishment, and permitted In's followers to kill such
of the remainder as they might want for present supply. Hav-
ing committed this wasteful ravage, he inarched in triumph out
of Isabella. 1 Reflecting, however, on the prompt and vigorous
character of the Adelantado, he felt that his situation would
be but little secure with such an active enemy behind him ;
who. on extricating himself from present perplexities, would
not fail to pursue him to his proposed paradise of Xaragua.
He determined, therefore, to march again to the Vega, and
endeavor either to get possession of the person of the Adelan-
tado. or to strike some blow, in his present crippled state, that
should disable him from offering further molestation. Return-
ing, therefore, to the vicinity of Fort Conception, he endeavored
in every way, by the means of subtle emissaries, to seduce the
garrison to desertion, or to excite it to revolt.
The Adelantado dared not take the field with his forces, hav-
ing no confidence in their fidelity. He knew that they listened
wistfully to the emissaries of Roldan, and contrasted the
meagre fare and stern discipline of the garrison, with the abun-
dant cheer and easy misrule that prevailed among the rebels.
To counteract these seductions, he relaxed from his usual strict-
ness, treating his men with great indulgence, and promising
them large rewards. By these means he was enabled to main-
tain some degree of loyalty amongst his forces, his service
having the advantage over that of Roldau, of being on the side
of the government and law.
Finding his attempts to corrupt the garrison unsuccessful,
and fearing some sudden sally from the vigorous Adelantado,
Roldau drew off to a distance, and sought by insidious means
to strengthen his own power and weaken that of the govern-
ment. He asserted equal right to manage the affairs of the
island with the Adelantado, and pretended to have separated
from him on account of his being passionate and vindictive in
the exercise of his authority. He represented him as the
tyrant of the Spaniards, the oppressor of the Indians. For
himself, he assumed the character of a redresser of grievances
and champion of the injured. He pretended to feel a patriotic
indignation at the affronts heaped upon Spaniards by a family
1 Hist, del Alrairante, cap. 74. Ilerrcra, ducud. i. lib. iii. cap. 7.
306 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
of obscure and arrogant foreigners ; and professed to free the
natives from tributes wrung from them by these rapacious men
for their own enrichment, and contrary to the beneficent
intentions of the Spanish monarchs. He connected himself
closely with the Carib cacique Mauicaotex, brother of the late
Caonabo, whose son and nephew were in his possession as
hostages for payment of tributes. This warlike chieftain he
conciliated by presents and caresses, bestowing on him the
appellation of brother. 1 The unhappy natives, deceived by his
professions, and overjoyed at the idea of having a protector in
arms for their defence, submitted cheerfully to a thousand
impositions, supplying his followers with provisions in abun-
dance, and bringing to Roldan all the gold they could collect;
voluntarily yielding him heavier tributes than those from which
he pretended to free them.
The affairs of the island were now in a lamentable situation.
The Indians, perceiving the dissensions among the white men,
and encouraged by the protection of Roldan, began to throw
off all allegiance to the government. The caciques at a dis-
tance ceased to send in their tributes, and those who were in
the vicinity were excused by the Adelantado, that by indul-
gence he might retain their friendship in this time of danger.
Roldan's faction daily gained strength ; they ranged insolently
and at large in the open country, and were supported by the
misguided natives ; while the Spaniards who remained loyal,
fearing conspiracies among the natives, had to keep under
shelter of the fort, or in the strong houses which they had
erected in the villages. The commanders were obliged to palli-
ate all kinds of slights and indignities, both from their soldiers
and from the Indians, fearful of driving them to sedition by
any severity. The clothing and munitions of all kinds, either
for maintenance or defence, were rapidly wasting away, and
the want of all supplies or tidings from Spain was sinking the
spirits of the well-affected into despondency. The Adelantado
was shut up in Fort Conception, in daily expectation of being
openly besieged by Roldan, and was secretly informed that
means were taken to destroy him, should he issue from the
walls of the fortress. 2
Such was the desperate state to which the colony was reduced,
in consequence of the long detention of Columbus in Spain,
and the impediments thrown in the way of all his measures for
the benefit of the island by the delays of cabinets and the chi-
1 Las ( ';i-:ts, Hist. I ml., lib. i. cap. 118. - Las Casas, Hist. I ml., lib. i. cap. 119.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 397
canery of Fonscca and his satellites. At this critical juncture,
when faction reigned triumphant, and the colony was on the
brink of ruin, tidings were brought to the Vega that Pedro
Fernandez Coronal had arrived at the port of San Domingo,
with two ships, bringing supplies of all kinds, and a strong
re-enforceineut. 1
CHAPTER VI.
SECOND INSURRECTION OF GUARIONEX, AND HIS FLIGHT TO THE
MOUNTAINS OF CIGUAY.
[1498.]
THE arrival of Coronal, which took place on the third of
February, was the salvation of the colony. The re-enforce-
ments of troops, and of supplies of all kinds, strengthened the
hands of Don Bartholomew. The royal confirmation of his
title and authority as Adelantado at once dispelled all doubts
as to the legitimacy of his power; and the tidings that the
admiral was in high favor at court, and would soon arrive with
a powerful squadron, struck consternation into those who
had entered into the rebellion on the presumption of his having
fallen into disgrace.
The Adelantado no longer remained mewed up in his fortress,
but set out immediately for San Domingo with a part of his
troops, although a much superior rebel force was at the village
of the cacique Guarionex, at a very short distance. Roldan
followed slowly and gloomily with his party, anxious to ascer-
tain the truth of these tidings, to make partisans, if possible,
among those who had newly arrived, and to take advantage of
every circumstance that might befriend his rash and hazardous
projects. The Adelantado left strong guards on the passes of
the roads to prevent his near approach to San Domingo, but
Roldan paused within a few leagues of the place.
When the Adelantado found himself secure in San Domingo
with this augmentation of force, and the prospect of a still
greater re-enforcement at hand, his magnanimity prevailed over
his indignation, and he sought by gentle means to allay the
popular seditions that the island might be restored to tranquil-
lity before his brother's arrival. He considered that the colo-
1 Las Casa. lien-era, Iliet. del Almirante.
398 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
nists had suffered greatly from the want of supplies ; that their
discontents had been heightened by the severities he had been
compelled to inflict ; and that many had been led to rebellion
by doubts of the legitimacy of his authority. While therefore
he proclaimed the royal act sanctioning his title and powers,
he promised amnest}' for all past offences, on condition of im-
mediate return to allegiance. Hearing that Roldan was within
five leagues of San Domingo with his band, he sent Pedro Fer-
nandez Coronal, who had been appointed by the sovereigns
alguazil mayor of the island, to exhort him to obedience, prom-
ising him oblivion of the past. He trusted that the representa-
tions of a discreet and honorable man like Coronal, who had
been witness of the favor in which his brother stood in Spain,
would convince the rebels of the hopelessness of their course.
Roldan, however, conscious of his guilt, and doubtful of the
clemency of Don Bartholomew, feared to venture within his
power ; he determined also to prevent his followers from com-
municating with Coronal, lest they should be seduced from him
by the promise of pardon. When that emissary, therefore, ap-
proached the encampment of the rebels, he was opposed in a
narrow pass by a body of archers, with their cross-bows lev-
elled. 4 ' Halt there ! traitor ! " cried Roldan ; " had \ - ou arrived
eight days later, we should all have been united as cne man." 1
In vain Coronal endeavored by fair reasoning and earnest
entreaty to win this perverse and turbulent man from his
career. Roldan answered with hardihood and defiance, pro-
fessing to oppose only the tyranny and misrule of the Adelan-
tado. but to be ready to submit to the admiral on his arrival.
He and several of his principal confederates wrote letters to
the same effect to their friends in San Domingo, urging them
to plead their cause with the admiral when he should arrive,
and to assure him of their disposition to acknowledge his
authority.
When Coronal returned with accounts of Roldan 's contu-
macy, the Adelantado proclaimed him and his followers trai-
tors. That shrewd rebel, however, did not suffer his men to
remain within either the seduction of promise or the terror of
menace ; he immediately set out on his march for his promised
land of Xaragua, trusting to impair every honest principle and
virtuous tie of his misguided followers by a life of indolence
and lihertinage.
In the mean time the mischievous effects of his intriues
1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 8.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 399
N
among the caciques became more and more apparent. No
sooner had the Adelantado left Fort Conception than a conspir-
acy was formed among the natives to surprise it. Guarionex
was at the head of this conspiracy, moved by the instigations
of Roldan, who had promised him protection and assistance,
and led on by the forlorn hope, in this distracted state of the
Spanish forces, of relieving his paternal domains from the in-
tolerable domination of usurping strangers. Holding secret
communications with his tributary caciques, it was concerted
that they should all rise simultaneously and massacre the sol-
diery quartered in small parties in their villages ; while he, with
a chosen force, should surprise the fortress of Conception.
The night of the full moon was fixed upon for the insurrection.
One of the principal caciques, however, not being a correct
observer of the heavenly bodies, took up arms before the ap-
pointed night, and was repulsed by the soldiers quartered in
his village. The alarm was given, and the Spaniards were all
put on the alert. The cacique fled to Guarionex for protection,
but the chieftain, enraged at his fatal blunder, put him to death
upon the spot.
No sooner did the Adelantado hear of this fresh conspiracy
than he put himself on the march for the Vega with a strong
body of men. Guariouex did not await his coming. He saw
that every attempt was fruitless to shake off these strangers,
who had settled like a curse upon his territories. He had found
their very friendship withering and destructive, and he now
dreaded their vengeance. Abandoning, therefore, his rightful
domain, the once happy Vega, he fled with his family and a
small band of faithful followers to the mountains of Ciguay.
This is a lofty chain, extending along the north side of the
island, between the Vega and the sea. The inhabitants were
the most robust and hardy tribe of the island, and far more
formidable than the mild inhabitants of the plains. It was a
part of this tribe which displayed hostility to the Spaniards in
the course of the first voyage of Columbus, and in a skirmish
with them in the Gulf of Samana the first drop of native blood
had been shed in the New World. The reader may remember
the frank and confiding conduct of these people the day after
the skirmish, and the intrepid faith with which their cacique
trusted himself on board of the caravel of the admiral, and in
the power of the Spaniards. It was to this same cacique,
named Mayobanex, that the fugitive chieftain of the Vega now
applied for refuge. He came to his residence at an Indian
town near Cape Cabrou, about forty leagues east of Isabella,
400 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
and implored shelter for his wife and children, and his handful
of loyal followers. The noble-minded cacique of the mountains
received him with open arms. He not only gave an asylum
to his family, but engaged to stand by him in his distress, to
defend his cause, and share his desperate fortunes. 1 Men in
civilized life learn magnanimity from precept, but their most
generous actions are often rivalled by the deeds of untutored
savages, who act only from natural impulse.
CHAPTER VII.
CAMPAIGN OF THE ADELANTADO IN THE MOUNTAINS OF CIGUAT.
[1498.]
AIDED by his mountain ally, and by bands of hardy Cigu-
ayans, Guarionex made several descents into the plain, cutting
off straggling parties of the Spaniards, laying waste the villages
of the natives which continued in allegiance to them, and
destroying the fruits of the earth. The Adelantado put a
speedy stop to these molestations ; but he determined to root
out so formidable an adversary from the neighborhood. Shrink-
ing from no danger nor fatigue, and leaving nothing to be done
by others which he could do himself, he set forth in the spring
with a band of ninety men, a few cavalry, and a body of In-
dians, to penetrate the Ciguay mountains.
After passing a steep defile, rendered almost impracticable
for troops by rugged rocks and exuberant vegetation, he de-
scended into a beautiful valley or plain, extending along the
coast, and embraced by arms of the mountains which ap-
proached the sea. His advance into the country was watched
by the keen eyes of Indian scouts, who lurked among rocks
and thickets. As th,e Spaniards were seeking the ford of a
river at the entrance of the plain, two of these spies darted
from among the bushes on its bank. One flung himself head-
long into the water, and swimming across the mouth of the
river escaped ; the other being taken, gave information that six
thousand Indians lay in ambush on the opposite shore, waiting
to attack them as they crossed.
The Adelantado advanced with caution, and finding a shallow
1 Las Casas, Hist. lud , cap. 121, MS. Peter Martyr, decad. i. cap. 5.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 401
place, entered the river with his troops. They were scarcely
midway in the stream when the savages, hideously painted,
and looking more like fiends than men, burst from their con-
cealment. The forests rang with their yells and bowlings.
They discharged a shower of arrows and lances, by which, not-
withstanding the protection of their targets, many of the Span-
iards were wounded. The Adelantado, however, forced his way
across the river, and the Indians took to flight. Some were
killed, but their swiftness of foot, their knowledge of the forest,
and their dexterity in winding through the most tangled thick-
ets, enabled the greater number to elude the pursuit of the
Spaniards, who were encumbered with armor, targets, cross-
bows, and lances.
By the advice of one of his Indian guides, the Adelantado
pressed forward along the valley to reach the residence of
Mayobanex, at Cabron. In the way he had several skirmishes
with the natives, who would suddenly rush forth with furious
war-cries from ambuscades among the bushes, discharge their
weapons, and take refuge again in the fastness of their rocks
and forests, inaccessible to the Spaniards.
Having taken several prisoners, the Adelantado sent one
accompanied by an Indian of a friendly tribe, as a messenger
to Mayobanex, demanding the surrender of Guarionex ; prom-
ising friendship and protection in case of compliance, but
threatening, in case of refusal, to lay waste his territory with
fire and sword. The cacique listened attentively to the mes-
senger : ' Tell the Spaniards," said he in reply, " that they
are bad men, cruel and tyrannical ; usurpers of the territories
of others, and shedders of innocent blood. I desire not the
friendship of such men ; Guarionex is a good man, be is my
friend, he is my guest, be has fled to me for refuge, I have
promised to protect him, and I will keep my word."
This magnanimous reply, or rather defiance, convinced the
Adelantado that nothing was to be gained by friendly over-
tures. When severity was required, he could be a stern sol-
dier. He immediately ordered the village in which he had been
quartered, and several others in the neighborhood, to be set on
fire. He then sent further messengers to Mayobanex warning
him that, unless he delivered up the fugitive cacique, his whole
dominions should be laid waste in like manner; and he would
see nothing in every direction but the smoke and flames of
burning villages. Alarmed at this impending destruction, the
Ciguayans surrounded their chieftain with clamorous lamenta-
tions, cursing the day that Guariouex had taken refuge among
402 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
them, and urging that he should be given up for the salvation
of the country. The generous cacique was inflexible. He
reminded them of the many virtues of Guarionex and the sacred
claims he had on their hospitality, and declared he would abide
all evils rather than it should ever be said Mayobauex had
betrayed his guest.
The people retired with sorrowful hearts, and the chieftain,
summoning Guariouex into his presence, again pledged his
woid to protect him, though it should cost him his dominions,
lie sent no reply to the Adelantado, and lest further messages
might tempt the fidelity of his subjects, he placed men in am-
bush, with orders to slay any messenger who might approach.
They had not lain in wait long before they beheld two men
advancing through the forest, one of whom was a captive
Ciguayan, and the other an Indian ally of the Spaniards.
They were both instantly slain. The Adelantado was following
at no great distance, with only ten foot soldiers and four horse-
men. When he found his messengers lying dead in the forest
path, transfixed with arrows, he was greatly exasperated, and
resolved to deal rigorously with this obstinate tribe. He
advanced, therefore, with all his force to Cabron, where Mayo-
banex and his army were quartered. At his approach the
inferior caciques and their adherents fled, overcome by terror of
the Spaniards. Finding himself thus deserted, Mayobanex
took refuge with his family in a secret part of the mountains.
Several of the Ciguayans sought for Guarionex, to kill him or
deliver him up as a propitiatory offering, but he fled to the
heights, where he wandered about alone, in the most savage
and desolate places.
The density of the forests and the ruggedness of the moun-
tains rendered this expedition excessively painful and laborious,
and protracted it far beyond the time that the Adelantado had
contemplated. His men suffered, not merely from fatigue,
but hunger. The natives had all fled to the mountains ; their
villages remained empty and desolate ; all the provisions of the
Spaniards consisted of cassava bread, and such roots and herbs
as their Indian allies could gather tor them, with now and then
a few utias, taken with the assistance of their dogs. They slept
almost always on the ground, in the open air, under the trees,
exposed to the heavy dew which falls in this climate. For three
months they were thus ranging the mountains ; until almost
worn out with toil and hard fare. Many of them had farms in
the neighborhood of Fort Conception, which required their
attention; they, therefore, entreated permission, since the
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 403
Indians were terrified and dispersed, to return to their abodes
in the Vega.
The Adelantado granted many of them passports, and an
allowance out of the scanty stock of bread which remained.
Retaining only thirty men, he resolved with these to search
every den and cavern of the mountains until he should find the
two caciques. It was difficult, however, to trace them in such
a wilderness. There was no one to give a clew to their retreat,
for the whole country was abandoned. There were the habita-
tions of men, but not a human being to be seen ; or if, by
chance, they caught some wretched Indian stealing forth from
the mountains in quest of food, he always professed utter ignor-
ance of the hiding-place of the caciques.
It happened, one day, however, that several Spaniards, while
hunting utias, captured two of the followers of Mayobanex who
were on their way to a distant village in search of bread. They
were taken to the Adelantado, who compelled them to betray
the place of concealment of their chieftain, and to act as guides.
Twelve Spaniards volunteered to go in quest of him. Stripping
themselves naked< staining and painting their bodies so as to
look like Indians, and covering their swords with palm-leaves,
they were conducted by the guides to the retreat of the unfortu-
nate Mayobanex. They came secretly upon him, and found
him surrounded by his wife and children and a few of his house-
hold, totally unsuspicious of danger. Drawing their swords,
the Spaniards rushed upon them and made them all prisoners.
When they were brought to the Adelautado, he gave up all
further search after Guarionex, and returned to Fort Conception.
Among the prisoners thus taken was the sister of Mayobanex.
She was the wife of another cacique of the mountains, whose
territories had never yet been visited by the Spaniards ; and
she was reputed to be one of the most beautiful women of the
island. Tenderly attached to her brother, she had abandoned
the security of her own dominions, and had followed him among
rocks and precipices, participating in all his hardships, and
comforting him with a woman's sympathy and kindness. When
her husband heard of her captivity, he hastened to the Adelan-
tado and offered to submit himself and all his possessions to
his sway, if his wife might be restored to him. The Adelantado
accepted his offer of allegiance, and released his wife and
several of his subjects who had been captured. The cacique,
faithful to his word, became a firm and valuable ally of the
Spaniards, cultivating large tracts of land, and supplying them
with great quantities of bread and other provisions.
404 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Kindness appeal's never to have been lost upon the people of
this island. When this act of clemency reached the Ciguayans,
they canie in multitudes to the fortress, bringing presents of
various kinds, promising allegiance, and imploring the release
of Mayobauex and his family. The Adelautado granted their
prayers in part, releasing the wife and household of the cacique,
but still detaining him prisoner to insure the fidelity of his
subjects.
In the mean time, the unfortunate Guarionex, who had been
hiding in the wildest parts of the mountains, was driven by
hunger to venture down occasionally into the plain in quest of
food. The Ciguayaus looking upon him as the cause of their
misfortunes, and perhaps hoping by his sacrifice to procure the
release of their chieftain, betrayed his haunts to the Adelan-
tado. A party was despatched to secure him. They lay in
wait in the path by which he usually returned to the mountains.
As the unhappy cacique, after one of his famished excursions,
was returning to his den among the cliffs, he was surprised by
the lurking Spaniards, and brought in chains to Fort Concep-
tion. After his repeated insurrections, and. the extraordinary
zeal and perseverance displayed in his pursuit, Guarionex
expected nothing less than death from the vengeance of the
Adelantado. Don Bartholomew, however, though stern in his
policy, was neither vindictive nor cruel in his nature. He con-
sidered the tranquillity of the Vega sufficiently secured by the
captivity of the cacique ; and ordered him to be detained as a
prisoner and hostage in the fortress. The Indian hostilities in
this important part of the island being thus brought to a con-
clusion, and precautions taken to prevent their recurrence, Don
Bartholomew returned to the city of San Domingo, where,
shortly after his arrival, he had the happiness of receiving his
brother, the admiral, after nearly two years and six mouths'
absence. 1
Such was the active, intrepid, and sagacious, but turbulent
and disastrous administration of the Adelantado, in which we
find evidences of the great capacity, the mental and bodily
vigor of this self-formed and almost self-taught man. He
united, in a singular degree, the sailor, the soldier, and the
legislator. Like his brother, the admiral, his mind and man-
ners rose immediately to the level of his situation, showing no
arrogance nor ostentation, and exercising the sway of sudden
1 The particulars of this chapter are chit-fly from 1 J . Martyr, decad. i. lib. vi.: the
manuscript history of Lad C'asaa, lib. i. cap. 121; and Ilerrera, Ili.-t. lud., decad. i.
lib. ili. cap. 8, 9.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 405
and extraordinary power, with the sobriety and moderation of
one who had been born to rule. He has been accused of
severity in his government, but no instance appears of a cruel
or wanton abuse of authority. If he was stern toward the
factious Spaniards, he was just ; the disasters of his adminis-
tration were not produced by his own rigor, but by the perverse
passions of others, which called for its exercise ; and the ad-
miral, who had more suavity of manner and benevolence of
heart, was not more fortunate in conciliating the good-will and
insuring the obedience of the colonists. The merits of Don
Bartholomew do not appear to have been sufficiently appreci-
ated by the world. His portrait has been suffered to remain
too much in the shade ; it is worthy of being brought into the
light, as a companion to that of his illustrious brother. Less
amiable and engaging, perhaps, in its lineaments, and less
characterized by magnanimity, its traits are nevertheless bold,
geuerous, and heroic, aud stamped with iron firmness.
BOOK XII.
CHAPTER I.
CONFUSION IN THE ISLAND PROCEEDINGS OF THE REBELS AT
XARAGUA.
[August 30, 1498.]
COLUMBUS arrived at San Domingo, wearied by a long and
arduous vo3 - age, and worn down by infirmities ; both mind
and body craved repose, but from the time he first entered into
public life he had been doomed never again to taste the sweets
of tranquillity. The island of Hispaniola, the favorite child,
as it were, of his hopes, was destined to involve him in per-
petual troubles, to fetter his fortunes, impede his enterprises,
and imbitter the conclusion of his life. What a scene of
poverty and suffering had this opulent and lovely island been
rendered by the bad passions of a few despicable men ! The
wars with the natives and the seditions among the colonists
had put a stop to the labors of the mines, and all hopes of
wealth were at an end. The horrors of famine had succeeded
to those of war. The cultivation of the earth had been gen-
erally neglected ; several of the provinces had been desolated
during the late troubles ; a great part of the Indians had fled
to the mountains, and those who remained had lost all heart to
labor, seeing the produce of their toils liable to be wrested
from them by ruthless strangers. It is true, the Vega was
once more tranquil, but it was a desolate tranquillity. That
beautiful region, which the Spaniards but four years before
had found so populous and happy, seeming to enclose in its
luxuriant bosom all the sweets of nature, and to exclude all
the cares and sorrows of the world, was now a scene of wretch-
edness and repining. Many of those Indian towns, where the
Spaniards had been detained by genial hospitality, and almost
worshipped as beneficent deities, were now silent and deserted.
406
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 407
Some of their late inhabitants were lurking among rocks and
caverns ; some were reduced to slavery ; many had perished
with hunger, and many had fallen by the sword. It seems
almost incredible, that so small a number of men, restrained
too by well-meaning governors, could in so short a space of
time have produced such wide-spreading miseries. But the
principles of evil have a fatal activity. With every exertion,
the best of men can do but a moderate amount of good ; but it
seems in the power of the most contemptible individual to do
incalculable mischief.
The evil passions of the white men which had inflicted such
calamities upon this innocent people, had insured likewise a
merited return of suffering to themselves. In no part was this
more truly exemplified than among the inhabitants of Isabella,
the most idle, factious, and dissolute of the island. The public
works were unfinished ; the gardens and fields they had begun
to cultivate lay neglected ; they had driven the natives from
their vicinity by extortion and cruelty, and had rendered the
country around them a solitary wilderness. Too idle to labor,
and destitute of any resources with which to occupy their
indolence, they quarrelled among themselves, mutinied against
their rulers, and wasted their time in alternate riot and des-
pondency. Many of the soldiery quartered about the island
had suffered from ill health during the late troubles, being
shut up in Indian villages where they could take no exercise,
and obliged to subsist on food to which the}' could not accustom
themselves. Those actively employed had been worn down by
hard service, long marches, and scanty food. Many of them
were broken in constitution, and many had perished by disease.
There was a universal desire to leave the island, and escape from
miseries created by themselves. Yet this was the favored and
fruitful land to which the eyes of philosophers and poets in
Europe were fondly turned, as realizing the pictures of the
golden age. So true it is that the fairest Elysium fancy ever
devised would be turned into a purgatory by the passions of
bad men !
One of the first measures of Columbus on his arrival was to
Issue a proclamation approving of all the measures of the
Adelantado, and denouncing Roldan and his associates. That
turbulent man had taken possession of Xaragua, and been
kindly received by the natives. He had permitted his fol-
lowers to lead an idle and licentious life among its beautiful
scenes, making the surrounding country and its inhabitants
subservient to their pleasures and their passiotis. An event
408 LIFE OF CHRISTOPUER COLUMBUS.
happened previous to their knowledge of the arrival of Colum-
bus, which threw supplies into their hands and strengthened
thc'ir power. As they were one day loitering on the sea-shore,
they beheld three caravels at a distance, the sight of which, in
this unfrequented part of the ocean, filled them with wonder
and alarm. The ships approached the laud and came to anchor.
The rebels apprehended at first they were vessels despatched in
pursuit of them. Roldan, however, who was sagacious as he
was bold, surmised them to be ships which had wandered
from their course, and been borne to the westward by the
currents, and that they must be ignorant of the recent occur-
rences of the island. Enjoining secrecy on his men he went on
board, pretending to be stationed in that neighborhood for the
purpose of keeping the natives in obedience, and collecting
tribute. His conjectures as to the vessels were correct. They
were, in fact, the three caravels detached by Columbus from
his squadron at the Canary Islands, to bring supplies to the
colonies. The captains, ignorant of the strength of the cur-
rents, which set through the Caribbean Sea, had been carried
west far beyond their reckoning until they had wandered to the
coast of Xaragua.
Roldan kept his secret closely for three days. Being consid-
ered a man in important trust and authority, the captains did
not hesitate to grant all his requests for supplies. He procured
swords, lances, cross-bows, and various military stores ; while
his men dispersed through the three vessels, were busy among
the crews, secretly making partisans, representing the hard
life of the colonists at San Domingo, and the ease and revelry
in which they passed their time at Xaragua. Many of the
crews had been shipped in compliance with the admiral's ill-
judged proposition, to commute criminal punishments into
transportation to the colony. They were vagabonds, the refuse
of Spanish towns, and culprits from Spanish dungeons ; the
very men, therefore, to be wrought upon by such representa-
tions, and they promised to desert on the first opportunity and
join the rebels.
It was not until the third day that Alonzo Sanchez de Carva-
jal, the most intelligent of the three captains, discovered the
real character of the guests he had admitted so freely on board
of his vessels. It was then too late ; the mischief was effected.
He and his fellow-captains had man}- earnest conversations
with Roldan. endeavoring to persuade him from his dangerous
opposition to the regular authority. The certainty that Colum-
bus was actually on his way to the island, with additional forces
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 409
and augmented authority, had operated strongl}- on his mind;
He had, as has already been intimated, prepared his friends at
San Domingo to plead his cause with the admiral, assuring him
that he only acted in opposition to the injustice and oppression
of the Adelantado, but was ready to submit to Columbus on his
arrival. Carvajal perceived that the resolution of Roldan and
uf several of his principal confederates was shaken, and flattered
uimself that, if he were to remain some little time among the
rebels, he might succeed in drawing them back to their duty.
Contrary winds rendered it impossible for the ships to work
up against the currents to San Domingo. It was arranged
among the captains, therefore, that a large number of the
people on board, artificers and others most important to the
service of the colony, should proceed to the settlement by land.
They were to be conducted by Juan Antonio Colombo, captain
of one of the caravels, a relative of the admiral, and zealously
devoted to his interests. Arana was to proceed with the ships,
when the wind would permit, and Carvajal volunteered to
remain on shore to endeavor to bring the rebels to their alle-
giance.
On the following morning Juan Antonio Colombo landed with
forty men well armed with cross-bows, swords, and lances, but
was astonished to find himself suddenly deserted by all his party
excepting eight. The deserters went off to the rebels, who re-
ceived with exultation this important re-enforcement of kindred
spirits. Juan Antonio endeavored in vain by remonstrances and
threats to bring them back to their duty. They were most of
them convicted culprits, accustomed to detest order, and to set
law at defiance. It was equally in vain that he appealed to Kol-
dan, and reminded him of his professions of loyalty to the govern-
ment. The latter replied that he had no means of enforcing
obedience : his was a mere " Monastery of Observation," where
every one was at liberty to adopt the habit of the order. Such
was the first of a long train of evils, which sprang from this
most ill-judged expedient of peopling a colony with criminals,
and thus mingling vice and villauy with the fouutaiu-head of its
population.
Juan Antonio, grieved and disconcerted, returned on l>oard
with the few who remained faithful. Fearing further deser-
tions, the two captains immediately put to sea, leaving Carva-
jal on shore to prosecute his attempt at reforming the rebels.
It was not without great difficulty and delay that the vessels
reached San Domingo ; the ship of Carvajal having struck on
a sand-bank, and sustained great injury. By the time of their
410 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
arrival, the greater part of the provisions with which they had
been freighted was either exhausted or damaged. Alonzo San-
chez de Carvajal arrived shortly afterward by land, having
been escorted to within six leagues of the place by several of
the insurgents, to protect him from the Indians. He failed in
his attempt to persuade the band to immediate submission ;
but Roldan had promised that the moment he heard of the
arrival of Columbus he would repair to the neighborhood of San
Domingo, to be at hand to state his grievances, and the reasons
of his past conduct, and to enter into a negotiation for the
adjustment of all differences. Carvajal brought a letter from
him to the admiral to the same purport, and expressed a confi-
dent opinion, from all that he observed of the rebels, that they
might easily be brought back to their allegiance by an assurance
of amnesty. 1
CHAPTER IT.
NEGOTIATION OF THE ADMIRAL WITH THE REBELS DEPARTURE
OF SHIPS FOR SPAIN.
[1498 ]
NOTWITHSTANDING the favorable representations of Carvajal,
Columbus was greatly troubled by the late event at Xaragua.
He saw that the insolence of the rebels and their confidence in
their strength must be greatly increased by the accession of
such a large number of well-armed and desperate confederates.
The proposition of Roldan to approach to the neighborhood of
San Domingo startled him. He doubted the sincerity of his
professions, and apprehended great evils and dangers from so
artful, daring, and turbulent a leader, with a rash and devoted
crew at his command. The example of this lawless horde,
roving at larga about the island, and living in loose revel and
open profligacy, could not but have a dangerous effect upon
the colonists newly arrived ; and when they were close at hand,
to carry on secret intrigues, and to hold out a camp of refuge
to all malcontents, the loyalty of the whole colony might be
sapped and undermined.
Some measures were immediately necessary to fortify the
fidelity of the people against such seductions. He was aware
1 Las Casas, lib. i. cap. 149, 150. Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 12. Hist, del Almi
rmnte, cap. 77.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 411
of a vehement desire among man}- to return to Spain ; and of
an assertion industriously propagated by the seditious, that he
aud his brothel's wished to detain the colonists on the island
through motives of self-interest. On the 12th of September,
therefore, he issued a proclamation, offering free passage and
provisions for the voyage to all who wished to return to Spain,
in five vessels nearly ready to put to sea. He hoped by this
means to relieve the colony from the idle and disaffected ; to
weaken the party of Roldau, and to retain none about him but
such as were sound-hearted aud well-disi>osed.
He wrote at the same time to Miguel Ballester, the stanch
and well-tried veteran who commanded the fortress of Concep-
tion, advising him to be upon his guard, as the rebels were
coming into his neighborhood. He empowered him also to have
an interview with Roldau ; to offer him pardon and oblivion of
the past, on condition of his immediate return to duty ; and to
invite him to repair to San Domingo to have an interview with
the admiral under a solemn, and, if required, a written as-
surance from the latter, of personal safety. Columbus was
sincere in his intentions. He was of a benevolent and placable
disposition, and singularly free from all vindictive feeling toward
the many worthless aud wicked men who heaped sorrow on his
head.
Ballester had scarcely received this letter when the rebels
began to arrive at the village of Bonao. This was situated in a
beautiful valley, or Vega, bearing the same name, about ten
leagues from Fort Conception, and about twenty from San
Domingo, in a well-peopled and abundant country. Here Pedro
Requelme, one of the ringleaders of the sedition, had large pos-
sessions, and his residence became the headquarters of the
rebels. Adrian de Moxica,a man of turbulent and mischievous
character, brought his detachment of dissolute ruffians to this
place of rendezvous. Roldan and others of the conspirators
drew together there by different routes.
No sooner did the veteran Miguel Ballester hear of the arri-
val of Roldan than he set forth to meet him. Ballester was a
venerable man, gray-headed, and of a soldier-like demeanor.
Loyal, frank, and virtuous, of a serious disposition, and great
simplicity of heart, he was well chosen as a mediator with rash
and profligate men ; being calculated to calm their passions by
his sobriety ; to disarm their petulance by his age ; to win their
confidence \>y his artless probity ; and to awe their licentiousness
by his spotless virtue. 1
i Lan Caaas, Hut. lud., lib. i. cap. 153.
412 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Ballester found Roldan in company with Pedro Requelme,
Pedro de Gamez, and Adrian de Moxica, three of his principal
confederates. Flushed with a confidence of his present strength,
Roldan treated the proffered pardon with contempt, declaring
that he did not come there to treat of peace, but to demand the
release of certain Indians captured unjustifiably, and about to
be shipped to Spain as slaves, notwithstanding that he, in his
capacity of alcalde mayor, had pledged his word for their pro-
tection. He declared that, until these Indians were given up,
he would listen to no terms of compact ; throwing out an inso-
lent intimation at the same time, that he held the admiral and
his fortunes in his hand, to make and mar them as he pleased.
The Indians here alluded to were certain subjects of Guario-
nex, who had been incited by Roldan to resist the exaction of
tribute, and who, under the sanction of his supposed authority,
had engaged in the insurrections of the Vega. Roldan knew
that the enslavement of the Indians was an unpopular feature
in the government of the island, especially with the queen ; and
the artful character of this man is evinced in his giving his op-
position to Columbus the appearance of a vindication of the
rights of the suffering islanders. Other demands were made of
a highly insolent nature, and the rebels declared that, in all fur-
ther negotiations, they would treat with no other intermediate
agent than Carvajal, having had proofs of his fairness and im-
partiality in the course of their late communications with him
at Xaragua.
This arrogant reply to his proffer of pardon was totally dif-
ferent from what the admiral had been led to expect, and
placed him in an embarrassing situation. He seemed sur-
rounded by treachery and falsehood. He knew that Roldan had
friends and secret partisans even among those who professed
'to remain faithful ; and he knew not how far the ramifications
of the conspiracy might extend. A circumstance soon oc-
curred to show the justice of his apprehensions. He ordered
the men of San Domingo to appear under arms, that he might
ascertain the force with which he could take the field in case of
necessity. A report was immediately circulated that they were
to be led to Bonao against the rebels. Not above seventy men
appeared under arms, and of these not forty were to be relied
upon. One affected to be lame, another ill ; some had relations,
and others had friends among the followers of lioldau ; almost
all were disaffected to the service. 1
1 Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 78.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 413
Columbus saw that a resort to arms would betray his own
weakness and the power of the rebels, and completely prostrate
the dignity and authority of government. It was necessary to
temporize, therefore, however humiliating such conduct might
be deemed. He detained the live ships for eighteen days in port,
hoping in some way to have put an end to this rebellion, so as
to send home favorable accounts of the island to the sovereigns.
The provisions of the ships, however, were wasting. The In-
dian prisoners on board were suffering and perishing ; several
of them threw themselves overboard, or were suffocated with
heat in the holds of the vessels. He was anxious also that as
many of the discontented colonists as possible should make sail
for Spain before any commotion should take place.
On the 18th of October, therefore, the ships put to sea. 1
Columbus wryte to the sovereigns an account of the rebellion,
and of his proffered pardon being refused. As Roldan pre-
tended that it was a mere quarrel between him and the Adelan-
tado, of which the admiral was not an impartial judge, the latter
entreated that Roldan might be summoned to Spain, where the
sovereigns might be his judges ; or that an investigation might
take place in presence of Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal, who \\ as
friendly to Roldan, and of Miguel Ballester, as witness on the
part of the Adelantado. He attributed, in a great measure, the
troubles of this island to his own long detention in Spain, and
the delays thrown in his way by those appointed to assist him,
who had retarded the departure of the ships with supplies, until
the colony had been reduced to the greatest scarcity. Hence
had arisen discontent, murmuring, and finally rebellion. He
entreated the sovereigns, in the most pressing manner, that the
affairs of the colony might not be neglected, and those at
Seville, who had charge of its concerns, might be instructed at
least not to devise impediments instead of assistance. He al-
luded to his chastisement of the contemptible Ximeno Breviesca,
the insolent minion of Fonseca, and entreated that neither that
nor an\' other circumstance might be allowed to prejudice him
in the royal favor, through the misrepresentations of designing
men. He assured them that the natural resources of the island
required nothing but good management to supply all the wants
of the colonists ; but that the latter were indolent and profli-
gate. He proposed to send home by every ship, as in the pres-
ent instance, a number of the discontented and worthless, to be
replaced by sober and industrious men. He begged also that
1 In one of thece ship* sailed the father of the venerable historian, Las Casas, from
whom he derived uiauy of llie facts of his history. Lao Cu.-us, lib. i. cap. 153.
414 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
ecclesiastics might be sent out for the instruction and conver-
sion of the Indians ; and, what was equally necessary, for the
reformation of the dissolute Spaniards. He required also a man
learned in the law to officiate as judge over the island, together
with several officers of the royal revenue. Nothing could sur-
pass the soundness and policy of these suggestions ; but unfor-
tunately one clause marred the moral beauty of this excellent
letter. Me requested that for two years longer the Spaniards
might be permitted to employ the Indians as slaves ; only mak-
ing use of such, however, as were captured in wars and insur-
rections. Columbus had the usage of the age in excuse for his
suggestion ; but it is at variance with his usual benignity of
feeling, and his paternal conduct toward these unfortunate
people.
At the same time he wrote another letter, giving an account
of his recent voyage, accompanied by a chart, and by speci-
mens of the gold, and particularly of the pearls found in the
Gulf of Paria. He called especial attention to the latter as
being the first specimens of pearls found in the New World. It
was in this letter that he described the newly discovered conti-
nent in such enthusiastic terms as the most favored part of the
East, the source of inexhaustible treasures, the supposed seat
of the terrestrial paradise ; and he promised to prosecute the
discovery of its glorious realms with the three remaining ships
as soon as the affairs of the island should permit.
By this opportunity Rolclan and his friends likewise sent let-
ters to Spain, endeavoring to justify their rebellion by charging
Columbus and his brothers with oppression and injustice, and
painting their whole conduct in the blackest colors. It would
naturally be supposed that the representations of such men
would have little weight in the balance against the tried merits
and exalted services of Columbus ; but they had numerous
friends and relatives in Spain ; they had the popular prejudice
on their side, and there were designing persons in the confidence
of the sovereigns ready to advocate their cause. Columbus, to
use his own simple but effecting words, was " absent, envied,
and a stranger." 1
1 Las Casae, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 157.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 415
CHAPTER IIT.
NEGOTIATIONS AND ARRANGEMENTS WITH THE REBELS.
[ 1498.]
THE ships being despatched, Columbus resumed his negotia-
tion with the rebels, determined at any sacrifice to put an end
to a sedition which distracted the island and interrupted all his
plans of discovery. His three remaining ships lay idle in the
harbor, though a region of apparently boundless wealth was to
be explored. He had intended to send his brother on the dis-
covery, but the active and military spirit of the Adelantado
rendered his presence indispensable, in case the rebels should
come to violence. Such were the difficulties encountered at
every step of his generous and magnanimous enterprises ; im-
peded at one time by the insidious intrigues of crafty men in
place, and checked at another by the insolent turbulence of a
handful of ruffians.
In his consultations with the most important persons about
him, Columbus found that much of the popular discontent was
attributed to the strict rule of his brother, who was accused of
dealing out justice with a rigorous hand. Las Casas, however,
who saw the whole of the testimony collected from various
sources with respect to the conduct of the Adelantado, acquits
him of all charges of the kind, and affirms that, with respect
to Roldan in particular, he had exerted great forbearance. Be
this as it may, Columbus now, by the advice of his counsellors,
resolved to try the alternative of extreme lenity He wrote a
letter to Roldan, dated the 20th of October, couched in the
most conciliating terms, calling to mind past kindnesses, and
expressing deep concern for the feud existing between him and
the Adelantado. He entreated him, for the common good,
and for the sake of his own reputation, which stood well with
the sovereigns, not to persist in his present insubordination, and
repeated the assurance that he and his companions might come
to him, under the faith of his word for the inviolability of their
persons.
There was a difficulty as to who should be the bearer of this
letter. The rebels had declared that they would receive no one
as mediator but Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal. Strong doubts,
however, existed in the minds of those about Columbus as to
416 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
the integrity of that officer. They observed that he had suf-
fered Roldan to remain two days on hoard of his caravel at
Xaragua ; had furnished him with weapons and stores ; had
neglected to detain him on board, when he knew him to be a
rebel ; had not exerted himself to retake the deserters ; had
been escorted on his way to San Domingo by the rebels, and
had sent refreshments to them at Bouao. It was alleged, more-
over, that he had given himself out as a colleague of Columbus,
appointed by government to have a watch and control over his
conduct. It was suggested, that, in advising the rebels to
approach San Domingo, he had intended, in case the admiral did
not arrive, to unite his pretended authority as colleague, to
that of Roldan, as chief judge, and to seize upon the reins of
government. Finally, the desire of the rebels to have him sent
to them as an agent, was cited as proof that he was to join
them as a leader, and that the standard of rebellion was to be
hoisted at Bonao. 1 These circumstances, for some time, per-
plexed Columbus; but he reflected that Carvajal, as far as he
had observed his conduct, had behaved like a man of integrity ;
most of the circumstances alleged against him admitted of a
construction in his favor ; the rest were mera rumors, and he
had unfortunately expei'ienced in his own case, how easily the
fairest actions and the fairest characters may be falsified by
rumor. He discarded, therefore, all suspicion, and determined
to confide implicitly in Carvajal ; nor had he ever any reason to
repent of his confidence.
The admiral had scarcely despatched this letter, when he
received one from the leaders of the rebels, written several days
previously. In this they not merely vindicated themselves
from the charge of rebellion, but claimed great merit, as having
dissuaded their followers from a resolution to kill the Adelan-
tado, in revenge of his oppressions, prevailing upon them to
wait patiently for redress from the admiral. A month hail
elapsed since his arrival, during which they had awaited anx-
iously for his orders, but he had manifested nothing but irri-
tation against them. Considerations of honor and safety,
therefore, obliged them to withdraw from his service, and they
accordingly demanded their discharge. This letter was dated
from Bouao, the 17th of October, and signed by Francisco
Roldan, Adrian de Moxica, Pedro de Gamex, and Diego de
Escobar. 2
1 Ili-t. del Almirantc, cap. 78.
* Hint, del Almiraule, cap. TJ. Uerrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 13.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 417
In the mean time Carvajal arrived at Bonao, accompanied
by Miguel Ballester. They found the rebels full of arrogance
and presuncption. The conciliating letter of the admiral how-
ever, enforced by the earnest persuasions of Carvajal and the
admonitions of the veteran Ballester, had a favorable effect on
several of the leaders, who had more intellect than their brutal
followers. Roldan, Gamez, Escobar, and two or three others,
actually mounted their horses to repair to the admiral, but
were detained by the clamorous opposition of their men ; too
infatuated with their idle, licentious mode of life, to relish the
idea of a return to labor and discipline. These insisted that it
\\:is a matter which concerned them all ; whatever arrangement
was to be made, therefore, should he made in public, in writing,
and subject to their approbation or dissent. A day or two
elapsed before this clamor could be appeased. Roldan then
wrote to the admiral, that his followers objected to his coming,
unless a written assurance, or passport, was sent, protecting
the persons of himself and such as should accompany him.
Miguel Ballester wrote, at the same time, to the admiral, urging
him to agree to whatever terms the rebels might demand. He
represented their forces as continually augmenting, the soldiers
of his garrison daily deserting to them ; unless, therefore, some
compromise were speedily effected, and the rebels shipped off
to Spain, he feared that, not merely the authorit m y, but even the
person of the admiral would be in danger ; for though the
Hidalgos and the officers and servants immediately about him
would, doubtless, die in his service, the common people were
but little to be depended upon. 1
Columbus felt the increasing urgency of the case, and sent
the required passport. Roldan came to San Domingo ; but,
from his conduct, it appeared as if his object was to make par-
tisans, and gain deserters, rather than to effect a reconciliation.
He had several conversations with the admiral, and several
letters passed between them. He made many complaints, and
numerous demands ; Columbus made large concessions, but
some of the pretensions were too arrogant to be admitted. 2
Nothing definite was arranged. Roldan departed under the
pretext of conferring with his people, promising to send l}is
terms in writing. The admiral sent his mayordotuo, Diego de
Salamanca, to treat in his behalf. 8
On the Gth of November Roldan wrote a letter from Bonao,
i Lac. Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 153. Ibid., cap. 158.
3 Hist, del Alrairanu:, cup. ~.i.
418 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
containing his terms, and requesting that a reply might be sent
to him to Conception, as scarcity of provisions obliged him to
leave Bonao. He added that he should wait for a reply until
the following Monday (the llth). There was an insolent
menace implied in this note, accompanied as it was by insolent
demands. The admiral found it impossible to comply with the
latter ; but to manifest his lenient disposition, and to take from
the rebels all plea of rigor, he had a proclamation affixed for
thirty days at the gate of the fortress, promising full indul-
gence and complete oblivion of the past to Roldan and his fol-
lowers, on condition of their presenting themselves before him
and returning to their allegiance to the crown within a month ;
together with free conveyance for all such as wished to return
to Spain ; but threatening to execute rigorous justice upon those
who should not appear within the limited time. A copy of
this paper he sent to Roldan by Carvajal, with a letter, stating
the impossibility of compliance with his terms, but offering to
agree to any compact drawn up with the approbation of
Carvajal and Salamanca.
When Carvajal arrived, he found the veteran Ballester actu-
ally besieged in his fortress of Conception by Roldan, under
pretext of claiming, in his official character of alcalde mayor, a
culprit who had taken refuge there from justice. He had cut
off' the supply of water from the fort, by way of distressing it
into a surrender. When Carvajal posted up the proclamation
of the admiral on the gate of the fortress, the rebels scoffed
at the proffered amnesty, saying that, in a little while, they
would oblige the admiral to ask the same at their hands. The
earnest intercessions of Carvajal, however, brought the leaders
at length to reflection, and through his mediation articles of
capitulation were drawn up. By these it was agreed that Rol-
dan and his followers should embark for Spain from the port of
Xaragua in two ships, to be fitted out and victualled within
lifty days. That they should each receive from the admiral a
certificate of good conduct, and an order for the amount of
their pay, up to the actual date. That slaves should be given
to them, as had been given to others, in consideration of ser-
vices performed ; and as several of their company had wives,
natives of the island, who were pregnant, or had lately been
delivered, the}' might take them with them, if willing to go, in
place of the slaves. That satisfaction should be made for pro-
perty of some of the company which had been sequestrated, and
for live stock which had belonged to Francisco Roldan. Ther^
were no other conditions, providing for the security of their per-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 419
sons ; and it was stipulated that, if no reply were received to
those terms within eight days, the whole should be void. 1
This agreement was signed by Roldan and his companions at
Fort Conception on the 16th of November, and by the admiral
at San Domingo on the 21st. At the same time, he proclaimed
a further act of grace, permitting such as chose to remain in
the island either to come to San Domingo, and enter into the
royal service, or to hold lands in any part of the island. They
preferred, however, to follow the fortunes of Roldan, who
departed with his band for Xaragua, to await the arrival of the
ships, accompanied by Miguel Ballester, sent by the admiral to
superintend the preparations for their embarkation.
Columbus was deeply grieved to have his projected enter-
prise to Terra Firma impeded by such contemptible obstacles,
and the ships which should have borne his brother to explore
that newly-found continent devoted to the use of this turbulent
and worthless rabble. He consoled himself, however, with the
reflection, that all the mischief which had so long been lurking
in the island, would thus be at once shipped off, and thenceforth
every thing restored to order and tranquillity. He ordered
every exertion to be made, therefore, to get the ships in readi-
ness to be sent round to Xaragua ; but the scarcity of sea-stores,
and the difficulty of completing the anangements for such a
voyage in the disordered state of the colony, delayed their
departure far beyond the stipulated time. Feeling that he had
been compelled to a kind of deception toward the sovereigns,
in the certificate of good -conduct given to Roldan and his
followers, he wrote a letter to them, stating the circumstances
under which that certificate had been in a manner wrung from
him to save the island from utter confusion and ruin. He rep-
resented the real character and conduct of those men ; how they
had rebelled against his authority ; prevented the Indians from
paying tribute ; pillaged the island ; possessed themselves of
large quantities of gold, and carried off the daughters of several
of the caciques. He advised, therefore, that they should be
seized, and their slaves and treasure taken from them, until
their conduct could be properly investigated. This letter he
intrusted to a confidential person, who was to go in one of the
ships. 2
The rebels having left the neighborhood, and the affairs of
San Domingo being in a state of security, Columbus put his
brother Don Diego in temporary command, and departed with
1 Hist, (lei A lam-ante, cap. 80. * Uerrera, HUt. lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16.
420 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
the Adelantaclo on a tour of several months to visit the various
stations, and restore the island to order.
The two caravels destined for the use of the rebels sailed from
San Domingo for Xaragua about the end of February ; but,
encountering a violent storm, were obliged to put into one of the
harbors of the island, where they were detained until the end
of March. One was so disabled as to be compelled to return to
.San Domingo. Another vessel was despatched to supply its
place, in which the indefatigable Carvajal set sail, to expedite
the embarkation of the rebels. He was eleven days in making
the voyage, and found the other caravel at Xaragua.
The followers of Roldan had in the mean time changed their
minds, and now refused to embark ; as usual, they threw all
the blame on Columbus, affirming that he had purposely
delayed the ships far beyond the stipulated time ; that he had
sent them in a state not seaworthy, and short of provisions, with
many other charges, artfully founded on circumstances over
which they knew he could have no control. Carvajal made a
formal protest before a notary who had accompanied him, and
finding that the ships were suffering great injury from the
teredo or worm, and their provisions failing, he sent them back
to San Domingo, and set out on his return by land. Roldan
accompanied him a little distance on horseback, evidently dis-
turbed in mind. He feared to return to Spain, yet was shrewd
enough to know the insecurity of his present situation at the
head of a band of dissolute men, acting in defiance of authority.
What tie had he upon their fidelity stronger than tiie sacred
obligations which they had violated? After riding thoughtfully
for some distance, he paused, and requested some private con-
versation with Carvajal, before they parted. The.y alighted
under the shade of a tree. Here Roldan made further profes-
sions of the loyalty of his intentions, and finally declared, that
if the admiral would once more send him a written security for
his person, with the guaranty also of the principal persons
about him, he would come to treat with him, and trusted that
the whole matter would be arranged on terms satisfactory to
both parties. This offer, however, he added, must be kept
secret from his followers.
Carvajal, overjoyed at this prospect of a final arrangement,
lost no time in conveying the proposition of Roldan to the
admiral. The latter immediately forwarded the required pass-
port or security, sealed with the royal seal, accompanied by a
letter written in amicable terms, exhorting his quiet obedience
to the authority of the sovereigns. Several of the principal
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 421
persons also, who were with the admiral, wrote, at his request,
a letter of security to Roldan, pledging themselves for the safety
of himself and his followers during the negotiation, provided
they did nothing hostile to the royal authority or its represen-
tative.
While Columbus was thus, with unwearied assiduity and
loyal zeal, endeavoring to bring the island back to its obedience,
he received a reply from Spain, to the earnest representations
made by him, in the preceding autumn, of the distracted state
of the colony and the outrages of these lawless men, and his
prayers for royal countenance and support. The letter was
written by his invidious enenry, the Bishop Fonseca, superin-
tendent of Indian affairs. It acknowledged the receipt of his
statement of the alleged insurrection of Roldan, but observed
that this matter must be suffered to remain in suspense, as the
sovereigns would investigate and remedy it presently. 1
This cold reply had a disheartening effect upon Columbus.
He saw that his complaints had little weight with the govern-
ment ; he feared that his enemies were prejudicing him with
the sovereigns ; and he anticipated redoubled insolence on the
part of the rebels, when they should discover how little influ-
ence he possessed in Spain. Full of zeal, however, for the suc-
cess of his undertaking, and of fidelity to the interests of the
sovereigns, he resolved to spare no personal sacrifice of comfort
or dignity in appeasing the troubles of the island. Eager to
expedite the negotiation with Roldan, therefore, he sailed in
the latter part of August with two caravels to the port of Azua,
west of San Domingo, and much nearer to Xaragua. He was
accompanied by several of the most important personages of
the colony. Roldan repaired thither likewise, with the turbu-
lent Adrian de Moxica, and a number of his band. The conces-
sions already obtained had increased his presumption ; and he
had, doubtless, received intelligence of the cold manner in
which the complaints of the admiral had been received in Spain.
He conducted himself more like a conqueror, exacting trium-
phant terms, than a delinquent seeking to procure pardon by
atonement. He came on board of the caravel, and with his
usual effrontery, propounded the preliminaries upon which he
and his companions were disposed to negotiate.
First, that he should be permitted to send several of his com-
pany, to the number of fifteen, to Spain, in the vessels which
were at San Domingo. Secondly, that those who remained
1 Herrara, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16.
422 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
should have lauds granted them, in place of royal pay. Thirdly,
that it should be proclaimed that every thing charged against
him and his party had been grounded upon false testimony,
and the machinations of persons disaffected to the royal service.
Fourthly, that he should be reinstated iu his office of alcalde
mayor, or chief judge. 1
These were hard and insolent conditions to commence with,
but they were granted. Koldan then went on shore, and com-
municated them to his companions. At the end of two days
the insurgents sent their capitulations, drawn up in form, and
couched in arrogant language, including all the stipulations
granted at Fort Conception, with those recently demanded by
Koldan, and concluding with one, more insolent than all the
rest, namely, that if the admiral should fail in the fulfilment of
any of these articles, they should have a right to assemble
together, and compel his performance of them by force, or by
any other means they might think proper. 2 The conspirators
thus sought not merely exculpation of the past, but a pretext
for future rebellion.
The mind grows wearied and impatient with recording, and
the heart of the generous reader must burn with indignation
at perusing, this protracted and ineffectual struggle of a man of
the exalted merits and matchless services of Columbus, in the
toils of such miscreants. Surrounded by doubt and danger : a
foreigner among a jealous people ; an unpopular commander
in a mutinous island ; distrusted and slighted by the govern-
ment he was seeking to serve ; and creating suspicion by
his very services ; he knew not where to look for faithful
advice, efficient aid, or candid judgment. The very ground on
which lie stood seemed giving way under him, for he was told
of seditious symptoms among his own people. Seeing the
impunity with which the rebels rioted in the possession of one
of the finest parts of the island, they began to talk among them-
selves of following their example, of abandoning the standard
of the admiral, and seizing upon the province of Higuey, at the
eastern extremity of the bland, which was said to contain
valuable mines, of gold.
Thus critically situated, disregarding every consideration of
personal pride and dignity, and determined, at an}- individual
sacrifice, to secure the interests of an ungrateful sovereign,
Columbus forced himself to sign this most humiliating capitula-
tion. He trusted that afterward, when he could gain quiet
1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. * Ibid. Hist, del Aluiiraute, cap. OS.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 423
access to the royal ear, he should be able to convince the king
and queen that it had been compulsory, and forced from him by
the extraordinary difficulties in which he had been placed, anu
the imminent perils of the colony. Before signing it, however,
he inserted a stipulation, that the commands of the sovereigns,
of himself, and of the justices appointed by him, should be
punctually obeyed. 1
CHAPTER IV.
GRANTS MADE TO ROLDAN AND HIS FOLLOWERS DEPARTURE
OF SEVERAL OF THE REBELS FOR SPAIN.
[1J99.]
WHEN Roldan resumed his office of alcalde mayor, or chief
judge, he displayed all the arrogance to be expected from one
who had intruded himself into power by profligate means. At
the city of San Domingo he was always surrounded by his
faction ; communed only with the dissolute and disaffected ;
and, having all the turbulent and desperate men of the com-
munity at his beck, was enabled to intimidate the quiet and
loyal by his frowns. He bore an impudent front against the
authority even of Columbus himself, discharging from office
one Rodrigo Perez, a lieutenant of the admiral, declaring that
none but such as he appointed should bear a staff of office in the
island. 1 Columbus had a difficult and painful task in bearing
with the insolence of this man, and of the shameless rabble
which had returned, under his auspices, to the settlements.
He tacitly permitted many abuses ; endeavoring by mildness
and indulgence to allay the jealousies and prejudices awakened
against him, and by various concessions to lure the factious to
the performance of their duty. To such of the colonists gener-
ally as preferred to remain in the island, he offered a choice of
either royal pay or portions of lands, with a number of Indians,
some free, others as slaves, to assist in the cultivation. The
latter was generally preferred ; and grants were made out, in
which he endeavored as much as possible to combine the
benefit of the individual with the interests of the colony.
Roldan presented a memorial signed by upward of one hun-
dred of his late followers, demanding grants of lands and
i Herrera, Ili.st. lud., decad. i. lib. iii. cp. 16. * Ibid.
424 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
licenses to settle, and choosing Xaragua for their place of
abode. The admiral feared to trust such a numerous body of
factious partisans in so remote a province ; he contrived, there-
fore, to distribute them in various parts of the island, some at
Bonao, where their settlement gave origin to the town of that
name ; others on the bank of the Rio Verde, or Green River, in
the Vega ; others about six leagues thence, at St. Jago. He
assigned to them liberal portions of land, and numerous Indian
slaves, taken in the wars. He made an arrangement, also, by
which the caciques in their vicinity, instead of paying tribute,
should furnish parties of their subjects, free Indians, to assist
the colonists in the cultivation of their lands ; a kind of feudal
service, which was the origin of the repartimientos, or distribu-
tions of free Indians among the colonists, afterward generally
adopted, and shamefully abused, throughout the Spanish
colonies ; a source of intolerable hardships and oppressions to
the unhappy natives, and which greatly contributed to exter-
minate them from the island of Hispaniola. 1 Columbus
considered the island in the light of a conquered country, and
arrogated to himself all the rights of a conqueror, in the name
of the sovereigns for whom he fought. Of course all his com-
panions in the enterprise were entitled to take part in the
acquired territory, and to establish themselves there as feudal
lords reducing the natives to the condition of villains or
vassals. 2 This was an arrangement widely different from his
original intention of treating the natives with kindness, as
peaceful subjects of the crown. But all his plans had been
subverted, and his present measures forced upon him by the
exigency of the times and the violence of lawless men. He ap-
pointed a captain with an armed baud, as a kind of police, with
orders to range the provinces ; oblige the Indians to pay their
tributes ; watch over the conduct of the colonists ; and check
the least appearance of mutiny or insurrection. 3
Having sought and obtained such ample provisions for his
followers, Roldan was not more modest in making demands for
himself. He claimed certain lands in the vicinity of Isabella,
as having belonged to him before his rebellion ; also a royal
farm, called La Esperanza, situated on the Vega, and devoted
to the rearing of poultry. These the admiral granted him
with permission to employ, in the cultivation of the farm, the
subjects of the cacique whose ears had been cut off by Alonzo
de Ojeda in his first military expedition into the Vega. Roldan
i Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. * Muuoz, Hist. X. Muudo, lib. vi. 50.
* Hist, del Almiraute, cap. i>4.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 425
received also grants of land in Xaragua, and a variety of live-
stock from the cattle and other animals belonging to the crown.
These grants were made to him provisionally, until the pleasure
of the sovereigns should be known ; l for Columbus yet trusted
that when they should understand the manner in which these
concessions had been extorted from him, the ringleaders of the
rebels would not merely be stripped of their ill-gotten posses-
sions, but receive well-merited punishment.
Koldan having now enriched himself beyond his hopes,
requested permission of Columbus to visit his lands. This was
granted with great reluctance. He immediately departed for
the Vega, and stopping at Bonao, his late headquarters, made
Pedro Requelme one of his most active confederates, alcalde,
or judge of the place, with the power of arresting all delin-
quents, and sending them prisoners to the fortress of Concep-
tion, where he reserved to himself the right of sentencing them.
This was an assumption of powers not vested in his oth'ce, and
gave great offence to Columbus. Other circumstances created
apprehensions of further troubles from the late insurgents.
Pedro Requelme, under pretext of erecting farming buildings
for his cattle, began to construct a strong edifice on a hill,
capable of being converted into a formidable fortress. This,
it was whispered, was done in concert with Roldan, by way of
securing a stronghold in case of need. Being in the neighbor-
hood of the Vega, where so man}- of their late partisans were
settled, it would form a dangerous rallying place for any new
sedition. The designs of Requelme were suspected and his
proceedings opposed by Pedro de Arana, a loyal and honorable
man, who was on the spot. Representations were made by both
parties to the admiral, who prohibited Requelme from proceeding
with the construction of his edifice.*
Columbus had prepared to return, with his brother, Don
Bartholomew, to Spain, where he felt that his presence was of
the utmost importance to place the late events of the island in a
proper light ; having found that his letters of explanation were
liable to be counteracted by the misrepresentations of malevo-
lent enemies. The island, however, was still in a feverish state.
He was not well assured of the fidelity of the late rebels, though
so dearly purchased ; there was a rumor of a threatened descent
into the Vega, by the mountain tribes of Ciguay. to attempt the
rescue of their cacique Mayobanex, still detained a prisoner in
the fortress of Conception. Tidings were brought about the
1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. > Ibid. Hist, del Almirautc, cap. S3, 84.
426 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
same time from the western parts of the island, that four strange
ships had arrived at the coast, under suspicious appearances.
These circumstances obliged him to postpone his departure,
and held him involved in the affairs of this favorite but fatal
island.
The two caravels were despatched for Spain in' the beginning
of October, taking such of the colonists as chose to return, and
among them a number of Roldan's partisans. Some of these
took with them slaves, others carried away the daughters of
caciques, whom they had beguiled from their families and homes.
At these iniquities, no less than at many others which equally
grieved his spirit, the admiral was obliged to connive. He was
conscious, at the same time, that he was sending home a re-
enforcement of enemies and false witnesses, to defame his
character and traduce his conduct, but he had no alternative.
To counteract, as much as possible, their misrepresentations, he
sent by the same caravel the loyal and upright veteran Miguel
Ballester, together with Garcia de Barrantes, empowered to
attend to his affairs at court, and furnished with the depositions
taken relative to the conduct of Roldan and his accomplices.
In his letters to the sovereigns he entreated them to inquire
into the truth of the late transactions. He stated his opinion
that his capitulations with the rebels were null and void, for
various reasons viz., they had been extorted from him by
violence, and at sea, where he did not exercise the office of
viceroy; there had been two trials relative to the insurrection
and the insurgents having been condemned as traitors, it was
not in the power of the admiral to absolve them from their
criminality ; the capitulations treated of matters touching the
royal revenue, over which he had no control, without the
intervention of the proper officers ; lastly, Francisco Roldau and
his companions, on leaving Spain, had taken an oath to be
faithful to the sovereigns, and to the admiral in their name,
which oath they had violated. For these and similar reasons,
some just, others rather sophistical, he urged the sovereigns
not to consider themselves bound to ratify the compulsory
terms ceded to these profligate men, but to inquire into their
offences, and treat them accordingly. 1
He repeated the request made in the former letter, that a
learned judge might be sent out to administer the laws in the
island, since he himself had been charged with rigor, although
conscious of having always observed a guarded clemency. He
i Uerrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 427
requested also that discreet persons should be sent out to form
a council, and others for certain fiscal employments, entreat-
ing, however, that their powers should be so limited and
defined, as not to interfere with his dignity and privileges.
He bore strongly on this point ; as his prerogatives on former
occasions had been grievously invaded. It appeared to him, he
said, that princes ought to show much confidence in their gov-
ernors ; for without the royal favor to give them strength and
consequence, every thing went to ruin under their command ;
a sound maxim, forced from the admiral by his recent experi-
ence, in which much of his own perplexities, and the triumph
of the rebels, had been caused by the distrust of the crown,
and its inattention to his remonstrances.
Finding age and infirmity creeping upon him, and his health
much impaired by his last voyage, he began to think of his sou
Diego, as an active coadjutor ; who, being destined as his suc-
cessor, might gain experience under his eye, for the future
discharge of his high duties. Diego, though still serving as a
page at the court, was grown to man's estate, and capable of
entering into the important concerns of life. Columbus en-
treated, therefore, that he might be sent out to assist him, as
he felt himself infirm in health and broken in constitution,
and less capable of exertion than formerly. 1
CHAPTER V.
ARRIVAL OF OJEDA WITH A SQUADRON AT THE WESTERN PART
OF THE ISLAND ROLDAN SENT TO MEET HIM.
[1499.]
AMONG the causes which induced Columbus to postpone his
departure for Spain, has been mentioned the arrival of four
ships at the western part of the island. These had anchored
on the 5th of September in a harbor a little below Jacquemel,
apparently with tne design of cutting dyewoods, which abound
in that neighborhood, and of carrying off the natives for slaves.
Further reports informed him that they were commanded by
Alonso de Ojeda, the same hot-heated and bold -hearted cava-
lier who had distinguished himself on various occasions in the
1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16.
428 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
previous voyages of discovery, and particularly in the capture
of the cacique Caouabo.' Knowing the daring and adventur-
ous spirit of this man, Columbus felt much disturbed at his
visiting the island in this clandestine manner, on what appeared
to be little better than a freebooting expedition. To call him to
account, and oppose his aggressions, required an agent of spirit
and address. No one seemed better fitted for the purpose than
Koldan. He was as daring as Ojeda, and of a more crafty
character. An expedition of the kind would occupy the atten-
tion of himself and his partisans, and divert them from any
schemes of mischief. The large concessions recently made to
them would, he trusted, secure their present fidelity, rendering
it more profitable for them to be loyal than rebellious.
Roldan readily undertook the enterprise. He had nothing
further to gain by sedition, and was anxious to secure his ill-
gotten possessions and atone for past offences by public services.
He was vain as well as active, and took a pride in acquitting
himself well in an expedition which called for both courage
and shrewdness. Departing from San Domingo with two cara-
vels, he arrived on the 29th of September within two leagues of
the harbor where the ships of Ojeda were anchored. Here he
landed with five and twenty resolute followers, well armed,
and accustomed to range the forests. He sent five scouts to
reconnoitre. They brought word that Ojeda was several leagues
distant from his ships, with only fifteen men, employed in mak-
ing cassava bread in an Indian village. Roldan threw himself
between them and the ships, thinking to take them by surprise.
They were apprised, however, of his approach by the Indians,
with whom the very name of Roldan inspired terror, from his
late excesses in Xaragua. Ojeda saw his danger ; he supposed
Roldan had been sent in pursuit of him, and he found himself
cut off from his ships. With his usual intrepidity he immedi-
ately presented himself before Roldan, attended merely by half
a dozen followers. The latter craftily began by conversing on
general topics. He then inquired into his motives for landing
on the island, particularly on that remote and lonely part, with-
out first reporting his arrival to the admiral. Ojeda replied that
he had been on a voyage of discovery, and had put in there in
distress, to repair his ships and procure provisions. Roldan
then demanded, in the name of the government, a sight of the
license under which he sailed. Ojeda, who knew the resolute
character of the man he had to deal with, restrained his natural
impetuosity, and replied that his papers were on board of his
ship. He declared his intention, on departing thence, to go to
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 429
San Domingo, and pay his homage to the admiral, having many
things to tell him which were for his private ear alone. He
intimated to Roldan that the admiral was in complete disgrace
at court ; that there was a talk of taking from him his command,
and that the queen, his patroness, was ill beyond all hopes of
recovery. This intimation, it is presumed, was referred to b}'
Roldan in his despatches to the admiral, wherein he mentioned
that certain things had been communicated to him by Ojeda,
which he did not think it safe to confide to a letter.
Roldan now repaired to the ships. He found several persons
on board with whom he was acquainted, and who had already
been in Hispaniola. They confirmed the truth of what Ojeda
had said, and showed a license signed by the Bishop of Fonseca,
as superintendent of the affairs of the Indias, authorizing him
to sail on a voyage of discovery. 1
It appeared, from the report of Ojeda and his followers, that
the glowing accounts sent home by Columbus of his late dis-
coveries on the coast of Paria, his magnificent speculations with
respect to the riches of the newly-found country, and the speci-
men of pearls transmitted to the sovereigns, had inflamed the
cupidity of various adventurers. Ojeda happened to be at that
time in Spain. He was a favorite of the Bishop of Fonseca,
and obtained a sight of the letter written by the admiral to the
sovereigns, and the charts and maps of his route by which it
was accompanied. Ojeda knew Columbus to be embarrassed
by the seditions of Hispaniola : he found, by his conversations
with Fonseca and other of the admiral's enemies, that strong
doubts and jealousies existed in the mind of the king with
respect to his conduct, and that his approaching downfall was
confidently predicted. The idea of taking advantage of these
circumstances struck Ojeda, and, by a private enterprise, he
hoped to be the first in gathering the wealth of these newly-
discovered regions. He communicated his project to his patron.
Fonseca. The latter was but too ready for any thing that might
defeat the plans and obscure the glory of Columbus ; and it
may be added that he always showed himself more disposed to
patronize mercenary adventurers than upright and high-minded
men. He granted Ojeda every facility; furnishing him with
copies of the papers and charts of Columbus, by which to direct
himself in his course, and a letter of license signed with his
own name, though not with that of the sovereigns. In this, it
was stipulated that he should not touch at any land belonging
1 Hen-era, cL-cad. i. lib. iv. cap. 3.
430 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
to the King of Portugal, nor any that had been discovered by
Columbus prior to 14U5. The last provision shows the perfid-
ious artifice of Fouseca, as it left Paria and the Pearl Islands
free to the visits of Ojeda, they having been discovered by
Columbus subsequent to the designated year. The ships were
to be fitted out at the charges of the adventurers, and a certain
proportion of the products of the voyage were to be rendered
to the crown.
Under this license Ojeda fitted out four ships at Seville,
assisted by many eager and wealthy speculators. Among the
number was the celebrated Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine
merchant, well acquainted with geography and navigation.
The principal pilot of the expedition was Juan de la Cosa, a
mariner of great repute, a disciple of the admiral, whom he
had accompanied in his first voyage of discovery, and in that
along the southern coast of Cuba, and round the island of
Jamaica. There were several also of the mariners, and Bar-
tholomew Roldan, a distinguished pilot, who had been with
Columbus in his voyage to Paria. 1 Such was the expedition
which, by a singular train of circumstances, eventually gave
the name of this Florentine merchant Amerigo Vespucci, to
the whole of the New World.
This expedition had sailed in May, 1499. The adventurers
had arrived on the southern continent, and ranged along its
coast, from two hundred leagues east of the Oronoco, to the
Gulf of Paria. Guided by the charts of Columbus, they had
passed through this gulf, and through the Boca del Dragon,
and had kept along westward to Cape de la Vela, visiting the
island of Margarita and the adjacent continent, and discover-
ing the gulf of Venezuela. They had subsequently touched at
the Caribbee Islands, where they had fought with the fierce
natives, and made many captives, with the intention of selling
them in the slave-markets of Spain. Thence, being in need
of supplies, they had sailed to Hispaniola, having performed
the most extensive voyage hitherto made along the shores of the
New World. 2
Having collected all the information that he could obtain
concerning these voyagers, their adventures and designs, and
trusting to the declaration of Ojeda, that he should proceed
forthwith to present himself to the admiral, Roldan returned
to San Domingo to render a report of his mission.
1 ! C'aa.
1 Herrera, Hist. lud., clccacl. i. lib. iv. cap. 4. Muuuz, Hist. X. Muudo, partiu MS
unpublished.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPUEB COLUMBUS. 431
CHAPTER Vi.
MANOEUVRES OF ROLDAN AND OJEDA.
[1500.]
WHEN intelligence was brought to Columbus of the nature of
the expedition of Ojecla, and the license under which he sailed,
he considered himself deeply aggrieved, it being a direct in-
fraction of his most important prerogatives, and sanctioned by
authority which ought to have held them sacred. He awaited
patiently, however, the promised visit of Alonso de Ojeda to
obtain further explanations. Nothing was farther from the in-
tention of that roving commander than to keep such promise :
he had made it merely to elude the vigilance of Roldan. As
soon as he had refitted his vessels and obtained a supply of
provisions, he sailed round to the coast of Xaragua, where he
arrived in February. Here he was well received by the Span-
iards resident in that province, who supplied all his wants.
Among them were many of the late comrades of Roldan ; loose,
random characters, impatient of order and restraint, and burn-
ing with animosity against the admiral, for having again
brought them under the wholesome authority of the laws.
Knowing the rash and fearless character of Ojeda, and find-
ing that there were jealousies between him and the admiral,
the}' hailed him as a new leader, come to redress their fancied
grievances, in place of Roldan, whom they considered as hav-
ing deserted them. They made clamorous complaints to Ojeda
of the injustice of the admiral, whom they charged with with-
holding from them the arrears of their pay.
Ojeda was a hot-headed man, with somewhat of a vaunting
spirit, and immediately set himself up for a redresser of griev-
ances. It is said also that he gave himself out as authorized
by government, in conjunction with Carvajal, to act as counsel-
lors, or rather supervisors of the admiral ; and that one of the
first measures they were to take, was to enforce the payment
of all salaries due to the servants of the crown. 1 It is question-
able, however, whether Ojeda made any pretension of the kind,
which could so readily be disproved, and would have tended to
disgrace him with the government. It is probable that he was
1 Hist, del Almiraate, cap. 84.
432 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
encouraged in his intermeddling, chiefly by his knowledge of
the tottering state of the admiral's favor at court, and of his
own security in the powerful protection of Fouseca. He may
have imbibed also the opinion diligently fostered by those with
whom he had chiefly communicated in Spain, just before his
departure, that these people had been driven to extremities by
the oppression of the admiral and his brothers. .Some feeling
of generosity, therefore, may have mingled with his usual love
of action and enterprise, when he proposed to redress all their
wrongs, put himself at their head, march at once to San
Domingo, and oblige the admiral to pay them on the spot,
or expel him from the island.
The proposition of Ojeda was received with acclamations of
transport by some of the rebels ; others made objections.
Quarrels arose ; a ruffianly scene of violence and brawl ensued,
iu which several were killed and wounded on both sides ; but
the party for the expedition to San Domingo remained trium-
phant.
Fortunately for the peace and safety of the admiral, Roldan
arrived in the neighborhood just at this critical juncture, at-
tended by a crew of resolute fellows. He had been despatched
by Columbus to watch the movements of Ojeda, on hearing of
his arrival on the coast of Xaragua. Apprised of the violent
scenes which were taking place, Roldan, when on the way, sent
to his old confederate, Diego de Escobar, to follow him with all
the trusty force he could collect. They reached Xaragua within
a day of each other. An instance of the bad faith usual between
bad men was now evinced. The former partisans of Roldan,
finding him earnest iu his intention of serving the government,
and that there was no hope of engaging him in their new sedi-
tion, sought to waylay and destroy him on his march, but his
vigilance and celerity prevented them. 1
Ojeda, when he heard of the approach of Roldan and Escobar,
retired on board of his ships. Though of a daring spirit, he
had no inclination, in the present instance, to come to blows,
where there was a certainty of desperate fighting, and no gain ;
and where he must raise his arm against government. Roldan
now issued such remonstrances as had often been ineffectually
addressed to himself. He wrote to Ojeda, reasoning with him
on his conduct, and the confusion he was producing in the
island, and inviting him on shore to an amicable arrangement
of all alleged grievances. Ojeda, knowing the crafty, vio-
1 Hist, del Almiraute, ubi sup.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 433
lent character of Roldan, disregarded his repeated messages,
and refused to venture within his power. He even seized one
of his messengers, Diego de Truxillo, and landing suddenly at
Xaragua, carried off another of his followers, named Toribio de
Lenares, both of whom he retained in irons, on board of his
vessel, as hostages for a certain Juan Piutor, a one-armed sailor,
who hud deserted, threatening to hang them if the deserter was
not given up. 1
Various manoeuvres took place between these two well-
matched opponents ; each wary of the address and prowess of
the other. Ojeda made sail, and stood twelve leagues to the
northward, to the province of Cahay, one of the most beautiful
and fertile parts of the country, and inhabited by a kind and
gentle people. Here he landed with forty men, seizing upon
whatever he could find of the provisions of the natives. Rol-
dan and Escobar followed along shore, and were soon at his
heels. Roldan then despatched Escobar in a light canoe, pad-
dled swiftly by Indians, who approaching within hail of the
ship, informed Ojeda that, since he would not trust himself on
shore, Roldan would come and confer with him on board, if he
would send a boat for him.
Ojeda now thought himself secure of his enemy ; he immedi-
ately despatched a boat within a short distance of the shore,
where the crew lay on their oars, requiring Roldan to come to
them. "How many may accompany me?" demanded the
latter. " Only five or six," was the reply. Upon this Diego
de Escobar and four others waded to the boat. The crew refused
to admit more. Roldan then ordered one man to carry him to
the barge, and another to walk by his side and assist him. By
this stratagem, his party was eight strong. The instant he
entered the boat he ordered the oarsmen to row to shore. On
their refusing, he and his companions attacked them sword in
hand, wounded several, and made all prisoners, excepting an
Indian archer, who, plunging under the water, escaped by
swimming.
This was an important triumph for Roldan. Ojeda, anxious
for the recover^' of his boat, which was indispensable for the
service of the ship, now made overtures of peace. He ap-
proached the shore in his remaining boat of small size, taking
with him his principal pilot, an arquebusier, and four oarsmen.
Roldan entered the boat he had just captured, with seven row-
ers and fifteen fighting men, causing fifteen others to be ready
i Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 169, MS.
434 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
on shore to embark in a large canoe, in case of need. A char-
acteristic interview took place between these do light}' antago-
nists, each keeping warily on his guard. Their conference was
carried on at a distance. Ojeda justified his hostile movements
by alleging that Koldan had come with an armed force to seize
him. This the latter positively denied, promising him the most
amicable reception from the admiral, in case he would repair
to San Domingo. An arrangement was at length effected ; the
boat was restored, and mutual restitution of the men took
place, with the exception of Juan Pintor, the one-armed deserter,
who had absconded ; and on the following day Ojeda, accord-
ing to agreement, set sail to leave the island, threatening how-
ever, to return at a future time with more ships and men. 1
Roldan waited in the neighborhood, doubting the truth of
his departure. In the course of a few days word was brought
that Ojeda had landed on a distant part of the coast. He im-
mediately pursued him with eighty men, in canoes, sending
scouts by land. Before he arrived at the place Ojeda had again
made sail, and Roldan saw and heard no more of him. Las
Casas asserts, however, that Ojeda departed either to some re-
mote district of Hispaniola, or to the island of Porto Rico,
where he made up what he called his c<u:uly<ula, or drove of
slaves, carrying off numbers of the unhappy natives, whom he
sold in the slave-market of Cadiz. 2
CHAPTER VII.
CONSPIRACY OF GUEVARA AND MOXICA.
[1500.]
WHEN men have been accustomed to act falsely, they take
great merit to themselves for an exertion of common honesty.
The followers of Roldan were loud in trumpeting forth their
unwonted loyalty, and the great service they had rendered to
government in driving Ojeda from the island. Like all re-
formed knaves, they expected that their good conduct would
be amply rewarded. Looking upon their leader as having
every thing in his gift, and being well pleased with the delight-
ful province of Cahay, they requested him to share the land
1 Letter of Columbus to thu Nurse of Prince Juau. * Las Casas, lib. i. cap. 169.
LIFE OF CHPISTOPnER COLUMBUS. 435
among them, that they might settle there. Rolclan would have
had no hesitation in granting their request had it been made
during his freebooting career; but he was now anxious to
establish a character for adherence to the laws. He declined,
therefore, acceding to their wishes, until sanctioned by the ad-
miral. Knowing, however, that he had fostered a spirit among
these men which it was dangerous to contradict, and that their
rapacity, by long indulgence, did not admit of delay, he shared
among them certain lands of his own, in the territory of his
ancient host Behechio, cacique of Xaragua. He then wrote to
the admiral for permission to return to San Domingo, and
received a letter in reply, giving him many thanks and commen-
dations for the diligence and address which he had manifested,
but requesting him to remain for a time in Xaragua, lest Ojeda
should be yet hovering about the coast, and disposed to make
another descent in that province.
The troubles of the island were not }"et at an end, but were
destined again to break forth, and from somewhat of a roman-
tic cause. There arrived about this time, at Xaragua, a young
cavalier of noble family, named Don Hernando de Guevara.
He possessed an agreeable person and winning manners, but
was headstrong in his passions and dissolute in his principles.
He was cousin to Adrian de Moxica, one of the most active
ringleaders in the late rebellion of Roldan, and had conducted
himself with such licentiousness at San Domingo that Colum-
bus had banished him from the island. There being no other
opportunity of embarking, he had been sent to Xaragua, to
return to Spain in one of the ships of Ojeda, but arrived after
their departure. Roldan received him favorably, on account
of his old comrade, Adrian de Moxica, and permitted him to
choose some place of residence until further orders concerning
him should arrive from the admiral. He chose the province
of Cahay, at the place where Roldan had captured the boat of
Ojeda. It was a delightful part of that beautiful coast ; but the
reason why Guevara chose it, was its vicinity to Xaragua.
While at the latter place, in consequence of the indulgence of
Roldan, he was favorably received at the house of Anacaona,
the widow of Caonabo, and sister of the cacique Behechio.
That remarkable woman still retained her partiality to the
Spaniards, notwithstanding the disgraceful scenes which had
passed before her 63-68 ; and the native dignity of her character
had commanded the respect even of the dissolute rabble which
infested her province. By her late husband, the cacique Cao-
nobo, she had a daughter named Higueuamota, just grown up,
436 LIFE OF CnRISTOPUER COLUMBUS.
and greatly admired for her beauty. Guevara, being often in
company with her, a mutual attachment ensued. Jt was to be
near her that he chose Cahay as a residence, at a place where
his cousin Adrian de Moxica kept a number of dogs and hawks,
to be employed in the chase. Guevara delayed his departure.
Roldan discovered the reason, and warued him to desist from
his pretensions and leave the province. Las Casas intimates
that Roldan was himself attached to the young Indian beauty,
and jealous of her preference of his rival. Anacaona, the
mother, pleased with the gallant appearance and ingratiating
manners of the youthful cavalier, favored his attachment,
especially as he sought her daughter in marriage. Notwith-
standing the orders of Roldan, Guevara still lingered in Xaragua,
in the house of Anacaoua ; and sending for a priest, desired
him to baptize his intended bride.
Hearing of this, Roldan sent for Guevara, and rebuked him
sharply for remaining at Xaragua, and attempting to deceive
a person of the importance of Anacaona, by iusnariug the
affections of her daughter. Guevara avowed the strength of
his passion, and his correct intentions, and entreated permission
to remain. Roldan was inflexible. He alleged that some evil
construction might be put on his conduct by the admiral ; but
it is probable his true motive was a desire to send awa}- a rival,
who interfered with his own amorous designs. Guevara
obeyed ; but had scarce been three days at Cahay, when unable
to remain longer absent from the object of his passion, he
returned to Xaragua, accompanied by four or five friends, and
concealed himself in the dwelling of Anacaona. Roldau, who
was at that time confined by a malady in his e3~es, being
apprised of his return, sent orders for him to depart instantly to
Cahay. The young cavalier assumed a tone of defiance. He
warned Roldan not to make foes when he had such great need
of friends ; for to his certain knowledge, the admiral intended
to behead him. Upon this, Roldan commanded him to quit
that part of the island, and repair to San Domingo, to present
himself before the admiral. The thoughts of being banished
entirely from the vicinity of his Indian beauty checked the
vehemence of the youth. He changed his tone of haughty
defiance into one of humble supplication ; and Roldan, appeased
b}- this submission, permitted him to remain for the present in
the neighborhood.
Roldan had instilled wilfulness and violence into the hearts
of his late followers, and now was doomed to experience the
effects. Guevara, incensed at his opposition to his passion,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 437
meditated revenge. He soon made a party among the old com-
rades of Roldan, who detested, as a magistrate, the man they
had idolized as a leader. It was concerted to rise suddenly
upon him, and either to kill him or put out his eyes. Roldan
was apprised of the plot, and proceeded with his usual prompt-
ness. Guevara was seized in the dwelling of Anacaona, in the
presence of his intended bride ; seven of his accomplices were
likewise arrested. Roldan immediately sent an account of the
affair to the admiral, professing, at present, to do nothing
without his authority, and declaring himself not competent to
judge impartially in the case. Columbus, who was at that
time at Fort Conception, in the Vega, ordered the prisoner to
be conducted to the fortress of San Domingo.
The vigorous measures of Roldan against his old comrades
produced commotions in the island. When Adrian de Moxica
heard that his cousin Guevara was a prisoner, and that, too,
by command of his former confederate, he was highly exas-
perated, and resolved on vengeance. Hastening to Bonao, the
old haunt of rebellion, he obtained the co-operation of Pedro
Requelme, the recently appointed alcalde. They went round
among their late companions in rebellion, who had received
lauds and settled in various parts of the Vega, working upon
their ready passions, and enlisting their feelings in the cause
of an old comrade. These men seemed to have had an irresist-
ible propensity to sedition. Guevara was a favorite with them
all ; the charms of the Indian beauty had probably their
influence ; and the conduct of Roldan was pronounced a tyran-
nical interference, to prevent a marriage agreeable to all par-
ties, and beneficial to the colony. There is no being so odious
to his former associates as a reformed robber, or a rebel,
enlisted in the service of justice. The old scenes of faction were
renewed ; the weapons which had scarce been hung up from
the recent rebellions, were again snatched down from the
walls, and rash preparations were made for action. Moxica
soon saw a body of daring and reckless men ready, with horse
and weapon, to follow him on any desperate enterprise. Blinded
by the impunity which had attended their former outrages, he
now threatened acts of greater atrocity, meditating, not merely
the rescue of his cousin, but the death of Roldau and the
admiral.
Columbus was at Fort Conception, with an inconsiderable
force, when this dangerous plot was concerted in his very
neighborhood. Not dreaming of any further hostilities from
men on whom he had lavished favors, he would doubtless have
438 LIFE OF CHRISTOPIIER COLUMBUS.
fallen into their power, had not intelligence been brought him
of the plot by a deserter from the conspirators. He saw at a
glance the perils by which he was surrounded, and the storm
about to burst upon the island. It was no longer a time for
lenient measures ; he determined to strike a blow which should
crush the very head of the rebellion.
Taking with him but six or seven trusty servants, and three
esquires, all well-armed, he set out in the night for the place
where the ringleaders were quartered. Confiding probably in the
secrecy of their plot, and the late passiveness of the admiral,
they appeared to have been perfectly unguarded. Columbus
came upon them by surprise, seized Moxica and several of his
principal confederates, and bore them off to Fort Conception.
The moment was critical ; the Vega was ripe for a revolt ; he
had the fomenter of the conspiracy in his power, and an exam-
ple was called for, that should strike terror into the factious.
He ordered Moxica to be hanged on the top of the fortress.
The latter entreated to be allowed to confess himself previous
to execution. A priest was summoned. The miserable Moxica,
who had been so arrogant in rebellion, lost all courage at the
near approach of death. He delayed to confess, beginning and
pausing, and recommencing, and again hesitating, as if he
hoped, by whiling away time, to give a chance for rescue.
Instead of confessing his own sins, he accused others of crimi-
nality, who were known to be innocent ; until Columbus,
incensed at this falsehood and treachery, and losing all
paiieuce, in his mingled indignation and scorn, ordered the das-
tard wretch to be swung off from the battlements. 1
This sudden act of severity was promptly followed up.
Several of the accomplices of Moxica were condemned to death
and thrown in irons to await their fate. Before the conspira-
tors had time to recover from their astonishment, Pedro
Requelme was taken, with several of his compeers, in his ruffian
den at Bonao, and conveyed to the fortress of San Domingo ;
where was also confined the original mover of this second
rebellion, Hernando de Guevara, the lover of the young Indian
princess. These unexpected acts of rigor, proceeding from a
quarter which had been long so lenient, had the desired effect.
The conspirators fled for the most part to Xaragua, their old
and favorite retreat. They were not suffered to congregate
there again, and concert new seditions. The Adelantado,
seconded by Roldau, pursued them with his characteristic
1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 5.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 439
rapidity of movement and vigor of arm. It has l>een said that
he carried a priest with him, in order that, as lie arrested
delinquents, they might be confessed and hanged upon' the
spot; but the more probable account is that he transmitted
them prisoners to San Domingo. He had seventeen of them at
one time confined in one common dungeon, awaiting their trial,
while he continued in indefatigable pursuit of the remainder. 1
These were prompt and severe measures ; but when we con-
sider how long Columbus had lx>rne with these men ; how
much he had ceded and sacrificed to them : how he had been
interrupted in all his great undertakings, and the welfare of the
colony destroyed b}* their contemptible and seditious brawls :
how they had abused his lenity, defied his authority, and at
length attempted his life we cannot wonder that he should
at last let fall the sword of justice, which he had hitherto held
suspended.
The power of faction was now completely subdued, and the
good effects of the various measures taken by Columbus, since
his last arrival, for the benefit of the island, began to appear.
The Indians, seeing the inetficacy of resistance, submitted to
the yoke. Man}- gave signs of civilization, having, in some
instances, adopted clothing and embraced Christianity. Assisted
by their labors the Spaniards now cultivated their lands dili-
gently, and there was every appearance of settled and regular
prosperity.
Columbus considered all this happy change as brought alx>ut
by the especial intervention of Heaven. In a letter to Dona
Juana de la Torre, a lady of distinction, aya or nurse of Prince
Juan, he gives an instance of those visionary fancies to which
he wa-s subject in times of illness and anxiety. In the preced
ing winter, he says, about the festival of Christmas, when
menaced by Indian war and domestic rebellion, when distrust-
ful of those around him and apprehensive of disgrace at court,
he sank for a time into complete despondency. In this hour of
gloom, when abandoned to despair, he heard in the night a
voice addressing him in words of comfort, ' Oh man of little
faith ! why art thou cast .lown ? Fear nothing, I will provide
forthee. The seven years of the term of gold are not expired ;
in that, and in all other things, I will take care of thee."
The seven years term of gold here mentioned alludes to a
vow made by Columbus on discovering the New World, and
recorded by him in a letter to the sovereigns, that within seven
1 LasCasas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 170, MS. Derrera, tlecad. i. lib. Iv. cap. 7.
440 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
years he would furnish, from the profits of his discoveries, fifty
thousand foot and five thousand horse, for the deliverance of
the' holy sepulchre, and an additional force of like amount,
within five years afterward.
The comforting assurance given him by the voice was cor-
roborated, he says, that very day, by intelligence received of
the discovery of a large tract of country rich in mines. 1 This
imaginary promise of divine aid thus mysteriously given,
appeared to him at present in still greater progress of fulfil-
ment. The troubles and dangers of the island had been suc-
ceeded by tranquillity. He now anticipated the prosperous
prosecution of his favorite enterprise, so long interrupted the
exploring of the regions of Paria, and the establishment of a
fishery in the Gulf of Pearls. How illusive were his hopes !
At this moment events were maturing which were to over-
whelm him with distress, strip him of his honors, and render
him comparatively a wreck for the remainder of his days !
* Letter of Columbus to the Xurse of Prince Juan. Hist, del Almirariie, cap. S4.
BOOK XIII.
CHAPTER I.
REPRESENTATIONS AT COURT AGAINST COLUMBUS BOBADILLA
EMPOWERED TO EXAMINE INTO HIS CONDUCT.
[1500.]
WHILE Columbus was involved in a series of difficulties in
the factious island of Hispaniola, his enemies were but too suc-
cessful in undermining his reputation in the court of Spain.
The report brought by Ojeda of his anticipated disgrace was not
entirely unfounded ; the event was considered near at hand,
and every perfidious exertion was made to accelerate it. Every
vessel from the New World came freighted with complaints,
representing Columbus and his brothers as new men, unaccus-
tomed to command, inflated by their sudden rise from obscurity ;
arrogant and insulting toward men of birth and lofty spirit ;
oppressive of the common people, and cruel in their treatment
of the natives. The insidious and illiberal insinuation was con-
tinually urged, that they were foreigners, who could have no
interest in the glory of Spain, or the prosperity of Spaniards ;
and contemptible as this plea may seem, it had a powerful
effect. Columbus was even accused of a design to cast off all
allegiance to Spain, and either make himself sovereign of the
countries he had discovered, or yield them into the hands of
some other power ; a slander, which, however extravagant, was
calculated to startle the jealous mind of Ferdinand.
It is true that by every ship Columbus likewise sent home
statements, written with the frankness and energy of truth,
setting forth the real cause and nature of the distractions of
the island, and pointing out and imploring remedies, which, if
properly applied, might have been efficacious. His letters,
however, arriving at distant intervals, made but single and
transient impressions on the royal mind, which were speedily
441
442 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
effaced by the influence of daily and active misrepresentation.
His enemies at court, having continual access to the sovereigns,
were enabled to place every thing urged against him in the
strongest point of view, while they secretly neutralized the force
of his vindications. They used a plausible logic to prove either
bad management or bad faith on his part. There was an in-
cessant drain upon the mother country for the support of the
colony. Was this compatible with the extravagant pictures he
had drawn of the wealth of the island, and its golden mountains,
in which he had pretended to find the Ophirof ancient days, the
source of all the riches of Solomon? They inferred that he had
either deceived the sovereigns by designing exaggerations, or
grossly wronged them by malpractices, or was totally incapable
of the duties of government.
The disappointment of Ferdinand, in finding his newly-
discovered possessions a source of expense instead of profit,
was known to press sorely on his mind. The wars, dictated by
his ambition, had straitened his resources, and involved him in
perplexities. He had looked with confidence to the New World
for relief, and for ample means to pursue his triumphs ; and
grew impatient at the repeated demands which it occasioned on
his scanty treasury. For the purpose of irritating his feelings
and heightening his resentment, every disappointed and repin-
ing man who returned from the colony was encouraged by the
hostile faction, to put in claims for pay withheld by Columbus,
or losses sustained in his service. This was especially the case
with the disorderly ruffians shipped off to free the island from
sedition. Finding their way to the court at Granada, they fol-
lowed the king when he rode out, filling the air with their com-
plaints, and clamoring for their pay. At one time about fifty
of these vagabonds found their way into the inner court of the
Alhambra, under the royal apartments ; holding up bunches of
grapes as the meagre diet left them by their poverty, and rail-
ing aloud at the deceits of Columbus and the cruel neglect of
government. The two sons of Columbus, who were pages to
the queen, happening to pass by, they followed them with im-
precations, exclaiming, " There go the sons of the admiral, the
whelps of him who discovered the laud of vanity and delusion,
the grave of Spanish hidalgos." l
The incessant repetition of falsehood will gradually wear its
way into the most candid mind. Isabella herself began to enter-
tain doubts respecting the conduct of Columbus. Where there
1 Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 85.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 443
was such universal and incessant complaint, it seemed reason-
able to conclude that there must exist some fault. If Colum-
bus and his brothers were upright, they might be injudicious ;
and, in government, mischief is oftener produced through error
of judgment than iniquity of design. The letters written by
Columbus himself presented a lamentable picture of the con-
fusion of the island. Might not this arise from the weakness
and incapacity of the rulers? Even granting that the prevalent
abuses arose in a great measure from the enmity of the people
to the admiral and his brothers, and their prejudices against
them as foreigners, was it safe to intrust so important and dis-
tant a command to persons so unpopular with the community?
These considerations had much weight in the candid mind of
Isabella, but they were all-powerful with the cautious and jeal-
ous Ferdinand. He had never regarded Columbus with real
cordiality ; and ever since he had ascertained the importance of
his discoveries, had regretted the extensive powers vested in
his hands. The excessive clamors which had arisen during the
brief administration of the Adelantado and the breaking out of
the faction of Roldan at length determined the king to send out
some person of consequence and ability to investigate the affairs
of the colony, and if necessary for its safety, to take upon him-
self the command. This important and critical measure it
appears had been decided upon, and the papers and powers
actually drawn out, in the spring of 1499. It was not carried
into effect, however, until the following year. Various reasons
have been assigned for this delay. The important services
rendered by Columbus in the discovery of Paria and the Pearl
Islands may have had some effect on the royal mind. The
necessity of fitting out an armament just at that moment, to
co-operate with the Venetians against the Turks ; the menacing
movements of the new king of France, Louis XII. ; the rebellion
of the Moors of the Alpuxarra mountains, in the lately con-
quered kingdom of Granada all these have been alleged as
reasons for postponing a measure which called for much con-
sideration, and might have important effects upon the newly
discovered possessions. 1 The most probable reason, however,
was strong disinclination of Isabella to take so harsh a step
against a man for whom she entertained such ardent gratitude
and high admiration.
At length the arrival of the ships with the late followers of
Roldan, according to their capitulation, brought matters to a
1 lluoCi;, llit-t. X. Muuilo, part unpublished.
444 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
crisis. It is true that Ballester and Ban-antes came in these
ships, to place the affairs of the island in a proper light ; but
they brought out a host of witnesses in favor of Roldan, and
letters written by himself and his confederates, attributing all
their late conduct to the tyranny of Columbus and his brothers.
Unfortunately the testimou}- of the rebels had the greatest
weight with Ferdinand ; and there was a circumstance in the
case which suspended for a time the friendship of Isabella,
hitherto the greatest dependence of Columbus.
Having a maternal interest in the welfare of the natives, the
queen had been repeatedly offended by what appeared to her
pertinacity on the part of Columbus, in continuing to make
slaves of those taken in warfare, in contradiction to her known
wishes. The same ships which brought home the companions
of Roldan, brought likewise a great number of slaves. Some,
Columbus had been obliged to grant to these men by the articles
of capitulation ; others they had brought away clandestinely.
Among them were several daughters of caciques, seduced away
from their families and their native island by these profligates.
Some of these were in a state of pregnancy, others had new-
born infants. The gifts and transfers of these unhappy beings
were all ascribed to the will of Columbus, and represented to
Isabella in the darkest colors. Her sensibility as a woman,
and her dignity as a queen, were instantly in arms. "What
power," exclaimed she indignantly, " has the admiral to give
away my vassals? " ' Determined, by one decided and peremp-
tory act, to show her abhorrence of these outrages upon human-
ity, she ordered all the Indians to be restored to their country
and friends. Nay, more ; her measure was retrospective. She
commanded that those formerly sent to Spain by the admiral
should be sought out and sent back to Hispaniola. Unfortu-
nately for Columbus, at this very juncture, in one of his letters
he advised the continuance of Indian slavery for some time
longer, as a measure important for the welfare of the colony.
This contributed to heighten the indignation of Isabella, and
induced her no longer to oppose the sending out of a commis-
sion to investigate his conduct, and, it necessary, to supersede
him in command.
Ferdinand was exceedingly embarrassed in appointing this
commission, between his sense of what was due to the charac-
ter and services oi Columbus, and his anxiety to retract with
delicacy the powers vested in him. A pretext at length was
Las Caeas. lib. 1.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 445
furnished by the recent request of the admiral that a person of
talents and probity, learned in the law, might be sent out to
act as chief judge ; and that an impartial umpire might be
appointed, to decide in the affair between himself and Roldan.
Ferdinand proposed to consult his wishes, but to unite those
two offices in one ; and as the person he appointed would have
to decide in matters touching the highest functions of the
admiral and his brothers, he was empowered, should he find
them culpable, to supersede them in the government; a singu-
lar mode of insuring partiality.
The person chosen for this momentous and delicate office was
Don Francisco de Bobadilla, an officer of the royal household,
and a commander of the military and religious order of C'ala-
trava. Ovieda pronounces him a very honest and religious
man ; 1 but he is represented by others, and his actions corrobo-
rate the description, as needy, passionate, and ambitious
three powerful objections to his exercising the rights of judica-
ture in a case requiring the utmost patience, candor, and cir-
cumspection, and where the judge was to derive wealth and
power from the conviction of one of the parties.
The authority vested in Bobadilla is defined in letters from
the sovereigns still extant, and which deserve to be noticed
chronologically ; for the royal intentions appear to have varied
with times and circumstances. The first was dated on the 21st
of March, 1499, and mentions the complaint of the admiral that
an alcalde, and certain other persons had risen in rebellion
against him. " Wherefore," adds the letter, " we order yon to
inform yourself of the truth of the foregoing ; to ascertain who
and what persons they were who rose against the said admiral
and our magistracy, and for what cause ; and what robberies
and other injuries they have committed ; and furthermore, to
extend your inquiries to all other matters relating to the prem-
ises : and the information obtained, and the truth known,
whomsoever you find culpable, arrest their persons, and
sequestrate their effects ; and thus taken, proceed against them
and the absent, both civilly and criminally, and impose and
inflict such fines and punishments as you may think fit." To
carry this into effect, Bobadilla was authorized, in case of
necessity, to call in the assistance of the admiral, and of all
other persons in authority.
The powers here given are manifestly directed merely
against the rebels, and in consequence of the complaints of Co-
1 Oriedo. Cronicu. lib. ttl. cap. 6.
446 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
lumbus. Another letter, dated on the 21st of May, two months
subsequently, is of quite different purport. It makes no men-
tion of Columbus, but is addressed to the various function-ivies
and men of property of the islands and Terra Firma, informing
them of the appointment of Bobadilla to the government, with
full civil and criminal jurisdiction. Among; the powers speci-
fied, is the following : k% It is our will, that if the said command-
er, Francisco de Bobadilla, should think it necessary for our
service, and the purposes of justice, that any cavaliers, or
other persons who are at present in those islands, or may
arrive there, should leave them, and not return and reside in
them, and that they should come and present themselves before
us, he may command it in our name, and oblige them to depart ;
and whomsoever he thus commands, we hereby order, that
immediately, without waiting to inquire or consult us, or to
receive from us any other letter or command, and without
interposing appeal or supplication, they obey whatever he shall
say and order, under the penalties which he shall impose on
our part," etc., etc.
Another letter, dated likewise on the 21st of Ma}', in which
Columbus is styled simply "admiral of the ocean sea," orders
him and his brothers to surrender the fortress, ships, houses,
arms, ammunition, cattle, and all other royal property, into the
hands of Bobadilla, as governor, under penalty of incurring
the punishments to which those subject themselves who refuse
to surrender fortresses and other trusts, when commanded by
their sovereigns.
A fourth letter, dated on the 26th of May, and addressed to
Columbus, simply by the title of admiral, is a mere letter of
credence, ordering him to give faith and obedience to whatever
Bobadilla should impart.
The second and third of these letters were evidently provision-
al, and only to be produced, if, on examination, there should
appear such delinquency on the part of Columbus and his
brothers as to warrant their being divested of command.
This heavy blow, as lias been shown, remained suspended for
a year ; yet, that it was whispered about, and triumphantly
anticipated by the enemies of Columbus, is evident from the
assertions of Ojeda, who sailed from Spain about the time of
the signature of these letters, and had intimate communica-
tions with Bishop Fonseca, who was considered instrumental
in producing this measure. The very license grantid by the
bishop to Ojeda to sail on a voyage of discovery in contraven-
tion of the prerogatives of the admiral, has the air of being
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 447
given on a presumption of his speedy downfall ; and the same
presumption, as has already been observed, must have encour-
aged Ojeda in his turbulent conduct at Xaragua.
At length the long projected measure was carried into effect.
Bobadilla set sail for San Domingo about the middle of July,
ir>00, with two caravels, in which were twenty-five men, en-
listed for a year, to serve as a kind of guard. There were six
friars likewise, who had charge of a number of Indians sent
back to their country. Besides the letters patent, Bobadilla
was authorized, by royal order, to ascertain and discharge all
arrears of pay due to persons in the service of the crown, and
to oblige the admiral to pay what was due on his part, " so
that those people might receive what was owing to them, and
there might be no more complaints." In addition to all these
powers, Bobadilla was furnished with many blank letters signed
by the sovereigns, to be tilled up by him in such manner, and
directed to such persons, as he might think advisable, in rela-
tion to the mission with which he was intrusted. 1
CHAPTER II.
ARRIVAL OF BOBADILLA AT SAN DOMINGO HIS VIOLENT ASSUMP-
TION OF THE COMMAND.
[1500.]
COLUMBUS was still at Fort Conception, regulating the affairs
of the Vega, after the catastrophe of the sedition of Moxica ; his
brother, the Adelautado, accompanied by Roldan, was pursuing
and arresting the fugitive rebels in Xaragua ; and Don Diego
Columbus remained in temporary command at San Domingo.
Faction had worn itself out ; the insurgents had brought down
ruin upon themselves ; and the island appeared delivered from
the domination of violent and lawless men.
Such was the state of public affairs, when, on the morning of
the 23d of August, two caravels were descried off the harbor
of San Domingo, about a league at sea. They were standing
off and on, waiting until the sea breeze, which generally pre-
vails about ten o'clock, should cany them into port. Don
Diego Columbus supposed them to be ships sent from Spain
* Kerrera, decad. i. lib. v. cap. 7.
448 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
with supplies, and hoped to find on board his nephew Diego,
whom the admiral had requested might be sent out to assist
him in his various concerns. A canoe was immediately de-
spatched to obtain information ; which, approaching the cara-
vels, inquired what news they brought, and whether Diego,
the sou of the admiral, was on board. Bobadilla himself re-
plied from the principal vessel, announcing himself as a commis-
sioner sent out to investigate the late rebellion. The master of
the caravel then inquired about the news of the island, and was
informed of the recent transactions. Seven of the rebels, he
was told, had been hanged that week, and five more were in the
fortress of San Domingo, condemned to suffer the same fate.
Among these were Pedro Requelrae and Fernando de Guevara,
the young cavalier whose passion for the daughter of Anacauna
had been the original cause of the rebellion. Further conversa-
tion passed, in the course of which Bobadilla ascertained that
the admiral and the Adelantado were absent, and Don Diego
Columbus in command.
When the canoe returned to the city with the news that a
commissioner had arrived to make inquisition into the late
troubles, there was a great stir and agitation throughout the
community. Knots of whisperers gathered at every corner ;
those who were conscious of malpractices were filled witli con-
sternation ; while those who had grievances, real or imaginary,
to complain of, especially those whose pay was in arrear,
appeared with joyful countenances. 1
As the vessels entered the river, Bobadilla beheld on either
bank a gibbet with a body of a Spaniard hanging on it, ap-
parently but lately executed. He considered these as conclusive
proofs of the alleged cruelty of Columbus. Many boats came
off to the ship, every one being anxious to pay early court to
this public censor. Bobadilla remained on board all day, in
the course of which he collected much of the rumors of the
place ; and as those who sought to secure his favor were those
who had most to fear from his investigations, it is evident that
the nature of the rumors must generally have been unfavor-
able to Columbus. In fact, before Bobadilla landed, if not be-
fore he arrived, the culpability of the admiral was decided in
his mind.
The next morning he landed, with all his followers, and went
to the church to attend mass, where he found Don Diego
Columbus, Rodrigo Perez, the lieutenant of the admiral, and
1 Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 169. Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 8.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 449
other persons of note. Mass being ended, and those persons,
with a multitude of the populace, being assembled at the door
of the church, Bobadilla ordered his letters patent to be read,
authorizing him to investigate the rebellion, seize the persons
and sequestrate the property of delinquents, and proceed
against them with the utmost rigor of the law ; commanding
also the admiral, and all others in authority, to assist him in
the discharge of his duties. The letter being read, he demanded
of Don Diego and the alcaldes to surrender to him the persons
of Fernando Guevara, Pedro Requelrae, and the other prison-
ers, with the depositions taken concerning them ; and ordered
that the parties by whom they were accused, and those by
whose command they had been taken, should appear before
him.
Don Diego replied, that the proceedings had emanated from
the orders of the admiral, who held superior powers to any
Bobadilla could possess, and without whose authority he could
do nothing. He requested, at the same time, a copy of the
letter patent, that he might send it to his brother, to whom
alone the matter appertained. This Bobadilla refused, observ-
ing that, if Don Diego had power to do nothing, it was useless
to give him a copy. He added, that since the office and au-
thority he had proclaimed appeared to have no weight, he
would try what power and consequence there was in the name
of governor, and would show them that he had command, not
merely over them, but over the admiral himself.
The little community remained in breathless suspense, wait-
ing the portentous movements of Bobadilla. The next morn-
ing he appeared at mass, resolved on assuming those powers
which were only to have been produced after full investigation,
and ample proof of the mal-conduct of Columbus. When mass
was over, and the eager populace had gathered round the door
of the clMirch, Bobadilla, in presence of Don Diego and Rod-
rigo Perez, ordered his other royal patent to be read, investing
him with the government of the islands, and of Terra Firma.
The patent being read, Bobadilla took the customary oath,
and then claimed the obedience of Don Diego, Rodrigo Perez,
and all present, to this royal instrument ; on the authority of
which he again demanded the prisoners confined in the for-
tress. In reply, they professed the utmost deference to the
letter of the sovereigns, but again observed that they held the
prisoners in obedience to the admiral, to whom the sovereigns
had granted letters of a higher nature.
The self-importance of Bobadilhi was incensed at this non-
450 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
compliance, especially as he saw it had some effect upon the
populace, who appeared to doubt his authority. He now pro-
duced the third mandate of the crown, ordering Columbus and
his brothel's to deliver up all fortresses, ships, and other royal
property. To win the public completely to his side, he read
also the additional mandate, issued on the 30th of May, of the
same year, ordering him to pay the arrears of wages due to all
persons in the royal service, and to compel the admiral to
pay the arrears of those to whom he was accountable.
This last document was received with shouts by the multi-
tude, many having long arrears due to them in consequence of
the poverty of the treasury. Flushed with his growing impor-
tance. Bobadilla again demanded the prisoners ; threatening, if
refused, to*take them by force. Meeting with the same reply,
he repaired to the fortress to execute his threats. This post
was commanded by Miguel Diaz, the same Arragonian cavalier
who had once taken refuge among the Indians on the banks of
the Ozema, won the affections of the female cacique Catalina,
receiving from her information of the neighboring gold mines,
and induced his countrymen to remove to those parts.
When Bobadilla came before the fortress, he found the
gates closed and the alcayde, Miguel Diaz, upon the battle-
ments. He ordered his letters patent to be read with a loud
voice, the signatures and seals to be held up to view, and then
demanded the surrender of the prisoners. Diaz requested a
copy of the letters ; but this Bobadilla refused, alleging that
there was no time for dela}-, the prisoners being under sentence
of death, and liable at any moment to be executed. He threat-
ened at the same time, that if they were not given up, he would
proceed to extremities, and Diaz should be answerable for the
consequences. The wary alcayde again required time to reply,
and a copy of the letters, saying that he held the fortress for
the king by the command of the admiral, his lord, ,who had
gained these territories and islands, and that when the latter
arrived he should obey his orders. 1
The whole spirit of Bobadilla was roused within him, at the
refusal of the alcayde. Assembling all the people he had
brought from Spain, together with the sailors of the ships and
the rabble of the place, he exhorted them to aid him in getting
possession of the prisoners, but to harm no one unless in case
of resistance. The mob shouted assent, for Bobadilla was
already the idol of the multitude. About the hour of vesi>ers
1 Las C'axuM, !li-i. Intl., lib. i. cap. 179.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 451
he set out at the head of this motley army, to storm a fortress
destitute of a garrison, and formidable only in name, being cal-
culated to withstand only a naked and slightly-armed people.
The accounts of this transaction have something in them bor-
dering on the ludicrous, and give it the air of absurd rhodo-
montade. Bobadilla assailed the portal with great impetuosity,
the frail bolts and locks of which gave way at the first shock,
and allowed him easy admission. In the mean time, however,
his zealous myrmidons applied ladders to the walls, as if about
to carry the place by assault, and to experience a desperate
defence. The alcayde, Miguel Diaz, and Don Diego de Alva-
rado, alone appeared on the battlements ; they had drawn
swords, but offered no resistance. Bobadilla entered the for-
tress in triumph, and without molestation. The prisoners were
found in a chamber in irons. He ordered that they should be
brought up to him to the top of the fortress, where, having put
a few questions to them, as a matter of form, he gave them in
charge to an alguazil named Juan de Espinosa. 1
Such was the arrogant and precipitate entrance into office of
Francisco de Bobadilla. He had reversed the order of his
written instructions, having seized upon the government before
he had investigated the conduct of Columbus. He continued
his career in the same spirit, acting as if the case had been pre-
judged in Spain, and he had been sent out merely to degrade
the admiral from his employments, not to ascertain the manner
in which he had fulfilled them. He took up his residence in the
house of Columbus, seized upon his arms, gold, plate, jewels,
horses, together with his letters, and various manuscripts,
both public and private, even to his most secret papers. He
gave no account of the property thus seized, and which he no
doubt considered already confiscated to the crown, excepting
that he paid out of it the wages of those to whom the admiral
was in arrears.* To increase his favor with the people, he
proclaimed, on the second day of his assumption of power, a
general license for the term of twenty years, to seek for gold,
paying merely one-eleventh to government, instead of a third
as heretofore. At the same time he spoke in the most disre-
spectful and unqualified terms of Columbus, saying that he was
empowered to send him home in chains, and that neither he
nor any of his lineage would ever again be permitted to govern
in the inland. 3
1 Las Oasas, nbi. sup. Ilerrera, ubi sup.
1 Hi*!, ilel Alminuile, cap. 8~>. Las ( ';is;is. Herrera, ubi sup.
* Letters of Columbus to the Xurse of i'riuce Juau.
452 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER III.
COLUMBUS SUMMONED TO APPEAR BEFORE BOBADILLA.
[1500.]
WHEN the tidings reached Columbus at Fort Conception of
the high-handed proceedings of Bobadilla, he considered them
the unauthorized acts of some rash adventurer like Ojeda.
Since government had apparently thrown open the door to pri-
vate enterprise, he might expect to have his path continually
crossed, and his jurisdiction infringed by bold intermeddlers,
feigning or fancying themselves authorized to interfere in the
affairs of the colony. Since the departure of Ojeda another
squadron had touched upon the coast, and produced a transient
alarm, being an expedition under one of the Pinzons, licensed
by the sovereigns to make discoveries. There had also been
a rumor of another squadron hovering about the island, which
proved, however, to be unfounded. 1
The conduct of Bobadilla bore all the appearance of a law-
less usurpation of some intruder of the kind. He had possessed
himself forcibly of the fortress, and consequently of the town.
He had issued extravagant licenses injurious to the govern-
ment, and apparently intended only to make partisans among
the people, and had threatened to throw Columbus himself in
irons. That this man could really be sanctioned by govern-
ment in such intemperate measures was repugnant to belief.
The admiral's consciousness of his own services, the repeated
assurances lie had received of high consideration on the part of
the sovereigns, and the perpetual prerogatives granted to him
under their hand and seal, with all the solemnity that a compact
could possess, all forbade him to consider the transactions at
San Domingo otherwise than as outrages on his authority by
some daring or misguided individuol.
To be nearer to San Domingo, and obtain more correct infor-
mation, he proceeded to Bonao, which was now beginning to
assume the appearance of a settlement, several Spaniards having
erected houses there, and cultivated the adjacent country. He
had scarcely reached the place when an alcalde, bearing a staff
of oflice, arrived there from San Domingo, proclaiming the ap-
1 Letters of Columbus to the Nunse of Prince Juan.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 453
pointment of Bobaclilla to the government, and bearing copies
of his letters-patent. There was no especial letter or message
sent to the admiral, nor were any of the common forms of
courtesy and ceremony observed in superseding him in the com-
mand ; all the proceedings of Bobadilla toward him were abrupt
and insulting.
Columbus was exceedingly embarrassed how to act. It was
evident that Bobadilla was intrusted with extensive powers by
the sovereigns, but that they could have exercised such a sud-
den, unmerited, and apparently capricious act of severity, as
that of divesting him of all his commands, he could not believe.
He endeavored to persuade himself that Bobadilla was some
person sent out to exercise the functions of chief judge, accord-
ing to the request he had written home to the sovereigns, and
that they had intrusted him likewise with provisional powers
to make an inquest into the late troubles of the island. All
beyond these powers he tried to believe were mere assumptions
and exaggerations of authority, as in the case of Aguado. At
all events, he was determined to act upon such presumption,
and to endeavor to gain time. If the monarchs had really
taken any harsh measures with respect to him, it must have
been in consequence of misrepresentations. The least delay
might give them an opportunity of ascertaining their error, and
making the necessary amends.
He wrote to Bobadilla, therefore, in guarded terms, welcom-
ing him to the island ; cautioning him against precipitate meas-
ures, especially in granting licenses to collect gold ; informing
him that he was on the point of going to Spain, and in a little
time would leave him in command, with every thing fully and
clearly explained. He wrote at the same time to the like pur-
port to certain monks who had come out with Bobadilla, though
he observes that these letters were only written to gain time. 1
He received no replies ; but while an insulting silence was ob-
served toward him, Bobadilla filled up several of the blank let-
ters, of which he had a number signed by the sovereigns, and
sent them to Roldan, and other of the admiral's enemies, the
very men whom he had been sent out to judge. These letters
were full of civilities and promises of favor. 2
To prevent any mischief which might arise from the licenses
and indulgences so prodigally granted by Bobadilla, Columbus
published by word and letter that the powers assumed by him
could not be valid, nor his licenses availing, as he himself held
1 Letter of Columbus to the Nurse of Prince Juau. > Ibid. Ilerrera, decacl. i. lib.
454 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
superior powers granted to him in perpetuity by the crown,
which could no more be superseded iu this instance than they
had been in that of Aguado.
For some time Columbus remained in this anxious and per-
plexed state of mind, uncertain what line of conduct to pursue
in so singular and unlooked-for a conjuncture. He was soon
brought to a decision. Francisco Velasquez, deputy treasurer,
and Juan de Trasierra, a Franciscan friar, arrived at Bonao,
and delivered to him the royal letter of credence, signed by the
sovereigns on the 26th of May, 1499, commanding him to give
implicit faith and obedience to Bobadilla ; and they delivered,
at the same time, a summons from the latter to appear immedi-
ately before him.
This laconic letter from the sovereigns struck at once at the
root of all his dignity and power. He no longer made hesi-
tation or demur, but complying with the peremptory summons
of Bobadilla, departed, almost alone aiid unattended, for San
Domingo. 1
CHAPTER IV.
COLUMBUS AND HIS BROTHERS ARRESTED AND SENT TO SPAIN IN
CHAINS.
[1500.]
THE tidings that a new governor had arrived, and that Co-
lumbus was in disgrace, and to be sent home in chains, circu-
lated rapidly through the Vega, and the colonists hastened
from all parts to San Domingo to make interest with Bobadilla.
It was soon perceived that there was no surer wa}' than that of
vilifying his predecessor. Bobadilla felt that he had taken a
rash step in seizing upon the government, and thai his own
safety required the conviction of Columbus. He listened eager-
ly, therefore, to all accusations, public or private : and welcome
was he who could bring am" charge, however extravagant,
against the admiral and his brothers.
Hearing that the admiral was on his way to the city, he made
a bustle of preparation, and armed the troops, affecting to be-
lieve a rumor that Columbus had called upon the caciques of
the Vega to aid him with their subjects in a resistance to the
1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 9. Letter to the Nurse of Prince Juan.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 455
commands of government. No grounds appear for this absurd
report, which was probably invented to give a coloring of pre-
caution to subsequent measures of violence and insult. The
admiral's brother, Don Diego, was seized, thrown in irons, and
confined on board of a caravel, without any reason being as-
signed for his imprisonment.
In the mean time Columbus pursued his journey to San Do-
mingo, travelling in a lonely manner, without guards or retinue.
Most of his people were with the Adelantado, and he had de-
clined being attended by the remainder. He had heard of the
rumors of the hostile intentions of Bobadilla; and although he
knew that violence was threatened to his person, he came in
this unpretending manner to manifest his pacific feelings, and
to remove all suspicion. 1
No sooner did Bobadilla hear of his arrival than he gave
orders to put him in irons, and confine him in the fortress.
This outrage to a person of such dignified and venerable ap-
pearance and such eminent merit, seemed for the time to shock
even his enemies. When the irons were brought, every one
present shrank from the task of putting them on him, either
from a sentiment of compassion at so great a reverse of fortune,
or out of habitual reverence for his person. To fill the measure
of ingratitude meted out to him, it was one of his own domes-
tics, " a graceless and shameless cook," says Las Casas, " who,
with unwashed front, riveted the fetters with as much readi-
ness and alacrity as though he were serving him with choice
and savory viands. I knew the fellow," adds the venerable
historian, " and I think his name was Espinosa." 2
Columbus conducted himself with characteristic magnanim-
ity under the injuries heaped upon him. There is a noble scorn
which swells and supports the heart, and silences the tongue of
the truly great, when enduring the insults of the unworthy.
Columbus could not stoop to deprecate the arrogance of a weak
and violent man like Bobadilla. He looked beyond this shal-
low agent and all his petty tyranny to the sovereigns who had
employed him. Their injustice or ingratitude alone could wound
his spirit ; and he felt assured that when the truth came to be
known, they would blush to find how greatly they had wronged
him. With this proud assurance he bore all present indignities
in silence.
Bobadilla, although he had the admiral and Don Diego in his
power, and had secured the venal populace, felt anxious and ill
i Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 180. 2 Ibid.
456 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
at ease. The Adelantado, with an armed force under his com-
mand, was still in the distant province of Xaragua, in pursuit
of the rebels. Knowing his soldier-like and determined spirit,
he feared he might take some violent measure when he should
hear of the ignominious treatment and imprisonment of his
brothel's. He doubted whether any order from himself would
have any effect, except to exasperate the stern Don Bartholo-
mew. He sent a demand, therefore, to Columbus, to write to
his brothei 1 , requesting him to repair peaceably to San Domingo,
and forbidding him to execute the persons he held in confine-
ment; Columbus readily complied. He exhorted his brother to
submit quietly to the authority of his sovereigns, and to endure
all present wrongs and indignities, under the confidence that
when they arrived at Castile, every thing would be explained
and redressed. 1
On receiving this letter, Don Bartholomew immediately com-
plied. Relinquishing Ins command, he hastened peacefully to
San Domingo, and on arriving experienced the same treatment
with his brothers, being put in irons and confined on board of
a caravel. They were kept separate from each other, and no
communication permitted between them. Bobadilla did not see
them himself, nor did he allow others to visit them, but kept
them in ignorance of the cause of their imprisonment, the
crimes with which they were charged, and the process that was
going on against them. 2
It has been questioned whether Bobadilla really had authority
for the arrest and imprisonment of the admiral and his brothers, 3
and whether such violence and indignity was in any case con-
templated by the sovereigns. He may have fancied himself
empowered by the clause in the letter of instructions, dated
1 Peter Martyr mentions a vulgar rumor of the day, that the admiral, not knowing
what might happen, wrote a letter in cipher to the Adelantado, urging him to come with
arms in his hands to prevent any violence that might be contrived against him ; that the
Adelantado advanced, in effect, with his armed force, but having the imprudence to
proceed some distance ahead of it, was surprised by the governor, before his men could
come to his succor, and that the letter in cipher had been sent to Spain. This must have
been one of the groundless rumors of the day, circulated to prejudice the public mind.
Nothing of the kind appears among the charges in the inquest made by Bobadilla, and
which was seen, and extracts made from it, by Las Casas, for his history. It is, in fact,
in total contradiction to the statements of Las Casas, Ilerrera, and Fernando Columbus.
2 Charlevoix, in his History of San Domingo (lib. ill. p. 199), states, that the suit
against Columbus was conducted in writing; that written charges were sent to him, to
which he replied in the same way. This is contrary to the statements of Las Casas,
Ilerrera, and Fernando Columbus. The admiral himself, in his letter to the Nurse of
I'rince Juan, after relating the manner in which he and his brothers had been thrown
Into irons, and confined separately, without being visited by Bobadilla, or permitted to
see any other persons, expressly adds, " I make oath that I do not know for what 1 am
imprisoned." Again, in a letter written some time afterward from Jamaica, he says,
" I was t;iketi and thrown with two of my brothers in a ship, loaded with irons, with
little clothing and much ill-treatment, without being summoned or convicted by justice."
3 ELerrara, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 10. Oviedo, Cronica, lib. iii. cap. 6.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 457
March 21st, 1499, in which, speaking of the rebellion of Roldan,
" lie is authorized to seize the persons and sequestrate the prop-
erty of those who appeared to be culpable, and then to proceed
against them and against the absent, with the highest civil and
criminal penalties." This evidently had reference to the per-
sons of Roldan and his followers, who were then in arms, and
against whom Columbus had sent home complaints ; and this,
by a violent construction, Bobadilla seems to have wrested into
an authority for seizing the person of the admiral himself. In
fact, in the whole course of his proceedings, he reversed and
confounded the order of his instructions. His first step should
have- been to proceed against the rebels ; this he made the last.
His last step should have been, in case of ample evidence
against the admiral, to have superseded him in office ; and this
he made the first, without waiting for evidence. Having pre-
determined, from the very outset, that Columbus was in the
wrong, by the same rule he had to presume that all the oppo-
site parties were in the right. It became indispensable to his
own justification to inculpate the admiral and his brothers ; and
the rebels he had been sent to judge became, by this singular
perversion of rule, necessaiy and cherished evidences, to crim-
inate those against whom they had rebelled.
The intentions of the crown, however, are not to be vindi-
cated at the expense of its miserable agent. If proper respect
had been felt for the rights and dignities of Columbus, Boba-
dilla would never have been intrusted with powers so extensive,
undefined, and discretionary ; nor would he have dared to pro-
ceed to such lengths, with such rudeness and precipitation, had
he not felt assured that it would not be displeasing to the
jealous-minded Ferdinand.
The old scenes of the time of Aguado were now renewed with
tenfold virulence, and the old charges revived, with others still
more extravagant. From the early and never-to-be-forgotten
outrage upon Castilian pride, of compelling hidalgos, in time
of emergency, to labor in the construction of works necessary
to the public safet\% down to the recent charge of levying war
against the government, there was not a hardship, abuse, nor
sedition in the island, that was not imputed to the misdeeds of
Columbus and his brothers. Besides the usual accusations of
inflicting oppressive labor, unnecessary tasks, painful restric-
tions, short allowances of food, and cruel punishments upon
the Spaniards, and waging unjust wars against the natives, they
were now charged with preventing the conversion of the latter,
that they might send them slaves to Spain, and profit by their
458 LIFE OF CIJRISTOPIIEIt COLUMBUS.
sale. This last charge, so contrary to the pious feelings of the
admiral, was founded on his having objected to the baptism of
certain Indians of mature age, until they could be instructed in
the doctrines of Christianity : justly considering it an abuse of
that holy sacrament to administer it thus blindly. 1
Columbus was charged, also, with having secreted pearls, and
other precious articles, collected in his voyage along the coast
of Paria, and with keeping the sovereigns in ignorance of the
nature of his discoveries there, in order to exact new privileges
from them ; yet it was notorious that he had sent home speci-
mens of the pearls and journals and charts of his voyage, by
which others had been enabled to pursue his track.
Even the late tumults, now that the rebels were admitted as
evidence, were all turned into matters of accusation. They
were represented as spirited and loyal resistances to tyranny
exercised upon the colonists and the natives. The well-merited
punishments inflicted upon certain of the ringleaders were cited
as proofs of a cruel and revengeful disposition, and a secret
hatred of Spaniards. Bobadilla believed, or affected to believe,
all these charges. He had, in a manner, made the rebels his
confederates in the ruin of Columbus. It was become a com-
mon cause with them. He could no longer, therefore, conduct
himself toward them as a judge. Guevara, Requelme, and
their fellow-convicts, were discharged almost without the form
of a trial, and it is even said were received into favor and
countenance. Roldan, from the very first, had been treated
with confidence by Bobadilla, and honored with his correspond-
ence. All the others, whose conduct had rendered them liable
to justice, received either a special acquittal or a general par-
don. It was enough to have been opposed in any way to Co-
lumbus, to obtain full justification in the eyes of Bobadilla.
The latter had now collected a weight of testimony, and pro-
duced a crowd of witnesses, sufficient, as he conceived, to in-
sure the condemnation of the prisoners, and his own continuance
in command. He determined, therefore, to send the admiral
and his brothers home in chains, in the vessels ready for sea,
transmitting at the same time the inquest taken in their case,
and writing private letters, enforcing the charges made against
them, and advising that Columbus should on no account be
restored to the command, which he had so shamefully abused.
San Domingo now swarmed with miscreants just delivered
from the dungeon and the gibbet. It was a perfect jubilee of
1 Munoz, Ilist. N. MunJo, part unpublished.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 459
triumphant villany and dastard malice. Every base spirit,
which had been awed into obsequiousness by Columbus and his
brothers when in power, now started up to revenge itself upon
them when in chains. The most injurious slanders were loudly
proclaimed in the streets ; insulting pasquinades and inflamma-
tory libels were posted up at every corner ; and horns were
blown in the neighborhood of their prisons, to taunt them with
the exultings of the rabble. 1 When these rejoicings of his ene-
mies reached him in his dungeon, and Columbus reflected on
the inconsiderate violence already exhibited by Bobadilla, he
knew not how far his rashness and confidence might carry him,
and began to entertain apprehensions for his life.
The vessels being ready to make sail, Alonzo de Yillejo was
appointed to take charge of the prisoners, and cany them to
Spain. This officer had been brought up by an uncle of Fon-
secu, was in the employ of that bishop, and had come out with
Bobadilla. The latter instructed him, on arriving at Cadiz, to
deliver his prisoners into the hands of Fonseca, or of his uncle,
thinking thereby to give the malignant prelate a triumphant
gratification. This circumstance gave weight with many to a
report that Bobadilla was secretly instigated and encouraged in
his violent measures by Fonseca, and was promised his protec-
tion and influence at court, in case of any complaints of his
conduct. 2
Villejo undertook the office assigned him, but he discharged
it in a more generous manner than was intended. " This
Alonzo de Villejo," says the worthy Las Casas, " was a hidalgo
of honorable character, and my particular friend." He cer-
tainly showed himself superior to the low malignity of his
patrons. When he arrived with a guard to conduct the admiral
from the prison to the ship, he found him in chains in a state
of silent despondency. 80 violently had he been treated, and
so savage were the passions let loose against him, that he
feared he should be sacrificed without an opportunity of being
heard, and his name go down sullied and dishonored to pos-
terity. When he beheld the officer enter with the guard, he
thought it was to conduct him to the scaffold. " Villejo," said
he, mournfully, "whither are you taking me?" " To the
ship, your Excellency, to embark," replied the other. "To
embark !" repeated the admiral, earnestly ; " Villejo, do you
speak the truth? " ' By the life of your Excellency," replied
the honest officer, " it is true ! " With these words the admiral
> Hist, del Almirante, cap. 86. * Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. i. cap. 180, MS.
460 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
was comforted, and felt as one restored from death to life.
Nothing can be more touching and expressive than this little
colloquy, recorded by the venerable Las Casas, who doubtless
had it from the lips of his friend Villejo.
The caravels set sail early in October, bearing off Columbus
shackled like the vilest of culprits, amid the scoffs and shouts of
a miscreant rabble, who took a brutal joy in heaping insults on
his venerable head, and sent curses after him from the shores
of the island he had so recently added to the civilized world.
Fortunately the voyage was favorable, and of but moderate
duration, and was rendered less disagreeable by the conduct of
those to whom he was given in custody. The worthy Villejo,
though in the service of Fonseca, felt deeply moved at the
treatment of Columbus. The master of the caravel, Andreas
Martin, was equally grieved : they both treated the admiral
with profound respect and assiduous attention. They would
have taken off his irons, but to this he would not consent.
''No," said he proudly, "their majesties commanded me by
letter to submit to whatever Bobadilla should order in their
name ; by their authority he has put upon me these chains ; I
will wear them until they shall order them to be taken off, and
I will preserve them afterward as relics and memorials of the
reward of my services." 1
" He did so," adds his son Fernando ; " I saw them always
hanging in his cabinet, and he requested that when he died
they might be buried with him ! " 2
i Las Casas, Hist. Iiid., lib. i. cap. 180, MS. * Hist, del Altniraute, cap. 86.
BOOK XIY.
CHAPTER T.
SENSATION IN SPAIN ON THE ARRIVAL OF COLUMBUS IN IRONS
HIS APPEARANCE AT COURT.
[1500.]
THE arrival of Columbus at Cadiz, a prisoner and in chains,
produced almost as great a sensation as his triumphant return
from his first vo}'age. It was one of those striking and obvious
facts which speak to the feelings of the multitude, and preclude
the necessity of reflection. No one stopped to inquire into the
case. It was sufficient to be told that Columbus was brought
home in irons from the world he had discovered. There was a
general burst of indignation in Cadiz, and in the powerful and
opulent Seville, which was echoed throughout all .Spain. If the
ruin of Columbus had been the intention of his enemies, they
had defeated their object by their own violence. One of those
re-actions took place, so frequent in the public mind, when
persecution is pushed to an unguarded length. Those of the
populace who had recently been loud in their clamor against
Columbus were now as loud in their reprobation of his treat-
ment, and a strong sympathy was expressed, against which it
would have been odious for the government to contend.
The tidings of his arrival, and of the ignominious manner in
which he had been brought, reached the court at Granada, and
filled the halls of the Alhambra with murmurs of astonishment.
Columbus, full of his wrongs, but ignorant how far they had
been authorized by the sovereigns, had forborne to write to
them. In the course of his voyage, however, he had penned a
long letter to Doiia Juana de la Torre, the aya of Prince Juan,
a lady high in favor with Queen Isabella. This letter, on his
arrival at Cadiz, Andreas Martin, the captain of the caravel,
permitted him to send off privately by express. It arrived, there-
461
462 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
fore, before the protocol of the proceedings instituted by Boba-
dilla. and from this document the sovereigns derived their first
intimation of his treatment. 1 It contained a statement of the
late transactions of the island, and of the wrongs he had
suffered, written with his usual artlessness and energy. To
specify the contents would be but to recapitulate circum-
stances already recorded. Some expressions, however, which
burst from him in the warmth of his feelings, are worthy of
being noted. " The slanders of worthless men/' says he,
4t have done me more injury than all my services have profited
me." Speaking of the misrepresentations to which he was
subjected, he observes: ''Such is the evil name which I have
acquired, that if I were to build hospitals and churches,
they would be called dens of robbers." After relating in
indignant terms the conduct of Bobadilla, in seeking testimony
respecting his administration from the very men who had
rebelled against him, and throwing himself and his brothers
in irons, without letting them know the offences with which
they were charged, " I have been much aggrieved," he adds,
** in that a person should be sent out to investigate my con-
duct, who knew that if the evidence which he could send
home should appear to be of a serious nature, he would
remain in the government." He complains that, in forming
an opinion of his administration, allowances had not been
made for the extraordinary difficulties with which he had
to contend, and the wild state of the country over which he
had to rule. ' I was judged," he observes, "as a governor who
bad been sent to take charge of a well-regulated city, under the
dominion of well-established laws, where there was no danger
of every thing running to disorder and ruin ; but I ought to be
judged as a captain, sent to subdue a numerous and hostile
people, of manners and religion opposite to ours, living not in
regular towns, but in forests and mountains. It ought to be
considered that I have brought all these under subjection to
their majesties, giving them dominion over another world, by
which Spain, heretofore poor, has suddenly become rich.
Whatever errors I ma}' have fallen into, they were not with an
evil intention ; and I believe their majesties will credit what I
say. I have known them to be merciful to those who have wil-
fully done them disservice ; I am convinced that they will
have still more indulgence for me who have erred innocently,
or by compulsion, as they will hereafter be more fully in-
i Lae Casas, Hist, lud., lib. i. cap. 1S2.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 463
formed ; and I trust they will consider my great services, the
advantages of which are every day more and more apparent."
When this letter was read to the noble-minded Isabella, and
she found how grossly Columbus had been wronged and the
royal authority abused, her heart was filled with mingled sym-
pathy and indignation. The tidings were confirmed by a letter
from the alcalde or corregidor of Cadiz, into whose hands
Columbus and his brothers had been delivered, until the pleas-
ure of the sovereigns should be known ;' and by another letter
from Alonzo de Villejo, expressed in terms accordant with his
humane and honorable conduct toward his illustrious prisoner.
However Ferdinand might have secretly felt disposed against
Columbus, the momentary tide of public feeling was not to be
resisted. He joined with his generous queen in her reprobation
of the treatment of the admiral, and both sovereigns hastened
to give evidence to the world that his imprisonment had been
without their authority, and contrary to their wishes. With-
out waiting to receive any documents that might arrive from
Bobadilla, they sent orders to Cadiz that the prisoners should
be instantly set at liberty, and treated with all distinction.
They wrote a letter to Columbus, couched in terms of grati-
tude and affection, expressing their grief at all that he had
suffered, and inviting him to court. Thej* ordered, at the same
time, that two thousand ducats should be advanced to defray
his expenses. 2
The loyal heart of Columbus was again cheered by this dec-
laration of his sovereigns. He felt conscious of his integrity,
and anticipated an immediate restitution of all his rights and
dignities. He appeared at court in Granada on the 17th of
December, not as a man ruined and disgraced, but richly
dressed, and attended by an honorable retinue. He was re-
ceived by the sovereigns with unqualified favor and distinction.
When the queen beheld this venerable man approach, and
thought on all he had deserved and all he had suffered, she was
moved to tears. Columbus had borne up firmly against the
rude conflicts of the world he had endured with lofty scorn
the injuries and insults of ignoble men ; but he possessed strong
and quick sensibility. \Vhen he found himself thus kindly
received by his sovereigns, and beheld tears in the benign eyes
of Isabella, his long-suppressed feelings burst forth : he threw
1 Oviedo, Cronica, lib. iii. cap. 6.
2 I.an Gawiw, lib. i. cap. 182. Two thousand ducats, or two thousand eight hundred
and forty -fix dollars, equivalent to eight thousand live hundred uud thirty -fight dollars
ol the i>ieneal day.
464 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
himself on his knees, and for some time could not utter a word
for the violence of his tears and sobbings. 1
Ferdinand and Isabella raised him from the ground, and en-
deavored to encourage him by the most gracious expressions.
As soon as he regained self-possession he entered into an elo-
quent and high-minded vindication of his loyalty, and the zeal
he had ever felt for the glory and advantage of the Spanish
crown, declaring that if at any time he had erred, it had been
through inexperience in government, and the extraordinary
difficulties by which he had been surrounded.
There needed no vindication on his part. The intemperance
of his enemies had been his best advocate. He stood in the
presence of his sovereigns a deeply-injured man, and it remained
for them to vindicate themselves to the world from the charge
of ingratitude toward their most deserving subject. They
expressed their indignation at the proceedings of Bobadilla,
which the}' disavowed, as contrary to their instructions, and
declared that he should be immediately dismissed from his
command.
In fact, no public notice was taken of the charges sent home
by Bobadilla, nor of the letters written in support of them.
The sovereigns took every occasion to treat Columbus with
favor and distinction, assuring him that his grievances should
be redressed, his property restored, and he reinstated in all his
privileges and dignities.
It was on the latter point that Columbus was chiefly solici-
tous. Mercenary considerations had scarcely any weight in his
mind. Glory had been the great object of his ambition, and
he felt that, as long as he remained suspended from his em-
ployments, a tacit censure rested on his name. He expected,
therefore, that the moment the sovereigns should be satisfied of
the rectitude of his conduct, they would be eager to make him
amends ; that a restitution of his viceroyalty would immediately
take place, and he should return in triumph to San Domingo.
Here, however, he was doomed to experience a disappointment
which threw a gloom over the remainder of his days. To
account for this flagrant want of justice and gratitude in the
crown, it is expedient to notice a variety of events which had
materially affected the interests of Columbus in the eyes of the
politic Ferdinand.
1 Uerrera, decad- i. lib. iv. cap, 10.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 465
CHAPTER II.
CONTEMPORARY VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY.
THE general license granted by the Spanish sovereigns in
1495, to undertake voyages of discovery, had given rise to
various expeditions by enterprising individuals, chiefly persons
who had sailed with Columbus in his first voyages. The gov-
ernment, unable to fit out many armaments itself, was pleased
to have its territories thus extended, free of cost, and its treas-
ury at the same time benefited by the share of the proceeds of
these voyages, reserved as a kind of duty to the crown. These
expeditions had chiefly taken place while Columbus was in par-
tial disgrace with the sovereigns. His own charts and journal
served as guides to the adventurers ; and his magnificent
accounts of Paria and the adjacent coasts had chiefly excited
their cupidity.
Besides the expedition of Ojeda, already noticed, in the course
of which he touched at Xaragua, one had been undertaken at
the same time by Pedro Alonzo Nino, native of Moguer, an
able pilot, who had been with Columbus in the voyages to Cuba
and Paria. Having obtained a license, he interested a rich
merchant of Seville in the undertaking, who fitted out a cara-
vel of fifty tons burden, under condition that his brother Chris-
toval Guevra should have the command. They sailed from the
bar of Saltes, a few days after Ojeda had sailed from Cadiz, in
the spring of 1490, and arriving on the coast of Terra Firma,
to the south of Paria, ran along it for some distance, passed
through the Gulf, and thence went one hundred and thirty
leagues along the shore of the present republic of Colombia,
visiting what was afterward called the Pearl Coast. They
landed in various places ; disposed of their European trifles to
immense profit, and returned with a large store of gold and
pearls ; having made, in their diminutive bark, one of the most
extensive and lucrative voyages yet accomplished.
About the same time the Pinzons, that family of bold and
opulent navigators, fitted out an armament of four caravels at
Palos, manned in a great measure by their own relations and
friends. Several experienced pilots embarked in it who had
been with Columbus to Paria, and it was commanded b} 7 Vicente
Yafiez Pinzon, who had been captain of a caravel in the squad-
ron of the admiral on his first voyage.
466 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Pinzon was a hardy and experienced seaman, and did not, like
the others, follow closely in the track of Columbus. Sailing in
December, 1499, he passed the Canary and Cape de Verde
Islands, standing south-west until he lost sight of the polar star.
Here he encountered a terrible storm, and was exceedingly per-
plexed and confounded by the new aspect of the heavens. Noth-
ing was yet known of the southern hemisphere, nor of the
beautiful constellation of the cross, which in those regions has
since supplied to mariners the place of the north star. The
voyagers had expected to find at' the south pole a star corre-
sponding to that of the north. They were dismayed at behold-
ing no guide of the kind, and thought there must be some
prominent swelling of the earth, which hid the pole from their
view. 1
Piuzon continued on, however, with great intrepidity. On
the 26th of January, 1500, he saw, at a distance, a great head-
land, which he called Cape Santa Maria de la Consolacion, but
which has since been named Cape St. Augustine. He landed
and took possession of the countr} 7 in the name of their Catho-
lic majesties ; being a part of the territories since called the
Brazils. Standing thence westward, he discovered the Marag-
non, since called the River of the Amazons ; traversed the Gulf of
Paria, and continued across the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf
of Mexico, until he found himself among the Bahamas, where lie
lost two of his vessels on the rocks, near the island of Jumeto.
He returned to Palos in September, having added to his former
glory that of being the first European who had crossed the
equinoctial line in the western ocean, and of having discovered
the famous kingdom of Brazil, from its commencement at the
River Maraguon to its most eastern point. As a reward for his
achievements, power was granted to him to colonize and govern
the lands which he had discovered, and which extended south-
ward from a little beyond the River of Maraguon to Cape St.
Augustine. 2
The little port of Palos, which had been so slow in furnishing
the first squadron for Columbus, was now continually agitated
by the passion for discovery. Shortly after the sailing of Pin-
zon, another expedition was fitted out there, by Diego Lepe, a
native of the place, and manned by his adventurous townsmen.
He sailed in the same direction with Pinzon, but discovered
more of the southern continent than any other voyager of the
day, or for twelve years afterward. He doubled Cape St. Au-
1 Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. 1x.
* Herrera, decu j. i. lib. iv. cap. 12. Munoz, Hist. X. Mundo, part unpublished.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 407
gnstine, and ascertained that the coast beyond ran to the
south-west. He landed and performed the usual ceremonies of
taking possession in the name of the Spanish sovereigns, and
in one place carved their names on a magnificent tree, of such
enormous magnitude that seventeen men with their hands joined
could not embrace the trunk. What enhanced the merit of his
discoveries was, that he had never sailed with Columbus. He
had with him, however, several skilful pilots who had accom-
panied the admiral in his voyage. 1
Another expedition of two vessels sailed from Cadiz, in
October, 1500, under the command of Rodrigo Bastides of
Seville. He explored the coast of Terra Firma, passing Cape
de la Vela, the western limits of the previous discoveries on
the main-land, continuing on to a port since called The Retreat,
where afterward was founded the seaport of Nombre de Dios.
His vessels being nearly destroyed by the teredo, or worm which
abounds in those seas, he had great difficulty in reaching
Xaragna in Ilispaniola, where he lost his two caravels, and
proceeded with his crew by land to San Domingo. Here he was
seized and imprisoned by Bobadilla, under pretext that he had
treated for gold with the natives of Xaragua. 2
Such was the swarm of Spanish expeditions immediately
resulting from the enterprises of Columbus ; but others v;ere
also undertaken by foreign nations. In the year 14!7. Sebastian
Cabot, son of a Venetian merchant resident in Bristol, sailing
in the service of Henry VII. of England, navigated to the
northern seas of the New World. Adopting the idea of Colum-
bus, he sailed in quest of the shores of Cathay, and hoped to
find a north-west passage to India. In this voyage he discov-
ered Newfoundland, coasted Labrador to the fifty-sixth degree
of north latitude, and then returning, ran down south-west to
the Floridas. when, his provisions beginning to fail, he returned
to England. 8 But vague and scanty accounts of this voyage
exist, which was important, as including the first discovery of
the northern continent of the New World.
The discoveries of rival nations, however, which most excited
the attention and jealousy of the Spanish crown, were those of
the Portuguese. Vasco de Gama, a man of rank and consum-
mate talent and intrepidit}*, had, at length, accomplished the
great design of the late Prince Henry of Portugal, and by
doubling the Cape of Good Hope in the year 1497, had opened
the long-sought- for route to India.
1 !.!- Casas, l!i-t. Iml , lib. ii. cap. 2. Munoz, part unpublished. * Ibid.
* Hakluyt'a Collection of Voyages, vol. iii. p. 7.
468 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Immediately after Gama's return a fleet of thirteen sail was
fitted out to visit the magnificent countries of which he brought
accounts. This expedition sailed on the 9th of March, loOO,
for Calicut, under the command of Pedro Alvarez de Cabral.
Having passed the Cape de Verde Islands, he sought to avoid
the calms prevalent on the coast of Guinea, by stretching far
to the west. Suddenly, on the 2oth of April, he came in sight
of land unknown to any one in his squadron ; for, as yet, they
had not heard of the discoveries of Pinzon_ and Lepe. He at
first supposed it to be some great island ; but after coasting it
for some time he became persuaded that it must be part of a
continent. Having ranged along it somewhat beyond the fif-
teenth degree of southern latitude, he landed at a harbor which
he called Porto Secnro, and taking possession of the country
for the crown of Portugal, despatched a ship to Lisbon with
the important tidings. 1 In this way did the Brazils come into
the possession of Portugal, being to the eastward of the con-
ventional line settled with Spain as the boundaries of their
respective territories. Dr. Robertson, in recording this voyage
of Cabral, concludes with one of his just and elegant remarks :
" Columbus's discovery of the New World was," he observes,
"the effect of an active genius, guided by experience, and
acting upon a regular plan, executed with no less courage than
perseverance. But from this adventure of the Portuguese, it
appears that chance might have accomplished that great design,
which it is now the pride of human reason to have formed and
perfected. If the sagacity of Columbus had not conducted
mankind to America, Cabral, by a fortunate accident, might
have led them, a few years later, to the knowledge of that
extensive continent." 2
CHAPTER III.
NICHOLAS DE OVANDO APPOINTED TO SUPERSEDE BOBADILLA.
[1501.]
THE numerous discoveries briefly noticed in the preceding
chapter had produced a powerful effect upon the mind of Ferdi-
nand. His ambition, his avarice, and his jealousy were equally
1 Lafiteau, Conquetes des Portugais, lib. ii.
2 Kobertsou, Ili.-t. America, book ii.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 469
inflamed. He beheld boundless regions, teeming with all kinds
of riches, daily opening before the enterprises of his subjects ;
but he beheld at the same time other nations launching forth into
competition, emulous for a share of the golden world which he
was eager to monopolize. The expeditions of the English and
the accidental discovery of the Brazils by the Portuguese
caused him much uneasiness. To secure his possession of the
continent, he determined" to establish local governments or
commands in the most important places, all to be subject to a
general government, established at San Domingo, which was to
be the metropolis.
With these considerations, the government, heretofore granted
to Columbus, had risen vastly in importance ; and while the
restitution of it was the more desirable in his eyes, it became
more and more a matter of repugnance to the selfish and jealous
monarch. He had long repented having vested such great
powers and prerogatives in any subject, particularly in a for-
eigner. At the time of granting them he had no anticipation
of such boundless countries to be placed under his command.
He appeared almost to consider himself outwitted by Columbus
in the arrangement ; and every succeeding discovery, instead of
increasing his grateful sense of the obligation, only made him
repine the more at the growing magnitude of the reward. At
length, however, the affair of Bobadilla had effected a tempo-
rary exclusion of Columbus from his high office, and that with-
out any odium to the crown, and the wary monarch secretly
determined that the door thus closed between him and his
dignities should never again be opened.
Perhaps Ferdinand may really have entertained doubts as to
the innocence of Columbus with respect to the various charges
made against him. He may have doubted also the sincerity of
his loyalty, being a stranger, when he should find himself strong
in his command, at a great distance from the parent country,
with immense and opulent regions under his control. Colum-
bus himself, in his letters, alludes to reports circulated by his
enemies, that he intended either to set up an independent
sovereignty, or to deliver his discoveries into the hands of
other potentates ; and he appears to fear that these slanders
might have made some impression on the mind of Ferdinand,
lint there was one other consideration which had no less force
witli the monarch in withholding this great act of justice
Columbus was no longer indispensable to him. He had made
his great discovery ; he had struck out the route to the New
World, and now any one could follow it. A number of able
470 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
navigators had sprung up under his auspices, and acquired
experience in his vc^'ages. They were daily besieging the
throne with offers to fit out expeditions at their own cost, and
to yield a share of the profits to the crown. Why should he,
therefore, confer princely dignities and prerogatives for that
which men were daily offering to perform gratuitously?
.Such, from his after conduct, appears to have been the
jealous and selfish policy which actuated Ferdinand in for-
bearing to reinstate Columbus in those dignities and privileges
so solemnly granted to him by treaty, and which it was ac-
knowledged he had never forfeited by misconduct.
This deprivation, however, was declared to be but temporary ;
and plausible reasons were given for the dela}' in his re-appoint-
ment. It was observed that the elements of those violent
factions, recently in arms against him, yet existed in the
island ; his immediate return might produce fresh exasperation ;
his personal safety might be endangered, and the island again
thrown into confusion. Though Bobadilla, therefore, was to
be immediately dismissed from command, it was deemed advis-
able to send out some officer of talent and discretion to super-
sede him, who might dispassionately investigate the recent
disorders, remedy the abuses which had arisen, and expel all
dissolute and factious persons from the colony. He should hold
the government for two years, by which time it was trusted that
all angry passions would be allayed, and turbulent individuals
removed ; Columbus might then resume the command with
comfort to himself and advantage to the crown. With these
reasons, and the promise which accompanied them, Columbus
was obliged to content himself. There can be no doubt that
they were sincere on the part of Isabella, and that it was her
intention to reinstate him in the full enjoyment of his rights
and dignities, after his apparently necessary suspension. Fer-
dinand, however, by his subsequent conduct, has forfeited all
claim to any favorable opinion of the kind.
The person chosen to supersede Bobadilla was Don Nicholas
de Ovando, commander of Lares, of the order of Alcantara.
He is described as of the middle size, fair complexion, with a
red beard, and a modest look, yet a tone of authority. He was
fluent in speech, and gracious and courteous in his manners.
A man of great prudence, says Las Casas, and capable of
governing many people, but not of governing the Indians, on
whom he inflicted incalculable injuries. He possessed great
veneration for justice, was an enemy to avarice, sober in his
mode of living, and of such humility that when he rose after-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 471
ward to bo grand commander of the order of Alcantara, he
would never allow himself to be addressed by the title of
respect attached to it. 1 Such is the picture drawn of him by
historians ; but his conduct in several important instances is in
direct contradiction to it. He appears to have been plausible
and subtle, as well as fluent and courteous ; his humility con-
cealed a great love of command, and in his transactions with
Columbus he was both ungenerous and unjust.
The various arrangements to be made, according to the new
plan of colonial government, delayed for some time the depart-
ure of Ovando. In the mean time every arrival brought
intelligence of the disastrous state of the island under the mal-
administration of Bobadilla. He had commenced his career by
an opposite policy to that of Columbus. Imagining that rigor-
ous rule had been the rock on which his predecessors had split,
he sought to conciliate the public by all kinds of indulgence.
Having at the very outset relaxed the reins of justice and
morality, he lost all command over the community ; and such
disorder and licentiousness ensued that many, even of the
opponents of Columbus, looked back with regret upon the
strict but wholesome rule of himself and the Adelantado.
Bobadilla was not so much a bad as an imprudent and a weak
man. He had not considered the dangerous excesses to which
his policy would lead. Hash in grasping authority, he was
feeble and temporizing in the exercise of it ; he could not
look beyond the present exigency. One dangerous indulgence
granted to the colonists called for another; each was ceded in
its turn, and thus he went on from error to error showing
that in government there is as much danger to be apprehended
from a weak as from a bad man.
He had sold the farms and estates of the crown at low prices,
observing that it was not the wish of the monarchs to enrich
themselves by them, but that they should redound to the profit
of their subjects. He granted universal permission to work the
mines, exacting only an eleventh of the produce for the crown.
To prevent any diminution in the revenue, it became necessary,
of course, to increase the quantity of gold collected. He obliged
the caciques, therefore, to furnish each Spaniard with Indians,
to assist him both in the labors of the field and of the mine.
To carry this into more complete effect, he made an enumera-
tion of the natives of the island, reduced them into classes, and
distributed them, according to his favor or caprice, among the
1 Las Ca*as, Hist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 3.
472 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
colonists. The latter, at his suggestion, associated themselves
in partnerships of two persons each, who were to assist one
another with their respective capitals and Indians, one superin-
tending the labors of the field, and the other the search for
gold. The only injunction of Bobadilla was to produce large
quantities of ore. He had one saying continually in his mouth,
which shows the pernicious and temporizing principle upon
which he acted : " Make the most of your time," he would say ;
"there is no knowing how long it will last," alluding to the
possibility of his being speedily recalled. The colonists acted
up to his advice, and so hard did they drive the poor natives
that the eleventh yielded more revenue to the crown than had
ever been produced by the third under the government of Co-
lumbus. In the mean time the unhappy natives suffered under
nil kinds of cruelties from their inhuman taskmasters. Little
used to labor, feeble of constitution, and accustomed in their
beautiful and luxurious island to a life of ease and freedom,
they sank under the toils imposed upon them, and the severities
by which they were enforced. Las Casas gives an indignant
picture of the capricious tyranny exercised over the Indians by
worthless Spaniards, many of whom had been transported con-
victs from the dungeons of Castile. These wretches, who in
their own countries had been the vilest among the vile, here
assumed the tone of grand cavaliers. They insisted upon being
attended by trains of servants. They took the daughters and
female relations of caciques for their domestics, or rather for
their concubines, nor did they limit themselves in number.
"When they travelled, instead of using horses and mules with
which they were provided, they obliged the natives to transport
them upon their shoulders in litters, or hammocks, with others
attending to hold umbrellas of palm-leaves over their heads to
keep off the sun, and fans of feathers to cool them ; and Las
Casas affirms that he has seen the backs and shoulders of the
unfortunate Indians who bore these litters, raw and bleeding
from the task. When these arrogant upstarts arrived at an
Indian village the}* consumed and lavished away the provisions
of the inhabitants, seizing upon whatever pleased their caprice,
and obliging the cacique and his subjects to dance before them
for their amusement. Their very pleasures were attended with
cruelty. They never addressed the natives but in the most de-
grading terms, and on the least offence, or the least freak of
ill-humor, indicted blows and lashes, and even death itself. 1
Las Casas, liist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 1, MS.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 473
Such is but a faint picture of the evils which sprang up under
the feeble rule of Bobadilla, and are sorrowfully described by
Las Casas, from actual observation, as he visited the island just
at the close of his administration. Bobadilla had trusted to
the immense amount of gold, wrung from the miseries of the
natives, to atone for all errors, and secure favor with the sove-
reigns ; but he had totally mistaken his course. The abuses of
his government soon reached the royal ear, and alx>ve all, the
wrongs of the natives reached the benevolent heart of Isabella.
Nothing was more calculated to arouse her indignation, and she
urged the speedy departure of Ovaudo, to put a stop to these
enormities.
In conformity to the plan already mentioned, the government
of Ovando extended over the islands and Terra Firma, of which
Hispaniohi was to be the metropolis. He was to enter upon
the exercise of his powers immediately upon his arrival, by
procuration, sending home Bobadilla by the return of the fleet,
lie was instructed to inquire diligently into the late abuses,
punishing the delinquents without favor or partiality, and re-
moving all worthless persons from the island. He was to
revoke immediately the license granted by Bobadilla for the
general search after gold, it having been given without royal
authority. He was to require, for the crown, a third of what
was already collected, and one-half of all that should be col-
lected in future. He was empowered to build towns, granting
them the privileges enjoyed by municipal corporations of Spain,
and obliging the Spaniards, and particularly the soldiers, to re-
side in them, instead of scattering themselves over the island.
Among many sage provisions there were others injurious and
illiberal, characteristic of an age when the principles of com-
merce were but little understood, but which were continued by
Spain long after the rest of the world had discarded them as the
errors of dark and unenlightened times. The crown monoi>-
olizcd the trade of the colonies. No one could carry merchan-
dise there on his own account. A royal factor was appointed,
through whom alone were to be obtained supplies of European
articles. The crown reserved to itself not only exclusive prop-
erty in the mines, but in precious stones, and like objects of
extraordinary value, and also in dyewoods. No strangers, and
above all no Moors nor Jews, were permitted to establish them-
selves in the island, nor to go upon voyages of discover}-. Such
were some of the restrictions upon trade which Spain imposed
upon her colonies, and which were followed up by others equally
illiberal. Her commercial policy has beeu the scoff of modern
474 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
times ; but may not the present restrictions on trade, imposed
by the most intelligent nations, be equally the wonder and the
jest of future ages ?
Isabella was particularly careful in providing for the kind
treatment of the Indians. Ovando was ordered to assemble the
caciques, and declare to them that the sovereigns took them and
their people under their special protection. They were merely
to pay tribute like other subjects of the crown, and it was to be
collected with the utmost mildness and gentleness. Great pains
were to be taken in their religious instruction ; for which pur-
pose twelve Franciscan friars were sent out, with a prelate
named Antonio de Espinal, a venerable and pious man. This
was the first formal introduction of the Franciscan order into
the New World. 1
All these precautions with respect to the natives were de-
feated by one unwary provision. It was permitted that the
Indians might be compelled to work in the mines, and iu other
employments ; but this was limited to the royal service. They
were to be engaged as hired laborers, and punctually paid.
This provision led to great abuses and oppressions, and was
ultimately as fatal to the natives as could have been the most
absolute slavery.
But, with that inconsistency frequent in human conduct, while
the sovereigns were making regulations for the relief of the In-
dians, they encouraged a gross invasion of the rights and welfare
of another race of human beings. Among their various decrees
on this occasion, we find the first trace of negro slavery in the
New World. It was permitted to carry to the colony negro
slaves born among Christians ; 2 that is to say, slaves born in
Seville and other pails of Spain, the children and descendants
of natives brought from the Atlantic coast of Africa, where
such traffic had for some time been carried on b}' the Spaniards
and Portuguese. There are signal events iu the course of his-
tory, which sometimes bear the appearance of temporal judg-
ments. It is a fact worthy of observation that Hispauiola, the
place where this flagrant sin against nature and humanity was
first introduced into the New World, has been the first to ex-
hibit an awful retribution.
Amid the various concerns which claimed the attention of
the sovereigns, the interests of Columbus were not forgotten.
Ovando was ordered to examine into all his accounts, without
undertaking to pay them off. He was to ascertain the damages
' T.as Caw, Hist. Tnd., lib. ii. cap. 3, MS.
* Hun-era, Hist, luil., ilecud. i. lib. iv. cap. 12.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 475
he had sustained by his imprisonment, the interruption of his
privileges, and the confiscation of his effects. All the property
confiscated by Bobadilla was to be restored; or if it had been
sold, to be made good. If it had been employed in the royal
service, Columbus was to be indemnified out of the treasury ; if
Bobadilla had appropriated it to his own use, he was to account
for it out of his private puree. Equal care was to be taken to
indemnify the brothers of the admiral for the losses they had
wrongfully suffered by their arrest.
Columbus was likewise to receive the arrears of his revenues,
and the same were to be punctually paid to him in future. He
was permitted to have a factor resident in the island, to be
present at the melting and marking of the gold, to collect his
dues, and in short to attend to all his affairs. To this office he
appointed Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal ; and the sovereigns com-
manded that his agent should be treated with great respect.
The fleet appointed to convey Ovando to his government was
the largest that had yet sailed to the New World. It consisted
of thirty sail, five of them from ninety to one hundred and fifty
tons burden, twenty-four caravels from thirty to ninety, and
one bark of twenty-five tons. 1 The number of souls embarked
in this fleet was about twenty-five hundred ; many of them
persons of rank and distinction, with their families.
That Ovando might appear with dignity in his new office, he
was allowed to use silks, brocades, precious stones, and other
articles of sumptuous attire, prohibited at that time in Spain,
in consequence of the ruinous ostentation of the nobility. He
was permitted to have seventy-two esquires as his body-guard,
ten of whom were horsemen. With this expedition sailed Don.
Alonzo Maldoundo, appointed as alguazil mayor, or chief
justice, in place of Roldan. who was to be sent to Spain. There
were artisans of various kinds : to these were added a physi-
cian, surgeon, and apothecary ; and seventy-three married men 2
with their families, all of respectable character, destined to be
distributed in four towns, and to enjoy peculiar privileges, that
they might form the basis of a sound and useful population.
They were to displace an equal number of the idle and dissolute
who were to be sent from the island : this excellent measure had
been especially urged and entreated by Columbus. There was
also live stock, artillery, arms, munitions of all kinds ; every
thing, in short, that was required forthe supply of the island.
1 Muiioz, part inodit. La* Casas says the Meet consisted of thirty-two sail, lie states
from memory, however: Mufi >x from documents.
2 Mu;iu/;,'ll. >i. Muudo, jjait iiietlit.
476 LIFE OF cnitisTornER COLUMBUS.
Such was the style in which Ovando, a favorite of Ferdinand,
and a native subject of rank, was fitted out to enter upon the
government withheld from Columbus. The fleet put to sea
on the thirteenth of February, 1502. In the early part of
the voyage it was encountered by a terrible storm ; one of the
ships foundered, with one hundred and twenty passengers; the
others were obliged to throw overboard every thing on deck,
and were completely scattered. The shores of Spain were
strewn with articles from the fleet, and a rumor spread that all
the ships had perished. When this reached the sovereigns,
they were so overcome with grief that they shut themselves up
for eight days, and admitted no one to their presence. The
rumor proved to be incorrect ; but one ship was lost. The
others assembled again at the island of Gomera in the Canaries,
and pursuing their voyage, arrived at San Domingo on the 15th
of April. 1
CHAPTER IV.
PROPOSITION OF COLUMBUS RELATIVE TO THE RECOVERY OF THE
HOLY SEPULCHRE.
[1500-1501.]
COLUMBUS remained in the city of Granada upward of nine
months, endeavoring to extricate his affairs from the confusion
into which they had been thrown by the rash conduct of Boba-
dilla, and soliciting the restoration of his offices and dignities.
During this time he constantly experienced the smiles and at-
tentions of the sovereigns, and promises were repeatedly made
him that he should ultimately be reinstated in all his honors
He had long since, however, ascertained the great interval that
may exist between promise and performance in a court. Had
he been of a morbid and repining spirit, he had ample food for
misanthropy. He beheld the career of glory which he had
opened, thronged by favored adventurers ; he witnessed prepa-
rations making to convey with unusual pomp a successor to
that government from which he had been so wrongfully and
rudely ejected ; in the mean while his own career was inter-
rupted, and as far as public employ is a gauge of royal favor,
he remained apparently i disgrace.
His sanguine temperament was not long to be depressed ; if
checked in one direction it broke forth in another. His vision-
Las Casas, Ilist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 3, MS.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 477
ary imagination was an internal light, which, in the darkest
times, repelled all outward gloom, and filled his mind with
splendid images and glorious speculations. In this time of evil,
his vow to furnish, within seven years from the time of his dis-
cover} 7 , fifty thousand foot soldiers, .and five thousand horse,
for the recovery of the holy sepulchre, recurred to his memory
with peculiar force. The time had elapsed, but the vow re-
mained unfulfilled, and the means to perform it had failed him.
The New World, with all its treasures, had as 3'et produced ex-
pense instead of profit ; and so far from being in a situation to
set armies on foot by his own contributions, he found himself
without property, without power, and without employ.
Destitute of the means of accomplishing his pious intentions,
he considered it his duty to incite the sovereigns to the enter-
prise ; and he felt emlx>ldened to do so, from having originally
proposed it as the great object to which the profits of his dis-
coveries should be dedicated. He set to work, therefore, with
his accustomed zeal, to prepare arguments for the purpose.
During the intervals of business, he sought into the prophecies
of the holy Scriptures, the writings of the fathers, and all kinds
of sacred and speculative sources, for mystic portents and reve-
lations which might be construed to bear upon the discovery of
the New World, the conversion of the Gentiles, and the recov-
ery of the holy sepulchre : three great events which he supposed
to be predestined to succeed each other. These passages, with
the assistance of a Carthusian friar, he arranged in order, illus-
trated by poetry, and collected into a manuscript volume, to be
delivered to the sovereigns. He prepared, at the same time, a
long letter, written with his usual fervor of spirit and sim-
plicity of heart. It is one of those singular comix>sitions which
lay open the visionary pait of his character, and show the
mystic and speculative reading with which he was accustomed
to nurture his solemn and soaring imagination.
In this letter he urged the sovereigns to set on foot a crusade
for the deliverance of Jerusalem from the power of the unbe-
lievers. He entreated them not to reject his present advice as
extravagant and impracticable, nor to heed the discredit that
might be cast upon it by others ; reminding them that his great
scheme of discovery had originally been treated with similar
contempt. He avowed in the fullest manner his persuasion,
that, from his earliest infancy, he had been chosen by Heaven
for the accomplishment of those two great designs, the discov-
ery of the New World, and the rescue of the holy sepulchre.
For this purpose, in his tender years, he had been guided by a
478 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
divine impulse to embrace the profession of the sea, a mode of
life, he observes, which produces an inclination to inquire into
the mysteries of nature ; and he had been gifted with a curious
spirit, to read all kinds of chronicles, geographical treatises,
and works of philosoph\". In meditating upon these, his un-
derstanding had been opened by the Deity, " as with a palpable
hand," so as to discover the navigation to the Indies, and he
had been inflamed with ardor to undertake the enterprise.
''Animated as by a heavenly fire," he adds, " I came to your
highnesses : all who heard of my enterprise mocked at it ; all
the sciences I had acquired profited me nothing ; seven years
did I pass in your royal court, disputing the case with persons
of great authority and learned in all the arts, and in the end
they decided that all was vain. In your highnesses alone re-
mained faith and constancy. Who will doubt that this light
was from the holy Scriptures, illumining you as well as myself
with rays of marvellous brightness?"
These ideas, so repeatedly, and solemnly, and artlessly ex-
pressed, by a man of the fervent piet\' of Columbus, show how
truly his discovery arose from the working of his own mind,
and not from information furnished by others. lie considered
it a divine intimation, a light from Heaven, and the fulfilment
of what had been foretold by our Saviour and the prophets.
Still he regarded it but as a minor event, preparatory to the
great enterprise, the recover}' of the holy sepulchre. He pro-
nounced it a miracle effected by Heaven to animate himself
and others to that holy undertaking ; and he assured the sov-
ereigns that, if they had faith in his present as in his former
proposition, they would assuredly be rewarded with equally
triumphant success. He conjured them not to heed the sneers
of such as might scoff at him as one unlearned, as an ignorant
mariner, a worldly man ; reminding them that the Holy Spirit
works not merely in the learned, but also in the ignorant ; nay,
that it reveals things to come, not merely by rational beings,
but by prodigies in animals, and by mystic signs in the air and
in the heavens.
The enterprise here suggested by Columbus, however idle and
extravagant it may appear in the present day, was in unison
with the temper of the times, and of the court to which it was
proposed. The vein of mystic erudition by which it was en-
forced, likewise, was suited to an age when the reveries of
the cloister still controlled the operations of the cabinet and the
camp. The spirit of the crusades had not yet passed away.
In the cause of the church, and at the instigation of its digui-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 479
taries, every cavalier was ready to draw his sword ; and religion
mingled a glowing and devoted enthusiasm with the ordinary
excitement of warfare. Ferdinand was a religious bigot ; and
the devotion of Isabella went as near to bigotry as her liberal
mind and magnanimous spirit would permit. Both the sover-
eigns were under the influence of ecclesiastical politicians con-
stantly guiding their enterprises in a direction to redound to
the temporal power and glory of the church. The recent con-
quest of Granada had been considered a European crusade, and
had gained to the sovereigns the epithet of Catholic. It was
natural to think of extending their sacred victories still farther,
and retaliating upon the infidels their domination of Spain,
and their long triumphs over the cross. In fact, the Duke of
Medina Sidouia had made a recent inroad into Harbary, in the
course of which he had taken the city of Melilla, and his expe-
dition had been pronounced a renewal of the holy wars against
the infidels in Africa. 1
There was nothing, therefore, in the proposition of Columbus
that could be regarded as preposterous, considering the period
and circumstances in which it was made, though it strongly
illustrates his own enthusiastic and visionary character. It
must be recollected that it was meditated in the courts of the
Alhambra, among the splendid remains of Moorish grandeur,
where, but a few years before, he had beheld the standard of
the faith elevated in triumph above the symbols of infidelity.
It appears to have been the offspring of one of those moods of
high excitement, when, as has been observed, his soul was
elevated by the contemplation of his great and glorious office ;
when he considered himself under divine inspiration, imparting
the will of Heaven, and fulfilling the high and holy purposes
for which he had been predestined. 2
1 Garibay, Hist. Espana, lib. xix. cap. 6. Among the collections existing in the
library of the late Prince Sebastian, there is a folio which, among other t hi new, con-
tain* a paper or letter, in which is a calculation of the probable expenses of an army
of twenty thousand men, for the conquest of the Holy Land. It is dated 1509 or
1510, and the handwriting appears to be of the same time.
* CohiiniJiis wad not singular in this belief; it was entertained by many of his
zealous and learned admirers. The erudite lapidary, Jayme Ferrer, in the letter
written to Columbus in 1495, at the command of the sovereigns, observer : "I fee in
this a great mystery- the divine and infallible Providence sent the great St. Thomas
from the west into the east, to manifest in India our holy and Catholic faith; and
you, Senor, he sent in an opposite direction, from the east into the west, until you
have arrived in the Orient, into the extreme part of Upper India, that the people
may hear that which their ancestors neglected of the preaching of St. Thomas.
Thus shall be accomplished what was written, in onuifti trrrani triUt aonim eo~
rniii." . . . And again, "The office which you hold, Senor, places you in the
light of an apostle and ambassador of God, sent by his divine judgment, to make
known his holy name in unknown lands." Lelra de Mossen Jayme Ferrer, Navar-
rete Coleccion, torn. ii. decad. 68. See also the opiuiou expressed by Agostiuo
Oiuustiuiaui, his contemporary, in hia Polyglot Psalter.
480 LIFE OF CnHISTOPUER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER V.
PREPARATIONS OF COLUMBUS FOR A FOURTH VOYAGE OF
DISCOVERY.
[1501-1502.]
THE speculation relative to the recovery of the holy sepulchre
held but a temporary sway over the miud of Columbus. His
thoughts soon returned, with renewed ardor, to their wonted
channel. He became impatient of inaction, and soon conceived
a leading object for another enterprise of discovery. The
achievement of Vasco de Gama, of the long-attempted naviga-
tion to India by the Cape of Good Hope, was one of the signal
events of the da} T . Pedro Alvarez Cabral, following in his
track, had made a most successful voyage, and returned with
his vessels laden witli the precious commodities of the East.
The riches of Calicut were now the theme of every tongue, and
the splendid trade now opened in diamonds and precious stones
from the mines of Hindostan ; in pearls, gold, silver, amber,
ivory, and porcelain ; in silken stuffs, costly woods, gums, aro-
matics, and spices of all kinds. The discoveries of the savage
regions of the New World, as yet, brought little revenue to
.Spain ; but this route, suddenly opened to the luxurious
countries of the East, was pouring immediate wealth into
Portugal.
Columbus was roused to emulation by these accounts. He
now conceived the idea of a voyage, in which, with his usual
enthusiasm, he hoped to surpass not merely the discovery of
Vasco de Gama, but even those of his own previous expedi-
tions. According to his own observations in his voyage to
Paria, and the reports of other navigators, who had pursued
the same route to a greater distance, it appeared that the coast
of Terra Firma stretched far to the west. The southern coast
of Cuba, which he considered a part of the Asiatic continent,
stretched onward toward the same point. The currents of the
Caribbean Sea must pass between those lands. He was per-
suaded, therefore, that there must be a strait existing some-
where thereabout, opening into the Indian sea. The situation
in which he placed his conjectural strait was somewhere about
what at present is called the Isthmus of Darien. 1 Could he
1 Las < 'asa.-, lib. ii. cap. 4. Las Casas specifies the viciuity of Nooibre Ue IMos aa
the place.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 481
but discover such a passage, and thus link the New iVorld lie
had discovered, with the opulent Oriental regions of the Old,
he felt that he should make a magnificent close to his labors,
and consummate this great object of his existence.
When he unfolded his plan to the sovereigns, it was listened
to with great attention. Certain of the royal council, it is said,
endeavored to throw difficulties in the way, observing that the
various exigencies of the times, and the low state of the royal
treasury, rendered any new expedition highly inexpedient.
They intimated also that Columbus ought not to be employed
until his good conduct in Hispaniola was satisfactorily estab-
lished by letters from Ovando. These narrow-minded sugges-
tions failed in their aim ; Isabella had implicit confidence in the
integrity of Columbus. As to the expense, she felt that while
furnishing so powerful a fleet and splendid retinue to Ovando,
to take possession of his government, it would be ungenerous
and ungrateful to refuse a few ships to the discoverer of the
New World, to enable him to prosecute his illustrious enter-
prises. As to Ferdinand, his cupidity was roused at the idea
of being soon put in possession of a more direct and safe route
to those countries with which the crown of Portugal was open-
ing so lucrative a trade. The project also would occupy the
admiral for a considerable time, and, while it diverted him
from claims of an inconvenient nature, would employ his
talents in a way most beneficial to the crown. However the
king might doubt his abilities as a legislator, he had the high-
est opinion of his skill and judgment as a navigator. If such,
a strait as the one supposed were really in existence, Columbus
was, of all men in the world, the one to discover it. His prop-
osition, therefore, was promptly acceded to ; he was author-
ized to fit out an armament immediately ; and repaired to
Seville in the autumn of 1001, to make the necessary prepara-
tions.
Though this substantial enterprise diverted his attention from
his romantic expedition for the recover} 7 of the holy sepulchre,
it still continued to haunt his mind. He left his manuscript
collection of researches among the prophecies, in the hands of
a devout friar of the name of Gasper Gorricio, who assisted
to complete it. In February, also, he wrote a letter to Pope
Alexander VII., in which he apologizes on account of indispen-
sable occupations, for not having repaired to Rome, according
to his original intention, to give an account of his grand discov-
eries. After briefly relating them, he adds that his enterprises
had been undertakeu with intent of dedicating the sains to the
482 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
recovery of the holy sepulchre. He mentions his vow to fur-
nish, within seven years, fifty thousand foot and five thousand
horse for the purpose, and another of like force within five suc-
ceeding years. This pious intention, he laments, had been im-
peded by the arts of the devil, and he feared, without divine
aid, would be entirely frustrated, as the government which
had been granted to him in perpetuity had been taken from him.
He informs his Holiness of his being about to embark on an-
other voyage, and promises solemnly, on his return, to repair
to Rome without delay, to relate every thing by word of mouth,
as well as to present him with an account of his voyages, which
he had kept from the commencement to the present time, in the
style of the Commentaries of Caesar. 1
It was about this time, also, that he sent his letter on the
subject of the sepulchre to the sovereigns, together with the
collection of prophecies. 2 We have no account of the manner
in which the proposition was received. Ferdinand, with all his
.bigotry, was a shrewd and worldly prince. Instead of a chival-
rous crusade against Jerusalem, he preferred making a pacific
arrangement with the Grand JSoldan of Egypt, who had men-
aced the destruction of the sacred edifice. He despatched,
therefore, the learned Peter Martyr, so distinguished for his
historical writings, as ambassador to the Soldan, by whom all
ancient grievances between the two powers were satisfactorily
adjusted, and arrangements made for the conservation of the
holy sepulchre, and the protection of all Christian pilgrims re-
sorting to it.
In the mean time Columbus went on with the preparations for
his contemplated voyage, though but slowly, owing, as Charle-
voix intimates, to the artifices and delays of Fouseca and his
1 Navarrete, Colec. Viag., torn. ii. p. 145.
z A manuscript volume containing a copy of this letter and of the collection of
prophecies, is in the Columbian Library, in the Cathedral of Seville, where the author
of this work had seen and examined it, since publishing the first edition. The
title and some of the early pages of the work are in the handwriting of Fernando
Columbus, the main body or the work is by a strange hand, probably by the Friar
Gaspar Gorricio, or some brother of his Convent. There are trifling marginal notes
or corrections, and one or two trivial additions in the handwriting of Columbus,
especially a passage added after his return from his fourth voyage and shortly before
his death, alluding to an eclipse of the moon which took place during his sojourn in
the island of Jamaica. The handwriting of this last passage, like most of the manu-
script of Columbus which the author has seen, is small and delicate, bnt wants the lirm-
11 ess and distinctness of his earlier writing, his hand having doubtless become unsteady
by age and infirmity.
This document is extremely curious as containing all the passages of Scripture and
of the works of the fathers which had so powerful an influence on the ciiihu^iai-iic
mind of Columbus, and were construed by him into mysterious prophecies ai.d reve-
lations. The volume is in good preservation, excepting that a few pages have bee'i cut
out. The writing, though of the beginning of the filtccnlh century, is very distinct
mid legible. Tbu library mark of the Unik i* KsUulu Z, Tub. 1&>, No. '25.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 483
agents. He craved permission to touch at the island of Ilis-
paniola for supplies on his outward voyage. This, however,
the sovereigns forbade, knowing that lie had many enemies
in the island, and that the place would be in great agitation from
the arrival of Ovando and the removal of Bobadilla. They
consented, however, that he should touch there briefly on his
return, by which time they hoped the island would be restored
to tranquillity. He was permitted to take with him in this expe-
dition his brother the Atlelantado, and his son Fernando, then
in his fourteenth year ; also two or three persons learned in
Arabic, to serve as interpreters, in case he should arrive at the
dominions of the Grand Khan, or of any other eastern prince
where that language might be spoken, or partially known. In
reply to letters relative to the ultimate restoration of his rights,
and to matters concerning his family, the sovereigns wrote him
a letter, dated March 14th, 1502, from Valencia de Torre, in
which they again solemnly assured him that their capitulations
with him should be fulfilled to the letter, and the dignities
therein ceded enjoyed by him, and his children after him ; and
if it should be necessary to confirm them anew, they would do
so. and secure them to his son. Besides which, they expressed
their disposition to bestow further honors and rewards upon
himself, his brothers, and his children. They entreated him,
therefore, to depart in peace and confidence, and to leave all
his concerns in Spain to the management of his son Diego. 1
This was the last letter that Columbus received from the
sovereigns, and the assurances it contained were as ample and
absolute as he could desire. Recent circumstances, however,
had apparently rendered him dubious of the future. During
the time that he passed in Seville, previous to his departure,
he took measures to secure his fame, and preserve the claims
of his family, by placing them under the guardianship of his
native country. He had copies of all the letters, grants, and
privileges from the sovereigns, appointing him admiral, vice-
roy, and governor of the Indies, copied and authenticated be-
fore the alcaldes of Seville. Two sets of these were transcribed,
together with his letter to the nurse of Prince Juan, contain-
ing a circumstantial and eloquent vindication of his rights ; and
two letters to the Bank of St. George, at Genoa, assigning to it
the tenth of his revenues, to be employed in diminishing the
duties on corn and other provisions a truly benevolent and
patriotic donation, intended for the relief of the poor of his
1 Laa Casas, Ilist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 4.
484 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
native city. These two sets of documents he sent by different
individuals to his friend. Doctor Nicola Oderigo, formerly am-
bassador from Genoa to the court of Spain, requesting him to
preserve them in some safe deposit, and to apprise his sou
Diego of the same. His dissatisfaction at the conduct of the
Spanish court may have been the cause of this precautionary
measure, that an appeal to the world, or to posterity, might be
in the power of his descendants, in case he should perish in the
course of his voyage. 1
1 These documents lay unknown in the Oderigo family until 1670, when Lorenzo
Oderigo presented them to the government of Genoa, and they were deposited in the
archives. In the disturbances and revolutions of after times, one of these copies was
taken to Paris, and the other disappeared. In 1816 the latter was discovered in the
library of the deceased Count Michel Angelo Cambiaso, a senator of Genoa. It was
procured by the King of Sardinia, then sovereign of Genoa, and given up by him to the
city of Genoa in 1821. A custodia, or monument, was erected in that city for its pres-
ervation, consisting of a marble column supporting an urn, surmounted by a bust of
Columbus. The documents were deposited in the urn. These papers have beeu pub-
lished, together with an historical memoir of Columbus, by D. Gio. BattitU Spotorno,
Professor of Eloquence, etc., iu the University of Geuoa.
BOOK XV.
CHAPTER I.
DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS ON HIS FOURTH VOYAGE REFUSED
ADMISSION TO THE HARBOR OF SAN DOMINGO EXPOSED TO A
VIOLENT TEMPEST.
[1502.]
AGE was rapidly making its advances upon Columbus when
he undertook his fourth and last voyage of discovery. He had
already numbered sixty-six yeai-s, and they were years tilled
with care and trouble, in which age outstrips the march of
time. His constitution, originally vigorous in the extreme, had
been impaired by hardships and exposures in every clime, and
silently preyed upon by the sufferings of the mind. His frame,
once powerful and commanding, and retaining a semblance of
strength and majesty even in its decay, was yet crazed by in-
firmities and subject to paroxysms of excruciating pain. His
intellectual forces alone retained their wonted health and en-
ergy, prompting him, at a period in life when most men seek
repose, to sally forth with youthful ardor, on the most toilsome
and adventurous of expeditions.
His squadron for the present voyage consisted of four cara-
vels, the smallest of fifty tons burden, the largest not exceed-
ing seventy, and the crews amounting in all to one hundred
and fifty men. With this little armament and these slender
barks did the venerable discoverer undertake the search after
a strait, which, if found, must conduct him into the most
remote seas, and lead to a complete circumnavigation of the
globe.
In this arduous voyage, however, he had a faithful counsel-
lor, and an intrepid and vigorous coadjutor, in his brother Don
Bartholomew, while his younger son Fernando cheered him
with his affectionate sympathy. He had learned to appreciate
such comforts, from being too often an isolated stranger, sur-
rounded by false friends and perfidious enemies.
485
486 LIFE OF CIIRI STOP HER COLUMBUS.
The squadron sailed from Cadiz on the 9th of May, and
passed over to Ercilla, on the coast of Morocco, where it an-
chored on the 13th. Understanding that the Portuguese garri-
son was closely besieged in the fortress by the Moore, and ex-
]>osed to great peril, Columbus was ordered to touch there, and
render all the assistance in his power. Before his arrival the
siege had been raised, but the governor lay ill, having been
wounded in an assault. Columbus sent his brother, the Ade-
lantado, his son Fernando, and the captains of the caravels on
shore, to wait upon the governor, with expressions of friend-
ship and civility, and offers of the services of his squadron.
Their visit and message gave high satisfaction, and several
cavaliers were sent to wait upon the admiral in return, some of
whom were relatives of his deceased wife, Dona Felippa Munoz.
After this exchange of civilities, the admiral made sail on the
same day, and continued his voyage. 1 On the 2oth of May,
he arrived at the Grand Canary, and remained at that and the
adjacent islands for a few days, taking in wood and water.
On the evening of the 25th he took his departure for the New
World. The trade-winds were so favorable that the little
squadron swept gently on its course, without shifting a sail,
and arrived on the 15th of June at one of the Caribbee Islands,
called by the natives Mantinino. 2 After stopping here for three
days, to take in wood and water, and allow the seamen time to
wash their clothes, the squadron passed to the west of the
island, and sailed to Dominica, about ten leagues distant. 3
Columbus continued hence along the inside of the Antilles, to
Santa Cruz, then along the south side of Porto Rico, and
steered for San Domingo. This was contrary to the original
plan of the admiral, who had intended to steer to Jamaica, 4
and thence to take a departure for the continent, and explore
its coasts in search of the supposed strait. It was contrary to
the orders of the sovereigns also, prohibiting him on his outward
voyage to touch at Hispaniola. His excuse was that his prin-
cipal vessel sailed extremely ill, could not carry any canvas,
and continually embarrassed and delayed the rest of the
squadron. 5 He wished, therefore, to exchange it for one of the
fleet which had recently conveyed Ovando to his government,
> Hi*t. del. Alrairante, cap. 88.
1 fSeiior Xavarrele supposes this island to be the came at present called Santa Lucia.
From the distance between it and Dominica, as slated by Fernando Columbus, it was
more probably the present Martinlca.
Hist del. Almirame, cap. 88.
4 Ix-tter of Columbus from Jamaica. Journal of Porras, Xavarrete, torn. i.
* Hist. del. Aluiirauu, cap. 8S. La* Ctutas, lib. ii. cap. 5.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 487
or to purchase some other vessel at San Domingo ; and he was
persuaded that he would not be blamed for departing from his
orders, in a case of such importance to the safety and success
of his expedition.
It is necessary to state the situation of the island at this
moment. Ovando had reached San Domingo on the 15th of
April. He had been received with the accustomed ceremony on
the shore, by Bobadilla, accompanied by the principal inhabit-
ants of the town. He was escorted to the fortress, where his
commission was read in form, in presence of all the authorities.
The usual oaths were taken, and ceremonials observed ; and the
new governor was hailed with great demonstrations of obedi-
ence and satisfaction. Ovando entered upon the duties of his
office with coolness and prudence, and treated Bobadilla with
a courtesy totally opposite to the rudeness with which the latter
had superseded Columbus. The emptiness of mere official
rank, when unstistained by merit, was shown in the case of
Bohadilla. The moment his authority was at an end all his im-
portance vanished. He found himself a solitary and neglected
man, deserted by those whom he had most favored, and he
experienced the worthlessness of the popularity gained by
courting the prejudices and passions of the multitude. Still
there is no record of any suit having been instituted against
him ; and Las Casas, who was on the spot, declares that he
never heard any harsh thing spoken of him by the colonists. 1
The conduct of Koldan and his accomplices, however, under-
went a strict investigation, and many were arrested to be sent
to Spain for trial. They appeared undismayed, trusting to the
influence of their friends in Spain to protect them, and many
relying on the well-known disposition of the Bishop of Fouseca
to favor all who had been opposed to Columbus.
The fleet which had brought out Ovando was now read}' for
sea ; and was to take out a number of the principal delinquents,
and many of the idlers and profligates of the island. Bobadilla
was to embark on the principal ship, on board of which he put
an immense amount of gold, the revenue collected for the
crown during his government, and which he confidently ex-
pected would atone for all his faults. There was one solid mass
of virgin gold on board of this ship, which is famous in the old
Spanish chronicles. It had been found by a female Indian in a
brook, on the estate of Francisco de Garay and Miguel Diaz,
and had been taken by Bobadilla to send to the king, making
* Las Ca-sas, Hist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 3.
488 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
the owners a suitable compensation. It was said to weigh
three thousand six hundred eastellauos. 1
Large quantities of gold were likewise shipped in the fleet,
by the followers of Roldan, and other adventurers, the wealth
gained by the sufferings of the unhappy natives. Among the
various persons who were to sail in the principal ship was the
unfortunate Guarionex, the once powerful cacique of the Vega.
He had been confined in Fort Conception ever since his capture
after the war of Higuey, and was now to be sent a captive in
chains to Spain. In one of the ships, Alonzo Sanchez de Car-
vajal, the agent of Columbus, had put four thousand pieces of
gold, to be remitted to him, being part of his property, either
recently collected or recovered from the hands of Bobadilla. 2
The preparations were all made, and the fleet was ready to
put to sea, when, on the 29th of June, the squadron of Colum-
bus arrived at the mouth of the river. He immediately sent
Pedro de Terreros, captain of one of the caravels, on shore to
wait on Ovando, and explain to him that the purpose of his
coming was to procure a vessel in exchange for one of his cara-
vels, which was extremely defective. He requested permission
also to shelter his squadron in the harbor ; as he apprehended,
from various indications, an approaching storm. This request
was refused by Ovando. Las Casas thinks it probable that he
had instructions from the sovereigns not to admit Columbus,
and that he was further swayed by prudent considerations, as
San Domingo was at that moment crowded with the most
virulent enemies of the admiral, many of them in a high state
of exasperation, from recent proceedings which had taken place
against them. 3
When the ungracious refusal of Ovando was brought to Col-
umbus, and he found all shelter denied him, he sought at least
to avert the danger of the fleet, which was about to sail. He
sent back the officer, therefore, to the governor, entreating him
not to permit the fleet to put to sea for several days, assuring
him that there were indubitable signs of an impending tempest.
This second request was equally fruitless with the first. The
weather, to an inexperienced eye, was fair and tranquil ; the
pilots and seamen were impatient to depart. They scoffed at
the prediction of the admiral, ridiculing him as a false prophet,
and they persuaded Ovando not to detain the fleet on so unsub-
stantial a pretext.
It was hard treatment of Columbus, thus to be denied the
1 Las C'a.sas, Hist Intl., lib. ii. cap. 5. * Ibid.
* Las Casas, ubi blip.
LIFE OF CIiniSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 489
relief which the state of his ships required, and to be excluded
in time of distress from the very harbor lie had discovered.
He retired from the river full of grief and indignation. His
crew murmured loudly at being shut out from a port of their
own nation, where even strangers, under similar circumstances,
would be admitted. They repined at having embarked with a
commander liable to such treatment, and anticipated nothing
but evil from a voyage, in which they were exposed to the
dangers of the sea, and repulsed from the protection of the
land.
Being confident, from his observations of those natural phe-
nomena in which he was deeply skilled, that the anticipated
storm could not be distant, and expecting it from the land side,
Columbus kept his feeble squadron close to the shore, and
sought for secure anchorage iu some wild bay or river of the
island.
In the mean time the fleet of Bobadilla set sail from San Do-
mingo, and stood out confidently to sea. Within two days the
predictions of Columbus were verified. One of those tremen-
dous hurricanes, which sometimes sweep those latitudes, had
gradually gathered up. The baleful appearance of the heavens,
the wild look of the ocean, the rising murmur of the winds, all
gave notice of its approach. The fleet had scarcely reached the
eastern point of Hispaniola when the tempest burst over it
with awful fury, involving every thing in wreck and ruin. The
ship on board of which were Bobadilla, Roldan, and a number
of the most inveterate enemies of Columbus, was swallowed up
with all its crew, and with the celebrated mass of gold, and the
principal part of the ill-gotten treasure, gained by the miseries
of the Indians. Many of the ships were entirely lost, some re-
turned to San Domingo, in shattered condition, and only one
was enabled to continue her voyage to Spain. That one, ac-
cording to Fernando Columbus, was the weakest of the fleet,
and had on board the four thousand pieces of gold, the property
of the admiral.
During the early part of this storm the little squadron of
Columbus remained tolerably well sheltered by the land. On
the second day the tempest increased in violence, and the night
coming on with unusual darkness, the ships lost sight of each
other and w r ere separated. The admiral still kept close to the
shore, and sustained no damage. The others, fearful of the
land in such a dark and boisterous night, ran out for sea-room,
and encountered the whole fury of the elements. For several
days they were driven about at the mercy of the wind and
490 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
wave, fearful each moment of shipwreck, and giving up each
other as lost. The Adelantodo, who commanded the ship
already mentioned as being scarcely seaworthy, ran the most
imminent hazard, and nothing but his consummate seamanship
enabled him to keep her afloat. At length, after various vicis-
situdes, they all arrived safe at Port Hermoso, to the west of
San Domingo. The Adelantado had lost his long-boat ; and
all the vessels, with the exception of that of the admiral, had
sustained more or less injury.
When Columbus learnt the signal destruction that had over-
whelmed his enemies, almost before his eyes, he was deeply
impressed with awe, and considered his own preservation as
little less than miraculous. Both his son Fernnndo and the
venerable historian Las Casas looked upon the event as one of
those awful judgments which seem at times to deal forth tem-
poral retribution. They notice the circumstance, that while
the enemies of the admiral were swallowed up by the raging
sea, the only ship of the fleet which was enabled to pursue her
voyage, and reach her port of destination, was the frail bark
freighted with the property of Columbus. The evil, however,
in this, as in most circumstances, overwhelmed the innocent as
well as the guilty. In the ship with Bobadilla and Koldan,
perished the captive Guariouex, the unfortunate cacique of
the Vega. 1
CHAPTER II.
VOTAGE ALON 7 G THE COAST OF HONDURAS.
(1502.]
FOR several days Columbus remained in Port Hermoso, to
repair his vessels and permit his crews to repose and refresh
themselves after the late tempest. He had scarcely left this
harbor when he was obliged to take shelter from another storm
in Jacquemel, or as it was called by the Spaniards, Port Brazil.
Hence he sailed on the 14th of July, steering for Terra Firma.
The weather falling perfectly calm, he was borne away by the
currents until he found himself iu the vicinity of some little
islands near Jamaica, 2 destitute of springs, but where the sea-
1 L.-. Casas, TTist. Tnd., lib. ii. cap, 5. Ilist. del Almiranie, cap. 88.
* Supposed to bo the Moraut Keys.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 491
men obtained a supply of water by digging holes in the sand
on the beach.
The calm continuing, he was swept away to the group of
small islands, or keys, on the southern coast of Cuba, to which,
in 14U4, he has given the name of The Gardens. He had
scarcely touched there, however, when the wind sprang up
from a favorable quarter, and he was enabled to make sail on
his destined course. He now stood to the south-west, and after
a few days discovered, on the 30th of July, a small but elevated
island, agreeable to the eye from the variety of trees with which
it was covered. Among these was a great number of lofty
pines, from which circumstance Columbus named it Isla de
Finos. It has always, however, retained its Indian name of
Guanaja, 1 which lias been extended to a number of smaller
islands surrounding it. This group is within a few leagues of
the coast of Honduras, to the east of the great bay or gulf
of that name.
The Adelantado. with two launches full of people, landed on
the principal island, which was extremely verdant and fertile.
The inhabitants resembled those of other islands, excepting
that their foreheads were narrower. While the Adelantado
was on shore, he beheld a great canoe arriving, as from a dis-
tant and important voyage. He was struck with its magnitude
and contents. It was eight feet wide, and as long as a galley,
though formed of the trunk of a single tree. In the centre
was a kind of awning or cabin of palm-leaves, after the man-
ner of those in the gondolas of Venice, and sufficiently close to
exclude both sun and rain. Under this sat a cacique with his
wives and children. Twenty-five Indians rowed ihe canoe,
and it was filled with all kinds of articles of the manufacture and
natural production of the adjacent countries. It is supposed
that this bark had come from the province of Yucatan, which
is about forty leagues distant from this island.
The Indians in the canoe apj)eared to have no fear of the
Spaniards, and readily went alongside of the admiral's caravel.
Columbus was overjoyed at thus having brought to him at
once, without trouble or danger, a collection of specimens of
all the important articles of this part of the New World. He
examined with great curiosity and interest the contents of the
canoe. Among various utensils and weapons similar to those
already found among the natives, he perceived others of a
much superior kind. There were hatchets for cutting wood,
* Called in ttoiue of the English maps Uonaccu.
492 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
formed not of stone but copper; wooden swords, with channels
on each side of the blade, in which sharp flints were linnly
fixed by cords made of the intestines of fishes ; being the same
kind of weapon afterward found among the Mexicans. There
were copper bells, and other articles of the same metal, together
with a rude kind of crucible in which to melt it ; various vessels
and utensils neatly formed of clay, of marble, and of hard
wood ; sheets and mantles of cotton, worked and dyed with
various colors ; great quantities of cacao, a fruit as yet unknown
to the Spaniards, but which, as they soon found, the natives
held in great estimation, using it both as food and money.
There was a beverage also extracted from maize or Indian corn,
resembling beer. Their provisions consisted of bread made of
maize, and roots of various kinds, similar to those of Hispaniola.
From among these articles Columbus collected such as were
important to send as specimens to Spain, giving the natives
European trinkets in exchange, with which they were highly
satisfied. They appeared to manifest neither astonishment nor
alarm when on board of the vessels, and surrounded by people
who must have been so strange and wonderful to them. The
women wore mantles, with which they wrapped themselves,
like the female Moors of Granada, and the men had cloths of
cotton round their loins. Both sexes appeared more particular
about these coverings, and to have a quicker sense of personal
modesty than any Indians Columbus had yet discovered.
These circumstances, together with the superiority of their
implements and manufactures, were held by the admiral as
indications that he was approaching more civilized nations.
He endeavored to gain particular information from these Indians
about the surrounding countries ; but as they spoke a different
language from that of his interpreters, he could understand
them but imperfectly. They informed him that they had
just arrived from a country, rich, cultivated, and industrious,
situated to the west. They endeavored to impress him with an
idea of the wealth and magnificence of the regions, and the
people of that quarter, and urged him to steer in that direction.
Well would it have been for Columbus had he followed their
advice. Within a day or two he would have arrived at Yuca-
tan ; the discovery of Mexico and the other opulent countries
of New Spain would have necessarily followed ; the Southern
Ocean would have been disclosed to him, and a succession of
splendid discoveries would have shed fresh glory on his declin-
ing age, instead of its sinking amidst gloom, neglect, and
disappointment.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 493
The admiral's whole mind, however, was at present intent
upon discovering the strait. As the countries described by
the Indians lay to the west, he supposed that he could easily
visit them at some future time, by running with the trade-
winds along the coast of Cuba, which he imagined must con-
tinue on, so as to join them. At present he was determined to
seek the mainland, the mountains of which were visible to the
south, and apparently not man} 1 leagues distant; 1 by keeping
along it steadfastly to the east, he must at length arrive to
where he supposed it to be severed from the coast of Paria by
an intervening strait; and passing through this, he should soon
make his way to the Spice Islands and the richest part of
India. 2
He was encouraged the more to persist in his eastern course
by information from the Indians, that there were many places
in that direction which abounded with gold. Much of the infor-
mation which he gathered among these people was derived
from an old man more intelligent than the rest, who appeared
to be an ancient navigator of these seas. Columbus retained
him to serve as a guide along the coast, and dismissed his com-
panions with many presents.
Leaving the island of Guanaja, he stood southwardly for the
mainland, and after sailing a few leagues discovered a cape,
to which he gave the name of Caxinas, from its being covered
with fruit trees, so called by the natives. It is at, present
known as Cape Honduras. Here, on Sunday the 14th of August,
the Adelantado landed with the captains of the caravels and
many of the seamen, to attend mass, which was performed
under the trees ou the sea-shore, according to the pious custom
of the admiral, whenever circumstances would permit. On
the 17th the Adelantado again landed at a river about fifteen
miles from the point, on the bank of which he disphiyed the
banners of Castile, taking possession of the country in the name
of their Catholic Majesties ; from which circumstance he named
this the River of Possession. 8
At this place they found upward of a hundred Indians as-
sembled, laden with bread and maize, fish and fowl, vegetables,
and fruits of various kinds. These they laid down as presents
before the Adelantado and his party, and drew back to a dis-
tance without speaking a word. The Adelautado distributed
among them various trinkets, with which they were well pleased
i Journal of Porras, Navarrele, torn. 1.
* I.as < ';i-;i-i, lib. ii. cap. - 20. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
8 Juurual of I'orroB, Navurrele, Coluc., tow.
494 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
and appeared the next day in the same place, in greater num-
bers, with still more abundant supplies of provisions.
The natives of this neighborhood, and fora considerable dis-
tance eastward, had higher foreheads than those of the islands.
They were of different languages, and varied from each other
in their decorations. Some were entirely naked ; and their
bodies were marked by means of fire with the figures of various
auimals. Some wore coverings about the loins ; others short
cotton jerkins without sleeves ; some wore tresses of hair in
front. The chieftains had caps of white or colored cotton.
When arrayed for any festival, they painted their faces black,
or with stripes of various colors, or with circles round the
eyes. The old Indian guide assured the admiral that many of
them were cannibals. In one part of the coast the natives had
their ears bored, and hideously distended ; which caused the
Spaniards to call that region la Costa de la Ore/a, or "The
Coast of the Ear." x
From the River of Possession, Columbus proceeded along
what is at present called the coast of Honduras, beating against
contrary winds, and struggling with currents, which swept
from the east like the constant stream of a river. He ofteu
lost in one tack what he had laboriously gained in two, fre-
quently making but two leagues in a day, and never more than
five. At night he anchored under the land, through fear of
proceeding along an unknown coast in the dark, but was often
forced out to sea by the violence of the currents. 2 In all this
time he experienced the same kind of weather that had pre-
vailed on the coast of Hispauiola, and had attended him more
or less for upward of sixty days. There was, lie says, almost
an incessant tempest of the heavens, with heavy rains, and
such thunder and lightning that it seemed as if the end of the
world was at hand. Those who know any thing of the drench-
ing rains and rending thunder of the tropics will not think
his description of the storms exaggerated. His vessels were
strained so that their seams opened ; the sails and rigging were
rent, and the provisions were damaged by the rain and by the
leakage. The sailors were exhausted with lal>or and harassed
with terror. They many times confessed their sins to each
other, and prepared for death. " I have seen many tempests,"
says Columbus, "but none so violent or of such long dura-
tion." He alludes to the whole series of storms for upward
of two months, since he had been refused shelter at Sau
1 LimCaoas, lib. ii. cap. 21. Hist del Almirante, cap. 90.
* IlUl. del Aiiuiiu.iU-, cup. 5J.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 495
Domingo. During a great part of this time he had suffered
extremely from the gout, aggravated by his watchfulness and
anxiety. His illness did not prevent him attending to his
duties ; he had a small cabin or chamber constructed on the
stern, whence, even when confined to his bed, he could keep a
look-out and regulate the sailing of the ships. Many times he
was so ill that he thought his end approaching. His anxious
mind was distressed about his brother the Adelantado, whom
he had persuaded against his will to come on this expedition,
and who was in the worst vessel of the squadron. He lamented
also having brought with him his son Fernando, ex]X>sing him
at so tender an age to such perils and hardships, although the
youth bore them with the courage and fortitude of a veteran.
Often, too, his thoughts reverted to his son Diego, and the cares
and perplexities into which his death might plunge him. 1 At
length, after struggling for upward of forty days since leaving
the Cape of Honduras, to make a distance of about seventy
leagues, the} 7 arrived on the 14th of September at a ca|>e where
the coast, making an angle, turned directly south, so as to give
them an easy wind and free navigation. Doubling the point,
they swept off with flowing sails and hearts tilled with joy ;
and the admiral, to commemorate this sudden relief from toil
and peril, gave to the Cape the name of Gnicias a Dios, or
Thanks to God. 2
CHAPTER III.
VOYAGE ALONG THE MOSQUITO COAST, AND TRANSACTIONS AT
CARIARI.
[1503.]
AFTER doubling Cape Gracias a Dios, Columbus sailed di-
rectly south, along what is at present called the Mosquito shore.
The land was of varied character, sometimes rugged, with
craggy promontories and points stretching into the sea, at
other places verdant and fertile, and watered by abundant
streams. In the rivers grew immense reeds, sometimes of the
thickness of a man's thigh : they abounded with fish and tor-
toises, and alligators basked on the banks. At one place Co-
lumbus passed a cluster of twelve small islands, on which grew
1 Letter from Jamaica. Navarrete Colec., torn. i.
* Laa Ca.-a.-s lib. ii. cup. 21. Hist, del Aluiiruutc,
cap. 91.
49G LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
a fruit resembling the lemon, on which account he called them
the Limonares. 1
After sailing about sixty-two leagues along this coast, being
greatly in want of wood and water, the squadron anchored on
the IGtli of September, near a copious river, up which the boats
were sent to procure the requisite supplies. As they were re-
turning to their ships, a sudden swelling of the sea, rushing in
and encountering the rapid current of the river, caused a violent
commotion, in which one of the boats was swallowed up,
and all on board perished. This melancholy event had a
gloomy effect upon the crews, already dispirited and careworn
from the hardships they had endured, and Columbus, sharing
their dejection, gave the stream the sinister name of El Rio dd
Desastre, or the River of Disaster. 2
Leaving this unlucky neighborhood, they continued for sev-
eral days along the coast, until finding both his ships and his
people nearly disabled by the buffetings of the tempests, Colum-
bus, on the 2f)th of September, cast anchor between a small
island and the main-land, in what appeared a commodious and
delightful situation. The island was covered with groves of
palm-trees, cocoanut -trees, bananas, and a delicate and fragrant
fruit, which the admiral continually mistook for the mirabo-
lane of the East Indies. The fruits and flowers and odoriferous
shrubs of the island sent forth grateful perfumes, so that
Columbus gave it the name of La Huerta, or The Garden. It was
called by the natives, Quiribiri. Immediately opposite, at a
short league's distance, was an Indian village, named C'ariari,
situated on the bank of a beautiful river. The country around
was fresh and verdant, finely diversified by noble hills and
forests, with trees of such height that Las Casas says they
appeared to reach the skies.
When the inhabitants beheld the ships, they gathered to-
gether on the coast, armed with bows and arrows, war-clubs,
and lances, and prepared to defend their shores. The Spaniards,
however, made no attempt to land during that or the suc-
ceeding day, but remained quietly on board repairing the ships,
airing and drying the damaged provisions, or reposing from
the fatigues of the voyage. When the savages perceived that
these wonderful beings, who had arrived in this strange man-
lier on their coast, were perfectly pacific, and made no move-
ment to molest them, their hostility ceased, and curiosity pre-
1 I*. Martyr, decad. iii. lib. iv. These may have been the lime, a small and extremely
acid spi'cit'rt of the lemon.
a Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 21. Hist, del Almira:ite, cap. 01. Journal of Porras.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 497
dominated. They made various pacific signals, waving their
mantles like banners, and inviting the Spaniards to land. Grow-
ing still more bold, they swam to the ships, bringing off man-
tles and tunics of cotton, and ornaments of the inferior sort of
gold called gnanin, which they wore about their necks. These
they offered to the .Spaniards. The admiral, however, forbade
all traffic, making them presents, but taking nothing in ex-
change, wishing to impress them with a favorable idea of the
liberality and disinterestedness of the white men. The pride
of the. savages was touched at the refusal of their proffered
gifts, and this supposed contempt for their manufactures and
productions. They endeavored to retaliate, by pretending like
indifference. On returning to shore, they tied together all the
European articles which had been given them, without retain-
ing the least trifle, and left them lying on the strand, where the
Spaniards found them on a subsequent day.
Finding the strangers still declined to come on shore, the
natives tried in every way to gain their confidence, and dispel
the distrust which their hostile demonstrations might have
caused. A boat approaching the shore cautiously one day, in
quest of some safe place to procure water, an ancient Indian,
of venerable demeanor, issued from among the trees, bearing a
white banner on the end of a staff, and leading two girls, one
about fourteen years of age, the other about eight, having
jewels of gnanin about their necks. These he brought to the
boat and delivered to the Spaniards, making signs that they
were to be detained as hostages while the strangers should be
on shore. Upon this the Spaniards sallied forth with confidence
and filled their water-casks, the Indians remaining at a distance,
and observing the strictest care, neither by word nor move-
ment to cause any new distrust. When the boats were about
to return to the ships, the old Indian made signs that the young
girls should be taken on board, nor would he admit of any de-
nial. On entering the ships the girls showed no signs of grief
nor alarm, though surrounded by what to them must have been
uncouth and formidable beings. Columbus was careful that
the confidence thus placed in him should not be abused. After
feasting the young females, and ordering them to be clothed
and adorned with various ornaments, he sent them on shore.
The night, however, had fallen, and the coast was deserted.
They had to return to the ship, where they remained all night
under the careful protection of the admiral. The next morning
he restored them to their friends. The old Indian received
them with joy, aud manifested a grateful sense of the kind
498 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
treatment they had experienced. In the evening, however,
when the boats went on shore, the young girls appeared, ac-
companied by a multitude of their friends, and returned all the
presents they had received, nor could they be prevailed upon
to retain any of them, although they must have been precious
in their eyes ; so greatly was the pride of these savages piqued
at having their gifts refused.
On the following day, as the Adelantado approached the
shore, two of the principal inhabitants, entering the water,
took him out of the boat in their arms, and carrying him to
land, seated him with great ceremony on a grassy bank. Don
Bartholomew endeavored to collect information from them
respecting the country, and ordered the notary of the squadron
to write down their replies. The latter immediately prepared
pen, ink, and paper, and proceeded to write ; but no sooner did
the Indians behold this strange and mysterious process, than
mistaking it for some necromantic spell, intended to be
wrought upon them, they fled with terror. After some time
they returned, cautiously scattering a fragrant powder in the
air, and burning some of it in such a direction that the smoke
should be borne toward the Spaniards by the wind. This was
apparently intended to counteract any baleful spell, for they
regarded the strangers as beings of a mysterious and super-
natural order.
The sailors looked upon these counter-charms of the Indians
with equal distrust, and apprehended something of magic ; nay,
Fernando Columbus, who was present, and records the scene,
appears to doubt whether these Indians were not versed in sor-
cery, and thus led to suspect it in others. 1
Indeed, not to conceal a foible, which was more characteristic
of the superstition of the age than of the man, Columbus him-
self entertained an idea of the kind, and assures the sovereigns,
in his letter from Jamaica, that the people of Cariari and its
vicinity are great enchanters, and he intimates that the two
Indian girls who had visited his ship had magic powder con-
cealed about their persons. He adds, that the sailors attributed
all the delays and hardships experienced on that coast to their
being under the influence of some evil spell, worked by the witch-
craft of the natives, and that they still remained in that belief. 2
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 91.
1 Letter from .Jamaica.
JSOTE. We find instances of the same kind of piiperstition in the work of Marco
Polo, and as Columbus considered him-clf in the vicinity of the countries described
by that traveller, he may have been influenced in this respect by his narrations.
Speaking of the it-laud of eSoccotera, ;Socotraj, Marco 1'ulo observes.: "The inhabit-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 499
For several days the squadron remained at this place, during
which time the ships were examined and repaired, and the
civws enjoyed repose and the recreation of the land. The
Adelantado, with a band of armed men, made excursions on
shore to collect information. There was no pure gold to be
met with here, all their ornaments were of guanin ; but the
natives assured the Adelantado, that, in proceeding along the
coast, the ships would soon arrive at a country where gold was
in great abundance.
In examining one of the villages, the Adelantado found, in a
large house, several sepulchres. One contained a human body
embalmed : in another, there were two bodies wrapped in
cotton, and so preserved as to be free from any disagreeable
odor. They were adorned with the ornaments most precious
to them when living ; and the sepulchres were decorated with
rude carvings and paintings representing various animals, and
sometimes what appeared to be intended for portraits of the
deceased. 1 Throughout most of the savage tribes there appears
to have been great veneration for the dead, and an anxiety to
preserve their remains undisturbed.
When about to sail, Columbus seized seven of the people,
two of whom, apparently the most intelligent, he selected to
serve as guides ; the rest he suffered to depart. His late guide
he had dismissed with presents at Cape Gracias a Dios. The
inhabitants of Cariari manifested unusual sensibility at this
seizure of their countrymen. They thronged the shore, and
sent off four of their principal men with presents to the ships,
imploring the release of the prisoners.
The admiral assured them that he only took their compan-
ions as guides, for a short distance along the coast, and would
restore them soon in safetj' to their homes. He ordered
various presents to be given to the ambassadors ; but neither
his promises nor gifts could soothe the grief and apprehension
of the natives at beholding their friends carried away by beings
of whom they had such mysterious apprehensions. 2
cruioc uiiui uc uoa Kama iMiMUMZuuu iui ure uiuiiBgv i iiuu mrtsa iiimuugu nu Buuura nu\e
a fair and leading wind, they have the power of causing it to change, and thereby obli-
ging him, in spite of himself, to return to the island. They cau in like manner, cause
tin- >ra to become calm, and at their will can raise tempests, occasion shipwrecks, and
produce many other extraordinary effects that need not be particularized. Marco 1'ulu,
book iii. cap. 35, Eng. translation by W. Marsdeu.
1 I .a- (.'as:iM, lib. ii. cap. 21. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 91.
1 Ibid. ilit. del Alum-ante, cap. 91. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
500 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER IV.
VOYAGE ALONG COSTA RICA SPKCULATIONS CONCERNING THE
ISTHMUS AT VEKAtiL'A.
[1502.]
ON the 5th of October the squadron departed from Cnriari,
and sailed along what is at present called Costa Rica (or the
Rich Coast), from the gold and silver mines found in after
years among its mountains. After sailing about twenty-two
leagues the ships anchored in a great bay, about six leagues in
length and three in breadth, full of islands, with channels
opening between them, so as to present three or four entrances.
It was called by the natives Caribaro, 1 and had been pointed
out by the natives of Cariari as plentiful in gold.
The islands were beautifully verdant, covered with groves,
and sent forth the fragrance of fruits and flowers. The chan-
nels between them were so deep and free from rocks that the
ships sailed along them, as if in canals in the streets of a city,
the spars and rigging brushing the overhanging branches of the
trees. After anchoring, the boats landed on one of the islands,
where they found twenty canoes. The people were on shore
among the trees. Being encouraged by the Indians of Cariari,
who accompanied the Spaniards, they soon advanced with con-
fidence. Here, for the first time on this coast, the Spaniards
met with specimens of pure gold ; the natives wearing large
plates of it suspended round their necks by cotton cords ; they
had ornaments likewise of guanin, rudely shaped like eagles.
One of them exchanged a plate of gold, equal in value to ten
ducats, for three hawk's bells. 2
On the following day the boats proceeded to the main-land
at the bottom of the bay. The country around was high and
rough, and the villages were generally perched on the heights.
They met with ten canoes of Indians, their heads decorated with
garlands of flowers, and coronets formed of the claws of beasts
and the quills of birds ; 8 most of them had plates of gold about
their necks, but refused to part with them. The Spaniards
1 In gome English maps thi bay is called Almirante, or Caniabaco Ray. The
channel by which Columbus entered is still called Uoca del Ahuirante, or the Mouth of
the Admiral.
* Journal of Porras, Navarrete, torn. i. * P. Martyr, decad. iii. lib. v.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIiUS. 501
brought two of them to the admiral to servo as guides. One
had a plate of pure gold worth fourteen ducats, another an eagle
worth twenty-two ducats. Seeing the great value which the
strangers set upon this metal, they assured them it was to be
had in abundance within the distance of two days' journey ;
and mentioned various places along the coast whence it was
procured, particularly Veragua, which was about twenty-five
leagues distant. 1
The cupidity of the Spaniards was greatly excited, and they
would gladly have remained to barter, but the admiral discour-
aged all disposition of the kind. He barely sought to collect
specimens and information of the riches of the country, and
then pressed forward in quest of the great object of his enter-
prise, the imaginary strait.
Sailing on the 17th of October, from this bay, or rather gulf,
he began to coast this region of reputed wealth, since called the
coast of Veragua; and after sailing about twelve leagues ar-
rived at a large river, which his sou Fernando calls the Guaig.
Here, on the boats being sent to land, about two hundred In-
dians appeared on the shore, armed with clubs, lances, and
swords of palm-wood. The forests echoed with the sound of
wooden drums, and the blasts of conch-shells, their usual war
signals. They rushed into the sea up to their waists, brandish-
ing their weapons, and splashing the water at the Spaniards in
token of defiance ; but were soon pacified by gentle signs and
the intervention of the interpreters, and willingly bartered
away their ornaments, giving seventeen plates of gold, worth
one hundred and fifty ducats, for a few toys and trifles.
When the Spaniards returned the next day to renew their
traffic, they found the Indians relapsed into hostility, sounding
their drums and shells, and rushing forward to attack the boats.
An arrow from a cross-bow, which wounded one of them in the
arm, checked their fury, and on the discharge of a cannon they
fled with terror. Four of the Spaniards sprang on shore, pur-
suing and calling after them. They threw down their weapons
and came, awe-struck, and gentle as lambs, bringing three
plates of gold, and meekly and thankfully receiving whatever
was given in exchange.
Continuing along the coast, the admiral anchored in the
mouth of another river, called the Catiba. Here likewise the
sound of drums and conchs from among the forests gave notice
that the warriors were assembling. A canoe soon came off with
i Columbua's Letter from Jamaica.
502 LIFE OF CIIIIISTOPI1EK COLUMBUS.
two Indians, who, after exchanging a few words with the in-
terpreters, entered the admiral's ship with fearless confidence ;
and being satisfied of the friendly intentions of the strangers,
returned to their cacique with a favorable report. The boats
landed, and the Spaniards were kindly received by the cacique.
He was naked like his subjects, nor distinguished in any way
from them, except by the great deference with which he was
treated, and by a trifling attention paid to his personal comfort,
being protected from a shower of rain by an immense leaf of
a tree. He had a large plate of gold, which he readily gave
in exchange, and permitted his people to do the same. Nine-
teen plates of pure gold were procured at this place. Here,
for the first time in the New World, the Spaniards met with signs
of solid architecture ; finding a great mass of stucco, formed
of stone and lime, a piece of which was retained by the admiral
as a specimen, 1 considering it an indication of his approach to
countries where the arts were in a higher state of cultivation.
He had intended to visit other rivers along this coast, but the
wind coming on to blow freshly, he ran before it, passing in
sight of five towns, where his interpreters assured him he might
procure great quantities of gold. One they pointed out as
Veragua, which has since given its name to the whole province.
Here, they said, were the richest mines, and here most of the
plates of gold were fabricated. On the following da}- they ar-
rived opposite a village called Cubiga, and here Columbus was
informed that the country of gold terminated.- He resolved
not to return to explore it, considering it as discovered, and its
mines secured to the crown, and being anxious to arrive at the
supposed strait, which he flattered himself could be at no great
distance.
In fact, during his whole voyage along the coast, he had been
under the influence of one of his frequent delusions. From the
Indians met with at the Island of Guanaja, just arrived from
Yucatan, he had received accounts of some great, and, as far
as he could understand, civilized nation in the interior. This
intimation had been corroborated, as he imagined, by the
various tribes with which he had since communicated. In a
subsequent letter to the sovereigns he informs them that all the
Indians of this coast concurred in extolling the magnificence of
the country of Ciguare, situated at ten days' journey, by land,
to the west. The people of that region wore crowns, and brace-
lets, and anklets of gold, and garments embroidered with it.
i HUt. del Almirante, cap. 92. * Ibid.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 503
They used it for all their domestic purposes, even to the orna-
menting and embossing of their seats and tables. On being
shown coral, the Indians declared that the women of Ciguare
wore bands of it about their heads and necks. Pepper and
other spices being shown them, were equally said to abound
there. They described it as a country of commerce, with great
fairs and seaports, in which ships arrived armed with cannon.
The people were warlike, also, armed like the Spaniards
with swords, bucklers, cuirasses, and cross-bows, and they
were mounted on horses. Above all, Columbus understood
from them that the sea continued round to Ciguare, and that
ten days beyond it was the Ganges.
These may have been vague and wandering rumors concern-
ing the distant kingdoms of Mexico and Peru, and many of the
details may have been filled up by the imagination of Columbus.
The}- made, however, a strong impression on his mind. He
supposed that Ciguare must be some province belonging to the
Grand Khan, or some other eastern potentate, and as the sea
reached it, he concluded it was on the opi>osite side of a penin-
sula, bearing the same position with respect to Veragua that
Fontarabia does with Tortosa in Spain, or Pisa with Venice in
Italy. By proceeding farther eastward, therefore, he must soon
arrive at a strait, like that of Gibraltar, through which he
could pass into another sea, and visit this country of Ciguare,
and, of course, arrive at the banks of the Ganges. He accounted
for the circumstance of his having arrived so near to that river,
by the idea which he had long entertained, that geographers
were mistaken as to the circumference of the glol>e ; that it
was smaller than was generally imagined, and that a degree of
the equinoctial line was but fifty-six miles and two-thirds. 1
With these ideas Columbus determined to press forward,
leaving the rich country of Veragua unexplored. Nothing
could evince more clearly his generous ambition, than hurry-
ing in this brief manner along a coast where wealth was to be
gathered at every step, for the purpose of seeking a strait
which, however it might produce vast benefit to mankind,
could yield little else to himself than the glory of the discovery.
1 Letter of Columbus from Jamaica. Xavarrete Uolec., torn. i.
504 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER V.
DISCOVERT OF PUERTO BF.LI.O AND EL RETRETE COLUMBUS
ABANDONS THE SEARCH AFTER THE STRAIT.
Ox the 2d of November the squadron anchored in a spacious
and commodious harbor, where the vessels could approach
close to the shore without danger. It was surrounded by an
elevated country ; open and cultivated, with houses within bow-
shot of each other, surrounded by fruit-trees, groves of palms,
and fields producing maize, vegetables, and the delicious pine-
apple, so that the whole neighborhood had the mingled appear-
ance of orchard and garden. Columbus was so pleased with
the excellence of the harbor and the sweetness of the surround-
ing country that he gave it the name of Puerto Bello. 1 It is
one of the few places along this coast which retain the appella-
tion given by the illustrious discoverer. It is to be regretted
that they have so generally been discontinued, as they were so
often records of his feelings, and of circumstances attending
the discovery.
For seven days they were detained in this port by heavy
rain and stormy weather. The natives repaired from all
quarters in canoes, bringing fruits and vegetables and balls of
cotton, but there was no longer gold offered in traffic. The
cacique and seven of his principal chieftains had small plates
of gold hanging in their noses, but the rest of the natives
appear to have been destitute of all ornaments of the kind.
They were generally naked and painted red ; the cacique alone
was painted black.' 2
Sailing hence, on the 9th of November, they proceeded eight
leagues to the eastward, to the point since known as Nombre
cle Dios ; but being driven back for some distance, they anchored
in a harbor in the vicinity of three small islands. These, with
the adjacent country of the main-land, were cultivated with
fields of Indian corn, and various fruits and vegetables, whence
Columbus called the harbor Puerto de Bastimentos, or Port of
Provisions. Here they remained until the 23d, endeavoring to
repair their vessels, which leaked excessive!}'. They were
Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 33. Hist, del Almirante.
- Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. iv.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 505
pierced in all parts by the teredo or worm which abounds in
the tropical seas. It is of the size of a man's finger, and bores
through the stoutest planks and timbers, so as soon to destroy
any vessel that is not well coppered. After leaving this port
they touched at another called Guiga, where above three hun-
dred of the natives appeared on the shore, some with provisions,
nnd some with golden ornaments, which they offered in barter.
\Vithout making any stay, however, the admiral urged his
way forward ; but rough and adverse winds again obliged him
to take shelter in a small port, with a narrow entrance, not
above twenty paces wide, beset on each side with reefs of rocks,
the sharp points of which rose above the surface. Within,
there was not room for more than five or six ships ; yet the
port was so deep that they had no good anchorage, unless they
approached near enough to the land for a man to leap on
shore.
From' the. smallncss of the harlxir, Columbus gave it the
name of El Itetrete, or The Cabinet. He had been betrayed
into this inconvenient and dangerous port by the misrepresen-
tations of the seamen sent to examine it, who were always
eager to come to anchor and have communication with the
shore- 1
The adjacent country was level and verdant, covered with
herbage, but with few trees. The port was infested with
alligators, which basked in the sunshine on the beach, filling
the air with a powerful and musk}- odor. They were timorous,
and fled on being attacked, but the Indians affirmed that if
they found a man sleeping on the shore they would seize and
drag him into the water. These alligators Columbus pro-
nounced to be the same as the crocodiles of the Nile. For nine
days the squadron was detained in this port by tempestuous
weather. The natives of this place were tall, well propor-
tioned, and graceful ; of gentle and friendly manners, and
brought whatever they possessed to exchange for European
trinkets.
As long as the admiral had control over the actions of his
people, the Indians were treated with justice and kindness, and
every thing went on amicably. The vicinity of the ships to
land, however, enabled the seamen to get on shore in the night
without license. The natives received them in their dwellings
with their accustomed hospitality ; but the rough adventurers,
instigated by avarice and lust, soon committed excesses that
Las Caeas, lib. ii. cap. 23. Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 92.
506 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
roused their generous hosts to revenge. Every night there
were brawls and fights on shore, and blood was shed on both
sides. The number of the Indians daily augmented by arrivals
from the interior. They became more powerful and daring as
they became more exasperated ; and seeing that the vessels lay
close to the shore, approached in a great multitude to attack
them.
The admiral thought at first to disperse them by discharging
cannon without ball, but they were not intimidated by the
sound, regarding it as a kind of harmless thunder. They re-
plied to it by yells and howlings, beating their lances and clubs
against the trees and bushes m furious menace. The situation
of the ships so close to the shore exposed them to assaults, and
made the hostility of the natives unusually formidable. Colum-
bus ordered a shot or two, therefore, to be discharged among
them. When they saw the havoc made, they fled iu terror, and
offered no further hostility. 1
The continuance of stormy winds from the east and the
north-east iu addition to the constant opposition of the currents,
disheartened the companions of Columbus, and they began to
murmur against any further prosecution of the voyage.. The
seamen thought that some hostile spell was operating, and the
commanders remonstrated against attempting to force their
way iu spite of the elements, with ships crazed and worm-eaten,
and continually in need of repair. Few of his companions
could sympathize with Columbus in his zeal for mere discovery.
They were actuated by more gainful motives, and looked back
with regret on the rich coast they had left behind, to go in
search of an imaginary strait. It is probable that Columbus
himself began to doubt the object of his enterprise. If lie knew
the details of the recent voyage of Bastides he must have been
aware that he had arrived from an opposite quarter to about
the place where that navigator's exploring voyage from the
east had terminated ; consequently that there was but little
probability of the existence of the strait he had imagined.' 2
1 Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 23. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 92,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMHUS. 507
At fill events, he determined to relinquish the further prose-
cution of his voyage eastward for the present, and to return to
the coast of Veragua, to search for those mines of which he
had heard so much and seen so many indications. Should they
prove equal to his hopes, he would have wherewithal to return
to Spain in triumph, and silence the reproaches of his enemies,
even though he should fail in the leading object of his expedi-
tion .
Here, then, ended the lofty anticipations which had elevated
Columbus above all mercenary interests ; which had made him
regardless of hardships and perils, and given an heroic char-
acter to the early part of this voyage. It is true, he had been
in pursuit of a mere chimera, but it was the chimera of a splen-
did imagination and a penetrating judgment. If he was disa[>-
poinled in his expectations of finding a strait through the
Isthmus of Darien, it was because nature herself had been
disappointed, for she appears to have attempted to make one,
but to have attempted it m vain.
CHAPTER VI.
RETURN TO VERAGUA TIIE ADELANTADO EXPLORES TUB COUNTRY.
[1502.]
ON the 5th of December, Columbus sailed from El Retrete,
and relinquishing his course to the east, returned westward, in
search of the gold mines of Veragua. On the same evening he
anchored in Puerto Bello, about ten leagues distant ; whence
departing on the succeeding day, the wind suddenly veered to
the west, and began to blow directly adverse to the new course
he had adopted. For three months he had been longing in
vain for such a wind, and now it came merely to contradict
him. Here was a temptation to resume his route to the east,
but he did not dare trust to the continuance of the wind, which,
in these parts, appeared but seldom to blow from that quarter.
He resolved, therefore, to keep on in the present direction,
trusting that the breeze would soou change again to the east-
ward.
In a little while the wind began to blow with dreadful
violence, and to shift about in such manner as to baffle all sea-
manship. Unable to reach Veragua, the ships were obliged to
508 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
put back to Puerto Bello, and when they would have entered
that harbor, a sudden veering of the gale drove them from the
laud. For nine days they were blown and tossed about, at
the mercy of a furious tempest, in an unknown sea, and often
exposed to the awful perils of a lee-shore. It is wonderful that
such open vessels, so crazed and decayed, could outlive such a
commotion of the elements. Nowhere is a storm so awful as
between the tropics. The sea, according to the description of
Columbus, boiled at times like a caldron ; at other times it ran
in mountain waves, covered with foam. At night the raging
billows resembled great surges of flame, owing to those lumi-
nous particles which cover the surface of the waters in these
seas, and throughout the whole course of the Gulf Stream.
For a day and night the heavens glowed as a furnace with the
incessant flashes of lightning; while the loud claps of thunder
were often mistaken by the affrighted mariners for signal-guns
of distress from their foundering companions. During the
whole time, says Columbus, it poured down from the skies,
not rain, but as it were a second deluge. The seamen were
almost drowned in their .open vessels. Haggard with toil and
affright, some gave themselves over for lost ; they confessed
their sins to each other, according to the rites of the Catholic
religion, and prepared themselves for death ; many in their
desperation, called upon death as a welcome relief from such
overwhelming horrors. In the midst of this wild tumult of the
elements, they beheld a new object of alarm. The ocean in one
place became strangely agitated. The water was whirled up
into a kind of pyramid or cone, while a livid cloud, tapering to
a point, bent down to meet it. Joining together, they formed
a vast column, which rapidly approached the ships, spinning
along the surface of the deep, and drawing up the waters with
a rushing sound. The affrighted mariners, when they beheld
this water-spout advancing toward them, despaired of all
human means to avert it, and began to repeat passages from
St. John the Evangelist. The water-spout passed close by the
ships without injuring them, and the trembling mariners
attributed their escape to the miraculous efficacy of their quo-
tations from the Scriptures. 1
In this same night they lost sight of one of the caravels, and
for three dark and stormy days gave it up for lost. At length,
to their great relief, it rejoined the squadron, having lost its
boat, and been obliged to cut its cable, in an attempt to anchor
Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 24. Uist. del Alton-ante, cap. 90.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 509
on a boisterous coast, and having since been driven to and fro
by the storm. For one or two days there was an interval of
calm, and the tempest-tossed mariners had time to breathe.
They looked upon this tranquillity, however, as deceitful, and
in their gloomy mood beheld every thing with a doubtful
and foreboding eye. Great numbers of sharks, so abundant
and ravenous in these latitudes, were seen about the ships.
This was construed into an evil omen ; for among the super-
stitions of the seas it is believed that these voracious fish can
smell dead bodies at a distance ; that they have a kind of pre-
sentiment of their prey, and keep about vessels which have sick
persons on board, or which are in danger of being wrecked.
Several of these fish they caught, using large hooks fastened
to chains, and sometimes baited merely with a piece of colored
cloth. From the maw of one they took out a living tortoise,
from that of another the head of a shark, recently thrown
from one of the ships ; such is the indiscriminate voracity of
these terrors of the ocean. Notwithstanding their supersti-
tious fancies, the seamen were glad to use a part of these
sharks for food, being very short of provisions. The length of
the voyage had consumed the greater part of their sea-stores ;
the heat ,and humidity of the climate and the leakage of the
ships had damaged the remainder, and their biscuit was so
filled with worms that, notwithstanding their hunger, they
were obliged to eat it in the dark, lest their stomachs should
revolt at its appearance. 1
At length, on the 17th, they were enabled to enter a port
resembling a great canal, where they enjoyed three days of
repose. The natives of this vicinity built their cabins in trees,
on stakes or poles laid from one branch to another. The
Spaniards supposed this to be through the fear of wild beasts,
or of surprisals from neighboring tribes; the different nations
of these coasts being extremely hostile to one another. It may
have been a precaution against inundations caused by floods
from the mountains. After leaving this port they were driven
backward and forward by the changeable and tempestuous
winds until the day after Christmas, when they sheltered them-
selves in another port, where they remained until the 3d of
January, 1503, repairing one of the caravels, and procuring
wood, water, and a supply of maize or Indian corn. These
measures being completed, they again put to sea, and on the
day of Epiphany, to their great joy, anchored at the mouth of
mat. del Almirante, cap. 94. ,.
510 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
a river called by the natives Yebra, within a league or two of
the river Veragua, and in the country said to be so rich in
mines. To this river, from arriving at it on the day of Epiph-
any, Columbus gave the name of Belen, or Bethlehem.
For nearly a month he had endeavored to accomplish the
vo}*age from Puerto Bello to Veragua, a distance of about thirty
leagues, and had encountered so many troubles and adversities,
from changeable winds and currents, and boisterous tempests,
that he gave this intermediate line of seaboard the name of
La Coxta de los Contrasts.*, or the Coast of Contradictions. 1
Columbus immediately ordered the mouths of the Belen, and
of its neighboring river of Veragua, to be sounded. The latter
proved too shallow to admit his vessels, but the Belen was
somewhat deeper, and it was thought they might enter it with
safety. Seeing a village on the banks of the Belen. the admiral
sent the boats on shore -to procure information. On their ap-
proach the inhabitants issued forth with weapons in hand to
oppose their landing, but were readily pacified. They seemed
unwilling to give any intelligence about the gold-mines ; but,
on being importuned, declared that the} 7 lay in the vicinity of
the river of Veragua. To that river the boats were despatched
on the following day. They met with the reception so fre-
quent along this coast, where many of the tribes were fierce
and warlike, and are supposed to have been of Carib origin.
As the boats entered the river, the natives sallied forth in their
canoes, and others assembled in menacing style on the shores.
The Spaniards, however, had brought with them an Indian of
that coast, who put an end to this show of hostility by assuring
his countrymen that the strangers came only to traffic with them.
The various accounts of the riches of these parts appeared
to be confirmed by what the Spaniards saw and heard among
these people. They procured in exchange for the veriest trifles
twenty plates of gold, with several pipes of the same metal,
and crude masses of ore. The Indians informed them that the
mines lay among distant mountains ; and that when they went
in quest of it they were obliged to practise rigorous fasting and
continence. 3
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 94.
* A superstitious notion with respect to gold appears to have been very prevalent
among the natives. The Indians of Hispaniola observed the same privations when
they sought for it, abstaining from food and from sexual intercourse. Columbus, who
seemed to look upon gold as one of the sacred and mvstic treasures of the earih, wished
to encourage similar observances among the Spaniards; exhorting them to purify them-
selves for the research of the mines by fasting, prayer, and chastity. It is scarcely
necessary to add, that his advice was but little- attended to by his rapacious and sensual
followers.
LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 511
The favorable report brought by the boats determined the
admiral to remain in the neighborhood. The river Belen hav-
ing the greatest depth, two of the caravels entered it on the Dth
of January, and the two others ou the following day at high
tide, which on that coast does not rise alx>ve half a fathom. 1
The natives came to them in the most friendly manner, bring-
ing great quantities of fish, with which that river abounded.
They brought also golden ornaments to traffic, but continued
to affirm that Veragua was the place whence the ore was pro-
cured.
The Adelantado, with his usual activit}- and enterprise, set
off on the third day, with the boats well armed, to ascend the
Yeragua about a league and a half, to the residence of Quibian,
the principal cacique. The chieftain, hearing of his intention,
met him near the entrance of the river, attended by his subjects
in several canoes. He was tall, of powerful frame, and war-
like demeanor ; the interview was extremely amicable. The
cacique presented the Adelantado with the golden ornaments
which he wore, and received as magnificent presents a few
European trinkets. They parted mutually well pleased. On
the following day Quibian visited the ships, where he was hos-
pitably entertained by the admiral. They could only com-
municate by signs, and as the chieftain was of a taciturn and
cautious character, the interview was not of long duration.
Columbus made him several presents ; the followers of the
cacique exchanged many jewels of gold for the usual trifles,
and Quibiau returned, without much ceremony, to his home.
On the 24th of January there was a sudden swelling of the
river. The waters came rushing from the interior like a vast
torrent ; the ships were forced from their anchors, tossed from
side to side, and driven against each other ; the foremast of the
admiral's vessel was carried away, and the whole squadron was
in imminent danger of shipwreck. While exposed to this
peril in the river, they were prevented from running out to
sea by a violent storm, and by the breakers which beat upon
the bar. This sudden rising of the river, Columbus attributed
to some heavy fall of rain among the range of distant moun-
tains, to which he had given the name of the mountains of San
Christoval. The highest of these rose to a peak far above the
clouds. 2
The weather continued extremely boisterous for several days.
At length, on the 6th of February, the sea being tolerably
1 Hist, del. Almirante, cap 95.
* Las Caa vs, lib. ii. cap. >. Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 95.
512 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
calm the Adelantado, attended by sixty-eight men, well
armed, proceeded in the boats to explore the Veragua, and seek
its reputed mines. When he ascended the river and drew nc'ur
to the village of Quibian, situated on the side of a hill, the
cacique came down to the bank to meet him, with a great train
of his subjects, unarmed, and making signs of peace. Quil>ian
was naked, and painted after the fashion of the couutiy. One
of his attendants drew a great stone out of the river, and washed
and rubbed it carefully, upon which the chieftain seated him-
self as upon a throne. 1 He received the Adelautado witli great
courtesy ; for the lofty, vigorous, and iron form of the latter,
and his look of resolution and command, were calculated to in-
spire awe and respect in an Indian warrior. The cacique, how-
ever, was wary and politic. His jealousy was awakened by
the intrusion of these strangers into his territories ; but he saw
the futility of any open attempt to resist them. He acceded to
the wishes of the Adelantado, therefore, to visit the interior of
his dominions, and furnished him with three guides to conduct
him to the mines.
Leaving a number of his men to guard the boats, the Adelan-
tado departed on foot with the remainder. After penetrating
into the interior about four leagues and a half, they slept for
the first night on the banks of a river, which seemed to water
the whole country with its windings, as they had crossed it
upward of forty times. On the second day they proceeded a
league and a half farther, and arrived among thick forests,
where their guides informed them the mines were situated. In
fact, the whole soil appeared to be impregnated with gold.
They gathered it from among the roots of the trees, which were
of an immense height and magnificent foliage. In the space of
two hours each man had collected a little quantity of gold,
gathered from the surface of the earth. Hence the guides took
the Adelantado to the summit of a high hill, and showing him
an extent of country as far as the e}'e could reach, assured him
that the whole of it, to the distance of twenty days' journey
westward, abounded in gold, naming to him several of the
principal places. 2 The Adelantado gazed with enraptured eye
over a vast wilderness of continued forest, where only here and
there a bright column of smoke from amid the trees gave sign
of some savage hamlet, or solitary wigwam, and the wild, un-
appropriated aspect of this golden country delighted him more
than if he had beheld it covered with towns and cities, and
1 Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. iv. * Letter of the Admiral from Jamaica.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 513
adorned with all the graces of cultivation. He returned with
his party, in high spirits, to the ships, and rejoiced the admiral
with the favorable report of his expedition. It was soon
discovered, however, that the politic Quibiau had deceived
them. His guides, by his instructions, had taken the Spaniards
to the mines of a neighboring cacique, with whom he was at
war, hoping to divert them into the territories of his enemy.
The real mines of Veragua, it was said, were nearer and much
more wealthy.
The indefatigable Adelantado set forth again on tta 16th of
February, with an armed baud of fifty-nine men, marching
along the coast westward, a boat with fourteen men keeping
pace with him. In this excursion he explored an extensive
tract of country, and visited the dominions of various caciques,
by whom he was hospitably entertained. He met continually
with proofs of abundance of gold ; the natives generally wear-
ing great plates of it suspended round their necks by cotton
cords. There were tracts of land, also, cultivated with Indian
corn one of which continued for the extent of six leagues, and
the country abounded with excellent fruits. He again heard of
a nation in the interior, advanced in arts and arms, wearing
clothing, and being armed like the Spaniards. Either these
were vague and exaggerated rumors concerning the great
empire of Peru, or the Adelantado had misunderstood the
signs of his informants. He returned, after an absence of
several days, with a great quantity of gold, and with animat-
ing accounts of the country. He had found no port, however,
equal to the river of Belen, and was convinced that gold was
nowhere to be met with in such abundance as in the district of
Veragua. 1
CHAPTER VII.
COMMENCEMENT OF A SETTLEMENT ON THE RIVER BELEN CON-
SPIRACY OF THE NATIVES EXPEDITION OF THE ADELANTADO
TO SURPRISE QUIBIAN.
[1503.1
THE reports brought to Columbus, from every side, of the
wealth of the neighborhood ; the golden tract of twenty days'
journey in extent, shown to his brother from the mountain ; the
i Lao Cacao, lib. ii. cap. 23. Hist, del AlmiraiHe, cap. 95.
514 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
rumors of a rich and civilized country at no great distance, all
convinced him that he had reached one of the most favored
parts of the Asiatic continent. Again his ardent mind kindled
up with glowing anticipations. He fancied himself arrived at
a fountain-head of riches, at one of the sources of the un-
bounded wealth of King Solomon. Josephus in his work on the
antiquities of the Jews, had expressed an opinion that the gold
for the building of the temple of Jerusalem had been procured
from the mines of the Aurea Chersonesus. Columbus supposed
the mines of Veragua to be the same. They lay, as he observed,
" within the same distance from the pole, and from the line ; "
and if the information which he fancied he had received from
the Indians was to be depended on, they were situated about
the same distance from the Ganges. 1
Here, then, it appeared to him, was a place at which to found
a colony, and establish a mart that should become the emporium
of a vast tract of mines. Within the two first days after his
arrival in the country, as he wrote to the sovereigns, he had
seen more signs of gold than in Hispaniola during four years.
That island, so long the object of his pride and hopes, had been
taken from him, and was a scene of confusion ; the pearl coast
of Paria was ravaged by mere adventurers ; all his plans con-
cerning both had been defeated ; but here was a far more
wealthy region than either, and one calculated to console him
for all his wrongs and deprivations.
On consulting with his brother, therefore, he resolved imme-
diately to commence an establishment here, for the purpose of
securing the possession of the country, and exploring and work-
ing the mines. The Adelantado agreed to remain with the
greater part of the people while the admiral should return to
Spain for re-enforcements and supplies. The greatest despatch
was employed in carrying this plan into immediate operation.
Eighty men were selected to remain. The} 7 were separated into
parties of about ten each, and commenced building houses on a
small eminence, situated on the bank of a creek, about a bow-
shot within the mouth of the river Belen. The houses were of
wood, thatched with the leaves of palm-trees. One larger
than the rest was to serve as a magazine, to receive their am-
munition, artillery, and a part of their provisions. The principal
part was stored, for greater security, on board of one of the
caravels, which was to be left for the use of the colony. It was
true they had but a scanty supply of European stores renuiin-
1 Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 515
ing. consisting; chiefly of biscuit, cheese, pulse, wine, oil and
vinegar; but the country produced bananas, plantains, pine-
apples, cocoanuts, and other fruit. There was also maize in
abundance, together with various roots, such as were found in
Ilispaniola. The rivers and seacoast al>ouuded with fish. The
natives, too, made beverages of various kinds. One from the
juice of the pineapple, having a vinous flavor ; another from
maize, resembling beer ; and another from the fruit of a species
of palm-tree. 1 There appeared to be no danger, therefore, of
suffering from famine. Columbus took pains to conciliate the
good-will of the Indians, that they might supply the wants of
the colony during his absence, and he made many presents to
Quibian, by way of reconciling him to this intrusion into his
territories. 2
The necessary arrangements being made for the colony, and
a number of the houses being roofed, and sufficiently finished
for occupation, the admiral prepared for his departure, when
an unlooked-for obstacle presented itself. The heavy rains
whjch had so long distressed him during this expedition had
recently ceased. The torrents from the mountains were over,
and the river, which had once put him to such peril by its
sudden swelling, had now become so shallow that there was not
al>ove half a fathom water on the bar. Though his vessels were
small, it was impossible to draw them over the sands, which
choked the mouth of the river, for there was a swell rolling and
tumbling upon them, enough to dash his worm-eaten barks to
pieces. He was obliged, therefore, to wait with patience, and
pray for the return of those rains which he had lately deplored.
In the mean time Quibian beheld with secret jealousy and
indignation, these strangers erecting habitations and manifest-
ing an intention of establishing themselves in his territories.
He was of a bold and warlike spirit, and had a great force of
warriors at his command ; and being ignorant of the vast
superiority of the Europeans in the art of war, thought it easy,
by a well-concerted artifice, to overwhelm and destroy them.
He sent messengers round, and ordered all his fighting men to
assemble at his residence on the river Yeragua. under pretext
of making war upon a neighboring province. Numbers of the
warriors, in repairing to his headquarters, passed by the har-
bor. No suspicions of their real design were entertained by
Columbus or his officers ; but their movements attracted the
attention of the chief notary, Diego Mendez, a man of a shrewd
1 Ilist. del Almirante, cap. 96. * Letter from Jamaica.
516 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
and prying character, and zealously devoted to the admiral.
Doubting some treachery, he communicated his surmises to
Columbus, and offered to coast along in an armed boat to the
river Veragua, and reconnoitre the Indian camp. His offer was
accepted, and he sallied from the river accordingly, but had
scarcely advanced a league when he descried a large force of
Indians on the shore. Landing alone, and ordering that the
boat should be kept afloat, he entered among them. There
were about a thousand, armed and supplied with provisions,
as if for an expedition. He offered to accompany them with his
armed boat ; his offer was declined, with evident signs of im-
patience. Returning to his boat, he kept watch upon them all
night, until seeing they were vigilantly observed, they returned
to Veragua.
Mendez hastened back to the admiral, and gave it as his
opinion that the Indians had been on their way to surprise the
Spaniards. The admiral was very loath to believe in such
treachery, and was desirous of obtaining clearer information,
before he took any step that might interrupt the apparently good
understanding that existed with the natives. Mendez now under-
took, with a single companion, to penetrate by laud to the head-
quarters of Quibian, and endeavor to ascertain his intentions.
Accompanied by one Rodrigo de Escobar, he proceeded on foot
along the seaboard, to avoid the tangled forests, and arriving
at the mouth of the Veragua, found two canoes with Indians,
whom he prevailed on, by presents, to convey him and his
companion to the village of the cacique. It was on the bank
of the river ; the houses were detached and interspersed among
trees. There was a bustle of warlike preparation in the place,
and the arrival of the two Spaniards evidently excited surprise
and uneasiness. The residence of the cacique was larger than
the others, and situated on a hill which rose from the water's
edge. Quibian was confined to the house by indisposition,
having been wounded in the leg by an arrow. Mendez gave
himself out as a surgeon come to cure the wound : with great
difficulty and by force of presents he obtained permission to
proceed. On the crest of the hill and in front of the cacique's
dwelling was a broad, level, open place, round which, on posts,
were the heads of three hundred enemies slain in battle. Un-
dismayed by this dismal array, Mendez and his companion
crossed the place toward the den of this grim warrior. A num-
ber of women and children about the door fled into the house
with piercing cries. A young and powerful Indian, son of the
cacique, sallied forth in a violent rage, and struck Meudez a blow
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 517
which made him recoil several paces. The latter pacified him
by presents and assurances that he came to cure his father's
wound, in proof of which he produced a box of ointment. It
was impossible, however, to gain access to the cacique, and
Mendez returned with all haste to the harbor to report to the
admiral what he had seen and learned. It was evident there
\\:is a dangerous plot impending over the Spaniards, and as far
as Mendez could learn from the Indians who had taken him up
the river in their canoe, the body of a thousand warriors which
he had seen on his previous reconnoitring expedition had
actually been on a hostile enterprise against the harbor, but
had given it up on finding themselves observed.
This information was confirmed by an Indian of the neigh-
borhood, who had become attached to the Spaniards and acted
as interpreter. He revealed to the admiral the designs of his
countrymen, which he had overheard. Quibian intended to
surprise the harbor at night witli a great force, burn the ships
and houses, and make a general massacre. Thus forewarned,
Columbus immediately set a double watch upon the harbor.
The military spirit of the Adelantado suggested a bolder expe-
dient. The hostile plan of Quibian was doubtless delayed by
his wound, and in the mean time he would maintain the sem-
blance of friendship. The Adelantado determined to march at
once to his residence, capture him, his family, and principal
warriors, send them prisoners to Spain, and take possession of
his village.
With the Adelantado, to conceive a plan was to carry it into
immediate execution, and, in fact, the impending danger ad-
mitted of no delay. Taking with him seventy-four men, well
armed, among whom was Diego Mendez, and being accompa-
nied by the Indian interpreter who had revealed the plot, he
set off on the 30th of March, in boats, to the mouth of the Ve-
ragua, ascended it rapidly, and before the Indians could have
notice of his movements, landed at the foot of the hill on which
tiie house of Quibian was situated.
Lest the cacique should take alarm and fly at the sight of a
large force, he ascended the hill, accompanied by only five men,
among whom was Diego Meudez ; ordering the rest to come on,
with great caution and secrecy, two at a time, and at a distance
from each other. On the discharge of an arquebuse, they were
to surround the dwelling and suffer no one to escape.
As the Adelantado drew near to the house, Quibian came
forth, and seating himself in the portal, desired the Adelantado
to approach singly. Don Bartholomew now ordered Diego
518 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Mendez and his four companions to remain at a little distance,
and when they should see him take the cacique by the arm, to
rush immediately to his assistance. He then advanced with his
Indian interpreter, through whom a short conversation took
place, relative to the surrounding country. The Adelantado
then adverted to the wound of the cacique, and pretending to
examine it, took him by the arm. At the concerted signal four
of the Spaniards rushed forward, the fifth discharged the arque-
buse. The cacique attempted to get loose, but was firmly held
in the iron grasp of the Adelantado. Being both men of great
muscular power, a violent struggle ensued. Don Bartholomew,
however, maintained the mastery, and Diego Mendez and his
companions coming to his assistance, Quibian was bound hand
and foot. At the report of the arquebuse, the main body of
the Spaniards surrounded the house, and seized the most of
those who were within, consisting of fifty persons, old and
young. Among these were the wives and children of Quibian,
and severaj of his principal subjects. No one was wounded,
for there was no resistance, and the Adelantado never permitted
wanton bloodshed. When the poor savages saw their prince a
captive, they filled the air with lamentations, imploring his re-
lease, and offering for his ransom a great treasure, which they
said lay concealed in a neighboring forest.
The Adelantado was deaf to their supplications and their
offers. Quibian was too dangerous a foe to be set at liberty ;
as a prisoner he would be a hostage for the security of the set-
tlement. Anxious to secure his prize, he determined to send
the cacique and other prisoners on board of the boats, while he
remained on shore with a part of his men to pursue the Indians
who had escaped. Juan Sanchez, the principal pilot of the
squadron, a powerful and spirited man, volunteered to take
charge of the captives. On committing the chieftain to his
care, the Adelantado warned him to be on his guard against
any attempt at rescue or escape. The sturdy pilot replied that
if the cacique got out of his hands, he would give them leave
to pluck out his beard, hair by hair ; with this vaunt he de-
parted, bearing off Quibian bound hand and foot. On arriving
at the boat, he secured him by a strong cord to one of the
beaches. It was a dark night. As the boat proceeded down
the river, the cacique complained piteously of the pain fulness
of his bonds. The rough heart of the pilot was touched with
compassion, and he loosened the cord by which Quibian was
tied to the bench, keeping the end of it in his hand. The wily
Indian watched his opportunity, and when Sanchez was look-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 519
ing another way plunged into the water and disappeared. So
sudden and violent was his plunge that the pilot had to let go
the cord lest he should be drawn in after him. The darkness
of the night and the bustle which took place in preventing the
escape of the other prisoners rendered it impossible to pursue
the cacique, or even to ascertain his fate. Juan Sanchez hast-
ened to the ships with the residue of the captives, deeply mor-
tified at being thus outwitted by a savage.
The Adelantado remained all night on shore. The following
morning, when he beheld the wild, broken, and mountainous
nature of the country, and the scattered situation of the habi-
tations perched on different heights, he gave up the search
after the Indians, and returned to the ships with the spoils of
the cacique's mansion. These consisted of bracelets, anklets,
and massive plates of gold, such as were worn round the neck,
together with two golden coronets. The whole amounted to
the value.of three hundred ducats. 1 One fifth of the booty was
set apart for the crown. The residue was shared among those
concerned in the enterprise. To the Adelantado one of the
coronets was assigned, as a trophy of his exploit. 2
CHAPTER VIII.
DISASTERS OF THE SETTLEMENT.
[1503.]
IT was hoped by Columbus that the vigorous measure of the
Adelantado would strike terror into the Indians of the neigh-
borhood, and prevent any further designs upon the settlement.
Quibian had probably perished. If he survived, he must be
disheartened by the captivity of his family, and several of his
principal subjects, and fearful of their being made responsible
for any act of violence on his part. The heavy rains, therefore,
which fall so frequently among the mountains of this isthmus,
having again swelled the river, Columbus made his final arrange-
1 Equivalent to one thousand two hundred and eighty -one dollars at the present day.
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 9S. Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 27. Many of the particulars of
this chapter are from a short narrative given by Diego Mendez, and inserted in his last
will and testament. It is written in a strain of simple egotism, as he represents himself
an the principal and almost the sole actor in every affair. The fact*, however, have all
tiic air of veracity, a'ld hc-inv given on such a solemn occasion, the document is entitled
to high cvi-dit. lie will lie found lo distinguish himself on another ha/.ardous and im-
portant occasion iu the courso of this history. Vide .Navarrele, Colec., toui. i.
520 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMHU8.
ments for the management of the colony, and having given
much wholesome counsel to the Spaniards who were to remain,
and taken an affectionate leave of his brother, got under weigh
with three of the caravels, leaving the fourth for the use of the
settlement. As the water was still shallow at the bar, the ships
were lightened of a great part of their cargoes, and towed out
by the boats in calm weather, grounding repeatedly. When
fairly released from the river, and their cargoes reshipped, they
anchored within a league of the shore, to await a favorable
wind. It was the intention of the admiral to touch at His-
paniola, on his way to Spain, and send thence supplies and
re-enforcements. The wind continuing adverse, he sent a boat
on shore on the Gth of April, under the command of Diego
Tristan, captain of one of the caravels, to procure wood and
water, and make some communications to the Adelantado. The
expedition of this boat proved fatal to its crew, but was provi-
dential to the settlement.
The cacique Quibian had not perished as some had supposed.
Though both hands and feet were bound, yet in the water he
was as in his natural element. Plunging to the bottom, he
swam below the surface until sufficiently distant to be out of
view in the darkness of the night, and then emerging made his
way to shore. The desolation of his home, and the capture of
his wives and children, filled him with anguish ; but when he
saw the vessels in which they were confined leaving the river,
and bearing them off, he was transported with fury and despair.
Determined on a signal vengeance, he assembled a great num-
ber of his warriors, and came secretly upon the settlement. The
thick woods by which it was surrounded enabled the Indians to
approach unseen within ten paces. The Spaniards, thinking
the enemy completely discomfited and dispersed, were perfectly
off their guard. Some had strayed to the sea-shore to take a
farewell look at the ships ; some were on board of the caravel
in the river ; others were scattered about the houses ; on a sud-
den the Indians rushed from their concealment with yells and
bowlings, launched their javelins through the roofs of palm-
leaves, hurled them in at the windows, or thrust them through
the crevices of the logs which composed the walls. As the
houses were small several of the inhabitants were wounded.
On the first alarm the Adelantado seized a lance and sallied
forth with seven or eight of his men. He was joined by Diego
Mendez and several of his companions, and the} 7 drove the
enemy into the forest, killing and wounding several of them.
The Indians kept up a brisk fire of darts and arrows from
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 521
among the trees, and made furious sallies with their war-clubs ;
but there was no withstanding the keen edge of the Spanish
weapons, and a fierce blood-hound being let loose upon them
completed their terror. They fled howling through the forest,
leaving a number dead on the field, having killed one Spaniard
and wounded eight. Among the latter was the AdelauUulo,
who received a slight thrust of a javelin in the breast.
Diego Tristan arrived in his boat during the contest, but
feared to approach the land, lest the Spaniards should rush on
board in such numbers as to sink him. When the Indians had
been put to flight he proceeded up the river in quest of fresh
water, disregarding the warnings of those on shore, that he
might be cut off by the enemy in their canoes.
The river was deep and narrow, shut in by high banks and
overhanging trees. The forests on each side were thick and
impenetrable, so that there was no landing-place excepting here
and there whore a footpath wound down to some fishing-ground,
or some place where the natives kept their canoes.
The boat had ascended about a league above the village, to a
part of the river where it was completely overshadowed by lofty
banks and spreading trees. Suddenly yells and war-whoops
and blasts of conch-shells rose on every side. Light canoes
darted forth in every direction from dark hollows and over-
hanging thickets each dexterously managed by a single savage,
while others stood up brandishing and hurling their lances.
Missiles were launched also from the banks of the river and the
brunches of the trees. There were eight sailors in the Ixmt,
and three soldiers. Galled and wounded by darts and arrows,
confounded by the yells and blasts of conchs and the assaults
which thickened from every side, they lost all presence of mind,
neglected to use either oars or fire-arms, and only sought to
shelter themselves with their bucklers. Diego Tristan had re-
ceived several wounds, but still displayed great intrepidity, and
was endeavoring to animate his men when a javelin pierced his
riiiht eye and struck him dead. The canoes now closed upon
the boat, and a general massacre ensued. But one Spaniard
escaped, Juan de Noya, a cooper of Seville. Having fallen
overboard in the midst of the action, he dived to the bottom,
swam under water, gained the bank of the river unperceived,
and made his way down to the settlement, bringing tidings of
the massacre of his captain and comrades.
The Spaniards were completely dismayed, were few in num-
ber, several of them were wounded, and they were in the midst
of tribes of exasperated savages, far more fierce and warlike
522 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
than those to whom they had been accustomed. The admiral,
being ignorant of their misfortunes, would sail away without
yielding them assistance, and they would be left to sink beneath
the overwhelming force of barbarous foes, or to perish with
hunger on this inhospitable coast. In their despair they deter-
mined to take the caravel which had been left with them, and
abandon the place altogether. The Adelantado remonstrated
with them in vain ; nothing would content them but to put to
sea immediately. Here a new alarm awaited them. The tor-
rents having subsided, the river was again shallow, and it was
impossible for the caravel to pass over the bar. They now
took the boat of the caravel to bear tidings of their danger to
the admiral, and implore him not to abandon them ; but the
wind was boisterous, a high sea was rolling, and a heavy surf,
tumbling and breaking at the mouth of the river, prevented the
boat from getting out. Horrors increased upon them. The
mangled bodies of Diego Tristan and his men came floating
down the stream, and drifting about the harbor, with flights of
crows, and other carrion birds feeding on them, and hovering,
and screaming, and fighting about their prey. The forlorn
Spaniards contemplated this scene with shuddering ; it appeared
ominous of their own fate.
In the mean time the Indians, elated by their triumph over
the crew of the boat, renewed their hostilities. Whoops and
yells answered each other from various parts of the neighbor-
hood. The dismal sound of couchs and war-drums in the deep
bosom of the woods showed that the number of the enetrry was
continually augmenting. They would rush forth occasionally
upon straggling parties of Spaniards, and make partial attacks
upon the houses. It was considered no longer safe to remain
in the settlement, the close forest which surrounded it being a
covert for the approaches of the enemy. The Adelantado
chose, therefore, an open place on the shore, at some distance
from the wood. Here he caused a kind of bulwark to be made
of the boat of the caravel, and of chests, casks, and similar
articles. Two places were left open as embrasures, in which
were placed a couple of falconets, or small pieces of artillery,
in such a manner as to command the neighborhood. In this
little fortress the Spaniards shut themselves up ; its walls were
sufficient to screen them from the darts and arrows of the In-
dians, but mostly they depended upon their fire-arms, the sound
of which struck dismay into the savages, especially when they
saw the effect of the balls, splintering and rending the trees
around them, and carrying havoc to such a distance. The
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 523
Indians were thus kept in check for the present, and deterred
from venturing from the forest; but the Spaniards, exhausted
by constant watching and incessant alarms, anticipated all kinds
of evil when their ammunition should be exhausted, or they
should be driven forth by hunger to seek for food. 1
CHAPTER IX.
DISTRESS OF THE ADMIRAL ON BOARD OF IIIS SHIP ULTIMATE
RELIEF OF THE SETTLEMENT.
[1503.]
"\VIIILE the Adelantado and his men were exposed to such
imminent peril OP shore, great anxiety prevailed on board of
the ships. Day after day elapsed without the return of Diego
Tristan and his party, and it was feared some disaster had
befallen them. Columbus would have sent on shore to make
inquiries, but there was only one boat remaining for the service
of the squadron, and he dared not risk it in the rough sea and
heavy surf. A dismal circumstance occurred to increase the
gloom and uneasiness of the crews. On board of one of the
caravels were confined the family and household of the cacique
Quibian. It was the intention of Columbus to carry them to
Spain, trusting that as long as they remained in the power of
the Spaniards their tribe would be deterred from further hostil-
ities. They were shut up at night in the forecastle of the cara-
vel, the hatchway of which was secured by a strong chain and
padlock. As several of the crew slept upon the hatch, and it
was so high as to be considered out of reach of the prisoners,
they neglected to fasten the chain. The Indians discovered
their negligence. Collecting a quantity of stones from the bal-
last of the vessel, they made a great heap directly under the
hatchway. Several of the most powerful warriors mounted
upon the top, and bending their backs, by a sudden and simul-
taneous effort, forced up the hatch, flinging the seamen who
slept upon it to the opposite side of the ship. In an instant the
greater part of the Indians sprang forth, plunged into the sea,
and swam for shore. Several, however, were prevented from
sallying forth ; others were seized on the deck and forced back
1 Hi.->t. del Almi-a-ite, cap. 9S. Las raoas, lib. ii. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
Relation of Diego Muudez, Navarrele, torn. i. Journal of i'orrus, Xavarrete, touj. i.
524 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
into the forecastle ; the hatchway was carefully chained down,
and a guard was set for the rest of the night. In the morning,
when the Spaniards went to examine the captives, they were all
found dead. Some had hanged themselves with the ends of
ropes, their knees touching the floor, others had strangled them-
selves by straining the cords tight with their feet. Such was
the fierce unconquerable spirit of these people, and their horror
of the white men. 1
The escape of the prisoners occasioned great anxiety to the
admiral, fearing they would stimulate their countrymen to some
violent act of vengeance, and he trembled for the safety of his
brother. Still this painful mystery reigned over the land. The
boat of Diego Tristan did not return, and the raging surf pre-
vented all communication. At length, one Pedro Ledesma, a
pilot of Seville, a man of about forty-five years of age, and of
great strength of body and mind, offered, if the boat would
take him to the edge of the surf, to swim to shore, and bring
off news. He had been piqued by the achievement of the
Indian captives, in swimming to land at a league's distance, in
defiance of sea and surf. "Surely," he said, "if they dare
venture so much to procure their individual liberties, I ought to
brave at least a part of the danger, to save the lives of so many
companions." His offer was gladly accepted by the admiral,
and was boldly accomplished. The boat approached with him
as near to the surf as safety would permit, where it was to
await his return. Here, stripping himself, he plunged into the
sea, and after buffeting for some time with the breakers, some-
times rising upon their surges, sometimes buried beneath them
and dashed upon the sand, he succeeded in reaching the shore.
He found his countiymeu shut up in their forlorn fortress,
beleaguered by savage foes, and learnt the tragical fate of
Diego Tristan and his companions. Many of the Spaniards, in
their horror and despair, had thrown off all subordination,
refused to assist in any measure that had in view a continuance
in this place, and thought of nothing but escape. When they
beheld Ledesma, a messenger from the ships, they surrounded
him with frantic eagerness, urging him to implore the admiral
to take them on board, and not abandon them on a coast where
their destruction was inevitable. Thej' were preparing canoes
to take them to the ships, when the weather should moderate,
the boat of the caravel being too small, and swore that, if the
admiral refused to take them on board, they would embark in
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 99.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 525
the caravel, as soon as it could be extricated from the river,
and abandon themselves to the mercy of the seas, rather than
remain upon that fatal coast.
Having heard all that his forlorn countrymen had to say, and
communicated with the Adelantado and his officers, Ledesma
set out on his perilous return. He again braved the surf and
the breakers, reached the boat which was waiting for him, and
was conveyed back to the ships. The disastrous tidings from
the laud filled the heart of the admiral with grief and alarm.
To leave his brother on shore would be to expose him to the
mutiny of his own men and the ferocity of the savages. He
could spare no re-enforcement from his ships, the crews being
so much weakened by the loss of Tristan and his companions.
Rather than the settlement should be broken up. he would
gladly have joined the Adelantado with all his -people; but in
such case how could intelligence be conveyed to the sovereigns
of this important discovery, and how could supplies be obtained
from Spain? There appeared no alternative, therefore, but to
embark all the people, abandon the settlement for the present,
and return at some future day, with a force competent to take
secure possession of the country. 1 The state of the weather
rendered the practicability even of this plan doubtful. The
wind continued high, the sea rough, and no boat could pass
between the squadron and the land. The situation of the ships
was itself a matter of extreme solicitude. Feebly manned,
crazed by storms, and ready to fall to pieces from the ravages
of the teredo, they were anchored on a lee-shore, with a bois-
terous wind and sea, in a climate subject to tempests, and
where the least augmentation of the weather might drive them
among the breakers. Every hour increased the anxiety of
Columbus for his brother, his people, and his ships, and each
hour appeared to render the impending dangers more imminent.
Days of constant perturbation and nights of sleepless anxiety
pivved upon a constitution broken by age, by maladies, and
hardships, and produced a fever of the mind, in which he was
visited by one of those mental hallucinations deemed by him
mysterious and supernatural. In a letter to the sovereigns he
gives a solemn account of a kind of vision by which he was
comforted in a dismal night, when full of despondency and
tossing on a couch of pain :
"Wearied and sighing," says he, "I fell into a slumber,
when I heard a piteous voice saying to me, 4 O fool, and slow
1 Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
526 LIFE OF CI1RISTOPUER COLUMBUS.
to believe aud serve thy God, who is the God of all ! What did
he more for Moses, or for his servant David, than he has done
for thee ? From the time of thy birth he has ever had thee
under his peculiar care. When he saw thee of a fitting age he
made thy name to resound marvellously throughout the earth,
and thou wert obeyed in many lands, aud didst acquire honor-
able fame among Christians. Of the gates of the Ocean Sea,
shut up with such mighty chains, he delivered thee the ke\ - s ;
the Indies, those wealthy regions of the world, he gave thee
for thine own, and empowered thee to dispose of them to
others, according to thy pleasure. What did he more for the
great people of Israel when he led them forth from Egypt? Or
for David, whom, from being a shepherd, he made a king in
Judea? Turn to him, then, and acknowledge thine error; his
mercy is infinite. He has many and vast inheritances yet in
reserve. Fear not to seek them. Thine age shall be no imped-
iment to any great undertaking. Abraham was above an
hundred years when he begat Isaac; and was Sarah youthful?
Thou urgest despondingly for succor. Answer ! who hath
afflicted thee so much, and so many times? God, or the world ?
The privileges aud promises which God hath made thee he hath
never broken ; neither hath he said, after having received thy
services, that his meaning was different, and to be understood
in a different sense. He performs to the very letter. He fulfils
all that he promises, and with increase. Such is his custom.
1 have shown thee what thy Creator hath done for thee, and
what he doeth for all. The present is the reward of the toils
and perils thou hast endured in serving others.' I hoard all
this," adds Columbus, " as one almost dead, aud had no power
to reply to words so true, excepting to weep for my errors.
Whoever it was that spake to me, finished by saying, ' Fear
not! Confide! All these tribulations are written in marble, and
not without cause.' '
Such is the singular statement which Columbus gave to the
sovereigns of his supposed vision. It has been suggested that
this was a mere ingenious fiction, adroitly devised by him to
convey a lesson to his prince ; but such an idea is inconsistent
with his character. He was too deeply imbued with awe of the
Deity, and with reverence for his sovereign, to make use of
such an artifice. The words here spoken to him by the sup-
posed voice are truths which dwelt upon his mind aud grieved
his spirit during his waking hours. It is natural that they
should recur vividly and coherently in his feverish dreams; and
in recalling and relating a dream one is unconsciously apt to
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIWS. 527
give it a little coherency. Besides, Columbus had a solemn
belief that he was a peculiar instrument in the hands of Provi-
dence, which, together with a deep tinge of superstition com-
mon to the age, made him prone to mistake every striking
dream for a revelation. He is not to be measured by the same
standard with ordinary men in ordinary circumstances. It is
difficult for the mind to realize his situation, and to conceive
the exaltations of spirit to which he must have been subjected.
The artless manner in which, in his letter to the sovereigns, he
mingles up the rhapsodies and dreams of his imagination, with
simple facts, and sound practical observations, pouring them
forth with a kind of scriptural solemnity and poetry of lan-
guage, is one of the most striking illustrations of a character
richly compounded of extraordinary and apparently contra-
dictory elements.
Immediately after this supposed vision, and after a duration
of nine days, the boisterous weather subsided, the sea became
calm, and the communication with the land was restored. , It
was found impossible to extricate the remaining caravel from
the river; but every exertion was made to bring off the people
and the property before there should be a return of bad weather.
In this, the exertions of the zealous Diego Mendez were emi-
nently efficient. He had been for some days preparing for such
an emergency. Cutting up the sails of the caravel, he made
great sacks to receive the biscuit. He lashed two Indian
canoes together with spars, so that they could not be over-
turned by the waves, and made a platform on them capable of
sustaining a great burden. This kind of raft was laden re-
peatedly with the stores, arms, and ammunition, which had
been left on shore, and with the fu.-niture of the caravel, which
was entirely dismantled. When well freighted, it was towed
by the boat to the ships. In this way, by constant and sleep-
less exertions, in the space of two da}*s, almost every thing of
value was transi>orted on board the squadron, and liltle else
left than the hull of the caravel, stranded, decayed, and rotting
in the river. Diego Meudez superintended the whole embarka-
tion with unwearied watchfulness and activity. He and live
companions, were the last to leave the shore, remaining all
night at their perilous post, and embarking in the morning
with the last cargo of effects.
Nothing could equal the transports of the Spaniards, when
they found themselves once more on board of the ships, and
saw a space of ocean between them and those forests which had
lately seemed destined to be their graves. The joy of their
528 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
comrades seemed little inferior to their own, and the perils and
hardships which yet surrounded them were forgotten for a
time in mutual congratulations. The admiral was so much
impressed with a sense of the high services rendered by Diego
Mendez, throughout the late time of danger and disaster, that
he gave him the command of the caravel, vacant by the death
of the unfortunate Diego Tristan. 1
CHAPTER X.
DEPARTURE FROM THE COAST OF VERAGUA ARRIVAL AT JAMAICA
STRANDING OF THE SHIPS.
[1503.]
THE wind at length becoming favorable, Columbus set sail,
toward the end of April, from the disastrous coast of Veragua.
The wretched condition of the ships, the enfeebled state of the
crews, and the scarcity of provisions determined him to make
the best of his way to Hispaniola, where he might refit his
vessels and procure the necessary supplies for the voyage to
Europe. To the surprise of his pilot and crews, however, on
making sail, he stood again along the coast to the eastward,
instead of steering north, which they considered the direct
route to Hispaniola. They fancied that he intended to proceed
immediately for Spain, and murmured loudly at the madness
of attempting so long a voyage, with ships destitute of stores
and consumed by the worms. Columbus and his brother,
however, had studied the navigation of those seas with a more
observant and experienced eye. They considered it advisable
to gain a considerable distance to the east, before standing
across for Hispaniola, to avoid being swept away, far below
their destined port, by the strong currents setting constantly
to the west. 2 The admiral, however, did not impart his rea-
sons to the pilots, being anxious to keep the knowledge of his
routes as much to himself as possible, seeing that there were so
many adventurers crowding into the field, and ready to follow
on his track. He even took from the mariners their charts, 8
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 99, 100. Las Casaa, lib. ii. cap. 29. Relacion por Diego
Mciiclcz. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica. Journal of Porras, .Navarrete Colec.,
torn. i.
1 Hist, del Almirante. Letter from Jamaica.
* Journal of Porras, Navarrete, Coiec., torn. i.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 529
and boasts, in a letter to the sovereigns, that none of his pilots
would be able to retrace the route to and from Veragua, nor to
describe where it was situated.
Disregarding the murmurs of his men, therefore, he con-
tinued along the roa>t eastward as far as Puerto Bello. Here
In- was obliged to leave one of the caravels, being so pierced by
worms that it was impossible to keep her afloat. All the crews
were now crowded into two caravels, and these were little bet-
ter than mere wrecks. The utmost exertions were necessary
to keep them free from water ; while the incessant labor of the
pumps bore hard on men enfeebled by scanty diet and dejected
by various hardships. Continuing onward, they passed Port
Ketrete. and a number of islands to which the admiral gave the
name of Las Barbas, now termed the Mulatas, a little beyond
Point Bias. Here he supposed that he had arrived at the pro-
vince of Mangi in the territories of the Grand Khan, described
by Marco Polo as adjoining to Calhay. 1 He continued on
about ten leagues further, until he approached the entrance of
what is at present called the Gulf of Darien. Here he had a
consultation with his captains and pilots, who remonstrated at
his persisting in this struggle against contrary winds and cur-
rents, representing the lamentable plight of the ships and the
infirm state of the crews. 2 Bidding farewell, therefore, to the
main-land, he stood northward on the 1st of May, in quest of
Hispaniola. As the wind was easterly, with a strong current
setting to the west, he kept as near the wind as possible. So
little did his pilots know of their situation, that they supposed
themselves to the east of the Caribbce Islands, whereas the
admiral feared that, with all his exertions, he should fall to the
westward of Hispaniola. 3 His apprehensions proved to be well
founded ; for, on the 10th of the month, he came in sight of
two small low islands to the north-west of Hispaniola, to which,
from the great quantities of tortoises seen about them, he gave
the name of the Tortugas ; they are now known as the Cay-
mans. Passing wide of these, and continuing directly north,
he found himself, on tiie 30th of May, among the cluster of
islands on the south side of Cuba, to which he had formerly
given the name of the Queen's Gardens; having been carried
between eight and nine degrees west of his destined port.
Here he cast anchor near one of the keys, about ten leagues
from the main island. His crews were suffering excessively
1 Letter from Jamaica.
* Testimony of IVdro de Ledesma. Pleito de los Colonea.
8 Letter from Jamaica.
530 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
through scanty provisions and great fatigue ; nothing was left
of the sea-stores but a little biscuit, oil, and vinegar ; and they
were obliged to labor incessantly at the pumps to keep the ves-
sels afloat. The}' had scarcely anchored at these islands when
there came on, at midnight, a sudden tempest, of such violence
that, according to the strong expression of Columbus, it seemed
as if the world would dissolve. 1 They lost three of their an-
chors almost immediately, and the caravel Bermuda was driven
with such violence upon the ship of the admiral that the bow
of the one and the stern of the other were greatly shattered.
The sea running high, and the wind being boisterous, the ves-
sels chafed and injured each other dreadfully, and it was with
great difficulty that they were separated. One anchor only
remained to the admiral's ship, and this saved him from being
driven upon the rocks ; but at daylight the cable was found
nearly worn asunder. Had the darkness continued an hour
longer, he could scarcely have escaped shipwreck. 2
At the end of six days, the weather having moderated, he
resumed his course, standing eastward for Hispauiola ; "his
people," as he says, " dismayed and down-hearted ; almost all
la's anchors lost, and his vessels bored as full of holes as a
honey-comb." After struggling against contrary winds and the
usual currents from the east, he reached Cape Cruz, and an-
chored at a village in the province of Macaca, 8 where he had
touched in 1494, in his voyage along the southern coast of Cuba.
Here he was detained by head winds for several days, during
which he was supplied with cassava bread by the natives.
Making sail again, he endeavored to beat up to Hispaniola ; but
every effort was in vain. The winds and currents continued
adverse ; the leaks continually gained upon his vessels, though
the pumps were kept incessantly going, and the seamen even
bailed the water out with buckets and kettles. The admiral
now stood, in despair, for the island of Jamaica, to seek some
secure port ; for there was imminent danger of foundering at
sea. On the eve of St. John, the 23d of June, they put into
Puerto Hueuo, now called Dry Harbor, but met with none of
the natives from whom they could obtain provisions, nor was
there any fresh water to be had in the neighborhood. Suffer-
ing from hunger and thirst, they sailed eastward, on the follow-
ing day, to another harbor, to which the admiral on his first
visit to the island had given the name of Port Santa Gloria.
1 Letter from .Tnmaica.
* Ilis-t. del Alinirauti-, cap. 100. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
* llist. del Aliuirante. Jourual of i'orras.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 531
Here, at last, Columbus had to give up his long and arduous
struggle against the unremitting persecution of the elements.
His ships, reduced to mere wrecks, could no longer keep the
sea. and were ready to sink even in port. He ordered them,
therefore, to be run aground, within a bow-shot of the shore,
and fastened together, side by side. They soon tilled with water
to the decks. Thatched cabins were then erected at the prow
and stern for the accommodation of the crews, and the wreck
was placed in the best possible state of defence. Thus castU-d
in the sea, he trusted to be able to repel any sudden attack of
the natives, and at the same time to keep his men from roving
about -the neighborhood and indulging in their usual excesses.
No one was allowed to go on shore without especial license,
and the utmost precaution was taken to prevent any offence
being given to the Indians. Any exasperation of them might
be fatal to the Spaniards in their present forlorn situation. A
firebrand thrown into their wooden fortress might wrap it in
flames, and leave them defenceless amid hostile thousands. '
BOOK XYI.
CHAPTER I.
ARRANGEMENT OF DIEGO MENDEZ WITH THE CACIQUES FOR SUP-
PLIES OF PROVISIONS SENT TO SAN DOMINGO BY COLUMBUS
IN QUEST OF RELIEF.
[1503.]
THE island of Jamaica was extremely populous and fertile,
and the harbor soon swarmed with Indians, who brought pro-
visions to barter with the Spaniards. To prevent an}' disputes
in purchasing or sharing these supplies, two persons were
appointed to superintend all bargains, and the provisions thus
obtained weie divided every evening among the people. This
arrangement had a happy effect in promoting a peaceful inter-
course. The stores thus furnished, however, coming from a
limited neighborhood of improvident beings, were not sufficient
for the necessities of the .Spaniards, and were so irregular as
often to leave them in pinching want. They feared, too, that
the neighborhood might soon be exhausted, in which case they
would be reduced to famine. In this emergency Diego Mendrz
stepped forward with his accustomed zeal, and volunteered to
set off, with three men, on a foraging expedition about the
island. His offer being gladly accepted by the admiral, he
departed with his comrades well armed. He was everywhere
treated with the utmost kindness by the natives. They took
him to their houses, set meat and drink before him and his
companions, and performed all the rites of savage hospitality.
Mendez made an arrangement with the cacique of a numerous
tribe, that his subjects should hunt and fish, and make cassava
bread, and bring a quantity of provisions every day to the
harbor. They were to receive in exchange knives, combs,
beads, fish-hooks, hawk's bells, and other articles, from a
Spaniard, who was to reside among them for that purpose.
The agreement being made, Meudez despatched one of his corn-
532
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 533
fades to apprise the admiral. He then pursued his journey
three leagues farther, when he made a similar arrangement,
and despatched another of his companions to the admiral.
Proceeding onward, about thirteen leagues from the ships, he
arrived at the residence of another cacique, called lluarco,
where he was generously entertained. The cacique ordered
his subjects to bring a large quantity of provisions, for which
Mendez paid him on the spot, and made arrangements for a
like supply at stated intervals. He despatched his third com-
panion with this supply to the admiral, requesting, as usual,
that an agent might be sent to receive and pay for the regular
deliveries of provisions.
Mendez was now left alone, but he was fond of any enter-
prise that gave individual distinction. He requested of the
cacique two Indians to accompany him to the end of the island ;
one to cany his provisions and the other to bear the hammock,
or cotton net in which he slept. These being granted, he pushed
resolutely forward along the coast until he reached the eastern
extremity of Jamaica. Here he found a powerful cacique of
the name of Ameyro. Mendez had buoyant spirits, great ad-
dress, and an ingratiating manner with the savages. He and
the cacique became great friends, exchanged names, which is
a kind of token of brotherhood, and Mendez engaged him to
furnish provisions to the sh'ips. He then bought an excellent
canoe of the cacique, for which he gave a splendid brass basin,
a short frock or cassock, and one of the two shirts which formed
his stock of linen. The cacique furnished him with six Indians
to navigate his bark, and they parted mutually well pleased.
Diego Mendez coasted his way back, touching at the various
places where he had made his arrangements. He found the
Spanish agents already arrived at them, loaded his canoe with
provisions, and returned in triumph to the harbor, where he
was received with acclamations by his comrades, and with open
arms by the admiral. The provisions he brought were a most
seasonable supply, for the Spaniards were absolutely fasting ;
and thenceforward Indians arrived daily, well laden, from the
marts which he had established. 1 The immediate wants of
his people being thus provided for, Columbus revolved, in his
anxious mind, the means of getting from this island. His ships
were beyond the possibility of repair, and there was no hope of
any chance sail arriving to his relief, on the shores of a savage
island, in an unfrequented sea. The most likely measure ap-
1 lielacion por Diego Mendez. Xavarrele, torn. i.
534 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
peared to be to send notice of his situation to Ovando, the gov-
ernor at ISan Domingo, entreating him to despatch a vessel to
his relief. But how was this message to be conveyed? The
distance between Jamaica and Hispaniola was forty leagues,
across a gulf swept by contrary currents ; there were no means
of transporting a messenger, except in the light canoes of the
savages ; and who would undertake so hazardous a voyage in
a frail bark of the kind? Suddenly the idea of Diego Mendez,
and the canoe he had recently purchased, presented itself to
the mind of Columbus. He knew the ardor and intrepidity of
Mendez, and his love of distinction by any hazardous exploit.
Taking him aside, therefore, he addressed him in a manner
calculated both to stimulate his zeal and flatter his self-love.
Mendez himself gives an artless account of this interesting
conversation, which is full of character.
" Diego Mendez, m}' son," said the venerable admiral, " none
of those whom I have here understand the great peril in which
we are placed, excepting you and myself. We are few in
number, and these savage Indians are many, and of fickle and
irritable natures. On the least provocation they may throw
firebrands from the shore, and consume us in our straw-thatched
cabins. The arrangement which you have made with them for
provisions, and which at present they fulfil so cheerfully, to-
morrow they may break in their caprice, and may refuse to
bring us any thing ; nor have we the means to compel them by
force, but are entirely at their pleasure. I have thought of a
reined}', if it meets with your views. In this canoe, which you
have purchased, some one may pass over to Hispaniola, and
procure a ship, by which we may all be delivered from this
great peril into which we have fallen. Tell me your opinion
on the matter."
"To this," says Diego Mendez, "I replied: ' Seiior, the
danger in which we are placed, I well know, is far greater
than is easily conceived. As to passing from this island to
Hispaniola, in so small a vessel as a canoe, I hold it not merely
difficult, but impossible ; since it is necessary to traverse a gulf
of fort}- leagues, and between islands where the sea is extremely
impetuous and seldom in repose. I know not who there is
would adventure upon so extreme a peril.' '
Columbus made no reply, but from his looks and the nature
of his silence, Mendez plainly perceived himself to be the
person whom the admiral had in view; "Whereupon," con-
tinues he, "I added: 'Senor, I have many times put m}- life
in peril of death to save you and all those who are here,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 535
and God has hitherto preserved me in a miraculous manner.
Tin-re are, nevertheless, iniirniurcrs, who say that your Excel-
lency intrusts to me all affairs wherein honor is to be gained,
while there are others in your company who would execute
them as well as I do. Therefore I beg that you would summon
all the people, and propose this enterprise to them, to see if
among them there is any one who will undertake it, which I
doubt. If all decline it, I will then come forward and risk my
life in your service, as I many times have done.' " 1
The admiral gladly humored the wishes of the worthy
Mendez, for never was simple egotism accompanied by more
generous and devoted loyalty. On the following morning the
crew was assembled, and the proposition publicly made. Every
one drew back at the thoughts of it, pronouncing it the height
of rashness. Upon this, Diego Mendez stepped forward.
" Senor," said he, " I have but one life to lose, yet I am will-
ing to venture it for your service and for the good of all here
present, and I trust in the protection of God, which I have
experienced on so many other occasions."
Columbus embraced his zealous follower, who immediately
set about preparing for his expedition. Drawing his canoe on
shore, he put on a false keel, nailed weather-boards along the
bow and stern, to prevent the sea from breaking over it ; payed
it with a coat of tar ; furnished it with a mast and sail ; and
put in provisions for himself, a Spanish comrade, and six
Indians.
In the mean time Columbus wrote letters to Ovando, request-
ing that a ship might be immediately sent to bring him and his
men to Hispaniola. He wrote a letter likewise to the sovereigns ;
for, after fulfilling his mission at San Domingo, Diego Mendez
was to proceed to Spain on the admiral's affairs. In the letter
to the sovereigns Columbus depicted his deplorable situation,
and entreated that a vessel might be despatched to Hispaniola,
to convey himself and his crew to Spain. He gave a compre-
hensive account of his voyage, most particulars of which have
already been incorporated in this history, and he insisted
greatly on the importance of the discovery of Veragua. He
gave it as his opinion, that here were the mines of the Aurea
Chersouesus, whence Solomon had derived such wealth for the
building of the Temple. He entreated that this golden coast
might not, like other places which he had discovered, be aban-
doned to adventurers, or placed under the government of men
1 Relacion por Diego Mendez. Xavarrete, Colec., torn. i.
5C6 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
who felt no interest in the cause. "This is not a child," he
adds, " to be abandoned to a step-Bother. I never think of
Hispaniola and Paria without weeping. Their case is desperate
and past cure ; I hope their example may cause this region to
be treated in a different manner." His imagination becomes
heated. He magnifies the supposed importance of Veragua, as
transcending all his former discoveries ; and he alludes to his
favorite project for the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre :
'' Jerusalem," he says, " and Mount Sion are to be rebuilt by
the hand of a Christian. Who is he to be? God, by the mouth
of the Prophet, in the fourteenth Psalm, declares it. The abbot
Joachim 1 says that he is to come out of Spain." His thoughts
then revert to the ancient story of the Grand Khan, who had
requested that sages might be sent to instruct him in the Chris-
tian faith. Columbus, thinking that he had been in the very
vicinity of Cathay, exclaims, with sudden zeal, " Who will
offer himself for this task? If our Lord permit me to return to
Spain, I engage to take him there, God helping, in safety."
Nothing is more characteristic of Columbus than his earnest,
artless, at times eloquent, and at times almost incoherent let-
ters. What an instance of soaring enthusiasm and irrepressi-
ble enterprise is here exhibited ! At the time that he was
indulging in these visions, and proposing new and romantic
enterprises, he was broken down by age and infirmities, racked
by pain, confined to his bed, and shut up in a wreck on the
coast of a remote and savage island. No stronger picture can
be given of his situation, than that which shortly follows this
transient glow of excitement ; when with one of his sudden
transitions of thought, he awakens, as it were, to his actual
condition.
"Hitherto," says he, "I have wept for others; but now,
have pity upon me, heaven, and weep for me, O earth ! In my
temporal concerns, without a farthing to oft'er for a mass ; cast
away here in the Indies ; surrounded by cruel and hostile sav-
ages ; isolated, infirm, expecting each day will be my last; in
spiritual concerns, separated from the holy sacraments of the
1 Joachim, native of the burgh of Celico, near Cozenza, travelled in the Holy Land.
Returning to Calabria, he took the habit of the Cistercians in the monastery of Corazzo,
of which he became prior and abbot, and afterward rose to higher monastic importance.
lie died in 1202, having attained seventy-two years of age, leaving a great number of
works; among the most known are commentaries on Isaiah, Jeremiah, and the Apoca-
lypse. There are also prophecies by him, "which" (says the Dictionnairc Historique),
" during his lifetime, made him to be admired by fools and despised by men of sense; at
present the latter sentiment prevails. He was either very weak or very presumptuous,
to flatter himself that he had the keys of things of which God reserves the knowledge to
himself." Diet. Hist. toin. 5, Caen, 1785.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 537
church, so that my soul, if parted here from my body, must he
forever lost! Weep for me, whoever has chanty, truth, and
justice ! I came not on this voyage to gain honor or estate,
that is most certain, for all hope of the kind was already dead
within me. I came to serve your majesties with a sound inten-
tion and an honest zeal, and I speak no falsehood. If it should
olease God to deliver me hence, I humbly supplicate your
.najesties to permit me to repair to Rome, and perform other
pilgrimages."
The despatches being ready, and the preparations of the
canoe completed, Diego Mendez embarked, with his Spanish
comrade and his six Indians, and departed along the coast to
the eastward. The voyage was toilsome and perilous. They
had to make their way against strong currents. Once they
were taken by roving canoes of Indians, but made their escape,
and at length arrived at the end of the island, a distance of
thirty-four leagues from the harbor. Here they remained wait-
ing for calm weather to venture upon the broad gulf, when
they were suddenly surrounded and taken prisoners b)- a num-
ber of hostile Indians, who carried them off a distance of three
leagues, where they determined to kill them. Some dispute
arose about the division of the spoils taken from the Spaniards,
whereupon the savages agreed to settle it by a game of chance.
While they were thus engaged Diego Meudez escaped, found
his way to his canoe, embarked in it, and returned alone to the
harbor after fifteen days' absence. What became of his com-
panions he does not mention, being seldom apt to speak of any
person but himself. This account is taken from the narrative
inserted in his last will and testament.
Columbus, though grieved at the failure of his message, was
rejoiced at the escape of the faithful Mendez. The latter, noth-
ing daunted by the perils and hardships he had undergone,
offered to depart immediately on a second attempt, provided he
could have persons to accompaii)- him to the end of the island,
and protect him from the natives. This the Adelantado offered
to undertake, with a large part)' well armed. Bartholomew
Fiesco, a Genoese, who had been captain of one of the caravels,
was associated with Mendez in this second expedition. He was
a man of great worth, strongly attached to the admiral, and
much esteemed by him. Each had a large canoe under his
command, in which were six Spaniards and ten Indians the
latter were to serve as oarsmen. The canoes were to keep in
company. On reaching Hispaniola, Fiesco was to return im-
mediately to Jamaica, to relieve the anxiety of the admiral and
538 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
his crew, by tidings of the safe arrival of their messenger. In
the mean time Diego Mendez was to proceed to San Domingo,
deliver his letter to Ovando, procure and despatch a ship, and
then depart for Spain with a letter to the sovereigns.
All arrangements being made, the Indians placed in the
canoes their frugal provision of cassava bread, and each his
calabash of water. The Spaniards, besides their bread, had a
supply of the flesh of utias, and each his sword and target. In
this way they launched forth upon their long and perilous voy-
age, followed by the prayers of their countrymen.
The Adelantado, with his armed band, kept pace with them
along the coast. There was no attempt of the natives to molest
them, and they arrived in safety at the end of the island. Here
they remained three days before the sea was sufficiently calm
for them to venture forth in their feeble barks. At length, the
weather being quite serene, they bade farewell to their com-
rades, and committed themselves to the broad sea. The Ade-
lantado remained watching them, until they became mere
specks on the ocean, and the evening hid them from his view.
The next day he set out on his return to the harbor, stopping
at various villages on the way, and endeavoring to confirm the
good-will of the natives. 1
CHAPTER II.
MUTINY OF PORRAS.
[1503.]
IT might have been thought that the adverse fortune which
had so long persecuted Columbus was now exhausted. The
envy which had once sickened at his glory and prosperity could
scarcely have devised for him a more forlorn heritage in the
world he had discovered. The tenant of a wreck on a savage
coast, in an untraversed ocean, at the mercy of barbarous
hordes, who, in a moment, from precarious friends, might be
transformed into ferocious enemies ; afflicted, too, by excruciat-
ing maladies which confined him to his bed, and by the pains
and infirmities which hardship and anxiety had leaped upon his
1 Hist, del Almirante, cap. 101.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 539
advancing age. But he had not yet exhausted his cup of bitter-
ness. He had yet to experience an evil worse than storm, or
shipwreck, or bodily anguish, or the violence of savage hordes
the perfidy of those in whom he confided.
Mendez and Fiesco had not long departed when the Span-
iards in the wreck began to grow sickly, partly from the toils
and exposures of the recent voyage, parti}' from being crowded
in narrow quarters in a moist and sultry climate, and partly
from want of their accustomed food, for they could not habit-
uate themselves to the vegetable diet of the Indians. Their
maladies were rendered more insupportable by mental suffer-
ing, by that suspense which frets the spirit, and that hope
deferred which corrodes the heart. Accustomed to a life of
bustle and variety, they had now nothing to do but loiter about
the dreary hulk, look out upon the sea, watch for the canoe of
Fiesco, wonder at his protracted absence, and doubt its return.
A long time elapsed, much more than sufficient for the voyage,
but nothing was seen or heard of the canoe. Fears were enter-
tained that their messenger had perished. If so, how long were
they to remain here, vainly looking for relief which was never
to arrive? Some sank into deep despondency, others became
peevish and impatient. Murmurs broke forth, and, as usual
witli men in distress, murmurs of the most unreasonable kind.
Instead of sympathizing with their aged and infirm comman-
der, who was involved in the same calamity, who in suffering
transcended them all, and yet who was incessantly studious
of their welfare, they began to rail against him as the cause of
all their misfortunes.
The factious feeling of an unreasonable multitude would be
of little importance if left to itself, and might end in idle
clamor ; it is the industry of one or two evil spirits which
generally directs it to an object, and makes it mischievous.
Among the officers of Columbus were two brothers, Francisco
and Diego de Porras. They were related to the royal treasurer
Morales, who had married their sister, and had made interest
with the admiral to give them some employment in the expedi-
tion. 1 To gratify the treasurer, he had appointed Francisco de
Porras captain of one of the caravels, and had obtained for his
brother Diego the situation of notary and accountant-general
of the squadron. He had treated them, as he declares, with the
kindness of relatives, though both proved incompetent to their
situations. They were vain and insolent men, and, like many
i Hist. del. Almiraute, cap. 102.
540 LIFE OF cnnisTornER COLUMBUS.
others whom Columbus had benefited, requited his kindness
with black ingratitude. 1
These men, finding the common people in a highly impatient
and discontented state, wrought upon them with seditious insin-
uations, assuring them that all hope of relief through the agency
of Mendez was idle ; it being a mere delusion of the admiral to
keep them quiet, and render them subservient to his purposes.
He had no desire nor intention to return to Spain ; and in fact
was banished thence. Hispaniola was equally closed to him, as
had been proved by the exclusion of his ships from its harbor in
a time of peril. To him, at present, all places were alike, and he
was content to remain in Jamaica until his friends could make
interest at court, and procure his recall from banishment. As
to Mendez and Fiesco, they had been sent to Spain by Columbus
on his own private affairs, not to procure a ship for the relief of
his followers. If this were not the case, why did not the ships
arrive, or why did not Fiesco return, as had been promised?
Or if the canoes had really been sent for succor, the long time
that had elapsed without tidings of them gave reason to believe
they had perished by the way. In such case, their only alter-
native would be to take the canoes of the Indians and endeavor
to reach Hispaniola. There was no hope, however, of persuad-
ing the admiral to such an undertaking ; he was too old, and
too helpless from the gout, to expose himself to the hardships
of such a voyage. What then? were they to be sacrificed to
his interests or his infirmities? to give up their only chance for
escape, and linger and perish with him in this desolate wreck?
If they succeeded in reaching Hispaniola, they would be the
better received for having left the admiral behind. Ovando
was secretly hostile to him, fearing that he would regain the
government of the island ; on their arrival in Spain, the Bishop
Fonseca, from his enmity to Columbus, would be sure to take
their part ; the brothers Porras had powerful friends and rela-
tives at court, to counteract any representations that might be
made by the admiral; and they cited the case of Roldan's
rebellion, to show that the prejudices of the public and of men
in power would always be against him. Nay, the}' insinuated
that the sovereigns, who, on that occasion, had deprived him
of part of his dignities and privileges, would rejoice at a pre-
text for stripping him of the remainder. 2
Columbus was aware that the minds of his people were
imbittered against him. He had repeatedly been treated with
1 letter of Columbus to his son Diego. Navarrete Colec.
* Hist, del Aliniraute, cap. 102.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 541
insolent impatience, and reproached with being the cause of
their disasters. Accustomed, however, to the unreasonable-
ness of men in adversity, and exercised, by many trials, in the
mastery of his passions, he bore with their petulance, soothed
their irritation, and endeavored to cheer their spirits by the
hopes of speedy succor. A little while longer, and he trusted
that Fiesco would arrive with good tidings, when the certainty
of relief would put an end to all these clamors. The mischief,
however, was deeper than he apprehended : a complete mutiny
had been organized.
On the 2d of January, 1504, he was in his small cabin, on
the stern of his vessel, being confined to his bed by the gout,
which had now rendered him a complete cripple. While rumi-
nating on his disastrous situation, Francisco de Porras suddenly
entered. His abrupt and agitated manner betrayed the evil
nature of his visit. He had the flurried impudence of a man
about to perpetrate an open crime. Breaking forth into bitter
complaints, at their being kept, week after week, and month
after mouth, to perish piecemeal in that desolate place, he ac-
cused the admiral of having no intention to return to Spain.
Columbus suspected something sinister from his unusual arro-
gance ; he maintained, however, his calmness, and, raising
himself in his bed, endeavored to reason with Porras. He
pointed out the impossibility of departing until those who
had gone to Hispauiola should send them vessels. He repre-
sented how much more urgent must be his desire to depart,,
since he had not merely his own safety to provide for, but was
accountable to God and his sovereigns for the welfare of all
who had been committed to his charge. He reminded Porras
that he had always consulted with them all, as to the measures
to be taken for the common safety, and that what he had done
had been with the general approbation : still, if any other
measure appeared advisable, he recommended that they should
assemble together, and consult upon it, and adopt whatever
course appeared most judicious.
The measures of Porras and his comrades, however, were
already concerted, and when men are determined on mutiny
they are deaf to reason. He bluntly replied that there was no
time for further consultations. ' Embark immediately or re-
main in God's name, were the only alternatives." ' For my
part." said he, turning his back upon the admiral, and elevat-
ing his voice so that it resounded all over the vessel, " I am
for Castile ! those who choose may follow me ! " Shouts arose
immediately from all sides, ' I will follow you ! and 1 ! and I ! "
542 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Numbers of the crew sprang upon the most conspicuous parts
of the ship, brandishing weapons, and uttering mingled thivuts
and cries of rebellion. Some called upon Porras for orders
what to do; others shouted " To Castile ! to Castile !" while,
amid the general uproar, the voices of some desperadoes were
heard menacing the life of the admiral.
Columbus, hearing the tumult, leaped from his bed, ill and
infirm as he was, and tottered out of the cabin, stumbling and
falling in the exertion, hoping by his presence to pacify the
mutineers. Three or four of his faithful adherents, however,
fearing some violence might be offered him, threw themselves
between him and the throng, and taking him in their arms com-
pelled him to return to his cabin.
The Adelantado likewise sallied forth, but in a different mood.
He planted himself, with lance in hand, in a situation to take
the whole brunt of the assault. It was with the greatest diffi-
culty that several of the loyal part of the crew could appease
his fury, and prevail upon him to relinquish his weapon, and
retire to the cabin of his brother. They now entreated Forms
and his companions to depart peaceably, since no one sought
to oppose them. No advantage could be gained by violence ;
but should they cause the death of the admiral, they would
draw upon themselves the severest punishment from the
sovereigns. ! l
These representations moderated the turbulence of the mu-
tineers, and they now proceeded to carry their plans into
execution. Taking ten canoes, which the admiral had pur-
chased of the Indians, they embarked in them with as much
exultation as if certain of immediately landing on the shores of
Spain. Others, who had not been concerned in the mutiny,
seeing so large a force departing, and fearing to remain behind,
when so reduced in number, hastily collected their effects and
entered likewise into the canoes. In this way forty-eight
abandoned the admiral. Many of those who remained were
only detained by sickness, for had they been well, most of them
would have accompanied the deserters. 2 The few who re-
mained faithful to the admiral, and the sick, who crawled
forth from their cabins, saw the departure of the mutineers
with tears and lamentations, giving themselves up for lost.
Notwithstanding his malady, Columbus left his bed, mingling
among those who were loyal, and visiting those who were ill,
endeavoring in every way to cheer and comfort them. He
i T..-M Casas, Hi*t. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 32. Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 102.
* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 102.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 543
entreated them to put their trust in God, who would yet re-
lieve them ; and he promised, on his return to Spain, to throw
himself at the feet of the queen, represent their loyalty and
constancy, and obtain for them rewards that should compen-
sate for all their sufferings. 1
In the mean time Francisco de Porras and his followers, in
their squadron of canoes, coasted the island to the eastward,
following the route taken by Meudez and Fiesco. Wherever
they landed they committed outrages upon the Indians, robbing
them of tlu-ir provisions, and of whatever they coveted of their
effects. They endeavored to make their own crimes redound
to the prejudice of Columbus, pretending to act under his
authority, and affirming that he would pay for every thing they
took. If he refused, they told the natives to kill him. TlK-}'
represented him as an implacable foe to the Indians ; as one
who had tyrannized over other islands, causing the misery and
death of the natives, and who only sought to gain a sway here
for the purpose of inflicting like calamities.
Having reached the eastern extremity of the island, they
waited until the weather should be perfectly calm before they
ventured to cross the gulf. Being unskilled in the management
of canoes, they procured several Indians to accompany them.
The sea being at length quite smooth, they set forth upon their
voyage. Scarcely had they proceeded four leagues from land
when a contrary wind arose, and the waves began to swell.
The}' turned immediately for shore. The canoes, from their
light structure, and being nearly round and without keels, were
easily overturned, and required to be carefully balanced. They
were now deeply freighted by men unaccustomed to them, and
as the sea rose they frequently let in the water. The Spaniards
were alarmed, and endeavored to lighten them by throwing
overboard every thing that could be spared ; retaining only
their arms and a part of their provisions. The danger aug-
mented with the wind. They now compelled the Indians to
leap into the sea, excepting such as were absolutely necessary
to navigate the canoes. If they hesitated, they drove them
overboard with the edge of the sword. The Indians were skil-
ful swimmers, but the distance to land was too great for their
strength. They kept about the canoes, therefore, taking hold
of them occasionally to rest themselves and recover breath.
As their weight disturbed the balance of the canoes, and en-
dangered their overturning, the Spaniards cut off their hands
i Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 32.
544 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
and stabbed them with their swords. Some died by the weap-
ons of these cruel men, others were exhausted and sank be-
neath the waves ; thus eighteen perished miserably, and none
survived but such as had been retained to manage the canoes.
When the Spaniards got back to land, different opinions arose
as to what course the}" should next pursue. Some were for
crossing to Cuba, for which island the wind was favorable. It
was thought they might easily cross thence to the end of His-
paniola. Others advised that they should return and make
their peace with the admiral, or take from him what remained
of arms and stores, having thrown almost every thing overboard
during their late danger. Others counselled another attempt
to cross over to Hispaniola, as soon as the sea should become
tranquil.
This last advice was adopted. They remained for a month at
an Indian village near the eastern point of the island, living on
the substance of the natives, and treating them in the most
arbitrary and capricious manner. When at length the weather
became serene, they made a second attempt, but were again
driven back by adverse winds. Losing all patience, therefore,
and despairing of the enterprise, they abandoned their canoes,
and returned westward, wandering from village to village, a
dissolute and lawless gang, supporting themselves by fair means
or foul, according as they met with kindness or hostility, and
passing like a pestilence through the island. 1
CHAPTER III.
SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS STRATAGEM OF COLUMBUS TO OBTAIN
SUPPLIES FROM THE NATIVES.
[1504.]
WHILE Porras and his crew were raging alxnit with that des-
perate and joyless licentiousness which attends the abandon-
ment of principle, Columbus presented the opposite picture of
a man true to others and to himself, and supported, amid hard-
ships and difficulties, by conscious rectitude. Deserted by the
healthful and vigorous portion of his garrison, he exerted him-
self to soothe and encourage the infirm and desponding remnant
1 Ili.-t. del Almirante, cap. 102. Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 32.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 545
which remained. Regardless of his own painful maladies, he
was only attentive to Believe their sufferings. The few who
were fit for service were required to mount guard on the wreck
or attend upon the sick ; there were none to forage for provis-
ions. The scrupulous good faith and amicable conduct main-
tained by Columbus toward the natives had now their effect.
Considerable supplies of provisions were brought by them from
time to time, which he purchased at a reasonable rate. The most
palatable and nourishing of these, together with the small stock
of European biscuit that remained, he ordered to be appropri-
ated to the sustenance of the infirm. Knowing how much the
body is affected by the operations of the mind, he endeavored
to rouse the spirits and animate the hopes of the drooping suf-
ferers. Concealing his own anxiety, he maintained a serene
and even cheerful countenance, encouraging his men by kind
words, and holding forth confident anticipations of speedy re-
lief. By his friendly and careful treatment, he soon recruited
both the health and spirits of his people, and brought them
into a condition to contribute to the common safety. Judicious
regulations, calmly but firmly enforced, maintained every thing
in order. The men became sensible of the advantages of whole-
some discipline, and perceived that the restraints imposed upon
them by their commander were for their own good, and ulti-
mately productive of their own comfort.
Columbus had thus succeeded in guarding against internal
ills, when alarming evils began to menace from without. The
Indians, unused to lay up any stock of provisions, and unwilling
to subject themselves to extra labor, found it difficult to furnish
the quantity of Cood daily required for so many hungry men.
The European trinkets, once so precious, lost their value in pro-
portion as they became more common. The importance of the
admiral had been greatly diminished b} T the desertion of so
many of his followers, and the malignant instigations of the
rebels had awakened jealousy and enmity in several of the vil-
lages, which had been accustomed to furnish provisions.
By degrees, therefore, the supplies fell off. The arrange-
ments for the daily delivery of certain quantities, made by Diego
Mendez, were irregularly attended u>. and at length ceased
entirely. The Indians no longer thronged to the harbor with
provisions, and often refused them when applied for. The
Spaniards were obliged to forage about the neighborhood for
their daily food, but found more and more difficulty in procur-
ing it ; thus, in addition to their other causes for despondency,
they began to entertain horrible apprehensions of famine.
546 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
The admiral heard their melancholy forebodings, ajid behold
the growing evil, but was at a loss for a remedy. To resort to
force was an alternative full of danger, and of but temporary
efficacy. It would require all those who were well enough to
bear arms to sally forth, while he and the rest of the infirm
would be left defenceless on board of the wreck, exposed to the
vengeance of the natives.
la the mean time the scarcity daily increased. The Indians
perceived the wants of the white men, and had learnt from
them the art of making bargains. They asked ten times the
former quantit\' of European articles for any amount of provis-
ions, and brought their supplies in scanty quantities, to en-
hance the eagerness of the hungry Spaniards. At length even
this relief ceased, and there was an absolute distress for food.
The jealousy of the natives had been universally roused by
Porras and his followers, and they withheld all provisions, in
hopes either of starving the admiral and his people, or of driv-
ing them from the island.
In this extremity a fortunate idea presented itself to Colum-
bus. From his knowledge of astronomy, he ascertained that,
within three days, there would be a total eclipse of the moon in
the early part of the night. He sent, therefore, an Indian of
Hispauiola, who served as his interpreter, to summon the prin-
cipal caciques to a grand conference, appointing for it the day
of the eclipse. When all were assembled he told them by his
interpreter, that he and his followers were worshippers of a
Deity who dwelt in the skies ; who favored such as did well,
but punished all transgressors. That, as they must all have
noticed, he had protected Diego Meudez and his companions in
their voj'age, because they went in obedience to the orders of
their commander, but had visited Porras and his companions
with all kinds of afflictions, in consequence of their rebellion.
This great Deity, he added, was incensed against the Indians
who refused to furnish his faithful worshippers with provisions,
and intended to chastise them with famine and pestilence.
Lest they should disbelieve this warning, a signal would be
given that night. They would behold the moon change its
color and gradually loose tts light ; a token of the fearful pun-
ishment which awaited them.
Many of the Indians were alarmed at the prediction, others
treated it with derision all, however, awaited with solicitude
the coining of the night. When they beheld a dark shadow
stealing over the moon they began to tremble ; with the prog-
ress of the eclipse their fears increased, and when they saw a
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 547
mysterious darkness covering the whole face of nature, there
were no bounds to their terror. Seizing upon whatever provis-
ions were at hand, they hurried to the ships, threw themselves
at the feet of Columbus, and implored him to intercede with
his God to withhold the threatened calamities, assuring him
they would henceforth bring him whatever he required. Co-
lumbus shut himself up iu his cabin, as if to commune with the
Deity, and remained there during the increase of the eclipse,
the forests and shores all the while resounding with the howl-
ings and supplications of the savages. When the eclipse was
about to diminish he came forth and informed the natives that
his God had deigned to pardon them, on condition of their ful-
filling their promises ; iu sign of which he would withdraw the
darkness from the moon.
When the Indians saw that planet restored to its brightness,
and rolling in all its beauty through the firmament, they over-
whelmed the admiral with thanks for his intercession, and re-
paired to their homes, joyful at having escaped such great
disasters. Regarding Columbus with awe and reverence, as a
man in the peculiar favor and confidence of the Deity, since he
knew upon earth what was passing in the heavens, they has-
tened to propitiate him with gifts ; supplies again arrived daily
at the harbor, and from that time forwaid there was no want of
provisions. 1
CHAPTER IV.
MISSION OF DIEGO DE ESCOBAR TO THE ADMIRAL.
[1504.]
EIGHT months had now elapsed since the departure of Men-
dez and Fiesco, without any tidings of their fate. For a long
time the Spaniards had kept a wistful look-out upon the ocean,
flattering themselves that every Indian canoe, gliding at a dis-
tance, might be the harbinger of deliverance. The hopes of
the most sanguine were now fast sinking into despondency.
What thousand perils awaited such frail barks, and so weak a
party, on an expedition of the kind ! Either the canoes had
been swallowed up by boisterous waves and adverse currents,
or their crews had perished among the rugged mountains and
Hint, del Almiraute, cap. 103. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap, 33.
548 LIFE OF CTIRISTOPIIEE COLUMBUS.
savage tribes of Hispaniola. To increase their despondency,
they were informed that a vessel had been seen, bottom upward,
drifting with the currents along the coasts of Jamaica. This
might be the vessel sent to their relief ; and if so, all their hopes
were shipwrecked with it. This rumor, it is affirmed, was in-
vented and circulated in the island by the rebels, that it might
reach the ears of those who remained faithful to the admiral,
and reduce them to despair. 1 It no doubt had its effect.
Losing all hope of aid from a distance, and considering them-
selves abandoned and forgotten by the world, many grew wild
and desperate in their plans. Another conspiracy was formed
by one Bernardo, an apothecary of Valencia, with two confed-
erates, .Alonzo de Zamora and Pedro de Villatoro. They de-
signed to seize upon the remaining canoes, and seek their way
to Hispaniola. 2
The mutiny was on the very point of breaking out, when one
evening, toward dusk, a sail was seen standing toward the
harbor. The transports of the poor Spaniards may be more
easily conceived than described. The vessel was of sma-11 size ;
it kept out to sea, but sent its boat to visit the ships. Every
eye was eagerly bent to hail the countenances of Christians
and deliverers. As the boat approached, they descried in it
Diego de Escobar, a man who had been one of the most active
confederates of Roldan in his rebellion, who had been con-
demned to death under the administration of Columbus, and
pardoned by his successor Bobadilla. There was bad omen in
such a messenger.
Coming alongside of the ships, Escobar put a letter on board
from Ovando, governor of Hispaniola, together with a barrel of
wine and a side of bacon, sent as presents to the admiral. He
then drew off, and talked with Columbus from a distance. He
told him that he was sent by the governor to express his great
concern at his misfortunes, and his regret at not having in port
a vessel of sufficient size to bring off himself and his people,
but that he would send one as soon as possible. Escobar gave
the admiral assurances likewise that his concerns in Hispaniola
had been faithfully attended to. He requested him, if he had
any letter to write to the governor in reply, to give it to him as
soon as possible, as he wished to return immediately.
There was something extremely singular in this mission, but
there was no time for comments, Escobar was urgent to depart.
Columbus hastened, therefore, to write a reply to Ovando, d3-
1 UUl. del Almiiaute, cap. 1W. 2 Las Cabas, Hist. Ijcl., lib. ii, cap. a3.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 549
picting the dangers and distresses of his situation, increased as
they were by the rebellion of Porras, but expressing his reli-
ance on his piomise to send him relief, confiding in which he
should ivmuin patiently on board of his wreck. He recom-
mended Diego Meodez and Bartholomew Fiesco to his favor,
assuring him that they were not sent to San Domingo with any
artful design, but simply to represent his perilous situation,
and to apply for succor. 1 When Escobar received this letter,
he returned immediately on board of his vessel, which made
all sail, aud soon disappeared in the gathering gloom of the
night.
If the Spaniards had hailed the arrival of this vessel with
transport, its sudden departure and the mysterious conduct of
Escobar inspired no less wonder and consternation. He had
kept aloof from all communication with them, as if he felt no
interest in their welfare, or sympathy in their misfortunes.
Columbus saw the gloom that had gathered in their counte-
nances, and feared the consequences. He eagerly sought,
therefore, to dispel their suspicions, professing himself satis-
fied with the communications received from Ovando, and assur-
ing them that vessels would soon arrive to take them all away.
In confidence of this, he said, he had declined to depart with
Escobar, because his vessel was too small to take the whole,
preferring to remain with them and share their lot, and had
despatched the caravel in such haste that no time might be lost
in expediting the necessary ships. These assurances, arid the
certainty that their situation was known in San Domingo,
cheered the hearts of the people. Their hopes again revived,
and the conspiracy, which had been on the point of breaking
forth, was completely disconcerted.
In secret, however. Columbus was exceedingly indignant at
the conduct of Ovaudo. He had left him for many months in
a state of the utmost danger, and most distressing uncertainty,
exposed to the hostilities of the natives, the seditions of his
men, and the suggestions of his own despair. He had, at
length, sent a mere tantalizing message, by a man known to be
one of his bitterest enewiies, with a present of food, which,
from its scantiness, seemed intended to mock their necessities.
Columbus believed that Ovando had purposely neglected
him, hoping that he might perish on the island, being ap-
prehensive that, should he return in safety, he would be
reinstated in the government of Hispaniola; and he considered
> Las Casas, Hist, lad., lib. ii. cap. 34.
550 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Escobar merely as a spy sent to ascertain the state of himself
and his crew, and whether they were yet in existence. Las
Casas, who was then at San Domingo, expresses similar suspi-
cions. He says that Escobar was chosen because Ovando was
certain that, from ancient enmity, he would have no sympathy
for the admiral. That he was ordered not to go on board of
the vessels, nor to land, neither was he to hold conversation
with any of the crew, nor to receive any letters, except those
of the admiral. In a word, that he was a mere scout to collect
information. 1
Others have ascribed the long neglect of Ovando to extreme
caution. There was a rumor prevalent that Columbus, irri-
tated at the suspension of his dignities by the court of Spain,
intended to transfer his newly-discovered countries into the
hands of his native republic Genoa, or of some other power.
Such rumors had long been current, and to their recent cir-
culation Columbus himself alludes in his letter sent to the
sovereigns by Diego Mendez. The most plausible apology
given is, that Ovaudo was absent for several months in the
interior, occupied in wars with the natives, and that there
were no ships at San Domingo of sufficient burden to take
Columbus and his crew to Spain. He may have feared that,
should the} 1 come to reside for any length of time on the island,
either the admiral would interfere in public affairs, or en-
deavor to make a party in his favor ; or that, in consequence
of the number of his old enemies still resident there, former
scenes of faction and turbulence might be revived.' 2 In the
mean time the situation of Columbus in Jamaica, while it dis-
posed of him quietly until vessels should arrive from Spam,
could not, he may have thought, be hazardous. He had suffi-
cient force and arms for defence, and he had made amicable
arrangements with the natives for the supply of provisions, as
Diego Mendez, who had made those arrangements, had no
doubt informed him. Such may have been the reasonmg by
which Ovando, under the real influence of his interest, may
have reconciled his conscience to a measure which excited the
strong reprobation of his contemporaries, and has continued to
draw upon him the suspicious of mankind.
1 Las ('asas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 33. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 103.
1 Las Cuso-s, ubi sup. Hist, del Ahniraule, ubi bup.
LIFE OF CUmSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 551
CHAPTER V.
VOYAGE OF DIEGO MENDEZ AND BARTHOLOMEW FIESCO IN A.
CANOE TO HISPAN10LA.
[1504.]
'Ir is proper to give here some account of the mission of Diego
Mendez and Bartholomew Fiesco, and of the circumstances
which prevented the latter from returning to Jamaica. Hav-
ing taken leave of the Adelantado at the east end of the island,
they continued all day in a direct course, animating the Indians
who navigated their canoes, and who frequently paused at their
labor. There was no wind, the sky was without a cloud, and
the sea perfectly calm ; the heat was intolerable, and the rays
of the sun reflected from the surface of the ocean seemed to
scorch their very eyes. The Indians, exhausted by heat and
toil, would often leap into the water to cool and refresh them-
selves, and, after remaining there a short time, would return
with new vigor to their labors. At the going down of the sun
they lost sight of land. During the night the Indians took
turns, one-half to row while the others slept. The Spaniards,
in like manner, divided their forces : while one-half took repose
the others kept guard with their weapons in hand, ready to
defend themselves in case of any perfidy on the part of their
savage companions.
Watching and toiling in this way through the night, they
were exceedingly fatigued at the return of day. Nothing was
to be seen but sea and sky. Their frail canoes, heaving up
and down with the swelling and sinking of the ocean, seemed
scarcely capable of sustaining the broad undulations of a calm ;
how would the)' be able to live amid waves and surges, should
the wind arise? The commanders did all they could to keep
up the flagging spirits of the men. Sometimes they permitted
them a respite ; at other times they took the paddles and
shared their toils. But labor and fatigue were soon forgotten
in a new source of suffering. During the preceding sultry day
and night, the Indians, parched and fatigued, had drunk up
all the water. They now began to experience the torments of
thirst. In proportion as the day advanced, their thirst in-
creased ; the calm, which favored the navigation of the canoes,
rendered this misery the more intense. There was not a
breeze to fan the air, nor counteract the ardent luys of a
552 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
tropical snn. Their sufferings were irritated by the prospect
around them nothing but water, while they were perishing
witli thirst. At mid-day their strength failed them, and they
could work no longer. Fortunately, at this time the com-
manders of the canoes found, or pretended to find, two small
kegs of water, which they had perhaps secretly reserved for
such an extremity. Administering the precious contents from
time to time, in sparing mouthfuls to their companions, and
particularly to the laboring Indians, they enabled them to
resume their toils. They cheered them with the hopes of soon
arriving at a small island called Navasa, which lay directly in
their way, and was only eight leagues from Hispaniola. Here
they would be able to procure water, and might take repose.
For the rest of the day they continued faintly and wearily
laboring forward, and keeping an anxious look-out for the
island. The day passed awa}*, the sun went down, yet there
was no sign of land, not even a cloud on the horizon that might
deceive them into a hope. According to their calculations,
the}' had certainly come the distance from Jamaica at which
Navasa lay. They began to fear that they had deviated from
their course. If so, they should miss the island entirely, and
perish with thirst before they could reach Hispaniola.
The night closed upon them without any sight of the island.
They now despaired of touching at it, for it was so small and
low that, even if they were to pass near, they would scarcely
be able to perceive it in the dark. One of the Indians sank and
died, under the accumulated sufferings of labor, heat, and raging
thirst. His body was thrown into the sea. Others lay panting
and gasping at the bottom of the canoes. Their companions,
troubled in spirit, and exhausted in strength, feebly continued
their toils. Sometimes they endeavored to cool their parched
palates by taking sea-water in their mouths, but its briny acri-
mony rather increased their thirst. Now and then, but very
sparingly, they were allowed a drop of water from the kegs ;
but this was only in cases of the utmost extremity, and princi-
pally to those who were employed in rowing. The night had
far advanced, but those whose turn it was to take repose were
unable to sleep, from the intensity of their thirst ; or if they
slept, it was but to be tantalized by dreams of cool fountains
and running brooks, and to awaken in redoubled torment. The
last drop of water had been dealt out to the Indian rowers, but
it only served to irritate their sufferings. They scarce could
move their paddles ; one after another gave up, and it seemed
impossible they should live to reach llispauiola.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 553
The commanders, by admirable management, had hitherto
kept up this weary struggle with suffering and despair : they
now, too, began to despond. Diego Mendez sat watching the
horizon, which was gradually lighting up with those faint rays
which precede the rising of the moon. As that planet rose, he
perceived it to emerge from behind some dark mass elevated
above the level of the ocean. He immediately gave the ani-
mating cry of " land ! " His almost expiring companions were
roused by it to new life. It proved to be the island of Navasa,
but so small, and low, and distant, that had it not been thus
revealed by the rising of the moon, they would never have dis-
covered it. The crrqr in their reckoning with respect to the
island had arisen from miscalculating the rate of sailing of
the canoes, and from not making sufficient allowance for the
fatigue of the rowers and the opposition of the current.
New vigor was now diffused throughout the crews. They
exerted themselves with feverish impatience ; by the dawn of
day they reached the land, and, springing on shore, returned
thanks to God for such signal deliverance. The island was a
mere mass of rocks half a league in circuit. There was neither
tree, nor shrub, nor herbage, nor stream, nor fountain. Hurry-
ing about, however, with anxious search, they found to their
joy abundance of rain-water in the hollows of the rocks.
Eagerly scooping it up, with their calabashes, they quenched
their burning thirst by immoderate draughts. In vain the
more prudent warned the others of their danger. The Span-
iards were in some degree restrained \ but the poor Indians,
whose toils had increased the fever of their thirst, gave way to
a kind of frantic indulgence. Several died upon the spot, and
others fell dangerously ill. 1
Having allayed their thirst, they now looked about in search
of food. A few shell-fish were found along the shore, and Diego
Mendez, striking a light, and gathering drift-wood, they were
enabled to boil them, and to make a delicious banquet. All day
they remained reposing in the shade of the rocks, refreshing
themselves after their intolerable sufferings, and gazing upon
Hispaniola, whose mountains rose above the horizon, at eight
leagues' distance.
In the cool of the evening they once more embarked, invig-
orated by repose, and arrived safely at Cape Tiburou on the
following day, the fourth since their departure from Jamaica.
1 Not far from the island of Xavasa there gushes up in the sea a pure fountain of freeh
water that sweetens the surface 1 for some di.-tance; thi-i circumstance \vus of course uu-
knuwu to the Spaniards at the time. (Oviedo, Cronica, lib. vi. c;ip. 12.)
554 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Here they landed on the banks of a beautiful river, where they
were kindly received and treated by the natives. Such are the
particulars, collected from different sources, of this adventurous
and interesting voyage, on the precarious success of which
depended the deliverance of Columbus and his crews. 1 The
voyagers remained for two days among the hospitable natives
on the banks of the river to refresh themselves. Fiesco would
have returned to Jamaica, according to promise, to give assur-
ance to the admiral and his companions of the safe arrival of
their messenger; but both Spaniards and Indians had suffered
so much during the voyage, that nothing could induce them to
encounter the perils of a return in the canoes.
Parting with his companions, Diego Mendez took six Indians
of the island, and .set off resolutely to coast in his canoe one
hundred and thirty leagues to San Domingo. After proceed-
ing for eighty leagues, with infinite toil, always against the
currents, and subject to perils from the native tribes, he was
informed that the governor had departed for Xaragua, fifty
leagues distant. Still undaunted by fatigues and difficulties,
he abandoned his canoe, and proceeded alone and on foot
through forests and over mountains, until he arrived at Xara-
gua, achieving one of the most perilous expeditions ever under-
taken by a devoted follower for the safety of his commander.
Ovando received him with great kindness, expressing the
utmost concern at the unfortunate situation of Columbus. He
made many promises of sending immediate relief, but suffered
day after day, week after w ek, month after month to elapse,
without carrying his promises into effect. He was at that time
completely engrossed by wars with the natives, and had a ready
plea that there were no ships of sufficient burden at San Do-
mingo. Had he felt a proper zeal, however, for the safety of a
man like Columbus, it would have been easy, within eight
months, to have devised some means, if not of delivering him
from his situation, at least of conveying to him ample re-en-
forcements and supplies.
The faithful Mendez remained for seven months in Xaragua,
detained there under various pretexts by Ovando, who was un-
willing that he should proceed to San Domingo ; partly, as is
intimated, from his having some jealousy of his being employed
in secret agency for the admiral, and partly from a desire to
throw impediments in the way of his obtaining the required re-
lief. At length, by daily importunity, he obtained permission
' Hist, del Alum-ante, cap. 105. Las C'ttuas, lib. ii. cap. 31. Testament of Diego
Muudt-z. JS'avarrete, torn. i.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 555
to go to San Domingo and await the arrival of certain ships
which were expected, of which he proposed to purchase one on
the account of the admiral. He immediately set out on foot a
distance of seventy leagues, part of his toilsome journey lying
through forests and among mountains infested by hostile and
exasperated Indians. It was after his departure that O van do
despatched the caravel commanded by the pardoned rebel Es-
cobar, on that singular and equivocal visit, which, in the eyes
of Columbus, had the air of a mere scouting expedition to spy
into the camp of an enemy.
CHAPTER VI.
OVERTURES OF COLUMBUS TO THE MUTINEERS BATTLE OF THE
ADELANTADO WITH PORRAS AND HIS FOLLOWERS,
[1503.]
WHEN Columbus had soothed the disappointment of his men
at the brief and unsatisfactory visit and sudden departure of
Escobar, he endeavored to turn the event to some advantage
with the rebels. He knew them to be disheartened by the
inevitable miseries attending a lawless and dissolute life ; that
many longed to return to the safe and quiet path of duty ; and
that the most malignant, seeing how he had foiled all their
intrigues among the natives to produce a famine, began to fear
his ultimate triumph and consequent vengeance. A favorable
opportunity, he thought, now presented to take advantage of
these feelings, and by gentle means to bring them back to their
allegiance. He sent two of his people, therefore, who were
most intimate with the rebels, to inform them of the recent
arrival of Escobar with letters from the Governor of Hispaniola,
promising him a speedy deliverance from the island. He now
offered a free pardon, kind treatment, and a passage with him
in the expected ships, on condition of their immediate return to
obedience. To convince them of the arrival of the vessel, he
sent them a part of the bacon which had been brought by
Escobar.
On the approach of these ambassadors, Francisco de Porras
came forth to meet them, accompanied solely by a few of the
riiigli'julers of his party. He imagined that there might be
some propositions from the admiral, aud he was fearful of their
656 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMI1US.
being heard by the mass of his people, who, in their dissatisfied
and repentant mood, would he likely to desert him on the least
prospect of pardon. Having listened to the tidings and over-
tures brought by the messengers, he and his confidential con-
federates consulted for some time together. Perfidious in their
own nature, they suspected the sincerity of the admiral ; and
conscious of the extent of their offences, doubted his having
the magnanimity to pardon them. Determined, therefore, not
to confide in his proffered amnesty, they replied to the messen-
gers that they had no wish to return to the ships, but preferred
living at large about the island. They offered to engage, how-
ever, to conduct themselves peaceably and amicably, on re-
ceiving a solemn promise from the admiral, that should two
vessels arrive, they should have one to depart in ; should but
one arrive, that half of it should be granted to them ; and that,
moreover, the admiral should share with them the stores and
articles of Indian traffic remaining in the ships ; having lost all
that they had, in the sea. These demands were pronounced
extravagant and inadmissible, upon which they replied inso-
lently that, if they were not peaceably conceded, they would
take them by force ; arid with this menace they dismissed the
ambassadors. 1
This conference was not conducted so privately but that the
rest of the rebels learnt the purport of the mission ; and the
offer of pardon and deliverance occasioned great tumult and
agitation. Porras, fearful of their desertion, assured them that
these offers of the admiral were all deceitful ; that he was nat-
urally cruel and vindictive, and onh- sought to get them into
his power to wreak on them his vengeance. He exhorted them
to persist in their opposition to his tyranny ; reminding them
that those who had formerly done so in Hispaniola had eventu-
ally triumphed, and sent him home in irons ; he assured them
that they might do the same, and again made vaunting promises
of protection in Spain, through the influence of his relatives.
But the boldest of his assertions was with respect to the caravel
of Escobar. It shows the ignorance of the age, and the super-
stitious awe which the common people entertained with respect
to Columbus and his astronomical knowledge. Porras assured
them that no real caravel had arrived, but a mere phantasm
conjured up by the admiral, who was deeply versed in necro-
mancy. In proof of this he adverted to its arriving in the dusk
of the evening ; its holding communication with no one but the
1 Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 30. Hist, del Alrairantu, cap. 106.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 557
admiral, and its sudden disappearance in the night. Had it
been a real caravel, the crew would have sought to talk with
their countrymen ; the admiral, his son, and brother, would
have eagerly embarked on board, and it would at an} 7 rate have
remained a little while in port, and not have vanished so sud-
denly and mysteriously. 1
By these and similar delusions Porras succeeded in working
upon the feelings and credulity of his followers. Fearful, how-
ever, that they might yield to after reflection, and to further
offers from the admiral, he determined to involve them in some
act of violence which would commit them beyond all hopes of
forgiveness. He marched them, therefore, to an Indian village
called Maima, 2 about a quarter of a league from the ships, in-
tending to plunder the stores remaining on boavd the wreck,
and to take the admiral prisoner. 8
Columbus had notice of the designs of the rebels, and of their
approach. Being confined by his infirmities, he sent his brother
to endeavor with mild words to persuade them from their pur-
pose, and win them to obedience ; but with sufficient force to
resist any violence. The Adelautado, who was a man rather
of deeds than of words, took with him fifty followers, men of
tried resolution, and ready to fight in any cause. They were
well armed and full of courage, though many were pale and
debilitated from recent sickness, and from long confinement to
the ships. Arriving on the side of a hill, within a bow-shot of
the village, the Adelantado discovered the rebels, and despatched
the same two messengers to treat with them, who had already
carried them the offer of pardon. Porras and his fellow-leaders,
however, would not permit them to approach. They confided
in the superiority of their numbers, and in their men being, for
the most part, hardy sailors, rendered robust and vigorous by
the roving life they had been leading in the forests and the
open air. They knew that many of those who were with the
Adelantado were men brought up in a softer mode of life. They
pointed to their pale countenances, and persuaded their follow-
ers that they were mere household men, fair-weather troops,
who could nevir stand before them. The}' did not reflect that,
with such men, pride and lofty spirit often more than supply the
place of bodily force, and they forgot that their adversaries had
the incalculable advantage of justice alid law upon their side.
Deluded by their words, their followers were excited to a tran-
Hist, del Almirante, cap. 106. IMS Casa, lib. ii. cap. 35.
At pre.ii.' nl .Uainiiiee I3ay. > Hist, del Aliuirunte, nbi sup.
558 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
sient glow of courage, and brandishing their weapons, refused
to listen to the messengers.
Six of the stoutest rebels made a league to stand by one an-
other and attack the Adelautado ; for, he being killed, the rest
would be easily defeated. The main body formed themselves
into a squadron, drawing their swords and shaking their lances.
They did not wait to be assailed, but, uttering shouts and men-
aces, rushed upon the enemy. They were so well received,
however, that at the first shock four or five were killed, most
of *hem the confederates who had leagued to attack the Ade-
lautado. The latter, with his own hand killed Juan Sanchez,
the same powerful mariner who had carried off the cacique
Quibian ; and Juan Barber also, who had first drawn a sword
against the admiral in this rebellion. The Adelantado with his
usual vigor and courage was dealing his blows about him in the
thickest of the affray, where several lay killed and wounded,
when he was assailed by Francisco de Porras. The rebel with
a blow of his sword cleft the buckler of Don Bartholomew, and
wounded the hand which grasped it. The sword remained
wedged in the shield, and before Porras could withdraw it the
Adelautado closed upon him, grappled him, and, being assisted
by others, after a severe struggle took him prisoner. 1
When the rebels beheld their leader a captive, their transient
courage was at an end, and they fled in confusion. The Ade-
lantado would have pursued them, but was persuaded to let
them escape with the punishment they had received; especially
as it was necessary to guard against the possibility of an attack
from the Indians.
The latter had taken arms and drawn up in battle array,
gazing with astonishment at this fight between white men, but
without taking part on either side. When the battle was over,
they approached the field, gazing upon the dead bodies of the
beings they had once fancied immortal. They were curious in
examining the wounds made by the Christian weapons. Among
tha wounded insurgents was Pedro Ledesma, the same pilot
who so bravely swam ashore at Veragua, to procure tidings of
the colony. He was a man of prodigious muscular force and a
hoarse, deep voice. As the Indians, who thought him dead,
were inspecting the wounds with which he was literally cov-
ered, he suddenly uttered an ejaculation in his tremendous
voice, at the sound of which the savages fled in dismay. This
man, having fallen into a cleft or ravine, was not discovered by
1 Hist, del Aliuiraute, cap. 107. Las Casao, Iliot. Intl., lib. ii. cap. 35.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 559
the white men until the dawning of the following day, having
remained all that time without a drop of water. The number
and severity of the wounds he is said to have received would
seem incredible, but they are mentioned by Fernando Columbus,
who was an eye-witness, and by Las Casas, who had the account
from Ledesma himself. For want of proper remedies his wounds
were treated in the roughest manner, yet, through the aid of a
vigorous constitution, he completely recovered. Las Casas con-
versed with him several years afterward at Seville, when he
obtained from him various particulars concerning this voyage
of Columbus. Some few days after this conversation, how-
ever, he heard that Ledesma had fallen under the knife of an
assassin. 1
The Adelantado returned in triumph to the ships, where he
was received by the admiral in the most affectionate manner;
thanking him as his deliverer. He brought Porras and several
of his followers prisoners. Of his own party only two had been
wounded ; himself in the hand, and the admiral's steward, who
had received an apparently slight wound with a lance, equal to
one of the most insignificant of those with which Ledesma was
covered ; yet, in spite of careful treatment, he died.
On the next day, the 20th of May, the fugitives sent a petition
to the admiral, signed with all their names, in which, says Las
Casas, they confessed all their misdeeds and cruelties, and evil
intentions, supplicating the admiral to have pity on them and
pardon them for their rebellion, for which God had already
punished them. They offered to return to their obedience, and
to serve him faithfully in future, making an oath to that effect
upon a cross and a missal, accompanied by an imprecation
worthy of being recorded : " They hoped, should they break
their oath, that no priest nor other Christian might ever con-
fess them ; that repentance might be of no avail ; that they
might be deprived of the hoi}* sacraments of the church ; that
at their death they might receive no benefit from bulls nor
indulgences ; that their bodies might be cast out into the fields,
like those of heretics and reuegadoes, instead of being buried
in holy ground ; and that they might not receive absolution from
the pope, nor from cardinals, nor archbishops, nor bishops, nor
any other Christian priests.'' 2 Such were the awful impreca-
tions by which these men endeavored to add validity to an oath.
The worthlessness of a man's word may always be known by
the extravagant means he uses to enforce it.
1 Las Casas, llist. lud., lib. ii. cap. So. * Ibid., cap. 02.
560 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
The admiral saw, by the abject nature of this petition, how
completely the spirit of these misguided men was broken ; with
his wonted magnanimity, he readily granted their prayer, and
pardoned their offences ; but on one condition, that their ring-
leader, Francisco Porras, should remain a prisoner.
As it was difficult to maintain so many persons on board of
the ships, and as quarrels might take place between persons
who had so recently been at blows, Columbus put the late fol-
lowers of Porras under the command of a discreet and faithful
man ; and giving in his charge a quantity of European articles
for the purpose of purchasing food of the natives, directed him
to forage about the island until the expected vessels should
arrive.
At length, after a long year of alternate hope and despon-
dency, the doubts of the Spaniards were joyfully dispelled by
the sight of two vessels standing into the harbor. One proved
to be a ship hired and well victualled, at the expense of the
admiral, by the faithful and indefatigable Diego Mendez ; the
other had been subsequently fitted out by Ovando, and put
under the command of Diego de Salcedo, the admiral's agent
employed to collect his rents in San Domingo.
The long neglect of Ovando to attend to the relief of Colum-
bus had, it seems, roused the public indignation, insomuch that
animadversions had been made upon his conduct even in the
pulpits. This is affirmed by Las Casas, who was at San Do-
mingo at the time. If the governor had really entertained
hopes that, during the delay of relief, Columbus might perish
in the island, the report brought back by Escobar must have
completely disappointed him. No time was to be lost if he
wished to claim any merit in his deliverance, or to avoid the
disgrace of having totally neglected him. He exerted himself,
therefore, at the eleventh hour, and despatched a caravel at
the same time with the ship sent by Diego Mendez. The latter
having faithfully discharged this part of his mission, and seen
the ships depart, proceeded to Spain on the further concerns of
the admiral. 1
th
1 Rome brief notice of the further fortunes of Diego Mendez may be interesting to
FMull*!* \VliiMi k'inir li'i r<] i IITI nit lii. 'it'll /if ) ( i^ t'-i i t li l'i i 1 -iiTv),',.^ w.\'< I H ii.il.i In- li.i
iiiiny uiiiieiiooK 10 periorm. ;\ rew years aitcrward. wnen inc laud Bucowueu 10
the office of his father, Mendez reminded him of the promise, but Don Diesjo infoniied
him that he had given the ollice to his unele, Don Bartholomew; he assured him, how-
BOOK XVII.
CHAPTER I.
ADMINISTRATION OF OVANDO IN HISPANIOLA OPPRESSION OF THE
NATIVES.
[1503.]
BEFORE relating the return of Columbus to Hispaniola, it is
proper to notice some of the principal occurrences which took
place in that island under the government of Ovando. A great
crowd of adventurers of various ranks had thronged his fleet
eager speculators, credulous dreamers, and broken-down gentle-
men of desperate fortunes ; all expecting to enrich themselves
suddenly in an island where gold was to be picked up from the
ever, that he should receive something equivalent. M"endez shrewdly replied, that the
equivalent had belter be given to Don Bartholomew, and the office to himself, according
to agreement. The promise, however, remained unperformed, and Diego Mendez unre-
warded, lie was afterward engaged on voyages of discovery in vessels of his own but
met with many vicissitudes, and appears to have died in impoverished circumstances.
His last will, from which these particulars are principally gathered, was dated in Val-
ladolid. the 19th of June, 1536, by which it is evident he must have been in the prime of
with under the successors of Don Diego.
In another clause of his will he desired that a large stone should be placed upon his
sepulchre, on which should be engraved, " Here lies the honorable Cavalier Diego Mendez,
who served greatly the royal crown of Spain, in the conquest of the Indies, with the
admiral Don Christopher Columbus of glorious memory, who made the discovery ; and
afterward by himself, with ships at his own cost. He died, etc., etc. Bestow in charity
a Paternoster, and an Ave Maria."
queathed his library, consisting of a few volumes, which accom-
inderings viz. : " The Art of Holy Dying, by Erasmus; A Sermon
\Jt I II*J 1 'I cull Ul . I t;<lllll. lulU-Mf , CIIIU PC VC1 rtl UMIVI PIJVJI I II Cill Jd*n. I Ul?v l; 1 1
acteristic testament is iu the archives of the Duke of Veragua in Madrid.
562 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
surface of the soil or gathered from the mountain brooks.
They had scarcely landed, says Las Casas, who accompanied
the expedition, when the} 7 all hurried off to the mines, about
eight leagues' distance. The roads swarmed like ant-hills, with
adventurers of all classes. Every one had his knapsack stored
with biscuit or flour, and his mining implements on his shoul-
ders. Those hidalgos, or gentlemen, who had no servants to
carry their burdens, bore them on their own backs, and lucky
was he who had a horse for the journey ; he would be able to
bring back the greater load of treasure. They all set out in
high spirits, eager who should first reach the golden land ; think-
ing they had but to arrive at the mines and collect riches ; " for
the} 7 fancied," says Las Casas, "that gold was to be gathered
as easily and readily as fruit from the trees." When they
arrived, however, they discovered, to their dismay, that it was
necessary to dig painfully into the bowels of the earth a labor
to which most of them had never been accustomed ; that it re-
quired experience and sagacity to detect the veins of ore ; that,
in fact, the whole process of mining was exceedingly toilsome,
demanded vast patience and much experience, and, after all,
was full of uncertainty. They digged eagerly for a time, but
found no ore. ' They grew hungry, threw by their implements,
sat down to eat, and then returned to work. It was all in vain.
"Their labor," says Las Casas, "gave them a keen appetite
and quick digestion, but no gold." They soon consumed their
provisions, exhausted their patience, cursed their infatuation,
and in eight days set off drearily on their return along the roads
they had lately trod so exultingly. They arrived at San Do-
mingo without an ounce of gold, half-famished, downcast, and
despairing. 1 Such is too often the case of those who ignorantly
engage in mining of all speculations the most brilliant, prom-
ising, and fallacious.
Poverty soon fell upon these misguided men. They ex-
hausted the little property brought from Spain. Many suffered
extremely from hunger, and were obliged to exchange even
their apparel for bread. Some formed connections with the
old settlers of the island ; but the greater part were like men
lost and bewildered, and just awakened from a dream. The
miseries of the mind, as usual, heightened the sufferings of the
body. Some wasted away and died broken-hearted ; others
were hurried off by raging fevers, so that there soon perished
upward of a thousand men.
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 6.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 668
Ovando was reputed a man of great prudence and sagacity,
and he certainly took several judicious measures for the regula-
tion of the island and the relief of the colonists. He made ar-
rangements for distributing the married persons and the families
which had come out in his fleet, iu four towns in the interior,
granting them important privileges. He revived the drooping
zeal for mining, by reducing the royal share of the product
from one-half to a third, and shortly after to a fifth ; but he
empowered the Spaniards to avail themselves, in the most
oppressive manner, of the labor of the unhappy natives in
working the mines. The charge of treating the natives with
severity had been one of those chiefly urged against Columbus.
It is proper, therefore, to notice in this respect the conduct of
his successor, a man chosen for his prudence and his supposed
capacity to govern.
It will be recollected that when Columbus was in a manner
compelled to assign lands to the rebellious followers of Fran-
cisco Roldan, in 1499, he had made an arrangement that the
caciques in their vicinity should, iu lieu of tribute, furnish a
number of their subjects to assist them in cultivating their
estates. This, as has been observed, was the commencement
of the disastrous system of repartimientos, or distributions of
Indians. When Bobadilla administered the government, he
constrained the caciques to furnish a certain number of Indians
to each Spaniard, for the purpose of working the mines, where
they were employed like beasts of burden. He made an enu-
meration of the natives, to prevent evasion ; reduced them
into classes, and distributed them among the Spanish inhabit-
ants. The enormous oppressions which ensued have been
noticed. They roused the indignation of Isabella ; and when
Ovando was sent out to supersede Bobadilla, in 1502, the natives
were pronounced free ; they immediately refused to labor in the
mines.
Ovando represented to the Spanish sovereigns, in 1503, that
ruinous consequences resulted to the colony from this entire
liberty granted to the Indians. He stated that the tribute could
not be collected, for the Indians were lazy and improvident ;
that they could only be kept from vices and irregularities by
occupation : that they now kept aloof from the Spaniards, and
from all instruction in the Christian faith.
The last representation had an influence with Isabella, and
drew a letter from the sovereigns to Ovando, in 1503, in which
he was ordered to spare no pains to attach the natives to the
Spanish nation and the Catholic religion. To make them labor
564 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
moderately, if absolutely essential to their own good ; but to
temper authority with persuasion and kindness. To pay them
regularly and fairly for their labor, and to have them instructed
iu religion on certain days.
Ovando availed himself of the powers given him by this let-
ter to their fullest extent. He assigned to each Castilian a
certain number of Indians, according to the quality of the ap-
plicant, the nature of the application, or his own pleasure. It
was arranged in the form of an order on a cacique for a certain
number of Indians, who were to be paid by their employer,
and instructed in the Catholic faith. The pay was so small as
to be little better than nominal ; the instruction was little more
than the mere ceremoin' of baptism ; and the term of labor was
at first six months, and then eight months iu the year. Under
cover of this hired labor, intended for the good both of their
bodies and their souls, more intolerable toil was exacted from
them, and more horrible cruelties were inflicted, than in the
worst days of Bobadilla. They were separated often the dis-
tance of several days' journey from their wives and children,
and doomed to intolerable labor of all kinds, extorted by the
cruel infliction of the lash. For food they had the cassava
bread, an unsubstantial support for men obliged to labor ; some-
times a scanty portion of pork was distributed among a great
number of them, scarce a mouthful to each. When the Span-
iards who superintended the mines were at their repast, says
Las Casas, the famished Indians scrambled under the table, like
dogs, for any bone thrown to them. After they had gnawed
and sucked it, they pounded it between stones and mixed it
with their cassava bread, that nothing of so precious a morsel
might be lost. As to those who labored in the fields, they never
tasted either flesh or fish ; a little cassava bread and a few roots
were their support. While the Spaniards thus withheld the
nourishment necessary to sustain their health and strength, they
exacted a degree of lal>or sufficient to break down the most
vigorous man. If the Indians fled from this incessant toil and
barbarous coercion, and took refuge in the mountains, they
were hunted out like wild beasts, scourged in the most inhuman
manner, and laden with chains to prevent a second escape.
Many perished long before their term of labor had expired.
Those who survived their term of six or eight months were
permitted to return to their homes until the next term com-
menced. But their homes were often forty, sixty, and eighty
leagues distant. They had nothing to sustain them through
the journey but a few roots or agi peppers, or a little cassava
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 565
bread. Worn clown by long toil and cruel hardships, which
their feeble constitutions were incapable of sustaining, many
had not strength to perform the journey, but sank down and
died b}- the way ; some by the side of a brook, others under
the shade of a tree, where they had crawled for shelter from
the sun. " I have found many dead in the road," says Las
Casas, " others gasping under the trees, and others in the pangs
of death, faintly crying Hunger! hunger!" 1 Those who
reached their homes most commonly found them desolate.
During the eight months they had been absent, their wives and
children had either perished or wandered away ; the fields on
which they depended for food were overrun with weeds, and
nothing was left them but to lie down, exhausted and despair-
ing, and die at the threshold of their habitations. 4
It is impossible to pursue an\- farther the picture drawn by
the venerable Las Casas, not of what he had heard, but of
what he had seen ; nature and humanity revolt at the details.
Suffice it to sa}-, that, so intolerable were the toils and suffer-
ings inflicted upon this weak and unoffending race, that they
sank under them, dissolving, as it were, from the face of the
earth. Many killed themselves in despair, and even mothers
overcame the powerful instinct of nature, and destroyed tha
infants at their breasts, to spare them a life of wretchedness.
Twelve years had not elapsed since the discovery of the island,
and several hundred thousand of its native inhabitants had
perished, miserable victims to the grasping avarice of the white
men.
CHAPTER n.
MASSACRE AT XARAGUA FATE OF ANACAONA.
[1503.]
THE sufferings of the natives under the civil policy of Ovando
have been briefly shown ; it remains to give a concise view of
the military operations of this commander, so lauded by cer-
tain of the early historians for his prudence. By this notice a
portion of the eventful history of this island will be recounted
which is connected with the fortunes of Columbus, and which
comprises the thorough subjugation, and, it may almost be
said, extermination of the native inhabitants. And first, we
i Las Casaa, Ilist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 14, MS. * Ibid., ubi sup.
566 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
must treat of the disasters of the beautiful province of Xara-
gua, the seat of hospitality, the refuge of the suffering Span-
iards ; and of the fate of the female cacique, Auacaoua, once
the pride of the island, and the generous friend of white men.
Behechio, the ancient cacique of this province, being dead,
Anacaoua, his sister, had succeeded to the government. The
marked partiality which she once manifested for the Spaniards
had been greatly weakened by the general misery they had
produced in her country, and by the brutal profligacy exhibited
in her immediate dominions by the followers of Roldan. The
unhappy story of the loves of her beautiful daughter Higuena-
mota, with the young Spaniard Heruando de Guevara, had also
caused her great affliction ; and, finally, the various and endur-
ing hardships inflicted on her once happy subjects by the
grinding systems of labor enforced by Bobadilla and Ovando,
had at length, it is said, converted her friendship into absolute
detestation.
This disgust was kept alive and aggravated by the Spaniards
who lived in her immediate neighborhood, and had obtained
grants of laud there ; a remnant of the rebel faction of Roldan,
who retained the gross licentiousness and open profligacy in
which they had been indulged under the loose misrule of that
commander, and who made themselves odious to the inferior
caciques, by exacting services tyrannically and capriciously
under the baneful system of repartimientos.
The Indians of this province were uniformly represented as a
more intelligent, polite, and generous-spirited race than any
others of the islands. They were the more prone to feel and
resent the overbearing treatment to which they were subjected.
Quarrels sometimes took place between the caciques and their
oppressors. These were immediately reported to the governor
as dangerous mutinies, and a resistance to any capricious and
extortionate exaction was magnified into a rebellious resistance
to the authority of government. Complaints of this kind were
continually pouring in upon Ovando, until he was persuaded
by some alarmists, or some designing mischief-maker, that there
was a deep-laid conspiracy among the Indians of this province
to rise upon the Spaniards.
Ovando immediately set out for Xaragua at the head of three
hundred foot-soldiers, armed with swords, arquebuses, and
cross-bows, and seventy horsemen, with cuirasses, bucklers,
and lances. He pretended that he was going on a mere visit
of friendship to Anacaoua, and to make arrangements about
the payment of tribute.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 567
When Anacaona heard of the intended visit, she summoned
all her tributary caciques and principal subjects, to assemble
at her chief town, that they might receive the commander of
the .Spaniards with becoming homage and distinction. As
Ovando, at the head of his little army, approached, she went
forth to meet him, according to the custom of her nation,
attended by a great train of her most distinguished subjects,
male and female ; who, as has been before observed, were
noted for superior grace and beauty. The} 1 received the Span-
iards with their popular areytos, their national songs ; the
young women waving palm branches and dancing before them,
in the way that had so much charmed the followers of the
Adelautado, on his first visit to the province.
Auacaona treated the governor with that natural gracious-
ness and dignity for which she was celebrated. She gave him
the largest house in the place for his residence, and his people
were quartered in the houses adjoining. For several days the
Spaniards were entertained with all the natural luxuries that
the province afforded. National songs and dances and games
were performed for their amusement, and there was every out-
ward demonstration of the same hospitality, the same amity,
that Anacaona had uniformly shown to white men.
Notwithstanding all this kindness, and notwithstanding her
uniform integrity of conduct and open generosity of character,
Ovando was persuaded that Anacaona was secretly meditating
a massacre of himself and his followers. Historians tell us
nothing of the grounds for such a belief. It was too probably
produced by the misrepresentations of the unprincipled adven-
turers who infested the province. Ovando should have paused
and reflected before he acted upon it. He should have consid-
ered the improbability of such an attempt by naked Indians
against so large a force of steel-clad troops, armed with
European weapons ; and he should have reflected upon the
general character and conduct of Anacaoua. At any rate, the
example set repeatedly by Columbus and his brother the Ade-
lantado should have convinced him that it was a sufficient safe-
guard against the machinations of the natives, to seize upon
their caciques and detain them as hostages. The policy of
Ovando, however, was of a more rash and sanguinary nature ;
he acted upon suspicion as upon conviction. He determined to
anticipate the alleged plot by a counter artifice, and to over-
whelm this defenceless people in an indiscriminate and bloody
vengeance.
As the Indians had entertained their guests with various
508 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
national games, Ovando invited them in return to witness
certain games of his country. Among these was a tilting
match or joust with reeds ; a chivalrous game which the Span-
iards had learnt from the Moors of Granada. The Spanish
cavalry, in those days, were as remarkable for the skilful
management as for the ostentatious caparison of their horses.
Among the troops brought out from Spain by Ovando, one
horseman had disciplined his horse to prance and curvet in
time to the music of a viol. 1 The joust was appointed to take
place of a Sunday after dinner, in the public square, before the
house where Ovando was quartered. The cavalry and foot-
soldiers had their secret instructions. The former were to
parade, not merely with reeds or blunted tilting-lauces, but with
weapons of a more deadly character. The foot-soldiers were
to come apparently as mere spectators, but likewise armed and
ready for action at a concerted signal.
At the appointed time the square was crowded with the
Indians, waiting to see this military spectacle. The caciques
were assembled in the house of Ovando, which looked upon
the square. None were armed ; an unreserved confidence
prevailed among them, totally incompatible with the dark
treachery of which they were accused. To prevent all sus-
picion, and take off all appearance of sinister design, Ovando,
after dinner, was playing at quoits with some of his principal
officers, when the cavalry having arrived in the square, the
caciques begged the governor to order the joust to commence. 2
Anacaona, and her beautiful daughter Higuenamota, with sev-
eral of her female attendants, were present and joined in the
request.
Ovando left his game and came forward to a conspicuous
place. When he saw that every thing was disposed according
to his orders, he gave the fatal signal. Some say it was by
taking hold of a piece of gold which was suspended about his
neck ; 3 others by laying his hand on the cross of Alcantara,
which was embroidered on his habit. 4 A trumpet was imme-
diately sounded. The house in which Anacaona, and all the
principal caciques were assembled was surrounded by soldiery,
commanded by Diego Valasquez and Rodrigo Mexiatrillo, and
no one was permitted to escape. They entered, and seizing
upon the caciques, bound them to the posts which supported
i Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 9.
1 Oviedo, Cronica de las Indias, lib. iii. cap. 12.
& Las C'asas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. qap. 9.
* Charlevoix, Hist. Sau Domingo, lib. xxiv. p. 235.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 569
the roof. Anacaona was led forth a prisoner. The unhappy
caciques were then put to horrible tortures, until some of them,
in the extremity of anguish, were made to accuse their queen
and themselves of the plot with which they were charged.
When this cruel mockery of judicial form had been executed,
instead of preserving them for after-examination, fire was set
to tlie house, and all the caciques perished miserably in the
flames.
While these barbarities were practised upon the chieftains,
a horrible massacre took place among the populace. At the
signal of Ovando, the horsemen rushed into the midst of the
naked and defenceless throng, trampling them under the hoofs
of their steeds, cutting them down witli their swords, and
transfixing them with their spears. No mercy was shown to
age or sex ; it was a savage and indiscriminate butchery. Now
and then a Spanish horseman, either through an emotion of
pity or an impulse of avarice, caught up a child, to bear it off
in safety, but it was barbarously pierced by the lances of his
companions. Humanity turns with horror from such atroci-
ties, and would fain discredit them ; but they are circumstan-
tially and still more minutely recorded by the venerable
bishop Las Casas, who was resident in the island at the time,
and conversant with the principal actors in this tragedy. He
may have colored the picture strongly, in his usual indignation
when the wrongs of the Indians are in question ; yet, from all
concurring accounts, and from many precise facts which speak
for themselves, the scene must have been most sanguinary
and atrocious. Oviedo, who is loud in extolling the justice, and
devotion, and charity, and meekness of Ovando, and his kind
treatment of the Indians, and who visited the province of
Xaragna a few years afterward, records several of the preced-
ing circumstances ; especially the cold-blooded game of quoits
played by the governor on the verge of such a horrible scene,
and the burning of the caciques, to the number, he says, of
more than forty. Diego Mendez, who was at Xaragua at the
time, and doubtless present on such an important occasion,
says incidentally, in his last will and testament, that there were
eighty-four caciques either burnt or hanged. 1 Las Casas says
that there were eighty who entered the house with Anacaona.
The slaughter of the multitude must have been great ; and this
was inflicted on an unarmed and unresisting throng. Several
who escaped from the massacre fled in their canoes to an island
1 Relacioij becba por Don Diego Mendez. Xavarrtte Col., torn. i. p. 314.
570 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
about eight leagues distant, called Guanabo. They were pur-
sued and taken, and condemned to slavery.
As to the princess Anacaona, she was carried in chains to
San Domingo. The mockery of a trial was given her, in which
she was found guilty on the confessions wrung by tortures from
her subjects, and on the testimony of their butchers ; and she
was ignominionsly hanged in the presence of the people whom
she had so long and so signally befriended. 1 Oviedo has sought
to throw a stigma on the character of this unfortunate princess,
accusing her of great licentiousness ; but he was prone to crimi-
nate the character of the native princes, who fell victims to the
ingratitude and injustice of his countrymen. Contemporary
writers of great authority have concurred in representing Ana-
caona as remarkable for her native propriety and dignity. She
was adored by her subjects, so as to hold a kind of dominion
over them even during the lifetime of her brother ; she is said
to have been skilled in composing the areytos, or legendary
ballads of her nation, and may have conduced much toward
producing that superior degree of refinement remarked among
her people. Her grace and beauty had made her renowned
throughout the island, and had excited the admiration both of
the savage and the Spaniard. Her magnanimous spirit was
evinced in her amicable treatment of the white men, although
her husband, the brave Caonabo, had perished a prisoner in
their hands ; and defenceless parties of them had been repeat-
edly in her power, and lived at large in her dominions. After
having for several years neglected all safe opportunities of ven-
geance, she fell a victim to the absurd charge of having con-
spired against an armed body of nearly four hundred men,
seventy of them horsemen ; a force sufficient to have subjugated
large armies of naked Indians.
After the massacre of Xaragna the destruction of its inhab-
itants still continued. The favorite nephew of Anacaona, the
cacique Guaora, who had fled to the mountains, was hunted
like a wild beast, until he was taken, and likewise hanged. For
six months the Spaniards continued ravaging the country with
horse and foot, under pretext of quelling insurrections ; for,
wherever the affrighted natives took refuge in their despair,
herding in dismal caverns and in the fastnesses of the moun-
tains, they were represented as assembling in arms to make a
head of rebellion. Having at length hunted them out of their
retreats, destroyed many, and reduced the survivors to the most
1 Oviedo, Cronica de las Indias, lib. Hi. cap 12. Las Caeas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 9.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 571
deplorable misery and abject submission, the whole of that part
of the island was considered as restored to good order ; and in
commemoration of this great triumph Ovando founded a town
near to the lake, which he called Santa Maria de la Verdadera
Paz (St. Mary of the True Peace). 1
Such is the tragical history of the delightful region of Xara-
gua, and of its amiable and hospitable people. A place which
the Europeans, by their own account, found a perfect paradise,
but which, by their vile passions, they filled with horror aud
desolation.
CHAPTER III.
WAR WITH THE NATIVES OF HIGUEY.
[1504.]
THE subjugation of four of the Indian sovereignties of His-
pauiola, and the disastrous fate of their caciques, have been
already related. Under the administration of Ovando was also
accomplished the downfall of Higuey, the last of those inde-
pendent districts ; a fertile province which comprised the east-
ern extremity of the island.
The people of Higuey were of a more warlike spirit than
those of the other provinces, having learned the effectual use
of their weapons, from frequent contests with their Carib in-
vaders. They were governed by a cacique named Cotabana-
m a. Las Casas describes this chieftain from actual observa-
tion, and draws the picture of a native hero. He was, he says,
the strongest of his tribe, and more perfectly formed than one
man in a thousand, of any nation whatever. He was taller in
stature than the tallest of his countrymen, a yard in breadth
from shoulder to shoulder, and the rest of -his body in admira-
ble proportion. His aspect was not handsome, but grave and
courageous. His bow was not easily bent by a common man ;
his arrows were three pronged, tipped with the bones of fishes,
and his weapons appeared to be intended for a giant. In a
word, he was so nobly proportioned as to be the admiration
even of the Spaniards.
While Columbus was engaged in his fourth voyage, and
shortly after the accession of Ovaudo to office, there was au
1 Oviedo, Crouica de laa Indian, lib. iii. cap. 12.
572 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
insurrection of this cacique and his people. A shallop, with
eight Spaniards, was surprised at the small island of Saoua,
adjacent to Higuey, and all the crew slaughtered. This was
iu revenge for the death of a cacique, torn to pieces by a dog
wantonly set upon him by a Spaniard, and for which the natives
had in vain sued for redress.
Ovando immediately despatched Juan de Esquibel, a cour-
ageous officer, at the head of four hundred men, to quell the
insurrection and punish the massacre. Cotabanama assembled
his warriors, and prepared for vigorous resistance, Distrustful
of the mercy of the Spaniards, the chieftain rejected all over-
tures- of peace, and the war was prosecuted with some advan-
tage to the natives. The Indians had now overcome their
superstitious awe of the white men as supernatural beings, and
though they could ill withstand the superiority of European
arms, the}' manifested a courage and dexterity that rendered
them enemies not to be despised. Las Casas and other his-
torians relate a bold and romantic encounter between a single
Indian and two mounted cavaliers named Valteuebro and Porte-
vedra, in which the Indian, though pierced through the body by
the lances and swords of both his assailants, retained his lierce-
ness, and continued the combat until he fell dead in the possess-
ion of all their weapons. 1 This gallant action, says Las Casas,
was public and notorious.
The Indians were soon defeated and driven to their mountain
retreats. The Spaniards pursued them into their recesses, dis-
covered their wives and children, wreaked on them the most
indiscriminate slaughter, and committed their chieftains to the
flames. An aged female cacique of great distinction, named
Higuanama, being taken prisoner, was hanged.
A detachment was sent in a caravel to the island of Saona,
to take particular vengeance for the destruction of the shallop
and its crew. The natives made a desperate defence and fled.
The island was mountainous and full of caverns, in which the
Indians vainly sought for refuge. Six or seven hundred were
imprisoned in a dwelling, and all put to the sword or poniarded.
Those of the inhabitants who were spared were earned off as
slaves, and the island was left desolate and deserted.
The natives of Higuey were driven to despair, seeing that
there was no escape for them even in the bowels of the earth ; 2
they sued for peace, which was granted them, and protection
promised on condition of their cultivating a large tract of land,
Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 9. * Ibid., ubi sup.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 573
and paying a great quantity of bread in tribute. The peace
being concluded, Cotabanaraa visited the Spanish camp, where
bis gigantic proportions and martial demeanor made him an
object of curiosity and admiration. He was received with
groat distinction by Esquibel, and they exchanged names, an
Indian league of fraternity and perpetual friendship. The
natives thenceforward called the cacique Juan de Esquibel, and
the Spanish commander Cotabanama. Esquibel then built a
wooden fortress in an Indian village near the sea, and left in it
nine men, with a captain, named Martin de Villaman. After
this the troops dispersed, every man returning home, with his
proportion of slaves gained in this expedition.
The pacification was not of long continuance. About the time
that succors were sent to Columbus, to rescue him from the
wrecks of his vessels at Jamaica, a new revolt broke out in
lliguey, in consequence of the oppressions of the Spaniards, and
a violation of the treaty made by Esquibel. Martin dc Villa-
man demanded that the natives should not only raise the
grain stipulated for by the treaty, but convey it to San Do-
mingo, and he treated them with the greatest severity on
their refusal. He connived also at the licentious conduct of
his men toward the Indian women ; the Spaniards often taking
from the natives their daughters and sisters, and even their
wives. 1 The Indians, roused at last to fury, rose on their
tyrants, slaughtered them, and burnt their wooden fortress to
the ground. Only one of the Spaniards escaped, and bore the
tidings of this catastrophe to the city of San Domingo.
Ovando gave immediate orders to carry fire and sword
into the province of Higuey. The Spanish troops mustered
from various quarters on the confines of that province, when
Juan de Esquibel took the command, and had a great number
of Indians with him as allies. The towns of Higuey were
generally built among the mountains. Those mountains rose
in terraces from ten to fifteen leagues in length and breadth ;
rough and rocky, interspersed with glens of a red soil, remark-
ably fertile, where they raised their cassava bread. The ascent
from terrace to terrace was about fifty feet ; steep and precipi-
tous, formed of the living rock, and resembling a wall wrought
with tools into rough diamond points. Each village had four
wide streets, a stone's throw in length, forming a cross, the
trees being cleared away from them, and from a public square
in the centre.
1 Las Casas, ubi sup.
574 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMIiUS.
When the Spanish troops arrived on the frontiers, alarm fires
along the mountains and columns of smoke spread the intelli-
gence by night and day. The old men, the women, and children,
were sent off to the forests and caverns, and the warriors pre-
pared for battle. The Castilians paused in one of the plains
clear of forests, where their horses could be of use. They
made prisoners of several of the natives, and tried to learn
from them the plans and forces of the enemy. They applied
tortures for the purpose, but in vain, so devoted was the
loyalty of these people to their caciques. The Spaniards pene-
trated into the interior. They found the warriors of several
towns assembled in one, and drawn up in the streets with their
bows and arrows, but perfectly naked, and without defensive
armor. They uttered tremendous yells, and discharged a
shower of arrows ; but from such a distance that they fell short
of their foe. The Spaniards replied with their cross-bows, and
with two or three arquebuses, for at this time they had but
few fire-arms. When the Indians saw several of their com-
rades fall dead, they took to flight, rarely waiting for the
attack with swords ; some of the wounded, in whose bodies
the arrows from the cross-bows had penetrated to the very
feather, drew them out with their hands, broke them with their
teeth, and hurling them at the Spaniards with impotent fury,
fell dead uix>n the sjXDt.
The whole force of the Indians was routed and dispersed ;
each family, or baud of neighbors, fled in its own direction,
and concealed itself in the fastness of the mountains. The
Spaniards pursued them, but found the chase difficult amid
the close forests, and the broken and stony heights. They
took several prisoners as guides, and inflicted incredible tor-
ments on them, to compel them to betray their countrymen.
They drove them before them, secured by cords fastened
round their necks ; and some of them, as they passed along
the brinks of precipices, suddenly threw themselves headlong
down, iu hopes of dragging after them the Spaniards. When
at length the pursuers came upon the unhappy Indians in their
concealments, they spared neither age nor sex ; even pregnant
women, and mothers with infants in their arms, fell beneath
their merciless swords. The cold-blooded acts of cruelty which
followed this first slaughter would be shocking to relate.
Hence Ksquibel inarched to attack the town where Cota-
banama resided, and where that cacique had collected a great
force to resist him. He proceeded direct for the place along
the seacoast, and came to where two roads led up the mountain
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 575
to the town. One of the roads was open and inviting ; the
branches of the trees being lopped, and all the underwood
cleared away. Here the Indians had stationed an ambuscade
to take the Spaniards in the rear. The other road was almost
closed up by trees and bushes cut down and thrown across
each other. Ksquibel was wary and distrustful ; he suspected
the stratagem, and chose the encumbered road. The town was
about a league and a half from the sea. The Spaniards made
tlu-ir way with great difficulty for the first half league. The
rest of the road was free from all embarrassment, which con-
firmed their suspicion of a stratagem. They now advanced
with great rapidity, and, having arrived near the village, sud-.
dcnly turned into the other road, took the party in arnbush by
surprise, and made great havoc among them with their cross-
bows.
The warriors now sallied from their concealment, others
rushed out of the houses into the streets, and discharged
h"ights of arrows, but from such a distance as generally to fall
harmless. They then approached nearer, and hurled stones
with their hands, being unacquainted with the use of slings.
Instead of being dismayed at seeing their companions fall, it
rather increased their fury. An irregular battle, probably
little else than wild skirmishing and bush-fighting, was kept
up from two o'clock in the afternoon until night. Las Casas
was present on the occasion, and, from his account, the Indians
must have shown instances of great personal bravery, though
the inferiority of their weapons, and the want of all defensive
armor, rendered their valor totally ineffectual. As the even-
ing shut in, their hostilities gradually ceased, and they dis-
appeared in the profound gloom and closed thickets of the
surrounding forest. A deep silence succeeded to their yells
and war-whoops, and throughout the night the Spaniards re-
mained in undisturbed possession of the village.
CHAPTER IV.
CLOSE OF THE WAR WITH IIIGUEY FATE OF COTABANAMA.
(1504.]
ON T the morning after the battle not an Indian was to be seen.
Finding that even their great chief, Cotabanama, was incapable
of vying with the prowess of the white men, they had given up
576 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
the contest in despair, and fled to the mountains, The Span-
iards, separating into small parties, hunted them with the utmost
diligence ; their object was to seize the caciques, and, above all,
Cotabanama. They explored all the glens and concealed paths
leading into the wild recesses where the fugitives had taken
refuge. The Indians were cautions and stealthy in their mod;;
of retreating, treading in each other's footprints, so that twenty
would make no more track than one, and stepping so lightly as
scarce to disturb the herbage ; yet there were Spaniards so
skilled in hunting Indians that they could trace them even by
the turn of a withered leaf, aud among the confused tracks of a
thousand animals.
They could scent afar off also the smoke of the fires which
the Indians made whenever they halted, aud thus they would
come upon them in their most secret haunts. Sometimes they
would hunt down a straggling Indian, and compel him, by tor-
ments, to betray the hiding-place of his companions, binding
him, and driving him before them as a guide. Wherever they
discovered one of these places of refuge, filled with the aged
and the infirm, with feeble women and helpless children, they
massacred them without mere} 7 . They wished to inspire terror
throughout the land, and to frighten the whole tribe into sub-
mission. They cut off the hands of those whom they took
roving at large, and sent them, as they said, to deliver them as
letters to their friends, demanding their surrender. Number-
less were those, says Las Casas, whose hands were amputated
in this manner, and many of them sank down and died by the
way, through anguish and loss of blood.
The conquerors delighted in exercising strange and ingenious
cruelties. They mingled horrible levity with their blood-thirsti-
ness. They erected gibbets long and low, so that the feet of
the sufferers might reach the ground, and their death be linger-
ing. They hanged thirteen together, in reverence, says the
indignant Las Casas, of our blessed Saviour aud the twelve
apostles. While their victims were suspended, and still living,
they hacked them with their swords, to prove the strength of
their arms and the edge of their weapons. They wrapped
them in dry straw, and setting fire to it terminated their exist-
ence by the fiercest agony.
These are horrible details, yet a veil is drawn over others still
more detestable. They are related circumstantially by Las
Casas, who was an eye-witness. He was young at the time,
but records them in his advanced years. " All these things,"
said the venerable bishop, 4i and others revolting to human
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUM Ill's. 577
nature, did my own eyes behold ; and now I almost fear to
repeat them, scarce believing myself, or whether I have not
dreamt them." 1
These details would have been withheld from the present
work as disgraceful to human nature, and from an unwilling-
ness (o advance any thing which might conve} r a stigma upon a
brave and generous nation. But it would be a departure from
historical veracity, having the documents before my eyes, to
pass silently over transactions so atrocious, and vouched for
by witnesses beyond all suspicion of falsehood. Such occur-
rences show the extremity to which human cruelty may extend,
when stimulated by avidity of gain, by a thirst of vengeance, or
even by a perveted zeal in the holy cause of religion. Every
nation has in turn furnished proofs of this disgraceful truth.
As in the present instance, they are commonly the crimes of
individuals rather than of the nation. Yet it behooves govern-
ments to keep a vigilant eye upon those to whom they delegate
power in remote and helpless colonies. It is the imperious
duty of the historian to place these matters upon record, that
they may serve as warning beacons to future generations.
Juan de Ksquibel found that, with all his severities, it would
be impossible to subjugate the tribe of Higuey as long as the
cacique Cotabanama was at large. That chieftain had retired
to the little island of Saona, about two leagues from Hie coast
of Higuey, in the centre of which, amid a labyrinth of rocks
and forests, he had taken shelter, with his wife and children,
in a vast cavern.
A caravel, recently arrived from the city of San Domingo
with supplies for the camp, was employed by Ksquibel to entrap
the cacique. He knew that the latter kept a vigilant look-out,
tattooing scouts upon the lofty rocks of his island to watch
the movements of the caravel. Esquibel departed by night,
therefore, in the vessel, with fifty followers, and keeping under
the deep shadows cast by the land, ai rived at Saona unper-
ceived, at the dawn of morning. Here he anchored close in
with the shore, hid by its cliffs and forests, and landed forty
men, before the spies of Cotabanama had taken their station.
Two of these were surprised and brought to Esquibel, who,
having learnt from them that the cacique was at hand, poniarded
one of the spies, and bound the other, making him serve as
guide.
A number of Spaniards ran in advance, each anxious to sig-
1 Las Curias, lib. ii. cap. 17, MS.
578 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
nalize himself by the capture of the cacique. They came to
two roads, and the whole party pursued that to the right,
excepting one Juan Lopez, a powerful man, skilful in Indian
warfare. He proceeded in a foot-path to the left, winding
among little hills, so thickly wooded that it was impossible to
see any one at a distance of half a how-shot. Suddenly, in a
narrow pass, overshadowed by rocks and trees, he encountered
twelve Indian warriors, armed with bows and arrows, and fol-
lowing each other in single file according to their custom.
The Indians were confounded at the sight of Lopez, imagining
that there must be a party of soldiers behind him. They
might readily have transfixed him with their arrows, but they
had lost all presence of mind. He demanded their chieftain.
The}' replied that he was behind, and opening to let him pass,
Lopez beheld the cacique in the rear. At sight of the Spaniard
Cotabanama bent his gigantic bow, and was on the point of
launching one of his three-pronged arrows, but Lopez rushed
upon him and wounded him with his sword. The other
Indians, struck with panic, had already fled. Cotabanama,
dismayed at the keenness of the sword, cried out that he was
Juan de Esquibel, claiming respect as having exchanged names
with the Spanish commander. Lopez' seized him with one hand
by the hair, and with the other aimed a thrust at his body ; but
the cacique struck down the sword with his hand, and, grap-
pling with his antagonist, threw him with his back upon the
rocks. As they were both men of great power, the struggle
was long and violent. The sword was beneath them, but
Cotabanama, seizing the Spaniard by the throat with his mighty
hand, attempted to strangle him. The sound of the contest
brought the other Spaniards to the spot. They found their
companion writhing and gasping, and almost dead, in the gripe
of the gigantic Indian. They seized the cacique, bound him,
and carried him captive to a deserted Indian village in the
vicinity. They found the way to his secret cave, but his wife
and children having received notice of his capture by the
fugitive Indians, had taken refuge in another part of the
island. In the cavern was found the chain with which a num-
ber of Indian captives had been bound, who had risen upon
and slain three Spaniards who had them in charge, and had
made their escape to this island. There were also the swords
of the same Spaniards, which they had brought off as trophies
to their cacique. The chain was now employed to manacle
Cotabanama.
The Spaniards prepared to execute the chieftain on the spot,
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 579
in the centre of the deserted village. For this purpose a pyre
was built of logs of wood laid crossvvays, in form of a gridiron,
on which he was to be slowly broiled to death. On further
consultation, however, they were induced to forego the pleasure
of this horrible sacrifice. Perhaps they thought the cacique
too important a personage to be executed thus obscurely.
Granting him, therefore, a transient reprieve, they conveyed
him to the caravel and sent him, bound with heavy chains, to
San Domingo. Ovando saw him in his power, and incapable of
doing further harm ; but he had not the magnanimity to forgive
a fallen enem}-, whose only crime was the defence of his native
soil and lawful territory. He ordered him to be publicly hanged
like a common culprit. 1 In this ignominious manner was the
cacique Cotabanama executed, the last of the five sovereign
princes of Hayti. His death was followed by the complete
subjugation of his people, and sealed the last struggle of the
natives against their oppressoi-s. The island was almost un-
peopled of its original inhabitants, and meek and mournful
submission and mute despair settled upou the scanty remnant
that survived.
Such was the ruthless system which had been pursued, dur-
ing the absence of the admiral, by the commander Ovando ; this
man of boasted prudence and moderation, who was sent to re-
form the abuses of the island, and above all, to redress the
wrongs of the natives. The system of Columbus may have
borne hard upon the Indians, born and brought up in untaskod
freedom, but it was never cruel or sanguinary. He inflicted
no wanton massacres nor vindictive punishments ; his desire
was to cherish and civilize the Indians, and to render them use-
ful subjects ; not to oppress, and persecute, and destroy them.
When he beheld the desolation that had swept them from the
laud during his suspension from authority, he could not restrain
the strong expression of his feelings. In a letter written to
the king after his return to Spain, he thus expresses himself on
the subject: '"The Indians of Hispaniola were and are the
riches of the island ; for it is they who cultivate and make the
bread and the provisions for the Christians ; who dig the gold
from the mines, and perform all the offices and labors both of
men and beasts. I am informed that, since I left this island,
six parts out of seven of the natives are dead ; all through ill
treatment and inhumanity ; some b}' the sword, others by blows
and cruel usage, others through hunger. The greater part have
1 Lai Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 18.
580 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
perished in the mountains and glens, whither they have fled,
from not being able to support the labor imposed upon them."
For his own part, he added, although he had sent many Indians
to Spain to be sold, it was always with a view to their being
instructed in the Christian faith, and in civilized arts and usages,
and afterward sent back to their island to assist in civilizing
their countrymen I 1
The brief view that has been given of the policy of Ovando on
certain points on which Columbus was censured, may enable
the reader to judge more correctly of the conduct of the latter.
It is not to be measured by the standard of right and wrong
established iu the present more enlightened age. We must con-
sider him in connection with the era in which he lived. By com-
paring his measures with those of men of his own times praised
for their virtues and abilities, placed in precisely his own situa-
tion, and placed there expressly to correct his faults, we shall
be the better able to judge how virtuously and wisely, under the
peculiar circumstances of the case, he may be considered to
have governed.
i Las Casas, Hist, lad., lib. ii. cap 36.
BOOK XVIII.
CHAPTER I.
DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS FOR SAN DOMINGO HIS RETURN TO
SPAIN.
THE arrival at Jamaica of the two vessels under the command
of Salcedo had caused a joyful reverse in the situation of Co-
lumbus. He hastened to leave the wreck in which he had been
so* long immured, and hoisting his flag on board of one of the
ships, felt as if the career of enterprise and glory were once
more open to him. The late partisans of Porras, when they
heard of the arrival of the ships, came wistful and abject to the
harbor, doubting how far the}' might trust to the magnanimity
of a man whom they had so greatly injured, and who had now
an opportunity of vengeance. The generous mind, however,
lu-vi-r harbors revenge in the hour of returning prosperity; but
feels noble satisfaction in sharing its happiness even with its
enemies. Columbus forgot, in his present felicity, all that he
had suffered from these men ; he ceased to consider them ene-
mies, now that they had lost the power to injure ; and he not
only fulfilled all that he had promised them, by taking them on
board the ships, but relieved their necessities from his own
purse, until their return to Spain ; and afterward took unwearied
pains to recommend them to the bounty of the sovereigns.
Francisco Porras alone continued a prisoner, to be tried by the
tribunals of his country.
Oviedo assures us that the Indians wept when they beheld
the departure of the Spaniards ; still considering them as beings
from the skies. From the admiral, it is true, they had experi-
enced nothing but just and gentle treatment, and continual
benefits ; and the idea of his immediate influence with the
Deity, manifested on the memorable occasion of the eclipse,
may have made them consider him as more than human, and
his presence as propitious to their island ; but it is not easy to
581
582 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
believe mat a lawless gang like that of Porras could have been
ranging for months among their villages, without giving cause
for the greatest joy at their departure.
On the 28th of June the vessels set sail for San Domingo.
The adverse winds and currents which had opposed Columbus
throughout this ill-starred expedition still continued to harass
him. After a weary struggle of several weeks he reached, on
the 3d of August, the little island of Beata, on the coast of
Hispauiola. Between this place and San Domingo the currents
are so violent that vessels are often detained months, waiting
for sufficient wind to enable them to stem the stream. Hence
Columbus despatched a letter by land to Ovando, to inform him
of his approach, and to remove certain absurd suspicions of his
views, which he had learnt from Salcedo were still entertained
by the governor; who'feared his arrival in the island might pro-
duce factions and disturbances. In this letter he expresses,
with his usual warmth and simplicity, the joy he felt at his de-
liverance, which was so great, he says, that, since the arrival
of Diego de Salcedo with succor, he had scarcely been able to
sleep. The letter had barely time to precede the writer, for, a
favorable wind springing up, the vessels again made sail, and,
on the loth of August, anchored in the harbor of San Domingo.
If it is the lot of prosperity to awaken envy and excite de-
traction, it is certainly the lot of misfortune to atone for a mul-
titude of faults. San Domingo had been the veiy hot-bed of
sedition against Columbus in the day of his power; he had been
hurried from it in ignominious chains, amid the shouts and
taunts of the triumphant rabble; he had l)een excluded from its
harbor when, as commander of a squadron, he craved shelter
from an impending tempest ; but now that he arrived in its
waters, a broken down and shipwrecked man, all past hostility
was overpowered by the popular sense of his late disasters.
There was a momentary burst of enthusiasm in his favor ; what
had been denied to his merits was granted to his misfortunes ;
and even the envious, appeased by his present reverses, seemed
to forgive him for having once been so triumphant.
The governor and principal inhabitants came forth to meet
him, and received him with signal distinction. He was lodged
as a guest in the house of Ovaudo, who treated him with the
utmost courtesy and attention. The governor was a shrewd
and discreet man and much of a courtier ; but there were
causes of jealousy and distrust between him and Columbus too
deep to permit of cordial intercourse. The admiral and his son
Fernando always pronounced the civility of Ovando over-strained
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 583
and hypocritical ; intended to obliterate the remembrance of
past neglect, and to conceal lurking enmity. While he pro-
fessed the utmost friendship and sympathy for the admiral, he
set at lilKM'ty the traitor Porras, who was still a prisoner, to be
taken to Spain for trial. He also talked of punishing those of
the admiral's people who had taken arms in his defence, and in
the affray at Jamaica had killed several of the mutineers. These
circumstances were loudly complained of by Columbus ; but,
in fact, they rose out of a question of jurisdiction between him
and the governor. Their powers were so undefined as to clash
with each other, and they were both disposed to be extremely
punctilious. Ovaudo assumed a right to take cognizance of all
transactions at Jamaica ; as happening within the limits of his
government, which included all the islands and Terra Firma.
Columbus, on the other hand, asserted the absolute command,
and the jurisdiction both civil and criminal given to him by the
sovereigns, over all persons who sailed in his expedition, from
the time of departure until they returned to Spain. To prove
this he produced his letter of instructions. The governor heard
him with great courtesy and a smiling countenance ; but ob-
served that the letter of instructions gave him no authority
within the bounds of his government. 1 He relinquished the
idea, however, of investigating the conduct of the followers of
Columlms, and sent Porras to Spain, to be examined by the
board which had charge of the affairs of the Indies.
The sojourn of Columbus at San Domingo was but little cal-
culated to yield him satisfaction. He was grieved at the deso-
lation of the island by the oppressive treatment of the natives,
and the horrible massacre which had been perpetrated by
Ovando and his agents. He had fondly hoped, at one time, to
render the natives civilized, industrious, and tributary subjects
to the crown, and to derive from their well-regulated labor a
great and steady revenue. How different had been the event !
The five great tribes which peopled the mountains and the
valleys at the time of the discovery, and rendered, by their
mingled towns and villages and tracts of cultivation, the rich
levels of the Vega so man)* " painted gardens," had almost all
passed away, and the native princes had perished chiefly by
violent or ignominious deaths. Columbus regarded the affairs
of the island with a different eye from Ovando. He had a
paternal feeling for its prosperity, and his fortunes were impli-
cated in its judicious management. He. complained, in subse-
1 I x-tter of Columbus to bis sou l>iego, Seville, Xov. :il, lOJi. Navarrete, Colec.,
torn i.
584 LIFE OF cnnisTornER COLUMBUS.
qucnt letters to the sovereigns, that all the public affairs were
ill conducted ; that the ore collected lay unguarded in large
quantities in houses slightly built and thatched, inviting depre-
dation ; that Ovando was unpopular, the people were dissolute,
and the property of the crown and the security of the island in
continual risk from mutiny and sedition. 1 While he saw all
this, he had no power to interfere, and any observation or
remonstrance on his part was ill received by the governor.
He found his own immediate concerns in great confusion.
His rents and dues were either uncollected, or he could not
obtain a clear account and a full liquidation of them. What-
ever he could collect was appropriated to the fitting out of the
vessels which were to convey himself and his crews to Spain.
He accuses Ovando, in his subsequent letters, of having
neglected, if not sacrificed, his interests during his long ab-
sence, and of having impeded those who were appointed to
attend to his concerns. That he had some grounds for these
complaints would appear from two letters still extant,- written
by Queen Isabella to Ovaudo, on the '27th of November, 1503,
in which she informs him of the complaint of Alonzo .Sanchez
de Carvajal, that he was impeded in collecting the rents of
the admiral ; and expressly commands Ovando to observe the
capitulations granted to Columbus ; to respect his agents, and
to facilitate, instead of obstructing his concerns. These letters,
while they imply ungenerous conduct on the part of the gov-
ernor toward his illustrious predecessor, evince likewise the
personal interest taken by Isabella in the affairs of Columbus,
during his absence. She had, in fact, signified her displeasure
at his being excluded from the port of San Domingo, when he
applied there for succor for his squadron, and for shelter from
a storm, and had censured Ovanda for not taking his advice
and detaining the fleet of Bobadilla, by which it would have
escaped its disastrous fate. 3 And here it may be observed that
the sanguinary acts of Ovando toward the natives, in particular
the massacre at Xaragua and the execution of the unfortunate
Anacaona, awakened equal horror and indignation in Isabella ;
she was languishing on her death-bed when she received the
intelligence, and with her dying breath she exacted a promise
from King Ferdinand that Ovando should immediately be re-
called from his government. The promise was tardily and
1 F.etUT of C'ohmilm* to liis *on Diego, dated Seville, 3d Dec., 1504. Xavarrcle, torn,
i. p. .'HI.
* Xavurrctf. f'olcc., toin. ii.. diT:id. 1">1, 1-V2.
s llcrrcra, Ili.-l. liul., dccud. i. lib. v. cap. 12.
LIFE OF CURISTOPHER COLUM11US. 585
reluctantly fulfilled, after an interval of about four years, and
not until induced by other circumstances; forOvando contrived
to propitiate the monarch, by forcing a revenue from the island.
The continual misunderstandings between the admiral and
the governor, though always qualified on the part of the latter
with great complaisance, induced Columbus to hasten as much
as possible his departure from the island. The ship in which
he had returned from Jamaica was repaired and fitted out, and
put under the command of the Adehintado ; another vessel was
freighted, in which Columbus embarked with his sou and his
domestics. The greater part of his late crews remained at San
Domingo ; as they were in great poverty, he relieved their
necessities from his own purse, and advanced the funds neces-
sary for the voyage home of those who chose to return. Many
thus relieved by his generosity had been among the most violent
of the rebels.
On the 12th of September he set sail; but had scarcely left
the harbor when, in a sudden squall, the mast of his ship was
carried away. He immediately went with his family on board
of the vessel commanded by the Adelautado, and, sending back
the damaged ship to port, continued on 'iis course. Through-
out the voyage he experienced the most tempestuous weather.
In one storm the main-mast was sprung in four places. He was
confined to his bed at the time by the gout; by his advice,
however, and the activity of the Adelautado, the damage was
skilfully repaired ; the mast was shortened ; the weak parts
were fortified by wood taken from the castles or cabins, which
the vessels in those days carried on the prow and stern ; and
the whole was well secured by cords. They were still more
damaged in a succeeding tempest, in which the ship sprung her
fore-mast. In this crippled state they had to traverse seven
hundred leagues of a stormy ocean. Fortune continued to per-
secute Columbus to the end of this, his last and most disastrous
expedition. For several weeks he was tern pest- tossed suf-
fering at the same time the most excruciating pains from his
malady until, on the seventh da}' of November, his crazy and
shattered bark anchored in the harbor of San Lucar. Hence
he had himself conveyed to Seville, where he hoped to enjoy
repose of mind and body, and to recruit his health after such a
long series of fatigues, anxieties, and hardships. 1
1 llist. del Almirauic, cup. 103. Las Casas, Hist. lud., lib. ii. cap. 36.
586 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER n.
ILLNESS OF COLUMBUS AT SEVILLE APPLICATION TO THE CROWN
FOR A RESTITUTION OF HIS HONORS DEATH OF ISABELLA.
[1504.J
BROKEN by age and infirmities, and worn down by the toils
and hardships of his recent expedition, Columbus had looked
forward to Seville as to a haven of rest, where he might repose
a while from his troubles. Care and sorrow, however, followed
him by sea and land. In varying the scene he but varied the
nature of his distress. ''Wearisome days and nights" were
appointed to him for the remainder of his life ; and the very
margin of his grave was destined to be strewed with thorns.
On arriving at Seville, he found all his affairs in confusion.
Ever since he had been sent home in chains from San Domingo,
when his house and effects had been taken possession of by
Bobadilla, his rents and dues had never been properly collected ;
and such as had been gathered had been retained in the hands
of the governor Ovando. "I have much vexation from the
governor," says he in a letter to his sou Diego 2 " All tell me
that I have there eleven or twelve thousand castellanos ; and I
have not received a quarto. * * * I know well that, since
my departure he must have received upward of five thousand
castellauos." He entreated that a letter might be written by
the king, commanding the payment of these arrears without
delay ; for his agents would not venture even to speak to
Ovaudo on the subject, unless empowered by a letter from the
sovereign.
Columbus was not of a mercenary spirit ; but his rank and
situation required large expenditure. The world thought him
in the possession of sources of inexhaustible wealth ; but as
yet those sources had furnished him but precarious and scanty
streams. His last voyage had exhausted his finances, and in-
volved him in perplexities. All that he had been able to collect
of the money due to him in Hispaniola, to the amount of twelve
hundred castellauos, had been expended in bringing home
many of his late crew, who were in distress ; and for the
greater part of the sum the crown remained his debtor.
* Let. Seville, 13 Dec., 1504. Navarrute, v. i. p. 343.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 587
While struggling to obtain his mere pecuniary duos, he was
absolutely suffering a degree of penury. He repeatedly urges
the necessity of economy to his son Diego, until he can obtain
a restitution of his property, and the payment of his arrears.
' I receive nothing of the revenue due to me," says he, in one
letter; "'I live by Ixmxwing." "-Little have I profited," lie
adds, in another, " by twenty years of service, with such toils
and perils ; since, at present, I do not own a roof in Spain. If
I desire to eat or sleep, I have no resort but an inn ; and, for
the most times, have not wherewithal to pay my bill."
Yet in the midst of these personal distresses he was more
solicitous for the payment of his seamen than of himself. He
wrote strongly and repeatedly to the sovereigns, entreating
the discharge of their arrears, and urged his sou Diego, who
was at court, to exert himself in their behalf. u They are
poor." said he, *' and it is now nearly three years since they
left their homes. They have endured infinite toils and perils,
and they bring invaluable tidings, for which their majesties
ought to give thanks to God and rejoice." Notwithstanding
his generous solicitude for these men, he knew several of them
to have been his enemies ; nay, that some of them were at this
very time disj)osed to do him harm rather than good ; such was
the magnanimity of his spirit and his forgiving disposition.
The same zeal, also, for the interests of his sovereigns, which
had ever actuated his loyal mind, mingled with his other causes
of solicitude. He represented, in his letter to the king, the
mismanagement of the royal rents in Hispaniola, under the
administration of Ovando. Immense quantities of ore lay un-
protected in slightly built houses, and liable to depredations.
It required a person of vigor, and one who had an individual
interest in the property of the island, to restore its affairs to
order, and draw from it the immense revenues which it was
capable of yielding ; and Columbus plainly intimated that he
was the proper person.
In fact, as to himself, it was not so much pecuniary indemni-
fication that he sought, as the restoration of his offices and
dignities. He regarded them as the trophies of his illustrious
achievements ; he had received the royal promise that he
should be reinstated in them ; and he felt that as long as they
were withheld, a tacit censure rested upon his name. Had he
not been proudly impatient on this subject he would have
belied the loftiest part of his character ; for he who can be in-
dii'ivrent to the wreath of triumph is deficient in the noble ambi-
tion which incites to glorious deeds.
588 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
The unsatisfactory replies received to his letters disquieted
his mind. He knew that Jie had active enemies at court ready
to turn all things to his disadvantage, and felt the importance
of being there in person to defeat their machinations ; but his
infirmities detained him at Seville. He made an attempt to
set forth on the journey, but the severity of the winter and the
virulence of his malady obliged him to relinquish it in despair.
All that he could do was to reiterate his letters to the sover-
eigns, and to entreat the intervention of his few but faithful
friends. He feared the disastrous occurrences of the last
voyage might be represented to his prejudice. The great ob-
ject of the expedition, the discovery of a strait opening from
the Caribbean to a southern sea, had failed. The secondary
object, the acquisition of gold, had not been completed. He
had discovered the gold mines of Veragua, it is true; but he
had brought home no treasure ; because, as he said, in one of
his letters, " I would not rob nor outrage the country ; since
reason requires that it should be settled, and then the gold may
be procured without violence."
He was especially apprehensive that the violent scenes in
the island of Jamaica might, by the perversity of his enemies
and the effrontery of the delinquents, be wrested into matters
of accusation against him, as had been the case with the re-
bellion of Roldan. Porras, the ringleader of the late faction,
had been sent home by Ovaudo, to appear before the board of
the Indies, but without any written process, setting forth the
offences charged against him. While at Jamaica Columbus
had ordered an inquest of the affair to be taken ; but the notary
of the squadron who took it, and the papers which he drew up,
were on board of the ship in which the admiral had sailed from
Hispaniola, but which had put back dismasted. No cognizance
of the case, therefore, was taken by the Council of the Indies ;
and Porras went at large, armed with the power and the dis-
position to do mischief. Being related to Morales, the royal
treasurer, he had access to people in place, and an opportunity
of enlisting their opinions and prejudices on his side. Colum-
bus wrote to Morales, enclosing a copy of the petition which
the rebels had sent to him when in Jamaica, in which they
acknowledged their culpability, and implored his forgiveness ;
and he entreated the treasurer not to be swayed by the repre-
sentations of his relative, nor to pronounce an opinion unfav-
orable to him, until he had an opportunity of being heard.
T!ie faithful and indefatigable Diego Mcndi-x was at this time
at the court, as well as Alouzo Sanchez de Carvajal, and uu
LIFE OF CIIEISTOPI1ER COLUMBUS. 589
active friend of Columbus named Geronimo. They could bear
the most important testimony as to his conduct, and he wrote
to his son Diego to call upon them for their good offices. " I
trust," said he, " that the truth and diligence of Diego Mendez
will be of as much avail as the lies of Porras." Nothing can
surpass the affecting earnestness and simplicity of the general
declaration of loyalty, contained in one of his letters. " 1 have
served their majesties," says he, " with as much zeal and dili-
gence as if it had been to gain Paradise ; and if I have failed in
any thing, it has been because my knowledge and powers went
no further."
While reading these touching appeals we can scarcely realize
the fact that the dejected individual thus wearily and vainly
applying for unquestionable rights, and pleading almost like a
culprit, iu cases wherein he had been flagrantl}* injured, was
the same who but a few years previously had been received at
this very court with almost regal honors, and idolized as a na-
tional benefactor ; that this, in a word, was Columbus, the
discoverer of the New World ; broken in health, and impover-
ished in his old da}'S by his very discoveries.
At length the caravel bringing the official proceedings relative
to the brothers Porras arrived at the Algarves, iu Portugal,
and Columbus looked forward with hope that all matters would
soon be placed in a proper light. His anxiety to get to court
became every day more intense. A litter was provided to con-
vey him thither, and was actually at the door, but the inclem-
ency of the weather and his increasing infirmities obliged him
again to abandon the journey. His resource of letter-writing
began to fail him : he could only write at night, for in the day-
time the severity of his malady deprived him of the use of his
hands. The tidings from the court were every day more and
more adverse to his hopes ; the intrigues of his enemies were
prevailing : the cold-hearted Ferdinand treated all his appli-
cations with indifference ; the generous Isabella lay dangerously
ill. On her justice and magnanimity he still relied for the full
restoration of his rights, and the redress of all his grievances.
"May it please the Holy Trinity," says he, "to restore our
sovereign queen to health ; for by her will ever}' thing be ad-
justed which is now in confusion." Alas! while writing that
letter, his noble benefactress was a corpse !
The health of Isabella had long been undermined by the
shocks of repeated domestic calamities. The death of her only
son, the Prince Juan ; of her beloved daughter and bosom
friend, the Princess Isabella; and of her grandson and prospec-
590 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
tive heir, the Prince Miguel, had been three cruel wounds to a
heart full of the tenderest sensibility. To these was added the
constant grief caused by the evident infirmity of intellect of
her daughter Juana, and the domestic unhappiness of that
princess with her husband, the archduke Philip. The desola-
tion which walks through palaces admits not the familiar sympa-
thies and sweet consolations which alleviate the sorrows of
common life. Isabella pined in state, amidst the obsequious
homages of a court, surrounded by the trophies of a glorious
and successful reign, and placed at the summit of earthy gran-
deur. A deep and incurable melancholy settled upon her,
which undermined her constitution, and gave a fatal acuteness
to her bodily maladies. After four months of illness she died,
on the 26th of November, 1504, at Medina del Campo, in the
fifty-fourth year of her age ; but long before her eyes closed
upon the world, her heart had closed on all its pomps and
vanities. " Let my body," said she in her will, " be interred in
the monastery of San Francisco, which is in the Alhambra of
the city of Granada, in a low sepulchre, without any iflouument
except a plain stone, with the inscription cut on it. But I
desire and command, that if the king, nn- lord, should choose
a sepulchre in any church or monastery in any other part or
place of these my kingdoms, my body be transported thither,
and buried beside the body of his highness ; so that the union
we have enjoyed while living, and which, through the mercy
of God, we hope our souls will experience in heaven, may be
represented by our bodies in the earth." 1
Such was one of several passages in the will of this admirable
woman, which bespoke the chastened humility of her heart ; and
in which, as has been well observed, the affections of conjugal
love were delicately intwiued with piety, and with the most
tender melancholy. 2 She was one of the purest spirits that
ever ruled over the destinies of a nation. Had she been spared,
her benignant vigilance would have prevented many a scene of
horror in the colonization of the New World, and might have
softened the lot of its native inhabitants. As it is, her fair
name will ever shine with celestial radiance in the dawning of
its history.
The news of the death of Isabella reached Columbus when he
1 The dying command of Isabella has been ol>eyed. The author of this work haa
Been her loiub in the royal chapel of the Cathedral of Granada, in which her remain*
are interred with those of Ferdinand. Their edifies. sculptured i:i white marMe, lie
Bide by fide on a magnificent sepulchre. The altar of the chapel is adorned with baa-
reliefs representing the conquest and surrender of <ira;iada.
1 Elogio de la licina Calulica per D. Diegu Cleiueiicid. Illustration 19.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 591
was writing a letter to his son Diego. He notices it in a post-
script or memorandum, written in the haste and brevity of the
moment, but in beautifully touching and mournful terms. " A
memorial," he writes, " for thee, my dear son Diego, of what
is at present to be done. The principal thing is to commend
affectionately, and with great devotion, the soul of the queen
our sovereign to God. Her life was always catholic and holy,
and prompt to all things in his holy service ; for this reason we
may rest assured that she is received into his glory, and beyond
the cares of this rough and weary world. The next thing is to
watch and labor in all matters for the service of our sovereign
the king, and to endeavor to alleviate his grief. His majesty
is the head of Christendom. Remember the proverb which
says, when the head suffers all the members suffer. Therefore,
all good Christians should pray for his health and long life ;
and we who are in his employ ought more than others to do this
with all study and diligence." *
It is impossible to read this mournful letter without being
moved by the simply eloquent }'et artless language in which
Columbus expresses his tenderness for the memory of his bene-
factress, his weariness under the gathering cares and ills of life,
and his persevering and enduring loyalty toward the sovereign
who was so ungratefully neglecting him. It is in these unstudied
and conlideutial letters that we read the heart of Columbus.
CHAPTER III.
COLUMBUS ARRIVES AT COURT FRUITLESS APPLICATION TO THE
KING FOR REDRESS.
[1505.]
THE death of Isabella was a fatal blow to the fortunes of
Columbus. While she lived he had every thing to anticipate
from her high sense of justice, her regard for her royal word,
her gratitude for his services, and her admiration of his char-
acter. With her illness, however, his interests had languished,
and when she died he was left to the justice and generosity of
Ferdinand !
During the remainder of the winter and a part of the spring he
. i Letter to bis sou Diego, Dec. 3, 1504.
592 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
continued at Seville, detained by painful illness, and endeavor-
ing to obtain redress from the government by ineffectual letters.
His brother the Adelantado, who supported him with his accus-
tomed fondness and devotion through all his trials, proceeded
to court to attend to his interests, taking with him the admiral's
younger son Fernando, then aged about seventeen. The latter,
the affectionate father repeatedly represents to his son Diego as
a man in understanding and conduct, though but a stripling in
years ; and inculcates the strongest fraternal attachment, allud-
ing to his own brethren with one of those simply eloquent and
affecting expressions which stamp his heart upon his letters.
" To thy brother conduct thyself as the elder brother should
unto the younger. Thou hast no other, and I praise God that
this is such a one as thou dost need. Ten brothers would not
be too many for thee. Never have I found a better friend to
right or left, than my brothers."
Among the persons whom Columbus employed at this time
in his missions to the court was Amerigo Vespucci. He de-
scribes him as a worthy but unfortunate man, who had not
profited as much as he deserved by his undertakings, and who
had always been disposed to render him service. His object in
employing him appears to have been to prove the value of his
last voyage, and that he had been in the most opulent parts of
the New World ; Vespucci having since touched upon the same
coast, in a voyage with Alonzo de Ojeda.
One circumstance occurred at this time which shed a gleam
of hope and consolation over his gloomy prospects Diego de
Deza, who had been for some time Bishop of Palencia, was
expected at court. This was the same worthy friar who had
aided him to advocate his theory before the board of learned
men at Salamanca, and had assisted him with his purse when
making his proposals to the Spanish court. He had just been
promoted and made Archbishop of Seville, but had not yet been
installed in office. Columbus directs his son Diego to intrust
his interests to this worthy prelate. " Two things," says he,
"require particular attention. Ascertain whether the queen,
who is now with God, has said any thing concerning me in her
testament, and stimulate the Bishop of Palencia, he who was
the cause that their highnesses obtained possession of the Indies,
who induced me to remain in Castile when I \vas on the road
to leave it." 1 In another letter he says: "If the Bishop of
Palencia has arrived, or should arrive, tell him how much I
1 Letter of December 21, 1501. Kavarrete, torn. i. p. 346.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 593
have been gratified by his prosperity, and that if I come, I shall
lodge with his grace, even though he should not invite me, for
we must return to our ancient fraternal affection."
The incessant applications of Columbus, both by letter and
by the intervention of friends, appear to have been listened to
with cool indifference. No compliance was yielded to his re-
quests, and no deference was paid to his opinions, on various
points, concerning which he interested himself. New instruc-
tions were sent out to Ovando, but not a word of their purport
was mentioned to the admiral. It was proposed to send out
three bishops, and he entreated in vain to be heard previous to
their election. In short, he was not in any way consulted in
the affairs of the New World. He felt deeply this neglect, and
became every day more impatient of his absence from court.
To enable himself to perform the journey with more ease, he
applied for permission to use a mule, a royal ordinance having
prohibited the employment of those animals under the saddle,
in consequence of their universal use having occasioned a de-
cline in the breed of horses. A royal permission was accord-
ingly granted to Columbus, in consideration that his age and
infirmities incapacitated him from riding on horseback ; but it
was a considerable time before the state of his health would
permit him to avail himself of that privilege.
The foregoing particulars, gleaned from letters of Columbus
recently discovered, show the real state of his affairs, and the
mental and bodily affliction sustained by him during his winter's
residence at Seville, on his return from his last disastrous voy-
age. He has generally been represented as reposing there from
his toils and troubles Never was honorable repose more
merited, more desired, and less enjoyed.
It was not until the month of May that he was able, in com-
pany with his brother the Adelantado, to accomplish his journey
to court, at that time held at Segovia. He who but a few years
before had entered the city of Barcelona in triumph, attended
by the nobility and chivalry of Spain, and hailed with rapture
by the multitude, now arrived within the gates of Segovia, a
way-worn, melancholy, and neglected man ; oppressed more
by sorrow than even by his years and infirmities. When he
presented himself at court he met with none of that distin-
guished attention, that cordial kindness, that cherishing sym-
pathy, which his unparalleled services and his recent sufferings
had merited. 1
1 Las Casas, Hist. lad., lib. ii. cap. 37. Jlerrera, Hist, lud., decad. i. lib. vi. cap. 13.
594 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
The selfish Ferdinand had lost sight of his past services, in
what appeared to him the inconvenience of his present demands.
He received him with many professions of kindness ; but with
those cold, ineffectual smiles which pass like wintry sunshine
over the countenance, and convey no warmth to the heart.
The admiral now gave a particular account of his late voy-
age, describing the great tract of Terra Firma, which he had
explored, and the riches of the province of Veragua. He re-
lated also the disaster sustained in the island of Jamaica ; the
insurrection of the Porras and their l)and ; and all the other
griefs and troubles of this unfortunate expedition. He had but
a cold-hearted auditor in the king ; and the benignant Isabella
was no more at hand to soothe him with a smile of kindness or
a tear of sympathy. " I know not," says the venerable Las
Casas, '" what could cause this dislike and this want of princely
countenance in the king toward one who had rendered him such
pre-eminent benefits ; unless it was that his mind was swayed
by the false testimonies which had been brought against the
admiral ; of which I have been enabled to learn something from
persons much in favor with the sovereigns." J
After a few days had elapsed Columbus urged his suit in
form, reminding the king of all that he had done, and all that
had been promised him under the royal word and seal, and
supplicating that the restitutions and indemnifications which
had been so frequently solicited, might be awarded to him :
offering in return to serve his majesty devotedly for the short
time he had yet to live ; and trusting, from what he felt within
him, and from what he thought he knew with certainty, to
render services which should surpass all that he had yet per-
formed a hundred-fold. The king, in reply, acknowledged the
greatness of his merits, and the importance of his services, but
observed that, for the more satisfactory adjustment of his
claims, it would be advisable to refer all points in dispute to
the decision of some discreet and able person. The admiral
immediately proposed as arbiter his friend the archbishop of
.Seville, Don Diego de Deza, one of the most able and upright
men about the court, devotedly loyal, high in the confidence of
the king, and one who had always taken great interest in the
affairs of the New World. The king consented to the arbitra-
tion, but artfully extended it to questions which he knew would
never be put at issue by Columbus ; among these was his
claim to the restoration of his office of viceroy. To this Colum-
1 Las Casas, [list. lud., lib. ii. cap. 37, MS.
LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS. 595
bus objected with becoming spirit, as compromising a right
which was too clearly defined and solemnly established, to be
put for a moment in dispute. It was the question of rents and
revenues alone, he observed, which he was willing to submit to
the decision of a learned man, not that of the government of
the Indies. As the monarch persisted, however, in embracing
both questions in the arbitration, the proposed measure was
never carried into effect.
It was, in fact, on the subject of his dignities alone that
Columbus was tenacious ; all other matters he considered of
minor imix)rtance. In a conversation with the king, he
absolutely disavowed all wish of entering into any suit or
pleading as to his pecuniary dues ; on the contrary, he offered
to put all his privileges and writings into the hands of his sov-
ereign, and to receive out of the dues arising from them, what-
ever his majesty might think proper to award. All that he
claimed without qualification or reserve, were his official
dignities, assilred to him under the royal seal with all the
solemnity of a treaty. He entreated, at all events, that these
matters might speedily be decided, so that he might be released
from a state of miserable suspense, and enabled to retire to
some quiet corner, in search of that tranquillity and repose
Eecessary to his fatigues and his infirmities.
To this frank appeal to his justice and generosity, Ferdinand
replied with many courteous expressions, and with those gen-
eral evasive promises, which beguile the ear of the court appli-
cant, but convey no comfort to his heart. "As far as actions
went," observes Las Casas, "the king not merely showed him
no signs of favor, but, on the contrary, discountenanced him as
much as possible ; yet he was never wanting in complimentary
expressions."
Many months were passed by Columbus in unavailing solici-
tation, during which he continued to receive outward demon-
strations of respect from the king, and due attention from
Cardinal Ximenes, Archbishop of Toledo, and other principal
personages ; but he had learned to appreciate and distrust the
hollow civilities of a court. His claims were referred to a
tribunal, called, "The council of the discharges of the con-
science of the deceased queen, and of the king." This is a kind
of tribunal commonly known by the name of the Junta de
Descargos, composed of persons nominated by the sovereign,
to superintend the accomplishment of the last will of his prede-
cessor, and the discharge of his debts. Two consultations were
held by this body, but nothing was determined. The wishes of
596 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUM1WS.
the king were too well known to be thwarted. "It was
believed," says Las Casas, " that if the king could have done
so with a safe conscience, and without detriment to his fame,
he would have respected few or none of the privileges which he
and the queen had conceded to the admiral, and which hud been
so justly merited." 1
Columbus still flattered himself that, his claims being of such
importance, and touching a question of sovereignty, the adjust-
ment of them might be only postponed by the king until he
could consult with his daughter Juana, who had succeeded to
her mother as Queen of Castile, and who was dairy expected
from Flanders with her husband, King Philip. He endeavored,
therefore, to bear his delays with patience ; but he had no
longer the physical strength and glorious anticipations which
once sustained him through his long application at this court.
Life itself was drawing to a close.
He was once more confined to his bed by a tormenting attack
of the gout, aggravated by the sorrows and disappointments
which preyed upon his heart. From this couch of anguish he
addressed one more appeal to the justice of the king. He no
longer petitioned for himself ; it was for his sou Diego. Nor
did he dwell upon his pecuniary dues ; it was the honorable
trophies of his services which he wished to secure and perpetu-
ate in his family. He entreated that his son Diego might be
appointed, in his place, to the government of which he had been
so wrongfully deprived. C1 This," he said, " is a matter which
concerns my honor ; as to all the rest, do as your majesty may
think proper ; give or withhold, as may be most for your
interest, and I shall be content. I believe the anxiety caused
by the delay of this affair is the principal cause of my ill
health." A petition to the same purpose was presented at the
same time by his son Diego, offering to take with him such
persons for counsellors as the king should appoint, and to be
guided by their advice.
These petitions were treated by Ferdinand with his usual
professions and evasions. "The more applications were made
to him," observes Las Casas, " the more favorably did he reply ;
but still he delayed, hoping, by exhausting their patience, to
induce them to waive their privileges, and accept in place
thereof titles and estates in Castile." Columbus rejected all
propositions of the kind with indignation, as calculated to com-
promise those titles which were the trophies of his achievements.
1 Ls Casas, ILst. Iiul., lib. ii. cap. SI.
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMUUS. 597
Ho saw, however, that all further hope of redress from Fer-
dinand was vain. From the bed to which he was confined he
addressed a letter to his constant friend Diego de Deza, expres-
sive of his despair. " It appears that his majesty does not
think fit to fulfil that which he, with the queen, who is now in
glory, promised me by word and seal. For me to contend for
the contrary would be to contend with the wind. I have done
all that I could do. I .leave the rest to God, whom I have ever
found propitious to me in my necessities." 1
The cold and calculating Ferdinand beheld this illustrious
man sinking under infirmity of body, heightened by that
deferred hope which " maketh the heart sick." A little more
delay, a little more disappointment, and a little longer infliction
of ingratitude, and this loyal and generous heart would cease to
beat : he should then be delivered from the just claims of a well-
tried servant, who, in ceasing to be useful, was considered by
him to have become importunate.
CHAPTER IV.
DEATH OF COLUMBUS.
IN the midst of illness and despondency, when both life and
hope were expiring in the bosom of Columbus, a new gleam
was awakened and blazed up for the moment with characteris-
tic fervor. He heard with joy of the landing of King Philip
and Queen Juana, who had just arrived from Flanders to take
possession of their throne of Castile. In the daughter of Isa-
bella he trusted once more to find a patroness and a friend.
King Ferdinand and all the court repaired to Laredo to receive i
the youthful sovereigns. Columbus would gladly have done
the same, but he was confined to his bed by a severe return of
his malady ; neither in his painful and helpless situation could
he dispense with the aid and ministry of his son Diego. His
brother, the Adelantado, therefore, his main dependence in all
emergencies, was sent to represent him, and to present his
homage and congratulations. Columbus wrote by him to the
new king and queen expressing his grief at being prevented by
illness from coming in person to manifest his devotion, but
begging to be considered among the most faithful of their
1 Navarrete, Colec., torn. i. ,
598 LIFE OF CURISTOPUER COLUMBUS.
subjects. He expressed a hope that he should receive at their
hands the restitution of his houors and estates, and assured
them that, though cruelly tortured at present by disease, he
would yet be able to render them services, the like of which
had never been witnessed.
Such was the last sally of his sanguine and unconquerable
spirit; which, disregarding age and infirmities, and all past
sorrows and disappointments, spoke from his dying bed with
all the confidence of youthful hope , and talked of still greater
enterprises, as if he had a long and vigorous life before him.
The Adelantado took leave of his brother, whom he was never
to behold again, and set out on his mission to the new sover-
eigns. He experienced the most gracious reception. The claims
of the admiral were treated with great attention by the young
king and queen, and flattering hopes were given of a speedy
and prosperous termination to his suit
In the mean time the cares and troubles of Columbus were
drawing to a close The momentary fire which had reanimated
him was soon quenched by accumulating infirmities. Immedi-
ately after the departure of the Adelantado, his illness increased
in violence. His last voyage had shattered beyond repair a
frame already worn and wasted by a life of hardship ; and con-
tinual anxieties robbed him of that sweet repose so necessary
to recruit the weariness and debility of age. The cold ingrati-
tude of his sovereign chilled his heart. The continue I suspen-
sion of his honors, and the enmity and defamation experienced
at every turn, seemed to throw a shadow over that glory which
had been the great object of his ambition. This shadow, it is
true, could be but of transient duration ; but it is difficult for
the most illustrious man to look beyond the present cloud
which may obscure his fame, and anticipate its permanent
lustre in the admiration of posterity.
Being admonished by failing strength and increasing suffer-
ings that his end was approaching, he prepared to leave his
affairs in order for the benefit of his successors.
Jt is said that on the 4th of May he wrote an informal testa-
mentary codicil on the blank page of a little breviary, given
him by Pope Alexander VI. In this he bequeathed that book
to the Republic of Genoa, which he also appointed successor to
his privileges and dignities, on the extinction of his male line.
He directed likewise the erection of an hospital in that city
with the produce of his possessions in Italy. The authenticity
of this document is questioned, and has become a point of
warm contest among commentators. It is not, however, of
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 599
much importance. The paper is such as might readily have
been written by a person like Columbus in the paroxysm of
disease, when he imagined his end suddenly approaching, and
shows the affection with which his thoughts were bent on his
native city. It is termed among commentators a military
codicil, because testamentary dispositions of this kind are
executed by the soldier at the point of death, without the usual
formalities required by the civil law. About two weeks after-
ward, on the eve of his death, he executed a final and regularly
authenticated codicil, in which he bequeathed his dignities and
estates with better judgment.
In these last and awful moments, when the soul has but a
brief space in which to make up its accounts between heaven
and earth, all dissimulation is at an end, and we read un-
equivocal evidences of character. The last codicil of Columbus,
made at the very verge of the grave, is stamped with his rul-
ing" passion and his benignant virtues. He repeats and en-
forces several clauses of his original testament, constituting his
son Diego his universal heir The entailed inheritance, or
mayorazgo, in case he died without male issue, was to go to
his brother Don Fernando, and from him, in like case, to pass
to his uncle Don Bartholomew, descending always to the near-
est male heir ; in failure of which it was to pass to the female
nearest in lineage to the admiral. He enjoined upon whoever
should inherit his estate never to alienate or diminish it, but to
endeavor by all means to augment its prosperity and impor-
tance. He likewise enjoined upon his heirs to be prompt and
devoted at all times, with person and estate, to serve their
sovereign and promote the Christian faith. He ordered that
Don Diego should devote one tenth of the revenues which
might arise from his estate, when it came to be productive, to
the relief of indigent relatives, and of other persons in ne-
cessity ; that, out of the remainder he should yield certain
yearly proportions to his brother Don Fernando, and his uncles
Don Bartholomew and Don Diego ; and that the part allotted
to Don Fernando should be settled upon him and his male
heirs in an entailed and uualienable inheritance. Having thus
provided for the maintenance and perpetuity of his family and
dignities, he ordered that Don Diego, when his estates should
be snHieiently productive, should erect a chapel in the island
of Hispaniola, which God had given to him so marvellously, at
the town of Conception, in the Vega, where masses should be
daily performed for the repose of the souls of himself, his
father, his mother, his wife, and of all who died in the faith.
600 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Another clause recommends to the care of Don Diego, Beatrix
Enriquez, the mother of his natural son Fernando. His con-
nection with her had never been sanctioned by matrimony,
and either this circumstance, or some neglect of her, seems to
have awakened deep compunction in his dying moments. He
orders Don Diego to provide for her respectable maintenance ;
" and let this be done," he adds, " for the discharge of my con-
science, for it weighs heavy on my soul." 1 Finally he noted
with his own hand several minute sums, to be paid to persons
at different and distant places, without their being told whence
they received them. These appear to have been trivial debts
of conscience, or rewards for petty services received in times
long past. Among them is one of half a mark of silver to a
poor Jew, who lived at the gate of the Jewry, in the city of Lis-
bon. These minute provisions evince the scrupulous attention
to justice in all his dealings, and that love of punctuality in the
fulfilment of duties, for which he was remarked. In the same
spirit he gave much advice to his sou Diego, as to the conduct
of his affairs, enjoining upon him to take every mouth an
account with his own hand of the expenses of his household,
and to sign it with his name ; for a want of regularity in this,
he observed, lost both property and servants, and turned the
last into enemies. 2 His dying bequests were made in presence
of a few faithful followers and servants, and among them we
find the name of Bartholomeo Fiesco, who had accompanied
Diego Mendez in the perilous voyage in a canoe from Jamaica
to Hispaniola.
Having thus scrupulously attended to all the claims of affec-
tion, loyalty, and justice upon earth, Columbus turned his
thoughts to heaven ; and having received the holy sacrament,
and performed all the pious offices of a devout Christian, he
expired with great resignation on the day of Ascension, the
20th of May, 1506, being about seventy years of age. 3 His last
words were, " In manus tuas Domine, commando spirituin,
meum: " Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit. 4
His body was deposited in the convent of St. Francisco, and
his obsequies were celebrated with funeral pomp at Vallado-
1 Diego, the eon of the admiral, notes in his own testament this bequest of his father,
and ays, that he was charged by him to pay Beatrix Enriquez 10,000 maravedis a year,
which for some time he had faithfully performed; but as he believes that for three or
four years previous to her death he had neglected to do *o, he orders that the deficiency
shall be ascertained and paid to her heirs. Memorial ajustado eobre la propriedad del
mayorazgo que fondo D. Christ. Colon. 245.
1 Memorial ajustado, 248.
' Cura de los Palacios, cap. 121.
* Las Casa*, Hut. lud., lib. ii. cap. 38. Ilist. del Almirante, cap. 108.
LIFE OF CniilSTOPUER COLUMBUS. 601
lid, in the parochial church of Santa Maria do la Antigua. His
remains were transported afterward, in 1513, to the Carthusian
monastery of Las Cuevas of Seville, to the chapel of St. Ann or
of Santo Christo, in which chapel were likewise deposited those
of his son Don Diego, who died in the village of Montalban, on
the 23d of February, 1520. In the year 1536 the bodies of Co-
lumbus and his son Diego were removed to Hispaniola, and
interred in the principal chapel of the cathedral of the city of
Sun Domingo ; but even here they did not rest in quiet, having
since been again disinterred and conveyed to the Havana, in
the island of Cuba.
We are told that Ferdinand, after the death of Columbus,
showed a sense of his merits by ordering a monument to be
erected to his memory, on wfiich was inscribed the motto
already cited, which had formerly been granted to him by the
sovereigns : A CASTILLA Y A LEON NUEVO MUNUO DIO COLON ( To
Castile and Leon Columbus gave a new world). However
great an honor a monument may be for a subject to receive, it
is certainly but a cheap reward for a sovereign to bestow. As
to the motto inscribed upon it, it remaines engraved in the
memory of mankind, more indelibly than in brass or marble ;
a record of the great debt of gratitude due to the discoverer,
which the monarch had so faithlessly neglected to discharge.
Attempts have been made in recent days, by loyal Spanish
writers, to vindicate the conduct of Ferdinand toward Colum-
bus. They were doubtless well intended, but they have been
futile, nor is their failure to be regretted. To screen such in-
justice in so eminent a character from the reprobation of man-
kind is to deprive history of one of its most important uses.
Let the ingratitude of Ferdinand stand recorded in its full
extent, and endure throughout all time. The dark shadow
which* it casts upon his brilliant renown will be a lesson to all
rulers, teaching them what is important to their own fame in
their treatment of illustrious meu.
602 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
CHAPTER V.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE CHARACTER OF COLUMBUS.
TN narrating the story of Columbus, it has been the endeavor
of the author to place him iu a clear and familiar point of view ;
for this purpose he has rejected no circumstance, however
trivial, which appeared to evolve some point of character ; and
he has sought all kinds of collateral facts which might throw
light upon his views and motives. With this view also he has
detailed many facts hitherto passed over in silence, or vaguely
noticed by historians, probably ^because they might be deemed
instances of error or misconduct on the part of Columbus ; but
he who paints a great man merely in great and heroic traits,
though he may produce a fine picture, will never present a faith-
ful portrait. Great men are compounds of great and little
qualities. Indeed, much of their greatness arises from their
mastery over the imperfections of their nature, and their
noblest actions are sometimes struck forth by the collision of
their merits and their defects.
In Columbus were singularly combined the practical and the
poetical. His mind had grasped all kinds of knowledge, whether
procured by study or observation, which bore upon his theories ;
impatient of the scanty aliment of the day, *' his impetuous
ardor," as has well been observed, ' threw him into the study
of the fathers of the church, the Arabian Jews, and the ancient
geographers ;' while his daring but irregular genius, bursting
from the limits of imperfect science, bore him to conclusions
far beyond the intellectual vision of his contemporaries. If
some of his conclusions were erroneous, they were at lea'st in-
genious and splendid ; and their error resulted from the clouds
which still hung over his peculiar path of enterprise. His own
discoveries enlightened the ignorance of the age ; guided con-
jecture to certainty, and dispelled that very darkness with which
he had been obliged to struggle.
In the progress of his discoveries he has been remarked for
the extreme sagacity and the admirable justness with which
he seized upon the phenomena of the exterior world. The
variations, for instance, of terrestrial magnetism, the direction
of currents, the groupings of marine plants, fixing one of the
grand climacteric divisions of the ocean, the temperatures
changing not solely with the distance to the equator, but also
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 603
with the difference ot meridians : these and similar phenomena,
as they broke upon him were discerned with wonderful quick-
ness of perception, and made to contribute important principles
to the stock of general knowledge. This lucidity of spirit, this
quick convertibility of facts to principles, distinguish him from
the dawn to the close of his sublime enterprise, insomuch that,
with all the sallying ardor of his imagination, his ultimate suc-
cess has been admirably characterized as a " conquest of reflec-
tion." 1
It has been said that mercenary views mingled with the am-
bition of Columbus, and that his stipulations with the Spanish
court were selfish and avaricious. The charge is inconsiderate
mid unjust. He aimed at dignity and wealth in the same lofty
spirit in which he sought renown ; they were to be part and
parcel of his achievement, and palpable evidence of his success ;
they were to arise from the territories he should discover, and
be commensurate in importance. No condition could be more
just. He asked nothing of the sovereigns but a command of
the countries he hoped to give them, and a share of the profits
to support the dignity of his command. If there should be no
country discovered, his stipulated viceroyalty would be of
no avail ; and if no revenues should be produced, his labor and
peril would produce no gam. If his command and revenues
ultimately proved magnificent, it was from the magnificence of
the regions he had attached to the Castilian crown. What
monarch would not rejoice to gain empire on such conditions?
But he did not risk merely a loss of labor, and a disappointment
of ambition, in the enterprise ; on his motives being ques-
tioned, he voluntarily undertook, and, with the assistance of
his coadjutors, actually defrayed one-eighth of the whole charge
of the first expedition.
It was, in fact, this rare union already noticed, of the practi-
cal man of business with the poetical projector, which enabled
him to carry his grand enterprises into effect through so many
difficulties ; but the pecuniary calculations and cares, which
gave feasibility to his schemes, were never suffered to chill the
glowing aspirations of his soul. The gains that promised to
arise from his discoveries he intended to appropriate in the
same princely and pious spirit in which they were demanded.
He contemplated works and achievements of benevolence and
religion ; vast contributions for the relief of the poor of Ins
native city ; the foundation of churches, where masses should
D. Humboldt. Exameu Critique.
604 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
be said for the souls of the departed ; and armies for the recov-
ery of the holy sepulchre in Palestine. Thus his ambition was
truly noble and lofty ; instinct with high thought and prone to
generous deed.
In the discharge of his office he maintained the state and
ceremonial of a viceroy, and was tenacious of his rank and
privileges ; not from a mere vulgar love of titles, but because
he prized them as testimonals and trophies of his achievements :
these he jealously cherished as his great rewards. In hw
repeated applications to the king, he insisted merely on the
restitution of his dignities. As to his pecuniary dues and all
questions relative to mere revenue, he offered to leave them to
arbitration or even to the absolute disposition of the monarch ;
but not so his official dignities : " these things," said he nobly,
" affect my honor." In his testament, he enjoined on his son
Diego, and whoever after him should inherit his estates, what-
ever dignities and titles might afterward be granted by the
king, always to sign himself simply " the admiral," by way of
perpetuating in the family its real source of greatness.
His conduct was characterized by the grandeur of his views
and the magnanimity of his spirit. Instead of scouring the
newly-found countries, like a grasping adventurer eager only
for immediate gain, as was too generally the case with contem-
porary discoverers, he sought to ascertain their soil and produc-
'Cions, their rivers and barbel's ; he was desirous of colonizing
and cultivating them ; of conciliating and civilizing the natives ;
of building cities ; introducing the useful arts ; subjecting every
thing to the control of law, order, and religion ; and thus of
founding regular "and prosperous empires. In this glorious
plan he was constantly defeated by the dissolute rabble which
it was his misfortune to command ; with whom all law was
tyranny, and all order restraint. They interrupted all useful
works by their seditious ; provoked the peaceful Indians to hos-
tility ; and after they had thus drawn down misery and warfare
Upon their own heads, and overwhelmed Columbus with the
ruins of the edifice he was building, they charged him with be-
ing the cause of the confusion.
Well would it have been for Spain had those who followed in
the track of Columbus possessed his sound policy and liberal
views. The New World, in such cases, would have been settled
by pacific colonists, and civilized by enlightened legislators ;
instead of being overrun by desperate adventurers, and deso-
lated by avaricious conquerors.
Columbus was a man of quick sensibility, liable to great ex-
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 605
citement, to sudden'and strong impressions, and powerful im-
pulses. He was naturally irritable and impetuous, and keenly
sensible to injury and injustice ; yet the quickness of his temper
wa$ counteracted by the benevolence and generosity of his
heart. The magnanimity of his nature shone forth through all
the troubles of his stormy career. Though continually outraged
in his dignity, and braved in the exercise of his command ;
though foiled in his plans, and endangered in his person by the
seditions of turbulent and worthless men, and that too at times
when suffering under anxiety of mind and anguish of body
sufficient to exasperate the most patient, yet he restrained his
valiant and indignant spirit, by the strong powers of his mind,
and brought himself to forbear, and reason, and even to suppli-
cate ; nor should we fail to notice how free he was from all
feeling of revenge, how ready to forgive and forget, on the
least sign of repentance and atonement. He has been extolled
for his skill in controlling others ; but far greater praise is due
to him for his firmness in governing himself.
His natural benignity made him accessible to all kinds of
pleasurable sensations from external objects. In his letters
and journals, instead of detailing circumstances with the tech-
nical precision of a mere navigator, he notices the beauties of
nature with the enthusiasm of a poet cr a painter. As he
coasts the shores of the New World, the reader participates in
the enjoyment with which he describes in his imperfect but
picturesque Spanish, the varied objects around him ; the bland-
ness of the temperature, the purity of the atmosphere, the
fragrance of the air, 4k full of dew and sweetness," the verdure
of the forests, the magnificence of the trees, the grandeur of
the mountains, and the limpidity and freshness of the running
streams. New delight springs up for him in every scene. He
extols each new discovery as more beautiful than the last, and
each as the most beautiful in the world ; until, with his simple
earnestness, he tells the sovereigns that, having spoken so
highly of the preceding islands, he fears that they will not
credit him, when he declares that the one he is actually describ-
ing surpasses them all in excellence.
In the same ardent and unstudied way he expresses his emo-
tions on various occasions, readily affected by impulses of joy
or grief, of pleasure or indignation. When surrounded and
overwhelmed by the ingratitude and violence of worthless men,
he often, in the retirement of his cabin, gave way to bursts of
sorrow, and relieved his overladen heart by sighs and groans.
When he returned in chains to Spam, and came into the pres-
606 LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
ence of Isabella, instead of continuing the lofty pride with
which he had hitherto sustained his injuries, he was touchecl
with grief and tenderness at her sympathy, and burst forth into
sobs and tears. 4
He was devoutly pious : religion mingled with the whole
course of his thoughts and actions, and shone forth in his most
private and unstudied writings. Whenever he made any great
discovery, he celebrated it by solemn thanks to God. The
voice of prayer and melody of praise rose from his ships when
they first beheld the New World, and his first action on landing
was to prostrate himself upon the earth and return thanksgiv-
ings. Every evening the Salve Regina and other vesper hymns
were chanted by his crew, and masses were performed in the
beautiful groves bordering the wild shores of this heathen laud.
All his great enterprises were undertaken in the name of the
Holy Trinity, and he partook of the communion previous to
embarkation. He was a firm believer in the efficacy of vows
and penances and pilgrimages, and resorted to them in times of
difficulty and danger. The religion thus deeply seated in his
soul diffused a sober dignity and benign composure over his
whole demeanor. His language was pure and guarded, and free
from all imprecations, oaths and other irreverent expressions.
It cannot be denied, however, that his piety was mingled
with superstition, and darkened by the bigotry of the age.
He evidently concurred in the opinion, that all nations which
did not acknowledge the Christian faith were destitute of
natural rights ; that the sternest measures might be used for
their conversion, and the severest punishments inflicted upon
their obstinacy in unbelief. In this spirit of bigotry he consid-
ered himself justified in making captives of the Indians, and
transporting them to Spain to have them taught the doctrines of
Christianity, and in selling them for slaves if they pretended to
resist his invasions. In so doing he sinned against the natural
goodness of his character, and against the feelings which he
had originally entertained and expressed toward this gentle
and hospitable people ; but he was goaded on by the mercenary
impatience of the crown, and by the sneers of his enemies at
the unprofitable result of his enterprises. It is but justice to
his character to observe, that the enslavement of the Indians
thus taken in battle was at first openly countenanced by the
crown, and that, when the question of right came to be dis-
cussed at the entreat}' of the queen, several of the most distin-
guished jurists and theologians advocated the practice ; so that
the question was finally settled in favor of the Indians solely
LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 607
by the humanity of Isabella. As the venerable Bishop Las
Casas observes, where the most learned men have doubted, it is
not surprising that an unlearned mariner should err.
These remarks, in palliation of the conduct of Columbus, are
required by candor. It is proper to show him in connection
witli the age in which he lived, lest the errors of the times should
be considered as his individual faults. It is not the intention
of the author, however, to justify Columbus on a point where
it is inexcusable to err. Let it remain a blot on his illustrious
name, and let others derive a lesson from it.
We have already hinted at a peculiar trait in his rich and
varied character ; that ardent and enthusiastic imagination
which threw a magnificence over his whole course of thought,
lien-era intimates that he had a talent for poetry, and some
slight traces of it are on record in the book of prophecies
which he presented to the Catholic sovereigns. But his poetical
temperament is discernible throughout all his writings and in
all his actions. It spread a goldeii and glorious world around
him, and tinged every thing with its own gorgeous colors. It
betrayed him into visionary speculations, which subjected him
to the sneers and cavillings of men of cooler and safer, but more
grovelling minds. Such were the conjectures formed on the
coast of Paria about the form of the earth, and the situation of
the terrestrial paradise ; about the mines of Ophir in Hispaniola,
and the Aurea Chersonesus in Veragua ; and such was tlie
heroic scheme of a crusade for the recovery of the holy sepul-
chre. It mingled with his religion, and filled his mind with
solemn and visionary meditations on mystic passages of the
Scriptures, and the shadowy portents of the prophecies. It
exalted his office in his e}"es, and made him conceive himself
an agent sent forth upon a sublime and awful mission, subject
to impulses and supernatural intimations from the Deity ; such
ns the voice which he imagined spoke to him in comfort amidst
the troubles of Hispaniola and in the silence of the night on the
diastrous coast of Vcragua.
He was decidedly a visionary, but a visionary of an uncom-
mon and successful kind. The manner in which his ardent,
imaginative, and mercurial nature was controlled by a power-
ful judgment, and directed by an acute sagacity, is the most
extraordinary feature in his character. Thus governed, his
imagination, instead of exhausting itself in idle flights, lent aid
to his judgment, and enabled him to form conclusions at which
common minds could never have arrived, nay, which they could
not perceive when pointed out.
608 LIFE OF CUIilSTOPnER COLUMBUS.
To his intellectual vision it was given to read the signs of the
times, and to trace, in the conjectures and reveries of past
ages, the indications of an unknown world ; as soothsayers
were said to read predictions in the stars, and to foretell events
from the visions of the night. " His soul," observes a Spanish
writer, kk was superior to the age in which he lived. For him
was reserved the great enterprise of traversing that sea which
had given rise to so many fables, and of deciphering the mys-
tery of his time. 1
With all the visionary fervor of his imagination, its fondest
dreams fell short of the reality. He died in ignorance of the
real grandeur of his discover}'. Until his last breath he enter-
tained the idea that he had merely opened a new way to the
old resorts of opulent commerce, and had discovered some of
the wild regions of the East. He supposed Hispaniola to be the
ancient Ophir which had been visited by the. ships of Solomon,
and that Cuba and Terra Firma were but remote parts of A>i:i.
What visions of glory would have broken upon his mind
could he have known that he had indeed discovered a new
continent, equal to the whole of the Old World in magnitude,
and separated by two vast oceans from all the earth hitherto
known by civilized man ! And how would his magnanimous
spirit have been consoled, amidst the afflictions of age and the
cares of penury, the neglect of a fickle public and the injustice
of an ungrateful king, could he have anticipated the splendid
empires which were to spread over the beautiful world he had
discovered ; and the nations, and tongues, and languages which
were to fill its lands with his renown, and revere and bless his
name to the latest posterity !
* Cladera. luvestigacioues historias, p. 43.
APPENDIX.
No. I.
TRANSPORTATION OF THE REMAIN'S OF COLUMBUS FROM ST. DOMIIf-
OO TO THE HAVANA.
AT the termination of a war between France and Spain, in 1705, all the
Spanish possessions in the island of Hispaniola were ceded to France, by
tin- Uth article of the treaty of peace. To assist in the accomplishment of
this cession, a Spanish squadron was despatched to the island at the ap-
pointed time, commanded by Don Gabriel de Aristizabal, lieutenant-gen-
eral of the royal armada. On the 1 1th of December, 171)5, that commander
wrote to the field-marshal and governor, Don Joaquin Garcia, resident
at St. Domingo, that, being informed that the remains of the celebrated
admiral Don Christopher Columbus lay in the cathedral of that city, he
felt it incumbent on him as a Spaniard, and as Commander-in-chief of his
majesty's squadron of operations, to solicit the translation of the ashes
of that hero to the island of Cuba, which had likewise been discovered by
him, and where he had first planted the standard of the cross. He ex-
pressed a desire that this should be done officially, and with great care
and formality, that it might not remain in the power of any one, by a
careless transportation of these honored remains, to lose a relic connected
with an event which formed the most glorious epoch of Spanish history,
and that it might be manifested to all nations that Spaniards, notwith-
standing the laps.-* of ages, never ceased to pay all honors to the remains
of that " worthy and adventurous general of the seas;" nor abandoned
them, when the various public bodies, representing the Spanish dominion,
emigrated from the island. As be had not time, without great inconven-
ience, to consult the sovereign on this subject, he had recourse to the gov-
ernor, as -oyal vice-patron of the island, hoping that his solicitation might
be granted, and the remains of the admiral exhumed and conveyed to the
island of Cuba, in the ship San Lorenzo.
The generous wishes of this high-minded Spaniard met with warm con-
currence on the part of the governor. He informed him, in reply, that
the Duke of Veraguas, lineal successor of Columbus, had manifested the
same solicitude, and had sent directions that the necessary measures
should be taken at his expense; and had at the same time expressed a
wish that the bones of the Adelantado, Don Bartholomew Columbus,
should likewise be exhumed; transmitting inscriptions to be put upon the
sepulchres of both. He added, that although the king had given no
orders on the subject, yet the proposition being so accordant with the
grateful feelings oif the Spanish nation, and meeting with the concurrence
(KW
610 APPENDIX.
of all the authorities of the island, he was ready on his part to carry it
into execution.
The commandant-general Aristizabal then made a similar communica-
tion to the archbishop of Cuba, Don Fernando Portillo y Torres, whose
metropolis was then the city of St. Domingo, hoping to receive his coun-
tenance and aid in this pious undertaking.
The reply of the archbishop was couched in terms of high courtesy
toward the gallant commander, and deep reverence for the memory of
Columbus, and expressed a zeal in rendering this tribute of gratitude and
respect to the remains of one who had done so much for the glory of the
nation.
The persons empowered to act for the Duke of Veraguas, the venerable
dean and chapter of the cathedral, and all the other persons ami author-
ities to whom Don Gabriel de Aristizabal made similar communications,
manifested the same eagerness to assist in the performance of this solemn
and affecting rite.
The worthy commander Aristizabal, having taken all these preparatory
steps with great form and punctilio, so that the ceremony should be per-
formed in a public and striking manner, suitable to the fame of Columbus,
the whole was carried into effect with becoming pomp and solemnity.
On the 20th of December, 1795, the most distinguished persons of the
place, the dignitaries of the church, and civil and military officers, assem-
bled in the metropolitan cathedral. In the presence of this august
assemblage, a small vault was opened above the chancel, in the principal
wall on the right side of the high altar. Within were found the fragments
of a leaden coffin, a number of bones, and a quantity of mould, evidently
the remains of a human body. These were carefully collected and put
into a case of gilded lead, about half an ell in length and breadth, and a
third in height, secured by an iron lock, the key of which was delivered
to the archbishop. The case was enclosed in a coffin covered with black
velvet, and ornamented with lace and fringe of gold. The whole was
then placed in a temporary tomb or mausoleum.
On the following day there was another grand convocation at the cathe-
dral, when the vigils and masses for the dead were solemnly chanted by
the archbishop, accompanied by the commandant-general of the armada,
the Dominican and Franciscan friars, and the friars of the Order of Mercy,
together with the rest of the distinguished assemblage. After this a fun-
eral sermon was preached by the archbishop.
On the same day, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the coffin was trans-
ported to the ship with the utmost state and ceremony, with a civil, re-
ligious, and military procession, banners wrapped in mourning, chants
and responses and discharges of artillery. The most distinguished per-
sons of the several order took turn to support the coffin. The key was
taken with great formality from the hands of the archbishop by the gov-
ernor, and given into the hands of the commander of the armada, to be
delivered by him to the governor of the Havana, to be held in deposit
until the pleasure of the king should be known. The coffin was received
on board of a brigantine called the Discoverer, which, with all the other
shipping, displayed mourning signals, and saluted the remains with the
honors paid to an admiral.
From the port of St. Domingo the coffin was conveyed to the bay of
Ocoa and there transferred to the ship San Lorenzo. It was accompanied
by a portrait of Columbus, sent from Spain by the Duke of Veraguas, to
be suspended close by the place where the remains of his illustrious an-
cestor should be deposited.
The ship immediately made sail, and arrived at Havana, in Cuba, on
APPENDIX. 611
the loth of January, 1796. Here the same deep feeling of reverence to
the memory of the discoverer was evinced. The principal authorities
repaired on board of the ship, accompanied by the superior naval and
military officers. Every thing was conducted with the same circum-
stantial and solemn ceremonial. The remains were removed with great
reverence, and placed in a felucca, in which they were conveyed to land
in the midst of a procession of three columns of feluccas and boats iu
the royal service, all properly decorated, containing distinguished military
and ministerial officers. Two feluccas followed, in one of which was a
marine guard of honor, with mourning banners and muffled drums; and
in the other were the commandant-general, the principal minister of
marine, and the military staff. In passing the vessels of war in the
harbor, they all paid the honors due to an admiral and captain-general
of the navy. On arriving at the mole the remains were met by the
governor of the island, accompanied by the generals and the military
staff. The coffin was then conveyed, between files of soldiery which
lined the streets, to the obelisk, in the place of arms, where it was re-
ceived in a hearse prepared for the purpose. Here the remains were for-
mally delivered to the governor and captain-general of the island, the key
given up to him, the coffin opened and examined, and the safe transporta-
tion of its contents authenticated. This ceremony being concluded, it
was conveyed in grand procession and with the utmost pomp to the cathe-
dral. Masses and the solemn ceremonies of the dead were performed by
the bishop, and the mortal remains of Columbus deposited with great
reverence in the wall on the right side of the grand altar. " All these
honors and ceremonies." says the document, from whence this notice is
digested, 1 " were attended by the ecclesiastical and seculai dignitaries, the
Eublic bodies and all the nobility and gentry of Havana, in proof of the
igh estimation and respectful remembrance in which they held the hero
who had discovered the Xew World, and had been the first to plant the
standard of the cross on that island."
This is the last occasion that the Spanish nation has had to testify its
feelings toward the memory of Columbus, and it is with deep satisfaction
that the author of this work has been able to cite at large a ceremonial
so solemn, affecting, and noble in its details, and so honorable to the
national character.
When we read of the remains of Columbus, thus conveyed from the
port of St. Domingo, after an interval of nearly three hundred years, as
sacred national relics, with civic and military pomp, and high religious
ceremonial; the most dignified and illustrious men striving who most
should pay them reverence, we cannot but reflect that it was from this
very port he was carried off loaded with ignominious chains, blasted
apparently in fame and fortune, and followed by the revilings of the
nibble. Such honors, it is true, are nothing to the dead, nor can they
atone to the heart, now dust and ashes, for all the wrongs and sorrows
it may have suffered ; but they speak volumes of comfort to the illustrious,
yet slandered an 1 persecuted living, encouraging them bravely to bear
with present injuries, by showing them how true merit outlives all
calumny, and receives its glorious reward in the admiration of after
ages.
1 Navarrete, Colec., torn. ii. p. 3*55.
612 APPENDIX.
No. II.
NOTICE OF THE DESCENDANTS OF COLUMBUS.
Ox the death of Columbus his son Diego succeeded to his rights, as
viceroy and governor of the New World, according to the express capitu-
lations between the sovereigns and his father. He appears by the
general consent of historians to have been a man of great integrity, of
respectable talents, and of a frank and generous nature. Herrera speaks
repeatedly of the gentleness and urbanity of his manners, and pronounces
him of a noble disposition, and without deceit. This absence of all
guile frequently laid him open to the stratagems of crafty men, grown old
in deception, who rendered his life a continued series of embarrassments;
but the probity of his character, with the irresistible power of truth, bore
him through difficulties in which more politic and subtle men would
have been entangled and completely lost.
Immediately after the death of the admiral, Don Diego came forward
as lineal successor, and urged the restitution of the family offices and
privileges, which had been suspended during the latter years of h;s
father's life. If the cold and wary Ferdinand, however, could forget his
obligations of gratitude and justice to Columbus, he had less difficulty in
turning a deaf ear to the solicitations of his son. For two years Don
Diego pressed his suit with fruitless diligence. He felt the apparent
distrust of the monarch the more sensibly, from having been brought up
under his eye, as a page in the royal household, where his character
ought to be well known and appreciated. At length, on the return of
Ferdinand from Naples in 150S, he put to him a direct question, with the
frankness attributed to his character He demanded " why his majesty
would not grant to him as a favor, that which was his right, and why he
hesitated to confide in the fidelity of one who had been reared in his
house." Ferdinand replied that he could fully confide in him, but could
not repose so great a trust at a venture in his children and successors
To this Don Diego rejoined, that it was contrary to all justice and reason
to make him suffer for the sins of his children, who might never be
born. 1
.Still, though he had reason and justice on his side, the young admiral
found it impossible to bring the wary monarch to a compliance. Finding
all appeal to all his ideas of equity or sentiments of generosity in vain,
he solicited permission to pursue his claim in the ordinary course of
law. The king could not refuse so reasonable a request, and Don Diego
commenced a process against King Ferdinand before the council of the
Indies, founded on the repeated capitulations between the crown and his
father, and embracing all the dignities and immunities ceded by them.
One ground of opposition to these claims was, that if the capitulation,
made by the sovereigns in 1492, had granted a perpetual viceroyally to
the admiral and his heirs, such grant could not stand ; being contrary
to the interests of the state, and to an express law promulgated in Toledo
in 1480 ; wherein it was ordained that no office, involving the adminis-
tration of justice, should be given in perpetuity; that therefore, the vice-
royalty granted to the admiral could only have been for his life; and
that even, during that term, it had justly been taken from him for his
misconduct. That such concessions were contrary to the inherent pre-
1 Herrera, Hist. Intl., de-cad, ii. lib. vii. cap. 4.
APPENDIX. 613
rogatives of the crown, of which the government could not divest itself.
To tliis Don Diego replied, that as to the validity of the capitulation, it
was a binding contract, and none of its privileges ought to be restricted.
That as by royal schedules dated in Villa Franca, June 2d, 1506, and Alma-
zan, August. 28th, 1507, it had been ordered that he, Don Diego, should
receive the tenths, so equally ought the other privileges to he accorded to
him. As to the allegation that his father had been deprived of his vice-
royalty for his demerits, it was contrary to all truth. It had been auda-
city on [he part of Bobadilla to send him a prisoner to Spain in 1500, and
contrary to the will and command of the sovereigns, as was proved by
their letter, dated from Valencia de la Torre in 1502, in which they
expressed grief at his arrest, and assured him that it should be redressed,
and his privileges guarded entire to himself and his children. 1
This memorable suit was commenced in 1508, and continued for several
years. In the course of it the claims of Don Diego were disputed, like-
wise, on the plea that his father was not the original discoverer of Terra
Firma, but only subsequently of certain portions of it. This, however,
was completely controverted by overwhelming testimony. The claims of
Don Diego were minutely discussed and rigidly examined, and the
unanimous decision of the Council of the Indies in his favor, while it
reflected honor on the justice and independence of that body, silenced
many petty cavilers at the fair fame of Columbus. 2 Notwithstanding
this decision, the wily monarch wanted neither means nor pretexts to
delay the ceding of such vast powers, so repugnant to his cautious
policy The young admiral was finally indebted for his success in this
suit to previous success attained in a suit of a different nature. He had
become enamoured of Dofia Maria de Toledo, daughter of Fernando de
Toledo, grand commander of Leon, and niece to Don Fadrique Toledo,
the celebrated Duke of Alva, chief favorite of the king. This was aspir-
ing to a high connection The father and uncle of the lady were the
most powerful grandees of the proud kingdom of Spain, and cousins
German to Ferdinand. The glory, however, which Columbus had left
behind, rested upon his children, and the claims of Don Diego, recently
confirmed by the council, involved dignities and wealth sufficient to
raise him to a level with the loftiest alliance. He found no difficulty in
obtaining the hand of the lady, and thus was the foreign family of
Columbus ingrafted on one of the proudest races of Spain. The
natural consequences followed. Diego had secured that magical power
called "connections;" and the favor of Ferdinand, which had been so
long withheld from him, as the son of Columbus, shone upon him,
though coldly, as the nephew of the Duke of Alva. The father and
uncle of his bride succeeded, though with great difficulty, in conquering
the repugnance of the monarch, and after all he but granted in part the
justice they required. He ceded to Don Diego merely the dignities and
powers enjoyed by Nicholas de Ovando, who was recalled, and he
cautiously withheld the title of viceroy.
The recall of Ovando was not merely a measure to make room for Don
Diego; it was the tardy performance of a promise made to Isabella on her
death-bed. The expiring queen had demanded it as a punishment for
the massacre of her poor Indian subjects at Xaragua, and the cruel and
ignominious execution of the female cacique Anacaona. Thus retribu-
tion was continually going its rounds in the checkered destinies of this
i Extracts from the minutes of the process taken by the historian Munoz, MS.
s Kiinher meutiou will be fouud of this lawsuit iu the article relative to Amerigo
Vespucci.
614 APPENDIX.
island, which has ever presented a little epitome of human history, its
errors and crimes, and consequent disasters.
In complying with the request of the queen, however, Ferdinand was
favorable toward Ovando. He did not feel the same generous sympathies
with his late consort, and, however Ovando had sinned against humanity
in his treatment of the Indians, he had been a vigilant officer, and his
very oppressions had in general proved profitable to the crown. Ferdi-
nand directed that the fleet which took out the new governor should
return under the command of Ovando, and that he should retain undis-
turbed enjoyment of any property or Indian slaves that might be found
in his possession. Some have represented Ovando as a man far from
mercenary; that the wealth wrung from the miseries of the natives was
for his sovereign, not for himself; and it is intimated that one secret cause
of his disgrace was his having made an enemy of the all-powerful and
unforgiving Fonseca. 1
The new admiral embarked at St. Lucar, June Oth, 1509, with his wife,
his brother L)on Fernando, who was now grown to man's estate, and had
been well educated, and his two uncles, Don Bartholomew and Don Diego.
They were accompanied by a numerous retinue of cavaliers, with their
wives, and of young ladies of rank and family, more distinguished, it is
hinted, for high blood than large fortune, and who were sent out to find
wealthy husbands in the New World.' 2
Though the king had not granted Don Diego the dignity of viceroy, the
title was generally given to him by courtesy, and his wife was universally
addressed by that of vice-queen.
Don Diego commenced his rule with a degree of splendor hitherto un-
known in the colony. The vice-queen, who was a lady of great desert,
surrounded by the noble cavaliers and the young ladies of family who had
come in her retinue, established a sort of court, which threw a degree of
lustre over the half-savage island. The young ladies were soon married
to the wealthiest colonists, and contributed greatly to soften those rude
manners which had grown up in a state of society hitherto destitute of
the salutary restraint and pleasing decorum produced by female influence.
Don Diego had considered his appointment in the light of a viceroyalty,
but the king soon took measures which showed that he admitted of no
such pretension. Without any reference to Don Diego, he divided the
coast of Darien into two great provinces, separated by an imaginary line
running through the Gulf of Uraba, appointing Alonso de Ojeda govern-
or of the eastern province, which he called New Andalusia, and Diego de
Nicuessa, governor of the western province, which included the rich coast
of Veragua. and which he called Castilla del Oro, or Golden Castile. Had
the monarch been swayed by principles of justice and gratitude, the settle-
ment of this coast would have been given to the Adelantado, Don Bar-
tholomew Columbus, who had assisted in the discovery of the country,
and, together with his brother the admiral, had suffered so greatly in the
enterprise. Even his superior abilities for the task should have pointed
him out to the policy of the monarch; but the cautious and calculating
Ferdinand knew the lofty spirit of the AdelantaJo, and that he would be
disposed to demand high and dignified terms. He passed him by, there-
fore, and preferred more eager and accommodating adventurers.
Don Diego was greatly aggrieved at this measure, thus adopted without
his participation or knowledge. He justly considered it an infringement
of the capitulations granted and repeatedly confirmed to his father and
' Charlevoix, ut supra, v. i. p. 271, id. 274.
2 L,UI> t.'it.-aft, lib. ii. cup. 49, MS.
APPENDIX. 615
his heirs. He had farther vexations and difficulties with respect to the
government of the island of St. Juan, or Porto Rico, which was con-
quered and settled about this time; but after a variety of cross purposes,
the officers whom he appointed were ultimately recognized by the crown.
Like his father, he had to contend with malignant factions in his gov-
ernment; for the enemies of the father transferred their enmity to the
son. There was one Miguel Pasamonte, the king's treasurer, who be-
came his avowed enemy, under the support and chiefly at the instigation
of the Bishop Fonseca, who continued to the son the implacable hostility
which he hail manifested to the father. A variety of trivial circumstances
contributed to embroil him with some of the petty officers of the colony,
and there was a remnant of -the followers of Roldan who arrayed them-
selves against him. 1
Two factions soon arose in the island; one of the admiral, the other of
the treasurer Pasamonte. The latter affected to call themselves the party
of the king. They gave all possible molestation to Don Diego, and sent
home the most virulent and absurd misrepresentations of his conduct.
Among others, they represented a large house with many windows which
he was building, as intended for a fortress, and asserted that he had a
design to make himself sovereign of the island. King Ferdinand, who
was now advancing in years, had devolved the affairs of the Indies in a
great measure on Fonseca,' 2 who had superintended them from the first,
and he was greatly guided by the advice of that prelate, which was not
likely to be favorable to the descendants of Columbus. The complaints
from the colonies were so artfully enforced, therefore, that he established
in 1")10 a sovereign court at St. Domingo, called the royal audience, to
which an appeal might be made from all sentences of the admiral, even
in cases reserved hitherto exclusively for the crown. Don Diego con-
sidered this a suspicious and injurious measure intended to demolish his
authority.
Frank, open, and unsuspicious, the young admiral was not formed for
a contest with the crafty politicians arrayed against him, who were ready
and adroit in seizing upon his slightest errors, and magnifying them into
crimes. Difficulties were multiplied in his path which it was out of his
power to overcome. He had entered upon office full of magnanimous
intentions, determined to put an end to oppression, and correct all abuses;
all good men therefore had rejoiced at his appointment; but he soon found
that he had overrated his strength, and undervalued the difficulties await-
ing him. He calculated from his own good heart, but he had no idea of
the wicked hearts of others. He was opposed to the repartimientos of
Indians, that source of all kinds of inhumanity; but he found all the men
of wealth in the colony, and most of the important persons of the court,
interested in maintaining them. He perceived that the attempt to abolish
them would be dangerous, and the result questionable; at the same time
this abuse was the source of immense profit to himself. Self-interest,
therefore, combined with other considerations, and what at first appeared
difficult, seemed presently impracticable. The reparlimientos continued
in the state in which he found them, excepting that he removed such of
the superintendents as had been cruel and oppressive, and substituted
men of his own appointment, who probably proved equally worthless.
His friends were disappointed, his enemies encouraged; a hue and cry
was raised against him by the friends of those he had displaced; and it
was even said that if Ovando had not died about this time, he would have
been sent out to supplant Don Diego.
> Hen-era, decad. i. lib. vii. cap. 12. 2 Ibid.
616 APPENDIX.
The subjugation and settlement of the Island of Cuba, in 1510, was a
fortunate event in the administration of the present admiral. He con-
gratulated King Ferdinand on having acquired the largest and most beau-
tiful island in the world without losing a single man. The intelligence
was highly acceptable to the king; but it was accompanied by a "great
number of complaints against the admiral. Little affection as Ferdinand
felt for Don Diego, he was still aware that most of these representations
were false, and had their origin in the jealousy and envy of his enemies.
He judged it expedient, however, in 1512, to send out Don Bartholomew
Columbus with minute instructions to his nephew the admiral.
Don Bartholomew still retained the office of Adelantado of the Indies-,
although Ferdinand, through selfish motiv.es, detained him in Spain,
while he employed inferior men in voyages of discovery. He now added
to his appointments the property and government of the little island of
Mona during life, and assigned him a repartimiento of two hundred In-
dians, with the superintendence of the mines which might be discovered
in Cuba; an office which proved very lucrative. 1
Among the instructions given by the king to Don Diego, he directed
that, in consequence of the representations of the Dominican friars, the
labor of the natives should be reduced to one-third; that negro slaves
should be procured from Guinea as a relief to the Indians,- and that
Carib slaves should be branded on the leg, to prevent other Indians from
being confounded with them and subjected to harsh treatment. 3
The two governors, Ojeda and Nicuessa, whom the king had appointed
to colonize and command at the Isthmus of Darien, in Terra Firma, hav-
ing failed in their undertaking, the sovereign, in 1514, wrote to Hispaniola,
permitting the Adelantado, "Don Bartholomew, if so inclined, to take
charge of settling the coast of Veragua, and to govern that country under
the admiral Don Diego conformably to his privileges. Had the king con-
sulted his own interest, and the deference due to the talents and services
of the Adelantado, this measure would have been taken at an earlier date.
It was now too late: illness prevented Don Bartholomew from executing
the enterprise, and his active and toilsome life was drawing to a close.
Many calumnies having been sent home to Spain by Pasamonte and
other enemies of Don Diego, and various measures being taken by gov-
ernment, which he conceived derogatory to his dignity, and injurious to
his privileges, he requested and obtained permission to repair to court,
that he might explain and vindicate his conduct. He departed, accord-
ingly, on April 9th, 1515, leaving the Adelantado with the vice-queen
Doiia Maria. He was received with great honor by the king, and he merited
such a reception. He had succeeded in every enterprise he had under-
taken or directed. The pearl fishery had been successfully established on
the coast of Cubagua; the islands of Cuba and of Jamaica had been sub-
jected and brought under cultivation without bloodshed; his conduct as
governor had been upright; and he had only excited the representations
made against him, by endeavoring to lessen the oppression of the natives.
The king ordered that all processes against him in the court of appeal
and elsewhere, for damages done to individuals in regulating the reparti-
mientos, should be discontinued, and the cases sent to himself for con-
sideration. But with all these favors, as the admiral claimed a share of
the profits of the provinces of Castilladel Oro, saying that it was discovered
by his father, as the names of its places, such as Nombre de Dios, Porto
Bello, and el Hetrete. plainly proved, the king ordered that interrogato-
1 Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, p. :5'21.
1 Herreru, Ili.-t. lud., dec-ad, i. lib. ix. cap. 5. 3 Ibid.
APPENDIX. 617
rios should be made among the mariners who had sailed witli Christopher
Columbus, in the hope of proving that he had not discovered the coast of
Darien nor the Gulf of Uraba. "Thus," adds Herrera, " Don Diego was
always involved in litigations with the fiscal, so that he might truly say
that he was heir to the troubles of his father." 1
Not long after the departure of Don Diego from St Domingo, his uncle,
Don Bartholomew, ended his active and laborious life. No particulars
are given of his death, nor is there mention made of his age, which must
have been advanced. King Ferdinand is said to have expressed great con-
cern at the event, for he had a high opinion of the character and talents
of the Adelantado: "a man," says Herrera, "of not less worth than his
brother the admiral, and who if he had been employed, would have given
great proofs of it; for he was an excellent seaman, valiant and of great
heart."' 2 Charlevoix attributes the inaction in which Don Bartholomew
had been suffered to remain for several years, to the jealousy and parsi-
mony of the king. He found the house already too powerful; and the
Adelantado, had he discovered Mexico, was a man to make as good con-
ditions as had been made by the admiral his brother. 8 It was said, ob-
served Herrera, that the king rather preferred to employ him in his
European affairs, though it could only have been to divert him from other
objects. On his death the king resumed to himself the island of Mona,
which he had given to him for life, and transferred his repartiniienlo of
two hundred Indians to the vice-queen Dofia Maria.
While the admiral Don Diego was pressing for an audience in his vindi-
cation at court, King Ferdinand died, on the 23d of January, 1516. His
grandson and successor, Prince Charles, afterward the Emperor Charles
V., was in Flanders. The government rested for a time with Cardinal
Ximcnes, who would not undertake to decide on the representations and
claims of the admiral. It was not until 1520 that he obtained from the
Emperor Charles V. a recognition of his innocence of all the charges
against him. The emperor finding that what Pasamonte and his party
had written were notorious calumnies, ordered Don Diego to resume his
charge, although the process with the fiscal was still pending, and that
Pasamonte should be written to, requesting him to forget all past passions
and differences, and to enter into amicable relations with Don Diego.
Among other acts of indemnification he acknowledged his right to exer-
cise his office of viceroy and governor in the island of Hispaniola. and in
all parts discovered by his father. 4 His authority was, however, much
diminished by new regulations, and a supervisor appointed over him with
the right to give information to the council against him, but with no
other powers. Don Diego sailed in the beginning of September, 15^0,
and on his arrival at St. Domingo, finding that several of the governors,
presuming on his long absence, had arrogated to themselves independ-
ence, and had abused their powers, he immediately sent persons to super-
sede them, and demanded an account of their administration. This
made him a host of active and powerful enemies both in the colonies and
in Spain.
Considerable changes had taken place in the island of Hispaniola dur-
ing the absence of the admiral. The mines had fallen into neglect, the
cultivation of the sugar-cane having been found a more certain source of
wealth. It became a by-word in Spain that the magnificent palaces
1 TTerrera, TIM. Tnd.,decad ii. lib. ii. cap. 7.
* Ibid., decad. i lib. x. cap. 16.
3 Charlevoix, Hint. St Dumingo, lib. 5.
lien-era, Hist. IuU., decad. ii. lib. ix. cap. 7.
618 APPENDIX.
erected by Charles V. at Madrid and Toledo were built of the sugar of
Hispaniola. Slaves had been imported in great numbers from Africa,
being found more serviceable in the culture of the cane than the feeble
Indians. The treatment of the poor negroes was cruel in the extreme;
and they seem to have had no advocates even among the humane. The
slavery of the Indians had been founded on the right of the strong: but
it was thought that the negroes, from their color, were born to slavery;
and that from being bought and sold in their own country, it was their
natural condition. Though a patient and enduring race, the barbarities
inflicted on them at length roused them to revenge, and on the 27th of
December, 1522, there was the first African revolt in Hispaniola. It be-
gan in a sugar plantation of the Admiral Don Diego, where about twenty
slaves, joined by an equal number from a neighboring plantation, got
possession of arms, rose on their superintendents, massacred them, and
sallied forth upon the country. It was their intention to pillage certain
plantations, to kill the whites, re enforce themselves by freeing their coun-
trymen, and either to possess themselves 'of the town of Agua, or to
escape to the mountains.
Don Diego set out from St. Domingo in search of the rebels, followed
by several of the principal inhabitants. On the second day he stopped
on the banks of the River Nizao to rest his party and suffer re-enforce-
ments to overtake him. Here one Melcher de Castro, who accompanied
the admiral, learned that the negroes had ravaged his plantation, sacked
his house, killed one of his men. and carried off his Indian slaves. With-
out asking leave of the admiral, he departed in the night with two com-
panions, visited his plantation, found all in confusion, and pursuing the
negroes, sent to the admiral for aid Eight horsemen were hastily des-
patched to his assistance, armed with bucklers and lances, and having
six of the infantry mounted behind them. De Castro had three horsemen
beside this re-enforcement, and at the head of this little band overtook
the negroes at break of day. The insurgents put themselves in battle
array, armed with stones and Indian spears, and uttering loud shouts and
outcries. The Spanish horsemen braced their bucklers, couched their
lances, and charged them at full speed. The negroes were soon routed,
and fled to the rocks, leaving six dead and several wounded. De Castro
also was wounded in the arm. The admiral coming up, assisted in the
pursuit of the fugitives. As fast as they were taken they were handed
on the nearest trees, and remained suspended as spectacles of terror to
their countrymen. This prompt severity checked all further attempts
at revolt among the African slaves. 1
In the mean time the various enemies whom Don Diego had created,
both in the colonies and in Spam, were actively and successfully em-
ployed. His old antagonist, the treasurer Pasamonte, had charged him
with usurping almost all the powers of the royal audience, and with
having given to the royal declaration, re-establishing him in his office of
viceroy, an extent never intended by the sovereign. These representa-
tions had weight at court, and in l.">2:3 Don Diego received a most severe
letter from the Council of the Indies, charging him with the various
abuses and excesses alleged against him, and commanding him, on pain
of forfeiting all his privileges and titles, to revoke the innovations he had
made, and restore things to their former state. To prevent any plea of
ignorance of this mandate, the royal audience was enjoined to promulgate
it and to call upon all persons to conform to it, and to see that it was
properly obeyed. The admiral received also a letter from the council,
1 llerrcra, HUt. lud., tlecuU. In. lib. iv. cup. 9.
APPENDIX. 619
Informing him that his presence was necessary in Spain, to give informa-
tion of the foregoing matters, and advice relative to the reformation of
various abuses, and to the treatment and preservation of the Indians; he
was requested, therefore, to repair to court without waiting for further
orders.'
Don Diego understood this to he a peremptory recall, and oheyed ac-
cordingly. On his arrival in Spain, he immediately presented himself
before the court at Victoria, with the frank and fearless spirit of an up-
right man. and pleaded his cause so well that the sovereign and council
acknowledged his innocence on all the points of accusation. He con-
vinced them, moreover, of the exactitude with which he had discharged
his duties: of his zeal for the public good, and the glory of the crown;
and that all the representations against him rose from the jealousy and
enmity of ^asamonte and other royal officers in the colonies, who were
impatient of any superior authority in the island to restrain them.
Having completely established his innocence, and exposed the calum-
nies of his enemies, Don Diego trusted that he wotild soon obtain justice
as to all his claims. As these however, involved a participation in the
profits of vast and richly productive provinces, he experienced the delays
and difficulties usual with such demands, for it is only when justice costs
nothing that it is readily rendered. His earnest solicitations at length ob
tamed an order from the emperor, that a commission should be formed,
composed of the grand chancellor, the Friar Loyasa, confessor to the
emperor, and president of the royal Council of the Indies, and a number
of other distinguished personages. They were to inquire into the various
points in dispute between the admiral and the fiscal, and into the pro-
ceedings which had taken place in the Council of the Indies, with the
power of determining what justice required in the case.
The affair, however, was protracted to such a length, and accompanied
by so many toils, vexations, and disappointments, that .the unfortunate
D:ego, like his father, died in the pursuit. For two years he had followed
the court from city to city, during its migrations from Victoria to Burgos,
Valladolid, Madrid and Toledo. In the winter of Io25, the emperor set
out from Toledo for Seville. The admiral undertook to follow him,
though his constitution was broken by fatigue and vexation, and he was
wasting un.ler the attack of a slow fever. Oviedo, the historian, saw him
at Toledo two days before his departure, and joined with his friends in
endeavoring to dissuade him from a journey in such a state of health,
and at such a season. Their persuasions were in vain. Don Diego was
not aware of the extent of his malady: he told them that he should repair
to Seville by the Church of our Lady of Guadaloupe, to offer up his
devotions at that shrine; and he trusted, through the intercession of the
mother of God, soon to be restored to health. 2 He accordingly left Toledo
in a litter on the 21st of February, 152<>, having previously confessed and
taken the communion, and arrived the same day at Montalvan, distant
abou', six leagues. There his illness increased to such a degree that he
saw his end approaching. He employed the following day in arranging
the affairs of his conscience, and expired on February 23d. being little
more than fifty years of age, his premature death having been hastened
by the grii-fs and troubles "he had experienced. " lie was worn out," says
Herrera, "by following up his claims, and defending himself from the
calumnies of his competitors, who, with many stratagems and devices,
sought to obscure the glory of the father and the virtue of the son." 3
1 rifn-oni, Hist IIK)., di-ond. lib. v. cap. 4.
* Churicvuix, Lliot sit Uoiuiugo, lib. vi. 3 Ilcrreru, decau. iii. lib. via. cap. 15.
620 APPENDIX.
We havo seen how the discovery of the New World rendered the residue
of the life of Columbus a tissue of wrongs, hardships and alllictions, and
how the jealousy and enmity he had awakened were inherited by his son.
It remains to show briefly in what degree the anticipations of perpetuity,
wealth, and honor to his family were fulfilled.
When Don Diego Columbus died, his wife and family were at St.
Domingo. lie left two sons, Luis and Christopher, and three daughters
Maria, who afterwards married Don Sancho de Cardono; .Juana, who
married Don Luis de Cueva; and Isabella, who married Don George of
Portugal, Count of Gelves. He had also a natural son named Christo-
pher. 1
Charlevoix mentions another son called Diego, and calls one of the
daughters Phillipine. Spotorno says that the daughter Maria took (he
veil; confounding her with a niece. These are trivial errors, merely
noticed to avoid the imputation of inaccuracy. The account of the de-
scendants of Columbus here given, accords with a genealogical tree of
the family, produced before the Council of the Indies in a great lawsuit
for the estates.
After the death of Don Diego, his nohle-spirited vice-queen, left with
a number of young children, endeavored to assert and maintain the rights
of the family. Understanding that, according to the privileges accorded
to Christopher Columbus, they had a just claim to the viceroyalty of the
province of Veragua, as having been discovered by him, she demanded a
license from the royal audience of Ilispaniola, to recruit men and tit out
an armada to colonize that country. This the audience refused, and sent
information of the demand to the emperor. He replied that the vice-
queen should be kept in suspense until the justice of her claim could be
ascertained; as, although he had at various times given commis.sions to
different persons to examine the doubts and objections which had been
opposed by the fiscal, no decision had ever been made. 2 The enterprise
thus contemplated by the vice-queen was never carried into effect.
Shortly afterwards she sailed for Spain, to protect the claim of her eld-
est son, Don Luis, then six years of age. Charles V. was absent, but she
was most graciously received by the empress. The title of admiral of the
Indies was immediately conferred on her son, Don Luis, and the emperor
augmented his revenues, and conferred other favors on the family.
Charles V., however, could never be prevailed on to give Don Luis the
title of viceroy, although that dignity had been decreed to his father, a
few years previous to his death, as an hereditary right. 3
In 15:>8 the young admiral, Don Luis, then about eighteen years of age,
was at court, having instituted proceedings before the proper tribunals
for the recovery of the viceroyalty. Two years afterward the suit was
settled by arbitration, his uncle Don Fernando and Cardinal Loyasa,
president of the Council of the Indies, being umpires. By a compromise
Don Luis was declared captain-general of Ilispaniola, but with such
limitations that it was little better than a bare title. Don Luis sailed for
Ilispaniola, but did not remain there long. He found his dignities and
privileges mere sources of vexation, and finally entered into a compro-
mise, which relieved himself and gratified the emperor. He gave up all
pretensions to the viceroyalty of the New World, receiving in its stead the
titles of Duke of Veragua and Marquis of Jamaica. 4 He commuted also
1 Memorial adjustado eobre ol eetado de Veragua.
2 Horrent, decad. iv. lib. ii. cap. 6.
Cliarlevoix, Ili-'t. !St. Domingo, lib. vi. p. 443.
* Ibid., loiii. I. lib. vi. p. 440.
A PPENDIX. 621
the claim to the tenth of the produce of the Indies for a pension of one
thousand doubloons of gold. 1
Don Luis did not long enjoy the substitution of a certain, though
moderate, revenue for a magnificent but unproductive claim. He died
shortly afterward, leaving no other male issue than an illegitimate son,
named Christopher. He left two daughters by his wife, Dofia Maria de
Mosquera, one named Phillippa, and the other Maria, which last became
a nun in the convent of St. Quirce, at Valladolid.
Don Luis having no legitimate son, was succeeded by his nephew
Diego, son to his brother Christopher. A litigation took place between
this young heir and his cousin Phillippa, daughter of the late Don Luis.
The convent of bt. Quirce also put in a claim, on behalf of its inmate,
Dona Maria, who ha.l taken the veil. Christopher, natural son to Don
Luis, likewise became a prosecutor in the suit, but was set aside on
account of his illegitimacy. Don Diego and his cousin Phillippa soon
thought it better to join claims and persons in wedlock, than to pursue a
tedious contest. They were married, and their union was happy, though
not fruitful. Diego died without issue in 1578, and with him the legiti-
mate male line of Columbus became extinct.
One of the most important lawsuits that the world has ever witnessed
now arose for the estates and dignities descended from the great discov-
erer. Don Diego had two sisters, Francisca and Maria, the former of
whom, and the children of the latter, advanced their several claims. To
these parties was added Bernard Colombo of Cogoleto, who claimed as
lineal descendant from Bartholomew Columbus, the Adelantado, brother
to th*; discoverer. He was, however, pronounced ineligible, as the Ade-
lantado hail no acknowledged, and certainly no legitimate offspring.
Baldassa, or Balthazar Colombo, of the house of Cuccaro and Conzano,
in the dukedom of Montferrat, in Piedmont, was an active and persever-
ing claimant. He came from Italy into -Spain, where he devoted himself
for many years to the prosecution of this suit. He produced a genealogical
tree of his family, in which was contained one Domenico Colombo, Lord
of Cuccaro, whom he maintained to be the identical father of Christopher
Columbus, the admiral. He proved that this Domenico was living at the
requisite era, and produced many witnesses who hail heard that the navi-
gator was born in the castle of Cuccaro; whence, it was added, he and his
two brothers had eloped at an early age, and had never returned.' 2 A
monk is also mentioned among the witnesses, who made oath that
Christopher and his brothers were born in that castle of Cuccaro. This
testimony was afterward withdrawn by the prosecutor; as it was found
that the monk's recollection must have extended back considerably up-
ward of a century. 3 The claim of Balthazar was negatived. His proofs
that Christopher Columbus was a native of Cuccaro were rejected, as
only hearsay, or traditionary evidence. His ancestor Domenico, it ap-
peared from his own showing, died in 1456; whereas it was established
that Domenico, the father of the admiral, was living upward of thirty
years after that date.
The cause was finally decided by the Council of the Indies, on the
second of Deceinl>pr, 1(M)8. The male line was declared to be extinct.
Don Xufio or Nuguo Gelves de Portugallo was put in possession, and
became Duke of Veragua. He was grandson to Isabella, third daughter
of Don Diego (son of the discoverer) by his vice-queen, Dona Maria de
i Ppotorno, Hi*t. Colom., p. V23.
* Bot<i. flist. Colomb. Di*nert., p. 67.
* Ibid., Divert, on the Country of Columbus, p. 63.
622 APPENDIX.
Toledo. The descendants of the two elder sisters of Isabella bad a prior
claim, but their lines became extinct previous to tins decision of the suit.
The Isabella just named bad married Don George of 1'ortugal, Count
of Gelves. "Thus," says Charlevoix, ** the dignities and wealth of
Columbus passed into a branch of the 1'ortugiiese house of Braganza, es-
tablished in Spain, of which the heirs are entitled De Portu'/atlo, Colon,
Duke de I'eruyun, Marques de la Jamaica, y Almirante de Ian India*. 1
The suit of Balthazar Colombo of Cuccaro was rejected under three
different forms, by the Council of the Indies: and his application for an
allowance of support, under the legacy of Columbus, in favor of poor
relations, was also refused: although the other parties had assented to
the demand.' 2 He died in Spain, where he had resided many years in
prosecution of this suit. His son returned to Italy persisting in the
validity of his claim: he said that it was in vain to seek justice in Spain;
they were too much interested to keep those dignities and estates among
themselves; but he gave out that he had received twelve thousand doub-
loons in gold in compromise from the other parties. Spotorno, under
sanction of Ignazio de Giovanni, a learned canon, treats this assertion as
a bravado, to cover his defeat, being contradicted by his evident poverty. i
The family of Cuccaro, however, still maintain their right, and express
great veneration for the memory of their illustrious ancestor, the admiral;
and travellers occasionally visit their old castle in Piedmont with great
reverence, as the birthplace of the discoverer of the New World.
No. III.
FERNANDO COLUMBUS.
FERNAXDO COLUMBUS (or Colon, as he is called in Spain), the natural
son and historian of the admiral, was born in Cordova. There is an
uncertainty about the exact time of his birth. According to his epitaph,
it must have been on the 28th September, 1488; but according to bis
original papers preserved in the library of the cathedral of Seville, and
which were examined by Don Diego Ortiz de Zuiiiga, historian of that
city, it would appear to have been on the 20th of August, 1487. His
mother, Dona Beatrix Enriquez, was of a respectable family, but was
never married to the admiral, as has been stated by some of his biogra-
phers.
Early in 1494 Fernando was carried to court, together with his elder
brother Diego, by his uncle Don Bartholomew, to enter the royal house-
hold in quality of page to the Prince Don Juan, son and heir to Ferdinand
and Isabella. He and his brother remained in this situation until the
death of the prince, when they were taken by Queen Isabella as pages
into her own service. Their education, of course, was well attended to,
and Fernando in after-life gave proofs of being a learned man.
In the year 1502, at the tender age of thirteen or fourteen years, Fer-
nando accompanied his father in his fourth voyage of discovery, and en-
countered all its singular and varied hardships with a fortitude that is
mentioned with praise and admiration by the admiral.
After the death of his father it would appear that Fernando made two
voyages to the New World. He accompanied the Emperor Charles V.
i Charlevoix, TTist. St. Domingo, torn. i. lib. vi. p. 447.
1 BOSM. I >itf*ertatiou oil the Country of Culuiubun.
* Spotorno, j>. 127.
APPENDIX. 623
also to Italy, Flanders, and Germany; and according to Zufiiga (Anales
de Seville de 1531), No. 3) traveHed overall Europe and a part of Africa
and Asia. Possessing talents, judgment, and industry, these opportu-
nities were not lost upon him, and he acquired much information in
geography, navigation, and natural history. Being of a studious habit,
and fond of hooks, he formed a select, yet copious library, of more than
twenty thousand volumes, in print and in manuscript. With the sanc-
tion of the Emperor Charles V. he undertook to establish an academy
and college of mathematics at Seville; and for this purpose commenced
the construction of a sumptuous edifice, without the walls of the city,
facing the (Uiadalquiver, in the place where the monastery of San Lau-
reano is now situated. His constitution, however, had been broken by
the sufferings he had experienced Ln his travels and voyages, and a pre-
mature death prevented the completion of his plan of the academy, and
broke off other useful labors. lie died in Seville on the 12th of July,
1 .":{'.), at the age, according to his epitaph, of fifty years, nine months and
fourteen days. lie left no issue, and was never married. His body was
interred according to his request, in the cathedral of Seville. He be-
queathed his valuable library to the same establishment.
Don Fernando devoted himself much to letters. According to the
inscription on his tomb, he composed a work in four books, or volumes,
the title of which is defaced on the monument, and the work itself is
lost. This is much to be regretted, as, according to Zufiiga, the frag-
ments of the inscription specify it to have contained, among a variety of
matter, historical, moral, and geographical notices of the countries he had
visited, but especially of the New World, and of the voyages and discov-
eries of his father.
His most important and permanent work, however, was a history of
the admiral, composed in Spanish. It was translated into Italian by
Alonzo de Ulloa, and from this Italian translation have proceeded the
editions which have since appeared in various languages. It is singular
that the work only exists in Spanish, in the form of a re-translation from
that of Ulloa, and full of errors in the orthography of proper names, and
in dates and distances.
Don Fernando was an eye-witness of some of the facts which he re-
lates, particularly of the fourth voyage wherein he accompanied his
father, lie had also the papers and charts of his father, and recent doc-
uments of all kinds to extract from, as well as familiar acquaintance with
the principal personages who were concerned in the events which he re-
cords. He was a man of probity and discernment, and writes more dis-
passionately than could be expected, when treating of the matters which
affected the honor, the interests, and happiness of his father. It is to be
regretted, however, that he should have suffered the whole of his fathers
life, previous to his discoveries (a period of about fifty-six years), to re-
main in obscurity. He appears to have wished to cast a cloud over it,
and only to have presented his father to the reader after he had rendered
himself illustrious by his actions, and his history had become in a man-
ner identified with the history of the world. His work, however, is an
invaluable document, entitled to great faith, and is the corner-stone of
the history of the American Continent.
624 APPENDIX.
No. IV.
AGE OF COLUMBUS.
As the date I have assigned for the birth of Columbus makes him about
ten years older than he is generally represented, at the time of his dis-
coveries, it is proper to state precisely my authority. In the valuable
manuscript chronicle of the reign of the Catholic sovereigns, written by
Andres Bernaldes. the curate of Los Palacios, there is a long tract on
the subject of the discoveries of Columbus; it concludes with these
words: tfuri 6 en Valladolid, el ano de 1500, en el mes de Ma>/f>. in senec-
lute bona, de edad 70 anos, poco mas 6 mtnos. (He died in Valladolid
in the year 1506, in the month of May, in a good old age, being seventy
years old, a little more or less.) The curate of Los Palacios was a con-
temporary, and an intimate friend of Columbus, who was occasionally
a guest in his house; no one was more competent, therefore, to form a
correct idea of his age. It is singular that, while the biographers of
Columbus have been seeking to establish the epoch of his birth by various
calculations and conjectures, this direct testimony of honest Andre Ber-
naldes has entirely escaped their notice, though some of them had his
manuscript in their hands. It was first observed by my accurate friend
Don Antonio Uguina in the course of his exact investigations, and
has been pointed out and ably supported by Don Martin Fernandez de
Navarrete, in the introduction to his valuable collection of voyages.
Various circumstances in the life of Columbus will be found to cor-
roborate the statement of the curate; such, for example, as the increasing
infirmities with which he struggled during his voyages, and which at last
rendered him a cripple and confined him to his bed. The allusion to
his advanced age in one of his letters to the sovereigns, wherein he relates
the consolation he had received from a secret voice in the night season:
Tu cejez no impedira a toda cosa yrande. Abraham pasaba cien aiios
cuando en;/endro a Isaac, etc. (Thy old age shall be no impediment to
any great undertaking. Abraham was above a hundred years old when
he begat Isaac, etc.) The permission granted him by the king the year
previous to his death to travel on a mule, instead of a horse, on account
of his aye and infirmities; and the assertion of Oviedo, that at the time
of his death he was quite old (era ya tieyo).
This fact of the advanced age of Columbus throws quite a new color
ing over his character and history. How much more extraordinary is the
ardent enthusiasm which sustained him through his long career of solici-
tation, and the noble pride with which he refused to descend from his
dignified demands, and to bargain about his proposition, though life was
rapidly wasting in delays. How much more extraordinary is the hardi-
hood with which he undertook repeated voyages into unknown seas, amid
all kinds of perils and hardships; the fortitude with which he bore up
against an accumulation of mental and bodily afflictions, enough to have
disheartened and destroyed the most youthful and robust, and the irre-
pressible buoyancy of spirit with which to the last he still rose from under
the ruined concerns and disappointed hopes and blasted projects of one
enterprise, to launch into another, still more difficult and perilous.
We have been accustomed to admire all these things in Columbus when
we considered him in the full vigor of his life; how much more are
they entitled to our wonder as the achievements of a man whom the
weight, of years and infirmities was pressing into ihe grave.
APPENDIX. 625
No. V.
LINEAGE F COLUMBUS.
TFIE ancestry of Christopher Columbus has formed a point of zealous
controversy which is not yet satisfactorily settled. Several honorable fam-
ilies, possessing domains in Placentia, Montferrat, and the different parts
of the Genoese territories, claim him as belonging to their houses; and to
these has recently been added the noble family of Colombo in Modena. 1
The natural desire to prove consanguinity with a man of distinguished
renown has excited this rivalry; but it has been heightened, in particular
instances, by the hope of succeeding to titles and situations of wealth and
honor, when his male line of descendants became extinct. The investi-
gation is involved in particular obscurity, as even his immediate relatives
appear to have been in ignorance on the subject.
Fernando Columbus in his biography of the admiral, after a pompous
prelude, in which he attempts to throw a vague and cloudy magnificence
about the origin of his father, notices slightly the attempts of some to
obscure his fame, by making him a native of various small and insignifi-
cant villages; and dwells with more complacency upon others who make
him a native of places in which there were persons of much honor of
the name, and many sepulchral monuments with arms and epitaphs of the
Colombos. He relates his having himself gone to the castle of Cucureo,
to visit his two brothers of the family of Colombo, who were rich and
noble, the youngest of whom was above one hundred years of age, and
who he had heard were relatives of his father; but they could give him
no information upon the subject; whereupon he breaks forth into his
professed contempt for these adventitious claims, declaring, that he thinks
it better to content himself with dating from the glory of the admiral, than
to go about inquiring whether his father "were a merchant, or one who
kept his hawks;" 2 since, adds he, of persons of similar pursuits, there
are thousands who die every day, whose memory, even among their own
neighbors and relatives, perishes immediately, without its being possible
afterward to ascertain even whether they existed.
After this, and a few more expressions of similar disdain for these
empty distinctions, he indulges in vehement abuse of Agostino Guis-
timani, whom he calls a false historian, an inconsiderate, partial, or ma-
lignant compatriot, for having, in his psalter, traduced his father, by
saying, that in his youth he had been employed in mechanical occupations.
As, after all this discussion, Fernando leaves the question of Irs
father's parentage in all its original obscurity, yet appears irritably sens -
live to any derogatory suggestions of others, his whole evidence ten, Is
to the conviction that he really knew nothing to boast of in his ancestry.
Of the nobility and antiquity of the Colombo family, of which the ad-
miral probably was a remote descendant, we have some account in Her-
rera. "We learn," he says, " that the Emperor Otto the Second, in J)40,
confirmed to the counts Pietro, Giovanni, and Alexandro Colombo,
brothers, the feudatory possessions which they held within the jurisdiction
of the cities of Ayqui, Savona, Aste, Montferrato, Turin, Viceli, Parma,
Cremona, and Bergamo, and all others which they held in Italy. It
1 Spotorno, Hist. Mem., p. 5.
1 Literally, in the original, Cazador (If Volaterla, a falconer. Hawking was in those
das- an ani'u.-cnietit of the highest classes; and to keep hawks was uiuiobl asigu of
uoliilily.
626 APPENDIX.
appears that the Colombos of Cuccaro, Cncureo, and Placentia were the
same, and that the Emperor in the same year, 1>40, made donation to the
said three brothers of the castles of Ciiccaro, Conzano, Kosignano, and
others, and of the fourth part of Btetanio, which appertained to the
empire. 1
One of the boldest attempts of those biographers bent on ennobling
Columbus, has been to make him son of the Lord of Cuccaro, a burgh
of Montferrat, in Piedmont, and to prove that he was born in his father's
castle at that place; whence he and his brothers eloped at an early age,
and never returned. This was asserted in the course of a process brought
by a certain Baldasser or Balthazar Colombo, resident in Genoa, but
originally of Cuccaro, claiming the title and estates, on the death of Diego
Colon, L)uke of Veragua, in 1578, the great-grandson and last legitimate
male descendant of the admiral. The council of the Indies decided
against this claim to relationship. Some account of the lawsuit will be
found in another part of the work.
This romantic story, like all others of the nobility of his parentage, is
at utter variance with the subsequent events of his life, his long struggles
with indigence and obscurity, and the difficulties he endured from the
want of family connections. How can it be believed, says Bossi, that
this same man, who, in his most cruel adversities, was incessantly taunted
by his enemies with the obscurity of his birth, should not reply to tins
reproach, by declaring his origin, if he were really descended from the
Lords of Cuccaro, Conzano, and Rosignano ? a circumstance which would
have obtained him the highest credit with the Spanish nobility. 2
The different families of Colombo which lay claim to the great navi-
gator seem to be various branches of one tree, and there is little doubt of
his appertaining remotely to the same respectable stock.
It appears evident, however, that Columbus sprang immediately from
a line of humble but industrious citizens, which had existed in Genoa,
even from the time of Giacomo Colombo, the wool-carder, in 1311, men-
tioned by Spotorno; nor is this in any wise incompatible with the inti-
mation of Fernando Columbus, that the family had been reduced from
high estate to great poverty, by the wars of Lombardy. The feuds of
Italy, in those ages, had broken down and scattered many of the noblest
families; and while some branches remained in the lordly heritage of
castles and domains, others were confounded with the humblest popula-
tion of the cities.
No. VI.
i
BIRTHPLACE OF COLUMBUS.
THERE has been much controversy about the birthplace of Colum-
bus. The greatness of his renown has induced various places to lay claim
to him as a native, and from motives of laudable pride, for nothing re-
flects greater lustre upon a city than to have given birth to distinguished
men. The original and long-established opinion was in favor of Genoa;
but such strenuous claims were asserted by the states of Placentia, and
in particular of Piedmont, that the Academy of Sciences and Letters of
Genoa was induced, in 1812, to nominate three of its members, Signers
Serra, Carrega, and Piaggio, commissioners to examine into these pre-
tensions.
The claims of Placentia had been first advanced in 1062, by Pietro Maria
1 Hen-era, dccutl. i. lib, i. cap. 7. * Dissertation, etc.
APPENDIX. 627
Campi, in the ecclesiastical history of that place, who maintained that
Columbus was a native of the village of Pradello, in that vicinity. It
appeared probable, on investigation, that Bertolino Colombo, great-grand-
father to the admiral, had owned a small property in Pradello, the rent
of which had been received by Domenico Colombo of Genoa, and after
his death by his sons Christopher and Bartholomew. Admitting this
assertion to be correct, there was no proof that either the admiral, his
father, or grandfather had ever resided on that estate. The very circum-
stances of the case indicated, on the contrary, that their home was in
Genoa.
The claim of Piedmont was maintained with more plausibility. It was
shown that a Domenico Colombo was lord of the castle of Cuccaro in
Montferrat, at the time of the birth of Christopher Columbus, who, it
was asserted, was his son, and born in his castle. Balthazar Colombo, a
descendant of this person, instituted a lawsuit before the Council of the
Indies for the inheritance of the admiral, when his male line became ex-
tinct. The Council of the Indies decided against him, as is shown in an
account of that process given among the illustrations of this history. It
was proved that Domenico Colombo, father of the admiral, was resident
in Genoa both before and many years after the death of this lord of Cuc-
caro, who bore the same name.
The three commissioners appointed by the Academy of Science and
Letters of Genoa to examine into these pretensions, after a long and
diligent investigation, gave a voluminous and circumstantial report in
favor of Genoa. An ample digest of their inquest may be found in the
History of Columbus by Signor Bossi, who, in an able dissertation on the
question, confirms their opinion. It may be added, in further corrobora-
tion, that Peter Martyr and Bartholomew Las Casas, who were contem-
poraries and acquaintances of Columbus, and Juan de Barros, the
Portuguese historian, all make Columbus a native of the Genoese terri-
tories.
There has been a question fruitful of discussion among the Genoese
themselves, whether Columbus was born in the city of Genoa, or in some
other part of the territory. Finale, and Oneglia, and Savona, towns on
the Ligurian coast to the west, Boggiasco, Cogoleto, and several other
towns and villages, claim him as theirown. His family possessed a small
property at a village or hamlet between Quinto and Nervi, called Terra
Rossa; in Latin, Terra Rubra; which has induced some writers to assign his
birth to one of those places. Bossi says that there is still a tower bet ween
Quinto and Xervi which bears the title of Torre del Colombi. 1 Barthol-
omew Columbus, brother to the admiral, styled himself of Terra Rubra,
in a Latin inscription on a map which he presented to Henry VII. of
England, and Fernando Columbus states, in his history of the admiral,
that he was accustomed to subscribe himself in the same manner before
he attained to his dignities.
Cogoleto at one time bore away the palm. The families there claim the
discoverer, and preserve a portrait of him. One or both of the admirals
named Colombo, with whom he sailed, are stated to have come from that
place, and to have been confounded with him so as to have given support
to this idea. 2
Savona, a city in the Genoese territories, has claimed the same honor,
and this claim has recently been very strongly brought forward, Signer
Giovanni Battista Belloro, an advocate of Savona, has strenuously main-
tained this claim in an ingenious disputation, dated May 12th, 182H, in
Freuch Trauslaticm, Paris, 1824, p. 69. Ibid.
628 APPENDIX.
form of a letter to the Baron du Zach, editor of a valuable astronomical
and geographical journal, published monthly at Genoa. 1
Signor Belloro claims it as an admitted i'act, that Domenico Colombo
was for many years a resident and citizen of Savona, in which place one
Christopher Columbus is shown to have signed a document in 1472.
He states that a public square in that city bore the name of Platea Co-
lunibi, toward the end of the 14th century; that the Ligurian government
gave the name of Jurisdizione di Colombi to that district of the repub-
lic, under the persuasion that the great navigator was a native of Savona,
and that Columbus gave the name of Saona to a little island adjacent to
Hispaniola, among his earliest discoveries.
He quotes many Savonese writers, principally poets, and various histo-
rians and poets of other countries, and thus establishes the point that
Columbus was held to be a native of Savona by persons of respectable
authority. He lays particular stress on the testimony of the JMagnifico
Francisco Spinola, as related by the learned prelate Felippo Alberto Pol-
lero, stating that he had seen the sepulchre of Christopher Columbus in
the cathedral at Seville, and that the epitaph states him expressly to be a
native of Savona: " Hie jacet Christophorus Columbus Savonensis." 2
The proofs advanced by Signor Belloro show his zeal for the honor
of his native city, but do not authenticate the fact he undertakes to
establish. He shows clearly that many respectable writers believed Co-
lumbus to be a native of Savona; but a far greater number can be ad-
duced, and many of them contemporary with the admiral, some of them
his intimate friends, others his fellow-citizens, who state him to have been
born in the city of Genoa. Among the Savonese writers, Giulio Salino-
rio, who investigated the subject, comes expressly to the same conclusion:
" Genoca, cittd nobilitmima, era lapatriade Colombo."
Signor Belloro appears to be correct in stating that Domenico, the father
of the admiral, was several years resident in Savona. But it appears
from his own dissertation, that the Christopher who witnessed the testa-
ment in 1472, styled himself of Genoa: " Chrwtophorus Columbus laneri-
us de Janua."" This incident is stated by other writers, who presume
this Christopher to have been the navigator on a visit to his father, in the
interval of his early voyages. In as far as the circumstance bears on
the point, it supports the idea that he was born at Genoa.
The epitaph, on which Signor Belloro places his principal reliance,
entirely fails. Christopher Columbus was not interred in the cathedral
of Seville, nor was any monument erected to him in that edifice. The
tomb to which the learned prelate Felippo Alberto Pollero alludes may
have been that of Fernando Columbus, son to the admiral, who, as has
been already observed, was buried in the cathedral of Seville, to which he
bequeathed his noble library. The place of his sepulture is designated
by a broad slab of white marble, inserted in the pavement, with an in-
scription, partly in Spanish, partly in Latin, recording the merits of Fer-
nando and the achievements of his father. On either side of the epitaph
is engraved an ancient Spanish Galley. The inscription quoted by Si-nor
Belloro may have been erroneously written from memory by the Magnifico
Francisco Spinola, under the mistaken idea that he had beheld the sepul-
chre of tbe great discoverer. As Fernando was born at Cordova, the term
1 Correspondence Astronom. Geograph. etc., de Baron du Zach, vol. 14, cahicr 6,
lettera 29. 18-26.
'* Kelippo Alberto Pollero, Kpicherema, doe 1 breve dtseorso per difesa di wia per-
sona e carrallere. Toriuo, per Gio Battisla Zappata. MCDXCVl. (read 16v)ti) iu 4.
pag. 47.
APPENDIX. 629
Savononsis must have been another error of memory in the Magnifico;
no such word is to he found in the inscription.
This question of birthplace has also been investigated with consider-
able minuteness, and a decision given in favor of Genoa, by D. Gio
Battista Spotorno, of the royal university in that city, in his historical
memoir of Columbus. He shows that the family of the Columbi had
long been resident in Genoa. By an extract from the notarial register,
it appeared that one Giacomo Colombo, a wool-carder, resided without
the gate of St. Andria, in the year 1311. An agreement, also, published
by the academy of Genoa, proved, that in 148!), Domenico Colombo pos-
sessed a house and shop, and a garden with a well, in the street of St.
Andrew's gate, anciently without the walls, presumed to have been the
same residence with that of Giacomo Colombo. He rented also another
house from the monks of St. Stephen, in the Via Mulcento, leading from
the street of St. Andrew to the Strada Gitilia. 1
Signor Bossi states, that documents lately found in the archives of the
monastery of St. Stephen, present the name of Domenico Colombo sev-
eral times, from 1456 to 145U, and designate him as son of Giovanni Co-
lombo, husband of Susanna Fontanarossa, and father of Christopher,
Bartholomew, and Giacomo, 2 (or Diego). He states also that the receipts
of the canons show that the last payment of rent was made by Domenico
Colombo for his dwelling in 148U. He surmises that the admiral was
born in the before-mentioned house belonging to those monks, in Via
Mulcento, and that he was baptized in the church of St. Stephen. He
adds that an ancient manuscript was submitted to the commissioners of
the Genoese academy, in the margin of which the notary had stilted that
the name of Christopher was on the register of the parish as having been
baptized in that church. 3
Andres Bernaldez, the curate of los Palacios, who was an intimate
friend of Columbus, says that he was of Genoa. 4 Agostino Giustiniani,
a contemporary of Columbus, likewise asserts it in his Polyglot Psalter,
published in Genoa, in 1510. Antonio de Hi-rrera, an author of great
accuracy, who, though not a contemporary, had access to the best docu-
ment s, A asserts decidedly that he was born in the city of Genoa.
To these names may be added that of Alexander Geraldini, brother to
the nuncio, and instructor to the children of Ferdinand and Isabella, a
most intimate friend of Columbus. 6 Also Antonio Gallo, B Bartolomeo
Senarega, 7 and Uberto Foglieta, 8 all contemporaries with the admiral,
and natives of Genoa, together with an anonymous writer, who published
an account of his voyage of discovery at Venice in 1569. 9 It is unneces-
sary to mention historians of later date agreeing in the same fact, as
thev must have derived their information from some of these authorities.
The question in regard to the birthplace of Col^imbus has been treated
:hus minutely, because it has been, and still continues to be, a point of
warm controversy. It may be considered, however, as conclusively de-
cided by the highest authority, the evidence of Columbus himself. In a
testament executed in 1498, which has been admitted in evidence before
the Spanish tribunals in certain lawsuits among his descendants, he twice
declares that he was a native of the city of Genoa : " Siendo yo navido
en Genova." " I being born in Genoa." And again, he repeats the asser-
tion, as a reason for enjoining certain conditions on his heirs, which
1 Spotorno, Eng. trans, p. si. xit. * Bosei, French trans, p. 76. 3 Ibid., p. 88.
4 Cura de los Palacios, MS. cap. 118. B Alex. Geraldini, Itiu. ad. Reg. Bub. Aquinor.
Antonio Gallo, Anale* of Geuoa, Muratori, torn. - J3.
1 Senaregi, Muratori, torn. 24. * Foglieta, Elog. Clar. Ligur.
Griueus, Xov. Orb.
630 APPENDIX.
manifest the interest he takes in his native place. " T command the said
Diego, my son, or the person who inherits the said mayorazgo (or entailed
estate), that he maintain always in the city of Genoa a person of our
lineage, who shall have a house and a wife there, and to furnish him with
an income on which he can live decently, as a person connected with our
family, and hold footing and root in that city as a native of it, so that he
may have aid and favor in that city in case of need, /or /row thence I
cdine and there wasborn.' 1 1
In another part of his testament he expresses himself with a filial fond-
ness in respect to Genoa. " I command the said Don Diego, or whoever
shall possess the said mayorazgo, that he labor and strive always for the
honor, and welfare, and increase of the city of Genoa, and employ all his
abilities and means in defending and augmenting the welfare and honor
of her republic, in all matters which are not contrary to the service of the
church of God, and the state of the king and queen our sovereigns, and
their successors."
An informal codicil, executed by Columbus at Valladolid, May 4th,
15()6, sixteen days befoie his death, was discovered about 1785, in the
Corsini library at Koine. It is termed a military codicil, from being made
in the manner which the civil law allows to the soldier who executes such
an instrument on the eve of battle, or in expectation of death. It was
written on the blank page of a little breviary presented to Columbus by
Pope Alexander VII. Columbus leaves the book " to his beloved coun-
try, the Republic of Genoa.''
He directs the erection of a hospital in that city for the poor, with pro-
vision for its support; and he declares that republic his successor in the
admiralty of the Indies, in the event of his male line becoming extinct.
The authenticity of this paper has been questioned. It has been said,
that there was no probability of Columbus having resort to a usage with
which he was most likely unacquainted. The objections are not cogent.
Columbus was accustomed to the peculiarities of a military life, and he
repeatedly wrote letters in critical moments as a precaution against some
fatal occurrence that seemed to impend. The present codicil, from its
date, must have been written a few days previous to his death, perhaps
at a moment when he imagined himself at extremity. This may account
for any difference in the handwriting, especially as he was, at times, so
affected by the gout in his hands as not to be able to write except at night.
Particular stress has been laid on the signature; but it does not appear
that he was uniform in regard to that, and it is a point to which any one
who attempted a forgery would be attentive. It does not appear, like-
wise, .that any advantage could have been obtained by forging the paper,
or that any such was attempted.
In 1502, when Columbus was about to depart on his fourth and last
voyage, he wrote to his' friend, Doctor Nicolo Oderigo, formerly ambassa-
dor from Genoa to Spain, and forwarded to him copies of all his grants
and commissions from the Spanish sovereigns, authenticated before the
alcaldes of Seville. He, at the same time, wrote to the bank of San
Giorgio, at Genoa, assigning a tenth of his revenues to be paid to that
city, in diminution of the duties on corn, wine, and other provisions.
Why should Columbus feel this strong interest in Genoa, had he been
1 " Item. Mando e'. dicho Don Diego mi hijo, A la persona que heredare el dicho
mayorazgo, que tenf;a y sostengu siempre en la cindad de Genova una persona de
nuestro linage que lenga alii casa 6 le ordene renta eon que ptieda vivir honesta-
niente, como persona tan Ik-gada a miestro linage, y haga pie y raiz en la dicha
cindad como uatuval della, porque podra haber de la dicha ciudad ayuda e favor eu
las cosas del meue.ter suyo,/;ei que dtllu -ntli y en tlla uaci."
APPENDIX. 631
born in any of the other Italian states which have laid claim to him ? He
was under no obligation to Genoa. He had resided there but a brief por-
tion of his early life: and his proposition for discovery, according to some
writers, had been scornfully rejected by that republic. There is nothing
to warrant so strong an interest in Genoa but the filial tie which links the
heart of man to his native place, however he may be separated from it by
time or distance, and however little lie may be indebted to it for favors.
Again, had Columbus been born in any of the towns and villages of the
Genoese coast which have claimed him for a native, why should he have
made these bequests in favor of the city of Genoa, and not of his native
town or village ?
These bequests were evidently dictated by a mingled sentiment of pride
and affection, which would be without all object if not directed to his
native place. He was at this time elevated above all petty pride on the
subject. His renown was so brilliant, that it would have shed a lustre on
any hamlet, however obscure; and the strong love of country here mani-
fested would never have felt satisfied, until it had singled out the spot,
and nestled down in the very cradle of his infancy. These appear to be
powerful reasons, drawn from natural feelmg, for deciding in favor of
Genoa.
No. VII.
THE COLOMBOS.
DURING the early part of the life of Columbus there were two other
navigators, bearing the same name, of some rank and celebrity, with
whom he occasionally sailed, their names occurring vaguely from time
to time, during the obscure part of his career, have caused much perplex-
ity to some of his biographers, who have supposed that they designated
the discoverer. Fernando Columbus affirms them to have been family
connections, 1 and his father says, in one of his letters, " 1 am not the first
admiral of our family."
These two were uncle and nephew: the latter being termed by historians
Colombo the younger (by the Spanish historians Colombo el mozo). They
were in the Genoese service, but are mentioned, occasionally, in old
chronicles as French commanders, because Genoa, during a great part of
their time, was under the protection, or rather the sovereignty of France,
and her ships and captains, being engaged in the expeditions of that
power, were mdentified with the French marine.
Mention is made of the elder Colombo in /urita's Annals of Aragon
(L. xix. p. 2(>1), in the war between Spain and Portugal, on the subject
of the claim of the Princess Juana to the crown of Castile. In 1476, the
King of Portugal determined to go to the Mediterranean coast of France,
to incite his ally, Louis XI., to prosecute the war in the province of
Guipuzcoa.
The king left Toro, says Zurita, on the 13th of June, and went by the
river to the city of Porto, in order to await the armada of the king of
France, the captain of which was Colon (Colombo), who was to navigate
by the Straits of Gibraltar to pass to Marseilles.
After some delays Colombo arrived in the latter part of July with the
French armada at Bermeo, on the coast of Biscay, where he encountered
a violent storm, lost his principal ship, and ran to the coast of Galicia,
with an intention of attacking Ribaldo, and lost a great many of his men.
1 IlisL del Alniiruntu, cap. 1.
632 APPENDIX.
Thence he went to Lisbon to receive the King of Portugal, who embarked
in the fleet in August, with a number of his noblemen, and took two
thousand two hundred foot soldiers, and four hundred and seventy horse,
to strengthen the Portuguese garrisons along the Barbary coast. There
were in the squadron twelve ships and five caravels. After touching at
Ceuta the fleet proceeded to Colibre, where the king disembarked in the
middle of .September, the weather not permitting them to proceed to Mar-
seilles. (Zurita, L. xix. Ch. 51.)
This Colombo is evidently the naval commander of whom the following
mention is made by Jacques George de (Jhaufepie, in his supplement to
Bayle (vol. 2, p. 12<i of letter C).
" I do not know what dependence,'' says Chaufepie, "is to be placed
on a fact reported in the JDucatiana (Part 1, p 143), that Columbus was
in 1474 captain of several ships for Louis XI , and that, as the Spaniards
had made at that time an irruption into Roussillon, he thought that, for
reprisal, and without contravening the peace between the two crowns, he
could run down Spanish vessels. He attacked, therefore, and took two
galleys of that nation, freighted on the account of various individuals.
On complaints of this action being made to King Ferdinand, he wrote on
the subject to Louis XI. ; his letter is dated the 9th of December, 1474.
Ferdinand terms Christopher Columbus a subject of Louis; it was be-
cause, as is known, Columbus was a Genoese, and Louis was sovereign of
Genoa: although that city and Savoua were held of him in fief by the
Duke of Milan."
It is highly probable that it was the squadron of thjs same Colombo of
whom the circumstance is related by Bossi, and after him by Spotorno on
the authority of a letter found in the archives of Milan, and written in
1470 by two illustrious Milanese gentlemen, on their return from Jerusa-
lem. The letter states that in the previous year, 1475, as the Venetian
fleet was stationed off Cyprus to guard the island, a Genoese squadron,
commanded by one Colombo, sailed by them with an air of defiance,
shouting '' Viva San Giorgia! " As the republics were then at peace they
were permitted to pass unmolested.
Bossi supposes that the Colombo here mentioned was Christopher Co-
lumbus the discoverer; but it appears rather to have been the old Genoese
admiral of that name, who according to Zurita was about that time cruis-
ing in the Mediterranean, and who, m all probability, was the hero of
both the preceding occurrences.
The nephew of this Colombo, called by the Spanish Colombo el mozo,
commanded a few years afterward a squadron in the French service, as
will appear in a subsequent illustration, and Columbus may at various
times have held an inferior command under both uucle and nephew, aud
been present on the above cited occasions.
No. VIII.
EXPEDITION OF JOHN OF ANJOU.
AHOUT the time that Columbus attained his twenty-fourth year, his
native city was in a state of great alarm and peril from the threatened in-
vasion of Alphonso V. of Aragon, King of Xaples. Finding itself too
weak to contend singly with such a foe, and having looked in vain for
assistance from Italy, it placed itself under the protection of Charles the
Vllth of France, That monarch sent to its assistance John of Anjou, sou
of lieue or lleuato, King of Naples, who had been dispossessed of his crown
APPENDIX. G33
by Alphonso. John of Anjon, otherwise called the Duke of Calabria, 1 im-
mediately took upon himself the command of the place, repaired its for-
tifications, and defended the entrance of the harlx>r with strong chains.
In the mean time, Alphonso had prepared a large land force, aiid assem-
bled an armament of twenty ships and ten galleys at Ancona, on the
frontiers of Genoa. The situation of the latter was considered eminently
perilous, when Alphonso suddenly fell ill of a calenture and died, leaving
the kingdoms of Anjou and Sicily to his brother John, and the kingdom
>f Naples to his son Ferdinand.
The death of Alphonso, and the subsequent division of his dominions,
while they relieved the fears of the Genoese, gave rise to new hopes on
the part of the house of Anjou; and the Duke "John, encouraged by emis-
saries from various powerful partisans among the Neapolitan nobility,
determined to make a bold attempt upon Naples for the recovery of the
crown. The Genoese entered into his cause with spirit, furnishing him
with ships, galleys, ami money. His father Rene, or Renato, fitted out
twelve galleys for the expedition in the harbor of Marseilles, and sent him
assurance of an abundant supply of money, and of the assistance of the
King of France. The brilliant nature of the enterprise attracted the atten-
tion of the daring and restless spirits of the times. The chivalrous noble-
man, tho soldier of fortune, the hardy corsair, the bold adventurer or the
military partisan, enlisted under the banners of the Duke of Calabria. It
is stated by historians that Columbus served in the armament from Genoa,
in a squadron commanded by one of the Colombos, his relations.
The expedition sailed in Octol>er, 1459, and arrived at Sessa between
the mouths of the Garigliano and the Volturuo. The news of its arrival
was the signal of universal revolt; the factious barons, and their vassals,
hastened to join the standard of Anjou, and the duke soon saw the finest
provinces of the Neapolitan dominions at his command, and with his army
and sqnadion menaced the city of Naples itself.
In the history of this expedition we meet with one hazardous action of
the tli't't in which Columbus had embarked.
The army of John of Anjou being closely invested by a superior force,
was in a perilous predicament at the mouth of the Sarno. In this con-
juncture, the captain of the armada landed with his men, and scoured
the neighlx>rhoo:l, hoping to awaken in the populace their former enthu-
siasm for the banner of Anjou, and perhaps to take Naples by surprise.
A chosen company of Neapolitan infantry was sent against them. The
troops from the fleet having little of the discipline of regular soldiery,
and much of the freebooting disposition of maritime rovers, had scat-
tered themselves about the country, intent chiefly upon spoil. They
were attacked by the infantry and put to rout, with the loss of many
killed and wounded. Endeavoring to make their way back to the ships,
they found the passes seized and blocked up by the people of Sorento,
who assailed them with dreadful havoc. Their flight now became despe-
rate and headlong, many threw themselves from rocks and precipices into
the sea, and but a small portion regained the ships.
The contest of John of Anjou for the crown of Naples lasted four
years. For a time fortune favored him, and the prize seemed almost
within his grasp, but reverses succeeded; he was defeated at various
points ; the factious nobles, one by one, deserted him, and returned to
their allegiance to Alphonso, and the duke was finally compelled to
retire to the island of Ischia. Here he remained for some time,
1 Duke of Calabria was a title of the heir apparent to the crown of Naples.
634 APPENDIX.
guarded by eight galleys, which likewise harassed the bay of Xaples. l
In this squadron, which loyally adhered to him, until he ultimately
abandoned this unfortunate enterprise, Columbus is stated to have
served.
No. IX.
CAPTURE OF THE VENETIAN GALLEYS BY COLOMBO THE YOUXGER.
As the account of the sea-fight by which Fernando Columbus asserts
that his father was first thrown upon the shores of Portugal has been
adopted by various respectable historians, it is proper to give particular
reasons for discrediting it.
Fernando expressly says that it was in an action mentioned by Marco
Antonio Sabelico, in the eighth book of his tenth Decade; that the
squadron in which Columbus served was commanded by a famous corsair,
called Columbus the younger (Colombo el mozo), and that an embassy
was sent from Venice to thank the King of Portugal for the succor he
afforded to the Venetian captains and crews. All this is certainly re-
corded in Sabellicus, but the battle took place in 1485, after Columbus had
left Portugal. Zunta in his annals of Aragon, under the date of 1085,
mentions this same action. He says, " At this time four Venetian gal-
leys sailed from the island of Cadiz, and took the route for Flanders;
they were laden with merchandise from the Levant, especially from the
island of Sicily, and passing by Cape St. Vincent, they were attacked by
a French corsair, son of captain Colon (Colombo), who had seven vessels
in his armada ; and the galleys were captured the twenty-first of
August." ' 2
A much fuller account is given in the life of King John II. of Portu-
fal, by Garcia de Resende, who likewise records it as happening in 1485.
le says the Venetian galleys were taken and robbed by the French and
the captains and crews, wounded, plundered, and maltreated, were turned
on shore at Cascoes. Here they were succored by Dofia Maria de Mene-
ses. Countess of Monsanto.
When King John II. heard of the circumstance, being nuich grieved
that such an event should have happened on his coast, and being dis-
posed to show his friendship for the Republic of Venice, he ordered that
the Venetian captains should be furnished with rich raiment of silks and
costly cloths, and provided with horses and mules, that they might make
their appearance before him in a style befitting themselves and their
country. He received them with great kindness and distinction, express-
ing himself with princely courtesy, both as to themselves and the Repub-
lic of Venice; and having heard their account of the battle, and of their
destitute situation, he assisted them with a large sum of money to ran-
som their galleys from the French cruisers. The latter took all the
merchandise on board of their ships, but King John prohibited any of the
spoil from being purchased within his dominions. Having thus gener-
ously relieved and assisted the captains, and administered to the necessi-
ties of their crews, he enabled them all to return in their own galleys to
Venice.
The dignitaries of the republic were so highly sensible of this munifi-
cence on the part of King John, that they sent a stately embassy to that
monarch, with rich presents and warm expressions of gratitude. Gero-
1 (ir.lcnuccio. Hist. Xap., lib. viii. cap. 17.
* Zuiita, Aualud Ue Aragou, lib. xx. cap. 64.
APPENDIX. 635
nimo Donate was charged with this mission, a man eminent for learning
ami eloquence; he was honorably received and entertained by King John
and dismissed with royal presents, among which were genets, and mules
with sumptuous trappings and caparisons, and many negro slaves richly
clad. 1
The following is the account of this action as given by Sabellicus, in
his history of Venice. 2
Erano andate quattro Galee delle quali Dartolommeo Minio era capi-
tano. Queste navigando per 1'lberico mare, Colombo il plii giovane,
nipote di quel Colombo famoso corsale, fecesi incontro a' Veniziani di
nolle, appresso il sacro Promontorio, che chiamasi oracapodi san Vin-
cenzo, con selle navi guernitedacombattere. Egli quantnnque nel primo
incontro avesse seco disposto d' opprimere le navi Veniziane, si ritenne
pero dal combattere sm al giorno: tuttavia per esser alia battaglia piu
acconclo cosi le seguia, che le prode del corsale loccavano le poppe de
Veniziam. Venuto il giorno incontanente i Darbari diedero 1' assalto.
Sostennero i Veniziam allora 1' empito del nemico, per nuiuero di navi e
di combattenti superiore, e duro il conflitto atroce per molte ore. Ilare
h'ate fu cumbatluto contro simili nemici con tanta uccisioue, perche a
pena si costuma d' attaccarsi contro di loro, se non per occasione. Affer-
mano alcuni, che vi furono present!, esser morte delle ciurinc Veniziane
da trecento uomini. Altri dicono che fu meno: mori in quella zutTa Lo-
renzo Michele capitano d' una galerae Giovanni Delfino, d' altro capitano
fratello. Era durala lat zuffa dal fare del giorno fin' ad ore venti, e era-
no le genti Veneziane inal trattate. Era gia la nave Delfina in potere
do' nemici qnando le altre ad una ad una si renderono. Xarrano alcuni,
che furono di quel aspro conflitto partecipi, aver numerato nelle loro navi
da prode a poppe ottanta valorosi uomini estinti, i quali d.U nemico ve-
duti lo mossero a gemere e dire con sdegno, che cosi avevano voluto, i
Veniziam. I oorpi morti furono gettati nel mare, e i feritj post! nel lido.
Quei che rimasero vivi seguirono con e navi il capitano vittorioso sin' a
Lisbona e ivi furono tutu licenziati. . . . Quivi furono i Yeneziani be-
nignamente ricevuti dal Re, gli infernii furouo medicati, gli altri ebbero
abiti e denari secondo la loro condizionc. . . . Oltre ciq vieto in tutto il
llegno, che alcuno non comprasse della preda Veniziana, portata dai corsali.
I/a nuova dell' avula rovina non poco anlisse lacitta, erano perduti in quella
meroatanzia da ducento mila ducati ; ma il dauno particolare degli
uomini uccisi diede maggior aillizioue. Marc. Aiit. ^aluclico, Hint.
Veuct,, decad. iv. lib. iii.
No. X.
AMERIGO VESPUCCI.
AMOXO the earliest and most intelligent of th,e voyagers who followed
the track of Columbus, was Amerigo Vespucci. He has been considered
by many as the first discoverer of the southern continent, and by a sin-
gular caprice of fortune, his name has been given to the whole of Ihe
1 Obras do Garcia de Renende, cap. 58, Avora, 15o4.
1 Murco Antonio C'occio, bettor known under the name of Saliel liens, a cognomen
which he adopted on being crowned poet in the pedantic academy of i'omponiua
1. set us. lie was a contemporary of Columbus, and makes brief mention of hit* tlis-
coveriex in the eighth book of the tenth Ennead of bi imivei>al history. By KUIUC
wiilers he is called the I, ivy of his time; others accuse him of beinij full of misrep-
resentations in favor of Venice. The older bvaligur charges, hiui wilh venality, and
wHb. being swayed by Venetian gold.
636 APPENDIX.
New World, It has been strenuously insisted, however, that he had no
claim to the title of a discoverer; that he merely sailed in a subordinate
capacity in a srjuadron commanded by others; that the account of his
first voyage is a fabrication; and that he did not visit the mainland until
after it had been discovered and coasted by Columbus. As this question
has been made a matter of warm and voluminous controversy, it is
proper to take a summary view of it in the present work.
Amerigo Vespucci was born in Florence. March 9th, 1451, of a noble,
but not at that time wealthy family; his father's name was Anastatio;
his mother's was Elizabetta Mini, lie was the third of their sons, and
received an excellent education under his uncle, (ieorgio Antonio Ves-
pucci, a learned friar of the fraternity of San Marco, who was instructor
to several illustrious personages of that period.
Amerigo Vespucci visited Spain, ami took up his residence in Seville,
to attend to some commercial transactions on account of the family of
the Medici of Florence, and to repair, by his ingenuity, the losses and
misfortunes of an unskilful brother. 1
The date of his arrival in Spain is uncertain, but from comparing dates
an 1 circumstances mentioned in his letters, he must have been at Seville
when Columbus returned from his first voyage.
Padre Stanislaus Canovai, Professor of "Mathematics at Florence, who
has published the life and voyages of Amerigo Vespucci, says that he
was commissioned by King FerdmanJ, anl sent with Columbus in his
second voyage in 1433. He states this on the authority of a passage in
the Cosmography of Sebastian Minister, published at Basle in 15oJ;' J
but Minister mentions Vespucci as having accompanied Columbus m Ins
first voyage; the reference of Canovai is therefore incorrect; and the sug-
gestion of Munster is disproved by the letters of Vespucci, m which he
states his having been stimulated by the accounts brought of the newly
discovered regions. He never mentions such a voyage in any of his
letters; which he most probably would have djne, or rather woulJ have
made it the subject of a copious letter, had he actually performed it.
The first notice of a positive form which we have of Vespucci, as
resident in Spain, is early in 1490. He appears, from documents in the
royal archives at Seville, to have acted as agent or factor for the bouse of
Juanoto Berardi, a rich Florentine merchant, resident in Seville, who had
contracted to furnish the Spanish sovereigns with three several arma-
ments, of four vessels each, for the service of the newly discovered
countries. He may have been one of the principals in this affair, which
w.is transacted in the name of this established house. Berardi died in
December, 141)5, and in the following January we find Amerigo Vespucci
attending to the concerns of the expeditions and settling with the masters
of tbe ships for their pay and maintenance, according to the agreements
nude between them and the late Juanoto Berardi. On the 12th Janu-
ary, 1496, he received on this account 10,000 maravedies from Bernardo
Pinelo the royal treasurer. He went on preparing all things for the de-
spatch of four caravels to sail uuder the same contract between the sover-
eigns and the house of Berardi and sent them to sea on the .'Jd February,
149(5: but on the 8th they met with a storm and were wrecked; the crews
were saved with the loss of only three men. 3 While thus employed,
Amerigo Vespucci, of course, had occasional opportunity of conversing
with Columbus, with whom, according to the expression of the admiral
1 BancKni vita d'Araeri^o Vespucci. * Cosra. Munst, p. 1108.
* These particu.arx are from maiiiiicript memoranda, extracted from the royal ar
chives, by the late accurate hisluiiau Muuoz.
APPENDIX. 637
himself, in one of his letters to his son Diego, he appears to have been
always on friendly terms. From these conversations, and from his
agency in these expeditions, he soon became excited to visit the newly
discovered countries, and to participate in enterprises which were the
th -me of every tongue. Having made himself well acquainted with geo-
graphical and nautical science, he prepared to launch into the career of
discovery. It was not very long before he carried this design into execu-
tion.
In 1498 Columbus, in his third voyage, discovered the coast of Paria
on Terra Firma; which he at that tune imagined to be a great island, but
that a vast continent lay immediately adjacent. lie sent to Spain speci-
mens of pearls found on this coast, and gave the most sanguine accounts
of the supposed riches of the country.
In 14U9 an expedition of four vessels, under command of Alonzo de
Ojeda, was fitted out from Spain, and sailed for Paria, guided by charts
and letters sent to the government by Columbus. These were commu-
nicated to Ojeda, by his patron, the Bishop Fonseca, who had the super-
intendence of India affairs, and who furnished him also with a warrant
to undertake the voyage.
It is presumed that Vespucci aided in fitting out the armament, and
sailed in a vessel belonging to the house of Berardi, and in this way was
enabled to take a share in the gams and losses of the expedition; for
Isabella, as Queen of Castile, had rigorously forbidden all strangers to
trade with her transatlantic possessions, not even excepting the natives
of the kingdom of Aragon.
This squadron visited Paria and several hundred miles of the coast,
which they ascertained to be Terra Firma. They returned in June, 1500;
and on the 18th of July, in that year, Amerigo Vespucci wrote an ac-
count of his voyage to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Medici of Florence,
which remained concealed in manuscript until brought to light and pub-
lished by Bandini in 1145.
In his account of this voyage, and in every other narrative of his
different expeditions, Vespucci never mentions any other person con-
cerned in the enterprise. He gives the time of his sailing, and states
that he went with two caravels, which were probably his share of the
expedition, or rather vessels sent by the house of Berardi. He gives a:i
interesting narrative of the voyage, and of the various transactions witli
the iia'.ives, which corresponds, in many substantial points, with the ac-
counts furnished by Ojeda and his mariners of their voyage, in a lawsuit
hereafter mentioned.
In May, 1">01, Vespucci, having suddenly left Spain, sailed in the ser-
vice of Emanuel, King of Portugal; in the course of which expedition
he visited the coast of Brazil. He gives an account of this voyage in
a second letter to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Medici, which also re-
mained in manuscript until published by Bartolozzi in 1789. 1
No record nor notice of any such voyage undertaken by Amerigo Ves-
pucci, at the command of Emanuel, is to be found in the archives of the
Torre do Tombo, the general archives of Portugal, which have been re-
peatedly and diligently searched for the purpose. It is singular also that
his name is not to be found in any of the Portuguese historians, who in
general were very particular in naming all navigators who held any
important station among them, or rendered any distinguished services.
That Vespucci did sail along the coasts, however, Is not questioned. His
nephew, after his death, in the course of evidence on some points in dis-
i Dartolozzi, Uechorche Ilisiorico. Firenze, 1789.
688 APPENDIX.
pute, gave the correct latitude of Cape St. Augustine, which he said he
had extracted from his uncle's journal.
In 1504 Vespucci wrote a third letter to the same Lorenzo de Medici,
containing a more extended account of the voyage just alluded to in the
service of Portugal. This was the first of his narratives that appeared
in print. It appears to have been published in Latin, at Strasburgh, as
early as 1505, under the title " Americiis Vesputius de Orbe Antarctica
per Kegem Portugallke pridem inveuta." 1
An edition of this letter was printed in Vicenza in 1507, in an anony-
mous collection of voyages edited by Franeauzio di Monte Alboddo, an
inhabitant of Vicenza. It was reprinted in Italian in 1508, at Milan,
and also in Latin, in a book entitled " Itinerarium Portugalensium."
In making the present illustration, the Milan edition in Italian- has been
consulted, and also a Latin translation of it by Simon Grimeus, in his
"Novus Orbis," published at Basle in 15:32. It relates entirely the first
voyage of Vespucci from Lisbon to the Brazils in 1501.
It is from this voyage to the Brazils that Amerigo Vespucci was first
considered the discoverer of Terra Firma; and his name was at first ap-
plied to these southern regions, though afterward extended to the whole
continent. The merits of his voyage were, however, greatly exaggerated.
The Brazils had been previously discovered, and formally taken posses-
sion of for Spain in 1500, by Vinceute Vafiez Pinzon; and also in the
same year, by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, on the part of Portugal; circum-
stances unknown, however, to Vespucci and his associates. The country
remained in possession of Portugal, in conformity to the line of demar-
cation agreed on between the two nations.
Vespucci made a second voyage in the service of Portugal. He says
that he commanded a caravel in a squadron of six vessels destined for
the discovery of Malacca, which they had heard to be the great depot
and magazine of all the trade between the Ganges and the Indian sea.
Such an expedition did sail about this time, under the command of Gon-
zalo Coelho The squadron sailed, according to Vespucci, on the 10th
of May, 1503. It stopped at the Cape de Verd islands for refreshments,
and afterward sailed by the coast of Sierra Leone, but was prevented
from landing by contrary winds and a turbulent sea. Standing to the
south-west, they ran three hundred leagues until they were three degrees
to the southward of the equinoctial line, where they discovered an unin-
habited island about two leagues in length and one in breadth. Here,
on the 10th of August, by mismanagement, the commander of the
squadron ran his vessel on a rock and lost her. While the other vessels
were assisting to save the crew and property from the wreck, Amerigo
Vespucci was despatched m his caravel to search for a safe harbor in the
island. He departed in his vessel without his long boat, and with less
1 Panzer, torn. vi. p. A3, apud Esarne t'rilico, p. 8S, Anotazione 1.
1 Tins rare liook, in the |xwi*csiou of O. Rich, Esq., in believed to l>e the oldest
printed collection of voyages extant. It has not the pages mimln-n-cl, the sheete are
merely marked with a letter of the alphabet at the fool of each eighth page. It con-
tains the cuniest account of the voyages of Columbus, from his first departure until his
arrival at Cadiz in ch.ins. The letter of Vespucci to Lorenzo de Medici occupies the
fifth liook of this little volume. It is suited to have been originally written in Spanish,
and translated into ltaiia:i l>y a person of the name of .Jocondo. An earlier edition ia
elated to have been printed in Venice by AU>erto Vercellese, in l"0l. The author ia
said to have been Angeio Trivigiani, secretary to the Venetian ambassador in Spain.
This Trivitfiani appears to have collected many of the particulars of the voyages of
Columbus from the manuscript decades of 1'eter Martyr, who erroneously lays the
cnaigc of the plagiarism to Aioyslus Cudumosto, whose voyages are inserted in the
came collection. The book was entitled " Libretto di tutla la nuciyuzioitt dtl 1U de
t, dtita Isole e Urreni naocumtiite trocati."
APPENDIX. 639
than half of his crew, the rest having gone in the boat to the assistance
of the wreck. Vespucci found a harbor, but waited in vain for several
days for the arrival of the ships. Standing out to sea he met with a
solitary vessel, and learned that the ship of the commander had sunk,
and the re.st had proceeded onward. In company with this vessel he
stood for the Brazils, according to a command of the king, in case that
any vessel should be parted from the fleet. Arriving on the coast he dis-
covered the famous bay of All Saints, where he remained upward of two
months, in hopes of being joined by the rest of the fleet. He at length
ran iwo hundred and sixty leagues farther south, where he remained five
months building a fort and taking in a cargo of Brazil wood. Then,
leaving in the fortress a garrison of twenty-four men with anns and
ammunition, he set sail for Lisbon, where he arrived in June, 1504. 1
The commander of the squadron and the other four ships were never
heard of afterward.
Vespucci does not. appear to have received the reward from the King
of Portugal that his services merited, for we find him at Seville early in
1505. on his way to the Spanish court, in quest of employment; and he
was bearer of a letter from Columbus to his son Diego, dated February
5th, which, while it speaks warmly of him as a friend, intimates his
having been unfortunate. The following is the letter:
" MY DKAII SON: Diego Mendez departed hence on Monday, the third
of this month. After his departure 1 conversed with Amerigo Vespucci,
the bearer of this, who goes there (to court) summoned on affairs of
navigation. Fortune has been adverse to him as to many others. Ills
labors have not profited him as much as they reasonably should have
done. He goes on my account, and with much desire to do something
that may result to my advantage, if within his power. I cannot ascer-
tain here in what 1 can employ him, that will be serviceable to me, for
I do not know what may be there required. He goes with the determi-
nation to do all that is possible for me; see in what he may be of advan-
tage and co-operate with him, that he may say and do every thing, and
put his plans in operation; and let all be done secretly, that he may not
be suspected: I have said every thing to him that I can say touching the
business, and have informed him of the pay 1 have received, and what
is due, etc." ' 2
About this time Amerigo Vespucci received letters of naturalization
from King Ferdinand, and shortly afterward he and Vincente Yailez
Pinzon were named captains of an armada about to be sent out in the
spice trade and to make discoveries. There is a royal order, dated Toro,
llth of April, 1507, for 12,000 maravedies for an outfit for " Americo de
Vespuche, resident of Seville." Preparations were made for this voy-
age, and vessels procured and fitted out, but it was eventually abandoned.
There are memoranda existing concerning it, dated in 1506', 1507, and
1508. from which it appears that Amerigo Vespucci remained at Seville,
attending to the fluctuating concerns of this squadron, until the desti-
nation of the vessels was changed, their equipments were sold, and the
accounts settled. During this time he had a salary of 30,000 maravedies.
On the 22d of March, 1508, he received the appointment of principal
pilot, with a salary of 70,000 maravedies. His chief duties were to pre-
pare charts, examine pilots, superintend the fitting out of expeditions,
and prescribe the route that vessels were to pursue in their voyages to
the New World. He appears to have remained at Seville, and to have
1 Writer of Vespucci to Poduritii or Keitato Edit, of Canoval.
* Kavarrulu, Coluc. Viag., tow. i. i>. i>^l.
640 APPENDIX.
retained this office until his death, on the 22d of February, 1512. His
widow, Maria ( 'orezo, enjoyed a pension of 10,000 maravedies. After his
death, his nephew, Juan Vespucci, was nominated pilot with a salary of
20,000 maravedies, commencing on the 2'Jd of May, Jo 12. Peter Martyr
speaks with high commendation of this young man. " Young Vesputins
is one to whom Americas Vespntius his uncle left the exact knowledge
of the manner's faculties, as it were by inheritance, after his death: for
he was a very expert master in the knowledge of his cardc, his compasse,
and the elevation of the pole slarre by the quadrant. . . . Vespulius is
iny very familiar friend, and a wittie young man, in whose company 1
take great pleasure, and therefore use him ofteutymes for my gue>l. He
hath also made many voyages into these coasts, and diligently noted such
things as he hath seen." l
Vespucci, the nephew, continued in this situation during the lifetime
of Fonseca, who had been the patron of his uncle and his family. He
was divested of his pay and his employ by a letter of the council, dated
the 18th of March, 1525, shortly after the death of the bishop. No
further notice of Vespucci is to be found in the archives of the Indies.
Such is a brief view of the career of Amerigo Vespucci; it remains to
notice the points of controversy. Shortly after his return from his last
expedition to the Brazils, he wrote a letter dated Lisbon, 4th September.
1504, containing a summary account of all his voyages. This letter is of
special importance to the matters under investigation, as it is the only one
known that relates to the disputed voyage, which would establish him as
the discoverer of Terra Firma. It is presumed to have been written in
Latin, and was addressed to Rene, Duke of Lorraine, who assumed the
title of King of Sicily and Jerusalem.
The earliest known edition of this letter was published in Latin, in 1507,
at St. Diez in Lorraine, A copy of it has been found in the library of
the Vatican (No. 9GSS) by the Abbe C'ancellieri. In preparing the present
illustration, a reprint of this letter in Latin has been consulted, inserted
iu the Novus Orb is of Grinams, published at Bath in 15:)2. The letter
contains a spirited narrative of four voyages which he asserts to have
made to the New World. In the prologue he excuses the liberty of
addressing King Rene by calling to his recollection the ancient intimacy
of their youth, when studying the rudiments of science together, under
the paternal uncle of the voyager; and adds that if the present narrative
should not altogether please his majesty, he must plead to him as Pliny
said to Ma-cenus, that he used formerly to be amused with his trillings.
In the prologue to this letter, he informs King Rene that affairs of com-
merce had brought him to Spain, where he had experienced the various
changes of fortune attendant on such transactions, and was induced to
abandon that pursuit and direct his labors to objects of a more elevated
and stable nature. He therefore proposed to contemplate various parts
of the world, and to behold the marvels which it contains. To this object
both time and place were favorable; for King Ferdinand was then prepar-
ing four vessels for the discovery of new lands in the west, and appointed
him among the number of those who went in the expedition. " We
departed," he adds, " from the port of Cadiz, May 20th, 1497, taking our
course on the great gulf of ocean; in which voyage we employed eighteen
months, discovering many lands and innumerable islands, chiefly inhab-
ited, of which our ancestors make no mention."
A duplicate of this letter appears to have been sent at the same time
(written, it is said, in Italian) to Piere Soderini, afterward Gonfalonier
1 Jfeter Martyr, detail, iii. lib. v. EJeu's English traus.
A PPENDIX. 641
of Florence, which was some years subsequently published in Italy not
earlier than 1510, ami entitled " Lettera de Amerigo Vespucci delle Isole
nuovamente trovate in quatro suoi viaggi." We have consulted the
edition of this letter in Italian, inserted in the publication of Padre Sta-
nislaus Canovai, already referred to.
It has l*?en suggested by an Italian writer, that this letter was written
by Vespucci to Soderini only, and the address altered to King Rene
through the flattery or mistake of the Lorraine editor, without perceiving
how unsuitable the reference to former intimacy, intended for Soderini,
was, when applied to a sovereign. The person making this remark can
hardly have read the prologue to the Latin edition, in which the title of
" your majesty" is frequently repeated, and the term " illustrious king"
employed. It was first published also in Lorraine, the domains of Rene,
and the publisher would not probably have presumed to take such a liberty
with his sovereign's name. It becomes a ques'ion, whether Vespucci
addressed the same letter to King Rene and to Piere Soderini, both of
them having been educated with him. or whether he sent a copy of this
letter to So.lenni, which subsequently found iis way into print. The
address to Soderini may have been substituted, through mistake, by the
Italian publisher. Neither of the publications could have been made
under the supervision of Vespucci.
The voyage specified in this letter as having taken place in 1497, is the
great point in controversy. It is strenuously asserted that no such voyage
took place; and that the first expedition of Vespucci to the coast of Paria
was in the enterprise commanded by Ojeda, in 1499. The books of the
armadas existing in the archives of the Indies at Seville have been dili-
gently examined, but no record of such voyage has been found, nor any
official documents relating to it. Those most experienced in Spanish
colonial regulations insist that no command like that pretended by Ves-
pucci could have been given to a stranger, till he had first received letters
of naturalization from the sovereigns for the kingdom of Castile, and he
did not obtain such till 1505, when they were granted to him as prepara-
tory to giving him the command in conjunction with Pinzon.
His account of a voyage -made by him in 1497, therefore, is alleged to
be a fabrication for the purpose of claiming- the discovery of Paria; or
rather it is atlirmed that he has divided the voyage which he actually
made with Ojeda, in 1499, into two; taking a number of incidents from
his real voyage, altering them a little, and enlarging them with descrip-
tions of the corn-tries and people, so as to make a plausible narrative, which
lie i^ives as a distinct voyage; and antedating his departure to 1497, so as
to make himself appear the first discoverer of Paria.
In support of this charge various coincidences have been pointed out
between his voyage suiil to have taken place in 1497, and that described
in his first letter to Lorenzo de Medici in 1499. These coincidences are
with respect to places visited, transactions and battles with the natives,
and the number of Indians carried to Spain and sold as slaves.
l>ut the credibility of this voyage has been put to a stronger test.
About 1508 a suit was instituted against the crown of Spain by Don Diego,
son and heir of Columbus, for the government of certain parts of Terra
Firma, and for a share in the revenue arising from them, conformably to
the capitulations made between the sovereign and his father. It was the
object of the crown to disprove the discovery of the coast of Paria and
the pearl islands by Columbus, as it was maintained that unless he had
diseoveivd them, the claim of his heir with respect to them would be of
no validity.
In the course of this suit, a particular examination of witnesses took
642 APPENDIX.
place in 1512-13 in the fiscal court. Alonzo de Ojeda, and nearly a hun-
dred other persons, were interrogate 1 on oath; that voyager having ln-t-n
the first to visit the coast of Paria after Columbus had left it. ami that
within a very few months. The interrogatories of these witnc-scs. an I
their replies, are still extant, in the archives of the Indies at Seville, in a
packet of papers entitled " Papers belonging to the Admiral Don Luis
Colon, about the conservation of his privileges, from ami. 1515 to 15(54."
The author of the present work has two several copies of these interroga-
tories lying before him. One made by the late historian Munox. and the
other ma.le in 1826, and signed by John Jose de la Iligueray Lara, keeper
of the general archives of the Indies in Seville. In the course of this
testimony, the fact that Amerigo Vespucci accompanied Ojeda in this
voyage of 1499, appears manifest, first from the deposition of Ojeda him-
self. The following are the words of the record: '' In this voyage which
this said witness made, he took with him Juan de la Cosa and Morego
Vespuche [Amerigo Vespucci] and other pilots." l Secondly, from the
coincidence of many parts of the narrative of Vespucci with events in this
voyage of Ojeda. Among these coincidences, one is particularly striking.
Vespucci, in his letter to Lorenzo de Medici, and also in that to Rene or
Soderini, says that his ships, after leaving the coast of Terra Kinna,
stopped at Hispaniola, where they remained about two months and a half,
procuring provisions, during which time, he adds, " we had many perils
and troubles with the very Christians who were in that island with Colum-
bus, and I believe through envy." ' 2
Now it is well known that OjeJa passed some time on the western end
of the island victualling his ships; and that serious dissensions took place
between him and the Spaniards in those parts, and the party sent by
Columbus under Roldau to keep a watch upon his movements. If then
Vespucci, as is stated upon oath, really accompanied Ojeda in this voyage,
the inference appears almost irresistible, that he had not made the pre-
vious voyage of 1497. for the fact would have been well known to Ojeda;
he would have considered Vespucci as the original discoverer and would
have had no motive for depriving him of the merit of it, to give it to
Columbus, with whom Ojeda was not upon friendly terms.
Ojeda, however, expressly-declares that the coast had been discovered
by Columbus. On being asked how he knew the fact, he replied, because
he saw the chart of the country discovered, which Columbus sent at the
time to the king and queen, and that he came off immediately on a voy-
age of discovery, and found what was therein set down as discovered by
the admiral was correct. 3
Another witness, Bernaldo de Haro, states that he had been with the
admiral, and had written (or rather copied) a letter for the admiral to
the king and queen designating, in an accompanying sea-chart, the courses
and steerings and winds by which he had arrived at Paria: and that this
witness had heard that from this chart others had been made, and that
1 En este viase que este dicho teetigo hizo trujo consigo a Juan de la Cosa, piloto,
e Morego Vespuche, e otiw pilotos.
1 Per la necessita del mantenimento fummo all' Icola d'Antielia (Hispaniola) che 6
quecta che descoperse Chrintoval Colombo piu anni fa, dove fucummo raolto mantei i-
mento, e stem mo due mesi e 17 giorni; dove passammo moti perieoli e travail con !i
medesimi Christian! que in v-)iie-<ta isola stavaiino col Colombo (credo per invidia). Letter
of Vespucci Kdit. of Canovai.
Preguntado como lo salw; dijo qne ! cabe porque vio este testigo la fieura quo
el dicho AlmiraiHe al dicho tiempo euilii > a <'utilla al Key e Reyna, nueftruH Seiiores,
de lo que babia descubicrto, y porque ete leatigo luego vino a descubrir y hallo que era
verdad lo que dicho tiene que el dicho AltuirauU; deacubrio. MS. Process of D. Dieg.>
Coloo, preguuta 2.
APPENDIX. 643
Pedro Alon/.o Xifio and Ojeda, and others, who had since visited th'ese
countries, had been guided by the same. 1
Francisco de Molares, one of the best and most credible of all the pilots,
testified that he saw a sea-chart which Columbus had made of the coast of
Paria, and lie believed 11ml nil yoverned tlientsilcen l>y it*
Numerous witnesses in this process testify to the fact that Paria was
first discovered by Columbus. Las Casas, who has been at the pains of
counting them, says that the fact was established by twenty-five eye-
witnesses and sixty ear-witnesses. Many of them testify also that the
coast south of Paria, and that extending west of the island of Margarita,
away to Vene/.nela, which Vespucci states to have been discovered by
himself in 14H7, was now first discovered by Ojeda, and had never before
been visited either by the admiral "or any other Christian whatever."
Alonzo Sanchez de Carvujul says that all the voyages of discovery which
were made to the Terra Firma, were made by persons who had sailed
with the admiral, or been benefited by his instructions and directions,
following the course he had laid down ; a and the same is testified by many
other pilots and mariners of reputation and experience.
It would be a singular circumstance, if none of these witnesses, many
of whom must have sailed in the same squadron with Vespucci along this
coast in 14U!>. should have known that he had discovered and explored it
two years previously. If that had really been the case, what motive could
he have for concealing the fact? and why, if they knew it, should they
not proclaim it? Vespucci states his voyage in 1407 to have been made
with four caravels; that they returned in October, 14l>8, and that he sailed
again with two caravels in May. 14'. H) (the date of Ojeda's departure).
Many of the mariners would therefore have been present in both vo\
Why, too, should Ojeda and the other pilots guide themselves by the
charts of Columbus, when they had a man on board so learned in nautical
science, and who, from his own recent observations, was practically
acquainted with the coast? Not a word, however, is mentioned of the
voyage and discovery of Vespucci by any of the pilots, though every other
voyage and discovery is cited; nor does there even a seaman appear who
had accompanied him in his asserted voyage.
Another strong circumstance against the reality of this voyage is, that it
was not brought forward in this trial to defeat the claims of the heirs of
Columbus. Vespucci states the voyage to have been undertaken with
the knowledge and countenance of King Ferdinand; it niu>t. therefore,
have been avowed and notorious. Vespucci was living at .Seville in 1-J08,
at the time of the commencement of this suit, and for four years after-
war 1, a -ularied servant of the crown. Many of the pilots and mariners
must have been at hand, who sailed with him in his pretended enterprise.
If this voyage had once been proved, it would completely have settled the
question, as far as concerned the coast of Paria, in favor of the crown.
Yet no testimony appears ever to have been taken from Vespucci while
1 Este tpptisro oscrivio una cnrta qne el Almirantc eecriviera al Rcy a Reyna X.N'.S S.
haciendo Ic* ibrr his |KM las ecosas i(c haltia hallado, y le embiti senaido con la ilic/ha
carta, en una i-arui de marear. Ion rmnlxM y vietitow por donde habia llega do a la Paria,
e queewte Uwligooyodpcir como pr. aquella carte se habian hecho otras e nor el law habian
venido Pedro Alouzo Merino [Niuol Ojeda e olroe quo despueu ban ido <i aquellas pnn*.
Idem, preLTiinta 9.
J Procew* of D. TMeao Colon, pregunta 10.
s (juevn lodos los viagert qur algiiitow hicioron descubriendo en la dicha tiorra, ihan
persona* (jue ovieion navesjado con el dicho Ahnirante, y a ellos mnptri'i mucha* cos:is dj
niarcar, y <>llo por iniiUuion rimlnsuia iMdiclio .Mininiiite las apreijdi;i.i y a,)U':idieron,
e BCLtiiciiilo ay". (|iic H dit-ho Aliniianle le habia niostrado, hicierou IOB viages que den
cubrieruu uu laTierru Kiruia. 1'roc.cs.s, preguula 10.
644 APPENDIX.
living; and when the interrogatories we're marie in the fiscal court in
1512-13, not one of his seamen is brought up to give evidence. A voyage
so important in its nature, and so essential to the question in dispute, is
not even alluded to, while useless pains are taken to wrest evidence from
the voyage of Ojeda, undertaken at a subsequent period.
It is a circumstance worthy of notice, that Vespucci commences his first
letters to Lorenzo de Medici in 1500, within a month after his return from
the voyage he had actually made to Paria, and apologizes for his long
silence, by saying that nothing had occurred worthy of mention ("e gran
tempo che non ho scritto a vostro magnifizensa, e non lo ha causato altra
cosa ne nessuna salvo non mi essere occorso cosa degna di memoria"),
and proceeds eagerly to tell him the wonders he had witnessed in the
expedition from which he had but just returned. It would be a singular
forgetfulness to say that nothing had occurred of importance, if he had
made a previous voyage of eighteen months in 1407-8 to this newly dis-
covered world; and it would be almost equally strange that he should not
make the slightest allusion to it in this letter.
It has been the endeavor of the author to examine this question dis-
passionately ; and after considering the statements and arguments advanced
on either side, he cannot resist a conviction, that the voyage stated to
have been made in 1497 did not take place, and that Vespucci has no title
to the first discovery of the coast of Paria.
The question is extremely perplexing from the difficulty of assigning
sufficient motive? for so gross a deception. When Vespucci wrote his
letters there was no doubt entertained but that Columbus had discovered
the main-land in his first voyage; Cuba being always considered the
extremity of Asia, until circumnavigated in 1508. Vespucci may have
supposed Brazil, Paria, and the rest of that coast, part of a distinct conti-
uent, and have been anxious to arrogate to himself the fame of its dis-
covery. It has been asserted that, on his return from his voyage to the
Brazils, he prepared a maritime chart, in which he gave his name to that
part of the main-land; but this assertion does not appear to be well sub-
stantiated. It would rather seem that his name was given to that part of
the continent by others, as a tribute paid to his supposed merit, in conse-
quence of having read his own account, of his voyages. 1
It is singular that Fernando, the son of Columbus, in his biography of
his father, should bring no charge against Vespucci of endeavoring to
supplant the admiral in this discovery. Herrera has been cited as the first
to bring the accusation, in his history of the Indies, first published in
1001, and has been much criticised in consequence, by the advocates of
Vespucci, as making the charge on his mere assertion. But, in fact,
Herrera did but copy what he found written by Las Casas, who had the
proceedings of the fiscal court lying before him, and was moved to indig-
nation against Vespucci, by what he considered proofs of great imposture.
It has been suggested that Vespucci was instigated to this deception at
the time when he was seeking employment in the colonial service of
Spain; and that he did it lo conciliate the Bishop Fonseca, who was de-
sirous of any thing that might injure the interests of Columbus. In cor-
roboration of this opinion, the patronage is cited, which was ever shown
by Fonseca to Vespucci and his family. This is not, however, a satisfac-
tory' reason, since it does not appear that the bishop ever made any use
1 The first suggestion of the name appears to have been in the Latin work already
cited, published i.i St. Diez, in Lorraiue, in Io07, in which was inserted the letter of
Vi'cpueci to king Rone. The author, after speaking of the other three parts of the world,
Asia, Africa, and Europe, recommends that the fourth shall be culled Amerigo, or
America, after Vespucci, whom he imagined its discoverer.
APPENDIX. 645
of the fabrication. Perhaps some other means might be found of account-
ing for this spurious narration, without implicating the veracity of Ves-
pucci. It may have been the blunder of some editor, or the interpolation
of some book-maker, eager, as in the case of Trivigiani with tin- manu-
scripts of Peter Martyr, to gather together disjointed materials, and
fabricate a work to gratify the prevalent passion of the day.
In the various editions of the letters of Vespucci, the grossest varia-
tions and inconsistencies in dates will be found, evidently the errors of
hasty and careless publishers. Several of these have been corrected by
the modern authors who have inserted these letters in their works. 1 The
same disregard to exactness which led to these blunders may have pro-
duced the interpolation of this voyage, garbled out of the letters of Ves-
pucci and the accounts of other voyagers. This is merely suggested as a
possible mode of accounting for what appears so decidedly to be a fabri-
cation, yet which we are loath to attribute to a man of the good sense,
the character, and the reputed merit of Vespucci.
After all, this is a question more of curiosity than of real moment,
although it is one of those perplexing points about which grave men will
continue to write weary volumes, until the subject acquires a factitious
importance from the mountain of controversy heaped upon it. It has
become a question of local pride with the literati of Florence: and they
emulate each other with patriotic zeal, to vindicate the fame of their dis-
tinguished countryman. This zeal is laudable when kept within proper
limits; but it is to be regretted that some of them have so far been heated
by controversy as to become irascible against the very memory of Colum-
bus, and to seek to disparage his general fame, as if the ruin of it would
add any thing to the reputation of Vespucci. This is discreditable to their
discernment and their liberality; it injures their cause, and shocks the
feelings of mankind, who will not willingly see a name like that of Co-
lumbus, lightly or petulantly assailed in the course of these literary con-
tests. It is a name consecrated in history, and is no longer the property
of a city, or a state, or a nation, but of the whole world.
Neither should those who have a proper sense of the merit of Columbus
put any part of his great renown at issue upon this minor dispute.
Whether or not he was the discoverer of Paria, was a question of interest
to his heirs, as a share of the government and revenues of that country
depended upon it; but it is of no importance to his fame. In fact, the
European who first reached the main-land of the New World was most
probably Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, sailing in the employ of
England. In 1497 he coasted its shores from Labrador to Florida, yet the
English have never set up any pretensions on his account.
The glory of Columbus does not depend upon the parts of the country
he visited or the extent of coast along which he sailed; it embraces the
discovery of the whole western world. With respect to him, Vespucci is
as Yanez Pinzon, Bastides, Ojeda, Cabot, and the crowd of secondary
discoverers who followed in his track, and explored the realms to which
he had led the way. When Columbus first touched a shore of the New
1 An instance of these errors may be cited in the edition of the letter of Amerigo
Vespucci to king Rene, inserted by Grinseus in his Xovus Orbis, in 1532. In this Ves-
pucci is made to state that he sailed from Cadiz, May 20, MCCCCXOVII. (1497) that he
was eighteen months absent, and returned to Cadiz October 15, MCCCCXCIX. (1499),
which would constitute an absence of twenty. nine months. He states his departure from
Cadi/., on his second voyage, Sunday, Mar II, MCCCCI, XXXIX. (1489), which would
have made his second voyage precede his tirst by eight years. If we substitute 1409 tor
14s.i. the departure on his second voyage would stili precede his return from his first by
five month*. Carnival, in his edilio i, has Altered the date of the first reluru lo 1498, to
limit the voyage lo eigbteeu months.
646 APPENDIX.
World, oven though a frontier island, he had achieved his enterprises; he
had accomplished all that was necessary to his fame: the great problem
of the ocean was solved, the world which lay beyond its Western waters
was discovered.
A'otf to the Rer.ixed Edition, 184S. Humboldt, in his EXAMEN CRITIQUE, published
in I'aris, in 1837, says: " 1 have been so happy as to discover, very recently, the name
ami the literary relations of the mysterious personage who (in 1->07) was the tirst to pro-
pose the name of America to designate the new continent, and who concealed himself
under the Gieciauized name of Hylacomylas." He then, by a long and ingenious inves
tigatiun, shows that the real name of this personage was Martin Wuldsefiniiller, of Fri-
bourg, an eminent cosmographer, patronized by Rene, Duke of Lorraine; who.no doubt,
put in his hands the letter received hy him from Amerigo Vespucci. The geographical
works of Waldseemiiller, under the assumed name of Ilylacomylas, had a wide circula-
tion, went through repeated editions, and propagated the use of the name America
through the world. There is no reason to suppose that this application of the name was
in anywise suggested by Amerigo Vespucci. It appears to have been entirely gratui-
tous oil the part of WaldseeuiiiUer.
No. XI
MARTIN ALONZO PINZON.
Ix the course of the trial in the fiscal court, between Don Diego and
the crown, an attempt was made to depreciate the merit of Columbus,
and to ascribe the success of the great enterprise of discovery to the in-
telligence and spirit of Martin Alonzo Pinzon. It was the interest of the
crown to do so, to justify itself in withholding from the heirs of Colum-
bus the extent of his stipulated reward. The examinations of witnesses
in this trial were made at various times and places, and upon a set of in-
terrogatories formally drawn up by order of the fiscal. They took place
upwards of twenty years after the first voyage of Columbus, and the wit-
nesses testified from recollection.
In reply to one of the interrogatories, Arias Perez Pinzon, son of Martin
Alonzo, declared, that, being once in Rome with his father on commercial
affairs, before the time of the discovery, they had frequent conversations
with a person learned in cosmography who was in the service of Pope
Innocent VIII., and that being in the library of the pope, this person
showed them many manuscripts, from one of which his father gathered
intimation of these new lands; for there was a passage by an historian as
old as the time of Solomon, which said, " Navigate the Mediterranean
Sea to the end of Spain and thence towards the setting sun, in a direction
between north and south, until ninety-five degrees of longitude, and you
will find the land of Cipango, fertile and abundant, and equal in greatness
to Africa and Europe." A copy of this writing, he added, his father
brought from Home with an intention of going in search of that land,
and frequently expressed such determination; and that, when Columbus
came to Palos with his project of discovery, Martin Alonzo Pinzon showed
him the manuscript, and ultimately gave it to him just before they sailed.
It is extremely probable that this manuscript, of which Arias Perez
gives so vague an account from recollection, but which he appears to think
the main thing that prompted Columbus to his undertaking, was no other
than the work of Marco Polo, which, at that time, existed in manuscript
in most of the Italian libraries. Martin Alonzo was evidently acquainted
with the work of the Venetian, and it would appear, from various circum-
stances, that Columbus had a copy of it with him in his voyages, which
may have been the manuscript, above mentioned. Columbus had long
before, however, had a knowledge of the work, if not by actual inspec-
tion, at least through his correspondence with Toscanelli in 1474, and had
derived trom it all the light it svas capable of furnishing, before he ever
APPEXTHX. 647
came to Palos. Tt is questionable, also, whether the visit of Martin
Alonzo to Home was not after his mind had been heated by conversations
with Columbus in the convent of La Kabida. The testimony of Arias
Perez is so worded as to leave it in doubt whether the visit was not in the
very year prior to the discovery: " fue el dicho su padre a lioina aquel
dicho ano antes que fuese a descubrir." Arias Perez always mentions the
manuscript as having l>een imparted to Columbus, after he had couie to
Palos with an intention of proceeding on the discovery.
Certain witnesses who were examined on behalf of the crown, and to
whom specific interrogatories were put, asserted, as has already been
mentioned in a note to this work, that had it not been for Martin Alonzo
Pinzon and his brothers, Columbus would have turned back for Spain,
after having run seven or eight hundred leagues; being disheartened at
not finding land, and dismayed by the mutiny and menaces of his crew.
This is stated by two or three as from personal knowledge, and by others
from hearsay. It is said especially to have occurred on the Oth of Octo-
ber. On this day, according to the journal of Columbus, he had some
conversation with Martin Alonzo, who was anxious that they should
stand more to the south-west. The admiral refused to do so, and it is
very probable that some angry words may have passed U-tween them.
Various disputes appear to have taken place between Columbus and his
colleagues respecting their route, previous to the discovery of land; in
one or two instances he acceded to their wishes and altered his course,
but in general lie was inflexible in standing to the west. The Pinzons
aNo. in all probability, exerted their influence in quelling the mill-mill's
of their townsmen and encouraging them to proceed, when ready to rel>el
against Columbus. These circumstances may have become mixed up in
the vague recollections of the seamen who gave the foregoing extravagant
testimony, and who were evidently disposed to exalt the merits of the
Pinzons at the expense of Columbus. They were in some measure
prompted also in their replies by the written interrogatories put by order
of the fiscal, which specified the conversation said to have passed bet ween
Columbus and the Pinzons, and notwithstanding these guides they dif-
fered widely in their statements, and ran into many absurdities. In a,
manuscript record in possession of the. Pinzon family, I have even read
the assertion of an old seaman, that Columbus, in his eagerness to com-
pel 1 the Pinzons to turn back to Spain, fired upon Llielr .s/u/w, but. they
continuing on, he was obliged to follow, and within two days afterward
discovered the island of Hispaniola.
It is evident the old sailor, if he really spoke conscientiously, mingled
in his cloudy remembrance the disputes in the early part of the voyage,
about altering their course to the south-west, and the desertion of Martin
Alonzo, subsequent to the discovery of the Lucayos and Cuba, when,
after parting company with the admiral, he made the island of Hispaniola.
The witness most to l>e depended upon as to these points of inquiry, is
the physician of Palos, Garcia Fernandez, a man of education, who sailed
with Martin Alonzo Pinzon as steward of his ship, and of course was
present at all the conversations which passed between the commanders,
lie testifies that Martin Alonzo urged Columbus to stand more to the
south-west, and that the admiral at length complied, but, finding no land
in that direction, they turned again to the west; a statement which com-
pletely coincides with the journal of Columbus. He adds that the admiral
continually comforted and animated Martin Alonzo, and all others in his
company. (Siempre los consolaba el dicho Almirante esforzandolos al
dicho Martin Alonzo e ji todos los que en su companla iban.) When the
physician was specifically questioned as to the conversations pretended to
648 APPENDIX.
+
have passed between the commanders, in which Columbus expressed a
desire to turn back to Spain, he referred to the preceding statement as
the oidy answer he had to make to these interrogatories.
The extravagant testimony before mentioned appears never to have
had any weight with the fiscal; and the accurate historian Mufioz, who
extracted all these points of evidence from the papers of the lawsuit, has
not deemed them worthy of mention in his work. As these matters,
however, remain on record in the archives of the Indies, ami in the
archives of the Pinzon family, in both of which I have had a full oppor-
tunity of inspecting them, I have thought it advisable to make these few
observations on the subject; lest, in the rage for research, they might
hereafter be drawn forth as a new discovery, oil the strength of which to
impugn the merits of Columbus.
No. XII.
RUMOR OF THE PILOT SAID TO HAVE HIED IX THE HOUSE OF
COLUMBUS.
AMONO the various attempts to injure Columbus by those who were
envious of his fame, was one intended to destroy all his merit as an origi-
nal discoverer. It was said that he had received information of the exist-
ence of land in the western parts of the ocean from a tempest-tossed
pilot, who had been driven there by violent easterly winds, and who,
on his return to Europe, had died in the house of Columbus, leaving 111
his possession the chart and journal of his voyage, by which he was
guided to his discovery.
This story was first noticed by Oviedo, a contemporary of Columbus,
in his history of the Indies, published in 15-J5. He mentions it as a
rumor circulating among the vulgar, without foundation in truth.
Fernando Lopez de Gomara first brought it forward against Columbus.
In his history of the Indies, published in 1552, he repeats the rumor in
the vaguest terms, manifestly from Oviedo, but without the contradiction
given to it by that author. He says that the name and country of the
pilot were unknown, some terming him an Andalusian, sailing between
the Canaries and Madeira; others a Biseavan, trading to England and
France; and others a Portuguese, voyaging between Lisbon and Nina, on
the coast of Guinea. He expresses equal uncertainty whether the pilot
brought the caravel to Portugal, to Madeira, or to one of the Azores. The
only point on which the circulators of the rumor are agreed was, that he
died in the house of Columbus. Gomara adds that by this event Colum-
bus was led to undertake his voyage to the new countries. 1
The other early historians who mention Columbus and his voyages, ami
were his contemporaries, viz.. JSabellicus, Peter Martyr, Gustiniani. 13er-
naldez, commonly called the curate of los Palacios, Las Casas, Fernando,
the son of the admiral, and the anonymous author of a voyage of Colum-
bus, translated from the Italian into Latin by Madrignano,- are all silent in
regard to this report.
Benzoni. whose history of the New World was published in 15fV), re-
peats the story from Gomara, with whom he was contemporary: but
decidedly expresses his opinion that Gomara had mingled up much false-
1 Goinaia. Ili>l., I ml. cap. 14.
! Naviuati.! ('hristophun Columbi, Madrignano Fntorprete. It i* contained in a col-
lection lit \oyases called Xovus Orlns Keuionum, edition of Ki.Vi, bill wu* originally pub-
li.-lu'd in Italian as written by Montalltodo Francaii/.ano (or Knincupuiio de Muululdo),
in u cutlecliou ot voyages (.-milled N IK-MJ Mundu, lu VKI-II/U, 1607.
APPENDIX. 649
hoorl with sonic truth, for the purpose of detracting from the fame of
< 'nlumhus, through jealousy that any one but a Spaniard should enjoy the
honor of the discovery. 1
Acosia notices the cireumstanee slightly in his Natural and Moral History
of the Indies, published in 151H, and Lakes it evidently from Gomara.-
Mariana, in his history of Spain, published in 1-V.rJ, also mentions it,
but expresses a doubt of its truth, and derives his information manifestly
from (iomara. 3
lien era, who published his history of the Indies in 1(501, takes no notice
of the story. In not noticing it, he may be considered as rejecting it; for he
is distinguished for his minuteness, and was well acquainted with Gomara's
history, which he expressly contradicts on a point of considerable inteivst. 4
Garcilaso de la Vega, a native of Cuseo in Peru, revived the tale with
very minute particulars, in his Commentaries of the Incas, published in
100'.). lie tells it smoothly and circumstantially; fixes the date of the
occurrence 1484, "one. year more or less;' 1 states the name of the unfor-
tunate pilot, Alonzo Sanchez de Huelva; the destination of his vessel,
from the Canaries to Madeira; and the unknown land to which they w.-re
driven, the island of llispaniola. The pilot, he says, landed, took an alti-
tude, and wrote an account of all he saw, and all that had occurred in
the voyage. He then took in wood and water, and set out to seek his way
home. He succeeded in returning, but the voyage was long and tempest-
uous, ami twelve lied of hunger and fatigue, out of seventeen, the origi-
nal number of the crew. The five survivors arrived at Ten-era, where
they were hospitably entertained by Columbus, but all died in his house
in consequence of the hardships they had sustained; the pilot was the
la^t that died, leaving his host heir to his papers. Columbus kept them
profoundly secret, and by pursuing the route therein prescribed, obtained
the credit of discovering the New World. 5
Such are the material points of the circumstantial relation furnished
by Garcilaso tie la Vega, one hundred and twenty years after the event.
In regard to authority, he recollects to have heard the story when he was
a child, as a subject of conversation between his father and the neighbors,
and lie refers to the histories of the Indies, by Acosta and Goinara, for
confirmation. As the conversations to which he listened must have taken
place sixty or seventy years alter the date of the report, there had been sutti-
cient time for the vague rumors to become arranged into a regular narrative
and thus we have not only the name, country, and destination of the pilot,
but also the name of the unknown land to which his vessel was driven.
This account given by Garcilaso de la Vega, has been adopted by many
old historians, who have felt a confidence in the peremptory manner in
which he relates it and in the authorities to whom he refers." These
' Girolarao Benzoni, Hist. Pel Nuevo Mnndo, lib. i. fo. 12. In Venetia, 1572.
! I 'ad re .Joseph de Aeosta, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 19.
s .Juan de Mariana, Hist. Espana, lib. xxvi. cap. 3.
4 IJeni-ra, Hist. Ind., decail. ii. lili. iii. cap. I.
6 Coninifiitaiios de Ion Incae, lib. i. cap. 3.
Name* of historian* who either adopted this story in detail or the charge against
L'olumlms, drawn from it.
Bernanlo Aldrele, Amignedad de Espana, lib. iv. cap. 17, p. 567.
Koderiuo Cam, Atiliuuedad, lib. iii. cap. 76.
tluan de Solorzano, Ind. Jure, loin. i. lib. i. cap. 5.
Fernando Pizarro, Varoiie* lllust. del Niu-vo Mundo, cap. 2.
Agostiuo Torniel, Anual. Sacr., lorn. i. aim. Mund., 1931, No. 48.
IVl. Damarez or I >t- Maii/., Dial. iv. de V'ar. Hist., cap. 4.
Gu-tfona (iarcia. OIIL'. <U- los Indion, lib. i. cap. 4, 1.
Juan de Torqui-manda, Monarch. Ind., lib. xviii. cap. 1.
John liai.lisU- Uk-cioli. tifosrraf. Uefomi., lib. iii.
To I Lii 11*1 of old authors may t>e added many others of more recent date.
650 APPENDIX.
have been echoed by others of more recent date; and thus a weighty
charge of fraud and imposture has been accumulated against Columbus,
apparently supported by a crowd of respectable accusers. The whole;
charge is to be traced to Gomara, who loosely repeated a vairue rumor,
without noticing the pointed contradiction given to it seventeen years
before, by Oviedo, an ear-witness, from whose book he appears to have
actually gathered the report.
It is to be remarked that Gomara bears the character, among histori-
ans, of inaccuracy, and of great credulity in adopting unfounded stories. 1
It is unnecessary to give further refutation to this charge, especially as
it is clear that Columbus communicated his idea of discovery to Paulo
Toscanelli of Florence, in 1474, ten years previous to the date assigned by
Garcilaso de la Vega for this occurrence.
No. XIII.
MARTIN BEIIEM.
Tins able geographer \vas born in Nuremburg. in Germany, about the
commencement of the year 1430. His ancestors were from the circle of
Pilsner, in Bohemia, hence he is called by some writers Martin of Bohe-
mia, and the resemblance of his own name to that of the country of his
ancestors frequently occasions a confusion in the appellation.
It has been said by some that he studied under Philip Bervalde the
elder, and by others under John Muller, otherwise called Hegiomontanus,
though De Murr, who has made diligent inquiry into his history, dis-
credits both assertions. According to a correspondence between Behem
and his uncle, discovered of late years by De Murr, it appears that the
early part of his life was devoted to commerce. Some have given him
the credit of discovering the island of Fayal, but this is an error, arising
probably from the circumstance that Job de lluertar, father-in-law of
Behem, colonized that island in 1466.
He is supposed to have arrived at Portugal in 1481, while Alphonzo
V. was still on the throne ; it is certain that shortly afterward he was ill
high repute for his science in the court of Lisbon, insomuch, that he was
one of the council appointed by King John II. to improve the art of navi-
gation, and by some he has received the whole credit of the memorable
service rendered to commerce by that council, in the introduction of the
astrolabe into nautical use.
In 1484 King John sent an expedition under Diego Cam, as Barros
calls him, Cano according to others, to prosecute discoveries along the
coast of Africa. In this expedition Behem sailed as cosmographer. They
crossed the equinoctial line, discovered the coast of Congo, advanced to
twenty-two degrees forty-five minutes of south latitude, 2 and erected two
1 " Francisco Lopes dc Gomara, Presbitero, Sevillano, escribio con eleaante estilo
ncerca de la coas de las Indies, pero dexandose llevarde falsa* narracionex." Bijou de
Sevilla, Xumcro ii. p. 4.', Lei. F. The same is stated iu Bibliotbeca llispufia Xova, lib.
i. p. 437.
" Kl Francisco Lopez de Gomara cscrivio tantos borroncs e cosas que no son verda-
dera*, de que ha hecho nuicho dana a mucho* escritories e coronirtas, que despues del
Gomara han escrito en la- coas de la Nueva Espaiia . . . e porque le* ha hecho
errar el Gomara." licrnal l>iuz del Castillo, Hist, de Iu Conquest de !a Xueva Espaua,
Fin. de cap. 18.
"Tenia Gomara doctrina y e*tilo . . . pero empleosc en ordinar sin discernimi-
ento lo quo hallo escrilo por M~IS untcccnoree, y diu credito a pctrana* no eulo lalsas eiuu
i.i\cii-'n:ii io." .luan I'.aulisla Muuox, Hist. X. JJundu, 1'roiogo, p. IS.
2 \ aocoucelus, lib. 4.
A PPENDIX. 651
columns, on which were engraved the arms of Portugal, in the month of
the River Xagra, in Africa, which thence, for some time, took the name
of the Uiver of ( olumns. 1
For the services rendered on this and on previous occasions, it is said
that IVhein was knighted by King John in 1485, though no mention is
made of such a circumstance in any of the contemporary historians. The
principal proof of his having received this mark of distinclion, is his
having given himself the title on his own globe of Kttnex Liixilnmix.
In M8Q he married at Fayal the daughter of Job de llnertar, and is
supposed to have remained there for some years, where be had a son
named Martin, born in 14JS!>. During his residence at Lisbon and Fayal,
it is probable the acquaintance took place between him and Columbus, to
which Herrera and others allude : and the admiral may have heard from
him some of the rumors circulating in the islands, of indications of west-
ern lands floating to their shores.
In 14 ( .)1 he returned to Nuremburg to see his family, and while there,
in 1492, he finished a terrestrial globe, considered a masterpiece in those
days, which he had undertaken at the request of the principal magistrates
of his native city.
In 14!):J he returned to Portugal, and from thence proceeded to Fayal.
In 14U4 King John II., who had a high opinion of him, sent him to
Flanders to his natural son Prince George, the intended heir of his crown.
In the course of his voyage Uehein was captured and carried to England,
where he remained for three months detained by illness. Having re-
covered, he again put to sea, but was captured by a corsair and carried to
France. Having ransomed himself, he proceeded to Antwerp and Uruges,
but returned almost immediately to Portugal. Nothing more is known
of him for several years, during which time it is supposed he remained
with his family in Fayal, too old to make further voyages. In 1500 he
went forth from Fayal to Lisbon, where he die<|.
The assertion that. Uehein had discovered the western world previous
to Columbus, in the course of the voyage with Cam. was founded on a
misinterpretation of a passage interpolated in the chronicle of Hart maun
Schedel, a contemporary writer. This passage mentions, that when the
voyagers were in the Southern Ocean not far from the coast, and had
passed the line, tliey came into another hemisphere, where, when they
looked toward the east, their shadows fell toward the south, on their
right hand; that here they discovered a new world, unknown until then,
and which for many years had never been sought except by the Genoese,
ami by them unsuccessfully.
"Ilii duo. bono deorum auspicio, mare meridionale sulcantes. a littore
non longe evagantes, superato circulo equinoctial!, in altermn orbem ex-
cept! sunt. Ubi ipsis stanlibus orientem versus, umbra ad meridiem et
dextram projiciebatur. Aperuere igitur stia industria, alium orbem hac-
tenns nobis incognitum et mullis annis, a uullis quaui Januensibus, licet
frustra temptatum."
These lines are part of a passage which it is said is interpolated by a
different hand, in the original manuscript of the chronicle of Schedel.
De Murr assures us that they are not to be found in the German transla-
tion of the book by George Alt, which was finished the oth October, 149:}.
But even it they were, they relate merely to the discovery which Diego
Cam made of the southern hemisphere, previously unknown, and of the
coast of Africa beyond the equator, all which appeared like a new world,
ami a^ such was talked of at the time.
1 Murr, Notice sur M. Behaim.
G52 APPENDIX.
The fJenocse alluded to, who had made an unsuccessful attempt, were
Antonio de Nolle with Bartholomeo his In-other, and Raphael tie Nolle
his nephew. Antonio was of a noble family, and, tor some disgust, left
his country anil went to Lisbon with his before-mentioned relatives in
two caravels; sailing whence iu the employ of Portugal, they discovered
the island of St. Jago. 1
This interpolated passage of Schedel was likewise inserted into the
work l)e Etiropa sub Frederico 111. of yEneas Silvius, afterward Pope
Pius II., who tiled in 14i>4, long before the voyage in question. The mis-
interpretation of the passage tirst gave rise to the incorrect assertion that
Uehein had discovered the New world prior to Columbus; as if it were
possible such a circumstance could have happened without Behem's lay-
ing claim to the glory of the discovery, and without the world immedi-
ately resounding with so important an event. This error had been
adopted by various authors without due examination; some of whom bad
likewise taken from Magellan the credit of having discovered the strait
which goes by his name, and had given it to Behem. The error was too
p.ilpabie to be generally prevalent, but was suddenly revived in the year
ITtSU by a French gentleman of highly respectable character of the name
of Otto, then resident in New York, who addressed a letter to Dr. Frank-
lin to br submitted to the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, in which
he undertook to establish the title of Behem to the discovery of the New
World. His memoir was published in the Transactions of the American
Philosophical Society, vol. ii., for ITSti, article No. :!.J, and has been copied
into the journals of most of the nations of Europe.
The authorities cited by M. Otto in support of his assertion are gen-
erally fallacious, and for the most part given without particular specifica-
tion. His assertion has been diligently and satisfactorily refuted by Don
Christoval Cladera.-
The grand proof of M. Otto is a globe which Behem made during his
residence in Xuremburg, in 14!)2, the very year that Columbus set out on
his first voyage of discovery. This globe, according to M. Otto, is still
preserved in the library of Nuremburg, and on it are painted all the dis-
coveries of Behem, which are so situated that they can be no other than
the coast of Brazil and the straits of Magellan. This authority staggered
many, ami if supported, would demolish the claims of Columbus.
Unluckily for M. Otto, in his description of the globe, he depended on
the inspection of a correspondent. The globe iu the library of Nurem-
burg was made in l.V>0, by John Schoener, professor of mathematics, 3
long after the discoveries and death of Columbus and Behem. The real
globe of Behem. made in 1492, does not contain any of the islands or
shores of the New World, anil thus proves that he was totally unac-
quainted with them. A copy, or planisphere, of Behem's globe is given
by Cladera in his Investigations.
1 Barro*, ilecad. 1. lib. if. cap. 1. Lisbon, 1552.
2 liivesiigacioiieH Hiitorica. Madrid, 17'J4.
* Cludera, luveeiiK- IH-t., p. 115.
APPENDIX. 653
No. XIV.
VOYAGES OF THE SCANDINAVIANS.
MANY elaborate dissertations have been written to prove that discov-
eries were made by the Scandinavians on the northern coast of America
long before the era of Columbus ; but the subject appears still to be
wrapped in much doubt and obscurity.
It has been asserted that the Norwegians, as early as the ninth cen-
tury, discovered a great tract of land to the west of Iceland, which they
called Grand Iceland; but this has been pronounced a fabulous tradition.
The most plausible account is one given by Snono Sturleson, in his .Saga
or Chronicle of King Glaus. According to this writer, one IJioru of Ice-
land, sailing to Greenland in search of his father, from whom he hail
been separated by a storm, was driven by tempestuous weather tar to the
south-west, until he came in sight of* a low country, covered with wood,
with an island in its vicinity. The weather becoming favorable, he
turned to the north-east without landing, and arrived safe at Greenland.
His account of the country he had beheld, it is said, excited the enter-
prise of Leif, son of Eric Hauda (or Redhead), the first settler of Green-
laud. A vessel was fitted out, and Leif and liioru departed alone in quest
of this unknown land. They found a rocky and sterile island, to which
they gave the name of Uelleland; also a low sandy country covered with
wood, to which they gave the name of Markland; and, two days after-
ward, they observed a continuance of the coast, with an island to the
north of it. This last they described as fertile, well wooded, producing
agreeable fruits, and particularly grapes, a fruit with which they were 'un-
acquainted. On being informed by one of their companions, a German,
of its qualities and name, they called the country, from it, Vinland.
They ascended a river, well stored with fish, particularly salmon, and
came to a lake from which the river took its origin, where they passed the
winter. The climate appeared to them mild and pleasant; being accus-
tomed to the rigorous climates of the north. On the shortest day the sun
was eight hours above the horizon. Hence it has been concluded that
the country was about the 4'Jth degree of north latitude, and was either
Newfoundland, or some part of the coast of North America about the
Gulf of St. Lawrence. l It is added that the relatives of Leif made sev-
eral voyages to Vinland; that they traded with the natives for furs; an:l
that, in liil, a bishop named Eric went from Greenland to Vinland to
convert the inhabitants to Christianity. From this time, says Forster, we
know nothing of Vinland, and there is every appearance that the tribe
which still exists in the interior of Newfoundland, and which is so dif-
ferent from the other savages of North America, both in their appearance
and mode of living, and always in a state of warfare with the Esquimaux
of the northern coast, are descendants of the ancient Normans.
The author of the present work has not had the means of tracing this
story to its original sources. He gives it on the authority of M. Malte-
Brun, and Mr. Forster. The latter extracts it from the Saga or Chronicle
of bnorro, who was born in 1179, ami wrote in 1215; so that his account
was formed long after the event is said to have taken place. Forster
s.iys: "The facts which we report have been collected from a great num-
ber of Icelandic manuscripts, and transmitted to us by Torfiens in his
two works entitled Veteris Groenlandia: Uescriptio, Hafnia, 1TOG, and
1 Forster'a Northern Voyages, book ii. chap. 2.
654 APPENDIX.
Historia Winlandire Antiqure, Hafnia, 1705." Forster appears to have,
no doubt of the authenticity of the facts. As far as the author of the
present work has had experience in tracing these stories of early dis-
coveries of portions of the New World, lie has generally found them very
confident deductions drawn from very vague and questionable facts.
Learned men are too prone to give substance to mere shadows, when
they assist some preconceived theory. Most of these accounts, when
divested of the erudite comments of their editors, have proved little belter
than the traditionary fables, noticed in another part of this work, respect-
ing the imaginary islands of St. Borondon, and of the Seven Cities.
There is no great improbability, however, that such enterprising and
roving voyagers as the Scandinavians may have wandered to the northern
shores of America, about the coast of Labrador, or the shores of New-
foundland; and if the Icelandic manuscripts said to be of the thirteenth
century can be relied upon as genuine, free from modern interpolation,
and correctly quoted, they would appear to prove the fact. But grant-
ing the truth of the alleged discoveries, they led to no more result than
would the interchange of communication between the natives of Green-
land and the. Esquimaux. The knowledge of them appears not to have
extended beyond their own nation, and to have been soon neglected and
forgotten by themselves.
Another pretension to an early discovery of the American continent
has been set up, founded on an alleged map and narrativeof two brothers
of the name of Zeno, of Venice; but it seems more invalid than those
just mentioned. The following is the substance of this claim.
Xicolo Zeno, a noble Venetian, is said to have made a voyage to the
north in 1380, in a vessel fitted out at his own cost, intending to visit
England and Flanders; but meeting with a terrible tempest, was driven
for many days he knew not whither, until he was cast away upon Frise-
land, an island much in dispute among geographers, but supposed to be
the archipelago of the Ferroe islands. The shipwrecked voyagers were
assailed by the natives; but rescued by Zichmni, a prince of the islands,
lying on the south side of Friseland, and duke of another district lying
over against Scotland. Zeno entered into the service of this prince, and
aided him in conquering Friseland, and other northern islands. He w.is
soon joined by his brother Antonio Zeno, who remained fourteen years
in those countries.
During his residence in Friseland, Antonio Zeno wrote to his brother
Carlo, in Venice, giving an account of a report brought by a certain fi<h-
ernian, about a land to the westward. According to the tale of thi;,
mariner, he had been one of a party who sailed from Friseland about
twenty-six years before, in four fishing-boats. Being overtaken by a
mighty tempest, they were driven about the sea for many days, until the
boat containing himself and six companions was cast upon an islan 1
called Estotiland, about one thousand miles from Friseland. They were
taken by the inhabitants and carried to a fair and populous city, where
the king sent for many interpreters to converse with them, but none that
they could understand, until a man was found who had likewise been
cast away upon the coast, and who spoke Latin. They remained several
days upon the island, which was rich and fruitful, abounding with all
kinds of metals, ami especially gold. 1 There, was a high mountain in the
centre, from which flowed four rivers which watered the whole country.
' This account is taketi from Hackluyt, vol. iii. p. VJ3. The passage about ^old a id
other metals is not to lie found in the original luiiaii of Katuuoio (loui. ii. p. -oj, a.,d id
probably au iuterpoialiou.
APPENDIX. 655
The inhabitants were intelligent ami acquainted with the mechanical arts
of Europe. They cultivated grain, made beer, and lived in hmis-.s built
of stone. Then- were Latin books in the king's library, though Hie in-
habitants had no knowledge of that language. They had many cities
and castles, and carried on a trade with Greenlan 1 for pitch, sulphur, and
peltry. Though much given to navigation, they were ignorant of the use
of the compass, and Hading the Friselunders acquainted with it. held them
in great esteem; and the king sent them with twelve barks to visit, a
country to the south, called Drogeo. They had nearly perished in a
storm, but were cast away upon the coast of Drogeo. They found the
people to be cannibals, and were on the point of being killed and de-
voured, but were spared on account of their great skill in (idling.
The fisherman described this Drogeo as being a country of vast extent,
or rather a new world; that the inhabitants were naked and barbarous;
but that far to the south-west there was a more civilized region, an 1
temperate climate, where the inhabitants had a knowledge of gold and
silver, lived in cities, erected splendid temples to idols, and sacrificed
human victims to them, which they afterward devoured.
After the fisherman had resided many years on this continent, during
which time he had passed from the service of one chieftain to another,
and traversed various parts of it, certain boats of Estotiland arrived on
the coast of Drogeo. The fisherman went on board of them, acted as
interpreter, and followed the trade between the main-land and Estotiland
for some time, until he became very rich: then he fitted out a bark of his
own, and with the assistance of some of the people of the island, made
his way back, across the thousand intervening miles of ocean, and arrived
safe at Friseland. The account he gave of these countries, determined
Zichmni, the prince of Friseland, to send an expedition thither, and
Antonio Zeno was to command it. Just before sailing, the fisherman,
who was to have acted as guide, died: but certain mariners, who had
accompanied him from Estotiland, were taken in his place. The expe-
dition sailed under command of Zichmni; the Venetian. Zeno, merely
accompanied it. It was unsuccessful. After having discovered an island
called Icaria, where they met with a rough reception from the inhabitants,
and were obliged to withdraw, the ships were driven by a storm to Green-
land. No record remains of any further prosecution of the enterprise.
The countries mentioned in the account of Zeno were laid down on a
man originally engraved on wood. The island of Estotiland has been
supposed by Malte-Brun to be Newfoundland; its partially civilized in-
habitants the descendants of the Scandinavian colonists of Vinland; and
the Latin books in the king's library to be the remains of the library of
the Greenland bishop, who emigrated thither in 1 121. Drogeo. according
to the same conjecture, was Nova Scotia and New England. The civilized
people to the south-west, who sacrificed human victims in rich temples,
he surmises to have been the Mexicans, or some ancient nation of Florida
or Louisiana.
The premises do not appear to warrant this deduction. The whole
story abounds with improbabilities; not the least of which is the civ-
ilization prevalent among the inhabitants: their houses of stone, their
European arts, the library of their king, no traces of which were to be
found on their subsequent discovery. Not to mention the information
about Mexico penetrating through the numerous savage tribes of a vast
continent. It is proper to observe that this account was not published
until looS, long after the discovery of Mexico. It was given to the world
by Francisco Marcolini, a descendant of the Zeni, from the fragments of
letters said to have been written by Antonio Zeno to Carlo his brother.
f>56 APPENDIX.
' It grieves me," says the editor, "that the l>ook, and divers olhor writ-
ings concerning these matters, are miserably lost: for being but a child
when they came to my hands, and not knowing what they were, i tore
them and renl them to pieces, which now 1 cannot call to remembrance
but to my exceeding great grief." l
The garbled statement by Marcolini. derived considerable authority by
being introduced by Abraham Ortelius, an able geographer, in his The-
atrum Orbis; but the whole story has l>oen condemned by able commen-
tators as a gross fabrication. Mr. Forster resents this, as an instance
of obstinate incredulity, saying that it is impossible to doubt the exist-
ence of the country of which Carlo, Nicolo. and Antonio Xeno talk: as
original acts in the archives of Venice prove that the chevalier under-
took a voyage to the north; that his brother Antonio, followed him; that
Antonio traced a map, which he brought back and hung up in his
house where it remained subject to public examination, until the time
of Marcolini, as an incontestable proof of the truth of what he advanced.
Granting all this, it merely proves that Antonio and his brother were at
Friseland and Greenland. Their letters never assert that Zeno made the
voyage to Estotiland. The Heel was carried by a tempest to Greenland,
after which we hear no more of him; and his account of Estotiland and
Drogeo rests simply on the tale of the fisherman, after whose descriptions
his map must have been conjecturally projected. The whole story resem-
bles much the fables circulated shortly after the discovery of Columbus, to
arrogate to other nations and individuals the credit of the achievement.
M. Malte-IJrun intimates that the alleged discovery of Vinland may
have been known to Columbus when he made a voyage in the North Sea
in 1477,- and that the map of Xeno, being in the national library at Lou-
don, in a Danish work, at the time when Bartholomew Columbus was in
that city, employed in making maps, he may have known something
of it, and have communicated it to his brother. 3 Had M. Malte-IJrun
examined the history of Columbus with his usual accuracy, he would
have perceived that, in his correspondence with Paulo Toscanelli in 1474,
he had expressed his intention of seeking India by a route directly to the
west. His voyage to the north did not take place until three years after-
ward. As to the residence of Bartholomew in London, it was not until
after Columbus had made his'propositions of discovery to Portugal, if not
to the courts of other powers. Granting, therefore, that he had subse-
quently heard the dubious stories of Vinland, and of the fisherman's
adventures, as related by Zeno. or at least by Marcolini. they evidently
could not have influenced him in his great enterprise. His route had no
reference to them, but was a direct western course, not toward Vinland,
and Estotiland. and Drogeo, but in search of Cipango, and Cathay, and
the other countries described by Marco Polo, as lying at the extremity ol
India.
CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFiiK'A r.Y THE ANCIENTS.
THE knowledge of the ancients with respect to the Atlantic coast of
Africa is considered by modern investigators much less extensive than
had been imagined; and it is doubted whether they had any practical
i llacklnj-i, Collwt. vol. iii. p. 1'27.
* MalU'-IJrim, Hist, de (Jeou., loin. i. lit), xvll.
8 Mem. (Jcug. Uuiversclli 1 , toiii. xiv. Note ur la decourerto de I'Amerique.
APPENDIX. 657
authority for the belief that Africa was circumnavigable. The alleged
voyage of Kudoxus of Cy/.icus, from the I fed Sea to Gibraltar, though
recorded by Pliny, Poniponiiis Mela, and others, is given entirely on the
asMTtion of Cornelius Nepos, who does not tell from whence he derived
his information. Posidonius (cited by Strabo) gives an entirely different
account of this voyage, and rejects it with contempt. 1
The famous voyage of lianno, ihe Carthaginian, is supposed to have
taken place about a thousand years In-fore the Christian era. The Periplus
llannonis remains, a brief and obscure record of this expedition, and a
subject of great comment and controversy. By some it has been pro-
nounced a fictitious work, fabricated among the Greeks, but its authen-
ticity has been ably vindicated. It appears to be satisfactorily proved,
however, that the voyage of this navigator has been greatly exaggerated,
and that lie never circumnavigated the extreme end of Africa. Mons.
de liougainville - traces his route to a promontory which he named the
West Horn, supposed to be Cape Pahnas, about live or six degrees north
of the equinoctial line, whence he proceeded to another promontory,
under the same parallel, which he called the South Horn, supposed to be
Cape de Trcs Puntas. Mons. Gosselin, however, in his Researches into
the Geography of the Ancients (tome 1, p. 102, etc.), after a rigid exam-
ination of the Periplus of Ilainio, determines that he had not sailed
farther south than Cape Non. Pliny, who makes Hanno range the whole
coast of Africa, from the straits to the confines of Arabia, had never seen
his Periplus, but took his idea from the works of Xenophon of Lampsaco.
The Greeks surcharged the narration of the voyager with all kinds of
fables, and on their unfaithful copies, Strabo founded many of his asser-
tions. According to M. Gosselin, the itineraries of Hanno. of Scylax,
Polybius, Statins, Sebosus and .Juba; the recitals of Plato, of Aristotle,
of Pliny, of Plutarch, and the tables of Ptolemy, all bring us to the same
results, and, notwithstanding their apparent contradictions, fix the limit
of southern navigation about the neighborhood of Cape Non, or Cape
Bojador.
The opinion that Africa was a peninsula, which existed among the
Persians, the Egyptians, and perhaps the Greeks, several centuries prior
to the Christian era, was not, in his opinion, founded upon any known
facts; but merely on conjecture, from considering the immensity and
unity of the ocean: or perhaps on more ancient traditions; or on ideas
produced by the Carthaginian discoveries, beyond the IStrailsof Gibraltar,
and those of the Egyptians beyond the Gulf of Arabia. He thinks that
there was a very remote period, when geography was much more perfect
than in the lime of the Phenicians and the Greeks, whose knowledge was
but confused traces of what had previously been better known.
The opinion that the Indian Sea joined the ocean was admitted among
the Greeks, and in the school of Alexandria, until the time of Hipparchus.
It seemed authorized by the direction which the coast of Africa took after
Cape Aromata, always tending westward, as far as it had been explored
by navigators.
It was supposed that the western coast of Africa rounded off to meet
the eastern, and that the whole was bounded by the ocean, much to the
northward of the equator. Such was the opinion of Crates, who lived in
the time of Alexander; of Aratus, of Cleanthes, of Cleoiiiedes, of Strabo,
of Pomponius .Mela, of Macrobius, and many others.
Hipparchus proposed a different system, and led the world into an
1 (!o-*soliii, RprhcrclicM wur lit (ii'ogriiphie dps Ancieus, torn. i. p. 162, etc.
* Memuin* Ue I'AcuU. Ue liiscript., toiu. xxvi.
658 Ai'i'
error, which for a long time retarded (he maritime communication of
Europe and India. He supposed that the seas were separated into dis-
tinct basins, and that the eastern shores of Africa made a circuit round
the Indian Sea, so as to join those of Asia beyond the mouth of the
Ganges. Subsequent discoveries, instead of refuting this error, only
placed the junction of the continents at a greater distance. Marinus of
Tyre, and Ptolemy, adopted this opinion in their works, and illustrated
it in their maps, which for centuries controlled the general belief of man-
kind, and perpetuated the idea that Africa extended onward to the south
pole, and that it was impossible to arrive by sea at the coasts of India.
Still there were geographers who leaned to the more ancient idea of a
communication between the Indian .Sea and the Atlantic Ocean. It had
its advocates in Spain, and was maintained by Pomponius Mela, and by
Isidore of Seville. It was believed also by some of the learned in Italy,
in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries; and thus was kept
alive until it was acted upon so vigorously by Prince Henry of Portugal,
and at length triumphantly demonstrated by Vasco de Gaina, in his cir-
cumnavigation of the Cape of Good Hope.
No. XVI.
OF THE SHIPS OF COLUMBUS.
IN remarking on the smallness of the vessels with which Columbus
made his first voyage, Dr. Robertson observes that, "in the fifteenth
century, the bulk and construction of vessels were accommodated to the
short and easy voyages along the coast, which they were accustomed to
perform." We have many proofs, however, that even anterior to the
fifteenth century, there were large ships employed by the Spaniards, as
well as by other nations. In an edict published in Barcelona, in i:J54, by
Pedro IV., enforcing various regulations for the security of commerce,
mention is made of Catalonian merchant ships of two and three decks
and from 80()0 to 12,000 quintals burden.
In 141i), Alonzo of Aragon hired several merchant ships to transport
artillery, horses, etc., from Barcelona to Italy, among which were two,
each carrying one hundred and twenty horses, which it is computed
would require a vessel of at least 600 tons.
In 14(58, mention is made of a Venetian ship of 700 tons which arrived
at Barcelona from England, laden with wheat.
In 1497, a Castilian vessel arrived there being of 12.000 quintals burden.
These arrivals incidentally mentioned among others of similar size, as
happening at one port, show that large ships were in use in those days. 1
Indeed, at the time of fitting out the second expedition of Columbus,
there were prepared in the port of Bermeo, a Caracca of 1250 tons, and
four ships of from 150 to 450 tons burden. Their destination, however,
was altered, and they were sent to convoy Muley Boabdil, the last Moor-
ish king of Granada, from the coast of his conquered territory to Africa. 2
It was not for want of large vessels in the Spanish ports, therefore,
that those of Columbus were of so small a size. He considered them
best adapted to voyages of discovery, as they required but little depth of
water, and therefore could more easily and safely coast unknown shores,
and explore bays and rivers. He had some purposely constructed of a
very small size for this service; such was the caravel, which in his third
1 Capmany, Questioners Criticas. Quest. C. 2 Archives dt; lud. eu Scvilla.
APPENDIX. 659
voyage he despatched to look out for an opening to the sea at the upper
part of the Gulf of Paria, when the water grew too shallow for his vessel
of one hundred tons burden.
The most singular circumstance with respect to the ships of Columbus
is that they should be open vessels: for it seems difficult to believe that
a voyage of such extent and peril should be attempted in barks of so
frail a construction. This, however, is expressly mentioned by IVter
Martyr, in his Decades written at the time; and mention is made occa-
sionally, in the memoirs relative to the voyages written by Columbus and
his son, of certain of his vessels being without decks. He sometimes
speaks of the same vessel as a ship and a caravel. There has been some
discussion of late as to the precise meaning of the term caravel. The
Chevalier Bossi, in his dissertations on Columbus, observes that in the
Mediterranean caravel designates the largest class of ships of war among
the Mussulmans, and that in Portugal it means a small vessel of from
120 to 140 tons burden; but Columbus sometimes applies it to a vessel of
forty tons.
Du Cange, in his glossary, considers it a word of Italian origin. Bosn
thinks it either Turkish or Arabic, and probably introduced into the
European languages by the Moors. Mr. Edward Everett, in a note to
his Plymouth oration, considers that the true origin of the word is given
in "Ferrarii Origines Lingiue Italics*:," as follows: "Caravela, uavigii
ininoris genus. Lat. Carabus: Grace Karabron."
That the word caravel was intended to signify a vessel of a small size
is evident from a naval classification made by King Alonzo in the middle
of the thirteenth century. In the first class he enumerates Naus. or
large ships which go only with sails, some of which have two masts, and
others but one. In the second class smaller vessels as Carracas, Fustas,
Ballenares, Pinazas, Curabelax, etc. In the third class vessels with sails
am! oars, as Galleys, Galeots, Tardantes, and Saetias. 1
Bossi gives a copy of a letter written by Columbus to Don Raphael
Xausis, treasurer of the King of Spain, an edition of which exists in
the public library at Milan. With this letter he gives several wood-cuts
of sketches made with a pen, which accompanied this letter, and which
he supposes to have been from the hand of Columbus. In these are
represented vessels which are probably caravels. They have high bows
and sterns, with castles on the latter. They have short masts with large
square sails. One of them, besides sails, has benches of oars, and is
probably intended to represent a galley. They are all evidently vessels
of small size, and light construction.
In a work called " Recherches sur le Commerce," published in Am-
sterdam, 1799, is a plate representing a vessel of the latter part of the
fifteenth century. It is taken from a picture in the church of St. Gio-
vanni e Paolo in Venice. The vessel bears much resemblance to those
said to have been sketched by Columbus; it has two masts, one of which
is extremely small with a latine sail. The main-mast has a large square
sail. The vessel has a high poop and prow, is decked at each end, and
is open in the centre.
It appears to be the fact, therefore, that most of the vessels with which
Columbus undertook his long and perilous voyages, were of this light
and frail construction, and little superior to the small craft which ply
on rivers and along coasts in modern days.
1 Capmany, Queal. Crit.
600 APPENDIX.
No. XVII.
ROUTE OF COLUMBUS IX HIS FIRST VOYAGE. 1
IT has hitherto been supposed that one of the Bahama Islands, at pre-
sent bearing the name of .San Salvador, and which is also known as Cat
Island, was the h'rst point where Columbus came in contact with the
New World. Navarrete, however, in his introduction to the "Collection
of Spanish Voyages and Discoveries," recently published at Madrid, has
endeavored to show that it must have been Turk's Island, one of the
same group, situated about 100 leagues (of '20 to the degree) S. E. of San
Salvador. Great care has been taken to examine candidly the opinion
of Navarrete, comparing it with the journal of Columbus, as published
in the above-mentioned work, and with the personal observations of the
writer of this article, who has been much among these islands.
Columbus describes Guanahani, on which he landed, and to which he
gave the name of San Salvador, as being a beautiful island, and very
large; as being level, and covered with forests, many of the trees of
which bore fruit; as having abundance of fresh water, and a large lake
in the centre; that it was inhabited by a numerous population; That he
proceeded for a considerable distance in his boats along the shore, which
trended to the ML N.E., and as he passed, was visited by the inhabitants
of several villages. Turk's Island does not answer to this description.
Turk's Island is a low key composed of sand and rocks, and lying north
and south, less than two leagues in extent. It is utterly destitute of
wood, and has not a single, tree of native growth. It has no fresh water,
the inhabitants depending entirely on cisterns and casks in which they
preserve the rain; neither has it any lake, but several salt-ponds, which
furnish the sole production of the island. Turk's Island cannot be ap-
proached on the east or north-east side, in consequence of the reef that
surrounds it. It has no harbor, but has an open road on the west side,
which vessels at anchor there have to leave and put to sea whenever the
wind comes from any other quarter than that of the usual trade breeze
of N.E. which blows over the island; for the shore is so bold that there
is no anchorage except close to it; and when the wind ceases to blow
from the land, vessels remaining at their anchors would be swunu against
the rocks, or forced high upon the shore, by the terrible surf that then
prevails. The unfrequented road of the Hawk's Nest, at the south end
of the island, is even more dangerous. This island, which is not sus-
ceptible of the. slightest cultivation, furnishes a scanty subsistence to a
few sheep and horses. The inhabitants draw all their consumption from
abroad, with the exception of fish and turtle, which are taken in abun-
dance, and supply the principal food of the slaves employed in the salt-
works. The whole wealth of the island consists in the produce of the.
salt-ponds, and in the salvage and plunder of the many wrecks which
take place in the neighborhood. Turk's Island, therefore, would never
be inhabited in a savage state of society, where commerce does not exist,
and where men are obliged to draw their subsistence from the spot which
they people.
Again: when about to leave Guanahani, Columbus was at a loss to
1 The author of this work is indebted for this able examination of the route of Colum-
bus to an officer of the navy of the t'nkeii States, whose name he regrets the not bei:ii; :it
liberty to mention. He has been greatly benefited, in various parts of this history, by
liaulical lufuriuatiou from the same intelligent source.
APPENDIX. 661
choose which to visit of a great number of islands in sight. Now there
is no land visible from Turk's Island, excepting the two salt keys which
lie south of it, and with it form the group known as Turk's Islands. The
journal of Columbus does not tell us what course he steered in going
from Guanahani to Concepcion, but he states that it was rive leagues
distant from the former, and that the current was against him in sailing
to it: whereas the distance from Turk's Island to the Gran Caico, sup-
posed by Navarrete to be the Concepcion of Columbus, is nearly double,
and the current sets constantly to the VV.N.W. among these islands,
which would be favorable in going from Turk's Island to the Calcos.
From Concepcion, Columbus went next to an island which he saw nine
leagues off in a westerly direction, to which he gave the name of Fer-
nandina. This Navarrete takes to be Little Inagua, distant no less than
twenty-two leagues from Gran Caico. Besides, in going to Little Inagua,
it would be necessary to pass quite close to three islands, each larger than
Turk's Island, none of which are mentioned in the journal. Columbus
describes Fernandina as stretching twenty-eight leagues S.E. and N.W. :
whereas Little Inagua has its greatest length of four leagues in a S.W.
direction. In a word the description of Fernandina has nothing in
common with Little Inagua. From Fernandina, Columbus sailed S.E. to
Isabella, which Navarrete takes to be Great Inagua; whereas this latter
bears S.W. from Little Inagua, a course differing 90 from the one fol-
lowed by Columbus. Again: Columbus, on the 20th of November, takes
occasion to say that Guanahani was distant eight leagues from Isabella;
whereas Turk's Island is thirty-five leagues from Great Inagua.
Leaving Isabella, Columbus stood W.S.W. for the island of Cuba, and
fell in with the Islas Arenas. This course drawn from Great Inagua
would meet the coast of Cuba about Port Nipe: whereas Navarrete sup-
poses that Columbus next fell in with the keys south of the Jumentos,
and which bear W.N.W. from Inagua; a course differing 45 from the
one steered by the ships. After sailing for some time in the neighbor-
hood of Cuba, Columbus finds himself, on the 14th of November, in the
sea of Nuestra Sefiora, surrounded by so many islands that it was im-
possible to count them: whereas, on the same day, Navarrete places him
off Cape Moa, where there is but one small island, and more than fifty
leagues distant from any group that can possibly answer the description.
Columbus informs us that San Salvador was distant from Port Principe
forty-five leagues: whereas Turk's Island is distant from the point, sup-
posed by Navarrete to be the same, eighty leagues.
On taking leave of Cuba, Columbus remarks that he had followed its
coast for an extent of 120 leagues. Deducting twenty leagues for his
having followed its windings, there still remain 100. Now, Navarrete
only supposes him to have coasted this island an extent of seventy
leagues.
Such are the most important difficulties which the theory of Navarrete
offers, and which appear insurmountable. Let us now take up the route
of Columbus as recorded in his journal, and, with the best charts before
us, examine how it agrees with the popular and traditional opinion, that
he tirst landed on the island of San Salvador.
We learn from the journal of Columbus that, on the llth of October,
14!>2, he continued steering W.S.W. until sunset, when he returned to
his old course of west, the vessels running at the rate of three leagues an
hour. At ten o'clock he and several of his crew saw a light, which seemed
like a torch carried about on land. He continued running on four hours
longer, and had made a distance of twelve leagues farther west, when at
two in the morning land was discovered ahead, distant two leagues. The
662 APPENDIX.
twelve leagues which they ran since ten o'clock, with the two leagues
distance from the land, form a total corresponding essentially with Ihe
distance and situation of \V r atling's Island from San Salvador; and it is
thence presumed that the light seen at that hour was on Walling' s Island,
which they were then passing. Had the light been seen on land ahead,
and they had kept running on four hours at the rate of three leagues an
hour, they must have run high and dry on shore. As the admiral himself
received the royal reward for having seen this light, as the first discovery
of land, Wat ling's Island is believed to be the point for which this pre-
mium was granted.
On making land, the vessels were hove to until daylight of the same 12th
of October; they then anchored off an island of great beauty, covered
with forests, and extremely populous.
It was called Guauahani by the natives, but Columbus gave it the name
of San Salvador. Exploring its coast, where it ran to the N.N.E., he
found a harbor capable of sheltering any number of ships. This descrip-
tion corresponds minutely with the S.E. part of the island known as San
Salvador, or Cat Island, which lies east and west, bending at its eastern
extremity to the N N.E., and has the same verdant and fertile appearance.
The vessels had probably drifted into this bay at the S.E. side of San Sal-
vador, on the morning of the 12th, while lying to for daylight; nor did
Columbus, while remaining at the island, or when sailing from it, open
the land so as to discover that what he had taken for its whole length was
but a bend at one end of it. and that the main body of the island lay behind,
stretching far to the N.W. From Guanaham, Columbus saw so many
other islands that he was at a loss which next to visit. The Indians sig-
nified that they were innumerable, and mentioned the names of above a
hundred. lie determined to go to the largest in sight, which appeared to
be about five leagues distant; some of the others were nearer, and some
farther off. The island thus selected, it is presumed, was the present
island of Concepcion; and that the others were that singular belt of small
islands, known as La Cadena (or the chain), stretching past the island of
San Salvador in a S E. and N.W. direction; the nearest of the group being
nearer than Concepcion, while the rest are more distant.
Leaving San Salvador in the afternoon of the 14th for the island thus
selected, the ships lay by during the night, and did not reach it until late
in the following day, being retarded by ad verse currents. Columbus gave
this island the name of Santa Maria de la Concepcion; he does not men-
tion either its bearings from San Salvador, or the course which he steered
in going to it. We know that in all this neighborhood the current sets
strongly and constantly to the W.N.W. ; and since Columbus had the
current against him, he must have been sailing in an opposite direction,
or to the E.S.E. Besides, when near Concepcion, Columbus sees another
island to the westward, the largest he had yet seen; but he tells us that
he anchored off Concepcion, and did not stand for this larger island, be-
cause he could not have sailed to the west. Hence it is rendered certain
that Columbus did not sail westward in going from San Salvador to Con-
cepcion; for, from the opposition of the wind, as there could be no other
cause, he could not sail toward that quarter. Now, on reference to the
chart, we find the island at present known as Concepcion situated E.S.E.
from S;tn Salvador, and at a corresponding distance of five leagues.
Leaving Concepcion on the Kith of October, Columbus steered fora
very large island seen to the westward nine leagues off, and which ex-
tended itself twenty-eight leagues in a S.E. and X.W. direction. He was
becalmed the whole day, and did not reach the island until the following
morning, 17th of October. He named it Fernandiua. At noon he made
APPENDIX.
sail again, with a view to run round it, and reach another island called
Samoet ; but the wind being at S.E. by S., the course he wished to steer,
the natives signified that it would be easier to sail round this island by
running to the N.W. with a fair wind. He therefore bore up to the
N.\V., and having run two leagues found a marvellous port, with a nar-
row entrance, or rather with two entrances, for there was an island
which shut it in completely, forming a noble basin within. Sailing out
of this harbor by the opposite entrance at the N.W., he discovered that
part of the island which runs east and west. The natives signified to
him that this island was smaller than Samoet, and that it would be
better to return toward the latter. It had now become calm, but shortly
after there sprung up a breeze from W.N.W., which was ahead for the
course they had been steering; so they bore up and stood to the E.S.E. in
order to get an offing; for the weather threatened a storm, which how-
ever dissipated itself in rain. The next day, being the 18th of October,
they anchored opposite the extremity of Fernandina.
The whole of this description answers most accurately to the island of
Exuma, which lies south from San Salvador, and S.\V. by S. from Con-
cepcion. The only inconsistency is that C'olumbus states that Fernandina
bore nearly west from Concepcion, and was twenty-eight leagues in ex-
tent. This mistake must have proceeded from his having taken the long
chain of keys called La Cadena for part of the same Exuma; which con-
tinuous appearance they naturally assume when seen from Concepcion,
for they run in the same S.E. and N.W. direction. Their bearings, when
seen from the same point, are likewise westerly as well as south-westerly.
As a proof that such was the case, it may be observed that, after having
approached these islands, instead of the extent of Fernandina being in-
creased to his eye, he now remarks that it was twenty leagues long,
whereas before it was estimated by him at twenty-eight; he now discov-
ers that instead of one island there were many, and alters his course
southerly to reach the one that was most conspicuous.
The identity of the island here described with Exuma is irresistibly
forced upon the mind. The distance from Concepcion, the remarkable
port with an island in front of it, and farther on its coast turning off to
the westward, are all so accurately delineated, that it would seem as
though the chart had been drawn from the description of Columbus.
On the 19th of October, the ships left Fernandina, steering S.E. with
the wind at north. Sailing three hours on this course, they discovered
Samoet to the east, and steered for it, arriving at its north point before
noon. Here they found a little island surrounded by rocks, with another
reef of rocks lying between it and Samoet. To Samoet, Columbus gave
the name of Isabella, and to the point of it opposite the little island, that
of Cabo del Isleo; the cape at the S.W. point of Samoet, Columbus
culled Cabo de Laguna, and off this last his ships were brought to anchor.
The little island lay in the direction from Fernandina to Isabella, east
and west. The coast from the small island lay westerly twelve leagues
to a cape, which Columbus called Fermosa from its beauty; this he be-
lieved to be an island apart from Samoet or Isabella, with another one
between them. Leaving Cape Laguna, where he remained until the 20th
of October, Columbus steered to the N. E. toward Cabo del Isleo, but
meeting with shoals inside the small island, he did not come to anchor
until the day following. Near this extremity of Isabella they found a
lake, from which the ships were supplied with water.
This island of Isabella, or Samoet, agrees so accurately in its descrip-
tion \\iih Isla Larga, which lies east of Exuma, that it is only necessary
to read it with the chart unfolded to be convinced of the identity.
G64 APPENDIX.
Having resolved to visit the island which the natives called Cuba, and
described as bearing W.S.W. from Isabella, Columbus left Cabo del Isleo
at midnight, the commencement of the 24th of October, and shaped
his course accordingly to the W.S.W. The wind continued light, with
rain, until noon, when it freshened up, and in the evening Cape Verde,
the S.W. point of Fernandina, bore N.W. distant seven leagues. As the
night became tempestuous, he lay to until morning, drifting according to
the reckoning two leagues.
On the morning of the 25th he made sail again to W.S.W. , until nine
o'clock, when he had run five leagues; he then steered west until three,
when he had run eleven leagues, at which hour land was discovered,
consisting of seven or eight keys lying north and south, and distant five
leagues from the ships. Here he anchored the next day, south of these
islands, which he called Islas de Arena; they were low, and five or six
leagues in extent.
The distances run by Columbus, added to the departure taken from
Fernandina and the distance from these islands of Arena at the time of
discovering, give a sum of thirty leagues. This sum of thirty leagues is
about three less than the distance from the S.W. point of Fernandina or
Exuma, whence Columbus took his departure, to the group of Mucaras,
which lie east of Cayo Lobo on the grand bank of Bahama, and which
correspond to the description of Columbus. If it were necessary to ac-
count for the difference of three leagues in a reckoning, where so much
is given on conjecture, it would readily occur to a seaman, that an allow-
ance of two leagues for drift, during a long night of blowy weather, is but
a small one. The course from Exuma to the Mucaras is about S.W. by
W. The course followed by Columbus differs a little from this, but as
it was his intention, on setting sail from Isabella, to steer W.S.W., and
since he afterward altered it to west, we may conclude that he did so in
consequence of having been run out of his course to the southward, while
lying to the night previous.
Oct. 27. At sunrise Columbus set sail from the isles Arenas or Mu-
earac, for an island called Cuba, steering S.S.W. At dark, having made
seventeen leagues on that course, he saw the land, and hove his ships
to until morning. On the 28th he made sail again at S.S.W., and entered
a beautiful river with a fine harbor, which he named San Salvador. The
journal in this part does not describe the localities with the minuteness
with which every thing has hitherto been noted; the text also is in several
places obscure.
This port of San Salvador we take to be the one now known as Cara-
velas Grandes, situated eight leagues west of Neuvitas del Principe. Its
bearings and distance from the Mucaras coincide exactly with those run
by Columbus; and its description agrees, as far as can be ascertained by
charts, with the port which he visited.
Oct. 29. Leaving this port, Columbus stood to the west, and having
sailed six leagues, he came to a point of the island running N.W., which
we take to be the Punta Gorda; and, ten leagues farther, another stretch-
ing easterly, which will be Punta Curiana. One league farther he discov-
ered a small river, and beyond this another very large one, to which he
gave the name of Rio de Mares. This river emptied into a line basin re-
sembling a lake, and having a bold entrance: it had for landmarks two
round moutains at the S. \V"., and to the W.N.W. a bold promontory,
suitable for a fortification, which projected far into the sea. This we
take to be the fine harbor and river situated west of Point Curiana; its
distance corresponds with that run by Columbus from Caravelas Grandes,
which we have supposed identical with Port ban Salvador. Leaving Kio
APPENDIX. 665
dp Mares the 30th of Octolxr, Columbus stood to the N.W. for fifteen
leagues, when he saw a cape, to which he gave the name of t'abo de
Palmos. This, we believe, is the one which forms the eastern entrance
to Laguna de Moron. Beyond this cape was a river, distant, according
to the natives, four days' journey from the town of Cuba; Columbus de-
termined therefore to make for it.
Having lain to all night, he reached the river on the 31st of October,
but found that it was too shallow to admit his ships. This is supposed
to be what is now known as Laguna de Moron. Beyond this was a cape
surrounded by shoals, and another projected still farther out. Between
these two capes was a bay capable of receiving small vessels. The iden-
tity here of the description with the coast near Laguna de Moron seems
very clear. The cape east of Laguna de Moron coincides with. Cape
Palmas, the Laguna de Moron with the shoal river described by Colum-
bus ; and in the western point of entrance, with the island of Cabriou
opposite it, we recognize the two projecting capes he speaks of, with what
appeared to be a bay between them. This all is a remarkable combina-
tion, difficult to be found anywhere but in the same spot which Colum-
bus visited and described. Further, the coast from the port of .San
Salvador had run west to Rio de Mares, a distance of seventeen leagues,
and from Rio de Mares it had extended N.W. fifteen leagues to C'abo
de Palmos ; all of which agrees fully with what has been here supposed.
The wind having shifted to north, which was contrary to the course
they had been steering, the vessels bore up and returned to Rio de
Mares.
On the 12th of November the ships sailed out of Rio de Mares to go
in quest of Babeque, an island believed to abound in gold, and to lie E.
by S. from that port. Having sailed eight leagues with a fair wind, they
came to a river, in which may be recognized the one which lies just west
of Punta Gorda. Four leagues farther they saw another, which they
called Rip del Sol. It appeared very large, but they did not stop to
examine it, as the wind was fair to advance. This we take to be the
river now known as Sabana. Columbus was now retracing his steps, and
had made twelve leagues from Rio de Mares, but ingoing west from Port
San Salvador to Rio de Mares, he had run seventeen leagues. San Salva-
dor, therefore, remains five leagues east of Rio del Sol; 'and, accordingly,
on reference, to the chart, we find Caravelas Graiides situated a corre-
sponding distance from Sabana.
Having run six leagues from Rio del Sol, which makes in all eighteen
leagues from Rio de Mares, Columbus came to a cape which he called
Cabo de Cuba, probably from supposing it to be the extremity of that
island. This corresponds precisely in distance from Punta Curiana with
the lesser islands of Guajava, situated near Cuba, and between which and
the greater Guajava Columbus must have passed in running in for Port
San Salvador. Either he did not notice it, from his attention being en-
grossed by the magnificent island before him, or, as is also possible, his
vessels may have been drifted through the passage, which is two legaues
wide, while lying to the night previous to their arrival at Port San Sal-
vador.
On the 13th of November, having hove to all night, in the morning
the ships passed a point two leagues in extent, and then entered into a
gulf that made into the S.S.W., and which Columbus thought separated
Cuba from Bohio. At the bottom of the gulf was a large basin between
t\\o mountains. He could not determine whether or not this was an
arm of the sea; for not finding shelter from the north wind, he put to
sea again. Hence it would appear that Columbus must have partly
666 APPENDIX.
sailed round the smaller Guajava, which he took to be the extremity of
Cul>a, without being aware that a few hours' sail would have taken him,
by this channel, to Port San Salvador, his first discovery in Cuba, and
so back to the same Rio del Sol which he had passed the day previous.
Of the two mountains seen on both sides of this entrance, the principal
one corresponds with the peak called Alto de Juan Daune, which lies
seven leagues west of Punta de Maternillos. The wind continuing north,
he stood east fourteen leagues from Cape Cuba, which we have supposed
the lesser island of Guajava. It is here rendered sure that the point of
little Guajava was believed by him to be the extremity of Cuba; for he
speaks of the land mentioned as lying to leeward of the above-mentioned
gulf as being the island of Bohio, and says that he discovered twenty
leagues of it running E.S.E. and W.N.W.
On the 14th November, having lain to all night with a X.E. wind, he
determined to seek a port, and if he found none, to return to those which
lie had left in the island of C'uba; for it will be remembered that all east
of little Guajava he supposed to be Bohio. He steered E. by S. there-
fore six leagues, and then stood in for the land. Here he saw many
ports and islands; but as it blew fresh, with a heavy sea, he dared not
enter, but ran the coast down N.W. by W. for a distance of eighteen
leagues, where he saw a clear entrance and a port, in which he stood
S.S.W. and afterward S.E., the navigation being all clear and open.
Here Columbus beheld so many islands that it was impossible to count
them. They were very lofty, and covered with trees. Columbus called
the neighboring sea Mar dc Nuestro Sefiora, and to the harbor near the
entrance to these islands he gave the name of Puerto del Principe. This
harbor he says he did not enter until the Sunday following, which was
four days after. This part of the text of Columbus' s journal is confused,
and there are also anticipations, as if it had been written subsequently,
or mixed together in copying. It appears evident that while lying to the
night previous, with the. wind at N.E., the ships had drifted to the X. W.,
and been carried by the powerful current of the Bahama channel far in
the same direction. When they bore up, therefore, to return to the ports
which they had left in the island of Cuba, they fell in to leeward of them,
and now first discovered the numerous group of islands of which Cayo
Koniano is the principal. The current of this channel is of itself suffi-
cient to have carried the vessels to the westward a distance of 20
leagues, which is what they had run easterly since leaving Cape C'uba,
or Guajava, for it had acted upon them during a period of thirty hours.
There can be no doubt as to the identity of these keys with those about
Cayo Romano; for they are the only ones in the neighborhood of Cuba
that are not of a low and swampy nature, but large and lofty. They en-
close a free, open navigation, and abundance of fine harbors, in late years
the resort of pirates, who found security and concealment for themselves
and their prizes in the recesses of these lofty keys. From the descrip-
tion of Columbus, the vessels must have entered between the islands of
Baril and Pacedon, and sailing along Cayo Romano on a S.E. course',
have reached in another day their old cruising ground in the neighbor-
hood of lesser Guajava. Not only Columbus does not tell us here of his
having changed his anchorage among these keys, but his journal does
not even mention his having anchored at all, until the return from the
ineffectual search after Babeque. It is clear, from what has been said,
that it was not in Port Principe that the vessels anchored on this occa-
sion; but it could not have been very distant, since Columbus went from
the ships in his boats on the 18th November, to place a cross at its en-
Vrauce. He had probably seen the entrance from without, when sailing
APPENDIX. 667
east from Guajava on the 13th of November. The identity of this port
willi the one now known as Nuevitas el Principe seems certain, from
the description of its entrance. Columbus, it appears, did iiot visit its
interior.
Ou the 19th November the ships sailed again, in quest of Babeque.
At sunset Port Principe bore S.S.VV. distant seven leagues, and having
sailed all night at N.E. by N. and until ten o'clock of the next day C_'Oth
November), they had run a distance of fifteen leagues on that course.
The wind blowing from E.S.E., which was the direction in which Babcque
was supposed to lie, and the weather being foul, Columbus determined to
rot urn to Port Principe, which was then distant twenty-five leagues. He
did not wish to go to Isabella, distant only twenty leagues, lest the Indians
whom he had brought from San Salvador, which lay eight leagues from
Isabella, should make their escape. Thus, in sailing N.E. by N. from
near Port Principe, Columbus had approached within a short distance of
Isabella. That island was then, according to his calculations, thirty-
seven leagues from Port Principe, and San Salvador was forty-five leagues
from the same point. The first differs but eight leagues from the truth,
the latter nine; or from the actual distance of Nuevitas el Principe from
Isla Larga and San Salvador. Again, let us now call to mind the course
made by Columbus in going from Isabella to Cuba; it was first W.S.W.,
then W., and afterward S.S.W. Having consideration for the different
distances run on each, these yield a medium course not materially differ-
ent from S.W. Sailing then S.W. from Isabella, Columbus had reached
Port San Salvador, on the coast of Cuba. Making afterward a course of
N.E. by N. from off Port Principe, he was going in the direction of Isa-
bella. Hence we deduce that Port San Salvador, on the coast of Cuba,
lay west of Port Principe, and the whole combination is thus bound to-
gether and established. The two islands seen by Columbus at ten o'clock
of the same 2'Kh November, must have been some of the keys which lie
west of the Jumentos. Running back toward Port Principe, Columbus
made it at dark, but found that he had been carried to the westward by
the currents. This furnishes a sufficient proof of the strength of the
current in the Bahama channel; for it will be remembered that he ran
over to Cuba with a fair wind. After contending for four days, until
the 24th November, with light winds against the force of these cur-
rents, he arrived at length opposite the level island whence he had set
out the week before when going to Babeque.
We are thus accidentally informed that the point from which Columbus
started in search of Babeque was the same island of Guajava the lesser,
which lies west of Nuevitas el Principe. Further: at first he dared not
enter into the opening between the two mountains, for it seemed as
though the sea broke upon them; but having sent the boat ahead, the
vessels followed in at S.W. and then W. into a fine harbor. The level
island lay north of it, and with another island formed a secure basin cap-
able of sheltering all the navy of Spain. This level island resolves itself
then into our late Cape Cuba, which we have supposed to be little Gua-
java, and the entrance east of it becomes identical witli the gulf above
mentioned which lay between two mountains, one of which we have sup-
posed the Alto de Juan Daune, and which gulf appeared to divide Cuba
from LJohio. Our course now becomes a plain one. On the 26th of No-
vember, Columbus sailed from Santa Catalina (the name given by him to
the port last described) at sunrise, and stood for the cape at the S. E.
which he called Cabo de Pico. In this it is easy to recognize the high
peak already spoken ot as the Alto de Juan Daune. Arrived off this he
saw another cape, distant fifteen leagues, and still farther another five
668 APPENDIX.
leagues beyond it, which he called Cabo de Campana. The first must be
that now known as Point Padre, the second Point Mulas: their distances
from Alto de Juan Daune are underrated; but it requires no little experi-
ence to estimate correctly the distances of the bold headlands of Cuba, as
seen through the pure atmosphere that surrounds the island.
Having passed Point Mulas in the night, on the 27th Columbus looked
into the deep bay that lies S.E. of it, and seeing the bold projecting head-
land that makes out between Port Nipe and Port Banes, with those deep
bays on each side of it, he supposed it to be an arm of the sea dividing
one land from another with an island between them.
Having landed at Taco for a short time, Columbus arrived in the even-
ing of the 27th at Baracoa, to which he gave the name of Puerto Santo.
From Cabro del Pico to Puerto Santo, a distance of sixty leagues, he had
passed no fewer than nine good ports and live rivers to Cape Campana,
and thence to Puerto Santo eight more rivers, each with a good port; all
of which may be found on the chart between Alto de Juan Daune and
Baracoa. By keeping near the coast he had been assisted to the S.E. by
the eddy current of the Bahama channel. Sailing from Puerto Santo or
Baracoa on the 4th of December, he reached the extremity of Cuba the
following day, and striking off upon a wind to the S.E. in search of Ba-
beque, which lay to the N.E., he came in sight of Bohio, to which he gave
the name of Hispaniola.
On taking leave of Cuba, Columbus tells us that he had coasted it a
distance of 120 leagues. Allowing twenty leagues of this distance for his
having followed the undulations of the coast, the remaining 100 measured
from 1 J oint Maysi fall exactly upon Cabrion Key, which we have sup-
posed the western boundary of his discoveries.
The astronomical observations of Columbus form no objection to what
has been here advanced; for he tells us that the instrument which he
made use of to measure the meridian altitudes of the heavenly bodies was
out of order and not to be depended upon. He places his first discovery,
Guanahani, in the latitude of Ferro, which is about 27 30' north. San
Salvador we find in 24 30' and Turk's Island in 21 30': both are very
wide of the truth, but it is certainly easier to conceive an error of three
than one of six degrees.
Laying aside geographical demonstration, let us now examine how his-
torical records agree with the opinion here supported, that the island of
San Salvador was the first point where Columbus came in contact with
the Xew World. Herrera, who is considered the most faithful and authen-
tic of Spanish historians, wrote his History of the Indies toward the
year 1600. In describing the voyage of Juan Ponce de Leon, made to
Florida in 1512, he makes the following remarks: 1 " Leaving Aguada in
Porto Rico, they steered to the N. W. by N., and in five days arrived at an
island called El Viejo, in latitude 22 30' north. The next day they ar-
rived at a small island of the Lucayos, called Caycos. On the eighth
day they anchored at another island called Yaguna in 24, on the eighth day
out from Porto Rico. Thence they passed to the island of Manuega, in
24 30', and on the eleventh day they reached Guanahani, which is in 25
40' north. This island of Guanabani was the first discovered by Colum-
bus on his first voyage, and which he called San Salvador." This is the
substance of the remarks of Herrera, and is entirely conclusive as to the
location of San Salvador. The latitudes, it is true, are all placed higher
than we now know them to be; that of San Salvador being such as to
correspond with no other land than that now known as the Berry Islands,
Herrera, Hist. lud., decad. i. lib. is., cap. 10.
APPENDIX. 669
which are seventy leagues distant from the nearest coast of Cuba: where-
as Columbus tells us that San Salvador was only forty-five leagues from
Port Principe. But in those infant days of navigation, the instruments
for measuring the altitudes of the heavenly bodies, and the tables of
declinations for deducing the latitude, must have been so imperfect as to
place the most scientific navigator of the time below the most mechanical
one of the present.
The second island arrived at by Ponce de Leon, in his north-western
course, was one of the Caycos; the first one, then called El Viejo, must
have been Turk's Island, which lies S.E. of the Caycos. The third island
they came to was probably Mariguana; the fourth, Crooked Island; and
the fifth, Isla Larga. Lastly they came to Guanahani, the San Salvador
of Columbus. If this be supposed identical with Turk's Island, where do
we find the. succession of islands touched at by Ponce de Leon on his way
from Porto liico to San Salvador? 1 No stress has been laid, in these
remarks, on the identity of name which has been preserved to San Salva-
dor, Concepcion, and Port Principe, with those given by Columbus,
though traditional usage is of vast weight in such matters. Geographical
proof, of a conclusive kind it is thought, has been advanced, to enable
the world to remain in its old hereditary belief that the present island of
San Salvador is the spot where Columbus first set foot upon the New
World. Established opinions of the kind should not be lightly molested.
It is a good old rule, that ought to be kept in mind in curious research as
well as territorial dealings, "Do not disturb the ancient landmarks."
Note to the Keriaed Edition of 1848. The Baron de Humboldt, in bis "Examon
Critique de rhi-tire de la geographic du nouveau continent," published in 1837, speaks
repeatedly in hi^h terms of the ability displayed in the above examination of the route of
Coiumbus, and argue* at great length and quite conclusively in support of the opinion
contained in it. Above all, he produce* a document hitherto unknown, and the great
importance of which had been discovered by M. Valeknaer and himself in is ;j. This IB
a map made in ]">00 ly that able mariner Juan de la Cosa, who accompanied Columbus in
his second voyage and sailed with other of the dise.iveivis. In this map, of which the
Baron de Humboldt gives an engraving, the islands as laid down agree completely with
the bearings and distance* given in the journal of Columbus, and establishes the identity
of San Salvador, or Cat Island, and Guanahani.
" I feel happy," says M. de flumboldt, " to be enabled to destroy the incertitudes
(which rested on this subject) by a document as ancient as it is unknown; a document
which coni'mns irrevocably the arguments which Mr. Washington Irving has given in his
work against the hypotheses of the Turk's Island."
In the present revised edition the author feels at liberty to give the merit of the very
masterly paper on the route of Columbus where it is justly due. It was furnished him
at Madrid by the late commander Alexander Slidel Mackenzie, of the United States
navy, whose modesty shrunk from affixing his name to an article so calculated to do him
credit, uud which has since challenged the high eulogiuius of men of nautical science.
No. XVIII.
PRINCIPLES UPON WHICH THE SUMS MENTIONED IN THIS WORK HAVE
BEEN REDUCED INTO MODERN CURRENCY.
IN the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the mark of silver, which was
equal to 8 ounces or to 50 castillanos was divided into 65 reals, and each
real into 34 maravedies; so that there were 2210maravedies in the mark of
silver. Among other silver coins there was the real of 8, which, consist-
1 In the first chapter of Herrera's description of the Indies, appended to his history,
\B another scale of the Bahama Islands, which corroborates the above. It begins at the
opposite end, at the N.\V., aud iuus down to the S-E. It in thought unnecessary to cite
It particularly.
670 APPENDIX.
ing of 8 reals, was, within a small fraction, the eighth part of a mark of
silver, or one ounce. Of the gold-coins then in circulation the castillano
or dobla de la cunda was worth 4'JO maravedies, and the ducadooSo mara-
veJies.
If the value of the inaravedi had remained unchanged in Spain down
to the present day, it would be easy to reduce a sum of the time of Ferdi-
nand and Isabella into a correspondent sum of current money; but by the
successive depreciations of the coin of Vellon, or mixed metals, issued
since that period, the real and maravedi of Vellon, which had replaced
the ancient currency, were reduced toward the year 1700, to about a third
of the old real and maravedi, now known as the real and inaravedi of silver.
As, however, the ancient piece of 8 reals was equal approximately to the
ounce of silver, and the duro, or dollar of the present day, is likewise
equal to an ounce, they may be considered identical. Indeed, in Spanish
America, the dollar, instead of being divided into 20 reals, as in Spain, is
divided into only 8 parts called reals, which evidently represent the real
of the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, as the dollar does the real of 8.
But the ounce of silver was anciently worth 276 maravedis; the dollar,
therefore, is likewise equal to 270 maravedies. By converting then the
sums mentioned in this work into maravedies they have been afterward
reduced into dollars by dividing by 27(>i.
There is still, however, another calculation to be made, before we can
arrive at the actual value of any sum of gold and silver mentioned in
former times. It is necessary to notice the variation which has taken
place in the value of the metals themselves. In Europe, previous to the
discovery of the Xew World, an ounce of gold commanded an amount of
food or labor which would cost three ounces at the present day; hence an
ounce of gold was then estimated at three times its present value. At the
same time an ounce of silver commanded an amount which at present
costs 4 ounces of silver. It appears from this, that the value of gold and
silver varied with respect to each other, as well as with respect to all
other commodities. This is owing to there having been much more silver
brought from the Xew World, with respect to the quantity previously in
circulation, than there has been of gold. In the fifteenth century one
ounce of gold was equal to about 12 of silver; and now, in the year 1827,
it is exchanged against 16.
Hence giving an idea of the relative value of the sums mentioned in
this work, it has been found necessary to multiply them by three when
in gold, and by four when expressed in silver. 1
It is expedient to add that the dollar is reckoned in this work at 100
cents of the United States of North America, and four shillings and six-
pence of England.
No. XIX.
PRESTER JOHN:
SAID to be derived from the Persian Prestegani or Pere-stir/ani, which
signifies apostolique; or PreKchtak Geham, angel of the world. It is the
name of a potent Christian monarch of shadowy renown, whose domin-
ions were placed by writers of the middle ages sometimes in the remote
parts of Asia and sometimes in Africa, and of whom such contradictory
accounts were given by the travellers of those days that the very existence
either of him or his kingdom came to be considered doubtful. It now
1 See Caballero Pesos y Medidau. J. B. cjay, Economic Polilique.
APPENDIX. 671
appears to be admitted that there really was such a potentate in a remote
part, of Asia. He was of the Nestorian Christians, a sect spread through-
out Asia, and taking its name and origin from Nestorius, a Christian
patriarch of Constantinople.
The first vague reports of a Christian potentate in the interior of Asia,
or as it was then railed, India, were brought to Europe by the Crusaders,
who it is supposed gathered them from the Syrian merchants who traded
to the very confines of China.
In subsequent ages, when the Portuguese in their travels and voyages
discovered a Christian king among the Abyssinians, called Baleel-Gian,
they confounded him with the potentate already spoken of. Nor was the
blunder extraordinary, since the original Prester John was said to reign
over a remote part of India; and the ancients included in that name
Ethiopia and all the regions of Africa and Asia bordering on the Ked Sea
and on the commercial route from Egypt to India.
Of the Prester John of India we have reports furnished by William
Kuysbrook, commonly called Uubruquis, a Franciscan friar sent by Louis
IX., about the middle of the thirteenth century, to convert the Grand
Khan. According to him, Prester John was originally a Nestorian priest,
who on the death of the sovereign made himself King of the Naymans,
all Nestorian Christians. Carpini, a Franciscan friar, sent by Pope Inno-
cent in 1245 to convert the Mongols of Persia, says that Ocoday, one of
the sons of Ghengis Khan of Tartary, inarched with an army against the
Christians of Grand India. The king of that country, who was calletl
Prester John, came to their succor. Having \jad figures of men made of
bronze, he had them fastened on the saddles of horses, and put fire with-
in, with a man behind with a bellows. When they came to battle these
horses were put in the advance, and the men who were seated behind the
figures threw something into the fire, and blowing with their bellows,
made such a smoke that the Tartars were quite covered with it.
They then fell on them, despatched many with their arrows, and put
the rest to flight.
Marco Polo (1271) places Prester John near the great wall of China, to
the north of Chan-si, in Teudich, a populous region full of cities and
castles.
Mandeville (1332) makes Prester sovereign of Upper India (Asia), with
four thousand islands tributary to him.
When John II. of Portugal, was pushing his discoveries along the
African coast, he was informed that 350 leagues to the east of the king-
dom of Benin in the profound depths of Africa, there was a puissant
monarch, called Ogave, who had spiritual and temporal jurisdiction over
all the surrounding kings.
An African prince assured him, also, that to the east of Timbuctoo
there was a sovereign who professed a religion similar to that of the
Christians and was king of a Mosaic people.
King John now supposed he had found traces of the real Prester John,
with whom he was eager to form an alliance religious as well as com-
mercial. In 1487 he sent envoys by land in quest of him. One was a
gentleman of his household, Pedro de Covilham; the other, Alphonso de
Paiva. They went by Naples to Rhodes, thence to Cairo, thence to Aden
on the Arabian Gulf above the mouth of the Red Sea.
Here they separated with an agreement to rendezvous at Cairo. Al-
phonso de Paiva sailed direct for Ethiopia; Pedro de Covilham for the
Indies. The latter passed to Callicut and Goa, where he embarked for
Sofala on the eastern coast of Africa, thence returned to Aden, and made
his way back to Cairo. Here he learned that his coadjutor, Alphonso de
672 APPENDIX.
Paiva, had rlied in that city. He found two Portuguese .Tows waiting for
him with fresh orders from King John not to give up his researches after
Prester John until he found him. One of the Jews he sent back with a
journal and verbal accounts of his travels. With the other lie set off
again for Aden; thence to Ormuz, at the entrance of the gulf of Per.-ia.
where all the rich merchandise of the East was brought to be transported
thence by Syria and Egypt into Europe.
Having taken note of every tiling here, he embarked on the Red Sea,
and arrived at the court of an Abyssinian prince named Escander (the
Arabic version of Alexander), whom he considered the real Prester .John.
The prince received him graciously, and manifested a disposition to favor
the object of his embassy, but died suddenly, and his successor Naut re-
fused to let Covilham depart, but kept him for many years about his
person, as his prime councillor, lavishing on him wealth and honors.
After all, this was not the real Prester John, who as has been observed,
was an Asiatic potentate.
No. XX.
MARCO POLO. 1
THE travels of Marco Polo, or Paolo, furnish a key to many parts of
the voyages and speculations of Columbus, which without it would hardly
be comprehensible.
Marco Polo was a native of Venice, who. in the thirteenth century,
made a journey into the remote, and, at that tune, unknown regions of
the East, and filled all Christendom with curiosity by his account of 'he
countries he had visited. He was preceded in his travels by his father
Nicholas and his uncle Maffeo Polo. These two brothers were of an
illustrious family in Venice, and embarked about the year 1255 on a
commercial voyage to the East. Having traversed the Mediterranean and
through the Bosphorus, they stopped for a short time at Constantinople,
which city had recently been wrested from the Greeks by the joint arms
of France and Venice. Here they disposed of their Italian merchandise,
and, having purchased a stock of jewellery, departed on an adventurous
expedition to trade with the western Tartars, who, having overrun many
parts of Asia and Europe, were settling and forming cities in the vicinity
of the Wolga. After traversing the Euxine to Soldaia (at present Sudak),
a port in the Crimea, they continued on, by land and water, until they
reached the military court, or rather camp, of a Tartar prince, named
Barkah, a descendant of Ghengis Khan, into whose hands they confided
all their merchandise. The barbaric chieftain, while he was dazzled by
their precious commodities, was flattered by the entire confidence in his
justice manifested by these strangers. He repaid them with princely
munificence, and loaded them with favors during a year that they re-
mained at his court. A war breaking out between their patron and his
cousin Hulagu, chief of the eastern Tartars, and Barkah being defeated,
the Polos were embarrassed how to extricate themselves from the country
and return home in safety. The road to Constantinople being cut off by
1 Tn preparing the first edition of this work for he press the author had not the
benefit of the English translation of Marco Polo, published a few years since, with
admirable commentaries, by William Marsden, F.U.8. He availed himself, principally,
of an Italian version in the Venetian edition of liamusio li.ii.;,, the French tiu-i>i;iti"ii
by Bergeron, and an old and very incorrect Spanish translation. Having since procured
the work of Mr. Marnden he Las made considerable alterations iu them; uotices of
Marco 1'ulo.
APPENDIX. 673
the enemy, they took a circuitous route, round the head of the Caspian
Sea, and through the deserts of Transoxiana, until they arrived in the.
city of Bokhara, where they resided for three years.
While here there arrived a Tartar nobleman who was on an embassy
from the victorious Hulagu to his brother the Grand Khan. The ambas-
sador became acquainted with the Venetians, and finding them to be
versed in the Tartar tongue, and possessed of curious and valuable knowl-
edge, he prevailed upon them to accompany him to the court of the
emperor, situated, as they supposed, at the very extremity of the East.
After a inarch of several months, being delayed by snow-storms and
inundations, they arrived at the court of Cublai, otherwise called the
Great Khan, which signifies King of Kings, being the sovereign potentate
of the Tartars. This magnificent prince received them with great dis-
tinction; he made inquiries about the countries and princes of the West,
their civil and military government, and the manners and customs of the
Latin nation. Above all, he was curious on the subject of the Christian
religion. He was so much struck by their replies, that, after holding a
council with the chief persons of his kingdom, he entreated the two
brothers to go on his part as ambassadors to the pope, to entreat him to
srnd a hundred learned men well instructed in the Christian faith, to
impart a knowledge of it to the sages of his empire. He also entreated
them to bring him a little oil from the lamp of our Saviour, in Jerusalem,
which he concluded must have marvellous virtues. It has been supposed,
and with great reason, that under this covert of religion, the shrewd
Tartar sovereign veiled motives of a political nature. The influence of
the pope in promoting the crusades had caused his power to l>e known
and respected throughout the East; it was of some moment, therefore, to
conciliate his good-will. Cublai Khan had no bigotry nor devotion to any
particular faith, and probably hoped, by adopting Christianity, to make
it a common cause between himself and the warlike princes of Christen-
dom, against his and their inveterate enemies, the soldan of Egypt and
tin- Saracens.
Having written letters to the pope in the Tartar language, he delivered
tli-'in to the Polos, and appointed one of the principal noblemen of his
court to accompany them in their mission. On their taking leave he
furnished them with a tablet of gold on which was engraved the royal
arms; this was to serve as a passport, at sight of which the governors
of the various provinces were to entertain them, to furnish them with
escorts through dangerous places, and render them all other necessary
services at the expense of the Great Khan.
They had sc.rce proceeded twenty miles, when the nobleman who
accompanied their: fell ill, and they were obliged to leave him, and con-
tinue on their route. Their golden passport procured them every atten-
tion and facility throughout the dominions of the Great Khan. They
arrived safely at Acre, in April, 12(59. Here they received news of the
recent death of Pope Clement IV., at which they were much grieved,
fearing it would cause delay in their mission. There was at that time in
Acre a legate of the holy chair, Tebaldo di Vesconti, of Placentia, to
whom they gave an account of their embassy % He heard them with great
attention and interest, and advised them to await the election of a new
pope, which must soon take place, before they proceeded to Rome on
their mission. They determined in the interim to make a visit to their
families, and accordingly departed for Negropont, and thence to Venice,
where great changes had taken place in their domestic concerns, during
their long absence. The wife of Nicholas, whom be had left pregnant,
ha.l died, in giving birth to a son, who had been named Marco.
674 APPENDIX.
As the contested election for the new pontiff remained pending for two
years, they were uneasy, lest the Emperor of Tartary should grow im-
patient at so long a postponement of the conversion of himself and his
people; they determined, therefore, not to wait the election of a pope,
but to proceed to Acre, and get such despatches and such ghostly minis-
try for the Grand Khan as the legate could furnish. On the second
journey, Nicholas Polo took with him his son Marco, who afterward
wrote an account of these travels.
They were again received with great favor hy the legate Tehaldo, who,
anxious for the success of their mission, furnished them with letters to
the Grand Khan, in which the doctrines of the Christian faith were fully
expounded. With these, and with a supply of the holy oil from the
sepulchre, they once more set out, in September, 1271, for the remote
parts of Tartary. They had not long departed, when missives arrived
from Rome, informing the legate of his own election to the holy chair.
lie took the name of Gregory X., and decreed that in future, on the death
of a pope, the cardinals should he shut up in conclave until they elected
a successor; a wise regulation, which has since continued, enforcing a
prompt decision, and preventing intrigue.
Immediately on receiving intelligence of his election, he despatched a
courier to the King of Armenia, requesting that the two Venetians might
be sent hack to him, if they had not departed. They joyfully returned,
and were furnished with new letters to the Khan. Two elegant friars,
also, Nicholas Vincent and Gilbert de Tripoli, were sent with them, with
powers to ordain priests and bishops and to grant absolution. They had
presents of crystal vases, and other costly articles to deliver to the Grand
Khan; and thus well provided, they once more set forth on their journey. 1
Arriving in Armenia, they ran great risk of their lives from the war
which was raging, the soldan of Babylon having invaded the country.
They took refuge for some time with the superior of a monastery. Here
the two reverend fathers, losing all courage to prosecute so perilous an
enterprise, determined to remain, and the Venetians continued their
journey. They were a long time on the way, and exposed to great hard-
ships and sufferings from floods and snow-storms, it being the winter
season. At length they reached a town in the dominions of the Khan.
That potentate sent officers to meet them at forty days' distance from the
court, and to provide quarters for them during their journey. 2 He re-
ceived them with great kindness, was highly gratified with the result of
their mission and with the letters of the pope, and having received from
them some oil from the lamp of the holy sepulchre, he had it locked up,
and guarded it as a precious treasure.
The three Venetians, father, brother, and son, were treated with such
distinction ,by the Khan, that the courtiers were filled with jealousy.
Marco soon, however, made himself popular, and was particularly es-
teemed by the emperor. He acquired the four principal languages of the
country, and was of such remarkable capacity that, notwithstanding his
youth, the Khan employed him in missions and services of importance,
in various parts of his dominions, some to the distance of even six
months' journey. On these expeditions he was industrious in gathering
all kinds of information respecting that vast empire; and from notes and
minutes made for the satisfaction of the Grand Khan, he afterward com-
posed the history of his travels.
1 Kainii-io, loin. lii.
. 2 Bergeron, by blunder in the translation from the original Latin, has utaleil that tho
Khan oi-ni -W.tHiu nn-n to excort thi-in. This hax drawn I IK- ire of the critics upou Marco
Polo, who lui\c cilcd it ao oue of bib inouetrouB exaggcaalious.
APPENDIX. 675
After ahont seventeen years residence in the Tartar court the Venetians
felt a longing to return to their native country. Their patron was
advanced in age and could not survive much longer, and after his death,
their return might be difficult if not impossible. They applied to the
Grand Khan for permission to depart, but for a time met with a refusal,
accompanied by friendly upbraidings. At length a singular train of
events operated in their favor; an embassy arrived from a Mogul Tartai
prince, who ruled in Persia; and who was grand-nephew 10 the emperor.
The object was to entreat, as a spouse, a princess of the imperial lineage.
A grand-daughter of Cublai Khan, seventeen years of age, and of great
beauty and accomplishments, was granted to the prayer of the prince,
and departed for Persia with the ambassadors, and with a splendid
retinue, but after travelling for some months, was obliged to return on
account of the distracted state of the country.
The ambassadors despaired of conveying the beautiful bride to the
arms of her expecting bridegroom, when Marco Polo returned from a
voyage to certain of the Indian islands. His representations of the safety
of a voyage in those seas, and his private instigations, induced the am-
bassadors to urge the Grand Khan for permission to convey the princess
by sea to the Gulf of Persia, and that the Christians might accompany
them, as being best experienced in maritime affairs. Cublai Khan con-
sented with great reluctance, and a splendid fleet was fitted out and
victualled for two years, consisting of fourteen ships of four masts, some
of which had crews of two hundred and fifty men.
On parting with the Venetians the munificent Khan gave them rich
presents of jewels, and made them promise to return to him after they
had visited their families. He authorized them to act as his ambassadors
to the principal courts of Europe, and, as on a former occasion, furnished
them with tablets of gold, to serve, not merely as passports, but as orders
upon all commanders in his territories for accommodations and supplies.
They set sail therefore in the fleet with the Oriental princess and her
attendants and the Persian ambassadors. The ships swept along the
coast of Cochin China, stopped for three months at a port of the island
of .Sumatra near the western entrance of the Straits of Malacca, waiting
for the change of the monsoon to pass the Bay of Bengal. Traversing this
vast expanse they touched at the island of Ceylon and then crossed the
strait to the southern part of the great peninsula of India. Thence sail-
ing up the Pirate coast, as it is called, the fleet entered the Persian Gulf
and arrived at the famous port of Olmuz. where it is presumed the
voyage terminated, after eighteen months spent in traversing the Indian
seas.
Unfortunately for the royal bride who was the object of this splendid
naval expedition, her bridegroom, the Mogul king, had died some time
before her arrival, leaving a son named Ghazan, during whose minority
the government was administered by his uncle, Kai-Khatu. According
to the directions of the regent, the princess was delivered to the youthful
prince, son of her intended spouse. He was at that time at the head of
an army on the borders of Persia. He was of a diminutive stature but
of a great soul, and, on afterwards ascending the throne, acquired renown
for his talents and virtues. What became of the Eastern bride, who had
travelled so far in quest of a husband, is not known; but every thing
favorable is to be inferred from the character of Ghazan.
The Polos remained some time in the court of the regent, and then
departed, with fresh tablets of gold given by that prince, to carry them
in safety and honor through his dominions. As they had to traverse
many countries where the traveller is exposed to extreme peril, they
676 APPENDIX.
appeared on their journeys as Tartars of low condition, having converted
all their wealth into precious stones and sewn them up in the folds and
linings of their coarse garments. They had a long, difficult, and peril-
ous journey to Trebizoud, whence they proceeded to Constantinople,
thence to Negropont, and, finally to Venice, where they arrived in 1295,
in good health, and literally laden with riches. Having heard during
their journey of the death of their old benefactor, Cublai Khan, they
considered their diplomatic functions at an end, and also that they were
absolved from their promise to return to his dominions.
Kamusio, in his preface to the narrative of Marco Polo, gives a variety
of particulars concerning their arrival, which he compares to that of
Ulysses. When they arrived at Venice, they were known by nobody,
feo many years had elapsed since their departure without any tidings of
them, that they were either forgotten or considered dead. Besides, their
foreign garb, the influence of southern suns, and the similitude which
men acquire to those among whom they reside for any length of time,
had given them the look of Tartars rather than Italians.
They repaired to their own house, which was a noble palace, situated
In the street of !St. Giovanne Chrisostomo, and was afterward known by
the name of la Corte de la Milione. They found several of their relatives
still inhabiting it; but they were slow in recollecting the travellers, not
knowing of their wealth, and probably considering them, from their
coarse and foreign attire, poor adventurers returned to be a charge upon
their families. The Polos, however, took an effectual mode of quicken-
ing the memories of their friends, and insuring themselves a loving recep-
tion. They invited them all to a grand banquet. When their guests
arrived, they received them richly dressed in garments of crimson satin of
Oriental fashion. When water had been served for the washing of hands,
and the company were summoned to table, the travellers, who had retired,
appeared again in still richer robes of crimson damask. The first dresses
were cut up and distributed among the servants, being of such length
that they swept the ground, which, says Kamusio, was the mode in those
days with dresses worn within doors. After the first course, they again
retired and came in dressed in crimson velvet; the damask dresses being
likewise given to the domestics, and the same was done at the end of the
feast with their velvet robes, when they appeared in the Venetian dress
of the day. The guests were lost in astonishment, and could not com-
prehend the meaning of this masquerade. Having dismissed all the at-
ten lants, Marco Polo brought forth the coarse Tartar dresses in which
they had arrived. Slashing them in several places with a knife, and rip-
ping open the seams and lining, there tumbled forth rubies, sapphires,
emeralds, diamonds, and other precious stones, until the whole table glit-
tered with inestimable wealth, acquired from the munificence of the
Grand Khan, and conveyed in this portable form through the perils of
their long journey.
The company, observes Ramusio, were out of their wits with amaze-
ment, and now clearly perceived what they had at first doubted, that these
in very truth were those honored and valiant gentlemen the Polos, and,
accordingly, paid them great respect and reverence.
The account of this curious feast is given by Kamusio, on traditional
authority, having heard it many times related by the illustrious Gasparo
Malipiero, a very ancient gentleman, and a senator, of unquestionable
veracity, who had it from his father, who had it from his grandfather,
and so on up to the fountain-head.
When the fame of this banquet and of the wealth of the travellers
came to be divulged throughout Venice, all the city, uoble and simple,
APPENDIX. 677
crowded to do honor to the extraordinary merit of the Polos. Maffeo,
who was the eldest, was admitted to the dignity of the magistracy. The
youth of the city came every day to visit and converse with Marco Polo,
who was extremely amiable and communicative. They were insatiable
in their inquiries about Cathay and the Grand Khan, which he answered
with great courtesy, giving details with which they were vastly delighted,
and, as he always spoke of the wealth of the Grand Khan in round num-
bers, they gave him the name of Messer Marco Milioni.
Some months after their return, Lampa Doria, commander of the
Genoese navy, appeared in the vicinity of the island of Curzola with
seventy galleys. Andrea Dandolo, the Venetian admiral, was sent against
him. Marco Polo commanded a galley of the fleet. His usual good
fortune deserted him. Advancing the first in the line with his galley,
and not being properly seconded, he was taken prisoner, thrown in irons,
and carried to Genoa. Here he was detained fora longtime in prison, ani
all offers of ransom rejected. His imprisonment gave great uneasi-
ness to his father and uncle, fearing that he might never return. Seeing
themselves in this unhappy state, with so much treasure and no heirs,
they consulted together. They were both very old men; but Nicola,
observes Kamusio, was of a galliard complexion: it was determined he
should take a wife. He did so; and to the wonder of his friends, in four
years had three children.
Jn the mean while the fame of Marco Polo's travels had circulated in
Genoa. His prison was daily crowded with nobility, and he was supplied
with every thing that could cheer him in his confinement. A Genoese
gentleman, who visited him every day, at length prevailed upon him to
write an account of what he had seen. He had his papers and journals
sent to him from Venice, and with the assistance of his friend, or. as
some will have it, his fellow-prisoner, produced the work which after-
ward made such noise throughout the world.
The merit of Marco Polo at length procured him his liberty. He re-
turned to Venice, where he found his father with a house full of children.
He took it in good part, followed the old man's example, married, and
had two daughters, Moivtta and Fantina. The date of the death of
Marco Polo is unknown; he is supposed to have been, at the time, about
seventy years of age. On his death-bed he is said to have been exhorted
by his friends to retract what he had published, or, at least, to disavow
those parts commonly regarded as fictions. He replied indignantly that
so far from having exaggerated, he had not told one half of the extraor-
dinary things of which he had been an eye-witness.
Marco Polo died without male issue. Of the three sons of his father
hy the second marriage, one only had children viz., five sons and one
daughter. The sons died without leaving issue; the daughter inherited
all her father's wealth and married into the noble and distinguished house
of Trevesino. Thus the male line of the Polos ceased in 1417, and the
family name was extinguished.
Such are the principal particulars known of Marco Polo, a man whose
travels for a long time made a great noise in Europe, and will be found
to have had a great effect on mo !ern discovery. His splendid account of
the extent, wealth, and population of the Tartar territories filled every
one with admiration. The possibility of bringing all those regions under
the dominion of the Church, and rendering the Grand Khan an obedient
va<s:il to the holy chair, was for a long time a favorite topic among the
enthusiastic missionaries of Christendom, and there were many saints-
errant who undertook to effect the conversion of this magnificent infi.lcl.
Even at, the distance of two centuries, when the enterprises for the dis-
673 APPENDIX.
covery of the new route to India had set all the warm heads of Europe
madding about these remote regions of the East, the conversion of the
Grand Khan became again a popular theme; and it was too speculative
and romantic an enterprise not to catch the vivid imagination of
Columbus. In all his voyages, he will be found continually to be seeking
after the territories of the Grand Khan, and even after his last expe-
dition, when nearly worn out by age, hardships, and infirmities, he
offered, in a letter to the Spanish monarchs, written from a bed of sick-
ness, to conduct any missionary to the territories of the Tartar emperor,
who would undertake his conversion.
No. XXI.
THE WORK OF MAKCO POLO.
THE work of Marco Polo is stated by some to have been originally writ-
ten in Latin, 1 though the most probable opinion is that it was written in
the Venetian dialect of the Italian. Copies of it in manuscript were
multiplied and rapidly circulated; translations were made into various
languages, until the invention of printing enabled it to be widely diffused
throughout Europe. In the course of these translations and successive
editions, the original text, according to Purchas, has been much vitiated,
and it is probable many extravagances in numbers and measurements
with which Marco Polo is charged may be the errors of translators and
printers.
When the work first appeared, it was considered by some as made up
of fictions and extravagances, and Vossius assures us that even after the
death of Marco Polo he continued to be a subject of ridicule among
the light and unthinking, insomuch that he was frequently personated at
masquerades by some wit or droll, who, in his feigned character, related
all kinds of extravagant fables and adventures. His work, however, ex-
cited great attention among thinking men, containing evidently a fund
of information concerning vast and splendid countries, before unknown
to the European world. Vossius assures us that it was at one time highly
esteemed by the learned. Francis Pepin, author of the Brandenburgh
version, styles Polo a man commendable for his piety, prudence, and
fidelity. Athanasius Kircher, in his account of China, says that none of
the ancients have described the kingdoms of the remote East with more
exactness. Various other learned men of past times have borne tes-
timony to his character, and most of the substantial parts of his work
have been authenticated by subsequent travellers. The most able and
ample vindication of Marco Polo, however, is to be found in the English
translation of his work, with copious notes and commentaries, by William
Marsden, F.R.S. He has diligently discriminated between what Marco
Polo relates from his own observation, and what he relates as gathered
from others; he points out the errors that have arisen from misinterpre-
tations, omissions, or interpretations of translators, and he claims all
proper allowance for the superstitious coloring of parts of the narrative
frt>m the belief, prevalent among the most wise and learned of his day, in
miracles and magic. After perusing the work of Mr. Marsden, the char-
acter of Marco Polo rises in the estimation of the reader. It is evident
that his narration, as far as related from his own observations, is correct,
and that he had re.illy traversed a great part of Tartary and China, and
1 Hist, des Voyages, torn, xxvii. lib. iv. cap. 3. Paris, 1549.
APPENDIX. 679
navigated in the Indian seas. Some of the countries and many of the
islands, however, are evidently described from accounts given by others,
and in these accounts are generally found the fables which have excited
incredulity and ridicule. As he composed his work after his return
home, partly from memory and partly from memorandums, he was liable
to confuse what he had heard with what he had seen, and thus to give
undue weight to many fables and exaggerations which he had received
from others.
Much has been said of a map brought from Cathay by Marco Polo,
which was conserved in the convent of San Michale de Murano in the
vicinity of Venice, and in which the Cape of Good Hope and the island
of Madagascar were indicated, countries which the Portuguese claim the
merit of having discovered two centuries afterward. It has been sug-
gested also that Columbus had visited the convent and examined this map,
whence he derived some of his ideas concerning the coast of India. Ac-
cording to Kamusio, however, who had been at the convent, and was well
acquainted with the prior, the map preserved there was one copied by a
friar from the original one of Marco Polo, and many alterations and ad-
ditions had since been made by other hands, so that for a longtime it lost
all credit with judicious people, until on comparing it with the work of
Marco Polo it was found in the main to agree with his descriptions. 1
The Cape of Goo.l Hope was doubtless among the additions made sub-
sequent to the discoveries of the Portuguese. 2 Columbus makes no
mention of this map, which he most probably would have done had he
seen it. He seems to have been entirely guided by the one furnished by
Paulo Toscanelli, and which was apparently projected after the original
niii]), or after the descriptions of Marco Polo and the maps of Ptolemy.
When the attention of the world was turned toward the remote parts
of Asia in the fifteenth century, and the Portuguese were making their
attempts to circumnavigate Africa, the narration of Marco Polo agian
rose to notice. This, with the travels of Nicolo de Comte, the Venetian,
and of Hieronimo da San Stefano, a Genoese, are said to have been the
principal lights by which the Portuguese guided themselves in their
voyages. 3
Above all, the influence which the work of Marco Polo had over the
mind of Columbus gives it particular interest and importance. It was
evidently an oracular work with him. He frequently quotes it, and on
his voyages, supposing himself to be on the Asiatic coast, he is continually
endeavoring to discover the islands and main-lands described in it, and to
find the famous Cipango.
It is proper, therefore, to specify some of those places, and the manner
in which they are described by a Venetian traveller, that the reader may
more fully understand the anticipations which were haunting the mind
of Columbus in his voyages among the West Indian islands, and along
the coast of Terra Firma.
The winter residence of the Great Khan, according to Marco Polo, was
in the city of Cambalu, or Kanbalu (since ascertained to be Pekin), in
the province of Cathay. This city, he says, was twenty-four miles square,
and admirably built. It was impossible, according to Marco Polo, to de-
1 Kamusio, vol. ii. p. 17.
J Mr. Marsden, who has inspected a splendid foe-simile of this map preserved in the
British Museum, object* even to the fundamental part of it: "where," he observes,
" situations are given to places that seem quite inconsistent with the descriptions in the
travels, and cannot be attributed to their author, although inserted uu the buppoaed
authority of his writings." Marsden's M. Polo, lutrod. p. xlii.
3 Hist, des Voyages, torn. xl. lib. xi. chap. 4.
680 APPENDIX.
scribe the vast amount and variety of merchandise and manufactures
brought there; it would seem they were enough to furnish the universe.
" Here are to be seen in wonderful abundance the precious stones, the
pearls, the silks, and the diverse perfumes of the East; scarce a day
passes that there does not arrive nearly a thousand cars laden with silk,
of which they make admirable stuffs in this city."
The palace of the Great Khan is magnificently built, and four miles in
circuit. It is rather a group of palaces. In the interior it is resplendent
with gold and silver; and in it are guarded the precious vases and jewels
of the sovereign. All the appointments of the Khan for war, for the
chase, for various festivities, are described in gorgeous terms. But though
Marco Polo is magnificent in his description of the provinces of Cathay,
and its imperial city of Cambalu, he outdoes himself when he conies to
describe the province of Mangi. This province is supposed to be the
southern part of China. It contains, he says, twelve hundred cities.
The capital Quinsai (supposed to be the city of Hang-cheu) was twenty-
five miles from the sea, but communicated by a river with a port situated
oil the seacoast, and had great trade with India.
The name Quinsai, according to Marco Polo, signifies the city of heaven;
he says he has been m it and examined it diligently, and affirms it to be
the largest in the world; and so undoubtedly it is if the measurement of
the traveller is to be taken literally, for he declares that it is one hundred
miles in circuit. This seeming exaggeration has been explained by sup-
posing him to mean Chinese miles or li, which are to the Italian miles in
the proportion of three to eight; and Mr. Marsden observes that the walls
even of the modern city, the limits of which have been considerably con-
tracted, are estimated by travellers at sixty li. The ancient city has evi-
dently been of immense extent, and as Marco Polo could not be supposed
lo have measured the walls himself, he has probably taken the loose and
incorrect estimates of the inhabitants. He describes it also as built upon
little islands like Venice, and has twelve thousand stone bridges, 1 the
arches of which are so high that the largest vessels can pass under them
without lowering their masts. It has, he affirms, three thousand baths,
and six hundred thousand families, including domestics. It abounds
with magnificent houses, and has a lake thirty miles in circuit within its
walls, on the banks of which are superb palaces of people of rank.- The
inhabitants of Quinsai are very voluptuous, and indulge in all kinds of
luxuries and delights, particularly the women, who are extremely beau-
tiful. There are many merchants and artisans, but the masters do not
work, they employ servants to do all their labor. The province of Mangi
was conquered by the Great Khan, who divided it into nine kingdoms,
appointing to each a tributary king. He drew from it an immense rev-
enue, for the country abounded in gold, silver, silks, sugar, spices, and
perfumes.
1 Another blunder in translation has drawn upon Marco Polo the indignation of
George Hornius, who (in his Origin of America, iv. 3) exclaim*, " Who can Believe all
that he says of the city of Quinsai? as for example, that it has stone bridges twelve
thousand miles high! "etc. It is probable that many of the exaggerations in tin- ac-
counts of Marco Polo are in fact the errors of bis translators.
Mandeville, speaking of the same city, which he calls Causai, says it is built on the
w?a like Venice, and has twelve hundred bridges.
1 Sir George Stautiton mentions this lake as being a beautiful sheet of water, about
three or four miles in diameter; it* margin ornamented with houses and gardens of
mandarius, together with temples, monasteries for the priests of Fo, and au imperial
palace.
APPENDIX. 681
ZIPAXGU, ZIPANGRI, OR CIPANGO.
Fifteen hundred miles from the shores of Mangi, according to Marco
Polo, lay the great island of Zipangu, by some written Zipangri, and by
Columbus Cipango. 1 Marco Polo describes it as abounding in gold,
which, however, the king seldom permits to be transported out of the
island. The king has a magnificent palace covered with plates of gold,
as in other countries the palaces are covered with sheets of lead or cop-
per. The halls and chambers are likewise covered with gold, the windows
adorned with it, sometimes in plates of the thickness of two fingers.
Tin 1 island also produces vast quantities of the largest and finest pearls,
together with a variety of precious stones; so that, in fact, it abounds in
riches. The Great Khan made several attempts to conquer this island,
but in vain ; which is not to be wondered at, if it be true what Marco
Polo relates, that the inhabitants had certain stones of a charmed virtue
inserted between the skin and the flesh of their right arms, which,
through the power of diabolical enchantments, rendered them invulner-
able. This island was an object of diligent search to Columbus.
About the island of Zipangu or Cipango, and between it and the coast
of Mangi, the sea, according to Marco Polo, is studded with small islands
to the number of seven thousand four hundred and forty, of which the
greater part are inhabited. There is not one which does not produce
odoriferous trees and perfumes in abundance. Columbus thought himself
at onetime in the midst of these islands.
These are the principal places described by Marco PoJo, which occur in
the letters and journals of Columbus. The island of Cipango was the
first land he expected to make, and he intended to visit afterward the
province of Mangi, and to seek the Great Khan in his city of Cambalu,
in the province of Cathay. Unless the reader can bear in mind these
sumptuous descriptions of Marco Polo, of countries teeming with wealth,
and cities where the very domes and palaces flamed with gold, he will
have but a faint idea of the splendid anticipations which filled the imagi-
nation of Columbus when he discovered, as he supposed, the extremity
of Asia. It was his confident expectation of soon arriving at these coun-
tries, and realizing the accounts of the Venetian, that induced him to
hold forth those promises of immediate wealth to the sovereigns, which
caused so much disappointment, and brought upon him the frequent
reproach of exciting false hopes and indulging in wilful exaggeration.
No. XXII.
SIR JOHN MANDEVILLE.
NEXT to Marco Polo the travels of Sir John Mandeville, and his account
of the territories of the Great Khan along the coast of Asia, seem to have
been treasured up in the mind of Columbus.
Mandeville was born in the city of St. Albans. He was devoted to
1 Supposed to be those islands collectively called Japan. They are named by the
Chinese, tie-pen, the terminating syllable git added by Marco Polo, is supposed to be
the Chinese word kttf , signifying kingdom, which is commonly annexed to the names of
foreign countries. As the utetMtee of the nearest part of the southern island from the
coasi of China, near Ning-po, is not more than five hundred Italian miles, Mr. Marsdeu
suppose* Marco Polo in stati'ig it to be 1500, means Chinese miles, or li, which are iH the
proportion of somewhat more lhau one-third of the former.
682 APPENDIX.
study from his earliest childhood, and after finishing his general educa-
tion applied himself to medicine. Having a great desire to see the
remotest parts of the earth, then known, that is to say, Asia and Africa,
and above all, to visit the Holy Land, he left England in 1332, and pass-
ing through France embarked at Marseilles. According to his own
account he visited Turkey, Armenia, Egypt, Upper and Lower Lybia,
Syria, Persia. Chaldea, Ethiopia, Tartary, Amazonia and the Indies,
residing in their principal cities. But most he says he delighted in
the Holy Land, where he remained for a long time, examining it with the
greatest minuteness, and endeavoring to follow all the traces of our
Saviour. After an absence of thirty-four years he returned to England,
but found himself forgotten and unknown by the greater part of his
countrymen, and a stranger in his native place. He wrote a history of
his travels in three languages English, French, and Latin for he was
master of many tongues. He addressed his work to Edward III. His
wanderings do not seem to have made him either pleased with the world
at large or contented with his home. He railed at the age, saying that
there was no more virtue extant, that the Church was ruined; error
prevalent among the clergy; simony upon the throne; and, in a word,
that the devil reigned triumphant. He soon returned to the continent,
and died at Liege in 1372. He was buried in the abbey of the Guliemites,
in the suburbs of that city, where Ortelius, in his Itinerarium Belgiae,
says that he saw his monument, on which was the effigy, in stone, of a
man with a forked beard and his hands raised toward his head (probably
folded as in prayer, according to the manner of old tombs) and a lion at
his feet. There was an inscription stating his name, quality and calling
(viz., professor of medicine), that he was very pious, very learned, and
very charitable to the poor, and that after having travelled over the whole
world he had died at Liege. The people of the convent showed also his
spurs, and the housings of the horses which he had ridden in his travels.
The descriptions given by Mandeville of the Grand Khan, of the prov-
ince of Cathay, and the city of Cambalu, are no less splendid than those
of Marco Polo. The royal palace was more than two leagues in circum-
ference. The grand hall had twenty-four columns of copper and gold.
There were more than three hundred thousand men occupied and living
in and about the palace, of which more than one hundred thousand were
employed in taking care of ten thousand elephants and of a vast variety
of other animals, birds of prey, falcons, parrots, and parroquets. On days
of festival there were even twice the number of men employed. The
title of this potentate in his letters was " Khan, the son of God, exalted
possessor of all the earth, master of those who are masters of others."
On his seal was engraved, " God reigns in heaven, Khan upon earth."
Mandeville has become proverbial for indulging in a traveller's exagger-
ations : yet his accounts of the countries which he visited have been
found far more veracious than had been imagined. His descriptions of
Cathay and the wealthy province of Mangi, agreeing with those of Marco
Polo, bad great authority with Columbus.
No. XXIII.
THE ZONES.
THE zones were imaginary hands or circles in the heavens producing an
efft-ct of climate on corresponding belts on the globe of tlie earth. The
polar circles aud the tropics mark these divisions.
A PPEND1X. 683
The central region, lying beneath the track of the sun, was termed the
torrid zone ; (lie two regions between the tropics ami the polar circles
were termed the temperate zones, and the remaining parts, between the
polar circles and the poles, the frigid zones.
The frozen regions near the poles were considered uninhabitable and
unnavigable on account of the extreme cold. The burning zone, or
rather the central part of it, immediately about the equator, was consid-
ered uninhabitable, unproductive, and impassable in consequence of the
excessive heat. The temperate zones, lying between them, were sup-
posed io be fertile and salubrious, and suited to the purposes of life.
The globe was divided into two hemispheres by the equator, an imagin-
ary line encircling it at equal distance from the poles. The whole of the
world known to the ancients was contained in the temperate zone of
the northern hemisphere.
It was imagined that if there should be inhabitants in the temperate
zone of the southern hemisphere, there could still be no communication
with them on account of the burning zone which intervened.
Parmenides, according to Strabo, was the inventor of this theory of
the five zones, but he made the torrid zone extend on each side of the
equator beyond the tropics. Aristotle supported this doctrine of the
zones. In his time nothing was known of the extreme northern parts
of Europe and Asia, nor of interior Ethiopia and the southern part
of Africa, extending beyond the tropic of Capricorn to the Cape of
Good Hope. Aristotle believed that there was habitable earth in the
southern hemisphere, but that it was forever divided from the part of
the world already known by the impassable zone of scorching heat at
the equator. 1
Pliny supported the opinion of Aristotle concerning the burning zones.
" The temperature of the central region of the earth," he observes,
" where the sun runs its course, is burnt up as with fire. The tem-
perate zones which lie on either side can have no communication with
each other in consequence of the fervent heat of this region." *
Strabo (lib. xi. ), in mentioning this theory, gives it likewise his sup-
port: and others of the ancient philosophers, as well as the poets, might
be cited to show the general prevalence of the belief.
It must be observed that, at the time when Columbus defended his
proposition before the learned board at Salamanca, the ancient theory ot
the burning zone had not yet been totally disproved by modern discov-
ery. The Portuguese, it is true, had penetrated within the tropics;
but, though the whole of the space between the tropic of Cancer and
that of Capricorn, in common parlance, was termed the torrid zone, the
uninhabitable and impassable part, strictly speaking, according to the
doctrine of the ancients, only extended a limited number of degrees on
each side of the equator, forming about a third, or at most, the half
of the zone. The proofs which Columbus endeavored to draw there-
fore from the voyages made to St. George la Mina, were not conclusive
with those who were bigoted to the ancient theory, and who placed
this scorching region farther southward, and immediately about the
equator.
Aristot., 2 Met. cap. 5. Pliny, lib. i. cap. 61.
684 APPENDIX.
No. XXIV.
OF THE ATALANTIS OF PLATO.
THE island Atalantis is mentioned by Plato in liis dialogue of Timseus.
Solon the Athenian lawgiver, is supposed to have travelled into Egypt.
lie is in an ancient city on the Delta, the fertile island formed by the
Nile, and is holding converse with certain learned priests on the antiq-
uities of remote ages, when one of them gives him a description of the
island of Atalantis, and of its destruction, which he describes as having
taken place before the conflagration of the world by Phaeton.
This island, he was told, had been situated in the Western Ocean,
opposite to the Straits of Gibraltar. There was an easy passage from it
to other islands, which lay adjacent to a large continent, exceeding in
size all Europe and Asia. Neptune settled in this island, from whose son
Atlas its name was derived, and he divided it among his ten sons. His
descendants reigned here in regular succcession for many ages. They
made irruptions into Europe and Africa, subduing all Lybia as far as
Egypt, and Europe to Asia Minor. They were resisted, however, by the
Athenians, and driven back to their Atlantic territories. Shortly after
this there was a tremendous earthquake and an overflowing of the sea.
which continued for a day and a night. Jn the course of this the vast
island of Atalantis, and all its splendid cities and warlike nations,
were swallowed up, and sunk to the bottom of the sea, which, spread-
ing its waters over the chasm, formed the Atlantic Ocean. For a long
time, however, the sea was not navigable, on account of rocks and
shelves, of mud and slime, and of the ruins of that drowned coun-
try.
Many, in modern times, have considered this a mere fable: others
suppose that Plato, while in Egypt, had received some vague accounts of
the Canary Islands, and, on his return to Greece, finding those islands
so entirely unknown to his countrymen, had made them the seat of his
political and moral speculations. Some, however, have been disposed
to give greater weight to this story of Plato. They imagine that such
an island may really have existed, filling up a great part of the-Atlantic,
and that the continent beyond it was America, which, in such case, was
not unknown to the ancients. Kircher supposes it to have been an
island extending from the Canaries to the Azores; that it was really in-
gulfed in one of the convulsions of the globe, and that those small
islands are mere shattered fragments of it.
As a further proof that the New World was not unknown to the an-
cients, many have cited the singular passage in the Medea of Seneca,
which is wonderfully apposite, and shows, at least, how nearly the warm
imagination of a poet may approach to prophecy. The predictions of the
ancient oracles were rarely so unequivocal.
Venient annis
Ssecula seris, quibus Oceanns
Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens
Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos
Detegat orbes, nee sit terris
Ultima Thule.
Gosselin, in his able research into the voyages of the ancients, supposes
the Atalantis of Plato to have been nothing more nor less than one of the
nearest of the Canaries, viz., Fortaventura or Lancerote.
APPENDIX. 685
No. XXV.
THE IMAGINARY ISLAND OF ST. BRANDAN.
ONE of the most singular geographical illusions on record is that which
for a long while haunted the imaginations of the inhabitants of the
Canaries. They fancied they beheld a mountainous island, about ninety
leagues in length, lying far to the westward. It was only seen at inter-
vals, but in perfectly clear and serene weather. To some it seemed one
hundred leagues distant, to others forty, to others only fifteen or eigh-
teen. 1 On attempting to reach it, however, it somehow or other eluded
the search, and was nowhere to be found. Still there were so many eye-
witnesses of credibility who concurred in testifying to their having seen
it, and the testimony of the inhabitants of different islands agreed so
well as to its form and position, that its existence was generally believed,
and geographers inserted it in their maps. It is laid down on the globe
of Martin Behem, projected in 1492, as delineated by M. de Murr, and it
will be found in most of the maps of the time of Columbus, placed com-
monly about two hundred leagues west of the Canaries. During the time
that Columbus was making his proposition to the court of Portugal, an
inhabitant of the Canaries applied to King John II. for a vessel to go in
search of this island. In the archives of the Torre do Tombo 2 also,
there is a record of a contract made by the crown of Portugal with Fer-
nando de Uhno, cavalier of the royal household, and captain of the
island of Tercera, wherein he undertakes to go, at his own expense, in
quest of an island or islands, or Terra Firma, supposed to be the island
of the Seven Cities, on condition of having jurisdiction over the same for
himself and his heirs, allowing one-tenth of the revenues to the king. This
I* lino, finding the expedition above his capacity, associated one Juan
Alfonso del Estreito in the enterprise. They were bound to be ready to
sail with two caravels in the month of March, 1487. 8 The fate of their
enterprise is unknown.
The name of St. Brandan, or Borondon, given to this imaginary island
from time immemorial, is said to be derived from a Scotch abbot, who
flourished in the sixth century, and who is called sometimes by the fore-
going appellations, sometimes St. Blandano, or St. Blandanus. In the
M.irtyrology of the order of St. Augustine, he is said to have been the
patriarch of three thousand monks. About the middle of the sixth cen-
tury he accompanied his disciple, St. Maclovio, or St. Malo, in search of
certain islands possessing the delights of paradise, which they were told
existed in the midst of the ocean, and were inhabited by infidels. These
most adventurous saints-errant wandered for a long time upon the ocean,
and at length landed upon an island called Ima. Here St. Malo found
the body of a giant lying in a sepulchre. He resuscitated him, and had
much interesting conversation with him, the giant informing him that the
inhabitants of that island had some notions of the Trinity, and, more-
over, giving him a gratifying account of the torments which Jews and
Pagans suffered in the infernal regions. Finding the giant so docile and
reasonable, St. Malo expounded to him the doctrines of the Christian reli-
gion, converted him, and baptized him by the name of Mil.lum. The
giant, however, either through weariness of life or eagerness to enjoy the
1 Feyjoo, Theatro Critico, torn. Iv. d. 10, 29.
- Lib. iv. de la fhancelaria del Key I)n. .Juan II., fol. 101.
Tone do Tombo. Lib. das Ylhas, f. 119.
686 APPENDIX.
benefits of his conversion, begged permission, at the end of fifteen days,
to die again, which was granted him.
According to another account, the giant told them he knew of an island
in the ocean, defended by walls of burnished gold, so resplendent that
they shone like crystal, but to which there was no entrance. At their
request he undertook to guide them to it, and taking the cable of their
ship, threw himself into the sea. He had not proceeded far, however,
when a tempest rose, and obliged them all to return, anil shortly after the
giant died. 1 A third legend makes the saint pray to heaven on Easter
day, that they may be permitted to find land where they may celebrate the
offices of religion with becoming state. An island immediately appears,
on which they land, perform a solemn mass and the sacrament of the
Eucharist; after which, re-embarking and making sail, they behold to their
astonishment the supposed island suddenly plunge to the bottom of the sea,
being nothing else than a monstrous whale. 2 When the rumor circulated
of an island seen from the Canaries, which always eluded the search, the
legends of St. Brandan were revived, and applied to this unapproachable
land. We are told, also, that there was an ancient Latin manuscript in
the archives of the cathedral church of the Grand Canary, in which the
adventures of these saints were recorded. Through carelessness, how-
ever, this manuscript has disappeared. 3 Some have maintained that this
island was known to the ancients, and was the same mentioned by Ptolemy
among the Fortunate or Canary Islands, by the names of Aprositus. 4 or
the Inaccessible; and which, according to friar Diego Philipo in his book
on the Incarnation of Christ, shows that it possessed the same quality in
ancient times of deluding the eye and being unattainable to the feet of
mortals. 5 But whatever belief the ancients may have had on this subject,
it is certain that it took a strong hold on the faith of the moderns during
the prevalent rage for discovery; nor did it lack abundant testimonials.
Don Joseph de Viera y Clavijo says, there never was a more difficult
paradox nor problem in the science of geography; since to affirm the ex-
istence of this island is to trample upon sound criticism, judgment, and
reason; and to deny it one must abandon tradition and experience, and
suppose that many persons of credit had not the proper use of their senses 6
The belief in this island has continued long since the time of Colum-
bus. It was repeatedly seen, and by various persons at a time, always in
the same place and of the same form. In 1526 an expedition set off for
the Canaries in quest of it, commanded by Fernando de Troya and Fer-
nando Alvarez. They cruised in the wonted direction, but in vain, and
their failure ought to have undeceived the public. " The phantasm of
the island, however,'' says Viera, " had such a secret enchantment for all
who beheld it, that the public preferred doubting the good conduct of the
explorers, than their own senses." In 1570 the appearances were so re-
peated and clear that there was a universal fever of curiosity awakened
among the people of the Canaries, and it was determined to send forth
another expedition.
That they might not appear to act upon light grounds, an exact inves-
tigation was previously made of all the persons of talent and credibility
who had seen these apparitions of land, or who had other proofs of its
existence.
1 Fr. Gregorio Garcia, Origen de los Indies, lib i. cap. 9.
2 Si^eberto, Epist. ad Tietmar. Abbat.
8 Nunez de la Pena. Conquist de la Grau Canada.
Ptolemy, lib. iv. torn. iv.
Fr. I). Philipo, lib. viii. fol.25.
Hist. Il. Cau., lib. i. cap. 28.
APPENDIX. 687
Alonzo de Espinosa, governor of the island of Ferro, accordingly made
a report, in which more than one hundred witnesses, several of them per-
sons of the highest respectability, deposed that they had beheld the un-
known island about forty leagues to the north-west of Ferro; that they
had contemplated it with calmness and certainty, and had seeu the sun
set behind one of its points.
Testimonials of still greater force came from the islands of Palma and
Teneriffe. There were certain Portuguese who affirmed that, being driven
about by a tempest, they had come upon the island of St. Borondon.
PeJro Velio, who was the pilot of the vessel, affirmed that, having
anchored in a bay, he landed with several of the crew. They drank fresh
water in a brook, and beheld in the sand the print of footsteps, double
the size of those of an ordinary man, and the distance between them was
in proportion. They found a cross nailed to a neighboring tree; near to
which \\<-re three stones placed in form of a triangle, with signs of fire
having been made among them, probably to cook shell-fish. Having seen
much cattle and sheep grazing in the neighborhood, two of their party
armed with lances went into the woods in pursuit of them. The night
was aproaehing, the heavens began to lower, and a harsh wind arose.
The people on board the ship cried out that she was dragging her anchor,
whereupon Velio entered the boat and hurried on board. In an instant
they lost sight of land, being as it were swept away in the hurricane.
When the storm had passed away, and the sea and sky were again serene,
they searched in vain for the island; not a trace of it was to be seen, and
they had to pursue their voyage, lamenting the loss of their two compan-
ions who had been abandoned in the wood. 1
A learned licentiate, Pedro Ortiz de Funez, inquisitor of the Grand
Canary, while on a visit at Teneriffe, summoned several persons before
him, who testified having seen the island. Among them was one Marcos
Verde, a man well known in those parts. He stated that in returning
from Barbary and arriving in the neighborhood of the Canaries, he beheld
land, which, according to his maps and calculations, could not be any of
the known islands. He concluded it to be the far-famed St. Borondon.
Overjoyed at having discovered this land of mystery, he coasted along
its spell-bound shores until he anchored in a beautiful harbor formed by
the mouth of a mountain ravine. Here he landed with several of lus
crew. It was now, he said, the hour of the Ave Maria, or of vespers.
The sun being set, the shadows began to spread over the land. The
voyagers having separated, wandered about in different directions, until
out of hearing of each other's shouts. Those on board, seeing the night
approaching, made signal to summon back the wanderers to the ship.
They re-embarked, intending to resume their investigations on the follow-
ing day. Scarcely were they on board, however, when a whirlwind came
rushing down the ravine with such violence as to drag the vessel from her
anchor and hurry her out to sea, and they never saw any thing more of
this hidden and inhospitable island.
Another testimony remains on record in manuscript of one Abreu
Galindo; but whether taken at this time does not appear. It was that of
a French adventurer, who, many years before, making a voyage among
the Canaries, was overtaken by a violent storm which carried away his
masts. At length the furious winds drove him to the shores of an un-
known island covered with stately trees. Here he landed with part of his
crew, and choosing a tree proper fora mast, cut it down, and began to
shape it for his purpose. The guardian power of the island, however,
1 .Nunez de la IVtiu, lib. i. cap. 1. Viera Uisi. iol. Cuj., torn. i. cap. 28.
688 APPENDIX.
resented as usual this invasion of his forbidden shores. The heavens
assumed a dark and threatening aspect; the night, was approaching, and
the mariners, fearing some impending evil, abandoned their labor and re-
turned on board. They were borne away as usual from the coast, and the
next day arrived at the island of Palma. '
The mass of testimony collected by official authority in 1750 seemed
so satisfactory that another expedition was fitted out in the same year
in the island of Palma. It was commanded- by Fernando de Villabo-
los, regidor of the island, but was equally fruitless with the preced-
ing. St. Borondon seemed disposed only to tantalize the world with
distant and serene glimpses of his ideal paradise, or to reveal it amid
storms to tempest-tossed mariners, but to hide it completely from the view
of all who diligently sought it. Still the people of Palma adhered to
their favorite chimera. Thirty-four years afterward, in 1605, they sent
another ship on the quest, commanded by Gaspar Perez de Acosta, an
accomplished pilot, accompanied by the padre Lorenzo Pinedo, a holy
Franciscan friar, skilled in natural science. St. Borondon, however,
refused to reveal his island to either monk or mariner. After cruising
about in every direction, sounding, observing the skies, the clouds, the
winds, every thing that could furnish indications, they returned without
having seen any thing to authorize a hope.
Upward of a century now elapsed without any new attempt to seek
this fairy island. Every now and then, it is true, the public mind was
agitated by fresh reports of its having been seen. Lemons and other
fruits, and the green branches of trees which floated to the shores of
Gomera and Ferro, were pronounced to be from the enchanted groves
of St. Borondon. At length, in 1721, the public infatuation again rose to
such a height that a fourth expedition was sent, commanded by Don
Gaspar Doininguez, a man of probity and talent. As this was an expedi-
tion of solemn and mysterious import, he had two holy friars as apostolical
chaplains. They made sail from the island of Tenenffe toward the end
of October, leaving the populace in an indescribable state of anxious
curiosity mingled with superstition. The ship, however, returned from
its cruise as unsuccessful as all its predecessors.
We have no account of any expedition being since undertaken, though
the island still continued to be a subject of speculation, and occasionally
to reveal its shadowy mountains to the eyes of favored individuals. In a
letter written from the island of Gomera, 1759, by a Franciscan monk, to
one of his friends, he relates having seen it from the village of Alaxero
at six in the morning of the third of May. It appeared to consist of two
lofty mountains, with a deep valley between; and on contemplating it
with a telescope, the valley or ravine appeared to be filled with trees. He
summoned the curate Antonio Joseph Manrique, and upwards of forty
other persons, all of whom beheld it plainly. 2
Nor is this island delineated merely in ancient maps of the time of
Columbus. It is laid down as one of the Canary Islands, in a French map
published in 1704; and Mons. Gautier, in a geographical chart, annexed
to his Observations on Natural History, published in 1755, places it five
degrees to the west of the island of Ferro, in the 29th deg. of N. lati-
tude. 3
Such are the principal facts existing relative to the island of St. Bran-
dan. Its reality was for a long time a matter of firm belief. It was in vain
that repeated voyages and investigations proved its non-existence; the
1 Nunez, Conquinta le Gran Canaria. Viera, Hist., etc.
* Vieia, Hist. Isl. Cau. toui. i. cap. 28. Ibid.
APPENDIX. 689
public, after trying all kinds of sophistry, took refuge in the supernatural,
to defend their favorite chimera. They maintained that it was rendered
inaccessible to mortals by Divine Providence, or by diabolical magic.
Most inclined to the former. All kinds of extravagant fancies were in-
dulged concerning it, 1 some confounded it with the fabled island of the.
Seven Cities situated somewhere in the bosom of the ocean, where in old
times seven bishops and their followers had taken refuge from the Moors,
borne of the Portuguese imagined it to be the abode of their lost King
Sebastian. The Spaniards pretended that Roderick, the la?t of their
Gothic kings, had fled thither from the Moors after the disastrous battle
of the Guadalete. Others suggested that it might be the seat of the ter-
restrial paradise, the place wtiere Enoch and Elijah remained in a state of
blessedness until the final day; and that it was made at times apparent to
the eyes, but invisible to the search of mortals. Poetry, it is said, lias
owed to this popular belief one of its beautiful fictions, and the garden of
Armida, where Kmaldo was detained enchanted, and which Tasso places
in one of the Canary Islands, lias been identified with the imaginary St.
Borondon.' 2
The learned father Feyjoo 8 has given a philosophical solution to this
geographical problem. He attributes all these appearances, which have
been so numerous, and so well authenticated as not to admit of doubt, to
certain atmospherical deceptions, like that of the Fata Morgana, seen at
times in the Straits of Messina, where the city of Ueggioand its surround-
ing country is reflected in the air above the neighboring sea: a phenome-
non which has likewise been witnessed in front of the city of Marseilles.
As to the tales of the mariners who had landed on these forbidden shores,
and been hurried thence in whirlwinds and tempests, he considers them
as mere fabrications.
As the populace, however, reluctantly give up any thing that partakes
of the marvellous and mysterious, and as the same atmospherical phe-
nomena, which first gave birth to the illusion, may still continue, it is not
improbable that a belief in the island of St Brandan may still exist among
the ignorant and credulous of the Canaries, and that they at times behold
its fairy mountains rising above the distant horizon of the Atlantic.
No. XXVI.
THE ISLAND OF THE SEVEN CITIES.
ONE o ? the popular traditions concerning the ocean, which were cur
rent during the time of Columbus, was that of the Island of the Seven
Cities It was recorded in an ancient legend, that at the time of the
conquest of Spain and Portugal by the Moors, when the inhabitants fled
in every direction to escape from slavery, seven bishops, followed by a
great number of their people, took shipping and abandoned themselves
to their fate, on the high seas. After tossing about for some time they
landed on an unknown island in the midst of the ocean. Here the bish-
ops burned the ships, to prevent the desertion of their followers, and
founded seven cities. Various pilots of Portugal, it was said, had reached
that island at different times, but had never returned to give any infor-
mation concerning it, having been detained, according to subsequent ac-
counts, by the successors of the bishops to prevent pursuit. At length,
a, Hist. Isl. Can. torn. i. cap. 2S. * Viera, ubi uup.
3 Theat.ro Critico, loin. iv. d. x.
690 APPENDIX.
according to common report, at the time that Prince Henry of Portugal
was prosecuting his discoveries, several seafaring men presented them-
selves one day before him, and stated that they had just returned from a
voyage, in the course of which they ha^l landed upon this island. The
inhabitants, they said, spoke their language, and carried them immedi-
ately to church, to ascertain whether they were Catholics, and were rejoiced
at finding them of the true faith. They then made earnest inquiries, to
know whether the Moors still retained possession of .Spain and Portugal.
While part of the crew were at church, the rest gathered sand on the
shore for the use of the kitchen, and found to their surprise that one-
third of it was gold. The islanders were anxious that the crew should
remain with them a few days, until the return of their governor, who was
absent; but the mariners, afraid of being detained, embarked and made
sail. Such was the story they told to Prince Henry, hoping to receive
reward for their intelligence. The prince expressed displeasure at their
hasty departure from the island, and ordered them to return and procure
further information; but the men, apprehensive, no doubt, of having the
falsehood of their tale discovered, made their escape, aud nothing more
was heard of them. 1
This story had much currency. The Island of the Seven Cities was
identified with the island mentioned by Aristotle as having been dis-
covered by the Carthaginians, and was put down in the early maps, about
the time of Columbus, under the name of Antilla.
At the time of the discovery of New Spain, repo; ts were brought to
Hispaniola of the civilization of the country: that the people wore cloth-
ing: that their houses and temples were solid, spacious, and often mag-
nificent; and that crosses were occasionally found among them. Juan
cle Grivalja, being despatched to explore the coast of Yucatan, reported
that in sailing along it he beheld, with great wonder, stately and beau-
tiful edifices of lime and stone, and many high towers that shone at a
distance. ' l For a time the old tradition of the Seven Cities was revived,
and many thought that they were to l>e found in the same part of New
Spain.
No. XXVII.
DISCOVERY OF THE ISLAND OF MADEIRA.
THE discovery of Madeira by Macham rests principally upon the au-
thority of Francisco Alcaforado, an esquire of Prince Henry of Portugal,
who composed an account of it for that prince. It does not appear to
have obtained much faith among Portuguese historians. No mention is
made of it in Barros; he attributes the first discovery of the island to
Juan Gonzales and Tristram Vaz, who he said descried it from Porto
Santo, resembling a cloud on the horizon. 3
The abbe Provost, however, in his general history of voyages, vol. 6,
seems inclined to give credit to the account of Alcaforado. " It was
composed," he observes, ''at a time when the attention of the public
would have exposed the least falsities; and no one was more capable than
Alcaforado of giving an exact detail of this event, since he was of the
number of those who assisted at the second discovery." The narrative,
1 Hist, del Alrairante, cap. 10.
1 Torquemada Monarijuia Indiana, lib. iv. cap. 4. Origeti de log ludios por Fr.
Orejtorio Giirrhi, lil>. iv. cap. 2".
* Ban-on, Asia, decad. i. lib. i. cap. 3.
APPENDIX. 691
as originally written, was overcharged with ornaments and digressions.
It was translated into French and published in Paris in 1671. The French
translator had retrenched the ornaments, but scrupulously retained the
facts. The story, however, is cherished in the island of Madeira, where
a painting in illustration of it is still to be seen. The following is
the purport of the French translation: 1 have not been able to pro-
cure the original of Alraforado.
During the reign of Edward the Third of England, a young man of
great courage and talent, named Robert Macham, fell in love with a young
lady of rare beauty, of the name of Anne Dorset. She was his superior
in birth, and of a proud and aristocratic family; but the merit of Maehani
gained him the preference over all his rivals. The family of the young
lady, to prevent her making an inferior alliance, obtained an order from
the king to have Macham arrested and confined, until by arbitrary means
they married his mistress to a man of quality. As soon as the nuptials
were celebrated, the nobleman conducted his beautiful and aHlicted bride
to his seat near Bristol. Macham was now restored to liberty. Indignant
at the wrongs he had suffered, and certain of the affections of his mistress,
he prevailed upon several friends to assist him in a project for the grati-
fication of his love and his revenge. They followed hard on the traces of
the new-married couple to Bristol. One of the friends obtained an in-
troduction into the family of the nobleman in quality of a groom. He
found the young bride full of tender recollections of her lover, and of
dislike to the husband thus forced upon her. Through the means of this
friend, Macham had several communications with her, and concerted
means for their escape to France, where they might enjoy their mutual
love unmolested.
When all things were prepared, the young lady rode out one day, ac-
companied only by the fictitious groom, under pretence of taking the air.
No sooner were they out of sight of the house than they galloped to an
appointed place on the shore of the channel, where a boat awaited them.
They were conveyed on board a vessel, which lay with anchor a-trip and
sails unfurled, ready to put to sea. Here the lovers were once more united.
Fearful of pursuit, the ship immediately weighed anchor; they made their
way rapidly along the coast of Cornwall, and Macham anticipated the
triumph of soon landing with his beautiful prize on the shores of gay
and gallant France. Unfortunately an adverse and stormy wind arose in
the night; at daybreak they found themselves out of sight of land. The
mariners were ignorant and inexperienced; they knew nothing of the com-
pass, and it was a time when men were unaccustomed to traverse the
high seas. For thirteen days the lovers were driven about on a tempest-
uous ocean, at the mercy of wind and wave. The fugitive bride was
filled with terror and remorse, and looked upon this uproar of the elements
as the anger of Heaven directed against her. All the efforts of her lover
could not remove from her mind a dismal presage of some approaching
catastrophe.
At length the tempest subsided. On the fourteenth day, at dawn, the
mariners perceived what appeared to be a tuft of wood rising out of
the sea. They joyfully steered for it, supposing it to be an island. They
were not mistaken. As they drew near, the rising sun shone upon noble
forests, the trees of which were of a kind unknown to them. Flights of
birds also came hovering about the ship, and perched upon the yards and
rigging, without any signs of fear. The boat was sent on shore to recon-
noitre, and soon returned with such accounts of the beauty of the country,
that Macham determined to take his drooping companion to the land, in
hopes her health and spirits might be restored by refreshment and repose.
692 APPENDIX.
They were accompanied on shore by the faithful friends who had assisted
in their flight. The mariners remained on board to guard the ship.
The country was indeed delightful. The forests were stately and mag-
nificent; there were trees laden with excellent fruits, others with aromatic
flowers; the waters were cool and limpid, the sky was serene, ami there
was a balmy sweetness in the air. The animals they met with showed
no signs of alarm or ferocity, from which they concluded that the island
was uninhabited. On penetrating a little distance they found a sheltered
meadow, the green bosom of which was bordered by laurels and refreshed
by a mountain brook which ran sparkling over pebbles. In the centre
was a majestic tree, the wide branches of which afforded shade from the
rays of the sun. Here Macham had bowers constructed ami determined
to pass a few days, hoping that the sweetness of the country and the
serene tranquillity of this delightful solitude would recruit the drooping
health and spirits of his companion. Three days, however, had scarcely
passed when a violent storm arose from the north-east, and raged all
night over the island. On the succeeding morning Macham repaired to
the sea-side, but nothing of his ship was to be seen, and he concluded
that it had foundered in the tempest.
Consternation fell upon the little band, thus left in an uninhabited
island in the midst of the ocean. The blow fell most severely on the
timid and repentant bride. She reproached herself with being the cause
of all their misfortunes, and from the first, had been haunted by dismal
forebodings. She now considered them about to be accomplished, and
her horror was so great as to deprive her of speech; she expired in three
days without uttering a word.
Macham was struck with despair at beholding the tragical end of this
tender and beautiful being. He upbraided himself, in the transports of
his grief, with tearing her from her home, her country, and her friends,
to perish upon a savage coast. All the efforts of his companions to con-
sole him were in vain. He died within five days, broken-hearted ; beg-
ging, as a last request, that his body might be interred beside that of
his mistress, at the foot of a rustic altar which they had erected under
the great tree. They set up a large wooden cross on the spot, on
which was placed an inscription written by Macham himself, relating in
a few words his piteous adventure, and praying any Christians who might
arrive there to build a chapel in the place dedicated to Jesus the
Saviour.
After the death of their commander, his followers consulted about
means to escape from the island. The ship's boat remained on the shore.
They repaired it and put it in a state to bear a voyage, and then made
all sail, intending to return to England. Ignorant of their situation, and
carried about by the winds, they were cast upon the coast of Morocco,
where, their boat being shattered upon the rocks, they were captured by
the Moors and thrown into prison. Here they understood that their ship
had shared the same fate, having been driven from her anchorage in the
tempest, and carried to the same inhospitable coast, where all her crew
were made prisoners.
The prisons of Morocco were in those days filled with captives of all
nations, taken by their cruisers. Here the English prisoners met with
an experienced pilot, a Spaniard of Seville, named Juan de Morales.
He listened to their story with great interest; inquired into the situ-
ation and description of the [stand they had discovered ; and, subse-
quently, on his redemption from prison, communicated the circumstances,
it is said, to Prince Henry of Portugal.
There is a difficulty in the above narrative of Alcaforado in reconciling
APPENDIX. 693
dates. The voyage is said to have taken place during the reign of Ed-
ward III., which commenced in 1327 and ended in 1878. Morales, to
whom the English communicated their voyage, is said to have been in
the service of the Portuguese, in the second discovery of Madeira, in 1418
and 1420. Even if the voyage and imprisonment had taken place in the
last year of King Edward's reign, this leaves a space of forty years.
Hackluyt gives an account of the same voyage, taken from Antonio
Galvano. He varies in certain particulars. It happened, he says, in the
year 1344, in the time of Peter IV. of Aragon. Macham cast anchor
in a bay since called after him Machio.
The lady being ill, he took her on shore, accompanied by some of
his friends, and the ships sailed without them. After the death of the
lady, Macham made a canoe out of a tree, and ventured to sea in it with
his companions. They were cast upon the? coast of Africa, where the
Moors, considering it a kind of miracle, carried him to the king of their
country, who sent him to the King of Castile. In consequence of the
traditional accounts remaining of this voyage, Henry IL of Castile sent
people, in 1395, to rediscover the island.
No. XXVIIL
LAS CASA8.
BARTHOLOMEW LAS CAS AS, Bishop of Chiapa, so often cited in all
histories of the New World, was born at Seville in 1474, and was of
French extraction. The family name was Casaus. The first of the
name who appeared in Spain served under the standard of Ferdinand
HI., surnamed the Saint, in his wars with the Moors of Andalusia.
He was at the taking of Seville from the Moors, when he was rewarded
by the king, and received permission to establish himself there. His
descendants enjoyed the prerogatives of nobility, and suppressed the
letter u in their name, to accommodate it to the Spanish tongue.
Antonio, the father of Bartholomew, went to Hispaniola with Colum-
bus in 141)3, and returned rich to Seville in 1498. 1 It has been stated
by one of the biographers of Bartholomew Las Casas, that he accompa-
nied Columbus in his third voyage in 1498, and returned with him in
1500. 2 This, however, is incorrect. He was, during that time, complet-
ing his education at Salamanca, where he was instructed in Latin, dialec-
tics, logic, metaphysics, ethics, and physics, after the supposed method
and system of Aristotle. While at the university, he had, as a servant,
an Indian slave, given him by his father, who had received him from
Columbus. When Isabella, in her transport of virtuous indignation,
ordered the Indian slaves to be sent back to their country, this one
was taken from Las Casas. Tbe young man was aroused by the cir-
cumstance, and, on considering the nature of the case, became inflamed
with a zeal in favor of the unhappy Indians, which never cooled through^
out a long and active life. It was excited to tenfold fervor, when, at
about the age of twenty-eight years, he accompanied the commander
Ovando to Hispaniola in 1502, and was an eye-witness to many of the
cruel scenes which took place under his administration. The whole of
his future life, a space exceeding sixty years, was devoted to vindicating
the cause, and endeavoring to meliorate the sufferings of the natives.
1 Navarrete, Colec. Viag., torn. 1. Introd. p. Ixx.
* T. A. Lloruute, CEuvres de Lau Casaa, p. xi. Paris, 1822.
694 APPENDIX.
As a missionary, he traversed the wilderness of the Xew World in various
directions, seeking to convert and civilize them; a n > a protector and
champion, he made several voyages to Spain, vindicated their wrongs
before courts and monarchs, wrote volumes in their behalf, and exhibited
a zeal and constancy and intrepidity worthy of an apostle. He died at
the advanced age of ninety-two years, and was buried at Madrid, in the
church of the Dominican convent of Atocha, of which fraternity he was
a member.
Attempts have been made to decry the consistency, and question the
real philanthropy of Las Casas, in consequence of one of the expedients
to which he resorted to relieve the Indians from the cruel bondage im-
posed upon them. This occurred in 1517, when he arrived in .Spain, on
one of his missions, to obtain measures in their favor from the govern-
ment. On his arrival in Spa4n, he found Cardinal Xnnenes, who had been
left regent on the death of King Ferdinand, too ill to attend to his affairs.
He repaired, therefore, to Valladolid, where he awaited the coming of the
new monarch Charles, Archduke of Austria, afterward the Emperor
Charles V. He had strong opponents to encounter in various persons
high in authority, who, holding estates and repartimientos in the colo-
nies, were interested in the slavery of the Indians. Among these, and
not the least animated, was the Bishop Fonseca, President of the Coun-
cil of the Indies.
At length the youthful sovereign arrived, accompanied ty various Flem-
ings of his court, particularly his grand chancellor, Doctor Juan de Sel-
vagio, a learned and upright man, whom he consulted on all affairs of
administration and justice. Las Casas soon became intimate with the
chancellor, and stood high in his esteem; but so much opposition arose
on every side that he found his various propositions for the relief of the
natives but little attended to. In his doubt and anxiety he had now re-
course to an expedient which he considered as justified by the circum-
stances of the case. 1 The chancellor Selvagio and other Flemings who
had accompanied the youthful sovereign, had obtained for him, before
quitting Flanders, licenses to import slaves from Africa to the colonies; a
measure which had recently in 1510 been prohibited by a decree of Cardinal
Xiuienes while acting as regent. The chancellor, who was a humane man,
reconciled it to his conscience by a popular opinion that one negro could
perform, without detriment to his health, the labor of several Indians,
and that therefore it was a great saving of human suffering. So easy is
it for interest to wrap itself up in plausible argument! He might, more-
over, have thought the welfare of the Africans but little affected by the
change. They were accustomed to slavery in their own country, and they
were said to thrive in the New World. " The Africans," observes Her-
rera, " prospered so much in the island of Hispaniola, that it was the
opinion unless a negro should happen to be hanged, he would never die;
for as yet none hail been known to perish from infirmity. Like oranges,
they found their proper soil in Hispaniola, and it seemed even more
natural to them than their native Guinea." 2
Las Casas finding all other means ineffectual, endeavored to turn
these interested views of the grand chancellor to the benefit of the In-
dians. He proposed that the Spaniards, resident in the colonies, might
1 Herrera clearly states this as an expedient adopted when others failed. " Bartolom6
de las Casas, viendo que sus conceptos hallabanen todas paries dilicultad, i que las
opiniones que tenia, por niurlia familiaridad que havia seguido i gran credito con el gran
Cauciller, no podiau naber efecto, se volvio a otros expedientes, <fcc." Decad. ii. lib. ii.
cap. 2.
2 Herrera, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. decad. iii. cap. 4.
APPENDIX. 695
be permitted to procure negroes for the labor of the farms and the
mines, and other severe toils, which were above the strength and destruc-
tive of the lives of the natives. 1 He evidently considered Uie poor Afri
cans as little better than mere animals; and he acted like others, on au
arithmetical calculation of diminishing human misery, by substituting one
strong man for three or four of feebler nature. He, moreover, esteemed
the Indians as a nobler anil more intellectual race of beings, and their
preservation and welfare of higher importance to the general interests of
humanity.
It is this expedient of Las Casas which has drawn down severe censure
upon his memory. He has been charged with gross inconsistency, and
even with having originated this inhuman traffic in the New World.
This last is a grievous charge; but historical facts and dates remove
the original sin from his door, and prove that the practice existed in the
colonies, and was authorized by royal decree, long before he took a part
in the question.
Las Casas did not go to the New World until 1502. By a royal ordi-.
nance passed in 1501, negro slaves were permitted to be taken there,
provided they had been born among Christians. * By a letter written by
Ovaiulo, dated 150/5, it appears that there were numbers in the island of
Hispaniola at that time, and he entreats that none more might be per-
mitted to be brought.
In 1500 the Spanish government forbade the introduction of negro
slaves from the Levant, or those brought up with the Moors; and stipu-
lated that none should be taken to the colonies but those from Seville,
who had been instructed in the Christian faith, that they might contribute
to the conversion of the Indians. 3 In 1510 King Ferdinand, being in-
formed of the physical weakness of the Indians, ordered h'fly Africans to
be sent from Seville to labor in the mines. 4 In 1511 he ordered that a
great number should be procured from Guinea, and transported to Ilis-
faniola, understanding that one negro could perform the work of four
ndians. 5 In 1512 and '13 he signed further orders relative to the same
subject. In 1516 Charles V. granted licenses to the Flemings to import
negroes to the colonies. It was not until the year 1517 that Las Casas
gave his sanction of the traffic. It already existed, and he countenanced
it solely with a view to having the hardy Africans substituted for the
feeble Indians. It was advocated at the same time, and for the same
reasons, by the Jeromuiite friars, who were missionaries in the colonies.
The motives of Las Casas were purely benevolent, though founded on
erroneous notions of justice. He thought to permit evil that good
might spring out of it; to choose between two existing abuses, and to
eradicate the greater by resorting to the lesser. His reasoning, how-
ever fallacious it may be, was considered satisfactory and humane by some
of the most learned and benevolent men of the age, among whom was
the Cardinal Adrian, afterward elevated to the papal chair, and charac-
terized by gentleness and humanity. The traffic was permitted ; inquiries
were made as to the number of slaves required, which was limited to four
thousand, and the Flemings obtained a monopoly of the trade, which
they afterward farmed out to the Genoese.
Dr. Robertson, in noticing this affair, draws a contrast between the
conduct of the Cardinal Ximenes and that of Las Casas, strongly to the
disadvantage of the latter. " The cardinal," he observes, " when solicited
> Herrera, Hi*t. Ind., decad. li. lib. ii. cap. 2Q. Ibid., d. li. lib. lii. cap. 8.
Ibid., d. i. lib. vi. cap. '20. Ibid., d. i. lib. viii. cap. 9.
6 Ibid., d. i. lib. ix. cap. 5.
696 APPENDIX.
to encourage this commerce, peremptorily rejected the proposition, because
he perceived the iniquity of reducing one race of men to slavery, when
he was consulting about the means of restoring liberty to another; but
Las Casas, from the inconsistency natural to men who hurry with head-
long impetuosity toward a favorite point, was incapable of making this
distinction. In the warmth of his zeal to save the Americans from the
yoke, he pronounced it to be lawful and expedient to impose one still
heavier on the Africans. 1
This distribution of praise and censure is not perfectly correct. Las
Casas had no idea that he was imposing a heavier, or so heavy, a yoke
upon the Africans. The latter were considered more capable of labor,
and less impatient of slavery. While the Indians sunk under their tasks,
and perished by thousands in Hispaniola, the negroes, on the contrary,
thrived there. Ilerrera, to whom Dr. Robertson refers as his authority,
assigns a different motive, and one of mere finance, for the measures of
Cardinal Ximenes. He says that he ordered that no one should take
negroes to the Indies, because, as the natives were decreasing, and it was
known that one negro did more work than four of them, there would
probably be a great demand for African slaves, and a tribute might be im-
posed upon the trade, from which would result proQt to the royal treasury. 2
This measure was presently after carried into effect, though subsequent to
the death of the cardinal, and licenses were granted by the sovereign for
pecuniary considerations. Flechier, in his Life of Ximeues, assigns another
but a mere political motive for this prohibition. The cardinal, he says,
objected to the importation of negroes into the colonies, as he feared they
would corrupt the natives, and by confederacies with them render them
formidable to government. De Marsolier, another biographer of Ximenes,
gives equally politic reasons for this prohibition. He cites a letter written
by the cardinal on the subject, in which he observed that he knew the
nature of the negroes; they were a people capable, it was true, of great
fatigue, but extremely prolific and enterprising; and that if they had time
to multiply in America, they would infallibly revolt, and impose on the
Spaniards the same chains which they compelled them to wear. 3
These facts, while they take from the measure of the cardinal that credit
for exclusive philanthropy which has been bestowed upon it. manifest the
clear foresight of that able politician; whose predictions with respect, to
negro revolt have been so strikingly fulfilled in the island of Hispaniola.
Cardinal Ximenes, in fact, though a wise and upright statesman, was
not troubled with scruples of conscience on these questions of natural
rights; nor did he possess more toleration than his contemporaries toward
savage and infidel nations. He was grand inquisitor of Spain, and was
very efficient during the latter years of Ferdinand in making slaves of
the refractory Moors of Granada. He authorized, by express instruc-
tions, expeditions to seize and enslave the Indians of the Caribbee islands,
whom he termed only suited to labor, enemies of the Christians, and
cannibals. Nor will it be considered a proof of gentle or tolerant policy,
that he introduced the tribunal of the inquisition into the New World.
These circumstances are cited not to cast reproach upon the character of
Cardinal Ximenes, but to show how incorrectly he has been extolled at
the expense of Las Casas. Both of them must be judged in connection
with the customs and opinions of the age in which they lived.
1 Robertson, Hist. America, p. 3.
1 Porque corao iban faltando \os Indies i se conocia que un negro trabajaba, mas qua
quatro, por lo qual habia grau demanda de ellos, parecia que xe podia poneralgun tribute
en la MICH, de que reeultaria provecbo a la Rl. Hacienda Herrera, deead. ii. lib. ii. cap. >.
De ilarsulier, Hut. du Ministere Cardinal Ximeues, lib. vi. Toulouse, 1094.
APPENDIX. 697
Las Casas was the author of many works, but few of which have Iwen
printed. The most important is a general history of the Indies, from the
discovery to the year 1520, in three volumes. It exists only in manu-
script, but is the fountain from which Herrera, and most of the other
historians of the New World, have drawn large supplies. The work
though prolix, is valuable, as the author was an eye-witness of many of
the facts, had others from persons who were concerned in the transactions
recorded, and possessed copious documents. It displays great erudition,
though somewhat crudely and diffusely introduced. His history was com-
menced in 1527, at fifty-three years of age, and was finished in 1559,
when eighty-five. As many things are set down from memory, there is
occasional inaccuracy, but the whole bears the stamp of sincerity and
truth. The author of the present work, having had access to this valu-
able manuscript, has made great use of it, drawing forth many curious
facts hitherto neglected; but he has endeavored to consult it with caution
an I discrimination, collating it with other authorities, and omitting what-
ever appeared to be dictated by prejudice or over-heated zeal.
Las Casas has been accused of high coloring anJ extravagant declama-
tion in those passages which relate to the barbarities practised on the
natives; nor is the charge entirely without foundation. The same zeal
in the cause of the Indians is expressed in his writings that shone forth in
his actions, always pure, often vehement, and occasionally unseasonable.
Still, however, when he errs it is on a generous and righteous side. If
one-tenth part of what he says he "witnessed with his own eyes" be
true, and his veracity is beyond doubt, he would have been wanting in the
natural feelings of humanity had he not expressed himself in terms of
indignation and abhorrence.
In the course of his work, when Las Casas mentions the original papers
lying before him, from which he drew many of his facts, it mak'-s one
lament that they should be lost to the world. Besides the journals and
letters of Columbus, he says he ha 1 numbers of the letters of the Adelan-
tado, Don Bartholomew, who wrote better than his brother, and whose
writings must have been full of energy. Above all, he had the map,
formed from study and conjecture, by which Columbus sailed on his first
voyage. What a precious document would this be for the world! These
writings may still exist, neglected and forgotten among the rubbish of
some convent in Spain. Little hope can be entertained of discovering
them in the present state of the degeneracy of the cloister. The monks
of Atocha, in a recent conversation with one of the royal princes, be-
trayed an ignorance that this illustrious man was buried in their convent,
nor can any of the fraternity point out his place of sepulture to the
stranger. 1
The publication of this work of Las Casas has not been permitted in
Spain, where every book must have the sanction of a censor before it is
committed to the press. The horrible picture it exhibits of the cruelties
inflicted on the Indians would, it was imagined, excite an odium against
their conquerors. Las Casas himself seems to have doubted the expe-
diency of publishing it; for in 1560 he made a note with his own hand,
which is preserved in the two first volumes of the original, mentioning
that he left them in confidence to the college of the order of Predicators
of St. Gregorio, in Valladolid, begging of its prelates that no secular per-
son, nor even the collegians, should be permitted to read his history for
1 In this notice the author has occasionally availed himself of the interesting memoir
of MOD. .1. A. Llorente, prefixed to bin collection of the works' of l.an < 'a.-;i*, collating it
with the history ul liciiciu, hum which iu fact* are principally derived.
698 APPENDIX.
the space of forty years; and that after that term it might be printed if
consistent with the good of the Indies and of .Spain. 1
For the foregoing reason this work lias been cautiously used by Span-
ish historians, passing over in silence, or with brief notice, many passages
of disgraceful import. This feeling is natural, if not commendable; for the
world is not prompt to discriminate between individuals and the nation of
whom they are but a part. The laws and regulations for the government
of the newly-discovered countries, and the decisions of the Council ot
the Indies on all contested points, though tinctured in some degree with
the bigotry of the age, were distinguished for wisdom, justice, and
humanity, and honor to the Spanish nation. It was only in the abuse
of them by individuals to whom the execution of the laws was intrusted,
that these atrocities were committed. It should be remembered, also, that
the sazne nation which gave birth to the sanguinary and rapacious adven-
turers who perpetrated these cruelties, gave birth likewise to the early
missionaries, like Las Casas, who followed the sanguinary course of dis-
covery, binding up the wounds inflicted by their countrymen; men who in
a truly evangelical spirit braved all kinds of perils and hardships, and
even death itself, not through a prospect of temporal gain or glory, but
through a desire to meliorate the condition and save the souls of barbar-
ous and suffering nations. The dauntless enterprises and fearful pere-
grinations of many of these virtuous men, if properly appreciated, would
be found to vie in romantic daring with the heroic achievements of chiv-
alry, with motives of a purer and far more exalted nature.
No. XXIX.
PETER MARTYR.
PETER MARTIR, or Martyr, of whose writings much use has been made
in this history, was born at Anghierra, in the territory of Milan, in Italy,
on the second of February, 1455. He is commonly termed Peter Martyr
of Anrjleria, from the Latin name of his native place. He is one of the
earliest historians that treat of Columbus, and was his contemporary and
intimate acquaintance. Being at Rome in 1487, and having acquired a
distinguished reputation for learning, he was invited by the Spanish am-
bassador, the Count de Tendilla, to accompany him to Spain. He will-
ingly accepted the invitation, and was presented to the sovereigns atSara-
gossa Isabella, amid the cares of the war with Granada, was anxious for
the intellectual advancement of her kingdom, and wished to employ
Martyr to instruct the young nobility of the royal household. With her
peculiar delicacy, however, she first made her confessor, Hernando de
Talavera, inquire of Martyr m what capacity he desired to serve her.
Contrary to her expectation, Martyr replied, "In the profession of arms."
The queen complied, and he followed her in her campaigns, as one of her
household and military suite, but without distinguishing himself, and per-
haps without having any particular employ in a capacity so foreign to his
talents. After the surrender of Granada, when the war was ended, the
queen, through the medium of the grand cardinal of Spain, prevailed
upon him to undertake the instruction of the young nobles of her court.
Martyr was acquainted with Columbus while making his application to
the sovereigns, and was present at his triumphant reception by Ferdi-
nand and Isabella in Barcelona, on his return from his first voyage. He
was continually in the royal camp during the war with the Moors, of
1 Navarrete, Colec. de Viag., torn. i. p. Ixxv.
APPENDIX. 699
which his letters contain many interest ing particulars. He was sent
ambassador extraordinary by Ferdinand and Isalx'lla, in 1501, to Venice,
and tin-nee to the graml soldan of Egypt. 'I'lie soldan, in 14VH) or 1491,
had sent AH embassy to the Spanish sovereigns, threatening that, unless
they desisted from war against Granada, he would put all the Christians
In Kgypt and Syria to death, overturn all their temples, and destroy the
holy sepulchre at Jerusalem. Ferdinand and Isabella pressed the war
with tenfold energy, and brought it to a triumphant conclusion in the
next campaign, while the soldan was still carrying on a similar negotia-
tion with the pope. They afterward sent Peter Martyr ambassador to
the soldan to explain and justify their measure. Martyr discharged
the duties of his embassy with great ability; obtained permission from the
soldan to repair the holy places at Jerusalem, and an aliolit i-m of various
extortions to which Christian pilgrims had been subjected. While on
this embassy, he wrote his work De Legatione Babylonica, which includes
a history of Egypt in those times.
On his return to Spain he was rewarded with places and pensions, and
in 1524 was appointed a minister of the Council of the Indies. His prin-
cipal work is an account of the discoveries of the New World, in eight
decades, each containing ten chapters. They are styled Decades of the
New World, or Decades of the Ocean, and, like all his other works, were
originally written in Latin, though since translated into various languages.
He had familiar access to letters, papers, journals, and narratives of the
early discoverers, and was personally acquainted with many of them,
gathering particulars from their conversation. In writing his Decades,
he took great pains to obtain information from Columbus himself, and
from others, his companions.
In one of his epistles (No. 153, January, 1404, to Pomponius Laetus),
he mentions having just received a letter from Columbus, by which it
appears he was in correspondence with him. Las Casas says that great
credit is to be given to him in regard to those voyages of Columbus,
although his Decades contain some inaccuracies relative to subsequent
events in the Indies. Munoz allows him great credit, as an author con-
temporary with his subject, grave, well cultivated, instructed in the facts
of which he treats, and of entire probity. He observes, however, that
his writings being composed on the spur or excitement of the moment,
often related circumstances which subsequently proved to l>e erroneous;
that they were written without method or care, often confusing dates and
events, so that they must be re^ad with some caution.
Martyr was in the daily habit of writing letters to distinguished persons,
relating the passing occurrences of the busy court and age in which he
lived. In several of these Columbus is mentioned, and also some of the
chief events of his voyages, as promulgated at the very moment of his
return. These letters not being generally known or circulated, or fre-
quently cited, it may be satisfactory to the reader to have a few of the
main passages which relate to Columbus. They have a striking effect in
carrying us back to the very time of the discoveries.
In one of his epistles, dated Barcelona, May 1st, 1493, and addressed to
C. Borromeo, he says: "Within these few days a certain Christopher
Columbus has arrived from the western antipodes; a man of Liguria,
whom my sovereigns reluctantly intrusted with three ships, to seek
thai region, for they thought that what he said was fabulous. He has
returned and brought specimens of many precious things, but particularly
gold, which those countries naturally produce." 1
i Opus Epist. P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 131.
700 APPENDIX.
In another letter, dated likewise from Barcelona, in September follow-
ing, he gives a more particular account. It is addressed to Count Ten-
dilla, Governor of Granada, and also to Hernando Talavera, Archbishop
of that diocese, and the same to whom the propositions of Columbus had
been referred by the Spanish sovereigns. " Arouse your attention, an-
cient sages," says Peter Martyr in his epistle; " listen to a new discovery.
You remember Columbus the Ligurian, appointed in the camp by our
sovereigns to search for a new hemisphere of land at the western anti-
podes. You ought to recollect, for you had some agency in the transac-
tion; nor would the enterprise, as I think, have been undertaken,
without your counsel. He has returned in safety, and relates the won-
ders he has discovered. He exhibits gold as proofs of the mines in those
regions; Gossampine cotton, also, and aromatics, and pepper more pun-
fent than that from Caucasus. All these tilings, together with scarlet
ye-woods, the earth produces spontaneously. Pursuing the western sun
from Gades five thousand miles, of each a thousand paces, as he relates,
he fell in with sundry islands, and took possession of one of them, of
greater circuit, he asserts, than the whole of Spain. Here he found a
race of men living contented, in a state of nature, subsisting on fruits and
vegetables, and bread formed from roots. . . . These people have kings,
some greater than others, and they war occasionally among themselves,
with bows and arrows, or lances sharpened and hardened in the tire.
The desire of command prevails among them, though they are naked.
They have wives also. What they worship except the divinity of heaven,
is not ascertained." 1
In another letter, dated likewise in September, 1493, and addressed to
the cardinal and vice-chancellor Ascanius Sforza, he says:
"So great is my desire to give you satisfaction, illustrious prince, that
I consider it a gratifying occurrence in the great fluctuations of events,
when any thing takes place among us, in which you may take an in-
terest. The wonders of this terrestrial globe, round which the sun makes
a circuit in the space of four and twenty hours, have, until our time, as
you are well aware, been known only in regard to one hemisphere, merely
from the golden Chersonesus to our Spanish Gades. The rest has been
given up as unknown by cosmographers, and if any mention of it has
been made, it has been slight and dubious. But now, O blessed enter-
prise! under the auspices of our sovereigns, what has hitherto lain hidden
since the first origin of things, has at length begun to be developed.
The thing has thus occurred attend, illustrious prince! A certain
Christopher Columbus, a Ligurian, despatched to those regions with
three vessels by my sovereigns, pursuing the western sun above five
thousand miles from Gades, achieved his way to the antipodes. Three
and thirty successive days they navigated with nought but sky and water.
At length from the mast-head of the largest vessel, in which Columbus
himself sailed, those on the look-out proclaimed the sight of land. He
coasted along six islands, one of them, as all his followers declare, be-
guiled perchance by the novelty of the scene, is larger than Spain."
Martyr proceeds to give the usual account of the productions of the
islands, and the manners and customs of the natives, particularly the wars
which occurred among them; " as if nieuin and tuuni had been introduced
among them as among us, and expensive luxuries, and the desire of
accumulating wealth; for what, you will think, can be the wants of naked
men?" " What further may succeed," he adds, "I will hereafter sig-
nify. Farewell." 2
i Opus Epist. P. Martyris Auglerii, Epist. 131. * Ibid., Epist. 135.
APPENDIX. 701
In another letter, dated Yalladolid, February 1st, 1494, to Hernando
de Talavera, Archbishop of Granada, lie observes, " The king and queen,
on the return of Columbus to Barcelona, from his honorable enter-
prise, appointed him admiral of the ocean sea, and caused him, on
account of his illustrious deeds, to be seated in their presence, an honor
and a favor, as you know, the highest with our sovereigns. They have
despatched him again to those regions, furnished with a fleet of eighteen
ships. There is prospect of great discoveries at the western antarctic
antipodes. . . . " J
In a subsequent letter to Pomponius Lsetus, dated from Alcala de
Ht'iiares, December 9th, 1494, he gives the first news of the success of
this expedition.
"Spain," says he, "is spreading her wings, augmenting her empire,
and extending her name and glory to the antipodes. ... Of eighteen
vessels despatched by my sovereigns with the Admiral Columbus in his
second voyage to the western hemisphere, twelve have returned and have
brought Gossampine cotton, huge trees of dye-wood, and many other
articles held with us as precious, the natural productions of that hitherto
hidden world; and beside all other things, no small quantity of gold. O
wonderful, Pomponius! Upon the surface of that earth are found rude
masses of native gold, of a weight that one is afraid to mention. Some
weigh two hundred and fifty ounces, and they hope to discover others of
a much larger size, from what the naked natives intimate, when they
extol their gold to our people. Nor are the Lestrigonians nor Polyphemi,
who feed on human flesh, any longer doubtful. Attend but beware!
lest they rise in horror before thee ! When he proceeded from the For-
tunate Islands, now termed the Canaries, to Hispaniola, the island on
which he first set foot, turning his prow a little toward the south, he
arrived at innumerable islands of savage men, whom they called canni-
bals, or Caribbees; and these, though naked, are courageous warriors.
They fight skilfully with bows and clubs, and have boats hollowed from
a single tree, yet very capacious, in which they make fierce descents on
neighboring islands, inhabited by milder people. They attack their
villages, from which they carry off the men and devour them," etc. 2
Another letter to Pomponius Laetus, on the same subject, has been
cited at large in the body of this work. It is true these extracts itive
nothing that has not been stated more at large in the Decades of the
same author, but they are curious, as the very first announcements of
the discoveries of Columbus, and as showing the first stamp of these ex-
traordinary events upon the mind of one of the most learned and lib-
eral men of the age.
A collection of the letters of Peter Martyr was published in 1530, under
the title of Opus Epistolarum, Petri Martyris Anglerii; it is divided into
thirty-eight books, each containing the letters of one year. The same
objections have been made to his letters as to his Decades, but they bear
the same stamp of candor, probity, and great information. They possess
peculiar value from being written at the moment, before the facts they
record were distorted or discolored by prejudice or misrepresentation.
His works abound in interesting particulars not to be found in any con-
temporary historian. They are rich in thought, but still richer in fact,
and are full of urbanity, and of the liberal feeling of a scholar who has
mingled with the world. He is a fountain from which others draw, and
from which, with a little precaution, they may draw securely. He died
in Yalladolid, in lo^O.
Opus Episl. I'. Marty rid, Auglurii, Epit. 141. * Ibid., Epist. 147.
702 APPENDIX.
No. XXX.
OVIEDO.
GONZALO FERNANDEZ T>E OVIEDO Y VALDES, commonly known as
Oviedo, was born in Madrid in 1478, and died in Valladolid in 1557. n^>-.\
seventy-nine years. He was of a noble Austrian family, and in his boy-
hood (in 141HJ) was appointed one of the pages to Prince Juan, heir appar-
ent of Spain, the only son of Ferdinand and Isabella. He was in this
situation at the time of the siege and surrender of Granada, was conse-
quently at court at the time that Columbus made his agreement with the
Catholic sovereigns, and was in the same capacity at Barcelona, and
witnessed the triumphant entrance of the discoverer, attended by a
number of the natives of the newly-found countries.
In 1513, he was sent to the New World by Ferdinand, to superintend
the gold-foundries. For many years he served there in various offices of
trust and dignity, both under Ferdinand, and his grandson and successor
Charles V. In 1535, he was made alcayde of the fortress of St. Domingo
in Hispaniola, and afterward was appointed historiographer of the
Indies. At the time of his death, he had served the crown upward of
forty years, thirty-four of which were passed in the colonies, and he had
crossed the ocean eight times, as he mentions in various parts of his
writings. He wrote several works; the most improtant is the chronicle
of the Indies in fifty books, divided into three parts. The first part
containing nineteen books was printed at Seville in 1535, and reprinted in
1547 at Salamanca, augmented by a twentieth book containing shipwrecks.
The remainder of the work exists in manuscript. The printing of it was
commenced at Valladolid in 1557, but was discontinued in consequence
of his death. It is one of the unpublished treasures of Spanish colonial
history.
He was an indefatigable writer, laborious in collecting and recording
facts, and composed a multitude of volumes which are scattered through
the Spanish libraries. His writings are full of events which happened
under his own eye, or were communicated to him by eye-witnesses, but he
was deficient in judgment and discrimination. He took his facts without
caution, and often from sources unworthy of credit. In his account
of the first voyage of Columbus, he falls into several egregious errors,
in consequence of taking the verbaF information of a pilot named Hernan
Perez Matteo, who was in the interest of the Pinzons, and adverse to the
admiral. His work is not much to be depended upon in matters relative
to Columbus. When he treats of a more advanced period of the New
World, from his own actual observation, he is much more satisfactory,
though he is accused of listening too readily to popular fables and misrepre-
sentations. His account of the natural productions of the New World,
and of the customs of its inhabitants, is full of curious particulars; and
the best narratives of some of the minor voyages which succeeded those
of Columbus, are to be found in the unpublished part of his work.
No. XXXI.
CUBA DE LOS PALACIO8.
ANDRES BERNALDES, or Bernal, generally known by the title of the
curate of Los Paladoa, from having been curate of the town of Los Pala-
cios from about 1488 to 1513, was born in the town of Fueutes, and was
APPENDIX. 703
for some time chaplain to Diego Deza, Archbishop of Seville, one of the
greatest friends to the application of Columbus. Bernaldes was well
acquainted with the admiral, who was occasionally his guest, and in 141MJ,
left many of his manuscripts and journals with him, which the curate
m.ide use of in a history of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, in
which he introduced an account of the voyages of Columbus. In the
narrative of the admiral's coasting along the southern side of Cuba, the
curate is more minute and accurate than any other historian. His work
exists only in manuscript, but is well known to historians, who have
made frequent use of it. Nothing can be more simple and artless than
the account which the honest curate gives of his being first moved to
undertake his chronicle. " I who wrote these chapters of memoirs," he
says, "being for twelve years in the habit of reading a register of my
deceased grandfather, who was notary public of the town of Fuentes,
where 1 was born, I found therein several chapters recording certain
events and achievements which had taken place in his time; and my
grandmother his widow, who was very old, hearing me read them said
to me, 'And thou, my son, since thou art not slothful in writing, why
dost thou not write, in this manner, the good things which are happen-
ing at present in thy own day, that those who come hereafter may know
them, and marvelling at what they read may render thanks to God.'
"From that time," continues he, "1 proposed to' do so, and as I
considered the matter, I said often to myself, ' if God gives me life and
health I will continue to write until 1 behold the kingdom of Granada
gained by the Christians;' and I always entertained a hope of seeing it
and did see it: great thanks and praises be given to our Saviour Jesus
Christ! And because it was impossible to write a complete and con-
nected account of all things that happened in Spain, during the matrimo-
nial union of the king Don Ferdinand, and the queen Dofia Isabella, I
wrote only about certain of the most striking and remarkable events, of
which I had correct information, and of those which 1 saw or which were
public and notorious to all men." 1
The work of the worthy curate, as may be inferred from the foregoing
statement, is deficient in regularity of plan ; the style is artless and often
inelegant, but it abounds in facts not to be met with elsewhere, often
given in a very graphical manner, and strongly characteristic of the
times. As he was contemporary with the events and familiar with many
of the persons of his history, and as he was a man of probity and void of
all pretension, his manuscript is a document of high authenticity. He
was much respected in the limited sphere in which he moved, " yet.''
says one of his admirers, who wrote a short preface to his chronicle, "he
had no other reward than that of the curacy of Los Palacios, and the
place of chaplain to the archbishop Don Diego Deza."
In the possession of O. Rich, Esq., of Madrid, is a very curious manu-
script chronicle of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella already quoted in
this work, made up from this history of the curate of Los Palacios, and
from various other historians of the times, by some contemporary writer.
In his account of the voyage of Columbus, he differs in some trivial par-
ticulars from the regular copy of the manuscript of the curate. These
variations have been carefully examined by the author of this work, and
wherever they appear to be for the better, have been adopted.
1 Cura de loe Palacios, cap. 7.
704 APPENDIX.
No. XXXII.
"NAVIGATIONS DEL RE DE CASTIGLIA DELLE ISOI.E E PAESE NUO-
VAMENTE 1UTROVATE." "NAV-1GATIO CHRISTOPHOUI COLOXBI."
THE above are the titles, in Italian and in Latin, of the earliest narra-
tives of the first and second voyages of Columbus that appeared in print.
It was anonymous; and there are some curious particulars in regard to
it. It was originally written in Italian by Montalbodo Fracanzo, or
Fracanzano, or by Francapano de Montabaldo (for writers differ in re-
gard to the name), and was published in Vicenza, in 1507, in a collection
of voyages, entitled Mondo Novo, e Paese Nuovaiuente Kitrovate. The
collection was republished at Milan, in 1508, both in Italian, and in a
Latin translation made by Archangelo Madrignano, under the title of
Itinerarium Portugallensium; this title being given, because the work
related chiefly to the voyages of Luigi Cadamosto, a Venetian in the
service of Portugal.
The collection was afterward augmented by Simon Grinasus with other
travels, and printed in Latin at Basle,in 1533, ' by Hervagio, emitled
Novus Orbis Regionum, etc. The edition of Basle, 1555, and the Italian
edition of Milan, in 1508, have been consulted in the course of this work.
Peter Martyr (Decad. 2. Cap. 7) alludes to this publication, under the
first Latin title of the book, Itinerarium Portugallensium, and accuses
the author, whom by mistake he terms Cadamosto, of having stolen the
materials of his book from the three first chapters of his first Decade of
the Ocean, of which, he says, he granted copies in manuscript to several
persons, and in particular to certain Venetian ambassadors. Martyr's
Decades were not published until 1516, excepting the first three, which
were published in 1511, at Seville.
This narrative of the voyages of Columbus is referred to by Gio. Batista
Spotorno, in his historical memoir of Columbus, as having been written
by a companion of Columbus.
It is manifest, from a perusal of the narrative, that though the author
may have helped himself freely from the manuscript of Martyr, he must
have had other sources of information. His description of the person of
Columbus as a man tall of stature and large of frame, of a ruddy com-
plexion and oblong visage, is not copied from Martyr, nor from any
other writer. No historian had, indeed, preceded him, except Sabellicus,
in 1504; and the portrait agrees with that subsequently given of Colum-
bus in the biography written by his son.
It is probable that this narrative, which appeared only a year after the
death of Columbus, was a piece of literary job-work, written for the col-
lection of voyages published at Vicenza; and that the materials were
taken from oral communication, from the account given by Sabellicus,
and particularly from the manuscript copy of Martyr's first decade.
No. XXXIII.
ANTONIO DE HERRERA.
ANTONIO HERRERA DE TORDESILLAS, one of the authors mot fre-
quently cited in this work, was born in 1565, of Roderick Tonlesillas,
1 Biblioiheca Piuello.
APPENDIX. 705
and Agnes de Herrera, his wife. He received an excellent education,
anil entered into the employ of Vespasian Gonzago,, brother to the Duke
of Mantua, who was Viceroy of Naples for Philip the Second of Spain.
He was for some time secretary to this statesman, and intrusted with all
his secrets. He was afterward grand historiographer of the Indies to
Philip II., who added to that title a large pension. He wrote various
books, but the most celebrated is a General History of the Indies, or
American Colonies, in four volumes, containing eight decades. When
he undertook this work all the public archives were thrown open to him,
and he had access to documents of all kinds. He has been charged with
great precipitation in the production of his two first volumes, and with
negligence in not making sufficient use of the indisputable sources of in-
formation thus placed within his reach. The fact was, that he met with
historical tracts lying in manuscript, which embraced a great part of the
first discoveries, and he contented himself with stating events as he found
them tlicn-in recorded. It is certain that a great part of his work is little
more than a transcript of the manuscript history of the Indies by Las
Casas, sometimes reducing and improving the language when tumid;
omitting the impassioned sallies of the zealous father, when the wrongs
of the Indians were in question; and suppressing various circumstances
degrading to the character of the Spanish discoverers. The author of the
present work, has, therefore, frequently put aside the history of Herrera,
and consulted the source of his information, the manuscript history of
Las Casas.
Mufioz observes that "in general Herrera did little more than join
together morsels and extracts, taken from various parts, in the way that
a writer arranges chronologically the materials from which he intends to
compose a history;" he adds, that "had not Herrera been a learned and
judicious man. the precipitation with which he put together these mate-
rials would have led to innumerable errors." The remark is just; yet
it is to be considered, that to select and arrange such materials judi-
ciously, and treat them learnedly, was no trifling merit in the his-
torian.
Herrera has been accused also of flattering his nation; exalting the
deeds of his countrymen, and softening and concealing their excesses.
There is nothing very serious in this accusation. To illustrate the glory
of his nation is one of the noblest offices of the historian; and it is dif-
ficult to speak too highly of the extraordinary enterprises and splendid
actions of the Spaniards in those days. In softening their excesses he
fell into an amiable and pardonable error, if it were indeed an error for a
Spanish writer to endeavor to sink them in oblivion.
Vossins passes a high eulogitim on Herrera. " No one," he says, " has
described with greater industry and fidelity the magnitude and boundaries
of provinces, the tracts of sea, positions of capes and islands, of ports
and harbors, the windings of rivers and dimensions of lakes; the situa-
tion and peculiarities of regions, with the appearance of the heavens,
and the designation of places suitable for the establishment of cities."
He has been called among the Spaniards the prince of the histc.Mans
of America, and it is added that none have risen since his time capable of
disputing with him that title. Much of this praise will appear exagger-
ated by such as examine the manuscript histories from which he trans-
ferred chapters and entire books, with very little alteration, to his volumes;
and a great part of the eulogiuuis passed on him for his work on the
Indies, will be found really due to Las Casas, who has too long been
eclipsed by his copyist. Still Herrera has left voluminous proofs of in-
dustrious research, extensive information, and great literary talent. His
706 APPENDIX.
works bear the mark of candor, integrity, and a sincere desire to record
the truth.
He died in 1625, at sixty years of age, after having obtained from
Philip IV. the promise of the first charge of secretary of state that should
become vacant.
No. XXXIV.
BISHOP FONSECA.
THE singular malevolence displayed by Bishop Juan Rodriguez de
Fonseca toward Columbus and his family, and which was one of the secret
and principal causes of their misfortunes, has been frequently noticed in
the course of this work. It originated, as has been shown, in some dis-
pute between the admiral and Fonseca at Seville in 1403, on account of
the delay in fitting out the armament for the second voyage, and in regard
to the number of domestics to form the household of the admiral.
Fonseca received a letter from the sovereigns, tacitly reproving him, and
ordering him to show all possible attention to the wishes of Columbus,
and to see that he was treated with honor and deference. Fonseca never
forgot this affront, and, what with him was the saiie thing, never forgave
it. His spirit appears to have been of that unhealthy kind which has
none of the balm of forgiveness; and in which, a wound once made,
forever rankles. The hostility thus produced continued with increasing
virulence throughout the life of Columbus, and at his death was trans-
ferred to his son and successor. This persevering animosity has been
illustrated in the course of this work by facts and observations, cited from
authors, some of them contemporary with Fonseca, but who were ap-
parently restrained by motives of prudence from giving full vent to the
in liguation which they evidently felt. Even at the present day, a Spanish
historian would be cautious of expressing his feelings freely on the subject,
le>t they should prejudice his work in the eyes of the ecclesiastical censors
of the press. In this way Bishop Fonseca has in a great measure escaped
the general odium his conduct merited.
This prelate had the chief superintendence of Spanish colonial affairs,
both under Ferdinand and Isabella, and the Emperor Charles V. He
was an active and intrepid, but selfish, overbearing, and perfidious man.
His administration bears no marks of enlarged and liberal policy; but is
full of traits of arrogance and meanness. He opposed the benevolent
attempts of Las Casas to ameliorate the condition of the Indians, and to
obtain the abolition of repartimientos ; treating him with personal haugh-
tiness and asperity. 1 The reason assigned is that Fonseca was enriching
himself by those very abuses, retaining large numbers of the miserable
Indians in slavery, to work on his possessions in the colonies.
To show that his character has not been judged with undue severity, it-
is expedient to point out his invidious and persecuting conduct toward
Hernando Cortez. The bishop, while ready to foster rambling adven-
turers who came forward under his patronage, had never the head or the
heart to appreciate the merits of illustrious commanders like Columbus
or Cortez.
At a time when disputes arose between Cortez and Diego Velazquez,
governor of Cuba, and the latter sought to arrest the conqueror of Mexico
in the midst of his brilliant career, Fonseca, with entire disregard of the
merits of the case, took a decided part in favor of Velazquez. Personal
1 Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 3.
APPENDIX. 707
interest was at the bottom of this favor; for a marriage was negotiating
between Velazquez and a sister of the bishop. 1 Complaints and misrep-
resentations had been sent to Spain by Velazquez of the conduct of Corte/,
who was represented as a lawless and unprineipled adventurer attempting
to usurp absolute authority in New Spain. The true services of Cortez
had already excited admiration at court, but such was the influence of
Fonseca, that, as in the case of Columbus, he succeeded in prejudicing
the mind of the sovereign against one of the most meritorious of his sub-
jects. One Christoval de Tapia, a man destitute of talent or character,
but whose greatest recommendation was his having been in the employ
of the bishop,- was invested with powers similar to those once given to
Jiobadilla to the prejudice of Columbus. Ue was to inquire into the
conduct of Cortez, and in case he thought fit, to seize him, sequestrate
his property, and supersede him in command. Not content with the
regular official letters furnished to Tapia, the bishop, shortly after his
departure, sent out Juan Bono de Quexo with blank letters signed by his
own hand, and with others directed to various persons, charging them to
admit Tapia for governor, and assuring them that the king considered
the conduct of Cortez as disloyal. Nothing but the sagacity and firmness
of Cortez prevented this measure from completely interrupting, if not
defeating his enterprises; and he afterward declared, that he had expe-
rienced more trouble and difficulty from the menaces and affronts of the
ministers of the king than it cost him to conquer Mexico. 3
When the dispute between Cortez and Velazquez came to be decided
upon in Spain, in 1522, the father of Cortez, and those that had come
from New Spain as his procurators, obtained permission fiom Cardinal
Adrian, at that time governor of the realm, to prosecute a public accusa-
tion of the bishop. A regular investigation took place before the Council
of the Indies of their allegations against its president. They charged
him with having publicly declared Cortez a traitor and a rebel; with
having intercepted and suppressed his letters addressed to the king, keep-
ing his Majesty in ignorance of their contents and of the important ser-
vices he had performed, while he diligently forwarded all letters calculated
to promote the interest of Velazquez; with having prevented the repre-
sentations of Cortez from being heard in the Council of the Indies,
declaring that they should never be heard there while he lived ; with having
interdicted the forwarding of arms, merchandise, and re-enforcements to
New Spain ; and with having issued orders to the office of the India House
at Seville to arrest the procurators of Cortez and all persons arriving
from him, and to seize and detain all gold that they should bring. These
ami various other charges of similar nature were dispassionately inves-
tigated. Enough were substantiated to convict Fonseca of the most,
partial, oppressive and perfidious conduct, and the cardinal consequently
forbade him to interfere in the cause between Cortez and Velazquez, and
revoked all the orders which the bishop had issued, in the matter, to the
Iinlia House of Seville. Indeed Salazar, a Spanish historian, says that
Fmiseea was totally divested of his authority as president of the council,
and of all control of the affairs of New Spain, and adds that he was so
mortified at the blow, that it brought on a tit of illness, which well-nigh
cost him his life. 4
The suit between Cortez and Velazquez was referred to a special tri-
i Herrera, Tlist. Ind., decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. 3.
* Ibid., decad. iii. lib. i. cap. 15.
8 Ibid., decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. .1.
* iSaiuzar, C'ouq. de Mexico, lib. i. cap. 2.
708 APPENDIX.
bunal, composed of the grand chancellor and other persons of note, and
was decided in 1522. The influence and intrigues of Fonseca bein'* no
longer of avail, a triumphant verdict was given in favor of Cortez, which
was afterward confirmed by the Emperor Charles V., and additional
honors awarded him. This was another blow to the malignant Fonseca,
who retained his enmity against Cortez until his last moment, rendered
still more rancorous by mortification and disappointment.
A charge against Fonseca, of a still darker nature than any of the pre-
ceding, may be found lurking in the pages of Herrera, though so obscure
as to have escaped the notice of succeeding historians. He points to the
bishop as the instigator of a desperate and perfidious man, who conspired
against the life of Hernando Cortez. This was one Antonio de Villat'ufu,
who fomented a conspiracy to assassinate Cortez, and elect Francisco
Verdujo, brother-in-law of Velazquez, in his place. While the conspira-
tors were waiting for an opportunity to poniard Cortez, one of them,
relenting, apprised him of his danger. Villafafia was arrested. He at-
tempted to swallow a paper containing a list of the conspirators, but being
seized by the throat, a part of it was forced from his mouth containing
fourteen names of persons of importance. Villafafia confessed his guilt,
but tortures could not make him inculpate the persons whose names were
on the list, whom he declared were ignorant of the plot. He was hanged
by order of Cortez. 1
In the investigation of the disputes between Cortez and Velazquez, this
execution of Villafana was magnified into a cruel and wanton act of
power; and in their eagerness to criminate Cortez the witnesses on the
part of Alvarez declared that Villafana had been instigated to what he
hid done by letters from Bishop Fonseca! (Que se movio a lo que hizo
con cartas del obispo de Burgos.' 2 ) It is not probable that Fonseca had
recommended assassination, but it shows the character of his agents, and
what must have been the malignant nature of his instructions, when
these men thought that such an act would accomplish his wishes. Fon-
seca died at Burgos on the 4th of November, 1554, and was interred at
Coca.
No. XXXV.
OF THE SITUATION OF THE TERRESTRIAL PARADISE.
THE speculations of Columbus on the situation of the terrestrial
paradise, extravagant as they may appear, were such as have occupied
many grave and learned men. A slight notice of their opinions on this
curious subject may be acceptable to the general reader, and may take
from the apparent wildness of the ideas expressed by Columbus.
The abode of our first parents was anciently the subject of anxious in-
quiry; and indeed mankind have always been prone to picture some place
of perfect felicity, where the imagination, disappointed in the coarse
realities of life, might revel in an Elysium of its own creation. It is an
idea not confined to our religion, but is found in the rude creeds of the
most savage nations, and it prevailed generally among the ancients. The
speculations concerning the situation of the gar.len of Eden resemble
those of the Greeks concerning the garden of the Hesperides; that region
of delight, which they forever placed at the most remote verge of the
known world; which their poets embellished with all the charms of fiction;
after which they were continually longing, and which they could never
1 Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. iii. lib. i. cap. 1. * Ibid., decad. iii. _ib. iv. jap. 3.
APPENDIX. 709
find. At one time it was in the Grand Oasis of Arabia. The exhausted
travellers, after traversing the parched and sultry desert, hailed this ver-
dant spot with rapture; they refreshed themselves under its shady bowers,
and beside its cooling streams, as the crew of a tempest-tossed vessel re-
pose on the shores of some green island in the deep; and from its being
thus isolated in the midst of an ocean of sand, they gave it the name of
the Island of the Blessed. As geographical knowledge increased, the
situation of the Hesperian gardens was continually removed to a greater
distance. It was transferred to the borders of the great Syrtis, in the
neighborhood of Mount Atlas. Here, after traversing the frightful
deserts of Barca, the traveller found himself in a fair and fertile country,
watere.l by rivulets and gushing fountains. The oranges and citrons
transported hence to Greece, where they were as yet unknown, delighted
the Athenians by their golden beauty and delicious flavor, and they
thought that none but the garden of the Hesperides could produce such
glorious fruits. In this way the happy region of the ancients was trans-
ported from place to place, still in the remote and obscure extremity of
the world, until it was fabled to exist in the Canaries, thence called the
Fortunate, or the Hesperian Islands. Here it remained, because discovery
advanced no farther, and because these islands were so distant, and so
little known, as to allow full latitude to the fictions of the poet. 1
In like manner the situation of the terrestrial paradise, or garden of
Eden, was long a subject of earnest inquiry and curious disputation, and
occupied the laborious attention of the most learned theologians. Some
placed it in Palestine or the Holy Land; others in Mesopotamia, in that
rich and beautiful tract of country embraced by the wanderings of the
Tigris and the Euphrates; others in Armenia, in a valley surrounded by
precipitous and inaccessible mountains, and imagined that Enoch and
Elijah were transported thither, out of the sight of mortals, to live in a
state of terrestrial bliss until the second coining of our Saviour. There
were others who gave it situations widely remote, such as in the Trapoban
of the ancients, at present known as the island of Ceylon; or in the is-
land of Sumatra; or in the Fortunate or Canary Islands; or in one of the
islands of Sunda; or in some favored spot under the equinoctial line.
Great difficulty was encountered by these speculators to reconcile the
allotted place with the description given in Genesis of the garden of
Eden; particularly of the great fountain which watered it, and which
afterward divided itself into four rivers, the Pison or Phison, the Gihon,
the Euphrates, and the Hiddekel. Those who were in favor of the Holy
Land supposed that the Jordan was the great river which afterward di-
vided itself into the Phison, Gihon, Tigris, and Euphrates, but that the
sands have choked up the ancient beds by which these streams were sup-
plied; that originally the Phison traversed Arabia Deserta and Arabia
Felix, whence it pursued its course to the Gulf of Persia; that the Gihon
bathed Northern or Stony Arabia and fell into the Arabian Gulf of the
Red Sea; that the Euphrates and the Tigris passed by Eden to Assyria
and Chaldea, whence they discharged themselves into the Persian Gulf.
By most of the early commentators the River Gihon is supposed to be
the Nile. The source of this river was unknown, but was evidently far
distant from the spots whence the Tigris and the Euphrates arose. This
difficulty, however, was ingeniously overcome, by giving it a subterranean
course of some hundreds of leagues from the common fountain, until it
issued forth to daylight in Abyssinia. 2 In like manner, subterranean
1 Gosselin, Recherche* cur la Geog. des Anciens, torn. 1.
* Fcyjoo, Theatre Ciitico, lib. vii. 2.
710 APPENDIX.
courses were given to the Tigris and the Euphrates, passing under the
JJfil Sea, until they sprang forth in Armenia, as if just issuing from one
common source. So also those who placed the terrestrial paradise in
islands, supposed that the rivers which issued from it, and formed those
heretofore named, either traversed the surface of the sea, as fresh water,
by its greater lightness, may float above the salt; or that they flowed
through deep veins anil channels of the earth, as the fountain of Arethusa
was said to sink into the ground in Greece, and rise in the island of Sicily,
while the River Alpheus pursuing it, but with less perseverance, rose
somewhat short of it in the sea.
Some contended that the deluge had destroyed the garden of Eden,
and altered the whole face of the earth; so that the rivers had changed
their beds, and had taken different directions from those mentioned in
Genesis; others, however, among whom was St. Augustine, in his com-
mentary upon the Book of Genesis, maintained that the terrestrial par-
a lise still existed, with its original beauty and delights, but that it was
inaccessible to mortals, being on the summit of a mountain of stupen-
dous height, reaching into the third region of the air, and approaching
the moon; being thus protected by its elevation from the ravages of the
deluge.
By some this mountain was placed under the equinoctial line; or un-
der that band of the heavens metaphorically called by the ancients " the
table of the sun," l comprising the space between the tropics of Cancer
and Capricorn, beyond which the sun never passed in his annual course.
Here would reign a uniformity of nights and days and seasons, and the
elevation of the mountain would raise it above the heats and storms of
the lower regions. Others transported the garden beyond the equinoctial
line, and placed it in the southern hemisphere; supposing that the torrid
zone might be the flaming sword appointed to defend its entrance against
mortals. They had a fanciful train of argument to support their theory.
They observed that the terrestrial paradise must be in the noblest and
happiest part of the globe ; that part must be under the noblest part of
the heavens; as the merits of a place do not so much depend upon
the virtues of the earth as upon the happy influences of the stars and the
favorable and benign aspect of the heavens. Now, according to philoso-
phers, the world was divided into two hemispheres. The southern they
considered the head, and the northern the feet, or under part; the right
hand the east, whence commenced the movement of the primum mobile,
and the left the west, toward which it moved. This supposed, they ob-
served that it was manifest that the head of all things, natural and arti-
ficial, is always the best and noblest part, governing the other parts of the
body, so the south, being the head of the earth, ought to be superior and
nobler than either east, or west, or north ; and in accordance with
this, they cited the opinion of various philosophers among the ancients,
and more especially that of Ptolemy, that the stars of the southern hem-
isphere were larger, more resplendent, more perfect, and of course of
greater virtue and efficacy than those of the northern: an error univer-
sally prevalent until disproved by modern discovery. Hence they con-
cluded that in this southern hemisphere, in this head of the earth, under
this purer and brighter sky, and these more potent and benignant stars,
was placed the terrestrial paradise.
Various ideas were entertained as to the magnitude of this blissful
region. As Adam and all his progeny were to have lived there, had
he not sinned, and as there would have been no such thing as death to
Herodot., lib. iii. Virg., Georg. 1. Pomp. Mela., lib. iii. cap. 10.
APPENDIX. 711
thin the number of mankind, it was inferred that the terrestrial paradise
must be of great extent to contain them. Some gave it a size equal to
Europe or Africa: others gave it the whole southern hemisphere. St.
Augustine supposed that as mankind multiplied, numbers would be
translated without death to heaven; the parents, perhaps, when their
children had arrived at mature age; or portions of the human race at the
end of certain periods, and when the population of the terrestrial para-
dise had attained a certain amount. 1
Others supposed that mankind, remaining in a state of primitive inno-
cence, would not have required so much space as at present. Having no
need of rearing animals for subsistence, no land would have been re-
quired for pasturage; and the earth not being cursed with sterility, there
would have been no need of extensive tracts of country to permit of fallow
land and the alternation of crops required in husbandry. The spontane-
ous and never-failing fruits of the garden would have been abundant for
the simple wants of man. Still, that the human race might not be
crowded, but might have ample space for recreation and enjoyment, and
the charms of variety and change, some allowed at least a hundred leagues
of circumference to the garden.
St. Basilius in his eloquent discourse on paradise 2 expatiates with rap-
ture on the joys of this sacred abode, elevated to the third region of the
air, and under the happiest skies. There a pure and never-failing pleas-
ure is furnished to every sense. The eye delights in the admirable clear-
ness of the atmosphere, in the verdure and beauty of the trees, and the
never-withering bloom of the flowers. The ear is regaled with the sing-
ing of the birds, the smell with the aromatic odors of the land. In like
manner the other senses have each their peculiar enjoyments. There the
vicissitudes of the season are unknown, and the climate unites the fruit-
fulness of summer, the joyful abundance of autumn, and the sweet fresh-
ness and quietude of spring. There the earth is always green, the flowers
are ever blooming, the waters limpid and delicate, not rushing in rude
and turbid torrents, but swelling up in crystal fountains, and winding in
peaceful and silver streams. There no harsh and boisterous winds are
permitted to shake and disturb the air, and ravage the beauty of the
groves, there prevails no melancholy, nor darksome weather, no drown-
ing rain, nor pelting hail, no forked lightning, nor rending and resound-
ing thunder; no wintry pinching cold, nor withering and panting summer
heat; nor any thing else that can give pain or sorrow or annoyance, but
all is bland and gentle and serene; a perpetual youth and joy reign
throughout all nature, and nothing decays and dies.
The same idea is given by St. Ambrosius, in his book on Paradise, 3 an
author likewise consulted and cited by Columbus. He wrote in the fourth
century, and his touching eloquence, and graceful yet vigorous style, in-
sured great popularity to his writings. Many of these opinions are cited
by Glanville. usually called Barthoiomeus Anglicus, in his work De Pro-
prietatibus Benin ; a work with which Columbus was evidently ac-
quainted. It was a species of encyclopaedia of the general knowledge
current at the time, and was likely to recommend itself to a curious and
inquiring voyager. This author cites an assertion as made by St. Basilius
and St. Ambrosius, that the water of the fountain which proceeds from
the garden of Eden falls into a great lake with such a tremendous noise
1 8t. August., lib. ix. cap. 6. Sup. Genesis.
2 St. Basiiius wa.i called the great. His works were read and admired by all the
world, even liy Pagans. They are written in an elevated and majestic style, with great
plendor of idea, mil vast erudition.
s St. Ambrosius, Opera. Edit. Coignard. Parwiis. MDCXC.
712 APPENDIX.
that the inhabitants of the neighborhood are born deaf; and that from
this lake proceed the four chief rivers mentioned in Genesis. 1
This passage, however, is not to be found in the Hexameron of either
Basilius or Ambrosius, from which it is quoted; neither is it in the ora-
tion on Paradise by the former, nor in the letter on the same subject
written by Ambrosius to Ambrosius Savinus. It must be a misquotation
by Glanville. Columbus, however, appears to have been struck with it,
and Las Casas is of opinion that he derived thence his idea that the vast
body of fresh water which filled the Gulf of La Ballena or Paria, flowed
from the fountain of Paradise, though from a remote distance; and that in
this gulf, which he supposed in the extreme part of Asia, originated the
Nile, the Tigris, the Euphrates, and the Ganges, which might be con-
ducted under the land and sea by subterranean channels, to the places
where they spring forth on the earth and assume their proper names.
I forbear to enter into various other of the voluminous speculations
which have been formed relative to the terrestrial paradise, and per-
haps it may be thought that I have already said too much on so fan-
ciful a subject; but to illustrate clearly the character of Columbus, it
is necessary to elucidate those veins of thought passing through his
mind while considering the singular phenomena of the unknown re-
gions he was exploring, and which are often but slightly and vaguely
developed in his journals and letters. These speculations, likewise, like
those concerning fancied islands in the ocean, carry us back to the time,
and make us feel the mystery and conjectural charm which reigned over
the greatest part of the world, and have since been completely dispelled
by modern discovery. Enough has been cited to show that in his obser-
vations concerning the terrestrial paradise, Columbus was not indulging
in any fanciful and presumptuous chimeras, the offspring of a heated
and disordered brain. However visionary his conjectures may seem,
they were all grounded on written opinions held little less than oracular
in his day; and they will be found on examination to be far exceeded by
the speculations and theories of sages held illustrious for their wisdom
and erudition in the school and cloister.
No. XXXVI.
WILL OF COLUMBUS.
IN the name of the Most Holy Trinity, who inspired me with the idea,
and afterward made it perfectly clear to me, that I could navigate and go
to the Indies from Spain, by traversing the ocean westwardly; which I
communicated to the King, Don Ferdinand, and to the queen, Dona
Isabella, our sovereigns; and they were pleased to furnish me the neces-
sary equipment of men and ships, and to make me their admiral over
the said ocean, in all parts lying to the west of an imaginary line,
drawn from pole to pole, a hundred leagues west of the Cape de Verde
and Azore Islands; also appointing me their viceroy and governor over
all continents and islands that I might discover beyond the said line west-
1 Paradisus autem in Oriente, in altisRimo raonte, de cujns cacumine cadentes aquae,
maximum faciunt lacuin, que in suo casu tantum faciunt strepitnm et fragorem, quod
omnes incolae, jnxta praedietum lacuin, nascunter surdi, ex i in moderate sonitu seu
fragore sensum audilu* in parvulia corrumpente. Ut (licit Bttsilius in I lexa nitron, aiml-
liter et Ambro*. Ex illo, lacu, velut ex uno fonte, procednnt ilia flurnina quatuor, 1'hi-
son, qui et Ganges, G-yon, qui et Nilus dicitur, et Tigris ac Kuphraies. Bart. Angl. de
Propriutatibus rerum, lib. lu, cap. 112. Fraueofurti, 1540.
APPENDIX. 713
wardly; with the right of being succeeded in the said offices hy my
eldest son and his heirs forever; and a grant of a tenth part of all
things found in the said jurisdiction; and of all rents and revenues
arising from it; and the eighth of all the lands and every thing else,
together with the salary corresponding to my rank of admiral, viceroy,
and governor, and all other emoluments accruing thereto, as is more fully
expressed in the title and agreement sanctioned by their highnesses.
And it pleased the Lord Almighty, that in the year one thousand four
hundred and ninety-two, 1 should discover the continent of the Indies
and many islands, among them Hispaniola, which the Indians call Ayte,
and the Monicongos, Cipango. I then returned to Castile, to their high-
nesses, who approved of my undertaking a second enterprise for further
discoveries and settlements; and the Lord gave me victory over the island
of Hispaniola, which extends six hundred leagues, and I conquered it
and made it tributary; and I discovered many islands inhabited by can-
nibals, and seven hundred to the west of Hispaniola, among which is
Jamaica, which we call Santiago; and three hundred and thirty-three
leagues of continent from south to west, besides a hundred and seven
to the north, which I discovered in my first voyage, together with many
islands, as may more clearly be seen by my letters, memorials, and mari-
time charts. And as we hope in God that before long a good and great
revenue will be derived from the above islands and continent, of which,
for the reasons aforesaid, belong to me the tenth and the eighth, with the
salaries and emoluments specified above; and considering that we are
mortal, and that it is proper for every one to settle his affairs, and to
leave declared to his heirs and successors the property he possesses or may
have a right to: Wherefore I have concluded to create an entailed estate
(mayorazgo) out of the said eighth of the lands, places, and revenues, in
the manner which I now proceed to state.
In the first place, I am to be succeeded by Don Diego, my son, who in
case of death without children is to be succeeded by my other son Fer-
dinand: and should God dispose of him also without leaving children
and without my having any other son, then my brother Don Barthol-
omew is to succeed; and after him his eldest son; and if God should
dispose of him without heirs, he shall be succeeded by his sons from one
to another forever; or, in the failure of a son, to be succeeded by Don
Ferdinand, after the same manner, from son to son successively; oi>in
their place by my brothers Bartholomew and Diego. And should it please
the Lord that the estate, after having continued for some time in the line
of any of the above successors, should stand in need of an immediate
and lawful male heir, the succession shall then devolve to the nearest
relation, being a man of legitimate birth, and bearing the name of Co-
lumbus derived from his father and his ancestors. This entailed estate
shall in nowise be inherited by a woman, except in case that no male
heir is to be found, either in this or any other quarter of the world, of
my real lineage, whose uame, as well as that of his ancestors, shall have
always been Columbus. In such an event (which may God forefend),
then the female of legitimate birth, most nearly related to the preceding
possessor of the estate, shall succeed to it; and this is to be under the
conditions herein stipulated at foot, which must be understood to extend
as well to Don Diego, my son, as to the aforesaid and their heirs, every
one of them, to be fulfilled by them; and failing to do so they are to be
deprived of the succession, for not having complied with what shall
herein be expressed: and the estate to pass to the person most nearly
related to ihe one who held the right; and the person thus succeeding
shall in like manner forfeit the estate, should he alao fail to comply with
714 APPENDIX.
said conditions; and another person, the nearest of my lineage, shall suc-
ceed, provided he abide by them, so that they may be observed forever in
the form prescribed. This forfeiture is not to be incurred for trifling
matters, originating in lawsuits, but in important cases, when the glory
of God, or my own, or that of my family, may be concerned, which sup-
poses a perfect fulfilment of all the things hereby ordained; all which I
recommend to the courts of justice. And 1 supplicate his Holiness, who
now is, and those that may succeed in the Holy Church, that if it should
happen that this my will and testament has need of his holy order and
command for its fulfilment, that such order be issued in virtue of obedi-
ence, and under penalty of excommunication, and that it shall not be in
any wise disfigured. And I also pray the king and queen, our sovereigns,
and their eldest-born, Prince Don Juan, our lord, and their successors,
for the sake of the services I have done them, and because it is just, that
it may please them not to permit this ray will and constitution of my en-
tailed estate to be any way altered, but to leave it in the form and manner
which I have ordained, forever, for the greater glory of the Almighty,
and that it may be the root and basis of my lineage, and a memento of
the services I have rendered their highnesses; that, being born in Genoa,
I came over to serve them in Castile, and discovered to the west of Terra
Firma the Indies and islands before mentioned. 1 accordingly pray their
highnesses to order that this my privilege and testament be held valid,
and be executed summarily and without any opposition or demur, accord-
ing to the letter. I also pray the grandees of the realm and the lords of
the council, and all others having administration of justice, to be pleased
not to suffer this my will and testament to be of no avail, but to cause it
to be fulfilled as by me ordained; it being just that a noble, who has
served the king and queen, and the kingdom, should be respected in the
disposition of his estate by will, testament, institution of entail or
inheritance, and that the same be not infringed either in whole or in
part.
In the first place, my son Don Diego, and all my successors and descend-
ants, as well as my brothers Bartholomew and Diego, shall bear my arms,
such as I shall leave them after my days, without inserting any thing
else in them; and they shall be their seal to seal withal. Don Diego my
son, or any other who may inherit this estate, on coming into possession
ofuhe inheritance, shall sign with the signature which I now make use
of, which is an X with an S over it, and an M with a Roman A over it, and
over that an S, and then a Greek Y, with an S over it, with its lines and
points as is my custom, as may be seen by my signatures, of which there
are many, and it will be seen by the present one.
He shall only write " the Admiral," whatever other titles the king may
have conferred on him. This is to be understood as respects his signature,
hut not the enumeration of his titles, which he can make at full length if
agreeable, only the signature is to be " the Admiral."
The said Don Diego, or any other inheritor of this estate, shall possess
my offices of admiral of the ocean, which is to the west of an imaginary
line, which his highness ordered to be drawn, running from pole to pole
a hundred leagues beyond the Azores, and as many more beyond the Cape
de Verde Islands, over all which I was made by their order, their admiral
of the sea, with all the pre-eminences held by Don Henrique in the
admiralty of Castile, and they made me their governor and viceroy per-
petually and forever, over all the islands and main-land discovered, or to
be discovered, for myself and heirs, as is more fully shown by my treaty
an 1 privileges as above mentioned.
Uem: The said Don Diego, or any other inheritor of this estate, shall
APPENDIX, 715
distribute the revenue which it may please our Lord to grant him, in the
following manner, under the above penalty.
First Of the whole income of this estate, now and at all times, and
of whatever may be had or collected from it, he shall give the fourth part
annually to my brother Don Bartholomew Columbus, Adelantado of the
Indies; and this is to continue till he shall have acquired an income of a
million of maravedises, for his support, and for the services he has ren-
dered and will continue to render to this entailed estate; which million
lie is to receive, as stated, every year, if the said fourth amount to so
much, and that he have nothing else; but if he possess a part or the
whole of that amount in rents, that henceforth he shall not enjoy the
said million, nor any part of it, except that he shall have in the said fourth
part unto the said quantity of a million, if it should amount to so much:
and as much as he shall have of revenue beside this fourth part, what-
ever sum of maravedises of known rent from property or perpetual offi-
ces, the said quantity of rent or revenue from property or offices shall be
discounted ; and from the aid million shall be reserved whatever marriage
portion he may receive with any female he may espouse; so that whatever
he may receive in marriage with his wife, no deduction shall be made on
that account from said million, but only for whatever he may acquire, or
may have, over and above his wife's dowry, and when it shall please God
that he or his heirs and descendants shall derive from their property and
offices a revenue of a million arising from rents, neither he nor his heirs
shall enjoy any longer any thing from the said fourth part of the entailed
estate, which shall remain with Don Diego, or whoever may inherit it.
Item: From the revenues of the said estate, or from any fourth part of
it (should its amount be adequate to it), shall be paid every year to my son
Ferdinand two millions, till such a time as his revenue shall amount to two
millions, in the same form and manner as in the case of Bartholomew, \\ho,
as well as his heirs, are to have the million or the part that may be wanting.
Item: The said Don Diego or Don Bartholomew shall make, out of the
said estate, for my brother Diego, such provision as may enable him to live
decently, as he is my brother, to whom I assign no particular sum, as he
has attached himself to the church, and that will be given him which is
right: and this to be given him in a mass, and before any thing shall
have been received by Ferdinand my son, or Bartholomew my brother, or
their heirs, and also according to the amount of the income of the estate.
And in case of discord, the case is to be referred to two of our relations,
or other men of honor; and should they disagree among themselves, they
will choose a third person as arbitrator, being virtuous and not distrusted
by either party.
Item: All this revenue which I bequeath to Bartholomew, to Ferdi-
nand, and to Diego, shall be delivered to and received by them as pre-
scribed under the obligation of being faithful and loyal to Diego my son, or
his heirs, they as well as their children; and should it appear that they, or
any of them, had proceeded against him in any thing touching his honor,
or the prosperity of the family, or of the estate, either in word or deed,
whereby might come a scandal and debasement to my family, and a detri-
ment to my estate; in that case, nothing further shall be given to them or
him, from that time forward, inasmuch as they are always to be faithful
to Diego and to his successors.
Item: As it was my intention, when I first instituted this entailed
estate, to dispose, or that my son Diego should dispose for me, of the
tenth part of the income in favor of necessitous persons, as a tithe, and in
commemorati"!! of the Almighty and Eternal God: and persisting still in
this opinion, and hoping that his High Majesty will assist me, and those
716 APPENDIX.
who may inherit it, in this or the New World, I have resolved that the
said tithe shall be paid in the manner following:
First It is to be understood that the fourth part of the revenue of
the estate which I have ordained and directed to be given to Don Barthol-
omew, till he have an income of one million, includes the tenth of the
whole revenue of the estate; and that as in proportion as the income of
my brother Don Bartholomew shall increase, as it has to be discounted
from the revenue of the fourth part of the entailed estate, that the said
revenue shall be calculated, to know how much the tenth part amounts
to; and the part which exceeds what is necessary to make up the million
for Don Bartholomew shall be received by such of my family as may most
stand in need of it, discounting it from said tenth, if their income do not
amount to fifty thousand maravedises ; and should any of these come to
have an income to this amount, such a part shall be awarded them as two
persons, chosen for the purpose, may determine along with Don Diego, or
his heirs. Thus, it is to be understood that the million which I leave to
Don Bartholomew comprehends the tenth of 4;he whole revenue of the
estate; which revenue is to be distributed among my nearest and most
needy relations in the manner I have directed ; and when Don Bartholomew
have an income of one million, and that nothing more shall be due to him
on account of said fourth part, then, Don Diego my son, or the person
who may be in possession of the estate, along with the two other persons
which I shall herein point out, shall inspect the accounts, and so direct
that the tenth of the revenue shall still continue to be paid to the most
necessitous members of my family that may be found in this or any other
quarter of the world, who shall be diligently sought out; and they are to
be paid out of the fourth part from which Don Bartholomew is to derive
his million; which sums are to be taken into account, and deducted from
the said tenth, which, should it amount to more, the overplus, as it arises
from the fourth part, shall be given to the most necessitous persons as
aforesaid; and should it not be sufficient that Don Bartholomew shall
have it until his own estate goes on increasing, leaving the said million
in part or in the whole.
Item : The said Don Diego my son, or whoever may be the inheritor,
shall appoint two persons of conscience and authority, and most nearly
related to the family, who are to examine the revenue and its amount
carefully, and to cause the said tenth to be paid out of the fourth from
which Don Bartholomew is to receive his million, to the most necessitated
members of my family that may be found here or elsewhere, whom they
shall look for diligently upon their consciences; and as it might happen
that said Don Diego, or others after him, for reasons which may concern
their own welfare, or the credit and support of the estate, maybe unwill-
ing to make known the full amount of the income; nevertheless I charge
him on his conscience to pay the sum aforesaid; and I charge them, on
their souls and consciences, not to denounce or make it known, except
with the consent of Don Diego, or the person that may succeed him; but
let the above tithe be paid in the manner I have directed.
Item: In order to avoid all disputes in the choice of the two nearest
relations who are to act with Don Diego or his heirs, I hereby elect Don
Bartholomew my brother for one, and Don Fernando my son for the
other; and when these two shall enter upon the business, they shall choose
two other persons among the most trusty, and most nearly related, and
these again shall elect two others when it shall be question of commencing
the examination; and thus it shall be managed with diligence from one to
the other, as well in this as in the other of government, for the service
and glory of God, and the benefit of the said entailed estate.
APPENDIX. Ill
Item : I also enjoin Diego, or any one that may inherit the estate, to
have and maintain in the city of Genoa, one person of our lineage to
reside there with his wife, and appoint him a sufficient revenue to enable
him to live decently, as a person closely connected with the family, of
which he is to be the root and basis in that city; from which great good
may accrue to him, inasmuch as I was born there, and came from them -e.
Item: The said Don Diego, or whoever shall inherit the estate, must
remit in bills, or in any other way, all such sums as he may be able to
save out of the revenue of the estate, and direct purchases to be made in
his name, or that of his heirs, in a stock in the Bank of St. George, which
gives an interest of six per cent and in secure money; and this shall be
devoted to the purpose I am about to explain.
Item: As it becomes every man of property to serve God, either per-
sonally or by means of his wealth, and as all moneys deposited with St.
George are quite safe, and Genoa is a noble city, and powerful by M'H,
and as at the time that I undertook to set out upon the discovery of the
Jndies. it was with the intention of supplicating the king and queen,
our lords, that whatever moneys should be derived from the said Indies,
should be invested in the conquest of Jerusalem: and as I did so suppli-
cate them; if they do this, it will be well; if not, at all events, the said
Diego, or such person as may succeed him in this trust, to collect together
all the money he can, and accompany the king our lord, should he go to
the conquest of Jerusalem, or else go there himself with all the force he
can command; and in pursuing this intention, it would please the Lord
to assist toward the accomplishment of the plan; and should he not be
able to effect the conquest of the whole, no doubt he will achieve it in
part. Let him therefore collect and make a fund of all his wealth in St.
George of Genoa, and let it multiply there till such time as it may appear
to him tlwt something of consequence may be effected as respects the
project on Jerusalem; for I believe that when their highnesses shall see
that this is contemplated, they will wish to realize it themselves, or will
afford him, as their servant and vassal, the means of doing it for them.
Item : I charge my son Diego and my descendants, especially whoever
may inherit this estate, which consists, as aforesaid, of the tenth of
whatsoever may be had or found in the Indies, and the eighth part of the
lands and rents, all which, together with my rights and emoluments as
admiral, viceroy, and governor, amount to more than twenty-five per
cent; I say that I require of him to employ all this revenue, as well as
his person and all the means in his power, in well and faithfully serving
and supporting their highnesses, or their successors, even to the loss of
life and property; since it was their highnesses, next to God, who first
gave me the means of getting and achieving this property, although, it
is true, I came over to these realms to invite them to the enterprise, and
that a long time elapsed before any provision was made for carrying it
into execution; which, however, is not surprising, as this was an under-
taking of which all the world was ignorant, and no one had any faith in
it: wherefore I am by so much the more indebted to them, as well as
because they have since also much favored and promoted me.
Item: I also require of Diego, or whomsoever may be in possession of
the estate, that in the case of any schism taking place in the Church of
God, or that any person of whatever class or condition should attempt to
despoil it of its property and honors, they hasten to offer at the feet of
his holiness, that is, if they are not heretics (which Go 1 forbid!) their
persons, power, and wealth, for the purpose of suppressing such schism,
and preventing any spoliation of the honor and property of the church.
item: i command the said Diego, or whoever may possess the said
718 APPENDIX.
estate, to labor and strive for the honor, welfare, and aggrandizement of
the city of Genoa, and to make use of all his power and means in de-
fending and enhancing the good and credit of that republic, in all things
not contrary to the service of the church of God, or the high dignity of
our king and queen, our lords, and their successors.
Item: The said Diego, or whoever may possess or succeed to the estate,
out of the fourth part of the whole revenue, from which, as aforesaid, is
to be taken the tenth, when Don Bartholomew or his heirs shall h.tve
saved the two millions, or part of them, and when the time shall come
of making a distribution among our relations, shall apply and invest the
said tenth in providing marriages for such daughters of our lineage as
may require it, and in doing all the good in their power.
Item: When a suitable time shall arrive, he shall order a church to
be built in the island of Hispaniola, and in the most convenient spot, to be
called Santa Maria de la Concepcion; to which is to be annexed an hos-
pital, upon the best possible plan, like those of Italy and Castile, and a
chapel erected to say mass in for the good of my soul, and those of my
ancestors and successors with great devotion, since no doubt it will
please the Lord to give us a sufficient revenue for this and the aforemen-
tioned purposes.
Item: I also order Diego my son, or whomsoever may inherit after
him, to spare no pains in having and maintaining in the island of His-
paniola, four good professors of theology, to the end and aim of their
studying and laboring to convert to our holy faith the inhabitants of the
Indies; and in proportion as, by God's will, the revenue of the estate
shall increase, in the same degree shall the number of teachers and de-
vout increase, who are to strive to make Christians of the natives; in
attaining which, no expense should be thought too great. And in com-
memoration of all that 1 hereby ordain, and of the foregoing, a monu-
ment of marble shall be erected in the said church of la Concepcion, in
the most conspicuous place, to serve as a record of what I here enjoin on
the said Diego, as well as to other persons who may look upon it; which
marble shall contain an inscription to the same effect.
Item: I also require of Diego my son, and whomsoever may succeed
him in the estate, that every time, and as often as he confesses, he first
show this obligation, or a copy of it, to the confessor, praying him to
read it through, that he may be enabled to inquire respecting its fulfil-
ment ; from which will redouiid great good and happiness to his soul.
S.
S. A. S.
X. M. Y.
EL ALM1RANTE.
No. XXXVII.
SIGNATURE OF COLUMBUS.
As every thing respecting Columbus is full of interest, his signature
has been a matter of some discussion. It partook of the pedantic and
bigoted character of the age, and perhaps of the peculiar character of th
man, who considering himself mysteriously elected and set apart from
among men for certain great purposes, adopted a correspondent formality
and solemnity in all his concerns. His signature was as follows:
S.
S. A. S.
X. M. Y.
XI'O FEKEXS.
APPENDIX. 719
The first half of the signature, XPO (for CHRISTO), is in Greek let-
ters; the second, FERENS, is in Latin. Such was the usage of those
days ; and even at present both Greek and Roman letters are used in sig-
natures and inscriptions in Spain.
The ciphers or initials above the signature are supposed to represent a
pious ejaculation. To read them one must begin with the lower letters,
and connect them with those above. Signor Gio. Batista Spotorno con-
jectures them to mean either Xristus (Christus) Sancta Maria Yosephus,
or, Salve me, Xristus, Maria, Yosephus.
The North American Review, for April, 1827, suggests the substitu-
tion of Jesus for Josephus, but the suggestion of Spotorno is most
probably correct, as a common Spanish ejaculation is " Jesus Maria y
JoseV'
It was an ancient usage in Spain, and it has not entirely gone by, to
accompany the signature with some words of religious purport. One
object of this practice was to show the writer to be a Christian. This
was of some importance in a country in which Jews and Mohammedans
were proscribed and persecuted.
Don Fernando, son to Columbus, says that his father, when he took
his pen in hand, usually commenced by writing " Jesus cum Maria sit
nobis in via; " and the book which the admiral prepared and sent to the
sovereigns, containing the prophecies which he considered as referring to
his discoveries, and to the rescue of the holy sepulchre, begins with the
same words. This practice is akin to that of placing the initials of pious
words above his signature, and gives great probability to the mode in
which they have been deciphered.
INDEX.
Acuna, Alonzo de, summons Columbus,
165.
Adelantado captures Porras, 558; captures
Quibian, 518 ; bis character, 289 ; in danger
of assassination, 390 ; meets Catalina, 377 ;
penetrates to C'iguay, 400; put in irons,
456 ; received by Queen Juana, 597 ; re-
leases wife of a cacique, 403; visits Behe-
chio, 377 ; wounded by a javelin, 521.
Africa, Circumnavigation of, 25, 656.
Agi peppers introduced as food, 156.
Agreement of Santa Fe continued, 186.
Terms of, 77.
Aguado, Juan, recommended to sovereigns,
227; sails for Hayti, 322.
Alexander VI. issues a bull, 183.
Alhambra occupied by Spaniards, 72.
Aliaco, Pedro, Works of, 288.
Alligator tracks excite alarm, 271.
Almazen, Letter dated at, 337.
Almeida, Francisco de, appointed to seize
discoveries, 169.
Alpuxarra Mountains, Rebellion in, 443.
Alto Velo, Hock of, Hayti, 284.
Alvaro de Portugal attacked, 64.
Amazon River discovered, 466.
Amazonian island of Mantinino, 153.
Amber found in Hayti, 237.
Ambuscade in Higuey, 575.
Ameyro and Mendez make friends, 533.
Anacaona (wife of Caonabo), 292; admires
the Spaniards, 375; amazed at the ships,
387 ; her character and talents, 570 ; her
influence, 312; hung at San Domingo, 570 ;
meaning of the name, 375; receives Ovan-
do, 567 ; succeeds her brother, 566.
Analogies among customs, 267.
Ancient circumnavigation of Africa, 656.
Andalusians afraid to embark, 81.
Anecdotes: of Alonso de Ojeda, 193; of
gold discovery, 328; of the egg, 179; of
the pigeons, 297.
Annuity granted for the Holy Sepulchre,
66.
Antigua discovered and named, 205.
Antilla, Story of, 31.
Antilles, Columbus arrives among the, 200.
Apology for relating cruelties, 577.
Appalachian origin of Caribs, 208.
Arabian sages, Work of the, 19.
Arana, Diego de, made commander of La
Navidad, 147.
Arana, Pedro de, made commander of cara-
vel, 351.
Architecture observable at Cariari, 499.
Areytos, or ballads of Hayti, 246, 567.
Arriaga shut in by natives, 296.
Articles of capitulation, 419.
Asia overrated in its eastern limits, 35.
Asiatic trade monopolized by Lombards, 25.
Assassination of Columbus suggested, 168.
Astrolabe introduced in navigation, 43.
Atlantic Ocean, Ancient idea of, 16.
Atlantis, Continent of, 15, 31, 684.
Atrocities of the Navidad garrison, 214.
A urea Chersonesus sought for, 274, 607.
Authors influencing Columbus, 34.
Ayala, Pedro de, Embassy of, 189.
Azores discovered, 27; sighted on return
voyage, 160.
Azua, Meeting at, 421.
Babique and Bohio, The Words, 123.
Ballester interviews Roldan, 411; opposes
Roldan, 392; sails for Spain, 436.
Banquet tendered by Cardinal Mendoza,
179.
Baptism of the natives at Barcelona, 186.
Barbarities of criminals as colouisU, 472.
Barbary, Inroad into, 479.
Barber, Juan, killed at Jamaica, 558.
Barcelona, Baptism of natives at, 186; Co-
lumbus attends courts at, 173.
Barrantes, Garcia de, barricades against
Roldan, 392; sails for Spain, 426.
Bartholomew Columbus. Stt Adelantado.
BuHtides, Rodrigo, seized by Bobadilla, 467.
Batabano to Trinidad, a deserted coast, 269.
Battle near St. Jago with natives, 311.
Bayonne, Pinzon makes port of, 171.
Baza surrenders to Spain, 66.
Bean marked with a cross, 159.
Beasts of prey unknown in Hayti, 248.
Beata, Cape, Hayti, Ships reach, 284.
Island reached, in 1498, 366.
Beatrix de Bobadilla, of Moya, 64, 71.
Beauty of tropics, described, 115.
Behechio, cacique of Xaragua, 292; visited
by the Adelantado, 376.
Behem, Martin, and African coast, 38;
sketch of, 650.
Belen River named, 510.
Bell presented to Caonabo, 302.
Belvis, Pablo, appointed as*ayit<t, 321.
721
722
INDEX.
Benzonl his anecdote of the egg, 180.
Bequests of Columbus, 599.
Berahona pardoned, 390.
Bernaldes, Andres, sketch of, 702.
Bernardo, Conspiracy of, 548.
Beverage from pineapples, 515.
Biblical objections to plans of Columbus,
59.
Birds appear on first voyage, 92.
Birthplace of Columbue, Controversy of,
626.
Bloodhounds used in battle, 309, 31L
Boabdil surrenders the Alhambra, 72.
Boat lost in River of Disaster, 496.
Bobadilla, Francisco de, arrives at HaytL-
448; attacks fortress, 451; ignored by
sovereigns, 464; oppresses the natives,
471; puts Columbus in irons, 455; sacks
residence of Admiral, 451 ; sails for Hayti,
447; seizes Bastides, 467; shipwrecked
off Hayti, 489; stripped of authority, 487 ;
summons Columbus to appear, 454.
Boca del Dragon safely passed, 363.
del Sierpe, named, 357.
Bodies of man and boy found, 210.
Bohio mentioned by natives, 123, 124.
Bojador, Cape, doubled by Portuguese, 27.
Bonao, Rebels meet at, 411.
Borgonon, .Tuaii the Franciscan, 381.
Boyle, Father, abandons the Colony, 295;
opposed to Columbus, 294; suggested
death for Guacanagari, 218.
Branch of berries cheer the crews, 101.
Brazil, Discovery of, 466.
Brazil-wood found in Hayti, 376.
Breviesca, Ximeno, struck by Columbus,
348.
Bucklers first met with, 356.
Buentiempo, Oulf of, named, 263.
Burial of sailor at Samana, 209.
Butios, or priests of Hayti, 242.
Butterflies in clouds in Cuba, 273.
Buy 1, Bernardo, appointed Pope's vicar, 187.
Cabins in tree and on poles, 509.
Cabo de la Cruz named, 264; touched at in
1503, 530.
Cabot, Sebastian, discovers Labrador, 467;
in London, 177.
Cabral, Pedro Alvarez de, Voyage of, 468.
Cacique of Jamaica visits the ships, 282.
sent in chains to the colony, 255.
torn in pieces by a dog, 572.
visits ships at Hayti, 133.
Caciques captured and bound, 384.
perish in flames, in Xaragua, 569.
Hanging of, 3S4, 570, 572, 579.
strangled by their subjects, 245.
Cadiz Bay, Fleet sails from, 197.
Calicut, Riches of, 480.
Carabalu and the Great Khan, 679.
Canaries, Discovery of the, 24; sighted
Aug. 1492, 87; touched at in 1498, 350.
Cannibal expedition of ten canoes, 203.
Cannibalism, Indications of, 202; overrated
by voyagers, 207.
Cannon fired for amusement of natives, 141.
Balls of stone, 148.
Canoe captured and returned, 110; of great
size encountered, 491.
Canoea In state from Jamaica, 281 ; made of
tree-trunks, 128; measurement of, 263.
Caonabo, cacique of Maguana, 211; a
prisoner at the colony, 303; attacks St.
Thomas, 297; carried off on horseback,
303; conveyed on shipboard, 331 ; destroys
Navidad fortress, 216; dies at sea, .'>>>;
his brother captured, 305; his brother
parades in Spain, 338; loved by a female
cacique, 334; wounds Guacanagari, 211.
Cape Cruz reached in 1503, 530.
Xon, an ancient limit, 26.
of Good Hope doubled, 467.
of Palms named, 118.
-r^-St. Augustine discovered, 466.
Verd Islands discovered, 27.
reached in 1498, 352.
Capture of cacique's wife, 403.
Caravajal, Alonzo, a commander, 351 ;
reaches Hayti, 410; wins confidence of
Columbue, 416.
Caravajal, Garcia, as an envoy, 190.
Caravel despatched on the course of Colum-
bus, 47.
Caravels built at Hayti, 380.
Cariari natives taken as guides, 499; trans-
actions at, 496.
Carib women as warriors, 333.
Caribbee Islands, Fleet leaves the, 207.
Caribs finally met with, 205; speculations
concerning the, 207.
Casks filled for ballast, 158.
Cassava bread offered to colonists, 386, 106.
Casteneda, Juan de, sends provisions, 161.
Castile and Aragon uuited, 52.
Castillanos, Value of, 669.
Cat Island. S<-f San Salvador.
Catalina faithful to the colony, 375 ; marries
Miguel Diaz, 327; receives the Adclan-
tado, 376 ; swims ashore and escapes, 220.
Cathay, Riches of, 40.
Catholic chapel erected, 381.
Catholicism founded in Hayti, 381.
Catiba River, Columbus anchors in, 501.
Cavalgada, of Ojeda, 434.
Cavaliers as miners in Hayti, 562; forced to
labor as others, 251.
Cavern of La Voute a'Minguet, 243.
Cedo, Fermin, displaced by Belvis, 321;
opposes the idea of gold, 231.
Centaur, Idea of, well-founded, 235.
Ceuta, Bishop of, h'a speech, 45.
Chain of military posts, 380.
Character and customs of Haytians, 240.
of Bartholomew Columbus, 404; of
Christopher Columbus, 602; of Anacaona,
570; of Juan R. de Fonseca, 183; of Isa-
bella of Castile, 52, 590; of Nicholas de
Ovando, 471.
Charges against Columbus, 457.
Charles V., Empire of, 339.
Ciba beans, Eight hundred, 217.
Cibao, Columbus at summit of, 237; expe-
dition to, 232; mistaken for Cipango, 136,
140.
Ciguare described by the natives, 503.
Ciguay natives wounded by Spaniards, 153;
expedition to in 1498, 400.
Cintra reached March, 149.3, 165.
Cipaugo mislocated by Columbus, 86; note
INDEX.
723
I
upon Oipango (Appendix), 681 ; supposed
to he .Japan, 40.
Circumnavigation, hopes of, 274; of Africa,
656.
Citations from letter to Dona Juana, 462.
< \>n<t of Contradictions, 510.
Coat of arms of Columbus, 178.
Codicils to the will, 599.
Coins, Explanation of, 699.
Colloquy between Mendez and Columbus,
534.
Coloma, Juan de, draws up agreement, 77.
Colombia coasted liy Nino, 465.
Colombo, Bartholomew. See Adelantado.
Colombo, Diego (brother) Death of, 6i)l ;
marries a native. .'Jill ; put in irons, 454;
remonstrates with Margarite, 293; resists
Bo bad ilia, 449.
Colombo, Fernando (brother), Sketch of,
622.
Colombo, Juan Antonio, made commander
of caravel, :>~>1.
Colombo the Younger, 22; capture of gal-
leys, 6:U.
Colombos, The Family of, 631.
Colon. See Colombo and Columbus.
Colonial history in 1498, 373.
Colonization restricted by regulations, 184.
Colony founded at llayti, 143; founded on
Helen River, 513.
Columbus, Bartholomew, appointed Adel
antado (q.v.), 290, 343.
Columbus, Christopher, abandons search
for strait, 507 ; addresses his crew, 101 ;
annoyed by minions of Fonseca, 347;
appears before Bobadilla, 454; appoints
his brother as Adelantado, 290; arrives at
Cordova, 54; arrives in Spain, in irons,
461 ; asks for eight ships, 339; at convent
in Andalusia, 6t); at surrender of Alham-
bra, 72; attacked by gout at sea, 353; be-
comes insensible at Mona Island, 286;
before archbishop of Toledo, 56; before
council of Salamanca, 57; before the
Spanish throne, 56; birth of, 17; builds
fort of St. Thomas, 238; compels Pinzon
to restore captives, 152; consoled for los-
ing Hayti, 514 ; conveyed to Spain iu irons,
459; correspondence with Toscanelli, 39;
crushes the Guevara rebellion, 438; de-
clares Cuba to be a continent, 275 ; declines
the dukedom, 342; delighted with Trini-
dad Island, 360; disciplines the cavaliers,
2">1 ; discovers Dominica, 200; discovers
Isla de Pinos, 491; discovers Cuba, 114;
discovers FernandinaorExuma, 111; His-
paniola, 128; Guadaloupe, 201; Jamaica,
2'U : Porto Rico, 206 ; San Salvador, 103;
Trinidad, 3o4; divides his squadron, 351;
draws the marked beans, 158, 164; en-
deavors to restore quiet, 299; enters Bar-
celona, 174; facts influencing him, 35;
fears for his life, 459; first voyage of, in
1459, 21: first voyage to America, 83;
founds Hay tian colony, 147; fourth voy-
age of, 485 ; goes to the queen at Santa Fe,
71; has a vision at Belen, 525; his affairs
neglected, 584; his age (Appendix), 624;
his arrival in Portugal, 23; his anxiety
during first storm, 158; his audience with
John II , 44; his belief in undiscovered
lands, 33; his birthplace, 626; his char-
acter, 602; his codicils to will, 598; his
condition in 1498, 366; his death, 600; his
descendants, 612; his enthusiasm, 37;
his health impaired, 224; his kindness to
natives, 111); his lineage, 625; his mana-
cles kept as relics, 460; his monumental
inscription, 601; bis papers examined at
Azores, 163; his parentage, 17; his per-
sonal appearance, 29; his remains con-
veyed to Hayti, 609; his ship (Appendix),
658; his signature, 718; his supen-titioim,
606; his voyage to Northern Europe, 40;
his will, 712; in city of Granada, 476; in
Franciscan garb, 337; in the calm lati-
tudes, 352; instantly released in Spain,
461; invited to England, 65; invited to
return to Portugal, 65; issues proclama-
tion, 407; leaves Lisbon in 14S4, 47;
leaves St. Thomas for Hayti, 240; mar-
riage to Dona Felipa, 29; names Cuba,
"Juana," 115; names Puerto Bueno, 262;
names Puerto del Principe, 120; names
Kio Verde in Hayti, 236; names Vaqul
river twice, 151, 234; notes the variation
of compass, 89; on his way to Huclva, 69;
overlooks opportunity to discover Yuca-
tan, 492; overtaken by a courier, 76; par-
dons the mutineers, 559; pledges two
armies for Syria, 176; prepares a volume
in manuscript, 477; prepares for fourth
voyage, 480; propitiates heaven by vows,
158; put in irons, 453; reaches Cintra,
1493, 165; received by Ovando, 582; re-
ceives a coat of arms, 178; refused a laud-
ing at Hayti, 488; refuses to thiow over
prisoners, 334; requested to appear in
Spain, 306; rescued from Jamaica, 560,
582; returns from first voyage, 170; re-
turns from second voyage, 335; returns
from third voyage, 461 ; returns from
fourth voyage, 586; returns from expe-
dition to La Vega, 248; route of first voy-
age, 660; sails for Cuba, 258; sails for
Spain, first voyage, 150; second voyage,
331; third voyage, 460; fourth voyaire,
585; sails from La Xavidad in Hayti, I ">":
sails from San Salvador, 108; sails from
Canary Islands, 90; sails from Spain on
first voyage, 83; second voyage, 197; third
voyage, 349; fourth voyage, 485; seizes
and hangs Moxica, 438; sends for his son
Diego, 427; sends message to mutineers,
555; sends re-enforcement to St. Thomas,
249; sets out for Barcelona, 173; sets out
for Spanish court, 50; starts for Cibao
and interior of Hayti, 232; takes posses-
sion of San Salvador, 103; takes the sacra-
ment, 83; to be indemnified by sovereigns,
475; treats with the rebels, 419; troubled
with his eyes, 363; two errors favorable,
37; undermined in Spain, 317, 441; uses
an eclipse in strategy, 546; welcomed at
Palos, 170; writes to Bobadilla, 453.
Columbus, Diego (brother). See Colombo.
Columbus Diego (son). See Diego.
Columbus, Fernando. Sketch of, 622.
Compass, Variation of the, 89, 369, 372.
Condition of colony at Isabella iu 1494, 291.
724
INDEX.
Conspiracy of Bernardo, 54$; of Roldan,
388; reported in Xaragna, 566.
Contemporary voyages of discovery, 465.
Continent first seen by Columbus, 355.
Copies of papers sent to Genoa, 483.
Coral seen at Veragua coast, 503.
Cordova, Pestilence at, 64.
Coronel, Pedro Fernandez, sails forHayti,
346; stopped in a pass, 398.
"Correo" and the drifted wood, 36; makes
a prospect at Trinidad, 363.
Cortes, or Philipina Bay, 276.
Cortez, Hernando, and Velasquez, 707.
Cosa, Juan de la, a pilot, 430.
Costa Rica, Voyage along, 500.
Cotabanama, cacique of Higuey, 292, 571 ;
hung in San Domingo, 579; visits the
colonists, 573.
Cotton accepted as tribute, 377 ; enough to
fill a house in Xaragua, 386; yarn ex-
changed for toys, 110.
Couriers despatched to Spanish sovereigns,
165.
Course altered to west-south-west, 98.
Creation, native ideas of, 243.
Criminals desert upon landing, 409; per-
mitted to join colony, 346.
Cross-bow in the hands of a native, 366;
still preferred, 185.
Cruelties in Higuey and Xaragua, 576.
Crusade to Jerusalem urged, 477.
Cruz, Cabo de, Cuba, 264, 530.
Cuba sighted Oct. 28, 114; sworn to as a
continent, 276.
Cubagua Island discovered, 364.
Cubanacan indicated by natives, 118.
Cucuyos worn in the hair, 116.
Cuparipari or Paria River, 362.
Cura de los Palacios, Sketch of, 702.
Cyclone at Hayti, 325.
Dancing as a native custom, 246.
Darien, Columbus at, 504.
Death of Diego Colombo, 600; of Christo-
pher Columbus, 600; of Henry of Portu-
gal, 27; of Isabella of Castile, 590; of
Pedro Ledesma, 559; of Martin Alonzo
Pinzon, 171; of Prince Juan, 346; of
Caciques of Hayti, Anacaona, 568; Be-
hechio, 566; Caonabo, 331; Cotabanama,
579; Guacanagari, 316; Guariouex, 490.
Delights of southern Cuba, 268.
Deliverance of Holy Sepulchre, 79, 176,
476.
Deluge, Haytian tradition of, 244.
Descendants of Columbus, 612.
Descriptions of Ilaytian domains, 292.
Destruction of Navidad fortress, 214.
Deza, Diego de, expected at court, 592;
friendship of for Columbus, 62, 180.
Diaz, Bartholomew, discovert) Cape of Good
Hope, 287.
Diaz, Bernal, confined on shipboard, 232.
Diaz, Miguel, discovers gold, 328.
Diego, Columbus, (brother). See Colombo.
Diego, his son, appointed page, 79.
Disaster, River of, named, 496.
Piscovei ies of Rodrigo Bastides, 467, of
Ketiaftian Cabot, 467, of Pedro A. de
Cabral, 463; of Vasco da Gama, 468, of
Diego Lepe, 466; of Pedro Alonzo Nino,
465; of Vicente Yaiuv. Pinzou, 466.
Discovery of America sight of land, 102;
of Azores, 27; of Brazil, 466; of Canary
Islands, 24; of Cape of Good Hope, 288;
of Cape Verd Islands, 27; of Cuba, 114;
of Dominica, 200; of Exuma or Feruan-
dina, 111 ; of Florida, 46i>; of Guadaloupe,
200; of Hayti, 129; of Isla de 1'inos, 4'Jl ;
of Jamaica, 261 ; of Labrador, 466 ; of
Madeira Islands, 24, 690; of Marigalante,
200; of Porto Rico, 206; of San Salvador,
103; of Saona Island, 285; of Trinidad
Island, 354.
Distributions of Indians, System of, 564.
Dogs first used against natives, 262.
Domains of Hayti, Names of, 292.
Dominica discovered, 1493, 200.
Dragons Mouths, named, 357; passed in
safety, 363.
Dream of Columbus at Belen, 525.
Dreams of wealth betrin to fade, 176.
Dukedom offered to Columbus, 342.
Earth supposed to be smaller, 36.
Ecclesiastics sent to colony, 185.
Eclipse of moon misleads Columbus, 285;
used as a strategy, 547.
Eden, Location of (Appendix), 708.
Egg, Benzoni's anecdote of the, 180.
El Ketrete or The Cabinet, 505.
Embassies and Counter-embassies, 189.
Embassy to interior of Cuba, 120.
Engano, Cape, or San Rafael, reached, 285.
Euriquez, Beatrix, provided for, 55, 600.
Enthusiasm at Barcelona, 171; over the
second voyage, 171.
Envy at work in Spain, 336.
Equator crossed by V. Y. Pinzon, 466.
Ercilla, Squadron reaches, 486.
Escobar, Diego de, Mission of, 548.
Escobar, Roderigo de, sails as notary, 83.
Esdras cited geographically, 367.
Espadinas, Value of, 169.
Espinal, Antonio, sent out, 474,
Espinosa takes charge of prisoners, 451.
Esquibel captures Cotabauama, 579; invades
Higuey, 571.
Eudoxus of Cyzicus, 25.
Eulogy of Isabella of Castile, 590.
Evangelista discovered, June, 1494, 277.
Exchange of names a custom, 573.
Executions of caciques, 384, 568, 573, 579-
Expedition of John of Anjou, 632; to San
Domingo proposed, 432.
Explanation of signature of Columbus, 718-
Exploration of Alonso de Ojeda, 225.
Exuraa Island discovered, 111.
False reckonings kept, 89.
Famine on shipboard, 332.
Fasting practised in seeking gold, 510.
Female cacique falls in love with Caonabo,
331.
Ferdinand II. of Aragon, aroused by dis-
coveries, 469; description of, 52; jeceives
Columbus at Segovia, 593.
Fernandez, Garcia, meets Columbus, 70.
Fcrnandina or Exuma Island named, 111.
Fernando de Talavera, cans a council, txi.
INDEX,
725
Ferrer, the lapidary, Letter of, 349.
Ferro lost sight of on first voyage, 88.
Festivities in Xaragua, 37^.
Firsco, Bartholomew, goes with Mendez in
canoe, 537.
Fight with natives of Santa Cruz, 205.
First blood taken by Spaniards, 154.
general battle with natives, 309.
printed records, (Vis, 711.;.
road in the New World, 233.
voyage, return from, 104; route of, 660;
Bailing from Spain, 86.
Fish of brilliant colors, 112.
Fishing with live fish, 266.
Flames at the roast-tops, 199.
Fleet of second voyage, 197.
wrecked off Hay ti, 489.
Florida discovered by Cabot, 467.
Fonseca, Juan Rodriguez de, appointed,
183; his character, 183; persecutes Colum-
bus, 318, 704; reinstated, 346; sketch (Ap-
pendix), 704; writes regarding Roldan,
411.
Fontanarossa, Susannah, his mother, 17.
Fort Conception attacked by Uoldan, 393;
erected, 301.
Fortress of La Navidad built, 147; de-
stroyed, 211.
Fortresses of Hayti named, 314, 375.
Fortunate Islands. See Canaries.
Fourth voyage, Embarks for, 486; return
from, 586.
Franciscan Order founded in Hayti, 474.
Francois Cape. See Haytien.
Free trade hinted at, 474.
Fruits introduced from the Canaries, 198.
Funeral rites of Haytians, 245.
Future Slate, Ideas of, 124.
Oalicia, Rebellion in, 55.
Gama, Vasco da, doubles Good Hope, 27,
468.
Garden of Eden, Location of, 708.
Garrison of La Xavidad, 147 ; massacre of,
211.
Galo paulo, a kind of monkey, 363.
Genoa proud of the Discovery, 177; records
filed at, 483.
" Gentleman's Pass " constructed, 233.
Geographical errors and views, 503.
Ghosts among the Haytians, 245.
" Gloria in Excelsis " at sea, 98.
Gold captured from Quibian, 511; chain of
great weight, 338; collected for return
voyage, 146 ; exacted as tribute, 314 ; fast-
ing observed in seeking of, 510; found at
Costa Rica, 501 ; found on Ozema River,
328; immense nugget of, 489; ore in the
river beds, 226; plates at Veragua, ">o-j,
510; revenue of the colony, 473; trinkets
exchanged, 111.
Golden Tower, Fortress of the, 373.
Gomera, Canaries, Provisioning at, 88;
reached on second voyage, 198; touched
at in 1498, 350.
Gonsalvo of Cordova, in Italy, 339.
Good Hope, Cape of, discovered, 288;
doubled by Vasco da Gama, 28.
Gorriciu, Gasper, in charge of manuscript,
481.
Gorvalan, reports gold, 226.
out annoys Columbus at sea, 351.
Gracias a Dios, Cape, Honduras, named.
G496.
Granada conquered by Spaniards, 72.
(iiiueaimiyos, or large parrots, 201.
Guacanagari, cacique of Marien, Hayti, 144;
death of, 316; gives a collation to Span-
iards, 141; loyal to colony, 298; sends an
embassy to ships, 135; unable to welcome
the admiral, 194.
Guacaiiayabo, Gulf of, Storm in, 264.
Guadaloupc discovered, 201 ; revisited, 332;
citadel of Caribs, 208.
Guaig River, Hostility at, 501.
Giiauahani, or San Salvador discovered,
107, 680.
Guanaja discovered in 1502, 491.
Guanin, au inferior grade of gold, 360, 497.
Guantauamo or Puerto Grande reached,
Bfc
Guaora pursued and hung, 569.
Guarico, the capital of Guacanagari, 149.
Guarionex, cacique of La Vega, 292; buries
the Catholic images, 376; captured and
manacled, 404; drowned at sea, 490; flees
to Ciguay, 399 ; insurrections of, 384, 399 ;
kills a cacique, 399; pardoned and re-
leased, 384; sheltered by Mayobanei, 401.
Guatiguana executes ten Spaniards, 295.
Guevara, Heruando de, arrives, 435; dis-
charged by Bobadilla, 45S; seized by
Roldan, 436; stirs up rebellion, 436.
Gulf Stream, Power of the, 365.
Gutierrez starts for Cibao, 215.
Hammocks used by natives, 111.
Hanging of Adrian de Moxica, 438; of
caciques, 384, 568, 579; of Guaora, 569;
of seven rebels, 448; of thirteen natives,
576.
Hawk's bells, a delight to natives, 139; aa
measures of gold dust, 313.
Hayna mines discovered, 327.
Hayti, Burial rites in, 245; cyclone at, 325;
its discovery, 128; its domains described,
292; its fortresses named, 314, 381; its
subjugation, 572; reached on second voy-
age, 209; on third voyage, 366; on fourth
voyage, 582.
Haytian native uses Spanish words, 284;
notions of religion, 241; awe of Carib
prisoners, 218.
Heat of the tropical belt, 353.
Heaven, Idea of, in Hayti, 246.
Hencken, T. 8., note about places, 149.
Henry VII. favors exploration, 288.
Henry of Portugal, Death of, 27; encour-
ages discovery, 25.
Heroic death of natives of Higuey, 574.
Heron met with at sea, 90.
Herrera, Antonio de, Sketch of, 704.
Herrera, Lopez de, Embassy of, 189.
Higuanama, a cacique, hanged, 572.
Higuenamola in love with Guevara, 435.
Higuey, fifth domain of Hayti, 292; natives
of, 285; second revolt of, 573; subjuga-
tion of, 571.
Hispaniola. See Hayti.
Holy Land. See Palestine.
726
INDEX.
Honduras, Storms off coast of, 494.
Honry and wax at (iuadaloupe, 333.
Horse aud rider mistaken for one animal,
235.
Horses an object of wonder, 219.
Hospitality of all savages, 235.
Hostility stopped by a cannon ball, 505.
Hurricane at Hayti, 325.
Iguanas and lizards plentiful, 113; first
tasted by colonists, 377.
Image of Virgin rejected by the cacique, 219.
Imaginary island of St. Brandan, 685.
Impalement, the punishment for theft, 255.
Indian prisoners sent to Spain, 307.
Indians adopting clothing, 439; swim around
the ships, 156; the term applied by Co
lumbus, 105.
Inscription on monument, 601.
Insects, Luminous, or cucuyos, 116.
Insurrection of Guevara crushed, 438.
Intrigue at both courts, 189.
Iron unknown to natives, 201.
Isabella, of Castile, Death of, 590; decides
in favor of Columbus, 75; described, 52,
590; forbids oppression in Hayli, 563;
loses confidence, 442; opposes slavery,
345; pained at miseries of natives, 474;
protects natives, 185; returns natives to
Hayti, 444; weeps on seeing Columbus in
distress, 463.
Isabella, city of, Remains of, 229; finally
abandoned, 252; founded by Spaniards,
223.
Isabella Island, named, 112.
Isla de Finos discovered, 491 ; native name
Guanaja, 491; named Evangelisla, 277;
canoe from Honduras arrives, 491.
Island of Seven Cities, 33, 704.
Islands inhabited by women only, 332.
Islas de Arena visited, 114.
Isthmus of Darien coasted, 504.
Itinerariurn Portugalensium, 638, 708.
Jacorao of La Navidad killed, 215.
Jamaica, Island of, coasted on the south,
281; discovered in 1494, 261, mutiny at,
557; native joins ships, 264; reached in
1503, 530.
Japan, Cipango supposed to be, 40.
Jews excluded as colonists, 473; expelled
from Spain, 53.
Joachim, Note concerning, 536.
John II. of 1'ortugal, Accession of, 42; re-
ceives Columbus on his return, 166.
John of Anjou, duke of Calabria, 21; ex-
pedition of, 632.
Josephus referred to, 514.
Journal begun by Columbus, 89.
Juan Antonio reaches Xaragua, 409.
Juan Perez, a loyal friend, 180; meets Co-
lumbus at Palos, 69.
Juan, Prince, Death of, 346.
J uana, Dona, Letter to, 461.
J nana. Queen, arrives from Flanders, 597 ;
marriage of, 341.
Junta formed to govern pro tern, 255.
Junto reports unfavorably in 1491, 68.
Khan of Tartary, Grandeur of, 42, 672
Labrador discovered, 467.
Lactantius cited against Columbus, 59.
La Navidad fortress built, 143; destroyed,
212.
Land grants to colonists, 423.
Lapis lazuli found in Hayli, 237.
La Habida, Columbus at convent of, 69.
Laredo, Queen Juana received at, 597.
I^a Casas, Bartholomew, Sketch of, 693.
La Voute a Minguet, Cavern of, 244.
Ledesma, Pedro, assassinated in Seville, 559 ;
exploit of, 524; wounded in the mutiny,
558.
Legend of decapitated cavaliers, 252.
Lemos, Count, Rebellion of, 55.
I^eone, Antonio, his story, 32.
Lepe, Diego, Discoveries of, 468.
Letter of Ferrer the lapidary, 349; sent in
a reed, 383; to Dona Juana, 461 ; to Pedro
Margante, 254; to sovereigns, 1496, 337;
of Isabella to Ovando, 584; patent read
to colonists, 449; sent with Bobadilla, 445.
Lot u-rs to and from Roldan, the rebel, 416;
to Spain in 1498, 413.
Library of Diego Meudez, 561.
Limonares named by Columbus, 496.
Line of demarkalion, 183, 195.
Lineage of Columbus, 625.
Live-slock in exchange for slaves, 228.
Llandra, Columbus sleeps al, 1K9.
Lopez, Juan, encounlers Colabanama, 578.
Lois drawn for pilgrimages, 158, 164.
Loxa, Siege of, 54.
Luis de St. Angel pleads for Columbus, 75.
Luxau ranges aboul mlerior, 23'J.
Macaca, visited by Columbus, 265.
Macham, Robert, Story of, 24, 691.
Madeiras, Discovery of the, 24, 690; touched
at, in 1498, 350.
Magdalena fortress attacked, 296.
Maguana, third domain of Hayti, 292.
Mahogany Irees in Hayli, 234.
Maladies break out among seamen, 223.
Malaga, Campaign against, 64.
Maldonado, Alonzo, appointed, 475.
Maldonado, Melchor, visits Guacanagari,
216.
Manacles kept as relics, 460.
Manatee or sea-calf, skulls of, 118.
Mandeville, Sir John, Ihe Iraveller, 681.
Mangi and Calhay described lo Ihe crew, 88.
Mangon supposed lo be Mangi, 268.
Manicaolex, successor of Caouabo, 308 ; vic-
limized by Roldan, 395.
Manners of a Haylian cacique, 140.
Mantinino populated by women, 153;
reached, June, 1502, 486.
Maragnon. See Amazon River.
Marchena, Juan Perez de, at Santa Fe, 71.
Marco Polo. See Polo.
Mares, Rio de Jos, named, 119.
Margarita of Austria marries Prince Juan,
341.
Margarita Island discovered, 364.
Margarite, Pedro, abuses his command, 293;
lefl in charge of St. Thomas, 240 ; recom
mended to sovereigns, 227 ; reports trouble
at St. Thomas, 249; calls for Spain, 294.
Marion, second domain of llayli, 2ui
INDEX.
727
Marisralante named from the flagship, 200;
touched at, April, 1496, 332.
Marney, Pass of, crossed, 234.
Marque, Diego, and party are missing, 202.
Marriage of Catalina, and Diaz, 327 ; of
Columbus to Dona Felipa, 29; of Princess
Isabella, 1490, 67; of Princess Juana, 339.
Martin, Andreas, kind to Columbus, 460.
Martyr, Peter, on the Discovery, 178;. sent
to Egypt, 482 ; sketch of, 698.
Mass celebrated in a grove, 278 ; in town of
Isabella, 229.
Massacre in Xaragna, 568; of La Navidad
garrison, 212; of Saona Island, 572; of
Villaraan and his garrison, 573; on Belen
Hiver, Veragua, 514.
Mast of wreck discovered, 89.
Mateo, Juan, the native convert, 375.
Mayobanex and family captured, 403; his
family released, 404; replies to Adelan
tad o, 401 ; shelters Guanonex, 400; visit*
the caravel, 1:">4.
Maysi, Cape, or Bayatlquiri, 257.
Medina Siclonia, D'uke of, declines to aid
Columbus, 50.
Mediterranean sea life, 21.
Melilla in Barbary taken, 479.
Mendez, Diego, arranges trade at Jamaica,
5:VJ; captured by cannibals, 537; exploit
of, 533; his canoe, voyage, 551; in after
years, 560 ; leaves for Hayti in canoe, 535 ;
made commander of caravel, 528; sails
for Spain, 560, struck by a son of Quib-
ian, 516; superintends embarkation fiom
Veragua, 527 ; suspects Quibian of treach-
ery, 516.
Mendoza, Pedro Gonzales de, Banquet of,
179.
Meneses, Pedro de, his speech, 46.
Mermaids or manatee observed, 152.
Meteorite taken for a flame, 90.
Migratory butterflies of Cuba, 273
Mining experiences of cavaliers, 562.
Misa, Rio de la, anchors at, 278.
Mission of Diego de Escobar, 550.
Mock-fights and skirmishes, 149.
Mona Island touched at, 285; assigned to
the Adelantado, 617.
Money ; coins explained, 669.
Montserrat named, in 1493, 205.
Monumental inscription of Mendez, 561.
Moon, Eclipse of, at Jamaica, 547.
Moorish attempt to assassinate Ferdinand,
64.
Moors, Conquest of the, 54, 65; excluded as
colonists, 473; of Malaga sold as slaves,
307 ; rebellion of the, 443.
Morant Point to Tiburon, 283.
Morocco, Columbus on coast of, 486.
Mortality of oppressed natives, 565.
Mosquito Coast, Voyage along, 496.
Most Catholic Majesty grunted as a title,
52.
Moxica, Adrian de, at Azua, 412; repairs
to Bonao, 411 ; seized and hung, 438.
Muley Boabdil surrenders the Alhambra,
66.
Musical treat at Trinidad, 355.
Musicians sent to colony, 347.
Mutineers, Fight with, 558; leave the ships,
542; pardoned at Jamaica, 560; turn out-
laws in Jamaica, 543.
Mutiny at Jamaica, 540; signs of, appear,
96,100.
Names of Haytian domains, 292; of Haytian
fortresses, 314; of pilots, 83.
Naples, Negotiations for, 339.
Native mock battle in Hayti, 378; thieves
released by Columbus, 255; woman cap-
tured in Hayti, 130.
Natives attempt to starve colonists, 315 ; bap-
tized in Spain, 185; call heaven "turey,"
142, 359 ; captured and released, 110 ; com-
mit suicide on shipboard, 524; force a
hatch and escape, 524; of Trinidad de-
scribed, 359; refuse presents at Cariari,
498; sent back by Isabella, 322, 444, 228;
swim ashore at Guadaloupe, 332; terri-
fied by an eclipse, 546; to be worked in
mines, 474; unload the "Santa Maria,"
139.
Naval college, founded in Portugal, 27.
Navarrete, Marti no F. de, his opinions on
first laud seen, 660.
Navasa Island reached by canoe of Mendez,
553.
Navidad fortress at Hayti, 143, 212, 215.
Negotiations at Azua, 412.
Negroes sent to the colonies, 696, 616.
Newfoundland discovered by Cabot, 467;
Scandinavian tradition of, 653.
Nicayaga River, crossed, 236.
"Nina" commanded by V. Y. Pinzon, 83;
survives a cyclone, 32o.
Nino, Pedro Alonzo, pretends to have gold
on board of ships, 340; returns to Spain,
339; sails for Hayti, 337; visits Spanish
Main, 466.
Nombre de Dios, Natives of, 504.
Noya, Juan de, escapes from the massacre,
514.
Number permitted to embark, 193.
Oderigo, Lorenzo, and the copied papers,
483.
Ojeda, Alonzo de, arrives at Western Hayti,
467 ; as a leader, 296 ; carries off Caonabo,
303; character of, 192; governorship at
Darien, 614; lands at Xaragua, 431 , land
in Cahay, 433 ; sends slaves to Cadiz, 434 ;
sent to central Hayti, 225; starts with
force for St. Thomas, 254.
Ophir remains a mystery, 329.
Oiation of Cuban native, 279.
Ornofay and Mangon, 268, 277.
Otto, his letter concerning Behem, 652.
Ovando, Nicholas de, appointed, 470; hangs
the native princess Anacaona, 570; his
character, 470 ; his instructions from cou it,
473; his measures for relief, 563; loses
one ship off Spain, 476; recall of, 613;
received in Xaragua, 567; receives Colum-
bus from Jamaica, 584; refuses Columbus
a landing, 488; sails fot Hayti, 476; sends
Escobar to Jamaica, 549 ; size of his fleet,
475.
Oviedo y Valdes, Gonzalo Fer. de, Sketch
of, 702.
Ozema River, Gold found at, 329.
728
INDEX.
Palestine, expense of conquering, estimated,
479.
Palos, Harbor of, re-entered, 1493, 169;
selected as port of embarkation, 78.
Pane, Roman, the hermit, 375.
Papal bull sought by Ferdinand, 182.
Parentage of Columbus, 17.
Paria. See Trinidad.
Pasaruonte, Miguel, the enemy of Diego,
615.
Pass of the Hidalgos, 233, 248.
Pearls exhibited by natives, 360; obtained
for broken Valencia ware, 364.
Penalties for doubting Cuba a continent,
276.
Pension granted to Columbus, 179.
People with tails like animals, 268.
Perez de Luna sent among the ships, 276.
Philipina Bay, Deposition at, 276.
Pigeons released during siege, 297.
Pilgrimages vowed by marked beans, 158.
Pilots, Names of the, 83.
Pineapples first met with, 201.
" Piuta" commanded by M. A. Pinzon, 87;
disregards the signals, 126; makes signal
of distress, 86 ; opposition of its owners,
82; reaches Palos, 171; rejoins the " Nina,"
150; repaired at Canaries, 87.
Pintor, Juan, deserts from Ojeda, 433.
Pinzon, Martiu Alonzo, agiees to sail, 81;
compelled to restore captives, 152; death
of, 171; disregards signals of Columbus,
126; explains his desertion, 151; meets
with Columbus at convent, 69; sketch of,
646; thinks he sees land, 98.
Pinzon, Vicente Yanez, commands the
" Nina," 83 ; names Cape St. Augustine,
466; voyage of, 1499, 466.
Planisphere still extant, 86.
Plato, Atlantis of, 15, 31, 684.
Poisoned arrows in the Antilles, 202.
Pole star lost sight of, 466.
Polo, Marco, his work, 678; studied by
Columbus, 35, 42; travels of, 672; death
of, 678.
Porras, Francisco de, answers the messen-
gers, 555; captured by Adelantado, 558;
mutiny of, 541 ; sent to Spain, 586.
Port Hermosa, Columbus anchors at, 490.
Porto Bello named in 1502, 504.
Porto Rico first named San Juan Bautista,
206.
Porto Santo, discovered, 31 ; touched at, 350.
Portugal declines to aid Columbus, 46;
secures Brazil, 468.
Portuguese affront at Azores, 161; caravel
slips off to sea, 194; suspected as hostile,
87 ; possession proposed, 169.
Potatoes found by Columbus, 123.
Prester John, 45 ; considered authentic, 670 ;
still an object of search, 273.
Prisoners tortured in vain, 572.
Proclamation of 1498, 407.
Prologue to the journal of Columbus, 84.
Provisions from Spain asked for, 227.
Ptolemy, Cosmography of, 63.
Puerto Bello. See Porto Bello.
Puerto Bueno in Jamaica named, 262;
touched at, 530.
Puerto de Uatos, named, 303.
Puerto de los Hidalgos, built, 233.
Puerto del Principe named, 117.
Puerto Rico. See Porto Rico.
Punta de la Galera named, 354.
Quadrant, Origin of the, 43.
Queen Juana receives the Adelantado, 597.
Queen of Cannibals attacks Spaniards, 205.
Queen's Gardens named, 265.
Quibian bound baud and foot, 518; deceives
explorers, 512; escapes from Sanchez,
519; meets the Adelantado, 511.
Quiusai, Note upon (Appendix), 680.
Quintanilla, Alonzo de, friendly to Colum-
bus, 55.
Quintero, Christoval, opposes Columbus, 82.
Quiribiri or La Huerta, 496.
Quisqueya and Quinsai, 124.
Rabbi Benjamin, Expedition of, 42.
Rabo de Junco, the tropical bird, 90.
Rascon, Goraez, opposes Columbus, 82.
Rastello, " Nina," anchors at, 165.
Rebellion against Roldan, 437.
Rebels confined in San Domingo, 438; hang-
ing of seven, 448.
Redonda discovered, in 1493, 205.
Religious ideas of Haytians, 241, 245.
Remains of Columbus taken to Cuba, 609.
Repartimientos, System of, 563.
Requelme, Pedro, attempts to build a fort,
425; discharged by Bobadilla, 458; repairs
to Bouao, 411 ; seized at Bonao, 438.
Rescue of Holy Sepulchre, 79, 176, 476.
Residence of Coiumbus in Hayti sacked, 451.
Revenue from the gold mines, 473 ; of gold
as tribute, 313.
Revolt of African slaves in 1522, 618.
Rio del Oro, or Yaqui River, 151, 234.
Rio Verde, or Green River, 236.
River of Reeds or Yaqui crossed, 235.
Robertson, Dr., Comment of, 468.
Rodriguez, Sebastian, leaves for Santa F6,
70.
Roldan, Bartholomew, a pilot, 83, 430.
Roldan, Francisco, Conspiracy of, 388 ; bis
conduct investigated, 487 ; negotiates at
Azua, 421; procures supplies from a
squadron, 408; reaches Xaragua to watch
Ojeda, 432 ; sails to meet Ojeda, 428 ; sets
out for Xaragua, 398; shipwrecked and
drowned off Hayti, 489; signs an agree-
ment, 419; treats secretly with colony,
411.
Route of First Voyage (Appendix), 660.
Royal game of diplomacy, 189.
Royal India House, Germ of the, 184.
Rubruquis, William, Journal of, 42.
Rumor of death of Pilot, 648.
1498, 347 ; fourth voyage' in 1502, 486.
Sailor turns Mussulman, 179.
Sailors captured at the Azores, 161 ; wishing
to settle in Hayti, 142.
Saint Augustine quoted to Columbus, 59.
Saint Braudau, Imaginary island of, 33, 685.
INDEX.
729
Paint Elmo at the topmast, 109.
Saint Mary, Azores, reached, 161.
Saint, Nicholas haibor named, 129.
Saint Thomas fortress attacked by Caonabo,
297; founding of, 238; trouble begins at,
249.
Salamanca, Council of, 57; patronized by
Isabella, 53.
Salcedo, Diego de, reaches Jamaica, 581;
sent to rescue Columbus, 558.
Salve Kegiua or the Vesper Hymn, 101.
S.unana or Gulf of Arrows, 154; native of,
put ashore, 210.
San Chrisioval fortress built, 373.
San Domingo City swarmed with villains,
45S.
San Domingo fortress attacked, 451; built,
375.
San Domineo Island. Set Hayti.
San Juan Bautista, or I'orlo Kico, named,
206.
San Lucarde Barrameda, Sailing from, 349.
San Martin discovered and named, 205.
San Salvador discovered and named, 104.
Sanchez, Alonso, made commander, 350.
Sanchez, Juan, killed at Mauna, 558; out
wilted by (-juihian, 519.
Sande, Ruy de, Kmbassy of, 187.
Santa Clara caravel. See Nina.
Santa Clara de Moguer, Pilgrimage to, 158.
Santa Cruz discovered and named, 205.
Santa Cruz caravel built from a wreck, 331.
Sante Fe, Columbus starts for, 70.
Santa Maria Island near Cuba named, 266.
"Santa Maria" chosen as flag-ship, 83;
wreck of the, 138.
Santa Ursula named, 206.
Santiago River, Ilavti. See Yaqui.
Saometo searched for and found, 112.
Suona Island. Hayti, named, 285; crew
slaughtered at, 571; natives massacred,
572.
Sargasso grass met with, 91, 94.
Scandinavian voyages, 653.
Sealed barrel thrown in the sea, 159; letters
to the commanders, 198.
Search of the strait abandoned, 505.
Second voyage, Embarks for, 197; return
from, 331 ; revenues raised for, 184.
Segovia, Columbus goes to, 593.
Sepulchre, recovery of the, 79, 176, 476.
Seratin Point, Cuba, named, 270.
Belt ement on Helen River, 513; of Isabella
abandoned, 2->2.
Seven Cities, Island of the, 33, 685.
Seventeen vessels in readiness, 191.
Seville entered in triumph, 67; the seat for
Indian Affairs, 184.
Sharks in the Caribbean Sea, 509.
Ships a wonder lo natives, 387; joined and
fortified at Jamaica, 531 ; of the first voy-
age, 658; sail for Spain, 413; sent back
to Spain, 226; stranded at Jamaica, 531 ;
visited by royal canoes at Jamaica, 282;
pressed into service, 82.
Ship-worms or teredos injure the vessels,
420, 4t>7, 505.
Shipwreck of the " Santa Maria," 136.
Sickness of colonists m 14y4, 251.
Siege of Malaga, 64.
Signature of Columbus, 718.
Siguanea, Lagoon of, in Isle of Pines, 277.
Slavery abhorred by Isabella, 444 ; of ne-
groes introduced in Hayti, 474; as a result
of the colony, 307; suggested for the
Caribs, 228.
Slaves branded on the leg, 614.
Smoke rising on Cuban Coast, 273.
Soldan of Egypt threatens Holy Sepulchre,
66.
Soria, Juan de, appointed, contador, 184.
Soul, Haytian notion of the, 245.
Southern Cross seen by V. Y. Pinzon, 466.
Sovereigns liberate Columbus, 463; monop-
olize all trade, 473 ; pledge rostitulion, 483.
Spaniard dies from a poisoned arrow, 205.
Spaniards attack the natives in battle, 311 ;
capture a banquet, 259 ; carry off fourteen
caciques, 384; decorate native children,
201; intrench at Helen River, 522; re-
garded as immortal, 105, 134; ungrateful
to Ouacanagari, 316.
Spanish games in Xaragua, 568.
Spanish Main visited by Nino, 46fl.
Speculations on ocean currents, 370.
Spices eagerly watched for, 240.
Spotorno, B. memoir of Columbus, 483.
Squadron of six ships divides, 350.
Stern-post of ship in Uuadaloupe, 201.
Steward dies of slight wounds, 559.
Stock-doves, spices in their crops, 268.
Storax fumes imagined at Cuba, 277.
Storm ai Hayti, 325 ; in a gulf off Cuba, 265 ;
of February, 1493, 157; of March, 1493,
164; off Cape Cruz, 280; off Veragua,
506.
Story of I* Navidad fortress, 211 ; of Robert
Machara, 24, 691; of the native in while
dress, 270; of the pilot, 648.
Strategy of the eclipse, 546.
Stucco specimen secured, 502.
Subjugation of Hayti, 312.
Suffering at Isabella, in 1496, 374; in a tropi-
cal sea, 353.
Sugar planting begun in Hayti, 617.
Suit of Don Diego in 1508, 613.
Superstition as to sharks, 509; of gold seek-
ing, 510; of the decapitated cavaliers, 252;
writing taken for sorcery, 498.
Superstitious at Cariari, 498 ; rites and reme-
dies, 242.
Swell of the sea without wiud, 95.
Table of eclipses in error, 285.
Taijf , Natives said to have, 268.
Teredos, or ship-worms, give trouble, 420,
467, 505.
Terms of Agreement, 76.
Terrestrial paradise, Location (Edent, 707.
Territorial divisions of Hayti, 292; question
its settlement, 193.
Theft punishable by impalement, 235, 255.
Third voyage, Embarks for, 349; return
from, 462.
Thirst of canoe voyages, 552.
Three ambitious of Ferdinand of Aragon,
52.
Tiburon Cape reached by Mendez, 553;
sighted in 14'.*4, 2s:5.
Tobacco amokiug tirnt noticed, 122.
730
INDEX.
TordesillaB, Treaty of, 195.
Torres, Antonio, arrives in Hayti, 306;
arrives in Spain, 320; made commander
of fleet, 226; superseded by Fonseca, 346.
Tortugas named by Columbus, 133; passed
in 1503, 529.
Toscanelli and Columbus correspond, 30.
Trade winds met with, 90.
Travels of Marco Polo, 672; of Mandeville,
681.
Treachery in the Spanish cabinet, 189.
Treaty at Tordesillas, 1494, 195; of 1479
cited by John II., 166, 182.
Triana, Rodrigo de, sights the land, 102.
Tribute exacted by Spaniards, 313.
Trinidad, Cuba, Coasting near, 268.
Trinidad Island discovered, 354.
Tristan, Diego, killed by a javelin, 514.
Trivigiani, Angelo, work of, 637.
Tropical glories of Cuba, 116; heat encoun-
tered, 353.
Truxillo seized by Ojeda, 433.
Tunny-fish and sargasso grass, 91.
" Tnrey " meaning heaven, 142, 302,315,359.
Turk's Island, opinion of Navarrete, 660.
Turtle-catching off Cuba, 266.
Utia, a kind of rabbit, 113.
Valencia ware traded for pearls. 364.
Valparaiso, Portugal. Columbus goes to,
166.
Valtenebro, the duel in Hayti, 572.
Variation of the needle, 89, 369, 372.
Varied character of the Islands, 263.
Vasco da Gama. See Gama.
Vega Real, its great beauty, 237; named by
Columbus, 234.
Valasquez, Diego, his dispute with Cor-
tez, 707.
Venetian galleys captured, 633.
Venezuela, Gulf of, discovered, 430.
Veragua, Coast of, explored, 501, 510; re-
visited, 510; mountains called San Chris-
toval, 511.
Vespucci, Amerigo, as an emissary, 592;
sails May, 1499, 430 ; sketch of, 635.
Vessels. See Caravels and Ships.
Vicente and a piece of curved wood, 36.
Villaman and garrison massacred, 573.
Villejo, Alonzo de, sails for Spain, 459.
Vision of Columbus at Helen, 025.
Volcano emitting water, 201.
Voyage, Columbus sails on first, 86; second,
197; third, 349; fourth, 486; of Rodrigo
Bastides, 467; of Sebastian Cabot, 467;
of Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, 468; of Vacco
da Gama, 468; of Hanno, the Carthaginian,
657; of Diego Lc-pe, 466; of Pedro Alonzo
Nino, 465; of Vicente Yanez Pinzon, 466.
brothers, 664.
Wampum belt, the pledge of peace, 154.
War with Higuey begun, 571.
Warlike traits of Jamaica natives, 262.
Water-spout frightens sailois, 508.
Wheat successful in Hayti, 249.
While-robed natives in the forest, 270.
White sea-water excites alarm, 270.
Will of Columbus, 712.
Witchcraft suspected at Cariari, 498.
Women of Quinsai, Beauty of, (iSO; as war
riors in Guadalonpe, 332; Haytian idea of
creation of, 244 ; left to defend the islands,
202.
Writing thought to be a sorcery, 498.
Xagua, Gulf of, coast of Cuba, 268.
Xaragua, fourth domain of Hayti, 292; de-
manded by Roldan, 423; misfortunes of,
569; paradise of Hayti, 245, 386; ready it
pay its tribute, 386; visited by the A-daf
antado, 376.
Xerif el Edrisi, the Nubian, 16.
Yanique River and Fort St. Thomas, 237.
Yaqui River crossed, 236; gold found in,
151.
Yebra River, Anchorage in the, 510.
Yucatan overlooked by Columbus, 492.
Zemes, inferior deities of Haytians, 241.
Zeno brothers, Voyages of, 6o4.
Zipangu. See Cipango.
Zones, the (Appendix), 682.
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